The Impact of Yom Kippur on Early Christianity. The Day of Atonement from Second Temple Judaism to the Fifth Century (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 163)

Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament Herausgeber I Editor JörgFrey Mitherausgeber I Associate Editors Friedrich Avemarie · Judith Gundry-Volf Martin Rengel · Otfried Hofius · Hans-Josef Klauck

163

Daniel Stökl Ben Ezra

The Impact of YomKippur on Early Christianity The Day of Atonement from Second Temple Judaism to the Fifth Century

Mohr Siebeck

DANI'EL STöKL BEN EzRA, bom 1970; studied Theology in Bochum and Bern; Comparative Religion and Jewish Studies in Jerusalem; 2002 Ph.D.; since fall 2003 Mandel Fellow at Scholion- Interdisciplinary Research Center in Jewish Studies, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

ISBN 3-16-148092-0 ISSN 0512-1604 (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Thstament) Die Deutsche Bibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliographie; detailed bibliographic data is available in theInternetat http://dnb.ddb.de.

© 2003 by J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), P. 0. Box 2040, D-72010 Tübingen. lbis book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that pennitted by copyright law) without the publisher's written permission. This applies particularly to reproductions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. The book was printed by Gulde Druck in THbingen on non-aging paper and bound by Spinner in Ottersweier. Printed in Gennany.

to my dear parents and parents in law Andreas StiJkl and Herzeleide StiJk/, born. v. Schlabrendorff Joe Ben Ezra and Corinne Ben Ezra, born Shabtai

Preface This study presents my doctoral dissertation "The Impact of Yom Kippur on Eady Christianity," accepted by the Hebrew University of Jeru.salem in May 2002. I have reworked many arguments, included further Observations and updated the bibliography. Having come to Jerusalem from the rather intellectual religions of Protestant Northern Germany and Calvinistic Switzerland, the ritual expressions of the numerous denomioations a.ssembled in the Holy City have attracted my curiosity. Reading Origen•s Homilies on Leviticus, I stumbled upon the amazing sentence: Die propitiationis indigent omnes qui peccaverunt,l ("All who have sinned require a Day of Atonement."), and th.e principal question oftbis bookjumped into my mind irresistibly. Th.at tbe work disregards the customary borders of academic disciplines, integrating Comparative Religion with Jewish Histocy, New Testament. Church History and Liturgical Studies bas undoubtedly resulted in many flaws that will not escape the eyes of specialists in these aceas. I bope, however, that the broad scope and the peiSpective of longue duree bring with it the advantage of bringing together a eoherent eollage of arguments otherwise seattered among discrete fields. To cast so wide a net was possible only tbanks to num.erous scholars who were most generous with their time, advice and encouragement, and taught me to read closely and widely. Many scholars have read tbroug.h various parts of the work, pointed out errors and inaccuracies, and helped me to improve extensively on the overall argumeni. All remaining mistakes are of course my own. I .am most grateful to the dissertation's three judges. my Doktorvater Guy Stroum.sa, my Doktoronkel David Satran and Jobn Gager. Their written and oral conunents before and after submission have enhanced countless aspects of this book. lbrough many years, they bave been most generous with their time and kind advice helping .me to ove,rcome ma.ny academic and personal hardships. What a privilege to have had them as teachers and now as eolleagues. I have also benefited much from the guid-

1

Orlgen, Homily on LBYitiCUS 9:1:1 (SC 287:70).

vm

Pre/iJce

ance of Racbel Elior and Oded Irshai, the remaining members of the dissertation committee. My dearly toved wife, Dina Ben Ezra, has pored over the chapters ofthe book and enlumced numerous arguments with her keen intellect. I owe her more than words can express. Clemens Leonhard was never too exhausted tobe a discussion partner, from the beginning of the task to its completion. In COU1ltless cases he helped me marshat material not available in Jerusa1em. Part 1, on early Judaism, bas profited from the meticulous readershipof Gary Anderson, Liora Elias, Martha Himmelfarb and Günter Stemberger. Jörg Frey, Lukas Mübletbaler and Serge Ruzer reviewed and refined part 2, on Cbristianity in the ftrSt and second centuries. Peter Brown was so generaus as to review part 3, on Cbristianity from the third to the tifth centu.ries, and made most belpful suggestions. Stephane Verbeist commented in extenso on the chapter on Christian autumn festivals and kindly sent me parts of bis book on early Christian and Jewish liturgy before its publication. Comments by Daniel R. Schwartz on m.y M.A. thesis much irnproved those sections of parts 1 and 2 that grew out of it. I also wish to thank: the participants and organizers of worbhops and conferences in Aachen. Brussels, Jerusalem, New York, Ox.ford, Princeton and Toronto, who responded most helpfully to some ofthe ideas now contained in this book. In particular, Albert Baumgarten has been most gen erous and kind time and again. At different stages of writing I consulted with many other people, and the book has protited immeasurabJy from these discussions. Am.ong them, I must mention at least: Ra'anan Abusch, Anders Aschim, Jan Assmann, Daniel Bailey, Giovanni Bazzana, Adam Becker, Nicole Belayche, Jonathan Ben Dov, Jonathan Benthal!, Katell Bertbelot, Christine Beshar, Hans-Dieter Betz, Brouria Biton-Ashkelony, Daniel Boyarin, Susan Boynton, Rudolf BrändJe, Georg Braulik, Sarah Brooke, Harald Buchinger, Carsten Claussen, Yaron Zwi Eliav. Daniel Findikyan. Jonah Frae:nlcel, Guy Geltner, Ze'ev Gotthold, Yehoshua Granat, Moshe Greenberg, Cristiano Grottanelli, Paul Hallsall, Galit Ha:zan-Rokem, William Horbury, Jared Hudson, Josef Kaplan, Steve Kaplan, Wolfram Kin:zig, Avner Kfir, Sergio La Porta, Herrman Lichtenberger, Amnon Linder, Basil Lourie, Christoph Marlcsebies, Jason Moralee, Ronit Nikolsky, Lorenzo Perrone, Gerard Rouwhorst, Seth Sanders, Jonathan Schofer, Shunit Shahal-Porat, Stephen Shoemaker, Epbraim Shoham Stciner, David Shnlman, Gregory Sterling, Helene Stökl, Michael Stone, Evelyne Patlagean, Michael Signer, Gregory Sterling, Michael Swartz, Stefano Tampellini, Abraham Terian, Timothy Thomton, Caes van der Freugd, Jan Willem van Renten, Katla 4

Preface

IX

Shira Veblow, Evelyn Vitz, Ewald Volgger, Zwi Werblowsky, Annette Yoshiko Reed and Norman H. Young. This book would not have been possible without them. Amoag my teachers at the universities of Bochum and Bem, I would like to thank most of all Martin Leutzsch and Mare van Wijnk:oop Lüthi, as weil as Magdalene Frettlöh, Christian Link, Ulrich Luz, Konrad Raiser and Klaus W engst, who led me into the world of academic argumentation. I have used many libraries whose staffs have been most helpful, in particular, the libnuy of the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, the EcoJe Biblique, the BJoomfield Library of the Hebrew University and the Israel National Library, all in Jerusatem; Princeton Theological Seminary, Princeton University Library, the British Library in London and Cambridge University Libracy. I wish to express my gratitude to Jörg Frey, Martin Heugel and Ottfried Hofius for accepting the dissertation for inclusion in the series of Wi3senschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament, and to the staff of the Mohr-Siebeck Verlag, Tiibingen, for tbeir friendly and efficient assistance in the production process. The English has been thoroughly revised and improved by Evelyn K.atrak: to whom I owe a great deal. W orking with her has been a pleasure and an honor. It goes without saying that I alone am responsible for all mistakes, inaccuracies or deficiencies that may remain in my work. Finally, work: on the thesis would not have been possible without the very generaus and long-term funding of the Dr. NeUy-Hahne Foundation, Stuttgart. Germany (1997-1999), and the Minerva Foundation, Germany (1999-2001). Many individuals have supported me financially, among them my parents Andreas and Herzeleide Stökl, Dieprand and Eva von Schlabrendorff. Jost (t) and Sabine Schramm, and Ruth Roberta Heckscher, ?''r. The dissertation was awarded the Shlomo Pines '1'rize by the Prof. Shlomo Pines Foundation, and the Kennedy-Leigh Award for an outstanding dissertation by the Hebrew University. I deeply appreciatc both. The publication of the book has been generously supported by a grant from the Charles W olfson Research Fund of the Institute for Jewish Studies at the Hebrew University for which I am very grateful. Jerusalem, Pentecost 2003 I Shavuot 5763

Daniel Stöld Ben Ezra

BriefTahle ofContents Preface .. .. .. . ............. .. ...•................. ....... ................ ....... ....... ................ VII BriefTable ofContents ....................................................................... XI Detailed Table of Contents .... ................................... ...................... ..... XIII List of Abbreviations ........................................................................... XIX lntroduction.............................. ................................ ...........................

1

PartOne

Yom Kippurin Early Jewish Thought and Ritual Intro Tumhout. 190Jff. Sources Cbretiennes; Paris, 1941 ff. Thesaurus Linguae Graecae [version 8].

Introduction 1. The Topic and the Research Question In recent years, much scholarly effort has been devoted to understanding the em.ergence of Christianity from Judaism and their subsequent interaction. Following Marcel Simon's groundbreaking study Yerus Israel, scholars began to reconsider the impact of Judaism on Christians and pagans after the Bar Kokhba revolt. 1 The peroeption of early Christianity and early Judaism as two homogeneaus blocks has shifted toward a more differentiated perspective of a variety of competing Judaisms and Christianities with various modes of interaction. 2 I would lik:e to argue that the study of ritual, as opposed to traditional theological concems alone, provides a helpful vantage point for this new understanding of Judaism and Christianity. The "multifaceted sensory experience" attained through the performance of rituals involves the whole human being: body, mind, senses and emotions.3 More precisely, religious consciousness and behavior culminate particularly in festivals. 4 The 1 M. Simon, Yenu Israel. A Stu4Y ofthe Relations between ClrTistians and Jews in the Roman Empire AD 135-425 (Littman Library of Jewish CivilW.:ion; London, 1996; French original: Paris, 2 1964, 1 1948). Lately, tbe intluencs oflate antique Cbristianity on Juda.ism bas been takeu more seriou.sly into coDSideration: sec e.g. I. Yuval, "Eastcr and Passover As Early Jewisb·Cbristian Dialogue," in: P. Bradshaw and L. Hoffinan (eds.), Passowr anti Easter. Origin and Hi!J:tory to Mode", Times (2 vols; Two Liturgical TraditiobS S m:l6; Notre Dam.e {lnd.], 1999; vol. 2, pp. 93-124). 1 E.g. D. Boyarin, "Semantic Differenees; or, 'Judai.,m'/'Cbristillllity\" in: A. Becker and A. Yoshiko Reed, The WQ}'s That Nner Parted. Jews and Cltrl1tians in Late A.ntiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Texts and Studies in Anc:ient Judaism 9S; TUbingen, 2003; pp. 65-86); and R.A. Kraft, "The Weigbing of rhe Parts. Pivotsand Pitfalls in lhe Srudy ofEady Judaisms and their Early Christian Offspring." in the sam.e volume pp. 87-94. Fortbs study oflhe emergence ofC.hri5t.iuity, Jolm Gager has underlined the importente in studying those groups and individuals whose identities lie in between wbat beeame "the" Jewish and "the"' Christian (and tbe papu) mainstrum.s: Judai~, Jewish· Christians and God·fcarers: see J. Gager, "Jcws, Christians and the Daogerous Ones in Between," in: S. Biderman aDd B. Scharfstein (eds.), lnterpretalion i11 Religions (Pbilosophy and Religion, a Comparative Yearboolc. 2; Leiden 1992; pp. 249-257). 3 C. Bell, Ritlllll. Perspectfvu anti Dimensions (Oxford, 1997), pp. 1:59-164. 4 Bell, Ritval, pp. 120-128.

2

Introduc/ion

cyclical repetition of rituals shapes the conceptions of time and place of the participants; the recurring commemoration and reenactment of myths embed them more deeply in life. "In fasting and feasting rites, there [is] ... a great deal of emphasis on the public display of religiocultural sentiments."5 In collective ritual perfonnances, therefore, the individual has to negotiate between bis private conceptions and behaviors and those ofthe group. Moreover, the participation in collective rituals- particularly rituals observed by almost everybody betonging to a certain group - can render the generally invisible boundaries of the collective identity perceptible to observers. 6 Festivals, then, are an appropriate focus also to elucidate the gradual separation process of two religions such as the emergence of Christianity from Judaism. Indeed, the friction caused by Christians keeping Yom Kippurin Antioch is one of Simon's central case studies.7 Surprisingly, however, the impact of Yom Kippur on early Christianity has not until now been studied comprehensively. 8 This study is a first attempt to fill this gap. It investigates the impact of Yom Kippur on early Christian thought and ritual from the first to the fifth centuries of the Common Era. In this epoch, Yom Kippur was doubtless the most important Jewish festiyal in the diaspora and in Palestine. It would seem, therefore, that it had a fundamental status also in the life of the first generations of Jesus' followers. Yet unlike Passover, Pentecost or the Sabbath, this festival did not become part of the Christian liturgical calendars. In following the traces of a Jewish institution rather than the prefiguration of a Christian one, the present work should be seen as an attempt to pose a "Jewish question" to a Christian coxpus oftexts. My central thesis is that Christian atonement theology and its festal calendar not only emerged under the influence of Yom Kippur (part 2} but also continued to develop in light of the ongoing challenge that the contempocary Yom Kippur posed to Christians (part 3). To addcess this issue I bad to develop an approach that would make possible the study of a festival's impact on a different tradition or religion. Consequently, the guiding questions are as follows: What is Yom Kippur, and what are the concepts and rituals connected to it? Where can traces of Yom Kippur's ' Bell, Ritval, p. 120 (emphasis added). 6 For example, "fasting [during Ramadan) sets Muslimsoff as a distinct community (umma) in cantrast to their non-Muslim neighbors." Bell, Ritual, p. 124; cf. pp. 23-60. As we shall see, the penneability of these borders, can become visible, too, e.g. if Christians observe Jewish festivals. 7 Simon, Verus Israel, pp. 217-223 and 326-328. 8 Research has been conducted on su(;h topics as the presence of Yom Kippur theology in the New Testament or the exegesis of the scapegoat; but so far nobody has tried to view these phenomena as parts of a whole.

Introduction

3

impact on early Christianity be detected in Christian Iiterature and Iiturgy? Which Christians observed Yom Kippur? Why did others abandon Yom Kippur? And finally, how did Yom Kippur influence Christianity after the fast ceased tobe observed? To determine the most important areas of impact, and because no one has previously investigated the impact of Yom Kippur as a complex of rituals, institutions, myths and theology, I wanted to spread my net as widely as possible. I therefore considered the Greek, Latin, Syriac and Armenian traditions as weil as the Georgian, Coptic and Arabic,9 mainly from the frrst five centuries CE. To find the relevant texts and passages, I relied largely on the indexes of the editions in the main series of Christian texts (CCSL, CSEL, CSCO, GCS, PO, SC) for references to Leviticus 16. In addition, I searched the digitalized libraries of the Thesaurus Linguae Graecae and the online Patrologia Latina for key terms (Day of Atonement, fast, high priest, scapegoat, kapporet). Similarly, I checked Menahem Stem's and Amnon Linder's collections of references conceming Jews and Judaism.in pagan Iiterature and in Christian legislation 10 The further I progressed, the more amazed I was by the volume and variety of Christian sources on Yom Kippur. While I have to a certain extent focused on the digitalized corpora (Greek and Latin) and there may be untouched treasures hidden in the libraries of the Christian Orient, I hope to have uncovered a promising field for further investigation. The structure of my argument takes the following form: Part I is devoted to a detailed reconstruction of Yom Kippur, its rites and its imaginaires in the Second Temple and rabbinie periods, with the help of a broad range of Jewish and non-Jewish texts from Palestine and the diaspora. This analysis is the basis for the comparisons in the parts that follow, which proceed chronologically. Parts 2 and 3 deal with the impact ofYom Kippur on early Christianity. Part 2 (chapters 4 to 6) covers the formative period, the frrst two hundred years, while part 3 (chapters 7 and 8) covers the development of early Christianity in the years 200 to 500. Part 2 begins w~th an investigation into the impact ofthe temple ritual and the Jewish myths and concepts associated with it (especially the high priest and the scapegoat) on the ernerging Christian mythology about the atoning death of Christ (chapter 4). Chapter 5 deals with the influence of the Jewish apocalyptic-mystic 9 Being ignorant of Georgian as weil as of Coptic and Arabic, I could consult only translations. The same is true for the sources in Slavonic and Ge'ez. 10 A. Linder, The Jews in the Legal Sources of the Early Middle Ages (Detroit and Jerusalem, 1997); M. Stem, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism. Edited with Introductions, Translationsand Commentary (3 vols; Jerusalem, 1974-1984).

lntroduction

4

imagery ofthe high priest's entran.ce into the holy ofholies on Valentiman Christian soteriology and on the Valentiman ritual of the bridal chamber. Valentiman concepts in turn extensively influenced Clement of Alexandria's mysticism. Chapter 6 provides a close reading of Jewish-Christian legends that depict James the Just and Zechariah, John the Baptisfs father, as high priests. These legends give some hint of Jewish-Christian attitudes toward the continuing observance ofthe Jewish fast. Part 3 analyzes the impact of Y om K.ippur on Christianity in the years 200 to 500, the second stage of literary production, after the foundational texts of the New Testament bad been written and most of them bad achieved canonical Status. Cbapter 1 analyus the Cbristian exegesis of Leviticus in relation to Christian polemies against the contemporary Jewish fast. Leading Cbristian theologians perceived contemporary Yom Kippur's continuing attraction for Christians as a threat to Christian identity and to ehe exclusivity of Christ•s once-and-for-all atoning death. They responded not only with polemies but also with an exegesis of Leviticus (the bib!ical Yom Kippur); they developed further the sacrificial atonement theology ofHebrews and instituted new festivals to fül the fallow fall season. Accordingly, chapter 8 inve;;tigates the impact of Yom Kippur on three Christian festivals, the Jerusalem Encaenia/Exaltation of the Cross, the Roman Fast of the Seventh Month (Ember Day of September) and the Annunciation to Zechariah in the Bastern churches, all three of which are approximately contemporary with 10 Tishri and show some affinities with Yom Kippur. I decided to focus on Christian autumn festivals mainly for pragmatic reasons, to keep the book to a reasonable length; also because an influence might here be most clearly perceptible. Before launehing into the research itsel:f. I would like to clarify some tenns regardlng the methodology followed, in particular, the meaning of "impact," the different types of influence, my understanding of rite, ritual, myth and mythology, and the meaning of imaginaire and of Christian Judaism.

2. Methodological Remarks and Definitions 2.1 Different Types ofInjlwmce Judaism influenced Christianity in various modes, which can be distinguished by mediator and period. The accompanying list is divided into two parts: the first two modes (apostolic. biblical) refer only to Cbristianity and Judais.m, the other three (adoption, compulsion, reaction) refer to the influ~ ence of any religion on another.

l1ttroductio11

5

The frrst mode is connected to the collective memocy of Judaism. Jewish "converts19 to Christianity brought with them their imaginaire, their rituals, their texts, their myths and their conceptions, especially in the formative stage of Christianity in the fust century. Since most of the Jewish a.dherents of Christ probably "converted" in the apostolic period, I have called tbis mode ofinfluence ..apostolic." The second mode is connected to the Hebrew Bible, the written foundation of Jewish culture that in its various translations influenced Christianity at all times andin all places. Waves ofmore intense biblic:al inspiration can be perceived, e.g. during the Christianization of Palestine (see nex:t paragraph) but also in the Carolingian epoch, when kings modeled their image after David and temple tcrminology was u.sed in churches. I call this mode of influence "'biblical"; where influence by Jewish Iiterature goes beyond the canon, I call it "bookish." A co.mbination of the ..apostolic,. and the ..biblical" forms of influence appeared in the fourth century during the Christianization of Palestine~ when Christianity bad to cope with the new situation of Christians ruling the land ofthe Bible. This bad two contradictocy effects. On the one band, the Christian rulers wcre now responsible for deciding the way of commemorating tb.e symbolic world of the Old and the New Testament in the country where the events related in these books took place. On the other band, Christianity had to leam the local symbolic Ianguage in order to take over control ofthe Holy Land. Christians were influenced by the traditions and practices of the Jewish inhabitants re1ating to the location and commemoration of events sacred to botb religions. Arehitecture, calendar, Iiturgy, administ:Iation - thcse are only a few of the areas affected. As I shall argue in chapter 8, ..The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christi an Festivals,•• tbis influence encompasses not only holy places such as the tombs of propbets but also, for example, ways of celebrating the dedication of a sanctuary according to biblical models. I have called this kind of influence Orrsgeist paralleling Zeitgeist: the Ort (the land of the Bible) has a Geist tbat exerts an intluence over its rulers, here its Christian rulers. 11 Conquering the land of thc Bible oonfers new power and authority on the Bible, its land and its surrounding traditions as foundational stories. The Bible beoomes the raison d'etre not only tobe in the land ofthe Bible but also to rule it. i.e. to determine its future, to "make" it as close as possible to one' s

II I mean something different from tbe appropriation ofparts ofthe Jewish collective memory as developed by M. Halbwachs, La lopographie Iegendaire de:r nangile:r en terre sainttt. Emde d8 mimolre ro/lectl'fle. Prij'ace de Fernand DwiiOJtt (Paris, 21971 ).

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Introduc/Ion

understanding of the biblical stories. And vice versa. the new rulers bave to play according to the rules of the mythical country. 12 Apart :from these two (and a half) modes, two religions can, in a more general way, mutually influence each other by three further modes, which I have called "adoption" (voluntacy), ..compulsion" (forced) and "reaction" (polemical). Adoptiontakes place when one religion observes a practice or becomes aware of an exegetical tradition or a myth of the other religion and voluntarily adopts it. Compulsion occurs when the adherents of one religion control the life of followers of the other and impose measures on them, such as Justi:nian's edict that Jews would henceforth read the Bible only in Oreek. The third mode, reaction. responds with polemies or self~ restriction to a certain exegetical or Hturgical tradition of the other religion being perceived as a threat.

2.2 Rite and Rit11al Ritual and rite are repeated religious behavior. The difference between ritual and rite is the Subordination of the latter to the fotmer, i.e. a ritual is composed of several rites. 13 By its definition as "repeatedt behavior," rituals~ especially collective rituals, belong to the most conservative religious institutions. 14 Collective institutions are more conservative than are those of individuals; and a ritual, which involves the body and the senses, is more conservative than a conception, since frequently repeated movements are stored in the parts of the brain responsible for subconscious movements and will continue unchanged in this form until consciously changed or stopped. For example, one is less likely to forget how to ride bicycle than to forget how to read. Finally, it is easier to begin observing a new rite than to cease observing an old one. This, too, is valid for any religion or religious transformation. Unlike the continuation of a behavior, it is the break with it that lea.ves historical traces. Our working assurnption should therefore be that most Christian Jews continued to observe the same festivals after hearing about Jesus as before- unless we have evidence to the conb:ary. I try to distinguish as much as possible between ritual and its interpretation. Ritual acts are more or less fixed and allow for only minor changes 11 In a sense, this process resembles a development in modern Zionism after thc 1967 conque!lt ofthe Old City and thc ancicmt heanlands of Judea and Samaria tbat eaused a shift in the modern state oflsrael toward a more religious character. 1 ~ Obviously, this distinctlon is relative, since one may often break up rites into subrites. 14 See C. Bell, Ritual, p. 211; ''Despite •.. evldenee for change, it is nonetheless quite true that ritnal a:ctivmes generally tend to resist change and often do so more effectively than other forms of social custom."

lntrodllction

7

(especially if our subject is the ritual of tbe most sacred space, day and person); the int.er"~Rtations of rituals, however, can be manifold. Contradietory explanations drculate in the same group, even in the same time and space, end be used according to which is more useful fol' elucidating a certain aspect. Only wben dealing with verbal rituals such as prayers will the distinction obviou.sly fall away. The interpretation of a ritual may express a variety of different attitudes toward the ritual itself. For example: a) Interestin and support for the ritual (by proposing a new rationale) b) Disinterest in the realities, sometimes in favor of a more spiritualized Ievel c) Substitution of the ritual on account of temporary constJ:aints d) Substitution of the ritual on account of theological or sociological dissent None of the above attitudes - end the Iist is not exhau.stive - necessarily entails aboHtion of the ritual. Modem Cbristian interpreters of ritual ra~ tionaJes tend to generalize the last of the above-listed alternatives. For example, Paul Hanson argues that the existence of the eschatological interpretation of the scapegoat ritwd in 1Enoch 10 entails a polemical stand against the temple ritual. 15 Yet, as I will argue, JEnoch 10 more strongly reflects the first alternative, interest in and support of the ritual by proposing a rationale. Philo's allegorical exegesis ofthe temple and its institutions does not entail a complete disregard for the temple ritual, though he rather fits the second group. The third attitude is the centrat one expressed in the rabbinie writings. Foreach Christian writing we will have to assess which attitude it demonstrates.

may

2.3 Myth and Mythology A mythology is the ensemble of myths of a certain collective. 16 A myth is a narrative that bas a foundational status for this coUective. 17 With this definition, myths are o~y myths in a certain sociological constellation v.ith 1' See P.D. Hanson, ..Rebellion in Heaven. Azazel, and Eubemeristic Heroes in l Enocb 6-11," Journal ofBibllcal Literature 96 (1977) l9S-233, here p. 226. ' 6 For a rieb and interesting introduction 10 various defmitio!IS and approacbes, see A. aud J. Assmann, "Mythos," Hondlnu;h religionswisaemchaftlicher Gn~ndbegriffe 4 (1998) 179-200. R.. Bultmann, "Mythos UDd Mythologie IV (im NT)," Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart~ 4 (1960) 1278-1282, is a clas.sic. On myth in tbe New Testament, see now the !ntroduction and first part of G. Theissen, Tlre. Religion ofthe Earllest Churches. Creating a Symbollc World (Minneapolis, 1999), pp. 1-13 and 19-60, and bis references to further literature on p. 323. 17 For such a sociological defmition, see e.g. B. Ba.ezko, Le.s imaginalre.s sociaiiX. Memoires Bt espoirs co/lectfft (Critique d.e Ia politique; Paris, 1984), pp. 11-63.

8

lntrodllction

hlstoricallimits otherwise they are narratives. I have chosen to work with such a functionalist sociological defmition of myth because the distinction commonly drawn between history, legend and myth is itself a product of Christian culture and therefore an emic definition, which is not very helpful for comparing Christianity to other religions (but has its use in other realms). 18 According to the emic definition, we have to distinguish Christianity, whlch is based on (salvation) history, from paganism, whlch is based on myth, a priori. For the scholar of comparative religion who uses the sociological definition, legend, history and "myth" (in tbe old sense) are only different subcategories with the shared function of establishlng the collective identity. A historicat event. fiction or legend with a historical nucleus becomes part of the mytbology of a group the moment it is accepted as foundational for its identity, worldview and Iifestyle. The foundational status is paired with the impossibility of questioning the truth of the myth without incun:ing social sanctions. 19 Chronologically, m)1hs are often formulated in the fo:tmative period of the group and adapted to subsequent times by henneneutics and exegesis, whieh in turn refo:tmulate and recreate the myth. He:tmeneutics and exegesis also have the task of

systematizing contradictions between myths. 2. 4 The imaginaire Studying collective concepts and their relation and transmission to other collectives, I found the term imaginaire very useful. Tbe termwas devel~ oped in French philosophy and historiography .as one referti.ng to an ensemble of conceptions of a given collective.20 Since the definition ofthe tenn often remains amorphous, I want to define my use of this term more specifically. By the imaginaire of X in Y, I mean the collective repertoire of motifs of a certain collective (Y) regarding the element X, from which an author of this collective {Y) derives the items with which to weave his text onX.21 18

For such a definition. see P. Ricoeur, "Myth and History," Encyc/opedia o[R~Iigion

10 (1987)273-282. 1; Consequently, the scholar wbo investigates any given narrative as a myth in the sense of this definition takcs an etic view. 10 See e.g. J. Le Golf, L'lmaginaire midieval (Paris, 1985); 1!. Patlagean, "L'histoire de l'imaginaire." in: J. Le Go.ff, R. Cbartier and l. hvel (eds.), La NOIIWllle. Hiatoire (Paris, 1978; p. 249-269). In no case do I intend a ~Oflllettion to Iungian ar~hetypes, on which the wolk of Gilbert Durand was formulated. See his Lcs .stnJ.clUTes anlhUJpologiques de l'imaginaire (Paris, 12 1992- 19S9). 21 D. StOkl, "Yom Kippurin the Apocalyptic Imaginalre aod thc J.oots of Iesus' High Priesthood. Yom Kippurin Zechariah 3, JEMCh 10, IIQMelkizedeq, Hebrews and the A.pocalypse of Abxaham 13," in: 1. Assmann and G.G. Stroumsa (eds.), Tr(111$formations

lntroduction

9

The imaginaire differs from mythology in being a collection not only of narrative, but of unsequenced motifs with a much wider variety (including sensual impressions such as scents, songs, feelings. etc.) and of the associations between them. All members of the collective share a basic group of elements, and in order to communicate with bis Iistener the speaker 1u:u to use the common imaginaire. AB.y member of the collective can play around with the elements of the imaginaire of a concept and even add new elements that will slowly become part of the comm.on imaginaire. This concept of a common imaginaire can help explain aspects of the process of creativity and its re~ Iation to tradition. While the collective a.~pect of the imaginaire makes it conservative and traditional, the new associations by individuals continually broaden it. The imaginaire defines the boundaries of possible associations between concepts; in other words, it is the Iangue of the collective, while the concrete expression of the individual is his parole. Or, as formulated by Philippe Desan: Il ne faut toutefois pas~;:onfondre imagination et imaginaire. L'imagination releve d'une performao.~;:e individuelle et se dtcele au niveau de Ia <parole>, alors que t•imagi.naire res:sort du collectif et ne se con\)Oit qu'en tant que ."12

We can re

I

Lev 23:27.28; 25:9.

2 Lev 23:27;

25:9 LXX.

E.g. Philo, De plantatione 61; Eusebius, DemoliStratio EvangelictJ 1:3:2; PseudoAthanasius, On Sabbaths and Circumci1ion (PO 28:137A-C); Basil, Homlly 011 Fruting 1:3 (PG 31:165C); Theodoret, Commentary on lsaiah 1:14 (SC 276:163-171). 4 De ~ngr&:~"u ervditionis gratw 8!U07; Qltis ren~m divi'flal'flm heres.slt 179; De posteritate Caini 48. ' See e.g. the Seder A:vodah ·• 'Azkir Gevurot 'Eloah" {ill'11C nnm '1':ltlt) ("I remember 3

God's mighty decds") in A. Miislcy (ed.). Ymse ben Yo.rse Poems. Edited with an lntroduction, CommelJtary and Notes [iu Hebrew] (Jerusalem, sl991, 1977), p. ISO,Iine 133. 6 This text gives a list of festal days including a fast (tcio; VOVJ.LflY~ i~Ji&v ~ea.l 1:G. CIÖ.~10. KGi -iiiJCpoY foi.Efal,flv OOK llvi:tOJ.LO.\' VI}O'tti4v ICO.t cip-y\ay ICI&i 't~ YOUjllJVi~J.C; V,..lfiV Klli t~ eop'li~ VlllllY IUO(i iJ V JlOU). 1be only Single fast in the row of OT festivals,

'lll1i

however, is Yom Kippur.

16

Yom Kipp11r in Early Jewish Thought and Rihlal

common Greek nam.e for Yom Kippur.7 The Hebrew and Aramaie equivalents are used in Qumran and in the Palestiman rabbinie sources.8 Some Qumranic texts em.phasize tbe affiiction. using ll'lltll 1VI1l (period of affiiction)9 and ll'lll'llil C1' (day of aflliction), 10 which may have a more general significance (not only fasting, but also aftliction) or be moving in the direction of Jubilees, emphasizing the austere character of the day. "The Fast" becomes a common name for Yom Kippur also in the writings of the Church Fathers. 11 Finally, the Libtr Anriquitatum Biblicarum combines t1w first and the second meaniags (atonement and fast) in calling tbe holiday ieiunium misericordiae, the fast that evokes meroy, which emphasizes that divine merey is achieved primarily through the fast. 12 The third name underlines the importance of the holiday. The biblical flll:l!U .n.::1111 might be understood in the same way as the Septuagint tnmslation "the Sabbath of Sabbatbs" demonstrates. 13 Forthis reason. Philo calls Yom Kippur ioptctJv ttiv J.l.6')'lCS"tflV (tlw highest holiday). 14 One of the later 1 E..g. Acts 27:9; 1osephus, Antiquitatu}•daicae 17:165-166; 18:94; Philo, De specialtbslegibus 1:168.186; 2:41.193.194.197.200; Legatio ad Gahlm 306; De vita Mmis 2:23; De decalogo 159. Yet VJtOteio is ,sed also forother fasts -see e.g. Josephus, A.nti· q11itatesjvdaicae 5:166; 11:134. 1 ln the faJnous passage in lQPeshu Hahaüuk xi:7-8, Y0111 Kippur is described a.s tllll Dl'. In the Palestinian rabbinie soun:es, Yom Kippur may he called the fast (xznx) or tbe great fast (10"1 ltlll!')- yBer4:1, 7b, 7c; yPe'ah1:4, 20b, 8:9, 2lb; yTrr8:.S, 4Se = yAZ 2:3, 4la. In the Babylonian Talmud I follJld only one pessage (bTem 29a) using thu

form. ' 4QS08 2 3; cf. 4Q171 Pesher on PsaJms ii:9-IO; iii:2-3 (quoted below, pp. 98-99). On all formulatious connected to n•l»n in Qumr.m, see N. Hacham, "Com.munal Fa.sts in the Jndeaa Desert Scrolls and Assomated Literature," in: D.M. Goodblatt, A. Pinnick and D.R. Scllwartz (eds.), Hls.torical Perspectives: From the Ha8monean:s to Bar Ko/cltba in Light of the Dt!ad Sea SC1'o/ls: Proccedings ofthe F ourth International Symposlvm ofthe Orion Center far the Shldy of Dead Sea Scrolls anti A:rsociated Literahlre, 17-31 JDmlary, 1999 (Studies on the Texts ofthe Desert of Judah, 37; Leiden: Brill, 2001; pp. 127145}, who claims that in Qnmran ll"llln always refers to Yom Kippur. I hllve reservations about bis iDclusion of 4QS1 0 and 4QS 11 Songs of the Srsge, whicb use mDn in lbe plural. 10 D0111asC11S Dot:r~ment vi: 19. 11 E.g. Aets 27:9; Barnoba3 7:3; Jnstin, Dialogue with Trypho 40:4; Origeo, Homlly on Jeremiah 12:13; Eusebins, Demonstratio Evangellca 1:3:2; Ephrem. On Fasting 1:12; Ba.sil, Homily on Fr.rstlng 1:1 (PG 31:164AB); JobnCbrysostom, AgaiNt theJews 1 (PG 41!:8S4B). 12 Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarvm 13:6. In a similar way 4QS08 2 3 calls Yom. Kippur

lhe appointed time of your mercies 1'l>n, 1Y11l. Later rabbinie sources ~ givcn in the commentasy on this pessage by H. Jacobson, .A Commentary on Paeudo-PhiJo':s Liber .4.1Jtiquitahlm Biblicarii/JI with Latin Tut ond English Tr411Siation (2 vols; Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des Un:hristentums 31; Leiden, 1996). 13 Lev 16:31. 14 Despecialibus legibus 2:19J-194.

Tlr« Name1 of Yom .Kippur

17

titles of the rabbinie tractate for Yom Kippur, tml'- the day -evidences tbis attitude. The same title also expresses the idea that jt is primarily the day that atones.u In swn. three principal names are used for Yom Kippur) expressing its purpose (atonernent, propitiation. expiation, forgiveness), its general practice (fast, aftliction), or its solemnity. Tbe Old Testament and the Babylonian Talmud use only names based on the pu.rpose, whereas Greek sources, Qumran, Palestiman rabbinical texts, and the Church Fathers also use names based on the principal practiee of the people and sometimes on the solemn aspect, too. Each group has its terminological preferences. Qummn prefers to addtess the affliction, Greek: sources primarily the fast and rabbinie sources mostly the purpose, atonement.

1'

Rabbi Yehudah ba-Nasi in bYoma SSb.

Chapter 2

The Rituals ofYom Kippur The bibücal account of the ritual of Y om Kippur in Leviticus 16 is the most detailed description of any ritual in the Bible. This cbapter is supplemented by Leviticus 23:27-32 and 25:9--10, Exodus 30:10, Numbers 29:711, and many soun:es from the Second Temple period as well as rabbinie accounts, in particular Mishnah Yoma. The early history of Yom Kippur, the exact date of its establishment and the origin of some of its rites - all are hotly debated. 1 An in...depth analysis of the biblical cbapters on Yom Kippur is beyond the scope oftbis study, as is a complete reconstruction of the ritual and its historical development in the Second Temple period; the following pages are to be understood as merely a preliminacy sketch. I have tried to use all available material, the Bible, apocalyptic and Greek diaspora sources, Qumranic, Christian and rabbinie texts. Therefore, althougb not a comprehensive treatment of the subject, tbis chapter might constitute a step in furthering understanding of the development of Yom Kippur's rituals. The Yom Kippur rituals can be divided into two main groups; those perforrned in the temple and those performed in the community or at home. The ftrst section oftbis chapter investigates the historical value ofthe main source of tbe temple ritual, the mishnaic tract Yoma, arguing that some of its features can be plausibly explained as projections from rabbinie exegesis and synagogue services into memories of the temple ritual. Discussion of these introductory matters is followed by a rewnstruction of the generat aspects ofthe temple ritual. Section 3 is devoted to an investigation ofthe rituals performed outside of the temple - at home, in the community or in the synagogue during the Second Temple period and after the destruction ofthe temple. While the destruction Qfthe temple entailed an abrupt end to the blood sacri:fices, I argue for a certain continuity (and l was surprised at this discovery) of the community-oriented cult, the prayers and the 1 On the diS... ]1ll'l1 ilnl.,.!l [ ••• )'71::1:1. 116 Contrary to Baillet, Qumrtin Grotte 4.111, p. 185, who regards both fragmeu.ts as belonging to a Rosh. Hashanllh prayer, Falk righ.tly points out that this attribution does not match their positionqfter4QS09 3 l-91/1Q34 2+1 1-4 (whlch mclv.des the begiuning of a Yom Kippur pra)'er in 1Q34 2+1 6): Falle, Doily, Sabbath, and Festival Prtzyer:s in the Dead Sea Sero//:., p. 165. 4QS09 7 reads: 'r'n• [ .••] ;m10111 D'nlll:l '::J [ ••• ] .,,:>:n nWliln:l[l] ]1!••• [.••]'1[ ...}J 11.l!D'n'.l anf...}l D{ ]llvn{'f}i? lb{ •.. ]D'Il':'lll''mll:l[•••). •.:o•l!l'7D. 127 4QS08 2 1-6; I have slightly modified the transllticm by Falk in Doi/y, Sabbath, and Festival Praye.n in the Dead Sea Scrolls, p. 168.

TM Rituals of Yom Kippwr

39

Tbis prayer connects God's presence and compassion to the human repentance and self--affiiction. 128 Ood's compassion has appointed time (1lnD). The prayer speaks of God's omn.i$cience even regarding such secret matters as the inclination of the people. 129 in a formulation remarkably similar to the talmudic confessionon Yom Kippur called 'Attah Yodea' Ra:zey 'Olam. 130 This idea appears also in the Delos steles and in Pseudo-Philo. 131 The prayer may be part of a confession, for the Ood who knows tbe secrets of the heart knows also the sins committed. Baillet and Nitza.n connect also 4Q509 12 i + 13 to Yom Kippur: 132 tb.e exiles who wander (D'Jln11), without ('.,::ITJ) [someone tobring (tbem) back /1] [ ... ] [w}itbout strength; tbose who fall (D'.,!IU11), without {someone to raise (them); //} [ ... ] witbout someone to give (them) understanding; wilhout [someone to bind (them) up; II] tbe broken (D',»'l:!), [ •.. )in [their] iniq11ity ([tl]lllll:l), [and] tbere is no (l'IC[l]) one to heal (M!ln); [ ••. ) [and tbere is no one II to] comfort (anm); stumbling in tbeir transgressions {Döl'liV"J), {aod tbere is no one to ... ] 118 Baillet, Qumrdll Grotte 4./11, p. 178-179, regards 4QS08 2 l as the end of a Rosh Hashanab prayer and the fotlowing lines as the begiRDing of a Yom Kippur prayer. However, for the atgwnCDt that the first line belongs to the Yom Kippur prayer, too, see Falk, Dal/y, Sabboth. and Festival Proyen in the Dead Sea ScroUs, p. 168. lzt See M. Weinfeld, "Prayer and Liturgical Practice in tbe Qwnran Sect,'' in: D. Dimant and U. Rappaport (eds.). The Dead Sea Scro/Js. F()Tty Year.s of Research (Studies on the Texts oftheDesert ofJudah JO; Leiden,Jerusalem, 1992; pp. 241-258), p. 247; Falk, Dai/y, Sahboth, and Feati:llal Prayus 111 the Dead Sea Scroll1, pp. 212-213. 130 'Attah Yodea' Razey 'OI.,m (D.,1Y •r, llll' :tM) ("You know the mysteries of tbe world"). Nitzan, Q1111tran Prayer and Religious Poetry, p. HJO, note 43. 'Attah Yodea' RGey '0/am is quoted incipit in bYoma 87b, and is tberefore probably very early. The full text appea.rs for tbe first time in Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on, q110ted below, p. 52, note 199 andin Eng1ish translatiDn in tb.e appendix. For tbe terminology, see Deut 29:28 and Ps 103;14, and compare the Jarer prayer HQ!..o KolltoNistarot vehaNiglot 'Attak Yodea' (ll'l'l" i'lnK rn'nl;n nnmu.1 .,, K?n, "Don't you know all the bidden and the revealed thiugs?") in Seder Rav 'Amram G.,'ott (ed. Goldschmidt, pp.l61, 166). The combination of the two biblical veßes, however, and tbeir use in a prayer for tbe Day of Atonement in both periods show "thar we are dealing with an element of festival prayer tradition." See

Falle, Daily, Sabhath, and Festival Praysrs in the Deod Sea Scrolls, pp. 21l. 131 See bclow, p. 48, oote 172. I» Baillet, Q11mrän Grotte 4.111, p. l85; Nitzan, Qumran Prayer and Religiou PO#Jtry. pp. 100-101, note 43. Falle prefer.s to associate 4QS09 12 i + 13 tentatively with Silkkot because ofthe prayer's position on the scroll (4QS09 11 i + 13 is part ofa uew prayer, whicb follows tbe Yom Kippur prayer) and its content (the expression na., nl\l:m in 4QS09 8 4 I/4Q508 22 + 23 3 appears in Lev 23:39 in the con.text of Sukkot andin an Amidah for Sukkot from the Geuizah). At some time duriDg tbe worlc on his book he seems to bave cha.Dged his mind, ascribjng the prayer tentatively to Yom Klppur: see Falle, Daily, Sabbath, and FestiPol Prayers ;n tlw Dead Sea Scrolh, pp. 168·172 and209.

40

Yom Kippu,. in Eorly J-ish Thoaght muJ Ritual ( Re]member //1he: sonow (111') and the weeping (':ll). You are tbe companiOD of prisoner[s]m

Some tenninology is l'eminiscent of Yom Kippur: iniquity, transgression, healing and (ifNitzan's reading is cor:rect) Iiberation ofprisoners. 134 Sorrow and weeping match the Yom K.ippur as depicted in Jubilees 34 and early piyyutim. In addition, Nittan recognized a :remarka.ble similarity concerning content and form to a much later acrostic piyyut of Yom Kippur•s Mussafservice, VeHen 'Anu 'Atah keTo•im ye'Ein Levaqesh: 135 Behold we are now: like snayers (o'WD), li.ke captives (o>'l:lW,),

with none (fKl) to seek; with none to retum;

like fools. lilce weary ones (EI'!I'lr.l),

with non.e to teach; with none to refresh;

like bent ones (D'!I10:I:J),

witb none to straigbten;

like mol!TDers.

with noue to cODSole tb.em;1341

Falk, who takes up Nitzan's observation, suggests that this points to the existence of "a post-biblical pruyer tradition - albeit d.rawing on biblical resources - which is reflected in the Dead Sea Scrolls but also in medieval liturgical poetry." 131

ln 4QS09 12 i + 13; translalion in Fa1k. Doily, Sabbath, and Festival p,.ayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, p. 170, nota~ ac:cording 10 tbe struc:tu.re of the poem. From the con· text, Nib:an unde.rstands the last line as "release !he imprison(ed]": see, Qvm,.an P~r anti ReligitnU Poetry, p. 100, note 42. 134 See pp. 85~92, bclow, on JEnach 10 and llQMelchiudek. 13! rt~:l'l l'K'I D'ill1:l Mll mc Behold, we are now lite stra.yers witb 11011e to seek"). See Nitzan, Qumran Prayer aml Religiow; Poetry, pp. 100-101; cf. Fa!k, Daily, Sablxlth, Qnd Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Saolu, pp. 211-212. 1341 Traustation based on N.N. Schermao, The Cumplete AnSeroll Mach:or Yom KippiiT Nw:uzclr Ashkenoz. A N- TrQifSliJ/ion and Anthologized Commentary (ArtScroll Mesoralt Series New York, 1986), p. S79; for the Hebrew, see D. Goldsc.bmidt (ed.), Mohzorfor the Days of Awe. According to the Ashktrnazy Rite of All Cutoms Inclu.ding the Western Ashkenazy Rite, the Polish Rite, and the A:ncient Fl'ench Rite. Yolu111e 2: Yom Kippur (Jorusalem, 1970), p. 49S. m Falle, Dolly, Sabbath, a71d Festl'lal Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, pp. 209-212.

r.n (..

Thß RiJua/s ofYom Kippur

41

1 would argue that 4Q509 16, another fragment from the same scroll, may also belong to a Yom K.ippur prayer. [ ••. }in all [their] pain[~; ..• ) Have pity 011 them bec.ause oftheir aftlictian (» C."ll!lm an•lli11) [ •.. ] !he sorrow (11l1) of our elders aud [our] noble[s..•] 1be youths taunted

111e.m [ ••• ) t.bey bave {n}ot considered that Y{ou ... ] our wisdom [ ..•J iUid we [ ... ]. 136

Falk prefers to associate this prayer with Sukkot, 139 but "Have pity ou them because of their aftliction.. (!:1ll'l17ll .,31 Ci12:1n1) and the ..sorrow of our elders" mateh Yom Kippur better. Baillet regards f\uther tex:ts as Yom .Kippur prayers. among them 1Q34 3 i //4Q508 1 l-3: 140 ( ... ] and [he] comman[ded... ] in the Iot (",u) of the rigb.[teJous but for the wic:lced the l[o)t ( .••] in their booes a disgrace to alt tlesh; but tbe rigbteous [ ...] fat by the cloud$ of beaven and the produce of the earth, to distinguish [between the righ]teous and the wicked. And you give the wicked (for) our [r]ansom (ln!ll(:l]), andfbut the tr[eacher]ous ones ( ...] the extennination of all our oppcesson. Aod we will praise your n.ame forever [and ever,} for il is for tbis tbat you c;reated us, and (it is for) this (reason) tha[t we say) to you: Blessed [bc the Lord wb.o ... ]. 14 '

UnfortunateJy, the position of 1Q34 3 i 114Q508 1 on the scroll is unc.lear and the contents are the only basis for any association to a festival. Falk is WlSW'C ifthis prayer belongs to Passever or to Yom Kippur. 142 Yet two of the motifs that he explains against the background of Passever appeat associated with Yom Kippur. First, the phrase «fat by the clouds ofheaven" c:learly refers to tbe beavenly manna. Manna and Yom K.ippur are link.ed in lQWords of Moses and Philo. 143 Second. Falk associates the distinction between rigbteous and wick.ed with the (wieked) generation ofthe exodus. Yet the motifappears in llQMelchizedek in eonnection with Yom Kippur. Also tbe eschatological (?) extennination of the oppressors and the term U,!ll[:l] (ransom) evoke the imagery ofYom. K.ippur.

151 4QS09 16; tramlalioo in I-"alle, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scroll&, p. 173. Nitzan. Qvm7an Prayer and Rellglt>J~J Poetry, pp. 108-9. also assllJMs tbat tbis fragment is part ofa Yom Kippur prayer, albeit without provid.ing arguments. J:w See Falk, Dtsily, Sabbath, and Festhai Prayttrs in the De(ld Sea Scrolls, pp. 172173. Baillet, too, assoeia~s the fragment with Sukkot for reasons of position on the $CI"OII: Qwl7dn Grotte4.fii, pP. 185 and 191. 1411 Baillet, Qvmrdn Grotte 4./ll, pp. 177-178 and llS. 141 1Q34 3 i II 4QSOB 1, tr~~nSlated by Falk in Daily, Sabbatlr. and Festhai Prayen in the Dead s~a ScrtJll;,, p. 178. 1 ~ Falk,. Daily, Sabbath, and Fe$/ival Prayer: in the Dead Sea Scrolls, p. 178. 143 See pages 47 and 97, below; seealso bYoma 74b.

42

Tom Kippur in Early Jewish Thought and Ritual

ßaiJlet also considers 1Q34 3 ii //4Q509 97+98 i, whicb follows IQ34 3 i//4QS08 l.just discussed, as Yom Kippur prayer: ( ... ] lhe grea[t) light for the appointed tiJ:ne of [day, and the little tigbt for the night ... ] and one must not transgress their laws, and all of them [... ) and their dominion in aU the world. But the seed of ma[n] did not perceive all lhat you caused hlm to i.nherit, and they did not know yo11 [in a]ll your words, but lhey acted more wickedly than alt (others) and they did not pereeive your great might. Therefore you rejected tbem for you take no pleasure in iniquity, and the wieked wiU not be establ~hed before you. But you chose for yourself a people in the time of your favor for you remembered your covenant and you [granted] tbat they should be set apart for yourself as holy from all the peoples, and renewed your covenant for them by a vision of gl[or]y and lhe words ofyour [spirit] ofholiness, by the works of your hands and lhe writing of your right hand, to malte tlwn .lmow the iJorious instruction and the etemal works. [ ... you :raised up] for [th}em a failhful $hepberd ( ... ] poor and [ .• .].1:J nwnp (tbe sanctity ofthe day), :m:lll (the temple service), tl'llll (thaoks&iviDg) and 1:11'711.1 (peace). ln additi011, the same additicms as lhe belledictions on Rosh Hashanab (the so-caUed Zilrhronot (nnn:n, memories), Mol/chuyol (m>J')Il, kingdoms) and Shofarot (nmmu, Shofars or trumpets), were at some poillt included in the Amidah ofYom Kippur (bTa'on 16b-17a; &ferim 19:6; cf. mRH 4:5-6; mTa'4n 2:2-S}. Cf. H. Maek, "The Source of the MalkhvyyQI Benediction," Jewish Shldiu Qri11rter/y 9 (2002) 205-21.8; J. Heillem&Dil, "Tbe Ancient 'Orders of Benedictions' foJ' New Year and Fasts," (in Hebrew] Tlll'bü 45 (1976) 25&261; N. Wieder, "The Form ofthe Third Benediction ofthe 'Amida on Rosh Hashsluma and Yom Kipp•r' [in Hebrew] Tarbü 34 (1964) 43-48; L. Liebreich, "The Insertions in the Tbird Beuediction of the Holy Days," Hebrew Union Co/fege AnnJIQ/35 (1964) 7910 l; I. Elbogeo, "Die Tefilla fllr die Festtage," Monatsschrift ZfiF Geschichte vnd Wilsen&chaji des Judentf4nu SS (1911) 426-446, 586-599. 1111 mTa'an4:l;yBer-4:1, 1c;hTa'4rn26b. 1&1 D. Goldschmidt, Setler R(N 'Amram Ga'on. Edited according to Manuscripls and Prints wlth A.dditiOPIS. Variant Lectit»U and lntrotluction [in HebrewJ (Jcrusalem, 1971 ). l&;l Goldschmidt,Setle.r Rav "Amrom Ga'on, p. 10.

so

Yom Kippur in &frly Jewish Thouglrt and Ritvol

tbings, theSeder Rav 'Amram Ga'on mentions an Amidah of scven benedietions with additions, confessions and supplication prayers. readings of the Bible, and (at least) for Mussafthe acme ofthe serviee in th.e liturgical reenactment, the Seder Avodah. 181 The text of the Seder Rav Sa 'adia Ga'on, written half a century after the Seder Rav 'Amram Ga'on., is commonly perceived to be more faithful to the original. I!-4 It lists confessions, 18:~ some additions to lhe seven-blessing Amidah 186 and many piyyutim for Sidrei Avodah and Selihot prayers. Wbile the two Siddurim. the Seder Rav 'Amram Ga 'on and the Seder Rav Sa 'adia Ga 'on, gi.ve essentially :Babylonian prayers, m.any prayers from the early medieval Palestinian rites have been published from Geni2ah manuscripts. 111 A fuU investigatio.n of the early medieval Yom Kippur liturgy would require its own detailed treatment. I will however deal briefly with general aspects of the eady development ofthe confessions, readings and the Seder Avodah in the Tannaitic and Amoraic periods (before theSeder Rav 'Amrom Ga'on and theSeder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on).

113 Seder R(lll '.AIIVmn Ga'on (ed. Goldschm.idt, pp. 166-172). From Gaonic: responses wc lelltll that there were mauy c:olllDIIIIlities in which it was customary to read a Seder Avodah in each scrvice. See the discussion iu L.A. Hoffinan. The Canonuation of th11 Synagogue Service (Uuivcrsity of Notre Dame, Ceuter for the Study of Judaism and Christimity in Autiquity 4; Notro Dame {Ind.) and London, 1979), pp. 107-110. Tluee of Yose ben Yose's SirJ,e; ;bO/Ülh were used in three different services.: 'Attah Konanta (:IIUI'O iTnlt) for Shaharit, 'Adil' GW11.1'ot 'Eioah {:n"JR nrn:u 1'.':1JM) for Mus:taf and 'Asa~ Gedolot (m?111 ,Dalt) for Minbah. Mussaf was finally chosen, sinc:e it was supposed to be at the same timt: as the temple service. This e!evates the status of the Seder Avodah as a conscious reenactmcnt ofthe ll;tUa1 sacrificial ritual. 184 Y. DavidSOA. S. Asaf and Y. Yoel (eds.), Siddur R. Sa'adjtJ Ga'on [in Hebrew]

(Jerusalem., 1941). lU 'Attah Yodea' Razey 'Olam with a briefversion of '.AJ Het (MI:In 'nt); 'Aval Hatanu; and a special CODfcssion for lhe Ne'ilah prayer Mah Ne 'emar Lefaneikho Yo11hw baMarom (ll11%r.l ::uut• 1•m 11:lltl :11.1) Seder R(lll Sa 'aditJ Ga'on (ed. Davidson, Asaf and Yoel, pp. 259-264). 1" &pecially 'Attah Bahm-tanu (nn111l ölnK), 11eTiuen Lamt (13'1 1M1) aad 'Eloheittu ve 'Eiohei 'Avoteinu MehoJ ('nno U'llllK •i1'1Klll":!'nc ). m See the ttxts of tbc additions to the ADiidab (esp. 'Attah Baharta beYI.uael- :lnK '1JC1111'::1 n11C; veTinen Lamt -1i'llJ'Ill\; 'Eloheinu v.r 'Elohei 'Avotetnu Galleh - ':'1'1Kl 1l':'I"N :!'1lll'~IC; 'Ana 'Elohelnu Ya'alelr veY(l!IO- K'O"' ':'i'li> 11~ ~t:m; 11eHasi'enu-llK'W f.'i'l111'.lnl] n'lom •nuw 'r.I.,J •'1 '?Win{l. The first band of manuscript Leideo did oot wri~ the words in parentheses ( ) but included the words in square brackets [ ]. Tbe second hliDd adapted both to the printed text. Cf. wo the second part of 'Attah Yodea' Razey '0/Qnt in Seder Rav Sa'adla Ga'<m (ed. Davidson, Asafand Yoel, p. 259): 'i1' "'!l:ln1 1l'nlllll ?:177n'1'mmnw u•:J'?K "' 1'l9'1ll nr~. And see the appendix. below. 1 ~ bYonta 87b. "' See Sedu Rav Sa'adia Oo'on (ed. Davidson, Asaf and Yoel, p. 258) aives the followill8 wording: m•'J::~ ~:I ~'lln '1::1 lll!lln MK •'" '?.:1 ..,nD n1PJ1'1'llm a."ll 'l"' :n1• <mlC u•nm11 ;;, 'J11 u') .,lr'll>n!lt l3'i1':1K "' T'l!I.,D 111:1 1:t" •1'1'11 'fllZ) "'nol l'lfl 1zm a?il ill ');, 1"11 .:~'n lJig~D!J ~ '111 u'J "'!I::Jm. For a full translation, see the appeodbc.. Ma'QSelr Merkavah cootains a similar p.-ayer: see below, pp. 137-138. Michael Swartz suggests that "the author adapced a genre of c:onressional prayers recited on Yom Kippur f.or bis purposes." See M. Swanz, Mystlcal Prayer in Ancient Judai:snt. An Analysia of Ma'aseh Merkwoh (Texts aud Silldies iD AIH;ient Judaism 28; T1lbingen, 1992), pp.ll6-118. For the text, see P. Schäfer, M. Scblllter and H.G. von Mutius (eds.), Synopse :~ur Heklralot-Literalllr (Tfibingen, 1981) §548 {Mo'QSCJh Merkavah].

» .",

;m,,,

The Rihlal$ of Yom Kippw

53

Mar Shmuel: MiMa'amaqei Lev (:J.'? 'ii'll»tl!:l) or 'Attah Yotka "Omqo shel Lev (::a'? '?11 '!PZ),Y Y'Tl' illlM) or 'Allah Yodea 'Mo 'amaqei Lev (.::l'?il 'P7J:I17.l rn" i1l1M)200 Levi: UveToratelcha Katuv Lemor (,i'.nt':l ::nn;, 1n,m:n)201 Rabbi Yonathan: Ribbon Ha'Olamim (t'l'b':I~Yi111~)w. Rabbi Yehudab: /(j 'Avonoteinu Rabu miLemanot veHatoteino 'Atsmu

miLesapper (,,071!1 11.l31l1ll'lllttlnl l11lll71:l '::."' u•nm:r •::~)203

Anonymous: 'A.val Halanu (UICDM [Unl11:]"?~)204 Rabbi Hamuuna/Rava: 'Eiohai 'ad shelo Notsarti (,n,!ru ~':1111 1Y "i1'1tti0s 'A.val Hatanu is defined in the Gemara as the minimum to fulfill the obli-

gations.206 • Elohai 'ad shelo Notsarti was also the daily confession of Rava.201 200 For the two last incipits 'A.ttah Yo.cka' Mo'amaqei Let~ and 'A.ttalr Yodea' 'Omqo 3hel L11v attested by ancient witne.sses, see RabbiDovicz, Diqdllqey Soferim, vol. 4, p: 309. Israel Abrahams clai.ms to bave found the lost version ofShmuel's confession in a (lost?) Oenizah fragment reading: 1'l!l'> nn:J ''IS' •1"Jll <JnK m>'):;, •1no1 ~'I 'i'n11J :nt• nnK .;'R)"' 1311',fiKVl :111l' JI! l!llln .11., ;'11!1? R'n (D'lltl:l) 1'1:1Dlii'Zl(l.))l 1'msZIZ! mot (ll''llll) 1l111J UIJWD ["l.inl"111) ll'lr.l 'llKliR \Jnnjl 1l!Uin lJ'In MIC ':I ll'.,l11C::r.J .,, 'TJJ P''JI. 2Q.f The text is given in full: .'ll1lnl Jt1 t?•IIC 'II'IJUV1l'V1.lll' .•tn:> 'l'll 'll,:!llllt'll/1 "7ll '11'111 :Ull ltlll'lll 11.,171 1'l!l.,l.) 1111 ':'!" .,,Z),.,.)l 11111'1::1 IÖ!l ..,:ll 1'l!l~ 'lK ,,;t ,•nn•!)J ,ZilRl '/p "RJ ':liC 1.,10, ,,, '"~' 11? 'r.IK 1"DR"t:l i'l"ll:: •nxanw. :106 bYomt~S1b. · 201 For tbe daily confession, see bßu 17a.

,!ll1

54

Yom Kippur in Early Jewish Thought and Ritual

The great number and variety of confessions indicate on the one band that this part of the service was not fixed until the early Middle Ages. On the other band, the Babylonian Talmud's listing ofthe various confessions reveals an interest in preserving and canonizing prayers. 208 The increased number and length of the confessions in comparison to the Bible indicate a higher Ievel of spiritualization. However, we should not underestimate their outward aspect as a perceptible manifestation ofthe otherwise invisible repentance. When the dearth of outward aspects of the temple ritual came to be acutely feit, the role of confessions may have increased as a suitable SUpplement to the temple rituals. THE READINGS: Sources on the early readings are scarce, and even where we have a source, it does not necessarily mean that the readings prescribed in it were read everywhere- in Palestine as well as in the Babylonian and Mediterranean diasporas. 209 I would expect people in the Second Temple period who pray througb the whole day to start with texts that are highly respected and at the same time easily to band and not having to be composed, such as the biblical descriptions Leviticus 16 and 23:27-32 and Numbers 29:7-11. 210 4QTargu'll of Leviticus, the only Aramaie fragment of the five books of Moses in Qumran, could have served such a liturgical purpose. 211 Reciting the biblical pericopes on Yom Kippur is a reenactment of the high-priestly ritual and · may well have been performed in synagogues even at the time of the temple for people who could not attend

2118 Did the attitude of the communities behind the Palestinian Talmud differ _in this aspect? 209 For Iiterature on the development ofreadings, see E. Fleischer, "Annual and Triennial Reading of the Bible in the Old Synagogue" [in Hebrew with English summary] Tarbiz 61 (1992) 25-43; idem, "lnquiries Conceming the Triennial Reading ofthe Torah in Ancient Eretz-Israel" [in Hebrew] Hebrew Union College Annual61 (1991) 43-61; J. Offer, "The Masoretic Divisions (Sedarim) in the Books of the Prophetsand Hagiographa" [in Hehrew with English summary] Tarbiz 58 (1989) 155-189; A. Shinan, "Sermons, Targwns, and the Reading from Scriptures in the Ancient Synagogue," in: L. Levine (ed.), 11reSynagogue in LateAntiquily (A Cente[IJ]ial Publication ofthe Jewish Theological Seminary of America; Philadelphia, 1987; pp. 97-110). C. Perrot, La LeeIllre de Ia Bible dans Ia Synagogue. Les anciennes lectu.res palestiniennes du Shabbat et des fetes (Publications de l'institut de recherche et d'histoire des textes, section biblique et massoretique, collection massorah Serie I. Etudes Classiques et Textes 1; Hildesheim, 1973), esp. pp. 154-157, 195-199 and 265-270. 210 See also z. Malachi, "The 'Avoda' for Yom Kippur" [in Hebrew], (Ph.D. dissertation, The Hehrew University of Jerusalem, 1974), p. 151. 211 Randy Buth has expressed a similar idea in a paper given at the Second Colloquium on the Rabbinie Background of the New Testament, Jerusalem, July 2002.

The Ritual:r of Yom KippiiF

55

tbe temple service.212 Mishnah Yoma 7:1 places the reading ofthe biblical descriptions from Leviticus 16 and 23:27-32 and Numbers 29:7-11 in the temple ritual, perhaps a projection from a synagogue service. 213 Otber lections were included early without it being possible to point to a specific century. According to the Babylonian Talmud, Leviticus 18 (on incest) is the Torah reading in the Minhah service,214 while Isaiah 57:15ff (probably 57:15-58:14) and Jonah are the Haftarot for Shaharit and Minhah, respectively.m Leviticus 18 may have been read simp1y as a continuation of Leviticus 16.216 Instead of Leviticus 18, Exodus 32:11-14 (Moses interceding on behalf of the people after the incident of the golden calf) and perhaps also Exodus 34: lff (the second giving of the Law) might have been read in some Palestinian communities.217 The contents of Jonah and Isaiah 57:15-58:14 are closely connected to the ritual ofthe peop1e on Yom Kippur. Pseudo-Philo On Jonah can be regarded as the first evidence for the reading of Jonah on Yom Kippur, but its date of origin is uncertain.218 In Palestine, however, Jonah might not have been the Haftarah; some Jews might have preferred to read 1Kings 18:36ff (Elijah and the prophets ofBa'al).219 Baer, "The Service of Saerifice in Second Temple Times," p. I 12. Cf. mMeg 3:7; yMeg 3:7, 74b; only the ineeption is given. While Mishnah Megillah and the Palestinian Talmud mention only Lev 16 as a reading, the absence ofLev 23:2732 and Num 29:7-11 here does not mean that these texts were not part ofthe ritual in the Tannaitic period, given that the Tosefta does include Nwn 29:7-11 among the readings (tMeg 3:7; again, only the inception is given). Cf. also the seetion on tbe historicity of Misbnah Yoma, above, particularly p. 2S-26. 214 bMeg 31a; see Elbogen, Der jiiduche Gotte:rdienst in seiner geschichtlichen Entwickl."ng, p. 167. 21 ' bMeg 3 Ja; see Elbogen, Der jiiduche Gotte:rdienst in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklllng, pp. 182-183. 216 The rabbinie texts indicate only the beginning of tbe reading in Lev 16. In the yearly reading cycle, this section goes as far as Lev 18:30. In tbe Ionger cycles in Palestine, the section roight have been shorter. See Tabory, Jewish Fe:rtivals in the Time ofthe Mishnah and Talm11d. p. 292, on alternative traditional explanations for the choice oftbis reading. 217 Ezra Fleischer, "Piyyut and Prayer in Mahzor Eren Israel," [in Hebrew} Kiryat Sefer 63 (1990) 207-262, here p. 24S. 218 For a discussion of the relation of Pseudo-Philo On Jorrah and Yom Kippur, see below, pp. 57-S9; see also tbe reference to Jonah in De solstitiis et aeq11incx:tiis, discussed below, p. 2S3. 219 Fleischer, "Piyyut and Prayer in Mahzor Eretz Israel,"' P- 246. Jonah is absent from Genizah founds of Qerobot to Yom Kippur. A more frequent connection could be expected between Jonah and Yom Kippur in rabbinie texts if it was a widespread reading on Yom Kippur, as suggested by Ganter Sternherger in a much appreciated e-mail communication observing that the only major discussion of Jonah is Pirqe Rabbi Elierer 10. 212 213

56

Yom Kipp!l,. in ElJ,.Iy J.wilh Thought ~md Ritual

The frequent allusions to Isaiah 58 in Christian texts on Yom Kippur, beginning with Justin Martyr. may also point to an early association in Jewish ritual, but I cannot preclude tbat Christians alluded to this chapter for its contents without knowledge of Jewisb liturgical traditions,l20 I soggest that some synagogues may bave read the passages aJready in Tannaitic times. or even earlie.r even ü they are attested to only in Amoraic traditions. Furthennore. long discussions of Hosea 14 in the Babylonian Talmud and of Psalm 27 in Leviticus Rabbah malc:e it probable that in certain synagogues these texts bad some furaction in thc Yom Kippur service or during the days before, such as Sabbath Shuva. 221 In the Gaonic period in Babyloniao academies~ the first five verses of Genesis were also read during tbe Minhah or Ne'ilah service.222 Seder RDll 'A.mtom. Go'on also mentions Obadiah and Mic:ah 7:18-20 for Minbah.223 Yet I want to stress again that we caonot be sure about the provenance of most of these readiugs. Until the lections were unified, many different orders may have been in use in different places. In addition, Jonah is part of a bomily for Sabbatb Shuva: Pe:Jiqta Rav Kahana 24:11 (ed. Mandelbaum, pp. 361-364) and Mishnah T11 'anit 2:1 c:onaects Jonah to public fasts. 220 Morgenstern even suggests the prophecy preserved in Iu 58 was made on Yom Kippur: I. Morgeostem, "Two Prophecies of the Fourth Century B.C. and the Evolution ofYom Kippur,'" Hebrew Union College Allnual24 (1952-1953) 1-74, here pp. 38-39. On lsa 58 in Ju.stiu Martyr's Yom Kippur passage, see below, pp. 1S6. According to PerTot, La L8f:tu,.e t.k Ia Bibfe. dans Ia Synagope, pp. 195-204, Luke4:18-l9, which oombines Isa 61:1 with lsa 58:6, is based on an old Jewish Iectionary tradirio.n. Pcnut's positioo is accepted by e.g. F. Bovon, Das Ewmgellum nath Lukas. 1. Te.ilb~md. Lkl.l9,j0 (EvMgelisch-X.Ubolischer Kommentar zum Neucn Testament :3: 1; Zllric:h ud Neukircb.en·VIu)'ll, 1989), pp. 211-212. :nt Sabbatb Shuva is the Sabbath between Roih Hashanah alld Yom KippUf. For Hos 14, see bYomDI6a-b; Pesiqta Rav K4hana 24:1-t2.17-19 (ed. Mandelbaum, pp. 347-3:58, 369, 375-78); and the incürcct evidenee M' the early Cbristian lloman lectionaries (.see pp. 317-321). On Ps27 and Yom K.ippur, see Lnitica Rablxzh2l:l {cd. Margulies, pp. 473-474). Naomi Goldstein Coben, ..Earliest Bvidcnu of tbe Haftsrah Cyc:Je for the Sabbaths betwecn the 171h of Tammuz ud Sukkolh in Philo," JOJlrnal of Jewish Shulie.s 48 (1997) 225-249, sees evidenc:e in Philo tbat the traditi011al Haftarot from 17 Tammuz until Sukkot wero faxed already in the first century. m See Elbogen, D11r jiidiache Gone.sdienat ilr &einer- geschichtlichen .Entwicklung, p. 167. l2J for the readings of Obacliah ud Mic:ah in Sedu ~ 'A.mram Ga'on, see ed. Goldschmidt, pp. 166 and 168. For Mic 7:18-20 in Pale$tinian usage, see Fleischer, E,.eu-J&,.ael Praye,. ond Prayer Rihtals os Po,.trayed in the Geniza Docullf~ta, pp. 134135 8.lld 143. Mic: 7:18 is quoted in a Yom Kippur/Sabbath Shuva homily in Pulqta Rav Kahan~:~ 2S:2 (ed. Mandelbaum, p. 381). In Puiqro ~ KahaR~:~ 25, Num. 14:18-20 plays a centrat role, bm this text is never quoted in bYoma.

The Rituoh ofYom Kippur

57

A long sermon On Jonah survived under the auspices of Philo. 224 Originally composed in Greek, it has reached us in an Arrnenian translation. Folker Siegert, who made a detailed investigation of thls setmon., suggests it was written sometime between the second centw:y BCE and the fourth century CB, in a Hellenistic city. He suggests Alexandria225 befure the tbird century CEP6 teaving open othcr options. among them Antioch in the fourth century. While we cannot be surc tbat Jonab was read on Yom Kippur in other communities than the ouc behind Megil/ah 31a,227 some hints in the text make it probable for the community of Pseudo-Philo, too, in wbich case On Jonah is tbe earliest extant Yom K.ippur sermon. The difficulty lies in deciding if this is a depiction of the Yom Kippur ofthat period, of some other fast, or of the fast of Jonah. The description of the Ninevites' fast mentions most of the usual affl.ictions of a public fast like Yom Kippur. but this can be explained as merely the bookish intluence of Jonah, without any connection to Yom Kippur. People repent and pray and abstain :f'rom food, drink, sex and adornment.2211 They walk around in .sackcloth and ashes and sleep on the floor.229 The latter features are not evidence against Yom Kippur despite the fact that they do not match the rabbinie tracts of Yoma, since Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer seems to know of such practices on Yom Kippur. Yet neither do they support an association with YomKippur. I would like to draw attention to two rites tbat match Yom Kippur but no otber public fast. First, the people put oo their festal garments in the fuint hope that the judgment may be delayed,230 and at tbe end of the day they dance. 231 These practices match the descriptions of Chrysostom, Theodoret and Misbnah Ta 'anil 4:8. 232 The mention of festal garments 224 Cf. F. Siegort (transl.), Drei hellenlsti.Jch-jüdtsclre Predigten. Ps.-Philon, 'Ober }IJlla', 'Ober Simson' rmd 'Ober die Gone1bneiclurllng 'wohltlitig wtnehrende:s Ff111er •• Jlol. J: OberseU.llllg aus da A.nnenilchen wnd :tprachliche Ef'/4uterungen. J'ol. 2: KommentQJ' nebst Beobachtwngen liur hellenistischen Yorgeschichte der Bibelhermenel'lik (2 vols; Wia$ensebaftlicbe Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 20, 61.; Ttlbingen,

1980, 1992). ;w Siegen,. Drei hellenlltisch-jildi:sche Predigten, vol. 2, pp. 49-51. 226 Sieg«t, Drei hellenistlsch-jiidische Pnuligten, vol. 2, pp. 40-46. m Jonah ia never- quoted or even allnded to iD Philo: sec Y.·M. Duval, Le Iivre de Jot~a:J dans /o lllteratl.ll'e chrltümne gf'fcque et latine. Sources et influence du CommentaiN! 3flr Jontts de 1olnt Jbome. (2 vols; Paris, 1973). p. 77. m See Pseudo-Philo, Orr .lont~h, (tl'all$1. Siegen I :30, 3~. 37, 48). 229 S~inorum heres slt 179-187. " "'Woe to anyane making his companion drunk, spilling out hil anger! He evm makes him dnmk to Iook at their fcstivals!' {Hab 2:15)- lU interpretation concerns the Wiclced Priest who pursued the Teacher of Righteousness to consume him with the fero. city of bis anger in the place of bis banishment, in fcstival time, during the rest of lhe Day of Atonement. Ho paraded in front of them, to consume them and malte them fall on the day of fastiog, the Sabbath of their rest": lQPesher Habakkuk xi:2-8, transl. ili DSST. 100 4Q 171 ii:9:_11; transl. in DSST.

Jmaginaire.J ofYom Kippur

99

the time of [dis]tress (ll'lltn;z 1!1'1D), when mauy wiU die because of famine and pJap; all wbo did not leave [dlerel w:ith the COtlgRgation ofhis chosen ones. 101

In alllikelihood, the end oftbis period of affliction was viewed as the final victory of the powers of the good Iot against their opponents; some ex· pected that Melchizedek and the Qumranites would fight against their op-

pressors.1P2 The affiictions by the persecutors were probably perceived as a kind of jlagella Dei. 103 Such a perception of the current time as an extended Yom K.ippur is quite similar to that of Hebrews. 104 Joseph Bawngarten has revived Wieder's thesis that the Yom Kippur controversy between the Qumranites and the priests incharge ofthe temple concerned not only the date but also the character of the festival. 1os Accordingly. the Qumranites celebrated Yom Kippur as a day of mourning and aftliction, whi1e the more popul.ar Pbarisaic-rabbinic festival had an ambivalent character, including joy and moral purification. He provides two arguments for this. First. the tenn n•Jlln.i 1lll1J/Dl' (day/time of affiietion) appears only in souroe5 from Qumran. Second. Jubilees with its empbasis on mourning and suffering probably had canonical status in Qwnran. Wbile Baumga.rten's and Wieder's thesis is possible, there remains a methodological crux. The sources for the Jemsalem Yom Kippur at the time oftbe temple are few in number and rather complex. Baumgarten uses PhHo, the Mislmah and the inclusion of Leviticus 18 in the rabbinie readings of Yom Kippur. None of them descrlbes the attitudes of seeond· and first-century BCF. Pharisees. Putting a diaspora source together with posttemple destruction sources for a reconstruction of Yom Kippur in Jerusa\em at the time of the temple against the evidenee from the Qumra.n scrolls ·presupposes Qumran to be distinct from all the rest. Yet some of its scrolls are certainly closer to the Mishnah than is Philo. Furthennore) some Qumtexts seem to contradict Baumgarten's sharp distinetion. As Baumgarten hirnself remarks, 11QMelchizedek adds the ex:pectation of escbatological bliss and Iiberation of the Jubilee year to the demonie struggle on Yom Kippur. The inclusion of mouming in some piyyutim also contradicts such a sharp distinction into joyful, Pbarisaic, mainstream Yom KippLU aru:l sad, Qumranic~ sectarian Yom K.ippur.1osa

ran

101

4Ql7! üi:2-S; tnmsl. in DSST.

See pp. 41 and 90-92, above . See Baumgarten, "YoUI Kippur in the Qumrao Scrolts a.nd Second Temple · Sources," p. 188. · d01 Se~:p. 181, below. )05 Baumgarten, "Yom Kippur in the Qumran Scrolls a.nd Second Temple Source$,.. Jo:z .: 103

p.l91. 105•

See above, p. 34, note 98.

100

Yom Kippur in Early Jewish Tlwught and Ritual

Fast and prayer determine the Yom Kippur worship of Qwnran, as iu Philo's diaspora and the land of Israel. For example, 1QPesher Habaklcuk describes Yom Kippur primarily as a day of fasting and abstention from work (xi:6-8). The place of fasting is underscored in llQTemple Scroll, which places Leviticus 23:27-32 before Leviticus 16 in its Yom Kippur rulings and therefore starts and ends with the precept of fasting. 106 Some of the motifs mentioned in the Festival Prayers on Yom K.ippur appear also in other texts fo!llld in Qumran that are connected to Yom Kippur: repen.. tance (Jubilees 5:17-18); sorrow and weeping causing divine mercy (Ju. bilees 34); the man.na (I QWords of Moses); punishment of the wicked (llQMelchizedek); and humankind divided into two lots (llQMelchizedek).

There is no explicit connection between the temple cult and Qumran's Yom K.ippur prayers. Hli The extant fragments do not mention priestly or hlgh-priestly sacrifices, incense, blood, animals or the temple. Yet thls does not mean that the Yom Kippu.r prayer service did not include texts with such practices or objects. An argumentum e silentio is weak: for Qumran and its fragmented library. Furthermore, we should not exclude the possibility of a solemn litllfgi.cal recital of Leviticus or of other texts connected to Yom Kippu.r in the temple, especially 4QTargum of Leviticus or llQTemple Scroll.

Conclusion Some apocalyptic sou.rces depict the vision of God as an ascent of the visionary to the heavenly holy of holie.s., using allusions to the entrance of the high priest on Yom Kippur (lEnoch 14, Testament of Levi). These visions may have been partially ritualized, as the Songs of the Sabbath Sacriflce suggest. We shall see below that Valentinian theologians and subsequently Clement of Alexandria adopted this imaginaire, reinforcing the Yom Kippur elements and, in the case of Valentinian Christianity, developing a ritual, too. Some apocalyptic sou.rces depict the demonie learler of the fallen an~ gels, the evil forces, in terms of tbe scapegoat. These evil forces are to be conquered by the Ieader of the good forces (I Enoch), who can be described

lO& ln his commentary, Milgrom has integrated explanatio!l.'l of the smaller digressions of IIQTem.ple Scroll from Leviticus. 107 The most important inform.ation about the Yom Kippur ritual in Qumran comes !Tom the Festival Prayers discussed above. Some ofthe concepts mentioned in the Yoot Kippur prayers are not found in connection with Y om Kippur in the Yom Kippur passages of the othet scrolla: God'!i omniscience, Yom Kippur as a special seasoo for God's mercy and indwelling, and the brokenness of human existence.

lmagilloiru of Yom Kippw

101

:With bigh-priestly imagery (11 QMelchizetkk). Expectations of such an eschatological, redeeming bigh priest, who conquers evil and liberates its prisoners, becom.es one of the messianic conceptions of Second Temple Judaism. Below, I analyze traces of this conception in Hebrews. I also argue that the association of the vision in Zechariah 3 with the imaginaire of y om Kippur bad a decisive influence on the early high-priest ChristoJogy before Hebrews. Many etiologjes in addition to these apocalyptic myths were corutected to Yom Kippur. Jubilees explains the fast as pu.nishment for the sins ofthe forefalhcrs entailing an obligation to cry and moum. Jtlbilees is also the first witness for the association of repentance with Yom Kippur, evidence fot a certain individualization of -the cult. Qumran probably connected the demonological mythology to a perception ofthe current time as Yom IGppur. and the aftlictions by the persecutors as suffering to achieve atonement. The creation of rationales for a ritual could take pl.ace independently of participation in the actual ritual, as is demonstrated by 11QMelchizetkk, 4Q180 and 4Ql81. wbich were written by Qumranites who most probably did not take part in the temple ritual, or by the Apocalypse ofAbraham, at which time the temple no Ionger existed. This does not mean that the apocalyptic Yom Kippur mythology implies the temple ritual was void in the eyes of its writers. On the contrary, existing ritual was given a deeper ·cosmological and eschatological meaning (IEnoch), the two main theo· logical intere.sts of apocalypticism.

2. Yom Kippurin the Greek Diaspora This section investigates Yom Kippur in tbe Septuagint, in Philo and in 4Macc.abees. These three Greek diaspora texts come from periods as different as the tbird century BCE, the fust century CE and tbe second to fourth centwies CE. The decision to group together texts that emerged over such wide a time span as 400 to 600 years was made mainly for pragmatic reasons. First, I did not want to fragment too severely the section on the imaginaire.s. Second, the three texts present three different attitudes to Yom Kippur in the Greek Mediterranean diaspora and therefore reflect the pluralism of diaspora Judaism., often seen in too monolithic: a perspective. The Septuagint translates Leviticus in a way that makes Jewish ritual understandable to pagans and Jews living in a pagan environment, without spiritualizing or allegorizing and, surprisingly, without taking into consideration the way Yom Kippur was celebrated in the diaspora. In this, tbe Septuagint differs from the Targumim. About 250 to 300 years later, Philo eompletely spiritualizes the temple ritual. Yom. K.ippur becomes the ..open

102

Yom Kippur in Early Jewish Thought and Riillal

day" presenting the true Iifestyle of the wise man, who Jives evexy day as if it were Yom Kippur. Philo does not reject the temple ritual, but in his descriptions of the liturgy he focuses on the diaspora ritual of afflictions and prayers. 4Maccabees was written at a time when the temple no longer functioned and uses the temple ritual to explain the idea of vicarious atonement by martyrs. 2.1 The Septuaginl: Conservatism and Enculturation The earliest diaspora interpretation of Yom Kippur is the translation of Leviticus from the tbird century BCE. By comparing its vocabulary to the non-Jewish context and to the Masoretic Text we can learn much about the translators' ideology. Did they want to preserve the "uniqueness" or "distinctiveness" of Jewish religion by choosing distinct terminologies for Jewish and non-Jewish religions as e.g. Ji11:J and "lt.l1!1 in the Targumim? In her dissertation about the cultic vocabulary of the Septuagint, Su2.anne Daniel came to the opposite conclusion...Les traducteurs alexandrins, on le voit, n'eprouvent aucune difficulte a puiser largement dans le vocabulaire des Parens pour rendre les notions propres a Ia religion juive." 108 According to Daniel, most Septuagint neologisms can be explai.ned by means other than iso1ationism. In the following section I will briefly discuss the translations of 7nm7, 1!l:l and n11!J:J, three words central to the ritual of Yom Kippur, which were not included in Daniel's study. 109 '" S. Daniel, Recherehes :S'Ilr le vocabrdalre du culte dam lo Septanie (Etudes et wm· mentaires 61; Paris, 1966), p. 36S. 109 The thinkiug ofthe tnmslators is apparent also in the following instante$, whith, of eOUfSe, is far from being a eomplete Iist: a) Difficult words: •nll in Lev J6:2l a.s an attribute oftbe man leading away tho scapegoat is translated as itoip.oc; (ready, prepared), just a.s in the Targumim and in rabbinie sources. ':11n f1K '111: is translated as l!i.c; yqv iilla:1ov, i.e. "to an impassable I un· trodden land" (Lev 16:22). In Lev 16:31 the translator simply transcribed 11n:lV1 mw as ~1:o crolijloi-reilv, adding the trmslatlon ciwm~:\usto; (rest, repose}. b) Small glosses: At, in the Targumim and iD the opinion of Rabbi Aqiw_ the approacb of 1he sons of Aaron is specified a& arising from evil intern with "alien fire" (Lev 16:1; cf. Lev 10}. Tbe same adaption oec;urs in the Pesbitta to this verse. DJ. Lane, The Pe:Jhitta of Lwiticus (Monogmphs of the Peshitta Institute Leiden 6; Leiden, 1994 ), p. 115, Rfers to Num 3:4. The SeptuagiDt also specifies that the higb priest washes bis whole body (Lev 16:4). c) SJigbt changes: The gannent of the high priest is sanctified {frrwoJlhoo;) rather than sacred (iy1ocj (Lev 16:4). The Septuagint uavaryingly chooses O'IJ\IO.~ for the three different Hebrew terms for the collective (Lev 16:5.17.33). The traDslation O"tqco~~:l probably reflects a factitive vcx:alization of1Z>ll' (Lev 16:10). In Lev 16:15 the tnmslators limit the amount of blood used by writing d;ro to1l itu.n usually implies the metaphysical rdease of sins. 11 s In Leviticus 16:10, G.epiru.n signifies the physical release of the goat. Paul Harte and Didier Pralon have suggested that the gloss in Leviticus 16:10 - citftoe• a.mov (Eit; tftv ipfJJ.lov) ~ m.ay have been added to prepare the reader for CicpS.lD fo.r expressing sending. whereas in all other instances Paul employs

Commentory on PQJI/'s Letur to the Churchu in Golotia (Hermeneia; Philadelphia, 1979}, p. ISl, suggests an intermediate solu1io11: "Most likely, the Statement is based upon apre-Pauline intcrpn:tation of Jesus' deaih as a self-sacrifice aDd atonement (see also Gall :4; 2:20) .... Jesus death interpreled by means of the Jewish concept of tbe

meritorious death of tbe righteous and its atoning benefits." m Among the more recent connnentaries, I cheeked J.L. Martyn, Galatiam. A New Tram/ation with Jntroducrion a11d Commentary (AIIc:hor Bible 33A; New York., 1997); J.D.O. Dunn, The Epist/e to the Galatians (Biack's New Testament Commentary Peabody [Mass.), 1993); R.N. Longenecker. Oalatians {Word Bibikai Commentary 41; Dallas [Tex.], 1990). Only R. Y.K. Fung. Tht. Epistle to the Ga/atian.t {The New Intematioaal Com.mentary on lhe New Testament; G.nmd 1\apids [Mich.], 1988), refers to Schwanzio a note, witho1.1t Mtber discussion. Also McLean, The Cwsed Christ, does not refet to Schwanz. though he would have supported bis thesis. Tbe only S)'Dlpathetic referl!llcc I found was R.G. Hamerton.-Kelly, "Saered. Violence and the Curse of the Law (GalaliaDS 3.13). The Oeatb of Christ as a Sacrifidal Traversy," New Testament Stud;es 36 (1990) 93-118, bere pp. 114-115. 134 Themarlcally and stylistically 3:13-14 is cannected to 4:4-S: Jesus buys the Jews free; tbe verb ~ayopcll;l'il appears only bete in Paul; the Sl!lltenc:c has a parallel stfucture (double iY~t). SM Schwartz, ''Two Pauline Allusions to the Redemptive Mec:hanism ofthe Crucifixion''; and e.g. Dunn, The Epliltle Ia the OalatiaM, p. 216. 1" The NRSV tnmslaces vi.Oc; as child and the plural as children.

175

Yom Kippur lmagery in the Early Christion lmaginaire

1tliJ.L'lC(I)I36 or a1tOOtSU(I). 137 Schwartz suggests that Paul is alluding to the Septuagint, where AJ;u:rwcnsA>.a:~ appears frequently. althongb only twice in a siDlilar context to Galatians 4 (the sending ofX redeems Y): Leviticus 14 (the sending of the bird in the purification of the leper) and Leviticus 16 (tbe sending of the scapegoat), two rituals that are intimately connected. 'fhis context may have triggered Paul's choice of Ell&i.l:ov~ Jtai 'CE1.Elo-rlip~t and 6uijk)lo.;; and one could add 4inuJ.lo.oioow, iovl.&ia aad lqllito.;;. But of course this is not a certain indication, since Hebrews eould be usillg a special voc:abulary to express a spedal idea.) 119

.190

Heb2:14-15;NRSV •

Lohse, Märtyrer und Gottesknecht, pp. l63-167; Loader. Sohn und Hoherpriester,

pp. 112-llS, espccially p. 113; and Attridge, '111e Episrle to the .Hebrews, p. 92. Test(llllllnl ofSirrton 6:6; Tatament of Levil I; Testament ofDan S: l D-11; Turament fJ/ 2ebulon 9:8; lEnoclr 10:13; llQMelchizedek; Will' Scroll i:ll-17. I do not see any reason to suppose a Gnostic background for these verses, as has been suggosled by E. Kase-

marm, Dfl!l 'IWJndemde GottesvolA;. Eine Unters11chtmg Zlllfl Hebräerbrief (Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten uud Neuen Testaments 5S; GöUingcn, 3 1959). pp. 99-100, and as Erich Grässer has reeently stressed Mew: see E. Grässer, An die Hrrbrifer. Yol. I; Hebr J-6 (Evangeliach-Kat.bolischer Komm.eatal 17/1; NeukircbenVIuyn and ZGrich, 1990). Any proximity to Gnostic text.s rather points to the Jewisb. apocalyptic backgroUDd, whicb inßuem:ed Hebrews as weil as Gnosticism.

186 The /1t1pact ufYon~ Kipp11r on Chri4tianity ilf the First and &cond Cenhtries where in tbe New Testament. 191 The closest parallels to Hebrews, however, which talk of destruction of the dark forces and liberation of their prisoners, ale 1Enoch 10 and 11 QMelchizedek. In Hebrews as weil as in the latter two texts the redeemer is a high priest and the act of redemption is connected to an eschatological Yom Kippur .192 The central difference between 1Enoch 10 and 11 QMelchizedek on the one band md Hebrews on the other is that in the former two it is not the death of the redeemer .figure that destroys the Iord of evil and liberates his prisoners, but bis military power. The idea of the high priest sacrificing bimself is a development of Hebrews, which clothed the traditional imagery of an eschatological Yom K.ippur in the Christianproprium of a messia.nic self-sacrifice. The situation of the addressees of Hebrews makes it clear that the battle has onJy just begun and victory over the forces of evil is not yet complete. 193 The community faces the danger of apostates, who have no opportunity for a second repentance, have lost my chance of salvation. and are counted among the adversaries (oi i>JtEvav'tio\) of Christ. 194 T:be heav" enly Christ is still awaiting the time in which "bis enemies" (o\ EX,9poi amoü) wilJ be made a footstool for his feet. 19s This ambivalent already-be" gun-but-not-yet-resumed redemption resembles tbe eschaton in the past of JEnach 10. 2. Some exegetes see in Hebrews 5:7, where Christ implores God to save him from death, a reference to the high priest's confession of his own sins on Yom Kippur. 196 Jn the days of bis ßesh, Jesus oft'ered up ( xpoatvtr~~:o.~;) prayers and supplications 'fE mi lKE111Pin~, w.ith loud cries and tears, to the one who was able to save him from death, aud he was heard because of bis revereot submission. 197 (8Et'!t~~:lc;

191 The destruction of sin without Iiberation appears with quite similar wording (a combination of ICU1"CIJI'I'ia~ and ecal'li~CH;) in ·acor 15:26 and 2Tim I: 10. ," Hebrews' verses would align even better witb Yom Kippur if t'he destructi011 of evil included the destruction of sin as for example in JEnoch 10:1~16. Some exegetes see "death" io Heb 2:14-15 as a kind ofPa.uline metaphorforsin. Attridge, TheEpütls ro the Ht.brews, pp. 92-93, tums against this reading. Hebrews connccts lhe destruction of sin to his self-saerifice, as he st.ates later: "B ut as it is, he ·~ appeared onc.c for all at the end ofthe agc to put away (e~ ii.eit'lalv) sin by the sacrific:e ofhintseU" (9:26b). 1" Michel, Der Briefon die Hebrtier, pp. 226-227. 194 Heb 10:27; cf.lsa 26:11 LXX. 1" Heb 10:13; er. Ps 11 0: 1. Paul, too, uses Ps 110:1 to describe the eschatological victory (lCor 15:25); for him bowcver, the battle is yct to begin. 196 See the Iist of scholars in Attridge, The Epi$tle to the Hebrew&, p. 149, note lS2. and add Grasser, An die Hebräer, vol. l, p. 298. • 97 Heb S:7, NRSV.

Yom Kippvr Imagery in the Eariy Chrislian lmaginaire

187

According to this view, Christ actually performed a hlgh-priestly action on eartb before hls crucifixion. This inter:pretation is explicitly denied in Hebrews 8:4a, which states: ''Now if he were on earth, he would not be a priest at all.,. Nevertheless, the high-priestly figure wen matches the context ofHebrews 4:15-5:10, wh.ere the author juxtaposes the Levitical high priest with Cluist. We should not measure the consistency ofthe Epistle to the Hebrews by the standards of a systematic theologian. The verb 7tpootjt€poo, which often appears in a cultic context, invites a cultic inter~ pretation. By depicting Christ as sinless, Hebrews amplifies the polemical overtones in the juxtaposition of Christ with Aaron. 19~ The imagery of the high-priestly action may hover in the background, yet Jesus (before bis death) was most probably not conceived a high priest.

3 and 4. Christ's blood sacrifice (re)inaugurates the sanctuary and purifies and atones tbc believers. However, purification and atonemcnt seem to be "only" the means for achieving the •'real" plll])ose, entry into the holy of hoHes. The special blood rite in the holy ofholies, central to Second Temple Judaism. has been completely transformed and con:flated with other rites involving the sprinkling of blood. Christ's high-priestly, purifying self-sacrifice is merely preparation for the opening of the previously concealed entrance to God's presence in the real holy of hoHes. 199 This will purify the believers, enabling them to follow their rcpooro~-toliPtov appears 21 times in the Torah, five tilnes in Ezekiel 43, once in Amos, six times in Philo, once in 4Maccabees, twice in Symmachus. once in Josephus and once in the Testament of Solomon. In Jewish-Cbristian Iiterature (which I included under Jewish literature), it appears twice, onee in Hebrews and once in Romans. All 21 instances in the Torah are translations of kappQret:of these, seven appear in Leviticus 16; and all six instances in Philo plus the one in the Testament ofSolomon and the one in the Epistle to the Hebrews clearly :refer to the lwppQret, totaling 29.270 In three further instances l.J.aa"ti]pwv refers most probably to the kapporet: In two of them, Symmachus translates n19.:n ("you will make watertight") not as a verb but as a noun in appositjon to "the ark of Noab," and therefore makes Noab's ark into a kapporet (Genesis 6:15.16). Amos 9:1 translates 11n!l;) with l).aott)ptov, referring to some place in the temple. 8oth authors probably read (or wanted to read) rm!l::l or n1!>;) in their Vorlage. 211 The instances in Jewish texts where ii..aG'ttlJnov clearly does not refer to lrappQret are few; altogether seven times in tbe works of three authors: 216 See the Iist of exegetes in Moo, The Epittle to the RomQns, p. 232, notes 66 and 67. '" For the reterem;es,see ~ The Epistle to the Romrzns,. p. 234. 267 The most recent and most melic:ulous analy:si:s of all occurrences o( \1acst'I1P10v was undertakeu by Wolfgang Kraw;: Der Tod Jesv als Heiligtumnveihe, pp. 21-32; now also Bailey, ..1esus as the Mercy Seat" (non vidz). Eartier i.nve.sligatlons were undertakeo by many scholars, wbo are discussed in his book. u. Oio ChrysostomWl, 01atione& 11:121; Aelius Herodianus, De prosodia catholica (ed. Len~. vot. .3:1, p. 365); inscriptio.ns ofCos 81 and 347 (ed. Paton/Hicks}; papyru.i Fayum 337 (ed. Grenfell/Huat, p. 313). 2H See Kraus, Dei' Tod Juu als Heillgtumsweih«, pp. 27-28. 270 Pbilo, De cherubim 25; De vita Moais 2:95.97; D~fogo et i11Ventione 100.101; Quis rerum divinarum heres sit 166; Testament ofSolomon 21:2. Cf. Kraus, Der Tod Jesu als He.illgtumsweihe, pp. 26-27. 271 See tbe various comm.entators mentioned in Krau.s, Der Tod Jel'll. als Heiligtums-

weihe, p. 24. note 14.

200

The lmpur:r of Yom Kippu,. on Clvistionity in the Fif'st and Second Centuriu

Ezelciel43 uses i).aat~ptov five times to translate i1"'1TY. The Greek reader of Ezekiel understood thls as some place in the sanctuary connected to atonement, most probably the b8$e of the altar upon which the blood was applied. 272 Josephus reports the erection by Herod of an «atoning memorial" to placate the wrath of Ood. 273 This pagan use most probably rests on the fact that losephus' addressees are mainly pagan. 4Maccabees 17:22 in its present fomt uses i).aatiunov in a general sense, i.e. "tbeir propitiatory death" or "the propitiation of tbeir death" (even if originally Yom Kippur migbt be envisaged as background). I find it hard to imagine that Greek~speakin,g Christian Jews, who were supposedly familiar with the Septuagint, did not immediately make an association \\Colossiensl.IS-20, p. 91. ·' ~·,~• Schweizer, Der BriefIJ1I dte J(olosser, p. SS. Jl~ See Stettler, Der Kolonerhyrnmu, pp. 6-10 on Lohmeyer, pp. 266-299 on : '\V!Iß!lbnung und Frilden," and pp. 32G-323 on Rosb Huhauah and Yom Kippar as : _blckground. He concludes: "Die Textbasis ist ••• zu .schmal, so dass wir kaum davon ::, liuJgehea ktlnnen, dass der Schöpfer des HymDUS besagten Festzyklus (from Rosh :\Hash1lllah to Yom Kippur] beWilSSt im Auge gehabt hätte, oder auch nur, dass die in ~'imserem Christuspsalm verarbeiteten Tn~ditionen voo Schöpfung, Stlbne und Nelir;$cböptimg schon. in jenem jüdischen Festzyklus in einem inneren Zusammenbang ~: ~standen bitten." (pp. 322-323). ~;?14 Stettler, Der Ko/QiserhymmiS, refers to Sir 50:22 as the only text Unlc.ing Yom ?/.otv) of sins in 1:14 and "reconcile,. (logizations of Vom Kippur in Hebrews and in Romans 3:25 are Ullde:rstood to entail the abolishment of Yom Kippur- the great high priest -Jesus bad already completed tbis task. Second, the New Testament does not describe any individual or group observing Yom K.ippur.

6.1 The Observance of Yom Kippur by First-Century Christians :Let os start with the second argument. I want to emphasize that all the data about fue ''what" and the "how., of worsbip in earliest Christianity are essentially circumstantial and relatively scant. To claim from an argumentum e silentio, therefore, that a certain festival was no longer obsen'ed is a weak argument. Pentecost, for example, seems to have played a prominent role in Jaying the foundation of the Churcb, yet the evidence for actual celebration of this festival in the first and second centuries is very scant. ll9 How then can we be sure that one or more of tbe communities represeoted by the New Testament writings or some second-century Jewish Cbristian communities did not observe the central Jewish feasts and fasts? It is true that neither Jesus nor bis disclples are ever described as observing Yom Kippur; but neither are they depicted as transgressing its commandments. Statements in the Gospels about fasting refer to weekly fasts and to the ascetic Iifestyle of overachievers like lohn the Baptist. Regarding the temple cult we can infer from the so-called "cleansing" of $e temple tbat Jesus seems to have regarded the temple primarily as a place of prayer. But passageil such as Matthew 5:24 provide evidence that fourteenth of Nisan, but they may also have celebrated the resurrection at Easter. They may or may not have observed the Jewish Feaat of Wecks instead of, or in addition to, Pentecost. lt i& uncertain whether they observed New Year~ Doy, the Day qfAJooement, fl1rd the Feast ofTabernaclu withpopular Judaism in thefall" (p. 297; empblsis added). Unfurtunatcly, even the laudable Theologische Realenzykloplldle, which for tße most part hQ excel!ent entries on topies related to Judaism will not have aseparate entry on Vom Kippur when it is publisbed. JD M. Hengel, "Der Jude Paulas und sein Volk. Zu einem neoen Acta-Kommentar" Th11ologische R11nd&chcru 66 {2001) 338-368, here p. 358, rcferring to Luke 22:19-20 and Acts 8;32-33 and 20:28, discussing whether Luke assigns an atoning function to the doath of lcsus. Rengel also rcfers to a habilitation of U. Mittmann-R.ichert (2002) {noo vidi). · -~ G. Rouwhorst, "The Origins and Evolution of Eady Christian Pentecost," Studia J!atri.dica 3S (2001) 309-322.

214 Tht I111poct ofYom Kippw' on Chri:ftianity in the First aml Second Celtluries Jesus regarded also the purification and sin offerings in the temple as part of his conception of Judaism. In the introduction, I mentioned antbropological arguments that turn upside down the common presumption that Christians immediately ceased observing Jewish festivals: the conservatism of ritual in general and of collective ritual in particular.330 Without evidence to the contrary, the working assumption sb.ould be that most Christian Jews, after hearing about Jesus, continued to observe the same fcstivals 8S they bad done beforc. Philo and Josephus boa.st that many Godfearers observed Yom K.ippur. 331 Accordingly, there is no reason to assume that either Jesus or his immediate followers did not observe the abstentions of Yom Kippur orthat they disregarded the temple ritual. Unambiguous support for the thesis that at least one Christian community, that of Luk:e-Acts, observed Yom Kippur's fast, can be deduced ftom tbe only New Testament passage explieitly mentioning Yom Kippur. Aets 27:9: 332 Sec above, pp. 6-7. Philo, De vila .Mosts 2:20-23; Josophus, Contra Apicmem 2;282. A f.unous Amorak Pale.stiDian legend about Ant.oninus ifnplies that many God-fearers wore inferior shoes (mn!l ?:Vlll) on Yom Kippur: see yMeg 3:2, 14a;ySanh 10:8, 29e. 332 Some c:onuu.entators have noted that Luke uses the Jewish calendar, albeit without drawing conclusions regarding the observanee of Yom Kippur by Luke and bis addressees: see 1.A. Fitzmyer, The Acls of the Apastles. A New Translation wlth lntTodvctlon and Commentary (Anchor Bib1e Commentary 31A; New Yorlc, 1998), p. 715; B. Witherington. The Act.s of the Apostles. A. Socio-Rhethorical Commentary (Grmd Rapids (Mic:h.), 1998), p. 762. See also DJ. Williams,Acu (A Good News Commentaty; San Pnncisco, 1985), p. 432; W. Schmithals, Die Apostelgeschichte des Lvkas (Zillcher Bibelkommentare, Neues Testament 3,2; Zürich, 1982), p. 236; K. Lake and lU. CadbUl)', The Begirrnings ofChristianity Plll'tl. The:Acts oftlre Aposrlu. Yol. JY &glüh Translation and Commetttary (Grmd Rapids (Mich.], 196.5- repr. 1932), p. 328; and,. way back, H.B. Haclc::ett, A Commentary on lhe Original Tut ofthe Acts ofthe Apoat/e$ (Bosm11, 1367), p. 418. . However, somc oommentators queslion here whether Paul observed Yom Kippur: see R.P.C. Haoson, The Acts in the Revised StQttdard Yeriion. With lntrocluction and Com~ me111ary (The New Clarendon Bible; Oxford, 1967), p. 24.5; J.D.G. Dunn, The Acts ofthe Apo:~tlu (NiUTI.tive Commentaries; Valley Forge [Penn.), 1996), p. 333; H. Conzelmann, Acts ofihe A.postles (Henneneia; Pblladelpnia, 1987), p. 216; and, much earli.er, E. Jacquier, Le.' Actelf des A.potl"es (Etudes bibliques lll; Paris, 1926), p. 726. lbis possibility that Paul observed Yom Kippw: il; categorically denied by C.K. Barrett, A CriticnlrOVCI."$iaJ .. ; Barthand Blanke, Colos&ians (pp. 37&-387) assUI)le that the opponents consider them,. S selves to be Christians and have a strong affinity to the Old Testautent but are outside lhe :) Colossian community. Stettler, Der Koloaserhymn11s, pp. 58-74, sees Jewish mystics and") Torab·faithful Jews outside the community as opponents ofthe Epistle. ·· l$9 Col2:16-20, my translation based on the NRSV. On this passage, see O'BrieD,.. ·: ColossiaM, Phtlemon, pp. 135-1!16; SchweiZer, Der Briefan die Kolosser, pp. 118-130(~ Barthand BlaDke, Colossia118, pp. 336-355. ·:1

Yom KippJJI'lmagery I• the Eorl, Chriatian ImagiMire

217

;~ days or seasons ~ such; it is ~e wrong moti~~ involved when the [bbsen'ance of the days 1s bound up wtth the recogrut1on of the eiemental ? . 'irits."340

~-Neville

Tidwell suggests that Didache 14:1 attests to an observance of ~(;~ IGppur by this community. 341

f·'

1.t 1 On tbe Lord's Day of the LORD (~~:crcli JNPI«Ja\v öi JeqJiov) gather togethcr and break bread and give tbanks, having fust confes.sed your sins so lbat your sacrifice -,.__ -- tll8Y be pUR. 1 But let no one who hu a quam:l with a companion join you uotil •- · lhey bave been rcconciled, solbat your saerifice may not be detiled. l Fortbis is the sacrifice conceming which has beeil said by the LOlD (\lrlö lC'UPiov). "In every ::r; ·• place and time offer UJ.e a pure sac:rifice, for I am a great king, says the LoRD ~.' · (Ml'o. ~ and my name is JDan'elous (8o.up.oiROv) among the oations" ~tr (Maladli I : 11.14).342

i.\' _

:f .

:~rding to

Tidwell, the hapaxlegomenon md lectio difficilior m-ui lCU::~~v &t JCUPiou in the Hierosolymitanus of Didache 14:1 is a pleonastic :~tism imitating 11n:1111 n::1111, one ofthe names ofYom Kippur.343 The use ~fli:UPiov without t.he article corresponds to the Septuagint's translati0118 of ~:.~Pecial superlative found in the Hebrew Bible using the Tetragrammaton: i-~ÖA the Lord's Day of the LoRD," meaning "the most solem.n day of the iUnd's days." The Syrian ChristiBn term Kt!pto:dj distinguishes the l!bristian holiday from the Jewish Sabbath.344 Didache 14:1 is therefore ;~:St ~derstood as equivalent to "Sabbath of Sabbatbs," i.e. Yom Kippur. the major topic of Didache 14. confession and reconciliation, matches the :~ement in Mishnah Yoma 8:9 tbat "Yom Kippur atones for transgres" :$iQns between a man and bis fellow man only after Ire has placated the fel_:iöw Jl}811." Furthennore, the marvelous name of the LORD plays an impor" -~t rote in Didache 14 as weil as during t.he Yom Kippur temple ritual. /fhe ritual meal alluded to would bave taken place on the eve of Yom

::tGppur. ~~: Tidwall's SUggestion does not convince me. While the confession, the .feconciliation and the significance assigned to God' s name evoke the as-

j~ciation of Yom Kippur, the sacrificial common meal seems to take place ~~fi~:''tbe Lord's Day of the LoRD" ifjjelf and therefore comes closer to an ~~: .. :.-·.

;~~-

O'Brien, Colotsiant, Philemon, p. 139. N. Tidwell., "Didache XIV:l (KATA KYPIAKHN &E KYPIOY) revisited," Jligiliae ~fhi'i$tianal1 53 (1999} 197--207. *;~,. Didache 14:1-3, 1ransl. Holmes adapted to Tidwell's article. ;~\~ Seubove, pp. 16-17. ~~~ · This tenll appears also in cf. Rev 1:10; Ignatius. To th11 Magnuia/'18 9:1; Gospel of ~P~kr 9:35; 12:50; Aposto/ic CoMtitution& 7:30:1- for tbe text and a French translatfon (,~ee M:. Metzger, Les Constitutions apostoliquu (3 :vols; SC 320, 329, 336; Paris 1985. ~!J&6, 1987), here SC 336, pp. 60-61.

:(}'1 .

218

Th~ Impact

o/YDM Kippur on Christionity in the First ond Second Centvries

anti-ritual against Yom K.ippur similar to the pork barbeque that some

secular Jews hold on the Day of Atonement in our times.145 Furthermore, though ''the Lord's Day of the LoRD" could be a pun on 11n:n11 n::1t11, the sentence does not give any date. lt could a.s weil be Easter. If we under-

stand Jeatci 1Cllpta10\v oo K\ll)tOU in a pleonastic sense, as do the majority of commentators. the meal takes place on a Sunday.346 Moreover, the addition to the quotation of Malachi "in every place and time••341 supports such an interpretation much better than does an understandlog of the day as being Yom Kippu.r. Therefore, if there is any connection to Yom K.ippur in Didache 14, it seems to me more likely tbat it presents Sunday a.s a substitut.ion for Yom Kippur-an interpretation that matches other Halakhot in the Didache on fasting and the Sabbath as distinguishing the community from (other) Jews.141 If Luke's community, parts of the Roman community and the opponents of Colossians observed Yom Kippur,349 what about the various Jewish Christian groups of the second and subsequent centuries? Even here, we are entirely dependent on hypotheses, since the sources are not explicit about any festival observed by Jewish Christians. Jam.es, tbe brother of Jesus, one of the leaders of the Aramaic-speaking Christian Jewish community in Jerusalem until bis lyncbing in 62 ca, is closely assooiated with the temple. As will become clear below, Hegesippus' depiction of James a.s a permanently interceding high priest in tbe holy of holies might be understood as polemicizing against the Jewish Cbristian observation of the fast of Yom K.ippur as a single day of intercession.350 It appears that some Jewish Christians stiU observed the Day of Atonement while others, even some ciose to Jewish Christianity, considered the day obsolete for Cbristians.

Was the confession public as portrayed in Didache 4:14'2 See, e.g. K. Nieckrwinuner, Di~ Didoche (Kommentar zu den Apostolischen Vätern 1; Göltingen, 1993), pp. 234-240,esp. p. 23S; W. RordorfandA. Tuilier,Ladoctrine des do11Z1 apdtru (Didacltl). l11troduction, Texte, Traduction, Notu, Appendice lll Inda (SC 248; Paris, 1978), p. 6~. ,., See R.P. Gordon, "Targumic Parallels lo Acts XIII18 and Didaehe XIV 3,.. Novum Teslamentum 16 (1974) 285-289, here p. 287 referring to Targum Jonathan Mall:ll. ""' The Dtdache q11otes onlyMall:ll and 1:14, omitting 1:12-13, v~es that are often used in anti-Jewish polemic:s: see Niederwimmer, Die Didach~, p. 240. However, verses 12 and 13 would not mateh the pr-esent Eucharistie context. 349 Unfornmatt.>ly, it remains unclear to wbich "appointed times and hours" (q,~u; ~~:alp(li; ~~:ai mpa~) lClement 40:1·-S is referring. ar which the Cbri.stian offerings are to bc performed. 3 ~ See below, pp. 246-2.50. 34!1 3~

Yom Kippur Imagery in the Eorly Christian lmaginflirt

219

6.2 The Abolition of Yom Kippur by First- and Second-Century ChristiariS At some point after Jesus' death, in different communities at different times, some followers of Jesus ceased to obscrve Yom Kipp ur. Again. our data are circumstantial and consist mainly of explicit polemies against Yom Kippur. Herewe have to distinguish, however, between the negative attitudes toward the Y om Kippur temple ritual and attitudes toward the ritual of the people. Disregarding the temple ritual does not mean neglecting the popular abstentions such as the fast. In other words. even if a tex:t considers Christ's death as abolishing or replacing the temple ritual, this says nothing about the attitude of its author and its readers toward the fast of Yom K..ippur. Hengel made his above-cited statement in a discussion about the attitude of Luke to the temple and the sacrificial cult of Yom Kippur and deduced from this Luke's attitude toward the festival as such.:m However, even though the author of Luke-Acts polemicized against the sacrificial cult he continued to respect the fast and prayer ofthe people on Yom Kippur. Moreover, theory and practice do not always conveJ:ge. Even if Luke rcgarded Chrlst's death as atoning - and this assumption is controversial - he may have continued to observe the communal fast and prayer of Yom K.ippur- just as other Jews and God~fearers fasted and participated in the prayer services of the Second Temple perlod when the high priest was actually effecting atonement on behalf of them in the temple. Of the first-century texts. only Barnahaa explicitly argues against the popular participation in the fast, substituting for it the Eucharist: Deapite the fact that a commandment was wrltten that "whosoever does not keep the fast shall die the death,''332 tbe Lord coiDIIUUlded this [i.e. to eat], because be himself w-ce ries chl'ititrzs (Tb6oJogie historlque 102; Paris 1996). 44 See Fine, This Holy Place, pp. 41-S9, 79-94, and 132-156. ot5 An edited ve~~~ion of Amalar's works appeared in J.M. Hanssens (ed.), Amalarii epi.scopi operallturgica omnia (Srudi e Testi 133-140; Vatican City, 1948--J 950). The other worbarestill only in Migoe: Hildebert, vewa de srry.sterio missae, PL i71:l177-1194 (esp. 1183-1190 on Yom Kippur} and ltbgr fk sacra eucharistia, PL l71:119S-1212 (here esp. 1212); lvo, S~rmo V slve opuscul•m fk convententia veteris er novi sacrijicii, PL 162, 535-562 (esp. 553-561 on Yom Kippur). On the autbors and tbeir Y om K.ippur interpretatiom, see l.A. 1UDgmanD, Mwarvm sollemnia. Eine gmetische Erklarung der römischen Messe (2 vols; Vie.tUUi, FreibiU"g i. Br., Basel, 51962) vol. l, p. 146; vol. 2, pp. 289-90; R. SUDtrup, Die BetlllUt&!lftl der liturgischen Gebärden und Be~~regunge~~ in lateinischen und deut!lchen Awlegvngen des 9. bis B. JQhrhundllrl.s (Milllsterische Mittelalter-Schriften 37; MUDich, 1978), p. 459; and A. Pranz, Die Messe im Deutschen Mittelalter (Dannstadt, 1963, repr. Freiburg. 1902), pp. 429-431. On Amalar, seealso E. Volgger, Die Feier des Karfreitap bei Amalar von Metz (77j/78f)...JJj0) (Ph.D. dissertation, Vienna, 1993); C. SclmvseJlberg, Das Jlerhalrnis von Kirche und Theater. Dargestellt an aiJigi!Wtihlten Schriften tkT Kir42

43

270 The Impact ofYom Kippur 011 Christianity ln the Third to rhe Fifth Centuries scapegoat rite.46 While the date ofthese texts clearly lies beyond the soope of this work, these intlllential commentarie.s illustrate the continuous inspiration ofYom K.ippur's temple rite.s. Yet the templization ofChristian liturgy began much earlier, becoming visible to a growing extent already in the fourth century. Not finding a Christian pendant to Fine's study, I turned to Lampe•s Patristic Greek Lexicon and checked for liturgical use of tenns belonging to the temple vocabulary, to gain a preliminary impression on templization. 47 Three tenns of the temple tenninology are pertinent to. Yom Kippur: "high priest," "holy of hoHes" and "kapporef' repre.senting the performer, the place and an instrument ofthe rituaL First, "high priest" and "high priesthood" are compared to Christian offices, including bishops, from the beginning of tbe second centmy (lClement); but this is not yet templization in the strict sense. 48 For the direct use of "high priest-(hood)" for bishops, priests and celebrants of the Eucbarist. Lampe cites texts froru the fourth, fifth and sixth centuries, respectively. 49 Georg Schöllgen. cites also cxamples from the third century. so In Latin, Tertullian, as early a.s the third centuiy, calls the bishop "high priest,''s 1 and Cyprian calls a celebrant of the Eucharist "priest,'' with an explicit sacrificial interpretation fashioned on an imitation of the high priest Christ. For, if Christ Jesus, our lord and God, is bimself the high priest of God the father and tirst offered himself as a sacritice to the falber and commanded tbis to be done in commemoration of himself" certainly the priest who imitates that which Cbrist did aDd then offers the true and full sacrifice in the Cburch ofGod the f.tther, ifhe

chenviiler und liturgischen Texten bis auf Amalariw von Metz (Bem, 1981); lind E.T. Francis, The Euchoristic Theology ofAmalorius oflthtz (Paris, 1977) (non vidr). On thc Greelc predecessors ofthe Latln "exegetes," see R. Bornen, Lfls commentaires b)l%antins de Ia divlnt Uturgie du VlbJ au Xfle siec/e (Archives de l'orient chr6t.ien 6; Paris. 1966). I would like to express my deopest gratitude to Ewald Volgger, who graciously made available to me a copy of his fas;;inating dissertation on tbe little studied field of medievalliturgy exegesis. 411 On tbe scapegoal rite in Ivo's allego.ry of the mass, see PL 162:557C, SS9B. 41 This impression needs to be reinforced. by investigating espeeially the archaeological data ftom ioscriptioos. The passages tbat follow reflect mostly Lampe. For further passages from all periods, see H. Nibley, "Cbristian Envy ofthe Temple.'" Jewish Qucu-u.rly Rwiew SO (1959/60) 97-123, 227-2Ml. While there is a distinction be~en meta· phoric usage (tbe bisbop .is like a high priest) and direct usage (the high priest offers the Eucharist), and both are of interest in our quest. the latt.er bespeaks a more advanced

Stage. 411 On the use of ''high priest" in Christian administration, see SchGI!gen, "Hoherpriester," espe-;:ially c:olumns 37-49. 49 G. W.H. Lampe (ed.), A Parrutte Greek LexiCOII (Oxford, 1978), p. 239. so SchOilgen, "Hoherpriester," colu!IJ.QS 39-44. -' 1 Tertullian, On boptüm 17:1.

Christion Exegesis ofLeviticru and the Polemies against rom Kippru

271

thus begin$ to offer according to what he sees Christ hiinsclf offcred, perfurms truly in tbe place of Christ. 51

Second. while several fourth-centu.ry authors use "temple" (va()(;) for churcb, » the use of "boly of holies" for a Special area in the church emerged in Jerusalem. Lampe ascribes to Eusebius the frrst use of ''holy of holies" (Td iiyta. Trov ciyi(I)V) for the tombin the Holy Sepulcher.54 1be revered and most holy witness (pop~ilptov) ofthe resnrrection oftlle Savior has n:appeared against all bope, ao.d the holy-of-holies grotto ('r:o y( ciytov ~•lv ciyirov iivtpov) has received a [similar] image of the Savior's revival. ss

Tbis concept appears rou.ghly SO years l.ater in the desaiption of the Holy Land pilgrimage of Paula and Eustochium in their Ietter to Marcella. preserved as Ietter 46 among those of Jerome: [f J'erusalem. was destroyed, it was that its people migbt he punished; ifthe temple was overtbrown, it was that its figurative sacrifices might be abolished. As regards ita stte, Japse of time has but invested it with ~b grandeur. The J'ews of old revereoced the Holy of Halles, because of the things coutained in it - tlle cberubim, the mm:y-seat, tbe ark of the covenant, the manna. Aaron's rod, and rbe golden altar. Dof!$ the Lord's sepulchril seem Jess wOI'thy u{vi1ner4iion? As often as we entcr it we see the Saviour in His gravc clothes, and if we linger we see again the angel sitting at His feet, and the napkin folded at His head. Long befure this sepulchre was hewn out by Joseph, its glory was foretold in lsaiah's prediction, "his rest shtdl be glorious," meaning that the place ofthe Lord's burial should be held in universal honor.•

Paula and Eustochium revere Jesus• grave as a substitute for the original holy of holies: The tomb is no less wortby of veneration. A beautiful application of the high priest and bis entry into the holy of hoHes to a Christian ritual can be found in the report by Gregory of Nazianz about bis own ordination by Basil in the year 372 modeled on the Aaronic investiturein Exodus 29. For you aooint a high priest and put on him the [hlgh-priestly] robe, and crown him with the turban, arul Iead him to the altar of the spiritual bwnt offering. and sacrifioe the calf of perfection, and fill bis hands witb the Spirit (•ordinate him], and Iead him ioto the holy ofholies in order to initiate him, and make him inlo "'a minister of the true teot that the Lord, and not DJID, has set up" [Heb 8:2]." ~ My translation ofCypriao. Leiter 63:14:4 (CS:EL Jc:410-411). " Lampe, A PatristicGr11ek.Lexioon, p. 897.

Lampe, A Patristic Greelr. Lcicon, p. 19. My translation ofEusebius, Yila Constantini 3:28 (GCS 7:96). " Jerome, Leuer 46:5; transl. W. Freemantle, NPNF 2:6:62; my emphasis. 57 My translation ofGregory ofNaziaru:., Homily 10:4 (PG 3S:82&D-832A). A Frencb translation is available in SC 405 (M.·A. Calvet·Sebasti; Gregoire de Ntniaf~Ze. DiscourJ 6-12; Paris 199.5}, here p. 325. 14 55

272 Thelmpaa ofYom Ktppur on Chrllliallily ln the Tlzi,.d to the Fijih Centuries In this implicit typology, Gregory imports the temple tenninology into Cbristian worship, leaving it open to question whether he is implying a mystical allegory (Gregory entering into the heavenly sanctuary) or a typology on the historical church building in which the ordination took place. By equating the ministers ofthe biblical temple, the heavenly sanctuary and the church building, Oregory most likeJy has both of these inter~ pretative levels in mind Such a triad appears in the catecheses of Theodore · of Mopsuestia. 58 The high priest's entry into the holy of holies. Christianized in Hebrews, has been re-ritualized in the Christian liturgy. Finally. ii..ae~t11ptov may describe a special place in a church, as in the Typicon of Sabas.59 Other instances are from the end of the fust millennimn. 60 The impetus necessary for the metaphorical use of Uaatl]ptov in Christian ritual is much smaller. The celebl'lllli ofthe Eucbarist- the Christian high priest, so to speak- brings the blood into the holy ofholies. Yet he does not sprink.le it. neither does his 5ource of inspiration, Hebrews, speak of sprinkling or employ kapporet in Christ's entry to the heavenly holy ofholies. lt is, therefore, the Yom Kippur typology ofHebrews rather than Lcviticus 16 itself that influenced tempii;r.ation. In sum, in the context of €hristian ritual atonement, Yom Kippur'_s imagery: "high priest(hood}," "entry to the holy of holies" and "scapegoat" had clearly achieved an important place among some Christians, but without the motif of blood sprinkling on the lcapporet. 61 Did this rise of Yom Kippw:'s imagery happen only because of the ''bookish" or "biblical" influence of Leviticus, Hebrews and Romans? The followi:Jig sections argue 1hat while the biblical versions of Yom Kippur must be credited with the main impact, we cannot fully camprehend the rise of the Yom Kippur imagery without assuming an impact on some Christian authors ofthe fast as celebrated by contemporary Jews.

ss See the short analysis in Bomert, te.' commentaires byzantins de Ia divine lil11,.gie dfl Ylle au XJ"e siecle, pp. 80-82. st Kraus, De,. Tod Jesu ah Heiligtumsweihe, pp. 30-32, refening to C. du Cange, Gl081arfum ad Scriptores Mediae etlnji,.mae Graecitatis (Gnu, 1958; repr. of 1688) {cotumn .513]. The Typicon is from the fifth century, but lw becn ftcquently reworked. 60 L&mpe. A PalTistic Greek Lexicon, s. v. ". Interesting also is the addition of the Armonian word "lllonement" ~lf'ldi) to · some Annenian anaphoras, and tb.e imagery of the high-priestly ritual in the St. James Anaphora meutioued in Ligier, Peche d'Adam el piche d11 monde. Bibl~t, Kippur, E11charistie (2 vols; Theologie 411; Paris 1~60, 11161), 2:304-306. See also tb.c appendlx.

Christum Eregais of Lwiticus alfd the Polemies flgainst Yom Kippur

273

2. Christian Participation in the Jewish Fast A considerable nwnbet of Christians in third-century Caesarea and latefourth-century Antioch observed the Y om Kippur fast together with their Jewisb neighbors. Above, I argued that Luke's community, the opponents of the author of Colossians, and some among Rome's Christian Jews observed the fast around 100 CE.62 These Christians did not conceive oftheir participation in the fast as Contradietory to Christian atonement theology. Origen and Cbrysostom, however, did, and reacted by attacking the Jewish fast, pointing out its discrepancies in :relation to the biblical Yom Kippur a:nd proposing Christian alternatives. Two passages illustrate Origen's wrath aga.inst members of his own parishin Caesarea Maritima. who participated in the Jewish fast. Hedeclares in bis twelftb Homily on Jeremiah: You, who observe the Jewish ~t (,:flv VlliJ'tl!iav ·n)v lo'UiiaiJCqv) as ifunaware ofthe Day of Aronemeut that exists since lesus Chrisl, you bave not heard of the hidde:n

ato.t1e.ment, but ouly of lhe apparent. Because, hearing of the hlddest atonemeot is bearing how God put JesiU forward as atonement (i140'jlov}for our dns,63 and that lr4! lrirrue{fis an atone~~rerlljor OIIT sins, not only for oun, but also for those oftlre

wlrole world[1Johll2:2}.64

The passage cannot be seen as an attack on Jews, because in that case the 10'00a.1rijv wo1lld be superfluous. Part of Origen's audience apparently followed the atoning fast of Yom Kippur, and it is them that he is addressing. It seems that these people were attracted to Judaism even beyond Yom Kippur, since Origen complains also about Christian observance of circumcision and Passover. He is upset about tbese ''dangerous ones in between." In bis eyes, Cbristianity and Judaism are exclusive alternatives. Whoever fasts with the Jews has neither understood nor accepted the atonement inherent in Jesus• death. The second passage appears in Origen's tenth Homily on Leviticus: Whence also we must say somelhing now to those who think: 1hat in vinue of tlle eoiiUIIIIII.dmeut of the Law they :must also practice the fast of the IeW$ (•os. qui putanl pro fllandato legfs sibi quoque lttdaeorum ieiunium iei11nandum).65

Again, the people fasting ..the fast of the Jews" cannot be Jews, but they may be either Judaizing Christians o:r Jewish Christians. In third-century See above, l'P· 212-218. Cf. Rom 3:25. 44 My lrllll$lation of Origen, H01t1ily on Jeremlalr 12:13 to Jer 13: 17; Greek in GCS 6:100 (Klostemlann). 65 Origen, Homily on Lwiticus 10:2: 1 (SC 287: 132), lransl. Barldey, p. 204. Latl.n also in GCS 442:10-ll. 12

°

274 The l111pact ojYo111 X.ippur on Christianity in the Third to lhe Fifth Cenlllries Palestine the distinction between these two groups might not always have been very clear.66 It is more Jikely though that Origen was disturbed by dissenters ofhis primary community, Judaizing Christians, rather than by Cbristianizing Jews. The latter were more likely to upset Jews over their adherence to the Christian Messiah. While 1 found no references to Christian participation in the Jewisb fast in subsequent Palestinian authors (such as Eusebius and Cyril of Jerusalem), two Antiochene sources from the end of the fourth century, Chcysostom (ca. 347-407) and the Canons of the A.postles, prove that Christian participation in the fast of Yom Kippur was a continuing phenomenon in Syria-Palestine, at least in cities with a dense Jewish population.67 Chl:ysostom states at the beginning of bis first Homily against the Jews (386), 68 that a buming issue keeps him from continuing his homilies against the Christological heresy of the "Anomoeans." This buming issue was the participation of Christians in the Jewish festivals. (I :4) Another very serious illness calls for any eure my words ean bring, an illness whicb has become implanted in the body of the Church. We must Iust root lhis ailment out IIJid then take thougbt for matten outside; we must rmt eure our own and then be eoncemed for others~who are strangers. (.S) Whal i.s this disease? The " Some Gentiles wbo became Christian may have earlier been. attracted to Judaism (before convertiog to Christianity) - wouJd they be Judaiziug Christians or Jewish Oui&tians? 41 On Chrysostom and the Jews, see in particular R.L. Wilken, John Chrysostom and the Jews. Rhethoric and Retlllt)' in the Late Formh Century (Tbe TraDJformation oftbe Classical Heritage 4; Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, 1983), who builds on the work of M. Sin1on, "La pol6mique antijuive de Saint lean Chrysostome et le moavement judaisant d'Antioche," in: idem, Recherehes d'hlst()ire JudW-Chrltienne (Etudes Juives 6; Paris, 1962; pp. l40-iS3). See also R. Briindle, "Christen und Juden in Antiochien in den Jahren 386/387. Ein Beitrag &U.r Geschichte altkirchlicher Judenfeindschaft," Judo.ilush. Are you ashamed to share wich them in outward appearance but unashamed to share in their impiefy? What excuse will you have, you who are ouly half a Christian'171

But the last of Cbrysostom's homilies reveals that Golden Mouth bad not not been very successful with his wamings (8:4). The third witness to Ch.ristian participation in Yom Kippur's fast is Canon 70 ofthe Canon.s ofthe Apostles, probably from late-fourth-century Antioch. 12

1 commented earlier on the strange order of the festivals: above, pp. 68-69. AgaiMt the Jews 1: I :4; transl. Harkins, Saint Jo/m Clrrysos.t()m. DisctJIII'ses agDinat Judahing Christia11J, pp. 3-4. 71 Aga111Jt the Jews 1:4:7; transl. Harkins, Saint Jo/m Cllrysostom. Discourses against Jvt/(jfzing Christians, p. 16. 12 The Canons ofthe Apostles are the fmal part oftbe Apos.tolic Constituti()71J (8:47: 18!1), assembled in Syria about die end of the fourth ata. (Edited by K. Eiliger and W. Rudolpb; Stuttgart, 1967n7). Biblia Sacra ir.atavulgatam versionem. (Ed. by R. Weber; 2 vols; Stuttgart, '1983). The Holy Bible containing the Old and New T~taments wilh the Apacryphal I DeuterOC4nonical Books. New Revised Standard Version. (New Yor.k, 1989). [NRSV]. Le Levitique. Traduction du te')lte grec de la Septante, introduelion eJ not.es (Edif.ed by D. Pralon, and P. Harl6; La Bible d' Alexandrie 3; Paris, 1938). Novum Testamentum Graece. (Edited by E. Nestl~ Er. Nestle, K. and B. Aland, J. Karavidopoulos, C.M. Martini and B.M. Metzger; Stuttgart, 27 1993). The Old Testament in Syriac. .According to the Peshirta Yer.tion. (Ed. by the Peshitta rmtitute Leiden; 4 vol:s; Leiden, 1972-1998). Samaritan Pentateucll: See below under "Targumim."' Septuaginta. Id est Yetus TestameJJtum graece ir.ata LXX interpres. (Edited by A. bhlfs; 2 vols; Stuttgart, 'I 96.5). Septuaginta Yetus Te:;tamtmtum GraeC'IIm Auetoritale Societatu Litterarum Gotringensis {(}(jftinger Sept11agintaj. Vol. 13: J. Ziegler. Duodecim prcphetae. (GOttingen, 1943). Vol.l:2; 1. W. Wevers. and U. Quast. Leviticus. (Gottinge.n, 1986). Synopsis Qwattuor Evangeliorum. Locis parallelis evange/iorum apocryphorum et patrum adhibitis. (Edited by K. and B. Aland; Stuttgart, 1' 1985).

1.2 Jewish Literattue 1.2.1 General Collections Discoveries in the Judean Desen. (Oxford, 1955ft). Garda-Martlllez, F. The Dead Sea Scrolis Translated. The Qr.tmran Tuts ln English. (Leiden, 1995). Garcia-Martinez, F. and E.l.C. Tigcbelaar. The Dead Se<J Scrolls Study Edition. (2 vols; Leiden and Grand Rapids {Mich.], 1997, 1998). Chade.s. R.H. The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the 0/d Testament in English. (2 vols; Oxford, 19 13). · Charlesworth, J.H. The 0/d Testament Pseudepigrapha. (2 vols; Garden City (N.Y.], 1983-198:5).

IOdische Schriften aus hellenistischer und römischer Zeit. (Edited by W.G. Kümmel and H. Lichtenberger; Gnterslob, I 973ft). Rupon.aa Project, version 8.0. ofBar-nan University, 2000.

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Andersen, F.l. "2 (Slavonic Apocalypse of) Enoch." ln: J.H. Charlesworth (ed.), The 0/d Testament Pseutkpigrapha. (New York, 1983; vol. 1, pp. 91-213). [English translationJ. 4MIICCt11Jees

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a

a

Biblicgraphy

389

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.Bibllograplry

394

Wilckens, U., Der .Brif.[ an die Rö~r~er, (Evangelisch-Katholischer Kommentar 6:1-3; Neukirchen·Vluyn and ZOrich, 1978, 1980, 1982). Wildberger, H. Jesaja. 1. Teilband. Jesajtl 1-11. (Biblischer Kommentar X/I; Neukircben-Vluyn, 1972). Wilken, R. Judaism and the Early Christlall Mind. A Study of Cyril of Alexandria 's &egesi:~ and Theology. (New Haven [CoDD.] and London, 1971). - - . John Chr)lsoslom and the Jews. Rhetlroric artd Reality in the Late F-e 8:6,4Sb 8;6, 45b-c 8:9, 4Sc

133 125

bMQ 123

bNed 39b

132

bPe.sah

yTer

8:S.45c

109b 9a

yTa'an

4:1, 67c 4:5, 20b

229

123

yPe'ah 7:4, 20b 8:9, 21b yRH I, 56b 1:3, 57a

411

123 125 125 125 125, 126

30 123 125 126 159 126,283

4a

54a 77a

75 132 245

bRH 10lr-11b 16a

16b

123--124 121 36,210

18b 21a

311

31b

284 121

32b 35a

88 .53

hSabb

131 25

53a

123,125,319 129 126 133 134 52, 123, 319, 338, 339

49b

131

bSotah 131

bTa'an

16b-17a

49

24b

248

26b 27b 30b

49 133 42, 122, 122

bTem Babylooian Talmud

29a

bBB

bYebrJm

i2la bBer

42

Sb 17a

134 53

bGit 68b-70b

131

bHag l3a-14a

2ll

16

60b

245

bYoma

33 123 125

2a-6a &b l4b 18a 19b 20a

2Ja

20,20

115 34, JS, 126, 132 121,206 125

Index ofSm~rces

412 36b

39a-b 39b

40b 42a

S3a SJb 54a

6la 67a 67b 68a

26,62,123,339 126 12.5, 283 284 130 30 64,248 126 127

l3I 128

88a

131 32 35,41,47,97 17, 133 129,134 S6, 133,319 34, 39, 42, 43, 51, .52,53 49

bZebah 88b

245

70b 74b 8Sb 86a

86a-b 87b

Smaller T:ractates Scfrim 18:7

34

1~:-4

121

19:6 49 Avot ofRIJbbi Natlum (A) 25 121

Tannaitic Midrasbim Me/cl1ta de--Rabbi Yishmael (ed. Horovitz) p.180 p. 196 Slfra Ahar.e Mot 2:1 Ahore Mot 2:2 Aharte Mot 2:8 AhareMot3 AII(Jre Mot 4:4 Ahare Mot 4:.5

122

42, 121-122

Amoraic and Later Midrashim

Genesis Robbah 3.5:3

123-124 123

84:31

130

Exod1.1s Rabbah 1.5:12 Levlticw Rabboh

177

22:3

3:3 20:2 20:12

21:1 21:10 21;11 21:12

26 l27

129 130, 139 56 123,319

llO, 125 110, 125 Del.lteronomy Rtrbbah 11:10 128 Psalm.s Rabbah On Ps, 86:8 131 Canticles Rabbah On Cant 4:4 (sign9) 133 Puiqla RabbDti 26:6 251-252 3.5 53

Pesi4ta Rov Kohana 24:1-12

54

24:11 24:17-19

S4

25 25:2

56 56

26:3

129-130

SS-56

26:11 130 Pirqe Rabbi Eiiner51 10 SS-56, 58 22 128 28 123 30

124

31 46

124 34, 35, 121, 122, 125, 128. 132

26 32 128 30

339

Medieval Literature Rov Sheshna Rashi

65-61

OubNid61a On b&lbb Slb On Exod 18:3

121 66 122

Jr,du. of Source;s Slrllllt:han 'Arulch r alqut Shim 'oni

413

Hekhaloi Rabbali 242 §108 138 §lll 135

34

1:44 67, 128 Seder Eliyah11 Zula 25 128 The Story ofthe Ten Martyr:r 138-139 139 I 51:2 r .st:7 139 139 11133:12 VII 31:34 139 IX 31:33 139

§§184-U.S

§192 §299

§§313-314

135 135

135 136

Metatron §390 135 He.lchalot Z11lrati 242 135 §411 §424 135, 136 S~tder Rabba deBere'shit §811 135 §§814-816 135

Hekttalot Literature 134-139 1Enoch 138 4-S (Synopsis §§.S-8) 138 5 (Synopsis §§7-8} 13&-139 36 (Synopsis §§54) 13S

Shi'ur Qomah

§384 Ma'aseh Merkavalt §547 §548 §§548-549

39 (Synopsis §57) 135, 135

§SSS

135 138 52, 137, 137 137 135

Targumim T01'gum On/celos Genesis 49: 11

Lev 16:22 Lev 16:30 Num 31:17-18

170

Ta.rgv.111 Pseudo-Jonatltan 86 Ocn 37:31 126,130 Lcv9:3 67, 12&-130 Lev 16 SI, 88 Lev 16:10 128 Lev l6:2lb-22 128

Piyyutim and Prayers (according to lheir title) '~romem

le'EI

245

Samaritan. Pentateuch Ex.od26:35 189 Exod 26:36 189 Exod 30:1-10 189

Jewish Liturgy

'A.I Het 'A.na 'Eioheinu Ya'aleh YeYaiiO

88 51

60,286

SO 50

414

Index ofSources

'A..sapper Gedolot ed. Mirsky, line 197 'A.shanen 'Allah Baharta beYisrael 'Attah Bahartanu 'Attah Barata 'Attah Konanta '0/am beROY Hesed ed. Mirsky,line 71 'Attah Yodea' Ma'amaqei Lev 'Attah Yodea 'Omqo shel Lev 'Attah Yodea' Razey '0/am 'Atsaltsel 'Aval ['Anahnu] Hatanu 'Az be 'Ein Kol ed. Yahalom, lines 214-215 ed. Yahalom, line 553 ed. Yahalom,lines 762-763 'Azkir Gevurot 'E/oah ed. Mirsky, lines 1-4 ed. Mirsky,line 119 ed. Mirsky,line 133 ed. Mirsky, line 160 'AzkirSela 'Ein Lanu Kohen Gadol ed. Mirsky, line 3 ed. Mirsky,line II ed. Mirsky,Jine 14 ed. Mirsky,line 32 'Eleh 'Ezkerah 'Elohai 'ad shelo Notsarti 'Eloheinu ve'Elohei 'Avoteinu Galleh 'E/oheinu ve'Eiohei 'Avoteinu Mehol Ha'Omrim leKhilayShoa' HaLo Kol haNistarot vehaNiglot 'Attah Yodea' Ki 'A11onoteinu RJ!bll miLemanot -Mah 'Anu uMah Hayyenu Mah Ne'emar Lefaneikha Yoshev baMarom M alkhllJiol MiMa 'amaqei Lev Ribon Ha '0/amim Riboni Hatati uMura' 'A.siti Shiv'at Yamim

49,60,286 32 63

so

42, so 45 49, 60, 63, 97, 287 287 53 53 39, 50, SI, 52, 53, 137-138, 139, 336-342 63 43, 50,53

60,286 285 129 286 49,60,287 287 '287 IS 97 63 34,286 286 286 287 287 138-139 53 SO

50 285 39 53 34

so 49,209 53 53 52

60,62-64

Index ofSou.rces

Shofarot uvekhen Ten Pahdekha ve'Attah Hivdalta veHasi'enu VeHen 'Anu 'Allah keTo'im ve'Ein Levakesh veTitten Lanu Zekhor Lanu. Zikhronot

415

49,209 50,339

43 50

40 50

42 42,49,209

(Ashkenazy) Mahzor for the Days ofAwe (ed. Goldschmidt)

2:568-574 2:574-576

139 42

Seder Rav 'Amram Ga'on (ed. Goldschmidt)

49 39,340 39,56 56 63 60, 127

p. 161 p. 166 p. 168 p. 168:5-8 p. 168:7-8

Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on (ed. Davidson, Yoel and Asaf) 50

52,137-138

p.258 p.259 pp. 259-260 pp.259-264 p.26l p.262

52

42, 50,340 50

53 34,43,53,343

Christian and Gnostic Literature Alexander the Monk

Ambrose

Onthe Finding ofthe Venerable and Life-giving Cross 292

Commentary an Luke

1:22

250

Letters

3:13-14

Alexios Aristenos 276 Amalar

269,334

267

Anaphora.s Cyril (Syriac) St. James (Syriac)

337-342 337-342

Index ofSourcu

416 St. Jamu (Greek)

Andreas of Crete In ezaltationem S. Crucis orationes

272

2-3 2-16

S-6 5:14 1

292

Anonymous from Jerusalem Commentary on Luke 2S0,326 A.postolic Constitutions 2:S5:1 5:7:12 6:12:13 7 7:5:5 7:23:4 7:30:1 8 8:9:8-9 8:12:1-15:11 8:12:6-26 8:12:9-20 8:47:1-85

27S,276 336 336 336 335 336 222 217 335 342-343 335 335 335 275

Aristides, A.pology (Syriac) 220,282, 14:4 331 Augustine Locutiorrum in Heptateuch11m CCSL33:428 Quaestiomim in Heptateuchum CCSL 33:211-214 CCSL 33:213 Barnabas

1-6

7:3

7:3-5 7:4

7:4-5 7:5 7:6 7:6-11 7:7 7:8

7:8-9 7:9

320 7:10 263 263,267 263 263 266,267 61-62, 146, 148-150, 157, 162, 164-165, 223-224, 227,281 149

7:11

7-8

149 149 149 163, 163 129, 146, 148-IS5, ISO, 157ISS, 160, 206,221, 223,225, 267-268, 330-331 16, 151, 152, 159, 164, 219 150-IS2 150, 151152, 159, 160 32 152, 160, 164,219 19, 29,153; 159 152-155 153, 159 19,29, 31, 89, 153, 159, 160, 163, 164, 164 19 153, 159, 160, 163, 194,196 19, 29, 153, 159 19, 29, 160, 164 149, 188

Basil Homiliu on Fasting 1-2 1:1 1:2 1:3

76,279 16 280 15

Index of Sources Canona of the Apostlea

70

Comes of Wiirzburg

275,331 275-277

417 304,317321

Cosmas lndicop1eustes Chronikon Paschale

§334

296 291

Christion Topography

5:9 5:37

250 250

CoWlcil of Laodicea Canon37 Canon 38

276 276

Chrysostom (See John Chrysostom) Clement ofRome /Clement

1-12 36 40:1-5 55:1 61:3 64"

336 194 218 172 194 194

C1ement of Alexandria 229, 237-243

Cyprian of Carthage Leiters

63:14:4 Cyprian the Gaul Heptateuchos

&cerpts from Theodotus 229,241

Cyril of Alexandria

27

Commentary on lsaiuh

27:5 34 37 37-39 38 59:2 59:2-3 64 Stromaleis 5

5:6 5:6:32-40 5:6:39:3-40:4 5:6:39:4 5:6:40:1 5:6:40:3 5:6:40:4 Comes of Alcuin

30,229,236, 238,240-243 242 230,231 231,234 231 229-231, 234,236, 231 230 241 241 239 238 237-239 239 239 239 239 304,317321

270-271

1:14

264

69

Contra Iulianum

9

267

Epistulu ad Acacium 267 On the ll.dorution and Worship ofGod in Spirit andin Truth 263

1105-8 1105BC

263 281

Glaphyrorum in Leviticum 263 liber

580A-589B 588A

267, 267 20, 29, 267268

Homilies on Luke

53

267,267

Cyril of Jerusalem

Catechesea

4:10 10:19 13:4

299 299 299

Indu ofSources

418 Ep/:rtwla ad Constantivm 3 299

De :solstiliis et aequinoctiis (ed. Botte) 55, 250, 304, 308,325326 pp.96-98

253--254,

p. 95:63-6.5 p. 95:81-85 pp. 95:84-96:105

325-326 308 308 307

Dldache

218

4:14

218 217

14:1-3 Dida:scalia 21

Homilies on the NatiPil)l 5:14 26:12 27:3 27:13 27:18

Epiphanius

24S

PanQI'ion 29:4 78:13-14 78:14

245,246 246 248

Eusebius of Caesarea

246,249, 2.56, 291,

299

Didymus the Blind Commentarii in Zaclrariam 3:32 73

History oftlre Clrvrclr

219-220, 284,331

246-250, 256

De :rii gemmis 2:1

Damonstratto E11omgelica

3:1-4:1

325

HomiJies on the Exaltation 292 oftheCross

222

Diognet

250 250 250 250

1:3:2 2:23:4-1 2:23:5-6 3:31:3 5:24:3 5:24:17ff

15, 16,69 246

248 24.5,256 245,256 222

Ji'ito Co1Utantini

Egeria, Diary 48-49

293-294, 298 291-292

Epbrem

3:28 4:40-46

271 291

Gelasius Lett(lr 14

313

305

Comtmmtary on Exodus 12:2

253

12:2-3 325,250 Comme11tary 011 the Diales:smqn 1:29 250,325 Homilies on Fa:sting 1:12

16, 73

2

73

2:1 10

73

76,280

Gospel of Philip

22S,232237

69:14-70:9 70:1-5 70:5-10 70:15-25 71:1-lS 76:J.-10 84:20-8!!:21

233 235 235

236 236

236 234-235

Jnd" of Sources 84:25-30 SS:t-5

236 235

lgBatius

85:1-21 85:5-10 86:1-5

235

9:1

Gospel of Petu

146, 161165 163 163 163, 164

235,236 235

3:6-9 3:7 3:8

163 163-164 151, 159, 164 152

3:9

5:15-16 5:16 7:25-27

217 217

9:35

12:50

419

Ta the MogneslaM

217

To the PhiladelphianJ

9:1

~~

Irenaeus apud Eusebius, History of the Chr~rch 5:24: 11ff 222 Against the Here1ies

1:7:1 1:13:3-4

233 233

tat~

233

3:10:1 3:11:8

252 252

lshodad of Merv Commel'llary on Leviticu!f 264

Gregory ofNazianz

16 23:23-26

Homily

10:4

271

Hegesippus

246-250,

Hypo11f1Jemata

256 246

Heracleon

239

Corn.mentary on John

233-234

267-268 69

Isidore of Sevilla {Pseudo?) Quaefftiones de ueteri et nouo 264 Testamento Quaestiones in Lwiticum

IS

266

Ivo of Chartres

269-270, 334

Hcsy~hius

of le111Salem

Commentory on Leviticus 263, 266

Jaeob ofSarug (ed. Bedjan)

16

267

Homi/y on the Scapegoat

23 23:27-32

76 281

vol. 3:259-282 vot. 3:.2.S9 vol. 3:263 vol. 3:264-266 vol. 3:267 vol. 3:27.S

Hildebert

334

l.iber de ltiCra eucharislia269 Yer.sus tk myllterio Wlissae 269

267 69 69

267 69 69

Jerome Hippolytus On Proverbs

ttgailtst Jovinianus

lS&-159

1:1~

7S

Commentary on Galatians

1

75

420

Indo: afSoruces

2:8-9 15 4:10 306 Commentary 011 Zecharialr 8:18-19 306, 311 De viril inJvstribus 45 256 Dialogus Advl!r$u: Pelagia1101 1:35:78-91 267

Letters 46:5 46:13

271 296 76,306 296 15

52:10

J08:9 112:10 Jobn Chry.ostom

280

Againsillre Je:ws I (PG 48:ß54B)

276,301

1:1

69 274-275

1:1:4-5 1:2 1:4 1:4; PG 48:8460 1:4; PG 48:849C 1:4:7

Johannes Dama~cnus

SermD in anmmtiationem beatae Mariae tJirglni:r

255

Johallnes Scholasticus

276

Jolwlnes ZODUas 276

Jt&Stin Martyr

l.S!i-156

Fir.st Apology 61 Dialogue with Trypho

222

15 39

15.5, 156 1S5

40:4-S

16, 19, 29, 31, 76,154, 15.5-lSo, 1.59, 160, 279

16 72

41

ISS

72

42

155

14

46:2 111:1 116--117

us 160

Leo the Grc:at

311,312-

74 275

1:5 1:8

16

2 (page 123a} 4:7:6

76

6:5:9

69 279 279

6:7:1-7

278

6:7:2

279

7:·1 (PG 43:91 .5) 29.5 8:4 27S Clrrislmar Homily 2SO 3.S7BC 69,2:'10 Twelfth Homily on First Corinthians 131 John of Jel"U&alem

PanegyriC'U de :soncta ecclesia dt;,mini 299,300

23

300

71 51

300 300

ISS

317,319, 320

Sermons 12:4 13:2 IS:l 1.5:2 17:1

18:2 19:2 20:1

20:2 20:3 78:1 78:2

78:4 79:1-2 81:1 81:4 86:1-:2

312-317 313, 314 313,314 313,314 306, 313 306 314 314 306 313,314 313, 314 306 314 314 306

306 314 313

421

I1Jckz ofSourcu 87:1 87:2 87:3 88:1

88:1-2 38:2 38:2-4 &8:3 88:5 89:1 89:2 89:3 89:4 89:6 90:1 92:1

92:2

313 312,317, 319 313 313 313 314 314 314,315 313 74-75,306, 312,315

314 313 306

93:3 94:1-2 94:4

294

12.S7

324

O~geo

12S

Agairut Ceistls 1:31

266 234 10:33 Commentary an Romaru 198

E:thortation ta Martyrdom266 30:16 12:13

306,316 76,279,313,

9:1:1

313

313

Liber Pontijicali:J 304,306307 Martyrdom ofPolycarp

268

Homily on Jeremiah Homily on LeviliCU3

306 306,313, 313

172

Commentar;y 011 Jolur

313 306,316 316

92:4

1253

9:3:2 9:3:3 9:4:1 9:4:3 9:5:2 9:5:3 9:5:9 9:6:1 9:8:5 9:9:4 10:2:1 10:2:2 10:2:4

16,273 266,301, 332 335 159

266 159

266 266 266 269,268

266 268 268 273,27& 167,266 76,279

14:3

194

()nPrayer

266

Maximus Confessor

324

Paterius

264

Philaster

311

Middle Armenicm Lectionary 295

Diversontm Herueon /.iber 149 304,306

0/d A.rmenian Lectionary 3. 292, 294-

295,327328

Old GeOI'glan Lec;ionary 3, 292, 294, 324,327-

122.S 1240 1247-1250

Photius

276

Pilgrim ofBordeaux

299

328

Polyearp: To the Philippians

327 293 298

12:2

194

422

Ind~a

Polycrates

apud Eusebius apud !erome

i'rottwangdium ofJamu

Pseudo-Epiphanius

245,256 256

:zso-25s, 323

S:l

ofSourcu

245

8

2.S1

&-9

251

8:2 9:3

251

10

251

251

10:2

251

12:3

251

24

256

De ptophetorum vita et obitu Commentary on Luke

255 326

Pseudo-George the Arab 326-327 Pseudo(?)-lsisore of Sevilla

(see Isidore of Sevilla) Pseudo-Jerome

167

Commentory on Mark l.S:l I

267

Seven1s of' Oabala Pseu