A Historical Commentary on Polybius, Vol. 2: Commentary on Books 7-18

A HISTORICAL COMMENTARY ON POLYBIUS BY W.WALBANK RATHBONE PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT HISTORY AND CLASSICAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN TH...

Author: Frank W. Walbank

123 downloads 1978 Views 33MB Size Report

This content was uploaded by our users and we assume good faith they have the permission to share this book. If you own the copyright to this book and it is wrongfully on our website, we offer a simple DMCA procedure to remove your content from our site. Start by pressing the button below!
Report copyright / DMCA form

DOWNLOAD PDF

A HISTORICAL COMMENTARY ON

POLYBIUS BY

W.WALBANK RATHBONE PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT HISTORY AND CLASSICAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LIVERPOOL

VOLUME II COMMENTARY ON BOOKS VII-XVIII

OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

1967

ISBN-10: 0198141734 ISBN-13: 978-0198141730

CONTENTS viii

LIST OF MAPS AND PLANS

ix

ABBREVIATIONS AND BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SHORT TITLES

INTRODUCTION: THE FRAGMENTS I. Books VII and VIII 2.

ASSIGNMENT

OF

THE

8

Books IX and X

3· Book XI

16

4· Book XII

r8

5· Book XIII

20

6. Books XIV and XV

22

7· Book XVI 8. Books XVII and XVIII

26

COMMENTARY Book VII

29

Book VIII

67

Book IX

116

Book X

189

Book XI

266

Book XII

317

Book XIII

413

Book XIV

424

Book XV

440

Book XVI

497

Book XVII

548

Book XVIII

548

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA TO VOLUME I

628

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA TO VOLUME II

649

INDEXES I. General

651

Authors and passages J. Inscriptions and Papyri

677 68o 681

2.

4· Greek

vii

LIST OF MAPS AND PLANS I. THE SITE OF HELLENISTIC LEONTINI

37

2. KAPXHI:ION (t::NIVERSAL JOINT)

76

3· LISSt::S AND ACROI.ISSUS

91

4· PLAN OF TARENTUM

103

5·

122

HANNIBAL'S MARCH ON ROME, 211 B.c.

6. AGRIGENTUM (ACRAGAS)

158

7· NEW CARTHAGE

206

8.

ANT10CHUS' ROUTE ACROSS :>IT. ELBURZ

237

9·

THE BATTLE OF BAECULA

249

IO. THE BATTLE OF MANTINEA, 207 B.C.

284

II. SCIPIO'S ADVANCE AT ILIPA

301

I l , BATTLE OF THE EBRO

310

13. THE MARCHING flEFOHE I SSt'S

365

14. THE BATTLE OF ISSllS

368

15. THE AFRICAN CAMPAIGNING AREA 16. THE AREA OF PHILIP

v's CAMPAIGNS IN 201

17. THE MANCEUVRES BEFORE CYNOSCEPHALAE

vili

425 498

577

ABBREVIATIONS AND BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SHORT TITLES (ADDITIONAL TO THOSE IN VOLUME I)

Abel, Giographie = F. M. Abel, Giographie de la Palestine. Ed. 2. 2 vols. Paris, 1 933-8. AC -~ L'Antiquiti classique. Act. tmiv. Gothob. =Acta universitatis Gothoburgensis. Aeuum = Aevum, rassegna di scienze storiche, etc. (Universita Cattolica de Sacra Cuore), Milan. A)SemL =American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures. Alt. v. Perg. = Altertiimer von Pergamon. Io vols. by various authors. Berlin, 1885-I937· Annie ipig. = L'Annie ipigraphique . .llnnt!e phil. = L'Annie philologique . .Arch. esp. de arq. = Archivo espaiiol de arqueologia . .Arch. Nep. = Archaeological Reports, published by the Hellenic Society and the British School at Athens . .Aihen. •= Athenaeum: Studii periodici di letteratura e storia dell'antichittl. ATL The Athenian tribute lists, by B. Meritt, H. T. Wade-Gery, M. F. McGregor. 4 vols. Cambridge, Mass.-Princeton, I939-53· Aiii VII Congr. arch. class. = Alii del V 11 congresso internazionale di archeologia classica (Rome-Naples, I958). 3 vols. I~orne, I961. Avenarius =G. Avenarius, Lukians Schriji zur Geschichtsschreibung. Diss. Frankfurt a. M. Meisenheim a. Glan, 1956. Babl!lon, Rois de Syrie = E. Babelon, Catalogue des monnaies grecques de la Bibliotheque Nationale: Les Rois de Syrie, d'Arminie et de Commagene. Paris, 1890Badian " E. Badian, Foreign Clientelae (264-70 B.C.). Oxford, 1958. Badian, Studies = E. Badian, Studies in Greek and Roman History. Oxford, 0

lt)(>4-

BCH • Bulletin de correspondance hellinique. Beloch, Campanien = K. J. Beloch, Campanien, Geschichte und Topographie des antiken Neapels und seiner Umgebung. Ed. 2. Breslau, 1890. Bengtson' = H. Bengtson, Griechische Geschichte von den Anfangen his in die tiimische Kaiserzeit. Ed. 2. Munich, 1960. Bequignon = Y. Bequignon, La Vallie du Spercheios des origines au IV• siecle. Paris, 1937. Bi?rard ~- J. Berard, La Colonisation grecque del' ltalie meridionale et de la Sicile dans l'antiquiti: l'histoire ella ligende. Ed. 2. Paris, I957· Bergk Th. Bergk, Poelae lyrici graeci. Ed. 4· 3 vols. Leipzig, I878-82. Berthelot, Coll. alch. grecs = M. Berthelot, Collection des anciens alchimistes grecs. 3 vols. Paris, I887-8. Berve, Hieron = H. Berve, Ko-nig Hieron 11. in Abh. Bay. Akad. 1959· Bevan, Ptolemaic Dynasty= E. Bevan, A History of Egypt under the Ptolemaic /Jy"n_,·ty. London, I927.

ix

/\ BB H EV! ATIONS AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

BGU Baliner grierhisd!e Urlmnden: Aegyptische Urkunden aus den Staatlirhen Musem zu Herlin. Berlin, Birt, Huchwesw T. Birt, Das antike Buchwesen in seinem Verlui:ltnis zur Literatur. Berlin, 1882. Bliitterf. Gymn.·Srhulwesen=Bliilter fur Bayerisches Gymnasial-Schulwesw. J. l3leicken, Das Volkstributzal der klassisclzen Republik. Munich, 1955. E. S. G. Robinson, Greeh Coins of Cyrenaica. British Museum London, 1927. B.M.C. Peloponnesus P. Gardner, Peloponnesus excluding Corinth (ed. R. S. Poole). British Museum of Greek Coins. London, 1887. B.Jf.C. Syria P. Gardner, Greek Coins of the Seleucid KiHgs of Syria. British Museum London, 1878. B.M.C. Troas W. Wroth, Greek Coi11s of Troas, Aeolia a1td Lesbos. British Museum London, 1894· Boguth W. Boguth, AJ. Valerius Laez•iuus. Ein Beit1·ag zur Geschichte des zu·ei· ten putlischen Krieges. Krems, 1892. Breccia E. V. Breccia. Alexandria ad Aegyptum. English ed. Bergamo, 1922. Brewitz = W. Brewitz, Africanus Maior in Spaniot, 2ro-2o6. Diss. Tubingen, 1914. Brown Truesdell S. Brown, Timaeus of Tauromenium. Berkeley and Lo' Angeles, 1958. Bruns L Brun~, Die Pasiinlirh!ll'it ill da Geschichtsschreibung der Altm. Berlin, 1898. Buckler Studies Anatolian Studies fJresenterl to l'V. Il. Buckler. ManchestcJ. 1939· Bull. Arad. Srrbe, Set!. l.ettres Academic royale Serbe: Bulletin dt· Lfllres (Br(~;rade). Bull. Alexandr. Blillrlin dt Ia Snrietl d'Archiologie d'Alexandrie. Alexandria: Societe de Publications ,:gyplicnnes. Bull. Inter. A c. Pol. Built·! in iJiternalional del' Acadtftnie polonaise des Sciena., d des Leltres; classe de histoire et philosophic. Bull. Soc. Antiq. France Bulletin de Ia Socit!ti nationale des Antiquaires d1' France. Bursian's Jahresberitht Bursian 's jahresbericht iiber d. Fortschritte der rlassisc!teu Alterthumswissenschaft. CAF T. Kock, Comicorum allicorum fi·agmenta. 3 vols. Leipzig, r88o--8. CAH Cambridge Ancient llistmy. I2 vols. Cambridge, 1923-39. Ida Calabi, Ricerche sui rapporti Ira le pole is. Florence, I95.1· Calabi, Ricerche Casso Ia F. Cassola, l gruppi politici romani nel II I secolo a. C. Trieste, 1962, Cerfaux and Tondriau L. Cerfaux and J. Tondriau, Le Culte des souverain, dans Ia ciz•ilisation grtfco·romaine. Tournai, I957· CHI Cambridge History of India, vnl. I (ed. E. J. Rapson). Cambridge, r922 Clermont·Ganneaur:l, Et. arrh. or. C. Etudes d'archiolop' science historique et phil. orientale. (Bibl. de !'Ecole des Hautes vols. 44, rr3.) 2 vols. r88o, 1897· Corpus paroem. grarc. E. L. Leutsch and F. G. Schneidewin, Corpus paroonioc graphorum grauorum. 2 vols. 1839-41. Cross = G. N. Cross, Epirus: a study in Greek constitutional development. Cam bridge, 1932. X

ABBREVIATIONS AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

()ehevoise

X. C. Debevoise, A Political History of Parthia. Chicago, n.d.

[1938]. lle Sanctis, Storiografia siceliota G. De Sanctis, Ricerche sulla storiografia siceliota. Palermo, 1957. IJcvroye and Kemp I. Devroye and L. Kemp, Over de historische methode van Polybios. Brussels, 1956. llittberner, Issos W. 0. C. Dittberner, Issos: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte Alexanders des Crossen. Berlin, rgo8. l>umezil, Rituels = G. Dumezil, R.ituels inJo-europiens ii Rome. Paris, 1954. /lura Parchments C. B. Welles, R. 0. Fink and J. F. Gilliam, The Parchments and Papyri (Excavations at Dura-Europus, Final Report, V. r). New Haven, 1959· llftring I. During, Aristotle in the Andent Biographical Tradition. Goteborg, 1957·

Edmonds, FA C = J. M. Edmonds, The Fragments of Attic Comedy. 3 vols. Leiden, 1957-61. l•:ltrcnberg, Neugrunder V. Ehrenberg, Neugriinder des Staates. Munich, 1925. l•'f'h. sem. Epig. Ephemeris fur semitische Epigraphik (Giessen). /: Agothocles' eldest son is usually called Archagathus, and this variant may be due to confusion with the Agatharchus of 4· I (though some MSS. of Diodorus have Agatharchus). He was the son of Agathocles' first wife, the widow of the Syracusan Damas (Diod. xix. 3· 2), and born probably between 335 and 330 (Beloch, iv. 2. 254). He and his younger brother Heracleidas accompanied Agathocles on his African expedition in 310, and on his return to Sicily in 307 Archagathus was left in charge of the Syracusan anny against Carthage. He was blockaded in Tunis and a relief expedition by Agathocles was heavily defeated; the tyrant was forced to take steps and flee and both sons were murdered by the mutinous troops (3oi): Diod. xx. ~-9. Justin. xxii. 8, with some discrepancies. Iustinus {xxii. 8. 14) says he was murdered 'ab Arcesilao, ami co antea patris', who had sons; this man could have been the grandfather of Hippocrates and Epicydes. This son of Agathocles is not to be confused with another one, also called Archagathus or Agathocles who was left in charge of Ligurian and 32

OF SYRACUSE

VII. 3·

2

Etruscan troops among the Bruttii between 299 and 297 (Diod. xxi. 3· 1-2); he is either an homonymous son of Archagathusor (so Beloch, iv. 2. 254-5) a younger son of Agathocles whose real name was Agatharchus. A recently published inscription (cf. Fraser, Bull. Alexandr. 41, 1956, 49-55) is a dedication to Sarapis and Isis by Archagathus son of Agathocles, the Ptolemaic lrrwTaTTJS' of Libya about 283279/8; the coincidence of names is striking but there is no evidence for any connexion between this man and the family of the Syracusan tyrant. The Agatharchus mentioned here is probably the Archagathus who perished in Africa in 307. 3. 1. o TETa.Yiltvos lvt A1"u~alou VTiter were to apply that amplification of thenarrative, which serves to fill out the book, to Hiero and Gelo.' P. uses the phrase o i·mp.erpwv Myos elsewhere (xii. 28. ro, xv. 34· I, 35· r) to describe the expansion of a narrative by added argument and comment; he also uses the phrases TOV p.er' avf'~aewS' .\6yov (xv. 36. 1) and TOv i1T£KOtOrtaKoVTa A6yov (xv. 35· 7). Such expansion is bad only when exaggerated and disproportionate, as here where it is applied to Hieronymus, or, for example, to Agathodes of Alexandria (xv. 35· r). It is hard to get any sense for Kat 1repl TaiiTa; and with Schweighaeuser I am disposed to accept Reiske's emendation Kat 1T€ptTT6npo~·: 'how much more sensible would it be and how much richer the history, if a writer etc.' 'lepwva. tca.l. rtA.wva.: Gelo had been raised to co-regency; cf. Archimedis op. ed. Heiberg, ii. 24r. I, 290. 17; Syll. 428--9. 8. Toi:s +'ATJICOOLS ••• To~s +,A.otJ.a.9oOat: the latter are 'students' (cf. iii. 22. 9 n.), the former casual readers who 'like a story' and enjoy o y£vw.\oytKOS' Tp61ros {ix. r. 4). In xi. 19 a 2 P. calls these casual readers TOVS' ctKoliovTas, as distinct from TOVS' cptAofLafJovVTa.wv TfAEtW TWV n'£'VT'IlKOVTO. ~LWO'IlS uwv: he died in 2!6 (z. 2 n.). and was therefore born before 266. On the relevance of this to Hiero's rise to power see i. 8. 3 n.

9. The Treaty between Hannibal and Philip V of Macedonia The news of Cannae decided Philip to approach Hannibal (Livy, xxiii. 33· 4; Walbank, Philip, 70), and in summer 215 an agreement was sworn between Hannibal and Philip's emissary Xenophanes (Livy, xxiii. 33· g). Xenophanes fell into Roman hands, twice according to Livy (xxiii. 33· 5, 34· 4). The first capture is probably to be rejected (Boguth, 5; Holleaux, 183 n. 2; contra Kahrstedt, 450 n. 1); but his capture on the way back (App. Maced. 1), when accompanied by Gisgo, Bostar, and Mago, seems to be authentic, and P.'s text will be that captured with Xenophanes (d. 9· 1; DeSanctis, iii. 2. 407 n. zz). The presence of hiatus indicates the official wording, probably of a Greek translation produced in Hannibal's chancellery. Annalistic versions of the treaty in Livy (xxiii. 33· 10-12), Appian (Maced. 1), and Zonaras (ix. 4· 2-3) deserve no credence. Bickerman has examined this chapter in detail; d. TAP A, 1944, 87-102 4"

TREATY BETWEEN

HA~NIBAL

AXD PHILIP V Vri. 9

(linguistic analysis); A]P, 1952, 1-23. He equates the oath with the Hebrew berit, a 'covenanted' treaty sanctioned not by self-imprecation in the event of a breach, but simply by the sworn assertion in the presence of the gods. The Phoenician term for such a covenant may be alae, a word found in a Canaanite incantation on an amulet (Th. H. Gaster, Orientalia, 1942, 39-79; Bickerman, AJP, 1952, 5 n. 8) and meaning 'everlasting bond'. Bickcrman (ibid. 17) leaves the question open whether Philip made a similar declaration; but since Hannibal's is related to the fulfilment of certain clauses (§§ 4-5) it seems likely that Philip swore a parallel document, which, of course, did not fall into Roman hands. As a berit, designed to secure peace, brotherhood, and mutual protection, the compact assigns no time duration to the alliance, a non-Greek feature at this time. Bickerman further surmises that such a berit did not commit the home government at Carthage (A]P, 1952, 18), and he compares the Ebro River treaty (ii. 13. 7 n.), which he takes also to be a unilateral declaration. If it were certain that Mago, Myrcan, and Bomilcar (§ 1) were envoys plenipotentiary from Carthage (Chroust, Class. et med. 1954, 77), it would be less easy to believe that Carthage remained uncommitted; but unfortunately the status of these cojurors is unknown. In any case, even if they had no power to commit the central government, the treaty may still have been ratified subsequently at Carthage. Hence the question of Carthaginian commitment must be left open. The contents of the treaty are: x. Names of those swearing: identification of the envoy before whom the oath was taken (§ 1). z. List of deities in whose presence the oath is sworn (§§ 2-3). 3· Declaration of friendship by Hannibal and his co-jurors on these conditions (§ 4):

(a) Philip and the Macedonians and the rest of the Greeks to protect Hannibal, the Carthaginians, the people of Utica, subject cities and peoples, and allies in Italy (§§ s--6). (b) Philip and the Macedonians and the rest of the Greeks to be protected by Hannibal, the Carthaginians, the people of Utica, subject cities and peoples, and allies in Italy (§ 7). (c) We will keep faith with each other, treating each other's enemies as our own enemies, excepting only those kings, cities and peoples with whom we have already sworn treaties of alliance (§§ 8-9). (d) The alliance shall last until the Romans are defeated (§ ro). (e) The Macedonians shall give such help as Hannibal may require and as they rna y agree upon (§ u ). 43

VII. 9

THE TREATY BETWEEN HANNIBAL AND

(/) Peace shall be the responsibility of Hannibal and the Carthaginians, but it shall comprise the Macedonians and contain these provisions : (i) Rome shall not attack Philip. {ii) Rome shall abandon her claim to specified Illyrian towns and peoples. (iii) The friends of Demetrius of Pharos shall be returned (§§ I~H3)• (g) After the peace the compact shall become a defensive alliance, each side agreeing to furnish such aid as may be required against either Rome or any other aggressor, except such as have sworn treaties with the other party (§§ 15-16). (h) Subsequent modifications of the treaty are permitted with the consent of the two parties (§ 17). These terms clearly indicate Hannibal's limited war-aims, for they do not envisage the annihilation of Rome. For Philip the treaty was a useful insurance and a claim to those parts of lllyria which interested him; it hardly indicates that he planned to be the decisive force in the war {so Stier, 40-41). For Hannibal it provided a convenient second front to embarrass the Romans, without any real commitments, and its propaganda value among the Greeks of south Italy was considerable. It defined spheres of interest and, even more, spheres of operation. Its vagueness was deliberate. To be significant it required a swift Carthaginian victory, and as the chances of this grew more remote the relevance of the treaty evaporated. For discussion see vValbank, Philip, 72, and the works quoted ibid. 71 n. 3; add L. F. Benedetto, Riv. indo-greco-ital. 3 (fasc. 3-4), 1920, 1o1-25 (a useful account of modern interpretation of the clauses); M. Engers, lvinem. 1938, 134-8; E. Manni, Mem. Ace. Bologna, 3, 1941, 7-26; A.-H. Chroust, Class. et med. 1954, 6o-107 (unimportant); J. G. Fevrier, Cah£ers de Byrsa, 6, 1956, 13-22; and Bickerman's two papers quoted above, pp. 42-43. 9. I. 8pKos, ov ~9ETO ~vvlj3a.s : cf. § 4; for the unusual phrase Bickerman (AJP, 1952, 6 n. 10) quotes 2 Kings xxiii. 5: StaO~K'fJV • .. lOero, and argues that 'the solecism covers a Phoenician formula'; but cf. Aesch. Agam. 1570, opKOtJ~Aous Ka.t otKElous Ka.t O.SeA..j>ous: the words are 'strange and ungrammatically assembled ' (Bickerman, loc. cit.), but one need not follow Reiske: ws rrpos rf>lA.ov..wv •E>..>..ftvwv: cf. § I n. The phrase a.Uwv 'E;\t\~vwv probably reflects the Macedonian claim (since at least the fourth century) to be counted Greek. Cf. Arrian, ii. 14. 4, "l' Ma~e€oovlav Kai e[, T~v &:,\,\1Jv 'E.Udoa (letter from Alexander to Darius); and in Lyciscus' speech to the Spartans (ix. 37· 7) the Achaeans and Macedonians arc said to be 611-6fv'i\m with the Spartans. Similarly, in Syll. 68o = Insch. Olympia, 325, Q. Caecilius Metellus, cos. 143. is honoured by a Macedonian of Thessalonica ap€'T"ij> €V€1C€J) ~ ~~ Kat €1!VOta> ~•jS €XuW otaT€1\H HS T€ aV'TQI' Kat T1)11 TTaTptoa kat TOVS Ao, where 'we' includes both parties ('we' and 'you'). the transition here to Philip and the Macedonians is awkward. Dickerman (TAP A, I944. Ioo n. 73) argues that 'in Greek, as well as in Punic, "you and we" could not be spoken of together except in the third [read "first"] person plural', and he therefore rejects any emendation here. But there is much to be said for inserting vf.Le'i> f.L~V after 1ToMf.Ltot, so as to balance the Punic undertaking in § 9 and changing ~f.LtV to Vf.LLV in the clause 1rpo> ov> • •• qn.\.lat (so Reiske), or alternatively Engers' emendation (Mnem. 1938, 137 n. 1), £a6f.Le8a (rtfLWpovVT£5' d,\,\~.\.ots" Vf.Lt(is f.L~V flawBe) 1ToMf.Lwt. Groag (84) takes the sense to be 'we (Macedonians) will be enemies .. .' ; but the subject cannot switch to the Macedonians in the middle of Hannibal's oath. ~ao-LAEwv Kai 'lrOAEwv t •1v p,o£, vuv av f.garrecrm.Aa.s-. Perhaps then the text can stand without aup,p,axo~. tVTJj.I.Ep(a.v: 'victory'; for the sense see the decree of Iasus on the Pergamene Nicephoria, Rev. Arch. 1929, ro7 l. I7 and the examples there quoted (p. rr3) by S. Lambrino; L Robert (BCH, 1930, 339 n. 1) adds Sosylus (FGH, 176 F r, §II L 7) and Diodorus, passim. 11. ~OT)Ih\oKfi Aa.Ke8aLf-LOV{O£> Ka~ :40T)va.lo£S' TrpouOefvat Kat d~eAEZ~·.

IG i2 • 71, ii:.

112

v. 47·

I:Z;

(= Tod, 144), II. 35-36 (restored).

10-12. Philip V and Messene Philip's first intervention in Messenia may fall in either 01. 141, 1 (216(rs) or 141, 2 (2r5/r4), and so may belong to the summer or autumn of 215 (Seeliger, IJ n. 12) or to the spring of 214 (Niese, ii. 47 r n. 2, and Holleaux, 197 n. 4, both leaving the date open). What survives in P. can be supplemented from Plut. Aral. 49-51, which

PHII.IP V AND MESSENE

VII.

IO

5

derives from him (Walbank, Aratos, 19); this shows (Plut. Arat. $I. I) that the first intervention preceded Philip's Epirote expedition of 214 (Livy, xxiv. 40. 1-q). 10. l. ouaT]s STJf1oKpa.Tla.s 'l!"a.pO. To'Ls MeaaT]vlots: this fragment from Suidas (§ I) probably refers to the situation in Messene after Philip had egged on the democrats to destroy their opponents (13. 6; cf. Plut. Arat. 49· 3-5). Hence it should probably stand after 10. 2-5 or even I2 (see above, p. 2; Seeliger, 12 n. 3, q). The aTpa'T'YJyol of Plut. Arat. 49· 4 suggest a constitutional change since 220, when the officers were ephors (iv. 4· 2 n., 31. z); this will reflect a change to Achaean institutions, and probably a move towards moderate democracy under Gorgus, in contrast to the close oligarchy of the neutral party (iv. 32. 1). P.'s eulogy of Gorgus (1o. 2-5) suggests that he was pro-Achaean, but his wealth and family (ro. 2) do not point to an extreme democrat. In encouraging extreme democracy at Messene Philip took a step towards alinement with the revolutionary elements, later developed in his compact with Nabis of Sparta (see Walbank, Philip, 164-5, 273). Twv O.pxa.£wv 'lfOAlTwv: this implies that new citizens had been enrolled, but not necessarily that those who had usurped the property of the exiles, and whose political equality (l • •. SetYr-cpo> Mlia.dq.: the massacre of magistrates and leading citizens (Plut. A rat. 49· s; above § r n.). Plutarch also relates the abuse of Philip by the younger Aratus, Arat. so. 2, iDOKEL s·

o vEavla~eor; ovS€ KaAO>

Jpiiv ToiJ fPt.At7T7Tov· ~ea.~ TOTE >.eywv ElrrE rrpos a.VTov,

w::

E7'L a.lvotTO TTJV lJif;tv airr{j> TOtaiha. lipdaar;' d.>.>.a 11'clVTWV

a.rux~uTos.

EVETpa.,..TJ: 'he gave way from shame'.

13. 1. fLOXLs ls.'II'ETpe"'a.To TOV •i>.nmov: i.e. from seizing Ithome. 2. Toll ••. fJfL'Lv ~v ~,..a.yyeM~ Ka.i. cpO.an fLOVov dpTJfLEYou: 'the statement made in anticipation and as a mere assertion'; cf. v. 12. 7-8. 6o

PHILIP V AND ?.IESSENE

VII. 14 b

& 1.-rrayy TOU T woAtos-}. ,.&s ••. J Jvlitlos. N

"

"''

•

I

-

16. 2. 1\€'ou 6£ TOV ~a. p.tv El> -rE'i3pdas £K7rEp.rrov-ro>) ; it cannot refer to Achaeus' guards, as this point was unguarded (15. 6). Everything was to go on as usual. •ls Tov t,.,.11'68poJ.LOV: unidentified, but clearly outside the city. The battle line was to tempt out the enemy and, failing that, to maintain the morale of the besieging troops by demonstrating their superiority. Aribazus' action in sending out troops to meet Antiochus' attack shortly afterwards (§ 9) suggests that some fighting outside the gate was normal routine. 4. Tj '1'6~1-La. Twv d.va.J3a.wovTwv Ka.l Tra.pa.~a.X~oJ.LtvWv: 'the venturesome and perilous ascent' (Paton). 6. Trpos TO.s ~,.,.t 86.npa. Tru~a.s: this 'Persian gate' has not been located. 8. TOO'ii ciTra.v~aovTa.s et,. TT)v TrU~"lv: the gate Lagoras and Dionysius are planning to open (16. 5). The movement in the enemy camp which leads Achaeus in the citadel to make these dispositions is the same one (§ 6, -ro m:pi -r~v oA1J" Trapqt{3oA1)v Klv-qp.a) which causes I!Ul73

F

VII. 17. 8

ANTIOCHUS' CAPTURE OF SARDES

Antiochus to plan the diversion at the Persian gate; but Achaeus' troops reach the gate too late. As soon as he sees the king's forces attacking there, Aribazus, in the town, goes to the defence of the Persian gate. Whether the excitement in the army at the sight of Lagoras' ascent was visible from the city as well as from the acropolis is not clear. See Bevan, Seleucus, ii. 6. 9. !b.p(~nto~: cf. r8. 4, 18. 7, viii. zr. 9· On the use of Iranians in Seleucid armies see Launey, i. 567-8. 8t0. Tijs wuATJs O.cjlte(~: why he did not remain within the walls is not clear. Perhaps some offensive action was essential to the morale of the besieged. Clearly Aribazus, who suspected nothing (d~ed~ews a.K1'WO'O.V1'COS ••• 9wpa.t {3.!/..ov>: here seems to be 'within the dead angle'; Paton paraphrases 'too near to be struck by the mangonels [sic]'. For the more usual sense cf. x. 5· 14, 'T~v uSpdav Jno>: {3€/..ov,; 'TTOtTfad.p.evo>. 6. i!ws O.v8potJ.TjKous uljtou;: 'to a man's height'. Whether these were all at the same level is not stated; but it seems likely that many 74

THE SIEGE OF SYRACUSE

VIII. 5· to

were fairly low so that the scorpions could reduce the dead angle to virtually uothing. Even assuming that the apertures were I ft. 6 in. wide on the inside, the machines would have no room for manceuvre from right to left, and must have fired virtually along fixed lines; but the loopholes, which were frequent (Ka.TE1TVKvwaE), and similar to those familiar from medieval castles, allowed archers to fire missiles downwards at a sharp angle. The narrowness of the aperture on the outside afforded a high degree of protection, and made entry through it impossible. There is a reference to this device of Archimedes in Anon. de obsid. tol. 39 (319 Thevenot). ws 1Ta.Aa.tCTTta.toLs ••• tuna TTJV EKToS E1Tt~p6.v£La.v: 'about a palm's breadth on the outer face'. Livy (xxiv. 34· 9) mistranslates, 'murum ab imo, ad summum crebris cubitalibus fere cauis aperuit'; evidently 7TaAa.urna.i:os was unfamiliar, and Livy did not appreciate the advantage of a narrow aperture. O'KOp1Tt~ha.: small arrow-firing catapults; cf. Hero, Belop. 74 Wescher, Ttl OE EO(JVTov&. TWlS Kal UKOp7Tlovs Ka.Aouatv cl.m) Tfj> 1T. Ttl plv EVIJVTova cl£0"Totk p,ovovs dcpl7]at. Plut. Marc. 15. 5 refers to this occasion: o{ aKop1Ttot {3pa.xvTovm p,lv, ~yyviJcv OE 1rAfj[at 1Tap r{j.> p.ln]f-La.n aya.i\p.a. im~p

w;; av arroA7]KOVV Tots 00.KT1JAOL>).

rijs Kf.~a.i\fjs lxov Tds xelpa.s 7Terrol7]Tt:tL For the evidence see FGH, 139 F 9

(Aristobulus), 124 F 34 (Callisthenes), 244 F 303 (Apollodorus), 122 F 2 (Amyntas); A then. xii. 529 D FHG, ii. 305 (Clearchus), Arrian, ii. 5· 3-4; Plut. Mor. 336 c; and the somewhat speculative account in Weissbach, RE, 'Sardanapal', cols. 2442-5, 2466-71, who links the tradition with a commemorative stele set up by Sennacherib near 84

CRITICISM OF THEOPOMPUS

VIII.

10. 12

Anchiale in south-east Asia Minor, and another monument at Nineveh. The verse epitaph is widely quoted with variant readings: see the list in Weiss bach, op. cit., coL 2446. P.'s source for it is unknown; but Wunderer (ii. so, 84, 86) suggests very plausibly that he had it from some collection of quotations, but that the words ov ~v lv -rci_j {Jtq.~ «TA. down to the end of the quotation, which add little to his point and link awkwardly with the preceding sentence, were inserted after the original composition of this chapter. 5. ou SuvTJBn ~~:nTa.slws Et1r1iiv ~~:TA.: Philip II's reputation was still a matter for controversy in Greece, as the rival speeches of Chlaeneas the Aetolian and Lyciscus the Acarnanian (ix. 28 and 33) show. P.'s own view is repeatedly asserted: Philip was a benefactor, who liberated the Peloponnesians oppressed by Sparta and treated Athens with magnanimity (v. zo. r, xviii. 14, xxii. r6). This judgement is understandable in the light of the close relations long existing between Megalopolis and Macedon (cf. ii. 48. 2 n.) ; but it led to embarrassment when the Achaeans abandoned Philip V for Rome (cf. xviii. 14· 6 n.; Walbank, CQ, 1943, 8--g). On the late-third- and second-century revival of slogans and attitudes relevant to the fourth century, especially in the Peloponnese, where the career of Cleomenes had revived the old tradition of 'liberation' from Sparta, see Treves, LEC, 1940, 167-8. 7. m:pt a.uTwv: i.e. Philip's companions, maligned by Theopompus, and especially the 13t&.Soxo' (§ u), Ptolemy, Antipater, Perdiccas, Craterus, Antigonus, Polyperchon, Cassander, Eumenes, and Seleucus. H. ev 1TAE£a-ro~s u1ToJ1\It]J1aow: 'in numerous histories'; for this sense of ihrop..vflf. LaTa cf. i. 1. 1 n., ix. L 3, xii. 27. 3, etc. In fact, this period was sparingly treated by historians; and, as Jacoby observes (FGH, ii D, p. 543), the lost works probably showed the encomiastic traits characteristic of what survives. Authors treating the early period of the Diadoch£ and listed by Jacoby are few; apart from the sober Hieronymus of Cardia (FGH, 154) and the anonymous author of the so-called Heidelberg epitome (FGH, 155), the only writer earlier than P., until one comes to the career of Pyrrhus, is Nymphis of Heraclea (FGH, 432), who lived c. 3r0-245 and wrote twenty-four books 7rEpl J4AEgav3pou «at Twv Ll£a86xwv Kat 'Emy6vwv. That the general note was encomiastic seems confirmed by P.'s remarks on the Diadochi as a body (wvovS~v il.v Stat P..V7JfLOVf..V(!tV f7r' ov&p..aTos). Neglect of the Diadochi seems due at least in part to a literary predisposition in favour of another type of history; cf. n. 3-7 n. 12. T1}v J.l~V TlJ.lalou ... 1T~~~:p£a.v •.. ~~:a.T' :A.ya.9oKMous: on Timaeus see i. 5· r-5 n. and xii passim. For his invective against Agathocles, to whom he owed his banishment (Diod. xxi. 17· r), see Diodorus,

ss

VIII.

Io. 12

TREATMENT OF KINGS IN HISTORY:

ibid. 'TU 7ToX\O. KaTitfWCTTat 'TOU SuvaCT'TOU, s,a. 'T~V 7Tpo,; a!Yrov lx8pav; below, xii. 15. I-Io, xv. 35· 2-7. Timaeus' account of Agathocles was contained in books xxxiv-xxxviii, the last five of his history (Diod. xxi. 17· 3), but whether they were published separately with their own preface is unknown (cf. Jacoby, FGH, iii b, p. 531); see further Brown, s-6, 87-90. O!LWS 'A6yov EXELv: P. is less favourable in xii. IS. Io and xv. 35· 2, where he condemns Timaeus as malicious and one-sided in his concealment of Agathocles' merits and achievements. Here he wishes to contrast him with Theopompus, and he is influenced by the respective characters of Agathocles and the Diadochi. Moreover, viii was written before ISO (cf. iii. I-S n.) whereas xii was probably written after Polybius had visited western Europe and the Atlantic and had grown more hostile towards Timaeus (cf. xii n.). In allowing invective against Agathocles because Timaeus was writing KaT' €x8pou, P. may seem to be relaxing his demand for impartiality; but Agathocles is also 7TOV1)po,; Ka1 TVpavvo,;, and this justifies the historian's full indulgence of hostility. 11. 1. OUK EO"Tl nov a.to-xf>Wv Ka.l. 8uvwv 8 1Ta.pa.'A€'Aom£: M. Treu (Historia, 1954, 220 n. 1) suggests that this was to conform to the rule that in history (as distinct from encomium) both praise and blame must be applied to the same person; cf. x. 21. 8. But some vices are irreconcilable with a character IEVqwtECT'Ta'TOU 7Tpo> apf'T~V yc:yovoTo>, and those Theopompus alleged against.Philip II were such. How in fact Theopompus gave consistency to his study of Philip the fragments do not permit us to determine. 2. 1TEpt -r~v ••• 1rpo€K8£0"LV: cf. 9· I n. ; 1rpo€K8wt> suggests a survey of the contents (cf. iii. I. 5 n.). 1rpayp.anla is 'history' and is quite colourless (cf. ii. 56. 3, s. of Phylarchus; v. 33· 8, of unspecified contemporaries). There is no reason to suppose that P. is using it ironically (so Brandstaeter, 234 n. 951). £mK'AT)-rou ~•.oL8opLa.S: 'far-fetched abuse' (Paton), rather than Ernesti 'merito castiganda vituperatione' (comparing dvmkAr;To> 'free from blame'). -rO.s EYKW!LlO.O"TLKaS a1Tocpa0"£LS: i.e. by going to one extreme (AotSopla) he will convince the reader of his impartiality when he proceeds to the other (iyKilJp.tov). Both go beyond the ,Poyo> and l.1ratvo,; which are a proper part of the historian's duty (x. 21. 8); cf. Avenarius, 16o. 3-7. T heopompus' change of plan. The H ellenica, which ran from 411 to 394 (cf.8.9-u n.), were abandoned in favour of thePhilippica, which extended to fifty-eight books, beginning with the year 36o/59 (Diod. xvi. 3· 8 FGH, us T 17). P.'s polemic against this changed plan reflects the attitude of the historians living in the free cities (who still wrote 'EX\r;vtd) towards the authors of monographs, IPtAmmKa, 86

CRITICISM OF THEOPOMPUS

VIII. rz.

2

14:\cedvSpou 1rpaens, etc., who were more closely associated with the kings and placed their personalities at the centre of their works (cf. Jacoby, FGH, ii. D, pp. 543-4). 3. acf G>V 0ouKuS£Slls am\Al'ITE: like Xenophon's H ellenica: FGH, II5 T 13-14. uuvEyy(cras Tois AEuKTptKois Katpois KTA.: an exaggeration, for 394. the tenninal point of the H ellenica, is twenty-three years before Leuctra. But P. wishes to stress the dazzling events which were awaiting Theopompus, if only he had continued his general history; for the foundation of Megalopolis and the setting up of the Arcadian League are naturally nl. l7TL..l]v: the camp where Cambylus was stationed (rs. s). 10. u1rip Twv E1Ta.yyEAlwv: 'about the promised reward'.

19. I. EKTEvwc; Ka.i cp~Aocppovws: cf. xxiii. r8. 4; 'in a warm and cordial manner'; see Welles, p. 330. 2. il>..KovTa. To Tfjc; 1rpasEws aTaO'lfLov: cf. xii. z8. 6; 'equal to the gravity of the occasion' (Paton). 5. 1Tpoc; KpfjTG KplJTLbWV: d. Plut. Lys. 20. 2, 7rpd> Kpi)Ta. oJ U.pa, TO Toil J.ayov, KP'f/Tl{wv ~yvoEL Tov <Papvaf3a{ov; A em. Paul. 23. ro; Corpus paroem. graec. i. 507, ii. 8r r ; Suidas, Kp1JTl{Ew and Trpo> Kpf/Ta KP1JTl{etv. According to Zenobius (iv. 62; cf. Corpus paroem. graec. i. ror) the saying arose from a piece of trickery practised by the Cretan Idomeneus at Troy; but the proverb may well be as old as intercourse with Crete. Cf. \Vunderer, i. 41; see above, r6. 4 n.; Launey, i. 286 n. 3· oU&Ev atPTfMcplJTOV: cf. r6. 4 n. 7, T~V J\lllot (e.g. \Velles, 45, 11. 3~4), ol 7Tpwrot tf>D.ot (e.g. OGIS, 255) and oi 11pwTot Ka~ 7TpOTL/LW· p.Evot tf>lAot (not attested for the Seleucids, but cf. Holleaux, lltttdes, iii. zzo~s, who discusses the evidence for these expressions in various kingdoms of Asia Minor and elsewhere in relation to the letter now republished as Welles, 45). It would be their normal duty to attend the king in the early morning. l. TOU O'UVE8piou: cf. v. 41. 6, 49· I, so. 6, 5I· 3· s8. 2; Corradi, 231~53; Bikerman, r8g. It is not so much a permanent council as a session of the king's Friends giving advice which the king takes by custom, though he is not obliged to do so. 3. Achaeus' punishment: see B. H. van Proosdij, Hermes, 1934,347-50. wpW'Tov p,Jv ••• p.ETd o€ Taiha are clearly two stages in the punishment, not (as Niese, ii. 345) two successive proposals, the second a modification of the first. The decision was to amputate Achaeus' extremities, to cut off his head and sew it up in an ass's skin, and to impale the body on a stake. By d.KpWT1Jpta,Ew the Greeks understood the cutting off of the ears and nose (d. Polyaen. vii. 12, aKpw71Jptdua> To 7Tp6uw7Tov) ; but Luckenbill (ii. 363) shows that the Assyrian practice (and probably that of eastern peoples generally) was to cut off the tongue, lips, and hands as well (cf. i. 8o. 13, 2 Mace. vii. 4, yAWfJfJOTOP,Etv Kai 7T€ptaKv8laaVTOS aKpW71]pta,ew). The amputation of the head can also be paralleled from Mesopotamia (cf. Luckenbill, ii. 300); but the only parallel van Proosdij can find for stitching up the head in an ass's skin is in Herod. i. 214. 4, where Tomyris li.aKOV ••• 7TA1juaqa aip,o.Toa.£veoila~: it is the effect of Fortune that is so dumbfounding; Hultsch compares 20. g, d,Pa.aiav. See Vol. I, p. 19. 9. ot j.LEV 1rpos ~pt~a~ov: cf. vii. 17. 9: Aribazus commanded the garrison in the citadel. 10-12. The lessons of Achaeus' fall. These are on different planes. The first is pure worldly wisdom: never be too ready to trust anybody! The second is a counsel of moderation in time of prosperity, because being but men (ct. ii. 4- 5 n.) we must expect a reversal of fortune (cf. i. 35 n.). On this second point, repeatedly stressed throughout the Histories, see Vol. I, pp. 19-20; P. urges moderation, not in the hope of averting the disaster, but because it is more fitting to human dignity.

22. A fragment on Cavarus This fragment cannot be dated ·with certainty as between 213 (implied by its position here) and 212 (Nissen; Hultsch, index, p. 78); but it is more likely that, along with 23, it belongs to 212, in which case it should follow 24-34; see above, p. 6. P. probably mentioned Cavarus in relation to the fall of his kingdom at the hands of the Thracians (cf. iv. 46. 4); see Stahelin, II7; Niese, ii. 570; Schoch, RE, Suppl.-B. iv, 'Kauaros', cols. 881-2. On P.'s possible source see iv. 45· 10 n. 22. l. 1roAA.~v ••. liacj>6.A.Eta.v: against pirates as well as Celts and Thracians, and no doubt for a price (d. iv. 45--6); Bengtson, Historia, 1962, 26.

2. To 'Is 1rpos Tous Spq.tea.'i teat Bl9uvous 1TOA~j.LOlS: Prusias had assisted the Rhodians in their war against Byzantium {cf. iv. 47· 7, 49· 1-52. 10), and had subsidized Thracian attacks on the Byzantines in Europe (iv. 51. 8 n.). But Thracian attacks may have gone on after the peace with Prusias. 3. IwaTp6.Tou Tou te6A.ateos: cf. Schoch, RE, 'Sostratos (4)', col. 1200. This unknown man probably played some part in Cavarus' downfall (Niese, ii. 570 n. 4).

23. Antiochus and Xerxes of Arsamosata Like 22, this fragment probably refers to 212, and will have stood, with it, after 24-34; see above, p. 6. The belief of Babelon (Rois de Syrie, cxcv. 212) and earlier numismatists that this Antiochus is Antiochus IV Epiphanes must be rejected; for John Antioch. (FHG, iv. 557) dates the marriage of Xerxes to Antiochus' sister W€ l4wl{JasbroMp.€t Toi:s- 'Pwp.alots-; cf. Bevan, Seleucus, iL 295; Bouche-Leclercq,

ANTIOCHUS AND XERXES OF ARSAMOSATA VIII. 23. 3

Stfleucides, ii. 569-70: Holleaux, Etudes, iii. 192 n. I, who observes that the position of the extract in the fragments on vice and virtue also assures its approximate date. 23. 1. :epsou ~aaiAEuov-ros 'II'OAEws :.\pJJ.oaa-ra: this Xerxes is known from coins, which show him bearded and wearing a tiara, and bear the legend {1arnA€w.c; BJ.pgov (d. Babelon, Rois de Syrie, cxcv. 212; Allotte de la Fuye, Rev. num. 1927, 144). He is probably the son of Arsarnes, who helped Antiochus when he entered .Mesopotamia during his war against Seleucus II (v. 7+ 4 n.; Polyaen. iv. I7), and may be the founder of Arsarnosata (Beloch, iv. 2. 361 ; Holleaux, lttudes, v. 321-2). This is the form of the name of the city in Tacitus (Ann. xv. ro. 6; cf. Pliny, Nat. hist. vi. 26; Ptol. v. 12. 8) and is probably the more correct, though a version similar to P.'s occurs in Not. episc. i. 950 (Hierodes, Synecdemus ed. Part hey, 89), )tpfWDrranJ.; see too Geog. Rav. ii. 12, 13 (75· 7 and 8o. r8 Pinder-Parthey). J. G. C. Anderson, CAH, x. 88o, identifies it with 'the Armenian Asmusat, the Shamshat or Shimshat of Arab geographers, one of whom locates it a mile above the junction of Nahr Salkit (probably the Peri Su) with the Arsanias (]HS, r897, zs). while another describes it as fully two days march east of Kharput', and he suggests that it may be the extensive ruins at Nagaran, east-south-east of Kharaba. See further the works quoted by Anderson, loc. cit.; CAH, x, map facing p. 255; Baumgartner, RE, 'Arsamosata', col. 1271. Armenia had recognized the suzerainty of Seleucus I (App. Syr. 55; Strabo, xi. 531), but its native rulers repeatedly tried to avoid paying tribute (cf. § 4). Later it is under two of Antiochus' generals, the native Armenians Artaxias and Zariadris, who governed the east and west halves respectively; after Magnesia they made themselves independent (Strabo, xi. szB, 531; Bengtson, Strat. ii. r57). 1rpos -rLArJtJ-EVos Ka.t N£Kwv: so too Livy, xxv. 8. 5; Appian (Hann. 32) calls the leader of the conspiracy Cononeus {cf. Frontinus, Strat. iii. 3· 6). Wuilleumier, i. 150 n. 8, suggests this is another name of Philemenus, just as Nicon was also called Percon (Livy, xxvi. 39· IS); but Appian seems to be following a separate tradition. 9. Twv ESEAa.a9EVTwv rrpwt 9pEj.lfLcl.Twv: 'the herds of cattle that would be driven out to pasture the next morning'. 10. rrtaTLV ••• rrpos TOUS 'ITOhtTO.S: cf. Livy, XXV. 8. 6, 'ut fidem popularibus facerent' ; but this nuance that it was the populares who were loyal to Rome is not present in P. Fordm)TovKpartr:Troucf. I/. 40.

25. 2. Tas Se Twv 'Pwp.a.£wv otK£a.s ••• ~ha.prratEw: cf. Liv-y, xxv. 8. 8, prodita praesidia Carthaginiensium fore. Livy adds the promise that the Tarentines should not receive a Punic garrison against their will, perhaps implied in P.'s Jl.~T· aAAo f.LYJO'v .l-rma~.

7. rnLOV Al~wv: M. Livius in Livy (xxvi. 39· J, xxvii. 25, J, 34· 7}, who adds the cognomen Macatus; d. also Livy, xxiv. 20, 13 (name restored). In Frontinus (Strat. iii. 3· 6, 17. 3) he has no praenomen; Appian (Hann. 32) calls him Iunius; and the praenomen Marcus is also in Plutarch, Fab. 23. 3, Mor. 195 F~196 A. The Livian (and Plutarchean} version is probably, but not certainly, right {contra Klotz, Rh.Mus. I935, 149 ;Livius, I77n. 3); cf. Munzer, RE, 'Livius (24)', cols. 885-7- Livy reveals his sympathy for his namesake by suppressing I02

HANKIBAL'S CAPTURE OF TARENTUM

VIII. 25.7

S.Coglio del ( Ton no

yo>'

te (\\ N,, poli

M :1 R I P 1C UH 0 (Tarentum harbour l

c,R I \'[)E

4·

PLAN OF TARENTUlii

the commander's name in his account of the fall of the town {Livy, 8. IO, 9· 6, IO. J). Tov 'll'uAwvo. T(w U'll'o Tns TTJJ-LEvt8a.s •.• 'll'oAa.s: 'the gate-tower below the Temenid gate'; the gate by which Philemenus made his entries was clearly distinct from the Temenid gate, by which Hannibal eventually gained access to the city {cf. z8. z, 29. 4), and of which Heracleides possessed the keys (xiii. 4· 6). The former evidently stood near the Temenid gate, but a little to the south of it. The Temenid gate has been convincingly identified with that in the eastern wall just south of the Mare Piccolo in the neighbourhood of Masseria Collepazzo, and north of the modern via di Leece (cf. Lenormant, La Grande-Grece, i. 104; G.B. dal Lago, Riv. stor. ant. 1, fasc. 4, 1895-6, 5 ff.; Oehler, RE, 'Tarentum (1)', col. 2308; plan of Tarentum in the folder to Wuilleumier, scale I: so,ooo). Others place the Temenid soo m. further south in the Marzullo property (Viola, Not. d. scav. r88I, 395; Evans, ]HS, r886, s); but this gate is probably to be identified with that used by Philemenus (so dal Lago and Oehler, locc. citt.). Alternative locations of Philemenus' gate still further south and west beside the Salina Piccola can hardly be reconciled with 29. 4, r~v 1Tapa.KHp.€vrp' '11'VA1J" (i.e. next after the Tern enid gate). The name Temenid (cf. z8. z; Livy, xxv. 9· 9) probably XXV.

!OJ

VIII. 25.7

HANNIBAL'S CAPTURE OF TARENTUM

connects with the Heraclid T~;.tevos; and there may have been a Temenid gate at Sparta, the mother-city of Tarentum (M. Mayer, RE, 'Temenos (z)', col. 457). Wuilleumier (i. 243), however, connects the name ·with Tl.;.tevos {despite the )]), and compares Te;.tevtTt>, a name referred at Syracuse to a region, a fountain, agate, and Apollo himself; the road at Tarentum led to the tomb of Apollo Hyacinth us (28. 2}, probably associated with a -r€;.t€vos. See further Viola, Not. d. scav. I88I, 393 ff.; dal Lago, Riv. star. ant. i, fasc. 4, r895-6, 5-2r. 8. T~v pwo1nJXTJv: 'the postern-gate'; this evidently lay beside the main gates, and would be opened for authorized persons after these were shut (cf. § g, vvKT Ba9E(as .ivacp(pouaav: cf. 33· 6; 'by the street leading from the Deep Road'. TTAania could be a proper name, as in Miletus (Syll. 57, l. 27); but it is usually just 'a street'; d. 30. 9, 34· 9, xv. 30.4; LSJ, TTAanl,. The topography is not yet clear. The Deep Road clearly formed one limit of the lo\\ er city running from east to west (33· 6} ; and it is likely that it ran along the shore of the ~lare Piccolo more or less where Wuilleumier's map puts it. This would fit the assumption of dal Lago (Riv. star. ant. i, fasc. 4, r895-6, ro) and Oehler (RE, 'Tarentum (I}', col. 2309) that named streets were restricted to the western, built-up part of the city. But Hannibal appears to have followed the Deep Road for some distance before turning up the TTAaT€ia leading to the agora. Probably he advanced from the Temenid Gate through the Pizzone area to the

VIII.

29. I


Mare Piccolo in the neighbourhood of the Villa Carducci, east of S. Lucia, and then followed the Deep Road along the north side of the city, eventually turning south towards the agora. See Wuilleumier, i. 245 (with full bibliography); Kromayer-Veith, Schlachtenatlas, Rom. Abt. 7· 4 (where, however, Hannibal leaves the coast too soon, at S. Lucia). As Wuilleumier, loc. cit., observes, Hannibal had an interest in marching low down beside the harbour, both to avoid an early alarm and to seize the port itself. The exact position of the 7rAaTEi:a is undetermined; but it probably ran east of the transverse road of 34· 9· 3. Ka.Tci uope(a.v: 'in marching order' (d. iv. 69. 3), not in acie (Reiske and Schweighaeuser). 4. Eui TfJV ua.pa.KELflEVT)\1 uuXT)v: south of the Temenid Gate; here Philemenus was well known (25. 7 n.). 5. KO.Ta.~O.L\IW\1 upos TfJ\1 fiL\IO"ITUXT)\1: from the 'TrVAwv (zs. 7). 6. upos a.LJTC)v n OLa.TE(vew: 'that it had some relevance to himself'; on liLaTELvELv, pertinere, cf. Welles, 326. 7. TfJ\1 upWTT)\1 exwv xwpa.v TOU <jlopiJfla.TOS: 'occupying the first place among those carrying the stretcher'. In Livy, xxv. 9· 14, Philemenus brings up the rear of the procession. vofla.OLKfJ\1 ... OLa.aKeui)v: 'herdsman's clothing'. 9. Tous 11oxXous: of the main gate (d. 28. r2). 10. upoijyov ws eut TfJV cl.yopciv: presumably by the direct route past the Tesoro (see Wuilleumier's map, and the route shown in Kromayer-Veith, Schlachtenatlas, Rom. Abt. 7· 4).

30. 6. Eut TfJV uuXT)v TfJV <jlepouaa.v Eut Tov XLflEVa.: this gate, opening into the Mare Piccolo, is located by Viola (Not. d. scav. r88r, 393), dal Lago (Riv. star. ant. i, fasc. 4, r895--6, 8) and Evans (]HS, r886, 4 plan) towards S. Lucia; but there is no reason to locate it so far east, and the commander's house was probably fairly near the acropolis. Wuilleumier (i. 242-3) suggests that this gate is the one at the north end of the street mentioned in 34· 9, at the very western end of the lower town. t:ts TfJV CiKpa.v ua.pt:KOf1L0'9TJ: 'he was conveyed along the coast to the citadel'. 7. aTaVTES eut To 9ea.Tpov: the site is uncertain. According to Florus (i. 13. 3 f.) 'imminet portui ad prospectum maris positum theatrum'. Viola (Not. d. scav. r88r, 407) suggested that it was later converted into the Roman amphitheatre found south-east of the church del Carmine (see Wuilleumier's map); but there is no archaeological support for this, and Wuilleumier (i. 248) suggests that following normal Greek practice the theatre was built on the side of the Castello, in the south-west of the town (if indeed it lay within the lower town), or alternatively on the slope above the Mare Piccolo, ro6


VIII. 33· 6

to the east of the Peripato. For this theatre see also Dion. Hal. xix. 5· 2-3; Dio, ix, fg. 39· 5; Oros. iv. I. I; Hesych. s.v. op6/-LO>. ia-IJ11mvov: according to Livy (xxv. ro. 4) a single trumpet 'inscienter a Graeco inflata quis aut quibus signum claret incertum efficiebat'. 10. Ta~a.a9a.L To au11~a.'Lvov: 'to form a clear idea of what had happened'. The sense is unusual. Schweighaeuser comments: 'TC1.taa8a, apud P. saepe ponitur pro awTC1.taa8aL. itaque, quemadmodum TataaBal TLVL (uel7rp6> TLva) mc:pl TLvo> uel seq. infmitiuo, ii. 59· 8, v. 9· 3 etc., ... significat constituere cum aliquo, agere cum aliquo; sic Tataa8al TL absque casu personae denotare poterit constituere aliquid secum, et uelut in animo suo aliquid componere et ordinare, id est, certam sibi notionem rei injormare, certum iudicium jerre.' Cf. Livy, xxv. ro. 1, 'quid rei esset nemo satis pro certo scire'.

31. 3. <jlLXa.v9pwTrous OLeXex911 Myous: according to Livy xxv. ro. 8 he spoke of his generosity towards Tarentines captured at Trasimene and Cannae; as there will have been no Tarentines at Trasimene, Livy evidently had this detail from Coelius (cf. Klotz, Livius, r66). 4. imyp6.1fa.L TAPANTINOY: contrast Livy, xxv. ro. 9, 'fori bus nomen suum inscribere'; this variant may be an autoschediasma (d. Klotz, Livius, 165). 6. To us eTrLTT)OELoTaTous uero recte uice uersa est interpretatus: scilicet arx ab urbe separata erat fossa, quae a parte urbis erat, et muro, qui a parte arcis; nunc, uice uersa, urbs aduersus arcem munita erat fossa, quae arcem spectabat, et ualido aggere cum uallo, qui muri instar erat, a parte urbis.' This is over-subtle; especially since part of this 'reversed defence' is the Tapo> already mentioned in § 4· 6. aTrO TllS Iwn(pa.s ~ws ELS T~\1 Ba.9e'La.v Trpoo-a.yopEUOflE\IT)\1: these two streets indicate the extremities of the wall from the Mare Grande to the Mare Piccolo. On the Deep Road cf. 29. 1 n. Dal Lago (Riv. stor. ant. i, fasc. 4, r895-6, n) identifies the Saviour Road with an ancient way which, after following the coast, turns inland past the 107

VIII. 33· 6

HA~NIBAL'S

CAPTURE OF TARENTUM

Masseria della Vaccarella to reach the eastern wall near the Masseria del Carmine (see \Vuilleumier's map and Fig. 4): but the details are uncertain. See Oehler, RE, 'Tarentum (1)', col. 2310; Wuilleumier, i. :245-6. l}dJT££pa may refer to Poseidon, worshipped as awrqp at Tarentum (JG, xiv. 54; cf. Wuilleumier, i. 246, 479). 8. 'll'apa TOV 'II'OTQ.!lOV TOv) ••• r a.Aa.iaov ••• EopwTa.v: for the double name cf. Schol. ad Pind. Ol. vi. 46. For the river cf. Virgil, Georg. iv. 125-6, 'sub Oebaliae ... turribus arcis, qua niger umectat flauentia culta Galaesus'; Hor. Od. ii. 6. ro; Prop. ii. 34· 67; Mart. ii. 43· 3, iv. z8. 3, v. 37· 2, xii. 63. 3; Stat. Situ. ii. 2. II r, iii. 3· 93· Since Lenormant (La Grande-Grece, i. rg) it has been identified with the small stream which runs past the village of Citrezze; this is about 6oo yds. from source to mouth, and enters the Mare Piccolo on its north side about 2 miles from Tarentum (see Wuilleumier, 5, with criticism of other views). Though supported by local tradition and the presence of a chapel of S. Maria di Galeso, this identification does not fit P.'s figures, which are confirmed by Livy, xxv. rr. 8, 'quinque milia ab urbe a best'. Hannibal's camp must have been east of Tarentum; and T. J. Dunbabin (CQ, 1947, 93-94) plausibly identified the Galaesus with what is now a drainage channel in a concrete bed, the Ajedda, which flows into the eastern end of the Mare Piccolo at the right distance from Tarentum. 'This site, besides offering ready communication with the town ... could give Hannibal a pivotal position from which he could move all or part of his forces north or west as required' (Dunbabin, loc. cit.). 9. T1)v li'I'I'OlK,av Ka.l. T1)v auyyivewv ••• 1TfO'> Aa.Ke8aLI:iovlous: Tarentum (Taras) was traditionally founded from Sparta after the First 1\fessenian War, to get rid of a base-born element, the Partheniae, of whose origins several accounts exist (cf. xii. 6 b 5 n.; Strabo, vi. 278-8o; Ps.-Scymn. 330 ff.; Paus. iii. I2. 5-6. X. IO. 6-8; Dion. HaL xix. r. 2-3; Arist. Pol. vii (v). 7· 13o6 b zg; Iustin. iii. 4). The oecist was Phalanthus, a figure with many mythological accretions (such as his rescue by a dolphin, Paus. x. 13. ro); and it has been suggested that the first landing was at Satyrion, some r2 km. south-east of the later town (Wuilleumier, i. 46). The foundation is dated to 7o6 (Euseb.-Hieronymus, Chron. p. 159, Fotheringham). See Wuilleumier, L 9-47 (with an account of the pre-Laconian inhabitants); Dunbabin, z8-3r. Oehler, RE, 'Tarentum (r)', cols. 2302-13, is wholly topographical. The Laconian characteristics of Tarentum are well marked.

aut~ is a 'general statement or pronouncement' (rather than 'a judgement': so Mauersberger); cf. i. 14. 8 n., 57. 4; and the USe of a1To4>~vau8a£ in § I, which iS echoed here. 3-5. Archidamus of Sparta: on this example see v. 37· r n.; also the discussion of E. Gabba, A then. 1957, 41-48. 5, Tijs ••• il'l!'o9iaEws Tflo; aoTflo; !lEVOUUtJS: 'the situation being still the same'. Here 1'm60Eat~ seems to mean 'presupposition of an action'. t}uywv TrpbTepov: cf. § 3· After Cleomenes' accession, according toP.; but Plutarch (i.e. Phylarchus) may be right in dating it to 24I on the murder of Agis (Plut. Cleom. r. I). P. who is concentrating on Archidamus' death and Cleomenes' responsibility, follows a version which insists on Cleomenes' hostility throughout; cf. Gabba, A then. 1957· 44 ff. 6-8. Pelopidas of Thebes. Pelopidas, the son of Hippocles, was one of Epaminondas' confederates in the recovery of the Cadmeia from the Spartans and the restoration of Theban democracy in winter 379 (Diod. xv. 25-37; Plut. Pelop. 8-12; Xen. Hell. v. 4· r-r8). In winter 37o{69, as Boeotarch, he accompanied Epaminondas on his first Peloponnesian expedition (Xen. Hell. vi. 5· :23 ff.; Diod. xv. 6:2. 4-67. I; Plut. Pelop. :24; Ages. Jr ff.); and in 369 and J68 he led expeditions into Thessaly, invited by the cities there to help them against Alexander, tyrant of Pherae (see below). In the latter year he met Alexander's army near Pharsalus and rashly went on an embassy to him accompanied by Ismenias (Plut. Pelop. 27 ; Diod. xv. 71. z; Paus. ix. 15. r-z). The two were held, and a Theban army which was sent at once failed to recover them; it was only in spring IIO

SOME VICTIMS OF TREACHERY

VIII. 37

J6i that Epaminondas forced Alexander to surrender them (Diod.

; Paus. ibid.). xv. iS· 2; Plut. Pelop. 6. n)v ~A.e€6.v8pou ••• 1ra.pa.vo11£a.v: Alexander, son of Polydorus, and nephew of Jason, murdered his uncle Polyphron and succeeded him on the throne of Pherae in 369 (Diod. xv. 61. 2; Beloch, iii. :z. 83); he reigned till 358/i (Diod. xv. 6r. 2). He is reputed to have buried his enemies alive or dressed them in the skins of wild animals and then hunted them down, and to have massacred the populations of Meliboea and Scotussa (Plut. Pelop. 29, 31; Diod. xv. 75· I); but this hostile tradition is certainly exaggerated (cf. Westlake, Thessaly, 156-9). -ri]s Twv 'EA.A.-Itvwv OTJf.I.OKpa.Tla.s: P. is thinking of Epaminondas' actions in the Peloponnese, especially the founding of Megalopolis and the restoration of Messenia (d. iv. 32. 10 n.). Thebes favoured the Peloponnesian democrats, the oligarchs leaning towards Sparta and Athens (d. Beloch, iii. I. Ii5; Busolt-Swoboda, ii. 1404); but the extent of democracy should not be exaggerated (see, against Vollgra:ff, Mnem. 19r4, 339 f., Plassart, BCH, 1915, 122-4). On the democratic government of Thebes and of the Boeotian League see BusoltSwoboda, ii. 1423 ff.; Larsen, ji-72, 84. 7. 1ra.pwv ets 9eTTa.Ma.v 11'0AE11~os : in 368 ; cf. 6-8 n. 1rpea~euew ••• lieuTepov: no earlier embassy of Pelopidas to Alexander of Pherae is recorded. In the previous year (36g) after Pelopidas' capture of Larissa, there had been contact between the two; but according to Plutarch (Pelop. z6. :z) Alexander was then in Pelopidas' hands. 9. Cn. Scipio: the reference is to Cn. Cornelius L.f. Cn.n. Scipio Asina, consul for 260/59. who surrendered to the enemy in Lipara harbour. For discussion see i. zr. 7 n. In attributing his capture to treachery, P. here seems to follow a Roman version of the incident. 36. 3. yuva.~KES: cf. ix. II. 4, x. 35· I, 38. 4· According to Duris (FGH, 76 F 18 = Athen. xiii. 6os) Cleonymus of Sparta was the first man (presumably in Greece) to exact female hostages. On the sending of Cratesicleia, Cleomenes' mother, to Ptolemy III cf. Plut. Cleom. 22. 3· 38. z-3. By P.'s time it was evidently normal practice. See further A. Aymard, JRS, 1961, 137-9; cf. Bull. Soc. A ntiq. France, 1952-3, 53-54· 6. To Twv Ka.Ta A.6yov +povr~£w: 'to take reasonable precautions' (Paton). 7. lvo.pyEO"Ta.Tov li' ic:M'a.l ••. To Ka.T' ~xmov au11~6.v: P. looks forward (f'O"ra') to 15-2I, where this will be related (see above, p. 4).

37. The capture of Epipolae This extract is from the res Siciliae of the second half of viii. covering 01. 141, 4 212 (see above, pp. 6-8). It deals with Marcellus' III

VIII. 37

THE CAPT"CRE OF EPIPOLAE

capture of the wall near the Hexapyla, and so of the whole of Epipolae, an event falling early in 212; see further Livy, xxv. 23. r-31. II; Frontin. Strat. iii. 3· 2; Polyaen. viii. II. The previous year (d. 7· r2 n.) had ended with Syracuse still blockaded by a Roman army now reinforced by a fourth legion (7. 8 n.), while Himilco wintered at Murgantia, a large depot that had defected to Carthage. A Punic fleet of fifty-five ships under Bomilcar had penetrated the Great Harbour, but being outnumbered had soon returned to Carthage (Livy, xxiv. 36. 3-39. 13).

37. 1. ~~"lP'9!J-t1aaTo Tous 56~J-ous: d. Livy, xxv. 23. 8-12; Plut. Marc. r8. The Spartan Damippus (d. vii. 5· 3) had been taken prisoner by the Romans on his way as envoy from Syracuse to Philip V ; and the Romans, in order to placate the Spartans and through them the Aetolians, whose help in Greece they were already courting, expressed willingness to discuss his ransom. During several meetings held for this purpose near the portzts Trogilorum, beside a tower called Galeagra, one of the Romans counted the courses in the wall and found it to be lower than had been thought. H. W. Parke (]HS, 1944, roo--2) has made a strong case for locating portus Trogilorum (the Trogilus of Thuc. vi. 99· r and vii. 2. 4) at S. Panagia, a ravine and harbour north-east of Scala Graeca (Hexapyla) (d. 3· 2 n.), and the Galeagra tower will be a tower in the Dionysian wall approximately where, a little to the west of S. Panagia, it turns southwards and up the slope towards the Scala Graeca. The meeting-place was therefore near the site of the attack mentioned in 3· 6. Hence the Romans were familiar with the wall hereabouts, but (perhaps because it stood on a slope) had overestimated its height (cf. Livy, xxv. 23. 12, 'humilioremque aliquanto pristina opinione sua et ceterorum omnium ratus esse'). In 428 the Plataeans used the same method to estimate the Theban wall of circumvallation: Thuc. iii. 20. 3-4. ~v yap .•• c{l~eoSo!J-"l!J-Evos: though Livy (xxv. 23. 8-r2) refers only to the height of the wall, it is clear from Plut. Marc. r8. 2, mpyov T'Va KUTHTKEtPUTO vAaTTOf.L€VOV f.LEV df.L€Aws, avopas o€ OVVUf.L€VOV oltaaiJa, Kpva, that the subject is 7Tl1pyos (as Schweighaeuser saw). Hultsch, who misunderstands Schweighaeuser, prefers 7Tepl{JoAo>, but Plu-

o

o

tarch puts the matter beyond doubt. The postern gate referred to may be that described by P. Orsi, Not. d. scav. r893. r68 (sketch on p. qo}; d. Holm, Gesch. Sic. iii. 36o. But Holm admits that that is a large gate, and a smaller one which stood nearby may be the one referred to here. 2. !J-ETa Se nvas ..)~J-epac;: after Marcellus received the information about the wall: d. Livy, xxv. 23. 13-14. 9ua(av .•. miVOl]!J-OV ••• :A.pTE!J-101: cf. Livy, xxv. 23. 14; Plut. II2

THE CAPTURE OF EPIPOLAE

VIII. 37· 9

Marc. r8. 3· Artemis was worshipped under several cult titles at Syracuse, where there was a month Artamitios; cf. Wernicke, RE, 'Artemis (2)', cols. 1407-8; Bohringer, Die }.funzen von Syrakus (Berlin-Leipzig, 1929), 9s-ro2. \'le are well informed about, and possess three accounts of the origins of, the great spring festival of purification to Artemis L yaea : see the Prolegomena to Theocritus, in H. L.A. Ahrens, Bucolicorum graecorum reliquiae (Leipzig, x8ss-9}, ii. 5; Diomedes, Grammatic£ Iatini (ed. Keil), i. 486; Probus on Virgil, Eel. introd. (quoted in full in Nilsson, Griechische Feste, 2oo-1). But whether this is the festival referred to here, and what is the relation of either to the festival of Artemis in Theoc. ii. 66--68, is not known; they may be identical (Nilsson, op. cit. 207). 'ITO"uv Sf. Iupa.~.af3wv has no real sense here. Hultsch translates 'postquam (e longinquo) muri altitudinem (secundum trianguli rationem) recepit', thus assuming the use of trigonometry to calculate the height of the wall; and elsewhere (RE, 'Dioptra', cols. 1073-4) he assumes the use of the ¢,61TTpa (on which see ix. 19. 9 n., x. 46. I n.). But the height was already known from the counting of regular courses and neither Livy nor Plutarch mentions any other method. Biittner-\:Vobst therefore seems justified in preferring Suidas, llvavEwaap.EVos and Ilpoaavavlf.wa&p.evos, for an alternative reading: cl o€ M&.pKOS' 1rpoaavavEwaap.€YOS' n)v TOV n:lxovs T.ETo KaTa1T€tpd.{Hv ri'js €>.moos, 'recalling to mind the lowness of the wall etc.' Perhaps what P. wrote was T6u 7TpoaavavEwad.p.€vos oll'iapKos To TE'i'xos KaO' op.lpos 'ljv Ta7TELI!bTEpov,

'recalling the wall where it was rather low', 'recalling the low point on the wall'. 3. ~.lp.aKas. 9. E'II'L1rOpEuo!1EVOL n)v €4>o5Eia.v: cf. X. IS. I. ot yO.p Eis Tous m)pyovs ~8poLatLevo&: either the excerptor has omitted Twv .aKwv after .qBpotap.ivo' (so H ultsch) or, more probably, one should omit oi (-y;'ith Anon. de obsid. tol. 59 (320 Thevenot), who quotes this passage) and read El:; yap Tovs Trvpyous ~()po,ap.illo' • •• ol p.€v KTA. 8H17ll

I

IIJ

VIII. 37·

lO

10. To'L; p.ev next to it'.

THE CAPTURE OF EPIPOLAE 'ITpwTo~; ~eat

To'i;

~€fi;:

'those in the front tower and that

f'ITUOTJ ••• 1\yy~~ov tca.Ta.~a.lvovns: the present participle is very awkward and suggests compression by the excerptor. 11. lv~tco8op.1JP.EV11V ~v '11'pli!T1]v 'ITuM8a 8uiiAov: T reads TrJII a?TvAtOa. and Mueller's Ttva ?TuMSa (cf. iv. 71. 7; Thuc. vi. 51. r) seems preferable to Wescher's ?TpwT1)V, adopted by Hultsch and BiittnerWobst. Livy, xxv. 24. 3 has 'prope Hexapylon est portula; ea magna ui refringi coepta est', and that it was the first postern seems of no significance. Jv to 01. 142; cf. § I and see above, p. 8.

l. l. inro rijs 1rpoe~pru.~.~'lc; 6A.up.1TLa8oc;: OJ. r42 ; the present dis~ cussion will have followed a catalogue of its main events, now lost. For this use of the 1TpotK(hcrLs see iii. r. 5 n. TOV TETPUETOOS s~a.aT.ftp.a.Tos, 0 ~Uj.I.EV 8ei:v OAUj.1.1Tlcl8a. VOt.J.LtE~v: P. seems to be distinguishing between the Olympiad proper and the manipulated Olympiad (see Vol. I, pp. 35-37) which he uses as the basis of his chronology; for it is hard to take this phrase, with Paton, as a simple definition of an Olympiad as a period of four years. See further Pedech, Methode, 451 ff. tv Suat ~U~ALO\S: viz. ix and X; his normal procedure (d. xiv. I. s). 2. a.bO'T1']pOV n Ka.t 1Tpos EV y£vos aKpOUTWV otKe~ooaea.\: what type of reader this is we learn in § 4· There are no solid grounds for regarding this remark as from a second edition and intended to answer criticisms already made (so Leo, 326 n. 1; d. vi. n. 3). KplvEa9a.L: 'has the approval' viz. of such a reader; this is preferable to Schweighaeuser, Lex. Polyb. s.v., 'chosen and approved by P. for only one type of reader'. 3. 1rO.aL Tois rijs taTopla.s p.£pEm: defined in § 4; in contrast to TO p.ovo£L8~, (§ 2) in his own narrative. 4. Tov ••• cfnA..ftKoov b yevea.A.oyLKOS Tp61roc;: cf. 2. r, T), counts only Td y•veat\oy•Kov as false, while reckoning as true narratives 7Tepl Ta 7Tpocruma Bewv Kat ~pwwv Kat dv8pwv £m¢avwv, -rr•pl Tovs To1Tovs Kat xpovovs and 1TE:pi T.~Koos elsewhere can mean simply 'the reader' (cf. iv. 40. I, xxxi. 23. 1), here it clearly has the slightly derogatory sense of casual reader (cf. vii. 7· 8 n.). II6

ON DIFFERENT TYPES OF HISTORY

IX.

2. I

Tov 1ToAu1rpayllova. Ka.i 1TEpLTTov: 'the curious and lover of recondite lore' (Paton); or, as we should say, the man with antiquarian interests. b 1TEpi Tas a1TOLKLO.S KQ.L KTL and clJii.Eta see Vol. I, p. 7 n. 12, and the discussion in A venarius, 22-29. olrrp~alxovn:s are 'those who pay attention'. 3. 1-9.10. The siege ojCapu,a and Hannibal's march on Rome These events form part of the res Italiae of OL 142, I = :2rr, and Livy (xxvi. 7-12) describes them under A.u.c. 543 (see above, pp. 8-9). After the fall of Tarentum (winter 2x3/x2: viii. :24-34) the Roman cause in Italy languished. The loss of Tarentum was accompanied by that of Thurii (viii. :24. 3 n.), Metapontum, and Heraclea (viii. 34· r n.), giving Hannibal all the Greek cities of the south except Rhegium. In :21:2 the new consuls planned to invest Capua. Hanno, sent from the Bruttii into Campania to hinder this, was heavily defeated near Beneventum (Livy, xxv. 13-14; De Santis, iii. 2. 291 n. I48); and, when Hannibal himself advanced into Campania, shortage of supplies soon drove him back into southern Italy (Livy, xxv. r8-r9) and at last the consuls could close the siege-lines around Capua (Livy, xxv. 20. 1-4). Meanwhile a good general had been lost in Ti. Sempronius Gracchus (cf. viii. 35· 1 n.). In 2n the siege of n8

HANNIBAL'S MARCH ON ROME

IX. 3·

I

Capua continued under Ap. Claudius Pulcher and Q. Fulvius Flaccus, the consuls of 212, whose command was extended (Livy, xxv. 41. I3, xxvi. x. 2). The events here described are also covered by Livy, xxvi. 4· x-u. 2; Appian, Hann. 38-43; Sil. It. xii. 479-752; VaL Max. ii. 3· 3; Frontin. Strat. iv. 7. 29; there is an abbreviated version of P. (3. 1-4, 4· 6-7, 10) in Anon. de obsid.tol. WJ-23 (322-3 Thevenot). P.'s account probably rests on Silenus and Fabius, the former where the narrative is from the Carthaginian aspect, the latter for details on the Roman side; but cf. 6. 6 n. Livy diverges at several points from P. His own account of Hannibal's march on Rome will probably derive from Valerius Antias {Livy, XX\i. 8. r-n. 9); but he also records Coelius' route (Livy, xxvi. n. 10-13). For the last battle outside Capua too he follows one source and records the version of a second (Livy, xxvi. 5· 4-6. 8, 6. 9-u), the latter coinciding with App. Hann. 41, which, however, refers the events mentioned {the entry of elephants and Latin-speaking spies into a Roman camp) to Fulvius' camp during the pursuit of Hannibal after he has left Rome. The usual view attributes Livy's alternative version (and Appian's) to Coelius (cf. Th. Zielinski, Die letzten jahre des zweiten punischen Krieges (leipzig, 188o), u8; H. Haupt, Melanges Graux (Paris, r884), 23-34; DeSanctis, iii. 2. 340; H. Sack, Hannibals Marsch auf Rom (Diss. Frankfurt, 1937); Scullard, NC, 1949. 167). But Klotz, who denies that Appian's source used Coelius, argues that Livy's main account of the battle outside Capua is from Coelius, and the more sober alternative, common to Appian, from Valerius Antias. This seems unlikely; and in favour of a Coelian element in Appian is his reference (Hann. 39) to a detachment sent to help Rome from Alba Fucens, which seems to fit the Coelian version of Hannibal's route (see below, s. 8 n.). Resemblances between P. and Livy are due to the use of Silenus by P. and also by Coelius, whom Livy is following. On the source problem see Kahrstedt, iii. 275-9; De Sanctis, iii. 2. 336-42; Klotz, A ppians Darstellung, 55-57 ; ] ahrb. 1940, 175-8o; Livius, 172; Gelzer, Kl. Schr. iii. 241-2; E. T. Salmon, Phoenix, 1957, 153-63; E. W. Davis, ibid. 1959. us-zo. 3. 1.

:Avvi~ao;

••• '11'EplAa.f:Joj36.vwv TOV x6.pa.Ka: Hannibal wintered 22. 14, xxvi. 5· 3); in spring he marched to Campania cum delectis peditum equitz~mque, followed by thirty-three elephants (Livy, xxvi. 5· 3). These elephants appeared both in Valerius Antias and in Coelius Antipater (d. Livy, xxvi. 6. 9. apud alios); Bomilcar had landed them at Locri in 215 (Livy, xxiii. 41. Io-n; Thiel, 7o-71; Scullard, NC, 1949, 167-8, quoting evidence from coins). Livy {xxvi. 5· 4) records that Hannibal's camp was behind Mt. Tifata. P. mentions only Appius (i.e. Ap. Claudius Pulcher, cos. 212; cf. viii. x. 7 n., 3· I n., 3· 6, 7· 1-12) in 212{n among the Bruttii (Livy, xxv.

IX. 3·

I

THE SIEGE OF CAPUA AND

command at Capua (cf. 4· B, 7· z, 1· 7) and only a single camp and army (4. I); but this does not mean that his source was necessarily unaware that Claudius' colleague Q. Fulvius Flaccus (cf. Munzer, RE, 'Fulvius (59)', cols. 243-6) was also outside the town with his consular army of 212 (Livy, xxvi. r. 2); see on this Gel.zer, Kl. Schr., iii. 241-2. Ap. Claudius' line of circumvallation round Capua must clearly have been double, to afford protection against Hannibal's relieving force; and xdpa.~ will here be the outer palisade (not Appius' camp, as Paton takes it). See Strachan-Davidson, ad loc. This outer defence consisted of both a trench and a palisade (cf. 4· 4), like the line built by Hannibal to hold the Romans in the citadel at Tarentum (viii. 33· 4). ~ouh6f!EVO<s ~KKaAei f.o.uv,o. (cf. Kromayer, AS, i. 35). 4. ~1r' a.lm)v Ttiv Aa.Kdia.(J.Wva.: by the direct route, joining the Oenus valley (d. ii. 7 n.). The distance is about 38 miles; cf. Kromayer, AS, i. 38-39, who calculates that Epaminondas left Tegea towards 7 p.m. and reached Sparta between 8 and 9 the next morning. The month was June; cf. Kromayer, AS, i. ur. 5. JlEXPt p.£v Ayopii.,; t~uicra.To kTh.: Diodorus (xv. 83. 3-4, very confused) and Iustinus (vi. 7· 9) both make Epaminondas take the Spartans by surprise; Xenophon states that Agesilaus was able to enter Sparta before he arrived (Hell. vii. 5· ro). This version is probably correct, and Epaminondas' assault on the city (cL Plut. Ages. 34· 4 ; Aen. Tact. 2. 2 ; Ael. V ar. hist. vi. 3 ; Diod. xv. 83. 3-4) will be after Agesilaus' arrival; cf. Kromayer, AS, i. 41. 6. Ka.( Tl\101,; a.lhOfJ.OhOU ••• a~a.cra. E'voov), and his supplies gave out, it is not clear why the citizens urged him p,e(J' i.K to retire. This is only comprehensible if he was in full contact with the town and his shortage of supplies had to be made up by its inhabitants. 'Pwfla.iwv 'II'OAtopKoOVTWV T 6.pa.vTa.: the Anonymous's words, not P.'s, and to be ignored; the author has misunderstood Ta 7Tept TiJv U'TpaTomoof:Lav. Holleaux believes the passage to refer to 209 (above, p. 9), but nevertheless attaches no importance to these words (240 n. 2). BoflLAKa.~ o ... va.oa.pxo~: Bomilcar first appears in charge of a convoy bringing soldiers, elephants, and victuals for Hannibal to Locri in :us (Livy, xxiii. 41. 10; above, 3· 1 n.). In 213 he brought fifty-five ships to Syracuse, but retired in the face of superior Roman forces

Tc;)v •••

133

IX.9.

11

BOMILCAR OBLIGED TO LEAVE TARENTUM

(Livy, xxiv. 36. 3-7). In 212 he twice appeared at Syracuse, first with go, then with 155 ships (Livy, xxv. 25. II-13); and in the autumn, after returning to Carthage, he set out once more, with 130 ships and 700 transports, for Syracuse. Failing to round Pachynus because of winds he sent the transports back to Africa and, eluding the Roman fleet, made for Tarentum (Livy, xxv. 27. 2--IJ), which he reached in late autumn 212. The present fragment concerns his departure a year later in 2 r 1. £ts To uu~!J.a.x'l)u£w: supply a participle such as fMoTarrqupflds or €la7T.\oJaa>; see the critical apparatus in Biittner-Wobst for suggestions. 1:1£Ta Suvnp.Ews ni\durf)!l: 130 warships, according to Livy (xxv. '7· 4). 814 To ..• 'II'Ept Ti)v aTpa.ToneSE£a.v: the Romans were in the citadel; cf. Livy, xxvL 2o. 7, 'Punica classis ex Sicilia Tarentum accita ad arcendos commeatus praesidii Romani quod in arce Tarentina erat'. £i\a.8ev ava.i\wua.s Ti)v xopf)yla.v: MS. x.p.,{av, corr. Schweighaeuser; cf. Livy, xxvi. 20. 8, 'adsidendo diutius artiorem annonam sociis quam hosti faciebat'.

10. The spoils of Syr•<cuse The booty taken at Syracuse was greater than Carthage itself could have yielded (Livy, xxv. 31. II; Plut. Marc. 19. 3); bronze from S:yTacuse, melted dov.'I1, was used for buildings (Pliny, Nat. !list. xxiv. 13}. Marcellus-a useful contrast to Verres-is praised for his forbearance by Cicero (2 Verr. ii. 4, iv. us--16, rzo--3, 131), who claims that the only thing he took for himself was Archimedes' planetarium (de re pub. i. 21 f.). But even allowing for exaggeration by the Syracusans (Livy, xxvi. 29. 4, 30. I-Io; Plut. ~Marc. 23. 4), it is clear that plunder was on a vast scale (Livy, xxv. 40. r-3, xxvi. 31. 9); much of the booty went to adorn temples in Rome and elsewhere (cf. Livy, xxv. 40. 3; 'ad portam Capenam dedicata a M. Marcello templa'; Cic. de re pub. i. 21, ('sphaera) ... quam ab ... Archimede factam posuerat in templo Virtutis'; 2 Verr. iv. 121, 'ad aedem Honoris et Virtutis itemque aliis in lods uidemus'; Plut. Marc. 21. r f., 30. 5 f.); for a dedication see GIL, vi. 474 = ILS, 3139, 'Martei M. Claudius M.f. consol dedit'. See further Munzer, RE, 'Claudius (zzo)', cols. 2748--9. P.'s criticism is echoed by Livy, xxv. 40. 2, 'inde primum initium mirandi Graecarum artium opera licentiaeque hinc sacra profanaque omnia uolgo spoliandi factum est'; it had already been voiced by Cato, fr. 224 Male., 'miror audere atque religionem non tenere, statuas deorum, exempla earum facierum, signa domi pro supellectile statuere'. In the speech on the repeal of the lex Oppia (195) Livy (xxxiv. 4· 4; cf. Scullard, Pol. 257) makes him observe: 'infesta ... signa ab Syracusis illata sunt huic urbi'. P. has two criticisms: (a) the Syracusan plunder (with 134

THE SPOILS OF SYRACUSE

IX.

IO. II

the possible exception of the gold and silver, § u) could contribute nothing to the aggrandizement of Rome; (b) the sight of such plunder is likely to inspire jealousy and hatred in those from whom it has been taken. Although he speaks of the Roman reputation (e.g.§ 12), the criterion he really applies is Roman advantage (cf. § 3, (JlJI-L.pEpovTw>).

10. 2. SLa TouTo: the reasons P. attributed to the Romans for despoiling Syracuse have not survived, but presumably rested on Syracuse's status as a defeated enemy. Ta rrpoupTJJ.leva: according to M (which also contains this passage with a slightly different version of this sentence) there were Ta TWv l:vpaKovawv 7ToAVT£AeO"TaTa KaTaaKEV15.afLaTa..

J.1TJSev arroA.me'iv: contrast Cic. multa atque egregia reliquit'.

2

Verr. iv. 121, 'Syracusis ... per-

op9ws ••• teal. UUJ.lcJlEpOVTWS O.UTOlS; not necessarily distinct; op8w> can be either 'justly' or 'correctly', i.e. what their interests demanded. 3. J.1TJS' ateJ.1TJV vuv rrpaTTEU9aL; i.e. the practice is still wrong, when applied in P.'s own time, e.g. after the defeat of Perseus (cf. Livy, xlv. 39· 5, 'quo signa aurea, marmorea, ebumea, tabulae pictae, textilia, tantum argenti collati, tantum auri, tanta pecunia regia?'). 5. cl.rrA.ouuTaToLs XPWJ.1EVOL ~£oLs teTA.: cf. Plut. lrf arc. 21. 2, 5 for the sentiment. TTJS ••• rrepLTTOTTJTOS teat rroAuTEAe£as: 'pomp and extravagance'. 6. Tov ••• tfiA.ov: 'the tastes'. TOV e~aKoAou9ouvTa ••• cJi96vov: cf. vii. 8. 4 n. 7. ou yap o\hws 6 9ewf1£vos ••• flatcapttu ••• , ws (ev ~) cJl9oveiv tcTA.: 'for the onlooker never feels moved to admiration of those who have possessed themselves of the property of others to the extent of his jealousy, which is combined with a certain pity for the original owners who have lost it'. The MS. reads o yap oiYrw> dpfLwfLEVo>, but Schweighaeuser's correction seems assured; for ilJ> (Ev To/) ,P8ov£tv Hultsch reads ilJ> ,P8ovovv8', with the same sense. Paton, ' ... as by pity as well as envy for the original owners', upsets the sense; the ,P8ovos must be that mentioned in §§ 6 and ro, and must therefore be envy of the victors. 8. errav Se •.. rrpo~atvn Ta Tfjs eutca.Lptas: 'when material wealth increases', or 'when the victor progresses in rna terial wealth', rather than Paton, 'when opportunities become even more frequent'. SmA.aaLov y£veTaL To Katcov: a popular expression, often found in Euripides (Med. 1047, u85, 1315, Her. 937; Hel. 771; cf. Wunderer, i. 74)11. TOV xpuuov Ka.l. TOV cipyupov a9po£tew: von Scala, 314, reads this as part of a general code containing the 'laws of war', and compares v. 9· r, n. 3· But P. is merely asserting that a power aiming at 135

IX. ro.

II

THE SPOILS OF SYRACUSE

universal dominion must strengthen its 0\'111 resources and weaken others'; this has nothing to do with ol -roD TTo>..lp.ov v6p.ot. Twv Ka96"-ou Trpay~TI•W llv,-,Tro,.ftoa.0"8a.t: 'to aim at world-empire'. For P.'s views on this see i. 3· 4 n. and passages there quoted; cf. Walbank, ]RS, rg6,), r-12. P. here justifies the Roman seizure of wealth in terms of an ambition which elsewhere (iii. 2. 6) he attributes only to the years after the defeat of Carthage in the Second Punic War. ll. ypacj>a.ts Kat TUTI'OLS: 'paintings and bas-reliefs' ; for ru1ro> in this sense see G. Roux, BCH, 1956, 518-21; REA, 1961, 5-14; P. G. Leoncini, Aev·um, 1956, 20-29. 11. Failure of the Punic generals £n Spain This fragment concerns the situation after the defeat of the Scipios in 2II (cf. viii. 38 n.) and, like the exaggerated account of a Roman recovery under the eques L Marcius (Livy, xxv. ;)7-9, from annalistic sources), indicates that the Carthaginians now ventured even north of the Ebro, where the Ilergetes lived (cf. DeSanctis, iii. 2. 45o).

11. 1. ot Twv Kapx"18ovLwv TjyE.WvEs: Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo (§ 3), and Hannibal's two brothers Hasdrubal and Mago; on their mutual hostility cf. x. 7· 3; Livy, xxvi. 4I. 20. Kpa:r,;oa.vTEs Twv UTI'EVa.VTLWV: they had killed first Publius, then Cnaeus Scipio (Livy, xxv. 32. r-36. r6). l. 5La. T~v iitLci>u,-ov ••• TI'AEov€~(av Ka.l cj>tXa.px!a.v: cf. ii. 45· r, Sta -r7}v €p.cpv-rov d8udav ~~:ai 7TAeove~{av (of the Aetolians). Carthaginian greed was traditional and Masinissa spoke of it, especially in Hannibal, to P. (25. 4). 3. :Ao8pou~a.s o rfoKwvos: he first appears in Spain in 214 (Livy, xxiv. 41. s). :Av8o~O.X"lv: cf. iii. 35· 2 n., 76. 7 n. for his loyalty to Carthage. It was in trying to destroy him before he could join the Carthaginians with 7,500 Suessetani that P. Scipio had been wiped out (Livy, xxv. 34· 6 ff.). Andobales (Indibilis) must have been deprived of his independent kingdom by the Carthaginians (ctd. Kapx1Joovtous; Paton's version, 'owing to his attachment to them', is nonsense), pre~ sumably when Hannibal secured the interior (mfAat p.tfv) but he was evidently content to be a vassal. His complete independence, which Hasdrubal son of Gisgo at once tried to whittle away, was evidently his reward for his share in the destruction of the Scipios (r5.pn ot 7TctAtv d7THA1]cp6-ra}. 4. \f•uoi} 8ta~oX~v €Tr€VtyKas: cf. x. 35· 6, where Hasdrubal's behaviour is caused by his mistrust; there Mandonius, Andobales' brother, is served in the same way and both are said to have been 136

FAILURE OF PUNIC GENERALS IN SPAIN

IX.

II

a

2

compelled to deposit their wives as well as their daughters as hostages. On the handing over of women hostages cf. viii. 36. 3 n. Presumably the hostages took the place of the money Andobales refused to deposit. 11 a. Roman embassy to Ptolemy IV On the date of this embassy, perhaps 2Io, but possibly zu, see above, pp. 9-Io. The later date would be more certain if this embassy could be identified with that of Livy, xxvii. 4· Io, an untrustworthy reference to legati sent 'ad Ptolomaeum et Cleopatram reges ... ad commemorandam renouandamque amicitiam', and bearing gifts. Holleaux (66--67) observes that Philopator's queen was Arsinoe, and that she was never co-regent. There is a case for accepting Livy's embassy in some form. Rome and Egypt had enjoyed friendly relations since Ptolemy II's embassy to Rome in 273 (Livy, ep. I4; Dio, x, fg. 4I; Dion. Hal. xx. I4. I-2; Iustin. xviii. 2. 9; Val. Max. iv. 3· 9; Eutrop. ii. IS; App. Sic. I); and similarities can be traced between the two coinages (d. Mattingly, NC, I946, 63-67; A] A, I95o, 126-8; Svoronos, Td vo/L[u/LaTa Toil KpaTovs nov liToA€/Lalwv (Athens, I904-8), i. I48 ff., 2I7 ff., iv. 83 ff., I43 ff.; L. N. Neatby, TAPA, I95o, 89--98). See also E. Manni, Riv. jil. I949. 79--87 (relationship one of amicitia). However, the identification between Livy's embassy and that here cannot be established. 11 a 1. Sla To 1-LEYaA:'lv dv(u ••• oTI'avlv: com was a constant preoccupation during the war, and imports were made from Sicily and Sardinia on several occasions: cf. Livy, xxii. 37· I (Zon. viii. 26. I4). xxiii. 38. 13, xxvi. 32. 3, 40. I5--I6, xxvii. 5· r--6, 8. I9 (Sicily); Livy, xxiii. 32. 9· 41. 6--7. XXV. 20, 2-3 (Sardinia); cf. Thiel, s6. On the corn supply at this time see de Saint-Denis, LEC, I940, 129--30. 2. j-LEXPl Twv Tf1s 'Pw1-111s Tl'uAwv: suggests a date after Hannibal's advance in 2n (cf. 5-9). ;~w9ev ••• 1-LTt yevoi-Ltv11s ETI'Ucoup(as: the war in Sicily had interfered with the sending of corn to Rome and Italy (Livy, xxvi. 40. rs-I6), but Sardinia had helped to provision the army at Capua (Livy, xxv. 20. 2-3).

KaTa Tl'avTa Ta 1-1tP11 ••• 1'1'oA€j-Lwv iveOTwTwv: exaggerated, for there was no war at this time in Asia Minor (Holleaux, 87 n. 4). Antiochus was engaged in the far east (cf. 43, x. 27-3I) and Philip in Greece; and the Roman--Aetolian treaty of autumn 2II (see above, pp. n-I3) was to bring Attalus in against Philip. But these wars are hardly relevant to the Roman com supply, which depended on Sicily and Sardinia until Italian cultivation could be restored (Livy, xxviii. 11. 8--9, xxix. r. 14; see Hultsch, RE, 'Frumentum', cols. 128--9). IJ7

IX.

II

a3

ROMAN EMBASSY TO PTOLEMY IV

3. Tov Iu<EAu KVKAoto T60'0'a~ av"TIAAOIJO''

s·

ON GENERALSHIP

IX. 15. 7

(with the scho!iast : ttE~ yap J.1t' aKpL{J€s i~ f-LEli i17Ttp yij> ~~OLa, 2g 8i v1r6 yfjv). See also :Manilius, iii. 241-2 (with Housman's commentary); Vitruv. ix. 1. 4; Aetna, 236; Lucan, i. 91 (with Getty's commentary). These elementary astronomical facts, which can be easily demonstrated on a celestial globe, were unreasonably impugned by Schmidt (r-s) and Susemihl (ii. 92 n. 55, 'einen starken Irrtum'), and had to be reiterated by Biittner-Wobst (Phil. 1900, 151-3; cf. Klio, 1905, 99}. Their explanation is simple. The ecliptic and the horizon are both great circles and therefore intersect; hence 180° of the ecliptic, i.e. six signs of the zodiac, are always above the horizon and 180° below. The sun is a point on the ecliptic, therefore between its rising and its setting 18o" of the ecliptic must have passed across the heavens, or what amounts to the same thing have risen above the horizon; and the same is true between its setting and its rising. As Housman (ed. Manilius, iii, p. xii) points out, however, the different signs make different angles with the eastern horizon, because the zodiac is oblique. 'Taurus rises at an inclination nearer the horizontal than Cancer's, Virgo at an inclination nearer the perpendicular.' This means that different signs rise at different speeds; and in the short nights of summer six swiftly rising signs come over the horizon, and in the long nights of winter six slowly rising signs. This is the first qualification of P.'s argument, which assumes (§ 8) that signs rise at an equal speed. Further, as Hipparchus pointed out (ii. I. 1 f., p. 120 Man.), the actual constellations visible to the onlooker do not correspond exactly to the twelve J0° sections of the zodiac associated \Vith them; and this introduces another variable into the calculation. It should be noted that P.'s statement that six signs rise in any night ceases to be true north of the arctic circle (and south of the antarctic circle) because in these areas some of the signs never rise above the horizon at all, i.e. those in which the sun is to be found in mid-winter; but P. was not concerned with the polar areas. Hipparchus' remarks quoted above were aimed at Aratus and his commentator, Attalus of Rhodes, a contemporary of P.; Biittner-Wobst (locc. citt.) has suggested that P. drew on Attalus' work (cf. Hipparchus, ii. I. 5 f., p. 124 Man.) for his discussion here, which is possible. But one must remember that an elementary knowledge of the signs of the zodiac was widespread; thus even Socrates lKtAEUE ••• Ka~ aaTpoitoyCas- Ef-L7T€lpovs- ylyvea8a.,, «aL TU.VTTJ> f-LEJJTOL f-LEXPL TOV VVKTOS" T€ wpav Kat p:rwos KaL lvtaVToii 8vvaa6a, ytyvwaKew €v~;Ka 7ropEws r€ ~c:al. 1rAou Kal ..axijs (Xen. Mem. iv. 7· 4). 7. brt Toil tj>a.wop.,vou: 'in the visible heavens'. Tfi Tidv 8wS~Ka. t't'S£wv otKovof-ltl?- tco1 TagE~: 'the system and order of the twelve signs of the zodiac'. Wunderer (iii. 38) takes the word oiKo..op.la as a sign of Stoic influence, but unjustifiably; cf. vi. 9· ro n.

1t&.\w

141

ON GENERALSHIP

IX. 15. 8

8. <j>aYEpOY WS iJ.yayKaLOY , , , aYa<j>epea8al: 'it is clear that during the same portions of every night equal portions of the twelve signs must needs rise above the horizon'. P. means that each sign will take a sixth of the night to rise--which is untrue, for the reasons given above (§§ 7-11 n.); the signs rising before midnight will rise quicker or slower than those rising after midnight, according to the time of the year. 9. 1ToiaY JlO'i:paY ~1TEXEL: 'which position (in the zodiac) it occupies'. T~Y KaT a 8L (so Schweighaeuser for a1ToaaEt>) will be much the same as Jm¢av££a. Shuckburgh, presumably keeping a1ToaaEt>, renders: 'a similar mistake is also made in pronouncing as to the number of inhabitants of cities'; but such a meaning cannot be extracted from the Greek. 'II'EpLKEKAa.a ... f:va.~ Ka.i ~ouvwSeLs: sc. Jm<Paact>; 'a broken and hilly surface-area', cf. xii. :zo. 6, xviii. 22. 9· Schweighaeuser, Paton, and Shuckburgh all supply 1ToAEtS', but the adjectives are more suited to hn' wv ... f3Ef3TJKEVO.L auJ.L~a.(vEL: 'on which the hills themselves stand'; cf. for {3€{31]Klvat, viii. 4· Io n. 9. EK Tou cf>a.wOJlEvou 'll'aLSLKws OJ.LWS: 'from an argument which is after all clear to a child's intelligence'.

27. l-10. Agrigentum This description was no doubt introduced in conncxion with P.'s account of Muttines' betrayal of the city to the Romans in 210 (2Z. 4 n.). For the topography see also i. q. 8 n. The site of Agrigentum is remarkable for its size (it contained 900 acres) and for its situation high up away from the coast; in this feature it is unique (apart from Lcontini) among the western Greek colonies; see Dunbabin, 312 ff. (sketch-map on p. 306).

27. l. ou ...ovov Ka.TO. Til 7rpoELPTJJ.Ll:va.: perhaps suggesting that the preceding discussion arose out of a description of the site of AgriKcntum. tccmi To KnAAos Ka.l T'i)v Ka.'!'a.aKEU~v: 'for the beauty of its buildings', literally 'for its beauty and for its construction'. For KaTaaKw"' d. iv. 65. J, KaTa S€ Tijv a~p,1raaav KaTaaKcv7}v olKtwv Kat T£txwv Kai "opywv ovli' 61rola,; ?frrw. 1. n1To 9a.AnTTTJS E\1 0KTWKa.L8EKO. 0'1'a.8ioLs: Strabo (vi. 272) mentions the harbour, which lay at the mouth of the River Hypsas, near the 157

•n

J\

[0

~

IT

f,·mpk (Jt Juno.l.H ini11. (D..,! 1 ~ rr:ph· ot l'{HHord ~[ J

I •'mph: nl H\'l ~ ull'" ~.\) Olj mpieum \_B)

'

S' Tl'lnph' ot f'>h>'< ud {J) 7 1\:-:rnplv ot \ ult.\l) t,C1) ~

Gate

9 '1 emph: ot Dt>llH.·ter (l) 6 GtltC 1f J\S< kpi l't. 21 ~

6,

AGRIGENTU.M (ACRAGAS).

Based on Dunbabin, 316

AGRIGENTUM

IX. 27. 7

modern church of S. Giuseppe; important remains still existed in the sixteenth century, but have now vanished. Cf. Schubring, 7; Htilsen, RE, 'Akragas (r)', col. 1191 (sketch in cols. u89-9o). P.'s figure of r8 stades, roughly 2! miles, is correct. 3. +u..&Bos, d,\,\d lv Il.::,\O?Tov....1. • WJJ .. Kat' r.tYJJWllW1)S 'A ~~ "> ' .J.. ' "'/(ltp KaTmKHV 't/ll 0 GVKO'f'UllT't/S·

"· Ka.a0'6.v8pcp

KilL

.O.TJflT)Tpt~ ••• ~vnybvcp Tcfl rova.T~: see ii. 4!. I67

IX. 29. 5

SPEECHES OF AETOLIAN AND

10 n. for their use of garrisons and tyrants. See below, 30. 3n., for a suggestion that the passage which appears there in the MS. should precede 29. 5· 7. '!'ov TEhEuTa.iov :A.v,.iyovov: Doson; cf. ii. 45· :2 n. 10. opwv OUK EV O.a.pa.Ae'i: ri}v EQ.U'!'OU 8uva.O"!'eia.v ~O'Oj.LEVT)V: the motives which Chlaeneas alleges for Antigonus' intervention coincide with the arguments allegedly put to Antigonus by Aratus, viz. the danger to Macedon of Spartan domination in the Peloponnese. Cf. ii. 49 n., where it is argued that this danger to Macedon was not very real and probably not advanced by Aratus' emissaries in the negotiations. Nevertheless it clearly figured later in Aratus' Memoirs and so became part of the official Achaean version of the events leading to the Macedonian rapprochement. It was convenient for the Aetolians to use it now in their highly-coloured denunciation of Macedonian policy; for it was Aratus who represented the conflict between Doson and Cleomenes as one {mf:p TijS' Twv 'EAA.~vwv T]yf.p.ovla> (ii. 49· 6 n.). 'll'pos 8E: '!'o(l'fo ••• eo 'li'E.Pu~ avTOKpaTWp for the war against Persia (Diod. xvi. 6o. s. 89. 3; P. Oxy. i. 12 = FGH, 255, 11. 24-25), a position which, in contrast with his ~'Y€fwv{a, perhaps gave him the right to make peace or treaties without consulting the avviopwv of the League. For discussion of the two positions and of the tradition in Arrian, who speaks only of ~'}'€p.wv a&roKpaTwp see Bengtson, Strat. i. 3-9. For Doson as ~yep.wv of the later Hellenic symmachy see ii. 54· 4 n. 8. 1TapEyevno ••• Ei~ 1'lJV Aa~ewv,~efJv: cf. 28. 6 n. 9. KaAOUj.LEVO~ ••• U1TO 'TWV EV neA01TOVVTJO''ll ••• O'Uj.Lj.L&.xwv: cf. xviii. 14. s--6, rrlt€LO'TOJJ SJ TWIJ €t :4pKaO{a., Kat Mwa1}V7J'>· According to Paus. v. 4· 9 the Eleans took part in the expedition. 10. ~ XA.awea: note the rhetorical device of a change in the person addressed; at 35· 6 wvdowav Lyciscus is again addressing the Spartans, but he returns to Chlaeneas and the Aetolians at 35· 7, and to the Spartans once more at 36. 2; at 37· 4 Chlaeneas and a fellow Aetolian are again addressed, and from 38. 2 onwards the Spartans. This liveliness of style probably reflects the manner of the original speech. j.LE'TU -rij~ j.LEYLO''TTJ~ xcip,1'0~: i.e. among the other Peloponnesian peoples, the aaTV'}'ElTOV€'>• 11. 1'lJV £gaywyiJv ••• 1TEpt 'TWV &.1-LcJI'a~TJ'TOUj.LEVwv: 'to compose their differences'. 12. Kotvov EK 1TnV1'WV Twv 'EA.A.t1vwv ~ea9iaa~ Kp,.,..qp,ov: 'having set up a court of arbitration from among all the Greeks'. It seems clear from Iustin. ix. 5· 1-3 that the Greek territorial disputes were settled de facto before the constitutive meeting of the Hellenic League (cf. xviii. r4. 7). As regards those between Sparta and her neighbours, Argos, Arcadia, and Messenia, this settlement will have followed the invasion of Laconia in 338 (cf. 28. 6 n.). No records exist of the areas assigned to Tegea and Argos; but Tegea will have obtained part of Caryatis (Theopompus, FGH, ns F 238; below, xvi. 37· 4; Livy, xxxiv. 26. 9; Hiller von Gaertringen, RE, 'Tegea', cols. II3-14). According to Syll. 407, the village of Tyros on the coast of Cynuria is Spartan in 275; hence Bolte (RE, 'Sparta', col. 1304) argues that Sparta now lost only Thyreatis to Argos (cf. iv. 36. 4 n.). Megalopolis seems to have acquired Sciritis and Belbinatis (Syll. 665, 11. 19-20) ; and lhough 'Aegylis' is a doubtful restoration in the 172

ACARNANIAN ENVOYS AT SPARTA

IX. 34· 9

inscription mentioning this (cf. Bolte, RE, 'Sparta', cols. I3n-rz), its probable mention in book 56 of Theopompus (FGH II5 F 36I) suggests that this district also was now given to Megalopolis. The view that these territorial adjustments were given de iure confirmation by a Hellenic tribunal is supported by other evidence. The second-century inscription already mentioned confirms the award of border-territories to Megalopolis by KplaHV ~vT(yovov ••• '!Ta.pa.KO.AEO'O.VTI!S: cf. ii. 43· IO n., 45· I, ix. 38. 9· Gonatas' compact v.ooov ••• uveo-TTJTE: in 279{8; for the legend of the preservation of Delphi by the Aetolians cf. I. 6. 5 n. 3. Ma.~t~:56va.s •.. vp&ppa.y11a.: cf. xviii. 37· 9 for Flamininus' use of the same argument against the Aetolians, who wanted Philip V

174

ACARXAXIAN ENVOYS AT SPARTA

IX. 37·

I

destroyed after Cynoscephalae. See also Tarn, AG, 20I-2 and n. III; Droysen, iii. I. I99; Fellmann, 40. 4. r a.AaTO.S ••• VLKTJWiltva.: evidently a reference to Sparta's membership of the Hellenic Symmachy (cf. lv. 9· 6 n., 23. 6, 24. 4). Copies of the inscription recording Sparta's adherence would be set up at various panhellenic centres. ll. To 11~ To'Ls ~(AoL'> ••. .fJyE'lOV 0La.KEIJ1~VOL'): 'those WhO are disposed to be captious' (Paton); d. 20. 6, cpJ.o-rtf-L(l-raTos ••• KaL aTTovSa,wv,

•H. :25 a 3· 6t

o~To( ~a.aw:

'as the Aetolians here term it'. The Aetolian case

has been put in 3I, and at 32. 6 Lyciscus calls it

am5TOf-LOV

TLJia

O"Vy-

••~a.>..atwmv.

175

IX. 37·

2

SPEECHES OF AETOLIAN AND

elva~: 'this, they said, was the first point'. Paton's translation ('for that is a matter of principle') is not consonant with P.'s use of the phrase (cf. Mauersberger, s.v. dpx~). 4. 6> KXeov~Ke: evidently Chlaeneas' colleague in the embassy. He was from Naupactus; cf. v. 95· I2, I02. 4 ff. a.p' ou 1nl.vTas "EXXtjvas: 'were they not all Greeks?' An obscure remark, since at the date of the Aetolo-Spartan alliance of 22o/I9 (iv. 35· 5, cf. iv. I6. 5 n.) the only Aetolian ally was the Illyrian Scerdilaidas (d. iv. I6. Io); but an alliance with Elis followed almost immediately (iv. 36. 6). The translations of Paton ('Had you not the whole of Greece?') and Shuckburgh ('Were they not all the Greeks?') are nonsensical. 6. a.p' ou vpos ,.~v ,.t;lV Jjapj30.pwv: cf. v. 104. I, xviii. 22. 8; Livy, xxxi. 29. IS (from P.); but P. himself never calls the Romans barbarians, and clearly did not so regard them; cf. Schmitt, Hellenen, s-u. Brandstaeter, 250, and La-Roche, 68, assume that P. used speeches to voice criticism of the Romans that he was not prepared to utter in his own person ; but this misunderstands both his use of speeches and his view of the Romans. ilj.~-o~d. ye SoKei KTA.: with a mark of interrogation after 1rp6Tepo11 and another after nilla.IITta. Schweighaeuser gets a clear meaning: 'Does the situation then and now seem to you to be similar? Is it not rather the very opposite?' Hultsch, Biittner-Wobst, and Paton print it as one sentence without any mark of interrogation; the sense must then be ironical: 'You imagine the situation now to be similar to what it was formerly, I suppose, and not the very opposite!' 7. 61-1-04>uXous: cf. Livy, xxxi. 29. IS (based on P.: a Macedonian addresses Aetolians). 'Aetolas, Acarnanas, Macedonas, eiusdem linguae homines.' The Romans are d>.>.OrJ>v>.ot (cf. 39· 3), alienigenae (Livy, xxxi. 29. 12, 29. ISL and the argument that they intend to enslave Greece echoes Agelaus' case in 217 (v. Io4. 3). But not every Greek accepted the Macedonian claim. In the fourth century !socrates (Phil. 108) says of the founder of the Macedonian kingdom "(1-61/ovAov y€1/0V. But without knowing in what context Athens is mentioned (see above, p. r3), it is not possible to say which aspect of Athenian character P. has in mind. Ferguson, 256 n. 2, saw a reference to Athenian neutrality. 40.2-3. An appeal for help

The evidence is against connecting this fragment with the Acarnanian appeal to Philip (Livy, xxvi. 25. 15); see above, p. 13. It probably refers to some other appeal of 210. The form f:Jot!AornaL (§ 3) slightly favours this view, though indeed a reference to Philip (oZ 7T€pl. Tov 68~: 'so that the base of the tower might advance'. For €axapwv, the base of a tower, cf. Diod. xx. 91. 2 (of Demetrius' helepolis at Rhodes). The base would be on wheels or rollers. aTE KpLo~ ~~w9ei:To: i.e. when the tower was near enough to the tower of the city. P. is describing the two sorts of activity which took place (successively) on the ground beneath the tower. 7. l:.puyf.LaTa. 8L1TXCi: cf. xxi. 28. 5 for the use of such a aT6a as a cover for mines driven towards the enemy's walls. 8. Tpe'L~ ... ~eAoaTaaeL~: 'three emplacements for baUistae'; for {3EAoaTaatEL> cf. Diod. xx. 85. 4, {3tEAoaTaatEL> olKtELa,; TOL> imTlfJwfJa, p..€A.A.ovrn KaTaTrEATaL,;.

PHILIP'S SIEGE OF ECHINUS

IX. 42. 4

TaXaVTLO.LOUS , , , Tp~aKOVTO.J.LVO.LOUS: 'stones weighing a talent ...

weighing thirty minae'. On the Attic-Euboeic standard a talent weighed 36·86 kg. ; 30 minae would be r8·43 kg. The MSS. read TaAavT~afos, and this may be right, for Philo Mech. 85. 2 has Tr€Tpo{Jo"Aos 'TaAavnafos (but cf. Philo Mech. 5I. 40, "Al8ot Tptai..pJ.lev(as: as Herodotus (i. r8o. r) already knew. 2. 8oK~i: 'it is said'; cf. 25. 1. e~s TTJV 'Epv9pAv ••• 9aAaTTav: the view P. opposes is in Herodotus, i. r8o. 1, ietn . .. ls r~v 'Epv8p~v OcD.aaaav. By 'Epv8pa Od>t.aTTa P. means the Persian Gulf (cf. v. 46. 7 n., 48. 13, 54· 12, xiii. 9· 3, 9· 5}; J86

THE EUPHRATES

IX. 43· 6

but whether Herodotus meant the same is doubtful (cf. Berger, RE, 'EpvOpa O&.Aaaaa., col. 545: 'Von einem Persischen Meerbusen ... verrat der Halikamassier aber keine Spur. Der Euphrat mull sich nach Herod. i. r8o in den Teil des Ozeans ergossen haben, der das Rote Meer hie13.' Despite Nearchus' having brought Alexander's fleet up the Euphrates to Babylon from the Persian Gulf (Arr. vii. 19. 3, d!~ >..lyEL 14purrof3ov>..o~). great confusion still existed about the geography of the estuaries of the Tigris and Euphrates, and P. is our first evidence for the view, later in Mela, iii. 77, and Paus. ii. 5· 3 (reappearance in Ethiopia as the Nile) that the Euphrates never reached the sea. A hostile Parthia seems to have created a growing confusion about these areas under the Roman empire. See further, on the mouth of the river, Weissbach, RE, 'Euphrates', cols. r::zoo-.6, 1'a.ls 8&6Jpu~': cf. v. 51. 6. The lower course of the Tigris and Euphrates furnished a network of such canals from the earliest times (cf. Herod. i. 193; Strabo, xvi. 740-1), running in general from the Euphrates to the lower bed of the Tigris (Arr. vii. 7· 3; Dio, lxviii. 28); cf. Wcissbach, RE, 'Euphrates', cols. 12o8-Ir. 4. 'ITAEicrro'> ••• KCl1'a Kuvo'> ~w,,.o.AiJv K1'A.: cf. ii. r6. 9 on the Po, and for the heliacal rising of Sirius about 28 July (Greg.) see i. 37· 4 n. Both Herodotus (i. 193) and Polycleitus of Larissa CFGH, 128 F 5) denied that the Euphrates flooded; but later authors know of its rise and fall; cf. Cic. de nat dear. ii. 130. According to Strabo (xvi. 740) the rise begins in spring with the melting of the Armenian snows, nnd flooding comes in early summer; see also the less accurate account in Pliny, Nat. hist. v. 90· In fact the river is lowest, at Babylon, in September; it rises a little with the first winter rains, fills its bed in December and floods in April. By the summer solstice the water is well below its highest level. Thus P. (whose source is unknown} here gives inaccurate data. See Weissbach, RE, 'Euphrates', cols. 1~00-7.

olcl liE trpo·u~w EAanwv: correct, especially in the lower reaches. Loss of water by irrigation and overspill into the marshes today reduces its width from 8ooft. to 150 ft. in ::zoo miles (D. L. Linton, Chambers's Encyclopaedia (1950), 'Euphrates', 434). 6. TO.'ITELVoTa1'ou ••• '!'ou tro1'a.11-ou: P. implies, but does not say(§§ 3-4), that the Euphrates is at its lowest in winter, though this is true in September or October (§ 4 n.). The present operation, by which Antiochus conveyed his troops downstream (perhaps from the Euphrates bend} will therefore date to autumn or perhaps early winter, before the substantial rise in December; on the year (probably :no) see 43 n. Cf. Niese, ii. 397 n. 6; A. von Gutschmid, Geschichte lrans und seiner Nachbarlander von Alexander dem Groflen bis zum Untergang der Arsaciden (Tiibingen, 1888}, 36 f.; Holleaux, CAH, viii. 140 = Etudes, v. 322,

IX. 44·

I

FRAGMENTS

44-45. Fragments 44. 1. Tous ••. ~ .... ~aJvovTns: €p.f3aivfitV is 'to enter upon' a war, or other activity; here war seems to be implied. 2. Universal history: see iii. 32, viii. 2. I-II; Vol. I, p. 9· For To KdA\ IJ,€0.fLO. Cf • 1. . 4• 4 n,, TO' K/J,IIIIt OeoiJ 1rpovotas (14. n). This illustrates P.'s thesis that Scipio did not owe his success to 'the gods and Tyche' (9.2), but to his own foresight (2. 13); but that he, like Lycurgus (2. 8-u), deliberately represented the fruit of calculation as the work of divine powers (2. u). What is the truth about the ebb? Although the Mediterranean is in general tideless, tides occur at some points. But if this ebb is a tidal phenomenon P. must be wrong in saying that it occurred daily J1rl SetAr;v olfo£av (though he may, of course, have generalized what was true for the day for which Scipio planned the attack). Alternatively the ebb had some other cause such as wind action. Livy (xxvi. 45· 8) mentions a north wind which assisted the tide; and Scullard (Scip. 76--9) quotes several examples of similar phenomena due to wind, from the Red Sea, the Crimea, the Suez Canal, and Geneva. It is also attested that north or north-east winds can lower the level of the water by one to one and a half feet in the neighbourhood of Cartagena (Mediterranean Pilot6 , i. 69; Scullard, Scip. 78-79 n. 3). Scullard also considers (Scip. 79) the possibility of volcanic phenomena, but rightly dismisses this as unlikely. Tide or wind, either explanation of the ebb presents difficulties. If it was tidal (and so predictable) why did Scipio launch a violent attack in the morning instead of waiting for the ebb later in the day? Having promised Neptune's help (u. 7), why did he embark on an

THE CAPTURE OF NEW CARTHAGE

X. z.

1

operation the success of which would have made that help superfluous? And why did Mago do nothing to guard against an obvious danger? If on the other hand the ebb was caused by wind action, dearly Scipio could not be quite sure it would occur; how then could he, the previous day, promise the god's intervention? These difficulties would be evaded if the whole story of the ebb were a legend. But the character of P!s sources virtually excludes this hypothesis. For his account of the capture of New Carthage he used at least three, and possibly four, sources, apart from his own autopsy (u. 4 n.). He had the evidence of C. Laelius, Scipio's dose friend (3. z), probably oral (Laqueur, Hermes, 1gzr, zo7-25, argues unconvincingly for a written account). He had also access to an account written by P. Scipio himself and sent (presumably after rgo) to Philip V of Macedon (g. 3). in which he confirmed that his operations were based on the calculations expounded by P., including the information on the lagoon. Further, Silenus described the capture (Livy, xxvi. 49· 3), and P. may be assumed to have consulted him. The strong similarity between the accounts of P. and Livy points to a common tradition, but it is not easy to establish the relationship between the two versions. It has been argued that tivy used P., either directly or more probably via Coelius, and that the additional details which he gives (cf. Klotz, Appia1ts Darstettung, 73) come from a secondary source like Silenus (added by Livy or again, more probably, by Coelius); cf. Kahrstedt, iii. 289 ff.; De Sanctis, iii. 2. 372. On this hypothesis, the Roman point of view in both P. and Livy derives from F.'s use of Scipio and Laelius. Klotz has argued, however, that Livy's additions form an integral part of tlte narrative and are only to be explained as coming from a source common to P. and to Livy (again, used probably via Coelius) ; cf. Klotz, Uvius, 178 f.; Hermes, 1952, 334-43. On this view the Roman colouring must derive from this common original source, who will hardly be other than Fabius Pictor. P. will have made Fabius his main source, checking him from Laelius and Scipio's letter. To choose between these hypotheses is not easy. But it weighs against Klotz that in xxvi. 45· g, 'hoc cura ac ratione compertum in prodigium ac deos uertens Scipio .. .', Livy echoes P.'s own attitude towards Scipio's exploitation of the gods; and though this phrase occurs in Livy's account of Scipio's speech just before the crossing of the lagoon, which has nothing corresponding in P. and owes a good deal to Livian rhetorical elaboration, nevertheless its ultimate origin In P. seems unquestionable. If, as Klotz argues, the additions in Livy read like an integral part of his narrative, this could merely be evidence of Livy's skill rather than an argument for the use of a common source from which P. omitted them. Further, at two points (c). 7and n. 1-3), where P. seems to have combined two sources with 0

193

X. z.

I

SCIPIO'S CHARACTER AND

less than his usual skill, Livy (xxvi. 42. 6, 42. 9) faithfully reproduces what he says. Klotz's theory is therefore to be rejected. P.'s source will be most likely Silenus, modifted by information from Laelius and Scipio; but though conclusive evidence is lacking, he may well have made use of Fabius too, for a Roman source could have obtained information on Mago's dispositions (rz. 2-3) from Mago himself \Vhen a prisoner at Rome (cf. 19. 8) perhaps more easily than Silenus in the camp of Hannibal. Livy's account will go back ultimately to P., probably through Coelius; but he gives information not in P. which is not always due to elaboration (e.g. xxvi. 42. 5, 43· I, and 44. 10 on the part played by the fleet) and may have been added by Coelius from elsewhere. With all these sources to draw on P. will hardly have described a purely imaginary ebb. On the other hand, some of the difficulties which it creates and which have been mentioned above are perhaps less serious than they seem. If the ebb was due to wind action (and this is on the whole more likely, despite P.'s use of ap:rrwn:;, 14. 2 and 14. i) the risk that it might not occur on the day in question could be very considerably reduced if Scipio had his local infonnants with him to conftrm that weather conditions made its occurrence reasonably certain. ::\'loreover, the morning attack was probably designed to exhaust the enemy (asP. indicates, u. 7) rather than to capture the city by direct assault. As attacker Scipio had the initiative and could contrive the time-table of the operation; and if things went especially well, it was always possible to send the wading-party across the lagoon even before the ebb, since, as Scullard observes (Scip. 8o-8r), it was fordable without it (8. 7). Scipio was counting on using the ebb; but he was not wholly dependent on it for the success of his strategy. There is then no good reason to doubt P.'s assertion that an ebb took place at the critical moment and that its appearance was foreseen well in advance and counted on by Scipio as part of his plan; for in \ri.ew of the fact that P. had access to Scipio's own account of the attack and that he assures his readers (9. 3) that this account conftrms his own version of Scipio's calculations, the fall in the level of the water can scarcely be regarded as an act of Tyche on which he was not primarily relying. However, some difficulties still remain unexplained. In particular, P.'s statement that on the previous\ day Scipio promised his men Neptune's help has been regarded as hardly credible; and it has even been suggested that when Livy (xxvi. 45· 9) makes Scipio refer to Neptune's guidance in a speech delivered just as the attack is about to be launched, this order of events is the right one, and P. has transposed Scipio's speech to the earlier position to support his picture of Scipio's unscrupulous rationalism (Scullard, Scip. 81-82). On this hypothesis what were originally mere words of 194


X.

2. I

encouragement to the men about to cross the lagoon have been twisted into a prophetic claim to supernatural help. Such a view would carry serious implications for F.'s integrity as a historian. But if the speech was moved-and one must accept the view that it is taken from F.'s original source, not invented (cf. VoL I, pp. IJ-!4)-then surely it is Livy (or his immediate source} who has moved it for rhetorical effect, along \vith the reference to the information given by Tarraconese fishermen, which now comes in awkwardly in this context (cf. Meyer, Kl. Schr. ii. 450 n.). Delivered at the very moment of the attack, the speech is more rhetorically effective than it would be delivered the previous day (as in F.); cf. Klotz, Appians Darstellung, 74: 'wenn Livius diese Tatsache in clie spatere Erzahlung einfiigt, so tut er dies aus kiinstlerischen Ri.icksichten' (though for 'er' read perhaps 'er selbst oder seine Quelle'). In fact, the reference to Poseidon the previous day is perfectly credible if the risk of the prophecy's not being fulfilled is only very slight; and this was so. For even if it proved necessary to send the men across the lagoon before the ebb occurred, this manoeuvre could without too much difficulty have been attributed to Neptune. In any case, in the moment of victory no one was going to ask too many questions about Scipio's promise; an epiphany could always be conveniently reported from some other part of the field, and in the last resort only the successful prophecies are remembered. By saying that Neptune would give his help, when he was in fact proposing to use the ebb water to cross the lagoon Scipio lies open to a charge of using religious terminology to deceive. Reluctance to believe this has been due to a reluctance to follow P. in his characterization of Scipio as a man who cynically exploited religion to gain his ends; and it has been pointed out that the other story recounted to support this thesis, viz. that of Scipio's election to the aedilcship, must be rejected for the reasons given below (4. 1-5. 8 n.), and that there is little evidence from the rest of Scipio's career asP. describes It (Haywood, 33-34). The origins of P.'s interpretation have been much debated. Ed. Meyer argued that it went back to C. Laelius, whom he took to be a Stoic rationalist (Kl. Schr. ii. 423-57 5.-B. IJerlin, 19r6, Io6S-8s); but, as Laqueur has shown (Hermes, rg21, 151 ff.), rationalism was no part of Stoic doctrine before Fanaetius, and there in no evidence that Laelius was either a Stoic or a rationalist. Scullard (Scip. rz) therefore seems to be right when he claims 1\'s rationalism as his own, not that of Laelius. P. approves Scipio's 1111pposed policy of attributing his achievements to the gods in order to impress the masses, just as he expresses his willingness to allow fnlsc stories of miracles in order to instil piety into the populace (xvi. 1:1. g). His picture of Scipio is his answer to the 'legend' which in aomc form must already have existed when he wrote and which 195

X. z.

I


probably appeared in his main source, whether Silenus or not; for discussion of the development of the 'legend' see below, z. 3 n. This does not however mean that Scipio's speech at New Carthage is to be rejected as part of the 'legend'. Even if P. drew largely on Silenus, he had access to Scipio's letter {g. 3) and Laelius' recollections. It has been argued that Laelius did not fully understand P.'s questions (Haywood, 35-38) and indeed the two men may have made quite different assumptions about religious matters. But unless we are to dismiss Laelius as a dotard, we must surely assume that he confirmed Silenus' account that the men were promised Neptune's help and that in the ebb the next day this 'prophecy' was fulfilled. However, Scipio was not necessarily the rationalist that P. describes. De Sanctis (Riv. ftl. 1936, 192-3) argues that the existence of the 'legend' implies that Scipio believed in it, This is surely going much too far. On the other hand, Scipio may well have made the 'prophecy' attributed to him at New Carthage and yet have believed sincerely in the gods; he may even have taken the existence of the ebb as a sign that Neptune was favouring his enterprise. Scullard (Scip. rg) regards the 'legend' as a proof of Scipio's genius: 'a pure rationalist or a smaller man would never have gained such a romantic halo'. Scipio was certainly a great man, and he can hardly have been a rationalist of the Polybian stamp. He was probably religious as Romans of that age understood religious orthodoxy; but, as Haywood (44) points out, even extreme piety is not identical with mysticism, and there seems to be no reliable evidence that Scipio believed himself to be divinely inspired or thought that he could count on divine help to a greater extent or more regularly than anyone else who observed true piety. See for discussion of the problems touched on above: Kahrstedt, iii. soz-II; Ed. Meyer, Kl. Schr. ii. 423-57; Laqueur, Hermes, I92I, IJI-225; Scullard, Scip. s6-gg; R. :\uO'w: the point on which P. challenges his predecessors {d. §§ s-6). 2. +uO'EW!I 11 TP~~;;s: cf. xxii. 21. 2. For discussion of the relative importance P. assigns to inborn qualities and training, heredity and environment, see von Scala, 4 n. r. 3. Tous i~"lyou~vous ••• 1Ta.pa.1TE'ITa.LKEva.~ Tils O.A."l9da.s: clearly some elements of the Scipionic legend {cf. 5· 9) existed, but not necessarily all that later sources contain. Already Scipio was the recipient of 196


X.

2.

8

divine aid (9. 2), and his letter to Philip V may have been designed to counter such versions by a factual statement of what really happened at New Carthage. Already too he was evidently believed to commune with the gods (5. 5 n.). This colouring will be due to Greek historians like Silenus, but it is not impossible that Ennius made some contribution, perhaps in the direction of heroizing Scipio (cf. A. R. Anderson, Harv. Stud. 1928, 31 ff.; Scullard, Scip. 9· n. 2; Haywood, 18 ff.). If Livy's account of Gracchus' speech against Scipio (Livy, xxxviii. 56. ro-r2) can be accepted, already in Scipio's lifetime his image was kept in the temple of J uppiter Optimus Maximus; but it has been argued (Mommsen, Ram. Farsch. ii. 503 ff.; Ed. Meyer, Kl. Schr. ii. 434 n. 3; Caesars Monarchie, 531 ff.) that it is a forgery originating in an anti-Caesarian pamphlet or in antiSullan propaganda (De Sanctis, Riv. fil. 1936, 189 ff.). In any case however it is evidence for the placing of Scipio's image in the temple of Juppiter; but the date of this will hardly be earlier than the fire of 83 B. c. (Val. Max. i. 2. 2; DeSanctis, Riv. fil. 1936, 190, who suggests that Sulla placed it there after rebuilding). P. probably used !-menus as a source for the taking of New Carthage (2. 1-~o. 8 n.) and he criticizes his account of Scipio, which was already influenced by the 'legend' and no doubt resembled in many respects his worked over version of Hannibal's crossing of the Alps and his premonitory dream (cf. iii. 47· 6, 48. rz n.). In the full form of the legend, as Gellius (vi. I) attributes it to C. Oppius and Iulius Hyginus, and o.s it is given in de uir. ill. 49, Scipio is the son of Juppiter, who appeared in his mother's bed, before his conception, in the form of o. snake-an account which even Livy recognizes as borrowed from the Alexander legend (Livy, xxvi. 19. 7). For full discussion see Meyer, Kl. Schr. ii. 423-44; Scullard, Scip. 13-16; Haywood, 9-29. 4. s~« Tils T)fETEpo.s E~TJYtlO'EIIIS: to be taken with e1TL07Jf'O.lv£a8a.t, 'to appreciate by means of my narrative'. 5. €11nuxfi Ttvo. ••• 11'GpE~O'nyouO'~: cf. iii. 47· 8 for P.'s similar use of 1Tap£wdyovat of sensational historians writing on Hannibal; ix. r6. 1 of Homer, 'introducing' Odysseus in a certain role. 6. TO fEv E'll'o.w•mSv: i.e. to owe one's success to calculation; whereas to owe it to chance is merely f'O.Kapta'7'ov, 'enviable'. 1eowov EO'T~ KGt Tois TuxofiO't: a proverbial turn of phrase; cf. Carpus paroem. gr. ii. 446; Diod. xviii. 67. danhov x:ai KOLl'iJ>: a1TCJ.IJL 1'~. For a defence of the MS. see Hultsch, Quaestiones, ii. 12. 4. 1-5. 8. Scipio's election to the aedileship. P. suggests rather than actually states that this story is also from Laelius. It implies that a youth like Scipio could hardly stand for the aedileship without his mother's consent (his father being away in Spain); and that this could only be extracted by a trick. It contains these inaccuracies: (1) P. Scipio was aedile in 213 {Livy, xxv. 2. 6-8; Mommsen, Rom. Forsch. i. 98), not in 217 (as implied in 4· 5); (2) his colleague was not his brother Lucius, who probably held the aedileship in 195 (Broughton, i. 340}, but M. Cornelius Cethegus (Livy, ibid.); (3) Lucius was his younger, not his elder brother. See Meyer, Kl. Schr. ii. 430-33,

199

X. 4·

I


who points out the unlikelihood of the supposedly elder brother's being helped to election by the younger; d. Scullard, Scip. 39 n. 1. That Laelius, who knew Scipio well, can have accepted a story that makes Lucius the senior, is incredible. 4. 1. 1T'pcu:rfhiupov ~xwv l16EA+ov AE~KLov: L. Cornelius P.f. L.n. Scipio Asiaticus, consul in 190, was really younger than P. Meyer, Kl. Schr. ii. 431 n. 2, suggests a possible confusion with Aemilianus, who was younger than his brother Q. Fabius Maxim us; this would be a further argument against attributing the story to Laelius, but it seems somewhat improbable. 2. ~8ous o' OVTOS ouo 1T'O.TpLKLOUS Ka.8LO'T0.0"8a.L: not very clear. P. is speaking of the curule aedileship, which from 366 onwards (Livy, vii. 1. 6) went to patricians and plebeians in alternate years. In 'odd' years by the Julian calendar, these aediles were patricians. 3. Ti]s Ka.TO.O'TGO'EW{).o~s (Bi.ittner-\Vobst). The general sense is clear. Paton's text, fL~'TE Trapd. 'TOtS' TroAE!LLots fL~n 1rapa 'Tots if>ll.ots lacks a participle or adjective.

7. 3. Tous EvTos "I~T)pos ••• aul'llaxous: north of the Ebro; cf. iii. 76. 6, below, 35· 3· The standpoint is Roman and probably reflects the use of Fabius; cf. iii. 14. 9 n. 4. 1ravTa.s O.va.te Site la Roman 'lim('S -

ace. to Sr.(3IlOYa.

- - - - ar:c~ to Strathan-Dav.idson ~

1\otnJnTown

--~ i)t.Jt/[u:: t'j'wodcrti !'Ulrl!

(Based on Scullard, Scip1:o African us in the Second Punic War, 29o)

of Numantia (Vol. I, p. 6 n. 3; below, IL 4 n.). But he probably composed his account of the capture of New Carthage before 151 (iii. 1~5 n., § 1), and it is not to be assumed that the whole description of the topography depends on P.'s autopsy. He does not claim that for more than the single point of the length of the walls; and it is relevant that his account of Hannibal's crossing of the Alps (iii. 49· 5-56. 4) depends on a literary source, despite a similar claim to have 'seen for himself' (iii. 48. a). The false orientation :first observed by Droysen (Rh. Mus. I8i5. 62 ff.) may be due to P. or may go back to his source ; for discussion of his suggested explanation see below, 10. 5 n. Without adequate maps errors of orientation are easily made; and despite his emphasis on directions (d. v. zr. 8) P. goes wrong 206


X.

10.

5

elsewhere (d. iii. 47· 2-5 n., on the RhOne). Modem scholars are not without fault here; cf. Vol. I, p. 530 for a map of Alipheira in which Leake's original orientation had to be corrected from Frazer. The particular topographical points are discussed in the relevant notes. For general discussion see Droysen, Rh. Mus. 1875, 62 ff.; StrachanDavidson, 6z9-41 (with map); Hubner, RE, 'Carthago nova', cols. 1(m-4 (unconvincing); Cuntz, 8-zo (with map); Kahrstedt, AA, ~ KaL Tpaxwtv) will be Monte Molinete, 123ft. above sea-level. Against Kahrstedt's attempt (AA, 1912, 230-2) to identify it with Monte Sacco, which in fact lies opposite Monte Concepcion, to the north of the city, see Scullard, Scip. 296-7. P.'s location of this hill in the west can be reconciled with the true orientation on StrachanDavidson's hypothesis, but not on Droysen's, for if the hill containing the temple of Asclepios was on the east side, Monte Molinete should lie to the south, not the west; see Cuntz, ro. llovapxlKfi~ opeyoll£vov £~oua£a~: P. gives no hint of such an ambibition in Hasdrubal in ii. 13 and 36; it may derive from Fabius' account (cf. iii. 8. 2, l7TLf3a>..€a8at ..• ds f.LOvapxlav mc:ptO"Tijaat To wo>..lTEVf.La nvv KapxYJ8ovlwv) if Fabius is the source here. See further Meltzer, ii. 594 n. 58. 10. at .•. Aomat Tpei~ Twv •.. ~ouvwv: the three remaining hills from west to east are Monte Sacro, Monte San. Jose, and Castillo de Despefia Perros, and can be identified with the hills of Cronos, Aletes, and Hephaestus respectively. On the assumption of a 45° deviation, they can be said to lie in the north part of the city; in reality the first two are in the north and the Castillo de Despeiia Perros in the east. On the assumption of a goo deviation Monte Sacro is on the west side. Kahrstedt (AA, 1912, 230-2) identifies Monte San. Jose with Cronos, Castillo de Despefia Perros with Aletes, and for Hephaestus he argues in favour of a hill where the Plaza de Toros stands and the Roman amphitheatre stood, to the eastern end of Monte Concepcion; but Scullard (Scip. 295-6) argues cogently that the eminence in this area is merely part of the long Concepcion hill, the intervening depression (Calle de Gisbert) being either modern or deepened in modern times. Hence, although Kahrstedt's identifications remove many of the difficulties (since Monte Sacro, Kahrlltcdt's arx Hasdrubatis, lies to the north (P.'s west) and San. Jose, Castillo de Despefia Perros, and the site of the bull-ring all lie to the east (P.'s north)), his treatment of Monte Molinete, which is scarcely to be eliminated as a mons testaceus, and of the bull-ring area, which 814178

p

X.

IO. IO


is scarcely to be turned into a separate hill, is so violent that the traditional identifications seem preferable. 11. 'Hcf!a[aTou .•• J\A.f)Tou ••• Kp6vou: New Carthage was a Punic foundation (ii. 13. 1), and the place-names referring to godsmayoriginally have been Punic {d. 8 n.), unless they represent native deities assimilated to Carthaginian. Cicero (de nat. dear. i. 84) records that a god equated with Hephaestus was worshipped in Spain, and comments on the difference between the Italian Vulcan and the Spanish. He may be the god equipped with a conical hat and pincers on coins of Malaca, a Phoenician colony (d. A. Heiss, Description ginirale des monnaies antiques de l'Espagne, Paris, I8jo, pl. xlv). Herodotus (iii. 37) knows of prophylactic figures called llaTa~Ko~. which the Phoenicians set on the prows of their ships, resembling the Hephaestus of Memphis. This Hephaestus was equated with Ptah, and it has been suggested that Ptah ·was adopted in Phoenicia, and there identified with Kousor (cf. vii. 9· 2 n. discussing 'Ares, Triton and Poseidon'; Gsell, iv. 344 n. 4). Philo of Byblus (FGH, 790 F 2, § rr) identifies XouadJp (MS. XpuadJp) with Hephaestus. That Kousor is the Phoenician god worshipped here (whether or no he replaced an earlier Spanish god) seems probable {Gsell, iv. 344 n. 7). A letes is probably a local divinity, for Aletus and Aletea are fairly common Iberian names {d. Hubner, RE, 'Carthago nova', col. 1623); that he was originally a man and the discoverer of the silver-mines may be either an Iberian or a Punic belief, but would be a concept familiar toP. (d. xxxiv. z. 5 ff. on Aeolus). See Gsell, iv. 466. Pedech, Revue de l'histoire des religions, 1964, 44, suggests that Aletes was a local divinity, whom P. interprets as a man receiving divine honours in the Hellenistic manner. Cronos or Saturnus is the usual equivalent of Baal Hammon (cf. vii. 9· 2 n. discussing 'Zeus, Hera and Apollo'; Gsell, iv. 288-9o with 290 n. 3), and may well be the Baal indicated here; the same god gave his name to C. Palos, the promontory of Saturn (Pliny, Nat. hist. iii. 19). 12. TTJV ALj.I-YT)\1 ••• atJppouv ••• xeLpo1ToLT)Tws: the artificial canal joining the lagoon with the sea must have lain to the west of the city; against Hubner's attempt {RE, 'Carthago nova', col. 1622) to locate it to the east see Strachan-Davidson, 317, who observes that the isthmus described in § 6 is 'of solid rock and at least 30ft. above sea level'; cf. Cuntz, 14; Scullard, Scip. 293-4, who drawing on the work of Canovas, describes its exact position. It ran from the eastern end of the Artillery Park, past a hill since levelled, but formerly standing on the site of part of this park to the west of the canal, and from here followed the line of the modern Calle de Santa Floren tina in a southwesterly direction until this opened out into the sea in the neighbourhood of the north-west corner of the Arsenal Harbour (see Scullard's 210


X.

I I. I

sketch-map, Scip. 290). According to Canovas (Scullard, Scip. 294), the sea and lagoon were still linked in the sixteenth century, and a bridge at the Puerta de Murcia was repaired in r6oo-2. 13. yiq,upa. ~ea.no-~eeua.o.vws: i.e. in the crossing of the lagoon; see above, 2. 1-2o. 8 n. 8. Twv ••• KaTO. T~v 1TapaKXTJaLv Xoywv: 'his speech of exhortation'. 810U 1Tpovo(q.: cf. 14. II, XXiii. 17. 10; neither passage affords evidence for P.'s belief in 'divine providence', since in the second the phrase occurs in a speech, while here and in 14. 11 P. is committed to the theory of fraud. See Hercod, 98. Tols vEaviaKoLs: 'the soldiers'; cf. i. 36. 12 n.

12. 1. Sous ~v ~1TLTpo1T~V rat'l:l: i.e. to c. Laelius. rijs 1ToXLopKfas: 'the assault'; cf. viii. 7. s, ix. 3· 2 n. l. Mcl.ywv 0 TETO.Yf.LEVOS E1Tl TfjS 1TOXEWS: cf. rs. 7. 18.

I. Nothing is known of him beyond this episode. Appian (Hisp. 19 ff.) confuses him with Hannibal's brother. See Ehrenberg, RE, 'Mago(1o)', coL so6. ~1Tl riis aKpo.s ••• E1Ti. TOU 1Tpos civaToAO.s M.f>ou: d. Livy, xxvi. 44· 2, 'quingentis militibus arcem insidit, quingentos tumulo urbis in orientem uerso imponit'. As Laqueur points out (Hermes, 1921, r6r-2), neither the citadel, Monte Molinete, nor the 'hill towards the east'

213

X.

12. 2

SCIPIO'S CH.\R.\CTER AKD

(in fact the south : it is Monte Concepcion; 10. 8 n.) is vital for the defence of the walls; but it does not follow that there is a contradiction between this passage and the statement in § 8 that the best men were later fighting at the isthmus, for, as Scullard (Scip. 83) rightly observes, Monte Concepcion and Monte Molinete may have been these men's normal barracks, and Mago may have stationed them there at the outset to counter any movement from the fleet. Later they can well have been moved to the isthmus (d. 12. 6, ri)> ... i.mKovpla>). Hence no evidence can be drawn from this passage to sustain Laqueur's complicated theories of successive layers of composition. 3. TWV S€ AOL1TWV TOUS eupwaTOTQTOU'i: since Mago had to improvise a source of arms for these 2,ooo, Livy has probably drawn the right conclusion when he writes 'oppidanorum duo milia ab ea parte qua castra Romana erant opponit' (Livy, xxvi. 44· 2). Ti)v 'II'UATJV TT)v .•• €1rl. Tov ia9!J-6v: this lay probably between the Castillo de Despeiia Perros and San. Jose (cf. Scullard, Scip. 297). Kahrstedt locates it further south to fit his identification of the hills (AA, 1912, 232-3; above, 10. 10-11 nn.). To'Ls Se AoL'II'ois 'll'a.pt]yyeLAE ~oTJ9e'Lv ICTA.: cf. Livy, xxvi. 44· 2, 'multitudinem aliam quo clamor, quo subita uocasset res intentam ad omnia occurrere iubet'. 6. axeSov am) Sueiv UTa. Stow: nearly a quarter of a mile, about the distance of the Castillo de los Moros from the Puerta de San. Jose; see Scullard, Scip. 89 n. 1. 7. ~11:wv E1TEUTTJUE ••• 1ra.p' auTT)v TT)v aTpa.To1TeSe(a.v: Livy, xxvi. 44· 3, exaggerates for effect: 'Romani duce ipso praecipiente parumper cessere, ut propiores subsidio in certamine ipso summittendis essent'. otov et aTO!J-a. Tou ••• 'II'At]9ous: 'so to speak the steel edge of the population' (Paton). arop.,a is the point or edge of a weapon (Ael. Tact. 13; Asci. Tact. 3· 5, also comparing file-leaders to such an edge, otov ri)> p.axalpa oo 1TOL~CT£4 fJd.va.vaov 1ToAlTT)V; Plato, Laws, viii. 848 A. Bickerman (A]P, 1952, 3 n.) also argues that the xt:tpo-rlxva.t are free, and compares the distinction between the Kvpwt Ka.px7J8av~o~ and ol Kapx7J8ovlwv V1TO.pxo' in viii. 9· 5; but the latter are probably Libyphoenicians and so afford no parallel (see notes ad loc.). -roio; U:Ho~£AEia> a line earlier, the text should be kept, with Schweighaeuser (see his note ad loc.). Alternatively, if rrpax8€V'Twv could mean 'required to hand over (sc. the booty)' (d. Thuc. viii. 5; Luc. ix. 21; Plato, Laws, xi. 921 c; SEG, ix. 8, L 99, xP~p.aTa ••• rrpa.xBivTE> (Cyrene edict)). TOti"Twv COU}d be 'these men', i.e. o{ 1rpdr; TTtV aprray~v aTrOj1.£ptcrfJiV'T€';. In either case, this passage should not be quoted as evidence for the u.le of booty before distribution of the proceeds to the soldiers. See further Vogel, RE, 'praeda', cols. r2oo-13. 7. U1rf:p 1'ou-rou ••• dp1J1'0.l Trpo-rEpov t1tt-iv: d. vi. 33· I n. (where 'Cincius Alimentus' is an error for 'Cindus') for the oath. 9. nis yO.p E).Trl8o the larger body of several hundred (cf. i. 27. 6 n.). They were no doubt representatives of the home government attached to the Spanish front; cf. vii. 9· I n. for the position of Carthaginian representatives who shared in Hannibal's treaty with Philip V. 6. tcovous ~eo.l +EXA.~n: 'trinkets and bracelets'. pnf-Lcf.6.s: 'curved knives': Toup restored the correct form from Hesychius. 7. rijs Mo.v8ov£ou yuvo.~~eos, bs i'jv O.SeA.cf.os :A.v8o~6.A.ou: on Andobales see ix. n. 3 n. For the desertion of both brothers to Rome see 35· 6-8. On the llergetes see iii. 35· 2 n. E'ti"IO'Tpocf.l]v ••• TllS o.uTWv el!axTJJJ.OcrllvTJs: 'a care for their honour'. 13. TWV :A.v8o~6.A.ou Ouyo.TEpwv: d. ix. I I. 4· Ti}v Tils vepun6.aews i11cf.naw: 'the character of the danger to which they were exposed'.


X.

20. f

19. 1. napt:8l8ou To'Ls TaflLaLo;: the plural is inaccurate, since Scipio would have only one quaestor; Livy, xxvi. 47· 8, gives his name as C. Flaminius, who was later consul in 187 (Livy, xxxviii. 42. 2). Livy gives a more detailed list of booty: 276 gold paterae, nearly all a pound in weight, r8,3oo pounds of silver and many silver vessels. He also mentions many catapults and military standards, 4oo,ooo modii of wheat, 27o,ooo modii of barley, and 6.3 merchant ships with their cargoes. The source of this circumstantial account is unknown, and the details will not necessarily be accurate (Livy, xxvi. 47· s-ro). 3. tj>LA0YU\11lV iiVTa TOY nonALOV: this trait may be referred to in Naevius, fg. 108 (Ribb. com.). l8LWTTJS: 'a private soldier'; cf. v. 6o. 3; Diod. xix. 4· J. aTpa.Tl)yos 8' lmO.pxwv: cf. 40. 5 n. O"TpaT"?yO> here is 'general'; Scipio's rank was pro consule (cf. z. I-zo. 8 n.). 6. cl> noT' Ci.v 'ITpoa(pTJTilL TWV noALTWV: in Livy (xxvi. so. I-Iz) the same anecdote is elaborated and romanticized to include a young man Allucius who is in love with and betrothed to the girl. Scipio hands the girl over to him along with a large sum of money given by her relatives. 8. l~~1TEfllftE ra.LoV TOV AalALOV ••• t:to; Tiiv 'PWflTJV: cf. Livy, xxvi. 51. 2 (where the :\-ISS. mention only one ship). According to Livy, xxvii. 7· 1, Laelius arrived in l{ome exitt' ann£ huius (i.e. 210/09 according to his chronology). Klotz (Hermes, 1952, 339) thinks Laelius went twice to Rome, once immediately after the fall of New Carthage, and again at the year-end; but more probably De Sanctis (iii. 2. 469 n.) is right in suggesting that Livy found the account of Laelius' arrival in Rome in the consulship of Q. Fabius Maximus and Q. Fulvius Flaccus, i.e. A.U.c. 545 209 B.C., and having dated the fall of New Carthage to the previous year compromised by putting Laelius' arrival at its end, when the consuls for 209 were already designate. 20. 2. €n~ TplaKoVTa aTa8lous: cf. Livy, xxvi. 51. 4, 'in armis quattuor milium spatio decurrerunt'. Tfi S' £~-iio; 6.vcmauea9aL Ka.t pq.9ufLe~v: Livy, xxvi. 51. 4, reverses the order, assigning the third day to sword and javelin practice, and the fourth to rest. Since this is more logical, with a day spent cleaning arms interposed between active running and fighting, there is much to be said for E. Schulze's proposal (Rh. Mus. r868, 431) to transpose 'J"ff o' ~tfi> . .. pa8vJLEfv so that it follows tl~eoVTl~ew in § 3· 3. eatalpwv: 'covered in leather and fitted with buttons'. ypoatj>ols: hastae uelitares; cf. vi. 22. 4 n. for this weapon. 4. Touo; XllLpOT~xvao;: the 2,ooo workmen who were to be public slaves for the duration of the war in Spain. On their organization cf. 17. ro (Ka.8a1T!ip 1rpoet?Tov). 219

X.

20.

SCIPIO'S CHARACTER

7

TOA~!lOU: cf. Xen. Ages. i. z6, dglav of. Kat l5A7JV ' 7TOI\LV '\ , :1. , ' \ ayopa ' ' f.LiiO'T7J' ,J: ~ ~ TTJII EV l/ ,J: 'I" 0' EaS' I£7TOtTJO'f:ll. 7J., Tli yap 'IV 1TaVTooa1TW~' 1eal 07TAWV Kat '£7T7TWV J.w{wv, o'£ T€ XUAK0Tti1TO~ ICO:t Ol TeiCTOVES' Kai o/ LU1Tau~6s: cf. Asclep. ro. 8; Arr. Tact. 21. 5; AeL Tact. 25. 9· This movement represents yet a further 90° turn by the same body, so that the troops now face a direction to the left of their original position. A fourth turn through 90° would bring the troops back to this position, and such a turn was called imKaTci.aTaats. i~a.ywyat ~eaTd Xoxous Kat 81Xoxlas: 'dashing out in files or double files'. For Aoxos in this sense (rather than 'company'} see Asclep. z; Arr. Tact. S· 4; Ael. Tact. 4· 1-3, 5· 1-2; and for SL~oxla, 'double-file', Asclep. 2. 8; Arr. Tact. 10. 1; Ael Tact. 9· 1-4 a. LSJ rnistranslates 'double-company' (the sense in Arr. Tact. 15. 3), and Paton is also

'TI'E:pw·rraap.os

226

PHILOPOEMEN REFORMS ACHAEAN CAVALRY

X. 23.7

Wrong with 'in single or double companies' (duplicated four lines earlier as 'in sections and double sections'). C'UVQ.ywy(l,t ••• !'-ET' ~1Toxf\s: 'reining in to return ... '; El> t/..as is Scaliger's emendation of the MS. 0111111lAas. Eight {,\at are said to make one imrapxla {Asclep. 7· II; Arr. Tact. 18. 2-3; Ael. Tact. 20. 2), and an i,\71 to contain 64, a iTmapxla 512 horsemen (though variants are found). av:\ap.os is not used by these v.Titers, but is equivalent in P. to an £/..71; cf. 21. 3, xviii. 19. 9 (of Aetolians). Hence there is much to be said for Schweighaeuser's suggestion that 0111El/..as is a gloss (= O€s 111r/..lls) giving a technical equivalent for ov:\ap.ovs which has crept into the text. If that is SO, Ei> OVAU.j.I.OV>, ElS imrapx{a.> Will be 'to return to their squadrons and brigades'. But P. may have written 111ls tAils, indicating a general sense, 'they returned to their formations'. For a discussion of l!..llt and :."11'1Tilpxlllt in Alexander's army see P. A. Brunt, ]HS, 1963, 27-45 and G. T. Griffith, ibid. 68-74.

5. lKT6.€ElS ~a.Aay~ iva.VTm KaTa.O'T'fi. This advance of each unit, by an oblique march forward,

so that it can take up position in line with the first unit, involves marching along the backs of the troops in front, since those furthest to the rear march furthest to reach their new positions in the front; and this is what P. means here by "'I'CJ.pa TOV') ovpayous. (In the tactical writers "'l'o.paywy~ has another meaning, tl1at of a phalanx advancing in line, rather than in column, like Alexander's at Issus (xii. 20. 1), cf. Arr. Tact. 28. 3; Asclep. II. 1; Ael. Tact. 36.) 6. TO.s ••• K(l.TO. 1TEp(KAa.ow: sc. EKTagn.,; cf. xi. 23. 2 ; 'deployment by wheeling round'. In this rnanceuvre troops advancing in column limply wheel at a given point and proceed at right angles to their former direction. This would be a simple method of converting an extended line into marching order ("11'opE£as .•• 8£Ci.8eatv) or vice versa. 7. TO.s (1TQ.ywy6.s: 'advances in column'; cf. Arr. Tact. 28. 2, Ka~ ~"'l'a. yw'Yl} 11-/.v E(}'TLV, brlli~Oav ntyli-a Tayp.an E"'l'' .:vfJv €"11'1]TaL. Cf. xi. rs. 7' xviii. 31. 12 (of a phalanx charge).

X. 23. 7 PHILOPOEMEN REFORMS ACHAEAN CAVALRY

autuyouvTnS Knt auaTo~xoOVTns: 'keeping in line and in column'. 'vyEiv, 'to stand in rank', and CFTotxeiv, 'to stand in file', are used by the tactical writers (cf. Asclep. 7· 4, of cavalry squadrons). 9. To is T£ '1I'OAAois Knt Tois &.'11'oTEAdo,s: 'to the troops and to the local commanders'. For ol ?Tol.l..ol in this sense see i. 33· 4, etc. (Paton has 'the people', wrongly); for ol ~'ITDTI!.eto' cf. xvi. 36. 3; IG, v. 2. 293 (i\1antinea); Bean, ]HS, 1948, 44~48, 11. 39--40, d?To-rll..t:,os wv Kat a7TOO'TaA£ls- E1T1. TWV ll€aVlUKWV (Araxa). An d?To-rE'>..ews was evidently

a minor local magistrate with military duties; in the Mantinean inscription he commands infantry, and Toup suggested that in Suidas, a'/TonfA€W'' ol KO.Til '/T!lA€tS ~Y€/.1-0VES' TWV 'IouSaiwv, the last word is an error for }ixattiJv induced by the reference to Jews in the previous article. Aymard (ACA, 1oz n. 1) observes that as hipparch Philopoemen had no access to a political assembly and so toured the towns making contact with the local cavalry contingents and their officers, and later (aoOts) paid a second visit to make sure all was going welL OL KtlTa '11'0AELS llpxovTES: the a?TO-ri'A£WI. and other officers. 10. Twv ~YEJLovwv: the word ~Yf/.1-dw frequently denotes a highranking infantry officer in the armies of this period, including Achaea (cf. Itm. Delos, 442 B, L 68; Holleaux, Etudes, iii. 3 (with Robert's additional bibliography); but here cavalry are involved, and fJYE/.1-0l!ES' must therefore be 'officers' in the general sense, as in 24. z and elsewhere (cf. Launey, i. 24-25).

24. 3. Tl yO.p ••• £ma!Jla.AEO'TEpov KTA.: cf. 3· 7 n. 4. aTpnTLWTLKTJS E:~oua{nc.;: 'the qualifications of an ordinary rank and file soldier'. Paton renders 'a display of his military rank', but this error is already noted by Schweighaeuser. On the contrast between CFTpanwn~.&xos- gives a better point if taken as 'file' rather than 'company', since the file is to the individual what the course is to the separate brick.

25. 1-5. Fragment of a speech This fragment is probably from a speech delivered at Aegium in 209; see above, p. I 5· In spring 209 the Achaeans had appealed for help to Philip (Livy, xxvii. 29. 9), who had defeated an Aetolian force at Lamia, and then returned to Phalara to meet neutral ambassadors from Rhodes, Chios, Athens, Egypt, and Athamania. (Ferro, 7 n. 6, refers App. Afac. 3· 1-2, to this occasion; but see xi. 4· 1-6. Ion.} Philip agreed to a thirty days' truce, continued into Achaea, celebrated the Argive Herea towards the end of June (Livy, xxvii. 30. 3-9), and then proceeded to a conference which had been called to Aegium. Since the object was to coax the Aetolians out of the war, the Macedonians stressed that Pergamum and Rome were gathering all its fruits. This will be the context of this fragment. The conference proved abortive, since half-way through news came that a Roman fleet was at Naupactus and Attalus had reached Aegina; whereupon the Aetolians put forward unacceptable demands and Philip broke off negotiations (Livy, xxvii. 30, Io-15; Walbank, Philip, 89-90).

25. 2. Tel. 1Tpa.KTLKwTa.Ta. T7]s Suvn}LEWS: 'the most agile part of the force'. -rftv s· imypa.cJ>T]v: 'the credit' ; cf. i. 31· 4. ii. 2. 9 n.

FRAGMENT OF A SPEECH

X. 25.6

25. 6. Fragment of a speech This sentence in oratio obliqua probably comes from a speech delivered at the same conference as 2s. I-S; unless it is from a defence by Philip of his behaviour at Argos. The latter is rather unlikely. See p. IS on the position of the fragment. 6. OTJiJ.OKpa.Tu here (Lex. Polyb. s.v. i5ta8wt>; in text and commentary, following Ernestus, he had read owTaa<w>). See above, VoL I, pp. 8-g; ii. s6. II-12 n.; Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (I)', cols. 1So4-6. M. Hadas, Hellenistic Culture (New York, 1959), 168, instances the elaborate description of the palace at Ecbatana with which the book of Judith opens. To is s· EuAa.~ws 1Tpocr1TOpEUOJJ-EVO~S KTA.: i.e. himself. 9. axt:OOV ~1TTO. aTa.O(wv: nearly 6! furlongs. Twv Ka.Ta JJ-Epos Ka.Ta.crKeua.crJJ-aTwv: 'of the separate buildings'; the palace was probably a complex of structures. TTJV Twv E~ &.pxijc; Ka.Ta.~a.AAoJJ-evwv euKa.~p(a.v: 'the wealth of its original founders'. 10. Ta 4>a.TvwJJ-a.Ta.: 'the compartments of the ceiling' (Paton); cf. Callixenus, FGH, 627 F 2 (= Athen. v. 2s); IGR, iv. ss6. From the resemblance in shape the word is derived from ,PaTv7J, 'manger' (which also has this meaning; see references in LSJ). Ae1T£u~ 1TEjnE~AiJ4>8a.l: 'plated'. KEpa.JJ-(Sa.s: 'roof-tiles'. 11. Ka.Ta TTJV 1-.At:~O.vSpou Ka.l. Ma.KEOOvwv ~4>oSov: Alexander entered Ecbatana in 330 in pursuit of Darius after Gaugamela, and lodged the Persian treasure in its citadel (Arr. Anab. iii. I9. s-8). This Strabo (xv. 731) makes 18o,ooo, and Iustinus (xii. 1. 3) 19o,ooo talents; it was not, however, all from Ecbatana, though it may have included the metals mentioned here. Ka.Ta TTJV 1-.vnyovou Ka.i IeAeuKou Tou N~Kavopos Suva.oTE~a.v:

Seleucus I and Antiochus I (in reverse order to avoid hiatus; cf. ii. 2. 2 n.). The title Nicanor is found elsewhere (cf. Euseb. Chron. i. 249 Schoene, 'Seleukus autem aduersum barbaros profectus uicit, et rex declarabatur; atque inde Nikanor uocatus est, id est uictor'; the same reading is found in the Armenian version, 117 Karst); but it seems to be a manuscript error for the cult title Nicator (cf. Stahelin, RE, 'Seleukos (2)', coL I233), the usual form and the one known from inscriptions and papyri (e.g. OGIS, 233, L 2 from Antioch in Persis; Dura Parchments, 2s, 1. I9 from Dura; OGIS, 24s, 1. Io, from Seleucia-in-Pieria; cf. OGIS, 263, I. 4, 413; CIG, iv. 6856). The sanctuary around Seleucus' tomb was called the NtKaT6p<wv (App. Syr. 63), and apparently Seleucus was deified by Antiochus I (Tarn, Hell. Civ. so). On Seleucid cult see Bikerman, 236 ff.; for the meaning l34

ANTIOCHUS' EXPEDITIOX AGAINST ARSACES X. 28.

1

of the title, which obviously indicates a conqueror, cf. App. 5::;'1'. 57; Amm. Marc. xiv. 8. s. xxiii. 6. 3; Euseb. loc. cit. Paton has, inaccurately, 'Seleucus the son of Nicanor'. ll. o ... vo.os ••• Tfis Arvl]s: Anahita, the Persian goddess of the fertilizing waters, who was perhaps originally Babylonian, and whose cult was widely spread throughout the territories once under Persia. Her name was usually hellenized as :4.va.la. or :4.vai.'n>; cf. e.g. Plut. Artax. 27; Strabo xvi. 738. See Cumont, RE, 'Anaitis', cols. 2030-1; ERE, 'Anahita', 414-r5; S. \Vikander, Feuerpriester in Kleinast'en und Iran (Lund, 1946), 69, who suggests emending AtV'I)> to :4.vat,-,So, (contra Festugiere, Coniectanea neotestamentica, 12 (Lund, 1948), 48-49, who both here and in Strabo, xvi. 738, would read the goddess's name as Nava[a, found on inscriptions and in papyri). auvETt6EwTo: 'had been assembled' ; aw,-tOTJfi-' often means 'to put together in a construction', but this meaning, implying that they were therefore still in place, hardly fits here, where lv a.irrij; suggests rather that the silver tiles were being stored in the temple. 13. TO xa.pa.x8iv E~S TO ~a.cn'-~1, Diod. xvii. 75· 2; Ziobetis, Curt. vi. 4· 4), 150 stades from Hecatompylus, was identified by Marquart (51 ff.} with the Fountain of Ali (Chesmehi-Ali), which lies on this route (ct. Weissbach, RE, J.:n{Jot-rTJS', col. 2484); though A. F. von Stahl (Geogr. Journ. 64, 1924, 324) would identify the River Ziobetis with the modern River Dorudbar, which runs north-west fromMt. Shah-kuh, through the gorgeofShamshirkur. The bulk of Alexander's army and his chariots and baggage were sent under Erigyius by the longer and easier route, probably that over the Chalchanlyan Pass (29. 3 n.), which Antiochus now took. 237

X. 28. 7

A!-TTIOCHUS' EXPEDITION AGAINST ARSACES

Tarn (Bactria, 13-14) has argued plausibly that 'Hecatompylus', like the names of several other Greek towns in Iran, was a nickname, taken from Homer's Thebes and signifying that it had 'more gates than the stereotyped four of Hellenistic tmvn-planning'. For the view (rejected here) that Hecatompylus stood at Shahrud see A. D. Mordtmann, 5.-B. Munchen, r86 ••• T!ls 'IT'op"Spd€tv cf. iii. 53· s. and passim.

31. l. 1rpos Tas KaTa Tov Aa~ov u1repoxas: the wEp{3oA~ of 30. 9· The pass cannot be identified: see above, 29. 3 n.; but whether it is Quzluq or the pass (used by Conolly) above Ziarut, Antiochus' struggle against the barbarians will have occurred as he left the valley of Chasman-Sawer to push north. The discussion in Pedech, REA, I958, 78-jg, is hard to follow, since many places he mentions are not shown on his sketch-map, and he writes as though the valley of Chasman-Sawer lay immediately above the descent to Tambrax and Astrabad, whereas in fact it is divided from these places by the massif pierced by the Quzluq Pass, and that above Ziarut. 5. e1rt Tal-l~Pa.Ka: Marquart {62) sites this near Sari, I40 km. west of Astrabad, and suggests (63) emending TaJ.a.f3p6~J.ov vEKp6v, and Hultsch and BiittnerWobst suggest that this comes from a passage in P. omitted between 32. 6 and 32. 7· However, Livy follows his verdict on Marcellus' rashness (Livy, xxvii. 27. n) by the burial of his body by Hannibal,

HA~NIBAL'S

ATTACK ON SALAFIA

X. 34·

2

and then by an account of the use of the ring to seal the false message to Salapia; this order of events suggests that the fragment from Suidas, if it is Polybian, falls between 33· i and 33· 8. 8. Ka.Ta.ppatcTa!) ••• &.V111Lil£vou!): cf. Livy, xxvii. z8. ro, 'earn (sc. cataractam) partim uectibus leuant, partim funibus subducunt, in tan tum altitudinis ut subire recti possent'. The sense of 6Atyov €tarrlpw is not clear, unless the top of the portcullis rose above the gate. Mauersberger s.v. Jew-rl.pw renders 'etwas auberhalb sc. -rofJ Tdxaus' and compares Trpo -roiJ rdxovs (which seems irrelevant); and Paton's version, 'which they had raised somewhat higher by mechanical means', contradicts Livy, who suggests that the gate was not raised to its full extent. 34-40. Consolidation in Spain: the battle of Baecula (2o8) This fragment, from F, is from the res Hispaniae for Ol. I42, 4 209/8 B.C.; see above, p. IS· An account of the same events in Lhry, xxvii. 17-20 is close to P., but has some details, especially for the battle of Baecula {cf. I8. 2 f., the introductory skirmish; 18. 6 ff., Hasdrubal's dispositions; I8, ro, posting of the Roman cohorts; 18. 20, number of Carthaginian dead), not to be found in P. The picture is similar to that for the capture of :\ew Carthage (above, 2. r2o. 8 n.), and probably P. had access to the same sources, viz. Silenus, Laelius, Scipio (if his account included more than the capture of New Carthage), and perhaps Fabius. Livy will derive from P., probably via Coelius, who may also have utilized other sources, to which the additional material in Livy (where it is not mere rhetorical elaboration) will go back; that these sources included those of P. himself, e.g. Silenus, is not to be excluded. See De Sanctis, iii. 2. 479 n. 59, 638-9; F. Friedersdorff, Livius et Polybius Scipionis rerum scriptores (Gottingen, 1869), 20; Kahrstedt, iii. 200; Scullard, Scip. Ioo-I n. I; Klotz, Livius, r8o--I. The coincidence between 34· I and . Livy, xxvii. 17. 1 suggests that the present fragment opens at the beginning of the res Hispaniae for 2o8. 34. 1. tca9a11'Ep ••• 5£5TJAWKa.jLEV: cf. 2o. 8, where Scipio approaches Tarraco; the passage recording his wintering there (2o9j8) is lost. 2. Aa~wv cruvaywvr.cn~v €~e ,.a.,hotLO.Tou: 'by chance gaining the help'; this phrase seems to be behind Livy's odd remark about Edeco (Livy, xxvii. q. 2): 'sed praeter earn causam (sc. the Roman capture of his family) etiam uelut fortuita inclinatio animorum quae Hispaniam omnem auerterat ad Romanum a Punico imperio traxit eum.' •E8Etcwva. Tov 'E810Ta.vwv 8uv0.0'1'1'Jv: cf. 40. 3· The Edetani appear here only as Schweighaeuser's emendation of F, -rov 8war6v 8vvticrrqv; 245

X. 34·

2

CONSOLIDATION IN SPAIN

this finds no support in Livy, xxvii. q. I, 'Edesco ad eum clams inter duces Hispanos uenit', but may none the less be right (d. Meyer, Kl. Schr. ii. 406 n. z), for the MS. reading is unconvincing and avvaaT'l]S" asks for Some local qualification (cf. V. 4· 3, 34· 7, go. I, X. 35· 6, xxi. II. 2 and other examples in Mauersberger s.v. ovvaaT'l]S"). The Edetani (d. Livy, xxviii. 31. 7, Sedetani) lived on the east coast of Spain northwards from the Bastetani and the Oretani (cf. iii. 33· 9 n.), between the Sucro and the Ebro (Strabo, iii. 156, I62-3; perhaps Mela, ii. 92 (d. Pliny, Nat. kist. iii. 2o); Ptol. ii. 6. IS; CIL, ii. 3786. See Hubner, RE, 'Edetani', cols. I938-g. Tijs: a.uTijs: opJlijS:: there is much to be said for Schweighaeuser's emendation TijS" allTWV opp.:ijs-. 4. S1a.~EtJ1EVWV Et'i TTJV 1TO.pO.XEIJ10.17LQV: these winter quarters were not necessarily elsewhere than at Tarraco. 35. 3. TOu.i~ovrat leave no doubt that he (or his source) approves the dictum. In fact there is no inconsistency, for the present passage is concerned with those whom one is governing, whereas the doctrine envisaged in Diodorus is of the sudden violent elimination of some state and all its population 246

THE BATTLE OF BAECULA

X. 38.3

as a punishment and an example to others. That P. was prepared to approve of this seems probable: see further on xxxvi. 9· 3-4. For the thesis expounded here cf. Sall. Cat. 2. 4, 'nam imperium facile is a.rtibus retinetur qui bus initio pa.rturn est'. 7. KaKws 'ITo~w(n ••• TWv U'ITOTETayJ1€vwv: as imperial states frequently, but misguidedly do; cf. 6. J, 7· 3·

37. 2. T1)v avn:rrapaywy1)v ••• 'l!'poOTEpov .:nrO.pxovTos: either 'which was formerly undeveloped' (Paton, Mauersberger), or 'which has never before been clearly expounded' (Schweighaeuser, Shuckburgh, LSJ). Both meanings are satisfactory, but 45· 6, -rvxwv S£ Tfi> ifepyaatas S£ ~p.wv, favours the former. 2. 0 JCa.,pos ••• IJ.EYUAf]V EX£' JLEp(Sa.: cf. ix. rs. r n. 3. ApT' fLiyeOoS' TWV yeyov6Twv.

I,

To

lv-

3. bf.,ywpo~JJ.Evov ~ea.t cJ!8ElpoJ1evov: 'they are held in little account and get destroyed'. This is a general characteristic of rrpoypwpa.l, and not something which has recently come about, as Paton's translation implies: 'as I saw that ... prologues were now neglected and had degenerated in style'. ·

To Aa.Lov urrEpapa.s TtlS tS(a.s 1Ta.p€J.L~oA.t1s: 'passing round the Roman battle-line to the left'. Claudius took men from the inactive right wing, assembled them in the rear and led them round (to the left of) the Roman left, which was now engaging Hasdrubal's main forces. Paton renders 1TapEf.Lf3oAij as 'camp', which is nonsense. Ka.Ta K€pa.s ... E1TL Ta a, pta.: i.e. he struck the front of the Punic line on its right flank; cf. Livy, xxvii. 48. 13-14, 'cohortes aliquot subductas e dextro cornu ... post aciem circumducit, et non hostibus modo sed etiam suis inopinantibus in sinistrum <euectus in dextrum) hostium latus incurrit' (where euectus in dextrum is Conway's addition, but the sense is clear, since the advancing troops subsequently reach the Gauls who are on Hasdrubal's left). 8. KoLvT)v ciJ.Lcpo'Lv 1Ta.p€CxovTo TTJV XP€La.v ev Tft J.Laxn: 'they contributed to the fighting an element which affected both sides equally'; XPE{a here is 'fighting' rather than 'use', for they were a disadvantage to both lines. 10. &J.La. S€ T~ ... 1Tp00'1f€0'€LV Ka.T' oupav: in § 7 they are attacking Hasdrubal's flank, now they have got round to his rear; cf. Livy, xxvii. 48. 14, 'tantaque celeritas fuit ut cum ostendissent se ab latere mox in terga iam pugnarent'. There is much to be said for Schweighaeuser's Ttvos a1ropov Ka.l d{~iov fU!Ta>.a.xwv); Aiist. Eth. Nic. v. Ir. 3· n38 a. Approval of it is typical of Stoic doctrine (cf. Cic. fin. iii. 6o; Plut. Cleom. 3l (see above, ii. 69. Ion.); Hirzel, 3oo ff., 857-60; von Scala, 2I2-I3 n. 4); but others also accepted it and this passage is not evidence that P. was a Stoic (cf. Hercod, 90; Pedech, Methode, 419 n. 68). 11. cj>LAotwoGvn: 1ra.pa Tb Seov: cf. xxx. 7. 8, Tov 1ra.pa To Ka.BijKov 1/Jt>.o,wetv.

3. 2-3. Casualties. The consular armies of 207 had been reinforced to full strength or over strength (Livy, xxvii. 38. 9), and they probably had their full contingent of allies. Hence Livius' army can be put at 2o,ooo-2s,ooo men. He also had with him the forces of Porcius Licinus (Livy, xxvii. 46. s). described as imtalidus exercitus (Livy, xxvii. 39· z), and perhaps amounting to ro,ooo men. Hasdrubal was prepared to meet Livius and Porcius, but retired when they were reinforced by the 7,ooo men of Claudius Nero (Livy, xxvii. 43· n), which suggests that Hasdrubal's army was roughly equal to the forces of Livius and Porcius, i.e. 3o,ooo-3s,ooo. According to P. his casualties included ro,ooo dead. The prisoners (§ z, ~v >.om~v Twv a.lxJ.La.>.dnwv >.da.v) brought in 300 talents. In Achaea in 194 Romans were ransomed at soo dr. each (Livy, xxxiv. so. 6, quoting P.), perhaps a normal market price. Kromayer (AS, iii. L 492) estimates that the rate after Metaurus was perhaps a third of this, but admits that this may be a little high; it would imply about ro,ooo prisoners, or more. In addition some of Hasdrubal's army escaped, or never reached the battlefield (cf. Livy, xxvii. 48. 16, 49· 9). Though this gives no basis for detailed calculation, it does not exclude the possibility that Hasdrubal had 3o,ooo-3s,ooo men in all. Other sources give impossible figures. Livy (xxvii. 49· 6) has 56,ooo (or according to some MSS. 57 ,ooo : accepted by Conway in the Oxford text as being closer to the s8,ooo mentioned by Orosius, iv. I8. I4) dead and 5,400 814173

T

XI. 3· z

HASDRUBAL 1:::\ lTALY: THE METAURUS

prisoners; and Appian (Hamt. 52) puts Hasdrubal's total force at 48,ooo foot and 8,ooo horse s6,ooo in all, which perhaps supports 56,ooo casualties in the text of Livy). These are all far too high; with such an army Hasdrubal need have had no hesitation in facing even the reinforced Roman legions at Metaurus. Livy (xxvii. 49- 7) puts the casualties Romanorum sociorumque at 8,ooo, which does not necessarily clash with P.'s figure of 2,ooo Romans. For discussion see Kromayer, AS, iii. 1. 475-94; DeSanctis, iii. 2. 571-4. 3. o~ 8i Aonrot Ka.TE:t90.pt'Jaa.v: i.e. of the leading Carthaginians. 4. ~~ ... t~I-Lt'J~ &.t,Ko!lM-J~: cf. Livy. xxvii. so. 6, 'fama incerta primo accidit duos Narnienses equites in castra quae in faucibus Vmbriae opposita erant uenisse ex proelio nuntiantes caesos hostes'. 5. ti·rm8Tj 8i Ka.i. 'll'hdous 1jKov: cf. Livy, xxvii. so. 8, 'litterae deinde ab L. Manlio Acidino ex castris adferuntur de Narniensium equitum aduentu'. This was read out in the Senate and to the people. Soon afterwards legati arrived from the victorious army to confirm the news (Livy, xxvii. 51. I -6). 'II'EAavwv Ka.l 9up.O.Twv: 'sacrificial cakes and victims'. According to Livy (xxvii. 51. 8), 'senatus ... supplicationem in triduum decreuit'. 6. 1-1118' iv 'ITa.ALtt vo11t~Ew 1ra.pEI:va.~: cf. Livy, xxvii. sr. 10, 'statum quoque ciuitatis ea uictoria mouit, ut iam inde hand secus quam in pace inter se contrahere uendendo, emendo, mutuum dando argentum creditumque soluendo auderent'.

3. 7. Fragment concerning a speech This may belong to the same occasion as 4· r-6. ro; see p. r6.

4.

1~.

10. Speech of Thrasycrates of Rhodes

This speech belongs to the Greek events of 207 and implies a gathering of neutrals at an Aetolian congress; on the month, which is uncertain, see 6. I n. This neutral approach to the Aetolians has been convincingly identified with one mentioned in App. Mac. 3· 1-2, where the participants were Egypt, Chios, Mytilene, and Amynander of Athamania (cf . .Meloni, Valore storico, 9-24). Schmitt (Rom und Rhodos, 205; cf. Ferro, 7 n. 63, 139 ff.) argues that it is rather to be identified with a second neutral intervention mentioned in App. Mac. 3· 3-4, because the reference to Amynander in Appian's first intervention dates it before that king's desertion to Philip (Livy, xxxvi. 31. I I : his desertion preceded Philip's invasion of Aetolia; see below, 7· 2-3); but this argument has little weight, since Appian implies that the same powers took part in both interventions, and his association of the second gathering with the separate peace between Philip and Aetolia favours dating it to winter 207/6 and the

274

SPEECH OF THRASYCRATES OF RHODES

XI. 4· 5

peace to zo6 (cf. \Valbank, Philip, 305). Appian has nothing reliable to add. The name of the speaker is given in the margin (F 2 ) as Thrasycrates, and Schweighaeuser's suggestion (vol. viii. 7) that he was a Rhodian may be right, though it is not supported by very sound arguments. La Roche (6o) and Ullrich (34) defend the genuineness of the speech; and indeed the panhellenic note and the accusations against the Aetolians can have come from a Rhodian as easily as from P. himself (contra, Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, 202}. But P.'s source is unknown; it may go back to a published version (which is unlikely) or to a version in some earlier historian such as Zeno. Moreover, general conformity to the original would not exclude some working over of detail; for a possible example see 6. I n. See further P£-dech, Methode, 268--9.

4. 1. nToAE .... o.ios 0 13o.atAEUS: Ptolemy I v. He had already tried to mediate between Aetolia and Philip in 209 (Livy, xxvii. 30. 4-10; cf. above, x. 25. I-5 n.) and 2o8 (Livy, xxviii. 7· IJ-·I5)· 1) Twv 'Pooiwv voA~s: the emphasis on Rhodes would support the identification of the speaker as from that city (Schmitt, Ram und Rhodos, 199). Tns 1'1...-ETEpas ••. 8to.AUaEtS: 'your ceasing hostilities'. 2. ou ••• vGv vpw1"ov ou8E O€u1"€pov: Thrasycrates speaks for the neutrals as a body. There had been interventions in 209 {by Ptolemy, Rhodes, Athens, Chios, and Amynander) and in 208 (by Ptolemy and Rhodes) ; see § I n. vpoaE8pd,ovTES Kai. nD.vTa Katpov 9EpanEuovTEs: 'looking out for and seizing every opportunity'. 3. T1\!l UJ'ETEpas •.• aToxatoJJ-EVOL ~ 'fipELTWV Kal ••• Al.ywTJTwv: Oreus in northern Eu boca, the ancient Histiaea (which remained the official name; cf. Geyer, RE, Suppl.-B. iv, 'Histiaia', cols. 749-50), had been seized by the forces of the Roman general Sulpicius through the treachery of Plator, Philip's commander (Livy, xxviii. 5· 18-6. 7; cf. x. 42. 2 n.), in June 2o8, soon after Philip set up his system of fire-signals (x. 42. 7-8); Philip recovered it a little later (Livy, xxviii. 8. 13), perhaps in August (Walbank, Philip, 304-5). The plunder from Oreus seems to have gone to the Romans (cf. Livy, xxviii. 7· 4: 'Oreum ... ab Romano milite, expertibus regiis, direptum fuerat'), and it is not clear how its fate concerned the Aetolians, except inasmuch as it revealed the character of Roman warfare. Aegina was taken by Sulpicius in 210; see ix. 42. s~8 n., xxii. 8. 9-IO (where raAalTTwpo~ is again used). TllS TUXTJ'> •.• ETI'L TT)v l~WaTpa.v &.va.~L~a.tou~s TT]v ••• ayvOLO.V: see Vol. I, p. 21 n. 6 for Tyche envisaged as a producer of plays; to the passages there quoted add xxiii. Io. 16 (Philip V's tragedy). Similar phraseology occurs in Diod. xi. 24. 1 (Ephorus or Timaeus), xx. 70. 2 (Duris or Timaeus), rij~ rJx"'~ wcnr£p i7Tl77]8's: im8nKVVJ.LEV7]S: ~v l8lav ovvap.Lv iTTt TWV aTT7]A7TLUfdvwv; here it seems to reflect P.'s vocabulary rather than Thrasycrates' own words. 9. Ka.Ki;lv O.pxt)v f1£y0./..wv ••• To is "EAAT)O'W: cf. xviii. 39· 1. Apparently an echo of Herod. v. 97· 3, where the sending of twenty 276

SPEECH OF THRASYCRATES OF RHODES

XI. 7·

I

ships from Athens to the Ionians is characterized as &.px.iJ Ka.Kwv •• • -r£ Kat {Ja.p{Jd.potm. But perhaps the phrase had become proverbial.

"EXArwt

6. 1. uuytws; cf. Plut. Philop. 9· I, lxpwvro fL~V ydp OvpEots fL~V £?11TETEGt ota AE1T'T6'TTJ'TO. Kat U7'€VWT€pots 'TDV 1T£poaTlAAW Ta.f..a:yyiTa.s: i.e. the main body; it is clear from the fact that the detachment was put under the orders of Polyaenus that Philopoemen must have returned at once to take charge of the phalanx now that the moment to charge was approaching (Kromayer, AS, i. 307 n. z). 'll'OI.E~aOa.t TTJY E'll'a.ywyYjv aVa.fl£~: 'to charge and engage hand to hand' (cf. 13. r). How imminent that order was we cannot tell, since Machanidas' phalanx anticipated it by advancing sua sponte across the ditch; Kromayer (AS, i. 307) outstrips the evidence when he assumes that Philopoemen was on the point of charging, for although he could not afford to wait very long with Machanidas liable soon to return, the ditch was still a considerable obstacle to whiche\•er side tried to cross it (cf. Roloff, r36-7). 5. nof..ua.tvlf ••• T4> MEya.A011'0Ahn: F(S) reads llo?..vfJlCf, which must be wrong, since P. had never heard of any other previous bearer of his name (xxxvi. I2. s). Lucht had suggested 'Poly bus'; but BiittnerWobst observes that since in I8. 2 Polyaenus (but not Sirnias) has his place of origin added, this must be to distinguish him from another Polyacnus recently mentioned, and so he reads llo)\vat.u.p here. This is a very plausible, though clearly not a certain, conjecture. Tous lha.KEKAu«l'l'a.s TTjv 4>uyljv: 'who had evaded the rout'. Twv eK Stwyf1pou Ka.nL(j3aau 11'nAw ~va.)f3a.£vovTES: thi:s conjecture, a combination of suggestions by Reiske, Schweighaeuser, and Hultsch, may be abandoned since the Berlin papyrus reads iv Tfi T~> Tarj>pov Ka7'af36.a;;~ 7rpoa{JalvovTES' KTA. 4. oOK a.OTOf16.Tw!; ooS' h: TOU Kuyo~J-a.xwv, C!r;; nver;; ~nreA6.~J-13a.vov: P. echoes criticism that must clearly have been made of Philopoemen's defensive strategy at Man tinea; Pedech, liUthade, 347 n. 67, thinks it may have been found in the work of Aristocrates the Spartiate (FGH, 591). ou 1rpoi:86~evor;; TTJV Ta<j>pov: 'without reckoning with the ditch'; r.pol8w0aL does not here imply that Machanidas would not see the ditch, but merely that he would not be deterred by it; cf. Schweighaeuser, 'nil cauens fossam, non ueritus fossam' and his notes on i. 49· ro and on App. Samn. 5 (p. 52 of his edition). au~J-13l]ana.l 1ra.8eiv auT0 ... Tfjr;; a.x,ee£a.r;;: 'the phalanx would suffer the fate which I have just described, and which on that occasion it did suffer in reality'. The article To, added by Casaubon before r.poELp7Jpivov, is now confirmed by the Berlin papyrus (which also reads yevop.Evov for ym)p.evov three words later). 6. TTJV tiuaxpTJaTtav: so Ursin us for FS T~v 8Uaxp7JaTov; preference must now go to Td 8JJaxp7JaTov, conjectured by Casaubon and confirmed by the Berlin papyrus. l!~e 1ra.pa.TeTa.yfJ-evwv &.1roAuael: 'if after having drawn up his line of battle he were to retire'; &.r.o/..vO~aeTaL would be more usual, but the active can perhaps be justified in this intransitive sense: see Schweighaeuser, Lex. Palyb. s.v. cir.o/..JJew, for discussion. Ka.t ~a.~epO.v a.uTov l!v 1rope£~ tiltiova.L fJ-EAAn: 'and if he were to expose himself in a long marching column'; cf. § 8. F(S) reads Kal J.LO.Kpav m1T6v lp.r.opda liLa{M.MEL, and both EV r.opdq. and the suggested interpretation derive from Schweighaeuser's interesting note, in which he compares iv. 12. II and v. 22. 7 (he reads lp.r.eLp{as in his text, a reading usually ascribed to Casaubon, but, according to Schweighaeuser, 'habet eamdem scripturam etiam Hervagiana editio, cum qua consentit Mediceus'). The Berlin papyrus reads Kat p.a.Kpav a.unlv E/k TTopElaL &a.f3a./..Et, which confirms Schweighaeuser's EV r.opelr:, but 292

THE BATTLE OF MANTI::\EA

XI. r8. 4

shows that the corruption arose early. Madvig, Adv. cr£t. i. 483, reads Sta{3a.luo:i:, but Biittner-Wobst's suggestion remains the most acceptable. lhon ... Trep..Ecrra.~: after av>.>.oytudf.Levo> in § 5. 9. cruf1(3a.£vEL: the sentence is incomplete; an infinitive (e.g. Reiske's u.ea8at or {3M.TTTW8at, or Gronovius' &.f.LapTdvetv) is required.

eC~: 'making them close up'. 6. TfJV €1rt T.j]~ Td.4>pou ye4>upav: presumably carrying the Tegea road. Kromayer (AS, i. 295 n. r), since he believes that the ditch did not extend to the Temple of Poseidon, has to assume that this bridge is on the Pallantium road to the west; but it would be natural for Machanidas to press back along the Tegea road towards Sparta, rather than to diverge to the west. Whether the Pallantium road had a bridge over the ditch is unknown; P.'s expression does not imply that there was only one bridge over it, for he means 'the bridge Machanidas was making for'.

18. 1. J\va~L8a.11ov: unknown. He is hardly the Anaxidamus mentioned in xxx. 30. I, 32. 1-12, xxxiii. 3· r, but may be a relative. By an oversight Paton calls him Alexidamus. TfJV 8Co8ov: i.e. by the bridge. TOUS auvau~OVTO.S a.tel TCtS EV Tij ITrdopTn Tupa.vv(8a.s: the use of mercenaries by Spartan kings began on a considerable scale with Leonidas II (Plut. Agis, 16. 3. 19. 3). By 226 Cleomenes was using 'Tarentines' and Cretans (Plut. Cleom. 6. 3. 21. 3) and he employed mercenaries for his coup d'etat (Plut. Cleom. 7· 3 ff.); for those at Sellasia see ii. 65. ro, 69. 3· Lycurgus' mercenaries are important: iv. 36. 4, So. 4, So. 6; and for those of N abis cf. xiii. 6. 3 xvi. 37. 3; Livy, xxxii. 40. 4, xxxiv. 27. 2, 28. 8, 29. I4, 35· 8, xxxv. 27. IS, 29. Iff.; perhaps IG, v. I. 724. For details see Griffith, 93-98. 2. noxua~V0\1 TOY Ku1T, has much to commend it (cf. § 5). TfJV aVTL1TO.paywyf)v: cf. iX. 3· IO ll. 4:. n)v LTI'TI'OV ETrayc:w teal 8La.m;p0.v: according to Plutarch (Philop. 293

THE BATTLE OF MANTll';'EA

XL rS. 4

10. 6}, the horse caught the edge of the ditch with its chest, and was trying to get out when Philopoemen and his attendants rode up. 1tpoa£vtyK~lV •.. EK ~ha.A~Ijiews: 'dealing him a second blow with a thrust of the spike at the butt end'; cf. ii. 33· 6 n., xvi. 33· 3, and, on the aavpwn}p, vi. 25. 6, 25. 9· According to Plutarch (Philop. 10. 7), a bronze statue erected by the Achaeans at Delphi depicted Philopoemen thrusting his spear (not the butt end) into Machanidas (the source may not be P.'s Life); cf. Daux, BCH, 1966, 283-9. 8. rijs l'ev T£yea.s ••• Kuptot Ka.TeaTTJaa.v: cf. u. 2 n. 10. ouK eAanous Twv Tupa.KtaxtALwv: on numbers in the battle see II. I-I8. IOn.

19 a. The importance of explaining causes

This fragment could belong equally well to the res Graeciae, the res ltaliae, or the res Hispan£ae of this year; see above, p. 17· Its theme, the study of causes if the reader is to derive benefit from history, is common throughout the work (cf. iii. 7· 4-7, vi. 2. 8). 19 a 1. e~a.v8pa1to5tap.ous KO.l1TOAtopKlO.S: 'the storming of cities and the enslavement of their inhabitants'; for the hysteron proteron to avoid hiatus cf. ii. 2. 2 n., viii. 14. 6 n., x. 23. 2, 27. II, xiv. 10. 9· 2. o/uxa.ywy£1: ... wcj>eAouat: for examples of this common antithesis see Vol. I, p. 7 n. 12. at 5e 1tpoa9ev Sta.A~o/ns TWV em~a.AAop.evwv: 'the previous decisions of those responsible'; Paton misses the sense and translates 'anticipation of what is to follow'. For P.'s concept of alTiaL as the events leading the individual to take certain decisions (here (naA-r]fw,;) see iii. 6. 3 n. e~uatop.€VO.l SeoVTWS: 'when adequately investigated'. Shuckburgh, less convincingly, takes 8E6vrw> with wEAovat; but an adverb would weaken the contrast with !JlvxaywyEi:. TOUS cj>lAop.a.OouVTa.S: 'students'; cf. ii. 56. II-12 n. for the contrast with TOV> aKOVOVTas; vii. 7· 8 n. 3. 0 KO."Tdo jlEpos X£lplap.os tKaC"TWV em5nKvup.evos: 'an exposition of the detailed management of each particular question'; cf. 4· 7, 35· 3· 19. Hannibal's generalship

This sketch seems prompted by the crisis in Hannibal's fortunes following Metaurus, and seems concerned with the specific question: why did Hannibal's attack on Rome fail (d. §§ 6-7)? This is in accordance with P.'s declared principle (x. 26. 9) of discussing the characteristics of those he is writing on as suitable occasions present themselves. Another such occasion is Hannibal's death (cf. xxiii. 294

HANNIBAL'S GENERALSHIP

XI. 19. 7

IJ. 1-2); see also ix. :22. 7-26. n for a fuller discussion of his character. Livy (xxviii. 12. I-<J) has a similar discussion of Hannibal at the corresponding point in his narrative (2o6).

19. l. TLS ouK Civ

~1TWTJf1t)VatTo:

cf. ix. 9· 5; and, on €ma7]pJJ.ivot.taL,

x. 38. 3 n. 2. TO.s Ka9oAou ••• 116.xas: such as Trebia, Trasimene, and Cannac, involving major forces on both sides. woAewv f1ETaf3oMs : 'defections of cities from one side to the other' ; hardly 'his movements from city to city' (Paton). Tfjc; OATJS em!'oAfjs Kat wp6.st:ws: 'his whole design and its execution'. 3. tKKa.£8ua. 1To>.el.l.t)c:ra.s ~TTJ: P. reckons from Hannibal's arrival in Italy in 218 (01. 140, z) to his departure in late autumn 203 (01. 144, z). xxiii. 13. 2, l7r-ra.Kai8€Ka l-rTJ, may be reckoned from the attack on Saguntum, or may go down to Zama, if it was fought in autumn :202 (01. 140. 3); but P. describes Zama in xv, which covers Ol. 144, 2 203{2 (cf. xv. 5· 3-14. 9 (b) on the date of the battle), so perhaps the former explanation is the more satisfactory. Livy, xxviii. 12. 3· 'cum in hostium terra per annos tredecim ... bellum gereret', calculates from 218 to :zo6. UCJ'TO.CJ'LO.CJ'Ta. ••• Ka.t 1Tpos mhbv Ka.t 1Tpos aAATJAa.: cf. Livy, xxviii. 1:2. 4, 'ut nulla nee inter ipsos nee aduersus ducem seditio exstiterit'. oux otov OfLOE9v~ow, aAA' ouo' OJ.LOci'uAOLS ••• TO Ka.TafJa.lvELII ~~:a.l Ta.xiw> dvaTT1)0iiv l1rl TOO> t1T7TOV> eTolp.(tJ> OtEKEWTO Kai 7rpa.KnKws (though this refers to the period before the Romans adopted breast-plates). Brewitz, 70, suggests that the Romans dismounted in order to disable the enemy's horses. It is at any rate 298

THE BATTLE OF ILIP A

XI. 22. IG-2J. 9

likely that P. is referring to the horsemen themselves and not, as Reiske thought, to uelites carried behind them as at Capua (Livy, xxvi. 4· 4-8). rs. U1TO TTtV a.~hwv 1TO.f>EJ.L~OATJY: 'to the shelter of their own camp' ; on the preposition see Lex. Polyb. s.v. vmi. 7. aLa Twv L1T1Tewv Ka.i oLa Twv eu~wvwv: cf. Livy, xxviii. 13. 1o, 'nunquam per aliquot insequentes dies ab excursionibus equitum leuisque armaturae cessatum est'.

ll. 2. Til J.LEV wp'!- 1Tpoaa.va.Te(veLv: 'to delay his march out until a later hour'; for earlier misunderstanding of this phrase see Schweighaeuser, ad Joe. 4. O.J.La. yO.p T~ TWTL: Livy (xxviii. 14. 7) has the message com•eyed by tessera the previous evening, perhaps, as Kahrstedt (iii. 317-I8) suggests, a correction to comply with normal procedure (cf. W. Fischer, /)as romische Lager insbesondere nach Livius (Leipzig, I9IJ), u8). Brewitz, q, followed half-heartedly by Scullard, Scip. 129-30 n. 2, takes at-tn -r0 wTi with i~ayHv, so reconciling P. with Livy; but, as Scullard admits, this is forced, and at-tn -r0 cf><JJTi clearly means 'as soon as it began to be light', since the troops were already taking up position at sunrise (§ 6); hence there was adequate time for the order to be carried out. To give it the night before was to risk a 'leakage', for there must have been spies among the Spanish allies. 6. €va.vTLwS ii 1rp6a8ev: by reversing his order and putting his legionaries on the wings, Scipio scored two advantages: he made Spanish desertions less likely, since the Spanish auxiliaries were not in contact with their fellow countrymen nor were they to play an important part in the battle, and at the same time he prevented Hasdrubal from making the best use of his African troops, who were destined to be rolled up from the flank (Scullard, Scip. 13o). 8. ~TL VTJO'TELS ••• TOUS avopa.s: like the Romans at Trebia (iii. 72· J), though in very different weather. 1roA.u T"ls 1rapwpela.s: cf. 2o. 1.

ou

ll. 10-23. 9. Scipio's advance. The manceuvre carried out on the Roman wings (the second of the two stratagems mentioned in 22. 1) has been much misunderstood, but unnecessarily. Divided into stages it runs: 1. The skirmishers were arranged behind the infantry on the vtings so that from front to back of the line we find infantry, light-armed, and cavalry in that order (22. 1o). 2. The whole line advanced to within 4 stades of the enemy (z2. II n.). 3· The centre consisting of Spaniards continued to advance forward; the infantry and cavalry on the right wing wheeled to the right 299

XI.

22.10-23.

9

THE BATTLE OF fLlPA

by maniples and squadrons (and those on the left wing wheeled to the left) (zz. n). 4· On the right wing the cavalry (with light-armed in front) and infantry, led by three units of each (23. r), after advancing a little to the right no·w wheeled round to the left and marched towards the enemy line in column; those on the left wing did the same in reverse, i.e. advanced to the left and wheeled round to the right (23. 1-3). 5· On the right wing, the cavalry (and light-armed), who were now in column at right angles to both lines of battle, simultaneously turned half-right by squadrons and by an advance at 45° from their present direction gained a position in line parallel with the enemy, but in reverse order to that in which they started out, the squadron originally on the extreme right being now on the extreme left of the wing. 6. Simultaneously the legionaries (by cohorts) turned half-left and also advanced at 45° to form a line parallel to the enemy. Their order was thus identical with that in their original position (23. 5). On the left wing, once again, the infantry and cavalry both carried out the same manceuvre in reverse. The details are clearly shown in the plans in Scullard, Scip. 135, and Kromayer, Schlachtenatlas, Rom. Abt. 8. 2. For details see below. 10. €v Ta.i:s CTTJ!La.lnLs: 'between the maniples': cf. i. 33· 9 n. and passim; Livy, xxviii. q. IJ, 'patefactisque ordinibus equitatum omnem leuemque armaturam in medium acceptam diuisamque in partes duas in subsidiis post cornua locat'. EvL~0.AA411 TOU'i 11T'IT£LS: the MS. has £m{3aA~:i:v after d.pxds, and the present reading is due to Schweighaeuser, who did not, however, adopt it. 11. v£pt ( TETP"')aTC18Lov: cf. Livy, xxviii. 14· IJ, 'ubi iam haud plus quingentos passus acies inter se aberant'. Hence the emendation of P.'s rrEpt O"Tctbwv (though in Livy it is now that the light-armed are withdrawn, whereas in P. this occurs earlier and the whole line advances to this point before the outflanking movement begins). TTJV ErrnywyiJv ••• va.pt]yyEIAE: Hultsch fills the gap convincingly with (JK€/..wae, Tofs- 8J tdpa.cn). TUS O'TJ!Lt:lla.') KO.t TUS rxa.., EVLCTTpE<j!ELV trrt SOpu: this corresponds to the third movement listed in 22. 10-23. 9 n. The infantry, light-armed, and cavalry could gain the correct position for marching to the right either by wheeling in units, or by each individual's executing a right turn (Iaeger, Klio, I9JI, 342); but since P. specifically mentions the awLafa.t and lAa.t, he is probably indicating not merely that both infantry and cavalry were concerned, but that these units carried out the turn. O"r)fLa.ta.L are maniples (cf. § ro) and lft.a, are turmae (vi. 25. 1}. each of 30 horse. 300

THE BATTLl;"_ OF ILIPA

XI. 23.

I

l3. 1. AEuKtos ••. MapKI.OS: L. Marcius Septimus, a legatus; d. 33· 8. See also Livy, xxviii. q. 15-r6, 17· u, zr. r, 22.1-35· 2; App. Hisp. 26, .11-.34; Cic. Balb. 34, 39· As military tribune in :zn he had done much to rally the Roman forces after the deaths of the two Scipios. See M[inzer, RE, 'Marcius (Septimus)', cols. r59r-s. On M. lunius Silanus see zo. 3 n. TPELS iXas hTrr(111v Tas Tjyou11Eva,s: evidently the cavalry had been originally in a line three lurmae deep, and since the right wheel they were in a column three turmae wide. Scipio on the right (and the two other commanders on the left) now wheeled with these three turmae through an angle of 90° to the left (and in the case of the left wing to the right) to advance against the enemy. K(d 'ITpo TOUT111v ypoa~o11lixous Tovs £i.9LaJ.Livous: 'and in front of these the usual uelites'. Biittner-Wobst and Hultsch punctuate misleadingly, either put a comma after £Wwp.€vovs or omit that after ~yov!Ltva.s, since 1rpo -rothwv refers only to ypoatXwv: on the general's amici see xviii. 34· 3 n.

34. Antiochus in Bactria, India, Arachosia, Drangiana, and Carmania This fragment from F belongs to 01. I43. 2 = 207/6, i.e. 206. Presumably the siege of Zariaspa-Bactra had continued since 208 (d. x. 49· IS), which explains its popularity as a literary theme (xxix. I2. 8). Reiske remarks that this fragment must have been preceded by some such sentence as: 'Antiochus ad Euthydemum pacis conciliatorem miserat Teleam, Magnesia oriundum, qui amicus quondam fuisset Euthydemi, et eadem qua ille patria uteretur.' 34. 1. ~ea.i yap auTos ~v ... Mayv'l]s: i.e. like Teleas. From which Magnesia they came is not certain. Macdonald (CHI, i. 440) and E. T. Newell, The Coinage of the Western Seleucid Mints (New York, I94I). 274, argue from similarities between the coins of Euthydemus and those of certain cities near Magnesia-under-Sipylus; this may be right though, as Tarn observes, Mayv'f}> without further qualification suggests the better-known Magnesia-on-Maeander (xvi. 24. 6), which had a strong record of Seleucid colonization (Strabo, xii. 577, Antioch towards Pisidia; OGIS, 233, Antioch in Persis; Tarn, Bactria, 6, 74-75)1Tpos ov a1TEAOYL~ETO: the relative refers back to Teleas, mentioned in the sentence now lost (the words Kal yap ... Mayv'f}> being paren-

thetical). 2. hepwv tl.1TOaTaVTWV E1TO.VEAOj-LEVOS TOUS EICELVWV e~eyovous: cf. x. 4-9· In. The rebel was Diodotus I, the son whom Euthydemus had destroyed was Diodotus II; on Diodotus l's revolt about 239 cf. Iustin. xli. 4· 5, 'eodem tempore (sc. (probably) as the War of the Brothers) etiam Theodotus (sic), mille urbium Bactrianarum praefectus, de fecit reg em que se appellari iussit'. Diodotus II will have 3I 2

ANTIOCHUS IN THE EAST

XI. 34·

II

been overthrown shortly after 230; see x. 49· In. Tarn (Bactria, 74) suggests that Euthydemus' revolt had popular support and was allegedly in the Seleucid interest, because of Diodotus II's alliance with the Parthians (Iustin. xli. 4· 9, '(Arsaces) morte Diodoti metu liberatus cum filio eius, et ipso Diodoto, foedus ac pacem fecit') ; but the arguments here produced for Teleas are not necessarily true, and he may have acted solely from ambition (cf. Narain, I9-2o). On the Bactrian revolt see Schmitt, Antiochos, 64 ff. 3. TllS ovolla.ala.s ••• TtlS Tou ~aa~X€ws (~~:at) 1rpoO'Taa£as: 'his royal name and state'. !5. TWv Nof.La8wv: i.e. the Iranian peoples of the Steppes collectively known as Sacas, and including in particular the Massagetae, the Dahae, and the Sacaraucae (some of whom were only semi-nomadic) : see Tarn, Bactria, 79-81. The appeal to unity in the face of the barbarian danger recalls Agelaus' speech in 217 (v. 104). Tarn (Bactria, • 17) argues that the words biv f.Kdvov> TrpoaSixwvTat contain a clear threat to use the barbarians, 'as Nicomedes and Hierax had used the Ta.is l.avTofJ ao.Tparrda.ts Kat avvopoiJVTO.S' 8vvd.r:nus Tw~· (3ap{3d.pwv) to prevent their furnishing any potential rebels with help (v. 55· 1); the first of these wasArtabazanes of :.V1edia Atropatene. Similarly, an inscription from Nehavend in Media from 193, containing two documents, refers to Menedemus 0 fTfL TWV avw ao.Tpa.nw'i:w, who is clearly a royal governor (Robert, Hellenica, 7, 1949, 5-22; 8, 1949, 73). If 'satrap' was no longer commonly used of a provincial governor in the Seleucid realm (so Bengtson), P. may nevertheless have so used it here, perhaps as a 'back-formation' from the usual phrase ai avw aaTpO.TfELaL (cf. 'Will, REG, 1962, 109-IO). These passages show clearly that although Ot avw T6rroL may be used loosely for 'the interior' (cf. v. 40. s n., 46. s, 55· 3, 55· 4, xi. 34· I4 (this sentence)), ·whether inside or outside the empire, by 'the upper satrapies' P. means those of the Euphrates and Tigris valleys (d. v. 48. 12), together with Media, Susianc, and Persis. One need not assume (with Will, REG, r962, I09-n) that he refers to satrapies further east (e.g. Margiane, Aria, Drangiana, or Gedrosia) which had been restored to Antiochus by Euthydemus. P. is in fact taking up "the point made in v. 55· r, where Antiochus first envisages an eastern expedition with the object of intimidating outsiders and so

XI. 34· 14

ANTIOCHUS IN THE EAST

reducing the danger of any further revolt. His expedition had two results: it had made the upper satraps--whoever they might be (and satrap-revolts were almost regular events from about 250 onwards (Bengtson, Strat. ii. s6-s7))-loyal servants (u1f1JK!lous .•. -rfjs iliias &pxi]s), because they were deprived of the materials of revolt from the kingdoms beyond, and it had confirmed his control even west ol Taurus. In short it had consolidated his prestige throughout tlw kingdom (§§ I5-I6). It seems therefore unnecessary to take o[ a••w aa-rpa:rrat in any but its normal sense. Tas £m0a.Xa.TT1ous 1roXE''i Ka.t To us ... Suv6.GTa.s: the former are such Greek cities in Asia Minor as were recovered by Antiochus afte1 Achaeus' defeat, and the dynasts are those of Asia Minor, such a;.; the donors of gifts to Rhodes in 227 (v. go. I n.). Dynasts in Asia Minor under the Seleucids are attested by OGIS, 229, in whicl1 Seleucus I I \\Tites Trpo> -roV> f3amAEi:s Kai mvs 8vvdr.r-ra> Ka1 Tro.\ec,· requesting dau>.ta from Smyrna (d. ix. I. 4 n.); and the dynast Lysias had fought for Seleucus III against Attalus (OGIS, 272, 277; d. iv. 48. 6 n.). That such dynasts, whose numbers probably multiplied after the War of the Brothers, continued to exist in the second centur:y. is clear from the references to Moagetes of Cibyra (xxi. 34· 1 ff.) and Philomelus, Lysias' son (xxi. 35· z). Many must br completely unknown, such as the Moagetes of Bubon known onh from an inscription of Araxa in Lycia (Bean, ]HS, 1948, 46-56)-unless he is Moagetes of Cibyra (cf. Larsen, CP, 1956, I65). From Hierax' revolt down to Achaeus' recovery of Asia Minor in 223-220 the Seleucid position here was weak (d. v. 34· 7), and Achaeus' defection had carried Asia Minor with it. What dispositions Antiochus made here during his 'anabasis' is not known; but it is reasonable to suppose that it was his victorious return that finally consolidated his position in Asia Minor (d. Walbank, ]HS, 1942, 9-10, where, however, the account of Olyrnpichus of Alinda is now superseded as a result of the new documents mentioned in v. 90. I n.; see also below, Addenda, p. 64,:;). It is not clear why Bengtson (Strat. ii. 6o) takes the 'dynasts this side Taurus' to be a reference primarily to Achacus, for, as he himself goes on to say, Achaeus had been executed before the 'anabasis' began. 16. li~LOS ... Tijs ~a.aLAda.s: it was probably on his return that he took the title piya!>; see iv. 2. 7 n., and below, Addenda, pp. 638-9.

BOOK XII In devoting this book to criticism of Timaeus P. digresses from his theme, but justifies this as preferable to several short digressions {II. 6-7). Since the account of the lotus (z) was v.Titten after P. had visited Africa (2. r n.), the composition of at least this part of the book was later than 151, and so probably later than r¢; and the reference to a historian who emulates Odysseus (z8. I n.) also suggests composition after 146. Pedech (Methode, 571-z) may therefore be right in putting the composition of xii as a whole after 146; but this is not certain, for an original draft can have had extensive revision. In any case, the book is not necessarily an afterthought; it can have been planned ab initio but written later. Lorenz (66 ff.) argues that in making xii a digression P. is continuing the hexadic arrangement of books already marked by the account of the Roman constitution tmd army in vi. But if the history as a. whole shows traces of such a hexadic arrangement, this is not pressed and is of no significance; and there are other reasons why xii should take its special form. As Schweighaeuser saw, the attack on Timaeus develops out of criticism of hi.-; mis-statements about Africa, which now comes to the fore as the scene of Scipio's forthcoming campaigns; it was part of his province for 205 (Livy, xxviii. 38. 12, 40-45; Plut. Fab. 25; App. Hann. 55; Lib. 7; Sil. It. xvi. 692-7oo) and he crossed over in 204 (cf. xiv. r; Livy, xxix. 24-36). True, Scipio's capture of Locri and subsequent troubles there (Livy, xxix. 6-9, r6-22) may have led P. to consider Timaeus' false statements about this town, where P. ha.d personal connexions (5. r n.); so Reiske (and cf. Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (r)', col. 1548). But Africa, not Locri, stands at the beginning of the book, and seems to have furnished the occasion for P.'s polemic. 1. Towns in Africa {from Steph. Byz.)

I. 1. Buto.KtSo. x L. Mueller, TLJ..to f)"O,£v71r:;Geier (cf. Gisinger, RE, 'Timosthenes (3)', cots. r32r-2; accepk•l by Pcdech, ad loc.). The last is very plausible, for Timosthen;·, was Ptolemy Philadelphus' admiral who wrote on the geography ol 3!8

TOWNS IN AFRICA

XII.

2

Africa (Strabo, ii. 92, ix. 421, tor his ll Kat r.)o.rJfJvoua'Y)S dvOpC:mwv, thu:'> rebutting P.'s allegation here (cf. Brown, 23-24). \Vhose is the 'ancient report' is not clear, for both Hecataeus (FGH I F 335) and Herodotu;, (iv. r63 ff.) wrote of agriculture and pastoralism in Africa, and Herodotus divided the zones as olKovp.lv'l'/ or rrapaOa.>..aaawt (Herod ii. 32. 4, iv. r81. r), OTJptwo'YJs (Herod. ii. 32. 4, iv. r8r. r), otppv'YJ lj>ap.p.'YJ,. (Herod. iv. r8r. r), and £p~p.1J (Herod. ii. 32. 4, iv. r8r. 2, rSs. 3). Possibh

then, in some part of his work (Jacoby that dealing witl1 Agathodes) Timaeus may have the desert character of the country. \\'hether he gave an overall account of Libya (as tlw phrase afLtJ.WOOVS' TTclG'TJ'i • •• -rfjs Atf3UTJS' suggests) is unknown. JacOb) thinks there was one in his rrpoKaTaaKw~. but Brown (2-i) does not· and Pedech, ad loc., suggests that Timaeus drew on the Tvp{wv imop.v;)f.'a.Ta. (28 a 3), which may have described Africa as barren before the Tyrians arrived (Diod. xiii. 8r. s). However, P. may well have exaggerated Timaeus' inaccuracy by applying his remark to the whole of Africa. 5. ~ou~O.Xwv: antelopes (not buffaloes: Paton, Shuck burgh). On the fauna of north Africa in classical times see Gsell, i. IoRz8, zr6-34; on the lions see J. Ayrnard, Essai sur les chasses romaines (Paris. 195r), 395-6; on elephants, ibid. 42r-3o. Tl a1TOtK[a)' KaL KTlaEL'i Ka~ O'VfiEVEtO.S (26 d 2 11.); Jacoby (FGH, iii b, pp. 542-3, commenting on 566} argues that this J22

FAUNA OF AFRICA AND CORSICA

XII. 4· 9

TTpoKaTaaKEtnJ included what was virtually a geographical description of the western Mediterranean. The present fragment is FGH, 566 F 3·

Timaeus' account of Corsica is represented by Diod. v. 13~14 (= FGH, s66 F 164, c. IJ/T4), where, however, the excerpt has little on the fauna and must represent the original most inadequately. a.tya.s aypia.s: Nymphodorus of Syracuse (FGH, 572 F Io} mentions long-haired goats in Sardinia, probably the musmones or ophiones of Strabo (v. 225) and I)liny (Nat. hist. viii. 199· xxviii. rsr, XXX. 146), and perhaps identical with the animals mentioned by Timaeus in Corsica; see Pedech, ad loc. 4. 4. Ka.Kws Ka.t 1ra.pipyws w1'opt)f1a.s: 'after careless and perfunctory inquiries' (Shuckburgh). laxEoia.cre: 'he made this random statement', i.e. that the animals were wild. Brown (roo) finds the point of P.'s criticism obscure; but it is not clear why he imagines that Timaeus 'had spoken of herds responding to the shepherd flute and that P. believes this is too commonplace to be worth recording in a history', for there is no evidence that Timaeus said anything about a flute; and indeed Diod. \". 14. I refers to Td. ••• 1Tp6f3aTa 1.TfJ!-L€Lotc; om:\1)/-1./-I.EVU, which Kav 1-LTJOEL> c}v:\aTTrJ a(gera• To[s KEKTTJ!-L~vot,. On the wild animals of Corsica in Timaeus' time see F. Ruehl, Rh. J.fus. 1907, 309. 5. olJK ian !la.up.6mov: Brown (roo) claims that 'P. would not have argued from the behaviour of Italian herdsmen, had he ever visited Corcyra (sic: read 'Corsica')'. This does not follow: P. may be simply quoting a similar practice falling within his knowledge. 8. ~hll ... TTJV 1ro?..uxnp£a.v: 'owing to the large labouring population' (Paton); cf. viii. 3· 3. 34· u, x. 30. 8. On the large population of north Italy cf. ii. rs. 7· Ka.t ~6.?..1aTa. [TTJV 1ra.Xa.&a.v] : so F, T~v 1TapaMav Schweighaeuser; T~v TTAaT1JO"t: the epitomator's words. T~ 11'poa<J>uo(liV'f Tois aXXo~s: \vho severely criticizes others', lit. 'who clings to, adheres to .. .'. 11'o.pwvux(a.s: 'trifles' : lit. 'whitlows' ; cf. Plut. 1v!or. 43 B; Cic. Rose. Am. 128. 2. 9Eo1T~TJ T~v -ro.i:s yuva.l~i . , . cruv118eo--repo.v ~ 1rpos -rous .•• li.vSpo.s: so Cobet for 01Jv~Oaav Ill (ilf11em. r86:z, r9, not l8i6, 256, as Buttner-Wobst) ; Hultsch avv1jOetav, fl-'>1· But the best reading is Bekker's (cf. Mauersberger, s.v. y{vofLat), a1MJ8eCFTI.pa;; 1}, for the sense must be: 'they gave their wives time to become more intimate with slaves than with their husbands.' Tfjs ~~o.vo.cr-rO.o-ews: the colonization of Locri.

7. 1. 8-ro.v ••. 11 ljieyEtv 11 ••. ~y~<wp.tO.tE.Lv -rwb. 1rpo8"1-ro.t: such censure or praise was a legitimate and indeed necessary part of historywriting (x. 21. 8 n.); it is Timaeus' lack of moderation that P. is criticizing. 2. -r(o-L 1rpoo-Exwv: 'relying on what authorities'; P. does not say what they were, in the surviving fragments, but 5· 5 suggests native Locrian traditions. 3. -roLavS;; nvb. .•. -r~v &.ml.vTTJO"LV: 'will meet more or less this reception'. P. envisages the possible defence a supporter of Timaeus may bring forward (§ 4}, viz. that both contestants, Timacus and Aristotle, base their argument on probability, but that although 341

XII. 7· 3

TIMAEUS' CIHTICISMS OF ARISTOTLE

Aristotle's version is the more plausible, in a case like this we cannot be sure. P.'s reply to this, after a short digression on Timaeus' abusiveness (7- s-8. 6), is to produce further arguments against Timaeus (9. Iff.). This seems more probable than Schweighaeuser's version, taken from Valesius and accepted by Shuckburgh and Pedech; 'occasionem hinc opportune nactus uideor, de tota Tima('i historia atque in uniuersum de Historici officio deinceps exponendi.' This rendering gives an unparalleled meaning to dmivT7Ja•s, and it fails to translate Tot6.v8o; nv6.. 4. &.A.,&ts j.lEVTm y£ Kal. Ka8cma~ ~iLaaTeiAm: 8taaTijvat MP, StaaTEiA'" Ernesti: 'but to assert absolutely what is the truth'. Pedech has a plausible alternative, StaaTijaat 'to sift out'. 5. EO'TW Tov Ttj.lawv etKoTa. AeyeLv j.laAAov: 'let us assume (for tlw sake of argument) that Timaeus' account is the more probable'. Tou.pLaToTeAou 1Tp01TETTJ: 'arrogant, Unprincipled and rash'. Ka.Ta.TETOAj.lllKEva.L: 'he had uttered an audacious slander against .. .'. 3. iva. T(;JV eaTpa.TllY1lK4hwv: 'one of (Alexander's) generals'. ev Ta.i ' I ,.1. \ • ,J:\8 Wj)P,T)O'£, Kat OTi Ell TUVTTJ KUKW a.sogov 6Jpa.s ' • • ' I ' '.1 ' rTJ> ~ •\ ' \ • (S, ee b e1ow, Avrov tarpttou KatI ras ruxovaa:; O/ Timaeus meant 'camp' or 'general's tent' (so correctly Shuckburgh; Paton's version 'on to every stage' is nonsense); during the age of the Diodochi court and camp will often have been synonymous. Aristotle is treated as the typical flattering courtier; cf. Menander, CAF, iii, p. 235, fg. 897 (Kock), av>.ac; (J.pa7T,\ulv (from Astypalaea); ibid. xii. 7· 237, I. 50 (Amorgos). For the Attic form •·ewv cf. XV. 29. 8. TCtll ••• trposev~a.ll: of proxenia, the right to represent the 11tate making the in one's own state; such proxenoi were originally not citizens of the state they represented, but during the lldlenistic age grants of proxenia and honorary citizenship were made together (cf. C. Phillipson, The International Law and Custom of Ancient Greece and Rome (London, 191 I) i. 147 ff.; J. A. 0. Larsen, OCD, 'proxenos'). 3. ou6' wpov-ra. tra.pa.Anreiv: but Timaeus did claim to have found it, IUld he did mention it (cf. 9· 3); hence P.'s polemic and argument are irrational. Timaeus had merely failed to specify which Locris he vh;ited. +•uo-a.!LEV£tl: cf. w. 6 n. 4. TTLKpos ••. KCl~ atrapa.hTJTOii ETTlTLILTJT~on!.potr; and uncertainty about its length help to make the of these words doubtful. If the lncuna is filled by some such phrase as {nrd.pxli.w OjLOLa, TOIJ o' (Hultsch) or <e:vp-r;KevaL 1Ta.p6jLOta, Tdll o' (Biittner-Wobst), the meaning will be 'the wnstitution and general culture' (Paton) ; for Til rf>U..&.v8pw1Ta In the sense of cf>•Aa.v9pw1Tta, 'humane behaviour, civilized practices', cf. x. 38. 3· In this case P. is Timaeus' rebuttal of the u.ccusations made against the Italian Locrians in 9· 5· But 1roAtnlav may refer to the i-aorroAmda bet\veen Locri and its mother t:ll\il1try (cf. 9· 4, Kae' a 1TOt\tTe{av {nrapxeu· JKaT/.pottAavOpw1Ta are the of privileges and 349

XII.

II.

5

TDL>\E US' CRITICISMS OF ARISTOTLE

concessions granted between the two peoples (cf. 5· 3 n. for thic. sense, common in inscriptions). The lacuna could then be filled with {rrrdpxetv, Tov o', giving the sense: 'he says that common citizenship and similar mutual concessions exist between the two sets of Locrians, and that .. .'; but logically 1TpwTov fLI.v requires some corresponding phrase, and the lacuna may in fact be longer. Schweighacusr:1 favours the second meaning, but is surely wrong in interprctin~: J.pxpoTI.pots de 1ooov: Greek legend represented till' Dorian invasion as the return of the Heracleidae, viz. Temenu,.. Cresphontes, and Aristodemus' sons, Eurysthenes and Proch- .. Tradition made them build ships at Naupactus (hence its name) and cross over from there to the Peloponnese at Rhium, advised I>\ Oxylus, a grandson of Thoas (Paus. v. 3· s--6, viii. 5· 6, x. 38. w. Strabo, ix. 426-7 ; Apollod. Bibl. ii. 8. 2-3; Eustath. ad Iliad. p. 276. · · f.); but according to Ephorus (Strabo, ix. 426-7 = FGH, 70 F 121) till' Locrians built the ships for the Dorians beforehand, and this seeu, .

TIMAEUS' CRITICISMS OF ARISTOTLE

XII. rz b

2

to be the view adopted here. The historicity of these events has been much discussed (cf. Oldfather, RE, 'Lokris', cols. rr87-8; 'Naupaktos', cols. 1983-4). Twv A01v'ith Athens, and written 'non tam hbtorico quam oratorio genere' (Cic. Brut. :z86). See FGH 75 with Jacoby's commentary; Susemihl, i. 552-8; Swoboda, .3.'15

XIL

I3- 1

TIMAEUS' CRITICISM OF DE:\IOCHARES

RE, 'Demochares (6)', cols. 2863-7 ;Tarn, AG,93-94;Ferguson, qr-3; Beloch, iv. 2. 445-52; and for more recent bibliography and discussion of his parrhesia, Momigliano, Riv. star. it. 1959, 537-8. But ZJ. 8, where he is coupled with other writers (especially Ephorus) whom Timaeus had criticized, perhaps indicates that P. regarded Timaeus' attack as levelled against Demochares as a writer rather than as a statesman ; and Pooech, ad loc., argues that the personal invective was intended to discredit the claims of his history. ftTa.tpT)Keva.t KTA.: commenting on this passage (FGII, 75 T z; cf. 566 F 35) Jacoby suggests that Timaeus' hostility may arise from views expressed by Demochares in those parts of his history which concerned the west. Tlus is possible, since Suidas (s.v. Td l€p6v rrfJp £gwn vaijaat} records that this attack was included in the thirtyeighth (and last) book of Timaeus' Histories, the last five books of which concerned Agathocles; and Demochares is known to have discussed Agathocles (FGH, 75 F 5). It is, moreover, significant that P. passes directly from Timaeus' criticism of Demochares to the details of his attack on Agathocles (15). De Sanctis, Storiograjia siceliota, 47, relates the antipathy to Timaeus' general recollection of his life at Athens; he assumes (so also Brown, 9-1o) that Timaeus wrote his attack on Demochares after returning to Syracuse. See also ~Iomigliano, Riv. star. it. 1959, 542. According to Suidas (see above), who may dra\v on a fuller text of P., Timaeus quoted as an authority for his accusation a speech against Demochares by Democleides, who may be the same as Democles, Theophrastus' pupil, who defended the sons of Lycurgus (Ps.-Plut., Vii. X orat. 842 E); cf. Susemihl, i. 555 n. J73 (v,rith an over-fanciful reconstruction of the whole polemic). That Timaeus' abuse was to be taken metaphorically (so Wunderer, ii. 66) is unlikely; such outrageous accusations were not unparalleled in political polemic, for Duris (FGII, 76 F 8) records a similar taunt against Demosthenes. Tu B (cf. Diod. xx. 45· 5, €mar~aas), but Diod. xviii. 74· 3 and xx. 45· 2 record that he was l1TL/LEArrn)s and this title (punned upon by Duris, FGH, 76 F IO, l1TE/LEAetTO 8J Kat TijEuywv Tov Tpoxov KTA.: repeated in xv. 35· 2. Agathocles came with his father Carcinas from Thermae to Syracuse under Timoleon (Diod. xix. 2. 8) and that he >vas only r8 is perhaps confirmed by the story of his relations with Damas (Diod. xix. 3· r ; Beloch, iv. 2. 250 n. I). Ht: was born in 36o/s9. since he died at the age of 72 in 289/8 (Diod. xxi. r6. s. following Timaeus (FGH, 566 F 123), Callias (FGH, 564 F 6), and Antander, Agathocles' brother (FGH, s6s F I)). and his arrival in Syracuse was therefore in 342/r. For the story of his early years and his coming to Syracuse see Diod. xix. 2 ; on his work as a potter cf. Diod. xx. 63. 4; Caecilius of Caleacte, FGH, r83 F 2. Beloch arbrues convincingly (iv. r. r2t n. I) that Agathocles' family was of the upper class and that his father probably owned a ceramic business; his brother Antander held office as general under the oligarchy (Berve, S.-B. Miinchen, 1952 (5), :z:z). 7. Kupws ••• 'TniO'T]s Iu<EALa.s: after 304 Agathodes became master of most of eastern Sicily (7T(l.trrJs exaggerates) ; there is evidence for his acquisition at an earlier date of ::\!organtine (Diod. xix. 6. 2), Centuripa (Diod. xix. IOJ. 2), Abacaenum (Diod. xix. 6j. 6, no. 4), Galaria (Diod. xix. 104), Enna and Erbessus (Diod. xx. JI. 5), Tauromenium (Diod. xix. 102. 6), Camarina and Catana (Diod. xix. no. 3). See Beloch, iv. 1. 184; Roussel, Hist. grecque, iv. x. 394; Berve, S.-B. Munchen, r952 (s). 6x ff. pa.atAEus 11'po 1T!l..\a•, cols. 1723-4; illustration in Janke, 3i; cf. 37-44· ~ S is probably preferable, giving the sense 'thrown into confusion' (cf. ii. 30. 4) rather than 'driven back in various directions' (so Sdurw~.t: cf. x. 3· 6). See Pedech, ad lor. TTJV a.UTTJV £M£1a.v ciya.yEi:v: = E7mrapa.A.ayylav 11 T£Tpa4>a.AayyLav: this 'double or quadruple pha lanx formation' presumably means marching 16 or 32 deep, i.e. €mf>..A7JAov (d. ii. 66. 9 n.), not 1rapaAA7JAov (as in vi. 40. u). Th\' ~1Ti

formation suggested is double or quadruple (but not triple) for con· venience in converting to the extended phalanx. 8. ouo€ TOU'i L1T1TEi:5 1Tpo€eno: i.e. according to Callisthenes. ~~ 'Laou ••. TOL5 1TE~ol5: 'in line with the infantry'; the tense of 7Totd is awkward, and Hultsch's 7TponEL does not give an appropriatt· sense. Pedech reads Jt£aov 7Tom ro'is- 7T (or 1TVKvwuts-, cf. xviii. 30. 3: P.'s usage is inconsistent, cf. ii. ~- 9 n.). This 3ft. interval was usual in the phalanx during action. P. is thinking of the passag•· in Homer, Il. xiii. 131-3 = xvi. 215-17; see the note to xviii. 29. 1, (where P. quotes it in full) for its irrelevance to the hoplite phalam. 4. AEL1Tuv Twv O£KanTTapwv aTa8Lwv: cf. 17. 4, where, however, lw says ov 1rAdw rwv T€TTapwv Kat S£Ka araSlwv. 5. Lacuna: the sense must be more or less as indicated by Schweig haeuser: 'ex eisdem quattuordecim stadiis fere tria etiam stadi;l occupasse equitatum, cuius pars altera (Kai rovrov f-1-Epos- f-LEV n) a 374

THE BATTLE OF TSSUS

XII.

21.

7

marl, altera pars a dextro 1atere (TOVS (o') ~p.la~as brt TOU s~etofJ) erant locati'. But there may well be some phrase omitted between Oli\d.TT'[I and TDus ~p.lat:a:;, as Hultsch suggests. For Alexander's arrangement, with cavalry to left and right of his phalanx, cf. Arr. ii. 8. g, 9· 1 ff. Tots 'll'oAEj.LCots ••. To'Ls tta.TExoua~ Tas wa.pwptda.s: d. Arr. ii. S. 7, t1TITae.. S£ (sc. Darius) Kai To/ opTOU lylvovTO Tfjs :4A~gJ.vSpov a;paTtas; Curt. iii. 8. 27, 9· Io. These z,ooo, Arrian adds, were able to utiliz:e the spurs of this range to get to the rear of Alexander's right wing. The exact position of these troops is disputed. Janke (6o ff.; cf. Kl£o, rgro, 165-9) places them on a ridge which comes out to within zso m. of the Deli Chai; cf. Kromayer, HZ, 112, 1914, 350 ff. Judeich (AS, iv. 371) rejects this site and suggests another (Schlachtenatlas, Griech. Abt. 6, 7) further to the south-east. 6. '~~'pbs TOuTous Emttci.,.'l!'tov: cf. i. 27.4 n., v. 8z. 9 n. for this military term; it indicates troops stationed at an angle to the main line, in this case an angle backwards, d. Arrian, ii. 9· :2, Tovs lJ~ :4ypdivas . •• Kat TWV L1T1Tiwv nvas Kat TWV TOgOTWV its lmKap.Tri)v 7Tpos TO t5pos TO Kr:tTa vdrrov £TatEv, W(J'T£ KaTa TO SToV a,Pwv Topou Ka.l ATJtJ.oxapous: cf. 4 a 3-6 (Ephorus), r3-r4 (Demochares). -rous l!.<j>LAO'T~!J.WS rrErrHatJ..tYoos &.A.TJ9£uuv: 'those who believe him to be unprejudiced and truthful', despite the word order d.cptAoT{/1-w'> goes better with dA7]8<JJEtY (so Schweighaeuser, Shuck burgh, Mauersberger, alii) than ;v:ith ea.,: d. 25. 4 n. For Timaeus' use and interpretation of poets as well as historians cf. FGJI, 566 F 141-3. The present passage is FGJJ, s66 F I52. In an interesting discussion Pedech, ad Joe., points out that the kind of analysis here attributed to "!'imaeus contains the germs of a fruitful development, and he compares the interest in 'character' and 'biography' which appears in the Hellenistic period, exemplified by the works of Theophrastus and Ariston of Ceos on the one hand and Aristoxenus and Phaeneas of Eresus on the other; he also compares Timaeus' approach with the similar analysis of poems of Anacreon and Pindar by Chamaeleon 379

TOL\EUS' :\IETHODS:

XIL 24- r

of Heraclea. There is some truth in this, even though Timaeus' approach is somewhat crude. 8ul. Twv O'II"Epavw 'II"Aeovacrf1WV: 'by excessive repetitions'. 2. Tov "'I"OlTJTl\v: Homer, as usually in P. (d. iv. 45· 6, ix. 2r. r3, etc.). et< ToO tho.lTpeuew ••• yo.crTp(f1«pyov 'l!"apEfl.tf.o.lveLv: for the sentiment cf. Hor. Epist. i. 19. 6, 'laudibus arguitur uini uinosus Homerus'. oo/o,pniovTa. ••• ev TOLS cruyyp6.f1f10.0'lV: 'by frequently describing rich food in his writings': d¢~ap-ru€tv is 'to season food'. oo/otf.6.yov ••• KO.L Xlxvov: d. Athen. viii. 342 c, TtfLaLOS ... llpwTO-r.O. 'Y) Tov rjn>..6aolj>ov otjJOij>ayov 'Y)al y•yovivm. Theocritus of Chios had alSO referred to his yaumv (cf. 8. 4 0.). 3. Lacuna: the exact wording is lost but Buttner-Wobst's supplement gives the probable sense: TOV av-rov rp01TOl' lmaivw8m r~v if>uaw\ roD Ll wvualou -roiJ 'TUpa·wou, k'AtvOICO(]fLOVV'TOS ~ea1 TUS 'TWV u,Paa!LaKO.t 1TOL1Ct>..las .J~epya'OfLEl'OU flUV€XiiJS. (d.M') anfy~e1j TrOLELaOat StM'Y).jlw (Tr€pt Tt!Laiou) Kal &vaap•crrda8at (-roV"TVhich Timaeus knew of in Agrigentum and believed to represent the River Gela was transferred to Carthage at some date before the First Punic War. On the other hand, the original capture of the city was the most likely date for the removal of such an antiquity to Carthage. The trapdoor seen by P. certainly suggests either Phalaris' bull or some· thing intended to be taken for it; and Freeman (History of Sicily, ii. 463) thinks that it had been manufactured by the Carthaginians to show to visitors. P.'s words (§ 3) may imply that someone in antiquity had made this allegation, perhaps Timaeus, who said that the bull at Carthage was not from Agrigentum (§ 4). It is not impossible; but after 146 at any rate Scipio's prestige (and by implication that of P.) was involved in maintaining the genuineness of the bull brought from Carthage, since it had been sent back with moral exhortations to Agrigentum. Neither P.'s argument nor that of Diodorus is logically impeccable (though P.'s is stronger), and Timaeus comes out of the attack with his reputation undamaged. See for discussion (besides Richard Bentley's famous Dissertation on the Epistles of Phalaris (London, 1699), sn-12), Freeman, History of Sicily, ii. ; Jacoby, commentary on FGH, 566 F z8. Walbank, CR, 1945, 39-42 (with bibliography) ; Brown, 54-57; PMech, ad loc. On the relationship of Diodl)rus' account to P.'s see \Valbank, art. cit.; I am not convinced 38l

PHALARIS' BULL

XII. 25. 6

by the argument of R. Lauritano, KQKAAOE, 1956, ro-n, that both go back to Silenus of Caleacte. 2. ~K Tou KaTaaKeuaufla.Tos: 'from the way it was made'. 3. Ka.Tci n;v ~1TLKpaTeLa.v Ka.pxTJoov1wv: this could include any date within the period from 4o6/s to the First Punic War; see above, §§ 1-5 n. SL' T]v tv Ka.pxTJOOVL KaTEuKeuO.uSTJ ToLoi:iTos Ta.upos: the implication is that someone, probably Timaeus, had said that the bull at Carthage--its existence was evidently well known-was a forgery; see above, §§ r-s n. 4, 'Tawv..Jv. Pedech 'quel nom et quel verbe' is perhaps too explicit. 'II'UVTa. ycip t'II'L8exea9a.L ••• To yevos: 'for to me it seems to merit the bitterest expressions of their kind'. The words nl y.fvos- seem to go more naturally with Ta mKp6raTa and are so taken by Paton and Mauersberger (s.v. y.fvos-); but Schweighaeuser and Shuckburgh make Td y.fvos the subject of 8oK£i:, translating 'Timaei ratio, institutum quo ille usus est' (sc. iKElvou) or 'a man of his kind'. Schweighaeuser evidently felt the harshness of this, for in his Lex. Polyb., s. v. y.fvos-, he inadvertently printed Ta 7rtKpoTaTa ov6p.a.Ta l!mSEx€T(U TOVTO 'Td Y£VOS". 6. acjlLMuo.J.oc; •.• Kal .•• cl.vaywyos: cf. xxxvi. IS. 5 (of Prusias): fTaL8das 8i Kat t.Aonf:Laton:pov is ingenious but unnecessary. P. refers, of course, to over-zealous champions of Timaeus, but no particular person is singled out. Kat f1EAET11';: so Hultsch and Biittner-Wobst for Kat f:La.\1\ov M; but f:La.\1\ov can have the sense of f:La./..taTa in P. (cf. v. 55· 8, quoted by Schweighaeuser, s.v. f:LaAtiOv), and the MS. reading should be kept with Pedech. Tas s111111 yop1a.s Ka.l Tas 1l'a.pa.KATJO'ELc;, £n S€ Toos 11'pEO'~euTLKous A6youc;: cf. 25 i J, Ut!f:LfJouAEUTtKi:JV •.. 1TapaKAT)TtKf7JV ..• TrpwfJwnKWV; Diod. xx. r. 2, Ka{Tot 'YE Tovs JmoE{Kvua8at fJoullof:Ltlvous Aoyou oJvaf:LLV l~w·n KaT' io[av OT)f:LT)Yoplas Kai TrpwfJwnKovs Aoyous-, ETt SJ lyKdJf:Lta Kal o/Joyous- Kat Taillla Td Totaih-a awTaTTw8at. See also Cic. or. 66 ; Dion. Hal. ep. ad Pomp. 3· 20, 5· 6; Ant. vii. 66. 3· OT)f:LTJ'Yopla.t, which P. claims to record frequently (xxxvi. r. 3), include not only harangues before popular assemblies but also speeches before councils; TrapaKA~aEtS' are in the main exhortations by generals to soldiers; and ,\oyot 1rpwfJEUTtKo{ are the speeches of ambassadors. But the distinction

is rather rhetorical (for instance Critolaus' speech to the Achaeans in xxxviii. I2-I3 has many elements of a mxpcl.KIIT)u•s-), and the words Kai. uu/J..~fJOTJV miv n1 TotovTo ytlvos are perhaps an indication that it is not to be pressed. Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (I)', cols. 1525-7. analyses P.'s own speeches under these three headings; see also Avenarius, ISO·~

5. Tn P116£vTa. ••• ouS' ws 814173

~ppfJ&"l

KnT'

cc

&.A-TJ6€~a.v:

'what was said, nor

XlL 25 a 5

TIMAEUS' METHODS:

the real sense of what was said' (i.e. neither a transcript nor an accurate resume of the actual speech) rather than 'what was said, nor the form in which it was actually said' (so \Velzhofer, jahrb. 188o, 54r); cf. Walbank, JRS, 1963, 10. 1r6.vTas ••• To(Js pfJOevTas Myous: 'all these speeches', i.e. all the speeches according to the historian's version, not the real speeches, which P. insists were not recorded {ov ... Ta pTJ(Uv-ra y€yparp€v •.. ouK l~~'YTJOW TWV KaT' G.>..~6€Lav ElpTJfi-Evwv); P. does not express the distinction very clearly. Ta 'll'apE'Il'OfLeva Toi:s '11'payfLacnv: cf. 28 a g. For the same criticism applied to Phylarchus see ii. 56. 10 n. ; as in iii. 32. 6 'Ta 1Tapmofi-n'a are the 'concomitant details'. As in tragedy they are used to produce lvapyEta and an emotional effect in the reader; d. Dion. Hal. v. 56. 1 : xi. 1. 3-4; Scheller, 59: Avenarius, 133. ws liv et Ttaow ~c.al Tf)v E'ITayyEAlav: 'in its ostentation and the claims it makes '; cf. ix. 20. 6 for a general rejection of knowledge for mere display. To~aUTTJV £tf>£AKeTill tf>avTaa(av: cf. xxii. 9· 12, xxiv. II. 5; themselves such an air of superiority'. 5. o~ JLTJS~v O.veyvw~c.ons ••• la.Tpl~c.bv u'11"6JLVTJJLa.: though they, the AoytKo{, lay so much weight on medical literature. 61n TYJV €v Aoy~ SuvaJ.lw: 'impressed by their rhetorical powers' (Paton); 'sur Ia foi de leur force dans le raisonnement' (Pedech). The latter suggests their published works; but the former fits better the reference to the speeches which they deliver (§ 6). On speeches made by doctors to attract custom see Xen . •vi em. iv. 2. 5· 6. TOt.as-". 2. Tas 1repl. K{mpov vau!J.ax(as: the war between Evagoras, King of Cyprus, and the Persian satrap Tiribazus, which began in 39r/o (Diod. xiv. 98; cf. Xen. Hell. iv. 8. 24}, ended with the naval defeat of 'Evagoras oft Citium in 381 at the hands of the Persian admiral Glos (Diad. XV. 2-4, 8--t); Isoc. Paneg. 134-s. qo-r; Evag. sB-ii7; 393

XII. -:zsf

2

CRITICISM OF EPHORUS

Theopompus, FGH, nsF 103). Diodoms derives from Epborus (cf. Jacoby, FGH, ii C, p. 33) but his account of the battle is too short to give any impression of the original. See Cary, CAH, vi. 58-$9; Beloch, iii. 1. 97-98, 2. 226---7. Ka.L Tfi~ vepl. Kv(oov: the Spartan domination after the victory over Athens in the Peloponnesian War was shattered in the Aegean in 394, when a Persian fleet commanded by the Athenian Conon, and largely manned by Greek crews, destroyed the Spartan fleet under Peisander, the brother-in-la\\'Of King Agesilaus, off Cnidus (Xen. Hell. iv. 3· n-12; Diod. xiv. 83. 4-7 (based on Ephorus) ; cf. I us tin. vi. 3; Nepos, Cotton, 4· 4; Polyaen. i. 48. 5; Philochoms, FGH, 328 F 144-5 Did. in Demosth. 1· 39 ff.). See Cary, CAH, vi. 43-44; Beloch, jji, I, 76-n, 2. 211. voX X&. Twv XPflO"LjlWV ••• 'ITpos Tfi~ olloia.s 'ITEpLuTacrELs: cf. 2 5 e 6 n. Here too P. is thinking of the use of history to the practical man. 3. 1"~v vEpl AEUK1"pa. lla.x,v: the Spartan defeat at Epaminondas' hands in July 371 (d. i. 6. r n.); Xen. Hdl. vi. 4· 3-15; Diod. xv. ; Plut. Pelop. 20-23; Paus. ix. 13. 3-13; Polyaen. ii. 3· 8; cf. CAli, Yi. 8o-82; Reloch, iii. r. 167-8. 1"Yjv ~v Mo.vnvd~: Eparninondas' last victory of spring-summer 362; see above, ix. 8. r-r3 with notes. 1"&.~ EK1"aseL~ Ka.l jlE1"a.1"0.seLs: 'the battle formations and changes in these'. 4. b ... ~v 1"0LS AEUK1"pots KlVOUVOS a'!TAOUS yeyovws I this need not perhaps be serious) d6,avo1)To> does not elsewhere mean 'misunderstood'. The simplest solution is to delete the words T0 avyypa,Pef as a gloss; the sense is perfectly clear. But if To/ avyypa,Pe>.eiv •.• d.vw,P£>.1> is clumsy. 3, OVT€S aTpt(3eis TTJS TOLO.UT11'i ~!LTreLp(a;: 'without ha\'ing any experience of this kind', i.e. knowledge of the locality (cf. iii. 90. I, iv. 57. 8, viii. 20. r) ; that P. is thinking of personal study rather than experience of writing monographs (so Pedech) is suggested by § 4, dopaa£av. n-oXXQ. J1EV •• ' OUIC a~iwv OV'TWV : a lack of proportion in dealing with material is also the charge P. makes against writers of monographs generally (cf. vii. 7· 6, xxix. rz. 6). 4. TTJV aopa.a(a.v: 'failure to make a personal inspection' (Shuck burgh). 25 h 1. ~v TU Tp~a~eoOTfi Ka.t TETaPTU ~uJ3A i f3ff3Aw; •.• KaO' a, 11'EptelA1)rP€ 'TOS L4.ya.OoKMov e'T'l/ WhereaS in the polemiC Of 25 d I it IS merely oxe-Sov E'T1) 11'€11'f'l]KoVTa, (b) dp.o>.oyovplvw> hardly reads like Timaeus' own word, (c) l'/€vcTo is third person, and should probably remain despite )fai's emendation to Jy£v6p.1)v and the bracketing of it by Biittner-Wobst; see Jacoby on FGH, 566 F 34; Susemihl, i. 565 n. 237. C. Clasen, Timaios von Tauromenion (Kiel, 1883), n, suggested that the quotation ended at gevtTevwv; and Jacoby proposed (oOev) a11'aU'l/S (d.11'aU1)S is Boissevain's reading of the MS.: Kai m5.a1)> Heyse). There may, however, be some distortion by the epitotnator. 4n-£tpo; ..• ~ea.t Tll'> Twv T61!'wv 8€a;: Timaeus, who made a special 395

xu. -zsh

r

ART AND HISTORY

claim to have consulted records (ro. 4) and inscriptions (u. 2), can hardly have made this admission in such general terms, and P. may have twisted a reference to Timacus' long exile from his native Sicily (so Jacoby, FGH, iii b, commentary on 566 F 34). On the length of Timaeus' residence at Athens cf. 25 d r n.; the tense of otarpll/Jos cannot be pressed as evidencl.:: that when he said this Timaeus' exile was over (so Manni, K.QKAAOL, 196o, qo n. 7). 2. d; n Twv !l-llpwv TouTwv: matters of war or topography. To~; twypaljlo~;: for the comparison with the historian cf. 25 e 7; Lucian, hist. conscr. 5o-5 r says that the historian should emulate the good sculptor. This comparison shows that P. does not object to €vapycta in itself (cf. xx. 12. 8) pro\·ided it is based on airromf.BHa. Cf. Avenarius, IJ2-4. TO~; &:rro TWV is a bag, not a skin (as Shuckburgh translates, thus supporting his belief that animal-painters are referred to). W. W. Hyde, CJ, I93i· 431, compares the American slang expression 'stuffed shirts'; but the context is not 3. To ••• TflS ~.,.ljlO.aew; Ka.t TflS ~vepyda.;: 'vividness and animation'; on P.'s success in achieving lJL¢amc; see Pedech, Methode, 276-89. Twv aXT}eLVwv !;~wv: 'of real living creatures' (human or animal); the contrast is between the stuffed dummy and the living model. Wunderer (Phil. 1907. 473) would keep aAKlJLWV, read by Mai, Heyse, and Boissevain; but (i,\,a1w;;; can hardly mean 'living' (as lp.l/Juxo> in i. 4· i), and Bekker's correction seems right. 4. ~K TflS a.uTo1Ta.e11ia.;: 'from experience'; cf. 25 i 7, 28 a 6; VoL I, p. 10. oi t~.-rl s,· O.UTWV 'ITE"ITOpEU.,.EVOl TWV 1Tpa.y.,.aTWV: cf. § 6. Obviously P. is not claiming that no one can describe particular events unless he has personally experienced them-which would recoil on himself and render history writing virtually impossible. avTCw 'TWV rrpayJLtf.Twv must mean 'public life, political events', including those near in time and kind to what is being described. This is what § 5 implies and § 6 specifically asserts.

396

THE HISTORIAN'S MATERIAL

XI1.25i4

5. 1T€pi ~LwnKwv: 'private life' ; cf. ix. I7. 6. Ziegler (RE, 'Poly bios (r )', col. 1462) is probably right in concluding from this passage that P. was himself married with a family; he would hardly make demands on a historian which he was personally unable to fulfil. 6. TouTo To p.epo Jyivt:To). Brown, 65-66, argues that 1'. gives a fair report of Timaeus' speech, and indeed there are no grounds for thinking that he attributed to it anything Timaeus did not say; but he is very selective, and it is easy to quote communes loci out of context and make them sound ridiculous (cf. Jacoby, FGH, iii b, p. 554). 7. E1TLXELPTJflO.Tn ,.payflaTLtta: 'practical proposals': an unusual meaning for Jmxdp7Jp.a, distinct from that in 25 b 4· Til.~ TotnuTa.~ 'YI'EpL1TETda.c;: so Heyse for MS. rrapa ••• ya> ; but his other suggestion rrap(aAAa)yc:l, seems preferable (cf. vi. 7· 5), and is read by Jacoby, FGH, 566 F 22. rrap ••• a1TOAE(1!'£C19a.~ Ouvcl.f!EWS: 'deficient in political sense' (Paton) rather than 'fails to show the ability of a historian' (Shuckburgh); cf. xxxviii. 7· I, Jtlaopouf3a> • .• woAtl K -rfj> 'll'payp.anKfj> Kat rrrpaTrJY~Kfj> Bvvap. • ...Wv Ev Ta.is s,a.TpL~ni~ €m(XEtp~aEwv): cf. zs

a 5, Ern> Jv ISwTpt{lfj ... lmxEtpol7J. For the supplement cf. 7· 4, 26. 9· (outt bMyov) EAa.noOa9a.~: 'he falls well below the standard of'. 9. 'YJ'aVTE~ yt\p ..• : 'for everybody', not 'all these', i.e. in the SChoolS

of rhetoric (so Paton). ,.0 tta9EUpE

a,Pvrrv(~OVUL.

2. Tov 'Hpa.KAEa. ••• Tov J.LEV '0AuJ.l1T(wv O.ywva. 9Eiva.L: although the first Olympiad was dated from the victory of Coroebus in 776 (cf. vi. rr a 3 n.) there were strong traditions for an earlier foundation of the festival in mythological times, and the earliest of these is found in Pindar (Olymp. 2. 3-4, 6. 67) who makes Theban Heracles the founder. Another tradition attributed the foundation to a Cretan Heracles (Paus. v. 7· 4ft.; cf. Diod. v. 64. 6, Strabo, viii. 355). This association \vith Heracles is probably of Dorian origin, and becomes increasingly popular (d. Lys. 33· I; Diod. iv. I4; Stat. Theb. vi. 5 ft.; Apollodor. ii. 7· 2). Timaeus could well have introduced it without drawing on Gorgias' Olympic speech (above, 25 k 5 n.). See further Ziehen, RE, 'Olympia', cols. 2520 ft.; Gruppe, RE, Suppl-E. iii, 'Herakles', cols. 9I6-q. iKoua(ws OE 1Ta.pa.LTLOV ouOEvl YEYOVEVO.~ KO.KOU: so Biittner-\Vobst for MS. KaKou ovoEvi. yEyov€vaL (Boissevain KaKillv ouoevi. yEyov.fvaL; Hultsch KaKou rrapalnov ovOEvi yEyov.fvm in app. crit.). For this tradition concerning Heracles cf. Plut. Nic. 25. I, Kai yd.p Tov 'HpaKMa 1TUVTWV KpaTEtV af-LVYOf-LEVOV Kat rrpoETrLXEtpODf-LEVOV. A reference to Heracles would be not inappropriate from Hermocrates, in view of his worship at Syracuse (cf. Gruppe, RE, Suppl.-B. iii, 'Herakles', col. 992). 3. EX9~aTos o£ flOL £aa~ KTA.: Homer, Iliad, v. 890. 4. &.cppt1Twp, a9Ef1~0'TOS KTA.: Homer, Iliad, ix. 63; Nestor speaks. 5. Etpt1va. j3a.9{11TAoun KTA.: from Euripides' Cresphontes (fr. 453, I-8, Nauck 2 ), also quoted by Stobaeus, 55· I = iv. I4. I Hense. Pedech asserts that this play was produced after 42I and Herrnocrates' speech delivered in 424; but this is not certain. 6. Tov J.I.Ev mSAEJ.LOV TU voai!_J: sophistic commonplaces. 7. To us 1TpEa~uTipous li1TO T~JV viwv 9a1TTEa9m KTA.: cf. Herod. i. S7. 4, where the same paradox is attributed to Croesus addressing Cyrus from the pyre. 402

ILLUSTRATIOXS FROM TIMAEUS

XII. z6a 4

8. 11118' O.xpL TWV TeLxwv: since missiles can penetrate the city. 9. apn yevb!lE\10\1 'ITEpt OLa.TpL~c:i.c;: 'who has just come to the schools'. Tac; ~K Twv .:mol1"1111c:i.Twv '1ToAu'11"pa.y11oauva.c;: 'the search after knowledge contained in treatises'. inrof-LV~f-LaTa is a very general word in P.; there is no reason to suppose (with Wunderer, ii. 35) that here it means collections of quotations arranged under headings. 'll"a.pa.yyeXIla.TLKWc; ••• 'ITOLe'i:a8a.L TTJ" ~mxe£pTjaLv: 'to make up an essay according to the rules containing everything consonant with the character of certain historic personages' ; for 7Tapa.yyeAf-LanKw~ cf. 25 i 9 n., 7Tapayye:Vav; Dion. Hal. de camp. uerb. n. 151. (oux h)ipOLc;, &.XXO. TouToLc;: if the supplement is correct, Hultsch is right in suspecting the hand of the epitomator, for the phrasing is infelicitous and DoKef requires an infinitive. 26 a 1. TL!lOAEwv ev Tfj a.uTfj ~u~X~: for Timoleon cf. 25 k 2 n. Laqueur argues that 25 a 1-26. 9 forms part of a later insertion, and that the words lv Ti] avTi) f:1vf1Ai.f refer back to 25. 7 (RE, 'Timaios', col. I08o); and Muller believes in two systems of calculating Timaeus' books, one excluding books i-viii, so that book xxi might sometimes be reckoned as book xiii. Neither provides a convincing explanation of a real difficulty; for whatever stood at 25 k 3 (and it can hardly have been 'book xxi': see note), Timoleon's speech will not have been recorded in the same book as Hermocrates' address at Gela. Perhaps the simplest solution is to assume a lacuna between z6 and 26 a, containing a mention of the book of Timaeus to which P. refers back (one of books xxiii -xxviii? see 25. 7 n.). On the identification of Timoleon's speech see 25. 7 n.; it is that described in Diod. xvi. 79· 2, where two themes are mentioned, the cowardice of the Carthaginians and the recollection of Gelon's victories. Of these only the first is referred to here. wpoc; TTJV &.va.vSp~a.v: d. Diod. xvi. 79· 2, o6)/o..8~; ••• T0v TWV !PowlKWV ava.v8pla.v. That Diodorus here follows Timaeus is clear from the account of the omen following the speech, which Plutarch specifically attributes to Timaeus (FGH, 566 F 118 = Plut. Mar. 676 D). 2. EpTj!loTepa. Tflc; AL~UTj'i: cf. Eurip. Hel. 404, 1211 for references to the proverbial deserts of Libya {on which cf. Herod. ii. 32. 4). Wunderer, i. 28, suggests that the explanation which Timaeus puts in Timoleon's mouth came from some collection of proverbs, such as Demon's. It hardly fits Timaeus' own picture of Libya: cf. 3· 3· 3. eVToc; TWv XLTwvwv exovToc;: the custom of orientals before their king; cf. Xen. Hell. ii. I. 8, Kfipoavcpol; but the omission was probably more considerable (so Biittner-Wobst). 26 b 1. rEXwvos ~Tra.yyeAAOJ.Levou KTA.: cf. 25 k 2. According to Herodotus (vii. IS3· r, IS7· r ff.) the request came from the Greeks, who sent envoys to Sicily; the version here, which must surely be that of Timaeus (not Ephorus, as Dunbabin, 421, says), is more favourable to the Sicilian, who offers the help through envoys sent to Corinth (Tofs Trapa Toil TlAwvos Trpm{JEvmts). Jacoby, commenting on FGH, 566 F 94, seems correct in treating this as an invention, since the pro-Sicilian version in Herodotus vii. r6s shows no trace of it. It is noteworthy that P. does not attempt to refute Timaeus' version by quoting Herodotus against him, just as in 25 k 5 he makes no reference to Thucydides. The numbers here, 2o,ooo foot and 200 warships, are those given by Herodotus (vii. 158. 4) who, however, adds 2,ooo horse, 2,ooo archers, 2,ooo slingers, and 2,ooo light horse. For the battle of Himera fought shortly afterwards against the Carthaginians Diodorus (xi. zr. r) gives Gelo's army as so,ooo foot and 5,ooo horse; these Jacoby (loc. cit.) takes to be from Ephorus, but their divergence from the numbers Gelo offered to the Greeks is without significance for there is no reason why they should be identical. On their historicity see P. A. Brunt, Historia, 1953, r6o. TO~S TrpoKa.&T)J.LEVous ~v Kop£v&ct>: the representatives of the allied Greek states who assembled in congress at the Isthmus in 481 (Herod. vii. 132, 145, 172. r). 2. T~v 5' ijyeJ.Lov(a.v C.vayKtJ ••• TrEpL9~o-ew To'Ls d.p£o-ToLs: in the Herodotean version it is made quite clear that Sparta is to be hegemon (Herod. vii. rsg-6z). 4. eKTElveL Xoyous: a technical expression for spinning out material into a long narrative (cf. Avenarius, go). T~v J.LEV ILKEALa.v J.LE:ya.AOJ.LEpeo-Tepa.v KTA.: if Diod. xi. 23 goes back to Timaeus, it provides an example of how he related the struggle of Gelo against the Carthaginians with the Persian War in Greece: cf. also Diod. xxi. 17. 3, Trap' oA7JV •.. T~v yparp~v ~YKWfLta~wv T~v Twv l:vpaKoalwv dvopdav; Cic. de rep. iii. 43, 'urbs ilia praeclara, quam ait Timaeus Graecarum max imam, omnium autem esse pulcherrimam'. 5. To'Ls J.LUpa.K(oLs Tots ~v Ta.l:s 5La.TpLI3a.is KTA.: cf. z6. g. The words Kai Tots ( TrEpt )rraTots are Buttner-\Vobst's conjecture for MS. Kat Toi> TdTrots. It was based on a hint from Campius and the comparison of Baton in Athen. iv. r63 B, Tovs Tov rppovtf-Lov ~7JTovVTas ~~~ Tofs rrEptTraTots Kai Tats i:haTpt{3ai:s wa7r
.~vwv crret/JavovfLevov,

otlSds- av {JfLWV {JTr0fL€tVEt€V, OTL 4nJaiv ~ Owqpo> avavSpov aVTOV elvat Kal avKo~aVT7JV.

But encomia of Thersites, the demagogue, were written, more or less seriously; an example survives in the JyKWfLLOV BepalTov of Libanius (viii. 243-51 Forster). See too Aeneas, Ep. 15 (Epist. gr. 27, Hercher); Gell. xvii. 12. 1-2; Gebhard, RE, 'Thersites', col. 2467. Defamation of Penelope is more common; she is lewd and adulterous in Lycophron, 772; Duris, FGH, 76 F 2r, made her the mother of Pan by all the suitors; and other accounts convicted her of adultery with Amphinomus or Antinous (Apollod. epit. vii. 38-39) or had Odysseus drive her out for loose behaviour (Pausan. viii. 12. 6). Normally, however, she was the type of the true and chaste wife (references in Wiist, RE, 'Penelope', cols. 483-4) and Philodemus (de rhet. 4, cols. 35 a-36 a i. zq Sudhaus) protests against those who 'll'po~eXeis Ka.t 1Ta.pa.Sb$ous EOpi!O'LXoyLa.s: 'useless and paradoxical verbiage'. 26 d 1. Su]. TTtV E1TL+O.O'lV Tijs nXYJ8woAoy£a.s: 'through the superficial appearance of veracity' (Paton). 4o6

ILLUSTRATIONS FROM Tll\IAEUS

TLVns 5~ ~£wv: 'reputable historians'. 27. 1. WS Clv El TlVWV opyavwv: 'two instruments as it were'. aAT)9LVWTEpas •.• TfjTvpes dvepJrrrou:nv d<j>eaJ..JLol Kal dJTa {3apf3apovs fvxds ,}x6vTwv [Bernays {3op{36pov fvxds exovTES'], and since Herod. i. 8. 2 writes WTa yd.p Tvyxavtt a1!8pwr.ou:n EOVTa dmaTOT€pa 6<j>eaAJLWV, many scholars have assumed that 'HpaKAEtTov is an error for 'Hp6SoTov (d. von Scala, 88 n. 1). This view, which Ziegler (RE, 'Polybios (1)', col. 1468) regards favourably, is to be rejected, for P. quotes Heracleitus elsewhere (iv. 40. 3), but not Herodotus, of whom he betrays no certain knowledge. The saying embodies a piece of popular wisdom which Herodotus may have taken from Heracleitus or transcribed independently; d. Thuc. i. 73· 2, Ka~ Tlt JL€" "JTavv r.al.ata Tl Sd MyEw, djy aKoat p.a.A/..ov t..Oywv p.ap711p€S' ~ Otf'" TWV aKOVG:OJLEVWV ; Dio Chrys. xii. 7I, Tb I.Eyop.EVOV WS' la:-nv aKof1s 'JTLCJ'TOTEpa OfLJLUTa; Lucian:hist. conscr. 29, a stay-at-home historian nevertheless begins his work:

a

"Qm 6<j>8a>.p.wv dm.aT(STEpa. ypaw TOL~·wv fl dSov, o~x 1/Kova:a; Horace, A.P. r8r-z, 'segnius irritant animas demissa per aurem I

quam quae sunt oculis subiecta fidelibus et quae J ipse sibi tradit spectator'. The credibility of the eyes was paradoxically denied by !socrates, Panath. rso, d KaT(llJTULY'JV E:L Kai

rfotAOTLfLLO.LS

TeL>!' O'Vyyparfo€wv ; 59· 8.

6. rroXAijs ..• Sa.traV'I]S: cf. xxxiv. 5· 7 on the expense of travel. No doubt his journey to Spain on Scipio's staff would be paid for out of public moneys, but P. came from a wealthy family in his own country; cf. von Scala, 14 n. 6. 7. "E4>opos 4>TJa&v: FGH, 70 F uo; d. iv. 20. 5 n. on Ephorus. Jacoby, ad Joe. (FGH, ii C, p. 64), compares Thuc. i. 22. 2. 8. 9e6trof.LTro av0pw1T£Vi.p y€vn; but significantly he lays the stress on

practical experience, whereas Plato laid it on philosophical activity. The quotation was famous and P. may cite it from memory; cf. Arist. Rhet. ii. 23. 1398 b I8, who applied it to the Theban hegemony, Kat f9~{3Yjfftv aJ.ta oi 7rpoaTclTat cpJ...oaocpo< Jy€vovTo Kat EVOatf.tOVYJaEv ~ 7ToAts. Cf. \Vunderer, ii. 72-73. 4. }.I.TJ Ka.86.1rep vGv 1ra.ptpywc;: Pedech ad loc. suggests that P. is here

criticizing such writers as Cato who wrote as an old man (Plut. Cat. mai. 24. 8} or A. Postumius Albinus (xxxix. r. 4) who wrote as a hobby; cf. Dion. Hal. ad Pomp. 6. 3 (on Theopompus): ov yap Wff7T€p nv€s 7TclpEpyov TOV (3lov avaypacp~v Tfjs iaToplas E7Tot1]rraTo, /!pyov 8€ TO 7TUVTWV avayKatoTaTOV. &.1rep1rr1ra.rrTo~ .•. : Biittner-Wobst proposes over part of Crete (vii. 1 I. 9 n.)-probably 415

XIII. 3-5.6

PHILIP'S TREACHERY TOWARDS RHODES

including the anti-Rhodian cities now involved in this war. Philip's reply was to suborn an Aetolian, Dicaearchus, to plunder in the Aegean and help the Cretans (d. xviiL 54· 8-Iz), and to employ Heracleides against Rhodes directly, as described below. The date is either 205 or, more probably, 204 after the Peace of Phoenice; see above, pp. 20-21. 3. 1. Ka.Ko1Tpa.y~oa{nrqv: 'treacherous dealings' (Paton) ; the reference is probably to Philip's intrigues in Crete; cf. 5· I and the last note. 2. oi •.. O.pxo.iol: particularly Greeks, though perhaps not excluding Romans (see next note). 4. Convention on the use of weapons: cf. Livy, xlli. 47· s. 'non per insidias et nocturna proelia ... bella maio res gessisse: indicere prius quam gerere solitos bella, denuntiare etiam interdum, pugnam et locum finire, in quo dimicaturi essent' (probably deriving from a passage now lost in P. xxvii; cf. xxxvi. g. g). P.'s discussion is clearly linked with the reference to the Lelantine War in Strabo, x. 448: awE8€vro €¢>' ots avan)aovTat Tov dywva; Strabo quotes an inscription in the Amarynthium, a sanctuary of Artemis near Eretria, forbidding the use of Tr/AE{3o'Aa, and von Scala (3o8 n. 1 ; cf. Staatsvertrage, 16 no. 19) suggests that both Strabo and P. derive their information from this inscription via Ephorus (Strabo's immediate source being Apollodorus); for Ephorus' use of inscriptions cf. FGH, 70 F 199. This story of a convention fits the time, with its traditions of single combat (cf. Ephorus, FGH, 70 F II;'i Strabo, viii. 357, p,o11op,axtav ••. KaTa €8os Tt m1.Aatov Twv 'EM~11wv) and the attempts of the Amphictyonic League to ameliorate warfare (cf. Walbank, Phoenix, 1951, 53-54; Larsen, CP, 1949, 258-9), and is acceptable. It is confirmed by the remark in Herod. vii. 9 fJ 1, l.wiJom "E'A>.7Jll€;;, ws 7TvvfJ&vop,at, dfJovA6TaTa r.oMp,ov;; [aTaa8at VTto Tf dyvwp,oaVV7]S' Kal aKaLOT7JTos. €7TEav yap a>..:l.~:\o,m r.6'A€p,ov Ttpo€[Ttwa•, ;.g"Jpovus To KaA:\,O'Tov xwp{ov Ka~ A€WTaTOV, ls TOVrO KaTLOYTfS Jkaxovrat. This will represent democratic criticism of archaic procedure; cf. Jacoby, FGH, iii b (SuppL-E.), vol. ii, p. ,,54, no. 37· TT)v EK X€lpos Kat auo-TaSttv ••• ~«xttv: the passage of Strabo quoted in the previous note continues: o{ o' EvfJot:tS dyaiJoi r.po;; p,ci.X!Jll vm)p~av ri;v aTao{av, ~ Kai avCTTaO~v MyETa< Kai lK xt:tp/Js. The phrase may go

back to the common source (Ephorus ?) , though P. uses it elsewhere. O.A.tt9lvT)v ••. KpiaLv 1Tpa.yjJ.6.Twv: cf. Livy, xlii. 47· 8, 'sed eius demum

animum in perpetuum uinci, cui confessio expressa sit se neque arte neque casu, sed collatis comminus uiribus iusto ac pio esse bello superatum'. 5. Tooc; TroAe~ouc; .•• 1rpouA.eyov Kat Tas ~6.xa.s KTA.: cf. Liv)', xlii. 47· 5 (quoted in§ 4 n.). 6. +a.vA.ou ••• To 1rpo+o.vws n 1rpaTTEW Twv 1TOAEjJ.lKwv: cf. Livy. 416

PHILIP'S TREACHERY TOWARDS RHODES

XIII. 4·

2

xlii. 47. 8, 'interdum in praesens tempus plus profici dolo quam uirtute; sed eius demum ... (quoted in the last note but one)'. But war was still declared more frequently in Greece than P. here admits; d. iv. :26. 7 n., 36. 7' xvi. z6. 8; Livy, XXXV. sr. 2; Plut. Pyrrh. z6. If; Bengtson, Historia, I963, Ioo-4, discussing a second-century B.c. in~ scription from Apollonia on the Pontic coast of Thrace, which mentions a 1T6AEJ-WS al·mdyycXros (cf. iv. 16. 4) waged by Mesembria. 7. ~po.xu Se T~ Ad1Tt:Tm 1ro.pcl. 'Pwlla.ioLeA.tJLOV KaTa c]:>,)..[mrov yivwOat. According to Polyaenus, the ageni

provocateur (whose methods resemble those of Sinon at Troy, even to the extent of displaying self-inflicted injuries) succeeded in setting fire to the Rhodian arsenal and destroying thirteen w:waotKot together with the triremes in them. Ka.L TllV 'Hpa.KAelOTJV cmEAUall.: the epitomator•s words, for in reality Heracleides is the subject of dmf/..va£. 4. T~V aA.Tj9ELO.V: on the importance P. attributes to truth in history see the passages listed in Vol. I, pp. Io-Ir. Here Truth is personified as a power active in human life, as when we say 'Truth wm out'; but despite the reference to p.eylaT7JV Oe6v, this is little more than a manner of speech. Nor is the personification of cf,vats to be taken seriously. 5. f1U'a TOU ~EUOOUS TCLTTOJ:lEVWV: a military metaphor. 6. ws troops (see § 4, where hiatus betrays the excerptor). 5. ~aTe<jlavwaa.v: 'they made him a gift of'. aTa.KTTJS: oil of myrrh; cf. Dioscor. i. 6o; LXX Gen. 37· 25. ~1ri T uXov T~Y vflaov: cf. Pliny, Nat. hi st. vi. I48, xii. 38, 40; the best account is in Theoph. HP, iv. 7· 7· and CP, ii. 5· s. who describes tbc and rich vegetation, including palms, mangroves, figs, fruit, and cotton. It is the island of Bahrain (Manama). See 0. Stein, RE, 'Tylos (2)', cols. I732-3. This passage probably implies the presence of a Seleucid fleet in these waters; cf. Pliny, Nat. hist. vi. I 52; Tarn, 240; Schmitt, Autiochos, 49 n. L TOY n1T01TAOUY i1Tt IEAEUKeta. to this Olympiad (cf. xi. 1 an.) P. sets out to catch the reader's interest by stressing the contents (von Scala, 29o-1); for further examples of P.'s endeavour to attract readers cf. iii. 32. r, vi. z. 3, z6. 12. The present book contains only one year's events (§ 5), 01. 144, r = 204/3. 1 a 1. at 1TpoEte9iuns: Twv 1Tpa~Ewv: 'the introductory surveys of events'. ElS: E1TLEfl~OATJV: Castra Cornelia (cf. § 7l· 8. Uf.LO. T~ KTA.: Ufta np goes with both tKxwp7jaat and 11poaboKiiv. 9. To auv€8pLov: whether the larger or the smaller Council is not clear (cf. i. 21. 6 n.). 12. Ets Tf]v l\~~a.v &.1ToKEXWPTJ~<Eva.L: cf. Livy, xxx. 7· ro, urbem nomine Obbam; but according to Livy envoys sent from Carthageinformed Syphax of the arrival of the Celtiberian mercenaries at Obba, whereas P. (7. sl makes these Spaniards meet Syphax at this town. Thus to Livy Obba is not necessarily the locus munitus (Livy, xxx. 7· 3) where Syphax first halted, as P.'s account would suggest 43°

SCIPIO IN AFRICA

XIV. 7· 6

hence the site of Abln is doubtful. If the variant account in Livy springs from rhetorical elaboration (7. 5 n.), we may, however, assume that Abba was the locus munitus, which Livy states to have been nearly 8 miles either from the town where Hasdrubal first halted (6. 2 n.) or (since Livy is ambiguous) from the two towns near it which fell to the Romans (6. 5). Veith (AS, iii. 2. 589), who links the Livian and Polybian accounts of the arrival of the Celtiberians with the battle of the Great Plains, would put Obba well up in the interior, five days' march from Utica (cf. 8. 2); so too DeSanctis, iii. 2. 529 n. 135. But Gsell (iii. 228 n. 5) seems justified in treating Livy's 8 miles as the distance between the unnamed halting place of Hasdrubal (he calls it Anda) and Abba, in which case Abba also lay in the lower l3agradas valley. Gsell suggests a site at Henchir Chouegui, northwest of Tebourba; but he quotes no evidence for his statement that a Roman town, Thubba, stood here, and altogether no certain identification is possible. A site somewhere near Henchir Bou Djaoua is, however, likely. TiA.os a.(h'l ••• £m:KpaT'la£v: Livy (xxx. 7. 7), following P. here, adds that 'haec sententia quia Hasdrubal praesens Barcinaeque omnes factionis bellum malebant uicit'. This is perhaps an annalistic addition, but more probably a Polybian detail omitted by the excerptor. 13. Tas n Suvafl£LS ~9poL~ov: not necessarily at Abba, but more likely in the interior on the upper Bagradas. 8L£1TEflljla.vTo 1rpos Tov I6<j>a.Ka.: this embassy is described in detail by Livy, xxx. 7· 8-12, who develops it as an interesting theme, thereby slightly distorting P.'s narrative (cf. 7· 5 n.).

7. 1. ey(v£To ••• 1r10pt TTJV Tijs 'ITuK'lS 1ToALOpK£a.v: 'he was occupied with preparations for the siege of Utica'; cf.

I. 2

n.

2-3. vd(J-a.s Twv A.a.<j>upwv KTA.: lacunae exist after Aacpvpwv, TOV> p.tv, and JgaTreantAe. The meaning is ambiguous. Scipio distributed

the booty and sent away the merchants who were buying it up for a song; or, alternatively, he sent away the merchants with an excellent profit. The latter is more likely. If the soldiers were satisfied, why should he alienate both them and the merchants by interfering? On the procedure see x. 16. 5 n. 5. Twv Se K£A.n~T)pwv a.uTol:s cma.vT'laavTwv: cf. 6. 12 n. According to Livy, xxx. 7· 10, it is the Punic legati on their way to Syphax who meet these Celtiberians near Abba, and announce the fact to Syphax as part of their argument to persuade him to collaborate again. This looks like Livian elaboration. WA€LOUS ovns TWV T£Tp0.KLO'XLALWV: cf. Livy, XXX. 7· 10, qttattuor milia Celtiberorum. 6. TijS 1TO.L8LO'K'1S: cf. I. 4 n. 431

XIV. 7· 8

SCIPIO IN AFRICA

8. xuSalou ~~:at 1T'O.YS~jLOU Ao.Mas: 'the vulgar gossip of the rabble' (Paton). 9. iv iJ~-t€pa~s TpL«i~toYTil: if the attack on the camps was in ~1arch 203 (d. 2. r) this will be in late April (Scullard, Scip. 326); DeSanctis (iii. 2. sss) put these events about a month later. rr~;;: 'they fled before the Italian horse'. 11. U'ITO Twv 1fPLYKt1fwv Kat TpLap£wv: the hastati were attacking in front. On Scipio's use of the principes and triarii as an aggressive reserve to outflank the enemy's centre, a new and significant tactical development, see Scullard, Scip. 212. 14. 1rept TouTouc; yevop.ev'l')s ~mCTTacrews: 'owing to their being halted by the Celtiberians' ; cf. viii. 28. 13 for this sense of bdcrra.crt'),

9. 1. TO auv€SpLov: cf. 2. II n. 2. Tas 1roAElS: the settlements in quite simple Libyan villages; see i. 72. 2 n., XXV. I. 5. olKeia. p.eTa.flo.AfJs: 'ready to revolt'. CI'UVEXWS :TE] ~KKE(p.Eva: 'having been COntinUOUSly eXposed tO.,,', 8. p.T)8ep.£a.v U'll'Ep~oAl)v 1TOL11aap.evous: 'without delay'. 11. yevop.evwv Sf: Kat 1TAELovwv Aoywv: 'after several speeches had been made', not (as Paton) 'there were several debates on these proposals'. vacras E:Kupwcrav fi.p.a. -ras yvwp.a.s: 'they adopted all these proposals together'. P. does not evidently include the proposal to consider peace among these; d. Scullard, Scip. 213 n. 1. 814173

Ff

433

XIV.

IO. I

SCIPIO IN AFRICA

10. 1. oi: ••. ~tls 'TTJY 'l.,.a.Mo.v jLEAAovTES rrXeiv: P. seems to imply that these envoys set out at once for Rome; but xv. I. 6 suggests that Carthaginian envoys visited the Roman camp at Tunis, asking for pardon and peace. According to Livy, xxx. 16.3-15, the visit to Tunis and Scipio's offer of terms are followed by a further embassy to Tunis to a truce while other envoys go on to Rome to ask for peace; and is difficult to believe (so Gigante, Aegyptus, 1950, So) that P. described the sending of envoys to Rome and to Scipio as completely enterprises. One must assume that the lost part of xiv contained an account of how these envoys proceeded first to Scipio's camp at Tunis, and then to Rome. 2. l-.aflev T~ll {Ja(n>.dav 'Tt'O.pa TOU 7la-rp6:; (OGIS, 90, l. 47), which was on Phaophi I 7. Bikerman (op. cit. 126-7) has shown that these words, b fi ... TTa-rp6r;, clearly refer to a ceremony carried out at Memphis. For the years 205·-203 the Julian equivalent of Phaophi I7 is z8 November, and the ceremony so held must have come after the announcement of Epip)ftlnes' accession described in xv. 25. 2. The Rosetta decree (OG!S, go, 11. 44-45) refers to Epiphanes visiting Memphis '1Tp6r; Tel avVTe~ea8fi[vat a&rwt -raJ TTpoal]Kov-ra vo/1-tfLa -rfit '1Tapal.ljt{let -rfi;; flaaJ..Etas, evidently a ceremony held on the anniversary of his original TTap.ya.9o~ovTES: P.'s normal annalistic method. Tas K:a.Ta.AA~Aous: parallel; i.e. all the parallel events in each year are described as they occur; cf. Ui. 32. 5 n. Paton, 'successive events', is incorrect. EK; 1TAelovos xpovou 1T£'11'm~ ....e9a. T~V E~~YTJOW: irregular but not unique ; cf. xxxii. n. 6 on the affairs of Oro pus, {;rrip oli Ta ji-EV avaSpaji-OVn£;;, rd S€ rrpo'Aaf36vus To£s xp&~·oLS auyKE¢>all.atwa6ji-€0a T~V ;;,\TJV 7rpiif,w, [va IL~ Ka.Ta ji-Epos aUTfjS' OUaTJS' ou.S' OAWS' lmcfoavolis lv Ot!Jp7]ji-lvms ;.:p6vots drrayyilloVTES EthEMj Ka' daacfoij TrOLWjLEV T¥ St+ iflJUU'.

3. nTOAEp.a'ios ••• 'II'Ept o3 \IU\1 b Myos: Ptolemy IV Philopator; it is probably his death within the period March-September :204 that leads P. to survey his reign and character (cf. rr-rz n.). On Philopator' s character see C. Preaux, Chron. d' Egypte, 1965, 364-7 5· p.nO. TO auvTEAEa9~va.L TOV 1repl. Ko(AYJV Iupla.v 1TOAEtLOV: cf. v. 87. r-7 (after Raphia, 217). otov &.pTlWS SLEAYJAUEia.p.ev: cf. II. 1-5. But P. had shown Phi1opator as aloof and indolent and debauched even before Raphia; cf. v. 34· 4, 35· 6, 3i· ro, 40.

438

1,

8j. 3, 87. 7·

CHARACTER OF PTOLEMY IV

XIV.

12. 5

4. Ets Tov vuv S~;.S"lAwJLf.vov 'lrOAEJLOV: the native revolt which may have begun in the Delta, but found its real centre in upper Egypt, which broke away from the control of the government from zo7{6 until 186; see above, v. Io7. 1-3 n. The evidence for this obscure war is collected by M. Alliot, Rev. belge de phil. et d'hist. I951, 421-43; cf. Volkmann, RE, 'Ptolemaios (2-z)', cols. 1687-8; 'Ptolemaios {23)', cols. r699-17oo. The attack on the temple of Edfu in 207/6 marked a cessation of Greek records in the Thebaid, the last for many years being Mesore 4 of year 16 = 12 September 206 (Tait, Greek Ostraca, Bodleian no. 41). P.'s account is lost; but the war seems to have fascinated him for the same reasons as the Carthaginian Mercenary War (d. i. 8r, 88. 7). Tf\s ... WJLDTtJTOS: for an example of the methods of fighting see BGU, I2I5. 5. otov Et awJLa.TOELOtl: 'as it were a unified picture'; cf. i. 3· 4 n. Paton, 'a life-like whole', is inaccurate. 'll'Ept a.OTijs: i.e. 7Ttpl •fj> Toil {3aaL'Mw> 7Tpoatpta€w>.

439

BOOK XV 1-16. Affairs in Africa (zo3-2): the battle of Zanw

The battle of the Great Plains (xiv. 8) was followed by the defeat and capture of Syphax by C. Laelius and Masinissa near Cirta (Livy, xxx. rr-rs, with the story of Sophonisba's marriage to Masinissa and suicide; App. Lib. 27-28, Zon. ix. rz; Diod. xxvii. 6-7)- The Carthaginians now asked for pe we~< a Twv 6.v9pw'II'WY: for this appeal to the vulnerability of all men in relatit>n to Tyche cf. ii. 4· 5 n., and below, 6. 8. 9. 6.9eTELV ••• TOUS opKOU9T)O'O.V: App. Lib. 34 records that Kat 'TWV 7rpia{3Ewv Ttl'€ 439-40; F. G. Moore, Lt"vy, xxviii-xxx (Loeb edition), 1955. 54J-SI; Kahrstcdt, iii. s6J-4 n. I (sceptical). Two points remain to be made here. First, Appian's reference (Lib. 40. I) to a town Killa, near which Scipio anticipated Hannibal by a hill, is safer left out of consideration: Appian's account of the battle and events leading up to it is here unreliable, and Killa is not otherwise known; to emend to Sicca a dubious procedure. For hypotheses based upon this see Veith, AS, iii. 2. 633-6. Secondly, the preliminary strategy. The battle took place with Scipio in the west and Hannibal in the east; situation in the west is to be explained by his campaign against the 1ToAE"t> (4. z, 5· 1), and by his desire to make contact with Masinissa {5. r2). He may indeed have hoped to finish the campaign before Hannibal was ready to march out (cf. Veith, AS, iii. z. 642); but by his quick reaction (5. 3) Hannibal succeeded in getting between Scipio and his communications, thus scoring an immediate advantage, which, however, could only be exploited by a full-scale (Veith, AS, iii. 2. 643). (d) Numbers: these cannot be calculated with any certainty. P. gives the Punic losses as zo,ooo killed and nearly :zo,ooo prisoners 8Hl73

Gg

449

XV. 5·

3~

q. 9

THE BATTLE OF ZAMA

(14. 9); and since he says few escaped (14. 8), this \\'ould make tlw Punic army about 4o,ooo. App. Lib. 40 makes it so,ooo; but bot], figures are likely to be exaggerated. Of the sections of Hannibal\. army P. puts the mercenaries at 12,ooo (n. 1); if they were a third of the whole (so App. Lib. 40), this would give a total of 36,ooo fool. For Scipio's army App. Lib. 41 gives a total of 23,ooo foot and r,so:• cavalry, counting only Romans and Italians; this seems possiblwv a.OTwv: Scipio counters Hannibal's proposals ·with a demand for deditio; cf. xx. 9· rz. See Taublcr, 198 n. 2. In the event ded£tio was not demanded, but a foedtlS was entered into (cf. 18. 2 n.). 9. 2. 'PwfLO.lOL ••. 'ITEpi Tfls TWV OAWV apxfjs l, Kai ouovs ltwlfla.s '!TaMas ifyayo'; Dio, xvii. 57· 82, Tovs alxp..aAwv: in view of § 8 tJEMara ~<ara7Tt6VTwv, Wunderer (iii. 31) argues that P. is thinking primarily of fish. ~tfiov is used of the sword-fish (xxxiv. 3· J, 3· 8} and of such sea-beasts as dolphins and sharks (xxxiv. z. 14}; but UAEap, bait, is not used exclusively of catching fish, and P. uses the phrase KaraTTlvew ro &I.Aeap virtually as dead metaphor (cf. xx. rz. 7, xxii. 8. 4, xxix. 9· 7 (cf. 8. 3}). Moreover, apKvs is a hunting net rather than a fishing net. The {tfia then are probably any wild animals contrasted with man, not excluding but not particularly stressing fish. 7. T~ 1TpoELpf)f1EV!f Tj>01Tif: by letting such demagogues as Molpagoras impose upon them. 8. a.t TO~o.lho.L rroAm;.'i:o.L: 'such acts of policy'. ~eupLos yEVOf1Evos KTA.: apparently Prusias (and l'bilip} exploited the factions in Cius to get possession of it; and P.'s strictures on the people of Cius (zr. 3-8} suggest that their dissensions brought on this intervention. Which side the kings supported is unknown; but Philip, who had been moving away from the possessing classes for a \'ariety of reasons (Walbank, Philip, I6-t--sL cannot be assumed to have been necessarily opposed to the elements represented by Molpagoras. T~ KfJSEaTfj: 'his kinsman by marriage', Prusias I of Bithynia (23. ro}. Strabo (xii. 564} and Hermippus of Berytus, fg. 72 (FHG, iii. sr} state that Prusias I gave the name of Apamea to the town of Myrleia, which Philip captured and handed over to him at the same time as Cius, naming it after his wife. Niebuhr (Kl. Schr. i. 257} suggested that this Apama was Demetrius II's daughter, and the sister of Philip V (cf. Beloch, iv. 2. 137}. However, an inscription from Asia Minor found in Piraeus and published by Wilhelm (]ahresh. 1908, 75 ff.; d. IG, ii-iiiz. 3172} showed that the name of Prusias II's

l2. l. tPiAtrr1TOS

4iS

PHILIP A::.\D Cit'S

wife was Apama, and since Stephanus of Byzantium (s. v. Mvp.\ttai states that it was Nicomedes II Epiphanes who renamed the town after his mother, the wife of Prusias II, the inscription has been held to support his statement and to discredit those of Strabo and Hermippus. Prusias II indeed married a daughter of Philip V (Livy. xlii. 12. 3-4, 29. 3; App. Mith. 2), who may well have been called Apama; but he did so after Philip's death, and this marriage cannol explain why Prusias I is here called Philip's KTfO· The Piraeu" inscription is irrelevant to the question whether Stephanus should be preferred to Strabo and Hermippus on the origins of the name Apamea for )iyrleia. In their authority might be held to bt> higher; and since Prusia.s I renamed Cius Prusias (Strabo, xii. 563: Steph. Byz. s.v.llpouua), there seems good reason to think he also re named :\'lyrleia Apamea. If so, this may well have been after his wife, and if she was Philip's sister, as Niebuhr suggested, the term KTfDHm] was installed (xviii. 3· rr). Philip appears to ha \ ,. taken over Lysimacheia peaceably, alleging that his object was t'' protect it from the Thracians (xviii. 4· 6), to whom indeed it quickh fell in 198 after his withdrawal in 199-8 (Livy, xxxiii. 38. II). Au

l'HlLlP Az.. (sic), Kat Tfjs MaK€i5ovlas ti>{ilm1To>, i'A1Tli5. TOfJ KpaT~(]EW rij> xwpa> aw npo!Jujllq, aTpaTEVO'U(ftv KTA. Miiller.

o

ad Joe., plausibly that the palace was partly burnt down. See further§ 3 n., §§ and 26 a 1-2; Walbank, JEA, 1936,29. But no official reason for her death was aunounced (§ 8).] 3. flETa S' TJJ.Llpas Tpe'Ls l\ T€na.pGS; perhaps, but not certainly, after the fire in the palace (§ 2 n.). Clearly some \'iolent event is postulatt·d as a cloak for the production of the ums allegedly containing t!H ashes of both the king and the queen. On the real date of the event~ described here see xiv. II-rz n. Egyptian records put Epiphanes' accession before 13 October 204, and probably between 12 March and 8 September 204. If this is correct P. has, probably deliberately, in eluded under 203/2 e\·ents which occurred the year; on that hypothesis the announcement described here was probabl\ made in early September 204. The date Phaophi r7 28 NovembeJ. lv 'ljt 1Tap.Iilap€v T~V (3acnil (OG!S, go, I. 47) refers to the subsef]uent enthronization at :Hemphis and not to the cere~ mouy carried out now at Alexandria (d. xiv. 11-12 n.); it is therefore irrelevant to the dating of this passage. ~v T(il J.LEY~aT~ 11'tipLrrTuA~ Tfj~ a.OM\~: the royal palace occupied the peninsula of Lochias on the east side of the harbour, and also ex· tended into the city proper (d. \', 39· 4, 7rpo> n/v aKpav; Athen. \'. 196 A; Caesar, BC, iii. II2); eYentually the palace occupied a quarter to a third of the city (Strabo, xvii. 793). O'UVEKaAEaa.v TOU') UTI'O.O''ITLO'Ta~ KO.~ TTJV e,pa.TI'E(a.v: the subject is proL~ ably Agathocles and Sosibius; for Agathocles cf. v. 63. I n., xi\'. II. In. The hypaspists are most likely the equivalent of Alexander'" personal staff, as they ·were in the Antigonid court, a small group ol individuals employed on S1)ecial tasks; cf. , .. z7. 3 n. There is liP evidence that a body of guards called hypaspists continued to exi~l under the Ptolemies as they did nnder the Selucids (cf. vii. r6. 2 11.). 8<pa:;re{a is probably the royal bodyguard rather than the cou1 t generally; cf. iv. 87. 5 n., v. (}(}. 6 n. Touo; ••• T]y~q.u)vo.os: these will be the officers of the 'Macedonian:--.'. foot and horse; d. z6. I n. 482

ACCESSIOX OF PTOLEMY V

XV. 25. rz

4. civOwJ.LoAoy-.lcravTo: suggests some previous concealment; cf. Justin. xxx. 2. 6 and above, xiv. II-I2 n. TO -rr£v9oc; civ£<j~T)vav tcTA.: 'they proclaimed the customary period of mourning for the people' (Shuckburgh). 5. civ£8t:L~av ~acrtA£a: 'they proclaimed him king'. ~nupo'TTouc;: on the guardianship of Hellenistic kings who are minors see the discussion and material assembled by W. Otto, Abh. Bay. Akad. II, 1934, 44-45; index under 'Vormundschaftsregierungen'; Bikennan, 21 ; Holleanx, Etudes, iii. 387 n. I. 7. 1TAtlPTJS ... 6.pwfl6.Twv: presumably because the body was not accessible: this would be explained if Arsinoe had perished in the palace fire, as John of Antioch suggests (cf. § 2 n.): but there are other possibilities, e.g. that she died away from Alexandria. 8. Tij b ljlw8mhpo1ros .•• :A.pcrwon: see ad loc. for the likelihood that the sketch of Sosibius' character came here in connexion with his death. The continued prestige of his sons (zs. r3, 32. 6) suggests that he died naturally of old age; cf. Maas, AIPhO, 1949, 447, against Schwcighaeuser's view that Agathocles murdered him.]

n. TOU] 8Eu1V Ka' TOU f3aatMws Kat -rrwv aM.wvJ 8Eivv, Jiv Td [Epa iSpv-rat EV Ti)[t v.-)awt. J (T. B. Mitford, Arch. Pap. xiii, 1939, 24 ff. no. r2); see further Volkmann, RE, 'Ptolemaios (43)', cols. 1762-3; Bengtson, Strat. iii. 141-2, who suggests that the apxtEpEtJS, WhO COntrolled all the templeS On the island of Cyprus, and was at the same time governor, was a creation of the energetic Aristomenes (d. 31. 6 n.). The identification of the historian with the later governor of Cyprus is rejected by Jacoby on FGH, 161. 1rpeu~eu1"~v 1rpo~ 'Pw!J-a(ou~: presumably to announce Epiphanes' accession and to ask for help, if necessary, against Antiochus (Holleaux, Rome, 70-73); but if its date was late 204 or early 203 (cf. § 13 n.), Rome was scarcely yet in a position to take any actionwhich may help to explain why Ptolemy was allowed to dally in Greece. Holleaux (Rome, 72 n. 2) argues that this embassy is identical with that mentioned by Appian (Syr. 2) as being sent by Philopator to complain of Antiochus' seizure of Syria and Cilicia; but this reference is too confused to support any conclusions. See further on this embassy Manni, Riv. fil. 1949, 96. 1"o'i:s EKe!: ciJO..oL~ K«l auyyevi.uLv: presumably at l\fegalopolis and in Achaea generally, where he will have been an important source of information on what had happened in Egypt. 16. IKo1rav ..• e1rt ~evoAoyiav: on Scopas' arrival in Alexandria see xiii. 2 with notes. The date will be either late 204 or spring 203: cf. § 13 n. On tEvoA6yot and their methods cf. Griffith, 26o--3. £t~ ni 1rpo8oJ.LMa: d. xxix. 8. 8; this is the normal expression for the payment of part of a mercenary's wages in advance, and is often found in the papyri: d. Holleaux, Etudes, iii. 138 n. I; Griffith, 85, 278, 292; Launey, i. 728. When Scopas went recruiting in Greece in rgg, he went magna cum pondere (Livy, xxxi. 43· 5), for the same purpose; d. Plaut. Mil. glor. 72-76, 948-so, for examples. 17. et~ 1"0V 1rpo~ :4-v,.(oxov 1TbAEJ.Lov: evidently imminent; cf. § 13 n. That Scopas used these mercenaries against Antioch us is clear; d. XVI. 39· i1TL ,.a. Ka1"a 1"~V xwpav ciJpoC,pla: the Egyptian xwpa is the countryside, organized separately from the towns. The peace-time army was stationed in camps, vTTatBpa, and in fortresses, rf>povpta, which varied in size and importance; see, for references, Lesquier, 71 n. 2; Bengtson, Strat. iii. 73· n. 2; and for the organization of the command 485

XV . .z5. 17

AGATHOCLE:J

.\~D

THE .-\R)I\"

Bengtson, ibid. iii. 24-29, 35-42. For similar roupm in Cyprus d. Diod. xx. 47· 3; in Greece proper, d. Diod. xx. 103. 7; IG, iv 2 • I. 68, ll. 14 f. Ta; KllTO~Kia;: in Ptolemaic Egypt K:D THE ARMY

XV. 25. JI

25. 20. 1'0U'> E'lnqmvE0'1' )lpTarraTov, priest of Alexander in 247-5 (P. Petrie, iii. 43 (z); P. Par. dan. 2438; Sammelbuch, no. 6759; P. Ross. Georg. ii. 2; and probably F D, iii. I. p. 269; Daux, 517; Pausan. v. 8. n). (z) )lpmmiTTJ'> ETaat8,fiw ii.vSpa.s: \'On 265, detects the pen of Ptolemy of l\Iegalopolis, one of them; but neither can this be proved nor is it known whether Ptolemy wrote on events later than Philopator's reign; see abo\-c, xiv. 1r. 2 n. 30. o-uvepyoVVTW\1 • , , 'ITpotAa!1!1WVa.: cf. zs. 12 n.J 26. 1. uvva.9po(ua.s Touc; Ma.Ke8ova.s: sc. Agathocles. By 'Macedo nians' P. seems here to mean the guard (cf. 28. 4; they camped neat the palace). The Macedonians of Egypt constituted the most im portant part of the army; they occupied bnd and were probabh by no means all of Macedonian origin. See Lesquier, 2-4, u ff. and passim, Heichelheim, A ust.L·iirtige Bevolkerung, 38-43; Griffith, I II ff .. Launey, i. 308 ff. Grifiith suggests (IZ9} that the Macedonians men tioned here arc the survivors of the ayTJfLa of Raphia (see v. 65. I -Ion .. § (r), 6s. 2-·wbere 6z. 5 is a printer's error}, an elite possessing plots of roo arou.roi (d. Lesquier, 172 ff., especially q 5 (giving cvidenc(· 488

TLEPOLEl\IUS VERSUS AGATHOCLES

XV.

29.1

from papyri)). See further Granier, 140-44, who, however, exaggerates the political role of the 'Macedonians' in a state such as Ptolemaic Egypt. 3. To 1Ta.L81ov: the child Epiphanes. 7. KpLToAa.ov: othenvise unknown. 8. oux otov iJA.eouv a.uTov: i.e. Agathocles. 9. 1Tepi Ta AoL1Ta cruaTTJI-la.m: 'with the other regiments'; distinct from the Macedonians (cf. 29. 1). 10. EK Twv O.vw aTpa.To1Te8wv: 'from the troops of upper Egypt'; ('Vidently by now the xwpa was in Tlepolemus's hands (cf. §II}. ll. 1Ta.pw~uve TOIJS 1ToAAous : the troops in Alexandria. TO j.lEAAELv Ka.9' mhwv ean: 'that delay was to their disadvantage'. 27. 2. EK TOU TlJS a-ftl-lTJTpoc; iepou: Demeter was worshipped in Alexandria, 1.vhich possessed a suburb called Eleusis; see below, 29. 8, .B· 8, for the Thesmophoreum, also a temple of Demeter; OGIS, 83 for a dedication to Demeter, Kore, and Dikaiosyne; and the other evidence collected by E. Visser, Cotter und Kulte im ptolemiiischen Alexandrien (Amsterdam, 1938), 36--37, 81-82 (omitting this passage); Kern, RE, 'Demeter', col. 27-P· UKa.Ta.KaAu1TTov: 'unveiled', thus exposing her full shame. 6. MoLpa.yevous, Evos Twv aw!-la.To<j>uAnKwv: a member of the king's personal staff, like the younger Sosibius (32. 6); on the awftaTotj>vAa~.wvo'): cf. xiv. II. I. 6. 'I"TJV aupLyya. Ti)v j.LETGSU TOU Ma.Llw8pou KO.t Tij~ Tra.Aa.LO'Tpa.~: the syrinx is a covered gallery, the .J1aeander perhaps a garden with a twisting ornamental waterway; for the use of such proper names to denote ornamental features d. Cic. de leg. ii. r. z, 'ductus ... aquarum, quos isti nilos et euripos uocant'. The site of these features cannot be identified. 7. O'Wj.La.TO.:PvAO.KWV: cf. 27. 6. 8. bLTTOi'> j.LOXAo~.wv: here soldiers, as the reference to spears (§ .:t) mak". clear. 11. auvTpopwv: Agathocles of Alexandria and his associates. 495

XV. 36.

I

OTHER AUTHORS ON AGATHOCLES

36. I. Tov ~ET' a~~~oEuoLv yEvo~vwv rnA.,: bnt events such as Agathocles' fa!\ are not really unnatur:ll or contrary to human experience (cf. 34-36 n.). 5. £iocmu~ ••• Kat trpwTov otrou8atottEV: cf. § 2, J-t{av €xnv anaalav r~v

7rpuxrr1v &.glav bniJ"Taaewooews ••• ,.a, Ko.86A.ou ••. trpnyfLaTa.: cf. § 4, 'Twv 1rap,;

7.

vatv y£voJ-tivwv 7TpayJ-ta-rwv Ka.t rra.pa -r~•· Kow~v lwotav -rwv dvBpdJ7Twv. 10. jl~TE ~tawwv ovTwv: here P. slips in a new criticism.

37. Antiochus' character This must be from the res Asiae of 203/2; see p. 23. The conte'.:t cannot be reconstructed with any assurance; but if, as Hollean' suggests (Etudes, iii. 320), the first campaign in the Fifth Syrian \\'ar took place in 202 and was slow in its progrcss~Antioclms will ha. 1 ' taken a year to reach Gaza--then P. may here be contrasting hh lack of success with his swift ad\·ance through Asia. For other po,;st bilities see Schmitt, Antiochos, 235 n. z.

BOOK XVI Chronological note on Philip V's expedition of 201 In a detailed discussion of the events of 201 (Etudes, iv. 211-325) llolleaux distinguishes four 'principal events', the battles of Chios and Lade, Philip's invasion of Pergamum and his invasion of the Rhodian Peraea. It is important to establish their order. Holleaux has demonstrated that Chios and Lade occurred in that order for the following reasons, which are not all of equal weight but taken together are overwhelmingly convincing: (a) The eulogy on Theophiliscus, the Rhodian admiral (xvi. 9· 2-4) implies his success, and his share in a single battle (9. 2, KaTa Tov KlvSvvov ayaBos- YEVOjLEVO>); he died at Chios, a Rhodian victory. In Philip, 307, I argued that KlvSvvo> 'covers all the events of that critical year', and this view has been followed (cf. Ferro, 51 n. 82). It is wrong. K£vSvvo: the former is Attallls' delegate at the conference with Philip and Flamininus in 198 (xviii. 1. 3, 2. 2); see also 6. II, 8. 4 f. va.ua.pxouvTEs: 'were admirals' ; on the navarchy in Hellenistic kingdomssee Kiessling, RE, 'nauarchos (nauarchie)', cols 1892 ff.; Robert, Rev. Phil. I9+f, 14 n. 4 (on the office at Athens and other cities). o 11~" ~1fT,; peL ••. , b 8' oKT,;peL: for E1TT~P'YJS, a galley with one bank of oars a side, seven men to an oar, d. i. 23. z-ro n. The reference to this hepteres engaged by Dionysodorus has slipped out of Paton's translation. 8. &.vo.o-TEipou ••• ouo-11s: 'being high in the prow'. ~1ro ,.a, ~£o.xo.: for the unknown word {3laxa various emendations have been proposed, none convincing; see apparatus criticus to BiittnerWobst, and Schweighaeuser's note ad Joe. The sense must be 'below the water-level' or 'low down in the hull'. 11. m1vTE{EvTa~), whereas th(' attack on Alexandria is regarded as quite feasible (§ I, l$-i)v [L TEAE!v ... T(h• ..• 1rAm1v); see Holleaux, Etudes, iv. 215 n. I. The con· text is therefore unknown; but it is likely to concern Philip and evidently some wild plan conceived and abandoned between the battle of Lade and his operations in Caria. It may well be this scheme that is referred to in 1ofho 1rpata~ (§ 1 ). 2. TO TYJS opJ.Lf)S E'!l'\Aa~o~ou:vov: 'that checked his impulse'. 4. OUOEVL 'A.oyt.t trUAIY a+LO'TO.YTO.L TWY '!l'po9(0'EWY: the schemes are abandoned as irrationally as they are conceived. 8ul T1lY O.llTJXa.v£nv ••• Twv atravTWjlEYwv: 'owing to the embarrass ments and difficulties that meet them' (Shuckburgh). 11. Philip's capture of Prinassus

After Lade Philip probably entered Miletus and annexed the terri tory around it (cL 15. 6 n., 24. 9 n.). We next fmd him vainly attack ing Cnidus (u. I); and from there he proceeds against the Rhodian Peraea, in which l)rinassus was situated (see below). He probably s;:tiled direct from Miletus to Cnidus (cf. Holleaux, Etudes, iv. z8o·' for discussion). 11. 1. trOLT]O'UJ.LEYOS , , • TIYQS atrpclKTOU!i trpoa~oAU!i: pt prefixes before this passage the words: ir rij> Kvl8ou TToAt:w>. The Hellenistk city of Cnidus (cf. xii. zs f 2, xxx. 8. 6, xxxi. 5· 1) lay at the western end of the Dorian Chersonesc, which stretched between the bay of Cos and the Bay of Syme (Herod. i. 174); it has been convincingly SI2

PHILIP'S CAPTURE OF PRINASSUS

XYL

I2. J.

tlemonstrated by G. E. Bean and J. M. Cook (BSA, 1952, rjr~Hz, d. 1957, 85-87) that Cnidus was moved from a situation at Burgaz further east to Tekir on the tip of the peninsula. just east of C. Kri6. probably about 330 B.c. (though a slightly earlier date is possible). On the site see Bean and Cook, BSA, 1952, r8s-5; Btirchner, RE, 'Knidos (r)', cols. 914-21. 11, 1. TQ. 4>poupLa Kat TQ.S KaTQ. TTJV XWP.wv was a small mast with a subsidiary sail which remained on board in hattie, when the usual mast and sail were left ashore; it was used for a quick get-away, and consequently 'to raise the jury-mast' was a nautical term for flight from battle. On the use of the dolon cf. Diod. xx. 61 8 (Punic), Livy, xxxvi. 44· J, 45· 1; xxxvii. 30. 7 (Roman); d. Assmann, RE, M>.wv, cols. 1288-9; Casson, The Ancient 1\:fariners (London, 1959), 97-()8. The ship's action on this occasion seems to have caused a panic in the Rhodian fleet; cf. Holleaux, Etudes, iv. 246. 3. Tov va.va.pxov: d. § 8: Philip's silence on his name suggests that he was not Theophiliscus, and so perhaps that Lade followed Chios (cf. p. 497). 4. Ets Ti)v Muv8[av: evidently the capacious harbour of :\1yndus, mod. Giimii~ltik (see above, 12. r n.) at the end of the Halicarnassian peninsula, about 40 miles away from Lade. U'!Toupwaa.vTa.s: 'driven by unfavourable winds' ; the word explains why the Rhodians stopped at Myndus instead of continuing home. Paton misses the sense. cts Kw: the island of Cos, with its new capital founded in 366/5 (Diod. xv. 2: modern Kos) lay immediately south-west of the Halicarnassian peninsula, and was at this time independent but under Rhodian influence (Fraser and Bean, 135; Burchner, 'Kos', cols. 1467-So). 5. Tac; 'ITEVT,pEts: cf. § 1 : evidently the only ships the Rhodians lost. hi Ti\ 1 KEtvwv crTpa,-o'ITE00€(4: its site is unknown, but it was probably near .Miletus. 6. Tovc; MlAfla(ous: cf. r::. 1-2; probably Philip entered the city, but this is not quite certain. Tov 'HpaKAE(S'lv: d. xiii. 4· r n., 4· 4-5; he was Philip's admiral in 519

XVI. I5. 6

CRITICISM OF ZE:\'0

A~D A:\'TISTHE~ES

200 and 199 (Livy, xxxi. 16. 2, 33· :z, 46. 8) and evidently succeeded Democrates, who perished at Chios (3. 6). See p. 497· s.a. TTJV ~~oSov: ambiguous. Against Valois's translation urbem ingressis see Holleaux, Etudes, iv. 229, who takes up Schweighaeuser'-. suggestion and renders 'on account of their attack' (i.e. at Ladc,i So too Paton, 'for his brilliant attack'; Shuckburgh has 'on hi" entrance to their territory'. Holleaux' rendering is certainly possible. but perhaps more likely is Reiske's n:rsion: 'through fear he might attack'; cf. xi. 24. 3, ovn ... AL1T6vn:; .,,;,. !Stoll -r61rov 1hd. ~t· nJvos; it was thus dosel }' associated with the prytaneis. See Hiller von Gaertringen, RE, Suppl.-B. v, 'Rhodos', col. 767 ; Fraser and Bean, 2 n. r.

16. 1. 1T€pl ,.oG Ka,.a. M€oo11vLous 1ro.pao1Tovo,;p.a,.os: in 201; d. 13 n. On this incident see further Plut. Pht'lop. 12. 4-5; Livy, xxxi,-. 32. r6, 35· 6; Paus. iv. 29. Io, viii. so. 5· Nabis failed to capture tlw citadel (so Pausanias) and was forced to withdraw by an Achaean force under Philopoemen, who led a body of volunteers to Messell(' when the general for 2o2jr, Lysippus, refused to act. See NiesP, ii. s66. 2. N abis' route to Sellasia: P. does not specifically criticize this part of Zcno's account (cf. Leake, Peloponnesiaca (London, r846), 35~ n. 2; contra, Bursian, ii. IIi n. 2), but the names given by Zeno arl' otherwise unknown, and may be corrupt. Sellasia is usually identified with the hill-fortress standing a little west of the Oenus (Kelephina), about 7 miles north of Sparta, modern Hag. Konstantinos (cf. Loring.

CRITICISM OF ZENO Al"D ANTISTHENES

XVI. r6. 8

JHS, 1895.71 ff. with plan; Bolte, RE, 'Sparta', col. 1;po); contra W. K. Pritchett, 59-70, who locates it on 1\H. Palaeogoulas (see Vol. I, pp. 276-j). The ancient road from Sparta to Tegea passed west of Scllasia (d. ii. 65. 7 n.) and it is probably to this route that Zeno referred. The Hoplites has been variously identified as a statue on the Eurotas bank (Leake, ibid.) or less probably as Apollo Pythaeus of Thornax (Curtius, ii. 321 n. 54); Bursian, Joe. cit., took it to be a brook. See Bolte, RE, 'Hoplites ( r )', col. 22g6. Poliasion and the narrow road near it are both unidentified; d. Bolte, RE, 'Poliasion', col. 1365. 3. i'II'L E>a./.c:l.floa.wv: '(in history} as in the other branches of writing'. 5. wept 8E Tf\'i TWV Ton!.Jv ciyvota.o; KTA.: i.e. the errors which are

4.

t~xcusable

(q. 8); P. did not write to Zeno on the more fundamental error of putting style before factual accuracy and an account that makes sense (18. 2-3), presumably because he could say nothing useful on this. wpos o.uTov ZT]vwvn: who must therefore be a contemporary (I4. 2 n.). P.'s action, as von Scala, 294, justly remarks, 'will hardly have had the effect of creating ... increased popularity for his own writings in contemporary professional circles'. For a more generous interpretation of P.'s action cf. Suscrnihl, ii. II/ n. rzr. 7. ti.Js ivL tJ.nALO'To.: 'extremely'. 8-9. ~e BEpaTrclac; TLAL'IT'ITOU n..,.oAEJlO.LO'i b IwaL~LOU: i.e. sometime in 2o2/r (contra Schmitt, Antiochos, 234, who rejects P.'s chronology and dates this to spring 202); he had been sent in autumn 204 or spring 203 (xv. 25. 13 n.). The words KaTa Tov Katpov TaiJTov are too vague to help in a closer dating of his return to Egypt; but it was probably before Philip made any open move against Egypt in 201. 5. Tol:c; m Kp~-rT)p£4{>: 'to give compensation as determined by a fair tribunal'; for the sense of S{Kas- im€xnv d. v. 42. 6, Twv ~/.LaPT'fJJ.LEIIWV, xvi. 34· 3· 7repi TWV ..• d?hK'f)fHfTwv, XX. 6. 3· aDtK'f)J.LctTWV Kat • •. o,PnA'fJJ.LaTwv. Badian, 67, argues that it is only 'Philip's differences with Attalus' that are to be discussed; but the word aDLK~ fLUTa suggests that Philip's guilt is being assumed, and what the court is to decide is the amount and form of compensation. This clause is against Radian's view that the Romans were still hoping to gain 'peace with honour and advantage'. (If the word aD of Sparta by Doson after Sellasia (xx. 5· 5; ii. 70. r n.). On his later murder by the pro-Roman party see 43· 1-13, xx. 7· J, xxii. 4· 7· KuK>.~Cr.Sa.s: cf. 34· 4· Cycliadas had led the pro-.Macedonian party in Achaea (Livy, xxxii. 19. 2), and had been elected general in autumn 200 (Livy, xxxi. 25. 3), but had resisted Philip's attempt to involve Achaea in the war (Livy, xxxi. zs. 8-c;). The swing·over to Rome in 199 caused his banishment (Livy, xxxii. 19. z}, which P. must have mentioned in xvii (TdS 7TpoT€pOl' • .. dprwJvas a.1Tlas-). Though Brachylles commanded the Boeotians serving with Philip (43· 3), both he and Cycliadas were here in a purely personal capacity, as a counter-weight, Aymard suggests (PR, u6-q), to the large array of Greeks which Philip rightly expected to see mustered against him. 3. Toll Thou: T. Quinctius T.f. Ln. Flamininus, the consul for A.u.c. 556 rg8 B.c.; cf. H. Gundel, RE, 'Quinctius (45)', cols. 1047-IIOO.

J\11uvav8pos: Amynander of Athamania (cf. iv. r6. 9 n., xi. 4· 1-{j, 549

XVIIL r. 3

THE

CO~FERE~CE 1~

LOCRIS

n., 7· 2-3 n., xvi. 27. 5 n.); he had gone over from Philip to tlw Romans in the winter of :zoo--199 (cf. LivT. xxxi. z8. I). Atovuo-Miwpos: At talus' admiral at Chios: cf. XYi. 3· 7. 4. 7\piaTo.wos t avopa> here implies the capture of ships with Crf'\1'. intact (cf. n-i. 7 n.). TO TTJS :.\!f>po01TTJS tepov ... KO.L TO NL~6pLov: cf. xvi. r. 6 n. fo1 this temple and sanctuary, and the damage Philip did there. 3. TTJ'i ... n£po.£o.s :cf. xvi. II n. for Philip's seizureofthe Rhodian Perac.l 55 2

THE CONFERENCE 12' LOCRIS

XVIII.

2.

6

'la.uoO Ka.i Ba.pyu.Mwv: xvi. 12 n., 24. r-9 n. Tfjs EupwfLewv 1roAews: Euromus (or Eurome) lay about 8 miles north-west of Mylasa (cf. xvi. 24. 6 n.) in a gap in the hills east of the plain of Mandalya; cf. Magie, i. 86, ii. 908 n. 130; Laumonier, 164 ff.; Rev. arch. 1933, 2, 40 ff.; cf. L Robert, A] A, 1935, 337· For a possible

sympolifeia between Euromus (?) and the nearby city of Chalcetor see Robert REA, 1934, 525; Laumonier, 162-4; and below, xxx. 5· I I n., a passage which suggests that the name Euromus seems also to have been used of an area rather larger than the territory of the city; cf. Bean and Cook, BSA, 1957,141 n. 348. Pedasa is probably omitted by error (Holleaux, Etudes, v. 38 n. 5). All these towns are likely to ha,re been proteges of Rhodes (Holleaux, Etudes, iv. 314 ff.). 4. nepw9lous ets TTJV Bu~avT(Wv C7UfL1TOALTEla.v: annexed by Philip in 202 (cf. xv. 21-24 n.). On its site see Diod. xvi. 76; it lay on the Thracian coast of the Propontis at modern Erekli (cf. Oberhummer, RE, 'Perinthos', cols. 8o2-13). On the sympoliteia see Treves, LEC, 1940, 157-8, who attributes the apocryphal joint decree of the Byzantines and Perinthians in Dem. xviii. 90-91 to a late-thirdcentury forger. On sympoliteia in general see L Robert, Villes, 54 ff. I,a-Tou Ka.i )\~uliou: probably Sestus as well as Abydus was taken in 2oo (cf. xvi. 29. 3 n.). TWV EfL1TOplwv KO.l ALfLEVWV .•. amiVTWV: 'trading stations and harbours': the words imply something smaller than cities (cf. Holleaux, f._·tudes, iv. 323 n. r), and suggest that Philip had no other substantial possessions, other than those mentioned, in Asia Minor. 5. K6pw9ov ••• Ka.i TTJV Twv )\pyelwv 1roAw: Corinth had held a Macedonian garrison since the Achaeans called in Antigonus III against Cleomenes in 224 (ii. 52. 3-4); Argos had gone over to Philip, calling in his general Philocles by night, shortly after the Achaean decision to join Rome in 198 (cf. Livy, xxxii. 25. 1-12). The remaining Macedonian points in Achaea-Orchomenus, Heraea, Alipheira, and Triphylia-had been ceded by Philip in 199 (Livy, xxxii. 5· 4--6). Aymard (PR, 118-zo) argues that the modesty of the Achaean claim reflects uncertainty, and that the word Corinth is deliberately ambiguous-to include the citadel if Rome favoured this, but otherwise indicating the city alone; Holleaux, Etudes, v. 54 n. 2 (d. De Sanctis, iv. r. 70 n. 14o) takes it to include both. But the AchaearJ omission of any reference to the evacuation of Greece (mentioned by the Aetolians) favours Aymard's interpretation (for we have here virtually a verbatim record of Achaean origin). 6. Tl1s 1r6A.us •.• fLETa.o-xouuas Tfjs Twv AtTwAwv CYUfL1TOALTela.s: primarily the Thessalian towns of Phthiotic Thebes, Echinus, Pharsalus, and Larissa Cremaste (see below, 3· 12 n., 8. 9, 47· 7-8), but also no doubt Lysimacheia, Cius, and Calchedon (d. xv. 23. 8 nn. and below, ,)• II-12). 553

XVIII. 3·

I

THE CO::\FEREKCE

I~

LOCIUS

3. 1. :A.Xe~av&pos 0 ... WI enos: d. xiii. I a I n., xxi. 25. II The ethnic "law> appears on several inscriptions (GDI, 1949, 1993. 2orr), including a manumission decree from Buttus (E. Kachmanson, Ath . .Mitt., I90i, I9, no. 13, 1. I6), which suggests that Isus lay near Buttus north-east of Naupactus (Oldfather, RE, 'Isios', cols. 2083-4). Sec also Tlmc. iii. ror. 2, where 'Haa{ov> should perhaps be 'lalov> (cf. Lerat, BCH, I946, 329-36). Alexander was evidently known with his ethnic to distinguish him (his name being common) : hence 7Tpoaayopw6t-t~vo>. Clearly he is not the Alexander of Calydon mentioned on several inscriptions as general of the confederacy; cf. Woodhousl'. IOI n. I against Wilcken, RE, 'Alexandros (32)', cols. 1442-3. \Voouhouse puts Isus at :Malandrino, south-east of Lithoriki. 2. 1ro~eiv Ta Tou 1TOAEJJ.ouvTos tpya: 'behaved as if he were at vvar· (Paton). 4. 1TOAE~S 0'1Tavlws ava~pE~V Kal KaTa<j>Beipe~v: the complaint against Philip seems to be not the destruction of cities (which was permis sible: cf. v. II. 3 with note), but their wanton destruction merely to spite the victorious enemy (cL xxiii. I5. I--3)· See YOU Scala, 3!5· 5. 1rpos :A.vT(yovov lmep TllS: :A.a(as:: the war of Lysimachus, Seleucus. Ptolemy, and Cassander against Antigonus Monophthalmus, which culminated in Antigonus' defeat and death at Jpsus at the hands ol Lysimachus and Seleucus (3or). 8. TOV 1TOAEJJ.OV auTov KaTaAl1Te~v: cf. Livy, xxxii. 33· IJ, 'nihil sil>i praeter belltlm relinquere', i.e. to destroy the cities and leave himsl'll the war. This gi'l:cs a good contrast between avaLptELV and KaTa'AeJ.7TEII' (for normally one sought Tbv 7ro'A"t-tov avaLpEiv: cf. ix. II. :z). Bnt :1 possible sense is 'to abandon the war yet destroy the cities (for whiclt the war was being fought)'; cf. § 3 arpf.vra . •. TOV KU'rtl 7TpoaWmH d7TaVTQV TOL KTA.: Livy (xxxii. 34· 3) alters this comment COlt siderably: 'et erat dicacior natura, quam regem decet, et ne ink1 seria quid em risu sa tis temperans'. 6. TJJLWV ci1ra.ya.yovTwv TOU'i O'Tpa.TLWTa.'>: probably in winter 19(1/" when Philip was concentrating all his efforts against Rome (\Valbanl,. Philip, 148). On Lysimacheia see xv. 23. 8 n. On the Thracian pressu1 • at this time see Bengtson, Historia, 1962, 21-28, discussing an inscri1• tion from Istrus published by S. Lambrino in Rev. etudes roumainc·. s-6 (Paris, 196o), 180-217. 556

THE CONFERENCE IN LOCRIS

XVIII. 7·

l

Touc,; 1Ta.pa.cpuXaTTovTa.s: on the meaning of this word 'to protect', see ii. 5· 6 n. 7. OjlWV a.htwv yevop.evwv: Philip argues that he is merely following

Aetolian precedent, but this is a quibble to cloak a clear act of aggression. 8. ayew Xacpupov 6.m) Xa.cpupou: the meaning, obscure to Flamininus, is explained in 5· r-2. The Aetolians granted their citizens letters of marque to take part, as private individuals, in any war against any state, even though Aetolia was herself neutral (d. iv. z6. 7 n.); this, Philip argues, robs them of the right to complain of his actions at Cius, but it does not, of course, create a generally valid precedent in 'international law' (so Ferro, zr). The Aetolian practice was never accepted as legitimate by other states, as the present passage shows.

5. 3. jlTJTE cp1A(a.s opous •.• jlfJT' ~x9pa.s: 'no defined standards of friendship or hostility'. 8. AhwXGJv ouK e~crtv "EXAt]V£S ot 1TheLous: cf. Eur. Pkoen. IJ8, where they are called fLELtofld.pflapot; and to Thucydides (ii. 68. 5) most of the Amphilochians were barbarians. Amphilochia lay at the east end of the Ambracian Gulf, between Ambracia and Acarnania, and the Agraei lived south-east of this towards the Achelous in its upper reaches. See Oberhumner, Akarnanien, 4, 26 ff.; \Voodhouse, 8z. The Apodoti li\·ed to the south-east of Aetolia on the middle reaches of the R. Daphnus and separated by mountains from Ozolian Locris to the south; see Thuc. iii. 94-iA.ous .•. a1TWAEO'as a1TaVTaS: for the allegation thaI Philip murdered his friends see viii. I2. 2 n.; also Plut. Flam. 17· 2. J\.for. I97 A; Paus. vii. 7- 5; Diod. xxviii. 3· Holleaux (Etudes, v. _:;o: sees that this remark was meant to reassure the Greeks, but would hardly gi,·e Philip reason to revise his generally favourable view nl Flamininus' attitude towards him.

8. 5. Taus o-up.1rapovTas: probably the allies, though P. does no I specifically say so; but Flamininus could scarcely aYoid obtainin;: their concurrence. See on the difficulty Holleaux, Etudes, v. 52 n. : 6. 'A1T1Twv KA.auSLOv XLALapxov: cf. Livy, xxxii. 35· 7, 'cum AJ'· Claudio tribuno militum'. He is almost certainly the Ap. Claudiu·. Nero, whom Flamininus sent to Rome shortly after (Io. 8); he w;1·. praetor in 195 (cf. Livy, xxxiv. Io. r, 17. I). For a similar example ol a man referred to first as a military tribune, then as legatus, cf. Li\'\. xlii. 49· 9, 67. 9; at this time consulars and praetorians often sernd as military tribunes. Cf. M:ommsen, St.-R. ii. 695 n. I (where, hO\r e\·er, Ap. Claudius Nero is confused with the Ap. Claudius Pulch('t of Livy, xxxiv. so. Io; Broughton, MRR, i. 332). 8. Suax£pts d1r£'Lv: evidently Flamininus did not report this to tlw allies (despite Livy, xxxii. 35· 8, 'quae acta Philippus ad suos ret tulerit, minus compertum est'; cf. Nissen, KU, 29; Holleaux, .E'tudc'. v. 53 n. 4). Hence P.'s Achaean memorandum (d. r-r2 n.) could gi\ • him no help. 9. 0r1~as 8' auK a1ToOLOovaL: nor Echinus either most likely; P. seem. to be bargaining to give two and keep two. Cf. Holleaux, fitudc-.. v. 54 n. I; above, 3· r2 n. TTjS •.• n€pa(as 1TapaxwpELV; as already agreed (6. 3); the absence of any mention of the other towns whose evacuation Acesimbrot11·. had demanded (2. 3-4), apart from Iasus and Bargylia, suggest that Philip refused to surrender them (cf. Holleaux, fitudes, v. , ; n. 6).

sss

THE CQ);FERE:\CE I.:\ LOCRIS

XVIII. 9· 5

Tov K6p~v8ov: clearly the lower town only, since Philip's envoys at Rome had no authority to speak on the citadel (cf. II. r3 n.). See Holleaux, E:tudes, v. 54 n. 2; Aymard, PR, 125 n. 40. The ambiguity here may be due to P. or his Achaean source. If Flarnininus gave Philip to believe that he might be allowed to keep Acrocorinth, he wa..s running a great risk of failing to secure peace should he be superseded in the consulship (9. 5 n.); for the Romans could not afford to leave a Macedonian garrison there. 10. T«i KaT a TTJV 'IAAvptOa.: cf. I. I4 Il. «v Ta.l:s vau1-1-axlms: a slip of P. or his source; Attalus lost men and ships only in the battle of Chios (cf. z. z). since he did not take part in Lade.

9. L '!TttvTwv ••• 8uaa.pECTToui-L(vwv: excluding Flamininus; for a distinction between his attitude and that of the allies cf. §§ 6-7. Holleaux, Etudes, v. 55 n. 2. TTI Ola.AU~YEL: 'at the peace-terms offered'; cf. xv. 8. 4· limiaTJs eKxwpeiv Tfjs 'EA.M.8os: d. I. l3· As the allies saw, Philip's silence on this point was tantamount to its rejection; it can hardly be doubted that the conYersation with Flamininus had encouraged him in withholding his agreement to this clause (Holleaux, Etudes, v. ss-s6). 3. 'ITpos Tov KaTa 0pov~ov aly~aA.Ov: on the site of Thronium see ix. 41. rr n. It was further east and so more com·enient for Philip, who will presumably have spent the intervening nights somewhere near by, such as Larissa Cremaste or Echinus (cf. 3· 12). 4. Twv Y" 8ti 'ITAdCTTwv ••• TJYJJ-Evwv: manifestly false. 5. 'ITpErr\3t:OO"EW li4>TJ 'ITpOs TlJV auyKATJTOV: the proposal was clearly inspired by Flarnininus at the previous day's meeting; cf. ro. 3; Holleaux, E:tudes, v. 57-58; Wood, TAPA, 1939, 95 n. 9· lt was unprecedented, for hitherto consultation with the Senate had followed a preliminary and provisional agreement with the Roman general in charge (d. Livy, xxix. 12. IJ-IS (First Macedonian War); above, xv. 8. 7--9; Livy, xxx. 38. 3-4,40. 1, 40. 6, 42. II f.; App. Lib. 3r, 54, 56 (Second Punic War)). Flamininus' motives have been variously interpreted; as a means of tricking Philip out of garrison posts in Phods and Locris (10. 4), since there was never any possibilit:r of Philip's terms being accepted (so Niese, ii. 622-3; De Sanctis, iv. 1. 71); or as a clever scheme to get the control of events out of the hands of the Greeks into those of the Romans, and to prevent Philip from combining with Antiochus (so \\'ood, TAPA, 1939, 9G--98: his first his only evidence for the point has validity, but Plut. Fl,un. 9· second, refers not to r98 but to what might have happened if the war with Philip had dragged on to 192). As Holleaux (Etudes, v. 63--77) has shown, the clue to Flamininus' moth:es lies in Livy, xxxii. 32. s-8, 559

XVIII. 9· 5

THE

CO!\FERE~CE

1:\' LOCRIS

'caduceator ab rege uenerat locum ac tempus petens colloquio. id grauate regi concessum est, non quin cuperet Quinctius per se partim armis, partim condicionibus confectum uideri bellum: necdum enim sciebat, utrum successor sibi alter ex nouis consulibus mitteretur an, quod summa ui ut tenderent amicis et propinquis mandauerat. imperium prorogaretur; aptum autem fore conloquium credebat, nt sibi liberum esset uel ad bellum manenti uel ad pacem decedenti rem inclinare.' Flamininus hoped to obtain a prorogatio of his command or failing that to be entrusted with making peace (so Plut. Flam. 7· r, cf. below, ro. 3, II. 2); in the one case he would have deceived Philip. in the other the Greeks; and clearly Roman interests were to take second place to the fostering of his own gloria (d. Plut. Flam. I. z. , since Flamininus was set on this course. 3, Ko.Ttt Tous €~ O.pxfjs Oto.AoyLcrflous: a clear statement that tlw embassy to Rome was contrived by l'lamininus: cf. 9· 5 n, 4. O.voxas OLfl~vous: from November to January; the conferenn· in Locris cannot be dated with complete accuracy, but took phu·•· some time in November (above, 1-rz n.). The delegates can hardll have left for Rome before the beginning of December (allowing tim• for the Greek states to appoint them), and the journey from, sa1. Athens to Rome took 20-25 days (see the calculations in Holleau \. Etudes, v. 69 n. 3, z6r n. 4). On the relationship of these dates to tJ,, Roman elections see below, n. r n. Ttts , , • 4>poupas •.. EK Tfjs cpwKiOos Ko.i. AoKplSos: the mililTo 8' Ea'Ta.L o1]Aov '~ aOTWV 'TWIJ lvm'TW'TWIJ. 'TWV lvm'TW'TWIJ is contrasted with 1T6ppw8Ev, 'far-off times'; Aristaenus' action had occurred the 565

X\'IIL I3. 7

A

DISCtJSSIO~

0.:1 TREACHERY

previous autumn, and was described in xvii (cf. 1-12 n.); but between autumn and ·winter the gap is not so great as to be incompatible wit], the words -ra lv~u-rw-ra {cf. Aymard, REA, 1940, 14 11. 6). 8. Et yO.p !J.TJ •.• T. 5 n.; see ah> iv. 22. Io. For P.'s view of Aristaenus' policy see xxi\·. 13. 8-Io. 11. Scro' ••. TO. 1ra.pa.1TAitcr~a. -rouTOIS 1TOALTeuovTa.L: having mentimw. I the more immediate ;md rdenmt case, P. no\v passes to tl1e Pdoponnesian statesmen in the fourth century (cf. § i. rroppw(hv). 14. l. 8vnSos Toi:s E1TLa.vEo8tdcraa8a.t). Other sources for the battle are Livy, xxxiii. 3-10 (based on P.), Plut. Flam. 7 ff.; Zon. ix. rfi. There is a considerable bibliography on the battle and the marches leading up to it. See Leake, NG, iv. 457 ff., 473 ff.; Kromayer, AS, ii. 63 ff. (with maps and biblio1,:rraphy); Schlachtmatlas, Rom. Abt. ii, Blatt 9; De Sanctis, iv. r. 85 n. r66; Stahlin, Hell. Thess. rii, 141; RE, Kuvos Ku/mA.ai, cols. ; Walbank, Philip, r68-72; E. Kirsten, RE, 'Onchestos', col. 417; vii, 'Pherai', cols. IOr8-:zo (with map); I. Demetriadis, 'H Twv Kwos KaA.wv (Athens, rgzq). kno-vvn to me only from 18. 1-18. On Roman and Greek stakes: cf. Livy, xxxiii. 5· 5-12, based on P. 4. Taus 1'-EV 9up~:ous: the Roman scutum; cf. vi. 23. 2 n. Livy, xxxiii. 5· 9, assumes that it was carried hanging down the back ('suspensi" ab tergo armis'). See Couissin, 142 ff., 237 ff.; Veith, Heerwesw. 324. Taus ya.laous: pita (d. vi. :ZJ. 8-n n.), which P. normally calls !Jaaol. ya.!aov has this meaning, however, in Athen. vi. 273 (quoted in vi. 23. 8-II n.) and in Crito's Getica (FGH, zoo F 6). -r~v 1Ta.pa.KoJ.u5~v Tou xO.pa.Kos: 'the carrying of a stake'.

572

CYNOSCEPHALAE

XVIII.

I8. I 2

~~:epaias ~ Tpe~s:

'two or three forks'; m App. B.C. iv. 78 are the forked stakes themselves. Ka.i. TO.VT~ Tf>lUKOVTa OTa5m: Livy, xxxiii. 6. 3. 'quattUOI

ws

574

CYNOSCEPHALAE

XVIII.

20. 2

milia fere a Pheris'. The Macedunian camp will have been somewhere near Teltiktschi to the north-west of Pherae (Kromayer, AS, ii. Cn n. 1; Kirsten, RE, Suppl.-B. vii, 'Pherai', col. 1019, puts it slightly to the east of Teltiktschi between that village and Risomylo). 5. TaS li'ITEP Tao;; ~Epas aKpoAo~LO.'i: this will be the ridge south of Pherae, where the road to Persufli and Phthiotic Thebes crosses it (so Kirsten, RE, Suppl.-B. vii, 'Pherai', col. 1019, against Kromayer, AS, ii. 62 n. 3, who puts it south-west of Pherae). Pherae took no part in these events, remaining neutral (it had closed its gates against Philip in 19S: Livy, xxxii. 13. 9); but this does not mean that Macedonian or Roman forces could not march past its walls. 6. 1TEp1 Tas \mEp~oAcio;;: at the point mentioned in the previous note. Kirsten (RE, Suppl. B. vii, 'Pherai', col. 1019) gives its distance as twenty-five minutes north of Persufli and thirty-five minutes south of Pherae. 7. \mo TTtV op~V"lV: 'in the darkness'; Paton's 'early dusk' is wrong. 8 .... £1ri Twv u1ToK£LfJ-Evwv ..1), which is itself the equivalent of turma; cf. vi. 25. r, 28. 3, 29. 2-3, 33· ro); thus about a fifth of the force was Aetolian. F.'s source gives these Aetolians full credit(§ n). 10. E1Tt TaOe TWV ~epwv wo; 1Tpoo; Aaplcra.v: TaO€ for Tel, Schweighaeuser, 'short of Pherae in the Larissa direction'. Kromayer (AS, ii. 62) puts this cavalry skirmish well to the north-west of Pherae; but Kirsten, RE, 'Pherai', col. 1019, points out the unsuitability of the broken land west of Pherae, around the hill of Maluka, for cavalry fighting, and he is to be followed in putting the skirmish due north of Pherae, in the plain (d. 20. r, drawing on the experience of this engagement). 11. Eu1ToAE!J-OV: cf. 21. 5; deported to Rome in qo as a leader of the anti-Roman faction in Aetolia (cf. xviii. 4· 6); Livy, xxxviii. 4· 8, xli. 25. 3 f.; Wissowa, RE, 'Eupolemos (Sa)', col. 28j8 (Nachtrag). Can he have been one of P.'s verbal sources for this battle (d. 21. 5 n.) and especially for those parts where the Aetolians appear in a very favourable light (cf. 22. 4)?

20. 1. 1rAY)puo; a.i!J-a.cru:;,v Ka.l K1]1Tiwv: 'full of walls and small gardens'; a.lp.acnal are walls, not thorn-hedges (so Mauersberger, s. v.) ; d. Theoc. i. 47, €' al.p.aa~aiat .•. :jp<EVOS'. l. ws £1r1 T.,;v IKoTouacra.v: Scotussa (d. x. 42. 3) was a town in

575

XVIII.

20. 2

CYNOSCEPHALAE

Pelasgiotis; its ruins lie about I km. west of the village of Supli, ou the \Vest slopes of Karadagh, and above and to the south of the Platanorevma, which flows west and then north to join L. Boebeis. See Leake, NG, iv. 454-6; Kromayer, AS, ii. 64 n. I; Stahlin, Hell. Thess. IOg-ro; RE, 1JK6ToVQ'O'a., cols. 6r3-I7· 2-8. The marches before the battle. The identification of these is bound up with the problem of locating the battlefield of Cynoscephalae. De Sanctis (iv. r. 85-86 n. r66), following in general Leake (NG, iv. 457 ff., 473 ff.), sites this between Supli and Duvlatan, Stahlin (HeU. Thess. IIr, r4r-2) a little further west, near Alkani. Kromayer (AS, ii. 63 ff.), however, argues for a site still further west, around Karademirdshi. Three days' marching is involved. On the first Flamininus reached Eretria and Philip the River Onchestus (§ 5); on the second Philip reached Melambium and Flamininus the Thetideum (§ 6) ; and on the third Flamininus remained at the Thetideum (21. r), but Philip advanced to a new camp a little beyond Melambium (§ 8). Of thest> four named sites, Eretria is identified with some certainty as the ruins near Tsangli on the north-west slope of the Tchiragiotic range towards the upper Enipeus valley (Leake, NG, iv. 466 f.; SUihlin, Hell. Thess. r74-5). The sites of the Thetideum and Melambium and the identification of the Onchestus are all uncertain. Leake, loc. cit., made Philip march north-west along the plain below Karadagh, reaching the neighbourhood of Ghereli the first night; for him tht· Onchestus was the stream on which Ghereli lies. The second night, according to Leake, Philip reached Dcdejani, 6 km. up this stream, and here he locates Melambium. On this assumption the battle occurred between Supli and Ghcremi, well to the east of Scotussa. Leake's view is followed with little variation by De Sanctis, ·who argues (Joe. cit.) that when, on the third Philip KaTal'VO'at G7Tn rotJteand camp 10 J

17. THE l\lANtEUVRES BEFORE CYNOSCEPHALAE

(Adapted from Kromaycr, Schlachtjelder, ii, Kartc 4)

rs kllometrc·~

...J

""'

4.;,

C'

XVIII.

20.

2-8

CYNOSCEPHALAE

night's camp must have been well to the east of Scotussan territory and Leake put Melambium at Dedejani (NG, iv. 473); but the words Tijs EKoTovaaalas are inserted here, not to indicate that the Onchestus was not in the territory of Scotussa, but to define an otherwise littleknown spot (there are no other references to it) and also to balance the phrase Tijs f!>apaaAtas, attached to the Thetideum (§ 6), which Flamininus reached the same night. Probability favours the view that Philip got as far as Scotussa by the first night, and pushed on a little further the next day, when, however, he would be mainly occupied gathering corn; this was still in the fields ~v Tfj EKoTovaaa{q. (§ 3). Melambium will therefore lie a little to the east of Hadjibey (though Kromayer, AS, ii. 72 n. 2, need not be followed in his identification of it with the tumulus known as Kukurialo, some twenty minutes south-east of that village) ; the small distance from Scotussa, a mere 8 km., can be explained if Philip was busy foraging in the cornlands west of Scotussa (not east of the town where tbe land is poor and mainly sand and stone; Kromayer, AS, ii. 67). The site of the Thetideum, which Flamininus reached simultaneously, is not agreed. DeSanctis (iv. i. 85-86 n. I66) seeks it on the Scotussa side of the ridge of Karadagh,between Supli and Duvlatan, where he sites the battle; but it is clear from P. that it was Tij> f!>apaaAlas (§6) and so to the south of the ridge. Kromayer (AS, ii. 73 n. I) accepts Heuzey's identification with the temple remains z km. south-west of Alkani, roughly between that village and Bekides; but it seems more likely that Leake (NG, iv. 472-3), followed by Stahlin (Hell. Thess. I4I; RE, 'Thetideion', cols. 205-6), is right in locating it in the Enipeus valley, and probably, as Stahlin argues, at the site of the church of H. Athanasios between the station Orman Magoula and the village of Bekides. This would fit Plutarch's reference to it (Pelop. 32. I) as the point to which Alexander of Pherae advanced on his way to Pharsalus in 364. Flamininus' second camp will have been hereabouts, perhaps a little to the north-west of the sanctuary, but not so far as Kromayer places it. Philip's third camp (§§ 8-9) was a little beyond the Melambium. Having foraged, he was now concerned to gain the level ground south of the hills and will have made west towards the gap through which the main Larissa-Pharsal us road now runs (21. 2); his camp can plausibly be placed between Karademirdshi and Hadjibey (Kromayer, AS, ii. 72). From the Thetideum Flam in in us sent a reconnoitring force forward (21. I, TTpoFUJ-Lf;vos), i.e. in the same north-westerly direction; his object will have been to head Philip off from the plain around Pharsalus, for he must have known that by now he had carried out his foraging. Consequently he also aimed at the gap in the hills. The battle will therefore have developed on the summits a little to the south-east of Karademirdshi, where Kromayer places it. It was

578

CYNOSCEPHALAE

XVIII.

20.6

in the territory of Scotussa: cf. Strabo, ix. 441, eaTL 8' ev rfi EKoTovaav xwpwv TL Kvvos Kecrf;a.Aal KaAovp,ecvov, 1Tepi 0 'Pwp,aiot • •• ev{KWV; Plut. Flam. 7. 3· 1Tcpi T~V EKOTovaa.v ... 8ta.Kw8vvevc.v ep,EAAov. See Fig. I7 J and for further details the separate notes. 2. .a.J.L~a.vouuT}S: 'but since in their mode of fighting each man moves separately' (Paton). T!j} ••• 9upt:!j}: the scutum; cf. vi. 23. z n. uUJ.Lj.1ETa.n9£f1Evou~; aiEl. 'ITpos Tov ••• Kalpov: 'constantly turning to meet the threatened blow'. EK Ka.Ta.q,opas Ka.l 6uup€u,ws: 'both for cutting and thrusting'. Ka7'at:foopd. is 'cutting-stroke' (d. ii. 33· 3, 33· 5, vi. 23. 4; elsewhere it can mean 'cutting-edge'; cf. iii. rq. 3 n.), and fhalpcm (ii. 33· 6, xi. r8. 4, of a spear~ butt). See Meyer, Kl. Schr. ii. 204 n. 3· 8. xaXa.a1u1 Ka.t 6~a0'7'a.aw: 'a looser order and an interval between them', rather than 'a relaxing and opening up', with the idea of motion, a meaning given to the phrase by Krornayer, Hermes, r9oo, 245-{) (but P. offers no parallels for this use of the two words). The minimum of 3 ft. represents a clear space between each man and the next and excludes the 3 ft. already mentioned in § 6. See above, 5-II n. KaT' E'ITlO'Tan1v Kat ~ea.TO. 1Ta.pa.uTaTTJv: cf. 29. 5· 9. TclV £va. 'PwJ.La.iov ••• Ka.Ta Suo ••• Twv cpa.Aa.yy~Twv: the phalangites occupying 3 ft. (29. 3) and the legionaries 6 (§§ 6 and 8). S£Ka. uapLcra.s: five projecting from each file (29. i)· 11. w~; ev &.pxa.t, E1'1Ta.: cf. 2 9. 1. 31. 2. ciopiaTous ••• Tous KO.lpous KO.L Tous Tt)1Tous: 'the times and places for action are unlimited'. ~va. Ka.Lpov ••• Ka.t Tcmwv €v y£vos: the one type of place is descriL, ., I in§ 5; by €va. ~..Gw: 'level and open', i.e. not woody. O'UYO.yKda.s, Ocj>pUS: 'depressions, ridges'; mwayKEtm are 'the meetingpoints of waters'; Paton mistranslates 'clumps of trees'. drf>puc; can be eminences or steep river banks. 7. ~1T~ cr1'a.Mous e'{Koa~ K1'A.: cf. xii. 19. 9, 21. 3, where P. argues (not always logically) that Alexander required at least 20 stades for his phalanx at Issus; xii. 20. 2 makes the same criticism made here. 8. 1'-/jv 1'Gw o-u11116.xwv: the allies of the power using the phalanx. 12. ~po.x£a. 8£ cpuyo11o.x~o-n: 'but withholds a little of his forces from the conflict'.

32. 2. 1Tomv ..• 1'ol:s aTpo.1'o1Tk8ots: with all their legions: contrast 3r. 12 where a'Tpan51Ttc8ov is 'army' . .,.a, 11£v €cj>e8pE~Et: i.e. the priHcipes and triarii, who are not engaged at once. 5. T61Tos, ov oOTo~ KO.Tetxov: 'the space which the phalanx occupied'. trAo.ylous •.• Ko.i Ka.TO. vwTou: 'in the flanks and rear'. 6. f!48~ov Bekker's emendation for cJTJ, which Pedech (cf. his note on xii. 25. z) would keep since P. uses the optative with O.v occasionally to express repetitive action in the past (ct x. 3· 7, where Dindorf emends the MS. /ha.v to th'); but here a causal sense is requireu, so perhaps the emendation is preferable. 9. 1TW\i ou ••• Twv 1TpoEtPT'I!l(vwv: 'Joes it not follow that in practice the difference between these two systems is enormous?' (Shuckburgh). 7. 1TO.po.80~ots tmcpo.vEta.ts 1TEpt1TEo-e'tv: 'meet with unexpected appearances of the enemy' (Shuckburgh). 9. Ka.1'a Tay11a.: 'in detachments'. 10. 1Tpos 1Taao.v E:mcj>6.v~~a.v: 'to meet every attack' (d. § 7} or 'to face in any direction' (cf. xv. 7, p.J.xwea.~ Trpos miaasTa.vtcla;;). II. T-/jv all1'1lv ~XEt 8ta0Eaw: equally well prepared'. 12. TTJ\i Ko."Ta 11kpos ellxpTiaT(o.s: 'the effective use of the parts'. 13. 1TOAAous Twv 'EXXi}vwv 8ta.Aa.!l~O.vnv KTA.: P.'s purpose is to instruct his fellow-countrymen; cf. ii. 35· g.

n:

33. 2. Ets 1'ofJV A6.ptao.v ••• "Twa. 1'WV u1Ta.a1TtcrTwv: on Philip's hypaspists see v. 27. 3 n. Philip had marched south from Larissa (19. 3), which evidently served as his base for the expedition, hence the royal records there. For Philip's own movements immediately after the battle see 27. r-2. 1rpay11a. ~aatA~Kov: ni ... 1To~ lfhJ Kat v6p.tp.a.

35. Examples of Roman integrity. The reference to the fall of Carthagt' in § 9 dates the composition of this chapter after 146; but this in itself does not mean that the chapter is a later insertion since there is no evidence that P. had composed beyond xv or xvi before that date. However, 1 is a reference forward to the account of Aemilins Paullus and the younger Scipio in xxxi. zz-so; cf. xxxi. 22. 4 and perhaps 23. r for references back to the present chapter. But thi,.; later digression, which is also much concerned with the question of Roman integrity (cf. xxxi. z2. I-Tr, 25. 9, etc.), contains a hint ol Scipio's death (xx.xi. 28. IJ), and though this could be a later insertinn, it ~:,>ives some support to the suggestion (Gelzer, Kl. Schr. iii. 2o7-f)) that xviiL 35 and xxxi. 22-30 were both written at the same time, after Scipio's death in r2g. This cannot be proved with certainty, and if true would not imply that P. changed his views on Rome in a more pessimistic direction in his later years, since the present criticism is couched in general terms, associating deterioration in Roman character with the date when they undertook overseas wars, which means from 200 onwards (§ I n.); see Brink and \Valbank,

CQ, I954. 105-i· 35. 1. ICClTQ ••• TOUS avwTipw xpovous: contrasted \Vith €v Ot TOts l!Vll Kcupo'Ls. Both phrases are vague, but the reference to Sta1TdVTtot ?T6A£p.o•, prior to which the Romans maintained their own gf)TJ Kat v6p.tp.a (cf. 34· 8) suggests that P. is thinking of the age of the eastern wars from 200 onwards. In i. 71. 8 the First Punic War is called DLa?Tovnos 1TdA£p.os; but this is in reference to Carthage, and in any case P. cannot be thinking of so early a date, for in vi. 56. I he speak:-: of Roman (ff)TJ Ko.t ~>6p.tp.a as still unimpaired, and though he uses the present tense the context of his remarks is the time he is nominally concerned with, that of Cannae. This association of moral deterioration with luxury following the eastern wars is also in the annalistic tradition in Livy; cf. Livy, xxxix. 6. 7 for the introduction of luxun to Rome as the aftermath of Manlius Vulso's Galatian expedition of 189; L. Piso, fg. 34 Peter Pliny, Nat. hist. xxxiv. r4. That this was a contemporary view and not one later imposed on the tradition appears from the events of Cato's censorship of r84, when a statLw set up in his honour in the temple of Salus had the inscription statin1: that 'when the Roman state was tottering to its fall, he was madt· 594

EXAMPLES OF

ROMA~

INTEGRITY

XVIII. 35· 6

censor and by helpful guidance, wise restraints and sound teachings restored it again' (Plut. Cat. mai. 19. 3). See Brink and Walbank, loc. cit. (in previous note). 2. Ko.T' tSlo.v: 'individually', as opposed to mtpl -rravTwv. 3. SU' bvofLO.To.: Reiske supplied the verb TTa.pa.O~aofLa.t or TTapl~ofLat. 4. AfHJKtos ••• AtfLIAtos: L Aemilius L.f. :M.n. Paull us was the son of the consul who perished at Ca.nnae (cf. iii. r6. 7 n., 106. I~z, n6. 9). As consul for the second time he conquered Perseus at Pydna in 168 (cf. xxix. I, 14 ; on his integrity cf. xxxi. zz. P.'s favourable picture of Aemilius connects v.i.th his own position in the household of Scipio Aemilianus (cf. Vol. I, pp. 3 ff.). Tijs Mo.K€Oovwv ~o.cnAeio.s: 'the Macedonian kingdom' (not, with Paton, 'the palace of the M:acedonian kings'). Tijs ••. KO.TO.O'K€UllS: 'booty'; cf. i. 19. rs, ii. 8. 4 (not specifically 'furniture' (Paton)). v>.ei; cf. 3· I n. 7. rqv TTjS 1TO.Tp(5os 1Tpo9E.(JlV • , • tv O.f..f..wv: for other 'obituaries' d. xxiii. r2 (Philopoemen), 13 (Hannibal), r4 (Scipio Africanus). 2. ou8€v €cf!o8tov ••• TWV EI with {Jaa~>.,da, 'to rule over those outside his own household'; this is surely wrong. 5. 00 ~-Lt:'itov 1\l.ia.: probably 'he first styled himself kinE:· (cf. § 8, -rvxtlw . . . Ttfi.ijs -ravTr}';) ; and cf. Strabo, xiii. 624, Kai UV7Jyopn5BYJ (3aatA T pt.q>uAta.8

RESTORATION OF BRACHYLLES

XVIIL 44·

1

12. 1Tpoo-o£o-ovTas T am:l 8a/..aaaTJS (CIL, vi. rso8 = IG, xiv. 1077; d. Memnon, FGH, 434 F r, § 28. 6; Magie, i. 306, ii. II88-9); cf. Vitucci, so-sr. P. continues to use the original name (cf. Holleaux, Etudes, iii. qg-5o n. 6). 6. Ta S' o.txl-'ahW'!'O. ICal. '!'OU~ QUTO!-'OAous ava.vTa.s: perhaps including allies as well as Romans; Larsen, CP, 1936, 346 thinks only Romans are meant. Tfi~ £~eKa.lSE~et\pou~: on such large ships as this see Tam, HMND, 132 ff.; a 'sixteen', he suggests, was a ship with oars grouped in pairs, eight men to an oar. This particular vessel was probably 6n

XVIII. 44· 6

THE SETTLEMENT IN GREECE AND

taken by Lysimachus from Demetrius (Plut. Dem. 43· 4; cf. 20. 4, where the plural may be an exaggeration) and is perhaps Ptolemy Ceraunus' flagship (called an 'eight' by Memnon, FGH, 434 F I,§ 8. 5, oKT~PTJ'> . .. ~ A.wvToif>6poc; KaAoVJLEVTJ). It remained in Macedonia till the war between Rome and Perseus, after which Aemilius Paullus brought it to Rome, sailing in it up the Tiber (Livy, xlv. 35· 3). At Rome a special dock had to be built to hold it (xxxvi. 5· 9). 45. 5. 'fipt:ov, .•• KopLv9ov: for Chalcis, Corinth, and Demetrias, cL II. 4-5; on the Achaean claim to Corinth see 2. 5 n. Euboea, lih Phocis, had probably been under direct Macedonian control since· the First Macedonian \Var; cf. x. 42. 7 n. Oreus had been taken b\· the allies in I99 (Livy, xxxi. 46. 6, 9-I6), Eretria (with Carystus) i11 I98 (Livy, xxxii. I6. 10). Their appearance here may be an error (Holleaux, Etudes, v. 42. n. 2); but it is more likely that they had not been garrisoned and that Philip had recovered them (Niesr·. ii. 6I5 n. I; Aymard, PR, 11 n. 24). See below, 46. 5 n., on Ev{3o€1:
THE ISTHMUS DECLARATION

XVIII. 46.

12

Kopw8(ous ... neppaLj3ous: cf. Livy, xxxiii. 32. 6, 'percensuerat omnis gentis, quae sub didone Philippi regis fuerant' (though in fact P. omits the Dolopes and the Orestae: 47· 6; Nissen, r48). For the declaration see also Plut. Flam. ro-rr; App. Mac. 9· z; Val. Max. iv. 8. 5· On Corinth see z. 5 n.; on Phocis, v. 26. r n.; on (Epicnemidian} Locris, x. 42. 7 n.; on Euboea, x. 42. 7 n., above, 45· 5 n. (P. says Evf3o•f>, not simply XMKt3Ef,;: the whole island is included}. Thessaly had been under Macedonian control since the time of Philip II; of the four peoples mentioned, the Phthiotic Achaeans, lost to Aetolia under Doson (cf. iv. 25. 6-7 n.} had been recovered by Philip in the Social War (v. 99-roo, Phthiotic Thebes) and the First Macedonian War (ix. 41. r-42. 4 n.; Walbank, Philip, 88). The Thessalians included the inhabitants of Thessaliotis, Phthiotis, and Hestiaeotis. Magnesia embraced Demetrias, which, like Acrocorinth and Chalcis, was thus included in the declaration. Perrhaebia lay to the north of Thessaly proper around the upper stream of the River Europus; on these two outlying districts of Thessaly see Stahlin, Hell. Thess. 5-39 (Perrhaebia), 39-78 (Magnesia), Kip, nr-25 (Perrhaebia), 87-IIo (Magnesia}. 6. ~ep6Tou ••. £~a~a(ou: for the anecdote that birds flying overhead fell dead see Plut. Flam. ro. 6 and Val. Max. iv. 8. 5; Coelius Antipater told the same story about the shouting of the soldiers when Scipio embarked for Africa (Livy, xxix. 25. 3--4; De Sanctis, iv. 1. roo n. 196). 9. Tois vuv lu) or more specifically to those talking to themselves: probably the former, a more effective rhetorical point. 12. awTfjpa rrpoa.J>wvfjaaL: the title implied divine honours (d. Plut. Dem. ro. 4; Diod. xx. 46. z, roo. 3; Paus. i. 8. 6; Syll. 390, 1. 27); cf. Cerfaux and Tondriau, 448. Its use in reference to Flamininus is attested epigraphically: Syll. 592 (from Gytheum) , seeS. B. Kougeas, 'EAA1]VtKci, L 7 ff. (cf. Annee epig. 1929, 24 f., no. 99; S. Eitrem, Symb. Osl. 10, 1932, 43) on the cult of Flamininus at Gytheum; Bouquet, BCH, rg64, 6o7 f. (Achaean dedication by Aristaenus) ; Daux, BCH, I964, s69 f. (Titeia at Argos, following the liberation from Nabis in 195); E. Mastrokostas, REA, r964, 309 f. (from Thessaly); see also Plut. Flam. 16. 3 f. for the cult at Chalcis and the paean ending cL TlTE awnp. When the Romans evacuated Acrocorinth, Flamininus was hailed seruatorem liberatoremque (Livy, xxxiv. so. g), that is awTfjpa Kai l,\w8€pwv, the cult-titles under which Zeus was worshipped at Athens and Plataea for help against Persia (cf. Jessen, RE, 'Eleutherios (r)', cols. 2348-so); and the connexion will be 613

XVIII. 46. rz

THE

SETTLEME~T

I:\ GREECE A::\D

deliberate, for Eleutheria games were now set up in Larissa in imitation of the famous Plataean festival (cf. Syll. 6I3 n. 48; Niese, iii. I9 n. 7). Flamininus thus appropriated the identification with Zeus favoured by Philip V; see, for discussion, Walbank, CQ, I942, I45 n. I; 1943. 8 n. 7; d. Gelzer, Kl. Schr. i. 133; and for the cult of Flamininus, H. Seyrig, Rev. arch. 1929, I, 94 f.; H. Gundel, RE, 'Quinctius (45)', COlS. IOj j--D.

15. To !LTJStv tK Ti]s TUXTJ'> O.vn1ra.'lua.l 1rpos TTJV em~oAi)v: i.e. there were no accidents to upset the plan. There is no real personification of Tyche here. Sla KTJpuy!La.Tos ho6s: for most of the Greeks of Europe and Asia freedom either already existed or came to them as a result of tlw treaty between Rome and Philip and the senatus consultum regulating its application (44. 2--7). But the picture was completed by this unilateral declaration concerning the states hitherto subject to Philip, and so F.'s statement is correct; the emphasis is on &rravraS". There is no reason to think that P. confuses the procedure adopted towards states already free and former subjects of Philip (so Sherwin White, rsz). 47. 1. EXPTJ!LO.nua.v Tots ••. 1Tpt:u~EuTa."is: sc. 'the commissioners'; 011 the members of the Seleucid embassy see§ 4 n. Livy, xxxiii. 34· 2-3. also mentions an embassy, consisting of the same members, to Rome. and this is evidently the embassy of I98/7, described by Livy, xxxiii. zo. 8--9 (based on P.); against the view that it was a second embass\ sent in 197/6, and that Hegesianax and Lysias had been referred b\ the Senate to the Ten see Holleaux, Etudes, v. Ij6--D3. Clearlv Hegesianax and Lysias had been sent direct to Flamininus (d. so. 3). In view of Livy's text, :\issen com·incingly suggests that there i" compression in our text of P. at this point (cf. Holleaux, loc. cit. r61). and this would explain the omission of the subject of lxp7Jv6.naav. Twv fLEV O.(,TOVOfLt.l\1 a1TEXt:u9a.l: two towns which had resisted Antiochu were Lampsacus in Aeolia and Smyrna in Ionia (d. Livy, xxxii1 38. 3; on Lampsacus see below, 49· 1); in the winter of 197/6 both appealed to Flamininus (App. Syr. z) and Lampsacus sent envoy, first to its kinsmen in Massalia (both were Phocaean foundatiml,,) and then with the Massaliotes to the Senate, appealing to thc11 mythical relationship with the Romans and asking to be included in the treaty (d. Syll. 529; new readings in Wilhelm, Arch. Pap. X\". I953· 8o-88; new edition promised by L. Robert in the Parium and Lampsacus volume of the Corpu.s; for discussion see Holleaux, Etudn. v. 141-55. with bibliography by L. Robert on p. 141 n. 3; E. Bick.. 1 mann, Phil. 1932, 277--99, who argues convincingly that Lampsacn·. was not included in the treaty with Philip). oua.s •.• 1TO.pt:(AT}~t: TWV U1TO nToAEfLO.l0\1 KO.~ ¢1LAl1T1TO\I TO.TTOfLEvWV

THE ISTHMt:S DECLARATIO:-l

cf. so. 5; Lh-y, xxxv. 16.

XVIII. 47· 4

for the two categories. See for the former Hieron. in Dm~. xi. rs-r6, 'et ceperit (sc. Antiochus) alias urbes, quae prius a Ptolomaei partibus tenebantur, Syriae et Ciliciae et Lyciae. eo enim tempore captae sunt Aphrodisias et Soloe et Zephyrium et Mallos et Anemurium et Selinus et Coracesium et Corycus ct Andriace et Limyra et Patara et Xanthus et ad extremum Ephesus' (probably based on P. via Porphyry: Holleaux, Etudes, iv. 325). On Ephesus cf. 41 a 2. According to Livy, xxxiii. 20. ro, the Rhodians succeeded in turning him aside from Caunus (cf. xxx. 31. 6), Myndus, Halicarnassus, and described as ciuitates sociae Ptolomaei (for an inscription of Halicarnassus testifying Ptolemaic control cf. Wilhelm, ]ahresh. 1908, 56 f.). The treaty between Miletus and Magnesia-on-the-Maeander, probably from r¢ (Syll. 588 =Milet, i. 3 no. 148), shows these two cities, Heradeia-in-Latmos, Priene, Samos, Myndus, Halicarnassus, and Cnidus as independent cities, which confirms the impression given by Hieronymus that Ptolemy and after him Antiochus had virtually no possessions between Patara and Ephesus; d. Holleaux, Etudes, iv. 325-6; for details, Schmitt, Antiochos, 279-82. The only towns left to Philip in Asia by I9i. after Rhodian operations in the Peraea (Livy, xxxiii. r8. r-22; the campaigns of Nicagoras mentioned in Syll. 586 (d. GDI, 4269; btsc. Lind. 151, 152) probably belong to 201-198; see Hiller von Gaertringen, RE, SuppL-E. v, 'Rhodos', col. 788; Fraser and Bean, 98-99; contra, Holleaux, Etttdes, iv. 308 n. 3), were lasus, Bargylia, Euromus, Pedasa, and Abydus. Antiochus will have taken Iasus, Euromus, and Pedasa in summer 197 for only Bargylia is mentioned at 48. I; on Iasus see 44· 4 n. Abydus, still in Philip's hands in 198 (cf. 2. 4), may have been garrisoned by him till Antiochus seized it in late 197 or spring 196 (44. 4 n.). 2. l·nl OLaj3a£veLv ds TTJV Eupw'IT'I]v: already in spring 196 Antiochus had crossed the Hellespont, seized Madytus, Sestus, and other towns in the Chersonese, including Lysimacheia, which he found deserted after destruction by the Thracians; this he had set about restoring (Livy, xxxiii. 38. 8-q; App. Syr. 1; cf. 49· 2 ff.). ou8£va •.• 'TWV 'Et.!.f)vwv ••• 1TOAEp.ei:cr9aL vuv KTA.: i.e. Greeks of Europe; this principle has been asserted unilaterally in the senatus consultum of 44· 2, where it applies to Greeks of Asia as •well as Europe. The same principle is behind the demand(§ r) that Antiochus respect the cities of Asia, whether previously autonomous, Ptolemaic, or Maccdonian. 3, ~~ au'TWV nvas • , • TJ~ELV 1Tpos 'TOV >\vT~OXOV: cf. 49· 3· 4. 'Hy1lcru1vatcTa Kai /\ucr(av: H egesianax, son of Diogenes, from Alexandria Troas, is well known as one o{ Antiochus III's if>Dw~ (Athen. iv. 155 An); in 193 he accompanied Menippus to Rome (Livy xxiv. 57· 6; App. Syr. 6 also mentions perhaps in error), and Io

6rs

XVIII. 47· 4

THE SETTLEMENT IN GREECE AND

it was probably then that he was named proxenos at Delphi (Syll. 585, no. r8; archonship of Peithagoras, 194/3). He was poet, historian, and grammarian; his works included a book on Democritus' style, one on poetic diction, an astronomical work, ci>atvot-tEva, and a Trojan history, this under the pseudonym of Cephalus of Gergithes (cf. Strabo, xiii. 594). See Stahelin and Jacoby, RE, 'Hegesianax (r)'. cols. z6o2-6; Susemihl, ii. 31-33. As a writer who had dealt with thP tdw06ns avaaTptcpw9at (II. 6-8). A6A.ova.s: omitted, like the Orestae, from the declaration at tlw Isthmus (46. 5 n.). The Dolopes were a Thessalian tribe inhabiting t1w east slopes of Pindus to the south-west of Thessaliotis; cf. Kip. 126-8; Stahlin, Hell. Thess. 145-50; Flaceliere, 23. Despite Livy. xxxviii. 3· 4, the Dolo pes were members of the Aetolian confederation 616

THE ISTHMUS DECLARATION

XVIII. 47· 9

for much of the third century, perhaps from about 277 (d. Flaceliere, 185) ; but at some date Macedon reco\·ered part of Dolopia, since in 198 the Aetolians took the towns Ctimene and Angeia from Philip (Livy, xxxii. IJ. 15). Niese (ii. 484 n. r) would date this to 210 (cf. ix. 41. 1-42. 4 n.), but Flaceliere (304) suggests a date in 207 when Philip penetrated Aetolia from the north (cf. xi. 7· 2-3). The Dolopians were probably incorporated in the Aetolian confederation after their liberation, like the Phocians and Locrians (§ 9); cf. Flaceliere, 348 n. 5· MciyvT}-ra.s: cf. 46. 5· They too were organized as a Ko~v6v, and their chief magistrate was the Magnetarches (Livy, xxxv. 31. u), at least for a time; on the constitution of the ~ Deep Road, I05-6, 107, Ioq theatre, 105; harbours, 189, ~0 l canal, I07; Saviour Road, I07· ;.. sheep from, 143; Gulf of, • Tarentines' (mercenaries), 289, 293. 524. Tarn, W. W., quoted, 238, 355, .so.~ soB, 527. Tarquinius, L., Priscus, 220. Tarracina, 102. Tarraco, r8, 195, 203, 245. 246, 2')', 296. Tarsus, Taurion, 152. Tauriscus, pupil of Crates, l3SI· Tauromenium, 42, 329, 361, 377, \' Taurus mountains, 3. 236; (!\1t. l· I burz), 236.

r.

GENERAL

Tectosages, 603-4. Tegea, 128, 129, 130, 172, 283, 293, 294, 521. szz, 545. 568, 6o8. Tegyra, battle of, 364. Teichus (Teichos) on Achaeo-Elean border, 58, 640. Telamon, battle of, 632. Teleas of Magnesia, 312. Teledamus, Argive, 567. Telemachus, 64r. Telepylos, 83. Tellias of Elis, 542. Temenus, 352. Tempe, 12, r62, 54~. 584; conference of, 27, 6or. Tenea, 521. Tenedos, 479, 543· Teos, 59, 503, 598. Terentius, L., Massaliota (praetor 187), 605, 6rg, 62r. Terias, R., near Leontini, 36. Tetti, king of the Xa]Jai§;e, treaty of with ~ubbiluliuma, 51. Tbalamae, 521. Thales, and height of Great Pyramid, 146. Thasos, 23, 479, 499, 6IJ, 6rg. Thaumaci, r88, 617. Theano, poetess, 333· Thebe, plain of, 502. Thebes. The bans, 26, 82, rro, I I r, rz8, 152, 167, 181 j68, 6o3 ; Gre, 59-60; Carian, 531 ; I thomatas, uo. Lycaeus, 6r, .JI5; Scotitas, 545· Zeuxippus, 7.7, 6or, 608-9. Zeuxis, 4 72. 503, 53 I, 643, 649. Ziaelas, 96. zodiac, on calculating hour from si~t'" of, I4o-z. Zoippus, 31, 32.

II.

AUTHORS AND PASSAGES

The figures in larger type indicate the pages of this book. Aclian, Tact. I4. 6, 588. Aeschines, ii. I06, 491; iii. 231, 404-5. Aeschylus, A gam. I 570, 4.4. Agatharchidcs, FGH, 86 F n. 413. Akaeus of "-fessene, Anth. Pal. vii. 247. 585, 593. Anon. Bell. Afric. 6'). 4, 454--ii. - n.p1 i'll{;ov~. 4. 322. Antigonus, Hist. mir. I40, 329. Antisthenes, ap. Phlcgon, FGH, 2.57 F 36 (III. 1), 64. Apollodorus of Artemita. FGH, 779 F 5 (a), 236. Appian, iJ.C. iv. 88, 478. Hamz. 34, 109; 38, 122; 39, 127; 52. 268, 269; 57. 443. Hisp. 2I. 203; 24, 248; z8, 251. Lib. 33, 444; 34. 444; 40, 457; 54, 466, 468, 4 70. Mac. 4· I, 504, 505: 7, 612; 8, 563. Syr. I3, 561. Aratus, Phaen. 553-6, 140. Aristotle, 1Hund. 398 a 12, 87. Pol. iii. 5· 3, 1278 a 8, 216; vii (v). 3· 9, 1303 a 15,225; 1· 1307 a 38, 331. Rhet. ii. 23, 1398 b 18, 410. Arrian, Anab. ii. 7· 1, 3{i5; 7· 3, 343; 8. 2, 373; 8. 7· 375; 8. 8, 368; 8. II, 371; 9· 2, 375; IO. I, 367; iii. 3· 6, 353; 29. 2, 262, 263; iv. 7· 3-4, 97; 10. 2, 37i; vii. Ig. 3, 187. Tact. 12. ro, 588; 28. 2, 227. FGH., Ij6 F I, 622. Asclepiodotus, 10. 2, 225·6; Io. 3. 226; IO. 6, 226. Athenaeus, iv. 163 B, 404; vi. c, 337-8; :!7:! B, 338; viii. 336 A, 342 C, 380; x. 4:.11 B, 220; 527 B-C, 413; 542 E, 359. Augustinus, Qt~aest. in Heptat. vii. I6, 46, 47.

Sermo, 62. 6. Io, 48. [Aurelius Victor], de Hir. ill. 48.

2,

268.

Bcrgk, iii 4 • 690 fg. adesp. SA, 464. Bias, ap. Arist. Eth. ]l.'ic. v. i. 16, I 130 a 1, 151. Callisthenes, FGH, I24 F 34, 84. Celsus, prooem. 9, 388; ro, 389. Cicero, Acad. ii. z~. 406. Brut:1s. 73. 2{18; 286, 355, 357. de ltf.Z. iii. 14, 229. de •·~ pub. i. li, 134; iii. 43. 40t lnm. v. r ~- ], 3i8. ,\'D, i. 93-94, 342.

i. 38. 151; iii. 4. 204. v. 325, 380: 5 s, 494---5; IOI, 2

Verr. iv. 73,381; 121, 134, 135. de pet. cons. 39, 602. graec. i. r r4, 351 ; II6, xviii. 47, 569; xxiv.

57· 48, 254; xvii. 74, 453; 82, 466, 468, 469. Dio Chrysostom. xii. ]I, 408. Diodorus, i. 51. 2, 483; ii. 23. 3, 84; v. i. 4. 411: q. I, 323; xi. 3· J, 182; xv. 23. 5. 4!)5; xvi. 3· 2, 587; 70. 3, 325; 79 2, 403; xviii. 67, 197; xix. 78. 2, 563; xx. r. 2, 385; 1. 5. 351; 85. 4· 184; xxi. I6.j, 151-2; 17. I, 86; 1].3,360, 39[,, 404; xxii. 8. 5, 38; xxvii. 4· 336: xxviii. 5, 500, 501; Dio,

2, 246. Laertius, v. r r, 344; vi. 71, ; vii. 8g, 151. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, ad Potnp.

6.

410.

Periegetes, 364-6, 332. Duris of Samos, ap. A then. xii. 542 E, 359. Ennius, Ann. 3I2-IJ Vahlen 2 , 452. Epichaunus, CGF fg. 250 Kaibel, 602. Epicurus, fg. 171 Us., 343; fg. 235 Us., 343. Euripides, Ale. I I6I (et al.), 139. Oresph. fg. 453, 402. Or. 406, 492. Eusebius, Chron. i. 249, 234; 253, 315. P.raep. eu. xv. 2. 2, 343. Eustathius, p. 1910. Io, 82-83. Ev. Luc. vii. 38, 125. Ev. Matth. xiii. 13, 380. Festus, p. rgo, 11 Lindsay, 327; p. 246, zr Lindsay, 328. Florus, i. 13. 3. 106. Galen. x. I84, 389. de Hipp. ~~Plat. plac. v, p. 462, 151. C'TCnesis, xxxi. 42, 55. Epitaph. (Diels, FVS, ii. 285 6), 82. Hero, Belop. 74 \Vescher, 75. Herodotus, i. 8. 2, 408; 65. 4, 198; 84. 3, 63; IIIO. I, 186; 203, 539; 2r4. 4, 97; iv. I/7, 319; v. g7. 3, 2i6-7; vii. 9 f3 I, 416; I32 180.

677

IXDEXES Hesiod, Op. 474, 694, 140. Hieronymus, Dan. xi. IJ-14, 546; 15-16, 615. comm. Ezech. v. praef., 266. Homer, Iliad, iv. zqg-3oo, 464; xhi. 131-3, 5Si; xvi. 215-17, ()87. Odyssey, xix. 471, 149. Horace, A.P. 181--z, 408. Ep. i. 2. 17-18, 142; rg. 6, 380; ii. :z. 146-8, 414. Odes, ii. 2. I2-15, 414; 6. 10, 143. Iosephus, Ant. Iud. i. I77, 524; xii. 131, 546.

Ap. i. r6, 377. Isocrates, Euag. 2, 89; I 2, 222. ad Nic. 35, 392. Panath. 150, 408. Panegyr. g, 411, I 55· 501; I 79, 384. Phil. 65, 494; ro8, 176. Iustinus, viii. 4· 5. 165 · ix. 8. 3, 81; xi. 3· 2, 1656; xxiii. 3· 2, 35; 4· z. 6, 436; xli. 4· 5. 5-7.261.

8. 14, 32; 41 ; XXX. ; 4· g, 313;

John Antiochenus, FHG, iv. 557, 98; iv. 558, 482 2

Kings, xxiii. 5, 44.

Livy, vii.

IO. IO, 74; xxi. 4· g, VH; xxii. 6r. IT, 29; xxiv. 6. r, 31; 6. 4, 33; 6. 8, 34; 7- 3, :J9; 3L 6, 62; 33· 70; 34· I, il; 34· 7, 72; 3·1-· 9, ; 34· TO, 74; XXV, I. I, 102; 2. 6, 200; 8. 3. 101; 8. 4· 102; 8. 6, 102; 8. 8, 102; g. 4104; 9· IO, 104; 10. I, 107; IO. 4• 107; IO. 9, 107; II. I, 107; ll. 8, 108; Io. 25, llO, 17. I-3. 110; 2]. I, 7; 23. I2, 112, 23. I4, 113; 2]. 15, 113; 24. 6, }]4; 24. 9, 114; 26. I], 8; 36. 114; 40. 2, 134; 40. J, 134; 5· 3. ll9; 7· 4· 121; 7· 5. 121; 7· 6, 121; 9- 7. 125; IO. 3, 124• II. I-2, 124, 126; II. IO-II, ; 12. 2, 127; 16. 5, 9; 20. 7-II, 9, 134; 24. 7, 185; 24. Sq., 162, 177, 179; 2'). 8, 188; 2.). 182; 2.5· rs. 178;26.2,179; z,l83;z8.9, 183; 38. 1-3, 155; 40. I, 10; 40. 17, 161; !8, 161; 42. I, 204; 42. 6, 205, 212; 42. 9. 212; 43· 7. 213; 44· 2, 213, 214; 44· 3. 21-i; 45· 8, 203, 215; 45· 9. 193, 213; 46. 8, 214; 47· I, 2lf.l, 217; 47· 8, 219; 48. 5· 213; 48. I4, 213:49-4,204; 51.4, 219; xxvil. 4· IO, 137; 7· 219; IJ. 2, 245; I8. 5-6, 248; IO, 250; 18. 15,

678

250. 251; 19. 1. 251: rg. z, 254. !. I 574; 6. ], 574; 6. 6, 575: J;o 579; 8. I 3, 582; I I. 8, 5!J2; I I " .'i92-3; I2. 2, 597; I 7· 15, !HI~' I8. 20, 513; Iy. 9, 1()0; !C). I I 603; 20. 2-3. 603; 20. 10, ()J;, 20. I I-12, 506; 21. I, 604; 2-1 605; 25. 7, 605; 28. IO, li!l!l 28. I4, 601; 32. 6, 613; 31 1 621; 38. I, 620; j8. b, 620; JS 620; 39· 7, 622; 49· 8, 620; XX\!'

s.

II. AUTHORS 4·+· 134;Jr.s,516:3z.I-z, 163; 516; so. 9, 170, ol2; sg. s. , ')-IO, )p.&:r. pap. 1425 fg. II P· 7, 494.

Philostratus, t•it. i. g. 403, 401. 40; ii. 18-rg, Pindar, Pyth. i. 333. Schol on Olymp. vii. 16oc, 3SL Plato, Laws, vii. 8r4 E, 149; ix. S73 c, 273. Phaedr. z67 A, 223. Phil. I5 c, 445. Pratag. 338 E, 401. Rep. v. 473 c-E, 410: viii. 565 o, 61. -com., CA F, i. fg. 188, 359. Pliny, Nat. hist. iii. 3, 384-5; vi. 147, 422; vii index, 387; x. IJ6, 488; xiii. Io6, 321; x:xi. rz, 390. Plutarch, Alex. g. 3, 81. A rat. r6. 3, 176; 50. 2, 60; 52. 3, 88; 52. 4, 88; 54· r. 87. Cato mai. rg. 3. 594·5, Demos. :z8. 2, 167. Flam. r. 2, 560; 7· 3, 579; g. 2, 585, 593. 20. Z, 95. r8. 2, 112. J'Vlor. 8o3 B, 393; 1033 D, 229; I 132 A, 347. Nic. I. 2, 328, 400; 25. r, 402. Philop. I. I-2, 223; I. 3, 224; g. I, 281; g. 2, 281; g. 3· 280; [Q. 7·

A:XD

PASSAGES

293; ti, I, 279; Phoc. 29. 3. 167.

II. 2,

287.

Timol. 13. 4, 325. iPlutareh], Vit . .t' oral. 847 c, 357. Polyaenus. iii.(). TI. 244; iv. r8. I, 513; v. J 7· 2, 418~19; vi. 22, 336. Quiutilian, x.

1.

74, 80.

Sallust, Cat. 2. 4. 247. jug. 56. r, 4.

Insc. Cat. CaifiJ, DtmkmtUe;. i. 31I37· 481. Insc. de Delos, 442 B, 228; 150~. 506.

Insc. Li1td. 139, 488; 151, 615; 15·'· 615; 303, 508; 42oa, 508.

InscJt. 1v1ag. 16, 23, 18-64, 532;

.~.'i-

418; 65, 533; 66, 68~-73. 532; 7, y6, 533; 78-8r, 532. Insch. Perg. 20, 24, 43, 45, 604. Israeli Exploration journal, 1966, 5·1 70, 649. ] ahresh. 1908, 56 ff., 615; 75 ff., 4it•. l(jli, 163-256, 334, 335. ]EA, 1938, 73-74, 436. ]HS, 1896, 218 f., no. 8 ll, 514-lf•. 1917, IIo, no. 502 · 19.'\;· 30, no. 6, 484; 2:'". 316. Le Bas-VI-'addington, 58; (.t>. 423; 70, 58; Milet, i. 3· 143 B, ; 146ll, 52; qs 5S8, 615; 149, 610; 221, no. '~"· 479. OGIS, so, 526; 51,526, 55. 481; /\1. 488; 84, 484; 86, 626; 8g, ~ 1':' go, 435, 473, 482, 546, 624, 6:>:. 134, 94; 213, 70; 222, 33; Z.' \ 33; 229, 52, 117, 316; 231, 4:ll 232, 421; 233. 234, 312; 235. r.o:t 236, 503; 237, 602; 239. H:ls 245, 234; 24B, 53fi; 255, 97; .ct·· 231; 2]2. 316, 276. 604,

lli.

IKSCRIPTIO~S

316; 283, 46, 504; 291-6, 492; 413, 234; 441, 117, J7I, 536. Oikonomos, 'E1Ttyparf;a1 Ti)s MaK:. 48, 483. P. Fa:J,•Wn, 302, 161. P. Gurob, no. 12, 473, 625. P. Eiamb. i, no. 57, 483. P. Ilibeh, 171, 484. P. OxJ'· i. rz, li2; iii. 486, 352. P. Par. dem. 2438, 487. P. Petrie, iii. 43 (z), 487. P. Ross Georg. ii. 2, 487. P. Ryl. iii, no. 491,441-2,443,445,453. PSI, 389, 484; 513, 488. P. Teb. i. 8, 622. 5.-B. Berlin, 1954, no. r, 162. REA. 1964,309 f., 613. REG, 1891, 49 ff., no. iii. rand 2, 487; r893, 159, 515; 1946-7, rso-74, 608. Rev. arch. 1929, 107, 55. Hvv. etudes rm4maines, 5-6, rg6o, r8ozr7, 556, 6-!0. Rev. phil., 1939, 348-q, 479. Robert, Et. anat. 459, 515. La Carie, ii. 309, 638-9. --Nouvellednscriptionsde Sardes, rSrg, 639; 19-21, 649. Sammelbuch, 244 and 245, 487; 6261, 506; 67 59. 487. Schwyzer, 336, 334, 335. SEC, i. 364, 484: ii. 358, 89; iv. 720, 479; ix. r, 224; 8, 217; 55, 484;

A::\D PAPYRI xiii. 382, 162, 179-80, 599-600; xv. 254· 636.

Svlt. 128, 495; 135, 163; 142, 467; . 159. 495; 16],495;260, 171, 172; 2DI, 173;}!8,358;319,358;334, 357; 381, 419; 390, 613; 39.) 16, 41; 407, 172; 4~7. 3.5; 434, :!3; 453. 35: 50:Z, 332, 349; 518, 46; 522, 562; 527, 51; 529, 614; 539 A, 556; 545, 556; 546 A, 188; ssz,417:554,414,562;s6r,532; 563, 413, 562; 564, 332, 413; 568, 508;572,530:579,504;j81,4l5, 418;58z,536;ss3.536;s84,41~

420;58s,no. r8, 616;s8s,no.Jz, l50;s86,615;s88,532, 6lfi;59o, 117; 59 I, 52, 56, 535, 552; 592, 613; 593, 598, 616; 595. 517; 598 D, 620; 6or. 5!J8; 603, 617; 6ro,550;6r3, 117,614;618,598; 287;627, 52;6zg, 562;63~ ; 644· 418, 520; 665, 171, 173; 669, 332' 673. 5ll, 530, 550; 676, 598; 68o, 5:J; 702, 287; 736, 490; 748, 332; 760, 117. Tait, Greek Ostracn, Bodl. no. 41, 439; Bod!. no. 96, 435. TAM, ii. 1, 481. Tod, 24, 338-9, 363; ro8, 495; Ill, 163,164; II8, 467; II9,163; 124, 467; 133, 495; IJ6, 495; 144, 56; IS~164; I6~ 165; 17~171,172; 179. 173; 204, 181. UPZ, i. 112,435, 436; ii, no. 151,506. Welles, 33; 22, 476; 31-34, 532; 38. ; 45. 97; 70, 479; 75. 76, 481; 161, 481: !62, 481. \Vestcrmann, Upott Slavery iJt Ptolemaic Egypt, text, 626. \Vilcken, Grundz,·ige, i. 2, no. 2, 622.

IV. GREEK J.OcAcpol, 52. ~tpca~S', 5~· a.Kpwrr;pta,«v, 97· UVUO'Tpo¢~,

zz6. aVTL1TAo, 6II-I2.

64, 105, 1I.:f. fJ&..\avot, 64, 105.

fJai\a.vaypa,

EKn€pLa1taap,Ot;, 226.

iA£V8£pia, IOI, 612.

681

IV. GREEK INDEX €vapyeta, r32. €v Kapi TiJV TI'E;;pav, 244. l7taywy~, 227,

€myovfi;;, ol Tfi;, 644. lrrtKarciaTlHTlS, 226.

~mp.np~v A6yo>,

o, 41, 4II, 494, 495~·

~'1TtaK~V'IJ, 28L

lmarpo.fn/, 226, 370, 464. ~UyWJ.LU,

65.

~

A Historical Commentary on Polybius, Vol. 2: Commentary on Books 7-18

A Historical Commentary on Polybius, Vol. 3: Commentary on Books 19-40

A Historical Commentary on Polybius, Vol. 1: Commentary on Books 1-6

A Commentary on Livy: Books I-V

A Commentary on Livy: books 1-5

A Commentary on Livy: Books I-V

A Commentary on Horace: Odes

A commentary on Plato's Timaeus,

A Commentary on Plato's Meno

A Commentary on Isocrates' Busiris

A Commentary on Plato's Meno

A Commentary on Virgil Eclogues

Philological and Historical Commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus XXV (Philological and Historical Commentary on Ammianus Marcellin)

A Commentary on Hegel's Logic

Shorter Commentary on Galatians

Commentary on Aristotle's Politics

Commentary on Aristotle's Politics

Commentary on Standard ML

Commentary on Cam

The Apostolic Tradition: A Commentary (Hermeneia: a Critical and Historical Commentary on the Bible)

A Commentary on Thucydides: Volume I: Books I - III

Commentary on the Preliminaries: 1982

A Commentary on Thucydides: Volume II: Books IV-V. 24

Commentary On The Psalms (1910)

A Commentary on Cicero, De Officiis

A Commentary on Hegel's Philosophy of Mind

A Commentary on Plutarch's De Latenter Vivendo

Kalacakra Tantra (A Commentary On The)

A Brief Commentary on the Apocalypse

A Commentary on Lysias, Speeches 1-11

A Commentary on Lysias, Speeches 1-11

A Historical Commentary on Polybius, Vol. 2: Commentary on Books 7-18

A Historical Commentary on Polybius, Vol. 3: Commentary on Books 19-40

A Historical Commentary on Polybius, Vol. 1: Commentary on Books 1-6

A Commentary on Livy: Books I-V

A Commentary on Livy: books 1-5

A Commentary on Livy: Books I-V

A Commentary on Horace: Odes

A commentary on Plato's Timaeus,

A Commentary on Plato's Meno

A Commentary on Isocrates' Busiris

A Commentary on Plato's Meno

A Commentary on Virgil Eclogues

Philological and Historical Commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus XXV (Philological and Historical Commentary on Ammianus Marcellin)

A Commentary on Hegel's Logic

Shorter Commentary on Galatians

Commentary on Aristotle's Politics

Commentary on Aristotle's Politics

Commentary on Standard ML

Commentary on Cam

The Apostolic Tradition: A Commentary (Hermeneia: a Critical and Historical Commentary on the Bible)

A Commentary on Thucydides: Volume I: Books I - III

Commentary on the Preliminaries: 1982

A Commentary on Thucydides: Volume II: Books IV-V. 24

Commentary On The Psalms (1910)

A Commentary on Cicero, De Officiis

A Commentary on Hegel's Philosophy of Mind

A Commentary on Plutarch's De Latenter Vivendo

Kalacakra Tantra (A Commentary On The)

A Brief Commentary on the Apocalypse

A Commentary on Lysias, Speeches 1-11

A Commentary on Lysias, Speeches 1-11

Recommend Documents