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MELBOURNE
WELLINGTON
A COMMENTARY ON
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Oxford Universiry Press, Amen House, London E.C.4 GLASGOW
NEW YORK
TORONTO
MELBOURNE
WELLINGTON
A COMMENTARY ON
BOMBAY CALCUTTA MADRAS KARACHI LAHORE DACCA CAPE TOWN
SALISBURY
NAIROBI
KUALA LUMPUR
IBADAN
HoNG KONG
ACCRA
LIVY BOOKS 1-5
BY
R. M. OGILVIE Fellow of Balliol College Oxford
OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 19 6 5
CONTENTS LIST OF MAPS ABBREVIATIONS
x XUl
INTRODUCTION Life Sources
5
Style and composition
17
Select Bibliography
22
COMMENTARY Book
I
Book
2
Book 3 Book 4 Book 5
INDEXES Persons
753
Places and Peoples
760
General
76 3
Syntax and Style
769 77 0 773
Latin Authors and Passages
ABBREVIATIONS Burck Klotz Schulze Skard Soltau Sydenham
E. Burck, Die Erziihlungskunst des T. Livius (Berlin, 1934)· A. Klotz, Livius u.s. Vorgiinger (Neue Wege z. Antike, 1941). W. Schulze, Zur Geschichte lateinischer Eigennamen (Berlin, 1904). E. Skard, Sallust u.s. Vorgiinger (Oslo, 1957). W. Soltau, Livius Geschichtswerk, seine Komposition und seine Q.,uellen (Leipzig, 1897). E. A. Sydenham, The Coinage of the Roman Republic (London, 1952).
THE PREFACE
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY E. BURCK, Die ErZiihlungskunst des T. Livius (Berlin, 1934) = Burck. H. V. Canter A.J.P. 38 (1917), 125-51; 39 (1918),44-64. K. Gries, Constancy in Livy's Latinity (New York, 1947) = Gries, Constancy. --A.J.P. 70 (1949), 118 £f. R. jUMEAU, R.E.A. 38 (1936),63-68; Rev. Phil. 13 (1939),21-43. W. KROLL, Studien zum Verstiindnis der romischen Literatur (Stuttgart, 1924), 351 £f. L. Kiihnast, Die Hauptpunkte der liv. Syntaxe (187 I). M. L. W. LAISTNER, The Greater Roman Historians (Berkeley, 1947). A. LAMBERT, Die indirekte Rede als kunstlerisches Stilmittel des Livius (Ziirich, 1946). A. H. McDONALD, J.R.S. 47 (1957), 155-72. R. N1. OGILVIE, The Listener, 3 November 1960, pp. 792-5. O. RIEMANN, Etudes sur la langue et la grammaire de Tite-Live (Paris, 1885). A. ROSTAGNI, Da Livia a Virgilio (Padova, 1942). W. P. SCHELLER, De Hellenistica Historiae Conscribendae Arte (Leipzig, Igl I). S. G. STACEY, Archivf Lat. Lex. 10 (1898),17 ff. = Stacey. B. L. ULLMAN, T.A.P.A. 73 (1942),25-33. R. ULLMANN, La Technique des discours dans Salluste, Tite-Live, et Tacite (Oslo, 19 2 7). - - Etude sur le sfvle des discours de Tite-Live (Oslo, 1929). P. G. WALSH, Rh. Mw. 97 (1954),97-114. - - Livy, His Historical Aims and A1ethods (Cambridge, 1961). K. WITTE, Rh. Mus. 65 (1910),270-305,359-419. A general bibliography of recent works covering all aspects of Livy's work has been compiled by K. Gries, Class. World 53 (1959), 33-40; 69-80. For the stemma of the primary manuscripts of Livy and for the sigla employed in this edition see: R. M. OGILVlE, C.Q. 7 (1957),68-81. G. BILLANOVICH, Ital. jl.,fed. e Uman. 2 (1959), 103 ff.
22
THE historian was expected to preface his volume with a prooemium in which he set out the scope and purpose of his work and advanced his own attitude to history (Cicero, ad Au. I6. 6. 4; Lucian, Quomodo Historia 52-55). The custom had been begun by Hecataeus, Herodotus, and Thucydides and had been canonized by the historians of the Hellenistic period under the influence of Isocrates and others. As the writing of history was increasingly governed by rhetorical principles, so the themes deployed in such prefaces degenerated into rhetorical commonplaces. Their aim was the rhetorical aim ofwinning the reader's goodwill by presenting the history as something worthy of his attention, as something useful and profitable. Into the basis of that utility they did not closely inquire. It was taken for granted that the statesman would learn to regulate his policy or the individual his conduct by historical example. The Romans inherited the custom from the Greeks with little change. The impersonal 'HpoOCJTOV JIALKUpV1)UUEOS or @OVKVO{01)S 1401)VULOS might give way to the more intimate ego but the content and character of the preface remained the same. The rules for its composition were formulated in handbooks (cf. Rhet. Lat. Min., p. 588. 28 Halm). L. was no exception to the fashion. In form his Praifatio corresponds to the traditional mode. Most of the arguments can be paralleled from the prefaces of his predecessors and are illustrated in the notes below. Yet it would be wrong to assume that because L. employs commonplaces he does not necessarily subscribe to them himself. A cliche need not be a lie. In such a formal context it would have been difficult, if not improper, to make radical innovations, None the less it is the novelties which tell us most about his intentions, and it is possible to form some impression of where L. disagreed with earlier historians. The closeness of Praif. 9-I I (nn.) to the language used by Sallust is proof that in writing his preface L. had his formidable predecessor in mind. In the Catiline and the ]ugurtha Sallust had adopted and in the Historiae only tangentially modified the thesis that I46 B.C. was the turning-point of Roman history. Before that date the Romans had uniformly displayed virtus, that is, they had aspired to accomplish on behalf of the state egregia facinora through bonae artes and so to win gloria; after that date, when the destruction of Carthage had removed the last externally cohesive influence on Roman morals (1. I9. 4 n.) the society was invaded by avaritia and ambitio (cupido honorum) which 23
PREFACE
PREFACE
led remorselessly to depravity (luxuria). It was not a profound thesis. Sallust was not a profound thinker. Such ideas enjoyed wide circulation in contemporary Rome. But Sallust believed in it enough to distort the facts of history to fit the strait-jacket of his philosophical scheme. L. rejects it. In assessing the decline of public morality up to his own day L. admits the emergence of avaritia but is silent about ambitio (Praif. IO) because he recognizes that whereas the opportunites for affluent living only became available in the second century, forces such as ambitio had always been at work from the very foundation of the city. By omitting ambitio L. tacitly rebukes Sallust for his over-simplified and schematic philosophy. L. had the truer historical judgement. Where Sallust tailored his material to fit his view of the historical process, L. presupposed no such determinism. For him the course of history was not a straight progression from black to white but a chequered patchwork in which good and evil had always been interwoven. Each event had its moral, but the moral was the eye round which the story could be constructed not a farther stage along a predetermined path. L.'s rejection of Sallust's thesis that ambitio was a late and decisive phenomenon, explained as it may be by the fact that Sallust's earliest efforts as an historian were confined to the events of the recent past, is interesting in another way. In it we may discern the prejudices of the man. So far as we know, L. held no public office and his ignorance of public business is disclosed by almost every page of the history. The political ambitions of the normal Roman appear never to have attracted him. ambitio or cupido honorum did not have the same sigficance for him that it did for Sallust, the tribune and pro-consul. The second singularity of the Preface is L.'s escapism. He confesses that early history appealed to him because it distracted the mind for a time from the present (Praif. 5). One may search the prefaces of other historians in vain for a similar confession, but it is very typical ofL. who elsewhere states 'mihi vetustas res scribenti nescioquo pacto antiquus fit animus' (43. 13.2). The third distinctive feature is L.'s emphasis on the magnitude of his task (Praif. 4 immensi operis; Praif. 13 tantum operis). From the very beginning L. gives the sense of being oppressed by what he has undertaken and this feeling, which must often assail his commentators as well, is cOlToborated by the anecdote that he contemplated abandoning the work when it was already well advanced (Pliny, N.H. praif. 16). It is a new note, not heard in the confident proclamations of his predecessors. Thus beneath the conventional themes and figures the Praifatio tells us much. It is the preface of a small man, detached from affairs, who writes less to preach political or moral lessons than to enshrine
in literature persons and events that have given him a thrill of excitement as he studied them. See also the Introduction, p. 3. For the preface see H. Dessau, Festschrift O. Hirsclifeld, 461 ff.; G. Curcio, R.I.G.I. I (1917),77-85; E. Dutoit, R.E.L. 20 (1942), 98-I05; L. Amundsen, Symb. Oslo 25 (1947), 31-35; L. Ferrero, Riv. Fil. 27 (1949), 1-47; O. Leggewie, Gymnasium, 60 (1953),343-55; K. Vretska, Gymnasium, 61 (1954), 191-203; P. G. Walsh, A.J.P. 76 (1955),369-83; H. Oppermann, D. Altsprach. Unterricht (1955),87-98; 1. Kajanto, Aretos, 2 (1958),55-63; A. D. Leeman, Helikon 1. 28 ff. For similar prefaces cf., e.g., Hecataeus, F. Gr. Hist. I F I; Herodotus I. I ; Thucydides I. I ; Ephorus, F. Gr. Hist. 70 F 7-9; Polybius I. 1-5; Tacitus, Hist. I. I.
3. principis terrarum populi: cf. Herodotus 1. 1. et ipsum: for the use of et ipse cf. 7. 4, 12. 3,46. 2. The marginal me added by the correctors of M and 0 results from the misplacing of me in the following sentence. nobilitate: of L.'s predecessors among historians, Q. Fabius Pictor was a senator (Polybius 3. 9. 4), L. Cincius Alimentus a praetor (26. 23. I), A. Postumius Albinus consul (Polybius 35· 3· 7), M. Porcius Cato consul and censor, L. Calpurnius Piso consul and censor, L. Coelius Antipater a nobilis (Cicero, Brutus I02), C. Licinius Macer
24
25
Praef.
I
The Reasons for Undertaking a Subject already treated by Many and Distinguished Authors 1. facturusne operae pretium sim: confirmed by Quintilian 9· 4· 74 who says that the corrupt order facturusne sim operae pretium, found in N, had already gained currency by his own day. The true order gives a dactylic opening (T. Livius hexametri exordio coepit) which seems to have been a fashionable affectation; cf. Tacitus, Annals I. I urbem Romam a principio reges habuere. It lends no support to Lundstrom's belief that L.'s opening words are a quotation from Ennius (Eranos, 15 (1915), 1-24). The reflection on the worth-while nature of the task is a conventional way of beginning (3. 26. 7 n.; see Fraenkel, Horace, 81). See also M. Muller's n. a primordio urbis: cf. Sallust, Hist. fr. 8 M. nam a principio urbis ad bellum Persi Macedonicum. res populi Romani: cf. Sallust, Hist. fr. I M. res populi Romani . .. militiae et domi gestas composui: Catiline 4. 2. 2. cum veterem tum volgatam : cf. Xenophon, H.G. 4. 8. I. For the alliteration cf. Plautus, Epid. 350. novi semper scriptores: for this and (3) in tanta scriptorum turba cf. Sallust, Hist. fr. 3 M. nos in tanta doctissumorum hominum copia. aliquid allaturos: cf. Cicero, de Off. 1. 155.
Praef.6
PREF ACE
PREFACE
tribune and praetor. Only of L. Cassius Hemina is nothing known. Even Valerius Antias came from a service family (see above, p. 12) and Q. Aelius Tubero belonged to a family distinguished in the public service (Cicero, Brutus I 17; Pomponius, Enchiridii 40). L. might, therefore, well feel abashed at venturing into such company. For the general sentiments cf. Martial, Praif. I. It was more usual to denigrate the incompetence and dishonesty of foregoing authors (5 n.). eorum me . . . meo: the reading of N is sure.
that his sources for the earliest Roman history were directly the poets but rather that the material which was transmitted about it was more suited for poetical than historical treatment.
Praef. 3
The Magnitude
if the
Undertaking
4. praeterea: a second reason for bridling at the prospect of writing Roman history. Not merely have so many important men turned their hands to it before but the task is daunting in itself. This view seems unique to L. The Unpalatability if Early History voluptatis: cf. Thucydides I. 22.4; Tacitus, Annals 2.88. L.'s allusion to the current fashion for contemporary history (haec nova) may be an
oblique reference to Sallust or to his relations with Pollio and Timagenes (see above, p. 4). 5. nostra ... aetas: notice the hyperbaton which is not poetic (H. J. Muller) but emphatic. L.'s distaste for his own times could not be more strongly stated. tantisper: I. 3. I, 22. 5 but avoided thereafter: 'a wee while'. The colloquial character of the word is seen in the fact that Cicero uses it in racy letters (ad Au. 12. 14.3; ad Fam. 9. 2.4) and in a quotation from Terence (de Fin. 5. 28; Tusc. Disp. 3. 65) whereas Caesar, Sallust, Virgil, Tacitus, and Lucretius eschew it altogether. It is common in Plautus and Terence. [tota] illa mente: there are no good grounds for deleting tota which was read by N: cf. Cicero, pro Cluent. 190; Phil. ro. 23. The only matter for doubt is its position. N's order, prisca tota illa mente, involves a harsh interlacing which cannot be satisfactorily paralleled. Perhaps 17"s emended order (illa tota), accepted by Weissenborn, H. J. Muller, Bayet, and Ernout, should be followed. avertam: the novelty of L.'s escapist attitude is disclosed by the care which Curtius, living a generation later, took to rebut it (ro. 9, 7): ut ad ordinem a quo me contemplatio publicaejelicitatis averterat redeam. curae ... a vero: the regular claim of historians for which cf. Hecataeus I F I ; Thucydides I. 22.2; Sallust, Hist. fr. 6 M. neque me diversa pars in civilibus armis movit a vero; Catiline 4. 2 ; Tacitus, Annals I. I. posset: for the tense cf. I. 26. ro, 35· 3, 9. 29. ro. The Indifference to Prehistoric History
6. decora: for the thought cf. Thucydides 26
I. I.
3. L. does not imply
7. miscendo humana divinis: as recommended by Cicero, de lnv. for securing the favourable attention of readers. Interest in the Moral Aspects
I.
23
if History
L's interest in human conduct is not, like Sallust's, didactic or philosophical but psychological. The behaviour and reactions of men fascinate him as such, while the work of the gods he is ready to rationalize, abbreviate, or by-pass (cf., e.g., his treatment ofNuma (I. 18-2 I); the omission of the Dioscuri (2. 19-20)). 9. mores . .. viros: the collocation recalls Ennius, Ann. 500 V. moribus antiquis res stat Romana virisque but the terms had long passed into the political vocabulary (see Earl, Political Thought if S~l~ust, 4 ff.). artibus domi militiaeque: cf. Plautus' humorous definrtron of bonae artes (virtutes) as quae domi duellique malejecisti which shows that there was a familiar equation of bonae artes and domi duellique bene jacta (Asin. 558 fr.). labente . . . desidentes; cf. Sallust, Hist. fr. 16 M. 'ex quo tempore maiorum mores non paulatim ut antea sed torrentis modo praecipitati: adeo iuventus luxu atque avaritia conrupta ut merito dicatur genitos esse qui neque ipsi habere possent res familiares neque alios p,ati'. The similarity extends not only to the thought but to the phrasmg as the italicized words display. There is doubt about the exact text. N read labente . . . diss(discM)identis. labente can be defended by comparison with Cicero, Phil. 2. 51 labentem et prope cadentem rem publicam. The metaphor will be of a large object beginning to slip downhill and gathering momentum for the final plunge. So in Sallust. Even ifit were not at variance with the metaphor implied by labente, dissidentis would call for comment since dissido is only found in the perfect (Fraenkel, Thes. Ling. Lat. s.v.) and discido is always transitive (cf. Lucretius 3. 659). dissidentis would, therefore, have to come from dissideo 'fall apart, disagree'. The accepted emendation is desidentes 'subsiding', already proposed by the early humanists; cf. Cicero, de Div. I. 97: other writers only use the word literallv. Elsewhere, however, L. writes labante egregia disciplina (36.6. 2) and Cicero tota ut labet disciplina (de Fin. 4.53), whereas disciplina labitur would be unique here. I think that Gronovius's labante must be read. If so, the metaphor is not of a slipping body but of a house tottering, breaking up, and collapsing and dissidentes, describing the disunity and disintegration of the mores, seems an appropriate word (cf. Seneca, Benif. I. ro. 3; Epist. 18. 2, 56. 5; Dial. 7. 8. 6). Ratherius so understood it, glossing discordantes.
PREFACE
PREFACE
Praef. 9
nec vztza nostra nec remedia: cf. 34. 49. 3; Plutarch, Cato min. 20; Josephus, B.]. 4. 9. I I. The conventional character of the expression might lead us to see in it a general reference to opposition to Augustus' solution of Rome's disorders by personal government; cf. Tacitus, Annals I. 9. 4. But the connexion between moral, especially sexual, laxity and political disaster was made in very similar terms by Horace in Odes 3. 24 intactis opulentior and Odes 3. 6 delicta maiorum at much this date (soon after 28 B.C.). In 28 B.C. Augustus had attempted to introduce moral legislation enforcing marriage by law and invoking penalties on immorality (Propertius 2. 7), but had been driven by opposition to withdraw it and was only able to renew the attempt in 18 B.C. and A.D. 9. It is hard, therefore, to doubt that Livy, like Horace, is referring to the failure of that legislation. See Syme, Harvard Studies in Class. Phil. 64 (1959),42-3; G. W. Williams, ].R.S. 52 (1962), 28 ff. The Usefulness of History
In parenthesis L. pays formal tribute to the moral value of history, a regular T07TOS deriving from Thucydides I. 22. 4 and given an exclusively moral application by Hellenistic historians (cf. Polybius 1. 1. 2, 2. 61. 3; Diodorus 1. 1. 4; Sallust, ]ugurtha 4· 5; Tacitus, Annals 3.65. I; Agr. 46.3). For L. the moral content is less important than the literary opportunity thereby provided. See Introduction, p. 18.
The Invocation ofthe Gods
Such invocations, although regular at the commencement of great affairs (22.9.7,38.48. 14,45. 39· ro) and at the s~art of~oe~s (e;g. Homer, Theognis, Ennius, Virgil: for the formulaIc opemng 10K Ll~os dpXwf-Lw(}a see Gow on Theocritus 17. I), were ~?t made by earh~r historians. Besides conventional piety L.'s deCISIon reflects on hIS attitude to his task. He saw himself as a creative artist, as a poet rather than a researcher.
2. 3 n. in inlustri posita monumento : the general sense is clear-'history offers
examples ofevery sort of conduct'-but the precise force ofthese words is disputed (Foster, T.A.P.A. 42 (1911), lxvi). They have been taken to mean '(examples) enshrined in conspicuous historical characters' (Haupt, Greenhough) but this does not suit the context which is concerned more with history in general rather than historical personages! (cf. in cognitione rerum). I would take monumento to refer to history as such, the history of a nation- 'examples set in the clear record of a nation' . The Remarkable Character of Rome
11. amor: cf. Polybius 1. 14. 2: Philinus and Fabius SOKOlJaL .•. f-LOL 7Tapa7T/o..~aW1J TOrS EpwaL.
nulla . .. maior; cf. Thucydides I. I. 3. civitatem: there is no need to delete the word as an interpolation after res publica (Novak); for such repetition of ideas cf. 2. 28. 3, 5. 2. 8,
ro. 1. 4. avaritia luxuriaque: Sallust dated the moral crisis at Rome to the destruction of Carthage in 146 B.C. (Catiline 7-9; ]ugurtha 41. 2). His
28
II
date is lower than that given by most authors who tended to sele~t a turning-point in the first half of the century, Piso fixing O? I?4 (Plmy, NoH. 17.244), Polybius on 168 (31. 25. 3, 6. 57· 5), and LIVy s annahstic source on 187 (39.6. 7). They were agreed :hat the c~u~al f~ctors were the contact with Greek material prospenty, the ehmmatron of an external menace, and the opportunities for individual Romans ~o acquire wealth. avaritia brings luxuria in it~ :rain. ~part f:om the omISsion of ambitio L. does not dispute the tradItIOnal dIagnOSIS fully set out by Sallust (Catiline 10-12). . . For avaritia and luxuria contrasted with paupertas and parstmonza cf. 34.4. 2- 13 (Cato's speech). The terms are conventional rhetoric.
10. hoc illud esse: 5.
7TE7T01J(}~1JaL n
Praef.
29
FOUNDATION OF ROME
ROOK I THE first five books were planned and published as a unity, and Book I stat~s the overall theme-the greatness of Rome. Rome was a great Clty both as a physical entity and as a world-power. From the very ou~set L. stresses the strength of the city (9. I iam res Romana adeo erat .valz~a; cf. I I. 4, 2 I. 6) and reiterates its increasing size (8. 4 crescebat znterzm urbs; c£ ~. ro, 30 . 1,33.9,35. 7,37. 1,44. 5). Rome earl~ became and remamed a great city. And corresponding to her ph~sIcal g~eatness was an imperial greatness. Rome was to be, as L. IS at pams to repeat, caput rerum (16. 7, 45. 3, 55. 6). Book .1 also adumbrates the other themes which form the dominant threads m the later four books. Book 2 is preoccupied with the nature and 1?rob.lems ?f libertas. Already in 17. 3 we are given a foreboding of thIs (lzbertatlS .dulcedine nondum experta; c£ 46. 3, 48. 9, 56. 8). The consequence of lzbertas, as of free enterprise, is discordia as is illustrated by the events of the latter half of Book 2 and as is already hinted in 1. 17: I or 1. 42. 2. A free society requires for its preservation the exer.c~se by individual citize?s of the social virtues. To give way to avantza and to scorn modestza must entail the disruption of society .(Praif. I I n.): This is clearly seen in the course of Book 3; and the way IS prepare~ m Book I where Ancus Marcius' pillaging (35. 7) is in contrast wI.th R?mulus' forbearance (15.4). It is in modestia and the corresl?or:dmg vI~tue of moderatio, the theme of Book 4, that the last Tarqu,m IS egregIOusly deficient. Book 5 is shot through with pietas: Rome s success depends both on divine will and on her own observance o~d~vine ordinance. In many ways this was a daring and novel theme. DI:me causality had been. ban.ished fr~m history since Herodotus / (?Icero, de .Orat. 2. 63) b~t m remtroducmg it L. caught the mood of hIs generatIOn. Once agam he foreshadows it in Book I. Aeneas like Camillus, is afatalis dux (1.4) and Rome is founded under the guidance of the f~tes (7. ~5). Much attention is given to the desirability of perfo~mg due ntes.and ceremonies (18. ro, 19. 7,36.6) for only so can dIvme co-operatIOn ?e. secured. L.'s own attitude to the gods and the. alle~e~ stones of theIr mtervention on earth is often sceptical and ratI~nahs~Ic (4. 2 n.). He will offer a naturalistic interpretation sideby-sIde wIth a miracle. The st~ucture of the book is dictated by the length and character o~ t?e ~eIgns of the. kings. Tradition .had already given each king a dIstmctIve personalIty before the phIlosophies of constitutional history began to press them into the moulds of /l-ovapx£a, fJaa£AHa, or 30
7vpavv£s. L. accepts the general philosophy of deterioration. Tullus and Ancus are decadent counterparts of Romulus and Numa. Each is singled out for some one particular quality: Romulus for military expertise, Numa for the creation of the religious observances of peacetime, Tullus for ferocity, Ancus for the ceremonies of war; and the comparison between them is expressly drawn (22. 2 (Tullus) ftrocior ... quam Romulus; 32. 5 Numa in pace religiones, a(bAnco) bellicae caerimoniae). As Numa founded divine law, so Servius Tullus founds the social order (42. 4). superbia characterizes the last Tarquin. Thus each section within the book has its own place within a general framework and the corresponsion between the two halves of the book gives the whole a symmetrical shape.
. The Foundation
if Rome'
/ The Facts There ~re a few traces of Chalcolithic and Bronze Age settlement at Rome, chiefly from the Esquiline, which may correspond to the legends about Sicels and Aborigines but the first extensive evidence comes from the middle of the eighth century. A series of post-holes have been found on the two ridges of the Palatine, the Palatium and the Cermalus, which can be dated stratigraphically and by the pottery associated with them, which is characteristic of the Early Iron Age, to c. 750. Contemporary with this earliest community at Rome was a cemetery in the Forum. Excavations have shown that both cremation and inhumation were practised. The ashes were regularly placed in a small urn in the shape ofa hut which was stored with other utensils in a large funerary jar. The hut urns correspond precisely with the plan as it can be reconstructed of the Palatine huts whose memory was also preserved in the casa Romuli. The primitive culture of the Palatine community is found at the same period elsewhere in Latium, particularly at Alba Longa. It is a regional variant of the Villanovan culture which was widespread throughout Italy in the eighth century. Little can be hazarded about the ethnic origins of these earliest inhabitants. The linguistic character of the Latin language has suggested to some that they were a wave ofIndo-European immigrants who came from Central Europe c. 1000 B.C. and who found their abode in Latium about 800 B.C. The community was a resident nucleus of shepherds and swineherds. Very shortly after the first huts had been built on the Palatine and the first graves sunk in the Forum, other gr01JS settled on other hills of Rome. Cemeteries have been found in e Esquiline and the Quirinal, which imply the existence ofv~":lgl" ommunities on those hills as well. The excavations on the Quirinal were significant in that
FOUNDATION OF ROME
FOUNDATION OF ROME
they disclosed only inhumation-graves, a fact which lends colour to the traditional belief that the inhabitants of the Quirinal were of different racial origin from the inhabitants of the Palatine and that the mixture of inhumation and cremation to be found in the Forum results from the gradual fusion and intermingling of the Latins and an offshoot of the Osco-Umbrians, the Sabines. Many of the oldest names at Ro~e appear to be Sabine, and Latin demonstrably contains many Sabme words. The duality is to be seen in the formal title populus Romanus Q,uirites. In summary it can be said that a settlement had existed on the Palatine from pre-historic times, that it expanded in the middle of the eighth century, that soon afterwards the Quirinal was settled by a different, possibly Sabine, community, that the two communities together with others on other hills gradually coalesced, and that the process of synoecism was completed by the draining of the Forum and the building ofa market-place c. 625-575. The salient points ofRoman tradition are thus vindicated:.All the attendant details and legends tell nothing about the actual hIstory of Rome but much about how that history was written and how it came to be regarded. ' The archaeological evidence is most conveniently to be found in the three volumes ofE. Gjerstad's Early Rome. The best general introduction in English is R. Bloch, The Origins of Rome in the series Ancient Peoples and Places, published by Thames and Hudson. See also E. Gjerstad, Legends and Facts of Early Roman History, 6 ff.
riv.alry with his brother and the aggressive militarism which contrasts so abruptly with the piety of his successor, correspond to no historical aetuality. They represent a peculiarly Roman form of myth much older than Rome which belong to the very core of Indo-European thought. Romulus and Remus are Cain and Abel or Jacob and Esau. Romulus and Numa are Varuna and Mitra or Uranus and Zeus. The detailed biography with which the name of Romulus was clothed was made up from a series of myths most of which are aetiological in nature explaining objects and monuments and ceremonies. Many have been supplemented from the resources of Greek mythology. They are studied individually in their place. The legend of Aeneas can be more closely determined. Scattered groups of migrants from Greece or Asia Minor may well have touched the coast of Latium in the seventh and sixth centuries but the first connexion of Aeneas with central Italy is revealed by statuettes from Veii, Greek vases from Etruria and Spina, and on Etruscan scarabs all portraying Aeneas carrying his father on his shoulders and all dating from the end of the sixth century. The first literary allusion to Aeneas in Italy occurs a century later (D.H. 1. 47-48. I = Hellanicus, F.Gr. Hist. 4 F 31 Jacoby) but it is possible that the tradition was already known to Stesichorus if the Tabula Iliaca, which depicts Aeneas departing with his father and the sacra II" T~V 'Eu7Tf,ptav is based on Stesichorus. The route by which the legend reached Italy is not certain. Weinstock conjectured that it was mediated through Sicily. More recently Bomer has argued that it came with the Phocaeans when they fled to the west c. 540. The important point is that it was a Greek view imposed on Italy. The Greeks attributed to heroes of the Greek world the discovery and settlement of the communities of the west with which they had dealings. Diomede, Evander, and, above all, Ulysses provided pedigrees in their wanderings. Aeneas found a home in the Etruscan world and in particular at Rome. Initially the Aeneas story was widely spread in Etruria. It became localized at Rome partly because the Greeks already recognized in the Romans of the early fifth century those same qualities of pietas which distinguished Aeneas and partly because of the accidental occurrence of a pre-Indo-European place name Troia on the coast near Rome (I. 3 n.). The legend represented the changing image of Rome, first as seen through Greek eyes, then in relation to her position in Latium and Italy, finally as the adversary of Carthage. Simultaneously a more mechanical process was at work synthesizing the conflicting stories of Romulus and Aeneas and devising relationships which would coordinate the two incompatibles. These early stages are not germane, for it was only when Eratosthenes fixed a date for the Fall of Troy
-The Leg;~d;I
Tw'o mutually exclusive legends, of Romulus and of Aeneas attend the foundation of Rome. Of these Romulus was the older and the more deep-rooted; it is assumed in an official Roman dedication at Chios of c. 225 B.C. The legend of Aeneas became current\in the sixth century and represents the view which the Greeks of that time took of Rome. It was left to later historians to effect a synthesis ofthe two. Romulus is the eponymous founder of Rome. The suffix -ulus is Etruscan and denotes a KTLUT~": Caeculus is the mythical founder of Praeneste. In the earliest legends he is variously associated with Latinus, the eponymous hero of the Latins, who had penetrated Greek consciousness as early as Mesiod (Theog. 101 I). In one version Latinus was the father of Rhome and Rhomylos.:Jn another Latinus had a sist~r Rhome and was himself the founder of Rome.•In yet another Latmus had a daughter who married Italus from whom Rhomos was born. ~l these accounts say no more than that Rome was founded by the Latins. Equally the two dominant facts about the personality of Romulus as they materialized in later telling, the antagonistic 32
814432
33
D
FOUNDATION OF ROME
FOUNDATION OF ROME
that the chronological gap between Aeneas and Romulus the founder of Rome became manifest and required bridging. It is probably that both Fabius Pictor and Ennius were aware that a prolonged sojourn at Alba was required if Aeneas and Romulus were to be retained in the tradition but Cato, who calculated the interval between the Fall of Troy and the foundation of Rome as 432 years (fr. 17), was the first to fill the gap with circumstantial events drawn from local traditions. His version may be briefly summarized. Latium was inhabited by Aborigines under King Latinus. Aeneas, landing with his father Anchises (fl'. 9), founded Troia (fr. 4). Latinus granted him an area of 2,700 iugera and the hand of his daughter Lavinia (frr. 8, II) and the united peoples adopted the name of Latins. The Trojans, however, dishonoured the treaty by embarking on a foray (fl'. 10). In disgust, the Latins (Aborigines) turned to Turnus the king of Rutulians who nursed a grievance against Aeneas for marrying Lavinia (fr. 12). In the resulting war both Latinus and Turnus were killed, while Aeneas disappeared from human sight. Aeneas' son Ascanius, now called from his beard Iulus, killed Mezentius who had come to Turnus' aid and ruled over the city of Laurolavinium (frr. 9, 10, II). During the disturbances Lavinia had fled to the woods, where she bore a son Silvius. Thirty years after the Trojan arrival in Italy Ascanius handed Laurolavinium over to Lavinia and Silvius his halfbrother, and himself founded Alba Longa (fr. 13). Finally he transferred Alba Longa also to Silvius who thus became the father of the dynasty of Alban kings, the last of whom, Numitor, was father of a daughter variously known as Ilia, Rhea, or Silvia. It was she who was the mother of Romulus and Remus. The Alban king-list did violence to history in order to preserve a literary chronology. Rome was not the late-born offspring of Alba Longa. The two villages shared a contemporary culture. Nonetheless Cato's account of early Roman history became the st~dard vulgate from which later writers only diverged to assert their individuality. It finds typical expression in the elogium of Aeneas from Pompeii (fnscr. Ita!. 13 no. 85 : there were elogia of Aeneas and the Alban kings also at Rome), or in the numerous versions assembled by D.H. The surviving fragments of Cassius Hemina (fr. 2), Sisenna (fr. 2), and Sempronius Tuditanus (fr. I) show no disagreement of substance. We know of several minor modifications. The Aemilii substituted an Aemilia for Rhea Silvia (Plutarch, Romulus 2). Others doubted the paternity of Romulus (D.H. I. 77). Varro added religious and antiquarian refinements. It is to this late stage in the synthesis of the legends that the two authorities which L. consulted belong (I. 6 n., 3. 2 n.). Unlike Virgil, who appears to have relied on the epic tradition created by Naevius and
Ennius rather than the Catonian, L. followed recent historians (3. 8 n.). There is no trace of Ennius in his account. Since nothing survives of Valerius Antias' or Licinius Macer's treatment of the Trojan prehistory of Latium, L.'s sources cannot be certainly identified. The only significant idiosyncrasy is that in L. Ascanius is the son of Aeneas and his second wife, Lavinia, and Silvius is the grandson not the son of Aeneas. The principal modern works on the subject are J. Perret, Les Origines de la Legende Troyenne de Rome, reviewed by Momigliano, ].R.S. 35 (1945) 99- 10 4; F. Bomer, Rom und Troia, 1955; A. Alfoldi, Die Troian. Urahnen d. Romer, 1957; see also P. Ducati, Tito Livio e Ie origini di Roma. The thesis that L. is dependent upon Ennius is maintained among others by W. Aly, Livius und Ennius; M. Chio, Riv. Fil. Class. 29 (1951), 1 ff.
1. 1-3. The Legend of Antenor Nothing is known historically or archaeologically about the Euganei who were supposed to inhabit in classical times the sub-alpine regions above the Po valley. A number of inscriptions from the Val Camonica dating from later than c. 500 n.c. have been adduced as evidence of the Euganean language, for Cato ap. Pliny, N.H. 3. 134 listed the Camunia as part of the Euganean people. The language is Italic, having a closer relationship with the Latin-Faliscan group than with the Osco-Umbrian. This does not, however, tell anything about the ethnic or cultural character of the people since the language may well have been acquired at a late stage in their history. Indeed place-names from the region have been used to support the traditional account that the Euganei were very old inhabitants of the area who predated any Indo-European contamination. Much more is known about the Veneti (5. 33. 10). Their chief centres were Padua and Este (Ateste), where a settled culture, distinct from the Villanovan, can be traced from the tenth to the second century. The Veneti were distinguished for their metal-work and for their horse-breeding and had commercial contacts with the Creeks from before the sixth century. Their language also is now generally agreed to have had its closest affinity with the Latin-Faliscan group although its alphabet was borrowed from the Etruscans and some words have been claimed as Illyrian. The phenomena can be explained by the cultural pressures to which the Veneti were by their very situation subjected. The ethnic origin of the Veneti remains in doubt. Herodotus (I. 196) speaks of' J).,),vpLivv 'EVETO{ but the long-fashionable theory that the Veneti were a wave of migrating Illyrians is no longer accepted and cannot be supported by the widespread distribution of the name (e.g. the Venetulani in Latin, the Veneti of Armorica, the
34
35
I. I.
1-3
FOUNDATION OF ROME
FOUNDATION OF ROME
Slavonic Venidi, &c.). The traditional account that the Euganei were displaced by Venetie infiltration may be true. It is at least as likely that the two groups were originally akin culturally as well as linguistically but that the Euganei in their isolated region were gradually outstripped by the more adaptable and progressive Veneti. The connexion of Antenor and his Eneti with the Veneti belongs, however, not to history but to Greek romancing about the Adriatic. It is natural that it should be as old as the commercial penetration of the area by the Greeks and hence there is no difficulty in believing that it formed the basis of Sophocles' Antenoridae (Strabo 13. 608; see Pearson, The Fragments if Sophocles, 1.86-90; it was perhaps adapted by Accius; see Polybius 2. 17.6 with Walbank's note). It is at least certain that the Antenoridae, although not necessarily Antenor, had a cult as far west as Gyrene by the fifth century (Pindar, Pyth. 5. 80-88). Initially, then, the Antenor legend represented the Greek attitude to the Veneti. I t was inspired by no more than a casual play on names (cf. Pliny, N.H. 3. 130, 6. 5; Suidas s.v. 'EVETO{: see Page on Aleman, Partheneion 5 I). Gato was perhaps the first Roman to interest himself in it and so to link the destinies of the Veneti and the Romans (fr. 42). As propaganda his work was well timed, for the Veneti were peacefully absorbed by the Romans in 184 B.C. The identification was reiterated by the geographer Polemo c. 180 B.C. (E Euripides, Hipp. 23 I) and thenceforth had a firm place in Roman history (Tacitus, Annals 16. 2 I ; Servius, ad Aen. I. 243). The linking of the two Trojan foundations in Italy through the parallel legends of Aeneas and Antenor was thus a late action. It was chiefly motivated by political considerations but folk-memory or academic research may have recalled the curious fact that however separated they might be geographically and culturally the Veneti and Latins were linguistically near kin. But for L. the legend had a special meaning. He was a Paduan and the story of his home city was thereby joined to the history of the capital city. I1ence he begins his history with Antenor not Aeneas (but see I. I n.) and takes for granted as common knowledge that Antenor founded Padua. For the history of the Veneti see Storia di Venezia I (1957); R. Battaglia, Bull. di Paletn. Italiana, 1959, with bibliography; G. Gapovilla, Miscellanea Calbiati, I. 238 ff.; for the Venetie language see M. S. Beeler, The Venetie Language; Palmer, The Latin Language, 41 ff.; for the Antenor legend see Thallon A.J.A. 28 (1924), 47 ff. ; Beaumont, ].H.S. 56 (1936), 159 ff.; Perret 157-256.
65) or the name of the subject (cf. Polybius I. 5. I; Tacitus, Annals urbem Romam; Agricola 4. I Gn. Iulius Agricola; D.H. I. 8. 9). This peculiarity led Wex to doubt whether the opening survives in its original form (Neue ]ahrb.j. Philol. 71 (1855), 123-5). He noted that Servius (ad Aen. I. 242) appeared to credit L. with having told of Aeneas' betrayal of Troy (hi enim duo (Antenor et Aeneas) Troiam prodidisse dicuntur secundum Livium; cf. Origo Centis Romanae 9. 1-2) and he observed that L. never uses iam primum to begin a paragraph (cf. 5. 51. 6, 28. 39. 5, 39· 52. 8, 40. 3· 3)· From this he concluded that a sentence or sentences had been lost. But L.'s reason for not naming Rome at the very beginning is that he gives pride of place to his native district of Padua and iam primum is not strictly the opening for it follows on from the general introduction contained in the Praifatio. satis constat: implying that L. has consulted more than one authority (48 . 5, 5· 33· 5, 37· 34· 7)· vetusti: Antenor had entertained Menelaus and Odysseus when they came to Troy (Iliad 3. 207 with E) and had recommended the surrender of Helen (Iliad 7. 347 ff. ; Horace, Epist. I. 2. 9). The earliest versions do not associate Aeneas in these negotiations but cf., e.g., Quintus Smyrn. 13. 291 ff. 1. 2. et sedes: the sense is that they had lost their homes because they had been driven out of Paphlagonia and their leader because Pylaemenes had been killed. Pylaemene: cr. Iliad 2. 851, 5. 576. 1. 3. Troia: so also Steph. Byz. S.v. Tpo{a. The same place-name is better attested on the coast of Latium (I. 4; Gato fr. 4; Paulus Festus 504 L.; D.H. I. 53. 3; Servius, ad Aen. I. 5,7· 158,9.47). An Etruscan oinochoe from Gaere depicting a labyrinth has the inscription Truia and the very primitive military rite at Rome was known as the lusus Troiae. Stephanus glosses the name by xapaf, This evidence, whether it be coupled with the name of old Troy itself or not, has been taken to indicate that Troia was a pre-Indo-European term, used as a placename, meaning a fortified place (Rehm, Philologus, Supp. Band, 24 (1932), 46 ff.). When once the Greeks began to spread the Trojan legend to Italy they naturally attached it to similar names. The Latian Troia is to be sited at or near Zingarini.
I. I.
1-3
I. I. 1
I.
I. I
1. 4 - 3. Aeneas and the Alban Kings
1. 1. iam primum: the opening of the history is unusual. The conventional practice was to state at the outset the name of the historian (cf. the openings of Herodotus and Thucydides: see Gow on Theocritus
1. 4. maiora: by enallage with rerum. jatis: 4. I n. Macedoniam: the old town of Rakelos in Macedonia-Thrace changed its name to Aineia (Herodotus 7. 123. 2; Lycophron 1236 with E) and issued coins of Aeneas carrying Anchises, on his shoulders (Head,
36
37
6
FOUNDATION OF ROME
FOUNDATION OF ROME
Historia Numorum, 214). The change is perhaps to be associated with Pisistratid control of the area (Aristotle, :4B. 770/... 15. 2; see Ath. Tribute Lists I. 465). The connexion of name was, however, longstanding in the district (cf. Ainos) and taken with Iliad 20. 303 ff.,
tion of defeat and the Romans the infamy of aggression, doubtless gained currency from the late fourth century when the foundation legend was invoked to improve relations with the Latins. It is in substance the version of Cato, Virgil (7. 170 ff.), and Varro (cf. D.H. I. 57-60, 64). The first version, which makes Aeneas the aggressor is, like the dismissal ofJulian pretensions in 3.2 (n.), anti-dynastic.
Laurentinum: at I. 4 N read Laurentem, which has the authority here against 77'S Laurentinum. L. uses neither form elsewhere. 1. 9. penates: I. 10 n. 1. 10. Lavinium: identified by inscriptions (C.1.L. 14. 2067-8) with the modern Pratica di Mare. The relation of the ager Laurens and the people known as Laurentes to the city of Lavinium was obscure even in classical times. No town of Laurentum is attested in inscriptions, itineraries, or historical sources (but cf. Steph. Byz. S.v. .!.lvT€£a), but the adjective Laurens denotes a people as early as the first Carthaginian treaty (Polybius 3. 22. I I with Walbank's note: apEJlT{vWV as emended) and the Arician League (Cato fr. 58 P.) In classical inscriptions it is almost invariably linked with Lavinas (C.I.L. 14. 2070-8) and always from the site of Laviniurn. It is thus scarcely to be believed that there existed in classical antiquity a town of Laurenturn distinct from Lavinium. The proles biformis Laurolavinium cited only by Servius (ad Aen. I. 5, 4. 620, 6. 760, &c.) is an antiquarian invention. Further Lavinium lay in the ager Laurens (Obsequens 73; Val. Max. 1.6. 7), a coastal strip some 14 miles long adjoining the land ofArdea. Thus either Laurens was the name of the people, Lavinium of the city (cf. the populus Ardeatis Rutulus in the Aricia inscription) or Lavinium absorbed at a very early date a short-lived community on a different site called Laurentum (to be sought between Ostia and Ardea; cf. C.I.L. 14. 2045 vicus Augustanus Laurentium, 7 miles from Lavinium). Both Laurentes and Lavinates figure in the list of thirty peoples given by D.H. (2. 18. 3 n.) which might be used to support the former alternative. See H. Boas, Aeneas' Arrival in Latium, 96-126, especially for the etymology of Laurentes; Philipp, R.E., 'Lavinium'. The part played by Lavinium in the development of the Trojan legend at Rome is one of the most obscure problems in Roman tradition. The Aeneas story was widely dispersed through Etruria by the end of the sixth century: it subsequently became monopolized by Rome. Alba Longa was incorporated into the story partly for mere chronological convenience to supply the gap between 1184 and 750 and partly because of the intimate cultural affinity of the two communities. In this scheme Lavinium would seem to have no place. Yet the connexion was long established. Tradition spoke of Laviniurn as being Aeneas' first foundation in Italy (Timaeus 566 F 59 Jacoby; Varro, de Ling. Lat. 5. 144) and substance for the claim is provided by the annual ceremony which Roman magistrates performed at Lavinium soon after vacating office (14.2,5.52.8). It was further claimed that the Trojan penates came to Rome from Lavinium and this has been largely confirmed by the discovery of a fifth-century dedication to Castor and Pollux at Pratica (2. 20. 12 n.). The cult ofAeneas Indiges, i.e. Aeneas as divine ancestor, which was attested at the river
38
39
r.
1.
4
suggests that the Aeneadae had come to Troy from the Balkans in the thirteenth or fourteenth century leaving traces of their passage in the place-names en route. See Malten, Archiv j. Relig.-Wissen. 29 (1931), 33 ff. Siciliam: Thucydides (6.2,3 drawing on Antiochus) called the Elymi whose chief towns were Segesta and Eryx Trojan refugees, and Hellanicus (P. Gr. Hist. 4 F 3 I) named Elymus as a companion-in-arms of Aegestus and Aeneas, though in another context saying that the Elymi came from Italy (4 F 79 b with Jacoby's note). Their culture was characterized by elements which were more Phoenician than Greek, lending colour to the belief that they reached Sicily from the East before the Greeks (details in Dunbabin, The Western Greeks, 336-7). The specifically Trojan origin may have been devised, or at least published, by Stesichorus of Himera and inspired by the cult of Aphrodite Aeneias at Eryx (D.H. I. 53). The Aeneas story was rooted in Sicily at the end of the sixth century and Sicily was a possible channel by which it could have reached Rome. Laurentem: I. 10 n. tenuisse: sc. cursum 'he had held course with his fleet to the land of the Laurentes', cf. 31. 45. 14; for classe cf. 36.7. 15. L.'s use of tenere is, however, awkward here so close to two places where it is used in the meaning 'inhabit' (I. 3 eas tenuisse terras; I. 5 ea tenebant loca). Frigell proposed deletion.
1. 5. Aborigines: the inhabitants of Latium were known to Hesiod as Latini. The Aborigines (ab origine) figure first in Callias (P. Gr. Hist. 564 F 5 a and b) apparently because the introduction of the Aeneas legend entailed that the Latins could not have been an autochthonous race but must have been the result of the fusion of Ttojan and native (aboriginal) stock (Cato frr. 9-1 I P.). Thereafter they remained a constant element in the story (for Lycophron's BOpE{yOVOL cf. Zielinski, Deutsch. Philol. 189 I, 41; de Sanctis, Storia, I. 173; Kretschmer, Glotta 20 (1932), 198). 1. 6. duplex: the second version, which spares the Latins the humilia-
1. 1.
FOUNDATION OF ROME
FOUNDATION OF ROME
Nllmicius near Lavinium (Fabius Pictor fro 4 P.; Naevius ap. Macrobius 6.2.31) has recently been confirmed by a fourth-century cippus found at Tor Tignosa 5 miles inland from Lavinium and inscribed LARE AINEIA D(ONOM) to be of comparable antiquity with the Lavinian Penates (Guarducci, Bull. Commun. 76 (1956-8) 3 ff.; Weinstock, ].R.S. 50 (1960), 114-18). Now the cult ofAeneas never reached Rome, although the legend did, and the explanation of the role played by Lavinium in the Trojan origins of Rome may lie in the significance of that fact coupled with the peculiar nature of the Roman Penates. In one form the Penates certainly reached Rome from Lavinium but the word penates must originally have designated the gods of the penus rather than either di patrii or national protectors like the Dioscuri. The basic meaning is in accord with their association with Vesta (D.H. 8. 41. 3; Cicero, Har. Resp. 12). They were the gods of the store-house and are to be recognized in the primitive statuettes found buried with hut urns in the earliest graves at Rome and Alba. At some point therefore a synthesis must have taken place which converted the primitive penates into the complex and manifold deities with their Trojan links which are familiar in classical times, and that synthesis must have been made in the period 520-480 B.C. That is precisely the period when Rome became mistress of the neighbouring towns of Latium including Lavinium. The hegemony implicit in the first Carthaginian treaty is finally regularized by the treaty of Sp. Cassius. Rome developed the Aeneas myth so that it became centred on her while leaving a transient, if memorable, part for Lavinium; whereas in fact it was Lavinium with the nearby Troia which had been the first place in Latium to take up the myth seriously and to claim Aeneas and the Trojans as ancestors. Lavinium retained the honour as the foundation of Aeneas and as the first home of the Penates and throughout historical times was accorded appropriate respect by the Romans, but it had become a mere resting-point on the Trojan path to Rome. The bibliography is very extensive but is usefully assembled by Weinstock, R.E. 'Penates' and ].R.S., loco cit., and Bomer, Rom und Troia. 1. n. Ascanium: 3. 2 n.
2. 1. Tumus rex Rutulorum: for the name Turnus see 50. 3 n., for the Rutuli see 57. I n. The addition of Turnus and, above all, of Mezentius to the Aeneas saga is later than and dependent on the synthesis of the Lavinian and Roman tradition analysed above (I. Ion.), although it was firmly settled by the time ofCato (cf. Servius, ad Aen. I. 267) and admitted only of minor adjustments such as the insertion of the dream-oracle found in D.H. I. 57 and Virgil, Aeneid 7. 81 ff.
which was designed to mitigate Latinus' discourtesy in rejecting Turnus in favour of Aeneas as suitor for his daughter's hand. The Etruscan name of Tumus and his Etruscan sympathies have no place in an eighth-century context and in particular the detailed history of Mezentius' fate was evidently modelled on the Fall ofVeii, where the king like Mezentius was impious and detested and met his match at the hands ofajatalis dux (Aeneas, Camillus). The name Mezentius, not elsewhere attested, represents a modernized spelling of an Etr. Medior Mess- with a Latin termination. 2.3. Caere: 60.2,4.61. I 1,5.40. 10, the modern Cervetri, situated on a tongue of tufa rock, 30 miles north of Rome and 3t miles from the coast on which it had a port, Agylla. Its position with access to the sea secured it prosperity from the earliest times: the oldest tombs are dated to C. 700. Caere would, then, have been in existence in this legendary period but that is all that can be said. For the remains see R. Mengarelli, Mon. Ant. Ace. Lincei 42 (1955), 4 ff. ; Maule and Smith, Votive Religion at Caere; for the history, Sordi, I Rapporti Romano-Ceriti. nimio plus: 2. 37· 4 n. 2. 5. implesset: 5· 33· 7 n. 2.6. iusjasque est: the phrase (cf. 3. 55. 5, 7. 6. II, 31. 2, 8. 10. I, 23· 12. 15,45· 33· 2; 23.42.4 sijas est dici) reflects the well-known liturgical formula by which the many names and appellations of a god are summarized (see Fraenkel on Aeschylus, Agamemnon 160). Thus although there was no actual cult of Aeneas at Rome there is no cause to doubt the text with Schadel. Aeneas was worshipped as a ifpws in the Greek world, in Macedonia, Zacynthus, Ambracia, and Segesta, and the literary evidence for his worship by the river Numicius (Naevius ap. Macrobius, 6. 2. 31; Fabius Pictor fr. 4 P.) is :confirmed by the dedication to Lar Aineas recently found at the nearby Tor Tignosa and by the elogium set up in his honour at Pompeii in which he is styled Indiges Pater. L. implies that Aeneas was worshipped there under a variety of names and we have explicit evidence for two other titles in addition to Juppiter Indiges mentioned by L. in this passage and by Servius, ad Aen. I. 259: Indiges Pater (see above; Origo Centis Romanae 14. 4) and Aeneas Indiges (Varro, Ant. 15 fro 12; Virgil, Aeneid 12.794; Martianus Capella 6. 637: see Weinstock, ].R.S. 50 (1960),117). Numuum: Numicus and Numicius are found indiscriminately (Schulze 481). The identification of the Numicius with the Rio Torto which runs from the Alban hills to the coast between Lavinium and Ardea is certain (B. Tilly, ].R.S. 26 (1936), 1-12). The manuscripts offer a straight choice between Jluvium (M) and Jlumen (7TA). While certain principles Seem to dictate his use of amnis, none can be discerned for the choice betweenJluvius andJlumen (Gries, Constancy, 21 ff.)
4°
41
1. 1. 10
1. 2. 1
6
3.
FOUNDATION OF ROME
FOUNDATION OF ROME
except that fiuvius is very much the rarer word (33: db). This phenomenon alone would incline one to prefer jluvium here were it not for the proven unreliability of M in these early chapters. fiuvius is not used by Caesar, Hirtius, Sallust, Nepos, Velleius, Valerius Maximus, or the authors of the Wars in Africa, Alexandria, and Spain. indigetem: an obscure term which must mean 'divine ancestor'. The di indigetes invoked in prayers include Sol Indiges who according to one tradition was grandfather of Latinus (Hesiod, Theogony 101 Iff.) and the Latin word is reproduced by the Greek yEvapxYJ> (Diodorus 37. I I). See further Kretschmer, Glotta 3 I (195 I ), 157 ff. ; Weinstock, loco cit.
(Dessau, I.L.S. 8770). This Julius was a staunch opponent of Marius and was killed by Cinna in 87 B.C. A political motive for the two divergent accounts in Livy follows. The one which asserted that Ascanius was the offspring of Aeneas and Lavinia, a relationship not elsewhere attested, denied by implication the high-flying claims of the gens Iulia. It is Marian propaganda and, as such, to be attributed to Licinius Macer. The alternative version is the conventional one, differing little from that given by Cato. 3.3. Longa Alba: Alba as used in the name of the mountains, the town, and the river has no connexion with the Latin albus 'white' but is a pre-Indo-European word meaning 'mountain' (cf. Alps; se? B~rtola, Zeitschr. Roman. Philol. 56 (1936), 179-88). Hence the substitutiOn of Tiber for Albula represents the victory of the Etruscan language (Thebris) over the indigenous. Alba Longa, on the site of the modern Castel Gandolfo, was a parallel foundation to Rome, being peopled by a race of the same ethnic stock and the same culture, but the cemeteries found in the neighbourhood show that it was a somewhat older settlement than Rome, although only by decades not centuries. A recent attempt to site Alba on the slopes of Mte. Cavo has no archaeological support. See Ashby, Journ. Phil. 27 (1899), 37-50; I. G. Scott, Mem. Amer. Acad. Rome, 7 (1929), 2 I ff.; F. Dionisi, La Scoperta Topographica. 3. 4. Lavinium: sc. conditum which Harant would supply but cf. for the zeugma 21. 34. I, 28.42. 8. triginta: L. omits the famous prodigy of the sow with 30 piglets, which was said to have appeared to Aeneas, presumably because he regarded it as a piece of superstitious gullibility. Th~ l.egend began as an aetiological explanation of the league of 30 Clties (Lycophron 1253 ff.; Pliny, N.H. 3. 69). It has been conjectured that it sprang from a misinterpretation of the pre-Indo-European place-name Troia (1. 3. n.) as 'sow', a meaning which the word troia possesses in late vulgar Latin. In any case the prodigy is old. It reflects a primitive economic situation when Rome was no more than a community of swineherds. Rome, anxious to reduce the standing and prestige of the 30 cities, succeeded in proposing a new interpretation by which the 30 piglets represented, as here, the thirty-year interval between the founding of Lavinium and Alba Longa (cf. Alcimus, F. Gr. Hist. 560 F 4; Fabius Pictor fr. 4 P.; Varro, de Re Rust. 2. 4. 18; de Ling. Lat. 6. 14 1 ff.; see Ehlers, Mus. Helv. 6 (1949), 166 ff.; Sordi 168-9)· 3. 5. Albula: cf. Varro, de Ling. Lat. 5. 29 ff.
I. 2.
3. 2. haud ambigam: L. betrays clearly that he has consulted two sources, one of which maintained the identification of Ascanius and lulus the ancestor of the gens Iulia and another which denied or ignored it. The history of the question can be traced. Ascanius, who is an unobtrusive figure in Homer, acquired importance with his brothers in the post-Homeric tradition as the surviving inheritors of the Trojan kingdom. He rules over the Daskylites (Hellanicus) or Ida (Demetrius of Scepsis; cf. Steph. Byz. S.v. aUKav{a; Mela 1. 92) or Troy itself (D.H. 1. 53. 4). Originally his mother was called Eurydice but Creusa-the name familiar from Virgil (Aeneid 2. 666; see Austin on Virgil, Aeneid 2. 795)-was at a later but unascertainable date substituted. His brothers are equally fluid. The Verona scholiast on Aeneid 2. 717 mentions Eurybates and Servius, ad Aen. 4· 159 Dardanus and Leontodamas but there is no firm tradition about any of them. When Aeneas moved west Ascanius accompanied him (cf. Sophocles, Antenoridae). So it was natural to believe that Ascanius was the ancestor of the founder of Rome. Chronological considerations which inserted Alba as a link in the history of Rome between the Trojan landing and the foundation of the city enabled Ascanius to have an honourable role as founder of Alba. It was doubtless aided by the family pride of the gens Iulia, an Alban family (30. 2 n.) who connected their name with Troy by the equivalence lulus = IIos and accordingly claimed that lulus was another name for Ascanius. This was an old claim, already found in Cato (fr. 9 P.). But the gens Iulia in the second century was oflittle influence and it was only in the closing years that it revived and began to exploit its claims for political ends. Sextus Julius Caesar, about 125 B.C., minted coins displaying Venus Genetrix referring to their Trojan ancestry (Sydenham no. 476) and the theme recurs in the coins of L. Julius Caesar in 94 B.C. (Sydenham no. 593). The consul of 90 B.C. made capital out of the link and took pains to publicize his patronage of the people of Ilium
42
I.
2
The Alban King-list
The dynasty of the Silvii was invented to span the 400 years which separated the Fall of Troy from the foundation of Rome. It occurs in many authors with minor variations (D.H. 1.71; Ovid, Met. 14.610 ff.; 43
FOUNDATION OF ROME
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Fasti 4· 35 ff. ; Virgil, Aeneid 6. 767 ff. ; Diodorus 7. 5; Dio fr. 4) and will be as old as the realization of the approximate dates of Troy and Rome. The inclusion ofCapys points to a third-century date when the relations between Rome and Capua were fraught. Certainly it was to be found in some form in Fabius Pictor (fr. 5 P.) and Cato (fr. I I P.) but the exact names are not quoted before the first century. In their invention little ingenuity was displayed. They provide patron heroes for local places and a symbolic pageant of Roman history-Latinus is succeeded by Alba whose descendant is a Romulus (3. 9 n.), signifying the stages of Lavinium, Alba, and Rome. Tiberinus, Aventinus, and Capetus (= Capitolium) personify the prominent features of the city. On the other side names were selected to emphasize the Trojan origins of the people. Atys (for whom Ovid, in the Fasti, Diodorus, and Eusebius substitute Epytus; d. Iliad 2.604) is the name of several members of the Lydian royal house (Herodotus 1.7,34,94; 7· 27, 74: cf. JhTL')' Capys was also the name of Anchises' father (cf. 4· 37· I n.). Capetus (elsewhere given as Calpetus to provide a pedigree for the Calpurnii) was a suitor of Hippodameia (Pausanias 6. 2 I. 10). For the more controversial names see in detail below. Numitor and Amulius cannot be accounted for on these lines because they belonged to an early stage of the Romulus story and so were originally independent of the Alban king-list. They were incorporated in it when the Romulus legend was united with that of Aeneas. Servius (ad Aen. 8.72,330) says that L. followed Alexander (Polyhistor) in stating that the Tiber got its name from an Alban king Tiberinus who perished in it. This has been generally taken to mean that L. consulted Alexander as a source but the conclusion is neither necessary nor attractive. Alexander, a slave or freedman given the citizenship by Sulla (c. 80 B.C.), wrote an encyclopaedia of Eastern and Roman antiquities in Greek (Jacoby, F. Gr. Hist. 273). The obscurity of the author, the unsuitable lay-out of his work, the unfamiliarity of his language, the unoriginality of his technique, all make him a most improbable authority for L. to have used. It is now general1y admitted that L. can only have consulted him, ifat all, for the specific detail about Tiberinus (3.8) and not for the Alban king-list as a whole. Yet even so such a procedure is at variance with all that we know of L. 's method of work. If Servius is correct in attributing this version of the name of the Tiber to Alexander, I prefer to believe that L. learnt it not at firsthand from Alexander but through an intermediary. Since it was argued above that the main source of the chapters was not Licinius Macer who is quoted only in criticism, it is natural to think of another admirer of Sulla's who wrote after Alexander and would have had both occasion and inclination to consult his workValerius Antias.
For the king-list see Trieber, Hermes 29 (1894), 124 ff.; Schwartz, A.G.G.W. 40 (1894), 3 ff.; Bomer on Ovid, Fasti 4· 39 ff. 3. 6. Silvius: was probably inspired by the character of the landscape of early Latium, traces of which survive in the names silva Arsia, silva Malitiosa, &c. It is not plausible, with Sundwall (Klio I I (1913),250), to connect it with the Asiatic name I){).,{3o,. casu quodam in silvis natus is the product of later romanticism. 3. 7. Prisci Latini: the casci Latini of Ennius. The name is not ancient but stems from the Latin settlement of 338, when the need arose to distinguish between the title 'Latin' with its juridical implications which then came into force and the earlier ethnic term 'Latin'. The colonies here referred to, which comprised the area between the Anio and the Tiber, are equally anachronistic. See Sherwin-White, Roman Citizenship, 9 ff. 3. 8. Arys: Epytus in Ovid (Fasti) , Diodorus, and Eusebius, emphasizing the Trojan lineage (Iliad 2. 604). Tiberinus: the eponymous hero of the Tiber had been cast in other roles besides that of an Alban king. He had been an aboriginal, killed by Glaucus, an Etruscan, a Latin, or a son of]uppiter who fell in battle near the river (Servius, ad Aen. 8. 72, 330). 3. 9. Agrippa: the original name is likely to have been Acrota (Ovid, Met. 14. 6 17; from uKpo-alluding to the arx as Capetus alludes to the Capitol) which was then rationalized to Agrippa. Agrippa as a name was originally a praenomen descriptive of the manner of birth (Pliny, N.H. 7.45) and as a cognomen was later in vogue among the Furii and Menenii. But the only Agrippa of note between the early Republic and the Empire was M. Vipsanius Agrippa and it is generally assumed that the substitution of Agrippa for Acrota was out of compliment to Augustus' general (Trieber; see Reinhold, M. Agrippa, 10 n. 38). The suggestion is not compelling. The formation of the Alban king-list belongs to the same era that gave such wide publicity to the parable of Menenius Agrippa (2. 32. 8 n.). Romulus: the name is given as Aremulus by Diodorus (7. 5. 10), Cassiodorus, Hieronymus (I. 46. 7), and the author of the Grigo Centis Romanae (18. 2). P. Burman, on Ovid, Met. 14.616, wished to read Remulus here, which is more probable than Aremulus in that it provides an attractive aetiology for the ager Remurinus (Paulus Festus 345 L.) and the Remoria (Ovid, Fasti 5. 479). Nonetheless Romulus is not only better attested; it is a necessary anticipation of the great Romulus and makes a piquant successor to Agrippa. iulmine: there was a meteorite held in great veneration on the Aventine which goes far to explaining this detail. Proca: etymologically the name is connected with proceres and Proculus and the meaning will be, 'elder, leader, prince' (Walde-Hofmann
44
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r. 3. 6
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s.v.). It may have been chosen also for the reminiscence ofProchyte, Aeneas' kinswoman, who died en route for Sicily and gave her name to a Campanian headland (Servius, ad Aen. 9. 712).
I give only a cursory account of the birth of the founder of Rome in so far as it is directly relevant to the understanding of L.'s narrative. The subject is treated extensively in Rosenberg's articles in R.E. ('Rhea Silvia' and 'Romulus'). The primary discussion is by Mommsen, Rom. Forsehungen, 1 ff. An acute analysis, with a full bibliography of the problem, is given by C. J. Classen, Historia 12 (1963), 447 ff. Before the insertion of the Alban king-list the founder of Rome, variously named as Rhomos or Rhomylos, was held to be either the son ofAeneas (Alcimus ap. Festus 326 L.) or his grandson by a Trojan daughter (Callias ap. D.H. 1. 72; so also Ennius and Naevius according to Servius, ad Aen. 1. 273, 6. 777), who is consequentially named Ilia. Originally he was an only son but by the third century at the latest the tradition of the twins was recognized (Lycophron 1232). Originally Romulus and Remus may have been no more than the Etruscan (cf. rumIna and the gens Romilia) and Greek forms of the same name, misunderstood to give two personalities. The genealogy, therefore, is Greek and two Greek legends were grafted on to it. On 4 January 1837 Macaulay in Calcutta commented in his copy of Livy that the story of the exposure of the twins was 'very like Herodotus' account of the early history of Cyrus'. A closer parallel is the fortunes of Neleus and Pelias, sons of Tyro by Poseidon, set adrift on the Enipeus and suckled by a bitch and a mare respectively. It is an age-old explanation, like siring by the firegod (39. 1 n.), to account for the emergence of a new force without background or pedigree. The specifically Roman turn which it took was to make the foster-mother a wolf. This may be attested as early as the fourth century when an Etruscan stele from the Certosa di Bologna (Ducati, Monum. Antiehi, 20. 531) depicts a she-wolf suckling a human. It is certainly established by the early third century when the Ogulnii set up a statue of the wolf and twins (10. 23. 11-12) and the motif is figured on Romano-Campanian didrachms (Sydenham no. 6). It was evidently the theme of Naevius' play Lupus. We cannot be certain when or why the she-wolf was selected. The most probable explanation sees it as an aetiological explanation of the luperei (see note on ch. 5.). The recognition ofthe identity ofthe twins is a typically Greek avayvwptuts. Once the exposure story was accepted it became necessary to devise reasons why the royal heirs should have been so humiliated. Recourse
was again had to Greek mythology. The names of Numitor and Amlllius, unlike the other Alban kings, are not in themselves significant and so must belong to an old stratum of oral tradition. It is not fanciful to see in Numitor an echo or duplication ofNuma (3. 10 n.) and Amulius may also have been the original name of a king or chieftain later pushed into obscurity by the more etymologically satisfying Romulus (3. 10 n.). At all events, if the names survived from the earliest times (Amulius already occurs in Naevius before the Alban king-list was fabricated), the careers and characters of the two brothers are directly modelled upon the legends of Polyneices and Eteocles, so much so that some later authorities even credited Numitor and Amulius with a division of inheritance or alternation of rule (Plutarch, Romulus 3; Origo Centis Romanae 19; cf. Hellanicus 4 F 98 Jacoby). Thus motivation and circumstantial detail were acquired for the story of the birth ofRomulus and Remus. It was left to later historians to elaborate. At an early date the aetiological connexion with the fieus Ruminalis was made (4. 5 n.). Subsequent historians either embellished by intensifying the scandalous (vi eompressa) or rationalized by reinterpreting the supernatural elements in the story. One sophisticated development was the result of the schematization of Roman history to fit the Greek pattern of a developing constitution. Romulus was the ideal or typical fL6vapxos. Hence he is portrayed as a man of mental and physical accomplishment (4. 9 n.), a trait that is as old as Polybius and could be as old as Fabius Picto1'. Sensationalism was catered for by the ingenious identification first made, as we are expressly told, by Valerius Antias (f1'. 1 P.; from AuI. GelI. 7. 7. 1) of the wolf (lupa) which suckled the twins with a renowned mistress from mythology-Acca Larentia (4. 7 n.)-on the basis of the colloquial use of lupa as a synonym for meretrix (Plautus, Epid. 403; True. 657). According to the usual version she was inspired by templedreams to marry the first person that she met who would leave her his fortune. This turned out to be Tarutius, who bequeathed to her the site of Rome which she in her turn left to the new settlers. It was easy to manipulate this story. Acca Larentia was the lupa, the harlot who conceived Romulus and Remus and bequeathed to them the land on which Rome was to be built. Scepticism was served by Licinius Macer (f1'. 1 P.; from Macrobius 1. 10. 17; so also Masurius Sabinus ap. AuI. Gell. 7. 7. 8) who refined the story, explaining Acca Larentia's name (4. 7 n.) by her marriage to Faustulus and making the relationship to Romulus and Remus not that of an unmarried mother but of a nurse. Both versions are represented in L. (4. 6-7) and it would be in accord with his usual practice ifhe had directly used these two writers
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of Romulus and Remus
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as his sole first-hand sources. The story is told simply, without dramatic effects or literary touches. 3. 10. Numitorem: ef. the Etr. numeral (C.l.E. 15; see Schulze 200). Amulium: a diminutive of Ammius, commonly found in the early Empire as a nomen at Puteoli. It corresponds to the Etr. amni (Schulze 12 I). 3. 11. Vestalem: 20. 2 n.
Theseus 35; Suetonius, Claudius 13; Euripides, LA. 35 I ; Medea 67 I. forte quadam occurs at 3. 64· 4, 5· 49. 1. 4. 5. alluvie: not elsewhere found in L., but cf. [Cicero, Q:F. 3. 7. I] ; Columella 3. 11. 8; Frontinus, Strat. 2. 3. 22. Gronovius's eluvies would describe stagnant, motionless water (Tacitus, Annals 13. 57) which is incompatible with projluentem aquam. ficus Ruminalis: the Romans derived Ruminalis from the goddess
4. 1. debebatur: I. 4. Here as elsewhere L. subscribes to the view that the growth of Rome was inevitable and predetermined. The Fall of Veii like the sack of Rome or the disaster of Cannae are all spoken of as happening in accordance with the pattern laid down by fatum (~ Eip.apP.EvT)). L. does use the wordfatum in weaker senses, denoting, for example, divine oracles (ef. 5. 16. ro), but, particularly in the first decade, he commits himself to the Stoic conception of history as propagated by Posidonius. This might be mere literary conventionCasaubon drew attention to the reminiscence here of the commonplace Greek dAN EOn apa TOllTO y{vwBat-were it not for the express evidence of Seneca (Epist. 100.9) that L. also wrote philosophical and historico-philosophical works. But L.'s Stoicism was polite and unrigorous. See further Kajanto, God and Fate in Livy; Walsh, Livy, 46 ff. 4. 2. vi compressa: comprimo, of reluctant intercourse, is not elsewhere found in prose before Tacitus (Annals 5. 9) but is frequent in comedy (ef., e.g., Plautus, Aul. 28, 29, 30, 33, 689; Terence, Phormio 1018). It is unexpected here but was perhaps chosen to give point to auctor culpae honestior where culpa combines the notion of sacrilege and sexual sin (ef. Propertius 4.4.70; 1. 5. 25; Tacitus, Annals 3.24). The Vestal's rape was common and sordid: it is ennobled when a god is credited with having been responsible. seu ... seu: 6. 12. I, representing different opinions more fully summarized by D.H. 1. 77. According to one Rhea was on her way Etc; iEpOV UAaoc; J4pwc; (perhaps the lucus Martis between the first and second milestones on the Appian way (.Ejuvenal 1. 7)) when she was ravished. The juxtaposition of a natural and supernatural explanation is common in L. (4.4 n., 4· 7, 12. 7, 16. 4, 19.4, 34· 8, 51. 3: see above p. 12). 4. 4. forte quadam divinitus: the concepts of chance and providence have struck editors as alternatives (ef. Caesar, B.G. 1. 12. 6), hence Gruter's forte quadam an divinitus found favour with scholars as widely distinct as Merula and Bentley, Bauer and Madvig. But there is nothing unusual in the use offors relating to an event which is godinspired but, from the human point of view, unexpected or unforeseen. Cf. 22. 42. 10 di . .. distulere: nam forte ita evenit; Plutarch,
Rumina, a primeval goddess ofnursing, whose name is to be connected with ruma 'a breast' (Varro, de Re Rust. 2. 11. 5; Festus 332 L.; Pliny, N.H. 15. 77). Figs are often symbolical of the human breast. The figtree has a milky juice and both in Greece (the Thargelia) and in Rome (the Nonae Caprotinae) there were festivals in which the fig-tree was central but which were primarily concerned with human procreation (W. R. Paton, Rev. Arch. 9 (1907), 51 ff.; Frazer, Golden Bough, 9. 257-8; jacobsohn, Charites j. Leo, 425 ff.; van L. johnson, T.A.P.A. 91 (1960), I I I ff.; Weinstock, R.E., 'Nonae Caprotinae'). Modern critics, however, discounting the ancient view as a mere play on words, link Ruminalis with the Etruscan gentile name RumIna from which the name of Rome and the Romilii ultimately stem (Schulze 368). With the former interpretation the association of Romulus and the ficus Ruminalis will be a late and contrived aetiology based on the similarity of sound. According to the latter the association may be necessary rather than accidental and the fig-tree have been from the very beginning intimately bound up with the legend of Romulus. The former is clearly to be preferred. The sources record two distinct trees called by the name ficus Ruminalis. One lay at the south-western corner of the Palatine near the Lupercal (Varro, de Ling. Lat. 5. 54; Servius, ad Aen. 8. 90; Festus 332 L.; Pliny, N.H. 15. 77) and was said by Ovid to survive only vestigiously in his day (Fasti 2. 41 I). The other was situated in the comitium (Tacitus, Annals 13. 58). Tradition claimed that the augur Navius had miraculously transplanted the tree from the corner of the Palatine to the comitium (Festus 168 L. ; D.H. 3. 7 I ; see note on 1. 36). Only the latter will have been the true ficus Ruminalis, but it was impossible topographically for that one to have sheltered the royal twins. Hence two trees were postulated and the proximity of the real tree to the statue of Navius made it easy to dream up a magical transplantation. See Nordh, Eranos 31 (1933),85 ff.; Hadsits, Class. Phil. 31 (1936), 305 ff. 4.7. Faustulo: the shepherd of Amulius' herds who found the twins is mentioned by Varro (de Re Rust. 2. I. 9; ef. D.H. I. 79. 9; Plutarch, Romulus 6), but already on a coin of the Gracchan age, minted by Sex. Pompeius Fostlus (Sydenham no. 46 I) he is depicted standing beside the wolf suckling the twins in front of a fig-tree (the ficus Ruminalis).
I.
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SO his place in the story is old, although his name is unaccountable. The innovation that was made after the Gracchan age was to give him as wife Acca Larentia. The character and history ofAcca Larentia have never been satisfactorily explained, and any theory is bound to be disputable. Varro (de Ling. Lat. 6. 23) writes 'Larentalia ... ab Acca Larentia nominatus cui sacerdotes nostri publice parentant', thus linking her with the rites paid at the Lar(ent) alia on 23 Decembe~ to the Lares or the deified ancestors. This has been rejected because the quantity of the a in Lares is short but of Larentia long (Ovid, Fasti 3. 55, 57), but alternating root-vowels present no obstacle (Palatium is later scanned Palatium; cf. liistrum from lil) and the coin of P. Accoleius Lariscolus (Sydenham no. 1148), figuring Acca Larentia, presupposes the connexion. Varro's identification gains support from the unusual name Acca which should be compared with Greek dKKW and Sanskrit akka 'mother'. For Acca Larentia would be none other than the mother of the Lares, Mater Larum (I.L.S. 5047-8). Certainly A.L. must be a divinity, for sacrifice in honour of a mortal would be unprecedented. The development thereafter is more easily guessed. Romulus and Remus were the ancestors of the Roman people and so, on death, became Lares par excellence. It was natural, therefore, that their (foster-)mother should be Acca Larentia, the Mater Larum, and that she came to assume a share in the functions of the wolf. This pairing of Acca Larentia and the wolf abetted by the equation lupa = meretrix led to a new tradition of Acca Larentia as the notorious whore, which is at least as old as Cato (fr. 16 P.). She is given the nickname l/>af36t..a (Plutarch) or Faula (Lactantius) , a common ETa{pa-name, is transferred to the reign of Ancus Marcius, or becomes the mistress of Hercules (Plutarch, Romulus 5; Q.R. 35; Macrobius I. 10. I I)-a fitting couple, for Hercules' amatory exploits were a match for her own. A somewhat different tale is told by AuI. GelI. 7. 7. 8 (cf. Pliny, N.H. 18. 6). It was left to Valerius Antias to take the obvious step and to substitute Acca Larentia for the wolf herself making her (Faula) the wife of Faustulus. See further Pais, Ancient Legends, 60-95; Wissowa, R.E., 'Faustulus'; Bayet, Hercule Romain, 348-9; Otto, Wien. Stud. 35 (1913), 62 ff.; Tabeling, Mater Larum, 46 ff.; Koch, Gnomon 18 (1942), 241-4; Krappe, A.].A. 46 (1942), 490 ff.; Bomer on Ovid, Fasti 3. 55; Latte, Rom. Religionsgeschichte, 92-93. datos: 9· 15· 7· 4. 9. corporibus animisque: the beau ideal, cf. Polybius 6. 5· 7 with Walbank's note; Cicero, de Rep. 2. 4. seria ac iocos celebrare : the rare use of celebrare 'to enjoy together' has led editors to read ferias for seria (Doujat, Ruperti) but the companionship of Romulus and the shepherds was not confined to public
holidays. For celebrare cf. Cicero, de Orat. 3. 197; for seria ac iocos cf. Ps.-Aur. Viet. Epit. 9. 17; Claudian 22. 165.
5. 1-2. Evander and the Luperci The Lupercalia, held on 15 February, was among the most primitive of Roman rituals. Naked patrician youths ran, not, as was once thought, round the Palatine, but up and down the Sacra Via in the Forum, armed with strips of goatskin with v/hich they hit bystanders. Three main explanations of the ceremony have been supported and judgement might be given in favour of one of them if only there could be any certainty about the etymology of the word Luperci. A. K. Michels (T.A.P.A. 84 (1953), 35-59 with references to the principal ancient and modern authorities among whom notice especially Deubner, Archivf. Relig.-Wiss. 13 (I9IO), 481 ff.), points out that the Lupercalia fell in the middle of three days of propitiation of the dead (dies parentales; cf. Ovid, Fasti 2.533-70; Varro, de Ling. Lat. 6. 13) and that the area where the Luperci ran marked the boundary of the primitive sepulcretum in the Forum. She sees the festival as intended to protect the community against the power of the dead manifesting themselves at this season in the fonn of wolves (cf., e.g., Petronius 62; Augustine, Civ. Dei 18. 17; Pliny, N.H. 8. 8 I) and the Luperci as priests who are endowed with the gift of controlling wolves or the spirits of the dead manifested as wolves (lupercus formed from lupus like noverca; so also Ernout-Meillet). A second theory, maintained by the ancients themselves (Ovid, Fasti2. 425-52 ; [Servius], adAen.8. 343 ; Livy fr.63) and championed,forexample, by K. Kerenyi (Niobe,I36-47),held that it was a fertility ceremony and that flagellation was designed to promote fertility in women. Such a theory cannot account either for the name Luperci or for the flagellation of men as well as women. The simplest hypothesis is thatreaffinned by Nilsson (Latomus 15 (1956), 133). Taking the Luperci to be derived from lupus and arceo (cf. t..VKOVpyO'), he regarded the ceremony as the natural concern of a shepherding community to avert depredations on its herds by wolves. The superstitious horror of wolves in early Rome, occasioned by economic necessity, is plain from the prodigy of 3. 29. 9. Although it seems agreed that this etymology of Luperci is inadmissible (see Walde-Hofmann; ErnoutMeillet; also Latte, Rom. Religionsgeschichte, 84-86; J. Gruber, Glotta 39 (1961 ), 273-6), none the less the recognition of the Lupercalia as a purification of the flocks is most in accord with the character of early Roman religion (cf. the Parilia) and with the ancient evidence. The Luperci may be not wolf-averters but wolf-men, who impersonate and so control wolves. With the transition from a pastoral to an urban society, the original character of the ceremony will also have undergone change, until it came to be thought of as a fertility-rite.
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Whatever its exact nature, the Lupercalia afforded the grounds for a link between Greece and Rome. The similarity of the Luperci to the c~lt of Zd, AVKaLo, in Arcadia facilitated the construction, probably III the fourth century, of the myth that the Arcadian Evander had inhabited the Palatine before the arrival of the descendants of Aeneas. Ev~nder also supplied an etymology of the name Palatium (5. I n.). It IS a purely literary invention, dating fi'om an age which wished to see Greek precedents for all things Roman and, in particular, saw the influence of Arcadia strong in Rome (Bayet, Mil. d'Arch. et d'Hist. 38 (19 20 ), 63 ff.; he argues for Magna Graecia as the intermediary of the legends). For a different view see Gjerstad, Legends and Facts, 10 ff., who agrees that the rite is of the greatest antiquity. 5 1. monte: wrongly excised by Madvig, is in apposition to Palatio (cf. Tacitus, Annals 12. 24; see Andresen, TYoch. Klass. Phil. 1916, 97 6 ff.). Elsewhere mons Palatinus is found but it was necessary to have the substantive form Palatium here in order to clarify the etymology. Pallanteo: this etymology is as old as Fabius Pictor (cf. D.H. I. 3 1 • 4, 79· 4; Pliny, N.H. 4· 20; Pausanias 8. 43.2; Servius, ad Aen. 8. 313) but it had many rivals, e.g. from a putative son of Hercules and Evander's daughter Launa (Lavinia) (Polybius 6. lla I with Walbank's note; D.H. I. 34. I; Origo Centis Romanae 5. 3; Servius, ad Aen. 8. 51; the addition of Hercules helped to justify his encounter with Cacus); from balare (Naevius ap. Varro, de Ling. Lat. 5· 53; Paulus Festus 245 L.), palare (Paulus Festus, loco cit.) or the god Pales (VeIl. Pat. 1. 8. 4; Solinus 1. 15; cf. Palatua: this etymology is defended by Vanicek and Altheim). There are, however, a number of other place-names beginning Pal- or Fal- (cf. Falerii). This points rathertoapre-Indo-Europeanrootmeaning'rock, hill' (cf., e.g., Etr. falad 'sky': see Walde-Hofmann S.V. 'Palatium'). 5. 2. Evandrum: in Greek mythology a minor Da{/LwV associated with Pan and worshipped principally in Arcadia. His ties with the Trojans were partly those of family, for he was related to Dardanus through his great-grandfather Atlas, and partly political since he had entertained Anchises on a visit to Arcadia (Virgil, Aeneid 8. 155) and had been driven from his homeland by the hostility of the Argives. It is possible that in him is preserved the dim memory of scattered Greek migrations to Italy in the tenth century (H. Muller-Karpe, Vom Anfang Roms). There was a Bronze Age settlement at Rome. !'ycaeum Pana: Pan (IIriwv- The Feeder) began as a local, pastoral deIty of Arcadia. In company with Zeus he made his residence on Mt. Lykaeus near Megalopolis from where his power continued to spread. In time of famine it was customary for Arcadian boys to whip his statue with squills (Theocritus 7. 106-8 with Gow's notes; cf. I. 123 ff.), and this fertility-rite, together with the name Lykaeus, is
sufficiently reminiscent of the Lupercalia to encourage identification. References and discussion in Farnell, Creek Cults, 5. 431-5 with nn. 149-88). Inuum: identified with Pan also by Macrobius (1. 22. 2) but with Faunus by others (Servius, ad Aen. 6. 775). Virgil mentions a Castrum Inui (near Ardea) but nothing else is known either of the place or the god. The name is perhaps pre-Italic. The identification with Pan is a clear case of interpretatio graeca.
r. 5.
1-2
52
2
5. 3-6. 2 The Recognition of the Twins The recognition scene was a staple ingredient of Hellenistic theorizing about drama (cf. Aristotle, Poetics 1452a29 ff.) and hence became an element in Hellenistic historical technique as well. Fabius Pictor who was the first Roman to give an extended account of the twins may even have been directly influenced here by Sophocles' Tyro. L.'s telling matches the dramatic pos5ibilities ofthe material. The charges are laid in two short sentences in or. obl. and Remus is handed over for instant punishment. His death is immediately expected but the suspense is maintained by two long, balancing sentences (iam ... noluerat ; forte . .. agnosceret) in which both Romulus and Numitor are apprised of the facts and undertake the rescue of Remus. The result is as final as it is unexpected-ita regem obtruncat-and the ends of the story are tied up in a model periodic sentence (6. I pres. part., cum, postquam, abl. abs.). For the first time in the History L. allows himselfa more coloured vocabulary to suit the dramatic excitement of the narrative (5. 6 nn.). 5.4. impetum: the plural, proposed by Gronovius, is needed (cf. 4. 9, 10. 3,7. 4 2 . 4)· More than one foray was the subject of the accusation. 5.5. aperiri: the active, read by Frigell, Weissenborn, and Bayet, has no authority, being found only in 7T. 5.6. fratres: Quintilian (9.4. 24) formulates the rule thatfrater should always precede geminus when both words are used, otherwise it is superfluous. It should not, however, be deleted as a gloss here because the emphasis on geminos ('he knew they were brothers: the startling news was that they were twins') requires the word-order geminos esse fratres. tetigerat: 3. 17· 3 n. eodem: 'he came to the same conclusion as Faustulus'. This is the
only meaning possible from N's text but it makes poor sense because it is refuted by the succeeding words which show that Numitor's suspicions did not in fact lead him as far as recognizing Remus. The best correction is eo demum (Perizonius). Frigell preferred Crevier's eo denique which is certainly better than eo dein (Gebhard, Lipsius) where dein is insupportable. dolus nectitur: 2]. 28. 4, elsewhere only in Seneca's tragedies (Phoen. 53
FOUNDATION OF ROME
FOUNDATION OF ROME
I I 9; Tro. 927) and Sil. Itai. 3. 234. It is no doubt meant to suggest the Greek OoAovs vrpa{vELv (cf, e.g., Iliad 6. 187).
Palatium Romulus, Remus Aventinum: the uniform tradition of authorities after Ennius (Aui. Geli. 13. 14. 5; Propertius 4. I. 50; Ovid, Fasti 4. 8 I 5 ff.; Seneca, de Brev. Vitae 13. 8; Val. Max. I. 4; Aelian, Hist. Anim. 10.22 et al.). Ennius, as also Servius, ad Aen. 3. 46, appears to preserve an earlier version which sited Romulus on the Aventine and Remus, probably, on the mons Murcus (Cicero, de Div. I. 107; see O. Skutsch, C.Q.. I I (1961),252-9). The change was no doubt influenced by the fact that the Aventine was not within the original pomerium and by the contrasted prosperity of the Palatine. It is further rebuttal of the view that L. is dependent on Ennius. templa capiunt: 18. 6 n.
I.
5. 6
6.3-7.3. The Foundation of Rome Only Ovid (Fasti. 4. 809 ff. with Bomer's note) n'J.akes any striking aepartures from the familiar account of the death of Remus and the foundation of the city. Yet the story, in common with so much of the Romulus legend, is a later invention based on Greek mythology. At bClttom is the primitive belief in the sanctity of walls (Festus 358 L.). But the evil consequences which attend contempt of walls is Greek in origin, recalling the tale of Poimandros and Leukippos (Plutarch, Q..R. 37) or Oeneus and Toxeus (Apollodorus I. 8. I; OX. Pap. 2463). Its localization at Rome, natural as it was in any case, was eased by a suggestive technical term from augury (Paulus Festus 345 L. 'remores aves in auspicio dicuntur, quae acturum aliquid remorari conpellunt'). L. gives two versions both of which are of demonstrably late date (6. 4 n.). A rationalistic account is placed side by sid~.wifuthe volgatior fama. The former, which on a priori grounds can credibly be attributed to Licinius Macer, substituted a political motive (6. 4 n., regni cupido) for a religious one. L., by temperament in sympathy with such scepticism, accepts from the vulgate only the curse (7. 2 n.) which he makes the core of the incident. It is the first of many such episodes which are made into a unity round a short piece of dramatic and characterizing speech (7.4-15,2. 10. 1-13 n.). It was a story which evidently had a contemporary message. For although the rivalry between two brothers in which the superiority of the one entailed the eclipse of the other represents an age-old theme prominent in many societies (cf. Cain and Abel), Romulus' victory was only secured by a crime and that crime offratricide continued to reassert itself throughout Roman history. The evils of the Civil Wars were seen as a legacy of Romulus' acts (Horace, Epod. 7. 17-20). Thus there was a contradiction b:;tween Romulus the fratricide and Romulus the conditor urbis, the bad man and the good. In L. the conflict is still unresolved for he depended on pre-Augustan sources, but Ovid and Virgil (Aeneid I. 292), reacting in different ways to Augustus' assertion of the Romulus motif (7. 9 n.), were at pains to minimize the crime of Romulus by emphasizing the sacrilege of Remus, by substituting Celer for Romulus as the actual murderer, and by depicting Romulus as shocked and saddened by what occurred. See Schilling, R.E.L. 38
I.
6. 4-
7. 1. duplex: the vulture belonged to the small category of augural birds, including the eagle, the immusulus, and the sangualis (Festus 214 L.; Paulus Festus 3 L.; [Servius], ad Aen. I. 394), who afforded omens by their flight. The augur considered the height, speed, and direction of the flight but nowhere else is the number of birds held to be significant, which might suggest that the whole episode is of later creation when Etruscan divination had predicted a life-cycle of 12 saecula for Rome (Censorinus, de Die Natali 17; cf. the 12 sons of Acca Larentia). When Octavian claimed to have seen 12 vultures on 19 August 43 B.C., he was asserting his connexion with Romulus. For vultures in augury see Plutarch, Q..R. 93; Pliny, N.H. 29, 112,30.130. 7. 2. sic deinde: 26. 4 n. The turn of phrase is reminiscent of the equivalent passage of Ennius, Annales 99-100 V. It is deliberately presented as an archaic-sounding formula. interfectum: notice its dramatic position.
6.4. regni cupido: 17. In., 23· 7, 34· 1,2·7· 9, 4· 46. 2. tutelae: the dative has archetypal authority and may be supported by 24. 22. 15, 42. 19. 15. Nagelsbach, following Doujat, would read quorum in tutela, Holscher quorum in tutelam.
7. 3-15. Hercules and Cacus The legend of Hercules and Cacus represents the fusion of an Italian and a Greek version of the same basic myth, the attempted purloining ofa god's cattle, which is elaborately investigated and documented by Fontenrose (Python, 339 ff. with earlier bibliography). In the Italian version, Cacus, a deity of the Palatine, entertained Geranes or Recoranus (Origo Gentis Romanae6: [Servius], adAen. 8. 203), who affronted his hospitality by stealing his cattle. Cacus, it would seem, was a deity of the underworld and the theft of his cattle symbolized an attempt to break the power of death and release the dead. The nub of the Greek legend was the attempt made by a brigand to steal Geryon's cattle as H. brought them back from Erytheia. A characteristic form of it is found in Herodotus 4.8 or in the Scholiast on Lycophron 46. It must therefore belong to one of the oldest layers of Indo-European myth, but I am disinclined to believe that the coincidence between the celebration of the KpovLa at Athens on 12 Hekatombaion and the festival
54
55
(19 60 ), 182-99·
FOUNDATION OF ROME
FOUNDATION OF ROME
of Hercules Invictus (the name of whose opponent, Recoranus, bears a superficial resemblance to Cronos) on 12 August at the Circus Maximus is substantial evidence for a pre-Hellenic common origin of the actual cults (A. Piganiol, Hommages Grenier, 3. 1261-4). The fusion of the Greek and Italian myths was accomplished to provide an aetiology for the cult of Hercules at the Ara Maxima (5. 13· 6 n.). This was a private cult, in the hands of two gentes, the Pinarii and Potitii (7. 12 n.) and is to be distinguished from the earliest state cult of Hercules attested in the lectistemium of 399. In the former Hercules was a god of commerce, in the latter his function was that of a protector of crops. Being a Greek rite (7. 3 n.), the cult of the Ara Maxima cannot be very old. Although the claims of different places such as Tibur (Hallam, ].R.S. 21 (1931), 276 ff.) or Croton (Bayet) to have been the direct link through which Hercules came to Rome have been stoutly championed, the evidence only permits the conclusion that the cult cannot have been older than the fifth century. Given the underlying similarity, it was not difficult to graft it on to the Roman myth. Cacus' original functions were almost forgotten, so that the false equivalence Cacus = KaKOS could easily be made and Cacus turned from the hero to the villain. Greek literature provided the substance of the story (7· 4 n., 7· 5 n., 7. 7 n., 7. 10 n.). When an historical occasion was sought to localize the myth Evander 'the Benefactor' (Evav8pos) was an obvious counterpart to Cacus 'the Bad-man'. This, then, became the traditional story retailed with only minor modifications by poets from the time of Ennius and by the historians (Virgil, Aeneid 8. 185-275; Propertius 4. 9. 1-20; Ovid, Fasti I. 543-86, 5. 643-52; D.H. I. 39-42; Servius, ad Aen. 8. 190). Some accounts substituted Faunus for Evander (Derkyllos ap. [Plutarch], Moralia 315 c = F. Gr. Hist. 288. 2) and there was some difference over the sex of the cattle (7. 7 n.) and over the precise identity of the founder of the cult (7. 10 n.) but the differences are too minor to enable us to determine what immediate source L. was following. It is in the telling of the story that the interest lies. L. continues the technique which he employed for the first time in the preceding chapter of relating an episode so that it builds up to dramatic utterance in archaic and forceful language (7. 10 n.) intended to suggest remote antiquity. In that way the episode is shaped and rounded. The close resemblance, extending even to verbal details, between L. and Virgil has led many scholars to follow Stacey in believing that both authors are directly dependent on Ennius. The agreements between L. and Virgil are on matters of description which could hardly be expressed otherwise, e.g. 7. 5 caudis in speluncam traxit = 8. 210 cauda in speluncam tractos (cf. Propertius 4. 9. 12 aversos cauda traxit in antra boves). Where L. has used higWy coloured language it is
a creative method of giving character to the narrative and not derivative copying (7.4 n., 7. 6 n., 7. 10 n.). The literary skill is harnessed to a moral purpose. L. is no religious enthusiast, but the proper maintenance of cult he, like most Romans, regarded as essential for the well-being of the state. He omits the fire and smoke which in Virgil (Aeneid 8. 199) and other authors defended Cacus' cave as being too obviously fabulous for history. At the same time he stresses the piety which led to the foundation of the Ara Maxima and the devotion of the Pinarii and Potitii who maintained it. The message is conveyed in the words sacra . . .jacit (7. 3) and for L.'s audience it was bound to have a contemporary meaning. Augustus, too, was concerned to ensure the perpetuation of cult. In this, as in other ways, he was a second Romulus (7.9 n.). In addition to the bibliography cited by Fontenrose see F. Munzer, Cacus der Rinderdieb (Basel, 191 I) ; Santoro, Livio jonte di Vergilio, 1938; L. Alfonsi, Aevum 19 (1945), 357-71. 7. 3. Graeco: it is symptomatic of the Graecus ritus that the offering was made capite aperto (Varro ap. Macrobius 3.6. 17), that the celebrant's head was crowned with laurel (Varro, Menip. fro 413 B. = Macrobius 3. 12. 2; [Servius], ad Aen. 8. 276), and that women were excluded (Macrobius I. 12. 28; Plutarch, QR. 90), as they were also from the Herakles cult in Greece (cf., e.g., s.E.G. 2. 505 (Thasos)). ab Evandro: so also D.H. I. 40. 6; Macrobius 3. I I. 7; Tacitus, Annals 15. 41; Strabo 5. 230. A second tradition, which is the express opinion of L. or his source at 9. 34. 18, attributed the actual dedication of the altar to Hercules himself (Ovid, Fasti I. 581; Propertius 4.9.67; Virgil, Aeneid 8.271; Solinus I. 10). 7.4. loco herbido: the picture of the weary Hercules recalls Herodotus 4. 8 and may be derived from it. herbidus for herbosus is rare and colourful (cf. 9. 2. 7, 23. 19. 14, 29· 31. 9) but not confined to specifically poetic authors. It is avoided by Cicero and Caesar but used by Pliny (NoH. 18. 164) and Varro (de Re Rust. 2. I. 16). 7. 5. gravatum: used of food and drink, gravare (cf. 25. 24. 6) is bold and uncommon, being found elsewhere only in Seneca, Thyest. 910; Curtius 6. I I. 28; Apuleius, Met. I. 26. Cacus: his name is preserved in the scalae Caci which led from the south side of the Palatine to the Circus Maximus (cf. Plutarch, Romulus 20) and the atrium Caci mentioned in the Regionary Catalogue (Reg. VIII), but of a Caca, who in the later synthetic myth was said to have been a sister of Cacus and to have aided Hercules, it is said 'sacellum meruit in quo ei pervigili igne sicut Vestae sacrificabatur' (Servius, ad Aen. 8. 190; cf. Lactantius I. 20. 36). Such perpetual fires are found also in the cult of Demeter, Apollo, and Pan (Pausanias 8.37. I I) and prove that Cacus-Caca was originally a bisexual deity
I.
7· 3
56
57
I.
7· 3
FOUNDATION OF ROME
FOUNDATION OF ROME
like Faunus-Fauna, Pomo-Pomona, Janus-jana, Liber-Libera (cf. the ritual formula sive deus sive dea), whose location in a cave on the Palatine might be taken as evidence of chthonic powers. Cacus may be an Etruscan word: Cacu is found as a name on an Etruscan mirror. aversos: borrowed from the trick by which Hermes deceived Apollo when he stole his cattle, as told in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo (413). The archetype read aversos . . . eximium quemque . . . relictarum . . . inclusarum. If Cacus removed bulls and only bulls, relictarum and inclusarum are impossible; if he removed some bulls and some cows, Livian usage would still demand the masculine (Kuhnast, Liv. Syntax, 81). Stroth, followed by Kleine and Madvig, saw the difficulty. Following the account in D.H. I. 39 where the animals are cows throughout he altered the text to aversas boves eximiam quamque, keeping relictarum ... inclusarum. It is not, however, obvious that D.H. and L. are dependent on the same tradition. In Virgil, for ritual reasons, the stolen cattle were 4 bulls and 4 cows but in Propertius an unspecified number of bulls. In fact, L.'s source is unlikely to have been either Ennius or the source used by D.H. Nonetheless it is certain that he must have intended Cacus to have stolen only bulls from a mixed herd. For Ovid (Fasti 1. 547 ff.), who is closely modelled on L., speaks exclusively of bulls (traxerat aversos Cacus in antra feros) and desiderium is conventionally used of the longing of the female for the male (ef. e.g. Lucretius 2. 359-60 crebra revisit ad stabulum desiderio peiftxa iuvenci; Ovid, lo,1et. 7. 731). Cacus, no doubt, wished to improve the strain of his own cattle. It is therefore necessary to read relictorum . .. inclusorum. 7. 6. primam auroram: only here in L. Elsewhere in Ovid, Met. 3. 600; Pliny, N.H. 11. 30; [Amm. Marc. 19. 1. 2]. It enhances the fairyland character of the narrative as do excitus somno (cf. Catullus 63. 42, 64· 56: elsewhere L. uses ex somno excitus; cf. 4. 27. 6, 8. 37. 6) and incertum animi which occurs this once in L. and is otherwise used by Terence (Hecyra 121), Val. Flaccus (1. 79), and Statius (Theb. 3· 444). 7. 7. vadentem: Weissenborn compares Homer, Odyssey 9. 399. vado, as a colourful synonym for eo (2. 10.5, 12.8, 3· 49.2, 63. 1,4· 38. 4, 5· 47· 4), was first used in literary prose by Sallust (Jugurtha 94. 6). Cicero uses it only in verse (Arat. 326) and letters (ad Att. 4. 10. 2, 14. 11. 2). The word which is naturally at home in the vocabulary of the poets (Ennius 273, 479 V.; Catullus 63. 31, 86; Virgil, Aeneid 2. 359 et al. saep.) is employed by L. to give point to striking episodes. 7. 8. ea: with loea. The hyperbaton is not intended to provide special emphasis so much as to set off the harmonious balance of profugus ex Peloponneso, auctoritate magis quam imperio. profugus, aTE q,vyds WV, explains the point of what follows, for which cf. Augustus' claim in Res Gestae 34· 3.
litterarum: Evander is expressly credited not with the invention, which traditionally was due to Cadmus, but only with the use of writing, but Roman belief evidently made him responsible for the introduction of the Latin alphabet (Tacitus, Annals 11. 14). The earliest Latin inscription (from Praeneste c. 600 B.C.) shows that the alphabet was derived not directly from the Greeks of Cumae, as had been thought, but from Etruria. The same conclusion is reached by observing that the order of the voiced and unvoiced gutturals C and G in the Latin alphabet differs from that in Greek and is explained by the modification of the Greek alphabet made by the Etruscans whose language lacked voiced consonants. Writing being regarded as the greatest of benefactions was naturally attributed to Evander, the Benefactor, although the Latin alphabet in fact only dates from the seventh century. See M. Lejeune, R.E.L. 35 (1957), 88 ff.; L. H. Jeffery, The Local Scripts of Archaic Greece, 4. Carmentae: in Greek always KapfLEvTTJ, Latin varies between Carmentis (Varro, Virgil, AulusGellius, Servius) and Carmenta (Hyginus, Fab. 277; Solinus 1. 13; Origo Gentis Romanae 5. 1. 2), both of which signify the same meaning 'she who is full of carmen' (cf. pollenta: sementis; Skrit. Kiikati). The other ancient etymologies (Ovid, Fasti 1. 620: Plutarch, (L.R. 56) do not bear examination. The goddess was one of the oldest Roman deities, with her ownflamen (Cicero, Brutus 56) and festival on I I and 15 January, but her exact function was in doubt. The ancients regarded her as either a goddess of child-birth (Aul. Gell. 16. 16.4; Ovid, Fasti 61 7 ff.) or of prophecy (Servius, ad Aen. 8. 5 I ; D.H. 1. 31. I) or of both (Fasti Praenest.; Augustine, Civ. Dei 4. I I), while modern scholars have identified her as a moon-goddess (Pettazzoni), a springnymph (Wissowa, Bayet), or a goddess of beginnings (von Domazewski). The truth is probably that she was a goddess closely connected with the Cermalus region of the Palatine (Clement, Strom. 1. 2 I) whcse magical powers (carmen) were invoked in child-birth. Hence the embargo ne quod scorteum adhibeatur (Varro, de Ling. Lat. 7· 84; Fasti Praenest. ; Ovid, Fasti 1. 629 ff.) and the prohibition on leather objects which were an omen mQrticinum. Later generations interpreted the carmina as prophetic rather than magical until she became a goddess of prophecy. Augustine pertinently quotes from Varro the detailfata (?= carmina) nascentibus canunt ... Carmentes. Her statu's as Evander's mother was a late manipulation. In Greek myth that position was held by Nicostrate or, more popularly, Themis (Pausanias 8. 43. 2; Strabo 5. 230), a nymph with prophetic powers who had controlled Delphi before the arrival ofApollo. When Evander was transferred to Rome, Carmenta was the natural equivalent of Themis (Servius, ad Aen. 8. 336). See Pagliaro, Studi e lo,1ateriali, 2 I (1947), 121 ff.; L. L. Tels deJong, Sur quelques divinitis romaines, 21 ff.
I.
7· 5
59
I.
7. 8
1.
7.8
FOUNDATION OF ROME
jatiloquam: a variant of the technical jatidicus (ef. Cicero, de Nat. Deorum 1. 18), used otherwise only by Apuleius, Flor. 15; Ausonius 196 . 50. 7.9. augustioremque: commonly used in opposition to humanus (5. 41. 8, 8. 6. 9, 8. 9. ro; Praef. 7) and not applied to persons except Hercules, Romulus (1. 8. 3), and Decius (8.9. ro), although applied to sacred places and things (29, 5, 3· 17· 5, 5· 41. 2, 38 . 13· 1,42. 3· 6,45, 5· 3)· This selectivity may be deliberate. Octavius assumed the surname Augustus in 27 B.C. having already been linked with Hercules by Horace (Odes 3. 3. 9-12) and having considered but rejected the name Romulus as possessing unfortunate associations (Suetonius, Augustus 7; Florus 4. 66; Dio 53. 16). In using the adjective augustus of Hercules and Romulus twice in such close proximity, L. may be intending to call Augustus to mind. See L. R. Taylor, C.R. 32 (19 I8), 158-61; G. M. Hirst, A.J.P. 47 (1926), 347-57. See also 7. ro n. (aucturum) ; H. Erkell, Augustus Felicitas Fortuna, 19 ff. 7. 10. nomen patremque ac patriam: recalling the Homeric formula Tis 7I'08EV Els av8pwv; 7I'08t TOt 7I'o'\tS ~8~ TOKijES; (Odyssey I. 170 et al.). love nate: Evander's greeting is intended to convey a solemnity appropriate to the occasion. Notice the ritual repetition tibi ... tuo (3. 17· 6 n.) and the impressive future pass. info dicatum iri (3. 67. In.). veridicus seems to be a religious technical term (cf. Lucretius 6. 24; Cicero, de Divin. 1. ro I). Equally formal is the vocative Hercules (cf. C.I.L. 6. 313, 319, 329) instead of the colloquial Hercule. For augere caelestium numerum ef. Virgil, Aeneid 7. 2 I I; Ovid, Amores 3. 9. 66; Pliny, N.H. 31. 4. interpres deum is sacral (Cicero, de Leg. 2. 20; de Nat. Deorum 2. 12; cf. Virgil, Aeneid 3· 359, 4· 378, ro. 175; Horace, Ars Poetica 391; C.L.E. 1528). aucturum: implying the etymology augustus from augeo (cf. 7. 8 auctoritate). In the same way L. underwrites his interpretation of Feretrius by the repetition ofjero (ro. 6-7) or of Stator by the repetition of sisto (12. 5-8). augustus and augeo are in fact connected, augustus being derived from *augus (ef. Ind. iijah; see Walde-Hofmann; ErnoutMeillet). tibi: at 9. 34. 18 Hercules is expressly stated to have founded the altar, whereas other authorities attribute the foundation to Evander (Tacitus, Annals 15. 41). The language here is ambiguous. tibi could be either dat. of agent or dat. commodi. 7. 11. accipere: 5. 55. 2 n. 7. 12. Potitiis ac Pinariis: traditionally the cult of Hercules at the Ara Maxima was in the hands of these two gentes until 3 I 2 when corrupt dealings (9. 29. 9 ff.) resulted in their being deprived of their office and visited with divine destruction. It is more likely that on the natural extinction of the two families the gentile cult was taken over
60
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1.
7.
12
by the state (Varro, de Ling. Lat. 6. 54; [Servius], ad Ae~ .. 8. 27?; Macrobius 3. 12. 2). The traditional story savours of pohtIcal mIsrepresentation. Potitii are not met elsewhere. A Tiburtine provenance cannot be proved and the attempt to associate them with the Val:rii, one branch of whom had the cognomen Potitus, is also speculatIve. Van Berchem has recently argued that the name is a title, 'the possessed', analogous to the KaToxot of Zeus Ouranios ~t ~aetoc~ec~ (Re~d. Accad. Pontif. 32 (1959/60), 61-68), but such a view IS not. m l~~e With gentile character of so much early Roman religion. The Pmarn~ on the other hand survive into classical times but it is significant that neither of the later br~nches, the Nattae and Scarpi, who provide moneyers, makes any allusions on its coins to the cult of Hercules (Sydenham nos. 382 , 390 , 12 79 ff.) and that a rival pedigree claimed them as descendants of Numa (Plutarch, Numa 21. 3; D.H. 2. 76. 5). It follo~s that the Potitii and the oldest branch of the Pinarii must have died out by the end of the fourth century, and, although we do not know where the gentes originated from, there is nothing to prevent them, like the Fabii, importing their own gentile c u l t . . .. The purported distinctions of role implied m 7· 13 (POtItlUS as auctor Pinarius as custos of the cult; ef. Virgil, Aen. 8. 269; Festus 27 0 1..,; Cicero, de Domo 134; C.I.L. 6. 3 I3), based on popula: etYn:olo~ies (Servius, ad Aen. 8. 270 Potitios dici quod eorum auctor epulzs .;-ac:zs potztus sit· Pinarius from 7I'Etvuv), deserve no credit. Sources and blbhography in'Munzer R.E. 'Pinarius'; Ehlers, R.E. 'Potitii'. 7. 13. eoru~: has no authority, extis eo sollemnium being read in ,\ onl~, the result of the dittography eo so-, extis sollemnium in M, and extzs sollemnibus in 71'.
8. Constitutional Measures As an interlude between Cacus and the Rape of the Sabine women, L. inserts a short note dealing with three constitutional measures allegedly introduced by Romulus. The Introduction oj Magisterial Emblems The unanimous tradition in other authors (ef. 8. 3 eorum sententiae; Sallust, Catil. 51. 38; Diodorus 5. 40. I; Strabo 5· 220; D.H. 3· 6I-.6~; Pliny, N.H. 8. 195; Appian, Lib. 66) recogni~e.d an Etrusca~ ongm of the several insignia and historically that traditIOn must be nght .(see most recently Lambrechts, Essai sur les magistratures, 26 ff.; agall~st, de Francisci, Studi Etr. 24 (1955), 25 ff.). L. is not likely to have mvented such an unconventional doctrine for himself and we should rather attribute it to a source, such as Licinius Macer, who can be shown to have concerned himself with such questions. 61
I.
8.
2
ROMULUS
8.2. insignibus imperii: 17. 6,20.2,2.1. 8,7. 7, 3. 51. 12; c[ 5.41. 2. lictoribus: a double axe with rods, such as were carried by the lictors, was discovered in Vetulonia, the very city from which Silius Italicus (8. 483-5) asserted that the Romans had derived their fasces (Fa1chi, Not. Scavi, 18g8, 147 ff.). See further 2. 1. 7-2. 2 n. 8. 3. hoc genus: the manuscripts had et hoc genus, emended by the younger Gronovius, but there is nothing amiss with the text. et hoc genus means 'and all this kind of thing', i.e. the accensi and other officials in attendance on the magistrates as well as the lictors. The use, only here in L., is colloquial: cf. Tertullian, Idol. 12 per spectacula et hoc genus; Caelius, ad Fam. 8. 4. 2; Suetonius, Claudius 34. 2. Such stylistic lapses are found where L. is speaking propria persona. It is equally unnecessary to insert et before numerum. sella curulis: originally a seat placed in the royal chariot from which justice was administered. One actual example survives from Caere and others are depicted in Etruscan paintings. See Helbig, Melanges Perrot, 167 ff.; Pellegrini, Studi e Materiali, I (1924), 87-118. Under the Republic it became the magisterial throne (cf. also 2. 30. 5 n.). toga praetexta: with purple border, worn by children and magistrates. Antiquity was divided between Etruscan ([Servius], ad Aen. 2. 781; Tertullian, de Pall.; Photius) and Peloponnesian (Suidas S.v. T~f3Evvo5; Pollux 7. 6 I) claims for inventing it but Etruscan monuments which clearly depict it support the former. See Goethert, R.E., 'toga (2)'; Alfoldi, Der Fruhromische Reiteradel, 63 ff. duodecim: 5· 33· 9 n.
The Arylum In the Greek world the right of asylum is commonly associated with the right of settlement. At Cos (Herzog, Heilige Gesetze aus Kos, 36) and Cyrene (Latte, Archiv j. Relig.-Wiss. 26 (Ig28), 41; cf. Aeschylus, Suppl. 60g, g63 ff.) provision was expressly made in accordance with the terms of a Delphic oracle for an asylum under the protection of Apollo. Those who sought asylum were subsequently allowed to become citizens. The Greek model has obviously influenced the Roman asylum inter duos lucos (8. 5 n.); Plutarch even speaks of a fLUVTELOV TTV(J0XPTJUTOV (Romulus g). It would seem that there was a very ancient asylum in the dip between the two peaks of the Capitoline hill, dating from a time before the inclusion of the hill within the boundaries of the city. No particular deity presided over it (D.H. 2. 15.4). The attempts to associate it with Veiovis (Ovid, Fasti 3· 43 0 ; cf. Vitruvius 4. 8. 4; C.I.L. 12 • 233) or deus Lucoris (Piso ap. Servius, ad Aen. 2. 761) are antiquarian schematizations. In common with other topographical features i! was utilized to provide aetiological material for Roman historians and by assimilation to Greek
62
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I.
8. 4
institutions was taken to be an act of policy for increasing the popula. tion and ascribed to Romulus (cf. Vell. Pat. I. 8. 5; Cicero, de Divin. 2.40). See Mommsen, Ges. Schriften, 4. 22; Altheim, History rif Roman Religion, 258ff.; W. S. Watt, C.Q. 43 (Ig49), g-II; van Berchem, Mus. Helv. I7 (Ig60), 29-33. 8.5. adiciendae: 'in order to add a large number (to the existing population)'. For adicere cf. 1. 36. 7, ro. 8. 3, 38. 1. 6. alliciendae (Ascensius, Kreyssig, Madvig) would wrongly imply a policy of deliberate advertisement, of which there is no hint. obscuram atque humilem: alluding to the proverbial expression filius terrae (cf. Cicero, ad Aft.!. 13.4; ad Fam. 7. g. 3; Persius 6. 59; Petronius 43. 5; Minuc. Felix 21. 7; Fronto g8. 4 Hout; }; Juv. 4. g8). It is to be distinguished from the universal myth that man originally rose from the ground and from the Greek YTJYEV~5 which denotes stupidity (see Starkie on Aristophanes, Nub. 854). saeptus ... est: the exact sense of the passage is obscure. If saeptus est be taken together the meaning would be 'which has now been enclosed at the place where you descend from the capitol inter duos lucos'. Since Cicero (de Divin. 2. 40) implies that the area was open in his day, it is reasonable to believe that it was enclosed as part of the improvements carried out on the Capitoline after 3 I B.C.; but descendentibus remains pointless. The area was enclosed, irrespective of whether people descended from or ascended to the Capitol. Furthermore, the long separation is against taking saeptus with est. If, on the other hand, saeptus is a participle, est by itself cannot be construed: whether inter duos lucos be taken with est ('the area which has now been enclosed lies inter duos lucos when you descend from the Capitol') or with descendentibus ('the area ... lies if you descend inter duos lucos'). Of both it may be asked 'Why only for those descending? What happens to the area if you ascend to the Capitol?' L. is clearly locating the asylum and this requires a closer geographical specification, as one would expect from the use of the dative absolute descendentibus: cf. 42. 15. 5 ascendentibus ... maceria erat ab laeva; Thucydides 1. 24. I; Mela 2. I; H. Sturenberg, Relative Ortsbezeichnung, 37-38. The asylum would, in fact, lie on one's left as one descended from the Capitol and either sinistra (Jordan, Hermes 9 (1875), 347 n.) or ab laeva (H. J. Muller) should be supplied before est. 8. 6. an: the indirect question is introduced by discrimine, so that the comma is best placed not after discrimine but after omnis (cf. 28. 3. ro).
(The Creation rif the Senate A Council of Elders (senatus, YEPOVU£U) is as old as society and its origins at Rome cannot profitably be investigated. What does bear 63
ROMULUS
ROMULUS
examination is the question when the tradition that Romulus founded a Senate of 100 took root (cf. 17. 5, 35. 6 n.). Conventionally the Senate of the early Republic numbered 300 (2. I. 10 n.) and in deference to Greek models in which the total number of members of th~ council,was directly related to the number of tribes (i.e. the Solo~l.Ia? f3ov/..1) had 400 members, 100 for each of 4 tribes; wider detaIls In A. H. M. Jones, The Greek City, 176 with n. 40) that figure was :egar~ed as corresponding to 100 members of each of the 3 preServIan. tnbes, .the Ramnes, Tities, and Luceres (13. 8 n.). The senatonal total IS, therefore, analogous to the 300 equites (36. 7 n.) and does not rest on any original evidence. In Romulus' time only the first of the tribes existed, so that by a matter of simple logic his Senate can only have co?sisted of 100 (D.H. 2. 12; Festus 454 L.; Ovid, Fasti 3. 12 7; PropertIUs 4. I. 14; Vell. Pat. I. 8. 6 ; Plutarch, Romulus 13; Servius, ad Aen. 8. 105). This a priori reconstruction could be supported by appeals to the normal size of municipal councils or to the councils of Veii and Cures which also were 100 strong. The number 300 does ?ot, however, rest on any documentary evidence, and its artificiality IS betrayed by the discrepant accounts of how an original total of 100 was expanded to 300. One account presumed a Romulean Senate of .I~O au~mented by 50 under Titus Tatius and doubled by TarqUInIUS Pnscus (D.H. 2. 47). Other versions agreed that Tarquinius added the final 100 but differed on the question whether the earlier 1.0 0 was the result of the Sabine influx (D.H. 2. 57) or the absorption of Alba. Zonaras (7. 8) knew yet another version. Indeed if the ?rigin~l Senate .consisted of the heads of the principal familie~, it is IncredIble that It should have totalled any precise number, let alone the ro~nd number 100: D.H.'s principle of selection (go chosen by the 30 curzae, g by the .3 tnbes, and I by Romulus), which is implied but not stated by L., IS strongly democratic in sympathy and may with rea,son be a~cribed to Licinius Macer. See O'Brien Moore, R.E. Suppl. 6, Senatus; Mommsen, Staatsrecht, 3. 884 ff. 8. 7. consilium: not concretely 'a council' but abstractly 'guidance'. For the. pair~ng v:ith vires cf. 2. 56. 16, 3. 62.7. Romulus tempered force wIth dIscretIOn. So also Cicero, de Rep. 2. 4.
together into a connected account but L. goes further and turns them into satisfying romance. His method is to use the Sabine women like a Greek chorus as a constant background to each episode and to allow their emotions gradually to change with circumstances. Thus there is a formal structure which can be analysed as follows:
I.
8. 7
9-13. The Sabine Synoecism L. now embarks on the most ambitious essay in narrative so far. There was a nexus of stories treating of Rome's relations with her Sabine neighbours, of which the centrepiece was the Rape of the Sabine w?men. Each of these incidents could be and in origin was self-cont~Ined-the . Consuali~, Thal~ssio, Tarpeia, the dedication to J uppIter Feretnus, MettIUs CurtlUs-and each of them is discussed in detail in its place below. Historians long before Livy had welded them 64
I.
9-13
Internal: Rape of the Sabine Women. g. 1-16 10. I-I I. 4 External: (a) War with Caeninenses. (b) War with Antemnates. (c) War with Crustumini. Internal: Tarpeia. 1 I. 5-9 12 External: Mettius Curtius and the Defeat of the Sabines. Internal: Reconciliation. There is also an emotional structure, ranging from defiance and indignation (g. 14), through resignation (1 I. 2), to reconciliation (13. 8 non modo commune sed concors etiam). The whole is knit together; and a comparison with the parallel versions of Cicero (de Rep. 2. 12), D.H. (2.30. I), and Plutarch in his life of Romulus leaves no doubt that the artistry is directly due to L. The institution of the Consualia for the particular purpose of attracting the Sabines is psychologically more satisfying than Cicero's casual mention that there happened to be an annual festival. So too the omission of the numerous circumstantial details which clutter the pages of D.H. makes for clarity and movement. Cicero is emb:urassed and ashamed by the whole affair. He calls Romulus' plan subagreste and hastens to point out that the Sabine women really were well b:>rn (honesto artas loco). There is no apologetic tone in L. For him it is a noble and inspiring story in kee?ing with the importance and size of Rom~ (g. I, g. 8). Where the scale is noble, the events c:mnot be unworthy. Historically the only question is wheth~r primitive Rom:m society was the result of a fusion of Sabine and Latin elements. Arc~1::eolo gically there is ample evidence that in the eighth and early sev(n~h centuries there wer~ separate village ommunities on the Palatine, the appian (Esquiline), and the Quirinal, and that the culture of the Palatine, as r~vealed by its arts and crafts, was different from that of the other two hills. The same dichotomy m:lY be disclosed by the existence of two different b:.lrial-rites, cremation predominating in the earliest graves of the Forum and inhumation on the Esquiline and Quirinal. The Hme phenomenon is to b~ seen in the fields of religion and language. Certain special ceremonies belong to the Quirinal alone and have characteristically Sabine affinitie3. The best sumnaries (with reference3) of the archaeological evidence for the Sabine element in early Ro:ne may b~ found in R. Bloch, 814432
65
F
I.
ROMULUS
9-13
The Or;gins (if F ene, Legen a: };;.o df: P
L,nb' Ant.
-81 aJ:d E. Gjerstad, Opuscula Romana, 3. 79 ff. ; ,~ . Iso A. Piganiol, Essai sur les origines ',ee, e.g., L. R. Palmer, The Latin ;nt of the material see O. Seel,
{(
, the Sabine Women The COll..1L••;)n b e t \ u a l i a and the Rape has not yet been satisfactorily explaiL , tain that in origin Consus (from condere: see Schulze 474 Philologica'2 (1957), 175; ].R.S. 51 (1961), 3'2) was a god anary or storehouse. Apart from the etymology, his two festi I August; 15 December) are paired with the Opiconsivia ('2S "'i:- ,st) and the Opalia (19 December) and correspond in time respectively to the garnering of the harvest and the onset of winter when anxiety arises whether the supplies will last till the following harvest. This much is plain. The horse- or muleraces which in historical times accompanied the Consualia were no original feature but will have been added under Etruscan influence (D. H. '2. 31; Servius, ad Aen. 8. 636), for such contests are figured frequently on Etruscan paintings and are Etruscan in character. The motive for the addition may have been a change in the conception of Consus' functions. As a god of the granary his altar was underground, but to the Etruscans such shrines (puteal) were associated with the spirits of the dead. The horse was the funerary animal (cf. Au!. Gel!. IO. 15. 3: also the tantalizing entry in Praenestine Fasti for 15 December) and equine ceremonies are regular at funerals (cf., e.g., Herodotus 4. 71-7'2)· The elaboration of the Consualia by the addition of horseraces which turned it into one of the most spectacular of the early festivals led in its turn to a misrepresentation of the deity in whose honour it was held. To the Greeks Poseidon was the god of horses. He enjoyed the cult-title "bmw, and was thought of as a horse-god (Pausanias 7. '2 I. 7). Thus Greek concepts suggested the wholly false and un-Roman notion that the Consualia were held in honour of Neptunus equestris (9. 6; cf. Tertullian, de Spect. 5. 5). The early Neptune shared only the aquatic functions of Poseidon (5. 13. 6 n.) his Greek counterpart. Three stages, Latin, Etruscan, and Greek, can be postulated for the evolution of Consus but none illuminate his connexion with the Sabine women. Yet this connexion is old, at least as old as Ennius (Servius, ad Aen. 8. 636) and perhaps much older ('2. 18. '2 n.). It is true that both in the forms of marriage and in the election of Vestals (veluti bello captae) a token display offorce was used and it may be significant that at the Nonae Caprotinae on 7 July sacerdotes publici make sacrifice to Consus. Equally it could be held that it was a dramatic historization 66
1.9. 1
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of a Greek myth-the rape of Demeter's daughter, Kore, by Hades, the fruits of the earth buried underground. Yet in default of other evidence these are no more than guesses. Once the first idea had taken root it could be extended by adding wars which served to account for Rome's absorption of the nearby villages of Antemn~, Caeninum, an.d Crustumerium, and by incorporating one explanatIOn of the archaIc wedding-cry Thalassio (9. 1'2 n.). So with minor idiosyncra~ies.and much embellishment on Hellenistic principles the story mamtamed a consistent shape at the hands of historians from Ennius to D.H. It was only the antiquarians who questioned the conventional accounts and advanced heterodox explanations. Varro derived Consus from consilium (Paulus Festus 36 L. ; Augustine, Civ. Dei 4. I I) and proposed a wholly different explanation of Thalassio (9. 1'2 n.). L. follows the historical tradition and shows no awareness ofVarronian researches. His concern is to make it psychologically effective (e.g. there is no mention of Roman lust) and stylistically ~legant as the first act of the Sabine drama. To this end he shapes It so that the narrative begins and ends with an oration in indirect speech (9· '2-4; 9. 14-15). Both express reasonable, if sententious, arguments, the first in rhetorical, the second in tragic language. See P. Lambrechts, Ant. Class. 15 (1946),61-8'2; P. H. N. G. Stehouwer, Etude sur Ops et Consus (Diss. Utrecht, 195 6); J. Gage, Ant. Class. '28 (1959), '255 ff. 9. 1. hominis: 'was likely to last only a single generation as a result of the dearth of women'. conubia: 4. I. I n. . .. 9.2. legatos: the arguments, not found in D.H., w:ll be on~mal to .L. They are Greek in conception, although phrased m ora.toncal L~tm. For the double guarantee of Rome's prosperity (sua vzrtus ac dz) cf. Thucydides 3.58. I; 4.9'2. 7. The underlying philosophy is developed by Plato (Laws 8'29 A) and Aristotle (Politics 13'23aI4 ff.). The passa~e was admired by Quintilian who quotes it as an example of 7TpoaW7T07Toua (9. '2. 37 with deinde for dein, rightly since in L. dein is normally used with a preceding primo ('2. 1'2.4,50. 7, 54· 8, 3· ~'2. '2, 47· 4· 13· 13, 5. '2'2. 5) and is not found before qu-). For ex znfimo nascz (3) cf. Seneca de BeneJ. 3. 38. I; for opes . . . nomen cf. Cicero, pro Murena 33. By contrast the Sabine reply is abrupt and discourteous (9· 5 n.). 9.3. virtus ac di: 4.37· 7 n. 9. 5. rogitantibus: probably dative; cf. '23. IO quaer~ntibus. . compar : the adjective is ofvery rare occurrence bemg used prevIOusly by Varro, Menip. fr. 47 and Lucretius 4. 1'255. L. has it here and at '2~. 4'2. '20 compar consilium (speech of Q. Fabius), which sugg:st~ that m both places its alliterative sound and unliterary assoCIatIOns are meant to characterize the speakers. Here there may be overtones of
?'
67
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ROMULUS
the inscriptional use of compar as a substantive = 'consort, i.e. husband wife' (cf., e.g., C.I.L. 3. 1895,4183 et al.). 9.6. 'vocat: omitted by M. Frigell thought that vocat in 77'\ (vacat in R, D, L) was the corruption ofa scribe's note that a word or words was missing at this point, thus corroborating M's omission. He would read Consualia (appellata); Gronoviushad already proposed the punctuation parat . . . sollemnes, Consualia. indic~ . .. '. But M.'s omiss.io~s in t~e. earlier chapters of Book I are peculrar to Itself (cf. the omISSIOn of szbz in 9. 3) and 77'\ read vocat not vacat. Cf. 29· 14· 14, 36 . 36 . 4· 9.8. mortales: 37. 2, 3· 30. 8,4, 6r. 7, 5. 7. 3, 16.6. The force of this variation for multi homines is discussed by Fronto ap. Aul. Gell. 13· 29 (see Gries, Constancy, I04-7). Not specifical~y 'poetic' ~as favoured by historians for its impressiveness (ClaudIUS Quadnganus; Sallust, ]ugurtha 20. 3; Naevius, Bell. Pun. 5 Mo.). . Caeninenses: the ancient Caenina, listed by Plrny as one of the vanished cities (N.H. 3. 68), must have been very near Rome since Romulus sacrified there (D.H. 2. 33) and because the survival of sacerdotes Caeninenses among the Roman priesthoods implies early absorption by Rome (C.I.L. 5. 4059, 9. 4885-6). The only other indication of its site is D.H. I. 16 if the emendation be accepted: l1vTEfLvcfTa, KaL KaLvLvLTa, KaL c[JLKO'\VEOV,. The fact that Fi?enae is not mentioned among these primitive neighbours of Rome mIght suggest that Caenina was situated on the naturally strong site of Castel Giubbileo, and that after Caenina was absorbed by Rome its site was subsequently used by the Veientes for the founding of Fidenae. See also Ashby, P.B.S.R. 3 (1906), 22, 65-66 . Crustumini: 38. 4 n., 2. 19. I n. There are two clues to its, site: the Allia rose Crustuminis montibus (5. 37. 7) ; the Romans retreatmg down the Via Salaria from Eretum camped on a hill between Fidenae and C. (3. 42. 3). A study of the Etruscan road system s~ows that an important road led from Veii by way of the tunnel at Pletra ~e~tusa to a Tiber crossing about I mile north of the Casale Marclglrana. After the crossing the cuttings of the road are clearly visible and show that it continued across country in the direction of Gabii and bypassed Rome. The ascent of the road from the Tiber .is ~ade up a valley on the south of a commanding tongue ofland whIch IS a typIcal early site. It is easily defensible, having steep cliffs on three sides. and only a narrow neck to the east, and ,it is strat~gically place~, d?ml~at ing both the Via Salaria and the TIber crossmg. All ~hese mdicatrons point to the identification of the site with Crustu~enum. That there was an early settlement here is confirmed by the dIscovery on 2 I May 1962 of wh'at seemed to be a seventh-century cemetery by the side oi' the road close to the neck. Detailed investigation of it has unfortunately so far been frustrated. Two Etruscan bronze statuettes are
housed at Marcigliana itself (Stud. Etr. 23 (1954),41 I-IS), but their provenance is not specifically recorded. For earlier identification see Ashby, P.B.S.R. 3 (1906), 50-Sr. It was one of the few settlements near Rome to merit a legendary origin, being ascribed to Sicilian (Cassius Hemina ap. Servius, ad Aen. 7. 631), Trojan, or Athenian (D.H. 2. 65) foundation. The name is variously spelled. Antemnates: of the three communities, Antemnae, situated at the mouth of the Anio (cf. the false etymology ante amnem in Varro, de Ling. Lat. 5. 28) alone survived into classical times. It is mentioned as the site ofa battle in 82 B.C. and is recorded even by Strabo (5. 230). The remains which have been found on the site contain local and Etruscan pottery of the seventh century as well as rough-squared masonry (Blake, Ancient Roman Construction, I04-5; Ashby, op. cit., 14-15). The evidence indicates that the settlement, as presumably Caenina and Crustumerium, was absorbed by Rome but at a date at least a century later than that traditionally given. 9. 9. iam: for this use, introducing a further stage of a narrative, cf. 35. I, 23.5. IS· Scheibe would read etiam. 9. 12. Thalassi: the anecdote is one of many aetiologies of the marriage-cry Talassio (Martial I. 36. 6, 3. 93. 25; Sidon. Apoll. Epist. r. 5; cf. Catullus 6r. 134; Plutarch, Q.R. 31 ; Romulus IS), alternatively written as Thallasio probably by a false etymological connexion with the Greek 8';''\afLo, (cf. Servius, ad Aen. I. 65 I ; [Virgil], Cata!. 12.9). The account given of its origin by L. (so also Servius; Isidore 15. 3. 6) was evidently the ordinary annalistic view but deserves no credence: Thalass(i)us is a name first borne by the notable general of Constantius (Zosimus 2. 48; cf. also Libanius, Ep. 843). It was perhaps suggested by a similar explanation given of the Greek ·YfLEvaw,. By contrast with the annalists the antiquarians were prolific in proposals, deriving it from TaAapov 'wool' (Festus 478 L.; cf. Plutarch, Romulus 15) or talla (Festus 492 L. on the analogy of VfL~V and vfLEvaw,). Sextius Sulla, quoted by Plutarch, made one valuable contribution when he claimed that the word was Sabine, but whether it is an exclamation or the name of a deity is indeterminable. For full evidence see R. Schmidt, De Hymenaeo et Talassio (Diss. Kiel, 1886); Richter, Roscher's Mythologie s.v. 9. 13. violati hospitii fledus: Perizonius's conjecture violatum is necessary to avoid the intolerable enallage. The parents complained that the laws of hospitality had been outraged. For violarefoedus cf. 8. 7· 5, 30.42.8; Cicero. pro Scst. 15;Pro Balbo 13,31,55; Scaur. 42; Phil. 13. 4; de Rep. r. 3 r. For similar corruptions due to assimilation of endings cf. 28. 33. 16,43. 1,30.32.2. perfas acfidem: the parents are made to take refuge in legal formulae to express their indignation at the treatment of their daughters. per
68
69
I.
g. 5
,.it
I.
g. 8
ROMULUS
ROMULUS
jas ac fidem is an old expression from the law in which per, like the Greek 7rapa, means 'contrary to' (cf. perfldus). It is preserved in Plautus, Most. 500 with Sonnenschein's note; Cicero, pro S. Roscio 110, I I 6; de Inv. 1. 7 I per fidem jefellerunt. 9. 14. docebat; the arguments which Romulus uses to placate the Sabine women are drawn, at least indirectly, from Greek sources. L. has deliberately chosen them in order to convey the atmosphere of a Greek tragedy, in the same way that he had earlier presented Romulus as a political negotiator (9. 3-4 n.). The general argument that women should make the best of their position recalls Euripides, Medea 475 ff. Of the three particular arguments used, the plea quibus jors corpora dedisset, darent animos is not unlike Sophocles, Ajax 490-1, (note also 514-19), the consolation that in marriage at least ex iniuria . . . gratiam ortam resembles the thought of Andromache when faced with being a slave of Neoptolemus (Euripides, Troades 665-6), and the assurance that their husbands will endeavour to fill the place of parents and country is a clear recollection of Andromache's touching words to Hector au /-Lot Eaat 7raT-ryp Kat 7r6TVta /-LorITrfP (Homer, Iliad 6.4 2 9). The ancients derived the title Feretrius either from jerre (Paulus Festus 81 L.), connecting it with the bringing of weapons for dedication, or from jerire (Propertius 4. 10. 46), observing that the shrine contained the sacred silex used in the conclusion of treaties (24· 9 n.), but only the former can be sustained philologically. The title cannot be derived fromjeretrum which is a loan-word from Greek g,EP€TPOV (see Ernout-Meillet; Walde-Hofmann). If the true root is jerre, it will imply that the function of the god was from the beginning military, which is in accord with the fact that the diminutive temple had no cult-statue other than the silex and a sceptre: the silex was used in the ceremonies of the ius jetiale which prescribed the proper declaration and conclusion of wars and the sceptre was symbolic of military success. Yet the cult itself must be a later systematization of a more primitive worship and certainly cannot be as old as the eighth century B.C. The silex was evidently a meteorite, and superstitious awe of the object was by slow and rational degrees transformed into reverence for a thunderbolt sent by J uppiter. Moreover, the worship ofJ uppiter as a god of war is unique to Rome, being unknown in any other Italic community, and must have sprung from the pre-eminent position enjoyed by Juppiter at Rome. In other words, the worship ofJuppiter Feretrius is only comprehensible at a period when Juppiter has already become the presiding deity of Rome. Besides, the temple of Feretrius lay on the Capitol, outside the boundaries of the earliest city. On the
other hand, it can hardly be later than the great temple of Capitoline Juppiter, for it is unlikely that a new foundation would have been made inside the area Capitolina. A date in the period 650-550 is indicated by the evidence, and some trace of the truth may survive in the tradition that Ancus Marcius enlarged the temple (33· 9). The custom of setting up a trophy of captured arms on a wooden stem can be paralleled from many parts of the Mediterranean world. Although the Romans did not adopt the Greek habit of setting up a trophy on the battlefield until 121 B.C. (Florus 1. 37.6 mos inusitatus), spolia are clearly analogous to Tp07ra'ia which were dedicated to Z€U pom. and *moir- > -mer- = 'the space behind or in front of the wall' ; see Walde-Hofmann) is linguistically invalid. Moreover, it gives a meaning which was only a later development. The idea of a sacred no-man's-land on which houses could not be built is certainly subsequent to the original concept of a line dividing the hallowed from the profane. The pomerium was a matter of great antiquarian interest under the early Empire (cf. Tacitus, Annals 12. 24) but there was no proposal to extend it in the 20'S which could account for the disproportionate space which L. devotes to it here. Caesar may have enlarged it in 45 B.C. (Cicero, ad Au. 13.20; Dio 43.50. I; Aul. Gell. 13. 14. 4) and Augustus may also have done so in 8 B.C. (Tacitus; Dio 55.6.6), although doubt has been cast on the latter enlargement. It is, therefore, more likely that L. has taken over a substantial discussion by Valerius Antias who was writing at the very time that the first extension of the pomerium since the Regal period was undertaken by Sulla (Seneca, de Brev. Vito I 3. 8; Tacitus; Aul. Gell.). The primary discussion is by Mommsen, Rom. Forsch., 2. 23-41; see also V. Blumenthal, R.E., 'Pomerium'; M. T. Griffin, J.R.S. 52 (1962), 10 9- 10 . 44. 5. nunc: the evidence for houses built right up to the 'Servian' walls encroaching on the Pomerium is collected and examined by J. H. Oliver, Mem. Am. Acad. Rome 10 (1932), 145-82: see also Horace, Satires I. 8. post id: everything turns on whether the standpoint of the spectator is from within or outside the city-a fundamental flaw in the traditional etymology. termini hi consecrati: the line of the pomerium was marked by inscribed stones or cippi (e.g. C.I.L. 6. 31537-9).
ward as they stand. Ruperti's insertion of et to link them as a pair, although he was followed in this independently by Madvig, is frigid; and Scheller (aucta sic late . ..) may have had the right instinct in seeing that civitate is the otiose word. It might be expunged utterly: civitas is found contracted as ctas (examples in Capelli). aucta ctate provokes misgivings. Otherwise aucta <et) civitate <et) magnitudine urbis: if the latter et was lost, the former would follow. ex is also possible. iam tum: the first regular temple of Artemis was constructed on marshy ground to the north of the city by Theodorus of Samos, an architect who is thought to have been active in the first half of the sixth century, if Rhoecus, the architect of the Samian Heraeum was his father. The date of the foundation implied by the participation of Theodorus is in accord with archaeological evidence from the earliest discovered structure. Coins, ivories, &c. from the foundation deposit cannot be dated earlier than c. 600-590 (P. Jacobsthal, J.H.S. 71 (1951), 84-95; E. S. G. Robinson, ibid. 156-67). After successive modifications (D. G. Hogarth, Brit. Museum: Excavations at Ephesus, 1908) it was rebuilt to the design ofChersiphron c. 550 in a completely new style as the first Ionic temple in Asia (Vitruvius). According to Herodotus (I. 92) most of the columns for it were the gift of Croesus and several authorities state that it was erected by the common contributions of the great cities of Asia (Pliny, N.H. 16. 2 I 3, 36. 95). By 540 or so the elegance of the building and the liberality of the subscribers would have reached even Roman ears through travellers' tales. The archaeological evidence is reviewed by J. Boardman, Antiquaries Journal 39 (1959), 20 4-5.
1·44· 3
I.
45.
I
45. 1. aucta civitate magnitudine urbis: in theory either civitate or magnitudine could be the subject: (I) 'the state having been enhanced by the size of the city', stressing the extension of the pomerium and the physical limits of the city, or (2) 'the size of the city having been increased by the citizen-body (or citizenship)', stressing the effect of the census in raising the numbers of Roman citizens (2. I. 2, 38. 16. 3). Scholars have consistently preferred the former which gains some support from 2 I. 6 civitatem auxerunt and follows naturally after the digression on the pomerium, but the two ablatives are awk-
The Temple of Diana on the Aventine The record of the foundation of the temple, like that of other temples in this period (CapitolineJuppiter, Castor, Mercury), can be accepted as being derived from authentic pontifical memorials. The religious significance of the new foundations lies in the fact that they are all temples of old Greek deities, which served the more advanced society of Greece (F. Altheim, History of Roman Religion, 250-4). The cult will not have come, as L. suggests, as a result ofdirect communication with Ephesus because, for one thing, in its Roman form it was intended to be the centre of a political league, whereas the Artemision, although financed by Ionian subscription, was never the centre of the PanIonian movement. Ephesus never usurped the place of Mycale and the temple of Poseidon Heliconius as the centre of the great confederation which drew all the Ionian cities, Ephesus included (I.G. 12.5.444), together in self-defence. The Aventine cult ofDiana seems to have been inspired by two separate but contemporary features in Ionia, the Pan-Ionian league and the Artemision of Ephesus, and the
180
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SER VI US TULLIUS
conflation could not have escaped notice and comment unless it had been mediated through several sources. The most important of such sources was Aricia where the cult of Diana (Cato fro 58 P.) was served by a religious league of nine Latin communities to which Rome, as an Etruscan dominated town, did not belong. The Arician cult was earlier than the Aventine (A. N. Sherwin-White, Roman Citizenship, 12-13; A. E. Gordon, The Cults rif Aricia, 1934) and had a political as well as a religious aspect to it, since the Concilium Latinorum which met at the Lucus Ferentinae in the territory ofAricia (50. I n. ; Beloch, Rom. Gesch. 183) was the same organization under a different name. Political and religious competition with Aricia is further indicated by the transplantation of the Virbius legend from Aricia to Rome (48. 6 n.) at much the same date. Seeing that the reign of Servius marks a Latin restoration at Rome, we may well understand the motives which led him to attempt to consolidate his position by securing a league of Latin cities to whom he could turn if threatened by Etruria. The cult of Diana on the Aventine marks his attempt to oust Aricia from the political hegemony of Latium (Varro, de Ling. Lat. 5.43). The new institution served two needs: it mollified religious dissatisfaction and promoted political expediency. But whatjustification could Servius offer for the innovation? The new cult by the special place allotted in it to slaves (F. Altheim, Griech. Gotter im alten Rom, 143 ff.) evidently appealed to foreigners, metics, strangers, and the newly enrolled Roman citizens generally. Furthermore Strabo (4. 180-1) records that the statue of Diana was set up in the same way as the statue at Massilia and adds that the Massiliot was similar to the Ephesian. The second settlement of Massilia occurred c. 540 (5· 34. 8 n.) after a period in which the Phocaeans and presumably other Ionian emigrants had tried to colonize Corsica and are sure to have been brought into contact with Etruria and even Rome. These wandering exiles would have furnished Servius with the privileged information about the Ephesian shrine that enabled him to promote the superior claims of Diana of the Aventine over Diana of Aricia. Above all, he devised an almost Callimachean Aetion around a sacred relic, a gigantic pair of horns, to convince the superstitious and to teach the moral that the sovereignty of Latium had passed to Rome. Despite some anachronisms, the story of the Sabine cow must be very ancientas old as the cult ofDiana on the Aventine. The exact date ofthe foundation is not disclosed but c. 540 suits both the traditional chronology of Servius' reign (577-33) and the second settlement of Massilia. A. Alf6ldi (A.].A. 64 (1960), 137-44; Gymnasium 67 (1960), 193-6) has recently produced new evidence about the cult of Aricia. He has demonstrated that the old cult-image is represented on a denarius of the monetal P. Accoleius Lariscolus, whose family came from Aricia
(43 B.C.; Sydenham no. 1148). The shape of the image, a three-figure goddess Hecate-Artemis-Selene, and the style, particularly of the hair, both suggest a genuine picture of a primitive statue dating from c. 500 which survived down to the end of the Republic. He does, however, produce no evidence for the assertion that the image and the league belong to the period of Porsenna's activities rather than fifty years earlier nor, a fortiori, for the contention that the institution of Diana on the Aventine should be dated not to c. 540 but to the aftermath of Lake Regillus; For a possible fragment of a replica of the cult statue see Paribeni, A.].A. 65 (19 61 ), 55. 45. 3. caput rerum Romam esse: a phrase redolent of Augustan ethos (cf. 5. 54. 7) ; thus in Ovid, Met. 15. 736 iamque caput rerum Romanam intraverat urbem and later in Tacitus, Hist. 2.32; Man. 4.689. The boldness and presumption of the phrase are compared by Fraenkel (Horace, 45 2 ) with the sweeping simplicity of Horace's custode rerum Caesare (Odes 4. 15. 17). The first traces of awareness of Rome's destiny are no earlier than the third century. Until that time Rome was struggling for her standing in Italy but her successes against Pyrrhus lifted the veil on a wider scene. Cf. Lycophron 1226-33 (if genuine) and Ennius' translation of Pyrrhus' dedication at Tarentum (199-200 V.). The most that Romans of Servius' day would have aspired to was to supplant Aricia as the 'capital' of Latium. uni se ex Sabinis: Plutarch (Q;R. 4 with Rose's note) gives an account of the same tale which differs in some particulars. He specifically cites as his authorities the antiquariansJuba and Varro. According to them the Sabine was called Antron Coratius (or Cur(i)atius). One of his slaves escaped to Rome and told Servius about the oracle. He, in his turn, communicated it to the pontifex Cornelius who duped Coratius into washing in the Tiber thereby giving Servius the chance to sacrifice the cow and to dedicate the horns in the temple. It is generally thought (Dumezil; J. Hubaux, Rome et Viies, 232-5) that Plutarch gives the traditional version which L. has adapted in order to minimize the unsc:rupulous part played by Servius as not being in keeping with maiestas Romana. If the story, as an Aetion, is old, L.'s version will be prior to Varro's which is too full of etymological cleverness (cornu> Cornelius; servus > Servius) and improbable coincidence. The priority of L. can be shown in another way. A coin, struck c. 79 B.C. by A. Postumius Albinus, showing on the obverse a bust of Diana and on the reverse 'togate figure stg. 1., raising 1. hand over head of ox standing r.; in centre, lighted altar' with the legend A. POST. A.F.S.N. ALBIN. (Sydenham no. 745; cf. Borghesi, Fasti, 2. 43; Mommsen, Rom. Manz. 617) illustrates the same story but would indicate that before Varro's investigations established the claim of the Cornelii, the Postumii, proud of their part in the early fortunes of Rome (Lake
182
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1.
45
1.
45
SERVIUS TULLIUS
SERVIUS TULLIUS
Regillus), claimed the honour of having provided the priest on that occasion. Had not a Postumius Albinus written Annales? 45. 4. bos . .. nata: on the coin it appears to be a bull. fuere: i.e. they had disappeared by the late Republic. 45. 5. ut erat: 'it was regarded as a prodigy, as indeed it was'. The recording of omens and prodigies was 'a traditional feature in the annals of the Romans' (R. Syme, Tacitus, 522) if only because they were one of the regular items in the pontifical tables which constituted the source material for early history. But whereas Tacitus is consistently sceptical about such manifestations, L. had a real belief in them and lamented that in his own day faith had evaporated and that prodigies were no longer recorded (43. 13. 1-2). 45. 6. carmen: 26. 6 n. antistitem: cf. 20. 3. The term is very loose and untechnical, usually applied to the priests of foreign cults who had no place in the official nomenclature (Wissowa, Religion, 483). Although for us there is some doubt what the status of the priest of Diana was (perhaps a sacerdos since he was not a jlamen or a pontifex), L. 's choice of antistes is not to be attributed to that uncertainty because L. would have known, but to the fact that the sacrifice was a votive offering (cf. apta dies) and so did not require the presence of any other person than the templecaretaker (aedituus) and the intending sacrificer. L. uses the vague term antistes to inflate to apparent importance the menial-sounding aedituus. Here again L. is more accurate than Varro. celebrata: nominative with magnitudo. quin: 57. 7 n. vivo jlumine: 'running water'. An authentic touch. Only running water, not water drawn from wells or cisterns, could purify. Cf. Virgil, Aeneid 2. 7 I 9 donec me jlumine vivo I abluero; Tacitus Hist. 4· 53 : and see Wissowa, Religion, 219 n. 3; Ninck, Die Bedeutung des Wassers im Cult. Vivus is perhaps sacral. For comparable Greek beliefs see Denniston on Euripides, Electra 791. infima valle: infimus is the dignified and classical form of the superlative, imus the colloquial; but metrical considerations as well led to the spread of imus which in later Latin becomes almost universal (Lofstedt. Syntactica, 2. 345; B. Axelson, Unpoet. Warter, 33-34). Thus infima valle here and in 7. 34. 3 as well as Hirtius, Bell. Gall. 8. 40. 2 and Columella I. 5. 2 but ima valle in Virgil, Georg. I. 374; Aen. 3. 110, Ovid, Met. 2.761,6.343. At 33. 8. 6 the manuscripts' reading adsuos in ima valle stantes should be corrected to ad suos infima valle stantes.
46-48. The Death rif Servius Tullius The circumstances in which Servius Tullius is said to have met his death had become part of the Roman historical tradition long before
Roman history was actually written. As far as can be seen there is no change in the main outline of the story between the third century and Livy. Although no relevant fragment of Ennius survives, Fabius Pictor (fr. I I P.) narrated it in substantially the form which we know today and presumably other second-century historians, including Polybius (ef. Cicero, De Rep. 2.43), followed the same tradition. Piso (fr. 15 P.) accepted it with a small chronological modification, Diodorus (10. I ff.) gives a crisp summary of it, and Varro (de Ling. Lat. 5. 159) quotes the incident of Tullia driving over her murdered father. The legend will have been passed on in two ways, as a part of the main stream of Roman folk-lore and as an explanation associated with the names of certain quarters of Rome, e.g. the vicus sceleratus, but it will not be a primitive legend. The careers of the two Tarquins are too alike to be other than two faces of the same coin. A dim memory of an Etruscan domination of Rome from Tarquinii (34. I n.) which was interrupted by a Latin restoration (Servius Tullius ) was expanded into a chronological sequence with definite and distinct personalities. Once the story had been fixed there were no major variations, and there could be none because there was no possible evidence to modify it. The only variations that were possible were variations for political or artistic effect. Politically the regal period exhibited for philosophically minded historians like Polybius a perfect example of a constitution developing from monarchy (Romulus), through kingship (Tarquinius Priscus and Servius Tullius), to tyranny (Tarquinius Superbus) with the early Republic as aristocracy and the Decemvirate as oligarchy. To secure the even course of the decline Servius Tullius must have some tyrannical tendencies which can appear in their full maturity in the person of Tarquinius Superbus. But as at Athens Solon and Cleisthenes became controversial political slogans at the end of the fifth century when rival groups claimed authority for their own versions of the ml:rptovAaTToVUtV OL apxovTE,. It may ?e presu.me~, for the complimentary dipping of the fasces before a malUS rmpe~lUm IS acknowledged (Cicero, Brutus 22; Pliny, N.!!. 7: I 12 (met~phoncal)). An historical origin is invented for a constItutIOnal practIce. escendit: ascendit N. At 28. 6 M has in tribunal esc., 1TA asc., and the same disagreement occurs at 3. 47. 4. The corruption is common, b':t where the manuscripts can be trusted they show that esc. not asc. IS the proper form (ef. Cicero, post Red. in Senatu 12; ad Au. 4· 2. 3;
Q.F. 1. 2. 15)· Ph W gratum: gratum id, the text ofM;'" must be read (Rossbach, B. . ., 19 20 , p. 700 ; Ernout, Rev. Phil. 16 (1942), 18 3). . 7. 8. audire iussis: the proceedings were opened by a call to attentIOn . like the Greek aKovETE AH(J. gloria ... invidia: a rhetorical commonplace for whIch cf. Sall~st, Jugurtha 55. 3; Nepos, Chabr. 3· 3· Similarly for 7· 9 spectata vzrtus ef. Catil. 20. 2; for 7. IO levi momento ef. Caesar, B:G: 7· 39· 3; for fundata fides ef. Lucretius I. f23; ~or ~bi sir:z .quam qUI srm cf. I. 4 I. 3 ; Seneca, Epist. 28. 4. The alhteratron IS stnkmg. . 7. 12. Vicae Potae: an old Roman goddess, of victory, who~e festIval was on 5 January. The ancients derived her name from vmcere a?d potiri (Cicero, de Leg. 2. 28; for an. alte~native et~ology ef. Arnobms 3. 25) and identified her as Victona (Ascomus, p. 13 C.). The
25 1
2.
7.
12
509 B.C.
meaning may well be correct (cf. the plant vica pervica described by Pliny, N.H. 21. 68; [Apuleius], Herb. 58) ; if so, the name should be compared for its formation (verbal stem with suffix) with, e.g., Panda Cela and for its double character with, e.g., Aius Locutius. See Weinstock, R.E., 'Vica Pota'. L. does not imply that the shrine replaced the house of the Valerii ; it survived although the house had disappeared. aedes: the addition is required. The only parallels for the ellipse of aedes are from Vitruvius (3· 3· 2, 5)·
8. Constitutional Arrangements I t has been noted that this chapter which is a unit by itselfis awkwardly fitted into context. The assembly in which the laws were passed (latae deinde leges) is not that mentioned in 7. 7 and the summary in 8. 9 haec . .. gesta is unexpected. The reason is not that L. here turns to a new source but rather that in his distribution of material he is concerned to append the incidental events at Rome to one of the primary internal threats. The second of the two laws, that against attempts to subvert the Republic, is not intrinsically suspect. Such consecrationes capitis occur as penalties for heinous offences (3. 55· 7 n.). Ifit is authentic, it wiII have. been recorded subsequently in the Twelve Tables. The first law, onprovocatio, must be rejected. L. does not specify its terms but Cicero (de Rep. 2. 53) and Pomponius (Dig. 1.2.2.16) speak ofa limitation of the magistrates' power to execute or scourge without appeal to the people, while D.H. (5. 19) and Plutarch (Poplicola I I) extend its scope wider. Such democratic privileges are the endproduct of long evolution and we can trace the beginning of it in the creation of the tribunate and the provisions of the Twelve Tables and of the Valerio-Horatian laws of 449 (3· 55· 3 n.) where the magistrate was empowered but not compelled to allow appeals and refer matters from his own coercitio to the people. The law of 509 is fictitious and the presence of an identical law in the proper historical sequence under the year 300 (ro. 9. 3-6), ascribed to the consul M. Valerius, leaves no doubt that it is a doublet. There will, however, have been a procedure under the earliest Republic which, although not akin to provocatio, may have abetted the foisting afthe Valerian law on to 509. The first quaestores were not themselves a court: they were merely an ad hoc jury appointed by the consuls to investigate crimes, especially parricidium, when charges were brought by agnati. The quaestores determined culpability. They convicted, but it was left to the magistrates to sentence. This division of powers may be the basis behind which the Valerian law took refuge. See the summary, with bibliography, by Staveley, Historia 3 (1955),413-15.
509 B.C.
2.8.1
8. 1. Publicolae: 3. 18. 6 populi colendi. The popular etymology can hardly be correct, since the cognomen would be unique. Various modern etymologies have been proposed (e.g. a dim. of populus (Skutsch) .or of Publius (Ihne); 'people's farmer' (Cornelius)) but none carnes immediate conviction. Whatever its origin-and the name was confined to the Valerii and their relations (Meiggs, Ostia, 477)-it was used as evidence of the liberal leanings of the family. There were Greek precedents like odTJfL61>tAoS to encourage the interpretation. See Volkmann, R.E., 'Valerius (302)'. 8. 4. Sp. Lucretius: his opportune death discredits his original place in the Fasti. M. Horatius Pulvillus: the antiquity of the gens Horatia is proven (1. 24. I n.) and the place of M. Horatius at the head of the ~asti is guaranteed (I. 60. 4 n.). Of the man himself we can say nothrng: the cognomen Pulvillus, 'a little cushion', first given by Cicero, de Domo 139, is enigmatic. Concerning his activities two difficulties arise: (I) D.H. 5. 35. 3 records that there was an inscr~ption on ~~e temple which named Horatius, but since there were nval tradltrons that Horatius dedicated it as consul (so L. here) or pontifex (Cicero, de Domo 139; Val. Max. 5. 10. I; Seneca, Cons. ad Marc. 13. 1), the inscription did not give Horatius' office. Precedent suggests that he must have been consul. (2) Nor can the inscription have given a date: for Tacit~s (Hist. 3.7 2 ) and D.H. 5. 35. 3 date it to Horatius' second consulshIp (5 0 7), which is the same absolute date as that given by Polybius 3· 22. I (where see Walbank), although by Polybius' chro~ology that was t.he first year of the Republic. The keeping of dates rn fact started wIth the dedication of the temple. In 303 B.C. the temple of Concord was constructed cciiii (ccciiii codd.) annis post Capitolinam dedicatam. In such chronological confusion no reconstruction can be trusted. I would point out that L. is here using Licinius Macer and that his chronology is suspect. He dates the Porsenna war in the seco.n~ year of the Republic, (P. Valerius, T. Lucretius) while D.H. puts It rn the third (Valerius, M. Horatius). His lists for 507 and 506 are confused (15. In.), his date for Regillus unique (21. 3 n.). I would accept ,?O 7 as the orthodox and the approximately correct date for the dedIcation of the Capitoline Temple. The denarii minted by Cn. Cornelius Blasio, which are unique in portraying the Capitoline Triad (Sydenham no. 56 I) and are to be regarded as commemorative of the 4 00th anniversary of the dedication of the temple, were struck in or shortly after ro7 B.C. That does not, however, entail rejecting Horatius' two consulships. It would be a strange coincidence that a temple so long in the making should have been ready just in time to celebrate independence. 253
509 B.C.
508 B.C.
8. 5. apud quosdam veteres: the most recently interpolated consul was Lucretius. He is not named by Polybius or by (drawing from Republican sources) Augustine (de Civ. Dei 3. 16); i.e. he was inserted towards the end of the second century. Collatinus and Poplicola are older (ef. Cicero, de Rep. 2. 53), probably third-century, additions. memoria must be the subject of intercido (ef. Val. Max. 5. 2. 10 ; Seneca, de Benif. 3. 1.4) so that memoriam should be read. 8. 6. dedicata: technically the act of dedication was the surrender by man of 'all claim to the possession or use of something in favour of the divinity'. In the case of temples and the like the act could only be performed by consuls or magistrates with imperium (9. 46. 6) except where the people conferred special authorization on iiviri aedi dedicandae (42. 5 n.; Cicero, de Domo 130, 136). The presence of a pontifex was, as in the case of the dedication of Cicero's house, customary in order to ensure the proper performance of the ritual acts but was not strictly necessary. The pontifex did not himself dedicate the temple (despite Paulus Festus 78 L.) : he prompted the magistrate throughout. It is regularly expressed as praeeunte pontifice (C./.L. 3. 1933; Varro de Ling. Lat. 6. 61; ef. 2. 27.5,9.46.6; Tacitus, Hist. 4· 53). The act itself consisted of holding the door-post (Servius, ad Georg. 3. 16) and pronouncing the formula, a complete example of which is found in the law from Salona (C.I.L. cit.). Horatius' dedication presents points of interest. It shows that he must have been consul (or the equivalent) and not pontifex since the latter did not perform the ceremony. It is tendentious in that Horatius is selected by lot, whereas the choice was normally made by popular vote (2. 27. 5, 42. 5; cf. 4. 29· 7: Cicero, ad AU. 4· 2. 3)· D.H. indeed gives a different account, that the dedicator was to be popularly selected but that in the voting Horatius cheated. L.'s source undermines this Valerian complacency by the novel doctrine that the choice was made by lot. The impassive self-control with which he greeted the news of his son's death is a literary embellishment inspired by the manner in which Xenophon heard the news about his son Gryllus (Aelian, V.H. 3. 3 with Perizonius's note). Finally, what is the significance of Horatius' perseverance? His action was treated as a precedent (Cicero, de Domo 139) and the story originated as such. In normal circumstances a death would render the whole family junesta and so unable, until purified, to perform religious acts (47. 10; Varra, de Ling. Lat. 5.23; Cicero, de Leg. 2. 55; Aul. Gell. 4. 6. 8). But Horatius was excepted-presumably on the score that he had begun the ceremony before the news was brought and he, since it was a continuous act, was for the purposes of the ceremony purus.
See Wissowa, R.E., 'Dedicatio'; Cicero, de Domo, ed. Nisbet, PP· 2 °9- IO .
2.8'5
2.8.6
9-15. War with Porsenna
For Romans the interest in the war against Porsenna centred on the three feats of Cocles, Cloelia, and Scaevola-illa tria Romani nominis prodigia atque miracula. The war with Porsenna is genuine enough. Clusium (5. 33. 1-3 n.) and the inland cities of Etruria pursued a different policy and enjoyed a different civilization from coastal cities like Caere and Rome. They were aggressive and thrusting. Their expansion into Campania at this period can be documented in detail. With the collapse of a strong central government at Rome, the plain of Latium was left unguarded. Porsenna took his opportunity, broke down from the hills, and captured Rome. Such, in brief, are the facts and a dim memory of them survived (Tacitus, Hist. 3. 72. I; Pliny, N.H. 34. 139: see Syme, Tacitus, 398). Falsification played havoc with them. Patriotic sentiment could not allow Rome to be captured. Rome is made to hold out gallantly and Porsenna from being a ruthless foe is turned into a sentimental king with an admiration for Roman virtues which passes into friendship. Porsenna is regarded as king of all Etruria and his attack on Rome supposed to be motivated by a desire to restore the Tarquins to their throne. Such an alliance makes nonsense of the facts. Caere, Tarquinii, Rome, Cumae were all at the mercy of Porsenna. If Porsenna had acted to aid the Tarquins, it is inconceivable that they should eventually have found refuge with Aristodemus at Cumae. With the exception of the intrusive chapter I I L. welds the material together into a unit opened and closed by summaries of the military situation (9. 1-8; 14-15) and containing in the middle the three chief acts. These acts are in themselves similarly constructed. The climax of each is a topographical detail (ro. 12, 13. 5, 13. I I), the nub of each is a moral (fides, audacia, constantia: notice the repeated virtus (ro. 12, 12. 14, 12. 15, 13.6,9, I I)), and each emphasizes that such qualities are inspired by the love of liberty (ro. 8). The three stories form a tricolon crescendo leading up to Cloelia-supra Coclites Muciosque (Cloeliae) jacinus esse. The phase is concluded by Porsenna's recognition of Roman liberty (15). This arrangement is L.'s workmanship. See the judicious essay by Ehlers, R.E., 'Porsenna'; Bayet, Recherches philosophiques, 193 I, 264 ff. ; Burck 54; Hofmann, Livius-Interpretationen 63-64. 9. 1. Lartem Porsennam: for the name, which occurs elsewhere only as a Roman nomen (C.I.L. 6. 32919 Porsina) but is pure Etruscan in morphology, see Ehlells, loco cit. 255
g. 1-3
508 B.C.
508 B.C.
9. 1-3. arabant: 7. 2 n. The Tarquins continue their plea with some oratorical commonplaces. For 'the dreary mediocrity of levelling down' cf. VeIl. Pat. 2. 2. 2; Tacitus, Hist. 4. 47; see Otto, SprichwiMer, 60. Stobaeus devotes a whole section (47) to the theme OTL KcD\.AWTOV 1] /Lovapx[a and his illustrations range as far back as Hesiod and Homer. For aequari summa infimis ef. Ovid, Trist. 3. 10. 18; Pliny, N.H. 2. 203. 9.4. vofLau8at eP7/u{v. The cognomen was probably inspired by the model of King Codrus of Athens (see above). For the name and its corruptions in Latin see]. G. Griffith, C.R. 1 (1951), 138--9. It will not have been original. It is notable that the moneyer [- Mucius?] Cordus issued in conjunction with Q. Fufius Calenus between 71 and 67 coins with .the unique legend HONOS and VIRTUS (ef. 12. 15 virtuti honos; 13. 6 honorata virtute: Sydenham no. 797). See Syme, Historia 4 (1955), 69· cum sub regibus esset: explaining servientem. Objection has been taken to the phrase, chiefly by Tittler (Jahrb.f Class. Phil. 75 (1857),800), Cornelissen, and Karsten, the last two of whom would perform further surgery to the sentence but it is evident from itaque that the sentence was involved and shapeless as written. itaque is resumptive, picking up the thread of an over-long sentence as at 8. I I . 9. 12.4. ignaris omnibus: abl. abs. 'without telling anyone'; ef. 7· 5· 3. See Wackernagel, Vorlesungen aber Syntax, 2. 271. fortuna: 'the present plight of the city would lend plausibility to the charge'. 12. 5. 'transire Tiberim': Mucius' sentiments recall Virgil, Aeneid 9. 186-7, 240-3 (Nisus). The resemblance of situation and thought suggests that for the contents of Mucius' speech, L., like Virgil, has
262
2 63
2. II. 9
2. 12- 1 3.
5
508 B.C.
508 B.C.
turned to Ennius. The language is equally dignified. For si di iuvant ef. Plautus, Capt. 587. 12.7. eum"V/-L7TOV. For seras, non leves tamen poenas cf. Homer, Iliad 4. 160 ff. ; Solon 13. '25 ff. ; Aeschylus, Agam. 58; Choeph. 383; Euripides, Bacchae 883 with Dodds's note; Tibullus r. 9. 4; Horace, Odes 3· '2. 31-3'2. 56.8. fidem ... implorantis: '2. '23. 8 n.
3· 56 59
The Arrest
if Ap.
Claudius
56. 3. oratio . .. inventa est: a commonplace; cf. the paradoxical denial of it by Catiline (Sallllst 58. I). vosmet ipsi: cf. Sallust, Cati!. '20. 6. 56. 4. impie nifarieque: cf. Cicero, Verr. I. 6; Phi!. '2. 50. gratiam facio: 'I remit, overlook' = Xa{pELV Ew. So also 8. 34. 3. Otherwise the phrase is only found in Plautus (Cas. 373; Miles 576; Most. I 130, I 168) and Sallllst (Cati!. 5'2. 8; cf. Jug. I04. 5). It gives life and colour to Verginius' challenge. nisi iudicem dices: said to be the defendant's reply to the prosecutor's proposal iudicemferre (57. 5) and to mean 'to agree to go before a iudex'. Cf. the interesting discussions by Gronovius and Drakenborch. But whereas i. j. is commonly attested, neither i. dicere nor anything remotely analogous occurs. In 57. 5 L. writes ad iudicem non eat. Many coJ1iectures have been made, none altogether satisfatory: iudicem oindices te Rhenanus; in iudicem dices, te Campanus; iudicem doces,
3· 56 .4
Appius' Plea See Lambert, Die Indirekte Rede, 35. A good example of subtle casuistry, planned according to the best patterns, as recommended for example by ad Herennium '2. '25. Notice the careful antitheses; maiorum merita, suum studium, suas leges; tum ... in praesentia; civitatis civem; invidiam ... aequitate; dominatio an libertas; inanibus litteris an vere and the balanced experturum ... experiri, quod si ... quod si and quem enim . .. ? cui . .. non sit? The language is as exemplary. For maiorum merita in rem publicam cf. Cicero, Verr. '2. 1'2'2; for aequandarum legum see 3 I. 7 n.; for invidiam pertimuisse cf. in Cati!. I. '29; for aequitate et misericordia d. pro Marcello 1'2; for dominatio an libertas see 39· 7 n. 56.9. abisset: in 33. 4 the consuls were only designati but the exaggeration is legitimate. 56.10. bona malaque: 'his case's good and bad points'. 56. 12. tollendae appellationis: N wrongly interpolates causu, as Duker had already seen. The genitive is governed by foedus as at Val. Max. 7. 4 ext. 3· In what follows, quod for quam and at for ait (cf. 9. r. 8) 5°5
449 B.C.
449 B.C.
are necessary corrections. Where L. uses at in the apodosis of a conditional, it is always accompanied by the personal pronoun. For conspiro in ef. 36. 9; Tacitus, Annals 15· 68. 56. 13. hoc indemnato indicta causa: 13. 4. Brecht was right to stress the sympathy which this plea would have gained in the aftermath of the Gracchan law ne quis de capite (Perduellio, 166 ff.). But Gracchus only reiterated what was already law by the time of Cato (Aul. Gell. 13. 25. 12) and what may indeed be assumed to have been a stipulation in the Twelve Tables (Salvian, De Gubern. Dei 8. 5. 24; see D. Daube, J.R.S. 31 (1941), 183). Like so much else in the history of the Decemvirate, it seems to be intended as an illustration of the Twelve Tables. Appius Claudius makes skilful use of the T071'0, contrasting truth with empty words which was worked to death by the elegists (cf. Catullus 70. 3-4; Ovid, Am. 2. 16.45, et al. = Sophocles fr. 749)·
compressed to the point of obscurity. In choosing between evenerunt (Ver.) and evenere (N) we have to note that according to the statistics compiled by Lease (A.].P. 24 (1903),408 ff.) in Book 3 the ratio of -ere to -erunt terminations is 88: 22 but that 'with venio and its compounds the -erunt form was preferred'. At the same time Ver. is prone to devalue L.'s language (6. 6 n., 44.5 n.) and LOfstedt (Peregrinatio, p. 37) demonstrated that -ere is the high-flown form of the termination. This fact tips the balance in favour of evenere here. Cf. also 4.7.8 n., 5.5· 5 n. Note also 28. 42. 15,5· 33· 5 (transcendere Ver.). pars magna: the volunteers came from those who were exempt on grounds of age and service (emeritis stipendiis) and formed a great part of the total army. The gen. voluntariorum is not partitive but a gen. of material. 57. 10. urbe egrederentur: the manuscripts here, including Ver., and at I. 29. 6, 2 I. 12. 5, 22. 55. 8, 28. 26. I I, 29. 6. 4, read egredior urbem with varying degrees of unanimity. But egredior with the acc. could only mean transgredior (2. 61. 4; see Frigell, Epilegomena, 43 ff.) which is absurd with urbem as the object. urbe must be read in all places, as at Val. Max. 9. 6 ext. 2; Frontinus, de Aq. IOI ; Marcian, Dig. I. 16.2. in aes incisas ... proposuerunt: in 34. 2 the first ten tables had been propositas and a further two were added in 37. 4. But this publication may be regarded as only provisional. A strong tradition associated the consuls with the final ratification of the laws, as was reasonable since Valerius and Horatius were the logical consequence of the democratic movement set in motion by the Decemvirate. The difficulty lies rather in the nature of the material used for inscribing the laws. The earliest surviving bronze laws are all of one piece (e.g. the Lex de Repetundis and the law of Bantia) and would have been referred to as tabula in the singular. The name Dllodecim Tabulae implies then that they were written on wood (ef. the Solonian agOVE,) and that is the tradition known to Pomponius (Dig. I. 2. 2. 4 quas in tabulas teboreas (roboreas Edd.) perscriptas pro rostris composuerunt; ef. Horace, A.P. 396-9 with Porphyrio's and [Acro]'s notes). The younger authorities knew only bronze (Diodorus 12. 26; Cyprian, Epist. ad Donatum IO). The discrepancy cannot be reconciled by supposing that the provisional promulgation of the laws was made on wood (Mommsen, Staatsrecht, 3. 371) and that they were finalized in bronze. The solution lies rather in believing that at the beginning of the first century they were restored and set up in bronze, perhaps when Sulla reconstructed the Curia. See Mommsen, Melanges Boissier, I ff.; Taubler, Untersuchungen, 69-77. sunt qui: a variant, to glorify the tribunes at the expense of Valerius. Licinius Macer? I t is a corollary of the archival functions of the aediles described in 55. 13·
3.56.
12
Verginius' Speech By contrast Verginius is brutal and inflammatory. He meets Appius' subtle pleadings with violent language. Among the more striking expressions, for legum expertem cf. Cicero, Phil. 2. 7; for castellum omnium scelerum cf. in Pisonem I I ; for bonis . .. irifestus cf. pro Sestio 39; for virgas ... minitans cf. Verr. 3. 143; for carnificibus see 2. 35. I n.; for ab rapinis ... verso cf. I. 60. 2, Sallust, Catil. 5· 2, 5 I. 9· 57. 4. illi carcerem aedificatum: I. 33. 8 n. There is no other trace of a tradition that the Decemvir was responsible for building the prison. Verginius invents it for the occasion in order to bring in a familiar and savage jibe which had already been used by Cicero against Verres (5. 143). It was, of course, much older. Casaubon, commenting on Theophrastus, Characters 6. 6, refers to Plautus, PseudoIus I 172 and Demosthenes 22. 63. 57. 6. ut . .. sic: 'a step which though disapproved by none yet gave occasion to much serious consideration, the commons themselves considering their own privileges as carried rather too far in the punishment inflicted on a person of such consequence' (Baker).
External Affairs 57.7. coronam auream: 29.3 n., 2.22.6. The crown would in fact have been dedicated from the victory spoils to come (6 I. IO) and not have been presented de concordia. 57. 9. Horatio Sabini, Valerio Aequi evenere: Petrarch had already seen the apparent inconsistency, for in his copy of L. he corrected Sabini to Vulsci. But D.H. I I. 47-48 clarifies the problem. The Sabine War stood over from the threat mentioned in 51. 7, while the Aequi and Volsci have joined forces,-uwfJA8E yap ap.rpOTEpa TO. E8VTJ. L. has 506
3· 57· 9
3· 58.
I
449 B.C.
58. 1. Regillum: 2. 16. 4 Il. sordidatus: contrast 2. 6 I. 3 ff. The Appeal by C. Claudius C: Clau?ius speaks in stu~ied terms, movingly stressing the dignity of .hls famIly wIthout excusmg the faults of his brother. His appeal stnkes a note of moderation which is taken up by Quinctius. Cf. 6. 20. 3 fr. 58.2. inustam maculam: cf. Fronto 158. 16 van den Hout. The metaphor is from the branding of a slave; cf. Propertius 3. 11. 40 with Shackleton Bailey, Propertiana, 17 I. honoratissimae imaginis: 36. 40. 9, VeIl. Pat. 2. 116. 4. latrones: cf. Sallust, Catil. 59· 5. 58. 3. preces aspemarentur: cf. Cicero, pro Sestio 30. 58. 4. generi ac nomini: cf. Phil. 3. 29. dare: 'made that concession to'. v~r!ute ... posse: Claudius here sounds some of the keynotes of the pohtIcal propaganda of the late Republic which, as so often, can be Illustrated. f~om ~oins. Libertas, clementia, concordia, all were the slogans of the polItIcal nvals before Actium and after Actium they assumed a new importance. Octavius had 'recovered liberty'. He was in a position to wreak vengeance on his enemies. Only prudential motives prevented him from so doing. See H. Kloesel, Libertas (Diss. Breslau, 1935); Dahlmann, Neue Jahrb.j. Wiss. 10 (1934), 17; Syme, Roman Revolution, 155-6 I . 58. 6. conscivit: 2. 61. 8 n.
Further Reprisals 58.8. testis productus: see p. 298. The lowest age at which a man could be called on to serve in classical times was seventeen (Aui. Geli. 10. 28). The upper limi~ is less clear. It was either forty-five or forty-six (I. 43. I n.) and thIS passage should perhaps be used as evidence for the lower figure. The veteran had spent all his active life in the ranks. Isidore (9. 3· 53) and Servius (ad Aen. 2. 157) reduce the maximum possible length of service to the round figure of twenty-five years. 58. 9. solum verterunt: 13· 9· 58. 10. ultimam poenam: i.e. the death penalty; cf. Pliny, Epist. 2. 11. 8. 58.11. manes Verginiae: I. 20.7,3. 19. In., 4· 19· 3. Originally the manes were the spirits collectively. The individuation of the manes of a particular person is relatively late (first in Cicero, in Pisonem 16) but the concept of their possessing powers of vengeance is old if their name is rightly derived from manus = 'good' and if they are euphemistically named, like the Eumenides, 'the kindly ones'. It is a common prayer 508
449 B.C.
3.58.
II
on ep.itaphs that the Manes either collectively or individually may no~ dIsturb the peace; cf., e.g., G.E.L. 467. 8 et manes placida tibi nocte qUlescant; a~d .see R. Lattimore, Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs, 90-95. TheIr mtroduction here is strongly reminiscent of the part played by the Furies (Eumenides) in the story of Tullia (1. 48. 7 n., 59. 13)· Both serve to underline the tragic nature of the tales. feliciores (N) is corrected to felicioris (Gulielmus) because it is senseless to speak of the manes of a person still living. But for felix used of the departed spirit cf. Virgil, Aeneid 6. 669 and for the whole phrase C.I.L. 8. 24787 condita nunc Libycafelix tellure quiesco. It is Verginia's epitaph.
Conciliatory Moves by M. Duilius 59. 3. placet [et] cum nova: et looks like a clumsy anticipation of the f~llow~ng et which picks up neque. It is senseless both in this position gIVen It by M and before nova (/.17) since the old sins have not been purged as. well. as the new ones. They have merely been forgotten. 59.4. tOtl plebls: 36. 7.
60-63. Wars with Aequi, Volsci, and Sabini The extended acc.ounts of the two campaigns undertaken by the consuls form a fittmg pendant to the settlement of affairs at Rome. Rome was a military power first and foremost. The health of her society was revealed by her success in war. L. therefore devotes considerable space to the narrative, elaborating it according to the fixed principles of Hellenistic battle-technique. In particular the exhortations o~ 17apaK"/.,,vuns were a feature of such narratives. L. employs them lIberally as a means of illustrating the morale of the armies. D.H., by contrast, is much briefer (I I. 47-48) and concerns himself with the physical not the psychological aspects. There are a few factual discrepancies between the two writers (63. 5 n.) but sundry anachronism~ datable to. the early first century (62. 8 n., 63. 9 n.) coupled wIth the prommence of Valerius indicates that L. continues to follow Valerius Antias. See Soltau 161-2; Burck 45-47; Klotz 270; . ~lathner, Die Sc~lachtschilderungen, 11-12, 16, 46; F. E. Erbig, TOPOl In den Schlachtberzchten (Diss., 1931), II. 60. 1. fundato: 56. I n. 60. 2. staturum: 'the battle would have cost great loss'. 60. 3. provocantibus: the same manceuvres as in 2. 45· 3. 60. 5. terrorem: notice the emphasis on the psychology of war-terror conscientia, animus, paventes, pleni spei, indignatio. ' 60., 7. noc~i cessere: cf. 17. 9. The phrase imitates the Epic VVKTt m8w8at Ilzad 7. 282, 293; 9. 65; 8. 502). Cf. also Sii. Itai. 5. 677. corpora curabant: 2. 10 n. 50 9
449 B.C.
449 B.C.
60. 8. multa iam dies emt: 'much of the day was spent' cf. 5. 26. 6, 27.2.9; Caesar, B.G. 1. 22. 4. The expression is military. tegerent: the Aequan sense of shame is expressed in a -r07TO, often employed in such situations; cf. Sallust, Cat. 58. 10. 60. 10. qui erant: sc. educti. turbatis mentibus is dat. after addito. The long sentence with its involved participial clause, extended apposition, and abl. abs., culminating in the sharp invadit, conveys the impression of the sudden moment of attack against a disorganized enemy performing a complicated series of manceuvres. 60. 11. victisne cessuri: it is not clear whether the leaders mean that the Romans have been defeated on previous occasions or that they are (virtually) defeated now. Perhaps the former which was a common -r07TO, for encouraging the troops (cf. Thucydides 2. 89. 2, 4. 92. 6, 7· 66. 2; Polybius, 3· 64· 4; Sallust, Jug. 49.2).
61. 8. exigite de: elsewhere in L. exigo is followed by e(x) (6. 37. 10, 39· 55· 4) but de given by both Ver. and M makes adequate sense, particularly if they were fighting on the high plateau above the pass. Note 62. 5 deducturum. cunctantur: for the -r07TO, cf. 21.40.6; Curtius 4. 14.2; Tacitus, Agr. 34. 61. 10. vis belli: cf. Cicero, pro S. Roscio 91. 61. 11. laetitia [modo] : the retention of modo with N would suggest that whereas the city only received the news with joy, the army were both delighted and jealous. It has been interpolated from in urbem modo. 61. 12. [szifJiciendo]: omitted by Ver. Many attempts have been made to retain and explain the word (see Doujat's note and Rossbach, B. Ph. W., 1920, p. 701) and many emendations have been proposed (adsuifaciendo Frigell; subinde Seyffert; subigendo Madvig; subiciendo Bayet)-all unnecessarily. profecerant: 'had encouraged the highest hopes of the general outcome' (Foster). 61. 13. priore anno: the definition of time is not exact but the victories of the Sabines were before Valerius and Horatius took office. recurrentes: recursantes (Ver.) must be wrong. The word is not found in L. although six other -curso compounds are (R. Jones, Progr. Posen, 1884) and it is also the more vulgar form. It is due to assimilation with the preceding procursantes.
3.60.8
Exhortation by Valerius Valerius makes use of four main -r07TOt: (I) The Romans are fighting as free men for their freedom. This is the most frequent of all commonplaces in a7TupuKEAwut,. Cf., e.g., Herodotus 5. 2. I; 6. 109.3; Thucydides 7. 69· 2; Xenophon, Anab. 1. 7· 3, 3· 2. 10; Cyrop. 3· 3· 35, 6. 4. 13; Lucan 7. 264-9. (2) Previous defeats have been due to the failure of the generals, not the soldiers. Cf. Polybius 3· 64, 3. 108. 9· (3) The Romans can be assured of divine goodwill. Cf. Thucydides 7· 69· 3; Xenophon, Cyrop. 3. 3· 34, 6. 4. 13; Polybius 10. I I ; Lucan 7. 349 IT. (4) They are fighting for the safety of their children and homes. Cf. especially Thucydides 7. 69· 2; Polybius 3· 109. 7. He adds one argument (turpe esse contra cives) which had a special relevance to L.'s own day. The speech is reported indirectly, but Valerius breaks out at the end with a passionate appeal in direct speech addressed to a particular section. See Lambert, Die Indirekte Rede, 41.
3. 61. 8
62. 1. ad id quod: 26. 45. 8. se, si: for Ver.'s omission of se cf. 5. 32. 4, 40. 10, 6. 6. 10. The commonplace is old; cf. Xenophon, Cyrop. 3. 3. 35; Caesar, B.G. 5· 44· 3· Exhortation by Horatius
61. 4. pudicitiae: note the alliterative p's. inclino is intransitive only here in L. (cf. 61. 14,2.47. 3,6.9.8). The phrase looks like military jargon (Caesar, B.C. 1. 52. 2; Itin. Alex. 16). 61. 5. nolle: 'yet he would not utter an omen which neither Jupiter nor Mars their Father would suffer to come home to a City founded with such auspices' (Foster). To suggest the possibility of defeat was a bad omen. 61. 7. dicta dedit: so 22. 50. 10; Petronius 6 I and Virgil (eight times) ; dicta dederat 7. 33. I I, 29. 2. 12. The constant word-order disproves Ver.'s dedit dicta. The phrase is epic in character, as Petronius shows, and is thus appropriate to the tense moment of a great battle (cf. 2. 45-47) . advolat: 2. 20. 10. The focus is on his destination, not the scene he is leaving (avolat).
consilio ... virtute: consilio is certain (silio being preserved in Ver. at the beginning of a line). consulto, the result of a dittography in N, should not be adopted, as it was by Gronovius and Burman (on Suetonius, Augustus 2), for consilium and virtus are conventionally contrasted as the prerequisites of all the best battles (cf. Caesar, B.G. 7· 29· 2, 52. 4; Thes. Ling. Lat. s.v. consilium 452.83 ff.) and consulto is only used by L. with opus est and bene. Horatius' language resembles the phraseology of the official communique announcing the victory. The choice between prolonging a war and bringing it to a speedy issue is conventional. 62. 3. mihi feceritis, milites: milites and feceritis were transposed by N, or an earlier copy, which led to suLsequent corruption and correction (milites geritis p.., mihi tegeritis ,\, mihi iffeceritis 7T). Ver.'s reading is preferable and the repeated milites suits the lively and excited style. Cf. 67· 4, 5· 44· 1-3 (Ardeates ... Ardeates).
5 10
5 11
3. 62. 4
449 B.C.
449 B.C.
62. 4. iam satis: a colloquialism for which cf., e.g., Terence, Phormio 436 and see Fraenkel, Horace, 242-3. agite dum: 68. 1,5.52.9,6.35. 9, 7· 33· 10,34· 14,35· 12. Vel'. also omits dum at 67. 6. Both are instances of haplography. voluntatis: observe the alliteration, as Horatius storms to his conclusion. 62.5. gesturum morem: for the history ofmoremgerere seeG. VV. Williams, ].R.S. 49 (1959), 28-29. It meant originally 'to regulate one's own individual behaviour in the interest of another' and was initially confined to 'wifely and filial obedience'. It later became colloquial and popular but since it is used here by L. I think some of the original associations of the phrase are retained. Unlike Appius Claudius Horatius was a true father to his troops. As with other semi-archaic phrases L. puts them into the mouths of his characters and does not use them directly himself. 62. 6. gloriae: if right, the gen. is analogous to Cicero, pro Plancio 89· Such variations of construction (gloriae ... elatum) are not uncommon in L. Vel'. is reported to have victoriae, a negligent anticipation of victoria (51. 10 n.), but, as far as its illegible state allows one to judge today, it seems to have read vi gloriae and that would be possible, perhaps better; Stroth and Ruperti had already proposed gloriae (memoria). Both victoria elatus (Caesar, B.G. 5· 47· 4; Bell. Alex. 76 . 3; Nepos, Paus. 1. 3; cf. 2. 51. I, 21. 48. 8) and gloria elatus (Caesar, B.C. 3. 79· 6; Bell. Hisp. 23. 8; Bell. Afr. 22. 2; cf. 31. 24. 12) appear to be military cliches. Vel'. also has the more satisfactory transposition nova nuper which enables veteris and nova to balance one another. The interlaced nuper may have seemed too harsh to the editors of the Nicomachean recension. Notice again the preoccupation with psychology (gloriae, pudore, verecundiae) . 62.8. degravabant: 4· 33· 11,7· 24· 9· sescenti; I. 43. 9 n. The detail is anachronistic from the time when every legion had a detachment of 300 cavalry attached to it (8. 8. 14; 22. 36. 3). For the significance of their dismounting see 2. 20. 10 n. ex(s)iliunt (Ver.) is not used of jumping from horseback.
Ienee (7. 7-8) and that the thanksgiving for victories was a comparatively late development. The present case has several suspicious features: the vaga popularisque supplicatio ( a clumsy annalistic explanation), the meeting of the Senate at the Apollinare where later a temple of Apollo was vowed pro valetudine populi (4.25.3-4 n.), and the coincidence of the date ofL. Valerius' triumph with that of his descendant M. Valerius in 312 (Id. Sext.). The truth may be as Gage conjectures (Apollon Romain, 2 ff. with bibliography). The Annales preserved a record of a supplicatio ad Apollinare but no mention of a triumph. The supplicatio was doubtless for health. Family and national patriotism demanded that the restorers of Roman democracy should be commemorated by a triumph and it was easy to convert a supplicatio pro valetudine into the thanksgiving for victory which usually preceded a triumph while the reference to the Apollinare could be explained as the site where the Senate met to consider the request for a triumph (34.43. 2,37· 58. 3, et al.). The absence of an official notification of the triumph meant that if one was held it must have been authorized in some unprecedented manner-a tribunician motion. M. Valerius supplied the date. See also L. Halkin, La Supplication, 16; P. Grenade, Origines du Principat, 230. frequens iit: 7. I ; Plautus, Persa 447; Val. Max. 3. 7. 1. The technical expression is omitted by Vel'. influenced by the juxtaposition of diem supplicationes immediately above. After it the supine supplicatum is wanted. supplicatumque est is a very old mistake. 63. 9. numquam ante: the sententious invention of precedents recalls 35. 8 (n.)-also Valerian. D.H. on the other hand cites a regal precedent. Constitutionally the power to allow a triumph rested with the magistrates not the Senate (Mommsen, Staatsrecht, 3. 1233) but their power appears to have been modified by Sulla who gave the Senate discretionary control (Cicero, de Leg. Man. 62. One triumph of historical times violated all the rules-that of Pompey in 80 B.C. (E. Badian, Hermes 83 (1955), 107 ff.). L. significantly says of it quod nulli contigerat (Epit. 89). 63. 11. triumphatum est: in the Fast. Triumph. the entry runs: L. Valer]ius P.f. P.n. Poplicola Potit(us) an. ccciv consul] de Aequeis idibus Sextil.
63. 2. et in: in is omitted by Vel'. as at 63· 5, 4· 9. 14, but is required here as there. 63. 3. providere omnia: the mark of a good general (cf. Sallust, Catil. 60. 4), as it is his duty laudare et increpare merentes (]ug. 100·3)· 63. 5. supplicationes: 5. 23. 3 n. A solemn thanksgiving decreed by the Senate during which the temples were opened and the cult-statues displayed on couches while the people offered up their prayers. There is no doubt that in origin supplicationes were decreed in time of pesti-
D.H. credits both Horatius and Valerius with triumphs (11. 49. 2, 50. I) and knows nothing of the two-day supplicatio. L.'s version favours Valerius at the expense of Horatius.
64-65. Tribunician Agitation: The Lex Trebonia For L. the events of the next few years are of interest as exemplifying the difficulties of preserving concordia within the state notwithstanding 1114432
LI
449 B.C.
449 B.C.
the wise provisions which Valerius and Horatius have made. Real concord requires the co-operation of all parties in the states, clementia from those who are in a position to be vengeful, moderatio from those who have opportunities of power, modestia from those who have grievances to air. Above all, the two main divisions of the community, the patres and the plebs, are depicted as waiting for a chance to jump at each other's throats. The power of the plebs lay in the tribunate. If the patres could hamstring that office, they would render the plebs powerless. Conversely, the plebs realize that to re-elect year after year a strong college of tribunes would give them a hold over the other magistracies. Hence the 'Lex' Trebonia, designed to prevent the infiltration of the tribunate by co-option but calculated to perpetuate seditio and discordia. Such at least is L.'s version. It is clear from the sources that traditionally the issue whether co-option of a patrician to the tribunate was permissible had at one time been discussed. It recurs in the story of L. Minucius (4. 16.4) and in 401 (S. 10. I I n.). If there is any substance to that tradition it must be connected with the institution of the consular tribunate and not with such highly organized political mana:uvres as L. describes, since patrician membership of the plebeian tribunate is the obverse of plebeian membership of the patrician tribunate. The whole tradition may just be legalistic invention based on the known terms of the provisions regulating the election of plebeian tribunes (i.e. the Lex Trebonia; ef. Diodorus 12. 2s)-certainly the stories of Tarpeius, Aternius, and Minucius are fictitiousbut it may go back to a contemporary discussion on how Rome was to have a unified government when religious reasons debarred plebeians from holding the auspices. Any reconstruction is guesswork. See Mommsen, Staatsrecht, I. 2 I9; E. Meyer, Kl. Schriften, I. 337; Cornelius, Untersuchungen, 62; de Martino, Storia della Costituzione, 294-S· The Lex Trebonia was invoked as an argument in the contested matter of re-election to the tribunate in the Gracchan age. Appian (B.C. I. 2 I) refers to an old law (presumably the Lex Trebonia) that ten tribunes must be elected and it was argued that 'though as a general rule re-election was improper, if fewer than ten tribunes were duly returned, the plebs might fill the vacancies from all including former tribunes' (A. H. M. Jones, P.C.P.S. 186 (1960), 34-3S). The topicality of the law in the Gracchan and Drusan disturbances accounts for its prominence, but L. could hardly have written this section in this form after 23 B.C. when Augustus took the full tribunicia potestas and from time to time co-opted colleagues (Suetonius, Augustus 27; Res Gestae 6). 64. 1. consulibus . .. continuarent magistratum : continuare m. can mean 'to
renew one's own magistracy' (3S. 6, 21. 2) or with dat., 'to renew another person's magistracy' (S. 29. I). Here the latter is clearly intended. 64. 2. iura [tribunorum] plebis: Ver. adds tribunorum but the limitation of the complaint to the tribunes weakens the force of the argument. 64. 6. auctores popul,/res sententiae haud popularis nactus: Stroth's emendation is necessary. Valerius and Horatius are popular, Duilius' proposal il; not. The gen. sententiae haud popularis as always with auctor (S. 22. 2, 8. 21. 2, 31. 7. IS, 33· 6. IS). Ver.'s dat. (s. h. populari) is inadequately supported by 2. S4. 7 where the dat. follows closely on deerat. For auctores nactus cf. 4. 6. 3. 64. 8. prae studiis: 'the other candidates not being able to make up the requisite number of tribes on account of the eagerness with which the nine tribunes openly pushed for the office'. The sense is that the other nine existing tribunes except Duilius tried to secure re-election but that the tribes which voted for them were disqualified by Duilius with the result that other candidates could not secure a majority. tribus explerent is technical; cf. Lex Malac. 3. 7; Cicero, pro Caecina 29. 64. 10. in quo: 'si . . .': the vulgate reading on which Ver. and N agree is adopted by most editors including Mommsen and Bayet but no convincing parallel has been adduced for the ellipse. If a verb has fallen out it is more likely to be scriptum est than sic erat (H. J. Muller, Luterbacher). The text of the clause is fortunately preserved in a sound state by Ver. with the exception of uti, given also by N. ut ii gives the right sense and balances hi and illi but Housman in a marginal note suggests that the contracted ut i (= ii) suits the pseudoarchaic nature of the language better and accounts for the archetype. 'If I shall call for your votes for ten tribunes, if for any reason you shall elect today less than ten tribunes, then let those whom the elected tribunes co-opt as their colleagues be as validly tribunes as those whom you shall this day have chosen to that office.' Linguistic details betray the whole formula as a second-century fabrication. For si ... tum ef. I. 24. 8; qui is abl. 'for any reason' (not a primitive form). 65. 1. Tarpeium: the alleged co-option of the consuls of 4S4 (3 I. S n.) is inspired by their responsibility for one of the first measures to give the plebs some legal protection (4- 30. 3 n.). 65. 2. Lars Herminius: I replace Herminius' praenomen which Cassiodorus' L. shows once stood in the text of Livy. (Aapt'vas Diodorus 12.27. I; Aupas D.H. I I. SI. I; cr. Auct. de Praen. 4.) Lars is frequently corrupted in transmission. Herminius is presumably related to the consul of s06 (2. IS. I n.), perhaps a grandson. For the Herminii see 2. 10. 6 n. T. Verginius Caelimontanus: regarded by Miinzer and others as a son
448 B.C.
446 B.C.
of the consul of 456 (31. I n.) but the age-gap is too small. Perhaps the son of A. Verginius, consul in 469 (2. 63.1 ). The Verginii at some early period divided into two families, one residing on the Esquiline, the other on the Caelian. Hence his cognomen. 65. 3. Trebonius: there is evidence to suggest that the Trebonii were an old family of Etruscan origin from Clusium (Munzer, R.E., 'Trebonius') . 65.4. usque eo: 23. 19.4; adeo is one ofVer.'s trivializations. 65. 5. M. Geganius Macerinus: 4. 8. I, 17. 7, 27. 10-12. For the cognomen cf. Macer. N's Macrinus may be influenced by the emperor of that name. A son of the consul of 492 (2. 34. I). 65. 6. otio Joris quoque: N's word-order is ruled out by the absence of any Livian examples of prepositive quoque (Baehrens, Philologus, Suppl. 12 (1912), 387 ff.; Shackleton Bailey, Propertiana, 175)· 65.7. cura pacis: for the sentiment ef. 2. 39· 7· 65. 8. in primis: 'originally'. 65.9. nomina: 5. 18. 2 n. 65. 11. adeo moderatio: one ofL.'s most articulate judgements in which he gives a coherent framework to the events of these years. Notice the subtle transition from the impersonal quisque I homines to the personal nobis I iniungimus. The balance between personal ambition (dignitas) and public order (libertas) was one which the late Republic unsuccessfully struggled with (Wirszubski, Libertas, 16; ef. 4. 6. I I). The thought is older, going back at least to Thucydides 2. 65. 10; ef. Xenophon, Cyrop. 8. 2. 28; Lucian, de Calumnia 11-13. Ver. omits the preposition a(b) also at 42. 7,4.25. 11.
and closing a book with a long speech. As often as not the first speech foreshadows what is to come, the last rounds off the narrative or what has happened. So Book 4 is opened by Canuleius (3-5), Book 5 opened by Appius Claudius (3-6), and closed by Camillus (51-54). Quinctius gathers together and reviews the issues which have been at stake in the turbulent years before and after the Decemvirate and points the moral that Rome's future depends upon concordia and that concordia can only be achieved by every citizen subordinating his own desires and ambitions to the needs of Rome. It need hardly be said that such a message was more relevant to the times of Augustus than of Quinctius, and Hellmann does well to draw attention to it (Livius-Interpretationen, 50-52) but it is in no sense Augustan propaganda. A speech on similar lines was evidently in D.H. whose text is defective at this point (Klotz 27 I), which implies that one stood in the history written by Valerius Antias. The immaturity of the composition is revealed by its formal correctness, by detailed discrepancies from the surrounding narrative which indicate that it was composed separately (67. In., 68. In., 68. 7 n., 68. 10 n.) and have even led scholars to suppose that it is taken from a different source, and by the large number of passages which imitate Demosthenes and Cicero. As Dobree observed (Adversaria Critica, 1. 349) 'omnia e Demosthene adumbravit'. Such similarities might be put down to a common stock of rhetorical commonplaces if it were not for L.'s known and demonstrable admiration for the two great orators. For a general treatment of the speech see R. Ullmann, La Technique des Discours, 56-58; also Soltau II 3, 169; Burck 48-50. For Roman knowledge of Demosthenes see P. Perrochat, Les Modeles grecs de Salluste. The Philippics and Olynthiacs were the most popular.
3. 65.
2
66. 1. Agrippa Furius: his filiation, in the absence of the Capitoline Fasti, is uncertain. Perhaps a son of the consul of 481 (2. 43. I). Cf. 5. 32. 1. 66.3. Aequi Volscique: the regular combination (ef. 2. 30 . 3, 63· 7, 3. 6 .4,57. 8,60. 1,4,4. 1. 4)· The only case of A. ac V. (N) is 9. 12 ne Aequi quidem ac Volsci where ne ... quidem makes all the difference. 66. 4. in ipsos verti: cf. Sallust, Or. Lepid. 19· occaecatos lupos: this refers to a slogan which enjoyed some currency between I 10 and 80. The Romans, jealous of their descent from Romulus and Remus, were proud to be known as lupi but the term could rebound. Cf. Justin 38. 6. 8 (Mithridates); Veil. Pat. 2. 27. 2 (Pontius). It will be a legacy of Sullan historiography.
3.67-68
Prooemium: principium a nostra persona et a re
67-68. The Speech of Quinctius Quinctius' speech is the first of L.'s full-scale rhetorical compositions and it is, in its way, a small masterpiece. After some experimentation in Books I and 2 in shaping his material L. hits on the idea of opening
67. 1. Quirites: 5. 6. 15 n. pudore: the argument resembles Demosthenes, Olynth. I. 27. in conspectum vestrum: N has a variant in contionem vestram introduced from ad contionem in 66. 6, which is the standard phrase (4. 6. I, 44. 22. I, 44. 45. 8). For in conspectum procedere ef. Plautus, Most. I 125. It is an archaic phrase which sets the tone for Quinctius, severissimus consul. traditum iri: 1. 7. 10 n. for the impressively weighty future pass. info vix Hemicis: no engagement between the Hernici and the Aequi and Vo.lsci has been mentioned, but it may be a purely rhetorical comparrson. 67. 2. ita vivitur: further examination of Ver. shows that it has precisely the same text as N, namely vivitu ..... atus and not as reported in the O.C.T. is status rerum est might seem redundant with it but the
5[6
517
446 B.C.
446 B.C.
phrase is unexceptionable linguistically (8. 13. 2)) and the two phrases do convey two distinct ideas, the atmosphere of Q.'s life and the general situation. The text should be kept. For the thought Weissenborn well compares Cicero, in Cati!. I. 3 I . 67.3. viri anna: for the juxtaposition cf. 2.40.2 n. Roma me consule: me Roma consule Ver., but there is no parallel for the separation of me and consule. satis honorum, satis superque vitae: a conventional disclaimer for which cf. Aeschylus, Agamemnon 1314 with Fraenkel's note but the immediate source was no doubt Caesar's famous satis diu vel naturae vixi vel gloriae (ap. Cicero, pro Marcello 25).
therefore, to accept ,\'s iniquos against the archetype. In the rest of the sentenceplebi must be dative (cf. 22. 1. 17,27.37.10). It is hard to see whom Quinctius has in mind; perhaps Tarpeius and Aternius. The repetition of vidimus after videbamus is harsh, particularly since they must bear different meanings ('saw' and 'witnessed'). ~arant's sivimus, conjectured independently by Housman, is a great Improvement. 67. ~O. ecquando ... licebit?: picks up 66.4. The thought is again conventIOnal (cf. 4· 4· 10,5·5,2.44· 9, 24. I), recurring in D.H. 6. 36. I, 88. I, and in [Sallust], Epist. 2. 10. 8. It goes back to Greek political thinking, in particular Thucydides 3. 82-83 and Demosthenes. 67. 11. Esquilias videmus: N has Esquilias quidem with submovit as main verb ..The resulting zeugma is intolerable. One can repulse assaulting Volsclans but not a captured suburb. Ver. actually reads Esquiliasq' vid . ... , that is Esquiliasque vid[!?mus] , thus confirming Harant's emendation. For the idiom cf. 2. 59. 2.
3. 67·
2
Tractatio: (a) dignum 67. 4. nos consules an vos Quirites: the argument that if the fault rests with the generals they should be replaced but ifit rests with the people they should reform owes much to Demosthenes, Olynth. 2. 28-31, the language something to Cicero, in Cati!. I. 3. 67. 5. ignaviam .. . virtuti: a variation on Demosthenes, Phil. I. I I. 67. 6. discordia ordinum et: 2. 44. 8, evidently a Republican commonplace but the thought can be traced back e.g. to Demosthenes, Phil. 3. 2 I. Madvig's emendation of est to et, confirmed subsequently by Ver., eliminates what would otherwise be an irrelevant generalization where we expect a specific reason for Aequan optimism. The resulting antithesis between illis (Clericus) and urbis huius underlines the point and suggests that the emphatic order urbis huius is preferable to the normalized huius urbis. According to A. Fischer (De Usu Praenominum, 1908) the incidence of postponed hie is 12: 45 I. (b) aequum 67. 7. pro deum fidem: An archaic exclamation (Ennius, Sat. 18 V.; Terence, Andr. 237) used only here and 44. 38. 10 and avoided by Sallust and Cicero who prefers p. d. hominumque fidem (cf. Orator 155). It invariably accompanies a question and introduces a new point. Quinctius passes to consider whether Roman behaviour is reasonable. For the form of the subsequent argument cf. 4. 4. 2; Cicero, in Pisonem 15. 67. 9. videbamus iniquum: 'although we saw that it (i.e. the election of consuls with plebeian leanings) was unfair to the patricians'. There is as yet no suggestion in L. that plebeians were actually elected to the consulate, only that men with plebeian sympathies were. According to L. the first plebeian consul was in 367 (6. 42. 9) although in fact the presence of plebeian names in the early Fasti suggests that the rigid exclusion of plebeians only began after the Decemvirate when such distinctions were for the first time formally fixed. There is no need, 5 18
(c) utile 68. 1. ubi: Doering alone observed the awkwardness of ubi. It must mean 'when' not 'where', but the sense requires 'seeing that' which ubi cannot convey (Kuhner-Stegmann 2. 359 f.). iisdem presumes a correlative-'the same spirit as you showed in besieging the Senate' -and ubi should be altered by a slight change to quibus (the loss of q may be associated with corruption of videmus to quidem). As often, the same idiom occurs in close proximity (59. I). The siege of the Senate, not elsewhere mentioned, is a legitimate exaggeration. 68. 2. incensa passim tecta: p. i. t. Ver. but logic insists that passim belongs to incensa notfumare. 68. 3. in quo statu: the presence of in misplaced in U indicates that To originally had it but that at an early stage it was eliminated. Taken with the joint authority ofVer. and 7T the evidence is enough to establish it as the reading of the archetype. It can be accepted; cf. 37. 53. 6,
38. 5. 6;- 8. 1. nuntiabantur: if the farms have been burnt the news will already have reached the unfortunate owners. What lies in the future is the question how they are going to restore the damage. The imperfect is more appropriate that N's future. 68. 4. 'Words are no substitute for actions.' The argument is familiar from Demosthenes; cf., e.g., Phi!. 2. 3-5. ut contionum in the O.C.T. is a misprint for et contionum. re fortuna: for text see C.Q. 9 (1959), 282. 68.6. Notice the combination ofa complex, long sentence describing the fullness of past glories, and bare statement of their present plight.
446 B.C.
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(d) necessarium 68.7. haerete: 21. 35.12; cf. Seneca, Contr. 7. 7.4; Val. Max. 2.1. 9. sequitur vos necessitas: cf. Demosthenes, Olynth. I. 15 170.\.\«1 Kat Xa.\E17«1 cJjJJ OUK i{3ov.\6j.tE()' VaTEpOJJ EtS aJJaYK7]JJ ;'\()Wj.tEJJ 170tEtJJ Kat
maintained unless the governing class learnt to subordinate their personal ambitions to the general interest of the state, a lesson which Quinctius expressed in his speech. The people had now to be taught by experience the same lesson. The acceptance by the governing class of restraint was rewarded by victory over the Aequi and Volsci but the undisciplined character of the people was symptomatized in the Scaptius Affair. So the two incidents which round off Book 3 cohere together-victoriam honestam turpe iudicium populi deformavit. Historically there is no substance to the events of the year. See Burck 50-51; Hellmann, Livius-Interpretationen, 46-58; Klotz 271. 69. 2. telum acerrimum: 55. 3 n. 69. 3-5. dignam . .. dignam ... dignam: observe the fulsome rhetoric with which the Senate greets Quinctius' speech. Cf. Verr. 4. 65, 5. 184; for bellum propulsari cf. Cicero, Catil. 4. 22; Phil. 3· 3. 69. 4. per proditionem: Valerius and Horatius. acerbe tuendo: Ap. Claudius (2. 27. I). 69. 5. communem patriam: 66. 4, 67. ro. 69. 6. cum consules in contione pronuntiassent: for the text see C.Q. 9 (1959),271. causas cognoscendi: 4. 26. 12 n. 69.8. exaerario: 4.22. 1,7.23,3. This could bean archival notice. The aerarium was situated in the temple of Saturn (2.21. 2) which already existed and the name aerarium implies the use of bronze as a currency medium which was assumed by the Twelve Tables and was perhaps a reform of Tarpeius and Aternius. The function of the quaestors as financial officers is also a likely consequence of the Decemvirate (2. 41. I I n.). At a later date when armies were stationed largely abroad the storing of standards in the treasury would obviously have been impracticable. See Karlowa, Rom. Rechtsgeschichte, I. 25 8 . quarta: i.e. about ro a.m. The hasty mobilization of Rome may be inspired by the resistance to Marius and Cinna in 87. 69. 9. hostem in conspectum dedit: 9. 27. 4, 30. 12. 8, a military phrase to build up the atmosphere of battle. Cf. Bell. Hisp. 4. 2, 39. 3; Cicero, Verr. 5. 86; also Ennius, Ann. 48 Vahlen and Terence, Phormio 261.
3· 68·7
KtJJSVJJEVaWj.tEJJ 17Ept nVJJ iJJ aUTij Tij X6JPf!.
grave erat: 'it was irksome' (Fletcher, Latomus 20 (1961), 91 with parallels) . Capitolium scandet: 4. 2. 14, 45· 39· 2; cf. Horace, Odes 3. 30. 8-9 dum Capitolium scandet cum 'tacita virgine pontifex. The similarity of the language may go back to a common religious source, perhaps the details of processions whether triumphal or pontifical, or, since both passages have in the background a premonition of the Fall of Rome, a prophecy circulating under the late Republic that foreboded the end of Rome (Fraenkel, Horace, 303). 68. 8. domi mulierum: cf. Homer, Iliad 20. 251-5, especially 252. The sedentary quarrelsomeness of women quickly became proverbial (cf. the passages collected by Headlam on Herodas 1.37) but the thought that enjoyment of present peace is shortsighted is always uppermost in Demosthenes' mind (cf. Olynth. 1. 15). 68.9. his ego gratiora dictu alia esse scio : a frequent apology by orators and a commonplace already for Aeschylus. Fraenkel gathers some early examples in his note on Agamemnon 620--2. Add, from Demosthenes, Olynth. 2. 21; Phil. 1. 51; 3. 63.
Conclusio 68. 10. adsentatores: the distinction between the adsentator and the statesman was a favourite of the schools (cf. Cicero, Topica 83) and is treated at length by Cicero in the Laelius 95-98. The picture of unscrupulous individuals making capital out of the perils of the state was drawn by Demosthenes (cf. Chers. 66-67). 68. 11. malae rei se quam nullius: cf. the arguments of Alcibiades in Thucydides 6. 89. 17POTP017~
68. 12. antiquos mores: Quinctius recalls to the Romans the majestic claim of Ennius-moribus antiquis res stat Romana virisque.
69-72. War with the Aequi and Volsci: the Scaptius Affair Moderatio is not enough. The governed as well as the governing classes have to exercise restraint (modestia). The final section of Book 3 strikes a pew note which is to become the dominant theme of the following book. The Decemvirate had taught Rome that libertas could not be 5 20
3.69-72
The Battle with the Aequi and Volsci The description of the battle is schematized. First the cavalry engagement is related and then the fortunes of three divisions of the infantry are followed through in turn. To achieve the smooth transition from one scene to another L. twice employs a favourite technique, the dispatch of a messenger to the locality where the next operations are to be described; see Witte, Rh. Mus. 65 (19 ro), 270 ff. ; 52!
446 B.C.
446 B.C.
P. G. Walsh, Rh. Mus. 97 (1954), 112-14. The combats themselves are divided into stages, the initial repulse, the rally, the final victory, and the interest centres on psychological rather than technical issues. The whole is leavened with a smattering of military jargon to give it verisimilitude. See Plathner, Die Schlachtschilderungen, 11-13· 70. 1. quod . .. est: to be taken with summa imperii . .. erat. Unity of command is essential for the conduct of vital matters. The generalization is traditional; ef. 4. 3 I. 2; Homer, Iliad 2. 204; Thucydides, 6. 72. 4. There may be an allusion to the status of M. Agrippa in 28 B.C. communicando: 'by sharing his plans and his honours and treating him as an equal although in fact he was not'. consilia laudesque make an odd pair (no example quoted by Gudeman in Thes. Ling. Lat.) and I suspect with H.]. Muller that another gerund has dropped out, e.g. participando; cr. 2. 52. 8. See Tacitus, Agr. 8. 70. 2. Sp. Postumio Albo: 4· 25. 5 n. P. Sulpicium: 10. 5 n. 70. 6. conficerent: I. 25. 10, a strong word to match Sulpicius' resolution. Cf. Donatus on Terence, Eun. 926 proprie (conficere) convenit gladiatoribus qui gravissimis vulneribus occubuerunt. Used in this sense by the less sophisticated military writers, e.g. Hirtius, B.G. 8. 23· 5; Bell. Alex.
the text may be sound but the analogy for it must have come from victoriae compos (9. 43· 14, 29. 10. 8; VeIl. Pat. I. 10. 3, 2. 96. 3; Val. Max. I. I. I). praedaeque ingentis? 70. 15. The panegyric of Valerius and Horatius sounds excessive and tendentious. The hand of Valerias Antias may lie behind it.
3.7 0
53· 3· . ' resistere quibus sibi: editors follow the single testimony of'\ and prmt resistere sibi quibus, taking quibus to refer to sibi: 'the Romans who had forced the massed phalanx of the Aequan infantry to yield'. With N.'s word-order which allows sibi its natural position (I. 13. 2 n.) quibus = illos 'the Aequans could not resist whose infantry already had yielded to them (the Romans)'. 70. 7. haud surdis auribus: 24. 32. 6, 40. 8. 10. 'His words did not fall on deaf ears.' impressione una: 2. 30.13,4.28.6,8.9.3,25. 37· 13. A military term; cf. Bell. Afr. 78. 3; Hirtius, B.G. 8. 6. 2; Vegetius 3· 15: corifodere; another word avoided by Cicero but patromzed. by military historians, e.g. Sallllst, Catil. 60. 7; Nepos, Pel. 5· 4; Frontmus 2. 5· 33· . 70. 10. Agrippa's exploit is one of those nameless legends s? readily incorporated into history. Frontinus preserves three other mstances of it: Servius Tullius (2.8. I), T. Quinctius Capitolinus (2.8.2), and M. Furius Camillus (2. 8. 4). Of the present incident Frontinus writes: ' signum militare ereptum signifero in hostes Hernicos et Aequos misit', thus confirming Duker's arrepta. 70. 13. praeda ... compotem: the abl. (other than animo) only here, except for Accius 36 R. and a few debased inscriptions which give voto compos for voti compos. The phrase is evidently mock military and as such 522
3· 70. [3
The Scaptius Affair The arbitration between Ardea and Aricia cannot be credited either in general or in detail. A glance at the map shows that the land in dispute must have comprised part of the later Tribus Scaptia since the tribe was centred on Velitrae and the town of Scaptia which lay some 16 miles from Rome (Festus 464 L.). The tribe was not formed until 332 and no other Scaptius is known before the first century. It follows that the story that the land really belonged to Rome must have been propaganda in circulation between 338 when the confiscations after the Latin War took place (8. 14. 9) and 332. That it is mere propaganda is confirmed by Cicero who tells an identical anecdote about Nola and Neapolis (de Officiis I. 33). Nor is the treaty with Ardea in 444 any more secure (4. 7. 10 n.) The only certain detail is the colonization of Ardea (4. I I. 5 n.). Many reconstructions ofhow the history was built up have been advanced as, for example, that the treaty belongs to a much later date, but was placed in 444 to account for the troubles and subsequent colonization of Ardea and the Scaptius Affair inserted to account for the treaty (Sherwin-White). Such reconstructions do not, however, allow for the fact that the treaty was a discovery of Licinius Macer's while the Scaptius Affair must be a much earlier element in the story and is derived, here at least, from Valerius. The second-century version will have contained Scaptius, the capture of Ardea by the Volsci, recapture, and colonization. The only improvement on that was Licinius' addition of the treaty. That the Scaptius Affair itself is an invention of the late fourth century is confirmed by a secondary consideration: Scaptius claimed to have fought at Corioli. If that implies acceptance of the traditional date for Coriolanus, we know that the Coriolanus saga was taking shape at very much the same time, the end of the fourth century (2. 33. 4 nn.). In other words the two anecdotes hang together and have a roughly contemporary origin. L.'s treatInent balances Scaptius against the consuls. Each side gives its reasons in answering speeches, presented in or. obl. and expressed in the language of late Republican politics. See also L. R. Taylor, Voting Districts, 53; Sherwin-White, Roman Citizenship, 25-26; Munzer, R.E., 'Scaptius'.
71. 2. Aricini:
I.
50. 3 n. Ardeates: 52 3
I.
57.
I
n.
3· 7 1 • 3
446 B.C.
446 B. C.
71. 3. concilio populi: not a concilium plebis but an assembly of the
hoc . .. hoc . .. hoc . .. hoc . .. hoc, delete esse (Gronovius, de Pee. Vet., 4· 9) or emend to sed (Alschefski) 'Scaptius will be famous by this memorial'. For darum ... imagine cf. I. 34. 6 nobilem una imagine Numae esse. (2) If hoc is right the corruption will be deeper. Bayet's lacuna «et dignum») gains nothing and explains nothing, but the text could be rewritten to give the sense 'this will be a fine death-mask for Scaptius', e.g. daram hoc jore imaginem Scaptio. I have little doubt that the truth lies with the former. The chiastic Scaptium X populum should make both the subject of their sentences, and the antithesis is sharpened by the simple deletion of esse rather than by its emendation to sed. For the interpolation of esse cf. 3. 2. 3, 4. 27. 2. 72.6. Scaptius: to be retained.
whole people meeting by tribes, and presided over by the consul
(2.58. 1 n.). 71. 5. reguntur ... regunt: a familiar epigram deriving from Thucydides 2. 65. 8 Kat OUK ifY€TO JLaAAov InT' aUTof} (sc. the people) ~ aUTOS 7JY€; cf. Sallust, Jug. I. 5. See the Introduction p. 17. 71. 6. infit: I. 23. 7 n. annum: CorioIi fell in 493 (2.33.5). It is now 448. IfScaptius had begun to serve at the minimum age of seventeen, he would have been thirty-seven, i.e. have served twenty years. 71. 8. exiguum vitae tempus superesse: for the pathetic touch cf. Fronto 83. 12 van den Hout. 72.1. jlagitium: withjacinus below, cf. Cicero, in Cati!. I. 13, I. 18, and other examples in Thes. Ling. Lat. s.v. jacinus, 82. 10 ff. 72. 2. tribus: it would not have been much use to address themselves solely to the tribunes (N) and Perizonius's correction restores a cliche (8. 37. 9; Suetonius, Augustus 56). 72.3. jamae .. .fidei: cf. SallustJug. 16.3; Cicero, ad Atticum 1I. 2. 1 ; ad Fam. 13. 10.2. 72. 4. contionali seni: 'an old babbler in the assemblies'. The insult is feeble and not strengthened by Dutoit's reference to Cicero, ad Atticum I. 16. II and ad Q.F. 2. 5. I (Hommages d L. Herrmann, 335). Should we not follow a clue disclosed by Sigonius and read comptionali? The senex co(e)mptionalis was an old slave who was used in sham sales and hence became proverbial for a worthless and venal slave. So Curius (ad Fam. 7. 29. I) 'sum enim xp~aH JL~v tuus KT~aH 8~ Attici nostri: ergo fructus est tuus, mancipium illius; quod quidem si inter senes comptionales venale proscripserit, egerit non multum'; Plautus, Bacch. 976; Thes. Gloss. (= Vat. Lat. 332 I ; from Festus) contemnalis senex: emptus, manumissus et tutor, auctor jactus. The sneer of venality is much more to the point. darum hoc jore imagine Scaptium esse: the Roman people are going to have to wear the mask, i.e. have the character, of double-crossers (for quadruplator as a political term of abuse cf. Cicero, VerI'. 2. 22; Plautus, Pers. 70) and profiteers (4. 50. I). Scaptius' reward is badly corrupt. The contrast with persona leaves no choice but to take imagine to mean the death-mask, which noble Roman families preserved generation after generation (58.2,4. 16.4). If so, all intertations which start from imagine as 'statue' or 'reflection' can be ruled out. Equally since Scaptius is still alive and the death-mask will be his, the future (fore) is required and Humanist conjectures founded on jorte ... esse can then be dismissed. Two alternatives appear to be open: (I) regarding hoc as an assimilation of hac to the preceding 52 4
525
3. 72 • 4
445 B.C.
BOOK 4 BOOK 4 covers nearly fifty years and bridges the period between the Decemvirate and Rome's first great wars, against Veii and against the Gauls. Such a long period is unsatisfactory to handle, particularly since the material at L.'s disposal from the Annales is much fuller than hitherto. As was his practice, he constructed a series of episodes which would break across the vertical succession of scrappy and isolated facts. The story of Canuleius is followed by the fate of Sp. Maelius and the heroism of A. Cornelius Cossus but the latter half of the book is less coherent and might suggest that L. was overwhelmed by the wealth of disconnected detail and abandoned the attempt to unify and co-ordinate it. The impression given by chapters 21-61 that L. has been content simply to retail his sources is confirmed by the absence of a long speech at the end to round the whole book off, as Canuleius introduced it. As a substitute he is content to recall various phrases and passages from Canuleius' speech (56. I I no) to achieve the same purpose. So, too, the theme ofmodestia which is foreshadowed in the closing chapters of Book 3 and plays a prominent part in the first half of Book 4 wanes when the annalistic details begin to crowd thick and fast. The need to compress the history of fifty years into a single book in order to deal with Veii and the Gauls in the final book of the first Pentad forced L. to give up more ambitious schemes of literary presentation. As a result, the book, particularly the second half of it, although full of historical curiosities, is less exciting than its predecessor. The refrain is modestia-moderatio, the necessity for give and take. The agitation over conubium was inspired by the stand-offishness of the patres; the compromise by which the consular tribunate came intoo being but only patricians were elected is a signal example of modestza (6. 12); the settlement of Ardea was largely the work. of Quinctius whose fairness iura infimis summisque moderando made him a byword (10. 8) and a splendid contrast to the opportunist and ambitious Sp. Maelius (13, 4). But moderatio applied in the military sphere as well. The jealousies of generals spell defeat (26. 7), the single-minded devotion of Mam. Aemilius to the call of his country brings victory (3 I. 5). But if generals must exercise self-control to be victorious, it is equally necessary that the soldiers should be loyal. The story of Tampanius is an (exemplum) non virtutis magis quam moderationis (4 1 • 7) while the fate of C. Sempronius was a stern lesson (44. 9) and that of M. Postumius deserved and salutary. Co-operation is the only hope.
4 01 - 6
The plebs entrust the quaestio Postumiana to the consuls: the consuls in turn exercise moderatio in their handling of it (51. 3). Finally, in the political struggles that close the book, struggles over ager publicus fought out in the elections and the levies, the true example is preached by Servilius Ahala (57. 3, 'quem enim bonum civem secernere sua a publicis consilia') and practised when the patres voluntarily concede pay to the troops, thereby earning favorem unica moderatione partum (57. 12).
1-6. Canuleius Two issues dominate the first section of the book, the demand that plebeians should be eligible for election to the consulate and the proposal that there should be a recognized right of conubium between patricians and plebeians. Both are associated with the name of the tribune C. Canuleius. The first is demonstrably political invention by Licinius Macer to supply background for his interpretation of the institution of consular tribunes (7. I n.). The second is likely to be historical and together with the name of Canuleius to have been preserved in the Annales as the only authentic notice for 445. The right of conubium is not the possession by an individual of certain legal requirements necessary for contracting marriage. It is rather a common relationship which unites and constitutes a community. As such, conubium is parallel not subordinate to civitas. They are separate and distinct rights both of which determine homogeneous communities. To be a Roman citizen does not entail the right of intermarriage with other Roman citizens and to enjoy the right of intermarriage does not entail citizenship. In practice the two became identified, but in law (Gaius I. 56) and in origin they were widely distinct. The early history of Latium shows that there existed among the upper classes ofLatin cities a tradition ofintermarriage. Tarquinius Superbus married his daughter to Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum (I. 49. 9), as in later times Rome attempted to secure the adherence of Capua by marriage ties with leading Capuans (3 I. 3 I. I I). Unlike citizenship intermarriage naturally did not extend to the lower classes. There was no legal bar as such but sentiment and religion-Roman gentes were as proud as Scottish septs-formed an adequate obstacle. At Rome the patrician community which recognized marriage among its own members and certain privileged Latin aristocrats became during the first fifty years of the Republic increasingly exclusive until it was possible for the Decemvirs in codifying the unwritten laws to regard intermarriage as a matter of right and not merely of convention. So it was defined in the Twelve Tables: ut ne plebei cum patribus (conubia) essent, inhumanissima lege sanxerunt (Cicero, de Rep. 2. 63). As S::lon as the restriction was codified, the underprivileged,
4.
1-
6
445 B.C.
445 B.C.
the plebeians, were bound to protest. The Lex Canuleia, a negative measure designed not to promote intermarriage but to prevent the prohibition of it, was inevitable. But at no time were the citizen-rights of the plebeians ever impugned. L.'s version of the struggle obscures the issue. Canuleius' speech tends to identify civitas and conubium and in blurring the two betrays the same radical tendency which fathered the proposal to make plebeians eligible for the consulship on Canuleius. The immediate source is Licinius Macer, for L. abandoned Valerius at the end of Book 3, as is clear from several inconsistencies. Hos secuti (4. 1. I) refers to the consuls of 446 who have not been mentioned by name since 3. 66. I nor referred to since 3. 72. 1. In 4. 1. 4 the Ardeates are said to descisse: no treaty is referred to in 3. 71. 2. 4. 6. 7 talks of a foedus ictum between plebs and patres of which there is no mention in the previous book. And there are others (3. 12, 7. I n.). But L. has worked over the material. In particular the careful opposition between the arguments of the patricians and of Canuleius is characteristically Livian (see Hellmann, Livius-Interpretationen, 6 1-63). On the problems of conubium see Bayet, tome 4, 126-32; Volterra, Studi ... Albertario, 2. 349 ff.; De Visscher, R.I.D.A. I (1952),401-22; Studi .. Paoli, 246-7; on the sources see F. LUbbert, De Fontibus Libri 4 Observationes; Soltau 164-72; Klotz 271-2; ].R.S. 48 (1958), 40-41; on L.'s presentation Burck 89--92. The source used by D.H. is closely related but evidently later since he names the dissentient tribune, who is anonymous in L., as C. Furnius (I I. 53. I), under the influence of the career and oratorical repute of the tribune of 50 B.C. Remarkably D.H. omits the proposals of Canuleius on conubium, perhaps because they were too technical to be made intelligible for a Greek audience, but his divergent treatment of foreign affairs (54 ff.) and of the consular tribunate (60) indicates that the differences are not to be accounted for simply by the differing aims of the two historians. 1. 1. hos secuti: the pronoun hic is used on ten occasions to make the connexion between books (cf., e.g., 7.1. 1,9.1. I) but nowhere except here does 'a form of hic referring to definite words reach back more than a few lines' (Nye, Sentence Construction, 135). hos = M. Geganius and C. Julius (3.66. I). M. Genucius: if the text and tradition are sound he will be a brother of the consul and Decemvir of 451 (3. 33. 3 n.). The Genucii were plebeian and there is little evidence of them before the end of the century, so that Mommsen (Rom. Forschungen, I. I I I) doubted the authenticity of the entry in the Fasti-perhaps rightly. C. Curiatius: the praenomen is given as P. by L. here but C. at 7. 3, raws by Zonaras (7. 19, from L.), and D.H. 11. 53. 1. P. is probably 528
4.
I. I
th,e usual corrupti~n for p(roprium nomen; 2. 15. In.). )1YP{7T7Tas in DlOdorus I~. 23. I IS repeated from Agr. Furius of the previous year. T?e nomen IS less secure. Curtius is transmitted by Diodorus, Varro (de Lmg. ~at. 5. 15 0 ), and Fast. Hyd. (Ko{vTLos in D.H.) but both here (CuratlUs) and ~t 7. 3 (~uriatius N Curatius Ver.) the longer form is ~ound and that It compnsed the vulgate reading ofL. at an early date IS corroborated by Cassiodorus' Curiacius. No help is afforded by the c~gnomen Philo (or Chilo), which is not adopted by another member ~Ither of the .Curti.i or the Curiatii (Curatii do not figure). Curiatius IS probably ng?t, m so far as being the name given by Licinius, and should be Ide?tlfied as a brother o.fthe Decemvir P. Curiatius (3. 33. 3) as M. GenuclUS was of T. GenuclUS. Both may be falsifications if the Curiatii are also plebeian (cf. 5. 11. 4; see above p. 76 ). ' nam anni principio: anni nam p. M. The order is invariably principio anni (FUgner, Lexicon, 1154. 15) and nam p. a. should be read here (Schmidt). C. Canuleius: the name is Etruscan (Schulze 15 2 n. 4) and there were Canuleii at Volsinii (C.I.L. II. 2748-50). Besides a M. Canuleius (? a son) mentioned in 44.6, the family occur in minor offices throughout most ofth~ Republic. C. Canuleius is known only by his law. The Vestal Canuleia (Plutarch, Numa ro) is tendentious fabrication. 1. 2. promulgarent: cf. D.H. 11. 53. 1. The bill anticipates the LicinioSextian rogations. 1. 4. ob iniuriam: cf. Caesar, B.G. 3. ro. 2 with Meusel's note. descisse: 7. ro n., 9. I n. A previous treaty, unrecorded in Valerius' narrative, is implied. fremere: only wars, not rumours of wars, had their place in the Annales and the menace from Rome's three traditional enemies is certainly inserted .~nto the history to provide a suitable atmosphere for the debate. Vell had made a truce for forty years in 474 (2.54. I). Ap~rt from the present ambiguous activity, no hostilities by the yelentes are reporteduntil438 (17. I), when the treaty had nearly or, I~ the r~gu~ar chr~nology i.s defect.ive, actually expired. Any provocatIve raIds m the mtervenmg penod are, therefore, exceedingly improbable. The fortification ofVerrugo may have been recorded. The n~me (from verruca 'a wart'; cf. Cato ap. Aul. Gell. 3. 7. 6 locum edztum asperumque) suggests a commanding citadel of rock. It lay on the edge of the land of the Volsci and the Aequi and was within a nig?t's travel of Tusculum and in sight of 'the plain', presumably the plam bounded by Praeneste to the east and the Mte. Lepini (55. 8, 58 .3,5. 28. 7)· It must therefore have been one of the summits of the Alban Hills guarding the passage of the Via Latina through Algidus. Only one ofthe whole circuit ofpeaks resembles a wart (cf. the Scottish Bynac)-Maschia d'Ariano which is capped by a precipitous outcrop 8IH32
Mffi
44SB.C.
445 B.C.
of rock. A little way down the eastern slope an important seventhsixth-century cemetery has been found (Nordini, Noti;:.. Scavi, Ig34, 16g-75). The remains on the Acropolis itself are medieval or later, but the small church of S. Silvestro is likely to have taken the place of the temple of Diana mentioned by Horace (Odes 1. 21. 6; 3· 23· g; Livy 21. 62. 8) and some Republican sherds have been washed down the slopes. See also T. Ashby, P.B.S.R. 5 (Igro), 424; Tomasetti, Campagna Romana, 564 ff. ; Radke, R.E., 'Verrugo'. 1. 5. conticescerent: recalling the remark first made by Marius (Plutarch 28) and immortalized by Cicero (pro Milone I I ; ef. Lucan 1. 277) -silent leges inter arma. 1. 6. scivisset [et] : Pettersson retains et and takes vociferatus as an indicative not as participle, comparing for the ellipse 3. 14. 6, g. ro. 2, 10. 12. g.
4.1.4
2. 1. furores tribunicios: a favourite phrase of Cicero's ; cf., e.g., de Domo 103; Phil. I. 22. 2. 3. idett: the strict parallelism between cuius rei praemium ... , eam · .. semper and Romae praemium seditionum ... semper shows that the subject of honori fuisse must be not the reward but the activity which produced the reward. id et (H. J. Milller) or id (Madvig) is therefore impossible while ideo (Weissenborn) breaks the symmetry and is without authority, being attested by F alone. The conjecture seditiones (Mr. D. M. Last) is palmary. 2. 4. reminiscerentur: the general sense of the passage is that political agitation brings the greatest rewards at Rome and will continue to thrive so long as it does so. The plebs have everything to gain by organizing strikes since the reward of sedition is enhanced prestige
and position. What then are senators being asked to remember? Not surely the twin bastions of the Roman spirit, the enduring greatness of the patricians, and the increasing splendour of the plebeians. That, as Conway says, would be 'imposing but irrelevant': it could not be resumed by ergo. It would also be untrue. The rise of the plebs was at the expense of the patricians. The Senate must be being reminded that their greatness was being eroded by the plebeians and that there would be no end to the process so long as the plebeians had something to show for their agitation. There are also grammatical difficulties. The subject of auctiorem ... esse is not expressed. It cannot be maiestatem senatus since, by definition, the plebs would find nothing to be proud of in the growing greatness of the Senate and their whole behaviour is designed to reduce it. The subject must be se (the plebs) and since it cannot be understood, it must be replaced in the text (Sigonius). Further, as the text stands either ut or quemadmodum is redundant. ut is deleted by Porson and Madvig, as well as by earlier editors, or emended to et (Faber), tum (Rhenanus), an (Crevier), or vel (Bayet): quemadmodum is deleted by Lehner. But the corruption is probably deeper. The point is that the Senate should be ashamed at the diminished prestige which they are going to hand on to their children. This is an old commonplace (cf. Thucydides 2. 62. 3; Sallust, Jug. 3 I. 17; Catil. 5 I. 42) but we expect it to be made explicitly; for ut quemadmodum we might read deminutam dum (ef. 8. 34. 5; 63· ro). The metathesis is almost exact. The more radical remedies of transposition (Klockius, Conway) depend on a misunderstanding of the sense of the sentence. Tr. 'Let them recall the majesty of the Senate that they had received from their fathers and would pass on diminished to their children, while the common people could boast that they were becoming greater and more important'. finem ergo non fieri: 2. I I n. 2.5. perturbationem: 6.41. 4-12. Before the Lex Ogulnia of 300 only patricians could be augurs and even thereafter only patricians could hold the auspices. Hence when an interregnum occurred auspicia ad patres redeunt (Cicero, ad Brut. I. 5. 4). Since in early Rome no transaction of any kind took place without consulting the auspices, the distinction between publica and privata is anachronistic and belongs to the period after the Lex Ogulnia when plebeians by their membership of the religious colleges acquired a share in the control of those auspices which affected public transactions. But the patricians maintained an exclusive monopoly of the auspices for their own private affairs, in particular for the celebration of marriages (Plautus, Casina 86; Cicero, de Divin. 1. 28 with Pease's note). The consuls argue that since the auspices can only be held by patricians mixed marriages
53°
53!
The Debate in the Senate The consuls' speech, analysed by Lambert (Die Indirekte Rede, 23-4), is an elaborate exercise in indirect speech which corresponds effectively with the passionate and direct oration of Canuleius. Sophistry is balanced against emotion and the contrast is underlined by the variation between 0.0. and o.r. It has no counterpart in D.H. and may be presumed to be an original composition. Notice the repetitions (iam ... iam; sic . .. sic; ne quid . .. ne quid; dimidius ... dimidius; creet · .. creaturos; concessum ... concessum; concitent ... concitaverint; hostes · .. hostes), the antitheses (domi ... foris; plebis ... patrum ... tribunorum ... consulum; pace . .. bello; primo ... nunc; hunc ordinem aut illum magistratum; non plebi R. sed Volscis) and the chiasmi (ut ... temptasse ... rogari ut; concedendo ... postulando ; proditurum ... passurum ; scelus civium . .. hostium arma). The language and contents are as sophisticated as the clausulae (ef., e.g., 2. 5 nee suos noverit).
4.2.4
445 B.C.
445 B.C.
whose offspring could not validly be called patrician would in the end deprive Rome of anyone to hold the auspices. The argument is fallacious, for in law origo sequitur patrem (4. 12 n.). incontaminati: the word is rare being found only in Varro, de Ling. Lat. 9. 21 before the Christian period. It is used here to pick up contaminare sanguinem in I. I. As often such striking words are only at home in speeches where they provide a touch of verisimilitude. The meaning is 'non depravati miscendo' (G. ]achmann, Plautin. u. Attisches, 15 2 ). 2. 6. ferarum prope ritu: cf. 3. 47· 7 n. quorum sacrorum: 5. 52. 4; the gentes had special cults of their own (cf. Varroap. Non. 820 L.; Festus 284 L.: see Wissowa, Religion, 398 ff.). sit: parallel to ignoret, after ut. 2. 7. parum . .. iam: for this device cf. Cicero, pro Sestio 32 • accingi: 1. 47.3,28.41. 8. In the sense 'to gird oneself against' the word is rare and impressive. Avoided by Cicero, Caesar, and Sallust, it is used by L. only in reported speech which suggests that it sounded too strong or too poetic for narrative (cf. Terence, Phormio 318; Eun. 1060) . creet: et creaturos: the change of subject is remarkable-(populus) creet: (turbatores) creaturos-and unconstitutional since at all times it is the people who are responsible for creating consuls. The difficulty was seen and solved by Dobree-creet: [et] creaturus. 2. 8. ne . .. sineret: a pious prayer, cf. 28. 28. I I. regiae maiestatis imperium is the equivalent of regia potestas (8. 32. 3)-the annalistic myth that the consulate was evolved from the authority of the kings. eo recidere: cf. Cicero, Phil. 7· 27· miliens morituros: a favourite disclaimer of Cicero's; cf. ad Att. 7. 11. I, 14. 9. 2, 14. 22. 2; Phil. 2. II2. 2. 9. alia ex aliis iniquiora: with a comparative L. often uses the plain alia aliis, where the abl. is one of comparison (4. 26. 7, 29· IS. II, 35. I]. 3) ; M. Muller deleted ex. But here ex aliis goes closely with the gerund postulando as at 7. 39. 3 alias ex aliis fingendo moras. The T67TOS' that a policy of concession does not endear one to an electorate had been enunciated already by Plato in the Republic and by Demosthenes. 2. 11. finem non fieri posse si in: Conway's restoration is admirable and easy. The consuls have said earlier that there was no prospect of an end to the disturbances. They now conclude by denying the possibility of any end so long as the two opposed forces continue in the same state. audaciae temeritatique: see 2. 55. ro n. 2. 12. illine ut: -ne ut (or utne) introduces a 'repudiating question' in the subjunctive. Fraenkel (Horace, roo) writes on Sat. 1. 1. 108: 'This mode of expression is in keeping with the climate of a somewhat heated conversation; consequently the bulk of our evidence comes
from Plautus and Terence. But it is by no means alien to the language of Cicero and can even be found in speeches in Livy' (cf. 5. 24. ro). 'Horace, as is to be expected, uses it in the Epodes and Sermones ... but not in the Odes.' 2.13. proloqui: 'speak out' ; 23. 5.12,39. IS· 4, both speeches. The word, which occurs sixteen times in Plautus and five in Terence (cf. Afranius fr. 2 13), is avoided by the classical prose-writers, being found only in Sisenna (fr. ro8 P.) and the Bell. Aft· (35.3,44.4) before L. and Tacitus. See Kroll on Cicero, Orator 147. Its character is clear from its use. 2. 14. scandere: 3. 68. 7 n., the first of several echoes of Quinctius' speech which suggests that there was no great interval between the composition of Book 3 and Book 4. si patribus ... eripuerint: si has often been challenged (nisi Luterbacher; ni Madvig) or the punctuation been adjusted, because of the apparent absurdity of saying that consuls are ready to be leaders if the patres are demoralized. Whom then, it is asked, are the consuls to lead? But the emphatic position of patribus and consules shows that the text is sound. The patres ought to set an example of leadership, the consuls argue, but, if they are demoralized, the consuls at least will not fail in their duty. ni or nisi, with its implication that the consuls have not the courage to set an example unless they are backed up, weakens if anything the effect of the challenge.
The Speech of Canuleius Canuleius' speech strikes a more emotional and impassioned note. I ts frequent echoes of Quinctius' oration as well as its highly finished structure show that it is a free composition by L. himself. Licinius probably also gave Canuleius a speech, but, as in D.H., a short one before the Senate in answer to the consuls or to C. Claudius, and not, as here, before the people. There is indeed a considerable similarity to the speech attributed to Licinius Macer by Sallust, but much of the tone, the plea for moderatio (cf. Horace, Odes 3. 4. 65), the dream ofempire, and the judgement on discordia are thoroughly Augustan (4. 4 n.). It belongs to the genus duplex (Quintilian; for which see Ullmann, La Technique, 58-60), because it is concerned with two separate issues which are treated separately and in parallel. The language is flecked with characterizing touches proper to a tribune of the fifth century. The fame of the speech in antiquity was deservedly great. In particular its Claudian content commended it to the emperor Claudius who was indebted to it both for argument and for style. The extent of this debt has been analysed, e.g. by A. Zingerle, Kl. Phil. Abhandlungen, 1887, 51-52; F. Leo, Nachrichten von der K.G. der Wissenschaflen zu Gottingen, 1896, 193 n. 2; R. Syme, Tacitus, app. 40, 41; D. M. Last, Latomus 17 (1958),476-87.
53 2
533
4. 2.5
4.2. 12
4.3.
I
445 B.C.
445 B.C.
4· 3· 9
(b) iustum 3. 9. si dis placet: the exclamation is discussed most recently by Fraenkel, Studi Italiani di Fil. Class. 27 (1956), 123-4 who concludes
that it is 'nicht immer ein Ausrufpropter indignitatem alicuius rei' sondern auch, wie Plaut., Capt. 454, ein allgemeiner Ausdruck starken Erstaunens'. Here the note of indignation prevails. The exclamation is confined to Plautus and Terence and Cicero's early pro Sex. Roscio (102) and the sparing use of it by L. (6. 40 . 7, 38. 47· 3,41. 23· 7, 44. 22. 8) suggests that he keeps it for special effect. non ad fastos, non ad commentarios: the allusion again anticipates the reform of Ap. Claudius Caecus whose secretary Cn. Flavius (9· 46) was responsible in 304 B.C. for the publication of the Fasti and of the formulae of legis actiones. (Detailed discussion of these controversial measures may be found in Schulze, Roman Legal Science, 9 ff; Jolowicz, Historical Introduction, 88; see also H. S. Jones, C.A.H. 7. 533-4.) Since commentarii were procedural handbooks (I. 60. 4 n.) and since the pontifices were intimately concerned with private law in so far that questions of legitimacy and inheritance affected the maintenance of sacra privata, the formulae of legis actiones would have been contained in the commentarii. For Licinius' interest in Flavius see fro 18 P. 3. 10. enunquam: 9. 10. 5, 10. 8. 10, 24. 14. 3, 30. 21. 8. An interrogative (= ecquando Paul. Fest. 66 L.), which should be printed as one word. Its usage (Plautus, e.g. Cist. 86; Rudens 987, I I 17; Terence, Phormio 329; Virgil, Ee!. I. 67, 8. 7) suggests that it was a colloquialism (Hofmann, Lat. Umgangsprache, 35). Numam: I. 18-2 I n.; ef. I. 17 n. 3. 11. L. deinde Tarquinium: I. 34. 1-2 n. 7T has modo Romanae for R. m. which induced Conway to delete modo and L. Herrmann to read non modo (non) R. (Latomus 6 (1947), 262) but the authority of MA shows 7T'S order to be eccentric and the examples of non modo for non modo non, collected by Drakenborch at 25. 26. I I, suffice. Cf. I. 39· 5· 3. 12. Ser. Tullium: I. 39. 5 n. patre nullo: 'whose father was a nobody'. de T. Tatio: I. 13.6-8 n. quid enim ... dicam? is a typically Ciceronian praeteritio (ef., e.g., pro Milone 75). 3. 13. eniteret virtus: ef. Cicero, pro Mur. 32; Sallust, Cati!. 54· 4. 3.14. Claudiam: 2. 16.4-5 nn. 3. 16. vir fortis ac strenuus: I. 34. 6, 3. 47. 2 n. the Roman equivalent of KaAos Kdya80 s with a significant concentration on military qualities rather than gifts of person. Cf. Plancus ap. Cicero, ad Fam. 10. 8. 5, Sallust, Cati!. 51. 16; Nepos, Dat. 7. I. It is possible that in origin it was a more definite term of Roman public law-the Foretes and Sanates of Festus (426, 474 L.). 3.17. ad gubernacula ... accedere: a Ciceronian metaphor (de Inv. I. 4; de Rep. I. I I). The whole passage with its emphasis on the virtues of the novus homo might easily have been penned by Cicero.
5:14
535
3. 1. adversus consules: but not in their presence.
Prooemium: (a) principium ab adversariis 3. 3. saepe . .. nunc: an old introductory formula commonly found in Attic speeches and illustrated by Fraenkel (Glotta 39 (19 61 ), 1-5); ef., e.g., Thucydides 3. 37. I (Cleon) 7ToAAUKlS fLi.v ~131] EYWYE Kat aAAO'TE EYVWV • • . fLuAwTa 8' £V Tfj VVV • . . fLETafLEAElq,. cives nos eorum: 'we are their fellow citizens'. (b) principium ab re 3. 4. finitimis externisque: I. 49. 9 n., but externis is anachronistic since there is no earlier example than the Campanians in 23· 4· 7· hostibus etiam victis: Claudius took the reference to be to the enfranchisement of the Sabines by Romulus (Tacitus, Annals I I. 24. 6). Cf. I. 13. 4. But it would also apply to the Albans enfranchised by Tullus (I. 30. I) and the Latins by Ancus (I. 33· 5)· Tractatio I: (a) dignum 3. 6. caelum ac terras misceant: 'turn the world upside down', a colloquial proverb found also in Juvenal (2. 25, 6. 283) and Lucian (Prometheus 9). See Otto, Sprichworter, s.v. 3. 7. dignus: under the late Republic the right of standing for office was not denied: candidature was a question of dignitas (Wirszubski, Libertas, 53). apiscendi: 44. 25. 2 (reflections of Eumenes). apiscor is a rare word found in early Latin at Sisenna fro 94 and in Cicero's letters before being taken up by self-conscious writers like Pliny and Tacitus. It has an archaic flavour which suits Canuleius' style. See C.Q. 9 (1959), 277 against Gries, Constancy, 82. libertinum: ef. Tacitus, Annals I I. 24. 7; Suetonius, Claud. 24 on the adlection by Ap. Claudius Caecus of libertinorum filii to the Senate (9.46. 10; see A. Garzetti, Athenaeum 25 (1947), 190 ff.). The allusion is again anachronistic. If its origin antedates L., it is probably a confused reference to Caecus' activities or a Licinian jibe at Sulla's supporters (ef. H. Hill, C.Q. 26 (1932), 170 ff.). But there may also be a contemporary sneer against freedmen whose power in 32 B.C. was feared and unpopular (Syme, Roman Revolution, 284; cf. Dio 50. 10·4)· 3. 8. lucis ... indignantur: an old T07TOS, used, for example, by Cicero, pro Sex. Rose. 72 (ef. Quintilian 12.6.4); Dee!. min. 299·
445 B.C.
445 B.C.
(c) legitimum 4. 1. at enim: 5. 9. 3 n. nullane res nova institui debet: the argument that there must always
on by the Emperor Claudius and retailed in his Gallic speech, from where it found its way to Suetonius (Tib. I gens Claudia in patricias cooptata). The two cases are given in I. 30. 2 and 2. 16. 5 where see notes. sinceram: picking up 2. 5. enubere: N had ecnubere; for the form see Burckhardt in Thes. Ling.
4· 4·
I
be a first time for everything is a commonplace and is even employed by Critognatus in recommending cannibalism (Caesar, B.G. 7. 77. 13). 4. 2. pontijices: I. 20. 5 n. augures: I. 18. 6 n. Canuleius neglects the tradition that the augurate was as old as Romulus. census: I. 43 n. 4. 3. consules: I. 60. 4 n. dictatoris: 2. 18. 4 n. tribuni plebi, aediles, quaestores: 2. 32. In., 3. 55. 13 n., 2. 41. lIn., 3. 69. 8 n. 4. 4. in aetemum urbe condita: ef. 28. 28. I I (Scipio). Canuleius ends the first half of his speech with a glorious assertion of Rome's immortality. The history of the idea is of interest: latent at the very end of the Republic (ef. Cicero, pro Marc. 22) it first appears in Tibullus (2. 5. 23) and Virgil (Aeneid I. 276-9) and taken in conjunction with the present passage (cf. 6. 23. 7) must have formed part of Octavian's early propaganda after Actium. The early evidence is assembled by M. P. Charlesworth, Harv. Theol. Review 29 (1936), 122-31; see also Syme, Tacitus, 208 and n. I; Koch, Religio, 168 and n. 48. The order is condita in aetemum, crescente in immensum. Does nova imperia allude to the startling innovations brought about by Augustus' constitutional settlement in 28-27 B.C.? (Syme, Harvard Studies in Class. Phil. 64 (1959),47; against, Walsh, Proc. Afr. Class. Ass., 1961,26-35).
Tractatio II: (a) dignum
4. 5. pessimo exemplo publico: 3. 72. 2, 4. 13.
I. pessimo exemplo 7T.\. Klockius conjectured pessimo publico, a familiar phrase (,valde blanditur' : Gronovius) but one which is repetitious with summa iniuria plebis and untrue since the harm was confined to the plebeians. It is as a precedent for a policy of segregation that it is dangerous to the state as a whole (ef. Cicero, de Leg. 3. 32 plus exemplo quam peccato nocent). insignitior: elsewhere contumelia insignis (e.g. Terence, Eun. 77 I ; Cicero, de Leg. Agr. 2. 54; Suetonius, Julius 79). 4. 6. immisceamur: ef. Tacitus, Annals 4. 40. I I. Like intermiscere it conveys a suggestion of debasement. 4. 7. cooptationem implies that patricians could co-opt families at will into their body but that is certainly erroneous (Mommsen, Staatsrecht, 3. 3 0 n. I). The decision would have rested with the comitia curiata. The choice of the term may, therefore, reflect legalistic controversies of the last centuries of the Republic. Or it may simply be misunderstanding by L. himself, to which he is prone. If so, it was seized
53 6
4· 4· 7
Lat. S.v. 4. 8. nemo: Canuleius alludes to the story of Ap. Claudius and Verginia.
(b) iustum 4.9. verum enim vero: 24· 5· 2, 29· 8. 7, 31. 30. 4, 36. 40. 4, 37. 52. 8. The very strong particle, used by Sallust (Catil. 2. 9, 20. 10), and Cicero (Verr. 3. 194), serves to introduce the new section. 4. 10. sub . .. vincula conicitis: only metaphorical here and only with sub here. The usual in v. c. (3. 13. 6) required variation to carry the metaphor. duas: 3. 67. 10 n. 4. 11. cur non sancitis: for the same appeal to absurdities c£ Cicero, de Leg. I. 44. ne ... nec: the structure is (i) ne ... , (ii) nec eodem . .. idem . .. eodem, and therefore nec is correct, linking the second main clause, which is itself subdivided into three, to ne vicinus sit. For ne ... nec = ne . .. neve cf. 3. 2 I. 6, 5. 3· 8, 26. 42. 2, 40. 46. 4; see E. B. Lease, Class. Phil. 3 (1908), 313. The examples which Canuleius gives are hackneyed, and seem to be as old as the Old Oligarch. immutatur: preferable to the plain mutatur, because it is the legal terminology; c£, e.g., Ulpian, Dig. 45· I. 52, 46. 5. I. 10 et al. 4. 12. nempe: the drift of Canuleius' argument is that to recognize conubium would not involve any consequential changes in the law since the children of such marriages would automatically take the status of their fathers. If the father was patrician, the son would be also and vice versa. Mr. W. A. J. Watson points out to me that this begs the whole question. It is only children born in iustae nuptiae (i.e. marriages sanctioned by conubium) that take the status of the father. The children of other marriages take the status of the mother (Gaius I. 76-96). (c) legitimum
5. 2. velit, iubere:
I. 46. I n. vocare: in the c. tributa the tribes were called successively to vote (U. Hall, Historia 13 (1964), 276). 5. 3. quid si non: the idiom has been overlooked; even Porson and Madvig emended it to quasi non (ef. AuI. GelI. 9· 9. 14). As Mr. G. W. Williams discussing Propertius I. 9. 15-34 in J.R.S. 47 (1957), 242-3
537
445 B.C.
445 B.C.
formulates it, 'quid si in such a context adds an argument by means of an appeal to a circumstance which either is the case (so with the indicative) or might easily have been (and perhaps yet can be) the case, though it was not (or is not) at the moment (so with the subjunctive),. The sense is: 'Just think what it would be like if you had not learnt how ineffectual your threats against the plebs were. Then you might risk open conflict with us. As it is, you will only try to bluff us and I call your bluff. Give us conubium and we will fight.' nobis: a necessary correction for N's vobis. The two are constantly confused and Bayet's vos nobis is unnecessary as well as being overemphatic.
I would follow Walters but write certamen (Curiatius) respondit. See also 6. 7. 6. 6. intercedentibus: the first reputed instance of the tribunician veto (43.6,50.6; see Mommsen, Staatsrecht, 2. 294 n. I). It is doubtful whether the veto did exist at this date. The first certainly attested case is 3 I 0 (9· 36. 14) and, if it was not the result of a gradual evolution, it will have been instituted together with the other Licinio-Sextian measures. See Lengle, R.E., 'tribunus plebis'. consilia: so consiliis and consilia below. consilium habere and consilio interesse are both well attested (2. 54. 7, 9. 15· I, 36. I I. 7; Sallust, Jug. 62. 4)' Change is unnecessary but should at least be consistent. apparebat: Livian simplification. In D.H. I I. 60 (and so in Licinius) the misgiving formed part of a speech by T. Genucius, the consul's brother. 6. 7. C. Claudi sententia: 6. 2 n. His proposal was fliYJ8q.dav a7To8t8ovat Tfi {3ovAfi 8ufyvwatv tJ7TEP TOV vOfloV (D.H. I I. 60). Quinctiorum: D.H. mentions only Capitolinus. The pairing recalls 3· 35· 9· foedere icto: not mentioned in 3. 55. 10 but cf. Sallust, Oratio Macri 17. 6. 8. tribunos militum: 7-1 I n. 6. 10. adipiscendi: for the text see C.Q. 9 (1959), 277. 6. 11. contentione libertatis dignitatisque: 3. 65. I I n. secundum: 'after the contest is ended and when the judgment IS unbiassed' (Baker).
4.5. 3
Conclusio: amplijicatio Canuleius ends his speech with an emotional peroration marked by the repeated anaphora of si and nemo. 5.5. unam hanc civitatem: 3. 67. 10 n. si spes, si aditus: 'the hope and opportunity of office'. Cf. 25. 10. in vicem annuis magistratibus: the concept of proper democracy cr. 3. 39· 8 n. The similarity between the two passages led Porson to read aequandae for aequae here, rightly, for although aequa libertas is found (34.54. 5, 45· 32. 5) the gerundive is required with quod est (cr. 38 . 50. 8; Florus 2. I. 4). 5. 6. ferte sermonibus: cr. Caesar, B.C. 2. 17. 2. pro superbis dominis: 28.44.4,42. 52. 16; Virgil, Aen. 12. 236; Pliny, Paneg. 63. 6.
4.6.
2
6. 2. respondit: it is impossible to understand alter consul from consules in 6. 1 and with the exception of Bayet who retains the manuscript reading, editors agree that either respondit should be altered to an impersonal passive (respondetur Ruperti; responsum Bitschofsky) or that the subject has dropped out. Harant would supply alter but the palaeographical inducements (alter roganti for interroganti or utiliter alter (Conway)) do not outweigh the inanity of not specifying which consul spoke, quite apart from the incredible separation of utiliter from in praesens c. which Conway's text involves. Now the parallel account in D.H. shows that in Licinius' version the opposition to the proposal for electing plebeian consuls came not from the consuls themselves, that is not from Genucius who is pictured as a tactful negotiator (11.58. 1) and not from Curiatius who is not mentioned throughout, but from C. Claudius (I I. 60. I). In his usual fashion L. has simplified the story by eliminating all superfluous characters and reducing the dispute to one between Canuleius and the consuls. In so doing he has deprived himself of anyone to answer Canuleius and so leaves the awkward and anonymous respondit. If any name was to be supplied
In 445 the Senate decided to suspend the election of consuls and to appoint in their stead three tribuni militum. Except for a few intermissions when consuls were elected, the appointment of tribuni militum lasted until 367 while the number grew more or less steadily from three to six. The annalistic tradition was unanimous on these points (D.H. I I. 53-61; Diodorus; L.) but differed in their explanation of them. One source saw the consular tribunate as a political compromise designed to meet the demand that plebeians should be eligible for the consulship. Another, introduced by L. as a variant (sunt qui . .. dicant) , explained it as a device for dealing with increased military commitments which required more than two commanders. Modern speculation has ranged widely over the significance and origin of the office without arriving at any agreed interpretation. It is well to notice that L. owes the political explanation directly to Licinius Macer and furthermore that the first plebeian alleged to have been elected to the office was P. Licinius (5. 12. 9). That is in
53 8
539
7-11. Ardea: the Institution of the Consular Tribunate and the Censorship
444 B.C.
444 B. C.
fact false. L. Atilius in 444 and Q. Antonius Merenda in 422 were also plebeians (7. I n.). The political explanation has therefore no respectable antecedents. It bears every sign of having been fabricated by Licinius himself to reflect glory on his family and to promote a favourable history of the plebs. If so, the military explanation is the older. That does not mean that it need be the more reliable. Licinius may even have divined the truth with the worst of motives. But the objections against the political interpretation are decisive. Unless a bar on plebeian access to the consulate had been instituted by the Decemvirate, the consulate was already open to plebeians and there are numerous genuinely plebeian names in the early Fasti. And even if the consulate was barred and the consular tribunate was intentionally created for plebeians, why did so remarkably few hold it? The name tribuni militum indicates that their function was primarily military and the name must be the starting-point in any consideration oftheir significance. And the name survives. When the Roman government was reorganized again in 367/6, the six consular tribunes disappear from the Fasti but a difficult note in L. (7. 5. 9) shows that they remained as elective military commanders, although no longer as supreme commanders; cum eo anna (362) primum placuisset tribunos militum ad legiones suffragio fieri . .. secundum in sex locis tenuit. The succession is clear. By the mid-fifth century Rome was threatened on several fronts, from Etruria, from the Aequi and the Volsci, from the Sabines, and at the same time was trying to secure her position by extending her control over the strategic keys to Latium-the Tiber, Algidus, and the coast. Such a policy meant simultaneous operations on several fronts. In itself it would justify the reorganization and redisposal of her military resources and it is noteworthy that the first occurrence of six consular tribunes coincides with the attack on Veii. Corroboratory evidence for a reform of the Roman army in this period may be afforded by the substitution of the scutum for the clipeus (see nn. on 1. 43). There are only two serious objections to the military interpretation. If the consular tribunes were appointed for military reasons, why were dictators created in times of serious war (4. 23. 5, 31. 5, 46. ro, 57. 6, 5. 19. 2, 46. ro)? Sudden emergencies will always call for the appointment of a strong man to co-ordinate the defences of the state. Secondly, it is urged that once the new system had been inaugurated the periodic reversion to consuls (443-439; 431-427; 413-409, &c.), is inexplicable, especially when many of the years in which consular tribunes held office were years of peace. Short of believing the Fasti to be hopelessly unreliable or that there were always two consuls with one or more assistants if circumstances required, we may rather
believe that the election of consular tribunes was viewed originally as an occasional military necessity. They were the alternative government when it looked as if the international situation would call for extended military effort. It would never be easy to predict with certainty what the year would hold in store and the military emergency which was foreseen when the consular tribunes were elected might have evaporated by the time they held office. The converse would be equally true and it was perhaps to avoid this element of uncertainty that consular tribunes were almost invariably elected for 405-367 (5· 31. 2 n.). But this monopoly of the government by military men involved the neglect of civil affairs which were becoming increasingly important and intricate. The reforms of 366 by instituting the praetorship by the side of the consulate enabled a proper balance to be struck in the conduct of Rome's affairs. There would be at any time sufficient men competent to run home affairs and military expeditions. Of the older discussions still worth consulting are Mommsen, Staatsrecht, 2. I76ff.; Soltau, Philologus 73 (1916), 524-9; Ed. Meyer, Kl. Schriften, 2. 280 ff.; H. S. Jones, C.A.H., 7. 519 ff. See also M. P. Nilsson, ].R.S. 19 (1929), I-II; F. Cornelius, Untersuchungen, 59 ff.; Lengle, R.E., 'tribunus'; Bayet, tome 4. 135-48; K. von Fritz, Historia I (1950), 37 ff.; Bernardi, Athenaeum 30 (1952),35 ff.; E. S. Staveley, ].R.S. 43 (1953),30-36; F. E. Adcock, ].R.S. 47 (1957), 9- 14; R. Sealey, Latomus 18 (1959), 521-30; A. Boddington, Historia 8 (1959), 356-64. For the censorship see Suolahti, Roman Censors, 20 ff. 7. 1. anna trecentesimo decimo: 3. 33. I n. primum: Varro (de Ling. Lat. 5. 81) writes: 'tribuni militum quod terni tribus tribubus Ramnium, Lucerum, Titium olim ad exercitum mittebantur' ; and continues by saying that the office was older than the plebeian tribunate. His total of nine tribunes is mistaken, but if the military establishment of 6,000 goes back to regal times (I. 43 n.), it is possible that each 1,000 had been commanded by a tribune since at least the beginning of the Republic and that there were, therefore, six tribunes already at this date. primum does not, therefore, necessarily imply that 444 marked the first creation of the office of tribuni militum. 444 was the year when for the first time the tribunes took the place of the consuls as supreme magistrates. pro consulibus: to be taken with ineunt and not as part of their title, which is variously given as t. m. consulari imperio or consulari potestate. They had imperium but evidently not the auspices, since no consular tribune celebrates a triumph (Zonaras 7. 19). The variation in their title might suggest that only the words tribuni militum were recorded in the Fasti and that the other words were added by historians anxious to create 'an impression of orderly and legal development'. ineunt: L. names only three tribunes. D.H. surprisingly says aVTt nvv
4· 7- 11
540
54 1
4.
7-11
444 E.G.
444 B.C.
imUTWV Xt/"tUPXov, ... TpE'i, fLEV €K TWV 7TaTptKLWV TpE'i, 8' €K TWV 87)fLOTtKWV (I I. 60) and six was the later maximum (5. I. 2 n.). Hit is true
that there were already in existence six tribuni militum, the supreme authority would be delegated to three or four or all six of them as circumstances dictated. If, say, four were designated, the other two would continue as commanders of their detachments but subordinate to the supreme authority vested in the four. A. Sempronius Atratinus: A.f., the son of the consul of 497 (2.21. I). Cf. 4. 35. I n. For his 'brother' see 7. 10 n. L. Atilius: the gens is plebeian (Klebs, R.E., 'Atilius'). His son was cons. trib. in 399 (5· 13· 3 n.). T. Cloelius: N read Caecilius here, but Cluilius is certain at I I. 5 where the cognomen Siculus is added and D.H. I I. 61. 3 calls the cons. trib. T. K/.,v/.,ws EtKE/"6s. The omission of the cognomen here leaves it doubtful whether L. (or Licinius Macer or the libri lintei) intended the cons. trib. and the iiivir to be identified. If they did, then Cluilius (not Cloelius) should be restored for Caecilius. The Caecilii were plebeian, the Cluilii patrician. See Milnzer, R.E., 'Cloelius (12)'. The cognomen Siculus, almost confined to the gens (but cf. I.L.S. 4874 n.), may have been adopted by a branch of the family who traded with Sicily in the third century. It is first certainly attested for the Rex Sacrorum of 180 B.C. 7. 2. sunt qui: meaning doubtless Valerius Antias. usi sunt: so Ver. M has usos as 7T/.,. For the corruption cf. 3· 7· 7. A strong stop is required after plebe and the use of consular imperium and insignia is no longer an item in the variant tradition but is a fact accepted throughout the whole tradition. So also in D.H. 7.3. profirmato: a correction by Petrarch of the vulgateftrmato which, like Ver.'sfamato, is nonsense and results from an old corruption. For the use ofjirmo cf. 3. 56. 13; Tacitus, Annals 3. 60 . perinde ac: makes a comparison (2. 58. I, 4. 7. I In., 5· 42. 2, 28. 38. 10) rather than states a reason, 'just as' or sometimes 'just as if'. If it was uncontroversial that the election was invalid, perinde ac vitio creati is a singular way of expressing it, and may conceal a manipulation of the facts. The notices C. Curiatius vitio tabernaculum cepit and T. Q.uinctius interrex (comitia habuit) look like genuine annalistic material. They have been used by Licinius to set the scene for the insertion of his pair of consuls (7. 10) whereas it is easier to imagine that the decision to appoint tribunes instead of consuls did indeed meet with opposition (7-9), particularly from diehard patricians who held control of the priestly colleges and thwarted the elections by declaring them vitiated. Their obstruction would lead to an interregnum during which T. Quinctius could manage to secure the election ofSempronius and his colleagues.
tabernaculum cepisset: I. 6. 4 n., 3. 20. 6 n. The expression is sacral. 7. 4.foedere: I. 4 n., 7.10 n. 7. 5. concordiae etiam ordinum: Sallust attributes similar arguments to Licinius Macer (Or. Macri 6- 13). See Strasburger, Concordia Ordinum, 37· 7.8. vicere: 3. 57· 9 n. 7. 10. T. Q.uinctius Barbatus: i.e. Capitolinus. That his name stood in the Annales may be supported by Diodorus listing TLTOS KOLVTtOS as one of the consular tribunes of the year (12. 32. I). his consulibus: those who pin their faith on Licinius Macer's powers of historical research need read no farther. The omission of the names from the annales prisci is the one conclusive proof that Papirius and Sempronius were not consuls for 444, since ultimately there was only one common source of magistracy-holders-the annales-from which the libri magistratuum, the libri lintei, and other lists were derived. The suspicion is confirmed by the obvious 'adjustment' of the augurs' report and the interregnum (7. 3 n.), by the attempt to foist the same two men into history as censors (8. 7 n.), and by the observation that the treaty which Licinius saw was a renewal. Since there is neither evidence nor occasion for any treaty with Ardea before the colonization in 443 (treaties and colonies are not incompatible), the inference is insistent that Licinius' treaty, if it is genuine, is later than 443. Many reconstructions are possible, all hazardous. The most satisfying are those made by Mommsen (Staatsrecht, 2. 335 n. I), Beloch (Rom. Geschichte, 249-50), or Hanell (Das altromische eponyme Amt, 202; see also Ann Boddington, Historia 8 (1959), 359). The difficulties in the list of 4. 52. 4 (n.) might suggest that in 41 I there were not as reported two consuls but three consular tribunes, M. Papirius, (Sempronius), and C. Nautius, but that the mutilation of the original tabulae led the compilers of magisterial lists to give two names only. In that case Licinius Macer, reading Papirius and Sempronius on his inscription, was unable to find them in the libri magistratuum and so inserted them as consuls in 444 because of the plethora of Ardeatine happenings in the period 445-3. In fact, the renewal of the treaty will belong to 41 I (or 416). For a similar example of an inscription recording the names of two of a college of three consular tribunes, cf. Varro ap. Macrob. I. 13. 2 I antiquissimam legem . .. incisam in columna aerea a L. Pinario et Furio consulibus (= 432; 4. 25. 5). See Hermes 89 (1961), 379 ff. libris magistratuum: compilations of magistrates made, e.g., by C. Tuditanus (Macrobius I. 13. 2 I), Atticus, and Varro. 7. 11. The text of the passage stood in the archetype of Ver. and N as: 'credo quod tribuni militum initio anni fuerunt eo perinde ac [si N] totum annum in imperio fuerint suffectis iis consulibus praeter-
54 2
543
4.7.
I
4· 7· 3
444 B.C.
444 B.C.
missa nomina consulum horum Licinius Macer auctor est et [iam Ver.] in foedere Ardeatino et in linteis libris ad Monetae [-tea Ver.] inventa [-tae N]. et [om. Ver.] foris ...'. The problem is to divide the sentence in such a way that suifectis iis consulibus and consulum horum are separated and that inventa has a subject. L.'s use of the demonstratives is and hic guarantees that consulum horum will come near the beginning of a sentence and not, as, following Crevier, Walters punctuates, at the end. nomina consulum horum ... auctor est . .. inventa. 'Licinius Macer is the authority that the names of these consuls were found both in the Ardeatine treaty and in the libri lintei at the temple of Moneta.' The sense is unimpeachable and the syntax clear but it leaves in the preceding sentence praetermissa unattached. The shape of that sentence recalls 2. 8. 5 'credo, quia nulla gesta res insignem fecerit consulatum, memoriam intercidisse.' In other words praetermissa should be part of an acc. and info after credo. Peter made the attractive supplement <nomina). 'I believe that, because there were military tribunes at the beginning of the year, therefore just as if they had held power for the whole of the year, when Sempronius and Papirius were elected suffect consuls, their (i.e. Sempronius' and Papirius') names were left out.' For similar haplographies cf. 4. 26. I I, 5.5.7. The more radical restorations made by Mommsen, Madvig, and Bayet among recent editors do not meet the needs of sense and syntax. See before all Leuze, Romischen Censur, 10 7-33. 7. 12. Licinius Macer: see Introduction. libris linteis: 20. 8, 23. 2. The name signifies that they were books written on linen (cf. the linen corslet of A. Cornelius Cossus in 4· 20. 7) and they were evidently a list of magistrates. The date of the compilation and its extent is not known. The temple of Moneta (see next note) was not founded until 344 while the libri lintei purport to go back earlier. Without believing with Klotz (Rh. Mus. 86 (1937), 217) that they are therefore a forgery by Licinius, we may either suppose that they had been stored in another temple and were transferred to Moneta in 344 or, since it is as unlikely that such a relic would have survived from the earliest times as that such scholarly compilations, as distinct from the regular tabulae dealbatae, would have been made before the second century (they appear to have included cognomina), we may hold that they were not compiled before C. 150. As to their extent L. actually quotes them only for the period of the consular tribunate and the close proximity of the foundation of the temple of Moneta to the end of the consular tribunate (3 6 7/344) has suggested to some scholars that the libri lintei were a list exclusively of consular tribunes dedicated as a memorial of that office shortly after it had come to an end. But apart from the objections outlined above sundry vagaries in the list of eponymous magistrates used by
Licinius can be detected elsewhere (e.g. 2. 15. I n.). It was probably a complete compilation from 509 downwards. See ].R.S. 48 (1958),
4· 7·
II
514
4· 7·
III
40 -46. ad Monetae: the temple ofJuno Moneta, vowed in 345 and dedicated the following year during a crucial war with the Aurunci (7. 28. 4-6). Plutarch speaks of an earlier temple in connexion with the sacred geese in 390 (Camillus 27) but that is merely to provide an aetiological myth for the title (Moneta from moneo (cf. obsoletus; soleo; Voleta, Peta) = the Remembrancer used as a translation of Mvry/Loal5JJy! by Livius Andronicus). The title arises from the invocation of the goddess to remember her previous favours-hence her connexion with the records as the repository of the libri lintei and after 269 as the site of the mint. (For a different explanation which connects the title with Phoenician see Assmann, Klio 6 (1906),477 fr.; the fact that the association of the temple with coinage must be eighty years later than its foundation militates against it.) The temple was on the arx, replacing the house ofM. Manlius Capitolinus destroyed in 384 (6.20. 13). See Platner-Ashby s.v.; Marbach, R.E., 'Moneta'; R. Thomsen, Early Roman Coinage, 3. 85 ff. 8. 2. censurae initium: when military tribunes were elected who were both preoccupied with military operations and, if plebeian, disqualified from performing the religious ceremonies of the census (lustrum condere; see I. 44. 1-2 n.), it was necessary to elect ad hoc two politicians to kindle the ritual fire (censor from *cendere) and hold the census. It was from this makeshift that the censorate began. The fact, but not the names, would have been mentioned in the Annales. See Leuze, Romischen Censur, 94-144; Suolahti, The Roman Censors, with full bibliography. This passage is not inconsistent with 4. 22. 7 (n.). sub dicione eius magistratus publicorum ius privatorumque locorum, vectigalia populi Romani sub nutu atque arbitrio essent: for the text see C. Q.. 9 (1959),275. Notice the balanced regimen . . discrimen, followed by the chiastic sub dicione ... sub nutu atque arbitrio. The ius locorum was the right to adjudicate in boundary disputes between private and public property (40. 5. 7; C.I.L. 6. 9 1 9). 8. 4. mentio inlata ad senatum: ab senatu 7TA. No exact parallel for m. i. ad senatum is found but it is modelled on the common res delata ad s. (14. 3) and the alternative ab senatu is ruled out by the fact that mentionem iriferre is only used of individual speakers in the Senate (I. 2,
47. 6). custodiaeque [et] tabularum cura : the censors are in charge of the scribes and of the keepers of the tablets (custodiae for custodum). Without Crevier's deletion of et, custodiae must be nom. plural linked to ministerium (the scribae both as scribes and as keeFers are under the control 814432
545
Nn
443 B.C.
443 B.C.
of the censors). But in that case tabularum cura would be redundant. The tabulae censoriae which listed and valued all property (Cicero, de Hal'. Resp. 30; Aul. Gell. 2. lO; Pliny, NoH. 18. II), in addition to registering persons, were available to public inspection in the atrium libertatis (43. 16. 13, 45. 15. 5) and (perhaps a later change of site) in the aedes Nympharum (Cicero, pro Milone 73). formulae censendi: the censors had a procedural code, like the praetors' edict, which was handed down with additions and accretions from college to college, known as theformula census (Lex Iulia Municip. 147; 2g. 15. g) or the lex censui censendo dicta (43. 14.5) in which they outlined the principles which they would follow in the administration of the census and which would determine any consequent litigation (Mommsen, Staatsrecht, 2. 372). 8. 5. ius maiestatemque: Cornelissen substituted decus for ius but cf. Bell. Alex. 34. 2. The whole picture of the patrician reaction derives from Licinius' political interpretation of the censorate. 8.7. dubitabatur: there is no need to change to the present tense, 'about which doubt was expressed a few pages back'. Cicero (ad Fam. g. 2 I. 2 : 46 B.C.) accepts the account: 'fuerant enim patricii minorum gentium quorum princeps L. Papirius Mugillanus qui censor cum L. Sempronio Atratino fuit cum ante consul cum eodem fuisset, annis post Romam conditam cccxu'. Unger conjectured that Cicero derived the information from L. Scribonius Libo whose 'Annals' were published in 46 (Jahrb.j. Class. Phil. 143 (18g1), 646) and to whom Cicero elsewhere refers. In any case Cicero does not provide independent testimony since directly or indirectly his information will only go back to Licinius' researches. If their consulate is false, a fortiori their censorship is too. An anonymous notice has been filled out by Licinius to anchor Papirius and Sempronius to the years 444/3. See also Klotz, Rh. Mus. 88 (1939), 47 ff.; Suolahti, Roman Censors, 168 ff. The story of Ardea grew out of three basic facts, the capture by the Volsci, the defeat of the Volsci by the Romans, and the colonization, all of which would have figured in the records, being coupled with the familiar legend of The Maid (virgo plebeii generis) , the twin, ifnot the parent, of the legend of Verginia (Pais, Ancient Legends, I 87--g0). L. does not develop the potentialities ofthe material but is content with a straightforward narrative which illustrates the fides of the Romans and exemplifies the evils of the disease (g. 3, g. lO) of certamina factionum.
9. 4. petiere iuuenes; alter . .. alter: for the omISSIOn of the numeral with iuv~nes cf. 32. 5. 11 inter montes quorum alterum Meropum, alterum Asnaum mcolae vocant; 6. 35· 4, 32. 38. 9 (Pettersson). Kiehl's rate subordination. 10. 7. consul triumphans: cf. the Fasti Triunph.: [M. Gega]nius M. [f.-n.] Macerinus ann. cccx [cos. II] de V[olsceis n]onis Sep. dearmatum: only here and Apuleius, Met. 5. 30.
11. 1. consules creantur M. Fabius Vibulanus, Postumus Aebutius Cornicen: Ver. The passive is greatly to be preferred to N's consules creant with accusatives for nominatives, since the subject of creant would have to be the consuls of the previous year, Quinctius and Geganius. In referring to the election of consuls L. uses the form consul creavit where one specified consul was the presiding officer (ro. 47· 5, 32. 27· 5, 40 . 35. I, 42. 9. 8). The plural only occurs in the problematical 45· 44· I. See Staveley, Historia 3 (1954), 199. Fabius, Q.f. M.n., the son of the consul of 4 6 7 (3· I. I); cf.4. 17. ro, 19· 8, 25· 2, 27.9,28. I. Aebutius' filiation was probably L.f. T. n., the son of the consul of 463 (3. 6. I; see Klebs, R.E., 'Aebutius (14)'; for his cognomen see 2I. ro, 3. 35. I In.). 11. 4. Rutulorum: i.e. inhabitants of the country surrounding Ardea. 11. 5. triumviri: we are not compelled to disbelieve either the notice or the names. Such special commissions were recorded (the doubts about the commission of 218 raise a separate problem) and the archival origin of this commission is established by relatum in tabulas. Moreover, apart from conventionally consisting of three members (3. I. 6 n., 5. 24.4, 8. 16. 13), it was the custom in early times except when major colonial enterprises were being planned for the board to contain one consular and two non-consulars. Such was the case in 218 (2I. 25· 3-5; Asconius 3 C., in 200 (3I. 49.6), and in 197 (32. 29· 3-4). Here T. Cluilius Siculus had been consular tribune (7. I n.), M. Aebutius, otherwise unknown, was an elder brother of the current consul, perhaps, as his name suggests, with Ardeatine connexions, and Agrippa Menenius was to become consul (13.6 n.). 11. 6. praeter: confirmed by Ver. where ... .Iter survives and by the idiom (cf. 3. 70. 15); they were unpopular not only with the plebs (which might have been expected) but with the patres as well. cum plebem offendissent is almost parenthetical, explaining and repeating minime populare ministerium. 11. 7. [coloni adscripti]: would imply that they became members of the colony rather than waited for the storm to die down, but Menenius is consul in 13. 6. Ver.'s omission of the words proves them to be a marginal summary (cf. 3. 49. 5 Appiusfugit), although the language is technically exact (6. 30. 9 et al.). If they had joined the colony they would have avoided a summons (vocationes Cornelissen; cf. Aul. Gell.
54 8
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442 B.C.
441 B.C.
13. 13), not the fuss and bother (vexationes). The threat of prosecution is unhistorical.
12-16. Sp. Maelius The story of Sp. Maelius, like the story of Cincinnatus, is an instance of a timeless legend which grew up at first independently of the Annales and was then fitted into the framework of dates and facts at a time when it had already acquired a wealth of circumstantial detail of its own. The core of the story is the killing of a homo sacer Sp. Maelius by C. Servilius Ahala. It was the reason for the name Ahala (13, 14 n.) and the memory of it was kept alive by the Servilii. Equally, as an aetiological myth for the waste land Aequimaelium, it stayed in the memory of the Roman people. Nor need we doubt the association of Sp. Maelius' offence with a corn shortage. Such shortages are part of fifth-century history (2.9.6 n.) and were easy to remember. Whether C. Minucius was always an integral part of the tale is less certain. The name Minucius was associated with a porticus in the south-east corner of the city, which served as a grain market. Outside the porta Trigemina there was a column in honour ofL. Minucius. Hit were not established that the porticus Minucia cannot be older than the third century, the association of Minucii and Rome's corn supply might be thought to extend right back to the days of Sp. Maelius. As it is, there are some grounds for believing that he is the earliest addition to the story, supplying the information that led Ahala to execute summary justice. It is significant that in the earliest versions none of the principals has any official standing (Cincius fro 6; Pisofr. 24). Minucius merely lays evidence (p:1JVVT7JS) that Sp. Maelius seeks to become king. The date of the story remained essentially fluid but it had to be tied down when consecutive history was written, and respectable positions had to be discovered (or invented) for the chief characters. The date was determined by the life-history of Servilius Ahala, as given in the Fasti; precision was supplied by annalistic reference to annona. L. Minucius had provided one site for Cincinnatus' dictatorship. He could provide another (Cicero, Gato 56 even places the ploughing scene here) and at the same time give Ahala an official capacity as mag. equitum. Cincinnatus cannot have been dictator in this year: the duration and terms of his appointment conflict with everything that is known about the early dictatorship. Only Maelius aild Minucius were unplaced. For Maelius the obvious position was tribune and traces of a tradition that made him tribune survive both ill 15. 6 (tribunatus plebis magis optandus quam sperandus) and in 21. 3 where his double, Sp. Maelius, holds that office for the year 436. Since the latter passage is not Licinian a rival chronology and inter-
pretation may lie behind this curious duplication. Unlike the Maelii the Minucii were not always plebeian (3. 33. 3 n.). H in later time~ they were plebeian, a transitio ad plebem must have taken place. As the family history of the Octavii illustrates (Suetonius, Aug. 2; cf. Cicero, Brutus 62) it was not difficult to invent such an explanation. Minucius is co-opted as a tr. pl. The sheer incredibility of that invention led to alternative solutions. The compilers of the libri lintei list him as a plain praifectus. Whether they meant praifectus urbi or not, Licinius Macer firmly interprets his office in terms of the contemporary cura annonae, and with this pleasing fiction he can afford to leave Sp. Maelius as a privatus. While the fabrication of details of status and chronology went on, on the other side the narrative was embellished. The resemblance to the fate ofSp. Cassius could be exploited to advantage (13.4 de regno agitare = 2. 41. 5; 12.7 neglegentiam consulum = 2. 41. 2). But above all, recent events at Rome, the programmes and the fortunes of the Gracchi, offered a model which the annalists were quick to perceive and utilize (cf., e.g., Arnpelius 27. 2). Gracchan touches may be detected especially in Cincinnatus' speech (15, I n.). One remark has no equivalent in the attentuated account of D.H. or in any of the sources (Cicero, pro Mil. 72; Lael. 36; in Gatil. I. 3; de Rep. 2. 49.; .Phil. 2. 114; Val. Max. 5. 3. 2; Quintilian 5· 9. 13, 13. 24; de Vms fllustr. I7. 5; Plutarch, Brutus 1. 2) : macte virtute . .. esto liberata re publica (14, 7). The highest realization of the individual is the preservation of the state. That was L.'s message. He tells the story dramatically to illustrate that message, contrasting the evil emotions in Maelius' breast (13, 3-4) with the nobility of the dictator and his Master of Horse. It leads up to the speech of Cincinnatus who with a fine mixture of rhetoric and blunt speaking provides the deed with its historical significance and moral justification. See Mommsen, Rom. Forschungen, 2. 199-222; Soltau, Phil. Woch., 19°8, 586 f.; Pais, Ancient Legends, 194-223; Milnzer, R.E., 'Sp. Maeli.us:; ibid. 'L. Minucius Esquilinus Augurinus'; Burck 93-95; Momlgbano (16. 2 n.); Meiggs, Roman Ostia, 481. 12.1. G. Furio: 22. 7, 31. 1. In fact he should be called Q.. (K6tvTO, in Diod. 12. 35. I) since he was the same as the pontifex maximus of 3.54. 5 (where see note). The cognomen Pacilusis read by the Capitoline Fasti for the consul of 251 (ef. G.fL 9. 3823 Paciledius) and should probably be read here too (22. 7, 52. I) as a by-form of Pacullus (39. 13· 9; I.G.S. 1. 894) formed from an Oscan god-name; ef. Pacuvius (Schulze 477). M. Papirio Grasso: MavtDs in Diod. 12.35. I (ef. D.H. 5. 14.) but certainty is unobtainable. The leading member of the Crassus branch of the Papirii was L.P.C., dictator in 340.
4.
55°
55 1
12-16
441 B.C.
440 B.C.
,12. 2. ludi: the vowing of these games was not mentioned in the Valerian narrative of the Decemvirate. The turbulent conclusion of that institution was centred on the prata Flaminia (3· 54. 15 n.) where the ludi plebeii were later celebrated. But the ludi plebeii were not established before 2 I 4. The most economic solution is to suppose that the entry ludi facti occurred in the Annales but the further detail of their vowing was added to provide a venerable pedigree for the ludi plebeii. If they had been vowed in 450, why did nearly ten years elapse before their celebration? See Mommsen, Staatsrecht, 2. 519-20; Habel, R.E., Suppl. 5, 'ludi publici'; Piganiol, Recherches, 78, who accepts the antiquity of ludi plebeii. 12. 3. Poetilio: 3. 35. I I n. The tradition of a single tr. pl. being recorded each year appears to subsist, although his activities are fictional. 12. 6. Proculo Geganio Macerino: evidently a brother of M.G.M. (3. 65· 5) as his praenomen might suggest; cf. Paulus Festus 251 L. Proculus must be nearly ten years younger than his brother. L. Menenio Lanato: T. according to Diodorus 12. 36. I and the Fasti (cf. Chr. 354 Lanato II), i.e. the consul of 452 (3· 32. 5). But Cassiodorus confirms L. It must be another of the vagaries attributable to the libri lintei, which regarded him as the son of the consul of 452an impossibly short gap. For Lanatus cf. 13. 6 n. fame mala: recorded in the Annales. The alternative explanations reflect the pro- and anti-plebeian standpoints of L.'s two chief authorities. 12. 8. praifectus annonae: L. explicitly states that the libri lintei only gave the bare title praifectus, i.e. praifectus urbi. In Republican times the com supply was regularly under the supervision of the aediles or the Ostian quaestor but in emergencies special appointments were made. M. Aemilius Scaurus, who was appointed in 104 to replace Saturninus, then quaestor, is the first case known (Cicero, de Har. Resp. 43) before Pompey's famous cura annonae. See Mommsen, Staatsrecht, 2. 670-2. 12. 9. ex Etruria: 2. 34. 2 n. 12. 10. et vendere: Mommsen emended Ver.'s ut venderet to ut venderent but the order of words shows that prqflferi and vendere make a closely parallel pair. 12. 11. capitibus obvolutis: an unexpected glimpse, probably a literary adaptation of an old ceremony, employed in time of famine, of throwing pensioners into the Tiber as a sacrifice (Festus 450 L. sexagenarios de ponte; cf. the procession of the Argei). The employment of such a ceremony would certainly have figured in the Annales. See Klotz, R.E., 'Sexagenarii';]. Gage, Huit Recherches, 41. The habit of completely enveloping the head before death, particularly before suicide,
is often mentioned in antiquity (I. 26. 6 n. ; Euripides, 1. T. 1207 with Platnauer's note.; Festus 174 L.; Plutarch, Demosth. 29; Horace, Sat. 2. 3. 37; Seneca, N.Q. 4 prae£ I7 ; see R. Waltz, R.E.L. I7 (1939),
13. 1. praedives: according to D.H. 12. I he earned the cognomen Evou£j.Lwv bTL TijS 7TO/../..ijS EV7TOp{US, that is, Felix (or perhaps Faustus), but no allusion to Sulla should be seen here since the Greek version of his name was 'E7TUepPOOLTOS (Balsdon, l.R.S. 41 (1951), 5). praedives is not found before L. 13. 3. elatusque: injlatusque Ver. The two words are constantly confused (cf. 37. 12.4; Suetonius, Nero 37. 3) and Ver. has a weakness for injlare (54. 8 n.) which was a favourite if devalued word in late antiquity. In keeping with its tendency to replace the more vulgar variant (3. 6. 6 n., 44.5 n., 61. 13 n.) Ver. has wrongly substituted it here for elatus which is the mot juste in the phrase (cf. Seneca, de Benif. 6. 3· 2; Tacitus, Annals 2·34; Quintilian 12. 10.39). t plebeiofavore ac sipe despondente t : V er. ; (ei D LA )favore ac spe despondentem N (DLA's ei is of no account since it did not stand in the archetype). The intrusion ofplebeio is inexplicable and the word must form part of any restoration of the passage. plebeius favor is not cited in the Thes. Ling. Lat. but the equivalentpopularisfavor is used at 22.26.4; despondere in the sense 'to guarantee in advance' only at 26. 37· 5 velut despondente fortuna . .. imperium (abl. abs.). If the abl. is preferred here also, it is necessary to put a strong stop after trahere and a comma after despondente; ipse will then resume the main subject after an abl. abs. as in 2. I I. I praesidio ... locato ipse . .. posuit (I. 10. 5). But can plebeio favore ac spe be the subject of despondente? The pair of nouns governing a singular verb raises no difficulty but the meaning is not self-evident. plebeius favor will be the popular manifestations of support which welcomed Maelius. This could be said to guarantee a sure consulate. spe might be his own hopes which gave him unquestioning confidence in his chances of nomination, or the hopes which the plebs entertained in expectation of the benefits of Maelius' administration and whose public expression encouraged him. Presumably the latter. I would, therefore, accept Ver.'s text. The corruption sipe might be due to haplography of spe sibe (i.e. sibi in L.'s spelling; see Introduction, p. 5): if so, sibi should be restored. Mommsen's text is not eased by the switch from ei to ipse. 13. 4. ut est humanus: a familiar commonplace going back to Herodotus 7. 49· 4 (cf. Apostolius, Cent. 8. 6 I). exsudandum: in a metaphorical sense with an object 'to sweat over', exsudare is colloquial, used, outside L. here and in Claudius' speech (5. 5· 6), only by Horace in the Satires (I. 10. 28).
55 2
553
4.
12.2
4.
12. II
29 2-3 08 ).
440 B.C.
439 B.C.
13. 5. necdum compositis eum: unless a special emphasis is intended, L. prefers to tuck the demonstrative pronoun is away from the prominent positions in the sentence. Here N's quae res eum ... throws a quite irrelevant weight on eum. For the position of eum inside an abl. abs. cf. r. 34. 2, 25. 3. 18 (lung). The disarrangement of word-order may cover a deeper error. In Ver. all that is preserved is sula dum compositis eum If the first line is supplemented con-!sula[ria instabant; quae res necl a total of 26 letters against the normal 18 results, suggesting that either instabant or quae res (ef. the frequent omission of Q,uirites) was missing. 13.6. Agr. Menenius: his name is given both by Diodorus (12. 3Z' I) and by the augural inscription (I.L.S. 9338. 2). The old vanant Manilius (Ver. M; see C.Q,. 7 (1957), 76) will ~e a c?rr~ction oft~e haplography Menius. The cognomen Lanatus, lIke Cmcmnatus, will describe the characteristic hair of the family, 'downy'. 13. 8. rem compertam: a few easy strokes, the crisp announcements of gun-running and secret confabulations which were the two regu~ar symptoms of conspiracies under the late Republic, enable L. to .pamt a scene of tension and panic, where D.H. (12. r. 4-12) reqUIres a previous meeting of the Senate, several illegal ~ssemblies, and. the gradual enlightenment of the consuls. For tela zn domum. corifern cf. I. 5 I. 2 n. ; for contiones domi habere ef. Catiline's address to his followers (Sallust 20) ; for partita ... ministeria cf. Sallust, Catil. 43. 2. Quincti~s' protestation about the responsibilities and limitat~onsof~he cons~lship seems designed as a copy and a defence of Cicero s predicament m 63· 13. 9. [et] tribunos: the breathless haste of Minucius' news is much strengthened if, with Ver., we omit et. For tribunos . .. emptos ef. Cicero, in Pis. 35; pro Sestio 87· 13. 10. cum undique: et undique N, Ver. If increparent is right, it must be governed by a conjunction other than postquarr: which is. followed by the indo et undique looks like the emended remams of cundzque, a haplography of cum undique. 13. 11. provocatione: 2. 18.8 n. . exsoluto: 22. 22. 6. A highly rhetorical metaphor, elsewhere only m Seneca, Suas. 6. 6; [Q,uintilian], declo min. 377; cf. Lucretius r. 93 2.. 13. 12. ibi: traces of the word survive in Ver. also. For the meanmg 'in him' cf. 3. 15.9, 27.48.6; Tacitus, Annals 13· 46 . Q,uinctius primo: Ver.'s order, putting Cincinnatus at the head of the sentence, is more effective than the normal primo Q,.... dein ofN. 13. 14. damno dedecorive: as the alliteration might suggest, the collocation is old. Cf. Plautus, Bacch. 67 pro disco damnum capiam, pro cursura d(decus; Horace, Sat. I. 2. 52-53. dictator: the casual method of appointment, coupled with its im-
probable timing (e.g. fortuitous consular elections), renders the whole episode suspect. C. Servilium Ahalam: the cognomen is interesting. The old form of the word was Axilla (Cicero, Orator 153) 'an armpit' (= ala) and as a cognomen it belongs to that class of names like Sura and Vatia which denote parts of the body. One would assume that it was originally given as a nickname to one member of the family, just as Cincinnatus is obviously a nickname given to a man of crinkly hair. In fact, however, Sura and Vatia have Etruscan progenitors and there is a praenomen Ahal in Umbrian (Schulze 420). Whatever the origin of the name, its meaning was exploited to provide an aetiological myth. Servilius carries the dagger under his armpit (see Dodds on Plato, Gorgias 469 d I) or, according to another version, cut offMaelius' arm at the shoulder, thereby acquiring the cognomen. L. has the good taste to omit it.
554
555
4· 13· 5
4.13. 14·
14. 2. rectorem: Cicero's word for the benevolent statesman whose auctoritas should guide the destinies of Rome (ef. especially de Rep. 2.5 1,5. 5)· 14.3. vocat te . .. dictator: to answer the charge laid by Minucius L. employs the language of normal legal procedure (15. 2) but the dictator's powers were summary and untrammelled. Cf. 3. 29. 6. crimen . .. diluendum: the legal t.t. for refuting a charge (ad Herenn. 4· 47)· 14. 6. obtruncati: to be retained; ef. 2. 25. 6 and see Drakenborch on r. 3. 9; Shackleton Bailey, Propertiana, 182. Ver. is guilty of similar omissions (ef. 5. 24. 5) where words stood above each other in the original. stipatus: r. 47. 7 n. L. has kept back any mention of Ahala's escort to heighten the contrast between the solitary hero and the massed bodyguard of the villainous Maelius. In D.H., who is strongly influenced in his description by the events of the Ides of March, the escort was there from the very beginning and takes an active part in the assassination. 14.7. maete virtute: 2. 12. 14 n.
The Speech if Cincinnatus 15. 1. iure caesum: it was before a rowdy contio in 131 that Scipio Aemilianus in reply to a question from a tribune, C. Papirius Carbo, about his views on the death of Ti. Gracchus said si is occupandae rei publicae animum habuisset iure caesum (videri) (Vell. Pat. 2.4.4; see for the content and context of the saying A. E. Astin, C.Q,. 10 (1960), 135-7). Sp. Maelius had won support by his policy of cheap corn. The detractors of the Gracchi were quick to allege the same (Plutarch,
439 B.C.
439 B.C.
C. Gracchus 5; Cicero, pro Sestio 103). There can therefore be little doubt that Cincinnatus' speech has overtones of Scipio's. The clause etiamsi . . .fuerit gives strong support to Astin's view that the si ... habuisset clause preserved by Velleius is part of the original saying. 15.2. similem causaefortunam: 'he would have fared as his case merited'. 15. 3. sororis filios: I. 56. 7. liberos consulis: 2. 3-6. 15. 4. Collatinum: 2. 2. 10. Sp. Cassio: 2. 41. 15. 6. bilibris farris: fl. had the double bilibre libris, 7T'\ bilibre. The abl. is required after emo and the noun bilibra, found also in late Latin (Chiron 447), is properly formed. The sentiment recurs in Licinius Macer's speech, given by Sallust (19) : quinis modiis libertatem omnium aestumavere. In what follows there may be an adaptation of another saying of Scipio Aemilianus made on the same occasion in 131: hostium armatorum totiens clamore non territus, qui possum vestro moveri quorum noverca est Italia (Vell. Pat. 2·4· 4)· 15. 7. concoquere: metaphorically only here. Cf. 3. 36. 2 n. coquebant; cf. Plautus, Miles 208. Possibly from contemporary political slang (E. Dutoit, Hommages d L. Herrmann, 334)· 15.8. bona: cf. Sp. Cassius (2.41. 10).
not an authentic historical testimony. What of the bos auratus? We know of no gilt statues before 181 (40. 34. 5) but there is no need to assume that it was a statue. In 343 the consul, A. Cornelius, praeter militaria alia dona aurea corona (Decium) et centum bubus eximioque uno albo opimo auratis cornibus donat. Animals with gilded horns (boves aurati) are commonly mentioned as sacrificial victims (25.12.13; Act. Frat. Arv. (A.D. 86) 1,12,16, 17, 47 et passim) and Minuciuswaspresumably expected to sacrifice his gift. A mention of the bos auratus, not necessarily in connexion with Minucius (it might even have been a further precaution against the famine; 12. I I n.), would have stood in the Annales. 16. 3. undecimum . .. tribunum: so also Pliny, loco cit. It will have been the view of Valerius Antias. 16. 4. falsum imaginis titulum: 3. 72. 4 n. Was there an imago said to be of L. Minucius with an honorific inscription in the vaults of the Minucii? The subject of rifellit is cautum 'the proviso disproves the inscription' . 16. 5. Q.. Caecilius Q.. Junius Sex. Titinius: nothing else is known of them (3. 54· 13 n.) and one can neither affirm nor deny their existence. A M. Titinius was mag. equitum to C. Junius in 302 and the families were among the most prominent plebeian names. The mention of sex locis (16. 6 n.) suggests that they may have figured in the libri lintei as tribuni militum and been wrongly identified as plebeian tribunes. The parts assigned to them are pure invention. Servilium: 2 I. 4 n. 16. 6. sex locis: 7. I n. There were always six tribuni militum but they were not all necessarily invested with supreme authority. 16. 8. Mam. Aemilius: M.f., according to the filiation of his son M'. Aemilius (4. 53. I) but the father is not otherwise heard of; vir summae dignitatis indicates that he was the nephew of L. Aemilius, consul in 484 (2. 42. 2). Mamercus is an old praenomen in the Aemilii (Festus 116 L.; Varro, de Ling. Lat. 5. 73), from the Oscan; cognate with Mavors. It is also in common use as a cognomen in the Aemilian gens. See Klebs, R.E., 'Aemilius (97)'. L. Julium: TaLOr; in Diodorus 12.38. I. L. is right, he was later consul in 430 (4. 30. I). His filiation would be Vop.f. C.n. (2.54. 3).
4.15.
I
16. 1. Aequimaelium: or Aequimelium, an open space in the Vicus Jugarius at the south-east corner of the Capitoline, near the porticus Minucia. Cicero (de Domo 101; where see Nisbet's note) connected the name with aequum 'just' and not, as Varro (de Ling. Lat. 5. 157), with aequare 'to level'. 16. 2. bove aurato: this is what L. wrote (cf. Perioch. 4 L. Minucius index bove aurata donatus est) but what he understood by it is more than questionable. All other authorities referred to a statue-column: D.H. 12. 4. 6 UTaULV dvSpLaVTor; J!f;TJ¢>£UUTO ~ f3ov'\~ ; Pliny, NoH. 18. 15 (from Piso) 'L. Minucius Augurinus qui Sp. Maelium coarguerat, farris pretium in trinis nundinis ad assem redegit undecimus plebei tribunus qua de causa statua ei extra Portam Trigeminam a populo stipe conlata statuta est' (cf. 34. 2 I). Such a column with a statue is depicted on the coins oftwo moneyers C. Minucius Augurinus (150-125) and Ti. Minucius Augurinus (124-1°3) (see Sydenham nos. 49 2, 463; L. Cesano, Stud. Num. I (1942), 147). Momigliano has demonstrated that such a column and statue cannot be earlier than the third century (S.D.H.I.2 (1936), 374; G. Beccati (La Colonna Coclida 34-36) is too credulous) and was set up to commemorate the legendary great among the Minucii near the Porta Trigemina (or Minucia) since that was the site of their ancestral rites. 1 It follows that the statue-column is I H. Lyngby (Eranos 59 (1961),148 ff.) has argued from the emblems associated with the statue on coins that it represented Triptolemos, the family deity of the Minucii. His argument is elaborated in Eranos 61 (1963), 55-62.
4. 16.2
17-20. 4. A. Cornelius Cossus and the 'Spolia Opima' The story of A. Cornelius Cossus forms a separate episode which L. skilfully constructs to throw into relief the unprincipled wickedness of the Etruscans and the iustitia of the Romans. The story opens with the crimes of the enemy and the Roman preparations for war. The Etruscan state of mind, the distrust and foolhardiness which come from an evil conscience, is then sketched (18. 1-3), while the Romans rest 557
438 B.C.
438 B.C.
in the confidence of religious assurance (18. 6). In this spirit the forces meet and it is not till then that L. introduces with his favourite formula (erat tum . ..) the hero, A. Cornelius Cossus (19. I). His exploits, inspired by loathing for a ruptorfoederis humani violatorque gentium iuris (19, 3), are narrated to their conclusion, while simultaneous events on other parts of the field ofbattle are postponed to an appendix (19· 7-8 ). Of the truth of it there can be no doubt. The spolia opima and, doubtless, the corona aurea had existed for generations to see. The statues of the murdered ambassadors still stood and the Annales recorded a triumph over the Fidenates (20. I n.). The Tolumnii are a real family at Veii (17. I n.); the Cornelii would not lightly have allowed the memory of such a deed to lapse. Whether Cossus killed Tolumnius in 437 or in 426 or even as consul in 428 is more disputable (see on 20.5-1 I). L. took his material from the same source that provided the second war with Fidenae in 32 ff. and, since 32. 3 where Mam. Aemilius is said to have led the fighting at Nomentum is inconsistent with 22. 2 where that honour is given to Q. Servilius, that source is likely to be Valerius Antias (see also 20. 8 n.). A change of source at this point is indicated by the formal introduction in horum magistratu and by the citation of a variant (i.e. Valerius Antias) at 16.3. See Delaruelle, Rev. Phil. 37 (1913), 145-61; Burck 9&-97; J.R.S. 48 (1958),41. For references to discussions of the date and authenticity of the episode see 20. 5 n. 17. 1. Fidenae, colonia Romana: 2. 19. 2 n. Lartem Tolumnium: a sixth-century dedication at Veii is inscribed VelOur Tulumne Tresnu Zinace Mene Mul[... (Nogara, Not. Scavi, 1930, 327 f.) and an Etruscan Tolumnius is met in Virgil, Aeneid I I. 429 (L. A. Holland, A.J.P. 56 (1935), 21 I). (The claim made by Santangelo (Latomus 8 (1949),.37) and Ernout (Rev. Phil. 75 (1949), 157) that the third-century dedication also from Veii, L. Tolonio Ded Menerva, was set up by the same family, is shown by Weinstock to be untenable in default of other parallels for the change of Etr. -umn- to Lat. -on- (Glotta 33 (1954),30&-8).) See also 5. I. 3 n. [ac Veientes]: Ver. omits the words, rightly. Although not too much weight should be put on the fact that Priscian does not quote them (p. 149 K. Livius in IIlI a.u.c. Larte Tolumnio rege Veientium) , it is reasonable to ask whom else the Fidenates could have joined if they threw in their lot with Tolumnius. It is a typical gloss. 17. 2. legatos: 17. 6. A famous statue-group was said to have been set up to commemorate them, which still survived in Cicero's day (Phil. 9. 4-5 statuae steterunt usque ad meam memoriam in rostris ... atqui et huic (Cn. Octavio) et Tullo Cluvio et L. Roscio et Sp. Antio et C. Fulcinio
4. 17-20. 4
4.17.2
qui a Veientium rege caesi sunt ... mors honorifuit; cf. Pliny, N.H. 34· 23). It may be inferred that the statues were removed in the rebuilding of the rostra undertaken by Sulla. The earliest statues of particular men as opposed to gods seem to have been commemorative, one of the first being the group of Messenian boys by Calion of Elis (c. 450). A commemorative group ofthe murdered ambassadors thus accords both with the date and with the purpose of such sculpture (E. H. Richardson, Mem. Am. Acad. Rome 2 I (1953), 108) and the names of the ambassadors are credible. Four oratores were sent res repetitum before the fetiales. This fits our four legati. Fulcinius is a widely and early attested Etruscan name (Schulze 169). It is of no consequence that the Fulcinii seem to be plebeian. Cloelius TuUus, or better, as Cicero and Pliny write, Tullus Cloelius (Cluilius), could belong to the family of Cluilii prominent in this period (7. I; he might even be the same as T. Cloelius (Siculus); for the praenomen Tullus cf. 2. 35. 7). The third person is in doubt; Pliny calls him Sp. Nautius but the texts of Cicero print Sp. Antio. Nautius is certainly right. The Nautii are active and distinguished in the fifth century, whereas the Antii do not emerge until the first (cf. C. Antius, tr.pl. 68 B.C.). Ver. had Spuantium against No's Sp. Antium. Mommsen assumed a progressive error resulting from a simple metathesis (cf. 4- 54- 3 C. Appius for P. Papius). The real puzzle is L. Roscius. The Roscii are unknown before the first century but they stemmed from Lanuvium and Ameria, both very ancient cities, so that, although surprising, the solitary manifestation of a Roscius in the fifth century is not impossible. 17. 3. levant quidam: cf. 2. 4 I. I I invenio apud quosdam idque propius est fidem (HeUmann, Livius-Interpretationen, 18). propius est fidem (17, 5) shows that a variant explanation has been cited and therefore that the subject of levant cannot be the Fidenates trying to explain away their guilt (so Mommsen who followed Ver. in omitting quidam) but must be the rival historians. quidam and similar words are frequently dropped (cf. 4- 24. 6). tesserarum: cf. Val. Max. 9. 9. 3 'cum in tesserarum prospero iactu per iocum conlusori dixisset "occide" et forte Romanorum legati intervenissent, satellites eius errore vocis impulsi interficiendo legatos lusum ad imperium transtulerunto' What game was Tolumnius playing? Not ordinary dice (Becq de Fouquieres), because there is no trace of any such cry as occide ('OVS TatS d'\ovaaLS vavatV dp,8fJ.OV raa ):J.TT6,\,\WVOS dyaAfJ.aTa. The date must be before Cumae, for the Etruscans never ventured so far afield again. Fragments of the dedication set up on that occasion survive (Bourguet, B.C.H. 35 (191 I), 149 ff.) and the lettering is dated to c. 500. The respect for Delphi and the ruthless interception of vessels on the high sea are typical. In 396 the Carthaginian Himilco had levied a payment of 30 talents on the island, without succeeding in cowing the inhabitants (Diodorus 14. 56. 2); the Liparians would be anxious both for revenge and for financial reparation. At first sight therefore a Roman ship was an ideal target. Rome was still, in the foreigners' eyes, a predominantly Etruscan city and her treaty relation with Carthage would be recalled. It does credit to Timasitheus that he discerned the difference. See further, Ziegler, R.E., 'Lipara'; L. Zagami, Le Isole Eolie, 55-58. 28. 1. albi: 23. 5 n. 28. 2. crateram: 25. 10, the formal term which is used in good Latin only of dedicatory bowls (Cicero, Verr. 4. 131: otherwise vulgar) in 81U32
68 9
yy
394 B.C.
394 B.C.
preference to the poetical crater or the Etruscan cretera. See Clausen, C.Q,. 13 (19 6 3),85. L. Valerius: 4. 49. 7 n. The elder is more likely, rather than the young Publicola (26. 2 n.). Diodorus dates the embassy to 39 6 . L. Sergius: 16. I n. A. Manlius: 4. 61. I n. 28. 3. Romanis vir similior: a typically Livian sentiment; ef. 4· g. 8, 30 . 7. 6 and contrast Plutarch, Camillus 8. The Roman people is in large measure the hero of the history. 28. 4. donumque et decus: for Lipara's connexion with Delphi see above. regenti: 3. 71. 5 n. . . hospitium: publicum hospitium was a formal relatlOnshlp of great antiquity between a state and an individual citizen of an.other state (Aul. Gell. 5. 13). It created an obligation on t~e contr~~t.mg~tate ~o provide for the needs of the hospes when travellIng or VISItIng In their territory and, if necessary, to provide a patronus for him in a court of law. The obligations were reciprocal to the extent that the ?ospes was expected to provide the same facilities for official delegatlOn~ from the contracting state when they visited his own. The relationship was symbolized by a tessera hospitalis. It is uncertain when hospitium was originated but the historicity of Timasitheus and the three Roman ambassadors is confirmed by the fact that when Lipara was annexed by the Romans in 252 the rights of the descendan~s. of :Timasitheus were scrupulously regarded (Diodorus 14- 93). hosp!ttum IS, therefore, likely to date from the first contacts of Rome with more distant neighbours and the entry hospitium . .. data to come from the Annales. For further details see Mommsen Rom. Forschungen, I. 326 ff.; Leonhard, R.E., 'hospitium'; Badian, Foreign Clientelae, I I ff. 28. 5. senatus consulto: ef. Dessau, I.L.S. 6095 = Ehrenberg and Jones, Documents no. 355 ( ef. 354, 356), for the ~orm of such ~oc.ume~ts. eodem anna : the details are annalistic. There IS no contradiction With the reference to a peace in 23. I2,for the duration ofit was not specified. 28. 6. Verruginem: 4. 55. 8 n. . 28. 8. increparet: Postumius' tirades against his troops and their answering protestations belong to a common rhetorical category. Cf. 2. 59. 9 n.; 3. 68. 13. L. cultivates a military style of writing for the narration of these incidents: e.g. for 28. 10 corpora curare ef. 3. 2. 10 n. ; for 28. 8 ignavissimo acfugacissimo ef. the Piau tine parody in Persa 4 21 edax, furax, fugax: fugax is not found in good prose before L. (3 0 . 28. 3) ; for 28. 10 pernox ef. 2 I. 49. 9, 32. I I. 9, not in prose before L.; ef. Virgil, Georg. 3. 230 with L'; Ovid, Met. 7.268 et al. See also 28. 13 n. The description of the night battle owes much to the account of Epipolae in Thucydides 7. 43-44; in particular the effects of moonlight visibility (7. 44. 1-2 = 28. 12) and the ambiguity of shouts in the darkness (7.44. 3 = 28. 10).
28. 10. et haud: connective et introducing a new sentence is wrongly disallowed by Madvig. Pettersson rightly compares 4. 48. 2 (n.). 28. 13. litterae ... laureatae: 45. I. 6-7; ef. Cicero, in Pisonem 39; ad Att. 5. 21. 2: see Halkin, La Supplication, 80-83. The terse announcement is in the spirit of the real thing. 29. 1. continuare: 25. 13, 26. 3. They included T. Sicinius as well as Q. Pomponius and A. Verginius (29. 6 n.). 29. 2. annum post quintum decimum: the last pair of consuls held office in 409 (4. 54. I) and L. brings out the significance of the return to the consulate by giving a date (3. 30. 7 n.) which squares with the eponyms given in the text. If it is possible at so long range to determine the true causes of events, the reason for the change should be found in connexion with the appointment of censors (5. 31. 6 n.) and in the tradition preserved in the Capitoline Fasti that the true consuls of 393 were L. Valerius Potitus and P. or Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis who [vitio facti abdicaruJnt and were replaced by Lucretius and Sulpicius as suffect consuls. The consular tribunate was created to deal with an aggravated military situation and it was attended by a parallel creation, the censorship. The aim, as has been shown (4· 7. I n.), was to make the fullest and best use of Rome's manpower resources. With the fall ofVeii and the reduction of the ager Faliscus and the ager Capenas, the emergency was over. The threat from the Gauls was still no bigger than a man's hand. Only the southern danger subsisted. It was therefore a natural moment for normal conditions to be restored and for Rome to take stock of her position after the ravages ofpestilence and prolonged warfare. Hence the censorship and hence the election of consuls, but in the disqualification of the first pair of consuls we may see a desire to make a break with the tainted years that had preceded. Valerius and Cornelius were vitio facti because the system which had elected them was itselfofan irregular kind. The return to normal government had a special relevance both for the 80'S and for the 20'S. L. Lucretius Flavus: to be identified with L. Lucretius Tricipitinus (32. I). He was probably the son of P. Lucretius, consular tribune in 419 B.C. (4.44. 13 n.), but the filiation is nowhere preserved. Ser. Sulpicius Camerinus: Q.f. SeEr. n.J, according to the Capitoline Fasti; cf. 32. I. A son of the consular tribune of 402 (8. I n.). See Munzer, R.E., 'Sulpicius (3 I)' and' (94)' ; Fruin, Neue Jahrb.j. Philo!' 149 ( 1894), 115 ff. 29.3. legem: the proposal to remove to Veii mooted in 24· 7. Vitelliam: 2. 39· 4 n. 29. 6. A. Verginio et Q,. Pomponio: Pomponius might be a brother of M. Pomponius (13. 3 n.). Nothing else is known either of him or of
6go
69 1
5.28. 2
5.28.
IO
393 B.C.
393 B.C.
Verginius, who appears to have abandoned the radical tradition of his family as witnessed in the tribune of 461 (3. I I. 9 n.). Mere obscurity would not in itself cast doubt on the story but two other oddities are suspicious. (I) This is the only recorded occasion on which plebeian tribunes were arraigned to answer for their conduct during their office. (2) The case bears a striking resemblance to two previous cases, in 423 and 401, when two pairs of consular tribunes were prosecuted before the comitia tributa and fined 10,000 asses each (4. 40. 4 n., 5. I I. 4 n.). The fines are certainly a later addition and the judicial functions of the comitia tributa (2. 35. 5 n.) irreconcilable with the status of the consular, although not of plebeian, tribunes. Cumulatively the peculiarities of the story indicate a deq:er confusion. It may tentatively be supposed that Verginius and Pomponius were consular not plebeian tribunes from one of the years for which it is known that eponymous lists did not survive (cr. L. Verginius in 402 ; M. Pomponius in 399). A solution along these lines would bring them into harmony with the two earlier cases which were also based on fact. When the Annales were published and the bare detail of the prosecution of Vel'ginius and Pomponius brought to light, it had to be incorporated into the overall pattern of history. Since no magistrates of that name were recorded for 395-3 it was alleged that they were plebeian tribunes and the case was used to provide legalistic ammunition, in particular perhaps to provide a precedent for the condemnation of the tribunes in 84 B.C. In that connexion it may be recalled that one of the most distinguished lawyers of the late second century was an A. Verginius (Cicero, Laelius 101; Pomponius, Dig. I. 2. 2.40) and another Verginius was tr. pl. in 87. The tendentious nature of the story is seen in the political cliches which it contains (29. 8 n., 29. 9 n.). The two speeches of Camillus (29, 8-10, 30. 1-3) as well as the protestations of the Senate (30. 4-6) are couched in unmistakably contemporary terms. See Mommsen, Staatsrecht, I. 289 n. 2; Botsford, Roman Assemblies, 288-9; H. Gundel, R.E., 'Verginius (4)'; 'Pomponius (13)'. 29. 8. evertisse: cr. Sallust, Oratio Lepidi 23. 29. 9. telum: 3. 55· 3 n.
is further illustrated by the two tropes, the contrast between personal advantage and public disadvantage and the opposition of the conqueror and the conquered. The former is a favourite antithesis of Greek orators; cr., e.g., Nicias in Thucydides 6.9. I. The latter, which is reinforced by repetition (24, 10), touches an ancient superstition enunciated also by Lucan I. 128 (victrix causa deis placuit sed victa Catoni) that the gods are on the side of the victors; see further S. Ferri, Hommages Herrmann, 350. 30. 2. urbem latam: referring to the models or pictures of defeated cities carried in the triumphal procession. 30. 4. punctuate his adhortationibus principes concitati; patres, senes iuvenesque, ... venerunt. The leading members of the Senate are roused to action and organize a demonstration of the whole body of patres, young and old. For the text see G.Q.. 9 (1959),273. Notice the alliterativefortissimefelicissimeque (43.7,28.9. 7,31. 20. 2; Seneca, Suas. 2.4; Paneg. 12.47. 2); dimicassent desererent; exsulem, extorrem (a legal tag; cr. 2. 6. 2; Aul. Gell. 2. 12. I is domo patriafortunis . .. careto, exsul extorrisque esto. For melius fuerit see 3. 41. 3 n. Their language matches their fears. 30. 7. una plures tribus antiquarunt: for the number of tribes see 2. 2 I. 7 n. It is difficult to see how the memory of a defeated bill would have been preserved. The story is part of the legendary tradition about Camillus (5 I-54 n.) whereas the distribution of ager Veientanus in lots of 7 iugera may be an annalistic detail. Veii continued to exist after its sack. The allotments are bigger than previously given (e.g. 2 iugera at Labici; 4. 47.7 n.) but the added detail that land was allotted to other male plebeians than patresfamiliae, if genuine-and there are no grounds for doubting that patria potestas extended also to plebeians -points to a state of affairs in Rome where severe shortage of manpower required the creation of exceptional family-units to take over the allotments. Diodorus' variant totals (14, 102 KaT' aVDpa DOVTES 7T/..E8pa TEaaapa, WS DE TLVES E'KoaL OKTW) reflect a confused computation ofthe 7 iugera in L. : 7 X 4 = 28. 7T/..E(Jpa is the conventional equivalent of iugera. Some confirmation of L.'s figures is derived from the fact that the Roman had to create a new rural tribe, Tromentina, to contain the new inhabitants (6. 5. 8). See L. R. Taylor, Voting Districts, 48 n. 3.
5. 2 9. 6
30.1. arisfocisque: 28.42. I I, often appealed to by Cicero in patriotic outbursts of emotion (Phil. 2. 72; in Catil. 4. 24; cr. Sallust, Catil. 52. 3, 59· 5; see Otto, Sprichworter s.v.). Strictly both arae and foci refer to domestic worship (Nisbet on de Domo 1)-'the altars on the hearth of the house'. There is no evidence of separate altars in private houses distinct from the hearths. Equally commonplace are, e.g., inter dimicationem patriae (cr. Phil. 14. 37), monumento gloriae (cr. Verr. 4. 88; in Catil. 3. 26), insistere vestigiis (cr. pro Sestio 7). The rhetorical character 69 2
5.30.
I
31-32. Annalistic Notices, 392-1 B.G. fhe years 392-1 contained at least one event, the prosecution of Camillus, which was capable of extended and dramatic treatment. L. gives it only cursory treatment and is content to present the other matters baldly and without elaboration. His motive in so doing was 693
5· 3 1-3 2
392 B.C.
clearly to preserve the shape of the book with its two main themes, the capture ofVeii and the capture ofRome. To dilate upon incidental occurrences would spoil the symmetry (1-32: 33-55). Hence the compressed and annalistic style (ef. eodem anno 31. 3, 5, 32. 6). The ultimate source of the notices, with the same exception of the trial of Camillus (32. 8), must be the Annales although the person of M. Caedicius may be rather traditional than monumental (3 2. 6). The direct source used by L. cannot be determined with certainty. The only significant pointers are the allusion to Manlius' cognomen (3 I. 2 n.) and the evident anachronism ofthe trial. The latter indicates a late Sullan date for the source. The tendentious slant of 32. 8-9 (n.) encourages the belief that L. continues to follow Valerius Antias. Notice the prominence ofL. Valerius Potitus (triumph in 31. 4) and the confidence in numbers (32. 3). 31. 2. L. Valerius: 4. 49. 7 n. The election of consuls rather than consular tribunes continues the atmosphere of normality which was rudely shaken by the news of Gallic infiltration and the resignation of the consul in time to allow a new college of consular tribunes to undertake military operations, if necessary, before the end of the campaigning season (32. In.). M. Manlius: T.£ A.n., according to the Capitoline Fasti, which makes him a cousin of the consul of 379 (6. 30. 2). The earlier history of the family is unrecorded. L. (and his source) agree with the Fasti in identifying him as the famous M. Manlius who saved the Capitol (n. on ch. 47) and was later impeached for tyranny, although Diodorus evidently distinguished the two (14, 103. I Av.\o!) Mci.\.\w!): 14. I 16. 6 McipKO!) TL!) Mci.\.\w!) EvDotO!) dvrJp). Diodorus may have for once preserved a more authentic tradition, because the aetiological explanation of the cognomen Capitolinus alluded to by L. is manifestly late. In reality the Manlii, like the Sestii and the Quinctii, assumed the cognomen to distinguish one branch of the family which lived on the Capitol. For fuller details see Mommsen, Rom. Forschungen, 2. 179-99. Ver. has the order juit postea cognomen, but in this expression postea always precedesjuit (2.16·4,33. 5,36. 36. 3; Sallust, Jug. 5. 4; Hist. 2. 45 M.). On the other hand postea normally occupies second place (d:, in addition to the above, 2. 13. I; Nepos, Alcib. 3. 2; Paulus Festus 107 L.). The word-order of both N and Vcr. will be wrong. Write cui postea Capitolino juit cognomen. magnos ludos: 19. 6, 2. 36. I n. 31. 3. aedes lunonis reginae: the temple was built near the modern church ofS. Sabina but the exact site has not been found. In choosing the Aventine, outside the pomerium, the Romans were motivated not by the fact that] uno was not a Roman goddess-she had her cult on the Capitol and her worship was widespread throughout Etrusco-Latin 694
392 B.C.
5· 3 I. 3
commumtIes (ef. luno Regina at Ardea; Pliny, N.H. 35. I 15)-but because she was originally the patroness of the enemy and, as such, was suspect (ef. Vortumnus). The temple is mentioned in the Punic Wars when it was evidently the centre of uninhibited female devotions (21. 62. 8, 22. I. 17,31. 12.9: hence the retrojected matronarum studio here). The restoration under Augustus (Res Gestae 19) will have occurred later than the writing of this book. See Platner-Ashby s.v.; Merlin, L'Aventin, 196 ff. 31. 4. perseverantior caedendis in juga: the reading given in the O.C.T. is that ofN: Ver. reads perseverantius instead of -ior. Editors who accept the text (Luterbacher, Bekker, Pettersson) interpret the abl. as the equivalent of in a bl. The absence of a (pro)noun defining caedendis is difficult (in iis caedendis H. ]. Muller; caedendis is Bayet) and it should be noted that L. only uses the adverbial form perseverantius (2 I. 10. 7, 41. 10. 3), never perseverantior. There must be a deep corruption and Vero's text is the starting-point for emendation. In its present state Ver. can be deciphered as caed .. ~is in juga (Mommsen read rf for ~) from which quod perseverantius caedem eis injugajecit can be conjectured. For the change ofjuit tojecit see Hey, Thes. Ling. Lat., 'facio', 85. 50 ff. in juga is standard in these contexts and should not be changed (6.24· 11,25. II. 6, 25· 34· 14)· triumphus: listed by Malalas 7 p. 183 B. 31. 5. Volsiniensibus: the first mention of the powerful city (mod. Bolsena: Etr. Velsuna), a member of the twelve peoples of Etruria, which lay on the edge of the large Lago di Bolsena, some 50 miles north of Falerii. It can only be supposed that an expedition of such distance was in the nature of a probe to explore the upper waters of the Tiber rather than part of a constructive campaign by either side. The figures of casualties are undoubtedly exaggerated but the notice of hostilities is genuine enough. For the site and archaeological remains of Volsinii see R. Bloch, Mil. d'Arch. et d'Hist. 59 (1947), 9-39; 62 (1950),53-120; 65 (1953), 39-61. For its later history see R.E., 'Volsinii'. novum: 'a new war, namely with the V.'. jamem pestilentiamque: 3. 2. I n., from the Annales. Ver. reads caloribus nimiis which is accepted by Mommsen and Bayet as meaning 'at the time when the heat was excessive' (cf. 2.5.3 mediis caloribus). But nimio calore is always causal, never temporal (ef. Varro, de Re Rust. I. 41. 2: Cicero, pro Sex. Roscio 131; Martial 9. 90. 9) and therefore caloribus nimiis must be so here too and be taken in conjunction with siccitate. N's caloribusque n. must be read: for the omission of -que ef. 4 0 . 3, 40 . 7, 6. 4· 4· Sappinatibus: 32. 2, 32. 4 (bis). The name, which does not figure in any other ancient text, is given variously. Ver. has Sapienatibus here
+
695
5· 31. 5
392 B.C.
392 B.C.
but is deficient in the two later passages. Salp- is given by N here and by the majority of manuscripts in all three places in 32 except that M has the dittography sal sappinates in 32. 2 and sappinates once in 32.4. The variation between Sal- and Sap- may go back to the edition of Symmachus. Since there is no connexion with the Urn brian river Sapis (Pliny, NoH. 3. II5) or the tribus Sapinia (31. 2. 6, 33. 37. I), we have no external criterion for deciding between the forms. Etruscan names, however, while showing examples of Sappinius and Sapienus (Schulze 223) offer no root Salp and, unless L. is himself at fault, the choice should lie between Ver.'s Sapienates and M's Sappinates. The former is to be preferred since the correction of i to l, with subsequent transposition, accounts for the corruption Sapien --7- Saplen --7Salpen --7- Sappen. The site of the city is equally controversial. The most favoured candidate is Orvieto (Kiepert, Atlas, 1901, pI. xx; HDJsen, R.E., 'Sappinates') but Orvieto is too large and prominent a site for a people who make only a single appearance in history. Recent excavaby the French school at La Civita, a hill some 4 kilometres south of Bolsena, have revealed a small but prolonged Etruscan community which came to an end c. 390 (Mil. d'Arch. et d'Hist. 67 (1955),49-70). The facts thus make La Civita a possible candidate although without epigraphic confirmation the identification must remain provisional. superbia injlati: elatiN, accepted by Bayet and Luterbacher; cf. 4. 13· 3 n., 54· 8 n. Despite Ver.'s weakness for injlatus, the reading is decidedly superior here. C£ 45. 31. 3; Seneca,N.Q.4praif. 2; Apuleius, Apol. 18; Lactantius, Inst. 6. 24. 24. For the confusion of the words cf. 37· 12·4; Suetonius, Nero 37· 3· agros Romanos: ager was the land surrounding a city (e.g. ager Faliscus, ager Veientanus) while the plural agri refers to the individual fields of farmers. Hence while the phrase ager Romanus occurs thirtyeight times in L., the plural agri Romani is not elsewhere met (3. 6. 7 n. ; cf. 3. 30. 4 ager Romanorum, 2.43. I). Ver. omits Romanos here and it could easily be due to dittography after ag-ros (cf. 40. 9 n.). 31. 6. C. Iulius: 4. 56. 2 n. The censors had been elected the previous year. His colleague was L. Papirius Cursor (9.34.20). The Capitoline Fasti confirm that Julius died in office, and the notice looks annalistic. A passage ofFestus (500 L.) has been used, e.g. by Beloch, to descredit the notice but the interval of IS years defined by Festus refers to the gap between 393 and 380 (6. 27. 4; see R. V. Cram, Harv. Stud. Class. Phil. 51 (1940), 75-77). M. Cornelius (P.f. M.n. according to the Fasti) must be a son of the consular tribune of 404 (4. 61. 4 n.) of whom nothing else is recorded. The reason advanced for the fact that in historical times no replacements were made if one of the censors deceased (24.43,4,27.6. 18) cannot be true but was designed
to represent in an irreproachable light a purely political safeguard ensuring the maintenance of the Roman principle of collegiality. See H. J. Rose on Plutarch, ~R. 50; Mommsen, Staatsrecht, I. 2 I 6 n. 2. 31. 7. demortui: mortui Ver. but demortuus is the technical term for a magistrate who died in office (Lex. Urson. 67. 12; Acta Fratr. Arv. (A.D. 21) 2. 23; et al.). per interregnum: 3. 8. 2 n. 31. 9. incommoda: a reason in line with 4. 7. 2. The true cause may have been either the disorganization caused by the plague or the news of the impending threat from the Gauls. I n. The Capitoline Fasti do not record their early abdication but L.'s version is to be preferred. L. Lucretius: 29. 2 n. Ser. Sulpicius: 29. 2 n. M. Aemilius: Ver. adds iterum which must be an anticIpation of C. Aemilius iterum (26. 2 n.) since no other Aemilius is listed in the immediate past. His filiation is given by the Capitoline Fasti as Mam. f. M.n., which would make him a younger brother of the consul of 410 (4. 53. I n.) but there is some difference over his praenomen and hence over his identity. The Capitoline Fasti call him L. Aemilius, identifying him with the consular tribune of 389 (6. 1.8) ; L., on the other hand, calls him M. Aemilius and starts the series of consular tribunates held by L. Aemilius in 389. Clearly there were two separate lines of speculation about him. Nothing else is known of this M. Aemilius. L. Furius: 4. 5 I. I n. Agrippa Furius: Sex.£, according to the Capitoline Fasti and the same as the consul Furius Agrippa mentioned by Frontinus (2.8. 2). The only Sex. Furius known in the previous generation is the consular tribune of 420 (4. 44. I n.) and the age-gap is right. Broughton gives Agr. Furius the cognomen Fusus but if his filiation is correctly conjectured he will rather be a Medullinus. C. Aemilius: 26. 2 n. 32. 2. Volsinienses ... Sappinates: from the Annales, but the casualty figures are Valerian. 32. 3. primo concursu: the word-order of Ver. is superior to c. p. preserved by N and printed in most editions; cf. r. 25· 4, 3· 4· 8, 5· 49'.5, 6. 24. I; Caesar, B.G. 6. 8. 6, 7. 62. 3, a military cliche which is most unlikely ever to be found in the reverse order. in Jugam versa: N, having lost versa by omission, corrected in Jugam to inJuga. In this case too V er. preserves the military expression proper to the annalistic context; cf. 27. 14.9; Bell. AJr. 17· I; Curtius 4. IS· 32; Tacitus, Agricola 37; Hist. 2. 26, 4. 37; Pliny, Epist. 6. 16. 18. 32.5. indutiae: from the Annales. For stipendium cf. 27. IS, Volsinii is
69 6
697
32. 1. Kalendis: 3. 6.
5.31.6
391 B.C.
391 B.C.
next mentioned as at war with Rome in 308 (9. 41. 6) but the setback to Rome's expansion caused by the Gallic invasion disengaged the two cities for several generations.
(2) If a quaestorial trial for peculatus is the earliest and perhaps authentic version, the next stage was to convert it to a tribunician prosecution before the people (D.H. 13. 5. 1). The change was made probably by the Sullan annalists for party political purposes. The choice of name for the tr. pl. (L. Apuleius) is transparent (32. 8 n.). In the tribunician case the charge may have been, as given by L., a fraudulent division of the praeda Veientana (Servius, ad Aen. 6. 825; Appian, Ita!' 8). (3) Finally Diodorus mentions an alternative charge (14, 117. 6 €IJtot BE ePaatIJ) that Camillus was condemned because of his triumph with white horses-an invention by some enemy of Caesar's if Diodorus' source can be dated so late. The size of the fine must be fictitious (2. 52. 5 n.) and in consequence it is variously reported (lOO,OOO asses in D.H.; 500,000 in Appian; 10,000 in Augustine, de Civ. Dei 2. 17). For other quaestorian prosecutions see 3· 24.3 n. and, in general for the trial of Camillus, MUnzer, R.E., 'Furius (44)'; Botsford, Roman Assemblies, 244-5; Latte, T.A.P.A. 67 (1936), 27; Brecht, Perduellio, 266 n. 3. 32. 8. L. Apuleio: the name is Latin rather than Etruscan (Schulze 460 n. 1), the earliest form being Appuleius. The first historical member of the family is Q. A. Pansa, consul in 300. The author of the de Viris Illustribus (23) adds the cognomen Saturninus, thus making explicit the resemblance with the notorious L. Apuleius, tr. pl. in 103 and 100, on whom the present figure is entirely modelled. 32. 9. precatus: Appian remarks on Camillus' 'Achillean' prayer (TY]IJ }1Xi'\'\€toIJ €VX1]IJ). The allusion is to Iliad r. 233-44. quindecim: 2. 52. 5 n.
5.3 2 .5
32. 6--7. M. Caedicius A solitary occasion on which a supernatural voice was heard, with the immediate consequence of a major defeat for Roman arms, readily induced the superstitious to venerate the site of the manifestation. Hence the cult of Aius (ef. aio; Locutius or Loquens is a secondary epithet to explain Aius). That the occasion was 391 need not be doubted, since the superstition will have been associated with the events, like the appearance of Pan before Marathon (Herodotus 6. 105). Aius was classed as a deus indiges (Varro ap. Aul. Gell. 16. 17· 2 ; Cicero, de Div. I. lOl, 2.69)· M. Caedicius, the man who hears the forecast of disaster (caedes), is a later addition (2.52.6 n., 5· 45· 7 n.). The site of the altar subsequently erected to Aius (cf. 50. 5, 52. 1I) at the north corner of the Palatine in infima Nova via (I. 4 1. 4 n.) has not been recognized. See Platner-Ashby s.v.; W. F. Otto, Rh. Mus. 64 (19 09),459; Latte, R.E., 'Locutius'; Archiv J. Relig.- Wissen. 24 (19 26 ), 244; E. Schwyzer, Rh. Mus. 84 (1935),116; F. Altheim, History of Roman Religion, 192; Klio 30 (1937), 44-46; Basanoff, Latomus 9 (195 0 ), 13 ff. 32. 6. Gallos: according to Cicero the voice was inarticulate and confused.
5· 32.8-9
of Camillus The trial of Camillus has suffered from much tendentious distortion and the version given by L. represents one of the latest stages of that process. I do not doubt that Camillus was in (voluntary) exile at the time of the Gallic sack and it can be shown that in the earliest strata of history Camillus did not return in time to be the popular saviour of the city but the reasons for his absence can only be hazarded. (1) Pliny, N.H. 34. 13 'Camillo ... obiecit Sp. Carvilius quaestor quod aerata ostia haberet in domo'. This suggests a trial for peculatus conducted before a quaestor or quaestors and brought upon appeal to the comitia centuriata (Cicero, de Domo 86). The procedure is not incredible. As financial officers the annual quaestors would naturally be involved at this date as they were later in the similar trial of T. Quinctius Trogus (Varro, de Ling. Lat. 6. 90-92 citing the commentarii quaestorum). They will have taken over in financial cases the functions previously exercised by the quaestores appointed ad hoc (2. 35· 5 n.). The name Sp. Carvilius, however, proves that tendentious addition had already been made. Sp. Carvilius is the twin of the tr. pl. of 212.
Casaubon noted in the margin ofhis copy at this section: 'cf. Helenam, Lucretiam, Verginiam-principium a libidine ortum'. In truth the story is a romantic explanation, typical of the Hellenistic age, designed to account for the invasion of the Gauls. It is of some antiquity, being found at least in Cato (fr. 36 P.), but there can be little historical truth in it. Clusium was too remote for an isolated pocket of Gauls to have had any chance of survival nor is there any archaeological evidence for such relations between Clusium and the Gauls at this date as are presupposed by the story. Above all, Clusium is too tar away from Rome to have been of any concern in 390. In the third century, on the other hand, there is ample evidence that Clusium was a storm-centre in Roman affairs and was also deeply involved with the Gauls (Polybius 2. 25 with Walbank's notes). It would therefore be in character for Roman historians to have invented the earlier precedent for hostility between Rome and Clusium in order to provide
6g8
6gg
32.8-9. The Trial
33. 1-3. Clusium and the Invasion
of the Gauls
5· 33· 1-3
391 B.C.
DIGRESSION ON ETRURIA AND GAUL
5.33· 4-35· 3
33. 4-35. 3. The Gallic Migrations The second external challenge which the newly organized Rome had to meet was an invasion from Gaul. L.'s account fills the remainder of the book and counterbalances the narrative of the Fall of Veii which occupies the first half. The two threats, from Etruria and from Gaul, are the climax of the first five books, showing Rome for the first time as a stable political community (40. 1-2) and intimating the prospect of her future imperial greatness (54. 3-5). To underline the importance of the Gallic invasion from an artistic as well as from an historical point ofview, L. borrows a device from Hellenistic historians who, rationalizing the practice of Herodotus and Thucydides, introduced major campaigns in a foreign country with a 'description of that country, its chief peculiarities, and the origins and customs of its inhabitants' (Fraenkel, Horace, 429; Norden, Die germanische Urgeschichte, I ff. ; K. Trudinger, Studien zur Gesch. der gr.-rom. Ethnographie, (Basel, 1918)). It would have been pointless to give an ethnographical digression on Rome; so L., instead of describing the invaded country, describes the invaders and, by touching on Etruria (33. 7- I I) as well as Gaul, bridges the gap between the two halves of the book. It can be seen from the practice of other historians (e.g. the Africae situs in Sallust, Jugurtha 17- I 9 and the Britanniae situs in Tacitus, Agricola
IO ff.) that such digressions were inserted to heighten suspense and to focus attention on the drama which is about to unfold. The materials for such an excursus would not be available in the bare chronological narratives of annalists. As a Paduan L. was doubtless interested in the history of Cisalpine Gaul but oral tradition is not enough. The question of L.'s sources has recently been reexamined in great detail by Helene Homeyer (Historia 9 (1960), 345-61), who argues that for the Etruscan section (33. 7-1 I) L. used Varro who in turn based his researches on Cato's pioneering work (note 33. 9 capita originis, 33. I I gentibus origo). In support of this view she argues from the general principle that for L. not to have availed himself of the scholarly investigations of Varro is 'nicht denkbar' to particular resemblances (33. IO = Cata-Varro ap. Pliny, N.H. 3. 130 ; 33. I I = Cato-Varro ap. Pliny, N.H. 3. 133). In the Gallic section, on the other hand, as in the chapters on the Gallograeci (38. 16. I ff.), she would detect strong rhetorical influences and would attribute them to the Schools and so indirectly through Posidonius to earlier natural philosophers. The answer may be more economic. L. nowhere else shows knowledge of Varro's writings. In many places this neglect is striking (see Introduction, p. 6). Nor are the resemblances which Homeyer quotes here at all compelling. As for the Gallic section I feel that more account needs to be taken of the Greek elements in it. It is as much a matter ofoutlook as ofstyle: his summary is entirely from a Greek not a Roman point of view (34. 6 n., 34. 8 n.: so also 33. 8 Graeci vocant). And at many points it betrays evidence of translation from the Greek. Thus a Greek ethnographer is a serious claimant for the Gallic excursus at least. There are in effect only two claimants, Posidonius (who wrote a systematic account of Gaul (F. Gr. Hist. 87 F 116; see F. Beckmann, Geographie und Ethnographie in Caesar, 1930, especially I04 ff.) and, a generation later, Timagenes (F. Gr. Hist. 88 F 2, 7, 14, 15). The case for Posidonius is strong. In Book I03 L. gave a full-scale Gallic ethnography which is regarded, e.g. by Norden and Trudinger, as being derived from Posidonius. Particular points of contact between the present excursus and Posidonius tend to the same conclusion (e.g. for 34. I ef. Strabo 4. 176; Caesar, B.G. 6. 12; for 34.4 quantum vellent cf. Caesar, B.G. 6. 23. 7-8; the double ager Insubrium; the synchronization of the Celtic expansion and the foundation of Marseilles). Notwithstanding the persuasive advocacy of Mr. J. J. Tierney for Posidonius, whose claims are also maintained by Duncker, Jullian, and Grenier, I think that the case for Timagenes is as strong. pars Galliae tertia est reads like an echo of the opening of Caesar's Bellum Gallicum. Timagenes published his Gallic researches to exploit the curiosity aroused in the Roman world by Caesar's conquests. They
700
701
both propaganda and justification for contemporary actions. The motive (dulcedinefrugum maximeque vini) is conventional and is repeated aproposofa quite different migration byJustin 43. 3.4. The antagonism between Arruns and Lucumo recurs in the similar story of the sons of Demaratus (see note on I. 34). Together with the embassy of the Fabii (35. 5 n.) all the incidents give rise to the gravest misgivings. See further Hulsen, R.E., 'Clusium'; J. Gage, Rev. Hist. Re!. 143 (1953), I7 0- 208 ;J. Wolski, Historia 5 (1956), 35-39; H. Homeyer, Historia 9 (19 60 ), 346. 33. 3. inliciendae: Gage, comparing a rival version of the story in Pliny (N.H. 12. 5 quod Helico ficum siccam et uvam oleique ac vini praemissa tulisset), and seeing in the person of Helico an aetiological explanation of the cult ofJuppiter Elicius (ef. Gr. EAt~), would read e!iciendae hereunnecessarily since the emphasis is on the country of arrival, not on the country of departure. is fuerat: ipsefuerat Ver., is fuerat ipse N. Ver.'s reading is right. is ipse is very strong (3. 51. 3; see Mutzell on Curtius 3.20.21) and is never found divided. poenae ... nequirent: poena ... nequiret Ver. There is nothing to choose between the singular and plural. Ver. is prone to omit n or m in the middle of words where it affects the number (4. 27. 3 n.) but here Lucumo is a single person guilty of a single offence.
5· 33· 4-35· 3
DIGRESSION ON ETRURIA AND GAUL
were certainly available to Strabo when he started work in Rome in 29 B.C. (Introduction, pp. 2,4). The case for Timagenes gains some support from two closely parallel passages in Justin (24.4; 20. 5. 7-8). Justin epitomized Pompeius Trogus and Trogus relied on Timagenes. Momigliano (Athenaeum 12 (1934), 45-56) argues that Trogus has copied Livy direct but Trogus sites the migrations in Illyria and Pannonia and supplies extra details which cannot come from Livy. Whether Timagenes is included in the levissimi ex Graecis of 9. 18. 6 or not, he is not to be excluded here. I regard it as almost certain that the Etruscan and the Gallic digressions came from the same source. See further Mullenhof, Deutsche Alt. 2. 250 fr.; Hirschfeld, Kl. Schriften, 1-18; Soltau, Hermes 29 (1894), 61 I fr.; Ogilvie, J.R.S. 48 (1958), 41 fr.; also C. Jullian, Histoire de 10 Gaule, I. 243 fr.; A. Grenier, Les Gaulois, 63; H. Homeyer, op. cit. 33. 4. equidem haud abnuerim: I. 3. 2 n. The refusal by an author to commit himself to the solution of a disputed problem is especially characteristic of the ethnographical style (Fraenkel, Horace, 429-30 quoting Sallust, Jug. 17. 2; Tacitus, Agricola I I. I ; Germania, 46. 6). seu quo alio Clusino : not an alternative, otherwise unrecorded, version attributing the blame to some other Clusine (Bayet, tome 5, 55 n. I) but a categorical suspension of a judgement. 33.5. eos ...Juisse qui: for this awkward construction see Klotz on Bell. Hisp. 3. I. ducentis quippe annis: ef. 34. I Prisco Tarquinio Romae regnante; 34. 8 n. Massilienses erant ii navibus a Phocaea prqfecti. Massilia was founded c. 600. Tarquinius Priscus ruled for 38 years (I. 40. I; Cicero, Rep. 2. 36) which on the conventional dating, used with only minor variation by L. and his sources, places his reign from 616-578. The Battle of Allia was fought in 390 (Varr.) so that the figure of 200 years and the other notices are all consistent. Both the connexion between the first Celtic emigration and the foundation of Massilia and the date of that migration are unhistorica!' The Celts came into Italy from Switzerland and south Germany, not from Gaul direct (T. E. S. Powell, The Celts, 2 I : see the critical examination ofthe archaeological evidence by R. Pittioni, Dest. Akad. Wissenschajt, 233 (1959),3.4-22). The Celtic ethnos itself was not formed till the fifth century B.C. and the culture of Gaul in 600 (the Halstatt period) was not so advanced, nor the pressure of population and shortage of land so acute, as to permit such a movement (see J.-J. Hatt, Histoire de la Gaule Romaine, 1959, 19-3 1 with bibliography). The archaeological evidence from Italy confirms that Celtic penetration ofItaly only began after c. 500. The first certain Celtic tombs in the Po valley belong to the La Tene epoch (Jacobsthal, Early Celtic Art; E. Baumgaertal, Jouro. R. Anthrop. Inst. 67 (1937), 231-86; for an unsuccessful attempt to defend the 702
DIGRESSION 0 N ETRURIA
5· 33· 5
early date see L. Pareti, Studi minori, I. 365 fr.). See also 35.3 n. The Celtic penetration of north Italy has been the subject of much recent investigation; see G. A. Mansuelli, Hommages Grenier, 3. 1067 fr.; R. Chevallier, Latomus 21 (1962),356 fr. The synchronization of the foundation of Massilia and the Celtic emigration with its double distortion of date may be due to Posidonius (Strabo 4. 179)· It was inspired by the Gallic attack on Massilia shortly before the invasion which led to the capture of Rome (Justin 43· 5· 4-8 : see Jullian I. 253 n. 3). antequam . .. oppugnarent ... caperent: the subjunctives emphasize the causal connexion between the arrival of the Gauls in Italy and their subsequent attack on Rome (Wackernagel, Vorlesungen, I. 247).
Etruscan Rule in Italy 33. 7. Tuscorum: Etruscorum Ver. Livy uses either form indiscriminately. Palaeographically Etruscorum is preferable after the preceding pugnavere. See Catterall, T.A.P.A. 69 (1938), 300. ante Romanum imperium late terra marique opes patuere: Cato speaks in similar terms (fr. 62 P.); ef. [Servius], ad Aen. 10. 145. The memory of the Etruscan domination of Italy was well maintained. Its detailed accuracy indicates that it was kept alive by a succession of Etruscan writers (the Tuscae Historiae mentioned by Varro ap. Censorinus, de Die Nat. 17. 6) from whom it passed into the mainstream of Roman history. The expansion from the primitive limits of Etruria, bounded by the rivers Tiber and Arno, commenced at least in the seventh century and, in its first phase, was directed southward. The Etruscans established control over Campania with Capua as their capital and penetrated as far as Pompeii (J. Heurgon, Recherches . .. de Capoue prirolnaine; A. Boethius, Gli Etruschi in Pompeii; A. Maiuri, Atti R. Accad. d'Italia 4 ( I 944), 121 fr.). Such extensive penetration presupposes at least temporary control over Latium and Rome (notes on I. 34, 2. 9-15). The southward expansion was checked by a series of reverses-the Battle of Aricia (2. 14.6 n.), the naval defeat at Cumae in 474, and the destruction of the Campanian empire by the Samnites in 423 (4. 37· I n.). Increasing difficulties in the south may have been responsible for the switch of activity to the north. Archaeologically there appears to be no radical distinction between the Villanovan culture and the later Etruscan discoveries at Felsina (Bologna), which might suggest that the Etruscans had been in possession of the area and the whole Po valley from their first arrival in Italy. The literary tradition, however, including the mythical foundation of Felsina by the Perugian Aucno (Servius, ad Aen. 10. 198; ef. Silius Ita!' 8. 599; ); Veron. Aeneid 10. 200; the name Uqnus has been identified on a recent fragment of an Etruscan vase in Rome) speaks with one voice
DIGRESSION ON ETRURIA
DIGRESSION ON ETRURIA
ofa northward expansion. Etruscan-type tombs appear in the late sixth century. Progress was impeded by the geographical barrier of the Alps as well as by the resistance of the Veneti and the Umbrians in the east and the Ligurians in the west, and their control was ephemeral, for the Gauls appear on the scene by the end of the century. Etruscan sea-power is attested from an early period (Hom. Hymn. 7. 6-8; and ef. Palaephatus, Apist. 20; Diod. 5. 19 ff.). 1 The historical sources provide details of individual naval operations, e.g. at Lipari (Strabo 6. 275), the straits of Messina (Strabo 6. 257), Corsica (Herodotus 1. 166) which are confirmed by inscriptional evidence such as Hiero's dedication after the Battle of Cumae (= Tod 22) or the Latin elogium at Tarquinii mentioning a naval expedition to Sicily (published by M. Pallottino, Stud. Etruschi, 21 (1950-1), 147 ff.). But the extent and duration of their power is exaggerated. It is doubtful if the Etruscans ever had a good outlet to the Adriatic or obtained control of it. Etruscan penetration to the north-east coast is confined to the fifth century and the last years of the sixth, during which period the Aeginetan colony of Spina controlled the northern Adriatic (Strabo 5. 214 WS (Ja/"auuoKpaT1JUaVTWV; see N. Alfieri-P. Arias, Spina; R. L. Beaumont, ].H.S. 56 (1936), 179). In the Tuscan sea their power declined rapidly after Cumae. Nautical motifs, figuring on Etruscan vases from the beginning of the sixth century (R. Vighi, Rend. Accad. dei Lincei 8 (1932), 367 ff.), bear out the tradition of Etruscan innovations in shipbuilding (D.H. I. 25; Pliny, N.H. 7. 209). 33. 8. Atriaticum mare ab Atria, Tuscorum colonia: Atria (mod. Atri) , not to be confused with the Picene Hadria or Hatria, lay at the mouth of the Po. So also Pliny, N.H. 3.120; Strabo 5. 214; Justin 20. I. 9. The name is variously spelled by the manuscripts (Atria M, Adria 1T/.,) and by editors, but the etymological note of Varro (de Ling. Lat. 5.161 atrium appellatum ab Atriatibus Tuscis; ef. Paulus Festus 12 L.; [Servius], ad Aen. I. 726) guarantees the unaspirated form Atria. The testimony of other writers (e.g. Plutarch, Camillus 16 }1opLav Ka/"ovuLv d7T