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of Caria and the garrison commander at Caunus; this seems preferable to treating the plural as a stylistic device indicating only the provincial governor (so Bengtson, Strat. iii. 175). ITpa.TOVLICEla.v ••• 1rap' :b.vTLoxou Tou IEA£uKou: the manuscript reading Ka£ EEAEVKov is preferable to Niebuhr's ToiJ, followed by Hultsch and Buttner-Wobst. On Stratoniceia see :21. 3 n. For 'Antiochus and Seleucus' four possibilities have been canvassed: (a) Antiochus I and his son Seleucus (who never reached the throne); (b) Seleucus II and Antiochus Hierax before his revolt c. 240 (the names could be reversed to avoid hiatus) ; (c) Antiochus III and the later Seleucus IV (co-regents from 189 to 187); (d) Seleucus II and 457
XXX. 3I. 6
EMBASSIES AT ROME FROM PRUSIAS, ETC.
Antiochus III (with reversed order). Fraser and Bean, Ioz-s, are undecided between the first two; but the first seems improbable, for Antiochus will hardly have made the city over to Rhodes so soon after its foundation, and indeed is virtually excluded by an inscription published by Robert (Melanges Levy, 553-68), which makes 276 a terminus post quem for the foundation of the city. The second cannot be excluded; see van Gelder, Rkodier, 197-8; Meyer, Grenzen, 6o; Gnomon, 1954, 475; Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, uz n. I; Antiochos, 247 n. 7, zBo; Jones, CERP'•, so and n. 34· The third is supported by Holleaux, Etudes, iv. 2o4n. 3; v. ro7 n. 6 'vraisemblablement vers Ia fin de 197'; cf. Magie, ii. 879--Bo n. 73; Briscoe on Livy, xxxili. x8. 22. This passage of Livy reads: 'nequiquam inde obsessa oppugnataque urbs est, nee recipi nisi aliquanto post per Antiochurn potuit' and might seem to exclude the third interpretation of J1VTt6xov Ka~L'eAEVKov; but although recipi often means 'be recovered' (cf. Livy, xxxvili. 3• 4) it can also mean 'to be taken' without any implication of previous possession (cf. Livy, ii. 39· 4, xxxii. 18. 7, 24. 7 and other passages quoted by Briscoe on Livy, xxxili. 18. 22). The fourth rendering is also possible and indeed attractive (cf. Aymard, REG, 1945, xiv; Robert, Melanges Levy, 564-5 n.; Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, 219, add. to n2 n. 1, reporting Aymard's view without comment). On this view Seleucus II gave Stratoniceia to Rhodes, but it later fell into Philip V's hands (cf. xvi. 12 n., where the statement that Rhodes got it only later would need correction) and was recovered with Antiochus III's help and restored by him to Rhodes in 197 (cf. xvili. 44· 4 n.). Thus Astymedes correctly mentioned both kings; the order may be reversed to avoid hiatus, but since two separate events would be involved, P. would be under no obligation to mention the remoter first. As between the three interpretations (b), (c), and (d) it does not seem possible to decide with confidence. 7. EKa.Tov tca.l ~Ei~toat TMO.VTa.: we have no other evidence for the tribute raised by Rhodes from its continental possessions, nor do we know what proportion each paid. 8. Eanpt)f1e9a. Twv rrpoa6Swv, 9eAoVTES: 'we have surrendered these revenues by our ready acceptance' ; 'if we consent • . . ' (Paton) introduces an inappropriate note of indecisiveness. 10. Ka.Ta.A(AuTa.L ••• ~ ToG Atjl&vos rrpoaoSos: not entirely; cf. § 12 n. u~v Ai]Aov fL~V OTEA~ Trfi:TrOLfJKliTIJJV: Buttner-Wobst's punctuation, with a comma after instead of before flp.Wv {followed by Paton), is awkward and may be a printer's slip. Delos had been assigned to Athens (zo. 2-9 nn.); for its rh·l.\na see too Strabo, x. 5· 4, C. 486. This measure benefited Italian traders, who increasingly settled in Delos and were active in the eastern Mediterranean trade; for bibliography and discussion of the question of how far trading 458
EMBASSIES AT ROME FROM PRUSIAS, ETC.
XXX. 31.
IZ
interests affected Roman political decisions see Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, I66 n. 3; add Hill, g6-97 (Senate's attitude towards commerce); Badian, 101 (action punitive). &.~nPTJJJivwv 8€ T~v ToG 8i)11ou 1T11pPT)a(av: cf. § 16, xvii. 4· 7 n. As in the rest of the speech, OfjJ.Los is the whole Rhodian people, not 'the popular element' (as in vi. 57· 7). Trap(YI)ala is closely associated with the concept of democracy (cf. ii. 38. 6, ltrf}yoplas J.AtfLlv,ov had hitherto brought in I,ooo,ooo dr. (sc. per annum) : viiv EOplJlAoLS a.OTwv: the pro-Roman party in Achaea. 8. au1:11:1uaa.VTt:S: so Casaubon and Reiske for the manuscript avp.p.~a.I"TeS': the sense is 'keeping their mouths shut'. 9. oliTt: To'l~ u1:1ET~po1s StifLOLS: 'nor to your peoples'; Larsen (GFS, 484) takes this to mean 'to the Greek states', and he assumes that a reply given to the Achaeans was interpreted as applying to all the Greek detainees. This seems most likely; cf. § 8, mentioning those in other states. Freeman (HFG, 533 n. x) takes the meaning to be 'to the separate cities of Achaea', and sees in it 'another blow at that Federal unity which it (i.e. the Senate) so deeply hated and dreaded'; but had the Senate wanted to dissolve the Achaean Confederacy, it could have done so. 10. 'll't:pt Tous avo.Kt:KAfJ1:1Evous: 'those summoned (to Italy)'; cf. xxxi. 23. s. xx.xii. 6. 4, xxxiii, I. 7, 14. This was not limited to the Achaeans nor (despite Paton} does P. say it was. .Mauersberger s.v. J.vaKaAlop.a.t translates 'die achaiischen Geiseln': both noun and adjective are incorrect. According to Zon. ix. 31. I, many committed suicide. vt:pi Tous "EAAfJva.~: i.e. the Greeks in Rome (ct. 4· 10, xxxii. 6. 6); the reaction in Greece is described in § II.
XXX. 32.10
EMBASSIES AT ROME FROM PRUSIAS, ETC.
Twv dKATJpoovTwv: 'the exiles'.
[The manuscripts have a passage between §§ 10 and n, which has been rightly transposed to form 30. 7-8: see ad loc.] 12. ot Tll'> 1rpoE.yei'c;: on Selge see v. 72. I n.; cf. Trog. prot. 34, 'bellum regis Eumenis ... in Pisidia cum Selgensibus'. Magie, ii. 1136 n. I2,
suggests that the renewal of the treaty of friendship between Termessus and Adada (TAM, iii. I. 2) belongs to this war; Wilhelm, who gives an improved text (5.-B. Wien, I6o, I9IO, pp. 3 f.), puts it later under Attalus or even during Aristonicus' revolt. For the complaints of the other Asian peoples cf. xxx. 30. 4· 5. nj.i.Y)9€vTEc;: i.e. to Eumenes' detriment; cf. xxx. I. 1-2. ro. 6. ra.~ov IoA1TLKLOV Ka.L MO.v~ov IEpyLoV: c. Sulpicius Galus, cos. I66 (cf. MUnzer, RE, 'Sulpicius (66)', cols. 8o8-II); for his harangue to the troops about the eclipse at Pydna, when military tribune, see xxix. I6. 2 n. According to Cicero (Brut. 78), 'maxime omnium nobilium Graecis litteris studuit' ; see Cic. rep. i. 23 for his close relations with Aemilius Paullus (cf. Lehmann, 377). His colleague is theM'. Sergius M'.f. who figures as a witness on the S.C. on Thisbae (Syll. 646 = Sherk, 2 1. I6) in 170. According to 2 Mace. xi. 34 a letter was sent to the Jews on rs Xanthikos of year I48 s.E. by two Roman legati named Q. Memmius and nToa fWVLoa epvLOa; the second of these names has usually been interpreted as T. Manlius, but M'. Sergius is perhaps more probable (cf. Niese, iii. 239 n. I; Hermes, 1900, 485 ff.; MUnzer, RE, 'Sergius (I6)', col. 1692). Since the Seleucid dates in I and 2 Mace. seem to depend on a Seleucid era which began in autumn 3I2 (cf. Heinemann, RE, 'MakkabaerbUcher (I and II)', cols. 783-4), I5 Xanthikos I48 s.E. should be March I64, and this would make M'. Sergius' embassy r64 (if he is indeed the co-author of the letter). However, this letter is preceded by one from Antiochus V to Lysias (cf. 7· 2 n.) and one from Lysias to the Jews, the latter also being dated to year I48 s.E. ; and since by the era used in I and 2 Mace. Antiochus IV died in year I49 S.E. (I Mace. vi. I6), it follows that the date of the letter is unacceptable, the more so because Antiochus IV is now known to have died in autumn I64 (SachsWiseman, Iraq, I954. 209: the year is not on the tablet, but its restoration seems certain). Broughton, i. 439 (cf. Steigemann, 46) dates the embassy of Sergius and Sulpicius in A.u.c. 590 164; but it must fall at the beginning of A.u.c. 591 I63 (see p. 35). If the date in 2 Mace. xi. 34 is false, however, there is no reason why the legatus there mentioned should not be identified with M'. Sergius; but his mission (and the letter, if it is genuine) will belong to 163. Normally such embassies had three members, and Niese, Hermes, I9oo, 487 n. n, suggested a lacuna after .EoA1TlKLov, to be 464
L:EGAT I SENT TO GREECE AND ASIA MINOR XXXI. z. z
filled with (Ka.l K&i:(vrov}), i.e. Q. Memmius, the cosignatory of the letter recorded in 2 Mace. xi. 34· See further M~kholm, 162-5, arguing that that letter is a falsification. 7. TOLS Meya.Ao1roMTa.Ls ~.eyEtv: 'particularly sought their favour by sajing'; for this sense of 7rpoaTplx€tV cf. xxvii. IS. I2. Tous S€ ~ou>.t:uTcis: 'senators'; a usage found in authors (but not in official documents). It does not appear elsewhere in P. See in general Mason, 31. ITt vf)1nos: despite the clause in the treaty with Antiochus III (xxi. 43· :z2) requiring the hostages to be not younger than eighteen; this supports the view(§ 1 n.) that the substitution of Demetrius for Antiochus was a special transaction instigated by the Senate. 7. &'lf~solllvt) TTJV aKp.tiv TOU AT)JlTJTfl~U KTA.: this motivation is repeated by App. Syr. 46; Zon. ix. 25; it will reflect the view of P.'s circle of friends among the Greek detainees. The son of Antiochus whom the Senate confirmed as king was Antiochus V Eupator (cf. II. 8). 9. Ka.Ta.pd.KT(JJI! KTA.) but the clause had not been rigorously enforced, any more than had the clause concerning the elephants. For Antiochus IV's invasion of Cyprus with a fleet in 466
THE SENATE'S DECISION ON SYRIA
XXXI. z. 12
168 see Livy, xlv. 11. 9, 12. 7 (Polybian); d. I Mace. i. 17, z Mace. iv. zo; cf. McDonald and Walbank, ]RS, 1969, 38; Ml3rkholm, 27 n. z8. Tous iAi~a.vTa.s v£up01com;aa.L: cf. xxi. 43· 12 (forbidden in the treaty of Apamea). For the use of war-elephants in Judaea by Lysias see I Mace. iii. 34. vi. 30 ff., z Mace. xi. 4. xiii. z, 15· It is not clear why the Senate decided to act now and not earlier. 12. cl.1)8£LS . . • S1)p.o~epa.nKt1s ~ea.~ auv£SpLa.~efjs voALT£la.s: 'unaccustomed to democratic government based on a council' in contrast to government by kings. The implications of the phrase have been much discussed. Under the system established in Macedonia after Pydna (cf. xxx. 13. r-un. for the meeting called to Amphipolis by Aemilius Paullus to announce the decision; Livy, xlv. 29. 1-14) the country had no central organization (as Feyel argued, BCH, 1946, 187-98), but was divided into four regiones, each with its own concilium; according to Livy, xlv. 32. 2, 'senatores, quos synhedros uocant, legendos esse, quorum consilio res publica administraretur'. Larsen (CP, 1949, 73-90) concluded from this that the Macedonian regions (merides) possessed only representative councils; but Aymard, Etudes, 164-77, argued that there is no evidence to prove or disprove the existence of primary assemblies as well. However, when he describes the measures adopted to avoid providing opportunities for demagogues, Livy, xlv. 18. 6-7 mentions only the setting up of regional bodies rather than a central one; and Musti, Annali di Pisa, 1967, 184--6, remarks on his omission of any reference (such as might have been expected) to a contrast between a primary body and a representative one, and concludes that there was consequently no move over to a representative system. The political conflicts mentioned here he regards as more likely to have arisen in a primary assembly. As Aymard saw, the evidence will not allow a firm answer. Nevertheless, if there is any truth in Livy's statement that the Senate hoped to eradicate the influence of demagogues (Livy, xlv. 18. 6-7), this would seem to be against their having set up primary assemblies; and since we know from Livy, xlv. 32. z (Polybian) that there were elected representatives called aVV£Opot, it is hard to reject Larsen's interpretation of the present passage as meaning 'democratic and representative government' (a phrase taken from Thirlwall). Whether or not a primary assembly existed, the real business would seem to have been transacted by the synkedri. Larsen and Aymard agree that 'democratic' here means primarily 'republican, without kings' (cf. Larsen, CP, 1945, 88-91; Aymard, Etudes, 171 n. 4), whereas Musti (Annali di Pisa, 1967, 155-zo7) would accord the word a fuller content. aTa.aLntnv vpbs a.uTous: within the regional synedria; or P. may refer to something more violent.
XXXI.
2.
13
THE SENATE'S DECISION ON SYRIA
13. Tli 'ITEpl TOUS r a.AO.Ta.s KTA.: on Ariarathes IV's dispute with the Galatians see 8. I-8. · 14. Tous ~v ;6.Xe~a.v8peL~ ~a.cnAeis: despite Popillius' exhortation (xxix. 27. 9) strife had continued between Ptolemy VI and Ptolemy VIII. For an incident involving one Dionysius Petosarapis, who later escaped to stir up a native rising in the early I6o's, see Diod. xxxi. I5 a; Otto, 6. Ptolemaer, 9I n. 3· Shortly after October I64 Ptolemy VIII expelled Ptolemy VI (cf. Diod. xxxi. I8. 1-:2; Livy, ep. 46; Val. Max. v. r. I; Trog. prol. 34; Porphyry, FGH, 26o F 2 § 7; Zon. ix. 25. 3), who fled to Rome. For some of the outrages committed in Alexandria at this time by Timotheus see Diod. xxxi. 17 c, zo (in reverse order); above, xxviii. 1. I n. (on Timotheus and Damon). Papyri show that Ptolemy VI had been restored by 29 May (29 Pharmouthi) or possibly by 24 May (24 Pharmouthi) I63 (T. Reekmans and E. van 't Dack, Chron. d' f:gypte, I952, I49-95. especially I5<J-6o; Skeat, 34) ; for a petition to him by twin temple-servants at Memphis see Wilcken, UPZ, i. no. 4I ll. 4-5 ; and for an amnesty granted by Ptolemy VI see Wilcken, ibid. no. III (a letter from the king to the strategos of the Memphite nome; d. Will, ii. 303). (For a fragment of what may be this amnesty see L. Koenen, P. Kroll; cf. Volkmann, RE, 'Ptolemaios (z4)', col. 17I2.) This suggests that his restoration was effected independently of the legati, who were perhaps given their instructions at the time this was done. (Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, 92 n. s. who wrote without the newer evidence, dates both Ariarathes IV's death and Ptolemy VI's restoration several months too late.) It is likely that L. Canuleius and Q. Marcius accompanied Ptolemy VI back to Alexandria (d. 10. 4 n.). If Cn. Octavius was murdered in Syria in 162 (Obsequens, 15), it was only then that the embassy reached Egypt. Shortly afterwards Ptolemy VI made a formal agreement with Ptolemy VIII (cf. xxxix. 7· 6, KaTa avv8~Kas), by which the latter was granted Cyrene (Livy, ep. 47, 'foedus ictum ut alter Aegypto, alter Cyrenis regnaret' ; Trog. prol. 34, 'Romani inter fratres regna diuiserunt'; Zon. ix. 25. 3; Porphyry, FGH, 260 F 2 § 7). How far the Romans were involved in this agreement is controversial; see Io. 6 n. 3. 1-5. Embassy from Ariarathes V
This, the next excerpt in de legat. gent., evidently belongs to res ltaliae of the same year, 01. 154, I = r64/3. 3. 1. !ApLa.pcl.9ou ••• vewuTl. ••• T.qv Ka.'IT'ITa.8o~ewv ~a.uLAela.v: Ariarathes V Eusebes Eupator succeeded his father Ariarathes IV Eusebes probably early in 163 (cf. Diod. xxxi. 21); but the words KaTa nlv aV!-6v Katp&v may not be stressed, since they could be the excerptor's. 468
EMBASSY FROM ARIARATHES V
XXXI. 4·
2
According to Diod. xxxi. I9. 8, his father had previously offered him co-regency, which he declined. He was a pupil and friend of Carneades at the Academy, who addressed letters to him (Ferguson, 30I), and he was patron of the Dionysiac technitai at Athens (OGIS, 35 2 )· O.va.vewa6f1EVOL T~v TE cj)LALa.v Kat O"Uflfla.x(a.v: cf. Diod. xxxi. I9. 8; below, xxxii. Io. 4· For the original admission of Ariarathes IV as a Roman amicus see xxi. 45 n. There was no foedus ; cpt>..la Kai O'VJLJLaxla. (cf. § 3) is a pleonasm without legal significance (cf. Reuss, Volk. Grund. 26 n. I; Dahlheim, I63 ff.). 4. Sui To ••• T e~epLov ••• eucj>TiflOUS Myous 1I'OL~aa.a9a.L: Ti. Gracchus visited Asia in I66, returning in I65 (xxx. 27. I, 30. 7-8, 31. I9-2o); for his action against the Cammani see 1. I n. This passage
gives no support to the view that Ariarathes V had shared his father's throne (so Niese, iii. 248 n. 5). 4. 1-5. 5. Rhodes and Caria (I63) These two excerpts from de legat. gent. probably belong to the res Asiae of 01. I 54, I = I64/3; but Rhodian affairs generally stand between res Graeciae and res Asiae, and one cannot be sure in each case to which they belong (d. xxviii. I6 (ambiguous), xxii. 5 (Asian)). Here they could be under res Graeciae (as in Bi.ittner-Wobst). 4. 1. TtlS ••• Suaxepe(a.s: their long period of strained relations with Rome from the Third Macedonian War to the granting of a treaty in I64 (xxx. 31. 20 n.). KXea.y6pa.v: unknown. 2. KO.XuvSa.: this town on the border of Caria and Lycia lay about 8o stades (8 miles) south of Caunus, and east of the river Indus (Dalaman ~ay1); cf. Herod. i. 172; Strabo, xiv. 2. 2, C. 65I (who puts it 6o stades from the sea); Pliny, Nat. hist. v. Io3; Ptol. Geog. v. 3· 2. According to ATL, i. 504, ii. 86 it paid a talent to the Delian League, and in the mid third century it was independent but under Ptolemaic suzerainty (P. Cair. Zen. iii. 5934I: 247 B.c.). The visit of Delphic theoroi in 200 (Plassart, BCH, I92I, 6) suggests that it was still independent then (contra Jones, CERP 2 , so), but early in the second century (Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, I75, put it as late as I66) it fell under Caunus. Occasional second- and first-century coins are found: cf. B.M.C. Lycia, xlvi, 48. The site has not been firmly identified, but the hill of Kozpmar, c. 4 km. from Dalaman ~iftligi towards Fethiye (Telmessus), with an early Hellenistic ring-wall, overlooking and commanding the Dalaman ~ay1 valley (Indus), and with the Kargm ~ay1 (probably the Axon) at its base, was identified as Calynda by Arkwright (]HS, I895, 97), a view still 469
XXXI. 4·
2
RHODES AND CARIA (163)
regarded as likely by G. E. Bean, who visited it in 1946 and 1950 (description in]HS, 1953,26 n. 82); Robert, Et. anat. 493 n. 2 is noncommittal. See Biirchner, RE, 'Kalynda', cols. 1771-2; Meyer, Grenzen, 46 n. 2. For the background of the Rhodianrequest see 5· 1-5. 3. 'II"Ept .•. Twv ~XOVT(a)V ~v Tfi Autc£~ Kal. Ka.p(~ tmlO'f:~S: dating from the Rhodian domination. For the assignment of Lycia and Caria to Rhodes in r88 see xxi. 46. 8 n., and, for their liberation in 167, xxx. 5· rz n. The Senate's decision on these property-rights is not recorded. 4. KoAoo-o-ov o-Tijo-a.~ Toil 8~11ou Twv 'Pw11a.l(a)V: on such colossal statues see xviii. r6. 2 n. ; on the spread of the cult of Rome (Dea Roma, Urbs Roma or d 87jtto> & 'Pwtta.lwv) see xxx. 5· 4 n. It is attested at Rhodes from the first century, when an inscription, dated by J. and L. Robert (Bull. epig. 195I, no. 153) to after 65, mentions a lEpelis 'Pc!JJJ.as (M. Segre, Parola del Passato, 1949, 73 f.) and a trieteric 'Pwp.afa festival existed (IG, xii. r. 46 and 730 = Syll. 724). Cult and festival need not have been set up simultaneously. Holleaux (Etudes, i. 381-6) put both in 196, and Moretti (Riv. fil. 1950, 339) put the setting-up of the festival in or just after 189. Schmitt (Rom und Rhodos, 175-6 n. r) suggests that both cult and festival may originate now and that this statue was linked with the event; though plausible, the theory must await confirmatory evidence. A thirty-cubit statue would be nearly 45 ft. high. iv Tit' rijs >\&r]vas tEp~: probably in the temple of Athena Polias, on the citadel; for remains see Clara Rhodos, i, 1928,48. Jacoby, FGH, vol. iii b (Noten), z6s, thinks rather of a statue in the temple of Athena at Lindus. 5.1. Twv Ka.Xuv8~wv lnroO"TEaTavo.~: Bouche-Leclercq (Lagides, ii. 37 n. I) and Berve (Tyrannis, i. 431; ii. 724) associate with this revolt Polyaenus, viii. 70, the account of an Aetolian Lycopus who led the Cyrenaeans. If this is so (and it is uncertain, for there were several Egyptian wars against Cyrene: d. Beloch, iv. 2. 6I5), he could be the Aetolian envoy mentioned in xxi. 25. n (see note on this); but the name is common. On the obscure history of the Cyrenaean constitutional changes see Musti, Annali di Pisa, r¢7, 164ft., and, more fully, G. I. Luzzatto, Stu,d. et doc. kist. et iur. 1941, 259-3I2. It seems likely that Ptolemy VI had a part in this revolt; cf. Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, III n. I. Tns 11'oAus: the other towns of the Pentapolis, viz. Apollonia, Ptolemais, Arsinoe (Taucheira), and Berenice. nToh£~0.l0'\l T0'\1 Iu~1TETi}aw: his joint control of the Penta polis and the Libyan xwpa (§ 7' i7TIJ.I.€Aelav T(.Oll oltwv) was unparalleled since the early days of Ptolemaic suzerainty, when Ophellas (xii. z n.) and Magas (x. 22. 3 n.) held such a position. See Otto and Bengtson, Niedergang, 122-3 n. 4; Bengtson, Strat. iii. 157; above, xv. 25. 12 n. His title was probably Q'TpaT'I]yos: (hardly o brl nov 7Tpayf1.chwv as Corradi, 257, suggests). 7, TOY '!TAouv ds TTJV 'PW~T)'II: cf. 10. I. 9. ds Tov .Uyo.v ••• Ko.Tu~o.9f16v: 'the Great Slope', a fortress and harbour 86 m.p. west of Paraetonium, today As-Salliim (Sollum) (Ptol. Geog. iv. 5· 3; Strabo, xvii. 1. s, C. 79I, I. 13, C. 798, 3· I, C. 825, 3· 22, c. 838; Pliny, Nat. kist. v. s8-39; Mela, i. 40; Sall. lug. 19. I). The name was also given to the plain where it lay. Catabathmus was the boundary between Egypt and Libya (as it is today), and was called the Great Slope to distinguish it from a Small Slope which Ptol. Geog. iv. 5· 14 locates further east at Akabah es-seghir. See Kees, RE, 'Katabathmus (2)', cols. 2449-50. T~S 5uaxwpio.s: the pass leading up on to the escarpment behind Sollum, where no doubt the ancient road followed the modern line more or less (hence the name 'Great Slope'). The modern road ascends steeply west past the barracks of Sollum, and on to Musaid 486
PTOLEMY VI AND PTOLEMY VIII 0 0
,.,.,
-...........
XXXI. 18. n 10
5
5
15km
10miles
_____ ,
;""
'----.6 Sicti Azeiz-- .... ,
'' .,
Gulf
' ', '
of
Sollum
6 THE REGION OF THE GREAT SLOPE (from S. 0. Playfair, The Mediterranean and Middle East (History of the Second World War) ii, p. I6I)
FIG.
and Fort Capuzzo, where it turns north and reaches the sea again at Bardia, 21 miles (by road) from Sollum. It was probably here that Ptolemy proposed to intercept the Libyans. SeeS. 0. Playfair, The Mediterranean and Middle East (History of the Second World War), ii, map rs (p. r61), map r6 facing p. 163. 11. KO.Tcl1rAa.y£vTwv Ti}v &.~!f>oiv ~!f>o&ov: P. does not say that the attack was actually mounted on both sides; the Libyans will have
is
487
XXXI. 18.
II
ROMAN ENVOYS WITH THE PTOLEMIES (162)
observed the departure of the fleet, drawn their conclusions and withdrawn (asP. says). Tflov nriJo-a.TO TOOS Ka.px'18ov(ous: cf. Livy, xxxiv. 62. IO. ol 8' oox l.tm}Kouaa.v: Paton, CR, 1920, 54-55. omits the phrase as an intrusion on the grounds that (a) the words ws; ov8€v a-?n-{j; 'TTPOa'TJKDVaTJ>: are better taken as an explanation of why Masinissa asked, rather than of why the Carthaginians refused, (b) that is the meaning in Livy, xxxiv. 62. 10 (cf. 21. r-8 n.). The suggestion is attractive, but cannot be accepted, in the face of a clear manuscript tradition and a text which can be justified ; though the words quoted add nothing to the Carthaginian argument, they provide circumstantial evidence that the territory was Carthaginian de iure (since Masinissa asked permission to cross it) and de facto (since permission was refused). But it remains true that the fact that the territory was Carthaginian is not a good reason for the Carthaginians' rejecting a request which admitted that fact by implication. 8. TfEVTa.Koo-La TaAavTa ••• TTjs KapTrE£a.~: the revenue from the area (cf. § I, T6 TrAfjOo> Twv 1rpoa&Swv), not its produce (cf. x. 28. 3, 1Cap1TeJew). Since the time involved is not known, no conclusions are possible concerning the revenue which the area yielded, nor can these 5oo talents be correlated with the talent which Livy, xxxiv. 62. 3 gave as the daily payment from Lepcis Magna (§ 1 n.). 22. 1-30. 4. On Aemilius Paul/us and Scipio Aemilianus This long digression (cf. 30. 4) from exc. de uirt. et uit. and de sent. (25. 5) belongs to res ltaliae of OL 154, 4 r6r/o, and was probably introduced in connection with Aemilius Paullus' death (in 16o) ; see pp. 36-37. It is likely to have been written after Scipio's death in 129 492
AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS
XXXI.
22.4
(cf. xviii. 35 n.) and inserted in this book at this convenient point. xviii. 36. I, which foreshadows it, will also be a later insertion (cf. xviii. 35 n.); see 22. 4 n. On the contents see Diod. xxxi. 26. 1-27. 8. On the several problems of inheritance raised here see G. Boyer, RIDA, 1950 (=Melanges de Visscher, iii), I7I~7. 'Le droit successoral romain dans les o:mvres de Polybe'. At.,..~).iou: L. Aemilius Paullus, the victor of Pydna; cf. xviii. 35· 4 n., xxix. 1. I, and passim. Biittner-Wobst detects the excerptor's hand (because of hiatus). J.lETa.AAO.~a.'II'Tos TOV ~Lov: d. Livy, ep. 46, 'L. Aemilius Paulus, qui Persen vicisset, mortuus. cuius tanta abstinentia fuit, ut, cum ex Hispania et ex Macedonia immensas opes rettulisset, uix ex auctione eius redactum sit, unde uxori eius dos solueretur.' This evidently goes back to P. On the date, t6o, see pp. 36-37. For an account of his death see Plut. Aem. 39· 3. 1rAELO'TOV ••• TWV Ka.O' a.{ITOV Eg 'I~T)pta.s xpuaov ••• J.lETEYT)YOX~S: cf. Diod. xxxi. 26. I; Livy, ep. 46. Aemilius was praetor in Spain in I9I/o, with the insignia and imperium of a proconsul {Plut. Aem. 4· I; Livy, xxxv. 24. 6, xxxvii . .2. n), and after a defeat in Bastetanis in 190 (Livy, xxxvii. 46. 7~; Oros. iv . .2o . .23} he himself defeated the Lusitanians and overthrew .250 towns (Livy, xxxvii. 57· s-6; Plut. Aem. 4; above, xxix. I7. In.). A bronze tablet found east of Cadiz, and evidently set up during his command (ILS, 15) refers to him as inpeirator: 'L. Aimilius L.f. inpeirator decreiuit, utei quei Hastensium seruei in turri Lascutana habitarent, leibeirei essent; agrum oppidumqu., quod ea tempestate posedisent, item posidere habereque iousit, dum poplus senatusque Romanus uellet. Act. in castreis a,d. XII k. febr.' For his elogium cf.ILS, 57· Despite the gold he brought back, the Spaniards chose him as their patrontts in bringing a charge for extortion in I7I (Livy, xliii. 2. 5}. J.'EY(O"Twv ••• &TJo-a.upwv ••• ~v Ma.KeSovicz.: cf. xviii. 35. 4 n. ; Diod. xxxi. 26. I. 4. Toao(hov U1r~AEl1rE TOV fStov ~(ov ItT A.: cf. Diod. xxxi. .26. I, roaoihov (hriaxf.ro roD acp€r£plaaafla{ n nov XftTJp..arwv WO'TE P£Ta T1]v 7'f.AEI>'T7Jv TOVS vlous aih-oii TOVS ooflbras Els vo8€pvqv KTA, P.'s text clearly contains a lacuna, and it is not certain that roaourov ••• TOv ~wv f3lov represents what P. wrote better than the words of Diodorus. The lacuna is too long to be restored; but Diodorus must be giving the sense. T"TJv cpepv1jv ••• Sla.AOua.L ••• ~K TWV i1rl1rAwv: ' •.• could not repay his wife the whole of her dowry out of his liquid assets'; cf. Diod. xxxi. 26. I (quoted above); Dio, XX. fg. 67. U\O'TE xaio.f.11'WS" rfi yvvat~el avrovrqv 1TpOiKa Tf.Af.vrr}aavros a-rroooflijvat; Zon. ix. 24. Ta ~1T£1TAa are, strictly,
22. 1. Aeutdou
493
XXXI. 22.4 AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS 'movables', which can be sold for cash and no doubt include cash (see 27. 5 n.). The name of Aemilius' second wife, whom he married after divorcing Papiria, the mother of Scipio Aemilianus and Q. Fabius Maximus Aemilianus, is not recorded (d. Plut. Aem. 5· 3, €-dpav 'ljyayero); see 28. 2 n. On the difficulties encountered in repaying Aemilius' widow her dowry of 25 talents see xviii. 35· 6 n.; and for Scipio Aemilianus' obligations over the dowries of his adoptive father's sisters see 27. I-I6. d 1-LTJ Twv tyye(wv ••• KTtjaewv: 'without disposing of some of the real estate'; cf. vi. 45· 3 for iyynot KnJUH>, a phrase also found in inscriptions (cf. Syll. 593 1. 9). ~ Tois npo TOuTwv: cf. xviii. 35· 6 (which also mentions the sale of household goods and slaves as well as land), 36. I. But the phrase iv Tot> Trpo Towwv more naturally signifies 'in the previous book', and taken in conjunction with 23. I suggests that somewhere in book xxx P. repeated the promise to discuss the restraint and generosity of Aemilius Paullus and Scipio Aemilianus (cf. 23. In.). This may have been in the context of events after Pydna and of Aemilius' Greek tour (xxx. 10); but it could equally well have arisen where P. described the beginnings of his acquaintance with Scipio Aemilianus, which probably (but not certainly) were in Rome (cf. 23. 4 n.). 6. s~so .... ~vwv XPTJJ-LGTW\1 ini T TOU S&SOVTOS O"UJ-Lt~POVTI: 'money offered with a view to benefiting the giver', i.e. a bribe. On the prevalence of bribery in Greece of P.'s time see xviii. 34· 7; for financial dishonesty, vi. 56. I3-I5• Ap~CTTELSTJ": cf. ix. 23. 6. Aristeides' incorruptibility (despite the accusation of bribery recorded by Craterus, FGH, 342 F IZ = Plut. Arist. z6. I-2), his moderation, and his poverty were traditional from Herodotus' time (Herod. viii. 79· 1, 95) and that of his contemporary, Timocreon of Rhodes (in Plut. Them. 21. 4); see Plato, M eno, 94 A; Gorg. 526 A-B; Andoc. iv. II; Aeschin. ii. 23, iii. I8I; Arist. Rhet. ii. 23. I398 a 9 ff.; Diod. xi. 47· 2, xxvi. 1. I; Judeich, RE, 'Aristeides (I)', cols. 883-4. 'EnaJ-LtwwvSuv: often mentioned by P.· He was traditionally poor (cf. Plut. Pelop. 3· 5; Mor. 579 E, 583 C-F, 584 A-B, 585 D; Pans. ix. I3. I) and incorruptible (Plut. Mor. 583 F; Apophth. I3, 14, 2I (Mor. I93 B, I94 A); Arist. et Cat. comp. 4· 4; Nep. Epam. 4; Aelian, Var. hist. v. 5. xi. 9). See Swoboda, RE, 'Epaminondas', cols. 2676-7. 8. f.LGA&a-Ta 'PwJ-La(ous ••• Ta ~uj3A(a TauTa: von Scala, 290 (d. Pedech, Methode, 566) concludes that P. is referring to his later books and that since Greeks were increasingly alienated by these, P. was aiming rather at a Roman audience. More probably Tcl f3vf3Ala TaVTa are P.'s Histories generally, and the Romans are mentioned simply as a guarantee of the truth of his account of Aemilius' incorruptibility (hard though his Greek audience would find it to believe 494
AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS
XXXI. 23. 5
this!). See Walbank, Polybius, 4 n. r8; and for a similar concern to establish his own credentials, below 30. 2 n. P. does of course also envisage Roman readers; cf. iii. 21. g, vi. II. 3· 23. 1. ri]s ••• Ka.Ta Tl]v liL-IJY'flOW tcfu.)Sou: 'the progress of my narrative'; d. iii. r. II for a similar (but not identical) sense. Tidv Ka.Lpidv: 'the occasion' or 'the period of time'. To Ka.Ta Tttv TrpoTepa.v ~o~Xov tv (Tra.yyt:Alll- Ka.TaXc;L«jj9ev: 'the promise which I made in my previous book and left unfulfilled', i.e. in book xxx. For this sense see iii. 40. 7, iv. 28. 2, 28. 6, 37· 4, 66. Io; and for the likelihood that P. had repeated in book xxx the undertaking given in xviii. 35· 6, 36. r, see 22. 4 n. TC>v tLA'flKowv EvEKa.: 'for the sake of my readers'; q,,>.~Koot suggests those reading for interest rather than instruction, but in no derogatory sense (for the contrast cf. vii. 7· 8; see too ix. I. 4 n.). 2. 90.TTov ft Ka.9ijKEV t~eAa.Jl"'t:v: 'became so bright unexpectedly early'; in 25. 6 P. uses €~ cf. Strachan-Davidson, 7; Welles, p. 310. 4. ~K Two.,; xp-l)ac;w.,; J3u~A(wv: 'from the loan (or use) of some books'; the sense 'use' is adopted by Leo, 4-Bo and Gelzer, Kl. Schr. iii. 178 n. 133, and is the commoner meaning of xpijut>, but either is possible. In any case, if P. means that Scipio and P. read and discussed certain books, this could have involved lending and borrowing. Gelzer, loc. cit., rightly assumes that the books in question were from Perseus' library, which Aemilius Paullus had given to his sons (Plut. A em. 28. 6; cf. Haywood, n). Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (1)', col. 1451 n. I, assumes less probably that P. had brought his books and papers with him from Megalopolis, and that he lent these to Scipio; but it is unlikely that when he left for Rome he expected to be there for sixteen years. 8t:B'flAWKa.!-LEY: perhaps in book xxx, when he undertook to recount Scipio's early reputation and the beginnings of intimacy with himself (cf. §§ 1-2)-probably at Rome (cf. 22. 4 n.). 5. TWV Ava.KEKA'fli-L€vwv: cf. xxx. 32. ro n. E'IFL TnS 'IFOAug: mainly those of Etruria (Paus. vii. ro. II). M. H. Crawford suggests to me that these are likely to have been primarily the Latin colonies of Southern Etruria such as Cosa, Spoletium, i95
XXXI. ZJ. 5 AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS
Namia, Nepet, and Sutrium, all within a fairly short distance of Rome ; Campanian prisoners had been lodged at Veii, Sutrium, and Nepet in 210 (Livy, xxvi. 34· 7, 34· 10). o TE IPO.~ws ~.l,, constitutional deterioration is something quite different from vicious tendencies in young men. Moreover, Cato's forebodings(§ sa) were voiced as early as his censorship (184) and cannot be fitted into P.'s schematic theory of political decline (cf. Brink and Walbank, CQ, 1954, 105-7). Moralists and historians propounded various dates for the onset of moral corruption at Rome. Piso (HRR, i. 137, fg. 38 Pliny, Nat. hist. xvii. 244) dated it to I54· when the decline was portended by a fig-tree which sprang up on the Capitol; and for P.'s view see xviii. 35· I n. See also A. W. Lintott, Historia, 1972, 626-38 (especially 629, where the argument that by 8w.11611'T~o£ 1ToAEp.ot (xviii. 35· 1) P. means the First Punic War does not convince me). For P.'s criticism of Roman mores see Lucilius, fg. 557 Diehl (= 1174-6 Marx), discussed in Macrob. iii. r6. 17-18, and the speech of C. Titius recorded by Macrob. iii. I6. 15-16. This was delivered, according to Macrobius, in support of C. F annius' sumptuary law of 161 ; but Cicero, Brutus, I67, makes Titius a contemporary of Crassus and Antonius; on the problem see Malcovati, ORFJ, i. 2o1-3, no. 51; A. E. Douglas, M. TuUi Ciceronis Brutus (Oxford, 1966), 128; G. V. Sumner, The Orators in Cicero's Brutus (Toronto, 1973), roi no. R n2. P.'s comments on Scipio's morality are consonant with his attacks on alleged breaches of ancestral mores in his later speeches; cf. Malcovati, ORFJ, I27-33, no. 2I, fgs. 17-26, 30, attacking P. Sulpicius Galus (142), Ti. Claudius Asellus (140), L. Aurelius Cotta (138), and the corrupt youth of his time in his speech against Ti. Gracchus (129). See Earl, •'-foral and Political Tradition, 37-38. 5. Ta.p£xou nov-rucou KEpcl.tJ.~OV TPLClKOtr£wv 8pa.xtJ.GlV: salted fish was poor man's food in Greece (and later in Rome); but evidently in the second century commerce in it had not yet developed, so that it was still accounted a rarity at Rome (cf. Orth, RE, 'Kochkunst', col. 964, salsamenta). Diod. xxxvii. 3· 5. gives the price as 400 dr. Various sorts of fish were salted, but mainly tunny. Discussing an inscription listing fish-prices at Acraephia in Boeotia in the second century (now republished with a further section by F. Salviat and C. Vatin, Inscriptions de Grece centrale (Paris, 1971), 95-109), M. Feyel, BCH, 1936, 27 ff., no. 2, shows that tunny cost It obols a p..va. lp..11opt.d] (= 6oo-8oo gr.), which is enough for two to three persons. Prices quoted in the comic passages in Athen. vi. 224 f. are probably exaggeratedly high; cf. Wilhelm, Jahresh. 1909, 148. We do not know the size of K!p&p.,ov mentioned here; KEpd.p.£a of 5, 6, 8, and I2 choes are known, but that of 8 choes is most usual (cf. Videbantt, RE, 500
AEMILIUS PAULLUS AND SCIPIO AEMILIANUS XXXI.
25.8
col. 254). A clwus was between 2 and 3litres, according to the local system used, hence a jar of 8 clwes would hold between 16 and 24 litres. Clearly 300 dr. (probably 300 denarii) is very dear for that amount of fish, when at Acraephia the same sum would have purchased over 1,ooo kg. of tunny (fresh or salted?). -nip~xo~ came from both Spain and the Euxine; for full discussion see Besnier, DS, iv. Io22-5. Sa. MnpKOS (O.ya.va.KTwv): Heyse added ayavaK'TWV from Diod. xxxi. 24, an excerpt from de sent., where that word was Dindorf's reading; it is however improbable, for Mai read avayKwV, and Mercati's proposed ll.'T'TtKwv gained the approval of Boissevain, who records that litterae TTl vix despiciuntur. Diodorus' text therefore reads: l(€p&fUOV 8€ IlovnKOU -raplxov Tp£aKoutwv opaxf'WV l1'T'T£1(WV MapKo&.{Jwv. Plutarch goes on with an anecdote which suggests that the reason lay in incompatibility of temperament rather than any more notorious fault. EAlmrEcrTEpav •.• rijs KaT a Ti)v ECiy£vEtav cpavTacr£as: 'fell short of the splendour due to her state'. 9. ou8ds oCIOEvl offiwcrt ••• EKt:w ouOEv: a strong statement, made stronger by the repeated negatives, no doubt echoing folk-wisdom; cf. the Yorkshire saying, 'if ever tha does owt for nowt, do it for thisen'. 10. vpfi Ka-rO. tf>6cnv laVTwv 1ra-rpds) >..a{J611'Tos. But laVTwv is only masculine in P., and the rest seems dubious Greek. 1. b ... 1faTtiP: it would be superfluous to observe that it is of course Africanus who made these provisions for his daughters, had not Carcopino (Gracques, 65 n. 59) assumed that P. is referring to Africanus' son, Aemilianus' father by adoption. In close conjunction with Ovya-rlpwv this is impossible ; they must be the daughters of the 7Ta-r/jp, as they are of the ILftT7)p in § 3· If 'll"a-r/jp meant Aemilianus' father by adoption, and he had constituted the dowries, moreover, the payment of half of these could hardly have fallen on the girls' mother, Aemilia; see Boyer, RIDA, 1950 (=Melanges de Visscher iii), 174. 1fEVTtiKovTa TaAaVTa: equating the drachma with the denarius (ct. ii. 15. r n. with addendum, Vol. II, p. 63o, wrongly listed under JOO,ooo denarii HS r,zoo,ooo. The elder book i), so talents Cornelia was betrothed while Africanus was alive (Livy, xxxviii. 57· 2); but the sources disagree about whether the younger Cornelia's betrothal and marriage took place before or after his death. Plutarch (Ti. Gracch. 4. 3. cf. r. r-2) records that, according to P. (the passage has not survived: see Pedech, Methode, 367 n. 82), Cornelia's relatives betrothed her after Africanus had died leaving her G.vi.Kao-rov Kat d.vl.yyvov; and the alternative version seems to have been fabricated by Roman annalists in order to link the betrothal romantically with the misfortunes of the Scipios, and to have been elaborated by rhetoricians (cf. Livy, xxxviii. 57· 3-8; Val. Max. iv. z. 3; Gell. xii. 8. r-4; Dio, xix fg. 65. I; Cic. de inuent. i. 91; Elder Seneca, contr. v. 2, 3; Sen. cons. ad Helu. 12. 6; nat. quaest. i. q. 8; both Senecas falsely allege that the dowry of Scipio's daughters was paid by the state). Clearly Africanus must have undertaken to give each daughter a dowry of so talents-probably in his will-before a particular marriage was in prospect. See Mommsen, Rom. F orsch. ii. 478 n. 129; Boyer, RIDA, 1950 (Melanges de Visscher, iii), 174--6, who in a discussion of the legal situation suggests that Africanus disinherited his two daughters, leaving his wife Aemilia as his heres (cf. 26. 2 n.)-not necessarily sole heres-but provided handsomely for their future by a legacy per damnationem, which required the heres, or a named coheres, in this case Aemilia, to pay a named sum as dowry for each. This legal provision treated the daughter as the legatee, though in fact the future husband (whose identity was not necessarily known when the will was made) was to receive the dowry (cf. D. 30. 6~ is literally the strikingout of the entry by him upon his paying the money to Gracchus and Nasica. For a comparable usage see IG, vii. 3I72 VIII c; and see the discussion in Kiessling, RE, Suppl.-B. iv, 'Giroverkehr', cols. 698--9; Hasebroek, Hermes, 1920, 119; Frank, ES, i. 206. 11. cl.KpL~ELa. vEpt TO SLcl.q,opov: cf. 26. 9· 12. To KT)SE~:.~.ovLKov E!.l.q,a.v(~ovTES: 'showing their consideration'; cf. iv. 32. 4; Welles, p. 157 no. 36 l. 5, p. 345· 16. OL ••• vEpt Tov T E~EpLov: Gracchus and Nasica. KO.TEyvwKoTEs ••• Tils a.uTwv !.I.LKpoXoy(a.s: a Polybian touch; the two men had no reason for embarrassment about their behaviour-Dn the contrary they had resisted Scipio's gesture, which given the nature of Roman aristocratic tradition was calculated to place them at a disadvantage. That, if anything, not their own f.LtKpoAoy{a, was likely to embarrass them. 28. 1-6. Scipio surrenders his half of Aemilius' property to his brother Fabius and pays for half the funeral games given by Fabius ; cf. Diod. xxxi. 27. 5-6 28. 1 . ....ETa. s· ~TT) SUo: on Aernilius Paullus' death in I6o see 22. 1-30. 4 n. c&>cl.~Lov: cf. 23. 5 n. ; the lex V oconia of 169 would debar Aemilius Paullus from leaving his second wife or his daughters coheredes (though of course, had he wished to do so, this law could have been circumvented; cf. § 8 n.). 2. TOUS s· KXXous ULOUS ••• vcl.vTa.s !.I.ETT)XXa.xEVO.L: by his second wife Aemilius had had two sons (for whom he had brought the Athenian Metrodorus to Rome as tutor; Pliny, Nat. hist. xxxv. I35). Of these the elder died, aged I4, a few days after his triumph over Perseus, and the younger, aged 12, a few days before (Livy, xlv. 40. 7-8; Vell. i. 10. 3-5; Val. Max. v. Io. 2; Cic. Jam. iv. 6. I; Plut. A em. 35; App. Mac. 19; Diod. xxxi. II. I); see Klebs, RE, 'Aemilius (114)', col578. The proximity of the deaths indicates some infectious disease. 3. uvEp E~TJKOVTa. Tcl.Xa.vTa.: over HS 1.44o,ooo (cf. 27. 2 n.)-a moderate fortune (Shatzman, 243); but it is not clear whether this is calculated before or after the repayment of the dowry of 25 talents= HS 6oo,ooo to Aernilius Paullus' widow (xviii. 35· 6). The inheritance was probably ceded by an act of in iure cessio hereditatis (Gaius, 509
XXXI. 28.3
SCIPIO SURRENDERS PROPERTY
Inst. ii. 35-36, iii. Bs-86; G. Boyer, RIDA, 1950 (=Melanges de Visscher, iii), 179 n. 32). In thus accepting th'e responsibilities of a co-heir without the financial advantages Scipio acted with unusual generosity; cf. Cic. leg. ii. so, for the older pontifical doctrine, prior to P. Mucius Scaevola, laying dm.,.n the principle that the sacra went with the property~hence, presumably, other similar financial obligations (cf. Boyer, op. cit. 185). 4. yEVoj.Lf:vou ••• 11'£pl~ot\Tov: thus contributing to the reputation he was concerned to foster (25. 9}. 5. JlOVolla.xia.t; €1!'t TQ 'll'a.Tpl. 'll'ol.:iv: gladiatorial funeral games probably originated in Etruria (cf. Nic. Damasc., FGH, 90 F 78, referring however to games accompanying banquets), perhaps as a substitute for human sacrifice (Serv. ad A en. iii. 67, x. 519); contests are portrayed on Etruscan grave urns. The first recorded funeral games at Rome are from 264, when three pairs fought in the Forum Boarium at the funeral of D. Iunius Brutus Pera, at his son's expense (Val. Max. ii. 4· 7; Livy, ep. 16; Serv. ad A en. iii. 67; Auson. ld. xi. 36). These spectacles became increasingly popular and the number of pairs increased to 22 (in 216), 25 (in 2oo}, 6o (in 183), 74 (in 174). It was at the games for Aemilius Paullus in 16o that the audience were enticed from the performance of Terence's Hecyra, which ·with the Adelphoe formed part of the entertainment; cf. Ter. Hec. 31~32, 'quom interea rumor uenit, f datum iri gladiatores, populus conuolat.' SeeK. Schneider, RE, Supp.-B. iii, 'gladiatores', cols. 76o--z; M. Grant, Gladiators (London, 1967 ), 13; G. Ville in Problemes de la guerre a Rome, ed. Brisson (Paris, Ig6g), !85-95· 6. out( €M.TTWv f) avll'll'ii.aa. Tpul.l(oVT« Ta.AavTwv: HS 72o,ooo, half of the whole fortune left by Aernilius Paullus (cf. § 3 n.). On the devotion of Roman nobles at this time to conspicuous display, even when as here it was beyond their means, see Gelzer, Kl. Schr. i. III = Nobility, IIo-II.
28. 7-9. On his mother's death Scipio gives aU her property, including his gifts to her, to his sisters; cf. Diod. xxxi. 27. 7 28. 7. flnt\AAa.g.:v T) fltiTYJP: Papiria (26. 6) evidently died a little after Aemilius Paullus, hence in 16o or 159 (for his death in 16o cf. p. 37).
8. cipTtws : 26. 6. TlJV Ao~-rrTJv ovaLa.v: in addition to the gifts he had made her out of
the deceased Aemilia's property. n'll't8wl(£ TO.i~ 0.8.:Acpa.'ls: cf. Plut. Aem. S· 4-s, for two daughters of Aemilius Paullus and, presumably, Papiria (though this is nowhere stated), one the wife of M. Porcius Cato, son of the censor (cf. Plut. Cato mai. 20. 8, 24· 1; on difficulties concerning the date of the 510
SCIPIO GIVES PROPERTY TO HIS SISTERS
XXXI. :28. u
marriage cf. Klebs, RE, 'Aemilius (18o)', cols. 592-3), the other that of Q. Aelius Tubero, who was legatus to his father-in-law in the Pydna campaign (Livy, xlv. i· I; cf. Klebs, RE, 'Aelius (154)', col. 535; RE, 'Aemilius (151)', col. 59o). As with the gift to his brother (§ 3 n.), Scipio will have used in iure cessio hereditatis; see Boyer, RIDA, 1950 (=Melanges de Visscher, iii), 18o-I, who remarks that the poverty of Q. Aelius Tubero was almost legendary (cf. Plut. A em. 5· 4-5, 28. 6--7; Val. Max. iv. 4· 9) and that since Scipio gave the property to his sisters, and not to their husbands, the marriages were probably without manus. ~s oVBtv a.l!Ta.l:s 'ITpoaftKE Ka.Ta Tous v6~ous: why not merely Scipio's gifts to Papiria, but the rest of her property too, reverted to him on her death, to the exclusion of his elder brother Fabius and the sisters (if she was in fact their mother) needs explanation. Since, on her divorce from Aemilius Paullus Papiria passed out of his manus (if indeed it was a manus marriage), none of her children counted as her agnati; consequently, she must have made a will leaving Scipio Aemilianus her heir. Why Fabius and the girls were excluded is not recorded; but perhaps she was grateful for Scipio's generosity. It is unlikely that the girls had no claim on the estate solely because of the lex Voconia of 16uX£a.v ••• Els 'Potlov: evidently visited by the Roman envoys on their way back from Cappadocia. I 1fQVfO.
' 1fO~f1U€lV
'" ' t:l ~ I "A , , , "€WS E!>ELpya.aa.TO t"O.UU\EU!i • , , '11'poaa.yopEUVf1VO.\;
slightly ambiguous; but the most probable meaning is that Demetrius succeeded in getting himself called king by the envoys (vrr' a.th-wv; d. Badian, Io8 n. I), not in gaining official recognition at Rome; d. xxxii. 3· 13 n. See Niese, iii. 247; Otto, 6. Ptolemiier, 82-83 n. 5; Briscoe, Historia, Ig6 -i}v EXE£ TTp6, 'Pwp.aiov,, E'T£ (,~ rryv ot' iK€lvov> YEVOfdVTJV am~pp'Y}atv
TOfi
Yclf.LOV Kal
,p,)..la, TTp6> L1'Y}f£7}Tp£0V.
JlnpTupa.s ••• To us 'II"Ept Tov T el3eptov: cf. Diod. xxxi. 28 (following the passage quoted in the previous note), avvETT£f.LafYTVpoVVTWV D~ nov TTEP~ Tov FpaKxov TTpwf3evn!ov, ~ aVyKA'YJ'To> KTA. On Gracchus' eastern embassy see xxxi. IS. 9 n., 32. 3 n., 33· I n.; it evidently returned to Rome in summer 16o. 3. Tov TE aK('II"wva. Ka.i. Tov H..e4>cl.vnvov Si4>pov: both the ivory sella curulis and the sceptre, also of ivory, are among xap£l77'7jp£a Tfj> avf.£f.Laxla> (cf. App. Lib. 32) bestowed by the Romans on friendly kings;
similar gifts included gold and silver vases and cups, the gold crown, toga purpurea, and tunica palmata which, with the sceptre, recall the costume of the triumphator (on which see Versnel, s6 ff.), and the toga praetexta to accompany the sella curulis. Livy (xxvii. 4· 8-10) records the gift of a sella eburnea and toga purpurea to Syphax and Ptolemy IV in 2IO; but the embassies mentioned there are of dubious authenticity (d. Klotz, Livius, I8o; and for the one to Ptolemy see ix. I I an.). Both sceptre and sella curulis are among gifts bestowed on 1\iasinissa (Livy, xxx. IS. II, xxxi. II. I2; cf. App. Lib. 32; Badian, 29s n. M, queries the authenticity of this, however), on Eumenes II (Livy, xlii. 14. Io; Diod. xxix. 34) and, in the early empire, Ptolemy of Mauretania (Tac. Ann. iv. 26 mentions the sceptre, but both 518
ARIARATHES V'S EMBASSY AT ROME XXXII.
2.
5
appear on his coins). See Hug, RE, 'Sceptrum', col. 372; Kubler, RE, 'sella curulis', col. r314; S. Weinstock, ]RS, 1957, 148 n. 38; E. Rawson, ]RS, 1975, 155 (for the equation between king and triumphator; cf. Dion. Hal. v. 35). 4. 1rpo Toll XELfLC>Vos: perhaps October-November; cf. xxix. 3· t n. For the occasional hearing of envoys in late summer or early autumn cf. xxv. 4· 2 n., xxviii. 2. I n. 5. )\Tn1Aou 11'a.po.yEVTJ9EvTOS: cf. xxxi. 32. I-2 . .fiSTJ TCIV 01!'aTwv TO.s O.pxO.s ElATJ<j)oTwv: Cn. Cornelius Cn.f. Cn.n. Dolabella and M. Fulvius M.f. M.n. Nobilior, coss. A.U.c. 595, who took office on the Ides of March, 159. The case against Eumenes was thus heard at the normal time. Pedech, Methode, 462, argues that id. mart. 159 was therefore before the winter; but P. does not indicate how long elapsed between the dismissal of Ariarathes' envoys and the entry into office of the new consuls. The Cappadocians were heard early so that they might return that autumn, hence no conclusions can be drawn concerning the state of the Roman calendar (cf. Derow, Phoenix, I973. 355--6). See Briscoe, Hermes, 1977, 249. 6. 11'AELovwv ETEpwv 6.1ro Tfjs )\a(a.s: cf. xxx. 30. 4, xxxi. I. 3· 7. auVTJU~E Tbv "TTa.Aov: for avvatfEw, 'increase the power of', common in chancery language, see Welles, p. 365.
l. 1-3. 13. Envoys from Demetrius I (r59) This excerpt from de legat. gent. follows the last passage and also r6o/59 (seep. 36); 3· 7--9 is also belongs to res Italiae of OL I5S. I in exc. de sent. On Demetrius' embassy cf. Diod. xxxi. 29-30; Zon. ix. 25. 5; App. Syr. 47. Like that of Eumenes, its hearing followed the entry of the consuls for I59 into office.
l. 1. t.'lfLTJTp(ou ••• M'lvoxO.pTJv: cf. xxxi. 2. I n., 33· I n.; and for this embassy, xxxi. 33· s. For the 'crown' cf. xxx. 5· 4 n. TOV 11'pOUEVEYKO.VTO. T~ rva.t'll TCllj XEi'pa.s: on the murder of Cn. Octavius at Laodiceia-on-Sea cf. xxxi. rr. I n. 3. Tous ••• 6.v8pw1rous oo 1rpoaE8ESO.TO: on the motives cf. 3· II-I z. 4. At:11'TlVTJV: cf. xxxi. 33· 5; Kroll, RE, 'Leptines (5)', col. 2074. Nothing further is known of him. •raoKpnTTJV: cf. xxxi. 33· 5; also unknown othernise. RE has no article on him. 5. Tas 6.KpoaaE&~ 1I'O&OufLEvWv: 'who give public lectures' (not 'declaim in public': so Paton). XO.Aos Ka.i 11'Ep11'Epos Ka.l Ka.To.~eop,;s: cf. xxxi. :z6. xo (of women), xxxix. 1. I (of A. Postumius). ~~:a.l. Toi's "EAA'f}aw: i.e. in Greece proper. "AKo.iov: probably Alcaeus of Messene, a poet of the late third and 5I9
XXXII.
2.
5
ENVOYS FROM DEMETRIUS I
early second century, who wrote epigrams against Philip V and others; see xviii. 34· 2 n. Many of his poems .are preserved in the Greek Anthology; see A nth. Pal. v. 9, vii. 247, 4I2, 495, ix. 5I8, 5I9, 588, xi. I2, xii. 64, xvi. 5. 7; cf. vii. I, 5. 55· See further Susemihl, ii. 544-6; Walbank, CQ, I942, I34-45; I943· I-I3; Edson, CP, I948. u6-2I; T. B. L. Webster, Hellenistic Poetry and Art (London, I964), 233 ff. He has probably no connection with the Epicurean philosopher J:L\.Kws mentioned in Athen. xii. 547 A (manuscript: :4.\wv; :4AKafov in Aelian, Var. kist. ix. 12). tv ra'i:s IuyKptat:aw: these critical Comparisons may have been a work resembling his attack on Ephorus; ct. Porphyry ap. Euseb. Praep. eu. x. 3· 23.467 d (= FGH, 70 T q), recording that Alcaeus orwvAo£06pwv lcif-Lf!wv Kal l7T£ypa[L[LQ'TWV 1TotTjr-l]S" 1Tapc(l87]KE ras 'Ep6pov KA01TaS" lgeA.£yxwv (perhaps deriving his material from Lysimachus, who wrote two books 1rept rijs 'Eopov KAo'lrijs: cf. Gudeman, RE, 'Lysimachos (2o)', cols. 33-34). If the addition of parody was Alcaeus'
contribution, this may be one respect in which his work resembled that of Cercidas of Megalopolis (ii. 48. 4 n.); cf. Walbank, CQ, I943. I O-Il.
6. vepi TW\1 tolwv tm'"JOEUI:LaTW\1: literary topics. 7. vpa.yi:La.nKns &.vo~O.aus t~e~a.At:: 'make pronouncements on political matters'. rljs O.veOTJV £~oua(a.s: 'their unrestrained exercise of power' (Paton). 8. imJIOAoywv: 'abusive remarks'; d. xii. 8. 5 n.
3. 1. tv r'fi Aa.oOLKt:tq.: Laodiceia-on-Sea was founded by Seleucus I and named after his mother Laodice (Strabo, xvi. 2. 4, C. 750; App. Syr. 57); with Apamea, Antioch, and Seleuceia it made up the Tetrapolis, and stood on the site of modem Latakia; see Honigmann, RE, 'Laodikeia (I}', cols. 7I3-I8. The description in Strabo, xvi. 2. 9, C. 75I-2 depends on Poseidonius. 3. I:LTJOE ~OUA€UEa9a.L I:LTJOE\1 ouaxep£s KTA.: that Demetrius was deterred from treating the people of Laodiceia harshly by the intervention of the Epicurean mathematician Philonides may be indicated by a passage in P. Hercul. Io44 (ct. Cronert, 5.-B. Berlin, I9oo, 942-59; Usener, Rh. Mus. I90I, I46-8)-though indeed the text is fragmentary and the restoration uncertain (see R. Philippson, RE, 'Philonides (5)', cols. 63-73. especially 66; and, better, L. Moretti, Riv. fil. I965, 285-6, commenting on an inscription from Dyme (SEG, xiv. 369; cf. SEC, xiv. 368; Bingen, BCH, I954. 396-8; Habicht, Historia, I958, 376-8)). Moretti here suggests that the Hagemonides honoured in this inscription had also rendered his services to Dyme on this occasion. Hagemonides was in the Seleucid service ; cf. 2 Mace. xiii. 24. 7. 9ea.I:La. 9a.ui:LaaLov: P. is filled with amazement (but, apparently, 520
ENVOYS FROM DEMETRIUS I
XXXII. 4· 1-3
no compassion) at the spectacle of this man who seems to have been driven insane by these experiences. 12. &u:rT' ~xew E~ouo-(a.v ••• xpt)o-a.cr&a.l TOtS EyKAtt!-!.O.Gl: P.'s interpretation of the Senate's motives is in line with that put forward elsewhere; cf. xxx. 1-3, 18. 7, 19. 5-13, xxxi. IO. 6-7, II. n, 21. 6, xxxii. IJ. 9; Walbank, Polybi~~s. 166-73. The alternative explanation, Roman apathy, seems less probable in an affair in which a Roman had been murdered while on an officiallegatio. 13. eO.v T6 ~K0.\10\1 1T0Lft KTA.: cf. Diod. xxxi. JO, quoting the same reply, but adding (perhaps in a Polybian phrase omitted by the excerptor) that it was .Aaoos: .i>.Et'T'Ijptos;. The metaphor is of ritual purgation after pollution. 4. XO.po'ITa.: on Charops of Epirus see xxvii. rs. 3 n. Ev BpoEVTEa~: evidently on his way home from a senatorial audience at the beginning of rsg; see 6. 3--9; cf. Buttner-Wobst, RE, Suppl.B. i, 'Charops (I2)', col. 28s. Both Scullard (]RS, I94S. 6I) and Hammond (Epirus, 632 n. I) misdate Charops' death to IS7· 522
THE ACTIVITIES OF CHAROPS IN EPIRUS
XXXII. 6.
2
"' KO.TQ.' TT)V ' "H 1TElpOV ET " ' EV ' O.ICO.TUO'TO.O"lO.lS' ' ' .'1 •tV! Up t 0 th e t'lllle 5 , TO.' oE of Charops' death; by inserting 'however' Paton wrongly suggests that the disturbances continued after this, but the reference to a 'purgation' indicates that that is not P.'s meaning. (ws ICa.Ta) Tou; i1ravw xpovous: see xxx. xz n.; that Epirus was torn by faction during as well as after the war with Perseus is shown by the attempt to ambush A. Hostilius Mancinus in 170 (xxvii. x6). 6. AEuKtov :A.vliClOV ICa.t (Afi:uiCtov Al!-l£Atov &.vEAeiv): so BiittnerWobst following Reiske; cf. Livy, xlv. 34· 9, 'et post paucos dies Anicius conuentu reliquorum Epirotarum Acarnanumque acto iussisque in Italiam sequi principibus, quorum cognitionem causae <senatui) reseruarat, et ipse ... in Italiam traiecit.' This action was evidently concerned with the details of when these men should go to Italy; they had already been named (xxx. 13. 6; Livy, xlv. 31. 9). That Anicius issued a supplementary list seems unlikely (see Deininger, 204 n. 14 against Oost, 84-Ss). P. could scarcely exonerate Aemilius Paullus from having carried through the massacres in Epirus (xx.x.. xs); but it is by no means certain that his name should be introduced here (Oost, 133 n. Io4) and it is preferable to bracket Kal (so Hultsch) rather than add .tov dv£ki.'v). Lhry does not mention executions at this point and the sense will be: 'after L. Anicius had condemned some of the leading men, and dis-patched others to Rome'. Ka-raxpi.vnv means 'to condemn' and is not easily followed by further infinitives (hence Paton's mistranslation, 'after the decision of L. Anicius etc.'). In any case, the wording looks like that of the excerptor. 9. otov £q,ESpda.v 1OINIKAIEQN were probably issued by this regional league; see Franke, Munzen, II2 f.; Hammond, Epirus, 643-4. However, by c. 155 (cf. Syll. 654 A [,-]6 Kotv6r [,-wv] 'H1Tetpw,-w[v]), and perhaps by 157 (cf. 14. 1 n.), the Epirote Confederation had evidently been restored, and it may be to this restored league that Charops brought his victims; however, the date of its restoration remains uncertain. For coins which may have been issued by this restored confederation see Franke, Munzen, 325 f.; but Hammond, Epirus, 644, 725, prefers the orthodox view which dates them before the Third Macedonian War. 3. olhm ••• ~~uyov: despite the death sentence (§ z); it was probably intended that they should evade it, as was customary at Rome (cf. vi. 14. 7-8). X&.poljl WPI'TJO'~v Ets 'l'i]v 'Pwi'T)V: probably in early spring 160, since he found Aemilius Paullus still alive (§ 5): cf. Deininger, zxo n. 12. 4. KclAA~O'TOV • • • s~iYJ.L"l8evTes: there is no evidence to show whether these Delians were enrolled as citizens of any specific Achaean city. In the case of Cassander, whose grant of citizenship by several states is recorded in Syll. 653 A. 10 (c. 165), no city is mentioned in connection with the Achaean grant ; but that was of course a more formal and honorific grant (cf. Aymard, ACA, 113-14n. 2). Evidence from other confederations (JG, ix 2 • 2. 393 ll. 2 ff. (Acarnania); Bull. epig. 1967, no. 335 (Epirus)) suggests that the new citizens could choose their city; nor is there any evidence that in such cases the consent of the city in question was needed (cf. Kalbe, Z. Sav.-Stijt. Rom. Abt. 1929, 139 ff. esp. 153, reprinted in F. Gschnitzer, Zur griechischen 525
XXXII. 7· 3
ATHENIAN AND ACHAEAN ENVOYS IN ROME
Staatskunde (Darmstadt, 1969), 375 ff.). See Giovannini, Untersuchungen, 31. ~ea. TO. To 1rpos Tous ~xa.1.0us auJ.Lj3oAov: evidently a commercial treaty between Achaea and Athens prescribing the procedure to be followed in settling disputes; cf. xxiii. I, 2 n. 4. J.LYJ8Ev ••• TllS 8~Ko.~o8oa£a.s Ta.uTYJS: see xxiii. I. 2 n. for OtKawooa{a as a technical term in connection with a mJfiiJo>.ov. ijvouvTo puata. ••• Ka.T!l Twv ~8'lva.\wv: cf. iv. 26. 7 n., 53· 2, xxii. 4· 13, for reprisals, a recognized procedure when peaceful methods produced no satisfaction. In view of P.'s remarks in xxx. 2o. 8--9, it appears that Achaean reprisals against Athens had been going on for some years (cf. Ferguson, 323-4); the point at issue between Athens and the Delians may have been the interpretation of the clause in the Roman order which allowed the latter to take their property with them (Larsen, GFS, 486). 5. Kup\o.s €tva.~ Tlls ••• Y€YEVflJ.LEva.s ••• oLKoVOJ.L,a.s: this implies that the Senate accepted the Achaean claim to apply to the new citizens from Delos the terms of their existing avJ.Lf3o?..ov with Athens. Whether the points at dispute were now peacefully settled is not recorded; but the affair of Oropus soon soured Achaeo-Athenian relations still further (n. 4-{i n.).
8. 1-7. Assessment of Eumenes II This excerpt from de uirt. et uit. (with some fragments from Suidas) is part of res Asiae of 01. I55· 2 I59/8 and appears to be from an obituary passage on Eumenes II ; on this, and on the date of Eumenes' death see p. 39· The latter is controversial. Strabo (xiii. 4· 2, C. 624) gives Attalus II 2I years and Attalus III five; since Attalus III died in spring IJ3 (Livy, ep. 58), this would make Attalus II's ac~ cession 159. However, Attalus I died in I97 (see Vol. II, pp. 572, 6o3); and if the 49 years assigned by Strabo (xiii. 4· 2, C. 624) to Eumenes' reign is emended to 39 {so Meischke, Symbolae ad Eumenis II Pergamenorum regis historiam, Diss. Leipzig, I892, IJ, i.e . ..119 instead of Mt9: 49 must be wrong), this would bring Eumenes' death down to 158, which fits the dating of this excerpt to 159/8.
8. 1. EGJ.LEVflS: see xviii. 41. Io n. and passim; on his physical debility cf. xxiv. 5· 2, xxx. 2. 5 n. (referring to 168{7). Tfi •.• Tils ~uxils Ao.p.1TpOTflTL: cf. xxix. 8. 2, 'l!'avovpyoTo.atT'TJV ~roA1rov ~eai Tov :48pap.VTT7Jv&v; above, xxi. 22. 15 (cf. Livy, xxxviii. 54· n f.); Hansenz, 70. Eumenes' gains were after the war between Rome and Antioch us; cf. xxi. 24. 6-8, 46. 2-12. 4. oo 'I'UXYI 'I'O 1TAEiov auvepy~ XPWtLEVOS: like Hiero (d. vii. 8. I, oVx bE:pov ovaiv (K rfjs ro'X'}S ETOtp.ov 7rapa>.a{lwv) ; whereas Scipio Aemilianus had some help from Tawop.aTov (xxxi. 25. ro, 29. 2, 30. 3 n.). See Vol. I, p. 22 nn. 5 and 7· Fortune here means 'good luck'; see Siegfried, 55, 61 ; von Scala, 173, 179 n. ouS' EK 1TEpL1TEn(a.s : cf. xxxviii. 9· 2 ; there too the sense is simply 'by chance', though usually 1rEP'1rETHa means 'sudden misfortune' (d. Siegfried, 48 n. 81) or 'reversal of fortune' (for the better or worse'; cf. xxi. 26. 16, 26. 18). ~TL 8£ 1rp6.~ews Tils a.(J'I'ou: cf. § 6; probably 'political dexterity, or ability' rather than 'industry, energy' (Paton), or 'personal labour' (Shuck burgh), which is the meaning of •'Ao1rovla; cf. ii. 47· s. -rrpfitw ZxoV'I'a Kat o-Ovw•v, 'a man of practical ability and sound sense'; iv. 77· x, 77· 3, 1rpae,v Kai TDAp.av, 'ability and daring'. See Schweighaeuser, Lex. Polyb. s.v. 1r~'S'· 5. 1TAdaTa.s ••• 1r0Ans 'EAATJv£Sa.s eOt:py~TTJO"E: d. Livy, xlii. 5· 3, ' .•. cum Eumenis beneficiis muneribusque omnes Graeciae ciuitates et plerique principum obligati essent, et ita se in regno suo gereret, ut, quae sub dicione eius urbes (essent), nullius liberae duitatis fortunam secum mutatam uellent'. That passage echoes a lost part of P. book xxvi ; see p. 289. Examples of Eumenes' patronage in Greece are : his donation for a shrine of Dionysus Ly·seius at Thebes (d. Fraser, REA, 1952, 233-45); the sending of workmen to Delphi to repair the theatre and the votive offerings (Syll. 671 B 11. 12-13), and perhaps the construction of the larger stoa outside the sacred precinct to the west and on the level of the temple terrace (Hansen2 , 295); the building of a stoa at Athens (Vitruv. v. 9· 1), usually identified with the large hall, nearly 540 ft. by 58 ft., which stood on the lower south slope of the acropolis below the Asclepieum and between the theatre of Dionysus and the later Odeum of Herodes Atticus {d. Hansen:, 295 n. 181 for bibliography); his gift of corn to Rhodes, to be sold in order to set up a fund for paying teachers (xxxi. 31. 1-3) ; his gift of 3t talents to Delphi to buy grain (Syll. 671, 672); the extensive gifts and concessions, political and economic, and the furnishing of oil for young men, grain for food and seed, and exemption from tribute through his general Corragus (d. Livy, xxxviii. 13. 3, xlii. 67. 2 f.) to an unnamed city which may be Apollonia-on-Rhyndacus; SEG, ii. 663; Holleaux, lftudes, ii. 73-us; Bengtson, Strat. ii. 2n-26. These and 527
XXXII. S. 5
ASSESSMENT OF EUMENES II
no doubt other benefactions are reflected in the many statues set up in Eumenes' honour at Delphi (Syll. 628, M9 (= IG ix:z.. x. 179) II. IQ-13, 630 II. 19-23; cf. Daux, 272-3, soo-r, 504-5 n. z). See further llansenz, ro8-9, 293-8. 1TAElaTous ••• ~awtJ-a.To'll'olT}aE: an example is the The ban leader, Pytheas (xxxvili.. 14. r-2). 6. aSeAcpous ••• TpELS: cf. xviii. 41. IO n. Ka.Tci TTJV 1\ALKla.v Ka.t 1rpii~w: the lacuna following these words rerequires some phrase which makes crvvluxE 1m8a.pxoiJJnw; a.vr(jJ surprising and memorable: Biittner-Wobst, oi!Ta.s Ofl.O«miTovs at'rrip, meets this requirement excellently. On the loyalty of the Attalids to Eumenes and each other see xx.iii. II. 6, xxvii. r8. 3; llansen2 , 128.
9. l-5. C. Fannius sent
to Dalmatia (rs8/7)
This excerpt from de legat. gent. is part of res ltaliae of 01. 155, 3 = 158/7; see p. 38.
9. l. 'laalwv ••• 'II'E1Tpea~£uKbTwv: on Issa (mod. Lissa or Vis) see ii. 8. 5 n. Since its deditio in 229 (ii. u. IZ) it will have been technically a Roman amicus; for its naval contribution to Roman wars in the east see Livy, xxx.i. 45· ro, xxx.ii. 21. 27, xxxvii. r6. 8, xlli. 48. 8 (but it is uncertain whether it had afoedus; cf. ii. n. 12 n.). After the fall of Genthius in 168 (xxix. 13. 2 and following note) L. Anicius announced at Scodra the Illyrian settlement (Livy, xlv. z6. II-IS; above, xxx. 10. r-2 n.; the date was 167), including the clause: 'non solum liberos, sed etiam immunes fore Issenses et Taulantios, quod incolumi Gentio ad Romanos defecissent' {Livy, xlv. z6. 13). Ceka, Questions, 155-{), would emend Issenses to give a reference to Lissus, in view of coins with the legend .thuutTav, which he dates now; this would avoid the assumption that Issa. had joined Genthius and then returned to Rome (which Livy, xlv. 26. 13 would imply). See, however, Fluss, RE, Suppl.-B. v, 'Issa', cols. 348-9; Zippel, 98; and earlier works quoted in Sherk, no. 24 (S.C. de lssaeis (?) of 56 B.C., mentioning Tragurium). AEA!J.a.Teis: the earliest reference to this Illyrian people, whose territory stretched from the Narenta (Naretva), where they marched with the Daorsi (§ 2), northwards to near the Titius (Krka); Pliny, Nat. hist. iii. 139-41; Ptol. Geog. ii. r6; Zippel, IZ!f-30; Patsch, RE, 'Delmatae', cols. 2448-55 ; Wilkes, Dalmatia, 30 and, for the society and economy of the Dalmatians, 177-91. 2. 'E1renov Ka.l Tpa.yup,ov: Epetium (mod. Stobret; Ptol. Geog. ii. r6. 3) lay about five miles east of Split on the south coast of the Split peninsula ; later, under the empire, it fell within the territory of Salona (cf. Patsch, RE, 'Epetium', cols. 2732-3; Wilkes, Dalmatia, 3o, 220). 528
FANNIUS SENT TO DALMATIA
XXXII.
10. 1-8
Tragurium (mod. Trau or Trogir) lay west of Salona on a peninsula between the mainland and the island of Bavo (mod. Ciova). Originally Illyrian, both probably received Greek settlements from Issa (cf. Strabo, vii. 5· 5, C. 315, for Tragurium), but how long they had been Issian possessions is obscure. Braun (RE, 'Tragurium', col. 2076), Fluss (RE, SuppL-E. v, 'Issa', col. 348) and Patsch (RE 'Epetium', col. 273z) all quote the present passage as evidence that Issa controlled the cities c. 220; this is not a justifiable assumption, and Wilkes (Dalmatia, 30) suggests that Issa's control was recent, and reflected an effort, under Roman protection, to dominate the trade with the mainland peoples. For a Greek inscription from Tragurium, which may date from the period of Issian control, see Robert, Istros, 1935--6, 18-20. Aa.opuwv: cf. Livy, xlv. z6. 14 (r67): 'Daorsis quoque immunitatem dare, quod relicto Carauantio cum armis ad Romanos transissent' (cf. Zippel, 84, g8). This Illyrian people had formerly been under the Anliaean kingdom; they lived near the Narenta, on its left bank (cf. Ptol. Geog. ii. 16. 5; Strabo, vii. 5· s. C. 315). Inscriptions have the form Dauersi and d£pv"l~: cf. iii. 5· 2 n., xxxi. 7· 2 n. and below, II. I; he was Ariarathes' elder (putative) brother (cf. Lenschau, RE, 'Orophernes (2)', cols. n68-71). TL!l09Eov Ka.l ALoyEv"lv: Orophernes was alleged to have made Timotheus a present of so talents (and one of 6oo talents and a promise of a further 400 to Demetrius); cf. Diod. xxxi. 32, who also mentions a separate gift of 70 talents to Demetrius. These two envoys are said (Diod. xxxi. 32 b) to have hatched a plot against Ariarathes on the voyage back, but were apprehended by him and put to death at Corcyra. See Olshausen, RE, Suppl.-B. xiv, 'Timotheos (7a)', cols. 796-7. TTJV cj>LA£a.v KO.l TTJV O'U!l!lO.Xia.v lwa.VEW0'0!1EVOU~! cf. XXXi. 3· I n., 3· 3 for the renewal of societas et amicitia with Ariarathes V. 8. Tou "'EuSous ivLKpa.TouvTos: for P.'s cynical interpretation of these events see Walbank, Polybius, r69. Ta vpc:l.ylla.Ta. KO.Ta yv~ll"lV xwpELV: the Senate decided that Ariarathes and Orophernes should share the throne (App. Syr. 47, Kal 'PlJJp.a.loiS ~86KE£ p.lv, ~s MEA..os} and Bacchylides, r8. 2, makes them af3poj3wt. See further Corpus paroem. graec. i. 144; Athen. iv. 132 F, 159 D, xii. 524 F, 526 D; Theoplrr. fg. 86 Wimmer. P. uses the same expression of the Egyptians (xxxix. 1· 7}, and his characterization owes something to the association between character and climate first made by Hippocrates and to be found in Aristotle, Pol. vii. 7· 1-3. 1327 b 19 (cf. Gelzer, Kl. Schr. iii. 4-5; Walbank, Harv. Stud. 1972, 156-7); but it also reflects the idealization of Sparta and the Dorians (cf. Plut. Lye. 4· 3, where Lycurgus compares Tas 'lwvtKa> 7ToAtn"EAElas Kai Tpv,PO.s with the severe and simple civilization of Crete, as a doctor compares healthy bodies with those that are unsound and sickly}. See further E. Will, Doriens et I oniens (Strasbourg, 1956). TEXV£Tt~v is Kaibel's correction of cod. A of Athenaeus, which here reads TEXVTJT£K~v. Schweighaeuser already had made the suggestion in his lexicon, perhaps in the belief that P. was referring to the conduct of technitai of Dionysus, since he would also emend 'laK~v to 'laKX'~v (against this see Wonderer, i. no); nevertheless it is probably right, since TEXVTJTtKo> is not found elsewhere. 12. Attalus' restoration of Ariarathes; cf. Justin. xxxv. r. 2. This was in spring 157 (d. M('lrkholm, NC, 1964, 25); and Eumenes' death and Attalus' succession were recorded under the previous olympiad year, 01. I55· 2 = rsg/8 (cf. 8. I-7 n. and p. 39)· This passage and II. ro should probably stand before rr. r (see p. 39). TTJS a.(JTou vpoa.Lpeo-Ews Ka.L vp6.~Ews: 'of his policy and political skill'. Diod. xxxi. 32 a (where 'Eumenes' is an excerptor's error for 'Attalus'} illustrates this 7Tpart>; he relates how Attalus prevented Demetrius, whose help Orophemes had bought with a payment of 6oo talents and a promise of 400 more (ro. 4 n.}, from giving further assistance by inciting a pretender against him, the later king Alexander Balas. (xxxiii. 2: for the possibility that this account of the Athenian embassy of philosophers to Rome (r55) in Aulus Gellius draws on a passage of P. which was included in the res Graeciae of this year, 01. 155· 3 = 158/7. see ad loc.) 534
ROMAN WAR AGAINST DALMATIA XXXII. 13.9
13. 1-9. Roman decision to make war on the Dalmatians (157{6) This excerpt from de legat. Rom. forms part of res Italiae of Ol. ISS. 4 = I57/6; see p. 38. 13. 1. r CLLOV ~aVVLOV: cf. 9· 3 n.; he had been sent to Dalmatia probably in spring IS7, and his return will have been in the same autumn. Tous ••• ~auKovTas Q.lhKE'L· 4. Tov ~ha.~ouALou '~~'poTE9EvTos: 'when the debate was opened', or 'when proposals were put forward' (cf. xii. 25 k 5, xxvii. 7· 3, xxix. 24. n); Paton's rendering, 'upon the matter being put to the vote', is less likely, for it was the vote that decided the matter against the Achaeans. The envoys "\\ithdrew before discussion began; cf. von Premerstein, RE, 'legatus', col. II37· 542
EMBASSIES AT ROME
XXXIILz
'!Ta.p' OALyov ~AOov n'ITOAUoa.t KTA.: for the view that about this time
the Senate was becoming more well disposed towards the Greeks see Lehmann, 312-13. 5. AoXos nooTO~LOS: A. Postumius Albinus, praetor urbanus rss. cos. rsr (xxxv. 3· 7); on his philhellenic pretensions see xxxix. 1. 1-12. See Munzer, RE, 'Postumius (31)', cols. 902-8; and, for P.'s view of him, Lehmann, 374-7. On the Greek term for the praetor with his six lictors see M9mmsen, St.-R. ii. r. 197 n. s; Mason, 158; above, ii. 23. S· 7. ~h"lp~m1 Tas SUo Ka.8oXtt<ws: the magistrate in charge could decide which sententia he would put forward for the Senate to vote on (cf. Mommsen, St.-R. iii. 2. 987 n. 2; O'Brien-Moore, RE, Suppl.-B. vi, 'senatus', cols. 71s-x6). The praetor on this occasion asked the Senate to decide between letting the detainees go and not letting them go. But P.'s account is ambiguous; for the third view, passed over by Postumius, can be taken in two ways. Most scholars, editors and translators have taken it to mean 'to let them go, but not at once'. This version neglects the use of the two verbs a1ro)n1£Lv and imcrxEw, contrasted by piv and Sl; but they are not easily regarded as identical, and differentiated only by the addition of Komi To "'Ta.pov with the second (cf. § 8 n.). Moreover, when the debate is about whether the detainees shall now be released, to say 'Release them, but continue to hold them for the time being!' comes very near to being nonsense. An alternative meaning (so Lehmann, 376) is 'to release them, but to hold them in Italy for the time being'. Hitherto the debate had been about d-m)/.vats (§§ 4-5), with no strings attached. The supporters of the third motion now introduced a. nuance into the debate by distinguishing between 1hroAt:t;w, 'release from detention', and irrtcrxEtv, 'hold in Italy' for the time being. By ignoring this, and making the issue a straight vote between release (with freedom to return home), dtlva.t, and continued detention, Postumius certainly revealed his hostility towards the Achaeans, in a. way which helps to explain P.'s attitude towards him (cf. xxxix. r). To us civa.KEKA"l~.Evous &.~LEva.L: 'to let go those who had been summoned to Italy' ; the words clearly convey the idea of return to Greece. For TOVS ava.KEKATJpivovs cf. XXX. 32· 10 n. 8. E'ITEXELV ••• G'ITOAU£Lv ••• ci~r.EvTwv: see § 7 n.
2. Three Athenian philosojJhers come as Athenian envoys to Rome The embassy mentioned in this extract from Aulus Gellius (vi. 14. 8-ro) took place in ISS; but, since P. related the dispute between Athens and Oropus in a passage (d. xxxii. n. 5 n.), the passage in P. describing this embassy may have stood in 01. 155. 3 = rsS/7, i.e. in book xxxii between xxxii. 11. 9 and xxxii. 13 (see p. 4o). The visit of the three philosophers was famous; cf. Cic. A cad. ii. 137; 543
XXXUI. z
ATHENIAN PHILOSOPHERS AT ROME
de or. ii. 155; Tusc. iv. 5; Att. xii. 23. 2; Fin. ii. 59; Pliny, Nat. kist. vii. II2; Plut. Cato mai. 22; Aelian, Var. 'kist. iii. I7; Lact. Hist. v. 14. 3-5; Macrob. i. 5· 14 (based on Gellius). 2. (14. 8) uti multam remitteret: cf. xxxii. 11. 5 n. for the soctalent fine imposed by Sicyonian arbitrators on Athens (Paus. vii. 11. 5; Plut. Cato mai. 22. r), and reduced by the Senate on appeal to roo talents. (14. 9) Cameades ... Diogenes ... Critolaus: Carneades of Cyrene succeeded Hegesinus as head of the Academy before 155 (cf. xxxi. 3· r n.). He lived from zr4/13 to 129/8, but retired from his position in IJ7/6. His main doctrine as founder of the New Academy was one of sceptical reserve concerning the truth or falsity of .pxta.s: evidently governor of Cyprus. Mitford, Mnem. 1938, us, plausibly restores his title on an inscription as [& uvyyEVI}s- Ko.l. rrTpo.-rwa> ~ea.t clpx£trpEus: rij> V!]aovJ (d. Bengtson, Strat. iii. 233); republished in BSA, 19. 3. KEVOl KEvO. AoyttovTa.&: cf. xxxviii. 16. II ; von Scala, 286, quotes Corpus paroem. graec. i. 270; ii. u9, 475 for the proverb. Wunderer, i. 24 (quoting no close parallels) speculates on its origin; and he suggests (ibid. 5 n. 2) unconvincingly, that because the phrase Ka-rd. ~v wpoo£p.Cav follows the proverb, it is therefore a later insertion. 4. ,.o. ... xfl'lJlC1Ta. t, in order to include the whole of Strabo's relevant comments. 7· n-14 Strabo, ii. 4· 8, C. IoS; should continue to the end of the chapter into C. 109, to include a reference to P.'s division of Europe into six parts and his rr£pw&la of Africa. 9· 3 Strabo, iii. 2. IS, C. ISI ; one should perhaps add the words d"AA.' tKdvms ... ~waw, to complete the argument. n. 4 Steph. Byz. s. v. Al8&J..'l}; should perhaps be extended to include the words d¢' ~s ... dipaVTwv. rs. 7 =Nat. hist. v. lj--Io; should be continued to the paragraph end, •... in extremis Mauretaniae proditum'. In addition, several relevant passages have been omitted from the editions of P.; these are: Strabo, iii. z. 8, C. 146, on the mines of the Turdetani (cf. Pedech, LEC, 1956, q). Strabo, iv. 6. 2, C. 202 (quoted in xxxiii. 9· 8 n.), listing the Ligurian tribes (cf. Pedech, LEC, 1956, 19); but this passage need not necessarily derive from book xxxiv. Strabo, v. r. 8, C. 214, on the temple of Diomedes and the springs of the river Timavus, mentioning P. Further, much of Strabo iii appears to derive from book xxxiv of P. (see Schulten, Hermes, I9II, 596-8; Pedech, Methode, 579 n. 362; below, p. 599). Finally, fgs. r63 and I79. both from Suidas, may be from book xxxiv; and xxv. I (from Strabo, iii. 4. 13, C. 163) and xxxiii. 21. r-z may also be from this book. RECONSTRUCTION OF XXXIV
(a) Introduction. The present arrangement of fragments derives in substance from Schweighaeuser (though he printed the Latin passages separately in a spicilegium to book xxxiv in vol. v, 45-48), and the only reasoned discussion and attempt to reconstruct the book is that of Pedech, LEC, 19s6, 3-24, supplemented and in places 565
XXXIV
RECONSTRUCTION OF XXXIV
modified in Methode, SIS--97· Strabo records thr~e facts relevant to such a reconstruction. Strabo, viii. 1. I, C. 322 (see p. 563) mentions Ephorus and P. as historians who have described tiJv TWV ~7T£{pwv Towoypa.folav separately, within a general history; Strabo, ii. 4· I, C. I04, says that P., tiJv E?Jp olKoviL'VTJ (iii. 37· Iff.). 2. Ka86:rrep "ETopoc; ••• t1TOlTJO"E: FG H, 70 T I2) Ephorus devoted books iv and v to such a geographical account of Europe and Asia; cf. Jacoby, FGH, 70 F 3o-53· 128-72, v.ith commentary; Barber, 173; Pedech, Methode, 515.
3-6. = Strabo, x. 3· 5· C. 465. 3. Ka.Awc; 14£v E68o€ov: hardly Eudoxus of Rhodes (FGH, 79; cf. Jacoby, RE, 'Eudoxos (7)', cols. 929-30), but the most celebrated bearer of the name, Eudoxus of Cnidus (c. 39o-c. 340), famous as a mathematician, astronomer, and geographer. P. here refers, most likely, to his yijs- 1T£plo~os-, in at least eight books; the fragments are too few to enable its scheme to be reconstructed (cf. Hultsch, RE, 'Eudoxos (8)', cols. 93o-so, especially 946-8; Thomson, us-18; Abel, RE, Suppl.-B. xiv, 'Zone', cols. ro16-zo). "ETopov: cf. iv. 20. 5 n.; FGH, 70 T 18. 1TEpt KT,CTIEWV • , , ttpXTJYETW\1: cf. ix. I. 4 : the man with antiquarian interests enjoys reading m:pl TGS aTTO,I([a.la. to cover both that and the description of regions (cf. 5· I n.; Pedech, LEC, I956, 6). P. does not say that x.wpoypo4>£a. is the study of places and distances (so Pedech, loc. cit.), merely that such a study is the most essential part of x_wpoyparf>la.. 6. Tas Xa.o8oy..,.a.nKO.s aTroT6.aELS: cf. 12. 2, TTapaKmJu/LaTa. • •• Aaoooy/La.T,Kd (MS. Aao~oy/La.TtKWS), 5· !4, AaOOIY)I/LO.Tti(GS (so Tyrwhitt for oAas ooy/La.T,I(d,) .•• aTTo6s- (Strabo, i. 2. 3, C. IS), he must excel in all spheres, as astronomer and geographer, not only as poet (d. K. J. Neumann, Hermes, 1886, 134-41; u
577
XXXIV. z. 1-4.8
THE GEOGRAPHY OF HOMER
Walbank, Class. et med. 1948, qo-r). Eratosthenes rejected this, denying to Homer the special excellences attributed to him but, in his view, forming no part of the poet's equipment (Strabo, i. 2. 3, C. rs-r6). On this issue P. adopts the 'fundamentalist' view of Homer; for his attitude to Homer's poems see the analysis in ch. 4. criticizing Eratosthenes. Among those accepting the truth of Homer's narrative there was, however, a dispute between those who set the voyages of Odysseus (and even Menelaus) outside the Pillars of Heracles, and those who rejected this l~wi<WVtO'fLO£ (cf. 4· 5 n.); against the former, the chief of whom was Crates, P. locates Odysseus' wanderings in the neighbourhood of Sicily and Italy (4. 5-8, continued in Strabo, i. 2. r8, C. z6). On the method of hunting sword-fish around the Straits of Messina as a clue to the location of Scylla see 2. 12-3. II, 8. 1-3; and for the connection of the Lipari Islands with Aeolus see II. 12-20 (which belongs to the section on Homeric geography; see p. 567 ).
= Strabo, i. 2. 9, C. zo. Homer's narrative basically true. Strabo argues (with P., § 3) that Homer's stories belonged to the province of education (1rp6,; Td 11mS~~:vrt1l.a and ro7Toypat:f>la as equivalent; cf. I. 1 n.). See Schol. ad Dionys. Perieg. GGM, ii. 428, J.v p,J:v Tfi y£wypo.t:f>lq. rd. 1Ca86Aov Myml.L, o6xt S€ rd. JL€pt1Ca . .• J.v oi rfi xwpoypat:f>lq. 7Tavrwv p,lp,llrJrCLt rwv 7TCJA€WV /Cat rwv 7TOrap,wv. But for P. xwpoypat:f>la is to a large extent the description of sites and recording of the distances between places (I. s-6), which from the time of Eratosthenes was called yEwypat:f>la (cf. Strabo, i. 2. 3, C. 16). P. does not make that distinction; his xwpoypa,Pla includes both calculations and descriptions (Pedech, LEG, 1956, 6 n. 8; above, r. 4 n.). Tous •.• 6.pxo£ous Eav +TJm: similarly P. passes over the oldest historians (Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon), reserving his criticism for those from Theopompus onwards, and especially those of the third and second centuries. AtKotopxov TE Kol. 'EpoTo0'9~vTJ : on Dicaearchus see vi. 3· 7 n. He lived most of his life in the Peloponnese (c. 326-296), especially at Sparta, and wrote widely on political subjects, biography, literary history, philosophy, and geography. His 7rEplo8os YJ1s attempted a cartographical survey of the oecumene; for his central parallel see 4· 6 n. For fragments and discussion see FHG, ii. 225 ff.; Wehrli, Dikaiarchos; RE, SuppL-E. xi, 'Dikaiarchos', cols. 526-34 (supplementing Martini, RE, 'Dikaiarchos', cols. 546-63); Abel, RE, Suppl.B. xiv, 'Zone', cols. 1033-6; Berger, 367-83 and passim; Thomson, 134, 153-5; E. H. Warmington, OCD 2 , p. 338. On Eratosthenes see 2. n n.; and for his concept of yEwyprupla the last note but one. nua~ov: Pytheas-his date is uncertain, perhaps c. 320; Rhys Carpenter, Beyond the Pillars of Heracles: the Classical World Through the Eyes of its Discoverers (New York, 1966), 143-98, would bring it down to c. 242-238, a view excluded by the fact that Timaeus uses him (cf. Brown, 25-27)-was a sea-captain from Massalia, who sailed from Gades north past Ushant and Cornwall, and circumnavigated Britain in a clockwise direction (cf. Gisinger, RE, 'Pytheas von Massalia', cols. 328-9), reporting on the island of Thule on the Arctic circle; he was interested in scientific cartography and took bearings, but met with incredulity and hostility. See E. H. Warmington, OCD 2 , p. 904; Cary and Warmington, 33-40; Gisinger, RE, 'Pytheas von Massalia', cols. 314-66 (bibliography, cols. 363-6); Abel, RE. 588
CHOROGRAPHIA OF EUROPE
XXXIV. 5·
2
Suppl.-B. xiv, 'Zone', cols. 1028-33; R. Dion, Rev. phil. Hj66, 191-2I6; fragments in Mette. For P.'s criticism see the present passage and 10. 6-7. Pytheas recorded his voyages in a carefully written work, now lost, entitled Ta 11'£pt Tov wKmvov (Geminus, 6. 9). l. oAllV P.Ev niv BpEna.VLK~V Ep.j3a.oov E1T~A9EtV: the manuscript has OA1JV plvroL BpeTTavtldjv lpf3aTOV ~ m£Afhrv; but Coraes's emendation £P-f3a06v, 'on foot', (cf. Pans. x. 20. 8) is preferable. With l11-f3aT6v the sense must be either 'the whole of those parts of Britain that are accessible' or 'the whole of Britain, which is accessible'; either requires some changes in the text (such as ( r?v) £11-f3aT6v, read by Jacob and accepted by H. L. Jones in the Loeb Strabo), and this is possible, for the 7} before ETT£A8£tv indicates that this is a bad piece of text. P. is evidently pouring scorn on Pytheas by exaggerating his claim. He probably spoke of circumnavigating Britain and making landings, but P. speaks of his having traversed the coastline on footlike a bematistes (Mi.illenhoff, i. 376 n. z). For ETT£Afhfv, 'go along the coast', cf. § 6. Berger, 362 n. 1 accepts J!Lf3aT6v ; for the reading in Bfittner-Wobst see Mi.illenho:ff, i. 376; Gisinger, RE, SuppL-E. iv, 'Geographia', cols. 594----9, esp. 597; RE, 'Pytheas von Massalia', col. 328. 'I'TJV o( 1TEp(p.npov K'I'A,: Pytheas' dimensions for the three sides of Britain (normally treated as a triangle in antiquity) survive, with variations, in several sources; they were probably based on days of sailing, perhaps calculations of stades on land (see last note) and astronomical readings (Mette, p. iii). Diod. v. 21, records what will be Pytheas' figures transmitted though Timaeus as follows: C. Belerion to C. Kantion 7,500 stades C. Kantion to C. Orcas 15,000 stades C. Orcas to C. Belerion zo,ooo stades Total
42,500
stades
(C. Belerion is Land's End, C. Kantion is South Foreland, and C. Orcas is Duncansby Head-or possibly Dunnet Head ; cf. Macdonald, RE, 'Orcas', col. 882). Strabo (i. 4· 3, C. 63), whose figures probably come via Eratosthenes, makes the long side over 2o,ooo stades, and the total a round figure of 4o,ooo stades (which is also in Scymnus, fg. 9 (= Apoll. Hist. mir. 15; cf. Gisinger, RE, 'Skymnos', col. 67o), reading nTpaKLU!Lvp{wv for nTpaKoutwv). Another tradition, coming via Isidorus, who evidently rounded off Pytheas' figures for the sides (Mi.illenhoff, i. 377) gives a perimeter of 4,875 m.p. = 39,ooo stades (at 8 to the Roman mile); see Pliny, Nat. kist. iv. 102, and for the figure in stades Anon. geog. compar., Apospasm. A. in GGM, ii. 509. Pytheas' figures are about double the real ones; the coastal perimeter of Gt. Britain amounts to 23,8oo stades, at 8 to the Roman mile (Gisinger, RE, 'Pytheas von Massalia', col. 330), and the time
sBg
XXXIV. 5·
2
CHOROGRAPHIA OF EUROPE
required for a coastal voyage up the indented west coast may have caused Pytheas to overestimate its length. The' result was a traditional outline for the island, the sides of which were in the proportion 3:6:8, and which extended north-east with an obtuse angle of c. I:Zo at the Kentish coast opposite Gaul. See Berger, 362; Eratosthenes, 372 ff. (F III B 127); Mtillenhoff, i. 375-82 (his calculations of the coastal perimeter are in 'geographical miles', each about 4i English miles); Thomson, 144; Gisinger, RE, 'Pytheas von Massalia', cols. 33o-1; Suppl.-B. iv, 'Geographia', col. 597· 3. Ta 11'£pt TTt'i 9ouA'l'i: the island of Thule lay six days' voyage to the north of Britain (Strabo, i. 4· 2, C. 63 Pytheas, fg. 6 a Mette) 'near the frozen sea', and was approached from 'Berrice' (Pliny, Nat. hist. iv. 104}; it was reckoned to be the most northerly of the British Isles and Pytheas stated that it lay on the arctic circle (in our sense: see p. 570; Strabo, ii. 5· 8, C. II4} and spoke of the short summer nights. Geminus (6. 9) quotes Pytheas' own statement: 0
o
€odKvvov {jp.tv ol {3apf3apot inrov ij/..to> Kotp.iiTat. avvl.(jaw£ ydp 7Tt:pi. Totl-rov> Tmk T07Tov> ri)v p.~v v.OKTa 7TaVT£AWS' p.tKpdv ylvw8at 6Jpwv olsp.tv Mo, ots- o~ Tptwv, Wf7'T£ p.t:Td ri)v ovutv p.tKpoii 8wJ..elp.p.aTor; ywop.lvov E7TaVaTEAA£W ev8lws- TOV ijkov. A midsummer night of 2-3 hours corresponds to a latitude of c. 65"'. Mela (iii. 36} seems to describe the
full midnight sun, but his source may not be Pytheas. That Pytheas visited Thule seems certain, but its location near or a little south of the arctic circle remains controversial. Views vary between Iceland, Shetland, and the Norwegian coast ; and some scholars deny that Pytheas actually reached Thule. See Mtillenhoff, i. 385-410; Macdonald, RE, 'Thule', cols. 6.27-30; Gisinger, RE, 'Pytheas von Massalia', cols. 332-44 (with very full references and discussion, but almost unreadable because of parentheses); E. H. Warmington, 0CD 2 , p. 1070. oiiT£ yij .• , oiiTE 8aAa.TTa. oiiT' ln}p: this aCCOUnt Of a mixture of the elements to form an amalgam of land, sea, and air, resembling a 'sea-lungs', has been variously explained. It is a phenomenon of the far north, linked with Thule, and may refer to the frozen sea (Strabo, i. 4· 2, C. 63, 7Te1MJyvia IJd.AaTTa; Pliny, Nat. hist. iv. 104, xxxvii. 35, concretum mare) ; there are many later references to this, e.g. Tac. Agr. to. 5, 'mare pigrum et graue remigantibus perhibent'; Germ. 45· 1, 'aliud mare, pigrum ac prope immotum'. Pytheas claimed to have seen this substance, similar to a sea-lungs or jellyfish, but had the rest on hearsay. Perhaps because P. has misrepresented, or Strabo misunderstood, what Pytheas really said, it is very hard to see what he was trying to convey; consequently hypotheses range from a muddy mixture of water and ice {Nansen), phosphorescence (Damote), the aurora borealis (Berger}, shallows {Hennig: but there are none in the far north) to a subjective illusion experienced by men 590
CHOROGRAPHIA OF EUROPE
XXXIV. 5· 9
rowing in a sea-mist and calm against an Atlantic swell (Miillenhoff). See Macdonald, RE, 'Thule', col. 628; Gisinger, RE, 'Pytheas von Massalia', cols. 342-4; Mtillenhoff, i. 41o-25. 5. Tnhha. 8e Uyuv i~ 6.Kof\s: Berger, 364, thinks this includes everything else about Thule: but clearly Pytheas visited the place, so this probably refers to other details of the regions of the 'sea-lungs', perhaps told to him by the inhabitants of Thule (if he had an interpreter). 6. 'll'aaa.v ••• T~v 1Ta.pwKEa.v'i:nv Tf\S EllpW-'II'T)s: strictly interpreted, this should mean that Pytheas returned to Gades and made a second voyage from there. Perhaps, after his buffeting in the northern waters (Pliny, Nat. kist. ii. 217), his ship needed repairs. But it is possible that he sailed down the east coast of Britain to South Foreland, crossed the Channel and continued his voyage north-eastward up the European coast ; the section from Gades will in that case have already been covered before the circumnavigation of Britain. The Tanais may be the Elbe; but the words 'from Gades to the Tanais' may be P.'s own, to indicate the whole European coast in general tenns, in which case Tanais could be the Don, which is used to indicate the north boundary of Europe in iii. 38. 2 (with its hints at Pytheas; see iii. 37· 2-8 n.). See Gisinger, RE, 'Pytheas von Massalia', col. 348 n. How far Pytheas sailed along the Gennan coast is uncertain. He may have reached Jutland, but hardly the Baltic (Gisinger, RE, 'Pytheas von Massalia', cols. 344-5r). That the voyage was one from Gades t0 the Don inside the Mediterranean seems excluded by the word 1ra.pw~H SC. O£K7)Cnp.a; lV. 5• 51 201, 7Tep/. d~ rijs BovA7JS • •• d.aa.if>~s ~ laropla r6v iKT07TLO'tJ.OV" TatYr1)v yap nov ovop.a{op.£vwv apK7£KWnL'TTjJ1 n0/aow (with the criticism
a,a
c.
of Pytheas that follows).
ouo' ll.v T~ 'Ep~ft maTEOO'O.\ TLS AEYOVTL: Hermes being the divine messenger-but with a reputation for untruth. P. is also joking at the expense of Eratosthenes, who wrote a didactic poem in hexameters on Hermes, his youth, adventures, and ascent to heaven (cf. r. 16 n.; E. Hiller, Eratosthenis carminum reliquiae (Leipzig, 1872), fgs. 1-rg; J. U. Powell, Collectanea Alexandrina, reliquiae minores poetarum graecorum aetatis Ptolemaicae (Oxford, 1928), 58 ff., fgs. 1-16; Fraser, Alex. i. 625-6; ii. 881-2). 10. Bepya.~ov: i.e. as big a liar as Antiphanes of Berga (on the Strymon), the third-century author of marvellous travellers' tales, which gave rise to the verb j3Epya.t{ew; see 6. 15, where P. applies the term to Eratosthenes himself. Cf. Strabo, i. 3· r, C. 47 for a further reference to Eratosthenes' use of this epithet for Euhemerus; ii. 3· s. C. Ioo, of Poseidonius; Marcian, Epit. penpti Menippei, i. I (GGM, i. 565); Schmid, RE, 'Antiphanes (rg)', cols. 252r-z; Weinreich, S.-B. Wien, 1942 (4), 'Antiphanes und Miinchhausen'. Wunderer, i. Ior-J, has some misleading comments on this passage. Referring T(j; Meaa7JVUp (§ 9) to Dicaearchus, he translates § ro, 'Eratosthenes, he says, calls him (i.e. Dicaearchus) Euhemerus of Berga', and goes on to argue that Eratosthenes believed Euhemerus and 'the Bergaean' to be one and the same person. This obvious misunderstanding may be ignored. Wunderer may be right, however, in assigning to Antiphanes of Berga the fragment of Antiphanes, CAF, ii. 130. fg. 304, a tall story about words freezing in a cold climate, and being heard in summer when the thaw came. 11. C,aTT£P EKELV!tl ~eav6vL xp~aa.a9a.l Trpoafi~eov : 'as if it were appropriate for Eratosthenes to take him as a standard'. Strabo's argument is: P. calls Eratosthenes credulous for believing Pytheas, whom even Dicaearchus distrusted; but he has no right to ask Eratosthenes to regard that as of any importance, when he has himself demonstrated the unreliability of Dicaearchus. 592
CHOROGRAPHIA OF EUROPE
XXXIV. 6. 8
12. £tpTJT«L ~ ••• ll.yvoLa.: cf. § 8, criticizing Eratosthenes for following Pytheas concerning the north and west of Europe. 14. Aa.o8oy~:-L«TLK0.~ •.• 6.1Tocj10.crEL~: cf. I. 6 n.
6. l. Tou youv flt.Kauipxou ••• d1TovTo~: 'at any rate, when Dicaearchus says .. .'; yavv is to be taken with the main sentence, and so explains the previous remark. Paton, 'as for Dicaearchus, at least he says .. .' misses the point. For Dicaearchus' calculations of the distance between the Pillars of Heracles, the Straits of Messina, and the Peloponnese (i.e. Cape .M:alea) see 4· 6 n. 1TAE(ou~ 8£ ••• Tou~ ~1Tt TOY :6.8p(a.v: Dicaearchus reckons the length of the Adriatic (presumably from the latitude of Cape Malea to the northerly recess) as more than ro,ooo stades; on the relevance of this to P.'s calculations see § ro n. This figure comes to about 1,200 miles; the real distance is about 770 miles. 3. ioLK(va.L 1:-LO.AtaT' 0.~:-LIJAdfl- ywv£~: 'more or less resembles an obtuse angle'. P. elsewhere uses geometrical figures to demonstrate the shape and size of areas under consideration; cf. i. 42. 1-7 (Sicily), ii. 14. 4-12 (Cisalpine Gaul). 4. NO.p!Jwva.: Narbo, modern ~ arbonne, on the river Aude, about 6o miles west of the Rhone (cf. P. Goessler, RE, SuppL-B. vii, 'Narbo', cols. 515-48). 5. p.upiwv ••• ~1Ti. Tots XLA(oL~: more than u,zoo stades (not ro,2oo, as Paton). 6. tca.TO. TO Tuppt)VLtcov 1TEAa.yos ••• KaTls. To Ia.pSOvLov: see ii. 14. 4 n. (Tyrrhenian sea), i. Io. 5 n. (Sardinian Sea). West of Sardinia the sea is narrower from north to south, since Genoa is much further north than the mouth of the Rhone. From Genoa to Tunis is c. soo miles direct; a line drawn south from ~arbonne would strike the African coast in about 450 miles. But P.'s 3,000 stades are too few on any calculation. 7. TO ToO KOA1Tou j30.9o~ Tou tca.TO. NO.pl3wva.: the Gulf of Narbo is envisaged as extending southwards as far as the base of the triangle. 8. EK TTJS 1TO.L8LKTl!> P,ETpTjcrew;: cf. ix. 26 a 4, nuv €v -rats 1Ta~8/,Kais f.Ut.O~~tacn 1Tapa8~~w~tlvwv ~~tiv otd. rijs y£m~t£-rp[as oJ #ti17Jf.LOVE.,;o~t£V. Here P. uses Pythagoras' theorem, defining the area of the square on the hypotenuse of a right-angled triangle as the sum of the squares on the other two sides; in this case there are two triangles, with a common side, the perpendicular. iyyLuTa. ••• wf.vTa.Kocr£oL; uTa.8LoLc;: see Fig. 8 for the calculations, which show P.'s total distance from the Peloponnese to the Pillars to be somewhat in excess of the total of the separate parts. The distance direct from the Pillars to Messina is (on these calculations) 444 stades less than the distance along the coast. This is of course far less than the true figure owing to (a) neglect of the actual configuration 593
XXXIV. 6.8
CHOROGRAPHIA OF EUROPE
of the coast, (b) under-calculation of the length of the perpendicular from Narbo. Presumably P. is using the stade of 177·6 m., i.e. with the ratio of 8! to the Roman mile. 9. n-Ailou'!l Tj lhn-AaaLoL wv .f.L~ea.£apxos dm:: for the distance Pillars-Malea P. calculates zz,soo (zr,756) stades, whereas Dicaearchus has Io,ooo stades for the distance Pillars-Peloponnese. 10. Tovs in-1. T~:w ••• j.\8pLttTLKov: P.'s point is that Dicaearchus had stated(§ r) that the distance from the Peloponnese to the head of the Adriatic was greater than the distance from the Peloponnese to the Pillars, and so more than ro,ooo stades. Accordingly, he analyses the voyage up the Adriatic step by step so as to demonstrate that the total comes to only 8,zso stades (§ u). Narbo
Straits of Messina Peloponnese
Pillars
7745 stades (a} 0
FIG.
2000
8
3000stades
11 011 stades (b}
(c)
a+ b+c ~21 756 stad<s, ~~n~e=s""' (4,6)
4000 slades
POL YBIUS' CALCULATIONS OF THE DISTANCES FROM THE PILLARS TO MALEA
11-14. Strabo's attempted refutation of P.: the argument (obscured in Paton by mistranslation) is that just as P.'s calculations (which are listed) demonstrate the error of Dicaearchus' false calculations (§§ n-rz), so both Dicaearchus' figures and those of P. are proved inaccurate by generally accepted figures concerning the size of the oecumene (§§ 13-14, together with Strabo, ii. 4· 3, C. Ios-6, which follows on and links up with 7· x). 11. TovTou Toil ljteoa!l«Tos ••. Tov f!Aeyxov: 'makes clear the error of these false calculations', i.e. of Dicaearchus. 0v dpTJKO.'Jl al!Tos: P.'s figures for the Adriatic are: Peloponnese-Leucas Leucas-Corcyra Corc:yTa-Ceraunian Mountains Ceraunian Mountains-Iapydia Total
stades stades 700 stades 6,150 stades 700
700
8,250 stades
This cannot imply starting from Cape Malea (4. 6 n.). The first section is probably calculated from Cape Chelonatas in Elis (Pedech, Methode, 595). The Ceraunian Mountains are the range Mal i ~ikes, ending in Cape Glossa at the southern shore of the bay of Valona, and commonly used as a stage in ancient mapping; cf. Strabo, vi. 3· 5. C. z81, 3· 8, C. 283, 3• IO, C. :185 (cf. belOW, II. 8), vll. 5· 8, C. 316, 5· 9, C. 317, 594
CHOROGRAPHIA OF EUROPE
XXXIV. 7·
2
1· s. C. 324 (where the distance from the Ceraunian Mountains to the entrance to the Ambracian Gulf, slightly north of Leucas, is given as 1,300 stades). For other instances see Oberhummer, RE, 'Keraunische Berge', cols. z68- Tfj'!l E0'1replou 'II'AEUPU'!l: whether P., like Strabo (ii. 5· 27, C. 127, iii. 1. 3, C. 137, iv. 1. r, C. 177), believed the Pyrenees to run north-south is uncertain (cf. iii. 37· 8 n.). It certainly does not follow from the present passage of Strabo (as Thomson, 188 n. 2, implies). 5. Tov T&.yov 'II'OTa.l'6v: cf. iii. 14. 5, x. 7· 5, 39· 8. Rising near Teruel it flows in a west-south-west direction. P.'s 8,ooo stades are double its real length (Schulten, RE, 'Tagus', coL 2025). 6.1ro nupfJVTJ'!l ••• 'II'Aeov ••• f) x~A£ou'!l O'Ta.5(ou'!l: which would have to be added to the supposed 8,ooo stades; but in fact the distance is more like x,soo stades (Schulten, RE, 'Tagus', col. 2025). 7. U'II'O r O.AO.TW\1 1rEpi.OLKEia8a.L ••• ~sw8Ev a..'l1·fj'!l: 'that the outer part of Spain is inhabited all around by Gauls' (not 'is surrounded by Gaulish inhabitants', Paton). Ka.Ta TiJv Tfis 'I~TJp(a.s 1rep£o8ov; if Eratosthenes was the first to call the peninsula Iberia (cf. § 12; ill. 37· ron.), he perhaps regarded the Gauls, now restricted to the south-west and north-west, as negligible. In 220 Hannibal met only Iberian peoples on the central plateau. 8. OUK op8w'!l TiJv aOyKpww 'II'OLElTO.L: by curtailing Strabo at the end of§ ro, editors of P. obscure both his argument and Strabo's criticism of it. The former can only be deduced from the latter, which continues in Strabo, ii. 4· 5-7, C. 101-·8, complementing points made in P. iii. 37· 2-8: see note there. In that passage P. declares that Europe, defined by the Tanais (Don) and the Pillars, lies north, and Asia (from the Don to the Nile) and Africa (from the Nile to the Pillars) south, of the Mediterranean. Here he develops this to take account of the part of Asia which lies to the north-east of the Mediterranean. As in iii. 37 he identifies the three waterways bounding the con596
CHOROGRAPHIA OF EUROPE
XXXIV. 7• 8
tinents with directions, the Pillars with the west, the Don with the north-east (or equinoctial sunrise); and though it is not mentioned by Strabo here, since it was not part of his argument, P. probably added the Nile, identified with the position of the midday sun. Apparently P. constructed a semicircle on the equator to embrace the oecumene and to intersect the parallel running through the Pillars (PQ in Fig. 9) thus forming a chord. From some undefined point on that chord (X), probably thought of as in Greece, he drew a line in a north-easterly direction so that it reached the mouth of the Tanais at Y, and then followed its course (still running north~ east) to its source (Z) and beyond that to the circumference of the semicircle at Z'. Since the Tanais was the boundary of Europe and Asia, all land east of a perpendicular (ZO) dropped from the source of the Tanais to the parallel of the Pillars belonged to Asia, as well as the land between that perpendicular and the Tanais. Consequently, since Europe and Africa extended as far as the same point in the west, Africa and Asia combined are greater in length than Europe by the distance between the perpendicular ZO and the eastern extremity of the oecumene.
Asia
FIG.
9
THE RELATIVE LENGTH OF EUROPE AND ASIA COMPARED WITH AFRICA
What happened in the space between Z and Z' is obscure, since the source of the Tanais was unexplored (Strabo, xi. 2. 2, C. 493), a fact which also made the line ZO a variable. But the area ZZ'QO must also be part of Asia; cf. Strabo, ii. 4· 5, C. 107, Tofho yap ~ i1a{a. 7TpoAa.J.LfM.vn 7Tp6t; Tijv l01JJ.Liip{v"')V d.va.TOA~v TOV 7Tpds Tds apKTovs ~J.LLKVK>.lov.
Against this exposition Strabo makes three points: i. It is unnecessarily abstruse. P. needed only to say that since Asia extended far to the east beyond both Europe and Africa (i.e. beyond the Tanais and the Nile), Asia and Africa together must
597
XXXIV. 7· 8
CHOROGRAPHIA OF EUROPE
exceed Europe in length. (Presumably P. adopted his more complica ted explanation because until the source of the Tanais was known, no one could be sure how far Europe extended to the north-east.) ii. His argument is invalid because the Don flows north-south, not north-east to south-west. Here Strabo is incorrect for the lower reaches of the Don; its general course is north-south, but after the great bend at Volgograd it flows south-west to Rostov and the Gulf of Taganrog. iii. He uses variables such as 'equinoctial rising' or 'summer sunrise' to define places the positions of which do not change; yet such terms are valid only for the observer. See above, iii. 37· z-8 n., for the suggestion that P. confused the direction of the course of the Straits of Gibraltar, the Nile, and the Don with the supposed direction of their mouths, for an ideal spectator situated in Greece. For a defence of P.'s terminology as a common-sense and comprehensible way of indicating directions (and one used by Strabo himself in ii. 1. u, C. 7I) see Rehm, S.-B. Munchen, 19I6, S4-s6. 9. avo 8Epw1]s avaToA1Js: 'from the north-east or summer sunrise' (not 'south-east', as Paton). 12. EKE~vos: viz. Eratosthenes; cf. Strabo, ii. 1. 40, C. 92, for another account of Eratosthenes' promontories and Hipparchus' proposal to test the account Y"Wf-LETP'Kws: pii)).ov 7} yEwyparpLKws-Strabo too is very critical of Eratosthenes. The promontories are there described as (a) that containing the Peloponnese, (b) the Italian, and (c) the Ligurian; between them lie the Adriatic and the Tyrrhenian Gulfs (on this terminology see Berger, IOS--6). On the use of' lf3w£a here to denote the whole Spanish peninsula see § 7 n. 13-14. Polybius' promontories. In ii. 1. 40, C. 92 Strabo, criticizing Eratosthenes and clearly influenced by P., declares Sunium to be a promontory no less than Laconia, since it reaches nearly as far south as Malea (which is of course false). He also implies that the Thracian Chersonese, P.'s fourth promontory here, has a claim to be separate. The fifth, the area of the Cimmerian Bosphorus, i.e. the Crimea, is included in Eratosthenes' third promontory. Strabo (ii. 4· 8, C. Io9) goes on to discuss these divisions, in the main accepting them, but urging that lapygia makes Italy almost two promontories and that the other three, Greece and the Thracian Chersonese and the Crimea, are also complex. He adds a fact (to criticize it)-that P. divided Europe, into six parts in accordance with the promontories; presumably these were the five promontories and the land mass from which they extended (d. Honigmann, RE, 'Strabo', col. 128). Further fragments from this general introduction, on the chorographia of Europe, are: perhaps IO. 6-7 (see note), II. z, II. 3, II. 8, n. 9-11, IS. I, IS. z, IS. 4, IS. 5, perhaps Strabo, iv. 6. 2, C. 202 (d. xxxiii. 9· 8 n.). 598
DESCRIPTION OF SPAIN
XXXIV. 8.
I
8. 1-9. 15. = Athen. vii. 302 c (8. 1-2); Strabo, iii. 2. 7, C. 145 (8. 3); Athen. viii. 330 c-331 B (8. 4-10); Strabo, iii. r. 6, C. 139 (g. 1-2); iii, 2, I$, C. 151 (g. 3); iii. 5· 5, C. I70 (g. 4); iii. 5· 7, C. 172 (g. 5-7); iii. 2. IO, C. 147 (g. 8-II); iii. 2. II, C. 148 (g. 12); iii. 4· 13, C. 162 (g. IJ); Athen. i. r6 c (g. 14-15).
Description of Spain Following the traditional scheme (above, pp. 566-7) P. probably began his account of Spain in the west-Lusitania-and passed from there to the south and east. It involved him in several topics widely discussed, viz. the nature of the tides (g. 5-'7). the location of the sources of tin, which led to an account of the British Isles (cf. iii. 57· 3) and more polemic against Pytheas (ro. 6-']), the Spanish mines (g. 8-ro and Strabo, iii. 2. 8, C. 146), and the question of Odysseus' voyages (2. r-4. 8 n.); see Pedech, LEC, rg56, 14-18. The extent to which P.'s account has survived in Strabo iii is controversial. J. Morr, Die Quellen von Strabons drittem Buck (Phil. Suppl.-B. 18. 8, rg26) thinks P.'s part in the book negligible; P6dech was at first sceptical (LEC, 1g56, 15 n. 39), but has since accepted Schulten's arguments (Hermes, rgn, 5g6-8) that Strabo followed P. for the geography of the interior plateau and the ethnography of the Celtiberians, for the geography of Lusitania, and for his account of the mountain-tribes of the north-west. In favour of this, Pedech argues, is the fact that of Strabo's two other sources in book iii, Artemidorus dealt only with the coastal areas in his periplous (GGM, i. 516, 542), and Poseidonius stayed thirty days at Gades (Strabo, iii. r. s. C. 138), but did not penetrate the interior. Poseidonius did however use P., for there are direct parallels between Diod. v. 33· 5 and fg. r63, and between Diod. v. 33· 3 and fg. 17g; and Poseidonius was the source for Diod. v. 33-38. Hence many of Strabo's references to Poseidonius record material originally in P. (cf. Pedech, Methode, 57g n. 362). In that case, P. evidently had a fairly full description of the Mediterranean coastal plain and its cities, the Atlantic area around the Tagus, Anas, and Baetis, and the central plateau (Celtiberia). However, this attribution is not certain, and Strabo iii cannot be taken as necessarily representing P.'s account. For discussion and some bold conclusions see P6dech, Methode, 578-Br. 8. 1. 'l'"ijs ~v '1~1Jp£q. 1\.voua.vLa.s: the Lusitanians had expanded from
the lands between the Douro and the Tagus southwards to the Goadiana (Anas) by 153 (cf. Appian, Hisp. 57; in Strabo, iii. 3· 3, C. rsz-3, the Tagus is still the southern boundary). However, Athenaeus seems to be quoting inaccurately from memory when he attributes the 'oak-trees' which grow in the sea to Lusitania (cf. § 4 n.). For 599
XXXIV. 8.
I
DESCRIPTION OF SPAIN
Strabo, iii. 2. 7, C. 145 (from which § 3 is taken) describes how the tunny congregate near Carteia within the Pillars and then feed 'on the acorns of a very stunted oak that grows at the bottom of the sea' ({Ja.>.av
voJLivn Ka.-ra rijs- Oa.M.'T'rrJs xa.p.a.L~~A
aa'i. 8£ 'TLVES" Kat aAA7JV Spiiv elva£ 1TOVTla.v 7) Kat Ka.p7roV tf>l.pn, Kat ~ fJcfAaJ•os a.Urijs xfYl/alJL?J). P. has been thought to be referring to quercus bellota (Van Nostrand in Frank, ES, ili. 179) or to quercus coccifera, a low-growing evergreen found commonly on the European and north African shores of the Mediterranean, and so called from the Kermes insect (coccus ilicis) which lives on it, and the dried bodies of which are used to produce a red dye (cf. Steier, RE, SuppL-E. vii, 'Kokkos', cols. 328-32); Strabo, iii. 2. 6, C. 144, mentions the large-scale export of this dye (~..' alEt I ZEvpl7] 7TVELOVaa Ta JL~V .Jn, a.:Ua 8~ TTiaan, and the plants constantly in flower {8. 4) recall Od. vii. 117 f., Tdwv oiJ TTou Kap7T6r; aTToAAVTat ov8' a7TOAEL7TH I xdJLaTor; ov8~ 8€pwr;, iTTET~awr;. This is attractive and fits the discussion of where Odysseus' voyages were to be located, which was probably attached to P.'s description of Spain. On this hypothesis P. was providing a rational explanation of the Phaeacian wonderland, just as he provided one for Scylla and Charybdis: it was a poetical version of the balmy realm of Turdetania (cf. 8. 4 n.). It is perhaps not a serious objection that Turdetania was not (like Phaeacia) an island. Further passages dealing with Spain, which would properly stand here are ro. 6-7 (see ad loc.), rs. 3, and Strabo, iii. 2. 8, C. 146, describing the gold-working in Turdetania, apparently following the same source as for the silver mines near New Carthage, which are described two pages later (9. 8-u). See Pedech, LEC, 1956, 17; above, p. 565. .~ov ••• IL~XP~ ••• E~pou '1TOTa.11oG: taken from P. ; see § 8 n. 3-4. Conversion of miles into stades. A stadium Italicum of 625 pedes (186m.) is attested by Censorinus, de die natali, 13. 2 (cf. Pliny, Nat. hist. ii. 85) and might seem to be implied in the usual Roman equation of 8 stades to the Roman mile (when indeed the Romans converted 8
623
XXXIV. rz. 3-4
THE VIA EGNATIA
miles into stades, which was not often (cf. Morgan, Phil. 1973, 34-35); the Romans used the stade as a normal measurement only for sea travel). Similarly P.'s conversion on the basis of 8} stades to the Roman mile might seem to imply a stade of 6oo pedes (q8·5 m.), here giving an additional q8 stades so that what on the I :8 ratio would be 4,28o stades becomes 4,458 stades, as the equivalent of 535 m.p. But this is to misrepresent the issue, which was not one of which of two stades--a short one or a long one----P. chose to use, but rather of what degree of accuracy he demanded in converting m.p. into the stades with which his readers were familiar viz. the normal stade of q8·s m. I:8} was more accurate than I:8 and was moreover reasonably easy to operate (multiply by 25 and divide by 3)· 5. a1ro iuou SLa.O'niJLa.Toc,; O'UJ11Tt1TTELv ~tTA.: on the road-system between Dyrrhachium and Apollonia see Hammond, ]RS, 1974, IB5-94, superseding Macedonia, 19-27. In P.'s time the two roads met a little west of Elbasan on the right bank of the Shkumbi; from here to Dyrrhachium through Peqin, Rogozhine, Shtodher, and Kavaje is c. 75 km., and to Apollonia, crossing the Shkumbi at Topr,:ias near Shenjan and then via Belsh, Semen, Ku~, and Kurian, 76 km. The latter road has to swing to the east to avoid the marshy plain of Myzeqije. 6. T) ••• 1riiO'a. 'Eyva.TLa. Ka.AEiTa.L: this seems to refer to the road as far as Cypsela. Hammond, Macedonia, 27, argues that since Strabo calls the section beyond the junction (l7Tt Kav8aovlas-) the first part, he regarded the via Egnatia as starting there. But § 2 states clearly that it ran from Apollonia and this is also implied by the new milestone found near Thessalonica, which carries the distance '26o' (sc. m.p. from Apollonia). Whether the Dyrrhachium branch also carried the name via Egnatia is uncertain but probable (Strabo, vii.
c.
7. 8, 327). e1rt Ka.vSaoula.s ••• Clpous 'IAAupLKou: this mountain gives its name
to the whole section from the point where the road enters the Shkumbi defile near Polis i Vogel east of Elbasan till it descends to Lake Ochrid, and according to Strabo, vii. 7· 8, C. 327, includes the area around Lake Ochrid and the headwaters of the Genusus, Apsus and Aous. Canda via seems therefore to be a general name for the whole range between Elbasan and Lake Ochrid, through which the Shkumbi runs. See Hammond, Macedonia, 27-28. N. Ceka and L. Papajani, Studia Albanica, I, 1972, 96, argue that the name 'Candavian route' went back to pre-Roman times before the laying dovm of the via Egnat£a, and that at its eastern end the earlier route reached the Shkumbi from the region of Pogradec via Selca e Poshtme, an important urban site with tombs dating to the Hellenistic period. 624
THE VIA EGNATIA
XXXIV.
12.8
SL"ls Kat J.lETaJ.lEAELaS , , , TrOWUJ.lEVWV: 'they changed their mind, turned round, and made a series of new starts.' 5. T(Sv YE J.lTJV oAov m)AEJ.lOV: contrasted "'i.th TOVJ..ov KT{af:-La; Hubner, RE, 'Corduba', cols. r22r-4; M. Griffin, ]RS, 1972, q-r9 (discussing the date of the colony). Fg. uo = fg. q8, quoted by Buttner-Wobst in the apparatus criticus to this passage (from Suidas) speaks of MapKos J 'Pwf:-La{wv aTpa77Jy6s who, wishing to be free of the war against the Lusitanians, tried to make a change KaL To (S~) Af:yof:-Lf:Vov lKVf:Vaas T~V avDpWVLTLV f:ls T~V yvvaLKWVLTLV KWf:-LaGaL (on the proverb
XXXV. z.
2
ENVOYS OF THE BELLI, ETC.
see Wunderer, i. 39-40). The reference will be to Marcellus' retirement into winter quarters at Corduba, and is part of the hostile propaganda directed against him (cf. 3· 4 n., 4· 3 n.); cf. Schulten, Hermes, 19II, 571 (preferable to Wunderer, loc. cit., who refers the fragment to the praetor M. Atilius}. See also Pedech, Methode, 558 n. 246. 3. "rWv ••• 1Tptaj3Ewv , •• 1TapayEVOf!~vwv: sent by :Marcellus; 2. r4· 14 n. 1TapC.. TWV B£Ahwv tea( T~TTwv: they occupied areas near the Jal6n valley, but precisely where is not known; cf. HUbner, RE, 'Belli', col. 251; Schulten, RE, 'Titter', cols. 1572-3. oaoL n1 'Pwf!a.lwv npoiJvTo: 'as many as were supporting the Roman cause'; see above, 2. 1-4. 14 n., for Appian's divergent account, perhaps based on the support of Segeda for the Aravaci, 4. TWV !6-pa.uaKwv: the most powerful Celtiberian tribe, inhabiting the western area around the head waters of the Douro (cf. Schulten, CAH, viii. 31R··I9}; later, in Strabo, iii. 4· 13, C. 162, they have expanded east and south as far as the head waters of the Tagus, and Segeda is Aravacan. This may mean that they had absorbed the Belli. Variations of the name occur; Diodorus (xxxi. 42), Strabo (loc. cit.), and Appian (Hisp. 45~9} call them ll.pova.Ko{, inscriptions and military diplomas have Arauaci. See Hubner, RE, 'Aravaci', col. 68z, for other variants. 1T~pa.v TOu T ~~~pEwo;; ••• ~ta.Ta.O'KT)voOv: for Ka:ra.aK1Jvovv see x. 31. 5 n.; on the reception of legati from hostile and friendly states see vi. 13. 7 n. As enemies, the Aravaci might not cross the pomerium; cf. Livy, xxx. 21. 12, xxxiii. 24. 5, 'Macedones deducti extra urbem in uillam publicam ibique eis locus et lautia praebita et ad aedem Bellonae serratus datus', xlv. 22. 2 (of the Rhodians}; Mommsen, St.-R. iii. :z. I I 52 n. 5· Sometimes the hostile legati were heard outside the pomerium; but there is no evidence that this was so for the Aravaci. 5. ~ l11'tct!xovTaL Sta01u8at ToV> lvovT AOyov> (where, however, I take the reference to be to statesmen; for a different view see Musti, Aujstieg und Niedergang, i. 2. n25 n. u; Societa antica (Bari, 1973), 2u-14; below, addenda on xii. 25 i 4-9). Myot are 'arguments', but in § I 'speeches'. 3. ooK l1.1ToSoKLtJ.O.tw TOuTo To !Jkpoc;: i.e. he does not reject the practice of including speeches. For his views on this see xii. 25 a 3; cf. ii. 56. ro, xii. 25 i 4-8, xxix. 12. 10. About fifty examples of Polybian speeches survive, but the Polybian parts of Livy indicate that many are lost. See for discussion Walbank, Speeches; Polybius, 43-46; Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios', cols. 1524-7 (and the works of Ullrich and Welzhofer quoted in coL 1444). For an analysis of the rhetorical principles followed in P.'s speeches see C. 'Wooten, AJP, 1974, 235-51. l>TJtL'IJYopias Kal auvTa~ELS AvSpwv 1ToAmKwv: on S7Jf1.''1Yopuu, speeches before councils and assemblies, see xii. 25 a 3 n. auJ!'Td.gH> are written compositions, the work of politicians, often no doubt apologetic or propagandist; cf. xxx. 4· II, on Astymedes, who wrote and published an cyypa'Tf'TOV ••• aVVTa~~v rijs s,KatoAoytas, which P. judges unfavourably. 4. oi.\8' llAT)v 1TAdw Klll1Tapa8Eaw: 'nor fuller material for instituting such a comparison'. P. could be thinking of the debates that preceded the decision to make war (cf. 1. 1-7 n.). 6. lit.E~ol>tKois xpijat)a, AoyoLs: on Timaeus' discursive passages cf. 652
ON THE FUNCTION OF SPEECHES XXXVI.
2.
1-4
xii. 26 d 6; for restricting the arguments in a speech to what is relevant see xii. 25 i 4-5 (again mentioning Timaeus). 7. To'Lc; laTopLoypa<jlOLc;: in contrast to politicians (§ 6). Gelzer, Kl. Schr. iii. 202, suggests that under both headings P. is thinking of himself. For his point here cf. xii. 25 b I-4· oMi' EV0.1TOS£(Kvua9m TTJV O.IJTWV ouva.l-'w: cf. xii. 25 a 5, ~cnr£p &rr68ngtv T'ijs £avrov 8vvdp.£ws 1Totovp.£VoS ; see also § I, iv dywv[ap.am. (Ta) Ka.T' O.X1}9ELa.v pT)OtvTa. ••• SLa.aa.<jlEiv: cf. xii. 25 b I, Tovs KaT' M.1]0nav £lp'l)p.tvovs, o[o[ 1TOT> av &at, yvwvat l\6yovs; 25 i 8. Elsewhere P. makes clear that his claim is only to give the true substance of what was said, not the actual words; cf. xxix. I2. Ion.; \Valbank, Speeches, 8. Tn Ka.LpLt:JTa.Ta. Ka.l. 1rpa.yl-'a.nKwTa.Ta.: 'the most vital and effectual' ; so a principle of selection is involved.
2. 1-4. The Romans seek a pretext before going to war This passage, which follows 1. I-7 in the exc. de sent., belongs here (cf. pp. 43-44) in res Italiae; an echo of it is to be found in Diod. xxxii. 5 (quoted, § 4 n.}. P.'s argument contains a certain ambiguity, since a conviction that one's cause is just (that is what Demetrius is talking about) is not the same thing as having a plausible argument which "'rill appeal to the world at large; in the one case the advantage is to one's morale, in the other it lies in the sphere of public relations. The two need not of course clash. Not every 1Tpocf>o.ms is merely specious, and there is reason to think that P. regarded the Roman case against Carthage as convincing (cf. 9· I-17). On the other hand, fg. 99, which may belong here, clearly refers to public relations; it asserts that the Romans took special care not to give the impression of beginning an unjust war or moving on from success in one war to lay hands on their neighbour, but always to seem to be defending themselves and to be compelled to go to war. Clearly, then, P. recognizes that the reason alleged will not always be the true one (cf. xxxii. IJ. 9). It is possible that P. (and so indirectly Appian} has exaggerated the firmness of the Senate's determination to go to war in the late r5o's, just as in his account of the events leading up to the Second Punic War he discounts any suggestion of a divided Senate (iii. 20. Iff.); cf. JRS, I965, 7· Events leading to the Third Punic War. In I6I the Senate had resolved a dispute between Carthage and Masinissa in the latter's favour (cf. xxxi. 21. 8), and he obtained a further favourable decision c. 158--6 (Livy, ep. 47). In I5J, when the Romans were involved in Celtiberia (xxxv. 2. I-4· 14 n.} and Masinissa in Lusitania, the Carthaginians initiated raids on Numidian territory, and these were ended by a Roman commission which, once again, decided in Masinissa's favour 653
XXXVI.
2.
I-4 THE ROMANS SEEK A PRETEXT
(App. Lib. 68; Livy, ep. 47, second embassy). A further commission, including Cato, was sent out in 152; and, when the Carthaginians refused to accept Roman arbitration with an enforceable decision, he returned to Rome determined on war (App. Lib. 68; Livy, ep. 48; Zon. ix. 26; Plut. Cato mai. 26. 1). According to Zon. ix. 26 Scipio Nasica was sent out to Carthage; if this is true he probably accompanied Cato, though a separate mission is not impossible; cf. Walsh, JRS, 1965, 159. Later in 152 or early in 151 complaints from Masinissa that Carthage was rearming caused a further commission to be sent, and war came nearer; the Senate resolved to abstain from war if the Carthaginians burnt their fleet and demobilized (Livy, ep. 48). However, in winter 151/o the Carthaginians again clashed with Masinissa who, after the expulsion of some of his supporters from Carthage, attacked the town of Oroscopa; Hasdrubal, with a force of 25,ooo, defeated his forces and pursued them into Numidia (App. Lib. 7o). There the Carthaginians were defeated in a full-scale battle witnessed by Scipio Aemilianus (16. 12 n.), whom L. Lucullus had sent to Masinissa to obtain elephants (cf. xxxi. 16. 2 n.). Scipio called a conference to negotiate a settlement, but this broke down; and it was only after a further Roman embassy and an epidemic in the Carthaginian army that Hasdrubal agreed to terms (App. Lib. 72-73). Thus by 150 the Romans had a pretext to declare war. See, for the chronology, Kahrstedt, iii. 614 ff., 6zo ff.; Gsell, iii. 320 ff.; Gelzer, Kl. Schr. ii. 39-72; Kienast, 127 ff.; Rossetti, Parola del Passato, 196o, 336 ff.; Astin, 49--51, 27o-2. P. introduced the war in xxxvi since the war-decision was taken in 150, and the declaration made in 149 (3. 9; App. Lib. 74; Livy, ep. 49; below, 3· 1-6. 6).
tcTX.: cf. App. Lib. 74, ~ 8~ {Jov"A~, KTA. How long before 150 the Senate had resolved on war is not clear; according to App. Lib. 69, immediately after Cato's return in I 52: eKpLVE !J..EV
2. 1. rr6.A €.pauav e TaiiTa £owKav.
6. 7-8. 7. Fragments from the res Africae ofOl. 157,3
=
15o/49
Most of these fragments from Suidas can be assigned to this (or the next) olympiad year by comparison with Appian and Diodorus. There is no way to be sure how much of the campaigning which went on through the winter of 149/S was included by P. under 01. 157, 3 (150/49) and at what point he passed over to his account of res Africae for 01. 157, 4 (149/S). Seep. 45· 658
THE RES AFRICAE OF OL. 157, 3
XXXVI. 7· 3
6. 7. Surrender of arms: cf. App. Lib. 8o, who describes the catapults as &tv{3€A€fS' T€ Ka~ At8o{36Aovs-, and mentions also {3€Awv Kal aKoVTlwv 7TAij8os- a7Tnpov. The arms were received by P. Scipio Nasica (Serapio) and Cn. Cornelius Scipio Hispanus; the latter (ILS, 6), and probably therefore the former too, had the rank of military tribune. The choice of these men, both connected with P. Scipio Nasica Corculum, was no doubt intended to inspire confidence at Carthage (DeSanctis, iv. 3· 36 n. 57). See also Livy, ep. 49; Diod. xxxii. 6. 2 (condensed), o7TAwv 7TaVToOa1Twv ~;JKocr' p.vpt&Sas- Kal KaTa1T€ArasS,crxtil{ovs-. App. Lib. 8o describes how the wagons containing the arms were accompanied by a procession of all the leading Carthaginians, envoys, senators, and priests in full costume of their rank, in a (vain) attempt to move the pity of the consuls. It is to this assembly that Censorinus puts the demand for the surrender of Carthage. Zon. ix. 26 has the Carthaginian magistrates (ra r€ATJ) summoned to hear this final order; and Diad. xxxii. 6. 2-3 records the Roman demand that the Gerousia appoint a delegation to whom the final demands would be conveyed. It is clear that the latter follows the version in P. (cf. 7· 1-2 n.). 7. 1. ooS€v ElSo5 ••• ~yvwaa.v: the Carthaginian populace. According to Diad. xxxii. 6. 3, the embassy of 30 Carthaginians of high rank, sent on Roman orders to the camp, were told by M'. Manilius the consul (Censorinus in App. Lib. 86-90: cf. 6. 7 n.) that they must abandon Carthage and rebuild it 8o stades (i.e. 10 m.p.) from the sea. The ultimatum aroused much emotion (fg. 192 may belong here: see note there) and a speech was made by one Blanno (App. Lib. 82-86 calls him Banno and records his speech before the Senate's decision has been made known); Blanno's speech, mentioned also in Diad. xxxii. 6. 3, must have appeared in some form in P. (DeSanctis, iv. 3· 37 n. 58). Some envoys did not dare return to Carthage; the reception of those who did is described in this fragment. 2. t~ a.1hf)5 .•• Tfjs €1-1-4>6.aEws ••• Twv 1tp€a(3Ewv: cf. Diod. xxxii. 6. 4, TWV 8~ oxAwv Vn-a1TaVTlfwrwv, TOJJ·TO~S' p.i:v ovStv JiiW\ovv, Tck SJ EaVTWV KE~aAas
rV71'ToVT€S' Kal ras- x€fpas- E7Tavar€lvovT€S' Kal roiJs- 8EOVS' €mf3oc!Jp.€vo' 1rpofjyov ds- T~V ayopav, Kal rfj y€pova{q. a7T~yynAav Ta 1TpoanTayp.€va. There is a much more elaborate account in App. Lib. 91; the envoys are almost tom apart before they can report to
the Gerousia. 3. ot OE 1taVTE5 all-' O.va.tcEKpa.y6ns: the members of the Gerousia; cf. App. Lib. 91-92 for this and the reaction of the distracted populace. According to the confused and abbreviated account in Zon. ix. 26, Carthaginian magistrates were summoned to hear the Roman decision; some of these remained behind (as in Diodorus), but those who 659
XXXVI. 7· 3
THE RES A FRICAE OF OL. 't57, 3
returned themselves killed 'some of their rulers' for not having chosen war from the start. 5. TOUS KG.THli.'YJf1f1EVOUS TWV 'ITaX~KWV: d. Zon. ix. 26, rous evr6s roD Tli.lxovs li.Vpti.Btvras 'Pwp..alovs (h£ai:Lalq. 1rpos EKmlwva Tov Tov& 1ra1MTov (i.e. the elder Africanus). This fragment should stand after 8. 3; seep. 45.] 3. ~O.flEa£X~'IT'ITOV: for this name, which P. to Andriscus, the pretender to the Macedonian throne, see Io. I n. ; for his career see 10. I-7, and for the Macedonian reaction to him, 17. IJ-15,
'ITOAAol Ka.l '!Ta.vTol:o~ ••• MyoL: for the various views !m~p -rwv Ka-rd KapxYJoovlovs see§§ 3-17. On Andriscus P.'s only point is that people found the whole affair irrational and incredible ; see especially 10. 6 n. However, the fact that P. brings his comments on Carthage into close relation with his discussion of Andriscus perhaps adds strength 664
ROMAN ACTION TOWARDS CARTHAGE
XXXVI. g. 5
to the argument that in the former, no less than in the latter, he adopted a strongly pro-Roman attitude. Tas f.L~v &.pxO.s ••• f.LETO. 8e Ta.iha. vO.Xw: 'first . . . and then subsequently'. On the chronology of Andriscus' rising see Io. r-7. 2. Tas avoct>aaELS KO.L Tas 8ta.ATJ1jiELS: 'the views and opinions expressed'. 3. ci>povLf.LWS Ka.l vpa.yf.La.nKws ••• vEpL TTJS 8uva.o-Te£a.s: 'in a· wise and statesmanlike manner as regards their empire' (not specifically 'in defence of their empire' (Paton): P.'s phrase need not exclude its extension). Shuckburgh mistranslates: 'in regard to that kingdom' ; Carthage was not a Svvar:rr£la. 4. Tov EVLKpEf.Laf.Levov ct>o~ov: the metus hostilis which Cato played upon and Scipio N asica claimed to be salutary for Rome in providing a check on internal faction (r. 1-7 n.). Here the alleged menace is not to Rome's security but to her ~YEfLovla (cf. Walbank, ]RS, 1965, 8), vo>..M.KtS: in fact twice, in the first two Punic wars; for the first as a struggle for ~YEfLovla over Sicily see i. 20. 1-2 n.; cf. i. 3· 7, -ra rroAtTEtlfLaTa Ta mtpL -riis TWV o>.wv dpxfis afLcfotafJ?JT~aavra. By ~YEfLOvla P. here means 'world-supremacy'; and even if the war for Sicily (i. 63. 4) was not strictly speaking in itself a war for world-hegemony (cf. Petzold, Studien, 175). at least it gave the Romans experience, which led them on in due course to aim at world-hegemony and to achieve it (i. 63. 9). in 8e Ka.l vGv 8uva.f.LEVTJV &.f.Lci>Lo-~TJTTJaa.t: the reality of this supposed threat is debated. The immense stock of arms surrendered to the Romans (6. 7 n.), and the ability and will to attack Masinissa in 153 (2. 1-4 n.; p. 653) show to what extent Carthage had been building up her offensive power; and three years' resistance after surrendering her arms shows her resilience and will to hold out (Astin, 274). But all this falls short of challenging Roman hegemony. 5. oo Ta.u '1Ta.A£a.s: where Perseus and his family were interned (Livy, xlv. 42. 4; Zon. ix. 24; Diod. xxxi. 9· 1). Alba Fucens, modern Albe five miles north of Avezzano, was founded as a Latin colony in 303. Syphax had been imprisoned there (Livy, xxx. q. 2), and later Bituitus, the king of the Arverni, was held there (Livy, ep. 6r). For the discovery of what may be the dungeons see de Visscher and de Ruyt, Ant. class. 1951, 72-74; MacKendrick, M.ute Stones, 95--98. 4. VEVLKTJK£ ••• TOu xpfia8at KaTa TWJ) 1TEAa>; cf. Vol. I, pp. 18-19; von Scala, 174; Siegfried, 86. E. Bayer, Demetrios Phalereus der Athener (Stuttgart-Berlin, 1942), 169 f., suggested Demetrius' influence on F.'s thought here; against this see Erkell, 138~. P. refers to a popular tradition that made legislators fall foul of their own laws, e.g. Charondas' violation of his law forbidding a man to come armed into the assembly and his consequent suicide (Diod. xii. 19; the same story told of Diodes and Zaleucus: cf. Diod. xiii. 33· 2; Val. Max. vi. 5· ext. 4). 13. 3. Love of innovation is sufficient to produce revolutions On the placing of this excerpt from de sent. in res Graeciae or res Asiae of 01. 157, 3 = 150/49 seep. 46. Errington, 214 n. 4, suggests that it comes from a passage in which P. moralizes on the new atmosphere in Achaea after the restoration of the exiles and Callicrates' death; this is possible, but so are other contexts (one being the rising against Prusias).
14. l-5. Roman embassy sent to look into the dispute between Attalus II and Prusias II This excerpt from de sent. must belong to the res Asiae of 01. 157, 3 = 150/49; see p. 46. In 149 Prusias II sent an envoy Menas to Rome to secure a reduction in the indemnity imposed in 154 (xxxiii. 6]2
RO}fAN EMBASSY TO ASIA MINOR
XXXVI. 14. z
IJ. 5 n.); he was to be assisted by Prusias' son, Nicomedes (xxxii. 16. 4 n.), whom he was to assassinate should the mission fail (Iustin. xxxiv. 4· I; App. Mitk. 4; Zon. ix. 28} a story perhaps invented to justify the conspiracy into which the two entered shortly afterwards in company with the Pergamene representative, Andronicus, who had succeeded in getting the appeal for the remission of the indemnity rejected (d. xxxii. I6. 2 n.; De Sanctis, iv. 3· 87 n. I9}. Attalus sent Prusias an ultimatum to share his kingdom ""'ith Nicomedes, and when this was rejected Attalus and Nicomedes invaded Bithynia. Prusias shut himself in the fortress of Nicaea and sent an embassy to Rome; but friends of Nicomedes succeeded in having the audience delayed, to give the rebels time to achieve their purpose (App. Mith. 4-7}. Eventually, as recounted here, an embassy was sent; cf. Diod. xxxii. 2o-2I; Livy, ep. so; Ox. ep. so; Strabo, xiii. 4· 2, C. 6z4; Zon. ix. 28; Iustin. xxxiv. 4; Plut. Cato mai. 9· I; App. Mith. 6; Geyer, RE, 'Nikomedes (4)', cols. 484-7; Habicht, RE 'Prusias II (z}', coJs. II20-3.
14. 1. Tfjs optLfis Tfjs Tou N~KotLfJSous: for this revolt see above I4. I-S n. KWMO'OVTO.S T~lV 'Ano.Xov KTX.: cf. App. Mitk. 6, oZ o' dp.rpt Tdll J.!T-raAov cuOv,; lxwpovv cls T1jv BLOvvlav, Ka~ 7rpOULOV(rLII ath-oi,; oi. BL0wo1. KaT' oMyov,),6cror/>os. Twv Ev 'TOO'ToLS 9EWf>TifLanw: Paton, 'and all such studies', is inaccurate: the 8Ewp~p.a:ra are something contained in education and philosophy, not something else similar (cf. Schweighaeuser, 'et doctrinae omnis, quae in his rebus uersatur'; Shuckburgh, 'or any of the knowledge which they embrace'). What the 8ewp~p.aTa are, is less clear. In ix. 14. 5 the word seems to indicate something like 'scientific' or 'systematic'; for the scientific aspect of signalling depends on tu:f87JcrLs Ka~ 8£wp~p.aTa, 'theoretical knowledge'. Similarly in x. 47· u it is the equivalent of J.p.Trnplm ~.:nr:rrf.Vf.LV OLOcftas G'1'paTf.Vf.LV. Strabo describes Numidia as xc!Jpav • . • -.voalfLOva, and attributes the poor conditions before Masinissa to lack of security and the nomadic life of the Maesyli. On the achievements in this sphere of Masinissa and his successors see Kahrstedt, iii. ns, 594; Windberg, RE, 'Numidia', cols. 1363-70 ('Wirtschaftsgeschichte'). 8. EKaO'T KUTU. From this Dindorf and
Wesseling were able with confidence to correct the readings of P here, which were Kap1rwv for vlwv, and J-LVpto1TAYJBH> (unaccented) for J-LVpto1TM.Bpov>. tv 8LUU7auu: 'separate' (Paton), i.e. 'at intervals from each other', or 'in extent' {Shuckburgh). The former is probable, the alternative being pleonastic with J-LVpw1TAlBpov> • ..-.upLovA.k9pous: a 1rAEBpov is a day's ploughing for a team of oxen, reckoned as 1ooft. x 1ooft., i.e. 1o,ooo sq. ft.; but the word was often used inaccurately to translate iugerum, an area of 240 ft. X 120 ft. = 28,8oo sq. ft. {d. Pryce and Lang, OCD 2 , 'measures'; Becker, RE, '1TA€Bpov', col. 235). But J-LVpw- will indicate a vast undefined number, as often; P. means simply that Masinissa left each of his sons a very large, well-equipped farm. 10. 0 8€ lKLVLWV •.. BL!;,KT)O"E Ka.Aws vaVTO.: in summoning Scipio Masinissa doubtless foresaw the danger to the kingdom, should the succession not be peacefully arranged {d. Hoffmann, Historia, 1960, 335 n. 67); d. App. Lib. 70 for the recent defection of two Nurnidian chieftains, Agasis and Subas, to the Carthaginians. Before dying he bade his sons follow the decisions of Scipio; cf. App. Lib. 105, a1Tot/Jvxwv a1TEctv apoVAov 1Ta.VrE'Aws dvopos rplmov; Poseidippus, Hermaph. fg. I I (CAF, iii. 338),
v[ov rp€H mis Kav mfvry;; ns wv rVXJl> f fJvyartpa 8' iKrt97]ut Kal' fJ rrA.ovuX£wv: there is no evidence for troubles in the cities of Macedonia (accepting Biittner-Wobst, KaTd. 7T6AH> : Boissevain could read only K • • • • • • q;a) under Perseus ; there may be a reference to the conflicts in the last years of Philip V (xxiii. 10. I-16). The next six lines are too badly preserved to be restored. The general sense seems to be that after Pydna the Macedonians had abandoned their former ill will towards the Romans. Then at the hands (or instigation) of the pseudo-Philip they accepted many garrisons ( ?). A few lines are then legible : they were exiled, tortured, and murdered by Andriscus far more than by any of their real kings. There follow five illegible lines concerning their original kings and mentioning insults; then something about a Roman encampment and criminal acts (77apavop.~p.aTa: cf. xxiii. 10. 2 of Philip V), perhaps committed before the time of pseudo-Philip. Most of this is omitted by Paton from both text and translation. 14. ~~:0. fLEv Tou .t.TJfLTJTpLou: Hultsch (vol. 4, p. 1402) suggests f.LETd wKeis, ••• eis, AoKpo£: this passage is one of the main sources of information on who took part in the war against the Romans. The whole Peloponnese was involved except Laconia. For the Boeotians see 14. 1-2; Paus. vii. 14. 6, IS. 9; and for the Phocians, who seem to have been sympathetic but technically neutral (cf. 14. 3 n.}, Paus. vii. IS. S· For the illegible name Heyse proposed (Llwpt)£is:, Boissevain (Evf1a)6:s. The latter is more likely, though Livy, ep. 52, mentions only Chalcis (cf. also xxxix. 6. s}. According to Paus. vii. 16. 10 L. Mummius compelled the Boeotians to pay Ioo talents compensation to the Heracleotes and Euboeans, which would suggest that not all the Euboeans opposed Rome (De Sanctis, iv. 3· 146 n. 16o); Accame's suggestion (Dominio, 190, 194) that that passage is a doublet of the fine imposed earlier on Thebes by Metellus, to the benefit of the Euboeans (Paus. vii. 14. 7), is not perhaps very probable. On the whole it seems likely that the Euboean confederacy was not dissolved and that only Chalcis was made subject to the governor of Macedon (d. Accame, Dominz'o, I91-2). But P. is here speaking generally, and may well have said 'Euboeans', though only some were involved. (Ev{Jo)£is is rejected by Accame (Dominio, r9o), Touloumakos (53 n. r), and Deininger (233 n. 5), but they suggest no alternative. Boissevain also thought of (llaTp)t:ts (cf. r6. 4); but this Achaean town would be included in ll£Ao7Tavv~mat. Of AoKpol Boissevain could detect only -al; and this is the only evidence that they took part in the war, though the defeat of Scarpheia was in east Locris (d. Accame, Dominio, 206-7, analysing the fortunes of the east Locrians after 146). nv£s -rwv -rov 'lovLov Ka-rolKo~v-rwv KoA1Tov: on the Ionian Sea cf. ii. 14. 4 n.; P. there refers to the area around and south of the Straits of Otranto. Aetolia was not involved in the war (13. 9; Accame, Dominio, 2u), and there is no evidence that Acarnania was either (though xxxix. 3· ro, on the conveying of works o£ art to Acarnani.a en route for Rome proves nothing; contra Accame, Dominio, 215 n. 5). There is no evidence for Epirus, Ambracia and Buthrotum (Accame, Dominio, 230-1); and the islands of Corcyra, Leucas, and Ithaca and the cities of Cephallenia all remained free and so cannot have taken part in the war (Accame, Dominio, 232-4). Hence it is obscure to whom P. is here referring. MaKeSove.s: in the revolt of Andriscus (xxxvi. I1· 16). 9-11. Illegible; the general sense seems to be that in both the number and character of their sufferings the Greeks outdid their predecessors; but there is no agreement on the words that stand (or stood) in the manuscript. 11. pa~Sous K«l1TeA~Kii.lS: the fasces and axes of the Roman lictors. 688
ON THE GREEK DISASTER OF 147/6 XXXVIII. 4· 8
13. TlfiapT( TJKEva.l 8e Tou; a.h&ou;) .•. Tfis ••• O.yvo(a.s: P. holds the leaders responsible for misleading the masses. 4. 1. TO TfJ; raTopLKijS Sn')yT]aew; f\Oos KTA.: just as oratory has a special ~8os, which finds its expression primarily in lmelKfita, so the .fi8os- of history requires truthfulness and impartiality (i. 14. 5 n.). It normally excludes epideictic (d. xii. 28. 9, where Timaeus is said to have made a comparison between the two genres); and elsewhere P. speaks slightingly of lmoHKTLKa1 crvvrd.gf!t;; designed to create a sensation among oZ 1ro>.Aol (xvi. 18. 2). Shuckburgh's translation 'clearer', for lmDHKnKwT€pav, is wrong; P. means that he has just been '«Titing in a more declamatory, emotional, and ambitious ( is not normally used in a critical sense in P. (d. ix. 20. 6, 20. 9) ; like ¢nl..oTlf.'WS it carries the notion of diligent and accurate work carried out with zeal. Avenarius, 174, sees a division of the aspects of historical composition into three categories: To Ti/> iUToplas 1)8os-, To 1rpay,.anKov f.'€pos (xii. 27 a I). and ij Ti/s- ugfiws- Kamr:ncem] (xvi. I1· 9); but there is no reason to suppose that P. regarded these three expressions as linked together in this way. 2. cpLAam<x9ws troLouJ!EvOLs Tt)v ypa.q.T]v: P. rejects the view that the historian has a duty to conceal his countrymen's shortcomings. But elsewhere he allows some partiality towards one's country, though not indeed at the expense of truth (xvi. q. 6; VoL I, p. 12). Equally, however, a historian must avoid excess of or blame, while dispensing both where they are merited (x. 21. 8), even if that involves praising enemies and censuring friends (i. 14. 5). P. regards a charge of writing if;t/..arrexBws- as damaging. 5. TTJS aATJ9£(as: see VoL I, pp. Io-I2. 6. Twv upos Ka,pov Xeyol!kvwv: 'words spoken to suit an occasion'. The contrast is between a historian's account(~ (i),d) Twv imDfkV7Jf.'aTwv 1ra.p6.Soats; cf. i. I. I n.) and the words of an orator tempered to suit the occasion, when frankness was not always in order (cf. ii. 8. 9)· 7. o1rep tlf1£'is •.. O.X119Lvws: cf. xxxix. 3· 10, 5· :z-6. P.'s claim was accepted and recorded by the Megalopolitans in an inscription set up in his honour; cf. Paus. viii. 30. 8, yiypa1rTa' S€ Ka1 €/..eyei:a lrr' ath-4} Myovm ws lTTL yi/v ml8d/..aaaav 1raaav 7rAav110el"' (d. VoL I, p. IOn. 9) Ka1 on aVf.'f.'O.XOS yivo,To 'Pw,.a£wv Ka~ 1ratJaEWZV a&rovs Jpyi/s Ti/>) ES' To 'E/J..TJvtK6v (clearly echoing iii. 4· 13 and the present passage; cf. von Scala, 7). 8. xO.pw TOU }Li') .•• TEP1TECT9a.t I(QTO. TO tra.pov IalvovTat. As examples Dionysius mentions a Silenus that appeared in Macedonia (FGH, 115 F 74) and a snake that fought against a trireme (FGH, n5 F 296). See, on Theopompus' use of mythical digressions, A. E. Wardman, Historia, I96o, 406-7. nv€s 8€ ••• 'ITPO.Yf.LO.TLKIDS: these factual digressions are also, it seems, those of Theopompus, though P.'s phraseology makes it appear as though he is speaking of several different historians. 2-4. Theopompus' method: this passage (printed as FGH, II5 F 28) apparently refers to book i of the Philippic Histories, which, since it had to describe conditions in Greece, Macedonia, and the neighbouring lands in or around 360/59, was necessarily varied in its contents. Commenting on FGH, II5 F 28, Jacoby points out that the fuller contents list of book xii (FGH, II5 F 103, from Photius) shows much less movement from theatre to theatre than P. 's comment here suggests as typical of Theopompus. He also remarks that Theopompus evidently treated the early history of Macedonia and its royal house quite cursorily and plunged in medias res; but this is an argument ex silentio and assumes that P. is here giving a comprehensive list of the contents of book i. 2. T&.s j\Ac;~6.v8pou ToO ~c;pa.(ou 1Tp6.~ELS: on Alexander of Pherae (369-358/7) see viii. 35· 6 n.; fragments from Theopompus' account of him are FGH, II5 F 337, 352, 372 (?),and 409. TUS KO.TU neAom)vv'I")O'OV Aa.KE80.Lf.LOVLWV Em~oM.s: sketching the position of Sparta after the battle of Mantinea, and her exclusion from the peace of 362jr (cf. iv. 33· 8-g n.). Ka.t 'IT6.ALV TUS 1TO.pn e'I"J~O.LWV: so Btittner-\Vobst; d1T' a8'1valwv M, {mo B'1f3alwv Lucht, 1rap' J18'1valwv Hultsch, J18'1valwv Geel (and Paton). Palaeographically the case for keeping J18'1valwv is strong; and Theopompus had plenty to narrate about Athens in 360/59. including Cotys' seizure of Sestus from Athens in 36o (Dem. xxiii. 158) and Timotheus' failure to get Amphipolis from Perdiccas III of 692
METHOD OF COMPOSITION
XXXVIII. 6. 4
Macedon and the burning of his fleet (Diod. xvi. 3· 3; Polyaen. iii. Io. 8). But it was perhaps more to the point that after Epaminondas' death at Man tinea (362) Theopompus should have opened his history ·with a discussion of the situation of the two erstwhile dominant powers, Sparta and Thebes, now both impotent, despite the Theban victory; and he may even have touched on the battle of Man tinea itself. -rO.s Ka-rO. MaKe8ov£av: perhaps including the revision of the customs service by the Athenian refugee Callistratus (Dem. l. 48; pseud.-Arist. Oec. 2. I35o a) and events down to the death of Perdiccas III in a disaster on the Illyrian border in 359 (Diod. xvi. 2), and the succession of his brother, Philip II. fJ '~"TJV 'IHupL8a: see § 4 on Bardylis. '~"TJV 'l<jiLKpa-rous els AiyuTr-rov a-rpa-re(av: Iphicrates (c. 415-353), son of Timotheus, won a reputation in the Corinthian War, but later served as a mercenary in Thrace, marrying the daughter of King Cotys. In 374/3 he commanded 2o,ooo men as a mercenary leader in Pharnabazus' army operating against the rebel kings in Egypt (Diod. xv. 4r) ; this service he undertook on Athenian instructions (Diod. xv. 29. 3-4; Nepos, I phic. 2. 4). Theopompus' account of these events, which occurred long before the nominal opening date of his history, may derive from a special interest in Iphicrates (see Jacoby on FGH, II5 F 28). After some successes (Diod. xv. 42. 4) he fell foul of Pharnabazus and fled to Athens (Diod. XV. 42. 5-6; Plut. Artax. 24. r). See Kahrstedt, RE, 'Iphikrates', col. 2020. -rO. K}.eapx~ Trpax9evTa Tr«pavoJL-rlJLa-ra K-rA.: Clearchus (39rjo-353/2) was a student of Plato and !socrates at Athens, who returned to a political career in his native town of Heraclea Pontica, where after a period of banishment (Iustin. xvi. 4· 4) he made himself tyrant (Polyaen. ii. 30. r-2) in 364/3 (Diod. xv. 8r. 4). He treated his political opponents savagely (Iustin. xvi. 4· I7-5· 4; Polyaen. ii. 30. 3; Memnon, FGH, 434 F I) and was murdered in 353/2 by conspirators who attacked him at the feast of Dionysus (Diod. xvi. 35· 3; Iustin. xvi. 5· Iz-I6; Memnon, FGH, 434 F I). Accounts of him go back to Theopompus; cf. Lensehau, RE, 'Klearchos (4)', cols. 577-<J; Jacoby on FGH, 434 F r. 3. 0.-raK-rws .•. TETayJ!Evws: P. claims that he has built the principle of securing variety by digressions systematically into the structure of his history, since it dealt with events inside each theatre of action in a definite order within each olympiad year (§§5-6). 4. ~Kel:voL: the reference is still to Theopompus. B6.p8uAALS o Twv '1'-'-upLwv ~aaLAeus: cf. Theopompus, FGH, n5 F 286 (Cic. Off. ii. 40), 'itaque propter aequabilem praedae parti· tionem et Bardulis Illyrius latro, de quo est apud Theopompum, magnas opes habuit.' According to the romantic version of Libanius, 693
XXXVIII. 6. 4
A DEFENCE OF POLYBIUS'
contra Sever. 52, and Hellaclius (in Photius, p. 1579 a 43 Hoeschl) he was a charcoal-burner; and he may have seized his kingdom forcibly {cf. Papazoglou, Historia, 1965, 154 n. 46). "Vl1ere exactly this lay is uncertain. Zippel, 27, located it around the Devol valley, suggesting that it was a resuscitation of that of the Encheleae; and S. Islami, Studia Albanica, 2, 1972,82-83, sees in him the ruler of a large Illyrian kingdom based on Dassaretia and Lake Lychnidus. Certainly his war againstArybbas of Epirus (Frontin. Strat. ii. 5· 19) and the alliance between his son Cleitus and Glaucias of the Taulantii against Alexander (Arr. Anab. i. 5· r) would suit a kingdom located thereabouts. Hammond (BSA, 1966, 252; Macedonia, 96) argues that Bardylis was king of the Dardani, much further north, and merely used the Lake Lychnidus-Dassaretia route to invade Epirus and Macedonia; but the link between Bardylis and the Dardanians upon whom Philip II made war {Iustin. viii. 6. 3) is very tenuous, nor is it apparent that if Bardylis was a Dardanian, fourth-century sources would have called him an Illyrian. Bardylis was probably responsible for dethroning Amyntas III of Macedon and for the defeat and death of Perdiccas (§ 2 n.) in 359· He was in tum defeated (and perhaps killed) by Philip II, who recovered all the cities east of L. Lychnidus (Diod. xvi. 4· 4 f., 8. r; Iustin. vii. 6. 7; Polyaen. iv. 2. 17; Ps.Lucian, Macrob. ro; perhaps Frontin. Strat. ii. 5· 19). See Kaerst, RE, 'Bardylis (r)', col. 12; Beloch, iii. I. 224 n. r; Papazoglou, Historia, 1965, 152-4. KEpaoj3AE1TTTJ5 o Twv 9p(j!.~<Wv: Cersobleptes, king of the Odrysae, succeeded his father Cotys {§ 2 n.) in 36o (Dem. xxiii. r63) and ruled Thrace till 341 or 340. Delphi honoured his two sons c. 356 (Syll. 195, with the form K€pfu:{fAbrrrJs). He had at once to face the rebel Miltocythes and two new pretenders and other enemies (Polyaen. vii. 31); and he was at war with Athens. His mercenary captain Charidemus successfully drove off the Athenian fleet from Perinthus and Alopeconnesus (Dem. xxiii. r6s f.; Schol. Aeschin. iii. 51) and forced the Athenian admiral Cephisodotus to make a disadvantageous treaty in 359 (Dem. xxiii. r66); the next year he defeated Miltocythes (Dem. xxiii. r69). See Kahrstedt, RE, 'Kersobleptes', cols. 329-30; Beloch, iii. r. 222-3, 2. 88-89. Theopompus probably described all these events in book i; see FGH, 115 F 307 (P. Berol. soo8). o&'i8' &.va.Tpexouow e'll't Tl!.Kohoueov eK 6La.o-nif.1.«TOS : 'nor do they come back to the sequel (sc. to these events) after an interval.' Ka9ttrrEp ev 'II'OtfJJ.L«TL XPTJ0"6.f.I.EVOl: 'treating them as episodes in a poem'. Geel suggested lp.1To,f;p.a·n, presumably meaning 'an insertion'; but the word does not exist. Wunderer, iii. 58, conjectured lyKvit follows the last in de legat. Rom. and covers events through the \V:inter of I47/6 into 146; seep. 48. 10. 1. 0~ 1TEpl TOV Ies-rov: d. 9· 3 n. -rots 1rept -rov 0ea.p£oa.v: d. Paus. vii. I4. 3; Dio, xxi. 72. 2. On Thearidas, P.'s elder brother, see xxxii. 7· I n. The Achaeans probably thought he would be well received at Rome; Deininger, 226. 2. -rwv .•. &.Xoyf)flclTwv: for the indiscretions committed in regard to Aurelius P. deliberately uses a mild and non-committal word. 4. OLa.Xeyo11evwv -rots :.\xaLois ev -rft -rwv AtyLewv mSXeL: probably the autumn synodos meeting at Aegium, for Paus. vii. 14. 3-4 implies that the legati arrived at the time of the electoral assembly (cf. Larsen, r87); but it could be merely a meeting of the magistrates (Aymard, ACA, 126 n. 3). 700
EVENTS IN ACHAEA
XXXVIII.
IO. IO
aw~povouv f1Epos: P. declares his sympathies. Ka.t Xla.v eveTpE1TETo: 'and paid great heed to it' (omitted by Paton). 7. To'Lc; ••• XeyoflEVOLS OLKa.LoLc;: 'the just remarks'; Paton, 'the just
6. To ••.
strictness of Sextus' may be a misprint for 'the just strictures'. voaouv Ka.t OLe~9a.pf1EVov: 'ill-disposed and perverse'. For voaefv in a political sense see Fuks, ]HS, 1970, 85 n. so; he quotes Soph. Ant. 1015; Eur. Hel. 581; but also Herod. v. 28; Dem. ii. 14. Measures may now have been passed in relation to debt; see 11. 10 n. 8. Ala.Lov: Diaeus of Megalopolis (Paus. vii. 12. 3) was probably, though not certainly, the son of Diophanes (xxi. 3 b 2 n.); of his career before 150 nothing is known. In 15o/49 as general (Paus. vii. 12. 3, 12. 6) he accepted three talents from Menalcidas to suppress the charge brought by Callicrates (d. 9· 1-8 n.), and then provoked a clash with Sparta (Paus. vii. 12. 4-7; DeSanctis, iv. 3· 131-2; Larsen, 49o-1). For the sequel down to the arrival of L. Aurelius Orestes towards the end of his second generalship (148/7) see 9· 1-8 n. Henceforth and until his suicide in 146 (Paus. vii. 15. 4-6; Livy, Ox. ep. 52; Zon. ix. 31. 5) Diaeus was openly ante-Roman. P.'s hostile assessment of Diaeus is followed by Mommsen, RG, ii. 43-47, and by Lehmann, 322-9; see however the more balanced appreciation in De Sanctis, iv. 3· 144-5 and in Deininger, RE, SuppL-E. xi, 'Diaios', cols. 521---6, who recognizes that after Aurelius' embassy the choice was between fighting and acquiescing in the destruction of the Confederacy (d. Tarn, HC, 35; Fuks, ]HS, 1970, 88-89). Kpm)Xa.ov: nothing is known of him earlier; but there is no reason to think that he, any more than Diaeus, had been a member of the pro-Roman party of Callicrates (so Lehmann, 321-2 argued; contra Deininger, 225). TOLS 9eo'Lc; ex9po(: for the opposite d. X. 2. 7 n.; Siegfried, 88 n. 168. 9. Ka.9cmep T] 1Ta.poLf1La. ~T)alv: the proverb (reading Aatq, Ursinus, for the manuscript S€ 1.uq) clearly means 'to accept grudgingly and in bad faith what is offered frankly and honestly'. The obscurity of what he says makes it impossible to know whether Cicero has this meaning in mind when he writes Ta StSofLeva in Att. vi. 5· 2, xv. q. 1. P.'s point is that the Achaean leaders agreed to a meeting with the Spartans at Tegea (§ n), but then sent Critolaus alone without any authority to commit the Confederation (n. 5). Wunderer (i. 19 and 123) thinks the passage is corrupt; but that is because he thinks the reference is to a different proverb (CAF, iii. p. 483, fg. 397, eMJvs u ~OLJJLg y{vofLaL' Tfj fL€V OLOWfLL xetp{, Tfj S€ AafL~dvw (d. Schol. Pind. Pyth. ii. 125)). 'To take back with one hand what one gives with the other' is an expression also found in English for sharp or dishonest dealing; but it is not relevant here. 10. 0La TE TnJ.oyov, and sent messengers to order the summoning of ToVs O'VV€opour; • •• l> To )txatKov, but secretly instructed the latter not to attend. Hence some scholars have thought a syncletos was envisaged (cf. Larsen, 187; GFS, 493; De Sanctis, iv. 3· 142); but this is hard to reconcile with the mention of delegates, aVv£8pot. Pausanias could be referring to a specially convened meeting of the council (like that mentioned in xxviii. 3· ro); but such a meeting would hardly be called To )txarK6v. Aymard (ACP, 272 n. s) treats Paus. vii. 14. 4 with justifiable suspicion ('des termes ... auxquels il est tres imprudent de se tier') and points out that P. speaks only of magistrates of Critolaus' party. If Caesar and his colleagues were expecting to find a special assembly at Tegea, Critolaus' remark (n. 5) that nothing could be done without a decision of the people, and that this could be obtained at the next synodos six months hence, would have been doubly offensive; and P. says nothing of the obvious query to be expected from Caesar, as to what had become of the syncletos. It is therefore safer to rely on P. and to assume that Caesar expected to meet the Achaean magistrates along with the Spartans at Tegea. Niese (iii. 544) and Shimron (133) both speak cautiously of leading men and negotiations, not of any convening of either the council or the assembly. 11. 2. 1TapayevOf-1-EVwv ••• Ets T~v TeyEav: De Sanctis (iv. 3· 142) WTongly states that Caesar went first to Sparta and returned to Tegea with the Spartan representatives; this unnecessary detour would have given gratuitous offence to the Achaeans. Ty)v T€ vepl. Twv .•• tyKA'Jf-1-lt.Twv O~Ka~oSoa(a.v: 'as regards reaching a settlement on the matters at issue between them .. .' ; these involved frontier problems \vi.th Megalopolis or Argos (Paus. vii. 12. 4, 1T€p~ dp.ta{3TJT1jUip.ov xchpas)' which the Spartans had taken to the Senate, but also the question whether the Confederation had the right to inflict capital punishment on Spartans (Paus. vii. T2. 4-5). See Paus. vii. 14. 4. ~-rvxov yap -r6n 7f8"1 o~ '/Tapa 'Pwp.a{wv ijKoV'T£S -ra AaiCcOatp.ovlwv Kai )txatwv ot~cO.aat. Ka.Ta Tov 'lTOAEf-1-0V E1Toxftv: the war between Sparta and the Achaeans; cf. 9· 1-8 n.; Paus. vii. 13. 1-4 (Damocritus' campaign in
T~v
702
EVENTS IN ACHAEA
XXXVIII.
II. IO
I48), IJ. s--8 (Diaeus' attack on the perioecic towns, Menalcidas' retaliation and his suicide in 14 7). To us 'ITEpi Twv i;Xwv i'lnaKeljto}lEvou' has the same interpretation. This seems to me on the whole the likeliest, viz. 'to declare a moratorium on loan-repayments'. See the good discussion in Fuks, JHS, 1970, So n. 13. D. Asheri, 68-69, suggests that the word (o') marks a contrast to the previous negatives, and that the sense is 'that public debts shall be suspended, that no one shall be imprisoned for private debt, but that €pavo>-repayments shall continue, as long as the war lasts'. This is just possible and is not excluded by the clause 'as long as the war lasts', since the £pavo>- clause could be an exception to the general rule, mentioned in a clarification, and the clause on the duration of the war would then apply to the legislation as a whole. But it is improbable that P. in this context would have J04
EVENTS IN ACHAEA
XXXVIII.
12.2
mentioned such a clause, if it was merely designed to modify in one respect the general pattern of what he regarded as reprehensible policy. Fuks therefore seems right in rejecting Asheri's interpretation; the words \\1.11 mean not 'to continue loan-payments', but 'to declare a moratorium on loan-payments'. DeSanctis, iv. 3· 143 also takes the phrase in that sense. See further J. Vondeling, Eranos (Amsterdam, xg6r), 5o-5r, 74-75, 259 f. iws av >..a~n ••. Kp1ow: the clause applies to all these measures. The war could be that with Sparta, or the coming war \\-'ith Rome (Fuks, ]HS, 1970, Sr n. IS); cf. IJ. 6, IS. 6. 12. 1. Ko~VTos o KtuKiA~oc;: Q. Caecilius Metellus (Macedonicus) had been sent to Macedonia as praetor, probably with proconsulare imperium and two legions, in I48 and had defeated Andriscus (cf. xxxvi. 17. r6 n.). According to Paus. vii. I3. 1-5, he urged Roman envoys en route for Asia to intervene between Achaea and Sparta; but this had no effect (see Morgan, Historitl, 1969, 435). Later, still in I48, he instructed the Achaeans to await the arrival of the promised embassy of L. Aurelius Orestes (d. 9· 1-8 n.). His command was extended for 147 and 146. See Munzer, RE, 'Caecilius (94)', cols. r213-16; Morgan, H~'storia, r969, 439; Sarikakis, 27-38 (with full references). TnSE truv9a.vo.,.Evoc;: what -rd8E refers to is obscure, since there is probably a gap between II. n and r2. I (d. p. 48). It must be something that indicated Achaean intransigence and a war-minded attitude in the Confederation. r va~ov na.trEtpLOV: Cn. Papirius Carbo; cf. Munzer, RE, 'Papirius (r2}', col. xoo8 (perhaps a son of C. Carbo, praetor in r68). nov[A~QV Acuvii.TOV: manuscript, aMwva fWtVOV; Schweighaeuser despaired 'de medicina foedo ulceri inuenicnda' until some better codex turned up. If Hultsch's emendation, followed by BilttnerWobst, is accepted, this will be M. Popillius Laenas, cos. 139; see xxxiii. 9· r n. P. may call him 'the younger' to distinguish him from C. Popillius Laenas, cos. 172, active during the war with Perseus and as envoy to Antiochus IV (d. xxviii. 3· In.). Ao>..ov r o.~lv~ov: as plebeian tribune in IJ9 he carried the first lex tabellaria, providing for voting by ballot in elections (Cic. de leg. iii. 35; Lael. 41; Livy, Ox. ep. 54, 'A. Gabinius, uerna[e nepos, legem tulit, ut] suffragium per ta[bellam ferretur.J'). Cf. MUnzer, RE, 'Gabinius (6)', col. 423. ra.~ov ci>O.vvlOv: hardly the consul of I6I; d. Munzer, RE, 'Fannius (7)', col. rg88. 2. aovTJyp.€vwv Twv )\xo.u;iv d~ K6pw9ov: cf. Paus. vii. 14. 5; probably the spring synodos, referred to by Critolaus at Tegea the previous autumn (u. 5 n.). Larsen, 187-8, remarks that in its large attendance and 'mob spirit' (§ 5), and in the fact that it decides on war with A
a
XXXVIII.
12. 2
EVENTS !N ACHAEA
Sparta (r3. 6) it 'looks like a meeting of a primary assembly'. To fit his theory that synodoi were at tllis time council-meetings, he suggests that it was an irregular combination of a synodos and a syncletos. But if, as argued on pp. 406-14, synodoi were meetings of the council and the assembly, no problem arises. Kcml. TIJXTJV ••• Els ToiiTov Tov Ka.Lpov: the assembly had nothing to do with the arrival of the Roman envoys; for this cf. Paus. vii. rs. 1-3. There is no reason to suppose that they knew in advance the day for which the synodos had been announced (cf. Aymard, ACA, 125 against Beloch, iv. 2. 234). De Sanctis, iv. 3· 149, believes that Paus. vii. rs. 2 refers to a further and separate Roman embassy; against that view see Niese, iii. 347 n. 2; Morgan, Historia, rg6g, 439 n. 82. 1ra.pa.1TAT)aious To'i:s 1TEpt Tov I£~Tov: cf. ro. 4· According to Paus. vii. IS. 2, Metellus dyylAoliS' • •• 1Tapa TOUS' ;ixawt!> a1TCO'T£AAEV, a4>£ba£ K~:A£liwv a4>iis aVVT£A£las Aa~e£~a£f.Lovlovs ~eal 7ToA£tS' t1\.\as &rroaas ~:tprrro Vn-o 'Pwf.Lalwv, ri)s T€ ~K TOV XPOVOU TOV 7TpOTlpov a4>law a1T££8tlas ou~ef.L{av 1rapa 'Pc.uf.Lalwv VrrtG'}(I'£tTo JrrAv yEV!]a~:a8a,. This is evidently the same embassy (see previous note) ; and if Pausanias' version is at all true, there was little placatory about it, and its members can have expected a rough reception. But Morgan, Historia, 1969, 439 n. Bz, is hardly justified in saying that both P. and Pausanias imply that its purpose was to precipitate war. 3. f:( K> Tijs 1rpos Aa.KE8a.lflov£ous 1Tpolj>naEws: 'on the pretext of their grievance against the Spartans' (Shuckburgh). 5. 1TATj9os f:pya.UTTJpLa.Kwv ~ea.l ~a.va.uawv O.v9pw1TWv: unlikely at a council meeting. lpyaarTJpta~eol are workers in factories (ergasteria); {U.vavao£ is a more general term for manual workers, 'including artisans, semi-skilled workers, unskilled wage-earners, people employed in a small way in commerce, and excluding those working on the land' (Fuks, ] HS, 1970, 85; cf. CQ, 1968, 214 and n. 6 for references). According to Polyaenus, Strat. vi. 7· 2, Apollodorus of Cassandreia (cf. vii. 7· z n.) carried out a coup helped by sinlilar elements (olK,TUS' Ka£ Toils a1TO Tmv epyaUTTJplwv TexvlTas). Probably many, but not all, of these men were from Corinth, the site of the assembly, since this was a centre of trade and industry. For a further hint that resistance to Rome was stronger in the cities than in the countryside see 17. 4 n. E.~eoputwv a.i1roAns: for the metaphorical use of Kopv,iiv, (lit. 'to have a running nose'; cf. voUE:tv in 10. 7) see Plato, Rep. 343 A and other references in LSJ, especially Philodemus, D. i. I I 1. 38 (Abh. Berl. Ak. 1915, 7· 19). 7. Ka.T' EOX~v l)1To9€aEws E1T£lATJfL!Jkvos: 'having obtained the theme for ranting that he prayed for'; this (rather than 'pretext') suits the reference to his audience. 706
EVENTS IN ACHAEA
XXXVIII. 13. 6
f.vt:'ll'a.ppflaLatETo •.• To'Ls .•• 1Tpt: T£ a.a .\6ywv (hrl.\Et'ITEV W> r;sr; Kal f3aatl.efkn Kat 'ITOAEO'£ s,E{AEK7'0.£ 'ITEpl
aup.p.axlas.
13. 1. TWv ••• ri)s yEpouata.s: this body is not mentioned elsewhere, though gerontes and a gerousia are found in several Achaean cities (e.g. GDI, 1615 = SEG, xi. usgll. 8 ff., at Dyme (3rd cent.); IG, v. z. 357 II. 40, 79, at Stymphalus (3rd cent.); cf. Touloumakos, zH:-.2), and there is disagreement as to what it is. It is either a committee of the Council (so Lipsius, 5.-B. Leipzig, 18g8, 176; cf. Busolt-Swoboda, ii. 1555 n. 2) or, more probably, another name for the damiurgi (cf. ii. 37· Io-n n., xxiii. 5· 16)-so Larsen, GFS, 231; Freeman, HFG, 231 n. 4; Aymard, ACA, 153-4, especially 154 n. 4, 36r (hesitating); Habicht, Chiron, 1973, II7. P. implies that the gerousia was unanimously against Critolaus, but elsewhere he reveals that opposition to Rome and support for the war were widespread and not confined to the poor or a handful of demagogues (cf. 18. 7). 1TEpLa1Ta.aafLEvos Tous aTpa.TLwTa.s: 'bidding the soldiers withdraw' ; they would be his bodyguard, as general. Musti, Annali di Pisa, 1967, 205, suggests that they are mercenaries, who are particularly associated with tyrants; but the general's bodyguard is more likely to have been of picked Achaean troops. Paton mistranslates 'soliciting the aid of the soldiery'; but see Schweighaeuser ad loc. 4. Ka.i TouTwv 1TLO'TLV i+Ept:v: 'and he alleged in confirmation of this'; P. rejects Critolaus' assertion (cf. § s. Sm{3o.\&s:). Eua.y6pa.v Tbv Aiy,£a.: his father Aristobulus is known from an inscription found at Physcus in west Locris, honouring him ·with proxenia and the title of benefactor, shortly after r66 (W. A. Oldfather, A] A, 1922, 445-so, corrected byLerat, i. r34n.4: }4.pto-ro{3o.J.\w, Efu.y&pa. ):lxau.Ot it AlyLov; SEG, ii. 352; xii. 28r). Habicht, Chiron, 1972. n7-18, points out that Euagoras' links with west Locris, which took no part in the Achaean war against Rome (Accame, Dominio, 2o8), may have something to do with his anti-war policy now. Tov T pLTa.~a. ITpa.T{ov: for his earlier career see xxviii. 6. 2 n. ev Ta.is auva.px(a.Ls: to be taken with Ta AEyop.eva, not of course with Smawj>Eiv. On the expression, which denotes the collegiate body of magistrates, see ii. 37· Io-n n., xxvii. 2. I I n. 6. 1TMLV \jlf14>£aa.a9a.L: 'further to vote', rather than 'again' (so Paton); cf. v. 27. 2 n. Aoyce JLEV TOV 1Tpos Aa.KE80.LJLOV£ous 1T0AEfLOV KTA.: cf. Diod. xxxii. 26. 5 (adding some sententious conclusions). This vote was illegal 707
XXXVIII. 13. 6
EVENTS IN ACHAEA
because a war·measure must be passed at an assembly specially convened for that purpose (d. xxii. 12. 6 n., xxix. 24. s-6; above, p. 408). 7. ~TEpov l{f~wJ.La. 1ra.p6.vo~:.~.ov : 'a second unconstitutional decree' ; this is more likely than the possible alternative 'a second decree, which was unconstitutional'. This further decree was illegal in giving generals over-riding power and fWVG.PX'"~ €.fovala; cf. xv. 21. 2 for the use of this expression in connection with Molpagoras of Cius. Clearly P. wishes to stamp Critolaus as a would-be tyrant; see Musti, Annati di Pisa, 1967, 203, who observes that in both Cius (xv. 21. 3-8) and Achaea P. blames the people, who let themselves be misled. Stripped of its rhetoric, to make a general KOpws is not very different from investing Aratus with €.fova{a dvvr.niBvvos (Plut. A rat. 40. z) or his election as 07pa:r1Jyos a.trroKpaTwp (Plut. Arat. 41. 1) in 225, when the Confederation faced a similar crisis (d. Porter, 78). 9. rvalos Ets :A.9~va.s a:nijpEv: Cn. Papirius (cf. 12. r); he probably went to secure Athenian neutrality (as he did). o S' Ao>..os de; Na.611'a.KTov: A. Gabinius (cf. 12. 1), who will have secured Aetolian neutrality; cf. Niese, iii. 346. ol SE Mo: C. Fannius and M. Popillius I.aenas (?) (12. r). 14. 1-2. The character of Pytheas the Tkeban commander This excerpt from de uirt. et uit. concerns the Boeotian leader involved in the war against Rome ; for its position here see p. 48 (rejecting Niese's proposal to transpose it to between n and 12). 14. 1. nu&Ea.s ' •. 0.8EA<j>os :A.Ka.o-r(Sou: according to IG, iiZ. 2314 11. 9 and n, i4Kat:1Tloa.s KJu:op.vd(J'Tov Botdono[s] was victor at the Panathenaea in the \vrestling and in the pentathlon at a date soon after 191. Hence the corrections of the text, which reads aKa.TuSova and KA~op.t:vova, to i4Ka(J7loov (Bergk) and KA€op.vaaTov (Buttner-Wobst). The date need not be an obstacle, since Acastidas would gain his victory as a young man, whereas Pytheas, perhaps a younger brother, would be Theban commander only as a man of mature years; true, he had children (16. 10), but his wife can have been much younger than he. After mentioning the war-decision at Corinth, Paus. vii. 14. 6-7 records that Pytheas, who was at that time (spring 146) commander at Thebes (Plutarch incorrectly calls him Boeotarch), also incited the Achaeans, and the Thebans promised to join in the war. The pretext was a fine imposed by Metellus for injuries done to Phocis, Euboea, and Amphissa (cf. Schober, RE, 'Thebai (Boiotien)', col. 1489). Larsen, GFS, 495 n. 3, seems to regard this fine as imposed later and so evidence that the Thebans invaded Phocis to make the Phocians fight; but Pausanias says J.a.Ad.JKma.v (not decisive) and, more to the point, fines imposed on Boeotia for 708
THE CHARACTER OF PYTHEAS
XXXVIII. 14. 3
its part in the war came Later and at the hands of Mummius (Pans. vii. r6. ro). See Kirchner, RE, 'Akastidas', col. II57; Ziegler, RE, 'Pytheas (4)', col. 369 (inaccurate on the name of Pytheas' father); Schober, RE, 'Thebai (Boiotien)', cols. q8g--9o; Deininger, 233 n. 6. ~oKwv ••• Tijv TrPWTT')V ~Auciav: such allegations were common form and, in a society where homosexuality was prevalent, no doubt often true; see xii. 13. x n. on Demochares; FGH, 76 F 8 for Duris' recording of sexual allegations against Demosthenes. 2. 1h' Eu11Evous Kal ¢1lAE:Ta£pou O'E:O'WjlaToTrotT')jlEvos: Eumenes II of Pergamum and his brother Philetaerus; cf. xviii. 41. xo n. By a coincidence the two won the chariot race at the same Panathenaea as Acastidas was victor (IG. ii2 • 2314 11. 84 ff.; Deininger, 233 n. 6). (~la) Tas npoupT')jlEvas ahtas: possibly mentioned in an earlier passage; it need not refer to lioKwv .•. r.apaK€XPfia8a~ rf]v .•• ~AtKlav, as Btittner-Wobst assumes (index, s.v. r!JU..lratpo~ and EvtdVTJ~). (See p. 49 for the arguments in favour of putting 16. I I and 16. r2 here, between 14. 2 and 14. 3; both passages seem to refer to Critolaus (not Diaeus).) 14. 3. A reference to the campa·igns of 146 This passage from Oros. v. 3· 3, hardly a fragment, refers briefly to P.'s account of the campaigns of Critolaus and Diaeus; for its position here see p. 48. 3. in Africa cum Scipione: cf. r9 n. semel in Acbaia pugnatum Critolao duce: Orosius is using 'Achaia' in the later sense of the Roman province; there is no reason to suppose that he shared Florus' (i. 37· 3) ludicrous belief that Critolaus' defeat was beside the Alpheus in Elis. The site of the battle was at Scarpheia in East Locris. semel is 'once' (not 'there was only one battle' (Paton)). According to Paus. vii. 15. 2-3. on hearing that L. Mummius, cos. 146, was coming out to succeed him, Metellus sent messengers with a final appeal to the Achaeans to acquiesce in the Senate's orders (probably the embassy of Cn. Papirius: 12. 2 n.) and set out with his army through Thessaly and along the Lamian Gulf. Meanwhile Heraclea in Trachis (d. x. 42. 4 n.), which had joined the Achaean Confederation at some time since 167 (the date is uncertain since )lxaw£ is a false reading in IG, ix. 1. 226; against Vollgraff, BCH, 19or, 228, see Kirsten, RE, 'Oitaioi', col. 2294-not known to DeSanctis, iv. 3· 147 n. x6r), revolted, whereupon Critolaus and the Achaeans marched north to reduce it, being joined by the Thebans (Paus. vii. rs. 9). Deininger. Phil. 1967, 287-9I, argues convincingly that 16. II and 16. 12 refer to Critolaus' reaction to Metellus' 709
XXXVIII. q. 3
THE CAMPAIGNS OF 146 IN GREECE
appearance; but it does not follow (as he claims) that the Achaeans had no expectation of having to fight the Romans. The collaboration of Thebes and perhaps other central Greek states (cf. 3· 8 n.) and the bringing up of the Arcadian contingent (next note) and the men from Patrae (16. 4) imply a bigger and less domestic operation than the mere reduction of a dissident member of the Confederacy. Critolaus probably hoped to reduce Heraclea quickly and Metellus' sudden appearance south of the Spercheius took him by surprise. It is reasonable to suppose, with Larsen (GFS, 495), that the original plan was based on a line involving the control of Heraclea and the defence of Thermopylae (cf. Pans. vii. 15. 3). With the Achaeans and Thebans Critolaus fled through Thermopylae to Scarpheia in Locris, but was overtaken just before he reached it. Many fell and Metellus took about 1,ooo prisoners; Critolaus perished (Pans. vii. 15. 4; below, 15. I n.). Diaeum ... oppressum cum exercitu : on Diaeus see 10. 8 n. He had led 1,ooo chosen Arcadian troops to assist Critolaus (ol KptToAa
illing to allow the passage of troops, but not to break their own neutrality: Larsen, GFS, 496) asked this Arcadian contingent to leave, and Metellus caught up with them near Chaeronea. Pausanias (hardly here following P.; cf. xviii. 14. 13-15) regards this as divine retribution for the Arcadians' absence from the battle against Philip II in 338 (Pans. vii. 15. 5-6). Metellus then moved on to Thebes; for his defeat of a body of troops from Patrae see 16. 4 n. 15. 1-16. 10. Organization of Achaea under Diaeus (146) This excerpt from de uirt. et uit. describes Diaeus' organization of Achaea after the defeats in central Greece and Critolaus' death; on its position here see pp. 48-49. 15. 1. Tou Kp1To),.aou ••• J.LETTJ).).ax6Tos: at Scarpheia (14. 3 n.); Pans. vii. 15. 4 says that he was never seen again, nor was his body found. Livy, ep. 52, says that he poisoned himself; he is probably confusing his death with that of Diaeus later (Larsen, GFS, 496 n. 1). Tou vo11ou KE).EuovTos KTA.: cf. xxiii. 12. 7 n. for 182 (death of Philopoemen). (~) KaEh]Kouua uuvooos: the regular assembly (cf. ix. 7· I, 14. I, 26. 7), at which a successor could be elected; this duly took place 710
ACHAEA UNDER DIAEUS
XXXVIII.
15. 11
a little later (q. 1). See Aymard, ACA, 211. On the synodos as a meeting of the primary assembly see pp. 406-14. 3. tK1TEf.Lijtas ets Ta M£yapa: 'sending troops forward to Megara'; Paus. vii. 15. 8 says there were 4,ooo men under "AJcamenes (cf. 17· 9) whose purpose was fpovpa 'TE elvaL Meyapevcn 'ToV aa7EW lrrln Ka~ ol 'Pwp.a'io6, Toii rrpoaw crfiis KwAvetv. Paton mistranslates 'sending a message'. otKoyevwv Kal. 1rapaTpo<jlwv: the former are slaves bom and reared at home, the latter slaves brought up with the children of the household (the word is not found elsewhere). See Westermann, CP, 1945, 4; Fuks, ]HS, 1970, 82 n. 20. But P. is not differentiating clearly, since in § 5 rrapaTpofo' refers to both. EAeu9epoiJv: Paus. vii. 15. 7 adds 'TO McATtMov Kai i4B7Jvaiwv fJovAevp.a a.iv£Ta.L: P. will mean that Critolaus was at fault in not realizing that Metellus would move south with speed. Instead he thought he could reduce Heraclea before having to take up a defence line. Consequently he was reduced to panic-stricken flight. 16. 12. Critolaus thinks about getting home On the placing of this fragment, and the last, see p. 49 ; its position between 14. 2 and 14. 3 implies that it refers to Critolaus. 16. 12. 11"£pt TTJ5 £t5 otKov uva.Koj.LL8f]5: on Critolaus' failure to hold Thermopylae see Paus. vii. rs. 3-4, who describes how Metellus overtook him and the Achaeans just before Scarpheia ; see 14. 3 n. 8tJ.oLov 'ffmwv W5 d n5 li'ffELpos ••• ToO v£tv: a laboured comparison.] 17. 1-18. 12. Events at Corinth after the defeats in Central Greece On the placing here of this excerpt from de uirt. et uit. see p. 49; r8. 5 and r8. 12 are also in de sent. 17. 1. ALa.iou 11"a.povTo5 £15 TfJV KopLv9ov: other things apart, Corinth was a vital position in the Isthmus defences ; Diaeus came there from the assembly at which his de facto command (since Critolaus' death) was validated by an election (presumably for the residue of 147/6). This was done at the regular synodos mentioned in 15. r, and this was probably the next one after that recorded in 12. 2 (at Corinth), and so in June or July 146 (Aymard, ACA, 275); Niccolini, 308, makes it August. ot 'II'Epi T6v J\v8pwvi&a.v: according to Paus. vii. rs. IQ-II, the troops sent with Alcamenes (rs. 3 n.) to Megara retreated to Corinth on Metellus' approach, and Megara surrendered. Metellus advanced to the Isthmus and in his anxiety to gain credit for settling Achaea as well as Macedonia, sent peace-proposals to the Achaeans. These were probably conveyed by the embassy of the Thessalian Philon (§ 3 n.) and, a thing Pausanias fails to mention, were a sequel to the initiative taken by the Achaeans, perhaps after the news of Scarpheia; for x8. 1-2 is evidence that on the initiative of either the Council or the damiurgi (d. r8. 2, 'TOV s,af3ov>.lov: Niese, iii. 348 n. 7), presided over by the hypostrategos Sosicrates, a decision had been taken, probably before Diaeus' return, to send to Metellus an embassy led by the pro-Roman Andronidas (xxix. 25. r n., xxx. 29. 2-7). This deeision reflected a general division of opinion (cf. Zon. ix. 31. 3, 714
EVENTS AT CORINTH
XXXVIII. t8.
2
Tov KptToAaov 1Tea6vros 8txfi 8tfJ(YffTo TJ •.EAA7]Vtl for the MS TEuvxo-rea, since Diaeus had not been exiled: Lehmann, 322-3 n. 387) shows that in this crisis the Achaeans subordinated feuds to the needs of the state (as the Athenians recalled those ostracized to meet the Persian threat). But to P. this action is 8u~, T~V Jvea'Twaav aKpwla.v (cf. DeSanctis, iv. 3· I52 n. I74)· AAKaJ.LEV'I'J'>• 9EoliEKTTJS• Apx~~<paT'I'JS: on Alcamenes see 15. 3 n. Nothing further is known of the other two; cf. Stahelin, RE, 'Theodektes (3)', cols. 1734-5; Wilcken, RE, 'Archikrates', col. 487. Their affiliations are therefore matter for speculation {Derow, Phoenix, 1972, 3Io-u).
18. 2. Avlipwv£8a.v Ka.i AayLov: on Andronidas see I7· must have accompanied him to Metellus.
I
n.; Lagius
XXXVIII.
18.2
EVENTS AT CORINTH AFTER THE
Tov (nro 1jv apx0 TOV TWV 7T~v-raBA.wv aKdpp.aTo>; the sense would then be: Diaeus was at the touchline) seems less likely. For discussion see von Scala, 286; Wunderer, i. 36. 6. ~lAivov Tov Kop1v9wv: otherwise unknown (cf. Treves, RE, 'Philinos (5)', col. 2179). The reference to Menalcidas would date Philinus' execution to Diaeus' generalship of 148/7 (cf. 9· 1-S n.). De Sanctis, iv. 3· 153 n. 179 takes the fact that P. can only find the cases of Sosicrates and Philinus to quote as repressive measures carried out byDiaeus to be evidence that he enjoyed general support. 7. ouS' .•• EV ~ap~apOlS: cf. xi. 5· 6. 8. TUXTJ ns ... 'll'avoupyos KaL nxvlKTJ: 'some kind of resourceful 716
DEFEATS IN CENTRAL GREECE
XXXVIII.
18. 12
and ingenious fortune'; but the adjectives have really an adverbial force, for P. is not speaking about some particularized Fortune (Ziegler, RE, 'Polybios (r)', col. 1537). Indeed the personification is not pressed (note ·ns) and P. is more interested in the paradoxsalvation though quick ruin-than in suggesting a metaphysical explanation. £sw8ouJ.Livtt '!l'avTn Ka.t 'll'avTws: Diaeus and his party did all they could to thwart the 'power' bent on saving them. wa-rrep O.yaOOs 'II'O.XaLO"TtlS: cf. xxix. 8. 9 for the simile; for P.'s use of sporting expressions see i. 57 n.; von Scala, 22 n. 2. 10. Jl-118' £X9et:v Tas ~K 'fiis AL~UTJS SuvaJ.LELS: cf. r6. 3 n. J.LtlTE TOUS 'll'pOEO""TWTO.S .•• aTro8etsa...a.aaa.v: this will be the sea to the west of Scipio's mole, in the direction of the harbour. In fact, the same night the Carthaginians launched an attack, swimming and wading, by this route, and destroyed Scipio's war-machines; cf. App. Lib. 124; Florus, i. JI. 15; Zon. ix. 29-30. P. was thus vindicated in his advice, as his O'NTI text no doubt went on to explain. Schweighaeuser {v. 49) aptly quotes Paus. viii. JO. 9· oaa }LEY 8~ llo'Av{Jlcy7Ta.pawofJJJ'TL 0 'Pwp.ato p.ey&.A7]> Kapx7J86vos ~yep.c!Jv; TLva 8' ov Sc!Jaets 8lK7JV Tcp8e i!J 1TapaKo.8€~v ; she then killed the children
and threw them and herself into the fire. Following Hultsch, Bi.ittnerWobst refers the following passage in Suidas to P.'s account of Hasdrubal's surrender: €poVTos) ; and it seems natural to refer T6 TTapdyyEAp.a (§I) to this order. As regards the separation of excerpts 20 and 21, that tells us nothing of the amount of uncopied text that lay between; there are many places 20. I-II
72 3
XXXVIII.
21.
I-3
SCIPIO'S FOREBODINGS
in the Constantinian excerpts where passages follow each other quite closely. Since, then, there is no evidence requiring the incident to be associated with the formal consecratio of the site of Carthage, the order in Appian should be followed, and the conversation placed shortly after the fall of the temple of Eshmoun (which of course signified the end of all resistance). The significance of the incident has been much debated. That Scipio's tears expressed remorse or the fear of retribution (Mommsen) or a pessimistic acknowledgement that his inevitable act would eventually unleash ruin and decay at home (Gelzer) seems unlikely. Nor can one easily believe, with Scullard, that the incident marked a profound psychological crisis in Scipio's thought, leading to his determination at all costs to ward off such a fate from Rome by maintaining the mixed constitution. It is more likely that the flames consuming the great city of Carthage impressed Scipio as a melancholy illustration of the mutability of human fortune, and that his tears impressed P. as evidence that at the height of his success this great man should have revealed such moderation and restraint. In fact, as Astin, 286, observes, Scipio's emotions must necessarily have been mixed, and it is merely P.'s emphasis that has singled out this particular aspect for comment. For discussion see Mommsen, RG, ii. 37; Bilz, 34; Gsell, iii. 406; Gelzer, Kl. Schr. ii. 67-68; Aymard, Melanges de la societe ioulousaine d'etudes classiques, 2 (Toulouse, 1946), 101 f.; Brink and Walbank, CQ, 1954, 104 f.; Scullard, ]RS, 196o, 6r; Walbank, GRBS, 1964, 252-3; A. Momigliano, Alien Wisdom (Cambridge, 1975), 22-23; and especially Astin, 282-7 (and, for the evidence, 251-2, nos. 9a, 9b, 9c). 21. 1. The first five lines are only very partially decipherable. Boissevain attempts a restoration which includes the words 7Tapd [Tcjl 7TotrrrfjJ; but this is quite hypothetical (see above, 21. 1-3 n.). Ka.Mv jlEV: 'a glorious moment' (Paton). No account need be taken
of the argument in Wunderer, ii. 37-38, that the words mean 'an apt quotation' and are a reply to someone, perhaps P. himself, who has just quoted the Homeric couplet; for both Appian and Diodorus agree in attributing the quotation to Scipio himself. Toiho To '!l'a.pO.yy~:Afla.: 'this order'; the reference is probably to Scipio's order to set fire to the streets, prior to the fall of the Byrsa (see 21. 1-3 n.). 3. jlEyaAOU KO.l T£AelOU KO.l ••• Q.~iou flvrJfl'lS: 'a great and perfect man, in short one worthy to be remembered'; cf. xxxi. 28. 13 for a similar implication that P. is writing after Scipio's death (cf. Walbank, Polybius, 19). On the importance of moderation in moments of success see the passages quoted in Vol. I, p. 19; add Livy, xliL 62. 4 (Polybian): after Callicinus (171) Perseus' council advises
72 4
AT THE FALL OF CARTHAGE
XXXVIII. 22.3
him that 'modum imponere secundis rebus nee nirnis credere serenitati praesentis fortunae, prudentis horninis et merito felicis esse' (the excerpt of P., xxvii. 8. I, follows immediately on that context).] [22. 1-3. Appian's account of Scipio's tears at Carthage There is no reason to include this passage (App. Lib. 132) as a fragment of P.; it is less close to the original than the brief version in Diod. xxxii. 24. See 21. 1-3 n. On the order of the fragments at this point see zo. r-n n. 2. 'lfOAEtS Ka.\ ~avTJ Kul. O.pxO.s lmooo.s KTA.: perhaps elaboration introduced by Appian or the source intermediate between P. and him. But P. was much concerned with the idea of the fall of empires; cf. xxix. n. 1--9 nn. for the views of Demetrius of Phalerum. The phrase 8alp.ova fLETapa>..erv has no parallel in P. ~crcrETat ~v-a.p KTA,: also quoted by Diod. xxxii. 24, and evidently in P ., though it is not certain that it stood in the passages excerpted in M (cf. zr. r-3 n.). Probably Scipio quoted it in reply to P. (as in Diodorus) and not as part of the opening gambit (as here). The lines are in Jl. iv. 164-5 and vi. 448--9; they had become proverbial (cf. Herondas, iv. so; 0. Crusius, Untersuchungen zu den Mimiamben des Herondas (Leipzig, 1892), 88; Wanderer, ii. 37). 3. 8t8aaKa.Aos: cf. xxxi. 24. The section of res Africae probably went on to include the later arrangements, the destruction and consecration of the city with curses on any who set up their homes in it, the enslavement of the surviving population, the restoration to the cities of Sicily of possessions previously looted by the Carthaginians, the sending out of a Board of Ten by the Senate, and the organization of north Africa as a province (d. App. Lib. 133-5; Diod. xiii. 90. 5 (see above, xii. 25. r-s on Phalaris' bull), xxxii. 25; Plut. M or. 200 B; Livy, ep. sr; Val. Max. v. r. 6; Eutrop. iv. r2. z; Cic. 2 Verr. ii. 86--87; iv. 72-74, 84, 93, 97); see Gsell, iii. 402-7; Kahrstedt, ill. 661-3; De Sanctis, iv. 3· 73-75. For an inscription, regarded by many as a forgery, but treated by its editors as a consecratio of Carthage by Scipio to Adon-Baal, see J. Ferron and Ch. Saumagne, CRAI, 1966, 61 f.; Afrt'ca, 2, 1967-S, 75 f.; Annieepig. r¢7, 546; cf. Rey'llolds,]RS, r97r, 140 n. z6.J
725
BOOK XXXIX This, the last narrative book, contained 01.158, 3 146/5; it may also have continued into 01. I 58.4 I45/4. if P.'s journey to Rome following the Achaean settlement was in that year (seep. so). I. I~I2 concerns A. Postumius Albinus; its position in the Histories is uncertain (see ad loc.); :2, r-6. 5 comprises several fragments on the destruction of Corinth and the organization of Greece from res Graeciae; 1· 1-7, an obituary on Ptolemy VI is from res Aegypti; and 8. r-8 is an epilogue to the whole work. See pp. 49-50. I. l-12. A. Postumius Albinus
This excerpt from de uirt. et uit. (with Suidas at §§ lH) and § 8) may fall in book xxxviii; the occasion on which P. introduced this sketch is uncertain (see pp. 49-50). l. 1. AoJ...os noO'TOJ-1-LOS: A. Postumius AJ. A.n. Albin us served under L. Aemilius Paullus against Perseus, taking part in an embassy to him on Samothrace (Livy, xlv. 4· 7); later he was put in charge of the king after ltis surrender (Livy, xlv. 28. n). As praetor urbanus in 155. he was responsible for the continued detention of the Achaeans (xxxiii. 1. 3-8), and thereby won P.'s dislike; and in 154 he took part in an embassy, which brought the war between Prusias and Attalus to an end (xxxiii. IJ. 4). As consul in 151 (xxxv. 3· 7 n.) he carne into conflict with the tribunes over the Spanish levy (Livy, ep. 48). Postumius was sent on a diplomatic mission to Greece in 146 at the time of Metellus' command and before Murnmius' arrival (§ n); after Mummius' victory he held senior status in the Commission of Ten sent out to assist the latter in the organization of Greece (Cic. Att. xiii. 30. z, 32. 3). For his high rank in the Commission see Insch. Olymp. 322 and SEG, i. 152, an equestrian statue at Delphi inscribed J1 1r6A's TWV A(Arpwv Ilo[crropMw )f)..jf3£i:vov, ,.6v €avriis .,.r::hpw[va Kat £.}]epytTav im~p ,-Cis Twv 'EA.\[dvwv £A£v9£p]{as )1.,.6.\Awvt Ilu[Olwt]. Whether he was in charge is doubtful ; the leader was more probably L. Aurelius Orestes (cf. xxxviii. 9· 1, 9· 6). See De Sanctis, iv. 3· 157-8; Mtinzer, RE, 'Postumius (Jr)', cols. 902-8; Lehmann, 374-7. ohda.s ••• Kol y~vous 1rpW1-ou: ltis father was A. Postumius Albin us Luscus, cos. r8o (cf. xxv. 6. 6 n.); for other eminent Postumii Albini see Munzer, RE, 'Postumius (46)', col. 925. 2. O'TWJ-LuAos Ka.l J...O.J...o~ Kat mip1repos: for the same charge against the grammarian !socrates see xxxii. 2. 5; P. believed it to be a feminine characteristic to be AciAos {xx:xi. z6. ro). 726
A. POSTUMIUS ALBINUS
XXXIX.
I, II
3. '!ToMs • , • Kat Ka.Ta.Kop*: KaTaKofY17>' implies the sort of excessive enthusiasm that makes a man a bore; P. uses it of !socrates and also of women (see previous note). It was a similar excess as hellenophile which precipitated Scaevola's attack on T. Albucius (recorded from Lucilius by Cic. fin. i. 9) and Albucius' unsuccessful prosecution of Scaevola for extortion (Cic. Brut. 102; de or. ii. 281). 4. 1TOtt}J..1.C1 yptLcf>ew Kat 1TPC1YJ..I.C1TLKfjV (O"Topla.v ~Vt:XE(p'lO'E\1: of the poem nothing is knov.11, and of the history very little. Peter, HRR, i. 53-54, quotes two fragments from what was evidently a Latin version; one concerns the early Brutus and the other Aeneas-which hardly fits a contemporary political and military history, which is what P. means by npayJLaTtKi} la7'opla (see VoL I, p. 8 n. 6; Vol. II, p. 628; Polybius, 56-57; Pedech, Methode, zr-32). Cicero rates Postumius' literary qualities higher; writing of his history he calls him doctum sane hominem (A c. pr. ii. 137), and in Brut. 8r he is et litteratus et disertus. He was also persona idonea for the political dialogue contemplated in Att. xiii. 32. 3· See further Peter, HRR, i. cxxiv-cxxvi; H. Bardon, La Litterature latine inconnue (Paris, 1952), i. 72. 1TC1pExb).u ••. auyyvwJ..I.fJV ~xew: such an apology from someone writing in Greek was perhaps little more than a commonplace ; cf. Cic. Att. i. 19. ro, on the commentary on his consulship Graece compositum, 'in quo si quid erit quod homini Attico minus Graecum eruditumque uideatur . . . me imprudente erit et inuito.' Cicero there mentions a remark of Lucullus de suis historiis, to the effect that 'se quo facilius illas probaret Romani hominis esse iddrco barbara quaedam et aoAO£J('a dispersisse'. For another example cf. Fronto, ep. graec. i. 242 Naber, (cf. Norden, Antike Kunstprosa3 (Leipzig, 19I5), i. 363 f.). It was Cato's comment that drew popular ridicule on Postumius; see Munzer, RE, 'Postumius (31)', col. 907. 5. oiKELbl') fi1Tl1\1Tl1KE\IO.L .•. MapKo~ nopKl( 0~ KaT )wv: on Cato see xix. 1. I n., xxxi. 25. 5 an. His remark may reflect disapproval of the senatorial tradition of writing Roman history in Greek, against which his own Origines was a counterblast (cf. Scullard, Pot.z 2J8-9)· The remark became famous: cf. Gell. xi. 8. 4, quoting Nepos, de ill. uir. xiii (fg. 55 Malc.l); Macro b. Sat. praef. 14; Plut. Cato mai. 12. 5; M or. 199 E-F. But it seems useless to speculate on whether P. heard Cato actually say it (Kienast, II4-15). 6. TO TG.l\1 :A.,.Llj>iKT\.HSvwv auveSpLo\1 xTX.: mentioned simply as a body of great authority; it had no connection with literature (as Freeman, HFG, no, supposes). 8. 1TC1y~<panov: a mixture of wrestling and boxing; cf. Philostr. Gymn. II' auyK€tjL€11011 ;g an·-\oi!s 1Tc£\r;s Ka~ aTE'AOUS 1TUYJLfi>'· See Giith.ner, RE, 'Pankration', cols. 6rcrzs. 9. ToG Ka.XCJ., ~xovToc.;: 'the proprieties'; cf. xxviii. 7· 10. 11. €g auTwv Twv ev€aTwTwv: cf. xviii. IJ. 7 n.
XXXIX.
1.
II
A. POSTUMIUS ALBINUS
T~v
ev 4>wKLOL fiaxTJv: when Metellus turned back from Thebes to deal with the synteleia of Patrae {I46); see xxxviii. I6. 4 n. "ts 0.Y1~a.s &.vexwpT)aev: this allegation cannot be proved or disproved; but it was perhaps no part of Postumius' duties as legatus to become actively involved in military operations. 12. 1rpwTos ~ypmjlf: Tft auyKA~Tt?..mmKo(Js Ka.l. tca.n\ Taus :AvnoxtKous Ka.tpous: d. xxiv. II,
3, 13. 9•
8. 1.1-ETO.OXOYTO. TOU aoyJ.Lvith in the rrpoKaTaaKw~ is later than that dealt vvith by Timaeus. (There are of course exceptions to this-the events leading to the rise of Hiero (i. 6---9} and the early history of the Celts in Italy (ii. I8--2o), but Timaeus was not the source for the latter.) In i. 13. 7 P. emphasizes that the rrpota/..atw8w->, compared with the Histories proper; and in i. 5· 4, ii. I4. I, and ii. 35· Io he used the same word with special reference to western affairs. The passage becomes easier to understand if one assumes P. to be speaking of a rrpoKaTaaKEtnJ which deals only with the west. The sense might then be: My plan was to follow Timaeus' History with a cursory account of affairs in the west (for it was only vvith the west that he was concerned}whereas (we must understand) for Greece I followed Aratus, who went down to 220, and therefore I did not need to include Greek affairs at all in the rrpoKaTauKuaw: 'they have an ambiguous character'-since they can be used both for and against the people they are supposed to protect; for a similar use of Kowos- cf. vi. 22. 4, xi. 1. 8 (of elephants at the Metaurus). aXna.L SouAEla.s: if occupied by a tyrant or royal garrison.
6. See xxxv. 5· I n. for the possibility that this fragment refers to Aemilianus' taking up a challenge at Intercatia (in 151). 7. MTJTpoSwpov: if this is the general who won Thasos for Philip V in .202 (xv. 24. 2 n.), the fragment suggests a later breach. 9. ouS' Q,''I!'Q~ ~v£KTJI71SV: cf. XV. II. 7 (Hannibal's own claim); but Plutarch is perhaps thinking of P.'s statement in connection \\ith Marcellus' death (x. 33· 2), that Hannibal himself never met with disaster. That assertion throws doubt on the annalistic account of Marcellus' victories near Nola (Livy, xxiii. 16. 2-16, 39· 7 f., 41. IJ46. 7; XXiV. IJ. 8-II. 17). 10. t1T~ Tfi Twv KEpKupa.£wv fi1Ta~..Wcm: Niese, ii. 7i9 (cf. 468) refers this to the expedition against Corc:yTa which App. Mac. 1 and Zon. ix. 4· 2 attribute to 215. Both De Sanctis, iii. 2. 3~. and Holleaux, 185 n. I, reject this expedition as a doublet of that undertaken in .216; but in 216 Philip made no move on Corcyra (v. rog. 4-110. 4), nor is there any other occasion when he did so. Livy, xxiii. 39· 4, states that after the treaty with Hannibal, 'prius se aestas circumegit quam mouere ac moliri quicquam rex posset'; nevertheless the present passage counts somewhat in favour of accepting the historicity of the expedition-though P.'s words suggest something less than a direct attack. Holleaux (whose view I accepted in Philip V, 279), in dismissing Niese's view as erroneous, omits to mention the addendum
745
FRAGMENTS
IO
in which Niese adduces this fragment. If this case is accepted, the fragment will stand between vii. 9 and 10, as part of res Graeciae of 01. 141, I = 216/1 5. 18. See xxxv. 5· 2 n. for the possibility (but not more) that this fragment concerns Scipio's duel at Intercatia in 151 (cf. fg. 6).
20. Arcesine on Amorgos was perhaps mentioned in connection with the battle of Lade (cf. xvi. 14. 5) in 201; so Schweighaeuser, v. 54 no. 7· 21. 'A.p1ruLa: the Enchelei are probably the same as the Enchelanes of v. 108. 8; the latter is generally taken to be a town near Lake Lychnidus (see ad loc.), but Hammond (Macedonia, 94) points out that the form is unlikely as the name of a town, and it is more probable that P. is referring to a people. The Enchelei-Enchelanes, whose royal house claimed descent from Cadmus and Harmonia, will have inhabited the area west of the lake; cf. Zippel, 13; Hammond, Epirus, 439 and map I4. Stephanus states that Harpyia was so called because Baton (a Dardanian name), the charioteer of Amphiaraus, settled there fLETd 'TOV acpavwp.ov a&roii, i.e. after he was 'snatched away'. This may be from P.; for other aetiological explanations see iv. 39· 6, 43· 6, 59· 5 (cf. Wunderer, ii. 44). For Harpyia see also Herodian Techn. i. 28I Lentz. Neither its site nor the context in which P. mentioned this otherwise unknown town (cf. Putsch, RE, vii. 2, Nachtrag, 'Harpyia', col. 288o) can be determined.
26. Cf. xxi. 20. 7 n., xxxix. 3· 6 n. 27. Cf. i. 56. 3; but Stephanus seems to be referring to some lost passage. 31. For StKawoouia cf. xxiii.
I. I
n.
39. On hexereis see i. 26. n, xvi. 7· 1. But in the surviving fragments P. nowhere gives their measurements, nor, as he does not do so in book i, is there any obvious place where he could do so in the context of sea-battles between Rome and Carthage. If EKTl6w6al rrws £8ogE can be pressed, Zosimus is perhaps not very sure of his recollection; but see the beginning of the extract ooKovut 8€ rrws. On Zosimus' very superficial acquaintance with P. see F. Paschoud, Entretiens sur Polybe, 305-37 (but he deals only with the other two passages, Zos. i. 1. I, 57· I, where P. is mentioned); RE, 'Zosimos (8)', col. 8n.
40. Should this refer to the drunkenness of the Celts (xi. 3· I) at Metaurus (2o7), it would stand between xi. I. I and I. 2 (d. xi. 1. 2 n.). 746
FRAGMENTS
6o
41. For the comparison between the doctor and the general cf. xi. 25. 2-7; von Scala, IOI. P.likes this medical simile; cf. i. SI. s-un.; and for similar examples see Plato, Rep. viii. 564 c (though P. will hardly have had that passage in mind; cf. Wunderer, iii. III}. 42. Schweighacuser, v. 63 fg. 28, assigns this to a speech of Perseus to his troops after Callicinus in I7I (cf. xxvii. 8. I-IS n.; Lhry, xlli. 61. 4-8), but this seems unlikely; the usc of alh-ot\· to describe the Romans and the reference to the Maccdonians by name seem inappropriate to a Macedonian speaker. 43. This probably refers to the arrival of C. Claudius Nero in Spain (zn) to take charge after the deaths of the Scipios (cf. Vol. II, p. 8), an event described in Livy, xxvi. 17. I-2; see Schweighaeuser, v. 73 fg. 67. Some such word as crop.p.d:x.ovc; or crrpa-rufrrac; has fallen out before Jv Tfj TappaKiim. 1TpoKo.9£o-a.vro.s £1rt rijs ota~ooEws: probably the crossing over the
river Tulcis, modem Francoli (Mela, ii. 9o), to the west of the town; its mouth served as the harbour of Tarraco (cf. Schulten, RE, 'Tarraco', coL 2398). 47. Schweighaeuser, v. 70 fg. 58, refers this to the elder Africanus (cf. Livy, xxix. 26. 5); but Nissen, Rh. Mus. I871, 276, believes it to be concerned with Aemilianus, and would place it in book xxxvi (d. xxxvi. 8. 7). For the reference to raor6p.arov Kal rvx:r~ ns- see xxxi. 30. 3 n.; there the role of chance is qualified more than it is here, but on the whole it supports Nissen's attribution. The context of this fragment is unknown. It is perhaps unlikely that these words are from some speaker rather than from P. himself (so Siegfried, 56).
53. See xxi. 18. 5 n. for a variant. 54. Cappadocia: cf. xxxi. 8. 2 n. for the likelihood that F.'s account of Cappadocia and the story that it was granted to a Persian who saved a king from a lion came in that book. On the usually accepted boundaries of Cappadocia see Strabo, xii. r. 1-3, C. 533-4; above, v. 43· I (to P. it reached Pontus). See further Magie, i. 2oo-2; Ruge, RE, 'Kappadokia', cols. 19ro-u. 5vo!La. nEpO'tl
27-30. The battle of Telamon: for a full discussion of the topography
and the development of the battle seeP. Sommella, Antichi campi di battaglia in Italia (Guaderni dell'Istituto di topografia antica nell'Universita di Roma, 3), Rome, 1967, u-34; he locates the battle on the right bank of the river Osa around the Poggio Ospedaletti. He argues that KaA.oV"utov in 25. 2 is not Clusium, but a lost homonymous town near the coast-perhaps the large site near Magliano and Orbetello, once wrongly taken to be Vetulonia (cf. M. W. Frederiksen, ]RS, 19&}, 317-18). 30. 3. Gupt:ou: see
J.
K. Anderson, CP, 1967, 104-6.
37-70: see now xxxix. 8. 1-8 n., arguing that Gelzer's hypothesis that the Achaean section of book ii was composed before r68 but
not included in the Histories until very late, indeed after the composition of the epilogue, is to be accepted as the most reasonable solution of the problems raised here and by iii. 32. 2. 37. 10-11. (d) vo!lLVt-LQv~: on Achaean coins see M. Thompson, The Agrinion Hoard, New York, 1968; Hesperia, 1939, u6-54, especially 142-4. Federal coins seem to have been struck only in the second century. H. Chantraine,Chiron, 1972, I75-9o,shows that F.'s statement about the homogeneity of Achaean coins is true only after 190; but
he argues against M. Thompson's thesis of a strongly centralized federal issue and its essentially military purpose. On the 'Arcadian' coins see J. A. Dengate, AllSAfN 13, 1967, 57-uo, publishing the coins of Megalopolis and proposing a chronology for the various types between c. 195 and 146. (e) O.pxouv~ KTA.: on the nature of the Achaean assemblies see the appendix to book xxix, pp. 406-14.
38. 8. w6TT)n Knt T~Aa.v9pw1t£1f: Pooech, Methode, 304 n. 8, argues that these terms apply to the relations between the constituent 7TOAELS', whereas the lC17Jyopla and rrapp7Jala of § 6 are general characteristics of Achaean life (so too Welwei, Historia, 1966, 283 n. 5). The distinction is too rigid (d . .Musti, A nnali di Pis a, 1967, r94 n. 131); for although luoTTJS implies that all cities were treated alike, qnAav8pw?Tta. applies generally to individuals as well as cities.
ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA
II. 39· 9
39. 9. 'II'Ept Twv 6.Jlfi.O'~TJTOU!l~vwv i,.~TP£11ia.v ..• !6.xa.~o'i:~: for some decisive arguments against the reality of this supposed arbitration see ]. Buckler, Symb. Osl. 1978, 85-96. 41. 7-8: Olenus became an eleventh member after 272 (SEG, i. 74) ; Tarn-Griffith, 73 n. 3·
44. 2. ATJIITJTplou KTA.: Bengtson, 5.-B. Munchen, 1971, 3, 58, argues for dating Demetrius II's death in 230. 44. 6. KA11wvu11o~ o n7w 4>A~a,wv: Orlandos, Alipheira, 139, suggests that it is the same Cleonymus who is celebrated in an inscription, which he publishes, as having repelled Illyrian raiders from Alipheira; but the name is not uncommon, and the identification unconvincing. 45. 1: F.'s account of a triple agreement between the Aetolians, Antigonus Doson, and Cleomenes is defended by R. A. de Laix, CSCA, 2, 1969, 65-83, who dates it to 229, before Doson recovered parts of Thessaly; contra M. Daubies, LEC, 1973, 123-54. J. A. 0. Larsen, Caplan Studies, 43-57, analyses Aetolian policy during the Cleomenean War and conftrms Aetolian neutrality. 45.2: on p. 241 1. r,jor '\\oi.nter 229/8' read 'summer 228' (since Doson's recovery of parts of Thessaly was in 228).
46. 2: for the treaty between Achaea and Orchomenus see Schmitt, SVA, iii. no. 499· For the treaty of la'O'IroAtT~i:la. between Phigaleia and Messene (Syll. 472) see SV A, iii. no. 495, where Schmitt quotes iv. 79· 5 as evidence against the view that Phigaleia was ever a full member of the Aetolian Confederation. 46. 5. TO .•. !6.9~vcnov: this was a fortress, not a temple (as stated here); cf. Loring, JHS, 1895, 39-41; S.C. Bakhuizen, Salganeus and the fortifications on its mountains (Groningen, 197o), 94 n. 77, who suggests that 7'6 ).IB~va,ov may have been the ancient name of Mt. Khelmos. 47. 3. ToO
KAt:o!lEvou~
...
Ka.Ta.AUaa.VTo~:
in line ro of the note, for
'4oo' read '4,ooo'.
47. 7. '11'po8~Aw~ ... ~yiE'iTo: despite Plut. Arat. 38. u-12, I am now of the opinion that Aratus did not make private diplomatic contacts other than through the Megalopolitan embassy ; 'ITpoS~Aws- is taken up by d/3~/..ws- in § 9· In the light of this 47· I I n. needs rewording. See also Gruen, Historia, 1972, 6n n. 2. 49. The embassy to Doson: on this see Gruen, Historia, I972, 6o9-z5, who argues that the original approach to Doson was made on Megalo762
ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA
II. 70.6
politan initiative, but that F.'s account draws on Phylarchus, who saw it as treachery towards Greece. P. converts this into an Aratean 'grand plan', whereas in reality Aratus hoped to resist the proposal to call in Macedon, and did so eventually only when Cleomenes seemed likely to destroy the Achaean Confederation. F.'s 'alternative source' is thus taken to be Phylarchus, not a 'Megalopolitan source'. 52. 7. s~a TTt~ Eu~ola~ E-rrt TOV 'la9J10V: Doson probably crossed back to the mainland at Cynus and marched through the Pass of Hyampolis into Phocis and then down the Cephisus into Boeotia (cf. Larsen, Phoenix, I965, 117-I8, with map; GFS, 32o).
54.4: on the Symmachy see Schmitt, SV A, iii no. 507.
55. 5: on the dating of the rising of the Pleiades there are various calculations; in iv. 6. 7, 37 (a). v. 1. I, and ix. 18. 2 I have accepted Ginzel's dating to 22 May. Werner, Der Beginn der romischen Republik (Munich, I963), 47 n. 5 makes it 28 May. 65-69: Euergetes' death is put between I8 Oct. and JI Dec. 222 by Samuel, Io6 ff.; cf. Bengtson, 5.-B. Miinchen, I97I, 3, 53· On the Spartan and Macedonian forces at Sellasia see the unpersuasive discussion by M. Daubies, Historia, I97I, 665--95; he argues that the 6,ooo Lacedaemonians (65. 9) consist of 4,000 Spartiates with 2,ooo perioeci, that ·nov MaK£06vwv TOVS xaJ..Kiio·rnoas- (66. 5) are the 2,000 Agrianians and Galatians (though at Pydna they were Macedonians), and that Antigonus' light-armed are to be identified with the peltasts (69. 3). See also R. Urban, Chiron, I973, 95-Io2, with Daubies's reply, Hommages Preaux, 383-92. 66. 5: Alexander, son of Acmetus, who is not otherwise known, is identified by C. Habicht (Ancient Macedonia, 27o) with J4Mgavopos J4op.~rov MaK£O~v J.g l1pKvv£as, the recipient of a proxeny decree and other honours from Gonnos (J4px. lcp. I9I4, I83 no. 242; illustrated by Habicht, op. cit. plate LXXV). Acmetus is an unknown, Admetus a common name. The stone from Gonnus depicts a Macedonian shield, no doubt referring to Alexander's command of the chalcaspides. The Alexander whom Antigonus III appointed £1ri rijs 8£pa7Tdas- (iv. 87. 5) can have been this man as easily as the man who commanded the cavalry at Sellasia (ii. 66. 7, 68. I); cf. Habicht, op. cit. 27I-3.
70. 1. TO ..• voAhWJlCL TO viLTplov .•. ( cmo )KaTaan)aa~: Shimron, Late Sparta, 57 ff., argues that Doson left the main Cleomenean reforms, including the social institutions, untouched. 70. 6. JlET' ou voM ... Jl£Tt)AAa~e: Bengtson, 5.-B. Miinchen, I97I, 3, 53-58, dates Doson's death and Philip's succession towards the end of 222.
III. 1-5
ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA BOOK III
1-5. Date of composition and publication: in Entretiens sur Polybe, 186-2oo, Lehmann argues that P. brought a sketchy version of i-xv with him to Greece in IS0/49. that he published i-vi for the first time soon after 145/4 (the composition of the passages with apparent contemporary implications in iv he dates after 146) ; P. went on working at the rest and it was published posthumously by a man who among other things wrote xxxix. 8. 3 f. (since P. left the end unfinished). The revised scope of the work (iii. 4-5) was conceived under the influence of the Gracchan movement, to which Lehmann sees references in xxxviii. 22 ; d. xxix. 21. 4 f. This hypothesis does not seem to me convincing, though the last ten books may well have been put together, out of earlier material, after 129; cf. Walbank, 'Polybius' last ten books', Historiographia Antiqua, 139-62. 2. 8: Errington, Athenaeum, 1971, 338-4o, correctly points out that this passage lists the Egyptian possessions actually attacked by Philip and Antiochus, not simply the programme of the 'pact'; since Philip never in fact attacked Egypt, he rejects KetT' AtymrTov and accepts ~iebuhr's emendation (without discussing its acceptability as Greek for 'the Aegean islands': xv. 2o n.). Errington also entertains the possibility that P., influenced by his thinking of the terms of the pact, did in fact write Td KaT' A£yv1TTov.
3. 7: on the last line of p. 300, far '168' read '169(8'. 5. 2. ~pLa.pcl.BT)s: for 'half-brother' read 'putative brother' (cf. xxxi. 7· 2 n.), a correction I owe to F. Piejko; and in 1. 3 of the note,Jor '156' read '158/7'. 6. 1. The Hannibal-historians: in Entretiens sur Polybe, n6 f., Musti argues that they are Greek (cf. 8. 1 of Fabius, o'Pwp..a'i~); he recognizes that this implies that they made the crossing of the Ebro a treaty-violation, but points to the dream of Hannibal in Silenus as a 'theological' justification-it was the will of Zeus. 9. 6. The wrath of Ham£lcar: in Entretiens sur Polybe, n3-15, Musti argues that P. linked Hamilcar's role with his unbeaten position in 241 (the Punic view) whereas to Fabius (i. 58. 5) he was wom out; P. will also have been influenced by the story of Hannibal's oath and by Cato's admiration for Hamilcar (Plut. Cato mai. 8. 8). Thus the op'Y1] was originally justifiable, but soon (in Punic conduct in Spain) led to something not justifiable.
11. 1-12.6. Hannibal's oath: Errington, Latomus, 1970, 26---Jz, argues that the story of the oath became known only after Hannibal had recounted it to Antiochus, and that it was not in Fabius or Silenus; 764
ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA
IlL r8. 8
but his attempt to substitute the story of Hannibal's dream (cf. iii. 47· 6-48. 12 n.) as a substantial justification of the war from the Punic side is unconvincing. See for valid criticisms G. V. Sumner, Latomus, 1972, 472-3. On the oath see also Foucault, REL, 1968, 214-19.
13. 5-14. 8. Hannibal's campaigns in Spain: on these see Sumner, Harv. Stud. 1968, 215-17· 15. 1: Astin, Latomus, Hfo7, 577---96, thinks there was no formal alliance between Rome and Saguntum, and is doubtful if there was even a deditio. He sees the war-situation growing out of an appeal to Rome by the anti-Carthaginian faction following Roman arbitration (15. 7)-neither Rome nor Carthage seeking war. 15. 12. cnrhrA~~;uua.v d~ KapxYJSova.: Eucken, II9, thinks the envoys' purpose was to get the Ebro treaty re-affirmed by Hannibal and at Carthage. Sumner, Harv. Stud. 1968, 237-41, argues that it was to New Carthage that they went, and that P. did not realize that the visit to Carthage was a fiction. 16. Causes of the Second Illyrian War: see H. Dell, Historia, 1970, 3o--38, who argues :convincingly for the reality of the Istrian war (so too Hammond, ]RS, 1968, 10); but it is not evident that Appian should be followed in preference to P. when he involves Demetrius in acts of piracy against Roman vessels sailing from the Po valley.
18. 1. a~(-laATJV: this town is now located at Krotine on the slopes of the Shpiragrit range between Apollonia and Berat. About rso tiles have been found with the name LJIMAAAITAN. The name of the town is apparently LJ[p.oJIA.os or LJ[p.a.Uov. See Burhan Dautaj, 'La cite illyrienne de Dimale', in Iliria, 2 (r972), 149-52, for an account of the excavations; Hammond, JRS, 1968, 12-15. 18. 8. TTJV ••• m)A.w: archaeological discoveries have confirmed the identification with Starigrad; see J. J. Wilkes, Dalmatia (London, 1969), 2o--21 n. 5; M. Nikolanci, Vjesnik za Arheologiju i Historija Dalmati?tsku (Split), 56-59/2 (r954-7), pt. 2, 52-59 with a sketch-map, p. 57 (resume in French, s8-59). An inscription found at Starigrad records a decree of Pharos appealing to Paros, its mother-city, for help ds J1rav6p8wow, and the beginning of the Parian decree passed in response; see L. Robert, Hellenica, II-12, 1966, sos-41 (d. BCH, 1935, 489-513); J. Bousquet, BCH, 1961, 589 ff.; and Robert's reply, Bull. epig. I96J, no. 129; L. Braccesi, Grecita adriatica (Bologna, 1971), 205-17. Robert dates this inscription to the time of Genthius, but Braccesi would put it at the time of the First Macedonian War, when Rome could scarcely furnish help (for the threat at that time from Philip V see vii. 9· 13 n.).
III.
20.
6
ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA
20. 6: on the Roman embassy and the declaration of war see Sumner, Proc. Ajr. Class. Ass. I966, s-JO; he argues that the war-motion did not go before the comitia centuriata until after the return of the legatio from Carthage ; and he dates the dispatch of this to Carthage c. 5 March, its return to Rome c. 25 March, and the war-motion c. I2/IJ April 2!8. Hoffmann's view is criticized by Hampl, Aujstieg und Niedergang, i. I, 412 ff., but defended by Meister, Kritik, r68 ff.
21. 2. ixpwvTo .•. na.paSfiLYI-La.n: Surrmer, Harv. Stud. Ig68, 22I n. 48, argues strongly in favour of taking this, with Paton, to mean 'they quoted the precedent of the Romans', since (as I said, 21. In.) the Carthaginians 'justified' their neglect of the Ebro treaty and since JxpwV1"o • . • 7rapa8dyJLa:n is then explained by £upov a1To Xa.4>upou: this note is ill expressed. In a conflict between two allies of Aetolia, Aetolians were free to assist either side against the other. 8. 6. 1\1T1TLOV KXa.o8Lov: Badian, Flamininus, 44-45, argues that this man is not Nero (whose cognomen is given in 10. 8), but Ap. Claudius Pulcher (contra Briscoe, Commentary, 238, on Livy, xxxii. 35· 6-7). If Badian is right, the man sent to Rome was in no position to report what happened at the secret colloquy between Flamininus and Philip (as Balsdon, Phoenix, 1967, 182, alleged). 9. 5: Flamininus is defended by Balsdon, Phoenix, 1967, I77-9o, and (on grounds of expediency) by F. Cassola, Labeo, 196o, Io5-3o. Against Balsdon see Badian, Flamininus. 10. 8. Koi:VTov ••• <Mj3Lov: in 1. 3, for 'had married' read 'had not married'. Balsdon, Phoenix, 1967, 181 n. 19, thinks Livy is consciously correcting P.; this seems unlikely. 11. 4. A.TJILTJTPLa8os: S. C. Bakhuizen, Salganeus and the fortifications on its mountains (Groningen, 1970), 166-8, suggests that the Macedanian garrison was stationed, not in Demetrias itself, but in the fortress standing on Mt. Goritsa across the bay to the east (which was at one time taken to be Demetrias). 13. 4. tl~ aKEpa.(ou KTA.: Musti, A ufstieg und Niedergang i. 2. II 59, translateS J.e aKepaLOV 'partendo del principio', i.e, 'from the very 788
ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA
XVIII. 38. 9
outset' (in contrast to those who change their allegiance). This seems better than 'of their own free will'. 18-33. Cynoscephalae: Pritchett, Battlefields, 133-44, identifies the Onchestus with the stream shown on my fig. 17 to the south of Sarastar (read Saraslar}-as Kirsten envisaged-and sites the battlefield in the neighbourhood of Bekides (now Dasolophos) and Alkani (now called Thetideion), roughly following Stahlin and Kirsten. On this hypothesis, the um:ppo>..al of 21. 2 lie on the modern road running from Bekides (Dasolophos) north-east to Alkani (Thetideion) and Soupli (Hagia Triada). Pritchett's view of the battle rests partly on the assumption (based on autopsy) that Philip will not have got much further than Teltiktschi (Taktalasman, now Mikron Perivolakion) on his flrSt day's march. 24. 8-9: Daubies, Historia, 1971, 689, argues that the peltasts are to be identified with the ev,wvot, and did not charge with the phalanx; but in § 8 1Tpou8£,ap.evos ... ToV> dywvt,op.lvovs refers to ev,wvot (cf. § 5). and they are here clearly distinguished from the phalangites and the peltasts. Since the eil,wvot are not peltasts in § 5. there is no reason why they should be in § 9· 36. l. otK£lOT£pov ••• Kmpov: that xxxi. 22. 4 and 23. 1 refer back to this chapter specifically now seems to me unlikely; see xxxi. 22. 4 n. 38. 9. ouK d nve:s ••. ~ve:xe:£pu:rav KTA.: Dahlheim, 201 ff., suggests that this clause is concerned with a category of states which had neither been conquered nor made deditio, but which had entered into an amicitia-relationship with Rome (cf. Livy, xxxviii. 9· 10, 'quae ... uoluntate in amicitiam uenisset'). Badian, Riv. fil. 1972, 95--96, revie\\-ing Dahlheim, suggests that the lost part at the beginning of the treaty (Schmitt, SV A, iii. 536) may have contained different provisions for towns captured in the area between Aetolia and Corcyra (cf. Livy, xxvi. 24. u) from those governing such towns situated elsewhere. Badian is also of the opinion (cf. HZ, 208, 1969, 637-43; Flamininus, 49-53) that in claiming that the treaty of 2n was no longer valid Flamininus was propounding a view new to the Aetolians and not universally held at Rome--in short a piece of sharp practice. J. Muylle, AC, 1g69, 408-29, thinks the Aetolians did not reply to this point because they wished to avoid a repetition of the snub of two days before; this is not very satisfactory. In assessing P.'s honesty in reporting these events one should perhaps bear in mind the possibility that he did not know more of the treaty than Flamininus quoted. On p. 6oo 11. 10, 16 and 18 and p. 6o1 L 3. for 'Chlaeneas' read 'Phaeneas'.
XVIII. 39· 5
ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA
39. 5. AriJ.LfJrpLov: in L I of the note,for 'xxi. 14. 9' read 'xxii. 14. 9'. 41 a: the corresponding passage in Livy, xxxiii. 20. 1-3 refers to the Chelidonian islands in these terms: 'promunturium Ciliciae est inclutum foedere antiquo Atheniensium cum regibus Persarum.' '\tV. E. Thompson, CP, 1971, 30, argues that this will be taken from the Polybian original and therefore indicates that P. accepted the historicity of the Peace of Callias; this seems plausible. On difficulties caused by the description of what must be the Riera Acra (Gelidonya Burnu) as in Lycia see S. Jameson, RE, Suppl.-B. xiii, 'Lykia', col. 269. On OGIS, 237 see addendum to 44· 4· 41 a 1: in I. 6 of the note, for 'xxiii. 19. n' read 'xxxiii. 19. n'. 41 a 2: for more recent literature on Ephesus see the references in Briscoe, Commentary, 321. 41. 10. TEna.pa.s utoos: in I. 'by name'.
n
of the note, after 'Philetaerus' insert
43. 1: the inscription mentioned here is now SEG, xxv. 445; Larsen (CP, 1969, 46} rejects Accame's view, which would imply that Flamininus violated the terms of surrender which guaranteed Elatean freedom (Lhry, xxxii. 24. 7), as well as the declaration of independence (so too Errington, 132 n. I ; Lehmann, I2o-5; ]. and L. Robert, Bull. epig. I968 no. 267; I969 no. 265); Briscoe, Commentary, 214, follows Accame (cf. too his comments in Latomus, 1972, 34 n. 5), as does Klaffenbach, BCH, 1968, 257---9, republishing the inscription. Briscoe (Commentary, 214} suggests that P. described the expulsion of the Elateans, but that Livy omitted this, as he did other details which he judged uncomplimentary to Flamininus. 43. 3. ~oLwT~PX"lV: on the boeotarchs in the third and second centuries see Roesch, 103-8; for criticism of his view that there was no federal strategos at that time see xx. 4· 2 n. 44. 4. (p. 6n I. r): an inscription from Iasus, published by Pugliese Carratelli, Annuario, 1967-8, 445--53, has been sho\\'11 by J. and L. Robert (B11ll. epig. 1971, no. 621) to be a letter from Laodice III,
the wife of Antiochus III, to the city, making a endowment, shortly after the Seleucid acquisition of it in 197 (and the earthquake of 199/8, on which see Holleaux, Etudes, iv. 209-10); OGIS, 237, will be part of the same inscription. Cf. xxi. 46. 2 n. (p. 167). 44. 6. ,-fjs EKKal8Eto1pous: this was not Ptolemy Ceraunus' ship, for that came from Heraclea (Memnon, FGH, 434 F 8, § 5) whereas that of Demetrius was built in Greece or Macedonia (Plut. Dem. 43· 3}. See on these ships L. Casson, Mariner's Mirror, 1969, 185--94· Nor is 790
XVIII.
ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA
51. 10
it indeed certain that this 'sixteen' was identical with Demetrius' ship (or one of them}: see D. J. Blackman, GRBS, I969, 215-16. 46. 12: l. 7 of the note, for 'Bouquet' read 'Bousquet'. A dedication from Phanoteus in Phocis has been restored by Klaffenbach, Chiron, I97I, I67-8, to refer to Flamininus (but there is no mention of awT~p) ; the restoration is by no means certain. For a marble portrait, perhaps of Flamininus, from Delphi see Chamoux, BCH, I965, 214 ff.; and for a gold stater bearing his portrait, and probably struck in Greece, see Crawford, RRC, no. 548 (Crawford rejects the attribution of the above, and various other marble portraits, to Flamininus). 47. 1: p. 6I4, l. 38.jor 'Syll. 529' read 'Syll. 59I'. 47. 6. MciyVt)Tas: on the Magnesian federation see Holleaux, Etudes, i. 256---60; Larsen, GFS, 295. 48. 4. 01TEp auflllaxias: E. Gruen, CSCA, 6, I973. I23-36, argues that this alliance was never in fact made; see xxv. 3· I n.
50.2: in l. 13 of the note, read 'legatum inde redeuntem'. 51.4: in l. 9 of the note,for 'fighting against' read 'at the hands of'. 51. 9:for 'Livy, xxxiii. 28. 6' read 'Livy, xxxiii. 38. 6'.
51. 10: in l. 12 fin.'
I
of the note ,for 'Diod. xviii. 14 fin.' read 'Diod. xxviii.
ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA
P. 63o: 15. 1: this note is misplaced and refers to ii. IS.
1.
P. 63I l. I: for '}RS, I966, 53' read '}RS, I966, 253'. P. 63I: 14. 7: ll. 2--4 of this note ('This chronology ... to 384') is misplaced and should stand on p. 632 following the note on 18-35.
P. 6321. s:for '233/5' read '23.3/2'. P. 634: Book III, 1-5: in 1. 6 of the note, for 'ix. andfor 'ix. I a 5' read 'xi. I a 5'.
IO.
s' read 'xi. IO. s'
P. 639: for '35. 9' read '34. 9'. P. 646: the notes on 11 a 2 and 11 a 6 should precede that on 11. 1. P. 65o: Book XVIII, l. 4: in 1. 'Bousquet'.
2
of the note, for 'Bouquet' read
INDEXES
P. 65I: under 'Achaea', 1. I4, for 'Eliphasii' read 'Elisphasii'. 791
ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA
P. 652: under 'Alcaeus of Messene' add '585, 593'. P. 653: for 'Apamea (on the Orontes)' read 'Apamea (on the Maeander)'. P. 654: for 'Asclepius of Myrleia' read 'Asclepiades of Myrleia', and transpose to precede 'Asclepios'. P. 655: under 'Barmocar' add '43'. P. 657: under 'Chlaeneas' delete '6oo-r'. under 'coins of Aradus' for '541' read '49, 644'. P. 66o: for 'Eliphasii' read 'Elisphasii' and transpose after 'Elis'. P. 663: under 'Iulius' the last item is wrongly placed: it should read 'Iunius, M., Silanus, etc.'. P. 668: under 'Phaeneas, Aetolian general' add '6oo-r'.
792
ADDENDA VOLUME III INTRODUCTION P. 13: there is a further and perhaps decisive argmnent in favour of dating the surrender of the rebels at Sais to autumn r85. According to the second Philae decree (see xxii. r6. r-17. 7 n.) the success of Eumenus ( ?) - who is probably Comanus (Peremans-van 't Dack, Prosopographica: Studia Hellenistica, 9 (Louvain, 1953), 27-28; d. xxviii. 19. 1 n.)-was reported to the synod held at Alexandria on 6 September r86 by Aristonicus. This can scarcely be reconciled with the statement (17. 6) that after the surrender of the rebels at Sais Epiphanes went on to meet and take over mercenaries from Aristonicus at Naucratis, if these events took place late in r86, when Epiphanes was in his twenty-fifth year. But to date the events at Sais earlier than the Alexandrian synod is ruled out by the reference to Epiphanes' age. The most natural assumption is therefore that Aristonicus left for his recruiting visit to Greece after the synod of r86 and returned to Egypt in autumn r8s. BOOK XIX
1. 1: that Cato's province was Hispania (not Hispania Citerior) is the contention of D. Fishwick, CP, 1977, 126-3o, especially 126-7, who there (and in Arethusa, 19io, 85 ff.) argues that the division of Spain into two separate provinces took place, not in 197, but (probably) in the settlement of 133/2, following the fall of Numantia. He takes Plutarch's statement that Cato acted against towns b'T6s Batnos 7ToTaftov as evidence that he was operating within what is usually regarded as Ulterior. BOOK XXII
18. 11. ·nl.s ahta.s: on the causes of the Third Macedonian War see R. Werner, Grazer Beitriige, 1977, 149-216. BOOK XXX
5. 4. '~'ft 'Pw11n o-Te~a.vov KTA.: on the cult of the goddess Roma see R. Mellor, BEA 'PQMH: the Worship of the Goddess Roma in the 793
ADDENDA Greek World, Gottingen, 1975; Carla Fayer, Il culto della Dea Roma: origine e diffu,sione nell'impero, Pescara, 1976; and, for discussion, I. C. Davies, ]RS, 1977, 204-6. For the cult at Rhodes see especially Mellor, op. cit. 27-36.
5. 12: the dedication by the Lydan Confederacy is dated to c. 167 by Mellor, op. cit. (previous addendum) 204, who argues that the group of inscriptions to which it belongs cover a period of a century but were re-inscribed after the fire of 83. 25. 1. ~OUAO ....EVOS • • • U'ITEpcipcu T~lV na.uAov: on Antiochus IV's object in holding the display at Daphne see also J. G. Bunge, Chiron, 1976, 53-7I. who argues that, besides emulating Aemilius, he intended it to be a prelude to his eastern campaign and also the celebration of the ninth anniversary of his accession.
794
INDEXES r. GENERAL Abaeocritus of Thebes, 66-67. Abbaitis, 555· Abbasium, 147· Abdera, 175, 318, 440. Abia, 193, 249. Abilyx, 6o3. Abinna, 603. Abrupolis,kingofSapaei, 206, zo8, 275. Abydus, 5, 96, roB, r6g. Acarnania, Acarnanians, 25, 26, I 10, 123, 125, !28, 290, 332-3, 435, 437, 688, 733. 787. Acastidas, Boeotian athlete, 708. Achaea, Achaeans, 4, 8, II, 40, 42, 64; democracy in, 189, 242; for membership of assembly, 400, 407-9; for serving on embassies, 259; for membership of council, 259, 400, 409-10; wealth needed to hold office, 335; property qualification for citizenship unlikely, 401 ; gerousia, 707; assemblies, 89, 91-<JZ, 137, 176, 178, 187, 189, 190, 194, 197, 200, 223, 227, 248-9, zso, 251, 255. 261, 262, 292, 321-2, 331, 344-5· 397, 406-14 (appendix), 532, 699. 700, 702, 703, 705-6, 710-JI, 714, 732; conditions for calling syndetos, 194, 197, 209, 223, 251, 254, 261, 347. 398-9, 703; magistrates, 137, 191-2, 196, 222, 241, 248. 293-4. 334. 699. 700, 707; damiurgi, 707, 714; proposed payment for boule, 187-8; probouleusis before assemblies, 398-9, 410; procedure in syncletos, 401; competence of synodos, 398-9, 559, 707-8; composition of synodos, 406-14, 705-6, 7II; hypostrategos, 714, 716; coinage, 761; law forbidding gifts from a king, 189; gifts from Antiochus IV, 287; alleged arbitration after Leuctra, 762; relations with Egypt, 7, 10, 12 n. I, 16, 17, 176, 178-9, r87, 258-9, 396-402; alliance with Boeotia, c. 245. 68; in Demctrian \Var, 69; alliance with Boeotia, c. 227, 73; with Phocis, 73; and Megara, 69, 73; and Orchomenus, 702; negotiations with Doson,
762-3; military reforms, 73; law forbidding entry of Macedonians, 289; besieges Corinth (198), 375; relations with Rome, r6, 17, 25; alliance with Rome, 219-20, 228, 732 ; declares war on Aetolia and Antioch us (191). 65; gains Messenia (191), 83; and Pergamum, 23-26, 91-92; alliance with Eumenes (I91/o), 3, 91-92; troops sent to help Eumenes (190), 91-92, 102; ravages Aetolian coast (r8g). 126; compels Sparta to rejoin League (r88), 138; relations with Sparta, 200; sends envoys to Ptolemy V (187/6), 179, 187; Q. Metellus' embassy to (185), 7; embassies from Ptolemy, Eumenes and Seleucus (r85), 176, 187-95: declares war on Messenia (183), 228; readmits Sparta (182), q, r6, 89, 251; ravages Messenia, 247; embassy to Rome (r82/I). 254; reprisals against Boeotia, r8r; in Third Macedonian "War, 302, 321-2, 333-{), 344-8; congratulatory embassy to Ptolemy VI (169). 322; Ptolemaic to (169/8), 29, 396-402; to Rome (166/5), 455; {I65/4), 455-6, 461-2, (160/59), 37, 38, 333. 455. 52!; (159/8), 37. 38, 455, 525-·6; (156/5). 40, 455, 542, 545; (155/4). 40, 455, 545; (154/3). 557; Sulpicius Galus in (163). 465, 471; loses Pleuron, 465; and Oropus, 532; Rhodian appeal to (154/3). 546, 558-9, s6o; Cretan appeal to (154/3). 558-6o; appeals for return of detainees from Rome, 542, 557, 649-50; release of (150), 44, 521, 649-50, 698; conflict with Sparta (150/49), 671, ; sends embassy to Rome (149), · L. Aurelius Orestes sent to, 699; Iulius Caesar sent to, 47, 48, 698-703; socio-economic measures taken in (I47/6), 703-5; and Heraclea in Trachis, 709-10; war with Rome, 47. 433, 533, 683, 698; Ten commissioners active in, 733-5, conditions after 146, 734; restoration of League, 735.
795
INDEXES Achaean War, 47, 433, 533, 683, 698; Greek states involved, 688. Achaeus, Syrian rebel, 110, 172, 174, 375. no (date of usurpation). - , Achaean eponymous hero, 49, 672, 733· Achelous, R., 85. Acheron, R., 123. Achulla, 491. Acilius, C., 544· M'., Glabrio (cos. 191). 79, 88,9091, 94. 129, 135. :2!5, 264, 732. Acraephia, 74; and Ptoia festival, 69; price of :fish at, 50o-r. Acra Leuce, 759· Actium, 332. Acusilochus, 273. Adada, 464. Adaeus of Beroea, 337· Adda, R., 614. Adramyttium, 102, 668. Adriatic Sea, 535, 622; distances along, 618-19. Aegae, 167, 168, 539, 556. Aegean Sea, 622. Aegeira, 194, 521, 532, 542. Aegina, 189, 190, 207. Aeginium, 185, 431. Aegithallus, 758. Aegitium, 84. Aegitna, 550-1, 552. Aegium, 91, 137, 194, 289, 521, 542, 628, 672, 734· Aegosthena, and Boeotia, 69, 74; sweet wine of, 745· Aegytis, 465. Aelius, P., Tubero (pr. 201), 17I. - , Q., Tubero, 392, 511. Aemilia, elder daughter of L. Aernilius Paullus, 51Q-1I. - , younger daughter of L. Aemilius Paullus, 510-II, 649. Aemilia Tertia, widow of P. Scipio Africanus, 37, 503-5. Aemilius, M., Lepidus (cos. 187), II8, 1n-B. 326-7. 464. 524. , M., Lepidus (cos. 46), the triumuir, issues denarius celebrating Egyptian connection, 327, 551. Q., Papus (cos. 282). 761. - , L., Paullus (cos. 219), 503. - , L., Paullus (cos. 182), 237, 367, 373· 378. 503, 524, 549. 726; career, 389; praetor in Spain (191{0), 493; a remark of, 31, 437-8; integrity of, 492-5; speech before leaving Rome, z8, 361; leaves for Macedon (168), 377, 378, 397; in the Pydna campaign, 37891; speech on Perseus' fall, 28, 392; tour of Greece, 31, 431,
n.
432-3; embassies to (168), 434-6; games at Amphipolis, 32-33, 437. 449, 721 ; plunder and massacres in Epirote towns, 438-9, 523; triumph, 440, 497 (date) ; death of sons, 509; monument at Delphi, 432; character, 34, 36, 492-5; death (160), 37, 38, 492, 493, 507, 509. L., Regillus (pr. 190). 3, 5, 99100, 101, 104-5, II8 (naval triumph), 163, 753· -·, L., Scaurus, 170. Aenea (Chalcidice), 232, 344, 431. Aeneas, 18r. Aenianes, 79· Aenus, 175, 184, 185, 186 (site), 192, 197. 215, 216, 225, 318, 419; factions in, 186, 195. Aeolis, g6, 106, 166, 167, 174· Aeolus, 578, 579, 621. Aepulo, Istrian king, 278. Aeschrion, 332. Aeson, R., 384. Aethale (Elba), 618. Aethopia, IIg. Aetolia, Aetolians, 6, 25, 31, 37, 64, 159, 262, 290, 302, 432, 522, 585, 688; assemblies, 82, 331, 332; magistrates, 135; coinage, 134; dedication to Eumenes II, 271; to Prusia.s II, ; invade Peloponnese to no ; in Demetrian \Var, 69; annexation of southern Phocis, 68; alleged 'triple alliance' against Achaea, 762; Roman treaty with (2II), 83, 190, 779; acquire Oeniadae (2u), 136; call on Antiochus to free Greece (192), 64; in Syrian War against Rome, 75, n. n8-28, 733; negotiations (191), n-83; embassy to Rome (19I/o), 3, 4, go; granted truce by Scipios (190), 93--95, 135; send envoys to Fulvius (189), 127-8; peace with Rome (189), 3, 6, n6, r28-36; civil war in (175{4). 289; Perseus' interference, 208; conditions (167), 433-4; conditions after Lyciscus' death, 521-2. Aezani, 172. Aezanis, R., 172. Africa, F.'s account of distances, 568, 632-3; north Africa organized as province, 725. Agasis, 677. Agassae, 431. Agathagetus, Rhodian, 303, 328, 352. Agatharchides of Cnidus, 353, 571. Agathocles of Syracuse, 742. Agelaus, speech of, 774· age-rounding, 240, 676.
GENERAL Agesias, Achaean, 435· Agesipolis, 2 24. Agis II, Spartan king, 195. Aglaus of Cos, 553· Agrianians, 763, 773· Agrians, 21, 278. Agrinium, hoard of, 134. Alabanda, 142, 167, 170. 427, 445; sends 'crown' to Rome, 422. Alander, R., 147, 148. Alba Fucens, 668, 669. Albanopolis, 759. Alcaeus of Messene, 519-20. Alcamenes, 7II, 714. Alcetas, Boeotian general, 180. Alcibiades, Spartan, 195, 200, 2!618, 223, 224, 252· - . Athenian, 195, 496, 498. Alcinous, 601, 609. Alcithus, son of Xenophon, 345, 354· Alcmaeon, 130. Aletes, 58r. Alexander III, the Great, 557. 687. -Balas, 40, 42, 325, 480-1, 534, 557, 560-1, 737, 738. - of Acarnania, 298. son of Perseus, 669. Macedonian pretender, 684. - , son of Admctus, perhaps identical with A., son of Acmetus, 231-2, 763. - of Corinth, 687. -the Isian, 120. -of Pherae, 692. of Trichonium, no. Alexandria, Alexandrians, 352-3,395, 397, 403, 429, 568, 587; account of people, 629-30; embassies at, 354, 429; embassy to Rome (169/8), 361-2; outrages during 358, Ftolemy VI's absence, 468, 488; mercenaries at, 629; Thesmophoreium at, 786. Troas, 106, 164-5. 167. Alipheira, 759, 771. Allobroges, 551. Alope, 77. 104, 185, 306. Alopeconnesus, 186, 694. Alpheus, R., 709. Alps, passes through, 613-14. Alyatti, 148. Alypus, Ambracian, 120. Amadocus, Thracian king, 199. Ambracia, 4, 6, II9, 121, 130, 333, 687, 688; site, 121; siege (r89), 123-30. Ambracian Gulf, 595. Ambracus, 771. amicitia, in the treaty of Apamea, 156; Ariarathes IV with Rome, 164, 469; Philip V with Rome, 275; and Rhodes, 392, 423-4.
Amlada, 415-16. Amon, temple of, at Moeris, 403. Amorgos, 276, 746. Amphiaraus, cult of, at Oropus, 531. Amphictyonic Council, 68, 69, 77. 207, 727. Amphilochia, II9, 130, 206. Amphilochus, n8, 130. Amphipolis, 206, 291, 318, 367, 392, 393. 435. 437. 438, 467. 670, 692; embassies to (167), 434-6. Amphissa, 94 (situation), 708. Amynander, 65, 75, 81, II9, 128, 130, 185. Amyntas III of Macedonia, 694. Amyrtaeus, ·204. Anagneia (in Pomptine marshes?), 481, 482, 483. Anagnia, 481. Anaitis, 473· Anaphe, 202. Anas, R., 599. 607. Anaxidamus, Achaean, 455-6, 545· Anaximbrotus, 174. Anchises, 181. Ancyra, Galatia, 150, 152, z68. - . Illyria, 339· Andeda, 172. Andobales, 103. Andriscus, the Pseudo-Philip, 651, 684; victory over Thalna, 46, 678, 698; early career, 668--9; Punic contacts with, 678; Macedonians and, 341, 664, 682-3; defeat and death, 682; Greek views on, 44, 46, 664-5 ; supposed coins of, 669. Andromachus, 553· Andronicus, Aetolian, 78, 437· -.murderer of 'son of Seleucus', 284, z85.
Macedonian samataphyla:r:, 339· - . envoy of Attalus II, 540-1, 673· Andronidas, Achaean, 402, 455. 714. Andros, II3; battle of, 71. Anicius, L., Gallus (cos. I6o), 431, 438; games of, 32, 313, 377. 437, 441, 445-7, 523, 528, 549; career, 445· Ankhmakis, 203, 353· Antalcidas, Peace of, 686. Antenor, Macedonian. admiral, 297, 313, 370, 437. 443· Anthedon, 180. Anticyra (Phocis), 317. Antigonea (west coast of Chalcidice), 344· - (Illyria), 314 (site), 316, 340, 759; pass of, 314. Antigoneia, festival at Sicyon, 354, 455· Antigonus I Monophthalmus, ro6, 135· 3,56.
797
INDEXES Antigonus II Gonatas, 687. III Doson, 69, 71, 73, 687, 763; alleged 'triple alliance' against Achaea, 762 ; Achaean negotiations with, 762-3 ; Carlan expedition, 70, 71; arbitration at Samos,
7L
- , son of Echecrates, 274-5. - , son of Alexander, 298. -,ex purpuratis, 298, 370. Antimachus, commander at Dometrias, 367. Antinous, Molossian, 314-15, 428, 431, 438. Antioch-on-Maeander, £42. (Persis), 30 3· - (Pisidia), 167. (Syria), 286, 451, 472, 483, 5zo, 557, 737; quarter of Epiphania, 287; suburb of Daphne, 449; temple of Juppiter Capitolinus, 288. Antiochis, daughter of Antiochus III, 471-2. Antiochus I, 154, I66, 445, 457-8. Antiochus III, 3, I35, 174, 272, 326, 457-8, 667, 742, 772, 78o; date of birth, 76; called 'the Great', 75-76, 769; recovers Pamphylia (2I62I3), 174; besieges Sardes (zi5/£4), 375; pact with Philip V, 229-30, 406, 764, 785; regains Coe!eSyria, 356; invades Pergamene territory (rg8), I ro, I I 3; seizes Mysia, etc. (I98), 235; recovers Soli (197). II8; offers his daughter to Eumenes II, II3; relations with Rome after 196, 64; takes Ilium (by 197), 167; Xanthus, 183; Samothrace, 357; and Byzantium, 199; recovers cities of Aeolis and Ionia (r96-193), r66; occupies Phocaea, 96; Iasus, 167; and Aetolia (192/I), I; crosses to Greece, I, 2, 64; embassies to (192/I), r; support for in Greece, 733; at Chalcis (192/I), 65, 74-75, 77; at Thebes (191), 66, 74; flees to Ephesus, 76-77; marriage of (I92/I), 2, 75-76; and Boeotia, r; negotiates with Romans (r9o), 3, 5, roo; active against Pergamum (19o), Ioi, Io2; approaches Prusias (I9o), 3, 5, ro3; abandons Lysimacheia {rgo), 105; help for Ariarathes IV. I 53; flight after Magnesia (189). ro8; conditions imposed after :Vlagnesia (189). ro8u; peace made with (r89), I r6I7, I56~4 (terms of treaty), owed 400 talents to Eumencs II, uo; Roman peace terms (189-
r88), 3, 5. 7, II6; letter to Tralles, 173; death, 188, 473· -IV Epiphanes, 14, 22, 25, 27, 557; titles of, 285; character, nicknamed Epimancs, 285; hostage at Rome after Magnesia, I I 284; seizes throne of Syria (175), 465 ; collaboration with Pergamum (175), 284-5; accession (175), 323; and coregent, 284-5; and Athens, 355 ; stands as candidate for office of tribune and aedile, 286; and Perseus, 304; war with Egypt, 23, 28, 29, 312, 319, 325, 345· 352-3, 357-8; sends envoy to Rome (170), 319; (r7o-Ifi9). 319; victory near Pelusium, 352, 357; seizes Pelusium, 352, 357 advances on Alexandria, 353; to take it, 358; leaves Egypt (r6g), 3589, 402; renews war (r68), 402-3; defeats Egyptian navy (r68), 405~; invades Cyprus (r68), 466-7, 547; meeting with C. Popillius near Eleusis (r68), 330, 403-6; procession and games at Daphne, 33, 448-53, 794; embassy of Ti. Gracchus to (r66), 3o; expedition to east (165), 471, 473; Prusias' allegations against, 456, 464; death (r64). 34, 35. 464-5. 473-4; alleged madness as divine punishment, 229; munificence towards Greece, 287, 401; tetradrachm of, :z85: coinage of, 356. - V, 36, 464, 466, 479; accepted by Romans, 4 76, 492; executed by Demetrius I, 483; Roman mission to destroy elephants and cataphracts, I 59· - , boy-king in S}-ria, 284-5; actadrachm of, 284. - Hierax, 71, 457-8. of Syracuse, 618. Antipater 'the nephew', ro9, u6. Antiphanes of Berga, 592. Antiphatas of Gortyn, 558-9. Antiphilus, envoy of Prusias II, 541. Antipolis, 550, 551. Antissa, 437· Antisthenes, Cynic, 429. Antium, 302. Antonius, M. (trib. 167), 420. Antron, 77. 104, 185, JIO. Aous, R., 108, I21, 313, 316-r 7· Apamea on Orontes, 520. Cibotus, IOO, ro8, 116, 154 (site), 155; treaty of, 156-64, 174, 284, 466-7. 470. Apatouria, Attic, 234. Apelles, Macedonian counsellor, I99, 2Ij, 255, 257, 275·
GENERAL Aperantia, 83, 85, II9, 130, zo6, 340. Aphrodisias, 142, 788. Aphrodite, temple of. in Elymais, 473. Aphther, 490, 491, 492. A pis, name of two towns in Egypt, 486. apocleti, see Q..,.o)",\1]1'0-'>• 525-6; from Epirus (157/6), 37. 536; makes war on Dalmatians (I$7/6), 535-6; embassy of Athenaeus from Pergamum (157/6), 37, 540-2; embassy from Issa., 38, 535; from Achaea (156/5), 542; from Attalus II (r56/5), 542; embassy to Prusias {I$6/5L 40, 542, 549; to Attains II and Prusias II (I$5/4). 346; embassies from Ptolemies (154), 4o4 I, 553-5; failure of Achaean envoys at (154/3), 40, 557; visit by La.odice and Alexander Balas (153), 557-8; Rhodian embassy to (153), 558; envoys from Spain (I 52/I), 43; embassy to Attalus and Prusias (150/49). 44, 46, 672-4; embassy to Masinissa {148), 675; negotiations with Carthage (149), 655-7; commission of Ten sent to
Greece (146), 47, 726, 728, 731-2 (names). - sending of crowns to, 421, 422, 5I6; embassies normally heard under new consuls, 88; seek a pretext before going to war, 44, 653-5; triumphs, 270, 277, 518-19; attitude of Greek /Jfineipes towards, 315; treatment of kings, II4-15; purification of army, 154; quaestors and treasury, 244-5; consuls and treasury, 244-5; farming of uectigalia, 775; publicani and contracts, 77 5; Senate's intervention in Italy, 775; Bacchanal scandals (186), I88; adoption of Spanish sword, 754; laws of inheritance, 493, 503, 506, 509--JI; policy serves self-interest, 475-6, 479, 492; moral deterioration, 499--502; and Trojan legend, 181-2, -calendar in second century, 93-94, 105, 107, II8, 136, :277-8, 281, 294, 321, 329, 386, 440, 442, 445· 497. 519, 530, 640, 7J2. Rostovtzeff, M. I., quoted, 72. Rubicon, R, 619. Ruscino, R., 61 o. Rutilius, P., Rufus (cos. 105), 236-7, 544-5· Sabatini, 81. Sabratha, 492. Sagalassus, 3, 147, I$$. Saguntum, 79, 242, 667, 765. sailing, limitations on, enforced by and against Rome, r6o. Sais, 13, 203, 204, 355· Salassi, 6I3. Saliorum sodalitates, I07. Sallentini, 632. Sa.lluvii, 551, 552. Salona, 528. Same, 7, 136-7 (site); chronology of siege, I36. Samos, 5, 97, 99, 1oo, 304; dispute with Priene, 164. Samothra.ce, 71, 330, 354, 357, 392, 726. Samus, 231-2, 771. Sangarius, R., 140, 148-50, 155, 172, 268. Sapaei, 206. Sardanapallus, 675. Sardes, roo, 103, ro8-9, IIJ, rr6, 151, r66, r68, 235, 375, 47r. Sardinia, 278, 593, 595, 60I, 759· Sarmatians, 273. Sarpedonium, C., 157, 160. Satyrus, envoy from Ilium, 1BI. - , Achaean, 455·
INDEXES Scarpheia, battle of (146), 49, 688, 709-10, 713-14. Scepsis, II3, 169. Scerdilaidas, son of Genthius, 445· Schiller quoted, 394· Schweighaeuser, J., quoted, 66, 196, 334. 696, 753· Sciritis, 465. Scodra, 336-8, 364, 377, 431, 528. Scord:isci, 200, 338, 748, 782. Scordus, Mt., 338. Scotussa (Macedonia), 670. Scullard, H. H., quoted, 244· Scylacium, 615. Scylla, 578. 582, 587, 609, 615, Scyros, 443· Segeda, 640-1, 644-5. Segesama, 6o8. Segesta, I 81. Seleuceia (in Pieria), 520, 632. Seleucus, letter to Rome, r8z. - I , 449, 520, 667. -II, 457-8, no; concessions to Rhodes, 161. - IV Philopator, 3, 5, 75, 96, roo, 102, 142, 176, r88 (succession), 274, 28o, 284 (murder), 285, 324, 457. 465, 481; embassy of Flamininus to, 221-2. ~,son of Antioch us I, 457· Selge, If7• 456, 464. Sellasia, battle of, 68, 71,240,641,763. Sempronius, T., Gracchus (cos. 177), 20-21, 30, 33. 186, 277. 478, 483; mission to Greece (185), 176, 209, victories in Spain (179), 270, 6o8; treaty made there (178), 640, 645; in east (r66{5). 35, 454, 456, 46o, 469; reduces Camunni (165), 34, 463, 469; in east (r61/o), 516-17, 518; married to Cornelia, 505-9· ~, Ti., Gracchus (trib. 133), 505,507, 720. - . Ti., Longus (cos. 194), r86. - , C., Tuditanus (pr. 197), died in Spain (196), 63. -,C., Tuditanus (cos. 129), 615. - , C., Tuditanus (leg. 146), 731. Sena Gallica, 619. Senones, 760-1. Septimius Severus, speech to Caracalla and Geta, 234· Sergius M' .. 464. Serippus, Spartan, 216-18,223,227-9, 251, 252· Servilius, ?., Glaucia, 483. Sestus, 95-96, ro8, 692. Seuthes, king of Odrysae, 310. Sherk, R. K., quoted, 548. Sibyrtus, 121. Sicily, 266, 587, 593, 725; export of com from, 328.
Sicinius, Cn. (pr. 183), 294. Sicyon, 250, 398, 409, 413, 532, 729, 736; Aernilius Paull us' visit, 433· Side, 167, 485, 754; battle of {190), 101, 102, 754· siege-works, 126-7 (Arnbracia). Silenus, 6o4. silver mines, in Spain, 605-7. Simonides, 403. Sinda, 144. Sinope, 227, 267. Siphnos, 546. Sitalces, 225. 'sixteen' ,Macedonianship,657, 79o-1. Skeat, T. C., quoted, 323. slaves, Roman, ransomed in Greece, 63; price of, 501; liberation of, in Achaea, 7rr; in Roman navies, 780; at Locri, 782. Great (Catabathmus at Slope. Sollum), 486-7. - , Small, 486. Smyrna, ro6 (site), r66-], 170, 539, 557; embassy to Rome (189), II4. Social War, 178. Socrates, 498. - , gymnastic trainer, 302. Soli (Cilicia), u8, 227. Solon, Macedonian commandant, 299, 306. Sophene, 484, 628. Sosander, syntf'ophos of Atta.lus II, 538. Sosicrates, Achaean, 714, 716. Sosigenes, Rhodian, 335· Sosiphanes, Seleucid envoy, 319, 325, 359· Spain, Spaniards, 475, 535, 567; date of division into two provinces, 793; campaign of M. Porcius Cato (195), 63, 793; cities make deditio, 79; Spanish forts, 20-2 r ; Spanish sword adopted by Romans, 754; P.'s description, 599-609. Sparta, ephorate, 234; size of mom, 74 7; fourth-cent. hegemony, 665-6; and Doson, 71 ; perioecic communities, 89; Aetolian action against (192}. 64,77; Philopoemen's intervention (191), 2, 85, 89; Spartan envoys at Rome (r9r), 3. 87-88; restoration of hostages (19I/o), 89, 91; 'old exiles', 89, 196, 217, 223-4. 228, 259-60, 264; restoration of exiles (I 89/8). 6, 138-9; Lycurgan constitution abolished (r88), 138; envoys at Rome (188). 9; trouble with Achaea (r88), 138; envoys at Rome (187/6), 177; behind summoning of Caecilius ( ?) (185), 194; envoys at Rome (184/3), 216-rg;
GENERAL envoys from exiles murdered {183l• 14, 223-4; envoys at Rome (rB3/2, 227, 254~5; Chaeron at, r&-17, 216--IS, 223, 228, 251~2, 259-60; exiles send envoys to Rome (182/rj, r6-1 7, 254; exiles bring back letter from Rome, I 7; secedes from Achaean League, 251-2; readmitted into Achaean League (182), 14, 89, 251-2; Aemilius Paullus visits, 433; dispute with Argos (163). 465; conflict with Achaea (150/49), 671-2, 698-9. speeches, their function in history, 44· 651-3. Spercheius, R., 79, 82, 710, 713. Spoletium, 495. Stephanus, Achaean, 525. Stesichorus, tells fable at Himera, ro8. Stobi, 23I, 256-7. 628. Stoics, Stoicism, IIS-16, 138, 252, 261, 320, 357. 369, 394, 428, 484, 499, 501-2, 577. 604, 685---6; views on Homer, 577-8. Stratius of Tritaea, 333, 707, 715. - , court physician of Eumenes II, 416. Stratocles, Rhodian, 296, 302, Strato(n) of Lampsacus, 581. writer on Perseus, 205. -,son of Aristocrates, Rhodian, 546. Stratonice, wife of Antiochus I, 445· - , daughter of Ariarathes IV, wife of Attalus II and earlier Eumenes II, 164, 207, 4I7. Stratoniccia, IJI, 303, 427, 444-5, 448. 457-8, 539· Stratonidas, r8o. Stratus, 123, 340, 522. Strymon, R., 206, 231, 257, 392, 435, 670, 750. Stuberra, 336-7, 339. Stymphalus, 93. Subas, 677. Sulpicius, P., Ga.Iba Maximus (cos. 2II), 190, 753· - , C., Galus (cos. 166), 34-5, 387, 434· 464-5. 47!. - , P., Galus, 5oo. Sunium, 598. supplicatio after Corycus, 3, go. Susa, 75, 473· Susiana, 450, 473· Sutrium, 496. sword-fish, method of catching, 582-4. Sycurium, 302, 305, 306-7 (site). Syene, 203, 570. Sylaeum, 144. Syllus, 369. Symmachy of Antigonus Doson, 68, 763, 769-
sympoliteia, see auf41TOAinla..
synedrion, Ptolemaic, 354· Synnada., 147. Syphax, srB, 669. Syracuse, 266. Syria, 473· Syrian War, Fifth, 356. - , Sixth, 23, 25, 27, 350, 373. 402; early stages of, 321-4, 344· Syrtis, Lesser, 490, 491 (defined), 637. Greater, 491. Tabae, 142, 474· Tacape, 491. Taenarum, 485, 561. Tagus, R., 596, 599. talent, weight of Attic, 161, 258. Tampyra, 175. Tanagra, r8o. Tanais, R. (perhaps upper Calycadnus}, 157-8, 174· ~ (in Pytheas' voyage), 591. - (Don), 596-8. Tarentum, r6o, 536, 615, 632. 782; Hannibal's capture of (213/12), 175; Roman recovery (209), 749. Tam, W. W., quoted, 73· Tarraco, 747• Tarsus, 303. Tartessus, 6o3. Taurini, 613. Taurisci (of Noricum), 612. Taurus mountains, 107, no, II5, n8, 157-8, roo, 586, 754· ~, R., 146. Taygetus, Mt., 613. technitai, Dionysiac, see 'T£](Vi-ra.t. Tecmon, 313, 431. Tectosages, 3, 148, 152. Tegea, 138, 702-3; temple built by Antiochus IV, 287. Telamon, battle of, 761 (site). Telecles of Aegeira, 521, 532, 542. Telemachus, 6oS. Telemnastus, Cretan, 365. - , Gortynian mercenary captain, 365. 558-9. Telephus, Rhodian, 371, 637. Telmessus, II2, II7, 169, 170 (site), 173, 2II, 269, 469; castra Te!messium, u7, 173. Telocritus, 345· Telos, 771. Tembris, R, 172. TeULnus, 167, 539· Tempe, 306, 342, 381, 613, 628; conference at (197), 91; (r85), 7, 9, 176,185-6,192,195,209,215-16. Tenedos, 169, 304, 313, 328. Tenos, 303. Teos, 104-s. 167-8, 440, 515, 773· Terentius, A., Varro (pr. 184), 436. -,A., Varro (leg. 146), 731.
Bzs
INDEXES Teres, married to daughter of Philip v. 200, 663. - , king of Odrysae (fifth cent.), 225. Termessus, 3, 1~5. 167, ~64; lex Antonia de TMmessibus, 145. testudo, use at Heracleum, 342-4. Tetrapyrgia, 488. Teuta, 16o, 759· Thapsus, ~91. Thasos, 365, 538, 753· Thaumaci, 628. Theaedetus, 182, 303, 313, 328, 350, 352, 372, 422, .p6, 444. sss. Thearidas, brother of P., 48, 249, 525, 700. -,grandson of Thearidas, 525. Thebe, plain of, 102. Thebes, Thebans, 291-2, 298, 310, 330, 687, 709, 710, 712-IJ, 737; Eumenes' benefactions to, 527; Agriona festival, 69; Heracleides Criticus' account of, 72. - , in Egypt, 203. - , Phthiotic, see Phthiotic Thebes. Thelphusa, 768. Themisonium, 142. Themistocles, 686. Theodectes, 715. Theodoridas, 179, 190, 397. Theodotus, Molossian, 316, .p8, 431, 4J8. - , Hemiolius, 674· Theophrastus, 581. Theopompus, 622, 692-5 (method criticized). Theotimus, supporter of Orophemes, 533-4· Theo:x;ena, 232. Theoxenus of Leontium, 26I. Theris, 356. Thermessa, 62o. Thermopylae, 317, 710, 714: battle of (191), 2, 66, 77. 85, 298, 641, 732. Thermum, 229, 331, 667. Thespiae, 291. Thesprotians, 338. Thessalonica, 7. JIG-II, 344, 379, 392, 435. 595, 622, 625, 6z8; conference at (185), 176, 192, 195, 209, 216. Thcssaly, 75. 83, 175-6, 184-5. 192, 195, 207-8, 215, 281-3, 289, 292, 302, 317, 321-2, 346, 613; shrine of Athena Itonia, 276. Thisbae, 298, 302, 308, 373, 464· Thoas, Aetolian, 77, 82, no (career), IJI, 332. - , merchant, 429. Thrace, Thracians, 214, 230, 370, 568; reputation in Greece, 3II; pressure on Byzantium, 199, 208; Celtic kingdom in, 778; settlers
826
used by Alexander, Ptolemies, Seleucids amt Attalids, 230; Fabius Labeo operates off, 163; Roman march through (r88), 4, 7, 175: affairs discussed in Senate (186/5), rS~; Philip V's acquisitions there after Syrian War, 195; Philip V's campaign (183), 14, 16, 225-6. Thrasycrates, 423-4, 781. Thrausi, 175. Thule, 588, 590. Thuria, 193, 249, 250. Thurii, JOI, 615. Thyateira, 103, Il3, I69, 21 I, 235,539Thyrrheum, I I r, 128, 332. Tiber, R., 479· Tibur, Tiburtines, 483. Ticinus, R., 614; battle of, 240. Tieion, 271-2. Timaeus, 588, 609-10, 652-3, 740, 742· Timagoras, Rhodian, 304, 328. Timarchus, 273. 325. Timasicrates, Rhodian, 1oo. Timavum, temple of Diomedes, 61415. Timavus, R., 565, 567, 615. Timolaus, Spartan, 86-87, 89, 139. Timotheus, officer of Perseus, JIO. - , envoy of Orophemes, 530. -,Athenian (fourth cent.), 692. - . envoy of Ptolemy VI, 325, 468. Tisippus, 433, 435· Titius, C., 500. Titti, 642, 644-5, 648. Tlepolemus, 355· Tolistobogii (Tolostobogii, Tolistoagii), 147-8, 151. Tolophon, xzo. Tomisa, 628, Torone, 344· Touloumakos,] ., quoted, 753· Toynbee, A. ]., quoted, 736. Traguriurn, 528--9. Tralles, 108, 166, 169, 172 (site); isopoliteia with Miletus, 172. Tricca, 104, r85, 195. Tripolis (Perrhaebia), 310, 346. - (Syria), 483. - Scaea, 305. Tripolitania, 492. Tritaea, 712, 716. triumphs, 270, 277, 518-19. Troad, 167, 174, 235. Trocmi, 148, 152, 472. Troezen, 711. Trojan legend at Rome, 182-3. trophy on the R. Brague, 55· Tsana, L., 574· Tulcis, R., 747· Tullius, M., Cicero (cos. 63), and Tullia's dowry, 507.
GENERAL tunny, movements of, 567, 58:2, 583, 599-{iOI. Turdetania, Turdetani, 63, 565, 567, 601-4, 609, 648. Turduli, 602-3. Turner, E. G., quoted, 159. Tusculum, 420. Tyana, 753-4· Tychandros, Athenian archon (r6o/ 59), 318. Tyche, see Fortune. Tylis, Gaulish kingdom in Thrace, 22 5 , 77 8. Tyre, 480, 604. Tyrrhenian Sea, 593, 613. Tyscon, 148, 155·
Vaccaei, 607-8, 648. Vada Sabatia, 552. Vadimo, L., 761, Valerius, L., Flaccus (cos. 195), 7879, 82, :238 (censor, 184). C., Laevinus (cos. suff. 176), 128, 207, 289. ~. M., Laevinus (cos. 2IO), 79, 128. Vardaei, 782. Vediantii, 550-··I. Veii, 496, 550. Verbanus, L., 6I4. Verminus, 283. Vetilius, C. (pr. 147), 702. Vettones, 643· Vetulonia, 76I. Via Aemilia Scauri, 552, 616; Aurelia, 6r6-r7; Domitia, 768; Egnatia, H4· 595--6, 622-8; Postumia, 552. Villius, P., Tappulus (cos. 199), 314· Viriathus, 6o8, 702. Vocontii, 552. Volaterra, 6r6. volcanic action and weather signals, 62o-r. von Scala, R., quoted, 733· war, declaration of, 3:23; 'laws of',
668, 772; destroying of trees etc. in, 15-16, 247. 'Warren, Jennifer A. W., quoted, 309-10. Wilkes, J. J., quoted, 535· Will, E., quoted, II7. Xanthippus, Spartan, 522. Xanthus, sacrifice to, in Macedon, 15, 233-4· (Lycia), 183, 279. - , R., I6J, 279· Xenarchus, Achaean, 219, 334· Xenon, Macedonian, II9. -of Aegium, 521, 542, 545· - of Patrae, 333, 461, 521. Xerxes, Armenian dynast, 273. Xyline Kome, 146. Yahweh, temple of, in Jerusalem, 473-4· Zabdidelus, 773· Zacynthus, 83, 93, 129. Zama, battle of, r J4, 159, 242, 243, 489. Zariadris, 273, 484. Zariaspa, 375· Zeno of Citium, 577· of Rhodes, I I r. -of Tarsus, 544· Zenophanes, 557· Zeus, temple of, at Nicomedia, 540; Larisios, cult of, at Tralles., 172; Olympian, z87; temple to, at Jerusalem, 288 ; under Mt. Ariadne, 533; at Olympia, 288, 433; at Dura-Europus, :z88; at Gerasa, :z88 ; at Scythopolis, 288; shrine on Mt. Ida, 349; Trophonius, temple at Lebadea, 432. Zeuxippus, 18o. Zeuxis, 109, II6, 785. Ziaelas, 674. Zipoetas, 147. zones, terrestrial and celestial, theories of, 569-71, 574-7· Zosimus, and P., 746.
II. AUTHORS AND PASSAGES The figures in larger type indicate the pages of this book. Aelian, Val'. Hist. iv. 6, 4.44. Ael. Arist. xiv (ad Romam). 77, 115; xlii. 303. I-15, 537. Aeschines, iii. 62, 502; 134, 444; 157, 522.
Agatharchides, GGM, i. II7 fg. 8, 586. Ammianus, xxvi. 8. 9, 343. Anth. Pal. vii. 45, 444. Appian, Hisp. 48, 645; 49, 642. Lib. 67, 489; 69. 654; 74, 654; 76,
827
INDEXES Appian (cont.) 657; 7S, 658; So, 65S, 659; 81, 754; 92, 660; 97. 696; 9S, 663; IOO, 660, 661; IOI, 661; 103, 662; 105, 677; 106, 676; 109, 663; I~ZI-5, 47; 127, 720; 128, 720; 129, 722; 131, 722. Mac. 9. 6, 216; II. 5, 275; 12, 316; 17, 350; rS. I, 368. M-ith. 3. 537, 549; 6, 673; 23, 457; 62, 157. Syr. 5, 356; 6, 199; r6, 76; 20, 76; 21, S4; 24, 9S; 38, 162; 39, 159, 160, 161; 45· 2S5; 47. 530. Aristotle, M~Jteor. ii. 8. 366 a 5-6, 621; 366 b 31-367 ag, 621. Arrian, A nab. ii. I. 4, 277; 24. 5, 480. Athenaeus, x. 418, 67. Caesar, BG, ii. 32. I, 80. Cato, HRR, i. 88 fg. 95g, 459. Chrysippus, SVF, iii. 199 fg. 6, 420. Cicero, Att. L 19. Io, 727; v. zo. 3, 387. Brutus, 77. 243; 7S, 464. jam. xii. 15. 2, 133. fin. iii. 21, 501; 6o, 428. tis lege agr. ii. 51, 723. off. i. 35, 72S; ii. z8, 270; 40, 693; 76. 499; iii. 46. 728. Phil. ix. 9, 466. in Pis. 44, 645; 6o, 270. prov. cons. 4. 623. de re pub. ii. z6, 107; iv. 3· 3, 515. de sen. 19, 238. 2 Verr. i. 40, 734. Curtius, v. 13. z, 474. Demosthenes, :x;ix. 139, 755. I. 140. I, 507. Dio, XX fg. 67, 493; fg. 6S. 2-3, 423. Diodorus, ii. 36. 6, 247; v. I. 4, 690; 33· 3, 754; xvi. I. I-Z, 690, 691; xx. Sr. 4, 426; xxvi. 6. 2, 394; xxi:x:. 2, 76; 17, 188, 1S9; IS, 241; 21, 244; 30, 275; 31, 332; 32, 2S6; XXX. 2, 326 i 9, 34Q-1; II. I, 485; 15, 353; 19, 2S2; 22, 497; 23, I, 392; X:X:Xl. IO. I, 394; Io. 2, 394; I2, 395 i 15. 3 1 442; I6. 2, 453; 26. 2, 493; :27. 2, 502; zS, 518; 32, 548; 35, 537, 539; 37, 546; 40, 641; xxxii. 6. r, 657;6.2,659;6.4,659;!6,676-7; 23, 721; 24, 722; z6. 4, 707; xx:x:iii. 6, 629-30. Diogenes Laertius, vii. IJo, 429. Dionvsius of Halicarnassus, Ant. ii. I9. 4· 96. ad Pomp. II, 692.
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