Iran. Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies

IRAN Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies XXXIX VOLUME 2001 CONTENTS Page 2 Council . . . . . . . . . ...

Author: James Allan

74 downloads 1837 Views 55MB Size Report

This content was uploaded by our users and we assume good faith they have the permission to share this book. If you own the copyright to this book and it is wrongfully on our website, we offer a simple DMCA procedure to remove your content from our site. Start by pressing the button below!
Report copyright / DMCA form

DOWNLOAD PDF

IRAN Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies XXXIX VOLUME

2001 CONTENTS Page 2

Council . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . Governing . . . . .. .. Reportof theCouncil . . . .. . . . .. . . . . . . . . .

3

DesmondHarney ......................... Obituary: TheInternational MervProject.Preliminary Reporton theNinthYear(2000),by Georgina K. St John Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpson,et al. ............. MausoleaatMervandDahistan, . by DavidGyeandRobertHillenbrand........

9 53

ChemicalCharacterisation of LateNeolithicandChalcolithic Plain, PotteryfromtheTehran H. and A.M. Pollard R.A.E. Iran,by Fazeli, Coningham .............. Malyan1999,by KamyarAbdi ........................

55

Inscribed ColumnBasesfromHamadan, by PeterKnapton,M.R.SarrafandJohnCurtis.

99

Five Seasons of Excavationsin the Tash-K'irmanOasis of Ancient Chorasmia, 1996-2000. An InterimReport,by S.W. Helms,V.N. Yagodin,A.V.G.Betts, G. Khozhaniyazov andF. Kidd ...... ............... A Groupof ReusedByzantineTablesas Evidencefor SeljuqArchitectural Patronagein B. Flood .............. .... .. Damascus,by Finbarr Ghaznavid andGhtiridMinarets, ............. by RalphPinder-Wilson The Sari-fanBathsin Bukhara, by GalinaAsanovaandMartinDow ........

THE

5

73

119 145 155 187

SafavidPotters'Marksandthe Questionof Provenance, by Lisa Golombek,RobertB. MasonandPattyProctor ...................... SufisandCompeting Movementsin Nishapur, Melchert........ by Christopher

207

OccultScienceandtheFallof theKhwrazm-ShhJalilal-Din,by IsabelMiller ....

249

TheChapar-Khina Systemin QajarIran,by WillemFloor .............

257

in Persia:Further BurialsandMemorials NotesandPhotographs, by SirDenisWright . Shorter Notices .............................

293

BRITISH

INSTITUTE

OF PERSIAN

237

299

STUDIES

A Registered Charity

c/o The British Academy, 10 Carlton House Terrace, London SW1Y 5AH ISSN 0578-6967

STATEMENTOF AIMS AND ACTIVITIES 1. TheInstitutehasan establishment in TehranatwhichBritishscholars,menandwomenof learningversedin the friends of reside and meet theirIraniancolleaguesin orderto discusswith them subjectsof arts, Iran,may commoninterest:the arts,archaeology, history,literature, linguistics,religion,philosophyandcognatesubjects. 2. TheInstituteprovidesaccommodation forseniorscholarsandforteachersfromBritishUniversitiesin orderthat theymayrefreshthemselvesat the sourceof knowledgefromwhichtheirteachingderives.The sameserviceis beingrenderedto youngerstudentswho showpromiseof developinginterestsin Persianstudies. 3. TheInstitute,whilstconcernedwithPersianculturein thewidestsense,is particularly concernedwiththe develof and seeks the Iranian scholarsand studentsin applying opment archaeologicaltechniques, co-operationof currentmethodsto the resolutionof archaeological andhistoricalproblems. 4. Archaeologicalexcavationusingmodemscientifictechniquesas ancillaryaidsis one of the Institute'sprimary tasks.Theseactivities,whichentaila freshappraisalof previousdiscoveries,havealreadyyieldednew historiandarchaeological evidencewhichis addingto ourknowledgeof the pastandof its bearing cal, architectural, on the modemworld. 5. Inpursuitof allthe activitiesmentionedin theprecedingparagraphs theInstituteis graduallyaddingto its library, is collectinglearnedperiodicals,andis publishingajournal,Iran,whichappearsannually. 6. TheInstitutearrangesoccasionalseminars,lecturesandconferencesandenliststhehelpof distinguished scholars forthispurpose.It will also aimat arrangingsmallexhibitionswiththe objectof demonstrating the importance of Persiancultureandits attractionforthe worldof scholarship. 7. TheInstituteendeavoursto collaboratewithuniversitiesandeducationalinstitutionsin Iranby all the meansat its disposaland,when consulted,assistsIranianscholarswith technicaladvicefor directingthemtowardsthe channelsin Britishuniversities. appropriate

MEMBERSHIP OFTHEINSTITUTE shouldwritetotheMembership 10Carlton c/oTheBritishAcademy, AnyonewishingtojointheInstitute Secretary, HouseTerrace, LondonSW1Y5AH.Theannualsubscription rates(1stJanuary-31st are as follows: December) Fullmembership ?25 (U.K.only) Member notreceiving ?8.00 journal Fullmembership ?30or$60 (Overseas) Student ?7.50 membership COPIESOFIRAN Fullmembersof the Institutereceivea post free copy of the currentissue of thejournalIraneachyear.Copiesof Iranmaybe obtainedfromthe PublicationsSecretary(addressas above)at the followingprices: Currentissue- singlecopiespurchasedby non members ?30 or US$60 eachplus ?3/US$6per copy for postageandpacking(surface mail outsideEurope) Backnumbers- pleasesee publicationslist insidebackcover Thoseorderingfromoverseasmaypayin US dollarsorby sterlingdraftdrawnin Londonorby international money order.

IRAN Volume XXXIX 2001 CONTENTS

GoverningCouncil ........................ Reportof theCouncil ..................................

Page 2

...........

3

5 Obituary: DesmondHarney...................... ............ The International Merv Project.Preliminary Reporton the Ninth Year (2000), by GeorginaHerrmann, K. Kurbansakhatov, St JohnSimpson,et al................... 9 ..... MausoleaatMervandDahistan,by DavidGyeandRobertHillenbrand................ 53 ChemicalCharacterisation of LateNeolithicandChalcolithic PotteryfromtheTehranPlain,Iran,by H. Fazeli, R.A.E.Coningham andA.M.Pollard ....................... 55 73 Malyan1999,byKamyarAbdi....................... ........ .. InscribedColumnBasesfromHamadan, 99 by PeterKnapton,M.R.SarrafandJohnCurtis........ FiveSeasonsof Excavations in theTash-K'irman Oasisof AncientChorasmia, 1996-2000.An InterimReport, by S.W.Helms,V.N. Yagodin,A.V.G.Betts,G. Khozhaniyazov andF.E Kidd ........ 119 A Groupof ReusedByzantineTablesas EvidenceforSeljuqArchitectural in Damascus,by Finbarr Patronage B.Flood ..................................... 145 .. Ghaznavid andGhiridMinarets, . ..155 by RalphPinder-Wilson ................... TheSarrdfan Bathsin Bukhara, 187 by GalinaAsanovaandMartinDow ................. SafavidPotters'MarksandtheQuestionof Provenance, RobertB. MasonandPattyProctor 207 by LisaGolombek, SufisandCompeting Movementsin Nishapur, ... Melchert .... 237 ........... by Christopher OccultScienceandtheFallof theKhwarazm-Shdh Jall al-Din,by IsabelMiller 249 ............ TheChapar-Khina 257 Systemin QajarIran,by WillemFloor .................... . Burialsand Memorialsin Persia:FurtherNotes and Photographs,by Sir Denis Wright ......... ShorterNotices .....................................

THE

BRITISH

INSTITUTE

OF PERSIAN

293 299

STUDIES

A Registered Charity

c/o The British Academy, 10 CarltonHouse Terrace,London SW1Y 5AH ISSN 0578-6967

BRITISHINSTITUTEOF PERSIANSTUDIES (A RegisteredCharity) GOVERNINGCOUNCIL President

*ProfessorJAMESALLAN,M.A., D.Phil. Vice-President

*ProfessorROBERTHILLENBRAND,M.A., D.Phil.,F.R.S.E. Honorary Vice-Presidents

ProfessorA.K.S. LAMBTON,O.B.E,D.Lit., F.B.A. ProfessorD.B. STRONACH,O.B.E,M.A., F.S.A. Sir DENIS WRIGHT,G.C.M.G.,M.A. Members

*ProfessorSir JOHNBOARDMAN,M.A,. Ph.D, F.B.A. tProfessorC.E. BOSWORTH,M.A., Ph.D., F.B.A. Sir NICHOLASBARRINGTON,K.C.M.G.,C.V.O. *SHEILACANBY,M.A., Ph.D. JOHNCURTIS,B.A., Ph.D., F.S.A. *PAULLUFT,M.A., Ph.D. tVANESSAMARTIN,M.A., Ph.D *CHARLESMELVILLE,M.A., Ph.D CHRISRUNDLE,O.B.E.,M.A. Honorary Treasurer

*PETERKNAPTON,B.Phil.,M.A., M.B.A., F.C.C.A. Honorary Secretary and Honorary Librarian

tROBERTGLEAVE,B.A., M.A., Ph.D. Joint Editors

tProfessorC.E. BOSWORTH,M.A., Ph.D., F.B.A. tVESTA SARKHOSHCURTIS,M.A., Ph.D. Secretary

VESTASARKHOSHCURTIS,M.A., Ph.D. Honorary Membership and Publications Secretary PETER DAVIES, M.A. Auditors PRIDIE BREWSTER, 29-39 London Road, Twickenham, Middlesex TW1 3SZ.

c/o the BritishAcademy 10 CarltonHouse Terrace LONDON SW1Y 5AH

*Membersof ResearchSub-Committee tMembersof PublicationsSub-Committee

P.O.Box11365-844 Tehran IRAN

REPORTOF THE COUNCIL to 31st March2000 will be awareof Regularreadersof the newsletterandvisitorsof ourwebsite(www.britac.ac.uk/institutes/bips) the activitiesof the Instituteoverthe pastyear.Ourwork,as you will all know,falls undera numberof headings: lectures,researchprojects,researchgrants,conferences,publicationsandthe workof the TehranInstitute.Before mentioningthese activities,it is with sadnessthatwe recordthatMr DesmondHarney,Presidentof BIPS, has decided,forhealthreasons,to stepdownas Presidentthisyear.Desmondhasbeena greatfriendof Persianstudies generallyand has workedtirelesslyfor the advancementof the Institute'sactivities.Even when his healthhas He is in ourthoughts,andwe send preventedhim fromattendingmeetings,his supporthasbeenmuchappreciated. to himandhis wife, Judy,ourbestwishesat thisdifficulttime [WeregretthatMrDesmondHarneypassedawayon 10 December2000; see obituaryonpp. v-vii]. ProfessorYannRichardof SorbonneNouvelle,Universit6ParisIII, gave the AGM lectureon 16 November 1999, on "Persiaandthe EuropeanPowersafterWorldWarI", and in the style for whichProfessorRichardhas becomefamous,his lecturewas illuminating anddemonstrated his academicprowessanderudition.ProfessorJosef Wieseh6ferof Kiel University,Germany,authorof the recentand well-receivedbook AncientPersia, gave a fascinatinglecturein Juneon the DanishtravellerCarstenNiebuhr,includinghis visitto Persepolis.The eighteenth centurysketchesof ancientmonumentswereparticularly interesting. TheResearchprojectsof BIPScontinueto develop.QajarRockReliefs,co-ordinated by DrPaulLuft,is nearing in the the and completion.Participants project Pre-MongolArchitecture ReligionandSocietyin QajarIranproject havevisitedIranthisyearto conductfieldresearch.ProfessorJamesAllan'sprojecton the historyof PersianSteel progressed,mostnotablyby the publicationof PersianSteel:the TanavoliCollection,jointlyauthoredwith Brian Gilmour.BIPS continuesto supportthe publicationof the resultof the archeologicalwork in Merv,underthe TheMonuments supervisionof Dr GeorginaHerrmann. Buildingsof theKarakumappeared of MervI: Traditional in the winterof 1999. Researchprojectsconstitutea majorelementof the Institute'sexpenditureand it is encouragingto see them endeavours(normallythreeto five years),andsince developandcometo fruition.Theyarenecessarilylonger-term mostbeganin 1997/8,the resultsof the researchareonlyjust beginningto be published.We can look forwardto researchappearingin printoverthe nextfew years. seeingthe resultsof BIPS-sponsored In additionto the majorfundingcommitmentsto researchprojects,BIPS continuesto supportsmallerscale, individualresearchgrants.Fundingwas allocatedto a numberof scholarsworkingon diverseaspectsof Persian studies:LindsayAllen (U.C.L.)travellingto Russiaand Georgiato studyAchaemenidmaterialat the museums there;MatthewElliot(Fellowof theBritishSchoolatAnkara)completingworkon ItalianpolicytowardsIranin the 1920s and 1930s; SaaedHamid-Khani(Oxford)travellingto Iranto completeresearchon Rumi;Dr Laudan Nooshin(BrunelUniversity)travellingto Iranto completeresearchon Persianmusic.A grantwas also awardedto a team of researchersfrom Bradfordand Tehranuniversitiesand the IranianCulturalHeritageFoundationfor excavationsin thePlainof Tehran.Thesegrantsrepresentthebreadthandstrengthof Persianstudiesin the country, andwe hopethatwe will be ableto supportmoresuchventuresin the comingyears. The Institutehas also organisedand sponsoreda numberof conferencesin the past year. The thirdBIPS workshop was held at the University of Durham in April 2000, excellently organised by Drs Paul Luft and Ali Ansari. Papers were heard from grant recipients and project co-ordinators. Dr Stephanie Cronin organised a conference on "The Left in Iran:Historical and ComparativePerspectives"which was well attended and with an internationalpanel of speakers. In September2000, the Religion and Society in QajarIranproject markedthe end of its activity by holding a three-dayconference at the University of Bristol,jointly organisedwith the IranHeritage Foundation. Most of our grant recipients stay at the Institute in Gholhak, Tehran when on research trips. Following the refurbishmentof the hostel, and with work continuing in other parts of the building, the Instituteis a pleasant and comfortableplace to stay in. This is in no small measure due to the good work of Mr Houman Kordmahini. The Library is made available to visiting scholars, Iranian students and academics two days a week. Our Librarian,Mrs MahbanouAdle, is on hand to help readersand is in the process of convertingthe Librarycatalogue into computerisedform.

3

In April,MrPeterKnapton,Dr JohnCurtis,membersof BIPSCouncil,andDr VestaCurtisvisitedTehranand stayedat the Institute.On 18 AprilDr JohnCurtisgavethe firstBIPSlectureformanyyears,entitled"TheOrigins of AchaemenidArt",attendedby eightypeople.Thisis a mostencouragingdevelopmentfor the Instituteandone which was continuedin Septemberwith a lectureby ProfessorRobertHillenbrandon "TheFridayMosqueof Isfahan.A Masterpieceof IranianArchitecture". Mr Kordmahiniarrangedthe advertisingandpublicityfor both events. Ourthanksgo to Mr KordmahiniandMrsAdle for theirhardwork.Slowlybut surelyBIPS in Tehranis reestablishingitselfas an academiccentreandtheirwork,to a largeextent.has madeit possible. Finally,the Institutewouldliketo thankthe BritishAcademyforits on-goingfinancialsupport,theprovisionof office spaceandtechnicalassistancereceivedduringthe pastyear.Also, we thankthe ForeignandCommonwealth Office, who have continuedto provideadvice when needed, and in particularHis ExcellencyNick Browne, Ambassadorto Tehran.He has supportedBIPS in a numberof valuableways in the past year, in particular facilitatingIranianacademicsto visit the U.K. We also thankHis ExcellencyGholamrezaAnsari,who has performedsimilar duties for British academicsvisiting Iran. We look forwardto maintainingthese fruitful andexpandingthe workof the Institute,bothin Iranandin GreatBritain,in the future. relationships ROBERTHILLENBRAND Vice-President

ROBERTGLEAVE HonorarySecretary

4

OBITUARY DESMONDHARNEY 14 February 1929 - 10 December 2000 Desmond Hamey was a man of many parts. I first met him when we were assigned to study Persian together, in 1957, underProfessorLambtonat the School of Orientaland African Studies. We enjoyed working on a completely new language and culture,under Professor Lambton's eagle eye, Amir Heidari's enthusiastic encouragement and Roger Savory's clear instruction.Desmond came from a different stream in the Foreign Office from me and he was older, having worked for a period with ICI in the North East, after graduating from Durham with a first in Geology and Geography. During his national service with the R.A.F. he had travelledto Egypt and the subcontinent,and at Durham, where he had been Presidentof the Union, he was an active member of the ExplorationSociety. He had mapped glaciers in Iceland and recordedRoman remainsin Morocco. He was already quite a man of the world. I learnedthat he was the son of a LiberalM.P. (for South Shields) who had died soon after Desmond's birth in 1929, but I did not know that his father,born in Ireland,had lived in Australia from 1888 to 1903 where he had been a prominent Q.C. in Perth and a Senatorfor Melbourne in the First Federal Parliament.Nor that he had been a particular friend of Lloyd George. Desmond was one of these who could legitimately say, "My Fatherknew Lloyd George!"He was proud of his Australianroots, which he researched.He recently bought a small plot of land in Australia once owned by his father. Desmond had marriedJudy in 1954. She was a distant Irish relative of his father.When we all went out to the Tehran Embassy, Judy and Desmond and their lively daughters, Geraldine and Bridget, formed a very friendly family where it was a great pleasure for me, and others, to enjoy their hospitality.Richardarrivedat that time and I was honouredto be asked to be his godfather. During that first spell, when Desmond startedhis love affair with Iran,the Shah had been returnedto power but was proceeding carefully. In the relatively liberal climate Desmond met a wide spectrum of younger Iranians, including politicians, many of whom became lasting friends. He pursued his other interests by travelling. He followed in Freya Stark's footsteps with a mule trek to the remote Valley of the Assasins; he went on a tribal migrationwith the Bakhtiaris.Throughouthis careerhe would climb all the availablemountains,such as Damavand in Iran and Kilimanjaroin Tanzania,even an eruptingvolcano in the Rift Valley, often giving geology lesson to his companions in a howling gale on the way - sometimes just to Judy. On each occasion Desmond would take his camera. He was a brilliantphotographer,as some of us who received his Christmascards will remember.In fact he earned his pocket money throughouthis life by selling photographsof little visited places to commercial agencies. I hope that one day a book of his photographscan be published. After a tour at home Desmond was posted, in 1964, to Nairobi as First Secretaryin the High Commission, at a crucial and delicate period immediately after the independence. Under the inspired leadership of Malcolm

5

Macdonaldthepatternof thenew commonwealth in Africawas beingestablished.DesmondandJudy relationships werean attractive a lot.Theirenthusiasmfor youngcouplein a youngcountrywho keptopenhouseandentertained life was infectiousandtheymadeclose friendson bothsidesof the racialdivide.Muchof whatDesmonddidmay neverbe publiclyknown,but I am told thatit is difficultto overestimatethe importanceof the role he played,in supportof Macdonald,in contactswith PresidentKenyattaandpeoplelike CharlesNjonjoandTomMboyaand others,in bringingall sidestogetherat the birthof modemKenya.Sadlymanyof his friendslike Mboyaandlater othersin Iran,hadtheirlives cut shortby politicalevents.He receivedthe reward,unusualfora youngdiplomat,of a O.B.E.The family,of courseretainedtheiraffectionfor Kenya,whereGeraldineandRichardandtheirchildren now live, andwhereDesmondandJudylovedto visit. Afteranotherspell in London,Desmondwas sentback to Tehranin 1971 as FirstSecretaryin an important politicalliaisonrole,whenthe Shahwas at theheightof his power,runningeverythingbehindthe scenes.Desmond was ableto observethe Shah,includingthroughpersonalcontact,morecloselythanmanyothers.He didnotforesee the revolutionat thatstage,buthe knewthe Shah'sdefectsas well as his qualities,includingthe indecisionthatlay underthe proudexterior.Desmond'sexperience,balancedjudgementandhistoricalknowledgeof Iranianpolitics wereappreciated He hadworkedhardat Persianandbecameanaccomplishedspeaker, by successiveambassadors. at ease in that fine quite language. Then,at the age of 45, as his postingwas comingto an end in 1974,he took a boldjump,left the government serviceandjoinedMorganGrenfellas theirrepresentative in Iran.Thiswas mainlybecausehe andJudywantedto settledownforlongerin thecountrythattheyhadcometo knowandlove. He was recruitedby thedynamicMorgan Grenfellboss, SirJohnStevens,who diedsuddenlyjustbeforeDesmondturnedup forhis firstinterviewin London, butthe Bankhonouredthe commitmentandfor four-and-a-half yearsDesmondbecametheirmost successfulman on the spotin Tehran,usinghis top contactsjudiciously. It is oftenconsideredbadformfor a diplomatto retireandstayon in a countrywherehe served,but Desmond thetransitionsmoothlyand,typicallyof him,kepton goodtermswitheveryone.Thiswasparticularly accomplished truewhenhe was askedin addition,in 1976,to becomeChairman of the newly formedIrano-British Chamberof Commercein Tehran.He puta lot of energyintothis,helpedby CharlesAnsonandGeorgeMcBain,andit operated successfullyuntilthe revolution,bringingseniorIranianandBritishbusinessmentogether.It meantthatDesmond was a prominentfigurein Tehranin therun-upto therevolutionof 1979.In facthe brokehis leg skiingatthattime and used to hold courtto international journalistswith his leg in plaster,commentingknowledgeablyas events unfolded.Theyappreciated his help so muchthattheygave him a partinggift, a radio.Not a commonoccurrence! Desmond'sdiariesandreportsof thattimegave an unvarnished dayto dayaccountof one of the mostdramatic revolutionsin history.He toyedwiththe ideaof publicationformanyyears,but it was eventuallyIrajBagherzade of I.B. Tauriswho recognisedthatit was a uniquerecordby a well-informedobserver,andthe book,hardbackand the paperback, was publishedin 1998.It hada catchytitle ThePriestand theKing,an attractiveformat,andwas a compellingread.The familytold me thatthey will neverforgethow Desmondwhoopedwithjoy on seeingthe at Broadwater. Desmondwas prominenceof the firstgoodreview,readingit aloudoversherryin the conservatory also delightedthatan enterprising Iranianpublisheraskedhis permissionto producea Persianlanguageversion,no royaltiesof course.It appearedwiththe textvirtuallyunchanged,exceptfor a prefacepointingoutthathis was the accountof a Westernobserver.The book is now a contribution to history,whichis somethingthatwell-informed can sometimes achieve. diplomats In the bookDesmondhardlymentionedhis concernaboutJudyandBridget,who werewithhim, andonly got out of the country, with him, the day before Ayatollah Khomeini arrived, and everything erupted.Many of their possessions were lost. That was typical of Desmond's cool, and the sort of problem his family came to accept. Back in the U.K. Desmond worked for eight more years with MorganGrenfell,particularlyon Indianand Middle Easternprojects. It was a period of great expansion and profitabilityfor the bank. Desmond made himself useful to Bill MackworthYoung, Chief Executive, including promoting the city internationallythrough "BritishInvisibles"; he built up Morgan Grenfell's picture collection, and helped produce a history of the company. But in that competitive world he was not really at home, and other interestsbegan to take over. Those in the know continuedto seek his advice on Iran, in particular,he played a helpful role for several years in a team that advised Lambeth on

6

how best to deal with the kidnappingof TerryWaite.He was regularlyinvitedby the BBC PersianServiceto commentand takepartin panel discussions.His book reviewswere thoroughand illuminating.He enjoyedthe Garrick. His mainpreoccupation at thistimewas local governmentin London.He was electedchairmanof the Chelsea Conservative Association,andhadthreetermsas electedCouncillorforKensingtonandChelsea.Forsomeyearshe was Chairmanof the PlanningCommittee,which responsibilitieshe took seriously,and he endedwith a very successfulyearas Mayorof the Boroughwith all the ceremoniesthatpost entails.He was popularbecausehe was knownto workwell withall partiesandgroups.Desmondwas verymucha one-nationConservative andat the end of his life he becamecloselyinvolvedwiththe Conservation movementforEurope. In 1988Desmondhadbeenelectedto the Councilof the BritishInstituteof PersianStudies,andin 1995,to his that greatsatisfaction,he was invitedto takeoverfromMichaelRogersas President.It was anunusualappointment workedextremelywell. Underhis leadershipBIPS developeda good image and higherprofile,re-openingthe Libraryandactivitiesin the Institutebuildingin Tehranandenjoyinggood relationswith the BritishAcademyat home.Theacademiccommunityof thosein Britaininterestedin Persia'sgreathistoricalandculturalheritage,who hadbeendiscouragedovertheyearsby developmentsin Iran,includingvisa difficultiesandlackof funding,began to takenew heart.Desmondgot on well withIranianEmbassyofficials.His love for Iranwas clearlygenuineand his life. Desmondwas activeas head appreciated by allthemanyIranianswithwhomhe camein contactthroughout of BIPSrightup untilcruellystruckdownby his illnessearlyin 2000. Desmondwas both seriousand enthusiasticabouteverythinghe did, whetherit was his workor his hobbies, which latterlyincludedastronomy.But with all his responsibilitieshe was never stuffy,always approachable, to all. He inspiredtrustandgeneratedaffection.Therewas a largeand helpful,friendly,generousandwarmhearted variedattendanceat his MemorialServiceincludingmanyIranians,representatives of BIPS andothersconnected withIranianaffairs. Desmondcouldhavedonea lot withtenmoreyears,buthe achievedmuchin a richlydiverselife, forwhichwe mustall be grateful. NicholasBarrington

7

THE INTERNATIONALMERVPROJECT PRELIMINARYREPORTON THE NINTH YEAR (2000) K. Kurbansakhatov, St JohnSimpson,et al. By GeorginaHerrmann, London and Ashgabat

INTRODUCTION by Georgina Herrmann

Theyear2000 wastheninthseasonof work,andthe final year of the third, three-year collaboration (1998-2000), by the InternationalMerv Project, a Turkmen-British archaeologicalcollaboration,agreed between the National Institute for the History of of the Cabinetof Ministers,University Turkmenistan CollegeLondonandtheBritishMuseum.Itwas alsothe last seasonto be directedby the currentUK directors, GeorginaHerrmannand St John Simpson,who have retiredto concentrate on publishingtheirresults.A new collaborationhas been agreedbetween the Turkmen authorities andUniversityCollegeLondon(UCL):work directedby TimWilliamswill continueat Merv. We are,as always,deeplygratefulto our Turkmen colleagues,withoutwhosesupportandinterestit would be impossibleto operate.We would like to thankthe DeputyMinisterof Culture,G. Vasova,and Drs. M. Mamedovand Ruslan Muradovof the Ministryof Culture,with whom we have enjoyed collaborating. of a Theywereresponsibleformuchof theorganisation successful UNESCO Global highly StrategyMeeting, whichtook place in AshgabatandMervin May.This was the first opportunityfor scholars from all the CentralAsianStatesto meetsinceindependence, andit led to a fruitfuldiscussionof commonproblemsandthe of a list of suitablesitesto beginningof the preparation be proposedfornominationto the WorldHeritageList. Thelastthreedaysof the meetingwerespenttravelling to andvisitingthe city sitesof Merv,withtheparticular aimof seeingtheproblemsof conservation affectingso of Central Asia's many magnificent sites and monuments.Seeing the problem at first-handand recognisingthe efforts made on the groundby the Directorof the ArchaeologicalPark,RejebDzaparov, UNESCO'sdynamicrepresentative, JunkoTaniguchi, was able to apply for emergency funding from UNESCOto initiatea trainingprogrammeat Merv, scheduledto beginin January2001. 9

is a Like all the CentralAsianStates,Turkmenistan and it was young country, beset with problems, gratifyingthatthe Presidenthimselfwas the Patronof a conferencein Octoberorganisedby ProfessorV.M. Masson, 'The Cultural Heritage of Turkmenistan (Remoteoriginsandpresentperspective)'.Duringthis occasion the Presidentmade ProfessorMasson an in recognitionof his HonoraryCitizenof Turkmenistan services to the archaeology of his country and proceededto set up a new Institutefor the Cultural History of Central Asia. Professor Masson was appointed to lead the international Academic Committee.Both the conferenceand the new Institute are welcome indicationsof the President'sinterestin richculturalheritage. Turkmenistan's of The conferencewas attendedby representatives the differentstates:six membersof the International Merv Projectattendedand presentedpaperson their work, PierreBrun, GeorginaHerrmann,Kakamurad Kurbansakhatov, Gabriele Puschnigg, Natasha SmirnovaandVladimirZavyalov.Wewereparticularly pleased that Professor Zamira Usmanova was in Ashgabatand that she was able to returnwith us to Merv.She beganwork at Mervunderthe directionof AcademicianM.E.Massonin the 1950sandcontinued workingthereuntilthe 1990s.She loves the site andis a fountof knowledgeandstories,livingarchaeology.It was a rarehonourto be able to walk overthe walls of Erk Kala with her, and we are delighted that publicationof some of her work will appearin Merv Excavation Report 1, A Late Sasanian House in Erk

Kala, edited by St J. Simpsonand scheduledto be completedin 2001. ThegreatM.E.Masson,the fatherof archaeologyin said thattherewas work at Merv for a Turkmenistan, lifetime this could accuratelybe emendedto many lifetimes,for Mervis a very largeand complexurban site. Fromthatperspectivenine years is a shorttime. However,duringthese nine years a mass of data of many types has been accumulated and requires processing, assimilating and publishing. We are

10

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

particularlygratefulto our Turkmencolleagues,who have made availableto us much unpublishedarchive materialon earlierworkat Mervby the YuTAKE.This has been copied and returned,and some will be in ourongoingseriesof publications. incorporated

Acknowledgments

Fundingfor thisninthfield seasonwas providedby grantsreceivedfromtheMaxvanBerchemFoundation, Museum Geneva,theBritishMuseum,theMetropolitan of Art, New York,and the CharlotteBonhamCarter Charitable Trust.Sincemanyaspectsof the projecthad to be concluded,an exceptionallylargeteam came to Merv,causingan overspendof ourbudget,which has hadto be coveredfromreserves.Thefocusnow moves on to post-excavation work and preparationfor publication.This is currentlybeing fundedby grants from the Arts and HumanitiesResearchBoard, the BritishInstituteof PersianStudies,theBritishAcademy and the Max van Berchem Foundation,and new areunderway. Wearedeeplyindebtedto all applications oursponsorsfortheirgeneroussupport. We shouldlike to thankLeicaGeosystemsfor their loanof threestate-of-the-art GPS System500 receivers and SKI-PROfree of charge,whichmadepossiblethe renewal of our topographicprogramme,stalled for someyears.Workin the fieldwas facilitatedby the loan of radios by the Museum of London Archaeology Service (MoLAS). Essentiallogistic supportfor this was providedby Marek complexpartof theprogramme Ziebart, School of Surveying, University of East London,who set up the equipmentfor our surveyor, Peter Dare, to collect as he travelled from New Brunswickto Merv. We are, as always, very gratefulto the Archaeological Park "AncientMerv"for permissionto use theirexcellentaccommodation. With the pressuresof thisbeingour(Herrmann's andSimpson's)finalseason, we necessarilyhad a large team and many visitors. Theseoverspilledfromourexpeditionhouseandhadto occupy the Park's offices, thus making the Park staff homeless. I should like to thankthe ParkDirector,Rejeb Dzaparov for his support, interest and enthusiasm throughthe years. Once again, he generously allowed us the services of his architect, Rejeb Akmedov, whose contributionto the Project has been of immense value.

His skill in planningis outstanding,and he is always cheerfulandenthusiastic. Of all ourmanyfriendsandcolleaguesat Merv,it is AkmohammedAnnaevto whom we owe the greatest debtof gratitude. Hisknowledgebothof thecity-sitesof Mervandof the monumentsin andaroundthe site and theoasisandthe countryis awesome:addto throughout this his understanding of local buildingmaterialsand techniques,of the local flora and fauna,and of local history.Two of ourprogrammescouldnot have taken placewithouthim. Firstandforemost,the Monuments no one else knew wherethe monuments programme: werelocated. Akmohammed loves beinga conjuror,likingto pull a rabbitoutof a hatandofferinga pleasantsurprise.So - at the end of our 1997 season he took us to the magnificentMausoleaof GeokGumbazin the desertto thenorth-westof theoasis;in 1998he produceda fourth of icehouse;andlastyear,he foundus the caravanserai ShaimKala to the east, while at the very end of this season,notonlydidhe findJensKr6gera cacheof superb stuccofromneartheMausoleum of SultanSanjar, nowin a privatecollection,buthe alsotoldus thatDandsnqin, the site of a significantbattle,hadnotbeendrownedby as was thought,butwas stillaboveground. thereservoir, it was too late- thatyear- to fit in a Unfortunately, visit- butit is a temptingprospect. We shouldlike warmlyto thankall our Turkmen friendsandcolleagues,archaeologists, membersof the wonderful our house team and all the workHakimlik, menwho enlivenourdays. The whole Project was and remains totally throughdependenton the dedicatedworkundertaken outthe yearby ourexceptionallyefficientTurkmencoKurbansakhatov. He solves every director,Kakamurad the essential from bureaucracyof any problem, expedition,to organisingthe house and its team, the workmen,the vehiclesand equipment,not to mention arrangingfor all our water to be lorriedup from Ashgabat- this yearsome 6,000 bottlesof tap water fromAshgabat,carefullyfilled by his son Serdar,for ourteaandcoffee,as well as 2,000bottlesof carbonated water.He andhis hospitablewife Sonyaprovideus with breakfastbeforedawnon arrivalandwaveus off at the endof the season.He solveseveryproblemwithcharm andcalm.Wepersonallyowe him an immensedebtof gratitude,andthankhim for his friendshipandsupport throughthe years.

THE INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE NINTH YEAR (2000)

11

Our aim, nine years ago, was the mappingand reassessment of ErkandGyaurKalaand archaeological the recordingof the standingmonuments(Herrmann, et al. 1993, 39). In 1995 we Masson,Kurbansakhatov extendedour area of interestto includeSultanKala, startingthe excavationof a smallpalatialstructurein ShahryarArkwith the aim of definingthe post-Seljuk occupationhistoryof the medievalcitadel(Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpsonet al. 1996, 4, 17-19). The Pierre Brun joined the team and, following year with Annaev, expanded our horizons yet working further,for he is a militaryhistorianand realisedthe offeredby exceptional,althoughdauntingopportunities the 12 km. circuitof the medievalwalls (Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpsonet al. 1997,20-22). In 2000 he beganworkon recordingthe post-medieval walls of AbdullahKhanKala.Thistypeof worktakesmaximum advantageof the unusualurbandevelopmentof Merv, for these walls have been left essentiallyunchanged sincetheirabandonment. in friable Althoughconstructed their sheer scale means that a vast of amount mudbrick, information hassurvived.Hisworkin thetwo citieswill revolutionise ourunderstanding of militaryfortifications overa periodof somefive hundredyears. Fromthe outset,VladimirZavyalovof the Institute of the Historyof MaterialCulture,St. Petersburg, had beenurgingthatwe cleanthe greatsectionthroughthe south-westcomer of the Seleucid-Sasanian walls of GyaurKala, MGK6. He had to be patient for our excavationof the Middle Sasanianresidentialarea, MGK5,had to approachcompletionbeforewe could initiate anotherprogramme.A short, 17 day trial excavation was undertaken in 1997 (Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpsonet al. 1998,64-67). In 1998 and 1999halfthe seasonwas spentworkingon MGK5 and the otherhalf on the walls (Herrmann,Kurbansakhatov,Simpsonet al. 1999 15-16; 2000, 12-14). Theexcavationof MGK5 was completedin 1999,and the trenchbackfilled,freeingus to concentrateon this outstandingseries of fortificationsfor the season -

While refiningthe historyof the long sequenceof of Mervwill perhapsremainthe most the fortifications resultof the nineyearsof the MervProject, spectacular the unusuallayoutof the city-sitesof Mervalso offers opportunitiesto recover somethingof the different urban layouts of the three cities. If our renewed in 2000, see below, undertaken programme topographic indeed proves to be successful, then it should be possibleto recordmuchof the urbanlayoutespecially of SultanKala, althoughagain this will need further workin the field. Much important new information has been recoveredon manydifferentaspectsof the archaeology, such as the ceramics,figurines,and metallurgicaland studies.Statisticalmethodsare employenvironmental ed for chronologicalandspatialanalysesandto deepen our understandingof site formationprocesses and residuality.Initial assessment of the ceramics and palaeo-economicdatahas yieldedfirstresultsandwill be continuedusing a varietyof differentapproaches. The largenumberof excavatedfigurineswill provide thebasisfora chronologicalandstylisticevaluationand will help to re-assessthe rich collectionof figurines found during the field seasons of the YuTAKE. Examinationof the furnacesite, MGK4, has already contributedsignificantlyto our knowledge of steel productionat Merv:Ann Feuerbachis continuingher studieson thisaspectof the Projectas partof herPh.D. Morethana thousandcoinshavebeenrecoveredby the Projectfromthe surfaceandfromourexcavations. We are indebted to AlexanderNikitin and Sergei Loginov,who cleaned and identifiedthe coins from 1992-95, and to NatashaSmirnova,who has not only attendedeveryseasonbutfrom1996-2000tookon the task of cleaningand identifyingthe pre-Islamiccoins. We cannotimaginewhatwe wouldhave donewithout her.Therangeof coins foundwithincontextsorphases providesgood evidencefor the probableperiodof use, althoughcarehasto be takenwhenthereis onlya single coin. We shouldlike to thankall ourteammembers,who havemadeworkatMewrpossiblethroughtheyears.We

work indeed continued to the last day. The results are spectacular, see below, and extend our history of fortifications,to over fifteen hundredyears. Zavyalov's contributionto the project through the nine years has been outstanding. No one could wish for a better archaeologist, Central Asian specialist and friend to form part of a team. We thank him warmly.

are particularly grateful to those members who have taken charge of an aspect of the project, such as Pierre Brun (medieval walls), GabrielePuschnigg (pre-Islamic ceramics), David Gilbert (Islamic ceramics), David Tuckerand Bettina Stoll-Tucker(surface artefactsurvey of Gyaur Kala), our environmentalists, Ian Smith, Sheila Boardman and Rowena Gale, our excellent

Aims and Objectives

12


illustrators, especiallyFaithPewtresswho has donated herholidayfor the last five yearsto be withus, andall the otherswho have given of theirtime and expertise, dedicateddiggersandotherspecialists. Finally to the Monumentsprogramme:this was who undertaken atthe insistenceof RobertHillenbrand, sawtheirconditionwhenin 1991he travelledroundthe Mervoasis with GalinaPugachenkova. Recordingthe buildingshas been a majorProjectcommitmentduring the nine years, involving detailedphotographyand planning.Field work was completedthis year, when Robert Hillenbrand,who kindly agreed to take on publicationof the mosquesand mausoleadespitehis many commitmentselsewhere,visited Merv for the thirdtime. The volumeon the traditional buildings(Herrmann it in and became evidentthatone 1999, 1999)appeared of the primarypurposesof the monumentsprogramme is difficultto achieve in such a publication.Only a selectionof the photographic archivecanbe published, not the completeset, andthe resultantselectionis not way.There alwaysarrangedin the most"user-friendly" are,of course,relativelyfew scholarsrequiringaccess to the completearchive,but, as the buildingsbecome better known, these numbers may increase. the full archiveis essentialformonitoring Furthermore, the buildingsandwill requireto be constantlyupdated. To store the archive in a single institutionrestricts access- to offercopiesof all photographs andplansto in Europe theTurkmen of Culture and archives Ministry and America is impracticable.However, modem technologymay providean answer:a selectionof the black and white photographsand colour slides is currentlybeing scanned and will be available on CDROM,or whateversystem replacesit, as well as being storedin the YorkArchaeologicalData Service. Scanningmay also be the best methodof storingthe monumental archive of plans, drawings and of the workof the YuTAKEat Mervfrom photographs the 1950s, some of which will be used in our whileotherswill be available forthcoming publications, for ongoingstudy. TheSeljuqstuccoesbelongto boththeexcavationand We wouldliketo thankDr. the monuments programme. Jens Kriger for documentingthe stuccoesfrom our excavation,as well as those from the Mausoleumof SultanSanjarandthoserevealedby clearinga roominthe will "Lunina house"(Figs.40-43). Thelatterinparticular reveala new chapterin Merv'sartisticheritage.

Publication

Two series are planned,one on the cities and the excavations,the otheron the standingbuildings.Three reportson thecitiesandexcavationswill be dedicatedto GyaurKala and will be editedby St John Simpson: these are Late Sasanian Remains in Erk Kala (2002), A Sasanian Residential Quarterin GyaurKala (2004) and Urban Development and Industry in Gyaur Kala (2005); and one will be dedicatedto The Mediaeval city

of SultanKala, editedby GeorginaHerrmann(2004). Two furthervolumes are planned on the standing

buildings, one covering the Monumentsof a Silk Road Oasis: Mosques and Shrines of Medieval Merv and the other dedicated to The Mausoleum of Sultan Sanjar at

Merv,bothby RobertHillenbrand. The 2000 Season

The season actually began in July 2000, when AnnaevandKurbanAgajanovdirected Akmohammad a smallandexperiencedteamof workmenfor45 days. They cleaned sections through the north wall of AbdullahKhanKala,the southwall of SultanKala,and the walls of the northernand southernsuburbsthus greatlyexpeditingworkon themediaevalfortifications. Themainteamarrivedin Mervon September3 andwas entitledto carryoutmulti-disciplinary investigationsof the city-sites of Ancient Merv until October25, by PermitNo. 0006 of September1, 2000, signedby the Deputy Minister of Culture of Turkmenistan,G. Vasova,andissuedto Dr.Kurbansakhatov. Thethreeexcavationprojectscontinuedworkbegun in previousseasons. 1. thewallsof GyaurKala,MGK6. 2. the palatialbuilding in the medieval citadel, Ark,MSK 1. Shahryar 3. thewallsof SultanKalaandAbdullahKhanKala. Excavationsin GyaurKalaand ShahryarArkwere directedby St John Simpson(BritishMuseum).The team workingon the GyaurKala walls consistedof VladimirZavyalov (Institutefor the History of Material Culture, St. Petersburg), Natasha Smimova (Pushkin Museum, Moscow), David Thomas, Andrew Ginns and Sofie Debruyne (University of Ghent, Belgium), while those working in Shahryar Ark included Barbara Cerasettiand Elena Leoni (University of Bologna) and Dan Hull (School of Oriental and African Studies,


London).Workmenwereemployedon bothsites,up to 15 fromthe Mervkolkhozon the GyaurKalawalls and 7 on MSK 1. Tractors werehiredto removedebrisatthe base of the Gyaur Kala walls and to help with backfillingatthe endof the season.Workon the Sultan Kala and AbdullahKhanKala walls was directedby PierreBrunand AkmohammadAnnaevwith Kurban Agajanovand8 workmen. In the house the pre-Islamic ceramics were processedby GabrielePuschnigg(UCL),while David Gilbert(UCL)recordedthe Islamicceramics.Natasha Smimova (Pushkin Museum) catalogued the preIslamiccoins foundin the 2000 season,in additionto studying those from previous seasons. Archaeobotanicalwork was undertakenduringthe final two weeksof the seasonby SheilaBoardman(Universityof Sheffield).FaithPewtress(MoLAS)drewthe ceramics andsmallfinds.PippaPearce(BritishMuseum)cleaned the coins and conservedthe small finds. Anamurad Orazov(Ministryof Culture)drew the stuccoes and David Gilbertundertookthe photographyof the finds. Kathy Judelson participated in a number of programmes,in additionto her invaluableliaisonand translation work. Teammembersvisitingfor shorterperiodsincluded ProfessorPeterDare (Universityof New Brunswick), who directedthe topographicprogramme;Professor Robert Hillenbrand(EdinburghUniversity),accompaniedby DavidGye andIainCheyne,who continued his workon themonumentsandfulfilledanambitionby and Dr. Jens visiting Dehistan-Mashhad-i-Misriyan; Islamische fiir (Museum Kunst, Berlin),who Kr6ger recordedthe stuccoes.The seasonwas broughtto an end by the visits of ProfessorJames Allan of the AshmoleanMuseum,Oxford,andDr.TimWilliamsof English Heritage. Professor Allan was particularly interestedin the steelfurnaceareaof the site,examined the Islamic ceramics and metalwork and visited monumentsin the northand south of the oasis. Dr. Williams was able to participatein the Ashgabat conference,meet the archaeologicalcommunity,visit the NationalMuseumandwalkoverthe site. Finally we were delighted to welcome H.E. the British Ambassador,FraserWilson, and his wife, Janet. We should like to thankhim warmly for all his interest and active supportover a range of problems during his years in Turkmenistan.We are extremely grateful to him for agreeing to be the Patron of our Fundraising Committee with Iain Cheyne and David Gye.

13

THETOPOGRAPHIC PROGRAMME by Peter Dare

A mappingprogrammeusing satelliteimageryand GlobalPositioningsystemshad been initiatedby the et al., 1994, Kurbansakhatov I.M.P.in 1993(Herrmann, 55-56) and continuedin 1995 and 1996 (Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov& Simpson 1996, 2-3, 20-22; & Simpson1997, 19-20). Kurbansakhatov Herrmann, this However, programme did not prove to be successful,perhapsbecausethe technologywas new andrelativelyuntried.Intheintervening years,therehas been considerableprogress with the resolution of availablesatelliteimageryimprovingfromthe 10 m. of SPOTimagesto the 1 m. resolutionof Ikonospanchromaticremotesensingdata. Thanksto the initiativeof MarekZiebart(then,the School of Surveying,the Universityof East London, now of UCL),it was decidedto resuscitatethisaspectof the projectandto commissionan Ikonosimageof the cities. Such an image requiresa network of high accuracycontrolpoints to enable it to be rectified. These points eitherneed to surviveindefinitelyor it Pointswere mustbe possibleforthemto be re-instated. also neededto enablethe excellentSovietoverlapping of GyaurKalaandSultanKala,takenin airphotographs and subsequentlydigitised to be rectified to 1977, detailed coverageof the cities. All necessary provide established were duringthe week of September points 24-29, using Leica GPS System 500 geodetic GPS receivers,lent by Leica Geosystems.The pointswere and drawnby Faith fully recordedphotographically Pewtress. Sincethereis no Ikonosarchiveimageof the Merv oasis, the image will be takenin March2001, a time selectedafterlocal consultationwhen cloud,haze and vegetation cover should be minimal. The rectified Ikonosimageshouldbe readyin April2001 andshould formthe base for mappingthe city sites accurately.It will be of fundamental importanceboth for the project to aid and for the Ministryof Cultureof Turkmenistan of thisUNESCOWorldHeritageSite. theirmanagement Four main tasks were accomplished: 1. Control for link to internationalnetwork 2. Control for futureIkonos imagery 3. Coordinationof points on existing aerial photography 4. Coordinationof points over the site for purposes such as the provision of reliable heights

14


surfaceobservation.The photographicrecordconsists of a Sovietnear-vertical airphotograph, takenin 1977 and suppliedby the Turkmenauthorities,and oblique IMPhelicopterviews of 1992and1993.In 1996Barrett and Doyle undertooka GPS survey of the citadel Simpson et al. 1997, (Herrmann,Kurbansakhatov, Additional information was gatheredduringthe 20-22). winter of 1999/2000, when walls of sub-surface buildingsformdarkerlines on the surface. However, when the GPS survey, the 1977 air photograph and the Annaev/Akmedovplan were Control for future Ikonos imagery required the scannedandoverlaidin August2000, it becameevident coordinationof points that it is anticipatedwould be that there were discrepanciesbetween the three: a with plans clearlyvisiblein the Ikonosimage.Althoughonly five limited programmeof "ground-truthing", points were needed, each point was doubledup to and photographsin hand,was undertakenby Gilbert, providea choiceof points. Akmedov,Judelsonand Herrmann,and the resulting Coordination of points on existing aerial photoplandrawnby Akmedov.Furtherworkwill be required four on each of 2000/2001 and to incorporatethe winter-planning graphsrequired points overlap. Coordination of points over the site for specific from the Ikonos corrections image beforethe revised purposes was carried out to fulfil the specific plancanbe published. The Mausoleumof SultanSanjaronce formedpart requirementsof individualarchaeologistsworkingon the site. Thus Temporary Bench Marks were of a largecomplexof religiousbuildings,set withina coordinatedto establishreliable heights, and points spaciouscourtyard,with a large minaretoutsidethe withinspecificdigs werealso coordinated. courtyardwalls to the north-eastin typical Central FutureWork:Preliminary coordination of all points Asian style. Again using the 1977 air photograph, was carried out on site using Leica commercial groundobservationsand measurements,Akhmedov, software.However,the final computationcannottake Herrmann andJudelsonplannedexcavatedstructures in placeuntilthe IGSdatais availableon the internet.The the vicinity of Sultan Sanjar,the outlines of the link of the local networkto the international network courtyard (240 m. square)andtheminaret:theplanwill will be computedusing the scientificGPS softwareof be published in Hillenbrand's forthcoming The theDepartment of GeodesyandGeomaticsEngineering Mausoleum of Sultan Sanjar at theUniversityof New Brunswick.Thelocalnetwork will then be recomputedusing Leica's commercial softwarebaseduponthe international FORTIFICATIONS THE SELEUCID-SASANIAN coordinatesof the earth in Kala anchors. Excavations 6, by Vladimir permanent Gyaur The international and St John coordinatesof the Ikonoscontrol Simpson Zavyalov points will be providedto Space Imagingwho will Excavations were resumed in this trench on providean orthorectified imageof the entireMervsite. This will thenformthe basemapfor the Mervproject. September5 and completed on October 18. The Theaerialphotography canbe usedto traceoutfeatures principalaimsof thisfinalseasonwereto: visibleon the photographs. 1. complete a section through the HellenisticSasaniandefences; Controls to link to the international network

requiredthe provisionof fourpermanentearthanchors outsidethe immediateareaof interestplus one close to the expedition house. To increase the chances of permanency, decoyearthanchorswereestablishednear the earthanchorsof actualinterest.Two of the points (on oppositesides of the network)had observations carriedoutovera six-hourperiodto improvethe linkto the international network.Thislinkwill be computedat a laterdatewhenthe requireddatais madeavailableon the internetby the International GPS Service(IGS).

A limitedprogramme ofground-truthing, by Georgina Herrmann Much of the original layout of the walled medieval citadel, Shahryar Ark, can be recovered from a combinationof aerialphotographsand surface and sub-

2. complete a plan of the adjacentcomer bastion; 3. link these two operationsby excavating in plan to confirm details of constructionand date. These aims were achieved, with some spectacular additionalfindings. These are outlinedbelow in orderof the constructionof the defences, commencing with the Hellenistic wall.

THE INTERNATIONAL

MERV PROJECT PRELIMINARY

First Wall: The base of this wall was reached, indicating a full height of 10.10 m. from the foot to the top of the plasteredcrenellationsdiscovered last season. The width of the wall at the bottom is 6 m., narrowing to 1.5 m. at the top. The lower part of the wall was constructedon a clayey foundation,on which was piled a linear mass of rubble encased by brickworkalong the outer face andpakhsa on the inner;above this, the wall was constructed of mudbrick (Fig. 1). At a height of 5.25 m. above the base of the wall, a wallwalk was constructed along the inner face of a row of vaulted east-facing chambers that opened onto the wallwalk. This wallwalk measured 0.90 m. across and was followed in plan for a length of 4 m. These vaults in turn

REPORT ON THE NINTH YEAR (2000)

15

supportedan upper wallwalk, reached last season; this measured 1.10 m. across and ran behind a high, plastered mudbrick crenellated breastwork standing to its original full height of 1.75 m. (Fig. 2). The date of this first wall is certainas it corresponds to that described by classical writers as being founded by Antiochus I (co-regent 293-281 BC). This form of multi-storey wall is known from Asia Minor, specifically Perge and Side, where they are built of stone (McNicoll 1997). This discovery at Merv is unique in two respects, firstly because it is constructed of mudbrickand secondly because it is the first occasion on which this form has been recognised in CentralAsia. It underlines the extent to which Hellenistic building

Fig. 1. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: view to the south of the excavated section through the city wall. The lower scale rests against the rubble core of the First Wall, the middle scale stands on the floor of the lower wallwalk with the second phase parapet and pakhsa infilling behind, and the upper scale stands on the floor of the upper wallwalk (first phase) of the First Wall.

Fig. 2. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: view to the west of the First Wall,showing the lower wallwalk vaulting with the second phase parapet wall and thirdphase infilling of the vaults, with the original crenellated breastwork and upper wallwalk above.

16

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

principles were adopted across the region, not only for civic works - as demonstratedat Ai Khanum- but also for military architecture. This wall was remodelled within the Hellenistic period. There are two phases of alteration,the first dated by a bronze coin of Diodotus II (250-230 BC) found buried deep within an infilling phase during which a thick platformwas addedto the innerface of the wall up to the level of the lower wallwalk. A low green plasteredparapetwall was also added along the outside of this wallwalk, which was itself replastered(Fig. 3). A considerable quantity of diagnostic pottery, including burnished greyware sherds, 'fishplate' rims and socalled 'Yaz III' types, was recovered from within these

STUDIES

contexts confirming a Hellenistic date for types that have been loosely attributed to the Achaemenid or Hellenistic periods: as such, this assemblage thus provides a benchmark for recognising and dating 3rd centurypotteryfrom survey or excavationin this region. During a subsequentphase, the lower wallwalk was abandoned and infilled, along with the chambers. The top of this infilling was plastered, creating a wider wallwalk, now 2.20 m. across, at the uppermostlevel. A large number of sundried clay slingshot - no longer needed by the defenders - were found deliberately incorporatedinto this plaster (Fig. 4). Second Wall:At a later date, most probably in the early Parthianperiod, the Hellenistic wall was finally

Fig. 3. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: view to the north-west of the First Wall,showing the phase one lower wallwalk vaulting, phase two parapet wall in front and unexcavated thirdphase filling of the vaults.

Fig. 4. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: deposit of sundried clay slingshot within the third phase plastering of the upper wallwalk of the First Wall.

THE INTERNATIONAL


replaced by a second, more solid and massive construction, 3 m. across. This was constructed of mudbrick on two pakhsa rises, subdivided by a course of mudbricksand set on a 1.30 m. high rubblebed (Fig. 1: right). The wall itself measuredat least 10.40 m. high but the top was later destroyed. It possibly relied on a single wide wallwalk behind a breastwork on the top and thereforemust originallyhave been at least 12 m. in height. This form of defensive wall is similarto that for the latest phase of the first wall, and is familiar from other Central Asian sites. Its builders gave it added strength by simultaneously infilling with brick the uppermostwallwalk of the FirstWall, thus giving a total width of up to 10.50 m. for the Second Wall. Many of


17

the bricks had deliberatemakers' marks executed with one or more fingers; one unique mudbrickwas incised with seven letters. Third Wall: The third wall was constructed immediately in front of the Second Wall and contained two or more superimposed galleries (Fig. 5). The full original height is unknown as it was cut by later construction.This wall was constructedon a high solid base of pakhsa with 14 courses of mudbrickat the top. The lower gallery measured2.30 m. across and 2.60 m. high and was roofed with a vault. The excavation proved that there was no direct access to the adjacent bastion from this level as there was an original crosswall blocking the end of the gallery at a distanceof 2.20

Fig. 5. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: general view to the southwest of the excavated section and corner bastion.

Fig. 6. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6.:view to the south of the upper part of the Third Wall. The lower scale stands on the original floor of the lower gallery beside an angled arrowslit and against the end-wall of the gallery, the middle scale stands on the original floor of the upper gallery and rests against a later Sasanian cross-wall with a doorway into the corner bastion behind.

18


m. fromthe excavatedsection(Fig. 6). At a distanceof 0.90 m. from this cross-wallwas a tall, rectangular, taperedarrow-slit,measuringat least0.80 m. high and 0.30m. acrosssplayingoutwards to 0.38m.,angleddownwardsupto 30 degreesto commanda postemthroughthe

situateddirectlyoppositea pairof archer'sslits(Fig.8). This wall is Parthianin date, and two coppercoins attributed to the 1st and2nd centuriesAD were found withinthebondingof thebrickwallof thelowergallery. At a laterdate,the lower gallerywas deliberately infilled with laminated sandy deposits containing proteichisma outside (Fig. 7). The upper gallery was wider than the lower gallery and had five angled occasional mudbricks(complete and fragmentary). arrowslitspreservedon the outer face (Fig. 8); a Duringtheprocessof refilling,thesecondaryremainsof doorway(Fig. 9) led fromthis galleryonto a plastered four human individuals, consisting of crania and wallwalk running along the rear of the wall and disarticulated long bones, were carefullyinterredand an presumablyaroundto entrance(or entrances)along partly nestled within or placed on mudbricks(Figs. the backof the bastionitself.Otherfeaturesincludeda endsof theboneshadclearlybeen 10-12). Thearticular smallplasterednicheon the interiorfaceof thisgallery, damagedin antiquity: thisresemblesa depositof human

Fig. 7. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: view to the west of the Third Wall. The horizontal scale rests on the original floor of the lower gallery beside an angled arrowslit that overlooks a postern in the contemporary Parthian proteichisma beyond, thefigure stands on a plastered external walkway next to this postern.

Fig. 8. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: view to the northfrom the bastion of the original floor of the upper gallery of the Third Wall,with the bays and arrowslits to the left and the niche and doorway to the right.

THE INTERNATIONAL



19

Fig. 9. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: view of the doorway leading from the upper gallery of the Third Wall onto a wallwalk behind.

Fig. 10. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: sectioned infilling of the lower gallery of the Third Wallwith a human cranium in situ at a height of Im above thefloor.

Fig. 11.

Fig. 12.

Figs. 11-12. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: details of disarticulated human remains belonging to Zoroastrian burials placed during Sasanian infilling of the lower gallery of the Third Wall.

20


and animallong bones discoveredlast year inside a bermconstructedin the samephaseagainstthe outside of the lower level arrowslitsof this thirdwall. These remainsrepresentZoroastrian burialpracticewhereby the excavatedremainsexposedto dogsandcarrionwere collectedandre-interredin a secludedplace.This is a rare discoveryof such practiceand recalls a similar Sasanian repository discovered at Shahr-i Qumis (Hansmanand Stronach1970).The uppermostpartof the deliberateinfilling of this gallery consisted of mudbricks. Theuppergallerycontinuedto be usedin thisphase before the slits were blockedwith the additionof an innerwall supportinga low vault.Thedoorto the inner wallwalkwas also blockedin this phaseby a second

wall supportingthe returnof this vault. The upper gallerynow functionedas a roomorpassageratherthan an archer'sgalleryand was characterised by a deeper sequenceof plasteredfloors,someburningon thewalls and sootingof the top of an archof a restrictednew doorwaythatled directlyintothe bastion(Fig. 6: top). The dateof thisphaseis presumablyearlySasanian. The infillingof thisgallerymarksthebeginningof a new phasedatedto the 4th centuryby findswithinthe infilling,namelyseveralcoins of ShapurII (309-379) and potterysimilarto MiddleSasanianmaterialfrom our completedexcavationsof part of a residential quarterin MGK5. The actualdefensivewall of this phase either ran above this former gallery or was constructedimmediatelyto the west (cf. Fig. 6: top

Fig. 13. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: general view of the excavated exteriorfacade of the corner bastion and the Batmanov cut through the walls on the left.

Fig. 14. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6: view to the west from the top of the bastion of the curving Third Wallproteichisma to the right and the line of Batmanov's irrigation ditch, part sectioned with two machine cuts, at the top.

THE INTERNATIONAL


right). In either case, unfortunately,the evidence has been destroyedby earlierexcavations and latercollapse. Greaterevidence for Sasanian defensive construction comes from excavations of the southernwall on the opposite junction of the comer bastion and the bastion itself. The plan of the original Seleucid bastion is uncertainbut certainlyby the time of the third(Parthian) wall this had a semi-circularexteriorplan (Fig. 13). The bastion has a similarly complex sequence of rebuildsto the adjacent walls and appears to have always had an open plastered wallwalk along the rear (interior) face. Two evaluationtrencheswere excavated by machine on section lines near the foot of the bastion. These revealed an infilled irrigation ditch that corresponds to that interpreted in earlier YuTAKE excavations as the


21

remains of a Parthianwater canal but which can now be reattributedto the cut made at the turnof the last century by the Russian water engineer Batmanov (Fig. 14). The corner bastion: A detailed plan of the bastion was completed after scrapingand articulatingthe multiphase brickwork. An unexpected find during this operationwas a late Hellenistic or early Parthianperiod fired clay column capital element that had apparently been discovered by chance nearby and redeposited on the summit by Soviet surveyors during their construction of a trigonometry survey point as the upturnedcapital lay directly above a concealed cement marker.This is a unique find for Merv as deposits of this period are buriedratherdeep across most of the site but it must once have belonged to an important2nd century

Fig. 15.

Fig. 16. Figs. 15-16. Merv Gyaur Kala, MGK6:. blocked (partially excavated) and unblocked slits and arrowslits and the sloping plastered glacis, with the top of the slits truncated by later reconstruction.

22


BC building,perhapslocated a short distanceaway historyandarchaeologyof GyaurKalafromHellenistic insidethe city walls. to EarlyIslamictimes. Excavationalongthe face of the bastionrevealeda full series of plasteredangled arrowslitsand narrow vertical slits - also plastered- thatmight have served THEPRE-ISLAMICPOTTERY as lightor ventilationloopholesfor the galleriesinside. by GabrielePuschnigg The absoluteelevationof the arrowslitsapproximately to theprojectedheightof theparapetortop MervProject Inthenineseasonsof theInternational corresponds level of the third(Parthian)wall, suggestingthatthis a substantialcorpusof potteryhas beenretrievedfrom may representthe top of a three-storeybastion,the mainly Sasanianoccupationlayers contributingnot lowerpartsof which were blockedand infilledduring only to the knowledgeof the utilitarianwares of this laterremodellings(Figs. 15-16). The exteriorface was period,but also to the understanding of site formation focused on two domestic with a Excavations mud largely regularlyplastered heavilychaff-tempered processes. Late Sasanian continued a of a house in Erk Kala as slopingsurfaceor areas:parts plaster,periodically in GyaurKala glacis thatwas used to drainwaterrun-offaway from (MEKl)anda MiddleSasanianstructure the baseof thebastion.Theregularconstruction of new (MGK5).The potterycollectedfromthese areaswas glacis surfaceswas markedby corresponding infilling counted,weighed and diagnosticswere recordedin with sand mixed with large lumps of naturalclay sherd families. Over the past four years the (tuyun)and occasionallargemudbrickfragments,the chronologicaland stylistic analysis of the ceramic size of which impliesthatthey were partof artificial materialwas undertaken in the courseof a Ph.D.thesis deposits.This is a significantpoint as it allows a re- using statisticalapproachesof assemblagecomparison interpretationof similar deposits interpreted as (Puschnigg2000). A groupof diagnosticceramictypes windblownor eroded layers that were recordedin was determinedforeachperiod. earliersectionsexcavatedby YuTAKEteamsthrough The Middle Sasanianpotteryis characterisedby the walls of ErkKalaandGyaurKala. distinctvessel shapesincludingfine burnishedjuglets, Finally,duringthisseasonsectionswerecutthrough medium sized bowls with waisted body profile, part of the south wall close to the junctionwith the amphora-shaped jarsandlargehandledbowlsknownas bastion. The equivalentfirst-thirdwalls are deeply tagaras(cf. Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpsonet al. the buried,yet theheavilyerodedremainsof a laterwall2000, Figs. 2-3). Despite stylistic differences the Sasanian was various found between the bastion. presumably shapes, they appearto be tied abutting This was followed by two phases of additional togetherby a commonsourceof inspiration in classical constructionon the inner face, in each case slightly ceramictypes (Puschnigg2000, 165f.).Manyof these from assemblages thickeningthe wall. The date of the last phase is shapeshaveanalogiesincontemporary Dalverzinuncertain,but may be Early Islamic as two glazed NorthernBactriaat sites suchas Kara-Tepe, sherds of this date were found in infilling deposits TepeorAkkurgan 2000, 136,141). (Puschnigg to the north of the Sasanian Late The construction. immediately potteryshapes,on the contrary,show defenceswere certainlyabandonedby the 8th or 9th a morehomogeneousstyle makingthe differentiation centuryas severalpotterykilns of this periodcan be between single vessel types sometimes difficult observedcuttingthe southwall close to the southgate (Puschnigg2000, 188). A range of hole-mouthjars of the city.Theabandonment of the five maincity gates represents a new diagnostic type (cf. Herrmann, of GyaurKala probablydates from the same period, Kurbansakhatov, Simpson et al. 1996, 13). Further afterwhich routesacrossthe site used 'hollow way' shapes include a double-handled jar known as the trackways running through deliberate breaches in the 'Merv vase' and new decorativetechniques,such as defences. stampedpelletsmountedon vessel shouldersorhandles The results of these excavations have exceeded et al. 1993, (cf. Herrmann,Masson,Kurbansakhatov expectations and added an important body of 52f.). No parallelsor immediategeographicallinksare noticeableforthisphase. knowledge on the history of Seleucid-Sasanian defences in Central Asia. Their publication will form One of the major problems encounteredin the of part chronologicalassessmentwas the contaminationof Merv Excavation Report III, focused on the

THE INTERNATIONAL


assemblages, which generally contained a large proportionof re-usedpottery.In the statisticalanalysis this residualpart of the materialdisplayeddistinct patternsfor each excavation,accordingto the different


23

sourcesof buildingmaterialusedwithinthesingleareas of the city. While residualshapes from MEK1 were dominatedby YazIII-typepotteryreflectingthe earliest occupationlevels at Erk Kala, re-used materialin MGK5 largelyconsistedof Late Hellenisticor Early Parthianvessel forms correspondingto the slightly younger date of the lower city (Puschnigg 2000, 110-13). From 1998 a wider rangeof ceramicmaterialhas been collectedfrom excavationson the city walls of Gyaur Kala (MGK6). Work in MGK6 covered the entire constructionalsequenceof the defensivewall. andadaptation The consecutivephasesof restructuring of the galleriesand wallwalksprovidesan excellent opportunityto study earlierpotteryalong with later already well-known ceramic types. Most of the archaeologicaldeposits,however,are secondary,such as mudbrick constructions and gallery infillings, bearing with them the problemsof residualityand mixed assemblagesalreadyencounteredin previous IMP excavations,such as MEK1 and MGK5 (cf. Herrmann, Masson, Kurbansakhatovet al. 1993, 52;

Simpsonet Puschniggin Herrmann,Kurbansakhatov, are al. 1999, 9). Earlierconstructionphases generally less affected,althougha certaindegreeof contamination cannotbe excluded. Pottery assemblages from MGK6 tend to be relatively small, which makes a preliminary examinationof the repertoiremore difficult. The following overviewwill focus on some of the larger contextsrepresenting majorstagesin the historyof the defensivewall. Deposits associated with the early phases of constructionincludedfoundationlayers, floor levels andbrickworkof the presumedHellenisticwall. These early contextsseem to be dominatedby a varietyof smallto mediumsized bowls open forms,particularly with carinatedor roundedwall profile.Context276, a foundationlayer, produceda number of complete profiles of shallow bowls with simple flat base and roundedlip (Fig. 17, 1-3). A large proportionof fragmentsof this vessel type display a red-white

Fig. 17. Pottery from the early phases of the defensive wall, MGK6: 1-3, bowl profiles from context 276; 4-6, bowls with bichrome surface. (1, 62436, 2, 62443, 3, 61883, 4, 61849, 5, 61287, 6, 61173).

bichrome effect on the surface, which derives from the stacked position in the kiln during firing and appearsto be diagnostic for the potteryof this phase (Fig. 17, 4-6). Sherds with bichrome surface formed part of the residualmaterialfound in the Middle Sasanianbuilding in MGK5 (Puschnigg in Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpson et al. 2000, 6). A small number of these

24


relationshipof the differentshapes present in the foundationlayersof the earlyphasesof the defensive wall. Some bowl fragmentsshow a verticalrippling belowthecarination (Fig.18,3), a detailnotdocumented bowlswhich forthe earlyandrelativelycrudecarinated seem still linked to the style of Yaz III/Achaemenid pottery.The fluted specimensfoundin MGK6 might whichcombinestraditional a laterdevelopment represent shapeswithnew decorativeschemes. Anotherceramictype consistsof severaldarkgrey, mediumsized bowl shapeswith shallowroundedor curvedbodyprofiles(Fig. 18,4-5). Darkgreywarehas been recognisedas diagnosticfor the laterHellenistic andEarlyParthianperiodin north-eastIran(Haerinck 1983, 190;Besenval1987,404f). No absolutedatecan be attributedto the darkgrey bowls from MGK6 at present. Few jar shapes are associated with the early constructionphases of the wall. These are mainly handledjars with simpleevertedrims or verticalrims with inset for a lid. Some of the jar rims are still reminiscentof the hookedYaz III-typeshapes.Their anddifferentfabriccolour,however, refinedappearance of the earlyshapescontinuedto be that some suggests producedandmodifiedintothe Hellenisticperiod. TheearlypotteryassemblagesfromMGK6provide a first glimpseat the diversityof ceramicmaterialat Merv.It is doubtful,whetherall the differentvessel types describedabove are contemporary,since the evidencegatheredso faris insufficientto arriveat final conclusions.Morematerialis requiredto establishthe 18. the the Fig. Potteryfrom earlyphases of relative chronologicalpositions of the single vessel defensive wall, MGK6:1-2, carinatedbowls;3, bowl withrippled typesandto pin downtheirabsolutedates. effectbelow the carination;4-5, darkgrey bowlshapes. Significantpotteryassemblageswere gainedfrom (1, 61847, 2, 60872, 3, carinatedwithrippledeffect,4, the infillings of galleries and walkways dated by 61853, 5, 61854). numismaticevidenceto the Sasanianperiod.Contexts of the Sasaniangallery (cf. above "uppergallery") bichromesherdsshow tracesof redpainton top of the produced numerous fragments of shapes well white/redrimpart,suggestingthatthe red-whitecolour documented from the Middle Sasanian domestic effect mightoriginallynot have been the final surface structurein MGK5,such as the plainjuglets, doublefinish.Moreevidenceis needed,though,to understand handledjars and large handledbowls (tagaras, cf. the use of this surfacetreatment. Kurbansakhatov, Herrmann, Simpsonet al. 2000, Figs. Fine carinatedbowls with straightor curvedrims 2-3). New forms could, however, be added to the form a steady part of early pottery assemblagesin established Middle Sasanian repertoire. Context 291 MGK6 (Fig. 18, 1-2). Straightrim forms generally contained the upper part of a fine jar shape with seemto occurearlyin the ceramicsequence,while the thickened rim and burnished surface (Fig. 19, 1). The more complicatedbowl profiles representa slightly form appears to be stylistically coherent with other laterstage.At the presentstageof research,however,it Sasanianshapes, such as the small juglets so popularin is impossible to clarify the exact chronological MGK5. Contexts from the infilling of the gallery (nos.


25

Fig. 19. 1-3. Potteryfrom the Sasaniangallery,MGK6:4-5, cookingwarefabrics E (no. 4) and C (no. 5). (1, 62079, 2, 60855, 3, 60842, 4, 61906, 5, 61398-401).

107 and 171)producedtwo fragmentsof straphandles with painteddecorationon eitherside (Fig. 19, 2-3). Paintedpotteryis rareat Mervso far,althoughfindsof smallpaintedfragmentssuggestthattherewas a wider rangeof paintedwarethanpreviouslyassumed.Thisis also supported by the tracesof redpaintfoundon some

of the early bowl shapes (see above). The circular ornamenton the handlesis paintedin blackink,which hasalsobeenusedforotherSasanianpaintedsherds(cf. Herrmann,Kurbansakhatov, Simpsonet al. 1996, P1. ornamental All the paintedfragmentsatMervhave IId). been found in later Sasaniancontexts(cf. Herrmann,

26


Kurbansakhatov et al. 1994,37; 1996,Pl. IId).Mostof the materialfromthe infillingof this Sasaniangallery, however,appearsto be MiddleSasanianin date. The handlefragmentsthemselvesaredifficultto assess,and again we might have to wait for furtherevidenceto solve the question about the beginning of painted potteryat Merv. Depositsexcavatedin theupperSasaniangalleryon the west side of the wall containeda slightlydifferent rangeof shapes.Jarrims fromthese latercontextsare identicalwith those excavatedin the Late Sasanian structure, MEKi, in Erk Kala (cf. Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpson et al. 1996, 13, Fig. 10, The hole-mouth jars from MEKi most 10-11). probablybelongto the later6thcentury. The infillings of many galleries and walkways includeda largeamountof storagejar fragments.One semi-completestoragevessel was foundin context64. Some of the storagejar fragmentsare decoratedwith simplecombedpatterns.Thistype of decorationmight be chronologicallysignificant,since it has only been noticed on storagejar fragmentsand on the semicompletespecimenof sucha jar fromthe late Sasanian structure in MEK1 (Herrmann,Kurbansakhatov, Simpson et al. 1996, 14, Fig. 11, 8). Storagejars excavated in MGK5, however, are generallyplain. Fragmentsof storagejars with decorationsimilarto those knownfromMEKI occurredin assemblagesof severaldifferentphasesin MGK6includingtheinfilling of a presumed Parthiangallery, which makes a chronologicalassessmentof this particulartype of decorationmore difficult.Equally it is possible that some patternswould have been different,but the fragmentspreservedin the archaeological depositsare too smallto showthese.Unfortunately mostproblematic assemblages are relatively small and contain few diagnostic shapes, which are partly residual. Any attribution basedon thisparticular chronological typeof storagejarhasto remaindoubtfulatpresent. Finally,MGK6potteryprovidednew evidencefor the studyof coarsewares at Merv.Threepetrographically different coarse ware fabrics have been

Contextsfromthe latestinfillingsof wall structures regularlycontainedEarlyIslamicplainwareandsome glazedfragmentsof EarlyIslamicandSeljuqdate. The pottery finds from the defensive wall have provided an importantinsight into the long-term developmentof everydayceramicsatMerv.Thisis only the variousdifferent a firststeptowardsunderstanding addressed to be in future research. Significant aspects assemblageshave been retrievedfromthe earliestand latestphasesof the wall. The Parthianperiodremains problematicfor the moment,but a detailedanalysisof the evidencemightchangethispicture.

documented.So farpossible functionalor chronological distinctions between these fabrics were unclear. The early assemblages only contained coarse ware fragments of fabric E, whereas Sasanian contexts contained fragments of fabric E, C and D, demonstrating a chronological sequence between E and the other two fabrics (Fig. 19, 4-5).

chancefindsfrom 1953-99. Therearefive new coin types, unknown before the publication of Merv numismatic materials.New coin types among the numismaticfinds demonstratetheirlocal mintingand circulation. The composition of the list of coin-finds from Merv is similar to the range from other Central Asian citysites, such as Takht-i Sangin and Ai Khanoum. The

THENUMISMATICEVIDENCE,1992-99 by Natasha Smirnova

The numismaticmaterialfrom Merv is rich and variedwith numerousfindsboth fromthe surfaceand TheI.M.P.alonehasdiscoveredmorethanone stratified. thousandcoins.In addition,thereareseveralthousands, includingsomehoards,in the numismaticdepositoryof the Instituteof History(formerlyYuTAKE). Studyof thecoinswas startedatthesametimeas the archaeologicalinvestigationof the city-sites. M.E. Massonwas the firstto attributethe coins, classifying some Parthiancoins of the Mervmint,as well as new types of Sasanian coins. In the 1980s V. Pilipko describeda latelocalgroupof Parthian coins,mainlyon thebasisof two largehoardsfromtheMervoasis.More recently,importantnumismaticevidencefor the study of the historyof Mervandits chronologywas provided by S. Loginovand A. Nikitin,who redatednumerous Sasaniancoinsandidentifiednewtypesof Sasanianand coins(LoginovandNikitin1993). Arab-Sasanian Archaeologicalinvestigationsin GyaurKala have theexistenceof Hellenistic confirmed levels,latercovered and Islamic structures.The by Parthian,Sasanian forthe discoveryof Hellenisticcoinsis vitallyimportant studyof theClassicalperiodin Merv'shistory.A totalof 26 Greek coins, mostly bronze specimensof small andas werefoundbothduringexcavations denominations,


27

presence in Merv of Seleucid and Graeco-Bactrian the Hellenisticrulersin this areaandmakesthe oasis a coinsconfirmsthepoliticalinfluenceandpossessionsof significantareafornumismaticresearch.

Coinsfrom 1999,provisionallyattributedbyNatashaSmirnova(+ addedin 2000) inv.no.

wt.

size

th.

Provenance

Note

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

4974 4968 10200 4997

1.84 2.85 0.75 1.29 3.13 3.69 2.09 2.86 2.56

12 18.5 16 17.5 15 19 13 16 14.5

3.5 3 2 3 4 2.5 4 3 5

Margiana Margiana ? Margiana? Margiana? II-IIIAD? Parthian? late? late?

+ + + + + + Mithridates II (123-87) +

10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.

9773 9793 13013 10221 9881 13011

1.02 1.16 3.14 2.04 1.34 2.95 3.13

10 10.5 16.5 16.5 16 18 15

2.5 2.5 4 4.5 3 2.5 4.5

+ + + + + Sasanian ShapurI + ShapurI + ShapurI + ShapurI Varahran II Kushanshah Ohrmazd

17 18 19 20 21

9971 9782 9759 9785 9794

3.69 2.17 3.64 3.44 3.52

19 15 17 15 16

2.5 3.5 4 3.5 4

MGK5,street? MGK5,1002 MGK5,1038 MGK5,904 wall Surface MSK1,301 MGK5,1071 MGK6,66, SG MGK,7DE.III, surface MGK6,162 MGK6,192 MGK/MSKsurf MGK5,1057-2 Merv MSKI, 301 MSK, 15GG surface MSK1,301 MGK6,40 MGK6,43 MGK6,40 MGK6,192

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

10202 9335 9770 9837 9748 10206

2.50 1.43 3.21 3.19 2.71 2.58

17.5 14 18 14.5 18.5 15

2 2 4 4 2 2.5

MGK5,1045 MGK,7FIIIsurf MGK6,68 MGK6,176 MGK5,1 MGK5,603

MervkingunderShapurI? 7. MervkingunderShapurI? 8. 9. Mervking? + Varahran 10. II 11. ShapurII + 12. 13. + 14.

4995 4998 10219 9832 4966 4973 4979 4984

0.88 1.22 2.23 1.55 1.95 1.31 1.56 0.45

17 17 18,5 15 20 18 6 15

4 3 3 3.5 2.5 3.5 2 1.5

MGK5,1023 MGK5,1036 MGK5,901 MGK6,108 MGK5,1002 MGKS,1003 MGK5,1004 MGK5,1019

Attribution Parthian VologasesIII(105-147) (Pilipko:V.2) ? (nearPilipko,gr.VI?) Rv?

9971 10259 9747

early? Sas? Margiana Margiana or Sh.II/5? Margiana Margiana? Margiana? Margiana? ? Ecbatana?

typeIX G6bl 1044-47

(Kavad?) type5? type 5 type 5 type 5?

28

Attribution +


inv.no. 4986

wt. 0.54

size 17

th. 1.5

of str.C

1/2

16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30.

4989 4990 10121 10200 10201 10205 10215 10218 10223 10249 10229 10252 10255 10256 10287

0.41 0.48 1.06 0.75 0.39 1.29 0.88 1.72 2.02 1.76 1.37 1.83 1.00 1 0.88 0.86

15 14.5 18 16 14.5 17 16 19.5 19.5 17 16 17 6 18.5 16.5

2 1 2 2 2 2 3 2 3 2.5 2 2.5-4 2-3 2 2

MGK5,1020 MGK5,1019 MGK5,1018 MGK5,1038 MGK5,1045 MGK5,1045-2 MGK5,1040 MGK5,1057 MGK5,1057-3 MGK5,1079 MGK5,1018 MGK5,1071 MGK5,1 MGK5,street MGK5,1088

9744 9745 9752

+ (orMervKing?) + KavadI

31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48.

13000

1.65 2.19 1.58 1.29 1.69 1.58 0.99 0.28 0.56 0.17 0.20 0.35 0.53 1.29 1.34 1.55 1.48 0.53

18 20.5 16 16 17.5 16 15-16 9 14x1.5 9.5 14 12.5 17 15 15.5 1.5 11.5

2.5 1.5 2 3 2 2 1.5 1.5 1.5 1 0.5 2 2 2 3 1.5 2 1.5

+ + + HusroI

49. 50. 51.

9786 9795 9774

0.65 0.47 0.60

12 10 12.5

2 1 1.5

MGK6,66, SG MGK6,126, SG MGK6,40 MGK5,1053 MGK5,1071 MGK6,40 MGK5,surface MGK6,192 MGK6,192 MGK6,192 MGK5,1045 MGK5,1003 MGK5,unstrat. MGK5,1045 MGK5,949 MGK5,1079 MGK4,surface MGK.15LII/IV surf. MGK6,40 MGK6,1 MGK6,102

? type5? type 5 type 5? type5 type4? ? type 5? type 5 type 3 type 3 type 5 type 5 Frag. type 3 ? coin type 5 type 5 type 5? type4 type 5? type 5?

VarahranIV? +

52. 53.

9938

0.23 1.35

10 16

1 2

MSK1, surface MGK, near S. Gate, surf.

Courtyard

9806 10217 9834

1.08 1.17 0.69

15.5 14 16

2 2 1

MGK6, 192 MGK5, 1057 MGK6, 192

Gsbl -1093 New? Gaibl?

+

+ ? + (orPeroz?) +

type 5 +

+ MervKing? ShapurIII + + + YazdgardI Peroz?

+ Sas.-Kush. Kushanshah 54. Varahran Sas. or Sas.-Kush.? 55. + Sas. or Sas.-Kush.? 56.

10228 9752 4967 9836 9808 9784 10210 4972 4992 10205 10207 10251

Provenance MGK5,streetS

Note type?

15.

coin

? Fragment Fragments Streetto S.

latetype? erased


Attribution LateSasanian

+ + Vasudevaimitation Sasanianunidentified Peroz?

+ Peroz? + + + + + + + + + + Islamic

Tekish Khorezmshahs, (1172-1200) + Fragmentof fils + Khorezmshah Tekish + ? + ? + ? + Abbasid? + lateIslamic + Abbasid? + lateIsl.? + lateIsl.?Merv? + Abbasid? + 5 coins frags or dissolved - nos. 4977, 9932, 10226, 10241, 10262

inv.no.

wt. 0.35 1.35

size 14 16

th. 1 2

59. 60.

9780 4983

0.48 1.20

10 15

1.5 2

Provenance MGK,7DE.III EarlySasanian House MGK6,192 MGK5,1017

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

4982 10247 4987 4996 4999 9766

0.62 1.18 0.72 1.05 0.20 1.32

13 16.5 15.5 18 14.5 16

2 3 2 4 2 3

MGK5,1015 MGK5,1114 MGK5,1020 MGK5,1023 MGK5,1018 MGK6,40

7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 14. 15. 16. 17.

4985 10224 10246 10216 10238 10211 9781 9796 13010 13001

0.78 1.04 2.35 1.20 0.79 1.14 0.93 1.10 0.53 0.43

17.5 14.5 21.5 17 14 18 15.5 17.5 9 11

4 2 3.5 2 3 5 2.5 1 3.5 1

MGK5,1020 MGK5,1072 MGK5 MGK5,1022 MGK5,1087 MGK5,1045 MGK6,40 MGK6,192 3 MGK8EIVsurf MGK,12KIIsurf

1. 2. 3. 4.

9960

13101

1.80 2.29 1.13 2.27

22 17.5 21 27.5

1 3 1.5 0.5

MSK1,301 MGK,7DE.III MGK,7DE.III MSK8

5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

13100 13012 11143 11162 9917 13014 13007 9756 11146 11153 13016

2.57 0.26 2.54 1.99 0.64 1,16 2.47 3.82 0.86 1.72 1.41

27 15 24.5 19.5 11.5 22.5 18 25 20 16 21

0.5 1 1 1 1 1 2.5 2.5 0.5 2 1.5

LittleKiz-kala MGK/MSK MSK1,530 MSK1,554 MSK1,429 MGK/MSKsurf MGK,6E/F?surf MGK6,38 MSK1,301 MSK1,456 Merv?surf

16. 17.

13002 13015

3.74 2.84

22.5 21.5

2 1.5

MGK 6E? surf MGK/MSK surf

57. 58.

Note Surface Surface

Fragment 12coin, erased

Fragm. Frag. Frag frags 2 frags Surface Surface

Surface Surface Late? Late? 3 frag. Erased 2 frag. Frag. Corrod. Corrod.

29

30


Coinsfound in the 2000 Season, provisionally attributedby Natasha Smirnova

Attribution Graeco-Bactrian Diodoti(250-235)

inv.no.

wt.

size

th.

Provenance

Note

1.

9322

2.59

15.5

2.5

DiodotusII?

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

9858 9864 9863 9907 9850 9890 9862

3.11 5.27 4.03 3.90 3.26 3.23 3.82

15.5 21 16.5 18 16 17.5 17

3.5 5 6 3 4 2 3

MGK6,274, in platform MGK6 MGK6,1 MGK6,1 MGK6,253 MGK6,1 MGK6,113 MGK6,1

9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24.

9905 9320 9331 9884 9852 9891 9866 11282 9321 9871 9867 9778 9877 9840 9842 9896

0.98 2.26 1.55 0.93 1.24 1.72 1.36 0.49 0.62 0.47 0.26 1.15 0.60 1.12 0.06 0.27

13.5 13 17 17.5 15.5 15 18.5 15 14.5 11x10 14 14 14 11.5 5 11.5

2 3 1.5 1 1.5 1.5 1.5 1 1.5 1.5 1 2.5 1 3 1 1.5

MGK6,belowwall MGK6,9 MGK6,291 MGK6,114 MGK6,1 MGK6,125 MGK6,1 MSK1,659 MGK6,266 MGK6,1 MGK6,1 MGK6,40 MGK6,1 MGK6,1 MGK6,1 MGK6,215

25. 26. 27. 28. 29.

9851 9848 9847 9351 9875

0.05 0.16 0.38 0.76 0.29

9 14.5 12.5

2 3 2.5

Islamic Abbasid? Abbasid?

MGK6,1 MGK6,1 MGK6,1 MGK6,249 MGK6,1

30. 31.

9881

1.23 2.16

19.5 19

1 1

?

32.

11195

1.98

24

1

MGK6,209 Surface(Lunina house) MSK1,N. Section

? ? ? ? ? Khorezmshahs? ? ? Late Islamic

33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41.

11217 1 11265 11269 11281 11280 11267 9336 9861

1.61 0.56 1.10 1.16 2.61 1.99 1.33 2 1.83 1.54 1

26 14.5 14 17.5 19 24.5 3.5 20 9.5

1 1 1.5 1.5 1 1 0.5 1 1

MSK1, 626 MSK tower T35 MSK1, 652 MSK1, 301 MSK1, 547? MSK1, 547? MSK1, 656 MGK, south. part MGK6, 1

Parthian

Sasanian ShapurI ShapurII

ShapurIII? YazdgardI Varahran IV Peroz ? KavadI HusroI?

Margiana Margiana Margiana Margiana Margiana Margiana Margiana

Type1 Type4? Type5 Type5? Type5 2 fragments Fragment 2 fragments ?2 coin ?

Sasanianunidentified fragment fragment Fragment Erased 2 fragments

2 fragments erased 12 coin

erased erased

THE INTERNATIONAL


THE PALATIAL RESIDENCE IN SHAHRYAR ARK EXCAVATIONSIN MSK1 by Dan Hull, Barbara Cerasetti and Elena Leoni

The objectivesfor the 2000 seasonwere twofold. The firstwas to clarifythe overallplanof the building, so as to set previous,as well as thisyear's,workwithin a broader spatial framework.The second was to complete investigationof the eastern half of the building,by excavatingthe pavedcourtyardbegun in room. 1999,as well as the easternmost The first objectivewas successful in defining a seriesof smallroomswithinthenorth-eastcomerof the


31

building,as well as confirmingthe presenceof two corridorsleadingfromthe courtyardareato the west. Thesedetailscontextualisewhathas been regarded,in previousseasons,as anessentiallycruciform,four-iwan layout,linkedby a centralcourtyardspace.A rangeof buildingtechniqueshas been highlightedas a resultof thiswork.Bothmudandfiredbricks,as well aspakhsa constructionhave been observed,and attemptshave beenmadeto ascertainwherethesetechniquesrepresent contributions to the originalplan of the building,and wherethey suggestlateralterationsto its layout.The complexityof combinedtechniques,oftenwithinsingle walls,hashighlighteda numberof areaswherephasing remainsambiguous.

Fig. 20. Merv Sultan Kala, MSKI: general view to the west across the Seljuqfired brickpaved courtyard with the west iwan beyond,flanked by access corridors.

Fig. 21. Merv Sultan Kala, MSKI: general view to the north of the north iwan, with the northfortification wall behind.

32

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

The second objective, that of completing excavation in the eastern part of the building, has in many ways confirmed conclusions reached as a result of work in 1999. This indicates a primaryphase associated with a fine series of stucco panels and a paved courtyard;the latter was later replaced by laid trampled surfaces but continued to serve as an external area in front of the iwans to the south,'west and north. The corresponding easternmost room lacked any evidence for stucco decoration although plain white plaster of similar type was used to cover the thresholds of this phase. In addition a number of features were found set into the primary floors within the space defined by a pair of substantialmudbrick piers, that presumably supported the roof. These included an areaof paving with a sunken

STUDIES

drain(similar in principle althoughdifferentin detail to that within the centre of the adjacentpaved courtyard), a series of hearths, a sunken bread oven and some storage provision that suggest a kitchen area set within a more open plan. The plan, plain decor and function of this area are differentto the other iwans and challenge use of the term iwan for this part of the building at this time. These featuresrepresentearly constructionsealed by later floors. This and other stratigraphicevidence will enable more reliable seriation of associated ceramics. The first-phasecourtyardwas composed of lozengeset, flat-laid fired bricks with a broad cruciformdesign pointing to a sunken drain at the centre (Figs. 20-21). This drain was a fine construction,with an octagonal

Fig. 22. Merv Sultan Kala, MSKI: octagonal star-shaped drainfilter in the centre of the Seljuq paved courtyard.

Fig. 23. Merv Sultan Kala, MSKI: crosswall and bench (partly excavated 1999) running across the east end of the building during the major secondary remodelling of the residence.


starmotifwitha doublebordersurrounding a hexagonal within which was a set circular drain cover and star, which bore a motif "filter", palmette (Fig.22). At a later stage,it appearsthatthe courtyardwas raisedafterits drainbecameblocked.Theseriesof surfaceslaiddown afterthisprovedfairlyrichin smallfinds,witha number of beads,as well as a hoardof threecopperalloycoins wrapped in textile: these will be important for thehistoryof thebuilding.Theraisingof understanding the courtyardlevel appearsto be in commonwith the raising of the steps and thresholdsleading into the rooms. surrounding At a laterdate the roomswere more substantially remodelled.The centralcourtyardarearemainedintact butradicalchangesweremadeto theuse andsize of the spaces in each of the surroundingrooms. This was associated with a major change in the decorative schemeof the building,with the old cut stuccobeing strippedoff the walls abovefloorlevel anda thincoat of whiteplasterappliedoverthe walls. As partof this remodelling,a series of mudbrickwalls and benches were insertedinto the iwans, thus subdividingwhat were once sizeable rooms. A series of regularly replacedfloor surfaces suggest a relativelylengthy periodof use althoughits exactdateremainsuncertain. The aforementionedeasternmostroom became three separatespaceswiththe provisionof benchesor 'work surfaces'anda storagebin (Fig.23). Followingthis phase,the presenceof animaldung and some structural of decaypointto an abandonment this partof the building,or perhapsthe buildingas a wholeas a placeof humanaccommodation. Thedriving andaccommodation of animalsin whatwas previously anurbanspaceimpliesa markeddeclinewithinthe area

33

more generally,as the ruinswithinthe formercitadel were simply recycled as convenientshelters. It is thatfollowingthisno furtheroccupationof unsurprising any significancehasbeen foundwithinMSK1. THEFORTIFICATIONS OF SULTANKALA by Pierre Brun and AkmohammedAnnaev

Theprogramme of recordingthemedievalfortifications,begunin 1996,was continuedin 2000. Workwas in threeexcavationareas: undertaken 1. The southwall, CurtainC12 (MSK16); 2. The northernsuburb,CurtainC34 and Tower T35 (MSK17);and 3. The southernsuburb,TowerT35 and Curtain C36 (MSK18). The preliminaryresultsare discussedbelow and are followedby a summaryof the resultsof the five years of study of the fortifications.The evolutionof the military architectureis outlined, together with an attemptto exploreits historicalbackground. The south wall, CurtainC12 (MSK16),was selected

for excavationbecauseof thepresenceof afaussebraie or second line of wall in an excellent state of preservation(Fig. 24): this is rarebecauseit is usually badlyweathered.The east side of thefausse braiehad collapsed,thusprovidinga naturalsection.Excavations were undertakenon both sides of CurtainC12. Inside to the city (AreaA), TrenchS1, 2 x 8 m., perpendicular of CurtainC12, was openedto obtainthe stratigraphy the firstwall.Theupperpartof the solidadditionalwall was removedto reveal its outer face and walkway. Outside the city (Area B), TrenchS2, 2 x 5.5 m.,

Fig. 24. Merv,SultanKala, exteriorof southfortificationwall, general view from right showingin the background to left: CurtainCII, TowerT12, CurtainC12 and TowerT13. The fausse braie can be seen in the foreground.


34

Fig. 25. Merv, Sultan Kala, MSK 16: Area A, interior of south fortification wall, Curtain C12, general view of the trench, the new upper part of the primary hollow wall and its walkway can be seen in the background; 2 m. scale.

MervMSK16,CitySouthwall C12 SecStiont:50 P Bruri- Septem ber •00

Curtain

,z

-

Fausse Brale 2 Fausse B&e 3 Suggesled

re

..

tcticm

..' .

I.

:

.-. ..4..Ie;:;8 .

.r

i.

1

~s?~

.

-

-

: Ir

.

-.

is

1:i1 -i i...

.

0

2- 1

2 S

:

3 m.. n,.

Fig. 26. Sultan Kala: MSK 16, the southfortification wall of the city, section of Curtain C12.

THE INTERNATIONAL



35

to CurtainC12, was excavatedto study perpendicular

withmudbricks,andthe platformon whichthe primary hollow wall was built was extended(32, 46, 39, 37), priorto the constructionof a solid additionalwall (1). and sectionswere made throughout.Ceramics,small The lastwas at least2 m. wide andwas erectedagainst findsandsamplesforarchaeobotanical analysisandfor the outerface of CurtainC12. A new fightingplatform acceleratordating(AMS) were collected.Bricksfrom with a crenellatedparapetwouldhavebeen builtat the the differentphasesof CurtainC12 weresystematically top of the widenedfortifications, the but,unfortunately, At it is the end of the the trenches were has not survived: not to determine sampled. possible ex'cavation, walkway back-filledand,as anemergencyconservation measure, the originalheightandwidthof thebattlements. the base of the fausse braie was buried to avoid the Latera secondline of defencewas createdby levellresults ing and extendingthe outerplatformor braie(47, 45, collapseof itsuniqueouterface.Thepreliminary 40, 29), on the edge of which at leastthreesuccessive presentedbelow focus on thefausse braie. Theevolutionof CurtainC12is similarto thatfound fausse braie were erected (Figs. 26 and 28). The first elsewhere:a primaryhollow wall was built on a plat- fausse braie (FB1) had apakhsa base (18, 13), 1.65 m. formandwas latercut,its upperpartreplacedby a solid highand2.70 m. wide,whichwasusedforthewalkway wall with fake slits and arrow-slits(Fig. 25). The top and its battlements,which were plastered(61). The piercedby arrowslits battlementswere made of mudbricks(26-29 x 6-7 fightingplatformhadbattlements (Fig.28), whichweresubsequently damagedandbadly cm.), bonded with strongly compactedclay. They repaired(Fig. 26). Fakeslitsandarrowslitswere filled survivedto a height of 80 cm. but originallywere

the stratigraphyofthefausse braie. The outerface of the fausse braie was cleaned to reveal its decoration.Plans

Fig. 27. Merv, Sultan Kala, MSK16: Area B, exterior ofsouth fortification wall, Curtain 12, section of second line offortification showing the three successive fausse braie; 2 m. scale.

Fig. 28. Merv, Sultan Kala, MSKJ6: Area B, exterior ofsouth fortification wall, Curtain 12, new upper part of the primary hollow wall with arrow-slits and slits revealed; 1 m. scale.

36

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

Fig. 29. Merv, Sultan Kala: exterior of northern suburbfortification wall, general view with tower in the foreground.

Fig. 30. Merv, Sultan Kala: exterior of southern suburbfortification wall, general view of a curtain and a tower showing their pakhsa masonry; 2 m. scale.

probably1.70-2.0 m. high in orderto shielda soldier standingon thewalkway:theyhadbeencutto allowthe constructionof the secondfaussebraie(FB2). Mudbricks(62) andpakhsa(63) wereusedto build a higherfloorfortheplasteredfightingplatformof FB2 (64). Thebattlementsof the walkwaywereconstructed withpakhsa(65) andmudbricks,23-29 x 5-7 cm. (66) and were preservedto a height of 1 m. They were piercedby arrow-slits,20-25 cm. wide,betweenwhich could be seen part of the geometricdecorationusing salientmudbricks(Fig.28). The braie was finally levelled with strongly compactedrubbleand brokenbricks(11, 15) for the erection of a widened fausse braie (FB3). FB3 was

constructedby buildingbehindFB2 a facingwall (7) with mudbricks(26-27 x 6 cm.), the space between them being filled with rubble,bricks and blocks of pakhsa (5). A walkway with battlements would have

beenbuilton top of the widenedfaussebraiebut does not survive. FB3 was the last major work on the fortificationsvisible in excavation,and the walls were subsequentlyabandoned(2, 6). The Suburbs (MSKJ7 and MSK18). The fortificat-

ions of the maincity are approximately squarein plan (2 x 1.8km.).Additionalwalls,eachwitha centralgate, defendedthe northernand southernsuburbs(Fig. 29). Their state of preservationvaries dependingon their relativepositionto the windandrainblowingfromthe


north-east.The walls have also been damagedby their use as graveyards, sincetheyareconvenientlysitednear the mausoleaof YusufHamadani(easternpartof the northernsuburb)andthetwo askhab(theTimuridiwans inside the southernsuburb).Furthermore, the walls were cut to allow irrigationchannelsinto the suburbs, which were used for agricultureduring the Soviet period.Finally,the southernwall is partlycoveredby thick vegetation. Overall, the fortificationsof the than northernsuburbarein a betterstateof preservation thoseof its southerncounterpart. Thecutsfortheirrigationchannelsservedas natural sections.Twowere selectedwhichoffereda sectionof curtainon one side and tower on the other.The cut betweenCurtainC34 and TowerT35 (MSK17)in the northernsuburband that between Tower T35 and CurtainC36 (MSK18)in the southernsuburbareboth sitednearthe gates.Thesesectionshaddrawbacks. The bulldozing had partly destroyed their original stratigraphy,while the canal had destroyed the in frontof the walls wherethe moatmight stratigraphy have been. After their abandonment,wind-blown materialand collapsed wall had filled in the cuts,

However,our excavations creatinga new stratigraphy. were dug below the bulldozed level, to reveal the whichwas usually remainsof the originalstratigraphy, limitedto the platformon whichthe wall was builtand to naturallayers.In MSK17,one trench,11.70x 1 m., to TowerT35 (Fig. 31) and in was set perpendicular MSK18, one trench, 12.30 x 1.50 m., was set

to CurtainC36. The methodologywas perpendicular similarto thatused forMSK16. Excavationsrevealedthe presenceof solid walls withsimilarfeaturesforbothsuburbsandconfirmedthe results of sections in the northernsuburbmade by Turgunov(1961). The fortificationswere built on a platformof compactedclay 1.30-1.40 m. high andare preservedto a heightof 5 m. abovethe platform.They were solid and were exclusively built with pakhsa blocks(50 cm.to 70 cm.high)withinclusionsof bitsof firedbricksand sherds(Figs. 30 and 33). They were defendedwith towersspaced28 m. apartandpossibly protectedby a moat.Curtainswereat least5.50m. wide and towersprojected3 m. from the walls (Fig. 32). Therewas probablya walkwayon thetop.Accordingto the survey,access to the walkwaywould have been

Curtain

-

0--

C35

z

Tower T35

Trench

MervMSK17,NorthernSuburb Curtain C344Curtain 0

1

2 m. :3P

37

C34,TowerT35 and CurtainC35 Plan 1:50 Brun- September 2000

Fig. 31. Sultan Kala: MSK 17, the fortification wall of the northern suburb, plan of Curtain C34, Tower T35 and Curtain C35.

38

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

Fig. 32. Merv, Sultan Kala, MSK17: northern suburbfortification wall, Tower T35 and Curtain C36 in the background; 1 m. scale.

from L-shaped staircases,70 cm. wide and at least 4.40 m. long. No decorationor plasteringsurvived. The suburbanfortificationswere both probablybuilt at the same time and belong to the period when solid walls were in use to protectthe city againstsiege warfare. This was a time when Merv was sufficientlywealthy to afford such defences (the growth of extended suburbs indicates the wealth of the city at the time). Their constructioncould have taken place duringthe reign of Sanjar(490/1097-511/1157) when Merv was prosperous and needed strong walls against rival kingdoms with siege expertise. The detailed analysis of the ceramic assemblagesandthe radiocarbondatingof the mudbricks of the walls should help to confirmthis hypothesis.

Thefortifications of Sultan Kala (1996-2000) The I.M.P.programmefollowed importantpioneering researches undertakenby the YuTAKE under the direction of Professor Terkesh Khodjaniazov with the help of AkmohammedAnnaev. In the late 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s they excavated the two main gates of the city, the Firuz Gate and the Kushmeikhan Gate, as well as some sections of the walls (Khodzanijazov 1990 and 1991, Annaev 1993). The first two years of the I.M.P.programmewere concerned with surveying the standingwalls (Brun and Annaev in Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpson et al. 1997, 19-22; 1998, 67-72) and was followed by threeyears of excavation. A total of fifteen sections (Fig. 34) were

examined, sited in each wall of the city to try to solve questions of the history of construction (Brun and Annaev in Herrmann,Kurbansakhatov,Simpson et al. 1998, 67-72; 1999, 18-22; 2000, 21-28; and Brun and Annaev 1999, 36-45). The results have proved successful and provide the first detailed study of the fortificationsof a major Islamic city in CentralAsia in 11lth-13thcentury. The main phases of evolution are fairly clear and can be summarisedas follows. The first fortificationswere erected either on a clay platformmeasuring 12-17.5 m. in width and 1-3 m. in height, or on levelled buildings. The walls were 8-9 m. high and were constructedwith a slight batterto spreadthe weight of the fortifications. The base of curtains and towers was made of pakhsa blocks, above which was the gallery and chamberlevel. Galleries and chamberswere provided with arrow-slits pierced in their 70 cm. outer wall. Slits were also used for ventilation and light. The top fighting platformwith its battlements survives in some sections of the walls. The battlements were decorated and were pierced by arrow-slits situated between pillars. Towers were usually built 15-35 m. apart. They were mostly horseshoe-shapedand projected 4-5 m. from the wall. More powerful towers were used for the gates and the comers of the fortifications. The primary hollow fortifications were well built and elegant but were not strong enough to withstandan attack by artillery because they were too thin: they consisted of a single line of wall, 3 m. wide at gallery level, and weakened by the presence of galleries and


MervMSK17, NorthernSuburb Curtain C35 and Tower T35

-

Setion 200 P BrunSeptember :150..

Z.

Curtain 035

I

TowerT35

a35s Curanollapsed

Clay P.i .ffrm

i

~

NaturallWyars

s

2..

. . .....:~ . ..

....

...

..

Fig. 33. Sultan Kala: MSK 17, the fortification wall of the northern suburb, section of Tower T35.

Site plan of Sultan Kala Studyof the fortifications (1996-2000) NorthernSuburb ShahryarArk

Southern Suburb n

Canal

Maja. Current Road Network

0

1000

Fig. 34. Sultan Kala: sections excavated during the five years programme to study thefortifications of the city.

M.

39

40


chambers.Whenthe city of SultanKalawas attacked, its hollow walls were badly destroyed,as has been shown in some of our excavations.The extentof the destructionwas such thatit probablyled to the filling with mudbricksand rubbleof the galleries,chambers and arrow-slitsof the primaryhollow wall. The most damagedpartsof the fortificationswere rebuiltwith fakearrow-slitsunderthe walkway. From then on, the fortificationswere gradually strengthened,using exclusively solid construction. First,anadditionalsolidwallwas builtagainstthe outer face of the hollow fortifications, 2-2.6 m. thickfor the curtainsand 1.2-1.5 m. for the towers. The latest excavationsprovedthatthe fillingof the galleryandthe constructionof the additionalsolid wall were two separateeventsandwerenotpartof the samephase,as previouslythought.First,a new fightingplatformwith a crenellatedparapetwas certainlybuiltatthe topof the widenedfortifications buthasnot survived.Second,the were erectedwas platformon whichthe fortificat-ions levelled and extendedto allow the constructionof a secondaryline of defencesknownasfausse braie.This outerenceintewas erectedparallelto and below the mainrampartusingpakhsaandmudbricks.Thefausse braie was about 5 m. high and was providedwith battlementssimilarto the crenell-atedwalkwayof the first fortifications.Finally,the braie was levelled and thefausse braiewas repairedandwidenedtwice.These werethe lastmajorworkspriorto the abandonment of the fortifications. During this long period of the northernand southernsuburbswere strengthening, enclosed by a solid wall at least 5.50 m. thick, exclusivelybuiltwithpakhsablocks,andwereprobably protectedby a moat.Towerswerespaced28 m. apart. By this time, the fortificationsof SultanKalawere very differentfromthe primaryhollowwall. The main defensiveline hadbeenwidened,heightenedandmade solid. A secondaryline of defence would have been providedby the powerfulfausse braie anda thirdline by the walls of the suburbs.The fortificationswere adaptedto siege warfare,probablywith top fighting platforms wide enough to use catapults against assailants. That may have been why the Mongols were cautious when attacking Sultan Kala in 1221. Juvayni (1958, 160) related that they studied the walls for six days before trying unsuccessfully to capturethe city. The excavations have also provided important ceramic assemblages crucial for dating the fortificat-

ions. These assemblageshave provedto be useful in closing the gap between the pottery of MGK4 (a 9th-10thcenturycrucible-steelworkshop)and MSK1 Ark). (a 12th-13thcenturypalatialbuildingin Shahryar of the an potterysuggests lth-13th Preliminary study centurydate for the fortificationsand a 13th-14th centurydate for the domesticpost-occupationof the walls. No laterceramicscould be identified.Previous studiesatMerv(Lunina1962and1974)andSamarkand material. (Shishkina1979)haveprovidedcomparative The abandonmentof the fortificationsprobably occurredinthefirsthalfof the 13thcentury.TheMongol invasionof 618/1221wouldpresumably haveendedthe enjoyedby thecitysince periodof growthandprosperity the secondhalfof the 11thcentury.Duringthe invasion, the fortificationswere supposedlydestroyed(Juvayni 1997,162):however,theveracityof sourcesaboutMerv is the subject of debate. Excavationsof kilns by YuTAKEshowedthatbeforetheendof the 13thcentury, the industrialareasituatedin the westernsuburbwas shiftinginto the walled city, indicatingthatthe urban of SultanKalawasshrinking andthecitywasin territory decline. It is unlikely that any major phase of constructionoccurred after the Mongol invasion, althoughminorrepairscouldhavetakenplace. of the first Accordingto the ceramics,construction wall occurredduringthe 11thcentury.The mentionin sourcesof thedestruction by ArslanArghunof thewalls of Mervin 488/1095,if it relatesa trueevent,provides a usefulterminusantequemforthis construction. If the werein placebefore1095,theycouldhave fortifications beenerectedeitherby theGhaznavids, mastersof Merv from 389/999 to 428/1037, or by the Seljuqs who dominatedthe city from428/1037to 551/1157. Clues can be gleanedfromthe constructionof the fortifications.As mentionedabove,the "hollowwall" was neitherhigh nor wide enough to withstandan enemy with siege warfareexpertise.Two hypotheses mightexplainthe choiceof this typeof wall: 1. The fortificationswere built againstan enemy to protectthe lackingsuchexpertise,presumably city againstnomads. 2. Thefortifications werebuiltwhenMervfacedno directmilitarythreatfrom rival powers,either duringa periodof peaceor at a time of military expansionwhenrivalpowerswerekeptatbayor defeated.In this secondhypothesis,the fortificationswouldhavebeenpurelyprestigious.


41

Thesehypothesescan be testedagainstourknowledge of eventsduringthe GhaznavidandSeljuqperiods. At the end of the 10thcenturythe Samanidempire was divided between the Ghaznavids and the The frontierstayedthe samebetweenthe Qarakhanids. two kingdomsuntil the Seljuq conquestof Merv in 428/1037 despiteregularattemptsby the Qarakhanids to invadeKhurasan (Bosworth1968,7). TheGhaznavid conquestof theKhwarazmkingdomin 408/1017halted the ambitions of the Qarakhanids,although they remaineda threat.TheGhaznavidssoonfacedproblems from the TiArkmen, especiallythe Seljuqs,who were as employed mercenarytroops in regionalwars. In 417/1026 the Seljuqsmovedto Khurasanand formed the mainsourceof insecurityuntilthey conqueredthe region in 431/1040 (Bosworth1968, 19-20). These events show that GhaznavidMerv was always under threat,and we can, therefore,abandonthe second hypothesisof a wall beingbuiltforprestige.However, the first hypothesisthat the fortificationswere built againstnomads,i.e. the Seljuqs,could be true. The Ghaznavidarmywas too slow to matchtheirmobility, and the only protectionwouldhave been a wall since the nomadslackedsiege machinery. If walls were indeedbuilt againstthe Seljuqs,the measurewas insufficientto compensateforthe inability of theGhaznavidarmyto protectthe citiesof Khurasan, the lastof whichsurrendered to the Seljuqsin 428/1037. The GhaznavidsabandonedKhurasanaftertheirdefeat atDandanqan in 431/1040,andtheprovincewasallotted to ChagriBeg (428/1037-451/1060),whoselectedMerv as his capital(Bosworth1968, 49). Duringhis reign Chagri Beg was constantly threatened by the Thestateof warbetweenthe dynastiesand Ghaznavids. theabsenceof anynomadicthreatmaketheconstruction of a wall at Mervunlikelyduringhis reign. Thesameconclusioncanbe drawnfromananalysis of the period following the death of Malik Shah in 485/1092.First(485/1092-498/1105),Berk-Yaruk and other members of the Seljuq family struggledfor controlof Khurasan. Afterthe civilwar,the easternpart was held by Sanjar,who was threatenedby his

North wall, Curtain C8 (AKKJ)

neighbours, the Qarakhanidsand the Khwarazmshahs. Since both had powerful armies with siege expertise, any wall built during this period would have had to be adaptedfor siege warfare. Between these periods, during the reigns of AlpArslan (455/1063-465/1073) and Malik Shah

During the Ilkhanid period, in the 13th-14th centuries, urban settlement slowly moved south. In the early 15th century, this process culminated in the building of the Timurid city of Merv, known today as Abdullah Khan Kala.

(465/1073-485/1092),Khurasanenjoyed a period of prosperity, with peace achieved with both the Ghaznavidsand the Qarakhanids.Seljuqpossessions were extendedby successful campaignsby the two sultans, and provinces were firmly controlled by Seljuq governors,limiting problemsfrom Turkmen nomads. As a precautionarymeasure, whenever possible, they were sent westwards raiding into Anatolia(Bosworth1968, 55). A wall againstnomads in Mervwas thereforeunnecessary.Onthe otherhand, the lack of direct militarythreatenjoyed by Merv duringthis period might have resultedin its Seljuq rulersbuildinga wall purelyforprestige.Royal Seljuq patronagewas commonduringthis periodespecially in Isfahan,capital of the Seljuq empire, where for instanceMalik-Shahbuilt a citadel (Bosworth1968, 85). It is almostcertainthat Merv,where the Seljuq sultans were buried, also benefited from royal patronage,andthe statementby HamdAllahMustaufi that Malik Shah built the fortificationsof Merv is possible(Mustaufi1919, 154). The detailedanalysisof the ceramicassemblages and the radiocarbondatingof the mudbricksused to build the fortificationsshould help to confirm the 11th-13thcenturydatingforthewallsanddecidewhich hypothesisis correct,eithera Ghaznavidwall against nomadsor a wall builtby Seljuqpatronage. that The 1996-2000 programmehas demonstrated the fortificationsof SultanKala are uniquein Central Asia. They combine a short chronologicaltimespan (1lth-13th century)withan exceptionalstateof preservation. Unfortunately,this heritageis threatenedby risingdampandsalinity.Theaimsforthenextyearsare to completethe studyof the fortifications by excavating work. the city gatesandto beginconservation OF THEFORTIFICATIONS ABDULLAHKHANKALA by Pierre Brun and AkmohammedAnnaev

42

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

Duringthe2000 seasona photographic surveyof the walls was undertaken,togetherwith cuttinga section throughthe northwall. The sectionof CurtainC8 has revealedthe existenceof two successivewalls(Fig.35). The firstwall was builton a clayplatform.Thebase of the curtainwas 1.30 m. high andwas madeof pakhsa. Mudbricks(25-27 x 5 cm.) andfiredbrickswereused for the upperpart'of the wall. The upperpartof the curtaincan be describedas an outerwall built against archesspacedevery 2.40-2.75 m. The walkwaywas builton topof the arches.Thesecondwallwas madeof mudbrickson an extendedplatform.On the same platformafausse braiewasbuiltandlaterstrengthened. The walls were abandonedand an importantdomestic phasetookplace,shownby thepresenceof tandursand fire places. This work has provided an important ceramicassemblage.

STUDIES

MEDIAEVALCERAMICS(1996-2000) by David Gilbert

Themainobjectivesof thisprogramme areto produce an accuratetypologicaland chronological sequencefor theplainwares,to datemorecloselyknownglazedware Thereare types,andto helpto dateexcavatedstructures. fourmainexcavations inmedievalMerv,whichprovidea broadchronological sequencefromthe 9th to the 18th centuries. Theseare: 1. The industrial areain GyaurKala,MGK4(mid9thto 10th); 2. Thecitywallsof SultanKala(11thto early13th); 3. TheresidencewithinShahriyar Ark,MSK1(12th to early14th); 4. ThecitywallsofAbdullahKhanKala,AKK1(late 14thto early18th). Knowledgeof the ceramicshas been augmentedby surfacecollectionwithinSultanKalaandGyaurKalaand from sites in the oasis (Gilbertin Herrmann, Kurbanet al. as well as sakhatov, 1999, Simpson 22), assemblages collected from small scale excavations(Gilbert in Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpsonet al. 1998,73-4). The industrialarea in Gyaur Kala, MGK4, is dated

fromthemid-9thto themid-10thcentury. Theassemblage containsmaterialassociatedwitha steelworkshopanda possiblenearbyresidence,which,it was hoped,would providean insightinto the differentceramicsused in industrial anddomesticcontexts.However,the contexts to be similar,themostnotabledifference appear beingthe occurrenceof plain ware ewers in the industrial whichmayindicateanindustrial useforsuch assemblage, vessels (see graphs).It is interestingto note thatjars increasein proportion to bowlformsinbothdomesticand industrial areas. Identifiableand datablesherds consist of locally producedEarlyIslamicslip-painted potteryin boththe and late This early phases(Fig. 36). style is relatedto Nishapurinanimatebuff ware(Wilkinson1973, 3) and appearsmainlyin bowl forms,but cupsandbottlesare alsoknown.Inthelatephaseslip-painted waressimilarto thosedatedto the 10thcenturyatNishapur(polychrome

Fig. 35. Merv,AbdullahKhanKala,AKKI:section of northfortificationwall, showingthefirst wall on the right and the solid additionalwall builtagainst it; 2 m. scale.

on white) and Samarkand(slip-paintedon a colouredslip) are present.The polychromeon white ware displaysfew colours duringthis period: red, brown and occasionally black.The colourof the slip is generallya fine tomatored, althoughblack is also employed. The decorativedesigns are paintedin white and black. These styles only appear on bowls (Fig 36).


43

Colour code to pottery drawings

L

i

black/brown

darkblue

orange/brown

turquoise

yellow

green

midblue

5/

--J

0

5 cm

Fig. 36. 9th-10th century Early Islamic slip-painted pottery from the early and late phases of MGK4: 1, no number, Nishapur Buff Ware,bowl base; 2, 45199, body sherd, bowl; 3, no number,Nishapur Buff Ware,bowl rim; 4, 45136, bowl rim, 5, 45526, bowl rim; 6, no number,Nishapur Buff Ware,bowl rim.


44

StreetFrontEarly

Work Shop Early p Bowlforms I IJarforms

I BowIforms [I Jarforms p Jugs

F1Ewers

mCookingw are H Others

Street FrontLate

I

Jugs

-r

Ewers

i•

Cooking ware

Others

WorkShopLate pIBowIforms I JarformsJar

A Bowl forms forms

SJugsJugs i]Ew ers

E Ewers

w are Cooking Iq n Others

MGK4:comparisonof the industrialand domesticcontextsin early and latephases.

a stratifiedcontext.It does,however,appearas surface finds in GyaurKala and couldbe as earlyas the late 10th century.This style of splashedware does not appear without sgraffiato, which was common at Nishapur(Wilkinson1973,55). Otherstyles similarto Nishapurmaterialalso firstappearin theseexcavations. Blackon whitewares,anda widerrangeof coloursfor The city walls of Sultan Kala: The city, suburb and citadel walls of Sultan Kala have been sectioned the polychromeon white wares (brightgreen, olive systematicallyand have produceda valuableceramic greenandyellow). The suggesteddaterangefor these assemblage.This season'sexcavationsproduced1025 stylesis late 10th-12th(Fig. 37). The wall excavationshave also recoveredmaterial diagnosticsherdsfromfive sections.Due to the nature whichhavebeen fromstructures belowthe foundations, of the depositsit is likelythatonly residualmaterialis present in each phase. Nevertheless each phase preliminarilydatedto the 10th-11thcenturies,while abuttingthewallshavebeendatedto the producesnew materialandceramictypes.It is therefore laterstructures 13th-14thcenturies:they are thoughtto be low-status possibleto developa detailedchronologicalsequenceof residences. ceramicsfromthe 11thto the early13thcentury. The residence within Shahryar Ark, MSKI: This The most commonstyle of ceramicfoundwithin ware wall contextsis a colour-splashed sgraffiato (Fig. yearthe excavationsrecoveredmorethan5000 sherds, are 3 and the colours used 37, 4). Generally, yellow and including916 diagnosticpieces. Until this seasonthe greenovera whiteslip.Althoughit is similarto certain residencewas consideredto be a Seljuqbuilding,later Nishapurstyles, it is thoughtto be llth-12th century. re-usedin levels well abovethe primarydeposits.The Thewall sectionsarethe firstto producethismaterialin turquoiseand black bowls discoveredon secondary Materialfromthe post-abandonment phasesof this site dateto the 11thcentury,andwith surfacematerial may help to bridge the chronologicalgap between materialfrom MGK4 and that from the SultanKala walls. The ongoing analysisof wares from this site shouldenableresidualsherdsto be identified.


45

Fig. 37. 11th-12th century pottery from MSKfortifications (1-4), 13th centurypottery from MSK1 (5, 7); 15th-18th century pottery from Abdulla Khan Kala fortifications (6). 1, 45985, slip-painted base; 2, 45984, slip-painted base; 3, 45544, sgraffiato rim; 4, 45990, sgraffiato base; 5, 49315, green glazedjar rim; 6, 70239, blue and black glazed bowl rim; 7, 49350, incised sherd.

floor levels in 1998 and 1999 (Gilbertin Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpsonet al. 1999, 17-18; 2000, 16-20) were consideredto be indicativeof this. This season's results confirmedthe reuse of the Seljuq structure.However,Mongol/Ilkhanidpottery,in the formof brownandyellow glazedjugs similarto those believed to be residualin the primaryconstruction deposits of AbdullahKhan Kala, were recoveredin depositsabove the courtyard.Thesejug styles do not appearin the excavationsof the fortifications.They be laterin datethanthe 12thto the must,presumably,

early 13th century.A jar with a new shade of green glazewas foundwiththesejugs. Also discoveredduringthe courseof this season's excavationshas been an imitationceladonbowl, in whitewithexternalflutingandbluedotsaroundtherim edge (Fig.38, 2); also a fragmentof a thickstonepaste bowl, with a thick cobalt glaze and yellowish lustre (Fig. 38, 6). The presenceof the jugs, togetherwith the Yuan dynasty celadon sherd recovered last season from primarydepositsin the northernsectorof thecourtyard,

46


Fig. 38. 13thcenturyceramicsfrom MSK1(1-4, 6); 15th-18thcenturypotteryfromAbdullaKhanKalafortifications(5, 7). 1, 49348/49320/49328,yellow-brownglazedjug; 2, 48013, imitationceladonbowlrim; 3, 49316, celadonbase; 4, 47890, slip-paintedbowl base; 5, 70241, blackand blueglazed bowl rim; 6, 47788, cobalt lustredish; 7, 70055, blue and whiterim.

suggeststhatthe entireceramicsequenceis laterthan previously thought (Gilbert in Herrmann,Kurbansakhatov,Simpson,et al. 2000, 16-20), leaving the ceramicsfromthe fortifications of SultanKalawalls as the only stratifiedSeljuqsequence. Only smallareasof the foundationsof MSK1have been sampled:no materiallaterthanthe Seljuqperiod has been identifiedwithin these layers. During the SeljuqperiodMSK1was an elite buildingandappears to havebeenkeptspotlesslyclean.However,its ceramic wealth is suggestedby finds of high statuspottery, recoveredas fragmented residualsherds.Theseinclude

celadon, lustre ware, gilded Minai ware and cobalt glaze. The city walls of Abdullah Khan Kala: these excavationshave providedthe first stratifiedTimurid and laterceramicassemblage.This consistedof over 1000 sherds,including430 diagnosticpieces.Material associated with the earliest phase of construction containsa significantproportionof ceramicsthoughtto be residualMongol/Ilkhanid, such as bowls decorated in a black slip under a transparentturquoiseglaze Kurbansakhatov, (Gilbertin Herrmann, Simpsonet al., 2000, 16-20). Thismaterialdoes not occurin the later


47

Fig.39. CeramicsfromAbdullaKhanKalafortificationsections: 1, 70114,blackand blueglazed; 2, 70341, blue and whitebowl rimwith brownedge; 3, 70412, incisedbody;4, 70220, incisedbody;5, 70223, incisedbody; 6, 70242, rimof dish, 18thcentury;7, 70228, blue and whitebase.

phases.New ceramictypes arein evidencethroughout new style allphasesof thedefences.Themostabundant of ceramicis blueandwhiteware(Figs.38, 5, 7; and39, 2, 7), common throughoutIran in the 15th-17th centuries(Allan1991).Thelatestphasecontainsa sherd froma dishsimilarto anexamplefromRishtandatedto the 18th century(Fig. 39, 6), in the Museum ffir Berlin(Kalter1997,332). V1lkerkunde,

THE STUCCOPROGRAMME by Jens Kr6ger

of One of my majorgoals was the documentation of Mausoleum of the decoration the Seljuqarchitectural SultanSanjar(12th century).The vaultedgallerieson the first floor are decoratedin two differentstucco techniques.The archivoltshave floralpatternsdeeply

48

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

Fig. 40.

Fig. 41. Figs. 40-42. Stucco panels from the galleries of the Mausoleum of Sultan Sanjar: Fig. 40. part of a panel from the northern gallery on the west side; Fig. 41. part of a panel from the eastern gallery on the south side, Fig. 42. detail of design from south side: note tracing lines.

Fig. 42.

THE INTERNATIONAL



49

Fig. 43. Stucco panelfrom a rectangular room in the 'Lunina house', sited near the Byash Barmak koshk.

cut intothe stucco,whereasall otherpartsof the vaults and walls were decoratedwith patternsin a brickrelatedstyle(Figs.40 and41). Althoughthispartof the buildingwas almost ruinedby the end of the 19th century,remainsof the stuccodecorationstillsurvivein someof the gallerieson thenorth,west andsouthsides. The buildingwas briefly describedby Academician Zhukovsky (1894, 107-8) and was studied and photographed, togetherwith the remainsof the stucco decoration,by ErnstCohn-Wienerin 1924-5 (1925, 114-22). Sincethattimethe stuccoeshavedeteriorated considerably. We therefore decided to trace the ornamentalpatternsof the gallerieswith the aim of documentingtheirpresentstate.This difficulttaskwas skilfullyundertaken by AnamuradOrazov. Workin the galleriesmade it possibleto see that differentartistshad cut the designs deeply into the stucco(Figs. 40-42). Contraryto earlierobservations, the decorationconsists of stucco with a brownish coatingandnotof terracotta. Tracingsandmarksforthe executionof the patterncouldbe clearlyseen (Fig.42). Thepatternsof the archivoltson all existingsidesof the building show certaindifferences.Inscriptionshave only remainedon the southside and show bothKufic andNashkiscriptsin adjacentgalleries.This featureis typicalfor the 12thcenturyand is also to be seen on buildingsin Khurasan.Floralpatternsin the western galleriesdifferfromthose on the northand the south sides. Beside the archivoltpatterns,wall and vault panelscoveredwith brickrelatedstuccopatternswere used. As some of these areidentical,althoughthey are

fromdifferentsides of the building,thereis reasonto believe that one workshopwas delegatedto decorate this part of the building. It was also possible to recognise both types of stucco decorationon the westernfacadeof the building. In lookingfor types of stuccodecorationsimilarto thatof the SultanSanjarbuildingit becameobviousthat the closestlinksexist with the caravansarai andpalace of Ribat-i Sharafin Khurasan,as has alreadybeen noticed by B. O'Kane (EI2 VIII, 1995, 509). This

buildingsouthof Sarakhswas builtin the firsthalf of the 12thcenturyandthusreinforcesthe dateof Sanjar's mausoleum. TheMausoleumof SultanSanjarwasnotanisolated buildingbut was surroundedby differentgroupsof buildings.Thesewerepartlyexcavatedby bulldozersin 1989, when some highly importantstucco fragments from the different buildings were rescued by individuals:theseweremadeavailablefor studyduring my visit. The stuccofragmentsweresaidto come from eitherthehamamon the southorthemosqueonthe east of the Mausoleum.This informationproved to be valuable,as fragmentsof a Kufic inscriptionwere said to come from the mosque while fragmentsof two differentarchivoltsandof wallpanelsweresaidto come fromthehamamarea.Thestuccoeswereall of veryfine quality and provide a good idea of the range of decorationto be uncoveredfrombuildingswithinthe the Mausoleum. importantareasurrounding a of wall Fragments panel said to be from the hamamshow an intricategeometricdesignfilled with

50


half palmettesand pearls.Tracesof orangeshow that Visits to the monumentsof Muhammadibn Zayd, theseandotherstuccoeswerepainted,commoncolours TalkhatanBaba,HudayNazarand othersin the Merv becauseof the connections beingredandblue.Wallpanelswithidenticalgeometric oasisprovedto be important decoration.Thesemonumentsare designsandsimilarfillingswerere-excavatedthisyear of theirarchitectural from rooms within a largepalatial-likehouse, which linked by their use of identical or similar brick hadbeenexcavatedby S. B. Luninain 1967-69 (1980, decorationand by their connectionwith the main 59-70). The 'Luninahouse' is sited near the Byash monumentof theoasis,themausoleumof SultanSanjar. Barmakkoshkin the north-westof the city (Herrmann The brickdecorationof both ibn Zayd and Talkhatan roomand Baba uses identicalmotifs, and the buildingsshould 1999, 156).Thewallsof one largerectangular partof anotherroomwerecleared.The largeroomwas probablybe seenas havingbeendecoratedby oneteam, coveredwith the fineststuccodecorationof the Seljuq makingit possibleto dateTalkhatan Babaclose to ibn on all four sides. While the to its sides the showed period inscription,was built in Zayd,which, according long remainsof panelswiththegeometricdesign,two panels the firstquarterof the 12thcentury. flankingthe entrancehadcentralmedallionsfilledwith arabesques (Fig.43). Thesideoppositetheentrancewas decoratedwith a centralmulti-shaped THEMONUMENTSPROGRAMME panelwhichwas flankedby two panelswithdifferentarabesquedesigns. by RobertHillenbrand The centralpanel was of especiallyfine design and execution.Remainsof the colours,red,blueandyellow, RobertHillenbrand,David Gye and Iain Cheyne fromSeptember24 to October7, gave clear indicationsthat these panels were again visitedTurkmenistan coloured.The ornamental patternsof this roomopen a duringwhich time they were able to visit Dehistannew chapterin the grammarof Islamicornamentduring Mashad-iMisriyan(see separatereportby Gye and the Seljuq period and will make it possible to Hillenbrandin this volume) and Mekhne,as well as understandthe continuingdevelopmentof Islamic checkingdata for Monumentsof a Silk Road Oasis: ornamental patterns.Furthermore, theyprovethatMerv Mosquesand Shrinesof MediaevalMerv.Muchof this was takento lay withinthe mainstreamof the languageof Islamic bookhasbeendrafted,butthe opportunity ornament. checks. revisitthebuildingsandto makesupplementary The poorlypreservedremainsof a wall decoration Muchnew information cameto light. of brick-related stuccopatternwerefoundin a different A detaileddrawingof the Kufic inscriptionin the room of the house (Lunina1980, Fig.7). The designs mausoleumof Muhammadibn Zaid was checkedin were nearlyidenticalwith those in the galleriesof the situ. Theheightof the inscriptionis c. 55 cm. SultanSanjarbuildingandthosein theexcavatedhouse Evidencewasgatheredthatthemosqueof Talkhatan in ShahryarArk (MSKI: Herrmann,Kurbansakhatov, Baba had suffered earthquakedamage in medieval Simpsonet al. 1999, Pls. Vb and VI). A numberof times, as suggestedby the undulatingsurfacesof the smallfindsshowedthatsomeroomsin this housealso brickworkin places, by the differentlevels for guard hadextensiveandcolourfulwall paintings. bandsthatshouldhave maintainedconsistency,by the The conclusionsto be drawnare manifold.The massiverebuildingof two of the squinchesandby the of the centralentrancearch.At Khuday patternon one of the wall panelsfromthe hamamarea restructuring of SultanSanjaris identicalto a patternused in the Nazar Auliya, detailed examinationof the external Luninahouse with small variationsonly foundin the facadesrevealedthe likelihoodthattwo facadeswere palmettes. Thus, the same team of workmen builtwitha bakedbrickskin,whiletwo werelargelyof presumablyworkedin bothareas,employingthe same mudbrick. At KishmanEast the minaretwas recordedwith designs, indicatingthat no hierarchyof patternsexisted. whileat Kishman The galleries of Sultan Sanjar,the Luninahouse and the measureddrawingsandphotographs, excavated house in Shahryar Ark show similar or West both the mihraband the portalof the mosque weredefinitively closely related patterns in a brick-relatedstucco style, (formerlyidentifiedas a caravansarai) identified.A baked brick with moulded geometric and there seems little doubtthat all these buildings were ornamentwas discoveredat the nearbytepeby Dr.Jens decorated within a short period. A detailed study will provide furtherresults. Kriger.


Finally, much attention was devoted to the Mausoleum of Sanjar, from detailed engineering analyses of the workingsof the upperparts of the structureto a surveyof the widerlocal context,insofar as this cannow be recovered. An attemptwas made to establishthe variousperiods of the complicatedconstructionhistoryof the mausoleum at Mihna. Significant work was also done at Dehistan/Mashhad-i Misriyan. Among the structures visited were the five free-standingmausolea, the double circuitof walls with a markedintervallum,two minarets, one of themwith threeinscriptionbands,the mosquewith its glazed brick portal, a sister building to the mosquemadrasa at Zuzan, and interestingalso because of its raised sanctuary, a huge madrasa which provides intriguing links with the structure south-west of the mausoleum of Sanjar,and a caravansarai.But the most interestingmonumenthere was the shrineof Shir Kabir, which urgently requires a sensitive programme of restoration.Drawings for such a campaign had been preparedby a promising architectwho had sadly died young; they were shown to the team by Mr. Durdi Kurbanov,who showed exemplary commitmentto his duties as Director of the Archaeological Park (for example, he took the team on a tour of the remarkable local museumwhich he had builtup) and extendedopenhandedhospitalityto us.

51

konferencii,AkademijaNauk Turkmenistana,15-16, Mary. techniquesde Besenval,R. 1987."Quelquescaract6ristiques " la c6ramiqued'epoqueparthe TurengTepe (Iran)", MesopotamiaXXII,403-8. Bosworth,C.E.1968.Thepoliticalanddynastichistoryof the Iranianworld(AD 1000-1217),CHIV, 1-202, ed. J. A. Boyle, Cambridge. soorudjenija Brun,P. andAnnaev,A. 1999. "Oboronitelinye SrednevekogoMerva",KulturnyeTsenosti(1997-1998), Dom, 36-45. Evropijskij Cohn-Wiener,E. 1925. "Die Ruinender Seldschukenstadt von Merw und das MausoleumSultan Sandschars", JahrbuchderAsiatischenKunst2, 114-22. Haerinck,E. 1983.La ceramiqueen Iranpendantla periode parthe,Gent. Hansman,J. and Stronach,D. 1970. "A Sasanianrepositoryat Shahr-i Qumis",JRAS, 142-55, pls. I-IV.

Herrmann,G. 1999. Monumentsof Merv, Traditional Buildingsof theKarakum,London. K., et al. Herrmann,G., Masson, V.M., Kurbansakhatov, 1993."TheInternational MervProject:preliminary report on the firstseason(1992)",Iran31, 39-62. Herrmann,G., Kurbansakhatov,K., et al. 1994. "The InternationalMerv Project:preliminaryreporton the second season (1993)", Iran 32, 53-75. Herrmann, G., Kurbansakhatov,K. and Simpson, St J., et

al.1996. "The International Merv Project:preliminary season the fourth on (1995)",Iran34, 1-22. report Annotation

-

1997. "The InternationalMerv Project:preliminaryreport

on the fifthseason(1996)",Iran35, 1-33.

Furthercorrectionsto the volumeHerrmann1999, Monuments of Merv: Traditional Buildings of the

Karakum,arenotedbelow: ChapterFive, KharobaKoshuk:A referencewas omittedfrompage 104,line 6. OkadaY., "EarlyChristianarchitecture in the Iraqi south-western XII desert",Al-Rafidan (1991),p.79. Gazetteer,page 180, VI: KharobaKoshuk. The locationof this monumentis 15 km. northof Sultan Kala,justsouth(notnorth)of the KarakumCanal.

Bibliography

-

1998. "The InternationalMerv Project:preliminaryreport on the sixth season (1997)", Iran 36, 53-75.

-

1999."TheInternational MervProject:preliminary report

-

on the seventh season (1998)", Iran 37, 1-24. 2000. "The InternationalMerv Project:preliminaryreport

on the eighthseason(1999)",Iran38, 1-31. Juvayni, 'A.-M. 1958. History of the World-Conqueror, translatedby J.A. Boyle, Manchester.

Kalter,J. 1997. Ceramicsof the Eighteenthto Twentieth Heirs to the SilkRoad,332-36, Centuryin Uzbekistan: London. Khodzanijazov,T. 1990. "Raskopkiob'ektov seldzukskoj epokhiv StaromMerve",Mervv Drevneji srednevekovoj istorii vostokaI, Tezisydokladovnaucnojkonferencii,

Allan,J.W.1991.IslamicCeramics,Oxford. Annaev,A. 1993."Novyedannyeo fortifikaciisrednevekovoj istoriivostoka Merva",in Mervv Drevneji srednevekovoj i dokladov epoxa,Tezisy nautchnoj IV Merv seldjukskaja

15-18, AkademijaNauk Turkmenistana,Ashkabad.

1991. Otchet o rabote Sultan-Kalinskoj grupy XVIII NaukTurkmenistana, otrjadaJutakev 1991g. Akademija Ashkabad.

52

JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES

coinsof thethird Loginov,S. andNikitin,A. 1993."Sasanian from "Coins of Merv",225-41; century ShapurII from "Sasanian of coins the late 4th-7th Merv", 247-64; centuriesfromMerv",271-96; "Post-Sasanian coinsfrom XXVIII. Merv",313-16, Mesopotamia Lunina,S.B. 1962. "Goncharnoe proizbodstvov MerveXNachalaXIIIvv.",TrudyYuTAKE XI, 217-416. - 1974. "Istoricskaja topografijazapadnojchasti rabada Merva",TrudyYuTAKE srednevekovogo XV, 182-230. -

1980. "Izucheniezhilykh domov Merva X - nachalaXIII v"., TrudyYuTAKE XVII, 59-70. McNicoll, A.W. 1997. Hellenistic Fortifications from the Aegean to the Euphrates,Oxford.

Mustaufi,H. A. 1919. Nuzhatal-qulilb,translatedG. Le Strange,London.

Puschnigg, G. 2000. A diachronic and stylistic assessment of the ceramic evidencefrom Sasanian Merv, Ph.D. thesis,

UniversityCollegeLondon. Shishkina,G.V. 1979. GlazurovannajakeramikaSogda, Filial

Tashkent. AkademiiNaukUzbekistana, Turgunov, B. 1961. Arkheologo-topograficeskaja c'emka Mervskovo goroditcha Sultan-kalas severnymi i Yujnym

rabota,Tashkentskij obvodami, Gosudarstvennyi diplomnaya UniversitetV.I. Lenina,IstoricheskijFakulitetKaferda Azii. Arkheologii Srednej Wilkinson, C.K. 1973. Nishapur:pottery of the early Islamic period, New York. Zhukovsky, V.A. 1894. Drevnosti Zakaspiskogo kraya Razvalinystarogo Merva, Materialypo arkheologiiRossii,

St. Petersburg.

MAUSOLEA AT MERVAND DEHISTAN by DavidGye andRobertHillenbrand Oxfordand Universityof Edinburgh

In the course of our visit to Mashhad-iMisriyan (mediaevalDehistan;also known as Mestorian)we visited the mosque,whose pishtidq makes it a sister buildingto the almostexactlycontemporary buildingat Zuzanandwhoseraisedmusallhis of particular interest. We also notedthe impressivemediaevalwalls, whose doublecircuitis in anexcellentstateof preservation and with littered richly glazedpottery,includinglustreware. Equallynotablewas anurbankhananda madrasa,both of giganticproportions. Theprincipalfocusof interestforus, however,was the mausoleum (maztir-

it was still being visited by

pilgrims in the 19th century) of Shir Kabir in a settlementsome 10 km. from Dehistan.The building bears traces of two major building campaigns:the originaltombandtwo laterannexes.It thusfollowsthe patternof gradualaccretionfamiliarfromothershrine complexesin the mediaevalIranianworld,but limited hereby shortageof space:the mausoleumoccupiesthe top of a littlehill risingabruptlyout of the surrounding containsno fewerthanfourmihrabs plain.Thestructure and the remainsof sophisticatedfresco paintings.Its multi-recessedsquinchand its preferencefor smooth, highlypolishedplasterof a veryfine consistencyas the principalinteriorsurfacecomplementthe evidenceof the epigraphyof themainmihrabandpointto a datein the 10thcentury.A close parallelto the parsimonious ornamentin the zone of transitionis the Jabal-iSang, recently dated convincinglyto the Buyid period by BernardO'Kane;at ShirKabirtheprincipalthemesare a palmetteand a bluntedcross, thoughthe profileof some of the archesis also lightlydecoratedwith blind lobing. Indeed,the lobe is a majordecorativetheme the interiorof thebuilding,especiallyin the throughout main mihrab.Anothernotablefeaturein the zone of transitionis a master'ssignaturein fullview,sitedin the centreof a blankarchin splendidisolation.The proud visibilityof this inscription(echoed,thoughon a more modestscale,sometwo centurieslaterin the architect's signatureinside the tomb of SultanSanjarat Merv) makes it a benchmarkof early Islamic architectural epigraphy.Theextraoutliningof the Kuficductusused

53

for this inscriptionmakes it stand out still more. Altogetherthis mausoleum,despiteits parlousstateof repair,is a raregem from a periodthat is very badly in Iranproper. represented Ourworkat Dehistanwas greatlyfacilitatedby the kindnessandenthusiasmof thelocalspecialistin charge of the archaeological park,MrDurdiKurbanov. The fieldworkwe carriedout on the Mausoleumof SultanSanjar(c. 1140-60)continuedourearliersurvey on two areas:the in the 1999 seasonand concentrated structureof the buildingandits physicalcontextwithin the site. It was quicklyevidentthateach areaof study called for bothcarefuldetectivework and imaginative reconstruction. The buildingsthat surroundedthe tomb of Sultan now by a Sanjararealmostcompletelylost,represented brick-strewnmoonscapelevelled in places to make a road and carpark.Some excavationshave been made in a haphazard close to the building,apparently way in the early nineteen-ninetiesand without leaving any available records. However, it is evident that the building(itself 27m. squarein plan) sat withina vast courtyard.At one comer the remains of a circular trench,now totally robbedof its bricks, suggest the presence of a circular minaret with a diameter apparentlyunmatchedin the entire Islamic world. Adjoining the tomb of Sultan Sanjar within the courtyardare the excavatedremainsof a madrasa,a hammamand other buildingsall of uncertaindate. Othersmallerbuildingsat a lowerlevel evidentlydate to the Seljuqperiod.Two of theserooms,each 3m. to and 4m. square,arewell preserved,neatlyproportioned decoratedwith very good examples of brickwork bearingall the signaturesof the regionalstyle of the as 12th/13thcentury.Oneof themhasbeeninterpreted a library. The structureof the funerarybuildingitself is also difficultto readin its currentstate.It is clearthatit was adjoined by other buildings, through fragmentary brickworkjunctionsas well as evidenceof doorways and drainagechannelswhich show that it must have structures. beenaccessedattherooflevelof surrounding

54


"drum"andits gallerysurround The most interestingstructuralquestionsconcernthe 4. Thehexadecagonal zone of transitionandthe gallerythatsurrounds would have dissipatedthe outwardthrustof the it. is frustratednot just by the loss of externaldomebeforethe squinchlevelwas reached, Interpretation muchof the originalbrickwork,but also by wholesale so thatthe squinchvaultscarriedthe verticalloadof and thoroughly insensitive restorationin the late bothdomes,butthe outwardthrustonly of the inner now mercifullyhaltedthanksto the one. The gallery thereforenot only providedan nineteeen-eighties, moreenlightenedattitudeof thepresentadministration. eleganttransitionfrom the chamberbelow to the The general form of the existing gallery is clear, drumabove,anda vehiclefor elaboratedecoration, butalso hadsomestructural function. althoughthere remainslittle evidence of its external decoration.However,the remainingfabricoffersonly 5. The arrangementof the upper gallery over the the most fragmentary clues as to whathappenedabove squinches remains very unclear; our fuller this gallery.Understandingof how this part of the publicationof the tombof SultanSanjarwill discuss worked will have to some possible solutionsto this particularlytricky building rely as much on the dictatesof structure, formas problem. geometryandarchitectural geometricalandstructural on conclusivephysicalevidencefromthe structure. 6. We devoted some thoughtto the questionof the Ourpreliminary conclusionsconcerningthezone of turquoisedomereportedby Yaqitin theyearbefore transitionarethat: the Mongol invasion.We found no evidence of glazedbrickor tilework,or of placeswhereit might 1. The existinggallerysurroundsthe octagonwithin have been attached.Indeed, if the row of blind whichthe squinchesstand,to the full heightof the archeswas designedto be seen,anysuchdecoration wouldhavehadto be confinedto the upperpartof its squinches.It has beenrestoredto approximately the visible externaldome. The steppedprofile of originalheight,althoughthe decorativepanelsand as restored are whatremainsof the externaldomeabovethe blind misconceived. openings 2. Above this galleryran a second one, possibly of archescertainlyleaves room for the possibilityof similarappearancebut probablynot as high. The glazeddecorationabovethis level, and also leaves floor of the uppergallerywould have been at the the actualprofileof the domequiteuncertain. level of the crown of the squinchvaults which almostdirectlysupportthe internaldome. This grimlyimpressivestructurepresentsa serious 3. The upper gallery would have surroundedthe analyticalchallengeat morethanone level. An areaof "drum",which is in fact the hexadecagonof the particularinterestis the interplayof the aggressive outerdome,a formfamiliarfromthe southdomeof statementof power in the building'sform with its the FridayMosque of Isfahan.Bearingonto the delicatestuccoandpaintedplasterdecoration,now in a state. hexadecagonalinsidewall of the uppergallerywas fragmentary a ring of 34 deep-setblind archesthat carriedthe Weareverygratefulforgenerousaccessto thework externaldome,of whichonly substantialfragments of Dr GeorginaHerrmann andothersoverrecentyears survive.We believe that these blind archeswere on thisbuilding,andto herandthewholeIMPteamfor theirhospitalityduringourstay. exposedto view as theyremaintoday.

CHEMICALCHARACTERISATIONOF LATENEOLITHICAND CHALCOLITHICPOTTERYFROM THE TEHRAN PLAIN, IRAN By H. Fazeli,R.A.E.ConinghamandA.M. Pollard Universityof Tehranand Universityof Bradford

exceptionare the sites of Mehdikaniand Mafinabad, which appearto use ceramicsof differentoriginin the A total of seventy-sixsurface collected ceramic Transitional butto use ceramicsof thesame Chalcolithic, sherdsfrom six LateNeolithicto MiddleChalcolithic sourceby the EarlyChalcolithic.This mightsuggesta siteson the TehranPlainhavebeenchemicallyanalysed changefromindependentcommonsourcematerial.This the value of chemical Plasma-Atomic EmissionSpect- preliminarystudy demonstrates by Inductively-Coupled as anadjunctto more ceramics of between rometry.Thedatashowconsiderable similarity analysis archaeological sitesandacrosstimeperiods,as mightbe expectedfrom traditional methods. sites utilisingvery similar clay resources.However, DiscriminantAnalysisreveals subtle changesin clay INTRODUCTION compositionfrom the Late Neolithic to the Middle andalso thatthe ceramicscan be partially Chalcolithic, More For the last fifty years, analysis of the chemical separated by siteusingtheirchemicalcomposition. detailedanalysisof the datarevealsthatsherdsof the compositionof ceramicpastes has formed a useful sameperiodcanbe distinguished ceramics,andhas chemicallyby findsite. adjunctto the studyof archaeological This suggeststhat each site is exploitingsimilarbut beenusedsuccessfullyto assign"provenance" to sherds discreteclay resources,possiblylocal to the site. An of unknownattribution. is Inthiscontext,"provenance" of the ceramic takento meanthe sourceof manufacture vessels, and is regardedas synonymouswith locating the geographical source of the clay(s) used to thepottery.Therearenumerousreviewsof manufacture Aibrz onan this type of scientificanalysis(Rice 1987, Bishopand Neff 1989,Neff 1992,PollardandHeron1996). In the work describedhere, seventy-six sherds 'Job datingfromthe LateNeolithic(five samples)through Chalcolithic(twenty-foursamples)and the Transitional Early Chalcolithic (thirty samples) to the Middle KaraTepe , n>*• /\'Tehran d -a " Chalcolithic(sixteen)andLateChalcolithic(one)have Cheshmeh-Ali been analysedfor a rangeof major,minorand trace ' Mafinabad Pr element components using Inductively-Coupled Maymonabad EmissionSpectrometry -0Chakmak Tepe ,\Plasma-Atomic (ICP-AES:see Mehdikani \ The sherds aresurface Heron Pollardand 1996,31-33). \ finds fromthe sites of ChakmakTepe(nine samples), hoqaE Sadeghabadi Fakrabad (eight), Mehdikani (nine), Mafinabad (nineteen), Sadeghabadi(thirty) and Maymonabad (one), the locationof which are shownin Fig. 1. The Ql' analyses were carried out at the UK Natural EnvironmentResearchCouncil ICP Facility in the 2<s, e- 25s0090 of Geology,RoyalHolloway,Universityof Department The London. analyticaldata were investigatedusing 1. the TehranPlain, showing the sites Fig. Map of SPSS8 forWindows. mentionedin the text. ABSTRACT

a

55

56


BACKGROUND

also the assumptionthatsuchcategoriescanbe viewed as linear developments,and that increasingsocial Despite its rich cultural sequence, the later complexitywill resultin "enhanced"organisationof prehistory of the Tehran plain has been largely productionandcentralis-ation (Tosi 1984).The aim of withrespectto the neglected with the exception of Erich Schmidt's thispaperis to testsuchassumptions excavationsat Cheshmeh-Aliin the 1930s (Schmidt utilisationof clayresources,andto suggestthatas social the simpleLateNeolithicand 1935,Matney1995).In orderto addressthis issue,and complexitytransformed alarmed by the growth of greater Tehran, the Transitional Chalcolithic societies, there was a Universitiesof Tehranand Bradfordand the Cultural reductionin the local,householdproductionof ceramic In particular, it pointsto HeritageOrganisationof Iranbegan a programmeof and increasingcentralisation. research aimed at characterisingthe social and the steady creationof a limited numberof ceramic economic transformationsof the Plain during the producersandthe distribution anduse of theirproducts Chalcolithic period. In particular, this research withinthe region'ssettlements. concentratedon the transformations of simple Late Neolithicsocietiesto morecomplex,hierarchical ones MATERIALS AND METHODS duringthe Chalcolithicperiod.In 1997the programme conducted a new excavation at the tell site of Cheshmeh-Aliin orderto obtaincarbonsamplesand Samples cut from each sherd were crushedand artefactswith which to create a typology with an weighedto approximately 1 g. Theywerethenground enhancedabsolutechronology.The second phase, in using a GyroMill to a very fine powder,takingcareto 1998, compriseda limited,non-probabilistic surveyof clean the grindingdevice between samplesto avoid the TehranPlain.Thesurvey'sobjectivewas to charact- contaminationwith any residualpowder.Powdered erisethe spatialandtemporalpatternsof settlementand samples were weighed to 0.2 g. (+ 0.0001) on a a totalof forty-fivearchaeological siteswereidentified, sensitivebalance.The sampleswere put into 25 ml. rangingfromthe LateNeolithicto the Islamicperiod. PTFEcrucibles,and 6 ml. of a 1:2 mixtureof HC104 Of particular wastheidentification of a total (perchloric)andHF (hydrofluoric) acidswereaddedto importance of six sites (as listed above)with sequencesincluding each crucible.The trayof crucibleswas placed on a the LateNeolithicandChalcolithicperiods. to hotplateat 500C in thefumecupboardandevaporated The seventy-sixceramicsamplesanalysedin this dryness(approximately three-fourhours).The trayof paperwerecollectedduringthe surfacesurveyat these crucibleswas removedandallowedto cool, afterwhich six sites andhavebeen stylisticallyclassifiedinto Late 2 ml. of HCI (hydrochloric)acid was addedto each Neolithic (c. 6000-5500 B.C.), TransitionalChalco- crucible.Each cruciblewas toppedup with distilled lithic (c. 5500-4700 B.C.), Early Chalcolithic(c. waterandwarmedon the hotplatefor a firtherfifteen 4700-4000 B.C.), MiddleChalcolithic(c. 4000-3500 minutes.The crucibleswere then removedfrom the B.C.) and Late Chalcolithic(c. 3500-3000 B.C.). hotplateandallowedto cool. Plastictubeswerelabelled Appendix1 givesa listof thesherdsanalysedfromeach and pre-washedwith the same distilledwaterused for site and theirdate attributions. Figs. 2, 3 and 4 show makingup the samples.Oncethe crucibleswere cool, to the tubesandmadeup to drawingsof a representative sampleof thesesherds.It is the liquidwas transferred widely accepted by archaeologists that ceramic the requiredvolume with distilledwaterby weighing productioncanbe classifiedintoa numberof categories themon a toppanbalance,andthetubeswerethenwellof organisedproduction,and Van der Leeuw (1977, shaken. 1984) has suggestedthose of household,household Analysiswas carriedoutusingtheNERCICP-AES industry,individualworkshop and nucleatedworkshop. He also predicted that at one end of the spectrum household production was occasional, self-sufficient and utilised simple technology for household consumption but that nucleated workshops were involved in year-round production and utilised specialist technology for regional consumption.There is

facility at the Departmentof Geology, Royal Holloway, University of London, using the standard laboratory computerprogrammeto determine selected major (Al, Fe, Ca and K), minor (Ti, P, Mg, Mn and Na) and trace element (Ba, Co, Cr, Cu, Li, Ni, Sc, Sr,V, Y, Zn and Zr) composition of geological silicate samples. During the analysis of the samples, a blank and a set of laboratory

CHEMICAL CHARACTERISATION OF LATE NEOLITHIC AND CHALCOLITHIC POTTERY

Fig. 2. Illustration of some of the sherds samples discussed in this paper (x50% reduction). Late Neolithic (top) and Transitional Chalcolithic (bottom) ceramics of the TehranPlain: S27, S48, S22, S55, S34, S47, S40, S2 and S4 from Sadeghabadi; M23 and M10 from Mehdikani; MF98 from Mafinabad.

57

58


Fig. 3. Early Chalcolithic ceramics of the TehranPlain: FA55, FA59from Fakrabad; S11 from Sadeghabadi; MF41, MF42, MF44, MF116 from Mafinabad; M37, Ml, M5 and M17 from Mehdikani.


59

Fig. 4. Middle Chalcolithic ceramics of the TehranPlain: S33, S26 from Sadeghabadi; MF84, MF53 from Mafinabad; CH1, CH2, CH68 and CH48 from Chakmak Tepe.

60


internalstandardrock samples(KC10, KC11, KC12, KC14) and the geologicalstandardreferencematerial was also NIST IC, weremeasured.TheKC 11standard run betweeneach ten samplesanalysedto check for instrumentaldrift. Elemental concentrationswere determinedfor the above elements using primary reference solutions, and the analyses converted to conventionaloxide formulations stoichiometrically forthemajorandminorconstituents. Detectionlimitsin the solutionwerewell below 1 mg 1-1(ppm)for all the major,minor and trace elementsdetermined,with a typicalprecisionof 10/6-1.5%RSD (relativestandard is 100 times greater deviation)whenthe concentration thanthe detectionlimits.This is consideredsufficient for most of the traceelementsdetermined(Thompson andWalsh1983,pp. 33-35). The statisticalpackageSPSS 8 for Windowswas used for the statisticaltreatmentof the analyticaldata, with the dataforZrremoved(see below).All elements were standardised (z-score)priorto analysisto remove the influenceof absolutemagnitude.Exploratorydata analysisconsistedof PrincipalComponentsAnalysis (PCA;BishopandNeff 1989,Baxter1994)andcluster anlysis(Baxter1994)to classifythe sherdsintopossible compositionalgroups.Clusteranalysiswas performed by bothAverageLinkageClusterAnalysisandWard's method,and the resultswere displayedin the formof dendrograms.Subsequentanalysis took the form of DiscriminantAnalysis(Baxter1994),usingthe dateof the pottery and also the findspot as classificatory information. Furthersub-setswere also exploredusing combinationsof theseattributes.

dominatedby Sc (0.917), A1203(0.898), TiO2(0.875), Fe203 (0.874), Co (0.854), CaO (-0.801) and Sr (by MgO(0.666),Ni (0.645), 0.783).PC2is determined Ba (0.537 andLi (0.505).The majorityof samplesare ?1.5 in PCI containedin a bandbetweenapproximately and0 in PC2.Outlyingsamplesarelabelledin Figure3. MiddleChalcolithic) hasthehighest MF84(Mafinabad, of CaO of all the concentration samples analysed Transitional Chalcolithic) (Mehdikani, (19.12%).MOO1 and MF65 (Mafinabad,EarlyChalcolthic)both have highA1203(16.83 and 17.08%respectively)andFe203 (7.93 and 7.83%). FAOO1(Fakrabad,Early ChalcoLateChalcolithic)are lithic)andMM82(Maymonabad, characterised by high MgO (4.46 and 3.70% respectively). Overall,however,Fig. 5 suggestsa groupof pottery samples which are relatively homogeneous in composition,as might be expectedfrom an area of similarsurfacegeology.This observationis confirmed by the hierarchicalcluster analysis using Average Linkage agglomeration(Fig. 6). Seven outliers are identifiedat the right-handside of the dendrogram (as Middle S26 Chalcolithic) above, plus (Sadeghabadi, and CH2 (ChakmakTepe, MiddleChalcolithic)),but the bulk of the samplesare containedwithinthreeor four similar groups. There is no clear association andclusterallocationin this dendrobetweenfinmdspot gram,againsuggestingbroadchemicalsimilarity. Inorderto pursuethepossibilityof finerdetailin the chemicalanalyses,a series of DiscriminantAnalyses were carriedout (againomittingZr). In the firsttrial, dateof potteryfromall siteswas used as the attributed classificatoryvariable.Fourdatecategorieswereused: Late Neolithic(containingfive samples),Transitional RESULTSAND DISCUSSION Chalcolithic(twenty-sixsamples),Early Chalcolithic (thirty samples) and Middle Chalcolithic(fourteen Table 1 shows the dataobtainedon the laboratory samples). Fig. 7 shows a plot of the first two standardreferencematerialsand the blank.Inspection Discriminant Functions(accountingfor83%of thetotal of thisTableshowsexcellentagreementforall elements variance),and Table 2 lists the group means. The exceptZr.Appendix2 lists the datafor all the samples centroidsof Groups1 (LateNeolithic)and 4 (Middle analysed.Althoughthe data obtainedfor Zr is listed Chalcolithic)are shownto be reasonablyseparatedby and 3 (Early here,it was eliminatedfromfurtheranalysisbecauseof this analysis,but Groups2 (Transitional) the poor agreement between the data obtained and the expected values on the laboratory standards. The sample identifiersare as described in Appendix 1. Fig. 5 shows the first two PrincipalComponents of a PCA carried out on all the samples for all elements except Zr. The cumulative variance on this plot is low (PC1 39%, PC2 13%, cumulative 52%). PC1 is

Chalcolithic) overlap substantially. The unclassified case (MM82, from Maymonabad,and dated to the Late Chalcolithic) is grouped with Group 3, the Early Chalcolithic (despite the fact that it appearsto lie close to the Group 1 centroid on Fig. 5). As would be expected with groups which are chemically similar, thereare a substantialnumberof posteriorre-allocations


61

6

FA001 O 4

*

PC2

(13%)

MM82

2 SITECODE

MF65

v VC

V

0v

OV 0p 4 A

NE84

MF84

Maymonabad

V Sadeghabadi

0 MOOL

A Mafinabad

71

-2

Mehdikani

A

O -4

Fakrabad

Tepe r[ Chakmak

-4

-3

-2

-1

0

1

2

3

PC1 (39%) Fig. 5. Principal Components Analysis, all samples.

As before,there allocatedto Group5 (Sadeghabadi). were a significantnumberof posteriorre-allocations (fifteen, all but two of which were between the overlappingGroups3, 4 and5). This analysissuggests thatthe therearethreegroupsof chemicalcomposition whenconsideredby findsite,namelyi) ChakmakTepe, ii) Fakrabadand iii) Mehdikani, Mafinabad and As shownin Table3, this discrimination Sadeghabadi. is based largely on the contentof CaO, with some fromBa andSr. contribution In orderto determineif thereis any changein the organisationof potteryproductionwith time, a final = 8), Mehdikani (n = 9), Mafinabad (n = 19) and seriesof discriminant analyseswere carriedout, in the (n = 30). Figure8 showsa plot of the first form of a series of "timeslices".A separateanalysis Sadeghabadi two discriminantfunctions,this time accountingfor was performedfor each period (apartfrom the Late 86% of the total variance,and the groupmeans are Neolithic,which had only five samples,all from the given in Table3. Again, some separationcan be seen same site), with classification by find site. betweenGroupI (Chakmak not all periodsare representedat each Tepe),Group2 (Fakrabad), Unfortunately, andan overlapping groupconsistingof Groups3, 4 and site, but inspectionof Fig. 9 shows clear chemical 5 (Mehdikani,Mafinabadand Sadeghabadi).The separationsbetweenthe varioussites at all periods.In unallocatedcase (MM82, found at Maymonabad)is Fig. 9a (TransitionalChalcolithic,with twenty-six

betweengroups(twenty-twocases, half of which are between Groups 2 and 3). This analysis shows, however,that there is some evidence for two slight changesin averagechemicalcompositionwith time, fromthe Late Neolithicto the Transitional and Early Chalcolithic(whichare similar),andthen againto the Middle Chalcolithic.The discriminantfunctionsand inspection of Table 2 suggest that the principal constituentis CaO. discriminating A seconddiscriminant analysiswas carriedout,this time classifying samples of all periods by the five principalfindsites:ChakmakTepe(n = 9), Fakrabad (n

62


Rescaled Distance ClusterCombine CASE Label S28 S30 S002 CH1 MF78 S27 CH10 CH56

0 10 5 Num +---------+--------+---------+----65 66 48 1 39 64 3 7

15

20

25

---.-----

-+ -+ -+-+ -+ I -+ I ---+ -+-+ -+

+-+

MF67 MF127 M1 CH61 CH68 M41 CH48 FA64 FASS S2 S47 FA26 S11 FA12 FA76 S6 S48 FAS9 MF49 FA54 S5 S36 S22 S33 355 M44 S7 S001 S40 S4 S18 M10 MF116 S60 M17 S12 MF91 MF61 MF44 S1 MS M23 MF24 MF66 319 S10 S32 MF53 S50 M37 S34 CH36 MF115 MF41 CH30 MFO1 S9 MF42 S25 MF96

38 46 19 8 9 25 6 16 14 50 72 12 57 11 17 53 73 15 33 13 52 70 61 68 75 26 54 47 71 51 59 21 45 76 22 58 41 35 32 49 20 23 29 37 60 56 67 34 74 24 69 5 44 30 4 28 55 31 62 42

-+-+ I -+ I I ---+ I -+-+ +-+ -+ +-+ I ---+ I I ---+-+ I - - -+ I -+ I -+-+ I -+ I I ---+-+ +-+ ---+ I I I +-+ +-+ -----+ I II -------+ I +-+ I ---------+ ---+---+ II ---+ +---+ I -------+ I -----+-------+ -----+ I -+-+ I -+ +-+ +---+ ---+ +-+ I I -+---+ I I I -+ II I I -----+ +-+ I I -------+ +-+ I I -------+ I I I ---------+ I I -----+ II I ----+---+ +-+ I -----+ I I I I ---+ III I ---+---+ III I ---+ +-+-+ I I -------+ I I I ---+-+ I I I ---+ I I I I -+-+ I I I I -+ I +-+ I I +-----------+ -+ +-+ II I I -+-+ III I I -+ I I I I I ---+ I +-+ I I -----+ I I ---+---+ I I ---+ I I I -+-+ I I I -+ +-+ I I I -+-+ II I I -+ I +-+ I I ---+ I I I ---+ I I I ---+-+ I I ---+ I I ------------+ I -------+ +-+ I -----------+ I

MF98 MM82

43 27

-----------------+ I-----------------------------+

M001

18

-+---------------------------+

I

MF65

36

-+

I

I

---------+-------------+

I

I

CH2

S26 MF84 FA001

2

63 40 10

-----------+ -------------------------+

I I I I I I I I I I I I I I +-----------+ I I I

I I I

I

+-------+ I

+---------------+

-------------------------------------------------+

Fig. 6. Dendrogram using Average Linkage Cluster Analysis.

I

I I


3 2 4

k

4

A

1

iv

A

DATECODE

v A

AA

~ O

GroupCentroids

*

(Late Chalcolithic)

C:

0

A

V 4=Middle Chalcolith.

-1A A

-2

A 3=EarlyChalcolithic

v

+ 2=Trans.Chalcolith.

-3

S1= Late Neolithic

-4

-3

-2

-1

0

1

2

4

3

5

Function1 (58%) Fig. 7. Discriminant Analysis -

all sites by date.

O

3.o

O

O

22 2 0

SITECODE

O 0

GroupCentroids

20 0

S0

SO

N 0 0

V 5 = Sadeghabadi

0O

v*

0C.

* (Maymonabad)

O 4 = Mafinabad

O V

-2

0O2 = Fakrabad 1 = ChakmakTepe

V

-3

-6

O 3 = Mehdikani

-4

-2

0

2

4

6

8

Function1 (68%) Fig. 8. Discriminant Analysis -

all dates by site.

63


64

8

Fig. 9a. Transitional Chalcolithic sherds classified by site

$

6 F U

1

4

n

0

C t

2

i

0

SITECODE 0 GroupCentroids

O 2

A

V 5 = Sadeghabadi

4

A 4 = Mafinabad O 3 = Mehdikani

-4

O 1 = Chakmak Tepe

-6

-10

10

0

20

40

30

Function1 6

Fig. 9b. Early Chalcolithic sherds classified by site

F

AA

4

u n

c

2

A0OAA 20SITE

CODE 0 GroupCentroids

S0 n 2

V 5 = Sadeghabadi

O O 0 02 0

-2 v

-4

O

4 = Mafinabad

0O

O> 3= Mehdikani O 2 = Fakrabad

-6 -8

-6

-4

-2

0

2

4

6

8

Function1 6

Fig. 9c. Middle Chalcolithic sherds classified by site F

4

U

n c t

2

i O

0

2

2-2

CODE

0SITE U

40 A

0

O 0

V 5 = Sadeghabadi

0

A 4 = Mafinabad O 1 = ChakmakTepe

-4 -10

GroupCentroids

-8

-6

-4

-2

0

Function1 Fig. 9. "Timeslices"

2

4

6


sherdsfromfoursites),all foursites (ChakmakTepe,n = 1; Mehdikani,n = 5; Mafinabad,n = 5; Sadeghabadi,

65

was essentiallycarriedout at the local site scale, with the exceptionof the developmentof a commonalityof supplyto the sites of MehdikaniandMafinabadduring the Early Chalcolithic- perhapsan indicationof increasingcentralisation.

n = 15) are clearlydistinct.In contrast,Fig. 9b (Early Chalcolithic;thirty sherds from four sites) shows Fakrabad (n = 8) andSadeghabadi (n = 6) as chemically distinct,butthistimeMehdikani(n = 4) andMafinabad fromeachother,although (n = 12) areindistinguishable still separate from the other two. In the Middle Acknowledgments Chalcolithic(Fig. 9c; n = 14 from3 sites), the sherds from Chakmak Tepe (n = 8), Mafinabad (n = 2) and Theauthorsaregratefulto NERCforsupporting the Sadeghabadi(n = 4) are once again chemically analyticalwork,to Ms BelindaBottomleyfor carrying outthe analyses,andto DrNickWalshandNikkiPaige separated. It is necessaryto be cautiousin interpreting these at RoyalHollowayfor muchassistancein carryingout "timeslice"analyses,becausethe numbersof sherdsin the analyses.Partof thisworkwas supported by a grant any one categoryare extremelysmall. With a single fromtheBritishInstituteof PersianStudies.Theauthors exception,the chemicalevidencesuggeststhatceramic also acknowledgethekindassistanceandsupportof the to University of Tehran and the Cultural Heritage productionat the sites studiedfromthe Transitional the Middle Chalcolithic is based on localised Organisation of Iran. independentproduction.It appears,however,that the change in chemicalcompositionof the sherdsfrom MehdikaniandMafinabadfromthe Transitional to the Bibliography EarlyChalcolithicmightsuggesta changein mode of productionfromtwo independent productioncentresto Baxter, M.J. 1994. Exploratory Multivariate Analysis in a single productioncentrein the Early Chalcolithic. Archaeology, Edinburgh. R.L. andNeff, H. 1989. "Compositionaldata analysis Bishop, the absenceof sherdsattributedto the Unfortunately, in R.O. Allen (ed.), Archaeological in archaeology", Middle Chalcolithic at Mehdikani precludes the Advances in ChemistrySeries220: 57-86, IV. Chemistry opportunityto see if such commonsupplycontinues American Chemical D.C. Washington Society, into the later period. The chemical evidence Matney, T. 1995. Re-excavating Cheshmeh-Ali. Expedition in Table4) showsthatthe distinctionsare (summarised 37(2),26-38. extremelyfine,butarebasedprincipallyon theK20and Neff, H. (ed.) 1992. Chemical Characterizationof Ceramic Y concentrationsaccordingto the diagnostic data Pastes in Archaeology, Madison, Wisconsin. producedby the discriminant analysis.Basedon these Pollard,A.M. andHeronC. 1996.ArchaeologicalChemistry, datait is not possibleto suggestwhetherthe combined Cambridge. P.M.1987.PotteryAnalysis:A Sourcebook, Rice, Chicago. Chalcolithic is more related to Early production closely the Transitional Chalcolithic at Mehdikani or Schmidt,E. 1935. The PersianExpedition,Bulletinof the UniversityMuseum 4(5), 41-49. Mafinabad. Thompson,M. and Walsh, J.N. 1983. A Handbook of

CONCLUSIONS

Inductively Coupled Plasma Spectrometry,London. Tosi, M. 1984. "The notion of craft specialisation and its distributionin the archaeologicalrecord of early States in

the Turanianbasin",in M. Spriggs(ed.), Marxist

Chemical analysis of the body compositionof ceramicsherdsurfacefinds at five Late Neolithicto

Perspectives in Archaeology, Cambridge,22-53. Van der Leeuw, S.E. 1977. "Towardsa study of the economics

Middle Chalcolithic sites on the Tehran Plain has demonstratedconsiderablesimilaritybetween sites and periods. This is to be expected if local ceramic production is carried out at sites with related surface geology. It has proved possible, however, to detect subtle chemical changes in body composition, which suggest that ceramic productionover the period studied

of potterymaking",in B.L. VanBeeth,R.W.Brandtand W. Groenman van Watterange(eds.), Ex Horreo, Amsterdam,68-76 VanderLeeuw,S.E. 1984."Dustto dust:a transformational view of the ceramiccycle",in S.E. Vander Leeuwand A.C. Pritchard(eds.), TheManyDimensionsof Pottery: Ceramics in Archaeology and Anthropology,Amsterdam, 707-773.

0.00

7.57 11.10 7.7 11.9

0.00

6.74 6.86 3.90 4.2

3.26 3.30

2.37 2.4

NazO 0.00

4.67 4.78

3.96 4.3

2.11 2.15

0.16 0.2

KO 0.00

0.14 0.13

0.35 0.35

1.09 1.10

0.79 0.84

TiOz 0.01

0.09 0.04

0.00 0.00

0.11 0.12

0.30 0.32

0.13 0.09

P20s 0.00

0.02 0.025

0.03 0.02

0.13 0.13

MnO 0.00

87 112

0.04 1521 0.05 1600

0.14 0.14

88

486 491

132 126

Ba 0

0

2 23

.

11

.)

j

"

'A#~

"9.1


178

1 6Ij

la A

14A

?15 6

161 717

Aj

18

20

21

22

LS

j

. IL; (JJASRA

23

20 .

24?:

,LA?J

.26 22(25 27

2983

15 16

SAB: L

2 C: W1 D: '.M. 4 D:

,jLi.,

. . . This village is 7th in B and omitted in A.

5 This village, 2nd in AB, is omitted in CDE. 6 S 8th in B: omitted in A.

D:a"

: this village is as JA

12 13 14

omitted in AB. D: 40; 7th in A, omitted in BCDE.

. 5th in AB. Omittedin AB. 12th in A, 4.. 13th in B. Omittedin CDE. &lj

18B: l 19

20

21

This village is omitted in AB. 9 D: jl. AB: jJA; 3rd in AB. 10 This village is omitted in CDE.

This village in B only where it is 10th.

17A:

in B is omitted in A.

8

4th in AB.

22 23

24 25

8th in A, omitted in B.

26

D: .& . This village, 9th in A, omitted in B.

27 28

C:

. D:Q

.'&C:

This village 15th in D, 10th in A, 11thin B. ..E:, .A omitted in AB. 13th in D, 11th in A, 12thin B. 13th in A, 14th in BD. CE:43 D:

D omitsj, .. D: A:

J~q

Qkl

4?UAjf61

Jt

A

GHAZNAVIDAND GHURIDMINARETS

Notes

1 Bibliographyin Diez, 1923:p. 162;Flury:pp. 75f, pl. XI,

2

3

4

5

6

7

8 9

179

1953:pp. minaretof Bahr7mShah,see Sourdel-Thomine, 110-21. 10 The only otherexampleof thistechniqueknownto me is the decorativescrollingof the archivoltof the Arch of andSourdel-Thomine: Bust:see Schlumberger pl. 44 (b) and(c). 11 Kratchkovskaya: p. 42; Bellew, who was in Ghazniin 1857,describesthetwo minaretswhich"arebuiltof small

figs. 6,7; Diez, 1936:p. 230, photoopp.p. 228; Godard YA.: I, pp. 367-69, II,p. 351;Pope:p. 984, fig. 337, pls. 356-57; Diez, 1950:pp. 37-44; Galdieri:pp. 4-14, figs. 104,6, 8, 11-12 andphoto1 & 4; Ball:site 358. Vince:pp. 128f,125(sketch).Thereis an earliersketchof flat red bricks ... and are covered towards their basements 1827 by Masson,showingthe two minaretsat Ghazni; with ancientArabicinscriptions,the lettersof whichare otherearlysketchesin Atkinson:pl. 15, "Thefortressand formedby a clever dispositionof the bricks used in Citadelof Ghuzneeand the two Minars";Jackson:pp. 11-12. building," Bellew: p. 184. This is repeated almost verbatim in Gazetteer:p. 443. in Hill and Grabar: 337 is Reproduced pl. 145;Pope:fig. 12 Godard: a drawingafterthisphotograph. I, pp. 367-69, fig. 236 and II, p. 351 with corrections. and Diez: 124. Niedermayer pl. 13 Panel in face number7 is so f damagedthatI cannotbe Accordingto Khalili:p. 362, the two minaretslost most that the is thesameas thatin certain of theirupperpartduringan earthquake, inscription absolutely "inthe year of 185 accounts for the damage: faces 4. Bellew: and 1 the reignof Habibullah(1901-18)".Jalali:p. 221, says p. "theminar... is piercednearitsuppertierby a largeround thatthe conicalironcapswereerectedat the orderof the Amir Habibullah.This was presumablyduringthe last hole, saidto havebeenmadeby a cannonshotduringthe two years of his reign, for Niedermayer'sphotograph ChagattaiTartarwars..." 14 Theusualorderis Abu Sa'd above n. taken in Mas'id,thekunyapreceding 1916-17 shows the low (see 4) stump the name:and this may well be the case here. I have still standing.Galdieri:p. 36 n. 6, arguesthat the low transcribedMas'`d Abi Sa'd on the analogy of al-SuItin stumpsof the cylindricalshaftsof both minaretswere al-A'zamin faces 1, 4 and 7 whereal- A 'zamis placed removedandreplacedby the conicalcapsbetween1932 Onewould,of course,expectAbd;and beneath and 1934 when the photographin Byron:opp. p. 322 al-Sult.9in. the genitivehereis eitheran error- whichis unlikelyshows the minaretof Mas'id with the conicalhat. The or some such phraseas fi ayycimi 'l-Sul.tinhas to be photographillustratedin Diez, 1936:opp.p. 288, which Galdierisays is not earlierthan 1932-33, is, in fact,the supplied.I can, however,find no such missingphrase characters samephotographreproducedin NiedermayerandDiez: amongthe variousisolatedandunaccountable in any of the three compositions.The omission of a pl. 124. canbe ruledout since benedictionsuchas 'izzli 'l-SultOn The measurementsare those of Galdieri:p. 11 and the this would require prepositionli which is certainly drawingsp. 103.Detailsof the staircaseandcentralshaft This in Galdieri:pp. 7f, anddrawingspp. 6, 8. inexplicablegenitive occurs also in the missing. Galdieri:pp. 8f, 1If, drawing11,photo4. dedicatoryinscriptionof the secondor westernTowerof 1953: Kharraqin(Stern1966:pp. 23f). Sourdel-Thomine, pp. 108-21. 15 Bombaci: xxxiv, 16, I have adoptedthe word minaret(mandra)for the two pl. j-z. monumentswhich, accordingto local usage, are called 16 Bombaci:pl. xxxii, 7, g-1. 17 mandr.Whilemandira Flury:pl. ix andfig. 7. signifiesminaretthatis, mi'dhana, 18 the text. Some Kessel:p. 156;Rida:pp. 137f transcribes "the place where the call to prayer(adhan)is given, since Shaikh are the stone of Muhammad mandrmeans"a signaltower","signpost",etc. Forthe missing parts Ridadescribedthe piece:one partwouldhavecontained distinctionbetweenthesetwo towers,see furtherMaxvan the patronymicof al-Hasan.'Ali is now barelylegiblein Berchemin Diez 1918: pp. 113f, wherehe denies that Kessel'sphotograph eitherof the two monumentsat Ghazniare minaretson 19 Smith:pp. 323-27; Godard:p. 363; Hill andGrabar: the groundsof Rawlinson'sversionof the inscriptionon pl. 565. the minaret of BahrimmShah (Rawlinson: p. 77), 20 Dated monumentsbefore 1150 in which interlocking emending,however,the phraseamarabi-binci'ihcidha'lKufic designs occur are: 'ammato hcidha'-'allama, a wordhe equateswithmancir. 1. Tomb Tower in Kharraqan, dated 460/1067-68; On the assumptionthatthe inscriptionis in the nameof Stronachand Young: pl. viia. Mahmtd, he conjecturesthat Mahmfldintendedthe 2. Minaret of Mas'8idIII at Ghazni, 492-508/1099-115. basementstorey as a grave or mashhadand that the 3. Masjid-i Jami', Gulpaygan;on the north west wall of cylindricalshaftwhich,in VanBerchem'sview accorded the dome chamber (dateable to 498-511/1104-18); ill with the stellate base, was an afterthought.For discussionanddefinitivereadingof the inscriptionon the Pope: pl. 309.


180

4. Namizgdh,Bukhara,dated513/1119-20;Rempel:p. 199, fig. 3. 5. Minaretof Ghtr,Isfahan;see n. 19 above. 6. Minaret of the Kaldn mosque, Bukhara, dated 521/1127;Rempel:fig. 85, 2. 7. Minaret of Masjid-i J-mi', Zawara, dated 529/1135;

21 22

HuttandHarrow:pl. 52. See the remarksStern,1969:pp. 17-21. As can be seen in the photograph,these two stone ensembles, now in the Ghazni Museum, have been mountedmaladroitly to forma singlearchedopening. (a) Upperhalf of arch,the framingbandcarvedin relief with cursiveinscriptionagainstan undulatingfoliate scroll:

0

* ........ --

24 25 26

27

29 30

Briggs, I: p. 143.

Bosworth:p. 85. Bosworthalso alludesto an ode by the poet 'Uthman Mukhtariin which he speaks of a victoryof SultanMas'id in India. spectacular 32 Bombaci: 32. ThePersianversesinscribed on the dado p. of the courtfagadeof the palacearean encomiumon the sovereignsof the Ghaznaviddynasty.The only part preservedrefersto MahmfdandMas'OdI. No doubtthe verses devotedto Mas'id III wouldhave alludedto his & yl IJl I .I ..>I yI * . victoriesin India.Bombacibelievedthatthe palacewas fromthe spoilsof Mas'id'sIndiancampaigns:and raised Jt~ ~J.AAL4~ JJJA the findingof a stoneimageof Brahmain the courseof excavationson the site lends some supportto this view. (b) Pairof impostsof arch,eachwithanengagedcolumn on the innerface; and carvedin relief with cursive The foundationinscriptionon the transennareferredto abovetellsus thatthepalacewasbuiltin 505/1112:if their inscriptionagainstanundulatingfoliatescrollgroup: On rightimpost: cost was also defrayedfromthis source,thenthemosque andminaretbelongto theclosingyearsof Mas'id'sreign. 0*A 4alooa 33 Fergusson: p. 206. 34 Diez, 1936: 227. On left impost: p. 35 MaricqandWiet. 36 For further anddrawings,see Bruno details,illustrations 1962:pp. 99-186. Bruno,1963:pp. 206-8, pls. I andII; Zander:pp. 565-68, andfigs. 105;HerbergandDavary: to in Ball:site468. these with other Rida: 137, According p. pp. 57-69; bibliography together inscribedstones were found on the site known as the 37 The villageof Jam,some 4,800 m. upstreamon the Jam ChihilMasjidnearthe shrineof ImamAhmadHaddad. Rid fromthe Minaret,is not, in fact,on today'sCentral He assumesthatbotha andb wereoriginallythe mihrAb Route which, at Ahangaran,leaves the Herat valley to of a mosque founded by Mahmiid himself and thennorth-west makinga detoursouth-westto Shahrak, route An alternative subsequently repairedby his sons.Thetwo are,however, join theHeratvalleyagainatHisArak. from quite separatearchitectural ensembles:a may or leavingAhangaranand Alandarstrikesnorthwest over not be a b while is the GholakPass,thenwestto Jelqa-yiMazarrejoiningthe a may presumably portal mihrdb introducedinto an earlier building as its inscription CentralRoute 20 km. east of Chist. Both routes are indicates.The inscriptionof b like thatof a, mustalso be accessiblefromJam.Thereis alsoa route,albeitdifficult, in the nameof Mawdld on accountof the title al-sayyid fromJim to AhangarAn followingcloselythe leftbankof and the eulogy ... baqj'ahu wa-mulkahu. andDavary;67 andmapon p. the HA1iRId (Herberger Flury:p. 72 andpl. XI, 1. 68). TheJewishsettlement,on theevidenceof theJudaeoPersiangravestonesfromtheKih-i Kushkakgoesbackas Flury:p. 74 andpl. XIII,1. faras 1012A.D., thuslongbeforethefoundingof thecity Rida:p. 139;Bombaci:p. 3 andpl. XXXVIIfig. 131. Bombaci:p. 3 andpl. XXXVIIIfig. 133.Theonlycursive of Firfizkilhand would therefore indicate an established inscriptionon stone, in the name of Mas'id's son and tradingcommunity (Rapp:p. 57 no 1) . The ruinedbridge which once spannedthe Heratrivernear the minaretlends successor,Bahrim Shah, is a fragmentary spandreland of an archcarvedin reliefwiththewordsYamin alsupport to the importance of the site as a centre of comrnice DawlaAb whichcanonlyreferto SultAn communications. Bahr5m Sh5h.This 38 According to JuizjAin,I: pp. 364, 386, the distance too,is fullypointed: inscription, Flury:p. 78 andpl.x, 2. and Sourdel-Thomine, IB: p. 43 n. 1, cites between Fir-izktih,the summercapitaland Shahr-i Schlumberger Di.war, threeoccurrencesincludingthe inscriptionin thenameof the winter capital of Ghiyath al-Din Muhammadb. Snm,

to Iw)

23

28

Saladinon theCitadelof Cairo,dated579/1183-84where verses 1-3 of theVictorysira arequoted.Theentiresira is inscribedon the dado encirclingthe interiorof the at Sultaniyya Mausoleumof SultanOljeittiKhudabanda (Blair:p. 67). IB: pp. 42f andpl. and Sourdel-Thomine, Schlumberger 146 (a) and(b), andpl. 150 (a) to (d). CasimirandGlatzer:p. 57 andfigs. 24 and26.

31

GHAZNAVID AND GHURID MINARETS

was fortyfarsakhs.Leshnik:pp. 45f, postulatingSharh-i Dawar= Girishk,ruledout the site of Jam,preferring Taiwarawhich is nearly 200 km. or just about forty leagues from modem Girishk. Vercellin, 1972: pp. 367-76, sees ZaminDdwaras extendingconsiderably furthernorthand suggestsShahr-iDawar= Deh-i Zur (KafirQal'a)orhahr-eKuhna,bothin theneighbourhood of MtisdQal'awhichis distantfromJtm about225 km. as therow flies;but322 km. on the ground(a distanceof 17 stagesaccordingto Routes: M-isdQal'a- Waras(route

39 40

41

42

43

44

45 46

47

48

181

MaricqandWiet:p. 27 andfrontispieceandpl. VI, 1, and pl. 7.1.

W.L>UAjjI ASaLAwlAL-

Wietdrawsattentionto the factthatthe lastsix wordsare placedabovethe line in smallercharacters. 49 Ibid., pp. 27f. For a drawingof this panel, see Bruno, 1963:pl. II andfor photograph, Zander,who reproduces Bruno'sdrawingon fig. 3 and a photographon fig. 4. I 1); - Taiwara(lg) - Pasar (lh) Shahrak(lj). thinkWietmay be mistakenin statingthattherearetwo Vercellin,1972:pp. 367-76; 1976:pp. 337-40. This passagehas, however,been notedby Habibi1980: the supposedlowerline maybe lines.Fromphotographs, pp. 38, who includesreferencesfromIsfizari'sRaudatalmerelyfoliatescrolling. 50 Maricqand Wiet:pp. loc.cit. The upperline shouldbe janndtfiaws?ifmadi-natHarit showing that Firfizkiihwas still of some consequenceunderthe Kartdynasty.For at the end legiblewith satisfactorydetailedphotography; see Barthold:p. 213. it is possibleto readGhfirior Hdfiz-i Abrti, Nish.pfiri? See appendixfor text and commentary.Accordingto remarkson the vine scroll 51 Ibid.,p. 28 no. 7. For further Istakhri,Ghfirwhichcomprisedtheupperpartof theHad ornament,see Grenet,Lee, Pinder-Wilson: p. 97. 52 Rudwas enteredat KHSHT(Chist)(Minorsky:p. 343). MaricqandWiet:p. 25. 53 The JRizj•ni,I: p. 375;Raverty,I: p. 404. onlymentionof thisinscribeddatehasbeenmadeby AtNayin,however,theminaret(tenthcentury)adjoinsthe Sourdel,D. and J: the legend to plate III (in colour), south east side of the Masjid-iJami'. But the usual oppositep. 137. 54 Stuckert andGlatzer:Abb. 13 andAbb. 14. positionof the minaretin SeljuqIranwas at or nearthe 55 StuckertandGlatzer:Abb.21. northcomer(see Pope,p. 1928).I do not acceptthe view 56 thatthis particular spacewouldhavebeen insufficientto HerbergandDavary:drawingon pp. 58-59. 57 Judgingfromthe photographof the Minaretof Mas'iid accommodatea mosque.The only Gh-iridmosquesof whichwe havedetailsaretheMasjid-iJami'of Heratand madein 1880 (see n. 3 above),the surfacedecorationof the cylindricalshaft,was also dividedinto eight ribbed Qutbal-DinAybak'sMasjid-iJdmi'in Delhi.It is truethat the formermeasuredabout150 by 120 m. if, as is now panelswithframingbands. 58 Jiizjani,I:p. 369:Raverty, I:p. 391. Theforcesof Ghiyath thought,the presentmosquefollows the dimensionsof al-Din's of the foundation consisted al-Din Ghiyath army from Ghazniunder the original (Melikian-Chirvani, Stuckert and of command Mu'izz which was 1970; al-Din,anotherled by the Sultan's Glatzer).Aybak'smosque, built partiallyon the existingplinthof a Hindushrine, Shams Malik al-Din,theGhtiridrulerof Bamiydn, cousin, measured70 by 50 m. (Page 1922:pp. 6-10, andPlansI andof troopscommandedby the Saffarid,MalikTaj alandII). Theprecisecalculationof the qiblaseemsnot to Din-i Harbfrom Sijistan.Jiizjanimakesno mentionof havebeenobservedby the architectsin the employof the Ghiydthal-Dinhavingtakenthe fieldhimself. 59 Ghiirids;and a more or less westwardorientationwas Jizjrni, I: p. 378; Raverty,I: p. 410 andn. 5 adoptsthe alternative adopted:see the interestingdetailsgiven in Stuckertand reading,Zar-iMarghGate. 60 Glatzer:p. 13. Jiizj~ni,I: p. 375; Raverty,I: p. 404. MaricqandWiet:p. 22, n. 3, havenumberedthesepanels 61 Lahore,however,capturedin 1186 by Mu'izz al-Din is 1 to 8 going from right to left; number 1 panel I: pp. listedamongthevictoriesof bothbrothers(Jiizjani5, to the of I: the 391, corresponding 375, 407; Raverty, pp. 491). beginning turquoiseglazed inscriptionabove the northwest face of the octagonal 62 The inscriptionsare given in Page:pp. 29-34. For the betweenpanels is 1:5, 2:6; Arabicinscriptions,see alsoRCEA:IX, X. plinth.The correspondence 3:7, 4:8. Panel4, however,does not correspondin every 63 Page:p. 29, no. 1: Thomas:pp. 22f. The dateis givenby detail to panel 8. Furthermore,the Kufic framingband of panel 4 is carriedacross to its neighbouringpanels. Ibid., p. 26, No. 1. Ibid., p. 261. Here and below in Qur'Anquotations,I have used the translationof Mohammed MarmadukePickthall, The Meaning of the Glorious Koran.

MaricqandWiet:p. 27, no.3:

both Thomas and Page as 587. But this is unacceptable since there is now a general consensus that the second battle of Tara'intook place in 588. The ambiguity arises from the orthographyof W (seven) and y (nine). Thomas assured himself by close examination that the word is According to him, the points are inserted haphazardly.. and are, therefore, unreliable; furthermore there is no prolongation of the initial upstrike which


182

64

65 66

wouldindicatethetd'inZ. IbnBattatawho spentseven yearsin Delhifrom1334onwardsrecordsthedateas 584. He musttherefore,havemisreadthewordas (four)which suggests that the initial upstrokewas taller than the remainder.We may, of course,retainthe reading587, it to a mason's(probablya Hinduunfamiliar attributing withtheArabicscript)error:Gibb1971:p. 628 andn. 42. The desecrationof the religioussites and imagesof the conqueredwas a not uncommonpracticein the Muslim world.ForMahmfd'sdesecrationof the templeandidol of Somnath,see Nazim:pp. 219-24. A stone image of Brahmafoundin Mas'id III'spalaceat Ghazni,andnow preservedin the KabulMuseum,shows such signs of wearthatScerrato:p. 39 andfig. 39 suggeststhatit was placedwhereit mightbe troddenunderfoot.In the course of excavationsat the GreatMosque of Harran,three Babylonianstelaeof the 6th centuryB.C. were foundin thethresholdsof thethreeentrancesfaceupwards.Twoof thesewerecarvedin reliefwithimagesof the Moon-God Sin and the Sun-God Shamash respectively, see p. 230. Fehervari: See Wensinck. I of this recurringeulogy is oftentranslated"vict.) ories":so too is theequallycommon a 4i* IjI "may Allah strengthen/make glorioushis victory"which it is event. as referringto a particular temptingto understand But this is unacceptable since

(help, victory) lacks

a pluralform.jU1 (sing. * ) canonlymeanhelpers (cf. the Prophet's Ansgir in Medina). I gratefully acknowledgethe elucidationof this eulogy to Professor Ayalon,who also citesthe followingQur'anicpassages: "Oye whobelieve!If ye helpAllah,He will helpyou andmakeyourfootholdfirm"(stra XLVII,verse7). "Oye who believelBe Allah'shelpers[j.-a1I] even as Jesusson of Marysaiduntothe disciples:Whoare my helpersfor Allah? They said: We are Allah's

69 70

71

72

helpers ..." (sairaLXI, verse 14).

"ButwhenJesusbecameconsciousof theirdisbelief he cried:Who will be my helpersin the cause of Allah?Thedisciplessaid:Wewill be Allah'shelpers. We believe in Allah, and bearthou witnessthatwe havesurrendered (untohim)."(siiraIII,verse52). With these passagesin mind, togetherwith sura LXI, verse 13, inscribedon the Minaretof Jim, we should translatea.y i a1 j5- "MayAllahstrengthen his support":and t,)Li ALI "mayAllah strengthenHis 67

68

j3c, supporters". Page: p. 29, no. III where the equivalent is incorrectly given as 1197: RCEA, IX: p. 208, no. 3496. It is not my purpose here to discuss the wider problem of the function of the minaret and the origin of its form prevailing in the easternIslamic world. Max van Berchem formulatedthese problems more than eighty years ago in E. Diez, 1918: pp. 109-16. In regard to the Qutb Minar,

two featurespuzzledhim:its eccentricsitingvis-a-visthe Masjid-iJami' of Aybak,and the exceptionallysharp taperof its profile.In orderto explainthesetwo features, he resortedto the ingenioussuggestionthatAybakbuilt the loweststoreyas a graveor monumenton the site of a previous non-Muslim shrine. The enlargement by Iltutmishof Aybak'smosquedisposedof the eccentric characterof the sitingandallowedthe conversionof the shrineintoa minaretby the additionof threestoreysand corbelledbalconies,at the same time necessitatingthe sharpprofile.VanBerchemderivedthenameQutbMindr not fromQutbal-DinAybakbut fromthe Muslimsaint Qutbal-Din BakhtiydrKaki whose shrineis in nearby Mehrauli.Since mandrdoes not signify minaret,Van Berchamproposedthat it was the saint'sname which came to be associated in the popular mind with was withthetomb Iltutmish'sminaret.Hispreoccupation withthatknownas the towersof Khurasan,in particular, Minar-i Kishmar which certainly has a formal relationshipwith the QutbMinar.But he was not aware of the Minaretof KhwajaSiyah Pish in SIstdn,which shareswiththeQutbMindrtheplanof flangedandround pilasters(Fischer1978 [1]: p. 366 and figs. 7.5, 7.6). Only the basement storey with an interiorstaircase survives.The weaknessesin Van Berchem'sargument are apparent,not least the existence of an interior staircasein the Qutb Min5r. Moreover,there is no evidencefor the earlyuse of the nameQutbMindr(see the remarksin Nath:pp. 23-25). Forthe renderingof thisname,see Digby:pp. 57-64. Forthehistoryof themonumentsee Page:pp. 19-25. Fischer1978 (1): p. 366 andfigs. 7.5, 7.6; Fischer1978 on p. 61 anddrawingon p. 62; (2):pp. 59-63, photograph in Ball:site 607. bibliography In the planof Fischer1978 (1): fig. 7.5 therearecertain viz., variationsin the anglesof the points discrepancies, the and advancingof the points beyond the circle inscribedaboutthe star.MrBall to whomI am indebted for the drawingin fig. 10, has assumed- and, in my opinion,is fully justifiedin doing so - thatthe eightpointed star plan was obtainedby two intersecting squares;so thateachpointis a rightangle,andpointsand pilastersmeet the circle. He pointsout that this would have been the only way of securinga soundand stable structure.The flatteningof the anglesin Fischer'splan may be due to its havingbeen laid out photogrammatically. Fischer, 1969-70: pp. 88f, figs. 3, 4 has another plan. In this, each point is a right angle; but judging from the photographsof the minaret,the diameterof the round pilasters appearsto be excessive.

73

Tate:pp. 202f. andphotograph oppositep. 202; Ball:site 752. Ball points out that the description (Tate: p. 203) attributedto Sir F. Goldsmidt is in fact that of MajorEuan Smith. The minaret can be assumed to have collapsed,

GHAZNAVIDAND GHURIDMINARETS

sincethereis no mentionof it in anyeye-witnessaccount publishedsincethatof Tatewho visitedit in 1905. 74 It is truethatthe balconyof the QutbMin5rfollowsthe outlineof the flanges and half-roundpilastersbut this does not involvethe awkwardsalientswhichwouldhave beenproducedby thebuttressesin theNMd-i'Ali. 75 Foran alternative derivationof the stellateplansee Hutt: pp. 157-62.He observesthattheexactformof theGhazni minaretsis found in certain watch towers of Tibet dateableto the eighthor ninthcenturyA.D. 76 Fischer1978 (1):p. 366. 77 Pope:pl. 264; Hill andGraber: 1 and2; pl. Rempel:fig. 64, 1 and2, andfig. 84, 1. 78 and Sourdel-Thomine: Schlumberger pl. 93(f) and 94(a) (d) (e) (f). 79 Melikian-Chirvani: 108-22, pp. pl. 1; Sayan: 192-94, catalogueno. 5, 6. 80 Diez, 1918:pp. 39-43 and 100-6, Tafel4, 1 and2, and Tafel5, 1-4; Pope:pp. 970-74, fig. 336 andpl. 337-38; SourdelD andJ.;pl. 70; Hill andGrabar: pl. 176-77. 81 Pope:pp. 1020-26 forreferences. 82 Cohn-Wiener: pl. IV;Pope:p. 1027andfig. 363:Rempel: pp. 155-56 andfigs. 67, 1 and842. 83 Pope:p. 271; Rempel:fig. 66, 2. 84 Rempel: inthe occurrence p. 154.Thisfeatureis of frequent fortressarchitecture of southemrn Turkmenistan andcan be tracedbackfromtheMervfortressof Shahryar Qal'ato the kushksand forts of the ninth and tenth centuries,see I Pugachenkova: pp. 131-67 and216-20, andHerrmann. wouldliketo drawattention to twomonuments, bothof the twelfth century,which may have significancefor the of the flangeandroundpilastermotif In the development northwestandnortheastcomersof theMausoleum of Sh~r Kabirin Turkmenistan were two annexes.Of the north easternone,onlya partof the eastfagadehas survived.To theleftof a blindarch,therearethreeflangedpilasters(right angled)betweena halfroundpilasters(Pugachenkova: pl. onp. 174andplanonp. 169).Theotheris theportalfagade of theMaghak-i'Atfii mosqueat Bukhara. In eachof the two flankingsalientsis a pairof quarterroundpilasters joinedtangentially (Rempel:fig. 68, 1 and84, 4; Hill and Grabar: figs.4, 7, 8). Preciselythesamefeaturecanbe seen in the Malikfagade(Pope:p. 272). 85 Khanikoff: Rib.t-i 1953:p. 118andn. p. 370; Sourdel-Thomine, 3, andp. 134.MrWarwickBallhasdrawnmy attentionto thereportof a minaretat Sakhir3 km.southof Deh Titan,

86

below the Kiih-i Zar Murgh, which is of baked brick and 30 m. high, nearthe remainsof a fortressor palace (Khan: p. 240 where it is referredto as the Tower of Alexander; MohammedNabi Kohzad:p. 7; Ball: site 974). Mr.Jonathan Lee has received reports, from local sources, of two minaretsin Gharjistan(Ball: site 625). Khanikoff's translation of the inscription is given in RCEA,VII: no. 2627: "... Il a 6t 61ev6par ordrede l'6mir, du grand isfahsalar ... Abul Hasan Ali, fils d'Ahmad par

87

183

Ali filsde Uthman,fils d'Ahmad deNaisabur, un architecte sousle regnedu Sultan,fils des Sultans...' I amunableto have identifyAbl '1Hasan'Allb. Ahmad.MightKhanikoff read:"Sultanfils des Sultans"for sultin al-salkin?The of Ghiyathal-DinMuhammad latteroccursin thetitulature b. Sam(n. 73 above);butI knowno exampleof its use in the eleventhcentury.It is noteworthythatan architector of decorator originhasalsobeensuggestedas the Nishapirn of theMinaretof Jam(n. 50 above). ordecorator architect Hill and Grabar:pl. 527; Digby: pls. la and lb; Hillenbrand: pl. Vib.

88

Page: p. 31.

89

Ibid. Thomas:pp. 21f; Page: loc.cit.;RCEA,X: pp. 13f, no. 3619 with additions(thekunyaof Ghiy~thal-Dinis Abii 'l-FathandnotMuzaffar).Publ.MASXXVIp. 31. E.I.M 1911-72,p. 177.Reprod.EI.M 1911-72,pl. IV:

90

S A tA

91 92

4i1 )iI

J yIU1 4 dU0

AII

)

I S. ,AAU

Page: p. 31.

Page: p. 30; RCEA,X: pp. 12f, no 3618. Publ. MASI XXIV,p. 30, E.IM. 1911-12, pp. 16-17. Reprod.MAS XXII,pl. 176,E.lM 1911-12,pl. III:

~ AlIy1 J tI 'tLAU.I # yld I06 )iy Al i 45 ; ~LdASLdJI & LAU] 4; .~leSVI .

.

U11 1

94 95

0

US .w1, A[1igaI tU9

*'PA )

atA.

A.

93

Li 40l

,L

AU

la

d.;U

A&

l

eL

.

Page:p. 30.

~ul 3~Y\~XY16LUY\~1 Page:p. 39. Ibid.;RCEA,no. 3513 withfurtherreadingsshowingthat the inscriptionis in the nameof Aybak: A1....(2)


184

("has order the constructionof this mosque ... al-Sultaln

96

.. la date du 20 dhul-qa'dayear 594 [23 September 1198]") Although both are accorded the title al-sultin almu'azzam shdihanshihal-'azam, only Ghiy5th al-Din is

97

98

Diez, E. 1918. ChurasanischeBaudenkmldler,Berlin. - 1923. Persien, Islamische Baukunst in Churasan, Hagen-

Munich. -

1936. art. "Manra", ET.

-

1950. "Die Siegesttirmein Ghaznaals Weltbilder",in

Kunst des Orients, I, pp. 37-44. styledsul.tdnal-salhtin.Oncoinsbearingthenamesof the of two brotherson the observe and reverserespectively, Digby,S. 1970. "Iltetmishor Iltutmish:a reconsideration thenameof the Delhi Sultan",Iran,VIII,pp. 57-64. Ghiyathal-Dinis styledal-sultfinal-'azam andMu'izzalER. Din al-sultfin almu'azzam. However, Sourdel, D.: p. G., art."Harrdn", Fehdrvairi, 1910. J. History of Indian and Eastern 117,nos. 1273-81,listsninegoldcoinsin whichthetitles Fergusson, arereversed. Architecture,London. Studiesin Seistanand Page:pp.39f.,no. 7, "ThePillarof Fame"(kirti-stambha) Fischer,K. 1969-70. "Archaeological XXII/3-4,pp. 91-107. of Malikdin,and p. 41 no. 20; "The pillar of victory adjacentareas",Afghanistan, in Afghan Seistan, field 1978. 'Ala' For Alavadi of surveys "Archaeological (i.e. al-Din)". (vijayastambha) N. (eds.), R. and F. in Hammond, 34. valuable see Nath: 1960-1970", Allchin, comments, interestingand p. For thefath-nmima,see Habibullah:p. 265.

TheArchaeology ofAfghanistanfrom the earliest times to the Timuridperiod, London.

-1978. "Fortifiedandopensettlementsin medievalSistan", Bibliography Atkinson, J. 1842. Sketches in Afghanistan, London.

Ball, W. with the collaborationof J.-C. Gardin, 1982. Archaeological Gazetteer of Afghanistan, Paris.

Barthold,W. art. AbrOi", Ell. "H.fiz-i Journal of a Political Mission to Bellew, H. 1862. Afghanistan in 1857, London.

Storia della Citta, Rivista Internazionaledi storia urbana e territoriale,Milan, VII, pp. 59-63.

des monumentsde Fleury,S. 1925. "Le decor6pigraphique 61-90. Ghazna",Syria,VI, pp. Galdieri, E. 1978. A few conservation problems concerning several Islamic monuments in Ghazni (Afghanistan): technical report and notes on a plan of action, IsMEO,

CentroRestauri,Rome. Kabul, 1910. Compiled in

Blair,S. "Theepigraphical programof thetombof Oljaytuat IslamicArt, Sultaniyya: meaningin Mongolarchitecture", II,pp. 43-96.

Gazetteer of Afghanistan,Part

Bombaci, A. 1966. TheKufic Inscription in Persian verses in the court of the royal palace of Mas'ud III at Ghazni,

Gibb, H.A.R. (tr.and ed.) 1958-71. The Travelsoflbn Battuta

IsMEO,CentroStudi e Scavi Archeologichiin Asia, Rome. Bosworth, C.E. 1977. The Later Ghaznavids,Splendour and Decay: The Dynasty in Afghanistan and Northern India, 1040-1186, Edinburgh. Briggs, J. (tr.) 1827-29. Firishta. History of the Rise of MahomedanPower in India till the year 1612, London.

IV,

the Division of the Chief of the Staff, Governmentof India,Simla. 1325-1354, Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, no. 141, Cambridge. ' duMinaretde Mas'tidIII Godard,YA. 1936."L'inscription Ghazna",Athdr-eIrdn, I, pp. 367-69 andII,p. 351. Grenet, F., Lee, J. and Pinder-Wilson,R. 1980. "Les monumentsanciensdu Gorzivan(Afghanistandu NordOuest)",St.Ir,IX, pp. 69-98. Habibi,A.H. 1980. "TheCityof Ferozkoh.Wherewas it?",

Bruno,A. 1962. "Theplannedand executedrestorationof some monuments of architectural interest in EW,XIII,pp. 99-186. Afghanistan", - 1963. "Noteson the discoveryof Hebrewinscriptions in

Afghanistan Quarterly,XXXIII/1, pp. 34-44. Habibullah,A.B.M. 1976. The Foundation of Muslim rule in

the vicinity of the Minaretof Jam",EW, XIV, pp. 206-8. Byron, R. 1937. The Road to Oxiana, London. Casimir,M. J. and Glatzer,B. 1971. "Sah-Maghad,a recently discovered madrasah of the Ghurid period in Gargistan (Afghanistan)",EW, XXI, pp. 53-68. Cohn-Wiener, E 1930. Turan: Islamische Baukunst in Mittelasien, Berlin.

Feldarbeitenin Ghor. Berichte fiber Forschungs-arbeiten zum Problem Jam-Firuzkuh", Afghanistan Journal (Graz), Jg. 3, Heft 2. Herrmann,G. 1999. MonumentsofMerv. TraditionalBuildings of the Karakum,Society of Antiquaries,London. Hill, D. and Grabar,O. 1964. Islamic Architecture and its Decoration A.D.800-1500, 2nd ed., London.

India,3rdrev.ed., Allahabad. Herberg, W. and Davary, D. 1976. "Topographische

MINARETS GHAZNAVIDAND GHUCRID

Hillenbrand,R. 1988. "Politicalsymbolismin early IndoIslamicmosquearchitecture: the case of Ajmir",Iran, XXVI,pp. 105-117. Hutt,A. 1977"TheCentralAsianoriginof theeasternminaret form",Journalof theRoyal Societyfor Asian Affairs,7 (old

series),vol. 64, pt.II,(June,1977),pp. 157-62. -

and Harrow, L. 1977. Islamic Architecture, Iran, I,

London. Jackson, J.A. 1842. Viewsin Afghanistan, etc. from Sketches taken during the Campaigns of the Army of the Indus,

London. JalIli, GhulbrmJildni, 1351/1972. Ghazna wa Ghaznawiy-an,

185

Niedermayer,O. von, and Diez, E. 1924. Afghanistan, Leipzig. Page, J.A. 1926. An Historical Memoir on the Qutb,Delhi, in Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, no. 22,

Calcutta. Pope, A.U. 1939. A Survey ofPersian Art, London. Pugachenkova, G.A. 1958. Puti razvitiya .arkhitekturny yazhnogo Turkmenistana pory rabovladeniya i

of thearchitecture feodalizma,("Linesof thedevelopment in the slave-owningandfeudal of southernTurkmenistan period"),Moscow. Inschriften Rapp, E.L. 1973. "Neue persisch-hebriiische eine dem Mittelalter: Gesamttibericht", Afghanistansaus

Kabul. Mainzer Afghanica, Jahrbuch der VereinigungFreunde Jizjdni, Tabaqdt-i NIsiri ed. 'Abd al-Hayy HIabibi, der UniversitatMainz, Mainz. 1342/1963-64,2nded., 2 vols., Kabul. London. Kessel,J. 1959.Afghanistan, Raverty, H.G. (tr.) 1881-99. Jdizjni: Tabaqat-i Natsirl, 2 Khalili, Khalil Allah, 1333\1955 Saltanat-i Ghaznawiyin, vols., London. Kabul. Rawlinson, J.A., "Copy in suls characterof the Cufic S. 1891. fromHeratthroughTaimanicountry Khan, "Journey inscriptionson the Minaret(Manarah)nearestto the and the pukt-i-Tudto Girishk",Afghan Boundary to "Documents relatingto villageof Rozah"anaddendum Commission,IV, Calcutta. de Khanikoff,N. 1864. Mjmoire sur lapartie miridionale de I'Asie centrale (Receuil de voyages et de m#moires publijes par la Societj de Giographie), Paris.

Kohzad,MohammedNabi Kohzad,1959 "Touristsites of XIII/3.pp. 1-7. Afghanistan(2)",Afghanistan, V. 1931."Noticessurles inscriptionsde la Kratchkovskaya, Mosquee Djoum'a A Veramine",Revue des Jtudes islamiques, V, pp. 25-58.

Leshnik,L.S. 1968. "Ghor,Firuzkuhandthe Minar-iJam", CentralAsiatic Journal, XII, pp. 36-49. Maricq, A. and Wiet, G. 1958. Le Minaret de Djam. La dicouverte de la capitale des Sultans Ghorides (XIIe-XIIIe siecles), MDAFA,XVI, Paris.

THE GATES OF SOMNATH", Journal of the Asiatic

Societyof Bengal,new series,XII/1(Jan.-June,1843),p. 77. Rempel, R.I. 1961. Arkhitekturnyornament Uzbekistana,

Tashkent. Repertoirechronologique d'epigraphie Arabe (ed. E. Combe,

et alii), 1931-56. InstitutFrangaisd'EpigraphieArabe, Cairo. Ridd, Shaikh Muhammad, 1346/1967. Riydd al-alwah fromGhazni"),Kabul. ("Inscriptions Routes in Afghanistan, NW -

General Staff India, 1923,

Simla. Sayan, Y 1999. Turkmenistan'dakimimari eserler (XJ-XVI yiizyil), Ankara.

Masson,C. 1927.IndiaOfficeLibrary,Mss. Eur.f.63-65. Scerrato,U. 1959. "Thefirst two excavationcampaignsat A.S. 1970. "EasternIranianarchitecture: Melikian-Chirvani, Ghazni, 1957-1958. Summaryreport on the Italian A proposof the Ghoridpartsof the GreatMosque of Missionin Afghanistan,II",EW,X, pp. 23-55. J. 1978. Lashkari D. and Sourdel-Thomine, Herat",BSOAS,XXXIII,pp. 322-27. Schlumberger, - 1972."BabaHatem:un chef d'oeuvreinconnud'6poque une residence royale ghaznevide et ghoride, Bazar, MDAFA,XVIII,Paris. ghaznmvideen Afghanistan",Memorial Volumeof the 5th International Congress of Iranian Art and Archaeology Smith,M.B. 1936."TheManarsof Isfahan",Athir-e Iran,I, Tehran-Isfahan-Shiraz 1th-18th April, 1968, vol. II, pp. 313-58. Tehran. Minorsky, V. (tr. and comm.) 1937. Hudiid al-'Alam "The Regions of the World", a Persian Geography, London. 372A.H./982A.D., R. 1978. Nath, History of SultanateArchitecture,New Delhi. M. 1931. The Life and Times of Sultan Mahmtid of N•.im, Ghazna, Cambridge.

Sourdel, D. 1953. Inventaire des monnaies musulmanes anciennes du musde de Caboul, Damascus. - and J. 1976. La civilisation de l'Islam classique, Paris. Sourdel-Thomine, J. 1953. "Deux minarets d'6poque seljoukide en Afghanistan",Syria, XXX, pp. 108-21. Stem, S.M. 1966. "The inscriptions of the Kharraqan Mausoleum",Iran, IV, pp. 21-27.

186

-


1969. "A manuscriptfromthe libraryof the Ghaznavid Thomas,E. 1871. The Chroniclesof thePathanKings ofDelhi, Amir 'Abd al-Rashid",in R. Pinder-Wilson(ed.), London.

Paintings from Islamic Lands, pp. 7-31, Oxford. Stronach,D. and Cuyler Young, T. 1966. "ThreeSeljuq Tomb Towers",Iran, IV, pp. 1-20. Stuckert,R. and Glatzer,B. 1980. "Die Grosse Moschee und

das MausoleumGhiyet ud-din in Herat",Afghanistan Journal, 7, pp. 13-22. Tate, G. P. 1910-12. Seistan: a Memoir on the History, Topography,Ruins and People of the Country, 3 vols.,

Calcutta.

Vercellin, G. 1975. "Appuntisu Firuzkuhe Shahr-e Daver", in Annali della Facolta di Linge e letteraturestraniere di Ca'Foscari, XIV/3 (Serie Orientale6), 367-76. - 1975. "The identification of Firuzkuh: a conclusive proof", EW, XXVI, pp. 337-40. ofa Visitto Ghazni,Kabul Vigne,G.T.1840.A PersonallNarrative and ofa Residenceat the CourtofDost Mohamed,London. Wensinck, A.J., art. "Niya",El'. Zander,G. 1972. "L'IsMEOe i restauridi monumenti",in II Veltro. Italiana, XVI, pp. 563-78. Rivista'della Civilth

THE SARRAFAN BATHS IN BUKHARA By GalinaAsanovaandMartinDow Tashkentand London

1. INTRODUCTION The accountof recentinvestigations at the Sarrafian bathsis interestingon two counts.Firstly,this kind of buildingplayeda significantpartin the everydaylife of peopleintheregionfromthetimeof theIslamicinvasion. Whilenothavingthe samestrikingformanddecoration as the largermonuments,baths neverthelessdeserve studyforthelighttheyshed,bothon buildingtechniques andon economicandsociallife. Secondly,thehistoryof andits aimsillustrate how conservation theinvestigation of historicbuildingsis carriedoutin Uzbekistan. Takingthe firstpoint,the way in whichthe public bathhouses of thewesternIslamicworldwere (hamm~ims) built and used in mediaevaland laterperiodsis now reasonablywell known (Pauty 1933; Ecochardand LeCoeur1943;Dow 1996). Steambaths,many dating back to the fifteenthand sixteenthcenturies,are still enjoyedby manypeople,bothlocalandvisiting,inTurkey andthe surrounding Whilesubstantial countries. research on thiskindof buildingfurthereasthas beenwrittenin Russian,little recent work has appearedin Western Europeanlanguages.The magnificentarchi-tectural achievements of the largerTimuridbuildingsare better known(O'Kane1987;Iriskov1996),and two Timurid baths, in Baku and Shahrisabz,are known in detail (GolombekandWilber1988;Pugachenkova 1981).The seventeenth Ali Khan in Kerman is one of centuryGanj-i in Iran(Herdeg1990). thefewto havebeendescribed CentralAsianhammams,likethosein WesternAsia andNorthAfrica,formedan important partof people's as life in theIslamicsocietythere,butwereconstructed, materials and the local elsewhere, using building methods.The extentof differencesin layoutthrowsan interestinglight on differencesin historyand cultural influences, but a comparison between the baths describedhere and those furtherwest shows that throughoutthe Islamicworld they seem surprisingly similarin principle.Indeed,the most strikingfeatureis the culturalcontinuitywhichexistedover sucha wide area,betweenthe AtlanticOcean in the west to the bordersof Chinain the east.

Hammamswere functionalbuildings,owing much of their strikingshape to the combinationof domes coveringthevariousroomsforundressingandwashing, but decorativemajolicapanelswere used internallyin CentralAsia, as in Turkeyandthe Levant.As will be seen,prayerwas carriedoutinside,witha mihlibbeing providedin one of thewashingrooms,butthe sociallife associatedwithhavinga bathwas probablycarriedout in the undressingroom. bathsarelocated,was Bukhara,wherethe Sarraf-an a majorcity on the Silk Route,and was notableeven beforethe Islamicperiod(Barthold1977, pp. 100ff.). DuringtheTimuridagenumerousmajorbuildingswere the andits prosperitycontinuedthroughout constructed, in are mentioned Shaybanidperiod.Two bathhouses waqf documentsof KhwajaAlrar, datedaround1490 (Chekhovich1974).One was oppositethe newly built madrasaof UlughBek, andthe otherwas to the eastof the congregational mosque. bathsdatefroma laterperiod,butgiven Present-day would have to fit thatthe watersupplyarrangements with the existingtown wells, drainsand canals,new ones are likely to have been built or rebuilt on previouslyused sites whereverpossible. The exact locationof the two in the waqfdocumentis not easy to pinpoint,butcouldhavebeenwherethe QdZiKalanand arenow. Misgarn lhammdms While Khanyikov noticed sixteen baths in the nineteenthcentury,Olufsenreckonedthat there were aroundtwentyof thesebuildingswhenhe visitedBukhara at the startof the twentiethcentury,the largestbeingthe Khwajahammnms KhwdjaPdrsa,Nay and 'AbdullWh (Olufsen1911). Rempelhas recordedthe positionof nineteen,which are shown on Fig. 1, and noted that (Rempel1981,pp. 148-50): eighteenwereoperating 1. Sarrffanhammdm,nearto the Tdq-iSarrafan,the Dome. Money-Changers' 2. KhwajaParsahammam,nearto theBazar-iKhwaja. 3. Gavkushanhammdm,past the bazaarsnearto the GavkushanMadrasaby the cattleabattoir. 4. Misgarn lhammram (alsoknownas theBdzar-iKard the oldestbathremainingin be to said hammam),

187

188


MUHAMMADf 0PAIK jAMNMCIASHMA-YIAR AYYUJB HAM M-I~.1 1 HAMMAMKHANA SHISHA 0

I

HAMMAM-1HAMMAM-I -TUKUMDUZI KUNJAK .. OHQAZIKALAN HAMMAM-1 -O 0 AY-1ASTANA II(L •(1 N P A

.GHAMVU- HASHANAA.M J[.

. OKWk..

L

' j ?" SAABIATASH GAVKUSHAN HA- 0 SARRAFAN HAMMAM-IBAZAR AQBM--I:--t.• _L-HAMMA?M-I kASAA _ kp

0 HUAMMAM-I HAMMAM-1 JUYBAR 0/4

SHIR DAMULLAH

JUL-

Fig. 1. Plan of Bukhara showing baths known to exist in 19th and 20th centuries.

Bukhara.This is besidethe Taq-iTelpaqFurishin, the Dome of the Cap-Sellers. 5. Kafsh-iAIlk hammdm,at the Kafsh-iAlak shoe bazaar. 6. Abi Atashhammam,at the Bazdr-iNav. 7. Qzi Kaldn hammam(also known as the Nayv hammm), at the QAziKaldn(GreatJudge)bazaar. 8. Tukumduzihamm5m,by the donkey-saddle bazaar at the Registan. 9. Kunjakhammam,ortheComerBaths,by the southwest cornerof the KalanMosque. 10. Jilybdr hammnm. 11. ChukurMahallahammam,or Hammam-iNaqib. 12. BibIKhalfahammam. 13. Paiy-iAstanahammim. 14. Ghdziydn hammrm. 15. DdmullahShirhammnm. 16. ShishaKhdnahammam. 17. Chashma-yiAyyiibhammam. 18. 'AbdullahKhwija .hammnm. the emirateof Bukharatold Europeanvisitorsto how people used the baths (Schuyler1876; Olufsen 1911)andRempelalsodescribesthefamiliarfeaturesof a Turkishbath,thatis, the massage,towels andbasins. The sociallife, like the principlesof the layout,didnot differgreatlybetweeneastandwest.

When we come to considerthe second point of of the interestin thefollowingaccountof therestoration the essential to consider it is helpful Sarrif-anbaths, aims of conservation,for the work of the department involvedin Uzbekistanhada practicalreasonconnected with the investigationsthat were undertaken.The buildingswereto be preserved,andif possible,returned thereis to a workingstate.In architectural restoration, of the enduse oftena conflictbetweentherequirements and the demandsof historicalaccuracy.Typically,the fabricof the buildingis regardedas being of greater importancethan the atmosphereinside. The internal how a buildingwasheatedandlit, is more environment, easily changed,and it is easierto arguethat modem on whatwas originally techniquesarean improvement used.Fewpeoplewouldargueagainsttheuse of electric light in any functioning historic building. It is research interestingto notethatextensive,unpublished, has been done in Uzbekistanin connectionwith heat flows in the underfloorchannelsof hammams.This kindof studyis usefulin preservingthe traditional way that hamm5mswere used, while conventionalstudies on the buildingsthemselves. concentrate Even when consideringthe fabric,differentviews are current.Since the latter part of the nineteenth century,therehasbeena strongfeelingin GreatBritain

THE SARRAFAN BATHS IN BUKHARA

that a clear distinctionshould be made between original parts of the building fabric and new restorationwork. New work should be reversible, should not destroy any of the original building and should be clearly different from original work. An alternative view, however, is that such a clear distinctionbetween new and old is not necessary, and the emphasis has been placed on ensuring that any repair or'modification to an historic building has an appropriateappearance (see Feilden 1994, p. 244 for a discussion on presentationof historic structures). This can lead, in some cases, to the condition when an appropriateappearanceis taken to mean an old appearance, irrespective of historical accuracy.For example, cast-ironradiatorsmay be used in an eighteenth century building, to look old, even though radiatorswould never have been used in any building before the nineteenth century.At other times, restorationis treated merely as repair work, replacing like with like. Mediaeval gothic carved stonework is commonly replacedwith newly carveddecorationin the same style. Indeed, in previous ages, this kind of likefor-like repair was the only kind of restoration undertaken.Any otherwork to an old buildingwas done in the most modern style. Because clay mortarand mudbrickwere extensively used in local architecturethroughoutCentralAsia, the conservation of historical buildings has involved extensive rebuilding. Reconstruction with the appearance of the old is common, and the splendourof much

189

of the glorious architecturein the centre of Samarkand, for instance, owes a great deal to recent restoration. Much has already disappeared.Mudbrick monuments remaining from the Timurid period are almost unknown, but this is due to the fact thatthey have fallen into ruin ratherthan that they were never built. Even fired brick, while more permanentthat unbaked brick, can still decay more rapidlythan stone. Post-Timuridbuildings were often constructedusing quick and cheap methods, rather than those which would ensurethe building could last as long as possible. Of the twenty or so traditionalbaths in Bukharaat the end of the nineteenth century, only three were still operatingby the latterpart of the twentieth century,but much work has been done to ensure that these last remaining examples of the building type are preserved. Extensive restorationwork on the Hammam-iMisgaran was taking place during 1995, and photographsand a plan of the building can be seen in Figs. 2, 3 and 4. The article which follows deals with the earlier restorationof the Sarraf-anbaths. An initial site survey was made in 1975 after they closed, followed by archaeological and architecturalinvestigations.In 1979 soil tests and ground water analysis allowed the structuralengineeringof restorationwork to be put on a sound basis, and further measurements and archaeological excavations continuedup to 1982. The restorationwork was carriedout by the Uzbek Research and Surveying Institute for Restoration of

Fig. 2. Roof of Misgaran Baths.

190


Baths. Fig. 3. Interiorof Misgarcan Historical Monuments (UzNIPI restovratsi) under the

directionof I. Israilov.The chief projectarchitectwas I.V. Gudkov,and V.T.Boriskinactedas Chief Project Engineer.GalinaAsanova,currentlyheadof the Uzbek RestorationAssociationhas generouslymadeavailable a considerablevolume of materialon hammamsin Uzbekistan,includingthe reportsand drawingsof the Bukharanbaths,andhas playedthe majorrole in preparingthe article*.MartinDow contributedthe introduction.The translationfromRussianwas undertaken by SarahFilleulat the Universityof Westminster.

Fig. 4. MisgardnBaths.

the fall of the Timurids,who had their capital in Samarkand(Babur1949, 1996). Followingthe initial periodwhen the statewas establishedunderShaybani Khan (1500-10) and his nephew 'UbaydullahKhan (1533-39), a seriesof prolongedfeudalwarsbetween the Shaybanidoverlordsoccurred.In the secondhalfof the sixteenthcentury,the Shaybanidruler 'Abdullah 2. THESARRAFANBATHSIN BUKHARA Khan (1557-98), haltingthe growingbreakupof the state, graduallycreateda unified territoryunderthe The Historical Background aegis of Bukhara,which became its political and culturalcentre. The Uzbek state underthe rule of the Shaybanid The creationof the new stateby 'AbdullahKhan, came into in the sixteenth after who reliedon the greatlandownersandthe supportof dynasty being century


the religious leaders and landowningpeasants,was accompanied by an enormous amount of new the cost of whichwas borneby therestof construction, the population(Dmitriev1950, pp. 32, 33). The trade and craftsindustriesof Bukharathrived,andthis gave rise to a functionalapproachto architecture. A large numberof civic buildingswerebuiltduring'Abdullah Khan'srule,includingclosedmarkets,domedbazaars, bathsandcaravansarays. The scale of constructionhad an impact on the characterof the architecture, which acquireda more rationalaspect. This was reflectednot only in the development of new structural and decorative in the emergence techniquesbutalso,moreimportantly, of new ideas on compositionwhich broke with the establishedtraditionsof thepast. The sixteenthcenturyhas been consideredin a numberof studiesto be a periodof declinein decorative as well as in the qualityof construction craftsmanship, itself. Buildings are poorly preserved,and this is explainedby a fall in standardsof craftsmanship. However,the theorythatthis marksa generaldecline may be questioned,since Bukhara'sappearancetoday was createdduringthis period,when the city enjoyed as thecapital greatereconomicandpoliticalimportance of the Shaybanidstate.The periodwhen the statewas establishedin the secondhalf of the sixteenthcentury cannotbe viewedas a periodof architectural declineif we considerthe scaleof buildingandthe appearance of a numberof new popularestablishments, ortherational approachshownin the new techniquesof construction anddecoration. Itwasundoubtedly aneraof progressin the localarchitecture of thepost-Timurid era(VAimbery to 'Abdullah Khanhas 1873, p. 294; according him, beenpopularlyregardedas therulerwho createdall old monumentsin Bukhara). A large numberof monumentswhich were built during'AbdulldhKhan'srulehavesurvived,andhe can be creditedwiththeconstruction of the 'AbdullahKhan the madrasa, Balyandmosque,the domedbazaarand the baths.

Hamm~ims

Oneof the important aspectsof dailylife in Central Asian cities was the bathsor lhammams. Buildingsof this type playeda specialrole in the East,wherebaths wereone of the fundamental necessitiesunderreligious

191

himselfcouldbuild law.A rulerwishingto immortalise a college or, betterstill, a a mosque,a caravansaray, bathhouse,spacious and with abundantsupplies of water(Vimb6ry1877,p. 89). Forthisreason,bathsin the Eastwerethe subjectof concern,not only forthe rulerof the city and particular its local religiousorganisationsbut also for wealthy individuals who would build a bathhouse for themselvesand for theirfriends.The bathswere used notonlyforbuildingup one'sstrengthandraisingfallen spirits, for relaxationand for meeting friends and pleasantconversation,but also for meetingto discuss buying and selling and businessdeals, as well as for (Orbeli showingoff one'sskillin chessorbackgammon 1939,p. 159). The furnishingsof the bathsandthe washingritual were describedmore than once by travellersvisiting CentralAsia. Khanyikov,who visited Bukharain the middleof the nineteenthcentury,wrote that Bukhara of baths,of whichsixteen was notableforits abundance were of importance.Amongstthem the well-known Sarrafanand ChashmaAyytibbathsarementioned,as are the Misgaranand Bdzar-i Khwaja (Khanyikov 1843,pp. 89-90). The SarrafinBathsin Bukhara,built at the time of 'AbdullahKhan'srule in the sixteenth century,offeran interestingexampleof layout(Shiskin 1936,p. 71). Initial Investigation

In 1975 the SarrafanBaths ceased operating.The researcher studyof thebathsby anUzNIPIRestoration of this as a result at this time work,Phase1 and, began of the restoration projectfor the remainingpartof the bathsstarted. of thebuildingwasburieddeeply Themainstructure in the ground, the later structuressurroundingit completelyobscuringit from view. In plan the baths resembledan irregularblot, with five-, six- and eightcorneredrooms with angled recesses on each side which looked like rosettes with petals forming an intricategarland.The rooms were connected with each other by narrow vaulted passages. A small lantern, formedby a shade made of baked clay and pierced with slots, dimly lit the low rooms. When investigative work began, the first room was a spacious changing room cruciformin plan. A wooden ceiling rested on timber columns over four metres high.

192


Thewoodenboardingof the floorcoveredancientbrick pavingon whichthe bases of the columnsrested.The internalwalls were plasteredand whitewashedwith lime. This room was undoubtedlybuilt later, and modernlanternshad been built into the roof of the changing room. The wooden frames had cracked becauseof constantcondensation andwerewarped.The structurehad collapsedin places andthe clay tile roof leaked. Thelevel of the floorof thenextroom(thedardmat) was significantlylowerthanthatof the changingroom. The dropin heightwas spannedby dilapidated wooden steps. The rectangularplan of this room had been somewhatlost becausethe walls and layersof plaster hadbecomemisshapenin places. The entranceto the followingroom was a lancet arch,in the recess of which a doorwaywas built.The domedceilingof the squarepdshdikhdnaroom,usedfor washingthe feet, restedon fourarches.Onthe eastand westwallswerearchedrecesseswithmarbleplinthsand in the southwall therewas an archedopeningleading intothe nextroom,the kichiksardy(or smallhall). This pentagonal hall was significantly more spaciousthanthe precedingwashingrooms.The dome restedon the archkeystonesandpendentiveswhichhad lost their originalform. Here and there,the distorted of thewalls masonryof thedomeoverhungthestructure of the room.Theplinthsin the recessesandthe floorof the room were made of marble slabs which were coveredin placeswith severallayersof cement.

Fig. 5. KunjakBaths.

Fig. 6. SarrifanBaths.


193

Themiya~n sardy(thecentralhall),whichwas much than the otherrooms,andwhichstillpossessed grander it on to a relativelycool room (the khunuk opening a khina), and numberof small massage and steam rooms,was reachedthroughthe nextarcheddoorway. Figs. 6 and 7 show the bathswith laterstructures builtaroundthemin the Sovietperiod.

Comparative Study

In 1980-82,afterworkonthesiteto lowertheground level,to striptherepaired claddingandto clearnumerous layersof repairedplaster,bothinternallyandexternally, were carriedout. was completed,furtherinvestigations The aim was to re-recordthe exposedelementsof the building and to make a more thoroughhistorical, andarchaeological architectural studyof themonument. were drawnwith the mediaevalbaths Comparisons of Azerbaijan,Armenia, Georgia, the Crimea and Khurasan.Romanbathswere also considered,where the underfloorheatingsystem is similar,althoughin Fig. 7. SarrafiainBaths. BRICKS270 x 270 x 70mm ON GYPSUMMORTAR VERTICALJOINT 5-10mm HORIZONTAL JOINT 17-25mm

9/

12 10

8

BRICKWORKPOINTEDAT JOINTS1

Fig. 8 Sondageno. 1. Roomto west of Miyin Saraiy


194

hypocaustbaths the floor is on low pillarsbetween whichhotairfromthe furnacecirculatedfreely,whereas in hamm5msit is usuallyfed throughby heatingducts. Inthelayoutof bathsstudiedin theCrimea,Bulgaria andAzerbaijan, a clearcrossshapeprevails.InArmenia andGeorgia,as in the mediaevalbathsin Khurasan,a numberof smallrectangular roomswere combinedto formthe washingarea. Thehammamsstillin operationtodayin Bukharathe Bu5zr-iKdrd (Misgaran)and Kunjakbaths showedclearlythe generalway in whichIslamicbaths were builtandoperated.The Misgaranbathsappearin Fig. 4, andthe Kunjakbathsin Fig. 5. The Kunjakbaths providedthe best comparison. Site surveysandmeasurements madearoundthe same time as thoseon the bathsshowedthemto be Sarrifian in a goodstructural state.At thecentrein bothcaseswas the largeoctagonalmiyainsarjy,whichwasprecededby the significantlysmallerkichiksarjy. Washingrooms for differentpurposesand with differenttemperature andhumidityr6gimessurrounded the centralroomand wereconnectedwithit by meansof vaultedpassages. The constructionof the entrancerooms, furnaces and waterreservoirwas almostidentical,as was the technologyof the heatingsystemin general.

ArchaeologicalWork Along with the analysisof similaritiesbetweenthe and mediaevalbathsof differentcountries,architectural and trenches of means archaeologicalsurveys by sondageswerecarrriedout on the SarrafanBaths. Descriptionsof five of the sondagesin whichparts of thewallswereexposedareprovidedbelow.Figs.8 to 12 show the sondages.Trenchno. 1 was excavatedin the passagewayto the room on the south-westside of themiyainsardy,anditsposition,alongwiththoseof the sondages,is shown on Fig. 13, with furtherarchaeologicaldetailshownin Fig. 14. Sondageno. 1 exposed the plasterof the southeasterncornerof theroomto thewestof themiyrinsarfy. Thepurposeof excavationwas to determinethenumber of layersof repairedplasterand theircomposition,to REPAIRWALL 260 x 260 x 60mm BRICKS ON CLAYMORTAR JOINT 20-25mm VERTICAL JOINT20-30mm HORIZONTAL

TRACEOF LATERMIHRAB

\1

1

I. IKfIT'1

PLINTH

BRICKS260 x 260 x 60mm ON CLAYMORTAR JOINT 20mm VERTICAL JOINT20mm HORIZONTAL

Fig. 9. Sondage no. 2. Mihrdbniche to west of MiydnSardy.

BRICKWORK STRUCTURAL 250 x 250 x 60mm BRICKS ON GYPSUMMORTAR JOINT 20mm VERTICAL JOINT20mm HORIZONTAL

Fig. 10. Sondageno. 3. East nicheof MiyanSardy.


NO BONDBETWEENREPAIR WALLANDSTRUCTURAL BRICKWORK

195

BRICKWORK ORIGINAL 270 x 270 x 65mm BRICKS ON GYPSUMMORTAR 10mm JOINT VERTICAL JOINT20-30mm HORIZONTAL

f11111wi il '~

64

,---

REPAIRWALL 260 x 260 x 60mm BRICKS ON CLAYMORTAR PLASTERREPAIRLAYER STRUCTURAL BRICKWORK 250 x 250 x 60mm BRICKS ON GYPSUMMORTAR VERTICAL JOINT 20mm HORIZONTAL JOINT20mm

Fig. 11. Sondageno. 4. East nicheof MiyanSardty.

searchfora decorativelayer,andto determine thenature and type of the brickworkand bricksize. Duringthe clearingof dilapidated plasterfromthe end wall of the recess,ten layerswere discovered(Table1), showing thatthebathshadbeenrepeatedlyrepaired. After furtherclearing,the structuralbrickworkof walls of squarebakedbrick(270 x 270 x 70 mm.)laid on gypsummortar(ganch)was revealed.Thehorizontal jointswere 17-25 mm.andtheverticaljoints5-10 mm. The surfaceof the brickworkhad been destroyedby moistureandit was difficultto determinethe qualityof the polish. Individualpolishedbrickswere collected, suggestingthatthe interiorsurfacesof the walls were not plastered.The pointingof the joints betweenthe bricksis furtherevidenceof this. Sondageno. 2 exposeda sectionof plasterfinishin the west recessof the sameroom.Whenthe two upper

REPAIRCLADDING BROKENBRICKS ON GYPSUMMORTAR JOINT 20mm VERTICAL JOINT20-25mm HORIZONTAL

Fig. 12. Sondageno. 5. KhunukKhana.

layers of repairplasterwere removed,a trace of a was discovered.A line 35 mm. wide produced soot on the gypsumplasteroutlineda lancetarch. mihr.b by Thekeystoneof the smallarchwas 1070mm.abovethe floor datumlevel. After furtherlayersof plasterwere clearedfromthesurface,thebrickworkof thewallswas revealed.Thiswas of 260 x 260 x 60 mm.brickson clay mortar;the vertical joints were 20 mm. and the horizontaljointswere20 mm. orratherits outline, Theexposedtraceof the must have been a later addition, mihr.b,since there were a furtherthreelayersof repairplasterbeneathit on the brickwalls. Possibly,an earliermihriibwas situatedin theroomto thesouth-westof themiyansarny,andwhen this room collapsedand its entrancewas blocked,the outlineof animaginarymihrnbwas sketchedin blackin the five-sidedrecessof thewest room.

196


/i

SOILTEST

SONDAGE8

TRENCH2 SONDAGE 3 S ASONDAGE 2

SONDAGE1

SONDAGE4

-

SONDAGE7 5 SONDAGE TRENCHI

TEST 5SOIL SOILTEST 0

1

5

10m

Fig. 13. Positions of sondages.


Fig. 14. Record of excavated features.

197


198

TABLE1 LayerNo.

Composition

Colour

Thickness (mm.)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Gypsum,sand,cement Gypsum Cementinterspersed withgypsumaggregate aggregate Gypsum Gypsumaggregate Cementandgypsum Gypsumaggregate Gypsumaggregate Gypsumaggregate Gypsumaggregate

Umber Yellow Grey Lightgrey Grey Darkgrey LightGrey Grey Darkgrey Lightgrey

2-5 2-5 10-12 2-3 1-2 5 3-7 2-4 3-5 1-5

Beneaththe layersof repairplastera claddingof Sondagesnos. 3 and4 were carriedout in the east niche of the miyansardyat 1200 mm. fromthe floor. brokenbrickon gypsummortarwas revealed,which Thepurposewas to lookforpanellingformerlyframing completelyobscuredthe originalconfigurationof the theinteriorwalls,to determinethestructural bondof the room.Thethicknessof the claddingwas over390 mm. of the endwall withthe sidewall andto look fora doorwayin in places.Betweenthis andthe originalstructure the end wall of the recess.Duringthe removalof the roomwas ajointofup to 20-50 mm.thick.Theoriginal plaster layers down to the brickwork,no traces of brickworkof the roomwas of 270 x 270 x 60-65 mm. panellingwere found. Therewas no structuralbond brick on clay mortar.In places, polishedbrickswere andthecarefulpointing betweenthe end and side walls, and no doorwaywas foundin theoriginalbrickwork, found.The brickworkof the end wall was builtusing of thejoints with gypsummortarto protectbrickwork repairbrickson claymortar.Theverticaljointswere20 from the destructiveaction of moisture had been mm.andthe horizontaljointswere 15-20 mm. preserved.The verticaljoint was 10 mm. and the The end wall musthavebeen a repair,blockingup horizontalwas 20-30 mm. the roomwhichexistedearlier.If panellingalso existed atanearlierdate,it was laterdemolishedandthesurface Conclusions of the wallsplasteredwithgypsumaggregate. the was as of no. 5 Sondage opened up part On the basis of the results obtainedfrom these conservationof the passageto the khunukkhdna,in the followingconclusionsweredrawn: orderto determinethe originaldimensionsof the room, investigations, underwent baths The and to determine the layers of plaster and their significantchangesaftertheir of numerousrepairs,and traces are There construction. composition. clearanceof the plasterrevealedthe the remainsof the wallsof a furtherfive roomsdirectly Layer-by-layer attachedto the bathswereexposedduringexcavations. five layerslistedbelow: Tracesof majolicapanellingmadefromdecorative werediscoveredandtheseindicatethatthe interior tiles TABLE2 of the washingroomswas oncerichlydecorated. Layer No. Composition Tojudgeby individualpolishedbrickssurvivingin the brickworkof the walls, it may be assumedthatthe interior walls were not originally plastered. This 1 Gypsum 2 Cementwithgypsumadmixture assumptionis also supportedby the pointingof the 3 jointsbetweenthe bricks. Gypsum The surveyrevealedthatthe floor of the Sarraf-an 4 Gypsum 5 in the centralareais level with the floor of the Baths Gypsum 6 Cement(toplayer) Sarrdfandomed bazaar(the sixteenthcenturylevel).


Fig. 15. Former plan of baths.

199

200


This suggeststhat Easternmediaevalbathswere not alwaysburiedin the groundin orderto conserveheat. The massivewalls, togetherwith the characteristics of theunderfloor heatingsystem,alreadygavethestructure a substantialheat capacityand an abilityto maintain warmthovera longperiod.Its depthtodayis the result of a build-upof culturaldepositsover the yearsandof laterbuildingworkon the wallsof the baths.

which of thealterations Fora systematicexplanation have takenplace,the followingnumbereddescriptions of theroomsareproposed.Fig. 16, a reconstructed plan of the baths,showsthe numbers. 1. Thevestibulegroup 2. Thepdshiikhdna(a roomforwashingthe feet) 3. Thekichiksarfy(a smallhallforablutions) 4. The miyansarAy(the mainor centralhall, with a raisedstoneplinthin the centreformassage) 5, 6, 7. Washingrooms,alsousedlaterin thenineteenth andtwentiethcenturiesas roomsforprayer. OriginalForm 8. Thegarmkhdna(thehot room,moreoftenusedas The Sarrdf-an Baths' appearancewhen they were modemsteamroom) that in the The khunukkhIna(the cold room,or roomwith second half of the 9. sixteenthcentury, built, is, can be reconstructedusing the archaeologicaland coldwater) evidence.Eachof theroomsis differentin 10. Rooms exposed in 1979-81 (used for religious documentary plan,reflectingits function. rituals) All thewashingroomsof thebathswereheatedwith 11. The saridegi (a room with communicating a systemof underfloor inthe heatingchannels. partitions,used for storing and supplying hot Starting furnacethey first heated the water in the saridegi water) cisternsandthenthe floorof thepremises.Thepassages 12. Oval-planroomsconstructed later(usedforstoring coldwater) throughwhich the batherspassed between the first rooms and the washing rooms were particularly 13. The fire room or furnace (used to heat the intricatein orderto protectthe warmroomsfromthe underfloorchannelsandthe water) of cold air. Roomsexposedin 1979-81 (usedfor religious This of 15. allowed the creation penetration 14, differenttemperatures in differentrooms,accordingto rituals) theirfunction. The original composition of the baths was of In previoustimes, the bathshad been heatedwith fourteen intercommunicatingvaulted and domed camel-thornand steppeburrs;manureand city refuse chambers,andthe fireroom. weresometimesalso usedas fuel. As is evident from the surveys for the Phase 1 Thewalls of the bathswerebuiltwithbakedbricks restorationworks, the first room of the baths was a on a gypsummortarandin someplacestheyreacheda spacious,cruciformvestibulewhichoncealso servedas metreor morein thickness.Thebrickworkwas typical a changingroom. Its entrancewas evidentlyfrom an of the 'AbdullahKh5nperiod.Wholebrickswere laid adjoiningroom on the south-eastside of the domed along the outsideof the wall only. The cavity formed bazaarto the north,the Tiiq-iSarrdfan. Judgingby the betweenthe two walls was filled with brickrubblein remainsof the base of the originalwall layoutof the vestibule,semi-octagonalarchedrecesseswerebuiltin clay mortar. The construction of the walls of the SarrafanBaths its north,eastandwest arms. testifiesto the rationaltechniquesused at this time, as In the interiorangled cornersof the cross were does the constructionof manyothermonumentsfrom shallowarchedrecessescontainingpassages.Thenorththis period.Thishas also resulted,however,in the bad west passagecommunicated betweenthe vestibuleand state of preservationof the originalstructureof the the Tiq-i Sarrd~tin. It is not possibleto guessthe use of Sarraf-nBaths. The dome was built in one brick and one-and-a-half brick courses. Marble slabs covered the heating channels, and where there were none, the floor was laid with squarebaked bricks deeply bedded onto the joints. The water for the baths was drawn from a nearby well, but water may also have been used from cisterns.

the south-east and south-west passages, since no clear route to any of the adjoining rooms was discovered duringarchaeologicalexcavations. A passage built in the southernarchedrecess of the vestibule communicatedwith the first room, the plshii khiina,the room for washing the feet. A squareroom, it had deep arched recesses on its east and west sides.


Theseweresemi-octagonal andservedas placesforthe of the preliminary washing bodyandfor its acclimatisationin somewhatwarmertemperatures thanthose of the changingroom.Thewaterforwashingwas brought in througha smallarchedopeninglocatedin one of the facetsof the westernrecess. A passageto the nextwashingroomled throughan archeddoorwaysetin thesouthwallof thepdshi khjna. The kichik sarjy, the small hall, was the second washingroom.Thispentagonalroomwas significantly more spaciousthanthe precedingroom.The walls of the kichiksardyincludedwide archedrecesses,in the lowersectionsof whichwerebuiltlow marbleplinths. Waterfor the morethoroughcleansingof the body was broughtup froma smallvaultedreservoirset in the thickpartof thewesternwall of thenortharchedrecess. Throughthe next archeddoorwaywas the miyan sardy,or centralhall,whichdominatedthe architecture of the baths.It was larger,granderandmore spacious thanthe otherwashingrooms.Octagonalin plan, the miyan sardy also had at one time a marbleplinth intendedfor massageat its centre.The remainsof a plinth were recorded here, and several historians studyingmediaevalbathshavenotedthe prevalenceof massage.Voroninahas observedthatin Easternbaths, as in Romanbaths,the cult of the body flourished.It was understood somewhatdifferently, however,sincein Roman baths physical contests and sport were practiced,whilein bathsin Uzbekistanmassagewas, in a sense, a substitute for the gymnastic exercises (Voronina1951, p. 115).

In the arched recesses along the sides of the octagonalroom,doorwayswerebuiltto otherroomsof the baths,each of which had a specific function.The mostinterestingof theroomsis Roomno. 10,theharam khina, which was exposed during Phase 1 of the archaeologicalwork.Circularin plan, it is dividedby low radialbrickpartitionsinto sector-shapedcubicles whichwere enteredvia a smallcorridorpassingalong the largeradiusof the circle. In the other hammams from this period still operating in Bukhara at the time of the survey, the Kunjak and the Misgaran Baths, there were no rooms with this kind of layout. In the Kunjak Baths for women, the rectangularroom used for the same purpose has no interiorpartitionscreatingseparatecubicles as in the men's baths. We may deduce from this that Eastern men's baths differedfrom the women's not only by their extremely rich interior decoration but also by the

201

presence of individual rooms intended for ritual ablutions. Unfortunately,it was not possible to confirmthe presence of a similar circularroom in the current structureof the MisgaranBathssincea largesectionof the washingroomshas now beenlost. A roomwitha similarlayoutwas discoveredin the general arrangementof some other washing rooms recently in the archaeologicalexcavationsof some sixteenthcenturybathson the site of the BenkovArt School in Tashkent.The name haramkhjna itself, means"theuncleanroom",to some whichin translation extent defines the use of such rooms in mediaeval Easternbaths.Shavingandbodilyablutionsassociated withIslamicreligiousritualswerecarriedouthere.The privacy of each cubicle was achieved using low dividingpartitionswhichwere oftenmadeof fabricon a woodenframe,the shortlife of whichhas resultedin theircompleteloss. Theremainsof thewalls of the othernewlyexposed rooms, nos. 7, 14 and 15, are substantialenough to allow a reasonably confident assessment of their originalspatiallayoutandtheirfmunction. Roomsno. 7, 6, 5 and 14 adjoiningthe miyansarly on the east,north,west and southsides were designed specificallyforhealthandhygienepurposes.Similarin layoutand interiorfurnishing,they differedonly with andhumidity,whichvaried respectto theirtemperature of eachof the roomsfromthe to the distance according bathhousefurnace. Tothe south-eastof themiyan sarjy was thekhunuk kh?na,the coldroom,so calledbecauseonlycoldwater was suppliedto it. Nowadaysit has been so alteredby layers of repairsthat it was not possible to form an impressionof its originalspatiallayout. Througha vaultedpassagebuiltin thesouthside,the miyan sariy communicatedwith the garm khina, or hot

room;it washexagonalin planandhadanarchedrecess on each side, in the lower partof which low marble plinthswerebuilt.In addition,the south-east,southand south-westrecessesservedas waterbasins,enclosedby low partitions.The vaultedreservoirswere connected via narrow vaulted corridors with the saridegi room, where freely circulatingwater was heated by means of trenchesbuilt into the floor, the floors faced onto the fire room furnace. Examining the remains of the walls of the fire room today, one may conclude that it was not originally formedby walls on four sides and covered over. Strictly

202


NEWTILING RESTORED STRUCTURE PRESERVED STRUCTURE

Fig. 16. Plan ofproposed modern restoration.


speaking, it was not a room, since it was not isolated from the outside. The furnace where fuel was burned was situated practically under an open sky. Evidently only a light awning on wooden supports protected it from rainfall.

Historical Repairs It is possible to say that the Sarrdf-anBaths underwent at least two major repairs, not counting minor intermediateand subsequentrepairs. The first of the major repairswas evidently carried out at the end of the sixteenthcentury,when the interiors of the washing rooms were embellished along the edge of the walls with a majolica panel assembled from individual tiles whose quality of glaze corresponds to those of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Evidence that the panels have been repairedis revealed by the fact that they stand somewhat proud of the surface, and polished bricks are to be found in the brickworkof the wall. At the same time substantialparts of the brickworkof the walls were relaid, although the same bricks were used. This is indicatedby portions of the brickwork,where the relaid bricks were not always placed with the polished side exposed. There must have been collapses in individual rooms, with bricks being reused from the falls. Subsequent destruction, as well as the major reconstruction of the building, modified the original spatial layout of the baths to an importantdegree. It is not possible to date these alterationssince, to judge by archaeological excavations, they were carried out without any planningand the originalbuilding materials were often used. One can only suggest that they occurred at a time when the economic life of Bukhara

203

generally declined and capital investment in building fell sharply. One of the last major alterations can be related to repairs carried out in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. During this period the entrance rooms of the baths were completely rebuilt. The washing rooms surviving up to that time also underwent significant reconstruction.The deformation and collapse which had occurredby that time in rooms no. 7, 10 and 14 led to their entrancesbeing blocked up and the rooms themselves being filled with building debris. It was probablyat this time thatthe internallayout of room no. 9 was modified with a repairlining which in some parts reached a thickness of up to 400 mm. The dome covering this room, which by then had become misshapen, was relaid using uneven bricks of differing colours. The work was carried out randomly and not always by skilled craftsmen, as shown by the uneven profiles of the newly-revealed vaults and domes. The decorationof the interiorsof the washing rooms was also radically modified, the brickworkof the walls being plasteredwith gypsum. Furthermore,the remains of majolica panels stretching around the perimeters of the washing rooms were also covered with plaster. Subsequent repairs did not significantly alter the appearanceof the structurewhich had been established by the nineteenthcentury.

Conservation Plans were made in the early 1980s to restore the baths, and Fig. 16 shows the layout of the baths which was proposed. Figs. 17 and 18 show an elevation and section, and Fig. 19 shows a perspective view. It was envisaged that the baths would be restoredas a working

Fig. 17. SarriiffinBaths. Elevation ofproposed restoration.

204


Fig. 18. Sarrfcin Baths.Sectionofproposedrestoration. building, including facilities, and technology, which were not in the original. The rooms proposed were as follows: 1 Sarnf-andomedmarket 18 Lavatory 2 Grocerystore 19 Shower 3 Fabricshop 20-26 Washingrooms 4 Two-storeyresidentialbuilding 27 Massageroom 5 Cashdeskhall 28 Steamroom 6 Cashdesk 29 Saridegi 7 Staffroom 30 Equipmentyard 8 Vestibule 31 Pumnp room 9 Hairdresser 32 Laundry 10 Toiletrieskiosk 33 Sluice-gate room 11 Tearoom 34 Fumace

12 13 14 15 16 17

Distribution room 35 Gas distribution room Sideroom 36 Servicecorridor Tearoomforbathers 37 Staffshower room 38 Restroomforbathstaff Changing Linenroom 39 Ventilation chamber Coolingdownroom Some of the assumptions about the original arrangement and appearance of the building were theoreticaland had not been fully corroborated.Without this there could be no question of the near complete restorationof the monument. Full reconstruction and adaptation of the baths would requireadditionalresearchon the original layout and how best to restoreit. Some conservationwork was

Fig. 19. Sarriffn Baths Perspective ofproposed restoration.

THE SARRAFANBATHS IN BUKHARA

carriedout under the first phase, and this had relied on adequate survey records being made first. The next phase of research would be composed of three parts. The main work was the partial restoration of various elements of the structureand decoration,the restoration of which was made possible by available evidence. To discover more about the external dimensions of the building, the existing ground level by the walls of the monument would be excavated further. As a minimal measure for the removal of rainwater from the external walls of the monument, brick run-off paving one metre long had been laid at a suitable gradient. The exposed remainsof the walls of roomsno. 10 and 14 were to be conserved by protectingthe top layers of the brickworkwith new layers of five or six courses of 260 x 260 x 50 mm. brickson cement and lime mortar.It was intended to re-lay dilapidatedparts of the ancient brickwork with brick identical in colour and physical propertiesand with a width of 400 mm. (1?2bricks). The work on the monument would continue for a year, and, as experience had shown that there would be a largenumberof casual visitors, taking their toll on the general state of preservationof the monument, it was proposed to erect a temporarybrick enclosure, and a doorway in the north-easternarea. * The authors are grateful to the British Institute of Persian Studies for a grant towards the preparationof the drawings.

Bibliography Tashkent. Bdbur,Zahiral-Din.1949.Babur-name. - The Bdbur-ndma,ed. and tr. W.M. Thackston Jr., Mass.1993 Cambridge, downto the MongolInvasion. Barthold,W. 1968. Turkestan E.J.W.GibbMemorial Trust.London Chekhovich, O.D. 1974. Samarkandskiyedokumentui. Pis'mennoti VostokaXXXI.Moscow. Pamyatniki Dmitriev, V.M. 1950. "Kompozmtsionniye osobyennosti bukharskoiarkhitekturi vtoroi polovini XVI v." (The features of Bukhara of thesecond architecture compositional

205

half of the sixteenthcentury)Coll. Materialipo istoriii teorii arkhiteturiUzbekistana.Ed. 1. Dow, M. 1996. TheIslamicBaths ofPalestine. Oxford.

C. 1942,1943.LesbainsdeDamas. M. andLeCoeur, Ecochard, de Damas.Beirut. I andII.Institut Frangais Feilden,B.M. 1994. ConservationofHistoricBuildings.London. Golombek,L. and Wilber,D. 1988. The ThmuridArchitecture of Iran and Turan.Princeton. Herdeg. K. 1990. Formal Structurein Islamic Architecturein IranandTurkistan.New York. Iriskov,A. et al. (eds). 1996. Amir Temurin WorldHistory.

Tashkent. Khanyikov, N. 1843. Opisaniye Bukharskago khanstva (A

St.Petersburg. of theBukhara khanate). description Man'kovskaya, L.Yu. 1980. Tipologicheskiye osnobui zodchestvaSredneiAzii (IX-nach.AX v.) (The typological

of CentralAsia (10th-to the bases of the architecture of 20th Tashkent. the century)). beginning O'Kane, B. 1987. TimuridArchitecturein Khurasan. Costa

Mesa. Olufsen,O. 1911. TheEmirofBokharaand his country.London.

Orbeli,I. 1939."Banyai skomorokhXII v." (Bathsand the minstrelof the twelfthcentury).Coll. Pamyatnikiepokhi Rustaveli.Leningrad.

Pauty,E. 1933. Les hammamsdu Caire. InstitutFrangais Cairo. Orientale. d'Archdologie Pugachenkova, G.A. 1981. Termes, Schahr-i Sabz, Chiwa.

Berlin. Rempel' L.I. 1958. Vidayushchiesya pamyatniki arkhitekturiUzbekistana(Notable monuments of Islamic

Sand

in Uzbekistan). architecture Gosudartsvennoye izdatyel'stvo literaturi. Tashkent. khudoshyestvyennoyi Rempel' L.I. 1981. Vodosnabzheniye.Vodyemi.Banyi. Vostoki. Dalekoye i blizkoye.Bukharskiyezapisi. Tashkent.

London. E. 1876.Turkistan. Schuyler, Shishkin, V.A. 1936. Arkhitekturniyepamyatniki Bukhari

Tashkent. of Bukhara). monuments (Architectural A. 1868. Sketchesof CentralAsia. London. Vinmb6ry. - 1873. HistoryofBokhara. London. - 1877. Ocherni i kartini vostochnikhnravov (Sketches and

imagesof Easterncustoms).St.Petersburg. Voronina,V.L., 1951. "Obuzbekskikhbanyakh"(On Uzbek baths).SovetskayaEtnografia.No. 1.

SUFIS AND COMPETINGMOVEMENTSIN NISHAPUR Melchert by Christopher OrientalInstitute,Oxford

Thanksto relativelyabundantsources and some good modem studies,we now know much aboutthe developmentof Sufism and related movements in Nishapurfromthe laterninthcenturyA.D. to the time of our principalsources for their history,the early 1000s. Jacqueline Chabbi has examined the biographicalsourcesandfoundstrongsuggestionsthat Nishapurwas originallydivided, in the later ninth century,betweentwo renunciantmovementsof local origin, the Karramiyyaand Malamatiyya.1Sufism (tasawwuf),expressly so named, was evidently an fromIraqandabsorbedthe localMaldmati importation school only in the eleventh century. Subsequent researcheshave almost entirely confirmedChabbi's WhatI proposeto addis to identifymore interpretation. the precisely formationof a Malamatischool, mainly with the workof Abi 'Uthminal-Hiri(d. at Nishapur, 298/910); to describemore precisely its progressive absorptionby IraqiSufism;to discussthe involvement of Karrmiyya, Malamatiyya,and Sufis in politics, especiallyby way of orderingthe good andprohibiting theirconnectionswith evil; and,finally,to characterise the developingschoolsof law.

237/851-52) and by Ahmad b. Khidrawayh (d. 240/854-55). Itsprinciplesweretaughtin Nishapurby Ahmadb. Harb(d. 234/849) andAbi Hafs al-Haddad al-Naysabtri(d. 265/878?).3 WithAhmadb. HarbandAbOHafs,we cometo the Karramiyyaand Malamatiyya,the two renunciant schools that distinguishedKhurasanfrom Iraq,Syria, andotherregionsof earlySufi activity.NeitherAhmad b. Harb nor Abt Hafs was a Karrami,but the Karr•miyyawere namedfor a discipleof Ibn Harb's, Muhammadb. Karram(d. nearJerusalem,255/869).4 C.E.Bosworthofferedthefirstindependent studyof the their in the part politics of Karramiyya,stressing Nishapur.5JacquelineChabbi, suspecting that Sufi is tendentiousandmisleading,inspected historiography the survivingabridgement of the Ta'rikhNays•bir, by at al-Hakimal-Naysaboiri (d. Nishapur,405/1014),and foundthatit expresslycalls no one a Sufi beforeAbi Bakral-Wasiti(d. after320/932)andnamesfew further thetenthcentury.6As anothercheck personsthroughout on the Sufi tradition,she inspectedthe geographical work Ahsan al-taqdsim,by al-Maqdisi(dubiously, fl. 375/985), and found that the most al-Muqaddasi; numerousasceticsof Khurasanseemto be not Sufisbut Karramiyyaor, as Maqdisi sometimes styles them, RENUNCIANTSCHOOLSOF KHURASAN khInaq5'iyyin.7 She located the beginnings of the Karr•miyyawith Ahmadb. Harb,who formedboth butpositedthatIbnKarramtook Working with Sufi sources, Louis Massignon asceticsandpreachers, located the beginning of KhurasaniSufism with his teachingin a new direction,mainly by actively followersof Ibrahimb. Ad'ham(d. in UpperMesopo- seeking out converts,especially in the countryside, tamia, 163/779-80?) who transferredfrom Basra to hithertobarelyIslamised.8 Khurasanin the later eighth century.2The most Since Chabbi'swork,Josef van Ess has published al-Balkhi(d. important importantof themwas Shaqiqb. Ibrhimun additionaltextswithcommentary whileJeanat Kiln, 184/810), who establisheda new school ClaudeVadethas broughtout the importanceof the as a schoolof kaldm.9AronZysowhaspaid distinguished by a new definitionof tawakkul(reliance) Karr5miyya andtherejectionof kasb(gain).ForIbrdhim b. Ad'ham, special attention to peculiar Karrami juridical tawakkulmeantdependenceon licit gainas opposedto positions.10 BerndRadtkehas discussedthe opposition illicit; for Shaqiq,it meant dependenceon God, not of al-Hakimal-Tirmidhi(d. c. 295/907-8?) to the man. And whereasIbrahimhad subsistedon money Karramiyya,and has also published a letter from fromoddjobs, Shaqiqcompletelyrejectedall kasbas al-Hakim al-Tirmidhito the Maldmatileader AbN pernicious.The new Balkhischoolwas maintainedby 'Uthmdnal-Hiri."SarahSviri has used the latterto his disciple Hatim al-Asamm (d. at Washajird, good effect,replicatingandextendingChabbi'swork.12

237

238


Useful summarieshave also appearedfrom Wilferd MadelungandMargaretMalamud,amongothers.13 OurpremierSufi historianof Khurasan,Abi 'Abd al-Rahmanal-Sulami(d. at Nishapur,412/1021),states thatfromAbNlHafsspreadthe doctrineof malima.14In

school is admittedlyimpossibleto say, for al-Sulami, overa centurylater,is theonlyextantsourceto callthem that.Ourdataon mastersand disciplessuggestthata andAbilHafs schoolwentbacknotto Hamdinal-Qassar butonlyto Abi 'Uthmdnal-HIi.Tomy knowledge,our his Risllat al-Maldnmatiyya,al-Sulami expounds their sourcesname six men as disciplesof Abi (min which Abl come down sahiba Abd H.afs to a principles, Hafs, thoroughgoing ash5b Hafs). interiorisation of religion;that is, they cultivatetotal concentration on Godbutdo not allowtheirnearnessto TABLE1: TheDisciples ofAba al-Nays biri. H.afs God to affect theirpublic appearanceand behaviour, which remain inconspicuous (although not AbGi 'Uthmanal-Hiri.18 Chabbi observes that of their some blameworthy).15 Abai'AbdAllahal-Sijzi(fl. late3rd/9thcent.).19 before300/913).20 were Shahb. Shuja' to the those known of principles exactlyopposed al-Kinnrni(d.atKinnan, 303or304/c.916).21 MahfUzb. (d.atNishapur, Karrarmiyya; e.g. specialdressfor Karrimirenunciants, Mahmi•d normal dress for Malamatiyya. It is a credible al-Murta'ish (d.Baghdad,328/939-40).22 AbU'All al-Thaqafi 328/940).23 (d. atNishapur, extrapolationthat the Karrfmiyyaand Malimatiyya were rival movements,the chief alternativeforms of Khurasani renunciationuntil the later advent of Thereis somequestionabouttwo of these. Sufism.16 Al-SulamIaccepted the Sufi intrudersas The sources name three disciples of Hamdiin fellow opponentsof the Shi'a and Karrimiyyaand al-Qassar. assimilatedthe local,Malrnatitradition retrospectively to the Sufi traditionof Iraq,as by includingAbtiHafs TABLE2: TheDisciples of Hamdanal-Qassr. andHamdinal-Qassar(d. at Nishapur,271/884-85) in thefirstgenerationof SufisandAbti'Uthmanal-HIi (d. Mahf5z b. Mahmld.24 at Nishapur,298/910)in the second.17 Abai'Allal-Thaqafi.25 Onthewhole,I haveto say,Chabbi'sarticlelooksas IbnManazil(d. atNishapur,331/942?).26 brillianton my fourthreadingas it did on my first.I do not proposeto correcther.A close examinationof the Again,thereis somequestionaboutal-Thaqafi.27 sourcesdoes shedadditionallighton some biographical By contrast,the extantsourcesnameat leastsixteen of the developmentsshe bringsout. (Theseareby and disciplesof Abti'Uthminal-Hiri. largethe samesourcesthatChabbiherselfuses,withthe TABLE3: TheDisciples ofAbi 'Uthmlinal-HIrL. exceptionthat I approachal-HIakim al-Naysabtirinot through the extant abridgementand translationof al-Khalifaal-Naysabtiri but mainlythroughquotations 311/924).28 Abi Ja'farb. Hamdan(d. atNishapur, in al-Dhahabi, Ta'rikh al-Islam, and Siyar a'l•mn al-nubali.)

THEFORMATIONOF THEMALAMATI SCHOOL One such development is the formation of a selfconscious Malamatischool; thatis, a body of renunciants conscious of a common doctrine and a particular sequence of masters and disciples. Approximately the same level of consciousness, covering a common doctrine and a common sequence of masters and disciples, characterisesthe contemporaryschools of law. Whether any body expressly called itself the Maltrnati

Abi 'l-Husayn (d.before320/932).29 al-Warrnq

al-Murta'ish.30 Mahffizb.Mahmiad.31

b. 'Allal-Nasawi(fl.atNisk,early4th/10th Muhammad cent.).32

b. Hayy5n AbtiBakrMuhammad (d.335/December 947).33 946-January al-H-ir(d. 342/954).34 b. Muhammad Abh q Ibrahim Ish. b. Abti'l-Husayn (d. Ahmad Abi 'Uthman al-.Hir 343/954-55).35 Abt 'UthmanSa'idb. 'AbdAllahal-Samarqandi (d. 343/954-55).36

'A'ishabt. Sa'id(d. 346/957-58).37 Abu'l-Hasanal-Btishanji (d. 347/958?).38 'AbdAllahal-Rizi(d. 353/964--65).39

SUFIS AND COMPETING MOVEMENTS IN NISHAPUR

(d.Tis? after350/961-62).40 al-Turdghabadhi

Muhammad (d.before.360/970-71).41 al-Shabahi 'Alib.

Bundar(d. 359/96970?).42

Abmad b.Ytisufal-Iskafal-Ashqar (d.at AbtiHdmid Mecca,364/974-75).43

IbnNujayd (d.atMecca,965/975?).44 A schoolis constitutedwhenit has recognisedmasters anddisciples.Altogether,Abi 'Uthmanseems to have behavedmorelikethechiefof a distinctschoolthanany shaykhbeforehim. Anotherevidenceof Abi 'Uthman'sconsolidating the schoolis his synthesisingthe doctrinesof Abi and Hamdin al-Qassdr.Accordingto al-Sulami,H.afs AbN andhis followersurgedon theirdisciplesto good H.afs and ascetical exercises (mujtihad~t), works whereas and his followers belittled works Hamdtn al-Qassar before their disciples and pointed out their Ab 'UthmCn saidthateachmethodwas shortcomings. soundat the propertime andurgedneophytesto good works and exerciseswhile pointingout to advanced studentsthe shortcomingsof the samegood worksand exercises.45 of Negatively,AbN encouragement H.afs's seems much less good works and asceticalexercises distinctlyMalamatithanHamdinal-Qassar'sbelittling them,castingdoubton whetherAbi Hafseverfounded a distinctMalamatischool.Positively,AbN'Uthman's synthesissoundsmuchmoreliketheworkof a founder. Unlikehis two predecessors,moreover,Abo 'Uthmdn committedhis teachingto writing,which served to makethe propagation of his doctrine,as if by a regular school,mucheasier.46 THEMALAMATISCHOOLAND SUFISM I believewe cango beyondChabbialso concerning the relationshipbetweenMal.matiyyaand Sufis thus expressly designated. Genetically, they are only remotelyrelated.ClassicalSufismtook shape around al-Junayd (d. at Baghdad, 298/911?) after the 260s/874-84. In al-SulamI'sTabaq~tal-stfiyya, the earliest Khurasaniwith Iraqi masters is Aba Bakr al-WasitI.The same is also the first in al-Hakim's Ta'rikhNaysibir to be expressly identified as a "Sufi".47 Accordingto al-SulamI'sdiscipleal-Qushayri, Sufism appearedin Nishapurby means of Abti 'All al-Thaqafi.48Al-Thaqafi was an early Khurasani exponentof semi-rationalist theology,associatedwith

239

the virtualfounderof the ClassicalShdfi'ischool,Ibn Surayj(d. at Baghdad,306/918).49As an ardentShafi'i and Ash'ari,al-Qushayrimightwell have exaggerated al-Thaqafi'simportancein Sufism;yet AbN'Ali'sdates corroborate al-Hakim'sandal-Sulami'snoticesof AbN Bakr al-Wasiti in their suggestion that Khurasani Sufism goes back only to the early tenth century. Admittedly,al-Sulamirelates a story in which AbN Hafs, visiting Baghdad,overawes al-Junaydby his eloquenceon the subjectoffutuwwa(recklessdisregard of self).50 This and similar stories suggest that Khurasani and Baghdadi mystics were in close communicationwell before the advent of Abi 'Ali However,Chabbi's al-ThaqafiandAbNBakral-Wdsitli. such reports(it was knownthat scepticismconcerning so had no Arabic, that he understoodand Abi Hafs spokeit in Baghdadby a miracle)is difficultto refute.51 Still, whereasSufism and NishapuriMalimatism seem to have grownup independently, they seem to al-Sulami havebeensimilar.In describingMaldmatism, at YazId al-Bast5mi Abi (d. Bast-am, frequentlyquotes 261/875?).52Al-Junaydhimselflecturedon the ecstatic shatahdt of Abi YazId.53Al-Sulami never quotes al-Junayd,buthe does notethathis sometimeassociate Ruwaym(d. at Baghdad?303/915-16) "comesclose" To some degree,coincidences to Malamatidoctrine.54 betweenBaghdadiSufismandNishapuriMalamatism betweenIraqi maybe feedback.Thatis, communication was sufficientlywell Sufis andNishapuriMalamatiyya developedby the time of al-Sulamifor Malamatismto have come underIraqiinfluence.It was no longerthe puremovementof AbN'Uthmdn. andSufismwerealso responsesto YetMaldmatism similarchallenges;mainly,to demonstrative mystical movementsthat had provokedrepression.As Chabbi suggests, interiorising Maldmatismwas partly a response to Karramism. I would suggest that interiorisingJunaydiSufismwas partlya responseto the Sufism that had provoked the Inquisition of 264/877-78, in which GhulamKhalil(d. at Baghdad, 275/888), a popularpreacher,procuredthe indictment of seventy-oddmysticsfor sayingtheyno longerfeared God but loved him. Ruwaym and al-Ntri (d. at Baghdad,295/907-8) were among those who fled Baghdad.SSAl-Junayd himself escaped arrest by assertingthathe was not a Sufi at all but a studentof jurisprudence, specifically that of Abt Thawr.56 Al-Junaydwent on to developa languageto deal with mysticalexperiencethat would not offendmore old-

240


fashionedascetics;for example,triadslike separation- previouslynoted, was a disciple of AbNi'Uthman, union-separation(farq-jam'-farq) and subsistence- accordingto al-Dhahabi,and al-Hakimal-Naysibtiri annihilation-subsistence (baqi'-fand'-baqd')replaced identifieshim as a Sufi, familiarwith al-Shibli in the old dichotomies (e.g. farq-jam ). Al-Junayd also Baghdad.67This fusion of Sufism and Malamatism in an 'Abd Allah inward a continuedin the careersof al-BiIshanji,68 pushed mysticism direction,offering of that b. would and not Bund~r.70 interfere so Moreover,al-Hikim style mysticalpiety clearly al-Razi,69 'Ali with the collection of hadith reports,the study of al-Naysibtiricalls Abi Ahmadal-Julidi(d. 368/979)a jurisprudence,and so on.57New ways of discussing Sufi,eventhoughhe nevertravelledfromNishapurbut so far was a discipleof thedisciplesof AbtiHafs;i.e. he was a mysticalexperiencewereno partof Malamatism, as we know,but an inner-worldly, If a distinctMalamatischool formedonly non-demonstrative Malnmati.71 was central to it. the with mysticism teachingof Abi 'Uthmiinal-iri, it appearsthat A relateddevelopmentto which Chabbimerely it began to blend with Iraqi Sufism alreadyin the of his disciples. points is how the Sufis absorbedthe Malamatiyya. generation Al-Sulamiplainlyconsidershimself both a Malimati and a Sufi, whereashis discipleal-Qushayriconsiders himself a Sufi plain and simple. Thus we have a KARRAMIYYAAND MALAMATIYYA terminusante quemat aboutthe secondquarterof the eleventhcentury.A terminuspost quemis harderto fix. sourcesshouldallowus to datethe Ourbiographical If we acceptal-Qushayri's reportthathe was a disciple estrangementbetween Karrimiyyaand Malamatiyya of Abil Hafs and of al-Qass?r,thenAbi 'Ali more precisely than in previous studies. There is was not sharpuntilthe al-ThaqafiappearstoH.amdin representthe firstfusionbetween evidencethattheirestrangement Sufism and Khurasani Karrdm'smasterin b. Ibn the tenth Abmad that Harb, Iraqi Malamatism; is, century. first person who was formedin both Baghdadand Nishapur,was well regardedby eminenttraditionists. Nishapurand then formedKhurasanidisciplesin the Yahydb. Yahyaal-Naysibiri(d. at Nishapur,226/839) latter. was sure that Ibn Harb, if anyone, was among the abdNl.72Al-SulamiincludesYahydb. Mu'adhal-Riziin TABLE4: TheDisciples ofAb "A his shorterbiographicaldictionaryof Sufis,althoughit ITal-Thaqafi. omitsIbnHarbhimselfandall mentionof Karrdmiyya. AbtiSahlMuhammad and b. Muhammad al-Subki near (d. Yahyi b. Mu'ddhwas buried near Ibn thereforeChabbicountshim his disciple.73 H.arb, Medina,355/966).58 Massignon Abi NasrFathb. 'AbdAllahal-Sindi(d.atNasrdbddh, pointsto similaritiesbetweenYahydb. Mu'fdh'sand Ibn Karrdm'steachingsand identifiesYahydand his 359/969).59 AbNSahlal-Su'laki (d.atNishapur, 369/980).60 discipleIbrahimal-Khawwas(d. atRay,291/903-4?)as Abl BakrMuhammad b. Ahmadal-Farra' (d. 372/983?).61 Karrmiyya.74 Al-Sulami includes both Yahyd and 'AbdAllahb. Muhammad b. Fadlawayh(d. 374/984-85).62

Abi Muhammad b. al-Sarial-Kirmnni Muhammad al-Qabbini(d. at Nishapur,376/986).63

Abi Sa'Id'AbdAllahb. Muhammad al-Rdzi(d.at Bukhara, 382/992-93).64 AbW 'l-'Abb5s al-Bushni 'UbaydAllahb. Muhammad (d. 384/994).65 Abt Muhammad 'AbdAllih b. Humidal-Isbahani (d. 389/999).66

Even if we do not acceptal-QushayrI'scharacterisation of Abti 'AlI al-Thaqafi,there is al-Thaqafi'scontemporary Abti Bakr Muhammadb. Hayy~n (d. 336/935-36), who followed the doctrine of Abt b. al-Fadl, as '1l-.Husayn

IbrahIm in his TabaqNtal-s qtiyya, although not Ibn

themselves.75 IbnKarramseemsto HarborIbnKarrtim have quotedmild praise for himself from Yalhy b. Mu'adh.76

Ibn Karr.rn was certainly imprisoned in Nishapur

and finally expelledfrom it; however,it is uncertain were to blame.77An Ibn whetherlocal traditionalists AbuKhuzaymaandothersweresaidto haveagreedon his later banishmentfrom Nishapur,but this may have been otherthan the famous traditionalistMuhammadb. Ishiq b. Khuzayma (d. 311 or 312/c. 924).78 It was at Heratthat a local traditionalist,Abti Sa'Id al-Darimi (d. 280/894), is said to have collaboratedin his beating and expulsion.79 al-Naysablri heard that Ibn Al-.•ikim praised by both Ibn Khuzayma, chief Karrdmhad been


of the traditionalists(ahl al-hadith),and Abi Sa'id, chief of rationalistic (ahl al-ra ).80Both jurisprudents weresaidto havesatbeforehimmorethanonce.81 Our first distinct report of Malamati hostility towards the Karramiyyaseems to come from the generationafterAbil 'Uthman.Al-Husaynb. al-Fadl, also evidentlyknownas Ibn Khuzayma,declaredthe Karrfmiyyato be unbelievers(i.e. kuffr).82 I haveseen no biographyof this Ibn Khuzayma,but al-Sulami describesMuhammadb. Hayydn,listed above among the disciplesof Abii 'Uthmn, as followingthe doctrine of al-Husaynb. al-Fadl,"amongthe greatfitydnof the Here in al-Husaynb. disciples of Abii 'Uthman".83 nameddisciple al-Fadl,we probablyhaveanadditional, of Ab~ 'Uthmin;probably,too, this is our first clear Malimati condemnationof the Karramiyya.Its date (tenth century) is consistentwith Ibn Khuzayma's commendation of IbnKarrimhimself. I shouldlike to have locateda breakbetweenthe and Karrdmiyya.Van Ess points out H.anafiyya refutations of Karrimiviews fromHanaficirclesin the later ninth century,but then the heresiographyof Makhill al-Nasafi (d. 318/930), al-Radd 'ald ahl al-bida'wa-1'-ahwP,fails to mentionthem.84Richard Bulliet assumes that the two parties were always dividedalongclasslines,butI have foundno evidence of any division in the tenth century (except that al-Hakimidentifiesno one as an adherentof both)and no expresscondemnationof the Karrdmiyyafrom a is a new Hanafiin the eleventh.Hanafiheresiography field of study.85 I will merelyproposeHanafi-Karrimi relationsas a topicfor furtherresearch. THEMYSTICALSCHOOLSIN POLITICS Chabbi suggests that the Karramiyyafell into disreputemainlyby assemblingmembersof the lower classes and preachingto them.86There is certainly evidencethat Ahmadb. Harbsufferedfor something like this. Some time in the 220s/830s-40s, Ahmadb. Harbwas arrestedby 'AbdAllih b. T-hiir,governorof Khurasan,evidentlyfor commandingan independent When'AbdAllWh heardof militaryforceon thefrontier. his reputationfor piety,he let him departfor Mecca.87 Similarly,the Tihirids once or twice imprisonedIbn in Nishapur.88 Karr~im Alhmadb. Harbwas accusedof Ibn Karramwas associatedwith the being a Murji'.89 Murji'tenetthat faithneitherincreasesnor decreases,

241

and the Karrbmiyyawere partisansof Ab5iHanifa.90 Abti Hanifaand the Murji'abelievedin orderingthe good and prohibiting evil (al-amr bi-1'-ma'rif wa-'l-nahy can al-munkar)to the point of active disobedienceto rulers.91It is possiblethat Ahmadb. HarbandIbnKarramcarriedon the tradition. Naturally,orderingthe good and prohibitingevil would was notsomethingthe interiorising Malamatiyya times several is quoted al-Qass~r encourage.Hamdtin againstit. One of his followersaskedhim, "Whatshall I do? I must deal with those soldiers.What do you think?"Plainly,dealingwiththesesoldiersseemedlike collaborationin evil. But Hamdiinanswered,"If you know for certainthatyou are betterthanthey,do not In otherwords,one normallyought deal with them."92 to dealwith soldiersas a sign of one'sproperhumility. Anothertime, Hamdinwas supposedlyasked,"When is it permissiblefor a manto speakagainstpeople(an yatakallama 'ali 'l-nis)?" He said, "When the of God is executionof one of the obligations(fari'iYd) incumbenton him,accordingto his knowledge,orwhen he fearsthe man'sperditionin a heresyoutof whichhe Themention wishesto bringhim by his knowledge."93 of heresy suggests leaving alone oppressiverulers, althoughnot,perhaps,unorthodoxKarrfmiyya. IraqiSufismhadseveralstrands,somefavourableto orderingthe good and prohibitingevil. Al-Nihriis like breaking famousforboldinterventions particularly The winejugsboundforthecaliphalpalace.94 firstwave of Sufis to reach Khurasanmay have been fleeing adherentsof al-Hallaj,thereforecloser to al-Nin's Oneof Abi thanal-Junayd's quietism.95 outspokenness 'Ali al-Thaqafi'sdisciples, Muhammadb. Ahmad al-Farrf', was notable for ordering the good and prohibitingevil.96It seems possiblethata predilection for orderingthe good andprohibitingevil was one trait thatkeptthe SufisandMalamatiyya apartuntiltheearly eleventhcentury. C.E. Bosworthand R.W. Bulliet have pointedto anotherpoliticalcrisis at the end of our period,when of Ghaznaraisedup a Karramileader,Abti Ma1hmiid BakrMuhammadb. Mahmashadh(d. 421/1030). He andrationalists,Shifi'iyya persecutedbothtraditionists andHanafiyya,accusingthemof heresyandextorting money, before being demoted.97Shafi'i biographers such as al-Naysabitii and al-Sulamishould more hostile to the Karramiyyaafter an al-H.kim have been I detectno hostility like episode this,buton thecontrary, in the biographyof the Shafi'i'Abdal-Ghafiral-FarisI

242

(d. at Nishapur, 529/1134-35).98


A predilection for

orderingthe goodandprohibitingevil mayat leasthave becomemoot, in the eyes of the Maldmatiyya, aftera few episodesof strongfavourfromrulersfortheirrivals who orderedandprohibited, theKarramiyya. Whatwas the point of refusingto criticiserulersif one fell into disfavouranyway? SCHOOLSOF MYSTICISMAND SCHOOLS OF LAW

some of his soldiersin 268/882.106It was duringhis absence in 267 that Yahyd b. Muhammadled an lieutenantsandexpelled uprisingagainstal-Khujistani's them fromthe city. On al-Khujistani's return,Yahya's meltedaway.He triedto slip awayhimself, supporters disguisedas a porter,but was arrestedand killed whetherby being immured,stabbed,or torturedto death,the sourcesdiffer.-107 Yahyab. Muhammadoriginallyreceivedthe united supportof the frontierraiders(ghuz~it),traditionalists (ashib jurisprudents (ashib al-hadith),andrationalistic al-ra ?y).lo8 Yahya accused five persons of direct

renunciant. too earlyto be a Althoughhe was naturally Mal•mati,al-Sulamievidentlyincludedhim amongthe awliyd' (friends of God), probably in his lost biographical dictionary Ta'rikh al-sOfiyya.102 The warlordAhmadb. 'Abd Allah al-Khujist~nI occupied Nishapurin 265/878-79, professedlyon behalfof the

responsibilityfor his downfall:"thetwo 'Abbases,Ibn Yasin,Bishrawayhand Ahmadb. Nasr al-Labbad".109 Thesemen are difficultto identifyexceptfor the last, who must have been Ahmadb. Muhammadb. Nasr al-Labbad(d. 280/893-94), chief of ahl al-rav in evidentlyconnectedYahya's Al-Khujistani Nishapur.10 resistancewith the teachingof hadith,for traditionists were forbiddento meet. Perhapsal-Labbadand his fellows exploitedal-Khujist~ni's insecurityto deal a blow to theirrivals.At any rate,the storyis told that al-Sari b. Khuzaymaal-Dinawari(d. 275/888-89?) came to Nishapurin 270/883-84, and the traditionists darednot go to hearhis hadithuntilAbi 'Uthmanthe zdhid took up his inkwell and led the way. Ibn Khuzaymachose the reportsthathe shoulddictate."1 Leading the traditioniststhis way, Abti 'Uthman certainlydoes not appearto have been far from the mainstream. The question remains of the relation between mystical movements and the schools of law. The Karrfniyyaappearto have been close to the Hanafi b. Sahibmay have stakedout a school.112Muhammad more independentKarrfni positionin the firsthalf of the tenth century.113It is not surprisingthat the Karramiyyaand Malamatiyya should each have consolidatedaboutthe same time, or that with their consolidationshouldhavedevelopedincreasinglybitter opposition. Concerningthe Hanafischool,the sourcesidentify some adherentsas "renunciants"(zuhhd). Having

SaftaridYa'qtibb. al-Layth.103 The next year, he broke with Ya'qub's successor 'Amr and professed loyalty to the Tahirids. He re-occupied Nishapur and killed a numberof those loyal to 'Amr.104In 267/881, he headed for Iraq but got no fartherthan the province of Qfimis. The people of Ray fortified their city against him, and so he returnedto Nishapur.o05He was killed there by

looked throughleading sources for the eleventh as well as earlier centuries, Bulliet reports finding eight men identified as Hanafiyya and renunciants, two as and devotees ('ubbgd), but only one as a .Hanafiyya and a Sufi.114 In the tenth century, the Hanafi combinationof Hanafism and Sufism is fairly restricted Bulliet too quickly to Mary, Balkh and Transoxania.115

Margaret Malamud has suggested that the associationof Sufism with the Shafi'i school of law helpedit to gain authority.On close examination,her case does not seem credible.It dependsheavilyon her assertion that before the late tenth and eleventh centuries,"Sufishad been outsidethe mainstreamof Islamicsociallife andinstitutions."99 Sheproposesthat Sufismmoved into the mainstreamwhen it secureda place in the madrasa.However,she presentsno hard evidencethatSufismeveractuallydid securea placein the madrasa.100Moreover, the establishment of madrasas equally shows that jurisprudence had forit,too, hadno formerlybeenoutsidethemainstream, locationto itselfbeforethen- an absurdconclusion,of course,thatcalls intoquestionhercriterionof inclusion in the mainstream. On the contrary, there is evidence that the werecentralto thereligiousestablishment Malamatiyya fromthe beginning.Yahydb. Muhammad al-DhuhlI(d. 267/881), also called Haykan, son of the famous traditionist b. Yahyaal-Dhuhli(d.258/872?), Muhammad hadbeenplacedby theTdhirids in commandof themilitia (qurri' mu.ttawwi'a), presumablyto fightthe paganTurks across the frontier.101He had some reputationas a


equates "Sufi" with "mystic": from al-Sulami's polemics,if nothingelse, it is clear that Karrrnism, hence the piety of many Hanafiyya,includedstrong But he is rightto point out the mysticalelements.116 aversionof theHanafischoolof Nishapurto Sufism,socalled. As forthe Malimatiyya,Hamdinal-Qasshrhimself supposedly adhered to the school of Sufyan al-Thawri,117as did the discipleof his disciples,Abi Abt 'All al-Thaqafiwas a Shdfi'i, Ahmadal-Jultdi.d18 and most though, NishapuriSufis after him were likewiseassociatedwiththe Shafi'ischoolif any at all. Bulliet attributesthe rise of the Shdfi'ischool in the tenthcenturyfirstto the riseof new families,secondto the friendlinessof the Shafi'i school to Persianand it mysticism.119The firstargumentis poorlysupported: needs evidencethat the Shafi'i families of the tenth centurywerenew andthattheShafi'ismof thetenthand eleventh centurieswas discontinuouswith the wellestablishedtraditionistscholarshipof the ninth and tenth.Thereis some evidencefor friendlinesstoward Persianand mysticism;however,the local Mal.mati school was already friendly to Persian (Abt and notoriouslyspokeonly Persian,as noticedabove),HI.afs it was mystical, so Shifi'ism appearsto have been redundant. I am inclinedto say that Shafi'ismabsorbedlocal traditionalism becauseit was more efficient,and that the Sufisof Nishapurbecameidentifiedwiththe Shafi'i school becauseit was the successorto earlier,vaguer traditionist scholarship. Before Ibn Surayj, traditionalistjurisprudentsacquiredtheir knowledge piecemealfrom many differentmasters,just as they acquiredhadith.Startingwith Ibn Surayj'sstudents, ratherstudiedunderone teacher Shafi'ijurisprudents and receivedfrom him a licence to give opinionsor themselvesto teach.IbnSurayjhadmorestudentsfrom Khurasanthanany otherregion outsideIraq,and the of Khurasanis is evengreateramongthe preponderance students of his successors in Baghdad. The new, Surayjistyle musthave prevailedover the old in part for technical reasons: first, one's juridical authority must have seemed more certain if one had received a licence from one teacher whose relation to previous teachers was clear, and whose method of teaching was simple and clear; second, it must have been easier to learn one's Shafi'i jurisprudence at one place than wanderingabout;and, finally, it was evidently easier to study a system of jurisprudencethan to memorise tens

243

of thousandsof hadithreportsandthen to constructa system for oneself on their basis.120A numberof scholarshavepointedoutthatAsh'arismwas easierfor Sufis to embracethan Mu'tazilism,inasmuchas the Mu'tazilatended to disbelieve in miracles,whereas a miracle Ash'arioccasionalismeasily accommodated as kharq al-'ida.121 If the Malamati school was, however,alreadyin the ninth centuryinvolved with traditionist scholarship,andthis scholarshipwas in turn absorbedby the Shafi'ischool in the tenthcentury,it was very naturalfor NishapuriSufismlikewiseto be associatedwiththe Shafi'ischool. As for Sufism'sabsorptionof Malamatism,I have alreadysuggestedthat Malamatirefusal of political involvementmust have seemedincreasinglypointless as rulerscameto welcomeKarrdmisupport.Malrnati distastefor Sufi politicalactivismmustthereforehave diminished as a hindrance to their identifying themselvesas Sufis.Connectionwith a widertradition must also have attractedMaldmatiyyato Sufism as much as it attractedtraditioniststo Shqfi'ism.Yet, it mustbe emphasised, al-Naysabiristillspeaks al-H.kim (traditionalists)and ahl al-rajy mainly of ahl al-hadith (rationalists), not Shafi'iyya and Hanafiyya: the absorptionof the local traditionsproceededgradually, andwas nevercompletein the tenthcentury. Notes

( here whichI owe to MichaelCooperson, "Renunciant", becauseit Arabiczhid. I preferit to "ascetical" translates of Ontheopposition to "mystical". noopposition suggests Max tomystical ascetical Weber, piety,whichgoesbackto "TheTransition fromAsceticism seeChristopher Melchert, attheMiddleof theThird/Ninth to Mysticism Century", 2

StudiaIslamicaLXXXIII(1996),pp. 51-70. Essaisur les originesdu lexiquetechniquede la mystique rev.edn. (Paris,1954),pp. 258-59. Cf. Abu musulmane, 'l-'Al1' 'Afifi, al-Malibmatiyyawa-l-safiyya wa-ahl

p. 31. (Cairo,1364/1945), al-futuwwa

3

Massignon,loc. cit.;'Afifi,p. 32. Drawingon al-Sam'Wni's Kit~bal-Ansib, Massignon also names a Muhammadb. FadlBalkhi(d. 243) as havingspreadShaqiq'sdoctrine. However,this appearsto be ratherthe Muhammadb. 319/931-32:the date243 who diedin Samarqand, al-Fa~dl comes fromthe followingentry,for the Kufanascetical See al-Sam'Ani,Ansib, s.n. b. writer Hannrd al-Sari. "'libid'. The standardwork on tawakkulis Benedikt

244


Reinert,Die Lehre vom Tawakkulin der klassischen Sufik 4

5 6

7

8

(Berlin,1968);see alsoE2, s.v.,by L. Lewisohn. 14 Thesourcesarenotunanimous in favourof eitherKarimor Karrim.Al- Sam'Ani prefersKarrim:ibid.,s.n."Karra~mi". 15 IbnHajarprefersthat,butallowsKar5mas a variant: and al-muntabih, ed. 'Ali Muhammad al-BijawiTabs.r Muhammad 4 vols. (Cairo,1964?-67,repr. 'AIial-Najjar, 16 vol. Beirut,n.d.), II, p. 1191.AronZysowhastoldme he has evidencefor "Kar5m", butuntilhe publishesit, I shall 17 18 stickto themoreconventional form,"Karrim". "TheRiseof theKardmiyyah in Khurasan", Muslim World L (1960),pp. 5-14. 19 "Remarquessur le daveloppement historique des 20 mouvementsascetiqueset mystiquesauKhurasan", Studia IslamicaXLVI(1977),pp. 26-38. Chabbidiscussesmore of the earlySufi historiography fully the tendentiousness but also al-Sarraj, 21 here, al-Kaldbadhi, (especially, 22 and al-Sulami,al-Qushayri, Hujwiri)in "R6flexionssurle 23 Soufisme iranien primitif', JA CCLXVI (1978), pp. 37-55. "Mouvements asc6tiques", pp. 38-45. Foral-Maqdisi,see Brockelmann,GAL,vol. I, p. 230; Suppl.,vol. I, pp. 410-11.Fortheformof al-Maqdisi's nisba,I wouldrelyon 24 IbnHajar,Tabsir,vol. IV,p. 1384. Ibid., pp. 48-50. Van Ess, UngeniitzteTextezur Karrimiya, Sitzungsber.der

25

Akad.derWiss.,phil.-hist.KI.,Jg. 1980,Abh. Heidelberger 5 (Heidelberg, de la Haute1980);Vadet,"LeKarramisme Asie au carrefourde trois sectes rivales",REI XLVIII (1980),pp.25-50. 10 "TwoUnrecognized KarramiTexts",JAOSCVIII(1988), pp. 583-87. 11 "Theologien undMystikerin HurasinundTransoxanien", ZDMGCXXXVI(1986), pp. 536-69, esp. pp. 563-65;

27

9

12

13

26

Kit5b Tabaqdtal-sifiyya, ed. JohannesPedersen (Leiden,

1960),p. 114. Apud 'Afifi, Maldimatiyya,pp. 86-120. 'Afifi's analysis,

selfstressingaboveall theirstruggleagainsthypocritical is 47-68. ibid.,pp. regard, entirelyadequate: "Mouvementsasc6tiques", pp. 53-55. Ibid., p. 69. al-Naysabfri, apud al-Dhahabi,Ta'rikhal-Isl•m, al-H.kim 'Abdal-Salim 65 vols.to date ed.

'Umar Tadmuri, XXII vol. 1987-), (A.H.291-300),p. 150.

elsewherestatesthatShahal-Kirm5ni merelyvisitedAbil Hafsin Nishapur, op. cit.,p. 183. Ibid., p. 269. Ibid., p. 356. al-Qushayri, al-Risida fi 'l-tasawwuf, s.n.; however,

al-Sulamistatesonly thatAb 'All al-Thaqafimet Abfi Hafs and Hamdin al-Qass?r,apud al-Dhahabi,Ta'rikh al-Islfm,vol. XXIV (A.H. 321-30), p. 239, presumably from the Tarkh al-Sifiyya. al-Sulami,Tabaq&,p. 269. al-Qushayri,Risila, s.n.

Ibid.,p. 376. See above,n. 23. al-Sulami, Tabaqit, p. 336.

29

Ibid.,p. 298. Ibid.,p. 356.

30 31 32 33 34

35

dateof deathis uncertain. 1992).Al-Hakimal-Tirmidhi's One mediaevalsourcementionsthathe was still relating hadithin 318/930-31,a dateacceptedby somehistorians; moreover,one of his works mentionsthe Qaramta's removalof the Black Stone in 317/929. Nevertheless, Radtkearguesat lengthfor an earlierdate in Al-Hakin

36 37

(Beirut,

al-Sulami, Tabaqt, p. 251. Intami ilayh, says al-Sulami,op cit., p. 105;however,he

28

idem, Drei Schriftendes Theosophenvon Tirmid(Beirut,

at-Tirmidi. Ein islamischer Theosoph des 3./9. Jahrhunderts(Freiburg,1980), pp. 35, 38. "Hakim Tirmidhi and the Malimati Movement in Early Sufism", in Classical Persian Sufism.From Its Origins to Rumi, ed. Leonard Lewisohn (New York, 1993), pp. 583-613. Madelung,Religious Trendsin Early Islam (Albany,N.Y., 1988), ch. 4; Malamud, "The Politics of Heresy in

inNishapur", Iranian TheKarramiyya MedievalKhurasan. StudiesXXVII(1994),pp.37-51.

Ibid., p. 269. Ibid., p. 435. al-Dhahabi, op cit., vol. XXV (A.H.331-50), p. 130. Ibid., p. 261.

Ibid.,p. 273. Ibid.,p. 280. Daughterof the previous,known for the charismaof answeredprayer;sheis notexpresslysaidto havebeenhis disciple,andwas doubtfullysubjectto the sameregimeas others,butwe maypresumea stronginfluence:al-Sulami, Dhikr al-niswa al-muta'abbidit

ed. Mahmld

al-s.fiyjt, p. 85. Muhammad (Cairo,1413/1993), al-Tanabin al-Dhahabi,op cit., vol. XXV, p. 383; however, al-Sulami states only thathe met Abl 'Uthman:Tabaq•t,p. 481. Ibid., p. 472. 39 Ibid., p. 523. 4o 41 Ibid., p. 537; Ibn al-Mulaqqin,Tabaqit al-awliyz) ed. Nfir al-Din Shariba(Cairo, 1393/1973), p. 243. 42 al-Sulami,op. cit., pp. 533-34. 38

SUFIS AND COMPETINGMOVEMENTSIN NISHAPUR

245

al-Dhahabi, Ta'rkhal-Islhm,vol. XXVI(A.H.351-80), p. 320. al-Sulami,op cit., p. 476.

al-Dhahabi, Siyar,vol. XIV (ed. AkramBiishayyi,1983), On 71. Ruwaym, al-Dhahabiseems to draw on p.

45

al-Sulami, Maldmatiyya,p. 103. "Good works" (ain/l)

see also XXIII(A.H.301-20), p. 120.On the Inquisition,

46

probablyrefersespeciallyto ritualprayer-worship. Pointedout by AlexanderKnysh,Islamic Mysticism. A ShortHistory(Leiden,2000),p. 96.

al-Sarrfaj,Pages from the Kitab al-luma' of Abil Nasr al-Sarriy,being theLacuna in the EditionofR.A. Nicholson Editedfrom the BankiporeMS, ed. A.J. Arberry(London, 1947), and RichardGramlich,Alte Vorbilderdes Sufitums,

43

44

47 48 49

al-Sulami, Tabaq1t,p. 302. Risgla, s.n. al-Hdkim al-Naysabiri, apud al-Dhahabi, Siyar a'l&m

25 vols.(Beirut,1981-88),vol.XV,ed.Ibrahial-nubald', al-Zaybaq,pp. 281-82. For Ibn Surayjand the Shafi'I school,see Christopher Melchert,Formationof theSunni SchoolsofLaw(Leiden,1997),ch. 5; alsoWaelB. Hallaq, "Was al-Shafi'i the Master Architect of Islamic IJMESXXV (1993),pp. 595-96. "SemiJurisprudence?" rationalist" indicatesthe partythatstood for derivingits jurisprudencefrom traditionistmaterialusing largely rationalistic methods,fordefendingtraditionist theological tenetsby rationalistic Formoreonthisparty,see arguments. Melchert,"The Adversariesof Ahmad Ibn Hanbal", ArabicaXLIV(1997),pp.234-53. Theywerefirstnoticed by van Ess, "Ibn Kullib und die Mihna", Oriens XVIII-XIX(1965-66),pp. 92-141, trans.withadditional notesby ClaudeGilliot,"IbnKullabet la Mihna",Arabica XXXVII(1990),pp. 173-233.VanEss suggeststhe name 50

51

al-Sulami, Mihan al-sifiyya, see Tarkh al-Islim, vol.

2 vols.(Wiesbaden,1995-96),vol. I, pp. 384-85. 56

57

al-Din'All (Beirut,n.d.),p. 193. For a fullertreatmentof the Inquisitionand al-Junayd's pp. 65-70. response,see Melchert,"Transition",

58

Ibn Kathir, TabaqAtal-fuqahJ' al-shif'iyyin, ed. Ahmad

59

ahl al-ithbdt. Tabaqt, p. 108. On the Malimati concept offutuwwa, see

'Afifi,Malhmatiyya,pp. 36, 42-43. "Mouvements asc6tiques", pp.63-64, esp.p. 64,n. 1,citing (Leningrad, Hujwiril, Kashfal-mahfab,ed.V.A.Zhukovskii

60

1926; repr.n.p. [Tehran],n.d. [1957]), p. 154 = The Kashf trans. al-Mah'fib, the Oldest Persian Treatiseon S.fism, R.A. Nicholson, GMS XVII (Leiden, 1911), p. 123.

52

is acceptedby Knysh,op Nevertheless,theirauthenticity cit., p. 96, who argues that Abil 'Uthmtn al-Hirid into line with Iraqi deliberatelybrought Mal.matism Sufism. Mal•matiyya,pp. 91-92 (twice), 94-95, 96-97 (twice), 101-2, 106 (twice), 115. Only Abti Hafs and Hamdfin al-Qass?rarequotedmoreoften."Bistari"'also appears, butsee al-Sam'ani, Anscb, s.n.

53 al-Sarrij,K. al-Luma'fi 'l-tasawwuf ed. R.A. Nicholson,

GMS XII (Leiden, 1914), p. 346; noticed by CarlW. Ernst, WordsofEcstasy in Sufism(Albany,N.Y., 1985), pp. 11, 50. 54 Malhmatiyya,p. 107. ss See esp. Ibn al-A'rabi, Tabaq~t al-nusskk, apud al-Dhahabi, Ta'rkh al-Isl•m, vol. XX (A.H. 261-80), pp. 212, 277; cf. al-Dhahabi, Siyar, vol. XIII, ed. 'All Abfl Zayd, p. 284. The date is given by Abil Nu'aym, apud

Ibn 'Ata', apudlIbnal-Jawzi,Naqd al-'ilm wa-'l-'ulam 'aw TalbisIblTs(Cairo, n.d.), p. 167 = TalbisIblis, ed. Khayr

61

62

63 64

65 66

67

and MuhammadZaynuhumMuhammad 'UmarHWshim 2 vols. 'Azab, (al-Zhir,Egypt,1993),vol. I, p. 301. al-Nayslbiii,apudMS Fatih4471,fols.40b,41 al-H.kim 40) a. Fatih4471 is a majmi'acomprising (mislabelled someone'snotes on Sufis.The section,fols. 39a-41b, is Abi 'AbdAllah,Ta'rkh 1sbahdn",but headed"al-Hakim thatfollowwereclearlyexcerptedfromthe thebiographies Ta'rikhNays1bar. I know of no publisheddescription. Abi this is the sameas the "devotee('Abid)" Presumably, Nasral-Fathb. 'AbdAllahal-Harawi (d. 359/969-70),said from Abl 'Ali and kalhmn to have learntjurisprudence vol. XXVI, p. Ta'r-kh al-Islin, al-Dhahabi, al-Thaqafi: 194. He was also a discipleof the IraqiSufi al-Shibliand of al-Murta'ish,formed in both Khurasan and Iraq: al-Dhahabi,op. cit., vol. XXVI, p. 424, and one of al-Sulami'sinformants,for which see Pedersen,"Les immediats Transmetteurs d'al-Sulami", Tabaqotal-sifiyya, no. 119. p. 87, Also a discipleof the MalimatiIbnManizilandthe Iraqi Sufi al-Shibli,among others:ibid., p. 539. However, al-Dhahabisays only thathe met al-Shibli:op. cit., vol. XXVI,p. 526. Also a discipleof 'AbdAllahb. Mubarak: al-Dhahabi, op. for which of al-Sulami's and one informants, cit., p. 557, see Pedersen,"Transmetteurs", Tabaqt,p. 76, no. 14. al-Nays biri, apudMS Fatih4471, 39b. al-.Hdkim idem, apud al-Dhahabi, op. cit., vol. XXVII (A.H. 381-400), pp. 52-53. idem, apud al-Dhahabi,op. cit., p. 80. Said to have learnt kalin from Abti 'AlI al-Thaqafi: al-Subki, Tabaqit al-shafi'iyya al-kubrA, ed. Mahmtid Muhammadal-Tanhii and 'Abd al-Fatthhal-Hulw, 10 vols. (Cairo, 1964-76), vol. III,p. 306. al-Dhahabi,op. cit., vol. XXV, pp. 129-30.

246

68

69

70

71

72


Discipleof Ibn 'At' and otherSufis as well as of Abil 'Uthm5nal-H•i, accordingto ibid.,vol. XXV,p. 383. Discipleof al-JunaydandotherIraqisas well as of Abdi 'Uthmanal-Hi•i,accordingto al-Sulami,Tabaqt, p. 472. He was also associated with al-Hakim al-Tirmidhi, accordingto al-Sulami,apud al-Dhahabi,op. cit., vol. XXVI, p. 91, presumablyfromMihanal-sifijyya,which puts him at the beginningalso of the Sufi absorptionof localmysticismin Balkh. Disciple of Abti 'Uthmin and Mahftizb. Mahbmldin Nishapur,of al-Junayd, Ruwaym,andotherSufisin Iraq, Syria and Egypt, accordingto al-Sulami,Tabaq&t, pp. forwhich 533-34, andone of al-Sulami'sown informants, see Pedersen,"Transmetteurs", Tabaqit,p. 79, no. 46. Min kib~ir'ubbWd al-Hrkim al-Nays•biri, apud al-s.Cifya: vol. XXVI,p. 404. al-Dhahabi, op. cit.,

al-Khatibal-Baghdadi,Ta)'rhBaghdd, 14 vols. (Cairo, 1931),vol. IV,p. 119.In theninthcentury,theabdl were The essentialhadithreportsappearin saintlytraditionists. the Musnadof Ahmadb. Hanbal,for which see A.J. Wensinck, et al., Concordance et indices de la tradition musulmane,7 vols. (Leiden, 1936-69), s.v. badal/abdil.

80

Apud al-Dhahabi,op. cit., vol. XIX, p. 311. On Abfi Sa'Id

'Abdal-Rahm5nb. al-Husayn(d. 309/921),see IbnAbi al-Wafa-',al-Jawjhir al-mud•yyaft tabaq~ital-hanafiyya,

81

82

ed. 'Abd al-Fatta Muhammadal-Hulw,5 vols. (Cairo, 1398-1408/1978-88,repr.Giza,1413/1993),vol. II,p. 378 = ibid.,2 vols. (Hyderabad, 1332),vol. I, p. 300. once also al-Hkidm appearsto associateIbn Khuzayma with a khinaqih,normallypeculiarto the Karr~miyya: Chabbi,"Mouvements asc6tiques", p. 37. Bakr Muhammadb. 'Abd Allh, apud Ibn Hajar, AbWi Listin,vol. V, pp. 355-56.

83 Apud al-Dhahabi,op. cit., vol. XXV, p. 129, presumably

from Ta2'rlhal-siAfiyya. "Fitydn"forthe Malimatiyyarefers

forwhichsee above,n. 50. to theirdoctrineoffuituwwa, 84

UngeniitzteTexte,p. 75; Madelung,Religious Trends,p. 39.

See Keith Lewinstein, "Notes on Eastern Hanafite JAOSCXIV(1994),pp. 583-98. Heresiography", 86 "Mouvements asc6tiques", p. 52. 87 al-Dhahabi,Siyar, vol. XI, ed. Salih al-Samr,p. 34, fromal-Hdkimal-Naysibfiri. presumably 85

88 See Massignon,Essai, pp. 260-62. 89 Ibn Hibb5n, apud Ibn Hajar,Lisin, vol. I, p. 149. 90 On faith, see ibid., vol. I, pp. 353-54. On Hanafism, see

73

"Mouvements asc6tiques", p. 30.

74

Karr~inTexts". Essai, pp.268-72. Zysow,"TwoUnrecognized 91 "The See 98-104 b. first Tabaqft, pp. Early Murji'ain Khuris•n and Madelung, (Yahyd Mu'Adh; generation)

75

76

77

78

andpp.283-86 (Ibrahim al-Khawwis;thirdgeneration). al-Dhahabi,Ta'rikhal-Isl•m, vol. XIX (A.H. 251-60), p. 92 312. 93 As established indicatesa by GeorgeMakdisi,"traditionist" muhaddith,someonewho studiesand transmitshadith, 94 whateverhistheologicalinclination, whereas"traditionalist" 95 indicatessomeonewhosystematically preferstobasehislaw andtheologyon scriptuary sourcesas opposedto speculative reasoning: GeorgeMakdisi,"Ash'ariandthe Ash'aritesin IslamicReligiousHistory1: TheAsh'ariteMovementand 96 97 IslamicOrthodoxy", StudiaIslamicaXVII(1962),p. 49. By the later ninth century,there had emergedoutstanding traditionistswhose orthodoxy traditionalistsdid not banishedfromNishapurfor recognise,suchas al-Bukhtri, thatone'spronunciation of theQur'anwascreate. suggesting

Isl. LIX(1982), andtheSpreadof Hanafism", Transoxania pp. 32-39. al-Sulami,Tabaq'it, p. 116. Ibid., p. 115.

98

al-Sardfini,al-Muntakhabmin 'al-Siyjqli- Ta'rikh Ibrabimn

al-Jfizajni, Itiqjid, apud Ibn Hajar,Lisin al-Mizin, 7 vols.

(Hyderabad, 1329-31),vol. V, p. 356. On the famousIbn

79

Khuzayma, see Sezgin, GAS, vol. I, p. 601. Also, banishment may have been the only alternative to execution."Khuzayma"was evidentlynot a rarename:two otherIbn Khuzaymasappearbelow. al-Dhahabi,Ta'Ikh al-Islim, vol. XIX, pp. 312-13, XX, p. 397. At that, the most detailed accounts make al-Dlrimi a bystander,not the instigator.

al-Dhahabi,Ta rlkhal-IslIin, vol. XXII, p. 71.

Chabbi, "Mouvementsascetiques",p. 64. For the oppositionof al-Nilrito al-Junayd,see Massignon,The Passion of al-Hall•fj, trans. Herbert Mason, 4 vols.

1982),vol. I, p. 79. (Princeton, al-Dhahabi, op. cit., vol. XXVI,p. 526. s.v. E12, by C.E. Bosworth;R.W.Bulliet, '"Karramiyya", intheEleventh "ThePolitical-Religious Historyof Nishapur Century", in Islamic Civilisation 950-1150, ed. D.S.

Richards (Oxford,1973),pp.76-77.I thankScottAlexander forleadingme to thelatterarticle.Seealsoabove,n. 5. Ahmad'Abdal-'Aziz(Beirut, ed. Muhammad Naysibhtir,

1989), pp. 22-23. 99 "Sufi Organizations and Structures of Authority in Medieval Nishapur",IJMES XXVI (1994), pp. 427-42, quotationat p. 427. 100 430-31. For the early historyof the madrasa,see Ibid., pp. ZDMGSupplement HeinzHalm,"DieAnfangederMadrasa", 1: deutscher (Wiesbaden,1977),pp. iii, Orientalistentag XLX.


438-48.Tenth-century usageof madrasais extremely vague. Sometimes madrasaandmasjid(mosque)appearto be used Bullietsupposesthatbecausea madrasais interchangeably. associatedwith a Sufi,it musthavebeen the site of Sufi teaching.Suchevidencehardlysufficesto establishthata madrasanamedfor a Shafi'iwho was also a Sufi must therefore havebeena siteof Sufiinstruction Shafi'i, alongside

109

much less that courses in Sufism were normallyoffered in

199-200; idem, Siyar, vol. XII, p. 288, vol. XIII, pp. 245-46. 112 See above,note90. Untilthe tenth centuryin Iraqandthe theHanafischoolwas a fairlyloose eleventhin Khurasan, grouping,sharingcertainjuridicalpositionsbut not yet methodof formingjurisprudents, possessingany standard and hardlyeven authoritative texts. See Ya'akovMeron, "TheDevelopmentof Legal Thoughtin HanafiTexts", StudiaIslamicaXXX (1969), pp. 73-118, esp. p. 78;

Tothecontrary, thefullerreferences of theeleventh madrasas. centuryandaftersuggeststronglythatthemadrasawas the exclusivepreserve forwhichseeesp.George ofjurisprudence, of Learningin EleventhMakdisi,"MuslimInstitutions BSOAS XXIV(1961),pp.1-56;also,E2, Century Baghdad", s.v."Madrasa", J. Pedersen andG.Makdisi. by 101 102

103

247

al-Dhahabi,op. cit., vol. XX, pp. 198-99. Ibid., p. 198; al-Khalili, al-Irshid fi marifat 'ulamd'

al-hadPth,abridgedal-Silafi,ed. 'AmirAhmadHaydar (Mecca, 1993/1414),p. 299 = ed. MuhammadSa'idb. 'UmarIdris,3 vols. (Riyadh,1409/1989),vol. II,p. 811. Alternatively pointed"al-KhujustWn'". Al-Tabari, Annales,

al-Hdkimal-Naysbafri, apud al-Dhahabi,op. cit., p. 287. The same passage also appearsapud idem, Ta'rikhal-Isl/m,

vol. XX, p. 199, with "Sharawayh"in place of 110

"Bishrawayh". See IbnAbi 'l-Wafa-', Jawahir,ed. Hulw, vol. I, pp. 320-21,

342-43 = ed. Hyderabad, vol. I, pp. 122-23, 129. 111al-Hdkim al-Naysbari, apud al-Dhahabi, op. cit., pp.

Melchert,Formation,ch. 6. 113

(Leiden, 1879-1901), vol. III,p. 1931 = Ta'rikhal-Tabari,

in the same "IbnSahib... mayhavestoodto IbnKarrdm, relationthat Abi Ytisuf and al-Shayban!bore to AbU p. 585. Hanifa"accordingto Zysow,"Unrecognized",

114

The Patricians of Nishapur A Study in Medieval Islamic

ed. MuhammadAbu 'l-FadlIbrahim,10 vols. (Cairo, andhis bid 1960-69),vol. IX,p. 544. See foral-Khujistani for power in Khurasan,Bosworth,The Historyof the

SocialHistory(Cambridge, Mass.,1972),p. 42, n. 115 For Balkh,see Radtke,"Theologien und Mystiker",pp.

Saffaridsof Sistan and the Maliks of Nimruz (Costa Mesa andNew York, 1994), pp. 127-33, 194-200. 104 Idem,Annales, vol. III, p. 1941 = Ta'rikh,vol. IX, p. 552. 10o5Idem,Annales, vol. III, p. 2008 = Ta'rikh,vol. IX, p. 599. 106 Idem, Annales, vol. III, p. 2025 = Ta'rikh,vol. IX, p. 612.

themonthof his deathas Dhu 'l-Hijja,but Al-Tabarigives al-Dhahabigives ratherShawwal:Ta'r4kh vol. al-Isl•m, XX, p. 51. 107 Idem, Siyar, vol. XII,ed. Salihal-Samr, pp.287, 293-94. 108Account of Abu 'l-'Abbas al-Sarraj,apud al-Khat-ib al-Baghdldi, Ta'rikh BaghdAd, vol. XIV, p. 218; al-Dhahabi, Siyar,vol. XII,p. 293.

536-51. 116

117

Cf. Bulliet:"Thepracticeof mysticismwas almostnonexistent among the Hanafis during the period under discussion"(op. cit., p. 41). al-Sulami, Tabaq~t,p. 114.

118al-H~kimal-Nays biii, apud al-Dhahabi,Ta'rikhal-Isl/m,

vol. XXVI,p. 404. 119

Patricians, pp. 42-44; idem, "Conversionto Islam and the

to Emergenceof a MuslimSocietyin Iran",in Conversion Islam,ed.NehemiaLevtzion(NewYork,1979),pp.30-51, esp.p. 39. 120

See Melchert,Formation, chs. 2, 6.

121

e.g. Madelung,Religious Trends,p. 46.

OCCULTSCIENCEAND THE FALL OF THE KHWARAZM-SHAHJALAL AL-DIN By Isabel Miller London

In Nasawl'sSiratal-Sul.tdn Jalfl al-DinMingburnu thereis a tantalisingly briefandcuriousstoryof a magic statueor image (timthV),which Jalalal-Din'sfather, had used in his war 'AlI' al-Din Khwdrazm-Shdh, Themakerof the againstthe 'AbbasidCaliphal-Nasir.1 certain was a al-Din AbN Siraj timthdl Yasuf al-SakWki who,NasawlIsays,was knownforhis greatlearningand to masteryof the arts.Magicalpowerswere attributed it and was believed he had bewitched certain stars him, and couldreversethe courseof riverswith his breath. He was also, accordingto Nasawl,authorof a rangeof workson variousothertopics(wa-lahafisd'iral-funan

events;for instance,Nasawi himself is criticalof the behaviour of Jaldl al-Din Khwarazm-Shahin this instance.He pointsoutthatpeopleshouldrely particular on God alone and that only He knows the tabletsof destiny.4Nonetheless,various forms of magic, and perhaps most particularly astrology, were of considerableimportanceat this time and learnedmen regardedthem as a valid part of their intellectual 'Atd-Malik Juwayni,whowrote Interestingly apparatus. after somethirtyto fortyyears Nasawi,gavean account of the astrologersin Bukharaallegedlyadvising'AId' al-Dinagainstattackingthe Mongols:5

tas~n1).2 The timthM,imbuedwithmagicwhichwouldgrant all one'swishes,hadto be takento Baghdadandburied there.By the timeof Jaldlal-Din'srulein westernIran, the timthglhad againbecomeimportant.A messenger arrivedfromKhwarazmto tell Jalalal-DinthatSirajalDin was convincedthatits magichadgone wrongand was at the rootof all the calamitiesexperiencedby his father.As a result,it was imperativeto retrievethe timthalsince all its powerswere directedagainstthe Khwarazm-Sh~hs andin favourof the Caliph.So Jaldl al-Dindispatchedthe QadiShaykhMujiral-Din,who had originallyburiedthe timthglin Baghdadandwho thereforehad to retrieveit, ostensiblyon a missionto the Caliph (perhapsconnected with Jaldl al-Din's attemptsto obtaina diplomaof recognitionfrom the Caliph)but with the real object of digging up the timthX1. Unfortunately,the palace or house (dr) in whichhe hadstayedon his earliervisit andin whichhe hadburiedthe timthNl, was not as easilyaccessibleas it had been in the time of the late Khwarazm-Shah (thoughNasawidoes not say why) and despiteall his theShaykhwasunableto get intoit, let bestendeavours, alonedig up the timthg1.3 This episodeis anotherreminderof the confusion, desperationand the sheer terror that the Mongol invasionshad inspiredin the inhabitantsof eastern Islam.It alsodemonstrates thevariedresponsesto these

The astrologers, too, saidthatthe beneficentstars andthe werecadentfromtheanglesof theAscendant in stars were maleficent the TenthHouseandthat untilthe transmission (of power)to the attendance; DarkHouseshad passed,it wouldbe prudentto undertakeno course which would involve an addedto withtheenemy.Thiscircumstance encounter to turn of his case,andhe determined theconfusion his armies heleft of Most backandhastenelsewhere. andTurkestan, in Transoxiana Juwaynifurthercomments: fromthe Sultan'sdiscernment Norwasit concealed Heavensandto thatto strugglewiththecontentious againstfickleFateis (vain)toilandtrouble; persevere thecourseof alleventsis predestined.6 it maybe a reliable Whilstthis is not contemporary, Khwdrazm-Shdh the in which accountof the manner reachedhis decisionnot to fight the Mongols.For if whichis contemporary, Nasawi'saccountof the timth&i, is true,then 'AId'al-Dinmightalso have allowedhis decisions to be governedby astrologicalprediction. 'AId'al-Dinwouldnot havebeen uniquein consulting astrologers.After all, astrology was a respectable scientificactivityin themediaevalage amongstpeoples

249

250


of all religiousbeliefs(andindeedfor sometimeafter). It was a partof the Sasaniancourtpracticeswhichwere adoptedby the'AbbasidCaliphsandthenspreadamong Islamic princes. The corpus of writings from the mediaeval period is considerable, with attendant complex attributions,borrowings,translationsand compilations,indicatinga widespreadand active field of learning.7Perhaps, therefore, magic should be includedin the reasonspresentedfor 'AlI' al-Din's panic-stricken flightin the faceof theMongolinvasion. Therehas been, naturally,considerableinterestin this topicovertheyearsandmuchdiscussionof the various possiblecausesof 'Ala'al-Din'sactions. It has been arguedthat'Ala' al-Dinwas unableto matchthe exceptionalsize of the Mongolarmies,butit hasalsobeenargued,notablyby DavidMorgan,thatthe numberscitedby contemporary historiansshouldnotbe relied upon.8 It is true that the Mongols were an extremelyeffectivemilitaryforce,buttheirtacticswere no differentfromthose of otherCentral fundamentally Asiannomads,basedas theyall wereon thepracticeof the hunt, skilled horsemanshipand the mobility of nomadiclife.9 Anothercontemporary of ChingizKhn's invasion, 'Ala' maintained that al-Din's one encounter Jizjani, with the Mongol army had terrifiedhim, with their superiormilitaryskills,sincehe tookcareneverto fight them again.10 Yet 'Ala' al-Din's army included a considerablenumberof similarCentralAsiannomads, fromhis mother'speople,the KanglYor Yemektribes whowerepartof theKipchakandpossiblyderivedfrom the Pecheneg."lMost of the amirs came from the warriorsthathe usedwenton in Kipchak.TheKiYpchak due courseto becomea partof the Mongolarmyitself and, later,the troopsof the GoldenHorde,as well as formingthe cavalryof the Mamltk Sultanatein Egypt and Syria.Nor hadtheybeen softenedby contactwith settledpeoples,pursuingwhatmightbe describedas the IbnKhaldinmodelof theriseandfall of empiresbased on nomadic armies. There had hardly been time. JudgingfromNasawi,andhe was afterall on the same side, they were thoroughly"uncooked",regardingthe

despitebeing in the serviceof a Muslimruler.In fact, theirpaganismandtheirsavageryprovokedNasawlIto criticise'Ald'al-Din:how coulda Sultanof Islammake use of these godless nomadsto protectthe lands of Islam?14A similar accusationis made by Juwayni, must possiblyderivingfromNasawi.This,incidentally, in an for the have been Caliph the advantage surely rulers war that the two wagedagainsteach propaganda other. made use of CentralAsian The Khwarazm-Shahs traditionswhen governingthe settledMuslim lands. Turningagain to NasawI,when dividinghis empire amonghis sons 'Ala'al-Dinwas as attunedto nomadic traditionas ChingizKhanwas.15'AId'al-Din'seldest son, Jalal al-Din, got the lands furthestfrom the traditional homeland,an areawhichroughlycomprised the formerGhuridterritories,Ghiir,Ghazna,Bdmiydn andthe Indusvalley,thoughhis controlof this lastwas largely nominal,just as the ulus of JWchi,Chingiz Khan'seldestson, consistedof thoselandsmostdistant fromthe Mongolhomeland.The youngestson got the homelands,as it were, of Khwarazm,just as Chingiz Khan's youngest son also received the Mongol homelands. After 'AId'al-Din'sdeath,Jalalal-Din had to act swiftly to preventthe sultanatebeing given to his youngestbrother,who was the rulerof Khwarazmand who also had the support of the Kipchak amirs, possibly,so Nasawitells us, becausehis motherwas of origin. NasawI portraysthis incident as a KiYpchak wickedplotagainsttherightfulclaimsof Jalklal-Dinwho hadbeen given the throneby 'Ala' al-DInon his deathbed- assertingthatit was he, as the eldestson, who hadthe rightto the sultanate;butsurelythe earlier method of division was just standardCentralAsian practice.16 A major source of nomadic influence in the statewas 'AId'al-Din'smother,Terken Khwarazmian Khatin,who was a Kipchakprincessandwho brought these warriornomads with her, or at least retained She was accessto them,whenshe marriedhis father.17 a woman of considerableenergy and power, in the

settled lands in which they campaignedas alien, a view held by othercontemporarycommentators.'2As a result these nomadic fighters could act with freedom from any sort of social restrictionand with a behavioursimilar to that shown by the Mongols towards settled peoples.13 The Kipchaksacquireda terriblereputationfor violence and savagery, and they were pagan and remained so,

CentralAsian tradition,and Nasawi states that, because 'Al' al-Din's amirs came from the Kipchak, they were loyal to her, and so he was compelled to obey her, even appointing a vizier whom he disliked and distrusted because she wished to have him.18Nasawi also blames one of her relatives, Ynal,or Inalchuq, Khan, for the execution of Chingiz Khan's ambassadors at Utrar

OCCULT SCIENCE AND THE FALL OF THE KHWARAZM-SHAH JALAL AL-DIN

which provoked,or gave the excuse for, the Mongol InalKhan,who was the governorof Utrar, invasion.19 arrestedthe merchantssentby ChingizKhanandwrote to the Sultanclaimingthatthey were spies andshould be executed.TheSultanconcurredandInalKhan,who, so Nasawi says, was only interestedin seizing their merchandise,promptly killed them. Unfortunately, 'AId'al-Din could not punishhim as ChingizKhan required,for Inal Khanwas his cousin,the son of his mother'sbrother,and presumablythe Klpchakamirs would not have supportedactionagainsthim. In this regard,it wouldseemthat'AIa'al-Dinwas not so much a Muslim ruler of settled lands unable to resist the Mongol nomadic hordes as a leader of an unruly nomadicarmy.His fundamental militaryweaknessmay well haveearlierencouraged himto seekalternative and meansto confronthis enemies. supplementary The Khwirazm-Shahs'westwardexpansionhad broughttheminto conflictwith the 'Abbasidcaliphate andthe Ism'ilis. Al-NMsir hadlabouredfor some forty to restore the years authorityof the caliphate,making use of the fragmentationof power in western Iran followingthebreak-upof the Seljuqempirethere.20The authority of the 'Abbasids increased within the frameworkof alliances and counter-alliances which ensued.Eachlocalrulersoughtvalidationof his power fromthe Caliph,expressedin seekingafterdiplomasof investitureandrobesof honour,andas a result,he was ableto manipulate theirrivalries.He establisheda secret servicewitha reputation forefficiency,which,deserved or imaginary,was clearlydesignedto have a palpable effect on anyonewho might thinkof challenginghis He achieveda reputationfor omniscience,not power.21 only throughthis spy systembut also by claimingthe authorityof a Shl'I Imrm.22 His alliance with the forconcealment Ismd'ilis,who hada popularreputation of their real motives and violence, though doubtless musthavefurtherenhancedhis reputation exaggerated, for omnipotentknowledge.The Ismailis, afterall, had and putforwarda rivalclaimto the caliphate-Imamate, duringthe Seljuqperiodthere had been a series of sporadicbut inconclusive campaignsagainst them conducted by the Seljuq sultans.23 The Isma'ili strongholds in Daylam and Quhistan seemed impregnable, and at one point the Isma'ilis had threatenedSeljuq control of Isfahanand its surrounding region from the fortressof Shahdiz.24It should be noted, however, that, with the exception of the campaign involving the siege and captureof Shahdiz, suppressing

251

the Ismd'ilis was not a priority for the Seljuqs.25 Nevertheless,it seems that, possibly in the popular imaginationand certainlyin the sources reflecting orthodoxSunnibeliefs,the Isma'iliswereperceivedas a serious threatto that orthodoxy.What is more, it seems to have been convenientto accuse enemies, political or otherwise, of being Ism'ili or more precisely b.tini.26 The termbtini, "esoteric,hiddenor concealed", although in this context referring is sufficientlyvague and specificallyto the Isma~'Ilis, to encompassall sorts occasion inclusiveto be able on of behaviour.Whenconsideredin conjunctionwiththe (and generalShi'I)doctrineof dissimulation, Isma~'ili taqiyya,it canbe seen as havingbeen a sortof magnet for ill-definedbut widespreadfears,furtherenhancing the Isma'ilireputationfor terror,stealthand access to esotericknowledgeof all sorts.In 559/1164the Ismd'ili Hasan II, declareda state of qiyima, which Imaimn, FarhadDaftaryhas describedas withdrawalfrom the worldintothe constantpresenceof the revealedImam, andthis remainedin effectfor almostfifty years.27But in 607/1210,probablyin partas a reactionto this long III campaignedfor periodof virtualisolation,IjHasan recognition as a Sunni ruler and embarkedon a of buildingmosquesandbathhousesandof programme in Sunni practices.28He re-educatingthe Ismra'illis and Sunni the shar!hA, Nasawlsaysthatinitially adopted recitedin thenameof theKhwarazmhe hadthekhutMb Shah,thoughhe changedit to thenameof the 'Abbasid Caliphand was thereforeofficiallyrecognisedby alNasir.29 IIbroughtfor Theadoptionof SunniIslamby HIasan in the involvement more and active him a more open III politicalcomplexitiesof westernIran.Hasan joined forceswith Ozbeg,the rulerof Azerbaijan,to conquer Jibal. The Caliph backed this enterprise which challengedthe authorityof the Khwarazm-Shahin westernIran.After Hasan'svictory,these lands were thendividedbetweentheIsma'ilis,theCaliphandOzbeg. However, Ozbeg's representativein the province, his allegianceto 'Ala'al-Din.The transferred Oghlamifsh, theGhuridsagainst'AIl' al-Din's incited also had Caliph father,a policy the resultof which had been a long series of campaignsextendingover two reigns.30 Matters came to a head when, at the Caliph's request, Isma'Ilifidd'is murderedOghlamish.31 The Khwarazm-Shah decided to proclaim himself an adherentof the Shi'a, remove al-Nasir's name from the khu~tba and march on Baghdad. This probably

252


demonstrates 'AIl' al-Din's rather muddled, opportunisticattitudetowardsreligion;but then the 'Abbasidwas in alliancewith the Shi'IIsmR'ilis,now to be Sunniit wastrue,thoughit is legitimate purporting to wonderhow many of their contemporaries really believedthem.Daftaryhas arguedthatmost Ism'Illis themselvesregardedthe adoptionof SunniIslamas a reimpositionof the policy of taqiyyawhich had been liftedwhen the stateof qiyvmawas declared.32 It was thereforeno wonder'Ala~' al-Dinturnedto theoccultfor assistance.Presumablyit was at this point that the timthdlwas buried in Baghdad.With the combined forcesof the Isma'ilisandthe caliphaterangedagainst him - whichmeantthat,apartfromanythingelse the assassins Caliphnow hadaccessto the skillsof Isma~'ili - 'Al' al-Dinmay well have felt thathe neededhelp frompreterhuman sources. not only were the Ismd'ilispopularly Furthermore, known as assassins they were also receptive to philosophers,however advancedor unusualin their ideas. The most famous case of their intellectual patronageis that of Nasir al-Din Tiisi, who survived Hilegui's campaignagainstthe Isma'ilis some forty yearslater,becameastrologerto the Il-Khansandbuilt the observatory at Maraghaas the centrefor a groupof astronomersand mathematicianswho have become knownas the MaraghaSchool.H. Dabashihas argued that Ndsir al-Din TGsiwas operatingin the Iranian traditionof the philosopher-vizier, firstfor the Isma'ilI rulerof Quhistanwith whomhe soughtrefugearound 624/1227 in the confusionfollowing ChingizKhan's invasion,then laterat Alamtt, and finally for the IlKhans.33Althoughhe was not involvedin the affairof the timthal,his careerillustratesthe potentnatureof the union in the mediaevalworldbetweenencyclopaedic learning, including subjects such as philosophy, astrology,astronomy,geomancyandmathematics,and politics. Moreover,Tiisi's majorworks were written when he was living amongst the Isma'ilis, taking advantageof the securitythatthey were able to offer and making full use of the resources of Isma'ili libraries.34 His extraordinary corpusincludesrecensions of worksby Greekand early Islamicmathematicians Hans includingthe Bang Miss and Thibit b. Qurra.35 DaiberhasemphasisedTGsi'sroleas a reviverof earlier scientifictraditionsas well as stressinghisphilosophical studiesinfluencedby the writingsof Ibn Sina and by Neoplatonicideas.36Examinationof Ttisi'sworkscan thereforegive some idea of the contentsof the great

libraryat Alamit and the intellectualconcernsof the Isma('ilileadershipat this late period.At all events, patronageof scholars such as Tuisi enhanced the intellectual reputation of the Isma'ili leadership. Perhapsit also influenced'AI' al-Din,who may have fearedthatthe Isma'ilishadaccessto someparticularly powerfulform of 'ilm,some hermeticscience,which they couldalso placeat the serviceof the Caliph(who, it may be recalled,had also cultivateda reputationfor omniscience)andthatit wouldbe well to guardagainst anyexerciseof thispowerfulalliance.W.Ivanowin his illustrated article"A forgottenbranchof the Isma~'ilis" to spiritual the sortof powerswhichcouldbe attributed leaders such as the Ism'ili Im•ms.37In a treatise intendedfor instruction,and dealingwith the IsmW'ili Imamate,thereis a reportof a letterforetellingthe rise of theMongolswhich,it was claimed,was sentto 'AI' al-DinMuhammad by the Isma'ilis.Whilstit is truethat is very the historicalrecordof these pronouncements much after the event, it may well be that similar predictionshadbecomeknownto 'AlI' al-Dinandhis court.Ivanowalso pointedout thatsimilarprophecies arealludedto in Nasiral-DinTGlsi's Rawdatal-tasl~m.38 It would certainlyfit the generalatmosphereof the moment,characterised by complexalliances,shifting, uncertainloyalties,propagandaand intrigue,of which the timthi]formsso potenta part.Perhapsit is in this contextthatthe questionof whetheror not the Isma'ilis andtheCaliphplayedanypartin incitingChingizKhan shouldbe considered.As againstthe Khwarazm-Shah MarshallHodgsonnoted,Juwaynirejectedthe notion, but Rashidal-DinTabib,admittedlywritingsomewhat later but with access to a wide range of authentic Whilstit mayneverbe materials,claimedit was true.39 it an accusationwhich is possibleto proveeitherway, accordswiththeneurosesof the age andthereputations of boththe Isma~'ili leadershipandthe Caliph.In such conditions,the use of astrologymay well have been deemedbothnecessaryandefficacious. was influencedby Hence, if the Khwdrazm-Shah of CentralAsiannomadictraditions inheritancefor the division of his empire and possessed an army dominatedby Kipchakamirs,he may perhapshave to thoseaspectsof religionandthose beenalsoattracted ideas in the Muslimworld that accordedmore with Central Asian shamanism than with the Islamic orthodoxyof the ulema,andhereinmay lie the reason for the impactof the astrologers'predictionsrecounted by Juwayniandof the episodeof the timthillin Nasawi.


anduse Indeed,thetwo practicesarelinked,fabrication of magicalfigurinesand amuletsbeing an offshootof astrology, an applied pseudo-science, as it were. Religious amulets,were almost universallyworn as andincludedcharmsandholyrelicssuch prophylactics, as tabletsmadeof earthfromthetombof the Shi'iIm5mn

253

Madridin the late fourthor early fifth/earlyeleventh century (see below), includes a discussion of the makingof amuletswithexceptionalpoweroverhuman the beingsandthe naturalworld,includingneutralising

presentsnotonlyanexampleof thepracticalapplication of themagicof imagesbutalso anothervariantof it. Astrology and, as Thorndike expresses it, conditions" partin the "astrological playedanimportant name of the The preparationand buryingof images. personto be injuredcouldbe engravedon the backof the imagealongwithvariouscurses.The imageshould be buriedin thehouseof thepersonconcerned.Perhaps this gives a clue as to where 'Ala' al-Din'sagenthad as this buriedhis anti-caliphaltimthgl.Extraordinary seems,it surelyhadto be buriedwithinthe groundsof the Caliph'spalace.If so, no wonderthe unfortunate Shaykhwas unableto recoverit. The wonderis that anyonewas ableto buryit in the firstplace,particularly if the burialwas a magicalriteperformedaccordingto planetaryor lunarinfluence. Since Nasawl describedthe vehicle for magic as a timthid,an image or a statue,which might even be considered a likeness, it may have been or have of the Caliph, included some sort of representation to an resemblance much by recognisablemaybe,not so individual,as by the writingof his name,and/ortitles, or by the portrayalof insignia,althoughit mightalso have been a symbol not unlike Abti Ma'shar's In anycase, allegoricalfiguresdescribedby Carmody.46 it may be saidthatin some way or anotherit couldbe identifiedas relatingto the Caliph,if only to a person who couldreadthe enigmaticsigns. Themagicactivatedby suchan imagecould,it was maintained, procure amongst other things the of a givenregionandthe conquestof a city, destruction but not, specifically,the deathof a king. It is not clear from Nasawli'stext what precisely the timthil was but meantto procurefor 'Ala'al-DinKhwirazm-Shah, it may be thatthe timth] was thoughtto be working against the Khwarazm-Shahsbecause it had been loaded with a power that it was neithercapableof harnessingnor of using. Employing magic in his attempt to conquer Baghdad or to overthrowthe It had 'AbbasidCaliph had been over-adventurous. could do and the on disaster Khwarazm-Shahs, brought so again. This was experimentalscience with a

action of arms wielded by the enemy and calming the desires of soldiers who risk bringingaboutthe victory of the enemy.45The makingof such an amulet(nirandj), was very skilled, with necessary precautionsagainstthe noxious materials employed. It is clear that there were many variantson the theme of magic images, talismans and statues. It is thereforepossible that Nasawi's story

vengeance, and one can readily see why it should be so fraught with danger and why, therefore, it was so imperativeto retrievethe buried timthl. It may never be possible to confirm positively the authorshipof De Imaginibus,althoughmany mediaeval scholars, in Europe and the Middle East, perhaps most importantly the author of Picatrix, Abo Maslama

H.usayn.40 However,Nasawi's accountof the timth] is of a differentorder.It matchesrecipesin Latintranslations of the treatise De Imaginibus, attributedto the mathematicianThabitb. Qurra(d. 288/901) and of which a numberof copies have survivedin European libraries,indicatinga considerabledegreeof interestin the text among scholars in mediaeval Europe.41 Accordingto Lyn Thorndike'smonumentalstudy,A History of Magic and the ExperimentalSciences, it was

translatedby bothAdelardof Bathand Johnof Spain (or Seville). As a result, Thabitwas quoted as an authorityon thescienceof imagesby a rangeof authors, such as Roger Bacon. F.J. Carmodydiscussed the treatisein his studyof the astronomical worksof Thdbit b. Qurra,andmorerecentlyR6gisMorelonhasassessed his contribution to astronomy, discussingthe eightor so worksout of some thirtyattributed to him whichhave survived.42Carmodyalso discussedthe hermeticwork, Liber Prestigiorum, attributed to Thabit when not

to HermesTrismegistushimself,whichwas attributed translatedby Adelardof Bath;but Carmodydismisses this fairlyswiftlyfromthe corpusof Thabit'sworks.43 Studiesfocussedmoreparticularly on mediaevalmagic both Charles Burnett and Donald by Pingreehave set Thabit in the contemporaryintellectualcontext of hermeticismand magic. Possibly the earliestextant workon thissortof magic,thatof talismans,is theLiber to Ptolemy.Otherhermeticworks Imaginumattributed followedwhich dealtwith images and talismansin a varietyof ways, includingAbi Ma'shar'sKitTbalUlOff44 The GhIdy?tal-hakimn,or Picatrix, written in

254


Muhammadal-Majritiknownas the Pseudo-Majriti (c. Butthe 398/1007),believedthetreatiseto be genuine.47 informationavailableon Thabitb. Qurraand on his home town of Harrfn in northernSyria, its pagan inhabitants andtheirtraditions, is just sufficientto allow for considerablefurther speculation.For instance, MichelTardieu'sdenselyarguedarticleon the Sabians concludes that Harrin was the site of a Platonic Academy which preservedthe traditionsof pagan philosophyand science.48T. Fahdhas arguedthatthe Harranianspractisedastrolatry,the worship of the stars.49 There was certainly a temple to the MesopotamianMoon God Sin in up until the fifth/eleventhcentury,whenit was destroyed. H.arran Nasawi's commentson the manufacturerof the timthl shed some light on contemporaryviews on orother,mostinterestingly in his learning,experimental of the claim that al-Din had the report Siraj abilityto bewitchthe stars,which may be regardedas a sortof applicationof astrology,if not the worshipof stars,or perhapsa garbledversionof the theoryof trepidation which was attributedto Thdbit by mediaeval and Renaissancescholarsin Europe.So0 However,his ability to changethecourseof a riverwithhisbreathis a purely to thoseclaimedfor skill,comparable supernatural S.ifi mastersandsaints. TamaraM. Green has pointed out that what we know of the ideas and beliefs of both mediaeval and Thabitb. Qurraderivesfromaccounts Harrdnians Muslim by contemporaries,many of whom were interestedin hermeticphilosophyandtheesotericarts.51 Their testimonyperhapstells more about their own concerns than gives reliable informationabout the Thusit wouldseemthat,whenhe relateshis Harramnians. story,Nasawl is not only rejectingmagic but is also criticisingthe influence of Neoplatonistsand other philosophers.If this last is correct,then Nasawi's criticismrunsdeepindeed. Islam had a rather complex relationshipwith philosophy,whichwas suspect,as beingpursuedby the more heterodox elements within the learned community.For instance, Ahmad b. al-Tayyib b. Marwan al-SarakhsI, who knew Thabit and was regardedas the most importantstudentof al-Kindi, was executed in 286/899, possibly because of his association with the Mu'tazilites.52Al-Ghazali divided the fields of learning into the praiseworthy and the blameworthy, and he ultimately rejected Neoplatonism and attacked the philosophical writings of Ibn Sina.53 The Caliph al-

Ndsir actively suppressed the pursuit of Greek philosophy.Mostnotable,perhaps,was thepersecution b. 'Abdal-Qadiralof Ruknal-Dinb. 'Abdal-Wahhab who was a al-Din possesseda large Jill.54Rukn faqih privatelibraryof workson philosophyandthe natural sciences.His librarywas publiclyburntin Baghdadon Friday,12 Safar588/28 February1192.It includednot of thelIhwdn al-Safa'andworks onlytheEncyclopaedia the episodeof the for most interest of Ibn Sina but, by buriedtimthl, writingson subjectssuch as astrology, talismansand prayingto the stars.55Whateverother issues may have been involved in this event, the persecutionof Ruknal-Dinandotherstudentsof Greek philosophycanalsobe seenas anaspectof the Caliph's questfor omniscience;he did not wanthis own claims challengedby any otherrivalsourceof knowledgeand pointsout thatRuknal-Din'scareer, power.Hartmann which ultimatelyendedin some sort of respectability was dominatedby the complexand andrehabilitation, changingpolicies which al-Nasirfollowed in his reof the caliphate.56 establishment It may be that in Nasawi's commentswe see a similarrejection,possiblyevena sensethata preference in the Muslim world for the learning of the philosophers,for hermeticismand the experimental scienceswas, if nottheonlycause,thenpartlythecause Wecannotsay forcertainwhat of theMongolvictory.57 were Nasawi's attitudesto astrologyor the hermetic sciences.It seems probablethat,like so many of his contemporaries,he thought astrology worked; but whetherhe thoughtit praiseworthyis anothermatter. However,it seems clearthathe did not believe in the powerof the timthgl:"I do not know",Nasawlwrites, "whatis moreastonishing,thefaiththesavanthadin his imageor the credulityof peoplewho let themselvesbe trickedby his magic."58 Nevertheless,it is clearat the very leastthat,if not Nasawi himself, othersat the time sincerelybelieved that the timthgland its magic were the cause of the Mongolinvasions.It is also of importanceto notethat the disasterwas still seen in the context of caliphal politics and the intriguesof al-Na•sir;at that time it cannot to have occurred to anyone that the Mongol invasions were only partly generated by the internal politics of the Muslim world. It would seem, therefore, that NasawI rejected the context of those powers, namely the experimental sciences, which had produced the timth&.He was, in short, rejecting ideas influenced by Neoplatonic


philosophy and hermeticism. One might say that if he believed thatthe timthl was responsiblefor the Mongol invasions, it was because the Khwarazm-Shahfavoured these dubious practices ratherthan faith in God and the pious pursuitof the precepts of Islam, the sunna of the Prophet, which, as appropriately interpreted by the jurists, should remainthe true guide. NasawI's story serves as a reminderof the sometimes troubledrelationshipbetween the political history of his age and its intellectualdevelopments.In a few lines he brings together the scientific and philosophical inheritanceof the Middle East, the conflicting societies of nomads and settled peoples, as well as Muslim and non-Muslim tradition.It thus seems as if the Mongol invasions distilled and focussed the intellectualissues of the Muslim world which enduredthose invasions.

Notes 1

Muhammadb. Ahmad al-Nasawi, Sirat al-Sultin Jal9l al-

Din Mankubirni, ed. Z.M. Buniiatova(Moscow,1996), ed. and Frenchtrans.Histoire du Sultan pp.175-76; Djelal ed-Din MankobirtiPrince du Kharezm,texte arabe

2

publieet traduitde l'arabeparO. Houdas,2 vols (Paris, 1891-95),Arabicpp.150-51,trans.pp. 249-51. Op. cit., ed. Buniiatova,p. 175, ed. Houdas,Arabic,p. 151,trans.pp.249-50.

3 Loc. cit. 4

Op. cit., ed. Buniiatova,p. 176, ed. Houdas,Arabic,p. 151,trans.p. 250.

5

T?rikh-iJah5n-Gusha, trans. J.A. Boyle, History of the

WorldConqueror, 2 vols (Manchester, 1958),vol. II, pp. 374-75. 6 Op.cit.,vol. II,p. 400. 7 T.Fahd,EI2, arts."Munadidjim" and"al-Nudium". 8 J. MassonSmith,"MongolManpowerand the Persian JESHO,XVII (1975), pp. 271-99, putting population", the case for largeMongolarmies;D. Sinor,"TheInner Asianwarrior", JAOS,CI (1981), esp. pp. 135, 142-44, but also the articleas a whole for an overallview of

9

10

Central Asian nomadic armies; D.O. Morgan, "The Mongol Armies in Persia", Der Islam, LVI (1979), pp. 84-88, discusses the problems with the figures given in the sources for the size of Mongol forces. Sinor, "The Inner Asian warrior",pp. 135, 137, 139. See also Morgan, The Mongols, (Oxford, 1986), pp. 84-85. 'Uthman b. Siraj al-Din Jilzj•ni, TabaqAt-iN~siri, ed. 'A.H. Habibi (Kabul, 1963), p. 310; English trans. H.G.

255

Raverty, Tabaq&t-iNsiri. A General History of the Muhammadan Dynasties of Asia, 2 vols (London,

1881-99),vol. I, p. 270. 11 S.G. Agajanov,Ch. 3, "The states of the Oghuz, the Kimek and the Kipchak"in M. Asimov and C.E. Bosworth (eds.), History of civilizations of Central Asia, 12

vol. IV,pt. 1, (UNESCO,Paris,1998),p. 74. SIrat,ed. Buniiatova,pp. 35-36, 43, 45, 86-87, 101, ed. Houdas,Arabic,pp. 28, 35, 36-37, 136-37, trans.pp. 50, 60, 63, 136-37. An exampleof the hostilitytowardsthe Kipchaksmay be foundin C.L. Cahen,"'AbdallatifalBaghdadiet les Khwtrizmiens"in Iran and Islam, in Memory of the Late Vladimir Minorsky, ed. C.E.

Bosworth(Edinburgh,1971), pp. 158-59, (thoughthe it is reasonable, source refers to "the Khwarazmians" that it is in facttalking to givenNasawi'stestimony, argue abouttheKipchakelementin thearmy);Bosworth,Ch. 1, "Thepoliticaland dynastichistoryof the Iranianworld (A.D. 1000-1217)",in CHIr,vol. V, pp. 182-83, 191. 13 For a generalaccountof the Mongolinvasionsandtheir rule, see Morgan,TheMongols,(Oxford,1986), and in more specificdetailfor Iranthe relevantchaptersin the CHIr,vol V; forthe Kipchakssee AsimovandBosworth (eds.), op. cit., esp. Agajanov,Ch. 3 and A. Sevim and Bosworth, Ch. 7, "The Seljuqs and the Khwarazm Shahs",pp. 169, 175. 14 Ed. Buniiatova, p. 101, ed. Houdas,Arabic,p. 83, trans. 136-37. pp. 15 Ed.Buniiatova, pp. 31-33, ed. Houdas,Arabic,pp.25-26, trans.pp. 44--46;P.Ratchnevsky,GenghisKhan, his life and legacy,trans.anded. T.N.Haining(Oxford,1991),p. 207. 16 Ed. Buniiatova,pp. 32, 141-42, ed. Houdas,Arabic,pp. 25, 55-57, trans.pp. 44, 93-96. 17 Ed. Buniiatova,pp. 51-52, ed. Houdas,Arabic,p. 42, trans.pp. 72-73; SevimandBosworth,"TheSeljuqsand the KhwarazmShahs",pp. 175-77. 18 Ed. Buniiatova,pp. 32, 51-52, ed. Houdas,Arabic,pp. 25, 42, trans.pp.44, 72-73. 19 Ed. Buniiatova,pp. 35-36, 42-43, 51-52, ed. Houdas, Arabic,pp. 33-35, 42, 60-61, trans.pp. 55, 59-60, 72-73, 79-80; Boyle, Ch. 4, " DynasticandPoliticalHistoryof the Il-Khans",in CHIr,vol. V,p. 305. 20

21 22 23

Angelika Hartmann,an-Ngsir li-DIn Allah (1180-1225). Politik, Religion, Kultur in der spliten 'Abbisidenzeit, (Berlin, New York, 1975), pp. 72-78. Ibid, pp. 132-33. Ibid., pp. 133-35. Carole Hillenbrand, "The power struggle between the Saljuqs and the IsmR'Ilisof Alamit, 487-518/1094-1124.


256

The Saljuqperspective"in F. Daftary(ed.), Mediaeval

"Thabitb. Qurra and Arab Astronomy in the 9th Century",Arabic Sciences and Philosophy, IV/ 1 (March 1994),pp. 111-40.

Ism9'ili History and Thought (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 24 25 26 27

205-20. Ibid, pp. 206, 209. Jbid, pp. 216-18. Ibid, pp. 207-8, 210. Daftary, The Ism~'lis,

43

Carmody,op. cit., pp. 177-78.

44

"Talismans:magic as Ibid, pp. 169-71; C. Bumrnett, science?Necromancyamongthe SevenLiberalArts"in Magic and Divination in the Middle Ages. Texts and Techniques in the Islamic and Christian worlds

their history and doctrines

(Cambridge,1990), pp. 392-96; M.G.S. Hodgson,The

(Variorum,Aldershot,1996), pp. 1-15. See also other articlesin the same collectionby Burnettand also D.

Order of the Assassins. The struggle of the Early Nizalrf Isma'fls against the Islamic World(The Hague, 1955), pp. 148-57, 160-67. 28

29 30

31 32 33

34

Nasawl,Sirdt,ed. Buniiatova,p. 239, ed. Houdas,Arabic, pp. 212-13, trans.p. 355; Daftary,op. cit., pp. 405-6 ; Hodgson,op. cit.,pp. 216-20. Daftary,op. cit., pp. 406-7; Hodgson,op. cit., p. 224. Bosworth,in CHIr, vol. V, p. 184; Hartmann, an-Nisir, pp. 78-80. Daftary,op. cit., p. 407; Hodgson,op. cit., p. 224.

Pingree, The Thousands of Aba Ma'shar, (London, 45 46 47

1968). Fahd,E2 art."Nirandf". TheAstronomicalworks, p.170. A History ofMagic, vol. I, p. 665. Thomrndike,

48

"Sdbienscoraniqeset 'Sdbiens'de Harrn",JA,CCXXIV (1986), pp. 1-44, gives especial significanceto the geographicalpositionof Harrtnon the bordersbetween theByzantineandSasanianEmpires,arguingthatit was a refuge for Neoplatonistsfrom both the Academy in Athens and from Alexandria, who established an the evidencefrom Academyin Harrin(see, in particular, theinscriptionabovethe doorof the al-Mas'ldiregarding Harrdn Academy).

49

E2 art. "Sabi'a.2. The Sabl'at Harrin". E. Grant,Planets, Stars and Orbs.:the Medieval Cosmos,

Daftary,op. cit., p. 406.

"Thephilosopher/vizier: KhwajaNasiral-Dinal-Tisi and the Ismd'Ilis"in Daftary (ed.), Mediaeval lsmi'li1History and Thought,pp. 231-46. H. Daiber,E-2 art."al-Tisi,Nasiral-Din.1. Life."

35

Idem,E2 art."al-Tisi,Nasiral-Din.2. As theologianand philosopher".

36

Ibid JRAS (1938),pp. 64, 67.

50

38

"AnIsmailiticworkby Nasiru'd-dinTusi",JRAS(1931), pp. 560-61.

51

39

The Orderof the Assassins, p. 223.

40

J. Ruska,B. Carrade Vaux, [C.E. Bosworth],E2 art.

52

"Tilsam";Bosworth, TheMediaeval Islamic Underworld. The Band in Arabic Society and Literature,2 vols. Sssdn

53

(Leiden,1976),vol. I, pp. 87-88, vol. II,pp. 198-99.

54

A History of Magic and Experimental Lyn Thomrndike, Science during the first Thirteen centuries of our era, 3

55 Ibid, p. 257.

vols. (London,1923),vol. I, pp. 661-66; R. Rashedand R. Morelon,EP art.'Thtbitb. Kurra".

57

Carmody, The Astronomical Worksof Thabit b. Qurra

58

37

41

42

(BerkeleyandLos Angeles,1960),pp. 168-97;Morelon,

1200-1687 (Cambridge,1994),p. 315. The City of the Moon God Religious Traditions of

Harrdn,(Leiden,New York,Cologne,1992),pp. 163-64, 169-74, 188-89. Ibid, p. 164;F. Rosenthal,E2 art."al-Sarakhsi". E2 art '"'lIm",See also W. MontgomeryWatt,Muslim Intellectual(Edinburgh, 1963),pp. 25-71. 256-60. cit., Hartmann, pp. op.

56

Ibid.,

p. 260.

H.A.R. Gibb,E12 art. '"Arabiyya.B. Arabicliterature. (III)Thirdto fifthcenturies,(i) Prose". Sirat, ed. Buniiatova,pp.175-76,ed. Houdas,Arabic,p. 151,trans.pp.150-51.

THE CHAPAR-KHANASYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN By Willem Floor Bethesda, Maryland

seldomchangeshishorse.Forin Persiathereareno andrelaysof horsesas in Turkey. They post-houses travelattherateof fourof fivemilesanhour,andhave a distance toBushire, beenknownto go fromTehraun of sevenhundred miles,in thespaceof tendays.The at cassidswillalsotravelformanydayssuccessively,

I. ORGANISATION OF THESYSTEM

Introduction

Since Achaemenidtimes therehad existed in one way or anothera courier system in Iran with an infrastructure of relaystations,wherefreshhorsescould be had. The Turkishterm chapar to denote these courierscame into generaluse only in the sixteenth century.Itwouldseemthatatthattimean infrastructure of relay stations with postmastersand horses still sourcesare silent existed,althoughthe contemporary aboutthe subject.Despite the relay stations,couriers often appropriated the horses of those travellersthat theymet en route.In April1739it wouldseemthatthe systemhadpartiallybrokendown.The Dutchreported thattherewas almostno news in IsfahanaboutNadir Shah'sfate.This,accordingto them,was dueto the fact that all chaparstationshad been demolishedand the soldiersin it withdrawn by NadirShah.However,in the 1740s, it is mentionedthat relay stations,each with 30-50 horses,stillexistedin northernIran,althoughthe system did not function optimally.It broke down entirelyin the secondhalfof the eighteenthcenturydue to the anarchy,caused by the successionwars, that prevailedin Iranat thattime.1 As a result, there was no regular couriertransportation systemconnectingthe variouspartsof the kingdom at the beginning of the nineteenth century. There was no institutionalisedsystem to dispatchinformationfrom one partof the countryto the other, even between governorsand the central government.

Althoughthisincidentalsystemworkedin particular casesit was neverthelessa burdenon othertravellersen route.As in the eighteenthcentury,themessengerstook horseswhereverandfromwhomevertheywanted,and, often withoutpaying.They even madepeople get off their horses and requisitionedthem to continuetheir journey.3Thiswas especiallydonein towns,wherethe ownerhad one chancein threeto get paymentfor the use of his animalfrom the competentauthorities.In ruralareasthe situationseemsto havebeenbetter."The allowancefor their [post-horses']use, to the peasant ownerobligedto furnishthemin pursuanceof theroyal order,is two realseach horse;which sum government deducts from the payment of his annual tax, and for the therefore,being always sure of remuneration service of his beasts, he is seldom scrupulousof bringingthemreadilyforthon theseoccasions."4 Travelthereforewas by the slow,but less stressful, methodof caravansusing mules, camels, horses and donkeys. The system of caravansaraisthat offered travellersshelterstill existed,wherethesehadnot been destroyedor fallenapart.Moreover,manypartsof the countryhadbeenravagedandit was difficultto obtain provisionsfor both men and animals.For those who to wanted to travel fast there was no infrastructure a need. such support

We have here no regularestablishment for the of intelligence,and it is therefore transmission whenletters aretobecarried fromonepartof necessary, the kingdom to the other,to dispatch a chupper, or oramessenger onfoot,whois styled horseman, express a cassid.Be the distance everso great,the chupper

Onealmostalwaystravelson horse;thecamelis for thereis a systemofrelay goods.InTurkey, transporting thereis not,youareonyourown. inPersia post-houses; toget,and anditwasdifficult Barleyis [usedas]fodder; thebestway takeitwithyou.Therefore, youhadbetter is totravelina caravan.5

therateof sixtyor seventymilesa day.2

257

258


Establishment of the chapar-khignasystem

It was only underFath'Ali Shah,when the Qajars had firmlyand securelyestablishedthemselvesas the uncontestedholder of the reins of government,that attentioncouldbe given to institutionbuilding.So far, the Qajargovernmenthadconcentrated on doingaway with its Zand rivals (accomplishedin 1794), putting down rebellious local warlords and pacifying the countryin general.The fact,moreover,thatthe threat, andthenthe reality,of warwithRussiain the Caucasus loomed large obliged the central government to establish a permanentsystem for the transfer of intelligence. Around 1811, Mirza Abu 'l-Hasan Khan Ilchi allegedlyproposedto Fath'Ali Shahto transformthe incidentalchaparsysteminto a regularpostal system basedon theEuropeanmodel.Theshahbelievedthathe was beingmadea fool of andalmosthadAbu 'l-Hasan Khan executed.When the British ambassadorGore Ouseleyexplainedto the shah what the meritsof the system were, the shahrelentedand orderedhis grand vizier, Mirza Shafi', to institutesuch a regularmail service immediately. However, in actual practice nothingmuchchangedas faras themailwas concerned, i.e. a regularservice of arrivaland departureof mail couriershad still not been instituted.What was reestablished,however,was the age-oldsystemof relay stations,wherecourierscouldchangehorses.6 Initially,the systemof relaystationswas limitedto the north-westernprovinces,Azerbaijanand Erivan, wheretheneedforfastcommunications withthe capital city was of vital militaryandpoliticalimportance.The new service, moreover, was as yet not a central governmentinstitutionbut ratherone operatedat the expense of the provincialgovernor.In certainparts, where the new system was lacking, the chapars continued with their equally age-old practice of requisitioninghorsesfromthe ruralpopulationand/or travellers: Sincetherehavebeensuchgreatinterests pendingin the northof Persiawiththe Russians,the government has establishedchopperkhoneh, or post-houses,from Tabrizto Teheran, to facilitatethetransmission of news, so thata couriermaytraverse thedistanceeasilyinthree days.A feroshhasbeenplacedby theprincegovemor of Aderbigian, ineachof thevillageswithinhisterritory, areformed,)to see that (in whichtheseestablishments

be carriedon with despatchand every department by Twentyto twenty-fivehorses(purchased regularity. the prince,and kept at his own expense)are always readyat eachof thesehouses,andthewholeinstitution

fromhisownpurse. is supported Butbeyond thebounds of his province thispublicserviceis defrayed by the rayaton thelineof theroad.7 Although these provincial systems of relay stations

functionedwell,8soon the need was felt to extendthe system beyond these provinces, so that it would cover

the main tradingarteries.Becausethe new systemof relay stations was under certain conditions also

accessibleto privatepersons,henceforththereweretwo modesof travellingavailablein QajarIran:(i) marching witha caravan,a slowandtediousprocess;and(ii)riding post,orchapar,a veryrapidmodeortransportation. At distancesof 6-8farsakhs(30-50 km.),so-called chapar-khinasor post-houses,witha numberof relays were built and maintainedalong the of saddle-horses, main roadsradiatingout from Tehran,of which there were five: from Tehranto Rasht, Tabriz,Mashhad, Kerman and Shiraz (which was later extended to Bushire).By changingtheirhorsetwo to threetimesa day and riding day and night, courierswere able to travelthreeto five times fasterthanif they had gone with the caravan.To achievethe most rapidmode,the courieralso hada horsefor thepackagewithmessages and the like, which could not weigh morethanhalf a horse load, just in case the couriermight have an accidentandneededto go on withone horseonly.9For privatetravellers,who couldget permissionto use post horses,this was a majoradvantage,becauseit allowed themto travelfasterthanby caravan,whichwas at the most 50 km.perday.l0 The build-upof the system was not without its problems,in particularin the early 1830s, due to militaryoperations.Fraserdescribedthis experience andnotedthattherewerehardlyanyhorsesto be hadat any poststation: in a forcouriers' Therequisition horseshadmultiplied ratioso disproportioned to theveryill-paidallowances of thepostmasters, thatmanyof theworthieshadmade theirescapewiththeircavalry,andleft the couriersof theShahandShahzadeh to get on as bestas theycould thevillageshadbeenforwardto hiretheir Formerly ... horses to Europeans,and particularlyto English gentlemen,who travelledtheroad;butin consequence

THE CHAPAR-KHANA SYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN

of theviolencewhichhadbeenusedon someoccasions, theyhadnow becomealarmed,andsoughtto excuse themselveseitherby denyingthepossessionof horsesat a hireto thosewho do all, or chargingso extravagant pay,as to compensatein somemeasurefor the losses they sustainby those who press and maltreattheir cattle.11 In 1836, due to the insecure and unsettled situation the country was in, it would seem that the chapar system had brokendown. Therewere not any horses for hire between Tehran and Qazvin. In fact, Fraser observed that: Onewouldhavethoughtthatthe necessityof keeping lineof communication betweenthe up anuninterrupted frontierprovinceof the capitalandthemostimportant empire,the depositoryof the arsenaland stores,the nurseryandthe recruiting groundof the army,andthe chief residenceof the King's friends,would have inducedthe Shah and his ministersto establishand maintain a wellregulated orsystemof chupper-khaneh, between Tehran and butno such post-houses Tabreez; has been the case. ... thing Although there are chupperchees,or post-masters,appointedat due distancesbetweenTabreezand Casveen,yet scarcely one shillingof the stipulatedpay do they receiveto maintainthe numberof horsesrequired,consequently thereis notonepost-horse on theline.FromCasveento Tehrantherewas neverany,- theold King[Fath'Ali Shah]wouldgive himselfno troubleaboutthe matter; andwhen I receivedan orderfor fourhorses,on the atTehran, he cameto me to say,thathe had post-master not one;thattheyowedhim two hundredtomans;if I couldprocurehimpaymentof a partof that,he would getme as manyhorsesas I liked,butwithoutmoneyhe coulddo nothing,andso saying,of he wentto bust,i.e. Youwill ask,then,howit is thattheconstant sanctuary. intercourse by chupper,maintainedbetweenTabreez andthecapital,is carriedon?Itis doneby allmannerof expedients,by coaxing,pressing,and sometimesby hiringor promisingto hire a horse,from stationto station.Whena chupperchee, or by eitherabsconding, obtainsattentionfrom makinga strongrepresentation, the minister,an orderis sent, perhaps,upon some unhappyvillageto furnishhimwithso muchcornand straw,or money;andthoughhe canseldomextractthe withwhicha horse whole,a littleis inthiswayobtained, may be maintainedor hiredon occasion.Then the

259

situationgivesa degreeof influence,whichenablesthe post-master sometimes to procure horses from andat others,assistedby thegholaumwho individuals, he pressesanyhe cangetholdof, is senton theerrand, intheKing'sname;andthusdragsandlagsonthismost miserablesystem.12 However, by 1840 the post system was functioning again more or less normally.There were still defects in the system (not everywhere were there post stations, and horses were not always available), but it was nevertheless operational.Even so, De Bode asked that the supply of horses be included in his royal farman, which instructedgovernment officials to assist him, in case there would not be any post horses available.13

Administrative Organisation Initially there was not a centralised but only a provincial, system. For example, in the Erivan khanate there was a chapar-bshi.14 According to the German travellerEichwald,"Inthe recentlyconqueredCaucasian provinces the chapparsystem was functioningnot under the khans but as a government service."15It would indeed seem thatthe chapar-bshi of the Erivankhanate was paid a salary (an entitlement to tax revenues or tiytl). There were seven post-houses in the khanate, each one headed by an ostler and with nine horses. The post-house of Erivanitself had 15 horses.16By 1817, the government allowed 300 tm?ins or pounds per annum for the upkeep of each post-house. It was their duty "to forward expresses, and to furnish from one to eight horses to any messengers, travellingchupperor courier, on government business, or to any other person to whom the regular permission has been officially granted."17 This amount appearsto have been reduced to 200 tWminssome thirtyyears later,and the difference was made up by a payment in kind throughthe addition of a certain quantityof barley and straw for each posthouse, in exchange for which they had to keep in readiness eight horses per post-house. However, Mirza Shafi' Khan, the chaparchi-bashIorpostmaster-general, who was in charge of what was called the chaparkh~na-yikull and received this money in Tehran,would distribute only 120 tWminsto each of the 112 posthouses, after a long delay, keeping the remainder for himself. As a consequence, the station-masters or chaparchis were complaining about this practice, for it

260


hamperedtheir effectiveness.18This amountof 200 timins seems to have been the highest level of payment. For the wages of each chaparchi or postmaster,on the Qazvin-Reshtroad,were only 120 tdm5nsperannumin 1845.Theamountwas evenlower on the Tehran-Kerman road. Here the pay of each between 100 and 120 tmins per chaparchiranged annum.The highestamountwas paid on the TehranTabrizroad.Eachchaparchialongthisroadreceived,or oughtto havereceived,200 tiimjnssalary,togetherwith 30 kharvirsof straw,15 kharvdrsof barley,and 10 kharv~irs of wheatannually.19 C.F.MacKenziewrotein 1859 thatthe chaparchiof Astarabadonly received50 tOninsperyearplusone kharvr of barley,therestwas "eaten"by thepostmaster-general HusainKhanShihab al-Mulk.20 The reasonfor this mercenarypracticewas thatthe was farmed out to the post of postmaster-general who then had also therightto thetitleof highestbidder, or chaparchi-bishi postmaster-general.The latter would resell the rightto managethe post-houseson a certainstretchof a routeto otherindividuals,who were entitledndib orzibit. These,in theirturn,wouldsell the rightto managea particular post-houseto an individual the farmer of the postal chaparchi. Consequently, had to his subordinatesto get a system squeeze reasonablereturnon his investment.21 It would seem there also that, in additionto the postmaster-general, were provincialpostmasters.In 1844 Wolffmentioned his meetingwith "TamasBeyk, chief of the couriersin Khorassaun,to whom all the couriers(Japarjees)and the KafilaBashis(headsof caravans)fromKhorassaun come."22Eachpost-stationwas headedby a so-called

to wear a uniform. As a result, the post-master sometimeswore a semblanceof an officialdress,sc.a blue frockcoatanda kulhhor hat.24 It was only someyearslater,in 1850,thatNasiralthe Din Shah'sgrandvizier,Amir Kabir,rehabilitated post-houserelay system,and instituteda regularmail system. Many authors,includingcontemporaryones of the suchas Polak,thereforeascribetheestablishment as is clear to Amir Kabir,which, system chapar-khana fromthe foregoing,is erroneous.AmirKabir'srenewal of the chapar-khina system did not make much differencefor those who used the chapar system to transportthemselves(ratherthantheirmail) fromone pointto the other.Moreover,afterAmirKabir'sdeath andrevertedto theold thepostalinstitutiondeteriorated situationuntilit wasrevivedin the 1870s.25However,it wouldseem thatunderAmirKabir'sguidancemost,if not all, post-houses(also called uskudirby Hedayat) while it was or rehabilitated, were newlyreconstructed stated that the qualityof the horses kept there was good.26 was not MirzaShafi'Khan,the postmaster-general, he was Amir Kabir but in his function on by kept only even rewardedfor his good serviceswith the title of Whenhe diedin 1854,the function Bashiral-Dawla.27 of postmaster-generalwas acquired by his son, Isma'ilKhan,who alsoobtainedthetitleof Muhammad Bashiral-Dawla.28After him followed HusainKhan Shihabal-Mulkand Mirza Taqi Khan. In 1866, the chapar-khdnaswere under the minister of court, (headedby MuhammadNasir Khan Zahiral-Dawla) with the exceptionof thoseof Azerbaijan,whichwere under the newly-createdministryof Dar al-Khilafa under MuhammadHusain Khan FarahaniDabir alchaparchi or ndib-i chapar-khina or postmaster,who was responsiblefor keepinga numberof horsesat his Mulk.29Duringthenext fouryearsa numberof interim own expenseand risk for the mail service.The state, managerswere in chargetill 1871, and in thatperiod throughthe chapar-b~shior postmaster-general, paid there was sometimes a national and sometimes a themanannualwage of 200 franksor20 timIns as well decentralised of all system.In 1871,the administration as 10 kharv~irs(2,944 kg) of corn and 20 kharvirs post-houseswas entrustedto Mirza 'Ali Khan, the Oneyear (5,888kg) of straw.Thisaddedup to a totalexpenditure munshi-yihuziir,theshah'spersonalsecretary. of about70,000 franksor 7,000 tWmns.Becausethe later,in additionto being personalsecretary,he was postmaster-general kepta largepartof this for himself appointedMinisterof thePost,orvazir-irasd'il.30 When (only 10,000 franks or 1,000 tWminswas spent on the chapar-khlinas)most of these post stations were in a bad state and often had too few horses, sometimes none at all.23Although the postmaster had farmed the posthouse he nevertheless was a kind of official, for he provided a public service. Therefore, from 1858 onwards, chaparchis, like other government staff, had

Nasir al-Din Shah hired the Austrianofficer Riedererto take care of the post, his personal secretaryMirza 'Ali Khan Amin al-Dawla was given the monopoly of the postal system. By royal decree the Ministry of Post, which was created at the personal financial cost and labour of Amin al-Mulk (later, Amin al-Dawla), was entrusted to himself in perpetuity and the expected


profits were to go to him. The shah asked for no accountingas long as the servicewas operatedwith a certainmodicumof efficiency.Theold subsidiespaidto the chapar-khrinas continuedto be paid to the new Ministry.31 A numberof Europeans wereinvolvedin managing thechapar-khlina system,buttheyonlywereresponsible for the organisation of the postalsystem.The farming andsublettingof partsof theroadsystemandindividual post-housescontinued,however.In 1880,some 40,000 timdnsperyearweremadeavailableby thegovernment for the operationof the chaparsystem,but the smaller continuedto receiveinsufficient stations,in particular, funding,and,as a consequence,bothmen andanimals suffered.32Accordingto the BritishdiplomatHerbertin 1886: The chupperkhanehs(post-houses) the throughout areinruinsandthehorsessimplypainful toride country I foundon the condition. uponfromtheirwretched Shiraz linethatthemasters ofthepost-houses, instead of their station and free the annual allowance of getting the are totheamount foragegivenby Shah, rack-rented of40and50tomans ayear,andtheforage neverreaches them.Inmanycasesthecarriage of thepostis noteven withallsorts paidthem,andthehorsesareoverloaded of things, theprivate of the enterprise post-master.33

261

road same systemexistedandfor the Tehran-Khorasan ownedby JalalHomayunandCo. thereexisteda finrm, (shurakd), known in full as Sharikat-i Idcra-yi Khatt-iT7ihrin (Fig. 1).36 Chaparkhinah5-yi ilhKhurasan the with chapar-khinasystemin Despiteproblems in whichit was managed manner the with and general, the transportation andfinancedin particular, systemnot only functionedratherwell but had even expanded In 1845, there were some 107 stations, substantially. listprovidedby Holmes.By 1885,there the to according on thefive majortransportation were171chapar-khInas arteries,henceon averageat intervalsof 34 km. These stationshadall beenbuiltat the state'sexpense.37

Speed

The new service was used by many Europeans living in Iranandby manyof thosetravellingthrough the country. Although it was a fast means of thosehavingexperiencedpostriding,or transportation, or ridingchapar, chaparina,knewthat"ridingpostfor A anydistancein Persiais beyondmeasurefatiguing."38 traveller,therefore,who was not afraidof fatigueand hardridingcould do 120-160 km. a day; and all that withoutescort and molestation.39 Post-ridingwas so done it was because by hardlystoppingand fatiguing thus and by being almost constantlyon taking rest, In 1890, therewere 172 post-houses;the treasury horsebackandby sleepingin thisposition.41For,oncea allocated20 tmins per year for each one or 1,440 travellerhaddecidedto go chaparina,"youhaveto go tiimins in total.This seems too low as comparedwith on, else you will be unableto, dueto the factthatyour the amountallocatedfor 1880,andprobablya zerohas bodywill feel brokenafterthe firstday."41 been droppeddue to printer'serror,so thatthe likely recordscitedby varioustravellers Someremarkable amountwas 200 tWminsor a totalof 14,400tLmdns,in in the nineteenthcenturyincludethe following:Lady additionto 10 kharvdisof barleyandthe sameamount Sheilreportedthatone courierrode800 miles in seven of strawfor the horses.34The systemof farmingand days.TherecordridefromReshtto Teheran(190 miles) sub-farmingcontinued to exist into the twentieth was achievedin thirty-twohours,accordingto Bigham, century.The couriersystem of Azerbaijan,operating while Polakwrotethata post-ridermightgo fromKhoi with about 800 horses, covered the road to Khoy, to Bushirein 10-11 days. Hume-Griffith reportedthe Bayazid,Tabriz,Ormiyehand Tehranandwas farmed feat of someonedoing the distancebetweenYezd to outfor 100,000Germanmarksor about65,000 daysor 250 miles.All these trmans, Kermanin two-and-a-half in 1905-6. Thisfarmersub-farmed the stretchbetween statementsconfirmthatwhenridingpost one coulddo 150km.perday.42 QazvinandKizil-Ozanto Mirza'Ali Khan,a nativeof The after the cost of For those who did not want too much troubleen Zenjan. traveller, havingpaid hiring wheeledtransport,obtaineda tadhkiraor permitfrom route the advice by ValentineBaker was "Riding the postmaster,which was valid for the stretchof the chapparpleasantlyyou have to be two personswith a roadwhichhe hadfarmed.35 It is likelythatthe system servant,who shouldride aheadto have fresh horses continuedto functionin thismannertill the veryendof ready.Europeanstravelusually70 milesa day,sleeping the Qajardynasty(1925). For example,in 1916 the in chaparkhanehsat night.Couriersdo more.Unless,

262


someone is sent ahead you lose much time finding horses,generallyone hourat eachpost-house."43 The horses only knew two speeds:naturalmovement or cantering(qadam)and ambling(yurgha).44 "Thehorsesof NorthernPersiaaretrainedto amble,by whicha steadypace of aboutfourto five miles an hour canbe maintained on goodroadsandlevel country.The motionis a pleasantone,andnot in the leasttiring,as is the uncertainand little-practised trot of these country steeds" wrote the British traveller W.B. Harris.45 Accordingto Polak,the horsesseldomgalloped(daytakht va tiz), and they did not know how to trot (yurtma).StolzeandAndreasconcurred,"Usually,the roadwas travelledin shortcanterso thateverymilewas travelledin 40-50 minutes."46 Curzonmaintained thata European"usuallyadopts a sharpcanteralternating with a walk. The Persians,when not canteringor galloping,seem to prefer a roughjog-trot shamble, whichon an Englishsaddleis excruciating."47

thepost-houseon the otherside of theAras,he exerted himselfto assistme with my needs."52 Althoughthere was a needto have an officialpermitor tadhkira,as it laterbecameformallyknown,one only had to ask for permission,for it was neverrefused.In fact,by the end of the centurythese permitscould be obtainedat the post-officeitself.53 Althoughtravellingchapar was a right, not an obligation,sometimes the post-masterwould make fora traveller whodidnotwantto availhimself difficulties of his services.Bighamrelatedhow in Khoy,when he threatened the thepost-master wantedto leaveby caravan, cherv&diror the caravanleader,to makelife difficultfor himin Tabrizif he providedhis serviceto the European travellers."The posting in Persiais fannrmed out; the ownedtheline,andit meanta lossto himif we postmaster Itlookedfora while wentby caravanandnotby chapper." is a hadto givein for"Thepostmaster thattheEuropeans at his and man in a Persian we seemed town, verybig theproblem foreverybodyconcerned Fortunately mercy." wasresolvedby theuse of a stratagem.54

Who could use the service?

Althoughthe chapar-khinasystem was first and foremosta governmentservice,privatepersonscould also avail themselves of its services. It was not a universalor automaticright.In fact,till well intoNasir al-DinShah'sreignsuchpermissionhadto be obtained fromthe highestlevel in government.Persiansources (probablyreferringto the mail system only) intimate thatit was a publicservice,availableto all travellers,48 but Europeansources do not confirmthis. In 1817, Colonel Johnsonreportedthat "This favor may be obtainedfromthe shah'sministers.Gives the rightto use a fixed numberof horsesfree of charge,the order cannotbe obtainedformoney,andcannotbe transferred to anotherperson by selling it."49As is clear from Johnson'sstatement,the permissionwas obtainedby the foreign traveller through his diplomatic JamesBaillieFraser"obtainedan order representative. for post-horses, through the kind interventionof In CaptainWillock (the Britishcharged'affaires)."so50 fact, later, it was even formally institutionalisedso that foreignershad to apply for such permits to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or its representatives.5'The permit apparently did not as yet have a standard form. The Dutch travellerLycklama,for example, writes: "I had a letterto the station-mastersfrom Mirza Yusef Khan, the consul at Tiflis. On showing this letter to the na'eb of

Cost of hiring post-horses

Travellers,on obtainingthe necessary tadhkira, could use as many horses as they liked, within the capacity,naturally,of the various stables and mail requirements.This meant that the post-masterwas obligedto supplygovernmentcouriersor chaparswith horsesbeforeprivatetravellers.55 Privatetravellershad to pay 2 shdhisper mile/per horsein theErevankhanate,beforeits seizureby Russia in 1828,56anda few centsin the 1830sin Azerbaijan.57 Fromthenonwardsthe cost of usingthe chaparsystem increasedovertime.Forgovernmentcourierstheuse of the horses,of course,was gratis,for othersit was 6 shihis perhorseperfarsakh,as long as enoughhorses were available.If therewere not enoughhorses,the if asked,wouldrenthorsesfromothers station-master, in the area,in which case the pricemightgo up to 1 qrin. Sometimes,whentherewereno horsesat all, the traveller had to rent horses himself.58In 1851 the fee was 500 dinars or 10 shihis per farsakh.59 The fee increasedto 0.075 Dutch ducat(750 dinarsor 15 shihis)

perfarsakh.6oIt was increasedagainafter1861,forthe fee quoted by travellers was 1 qrin (or 20 shlihs) per horse per farsakh. Andreas, who had been acting postmaster-general,advised the European traveller to


pay the amount after, not before, the service was renderedin orderto get betterservice.61 By the 1890s, the fee was againincreasedby the government."The officialchargeforridingpostis 1 1/4kransforeveryfour miles,"62andby 1898 it was even raisedto "2 kransor 9 ? d. per horse."63 To this fixed fee, whichhadto be travellers paid up-front, usually added a tip for the postilion,dependingon the length of the stage and servicesrendered,of which"itis recommended to give partin advance,as an incentive,the reston arrival."64

263

the day and the weather)thatthey were oftenbuilt at outskirtsof the villageor town,althoughsometimesin themidstof thehabitation, butsometimesin themiddle of nowhere.However,they were alwaysnearwater.69 They were of a standardsquaredesign, ba tarkib-i qal'a-yi

khish

tarh according to the official

newspaper,70and often were the only two-storey buildingin the village. This was due to the fact that therewerehardlyanytwo-storeybuildings,even in the towns.Infact,Arnoldnotedthat,in Qazvin,a townwith perhaps30,000 inhabitants,"thereare not a dozen houses with a second story."71According to the Shigird-i chapar descriptionsby various contemporarylodgers in the post-houses,the plan of the chapar-khinawas always Travellersusuallyhadto be accompanied walledenclosure, by one of the same,i.e. a square,or rectangular, the postmaster'sstaff.Forif the travellerwas unknown arounda courtyard, witha stuntedsquaretoweroverthe to the postmaster,or if the travellerdid not know the gateway,built of mud with a frontageof aboutthirty road,he had to hire a secondhorse for the post-boy feet,the wallsrisingto halfthatheight.Often,theyhad a semi-circular toweror bartizanat eachcorner,which, (shdgird-ichapar, chapar-shigird or sirchi), to accomraidswere rife, pany him and to take the horsesback.65Becausethe in areaswherebanditryandTurkoman roads were often mere caravantracks,which were underscored the defensivecharacterof the post-house. sometimestotallyhiddenby driftingsandor snow,the New post-houses were, when newly built, whiteaid of the shigird-chaparwas thereforeessential, plastered,butsincethiswasneverredone,it soonpeeled becausethe earthwas often trackless.66 The post-boy off and the post-housesinvariablyshowed that they was not a boy, of course,andinvariablywas a mature were mud buildings.Althoughthere was a standard hardyadult.He oftenlookedragged,being"cladin rags design,therewas no standardsize for the post-houses. and a huge lamb's-woolcap, otherwisewith barelegs For example,the stationhouse at Savehwas immense andfeet in the snow."67 andhadroomfor 150horses,thoughit actuallyhadonly In short,travellerswho hadobtainedpermissionand twelve.72Furthermore, the design of the post-houses hadpaida fee coulduse thechaparsystem.Inexchange, was adaptedto localcircumstances. Forexample,on the roadboth the villages and the postthey could lodge at the post-housesand use the post- Semnan-Shahrud horses.Whatwas the qualityof boththeseservices? houses were constructedto withstand attacks by Turkomanraiders. The post-house at Kishlak, for example,was a citadel,as werethe otherbuildings: The chapar-khIna or post-house

A discussionof the physicalaspectsof the chaparkhinais not superfluous, because,for example,Siroux, in his study on the public buildingsthat dottedthe caravanroutesin Iran,could not find any surviving or one thatstill couldbe recognisedas chapar-khana, such,amongthevillagedwellings.Thepost-houseshad all gone out of use at the end of the Qajarperiod and, having been made of perishable materials, they disappeared,because there was no need, and therefore no funds, for their upkeep and maintenance.68 Chapar-khlinaswere buildings that were easy to recognise, although it took travellers some time to find them. This was due to the fact (apartfrom the time of

Itwassurrounded by a wallof twentyfeethigh,the therampofthe roofsofthestableswithinconstituting At each comer was a projecting loopholedparapet. which the defenders would be enabled to bartizan, by flankthewallsandfireatassailants closeto itsfoot. Accesswas givento the placethroughan arched closedby stoutdoorsfiveinchesthick,and entrance, barredwith iron.Above it was the balakhanaas well as a kind of watchtowerused when the Torkmens were abroad.A horse-clothspreadon the roof for bed, anda saddleforpillow.73 Although usually a two-storey building, it was not rareto have one-storey buildings only. For example, "I

264


arrivedat Eirandibil; thepost-stationwas a singleroom at groundlevel whereI installedmyselfwith my three servants.Oil paperwas put on the windowsinsteadof glassandholesclosedwithdungto keeptheheatin. All was madeof mud."74 One enteredthe standard post-stationthrougha big, strongwoodengate via a largegateway,which,when closed,was a good protectionagainstbandits.On each side of the gatewaywere earthbanks,or platforms, againstthewall, of about1 m. high,withtwo doorways of whatwereusuallytwo small,darkanddirtyroomson thegroundfloor,foruse by the servantsandthen.'ib or postmaster."The entry is throughwhat is called a Serder,whichconsistsof a pairof foldinggatesbelow, and a roomabove,with othersmallroomsandoffices about it."75 The gateway was rarely wide or high enoughto admita takht-iravdn,whichthen had to be left outside.The stationhadoftentwo stories;however, therewere no windowsto the outsideon the ground level. The quadrangular courtyardusuallywas 20-25 m. wide and 12-15 m. long, androundthe threesides were flat-roofedsheds,one side of whichwas formed by the outerwall. In the middlewas a mud platform usuallyoccupiedby filthandfowl butreservedfor the travellerswho wantedto sleep there in summertime. Duringthewarmseason,thehorseswereattachedto the wall aroundthe innercourtyard;the walls were quite thickandhadlargeholesthroughthem,a kindof niches, in whichthe horses'fodder(choppedstrawor barley) was put. Behindthe walls were low, dark,narrowand unwholesomestables,wherethehorsesandtheirdrivers were housedduringthe winter.They were unlighted, save by the open stable door and reeked with accumulated refuse.In one of them,the postillionsand other attendantsusually slept arounda low fire; the smokeescapedthrougha holein theroof,whichallowed the fireto be lightedon anypartof thefloor.Stablesand storagespacewerebuilton threesidesof the courtyard, whilstthe fourthone, the partwhereone entered,was reservedfor the postmasterand his staff as living quartersas well as for travellers.These quarterswere generallytwo or threewindowlessand doorlesssheds, plasteredinsidewith mud,havinga hole in one corner fora fire-place,in whichthefireinvariablysmoked. The post-housesusuallyhad a b?-khgna, a term used to denoteany apartment abovethe groundfloor. It was usuallya single, sometimesdouble-spaced,room over the gate, which had doors on at least two, sometimeson three,sidesto have good air circulation.

It was meantfor travellersand importantvisitors,for theirdiningand sleeping.The roomin the bild-khdna usuallyhad recessesa yardor so fromthe groundall roundandwas some8 x 12 feet.Thefloorwas earth,the walls mud (which had once been plastered and whitewashed),the roof was made of long poles with branchesof trees laid across them. In the recesses visitorsstuckcandles.The raftersdisplayedcobwebs, andthe walls were grimywith soot fromthe fireplace, to evacuatethe smoke. whichwas a rudeconstruction Oftenthe chimneyhadbeenblockedby thriftyIranians with clay and stonesto stop the chimneyafterthe fire hadbeenlit for sometime,anda bodyof redasheshad beencollected,to makemaximumuse of theheat.There of anykind.Firewoodwas weighedby was no furniture mattresseslaidon eitherside of the fire the post-master, and the saddle bags used as pillows. To make it habitable, the bMli-khdnahad to be swept, once "bedding"hadbeen spread,anda fire lit. Eventhenit was too chillyfor comfort. One gainedaccess to the bXL5-kh5na by climbing, with difficulty,a staircase(usually two) of almost Alpinesteepness,with fourto five stepsof 35 cm. high and 50 cm. wide, cut out in the wall, and situatedin a (or, as a rule,in either)cornerof the courtyardon the entry'sside.Whensnowhadfallenthisbecameaneven more hazardousand slippery undertaking.In most villages, the post-housewas the only buildingwith morethanone storey.Themainroomhadtwo windows, or ratherholes intendedas windows,andoftena small verandahon the streetside. The windowswere barred with woodengrillesto allow a flow of air,and during winter were pasted over with paper. In general, travellerswere allowedto stay only threedays in the bMg-kh~a. All post-houseswere constructedwith walls made of mudbrick,brown,sun-baked,and friable,plastered overwitha coarsecementof mudmixedwithstraw,and duringheavyrainspartsof the constructioncollapsed. Often,therefore,the post-houseslookedlike ruins,and sometimesthe traveller,like Bigham,hadto stayin the postmaster'squartersbecausethe upstairsparthadnot yet been repaired.76

Amenities Post-houses, or ratherpost-stables, had not much to offer to the traveller,apartfrom a roof over his head and


relayhorses.At thebeginningof thenineteenthcentury, thesituationseemsto havebeenmoretraveller-friendly. "Eachstationhaspartof the houseforaccommodation, the roomsfurnishedwithcarpets,namads,beddingand pillows. The stationmasterpreparesvictualsfor the travellerif required,forthishe hasto pay,unlesshe has an orderspecifyingthathe is to be suppliedwith food en route."77 However,this situationsoon changedto a very basic service,viz. a roof over one's head. The FrenchtravellerMoserreportedthat,as in the case of therewas no chargefor stayingin the caravansarais, post-house.Onlythe horseswere supplied,saddleand In the varioustravelaccounts, tack had to brought.78 to takealways therefore,travellerswererecommended theirown saddleandtackso thatthey couldtakea rest The duringthe time thathorseshad to be resaddled.79 or traveller would knowledge,experienced, forewarned, starthis journeywith no otherluggage than a small bundle,wrappedin a waterproofsheet,and carriedon one'ssaddle,"withbags,somesevenfeet long andfour feet wide, whichwere to be filled at each stationwith chaffor 'kah'".Thisis ordinaryhorsefeed,someof it is alwaysin themanger,it is only whenhe has eaten"that he gets his morningor eveningfeed-neverbefore.It is a primitivemattress,which is soft, cool in summer, warmin winter,freefrominsects,andthereis no bedto carry."80 Once a travellerhad made the choice of going chapar,he couldhardlycarrywithhim anythingin the way of beddingorfood,andwhenhe arrivedattheposthouse,he was tiredandluckyif he couldget a restingplacewithoutdraughts"andsuch luxuriesas eggs and fowls for supper."81There were usually a few conveniences,such as waterand firewood,available, and sometimesgoat's milk and eggs, for which the travellerpaidthe postmasterin the morning2-4 qrins, dependingon the natureof the servicerendered.It was always possible, of course,to get suppliesfrom the village.82The chaparchidid not "presenta bill in the morningwith a bow and a grimace,in the European method.The orderof paymentis whatyou please,and of whatyou putin his hand,you will get no irrespective wordsof thanks."83 Sometimes,it was difficultto get even accessto the post-house and its limited amenities, such as at in 1861, wherethe na'bor post master Torkomanchai did not open his doors to Brugsch,because he had sought the warmthof his womenfolk.84 O'Donovan relatedthat when he arrivedat the station of Pool

265

Chenar,we "saw a choice specimenof the mannerin whichthingsaremanagedon thispostalline."His party arrivedat the stationandrodein. Therewas no groom or ostler,and they called,shoutedand searchedevery partof thebuilding."Neitherhorsesnormenwereto be found."Theirhorsesweretired;andthey finallylearnt thatthepostalstaffhad"goneaway"andthattherewere no horses.Theythereforehadto waitto give the horses a rest, and had to buy food, because there were no It was almostinvariablethatthe governmentofficials.85 or travellers the waitingforthehorses86 postmasterkept thathe refusedto supplyhorses.Forexample,Colonel Stewartwrotethat"At Sofiyan,the post-masterwould not supplyme with a horse,norcouldI get a mounted man to accompany me."87 The British consul MacKenzieonly mentionsthe chapar-khinasystem threetimesin his report,buteachtimehe recordedthat, as usual,no horseswereavailable.88 Post-horses Apartfromshelter,the mainreasonfor stoppingat the post-stationwas to get other,fresh,saddle-horses. This provedto be a ratherelusivepartof the service. Thiswas dueto a numberof facts,someof whichwere beyond the control of the station-masters.At the beginning of the twentieth century one observer summedup the qualityof this partof the post-house system as follows: "The roads were bad, the horses worse, some of the animalsbeing blind, otherslame, while the majorityof them were so overworkedand badlyfed thatit seemedimpossiblethattheycouldever do the stage."89What were the reasonsfor this suboptimalservice,apartfromthe factthatthe farmingof the post-housesystemprovidedstrongincentivesto its managersto cut costs andoveruseits assets? One reasonwas the heavy use of the system by governmentalorganisationsand diplomaticmissions. "Thenumberof Persian,Russian,andBritishchuppars continuallygoing this roadis great,and consequently the poor beastshave scarcelycome in from one long journeythanthey are saddledfor another;andit is not unusual,on arrivingata station,to findall horsesout."90 Althoughheavy officialtrafficwas indeedpartof the explanation,it was neverthelessonly a partialone. The otherreasonwas lack of capacity,i.e. therewere not enoughhorsesto accommodatedemandon a sustained basis. Moserreportedthat "Thereare supposedto be

266


abouttwentyhorsesin eachChapperKhaneh,butthere areseldommorethanten, andthesethe mostwretched sore-backedanimals."91The actualnumberof required horsesvariedbetweenfive and twenty,dependingon the locationand route.Also, "one or two fairlygood horsesarekeptateachstationfortheaccommodation of

wereavailableon frequentlytravelledroutessuchas the Tehran-Shiraz road.104 As a resultof theexistingconditions,thepost-horses were overworkedand,whenthe situationreallyturned bad, they had to be allowedto recuperatesomewhat. "Thepost-horses,badenoughat all times,were at this seasonin worsethanordinarycondition,beingallowed distinguished and favoured guests," according to Basset.92However,irrespective of thisnumber,it would to runlooseon themeadowsuntilrequiredforuse of the seem that the actual number of available horses, travellers."'05 Oncethe horseshadbecomehardenedto to the contrary requirednumber,alwaysseemsto have the servicetheywerepukhta,a termappliedto menand fallenshort. animals,who,by experience,hadbecomeinuredto and In 1845,for example,Holmesinformedhis readers preparedforhardlabour.106 that "Thehorseson this winterroad(Yazdekhvastto Anotherreasonfor the bad situationof the number Shiraz;see TableII below)arereallybad.Fromtwo to of horses, as well as their poor condition,was the five are kept at each station."93 Twentyyearslaterthe multiple use for which these were put. Carrying situationhadnot improved,for Lycklamareportedthat messengersandtravellerswas butone of the loadsthat post-horsesbecamemore and more difficultto obtain they took on theirbacks.The horses,or poniesrather, on this stretchof the road after Yazdekhvast.94 The seldomexceededfourteenhandsand two inches,and situation was not better on other post roads. For hadto do on averageabout75 km.perday.If theywere road,the horses"arein carryingpersons,they had to carrya coupleof heavy example,on the Tabriz-Tehran bad as far as If not, they generalvery Miyanehafterwhich they saddle-bagsin additionto their rider.107 becomebetter."95 Onthe Mashhad-Tehran road,at each would be carryingotherheavy loads, such as official therewerebetweentwo andfourhorses. mailandparcels.Also, the way theywereequippedfor chapar-khdna "Theyarein generalmiserableanimals.However,from theirworkexacerbatedratherthaneasedtheirlot. For Mesinoonthereare five or six horsesat each station, "thehorsesaregenerallywoundedby thechafingof the On the Astarabad-Tehran nativesaddleswhichareall builton the samemodel,by usuallyserviceablebeasts."96 road"tolerablehorsesareto be had all the way, but it heavy loads of currency,and by the coarsecoverings generallytakesfive daysto accomplishthejourney,as used when travelling, and damages not being it is impossibleto travelat nightthroughthejungle."97 immediatelyattendedto, animalsareoftenriddenwhich The horses from Qazvinto Resht were generally in othercountrieswouldbe placedin hospitalorputout pretty good in 1845.98 However, the situationalso of theirmisery.108s deteriorated on this route later in the century. The infrequencyof travellerson a routecouldentail O'Donovan reportedthat "At Kudum we received the horses being half-starvedor overworkeddue to animalswhichlookedjustas tiredandwornas thosewe overworking by legitimatetraffic.Forsomepostmasters hadgivenup".99De Windthada similarexperience.At used these horses on their own farms,or for other Kuudoum,therewere only two horses,but a thirdhad purposes,ratherthan holding them ready for public beensentforfroma neighbouring At Manjil, service.It couldhappenthatthe horsesone got wereso village.100 after a long time, they finally got miserablehorses, broken down by their day's labourthat they were whileat thenextstation,Pol Chenar,therewerenoneat incapableof doing the stretchin the normalpace; sometimesone had to dismountor else a horsebroke all.o101 On the Tehran-Kerman road,therewerefromthree down completely.Sometimestherewere good horses, to fourhorsesat each station.AfterKashan,the horse whichshowedwhata honestpostmastercoulddo.109 situationwas usuallyverybad.102On the roadfromthe An additional reason was that good horses were Turkishborderto Tabriz,the situationwas as follows in 1845. On Iranianterritory,i.e. from Chebisterto Awajik, horses in general were good. However, in Turkey,from Diadin to Mollah Suleiman, horses were very bad, whereas on the stretch from Khorassaun to Erzerum horses were very good.103The best horses, generally,

seldom met with. Most of the post-horses"havebeen sold for some vice which nothingbut constanthardwork will keep under. Kickers, rearers, jibbers, shyers, and stumblersare but too common, and falls of almost daily occurrenceon a long journey."ll0Not everybody agreed with this characterisationof the post-horses, however.


Colonel Johnson in 1817 concluded,based on his of thepost-horse service,that"Theposthorses experience are generallyserviceable,and it is a good way of travelling,i.e. it is expeditiousand easy."111 Lycklama, who travelledthroughIranfromthe Russianborderto BushireandfromTehran to Iraq,concludedthat"thepost horsesarenotthatbad,andtheirtack,whilenotluxurious, is sufficient.I broughtmy ownEuropean saddle.112 Nevertheless,thesefew positivevoices aredrowned out by the chorusof negativesthathave been written and sung by the exasperateduser of the post-horses. "Miserable as theseanimalsusuallyare,theyarein such a hardcondition,thatyou can reckonupon doing the journeyat the rateof fromsix to sevenmiles an hour." Sometimestherewereno new ponies andthe traveller hadto use the sameanimalsfor anotherjourney."The ponies seem to be awareof this contingency.I have neverriddenHampsteaddonkey,butI shouldsayit was a willing steed comparedto the usual chaparpony of Persia."Therewereexceptions,but"usuallybothwhip and spursare a requisiteto get along, and one feels ashamedat the amount of both that is absolutely necessary."113 In short, the post-horses were overworked, Ratherthan overloaded,badlycaredforandmistreated. maximised tryingto optimisetheiruse, the postmasters theirusefulnesstill theyliterallydroppeddead.This,of course, aggravatedthe capacity problem, for the postmasterwas not going to invest in new horses as long as he couldprovidea reasonablelevel of service withhis existingstableof horses.TheBritishconsulin Tabrizsummedup this situationas follows: Theworsttreated creature in Persiaafterthedonkey and camels have to complain (mules generally nothing as he hasto furmish thestageso of) is thepost-horse, longashehasa legtostandon;asoftenasnot,hedrops anddiesonthetrackintheexecution of hisdistressing duties. Hisforehoofsarecutoffbythechappar boyand handedto the owner,andthereis one horseless for

todotheusualwork.114 manyweeksandevenmonths But despite the many complaintsaboutthe condition of the post-horses, many travellers agreed with Ella Sykes, when she concluded her remarks on the posthouse system, that the problem was not the post-horse, for "the chappar horses are sagacious little animals, sliding down these places from point to point, and very seldom coming to grief.""ll

267

The travellerwho wantedto get speedilyfromone townto the otherhadto putup with the sloppyservice andthe intermittent availabilityof horses.Some sent a servantaheadto makesurethathorseswouldbe waiting forthem.Others,less wealthyandpractical,triedto beat the system. This option demandedinformationand planningon thepartof thetravellerif he wantedto be in a situationwherehorseswouldbe available,andif they wereavailable,wouldbe fresh.Theusualsituationwas thatthe travellerwas like a gambler;he couldbe lucky, andthen,again,at times he would lose. This dilemma was graphicallydescribedby O'Donovan,when he road in 1881. "At Deh travelledthe Tehran-Mashhad Memekwe wereinformedthatthepostfromTehranwas duethateveningandthatwe betterloose no time, as if overtaken,we would continuallyhave ahead of us fatiguedhorses.The sameproblemmightoccurwhen the mail from Mashadwould be coming that way." Whichindeedwas the case, for "At Semnanwe were informed,unlesswe left immediatelythe horseswould be heldforthemail,so despitebeingverytiredwe went on." But despite his efforts to keep ahead of the mailman,when, afterhardriding,he arrivedat Deh Mollah,he foundthat"thepost horsesat Deh Mollah hadjust madetheir16 miles fromMashadandwere in need of absoluterest,andso werethe horseson which we hadarrived." Sometimes,youjustcouldnotwin, and like in gambling,it was the housethatalwayswon.116 Needless to say that the manner in which the chapar-khina system was operated evoked strong emotionson the partof its regularand irregularusers. Everybodyhad an opinion about it and it was the subjectof discussionduringsocial gatherings.People wouldexchangetheirexperiences,bothgood andbad, whichalsogaveriseto chaparloreandto horrorstories suchas the following: atoneofthesepost-houses, arrived A doctor onceriding amule.Onthisbeasthe nohorse,demanded andfinding thattherewas madethenextstage,tobetoldonarrival better available. itself, Nothing presenting onlyadonkey thenext thismount,andin timereached he accepted stage, where he was met with the comforting thattheonlyanimalatlibertywasa cow! announcement afterthispoint,so we will draw uncertain seems History a veil overit!"1 Although this is a typical story told by expatriates,of the kind that are still being told all over the world right

268


now, it actuallycontaineda hardkernelof truth.Polak, destination. On some days, even two diligences Nasir al-Din Shah'spersonalphysician,who was not departed.The Iranianpassengerswerenot accustomed given to exaggerationandis knownfor his carefuland to fast travelling,whichwas the reasonwhy, en route, dispassionate reporting,wrotethatwhen one arrivedat threehoursof stopswereusuallymadeatthe six halting the post-house,"horsesare alwayslacking,or, if they stationsembellishingthe new road. The road,which were there,unusable,so thatpartof the roadhas to be was 180 km. in length,was servedby the mailtwice a walked".118 Buttheuse of otherquadrupeds to carrythe week, takingfourteenhours,to which end the Road mail andotherloadsin the absenceof horseswas also Companyhada contractwiththe Government. In 1892, due therewere six diligences,four large,fourmiddleand actuallyreportedas havingoccurredin Azerbaijan, to exceptionalcircumstances."Duringthe last year two smallmailcoaches,as well as ten lorries(so-called [1898] owing to the high price of fodder, and garis).Eightotherdiligenceswereaboutto be sentfrom theconstantbreakingdownof half-starved Tiflis.Therateperpersonwas 25 qrins with 15 kg. of consequently the mails from the frontier,the outlying luggagefree.Each3 kg. overthe 15kg. cost0.50 qrdins. post horses, and Teheranhad often to be transferredto In 1893, a so-called "petite vitesse" service was districts, men'sshoulders,thebacksof donkeys,andbullocks.""19 inaugurated forpassengerswho wantedto do thetripin threedays.Theyhadto pay 12 qrnins. A coach(victoria orphaeton)fortheexclusiveuse of a passengercost200 Transformation of the chapar-khinasystem qrins.Eachhaltingstationhadroomsat5, 4 and2 qrins per night. On the Qom-Soltanabadroad the Road Part of the reason for the slow, but certain, Companymanagedthe traffic,but at thattime it was deterioration of the post-houseswas the factthatit was still an irregularservice.122 being replacedby a moremodernservice,i.e. thatof Althoughthe Road Companythat managedsince wheeledtransportation over betterroads.Since 1879, 1899thePir-iBazar,Rasht,QazvinandTehranroadwas troikas(kaliska)operatedbetweenTehranandQazvin, Russian,thetransportation companyusingthe"Russian" andto thatend,the roadhadbeenlevelledandshallow roadwas,however,operatedby the BagheroffBrothers, ditchesdug on bothsidesof the road.120"Anenergetic an Iraniancompanysubsidisedby the RussianRoad Persianhad establisheda service of small Russian Company.Those who used the road had to pay, in waggons drawnby threehorsesbetweenKasvin and additionto the hire for the conveyance,a toll to the Teheran."In 1889, Stewartwas driven "in a large Russian Road Company,according to a schedule spring-lesswagon, drawnby four good horses, and varyingwiththenatureof thecarriageandthenumberof drivenby a Russiancoachman." However,therewas no horses.Passengershad to pay an additionalfee. Each realroad,"merelyon eachside of the tracka ditchhad passengerwas only allowed72 lbs. of personalluggage been dug, and the land betweenthe two ditches left in the landau(65 lbs. in othercarriages)andthishadto untouched.... The only sortof attemptmadeto entitle consist of small packages.If a passengerhad more this to be called a road was that some of the larger and/orbulkierluggagehe hadto hire,in additionto the streamshadbeenbridged,while the smallerones were use of a landau,a fourgon,i.e. a large van without left alone, except that the banks of them had been springs,alsowithfourhorses,to carrytheextrabagsand smootheda little."At the endof sixteenmilestherewas packages.The fourgoncouldtransport 650 lbs.,andthe a post-house,with fair accommodationfor travellers. passengerwaschargedtwo shillingsper 13 V21 lbs.forhis HereStewartchangedhis largewagonfor a smallone, extraluggage.The totalcost of the tripfromReshtto shapedlike a canoeanddrawnby threehorses.121 Tehran,which lastedbetween72 to 80 hours,came to Afterthe Qazvin-Tehran roadimprovement andthe almost ?25 for the BritishtravellerSavage Landor, subsequent availability of wheeled transportation which he consideredratherhigh comparedwith the very followed.Therewas, low costandhighcomfortof transportation in Europe.123 service,otherroadimprovements forexample,theroadbetweenTeheranandQomwhich the wheeled of was transportation Gradually, system was completedin 1891.It hadbeen equippedwithtwo extended to other parts of the country.In all these cases largeand threesmallbridges.Daily, fromTehranand therewas a choice of service (speed, comfort) at varying Qom, at one hour aftersunrise,a diligencefor eight rates. The service also tended to be regular,i.e. at fixed persons, departedand arrivedafter 36 hours at its days and hours.


269

Tariffforcarriages,etc.from Rashtto Tehranand vice-versain 1899

Styleof Vehicle

Numberof Horses

Landau Victoria Closed carriage Fourgon

4 4 4

4 3 2

4

5

Numberof Passengers

Costof Vehicle

Toll

TotalCost

Lbs.

?. s. d.

?. s. d.

?. s. d.

71? 2 65 65

11 16 7 1016 7 11 4 10

1 8 0 1 8 0 1 8 0

13 4 7 12 4 7 12 1210

650

10 0 10

1 13 2

1114 0

Weightof Luggage Allowed Free

Source: "Reporton the Tradeof the ConsularDistrictof Reshtfor the Year1900,"AP 48 (1901),p. 6.

Passengerswere conveyedby the postalwagon at the followingratesin 1910:

Luggageoverthe amountsstatedwas chargedforat therateof 1?2to 3 qrins perTabrizmann.Priceshad,of course,increasedas comparedwith the earlierperiod. FromIsfahanto: Qrdns This was also the time when lost and delayedluggage Tehran 91 becamea habitualfeatureof wheeledtraffic.124 68 Qom road(and Becausethe stretchesof the Tehran-Qom Kashan 46 on an leased were for some even distance) beyond Abadeh 40 exercised firm control farmer road the annual basis, * Shiraz who travelledand how over his road.The relay over * Na'in horseswere not hiredout to travellers,andwere only * Yazd formen usedto pullthe carriages(witha compartment Soltanabad 45 (viaNajafabad) road that the for and another one company women) via KashanandQom 91 Soltanabad, Landorwrote:"Muchto my disgust,I Savage operated. * Note: No serviceat present.Theservicesto Shiraz,Na'in, was informedthatthe ownerof the post-househadthe in 1910,and thatto Soltanabad Yazd,had beendiscontinued monopolyof the trafficon the trackfor six or seven via Najafabad from 1912. farsakhs more, and so travellerswere compelledto submitto a furtherextortionby havingto hire another Thefarein eachcase coveredluggageweighingup to 5 wheeledconveyanceinsteadof beingableto ride.This Tabrizmanns.Extraluggagewas chargedforattherate time I chartereda victoria,andoff we went as usualat of 1? to 5 qrjnspermann,accordingto distance. gallop."'l25 Postingconveyances(1913-14) werechargedfor at Althoughtherewere postedpricesand conditions, the followingrates: thesecouldnot alwaysbe reliedupon.Forexample,"It FromIsfahanto:

Tehran Qom Kashan Abadeh Soltanabadvia Kashan andQom

Opencarriageto seat threepersons(with four horses),including luggageweighing 15 Tabrizmans 1,011 qrns 710 511 460 1,011

Closedcarriageto seat fourpersons(with four horses),including luggageweighing20 Tabrizmans 1,214 qrans 874 614 520 1,214

Diligence to seat eight persons(with four horses),including luggageweighing40 Tabrizmans 1,500 qr.5ns 1,061 758 ...

1,500

Note: Therewas no serviceatpresentto Shiraz,Yezd,Nain or to Sultanabadvia Najafabad, whichhadbeendiscontinued from 1910.

270


Accordingto E.G. Browne,the firstof the modem were constructedat the orderof Nasir mihman-khanas al-Din Shah after he returnedfrom his first trip to Europe.The mihman-khJashadboth advantagesand Theywerebuiltin pleasant,tree-covered disadvantages. had gardens, Europeanbeds,chairsandtables,andfood could be ordered.However,the reverseside was the highcostandtheinsolenceof thestaffas comparedwith thecourtesyof thevillagers.In short,themihman-khdna "hasalltheworstdefectsof a Europeanhotelwithoutits luxury."129 Often, the travellerno longer stayedat the posthousesbecausethey "areso forlornthatwe decideto pushon all night".130In general,post-housesstill came in all varieties,both good and bad, as to serviceand accommodation. Dwightwas ratherpositiveaboutthe andQazvinbutless so aboutthose Resht at post-houses in betweenthese two towns. However,those on the road "weremore uniformand a little Qom-Hamadan more ornate,being solidly built of yellow brick.The nameof each one was postedoverthe doorin Persian, The reason for the better Russian, and French."131 conditionof these stationswas thatthey were newly as was theroadthattheyserved.Whatwas constructed, furthernew was thatthepost-stationsalongtheRussian roads were connectedby telegraph(in 1905) and had."127 telephone (in 1912), althoughthis did not always With the growth of a system of modem road provide a guaranteefor the availabilityof quality communication,the old system of chapar-khinas service.132The postmasterstendedto be called nf'ib underwenta suddenchange,whichhad alreadybegun (andsometimesrais) ratherthanchaparchi,while the slowly from 1879 but accelerated after the chaparchi-shigirdwas now also called mihtar or Constitutional Revolutionof 1906. In additionto the groom,althoughthe old designationswerestillused.133 caravansaraiand the chapar-khlna, anotherkind of Ratherthanhorses,therewerenew "post-carriages, road-housebecamemorepopularand widespread,the distantcousinsof the 'sea-goinghacks' of pre-motor so-calledmihman-kh.5na. The firstmodeminstanceof days, drawn by four horses driven abreast, the this old institutionof public lodging (which already passengerspeeringoutfromthe stuffyinteriorlikepallexistedat the beginningof the Qajarera)was foundon bearersto a funeral;hightwo-wheeledcarts,the horses the Resht-Tehran road,andthenceas farsouthas Qom. driven tandem;and big four-wheeledwagons with archingcanvastops, with women and childrensitting are to be run after the of a They supposed uncomfortablyon heaps of bales and boxes and plan European men in fur caps, with bandoliers hotel!Bedsaresupplied, andsometimes a tooth-brush determined-looking andcomb!Thetravelleris shownintoa roomin which and rifles acrosstheirknees, seated chests acrosstheir

now became necessaryto make arrangementsfor a droshki. These are not always available, and the travellerwill frequentlyhaveto wait a few daysbefore he can depart, so it is advisable to arrangewell beforehandforthejourney.... LastnightI was toldthat 80 tumans(about?16) was the rightpricefor a droshki to Teheran."A kaliska (or landau)was 120, and a droshki(orvictoria)was 80 tdm~ns.However,Williams (anEnglishtraveller)hadto bargainhardto get a seatat a pricewhichwas still higherthanthe postedprice,but lowerthanwhatthe coachmanhaddemanded.126 The travellernot only neededoftento haggleabout his fare but also had to be awareof the fact that the systemtendedto be operatedby particularratherthan universalcriteria:i.e. it was moreimportant whomyou knew,or who you were,thanbeingon timeandhaving the money to pay for the service. The American travellerWilliamWarfield,afterhavingcrossedLake Urmiyaby boat,wantedto continuehis tripto Tabriz. Ontheothersideof thelaketherewerecarriagesto take the passengersto Tabriz."Thecarriagesarepartof the governmentpostal system, and were in chargeof a Persianofficialwho gaveprecedenceto his ownpeople. Next cametheuniformedRussians,andas conveyances were scarce, when the turn of the Christianand uniformlessAmericanscame therewas nothingto be

the beds are kept readyfor all passers-by:it is not thoughtnecessaryto changethebeddingtoo often!The furniture consistsof a washstand, tableandcoupleof chairs,andeverythingis dirtyas canbe. I muchprefer the ordinarycaravansarai. ... The chappakhanehs,or are a often trifle cleaner than the post-houses, caravansarai.128

beside the drivers."'34

Although chapar-khgnaswere no longer much mentionedby contemporary travellers,theystillexisted. A.R. Neligan,in his detailed1914travelguideof Iran, didnot evenmentionthe chapar-khina systemorposthouses.He providedvery detailedinformationon the variousstages of each of the majorroads,including


their halts. However,to all intentsand purposesthe chapar-khlina system did not exist for him. What is clearfromthis guideis that,by 1914, on all the major tradearteries,includingthosethathadnot beenpartof the chapar-khinasystem (e.g. Kermanand Yazd to Mashhad;Zahedanto Mashad;Astarabadto Mashhad) a wheeled passengertransportation system operated. These were still horse-driven,althoughprivatemotor trafficalso hadmadeits appearance.135 However,as is clearfromMervinHall's observations (he was one of Millspaugh'scollaborators), the still existed and served a useful chapar-khina purpose in 1922. When he needed to travel from Tehranto Mashhad,he: combedthechapah-khaneh [sic]- thepostalservice - for a carriage withspringsreasonably intactand somepretentions tocomfort fora driveof 585miles[to Mashhad]drawnby relays of four horses. ... The

wasa Russian-built a kindof landau product kaleska, whichpitchedandrolledoverroughgroundlike a hoodandtwo seagoing yawl.It hada foldingleather

271

off with a jangle of bells alongthe well-builtRussian roadto Teheran."'38 The wagonmademanystops,not only for the convenienceof the passengersbut also to as on changehorsesanddrivers.On the Resht-Tehran, the Tehran-Mashhad, roadthe relay-stations wereat 25 km. intervals.Duringthesestops,the driverhadhis tea and/oropium, while he also took care of necessary repairssuchas tying"upa brokenspringor dilapidated harnesswitha bit of rag."'139 However,wheremorethananythingthingshadnot changedat all was, not surprisingly,in regardto the horseswho hadto drawthe ricketycontraptions: Thehorseswerelittlelarger andscarcely lessblighted thanthedonkeys. Allwerestallions ormares; theydo notgeldhorsesin Persia.Underfed andoverworked, andmangy, thoseof thepostalservice, galled,spavined at least,stillhadthespiritto showtheirspleenat the harshness andfighting of theirlot.Squealing withone atwhoever from another, bitingandkicking approached either end, they vented their ill-humorat all opportunities.140

deep seatsfacingfore and aft. ... we changedrelays

somesixtytimes;ateachchapah khaneh threeto four

Not only didthe qualityof the horsesleavemuchto be desired,it still oftenhappenedthathorseswere not available(the wordspassengersfearedwere:m5l nist, Althoughtravellerswere now being driven,rather i.e. thereareno horses)andoccasionallytravellershad thanridingchaparana,some thingshad not changed, to wait for hours before, finally, new horses were viz. the qualityof the serviceandthe stateof themeans produced.Sometimesthis was due to the fact thatthe of transportation. The AmericanjournalistHaroldF. normal,and in particularthe official post (whether Weston,who madethe firstphotoseriesof Iranforthe Iranianor Russian mail), had priorityover normal National Geographic Magazine in 1921, described the passengertraffic.141 post-carriagesas follows: "At the post-houseyour Likewise,thequalityof lodgingatthechapar-khinas meansof transportation awaits.You clambergingerly hadnotchangedeither."Thedubiousaccommodation at into the debris of what may have been in a long- the post-housesrenderthe extremenightcold and the forgotteneraa veryelegantandcommodiouscoupe,but uncertaintiesof the dark road the lesser of the two whichnow,withyourvariegatedassortmentof luggage evils."'142 oftendid However,it wouldseemthattravellers lashedto everyavailableprojection,approximates more not sleep in the post-houses.Westonmentionsthatthe mail expresswas a combination closelyan itinerantpeddler'svanthananything."137 sleeper-daycoach,and The mannerin which the rickety wagons were diningcar.Also, in additionto the now already"old" prepared priorto theirrideandtheway in whichthetrip mihman-khbnasandthe even olderchapar-kh.lnas,a new took place were also in a usual style, accordingto classof accommodation hadcomeintobeing,viz. thatof farsakhapart.136

tradition, and awe-inspiring. Weston once again describeshis experience:"A darkvisaged bandit,whom you have been regardingwith suspicion, pours a pail or two of water on the warping wheels and axles for lubricatingpurposes, clambersto the driver'sbox, leers back from underhis huge, pot-shapedfelt hat, gruntsto the four gaunt ponies harnessedabreast,and you clatter

the road-house or tea-house. These he described as usually having "a large, dingy, smoke-filledroom where the travellercan purchasetea, unleavened,pebble-baked bread,buttermilk,cucumbers,and melons."In this room "a wide platformseat, covered with coarse, ragged rugs and lounging occupants, skirted the edge of the room. The 'guests' were effectively indistinguishable from

272


beggars,andourentryhadrousedmostof thesehabitues fromtheirnoondaysiesta- orwas it a stuporcausedby thatdrugwhichis the curseof Persia,for therewas a smellof opiumin thestagnantair."'143 Conclusion methodof Travelling by chaparbecamethepreferred formanyEuropeans transportation movingwithinIranin the nineteenthcentury.The system,which had a long history,had been re-established (afterits demisein the second half of the eighteenthcentury)with its main objectivebeingto facilitatethe fast dispatchof official Butalready,soonafterits inception,the correspondence. use of the relay-horses by privatepersonswas allowed, againstpayment.Opinionsdifferedaboutits comparative advantageovertravellingby caravan.Therewere those who consideredthe chapar-khInas andthe comfortable, institution itselfas one of thegooddeedsof Nasiral-Din Shah'sreign.144Themoregeneralopinion,however,was that chapar-khninas were a necessary evil, whose unpleasantacquaintanceone had to make, sooner or later.145The main reasonfor this was thatpost-horses weretheonlymeansof rapidtravellingin Iran.However, becauseof mismanagement "travelling post is the most exquisitetortureit is possibleto conceive."146 Thechapar-khlina systemgrewfroma provincialinto a nationalsystem.It was givennew life by AmirKabir for postalservicereasons,but afterhis deaththe mail systemlanguished.Thiswas not the case withthe rapid public transportationaspect of the system, which continuedto provideits sometimesquestionable service to thehurriedtraveller. After1880,wheeledconveyances slowlyreplacedridingchaparon horse-back,a process whichwasmoreorlesscompletedby 1914.By thattime, the systemhadacquireda publicserviceaspect,because the carriages,like the latermotorisedbuses,provideda regularserviceto the generalpublicbetweenthe major towns of Iran.Despite all the moaningand criticism whichEuropeans aimedatthechaparsystem,in its time it serveda usefulandmuchappreciated purpose.

of hasbeenmadeto providea contemporary description if any,by those thesestations,as well as theappreciation, Therelay who haveprovidedus withtheirexperiences. stationswhich are listed in the nine tables that are discussedbelow,do not mentionall the postalstations. The discussionhas beenlimitedto the most frequentlytravellednine routes,and thoseroadsand stationsthat or whichdidnotoffer werenot frequented by travellers, relayhorsesfor privatepersons,arenot discussed.This atSaveh holds,forexample,fortheverylargepost-station at Konah(nearDizful),147 butequallyforthepost-station or the one at Nawar-chahin Sistan.148 Also, the new into the introduction of stationsthat came being after wheeled trafficare not discussedhere, becausethese stationsweretea-housesratherthanproperrelay-stations, where travellersstayedthe night. Besides, these new stopswereoftenno longerthe sameas thosewhichhad servedfor centuriesas refugesfor travellers.This was becausethe wheeled trafficused new metalledroads which followeda differentrouteto the old road.This was dueto rivalrybetweenthePrimeMinister,AminalSultan,andthe Ministerof the Posts,Amin al-Dawla, who was in chargeof the chaparsystem.The former favoured"progress",which includeda new caravan road dotted with new mihman-khinas.The latter, because he did not like the high rates on the new caravanroad,madea new post-roadwith lowerrates. Sincethe old roadhadbeen flooded(by destroyingthe dykesthathadcontainedthe waterof the adjacentriver thatrantowardsthedesert,thuseffectivelyrenderingits use impracticable), peoplehadto use thenew postroad. Thismeantthat,on leavingTehran,one hadto takethe Hamadanroadfor 8 km. andthen,nearRebat-Karim, onehadto veertowardstheeastthroughPikandKhoski Bahram,wherethe post-roadjoinedAminal-Sultan's caravan-roadat the mihman-khinaof Shashgerd10 farsakhsfromQom.Mostof thesenew stationsarenot listedin Table2, whichdiscussesthe relaystationson stretch.Brownesadly concluded, the old Tehran-Qom "Thusit hascometo passthatin placeof theold straight road to Kum there is now a caravan-road longerby some fourteenmiles, and a post-roadlongerby nearly twentymiles.'49

II. THENETWORKOF POSTAL-STATIONS Intheremainder of thisstudy,anoverviewis givenof the post-stationsalong the majorcommercialroadsof nineteenth-century QajarIran.Wherepossible,an effort

1. Thepost-road between Tabrizand Tehran

line was the By the mid-1850s,the Tabriz-Tehran of the network. It had 14 stations chapar best-keptpart

THECHAPAR-KHANA SYSTEMIN QAJARIRAN

273

(or threemorethanin 1845),was 85farsakhslong or Miyaneh,which, in the early 1870s,had a new post128hoursin traveltime,i.e. couriersdidit in five to six house,but Stewartin 1880 avoidedit, becauseit was days,whereascaravanstook 16 to 18 days or more.150 once again celebrated for its dirt and insect In 1872,the conditionof thepost-houses"aswe neared population.155 At the village of Aukhund,in 1817, the the capital, as also the road, became worse."'5' post-station'saccommodation was of the worstkind.In the chaparchiorhorses, find either However,althoughdecaying,the roadfromQazvinto 1836,Fraserdidnot Tehranwas still the best. "Thepost-housesare a great and he had to wait till midnightbefore he could The Tshamalabad improvementon any in otherpartsof the country."152 depart.156 post-housewas in an old the next one was at Sircham,about had caravansarai;157 Nevertheless,by the 1890s, the infrastructure worsenedfurther,for BighamreportedthatafterTabriz whichnothingmuchwas reported.OnlyEastwickgave his party travelled by caravan, "the chapper in the informationthatit was a smallvillage,with a very Thereafter,Lycklamaarrivedat a Azerbaijan beingnotoriouslybad."'153 poor post-house.158 After Tabriz,the first post-station,after Seidabad, very badpost-station,probablyAkmazar,"withsucha was Adjy-Aga,andthenat the end of the day another, narrow room that my bedding covered the entire thenameof whichLycklamacouldnotrecall,butwhich floor."'159 Thefollowingstationwas atNikkebeg,which most either or modem The was a was, likely, Basmidj Dawatgar.154 post-housewhenBrugschwas there,but andto third stationwas at Torkomanchai, and thereafter,at accordingto Lycklamait was in a caravansarai Post stagesfrom Tehranto Tabriz. Johnson

Holmes

Brugsch

Lycklama

Stolze

Farsakh

Tabriz

4 7

s

Tabriz Seidabad

Tickmetash Torkomanchay Miyaneh Aukend

Aukhund

HajjiAghah

Adjy-Aga Unknown

Saidabad Hajji Agha Gajin

Torkomanchai Miyaneh

Torkomanchai Miyaneh

Torkomanchai Miyanaj

Serdschem

Tshamalabad Sircham Unknown

Jamalabad Sarcham Akmazar

Nikkebeg Zenjan Soltaniyveh

Nikbe Zenjan Soltanivyeh Charave

Nikpey Zanjan Soltaniyeh Hidaj-Hijah

Kirva Siadoun/Siadeh Qazvin Abdoulabad

Kirva Siyahdahan Qazvin 'Abdoulahabad SafarKhvajeh Songorabad

Armaghana

6

Baugh

Soltaniyeh

Zenjan Soltaniyeh

7 6 6 6

6 6

Aubhaar 8

Khorrumderreh Siadeeun Qazvin

Siah Dahen Qazvin

SufferKoja Sefer Khodjeh Songorabad Keredge

Safarghadj Sangorabad

5 7 9 6

Mian-Diouch Qazvin gate

Miyanjub Tehran 88 or

352 miles

Source:Holmes,Sketches,p. 407, appendix and the referencesin the text. F,

274


Eastwicka large,ill-keptpost-house.In 1880,the poststationmay have been out of commission,for Stewart reportedthat, becauseof the filth, he could not find quartersin the housesof the poorvillage.160Fromhere the travellerwent to the next stationat Zenjan,about which most authors reported nothing, but which Eastwickfoundto be dirty,hot, and full of flies. Also, the station-master was so unco-operative that Eastwick'sservantdeclared"hewouldburnnotonlyhis Thenit was onwards father,buthis remotestancestors." to Soltaniyeh,whichEastwickalsofoundto be dirtyand so fly-ridden"thatthe horsesmighthave switchedthe flies away from me." Here Stewartfound that there were no horsesgrazingat the station;they were a few miles away.He thereforecontinuedto Heedej,which was a new post-house,and much betterthan usual, wherehe foundhorses.161Thenextstation,after30 km., was theprettyvillageof Kirveh,whichwas surrounded by orchards.However,the post-housewas shutup and deserted,and Stewarthadto go two miles off the road to find grazingpost-horses,which took at least one hour.162 Therewas a relay-station at Charave,as well as at Kirva.163Col. JohnsontravelledfromSoltaniyehvia Aubhaeror Abhur,and so did Fraserin 1836, who foundthatthe villagewas in a perfectbog. Fromthere Johnson(andso didEastwick)wentto Siadeeun,where, in 1817, the post-stationhad an upper room for travellers.It hadtwo roomscarpeted,with beds rolled up in the corners,andhoused8 horsesand10people.164 The next stationwas, after19 miles, at Siahdehend.165 Continuinghis journey,the travellerarrivedat Qazvin, where the post-housewas behindthe gardensof the royalpalaceand was quiteempty.It was much larger thanall thosethatthe travellershadbeen stayingin so far.Ithada niceterrace,accordingto Lycklamain 1866. It even becamebetter,for in 1880, O'Donovanwrote that in Qazvin, "the postal establishmentwould do creditto a first-classEuropeantown.It includesa large hotel,with archedporticosupportedon massivepillars of whitewashedbrick.Theroomsarespaciousandairy, and floored with large, square,glazed tiles."'166 The postmasterat Qazvinwas "aPole,andtheassistantsare either Russian or German.We got capital horses in first rate condition."167The next station was the solitary post-house of Abdulabad,168 followed by one at Safarghadj,and then, via Chinabadand Souleimanieh, one arrivedat the station of Sangorabad.169 Thereafter, the next station at Mian-Djouch, while the final one stationwas at the Qazvin gate at Tehran.170 Arnold only

mentionsthat, before reachingTehran,he stayedthe night in the village of Gozrozinkwhere he found a housewitha roomraiseduponthe roof.171 2. Thepost-road between Tehranand Shiraz (Bushire) - summerroad

Althoughconstructedalong the majortradeartery connectingTehran,Kashan,Isfahanand Shirazwith Bushire,the majorporton the PersianGulf, the postcondition houseson thisroadwerein a verydilapidated towardsthe end of the nineteenthcentury.172Initially, the post-housesystem reachedonly as far as Shiraz. Between Shiraz and Bushire there was no chapar service,althoughq~sidsor foot messengersmightbe hired.173It was only after1871 thatthe Shiraz-Bushire Oncethe roadwas addedto the chaparinfrastructure. were 29 there was stagesfrom fully organised, system Tehranto Bushire(i.e. Tehran-Kashan, 5; then 3 to 7 to to and Isfahan;14 Shiraz; Bushire).174Around 1860,therewere still new post-housesbeingbuilt,but the overthe courseof time,dueto lackof maintenance, and conditionof thepost-housesgraduallydeteriorated, new oneswereno longerbuilt. Afterhavingleft Tehran,the firstpost-housewas at and wherethewaterwas barelydrinkable, Kenare-Gird, the only laterconsolationwouldbe thatthe next day it wouldbe worse.However,the bglh-khgnahaddoors.175 The roadcontinuedto Houze-Sultan,wherethe postand in house was built oppositea largecaravansarai, 1867 had been just repaired.176The next stationwas Sadrabad(whichwas not oftenvisited)andthenPul-iDallak,whichhadanawfulpost-house.Ithadbeenbuilt in the samevillage.It was a oppositethe caravansarai sad and lonely place accordingto Brugsch,confirmed by Arnold,for therewas nothingbut the caravansarai and the post-house. Also, its bHli-khina had no windowsbutonly holes largeenoughto putone'shand wasvisiblefrom through.Everycornerof theapartment the plain.The openingswere so numerousthatArnold had to borrow empty sacks from the chIrvAdJror muleteer with which to close them. From the posthouse, the ground sloped to a stream, of which the waterswere as yellow as those of the Tiberaftera heavy flood and nauseous, with a flavour of sulphur and Epsom salts. He wondered how the soup made of this waterwould taste. Although he ate the soup, he does not tell the reader how he liked it.177From here one


continuedto Qom, wherethe post-housewas situated just outsidethe city gate. Arnoldfoundit worthwhile "tonailtowelsovertheholesin thedoors,andto 'glaze' the windowswith linen,so thatwithinwe may have a littlelightand less wind."178Continuingto Passengan, which stood alone in the middleof nowhereand was builtoppositea caravansarai, andto Sissin,thetraveller arrivedat Kashan,which accordingto Brugschhad a clean post-housenext to one of the city gates.179 The followingstationwas at Kohroud,which,in 1860,had a new post-house.The post-housewas situatedin a grove of fruit-trees.The badh-khdnawas smallerthan usual."Whenthe beds (forMr.andMrs.Arnold)were set up, andourtwo-feet-sixtableextended,we foundit From necessarythatone,atleast,shouldsiton a bed."'180 Sou, via a plain where Arnoldsaw a ruin of a posthouse, one arrived at Murtsharagh(Murtschehar), which,accordingto Brugsch,hada small,newly-built, cleanpost-house.Accordingto Arnoldthe caravansarai andthe post-housewerethe only buildingsoutsidethe high walls of the village.181Ghesd,where therewas or unusualto observe,was the last nothingremarkable before Isfahan. The post-stationin Isfahanitself stop was situatednextto the Chehel-Sotun, whereone could havedinner.182 the nextstationwas at Mar, Continuing, a post-housein the mountains,which were Zell alSoltan'sfavouritehuntinggrounds,183 and then on to in there was no longera Mejar(Mahyar),where, 1906, The next stationwas Komaischa,which post-house.184 had wretchedlodgings accordingto Lycklama;then followedMaksoud-Bekwherethe post-housewas, as In 1860,Brugschobserved usual,outsidethevillage.185 thatthe post-stationat Yezdekhvastwas not worse or betterthanthe usualstatehe hadfoundfor thistype of buildingduringhisjourney,butfromits roof one hada wonderfulpanoramicview, while Arnold'smemoryof theplace(he stayedin thecaravansarai thistime)during a verycoldwinternightwas thatit was "almostenough to inducecatarrh."186 At Yazdekhvastthe roadbifurcated.Since ancient times,betweenthisvillageandShiraztherehadbeen a summer (sar-hadd) and a winter (garmsir) road.187We have no descriptionof post-houses on the summerroad. The first station on the longer winter road was at Schoulgistan,which, accordingto Lycklama,had a very bad post-house, which was, as usual, situated outside the village. According to Brugsch, the post-stationwas situated next to a water-wheel which contained enchanted fish; its water served both men and

275

Becausethenextpost-house,atAbadeh,had animals.188 such a badreputationArnoldstayedin the town in the It was thenonwards best room,whichwas a "shed".189 to Sjourmekvia Abadeh,the halfwaypoint.Thereafter to Ghirdab-Diehbed and then Kanne-Khourra.190At as at Khuneh-khorreh, the previouspost-houses,there was no food was available,recordedBrugsch,while Arnoldnotedthat"Wehave an abidingrecollectionof the bala-khanahat Khanikore;the cold was the most severewe hadexperienced,andthisone was one of the wasabouteightfeet mostwretched....Thebala-khanah squareandsevenfeethigh,blackwith smoke,andwith a hole for door-way or window on every side. ...

[thoughbelow zero]a frostywindblowingthroughthe wretchedplace,it wouldnot be possibleto have a fire. Having stuffedup the windows and door-wayswith rugs and stonesand sticksandplanks,we got through the night."'91In 1927,the post-housedid not exist any more, for HermanNorden writes "Except for the thereis nothingbut a tiny settlementof caravansary, Thenext fourhuts,surrounded by a twelve-footwall.192 stationwas at Diehbed,reputedlythe coldestplace in Iran,where the ndib had nothingto offer, not even firewood.193 After Dehbid, Arnold went to Khanikergan,12 miles further.It had no post-house, and his expectationsaboutthese only a caravansarai, wretchedlodgingshad not been low enough.He then went to Murghab,or Meshed-iMurghaub,wherethe post-housewas builtoutsidethe walledvillage.194 FromMorghab,thetravellerhadseveralchoices.He could ride on directlyto Puzeh,or Purehas Lycklama wrote it, which he considereda nice place, and was situatednext to Persepolis,and then via Zerghanto Shiraz. Or he could, as did Arnold, travel via Qavamabad(whichhadno relaystation,andwherehe renteda roomin the village),via Sidun'95to Sergoun, which location Arnold found very remarkable,and "walkingon theroofof the stables,whichis, as it were, he enjoyedthe scenery. the terraceof thebala-khanah", Finally,the travellerarrivedat Shiraz,wherethe posthousewas nextto the bazaar.196 On the route Shiraz-Bushire there were no posthouses, although there were the following post stages startingfrom Bushire:Ahmadi, Borasjun,Daleki, Konar Takhteh, Kamarej, Kazerun, Miyan-e Kotel, Dasht-e Arjin, Khaneh-Zenyun, Chenar-e Rahdar, and finally Shiraz. Travellersstayed in the caravansarais,or in the open, or in the villages. Arnold found two huts in Daleki whichhada bal?-kh~na,one of whichhe rented.197

276


Post stages from Bushire to Tehran Holmes

Brugsch

Lycklama

Wills

Stolze

Farsakhs

Shiraz Sergoun Parou

Shiraz Zergun

Shiraz Zarghan Puzah(Takht-eTa'us)

10

Zerghan

Shiraz

Seidon Meshed-i Moorghaut Dehbid

Surmeh Shooligistaun Yazdikhvast Maqsudbeg Qomishah Mahyar Isfahan Moorchehar Soh Kohrood Kashan Sensen Porsangom Qom Sadrawbad Kennarghird Tehrran

Morghab

Murghab

Dehebid Diehbed Khuneh-khorreh Kanne-Khourra Ghirdab-Diehbed Surmeh Sjourmek Abadeh Schulgistan Schoulgistan Yezdekhvast Yezegast Maksoud-Bek Komaischa Mejar Mar Isfahan Ghesd Murtschehar Murtsharagh Kuhrud Kashan Sensen Pasengan Qom Pol-e dallak Sadr-abad Houz-e Soltan

Seidun Kawamabad Murghab

Qavamabad Morghab

Dehbeed KhnanaKhora

Dehbid Khan-eKhurrah

10

Surmeh Abadeh Shurgistan Yzedkhast MaxsudBeg Kum-i-Shah Mayar Marg Ispahan Gez Murchicah

Surmak Abadeh Shulgistan Yazdikhvast Magsudbegi Qomishah Mahyar Marg Isfahan Gaz Murthshekhar Bidashk

8

8

Sou Kohroud Kashan Sissin Passengan Koum Pul-i-Dallak

Soh Kohrud Kashan Sinsin PassanGhum Kum Pul-i-Dellak

Kuhrud Kashan Sinsin Paisangan Qom Pol-e Dallak

Houze-Sultan Kenare-Gird Teheran

Hauz-i-Sultan Kanarigird Teheran

Houz-e Soltan Kenarehgerd Teheran

6

6 6 4 5 8 9 6 6 8 6 8 4 6 10 6

Source: Holmes, Sketches, p. 409 and references in the text.

The above is the summer road from Tehran to Shiraz, which was 135farsakhs or 540 miles. The next table shows that part of the Tehran-Shiraz route which was known as the winter road, because it

was used mainly duringthe winter.It branchedoff from Yazdekhvast, 92 farsakhs or 368 miles from Tehran. The remainingstretchbetween Yazdekhvastand Shiraz measured69farsakhs or 276 miles.

Post stages from Yazdekhvastto Shiraz

Yazdikhaust Deh Ghirdoo

6 8

Khoshkisir

6

Rezaabad Mayin Fathabad Shiraz

8 6 6 9

Total

69 or 276 miles

Source: Holmes, Sketches, p. 410 and references in the text.


3. Thepost-road between Baghdad and Tehran

277

station.Thereafterfollowedthe stationsat Khanabad afterwhich the travellerarrivedat and Rabat-Kerim, Tehran.202

To Baghdad,one went via Hamadan,whichwas 8 stagesfromTehranand12 stagesfromTabriz,andfrom thereto Kermanshah in 6 stages.198 Thereis relatively little informationavailableon the Kermanshah-Tehran 4. Thepost-road between Tehranand Mashhad road. There was a post-roadbetween Tehranand FromTehranto Mashhadtherewere 18 stations.203 Kermanshahbut not betweenHamadanand Isfahan. availableaboutmost of Thequalityof the horsesleft muchto be desired,while Thereis not muchinformation otherwise,the serviceprovidedby the stationmasters them.Althoughtheroadwas easyandmuchtravelled,it wasbad,accordingto Brugsch.199 Inthe 1890s,between was alsoa veryboring,flatroad.KabudGumbazhad,in Kermanshah to Hamadan,Bighamfoundthe post very 1862, a good post-houseand drinkingwater,while the slow so thathis partytookto the caravanagainfor the next station,Aiwan-eKeif, was middling,accordingto The latterstationwas in a very lastpartof the road.200 CaptainMacKenzie.204 Of moderate conditionin 1881,however.205 Accordingto StolzeandAndreasandto Wills,the dilapidated stationsbetweenthe borderwith Iraq(Khanekin)and qualityin 1862,buttwentyyearslater"AtKishlak,we Kermanshah werethe following:Qasr-iShirin,Zohab, founda substantialbrickbuildingwith a largeguestandMahidasht.They did room,down the centreof whichran a long tablewith Miantak,Kerind,Harunabad notsupplyanymeasurements as to thedistancebetween spotlesstable-cloth,spreadout with platesof biscuits, these stationsnor a descriptionof the post-stations. apples, nuts, pears, dried fruits, and sweatmeats, Lycklamaprovides a descriptionof the route after beautifullydecoratedwith gold andsilverpaper,andat Kermanshah. FromHamadanto Tehranthepost-service intervals decanters of water. ... The fruits and biscuits he was, states,well organised.201 However,atMilaguerd wereshrivelledandtasteless,havingevidentlybeenthere the post-housewas bad, its blh-khjna was open on some months."206 CaptainMacKenziedid not find any threesides andhad no doors.Thenit was onwardsto badpost-houseon the roadto Mashhad.At Mai-a-Mai at Nishapureven very Zerehand Merek,continuingfrom thereto Noveran, the post-housewas comfortable, which had a picturesquestation.The stationnext was comfortable,and at Miyandashtexcellent,while the at 'Abbasabadwas the largestand most Biveran,and then Kushek,which was a badly-kept caravansarai Post stagesfrom Kermanshahto Tehran Lycklama Kermanshah Sahana Kenguewer Seadat-Abad Hamadan Milaguerd Zereh Merek Noveran Biveran Kushek Khanabad Rabat-Kerim Teheran

Wills Kermanshah Besitun Sana Kangawar Syudabador Assadabad Hamadan Marahkraba Zerreh

Noberand Kushek Khaniabad RobadKerim Teheran

Stolze Kermanshahan Bisetun Sihneh

Farsakhs

Kangavar Asadabad

6 4 6 6

Hamadan

3

Malagird Zarrah Marak Khabarah Noubaran Bibaran Kushak Khanabad Rebatkarim Tehran

6 6 4

Source:referencesin the text.

4 4 5 7 8 7 75 or 300 miles


278

Post stagesfrom Mashhadto Tehran Farsakhs 6

Miles 20

Sharifabad Qadamgah Nishabur Shurab

6 6 8

32 20 40

Zaaferani

6

24

Sabzavar Mihr Mazinan Abbasabad Miyandasht Meiami

8 5 7 6 6 14

36 24 28 20 20 44

6 6

16 28

6

28

6 6 6,5 6,5 6 5 6

24 24 24 28 24 24 24

6

28

Holmes Mashhad

MacKenzie Mashad

Stolze Mashad

Sharifabad

Sharifabad Kadamgah Nishapur

Kadamgah Nishapur

Zehrferhaunee Ribat-I Zafarani Sabzivar Sabzwar Mehr Mihr Mesinoon Mazinan 'Abbasabad 'Abbasabad Miyandasht Miyandasht Mai-a-Mai Meyaumeh

Baker Mashad

O'Donovan Mashad

Armian

Shahrud Dehmollah

Shahrud Dih Mulla

Shahruf Deh-e Molla

Deh-

Damghan

Damghan

Damghan

Damghan

Koosha Aughooran Semnan Lashghird Dennummuck Kishlaugh Eywanikaif

Gushah Dhwan Semnun Lasgird Dih Namak Kishlak Diwan-iKaif

Gushah Ahuan Samnan Lasgerd Deh-eNamak Kishlak-eKhar Eivan-eKeif

Goocheh Aheyoon Semnan Lasjird Dehnamuck Kishlak Eywanee Keij

Kabout-i Goombuz Tehran Total

KabudGumbaz KabudGumbaz

Shahrud Deh Mollah

Mollah Gosbek-Aghivan

Tehran

Tehran

Semnan Deh Memek Kishlak Evankeif

Tehran 144

600 miles

Source:Holmes,Sketches,pp. 410-11 and referencesin the text. beautifulin the country.Only the stationsat Zafaraniand Sharifabadwere of moderate quality, while the one at Mihr was just small.207Beyond Mashhadthere was no In 1872, the Britishtraveller chapar-khlnainfrastructure. Marshreportedthat,on the roadfrom Mashhadto Herat, "I had to purchasehorses and ponies, ... as across this country there were no caravan-serais or Chapper horses."208

5. Thepost-road between Astarabad and Tehran From Tehran the post-road led in ten stages to Astarabad.209 The first post-house was Koord Muhuleh, followed by Chupar Kendeh, Ashreff and Sari, about

At Skirgau whichthesourcesdo notprovideparticulars. Baker after next station the Sari, got fair (Shirghior), were there a wretched was Ziraub station;also, ponies. to could no horses,and Baker'sparty get nothing eat. then The next stationwas Sufferabad(Surkurabad), continuingto the next post station,Firoskoh,where Brugsch (1861) had to suffer bad horses. Lovett observedin 1881thatthepost-houseof Firuzkuhwas in ruins and that "threesorrynags are kept out in the pasturesfor occasionalpostings."Thereaftercame the which had no next stationof Savadkuh(Sabbatkuh), to findout.The horsesatall,as Bakerhadthemisfortune thepost-house where at Serbendan was station following was difficultto find.Butthe extraeffortwas rewarded, for "This was a much better station. Carpetsand


Post stagesfromAstarabadto Tehran Holmes KurdMahallehh

Stolze KurdMahalleh Livan

Baker

279

6. Thepost-road between Resht and Tehran

Farsakhs 4

On the Rasht-Qazvinroad there were six poststations.Because from Qazvinto Tehranthe stations 4 ChapperKhaneh were the sameas on the Tabriz-Tehran road,the status Ashraf Ashraf 7 of thesestationswill not be discussedhere.The station Nika Sari Sari Sari 8 houses on the Manjil-Rostamabad routemade a good 7 Sirghior Shirgah Skirgau most travellers.212 on left Rasht(via Having impression Zeeraub Zirab Ziraub 4 which also a was Arnold Peri-Bazar, Surkurabad post-station),213 Sorkhabad Sufferabad 5 Firuzkuh Firuzkuh Firoskoh 4 reachedhis firstpost-house."Weapproached a building Serbandon Sarbandan Serbendan 5 withnota soulin it, whichlookedlike a brick-built barn Bumahan Boomahoo thathadbeenlong desertedandhadfallenintoruin.At Asselek 10 Tehran Tehran eitherextremitywere the remainsof a brickstaircase, Tehran 4 62 or 248 which led, by steps that by ruin had become very miles difficult,to a loft or apartment openingup on a wooden Source:Holmes,Sketches,p. 403 andreferencesin the text. Our servants informed us that this was a platform. station,thattherewas none otherfor manymiles, and, cushionswereprovided,andplentyof eggs."Hereafter, that in fact, this was to be our resting-placefor the Arnolddid not mentionthe Unfortunately, one stationremained,whichwas Boomahoo,beforethe night."214 name of and this station, only identifiedit as beingin a travellerarrivedat Tehran.210 Despite the negative in small the forest. It was not Kudum,because opening experienceBaker had regardingthe availabilityof that was next his which he consideredto be the station, horses,othertravellers,such as Holmes,had a more horsesareto be best in Iran,andthereforeit musthavebeen Sangar,or, positiveone.He reportedthat"tolerable had all the way, but it generallytakes five days to as it was also knownDoshanbeh-bazar.215 TheKoudoumstation-house was"asmallone-storied accomplishthe journey,as it is impossibleto travelat save where windandrainhave white-washed, building, nightthroughthejungle."211 Post stagesfrom Rashtto Tehran Holmes

Resht

Wills Enzeli Peri-bazaar Resht Kudum

Stolze

De Windt

O'Donovan

Curzon

Farsakhs

Rasht Kudum

Resht Koudoum

Resht Kuhdum

9

Kudum

Imamzadeh Hashem Menzil Kharsan

Casveen SeferKhodjeh

7 Rustumabad Menjil

Rostamabad Manjil

Pah Chenar

Patshinar

Masreh Kasvin Abdulabad Safarkoja Sangerabad

Mazraah Qazvin

Manjil

Manjil Pood Chenar Qazvin

Rustamabad Menjil

6 8

Paichenar Mazreh Kazvin

Keredge Meanjub Teheran

Source.:Holmes,p. 406 and referencesin the text.

7 9 6 52 or 208 miles


280

disclosedthe brown mud beneath.A wooden ladder (withhalftherungsmissing)leadsto the guest-chamber, a largebareroom,devoidof furniture of anykind,with walls androtten,insecureflooring.A smoke-blackened numberof ratsscamperaway.... the guest-roomreveals six large windows, or ratherholes, for there are no shutters, much less window-panes."There was a chimney.Therewere only two horses,but a thirdhad been send for in a neighbouringvillage.216The persistenceof themythof theMiyanehbugattheManjil stationwas debunked by de Windt.Accordingto Arnold, the post-househada room,wherethe dustcouldnot be hadsix windowsandthree removed,andthe apartment doors."Inthe formerhalf the glass had gone, and the doorshadneverseena lock.In fact,locksarenotusedin Persia."Ella Sykes had pleasantrecollectionsof the station-house at Manjil,for it hada fireto warmoneself After by.217 Manjiltherewas Kharzan,218which most travellersdo not describe,and then Parchenar, where

level of the posttherewas nothingaboveground-floor toArnold,in "ahole house.Thelodgingswere,according in thewall,leading,uponthe samelevelas theyard,into whatwasa stableora dwellingroom,withno windowof anysort,darkbutforthefireof wood,whichwasburning unconfinedon the centreof the floor."He decidedto Next campin theopenairof thiswretchedpost-house.219 "mounted Arnold Mazara. Here at station camethe by a ladder,withrungsterriblywide apart,on the flatroofof andtherefounda littleroomwithtwo the ground-floor, woodendoors,whichalsoservedas windows."A decade atMasrahhadbecomedirty or so later,the station-house andtumbleddown,withits bili-khinain ruins.220 7. Thepost-roadbetweenTehranand Kerman roadhad 25 relay stations,of The Kerman-Tehran whichwe have only a partialdescription. Manyof the

Post stagesfrom Kermanto Tehran Holmes Kashan Boozabad Bawd Maabad Moghjoreh Natanz Ardastan Nehistaun Noin Nogoomabad Agdor Meybid Yazd Sir-Yazd Zein-udeen Kirmanshaw Shems Anor Bayauz Keshkoo Rustamabad Kabouter Khan Abdoollabad Robad Baughain Kerman

Stolze Kashan Abuzaidabad Khalidabad

DCR 1376

Goldsmid

5 6 5 5 3

Moghar Ardistan Jougand Nejistanak Na'in Nougumbaz Agda Chafteh Meybud Himmatabad Yazd Sar-eYazd Zein al-Din Kermanshahan Shamsh Enar Bajaz Kushku Bahramabad Kabutarkhan

Baghin Kerman

Farsakhs 40 fromTehran 5

Naugambaz Akda Chafta

7 5 6 9 8

Himmatabad

Kermanshahan Shams Anar Bayaz Khoshkuh

Kabutarkhan

Baghin

Zein-u-Din Karmanshahan Shams Anar

9 10 6 5 6 7 5 6 5 6 5 6 4 4 191 or 746 miles

Source:Holmes,Sketches,pp. 411-12 and referencesin the text.


281

after on to Eirandibil."Thepost-stationwas a singleroomat post-housesin Kermanprovincewere constructed the when construction had started.221 When the groundlevel where I installedmyself with my three 1861, year GoldsmidmissionarrivedatChafta,theyfoundthatit was servants.Oil paperwas put on the windowsinsteadof deserteddue to dearnessof grain.222At Kermanshahan, glass andholes closedwith dungto keep the heat in." thechapar-khina was verygood,clean,andcomfortable He then continuedfive farsakhs to the next station, in In 1888,Brownepronounced new. it to be whichwas at Marand,and fromtherefivefarsakhsto and, 1865, the bestpost-househe hadseen.Thenextstationwas at Sofiyan,which was, accordingto Eastwick,"a pretty Shams,where there was nothingbut the post-house, village,with a tolerableupperroomin the post-house, whichwas in goodrepair,althoughin 1865it hadbeen wherelegionsof flies were waitingto receiveme, and brokeninto by the Bakhtiyaris andit was doorlessand showedme moreattentionthatI wished".AfterSofiyan In 1871 it was also deserted due to the famine, it was onwardsto Tabriz,whichpartof the routewas empty. whilein 1888Goldsmidconsideredit, "singularly good, sharedwithtravellerscomingfromTurkey.227 like all the post-housesbetweenYezd and Kirman."223 Thenfollowedthe stationat Anar,wherethe post-house was good,havingjustbeenputintoproperrepair.Bayaz 9. Thepost-road between the Turkishborder and alsohada post-housewhichwasnice,whileatKhoshkuh Tabriz the post-housewas cleanandwas recommended for its excellentbreadandwater.Kabutar Khanhada goodpostHavingleft Tabriz,one reachedthe Turkishborder houseandso hadBaghin.224 However,onlytwo decades in six stages.Thereweretwo routes;onevia Kilisakend to laterEllaSykescharacterised thepost-houseson theroad to Bayazid,andtheotherroutevia Dilman-Urumiyeh of of the some to Kermanas allbeingdirty.225 one is There description only Tessuj.228 post-housesconnectingTurkeywith Tabriz.It was a roadseldomtravelledby Europeansandthereforethere 8. Thepost road between the Russian border and availableon in. In fact,thereis is notmuchinformation Tabriz even one well-informedandwell-travelledsourcewho maintainedthat there were no post-houses at all FromtheRussianborderonereachedTabrizin three betweenthe TurkishborderandTabriz.229 Fortmunately, stages,accordingto Blau.226 Lycklama,who took this Clive Bighamleft a partialdescriptionof the chaparroadin 1866,did it in fourstages.The firstpost-house khinason thisroad,whichis ratherlate,datingfromthe stationon Iranianterritorywas on the otherside of the 1890s.Earliertravellershaveleft littlemorethanthelist Aras (Jolfa).FromthereEastwicktravelledto Galand of relay-stations.230 Accordingto Bigham,at the first border(i.e. KayahatfivefarsakhsfromJolfa,whileLycklamawent Iranianvillage,KilissaKeui,aftertheTurkish Post stagesfrom Erzerumto Tabriz Location

Holmes

Chebister Tasuche Khoi Zorawabad Kara-aineh

Stolze Tabriz Sufiyan Tsabistar Tasuj Khoi

Bigham Tabriz

Khoi Karaaineh Killissa

Turkishborder

Awajik Diadin Karaklissiah Molla Suleiman Khorassaun HassanKaleh Erzerum

Farsakhs 4 4 8 6 8 8 6

Keui

6 12 hours 12 hours 7 hours 15 hours 8 hours 6 hours

Source:Holmes,Sketches,p. 408 and referencesin the text.


282

Bayazid) there was a post-station but it was badly supplied with horses. At the time of his visit, the posthorses were grazing in the mountains. Through the interventionof the local governor, Bigham's party got horses and an escort till Kara Aineh, where the governor's province ended. Kara Aineh was a ruinous village with a post-house,but neitherhorses nor soldiers were available. The continued their journey, ,travellers to the next station at Khoi. At its post-house, nevertheless,

Bigham met with the post-master,who was clad in a blue frock coat and kulih.231 The last stationbefore reaching Tabriz was Sofian, which offered a better service, including a dinner, than Lycklama had received at Marand,coming fromthe Russianborder.232 However,to W.B. Harris, Sofiyan seemed "merely existing for the convenienceof a post-station."233 Thusit was a totalof 40 or about 200 miles to the Turkishborder and farsakhs from there about60 hoursor 180 miles to Erzerum.

Fig. 1. A billt (ticket)for the hire of a gri or lorri.

Notes

1 WillemFloor,EIr,art.'Chapar';AlgemeenRijksArchief (General States Archives, the Hague), VOC 2477 (12/4/1739), f. 495; Floor,Hukumat-iNadir Shah (Tehran,

1368/1989),p. 85. 2

J.M. Kinneir, A Geographical Memoir of the Persian

Empire(London,1813),pp.43-44. 3

EduardEichwald,Reise aufdem CaspischenMeere und in

die Caucasus(Stuttgart, 1834),p. 405, note.

4

R. Ker Porter, Travels in Georgia, Persian Armenia, AncientBabylonia, etc., 2 vols. (London, 1821), II, p. 617. 5 Amad6e Jaubert, Voyageen Armenie et en Perse (Paris, 1860), p. 288; J. M. Tancoigne,A Narrative of a Journey

intoPersia(London,1820),p. 328,discussedthesystemof post-horsesin Turkey,but he nevermentionedit in his of Iran.FraserfoundtheTurkishsystemrather description in effectiveness. J.B. Fraser,A Winter lacking 's Journey (Tatar)from Constantinopleto Tehran.2 vols. (London, 1838), vol. I, pp. 219-47.

THE CHAPAR-KHiANA SYSTEM IN QAJAR IRAN

6

Firaidun Adamiyyat,Amir Kabir va Iran (Tehran, 1348/1970),p. 330; HusainMahbubiArdakani,Tarikh-i

16

Mu'assasat-i tamadduni-yijadid dar Iran, 3 vols. (Tehran,

1354-68/1976-88), vol. II, p. 244; Yaghma, VI 7

(1332/1954), p. 352. James Morier, A Journey through Persia, Armenia and Asia Minor in the Years 1808 and 1809 (Philadelphia,

use of the chapar1816),pp. 266-67. The free-of-charge their food and otheramenitiesis khinas, horses,lodging, also confirmedby 'Abd al-RahmanRazzaq Dunbuli,

17

(Tehran,1351/1972),p. 139. "Wewere givento understand thatposts of eight,ten to twelvehorses,withthelikenumberof men,arestationed at distances of from 24 32 to to regular miles,fromTehraun theRussianfrontier." Therearee.g. stationsat Songorabad, SufferKoja,Qazvin,Siadeeun,Aubhaar,and Soltaniyeh andso on throughout the country.Lieut.Col. Johnson,A Journeyfrom India to England throughPersia, Georgia, Russia, Poland and Prussia in the Year 1817 (London,

1818),p. 172;KerPorter,Travels,vol. I, pp. 261, 265, for example,mentionsthenewlybuiltstables,inwhichhe slept the latterbeingone of the , in MiyanehandTickmadash, regularposts for travellers.Becausethe systembetween Tehranandthe Russianfrontierhadbeen "farmedout to some noblemenof the court,it had been subjectto very

19 20

21

22

23

24

vol. II,p. 101. OttoBlau, CommercielleZustandePersiens (Berlin, 1858),

1865),vol. I, pp. 174, 177;BaronC.A.de Bode,Travelsin LuristanandArabistan, 2 vols. (London,1845),vol. I, pp.

HenriMoser,A Traversl'Asie Centrale(Paris,1885), p. 444. Vaqayi'-yiittifaqiyyano. 371,24 Rajab1274;G.N.Curzon, Persia and the Persian Question, 2 vols. (London, 1892), vol. I, p. 250; Clive Bigham,A Ride ThroughWesternAsia

Polak,Persien, vol. II, p. 61; for other examplessee Adamiyyat,AmirKabirand Ardakani,Tarikh,and most

Jumadial-Awwal1267(invitesmerchants andotherpeople to sendtheirmailto the chapar-khdina on thedaysthatthe wagonswereleavingto othertowns.Passengerswerealso welcome,andcouldtravelwiththesewaggons;rest-places forpeoplewerebeingbuilten route). 26

(London,1840), vol. II, pp. 296-98; see also pp. 303, 307-8; 311-12,316 Op. cit., vol. I, pp. 4, 16-17. JosephWolff also had

problems in 1844 getting horses, even bad ones. See his Narrativeof a Mission to Bokhara in theyears 1843-1845 (New York, 1845), p. 142 14 George A. Bournoutian, Eastern Armenia in the Last Decades of Persian Rule 1795-1828 (Malibu, 1982), p. 95. 15 Op. cit., p. 405, note.

p. 30; de Bode,TravelsinLuristan,vol. I, pp.26, 28. Narrative,p. 146.He is theonlyauthorknownto me, who mentioneda relationship betweenthe caravanleadersand thepostmaster This needsfurither research. system. StolzeandAndreas, op. cit.,pp.29-30 (1 tuman= 10franks);

recently Firaidun 'Abdulifard, Tarikh-i pust dar Iran (Tehran, 1375/1997). Vaqayi'-yi ittifaqiyya, no. 30, 6

Persien, dos Land und seine Bewohner, 2 vols. (Leipzig,

13

Blau, CommercielleZustaude, p. 202; FEStolze and F.C. Andreas,Die HandelsverhaltnissePersiens (Gotha, 1885),

see ibid., and Binder,Au Kurdistan,p. 47. 25

or smallparcels,if p. 202. All letters,moneyremittances not sent by caravan,were sent by the post. J.E. Polak,

26-28, 192. 10 Henry Binder.Au Kurdistan(Paris, 1887), p. 44. 11 Op.cit.,vol. I, p. 361. 12 Idem, Travels in Koordistan, Mesopotamia, 2 vols.

411-12 (TehranHolmes,op. cit.,pp.406 (Qazvin-Rasht), Kerman),407 (Tehran-Tabriz). Safarnama-yi shimal, ed. MansuraIttihadiyya(Tehran, 1359/1980),p. 134.

(London, 1897), p. 95. Jean de Ponteves de Sabran observedthatthe chaparworea wide leatherbelt, like a corset,toprovidesupportto hisback,Notesde voyaged'un hussard(Paris1890),p. 197.Fora pictureof a chaparchi

great abuses." George Keppel, Personal Narrative of a Journeyfrom India to England, 2 vols. (London, 1827), 9

Bournoutian, op. cit., p. 95. Thesix stationswere"inTalin at Mastara(on the Georgianroad),in Sardarabad (at the in Karbi-Basar at in at fortress), lich-Kilisa, Gamrni-Basar Qamarlu,in Vedi-Basarat Sadarak,and in Sharurat Noreshen-Sufla." Johnson,A Journey,p. 172.

18 W.R. Holmes, Sketches on the shores of the Caspian, descriptive and pictorial (London, 1845), pp. 374-75; de Bode, Travelsin Luristan,vol. I, p. 4.

Ma'athir-i Sultaniyya, ed. Ghulam Husain Sadri Afshar 8

283

Rizaquli Khan Hidayat,Rawzat al-safa-yi Nasiri, 10 vols.

(Tehran,1339/1960),vol. X, p. 466; MirzaMuhammad 3 vols., ed. Taqi,Lisanal-MulkSipihr,Nasikhal-tavarikh, JamshidKiyanfar(Tehran,1377/1998),vol. III,p. 1514; 27 28 29 30

Vaqayi'-yiittifaqiyya,no. 30, 30 Shawwal 1267. Ibid., no. 133, 22 Dhu 'l-Qa'da 1269. Ibid., no. 184. Iran no. 589, 21 Safar 1283.

I'timad al-Saltana Mirza MuhammadHasan Khan, Muntazam-i Nasiri, 3 vols., (Tehran, 1298-1300/ 1880-83), vol. III, pp. 319, 332.

284

31


Amin al-Dawla, Khatirat-isiyasi-yi Mirza 'AliKhan Amin

50

al-Dawla. ed. Hafez Farmanfarma'iyan(Tehran, 1341/1962),pp. 58-59. 32

Helmut Slaby, Bindenschild und Sonnenlhwe (Graz,

51

1982), pp. 131-32 [40.000/172=232tumans];Sayyid Muhammad'Ali Jamalzada,Ganj-i shayigan (Berlin, 33

34

1335/1916), pp. 134-35; 'Abdulifard,op. cit., pp. 57-58. FO 881/5392Reportby Mr.Herberton the InternalState

of Persia.7 December1886,p. 5. Curzon,Persia,vol. I, p. 247, note.

35

Sven Hedin, Zu Land nach Indien durch Persien, Seistan,

36

Beluchistan,2 vols. (Leipzig,1910),vol. I, pp. 108, 127, 132 (picturesof a duruskianda gari, respectivelyfor the of passengersandfreight);EugeneAubin, transportation La Persed'aujourd'hui (Paris,1908),p. 16.At the station of Akmezartherewereone ndib, threepostillonsand 10 horsesin 1906.See alsobelow,n. 119. See Fig. 1 forpictureof the bilit(ticket)of thiscompany, issuedforthehireof a g~rirorlorry.Theticketwas signed by the nd'ibandthe tahvildvlr (cashier).Afterit hadbeen usedthe wordbitil or invalidwas stampedon theticket. Holmes, Sketches, pp. 403-11; Stolze and Andreas, Handelsverhdltnisse, p. 29; see also tablesI-IX in PartII of thisarticle.

37

38

Sir Frederic J. Goldsmid, Eastern Persia, An Account of the Journeys of the Persian Boundary Commission 1870-

39

William Kirk Dickson, The Life of Major-General Sir Robert MurdochSmith (Edinburgh,1901), p. 212. Lady Sheil, Glimpses of Life and Manners in Persia

52

41 42

53

Trade and Commerce of Azerbaijan for the year 1898-99,"p. 9 (henceforthcited as DCR). The use of printedtadhkirasin Iranonly datesfrom 1851,but it is doubtfulwhetherthesewerealreadyused for the chapar systemat the time.Adamiyyat,AmirKabir,pp. 332-33; Sipihr,Nasikhal-tavarikh,vol. 3, p. 1512.On the use of writtentadhkirasin the 1830s, see e.g. Aucher-Eloy, Relation de Voyage en Orient de 1830 'a 1838. 2 vols.

(Paris,1843);vol. I, p. 287. 54

Polak, Persien, vol. I, p. 177. Sheil, op.cit., pp. 104-5; Bigham,op.cit., pp. 119-20;

55

Behind Polak,Persien,vol. I, p. 177;M.E.Hume-Griffith,

56

From Batum to Baghdad via liflis, Tabrizand Persian Kurdistan(Edinburgh,1896), p. 152. 46 Stolze and Andreas, pp. 29-30; Polak, op.cit., vol. I, p. 174, vol. II, p. 110. 47 Curzon,Persia, vol. I, p. 253. 48 Dunbuli, Ma'athir, p. 139; Hidayat, Rawzat al-Safa, vol. 10, p. 466; Sipihr,Nasikh al-tavarikh,vol. III, p. 1514. 49 Johnson,A Journey, p. 172, see also p. 217.

Moser, op.cit., p. 444; DCR 2291, p. 9; Stewart, Through George A. Bournoutian, Eastern Armenia in the Last Decades of Persian Rule 1807-1828 (Malibu, Calif.,

1982),p. 96. 57 J. Perkins,A Residence ofEight Yearsin Persia (Andover,

1843),p. 340. 58 59

Sun,2nded. (London,1893),p. 23. 45

A Ride, pp. 98-99.

Persia,p. 197;de Sabran,Notes,p.181,n. 2.

1909),p. 134.

44

Binder,Au Kurdistan,p. 44; Baker, op.cit., p. 306; Moser, Diplomatic and Consular Reports, 2291 "Report on the

(London,1856),p. 104.

Clouds in the East. Travelsand Adventureon the PersoTurkumanFrontier (London, 1876), p. 307. Polak, op.cit., vol. I, p. 174; Moser, A Travers l'Asie Centrale, p. 444; C.J. Wills, In the Land of the Lion and

the Land of the Imams. A Narrative of Travel and Residence 1871-1885 (New York, 1886), p. 121. " T.M. Lycklama Nijeholt, Voyageen Russie, au Caucase

A Travers, p. 444; Governmentof Great Britain,

the Veil in Persia and Turkish Arabia (Philadelphia, 43

327. Thismeantthatforeignsubjectscouldonly have formal via theirembassyor contactswiththeIraniangovernment when to ask the Ministerof such as needed consul, they to Affairs for permission hire post horses, Foreign e.g. which then issuedthe requiredorder.J. Bassett,Persia,

et en Perse.4 vols. (Paris-Amsterdam, 1873),vol. II,pp. to an order Polak refers to 28. provideassistanceto the 25, traveller.op.cit.,vol. II,p. 72, andso doesBaker,"if you have an orderfrom Governmentyou can hire them." Baker,op.cit.,p. 306; "Havingprocuredthe necessary orderforpost."EdmondO'Donovan,TheMervOasis,2 vols. (London,1882),vol. I, p. 366.

71-72,2 vols. (London,1876),vol. I, p. 163.

40

Travelsand Adventuresin the Persian Provinces and the Southern Banks of the Caspian Sea (London, 1826), p.

60

61

62

Blau, CommercielleZustdnde,pp. 203-4. Hidayat,Rawzat, vol. X, p. 371;Adamiyyat,Amir Kabir,

p. 331;Ardakani,Tarikh,vol. II,p. 244. Polak,Persien, vol. II, p. 61; H. Brugsch,Die Reise der nach Persien 1961-1862, 2 vols. K.K Gesandtschaft (Berlin, 1863), vol. II, pp. 363, 368. Lycklama, op.cit., vol. II, p. 25; Moser, op.cit., p. 444; Stolze and Andreas, op.cit., pp. 29-30; Binder, op.cit., p. 44; de Sabran,Notes, p. 87; Harry de Windt, A Ride to India (London, 1891), pp. 48-49. A Ride, p. 120.


63

64

65

66

67

68

DCR2291,p. 9. Thisratestillappliedin 1906.Aubin,La

II,pp. 82-83, 386; de Panisse,La Russie,la Perse,p. 91;

Perse, p. 16.

Jane Dieulafoye, La Perse, la Chaldje et la Susiane

Lycklama,op.cit.,vol. II,p. 25; it was advisedto payafter, (Paris,1887),p. 66; Curzon,Persia,vol. I, pp.249-52; de notbefore,the servicewas renderedto get betterservice. Sabran,Notes,p. 87. StolzeandAndreas,op.cit.,pp. 29-30; "plusa tip forthe 77 Johnson,A Journey, p. 172. However,in 1834, Fraser foundthatthe fareofferedwas rathermeagre.A Winter post-boyof a coupleof qrfns at the endof the stage."de s Windt,op.cit.,pp. 48-49; "Presentto the chapparshagirt Journey,vol. I, p. 377, 379. or postilionfrom 10 shahisto 1 kranper stage."DCR 78 Moser, op.cit., p. 444. 2291,p. 9; Curzon,Persia,vol. I, p. 31;de Sabran,op.cit., 79 Stolze and Andreas, op.cit., pp. 29-30; Binder, op.cit., p. 44. p. 88. 80 Wills, op.cit., pp. 20-21; Arnold, op.cit., p. 233. StolzeandAndreas,op.cit., pp. 29-30; Binder,op.cit., p. 44, p. 382, n.1;Perkins,op.cit.,p. 341;Fraser,A Winter's 81 Sykes, ThroughPersia, p. 61. 82 Journey, vol. I, p. 334 (soorajee); de Bode, Travels in Ibid., p. 32; Curzon,Persia,vol. 1, pp. 55-56. 83 vol. de 88. Luristan, I, p. 88; Sabran,op.cit.,p. Arnold, ThroughPersia, p. 134; Curzon, op.cit., vol. I, p. de Windt,op.cit., pp. 48-49; Moser, op.cit., p. 444; 250. Fraser,however,reportedthatthechaparchiin Khoy wantedmoremoney;op.cit.,vol. I, p. 349. Hippisley Cunliffe Marsh, A Ride Through Islam 84 (London,1877),p. 85. Brugsch,op.cit., vol. II,p. 374. 85 de Windt, op.cit., p. 50. O'Donovan,op.cit., vol. I, pp. 324-25. 86 Maxime Siroux, Anciennes voies et monumentsroutiers Bigham,A Ride,p. 128. de la region d'Isfahan (Cairo, 1971), p.106; see also fig.

12 on p. 43 for a similarplan and plate XII, 4, for a picture.De Panissereported,for example,thata French ambassador hadthreehorseskilledwhenthe post-house collapsedafter having sufferedheavy rains and snow.

87

Stewart, ThroughPersia, p. 197. 88 MacKenzie, Safarnama, pp. 134, 145, 192. 89 Hume-Griffith,Behind the Veil, pp. 133-34. 90 Holmes, Sketches, 374-75. pp. 91

Bighamop.cit.,p. 119. Dependingon the importanceof the station10-25 horseswerekept.Moser,op.cit.,p. 444.

92

Persia, the Land of the Imams, p. 121. Op.cit., pp. 408-9.

Comte de Panisse, La Russie, la Perse, I 'Inde- souvenirs

de voyage1865-1866 (Paris,1867),p. 192. De Sabran, op.cit.,p. 180 reportedthat in 1889 the post-stationat Deh-Mollahhadcollapseddueto heavyrains,as well as thoseat AhovaneandMezinaneon the sameroute.Ibid., pp. 176, 188. 69

70 71

Binder, op.cit., pp. 73, 368, 373; Curzon, vol. I, p. op.cit., 249. Vaqayi'-yiIttifaqiyyano. 30, 30 Shawwal 1267. R.A. Arnold, Through Persia by Caravan (London,

1877),p. 153. 72 73 74

75

76

285

Binder op.cit., p. 380. O'Donovan, op.cit., vol. I, pp. 369-70. Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II,p.31. James Morier, A Second Journey through Persia ... between the Years1810 and 1816 (London, 1818), p. 361;

93 94 95 96

were not always available,and, if there, were of bad quality. Holmes, op.cit., p. 403. Ibid., p. 406. 99 Op.cit., vol. I, p. 321. A Ride, p. 54. 100oo 101 O'Donovan, op.cit., vol. I, pp. 324-25. 102 Holmes, op.cit., pp. 411-12. 97

98

103

Ibid.,p. 408.

104

Curzon, Persia, vol. I, p. 248, who providesa rather detailedanalysisof his appreciation of thepost-horse.See also Goldsmid,"Notes on EasternPersiaand Western

Brugsch,op.cit.,vol. II,p. 5. The descriptionof the post house is an amalgamof the following travelogues: Bigham, A Ride, p. 46, 73, 379; Stolze and Andreas, Die Handelsverhilltnisse, p. 29; Binder, Au Kurdistan, pp. 75, 79, 383, 421 and 434 for pictures of post-stationsand p. 47 of a chaparchi;Arnold, ThroughPersia, pp. 138, 230-32; Moser, A Travers,p. 444; Wills, In the Land, p. 25 with short standard descriptionof post-house; see also Lycklama, Voyage,vol.

Op.cit., vol. II, pp.455, 457. Holmes, op.cit., p. 407. Ibid., p. 410; de Sabran,op.cit.,p. 169 wrotethathorses

Beluchistan,"JRGS XXXVII (1867), p. 274-75 Richard Wilbraham, Travels in the Trans-Caucasian Provinces (London, 1839), p. 65. 106 Basset, TheLand, p. 121. 107 de Windt,A Ride, p. 50 108 DCR 2291, p. 9; see also de Sabran,Notes, p. 196. 109 O'Donovan, The Merv Oasis, vol. 1, pp. 333-34 105


286

de Windt, op.cit., p. 49. 111 Johnson,A Journey, p. 172.

110

112 113

114 115

116

Lycklama,Voyage,vol. II,p. 25. Baker,Clouds in the East, p. 306, "Becausethe posthorsesareinvariablybadyou haveto urgethemon with the whip"."Theriderhas an instrumentof torture- a thickplaitedthongaboutfive feetlong,attachedto a short thick woodenhandle,and terminatingin a flat leathern crackerof eightor ten inches.It didnotphasethePersian horses",de Windt,A Ride,p. 51. "Thewhip is provided with a shortstickof hardandheavywood,coveredwith leather,and havinga big loop of the same,that it may hangat the wristwhennot in use. The lashis a roundof fourthongsof Hamadanleatherplaited,andis fromfour to sevenfeet long",Wills,In theLand,p. 23. DCR2291, p. 9.

124

Ispahanand Yezd for the year endingMarch20, 1914" (London 1915), pp. 9-10; DCR 4838 (Ispahan-Yezd 1910),p. 9. Forthesituationin theCaspianprovincesand servicefromReshtto QazvinandTehran,see DCR4398 Tradeof thePersianCaspianProvinces(1910),pp.24-27. H.G. Dwight,Persian Miniatures(New York,1917) p. 66. 125 Op.cit.,vol. I, pp.242, 254 (thisroadhadbeenbuiltby the ImperialBank of Persia,but laterhad been sold to an Iraniancompany).For a pictureof the diligencein use betweenTehranandQom,see ibid.,vol. I, p. 244. See also 126

127 128

Pilgrimage to Mecca 1885-1886. Edited, translated,and

Hume-Griffith,Behind the Veil,pp. 133-34. 118Polak, Persien, vol. II, p. 61; MacKenzie, Safarnama, p.

annotatedby Hafez Farmayanand Elton L. Daniel of photograph (Austin,1990),p. 11. Fora contemporary the guest-housesee FriedrichRosen, Persien. (Berlin, alreadyexisted 1926),p. 175. However,mihman-khinas at the beginningof the Qajarperiodandserved,as in the case of Armaghana,as the post-station.Johnson,A

135, indeedhad also to walkbetweenBagh andZanjan, as had Savage Landor,op.cit., vol. I, p. 268, who moreoverhadto dragthe exhaustedhorses. 119 DCR 2291, p. 9.

Stolze and Andreas,Handelsverhdiltnisse,p. 30. The post

thetriptook 14 to carriagewas alsoreferredas 'tarrantas'; 18 hours.DCR 1564,"Reporton theTradeandCommerce of theProvinceof GhilanfortheYear1893-94andof the provinceof Astrabadfor theyear 1892-93,"(1895),p. 7. "Thetarantasconsistsof a coach set on bars of wood insteadof steel springs."Basset, op.cit.,p. 175. For a see AlexandreDumas, contemporary drawingof a tarantas Au Caucase(Paris,1969),facingp. 64.

The Gate ofAsia (New York, 1916), p. 355. Hume-Griffith, op.cit., pp. 132-33;Hedin,Zu Land nach

Indien,vol. I, pp. 138, 140. For a detailedand more of theQazvinguestpositivedescriptionandappreciation A Shi'ite house see MirzaMohammadHosaynFarahani.

117

120

Aubin, La Perse, p. 256. E. CrawshayWilliams,Across Persia (London,1907),pp.

was 287, 289-90. The cost of wheeled transportation indeed very expensive.In 1912, to travel 250 miles in a carriage(berline)withfourhorses, (Qazvin-Hamadan) cost almost$100,includingtolls.Dwight,op.cit.,p. 28.

Sykes, ThroughPersia, p. 309; "thePersianpost-horsehas

ninelives".de Windt,op.cit.,p. 69;'"thePersianpost-horse is a mostwonderfulanimal.His endurance andpowerof E. Henry Savage recoveryare simply extraordinary". Landor,AcrossCovetedLands,2 vols. (New York,1903), vol. I, p. 270, andp. 278, witha pictureof thepost-horses. Op.cit., vol. 1, pp. 377, 382, 388.

DCR 5521, "Report on the Trade of the Districts of

Journey, p. 187, 185; Keppel, Personal Narrative, vol. II,

pp. 99-100 (Hamadan). 129

A YearAmongst the Persians, 3rd ed. (London, 1970), pp.

85-87, see also 179-80 (Shashgerd,Hasanabad),182 ('Aliabad)forotherlocationsof the mihman-kh~na. 130

Michael Myers Shoemaker,. The Heart of the Orient

131

121

ThroughPersia, pp. 216-17.

122

Ministerievan Waterstaat,Handel en Nijverheid(the Netherlands),Verzamelingvan Consulaireen andere

(New York, 1904), p. 110. He also wrote,p. 105, "At Menjilthepost-houseseemedclean." Op. cit, p. 63, 64; Hedin,op. cit.,vol. I, pp. 132, 137-38, 148 (Gordanskaja Gastawa)."ThePostCartService"had stationsat every 15 or 20 miles. F.A.C.Forbes-Leith,

Verslagen en Berichten, Legatie Teheran. Jaarverslag over 1892, no. 125 (1893), pp. 36-37. Savage Landor, op.cit., vol. I, pp. 47--48, 54-55 (more details on the toll and fares for transportationas well as the daily toll road revenues, see also vol. I, pp. 58-59. In addition to the toll and fare, the travellerwas expected to give a tip of 2 qrins to the drivers of both the landau and fourgon, ibid., vol. I, p. 63.

Checkmate:Fighting Tradition in Central Persia (New York, 1927), p. 211. Dwight, op. cit., pp. 29, 64; Hedin, op. cit., vol. I, p. 147. Dwight, op. cit., pp. 27, 29, 30, 32, 64; Hedin, op. cit., vol. I, pp. 142-43. E.A. Powell, By Camel and Car to the Peacock Throne (New York, 1923), p. 240 (with a photo of a post-carriage drawn by four horses). "Our train consists of a van and

123

132 133

134


135

two broken-down broughams,eachdrawnby fourhorses abreast.Shoemaker, op. cit.,p. 103.

146

Hints for Residents and Travellers in Persia (London,

148

147

1914). The roadconnectingMashhadand Bojnordwas partof the so-called "Askhabadchaussee." Here a kaliska

or a kindof "victoria" movedpassengers,andthe British ConsulR.L. Kennionwas conveyedover 180 miles in four days: By MountainLake and Plain, Sport in Eastern

Persia(Edinburgh-London, 1911),p. 176-77. 136

137

138

Journey to the end of an era (New York, 1947), pp.

214-15 and218, see alsop. 221, wherehe mentionedthat the Torkomanshad plunderedthe chapar-khinasand severalcaravansarais. "Persian Caravan Sketches," National Geographic Magazine39/4 (1921)p. 367. Loc. cit. A pictureof the Iranianmail stageenteringthe city of Saveh, ibid., oppositep. 465. A pictureof the 'limited mail express' from Tehranto Isfahan."This vehicle is a combinationsleeper,day coach,and dining car.Treehundredmilesweretraversedin it alonga rough caravantrack, bumpingday and night, with opiumreeking driversand relays of horses - hitched four abreast- everytenortwelvemiles",ibid.,p. 433. "Itwas escorted by road-guardscontrolledby the notorious brigand,MashallasKhan (since hanged), whom the PersianGovernment is saidto have subsidizedto protect themailsandofficialpersonagesfromrobberies", ibid.,p. 432. A pictureof a typicalhaltwherepost-carriages and caravansstopped.In the middledistancenotethe Iranian mail stage drawnby fourhorses,ibid.,p. 433. Photoof mail-wagon(droshki)fromReshtto Tehran,240 milesof carriageroadat a cost of 50 centspermile, ibid.,p. 362; C. Amory Jr., Persian Days (Boston and New York, 1929),pp. 148, 180photosof droshkisandroads.

139

Weston, loc. cit.; Hall, op. cit., p. 221.

140

Ibid.,pp.217-18; see alsothescathingremarksby Savage Landor,vol. I, pp. 259-60, which showedthatnothing hadchanged. Dwight,op.cit., pp.29, 31, 32. Weston,op.cit., p. 367;Dwight,pp. 28-34. "The Op.cit., pp. 433, 441. Hallhad similarobservations. anddirtylittleteahouses post-stations, ruinedcaravanserais

141 142 143

144 145

where we halted to change relays were pretty uninviting. Their mud walls were strengthened by the bones of animals, their interiorsdark and fetid, the approachesto them leadingbetween skeletonsor half-pickedcarcassesof horses, camels, donkeys and goats."Hall, op.cit., p. 217 Moser, A Travers, p. 443 Sykes, ThroughPersia, p. 30.

287

O'Donovan,The Merv Oasis, vol. I, p. 319. JaneDieulafoye,Les Fouilles de Suse (Paris,1885),p. 71. SavageLandor,Across Coveted Lands, vol. II, pp. 279, 285; see also ibid.,p. 369, re.Nuskhietc.

A YearAmongst the Persians, pp. 178-79. Blau, Commercielle, p. 203; MacKenzie, Safarnama, p. 135. 151 Marsh,A Ride, p. 65. 152 de Windt,A Ride, p. 77. 153 A Ride, p. 104. 154 Lycklama,Voyage, vol. II, p. 84; EdwardB. Eastwick, Journal of a Diplomate 's Threeyears' residence in Persia, 149

150

197 2 vols. (London,1864),vol. I, pp. 196 (Saiyaidabad), no (Haji Agha), 197-98 (Dawatgar; village only a At Tikmatash,Eastwickremarked,there caravansarai). usedto be a station;Dieulafoye,LaPerse,p. 66 (Basmidj); Fraser,A Winters Journey, vol. I, p. 362, or Oojan;idem, Travels to Koordistan,vol. II, p. 310, who also mentions

andBosmeitch(p. 311). Thickmadash 155

156

157

Through Persia, p. 204; Wills, In the Land, p. 26; Lycklama, Voyage,vol. I, p. 85-88; op.cit., Journal, vol.

I, p. 201. Johnson,A Journey, p. 192; Fraser,op.cit., vol. II, pp. 307-8. Lycklama, op.cit., vol. II, pp. 91, 95; Eastwick, op.cit.,

vol. I, p. 202; Fraser,op.cit.,vol. II, pp. 306-7 travelled fromZenjanto Ak-Kend. via Armaghaneh 158

159

160

161

Lycklama, op.cit., vol. II, pp. 96-97; Eastwick, op.cit.,

vol. I, p. 204. Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II, pp. 98, 100; Eastwick,op.cit., vol. I, p. 204. Brugsch,Reise, vol. II, p. 368; Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II, op.cit.,vol.I,p. 205. op.cit.,p. 207;Eastwick, p.100;Stewart, Stewart,op.cit., p. 214; Lycklama, Voyage, vol. II, pp. 101-2 (Zenjan),120 (Soltanieyh);Eastwick,op.cit.,vol. II,pp. 206 (Zenjan),209 (Soltaniyeh).

162

Op.cit., p. 214.

163

Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II,pp. 134, 137, 140. Johnson,op.cit., p. 175;Fraser,op.cit., vol. II,pp. 303-4; Eastwick,op.cit.,vol. I, p. 211 (onlychangedhorses). Stewart,op.cit., p. 214. The Merv Oasis, vol. II,p. 332;Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II,

164

165 166

167 168

169

pp. 149-50; de Sabran,Notes, p. 98. O'Donovan, op.cit., vol. I, pp. 333. Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II, p. 168; Arnold, ThroughPersia, p. 157; Eastwick, op.cit., vol. I, pp. 213-14. Lycklama, op.cit., vol. II, pp. 169-70. Wilbraham reported in 1837 that the post-house "had recently been transferred from Shemiran to Sangarabad." Richard


288

Wilbraham, Travels in the Trans-Caucasian Provinces

(London1839),p. 49. The upperroomhadno doorand fouropenwindows.Eastwick,op.cit.,vol. I, p. 216. 170

171 172 173

174

175

176

177

Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II, pp. 173, 363. Op.cit., p. 158. Bigham, A Ride, p. 126.

Brugsch,op.cit.,vol. II,p. 190;Lycklama,op.cit.,vol. III, p. 6; Stewart,op.cit.,p. 87. Blau, op.cit., p. 203. Lycklama, op.cit., vol. II, p. 364; Arnold, op.cit., pp.

199-200,205-6. Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II,p. 364.

Ibid., p. 338; Lycklama,op.cit.,vol. II,pp. 490, 494. Op.cit., pp. 400-1,403. 198 Blau, op.cit., p. 203. 199 Op.cit., vol. II, p. 2. 200 A Ride, p. 184. 196

197

201 202

203 204

Brugsch, op.cit., vol. II, pp. 273-75; Lycklama, op.cit.,

vol. II,p. 366;Arnold,op.cit.,p. 206-7. 178 Lycklama, op.cit., vol. II,p. 370;Brugsch,op.cit.,vol. II,

Voyage,vol. III,p. 530. Ibid., vol. III, pp. 531-32 (Milagerd),533 (Merek),

534-35 (Noveran),536, 540 (Biveran,Kushek),536, 540, 542 (Khanabad, Ribat-Karim, Tehran). Blau,Commercielle, p. 203. Manfred Schneider,Beitrdge zur Wirtschaftsstruktur und WirtschaftsentwicklungPersiens 1850-1900 (Stuttgart,1990), p. 40; accordingto de Sabran,Notes, p. 167, QonbadGumbazwas a miserablehole in the ground.

p. 272; Arnold,op.cit.,p. 209. op.cit., vol. II,pp. 373, 375, 380, 386;Brugsch, Lycklama, vol. op.cit., II,pp.261,268; Arnold,op.cit.,p. 221.

205

Stewart, ThroughPersia, p. 291.

206

230-31; Brugsch, op.cit., vol. II, p. 256; Lycklama, op.cit.,vol. II,p. 387. 181Arnold,op.cit., pp. 236-37; Lycklama,op.cit.,vol. II,pp. 389-90; Brugsch,op.cit.,vol. II,p. 251. 182 Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II, pp. 391, 397, 401; Arnold,

207

de Windt,A Ride,p. 77; Schneider,Beitrdge, p. 40; de Sabran,op.cit.,p. 179, observedthatQeshlaqwas a sad villagewithoutcharacter. Schneider,Beitrdge, pp. 40-43; Also, Eastwick,Journal, vol. II, pp. 136, 144, 146, 151-52, 156, 163, 165, 169, 178-79, 184,271, 276, 284, 286, 290; de Sabran,op.cit., pp. 181-203.

179

180Also description of the village by Arnold, op.cit., pp.

183

184

185

op.cit., p. 237. Lycklama, op.cit., vol. II, p. 444, Arnold, op.cit., pp. 259,

208 209 210

Baker,Cloudsin the East, pp. 74 (Skirgau,Zirab),75, (Saffarabad),76 (Serbendan,Boomahoo),77 (Tehran); Brugsch, Reise, vol. II, pp. 456, 458 (Firuzkuh, Notes Lieut.Col.BeresfordLovett,"Itinerary Savadkuh); of RouteSurveysin NorthernPersiain 1881 and 1882," Procs. RGS, II (1883), p. 68. Accordingto Eastwick, was betterthanthe op.cit.,vol. II, pp. 91, 99, Sorkhabad Zirab station,while the greaterpart of the stationof Bahamanhadfallendown

211

Sketches, p. 403 Appendix E. Binder,Au Kurdistan,pp.427-28; thepost-houses"onthe

296; Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II, p. 445, Arnold,op.cit., p. 296; Williams, Across Persia, p. 277. Lycklama, op.cit., vol. II, p. 447, Arnold, op.cit., pp.

296-97. Brugsch,op.cit., vol. II,p 123;Arnold,op.cit., pp. 300-1; Lycklama,op.cit.,vol. II,p. 450. 187 For a discussionof these two roadsin the seventeenth centurysee WillemFloor,"TheBandar'Abbas-Isfahan Route in the late Safavid Era (1617-1717)," Iran XXXVII(1999),pp. 67-94. 188 Lycklama,op.cit.,vol. II, p. 451; Arnold,op.cit.,p. 301; Brugsch,op.cit.,vol. II,p. 126. 189 Op.cit., p. 304.

186

190

191

212

road [between Resht-Tehran]were fairly clean and comfortable." Bigham,A Ride,p. 119. 213

De Penisse, La Russie, la Perse, p. 85.

214

ThroughPersia,p. 130. Ibid.,p. 138. de Sabran,op.cit.,p. 86 (reputedlythebestpost-stationin

Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II, pp. 451-52, 454, Arnold, op.cit.,

215

pp. 305, 307. Brugsch,op.cit., vol. II,p. 216; Arnold,op.cit.,p. 307.

216

192

Under Persian Skies (New York, 1928) p. 200.

193

Lycklama,op.cit.,vol. II,p. 455.

194

Op.cit., pp. 311-12.

195

Lycklama,op.cit., vol. II, p. 465, 490; Williams,op.cit., pp. 189, 192 (with map); Arnold, op.cit., p. 317, 319; the next stopwas the very cold post-houseat Sidoon,nearPersepolis.

Marsh,A Ride, p. 100. Blau, op.cit., p. 203.

217

218 219

Iran,but found sorely lacking in comfort);Arnold, op.cit., pp. 53-54. de Windt,A Ride,p. 62;Arnold,op.cit., p. 143;de Sabran, op.cit., p. 91; Ella Sykes, ThroughPersia on a sidesaddle (London, 1898), p. 309. De Penisse, op.cit., p. 95. Op.cit.,p. 145; de Sabran,op.cit., p. 94.


220

221

Sykes,op.cit.,p. 306; Arnold,op.cit.,p. 149;de Sabran,

226

Blau, op.cit., p. 203.

op.cit., p. 97

227

Lycklama,Voyage,vol. II, pp. 28 (Aras),31 (Eirandibil), 32, 35 (Marand), 35, 37 (Sofiyan).Eastwick,Journal,vol. At 172-77. GalinKaya,a colonyfromTaleshwere I, pp. settledby NadirShah,"whostillspeaktheTalishdialectof the Persian tongue." S.G. Wilson, Persian Life and Customs(NewYork,1895),p. 50.

228

Blau, op.cit., p. 203. Stewart,ThroughPersia, pp. 188, 190. and "InPersiathechaparkhanehsaregovernment property,

1 Rajab1278, Iran(officialnewspaper) no. 510, Thursday, p. 315.

222

223

Goldsmid,EasternPersia, vol. I, pp. 170, 177 Idem,"Noteson EasternPersiaandWesternBeluchistan," JRGSXXXVII (1867), p. 279; idem,EasternPersia, vol. I,

224

pp. 170, 177.e DCR 1376, Persia-Ispahan-Reportof a Journeymadeto Yezd,Kermanand Shiraz,and on the Trade,and of the Consular District of Ispahan (1892-94), pp. 23 (Kermanshahan),24 (Shams, Anar), 25 (Bayaz, Khan,Baghin).Browne,A Year Khoshkuh),26 (Kabutar

229 230

Amongst the Persians, p. 462, 471, 592-93, 598-600.

However,whenEdwardStackstayedat thepost-houseof KabutarKhan the upperroom had no doors and was uninhabitable due to the strongwind.Whenhe came to he found thepost-housea ruin,so he wentto a fine Baghin caravansarai justoutsidethevillage:Six Monthsin Persia, 2 vols. (NewYork,1882),vol. I, pp. 194, 196. 225

289

Op.cit., p. 59; see also Savage Landor,Across Coveted Lands, vol. I, p. 409-30.

Fig. 2. Rue et Tchaparkhaneha Rabat-K&rim.

231

an orderfor horsesis all thatis required.In summerand in fourdays.In autumnthisjourneycanbe accomplished winterandspringfive or six days,sometimeseightor ten arenecessary"; Holmes,Sketches,p. 408. A Winter's A Ride, pp. 89, 91, 93, 95. Accordingto Fraser, Journey, vol. I, p. 333, the first Iranianpost station was Kara Eineh, followed by Zoharab(p. 346), while in Khoy

232

therewas nota poststation(p. 348). Lycklama, op.cit., vol. II,pp.35, 37.

233 From Batum to Baghdad via Tiflis, Tabrizand Persian

Kurdistan(Edinburgh,1896), p. 94.

290


Fig. 3. Tchaparkhanehde Koudoum.

Fig. 4. Tchaparkhanehde Tisi-Hutch (intirieur).

Fig. 5. Tchaparkhanehde Tisi-Hutch (extirieur).


291

Fig. 6. The interior of Chappar Khana at Kohrut.

Fig. 7. Post-house at Kushku Bafra.

Fig. 8. Chapper Khaneh (Post House) [not identified].

BURIALSAND MEMORIALSIN PERSIA: FURTHERNOTES AND PHOTOGRAPHS By SirDenisWright Former President of the British Instituteof Persian Studies

The material given below contains additions to my previous articleson burialsand memorials of the British in Persia in Iran XXXVI (1998), pp. 165-73 and XXXVII (1999), pp. 173-74. I am deeply grateful to

ISFAHAN The New Julfa Cemetery (Armenian)

The gravesof WilliamBell, d. 1624, and Edward H.M.Ambassador Nick Browneandhis wife Dianafor takenin March1999;andto Paget,d. 1703,1arethe oldestknownBritishgravesin the Isfahanphotographs, Miss Joan Masters for those of Bushire, taken in Persia.TheirLatininscriptions,recordedin full by Sir February2000, exceptfor the photographof the grave Frederick G. Goldsmid in his Travels and Telegraph A.Th. Sterzel,for whichI am grateful (London,1874),p. 562, remainlegible.(Figs. 1-5.). of Commandant to Lady(Susan)Elliott.

(-4ASTTi cf-yoA

/__

Fig. 1. Diagramshowingposition of Bell gravestone(left-handside) in relationto hexastichon.

Fig. 2. New Julfa Cemetery,Isfahan.William Bell'sgrave, headstone.

293

294

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

Fig. 3. New Julfa Cemetery, Isfahan. WilliamBell's gravestone. The hexastich (see Fig. 1) is set at right angles to the main inscription.

Fig. 4. New Julfa Cemetery, Isfahan. Edward Paget 's gravestone, left-hand side.

Fig. 5. New Julfa Cemetery, Isfahan. Edward Paget's gravestone, right-hand side.

BURIALS

AND MEMORIALS

IN PERSIA:

Fig. 6. St. George's Church (Armenian), Bushire. St. George 's Church after war damage.

FURTHER NOTES AND PHOTOGRAPHS

295

Fig. 7. St. George's Church (Armenian), Bushire. WJ. Bird

Fig. 8. St. George's Church (Armenian), Bushire. Caroline Hayward

296

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

Fig. 9. St. George's Church (Armenian), Bushire. Haick Goolzad.

Fig. 10. St. George'sChurch(Armenian),Bushire. Tigran J. Malcolm.

BUSHIRE St. George's Church (Armenian) Both the church and adjoiningcemetery were badly damaged during the Iran-IraqWar of the 1980s, and many of the memorials recorded in my 1998 article2 have now gone; the five listed below are all that appear to have survived. Those of Haick Goolzad and Tigran Malcolm were not recorded in my earlier article, nor was that of the GermanA.Th. Sterzel. W.J. Bird, d. 14.10.1890.3 Mrs CarolineHayward,d. 19.10.1905.4 Haick Goolzad, b. 25.4.1875, d. 6.3.1941. TigranJ. Malcolm, b. 1.3.1843, d. 4.5.1920. CommandantA.Th. Sterzel,b. 25.6.1861 at Bautzen, Saxony, d. 16.9.1896 (Figs. 6-11). Fig. 11. St. George's Church (Armenian), Bushire. CommandantA. Th. Sterzel.

BURIALS

AND MEMORIALS

IN PERSIA:

The Goolzad and Malcolm headstones, inscribed in both English and Armenian, indicate that the deceased were members of the Bushire Armenian community and probably enjoyed British Protected Person status. Commandant Sterzel was captain of the 600-ton Persepolis, the Persian Navy's very first steamship, built at Bremerhavenin 1884; when Curzon inspected her at Lingeh in 1889 she'had a crew of forty Persian and Arabs and four Germanofficers.5

FURTHER

NOTES AND PHOTOGRAPHS

297

RAYSHAHR (RESHIRE) The old British Cemetery6 This was abandonedin 1963 and remains in a sorry condition (Fig. 12). The ruined headstone of Ernest H. Tayson'sgravewas photographedby PaulGotchin 1963: Ernest H. Tayson, d. Bushire 3.4.1906 aged 26. Leading Seaman on H.M.S. Hermes (Fig. 13).

Fig. 12. Viewof the abandoned cemetery.

Fig. 13. ErnestH. Tayson.

298

Notes


4

5

1 See IranXXXVI(1998),pp. 165-66. Ibid.,p. 167. 3 Ibid.

2

6

Ibid. The Hon. G.N. Curzon,Persia and the Persian Question (London, 1892), vol. II, pp. 394-96. See Iran XXXVI (1998), pp. 167-68, and XXXVII (1999), p. 173.

SHORTERNOTICES ISLAMABAD PROJECT2000 By KamyarAbdi Museumof Anthropology,Universityof Michigan

The thirdseasonof archaeologicalresearchin the Islamabad Plainwas carriedoutfrom30 Aprilto 5 June, 2000 (forreportson the first(1998) andsecond(1999) seasons see Iran XXXVII, 1999: 34-44, XXXVIII, 2000: 162-63). In the thirdseasonwe continuedour surveyof the IslamabadPlaintowardsthe south-eastto the HarasamPlain and Tang-eMansouri,where we recordeda rangeof sites fromUpperPaleolithiccave sites to recentcemeteries,bringingthe totalnumberof sites recordedso farto 190. I have begunenteringthe survey data into a computerfile to facilitatefuture settlementpatternanalyses. The main researchgoal of the thirdseasonwas a moredetailedinvestigationof the settlementpatternof the MiddleChalcolithicperiod(c. 4500-4000 B.C.E.). The datacollectedduringourfirstand secondseasons of surveys of the IslamabadPlain suggest that the Neolithicperiodsettlementpatternconsists of small, scatteredsites of roughly the same size in close proximity to water sources, but by the Middle Chalcolithic perioda three-tiersettlementhierarchywas alreadyemergingin the Plain. By this time Chogha Gavaneh,with aroundthree hectaresof Chalcolithic occupation,was probablythe dominantcentreof the Plain.In additionto ChoghaGavaneh,we recordedat least five moundedsites largerthan one hectareand fourteenmoundedandunmoundedsites with less than one hectare of Middle Chalcolithic occupation. locationin the marginsof the surveyarea,as Peripheral well as shallowdeposits,suggestthata numberof these small sites may have been transhumant or nomadic campsites.Wealsorecordeda few cavesiteswitha crude sub-typeof MiddleChalcolithic potterywhichmay also a transhumant or nomadic represent occupation. In our first and second seasonswe openeda few exploratorycuts at Chogha Gavaneh. One of our stratigraphiccuts -

OperationW263 -

exposed Late

Neolithic to Late Middle Chalcolithicdeposits.The potteryfromOperationW263 includevarioustypes of

DalmaWare,some probablycomingfromAzarbaijan, someHalafsherdsfromnorthernMesopotamia, pottery the of Deh Luran and Susiana in the Plains typical lowlandsof south-western and 'Ubaid sherds from Iran, The excavated southernMesopotamia. pottery from Operation W263 was substantiallymore diverse, comparedto thepotteryfoundduringoursurfacesurvey of Middle Chalcolithicsites which form a rather homogeneous corpus of local Zagros Chalcolithic traditionssuch as Siahbidand Seh Gabi. The lithic materialfromOperationW263 also shows substantial diversity,as we foundexotic chertsfromthe Southern Zagros, Susiana, and the Middle Euphrates,and obsidian,whichperhapscamefromAnatolia. The discoveryof importedpotteryand lithics in Middle Chalcolithic deposits at Chogha Gavaneh suggestedto us, amongvariouspossibilitiesincluding exchange,thepresenceof a highlymobilecomponentin the Middle Chalcolithicpopulationof the Islamabad Plain.Thisinferenceis supportedby the discoveryof a numberof isolatedcemeteries,such as Hakalanand DumGar-iParchinehfurtherto the southin the Pusht-i Kuh area in Lurestan,which have been attributedto nomadicpopulationof the MiddleChalcolithicperiod. In ourthirdseason,we thereforeset as ourresearch objective an investigation of the transhumantor nomadic component of the Middle Chalcolithic populationin the IslamabadPlain.Earlyin the season we thereforerevisitedeverysmallMiddleChalcolithic site recordedduringthe firstand secondseasons,and afterassessingthelogisticsof theworkwe choseTuwah Khoshkehas the optimalsite fortest excavations. TuwahKhoshkehis a smallsite sittingon a natural hill slopein theTuwahKhoshkeh("DryValley"in local Kurdishdialect) about 10 km. west of the town of Islamabad.Test excavations at Tuwah Khoshkeh, fruitful.We opened althoughlimited,wereparticularly a 5 x 5 m. squareon thehighestpointof the siteto study the horizontal layout of the site and to collect

299

300


material,a 1 x 15 m. long trenchon the archaeological southernslopein orderto studythe verticalstructureof the site, andclearedthe pit dug by clandestinediggers as a deepsoundingto documentthe stratigraphy. In the 5 x 5 m. square(namedOperationA) we foundtwo superimposedlevels of occupationwith at least one withstonefoundations irregularovoid-shapedstructure whichin all likelihoodwerethe remainsof a campsite. The Long Trench revealed several layers of superimposedstone alignmentswhich may belong to similar structures.The Deep Sounding, however, suggests that the site may have been used on a

(perhapsseasonal)basisfora relativelyshort temporary period. materialcollectedduringourtest Thearchaeological excavationsis now understudy.I havebegunanalysing the potterycollectionwhichconsistsof predominantly roughwareanda smallpercentageof finepaintedware, of the MiddleChalcolithicperiod. both characteristic is material Thelithic beingstudiedby FerydounBiglari and HenryWright,and the faunalremainsby Marjan Mashkour.We plan to submit the final report for publicationin the nextfew months,beforewe returnto the field in the Springof 2002.

301

SHORTER NOTICES

ON THE EXACT DATE OF YESDN TEMUR'S ACCESSION TO THE THRONE,ACCORDINGTO NUMISMATICDATA By MichaelFedorov Ilmenau

In June1992,at the Narynstatecustomshouse,an attemptto smuggle a hoard of ancient silver coins across the border into China was thwarted. The confiscatedcoins were sentto KirghizRepublicKNB. As the only specialistin numismaticsin Kirghizstan, I was invitedto makeanexpertreporton thecoins,which provedto be largelya hoardof Chaghatayiddirhams and silverdinars.In my reportI stressedthe historical valueof the coinsandthe necessityof passingthemon to the KirghizRepublicStateHistoryMuseum.In 1994 the coins at last came to the Museum,whereI could studythemin detail. Theweightof thehoardis 1078.7gr.Thecoinswere morethan80%silver,andtherestwerecopperandlead. Thehoardcompriseda totalof 132 Chaghatayid dinars 30 14 dirhams Ilone (diameter, mm.), (17-18 mm.), Khaniddinar(30 mm.) and one Il-Khaniddinar(25 mm.). The coins were mintedbetweenAH 722 and 741(1322 to 1340-41) by the ChaghatayidKhans Kebek(1309, 1318-26),Eljigedey(1326),DuvaTemiir (1326-27),' Tarmashirin (1327-34), Changshi (1334-37) and YestinTemutr(1337-41) at mints in Transoxania (Bukhara,Samarqand, Tirmidh),in whatis now Kazakhstan (Otrar); in Eastern Turkestan (Amaligh);and in Afghanistan(Badakhshan).One dinarwasmintedby theIl-KhanidAbiNSa'id(1316-35) at Sultaniyyain Persia,and one Il-Khaniddinarhad neitherthe nameof the mint,the datenorthe nameof the ruler. Brokendownnumericallyby ruler,they comprised: Kebek, 10 (Bukharaand Samarqand);Eljigedey,3 (Samarqand);Duva Temuir,8 (Samarqand);Tarmashirin,72 (Bukhara,Samarqand,Otrar,Tirmidhand Almaligh);Changshi,13 (Tirmidh,Badakhshan, Otrar); and YestinTemiir,39 (Bukhara,Samarqand, Tirmidh, Badakhshan,Almaligh).Judgingby the sign (nishin) on it, one coin emanatedeitherfrom Tarmashirin or Three dinars could be not identified YestunTemtir. because of their poor state of preservation.Most followedby copiousemergethe coins of Tanrmashirin, Temtirand Duva Kebek, Changshi, Yestin Temtir,

Eljigedey.Fifty-onecoinsweremintedatTirmidh,48 at 9 at Otrar,2 in Badakhshdn Bukhara,29 at Samarqand, and2 at Almaligh. The coins of Tirmidh in the hoard are very interesting,as they providethe exact date of Yestin Temiir'saccessionto the throne.M.E.Massongavethe reignof thisKhanas "739-41/1338to 1340-41".2 C.E. Bosworthgives the beginningof his reignas "c. 739/c. 1338."3ThecoinsfromTirmidhof 737 showthatYestin Temifrstartedhis reignin thatyear,since bothhe and his predecessorChangshimintedcoinsin thatyear. this are: Coinsillustrating 1. Tirmidh.737/1336-37.Dinar.Changshi. Obverse.Withina loopedsquare: /

45-1&

3.1

Yi

.L-

/

i

\r

l

Margin:doublecircle(inner,solid line,outerbeaded). Reverse.Withinornamented quatrefoil: VTrV

/

ZIL/

h

LA4

In the middleof the field,Chaghatayid tamgha. on obverse. as Margin: 2. Tirmidh.737/1336-37.Dinar.YestinTemtir.Type1. Obverse.Withina loopedsquare: /J3A1 09ag. AZiA .i phh /Iy,1l si. outer solid circle double line, beaded). (inner, Margin: Reverse.Withinornamented quatrefoil:

vrv/

4A

;,.I /, ,a /,i.lt_.. In the middleof the field,Chaghatayid tamgha Margin:as on obverse.

t.

3. Tirmidh.737/1336-37.Dinar.YestinTemtir.Type2. Obverse.As in no. 2, butthe word JIS is not split in two partsandis placedon the secondline. Reverse. As no. 2.4

Notes

of the anonymous SM. Fedorov,"On the attribution Chaghataidcoins minted in 726-727 AH," Oriental


302

2

Numismatics Society Newsletter, no. 162 (2000), pp. 9-11. "Istoricheskii etyud po numizmatike dzagataidov (po

3

povody Talasskogo klada monet XIV v.)", Trudy

4

Sredneaziatskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta, Novaya seriya, vol. CXI, Arkheologiya Srednei Azii, vol.

IV, p. 69, Tashkent,1957. The New Islamic Dynasties, a Chronological and Genealogical Manual, p. 248, Edinburgh,1996. The conditions prevailing in the Kirghiz Republic during the early 1990s prevented my obtaining a photographof these coins.

SHORTER NOTICES

303

TWO OBJECTSIN THE NATIONALMUSEUM OF IRAN By ZohrehRuhfar Islamic Museum,Tehran

Two unpublishedpieces of blue and white china in the collection of the Islamic Departmentof the National Museum of Iran will be introducedhere. Both objects come from Saveh and date to the Safavid period. The year of acquisitionis not known.

figure has his head turned towards his right shoulder and looks at a wine bottle, which is held in his right hand. The left arm and hand hold a large bowl, which is pressed against the figure's waist and hip.

1. Museum No. 9897, diam. 21 cm (Fig. 1). This plate shows a standing male figure set within an elaborate frame from which two streamers with illegible Chinese-like charactersemerge. At the top there is an ornate motif of intertwined ribbons terminating in a split leaf on either side. A row of stylised ropes with beads and ending in tassels appears on either side of the central frame; more beads are spread around the field. The central

This piece has been heavily restored and may have originally been the base of a dish. 2. Museum No. 9895, diam. 16.8cm, h: 3.3cm (Fig. 2). This blue and white dish shows the bust of a male figure wearing a turban. He wears a flowery coat over a hatchedundershirt.The head is slightly tilted to the side. A wine bottle with a cup placed on top is placed on either side of the human bust.

Fig. 1. Blue and white dish from Saveh. Photograph courtesy of the National Museum of Iran.

Fig. 2. Blue and white dish from Saveh. Photograph courtesy of the National Museum of Iran.

NOTES ON TRANSLITERATION FOR CONTRIBUTORS TO IRAN I.

OLD AND MIDDLE PERSIAN

It is recognised that no rigid lines can be laid down here, but it is suggested that the Old Persian syllabaryshould be transliterated according to the table in Kent, OldPersian.Grammar,Texts,Lexicon, p. 12; that for Manichaean Middle Persian and Parthian, the transliteration system given in AndreasHenning, MitteliranischeManichaica,vol. III, p. 66, should be used; whilst for Pahlavi, the table of alphabets given in Nyberg, A Manual of Pahlavi, new edition, p. 129, may be used as a reference for transcription. II.

ISLAMICAND MODERN PERSIAN

The system used for the Cambridge Historyof Islamshould be used here as far as possible. Consonants

(a) Arabic

b

. t "

th &

j t

s

,r

sh

6e

s

J fm

t

kh

' '

q k I

n * h

Md

kh d

J

z

J

j

w

'5y dh C gh S-a (in constructstate: r f -at) (b) Persian additional and variant forms. The variant forms should generally be used for Iranian names and for Arabicwords used in Persian. z g "p > v Ds zh Sch (c) The Persian "silenth" should be transliterateda, e.g. ndma. Vowels

Arabic or Persian Short: a u i

Long: I or a J•

t ii

Doubled '- iyy (final form i) Dipthongs ", au '5Sai

NOTES

1. The iadfa should be represented by -i, or after long vowels, by -yi, e.g. umard-yijdnki 2. The Arabic definite article should be written as al- or 1-,even before the so-called "sunletters", e.g. 'Abd al-Malik,Abu 'l-Nasr. 3. The macrons of Abfi and Dhfi (Zii) should be omitted before the definite article, e.g. Abu 'l-Abbas(but Abfi 'Ubaida). It is obvious that for the rendering of linguistic and dialectical material, and possibly also for contemporary literary and spoken Persian, this rigorous system of transliteration is inappropriate; contributors should use their discretion here. III.

GENERALPOINTS

1. Names of persons should be rigorously transliterated. 2. Conventional English equivalents (without macrons or diacritics) should be used for the names of countries, provinces or large towns, e.g. Khurasan, Shiraz. Otherwise, all place-names should be rigorously transliterated.Archaeologists are asked to be especially careful in representing the names of little-knownplaces at or near sites. 3. Modern Turkish names and words should be written in the current romanized Turkish orthography. 4. Where classical Greek and Latin renderings of Old and Middle Persian names exist, these familiar forms should be used for preference. 304

ABBREVIATIONS AARP AASOR AfO AIr AJA AJSL AK AMI ANET AO ArchAnz ArO AS BA Besch BASOR Belleten BGA Bib Or BMMA BSA BSOAS CAH CDAFI CHIr CIA CII Ell EI2

EIr EW IA IIJ IJMES ILN Isl JA JAOS JCS JFA JHS JNES JRAI JRAS JRCAS JSS KF LAAA MAOG MDAFA MDAI MDOG MDP MJ MMJ NC OIC OIP PZ RA REI SAA SAOC Sov Arkh SS St Ir Survey WdO WVDOG ZA ZDMG

Art andArchaeologyResearchPapers Annualof AmericanSchoolsof OrientalResearch Archivfir Orientforschung Acta Iranica AmericanJournalof Archaeology AmericanJournalof SemiticLanguagesandLiteratures AntikeKunst ArchaeologischeMitteilungenaus Iran Pritchard,AncientNearEasternTexts Ars Orientalis ArchiologischerAnzeiger ArchivOrientilni AnatolianStudies Bulletinvan de Vereeniging... de AntiekeBeschaving,The Hague Bulletinof AmericanSchoolsof OrientalResearch TtirkTarihKurumu:Belleten BibliothecaGeographorum Arabicorum BibliothecaOrientalis Bulletinof the MetropolitanMuseumof Art Annualof the BritishSchoolat Athens Bulletinof the Schoolof OrientalandAfricanStudies CambridgeAncientHistory Cahiersde la D616gation ArcheologiqueFrangaiseen Iran CambridgeHistoryof Iran Arabicarum CorpusInscriptionum Iranicarum CorpusInscriptionum Encyclopaediaof Islam, 1stEdition Encyclopaediaof Islam,2nd Edition EncyclopaediaIranica EastandWest,New Series IranicaAntiqua Indo-Iranian Journal International Journalof MiddleEast Studies IllustratedLondonNews Der Islam JournalAsiatique Journalof the AmericanOrientalSociety Journalof the CuneiformStudies Journalof FieldArchaeology Journalof HellenisticStudies Journalof NearEasternStudies Journalof the RoyalAnthropologicalInstitute Journalof the RoyalAsiaticSociety Journalof the Royal CentralAsian Society Journalof SemiticStudies KleinasiatischeForschungen Annalsof ArchaeologyandAnthropology,Liverpool Gesellschaft MitteilungenderAltorientalischen Memoiresde la D616gationArcheologiqueFrangaiseen Afghanistan M6moiresde la De16gationArcheologiqueFrangaiseen Iran MitteilungenderDeutschenOrientgesellschaft Memoiresde la MissionArcheologiquede Perse MuseumJournal,Philadelphia MetropolitanMuseumJournal NumismaticChronicle OrientalInstitute,Chicago,Communications OrientalInstitute,Chicago,Publications Zeitschrift Praehistorische Revued'Assyriologie Revuedes EtudesIslamiques SovietAnthropologyandArchaeology OrientalInstitute,Studiesin AncientOrientalCivilisation SovietskayaArkheologiya Schmidt,H., HeinrichSchliemmannsSammlungtrojanischer Altertiimer StudiaIranica 1938 A Surveyof PersianArt fromPrehistoricTimesto the Present,ed. A.U. Pope, Oxford, Die Weltdes Orients Wissenschaftliche derDeutschenOrientgesellschaft Veriffentlichungen Zeitschriftfir Assyriologie ZeitschriftderDeutschenMorgenlaindischen Gesellschaft

305

NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS Iran is a referredjournalwith a boardof editorialadvisers.The editorsareProfessorC.E. Bosworthand Dr. VestaCurtisand the editorialadvisorsare Dr. P.R.S.Moorey,ProfessorJ.M. Rogers and ProfessorDavid Stronach.In addition,articlesare sent to otherscholarsas appropriate. ArticlesforIran shouldbe submittedon disktogetherwith a hardcopy. The hardcopy shouldbe on one side of A4 paperor the nearestNorth Americanequivalentsize with double spacingand generousmargins. Carboncopies or photocopiesof typescriptare not acceptable.Notes shouldbe numberedconsecutivelyand placedat the end of the article.Photographsfor reproductionshouldbe, as far as possible, in the formof bright and sharpglossy black and white prints, and should be originalphotographs.In the case of reproductions, permissionfromthe authoror publishermustbe obtainedbeforehand.Wheneverpossible, contributorsshould submitoriginalline drawingsratherthanphotographicor otherreproductions. Authorsof articleswill receive 25 offprintsfree andmay orderadditionalones, at reasonableprices, in multiplesof 25. The Editorsshouldbe informedof any extraoffprintorderswhen the firstproofsof articlesare returned.

THE BRITISHINSTITUTEOF PERSIAN STUDIES

BIPSPUBLICATIONS Journal Iran

VolumesI-IX VolumesX-XXI VolumesXXII-XXXIX

not available ?9.50/?30 each dependingon availability ?30 each

Postageandpackingis extraat ?3 per copy to UK, EC or otheraddresses(surfacemail outsideEurope). Siraf Report Fasc. III: The Congregational Mosque by David Whitehouse Fasc. XV: The Coins and Monumental Inscriptions by Nicholas M. Lowick

?5.00 ?12.00

Nush-I Jan Report

Fasc. III:TheSmallFinds by JohnCurtis

?10.00

These threereportsmay be purchasedas a set for the additionaldiscountprice of ?20 plus ?4 postage and packing. Copiesmay be obtainedfromthe PublicationsSecretary,c/o The BritishAcademy,10 CarltonHouse Terrace, London SW1Y 5AH Single copies of publications are sent post free to UK addresses. Postage and packing is extra for multiple copies and complete sets to addresses in the UK and all orders for addresses overseas. Postage and packing for one volume overseas is ?4. Payment should accompany orders, please. Those ordering from overseas may pay by draft drawn in London, internationalmoney order or payment in dollars at an exchange rate of $2 = ?1 on orders over ?15.

%

.4**

25

__

.

..

ee

s

**ARBAIJAN

AX

2Kites u

TURKMENISTAN

a

-x.

,

.

4*.

e-

?

D 5.

?.Ii.rmic

I

DA ..Gorgatn%.. RAN .Damghian.

Q *u'

"..-,

goo

mTEHRAN

K

-IPA

S

."C,,sr

i

*r

o.

Kernm hak

M hed ,

K HURA$URASAN

1.

"

.

.*QunL *Kaslua

A rAN 40#ANIX NI

i

N

. Shira

.Yax.

Is

BCE R MA

. .-D". ,..

SA U DI

ARABIAI ARAB J.A".

A1I*a

-. ?KAS.•

A....

*C '.l8L.

Lda*

.

t,,too

..•

..:": 4...:..": .-. :.•.,•": • ..

.Z

.

,

?

i:

A

AX AH -R

.

Printedin Englandby StephenAustinand Sons Ltd,Hertford Typesetby Meeks & Middleton

/

Iran. Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies

Iran. Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies

Iran. Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies