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IRAN Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies 2003

VOLUMEXLI

CONTENTS GoverningCouncil ..........

Page ii

.....................

Reportof the Council . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..

. .

iii

... The Banesh-KaftariInterface. The View from Operation H5, Malyan, by Naomi F. Miller and William M. Sumner ........................

v

Obituary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..

Excavations at Shahr-i Sokhta. First Preliminary Report on the Excavations of the Graveyard 1997-2000, by S.M.S. Sajjadi with contributions by F. Foruzanfar, R. Shirazi and S. Baghestani .......................

21

Archaeological Research in the Mianab Plain of Lowland Susiana, South-western Iran, by Abbas Moghaddam and Negin Miri ..................

99

The Ancient Merv Project, Turkmenistan. Preliminary Report on the Second Season (2002), by Tim Williams, Kakamurad Kurbansakhatov,et al. .........

139

Parthian Calendars at Babylon and Seleucia on the Tigris, by G.R.F. Assar .......

171

The Effect of the Arab Muslim Conquest on the Administrative Division of Sasanian Persis / Fars, by Touraj Daryaee ....................

193

Excavations at Kuva (FerghanaValley, Uzbekistan), by Gennadi Ivanov .........

205

The Iranian Component of the Nusayri Religion, by Meir Michael Bar-Asher ......

217

Sufism

and Isma'ili

Doctrine

in the Persian Poetry

of Nizari

(645-721/1247-1321), by LeonardLewisohn ................ The SafavidCeramicIndustryat Kirman,by Lisa Golombek .....

Quhistani

229 253

.......

Petrographyof Pottery from Kirman,by Robert B. Mason ..............

271

Book Translationsas a CulturalActivity in Iran 1806-1896, by IrajAfshar .........

279

Franceand the Anglo-RussianAccords:the Discreet Missing Link,by MariamHabibi .

.

291

Leon TigranovichGyuzalian,on the Centenaryof his Birth(15 March 1900), by A.T. Adamova

309

The Developmentof Women'sFootballin Iran.A Perspectiveon the Futurefor Women's Sport in the Islamic Republic,by Jenny Steel and Sophie Richter-Devroe. ........

315

.

ArchaeologicalReports ...................

THE

7

BRITISH

INSTITUTE

.........

OF PERSIAN

. .

323

STUDIES

A Registered Charity No. 231161

c/o The British Academy, 10 Carlton House Terrace, London SW1Y 5AH ISSN 0578-6967

STATEMENTOF AIMS AND ACTIVITIES 1. TheInstitutehas an establishment in Tehranat whichBritishscholars,menandwomenof learningversedin the of and meet theirIraniancolleaguesin orderto discusswith them subjectsof friends reside arts, Iran,may commoninterest:the arts,archaeology,history,literature, linguistics,religion,philosophyandcognatesubjects. 2. TheInstituteprovidesaccommodation forseniorscholarsandforteachersfromBritishUniversitiesin orderthat theymayrefreshthemselvesat the sourceof knowledgefromwhichtheirteachingderives.Thesameserviceis beingrenderedto youngerstudentswho showpromiseof developinginterestsin Persianstudies. 3. TheInstitute,whilstconcernedwithPersianculturein thewidestsense,is particularly concernedwiththe develand the of Iranian scholars and studentsin applying of seeks opment archaeologicaltechniques, co-operation currentmethodsto the resolutionof archaeological andhistoricalproblems. 4. Archaeologicalexcavationusingmodemscientifictechniquesas ancillaryaidsis one of the Institute'sprimary tasks.Theseactivities,whichentaila freshappraisalof previousdiscoveries,havealreadyyieldednew historiandarchaeologicalevidencewhichis addingto ourknowledgeof the pastandof its bearing cal, architectural, on the modemworld. theInstituteis graduallyaddingto its library, 5. Inpursuitof all theactivitiesmentionedin theprecedingparagraphs is collectinglearnedperiodicals,andis publishinga journal,Iran,whichappearsannually. 6. TheInstitutearrangesoccasionalseminars,lecturesandconferencesandenliststhehelpof distinguished scholars for this purpose.It also arrangessmallexhibitionswith the objectof demonstrating the importanceof Persian cultureandits attractionfor the worldof scholarship. 7. The Instituteendeavoursto collaboratewithuniversitiesandeducationalinstitutionsin Iranby all the meansat its disposaland,when consulted,assistsIranianscholarswith technicaladvicefor directingthemtowardsthe academicinstitutionsin Britishuniversities. appropriate

MEMBERSHIP OF THEINSTITUTE c/o TheBritishAcademy,10 Carlton Anyonewishingtojoin theInstituteshouldwriteto theMembershipSecretary, HouseTerrace,LondonSW1Y5AH. The annualsubscription rates(1st January-31stDecember)areas follows: Fullmembership(U.K.only) ?25 Membernot receivingjournal ?8.00 Fullmembership(Overseas) ?30 or US$60 Studentmembership ?7.50 COPIES OF IRAN Full members of the Institutereceive a post free copy of the currentissue of the journal Iran each year. Copies of Iran may be obtained from the Publications Secretary(address as above) at the following prices: Currentissue - single copies purchasedby non members ?30 or US$60 each plus ?5/US$8 per copy for postage and packing (surface mail outside Europe) Back numbers- please see publications list inside back cover Those orderingfrom overseas may pay in US dollars or by sterling draftdrawnin London or by internationalmoney order.

IRAN VolumeXLI 2003 CONTENTS Page

Council ................ . .................. Governing Reportof theCouncil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

ii . . . . . . .. ...

.

Obituary ........................................ TheBanesh-Kaftari Interface.The View fromOperationH5, Malyan,by NaomiF. MillerandWilliamM. Sumner........... .......... .. ... ............ . Excavations at Shahr-i Sokhta. First PreliminaryReport on the Excavations of the Graveyard 1997-2000 by S.M.S. Sajjadiwith contributions,by F. Foruzanfar,R. Shiraziand S. Baghestani ArchaeologicalResearchin the Mianab Plain of Lowland Susiana, South-westernIran, by Abbas MoghaddamandNegin Miri ............................ The Ancient Merv Project,Turkmenistan. PreliminaryReporton the Second Season (2002), by Tim Williams, KakamuradKurbansakhatov,et al. ...................

.

...

11iii

v 7 21 99 139

ParthianCalendarsat Babylonand Seleuciaon the Tigris,by G.R.F.Assar .............

171

The Effect of the ArabMuslimConqueston the AdministrativeDivision of SasanianPersis/ Fars,by TourajDaryaee .................................. .. Excavationsat Kuva(Ferghana Valley,Uzbekistan),by GennadiIvanov ...............

193 205

The IranianComponentof the NusayriReligion,by MeirMichaelBar-Asher............

217

Sufism and Isma'ili Doctrine in the Persian Poetry of Nizari Quhistani(645-721/1247-1321), by LeonardLewisohn ................. ................ ..

229

The SafavidCeramicIndustryat Kirman,by Lisa Golombek .................. of PotteryfromKirman,by RobertB. Mason ................... Petrography

253 .

271

BookTranslations as a Cultural Activityin Iran1806-1896,by IrajAfshar ..............

279

Franceand the Anglo-RussianAccords:the DiscreetMissing Link,by MariamHabibi ..........

291

Leon TigranovichGyuzalian,on the Centenaryof his Birth(15 March 1900), by A.T. Adamova ......

309

The Developmentof Women'sFootballin Iran.A Perspectiveon the Futurefor Women's Sportin the Islamic .. Republic,by Jenny Steel and Sophie Richter-Devroe. ...................

315

ArchaeologicalReports ...................

323

THE

BRITISH

...............

INSTITUTE

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

Registered Charity No. 231161

c/o The British Academy, 10 CarltonHouse Terrace,London SW1Y 5AH ISSN 0578-6967

BRITISHINSTITUTEOF PERSIAN STUDIES (A RegisteredCharity) GOVERNINGCOUNCIL President *ProfessorJAMES ALLAN, M.A., D.Phil. Vice-President *ProfessorROBERTHILLENBRAND,M.A., D.Phil., F.R.S.E. Honorary Vice-Presidents ProfessorA.K.S. LAMBTON, O.B.E, Ph.D., D.Lit., F.B.A. ProfessorD.B. STRONACH,O.B.E, M.A., F.S.A. Sir DENIS WRIGHT,G.C.M.G.,M.A. HonorarySecretary LUKE TREADWELL,M.A., D.Phil. Honorary Treasurer *PETERKNAPTON, B.Phil., M.A., M.B.A., F.C.C.A. Chairmanof Research Sub-Committee *CHARLESMELVILLE,M.A., Ph.D. Members *ProfessorSir JOHN BOARDMAN, M.A., D.Phil., F.B.A. tProfessor C.E. BOSWORTH,M.A., Ph.D., F.B.A. *SHEILACANBY, M.A., Ph.D. JOHN CURTIS,B.A., Ph.D., F.S.A., F.B.A. FARHADDAFTARY,M.A., Ph.D. *PAULLUFT, M.A., Ph.D. tVANESSA MARTIN,M.A., Ph.D.

Joint Editors C.E. BOSWORTH, M.A., Ph.D., F.B.A. tProfessor SARKHOSH M.A., Ph.D. CURTIS, tVESTA Secretary VESTA SARKHOSHCURTIS,M.A., Ph.D. Assistant Secretary GABRIELEPUSCHNIGG,M.A., Ph.D. HonoraryMembershipand Publications Secretary PETERDAVIES,M.A. HonoraryLibrarian tROBERT GLEAVE,B.A., M.A., Ph.D. Auditors PRIDIEBREWSTER,29-39 London Road, Twickenham,Middlesex TW1 3SZ.

c/o the British Academy 10 CarltonHouse Terrace LONDON SW1Y 5AH

*Membersof ResearchSub-Committee tMembers of PublicationsSub-Committee

P.O.Box 11365-844 Tehran IRAN

REPORTOF THE COUNCIL This year the Institutehas made a greatleap forward.The appointmentof PeterMorganas Directorof the Institutein June2002 is a landmarkin the recenthistoryof BIPS.Peteris planningto makea surveyat Darabgird, in Tehran.We andis currentlynegotiatingthe detailsof the projectwiththe IranianCulturalHeritageOrganisation can benefitfrom and academics that more students so of the BIPS arenowhopingto extenttheopeninghours library the excellentfacilities,and we will continuewith regularlectures.In addition,we are hopingto set up training coursesin archaeological techniquesforIranianstudentsandoccasionalcolloquiaandseminars.Peter'sappointment was madepossibleby an increasein the Institute'sgrantfromthe BritishAcademy,andwe aremostgratefulforthe Academy'shelp. TheTehranInstitutebuildinghasbeenthe venuefor a numberof lecturesduringthe lastyear.In October2001, ProfessorEdmundBosworth,jointeditorof ourjoumalIranamongsthis manyotheractivities,gave a lectureatthe Instituteentitled"TwoPioneersof the SilkRoad:SirAurelSteinandSvenHedin".ProfessorBosworthwas in Iran to IranianStudies.Laterin October,our to receivethe Bonyad-eDr MahmudAfsharAwardfor his contribution Procelain- Iranand the East".In and White "Blue a lecture entitled James Allan, gave President,Professor andin AugustMrAmin at Merv,Turkmenistan", FebruaryDr GabriellePuschnigggave a lectureon "Excavations Mahdavifrom the Universityof Edinburghdelivereda lecture on "The Decorationof Manuscriptsof the Shahnameh".

TheInstitute'slibrarywas staffedby Ms HilanKordmahini duringthe pastyear.As she left in Augustwe have The librarian. library,however,is not closed. We have temporarystaff begun the processof appointinga new of the librarycatalogue coveringthethreedaysperweekthatit is open.It is hopedto completethe computerisation the during comingyear. Apartfromthese activities,the Institutehas been busy with visitingstudents,researchersand academics.We continueto sponsorPersianstudies with our undergraduate bursaries,our various projects,and individual to continue andpostdoctoral develop,andthe resultsof someof thisresearchwill grants.Ourprojects postgraduate be publishedin the new "BIPS OccasionalSeries"with RoutledgeCurzon.BIPS has continuedto provide RelationsConference, sponsorshipfor a numberof conferences,suchas the RoyalAsiaticSociety'sAnglo-Iranian heldin Londonin June2002. At the 39th AGM on 9 November2001, the followingmemberswere elected to the GoverningCouncil: ProfessorJamesAllan,Dr FarhadDaftary,Dr VanessaMartin,MrChrisRundellandDr LukeTreadwell.Dr John Museumin New Curtisdid not standfor re-election,as he was at thattimeplanningto leave for the Metropolitan York,and Sir NicholasBarringtonsteppeddown fromthe AdvisoryCouncilaftera long associationwith BIPS. ProfessorAllan deliveredthe AGM lecture.Illustratedwith slides and entitled"Power,FaithandDaily Life:the Storyof Steelworkin IslamicIran",it was well attended.Also in November,the fourthBIPSWorkshopwas heldat the BritishAcademyin Londonand includedreportson BIPS projects,papersby BIPS grantsrecipients,and fromseveralIranianacademicsvisitingBritain.Theirvisitswerealsosponsoredby theBritishCouncil contributions of theAncientNearEastof the BritishMuseum.At the SummerLecturein June,the in Tehranandthe Department to Persian Institutecelebratedtheninetiethbirthdayof ProfessorA.K.S.Lambton.ProfessorLambton'scontribution studiesis well-knownanduniversallyacclaimed.ProfessorDavidMorgan,a formerstudentof ProfessorLambton and now at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, delivered a lecture in her honour entitled "Mongols in Iran- a Reappraisal". All these activities would not have been possible without the help of the British Academy, both in terms of finances and accommodation.We are most grateful for this continued support.The staff of both the Foreign and CommonwealthOffice and the London Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran have, as ever, been most helpful over the past year. Finally, the Governing Council would like to thankthe staff of the Institute,both in London and Tehran.Peter Knapton, Peter Davies, Houman Kordmahiniand Peter Morgan all deserve our warmest thanks for their dedication and commitment.

RobertGleave HonorarySecretary

JamesAllan President

iii

OBITUARY RONALD WHITAKERFERRIER 1929-2003 Ronald Ferrierand I first met as Freshmen in October 1949 at St. John's College, Oxford, although he went on to read Law and then English whilst I read Modem History.Hence it was only later in our lives that we came together, brought thither by a common experience of, and concern with, the Middle East in general and, specifically, with Persia. After graduation,Ronald helped for a while with his father'sbusiness but went on to teach English at Lille University and eventually, in 1962, arrived in Shiraz as Assistant Professor of English and then Chairmanof the English Departmentat the Pahlavi University there. He thus began a lifelong connection with the Middle East, but the stay in Shirazalso saw the beginning of a lifelong, happy marriagewith Badri Rofougar.Returningto England,in 1965 he embarked on a Ph.D. at the Queens' College, Cambridge,underProfessorCharlesWilson, on the subject of British-PersianRelations in the Seventeenth Century,which he submittedin 1970; the travellers,merchantsand diplomaticenvoys of that exciting century long held a fascination for him, as witnessed by his publications in the field (see below), and over the years he built up a libraryof their travel accounts and diaries.It was also the cause of our meeting up again aftera lapse of some fifteen years when I examined his thesis. In 1967 he became Group Historian and Archivist for the British Petroleum Company,a job which he held till retirementin 1989. This work brought Ronald professionally into the sphere of research on Iran,with its results embodied in The History of the British Petroleum Company, Vol.I, The Developing Years 1901-1932 (Cambridge, 1982). It dealt essentially with the Anglo-Persian Oil Company from its formationin 1909 to work the concession grantedby the Persian government to William Knox D'Arcy till the cancellation of the concession in 1932. The material for this massive volume of 830 pages Ronald gatheredlargely from the Company's archives in the UK, but the picture had to be fleshed out by materialskept abroadand informationfrom the survivingpersonnel involved, and these had to be gathered from various research journeys, including one of three months in Australia. The project has been continuedwith two furthervolumes on the post-1932 role of the Anglo-IranianOil Company and its successor BP, for which Ronald left behind on his retirementa considerableamount of materialfor other hands to utilise. During these years with BP, Ronald nevertheless found time for personal work. As part of his concern with British travellersto Persia, he wrote about Thomas Herbertin his article for this journal "The First English Guide Book to Persia: A Description of the Persian Monarchy",Iran XV (1977), and in the literary field - it will be rememberedthat he began as a student of English Literature- on "EdwardFitzgerald, a Reader 'of Taste', and Iran (London, 'Umar Khayyam",Iran XXIV (1986). He assisted Hossein Amirsadeghiin editing Twentieth-Century edited the and wrote the on "The of the Iranian oil He also 1977) lavishly-illustrated chapter development industry". The Arts of Persia (New Haven and London, 1989) and wrote the "Historical Introduction"and the chapter "Jewellery" for it; a Persian translation of this book subsequently appeared, Honar-ha-ye Iran (Tehran 1374 sh./1995). He contributeda chapter,"Women in Safavid Iran:the evidence of Europeantravellers",for the book

V

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

editedby GavinR.G.Hambly,Womenin theMedievalIslamicWorld(New York,1998).I myselfaskedhimto write the article"Naft.3. In the modem sense of oil: the MiddleEast and SouthEast Asian oil industries"for the Encyclopaediaof Islam,new edition,Vol.VII (Leiden1992). He also foundtimeto becomeinvolvedin activitiesandorganisations whichunderpinandsupportmorestrictly concerns: he for an member of the IranSocietyin London,at one time as its was, instance, energetic professional andhe was, at thetimeof his death,its Vice-President; andhe was a faithfulmemberof BIPS,servingas Secretary, a memberof the GoverningCounciluntil 1996. Ronalddied suddenlyat Hove, as the resultof an accident,on 14 March2003. A kindly,helpful,urbaneand courteousperson,Ronaldwill be muchmissedby his familyin LewesandLondonandby his manyfriends. C. EdmundBosworth

vi

THE BANESH-KAFTARIINTERFACE THE VIEW FROM OPERATIONH5, MALYAN By NaomiF. MillerandWilliamM. Sumner Universityof PennsylvaniaMuseumand Columbus,Ohio

The Kur River Basin (KRB) in Fars was the heartland of Elamite civilisation during the late secondmillenniaB.C.Earlierstill,therewas third/early a significant Proto-Elamitepresence in the late thirdmillennia.Malyan(ancientAnshan), fourth/early whichwas the urbancentreof ElamiteFars,hadbeen timesas themostimportant settlementin Proto-Elamite well (Sumner 1974, 1976, 1988). The ceramic assemblagesassociatedwith these two periods Kaftarifor the Elamite and Banesh for the ProtoElamiteperiods- aredistinctive. Archaeologicalsurveyand excavationsuggestthat during much of the third millennium, permanent in Fars.Theoriginand settlements virtuallydisappeared hiatusin the KRB is not natureof the Banesh/Kaftari in earlier clear.Givenits greatagricultural productivity to have been due climatic abandonment times, may in the and crisis subsistence factors system. resulting Alternatively,it may have been a consequenceof politicalprocesses;for example,the regionmighthave servedas a no man'slandbetweencompetingstatesor tribalgroups.At leastthreescenarioscanbe proposed: * The KRB was indeedabandonedby all but the mostoccasionalpasserby. * Settled occupationin the KRB ceased, but nomadicpastoralists passedthroughin springand area for summerpasture.To this or used the fall, day,Qashqa'ipastoralnomadshavea significant in effecton thepolitics,landuse andenvironment theregion(see Beck2003). * The KRB was largely, but not completely, abandoned by settledpeopleandpassingnomads. it wouldbe difficultto distinguish Archaeologically, thethreescenarios,sincethediscoveryof anymid-third millenniumremainswould supportall of them. If, however,we canidentifyandtracetheculturaloriginof the Kaftaristyle,it wouldbe helpful.Twopropositions relatedto this issue concernthe apparentdiscontinuity in settlementand ceramics at Malyan and its reas the primarysettlementof the KRB in establishment Kaftaritimes:

* Kaftari occupationrepresentsa replacement population,with little continuitywith the past, represented locallyby the Baneshtradition. * Kaftarioccupationis justa continuation, perhaps withsomenew influences,of the earlierBanesh tradition. Malyan,one of the few siteswith bothBaneshand Kaftariperiod deposits,is a good place to look for transitionalceramic forms or a transitionalartifact assemblagethatwouldsupportthe ideathattheKaftari of traditionwas an outgrowthratherthana replacement the Banesh. The areaof habitationat Malyanwas no morethan 130ha.Theremainsof a 20 m widemud-brick citywall, still extantin severalplaces,dateto the Baneshperiod and may have enclosed an area as large as 200 ha. (Sumner1985, 1988). There is a clear stratigraphic discontinuitybetweenthe Banesh and Kaftari-period depositsin some excavationareas.Banesh levels in OperationABC were separatedfromthe laterKaftari strata by an erosional episode of unknown, but apparentlycenturies-long,duration.Similar erosion surfacesmay also be presentbetweenLateBaneshand Kaftari strata in the trench across the city wall (OperationBY8). The TUV moundwas not occupied after the Banesh period, which leaves the deep soundingin the north-eastcomer of OperationGHI, presented in this report, as the only source of thatcan addressthe questionof continuity information betweenthe BaneshandKaftariperiods(Figs. 1, 2). THEH5 SOUNDINGIN OPERATION GHI1 OperationGHIis situatedon a low hill about2 m It was excavatedin aboveits immediatesurroundings. an effortto findbuildingsthatmightbe a sourceof the extensiveKaftaritrashdepositfoundin theupperlayers of OperationABC located60 m to the south-south-east of GHI.Theupper3 m of the depositwerea sequence of four substantialQaleh and Kaftariperiodbuilding

STUDIES

OF PERSIAN

JOURNAL

8

EAST

NORTH

r

22

Ilon

28b

28

b 28

-:-:

V77

5

27b023b

--

-F 4.5 m-

45 ILL

IV 23a

2

30

.27

m

S.4.50

-50:

28 .::

a..n

n

28a

c s-

337

7,?

0My

W

-

5,

.32

33 1b.i

3

i

i33a:

JT

1,

37-

i

~tIWE!,

honaated

0

36

3

F sf

37

M

-tirahi bibar

MajTh

Mao trtu bunar [nisint Mexavte 40 Ch-PrL"Clu 4F hroIs I Y. Deoiswt. 135Rock f ib???"Rodent~nsectburrows~ oudr

srtirp-i

BricW

* *

ri

C Troill D

Clfl[j q.9 1

k

t

with

ock Rode ntinstedt

A

arc altsh

But Yiricy burr os

SYheah

Orange ited Creertis Clay

Fig. 1. H5, north and east sections.

THE BANESH-KAFTARI

INTERFACE

H5, MALYAN

THE VIEW FROM OPERATION

-

24

B 277 b

227 ' 27a

S ..

5

..

...

r ,

r.27a:

" i

.

9

_

-4.50r..

...-..5.m....

"276? m.

..

..

b28b

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Y

sexcavated

c'

"-

b

ifR-

s~e-7A 31

C--77:wr | .U 3 .6:4 .

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...--

L

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-=,=---7

5,50

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"

S3.5

36,

36/1

Fig. 2. H5, southand west sections. levels. Within one of the rooms in Operation H5, we excavated a small sounding. Only 1.6 x 1.5 m at the top, it stepped down to 0.7 x 0.5 m about 6 m below the lowest floor of Building Level 3, the earliest building reached in H5. The goal of the deep sounding in H5 was to look for a stratigraphicconnection between the Banesh and Kaftariperiods.

StratigraphicAnalysis of the H5 Sounding For the most part, excavation under the supervision of Miller and Linda Jacobs proceeded by arbitrary levels. Consequently, many lots, coded in the field as "mixed," may contain material from several

depositionalepisodes or strataobservablein the section. Deposits distinguishablein the section may be grouped into broaderstratigraphicunits, so many lots which fall between strata may nevertheless be included in the analysis. This summary explains how the deposits, from earliest to later levels, can be grouped into major stratigraphicunits, E, D, C, B, A (Table 1).2 No walls were encountered during excavation and none were visible in the sections; surfaces, too, were few. The brickiest deposits were in the lowest unit (E), which is also the unit with various gravel and pebble layers (over an admittedlytiny area). Above E, the deposits tend to be trashy, with lenses of charcoal and ash not uncommon; it is probably no coincidence that there is

JOURNALOF PERSIAN STUDIES

10

TABLE1. Descriptionof the majorstratigraphic unitsand stratadepictedin the sectiondrawing(Internalhorizontallines indicaterelativelyclearseparationbetweenstrata). A

22 23a, b, c 24 25

soft, white ashy and charcoalfilled pit/thick lens soft whitish reddish,bricky grey ashy; pit?

B

26a 26b/c 27a 27b 27c

overlying pit 26b/c, but basically like 27 pit, cut into 27b reddishsoil reddishand greyish soil reddish soil

C

28a 28b 30 29a 29b

charcoaland ash lenses, partlyunclearboundarywith 27c trashy white ashy deposit thin layerof fine-grainedcompactorangesoil trashy,over orangeline

D

31a 31b 32

trashyyellowish sediments,withjar burial149 trashyyellowish sediments,with some trash ephemeralsurface

E

33a 33b 34 35 36 37

includespebblelayervisible in southsection yellowish brickysoil gravellayer,> 2 cm thick yellowish brickysoil gravel layer,c. 2 cm thick yellowish brickysoil

of majorstratigraphic Generalcharacterisation units: A: greyishandreddishsoft trashydepositswith severalthickcharcoal/ashlenses B: soft reddishtrashydeposits C: soft trashydepositswith many thickcharcoal/ashdeposits D: trashydeposits E: yellowish brickydeposits

little brick materialand that no expansesof clearly defined surfaces were found. The ceramics are discussedseparately. StratigraphicUnitE (strata37 to 33a) The oldest majorstratigraphic unit excavatedwas UnitE: thickness:2.06 m; areaat bottomc. 0.35 m2, at top c. 1.3m2.Thematrixconsistedprimarilyof yellowish brickysediments.The excavatedareais so small and the characterof the surrounding sedimentsis so

consistent that there is no reason to treatthe two gravel layers and one pebble lens as stratigraphicallysignificant. The few artifactsincluded a praise blade (mf 9372) and a jasper flake (mf 9599). StratigraphicUnit D (strata 32 to 31a) An ephemeralsurface(stratum32) separatesUnits E and D. In general, stratumD has a somewhat mixed character- ashy trash deposit, fairly soft reddish and

THE BANESH-KAFTARI

INTERFACE


H5, MALYAN

11

Fig. 3. Sherdsfrom stratigraphic Unit D.

greenish deposits,brick fragments.The areaat the top is about 0.7 m2. Unit D is about 1.6 m thick, with no obvious stratigraphic discontinuities. Halfway up, however, was a jar burial(featureno. 119/149). The jar, most of which was in the baulk, did not appearto be on a surface or cut into a pre-existingdeposit. An arbitrary division of this stratumassigns 31b to the lower half into which the jar presumablywas set, and 31a to the burial itself and deposit above it. The burial,thoughtto be of a child or young adolescent, may have been disturbedin antiquity- a skull was found first, over the jar. The flexed skull-less skeleton was within.

In addition to the burial assigned to stratum 31a, several significant finds were unearthed in strata 3 1b and 31a: wall cone fragment (mf 8811), the highest density of sealing clay and some sherd disks. Stratigraphic Unit C (strata 30/29b to 28a) Unit C is about 70 cm thick and about 1 m2 at the top. SeparatingUnit D from C is a thin orange layer (about 2 cm thick) that appearsin the south and east sections. Over this strata29b, 29a, 30, 28b and 28a comprise a group of poorly defined ashy trashy lenses and a pit within the surroundingmatrix.The deposit 29b, directly

JOURNALOFPERSIANSTUDIES

12

TABLE2. Ceramics fromtheH5 sounding. A

A/B

B

C

C/D

D

E

2.78

5.02

5.69

1.56

2.37

3.07

1.91

0

3

3

0

1

1

3

1 0 1 1 3

1 1 4 0 9

2 2 6 10 23

0 0 1 0 1

1 0 7 2 11

4 0 7 6 18

6 1 18 7 35

1.1 7 10

1.8 8 17

4.0 24 47

0.6 5 6

4.6 54 65

5.9 29 47

18.3 9 44

3.6

3.4

8.3

3.9

27.4

15.3

23.0

119

81

113

33

100

127

0

42.8

16.1

19.9

21.2

42.2

41.4

0

unit Majorstratigraphic Volume (m3)

Bevelledrimbowl Baneshstrawtempered tray pedestalgobletbase pedestalgobletrim other Baneshstrawtempered,sum Baneshstrawtempered density(sherds/m3) Baneshgrittempered,sum Baneshsherds,total Baneshsherds, densityof total(sherds/m3) Kaftarisherds,total Kaftarisherds,density (sherds/m3)

above the orange layer, is similar to the trashy sedimentsof stratum31a. It does seem to be roughly with the less distinctorangelayers of contemporary 29a, andso hasbeenplacedin StratumC. A depression (stratum30) filledwithwhiteashysoil appearsto be cut intoUnitD: 31a, butalsomaybe cutinto29b.A trashy layer,28b, lies directlyover 29b; thereis not a clear break,but in the field it was somewhat stratigraphic differentin colorandtexture.A seriesof charcoaland ash lenses overlying29a has been assignedto stratum 28a, even though on the west section it seems to becomesimilarin character to 28b (a less ashy,butstill soft trashydeposit). Artifactsof interestincludea big lump of sealing clay (mf 9024), a bone awl (mf 8600), a flintdrill(mf 9024), a limestonebowl rim(mf 8878) of a typefound in Baneshlevels camefroma mixedC/D lot (Fig. 3e), andmanysherddisks. StratigraphicUnitB (strata27c to 26a) Unit B is of variablethickness,about1.1 to 2.0 m, coveringan areaof about 1 m2. The main distinction betweenthe soft, trashydepositsof Unit C: 28b and Unit B: 27c, b, a, and26a, is thatthoseof B tendto be a bit reddishin colour.In all foursections,B lies over

the ash and charcoal-filled depositsof stratum28a. A in northandwest sections, no. visible pit (feature 105), was not stratigraphically excavated.A small bit of charcoal-filleddeposit is piled against its east side (26c),butthe fieldnotessuggestthatthebulkof thepit fill (26b)hadlowerconcentrations of charcoalandwas harderthan the materialinto which it was cut (27b and/or27c). Overlying27b and 26b, stratum26a is a reddish,slightlybrickydeposit.In the southsection,its interfacewith27b is unclear. Artifactsof interestincludemanysherddisks,some possiblesealingclay,andsomecopper/bronze. StratigraphicUnitA (strata25 to 22) the separation of UnitB fromUnit Stratigraphically, A is somewhatarbitrary. Unit A is about0.4 to 1.1 m deep, andthe areaexcavatedis about1.3 m2. A grey ashypit (stratum25) cutsinto27a andoverlies26b and 26a. A harder,reddish,bricky deposit (stratum24) overliesthatpit. Not distinguishedduringexcavation, thicklensesof charcoalandashareassignedto stratum 23. Stratum22 seemsto representa seriesof ashy,trash deposits,whichdistinguishesit fromstratum23. Thisdepositproduced a largeSumerian tabletwritten in Old Babylonianscript(mf 7950), a smallamountof

THE BANESH-KAFTARI INTERFACE THE VIEW FROM OPERATION H5, MALYAN

13

d

bP

pt A pt = paintthickening pt A

paintdrip g

pt--

0

5 cm

Fig. 4. Sherdsfrom stratigraphicUnitD. sealing clay, and an obsidian flake (mf 7785) from near Lake Sevan (Blackman1984: 48, MA0037). A bone pin (mf 7893) came from a mixed Unit A/B lot (Fig. 6F). Based on the pottery,strata22 and 23 representa Kaftari occupation (see below). Stratum22 was sealed by the Building Level 3 floor of H5.

Ceramicsfrom the H5 Sounding The general characteristics of the ceramic assemblage from the H5 deep sounding are outlined in

Table 2. The Banesh straw tempered counts have been checked by one of us (Sumner), but the Banesh grit tempered and Kaftari counts are field counts made by different individuals who may have used different attributesto identify diagnostic sherds. The following discussion relies more on the sherds presented in detail and illustrated than on the raw counts in Table 2. Nevertheless, the changing density pattern (sherds/m3) of straw tempered Banesh sherds is useful as an indication of changes in the ceramic assemblage or as an indication of site formation processes that transportedsherds from lower to higher deposits.

14

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Fig. 5. Sherdsfrom stratigraphic Unit C.

Stratigraphic Unit E The earliest deposit in the H5 sounding, Unit E, produced an assemblage of typical Banesh straw tempered ware: three bevelled rim bowls (hereafter BRB), six trays, one pedestal goblet base, eighteen pedestal goblet rims (for illustrationof these forms see Sumner 1974: figs. 4b, c, d, f and 5f, i), and seven miscellaneous straw temperedsherds.None of the nine Banesh grit tempered sherds were large enough to produce a profile, but several sherds had maroon paint, a Late Banesh attribute,or black paint on red slip. The

density of Banesh straw tempered sherds in Unit E, compared to their density in Unit A, together with the absence of Kaftarisherdsin Unit E, is taken as evidence that Unit E can be dated to the Banesh period. Stratigraphic Unit D Unit D also produced an assemblage of standard straw temperedBanesh types, but at a lower density5.9 sherds/m3.Late Banesh grit tempered sherds with black and maroon paint applied over a thin white slip also are found in this major stratigraphicunit. Other

THE BANESH-KAFTARI INTERFACE THE VIEW FROM OPERATION H5, MALYAN

15

Baneshgrittemperedformsincludesmallandmedium paintedclosed forms(Fig. 3b, d) a largeplum slipped storagejar with a club rim and finger impressed shoulderridge(Fig. 3c), a darkred shallowring base plate (Fig. 3f), and a variety of painted motifs festoons,diamonds,andmultiplezig-zag incorporating bands(Fig.4a-f). Similarformsandmotifsareknown fromBaneshlevelsat OperationABC, TUV,BY8, and a recentsoundingin the north-eastcomer of the city wall (Sumner1985,2003;Nicholas1990;Abdi2001). Burial149 was in a Baneshred slippedvessel with withthreeroperelief greygrittemperedbodydecorated bandsaroundtheshoulderanda singleropebandforming thebase.Therewas a hole in the centreof the basethat wasmadebeforethevesselwas fired.3Reliefropemotifs on heavygrittemperedsherdsandcoarsecookingware sherdsarefoundinbothKaftari(Nickerson1983:fig.41) andBanesh(Sumner1976:fig. 3) levels.Roughsherd disks,commonin Kaftarilevels,but rareor missingin Baneshlevels,firstappearin UnitD. The diagnosticceramicsfromUnit D also include three unusual items. The first of these is a small carinatedpot with a flame motif not seen before at Malyan(Fig.3a).Theflamemotifis paintedin blackon a lightbrickyredmattesurfacebelow an assortmentof bands,meanders,verticalstripes,and an hour glass paintedin eitherblack or maroon.This pot is very similarto a groupof Late Banesh carinatedvessels foundin thecitywall(Sumner1985:fig. 3J-M;see also Abdi2001:fig. 22:7).Similarcarinatedpaintedvessels areknownfromSusaIVA(Carter1980:fig. 28:1, 2, 7; see also Steve and Gasche1971:pl. 16:7),and Godin 1116,5 (Henrickson1986:figs. 4:3, 4; 10:10).4 An unusualrim sherd has black painted stripes acrossthe top of the rimandbrownbandson the edge of therimandbelowtheriminsideandout(Fig.4). The pasteis orangewith a greycoreandfine strawtemper; therimis thickenedat threeplacesbetweentherimand shoulder.Strongparallelsforthissherdareunknownin either Banesh or Kaftari assemblages. The other unusualfind in StratumD is a small incised grey

bothUnitsB andC meetourgeneralexpectationin that Baneshdensity is lower than in Units D and E and higherthanin A. ThispatternimpliesthattheBaneshto Kaftaritransitionor replacement,whicheverit may have been, happenedsomewherein the time between the datesof Units D and A in the H5 sounding.It is possiblethatthe typicalBaneshstrawtemperedforms continuedto be producedandused in Units C and B, but it seems more likely that theirpresencein these layersis a resultof site formationprocessesthatbring sherdsup fromearlierlayers. Variantsof the grit temperedopen and restricted formswith roundedor expandedrims(Figs. 5a, b, 6a, b) are foundin all Baneshdepositsexcavatedto date (Nicholas1990:pls. 20, 21; Sumner1985:fig. 4; 2003: formsarequiterarein Kaftari figs. 24, 25). Comparable deposits. Close parallels seem to be rare in other assemblages,but some generalsimilaritiesappearat SusaIII/IV(Carter1980:figs. 10:3,13:6,15:11,25:7). The groupof threesmallpots decoratedwithbands (Fig. 5c, d, e) have strawtemper,with some fine grit temperas well. Smallpots of this type arecommonin the Kaftariassemblage,but the great majorityhave painteddecorationcoveringmost of the vessel (see Sumner1974:fig. 6f-h). Parallelsfor these smallpots are not common,but are found in Susa IVA (Carter 1980:fig. 24:3), in Godin1115(Henrickson1986:fig. 10:2)andat Tal-eZohakin Fars(Miroschedji, personal A small pot with the paintedrim is communication). madeof a grittemperedredbuffpastethatis commonin Baneshbutrarein Kaftari.Otherpaintedwaresinclude severalLate Banesh sherdswith maroonpaint on a whitewash or red slip, includinga closedformwith a shoulderridge,andtwo sherdsof unknownaffinitywith a uniquelineargeometricpainteddesign(Fig. 6g, h). OtherceramicfindsincludeKaftarisherddisks.

burnishedgrit tempered sherd.

mixed A/B lot (Fig. 6d), a black on red slipped bowl (Fig. 7c), a small red slipped storagejar rim (Fig. 7b), and a miniaturebuff ware bowl (mf 7845, Fig. 6e) from a mixed A/B lot. Other diagnostic Kaftari sherds included streaky brown slip, bichrome buff, and red slipped sherds with bitumen repairs. The small bowl with black paint on red slip (Fig. 6c) from a mixed A/B lot is also typical Kaftari. It has been shown that red

Stratigraphic Units C-B Major stratigraphicunits B and C together with several sherds from mixed C/D lots produceda ceramic assemblage that has both Kaftariand Banesh elements. The general pattern presented by this combined assemblage is shown in Table 2. The density patternin

StratigraphicUnitA Unit A produced a variety of typical Kaftari ceramics:a redslippedtripodvessel leg (mf 9390, Fig. 7e), a burnishedred slipped carinatedbowl from a

16


Fig. 6. Sherds and objects from stratigraphic Unit B and A/B.

slipped sherdsmake up about40% and buff sherds makeup about60%in earlyKaftarilevels;redslipped sherdsthendecreasein relativefrequencythroughtime. By this measure,BuildingLevel 4 in GHI, roughly with Unit A in the H5 sounding,is the contemporary earliestKaftaribuildingexcavatedto date (Nickerson 1983:table19). The most unusualsherdfrom Unit A is a unique variantof theKaftarileftfacingbirdmotif(Fig.7a).This sherd depicts three birds swimming to the left in associationwith several floral motifs. Like typical Kaftaribirds,thesebirdsarefat,butthegeneralshapeof thebodyis quitedifferent,therendering of theheadand beak is different,and the tails turnup, unlike other Kaftaribirds(Sumner1974:fig. 7; 1999:fig. 4). The floralmotifin thebandabovethebirdsoccurson many

Kaftaripots,buttheleavesarein all othercasesfilledin solidratherthandrawnin outline.Birdsfacingleft that in styleto Kaftaribirdsoccurin verylow arecomparable frequencyonly in Susa IVA (Ville Royale1:9)(Carter 1980:figs. 28:14;29: 9) and firstappearin the Godin 1986:fig. 8:2,3). sequencein LevelIII5(Henrickson The smallspoutedvessel paintedblackon red slip on redgrittemperedware(Fig. 7f) probablyshouldbe classifiedas transitionalor Late Banesh. The small carinatedbowl (Fig. 7d) with dark brown paint on orangebuff grit temperedware is close to Kaftariin shape,but the row of connectedpaintedballs is not otherwiseknownin the Kaftariassemblage. Unit A also producedseveral sherds of Banesh straw tempered ware (Table 2) and several grit temperedBaneshsherdsincludinga nose lug and a

THE BANESH-KAFTARI

INTERFACE


H5, MALYAN

17

Fig. 7. Sherdsfrom stratigraphic Unit A.

sherdwithmaroonpaintappliedovera thinwhitewash. The H5 soundingproducedrelativelyfew sherds andotherfinds.Severalpebblysurfaceswere detected in the soundingthatcouldrepresenterosionalepisodes similarto the interfacebetween Banesh and Kaftari depositsin ABC. However,the stylisticprogression between H5 Unit D, with a typical Late Banesh assemblage,and Unit A, with a typicalearly Kaftari assemblage,impliesat leastsome degreeof continuity of occupationat Malyanthroughthe thirdmillennium. Thisview is not contradicted by the mixtureof Banesh andKaftariattributes, andthepresenceof ceramictypes previouslyunknownat Malyanin UnitsC andB. THEBANESH-KAFTARI TRANSITIONAND THETHIRDMILLENNIUMHIATUS Arguments have previously been advanced in favourof a mid-thirdmillenniumhiatusin sedentary

occupationof centralFars- fromabout2800 to 2200 B.C. (Sumner1986, 1989). Ceramicparallelsin Susa IV andGodin1116/5for the smallceramicassemblage in Units B throughD of the H5 soundingsuggestthat LateBaneshdoesnotendbeforethemiddleof thethird of millennium,c. 2400-2500 B.C. A reconsideration the Susa and Godin parallelsfor the Late Banesh assemblagefromOperationBY8 in the city wall leads to the sameconclusion. Itnow seemspossible,althoughnotestablishedwith completeclarity,thatthe earlieststagesin the evolution of theKaftariceramicstyleareseenin UnitsB andC of the H5 deep sounding.If so, there is no reason to believethatthis developmentdid not continuethrough the thirdmillenniumuntilthe fully articulatedKaftari style was establishedin the Shimashkiperiod, c. 2200-1900 B.C. The evidence,however,is still strongfor a radical decline in the sedentarypopulationof the valley beginningin theLateBaneshperiod,perhapsas earlyas


18

2800 and lastinguntilabout2300 B.C. This evidence, Miller's section drawing;Figs. 3-7 by Lindsay Shafer; the sherds in Figs. 4a-f and 6g, h were drawn by N.F. presentedin detailelsewhere(Sumner2003),is basedon Miller from a photographictransparency.N. F. Miller theextremerarityof LateBaneshdiagnosticceramicsin Alden'svery largesurfacecollectionsor in soundings would also like to thank Michael Danti for helpful conductedby VandenBerghein some 25 sites in the discussions about the section drawings. region(Alden 1979:tables38 and47; VandenBerghe 1952, 1953-54).Theexistenceof theproposedhiatusis also supportedby the smallnumberof sites thatwere Notes inhabitedin bothBaneshandKaftaritimesandby the GHIis theabbreviated radiocarbon designationforfourcontiguous10 chronology(VoigtandDyson 1992). x 10 m operationsindividuallydesignatedH5, G5, H7 During this period Malyan and perhapsseveral and G7. At Malyan,"lot"refersto the minimumunitof othersites may have been occupiedby a smallsedenexcavation.Registeredobjects were assigned Malyan with a ceramic tradition that eventually tarypopulation findnumbers(mf). evolvedinto the matureKaftaristyle foundat Malyan 2 The numberingof stratahere (22 to 37) closely follows late in the third millennium.Althoughthere is no that of the 1978 post-excavationsummary;therehave evidencefor anythingbuta verysmallsedentarypopubeen a few minoradjustments. For this report,material lation in the Kur River Basin duringthe mid-third from the of a nomadic the millennium, presence major stratigraphicunits comes from the popupastoral lation is possible. The Jalyan cemetery provides following H5 lots: A: lots 152-160, 221; A/B: lots circumstantial evidencein supportof thisnotion. 160-170; B: lots 171-179; B/C: lots 180, 186; C: lots This tentativeconclusionaccordswell with the 181-183, 185;C/D:lots 184; 187-192;D: lots 193-203, broaderview recentlyexpressedby Miroschedji: 210, 220: D/E:lot 204; E: lots 205-209, 211-219. 3

Theresemblances betweenthepaintedwaresfound in in cemeteriesof westernandeasternLurestan, tombsatMusiyanandat Susaandin contemporary the graves of the Jalyancemeteryin easternFars

1974)suggestthe (Carter1984:fig. 9; Miroschedji the the thirdmillennium toward middle of existence, cultural affinities betweenthe B.C.E.,of strong centralandsouthernZagrosrange,fromsouthern Kurdestan to easternFars,resultingpresumably from similaritiesin ways of life and seasonal movements of nomads.Thisbasicunityshapedthe riseof the Elamite foundation forthe forthcoming kingdomsof Awan, Shimashki,and Anshan. 2003:24) (Miroschedji In the light of these correspondences,we may perhapsenvisagetheriseof theKaftaripolityoccurring in a context of ongoing interactionsamong mobile pastoralgroupsandsparsesettledpopulations.

Acknowledgments The illustrations were prepared at MASCA from original field drawings under the supervision of Stuart J. Fleming (Figs. I and 2 by Michael SheehanfromN.F.

4

Thisvessel,mf 9743,wasrecoveredlatein theseasonand was neverreconstructed, or drawn;it is in photographed, theNationalMuseumof Iran(IranBastan)in Tehran. A previousdiscussion(Sumner1985) of Late Banesh citedparallelsin SusaIII;Sumnernow believesSusaIV parallelsaremoreconvincing.

Bibliography Abdi,K. 2001."Malyan1999",Iran39, 73-98. in Banesh EconomicOrganization Alden,J.R.1979."Regional PeriodIran".Ph.D. Dissertation, of Department Anthropology,Universityof Michigan,AnnArbor. andTheirUse NomadicPastoralists Beck,L. 2003."Qashqa'i of Land",in Yekibud, yeki nabud, Essays on the Archaeology of Iranin Honorof WilliamM SumnerN.F. MillerandK. Abdi(eds.),LosAngeles,289-304. Studiesof Middle Blackman,M. James.1984."Provenance EasternObsidianfrom Sites in HighlandIran",in ACS Advancesin ChemistrySeries,No. 205. Archaeological III,JosephB. Lambert(ed.), 19-50. Chemistry in Ville RoyaleI at Susa:The Carter,E. 1980."Excavations ThirdMillennium B.C.Occupation", CDAFI11, 11-134. 1984. in "Archaeology",Elam:SurveysofPoliticalHistory and Archaeology, E. Carterand M.W.Stolper,Berkeley, California,103-313.

THE BANESH-KAFTARIINTERFACETHE VIEW FROMOPERATIONH5, MALYAN

R. C. 1986."ARegionalPerspective on GodinII: Henrickson, in Iran Cultural Central Iran", 24, 1-55. Development Western 1974. P. de. une Miroschedji, "T6p6Jalyan, necropoledu IIIle ArtsAsiatiques millenaireav.J.-C.auFarsoriental(Iran)", 30, 19-64. MajorTrendsin theHistory - 2003."SusaandtheHighlands:

R611ig(eds.), Beiheftzum TilbingerAtlas des Vorderen Orients,ReiheB, Nr.26, Wiesbaden,199-211. -

1988. "Maljan, Tall-e (Ansan)", Reallexikon der Assyriologie und VorderasiatischenArchdologie, Band

7(3/4),306-20. 1989. "Anshanin theKaftariPhase:Patternsof Settlement --

of ElamiteCivilization",in Yekibud,yeki nabud,Essays on the Archaeology of Iran in Honor of WilliamM Sumner,

and Land Use", in Archaeologia Iranica et Orientalis: Miscellanea in Honorem Louis VandenBerghe, L. De

N.F.MillerandK. Abdi(eds.),LosAngeles,17-38. Nicholas, I. M. 1990. Malyan ExcavationReports. Vol.L The Proto-ElamiteSettlementat TUV Philadelphia.

19

MeyerandE. Haerinck(eds.),Gent,135-61. -

1999. "TheBirds of Anshan",in TheIranian World:Essays on Iranian Art and Archaeology Presented to Ezat O.

Nickerson,J. L. 1983."Intrasite Variability duringthe Kaftari Negahban, A. Alizadeh, Y. Majidzadeh,and S.M. PeriodatTal-eMalyan(Anshan),Iran".Ph.D.Dissertation, Shahmirzadi (eds.),Tehran,85-100. of Anthropology, The Ohio StateUniversity, - 2003. MalyanExcavationReports, VolumeIII.Early Urban Department Columbus. Life in the Land ofAnshan: Excavationsat Tal-eMalyanin de Suse",MDP the Highlands oflran, Philadelphia. Steve,M.-J.andGasche,H. 1971."L'Acropole 46. VandenBerghe,L. 1952."Archaeologische in de Opzoekingen 1974. at Tall-i Mary "Excavations Dasht Vlakte (Iran)".Jaarberichtex OrienteLux 12, W.M. Sumner, Malyan,1971-72", Iran 12, 155-80. 211-20, pls.XLVIII-LIV. - 1976."Excavations at Tall-iMalyan(Anshan)1974",Iran - 1953-54."Archaeologische in de Omstreken Navorsingen van Persepolis".Jaarberichtex OrienteLux 13, 394-408, 14, 103-15. - 1985."TheProto-Elamite Iran CityWallatTal-eMalyan", pls. LXXXV-LXXXIX. 23, 153-61. Voigt,M.M.andDyson,R. H. Jr.1992."TheChronologyof - 1986. "Proto-Elamite Civilizationin Fars",in Gamdat Iran, ca. 8000-2000 B.C.", in Chronologiesin Old World Nasr: Period or Regional Style?, U. Finkbeinerand W. R.W.Ehrich(ed.),Chicago,122-78. Archaeology,

EXCAVATIONSAT SHAHR-I SOKHTA FIRST PRELIMINARYREPORTON THE EXCAVATIONSOF THE GRAVEYARD,1997-2000 By S.M.S.Sajjadi R. ShiraziandS. Baghestani) (Withcontributions by F. Foruzanfar, Iranian CulturalHeritage Organisationand Universityof Sistan and Baluchistan

Shahr-iSokhta(BurntCity), with its exceptional extensionof c. 151ha.,is located56 km.southof Zabol on the roadthat leads to Zahedanin the provinceof Sistanand Baluchistan(Fig. 1), one of the most arid areasin the easternpartof theIranianPlateau(Biscione et al 1977:74). The city owes its existenceduringthe fourthandthirdmillenniumB.C.to theHyrmandRiver, andthe site, amongthe largestproto-historical ones of the wholeIranianplateau,is foundon the highestpoint of thenorthern partof itsancientdelta,on thestripof the RamRudterrace.1 Almost120ha. of the site arecoveredwithdifferent witha high culturalmaterials, mostlypotteryfragments, in the easternsection.The site reachedits concentration extension duringperiodII, at almost80 ha. (ibid., peak The area of theBurntCityhasbeendividedinto 81-82). threemainpartsby theItalianExpedition (ibid.),although a moredetaileddivisiontakesthisnumberto five: 1. TheEasternResidentialArea,locatedon thehighest pointof the site. 2. The Great Central Area, or Central Quarters, separatedfrom the western,southernand eastern areasby deepdepressions. foundin thenorth-western 3. TheCraftsman Quarters, partof the site. 4. TheMonumental Area,locatedeastof theCraftsman with several Quarters high hills representing differentarchitectural buildings(Mariani1990). 5. The GraveyardArea, which occupies the southwesternpartof the site coveringalmost25 ha. The estimatednumberof gravesrangesbetween25000 and40000 (Fig.2). Thesitewas firstdiscoveredandinvestigated by Sir In AurelSteinin the earlydecadesof the last century.2 of IsMEO(nowIsIAO), 1967a groupof archaeologists under the direction of Maurizio Tosi, began new extensiveexcavationsand investigations(Jung2001: XVIII). The first and immediate findings were andtheItalianExpeditioncontinuedworking surprising, 21

until1978,obtaining brilliantresults,whichhavealready beenpublished.3 The secondcycle of investigations, by ICHO,beganin 1997andis stillongoing.4 The IranianArchaeologicalExpeditionbegan its work by studyingthe graveyardin 1997. Duringthe thirdcampaign,in 1999, the MonumentalArea was examined,while the fourthcampaign,in 2000, saw the excavation of the eastern portion of the Eastern ResidentialArea. Finally,duringthe sixth campaign, whichlastedfromOctoberto December2002,thework areaof the site,close was extendedto thenorth-western to theCraftsman Quarters.5 The graveyardwas discoveredquitefortuitouslyin 1972(Piperno1977:137),andwas excavateduntil1978 underthe directionof M. Pipemo(Pipemo& Tosi 1974; Piperno1977,1979,1986:Pipemo& Salvatori1983).It has been estimatedto coveran areaof 20-25 ha. The Italianmissionexcavatedan areaof almost3,000 sq.m. uncoveringabout 230 graves. On the basis of the concentration and densityof the graves,approximately one in every12 sq.m.,the graveyard hasbeenestimated to containabout18,000graves(Bonoraet al. 2000:495).6 Thegraveyard is locatedin thesouth-western portion of the site in a uniformandalluvialterrain,wherethere remains.This no otherarchaeological are, apparently, areais separated fromtheurbanpartby a largeanddeep alluvialanduniformdrain.Thegraveyard is dividedinto threemainsections;northern, centralandsouthern parts. The excavationsof the Italianexpeditionwere mainly carriedout in the northernandcentralparts,with some scatteredtrenchesin other directions(Pipemo 1977: 115). The IranianExpeditionconcentratedits work mainlyin thecentralpartwitha few limitedtesttrenches in thenorthernandsouthernsections. The groundsurfaceof the northernsectionof the graveyardcontainstiny gravels,mainlycoveredby a layerof saltyterrainmixedwith soft sand.Below this surfacelevel,thereis a layerof solidifiedcrustof sand15-20 cm., lyingabove clay andsalt,of approximately

JOURNAL

22

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

62

61

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:Iran

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Fig. 1. Sistan: Shahr-i Sokhta and Dahaneh-ye Qolaman (Modified after Fairservis 1961).

AT SHAHR-I

EXCAVATIONS

SOKHTA

23

MONUMENTALAREA CRAFTSMENQUARTERS

CENTRAL QUARTERS

RESIDENTIALAREA

GRAVEYARD "

BURNT BUILDING AREA

I '.

SI

pifil

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Fig. 5. ElamitePeriod SettlementPatternin Mianab Plain.

Fig. 6. AchaemenidPeriodSettlementPatternin Mianab Plain.

Witha totalareaof c. 10.95ha,thesesitesarelocatedat a shortdistancefromeachotherin the southernpartof the plain. The Susa D pottery here is closely comparablein shape,styleof decorationandrepertoire of motifs to the contemporaryhighlandpottery of GodinIII/6 and those foundin Acropolislevels 12-7 andVille Royallevel IVA-B (Figs.4, 13)

of c. 33.71 ha, 11 sites datingto the MiddleElamite phase(1600/1500-1000B.C.) with a total area of c. 28.93 and 10 sites datingto the Neo-Elamitephase (1000-646 B.C.) with a totalareaof c. 22.91 ha. The majorityof the sites are at a shortdistancefrom the Karunonly KS-1586andKS-1614arelocatednearthe Ab-i Gargar(Fig. 5).

The Elamite Occupation

The Achaemenid Occupation

The Elamiteperiodwitnesseda rapidincreasein population.We found21 sites with a total areaof c. 102.11 ha datingfrom the Old Elamiteto the NeoElamiteperiod.We found 14 sites datingto the Old Elamitephase(1800-1600/1500B.C.)witha totalarea

Witha totalareaof c. 120.10ha,we couldrecognise 29 Achaemenid sites. This indicates a continued increasein theregionalpopulationfromtheearlierNeoElamiteperiod.twelve per cent of the sites are more than5 ha andtheremaining88%areless than5 ha.The

ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN THE MIANAB PLAIN, SOUTH-WESTERN IRAN

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3

66 L~krn

.... .__..km

Fig. 7. ParthianPeriod SettlementPatternin the Mianab Plain.

Achaemenid remains were primarily found in associationwith sites with an Elamaiteoccupation. TeppehDarooqeh(KS-1593)is the largestpopulation centre and presumablythe most importantin the Mianab(Fig. 6). The Parthian Occupation

Sixty-foursites date to the Parthianperiod. The witha Parthian sitesincludemoundsandmound-clusters, totalareaof c. 740.15ha,thatis 1.85%of theplainarea. fiftypercentof thesitesareunder1 ha,74.6%between1 to 10,and6.3%arebetween10to 100ha.Theincreasein the regional populationfrom the previous period

Fig. 8. SasanianPeriod SettlementPatternin Mianab Plain.

continuedin thisphaseas well.Thissharpincreasein the musthavebeendirectlyrelatedto size of thepopulation in the the irrigationsystemintroduced by the Parthians It that inthe seems of lowland Susiana. south-western part the of northern partof theMianabplain, density irrigation to thedensityof thesites'distribution. canalscorresponds centrein thisperiod,which In fact,thelargestpopulation is locatedatthecentreof theParthian is called"Dastva", irrigationsystem. Dastva had been discoveredand excavatedin 1985by MehdiRahbar(1999). the construction Ourprimaryreasonfor attributing of the Darioonirrigationsystemto the Parthianperiod is the linear distributionpatternwhich the Parthian settlementsexhibit along the irrigationcanals that emanatedfromShushtarin antiquity(Fig. 7).


104

E 48 45

E 48 50

E 48 55

E

49"00

E 49 05

E 48 45

E 48 50

E 48 55

E 49 00

E 49 05

2 SHUSHTAR

SHUSHTAR

8 19 z

11

1742 16A

272•5 15&

80 8183

24A

88

41

294A36 34A A41

88 35A 39

U)

43,&45A89

i92

z

80

86 A85 ?

4124

>

445

z 929

i

87

93

910810O 110 1103112 113A112

96

102 k98 A 00 1

A98

106 10'4 1051

m

2

z

47

113A

103

107 119

49 4

S

i

48

101

46

119

450

I16

118

62 A59 415

120A

63A

67V 6

118

S &116 1204

s65A 644 z

A9910 111*1

465 58 A 1121

.

67E

121

.58

z

667W A67E

454

&52

69472 71

69A72 68470 7312

7578

0

Dez Rive Band- Qir

0

AncientSite 6 3 kkm

%$

ULJ

SBand-e o

12 2 B~ Qir

0

AncientSite 3 6

__.______km

Fig. 9. EarlyIslamicPeriod SettlementPatternin Mianab Plain. The Sasanian Occupation

Witha totalareaof c. 706.15ha,the Sasanianoccupationscoverc. 1.76%of the plainarea.The 54 sites period,of datingto thisperiodconsist,as in theParthian mound-clusters. and mounds Twentyper cent of single between the sitesareunder1 ha, 67.9% 1 to 10 ha, and 7.5%arebetween10 to 100ha,and3.7%aremorethan 100ha. Thus the numberof sites between 1-10 ha thatlargerpopulation decreasesin thisperiod,indicating centresbecamemorefeasibleintheSasanian period.This in irrigation wasperhapsdueto advancement techniques. In additionto the sites surveyed,we also visited suchas bridgesanddamswithin Sasanianconstructions as well as thecastleat town of andoutsidethe Shushtar, whichis knownlocallyas "Salasel".Shushtar Shushtar, was supposedlyfoundedby ArdashirI (AD 224-41) or

Fig. 10. MiddleIslamicPeriod SettlementPatternin MianabPlain.

his son Shapur(241-73). If thisis thecase,as suggested by the Sasanianremainsin the townas well as the vast andcomplexhydrolicsystem,thenShushtarmusthave been the largestpopulationcentrein the Mianabplain duringthe Sasanianperiod(Fig. 8). The Islamic Occupations

We could identify 74 sites related to the first centuriesof the earlyIslamicperiod(seventh-eleventh centuriesA.D.) and 52 sites to the Middle Islamic centuriesA.D.). Witha total period(eleventh-fifteenth areaof c. 719.26ha. (1.79%of theplain),earlyIslamic in the northernpartof the sites are moreconcentrated plain.About41%of the EarlyIslamicsitesareunder1 ha, 50.6%arebetween1 and10, and5.4%arebetween


105

10 and 100 ha, 27%aremorethan 100 ha. Compared the westernpart of the plain and near the Karun.It with the previousperiod,the numberof occupations should be noted that the existence of about 30 near the Ab-i Gargar increased. The settlements Achaemenidsitesin thisareacouldprovidea chanceto findoutmoreaboutordinaryAchaemenidoccupations. graduallyspreadnorthwardsand it seems that the Islamictownof Shushtardevelopedgradually(Fig. 9). With regardto the Parthianperiod,we are faced The Middle Islamic occupations cover about with a considerableincreasein sites and,therefore,in 682.17ha (1.7%of theplainarea).About39.2%of the population.A searchfor possiblereasonswhichmight sites wereunder1 ha, 52.9%between1 and 10, 3.9% havecausedtheseabruptchangesmayhelpus to make arebetween20-100 ha. and3.91%aremorethan 100 a betterinterpretation. In ourpreliminary investigations ha, constitutingone of the importantMiddleIslamic to identifythese causes,it becameclearthatParthian populationcentresof the region. These settlements, occupationsare closely relatedto ancient irrigation which were nearthe Ab-i Gargar,shiftedtowardsthe canalsin the area.It is thereforeimportantto find out west andnorth.In comparisonwiththepreviousphase, moreaboutthehydraulicsystemwithits mainstructure the settlements during the Middle Islamic phase located in Shushtaritself, and its relationshipwith becomemorelinearandshiftedto the northernpartof occupationpatterns. the plain.In the otherpartsof the plain,they became It seems that this is one of the best areas for more scattered and Shushtar developed into an investigating the transitionalphase between Late SasanianandEarlyIslamicperiodsandthe subsequent importantIslamictown (Fig. 10). changesthathappenedin social, economical,political andculturalstructures. CONCLUSION Altogetherthereare two phases in the important of humansandenvironment in thisregion: relationship On the basisof this season'sdata,we can illustrate one beforeandone afterachievingextendedhydraulic basic settlementpatternsof the Mianabplain (Figs. technology. We can classifythe pre-Parthian 2-10), showing the approximateoccupied area and periodsunderthe in each first It seems that on the basis of some quantity period(Table2). phase. The densityof occupationin the protohistoricand preliminary surveyswe conductedin the easternpartof the Ab-i Gargar,this region and its geomorphologic prehistoricperiodsis verylow andvery scattered,with no certainpattern.LateSusiana1 occupationsarelarger features,whichshouldbe investigatedin future,could in numbersthan those of the protohistoricand Uruk give us cluesto someof thequestionsabouttheMianab periods.They aremorecentredin the southernpartof plain's settlementchangesup to the beginningof the theplain.Anotherfactis the lackof occupationsearlier Parthianperiodandthereafter. thanLS 1, whichseemsquestionable. In addition,there The abruptpopulationincrease in the Parthian is a considerablegap between LS 1 and the Uruk period indicatesthe beginningof the second phase. period.We couldidentifyone of two Uruksettlements Continuouspopulationincreasein subsequentperiods, by a test trenchin KS-1617.Whicheventscouldhave the continuinguse of thenew hydraulictechnology,the caused this gap and why were there no earlier creation of different irrigationsystems, and other settlements? to its furtherdevelopment techniqueswhichcontributed Our knowledgeaboutdifferentElamitephases is and finallyits decline,arethe most importantfeatures based on potterydata (Figs. 14, 15) and in orderto of thisphase. establisha moreprecisechronologyfor thisperiodwe We hope to be able to answerthese questionsby more have to set some stratigraphic soundings at several preciseinvestigationsandourfurthersurveys. possible Elamite sites in this area. Elamite sites are mostly located in the western partof the plain. The two sites near Ab-i Gargar seem to be related to Elamite sites located in the easternpart of the river and will be surveyed next season. To some extent the same seems to be true about Achaemenid settlements.They are generally located in

Acknowledgements The authorswould like to thank other members of the team for their studies on pottery collections: Ms Shahrbanu Soleimani for the Islamic pottery, Mrs

106

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Fig. 11. Mianab Plain; samples ofprehistoric potsherds. Scale 1: 2.5.


107

No.

Site No.

Description

References

1

KS-1617

Buffware;slip;grittemper.Brownpaint

Cf. Dollfus,1983,fig.87:2

2

KS-1617

Buffware;slip;grittemper.Darkbrownpaint

?

3

KS-1617


Alizadeh,1992,fig.25:B

4

KS-1617

Buff ware;slip;grittemper.Brownpaint

Ibid. , fig.26:M

5

KS-1617


Dollfus,1971,fig.12

6

KS-1617


Cf. Dollfus,1983,fig.73:2

7

KS-1617


?

8

KS-1617


Alizadeh,1992,fig. 25: A

9

KS-1580

Buffware;slip;gritandstrawtemper.Green-brown paint

Delougaz, Kantor& Alizadeh,1996,pl.181:N

10

KS-1617

Buffware;grittemper.Brownpaint

?

11

KS-1593

Green-buffware;grittemper.Greenpaint

Delougaz,Kantor& Alizadeh.,1996,p1.159

12

KS-1617

Green-buffware;slip;grittemper.Darkbrownpaint

Steve& Gasche,1971,pl.91: 12

13

KS-1617

Green-buffware;slip;grittemper.Brownpaint

Ibid. , pl.91: 10

14

KS-1616

Creamware;grittemper.Red-brownpaint

Ibid. , pl.91: 10

15

KS-1593


Ibid. , pl.91: 10

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Fig. 12. Mianab Plain: samples of Urukpotsherds. Scale 1:2.5.


109

No.

Site No.

Description

References

I

KS-1508

Buffware;grittemper

Delougaz, Kantor& Alizadeh,1996,pl.92:A

2

KS-1508

Green-buff ware;strawandgrittemper

Delougaz, Kantor& Alizadeh1996,pl.83 & Gasche,1971,pl.26: 12, 30: 14

3

KS-1508

Green-buff ware;strawandgrittemper

Delougaz, Kantor& Alizadeh,1996,pl.83 & Gasche,1971,pl.26: 12, 30: 14

4

KS-1617

Dark-buffware;slip;gritandstrawtemper

Steve& Gasche,1971,pl.24:50

5

KS-1617

Lightbrownware;slip;gritandstrawtemper

Steve&Gasche,1971,pl.27: 14

6

KS-1617

Buffware;slip;grittemper

Johnson,pers.comm.

7

KS-1508

Buffware;grittemper

DelougazKantor& Alizadeh,1996,pls.112-114, 120-123 Gasche,1971,pl.25:41, 29: 15, 32: 68

8

KS-1617

ware;slip;gritandstrawtemper Orange-buff

Johnson,pers.comm.

9

KS-1508

Brown-buffware;slip;grittemper

Delougaz,Kantor& Alizadeh,1996,pl.80 & Gasche,1971,pl.32:40

10

KS-1508

Brown-buffware;slip;grittemper

Delougaz, Kantor& Alizadeh,1996,pl.87

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Fig. 13. Mianab Plain: samples of Susa D postsherds. Scale 1.2.5.


No.

Site No.

Description

References

1

KS-1558

Buffware;grittemper.Darkgreenpaint

?

2

KS-1558

Buffware;grittemper.Green-brown paint.

Carter,1980,fig.28:5

3

KS-1558

Buffware;grittemper.Darkbrownpaint

Carter,1980,fig. 28

4

KS-1558

Light-buffware;grittemper.Darkbrownpaint

?

5

KS-1558

Dark-buffware;grittemperDarkbrownpaint.

Steveet Gasche,1971,pls.16,17

6

KS-1558

Grey-buffware;grittemper.Darkbrownpaint

Carter,1980,fig.28

7

KS-1616

Green-buffware;slip;grittemper.Greenpaint

?

8

KS-1616

Green-buffware;slip;grittemper

Steve& Gasche,1971,pl.22: 14?

9

KS-1558

Buffware;grittemper.Lightbrownpaint.

Steve& Gasche,1971,pl.7: 12

10

KS-1558


Carter,1980,fig.28:7 Steve& Gasche,1971,pl.7: 12

11

KS-1558

Buff ware;grittemper.Darkbrownpaint

Steve& Gasche,1971,pl.18

12

KS-1558

Buff ware;grittemper.Darkbrownpaint

Steve& Gasche,1971,pl.16:3

13

KS-1558


?

14

KS-1567


?

111

112


Fig. 14. Mianab Plain: samples ofElamite postsherds. Scale 1:2.5, No.6 1:3.5.


No.

Site No.

Description

References

I

KS-1520

ware;slip;mineralandvegetationtemper;incised Orange-buff decoration

Gasche,1973,pl.43

2

KS-1520

Biff ware;mineralandvegetationtemper

Ibid , pl.43

3

KS-1543

Buffware;slip;mineralandvegetationtemper

Miroschedji,1981c, fig.62:6

4

KS-1520

Biff ware;slip;mineralandvegetationtemper

Gasche,1973,pl.45,gr.36

5

KS-1624

Buffware;slip on outside;mineralandvegetationtemper

Ibid., pl.42,gr.33

6

KS-1607

Biff ware;mineralandvegetationtemper;inciseddecoration

Ibid , pl.42,gr.33

7

KS-1517

Greyware;buffslip;mineralandvegetationtemper;stringcut

Ibid , pl.20,gr.19

8

KS-1616

Lightredware;slip exterior;mineralandvegetationtemper

Ibid., pl.22:a

9

KS-1603

Buffware;mineralandvegetationtemper

Ibid., pl.6, gr.5

113

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Fig. 15. Mianab Plain: samples of Elamite postsherds. Scale 1:2.5.


No.

Site No.

Description

Refrences

10

KS-1520

Biffware;slip;mineralandvegetationtemper

Miroschedji,1981a, fig.13: 12

11

KS-1517

Lightbrownware;ochreslipon rim;mineral andvegetationtemper

Ibid , fig.15:3

12

KS-1564

Darkbuffware;slip;mineralandvegetationtemper

Ibid , fig.15: 14

13

KS-1563


Ibid , fig.15: 14

14

KS-1543

Lightbrown-buffware;mineralandvegetationtemper

Ibid., fig.10: 17

15

KS-1595

Green-buffware;mineralandvegetationtemper

Ibid , fig.11:10

16

KS-1592

Green-buff ware;mineraltemper

Gasche,1973,pl.21: 13, gr.20

17

KS-1595


Ibid , pl.21,gr.20

18

KS-1616

ware;mineralandvegetationtemper Orange-buff

Ibid., pl.21,gr.20

19

KS-1520

Biff ware;slip;mineralandvegetationtemper

Miroschedji,1981c,fig.62:5

20

KS-1558

Buff ware;mineralandvegetationtemper

Miroschedji,1981a

21

KS-1564

Red-orangeware;buff slip;mineralandvegetation temper;unbaked

Ibid., fig.26:3

22

KS-1517

Orangeware;slip;mineralandvegetationtemper

Ibid., fig.36:8

23

KS-1517

ware;slip;mineralandvegetation Orange-brown temper;almostunbaked

Ibid , fig.33: 11

24

KS-1520

Biff ware;mineralandvegetationtemper

Ibid , fig.41:2

25

KS-1520

Orangeware;mineralandvegetationtemper; almostunbaked

Ibid , fig.41:2

115

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Fig. 16. Mianab Plain: samples ofAchaemenidpotsherds. Scale 1:3.


No.

Site No.

Description

References

1

KS-1593

Lightbrownware;slip interiorandexterior;mineral andvegetationtemper

?

2

KS-1593

Red-buffware;slip interiorandexterior;mineraland vegetationtemper

?

3

KS-1558

Brown-redware;wet smoothedinteriorandexterior; mineralandvegetationtemper

MalekShahmirzadi, 2000,pl.5:21

4

KS-1593

Buffware;cream-orange slip interiorandexterior; mineralandvegetationtemper.Brown-redband exteriorandplum-redexterior

Stronach,1978, 106:12

5

KS-1593

Darkbuff;creamslip interiorandexterior;mineral andvegetationtemper.Darkredbandinterior

Miroschedji,1987,fig.7: 12

6

KS-1594

Darkbuffware;light-yellowgreenslip interiorand exterior;mineraltemper

?

7

KS-1594

Darkbuffware;crackedlight-yellowgreenslip interiorandexterior;mineraltemper

Miroschedji,1987,fig.9:5

8

KS-1593

Brown-redware;creamslip interiorandexterior; mineralandvegetationtemper.Darkredbandson bothsides

Goff, 1985,fig.2:21

9

KS-1558

Brown-buffware,lightgreytowardinterior;creamwet smoothedslip exterior;vegetationtemper

Stronach,1978, 118:28

10

KS-1593

Darkbuffware;wet smoothedexterior;vegetationtemper

Labrosse& Boucharlat,1972,fig. 46: 3

117

118


Fig. 17. Mianab Plain: samples ofParthian potsherds. Scale 1:2.5.


No.

Site No.

Description

References

1

KS-1530

Pink-buffware;coarseware;mineraltemper;tracesof bitumeninside

Boucharlat,1987,fig.69:4-8

2

KS-1506

Brown-buffware;coarseware;buffslip interiorand exterior;mineraltemper

Ibid , fig.69:8

3

KS-1506, 1521

Buffware;coarseware;mineraltemper

Ibid , fig.69:7

4

KS-1617

Brownware;burntcore;mineraltemper;inciseddecoration

Wenke,1974,pl.21:400B

5

KS-1506

Lightbrownware;coarseware;mineraltemper; tracesof bitumeninside

Boucharlat,1987,fig.69:4-8

6

KS-1594

Lightbrown;burntcore;mineraltemper;inciseddecoration

Alizadeh,1985,fig.3:N

7

KS-1564

Redware;burntcore;mineraltemper;inciseddecoration

Alizadeh,1985,fig.3:P

8

KS-1566, 1586, 1616

Lightbrownware;burntcore;mineraltemper;incised decoration

Alizadeh,1985,fig.3:P

119

120


Fig. 18. Mianab Plain: samples of Parthian potsherds. Scale 1: 2.5.


121

No.

Site No.

Description

Refrences

9

KS-1580

Buffware;fineware;mineraltemper.Milkyglaze

Boucharlat & Labrousse,1979,fig.34: 14

10

KS-1551

Buffware;mineraltemper.Blue-whiteglaze

Wenke,1975,pl.29:534

11

KS-1593, 1616

Buffware;mineraltemper.Whiteandlightblueglaze

Haerinck,1983,fig. 6: 5

12

KS-1506, 1623

mineraltemper;withoutglaze Brown-buffware;

Boucharlat,1987,fig.67;1

13

KS-1506

Buffware;mineraltemper.Blue-whiteglaze

?

14

KS-1506

Buffware;slip;mineraltemper

Wenke,1975,pl.29:534

15

KS-1580, 1593

Lightbrown-buffware;mineraltemper.Lightgreenglaze

Bachelot& Lecomte,1984,fig.1:2

16

KS-1506, 1530

Pink-redware;mineraltemper.White-yellowglaze

Boucharlat,1987,fig.59:15

17

KS-1616

Yellowware;mineraltemper.Turquoiseglaze

Alizadeh,1985,fig.1:W

18

KS-1616

Brick-redware;mineraltemper.White-yellowglaze

Boucharlat,1987,fig.59: 14

19

KS-1506

Lightbrownware;mineraltemper

Haerinck,1983,fig. 5: 5

20

KS-1506

Buffware;mineraltemper.Grey-whiteglaze

Haerinck,1983,fig. 11:4

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Fig. 19. Mianab Plain: samples of Sasanian potsherds. Scale 1: 2.5.


No.

Site No.

Description

References

1

KS-1506

Buffware;mineraltemper

?

2

KS-1567

Buff-redware;mineraltemper

KervranandHiebert,1991,fig. 6: 8

3

KS-1586

Lightgreenware;creamslip;mineraltemper

?

4

KS-1615


Alden,1978,fig.5:6,7

5

KS-1538

Lightbuffware;fineware;mineraltemper.Blueglaze

Whitcomb,1987,fig D: f

6

KS-1594

Orangeware;mineraltemper.Turquoiseglaze

Boucharlat & Labrousse,1979,fig.28:5

7

KS-1591


Whitcomb,1987,fig. H: ff

8

KS-1506

Buffware;mineraltemper.Turquoiseglaze

?

9

KS-1552

Lightyellowware;mineraltemper

Boucharlat& Labrousse,1979,fig.

10

KS-1615

Buffware;mineraltemper.Splashunderglaze

Adams,1970,pl.3, fig.6:a-z

11

KS-1567

Brown-buffware;mineraltemper

?

12

KS-1571

coarseware;mineralandvegetationtemper Green-buff;

Wenke,1975,pl .16: 301 A

13

KS-1565

Brownbuffware;coarseware;mineraltemper

?

14

KS-1567 W Buff ware;mineraltemper

KervranandHiebert,1991,fig.8:28

15

KS-1567 W Green-buffware;mineraltemper

?

16

KS-1567 W Brown-buffware;coarseware;mineralandvegetation temper

Wenke,1975,fig.8:9

123

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Fig. 20. Mianab Plain: samples of slamic potsherds. Scale 1:2.5.


No.

Site No.

Description

References

1

KS-1566

Buffware;mineraltemper.Polychorombowl;blue andblackherbalandanimalmotifs.

?

2

KS-1622

Buffware;mineraltemper.Inciseddecoration; turquoise glaze

Grube,1994,pl.328:40

3

KS-1622

Buffware;mineraltemper.Inciseddecoration; turquoise glaze

?

4

KS-1622

Buffware;mineraltemper.Splashglaze,browndecorations on cream

Kervran,1984,fig. 32: 9

5

KS-1622

Buff ware;mineraltemper.Polychorombowl

?

6

KS-1622

mineraltemper.Whiteglazeinterior Brown-buffware; andexterior

Kervran,1984,fig.44:4

7

KS-1622

Buffware;mineraltemper.Underglazedpainted;dark blueon grey

1984,fig.26:5 Hardy-Guilbert, Rosen-Ayalon,1974,fig.539

8

KS-1622

Buffware;mineraltemper.Splashglaze;blackandwhite decorations on white

Rosen-Ayalon,1974,figs.401,423

125

126


Fig. 21. Mianab Plain: samples of lslamic potsherds. Scale 1:2.5.


No.

Site No.

Description

References

9

KS-1622

Buffware;mineraltemper.Underglazedpainted;brown, greenandcreamdecorations

Rosen-Ayalon,1974,fig.498

10

KS-1622

Buffware;mineraltemper.Inciseddecoration under greenglaze

KianiandKarimi,1985,pl.36

11

KS-1622

Buffware;mineraltemper.Inciseddecoration


12

KS-1622

Buffware;mineraltemper.Incisedandfinger impresseddecoration


13

KS-1622

Redware;mineraltemper.Inciseddecoration

Rosen-Ayalon,1974,fig. 12

14

KS-1622

Buffware;mineraltemper.Incisedandaddeddecoration

?

127

128


Fig. 22. Mianab Plain: samples of slamic potsherds. Scale 1:2.5.


No.

Site No.

Description

References

15

KS-1622

Buffware;mineraltemper.Boldedherbaland geometricdecoration


16

KS-1622

Buffware;mineraltemper.Boldedepigraphdecoration

?

17

KS-1622

Buffware;mineraltemper.Boldedgeometricdecoration

?

18

KS-1622

Green-buff ware;slip;mineraltemper.Boldedherbal decoration

?

19

KS-1622

Buffware;slip;mineraltemper.Stampedherbaldecoration

Rosen-Ayalon,1974,fig. 148

20

KS-1622

Buffware;mineraltemper.Boldedgeometricdecoration

Kervran,1984,fig. 47: 6 Rosen-Ayalon,1974,figs. 192-99

129


130

TABLE 1. Detailed information of archaeological sites in the Mianab Plain4. Number

Site Number

GPS

Local Name

Location

E 48 50 556

VisiblePeriods*

Site Type

Site Dimension Height

Area

Single

Mound

(metre)

(hectare)

Mound

Clusters MI

1

1

KS-1501

N32 02 828

Tall-e Harsi

E48 79 498

TappeBaq-e Rostam

2

KS-1502

N32 02 273

3

KS-1503

N32 00 714

4

KS-1504

N32 00 494

5

KS-1505

N32 00 378

0.5

X

0.84

X

2.41

X

MI

2

PART, SAS, El

6

E48 50 730 TappeKamdideh

PART, SAS, MI

4

E48 50 629 Dastva

1.07

X

Gelalak

3.35

X

Dastva

3.09

X

E48 50 363

6

KS-1506

N32 00 180

7

KS-1507

N31 59 633

Dastva

E48 50 892

TappePomp' Benzin

8

KS-1508

N31 59 734

9

KS-1509

N31 59 821

10

KS-1510

N32 00 056

11

KS-1511

N32 00 256

12

KS-1512

N32 00 452

13

KS-1513

N31 58 325

14

KS-1514

N31 58 947

15

KS-1515

N31 57 733

Tall-e Kalat

E48 50 496

Jambolava1

16

KS-1516

N31 58 634

17

KS-1517

N31 58 970

18

KS-1518

N31 59 472

3

E48 51 216

PART, 3.33

X

1.35

X

3

LMS, LS1, PL, PART

E485 10 83 Dastva

3.76

X

Dastva

4.89

X PART, MI

2

E48 48 571

4.56

X

3.16

X

2.70

X

3.73

X

5.44

X

0.77

X

6.24

X

OE, ME, NE, ACH, PART, El

4

4.35

X

PART

6

1.69

X

Haj Monem 1

7

2.06

X

Haj Monem 2 Posht-e Joie hasan 1

4

1.21

3

4.36

X

PART

6

2.27

X

SAS

2

2.25

X

SAS, MI

1

3.13

X

PART, El

TappeAli Shahi2 TappeGoozanboo

PART, MI

2

PART, MI

4

E48 48 588 E48 49 934

PART, SAS, MI PART, SAS

E48 50 978

E48 48 876

PART PART, SAS, MI

E48 50 628

Tall-e Gachi3 Zamin-eHaj Yaqub

PART

2 11

E48 50 892

SAS, EI NE, El

3

E48 50 556 Jambolava2

E48 51 201 E48 51 412 19

KS-1519

N31 59 524

20

KS-1520

N31 59 388

Mordargardesh Godar-eMahi Bazan

PART, SAS, El

E48 51 402

OE, ME, NE, ACH, SAS, El

E48 51 347 21

KS-1521

N31 58 815 E48 51 658

22

KS-1522

N31 57 746 E48 51 829

23

KS-1523

24

KS-1524

25

KS-1525

Posht-e Joie hasan 3

N31 57 305 E48 50 214 N31 57 399

PART, SAS

Posht-e Joie hasan2

N31 57 603 E48 51 812

X

Tappe-e Mohamadbaqer

ARCHAEOLOGICAL

Number

Site Number

GPS Location

RESEARCH

IN THE MIANAB

PLAIN,

SOUTH-WESTERN

Site Dimension

IRAN

131

Site Type

Local Name

Visible Periods*

Height

Area

Single

Mound

(metre)

(hectare)

Mound

Clusters

Unknown

4

1.46

X

PART

Unknown

4

0.95

X

PART, EI

Unknown

3

1.36

X

E48 49 113 26

KS-1526

27

KS-1527

28

KS-1528

29

KS-1529

30

KS-1530

31

KS-1531

32

KS-1532

33

KS-1533

34

KS-1534

35

KS-1535

36

KS-1536

37

KS-1537

38

KS-1538

39

KS-1539

40

KS-1540

41

KS-1541

42

KS-1542

43

KS-1543

44

KS-1544 KS-1545

45 46

KS-1546

47

KS-1547

48

KS-1548

49

KS-1549

50

KS-1550

N31 57 383 E48 49 238 N31 57 275 E48 49 169 N31 57 211 E48 50 168 N31 56 288 E48 49 725 N31 56 315 E48 49 833 N31 55 284 E48 49 744 N31 55 258 E48 50 454 N31 55 219 E48 50 273 N31 55 565 E48 50 191 N31 55 531 E48 50 669 N31 56 050 E48 50 607 N31 52 654 E48 50 562 N31 55 508 E48 50 995 N31 55 422 E48 50 922 N31 54 724 E48 51 150 N31 55 617 E48 51 588 N31 55 435 E48 51 862 N31 54 908 E48 51 899 N31 54 815 E48 52 028 N31 54 986 E48 52 352 N31 49 740 E48 52 228 N31 49 672 E48 52 711 N31 49 161 E48 52 771 N31 49 400 E48 52 533 N31 49 109

PART PART, El

Tall-e Kalabla

1

3.17

X

Tall-e Marqeri TappePoshtak-e Nazar

3

1.53

X

2

1.25

X

Nemati

1

0.84

Tall-e Beriber 1

4

3.48 0.74

Tall-e Kharzar

3

Mijoun

1

2.19

Tall-e Nazar

6

1.89

Tappe Jili 1

2

1.36

X

PART

TappeJili 2

2

2.41

X

?

TappeJili 3

2

1.62

X

PART, MI

0.5

1.99

X

PART, SAS

TappeJili 4

2

1.78

X

SAS, EI, MI

Tall-e Qabaz 1

1

1.88

X

PART

Tall-e Qabaz2

2

2.37

X

OE, ME, NE, ACH, PART, SAS, El

Tall-e Qabaz 3

2

2.43

X

PART

Tall-e Qabaz4

2

3.61

Tall-e Cham 1

3

0.67

X

Tall-e Cham2

1

0.63

X

Tall-e Diban 1

5

10.02

X

Tall-e Diban 2

3

3.11

X

Tall-e Diban 3

1

2.2

X

ACH, PART, SAS

PART X

PART, El

X

PART, SAS

X

SAS, El X

MI SAS, El

Tall-e Beriber2

X

X

EI, MI PART, SAS, EI, MI

EI, MI PART, SAS, EI ACH, PART, SAS, EI

MI

JOURNAL

132

Number

Site

GPS

Number

Location

Local Name

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

Site Dimension

Visible

Height Area (metre) 51

KS-1551

52

KS-1552

53

KS-1553

54

KS-1554

55

KS-1555

56

KS-1556

57

KS-1557

58

KS-1558

59

KS-1559

60

KS-1560

61

KS-1561

62

KS-1562

63

KS-1563

64

KS-1564

65

KS-1565

66 67

KS-1566 KS-1567 E KS-1567

67

W 68

KS-1568

69

KS-1569

70

KS-1570

71

KS-1571

72

KS-1572

73

KS-1573

E48 54 145 Tappe Gabeybeh 1 N31 47 187 E48 51 065 N31 41 916 Hovarhar E48 52 205 Tappe Gabeybeh2 N31 42 403 E48 51 961 N31 42 770 Zabari E48 50 993 N31 42 412 Aboo Zaba E48 50 840 N31 42 257 Feysal E48 51 061 N31 42 858 Qabrestan E48 50 790 Aboo Amoud Nejat N31 44 731 E48 53 923 TappeMeshvall 1 N31 46 347 E48 53 430 TappeAbd-e Seyed N31 46 481 E48 53 523 Tappe Mosharahat N31 46 405 E48 53 127 TappeMaqtiieh 1 N31 46 100 E48 53 029 TappeMaqtiieh2 N31 46 091 E48 52 751 N31 45 608 Herad E48 50 775 N31 45 583 Tappe Siah E48 51 386 N31 45 572 Basetiyeh E 48 57 721 Unknown N 31 44 764 E 48 53 655 N31 44 594 E48 52 985 N31 41 589 E48 53 059 N31 46 660 E48 53 082 N31 41 605 E48 53 274 N31 41 415 E48 53 497 N31 40 963 E48 53 465 N31 40 903

Site Type

Single Mound

(hectare) Mound

4

2.73

3

0.91

4

1.61

3

3.46

3

1.33

1-3

1.84

Periods

Clusters

X

PART, SAS PART, SAS, El X

X

SAS X

X

ACH, SAS, El ?

X

SAS ACH, PART, SAS

4

2.01

X

6

4.02

X

6

3.11

X

5

2.2

X

1

0.98

1

2.57

X

2

0.75

X

1-4

122.53

5

0.54

2 1-3

39.25

SD, NE, ACH, PART, SAS, EI, MI ACH, PART, El SD, ACH, SAS

X

? PART, EI OE, ME, ACH, PART, SAS, El

X X

ME, ACH, PART, SAS, El SAS, EI, MI

X X

PART, SAS ACH, PART, SAS, EI, MI SD, OE, ME, NE, ACHPART, SAS, EI, MI

Unknown

1-5

Unknown

4

0.67

X

EI, MI

Unknown

3

0.44

X

EI, MI

Unknown

5

2.03

X

EI, MI ACH, PART, SAS, EI

Unknown

2

2.22

SadaratChai 1

3

0.72

X

EI, MI

SadaratChai 2

5

0.35

X

EI, MI

X

X

ARCHAEOLOGICAL

Number

Site Number

RESEARCH

GPS Location

IN THE MIANAB

PLAIN,

IRAN

SOUTH-WESTERN

133

Site Type

Site Dimension

Visible

Local Name

Height

Area

Single

Mound Clusters

(Metre)

(hectare)

Mound

Periods

E48 53 360 74

KS-1574

75

KS-1575

76

KS-1576

77

KS-1577

78

KS-1578

79

KS-1579

80

KS-1580

81

KS-1581

82

KS-1582

83

KS-1583

84

KS-1584

85

KS-1585

86

KS-1586

87

KS-1587

88

KS-1588

89

KS-1589

90

KS-1590

91

KS-1591

92

KS-1592

93

KS-1593

94

KS-1594

95

KS-1595

96

KS-1596

97

KS-1597

N31 40 921 E48 53 275 N31 40 839 E48 53 449 N31 40 871 E48 53 525 N31 40 870 E48 53 495 N31 40 822 E48 53 364 N31 41 100 E48 52 981 N31 56 914 E48 53 263 N31 56 815 E48 53 309 N31 56 641 E48 53 559 N31 56 794 E48 53 895 N31 56 663 E48 56 388 N31 54 054 E48 58 574 N31 54228 E48 59 046 N31 53 509 E48 53 213 N31 55 728 E48 53 054 N31 51 361 E48 43 153 N31 55 181 E48 53 093 N31 55 039 E48 53 268 N31 54 303 E48 53 000 N31 52 543 E48 52 779 N31 52 378 E48 54 423

SadaratChai 3

5

0.49

X

EI, MI

SadaratChai 4

5

0.89

X

EI, MI

SadaratChai 5

4

0.25

X

EI, MI

SadaratChai 6

4

0.45

X

EI, MI

SadaratChai 7

4

0.26

X

EI, MI

SadaratChai 8

5

0.66

X

El

Tall-e Hasan Tall-e Kheyrollah

6

1.51

X

LS1, ACH, PART, SAS, EI, MI

5

2.30

X

Tappe Cham 3

1

1.03

X

El

Unknown

2

2.49

X

El

Unknown

3

2.54

X

EI, MI

2

2.78

X

EI, MI NE, ACH, PART, SAS, El

El

Tappe Qaymasi

Unknown

X

0.73

Unknown 4

Unknown

0.52

X

SAS, El

0.55

X

EI, MI

Unknown

3

1.07

X

El

Unknown

2

1.37

X

? ACH, PART, SAS

Tall-e Mirzadeh

0.5

0.82

X

Latan

2-4

0.28

8

2.83

X

Tappe-e Haji Mohammad

2

0.53

X

N31 52 174 E48 54 275

IshanAl Faraj 1

3

2.95

X

OE, ME

N31 52 026 E48 54 554 N31 51 658

IshanAl Faraj2

7

1.73

X

SAS, EI

IshanAl Asvad 1

8

2.64

X

PART, SAS

OE, ME, SAS, EI, MI X

Tappe Darouqeh4

LS1, OE, ACH, SLUPART, SAS, MI ACH, PART, SAS, MI

JOURNAL

134

Number

Site Number GPS Location

Local Name

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

(metre)

Area (hectare)

Visible

Site Type

Site Dimension

Height

Single

Mound

Mound

Clusters

Periods

E48 54 520 98

KS-1598

99

KS-1599

100

KS-1600

101

KS-1601

102

KS-1602

103

KS-1603

104

KS-1604

105

KS-1605

106

KS-1606

107

KS-1607

108

KS-1608

109

KS-1609

110

KS-1610

111

KS-1611

112

KS-1612

113

KS-1613

114

KS-1614

115

KS-1615

116

KS-1616

117

KS-1617

118

KS-1618 KS-1619

119 120

KS-1620

N31 51 784 E48 57 168 N31 52 721 E48 54 660 N31 51 594 E48 55 275 N31 51 280 E48 53 471 N31 51 574 E48 54 790 N31 51002 E48 54 830 N31 50 850 E48 54 680 N31 51 112 E48 54 863 N31 51 843 E48 54 090 N31 51 088 E48 58 375 N31 52 535 E48 59 482 N31 52 573 E48 58 905 N31 52 189 E48 58 881 N31 52 359 E48 59 797 N31 51 900 E48 58 845 N31 51 925 E48 59 575 N3151 382 E48 55 077 N31 46 674 E48 54 733

IshanAl Asvad 2

2

3.32

X

SAS, EI, MI

Unknown

1

4.98

X

MI

IshanAl Asvad 3

1

0.81

X

El

Unknown

1

0.13

X

MI

TappeFaraj

1

2.87

X

El OE, ACH, PART, SAS, El ACH, PART, SAS, El

N31 48 253 E48 55 001 N31 46 931 E48 00 690 N3148106 E49 00 244 N31 49 983 E48 59 096

IshanAl Dovveh Tappe Meshvall 3

N31 46 250

TappeBelvar 1

2

1.29

X

TappeBelvar 2

3

6.86

X

TappeBelvar 3

1

0.70

X

El ACH, El

3

0.49

X

3

1.61

X

OE, ME, NE, ACH, PART, EI, MI

TappeHamyan

1

3.05

X

PART, El

Tall-e Deymi

1

0.73

X

EI, MI

Tall-e Zahed

2

5.60

Unknown

1

2.03

Unknown

1-3

0.66

Unknown

1

2.24

Tejiejeh TappeMeshvall 2

2

1.34

TappeBelvar 4 Tappe Gelshouneh

X

EI, MI MI

X X

PART, SAS, El EI, MI

X X

OE ACH, PART, SAS, El

5.5

10.47

X SD, OE, ME, NE, ACH, PART, SAS, EI, MI

10

4.53

X

2

1.24

X

Jaliyyeh 1

1-2

4.92

X

Dolatabad

1-2

22.98

X

TappeShaqaridg

12

35.50

LS1, PL, PART

X

EI, MI PART, SAS, EI, MI

EI, MI

ARCHAEOLOGICAL

RESEARCH

IN THE MIANAB

LocalName

Number SiteNumber GPSLocation

PLAIN,

IRAN

SOUTH-WESTERN

Visible

SiteType

SiteDimension Height

Area

(metre)

(hectare)

Single Mound

TappeNaqishiat

3

0.82

X

Jalieh2

?

139

N31 39 422

Unknown

3

1.52

E48 53 272

TappeEmamzadeh

KS-1621

N31 44 082

122

KS-1622

N31 40 915

Clusters ACH, PART,SAS, EI, MI EI, MI

E48 54 243 X

E48 53 359 123 124

KS-1623

N31 53 420

KS-1624

Periods

Mound

E48 57 261 121

135

OE, ME, ACH, PART,EI, MI

X

OE,NE, ACH, El 0.28

2

X

* Late Susiana 1=LS 1, Protoliterate=PL, Susa D=SD, Old Elamite=OE, Middle Elamite=ME, Neo Elamite=NE, Achaemenid=ACH, Parthian=PART,Sasanian=SAS, Early Islamic=EI, Middle Islamic=MI 1 After Wright 1969 After Wright 1969 3 After Wright 1969 4 After Wright 1969 2

KS-248.

KS-244. KS-245. KS-252.

TABLE 2. Number and Total Area of Different Periods Settlements in the Mianab Plain.

PeriodsandPhases PrehistoricLate Susiana 1 EarlyUruk Middle Uruk Late Uruk Susa D Old Elamite Middle Elamite Neo Elamite Achaemenid Parthian Sasanian Early Islamic Middle Islamic

Number

TotalArea(ha)

4

6.93

1 1 2 4 14 11 10 29 64 54 74 52

1.24 1.24 2.59 10.95 33.17 28.93 22.91 120.10 740.15 706.15 719.26 682.17

136


Abolfazl Ali and Alireza Khosrozadehfor Sasanianand Parthian pottery, Mohammad Taghi Ataii for Acheamenid pottery and Mohsen Zeidi for prehistoric pottery. The results of these studies will be published seperately as a technical report. This reaserch was supported by a grant from the Iranian Cultural Heritage Organisation (ICHO). Our thanks are due to Mr Jalil Golshan, the Research Deputy and Dr Masoud Azarnoosh, the Director of the Archaeological Research Centre, for their encouragement and support. In addition, we would like to express our gratitudeto Professor GregoryJohnson for his guidance with regardto Uruk pottery and Dr Abbas Alizadeh for his comments.

Notes 1 Darioonis the local nameof ancientirrigationcanalsin Mianabplain. Legend has it that the founderof this irrigation systemwas DariustheGreat. 2 For example,FrankHole's 1969 survey(unpublished), HenryWrightand GregoryJohnson's1970-71 surveys (Johnson,1973,WrightandJohanson,1975),JohnAlden's 1977 survey(Alden, 1978), ElizabethCarter's1968-69 survey(Carter,1971). 3 A good exampleis KS-1593(TappeDarooqeh),wherea fewprehistoric sherdswerefoundonthesurface,butinour 2 x 1 m. test trenchthe earliestoccupationon virginsoil datedto theAcheamenid period. 4 It shouldbe notedthatin Wright'ssurveyof the Shushtar andGotwandregion,a moundwaslocated(KS-248)in the generalareaof our KS-1508,reportedto be on the left mainroad.Inoursurvey (west)sideof theShushtar-Ahvaz we couldn'tfind it, suggestingthatKS-248,too, was a victimof humanactivities.

Susiana, SouthwesternIran: The Analysis of the EG.L. Gremliza Survey Collection, Technical Report 24, Ann

ArborUniversityof Michigan. R. 1987."Lesniveauxpost-ach6menides a Suse, Boucharlat, secteurnord",CDAFI15, 145-311. R. andLabrousse, A. 1979."Lepalaisd'Artaxerxes Boucharlat, " II surla rivedroiteduChaour Suse",CDAFI10, 19-136. Bachelot,L and Lecomte,0. 1994. "Nouvellesdonneessur l'occupationde la basse Mesopotamiea la fin du ler millenairea.C.:la ceramiqueseluso-parthe de Larsa",in Boucharlat R. andS. Jean-Frangois (eds.)Arabieorientale, et Iranmeriodional, de l'ageduferaudebut Mesopotamie de la periodislamique37, 13-25. Carter,E. 1971. "Elamin the secondmillenniumB.C.: the Ph.D.dissertation, evidence",unpublished archaeological Universityof Chicago. - 1980. "Excavationin Ville Royal I at Susa: the third millennium B.C.occupation ", CADAFI,11, 11-134. H.J. and Alizadeh,A. (eds) 1996. Delougaz, P., Kantor, ChoghaMish: the First Five Seasons of Excavations 1961-1971, OIP,Chicago.

et dans les Dolfus,G. 1971. "Lesrecherchesa Djaffarabad couchesprofondesde l'acropolede Suse",CADAFI1, 17-161. - 1983. "Djowiet Bandebal:deux villages de la plaine centraledu Khuzistan,Iran,Ve millenaireavant J.-C., travauxde 1975,1977,1978",CADAFI13, 17-284. millennaire Gasche,H. 1973.La Poterieelamitedu deuxidme avantJ.-.C.,MDAI47. and Goff, C. 1985. "Excavationat Baba Jan: architecture potteryof LevelI",Iran23, 1-20. Grube, E.J. 1994. Cobalt and Lustre: the First Centuries of Islamic Pottery, The Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art Cobalt and Lustre,vol. 9, Oxford. Haerinck,E. 1983. La Ciramique en Iran pendant le periode parthe, Gent.

C. 1984. "Les nivaeux islamiquesecture Hardy-Guilbert, Ville Apadana- Royale",CADAFI14, 121-210. Bibliography

Johnson, G.A. 1973. Local Exchange and Early State Development in Southwestern Iran, Anthropological

and urbanlife in early Adams, R.Mc. 1962. "Agriculture Science southwestern Iran", 136, 109-22. - 1970."Excavation at TallAbuSarifa", AO 8, 87-119. Alden, J. 1978. "Excavationsat Tal-i MalyanPart 1. A Sasaniankiln",Iran 16, 76-86. of lowerKhuzestan Alizadeh,A. 1985."Elymaean occupation IA20, duringtheSelucidandParthian periods:a proposal", 175-95. - 1992. PrehistoricSettlementPatternsand Culturesin

Papers 51, Museum of Anthropology,Ann Arbor, Michigan. M. 1984."Recherches surles niveauxislamiquesde Kervran, la ville des artisans", CADAFI14,7-120. note Kervran,M. andHiebert,F. 1991."Soharpr6-islamique: in stratigraphique",Golf-Archaiologie Mesopotamien, Iran, Bahrain,VereinigteArabischeEmirateund Oman,Buch amErlbach,337-348. Kiani,M.Y.andKarimi,E 1985.IslamicPottery,Tehran.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCHIN THE MIANAB PLAIN, SOUTH-WESTERNIRAN

N. 1998."Landscape and socialchangein late Kouchoukos, Ph.D.dissertation, prehistoric Mesopotamia", unpublished YaleUniversity. A. andBoucharlat, R. 1972."Lafouilledupalaisdu Labrousse, Chaouri Suseen 1970et 1971",CADAFI2, 61-167. LeBreton,L. 1947."Notesurla ceramique peinteauxenvirons de Suseet "iSuse",MDAI30, 120-219. relations", - 1957."TheEarlyperiodsatSusa,Mesopotamian Iraq19,79-124. MalekShahmirzadi, S. 2000.AghTepe,Tehran. P.de. 1981a."Fouillesdu chantierville royaleII Miroschedji, i Suse (1975-1977).I. Niveauxelamite",CADAFI,12, 9-136. - 1891b. "Observations dans les couchesneo-elamiteau nord-ouestdu tell de la ville royale t Suse ", CADAFI 12, 143-67. - 1981c. "Prospectionsarcheologiquesau Khuzistanen 1977",CADAFI12, 169-92. - 1987. "Fouilles du chantierville royale II 'i Suse (1975-1977)II.Niveauxd'6poquesachemenide, partheet CADAFI15, 11-143. islamique",

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M. 1999."Lestombeauxd'6poqueparthede Gelalak", Rahbar, Dossiers d'Archeologie243, 90-93. Rosen-Ayalon,M. 1974. La poterie islamique,MDAI 50.

of rural Schacht,R.M. 1976."Somenoteon thedevelopment settlementon the Susianplain",in Proceedingof the 4th Annual Symposiumon Archaeological Research in Iran,

1975,446-62, Tehran. Steve, M.J. and Gasche, H. 1971. L'Acropolede Suse: nouvellesfouilles (raportpreliminaire),MDAI 46. Stronach,D. 1978. Pasargadae: A Reporton the Excavations Conductedby the BritishInstituteof Persian Studiesfrom 1961 to 1963, Oxford.

Wenke,R.J. 1974. "Imperialinvestmentsand agricultural developmentin Parthianand SassanianKhuzestan,150 B.C. to A.D. 640", Ph.D. dissertation,Universityof Washington. Whitcomb, D. 1987. "Bushireand the Angali Canal", Mesopotamia22, 311-36.

Wright,H.T.andJohnsonG.A. 1975."Population, exchange, andearlystateformationin southwestern Iran",American Anthropologist77, 267-89.

THE ANCIENT MERV PROJECT,TURKMENISTAN PRELIMINARYREPORTON THE SECOND SEASON (2002) et al. Kurbansakhatov, By TimWilliams,Kakamurad London and Ashgabat

INTRODUCTION

The 2002 Seasons

In the autumnof 2001 the Instituteof Archaeology, UniversityCollegeLondonstarteda five-year(2001-5) Turkmen-Britishcollaboration with the National fortheProtection,StudyandRestoration of Department HistoricalandCulturalMonumentswithinthe Ministry of Cultureof Turkmenistan. TheAncientMervproject is directedby TimWilliams(Instituteof Archaeology, Kurbansakhatov UCL) and Dr Kakamurad (The State the Institute of Cultural History of Peoples of CentralAsia andtheEast),withthehelp Turkmenistan, of assistantdirectorDr GabrielePuschnigg(Instituteof Archaeology,UCL), and in collaborationwith Dr MamedovandDrRuslanMuradovof the Mukhammed National Departmentfor the Protection,Study and Restorationof Historicaland CulturalMonuments, Ministryof Culture,and RejebDzaparov,Directorof Park. the "AncientMerv"Archaeological

Two field seasonswereundertaken at Merv,a short season in the Spring, focusing on developing to the managementandconservation of the approaches site (11 May to the 25 May 2002), and a more substantial field season from 25 August to 21 September2002, when specific archaeologicaland conservationactivitieswereundertaken. Theprincipalactivitieswere: May 2002 * Review of conservation priorities - detailed discussionswith the staff of the Ancient Merv ArchaeologicalParkto examinethe prioritiesfor management and conservation action, and to establisha programme for futureaction.

2002 August/September * Excavationof the fortificationsin the south-west corner of Gyaur-Kala- continuationof excaAims and Objectives vationsof the defencesof GyaurKala,focusingon the earliestdefences. The Ancient Merv project has a number of over* aims: Excavationon the Majan Canal, SultanKala arching a smallsampleexcavationacrossthelatersequence of the survivaland of this importantcanalwhichranthroughthe heart a) To improveour understanding of SultanKala. resource. potentialof the archaeological * active research into the To undertake cities, b) aiding Recordingin advance of conservationwork at the Kepter Khana, Shahriyar Ark and the boththeirmanagementandresearch. Mausoleum of Ibn Zayd - recordingwork in c) To develop the informationbase upon which advanceof emergencyconservationon a unique decisionsaboutthe managementand interpretation withinthecitadelof the Seljukcity andan structure canbe made. the local skills base. To importantmausoleumin the westernsuburbs. d) develop * of the archaeactive To Survey of the fortificationsof Abdullah Khan e) management develop Kala and Bairam-AliKhan Kala--completionof ologicalresource. a surveyof the defencesof the importantTimurid f) To make researchdata availableto the widest academicaudience. city of AbdullahKhanKala, and its laterwestern

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extension Bairam-Ali Khan Kala, providing provisional phasing, and enabling the prioritisation of futureresearchand conservation. * Ceramic research - an AHRB funded research programmeto develop a ceramic reference collection, supportedby scientific analyses, for Merv and the wider region. * Conservation and site management activities a programme of building and site conservation commenced in earnest this year, with substantial work on the Mausoleum of Ibn Zayd, emergency work at a number of at risk structures, experimentationon materials,and the backfilling of old excavations. These activities are discussed in more detail below.

EXCAVATIONOF THE FORTIFICATIONSIN THE SOUTH-WESTERN CORNER OF GYAUR-KALA by VladimirZavyalov The Ancient Merv Project restartedinvestigation of the defensive installationsin MGK6, where work began in 1997 (Herrmannet al. 2001, 14-22), after a break of one year in 2001. Assisted by CatherineCavanaghand four local workmen, work was carried out between 7 Septemberand 5 October. The excavation was undertakenin order to explore the structuralfeatures of the fortifications, prior to a programme of conservation work, planned to commence in 2003. The excavations focused on the internalside of the fortifications(which were very well preserved under 5-6 m. of eroded wall debris: Fig. 1) and the constructionalplatforms for the walls. The risk of collapsing materialmade it impossible to investigate all of these deposits.

Fig. 1. The defences at Gyaur Kala (MGK6), showing an

Note the impressive1,000-yearsequenceof development. accumulateddebrisagainstthe interior(left)of thewall, which preserved the earlier walls. Scale 0.20 m. divisions.

uppertwo were 0.75 m. wide and 0.25-0.3 m. high (Fig. 2). The steps were perhapsdesigned for the defendersto access the upperwalkway andthe archedchamberon the first floor.A graduatedbase could also have assisted the platformto bear the colossal weight of the wall.

The second wall Theplatformfor thefirst Seleucid wall The steps of the platform of the first wall were The platform was constructed from mudbricks, which refaced, perhapswhen the second wall was being built. contained a large amount of sand mixed with clay. In The first wall was used as part of the sub-structureof the second wall, in order to build a solid one-storey most cases the edges of the bricks could hardlybe made out, however the mortarbetween the rows of brickswas wall, with a parapet and a walkway for archers along more clearly discernible. There was no clearly discernm- the top. This was constructed from pis6 blocks and ible difference between the bricks in the wall and those mudbricks;the former had been made out of clay with a bluish in the platform,as regardstheircolour and composition. The tinge, lower part of the internal facing had been Excavations revealed that the interior side of the constructed in steps, of varying height and width. The platformwas graduated.Threesteps were uncovered:the

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would appear to have been rebuilt, since its original outer surface is of a different configuration, but this question requiresfurtherinvestigation. It is possible that a new facing on the inside of the defences was also linked with the thirdwall. It had been built above the facing of the second wall and its lower part was also fashioned as steps. The height and width of the steps vary. The second step from the bottom, for example, sloped steeply into the city, while above it were two low steps 0.15-0.2 m. high. The top step, however, is about 1 m. high, sloping gently upwards. Above it the facing of the third wall slopes gently upwardsbut does not containany steps. The surfaceon the interior of the third wall was coated with a mortar of clay and sand, including a large quantity of ash. The coating was as much as 0.3-0.4 m. thick in places. The lower steps protrudeby 5 m. into the city. The steps were erected on the ancient ground surface, on which the lowest step of the second wall is also positioned, and some probablyburiedsoil deposits have been recorded. It is interestingto note that the ancient ground surface is 1.36 m. below the modem ground surface in that area of the city. Fig. 2. Details of the section throughthe defencesat Gyaur Kala (MGK6),showingthe steppedplatformfor thefirst Seleucid wall. Scale 0.5 m. divisions.

upper step, for example, was approximately0.5 m. and the height 0.4 m. There were five steps altogether, which formed a base platform 2.65 m. high. The upper section of the facing consisted of the steeply sloping surface on the inside of the second city wall. This facing echoes in its general features the shape of the stepped platform of the first city wall. A platform was also erected in front of the second wall, the investigation of which is still not complete.

The thirdwall On the second wall platform, in front of the wall, a platform for the third wall was constructed. The platformwas built of brickwork(bricks measuring 350 x 350 x 100-120 mm. or 380 x 380 x 100-120 mm.), beneath blocks of pis6, 0.8 m. high. Layers of clay had also been used in orderto raise the platformand level it. The height of the third wall was c. 4 m. The platform

Thepotteryfrom the pre-Islamic defences in GyaurKala by Gabriele Puschnigg The sequence of deposits abuttingthe internalface of the wall proved to be particularlydiagnostic with respect to the pottery types. Assemblages here contained a variety of shapes related to "fish-plate" forms or carinatedbowls. Both pottery types are well documented for the early Parthian period in Iran (Haerinck 1983, 246-47). Any chronological attributionat Merv is still tentative, but the general impression given by this group of assemblages would supportan early Parthiandate. Many of the bowl shapes showed the bichrome white and red surface colouring, which has been observed with open forms already in earlier seasons (Herrmann et al. 2001, 15; Fig. 17). Workon the walls continued,while the main partof the team returnedto Britain and the resulting assemblages will be processed niext year. The preliminary examination of the material retrieved so far, however, confirmed the tendencies noted for the immediately overlaying deposits examined during the previous season in MGK6 (Herrmannet al. 2001, 15). Distinct

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Fig. 3. Conservation problems for the defences at Gyaur Kala: gradual rainwater damage can be seen in the upper left, while nesting birds and insect lairs are causing numerous holes in the face (centre). This section of the wall has been exposed for six years.

bowl shapes seem to dominate the assemblages, whereasjar types are fewer and appearto be plain. The only coarse ware fabric present in these assemblages is fabric E, a grog-temperedware.

Finds from thepre-Islamic defences in GyaurKala by Jackie Keily Two unstratified small finds were recovered: a complete ceramic slingshot and the base of a tetrahedron . The base of the lattermeasures 125 x 128 x 130 mm. and it has an incomplete height of 95 mm. A furtherfragmentfrom a tetrahedron came from the excavations, and has one survivingmeasurementof 150 mm. The sizes of these two examples compare favourably with previously excavated examples (Zavyalov and Simpson 2000, 12).

Conclusions The study of the defensive installations of Gyaur Kala demonstratedthat the interior of the walls was twice rebuilt, using the same basic approach to a stepped platform.However, there are several questions connected with the defensive installations that still remain unanswered. It is essential to complete the investigation of the platformin front of the second wall

and also to establish precisely the construction of the outside of the firstwall. It is possible thatthe last period in which the fortifications were used could be investigated in the comer bastion, which would enable us to obtainthe whole sequence regardingthe use of the walls. The defensive installationsof Gyaur Kala illustrate the development of fortifications in CentralAsia over almost 1000 years, and the work at Merv provides an opportunityto assist the study of defensive installations in the region as a whole (Fig. 1). It has been possible for the first time, here at Merv, to study the structural elements of defensive installationson such a scale. Conservation,to enable this sequence to be presented to the visitor, is now a priority.Problemsof rainwater drainage, ground water, and damage by birds, animals and insects (Fig. 3) is being explored, and conservation work is due to commence in 2003.

EXCAVATIONON THE MAJAN CANAL, SULTAN KALA by Dylan Hopkinson & Keith May Introduction In the 1980s Professor Terkesh Khodzhaniyazov excavated an east-west trench across a long linear depression, which lay atop a distinctive ridge of higher

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Fig. 4. Excavations at the Madjan Canal (MSK021) looking south towards Sultan Sanjar in the distance. The surface depression left by the channel can be seen on the surface. In theforeground is the sloping eastern bank of later stream channel, with later silting and infill visible in the section behind. The depression to the left is an oven, situated on the top of the stream bank. Scale 0.20 m. divisions.

ground running north-south through the centre of the city of Sultan Kala. The feature was thought to be the Madjan Canal, a major fresh water canal, known from documentary sources as early as the seventh century A.D., which supplied water from the Murghab river systems to the south to the principal reservoirs of the city (Bartold 1966, 180-3). Professor Khodzhaniyazov also extended the trench at the eastern end, to encompass a sequence of buildings on the east side of the canal. The trench was located, approximately 600 m. to the north of the Mausoleum Sultan Sanjar,and 500 m. south of the Kushmeikhan Gate (Fig. 4). The excavator suggested that the canal was an open (uncovered) water channel at this point. This contrasts with the situation at the Kushmeikhan Gate, to the north, where the canal was channelledbeneath the gate in a culvert constructedof fired brick (Khodzhaniyazov 1990, 16), presumably in order to accommodate the defences. New excavations (site code MSK021) set out to explore the natureof the MadjanCanalwithin the main area of the city of Sultan Kala. Specifically, it was hoped to: 1 Establishthe original depth, method of construction and date of the canal; 2 Explore the nature of the canal during its life (construction,water flow, maintenance,etc.); 3 Explore the abandonmentand disuse of the channel.

ProfessorKhodzhaniyazov'sexcavationwas roughly L-shaped:an east-west trenchapproximately15 m. long and 3 m. wide had been dug across the line of the depression createdby the MajanCanal,with a roughly7 m. squareextension excavatedat the easternend. The old excavationswere cleaned, the sections were drawn, and the trench base was recorded. The excavations were then extended southward,to enable a segment of the stratigraphyof the canal to be explored. Deposits were removed planned and recorded using single context recording. All context records were entered directly on to handheld computers. Two soil monolith samples were taken of the water-laid silt deposits towards the centre of the streamchannel. The results of the analysis of these are not yet available.

Summary The relatively shallow excavations this season revealed one of the last retainedchannels of the Madjan Canal. The channel was some 5 m. wide (E-W) and defined by near vertical sides, suggesting some form of structurehad retained the sides of the canal, and that this had subsequently either been robbed, or decayed/ collapsed. After a period of infill and silting, the channel became little more than a small stream, some 2-3 m. in width, with sloping banks (Fig. 4). The stream-bed

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exhibitedconsiderablevariationsin depthand width, perhapsreflectingseasonalchanges,as is evidentwith many of the shallowstreamsin the areatoday,which only containmuchwaterduringthe rainyseason.This channelwas subsequentlycompletelyabandonedand visibletodayon the infilled,leavingtheslightdepression surface. Theexcavationsalso revealedsomeof the activities that took place alongsidethe later streamchannel, includinga substantialoval clay-linedoven (c. 1.40m. x 1.15 m.), repairedon numerousoccasions andpossibly

forbreadmakingor cooking. Furtherwork next season will expandupon this excavation,to elaborateandexplorethe complexityof theuse of thechannelovertime.Ceramicevidencefrom this season'sexcavationawaitsanalysis,andthis work will be moreextensivelyreportedon nextyear. A note on the smallfindsfrom MSK021 by Jackie Keily

The majorityof the small finds (81 of 123) were recoveredfrom the sieving of the backfilland spoil heapsassociatedwiththe earlierexcavation.A quantity of glasswas alsorecoveredfromthesieving,bothvessel andwindow.Thisis awaitingfurtheranalysis. Unstratified sieved material

Themajorityof theartefactsrecoveredaretypicalof domestichouseholditems. Partof a bone spatulaor bladedecoratedwitha rowof ring-and-dot motifsalong two edgesis anunusualsurvivalof a boneartefact. A ceramicplumb-bobor suspendedweight anda pot sherdwitha centralhole ,possiblyreusedas a spindlewhorl,aremorefunctionalitems.Thelattermay have been used as a gamingcounter,and alternatively with ,partof a ceramiczoomorphicocarina along or whistle,mayrepresentrecreational activities. Other domestic items includedten fragmentsof stone vessels. Fragmentsof these vessels have been recovered from the earlier excavations (for example, Herrmannet al. 1997, 15 and fig. 8 no. 11; Simpson 2000, 21 and fig. 7) and identified as chlorite cooking pots imported from north-easternIran. Features,noted before, include the interiorsurfacescovered with a thick black deposit from use and in a numberof cases breaks fixed by drilling holes in the adjacent edges for iron rivets. Although all of the fragments recovered from

MSK021are quitesmall,a numberof differentforms can be identified.One example has incised decorationon its flatrimin theformof lines,circlesand motifs. ring-and-dot Itemsof personaladornment werefew:onecomplete andthreefragmentary beads,allturquoiseglassfrit,two small jet beads, and a small and ratherdegraded fragmentof bracelet.The latteris in a green-turquoise glass withtracesof a possiblewhitetrailthroughit. In addition,theremainsof twopossiblependantswerealso found,bothin turquoiseglassfrit, and, the lattera smallflatflower. Small fragmentsof copper alloy and iron were recovered,most very fragmentaryand corroded.A numberof smallfittingsandmountswereidentified,as well as a copper-alloy shoulderplatefroma smallknife . Six unstratified copper-alloy coins were recovered;thesehavenotyet beendated. Stratified material

The majorityof the materialcame from the late infillingof thestreamchannel,includinga smallcomplete ceramicslingshotormarble,a smallfragmentfrom a ceramiccrucible,anda wornglass"melon" bead in turquoisefrit . Fragmentsof the stonevessels, discussedabove,werealsorecovered fromthesedeposits, as were ten copper-alloycoins (as yet undated).Other copper-alloyfinds from these depositswere largely andcorroded, butincludedsmallfragments fragmentary froma vessel and a mountor washer. A smallamountof stratified allin a ironwasalsorecovered, and corroded condition. fragmentary very Fromthe infillingof the earlierretainedcanalcame partof a stonespindlewhorl. A note on the ceramic building materialfrom MSK021 by Jackie Keily

of firedbrickwererecoveredfroma Largequantities numberof stratifiedcontexts,mainlythe fillingof the retainedcanal, and the laterstreamchannel.Most of the bricks were highly fragmented,although a number of complete or near complete examples survive, particularly from the infilling of the retainedcanal. The brick from the stratifiedcontexts was scanned and complete measurementswere noted. All the brick is of a beige/buff colour and has a fine-sandy fabric. The

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Fig. 5. The east facing wall of the Kepter Khana, in Shahriyar Ark. The original well-preserved fired brick footings for the wall are clearly visible, sitting on a broad a slightly uneven clay platform. The scale of the accumulated mound of debris can be seen against the face of the wall.

bricks were made in a sanded former, which left fine sandingon the base and sides. In a numberof cases there are also traces of organicmaterialin this sanding. The majorityof the complete or nearcomplete bricks indicatesquarebricks,with measurementsof c. 183-205 mm. square,with a thicknessrangingfrom 35 to 40 mm. A slightly larger size of brick was also identified at c. 225-232 mm. square, with a thickness of 38-42 mm. Two examples fall between the two sizes, being 210-213 mm. squareand 38-43 mm. thick. In addition a small number of fragments,with no complete width, were thickerthannormal,rangingfrom 50 to 68 mm. in thickness. A few small bricks were also found, measuring 105-116 mm. in width, whilst one is only 54 mm. in width, with a thickness of 32 mm. This exercise was useful in gaining furtherevidence for the brick sizes found in the medieval city at Merv. Furtheranalysis of the datawill be necessary.However, a preliminary comparison with brick measurements collated by GeorginaHerrmann(1999, 138) shows that the presentbrick sizes comparewell with those already collected from ErkKala and SultanKala. It is hoped that in futureyears furtherinformationwill be collected from

securely stratifiedcontexts and comparison made with bricks in situ in the monuments, in order to develop a chronology of brick types and sizes.

PRE-CONSERVATIONWORK AT THE KEPTER KHANA AND THE PALACE IN SHAHRIYAR ARK by Faith Vardyand Catherine Cavanagh The Kepter Khana Substantialslopes of materialhad developed around the base of the walls of the impressive KepterKhana in ShahriyarArk (Fig. 5). These were thought to largely result from both the gradual erosion and occasional substantialcollapse of the superstructureof the building after its abandonment. These slopes presented two conservationproblems:they obscuredpotential conservation and drainageproblems at the base of the walls; and, perhaps most significantly, they were enabling ground water to bypass the original fired brick base of the walls, thus circumventing this damp course and

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Fig. 6. A detail of the east facing wall of the Kepter Khana, in Shahriyar Ark. Thefired brick footing, surmounted by a mudbrick superstructure, is evident. The accumulated debris against theface of the wall (to the left) by-passed the damp proofing qualities of thefired brick, carrying moisture and salts into the mudbrick: the damage caused by this is evident. Scale 0.20 m. divisions.

bringing moisture and salts into the mudbrick superstructurecausing significant damage to the monument (Fig. 6). In 2002 a programmeto hand clear these deposits was undertaken, as part of a wider conservation programme for the monument (see below). Most of the deposits proved to be loose erosion material, with little information on the nature of the processes involved. Clear horizontal deposits, some c. 0.70 m. thick, were identified in the materialagainstthe sheltered east face of the building. It seems likely that these might elucidate phases of construction,repairand abandonment of the monument, and these will be stratigraphicallyexcavated in 2003.

The constructionof the Kepter Khana Clearance of the material against the wall base allowed the foundationof the structureto be examined. Eleven courses of fired brick were recordedat the base of the exteriorwalls (which contradictssome published accounts which suggested eight courses). These were supported by a platform of pakhsa, which extended over 4 m. beyond the walls (Fig. 5). The uneven surface of the pakhsa had been levelled with a layer of silt before construction of the superstructure. On the northern and western sides of the monument, most

subject to erosion, the fired brick courses and the pakhsa foundation had been considerably eroded. However, intact sections of fired brickwork were recordedin the south and east faces of the building. A mudbrickbuttresswas recorded at the south-east comer of the building. It survived to a height of 6 courses and was oriented north/southagainst the south face. The buttress was built directly above the pakhsa platform and butted the base of the fired brick courses. It is uncertainwhetherthe buttresswas built in antiquity or representsa more recent intervention. The base of a mudbrickbuttresswas identifiedat the south-eastcomer of the building, as well as evidence of two previous archaeologicalexcavations. Conservation The north-east comer of the building has been underpinnedwith a new mudbrickwall and the existing repair of the north-west comer consolidated. Internal and external drainage was also examined and new slopes, of compacted earth, were used to move water away from the fragile wall bases.

The Palace Two illegal excavations were emptied of loose soil and their sections recorded.These were then backfilled

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Fig. 7. The Mausoleum of Ibn Zayd, looking west. The 20th century concrete capping to the roof has been removedfrom the roof with the exception of the main dome in the background. The brick domes are drying out, and then being covered with a new protective earth cover (partially applied to the dome in the foreground).

with compactedmaterialto improve drainageand avoid erosion of adjacent walls. A photographicrecord was made of the currentstateof all the areasto be conserved. The re-cleaned sections were useful, in that they provided additional constructionalinformation of the archesin the north-andeast-facingwalls of the west Iwan, and the north-easternPalace wall. The latter showed levelling layers beneath a row of vertical mudbricks, which may have been partof a floor or collapsedarch.

PRE-CONSERVATIONWORK AT THE MAUSOLEUM OF IBN ZAYD by Jackie Keily and Tim Williams Preparation of the roof for conservation work involved the removal of concrete, bitumen and sand coverings, prior to the construction of a new earth covering (Fig. 7). The building was extensively conservedin 1937, when the main dome was rebuilt,andthe majority of the roofing removed during the current exercise probably dates to this time, although further repairswere undertakenin 1968, 1985-86 and 1991. The old roofing materialwas removed duringthe summerof 2002, exposing threeof the brick domes (two substantial ones over the prayerhall to the north,and a shallow one in the south-east, over the antechamber to the Mausoleum). An earthroof infilled the spaces between the domes. The largestdome, over the mausoleumitself, will be tackled as partof the 2003 season.

Two small sondages were discovered in the earth roof, filled with loose earthand brokentile. These were emptied, to enable the area to be consolidated prior to the new roof being laid, and provided a limited insight into the nature of the earlier roofing of the building (Fig. 8). Earth roofing: The sections of the sondages demonstratedthat the earth roof of Ibn Zayd, over the antechamberand the southern part of the prayer hall, was c. 0.55 m. thick. It comprised compacted earth, with no signs in section that this had been laid in levels or as mudbricks. The material was well sorted and homogeneous, with no inclusions (and no building material), showing some care in its construction (Fig. 8). It is likely that this pre-dates the 1937 restoration, and may be part of the original roof in these areas, although no dating evidence was found. Antechamberdome: The dome of the antechamber had clearly been rebuilt,with a numberof poorly sorted and laid courses in the upper sections of the dome. However, the section of dome revealed in the south end of one of the sondages was more carefully laid, suggesting that only the part that extended above the earthroof had been replaced in the last phase of repair. That does not mean, however, that the rest of the dome is necessarily of any great antiquity. The eastern dome of the prayer hall: This had a stepped base, with rubblepacked aroundthe base. The rubble clearly extended beneath the earthroof and thus pre-dates or was integralto its laying.

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Bastions Gates Mainstreabs: R Brun-September 2002

Fig. 9. Aerial view ofAbdullah Khan Kala and Bairam Ali Khan Kala. Fig. 8. Earlier 20th century sondage in the roof of the

Mausoleumof bn Zayd,lookingsouthwiththe antechamber dome in theforeground. Scale 0.5 m. divisions.

THE FORTIFICATIONSOF ABDULLAH KHAN KALA Pierre Brun and AkmohammedAnnaev by Introduction The late medieaval city of Abdullah Khan Kala lies about 2 km. to the south of its predecessor Sultan Kala (Fig. 9) (see Brun & Annaev 2002 for a backgroundto the city and its currentcondition). Aims The rapid degradation of the fortifications led the project to launch a research programme on the defences, which aimed to: * provide a rapidrecord of the remains;

* to gather enough information for a preliminary phasing of the evolution of the fortifications; * to select sections for futureexploration. Approaches The first stage was a detailed survey of the fortifications, which will be followed by selective small-scale sample excavations of the wall. The south, east and north walls of Abdullah Khan Kala were surveyed during the 2001 season (Brun & Annaev 2002). During the 2002 season the preliminarysurvey was completed with the study of the west wall (Fig. 9). The work was carried out between 1 September and 14 September 2002. During the survey the inner and outer faces and top surface of the walls were scrutinised. Each stretch of curtainwall, each tower, and any special elements (such as bridges), were identified and numbered.Where there were extantbreaches in the walls, caused by collapse or erosion, these were quickly cleaned (this involved no


Phase5 Phase6 Phase7 Phase8 -

Abdullah KhanKalN MainPhases ef Evolut P.Brun-September 2002

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additionof bastions(a new phase) repairs(previouslyphase4) minorrepairs(a new phase) minorrepairs(previouslyphase5)

Phase 1 Ph•e

1

Phas 2

P

\

t

\

Phasec 6Phasc7

Fig. 10. AbdullahKhanKala: mainphases of the evolutionof thefortifications.

excavation)anddrawn.Partof the mudplasterof each stretchof wall and tower (a 1 m. wide strip) was removedto revealits masonry,whichwas recorded.

The fortificationsof the earliestphasesare buried underthe defences of the laterphases and thus are rarely visible (Fig. 10). The most easily identified remainsaretowers,revealedby the collapseof the later walls built againstthem (Fig. 11). It is possiblethat here. is represented morethanonephaseof construction Curtain

Thecurtainwall (northwall Curtain9) was builton a platformof pakhsa,at least 1 m. highand7 m. wide, projecting2 m. in frontof the wall line.The lowerpart of the curtain,madeof pakhsa,was 3.7 m. wide anda minimumof 2 m. in height.Twoupperpartshavebeen identified,bothmadewith mudbricks.The firsthad a single row of slits, irregularlyspacedevery0.56-1.20 m. The secondhada doublerow of slits.Thelowerslit was possiblyused for firingarrowsandthe upperslit for sighting(orforadmittinglightandairif therewas a gallery). Lower and upper slits were spaced in a staggeredpattern,probablyto avoidstrainon the wall. It is possiblethat these two elementsare partof the same wall, or alternativelythey mightbelong to two differentphases.No walkwaywas found duringthe survey,probablydueto latertruncation. Towers

Preliminaryphasing The phasingcompiledfromthe resultsof the 2001 season(Brun& Annaev2002) was expandedfromfive to eight phases.Thesephasesare describedbelow, in broad chronologicalorder.Gates and comer towers have not been included,as they will requirefurther workbeforetheycanbe integratedintothis sequence. Thephasesare: Phase1 - primaryphaseof construction (previously phase1) of thewall(previously Phase2 - strengthening phase2) Phase3 additionalD-shapedtowers(a new phase) Phase4- heighteningof the fortifications (previously phase3)

Seventowershavebeenidentified,dividedintotwo groups: Group1 (southwall Towers9 and 11)- lowerpart made of mudbrickand decoratedwith long incisions, 0.8 m. high,spacedevery0.2-0.25 m. Group2 (southwall Towers2 and3, andprobably northwall Tower5, andsouthwall Tower7)- lower part made of pakhsa and upper part built with mudbricks,in the same fashion as the curtains(Fig. 11). At present it is unknown whether the towers were hollow, with a blind chamber (no slits were found on the outer face), or solid with a rubblecore. At this stage of the survey, it is not possible to say if both groups belonged to the same phase.

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Fig. 11. Abdullah Khan Kala: exterior of the south wall of the city, showing Tower 2 and Curtain 2 from south. On the left is the truncated towerfrom Phase 1 and the additional wall built against it during Phase 3.

Phase 2 An additionalwall, built againstthe previousPhase 1 wall and erected on an extendedplatform,strengthened the fortifications.The externalend of the platformwas protected by a second wall or fausse braie. This strengtheningis found extensively throughoutAbdullah KhanKala,notablyexcept in the towersof the southwall and possibly some of west wall. Curtain The outerplatform,extended by 11 m., was made of moderately compacted sand and very hard compacted tuyun,mixed with sand (northwall Curtain9 and Tower 15, west wall Tower 5, south wall Curtain6). The inner platformwas apparentlynot extended. The lower part of the fortifications (west wall Curtain 13, south wall Curtain3 and Curtain6) was 4 m. wide at base and had a scarpedface covered by mudstrawplaster.It was constructedof layers of qumquyi,1 m. high, overlain by pakhsa blocks, 1.4 m. to 1.6 m. high. A single course of fired bricks (190-210 mm.2 x 30-40 mm. thick), some broken, was laid above the pakhsa blocks. The upperpartof the wall was 3-3.2 m. wide. It was made of mudbricks(240-280 mm.2x 40-70 mm. thick) bonded with a mud-strawmortar,15-25 mm. thick. At the north wall Curtain9, the wall was preserved up to 6.25 m. in height, althoughthe walkway is missing. The walkway, identified in otherplaces, was at least 2.82 m. wide, includingbattlements0.55-0.7 m. wide (Fig. 12). The battlements survive up to a height of 1.25 m. The floor of the walkway was covered with firedbricks. The

battlements were provided with arched apertures for cannon, situated just above the fired brick floor, and positioned at 1.6-2.3 m. intervals(northwall Curtains4 and 6, south wall Curtains 12 and 13). The holes had outer openings 0.6-0.7 m. wide and were at least 0.6 m. high. They seemed to have been constructed with a widening apertureon the inside to allow the defenders a largerfield of fire. Rectangularslits were set between and above the cannon holes and were probablyused for observation and/oras musket ports (south wall Curtain 9). The inner face of the curtains still needs to be investigated. Timberbeams may have been used in the walkway level (as suggested by north wall Curtain 11), although this requiresfurtherinvestigation. Towers The towers of this phase had a trapezoid shaped rear and a D-shaped front (Fig. 12). A total of 15 towers of this type have been identified during the survey. The towers were spaced every 50-69 m. along the east wall, 51-67 m. on the north, 53-69 m. on the west and 43-59 m. on the south wall. The different lengths of each wall - 706 m. (east), 685 m. (north), 700 m. (west) and 651 m. (south) - might explain the variation in spacing. The towers were solid and built against earlier towers. Theirmasonrywas linked to the masonryof the Phase 2 curtain walls. The lower part of the towers, usually buried under collapse, still needs to be investigated. The upper part was made of mudbricks (260-300 mm.2 x 60-70 mm. thick), bonded with a mud-strawmortar 10-25 mm. thick (Fig. 13).


1.51

N

Abdullah Khan Kala City, East wall Curtain 12 Tower 13 and Curtain 13

Tower 13

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walls

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Fig. 12. Abdullah Khan Kala. east wall of the city, plan of Curtain 12, Tower 13 (Bastion) and Curtain 13.

Fig. 13. Abdullah Khan Kala: exterior of the east wall of the city, Tower 4 from east, showing the tower erected during Phase 2 and the additional wall built against it, possibly in Phase 7. 2 m. scale.

On the east wall, the top of Tower 13 was cleaned and recorded.The tower was in a good condition, as it had been buriedundera laterbastion.Near the walkway level it projected4.2 m. from the frontline of the curtain

wall, and was 6 m. wide, where the tower joined the curtain. As yet no walkwayshave been recorded,althoughwe might assume that they were similar to the walkway of

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the curtains and at the same height. The same arched cannonholes as found on the curtainwall were observed, blocked in a later period. Each tower had at least three such cannon holes, two on each side of the trapeze for flanking fire and at least one (but perhaps as many as three)in the D-shapedfront,for foregroundfire. Like the curtains,the battlementsof the towers did not survive. The innerface of the towers still needs to be investigated. Braie and fausse braie The excavation of the northwall Curtain9 revealed that afausse braie (second line of wall built in front of the main line of fortifications) was erected on the extendedplatformduringthis phase. The lower parthad a core of qumquyimixed with sand, while the inner and outer faces were made of strongly compacted clay. In addition, fired bricks were used as facing for the outer face. The upper part does not survive (it was probably removed during a next phase), but it is probable that a walkway and battlementswould have crowned it. The braie at north wall Curtain9 was 3.6 m. wide. The surface was constructed of the same very compacted tuyun mixed with sand used to extend the outer platform. Aerial photographssuggest that this second ring of walls did not have bastions. Access In every curtain wall there were vaulted passages giving access to a staircaseleading to the walkway (Fig. 14). These passages are the only access to the braie identified thus far, although some other access may be

STUDIES

buried under later collapse (for instance the passage at south wall Curtain11, which seems lower than the rest of the passages found). Each curtainhad up to three Lshaped passages: one in the middle and one near each tower.The width of the passages is variable,from 0.9 m. to 1.4 m. This might indicate different periods of construction or perhaps different functions. The entrances in the outer face were at least 1.7 m. high, surmountedby either a slightly pointed, or a D-shaped, arch(the type of archseems to bearno relationshipto the width of the postern) (Fig. 15). The D-shaped arches were formed from radially set bricks (north wall Curtains 10 and 14, and south wall Curtain 11). The slightly pointed archeshad bricks arrangedradiallywith a small triangular"keystone" at the apex, formed of horizontalcourses of bricks set in chevrons (northwall Curtain12). The entrancespossibly had wooden doors, although no trace of sockets has yet been found. The entrancesgave access to a small corridor2.7-3.2 m. in length, which led to a staircase,1.18 m. wide, set at right angles. The stairway led up to the walkway and was accommodated within the thickness of the wall built duringthis phase. The corridorand the beginning of the stairwayprobablyhad a stepped tunnel vault, while the rest of the stairwaywas possibly open. The roof of the corridorswas some 0.5-0.6 m. under the floor of the walkway, as observed in the northand south walls (Fig. 15). The passages, therefore, were situated within the upper part of the curtains,suggesting that the openings were probably not at the level of the braie but somewherehalfway between the braie and the top of the walls. If this were correct, these passages would have

Fig. 14. Abdullah Khan Kala. exterior of the south wall of the city from the south, showing from right to left Curtain 2 from Phase 2, with a blocked passage between the two tamau, the collapsed D-shaped Tower 3, built during the Phase 3, and Curtain 3. 2 m scale.

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Fig. 15. Abdullah Khan Kala: interior of the north wall of the cityfrom south, Curtain 14 (section 586), showing a vaulted passage from Phase 2, giving access to a staircase leading to the walkway. 2 m. scale.

been only accessible using ladders. While they may have been intendedto provide access to the braie, they would have been vulnerable to firing from the enemy. Alternatively the passages might have been chambers for cannons, althoughthe openings may be too wide for this. Whatever their functions, the passages were blocked in a later phase, possibly because of their vulnerability. On the inner face of west wall Curtain 1 there is a blocked entrance,which may have been a staircaseto the walkway. It was 1.47 m. wide and was preservedup to 1.3 m. high. As towers and curtainswere solid, access to the towers from the curtainwas probablythroughthe walkway. Collection of the rainwater Part of a system used to collect rainwater is still visible along the outer face of the curtain walls. Grooves, spaced roughly every 7-10 m., contained terracottatroughs (known locally as tarnau) (Fig. 14). The troughs were round, 0.5 m. in length, and 20 mm. thick. They ran from the floor of the walkway down to the braie. The floor of the walkway was probably slightly sloping to bring the water into the channels, possibly via a gutterlaid parallelto the battlements.

Phase 3 Groupedin this phase are the D-shaped towers built against the Phase 2 curtain walls. These towers share many characteristicsof the towers of the Phase 2: they

have the same masonry, dimensions, passages and walkway with cannon holes. However, they have also some distinctive features,the principal one being their shape. Towers Seven distinctive D-shaped towers have been identified along the south wall (Towers 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 10), while four othertowers are likely candidates(north wall Tower 7, west wall Towers 4, 5 and 12) (Fig. 10). The D-shaped towers are spaced every 43-59 m. along the south wall. The towers were 5.8-6.7 m. wide and projecting 2.95-3.95 m. from the curtainwalls against which they were built (not bonded into). It is not yet possible to establish the platformupon which these towers were built. Both their lower and upper parts seem to have been built exclusively of mudbricks(250-280 mm.2x 50-70 mm. thick) (Fig. 11, Fig. 14). The walkway of the towers had the same cannon holes found in the battlementsof Phase 2. Each tower had at least three cannon holes, two on each side for flankingfire and at least one, or possibly up to three, in the frontfor foregroundfire. The floor of the walkway was made with fired bricks. In the south wall (Towers 4 and 10) the battlementsare 0.95-1.1 m. wide, but later truncationmeans that no evidence for slits between the cannon holes survives. It is also not clear if the towers were higherthan the Phase 2 curtainwall. Some of the towers have vaulted passages in their outer face (south wall Towers 2, 3 and 7). These gave access to a straightcorridor2.3-3.4 m. in length and at least 2.1 m. high. It is not yet clear what function they

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Abdu:llahKha Kala, City, East wall: Curtain 12- Sectiionn 150 P Braun-September 2002

Silt

. .........

phase2:1

2t z-

gj

0

1

0

1

2 tr

Fig. 16. Abdullah Khan Kala: east wall of the city, section of Curtain 12, facing south.

had, especially if the passages built in curtains during Phase 2 were still in use. It is possible that they may have led to a staircase, 0.8 m. wide, built between the Phase 1 tower and the Phase 2 wall, perhaps for access to the walkway of the tower. As with the Phase 2 passages, they were blocked in a laterphase. At present we cannot be sure of the relationship between the Phase 2 and 3 towers. They both operated with the same curtain wall; their dimensions and walkways seem identical;and they did not have timber beams for the lower part of their masonry (unlike subsequentphases). However, the D-shaped towers also differ from the towers of Phase 2 in a number of ways: their shape; they do not bond with the curtains;and the existence of passages. Overall, however, they appearto be complimentary, ratherthan replacing one another.

Phase 4 The upper part of the main curtainwall was raised and the openings in its battlementswere blocked. The passages found within the towers and curtains were probably also filled up at this time. The inner face of the main wall was presumably refurbished.The braie

was also raised and the construction of a new fausse braie may relate to this phase as well. This heightening of the fortifications is found throughout Abdullah Khan Kala. Curtain All the passages of Phases 2 and 3 were blocked, and the exterior face covered with plaster (Fig. 14, Fig. 15). The cannon holes and the rectangularslits above them were blocked with mudbricks (260-290 mm.2 x 50-60 mm.), and again plastered so as to be invisible from the outside. In the east wall (Curtain12), the wall was raised by 2 m., consisting of an inner face with a rubble core, containing charcoal and soiled straw,above which was pakhsa with inclusions of broken bricks (Fig. 16). The rubblewas separatedby 0.4 m. wide walls set every 3.1 m. and made of mudbricks (260-270 mm.2 x 50-55 mm.). The inner facing was constructedusing red fired bricks (200-260 mm.2x 50 mm.). The width of the new upper part and walkway was at least 3 m. The floor of the walkway was comprised of fired brick, on which battlementswere erected.The new battlementswere 0.7 m. wide and survived to a truncatedheight of 0.8 m. The battlements were probably provided with arched cannon holes and slits, like the fortificationsof Phase 2,


butbetterpreservedexampleswill needto be foundto confirmthis. In the northwall (Curtains8 and 14) a pakhsawall was used insteadof fired bricks.In the south wall andlinked (Curtain 3) thefacingwasmadeof mudbricks to a smallarcade.Thesedifferences needto be confirmed by furthercleaning.It is possiblethattherearetwo inner facings,one for the citadelandone for the city,or that someof thesefacingsarerepairsto the original. In the northwall the heighteningis linkedto an arcademadeof six archessetbehindCurtain6, Tower7 andCurtain7. Thearchesconsistof a seriesof massive piers,2.7-3.0 m. wideandprojectingat least1.9-2.4m. fromthe wall. The pierswere spaced3.4-4.2 m. apart andbuiltof mudbrick(260-270 mm.2x 50-60 mm.). Timberbeamswere insertedwithinthe masonry.The archeswerepointed,madewithtwo or threecoursesof mudbricks(260-270 mm.2 x 50-60 mm.) arranged radially.At the apex of each vault,a small triangular "keystone"was formedof horizontalcoursesof bricks set in chevrons.

155

were raised by a similar height duringthis phase: 2.0-2.4 m. forthe wall and2.2-2.3 m. forthe braie. Access Some staircasesof the previousphasesmay have been refurbishedto access the walkway (like the staircasebetweenthe walkwayand braieof Phase2), andnew ones may also havebeen built.The passages of Phase2 and3, however,wereseeminglyblockedand hiddenby plasteron the exterior.It is notyet possibleto determineif this was done in one or more stages. Nevertheless,if the braiewas heightenedduringPhase 4, thenthepassagesof the previousphaseswouldhave been dangerouslylow, especiallywith a higherfausse braie. Thus it would have been logical to block the passagesduringthis phase.It is uncertainhow troops hadaccessto the braie,as thereis no evidencethatthe passageswererebuilthigher,althoughtheremay have beenaccessat the baseof the fortifications.

Phase 5

Towers The towerswere also raisedduringthis phase.The exampleis southwall Tower10, where best-preserved thebattlements were0.8 m. wideandsurviveup to 2.40 m. in height.It is impossibleto determineif the towers were higherthan the curtains.The heighteningwas strengthenedwith timber beams, 150-200 mm. in diameter,placed in the cannon holes and on the truncated battlementsof thepreviousphase.

This phase is characterised of by the construction bastions to strengthenthe fortifications.These gun platformsprojectedfrom the walls and provideda speciallydesignedareaforthecannonsof AbdullahKhan Kala(Fig.17).Thefaussebraiewasmodifiedto takeinto accounttheseadditions.Thecomertowersandthegates werepossiblyalsostrengthened duringthisphase. Towers

Braieand faussebraie At the northwall Curtain9, the upperpartof the Phase2 fausse braiewas truncatedandthe braiewas levelled.The braiewas thenextendedby 3.75 m. and raisedby 2.2 m. with qumquyiandclay.The levelling was then overlainby a stronglycompactedlayer of pakhsa,0.5 m. to 0.7 m. thick,whichwas laid against the maincurtainwall and actedas a new bermfor its base. The end of the braiewas formedby moderately compacted clay mixed with tuyun and faced with strongly compacted tuyun. The core and facing served as foundationfor a newfausse braie of which only part of its pakhsa inner face survived. The levelling of the braie could not have takenplace without a significant heightening of the curtain walls, otherwise the main walls would have been too low. It is interesting to note, therefore, that the braie and wall

It is likelythatthereweretwo bastionson eachwall, eightin total,forAbdullahKhanKala.Thelargebastion in themiddleof thenorthwall,probablytheNorthGate, was closedandtransformed intoa gunplatformbefore Phase6. It is much larger(21 m. long with a 8.2 m. fromthe projection)and differentin plan (triangular) restof thebastionsdescribedbelow. The followingbastionsare still standing:east wall Towers6, 13;northwall Towers5, 13;west wallTower 11 (Fig. 10). Three bastions have not yet been identified. On the aerial photographs, there is a rectangularshape between west wall Towers 4 and 5, which could be the missing bastion of the west wall. It is probable that there were also two bastions on the south wall, but these would have been more vulnerable thantheir counter-partsand the area in frontof the main wall is nearly gone. Nevertheless, if we follow the

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Fig. 17. Abdullah Khan Kala: exterior of the north wall of the city from north, showing Tower 13 (bastion) projecting from the walls. Note the projecting braie infront of the bastion before theflooded moat.

pattern identified for the other walls, there would have been a bastion around south wall Tower 3 and another one around Curtain 9. Similarities in the position and size of the surviving bastions seem to indicate that they were planned together. It is not yet clear on what platformthe bastions were built. If the 50-65 m. spacing between towers during Phases 2 and 4 is correct,then the bastions of this phase were either built against an existing tower (as at east wall Tower 13 and most likely Tower 6) or erected between two towers (as at north wall Tower 5 and 13; west wall Tower 11) (Fig. 12). It should be noted that the bastions of each wall seem to have the same position (against a tower for the east wall, between towers for the northwall). It is possible, therefore,thatthe position of the bastions dependedon the length of each wall. The missing bastion of the west wall, if found, should confirm or dismiss this hypothesis. The descriptionof the bastions is based on the bestpreserved example, east wall Tower 6. The bastions were rectangular.At east wall Tower 6, the bastion was about 16.3 m. long by 6.9-7.5 m. (respectively north and south sides). The dimensions of the other bastions is difficult given their poor state of preservation:east wall Tower 13 (20 m. long by 5.8 m. wide); northwall Tower 5 (15.3 m. by 9 m.); north wall Tower 13 (16.4 m. by 11.2 m.); west wall Tower 11 (15.8 m. by 5 m.). Although east wall Tower 13 was solid, the erosion and the collapsed layers observed at the other bastions indicate that they had an open rear and a courtyard.

The lower part of the bastions is not yet known. In east wall Tower 6, the upperpart was exclusively built with mudbricks(280-290 mm.2x 60-70 mm. thick), set in a mortar 20 mm. thick. The bastion had one polygonal tower at each comer with open rear chambers, 2.35 m. wide. The walls of the chambers were 0.85 m. wide and their inner face was plastered. The easternside of the tower had collapsed, possibly an indication of the existence of a cannon hole in the past. The wall joining the two towers is curiously bent. It is difficult to tell whether the wall was constructed like this or if it is due to some later deformation. The walkway was seemingly cut duringthe next phase. The bastions were higher than the previous curtains, to command the surroundingwalls. Braie and Fausse Braie The aerialphotographsshow the layout of thefausse braie as projecting in front of the bastions. Thefausse braie circuit appears to have been widened when the bastions were erected.

Phase 6 During this phase the fortifications were not completely refurbished(as they were in Phase 2), but just repaired. The repairs are scattered along the fortifications and are variable in length, from a few metres, to a long stretchincluding curtainsand towers.

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Fig. 18. Abdullah Khan Kala: east wall of the city,from north, section of Curtain 12, showing the additional wall built during Phase 6, against the heightened curtain wall of Phase 2. 2 m scale.

Although each section is usually homogeneous, its masonry is never entirelythe same. An additional curtain wall was constructedof two courses ofpakhsa (0.9-1.3 m. high) at the base, overlain by courses of mudbrick(0.25-1.85 m. high), one course ofpakhsa (0.70-1.05 m. high) and then more courses of mudbricks (at least 2.7 m. high). The masonry was strengthenedby the extensive use of timber beams. In some places, the wall was also strengthened by the addition of small towers, which probably acted as counterforts(east wall Towers 2, 5, 9; and west wall Towers 2 and 3). This masonry appears to have been used to repair the previous wall, either replacing damagedspots (northwall Curtains11 and 14; west wall Curtains1 to 3; southwall Curtains7, 10, 11), or in some cases, building an additional wall against it (east wall Tower 1 to north wall Tower 1; north wall Tower 10; west wall Towers 1 and 4) (Fig. 10). Section with additional wall This descriptionis based on a section of the east wall Curtain11, northwall Tower 1 and especially east wall Curtain 12 (Section 552), although it should be noted that this section may not be a model for the whole city wall as it also doubled as the wall for the citadel. The additionalwall built against curtainswas 1.7 m. wide near the base, reducingto 1.6 m. wide at the level of the walkway (Fig. 12 and Fig. 18). At presentwe are unable to say if it was built on the platform of the previous wall. The additional wall was made with alternatelayers ofpakhsa blocks (0.95-1.4 m. high) and mudbricks(260-310 mm.2 x 50-70 mm.), which were set in mortarsome 10-30 mm. thick (Fig. 16). From the

bottom up, the additional wall can be described as pakhsa blocks, courses of mudbrick (0.46-1.83 m. high), one course of pakhsa and then furthermudbricks courses up to the battlements.The additionalwall was strengthenedwith timberbeams. At east wall Curtain12, the battlementsof the Phase 4 wall were cut away, and a new floor for the walkway was established some 0.9 m. above the previous walkway. At the level of the heightening, the additional wall was built with a mudbrickfacing and a rubblecore, including fragments of brick, bone, clay and textiles. Above the rubble and the cut battlements,there was a fired brick floor for the new walkway, although the bricks are no longer in place. The new battlementsare preserved to a height of 1.6 m. They were 1 m. wide, reducing to 0.8 m. at the top, and were pierced by pairs of slits forming a V-shape, irregularly spaced every 1.2-1.72 m. The slits of each pair were 0.54-0.6 m. apart and 0.8 m. long. Each slit was rectangular, 0.13-0.2 m. wide and 0.36 m. high. The slits were positioned just above the floor of the walkway. The arrangementin pairs was probablydesigned to give the defenders two different positions for firing. The position of these slits shows that the defenders were firing from the floor of the walkway. Along a 10.5 m. surviving stretchof battlementsat east wall Curtain 12 no traces of canon holes were found, perhaps suggesting that they were more widely spaced than during the previous phases, or that they were only placed on the top of towers and bastions. The inner face of the curtainsand towers still needs to be investigated,althoughit was probablyrefurbished to take into account the heighteningof the walls.

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Fig. 19. Abdullah Khan Kala: aerial view, exterior of the west wall of the city from west, showing from right to left the corner Tower 1, the repaired section erected during Phase 6, with its small two towers acting as counterforts (Tower 2 and Tower 3) and Tower 4.

Section with repair of the previous wall only In the west wall (Curtains1-3) the previous curtain was repairedwith alternatebands of pakhsa blocks and mudbricks.From the bottom up it consisted of pakhsa blocks (1.15-1.2 m. high), courses of mudbrick(0.7-0.8 m. high), anothercourse of pakhsa blocks, and further courses of mudbrickup to the level of the battlements, although the battlements themselves are missing. The new wall was 2 m. wide at the top andprovidedwith two small towers (Fig. 19), which probably acted as counterforts.They were 2.7-2.8 m. wide and projecting 3.6-3.8 m. beyond the wall line. The additionalwall and its counterfortswere strengthenedwith timber beams, 0.18 m. in diameter. The inner face of the repaired sections still needs to be investigated. In the southwall (Curtains10 and 11, and Tower 10) alternate layers of pakhsa blocks and mudbrickswere used: here pakhsa blocks (0.9 m. high) and courses of mudbricks(0.4 m. high) made up a 2.35 m. wide additional wall. At the rear of the wall was an arcade of mudbricks,with piers 1-1.2 m. wide, projectingat least 1.5 m. from the wall, and spaced 2.3-2.6 m. apart.The arches supported by the piers are missing. The piers were built against the pakhsa of the main wall, but articulated with the mudbrick layers in the wall, demonstratingthatthe arcadewas an integralpartof the replacement wall. This assertion is reinforced by the presence of timber beams, 0.2 m. in diameter, which cross the masonry at the level of the mudbrickcourses.

Strengthening of the bastions During this phase, the bastions were also strengthened. In the east wall (Tower 6), the previous bastion was cut away and the chamber(or the open rear) of its two towers was filled with a mix of rubble, mudbricks (280-2902 x 60-70 mm.) and broken fired bricks. The mudbricks may have come from the upper part of the previous bastion, as they were of the same size. The additional wall was built against and above the plaster of the previous bastion. It seems to have followed the shape of the previous bastion, with its polygonal towers, although perhaps less sharply. The additional wall was at least 1 m. wide and 6.3 m. high, including the walkway. Its lower partcan be describedas alternate bands of mudbricks (270-3102 x 50-65 mm.) and pakhsa blocks (0.8-1.2 m. high). Its upper section and walkway was built with plasteredmudbricks.The walls were strengthened with timber beams, 0.1 m. in diameter, spaced every 0.75 m. The battlements were 0.75 m. wide and were pierced with slits: two were preservedon the south side of the bastion. The first was a small rectangularslit, possibly used for flanking fire and sighting. The second was a funnel shaped cannon hole, with sides narrowing from 0.9 m. to 0.7 m. The lack of fired brick facing for the additional wall probably explains why the bastion is so much better preservedthan its counterparts(such as east wall Tower 13, which was completely robbed above the collapsed debris protectingits base).


Braie and Fausse Braie

Eastwall Curtains12-13 showedthatthe mainwall was only heightenedby 1 m., suggesting that the braie

andfausse braiewereprobablynot heightenedduring this phase, althoughthey might have been repaired wherenecessary.

*

Phase 7

Thisphaseencompasses wall repairsto theadditional builtin Phase6 (Fig. 10). Two typesof masonryhave beenidentified,whichmayormaynotbe contemporary. * Thefirstmasonryis foundin the eastwall (Curtains 10 and 11 - Sections393-470). From what is visible,it was madeof two coursesofpakhsablocks * 1 m. high,overlaidby (notseparated by mudbricks), coursesof mudbricks(270-3002 x 60-70 m.), set in a

mortar20 mm.thick. * The secondmasonryis also foundin the east wall 2 and3 - Sections37-102). It comprises (Curtains a new facingforthe Phase6 wall, andwas madeof mudbricks (260-2802x 40-50 mm.),set in a mortar 20 mm.thick.Itwasstrengthened withtimberbeams, 0.13-0.15m. in diameter, spacedevery0.75 m.

*

Phase 8

The repairson Phase 7 were themselvesrepaired with greyishmudbricks(eastwall Tower11), as were othersectionsof the fortifications(east wall Tower7, northwall Tower10 andpossiblyTowers3 and15).On the eastwall Towers7 and 11the masonrywas 2.5-2.8 m. wide. The core of the repaircomprisedalternate layersof clay and layersof greyishmudbricks.It was facedwithgreyishmudbricks (230-2702x 60-70 mm.), set in a whitishmortar15-30 mm. thick.The masonry with timberbeams,0.13-0.15 m. in was strengthened diameter,spacedevery0.3-0.4 m.

*

*

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beforecannonswerecommon.Themainweaponof this periodwas still the bow, withpossiblythe first muskets,hence the presenceof arrow-slitsin the curtainwalls. The spacingof 30-35 m. between towerswouldhavebeensuitablerangeforthe bow. In Phases 2 and 3 the fortifications startedto make extensiveprovisionfor cannonson the curtainwalls andtowers.Thewallsweresubstantially refurbished andstrengthened: themainwallwas madewiderand andthe higher,a secondlineof wallwasconstructed, towers and the comer towers were changedto a polygonalshape,whichmightreflectan adaptation of the fortifications for artillery.Thismightalso be reflectedin thewideningof the spacingbetweenthe towers,to adaptthemto the long-rangefire of the cannons. DuringPhase 4 the main wall, braie andfausse braiewereallraisedby 2-2.4 m. Thewallswerealso probablywidenedin the process.Communication betweenthe differentpartsof the fortificationwas adapted,but not everywhere:for example, the passagesfrom the walkwayto the braie were not rebuiltat the higherlevel. It is possiblethatthese passageshadprovedto be a majorweaknessin the upperpartof thewallsto artilleryfire. DuringPhase 5 each wall was providedwith two artilleryplatforms,possiblyslightlyhigherthanthe curtainwalls.Theplatformswouldhavebeenuseful in protectingthebraieby providinglateralfire,more efficientthandirectfirefromthetowers. In Phase 6 the fortificationswere substantially repaired.Thepreviouswallmusthavebeenin a poor stateof repair,or damaged,to necessitaterepairson this scale. The east wall appearsto have been the most extensivelyrepaired,with an additionalwall erectedfromeastwall Tower1 to northwall Tower 1. If the city hadbeen attacked,perhapsthe enemy hadconcentrated fireon thisside. Finally,a numberof smallrepairstookplaceduring Phases 7 and 8.

of the Overall,therewas a continuousstrengthening fortificationsof AbdullahKhanKala.The walls were Conclusions Some preliminaryconclusions on the evolution of the fortificationsof Abdullah Khan Kala can be made from the survey. * The fortificationsof Phase I were designed for "precannon" warfare, or at least belonged to a period

made wider, higher and were provided with a second line of defence. During this strengthening,the natureof the fortifications also changed. The primary walls designed for the bow had to be adapted to the widespreaduse of cannons, and finally to muskets. The last adaptationis also visible in BairamAli Khan Kala, the walled suburbof Abdullah Khan Kala (below).

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THE FORTIFICATIONSOF BAIRAM-ALI KHAN KALA Pierre Brun and AkmohammedAnnaev by During the season 2002 a preliminary survey of Bairam Ali Khan Kala defences was undertaken, between 5 and 6 September2002, with the help of Ak Mohammed Annaev, Gurban Agadjanov and ten workers. The defensive walls of Bairam Ali Khan Kala have largely been destroyed by the encroachment of the modem town of Bairam Ali, and active robbing continues to erode the surviving fabric. Only the north wall, and about a thirdof the west wall, survives within the Archaeological Park(Fig. 20). Some small stretches of wall, however, have survived within the modem town, reused in private courtyards:furthersurvey work is needed here. The west wall appears to be straight, whereas the north wall curves slightly, suggesting that it may have been built to accommodate existing buildings. Three towers, including the comer tower, are still standing along the west wall, spaced c. 60-70 m. apart. Two towers have so far been identified on the north wall. The first was positioned close to the moat of Abdullah Khan Kala, and lay 26 m. from the AbdullahKhan Kala comer tower (north wall Tower 1). If the 60-70 m. spacing on the west wall were applied to the northwall of Bairam Ali Khan Kala, then there should be six towers in total along this stretch. The survey revealed the existence of at least four phases in the fortifications:

STUDIES

Phase 1: the best preserved fragment is the round northwall Tower 2, some 4 m. wide, and projecting4.3 m. from the curtain wall, with walls 1.2 m. thick. Its upper part was made of mudbricks(260-2702 x 60-70 mm.), bonded with a mortar10-20 mm. thick. The core of the tower has not yet been explored. Between north wall Tower 2 and west wall Curtain 1, some very eroded masonry, 1.5 m. thick, may be all that is left of the original curtainwall from this phase. Phase 2: During this phase the fortifications were strengthenedwith an additional wall built against the Phase 1 curtainwall. The additionalwall was 1.9-2 m. thick and made of pakhsa blocks. The towers were strengthened,and were now c. 9 m. wide and projected at least 3.9 m. from the widened curtainwall, to which they were linked. Phase 3: Another additionalwall was built against the comer tower (west wall Tower 1). It was comprised of alternatelayersof clay (0.6-0.7 m. high) and very hard compactedclay (0.3-0.4 m. high). Plasteredbattlements, preservedto a height of 2.1 m., were erectedon the top of the additionalwall. They were 0.4 m. wide, and made with mudbricks(210-2702 x 60-70 mm.) Phase 4: During this phase the battlements of the comer tower (west wall Tower 1) were first truncated, and then widened by at least 0.3 m. and heightenedby at least 1.55 m. Holes for timber beams, probably to supporta walkway,were observed.The new battlements were probablydesigned for musket warfare. At this stage it is not possible to link the phases of Bairam Ali Khan Kala with those of Abdullah Khan Kala.

Fig. 20. Bairam Ali Khan Kala. aerial view of the remaining fortifications, from west, showing the north and west walls, and the modern city of Bairam Ali encroaching from the south.

THE ANCIENT

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Further exploration of the defences, possibly including excavations of sections of walls in BairamAli Khan Kala, would furtherrefine our understandingof the development of the late town.

CERAMIC RESEARCH by Gabriele Puschnigg The ceramic research programme this season encompassed both the collection of primary data and the enhancement of study resources through the development of an AHRB-funded pottery reference collection for Merv and the surroundingregion. Three different activities took place: the documentation of Asim Akhmedov's collection from former Soviet excavations; the processing of new finds from the excavations of the pre-Islamic defences in Gyaur Kala (MGK6) (see above); and the selection of samples for scientific analyses and the form/fabric reference collection.

1986, Trench7/1, stratumXXVIII. Fig. 21. YuTAKE

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Documentation of the YuTAKE material Following the assessment last year of the scale and researchpotential of the collection stored in the nearby village in Asim Akhmedov's house (Puschnigg 2002, 22), the material was studied in more detail and recorded systematically. A substantial amount of the pottery was found during excavations conducted by Zamira Usmanova in Erk Kala from 1986 through 1991. ProfessorUsmanova kindly broughtthis valuable collection to our attention two years ago and we are very grateful to her and Mr Akhmedov for permission to study the material. The pottery derives from Trenches7, 8 and 9 in Erk Kala. Trench 7 produced the largest proportion of sherds and a reporton the excavations of this trenchhas alreadybeen published (Usmanova 1992). Unpublished manuscriptsare accessible for Trenches 8 and 9. Primary documentation of the material is largely restricted to abbreviated information detailing the provenance, written in ink directly on the sherds. Sometimes the find location is also noted on the top of cardboardboxes or on loose paper.In its most complete form the inked labels on the sherds include the year of excavation, the trench, specific locations or excavation areas within the trench and the stratum, usually representingartificial0.50 m. spits. Some of the labels, however, only refer to the trench and a relatively large number of sherds were not labelled at all. As the material was not strictly sorted and many sherds were mixed, these unlabelled fragments could not be safely attributedto a specific area or trench. All fragmentswere dry-brushedandlaid out. Material derivingfromthe same trench,excavationareaor location and stratumwas treatedas a discreteassemblage.As no information was given on the collection policy, the assemblageswere regardedas randomsamples from the respective strata. Each assemblage was photographed (Fig. 21) and the single fragments,mostly rim and base sherdsor handles,were recordedas diagnostics,i.e. with referenceto their shape, the diameterand percentageor measurements,and the fabric.For Trench7, a total of 47 assemblageswere registeredfrom 11 differentexcavation areas.The longest sequence documentedin the material for any one area comprised 11 strata, which would indicatethatthis particularareawas excavatedto a depth ofc. 5-6 m. (see Usmanova 1992, 59, fig. 4). The main potentialof the materialfrom Trench7 lies in the relatively large number of well preservedvessel

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Fig. 22. Pottery of YazIII typefrom Erk-Kala. 1-2, YuTAKE1986 Trench 7/1 stratum XXX; 3 and 5 YuTAKE1986 Trench 7/1 stratum 4, YuTAKE1987 Trench 7/1. XXVIII,"

profiles of "Yaz-III"type pottery named after the site Yaz-depe in the Merv oasis. To date the absolute chronologyof"Yaz-III"potteryis not completelysolved. Scholars tended to associate this ceramic type with the Achaemenid period, although more recent studies suggest a laterdate in the very Late or post-Achaemenid periods (Usmanova 1992, 58, 62, fig. 8; Cattani and Genito 1998, 75).

In the context of Merv, the "Yaz-III"type vessels representan earlyphase in the ceramicdevelopmentand characteristicshapes have only been found as small residual fragments in the InternationalMerv Project (IMP) excavations. Thus the much better preserved specimens fromUsmanova'strenchprovidean excellent opportunityto closely study the rangeof shapes, fabrics and productiontechniquesof this period (Fig. 22). Some


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Fig. 23. Carinatedbase of a "Yaz III" typejar larger fragments show a marked reduction in wallthicknessjust above the carination(Fig. 22.2). While the area around the carination is carefully trimmed, the surface of the actualbase often has a rough appearance, which is probablylinked to a type of supportused in the last stages of production (Fig. 23). Furtherinteresting aspects identified from a first overview include the use of red wash on some of the "Yaz-III"type vessels and the occurrenceof plain ware fabricsthat show relatively large inclusions of unmixed clay. The tracesof red wash on these early pottery types indicate that this particular surface treatmentwas popularright from the beginning of pottery development at Merv and continued to be used throughoutthe Parthianand Sasanianperiods. Apart from the "Yaz III" type pottery,the material from Trench 7 also included vessel forms apparently relatedto the late phases of occupationin ErkKala in the Late Sasanianand EarlyIslamic periods (Fig. 24). Some elaboratejug necks have parallels from the refuse pits overlayingthe occupationallevels in GyaurKala Area 5 (Herrmannet al. 1995, 40). The absence of this pottery type from ErkKala Area 1 suggests thatit belongs to the very late or post-Sasanian repertoire (Fig. 24.7). A representativeproportionof the fragmentsfrom Trench 7 were drawn. The labels writtenon the fragmentsfrom Trenches8 and 9 were generallyrestrictedto the trenchnumberand stratum.Materialfrom these two excavationsconsists of another 10 assemblages. Work on these assemblages was not completed and will be continued over the next season.

Despite its great value as a reference collection, the material from Usmanova's trenches leaves many archaeological questions unsolved. As mentioned above, nothing is known on the collection policy. It is therefore impossible to judge how representativethe assemblages are in terms of the range of pottery types presentin the respective stratum.The greatdifferencein size, some assemblages contained about 30 fragments while others consisted of a single sherd, may suggest that the decision to keep materialwas eitherarbitrary,or part of the materialgot lost over time. The correlation between the different excavation areas within the same trench, and the exact relationship of stratawithin one area bearing the same number,but excavated in different years, are furtherproblems that are not obvious from the published report and need clarification. Through the close study of all available materials and personal contact with Z.I. Usmanova we hope to be able to solve some of these questions and to include the results in the AHRB funded reference collection.

The ceramic reference collection by Gabriele Puschnigg with Ann Feuerbach, Dave Gilbert and Alan Vince The development of a diachronic form and fabric reference collection for the Merv pottery is a key objective in the current ceramic research programme, generously supported by the Arts and Humanities

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Fig. 24. Late- and post-Sasanian pottery from Erk-Kala Trench 7;,1, T 7/3 stratum XXXi; 2, T 7/3 stratum XXX; 3 and 5, T 7/3 stratum XXXVI; 4 T7/3 stratum XXXv, 6, T 7 stratum XXVIII, 7, T 7/3 stratum XXXII.

ResearchBoard. A physical referencecollection will be stored on site at the premises of the "Ancient Merv" ArchaeologicalParkin Turkmenistan,with a mirrorcopy in England,initiallyat the Instituteof Archaeology,UCL, London.The collectionwill be publishedas a two-volume

corpus (pre-Islamicand Islamic), including information on the supportingscientific analyses. This resourcewill also be supportedby an Internetbased resource. Samples of differentfabricsand firing conditionsare being collected from all city sites at Merv. The sample

THE ANCIENT

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sherds are diagnostic fragments, so that a possible correlation between fabrics and forms can be established. Within each fabric or colour group a wide range of shapes is chosen to cover all periods of pottery manufacture.The fragments sampled this season were taken from assemblages excavated in MGK6, the defensive wall of Gyaur Kala, and from Zamira Usmanova's excavations in Erk Kala Trench7. In total 88 rim, base or handle fragmentswere selected from the stratifiedmaterial, 71 from MGK6 and 17 from MEK Trench 7. The samples will be analysed petrographically, to update the results of a limited series of thinsections previously undertaken. Apart from the city sites of Merv, surface material was also collected from Dzhin-depe, a possible Parthian kiln site c. 50 km. NW of Merv. A further20 samples were taken from the sites of the previously excavated kilns (Merezhin 1962). This discrete group of samples will be compared to material from the Erk Kala and Gyaur Kala in a pilot project of chemical analysis to establish whether different sources of raw materialcan be distinguished within the superficially uniform deposits of the alluvial delta of the Merv oasis. Petrographic and chemical analyses are currently in progress.Depending on the outcome of this firsttranche, furtherchemical analyses will be undertakento separate differentclay sources and productioncentres.

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CONSERVATIONAND SITE MANAGEMENT and Tim by Scbastien Moriset (CRATerre-EAG) Williams(UCL), with MahmoudBendakir (CRATerre-EA G) Following on from initialresearchin 2001 (Williams et al. 2002), a detailed overview of priorities was undertakenwith the "Ancient Merv" Park Staff in the Spring of 2002. The programme is focusing on three main objectives: * Developing a managementplan: The site has been receiving Turkmen and international experts for decades,but a managementplan, guidingall energies towardsdefinedcommon goals, is leadingto dramatic resultsin termsof conservation.This programmeis a unique opportunityto join forces between different groupsof professionalsand stakeholders,and develop a commonplan for the future. * Capacity building: This includes training the Park staff and equipping the site with efficient tools to improve their capacity to manage and maintain the site (Fig. 25). The park staff have considerable skills, and are trying their best to conserve the site, but limited resourcesand experience can lead to less significant results. * Research and experimentation:In-depthmonitor-ing and analysis of the decay factors is necessary to

Fig. 25. Workmen,taking

a breakfrom trainingin the applicationof a new earthcoverfor one of the domesat Ibn Zayd.

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recognise the endangered structures,and the most significantthreats.In addition,various conservation techniques have to be experimentedwith, over a significant period of time, to define the most appropriate conservation methods. Although successfultechniqueshave been testedon similarsites in the region, time is needed to distinguishefficient protective system from ineffective or dangerous techniquesfor each type of monumentin Merv. The first mission, carried out from 12 to 25 May 2002, aimed to: a. Assess and examine in the field the principalerosion processes that threaten the stability of the archaeologicalmonuments. b. Analyse the efficiency of the canals and drainage systems, including the monitoring of the watertable in existing wells. c. Monitor the humidity and salts migration, daily temperatureand humidity. d. Identify suitablesoils for conservationworks around the Park. e. Select structuresat risk as high priorityfor action.

STUDIES

f. Discuss technical options and preparean immediate remedialaction plan for these structures. g. Prepare a detailed conservation programme for 2002-3. h. Cost the implementationphase. The second mission, carried out between 24 Septemberand 22 October2002, aimed to: a. Implement preventive conservation measures in order to prevent the rapid deteriorationof selected archaeologicalstructuresthatwere at risk. b. Implement a series of emergency works to stop deteriorationprocesses compromisingthe stabilityof standingbuildings. c. Launch an experimental programme for the of mudbrickstructures. conservation/preservation d. Train Park staff and other technicians regularly involved in conservation activities through the above works. The Anglo-Turkmen-Frenchteam: i) Agreed those aspects of structureswhich are "at risk" - where deterioration is compromising structuralstabilityin the short-term.A programmeof immediate remedial action was implemented in the Autumn 2002 season, with substantialwork on a range of monuments (Kepter Khana, Little Kyz Kala, Ibn Zayd (Fig. 26), a pilot section of the Sultan Kala city wall, etc.). Furtherwork is scheduled for the Springand Summerof 2003. ii) A programmeof longer-termexperimentationis also now underway,with test sites for a variety of earth renders, earth capping, geotextiles, drainage schemes, etc., set up in 2002. Monitoring will take place in the Springand Autumn 2003, and new tests implementedaccordingly. Detailed reportingon the conservationprogramme will be published elsewhere (Moriset and Williams forthcoming).

Mitigation of the impact of earlier excavations. Backfilling old excavations by Louise Cooke

Fig. 26. Workin progresson the new earthroof at Ibn Zayd.

Following on from the documentationwork on the previous excavations at Merv, carried out in 2001 (Williams et al. 2002, 20-1), a methodology was developed to tackle the conservationissues posed by the open


trenches(for a full discussionof the approachesand workundertaken atMerv,see Cookeforthcoming). The problems associated with open trenches and the can be preservationof excavatedearthenarchitecture as: related to the broadly categorised damage characteristics of earthenbuildingmaterials;damage relatedto the environment;damagerelatedto human activity;anddamagerelatedto the effectsof vegetation and animals.An additionalproblemis posed by the positioningof excavationspoilheaps,whichcontribute to difficulties in reading the landscape for both specialistandnon-specialistalike. Backfillinghasprovedto be one of theonlyeffective methodsto assurethelong-term protectionof excavated Standardconservation depositsof earthenarchitecture. proceduresareoftenunsuitableforearthenarchitecture below the ground-surface, primarilybecause of the concentration of soluble saltsandthe associated higher of The construction of effective problems drainage. shelters is also problematicat Merv; the costs are relatively high (compared with low-technology approachessuchas backfilling),andany shelterwould impactupon the publicperceptionof the site, with a visualimpactuponthelandscape. significant Approaches to shelters,and the long-termdisplay of excavated butin theinterim remains,will continueto be researched, it is important to ensuretheshortto mediumtermsurvival of thearchaeological resource. An idealbackfillingsolutionwouldseek to address as many of the above issues as possible. The 2002 season gave an opportunityto test the feasibility, practicalitiesand costing of the proposedbackfilling methodology.

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The excavation selected to start this process was MSK1, undertakenby the InternationalMerv Project (IMP) between 1995 and 2000 (Herrmannet al. 2001, 31-33). It was chosento pilot the work as it posed specific conservation and management problems within the mediaevalcitadelof ShahriyarArk. The trenchallowed a variety of differentconservationproceduresto be tested and highlights the responsibility of archaeologists to provide adequateresources and expertise for the longterm in situ conservationof excavateddeposits. The backfilling methodology consists of a number of processes (Fig. 27): * trenchpreparation(cleaning and documentation); * applicationof a distinctive separatinglayer (in this case a geotextile), in orderto ensurethe reversibility of the action; * soil preparationthrough sieving (to remove cultural material)and the addition of water (to improve the propertiesof the soil for compaction); * hand-tamping of the backfill material to ensure compaction(in an attemptto providea stablematerial with similar properties of water retention and drainage as the undisturbed archaeological strata) (Fig. 27); * creation of drainage slopes (calculated at 200 to ensure sufficient drainage is permitted in rainy seasons); * completion of the backfill process through the application of a mud-strawplaster at the interface between trench edges, backfill material and geotextile. During the field season training was provided to a local Turkmen team on the methods and techniques.

Fig. 27. Backfilling an excavation in Shahriyar Ark. Geotextiles provide a separate layer between the in-situ archaeology and the backfill material. The backfill is sieved, and compacted in bands to provide compaction.

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the broadersurvey of the walls. New topographic survey will also be undertaken,to support the interpretationof the existing aerial photographic resource(see Williamset al. 2002,37),thanksto a grant fromthe Committee for CentralandInnerAsia, which will helpto developourunderstanding of the streetplan of the Seljukcity. andinterpretation On the conservation front,we are to the stabilisation of the section examiningapproaches throughthe earthdefencesof GyaurKala.Thesection is a majorinterpretative resource,enablingthe visitorto see the developmentof the defencesover 1,000years, and, throughthis, to contextualisesome of the major politicalchangesin CentralAsiabetweenAntiochusand the coming of Islam. We will be examiningsome THEFUTUREPROGRAMME conventionalissues, such as maintenance,cleaning, In terms of archaeologicalresearch,we will be rates of erosion,drainage,wall capping,and nesting developing our ceramic research programme, birds, but we will also be exploringapproachesto on developingthe rangeof materialand coatingand/orstabilisingthesection,in aneffortto slow concentrating the supporting scientificanalyses.Wewill completeour down the programme of maintenance. We are work at the GyaurKala defences,and expandingour unconvincedthesewill work,butwe feel thatwe need to researchthem within the context of the Merv efforts at the Madjan Canal, where we will be a to enable both the of the environment. study excavating largerarea, Canal's development and the adjacent domestic Furtherconservationwork will take place on the emergency action for structures at risk (with buildingsand streetsof the Islamictown.We are also buildingandbelow-ground archaeological planningto undertakea field survey of the Mongol concomitant within the sites. In Sultan on with materialsand industrial period activity city recording), experimentation Kalaespecially,we havenotedthe close correlationof and the and approaches, through recording backfilling specifictypesof industrialdebriswithdistinctmounds, of earlierexcavationtrenches. anda concentration In 2003 we will also be developinga series of of activityin thenorthern partof the a We intend to undertake of this education city. systemicsurvey packsfor local teachers,designedto both area in 2003, which will be supportedby scientific provideteachingaidsin the classroomandinformation to supportsite visits and activities.As part of this analysisof thedebrisandassociatedculturalmaterial.In data(see addition,analysisof the aerialphotographic process,the Mervguidebook,originallycompiledby andAndrewPetersenin 1997,will debris GeorginaHerrmann below)hassuggestedthatthespreadsof industrial in the centralcotirtyards of large be updatedand translatedinto Turkmen.This will mightbe concentrated Seljukbuildingcomplexes,bothlargedomestichouses support a new interpretationcentre at the site, and public building complexes. This raises the generously funded by the British Embassy in whichwe hopewill actas theinspiration possibilitythat the Mongolswere reusingsubstantial Turkmenistan, andpresumably domestic for the long-termdevelopmentof the visitor and Seljukbuildingsforindustrial educational facilitiesat the site. purposes.The expandedexcavationsin the areaof the Madjancanal (above) will take the opportunityto of the late Seljukpropertieson expandthe examination theeastsideof theMadjan,whereoneof theseindustrial Acknowledgements spreadshasbeenidentifiedon theground. Publicationplans for the extensiveprogrammeof Funding for this field season was generously research into the defences of Sultan Kala have providedby a grantfromAmericanExpress,throughthe World Monuments Watch, a programmeof the World progressed,andwe areaimingforpublicationin 2004. The2003 seasonwill completeoutstanding elementsof Monument Fund, and through the core support of the This enabled the work to be continuedafter the of theUCLteam,includingthebackfillingof departure two smaller robber trenches that posed specific conservationproblemswithinthe palacein Shahriyar Ark, and for the between season protectionof the excavationsat the MadjanCanal. Followup visitsto monitorandassessthe treatment will allowthetechniquesto be evaluatedanddeveloped to suit the uniqueenvironmentof Merv.In time, it is to backfillall of the hopedto implementa programme remainingtrenchesat Merv.Thetechniquewill also be undertaken usedforall new interventions by theproject.


Instituteof Archaeology, UniversityCollegeLondon.In addition,the Arts and HumanitiesResearchBoard (AHRB)haveprovidedresourcesto enablethe research, scientificanalysis,and disseminationof the ceramic referencecollectionsfromMerv,a programme thatwe hope will be of considerablebenefit to researchers the region.We are also very gratefulto the throughout Committeefor CentralandInnerAsia for a grantto aid in groundsurveyandaerialphotographic interpretation, whichwill, for the firsttime,providea comprehensive basemapof SultanKala. I would also like to thankthe BritishEmbassyin Turkmenistan for their considerablesupportfor the of a new smallproject,andforfundingthedevelopment scaleinterpretation centreat the site,dueto openin the summerof 2003. ThispositivesupportforourTurkmen colleagues,andtheirattemptsto provideinterpretational facilitiesat the site, is of enormouslocal benefit,and helpsus to builda platformfor futureworkin the field. A specialthanksgo to H.E.theBritishAmbassador, Paul to his of the and Justin for Brummell, support project, Taitforhisorganisational andsupplies skills,enthusiasm, of tonicwater. We continueto be deeplygratefulto our Turkmen colleagues,withoutwhosesupportandinterestit would like to be impossibleto operate.We wouldparticularly thank Dr MukhammedMamedov and Dr Ruslan forthe Protection, Muradovof theNationalDepartment Study and Restorationof Historical and Cultural Monuments,Ministryof Culture,andRejebDzaparov, Directorof the "AncientMerv"ArchaeologicalPark. Their enthusiasmand commitmentto the research, understandingand conservationof the outstanding sequenceof cities at Merv makes the projectvery worthwhile.We are also grateful,once again,to the Archaeological Park for letting us use their Theteamat the Park,especiallyRejeb accommodation. Akmedov,ArkadiiKlimkinand AnnamuradOrazov, have contributedgreatlyto the work undertaken,in particularto the lively debateaboutfuturedirections. Thanksalso go to the membersof the house team, TerkeshAnnaev and Gulya, who made our stay so enjoyable. We continue to benefit from the support that UNESCO, and especially Junko Taniguchi their ProgrammeSpecialistfor the Asia-PacificRegionand SpecialProjectsfor Cities, has offered.Junko'shard work and commitmentto the region has seen the

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of a numberof important initiativesforthe development area. In developingtheapproaches to theconservation and stabilisation of earthenarchitecture at Mervwe are all indebtedto the knowledge and drive of S6bastien Morisetof CRATerre-EAG in Grenoble,who has done so much to develop our Anglo-French-Turkmen andprovidedfantasticTomede Savoyto collaboration, keep us all going. Thanksalso go to his colleague, MahmoudBendakir,forhis hardworkandenthusiasm. Workin thefieldwasgreatlyfacilitated by theloanof and surveying,computing photographic equipmentby the LandscapeResearchCentre,andthroughthemthe loanof Handspring palmcomputers,kindlydonatedby the Handspring Foundation, which considerably in thefield. enhancedourabilityto recordinformation The projectcouldnot have takenplacewithoutthe supportandinvolvementof themanystaffwho gave of theirtime- andinmanycasesdonatedtheirholidaysto the project:Bryan Alvey, PierreBrun, Catherine Cavanagh, Louise Cooke, David Gilbert, Dylan Hopkinson,KathyJudelson,JackieKeily,Keith May, DominicPowlesland,GabrielePuschnigg,FaithVardy andVladimirZavyalov.Wewerewonderfullysupported by manylocal workmen,all of whomworkedhardin often difficult conditions.The defensive survey of AbdullahKhanKala,reportedon hereby PierreBrun, couldnot have takenplace withoutthe hardworkand dedication of Ak Mohammed Annaev, Gurban ablysupported Agadjanov, by theirexcellentworkmen. Theprojectdependsuponthededicationandsupport Dr Kakamurad of my co-director, Kurbansakhatov. His skills,completededicationto the project, organisational andcommitment to the sitecontinueto be inspirational. ProfessorV.M. Masson, of the State Instituteof Cultural Central Historyof thePeoplesof Turkmenistan, of the AsiaandtheEast,continuesto be a keensupporter andespeciallyMerv.His archaeologyof Turkmenistan, continuedsupportfor the project,not leastthroughthe of a new effortsof his staff,havemadethe development of a more research and conservation programme attainable goal. A finalthanksgoes to ProfessorPeterUcko,Director of the Instituteof Archaeology,UniversityCollege London,who visitedthe site duringthe 2002 autumn season,for his continuingsupportfor the projectand forhis encouragement of thewiderinitiatives particularly to developtraining.

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istoriiVostoka of Abdullah (Mervin theMediaevalandAncientHistory Brun,P.andAnnaev,A. 2002."Thefortifications of theEast).Ashkhabad. KahnKala",in Williamset al. 2002,23-30. keramicheskikh L.N. 1962. "K kharakteristike B. 1998. "The M. and Merezhin, Genito, Cattani, potterychronological v i seriationof theMurghabdeltafromthe endof theBronze srednevekov'ya pecheiperiodarabovladeniyarannego of the the characteristics Oazise. in The Mervskom pottery (On note", period:A preliminary Age to theAchaemenid andearlymediaeval kilnsof theslave-owning periodsinthe archaeological map of the Murghab delta. Preliminary MervOasis.)",TrudyYuTAKE G. andTosi, 8, 12-40. reports1990-95,ed.Gubaev,A., Koshelenko, T. and S. Roma: Williams, 75-87. Moriset, Archaeologyand forthcoming. IsIAO. M., Cooke, L. forthcoming.Reburialat AncientMerv: approaches to the conservation of old excavations, Ancient Merv

Technical ReportNo. 2. Haerinck,E. 1983. La ceramique en Iran pendant la periode Parthe. Gent. Herrmann,G. 1999. Monumentsof Merv.TraditionalBuildings of the Karakum.London.

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ReportNo. 3. pottery:Asis Akhmedov's Puschnigg,G. 2002. "Pre-Islamic in Williamset al. 2002,22. collection", Simpson, S. 2000. "Other finds", in Herrmann,G., Kurbansakhatov K., et al. 2000,21. UsmanovaZ.I. 1992."NewMaterialon AncientMerv",Iran 30, 55-63.

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PARTHIANCALENDARSAT BABYLON AND SELEUCIAON THE TIGRIS By G.R.F.Assar Edinburgh

INTRODUCTION

while the remainingthree gave no indicationof the name of the intercalatedmonthsbut providedthree Concealedin a largenumberof bothuneditedand differentyeardates. publishedBabyloniancuneiformtexts of the period Despite their unquestionableimportance,these 555-331 B.C. are several hundred citations of dates contributedlittle knowledge to a satisfactory reconstruction of the Seleuco-Macedonian calendarand intercalarymonths.These have servedto identifythe truestructureof the late Babylonianlunisolarcalendar its intercalary cycle. andits regulatingcycle of intercalations. Wenow know The fortuitouspresence in a hoard of Parthian thatbeginningwith the thirdyearof Cambysesin 527 discoveredin mid 1991*, of a small tetradrachms, B.C., this calendarwas stabilisedby an octaeteris numberof coins from severalembolismicyearsother whereby three additionalmonths were intercalated than those already known, vastly extended our duringan eight-yearcycle. We also know that at the knowledgeandso occasioneda thoroughreassessment startof the nineteenthyearof DariusI in 503 B.C. the of this calendar.Two of thesebear,in additionto their octaeterisgave way to a far more accuratescheme yeardates,themonthnameseitherin fullorabbreviated consistingof sevenintercalary yearsin a nineteen-year for convenience.These are respectivelysupplemented period. by EM and EFIBO,the latterbeing a degenerated The epigraphical evidence pertaining to the truncationof Mpfl6tpoA , to signify the intercalary in application Mesopotamia of the reformed qualityof the accompanyingmonths.We now have evidencethatthe Parthiancalendarat Babyloniancalendarafterthe fall of the Achaemenid incontrovertible Seleuciaon the Tigristoo was regulatedby the wellEmpirein 331 B.C. is relativelyabundant.We have a substantialnumber of cuneiform tablets from the attestedBabyloniannineteen-yearintercalaryscheme Seleucid and Parthian that are with seven embolismicyears in its cycle. We can Macedonian, periods datedaccordingto this calendarthoughwith differing furthershow that in 48 B.C., under Orodes II, the erasunderthe lattertwo epochs. Parthians retarded thiscalendarandbegantheyearwith Insofaras the numismaticevidence is concerned the month Hyperberetaios ratherthan the traditional thereare no known Seleucidcoins from the mint of Dios. Finally,we canrevealthatin A.D. 67 theParthian Seleuciaon the Tigrisnotingboththe yearandmonth calendarists restoredthe Seleuco-Macedonian calendar of theissue.Ontheotherhand,theextantcoinsconfirm to its originalstate and again took Dios as the first thatafterMithradates I conqueredMesopotamiain 141 monthof the year.I should,nevertheless,stressthatin B.C. the Parthians utilisedthe Macedonianstyle of the establishingthe organisationsof the Babylonianand Seleucidcalendarfor datingtheirregalcoinagestruck Macedoniancalendars,I have had to rely on a great at that same mint. This calendarhad alreadybeen volume of material in several public and private synchronisedwith the Babylonian scheme before collections.Thiswouldnot havebeenpossiblewithout AlexanderIIIdiedin 323 B.C. Yetpriorto the reignof the supportof Messrs ChristopherWalker,Deputy PhraatesIV the Seleuciamintrestrictedthe practiceto Keeperof the Departmentof the AncientNearEastat a singledateeitherof theyearormonthof theemission. the British Museum, who permittedme repeated examinationsof the cuneiformtabletshe supervises, AmongnumerousParthiancoins fromSeleuciaon the Tigris,therewere known,priorto 1991, only four andDavid Sellwood,for his indispensableadviceand tetradrachmsstruck during embolismic (intercalary) permission to access his extensive collection of years. Of these, the earliestlacked the mintagedate Parthiancoins.

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I. THEREFORMEDBABYLONIAN CALENDAR The time lapse between two consecutive conjunctionsof the earth,the moon,andthe sun is termed the synodicmonthor lunation.It is, on the average, 29.53059 days long1but can vary by aboutthirteen hoursdependingon the velocitiesof the earthandthe moon. This is the month of the calendarsand was knownto the Babylonianastronomersof c. 700-500 B.C. with roughlythe same accuracyas the modem value. The earth,in its turn,orbitsthe sun andreturnsto chosen fixed star conjunctionwith an appropriately

Aramaicones knownfromthe Jewishcalendar(Table 1). At the same time, the fiscal requirementsof the centralgovernmentdemandedcertainstabilityin the calendar.This gave rise to the introductionof extra monthsto keepthelunarandsolaryearsin approximate accord.Sumerianrecordsas earlyas c. 2400 B.C. give of a monthfromtime to evidenceof the intercalation monthof barleyharvestin timeto retainthe traditional the harvestseason (April/May).But, in ordernot to disturbthedivinelyinstitutedsuccessionof themonths, monthwas derivedfrom the name of the intercalated the one immediatelypreceding it. A letter from to the governorof Larsa in southern Hammurabi2 Mesopotamiagives:

after365.25636 days (365d 6h9m 9.5s). This is known as

the sidereal year and was the solar year of all Babylonianlunisolarcalendars. For a completerevolutionaroundthe sun,e.g. two consecutivecrossingsof an equinoctalpoint,the earth

letthemonththat Sincetheyearhasa deficiency, asthesecondUlilu. is beginning beregistered

At thesametime,he hastensto addthattributesmust and arrivein Babylonon the 25thdayof the intercalary requires 365.24220 days (365d 5h 48m 46s). This is the normal month not that of the the succession of which determines Tairitu. following tropical year The Babyloniansof the first millenniumB.C., seasons. The differenceof almost20 minutesbetweenthese possessing a mathematical basis for detailed madegreateradvancesin the astronomical two solaryearsis primarilydueto theprecessionof the computations, Someof theirrecordswere equinoxesto the west at the rate of approximately fieldof practicalastronomy. sent to the Assyrians,whose astronomers 50.26" of an arc-degreeper annum. This remains transmitted to the court from around 700 in course of a few undetectable the royal only years. systematicreports virtually no clear distinction between the over B.C. becomes But the cumulativedisparity althoughmaking perceptible andmeteorological astronomical severalmillennia,e.g. 60 daysin about4300 years. phenomena.However, werealreadyawarethat It is obviousfromthe abovefiguresthata solaryear the Assyriancourtastronomers is aboutelevendayslongerthantwelvemonths(354.37 solarandlunareclipseswereonlypossibleattheendand Ptolemyreports3 days) androughlynineteendays shorterthanthirteen. in the middleof a monthrespectively. Accordingly,it wouldbe practicallyimpossibleto make thatBabylonianeclipserecordswere availableto him (747-734B.C.). up a lunationfroma constantnumberof daysor a solar fromthetimeof Nabunasir Thefirstmonthof theBabylonianlunisolarcalendar yearfroma whole numberof monthsor even of days. This naturaldiscordeventuallybecamea fundamental wasNisanuwhoseneomeniaoccurredaboutthetimeof vernalequinox.Eachyearcomprisedtwelvemonthsof problemfor the early Babylonianastronomerswho stabilise their lunisolar 29 or 30 dayslongdependingon the observationof the for centuries to struggled new moon. This was alternatedwith yearsof thirteen calendars. was necessary. The Sumerianswho settledin Mesopotamiaaround monthswhenintercalation For dating individual years, the early Babylonians 3000 B.C. devised a simple calendarwith twelve months of 29 or 30 days long dependingon the employed two different methods. In the first of these, apparitionof the lunarcrescent.The names of their each year was named afterits outstandingevent, e.g. the monthsvariedfromcity to city andwereoftenderived victory of a king over his rival or the building of a from agriculturalactivities and feasts in honourof temple. In the second, they counted up the number of deities.The extantrecordsconfirmthatby the reignof regnal years of their rulers.These methods would have the Babylonian king Hammurabi(c. 1792-1750 B.C.) uniformitywas imposed and the calendarmonths were given names that are essentially the same as the

been thoroughly reliable had all the dated documents survivedwith no scribalerrorsor omissions. Sadly,they have not.

PARTHIAN

CALENDARS

AT BABYLON

AND SELEUCIA

173

TABLE 1. Correlation of Months in the Sumerian, Babylonian, Macedonian and Julian Calendars.

No. I

Akkadian Sumerian' (Babylonian) BARA-ZAG-GAR-RA Nisanu

II

GU4-SI-SA

Aiiaru

III

SIG4-GA

IV

S U-NUMUN

Simdnnu Du'iizu

Julian2 Mar.-Apr.or Apr.-May Apr.-May or May-Jun. May-Jun. or Jun.-Jul. Jun.-Jul.or Jul.-Aug.

V

NE-NE-GAR-RA

Abu

Jul.-Aug. or Aug.-Sep.

VI

KIN-dINANNA

Aug.-Sep. or Sep.-Oct.

VI2

DIRI-KIN-dINANNA

VII

DU6-KIO APIN-DU8-A

Ulilu Atru Ia Ultlu T asritu

VIII IX

(September-October) Sep.-Oct. or Oct.-Nov. Oct.-Nov. or Nov.-Dec.

GAN-GAN-tE

Arahsamnu Kislimu

X XI

AB-E ZIZ-A

TebEtu S abat u

Jan.-Feb. or Feb.-Mar.

XII

S

Addaru

Feb.-Mar. or Mar.-Apr.

Atru sa Addcru

(March-April)

XII2

E-GURIo-KU5 DIRI-S E-GURIo-KU5

Nov.-Dec. or Dec.-Jan. Dec.-Jan. or Jan.-Feb.

Macedonian3

No.

Seleucid and Parthian

Parthian

(Original Calendar Before Retardation) Artemisios VII

(After Retardation 48/7 B.C. - A.D. 66/7) Xandikos

Dios

I II III

Apellaios Audnaios

IV

Peritios

VIII

Daisios

Artemisios

IX

Panemos

Daisios

X

Loios

Panemos

XI

Gorpiaios

Loios

XII

Hyperberetaios

Gorpiaios

XII2

HyperberetaiosEmbolimos

GorpiaiosEmbolimos Hyperberetaios Dios Apellaios Audnaios

V VI

Dystros Xandikos

Peritios

VI2

XandikosEmbolimos

DystrosEmbolimos

Dystros

Julian2 Mar.-Apr. or Apr.-May Apr.-May or May-Jun. May-Jun. or Jun.-Jul. Jun.-Jul.or Jul.-Aug. Jul.-Aug. or Aug.-Sep. Aug.-Sep. or Sep.-Oct. (September-October) Sep.-Oct. or Oct.-Nov. Oct.-Nov. or Nov.Nov.-Dec. or Dec.-Jan. Dec.-Jan. or Jan.-Feb. Jan.-Feb. or Feb.-Mar. Feb.-Mar. or Mar.-Apr. (March-April)

1. The Sumerianmonth names were subject to local variationand often abbreviatedto BAR/BAR; GU4/GUD; SIG4/SIG;SU; NE/IZI; KIN; DU6/DUL; APIN; GAN; AB; ZiZ and SE. The two intercalarymonths too were given as KIN-2-KAM, KINEGIR-ru,KIN-DIRIand DIRI-SE,SE-DIRI,SE-DIRI-u,SE-EGIR-u,SE-ar-ku-u,SE-dr-ku-i, and othervariants.Occasionally, XII2and VI2 are simply representedby A and KIN-A, respectively,in certainastronomicalrecords.

monthof thecycle,theBabylonianandMacedonian monthscovertwo differentperiods 2. Accordingto theyearandintercalary in the Juliancalendar. 3. The Macedonian months were: AIO1, AHEAAAIOE, AYANAIOX, HlEPITIOE,AYZTPOL,EANAIKOI, APTEMIDIOE, AAIMIOZ,HANHMOZ, AOIOX, FOPHIAIOE, YHEPBEPETAIOE.An intercalationwas signified by the addition of EMBOAIMOZ(inserted)to the month name althoughthe latteris often omitted.The same month names or theirvariantsand

coinsin theirgenitiveform.HenceAIOY,AHEAAAIOY, abbreviations FEPITIOY, AYANAIOY, appearon datedParthian and AAIXIOY,FIANHMOY,AOIOY,FOPHIAIOY,YHIEPBEPETAIOY, AYETPOY,EANAIKOY,APTEMIDIOY, EMBOAIMOY.

174


It hasbeensuggested4thatas a resultof centuriesof observations the Babylonian astronomers under Nabunasirmay have began to recognise that 235 lunationsand 19 solaryearshavepracticallythe same numberof days.However,proofforthis is lackingand the inspectionof extantevidence5reflectsa complete absenceof cyclic intercalation priorto 527 B.C. After the conquestin 539 B.C. of Babylonia,the founderof the Achaemeniddynasty,CyrusII (559-529 B.C.), adopted the Babylonian calendar with its rudimentary intercalaryscheme.But with the reignof his son and successor,Cambyses(529-522 B.C.), a regularscheme broughtthe anticipatedstabilityand of the pasttwo supersededthe empiricalintercalations millennia.In the thirdyear of this king, startingin Nisanu 527 B.C., a secondUlilu (VI2 hereafter)was intercalatedfollowed by an intercalaryAddruu(X112 hereafter)in his fifthandeighthyears(525/4and522/1 B.C.), respectively. This is the first indubitable occurrenceof the octaeteriscountin whichyears 1, 3, and6 of an eight-yearcycle wereintercalary. The secondandthirdcycles beganin 519 and 511 B.C. and ended in 512 and 504 B.C., respectively. However,thisschemeentaileda deficiencyof about1.6 daysin eightyears(99 lunationsx 29.53059days- 8 x 365.2422 = 1.59 days/8 years) and thus called for a moreaccurateapproachto preventa persistentslippage in the dateof the BabylonianNew Year'sDay. Theexpectedfourthcycle commencedon 1 Nis nu 503 B.C., the nineteenthyear of DariusI (522-486 B.C.). This date inauguratesthe widely attested Babylonian nineteen-yearintercalarycycle whose original discovery and application have been to the greatGreek incorrectlybut habituallyattributed astronomer Meton who, on 27 June 432 B.C., introduceda similarschemeat Athensfor astronomical purposes. The improvedBabylonianmethodstipulatedseven intercalations everynineteenyearsbeginningwitha VI2 in year 1 and a XII2in years3, 6, 9, 11, 14 and 17. It thus drasticallyreduced the residual error of the

in several occasions. Beginning in 503 B.C., they intercalated a XII2in year4 ratherthan3 anda VI2in 12 instead of a X112in year 11 of the firstcycle. In year the next, startingin 484 B.C., a V12insteadof a XI12 was intercalatedin year 6 while the fourthand fifth cycles,beginningin 446 and427 B.C.respectively,had a XII2ratherthana VI2in theirfirstyears.Finally,year 5 insteadof 6 in the seventhcycle had a XII2.While these anomalies cast some uncertainty over the applicationof a regularcycle before370 B.C., thereis littledoubtthatwiththetermination of the octaeterisin 503 B.C.,the subsequentgroupsof sevenintercalations on a nineteen-year wereimplemented periodicity. In 331 B.C. AlexanderIII marchedhis armyinto andGreeks BabylonandthusbroughttheMacedonians intocontactwitha calendarfarsuperiorto anyusedfor civil purposesin the Greekcities.Naturally,it was the thathadto be equatedwiththe Babylonian Macedonian calendarandfollowits enhancedcycleof intercalations. Prooffor this is foundin two contemporary cuneiform records. The first is a small fragment of an Astronomical Diary6whosemonthandyearnumberare lost but restored,on astronomicalgrounds,to Aii'ru 323 B.C. It reportsthe death of Alexanderin his fourteenth regnalyear7as follows:

Giventhataccordingto the Macedonianreckoningthis happenedon 29 Daisios,8the abovetext very strongly impliesthatthe two calendarshad been synchronised beforeAlexanderdiedon 10/11June323 B.C. The second record,9 supported by the noncontemporary "Saros Canon",'0 confirms that Alexander'syear 13 had a X112beginningon 15/16 March323 B.C. ConsideringthatDaisioswas already equatedwithAiitruin 323 B.C., this demandsthatthe MacedonianintercalaryXandikosbe coincidentwith XII2of the Babyloniancalendartwo monthsearlier. The alignmentof these four monthsrendersthe

calendarto about one day in 219 years (235 x 29.53059 - 19 x 365.2422 = 0.087 day/19 years) and ensuredthat the first year of each cycle remained practically coincident with the vernal equinox. The evidence from dated cuneiform texts of the Achaemenid period suggests that at first the Babylonians failed to thoroughly appreciatethe merits of their newly formulatedscheme and violated its rules

assimilation of the two systems complete and proves that the Macedonians had unambiguously adopted the Babylonian intercalary scheme prior to 323 B.C. However, thereremaineda minorbut notable difference between the two calendars. While the Babylonian began the year with 1 Nistnu in spring,the Macedonian started six months earlier with 1 Dios"l in autumn (Table 1). This meant that the first six Babylonian

Obv.8: .... 29 LUGALNAMmeS....

.... (On)the29th(day),thekingdied;..

PARTHIAN CALENDARS AT BABYLON AND SELEUCIA

175

monthshad the same year numberas those in the secondhalf of the Macedonianyearwhile the ones in the secondhalf of the Babylonianremainedone year behind those in the first half of the Macedonian calendar. AfterAlexander'sdeath,his half-brother, PhilipIII Arrhidaeus (323-316 B.C.),succeededas king.He was a half-witted man and the only member of the MacedonianroyalhousethathadescapedAlexander's wrath.Before long, Philipwas joined in kingshipby AlexanderIV (316-312 B.C.), the posthumousson of Alexander from Roxane daughterof Oxyartes, a Sogdiannobleandsatrapof the Hindukushregion.But cuneiform texts confirm Philip as the principal sovereignsince thereareno Babylonianrecordsin the name of joint rulers and the earliest texts acknowledgingAlexanderIV as king12come from Philip'seighthregnalyear (316/5 B.C.). Meanwhile, the recipientof Alexander'ssignet ring, Perdiccas, emergedfromamonghis marshalsas the regentof the failedto procurepeace empire.Yettheseappointments and stability.The kingdomwas quicklydividedand Alexander'sgeneralsfoughtone anotherforoverthirty yearsto gaina biggershareof it (warsof theDiadochi). One of these warlordswas Seleucus (312/1-281 B.C.)who hadbeen orderedby Alexanderin 324 B.C. to marry Apame, daughterof the Sogdian satrap of Perdiccasin 321 Spitamenes.Withthe assassination B.C., Alexander'sold viceroy of Europe,Antipater, assumedthe role of regentof PhilipIII andAlexander IV, and appointed Seleucus satrap of Babylon. However,the entiresituationchangedwhen Antipater died in 319 B.C. and left his office not to his son, Cassander,but to an officer of his own generation, Polyperchon.Philip and his wife were murderedby Olympias,motherof AlexanderIII, in late autumnearlywinter317 B.C., but Cassandereliminatedher, gained control of Mecedonia, and imprisoned AlexanderIV andRoxane.Fearingthe risingpowerof the"One-eyed" marshalof AntigonusMonophthalmos, and the of satrap Phrygiaand Lycia, Antipater'sarmy

establishedhis dominionthere. Shortlyafter,in 311 B.C., he began enumeratinghis satrapalyears in Babylon.Thispointlaterbecamethe antedatedepoch of the Seleucid Era according to the Babylonian reckoning(SEB). Yet cuneiformrecordscontinuedto be subscribed to AlexanderIV downto 306/5B.C.with to Seleucusas the "General" references of the sporadic army.13 Seleucus' strugglewith Antigonusfor controlof Babylonappearsto have lasteduntil February/March 305 B.C. when he finallyprevailedand took the title tabletin "king".A small fragmentof an astronomical the British Museum establishes the first year of Seleucus'kingshipandprobablygives a briefaccount of the final battlebetweenthe two contenders.'4 The relevantline of the recordreads:

Seleucus fled to Ptolemy in Egypt in 316 B.C. In the meantime, Antigonus consolidated his position in the east and then turned west to attack Ptolemy. But the defeat of his son, Demetrius Poliorcetes, in 312 B.C. at Gaza afforded Seleucus the opportunityto returnto the east at the head of a small army given to him by Ptolemy. In the late summer or early autumn 312 B.C. Seleucus was welcomed into Babylon and re-

Babylonia. An inspection of the extant Seleucid cuneiform tablets confirms that these too were dated on the reformed Babylonian calendar and followed its post 370 B.C. intercalarycycle.19 For example, the VI2 in 170 SEB20was 6 x 19 = 114 years later than the one in 56 SEB21which in turn came 6 x 19 = 114 years after the VI2 in year 35 (370/69 B.C.) of Artaxerxes II

Col.11.12:[M]U-7-KAM 'Se-lu-uk LUGAL acili-i MU-1-KAM

7 (ofSEB),KingSeleucus, whichis [Ye]ar year 1 (of his kingship)

It is evidentfromthis double-dated text thatat that pointin time Seleucushadnot yet formallybackdated the beginningof his ruleto year 1 SEB.But this may have happenedshortlyafterwardssince, startingwith of his reign year8 SEB,documentsfromtheremainder areall singlydated"5 as thoughhe hadbeen king from 1 Nisanu(2/3 April)311 B.C. The introductionof this scheme meantthat there wouldbe no double-dated recordsfromyears2-25 of Seleucus' original kingship (8-31 SEB) save an isolatedreferenceto his year 4 in an Astronomical Diary fragmentwhich equateswith 10 SEB (302/1 B.C.).16

Followingthe assassinationof Seleucusin year31 SEB,17his son andco-regentfrom294 B.C.,Antiochus I (281-261 B.C.),continuedto counthis father'sregnal years.'8The succeedingSeleucidkings followed his example and so finally ended the millennia long practiceof datingby accession and regnalyears in

176


(405-359 B.C.).22 At the same time, the X112in 77 SEB23was 3 x 19 = 57 yearslaterthanthatin 20 SEB24 (both correspondingto year 3 of their respective cycles). In the mid-summerof 141 B.C.,the truefounderof I (c. 171-132 B.C.)25 the ParthianEmpire,Mithradates defeated the Seleucid forces and conquered Mesopotamia.A partiallypreservedcuneiformtext reportsthe victoriousmarchof the Parthianarmyinto theroyalcityof Seleuciaon theTigrisandfromthereto Babylonon 28 Simanu171 SEB (7/8 July141 B.C.).26 It also gives the earliestexampleof the double-dating formula whereby Seleucid and Arsacid Eras were concurrentlyused after the Parthian triumph in Babylonia: Rev. 3: .... [MU-1-me-7-K]AM a i-i MU-1-me-

1,11-KAM.... ... [year107],whichis year171,.... The epoch of the ArsacidEra(AE) was 1 Nisanu (14/15 April)247 B.C. This is takento be eitherthe accessionyearof theeponymousfounderof "fictitious" the Parthiandynasty,or the insurrectiondate of the Apami tribe led by their chieftain, Arsaces I (c. 238-211 B.C.). Having examinedseveral hundredtablets of the Parthianperiod,I cannow confirmthatin a numberof cases the scribes evidentlytruncatedthe customary formulaand recordedonly a single Seleucid,but not Arsacid,Eradate.The earliestof theseis foundon the lower edge of an AstronomicalDiary27for year 175 SEB (137/6B.C.)wherethe excerpteddatereads:

in realityno morethanthreeare the resultof scribal neglectcausingthetwo epochaldatesto be either63 or 65 yearsapartinsteadof 64.29The remainderare due solelyto modemcopyists'errors.30 As forthe regulatingcycle of the calendar,we have Parthiancuneiformrecords a handfulof contemporary in the period 172-305 SEB (140/39-7/6 B.C.) with months.Uponfurtheranalysis31 theseprove intercalary withthenineteen-year to be harmonious cycle after370 B.C. and thus ensurethe uninterrupted applicationof the Babylonianschemeunderthe Arsacidrulers. of theParthian Sadly,thelatestattestedintercalation 305 SEB (7/6 B.C.)whilethemost epoch32is fromyear is dated385 SEB(A.D.74/5). recentcuneiformrecord33 It is, therefore,impossibleto ascertainwhetherornotthe mechanismremainedunaffected Babylonianintercalary in theintervening years.Nevertheless,themonthsin the lastfew astronomical recordsfrom342-385 SEB(A.D. andappearin their 31/2-74/5)haveBabyloniannames34 This the likelihood calendrical order. enhances original that the regulatingcycle of the calendartoo persisted downto thelastdaysof cuneiformwritingin Babylonia andperhapslongafterwards. II. THEMACEDONIANSTYLEOF THE SELEUCIDCALENDAR

After assuming the royal title in 305/4 B.C., SeleucusI backdatedhis firstregnalyearto 1 Nisanu 311 B.C. on theBabyloniancalendar.At the sametime, he employedtheMacedonian reckoningandpushedhis accession year to 1 Dios 312 B.C. (owing to the differencebetween the Macedonianand Babylonian 5-KAM` LUGAL 'Ar-id-ka-a 1,1 beginningsof the calendaryear). This became the `MU-1l-meYear175,KingArsaces. antedatedepochof the SeleucidEra accordingto the Macedoniancalendar(SEM).It was employedby the while the latest formsthe colophonof an Almanac28 Seleucidcourtand the Greekcities of the realmfor fromyear355 SEB (A.D. 44/5): documents.However, datingofficialandadministrative thereare no recordsfromBabyloniaduringits entire [mel-hi vi KUR-idmn]eiWj UDU-IDIMme i~i period of occupationby the Macedonianand Greek MU-3-me-55- [Measurementsof the entri]esof the planets(into zodiacal signs) for year 355 (throne name, Arsaces, excluded). At the same time, there appears to be a sizeable numberof publishedtexts with erraticdouble dates. Yet fresh collation of the originalrecordshave revealed that

forces (331-141 B.C.) with either an embolismic or a Macedonian and its equivalent Babylonian month. We are, therefore, left to surmise that the synchronised scheme, probablyauthorisedby Alexander well before his death, may have lasted until MithradatesI finally expelled the invaders in 141 B.C. With the advent of the Parthianswe are on firmer grounds although paucity of evidence persists for a


furthertwenty years before the first dated Arsacid documentemerges from Babylon. This is a rather mutilatedrectangularlimestone fragmentdated 191 SEM(122/1 B.C.) with apparentlyseven lines of text. Thefirstof theseis now practicallyunintelligiblewhile the tracesin the last two cannotbe resolvedwith any certainty.Whatremainshasbeenrestoredto read:35 1 2 3 4 5 6-7

[traces] [Baoth•uov]tog ME6Akou'ApodaWo[u] ['Eto;tavo];g thCXXXivo; itzo[g]; (vacat)6og6 BaomtxEi;(7et 6;g mpr6]'tpov AY9IK( P ; 6t6 [tracesperhapsof a monthnamein line 7] .... (in the reign of) the Great King Arsaces,

(God)Manifest(and)Philhellene.In the year to theking'sreckoning,(but) (vacat),according to the former (reckoning),191..... according It is evidentthattheinscription was intendedto bear the double Arsacid-Seleucid date but sadly the untrained stone-cutter neglectedthe former presumably left blank on the has been stone).It,nonethe(thespace less, confirmsthe currencyof the new time reckoning schemein Babylonfordatingrecordswrittenin Greek. Thereis a furtherfragmentary Babyloniantext36that has retainedits AE andSEMdates.It openswith: 1 2 3

[Ba]o-tXniovrog[My6Xdoi'Apo•6Kou] 'Etmxavog ItO;tXhrv[og ~ioug]f IA c'i P 6g 6 Baoth~); [&yet ng &6

4

B ....

p6r•9pov]

(in the reign of) [the Great]King [Arsaces], In theyear] (God)Manifest(and)Philhell[ene. to the 137, according king'sreckoning,(but) 202.... accordingto theformer(reckoning), dismissthe 65 ratherthan64 years Somescholars37 difference between the two epochal dates in this text as a mere scribal error.Others38put it down to a scheme that utilised a Macedonian style Parthian calendar beginning the year in autumn.But the arrangementof dates in a letter of ArtabanusII (c. A.D. 10-38) from Susa39and two Greek parchmentsfrom Dura-Europos in the Parthianperiod40explain this expected anomaly. The first two and last lines of the Susa text read:

1

177

'E?Ekfil0rloy86o•'~fl-Kooroou

6 o x &O 6taKoo-tooo 6p oaxe ; &t Tp[itoi aptaKx6tozo ntp6tepov ptalxlcootooaolutou;]

2

pctm ov 'Apa`6crlq'Avtit67oit BomotXE;g Kna Tv Xobootg[t]oig lOpadoet 6ivow

pzpou'tKai

Xaipe[tv....]

•tit t6oEXt 3-14 [remainder of thetext] 15 (sic)IZ HI-EA5&oavaxot

Received in the year 268, accordingto the king'sreckoning,(but)accordingto the former (reckoning),[intheyear33]3. King of Kings Arsaces to Antiochus and Phraates,the two archonsin Susa and to the city,greeting.. (Year)268, (month)Audnaios,the 17th. The combinedstatementsin lines 1 and 15 of the letter place the date 17 Audnaios333 SEM (10/11 DecemberA.D. 21) in the firsthalf of the Macedonian AE date268 being65 calendarwith the corresponding yearslater.This stronglysuggeststhatthe firstmonths in the Seleuco-Macedonianand Parthiancalendars couldnothavebeen coincident. The two Dura parchmentstoo have preserved doubledates.Theyrespectivelygive 13 Panemos398 SEM = 334 AE and 26 Daisios 432 SEM = 368 AE,

bothin thesecondhalfof theMacedonian yearandwith a 64-yeardifferencebetweentheirepochaldates. The disparitybetweenthe date differencesin the IIandthetwo Duratextsshowsthat, letterof Artabanus as in cuneiformrecords,the epochof theArsacidErain BabylonianGreekdocumentstoo was 1 Nisanu 247 B.C. This naturallyentailed a 65-year difference between the SEM and AE dates when recordswere datedin the firstsix monthsof the Macedonianyear.It also proves that there never was in operationin Babyloniaa Macedoniangenre of the Arsacidtime reckoningwith 1 Dios 247 or 248 B.C. as the epochof its era. It is now possible to confidently date the second of the above two Greek records from Babylon to the period 1 Dios- 30 Xandikos 202 SEM (5/6 October 111-30/31 March 110 B.C.) in the reign of Mithradates II (c. 121-91 B.C.).41 Furtherto the northof Babylon, the mint at Seleucia on the Tigris too appearsto have operatedthe SeleucoMacedoniancalendarfor datingParthianregal coinages.

178


thatthe Arsacidsemulatedthe It has been suggested42 Syrianor Phoenicianpracticeof placingdate on their coins althoughthe techniquefor notingboththe month and year of the issue - probablyalso an original Phoenicianconcept- was developedunderthem at Seleucia.Yetpriorto the reignof PhraatesIV (c. 38-2 B.C.), Parthiancoins are seldomdatedand even then only bear eitherthe year or monthof the emission. Beginningwith the reignof the latter,bothmonthand intheinscription integrated yearof strikingareinvariably Thesewereperhapsintroduced tetradrachms. of Parthian convenienceandto controlthe mint's for administrative flaws of handstrikingand a inherent But the output. the coin flans,comparedwith of progressiveshrinkage the sizes of obverse and reversedesigns, inevitably preventedthe month-yearcombinationfrom being alwaysfullyimpressedon thecoins. Given the preponderanceof dated Parthian emissions from Seleucia on the Tigris, I found it appropriateto separatethem here into three distinct groupsfirst and then brieflyanalysetheircalendrical significance. GROUP 1: includes the first indubitabledated Arsacidcoins from that mint. These are the S13.2-5 I43 andS13.8-10 drachmsof Mithradates tetradrachms struckafterthe Parthianvictoryof 141 B.C. (Fig. 1). they,anda handfulof Althoughhistoricallyimportant, otheryear-datedtypesleadingto the reignof OrodesII (c. 57-38 B.C.), contribute very little to the of the calendarof Seleucia. identification of Orodes 2: coversthe datedtetradrachms GROUP II. These inaugurate the month names in their abbreviatedform that sadly supersedethe year of mintage. But at least one single year date is also recorded44 givingFOE= 273 SEM(40/39B.C.). Beyondthe factthatMacedonianmonthswereused at Seleuciaduringthereignof OrodesII,nothingcanbe gleaned from the coins in this group to reveal the framework of the calendar's controlling cycle. of this However,a seeminglyneglectedtetradrachm king uncoversfor us the identityof one of the two Macedonian embolismic months (cf. below). GROUP 3: comprises the remaining dated Parthian tetradrachmsbeginning with the reign of Phraates IV and ending the series with an isolated issue for Vologases VI (c. A.D. 208-222) in A.D. 227/8. It is a small number of coins from this group that would finally unravel for us the order of intercalaryyears in the Seleuco-Macedoniancalendar.

In a preliminarystudy aimed at establishingthe initialmonthof the Parthiancalendarat Seleucia45I seriesof Phraates treatedtwo overlappingtetradrachm IV and his rival Tiridates(c. 29-27 B.C.). Given the limitationsof the extantmaterial,littleprogresson the organisationof the calendarwas made at the time althoughI noted a peculiarchangein one of its two months. intercalary As discussed earlier,the cuneiformand Greek recordsof the deathof AlexanderIII lead to Aiiaru= Daisiosin 323 B.C. A slightlyearlierrecordalso gives XI12in the Babylonian= embolismicXandikosof the Macedoniancalendar.Consideringtheseequationsand thatthe assimilationof the two schemeswas complete renders coincident the Babylonian VI2 and the But the date MacedonianHyperberetaios-embolimos. of OrodesII (Fig. 2) clearly on a uniquetetradrachm upsets these alignmentsand signals a calendrical change. It gives, in the exergue of its reverse,the FOP EM TI.46Whilethe last two letters abbreviations TI couldwell be the monogramof a mintmagistrate,47 FOP EM can only standfor Gor(piaios)Em(bolimos). of an This is the earliestevidenceof the introduction of all and indeed coin a Parthian on month intercalary the and to Seleucia issues from during reign of prior OrodesII. It is alsothe firstexampleto give Gorpiaios, not Hyperberetaios,as the end-of-yearembolismic monthof the calendarand thus confirma shift in the of the Macedonianmonths.Accordingly, arrangement we can safely inferthatwith this move, the mid-year intercalarymonth of the cycle too changed from Xandikosto Dystros. McDowell48locatesthis calendricalreformin the speculates periodA.D. 15/16-46/47whileBickerman49 that it occurredduringA.D. 17-31 due perhapsto a orderedby the Parthian single excessive intercalation king.However,althoughknowledgeof preciselywhen, how andfor whatreasonthis happenedis still lacking, insofaras theextantevidenceis concerned,theterminus post quemforthe shiftis 48 B.C.(cf. below)andnotthe suggested A.D. 15-17. This proves that as early as autumnof that same year,the firstmonth of the Parthian calendar at Seleucia had moved from Dios to Hyperberetaios.It also implies thattheremay even have been a link between the Arsacid time reckoningand the calendar of Antioch from 49 B.C. on with Hyperberetaios= Octoberas its firstmonth of the year.50 In addition to the above example, there were already known, prior to 1991, three more Parthian

PARTHIAN

CALENDARS

AT BABYLON

tetradrachmsfrom different embolismic years"5in the period 26/5 B.C.-A.D. 78/9. Using these, several past students attempted to resolve the problem of intercalation in the Macedonian calendar. Yet insufficient evidence entailed unsatisfactory results and in one particular case52 the work in fact led to certain erroneous conclusions. It is clear that lack and neglect of materialhave been instrumental in preventing determination of both the earliest date of the retardation and also cyclical intercalations of the Macedonian calendar. However, the situation changed following the discovery in 1991 of a large number of Parthiantetradrachmsincluding a small group of examples from hitherto unattested embolismic years. Two of the coins in this hoard provided, in additionto theiryear of minting, the names of both intercalarymonths in the Macedonian cycle. Having secured some of these important pieces, I

AND SELEUCIA

1.79

utilised the extra information to construct a complete and reliable picture of the calendarat Seleucia. Below is chronologically set out the combined material from the hoard and the previously reported examples: 1 tetradrachmof PhraatesIV (S51.31), in exergue of reverse year ZHI (287 SEM), month EMBO (Fig. 3). 2 tetradrachmof Orodes III (S59.1), on reverse year ZIT (317 SEM) behind king, in exergue month rAYETPOrY'(Fig. 4). 3 tetradrachm of Orodes III (S59.2 var.), on reverse year ZIT (317 SEM) behind king, EM (~6pPOtlilo?) in front, in exergue month [AY]TTPJ[OY] (Fig. 5). The reconstructed month Dystros is secure. The traces of the three letters 'ETP' of the month name are in the same position with respect to the word AIKAIOY

Fig. 3

Fig. 1

Fig. 2

1

0

I 1

I 2

Fig. 1. Silver drachm of Mithradates I (S13.8), dated year FOP = 173 SEM (140/139 B.C.), no month (reproducedfrom Wroth(1903), pl. III.11). Fig. 2. Silver tetradrachm of Orodes HII(S46. 7), no year date, month FOP EM = Gorpiaios-Embolimos (reproducedfrom Ars Classica-Naville (1926), pl. 65.2246). Fig. 3. Silver tetradrachm of Phraates IV (S51.31), dated year ZHIE= 287 SEM, month Embolimos = March/April 25 B.C. (Author's Collection).

I 3 cm


180

Fig. 4

Fig. 6

Fig. 5 I

0

I

I

I

1

2

3 cm

Fig. 4. Silver tetradrachm of Orodes III (S59.1), dated year ZIT = 317 SEM, month Dystros = February/March A.D. 6 (Author 's Collection). Fig. 5. Silver tetradrachm of Orodes III (S59.2 var), dated year ZIT = 317 SEM, in exergue traces of the month Dystros, in front of king EM (Embolimos) = March/April A.D. 6 (Photo courtsey of Classical Numismatic Group Inc., USA). Fig. 6. Silver tetradrachm of Gotarzes II (S65.11 var), dated year HNT = 358 SEM, month Embolimos = March/April A.D. 47 (Author's Collection).

above them as those found on the previous example having an almost complete month name. 4 tetradrachm of Gotarzes II (S65.11 var.), on reverse year HNT (358 SEM), in exergue month EFIBOAT, a degenerated form of p/•6,i•auog with letterM given as H (Fig. 6). 5 tetradrachm of Gotarzes II (S65.23 var.), on reverse year ET (360 SEM), in exergue rFEHIBO (Fig. 7). The monogram rf before the embolismic month represents Gorpiaios. It is also found on S63.5 tetradrachmsof ArtabanusII.53 This is the second known Parthian example confirming the retardationof the Macedonian calendar. 6 tetradrachm of Vologases I (S68.5 var.), on reverse year FET (363 SEM), in exergue EHBO'AIf (Fig. 8).

7 tetradrachmof Vardanes II (S69.10 var.), on reverse year OET (369 SEM), in exergue

.•ETIBOA(Fig.9).

8 tetradrachm of Vologases I (S70.6 var.), on reverse year ZOT (377 SEM), in exergue (Fig. 10). MrEMBOAIM 9 tetradrachmof Vologases II (S72.7), on reverse year YT (390 SEM), in exergue rE1MBOAT (Fig. 11). To formulate the Macedonian cycle of intercalations, it is imperativeto ascertainwhich one of the above dates constitutes the first embolismic year of its respective cycle. Considering that in the Babylonian scheme the first is a mid-year intercalationin year one of the cycle, this automaticallyrequiresan end-of-year Macedonian intercalation (owing to the six-month difference between the beginning of year in the two calendars).In the above list, the only candidatefor this


Fig. 7

181

Fig. 9

Fig. 8 I 0

I 1

I 2

I 3 cm

Fig. 7. Silver tetradrachm of Gotarzes II (S65.23 var), dated year 1T= 360 SEM, month Gorpiaios-Embolimos = September/October A.D. 49 (Author's Collection). 8. Silver tetradrachm Fig. of Vologases I (S68.5 var), dated year ~ET = 363 SEM, month Embolimos = March/AprilA.D. 52 (Author's Collection). Fig. 9. Silver tetradrachm of VardanesII (S69.10 var), dated year 0ET = 369 SEM, month Embolimos = March/April A.D. 58 (David Sellwood's Collection).

is the embolismic Gorpiaios in year 360 SEM (no. 5). Given that the first and last six months in the Babylonian and Macedonian calendars, respectively, have the same year number,the date 360 SEM can be taken as the first year of a simulated Babylonian nineteen-year cycle with intercalationsin years 1, 3, 6, 9, 11, 14, and 17. The result would render years 360, The 362, 365, 368, 370, 373, and 376 SEB intercalary.54 final step would now be to rearrangethe above list of Macedonian dates by adding to or subtracting from each appropriatemultiples of 19 to align them with their Babylonian equivalents.However, it should be borne in mind thatbecause of the half-year gap between the two calendars, the six mid-year Macedonian would remain one year ahead of the corresponding end-of-year Babylonian intercalations:

a b c

d e f g

1st intercalationof the Macedoniancycle = 360 SEM (no. 5), 2nd intercalation= 363 SEM (no. 6) and 287 + 4 x 19 (no. 1), 3rd intercalationremainsunattestedbut can either be 2 or 3 years aheadof the 2nd one in 363 SEM, that is, year 365 or 366 SEM. Since the 4th intercalationis from year 369 SEM, taking 365 would lead to an unprecedentedfour-year gap between the two whereas366 SEM is harmonious with the Babylonianequivalentin 365 SEB. 4th intercalation= 369 SEM (no. 7), 5th intercalation= 390 - 19 = 371 SEM (no. 9), 6th intercalation=317 + 3 x 19 = 374 SEM (no. 3), 7th intercalation= 377 SEM (no. 8) and 358 + 19

(no.4).


182

Fig. 12

Fig. 10 ScaleforFigs 10and12 I 0

I 1

Fig. 11 I 2

I 3 cm

ScaleforFig. 11. I

I

I

0

1

2 cm

Fig. 10. Silver tetradrachm of Vologases I (S70.6 var.), dated year ZOT = 377 SEM, month Embolimos = March/AprilA.D. 66 (Collection of Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente). Fig. 11. Silver tetradrachm of Vologases II (S72.7), dated year 9T = 390 SEM, month Embolimos = March/AprilA.D. 79 (Professor A. Simonetta' Collection). Fig. 12. Silver tetradrachm ofPacorus II (S73.5 var.), dated year OHT = 389 SEM (A.D. 77/8) with obverse officina letter B (Author's Collection).

Comparingthese with their parallelBabylonian dates, it becomes at once clear that the Macedonian in years1, 4, 7, 10, 12, 15, and cycle has intercalations an 18, with end-of-yearembolismicmonthin year 1 in theremainingones. andsix mid-yearintercalations It is now possibleto determinethe dateof the above quoted tetradrachmof Orodes II with a Gorpiaiosembolimos.Takingthe exampleof GotarzesII struck duringthe same monthin 360 SEM (no. 5), the only

viable date for Orodes would be 360 - 5 x 19 = 265

SEM (48/7 B.C.) since 19 years either side of this wouldfall outsidehis reign(c. 57-38 B.C.). The question,however,remainsas to what the earliest date for the retardationof the SeleucoMacedoniancalendarwas and whetheror not this rulein Iran.In persisteddownto the endof theParthian I concludedthatpriorto a shortarticleon the subject,55 49 B.C.,thefirstmonthof thiscalendarwas indeedDios


183

TABLE2. DatedTetradrachms of VologasesII andPacorusII with OfficinaLetters. Year -IT = 389 SEM (A.D. 77/8) Month OfficinaLetterI Dios Apellaios Audnaios A Peritios Dystros Xandikos A Artemisios A- B Daisios B Panemos B Loios Gorpiaios B Hyperberetaios

Year 9T = 390 SEM (A.D. 78/9) Month OfficinaLetterI Dios F Apellaios r Audnaios Peritios Dystros Xandikos Embolimos F Artemisios F Daisios Panemos Loios Gorpiaios Hyperberetaios

RulerI

OfficinaLetterII

RulerII

A A A B B B B

VologasesII

VologasesII

B- F

PacorusII PacorusII PacorusII PacorusII PacorusII PacorusII PacorusII PacorusII

RulerI VologasesII

OfficinaLetterII

RulerII

F F F F

PacorusII PacorusII PacorusII PacorusII

F

PacorusII

A A

PacorusII PacorusII

VologasesII VologasesII VologasesII VologasesII

VologasesII

VologasesII VologasesII

A tetradrachm of PacorusII, lackingmonthname but datedAYT (391 SEM), with an officina letterA indicatesthatthis lettercontinuedfromyear390 into 391 SEM;cf. ClassicalNumismaticGroup,Inc.,Mail Bid Sale 51, September1999,Lot No. 637. A similarsituationexisted in 389 whereletterF continuedinto 390 SEM;cf. Petrowicz(1904), 144, no. 3; Ars Classica-Naville(1926), 150, no. 2424, andpl. 69, no. 2424; Sellwood(1980), 236, no. 73.6. followed by Hyperberetaiosin the period 49 B.C.-A.D. 50/1 and then again back to Dios duringA.D. 77-79. It is now possible to maintain, on numismatic grounds,56 that the change in fact took place at the beginning of a new Macedoniancycle on 28/9 September48 B.C. and remained so until 27/8 September A.D. 67 six cycles later.57The seventh cycle began, once more, with Dios on 28/9 SeptemberA.D. 67 and lasted at least as late as A.D. 78/9, that is, the date 390 SEM of the tetradrachm ofVologases II in no. 9 above. Confirmationfor this also comes from two tetradrachmseries of Vologases II and Pacorus II (c. A.D. 78-105). Each of these displays,

behind the king's head on its obverse,what is considered to be an officina letter running from alpha to epsilon with roughly two lettersper year (Fig. 12). I have listed in Table 2 the known examples of these two parallel types and the ones that have come to light after the publication of Sellwood's catalogue.58Not only do we find that these letters have some sort of sequential significance, but that this can only be fully exploited when the coins are arranged with Dios and not Hyperberetaiosas the first calendarmonth. There are, unfortunately,no known coins from the embolismic years after 390 SEM to verify the

184


organisationof the calendarat Seleucia prior to the fall of the Arsacids. However, it is highly unlikely that there was yet another rearrangementof the months during A.D. 79-228. In any case, whateverthe last state of the calendar at Seleucia might have been, it was finally disbandedby the Sasanianssoon aftertheirvictory over the Parthians.The new rulers renounced the use of an era in time reckoning and revived the method of dating by regnal years that had remaineddefunct for over five centuries.

87241tabletconfirmsthatafterDariusIII(335-331 B.C.) was defeatedon 1 October331 B.C.,theremainder of his last regnalyearwas reckonedas the "accessionyear"of AlexanderIII.Therelevanttext,collatedby C.B.F.Walker andmyself,gives: Obv. 9: [.... TA ituxlU4-yi-KAMs-aM]U-SAG 'Alek-sa-an-da-ri-isLUGAL EN TIL [ituX2U4-y2-KAM]

10: [?d 'A-le]k-sa-anMU-SAG./MU-1-KAM? da-ri-is LUGAL .... [.... from monthxi, day yl of the] accession

untiltheendof yearof KingAlexander, Notes

* Coinsnos. 5-9 were in a "hoard"containing apparently amongothertypes,severalhundredSeleucidandParthian tetradrachms.They appearedon the market during 1991-2000andarebelievedto havehada Syrianorigin. The remaniningexampleshave no connectionswith the 1991 discovery;they have been in museumandprivate cabinetssincetheearly19thcentury. 1 For the discovery of the value 29d;31,50,08,20(= of Samos(c. 280 B.C.) 29.530594136days)by Aristarchos Rawlins 295-96. cf. (2002), 2 King(1900),12-13 (BM 12833). 3 (1957),101;Toomer(1984),166. Neugebauer 4 Parker& Dubberstein (1956), 1. 5 Walker C.B.F.(DeputyKeeper,Department of theAncient Near East, the British Museum).Corpus of attested in the period747/6 B.C.-A.D.2/3 (private intercalations communications, 1997-2001);Britton(1993),66-68. 6 SachsandHunger(1988),206-7, No. -322B. 7 ParkerandDubberstein (1956) 19, statethattwo systems with differentepochswere used in Babylonfor dating cuneiformrecordsof thetimeof AlexanderIII.Inthefirst, his year 1 was reckonedfrom 1 Nis?nu(2/3 April)330 B.C.andthusyear8 (323/2B.C.)was his lastregnalyear. The second system was based on Alexander's Macedonianaccessionin 336/5 B.C. (= year 1) which rendered323/2 B.C. his fourteenth regnalyear(year1 of Babylonian= year 7 of Macedonianaccession).The extantcontemporary tabletsfromAlexander's reignareall datedaccordingto thesecondsystem,coveringyears7-14 only.A muchlatertext, the "SarosCanon"reckonsthe yearsof Alexanderas king in Babylonaccordingto the firstsystem(cf. n. 10 below).Theauthorsalso claimthat with Alexanderthe well-knowndeviceof the "accession year"disappearsfromBabylonianusage andthe partof the regnalyearremainingafterthe deathof the previous king is reckonedas "year1" of his successor.Yet BM

[monthx2, day y2]

[of accessionyear?/year 1?]of King [Al]exander .... It was in thereignof PhilipIIIArrhidaeus thatdatingby "accessionyear"was abandonedaltogether;cf. Walker (1997), 25; Hunger(2001), 90, No. 36 (BM 34075), startingyear1 of PhilipIIIwiththefirstdayof monthIII, immediatelyafterthe deathon 29.11.14of AlexanderIII (10/11June323 B.C.). 8 QuotingAristobulus,Plutarch(Alexander,75) gives 30 Daisios as the date of Alexander'sdeath whereasin anotherpassage(Alexander,76) he gives 28 Daisios;cf. Perrin(1919), 431-35. Beloch (1927), 27-28, explains thatDaisios28 in Plutarchis basedon a calendarwith a morningepochfor the daywhileDaisios30 corresponds to a calendarwith eveningepoch for the day. Cf. also Samuel(1972), 141,n. 2. 9 Hunger(2001),274-75,No. 66. Thecolophonof thetablet hasnotsurvivedbutits lastentryis undoubtedly fromyear 13 of AlexanderIII.Thisincreasesthe likelihoodthatthe textwas compiledin or shortlyafter324/3B.C. 10 Eppingand Strassmaier (1893), 149-78. Regnalyearsof III Alexander arecountedfromhis firstfullyearas kingin Babylon, i.e. 2/3 April 330 B.C. (cf. n. 7 above); Strassamier (1895),64-69;Sachs(1955),224, LBAT1428 (BM 34597),dates(yearandmonth)of consecutivelunar in eighteen-year eclipsesarranged groups;Aaboe(1972), 114-15;Aaboeet al. (1991),12-21. 11 Zenobius (CenturiaVI.30) states:

.... Haph ~xpMaQe866'v6 tXe giv o~Eiaog tl oi bvtuotuo Yuep3pepzatog&vcyp6•rl. thelastmonthof the ".... ForamongtheMacedonians, cf. Leutschand year was entitledHyperberetaios."; Schneidewin (1958), 171. From this it can be concludedthatthe mid- and end-of-yearembolismic monthsof thesynchronised Macedonian calendar must havebeenXandikosandHyperberetaios.


12

Kennedy(1968),pl. 6, No. 27 (BM 16927),possiblyyear 1 of KingAlexanderIV (collatedby C.B.F.Walkerand myself): Rev. 4: .... [MU]-1-KAM 'A-lek-sa-an-darLUGAL

also pl. 3, No. 13 (BM 16925),monthIII,year2 of King IV (collatedby C.B.F.Walkerandmyself): Alexander Obv. 1: 'A-lek-sa-an-darFLUGAL' Rev. 11: ....ituSIG4 MU-2-KAM.

14

Cf. alsoJursa(1997),132-33,discussingBM 78948with the followingdateformula(collatedby C.B.E.Walkerand myself): Obv. 2: [M]U-1-KAM 'A-lek-sa-an-darLUGAL Boiy (1998), 131-32, n. 134; Boiy (2000), 119, reviewing

Hunger(1988),230-31, No. -309 (BM40591).Thelatest recordsof the reign of AlexanderIV are contemporary fromhis eleventhregnalyear(306/5B.C.);cf. Strassmaier (1888),135-36,No. 10 (Sp94 = BM 33998),and148-49 (copy),the recordis mistakenlyassignedto year 11 of DemetriusI (161-151B.C.);Unger(1931),320;Kennedy (1968),pl. 6, No. 25 (BM 16568);Del Monte(1997),224. Hunger(2001),278-79, No. 67; lines9 and10 of thetext appearto read: .... Seleucus .... the troops?.... killed?.... [....] [....] .... for year 7 of Seleucus [....]

BM 78948 andBM 16925(CT49, 13);Hunger(2001), 6-7, No. 2 (BM 32238),Col.V, line 2 of the textrecords thedeathof PhilipIIIon 27.IXin his seventhyear(= 25/6 December317 B.C.). It also providesthe dates of the

All cuneiform documents in the period 8-17 SEB (inclusive)are datedto "KingSeleucus".The earliestof theseis dated3.1.8SEB;cf. Pinches(1898),29d;McEwan (1985), 170.Thedatedcolophonof an economiccontract text fromUruk(BM 109941)placesthe beginningof the jointruleof SeleucusandAntiochusI in 18 SEB (294/3

eclipses and eclipse possibilities in the period 731-317

B.C.):

~5

B.C. (thelatestis 13 December317 B.C.).Yetthe dateof thetabletitselfis givenas year2 of Antigonus(beginning on 27/8 March316 B.C.).An explanationfor this is that despitereportingPhilip'sdemise,the tabletwas entirely preparedduringAntigonus'second year. It is equally possiblethatcompilationof the text beganin year 1 of Antigonusandwas completedsometimeduringhis next

Rev.9: ....... UNUGkiituAPINU4-1-KAM

........ Uruk. Month VIII, day 1, year 18, Kings Seleucus and Antiochus. However, there are no known records from year 19 SEB (293/2 B.C.) in the name of joint kings and two texts only

year. Now, given that dating by "accession year" ended

mention"KingSeleucus"in this particular year:(i) BM

after AlexanderIII died (cf. n. 7 above), the period 28.IX.7-30.XII.7Philip(26/7December317-26/7March 316 B.C.) would have been year 1 of Antigonus.Yet, posthumousdatingin the name of Philipcontinuedin Babyloniaandtherearea numberof documentsfromhis "fictitious" eighthregnalyear,the latestbeingBM 79012, dated18.VII.8Philip(8/9 October316 B.C.);cf. Stolper

32286; cf. Kugler (1922), 309, No. (g)*; Kugler (1933),

(1993), 78-80. This same year,however,markedyear 2 of

mentioningSeleucusandAntiochusI as jointrulersafter thedeathof theformer(cf. n. 17below):(i) MLC2105;cf. Clay(1913),No. 5, dated10.IX.31SEB;Oelsner(1986),

10: MU-18-KAM'Se-lu-ku u 'At-ta-i-ku-su LUGALmeS

105, Goal-YearText for 90 SEB (222/1 B.C.), and 114 (copy); Schaumberger (1933), 7. (ii) BM 33563; cf.

Rochberg(1998), 144, Text 30 (BM 33563). Datingto Seleucus and Antiochus I resumes in year 20 SEB (292/1 B.C.) and continues down to year 30 SEB (282/1 B.C.). Yet, there are two anachronistically dated colophons

Antigonusandalsoyear 1 of AlexanderIV as king(cf. n. 7 above).An incompletecolophon,giving: MU-4-KAMs i-i Rev. 19:ituZIZ U4-11-K[AM]

271. (ii) BM 33985; cf. Kennedy (1968), pls. 18-19, No.

[MU-5?-KhM] 20: [1A]n-tu-g[u-n]u-su laGAL[ui-qu] Month XI, day 11, year 4 (of AlexanderIV?),

13

185

theGen[eral] whichis [year5?of] [A]ntig[on]us appearsto confirmthe above proposedchronology;cf. Stolper(1993),86-89, discussingBM 109974tablet. Year6 of AlexanderIV beganon 1 Nisanu(2/3 April)311 B.C.althoughtheearliestattestedrecord(BM22022)dates to 19.II.6(19/20May311B.C.).Theearliestcontemporary textdatedto KingAlexanderIV andSeleucusas"General" ERINmei)is fromthe end of monthVIIIin year7 (lUGAL of AlexanderIV (11/12January310 B.C.);cf. Sachsand

16

17

103,dated8.X.32SEB. SachsandHunger(1988),250-52,No. -302/301;Aaboeet al. (1991),14,n. 8. Sachsand Wiseman(1954), 203, 205 andpl. LIII(BM 35603), the date of Seleucus'assassinationis given as monthVI of year31 SEB= 25/6 August-23/4September 281 B.C.

18

Hallo (1984/5), 146.

19

Neugebauer (1955), 33 and Neugebauer (1975), 1065,

statesthatthe Babylonianregulatingcycle had a XII2in years 1, 4, 7, 9, 12, and 15, and a VI2 in year 18. On the

otherhand,Samuel(1972),142,givesa XII2in years3, 6,

186

20 21 22 23

24 25

26

27

28 29


8, 11, 14, 19, with a VI2 in year 17 of the cycle. But an important and seemingly neglected tablet (BM 35495+40102+46176) providesthe correctdispositionof the intercalaryyears in the period 170-189 SEB; cf. (1955),33, n. 2; Neugebauer (1955a),442-43; Neugebauer Neugebauer(1955b),pl. 244a.Thecycle is identicalwith the stabilisedschemeof the Achaemenidsfrom 370/69 B.C.onwardin whichyear1 hada VI2witha XI2in years 3, 6, 9, 11, 14, and17;cf. Britton(1993),66-68. SachsandHunger(1996),128-29,No. -141F. SachsandHunger(1989),22-23, No. -255A. Durand(1981),pl. 53 (AO 17650);Joannbs(1982),48. Clay (1913), 84, No. 22 (MLC2122),pl. 18; Sachsand Hunger(1989),100-1,No. -234A;Weisberg (1991),9, No. 1 (A 2527),pl. 2. McEwan(1982),38,No. 71 (1930.176n),and114. bookon the historyand In volume 1 of my forthcoming Parthia 247-54 of B.C.,I will putforward during coinage thelatedate132B.C.as theendof thereignof Mithradates I. Thisis derivedfromthe colophonof a text fromUruk whosepartiallypreserveddateconfirmstheco-regencyof PhraatesII (132-126 B.C.) andhis mother,Riinu,in 180 SEB(132/1B.C.).HadthisyoungArsacidrulersucceeded his fatherin 174SEB(138/7B.C.),therewouldhavebeen in kingshipsix years no reasonforhismother'sassociation later.The extant recordsfrom the interveningperiod (138-132 B.C.) areexclusivelydatedto "KingArsaces"; cf. Clay(1913), 13, 87, andpl. 48 (MLC2153),datesthe tabletto c. 173SEB;Oelsner(1975),30-31,n. 14,year180 SEB; Doty (1977), 377, year 180 SEB; Oelsner(1986), 275, n. (s), and408,n. 570,year180SEB;Oelsner(1995), 147-48,year 180 SEB;Del Monte(1997),245, year 180 ascribesto year 174 SEB;Simonetta(2001),surprisingly SEB. Olmstead(1937), 4; SachsandHunger(1996), 134-35, No. -140A. SachsandHunger(1996), 178-81,No. -136A (readyear 175 for 115 in line 1 of the loweredge text);Del Monte forrMU.115.KAlv1). (1997),119(readrMU.175.KAM7 Sachs(1976),386-89, andpl. XVI. BM 34035gives 111AE (for 110)= 174SEB;cf. Epping andStrassmaier (1891),228 and241-44; Hunger(1968), 54, No. 137;Livingstone(1986),259. W 18568gives 138 AE (for 139) = 203 SEB; cf. Kessler(1984), 274-75 (copy), and 277-78; Boehmer(1984), 283; Del Monte (1997),245, n. 462. BM 34042gives 145AE = 208 SEB (for 209); cf. Kugler(1900/1901),193; Kugler(1924), 502-3 (gives the amendeddate);Schaumberger (1935), 366-67, andTaf.IX, Nr. 17 (gives the originalincorrect

30

31

date208 SEB);Sachs(1955),173,LBAT1153. For example:125 AE (for 115) = 179 SEB; cf. Sachs (1955), 170,LBAT1135.120AE (for 119)= 1[83]SEB; cf. Sachs(1955),227, LBAT1441;Hunger(2001),64-65, gives the correctdates.137 AE = 200 SEB (for201); cf. Epping(1889),166-67 andpl. 6. 163AE (for 162)= 226 SEB; cf. Reisner (1896), 155, No. 55; collation by Professor S.M. Maul of Ruprecht-Karls-Universitit hasconfirmed162AE = 226 SEB. Heidelberg (Germany) Year1 of thecycleis attestedby theonlycontemporary VI2 in 189 SEB,i.e. 13 x 19 = 247 yearslaterthantheVI2in year35 of Artaxerxes 1I(370/69B.C.);cf. Epping(1889), 156-57. This requiresa XII2in years 3 (= 191 SEB), 6 (= 194 SEB), 9 (= 197 SEB), 11 (= 199 SEB), 14 (= 202 SEB),

and 17 (= 205 SEB)to forma Babyloniannineteen-year intercalarycycle. Althoughdirect evidence is almost by twocasesofXII2in 172and lacking,year3 is confirmed 305 SEB;cf. Sachs(1955), 157, LBAT1038;ibid., 179, LBAT1193and 1194.Thefirstgives 172+ 19 = 191and thesecondis 305 - 6 x 19= 191SEB.Likewise,foryear6, we havea XII2in 175 SBE;cf. Sachs(1955),162,LBAT andanotherin year 194 1057,(monthpartiallypreserved) Sachs and SEB; cf. Hunger(1996), 182-85, No. -136B, The formeris 175 + 19 = monthrestoredastronomically. 194 while the latteris alreadyfrom 194 SEB. Year9 is confirmedby a XII2in 178 SEB;cf. Sachsand Hunger andalso in 254 SEB;cf. (1996),200-9, No. -133B1+B2, Sachs (1955), 177, LBAT 1184, year date restored astronomically.These yield 178 + 19 = 197 and 254 - 3 x

19 = 197 SEB.Year11of thecycleis supported by a XI12 in 218 SEB;cf. Clay(1912),pl. 47, No. 99 (MLC1737= BRM II 99); McEwan(1981), 143-46; Van Der Spek (1998),229-31;McEwan(1981a),132-36(AB 244),lines 3-4, and10-11of thetablet;VanDerSpek(1998),234-35. Thisequateswith218 - 19= 199SEB.Year14is confirmed by a XII2 in 221 SEB whichwouldgive 221 - 19 = 202 SEB;cf. Reisner(1896),93, No. 51; Oelsner(1975),40; andalso,SachsandHunger(1996),432-43,No. 90, month restoredastronomically. Finally,year17is attestedby a XI12 in 186SEB;cf. Kennedy(1968),pl. 33, No. 143;VanDer Spek(1998),210-11;in 224 SEB;cf. SachsandHunger (1996),450-57,No. -87C;andin 262 SEB;cf.Neugebauer (1955b),pls. 32-33, No. 18, Cols.[I] andX withrestored andpreservedXII2,respectively.These would give 186 + 19

32

33

= 205 SEB;224 - 19= 205 SEB;262 - 3 x 19= 205 SEB. Sachs(1955),179,LBAT1193and1194;ibid.,180,LBAT 1195.Theseare fragmentsof threeAlmanacsfromyear 305 SEB;SachsandWalker(1984),49 and55. Sachs(1976),393-95 and398 (copy).

PARTHIANCALENDARSAT BABYLON AND SELEUCIA

187

Sachs(1976), 382-84 (Almanacfor 342 SEB); 384-86 of the OrodesII in associationwithYFI,the abbreviation (Almanacfor347 SEB);386-89 (Almanacfor355 SEB); monthHyperberetaios (Sellwoodcollection). 389-93 (two Almanacsfor 372 SEB);393-95 (Almanac 48 McDowell(1935),151-53.Hisarguments fora calendar at for385 SEB). Seleucia beginningwith month Artemisiosand then 35 Haussoullier restores[Ica?x& (1909),353-54, erroneously Xandikosare based on incompleteevidence;Samuel v6gov] icp6v AY9Ixa P in line 4; Minns(1915), 36; (1972), 143. Marshall(1916), 185, No. 1052;Rostovtzeffand Welles 49 Bickerman(1968),25. The assumption thatthe shiftwas (1931),40-41; Cumont(1932),279-81, discussesa text causedby an excessiveintercalation remainsunattested. fromSusa(year181SEM)witha dateformulapractically TheParthians mightsimplyhavechangedthenameof the identicalwiththatrestoredby Rostovtzeffin thisrecord. first monthof their calendarat Seleuciafrom Dios to 36 Haussoullier (1909), 352-53; Minns (1915), 36, gives Cf. also Samuel(1972),143. Hyperberetaios. in lines2 and3. erroneous restorations 50 After the Battle of Pharsalusin which Julius Caesar 37 Walton Dobbins(1975),20, No. (iv) andn. 6. defeatedPompey,theeraof thecalendaratAntiochon the 38 Simonetta(2001),72, mistakenlyassumesan ArsacidEra Oronteswas fixed on 1 Hyperberetaios = 1 October49 Ginzel beginningon Dios 247 B.C. thatwas used for datingthe B.C.; cf. (1914), 43-44; Seyrig (1950), 5-15; Samuel(1972),174,and274, n. 2. Babyloniancuneiformtexts. He also proposesthat the weredatedby a SeleucidEra Iranian andGreekdocuments of PhraatesIV dated287 SEMwiththe 51 (i) Tetradrachms with 312 whichremainedcoincident Dios B.C. monthEMBorEMBO;cf. Wroth(1903),104, abbreviated beginning withArsacidErayears(implying1 Dios 247 or 248 B.C. No. 31; Petrowicz(1904), 84, No. 32; Fuye (1904), 176 as theepochof thelatter). and pl. VI.4; Ars Classica-Naville (1926), 141-42, nos. 39 Cumont and et 240-44 Robert al. 253; 1-2; (1934), (1932), 2292 and2305;McDowell(1935), 186;Sellwood(1980), Unvala(1934),69-71; Welles(1934),299-301. of 162 and 164, nos. 50.13 and 51.31. (ii) tetradrachm 40 Welleset al. (1959),100-2,No. 18(Deedof Gift),dated13 OrodesIII dated317 SEMwith EM;cf. Prokesch-Osten Panemos398 SEM = 334 AE; ibid. 115-16, No. 20 (1874/5),41-42 andpl. 3.30;Gardner(1877),46; Wroth Loan),dated26 Daisios432 SEM= 368 AE; (Antichretic (1903),xliii, 174 andpl. XXIV.5;Petrowicz(1904), 104; RostovtzeffandWelles(1931),4-7. McDowell(1935),187;Sellwood(1980), 192,No. 59.13; 41 In my forthcoming book I will providebothnumismatic of Vologases Shore(1993),139,No. 327. (iii) tetradrachm andtextualevidencein favourof a short-lived reign(issuer II dated 390 SEM and EMBOAI;cf. Lagoy (1855), of S23.1-2 tetradrachms)between ArtabanusI and 330-32, pl. VIII.3; Gardner (1877), 56; De Morgan MithradatesII with the latter'sfirst full regnal year to Pacorus (1923-36), 138,Fig. 142.3(wronglyattributes in 191 SEB. beginning II); McDowell(1935), 192, Sellwood(1980), 233, No. 42 McDowell(1935),147. 72.7. 52 Reinach 43 Gardner(1877), 30-31, and pl. 11.1-2; Longp6rier on (1889),389,adds19to 287 SEM(embolismic) the tetradrachm of PhraatesIV (S50.13or S51.31)to get (1853-82), 19-26; Wroth(1903),xxv-xxvii, 14-15, and, pl. 111.7-12;Petrowicz(1904), 183-84 andpl. XXIV.5-9 306, subtracts76 from 390 SEM (embolismic) on the Armenian to Ars Valarsaces); (wrongly assigned VologasesII's example (S72.7) to get 314 and then Classica-Naville of (1926), 128-29 andpl. 61.2090-94and concludesthattheseandthedate317 SEM(embolismic) 2097-99 (givento Mithradates I);Sellwood(1980),42-43. OrodesIII (S59.2) form years 6, 14, and 17 of the 44 Wroth(1903),73 andpl. XV.2;Petrowicz (1904),59 and Macedoniancycle. In fact the dates on these examples to years4, 12,and 15 of thecycle. (1926),139,andpl. 66.2254; pl. IX.7;ArsClassica-Naville correspond Sellwood(1980),152,No. 48.5. (1904), 110,No. 8; 53 Wroth(1903), 149,No. 30; Petrowicz and 45 Assar(1993),292-94. Thelisthasnowbeenimproved Ars Classica-Naville(1926), 147, No. 2379; Sellwood manygapsfilledwithrecordedexamples. (1980),202; Shore(1993),141,No. 336. 46 Petrowicz EMTI 54 Accordingto the VI2in BM 34033 (unpublished (1904),58,No. 11,givingFOP(Gorpiaios) Normal with no spacebetweenEM and TI; Ars Classica-Naville StarAlmanacfor 189SEB),year360 SEBtoowouldhave (1926), 138 (withno spacebetweenEM andTI) andpl. hada mid-yearintercalation since 189+ 9 x 19 = 360;cf. 66.2246(withclearspacebetweenEM andTI);Sellwood Epping(1889),156-57. (1980),143,No. 46.7(withno spacebetweenEMandTI). "5 Assar(2000),12. 56 Certain of of OrodesII withabbreviated month tetradrachms 47 Themonogram TI also appearson anothertetradrachm 34


188

57

58

names can be shown, on stylistic and iconographical grounds,to be earlierthan the varietymintedduring Gorpiaios-embolimosof 47 B.C. These same coins followedGorpiaios stronglysuggestthatHyperberetaios it not to this date and prior preceded by elevenmonths.It shiftwasonly is, therefore, highlylikelythatthecalendrical authorisedat the startand not duringthe nineteen-year 48 B.C. intercalary cyclethatbeganon 28/9 September fromyear 360 SEM confirms GotarzesII's tetradrachm that the corresponding cycle began with a Gorpiaiosembolimosin its year 1. It seemsonly logicalto assume thatthe shiftfromHyperberetaios to Dios was postponed until afterthe sixth cycle terminated on 27/8 September A.D. 67 (cf. alson. 56 above). Sellwood(1980), 233 (nos. 72.1-4 and 72.7);236 (nos. 73.1-5 and73.7-8).

MLC

Collection(YaleUniversity) MorganLibrary

NABU RN SSB

NouvellesAssyriologiquesBreves et Utilitaires RevueNumismatique Sternkundeund Sterndienst in Babel. - Assyriologische, Astronomischeund Astralmythologische Untersuchungen

Sp VI2

Calendar SeleucidEraof theBabylonian [epoch= 1 Nisanu(2/3April)311] SeleucidEraof theMacedonian Calendar [epoch= 1 Dios (6/7 October) 312] Collection(BritishMuseum) Spartoli Ulilu (Babylonian Intercalary calendar)

ZfA

Zeitschriftiir Assyriologie

W

in Iraq Find-number of tabletsfrom Uruk-Warka (Berlin) Addaru(Babylonian calendar) Intercalary

SEB SEM

XI12

Abbreviations

Bibliography

A

on theTheoretical AaboeA., "Remarks Treatment of Eclipses

Prefixtoregistration numberof tabletsin TheOriental Institute(Chicago)

AB

numberof tabletsintheBodleian Prefixtoregistration in the Ashmolean Museum,Oxford) Library(now

Astronomical Cuneiform Texts - Babylonian Ephemeridesof the SeleucidPeriodfor the Motionof the Sun, the Moon, and the Planets ADRTB Astronomical Diaries and Related Texts from

ACT

Babylonia

ArsacidEra[epoch= 1 Nisonu(14/15)April247]; 1 AE= 65 SEB AO Prefixto registration numberof tabletsin theLouvre Paris Museum, (Antiquit6s Orientales) AOAT Alter Orientund Altes Testament- Veriffenlichungenzur Kulturund Geschichtedes Alten OrientsunddesAltenTestaments AE

AoF BaM

AltorientalischeForschungen Baghdader Mitteilungen - Deutsches Archdologisches InstitutAbteilungBaghdad

BM

BritishMuseum

BRM

Babylonian Records in the Library ofJ. Pierpont

Morgan(YaleUniversity) CT

Cuneiform Textsfrom Babylonian Tablets in the BritishMuseum

HSM Harvard SemiticMuseum(Harvard University) LBAT LateBabylonian Astronomical andRelatedTexts;cf. Sachs (1955)

LCL

TheLoebClassicalLibrary

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Conductedby YaleUniversityand the French Academyof Inscriptions and Letters, Final Report 5, Pt. 1 (New Haven 1959). Wroth W., A Catalogue of Greek Coins in the British Museum, vol. 23, Catalogue of the Coins of Parthia (London 1903).

The Effect of the Arab Muslim Conquest on the AdministrativeDivision of SasanianPersis / Fars By TourajDaryaee California State University,Fullerton

Symbolically,Farsappearsto have been the most important provinceof the Sasanianempirebetweenthe thirdandthe seventhcenturiesA.D. Thisis madeclear by its placewithinthe list of the provincesin the early Sasanianinscriptions,where amongthe provincesof Eran-gahr"domainof Iranians",it was always held above the rest of the provinces.In the inscriptionof Ka'baZardo't,SabihrI namesFarsas thefirstprovince of the empire.' Religiously,the province was the traditionalstrongholdof Zoroastrianism, where the the tradition alive. the fatherof Pabag, priests kept Ardax'irI, was the priestof the Anahidfiretempleat Staxr, and it was there that the Sasanianimperial propagandaand aspirationstook shape.Althoughthe homelandof Zoroaster'ssceneof preaching traditional was the east,whereKauuiWi'taspahad acceptedthe religion,Farsbecamethe strongholdof thereligionand the priestsfromthe Achaemenidperiodonward.The most influentialZoroastrian priestof the thirdcentury, while the Kerdir, enumerating provincesof Eran-gahr, mentioned(Middle Persian)p'lsy, Fars as the first province.2Sincebothimperialandreligiousauthorities wereto mentionFarsas the firstprovincein the landof Iranand for the Mazdaworshippingreligion,we can concludethatFarsindeedheld a specialstatusat least as the originof the dynasty. The survivalof Zoroastrianism and its vigour in Fars after the Arab Muslim conquestis attestedby variousaccountsof Muslimhistoriansandgeographers. Further,the redactionof many of the MiddlePersian texts in the early Islamic centuriesin this province attestsof the strengthof Zoroastrianism. Istaxristates "There is no or Fars: city regionwithouta regarding and fire-place(aitag-gcih), they(Persians)respectit."3In the thirteenth century,MarcoPolo visitedFarsandtells us that:"hefounda towncalledKalaAta'parastan (i.e., fire worshipers),that is to say town of the Fire-

have been strongerthan other places in the Iranian plateauandthatthe ArabMuslimpresencewas not as strongas in otherregions. This essay attemptsto delineatethe changesthat took place in the administrativegeographyand the administrationof the province of Fars in the late Islamicperiod.To graspandgaugethis Sasanian/early changeone needsto pay attentionto the late Sasanian administrationbefore looking at the early Islamic period.From the epigraphicsourcesof the Sasanian period,it appearsthat the state was becomingmore centralisedandorganisedandtherewas an exponential growthin honorificsand titles fromthe sixth century onwards.The growthof titlesandthe specialisationof offices seem to be characteristic of late antiquityand Byzantium.This also occurredunderKawadand his of the empiretook son, XusroI, when a restructuring and the Muslim Middle Persiantexts, historians, place andthe sigillographic evidencesupportthis fact. The very organisationof the provincesremains enigmatic,since many of the sourcescontradicteach other.This is the productof two phenomena.The first has to do with the layersof reform,meaningthatthe older Sasanian system was complementedby the reformsof Kawad,andthenof Xusr6I, andof Xusr6II, andfinallythe earlyIslamicreforms.It seemsunlikely that the old institutionswere completelyreplacedby new ones in such a shortperiod,and thustherewere severallayersof authorityanddivisionpileduponeach other.The second problemhas to do with the very natureof the sourceswhich give ampledescriptionof the Sasanian administration.Since most of the information comesfromthe Islamicperiodone should, be hesitant and cautious in using this however, since the descriptionseemsto be closerto information, the Abbasid administrativedivision of the eastern caliphate,thanto the late Sasanianperiod.5 Forthe MiddlePersiansources,the mostimportant

worshippers ... and I assure you that they are very

text is the ?ahrestaniha-i Errinahr, "The Provincial

numerous."4These anecdotes suggests that in the province of Fars, ZoroastrianPersianpresencemay

Capitalsof Erainahr",redactedat the time of the caliphateof al-Mans-ir(754-75 A.D.), but may be

kacdag(or qal'a) i taxg-parastin? house or fort of the

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based on an authenticSasaniansource.6Many of the administrative officesandofficersarealsomentionedin

wherea spahbedwas in chargeof eachkust"quarter".' Fromthereligiouspoint,thekustwas underthe control the Madiyani hazErdaidestan"theBook of a Thousand of a rad "spiritualmaster"."Before the reformsof in Xusr6 Kawad which was redacted the of and Xusr6 I, an PEran-spihbed controlledthe II Judgments" reign More there are of the whole the but his (590-628 A.D.). military importantly, empire, later, powerwas to administrative seals andcoinswhichrepresentprimary be brokenup amongfourspahbeds. sources.Theyareinvaluablein providingthe basis for Some numismaticevidence also points to the the reconstructionof the administrative The of the empire under Kawad I. The system. quadripartition to sources should be used whenever reverse side of Sasaniancoins usuallynotes the date literary possible corroborateor question the epigraphic evidence. when the coin was struck and the place or mint However,the seal corpusis incomplete,andonly with signature.TherearemanySasanianandArab-Sasanian the futurediscoveryof moresealsshallwe havea better mint signatureswhich have not been attributedfor graspof the situationin the sixthandseventhcenturies. certain.Recently,Gumetl2has proposedto readingthe This essay attempts to give a preview of the Sasanianmint signatureDYNAW which had been administrative to the city of Denawar,as DYW-AO,along changemainlybased on the coins and attributed seals, and to view the effect of the Arab Muslim withthreeothersignaturesthathavebeenfound,DYWAT,DYW-AS,andDWY-KR.In regardto DYW-AO, conqueston theprovince. The administrativeand militarydivision of the due to the confusingnatureof the Middle Persian has remained as mentioned before, alphabet,a lettercouldat timesbe readseveralways. empire enigmatic, andthishasbeen causedby the contradictory natureof The firstthreeletters,DYWhavebeensuggestedto be the sources.Thisis especiallytrueof thequestionof the the abbreviation for d&wan,thus Perso-Arabic d&wan, of the late where two Sasnian with the next letters office", quadripartition empire, meaning"government have not subsided. While it the as suffixes for the had been arguments acting region.GurnetsuggestsAO normto statethatthe Sasanianempirewas dividedinto forthe south-west,ATstandingforthe quarterof northfour regions at this time, more recentlyit has been west, perhapsstandingfor Aduirbadagan; AS for the assertedthatthe sigillographicevidencedoes not give for KR the southand for Capital,perhaps Asuirestan; clue to this The for this for Kerman.13 east,standing any quadripartition. explanation By identifyingAO withthe differencebetween the literaryand the epigraphical south-westthe schemeof the quadripartition becomes evidencehasbeenthatthisquadripartition wasbasedon questionable,but the real questionis what does AO the Zoroastrianmythologicalunderstandingof the standfor?Gumetdoes not give a definitiveanswerto world which goes back to the Mesopotamian thisanomaly,andindeedone canreadthe suffixas AN, thus DYWAN,but anothersuggestionmay be more conceptionof the universe.7The textualsourcesgive in evidence to This the is suitable.In MiddlePersian,initialaleph can also be ample regard quadripartition. not only statedin the MiddlePersiansources,but also readas hotandO is writtenwith wcEw, thusit can also in Armeniansources,such as Moses Xorenats'i,who be readas w. Hereone cansuggestthe readingXW for the Xwarasan,thusDYWXW"Dewanof Xwarasan", says thatthe provinceof Farswas in the quarterof the South(Armenian)k'ustinemrog,(MiddlePersian)kust north-east.14 Thesecoins weremintedduringthe reign i nomr6z,as partof this quadripartition.8 Withinthis of Kawad I, which exactly correspondswith the schemeof quadripartition, therearestillcontradictions. beginningof the administrative reforms."5 For example,Xorenats'iplacesFarsand Sistanin the TofurthersupportthissuppositionR. Gyselen'sfine k'usti nemrog,while Tha'alibiplaces Sistan in the studyof the newly foundseals belongingto Sasanian quarterof the East kust IXwarasan, and Fars in the kust i nemroz.9 The reason for the differences may lie in the nature and times of the various reforms and divisions. There seems to be no hint of a quadripartitionwith regardto civilian and secular administration,and there is no evidence for it in the administrativeseals. But militarily and religiously,theremight have been a quadripartition,

generals (Spahbeds) has demonstratedthat without a doubt the late Sasanianempire was quadripartitioned.16 According to these seals several personages attained these offices for each kust; Cihr-Burzenand then DadBurz-Mihr were the Eran-Spahbeds of Xwarasan (north-east);WahramNamxwast, Pirag, and then WehSabuihrwere the Eran-Spahbeds of Nemr6z (southof Xwarwaran(northeast); Wistahmwas the Sp.hbeds

THE EFFECT OF THE ARAB MUSLIM CONQUEST ON THE ADMINISTRATIVE SASANIAN PERSIS / FARS

east); and G6rg6n,and then Sadh6owere the BEran17 (north-west). Spahbedsof Adurbadagan Thusthe literarysourcescan be complementedby the coins andsigillographicmaterial,whichbothpoint The to the factthattherewas indeeda quadripartition. was perhapsa reactionto the military quadripartition setbacksexperiencedby KawadI. The incursionsfrom the east by the Hephthalites,as well as the Byzantine frontierwars in the west, and the Arabraidsinto the empirefromthe south,meantthatit was crucialforthe empireto be able to deal with problemson several fronts. This may have been the cause behind the divisionof the militarypower into the handsof four generals,who would thus be able to deal with the invasionsand wars. Here we have a divisionof four quarters,muchlike the divisionsin Byzantium,where there was a Praefectura praetorio per Orientem "prefectureof the East";Praefecturapraetorioper Illyricum"prefectureof Greece and the Balkans"; Praefectura praetorio Illyrici, Italiae et Africae "prefectureof Illyric Italy and Latin Africa";and of Roman Galliarum"prefecture Praefecturapraetorio Britainandthe IberianPeninsula",18butnot orientedto the cardinalpoints. Thus we have the old Sasanian divisionsof the thirdandfourthcenturies,followedby and laterdivisionsby Xusr6I and the quadripartition Xusr6II in the sixthand seventhcenturies.Fars,thus, may have belongedto the kust 1 nomr6z.Turningto Fars,now we can look at the divisionsof the province itself. For the administrative divisionwithinFars,one is faced with difficulties. Provincesin the third again as Persiantext) centuryinscriptions appear gtry/(Middle &ahr,whilethe districtswerealso knownas gahranda capitalcity was known as ?ahrestan.The gahr was who was probablya local administered by thegahrdair, in the third king century.They were rulersof these who were provinces appointedby the Kingof Kings.19 The districtsor ?ahrs were underthe commandof a gahrabanda mogbed.Themogbeddealtwithproperty rightsand otherlegal affairs,which is attestedby the one of the functionof themogbedof Ardaxgir-xwarrah, districts of Fars.20There was also an ?amargar who dealtwith the financialaspectsof "accountant", one or moredistricts. Thenumberanddivisionsof theprovinceof Farsin the late Sasanianperiodis problematicas well. We are faced with contradictoryevidence for the names of of thesedivisionsandthismayhintat the restructuring

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the administrative divisionsof Farsin the late Sasanian and also in the earlyIslamicperiod.The district,?ahr, was knownin the Islamicperiodas kuraorxora. It has been suggestedthat the name was derivedfrom the Greekchorawhichhadbeenintroduced in the Seleucid One can also suggest(althoughit is unlikely) period.21 that the Perso-Arabickura/xoraderives from the MiddlePersianxwarrah.This is becausemanyof the cities establishedby the Sasaniansincludedthe word xwarrah as a suffix. One can mention Erin-xwarrahgdbithr and Eran-xwarrah-Yazdgerd, and, more

for the districtsof Fars,Ardaxtir-xwarrah, importantly andKawaid-xwarrah.Thus,becauseof thepopularityof this suffix for variouscities,it mighthavebecomethe generaldesignationfor a districtin the early Islamic period. According to the seal corpus, six gahrs are mentioned:(1) Ardax'ir-xwarrah, (2) BWabtihr,(3) and(6) Weh-azStaxr,(4) Darabgerd,(5) NEw-Darab, Amid-Kawad.Attemptsat consolidatingthe Sasanian andIslamicsourceshave led to different,andat times forced,conclusions.Howcanwe reconcilethe Sasanian and Islamicsources?The Perso-Arabicsourcesof the early Islamicperiodusuallyenumeratefive kuras(1) (2) Sapur-xora, (3) Staxr,(4) Darabgerd, Ardasir-xora, and (5) Qobad-xora,also knownas Arrajan.This has led to a retrojectionon the late Sasanianperiodthat therewere five kura/xora.In fact, some Perso-Arabic sourcesstatethattherewere six kura.IbnXurrdadbeh names Fasa as the sixth kura, althoughin another He passage,he placesFasain the kuraof Darrbgerd.22 have had access to an older source which confirms may the late Sasaniansituation.Ibn Rosta names seven kuras, includingFasa and Seraz as the sixth and seventh.23 Maqdisienumeratessix kuras,makingSeraz the sixth, but later states that SArizwas not a kura beforeandthatit was partof Staxr,andthis was done Thusif we woulddisregard by the author'sinitiative.24 Seraz,one is facedwith six kuras.Thisconfusionmay have been the result of late Sasanianreformswhich reducedthe numberof the districtsfrom six to five kuras, and joined Fasa, the capital of New-Darab, with Darabgerd.Ibn Balxi in describingthe conquest of Fars, regards PasJ/Fasa as part of Darrbgerd (Daraibjird).25 Thus there is a stronger probability that in the late Sasanian period, New-Darab had been added to the district of Daribgerd and its Sahrestan, Fasa had become part of Darabgerd.According to Gyselen, this may also have taken place in the early Islamic period,26

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andthedistrictswerereducedto five.Inthisregard,Ibn Xurrdadbeh maybe correctin assumingthattherewere six districtswhichreflectthepostreformperiod.Thisis perhapsthe result of the confusion in the several administrativereforms of the late Sasanianempire whichmadethe divisionunclearto laterobservers. New-Darabis mentionedneitherin the Sasanian sources,norby literarysources,norin thePerso-Arabic the numismaticevidence.27 Weh-az-Amid-Kawad is a greaterproblem,sinceit is mentionedas one of the five kurasof biladfairsin the Islamicsources.We canturn to thenumismaticevidenceforsupportfortheexistence of sucha gahrin thelateSasanianperiod.Therearefive and mintsin Farswhichareknownwithsomecertainty, 2) DA orDarabgerd, theyinclude1) BYS or B•5aibfhr,ST or Istaxr,and 5) 4) 3) ART or Ardaxsir-xwarrah, These mintswere WHYCor Weh-az-Amid-Kawad.28 active in the late Sasanian period and are in with the districtsof Fars,accordingto correspondence the sigillographicsources.This,of course,reflectsthe situationafterthe reformsof the sixth century,since Weh-az-Amid-Kawad was thecreationof Kawadin the sixthcentury,and complementedthe otherfourgahrs. ThuseachgahrwithinFarsappearsto havehada mint at its gahrestan.There were other subsidiarymints whicharestillproblematicat best. The mint of the city of Weh-az-Amid-Kawad, IslamicArrajan,WHYC,has been controversialand has been attributedto several cities. Gyselen has attributedit to Weh-az-Amid-Kawad, reading it as WHYC.29Mochirihas read it as VSP for Visp-SadandMordtmann andSellwoodhave Xisro (Xosrow),30 NIHC for proposed NEw-gibuihr.31Gyselen's identificationas Weh-az-Amid-Kawad or Arrajan,as it was known in the Islamic period,32is based on a Sasanian seal with three cities mentioned: Staxr, thus locatedin Be•ibfihr,and Weh-az-Amid-Kawad, Fars.33 Herreadingis justified,sincethepeculiaritiesof the coins of IslamicArrajinandthe Sasaniancoins of Weh-az-Amid-Kawad are in accordancewith other Arab-Sasanian mintsof Fars.This has to do with the

Herewe do not find a referenceto Weh-az-AmidKawad.TheIslamicsources,however,maysupportthe In the tenth laterimportanceof Weh-az-Amid-Kawad. the centurytext, IHudfidal-'alam,regarding cities of Fars,againone comesacrossStaxr,BeSibihr,G6r,i.e, andDaribgerdas cities built in the Ardaxsir-xwarrah, time of the Sasanians, including Arrajan,written IntheFarsname,theprovinceis dividedinto Arragan.36 five districts (kura): Staxr, Darabgerd,Ardaxsirand Kawadxwarrah,Sabiahr-xwarrah, i.e., BMabtihr, in his workalso xwarrah,i.e., IslamicArrajan.37 Istaxri, mentions the five major districts, those of Staxr, Ardaxsir-xwarrah, i.e., Daribgerd, Sabuhr-xwarrah, Beabuihr,andArrajan.38 MalekdoubtsthatWeh-az-Amid-Kawad (Arrajin) was such an importanttown in Sasaniantimes as to have had such a largeoutputof coins.39One should keep in mind that in thefutaih literature,one comes as an importantplace of acrossWeh-az-Amid-Kawad conquest.Thereasonforthe ambiguitymaybe thatthe districtwas formedlaterthanthe otherdistrictsof Fars. Al-Tabarirelatesthat the city was establishedat the orderof Kawad(A.D. 499-531) afterlaying siege to Amidaandcarryingthe inhabitants of thatcity to this locationandmakingit the centreof thatdistrict.40This is also corroborated by Ibn Balxi and Bal'amiwho,

appearance of pellets on the reverse of some of the Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian coins in Fars, which makes the identificationcertainthat it is in fact the mint of WHYC.34 In the Middle Persian text, ?ahrestainiha-iErain gahr, regardingthe provincial capitals of Fars, the first four are in accordance with the numismatic and the sigillographic evidence (PT 22.41-45):

while namingArrajain,statedthat in the Sasanianperiod it was called Qobaidxora which was establishedduring the reign of Qobad b. Thus it appearsthat this Feroz.41 was to be which later the city, Sahrestln of that sahr in Fars,was createdduringthe militaryand administrative reforms of Kawad in the sixth century This may explain the problemswith the mint and the districtas comparedwith the otherwell known districts

kard, ?ahrestdinI staxr ardawaini *pahlawigign-9i5h ?ahrestin I dirrb-kird dairy i dairdyinkard, ardaxgirankard, ?ahrestin i weh-fimbuhribuhr i i ?ahrestain gor-ardaxfir-xwarrahardaxfir I pabagainkard

"Theprovincialcapitalof Staxrwas builtby Ardawan,thekingof *Parthians, the provincialcapitalof Daribgerdwas builtby Darason of DSra, theprovincialcapitalof Beabfihrwas builtby son of Sabuihr, Ardaxgir, theprovincialcapitalof G6r-Ardaxsir-xwarrah, was builtby Ardax'ir,son of Pabag."35

THE EFFECT OF THE ARAB MUSLIM CONQUEST ON THE ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISION OF SASANIAN PERSIS / FARS

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of the some territories of Fars.Thisis alsosupported were dividedinto ostan,andthe ostan by theorganisation Christiandioceses establishedin Fars in the fourth into gawars.49The 9ahr and deh containedtemples Bsabuhr,Darabgerd, whichwereunderthe controlof the Mogbed.5o century,whereArdax'ir-xwarrah, Anotherdivisionwasthetasagoverwhichwe know Staxr,andKazerunarementioned,andwherethereis no mentionof Weh-az-Amid-Kawad. Thuswe canconclude that a dadwar"judge"had authorityby the seventh thatwhile New-Darablost its importanceand became century,51 andthatthe mogbedof the district(9ahr)had the district of Weh-az-Amidover thediadwar whohadpoweroverthetaisog.52 into integrated power Ddrabgerd, the Islamic has been early suggestedto be a fourthof a rostag.Its KawSdgained importanceand, by Tasog, period,becamean importantdistrict.The omissionof meaningis relativelyclear,fromMiddlePersiantasum in the Middle Persianliterary "fourth".The questionis whetherthis tasag was the Weh-az-Amid-Kawad reformswere fourth of what part of a territory/unit of division? sourcesmayalsosuggestthattheterritorial were lateandwereaccompanied other divisions. has that the or districts by Morony suggested gahr Now we will turnto the administrative divisionof dividedintosubdistricts aroundsmalltownsorvillages, the districts.The &ahr,or district,was furtherdivided andthatthis was calleda , Arabictassoj.53One has to into rostags, which perhaps consisted of several askif therewas a differencebetweenthesetoponymsor villages,andthe smallestunit was the deh or village, not. Accordingto the Madiyan i Hazar Dgadestan which was headed by a dehgan.42This division is (MHD100, 5-7), while the ?ahr was under the where administration of a mogbed,the tasag was underthe apparentfroma lateMiddlePersianinscription, a certainXurdad,son of Hormuzd-Afarid who was a commandof a dadwar.Thedacdwar alsohada superior, recallshis homein thisorder:(1) mani ran- who hadthe title of ?ahrdacdwaran d/adwar"Supreme Christian, "from the This is also evidentfromthe deh Xi't: of the rosta sahr,(2) (3) dwelling judge province".54 Ealakan, of Pran-gahr,fromthe rostaof Calakan,fromthe deh the Patriarch Mar Aba(540-552 text The Syriac Lifeof of xi't.43 In Sfrat Anilfirvan preserved in Ibn A.D.) wherea certainMir Qardagheld two titles,that of ayenbed"masterof ceremonies",and ?ahrdcadwar Miskawayh'sTajaribal-Umam, the same order is I the where Xusro enumerates following "judgeof theempire".Thishasbeensuggestedto be the preserved, or conflationof twotitles,thegahrdadwar administrative units in the followingorder:(1) balad combination which is and and dadwaran dcadwar (4) qarya "region",(2) kiira,(3) rustaq, "judgeofjudges".Accordingto the Middle Persiantexts, the dadwar dealt with a equivalentto deh.44 IntheearlyIslamicperiodsomeof thesetermsseem varietyof cases, such as propertyrights,recordsand For confessions,attendedto complaints,broke seals and to have been confusedand used interchangeably. examplethe rasta,Arabicrustaq,was at timesthought retainedunclaimedproperty.55 or a nadhiya.45 Afterthe Muslimconquest,thereis little evidence to be equivalentto a tasog,Arabictassi@j Thereare, however,severalaccountsthatcorroborate for changesin the organisationof authority,with the the survivalof the sametermsin the abovemannerin exceptionof the imperialgovernmentat Ctesiphon.In the Sasanianperiodas well as the earlyIslamicperiod. orderto run the provinceeffectively,Arabgovernors Bal'ami,retrojectingto the beginningof the Sasanian wereappointedto headthegahr,andso thegahrabmay havebeenreplacedby anamir.Thusthereseemsto have dynasty,states that Ardax'ircame from the gahr of divisionsin Fars.With Staxr,fromthelandof Fars.He mentionsthatStaxrhad beencontinuityof administrative a r5sta,and therewas a deh. Thuswe have the exact thecollapseof the Sasaniangovernment, naturallysome of its officesbecameextinctas ArabMuslimstookover. division of the Sasanianepigraphicinformation,(I) Vahr,(II) rosta, (III) deh.46This may representthe Otheroffices,especiallythereligiousoffices,suchas the correct division which stayed on in Fars in the early Islamic period.47This is corroboratedby other sources, such as 7hrikh-i Qom which records that the city of Qom was made of seven dehs which were joined together.48Other divisions included the royal lands, the ostan which was headed by the ostandar. This corresponds with Armenia, where the ostan was the royal land in the Marzpanateperiod (428-652 A.D.);

mogs, mogbeds and herbeds with their chiefs became more powerful and became the caretakers of their people, i.e. the Zoroastrians.The Zoroastrianecclesiastical hierarchy survived long after the Arab Muslim conquest in one form or another, along with the believers. This would not be far-fetchedsince even after the conquest,the (Middle Persian)mogbeds were left in charge of collecting taxes, administered charitable

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foundationsand,becauseof the fall of the militaryand state,theymayhavegainedevenmorepower.Because of thechaoticsituationaftertheconquestandthe loss of statefinancialsupport,the higherranksof the religious hierarchywas forcedto do otherworkand overlapin theirfunctionswithlowerrankedpriests. Wecansurmisethatin thefirstIslamiccenturies,the local elite were left in chargeof the administration of the districtsand the cities. When the Arab Muslims conqueredthe region,they were mainlysettledin the amsar or garrisons,which eitherbecame new cities themselves,or were establishednext to the old ones. Therewas little contactand integrationat the time of conquestandthe immediateperiodthatfollowed.This butalso by theCaliphate, policywasnotonlysupported the Zoroastrian who forbade religious by hierarchy contact and interactionwith the Muslims. When conversions did take place, interaction became inevitableandso manylawsweredrawnup to regulate manners of interaction and conduct. These are mentionedin the ZoroastrianMiddlePersiantexts of the eighth,ninthandtenthcenturies. As for the administrativechanges, there were certainly shifts in the late Sasanianperiod, when districtswere reduced and others created. This is clearin regardsto New-DarabandWeh-azparticularly Amid-Kawid,where, while NEw-Darabwas to be intothe districtofDarabgerd,Weh-az-Amidintegrated Kawadwas established.Weh-az-Amid-Kawad became the westernmostdistrictof the provinceof Fars and gainedits ownmint.Themotivesbehindtheseshiftsare notclear,buttheinfluxof populationseemsto havehad a part in this decision. The Sasanianswere a force behindtheprocessesof urbanisation, madeclearby the manycities they established.We know thatthe newly establishedWeh-az-Amid-Kawdd waspopulatedby the inhabitantsof the city of Amida.56While some were returnedto Amida,othersmay have stayedbehindin theirnew housesandpeoplefromothercitiesmayhave furtherpopulatedthe area. The transferof populationfromSyriaandnorthern Iraq into the province of Fars from the third century A.D. contributedto the increase in the numbers of the Christians in the empire. While it has been suggested

that there was a trend towards Christianisation in Sasanian Iran, we must not forget that this Christianisation was partlydue to the fact thata large numberof the newly settledpeople were Christians. Many of these people were skilled workers who

contributed to the developmentof the cities. Certainly skilledlaborersdidcontribute to thedevelopmentof the this should not be overstated. but empire, We can agreeon an influxof religiousminoritiesin theprovincesandsettlementin new urbancentres.This was complementedby shifts in the make-upof the districts,along with otherreforms.Thus we seem to have a dynamic situationin late antiquityin the province of Fars. The changes seem to have been acceleratedby the ArabMuslimconquest,in termsof the developmentof new urbancenters.Islamwas an urbanreligion,and it was at the urbancentresthat religionfirst took hold in Iran.To this day, the nonMuslim populationsurvives in villages and remote places, while Islam took hold in the majorcities or createdthem.Administratively, however,thereseems to havebeen littlechange,sincethe ArabMuslimsleft the divisionsas theywere. Officials and their Functions

Thesealsrelateseveralofficesfora provinceandits districts.Theyareas follows:(I) ahrab,(II)mog, (III) mogbed, (IV) driy6ain jadagg6w ud dadwar,(V) handarzbed, (VI) dadwar,and(VII)amargar. (I) gahrab:"provincialgovernor"

The title of gahrabis alreadyfoundin Old Persian titulature(OldPersian)xfassapivan,(Greek)satrapis which meant"guardian or protectorof the domain".57 The satrapswerethe ones who administered the great the of The provinces kingdom. gahrabwas the headof the domain or guardian of the kingdom. In the Achaemenidperiod,he was the head of the province and the post possiblyexistedin the Medianperiod.In the Parthianperiod,the office is also attestedin an inscriptionfoundatSti (Susa)andit seemsthatthetitle had alreadydeclined since the Achaemenidperiod. Henningwas correctin statingthat "theareahe (the satrap)now governed was small, scarcely more than a town with its surroundings".58In the Islamic period Middle Persian Sahrib, Parthianhitrp, was known as iahrig. In the third century inscriptions,the decline of this office from the Achaemenid period is evident, where in the inscription of Sabihr I at Ka'ba Zardoit a list of Jahrabs is given, for example that of Hamadin, Niriz, and Weh-Andew-Sibihr. The gahraibis listed in the


199

seventhposition,aftertheframadar"courtminister", In the andbeforethe dizbed"garrisoncommander".59 Paikuliinscriptions,the ?ahrab is mentionedin the eleventh rank after the kadag-xwadiy"lord of the In the house"60and before Cimfrgar"accountant".61 fourthcenturyinscriptionof Sabuthr II (311A.D.) in the list of the retinueof the king of Sistan,the 9ahrabis placed after the mog "priest",and before the dibir "scribe".62This inscription shows the important positionof the office withinthe province,whereit is only subordinateto the MLK "king",handarzbed and mog, and above the dibir "scribe", "counsellor",

ceremony".69 By the fourth century,the office of had become mogbed importantand was placedin the list of offices below hazirbed "chilarch",and above of finances".70Thisgrowth ?ahr-imar-dibir "secretary in powerperhapshadto do withthegrowingstrengthof the Mazdeanpriestlyorganisationand its hierarchy.It seems that the mog and mogbedwere the ones who were involved in the administrativeaspects of the empireand the provincein largenumbers.Thereare seals of the mogbedfor subdistricts,fire templesand cities,whichshowthe degreeof theirinvolvementand status. It appearsthat by the late Sasanianperiod the "free and men", frostag "messenger", izi5d sardair Thismay show the resurgenceof the office "chiefs".63 mogbeddealtwithdocumentsandtheywere signedby andits importancein the Sasanianperiod.The seals of him, which was only partof his duty.The mogbeds functionedin several main capacities.The mogbed, the &ahrcab portraysthe personwithjeweled cap with of which shows the the office.64 a ?ahr or district. alongwith the gahrab,administered pearls, importance Sincewe do possessa seal forthe mogbedof Ardax'irwe can assumethatthe otherdistrictshada xwarrah,71 (II) mog (mow): "priest" The mog functionedwithinthe religiousand state mogbed in charge as well. While the seal for the mogbedis absent,fromthe mentionof this apparatus.The sheer numberof seals with this title mogbedain title in many textual sources we may assume that attests to the importance of this office for the of the state,as well as thetempleeconomy ultimatelysuch a personalso had authorityover the bureaucracy and the size of the religiousbody in SasanianIran. mogbeds.Thistitleseemsto havebeenattestedas early Thereare also seals for the mog of Ardax'ir-xwarrah, as the fourthcenturyin the Syriacsources,wherethere Be-sbihr, and Staxr.We do have evidenceof a mog was a roe?de maupati "headof the mowbeds".72 Theirgrowingauthorityand statusis also attested servinga provinceas earlyas the fourthcentury,where thekingof Sastan.65 Themogwas the one accompanied by Byzantinesources.Forexample,in the sixthcentury thatfunctionedin various Agathiasstatesthat"nowadays,however,the Magiare lowestrankof "priesthood", capacitiesin the districts,cities,villages,andtemples. the objectof extremeawe and veneration,all public He seems to have been in charge of controlling business being conductedat their discretionand in andno litigant economictransactions.On a largejar with a cursive accordancewith theirprognostications, inscription(lateSasanian)a mogis imprisonedbecause or partyto a privatedisputefails to come undertheir of lying,66and committingwina-h"sin",which was a jurisdiction.Indeed nothing receives the stamp of from term religious terminology,67 legalityin theeyes of thePersiansunlessit is ratifiedby adopted legal in the or worth of the one of the Magi."73They were not only active in to amount perhaps regard but seem to have gained even more in the stored administration, jar. commodity power.The Syriacsourceseven reportthatmogbedsat some time were able to rule over a province,such as (III) mogbed (mowbed):"chief priest" The title is apparentin the third century,where that of Adiabene,and otherswere in chargeof the courts.Thisideais also supportedby M'iha-Zkhawho Kerdiris calledan Ohrmazdmogbed"themowbedof Ohrmazd", under Hormizd I. He later achieved the reportsthatin the early Sasanianperiodthe mogbeds added title of kerdir I boxt-ruwan-wahrim Kohrmazd mogbed "Kerdir,mowbed of the blessed Wahramand Ohrmazd".68The assumption of many of the titles which appear later for Kerdir at one time, show the beginning of these titles underhis control. They include hamlahr mogbed ud didwar "the mowbed and dadwar of all the empire", and iivenbed "master of

and marzbainswere put in charge of provinces.74This may be a retrojectionto the past, but it may also reflect the way the an-eran "non-Iranian"provinces were controlled, since we hear from the Armenian sources that the Sasaniansput in charge of Armenia, along with the hazarapet, a chief mog, i.e., mogbed, who functionedas the judge of the land.75Elishe also reports

200


thatthe Sasaniansgovernedtheirempireby thereligion sheepandotherhelplesscreatures,specificallyfor the of mog.76 In the MiddlePersianwritingsan interesting sakeof his own soul."86 Clearly,this officialmusthave in an relevant to the title as opposedto states that the was of had some functions passage mogbed charge as "province", which other mogbeds, such as administrationof money awestcm whichcan be translated andsmallerthana kust.77 was largerthana receivedin charityfor the poorandneedy.87Fromthe rsttag title it is clearthatthe religiousauthority(mogbed)had ud dadwar:"advocate and (IV) driyomanjjadaggow gainedlegal authorityas well, whichis paralleledwith of the the title of St. Nerses in Armenia:jatagov amenayn poor" judge for all the deprived".88 One comes acrossthis title,mainlyby viewingthe zrkeloc"intercessor seal corpus, Madigin Hazir Haziar,and the Armenian

The driy5fanjiidaggaw ud dadwar was perhapsthe

overseerof charitablefoundationsto helpthe poorand the needy.89This was a religious duty which the the mowbedand the ?amrgar,and the seal of the dadwar powerfulshouldkeep as theirduty(DenkardVI.142): and was a "Thepowerfulmeansarenotharmfulto thatmanor to was made by the orderof Xusr6 I, there (other)people.In whatevercomesabouthe is driya6gn mogbedfor the entireprovinceof Fars,andthe title of the mogbed was changed to driyr6?n jadaggaw ud jadag-gow advocatefor the poor and does good to didwar "advocateandjudge of the poor".This office them.He praisesthepoorandactsin sucha mannerthat seems to be concernedwith social,legal andreligious (his)wealthandrichesareopento allmen,andthatthey On the spheres.Fromseals we knowthattherewere dijdwars hold them as their own and are confident."90 local level the mog may have been in chargeof the "judges",functioningin the province, but for the no that it was a whichweresetupby peoplepad there is evidence separate religiousendowments, jadaggaw office.It was duringthetimeof Xusr6I thatthedadwar ruwanfor the sake of the soul. This of courseties in was givena seal andfunctionedin districtsandcities.78 with the Islamic institution of waqf or religious The textual evidence may shed some light on the endowmentswhichhad the samefunctionin the early Islamicera.91 problembecausewe do come acrossthe titlejadagwhichis explainedas ayair"helper", gowin "advocates", butits senseis notclear,and (V) handarzbed:"councillor" andpanihih "protection",79 it mayhavehadthe functionof intercessoron behalfof The handarzbedservedin variouscapacitiesas an world,they are adviserto personsof rank.In the PersepolisMiddle peopleor a cause.80In the Zoroastrian in heaven.81 Persian inscription,in the early fourthcentury,we thoughtto be placedwiththepeace-seekers De Menascewas one of the firstto commenton the encounterthe titleSistin handarzbed"chiefcouncillor functionof the office and to show that this office of Sistan",secondonlyto thekingof Sistan,andabove of to the Fars.82 we have as the Now Thus,fromearly belonged mogbed mog andthe gahrabof Zarang.92 manyas sixteensealswith thistitle.The sheernumber on he seemsto have hadan importantfunctionwithin of the seals with this title makesShaked'sassumption the court apparatus,whose functionmay have been thatthis office belongedonly to the mogbedsof Fars more concernedwith advice,actingas an adviserand ForFars,thereis a seal for the driyc'gan dealingwith moralcauses.For Fars,we only possess implausible.83 ud the seal of the handarzbedof Ardaxsir-xwarrah,93 but daidwar who administered the various jadaggow subdistricts,such as Bdaibtihr,Staxr,and Ardaxgir- this makes it probable that there were other xwarrah.84Also a ud diadwarwas in handarzbedin functioning for other districts. driyomanjadaggrw at of three districts the same those of time, charge Alternatively,therecould have been one handarzbed sources.Accordingto theMadiganHazarHazir (93.7), at the time of Kawadofficialsealswereintroducedfor

D~irabgerd,Bhabtihr, and Weh-az-Amid-Kawad.85 Shakedhas tried to down play the importanceof the function to a mere honorific. Yet he demonstratesthe moral authority of this mogbed, which seems to be concernedwith the welfare of the poor as attestedin the Middle Persian texts: "The seventh is (aidag-gbwih) advocacy. It is this: One who speaks a word on behalf of a widowed woman, a hungry child, fires, cattle,

administratingseveral districtsat the same time. The dar handarzbed "court counsellor", was an advisor to the king and was part of the court retinue, who according to the Kfrnamag f ArdaxfIr1 Ppagiln (X.7) accompanied the mogbedin mogbed "chief mogbed",eran spihbed "chief of the army",pultaspan sardlir "chief of cavalry", dibirin mahist "grand scribe", and was placed before the waspuhragin


201

advicein legal matterspertainingto maritalquestions,

fact is attestedby al-Mas'uidi, who statedthatthe chief judge, qadi al-qodat, perhapsfrom Middle Persian

Madftyan-ihazar d5destin (57.12; 59.10; 98.3), but the

daidwrandidwar, was the head of all mogbeds.101Thus

"grandees/specials". The mogan handarzbed gave

handarzbedin generaldid not have to be a mog. The mogiinhandarzbedhad reachedan importantposition by the end of the Sasanianperiod,perhapsbecauseof the growingpower of the religioushierarchy.In one Middle Persiantext, he is listed after the following officesSir Aifrin(157.9-14): 5hihn?i9h"kingof kings",

pus i wispuhr i ?chan "principal son among the princes", wuzurgframddar "grand minister", the spcdhbeds"militarycommanders"of xwardsan "north-

the legal apparatusseems to have been under the controlof the religioushierarchy.As statedearlier,the Madiyaini hazar dadestan (100,11-15) states that the didwar was underthe authorityof the mogbed.There

is only one seal foundwith this title, thus we do not know how prevalent the office was from the sigillgographicevidence.This perhapsmeansthatby the sixthcenturyA.D. the mogbedhadtakenover the functionof judges.

east",xwarwardn"north-west",and nemr6z"southeast", followed by the dadwar i dadwaran "chief

(VII) mfrgar: "accountant"

andthe judge".Below him arethe moganhandarzbed,

Fromthe sigillographicevidenceit appearsthatthe amargar "accountant",and the dadwar "judge" counsellorto the mogbedanand as an explanationor controlled economic, administrative and legal Pahlavi version of the Yasna, mogin handarzbed is processes. The whole province had an accountant, glossed as the teacherof the mogan. In the Perso- whichis manifestfroma seal foundatQasri AbuNasr: Islamicliterature, the men of religionareplacedin the (D209) pars iamrgar "accountantof Fars".'02In firstrankanddividedintofourdivisions,the lastbeing addition,therewereaccountants whichheldpowerover themo'aliman,i.e, theherbedin"teacher-priests".95 We one or more gahrs within Fars. One exampleis the also have a seal for this office, as well as the mogan iamrgar of Staxrand Darabgerd,103 and the otherthe handarzbedof Sistan. The handarzbedI waspuhragiin and amargarof (B164) "Ardax'ir-xwarrah, B•abibuhr, had authority New-Darib". An amargar's jurisdiction could be "counsellorto the grandees/specials" within the king's demesne.96There was also a changed,as is evidentfrom other seals such as (Z3 handarzbedfor the queen at the time of SdabihrI Gyselen) "Staxr and BeabiIhr and Weh-az-AmidKawad".Beside the accountantfor the provincesand binigan handarzbed, and a handarzbed I aswiragan "thecounsellorforthe cavalry".97 the districtstherewere also a "courtaccountant" darIn the Armenian History of Lazar P'arpec'i, it is an in of the and accountant finances of amirgar charge the was sent to a the that movan fortress empire, Eriin-imargar.104 reported anderjapet in New-sabuhrwhere Armenianpriests were held captive.He wasto takethemto a desertedspotto torture Notes them,butmoreprobablyto tryto changetheirmindin More the text states that matters. religious importantly, M. Back,Die Sassanidischen Studienzur the movananderjapetwas underthe authorityof the Staatsinschriften, hazarbed "chilarch".94 The mogan handarzbedwas the

movpetan-movpet,i.e., mogbedin mogbed.98A Middle

Persiantext statesthatthe moganhandarzbedand the mowbediin mowbed were set over the didwardn who

held sway over the rostag,the mowbedanwho held and radin "spiritual sway over an awestim "district", masters", over a kust "quarter".99 The mogin handarzbedaccordingto the Madiyan-Ihazairdiidestin was in charge of establishing guardianship, and administratingfoundationsfor the soul.100 (VI) dadwar:"judge" The judge had to have legal schooling, and it is quite possible that he could have been a mogbed. This

2

3

4

der Orthographieund Philologie des Mittelpersischen zusammen miteinemetymologischen Indexdes Inschriften mittelpersischenWortgutesund einem Textcorpusder behandelten Inschrifien,Acta Iranica,Vol. VIII (Leiden, 285; 1978),p. Onlythe Greekversionof thispassagehas survived, IEPCI AA. Ph.Gignoux,Lesquatreinscriptions dumageKirdfrtextes in StInIX (Paris,1991),p. 61. et concordances, Abti Ishaq Ibrahim Istakhri,Masalik wa mamiilik, from the 12th Century AnonymousPersianTranslation A.D.,ed. IrajAfshar(Tehran,1969),p. 97. Marco Polo, The Travels(Harmondsworth, 1958), pp. 58-60.


202

5 M. Morony,"Continuity andChangein theAdministrative Geographyof Late SasanianandEarlyIslamical-'Iraq", Iran20 (1982),p. 1. 6 R. Gyselen,"Les donneesde geographieadministrative dansle 'ahrestniha-iBEran", StIr, XVII(1988),p. 206. Ph.Gignoux,"Lesquatreregionsadministratives de l'Iran 7 sasanideet la symboliquesdes nombrestroiset quatre", AION44(1984),pp. 555-72. 8

ma 'rifat

25

26

27

J. Marquart,Eraingahrnach der Geographiedes Ps. Moses Xorenac'i (Berlin, 1901), p. 16.

9 AbuMansfirAbdal-MalikibnMuhammad ibnIsma'ilalTha'salibi,GhurarAxbar

al-Fars wa s5'irhim,ed. H. mulitk

Zotenberg(Paris,1990),p. 393. 10 Gignoux basically disagrees with this division, "Le Spfthbeddes Sassanides",JerusalemStudiesin Arabic and

IslamXIII(1990),pp.1-14. 11 G. Kreyenbroek,"The ZoroastrianPriesthood",in

12

29

II",Revue belge de NumismatiqueCXL (1994), pp. 36-37. 13

14

KR certainlystandsfor Kermanwhereit appearson the mintGNCKR,whichhasbeenproposedto standforganj kerman "treasuryof Kermin", see M.I. Mochiri, "A Sasanianand EarlyIslamicMint in Garmikirman, NC CXLV(1985),pp. 109-22. KirmanProvince",

15 16

17

18

30

Gurnet,op. cit., p. 37. R. Gyselen, The Four Generals of the Sasanian Empire. Some SigillographicEvidence (Rome, 2001). Ibid., pp. 35-45. G. Ostrogorsky,History of the ByzantineState, revised ed.

(New Jersey, N.J. 1969), pp. 97-98; J.F. Haldon,

20

V.G. Lukonin, "Political, social and administrative institutions,taxes and trade",CHIr, vol. III, ed. E. Yarshater (Cambridge, 1983),p. 701. Madiy6inI HazairDadestin 100.4-5.

21 M. Morony, Iraq After the Muslim Conquest (Princeton,

R. Gyselen, La geographie administrative de l'empire

I (Paris,1989),p. 71. sasanide,ResOrientales The only way to reconcilethe possiblityof havingNewDar~bas a districtis thatit was createdin thelateSasanian in the late periodandthatit was reunitedwithDdrabgerd was in the SasanianorearlyIslamicperiod.If NEw-Dardb localityof thecityof Fasa,whichbecameknownaspartof If the Sasanian a kura,it maysupportGyselen'sargument. mintof PAwouldstandforthecityof Fasa,Arab-Sasanian Fasa, this idea might be justified;see also Marquart, et cachetssasanides", St R. Gyselen,"Ateliersmonetaires Ir, VIII(1979),p. 210. The locationof this mintis unclearandtherehavebeen severalsuggestions.Mitchnerhas identifiedthe mint as "Mint NIHCfor Ctesiphonin the provinceof Astirestan, in the SassanianEmpire",TheNumismatic Organization Circular,LXXXVI,No. 9 (September1978),p. 473; see also S. Tyler-Smith "SasanianMintAbbreviations", NC, CXLIII(1983),pp.244-45. in Media", M.I. Mochiri,"VSP for Visp-Sad-Xosrow Vol. II, Tehran,reviseded. (Leiden, Arabe-Sassanides, 454. 1982),p.

31

32 33

34

Byzantiumin the Seventh Century(Cambridge, 1990), p. 35. 19

Geographorum

Etudes de numismatiqueiranienne sous les Sassanides et

T. Daryaee,?ahrestainihd i Erangahr,A MiddlePersian Text on Late Antique Geography, Epic and History (Costa

Mesa,2002),p. 10.

Bibliotheca

Eringahr, p. 27. 28

TransitionPeriods in IranianHistory,Actes du symposium

de Fribourg-en-Brisgau (22-24 May 1985),IstitutoItaliano peril Medioed EstremoOriente(Rome1987),p. 152. F. Gurnet,"Deuxnotesaiproposdumonnayagede Xusr6

al-aqdlim,

ed.M.J.De Goeje,ParsTertia(Leiden,1906), Arabicorum, translated byA.N.Monzavi,(Tehran,1361),vol. II,p. 632. Ibn al-Balxi,Fcrs-natme, ed. G. Le Strangeand R.A. Nicholson(Cambridge, 1921),p. 115.

35 36

D. Sellwood, An Introductionto Sasanian Coins (London,

1985),p.49. Gyselen,"Ateliers" op.cit.,p. 210. Gyselen, La geographie administrative de l'empire

Sassanide, Res orientales (Louvain, 1993), for the discussionseep. 62, forthesealsee p. 112. Michael Bates at the AmericanNumismaticSociety showedme thepeculiarities of thecoinsof Weh-az-AmidKawadandArab-Sasanian withothermintsof Fars. Arrajdn text tr. 20. 15, Daryaee,op.cit., Anon., fHudiidal- 'iilammin al-Magriqila al-Maghrib,ed.

M. Sotoodeh(Tehran,1983),pp. 130-36. 37 38

1984),p. 129. 22

P. Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter nach den arabischen GeographeusHolelesheom, New York, 1969.

39

23

Ibid.

40

24

"Inthediwansit (Seriz)is considered as partof Staxr,but I call it a kiira", see al-Muqaddasi, Ahsan al-taqisinmft

41

Ibn al-Balxi, op. cit., p. 121. Istaxri,Mascalikwa mamalik,ed. I. Afshar,(Tehran,1969),

pp.97-102. H.M. Malek, "A Survey of Research on Sasanian in NC (London,1993),p. 90. Numismatics", Schwarz,op. cit., p. 150. Ibn al-Balxi, op. cit. p. 84; T-rixb- Bal'ami, ed. M. Bahar,

Vol.II (Tehran,1974),p. 965.

THE EFFECTOF THE ARAB MUSLIMCONQUESTON THE ADMINISTRATIVEDIVISION OF SASANIAN PERSIS / FARS 42

43

44 45

Lukoninbelievesthatthe r6stagwas a ruraldistrictand its villages were the deh, p. 727; Piacentinistatesthat areawith a rural rustaqindicateda lesseradministrative character(though more rarely it might also have designateda villageor a smallruralareaincludingone or more villages),V.F.Piacentini,"Madina/Shahr, Qarya? TheCityas Political-Administrative Deh,Ndhiya/RustSq Institution:the Continuityof a SasanianModel",JSAI, XVII(1994),p. 92. F. De Blois, "The Middle-PersianInscriptionFrom Sasanianor post-Sasanian", St Ir, XIX Constantinople: 209-18. (1990),pp. Piacentini, op.cit.,p. 96. Axbaral-tiwdl,p. 228;NashrNay,Tehran,1364. Dinawari, Morony,op. cit., 1984,p. 129;othersbelievethata Tassufj was dividedintoras6taq,rustiq was dividedinto T-ass-j,

58

W.B. Henning,"A New ParthianInscription", JRASof

59

R.N. Frye, "Notes on the early SassanianState and

GreatBritain and Ireland,parts3 and 4 (1953), p. 134. Church",Studi Orientalisticiin onore di GiorgioLevi della 60

61

62 63

64 65 66

R.N. Frye, TheGoldenAge ofPersia. TheArabs in the Fall

(London,1975),p. 10.

67

46

Tarix-i Bal'ami, pp. 874-75.

68

47

Bal'amisaysthata letterfromArdawin,the lastParthian kingto Ardaxilrstatesthat:you area manfromthe r6sta of Staxr,yourfatherBibak was a manfromthe rfsti, it was not large enoughfor you to come to a gahr,that accordingto himyouwouldtakeoverStaxr,p. 880;Tabari (I, 814)statesthatArdax'irwas fromtheqaryaof Tir-ideh, belongingto therustaqof Khlr,in thekiiraof Istaxrof the

69

balad of Fars.

70

Tarix-iQom, ed. S.J.Modarres(Tehran,1982),p. 23. N. Adontz, Armenia in the Period of Justinian, The Political ConditionsBased on the NaxararSystem(Lisbon,

71

48 49

50

1970),p. 238. Lukonin,op. cit., p. 727.

203

Vida,Vol. 1 (Rome,1956),pp.331, 335. Thiskadag-xwadayis notanordinary "master of thehouse" andmusthavebeenof a noblehouseto bepositioned before the'ahrab.I owe thissuggestion to Hanns-Peter Schmidt. H. Humbach& P.O.Skjaervo,TheSassanianInscriptionof

Paikuli(Wiesbaden, 32. 1983,),paragraph Beck,op. cit., p. 483. MiddlePersianInscriptions from R.N.Frye,"ThePersepolis theTimeof ShapurII",ActaOrientalia, XXX(1966),p. 85. Gyselen,Lageographie, 1989,p. 28. Frye,op. cit., 1966,p. 85. A.B. Nikitin, "Middle Persian Ostraca from South Turkmenistan", EWXLII,No. 1, (1992),p. 105. M. Shaki,"Dad",EIr,vol. VI (1994),p. 544. W.B. Henning,"Notes on the Inscriptionof Sapir", Professor Jackson Memorial Volume (1956), p. 53; F.

surles titresde Kirdir",St Ir, XIX Grenet,"Observations 94. (1990),p. R. Gyselen, "Note de glyptiquesassanideles cachets Etudesirano-aryennes personnelsde l'ohrmazd-mogbed", andPh. offertesa GilbertLazard,ed. C.-Hde Fouchecour 186. Gignoux(Paris,1989),p. HumbachandSkjaervo,op. cit.,Part3.1, lines32-33, pp. 42-43. R. Gyselen,"Lessceauxdesmagesde l'Iransassanide", Au carrefourdes religions.Melangesoffertsa PhilippeGignoux,

72

ed.R.Gyselen,ResOrientales, Vol.VII(Paris,1995),p. 123. M. Morony,"M6badh", Vol. VII(1987),p. 576. EIr,

51 Madi-yin

KHazcarDidestan 100.5-7. Ibid., 100.5-7.

73

52

74

S. Shaked,"Administrative Functionsof Priestsin the

53

Morony,op. cit., 1984,p. 129.

54

I Hazir Dadestan 110.148. Madi-yin 75

Sasanian Period", Proceedings of the First European Conferenceof Iranian Studies (Rome, 1990), p. 268. N.G. Garsoian,History ofAncient and MedievalArmenia,

55

56

Forthe completelist of his responsibilities see M. Shaki, VI Vol. (1994),p. 558. "Didwar,Didwarih",EIr, S.N.C.Lieu,"Captives,RefugeesandExiles:A Studyof Cross-Frontier CivilianMovementsandContactsBetween RomeandPersiaFromValerian to Jovian",TheDefenceof the Roman and Byzantine East, ed. P. Freeman and D.

Chapter III, "The Marzpanate(428-652)", ed. R. Hovannisian, 1984,unpublished p. 4. manuscript, 76

77

Kennedy,Part ii, British Instituteof Archaeologyat No. 8, BAR International Series297 Ankara,Monograph 499. (ii) (Oxford,1986),p.

78

57 E. Benveniste, Indo-European Language and Society

79

andV.G.Lukonin, (London,1973),p. 315;M. Dandamaev

Agathias, TheHistories, II.26.5.

Elishe, History of Vardan and the Armenian War

Massachusetts andLondon,1982),p. 60. (Cambridge, Vichitakiha-iZadsparam (Bombay,1964),XXXIII.5,pp. 87; Ph. Gignoux andA. Tafazzoli,Anthologiede Zidspram

(Paris,1993),pp. 114-15. Shaki, "Didwar, Dadwarih",p. 557.

J. de Menasce,"Le protecteurdes pauvresdans l'Iran sasanide", M6langesHenriMasse (Tehran1963),p. 283.

The Culture and Social Institutions of Ancient Iran,

80soPahlavi Rivayats 196; Sad-darNasr XXII.3.

1989),p. 100. (Cambridge,

s81 Arda WiraizN1mag,XIX.15.

204

82

83


Menasce,op. cit., pp.282-87. Ph. Gignoux,"Problemesd'interpretation historiqueet Acta des titres et noms propressasanides", philologique

91

Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae XXIV

92

islamischer Zeit", TransitionPeriods in Iranian History

(Paris,1987),pp. 178-79.

85

86

Gyselen, La geographie administrative de l'empire sassanide (1989), p. 31.

93

Gyselen, La g6ographie administrative de l'empire

Ibid.,p. 59. S. Shaked,"Some Legal and Administrative Terms",

94

sassanide([date]),p. 33. PahlaviTexts,ed. J.M.Jamasp-Asana (Tehran,1913),p. 157; J.C. Tavadia,"StirSaxvan,A DinnerSpeech in Middle Persian", Journal of the K.R. Cama Oriental Institute,XXIX, (1935), 42f., 63f.

MonumentumH.S. NybergII, Acta Iranica(Leiden, 1975), p. 215. 87

R.N. Frye, Sasanian Remains from Qasr-i Abu Nasr

1973),pp. 84-85. (Cambridge,

(1976),p. 105. 84

M. Macuch, "Sasanidische Institutionenin friih-

Shakedbelievesthatthe title was a complimentary one, ibid.,pp. designatingthe mowbedsof Farsin particular, 215-16.

88 N.G. Garsoian,"Protecteurdes pauvres",Revue des &tudes

XV (1981),p. 24;J.R.Russell,"Advocacyof armeniennes, Journalof theK. thePoor:TheMalignedSasanianOrder",

95 96

97 98

ed.M. Minovi(Tehran,1932),pp. 57, 143. Tansar-naime, M.L.Chaumont, "Andarzbad", EIr,II (1987),p. 22. SabihrI, Ka'ba-yeZardo't,line33. History of Lazar P'arpec'i (AtlantaGa, 1991), 88.50 and

98. 99

Zaidspram,p. 88.

R. Cama OrientalInstitute(1986), p. 136. 89 For driy69 see, W. Sundermann, "Commendatio pauperum", Altorientalische Forschungen, IV (Berlin,

100

"Notessurle lexiqueiranienet arm6nien", A. P6rikhanian,

1976), pp. 179-91; also M. Shaki, "An Appraisalof Iranica,vols II, andIII",ArO,LIX(1991), Encyclopaedia p. 406; T. Daryaee,"Modafe'darwiln va davardar

101

zamdn-e s5s'nI", TafazzoliMemorial Volume,ed. A.A.

102

2001),pp. 179-88. Sadeghi(Tehran,

103

90

S. Shaked, The Wisdomof the Sasanian Sages (Colorado,

1979),p. 57; see alsopassage23, p. 13;passage35, p. 15; passage91, p. 37.

104

Revue des Etudes Armeniennes,N.S., V (Paris, 1968), p. 21. Mas'tidi,Murfijal-dhahab,p. 240; it should be mentioned

thatdueto the corruptnatureof the pasage al-qudit qai, may standfor mogbedin mogbed. Frye,op. cit., 1973,p. 63. Gyselen, La geographie administrative de l'empire sassanide, (1989) p. 112. Ibid., pp.35-36.

EXCAVATIONSAT KUVA (FERGHANAVALLEY,UZBEKISTAN) By GennadiIvanov Kuva Public Archaeological Expedition "KUBO"

Surrounded by mountains, the Ferghana Valley, some 300 km. long- and 70 km. wide in Eastern Uzbekistan in Central Asia, is rich in archaeological remains.The oldest finds made by archaeologistsin this region are probablyabout one million years old,' and it is known that in the late Bronze Age, by the tenth centuryB.C., the easternpartof the valley was occupied by large fortified settlements typified by that of Dalverzin-Tepe,2which some archaeologistsconsideras proto-towns. The material culture of early Iron Age, seventh-fourth century B.C., has been revealed in Eylatan and Ak-Tam archaeological excavations, and we know the regional economy then flourished as a consequence of trade activity on the Silk Road passing from Kashgarthroughthe westernpass of Ferghanainto CentralAsia and beyond. Political and military control of the valley passed from hand to hand for two hundred years until the invasion of the Arabs in the first decades of the eighth centuryA.D. and with it, the introduction of Islam into the region. By 739-40 the region was

under Arab Muslim control and the valley was then divided into three provincial governorships under Samanid authority(947-1048 A.D.), that to the north; the second in the areabetween the riversKaraDaryaand Narya; and the south; in all there were six large cities and some one hundred villages. The site of ancient Kuva, located in the southernpart of FerghanaValley, close to the modem city bearing the same name, first attractedarchaeologicalattentionat the beginning of the twentieth century.3Its size and the number of surface ceramic finds and other archaeological material suggested to some scholars that this hillock (Fig. 1) known locally as Key Kubod Tepa was indeed the city of Quba mentioned in certain tenth century Arabic sources. The existence of ancient Kuva (Arabic: Quba) was noted in these Arabicworks but unfortunatelywith little detail. Accordingto the tenthcenturyArabgeographers, Quba was one of the largest cities in the valley. AlIstakhri (d. 934 A.D.) stated that "Quba is equal to

Fig. 1. Panoramicview of the ancientcity of Kuva,FerghanaValley(Uzbekistan).

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Rabad

Shahristan .

"r, / /)

7

.

Fig. 2. Diagramof the site, showingthe locationof the Buddhisttemple,and thatof the arg, the shahristinand rabad. Therecentarchaeologicalexcavationwork(1996-2000)is numberedin sequenceas Areasnos. 1-7 and 9 (Area8, openedin 1998 and locatedapprox.40 m.fromAreano. 7, is not markedas workherewas quicklystopped).Thedotted line indicatesthe approximatedispositionof the early city (DrawingbyAndrewSmith).

Akhsiket[thencapitalcity of theFerghana Valley]in its Therearea quhandiz size. It is situatedveryfavourably. [arg 'citadel'], a shahristin [Ar. madina] and a rabad. has [suburbscontainingorchardsetc.]. The quhandiz beendestroyed.Themosqueis situatedin thequhandiz. The bazaar,the palaceof the rulerand the prisonare is surrounded situatedin the The by the rabad.. rabad, water is in beautiful wall,having gardens[and]running abundance"4(Fig. 2), but al-Muqaddasiconsidered Qubato be largerand more attractivethan Akhsiket (fromEski Akhsi "Oldclearwater").5This may have

been an accurate assessment, judging by the archaeologicalevidenceconcerningthe extentof the site.An eighthcenturyauthoralsomentionedthatKubo was the seat of the governor-general appointedby the rulerof Ferghana;6 this andthe factthatthe city hadits own mint confirmits formerpoliticaland economic importance. According to seventh century Tang chronicles,FerghanaValleythenhadtwo capitalcities: Ko-saior Kasanin the northernunderTurkicrule,and the southerncity of Khumyngcontrolledby a local dynasty.7As has long been recognised,the Chinese

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5

S3

6

Fig. 3. Examplesof tamgacoinsfound at Kuvain the 1950-60s excavations.

chroniclers often assigned names to foreign regions, settlements and people which owed little to the indigenous ones but as Kuva was known to be an important administrative and political centre with a governor-general in control some two hundred years later, it seems probable that the early mediaeval Kuva and the Tang "Khumyng"were one and the same city. During the Kuva excavations in the 1950s, it was discovered that fourteen out of twenty-one coins found were not known to have been in circulationoutside the Ferghana Valley.8 Struck in bronze these coins are similarin design to the Chinese "u-shu",roundin shape with a squarecentralhole, but slightly differentin size, 27-29 mm. in diameter.On the obverse stamped lines

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accentuate the perimeter and the square aperture,and there is a Soghdian legend reading Khaqan (Turkic: khan)9while on the opposite side of the centralhole is the tamgha (emblem) of the ruler(Fig. 3). Analysing the slightly differing forms of the tamgha, Smimova considers these coins were struck during the seventheighth centuries.10Coins of smallerdenomination,found at Kuva in much greaternumbers, were also probably mintedin the city as were, I would argue,sixty-one coins found in Section 3 of the Munchak'tepasepulchre in Northern Ferghana." These are small copper discs, 10-18 mm. in diameter,quite irregularin shape, again with a small circularor squarecentralaperturebut with no legends. Most of the coins were discoveredin a cache unearthedin Area 1 during the 1998 season (Fig. 4). However, local minting did not end then but continued until the mid-eleventh century with coins dated 389 A.H. /998-99 A.D., 391 A.H. /1000-1 A.D., 417 A.H. /1026-27 A.D. in the name of QadirKhan and444 A.H. /1052-53 A.D. naming Nasr ibn cAli; thereafter the numismatic evidence suggests that the mint moved to nearbyMargilan. Preliminaryarchaeological investigation of the site began in the early 1930s and continued during the construction of the Grand Canal and the Southern FerghanaCanal in 1939-40. A decade later,in 1951, a short season of work conducted by Pamiro-Ferghana archaeological expedition removed any doubt that the ruins of a large city lay under the hillock. Large-scale archaeological work at Kuva began in 1956 under the auspices of the Institute of History and Archaeology (Academy of Science, Uzbekistan) and headed by Akademician Yakhya Gulyamov.12With short inter-

Fig. 4. The cache found during work on Area no. I in 1998.

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early eighth century, presumably at the hands of the invading Muslim Arabs. Otherdiscoveries suggested that Buddhism was not the only religious faith to be practised in Kuva in the seventh-eighth centuriesA.D. A fragmentof an ossuary was found during the 1956-58 seasons in a test-dig in the arg, and in the south-easterncomer of the shahristan a bone internment within a ceramic vessel was unearthed,16an indication of Zoroastrianpractice. In additiona small bronze Christiancross to be wom next to the body was found in Area 1 duringthe 1997 season. It is 39 mm. long and 23 mm. at its widest point with the horizontalcrosspiece decoratedwith semi-roundedpetal forms (Fig. 5) and the context in which it was uncovered strongly suggests a dating no later than the tenth century.17

Fig. 5. The small bronze cross found in Area no. 1 during the 1997 season.

ruptions,the excavationscontinueduntil 1970 and much important data was discovered. Unfortunately, little about the finds and the collected datawas publishedand outside Uzbekistan and the then USSR, even less about the site and the archaeologicalfinds percolatedthrough to foreign scholars,so few were awareof this site and its importance in Central Asian history.13 Preliminary excavations indicatedthatthe defensive walls of the arg (citadel) had been largely demolished by the tenth centuryalthoughthe commercialand culturallife of the city continued,but the focus of the archaeologicalwork in the 1950s was directedto the northernsection of the shahristan (Fig. 2). In 1958-59 the ruins of a Buddhist temple and shrine were found in the north-western sector of the site. A simple complex consisting of two sections, the courtyardsanctuary11.9 x 11.2 m. in size, and a rectangulartemple, 12 x 14 m. built on a stepped stylobate rising 3.6 m. above ground level.14Although the walls, especially the easternand northernwalls, were poorly preserved,only 0.5 to 2 m. high, the interiorplan could be easily traced and the remains of numerous Buddhist sculptures15identified the function of the complex. From the numismatic evidence, it was establishedthat temple and sanctuarywere functioning in the seventh century before it was destroyed in the

Generally speaking the discoveries made duringthe 1950-60s excavations showed that by the sixth century A.D. the population of Kuva were no longer satisfied with the formerconfines of the settlement,in all some 12 ha. (the arg andshahristan),and had startedencroaching into and occupying the area of the northerncity wall, building on top of the remains of a fortified structure from the early centuriesA.D. That structure,along with the numerous ceramic finds found there and in various parts of the shahristan, and two arrowheads dating no laterthan the firstcenturyB.C., led those archaeological teams to consider that Kuva had been founded just before or just afterthe firstyears of first centuryA.D. However the latest excavations have forced a reevaluation. In 1996 the Kuva Public Archaeological Expeditionl8was formed to continue work on the site after an interval of three decades; it was decided to concentratework in the south-easterncomer of the site (Fig. 2). And it was in thatyear thatthe first evidence of much earlieroccupationwas uncovered.It was a bronze arrowheadwith identical tri-edged as found on others from early Iron Age burial contexts in the Ferghana Valley, and from excavations in the Pamir Mountains; these have been dated to the fifth centuryB.C.19Earlier dateable finds were made during the 1998 season. Simultaneously in two sections of excavations, that of the south-easterncomer of the shahristanand thatunder the southern defence wall, earthenware pottery decoratedwith red pigment were uncovered along with a wheel-thrown bowl fragment with white pigment. Their shapes and productionmethods associate them to the Eylatan culture of the FerghanaValley, sixth-third centuries B.C. These finds and other considerations

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strongly suggest that the lower layers of the shahristan areawere occupied about 2,500 years ago. These discoveries from the middle of the first millennium B.C. in the southern section of the shahristain were associated with others which also questioned the established theories of Kuva's development during the centuries. From the 1950-60s seasons the archaeological teams had thought that the city walls to the east and south had been demolished by the local inhabitantsin the twentiethcentury.20Ourwork has proved this was not the case. The twentieth century work removing the earth for brick-makingadmittedly did destroy significant areas of the ancient city, but this occurred in the rabad area, that is beyond the old city walls. Excavations from 1996-2000 in the south-eastern comer of the site have revealed sections of the early mediaevalcity walls to the east and south,meeting at the south-eastern comer, at which point these walls are preservedto a height of 4 m. It is evident that over time the wall width was augmented with repairs and additional walls abutting on to the former ones. The history of their constructionand strengtheningis rather complex but our excavations during 1996-98 have revealedthe sequence at the south-easterncomer, where excavations down to the subsoil level were made. Such work was not undertakenalong the entire length of the excavated east and south walls, but in one section (Area no.7) and there the findings suggested that the earliest

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fortified constructiondated from the sixth centuryA.D. This was confirmedby work on Area no. 1 in the southeastern comer which showed that on the inner or cityside of the walls the earliest structures were adobe constructionswith floors of the sixth centuryA.D. Clearanceof Area no. I revealedthatthe walls at this comer had been preserved to a height of 3.80 m. but must have been much higher before the defences were removed;the width of the south and easternwalls at this comer was 105 cm. at the top level of preservation.The inner face of both walls was vertical but the outer face was acutely angled from this top to the lower level, so forming a glacis-like surface to provide extra defence against sapping. This defensive measure was widely used in Central Asian fortifications in the mediaeval period.21 During investigation of the remains of a chamberin the inner face of this comer, two triangular apertures,30 cm. long and penetratingto a depth of 50 cm., were discovered in the body of the easternwall and on the opposite wall there were poorly preservedtraces of a similaropening. Given that the survivingwall rises 60 cm. above these apertures,we think these apertures were for wooden beams to supportan upper floor long since destroyed.Thereforewe calculatethatthe height of the defence walls in this comer were at least 6.5-7 m. high. Obviously this height with a width of about 1 m. would not have providedadequatedefence, especially as the walls were made of adobe, and presumablyfor this reason sun-driedbrick was later added to reinforce the

Fig. 6. Reconstruction of the south gate as drawn by Azimova.

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exteriorsurfaceof the walls, and then coatedin mud forminga layerabout50 cm. thick.Thetotalwidthof the survivingwalls, as excavated,was 330 cm. at the half-waypoint.Judgingby thefindsfromtheexcavated layersin the immediateareaof thewalls,bothinnerand outerfaces,theseadditionaldefenceswerecompletedin thebeginningof the eighthcentury,perhapsto resistthe Arabadvance. Thewall construction remainedunchangeduntilthe twelfthcenturywhen furtherstrengthening work was that time undertaken. the mediaeval walls has By early been alreadydemolishedto groundlevel as there is evidencethatnewroomswerecutintothewallsfromthe comerprovidedus city side.Butagainthe south-eastern with the necessaryinformationof this twelfthcentury buildingwork,which presumablyenclosedthe whole shahristanarea,a totalperimeterof some 1330m. The "new"claywallwasbuiltto a widthof 7 m. as additions to the earlierstructure,but its foundationsrestedon culturallayerssome50-60 cm. higherthanthoseof the earlierstructure. Theworkmanship was slip-shodandfar lessdurablethantheearlierwallbutperhapsitsincreased width was thoughtadequatecompensationfor poor no evidenceof a comer buildingquality.Interestingly bastionwas discoveredbut perhapsthe presenceof a massivegate-tower (Fig.2 belowAreano.7) some30 m. in the south wall was consideredenoughdefence, away its main functionwas to protectthe southern although citygateandtheimmediategroundbefore.Bulatovahad recordedtwo defencetowerswith arrowslits close to groundlevelas situatedonthenorthern citywall.In 1998 furtherexcavationwas carriedoutin thatarea,revealing two "blind"towersprobablyconstructedin the tenth centurybuttheseshowedno signsof arrowslits.22 Theremainsof thiscitygatein theshahristanareof specific interestto the archaeologistand architectural historian.Onthebasisof the surfaceexamination of the site in the 1950-60sit hadbeenassumedthatmediaeval Kuva had only two city gates, neitherof which were placed on the southernside of the city. Indeed no previousexcavationin theFerghana regionhadrevealed the exact form of such entrancesand what was known was piece-meal gathered from a number of sites. However, the recent work of the gate itself and the adjoining buildings has yielded much valuable information allowing us to form almost a complete picture of the design, defence system and structureof

twelfthcenturycity gatesin the regionandit is already clear from our work that this entrancewas constructed

over an earliergate. The preservedheightof the gate walls are 1.5 m. and a paved way markedthe entry on a straightlinewitha numberof passage,constructed deepsquarerecesseseitherside of the corridor(Fig.6). Its widthwas 4.5 m. but at some date this had been reduceddownto 2.2 m. width.Its functionis unambiguous confirmedby the finding of arrowheads,a spearheadanda fragmentfroma swordin the location. Archaeologicalexaminationin this section will be continuedin the comingseasons. Anotherinteresting phenomenonwas discoveredin this southernareaof theKuvasite.Inthe excavationsof to investigatethe Areasnos. 1, 5, 6 and 7 undertaken south defences, we have found no remains of fortifications whichcouldbe datedearlierthanthe sixth A.D. andyet, in almostall thesedigs, ceramic century sherdsfromthelatercenturiesB.C.wereemergingfrom these lower layers.We alreadyknew that the eighth centurywalls were built over the ruins of an earlier settlement,and the latest excavationsin the southeasterncomerof the site has since revealeda hillock with culturallayersdatingback to the late centuries B.C., which was being exploitedfor brick-clayand refuse pits by the inhabitantsof sixth centuryA.D. Kuva,just beforethis moundwas includedwithinthe city wall confines.The 1958 excavationhad revealed thatthenorthern citywall was massivelyreinforcedand strengthenedduring the sixth-thirteenthcenturies, buildingon top of the remainsof a ratherimpressive fortifiedadobebuildingerectedin the first centuries A.D.23All thissuggestedthatthesizeof thecitychanged over the courseof time accordingto the needs of the inhabitantsand our findingsso far suggest that the confines of the earliercity walls constructedin the beginningof firstcenturyA.D. was onlyhalfthe size of Kuva in the early Middle Ages (Fig. 2). Generally speaking,the usual patternof urbandevelopmentin mediaevalCentralAsia is thatthe area of the earlier settlementbecamethe locationof the citadelor arg.We haveyet to investigatefullywhetherthis is the case on theKuvasitebutgiventhatourearliestdateablefindsso far have come fromthe shahristin area,it is possible thatthe lower layers of the arg will reveal materialfrom before the Christianera. In 1998 archaeologicalexcavation was re-startedin the north-easternsection of the site. Working on the highestmound,it was discoveredthattherewere signs of occupationdown to a depth of 16 m. The 1950s investigationshad indicatedthatthis was the site of the ancient

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citadel and during 1998-99 the team was successful in clearinga section of the earlymediaevaldefence wall and severalrooms on its innerface. The plan of the rooms and the monumentalityof the defence wall confirmedto us that indeed this had been the citadel, the strategicand administrativecentre of Kuva up to the Arab invasion. The last wall reinforcementhere was undertakenno later than the eighth century which incidentallyproved the veracity of the early Arabic documentarysources which statedthatKuva lost its administrativeimportanceafterits fall to the Arabarmies.The excavationwork revealedthat the walls were demolished at some point and the later layers contain material from the twelfth and early thirteenthcenturies.The evidence suggests that by then the area had lost its original function as the command centre and had been occupied by the townspeople for ordinary dwellings and small workshops. At present excavationwork has stopped at the floor level of some seventhcenturybuildingsbut we hope to continuehere in the coming seasons. To the east of the citadel the ground level drops dramaticallyand it has always been assumed that this was a result of the local brick-factoryremoving large amounts of earth for production purposes from the 1950s. It was decided that this part of the site might be promising, especially for the investigationof the oldest culturallevels of the site. So a trench of 200 squarem. was undertakenand the results were quite unexpected. Under the ninth-tenth centuryremains, a moat of about 20 m. width was found which had been infilled with soil duringthe eighth century;it had originally separatedthe citadel buildings from the rest of the city. Its depth was at least 5 m. and had been flooded to serve as a defence, not only against outsiders but also perhaps dissatisfied townspeople. The findings again confirmed our reevaluation of the city's development: that prior to the Arab invasion, the arg had been the most fortified section of the settlement,surroundedwith a water moat, but in the eighth century the fortifications were destroyed and the administrativeheart of the city was transferred to another section of the city, where presumablythe governor'spalace and the main mosque, as mentioned by Istakhriabove, were located; remains of both constructionshave yet to be found. The recent excavations have yielded thousands of historic objects, most of which we think were produced in the city itself for we have discovered the remains of smithies, a glass-blowing workshop and potteries. The glass is of high quality and great variety (Fig.7), from

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jewellery and luxury table glass including goblets and ewers to the strictly utilitarian urine reservoirs for babies' cradles.24The quantityis such thateven from the 1958-59 excavations a special publication was solely devoted to the wine beakers and goblets.25The recent archaeological work has revealed further significant finds, especially in the field of drinkingvessels from tall goblets 18 cm. high, some with a flaring skirt of glass just under the cup-stem junction (Fig. 8), with applied stems to small "liqueur-sized"glasses only 5 cm. in height. These are generally made out of a pale yellow glass with traileddecorationin a darkblue; other finds from Kuva suggest that this trailed decoration was a "trade-mark"of local production. A 1963 study26of Central Asian glass and glazes identified according to function, seven groups associated with the mediaeval period. Only one of these groupingshas as yet not been found at Kuva, that is glazed tiles and tin-glazed earthenware. Of the other six groups, the author classified forty types of shapes,27 and most are representedin the Kuva finds in numerous quantities,

Fig. 7. A few of the glass finds recently recovered.

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Fig. 8. Reconstruction of three stemmed drinking glasses, from fragments found.

discovered in often unambiguous stratification so allowing us to date the various layers confidently. In particularexisting research of the development of the glass beaker shape,28 from the eighth to twelfth centuries as found in other Central Asian archaeological excavations has assisted in this dating assessment. For example, during the 2001 excavation season in the citadel section a great number of small fragments,mostly a dark green transparentglass, were found in a layer which cannot be dated to after the eighth century. During the 1997 season the remains of a twelfth century structurewith a glass furnacewas unearthedin Area no. 1 in the south-easternsection. The workshop was a small, 3 x 3 m. room with a small furnace of horse-shoe plan (120 x 100 cm.) with a working chambermeasuring70 x 75 cm.; in form quiteunlike the ordinaryfood-cooking oven type. From the remains it appearsthe furnacehad a hemisphericaldome, standing in all approximately80 cm. high, with a chimney on the south wall. On the western side, the fire-box channel was narrow,only about 8 cm. in width and 5 cm. deep ran into the centre of the furnace.Piles of white ash still remained in the siege area and elsewhere on the workshop floor, and signs of heavy vitrification were evident on the furnaceinnerwalls. All over the floor we found many small bits of brokenglass from thin-walled vessels and larger pieces of fused glass; also of great interestwere finds of small flat glass "discs"presumably produced as window glass. All the evidence pointed to the remainsof a small glass-blowing workshop, and we hope to produce a publication in the future devoted to these finds, examining their typology, chronology and description.

Three other workshops were uncovered. Ferghana Valley has long been worked for its iron and copper deposits from ancient times, and the earlierexcavations had found evidence of local metal production, in the form of brokencrucibles.An importantconfirmationof this was made duringthe 1998 season at Kuva. The floor of one of the rooms, uncoveredin Area no. 6 nearto the south-easterngate of the city, was found to be almost totally covered in a thick layer of ash containingmany pieces of dross and slag from the productionprocess, collected in a shallow pit and allowed to cool and harden before being thrown away. The remains of a comparatively large furnacewith vitrifiedwalls and piles of ash was discovered in the middle of the room. By its side two small oval-shapedpits had been dug for the smiths to stand in while working; such holes may still be seen in elemental smithies in Uzbekistan today. In clearing the room numerous iron objects were found including nails, horseshoes, fragments of knives and pieces of chest-plates to make body-armour.We had found a twelfth centuryblacksmith'sworkshop. No productionshop of bronze has yet been located during our excavations at Kuva. That said we have found a great number of non-ferrous metal finds, domestic ware andjewellery, mostly made from copper and its alloys. The domestic items include an intact bronze ewer, an oil-lamp standin the form of the paw of a mythicalbeast, bronze hinges, belt buckles and caskethasps, bells, bronze mirrors,bracelets and earrings,etc. Bronze was also used for making special cosmetic containers(Fig. 9) for surmadish, or kohl for eyebrows and eye-lid surrounds;these were roundin shape, 7 cm. in diameter, and 2.5 to 3 cm. in height with a thin elongated horizontal spout and two smaller ones on

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Fig. 9. A surmadish container found in 1998, from Area no. 1.

either side of the shallow bowl. Despite the evident serial production,the quality of workmanshipof all the objects was high and again therewas evidence of copper slag, suggesting local production. During work in 1998 on a largebuilding in Area no. 1 located in the south-easterncomer of the site, a square room measuring5 x 5 m. has a firm, well-rammedearth floor incorporatingthree shallow "baths",just one fired brick-layerdeep, that is 15 cm. Low walls surrounded their rectangularforms and both sides were "waterproofed",with a layer of plasterabout 3 cm. thick. Two of these "trays"were placedparalleland close to the west wall of the chamber,thatto the northmeasured2.75 x 1.5 m. and thatto the south was slightly smaller,2.75 x 1 m. The third "tray" was in poor condition and located slightly apartfrom the othertwo. It measured1.25 x 1 m. and we think this was in operationbefore the other two were constructed and perhaps dismantled while the workshopwas in use. The presence of these "trays"and the find of a stone roller within the room strongly suggests thatthis was a leather-tanningshop. Numerous fragmentsof jewellery manufactures,but no complete items, were found in one of the rooms within a large twelfth centurybuilding complex in Area no. 4, which we think was a jeweller's studio. Similar finds with unfinished stone articles scattered over the floor have been discovered at Kuva during earlier seasons.29Anotherjeweller's workshop was uncovered at the end of the 1950s excavations, again amid a complex of buildings,nearthe Buddhisttemple.30 The most numerous finds were of pottery, both completevessel forms and fragmentarypieces. Scientific analyses of certainsherds revealed that the clay was of local origin, from the town of Kuva, still used today for the making of the traditionalclay bread-ovens,31and

local productionwas confirmed by finding remains of pottery workshops during excavation work. The style, form and technique developed over the centuries. The domestic ware dateableto c. 500 B.C. was usually made by coiling or slabbing, that is without the use of the potter's wheel, often with the surface covered with red colloidal slip or white pigment, the latter usually as characteristicdecoration of thrown vessels. With the passing of the centuries,so the amountof wheel-thrown ceramics steadily increasedperhapswith the additionof red markingson to the white surface. From the second century B.C. the jug form, now so associated with CentralAsian pottery manufacture,was introducedand aroundthe same time we see the qualityof workmanship improving, especially seen in the thinness of the vessel walls and the extension of the decorator's palette to include black as well as red; by the sixth centuryA.D. geometric and floral elements formed the main pattern elements. The growing influence of the nomadic Turkic tribes is visible in the pottery of Kuva and elsewhere in the Ferghana Valley produced during the 6th to the beginning of the eighth centuryA.D., with the adoption of certain Turko-Soghdian forms, in particular the stemmedgoblet and "tankard" with a loop-handle;many of the shapesare clearlyderivedfrom metal and wooden counterparts.At the same time, the qualityof the brushdecorationand the pigment itself graduallydeclined. In the course of the eighth century there were also definablechanges in Ferghanaceramicproduction;local characteristicsin manufacturingvanished and instead there were few visible differences to be seen in the pottery from Soghdiana or Djetysu in the north (southeastern Kazakhstan between Balkhash, Sasykhol and Alakol), DjungaraAlatau in the south-east, and in the south the foothills of the Tian-Shanmountainrange.We

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Fig. 10. An exampleof the tri-footedunglazedpottery j"ug"withstampeddecoration. thinkthis sudden"universality"of form found acrossthe region was the result of massive migrationof Soghdian people fleeing into the FerghanaValley, attemptingto escape the Arab militarycampaignsat the beginning of the eighth century A.D. By the ninth century glaze technology had been introduced into Central Asia, including Ferghana,and quickly became very popular judging from the Kuva finds. Slip-paintingand underglaze paintingfollowed, usually for geometricand floral decoration, but occasionally very local motifs of a decorateddomed structure,or large-headedstylised bird forms were employed. The quality of production and decoration of such Kuva ceramics compares very favourablewith the work from the noted pottery centres of mediaeval CentralAsia, but the unglazed production also displayedmastery.Especiallynoteworthyis a group of unglazed vessels, essentially cylindrical in form but swelling slightly into a rounded base, standing some 30-35 cm. tall on three feet (Fig. 10) and with a maximum "cup"diameterof 25 cm. Made of grey clay, the

STUDIES

Fig. 11.Ninth-tenthcenturyroominterior,locatedin Area 4a clearedin 1998. Thesmall hearthis partly-surrounded by a raisedfloor withsquareholesfor the wooden columns,originallyset infront of platform-benches. "jug" has a maximum diameter resting on feet (1.5-2 cm.) in the shape of inverted button mushrooms. A pulled handle reaches from just under the rim to the rounded base, and the thumb rest is in the shape of a small pyramidiccone. The entiresurfaceof such vessels are generally decorated with stamp-impresseddesigns of circles and ovals, applied during the leather-hard stage, carriedin horizontalzones. To summarisethe findingsfromthe latestexcavations: we now know that the groundplan of domestic quarters situated near the south gate, thought to date from ninth-tenthcenturies,followed closely the house-plansat Pandjkent (Soghdian culture) in the neighbouring republic of Tajikistan,but those dwellings constructed duringthe eleventh-twelfthcenturydifferin theirgroundplan. The early mediaeval houses, possibly two storeys high, had a mainroom dominatedby a squarehearthwith raised platform-benchesaround,its ceiling supportedby

EXCAVATIONSAT KUVA (FERGHANAVALLEY,UZBEKISTAN)

four wooden columns (Fig. 11). We uncoveredan eleventh-twelfth century street width measuring 2-2.5 m. with remains of domestic housing either side, along with wells andpotterysewerpipes of similardatein Area no. 4a. Archaeologicalwork startingin the 1998 season on the south-easternand southpartof the shahristancity wall proved to be very rewarding, revealing the development of the defence fortificationin this sector and uncovering the remains of one of the main gates, and in later seasons the location of certain workshops close to the city walls including a smithy. These discoveries have prompted a re-assessment of

Bulatova's earlier hypotheses regardingthe city's military defences, and the extent of settlement. Future seasons promise to be as exciting and thought-

provoking.

Abbreviations

AN UzSSR = AkademiyaNauk Uzbekskoi Sovetskoi Sosialisticheskoi Respubliki(Academyof Scienceof the UzbekSovietSocialistRepublic) BAR = BritishArchaeologicalReports(IntemationalSeries) BGA = Bibliothecageographorumarabicorum,eds de Goeje

4

215

DavidovichE.A., "Samanidskie monetyKuy",SA vol. 2 256. (1960),p. BGAvol. I, pp.328-31 as givenin ShirinovT.,Matboboev B. & Ivanov G., Kubo Cityin Akhmadal-Fargoni' Epoch,

5 6 7

Academyof SciencesRepublicof Uzbekistan,(Tashkent, 1998),p. 25. BGAvol. III,p. 48. Gibb,op. cit., p. 91. BichurinN.Y., Sobraniesvedeni o narodakh,obitavshikhv Srednei Azii v drevnie vremena, vol. 2, (Moscow/

1950),p. 319. Leningrad, 8 9

Davidovich, op. cit., p. 256.

SmimovaO.I., "K voprosuo yazykelegendna tyurgeshchikh monetakh", Tyurkologicheskie Issledovaniya,

(Moscow/Leningrad, 1963),p. 267. 10 Smimova O.I., "O drevnetyurkskikh monetakhKuvy soobshchenie)", Pismenniye (Fergana)(Predvarite'elnoye pamatnikiproblemyistoriikulturynarodovVostoka:XII godichnaya nauchnaya sessiya, LOIVAN (Kratkie (Moscow,1977),p. 53. soobshcheniya), 11 BaratovaL.S. & Matbabayev nakhodki B.H.,"Monetniye iz unikal'nogomogil'nikaMunchaktepa", Ferghanav drevnostii srednevekoviye,IIA 1994, p. 36. 12

Kuvav ZhukovV.D.,"Obsledovaniye Staraya gorodishcha 1958g",KSIIMK80 (1960), p. 80.

IIA = IzdanieInstitutaArcheologii,AkademiaNauk Respubliki

See for example,FrumkinG., "Kirgizia& the Ferghana Valley",CentralAsianReviewvol. 12 (1964),pp. 16-29;

Uzbekistan (Academyof Science,Republicof Uzbekistan). Tashkent IMKU= IstoriaMaterialnoi KulturyUzbekistana,

GorbunovaN.G., The Culture of Ancient Ferghana, VI centuryBC-VI centuryAD, BAR (Internationalseries) no.

M.J.,Leiden,1870-94.

KSIIMK = Kratkie soobshenia Instituta istorii materialnoi

of MaterialCulture,Short AkademiiNauk(Institute kultury report,Academyof Scienceof theUSSR) otdelenieInstitutavostokovedenia LOIVAN= Leningradskoe AkademiiNauk(Institutefor OrientalStudies,Leningrad branch,Academyof Science,USSR) SSR. MIA= Materialy Issledovaniya po Archaeologii SA = SovietskayaArkheologia(Soviet Archaeology)

Notes

1 Islamov U.I. & KrakhmalK.A., Paleoekologiya i sledy drevnego cheloveka v Tsentral'noiAzii, Tashkent1996, p. 2

3

165. Kul'tura Yu.A.,"Drevnezemledel'cheskaya Zadneprovskiy MIAno. 118,(Moscow/Leningrad, 1962),p. 11. Fergany", Masal'skiy V.I., Turkestanskykrai, vol. XIX, (St. 1913),pp. 708-11, p. 485; GibbH.A.R.,The Petersburg, Arab Conquests in Central Asia, (London, 1923), p. 91;

13

281 (Oxford,1986). BulatovaV.A., Drevnyana Kuva, (Tashkent,1972), pp. 51-93. 15 RecentlyModehas suggestedthatthesearenot Buddhist but of the SoghdianAhuraMazda/Indra representations Mode M., "SoghdianGods",SilkRoadArt & pantheon; 2 Archaeology (1991-2), pp. 179-214. Illustrationsof in Culture&Artof werereproduced someof thesculptures Ancient Uzbekistan,exhibitioncatalogue,Instituteof of UzbekistanSSR,Moscow1991,vol.2, pp. Archaeology 83-6. 16 Kozenkova kostei V.I.,"Okhumakhs zakhorononeniyami v SredneiAzii",SAno. 3 (1961),p. 258. 17 Ivanov G., "Recent archaeologicalwork in Kuva, A. IranXXXVIII(2000),p. 164;Raimkulov, Uzbekistan", & IvanovG., "Natelnyikrests gorodischa Kuva",IMK31 (2000),pp. 160-1. 18 TheKPAEteamwishesto recordits sinceregratitude to the UK for its Associationfor CulturalExchange,Cambridge overthe last few years,andto the Kuva part-sponsorship 14

216

19

20 21

22 23

24


municipalitywhich has recently constructeda small museumin themodemtownof Kuvato housethefinds. Medvedskaya I.N., "O proiskhozdeniibronzovykh nakoheechnikov streiSredneiAzii",KSIA chereshkovykh 119(1969),p. 63. BulatovaV.A.,op. cit.,p. 7. Semenov G.L., Steny rannesrednevekovogo Sigda kak istochnik disseracii kansisata (Avtoreferat istorichskiy istoricheskich nauk),(Leningrad, 1985),pp. 1-24. Shirinov,et al. p. 53. AkhrarovI., "Arkheologicheskie raskopiv shakhristane no. gorodishaKuva",IMKU 10, 1973,pp.61-2. It is still a traditionin Uzbekruralcommunitiesthatthe a pipe babyis wrappedin swaddlingclothesincorporating allowingtheurineto be drainedintoa smallpotheldbelow thecradle"floor".

25

26

27 28

29

AkhrarovI., "Srednevekovyesteklyannyebokaly is Nauk) Kuvy",IzvetiyaAN UzSSR(Seriyaobshestvennykh no. 4, 1960. Abdurazzakov A.A.,BezborodovM.A.& Zadneprovskiy U.A., "Steklodelie Srednei Azii v drevnosti I IzdatelstvoAN UzSSR,(1963); see p. srednevekoyye", 108. ibid.pp.108-37. Amindjanova M., "Srednevekovye izdeliyaiz steklyannye i Samarkanda", IMKUno.3 (1962),p. museyevTasjkenta 91. Bulatova,op.cit.,p. 47.

30

Ibid.p. 56.

31

Grazkdankina N.C., "Opyt technologicheskogo keramiki issledovania drevnei krasnoangobirovannoi IMKUno. 3 (1962),pp. 147-8. Uzbekistan",

THE IRANIAN COMPONENTOF THE NUSAYRI RELIGION* By MeirMichaelBar-Asher TheHebrew Universityof Jerusalem In memoryof myfather

Studyof the Nusayrireligionrevealsthe existence of a notable Iranian component, constituting an importantelementin the syncretisticcomplexof this religion.1This componentseems to have played a greaterrole in the early stages of the formationof Nusayrireligionthanin its laterstages.The aim of the present study is to bring to light and analyse this component,which,to my knowledge,has not attracted Neverthelessthis studydoes muchscholarlyattention.2 not attemptto evaluatethe relativeplace within the NusayrIreligioussystemof the variouselementsthat constituteits overallmosaic.3Rather,it focuseson the of the Iranianelementitself, offeringan interpretation which this and circumstances against background elemententeredthe Nusayrireligion. The earliestNusayrisourcemakingit possible to studythe natureof Nusayrisyncretism,includingits Iranian element, is Majmi' al-a vdd ("Book of Festivals")by Abi Sa'IdMaymfmb. Qasimal-Tabarani (d. 424/1034-35), a prominentleader and prolific scholarin the formativeperiodof the Nusayriregion.4 This is an account of the Nusayri festivals based, b. accordingto the author,on a treatiseby al-Hlusayn Hamdan al-Khasibi entitled al-Risala al-rcdstbashiyya andreferredto severaltimesin Majmzi'al-a ydd.5

Mahdiis also believedto take place on these sacred days.10

Thedeitymanifestsitselfcyclicallyin the formof a trinity.Accordingto the Nu?sayri trinitariandoctrine, documented as earlyas thetenthcentury,two entitiesor persons(aqdnim)emanatefromthe supremeaspectof the deity. This supreme aspect is named ma'na (connotingmeaningoressence)andis attimesidentified withGodhimself.The secondis the ism(theName)or thehijiib(theVeil).11 Thethirdentityis thebab(Gate)the namely, gatethroughwhichthegnosticbelievermay contemplatethe mysteryof divinitywhile aimingto attaina mysticalunionwiththe deity.12 Thistrinityrevealsitselfin sevencycles,whichspan the historyof mankind.In each cycle (labelleddawr, kawr or qubba), the deity has been incarnatedin historicalor mythicalpersons.The plethoraof beings playing a role in the Nusayri divine realm include biblicalfigures,alongsidethosefromtheGreek,Iranian andArabtraditions.In the seventhandlast cycle, "the Muhammadan cycle" (al-qubba al-muhammadiyya),

whichopensthe Muslimera,the trinitywas incarnated in threekey beings of earlyIslam:'Ali as the ma'nd; Muhammadas the ism;and Salmanthe Persianas the bNb.

The syncretisticnatureof the Nusayrireligionis apparentalso in the lists of figuresin whichthe trinity is incarnatedthroughoutthe seven cycles, theirnames entitled Kitlb Ta'lim diydnat al-nusayriyya (literally: A late derivingfromvariousreligioustraditions.Noteworthy "Bookof instructionin the Nusayrireligion").6 work most probablycomposedduringthe nineteenth for the presentstudyis the role playedby Salmanthe century,it seems to have been influencedby Western Persian,being the ultimatebab in the most important Christiancatechismscirculatingin nineteenth-century trinity.Moreover,the identificationof Salmanwith Riizbihb. Marzban(R-izbihbeing, in fact, Salman's Syria,as attestedby RendDussaud.7 Theareaof theNusayrireligionin whichtheIranian Persiannamebeforehis conversionto Islam)alludesto componentis mostprevalentis a theologicaldiscussion the conceptto whichI shallreturnlater- namely,that the divinityis believedto have revealeditself among of theyawmal-nawrfiz(theIranianfestivalof the New the Iraniansalready in ancient times, prior to the Year,beginningwiththe vernalequinox)andyawmalof the festival Iranian autumn equinox).8 emergenceof Islam. This line of thoughtis further mihraj]n(the discussionof the festivalof These are believedto be the days on which the deity elaboratedin al-Tabarani's revealeditselfin variousformsandgarbsin all periods, Nawrfiz. The following passage, which opens the illustratesthe role reservedfor the both mythicaland historical.9Moreover,the eschat- chapteron Nawrnz, Iranians in the in of the of the manifestation Nusayritheology: deity person ological

The other source, though it contains somewhat meagreadditionalinformation,is a Nusayricatechism

217

218


[Nawrfiz]alwaysfallson the fourthdayof April.It is the firstday of the Iranianyear,whichbeginsin the monthnamedfarwardin.It is a praiseworthy day,of in moment and the of God and great importance eyes themawall13- peacebe uponthem- onwhichthey bestowtheirgrace...Know,mayGodsupportyou by yourobedienceto Him, thatthe PersiansKings,the Khosrows (mul/k al-furs al-akdsira)14used [to celebrate]it and to glorify it. They furtherused to wear [on this day] crownsmadeof myrtle(as) and andto sprinklewater;andthis marigold(adharyfn),15 is why it is callednawrfiz.16 Theyusedto greeteach otherandofferpresentsof myrtle,marigoldandolive leaves,andaskedforall goodwishesandblessingson themselves.17 The patron(al-mawld,i.e. God manifestedin 'Ali) revealedHimselfin [thefiguresof] theIraniankings, and manifestedin them His Names (asmd'),His Gates (abwdb),and the ranks of His holiness namely,the greatluminousworld(al-'dlamal-kabir Our masteral-Khasibi- may God al-nfirmnt)18... his sanctify spirit- clarifiedthisin his epistleandhis treatiseon the sequence[of divine manifestations] (Fi'l-siydqa)19saying: Adam, having concealed himself,revealedhimself in [the figureof] Enosh; Seth, who was then the ma'nd, removed him andrevealedhimselfin a formsimilarto (azdlahu)20 his [Adam's=Enosh]. Adamthenrevealedhimselfin [the figure of] Alexander,"the two-homed"(aliskandardhu'l-qarnayn);21 Daniel,22who was then the ma'na,removedhim and revealedhimself in a formsimilarto his [Adam's=Alexander]. Adamthen revealedhimselfduringthe Iranianera(al-qubbaalsonof Babakthe farisiyya)in [thefigureofJArdashir, thefirstIraniankingof theSasaniddynasty; Iranian,23 [Alexander]"the two-homed",who was then the ma'na,removedhim andrevealedhimselfin a form similar to his [Adam's=Ardashir].Adam then revealedhimself in [the figure of] Shabtr,son of Ardashir.24Ardashir,who was then the ma'nta, removedhim andrevealedhimselfin a formsimilar to his [Adam's=Shabir]. Adamthenrevealedhimself - in [the in the Houseof theArabs(baytal-'arab)25 figureof] Lu'ayyb. Ghalib.Lu'ayywas given this name becausehe turned[alwi] the [divine]lights fromthe landof Persiato the landof theHijaz- for [thepersonsof thetrinity,i.e.] thema'na,the ismand thebabmanifestedthemselvesthere.[God],however, left the representatives of His wisdomso (maqcmcit)

that it [the wisdom]wouldpass amongtheirkings. [Moreover],He establishedan image(mithll)of [the trinity]of the ma'na,the ism and the bib [in the figuresof thekings]Shirvin,KhirvinandKhusrowup to Khusrow Abarviz [=Aparwez], son of The latter"changedandmodified[the Anfishirvan.26 truereligion?],was arrogantandopposedthe master Muhlammad. Kingshipwas cut off fromthe Iranians because of his [Khusrow's]disobedience"(wainnahu ghayyara wa-baddala wa-stakbara wakhdlafaal-sayyid Muhammad fa-nqarada al-mulk minal-fursbi-ma'siyatihi).27 Al-Tabaranlpresents here concisely the doctrine of the Nusayri cyclical manifestationof the divinity in the form of a trinity that reveals itself recurrently throughout human history. Adam, who is repeatedly mentioned in the passage, appearinglaterunderthe title adam al-idacm,28is a sort of archetypalor pre-cosmic Adam.29The divinity - or more precisely an aspect of it, the ism, personified in the form of Adam - conceals itself and reveals itself in the figure of Enosh; Seth who was then the ma na - the supreme aspect of the trinity - removes the ism, the second person of the trinityand reveals himself in a form similar to his (Adam's). This process repeats itself in the various manifestations of the deity. Moreover, our text is characterisedby the introductionof the notion of internal dynamics within the divine realm, known from other Nusayri texts, an example being an epistle by the tenth-centuryNusayri scholarAbu'Abd Allah al-Husaynb. Harunal-Sa'igh.30 Thus a figure that in a certainmanifestationof the deity appears as playing a minor role may be elevated in anothercycle to a higher degree, that of a ma 'na.Hence in the second cycle Adam, the ism, reveals himself in the form of Alexander,whose role is presumablythat of a bab, and is removed by the ma 'nd,Daniel. However, in the next manifestation of the deity - during the Iraniancycle31- Alexanderis elevated to the degree of ma'n; Adam remains in his role of ism and manifests himself in the person of Ardashir, son of Babak, the bMb.Later, Ardashirhimself ascends to the degree of ma'na, and so on. The uniqueness of this theology lies in the role reserved in it for Adam. In contrastto other Nusayri texts,32Adam seems to representthe person of the ism in all the cycles. The most essential point in this passage is the way the authorpresentsthe deity as being incarnatedamong the Iraniankings of the Sasanid dynasty. It should be

THE IRANIAN COMPONENT OF THE NUSAYRI RELIGION

219

stressed,first,thatthereis nothingexceptionalin the concept that the deity manifests itself among the Iranians;for since its beginningsthe Nusayrireligion, like the Druzereligion,has been characterised by its universalisttendency.The religionaddresseditself to all mankind,and the doctrinaljustificationfor this foundits expressionin thebeliefthatthedeity,whichin its finalmanifestation was incarnatedin the figuresof 'Ali, Muhammadand Salman, had initially been manifestedamong various peoples and nations hencethe plethoraof namesby whichareknown'Alithe-Godand the many figureswho play variousroles within the Nusayri divine realm.33Against this then,the tendencyto accordthe Iranians background, an appropriaterepresentationis not surprising.Our passage however goes further.It reflects a strong andseemsto tensionbetweenArabismandIranianism, have emerged from Shu'ibi or ratherneo-Shu'abi circles.34However,the strugglebetween Arabs and Iranians,which has its echoes in both Shi'i and nonin ourtextfromtheearthlyto Shi'icircles,is transposed the divine realm.From the outset, says al-Tabarani, Godpreferred theIraniansovertheArabsandtherefore revealed himself among their kings. The sins committedby theIranians- or,moreprecisely,by one of theirkings,KhusrowII- broughtuponthemGod's punishment, that is, the transfer of his lights the divinepresence)fromamongthemto (representing the Arabs,God'snewly electedpeople. Precisionin chronologyis not the strongestfeature of this text, which is characterisedby its mythical nature.Onthe one handit is statedthatthetransitionof the divinepresencefromthe Iraniansto theArabstook place duringthe lifetimeof KhusrowII, whose reign (590-628) corresponds partially to the years of Muhammad's activityas a prophet;on the otherhand Lu'ayyb. Ghalibis presentedas the personin whose lifetime this transformationtook place. Lu'ayy, however,was one of the ancestorsof Qurayshand lived, accordingto the traditionalchronology,some The author eight generationsbefore Muhammad.35

earthlyarena- that is, the collapse of the Sasanid monarchyand the transitionof kingship from the Iraniansto theArabs- is a reflectionof theirfall in the divinearena.Ourtext does not elaborateon the sins of the Iraniansthatresultedin the loss of theirkingship. The authormerely states that the king in question (Khusrow II) "changed and modified [the true religion?], was arrogantand opposed the master laterhe addsto the two generalsins a Muhammad";37 no less third, generalsin, "[KhusrowII] laid claim to to which he had no right"(wa-dda'dli-nafsihi things

furtheranchorsthe role of Lu'ayy in a play of words on his name: "Lu'ayy was given this name because he turnedthe [divine] lights from the land of Persia to the land of the Hijaz." (wa-innamaisummiya lu'ayyan liannahu alwcial-anwar min ardfaris ild ard al-hijlz).36 Leaving aside the chronological inaccuracy of the

Iraniannatureof the authorand his desire to witness a world in which Iraniansupremacyis restored.

text, it seems that the author'smain purposeis to introducethe idea that the decline of the Iraniansin the

ma laysa lahu).38

AccusingKhusrowII of forgeryandof alteringthe religiontallieswith the way he is depictedin Muslim historicalsources.Thus al-Mas'uidiin his Muri@jaldhahabdescribesthis king as "he who removedthe rulesof the [Zoroastrian] priests,therebybreakingthe accustomedshari'a and sunna, altering rules and removing prescriptions"(wa-qad ktna azdla ahkidmalmitbadhdn fa-kharama bi-dhtlika al-shari'a wa'lsunna al-ma 'hida wa-ghayyara alal-ahkctmwa-azila rusuim).39

It seems furthermore thatthe fact thatKhusrowII was the Sasanid monarch during whose reign Muhammad's propheticmissiontookplaceexacerbated the process of denigratinghim, making him an archetypal enemy of Islam, the newly emerging civilisation. It is noteworthythatin theNusayrimythof the Fall, prideandarroganceareamongthe sins thatcausedthe souls of the believersto fall fromthe divineworldof lights to the materialworld.40However,the author, whose identification with the Iranians and their religiousheritageis unequivocallyexpressedin this text, mitigatesthe severe implicationsof the text by of the Iraniansis explainingthatGod's abandonment not categoricalor withouthope for the future.On the contrary,in various explicit and implicit ways, the natureof the removalof authorpointsto the temporary God'spresencefromthe Iranians. Three majorpoints attest the unequivocalphilo-

(1) The authoremphasises that God's abandonmentof the Iraniansis not complete. On the contrary,even after abandoningthem and electing the Arabs in their stead, God deposited among them "representativesof His wisdom" (maqamathikmatihi)- that is, a trinityin the

220


imageof the supremetrinity,personifiedin the figures of three kings, Shirvin,Khirvinand Khusrow.The authorpoints out the inferiornatureof this trinity, statingthatthe three"takecareof the [divine]wisdom insteadof themana, the ismandthebab,sincetheyare the servantsof the ma na andthosewho knowhim,the ism and the bMb"(wa-annahum yaqiimiinabi-maqdm al-ma'ndtwa'-ism wa'l-babli-annahum'abidal-ma'n5 bihiwa-bi'l-ismwa l-bdb).41 al-'cnriftina Onlythe thirdof these(Khusrow)canbe identified as a historicalfigure; the other two (Shirv-mn and seem to be as is often the case Khirvin) pureinventions, withfigureswithinthedivineemanations inNusayri(as well as in Druzeor Ismai'ili)texts.Forthe authorit is sufficientthatthenameshaveanIranianring.Later,this inferiortrinity is mentionedagain, and the author explicitly identifies Khirvin and Khusrow with Muhammadand Salman- the ism and the bab while Shirvinis presentedas the supremehypostasisof the trinity,identifiedwith 'Ali.42 The author further emphasises that "when abandoningthe Iraniansand bestowinghis wisdom upon the Arabs, God was satisfiedwith them and promisedhe wouldreturnto them"(wa-annaal-mawlci jallat qudratuhukhallafa hikmatahufi'l-furs wantaqala 'anhum wa-huwa rcddin 'alayhim waaw'adahum annahuya 'i"du fihim).43

In addition,al-Khasibiattemptsto minimisethe Iranians'loss of supremacyto the Arabsby statingthat they continuedto celebratethe festivalsof the Nawraz andMihrajan, whichhadbeeninstitutedby theirkings, as the observethe threefestivalsof 'id alArabs44 just fi.tr 'id al-adhI and 'id al-ghadir.All these festivals, then,will be celebrateduntilthe futureappearanceof the Mahdi.45 (2) The chief meritof the Iranians,which the author adducesas the reasonfor Godpreferring them,is that, unlikethe Arabs,theypreservedthe divinemysterythat is, the mystery of God's manifestationand concealmentthroughfire, which is at the heart of NawrQz.This notion is presentedthrougha striking of the Qur'~nicversesrelatingto God's interpretation revelationto Mosesin theburningbush: He [='Ali]is theonewho saidthatGodthemostHigh entrustedyou with a secretand revealedsomething amongyou [-=theArabs]andenabledyou to receive it. But you lost it while the Iraniansguardedit. This

thing is God's concealmentfrom them and His manifestationamong them throughfire, and His manifestation in light(wa-huwalammaazharafihim al-ghaybabi'l-ndrwa'l-zuhifrbihti wa'l-nifrwa'lzuhalrbihi).And to this refer [God's]wordsin the accountof Moses:"He[=Moses]observedon theside

of theMounta fire.He saidto hishousehold 'Tarry you here;I observea fire. PerhapsI will bringyou fromit' (anasaminjanib naranqdlali-ahlihi: al-ta•r inni naran atikumminha)(Q. anastu la'alli [u]mkuthfi 'a brand or I shall find at the fire guidance' 28:29)46 aw al-ncir hudan)(Q. 20:10).And (bi-qabas ajida'ald in anotheraccount'I shallbringyou news of it or a faggot from the fire, that haply you shall warm yourselves'(atikumminhabi-khabarawjadhwamin al-ncr la'allakumtastalfna)(Q. 28:29). "Whenhe cameto it, a voicewasheardfromtherightbankof the watercourse,in the sacredhollow,comingfromthe

tree:'MosesI am God,theLordof all Being'(falammiatdhda al-wcidal-aymanfi'lniidiya[minshAdti' minal-shajaraan]yd Mfisa[inni buq'aal-mubdraka rabb al-'tlamina]")(Q. 28:30).'Putoff your andtllah shoes.Youarein the holy valleyTuwa"'(ikhla'na'.tuwan) (Q.20:12) laykainnakabi'l-wadial-muqaddas - up to his [statement] in his [=al-Khasibi's epistle] on Fiqh:"TheIraniansworshippedfire and awaited fromit, henceGod'sappearance [God's]appearance them. among They constantlyupholdit, manifestit, set it ablazeandawaitthe fulfillmentof His promise. This is the reasonfor the Iranians'celebrationof Nawruzandthewearingof crownson it."47

Thesupremacyof theIraniansovertheArabsfound expressionin theirguardingof the mysterywithwhich God had entrustedthem -

that is, the mystery of fire

and light as a mediumthroughwhich God reveals himself to the initiated. The Iraniansare praised discussionof the Nawrtizfor throughoutal-Tabarani's theirperceivingthe innerqualitiesof fire andlight.To stress the notion of fire/light,the author- though awareof the correctetymologyof the word nawriiz, - bases the significance of the connoting "new day'"48 day on a fanciful etymology of the term that he derives from the words nir (light) and ziyy (clothes).49This strong emphasis on fire and light may reflect a residue of Zoroastrianreverence for fire. However, even if the author is alluding here to his sympathy toward Zoroastrian worship, he is reluctant to convey it outright.He may thereforehave referredto the Qur'anic


storyaboutGod'srevelationto Moses as a meansof facilitatingthe acceptanceof thisnotion.50 The day of the Nawruzbecomesthen the heartof the author'sdiscussion.Followingtraditionsprevalent in Imamni literature,it is depictedas a cosmic day,one on whichmajorhistoricalormythicaleventstookplace. It is believedto be the day on whichGod acceptedthe covenantsof his servantsto worshiphimandto believe in his unity (referringto Q. 7:172);51the first day on whichthesunrose,thewindsblewandthe splendourof the worldwas created;the dayNoah'sarkcameto rest uponMountArarat.It is thedayon whichGabrielcame down to Muhammadsummoning him to be the Messengerof God.It is the day on whichMuhammad bore'Ali uponhis shoulderso thathe couldflingdown anddestroythe idols of Qurayshfromatopthe Ka'ba; the day on whichthe Prophetorderedhis companions to pledgeallegianceto 'Ali as his heir.It is the day on which the Mahdi shall appear with his deputies, triumphoverthe Antichristandcrucifyhim.52 It shouldbe emphasisedthatthe ritualdrinkingof wine during the celebrationof the Nusayri Mass (quddds),thoughperformedon variousoccasions,is closely affiliatedto the day of Nawruz.This sacred wine, calledin Nusayritexts 'abdal-nfir("theservant of light"),is believed to be a centralelementin the statesin the NusayriNawruzfestival.As al-Tabarani in it [i.e. in the Nawruiz] "Drink53 nameof al-Khagsibi: 'abdal-nifrfor it is the entityof the fire which God madeas his greatestsacrificeandthemostnobleentity" (wa-sta mnilf fiihi 'abd al-nifr alladhi huwa shakhs al-a zam al-nir allatija'alahaallahqurbanahu hadhihi wa-shakhsahu al-mukarram).54 This affinity between the sacred wine and the festivalof Nawriizis furtherelaboratedin Majmii'ala'yvd in a liturgicalhymn ascribedto al-Khasibiand Hereareits first, citedalso in theNusayriCatechism.55 secondandfifthverses:

221

khamral-zull fa-innahu/ yawmatajallanfiruhubighama'im).56 These verses epitomisesome of the majorideas dealtwithabove.TheIraniansarepresentedhereas the peopleamongwhomthedeityrevealeditselfon theday of the Nawrutzbefore its manifestationamong the Arabs.Thesacredwineconsumedduringthe festivalof the Nawrazsymbolisesthe divinelight,the essenceof 'Ali-the-God,who appears inter alia through the clouds.57

1. Nawriz is a beneficialandsuccessfultruth/ realised in the closenessto God of the most noble of [the

(3) The divinepredilectionfor the Iraniansis reflected in their being represented also in the last two manifestationsof the trinity- throughoutboth the Christian cycle (al-qubba al-'isdwiyya) and the Muhammadan cycle (al-qubbaal-muhammadiyya) thatis, in the eraof the Iranians'declineandthe riseof the Arabs.In both cycles the Iraniansplay the role of in the bab:in the Christiancycle, the babis incarnated in the primaryandmostperfect Ruzbihb. al-Marzban; trinity it is incarnatedin the figure of Salmanthe of Persian,who is seeminglyregardedas a prefiguration Ruizbihb. al-Marzban Salman's Persian (Ruizbih being name,priorto his conversionto Islam).58 The supremacyof the Iraniansover the Arabs,as well as over all other nations,emergesadditionally from the belief that they are the only nationamong whichthe deitymanifesteditselfrepeatedly. According to al-Tabarani, unlikeotherpeoplesandnationsamong which the deity reveals itself in a single cycle, the Iranians,or rathertheirkings,aredistinguished by four cycles of revelation,namedqibdbor tabaqdt.Threeof in thesecycles- primarilythe firsttwo - correspond to two in Iranian The periods early mythology. part authorliststhe namesof kingsof the Pishdadidandthe Kayanidmythicaldynastiesamongwhomthe divinity revealeditself.59 The first cycle consists of five of the Pishdadid kings - Kayiimarth,Tahmiiath,Jamshid,Bivarasp and Faridtin;to them are added various Iranian

sons of] Hashim (nawriazhaqq mustafid ghinim / bi-wald'i akramHaishim) mutahzaqqiq 2. [It is] a day on which God revealed Himself in the Iranian cycles / before the cycle of the Arabs (yawma abana llahufihi zuhifrahu/ qabla al-a aribi ft qibaiba 'ijim). 5. Drink pure wine, for this is the day on which his light was manifested in the clouds (fa-shrab min al-

mythological heroes such as Rustam.60 The second cycle includes all four kings of the Kayinid dynasty - Kay Qobad, Kay Kavtis, Kay Khusrow and Kay Lohraisb;61accompanied by other names, some of which are unidentifiable.Noteworthy is the inclusion of Cyrus (Kirus), the only representative of the historical Achaemenid dynasty.62The third and fourth cycles include the names of kings from the

222


Sasaniddynasty,to whom are againappendedvarious Iraniannames,someof whichseemto be invented(e.g. the enigmaticZadanal-akbarand Zadanal-asghar). Evena cursoryglanceattheselistsrevealsthattheyare andanachronisms. Theirmain repletewithinaccuracies seems to be to accentuate both the purpose supremacy of the Iraniansand the antiquityof their election as God'schosenpeople. Finallyof note is the placeof the Persianlanguage in Nusayriwritingsin generalandin the accountof the Nawriz and Mihrajanin particular.The chapters dealingwiththeIranianfestivals,likeNusayriliterature in general, are writtenin Arabic;this includes the liturgicalsectionsof prayersandliturgicalinstructions. the followingshortprayerfor Againstthisbackground thedayof Mihrajan,interspersed withritualinvocations in Persian,standsout. Theseinvocationsmay reflecta residuefromthe earlydayswhennot only the Iranians but also theirtongueenjoyeda distinguishedstatusin the Nusayrireligion: be aware,be aware,be O Nobahar,O Nobahar;63

aware;By theeternalBahman, by themanifestation in theclouds,by Razbih-Salman,64 by thepriests,by thePriestof priests;O newspring,O newspring,O newspring; be aware,beaware,be aware,[Ibeseech evilfromus andto realizeforus that remove youto] whichwe acknowledged with respectto you in preexistence...(...ya nobahir,yd nabahtr,zinhwr, zinhar be-bahmanal-azali wa'l-zohifralzinhr, kanhawariwa-riizbihal-salsali, bel-mabadhan,bemabadhal-mabadhan; ya nobahr, ydcndbahir,yyi 'annaalzinhr, zinhar, zinhwr, nabahtr, illctkashafta zulm wa-haqqaqta lanj md aqrarna laka fl'lqidam).65

Khasibi's hymn on Nawriz. The believer further beseeches the bib Salman-Razbih, namely,the gate he aims which to attain the through mysteryof divinity. CONCLUDINGREMARKS The existence of an Iraniancomponentin the Nusayri religion is unquestionable,yet it nevertheless

raises some importantand interrelatedquestions:(1) How did Iranianelements find their way into the Nusayr!religion?(2) Whatis the relativesignificance of these elementsin the NusayrIsyncretisticmould?; (3) Why did this Iranian,neo-Shu'iibiphasehave only a marginalimpacton theNusayrireligion? A betterknowledgeof the formativephase of the Nusayrlreligionandits earlydevelopmentwouldhelp to resolve these issues. If we were to accept the

assumption that the Nusayriyya emerged among extremistShi'~groupsin third/ninth-century Iraq,69it wouldbe rathereasy alsoto explaintheexistenceof an Iraniancomponentwithinthisreligion.Itis possible,on the basisof Muslimheresiographic to drawa literature, pictureof the politico-religiousfermentin Iraqat the end of the third/ninth century.Thiswas the timeof the Minor Occultationof the last Imam of the Twelver factionand the resurgenceof the hithertoclandestine Isma'ilimovementin Iraqand otherprovincesof the Muslimempire.OtherextremistShi'i groups- later labelled ghuldt70-

were active at the time, among

prevailsonce againin this liturgicalhymn.The divine emanationwhich the believerssummon,here named Bahman- the VohuManah(Good Thought)of the AvestaandthePahlavitexts66- doesnot seemto refer

them apparentlythe proto-Nusayricircle centred aroundthe figureof Muhammad b. Nusayr,theeponym of the Nusayri religion.7' Iranian devotees and missionaries were active in these movements, thecovert- or evenovert- aspirationof entertaining Iranian past glory,or at least of mouldinga reviving between Arabism(or ratherShi'ism) and synthesis Iranianculture.Among these philo-Iranians may be mentionedthe Mughiriyya,Mansu-riyya, Khattabiyya72 and other Shi'i sub-sects. The neo-MazdakiKhurramiyyamovementwas also active in that period,

to a specific deity but ratherto indicate Iranianidentity in general.67Bahman, the most supreme manifestation of the Iranian deity, is mentioned recurrently under various abstractderivations such as al-bahmaniyya alsughra and al-bahmaniyya al-kubra, al-qibab albahmaniyya. Moreover, the deity is depicted as manifesting itself in clouds, here named kanhawar,68 a synonym ofghama' im in the above-citedverse from al-

aspiring to restore the lost Iranian past through a renaissanceof the Mazdaki religion.73 Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi's recent study, "Shahrbani, dame du pays d'Iran et mbre des Imams: entre l'Iran pr6islamique et le shiisme imamite",74 contributes significantly to promoting a better understanding of the complex encounter between Arabism and Iranianismin the early centuriesof Islam.

The syncretistic dimension of Nusayri religion


Amir-Moezzi focusses on the legend about the betrothalof the daughterof YazdgirdIII (regn. 632-51), the last Sasanid king, to the Imam Husayn. This legendary marriage was perceived in certain Shi'I traditions as the beginning of the sacred encounter between Arabismand Iranianism,and the Imams of the Husaynid line were seen as drawingtheir sanctity from two holy sources. That this tendency to fuse Arabism and Iranianism was rife with tension is abundantly reflected in the texts studiedby Amir-Moezzi as well as in the Nusayri sources presented here. Alongside attempts at conciliation, Amir-Moezzi points to three major tendencies of Iranians toward Arab-Muslim heritage: (a) an extremist attitude, often characterised by a complete rejectionof Arab heritage;(b) an attitude of turningback on the Iranianheritage and striving for an unconditionalacceptance of and total immersion in the Arab-Muslimidentity;and (c) an attemptto achieve harmonisationbetween the Iranianheritage and ArabMuslim civilisation.75The Nusayri texts presentedhere naturallyreflect the first tendency. However, the philo-Iranianspirit did not thrive for long. It seems that with the emigration of the Nusayri sect from its cradle in Iraq, where it was exposed to Iranianinfluence, to its new centre in Syria in the days of al-Khasibi and his successors, the Iranianelements lost their relevance whereas other, notably Christian, components prevailed.76 The marginalisation of Iranian motifs notwithstanding, their memory was imprintedon the Nusayrl collective memory and survived in the domain of ritual in the form of the Nawruz and Mihrajanfestivals. The persistence of these festivals in recent times is attested both by the Nusayri catechism and by al-Adhani's alBikiira al-sulaymdniyya,both of which include them among the various Nusayri holy days. In addition to the general tension between Iranianism and Arabism reflected in the passages of Majmfi'al-a jdd cited here, it would not be difficult to point out specific figures who may have served as channels of Iranian influence on the nascent Nusayriyya. Especially worthy of mention is alKhasibi's teacher, Abt 'Abd Allah al-Jannan alJunbulani(d. 287/900), of the districtof Faris,who had seemingly played an important role in introducing Persian elements into the Nusayri religion.77Moreover, some of the prominent sages appearingin Majmii' ala ~yidas transmittersof traditions- e.g. al-Husayn b. Ahmad al-Qazwini, Abu Muhammad 'Abd Allah b.

223

Ayy-ib al-Qummi, Abu al-Husayn 'Ali b. Ahmad alKhurasani,al-Fayyaidb. Mulhammadb. 'Umar al-Tusi - are of Iranianorigin. These scholars also may have contributed to introducing Iranian elements into the new religion.78

Notes

* An earlierversionof thisarticlewasreadin a seminarof a researchgroupon "ExclusivityandUniversalityin Shi'i Islam",heldat the Institutefor AdvancedStudiesof The in thewinterof 2002-03. HebrewUniversityof Jerusalem Ali Amir-Moezzi, am to Mohammad I grateful Professors EtanKohlbergand ShaulShakedfor readingthis article andfortheirinstructive comments. On the syncretisticnatureof the Nusayrireligion,see R. Dussaud,Histoire et religiondes Nosairds(Paris, 1900), pp.

17-76 ("lesnosairisdepuisl'6poqueromainejusqu'anos jours"); M. Moosa, ExtremistShi'ites: The Ghulat Sects

(New York,1988),especiallythe chapteron the Nusayri festivals(pp. 382-97). On the presenceof syncretistic motifsin Islamin general,see C. Colpe,"ThePhenomenon of Syncretismand the Impacton Islam",in Syncretistic Religious Communities in the Middle East: Collected Papers of the Symposium, Berlin 1995, ed. K. Kehl-

2

Bodrogi, B. Kellner-Heinkeleand A. Otter-Beaujean (Leiden,New YorkandCologne,1997),pp. 35-48. SamuelLyde,whoin ExceptionsaretheBritishmissionary on theNusayrireligion- The his pioneeringmonograph Asian Mystery: The Ansaireeh or Nusairis of Syria

3

(London,1860)- devoteda few pages(137-38) to this topic;andMoosa,op. cit.,pp.332-36. 392-93, 399-400. in theNusayrireligion,seeH. OntheChristian components Lammens,"Les Nosairisfurent-ilschretiens?A propos d'un livre recent",Revue de l'Orient ChretienVI (1901),

4

de "Surles 6l6mentschr6tiens pp.33-50;M.M.Bar-Asher, JA CCLXXXIX(2001), la religionNusayrite-'Alawite", pp. 185-216. Thecompletetitleof thebookis KitdibSabil rahatal-arwidh wa-dalil al-surir wa'l-afrhz ila failiq al-a.sbh. A critical

in Isl. XXVII editionwas publishedby R. Strothmann (1946). General accounts of the Nusayri festivals are

offeredby somemodemscholars.Seee.g.Lyde,op cit.,pp. 175-82;Dussaud,op cit.,pp. 136-52;Moosa,op. cit.,pp. 382-97; Abu Musa Hariri,al- 'Alawiyyiinal-nusayriyyimn: bahthfi'l 'aqida wa'l-ta'rikh (Beirut, 1984), pp. 133-62; 'A. al-Dujayll, Kitiab Majmh' al-av5ad wa'l tarqa alkha.sibiyya,in Majallatal-majma'al-'ilmi al-'iraqi (1956),

224


andthe naw'anmin inyila 'ubaynayadayhiwa-lawnan calendar pp.618-29.Forananalysisof the al-rayih. N.uayri andantinomian nature of theNusayrifestivals, 'aldrasmmuntagam minal-sharcib syncretistic ldyukhdfifinahu fi'al-anwir see M.M.Bar-AsherandA. Kofsky,TheNusayri-'Alawi [Beirut,1403/1983],vol. LVI,p. tarffib)(Bilhr 115). Myrtlebranchesalso play an importantrole in Religion: An Enquiryinto Its Theologyand Liturgy Mandaeanritual(see E. Luplen,The Mandaeans:The (Leiden,2002),pp. 111-51. 5 The Persian title, rJstbishiyya,is derived from the Last Gnostics[GrandRapidsandCambridge,2002], pp. Thiswork,ascribedto rastbash(be righteous). 15, 23, 25, 29). imperative inMajmii' 16 The explanationgiven hereregardingthe affmityof the is thusfarknownonlyfromquotations al-Kha.ibi, al-a and ritualsto thenameof thefestivalis notclear.Onthevarious •vd, p. 12,line10,andp. 154,line10.Onal-Khaslbi hisrolein theformation of the for thenameNawriz, religionandidentity, etymologiesofferedby al-Tabarani N.uayri A see YaronFriedman, ibnHamdanal-Khas~bi: see above,p. 218, andnn.48-49. "al-H.usayn theFounder of of theNusayr-'Alawite 17 Someof theritualsdepictedhereseemto preserveancient Historical Biography Studia Islamica rites performedin pre-IslamicIran.See e.g. P. Azk-yi, XCIII(2001),pp.91-111. Sect," 6 The text is availablein two manuscripts:ms. Paris Nowriiz:Thrikhche va-marja'Shendsi (n.p.,1353sh/1974), Muhammadan Festivals Nationale),fonds arabe6182, ff. la-20b; (Bibliothbque pp. 2-14; G.E.von Grunebaum, ms.Berlin(KiniglicheBibliothek), no.2086,pp.3-84. For (London,1976),pp. 53-56; R. Levy andC.E.Bosworth, aneditionaccompanied by anannotated Englishtranslation "Nawrtz",EP, vol. VII, p. 1047.On Nawrozin Sasanid of thetext,see Bar-Asher andKofsky,op.cit.,pp. 163-221 Iran,see also M. Grignaschi, "Quelquesspecimensde la litteraturesassanideconserves dans les bibliothbques (henceforth: NusayriCatechism). 7 Dussaud,op cit.,introduction, JA CCLVI(1996),pp. 1-142, at pp. 103-08 d'Istanbul", p. xxii. 8 Majmii' al-a aid,pp. 188-229. Arabic textof Kitdibal-Tijfi siratAn(ishirvinli-Ibn (The 9 Ibid.,p. 202, lines9-16. Frenchtranslation pp. 129-35 (anannotated al-Muqaffa'), 10 Ibid.,pp. 199,lines 17-18;cf. alsoibid.,p. 201, lines 1-5. of Ibnal-Muqaffa"s text). "APersianGulfin theSeaof Lights: 18 Thatis, theprimordialworldof lightin which,according SeealsoJ.Walbridge, The Chapteron Naw-Rfizin the Bihir al-anwir",Iran to the Nusayrimyth,the souls of the believersexisted XXXV(1997),pp. 85-92. before their fall into the terrestrial world. See e.g. al11 These terms representthe two aspectsof its dialectic aled. Adhani,al-Bakilra sulaymdniyya, Beirut,pp.59-61 nature:pointingto the divinityandthusrevealingit to the andKofsky,op cit.,pp. (=ed.Cairo,pp.69-71);Bar-Asher initiated,whileveilingit fromtheuninitiated. 52, 75-77. 12 For a more detailed trinitarian 19 Thisseemsto be identicalwiththe morecompletetitleF7 analysisof the N.uayri inthethirteenthdoctrine,see Dussaud,op. cit.,pp.46-72; Moosa,op. cit., siydqdtal-guhardit occurring anonymously 342-51. See also Bar-Asher and treatise pp. 50-56, Kofsky,op. centuryNusayripolemical by Yfsuf [=Munctzara] "Sur les de la b. Paris chrdtiens cit.,pp. 14-42;Bar-Asher, al-'Ajiiz al-Nashshabi,ms. (Bibliotheque 616ments religionNusayrite-'Alawite," pp. 191-99. Nationale),fondsarabe1450,fols. 118b.Thetitleseemsto 13 I.e. the Imamsand the otherpersonsin whom the deity refer to the sequenceof God's cyclical manifestations manifestsitselfthroughout thehistoryof mankind. history. throughout 14 I.e.the 20 of the Sasanid This notion of removal(izdla)of a certaindivineemanation kings dynasty. 15 These two plantsare integralelementsof the Nawroz to makeroomfor anotherappearsalso in al-Nashshabi's rituals.Apartfromthepassagecitedhere,see Majmii'alMundiara.See ibid.,pp. 117a-b. 21 OnthisQur'anic a tdd,pp. 201, 202, 208, 211. For the use of myrtlein of Alexander theGreat(Q. 18: appellation cf. Kitib see W. al-Bikiira rituals, al-Adhani, 83, Nusayri Watt,"al-Iskandar", Sulayman 86, 94), Montgomery E2, vol. IV,p. 127.It is noteworthy thatin Iranianmythology ft kashfasrir al-diyina al-nusayriyya al-sulaymuniyya Alexanderappearsinteralia as an Iranianking. See e.g. (Beirut,n.d.),p. 37 (-new edition[Cairo,1410/1990],p. 47). See also MuhammadBaqir al-Majlisi[citing Ibn Firdawsi, Shah-ncima,books 18-20. See also W.L. Babawayhi's'Ilalal-shari'i'and 'Uyiinakhbural-Ridci]: EIr,vol. VIII,pp. 609-12; Hanaway,"Eskandar-N~ma", Iskandarnawah. A Persian Mediaeval Alexander"TheSasanidsappointedforeachdayan appropriate sort of aromaticplant and flower and a kind of wine, Romance,tr. M.S. Southgate(New York, 1978); Y. presentedin an orderlyfashionfromwhichthey did not Yamanaka,"Ambiguit6de l'image d'Alexandrechez sassanidesdansle Livre Firdawsi:les tracesdes traditions deviate" (wa-kainatal-akisira rasamat li-kulli yawm


des Rois," in Actes du Collogne de Paris, 27-29 novembre 22

1999(Paris,1999),pp.341-53. HereandelsewhereDanielis associatedwith the Iranian era.See e.g.NusayrtCatechism, pp. 173-74(question14), withnote46. Accordingto Muslimtradition, Daniellived in Iranandis believedto be buriedat Susain thedistrictof Khfizistan.See e.g. Ibn Ishlq Ahmad b. Ibrahimal-

31

23

shahan, wa-huwa alladhi band al-mudun wa-azhara alabniya al-'ajibafmal band min al-mudunwa-tarraqa al-

32 33 34

35

36

25

I.e. ShaborI (regn.241-72). Majmi' al-a~did, p. 189, line 3. Cf. ibid., p. 211, line 1, wheretheauthoremploysthepluralform:buyctiatal-'arab.

37

27 28 29

Ibid.,pp.210, lines22 - 211,linel. Muriaj al-dhahab wa-ma'idin al-jawhar, ed. C. Pellat

(Beirut,1966),vol. I, p. 312. On this king see also alTabari's instructive chapters, The History of al-Tabari (Ta'rikh al-rusul wa-l-muliik), vol. V, translated and

annotatedby C.E. Bosworth(New York, 1999), pp. 146-62, 236-45, 260-67. 40

See above,n. 18.

41

Majmii'al-avtd, p. 189,line 18-p.

See also ibid., p. 223, line 5: al-buyiit al-farisiyyatwa'lamiakinal-bahmaniyyatwa'l-masakin al-afjamiyycit(for

is derived,see Bahman,fromwhichthetermbahmaniyyat n. The notion of the as below, 66). divinity residingin a in is place widespread Nusayritheology.See e.g. BarAsherandKofsky,op.cit.,pp.54-55. See alsoM. Sharon, ba-maqomva-yalensham...',"- Le-mashma"'Va-yifga'

44

43

45

See Bar-Asherand Kofsky,"A NusayriTreatiseon the Duty to Know the Mysteryof Divinity",in eidem,The Religion,pp. 89-97. Nusayri-'Alawi

Ibid.,p. 190, lines 2-3. It goes without saying that by "Arabs" the author is

referringin factto the Shi'iswho aretheonlyMuslimsto celebratetheGhadirKhummfestival. of the Ibid.,p. 189, lines 11-14. A similarinterpretation cultof firewithits affinityto therevelation to Mosesin the burning bush is given by Shihab al-Din Yahya alSuhrawardi(d. 587/1191). See ShihabaddinYahya

et MysticaIII),ed. S.HNasrandH. Corbin(Paris,1970), pp. 188-90. For an annotatedFrenchtranslationof the latter paragraphs,see ShihaboddinYahya Sohravardi,

(Jerusalem, 1996),pp. 188-98 (in Hebrew). KhusrowII (regn.590-628). Majmia'al-a 'ycd,pp. 188-89. Ibid.,p. 197,line 13. For the notion of a pre-cosmicAdam or ratherseven

idamiyyinal-sab'a).

190,line 1. Ibid.,p. 207, lines13-14. See alsoibid.,p. 211,lines5-13.

Sohrawardi,Shaykh al-Ishrq, (Euvresphilosophiques et mystiques,vol. II (fEuvres en persan: Opera Metaphysica

L'Archangeenpourprd:quinze traitis et recits mystiques,

46

Mufaddalb. 'Umaral-Ju'fi),editedby 'A. Tamer(Beirut, 1969), pp. 160-77 (ft ma'rifat mc ja 'a ft tashih a/30

Majma"'al-a•yid,p. 189, lines 6-7.

39

42

Adams (sab'at zdamiyinor awadim), see the protoNusayri work Kitacbal-Haft wa'l-azilla (attributedto al-

Muhammad Ibn Islhfq's The Life of the Prophet Muhammad,tr.A. Guillaume(Oxford, 1955), p. 4. Majm"'al-a~ycd,p. 189, lines 3-4. The traditionis cited

38

'at ha-mmila 'maqom' ba-miqra",in Mehqarimbe-miqra u-ve-hinnukh muggashim li-professor Moshe Arend (="'And he lighted upon a certain place, and tarried there...' [Gen. 28:11] - On the meaning of the word 'place' in the Bible", in Studieson the Bible and Education presented to Professor Moshe Arend, ed. D. Rafel 26

See e.g.NusayrfCatechism, p. 171(question5). 183-85 Ibid.,pp. (questions43-44). Onwhichsee S. Enderwitz, EF, vol. IX, "al-Shu'%biyya", pp. 513-16. See e.g. the genealogyof the Prophetat the beginningof

also in al-Tabarmni's Kitabal-Ma'crif,ms. Or.304 in the Staats-undUniversititsbibliothek Hamburg,Carl von lines 1-2. Ossietzky,p. 28a,

turuq wa-sharra'a al-shard'i' wa-aqaimausll al-din al'arabiyyawa-kashafamdkcna qadimanmin al-diyandtalfarisiyyat) (Majmii'al-a~yid, p. 210, lines 17-19). 24

Laterit will become clearthatthereare in fact several Iraniancycles (al-qibabal-farisiyyat).

Tha'labi, Qisas al-anbiyd' al-musamma bi-'ard'is al-

majalis(Beirut,n.d.),pp. 187-91. Namely,Ardashir(regn.224-41), conquerorof Iranand the firstking of the Sasaniddynasty.Later,al-TabaranT depictshim as "theking of kings,who built cities and marvellousbuildingstherein,pavedroadsand constructed theArabfoundations of religion enactedlaws,established (!), and unveiled the ancientIranianreligions"(shah

225

translatedfromPersianandArabicby H. Corbin(Paris, 1976),pp. 113-16. I owe the referencesto Suhrawardi's worksto M.A.Amir-Moezzi. The English translationof Qur'Rnicverses here and throughoutthe article is taken from A. Arberry,The Qur'cn Interpreted (London, 1955), with occasional

modifications. 47

Majmii' al-a'vcd, p. 190, lines 3-11. See also a partial

translation of thepassageinLyde,TheAsianMystery, p. 137. 48

Majmci'al-a vcd, p. 208, line 13: "wa'l-nawriz al-yawm al-jadid"

226

49


"Fa-sammaAllah dhalika al-yawm al-nfr wa-sammat-hu al-furs nawrtiz mushtaqqmin al-nir wa'l-ziyy" (ibid. p.

198, lines 9-10). See also the otherpopularetymology ascribedto Abu 'l-Khattab (d. c. 138/755),theeponymof in Persian the KhattabiyyaextremistShi'i sect: "Rtiz denotesprotectionfrom transmigration; its meaningin Arabicis 'he who knowsGod,mayHe be exaltedon the dayof theNawruz,is safefromtransmigration"', (riizbi7farisiyya amanmin al-musFikhiyya; tafsiruhubi'l'-arabiyya man 'arafa Allah yawma al-nawraz amina min almustikhiyya)(ibid., p. 202, lines 7-8). 50

51

The authorrefershereto a numberof accountsof God's manifestation throughfireto variousindividuals, e.g. Abel andAbraham(ibid.,pp.213-14). On thisverse,knownas "theverseof covenant"(iyat almithcq),and its importancein Shi'i doctrine,see R. "DerUrvertrag in derKoranauslegung Gramlich, (zu Sura LX 7, 172-73)",Isl. (1983),pp. 205-30, whichdiscusses this versein detailandalso devotessome spaceto early Imnamexegesis.See alsoM.A.Amir-Moezzi,TheDivine

59

60

Majmi' al-a ?dd, pp. 209-10.

61

Ibid.,p. 210. Ibid.,p. 210, line6. This can be renderedeitheras "spring"(literally"new fireshrine. spring")or as a Zoroastrian Salmanis referredto in the Arabictext thatfollows as Salsal,one of the appellations by whichhe is sometimes known. Majmai'al-a?vd, p. 224, line 19- 225, line4. On Bahman(=VohuMana)in Zoroastrianism, see M.

62 63

64

65

66

Royce, A History of Zoroastrianism(Leiden and Cologne,

Guide in Early Shi'tsm: The Sources of Esotericism in

Islam,tr.D. Streight(New York,1994),p. 34; M.M.Bar-

67

Asher, Scripture and Exegesis in Early ImcmitShiism

andLeiden,1999),pp. 132-33. (Jerusalem 52

53 54

55

56

57

68

Majmf' al-ayidd, p. 199; See also, Bihidral-anwcr, vol.

is citedinthename LVI,p. 92. Inbothsourcesthetradition of Ja'faral-Sadiq's al-Mu'alla b. Khunays.See also mawlkd, Walbridge,"A PersianGulf in the Sea of Lights",pp. 88-89. use. Literally:

Majmii'al-a •dd, pp. 208-09; Nusayri Catechism,p. 195 (question 90). See also Moosa, Extremist Shi'ites: The GhulatSects, pp. 399-400. Majmi ' al-a i d, pp. 208-09; see also Nusayri Catechism,

p. 195(question92) in theEnglishtranslation; pp.218-19 Arabic (the text). Forthe beliefamongcertainghulatgroupsthatthe deity, manifestedin 'Ali, reveals itself in various celestial 'Abdal-Karim elements,see e.g. Abu 'l-FathMuhammad al-Shahrastni,Livredes religions et des sectes (=Kitab al-

vol. I, p. 399. 69

70

71

72

58 See al-Tabarani'sKitib al-Ma'irif p. 83, lines 2-3: "inna

P~ket 1411/1991-92),pp.27-29; L. Massignon,"Salmain

See e.g. Lisdn al-'Arab:"al-kanhawarmin al-sahib huwa qita' min al-salhb amthil al-jibcl",whence E Steingass,A Comprehensive Persian English Dictionary (London, also the expressional-qubbaal-kanhawariyya(Majmti'alavidd, p. 211, line 15). See also M. Ullmann, Wirterbuch der klassischen arabischen Sprache (Wiesbaden, 1970),

milalwa-l-nihal),annotated Frenchtr.D. GimaretandG. Monnot(ParisandLouvain,1986),vol. I, p. 451. awwal muJizcitSalmcn wa-huwaRiizbihibn al-Marzbanfi awqcdt'Is 'alayhi al-salim." See also Husayn al-Nuri alTabarsial-Tabrisi,Nafas al-rahiminfifad~'il Salman (n.p.,

1975),vol. I, pp. 209-11, 277-78; J. Marten,"Bahman", EIr,vol. III,pp.487-88. It seemsthenthattheauthorpresentsBahmanhereas the his usualroleas baib. ma'nd,whileSalmanmaintains

a largemass."See 1892),p. 1056:"cloudslikemountains;

Majmii' al-a yad, p. 215, lines 16-17. See also Nu?sayrf

Catechism, p. 196(question92).

les premicesspirituellesde l'Islam iranien",in Opera Minora, ed. Y. Moubarac(Beirut,1963), vol. I, pp. 443-83, esp.pp.450-53. A treasure troveforthestudyof thesedynastiesandforthe mythologiesrelated to the kings mentionedhere, is Firdawsi'sShah-naima.See also A. Christensen,Les Kayinides(Copenhagen, 1931);"Kayanids," E/R,vol. IV, 809. p.

73

See e.g. H. Halm,Die islamische Gnosis,die extremeSchia

unddie 'Alawiten (ZurichandMunich,1982),pp.282-83. See on this Arnir-Moezzi,"Aspectsde l'imrnologie duodecimaineI: remarquessur la divinit6de l'Imam", StudiaIranicaXXVI (1996),pp. 194-216,especiallypp. 195-96. OnIbnNusayrandhis rolein theformation of Nusayrism, andKofsky,"DogmaandRitualinKitacb see Bar-Asher alma'arifbytheNusayriTheologianAbu Sa'IdMaymunb. (d. 426/1034-35)"(forthcomimg). al-Q~simal-Tabar~ni On thesesects,see e.g. Shahrastani, Livre des religions et dessectes,vol. I, pp. 515-25. See alsotheentrieson these groupsby W. Madelungin EZ, vol. VII,pp. 347-48 (alvol. VI, pp. 441-42 (Mans~iriyya); vol. IV, Mughiriyya); pp. 1132-33("Khatttibiyya"). On this sect, see e.g. Madelung,Religious Trendsin Early

IslamicIran,ColumbiaLectureson Iranian Studies4 (New York,1988),pp. 1-11; idem,"Khurramiyya", ER, vol. V,

THE IRANIAN COMPONENTOF THE NUSAYRI RELIGION

pp. 63-65; P. Crone,"Kavad'sHeresy and Mazdak's Revolt",IranXXIX(1991),pp. 21-42. 74

In Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam XXVII (2002), pp. 497-549.

75

76 77

bush]areprobablydueto somePersian,and,in fact,oneof the divisionsof the bookwhereit is to be foundis styled 'the traditionary sayings of Abu-Ali of Busra, in his dwellingsin Shiraz,in the year of the Hijra327 (A.D.

Fora detailedanalyticalsurveyof thesethreeattitudes, see

938)'." (The Asian Mystery, pp. 137-38). The book

ibid., pp. 532-34.

referredto by Lyde is a Nusayrimanuscriptentitled "Manualfor Sheikhs"(probablyidenticalwith the work

See above,n. 3. See Halm,Die islamischeGnosis,pp. 296-97. See also Amin Ghalib al-Tawil, Ta'rikhal-'alawiyyin Muh.ammad

78

227

(Beirut,n.d.),pp.258-59. Of interestis Lyde's observationin his discussionof Naw-rzthat"thewild conceitsto be foundin thepassage from which I have taken the above [namely, the commentaryon the revelationto Moses in the burning

known from other sources as Kitab al-Mashyakha),

extractsof whichareincludedinLyde'sbook(pp.233-69). So far I have not been able to tracethis Abu 'Ali, who appearsalso in Majmi7'al-a~vid(p. 28), thoughin a differentcontext,andmay also have servedas a link,as of Iranianmaterialsinto Lydesuggests,in the importation theNusayrireligion.

SUFISMAND ISMA'ILIDOCTRINEIN THEPERSIANPOETRY OFNIZARIQUHISTANI(645-721/1247-1321)1 By LeonardLewisohn Instituteof smaili Studies,London

FOREWORD NizAriQuhistani(d. 721/1321),2one of the HIakim eminent and original Persianpoets of the Mongol period,was born in 645/1247 in the village of Ffidaj whichlies in the suburbsof thecity of Birjandin southeastern Khurasan. He was, according to some authorities(see below, V), a scion of the last Isma'ili Nizari Imam, Rukn al-Din Khurshah (653-54/ 1255-56).Sincetheonlyreliablefactsabouthis life are those thatcan be deducedfromhis own works,3it is mostlyto thesethatI will be directingmy attentionin the followingbriefsketchof his life andtimes.In this essay I shall summarise(i) Nizari'sbiography,before vizierand proceedingto discuss(ii) his life as a courtier, (iii) theliteraryinfluenceson his verse,(iv) panegryrist, his bacchanalian poetry,(v) varioustheoriesaboutthe of his origins pen-name,(vi) the Isma'ilimotifs and Sufi (vii) topoi and symbolism of his homiletic mathnawi and erotic lyrical poetry. Finally, some generalconclusions(viii)will be drawnto resolvesome of the apparentcontradictions ostensiblypresentin the different (Sufi-Isma'ili) religious persuasions and spiritual doctrines expressed in his verse, while situating his poetry in its historical, literary,and spiritualcontexts.Somereflectionswill alsobe offered on the place and significanceof his poetry in the pantheonof mediaevalPersianpoets, and comments made on the trans-sectariancontext and mystical content of his verse as an expressionof both Sufi symbolismandtheosophy,andIsma'ilidoctrine. II. NIZARI,POETAND COURTIER Of Nizari'searlyyearsuntilhis mid-twenties,very littleis known.He was bornintoa familywhoprobably "belongedto a clan of high-profilenotables of the Isma'ilisect in Quhistan,in which they possessedan eminentleadershiprole."4He had threebrothers.He apparentlyenjoyed a normal education, studying

Arabic grammar,philosophy, literature, and the rudimentsof Sufi theosophy.5In his mid-twenties Nizarifoundemploymentat the courtof Shamsal-Din Kart(643-76 /1245-77), the rulerof Sistan(andmuch of theprovinceof Khurasan) in northern Iran.6Arriving in Heratin the early 1270s, he workedfor the Kart dynasty (who ruled a large part of Afghanistanon behalfof the Mongols)in variouscapacitiesboth as a tax-collectorand courtpoet.7But as he becamemore intimatewith the responsibilitiesof his job as a taxcollector,he graduallybecamedisillusionedwith the harshandpunitivemeasuresadoptedby the Kartswho, under pressurefrom their Mongol overlords,often obligedhim to exactmoney andgoods by force from localpeasants. In 679/1280 he set out on a long journey from Quhistan,exploringsome of the northernandWestern provinces,particularly Georgia,borderingthe Caspian while his Sea, recording travelsin a mathnawipoemof over a thousandcouplets entitled the Safar-nima, This was his earliestmathnawipoem, "Travelogue". dedicatedto a certainSufimasternamedAminal-Din8 (see below,VII).Onhis returnto Heratin 681/1282,he resignedhis post at the Kartcourtand retiredto his hometownBirjandwhere he remainedfor nearly a decade,marriedandraiseda family.Thenin 694/1294, the local Mihrabanid prince'Ali Shfihhiredhim as his courtpoet, althoughhe managedto keep this position for only two yearsbeforehis outspokenopinionsand polemicspennedagainstthe oppressivenobles at the prince'scourt,local mullahsandcorruptjuristscaused offenceto theprince,who exiledhim fromcourt. Fromhis earlyyouthand employmentin the Kart administrationin his twenties until his death in retirementin 721/1321 in his mid-seventies,Nizari composed volumes of poetry, much of which was inspiredby the courtsocietyandthe highsocialcircles in whichhe moved.Overthe courseof his long career as a courtier,he also wrote much occasional and verseinspiredby the socialcircumstances panegryrical of courtlife and the politicalpositionthathe held as

229

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vizierof thekingsof Quhistan.9Afterhis exile fromthe court,he spentthe remainingtwo decades Mihrabanid of his life, duringhis fiftiesandsixties(from696/1296 to 721/1321)confinedto his smallpropertyin Birjand wherehe composedmostof his mainmathnawlpoems (Munizarashabu raz,"TheDisputeBetweenNightand andTheophany"; as Day";Azharu mazhar,"Disclosure well as his Dastar-nama,"Bookof Directives").10 Duringhis finalyears,Nizari- who once claimed to have composed10,000 coupletsof panegyricverse - like Sana'ibeforehim, renouncedthe paid poet's professionandretiredinto a cloisteredexistencein the hills of Quhistan. Disillusioned by his patrons' indifference,he spenttheseyearsbitterlylamentingthe vanityof composingservileversesinpraiseof - to use Hafiz's phrase - "a lord who lacks beneficence (makhdim bi 'indyat)."11Nothing better explains Nizari's attitudetowardscompositionof panegryric versethanthe followinglines froma long qasida:-12

I still am- andalwayswas- drunkfromwine and fromthe iconof beauty.I neverwas,noreverwill be, swollenwithconceitoverstatusandthe highrankof greatness.Have ever I praisedanyone,thathad two aspects:eitherit was belabouredceremony,or else a formof love. If the formerwas merelip-service,the lattercomeoutfromthedepthsof my soul:theheart's adeptwill distinguishbetweenwhat'sspokenout of socialobligationandwhat'sutteredfromconviction. I neverstretchedout my handin greedtowardsany base morsel,neversulliedthe robesof my soul with

ignobleconduct.I havea gooddwellingin the Street of Contentment, (justlike) theminterof money,who is an alchemist,is the Lordof the cash of fortune... Whatthe scholarhas is only this generalknowledge, but for us it sufficesthatwe can clearlydiscern,by way of demonstrative proof(hujjat)(the difference) betweenthepathof theResurrection (ma'd) andthe sourceandgenesisof creation(mabda).AlthoughI am entirely disadvantagedof diverse types of learning,I amlearnedby virtueof my innernaturein the worldof interiorspiritualsignifications(c'lam-i ma'na).No, no! 0 Nizari.No, no! You are not the manto expoundthis lore. How farwide you are of knowledgeand learningin your unknowing!For if you knowall theloreof creation,andthendo notfind yourself yet more ignorant, you deserve damnation.

What "vision" can possibly exist There; what "knowledge"can subsistThere;whatplace is there forinteriorspiritualreality(ma'nai)or fortheexternal

phenomenal form (.sarat)There?As long as you have

not abandonedyour self, He will not enterwithin: how abhorrent it is for an angelto be the companion of a devil! So let "yourself'departentirelyfrom betwixtand between,that "He"alone may remain: this is the talethatI havetoldyou:thisis the Wayto divine Unity (tariq-i wa~hdat).

In another poem (1231: 11830-38), Nizari railed against the ethos of obsequious praise indulged in by panegryricalpoets, declaring himself a devotee of the

SUFISM AND ISMA'ILI DOCTRINE IN THE PERSIAN POETRY OF NIZARI QUHISTANI

religion of love. "I am a word-burnernot word-spinner, speech-consumer not speech-writer," he cries. Repudiating the profession of paid panegyrist, he remarks: "Seek Nizari if it's Love you want. If panegryricalpraise, go to Anwari":

and crownof the world. Love is the consummation Createdbeingsarenot worthyof Love's leadership. Love is King, and upon all it is incumbentto obey him,be theybe pious devoteesor libertines.In fact, thesultansof theworldbehavewithdevotiontowards Love, actingwith servility.In the expositionof the Lover,the Beloved and Love, I work magic, and here'sthesorcery!I amfreefrompraisinganycreated being - may God forbid it - for it would be degradingfor Jesusto bearan ass'sburden.How can one who is drunkout of his senses pretendto be clever?How can a man devoidof accomplishments not a wordcomprehend poetry?I am a word-bumer, a not a speech-writer: spinner, speech-consumer, iconoclasmis differentfrom iconolatry.Although Qanbarwas the freedslave who belongedto 'Ali, it does not suit 'Ali to behavelike a slavishbaboon. Seek Nizari if it's Love you want, but if it's praiseyou desire,seek it fromAnwarI. panegryrical Nizari's rankand staturein the Persianpoetic canon vas certainly better appreciatedby his contemporaries han by modem literary critics. In one of the earliest :opies of his Diwcan,calligraphedby 'Abd al-Rashidb. ;haykh 'AbdullahKhalawi a century after his death in 337/1433,Nizari is given such titles as "King of Poets" Malik al-shu'ara), "Sovereign of the Philosophers" Sultpdn al-hukama'), "Leader of the Mystics" Muqaddam al-'urafa'), and even "Counsellor of

231

Princes and Ministers" (Ndsih al- 'umard' wa 'lwuzard'), demonstratinghow highly he was esteemed by his own immediate contemporaries.13 Shaykh Adhari Tusi (d. 866/1461), the poet laureateof Sultaan Ahmad Shah Bahmani (reg. 825-37/1421-33), in his

stillunpublished "Jewelsof theMysteries"(Jawahiralasrdr), likewise commends Nizari for being a "comprehensive poet" (sha'ir-i jdmi).14 Considering

the fact that only a decade has passed since the publication (1993) of Mujtahidzada'stwo-volume criticaleditionof his Diwan,it is fairto say thattoday scholars still have not made a proper appraisalof his

poetic oeuvre.Aside from the thousandsof lines of mathnawiverse that he composed,NizarI'sDiwdn represents a monumental achievement, totalling altogether 1408 ghazals and qasidas, amounting altogetherto 13,646couplets.His Diwdn,whichis the basis of the preliminaryresearchcarriedout in this essay,proveshimto be themostprolificIsma'ilipoetin the Persianlanguage- andcertainlythe greatestpoet in Persianliteratureof the Isma'ili persuasionafter Nasir-iKhusraw(d. 470/1077). III. LITERARYINFLUENCESON NIZARI'SPOETRY If and when a comprehensivehistoryof Persian literaturein the Mongol period is ever composed, Nizari's poetic corpus will certainly be recognised as

being highly significantfor the light it sheds on the socio-politicalhistoryof the Il-KhanidPersia.Mazahir Musaffa, editor of his Diwcan, underlinesthat "in Nizari'sghazals there are many signs of the impact

232


which the fanaticallyjealous,prejudicedand bigoted peopleof his age haduponhim.Thesetypesof people were constantlyrevilingand slanderinghim, accusing him of heresy.Each of his ghazalsis a cuttingsword heldup beforehis abusivecriticsandslanderers."'5 The from lines a in the main following qasida (not given text of his Diwdn)give a flavourof the deeppolitical dissatisfactionand social pessimismwhich permeates Nizari'sverse:16

Theworldhasbeendevastated by clericswhoskim off charitable forthemselves! donations Go,Nizari, and dress yourselfin the garmentsof obtuse Donotidlysowawaytheseedof yourlife ignorance. inthisworld'sfarmlands, stockinthethought putting you'll reap any harvest from such brackish marshland. mindinclineto Whyshoulda reasonable hearthesermon a Whendida preached by hypocrite? doctorever prescribeopiumto a psychotic?The has perfidyandviceof theso-called"folkof virtue" reachedsucha pointthatit is de rigueurthatwe commendand acclaimanybodywho is a knave! whathavetheylearned fromstudying Islamic Indeed, but the art of fraud and jurisprudence imposture, Whathavetheygleanedfrompursuitof humbug? knowledgeandlearningbut enmityandhostility? Alas!If it wasn'tforthefactthattheyfearedit might rousepopularagitation againstthem,theselearned divinesskilledin jurisprudence themselveswould consume wineinpublicfromonhighintheirpulpits! GoOusttryit outforyouself):invitea Muslim jurist to a banquet: you'llseehowlikea cathe'llshowup for lunchalso whenyou invitehimto dinner!... So,

if I ampaganunbeliever, tellmewho'stheMuslim? Whereis hetobefound?Insuchcircumstances, it'sa that someone like who is in slack faith pity myself

(muqassir)did not becomean Islamicextremist (ghuluww)!'7

A highly celebratedpoet duringhis own lifetime, Nizari composedverses directlymodelledon a wide rangeof earlyclassicalPersianpoets,includingShahidThe voices of i Balkhi,Rudaki,DaqiqiandKhdqani.18 Sana'IandNizamiarealso centralto the inspirationof Inhis mathnawi Nizari'smathnawiandghazalpoetry.19

poemDastar-nama,"Bookof Directives",dedicatedto the drinkingof wine,20discussedin sectionIV below, Nizariappearsto be stronglyaffectedby thepoeticstyle of Firdawsias well.21The literarystrainsof 'Attarand Rami,all of whose wise dictahe directlyadmonishes the readerto emulate,22 also stronglypervadehis verse, while his mathnawipoemAzharu mazharwas written in directimitationof 'Attar'sKhusraw-ndma.23 MazahirMusaffadevotes thirty pages (315-45) documenting Sa'di's influence on Nizari, noting numerousoccasionson whichhe explicitlyparaphrases or else directlyincludes(tad1min)hemistichsfromthe Bfistanorghazalsof Sa'diin his poetry,andjudgesthat Sa'di is the most influentialpoet upon him.24He convincinglydemonstratesthe presenceof common conceptualnotionsutilisedby bothpoets, althoughin regardto theirmutualuse of end-rhymes, poeticdevices andmetres,the greaterpartof his comparisonsseemto be farfetchedandunconvincing. Nizari's influence on Hafiz's Diw~n was first in hisBihdristanwho observedthat pointedoutby Jamni "theliterarystyle of HUafiz's poetryis close to thatof in Nizari Quhistani,although Nizari'spoetrythereis much unevennessof qualityto be found,contraryto thatof Hafiz."25 This influence,which is documented Ghultm 'AlI ChangizBaybtirdi,is highlightedas by


well by Musaffa, who presents some twenty-six pages of parallel verses exemplifing the deep influence of NizAri'sverse on Hafiz (347-73). Many if not most of the parallels cited both by Baybirdi and Musaffa, however, are of a loosely conceptual natureratherthan concernedwith metrics or imagery.In my opinion, they constitute these critics' personal estimation ratherthan any irrefutable literary demonstration of Nizari's themes and ideas influencing the genius of Hafiz. Nonetheless, from these influences alone it is obvious that Nizari was steeped in the broad spectrum of the classical Persianpoetic tradition,within which he certainly holds a pivotal place as the most important IsmW'ilire-interpreterof this canon of the Mongol period.

IV.NIZARI'SBACCHANALIA AlthoughE.G.Browne(writingtowards1920)was of the opinion that "Nizari's poems ... though spirited

enough,appearfor the most partto be of the usual Bacchanalian type,andgive littleorno indicationof the a poet's religiousviews or generalcircumstances,"26 closerexaminationof his Diwin revealsthis to be far fromthe truth;not only can one finddistinctlyIsma'ili tendencies(see below,VI), butalso some quiteprecise indicationsof his religiousviews in his verse,exposing the deep effect of Sufism (see below, VII) on his thought.However,thereis no doubtthatBacchanalian imagerypredominantsin Nizari'spoetry,as Browne maintained.Of NizAri'spenchantfor wine, Mazahir Musaffacommentsastutely, Hisghazalsareso completely steepedin winefrom onecansaythatfromamong endto endthatperhaps writersof (Persian) ghazalsno otherpoetis equalto statesof ofwine,indepicting Nizariinthedescription wineandwine-drinking. andin praising intoxication historians So it is notwithoutcausethatmostliterary of wine".27 himasa "bard haveconsidered In a key poem concerning repentance from intemperancethe poet admonishes himself: "For forty years I have bathed myself in the blood of the winegrape ... Now I have repentedfrom what is forbidden, and have broken my pledge to the wine-goblet. My head is drunkwith anothertype of cup; my wine from anothersort of tavern is drunk.On that my heart is set

233

andin thislies my health:to drinkthewine thatis pure and celestial."28Nizari - accordingto his own account

here- was a tipplerof wine fora periodof someforty years, until suddenly he underwenta conversion experience.He took refuge in a mosque where he repentedof his ways,buthis teetotalismlastedonlytwo years, for he soon returned "like Khayyam (Khayycmvdr)"29- as he confesses - to his former habits. The fact that his mathnawi poem, the Dastifrndima(written in 710/1310 when Niza~riwas 65 years old) is devoted to praise of wine and the rites of winedrinking,demonstratesthat the poet to the very end of his life remained fascinated and enthralled by the "daughterof the vine." No doubt out of deference to the intensely mystical dimension of his poetry,Musaffainterpretssuch clearly secular biographicalreferences to wine as constituting pure allegory,wine being understoodas a foil to convey Sufi ecstasy.30It must be said that, far from being an alien modem imposition, this mystical interpretationof Nizari's bacchanalian verse is of ancient provenance, and was first expressed by Dawlatshdh Samarqandic. 892/1487 who in his celebrated"Memoirsof the Poets" (Tadhkirat al-shu'ari), alluding to the debate then going on about the religious vs. secular nature of NizarI'spoetry,wrote: Some folk considerNizari to be a monotheistand gnostic,othersas belongingto the Isma'ilisect. For howevermuchhis discourseconcernstheworshipof and wine andthe ritesandartsof politeconversation his wordsdisplaymuchgnosticwisdom intoxication, andexpoundmanyspiritualtruthsas well. Fromthe interiorrealityof his words(haqiqat-isukhanan-iu), it is apparentthathe was wise man,an adeptin the spiritualveritiesof things,so to harbourill-faithabout himis pureslander.31 Dawlatshahis completely correctin his observation thatnearly all the bacchanalianverses in his ghazals are surfeited with a profound mystical content as well. Ghazal 1362, ostensibly in praise of wine, for instance, reads (in prose translation): What sort of slanderis this that they say I have repentedof wine? God forbidit that I shouldever repent(tawba)- when did I ever repentof wine? Standup, O cupbearerandpourthatspiritualwater (ab-i ma'nawi)into the goblet:othersarequickened

JOURNALOF PERSIANSTUDIES

234

it to lifeby thespirit,butourspiritis livingthrough thedervishand (wine).Thekingandhis kingdom; andmeandlove:indeed,astheysay,all contentment, to thingsreturn theirownorigins.... Fromthepurity of theelemental ofwine,themystery of the substance forallofthishueandcry Invisible Realmis disclosed, hasbeensentoutintheworldfromtheking'sgoblet. Yetit is hardto tellwhethersuchpoemsspringfrom or were any genuinemysticalexperienceor state (.hal) Nizlri just passing poetic moods. In anotherpoem, expressedexactlythe oppositesentiment,claimingto "haverepentedfromwine, notwithaversionbutrather with avid desire!"32 Any intellectualconsistencythat can be readinto suchcontradictory poetic expressions to my mind lies only on the level of the esoteric exegesis of symbols, in which the internalsemiotic substance(ma'na) of the metaphor,ratherthan its conceptuallexicalshell(lafz)is auditedby theearof the ~p;~pu

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creative imagination. "In nature, each individual symbol plays innumerableparts,as each particleof mattercirculatesin turnthroughevery system,"said RalphWaldoEmersonin his study of Swedenborg's doctrine of correspondences."The central identity enablesany one symbolto expresssuccessivelyall the of qualitiesandshadesof realbeing.Inthetransmission fits everyhydrant.Nature heavenlywaterseveryhose avenges herself speedily on the hard pedantrythat wouldchainherwaves. She is no literalist.Everything mustbe takengenially,andwe mustbe at thetopof our condition,to understand anythingrightly."33 But leavingasidethe questionof whetheror notthe wine in Nizari'sversewas of the physicalor figurative nature,metaphoricalof ecstasy,or in actualitydrunk from a banquetingchalice,it is the spiritualpleasure ratherthanphysical effectof the wine that is always

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emphasisedin his poetry.Thatthe esotericdimension of bacchanalianintoxicationis the key topos of his Persiankhamriyyais evidentfromtwo key sectionsof the Dastfir-nama(vv. 406-15: on "The Spiritual Stations of the Wine-Drinkers;"vv. 456-65: on "SpiritualFlight and Divine Inspiration"),each of which describesthe transcendence of egocentricselfconsciousnesson the partof "thedrunkards," narrating theirexperienceas a kind of mysticalhierosgamosin which a "chymicalwedding"takesplacebetweenthe wine of the glassandthe wine of praiseof God. andwine imageryalso appearin his Wine-drinking verseas a deliberateact of socialsubversion:a kindof poetic device used to criticise the spirituallyarid asceticsand ignorantclericswho repudiateor do not recognise the supremacyof the religion of love. Replyingto an asceticwho teasedhim thathe should considerswearingan oathon the wine he drank,Nizari verses:34 pennedthesemordantanti-clerical

cS~~i- j4-?

"Yououghtto swearanoathbythewineyoudrink," an aridPharisee asceticpostulated I me."Shaykh," to firstimbibeabitmoreof "Ibidyouinstead replied, After thiswineof yourself-conceit andvainglory. if luck be that, mate, your you'll then drinking cat own the devours her kittens." comprehend why In replyto anothercriticalcleric,he putsthe same point even more bluntly. The real immoralityis egocentricism,not the so-calledvice of drunkenness. Selfhoodis thesourceof all sin,whereasintoxicationat least may lead to the drinkerto a kind of selftranscendence.Deliberatelyto find fault with your fellow-manis a vice farworsethandrunkenness, forthe latteronly temporarily affectsthe drinker'sstate,while the formeris a permanent blightuponall goodwilland neighbourlycontent.35

)(r

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235

AlthoughI adorewine, you yourselfare a drunkard too, so why,dearsir,do you censureme? All I drink is thejuice of grapes,but you soak up the blood of your fellow men. So don't adopt such an austere countenenceuponsuch a poor conjecture.Of prime importance, O savant,is thatfirstyou washyourself clean of your own faults.Then, once you become pure,you will neveragainseek to know- nor ever see or tell again- the faultsof othermen.

beasts?Nothing.Go, ask the priceof life frommen to life. ... Everypersonhas whoseheartsarequickened theirown peculiarcourse,wit andway. Ourwit and of purity(ahl-i way is thatof theheartof thebrethren no thanwine there exists substance Sufi, purer safa).O - listento Nizariforhe speaksthetruthto you.

As such verses prove, even Nizari's apparent "worldliness" always has an otherworldly aim: his apparent libertinism is surfeited with moral intent. Despite the seeming profanityof much of his verse, the actual content of his poetic imagery is steeped in Sufi symbolism, the outwardly secular imagery of which conveys a message full of moral purpose, all his verse being based on mystical topoi drawn from the typical vocabulary of Sufism: (e.g. contentment,patience, the superiorityof love over reason, the veil of the self, etc.) that permeatesthe poetic inspirationof other Sufi poets of the Mongol period. In any case, our modem pietistic theological sensibility that attempts to evaluate the conceptual cosmos of mediaeval Persian poet using dualisticcategoriesof "profaneworldlypractices"vs. socalled "sacredmorality"- characteristic,for example of the Christianpietism of the English metaphysicalpoets (excluding Donne) - shall never be usefully appliedto any of the PersianSufi poets. In the end, as with Hiafiz's which directlyfollows NizarIin the praiseof Sciqi-naima, "the charismaticaof wine,"36it is of the gnosis of wine that the poet sings, celebrating a drunken esoteric before which the wisdom, the "philosopher'santidote,"37 into world insignificance. pales physical

Scholars and Tadhkira writers have varying opinions concerning the derivation of "Nizari," the poet's adoptedpen-name. According to E.G. Browne, it was derived from his devotion to the eldest son of Fatimid Caliph al-Mustansir: Nizar b. al-Mustansir (437-88/1045-95), a claimant to the Fatimid throne, whose claims to legitimacy, afterhis execution in 1095, were taken up by HIasan Sabbah, through whose preaching a separate Nizari Isma'ili state came into existence in Seljuq Persia.38 Browne's view is not corroborated by Mazahir Musaffa, the editor of his Diwan, who believes in the possibility, due to two couplets that appear in his Diwan, that his pen-name was given to him by the Sunni ruler Shams al-Din 'Ali Shah (reg.

antidote. Bringme wine,forwineis thephilosopher's Do notdrinkwithoneunworthyof it;do notgive it to onewho doesnotearnestlydesireit. Oneshouldnever prescribewine by force on anyoneexcept for one languishingin dipsomania,in whichcase, the rule is Whatvaluedoeswine haveto thatforceis permitted.

be exact, as derived from an elder cousin of his named "Sa'd al-Din Nizarl" who held a high position in the Kart court.42Professor Safa cites several verses from the Diwan to try to clinch this point, concluding that "it is certainthat 'Nizarl' was not merely the title adopted by the poet, but rather was a title used by other

V. THE POET'S NOM-DE-PLUME

688-708/1289-1308,39

who belonged to a dynasty

ruling over Sistan40),for whom Nizari worked, as well as his vizier 'Ala' al-Din Hindai,as an official and a court poet. One author- Borodin - identifies Nizari as attached to the court of the Kart Maliks of Herat; another - Bayburdi - believes his patrons to have been local rulers and Mongol officials in Quhistan.41 Dhabihullah Safa considers his pen-name to be "a sobriquetbelonging to the poet's family name" and, to

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membersof his family.The poet,however,chose it as his particularnom-de-plume,... and this sobriquetis also without a doubt derived from either the genealogicalaffiliationor the devotionof his familyto al-Mustafali-DinAllah,famedas Nizar,the son of alProfessorSafa goes on to Mustansirbi'llahFatimi."43 cite the accountgivenby FasihKhwdfiin his Mujmal-i in the entry detailingthe events of the year Fash.i, 721/1224,in whichKhwfif statesthat"thepoetHakim NizarlQuhistanI, whose surnamewas Sa'dal-Din,was fromBirjand.He camefromthe familylineageof 'Ala' al-Din Mulhid, who was a disciple of Mustansir Isma'ili."44The "Mustansir Isma'ili"mentionedhereis of courseNizar,while "'Ala'al-DinMulhid"is most probably 'Ala' al-Din Muhammad(reg. 618-53/ 1221-55, son of Jalalal-Din Hasan,the penultimate Isma'iliImamto reign beforethe Mongol onslaught, who was for a periodthe patronof Nasiral-DinTuisi.45 FromKhwafi'snotice,ProfessorSafaadducesthat"itis obviousthateitherthe grandparents of the poet,dueto their devotionto al-Mustafali-Din Allah, famed as Nizar, adopted this genealogical pedigree for themselves,or else theyconsideredthemselvesto be his descendents."46 ProfessorSafafurtherspeculatesthatNizari'sfather Shams al-Din Muhammadwas "perhapsthe son of andthebrotherRuknal-Din ['Ala'al-Din]Muhammad If this is true, this would make an Khurshah."47 aristocraticIsma'ili nobleman out of Nizari: the nephew,no less, of the lastNizarlImam:Ruknal-Din Khurshdh Khurshah, (son of 'Ala'al-DinMuhammad). it who, maybe recalled,hadsucceededhis fatherto the imamate in 653/1255, before submitting to the dissolutionanddestructionof the militarygarrisonsof Nizarikingdomatthe handsof theMongolsandfinally being executedby them in 655/1257).48 The fact that both Ruknal-DinKhurshth'sbrotherandNizaWr's son were called "Shahanshah" lends greatercredenceto Safa'sspeculations.Concludinghis reviewof Nizari's Isma'iliconnections,Safaopines: In the bookHidcyatal-mi'minin("A Presentto the

Faithful"),which is also known as Tarikh-i it is ("TheHistoryof the Isma('ilis"), Ismi'%llyya mentioned thatNizarIwasoneof themissionaries of the Isma'llisin Quhistan. Insofaras themissionary oftheIsmR'ilis ofIranduring hislifetime organisation hadfallen,as we wellknow,intoa complete stateof it is not clear whether had himself disarray, Nizari

beengiventheformaltitleof Dd'. Thesolepiecede thathe andhisfamilywereableto puton resistance exhibitamidstallthatriotandmeleewastherescuing fromsuccumbing to theperilof of theirownlife-raft waves.But this muchhoweveris thesetumultous to certain: Nizari,andtherestof hisfamily,belonged a clanof high-profile notables of theIsma'llisectin Quhistan,in which they possessedan eminent role.49 leadership Although Mazahir Musaffa declares himself undecidedaboutthe derivationof the pen-name,he adduced ultimatelytendsto favourtheabovearguments by ProfessorSafa concerningNizari'snoble Isma'ili ancestry.In herstudyof Nizari'slife andworks,Nadia Jamalhas also reviewedvariousopinionsaboutthe provenanceof his pen-name,without reachingany definite conclusions in this respect. However, she stronglyemphasisesboth the Isma'ilibackgroundof as poet'sfamilyandhis own adherenceto Isma'ilism5so the key factorof his intellectualbiography.But, since this study is primarilyconcernedwith the doctrinal natureandimportof Nizari'sverse,the aboveoverview of the scholarlycontroversiessurroundinghis own poeticself-identitymustforthe momentsuffice. VI. ISMA'ILIDIMENSIONSOF NIZARI'S POETRY FarhadDaftarypointsoutthatin pre-SafavidPersia, a coalescenceemerged"betweenPersianSufismand NizariIsma'ilism,whichrepresentedtwo independent esoterictraditionsin Islam.It is owingto this Isma'iliSufi coalescence,still even less understoodfrom the Sufi side,thatit is oftendifficultto ascertainwhethera certainpost-Alamftt Persiantreatisewas writtenby a Nizfri authorinfluencedby Sufism,or whetherit was producedin Sufi milieus exposed to Ismj'ilism."s5 Thesecommentscertainlyringtruein regardto Nizari's of Isma'ilidoctrine poetryin whichthe amalgamation with Sufi symbolsand conceptsis so completethat analysisof the significanceof a certainverse,without simultaneousstudyof boththese esoterictraditions,is well-nighimpossible.In the light of his Sufi-Isma'ili intellectualsyncretism,in what follows, I will first attemptto highlightthe explicitlyIsma'ilimotifsin his poetrybeforeproceedingto examinethe Sufidoctrines andsymbols(in the followingsectionVII)therein.


Therearemanylinesin Nizari'sDiwanwhichattest to his Isma'ilifaith,andas S. Ridt Mujtahidzada points out, his poetry is so steeped in Isma'ili technical terminology that his adherence to this religious denominationis beyond all doubt.52Albeit, Nizari's Isma'iliideasarealwaysexpressedwithinthecontextof Sufism;it is as if the two doctrinesinterfusedeach other,makingof him a kind of Sufi Isma'ili or an Isma'iliSufi, so thathe appearsto wear the robes of bothreligiouscommunitiessimultaneously. The followingghazal(746: 7349-59), in whichthe poet expresslycalls himselfbothan Isma'Ilida'i anda masterof a Sufikhanaqdh, forinstance,is typicalof his in this religioussyncretism respect:

(7349) There exists for us an absoluteopposition betweenTruthandFalsity(suchthatbetweenthetwo) there hangs suspendeda sword sharpas a hairs' breadth.(7350) Listento a piece of friendlyadvice fromme, O friend:do not inclineyourselfto those whosejudgementis flawed;do not listento thewords of fools. (7351) For once take the "I'H" of hayrat andput it nextto the Qif of (mysticalbewilderment) qurb(intimacywithGod)[i.etheArabicletters.H + Q = Truth]so thatit will be essentiallyevidentto = HIaqq how the Mimof Muhziqq (thetrueIsma'iliadept) you becomesascertained. (7352) Marywas a virgin,else how could she have bornethe Messiah?Hallajwas dead,else how hadhe eversaid:"Iam God"?(7353) Everyexotericrealityyousee is notwithoutitsesoteric dimension: Listento thesummonsof theMissionfrom a certifiedmissionary.(7354) Adoptyourselfto the so thatI may presentmoment'sinfluxof inspiration obtaina promise[of realisingthisesotericdimension]

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for you. Do not let yourhandbe withouta cupof the bestclaretwine.(7355)I ama masterof thekhanaqdch, thatis to say, of the wine-house:simplecottonand wool is all I want,not silk andgold brocade.(7356) Youhavenotevenimbibeda scent(of reality)andyet you relate yourself to Shaykh Sadiq. This affair concerns spiritual impoverishment(iftiqdr), not (wearing)greenorbluerobes.(7357)I holdsomeone's love (mihr,also"sun")in myheartwhowhena miracle neededto be displayed,was ableto therendthemoon in twainin theheavens.(7358)Thelove of theWallis kneadedintomy fleshandblood.Do you knowwho thatis? It is thatCommander-general, (whowas) the lion on the battlefieldof the [Battleof the] Trench.

(7359)Denseidiots- I know- detestNiza•r,butjust because sham traditionalists finds faults with these words,there'sno needto get upset. This poem is importantin placing in perspectiveboth the Ismi'ili context of his Sufi expression and the Sufi context of his Isma'ili Shi'ism. On the one hand, clear indicationsof his Batini persuasioncan be seen in verses such as 7353, where the poet explicitly identifieshimself as posessing a relatively high degree in the Isma'ili esoteric hierarchy: that of the "certified missionary" (dc'i-yi musaddaq).53In Isma'ili gnosis, the role of the dc't-yi mutlaq or "authorisedmissionary" - a term more or less equivalent here to Nizari's "certified missionary"(didi-yi musaddaq)- is to initiate seekers into the higher realms of knowledge and acquaintthem with "angelology;to initiatethem in the ta 'wil,that is to say, in esoteric exegesis," as Henry Corbinpoints out.54 This is exactly what Nizari asks his readerto apprehend


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from this verse:hearkento the esotericteachingand Qufr'nicexegesis fromone certifiedandauthorisedto expoundit, he inculcates,for everyouterphenomenon has an esotericdimensionwhichsustainsit (the gist of the first hemistichin which he professesthe classic Isma'ilidoctrinethatevery outerdimensionof reality innerone,batin). [zahir]has a corresponding other Onthe hand,two lineslater,in verses7355-56 of thisghazal,we findtwo clearlySufireferences:

wordsfromhimhere,sincethey(theSufis)areall one. WhenI mentionhim,I mentionthemall."56 Concerning the technicalterm iftiqdr(impoverishment), Sahl b. 'AbdullahTustari(d. 896) says, "No denserveil than claims(da'wa)existsbetweenGod makingpretentious and the devotee.Thereis no closer way to God than spiritual impoverishment(iftiqdr) before Him."57 Spiritualpoverty(faqr),of course,is anothertermfor Sufismitself,whichis theultimatesubjectof boththese couplets (7355-56).

I ama master of thekhinaqih,thatis to say,of a wine-house; Simplecottonandwoolis allI need,notsilkandgold brocade. Youhavenotevenhada scent(ofreality) andyetyou to Shaykh relateyourself Sa~diq; Thisaffairconcerns spiritual impoverishment (iftiqdr), not(wearing) greenorbluerobes. When,in couplet7355, Nizarilays claimto be "a masterof the khcnaqdh,"he clarifiesthis image as being both an allegoricalexpressionand a spiritual

The final lines of the ghazal (7357ff.) furnisha Shi'itetheologicalcontextforthe Isma'ilismof the first five couplets,containingan explicitlyShi'itereference to 'Ali, the son-in-lawof the Prophet.In sum, as a poetic melangeof Isma'ilidoctrinescouchedin Sufi allegoricalimagery,thisghazalgives a goodillustration of Nizari'shighly originalbrandof Isma'iliShi'ism infusedwith Sufism or Sufi Isma'Ilismimbuedwith Imami Shi'ism.

The following lines (vv. 979-80) from another ghazal(98: 970-83) also providea clearexpressionof the Isma'Iliambienceof his poetry: C. j jU 3

c

ILidiW

LoI

1

i ?) 5)

Li (979)ListentotheLordsof esoteric exegesis(arbdb-i

rank,equatingthe Sufi symbol and institutionof the khanaqdh to a sharib-khana or Winehouse, which

is "symbolicof the Angelic accordingto al-Tahanawi, as well as World, signifyingthe inner being of the perfectgnosticwhich is full of yearningand creative Inthe second exhuberance inspiredby divinegnosis."55 hemistich,he emphasisesthathe is concernedmoreover with the interiordisciplineof spiritualimpoverishment (cottonandwool: the essentialsubstance,s~if of "S.ifand ism"),ratherthanmereexteriortrappingsof power glory(silk andgoldbrocade). In the next line (7356), citing "ShaykhSadiq," Nizari'srefersto the sixth Shi'iteImamAbu Ja'faralSadiq(d. 765), reveredbothby Isml'ilis and Sufis as one the foundingfatherof theircommunities.Thusthe Sufi poet 'Attarlists al-Sadiqas the first Sufi in his Tadhkiratal-awliya, statingthat "since most of the discoursesmadeaboutthe Sufi Pathfromamongstthe membersof the House (ahl-i bayt;i.e. Shi'ites)have been madeby him, and since therearemoreaccounts relatedfrom him than others,I have narrateda few

ta'w?l)!

Whatarealltheseanthropomorphic comparisons (tashbih)?

Onecannot findthewaterof lifeexceptbywayof Guidance.58 theleaderof thegnostics inthe (980)Yesindeed, Resurrector (qa'im): Butheis (notjust)a Resurrector, butonewhose essenceis self-subsistent. Thetermta wil usedin verse979 is a technicalterm in the Isma'ili lexicon for allegoricaland esoteric of the Qur'an,59 the Isma'ilisthemselves interpretation also being known as the ahl-i ta'wil: those who practiceesotericexegesisof the Qur'~n.In the second hemistich of this verse, the polarity of ta'wil and tashbihis mentioned,the doctrinalcontextof which alludes to the Isma'ilis' general rejection of the theologicalattemptto understandGod by means of comparisonsand analogies,an approachwhich led, they held, to anthropomorphism(tashbih).60 The


Isma'ilis formulated their own doctrine of a ta'wil, a secret epistemological method of scriptural analysis that is intimately bound up with the notion of absolute obedience to the Imam of the Age. Paul Walker's summary of this doctrine emphasises the theological authorityof the Imam which buttresses its application: Free,personalexerciseof the rightto performta wil thatcomesonly from does notbringwithit certitude; adherenceto God's divineguidanceas providedon earthand in historyby the lawgivingprophetsand thosewhowerechosento standin theirplace.Thetwo doctrines are intimately related; ta'wil - the interpretativeact - and nubuwwa- apostolic

prophecy- arethehalvesof onewhole.Interpretation confirmsinterpretation.61 authority requiresauthority; It is for this reason that in the same breathand verse thatNizZriadmonisheshis readerto "listento the masters of the esoteric exegesis (arbab-i tail)," he also claims that the living waters of divine inspirationare only fed from the stream of divine "Guidance."It is this which forms the theme of the next verse (980) - that is, the Alamfit-periodNizIA-Isma'ili doctrine of the "Resurrector"(qi'im) according to which, as FarhadDaftary explains, the "resurrectionwas interpretedspirituallyon the basis of Isma'ili ta'wil to mean recognition of the unveiled truthin the spiritualrealityof the rightfulimam of the time who was none other than the Nizari Isma'ili

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imam."62Thus,in the space of only two couplets,ourpoet admonisheshis readerto follow the science of esoteric scriptural interpretation, to eschew making anthropomorphiccomparisonsbased on sensory reason,and to follow the inspiredImhm'sor Qa'im'sguidance,without whom the entiredoctrineof ta wil cannotbe understood or put into practice.In such verses, the Niz-rian Isma'ili natureof Nizari'sthoughtis beyond all doubt. In the following qasida,63 Nizari selects his audience strategically on the grounds of their being cognoscenti of his specialist Isma'ili terminology; Isma'ili lore here becomes the touchstone of real knowledge. None but adepts in the science of ta wil, he says, merit his poetical discourse:

(1) I havenothingto sayto anyonewho doesn'tknow the differencebetweenthe paintedimage (timthal) andthe symbolicrepresentation (tamthil).(2) Do not thinkthat(real)indigoresemblesthepaintedimageof the bride'scosmeticblue. (3) You don'tpossessthe innerearof the soul (thefacultyof spiritualaudition) and thus cannotdistinguishbetweenthe trumpetof Sarafiland the blacksmith'syell ...(5) The truthful adept (muhiqq)has no fear of a party of vain falsehoods:for even the elephantis subduedby the wretchedfly. (10)... ToMuhammad was revealedthe Qur'dn;to Moses (kalim)andJesus(riih),the Torah andGospels;(11) In eachwordof these,therelies a hundredmysteries:otherwise,whatdifferencewould existbetweenthe wordsof God?(12) Theremustbe

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a veraciousinterpreter who professesthe truth(of thesetexts);otherwise therewouldbe no difference betweenthe esotericexegesis(ta•w/l)andits literal revelation(tanzil).(13) Distinguishbetweenthe imam actingimam(mustawda')andthe appointed this one subtlepointcomprisesthe (mustaqarr): wholefoundation of the(scienceof)esoteric exegesis mustreadwhatis laiddownin the One (taw/l).(14) Scriptureusing the soundassetsof the present moment(naqdal-waqt). Howlongwillyouprateon of MosesandIsma'il? (15)What's pastwasthelotof thosewhohavepassedaway:enoughof thetaleof CainandAbel!(16)Nizariis nothimselfby intent one shouldnot rely merelyupon trustworthy: "theoretical goodwill.(17)Your(Nizari's) knowledge has of certitude" become "directly ('ilmal-yaqin) certitude" perceivedexperiential ('ayn al-yaqin): and you'refreefromboththe literarycommentary fromitsexegetical exposition.

from the Isma'ili lexicon, having been applied to the extensivelyby Nasiral-DinTusiin his Tasawwurat in the who follow the highestadepts Ismi'ilihierarchy to the eminentpositionof Imam,roughlycorresponding In the "gnostic('rij)" in Sufitheosophicalspeculation. the same text, Tisi also explainsthat while in the beginningtheforcesof evilandvanityappearas superior and overwhelmingin force,in the end the powersof goodnessandrectitudesubduethem.Niz~ri'ssimileof to deathby a fly in its ear,whichis the elephanttortured a well-knowntoposin Persianpoetry,expressesthisin a suitablypoeticfashion. In lines 10 and 11 the poet addressesthe central subjectof the poem:the esotericbasisof prophetology and scripturalhermeneutics.Although Sufis and Isma'ilis in their respective doctrines of esoteric exegesisdiverge,it is a commonnotionin bothIsma'ili andSufithoughtthatthe sacredscriptures haveseveral esotericdimensions,each of which demandsa greater degree of insight than the precedingone.67 To the While the technicalterminologyand imageryof Isma'ilis(as Nizariin the next two verses 12 and 13 a in and blend this Sufism into of the esotericsense of the Isma'ilism melange explains),the apprehension is of an the resultant more pastiche clearly qasida, Qur'andepends upon the presence of the Imam's Isma'ilithana Sufi tinge. "I have nothingto say,"he personalexegesis:it is not thathis personis endowed exists begins in the first line, "to anyonewho doesn'tknow with truth,but ratherthat the Truth/Haqq/God the differencebetweenthe paintedimage(timthil)and throughhis person.Thisstandsin contrastto the Sunni the symbolicrepresentation (tamthil)."The distinction Sufiperspectiveon the exegeticalkey of tav'wl,theuse between the paintedimage (timthal)and allegorical of whichis understood as dependentsolelyon denialof representation (tamthil),highlightedby the poet here, the self andnegationof the aspirant'spassions.68 alludesto the Isma'ilidichotomybetweenthe literal The distinction between "the acting imam wordof the divinerevelation(tanzil)andits allegorical (mustawda')" and "theappointedimam(mustaqarr)," to the common mentioned exegesis (ta'wil), corresponding by the poet in line 13, relatesto dichotomy hermeneuticaldistinction between a mythological betweenmajazand?haqiqat, which (in the contextof as Islamictheology)maybe translated as "appearance" vs. symbolbeingtakenliterally,andits beinginterpreted Thusthe Ismf'ilipoet iconographicof a highertruth.64 "reality,"and (in context of rhetoric and literary Nasir-iKhusrawwrote:"Positivereligion(shari'at)is theory69) as "figurative speech" vs. "veritable the exotericaspectof the spiritualIdea (haqiqat)and expression," in whichrespect,thiscoupletreinstatesthe the spiritualIdea is the esoteric aspect of positive timthial vs. tamthildichotomyof the firstline.The"true and real"(haqiqi)spiritualleaderhimself"comprises religion;positivereligionis the symbol(mathal),the spiritualIdeais thatwhichis symbolised(mamthfil)."65 the whole foundation"- since he is the supreme Whilethis doctrineis centralto Isma'ilihermeneutics, exegete - of the science of esoteric Qur'anic it is also by no meansof marginalsignificancein Sufi hermeneutics, in contradistinctionto the merely doctrine.66 NizTricontinuesto emphasisethedistinction figurative - majizi - imim who is temporarily betweenappearanceand Realityin the followingtwo appointed,and able thus to presentonly an outward verses(2, 3). Inthepurelyhistorical of spiritualauthority. appearance Skippingdowna line, we come to this couplet(5): context,the distinctionbetweenthe two typesof iman can be tracedbackto the Shi'iteIsma'ilidoctrinethat "...Thetruthfuladept(muhiqq) hasno fearof a partyof vainfalsehoods:foreventheelephantcanbe vanquished considers'Ali to have been the first,and Husaynthe by a swarmof flies."The termmuhiqqis againculled second, imin, respectively.Husayn'sbrotherHasan,


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speculation,wasjust a temporary ideas of classical Persian Sufi love-lyricism,Nizari accordingto Ismda'ili claimsthatall knowledgedependson recognisingthe trustee(mustawda ), as distinguishedfromone of the "Imamof the Age": "permanently appointed" Imams (mustaqarr).70 In

short,the entirescienceof esotericexegesisis basedon imamology. Inthe finalfourlinesof thepoem,Nizarirendersan Isma'iligloss upon the Sufi termnaqd al-waqt:"the economic assets of time," or "coin of mystical consciousness,"assertingthat"thesoundassetsof the present moment (naqd al-waqt)"71 is the basis of all

Accordingto many Persian Scripturalinterpretation. Sufis,suchas Rimi72for instance,the sacredScripture is a touchstone(mihakk)on whichone muststrikethe coinof one'sconsciousnessto findoutif it ringstrue.In his manualof Sufi doctrine,the Mirsidal-'ibad,Najm al-DinRazidescribeshis owntextas a touchstoneupon which aspirantsmay strikethe coin of their spiritual moments(naqd al-waqt) to see if they ring true.73 However,thisis notthe senseof thetermnaqdal-waqt whichNizarichosesto employin line 14. In thatverse, thecoinof one'sconsciousnessrefersnotto the interior presentialawarenessof themystic- the sensethatthis termusuallypossessesin Sufism- but ratherto the Nizari'sconclusionto the livingpresenceof the Imram. own his underlines spiritualrealisation,which qasida thatis egocentricor howeveris not an understanding self-consciousin nature(henceexpressedthroughthe paradoxicalclaimthat"Nizariis not himselfby intent but ratherexperientallyproven by his trustworthy") whichis hereidentifiedwith own directunderstanding, the consciousnessof the Imam. In anotherghazal (153: 1527-37),74 also heavily steepedboth in Isma'iliterminologyand imageryand

(1527)VulgarReason'sfoot cannotwalkthe Wayof Love.Intellectuals arealllikebirdsbuttheWayof Love the snare.(1528) Go and studywell all the different

thencometo me,so thatI canshowyouby sciences, way of (the) Proof (hujjat)that all of that (you've

is buthalf-baked. studied) (1529)Anyonetoggedupin a turban whostandsbeforeyou,youstandbehind(in for"thisis theImnam". (1530)Buttheworldis prayer), of theImamof the neverdevoid,evenfora moment, Age.Do notbe hurt(atthis)if youfindit offensive; whatelse canI do?It is thewordof theprophet's (1531)Forcertain,knowthatall designation(nass).75

foryouif healthandwealthandwomenareforbidden of yourAgeis.(1532) youdon'tknowwhotheImhan I'd be glad to sell thatImamatfor (thepriceof) the for the turbanon his headis in candyof drunkards, to wine and cup. (1533) Since your Imin pawn

if I askyouwhichoneof consistsof two(persons), themis yourImam,whatwillyousayinreplytome? ... (1536)All theworlds'religiousjudgeswill (besure to) set theirsignatureto the fatwathat "Nizari,the

drunken sot,is worstamongall themassesandthe nobles." (1537)Theyhavenofearofkillingme,norin me (wouldbe touched by any)smoke,but cremating beardgivesme grief,sincebaby'swhiskers nobody's areall theywear.

The poem begins by discussingthe commonSufi topos of the pre-eminenceof Love over Reasonin the first three couplets (1527-29), before immediately

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plunging(in verses 1530-33) into a discussionof the Shi'ite-Isma'ilidoctrineof the ever-livingpresenceof the Imam.Althoughit is not clearwhetherthe Imam spokenof in these fourverses(1529-33) refersto the living Nizarl Isma'ili or simply the hidden Twelver Imam, it is evidentthat the esotericlore of "Love" transcendsthe scopeof exotericReason.Love'slorein this contextsignifiesknowledgeof the Imam.It is for this reasonthathe claims that (1528) "Go and study well all the differentsciences,thencometo me, so that I canshowyou by way of (the)Proof(hujjat)thatall of that(you'vestudied)is buthalf-baked." In thispoem,one findsthevocabularyandtechnical terminologyof Sufi mysticismharnassedto haul the carriageof Shi'itetheology,andSufieroticlyricismput at the serviceof imamology.76 The theologicalcontext of this ghazalis clarifiedby anotherqasida(citedby

of his theosophy,fusingthetwo intoanoriginalm61ange own making.Beforedrawingany definiteconclusions (VIII)aboutthe precisecontentsof the melange,it will be necessaryto take a closerlook at Nizari'sattitude towardstheSufidoctrinesandsymbolsthatfillhis verse. VII. SUFIDOCTRINESAND SYMBOLS IN NIZARI'SPOETRY Despite all his praise of the Imam noted in the ghazal 153 translated above, and his explicitly pronouncedIsma'ili beliefs, Nizari in some places seems to give his directsupportto the axiomaticSufi doctrineof obedienceto the spiritualmaster(pir).Inhis mathnawi poem Azhar u mazhar,77composed in the

finalyearsof his life, he wrote:

master(pir)adeptin the Diwcn-iNiziri, pp. 78-81, but Onemusthavea spiritual Musaffa,introduction, who hold the seeker'shand,guiding in his to discuss which too long mysteries, may here), Nizariplaces oneselfto context hissteps.Oneshouldsubmitandsurrender Isma'iliSufismin a veryclearautobiographical all hopeanddesire.Thereis no as he expoundshis spiritualrealisationin Sufi terms, him,abandoning - onthecondition that degreehigherthanSurrender againconcludingthe narrativeof his mysticaljourney do not flee from the instructions withversesin praiseof the"Imamof theAge"to whose you'regiven. you hesetshimselfaside. Whena mansurrenders himself, authorityhe has submittedhimself. Whattypeof surrender is itif heneverleaveshimself? Whilethisoverviewof Nizari'sIsma'iliimageryand ideas does demonstratethe extent of the poet's Thesesamesentimentsarereiteratedin his Dastifrto theIsmailifaith,it shouldbe emphasised commitment thatthematerialcitedso farcomprisesonlya tinyportion nama78also composedin the finalyearsof his life, in verses where he encouragesthe readerto follow a of his Persianpoetry.Yet fromthe studyof these few masterspiritualguide(pir-irahbar).Thefinalversesof ghazalsandqasidasalone,it maybe concludedthatit is incorrect to saythatNizariusedthevocabulary of Sufism the poem seemto referto thispir as beingthe Isma'ili of the two notionsof to expressIsma'iliideas;ratherit seemsmoreaccurateto Imam,79causinga hybridisation that he into and to occur. Sufi say integrated spirituality Isma'ili tariqaguidance imamate-directorship


243

O youth,go andseek a spiritualmasterto guideyou (pir-i rahbar),so you make progressforwardby followingbehindhim.Givethereinsof yourselfover

spiritualgroupfrom whom he differentiateshimself, admonishingthe readerto surrenderinsteadto the ta'lim(teaching)of the Imam:

to him, and leave yourselfaside, having no more concernfor (yourown personal)good or ill. When to him has been confirmed,you will your surrender thenbecomean exemplarforboththeworlds.Do not follow the monsterof fantasyand fancy: do not becomeenchantedandcaughtlike a goose in a sack. The one who has experientially verified and personallyrealisedthe truth(muhaqqiq)speaks in anothermanner:do not, do not reston whatis itself shakyandwobbly.Do not follow anyonebut a man of God: your own rationalisationsare just a monstrousbrigand,not a guide.At firstyou will find the truthfuladept(muhiqq)throughGod: then you will findGodconfirmedthroughthetruthfuladept.It is well thatone shouldfollowtheimitmat,forthelight

The Sufissay:"0 you who wait in expectation,be a son of the presentmoment",but I am not one who would just wait in expectation.If Sufis were to accompanyus - what a greattrade-off!- we'll follow the biddingof the Imam,they'll follow the beckandcall of self-will.So listento thisadmonition fromNizarithatyou may be secure:submityourself to the [Isma'ili]teachings(ta'lim)like a man.

of Godis withinhis pureheart.By thatlightyou will be freed from darkness:follow that light, and farewell! Examining NizarI's attitude towards Sufism more closely, one can see that while on the whole it is one of wholesale endorsement, occasionally he does differentiate his own Isma'ili persuasion from formal

doctrinaltasawwuf His denominationaldistinction

between Isma'ilism and Sufism is particularlyvisible in one ghazals80where the Sufis are cited as a separate

In anotherghazal,Nizaridescribesthe "perfection therealisation of Sufism"(J.- J.*JS)as gnosis (a,..), transcendartificial of which permitsthe gnostic to religiousformalismthat would insist on assertinga significant difference between wearing Muslim garmentsandthe Christiancincture.81

Thereis no differenceaccordingto my religion,if you area gnostic,whetheryou weara Muslimmantleon your back, or bind a Christiancinctureaboutyour waist.Do you knowin whatperfectionlies according to the adeptsof Sufism?It lies in gnosticinsight;it's not injumpingup or bowingdown.

But the most importantpoem in his corpus for illustratinghis overall favourableattitude towards - if not actualpursuitSufismandhis endorsement of its principles and practices, is the first major

244

JOURNALOFPERSIANSTUDIES

tothemaster of thesaints a Conveythissecretmessage mathnawicomposedby Nizari,82the Safar-ndma,83 who is the the He The between 678-79/1279-80. master, supreme spiritual traveloguecomposed of revealer of the the revolves around three main themes: mysteries Truth, (i) long poem thesupreme Thesubstance of divineillumination, accountsof young Nizari'slove affairswith various master. women(withinterestingdetailsas to how theseaffairs ThesecondJesus:Aminal-Din,suchthat aided or impededhis spiritualdevelopment);(ii) his Theheavens bowabjectly downbeforehiswill; reactions,often highly critical, to the alien lands, He is Time's that and and towns he awayallheretical sharpsword,severing visited; finally, (iii) peoples homiliesin whichthepoetconfidesthe deeperspiritual deviation, tothecommand of theLordof the Beingobedient meaningor purportto be taken from these various world ... and tales to the dervish vignettes autobiographical reader. was his first Not onlyis theentireSafar-nacmafilledwithpopular Since,as statedabove,the Safar-nama in Nizari his early dervishtalesthattestifyto Nizarl'sfondnessforSufism, major mathnawi,composedby with this the poet's evident initiation into a Sufi tariqa is thirties,it is probablethat his acquaintance broachedin many passages,the most interestingof (his?)Sufimasterbeganduringhis teensor twenties.In the beginningof the Safar-nama,the poet's close which- froma biographical pointof view at leastoccursat the end of the poem, whereNizaridevotes association with dervishes and absorptionin Sufi several pages to writing memoirs in verse to his spiritualpracticesis also clearlyvisible. In 678/1279, he invokesthe Sufi Nizari alightedin Isfahan,the first waystationof his Invariably, travelling-companions. Muse- the Slqi - to makean oblationof wine that journey,wherehe revisiteda longtimefriendandanold himto composea versified fellowSufi,whoencouraged he may drinkto the name and the memoryof his to memoir of his travels faithfulfriends.Many of theirnamesmentionedstill (later becometheSafar-nidma). remain unidentified.84 Among these unknown Here, he commentsthat the entire purpose of the his friendsandrecalltheir personagesone finds the name of a certain"supreme mathnawiis to commemorate masterof mastersAmin al-Din,"to whom the entire friendship,"notto makementionof buildingsandbathThe Sufiambienceof thepoemis especially work was dedicated,whose identity,if discovered, houses.""85 in the lastlineof theseverses86 evident wherehe admits wouldhelp illuminate,andpossiblyanswer,the vexed questionof Nizari'stariqaaffiliation.In praiseof this thatboth his friendand he "hadworn the same Sufi mantlefromthe sameSufimaster,"thatis, werefellow Aminal-Din,Nizariwrites:

Fromme- whowanders bewildered likea ball theworld, around

disciples of the same spiritualguide, demonstrating beyondall doubthis directaffiliationto a Sufitariqa:


245

We took the roadto Isfahanin orderto see a friend, He was thesoulof theworldof knowledge, Iranshah. enviedby all thegrandees.His disciplinewas to wear a Sufi cloak (khirqa)of ascetic restraintand piety, while his versificationgave harmonyto the pen of

passages that immediately follow the above verses, the poet celebrates his own profligacy, deliberately contrastinghis licentious behaviour- afterthe fashion of the Sufi malhmatitradition- to the devout conduct of his dear Sufi friend:

spiritualinsight.He was the friendof my days of loneliness.To speak truthfully,he enlightenedmy vision.87He was a goodlyfaithfulfriend,good to my heart,who alwayskept my hoursgay and cheerful. Both of us wereworethe sameSufi mantle(khirqa) fromthe same spiritualguide (pir), afterabstaining fromharp,fluteanddrink.

Withthe ascetics,he subjectshimselfto stemascetic discipline, while I guzzle down wine alongside beautifulladies.He clingsto the doorof themosque. I hazardmy handdayandnighton gamesof dice.He behaveslike holy men with rectitude:each dawn I holdin handa cupof wine like a libertine.90

cited by Nizari here It is not clearwho the "IrAnshah" is. The Persianphraseis yar Irinshih (oryar-i Irdnshdh: both readings suit the scansion of this particular mathnawi metre), meaning either "a friend (called) Iranshih"or "a friend from Ir?nshdh."If we accept the second sense, Iranshahmay possibly refer to a small village near Isfahan,perhapsto the well-known village in the vicinity of Khurramabad,a major of "IranshWh" between Isfahan and Kirmanshih.88Alternatively, city reference could be to "Shahanshah,"a village the poet's a few kilometres north-west of Isfahan,or to Shahrida, the town south of Isfahanon the road to Abadeh, either of which may have had a differentname in the thirteenth century. If interpretedin the first sense, however following Baiburdi's and Nadia Jamal's opinion here, and translatingthe phrase as "a friend called Ir~nshah" - quite possibly Ir~nsh~hmay be assumed to be an unknown Isma'ili adept.89 However, both of these interpretations will remain completely hypothetical conjectures until we have some definite information from anotherhistoricalsource contemporaryto the poet that confirms and corroboratesthe meaning or identity of the person or place-name "Ir~nsh~h". Making no attempt at self-promotion, unwilling to set himself up as a man of piety and prayer in the

Nizari's portraitof himself as a drunkard,of course, as was pointed out in the discussion of Nizari's "bacchanalia"above (IV), may be interpretedallegorically as symbolic of a higher spiritualawareness. Such sentimentsat the very least completely typify the ethos of PersianSufism, and in particularthe erotic mysticism of poets such as Sa'di, in which the drunkenecstasy of the religion of love is contrasted and vaunted as superior to the "dry" puritanism of exoteric Shari'aoriented ascetical faith.91Nor should one expect less than this sort of excess from the greatest wine-poet in the history of Persian ghazal poetry, comparedto Hafiz by no less an authoritythan Jami. The pervasive Sufi ambience of the poem also appears in the only place in the poem92where even a hint ofNizari's Isma'ili sympathies is expressed. This occurs in a story about a Sufi master (pir) and his novice disciple (naw-murid), who asks the master what the seeker's desired goal should be. The moral drawn is that the desired goal is contentment with having one's wishes always thwarted, that is to say, with non-fufillment of one's desires (ncmuraidi).93 Echoing the Sufi master's reply, Nizari relates: "if you heed what the [Isma'ili] missionary (da'I) says you will find fortune;your soul will be animate, your heart enlightened."

246


In this tale, we find a Sufi masterpreachinga classic Sufi doctrine,in which the ethicalpurportof the Sufi teachingsis appropriated for the purposesof a spiritualitythat is defined as specifically Isma'ili

beingbesidesGod:to havepursuedan objectof desire otherthan the Divine, for "may all besides God be forbiddento you unlessall you wish foris God,andbid goodbyeto all else."96

andIsma'ili u~- i 3 ), butwiththeSufimorality (cs. to all intentsand ethicsappearingas indistinguishable purposes. Yetof all of Nizari'spoetry,it is themathnawlpoem thatis the mostpervasivelySufiin tenorin Safar-ndma termsof doctrinalteachingand morality,with Nizarl frequentlyand freelyusing storiesaboutSufi masters (pir) and disciples(murid)exactly like 'Attarin the Ilahi-namaor Sana'iin the HIadiqatal-haqiqabefore

In the end, the moral lessons adducedfrom his failuresand successesin love, and journeysthrough variousoutflungareasof GreaterPersialed Nizarito cite Sufi tales in which edification,admonitionand spiritualreckoningarecontained,andthewaywardness of his own ways of indulgencein sin led himto invoke a transcendentalmystical ethic wherein God is perceivedto pervadeall phenomena,whethergood or evil, familiaror foreign.97

him. One of the most interestingand originalof these Sufimoralitytalesconcernsthe esotericsignificanceof "sin"for the Sufi adept,in whichNizariexplainsthe creative function of Satan. This is couched in the contextof a storyof Sufi masterrefusingto initiatea discipleuntil the disciplehad firstpaid a visit to the devil.94

Tothemanof God,EastandWestareone.OfthisI'm certain, (madhhab) though youmaydoubt. Myreligion is nothing butthis.OLord,maintain meinthisfaith! These cosmopolitansentimentsof course echo classicalPersianSufi doctrines,andrecallin particular Sa'di'sverse:

The biographicaldetails inspiringthis tale are perhapsmore significantfor what they tell us about Nizari'shumanratherthan divine affairs,that is, his

SuchideasI thinkowe farmoreto theuniversalistic spiritof PersianSufism(see below,VIII)thanto any Isma'ilidoctrineandphilosophy,althoughthatis notto

relationship with women. In Ardabil, Nizari relates,95 he fell into a violent passion over a mysterious and beautiful village girl. Although social circumstances decreed that she was not to be his, his love for her was so intense that he longed to die when absent from her. Since he was unable to sleep for weeks on end, local physicians despaired of ever curing him. Finally, he turned to God and entreatedto be granted an hour of sleep, whereupon falling into a deep slumber,he found

argue that the particular ethos of Persian Isma'ilism espoused in verse by Nizari was not equally universalistic and broad-minded as the thought of Sufism duringthe same period.

himself being tortured in Hell. Upon awakening, he thankedGod that it was only a dream:slowly it dawned on him, however, that his errorwas to have coveted a

"Knowperfectionto be the dervishgnostic, who being cognisantof his own puresoul, is the king of Persiawithoutarmyandceremony."98

VIII. CONCLUSION:NIZARI'S SUFI-ISMA'ILI SYNTHESIS


If "Sufism"itself is understoodin the broadestand most ecumenical sense of the word, in which (especiallyduringtheMongolperiod)suchdoctrinesof the "unityof religions"are of primarysocio-political it is not difficultto reconcileNizarl's importance,99 denominationalidentity as a follower the Isma'ili communityand its Imam with his penchantfor the teachingsof the dervishmastersandthe contemplative practicesof Sufism. Nizari's synthesis of Sufi and Isma'ilithoughtwas, in fact, a directproductof the broad ecumenicalworld-viewof mediaevalPersian Sufism, the key ideas of which are explicitlytranssectarian,andin manycases,whichfostertoleranceof religious diversity and nurturethe on-going interreligious dialogue between Islam, Christianityand Judaismin the mediaevalMuslimworld.'00 If one were looking for a similarinstanceof an eclectic synthesis of diverse theological doctrines crossing denominationaland sectarianboundaries, Nizari's position as an Isma'ili Muslim in Mongol Persiaclosely resemblesthatof the most prolificand the secondgreatestJudeo-Persian poet of the Safavid 1454 d. Kashanafter1534). Isfahan, (b. period,'Emrani a Emrani's devout Jew, poetrywas directly Although the works of all the majorclassicalPersian inspiredby Sufipoets,suchas Sa'di,Nizami,Rimni,andespecially 'Attar,exactly the same mysticalliterarytraditionin whichNizari'sDiwadn (see above,III)is steeped.This Judeo-Persian poet fearlesslyand freely cites Muslim to hadith supportJewish mysticalnotions;Qur'anic

247

of a similarreligioussynthesisappears andarticulation even less strangeand surprisingin an Isma'illMuslim such as Nizari. Unless one takes into account the historicalcontextof theecumenicaltoleranceof Persian Sufism,approachingNizarI'spoetryin light of what MarshalHodgsoncelebratedas "thehumanoutreachof the [Muslim]mystics,"104 the modemimaginationwill no doubt fail to resolve the contradictionsapparent withinthis synthesis.Yet crossingthe sectariandivide in the intra-Islamic context,muchless the extra-Islamic was a context, phenomenonof considerablenormality in mediaevalPersian tasawwuf From the eleventh centuryonwards,as Hodgsonunderlines,Sufismhad become popularised "as institutionalised mass vehicle religion,"andas it became"themostimportant of serious inwardreligiousexperiencein the region from Nile to Oxus, from which control by any ecclesiasticalhierarchyor rivalry from sacramental mysterieshaddisappeared, S1fi ways becameadjusted to morethanone sortof religiousaspiration."'05 Just as with the Judeo-Persian verse of 'Emrani, Nizari'smysticalgeniusarticulatesa Sufi messageof moral ecumenism,for which, in the words of W.C. Smith,it wasnotthereligionbutthereligiousnessof the faithful which carried ultimate significance: "a theologicalstatementcannotbe baldlytruein itself,but rathercanbecometruein the life of persons,whenit is interiorisedand lived."'06And this is ultimately,the outlookof Nizarion religiousunityanddiversity,as he says (in a ghazal)1'07aboutJudaismandIslam:

terms hashr and mahshar are used to express the

(Termslike) "Synagogueand Ka'ba"each relateto

doctrineof the worldto come, while Jewish-rabbinic servesin classicalPersiansymbolism(especially of the Hebrew his verse to illustratemaxims drawnH.I[fiz)

theangleof one'sspiritual fora personof sincerity: it is is permitted toturninsupplication purecharacter, toalldirections. Whence,Onobleman,do you allow

As David Yeroushalmipoints out, 'Emrani's Fathers!'0o'

yourself to claim commandover the supernatural

"extensiveuse of mysticalexpressions,conceptsand allusionspresupposesthatthereaderis familiarwiththe meaningsand connotationsof such [Sufi] terms."'102 Albeit a Jew, he clearly "conveys a Sufi point of

haswrit realm?Whatdo youknowthatProvidence onyour,ormy,forehead?

view."103

Notes

If the cosmopolitanhumourof the PersianSufi tradition was able to allow an orthodox mediaeval Jewish poet to successfully eradicate the artificial

Thisarticleis basedon a lecturedeliveredaspartof a panel on "IsmailiLiteraryHistory"sponsoredby theInstituteof

exclusivismof religiousboundaries,the achievement

Association attheMiddleEastern IsmailiStudies, London,

248


a fact thathe travellingcompanionthroughAzerbayjan, mentionsin his Safar-ndma (introduction, Diwan-iNizari, He also wrote a to 'Ala' al-DinHindi, p. 109). panegryric theIl-Khanid vizierof Khurasan de (see Bruijn,loc.cit.),in anda qasidato whichhe asksthathisstipendbe continued, Taj al-DinHasan(introduction, Dtwan-iNizari,p. 110). Fourlong qasidas,whose final rhymingwordsare la'l andgawhar("jewel"), written ("ruby"), ("pearl") murvarid in praiseof variouseminentpersonages,shouldalso be mentionedin thiscontext,as theydisplaya greatmastery

of North America (MESA) annual conference, San Francisco,18 November2001. I amgratefulto Dr Farhad Daftary(Head,Departmentof AcademicResearchand Publication[DARP]at the Insituteof IsmailiStudiesin in thispanel,andto London)forinvitingme to participate KutubKassam(SeniorEditor,DARP)for discussingin detailand correctingmy perceptionabouta numberof issuesraisedin thisessay.I wouldalsolike Isma'ili-related to thankDrNadiaJamalforprovidingmewithdraftcopies the of selectedchaptersfromherstudyof Nizari,Surviving

2

3 4

Mongols: Nizari Quhistani and the Continuity of the

of the art of the panegryric,althoughthey add nothing to

IsmailiTraditionin Persia (London,2002). Some of Dr Jamal'sinsights,to whichI was ableto refer(priorto its publication)aftercompletingthis essay,provideduseful in historicalcontextualisation to this study (particularly regardto the poet's biography),without alteringthe substanceor contentof any of the argumentsadvanced below. I would like to also thank TerryGrahamfor reviewingearlierdraftsof this essay and offeringmany helpfulsuggestionsaboutexpressionof certainideas.

the poet's spiritualdegree (ibid., pp. 110-18). A long qasidainpraiseof a unknownMongolofficial,andanother long qasidaaddressedto a certainprinceunderwhom Nizarihad served,complainingof his ill-treatment (ibid., of political pp. 120-24),alsobelongto thepoet'srepertoire workscontaining details. important biographical 10 Jamal,op. cit.,p. 81. accountof thisstageof his life:introduction, 11 SeeMusaffa's Diwan-iNizart,p. 129.

Diwan-i HIakim Nizart Quhistani, ed. 'Ali Rida

12

Cited ibid., pp. 147-49

by MazahirMusaffa(Tehran, Mujtahidzda,introduction 1371 A.Hsh./1992),introduction, p. 12. His full nameis given as Hakim Sa'd al-Din b. Shams al-Din b. NizarlFfdajiBirjandiQuhistani. Muhammad in EP, VIII,p. 83. J.T.P.de Bruijn,art."NizarlKuhistrni,"

13

Ibid.,p. 13,note 10. No. 1269, SeeJawahiral-asrdr,BritishLibrary manuscript found in the HermannEth6, Catalogue of Persian Manuscriptsin the India OfficeLibrary (repr.London: IndiaOfficeLibrary1980),p. 1128(no.2036);fol. 232b.

Dhabihullah Safa, Tarikh-iAdabiyyat dar Iran (Tehran,

15

Introduction,Diwin-i Nizari, p. 82.

16

Citedin ibid.,pp. 83-84. Foran alternative translation of theselines,see Jamal,op. cit.,pp.78-79. Ghuluwwis "a generalterm of disapprovalprobably coined by some early Shi'i authorsand adoptedby in referenceto those Shi'Isaccusedof heresiographers in exagerration religionand in respectto the imams"

1373A.Hsh./1994;10thedition),111/2, p. 736. 5 S. Ri;a Mujtahidzada, Ilakim NiziarQuhistani (Mashhad, n.d.),p. 4. 6 Mostof thekey detailsof Nizari'scareeras a courtierhave beenpiecedtogetherby NadiaJamalin herrecentbook, Survivingthe Mongols(see n. 1 above)fromwhichthe 7

8 9

14

17

following summaryis mostly drawn.

(FarhadDaftary,The Ismailis: their history and doctrines

Jamal,op. cit.,pp.71-73. Musaffa,introduction, Diwan-iNizari, pp.234-35. notes (introduction, MUaffa Diwain-i Nizact,pp.95ff.)that versein praiseof severalhigh Nizariwrotepanegryrical politicalfigures,includingsomelinesin theDastir-nama in praise of Khwaja Majd al-Din Wazir, a long autobiographical Diwin-iNizari,pp. qasida(introduction, 101-03) and severalshortversesin his mathnawi poem Riizu shab in praiseof Shih Shamsal-DinI Kart(reg. 643-84/ 1245-85). He also wrote an autobiographical poemthatis dedicatedin its finalverseto praiseof Shams al-DinJuwayni(1226-83), Hulago'svizier(introduction,

1990],p. 64). The Isma'iliswerequiteoften [Cambridge referredto by theirenemiesas "extremist" (ghali)in this ER, II,p. 1094).Theantonym respect(Hodgson,"Ghulat," ofghuluwwis muqa.ssir, meaningonewhois slackin faith, of hisreligiousduties.The fallingshortin theperformance Khusraw hadpairedthese poet previously Nasir-i Isma'ili termstogetherin severalverses(see Dihkhuda,Lughatnima, s.v."Muqasir"). Obviously,Nizari'susageof these technical terms, drawn from the lexicon of Sunni is purelysardonicandironichere. heresiography, See the list of parallelverses composedby Nizri in imitationof these poets cited by Musaffa,introduction,

18

Diwan-i Nizari, pp. 106-07), ending in the rhyme mahrifmn

in whichhe begsthevizier'sassistance.In the ("outcast"), 678/1279, year Nizariservedas Shamsal-DinJuwayni's

Diwan-i Nizari, pp. 301-14. 19

20

See ibid.,pp.308-10. See ibid.,pp.252-99.


21

Diwdn-i NizcrF,p. 306. Musaffa,introduction,

22

See the verses cited in ibid., p. 312.

23

See ibid., pp. 246-52. Ibid., p. 321; see also Mujtahidzada, Hakim Niziri

40

de Bruijn,art."NizrriKuhistani."

41

Quhistani,p. 10. Bihdristin-i va Rasa'il-i Jdmi, ed. A'la Afsahzad,

42

Ibid. Thrikh-iAdabiyydtdar Irdn, I/2, p. 733. Ibid., p. 735.

MuhammadJan 'Umrafand Abi Bakr Zuhural-Din (Tehran,1379A.Hsh./2000),p. 148. A Literary History of Persia (Cambridge,1920, repr. 1956),III,p. 155.

44

Introduction,Diwdn-i Niziri, p. 88. Fromthepoemcitedin ibid., p. 68;a similarlineoccursin

47

theDastar-ncima, see hisDiwan,p. 265, v. 81. See the poem cited by Musaffa,introduction, Diwan-i 68-69. pp. Nizarf, Ibid., pp. 67ff.

49

24

25

26

27

28

29

30 31

32

33

Ed. Muhammad'Abbasi (Tehran,1337 A.Hsh./ 1958), p. 260. Diwdn-i Nizcrt, 1064: 10278.

Fromhis essayon "Swedenborg; or, the Mystic"in R.W Emerson. Essays and Lectures(New York, 1983), p. 676.

34

35 36

37

38

39

Citedby Musaffia, Diwin-iNizcari,p. 196. introduction, Citedin ibid.,p. 201. Itwouldbe usefulto studytheinfluenceofNizari'sDastirnamaon theSdcqi-ntdma ofH•fiz. As thelinesfromthefollowingpoem(Diwdn-iNizrit,159, winein pp.682-83) attest.Otherreferencesto thespiritual hispoetryincludeibid.,ghazals900, 1362. "ThatNizairiof Quhistdn belongedto theIsma'ilisectis not merelysuggestedby hispen-nameandplaceof origin,but is assertedor hintedat by mostof thebiographers. On the deathof Al-Mustansir, theeighth orIsma'iliCaliph F.timid a struggle for the (A.D. 1035-1094), there ensued in successionbetweenhis two sons al-Musta'liandNiziAr, whichthelatterlosthis life andhisthrone,butcontinuedto be regardedby the Easternor PersianIsma'ilis(including the derivedSyrianbranch)as the legitimateImim. It was fromhim,no doubt,thatthepoettookhis nomde guerre, for the other suggestion,that it was derivedfrom the Persian adjective nizir ("thin," "weak") is quite untenable." Browne,op. cit.,III,pp. 154-55. "It is not improbablethat the bestowalof this epithet who followedthe was fromShahShamsal-Dmn, ("Niz-ri") Sunnimadhhab,who was opposedto the Isma'ilism,by reasonof the fact thatwith the familyname of Hakim [Nizrn](Sa'dal-Dinb. Shamsal-Din)he was in concord. As S.G. Borodinputs it, "Whetheror not it was for the purposesof maintaininga disguise or out of heartfelt his wholeKulliyy~t,he alwaysused sincerity,throughout

249

the pen-name'Niz~r' with the meaningof 'thin' and 'slim'." Introduction,Diwan-i Nizari, p. 25

43

45 46

48

50

51

52

53

Ibid. See Daftary,A ShortHistoryof the Ismailis(Edinburgh, 1998),pp. 146-47. Op. cit., p. 735. Ibid., p. 735-36, n. 2. A ShortHistory, pp. 151-52. Daftary,

Op.cit.,p. 736. Jamal,op. cit.,chs.5-6. Relationsin EarlyPost-Alamiit andSafavid "Isma'ili-Sufi in L. Lewisohn and David Persia," Morgan(eds.), The Heritage of Sufism, vol. III: Late Classical Persianate Sufism(1501-1750) (Oxford, 1999), p. 278. Haklm NizitriQuhistani,p. 15.

betweensix to eight,in thefollowingorder:1. Numbering Ndtiq

(speaking,

law-giving

prophet); 2.

Asds

onewhounderstands andinterprets theinner ("foundation": ta wil of the revelation);3. Imam(a spiritual"leader" for executionof divinecommands); 4. Bab (a responsible "Gate"who actedas the Imam'sadministrator); 5. Ijujjat from of evil,held good ("Proof'capable discerning spiritual to be twelvein numberin theFatimidreligioushierarchy); 6. D0'K al-baldgh (Missionaryempoweredto preach publically);7. D0T al-mutlaq(Missionarywith absolute 8. D0tI al-mafhdid (Missionarywho clarifies authority); restrictions for commonbelievers);9. Ma'dhin-i religious with who assiststhe mu.tlaq(Licentiate absoluteauthority D0i); 10. Ma'dhfin-imahdiid(Licentiatewho attracts noviatesttotheIsm'ili faith);11.L .iq (Adjunct); 12. JinAh. of the esoterichierarchy here (Wing).The arrangement is in Diwin-i cited his introduction to the by Musaffa given Nizcirt, p. 41, no.41. Fora discussionof someof theseterms see Daftary,A ShortHistory(glossary);and idem, The Ismti'ilis: TheirHistoryand Doctrines,pp. 229ff. Using almost identicalterms, in his "Divine Epiphanyand SpiritualBirthin IsmailianGnosis"(Cyclical~imeand IsmailiGnosis,tr R. Manheim[London,1983],pp.90-96), Corbinalso providesa detaileddiscussionof the Isma'ili in thethoughtof Hamidal-DinKirmani. esoterichierarchy 93. 54 Cyclicallime,p. t al-funiin,ed.M. Wajih,Abdal-Haqqand 55 Kashshafis.tilk.h1 GholamKadir,withW.NassauLees(Calcutta,1862),II,p. 1563; cited in J. Nurbakhsh,Sufi Symbolism,I, tr. L. LewisohnandT.Graham(London,1984),p. 201.

250

56

57 58

59 60


Also discussedby Musaffa, introduction, Diwdn-i Nizdrt, 50-53. pp. Thetermnass-ikaldminthecontextof Shi'ismrefersto the haddesignated principlethattheProphetsupposedly 'Alito

Faridal-Din'Athr,Tadhkiratal-awliya, ed. M. Isti'lami. (3rded. Tehran,1365/1986),p. 12. Ibid.,p. 315. 1 ) is given Inthetextof theDiwan(p.610),theterm( 1; for ( IlaL) which is cited in the introduction:the latter textualvariantusedhere. in ER2,X, pp.391-92. See I. Poonawala,art."Ta'wil," Inhis Tasawwurat, also contrasts the"Realmof false Tusi

74

similitudes" ('6lam-i mushabahat) with the "world of andcleardistinctions" clarifications (?'lam-i mubayanat).

76

Cf. Jamal,op. cit., pp. 96-97z.

77

These lines are cited by Musaffa,introduction, Diwan-i Nizari,p. 251. Ibid., pp.262-63:vv. 49-57. Cf. Musaffa'sdiscussionof this topic:introduction, ibid., pp.62-64. Citedin ibid.,p. 61, butnotas partof theprintedtext.For

Inthefirst,onlyexpressionsof theexotericliteralsenseof revelation ('ibacrcit-itanzill) are understood,because is throughsenseperception andimagination, understanding in contrastto thelatterworld,wheretheesotericexegesisis revealed.

75

be his successor as nass al-ta Kin(see

E!2,

art. "Nass"),

theworld sinceaccording to authoritative Shi'itetraditions, cannotexista momentwithouta hujjat(proof)or imamof God.(seeE12,art."Imama").

78

79 80

61

Early Philosophical Shiism: the Ismaili Neoplatonism of Abi Ya'qifbal-Sijistani(Cambridge,1996), pp. 146-47.

62

"Introduction:Isma'ilisand Isma'iliStudies,"in Daftary (ed.), MediaevalIsma'iliHistoryand Thought(Cambridge,

81 82

Musaffa,introduction,Diwdin-iNizari, p. 235.

1996),p. 6. Given by Musaffa,introduction,Diwin-i Nizcri, pp. is notincludedin the 169-70,thisqasidaof 17hemistiches textof his Diwansinceit occuredin onlyone manuscript, yet theredoesnotseemto be anydoubtabouttheaccuracy of its attribution to Nizari. See AlfredIvry,"TheUtilizationof Allegoryin Islamic and Philosophy,"in Jon Whitman(ed.), Interpretation to Modern Period the (Leiden,2000), Allegory:Antiquity pp. 153-80. ed. H. Corbinand M. Mu'in(repr. J•mi' al-hikmatayn, Tehran,1984),Corbin'sFrenchintroduction, p. 67.

83

is basedonwhatappearto be Ibid.,p. 96. My interpretation the overtSufireferencesin thepoem.Fora moreIsma'ili of thispoem,see Jamal,op.cit.,ch.7 andpp. interpretation 63, 109-10, 113-19,121, 123, 127, 133-35, 145-46. Thelastfourpagesof theSafar-nc7ma arefilledwithpraises of variouspeople, the identityof many of whom is unknown,includingSayf al-Din Husayn,Jamalal-Din Muhammad, (FakhrAl-i Mustafa)'Abdal-MalikNasiri, al-Din zayn 'Ali, SharafMas'uid,Nasir al-Din Hasan, Shamsal-DinMuzaffar,Jamalal-DinRa'is, Mantichihr, HasanMas'td, ShihabNajm, Shams al-Din 'Abd alRahim,T-j al-DinHasan.TheSafar-ncmatextusedhereis

63

64

65

66

67

a more Isma•'liperspective on this poem, see Jamal, op. cit., p. 98.

84

See Paul Nwyia, Exdgesk coranique et langage mystique

thatpublishedin Nadia Eboo Jamal, The Continuityof the

(Beirut,1970),pp. 59-61; 145-47. Cf.Rimi, Mathnawi-yi manawl,ed.R.A.Nicholson(repr. III:4244-49. Tehran1984,bi-sa'y-iNasru'll~h Purjavadi),

NizariIsmailiDa'wa, 1256-1350(New YorkUniversity Ph.D.dissertation, January1996,unpubl.),pp.294-97.For a discussionof the identityof someof the abovepersons,

68 Ibid., V: 3125ff. 69

See B. Reinhartand de Bruijn,art."Madjiz"in Ez, V, pp.

70

1025-27. Forfurtherdiscussionbetweenthetwo typesof Imam,see

see Musaffa,introduction,Diwin-i Nizctr, pp. 95ff.

85 Safar-ndmatext, in Jamal,The Continuity,p. 258. Thus,he

says: ,t

Daftary, The Ismai'lis: Their History and Doctrines, pp. 71

72 73

Diwdn-iNizari, II,p. 204 (ghazal 950:9312-13).

I,

iI

L U ly P . -.

114-15. 104-05, Thisis Sufitermreferring to thepreciousness of thepresent moment.Fora goodsummary of themeaningsof thisterm,

86

see Javad Nurbakhsh,Spiritual Poverty in Sufism, tr. L. Lewisohn (London, 1984), p. 101. MathnawT,IV: 2301-06. Mirsad al-'ibad min al-mabd&' ilI 7'-ma'cdd,ed.

88 See DihkhudA,Lughat-nama,s.v. "Iransh~ah." Jamal,Survivingthe Mongols, ch. 7. 90 Safar-namatext, in Jamal, The Continuity,p. 258. 91 JavadNurbakhshhas devoted nearly 100 pages (123-214)

AminRiyahi(2nded. Tehran,1986),p. 29. Mulhammad

Ibid.,p. 258. 87 Literally: thecollyriumof my eyesight.

89

of volume one of his 15-volumeencyclopaediaof Sufi


92 93

Symbolism(New Yorkand London,1984-2000)to the variousmeaningsof wine and drinkingwine in Sufism, howprevalent andpopularthisimagerywas demonstrating in classicalPersianSufipoetry.

SufiPoetry," in LloydRidgeon,(ed.),MuslimPerspectives of Christianity (London,2001),pp. 127-56. 101 Seemy reviewinJRAS,VII/2(1997),300-02, of thework citedin thefollowingnote.

Safar-nacma text, in Jamal,The Continuity,pp. 264-65. Glorificationof nonfulfilment (bimuridi) is a stocktopos in Persian Sufi mystical poetry. See Roimi,Mathnawi,III:

102

4262-72; Sa'di, Ghazalha-,ed. NuirullahIzadparast (Tehran,1362/1983),no. 42, pp. 59-60. Safar-ncimatext,in Jamal,TheContinuity, pp.277-78. The relevantversesare:

94

.

I 3 0jI -

S...

I

*J I

.c

L.

UI

I

...

. .

Jo y-

.. .

L..

..

96 97 98

99

100

U

1 ~. C.

Il U C 0.

3.

..... .

I cj.r&.

zeqenim),to whomtheTorahwashandedby Joshua(Abot 1: 1) arecalledPiran,pluralofPir, i.e theSufiElderswho

guide the mystical searcher.Likewise, the Hebrew rab, i.e. "master","teacher"and "authority"(Abot 1: 6) is rendered 'U L, Pir (12: 15), morsed, i.e. "guide" and dalil, i.e. I (24: 9), all of which terms refer to the Sufi ]3"expounder" •1 masterswho expoundthe mysticalpath.... In the Ganj1

I, c, I.?

personswhose holiness bringsthem nearto God, endowing them with saintly qualities (5: 78). Moses is said to have been a darvis (4: 27). The Jewish Elders (Heb. ha-

3;13

..

David Yeroushalmi,TheJudeo-PersianPoet 'Emrmin and his Book of Treasure:Emrcnis Ganj-name, a versified Commentary on the Mishnaic Tractate Abot, edited,

translated andannotated witha criticalstudy(Etudessurle JudafsmeMedieval,t. 15. Leiden,1995),introduction, p. 87. In his poetry,Yerouslamipointsout, "Not only the Torah,but also the Fathers(HebrewAbot)of the Jewish tradition arepresentedin termsborrowedfromtheIslamic mysticalsystem. They are entitledvali (Ar. walt), i.e. "Guardians" of thePath,a termwhichin Sufismappliesto

j S. .. I

95

251

I

nametheaimof the[Sufi]mysticalpathandthegoalof the Abotareconceivedasbeingidentical.As such,the Tractate teachingof the mastersso the Mishnaharesaidto leadto the samedestination as thepreceptsof the Sufidoctrine."

Ibid.,pp.271-72. Ibid., p. 275. Ibid.,p. 288 Musaffa,introduction,Diwin-i Niziri, p. 143. See LeonardLewisohn,Beyond Faith and Infidelity: the SufiPoetry and TeachingsofMahmudShabistari(London, 1995), pp. 82-92.

Thetolerantnatureof PersianSufismhasbeenunderlined by scoresof Iranianscholarsoverthelastfiftyyears,such as S. Nasifi,Q. Ghani,Dh. Safa,Raja'i-Bukhara'~i and'A. Zarrinkub,and their views are well-knownto every studentwho has spenteven a singlehour undergraduate over theirworks.For a generaltreatmentof tolerancein Persian Sufism, see Mujtaba MInuvi, "Azadigi va tastmuh,"Iranshinasf, IV/1 (1992): 179-80; and for an extendedstudy,see M.G.S.Hodgson,The Ventureoflslam (Chicago,1977),II,pp.200-54, especiallythetwosections on "Thehumanoutreachof the mystics"(204-06) and "The catholic appeal of Sufism"(217-20). See also Lewisohn, "The Esoteric Christianity of Islam: Interiorisationof ChristianImagery in Medieval Persian

103 104 105 106

(pp. 86-88). Ibid., introduction, p. 64. The Ventureof Islam, II, pp. 204ff. Ibid., II, pp. 210-11. The MeaningandEnd of Religion (Minneapolis, 1991),p.

322,n. 14. 107

Dlwan-i Nizari, I, ghazal 343: 3431-32, pp. 920-21, the

ideas,imageryandmetreof whichwerelaterimitatedby Hafizin two differentpoems, where HaIfizimitatesthe secondline of Nizr~icitedabove(see Dhwcn-iHIfiz, ed. Khanlari[Tehran,1362A.Hsh./1983]as follows: ghazal77: 6: 4 O " ,.o .•..?; t a •i ,, ghazal78: 5: I ..Jo L j U , J& ddS I j53 .; • , ...

THE SAFAVIDCERAMICINDUSTRY AT KIRMAN By Lisa Golombek Royal OntarioMuseum,Ontario

In 2001 a team fromthe IranianCulturalHeritage Organisation(ICHO), the Royal Ontario Museum (ROM), and the University of Michigan went to Kirmanto studythe remainsof the Safavidcity as the first collaborativeeffort of the KirmanHistoricCity Project.'Thisprojectcoversthe broadspectrumof the materialcultureof Kirman,with its goal being the preservationof the rapidlydisappearingtracesof its past.My personalinterestlies with Kirman'sceramics industrywhichI hopeto placewithinthe contextof the city's history. To accomplish this, in addition to surveyingthe Safavidmonuments,the team collected sherdsfromfifteensiteswithintheold cityandoutlying areas,includingZarandand Mahan(Figs. 5, 17). In orderto put these finds into perspective,it will be necessaryto reviewthe datapertinentto Kirmanthat had been assembledover the courseof the past few yearsby the SafavidCeramicsProject.2A significant step forwardhad been the assignmentto Kirmanof a seriesof potters'marks,basedon petrographic analysis and formalanalysis of the marks.The resultswere publishedin Iran XXXIX (2001) and will not be repeated in detail here.3 The present article will assimilatethe new data from the field-tripto the chronologydevelopedin thepreviousone andwill add some texts relevant to Kirman. The petrographic analysisof the sherdsis the subjectof a separatestudy by RobertB. Mason,publishedin this volume(below, pp. 271-8). Like the Timurid and Turkmanprinces that preceded them, the Safavid shahs admired the translucent whitebodyof Chineseporcelain,paintedin brilliant cobalt blue. By the seventeenth century collectingChineseporcelainhadbecomean aristocratic pastime.Shah 'Abbasaccumulateda vast numberof pieces and donatedthem to the Shrineof Ardabilin 1611.4 Perhapshe consideredthem too valuablefor tableuse, or perhapshis own tastewas shiftingto the whichwas overtakingthe new style of blue-and-white international characterised market, by panelledborders and languidlandscapes.Knownas Wanliwares,after the Wanliemperorof China(1573-1620), or "Kraak"

253

waresbecausethey arrivedin Amsterdamin the large ocean-goingcarracks,they were soughtafterin both Europeand the East.5Persianpottershad to keep up with changesin style, and the qualityof design and now roseto meetthe challenge. draftsmanship Chinese blue-and-whiteporcelains had begun reachingIranalreadyin the latefourteenth century,and "chinoiserie"designs quickly replaced the more traditionaldesigns on Persianpottery.6While these imitationsmayhaveprovidedsubstitutesfor expensive Chineseimports,they could hardlybe confusedwith the original.Although Iran had high-qualitycobalt (whichit did, in fact, exportto Chinafor a while), it lackedthe kaolinclay necessaryto produceporcelain. By thelatesixteenthcentury,however,thequalityof the finely-ground quartzbodyandthe carefullypainted cobaltdesignsclosely matchedthe Chineseoriginals. Respondingto the demand for Chinese porcelain, Persian potters faithfully copied the models that reachedtheir shores,completewith imitationsof the marksfoundon the base of Chinesevessels.7To the unschooled eye, these Persian vessels must have seemedauthenticenough,and,as we shalllearn,even the expertscouldbe fooled. Safavidpotteryof the seventeenthcenturythathas come down to us is generallyidentifiablebecauseof this resemblanceto datableChineseporcelains.Many Safavidpieces also bear dates.8As the seventeenth centuryprogressedand new Chineseimportsarrived, Persianpottersreproducedthe new designs but also adaptedthe Chinesemodels to their own taste. The leadingclass of waresarepaintedin cobaltblue under a clearglaze,buta largegroupalso haveblackoutlines in placeswherethe Chineseachievedthe same effect withdeepertonesof cobalt. Theaimof the Safavidpotterswas to meettheneeds of the domestic market. They did not produce a sufficientquantityto compete internationally except whentherewas shortfallin shipmentsof porcelainfrom China to the west. China's "dragon"kilns could producethousandsof vessels,whereasIran'straditional kilns were extremely limited. At the domestic level,

254


high-quality imitations of the Chinese provided a more affordablesubstitute.Local demandfor these imitations must have been considerable, for vast quantities of Safavid pottery have survived. Examples exist in every museum collecting Islamic art and in many private collections. Although blue-and-white underglazepainted pottery seems to predominate,other decorative techniques were popular in this period, such as polychrome slip-painting,lustre-painting,monochrome with slip-painted decoration, and carved wares. The wide range in quality suggests a multiplicity of tastes and markets. Just where the pottery was produced has long been a subject of debate. Although European and Persian contemporary sources name several centres, no scientific evidence has been presenteduntil recently to link these centres with the surviving collections. Objects have been assigned arbitrarilyto one or another centre on the basis of palette, style, and potters' marks. New studies of these characteristics,combined with the scientific (petrographic)and archaeological evidence, now make these texts more meaningful,particularlyin the case of one of the centres, Kirman. Both the Persian and European sources single out Kirmanas the centreproducingthe finest Safavidwares. A Kirman potter by the name of Sayyidi Ahmad is mentioned in both the Tadhkira-yiSafaviyya-yiKirmcan of Mashizi and the Tazkiraof Nasrabadi,written at the end of the seventeenthcentury.9Accordingto Nasrabadi: Sayyid Ahmad,known as "Aqa,"was a Turk.In Kirmanhe was occupiedwith the makingof pottery In thisprofessionhe reachedsucha high (kcisa-gari). level thatthe tongueof Chineseporcelaindeveloped a hair-linecrackin praisinghis pottery.It was such that Salim,the PorcelainMerchant,broughta H.jj small dish of his workas a friendlygestureto Mirza Muhammad Sa'id,the hakim.Everytimethatfriends were at his house and porcelainwas discussed,he would bringout thatsmall dish togetherwith some porcelaindishes.Everyone of the friendswho were knowledgeable(in porcelain)took it for Chinese. Now the workof the Aqa is famousin Kirmanand Yazd.'0 Mashizi adds: SayyidAthmadAqa was a famouspotter(kasa-gar). In the artof makingtiles (kasht),he obliterated(lit.

drewa line of naskhscriptthrough)the paintingsof the Chinesemasters.He madethe Emperorof China thepickerof clustersfrom (faghfur,also "porcelain") the harvestof his own craft.Duringthe last days of the Yearof the Sheep,his cup was full, andhe also joinedhis companions."

Nasrabadialso mentionsa dervishpotternamed'Arab

Aqa. Western travellers to Iran in the middle of the seventeenthcenturypraisedthe work of Persianpotters.

Accordingto Raphaeldu Mans (1660), JeanBaptiste Tavemier(1636-63), andJeanChardin(1666-77), the qualityof Persianwareswas so high thatmerchantsin Europecouldpassthemoff as Chinese.12Chardintells us thatthe Dutchmix Persian"porcelain" with thatof which to Holland: "The material China, they transport is very hardand is madefromsmallcobblesgathered fromtheriverbedandgroundveryfine(i.e., quartz)and mixedwitha littleclay."All threeEuropeans claimthat Kirmanmadethe best pottery,althoughgood pottery was producedalso at Mashhad,Yazd and Shiraz. Chardinsuggeststhatthe townof Zarand,nearKirman, was the actualsourceof the finestpottery. How mightwe distinguishKirmanpotteryfromthe products of other centres? Taking the texts as a guide,

we may establishas ourfirstcriterionthe resemblance to Chinesemodels. This approachhas not, however, been takenby most scholars studying Safavid pottery.

Earlier attempts to identify Kirmanpottery Arthur Lane's discussion of Safavid pottery in his 1957 publication,Later Islamic Pottery, has never been challenged. He concluded that Kirman wares were

identifiableby their palette and potter's mark (the "tassel";see Fig. 4B). He viewed those wares painted

exclusivelyin cobaltblue as comingfromKirman(for example, Figs. 1, 14). As many of these also had polychromepainting,Lane attributedthe polychrome class to Kirmanas well (Fig. 2). It is not clear why he assigned the cobalt group and the polychrome-pluscobalt group to Kirman,but he may have been aware of the surveys done by Sir Aurel Stein and othersalong the Persian Gulf littoral and in the Kirman region, which yielded Safavid sherds of these types.'3 The second characteristicused by Lane to identify Kirman wares was the potter's mark known as the

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Fig. 1. Three dishes, cobalt blue painted under an alkaline glaze, with segmented dragons (Courtesy of the Victoria and Albert Museum, 589-1889, 2728-1876, 1237-1876).

"tassel"(Fig. 4B). I have suggested elsewhere that it is derived from the "normal" form of Chinese script appearingon the base of many exportedporcelains.14If the Chinese charactersare loosely joined, they appearto form a "tassel." Sherds with tassel-marks on the base were among the Kirmanregion sherdsmentionedabove (Mason, below, no. 19b), and many vessels in museum and private collections that have the restricted blue palette or the polychrome palette also have tassel-marks (Fig. 15). Lane contrasted these so-called "Kirman" wares with a large group of vessels painted in cobalt but with black outlines (Figs. 3, 8, 9, 13). Many of these bore a different type of potter's mark, either a square sealmark (Fig. 4A) or a character-mark.15 Seal-markswere of particularinterest to Lane because they seemed to appearexclusively on wares which had black outlines. He concluded that seal-marks and black outlines go together, and that vessels with either or both these featurescould not have been made in the same centre as vessels with the cobalt palette and tassel-marks. He assigned the seal-mark/black-outlinegroup to the other major centre named by Europeantravellers,Mashhad. We shall see that this conclusion is based on a series of unfounded, incorrect assumptions, which have been disproven scientifically. When I first began to study this material I was puzzled. If Lane were correctand the blue-palettewares with tassels representedthe output of Kirman,then we must look to these wares for examples that closely resemble Chinese porcelain (as suggested by the Persian and European sources). However, very few of the vessels with these characteristics can be called "fine". Most are quite mechanically drawn and many

bear only a distant resemblance to the Chinese model (Fig. 1). No one would have been fooled by them. In fact, the potters' combining polychrome with the cobalt chinoiserie designs seems a deliberate attempt to distance their craft from the Chinese (Fig. 2). If the group identified by Lane were not the Kirman wares that Chardin and others praised, where were these wares to be found? If we simply trustour eyes, we can see thatthe most successful imitations of the Chinese are the ones with the black outlines, many of which also bear the square seal potter's mark, not a tassel mark. Could these represent the celebrated Kirman pottery acclaimed as "the best"?

The Petrographic Evidence The definitive answer to this question came through the aid of scientific investigation and recent archaeological evidence. Using petrographic analysis (which reveals the mineralogy of the stonepaste material), Robert B. Mason has distinguished at least five Safavid petrofabrics,tentatively linked to various sites on the basis of the location of the find-spots (except for the Mashhad attribution, which is documentedepigraphically).16The seventeenth-century petrofabricsare: one for Kirman("GroupIII"),two for Mashhad ("GroupsI and V"), one for Isfahan ("Group IV,"which produced the so-called "Kubachi"wares),17 and one for an unknown site ("Group II"). A more detailed discussion of this methodology can be found in the articleby Mason in this journal,below. It should be noted that the attributionof Mason's "Group III" to

256

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Fig. 3. Dish, cobalt blue withchromiumblackoutlines, painted underan alkalineglaze (Courtesyof the VictoriaandAlbertMuseum,243-1884).

Fig. 2. Bottlewithflattenedovoid body,cobalt blue and polychrome slip-painted under an alkaline glaze, Group

III ("Kirman")Petrofabric(Courtesyof theAshmolean Museum,Oxford,198-1709). Kirman is still tentative, as no wasters have yet been found in Kirman,18s but in this article we shall refer to Group III as the "Kirman"group. Evidence for the "Kirman" group included the materials gathered by Col. Thomas H. Holdich from Makran,presently stored in the British Museum, 19and a larger collection, also stored in the British Museum, brought back by Sir Aurel Stein in the 1930's. Stein's sherds came from the shrine city of Mahan, on the road between Kirman (40 km.) and Bam, which leads eventually to the PersianGulf, branchingof to reach the Makranshores.20Most of the sherds are painted in the cobalt palette, the cobalt-plus-polychrome, or monochrome with slip-painting, but black-outline

wares are represented to a lesser degree. They bear motifs datable to the second half of the seventeenth century (for the dating, see below). Some sherds were also gatheredmore recently from sites furtheralong the maritime route to the west (Yemen and Oman). These relate to the Kirmanand Makranmaterial. Quite a differentarrayof sherdswas collected by our team in Kirmanitself in 2001. From this large quantity of sherds, almost all of which Mason attributesto the "Kirman"group (see his articlefollowing), the majority are of the black-outline type (Fig. 5). Many bear decorationmatchingin qualitythe finest Safavidvessels preserved in collections today. So the puzzle seems to have been solved. The very fine pieces which had been assigned by Lane and othersto Mashhadon the basis of false reasoning can be re-assigned to Kirman. The praises of Kirman pottery sung by the European and Persiancontemporariescan now be justified. The story is not so simple, however. Lane had also assumed thatthe squareseal-markbelonged exclusively to Mashhad. Indeed, Mason's petrographic evidence confirmsthat squareseal-marksdo occur on some of the vessels with Mashhad provenance. However, square seal-marksare also found on some of the fine Kirman wares paintedwith black outlines.21The designs on the Mashhadpieces are very close to those of Kirman.They

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Fig. 4. Potters' Marks on Safavid pottery. A. Square seal-marks: a. Victoria and Albert Museum [V&A] 458-1878; b. V&A243-1884; c. Ashmolean Museum [Ash.] 1978.2167; d. Staatliche Museen, Berlin [Ber.]I4231; e. Ash. x3071; f V&A 1140-1876; g. V&A419-1874; h. V&A2441884; i. Royal Ontario Museum [ROM] 909.25.4;j. ROM995.143.1 B. Tassel marks: a. Ber 72.766; b. V&A 1103-1876; c. V&A451-1878; d. British Museum 96.6.26.4; e. Magdalen College, Oxford S8; f Metropolitan Museum of Art 66.107.9

are paintedwith black outlinesas well. Wouldit be possible to distinguishbetween the two workshops withouttakingsamplesfromeveryvessel? Potters' Marks

A careful study of the square potter's marks indicatesthattherewas at leastone specialtypeusedby I Kirmanpottersearlyon in the seventeenthcentury.22 shallcall thisthe "classicKirman"mark(Fig.4A: a-d; f-i), to distinguishit from otherseal-marksfoundon Kirmanwares.23The classic markwas largeand was carefullyexecuted.It often had dots at the end of a

brushstroke,and had the internalelementsarranged This type of markoccurson the very symmetrically. finestimitationsof the Wanlitype porcelains(Fig. 3). Somebeardatesin the reignof Shah'Abbasor slightly later,such as the famous containerinscribedwith a versementioningthenamakdan (Pers.,"saltcontainer") anddated1037 (1627-28) (Fig. 8).24The squaresealmarks appearingon vessels that have a Mashhad provenancelook very different(Fig. 4A: e, j). They tendto be sketchyandveryrapidlydone,althoughthe decoration of the vessel may be very fine and fromKirmanwork.25 indistinguishable The earliestdatedvessel thathas beensampledand assigneda Kirmanprovenanceis the small squatjar

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Fig. 5. Sherds collected in the old city of Kirman in 2001: cobalt blue with chromium black outlines, Group III ("Kirman ") Petrofabric.

Fig. 6. Jar ("spittoon"), cobalt blue, possibly with with some outlining in chromium black, painted under an alkaline glaze, "Kraak"style panels, dated 1034/1624-25. Group III ("Kirman") Petrofabric (Courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, x1213).

STUDIES

with raised shoulders and narrow, short neck at the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (Figs. 6-7).26 Its design, Buddhist emblems, comes from Wanli models, and it is painted in cobalt with black outlines. The date 1034 (1624-25) appears on the base together with a blue square seal-mark. The mark is very simple compared with what I have identified as the classic Kirmanmark, and the execution of the painting on the vessel is also not of exceptional quality.Nevertheless, the piece is of great importancebecause it provides a date by which time the Kirman workshops must have already been operating.The fact that the seal-markdoes not fit with that of the finer wares suggests multiple workshops within Kirman,cateringto differentpatrons,or perhaps a chronological spread. Other types of square marks appear on Kirman pottery, leading us to conclude that the classic mark is to be associated with a specific "boutique"of exceptional craftsmen. The Berlin container, which I have attributed to Kirman on the basis of its "classic Kirman"seal-mark, follows three years later (1037/1627-28). Just one year earlier,however, a unique mark appears on the base of a beautifully painted canteen in the British Museum

Fig. 7. Base ofjar (Fig. 6), with square seal-mark and date painted in cobalt.

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Fig. 8. Wide-mouthedcontainer, cobalt blue with chromium black outlines, painted under an alkaline glaze, datedl03 7/1628 (Courtesy of the Staatliche Museen, Berlin, 14231).

(Figs. 9-10).27The markseems to havebeen derivedfrom Chinese script,but as it appearshere, also looks like a tassel-mark.I have suggested that this mark is a sort of andthatfromthis time on (1036/1626-27) "proto-tassel," Kirmanpottersbegin to exchangethe black seal-markfor the tassel.28By introducinga new mark, the "tassel," Kirman work would be distinguishablefrom that of Mashhadwhen sold in the same shops outsideof Kirman. Chardintells us thatthe same caravansarayin Isfahansold wares from both Kirmanand Mashhad.29

Fig. 9. Canteen, cobalt blue with chromium black outlines, painted under an alkaline glaze, dated 1036/1626-27. Group III ("Kirman") Petrofabric (Courtesy of the British Museum, 1950.10-191).

Fig. 10. Base of canteen (Fig. 9), with tassel-like potter's mark and date, painted in cobalt.

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Towardsa Reconstruction of the History of the Kirman Ceramic Industry Now thatwe can distinguishsome of the productsof Kirman, we can begin to sketch the broad outlines of the history of this pottery centre. Because we are still missing criticaldata,however, much of the storywill be couched in hypothetical terms. Only scientifically proven data and historical informationwill be cited as fact. Nevertheless, connoisseurship plays a significant role in this exercise as our centralquestion concerns the identificationof what was consideredin the seventeenth century to be "the best." Both the London canteen and Berlin container are works of very high quality. The canteen is certainly from the "Kirman"group, as it has been sampled, and the Berlin vessel has a seal-mark

STUDIES

related to other sampled pieces of this group. I will explain why I believe thatboth vessels representnot the beginning of this workshop but ratherthe tail end of it. The seal-mark of the Berlin piece with its two square grids in opposite comers seems to be the next stage in the sequence of seals with symmetrically disposed characters(see Fig. 4A: b, c, g, h). Fromthe Berlin sealmark might have evolved the less rigidly composed mark on the dragondish in the Royal OntarioMuseum, a confirmed "Kirman"piece (Fig. 13; 4A: i). If we are correctin viewing the mark on the London canteen as a "proto-tassel" mark, it would suggest that Kirman potters were about to discardthe squaremarkin favour of the tassel, and thus, the canteen stands close to the end of the square-markgroup. If the London canteen and Berlin container represent the last days of the

Fig. 11. The Maydan of the Ganj 'All Khan complex in the Bazaar of Kirman, 1598. View toward southwest in 2001.

Fig. 12. Angel carrying child, simurghs and dragons, mosaic tile spandrel in the courtyard of the Ganj 'All Khan caravansaray (or madrasa), 1598.

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square-mark workshop, then the undated pieces of comparable quality which we have attributedto this workshop may be somewhat earlier.This would place them within the years of the governorshipof Ganj 'Ali Khan (1005-34/1596-1625).30 Kirman underwentvast reconstructionat thattime, particularlyin the areaof the bazaar.For his grand project, a maydan (Fig. 11) like that of Isfahan,a large caravansaray,a magnificentbath, a mint, new bazaarsand a large chahar-sui,many skilled craftsmenwere necessary, not only for the construction but also for the rich ornamentation.31This ambitious complex is decoratedthroughoutwith tiles (Fig. 12) and paintings, requiring armies of ceramicists and decorators.An inscriptionon the caravansarayis dated 1007/1598 and is signed by Shah 'Abbas's calligrapher, 'Ali Rida-yi 'Abbasi. Perhaps some of the other court artistscame to Kirmanfrom Isfahanand were seconded to work part-time in the potteries. Ganj 'Ali Khan's links with the court at Isfahan were close, and the complex was no doubt inspiredby Shah 'Abbas's vision of the imperial seat.32Some of the craftsmenbroughtto Kirman for these building projects may have lingered after their completion. The series of dated vessels begins in the year of the death of Ganj 'Ali Khan (1034/1624-25) and continues during the first three

Fig. 13. Dish, cobalt blue with chromium black outlines, painted under an alkaline glaze (Courtesy of the Royal Ontario Museum, 909.25.4).

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years of the governorshipof his son 'Ali -MuradKhan. The draughtsmanshipseen on the best of the Kirman wares, such as the Persianiseddragondish in the Royal Ontario Museum (Fig. 13), is equal to the finest paintings done for palace walls and the margins of books and albums. At about the time that the London canteen was produced (1627) Kirman potters began to drop the black outlines and limit the palette to two or three shades of blue. At first these pieces carriedthe square seal-mark, painted in blue rather than black.33 This transitionmay already have begun by 1624-25, as the small dated jar discussed above has its seal-mark painted in blue (Fig. 7). It is, however, decoratedin the Wanli panel style. This style was probably considered "old-fashioned"by around 1630 when a new style of blue-and-whiteporcelain began to arrive on the shores of the Persian Gulf. Known as "Transition"wares because they fall within the Ming-Qing interregnum, they replaced the courtly Wanli designs with scenes from stories more appealingto the new Chinese market of scholars and literati.34These attractivedesigns were rapidly adapted by Kirman potters, who now worked exclusively in cobalt blue. Some potters continued to use the seal-mark, painted in cobalt, but then tassel-

Fig. 14. Dish, cobalt blue painted under an alkaline glaze, "Transitionstyle, " Group III ("Kirman") Petrofabric (Courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, 1978-2166).

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Fig. 15. Backof dishpainted in cobalt blue,with blackincised inscriptionbandonface, dated1109/1697-97, multiplecobalt tassel-markson base (Courtesyof the BritishMuseum, 96.626.5). marks take over, either alone or in multiples of three or more, on the base of largerpieces (Fig. 15).35 During this period of internal strife in China shortages in porcelain available for export gave the Kirman suppliers a temporaryboost, especially in the domestic market. New decorative techniques challenged the dominationof the blue-and-whitetheme, and the Persiantaste for colour revived. Solid colours, such as blue or a celadon-like olive, serve as a background for slip-painted or carved decoration.36This monochrome might be reserved for the exterior, while the interior has a painted design.37A monochrome pearshaped kalian with slip-painting in the Victoria and Albert Museum is dated 1049 (1639-40).38 Geometrically organised designs so characteristicof earlier Persian pottery re-emerge, their white backgrounds subtly carved.39 Chinese designs are still in the repertorybut are used with greaterfreedom. Following a Chinese technique, one class of chinoiserie executes designs in "pencil" lines ratherthan wash.40All of the sampled wares and sherds decorated with these techniques have the "Kirman"petrofabric. The most significant innovation was the introduction of a new type of polychrome painting (Fig. 2). Floral designs, not associated with Chinese models, are done in a stencil-like fashion, appearingto be carved into a white ground and filled with colored slips containing red, green, and ochre pigment. The results remind one of pietra dura, which was used extensively in the contemporaryarchitectureof Shah Jahanat Agra

Fig. 16. Dish, cobalt blue painted with chromium black outines and inscription scratched through greenish-gray paint, dated 1084/1673-74, Group III ("Kirman") Petrofabric (Courtesy of the Royal Ontario Museum, 2000.48.1).

and Delhi. This polychrome painting appearsalongside blue-and-whitechinoiserie designs, making a deliberate contrast.The effect is quite stunning. There may be a curious link between this ware and the Safavid tiles in the Friday Mosque, to which we shall return. Kirman potters developed a distinct version of the floral scroll for filling such areas, which consists of a grid of circles formed by vines, each enclosing a single elongated curling leaf (Fig. 1). This filler ornament appears with such consistency that one gets the impression of a factory mass-producingthese wares for a large commercial market. Many of the designs are repeated, and the images are schematically drawn compared with earlier Kirman renderings of the Chinese originals. The segmental dragons in the Victoria and Albert series (Fig. 1) are reduced to twodimensional shadow puppets,41whereas the earlierdish in the Royal Ontario Museum (Fig. 13) played up the "organic" qualities of the beast. The background of fiery clouds in which it sits now becomes the patternof curling leaves within vines forming linked circles. The quality of the glaze and pigment of these later wares is still high, but the drawing is repetitive and mechanical. At this stage, the second half of the seventeenthcentury, we can say that what began as a very elitest craft has

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becomecommodified.Thepottersno doubtprospered, butthe craftdeclined. Anothersign of the move towardmass-production is the standardisation of motifsfoundon the backsof dishes.Thesewouldnothavebeenvisiblein normaluse andcouldbe donequickly,perhapsby the lesserskilled exteriordesignwas very artisan.Use of a "hallmark" commonin earlierperiodsof highproductionin Iran.42 The SafavidKirmanexteriormotif consistsof several discreetfloralsprays,featuringa large lotus blossom showninprofile,lookingsomewhatlikea funghus(Fig. 15). Interspersed amongthese spraysmay be insects. They arevery sketchilydrawn,oftenin contrastto the skilfulrenderingof the designon the face of the dish. Kirmanwares of this periodcan thereforeeasily be recognised. Another innovation in the second half of the seventeenthcenturywas the introductionof poetic inscription bands, ringing the interior and often with a date(Fig. 16).Althoughusedin the terminating Timuridand earlySafavidperiods,poetic inscriptions had not been commonon seventeenthcenturywares. Thesebandsareperhapswhatis alludedto by Mashizi in his pun (discussedabove)thatthe famousKirman potterSayyidAhmad"drewnaskh"on (i.e. drewa line throughor annulled)theworksof Chinesemasters.The name of anothermasterworkingin this style, Khvaja Muhammad,appearson at least two vessels, and an unsigneddish closely relatedto these bearsthe date 1084/1673-74 (Fig. 16).43 Samplingof this dish for analysisconfirmedits "Kirman" provenpetrographic some ance.All of thesedatedvesselsbeartassel-marks, in blue, some in black. Most have the characteristic Kirmanback. The second half of the seventeenthcentury is of new decorativetechniques markedby a proliferation but also by a decline in the quality of drawing, indicative of mass-production. When did this takeplace andwhy? The earliestdated transformation use of the"curlingleafin circularvine"as filleris found on a dish with simpleblue-paintedChineselandscape

encirclingband.As the curlingleaf motif is foundon many polychromepieces, the use of polychromewas probablyintroducedmuchearlierthanthe dateof this dish, perhapsaround1665. One clue to its inception comes from the Safavid refurbishingof the Friday Mosque aroundthe middle of the century.At least seven datedpieces follow,some withcobaltandblack band, others with the addition of polychrome

framedby an inscriptionscratchedthrougha black band (1065/1654-55).44 This date allows us to place the beginning of the trend toward mass-productionaround 1650. The earliest dated polychrome vessel is a large dish with five roundels containing a sun-face (1084/1673-74).45 The floral polychrome designs are arrangedwithin cloud-pointareasbetween them and the date is found in the inscriptionincised throughthe black

mosque apparentlynever had a domed sanctuary.The qibla wall itself is covered with splendid mosaic tile revetments of the fourteenth century with later additions. The Safavid tiles on the court fagade are arrangedin a scheme, with panels of polychrome (haftrang) (Fig. 19) alternating with underglaze-painted blue-and-white(Fig. 20). The pylons of the ivan begin below with a large square panel of polychrome tiles,

(1077-1109/1666-98).46

Tiles in the Muzaffarid Jami Kirmanis blessed with two largemagnificentFriday

mosques,lying buta shortwalk fromeachother,both also situatednot farfromthe greateast-westbazaarthat dividesthe old city into roughlytwo halves.This, in itself, raises many questions which are under considerationby the team working on the Kirman HistoricCity Project.The mosquewhich is generally referredto as the Masjid-iJum'a,or FridayMosque,is the one built by the Muzaffaridsin 750/ 1350.47The othermosque,knownas Masjid-iMalik,was builtby the Seljuqs of Kirmanin the late eleventh-twelfth centuries.48Each of these mosques has a complex historywhich has yet to be unravelled.The Friday Mosque underwentextensive restorationunder the Safavids, includingbut perhapsnot limited to, the is attributed additionof Safavidtiles.Therestoration by to the of Shah 'Abbas period Vaziri II (1052-77/ 1642-66).49Bothmosqueshavealso undergonedrastic change duringthe Qajarand Pahlavieras, including renovationof tilework.It is thereforeimportantto ascertain which tilework belongs to the Safavid restorations,andthis is possiblethroughcarefulstudy of the tilesandthe inscriptions. Passingthroughthetall,elegant,portalof theFriday mosaic tilework, Mosque with its fourteenth-century one is struckby the unusualveil of squaretiles on the qiblafagade(Fig. 18). In its middlerises a broadivan whichcontinuesall the way backto theqiblawall. The


264

KIRMAN - OldCity(basedon 19thC. maps) ii i Find-spot,ceramics(2001) I FridayMosque 2 Masjid-iMalik

xxxxxx - -

MainBazaar SecondaryBazaar modem thoroughfares

Fig. 17. Kirman: Map offind-spots of Safavid sherds in 2001 (some sites outside city not shown).

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Fig. 18. Kirman, Friday Mosque, qiblafagade, restored with Safavid tiles.

Above these rise long, featuringa centralmedallion.50 narrowtilepanelsof cobaltblueon a whiteground.The panelsin polychromeappearto be upperarch-shaped

Fig. 19. Polychrome-painted panel (haft-rangI)from Friday Mosque (photo by Sussan Babaie).

Qajarrestorations.The arcadedfagadesflankingthe ivainhave two storiesof two archeseach, dividedby Theseare horizontaltile panelsservingas balustrades. executed in blue-and-whiteand contrast with the vertical polychromepanels facing the piers of the arcade(Fig. 19). Spandrelsof the archesin the arcades along the lateralsides of the courtalso have Safavid blue-and-whitetiles. The remainingtiles, which are doneas mosaic,arerelativelyrecent. The polychrometiles recallthoseof Shah'Abbas's buildingsat Isfahan,such as the Masjid-iShahor the ShaykhLutfallah.Thepatternswereprobablyinspired Four by carpets,perhapseventhosewovenin Kirman.51 types of large floral elementsare lined up along the vertical axis, which are then repeatedalong with a seriesof smallerfloralelementsandsaz leaves.At first glancethe juxtapositionof polychromeand blue-andwhitetiles on a fagadeis jarring.Onemightthinkthat the blue-and-whitewere after-thoughts,put up to replace fallen polychrometiles. However, a careful studyof the designsrevealsthatthepolychromepattern tilesarealmostidentical, andthatof theblue-and-white andtheysharemanyof the samefloralelements.Note, in particular,the five-lobed blossom, the petals of whichareoutlinedby a smallleafandits stem(Fig.21). The reservedspace within the blossom appearsas a "pinwheel."This motif occursin both the blue-andwhiteandpolychromepanels. Theblue-and-white revetments of theFridayMosque in some of the tiles (andperhaps the Masjid-iMalik)are mostunusualin Safavidarchitecture. Duringthe Seljuq andIlkhanidperiodsit was commonforpottersandtilemakersto sharedecorativetechniques.Lustretiles and lustrevesselswereproducedin the samecontext.52 The samewas trueof min~iandlajvardina techniques.Even

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Fig. 21. "Pinwheel"motiffromtiles in FridayMosque.

Fig. 20. Blue-and-whitetilepanelfrom FridayMosque (photoby SussanBabaie). in the Timurid period, when blue-and-white "chinoiserie"potterywas firstproduced,this palettewas used occasionally for tiles.53However, the tile-maker's technique of haft-rangi polychrome, involving the drawingof the design with an oily substanceandpainting in the colouredglazes, was not appropriateto decorating pottery.Here the tile-makerpartedways with the potter. Safavidpottersneitherused this techniquenor sharedthe same designs.54Tile-makersnormallyformed tiles from clay, while the pottersused stonepaste.Their focus was on reproducingthe feel of Chinese porcelain in both palette and design. In the Friday Mosque of Kirman, however, tile-makers used the palette of the Kirman potters, blue on white, perhaps in recognition of the Kirman pottery's fame. It is only an allusion, however, for the tile-makers did not borrow the designs from Kirmanpottery.Like the polychromepanels, the patterns

appearingin blue-and-whiteare more closely relatedto carpetsthanto Chinese porcelain. For the history of Kirman ceramics the date of the mosque tiles is significant. The juxtaposition of blueand-white patternswith separatepanels of polychrome is echoed in Kirman polychrome slip-painted pottery (Fig. 2). Typically,the vessels of this class featuretwo distinct types of decoration,as pointed out earlier.The blue-and-white patterns are derived from Chinese porcelain, and the polychrome painting depicts nonChinese themes, such as the arabesqueor small plant designs, possibly related to Mughal decorative arts. Although the earliest dated appearanceof polychrome on a vessel is 1673-74, the kinship between the decorativescheme of the Safavidtiles in the mosque and these vessels suggests thatthey could date as farback as the period of the tiles, that is, between 1642 and 1666. The introductionof polychromepaintingsuggests a new clientele, perhaps the Indian merchantswho now plied theirtradein Iranand would have liked remindersof the pietra-dura splendoursof Agra and Delhi.55

The History ofKirman as reflected in the Ceramic Industry Although it is regretable that the old quarters of Kirman are rapidly disappearing,the new construction in progress affordedus the opportunityin May of 2001

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Fig. 22. Kirman, excavation site south of Masjid-i Malik where many Safavid sherds were found in 2001 by the Kirman Project (Site D on Map, Fig. 17).

to descend several metres beneath the street level to what must have been the courtyardsof Safavid houses. The team from the Kirman Project collected over 250 sherds from these building excavations. Now that we know more about the chronology of Safavid wares, this information can be used to document these sites and, eventually, to reconstruct the Safavid city. The find-spots of the Safavid sherds are indicated on the map as sites "A" through "P" (some sites outside the city are not shown here) (Fig. 17). A full analysis of this material awaits the collection of further data, but at this time it is possible to make some observations. Fragments of the superior class of early seventeenthcentury pottery were discovered in almost all of the sites, indicating that the Safavid city extended over the full extent of the walled nineteenth-centurycity. While we found the full range of wares identified as coming from Kirman, the later wares were not found in some places. A number of fragments had potters' marks, both the seal-mark and the tassel-mark, although no examples of the "classic" Kirman seal-mark have yet come to light. Petrographicanalysis has demonstrated that all except for a handful have the "Kirman" petrofabric (see Mason, below). South of the Seljuq Masjid-i Malik (Fig. 17: D), almost all of the sherds found belonged to the period of Shah 'Abbas and were of the black outline type. We know from texts that this was one of the areas re-developed under Ganj 'Ali Khan. According to the Tadhkira-yi safaviyya of Mashizi, it became so beautiful that it was called Husnabad ("Beautiful Abode").56He tells us that its

prestige was such that people moved from what must have formerly been the desirable quarter,south of the Muzaffarid Friday Mosque, to the new quarter developed by Ganj 'Ali Khan. Traces of the houses, perhaps even the palace of Ganj 'Ali Khan, can be seen in the walls of the building excavations in this area (Fig. 22). Another area (B) where similar highquality Safavid sherds were found was near the Seljuq Khwaja Atabek mausoleum, along the route of the old bazaar leading north from the Friday Mosque. The scale of redevelopment may reflect a need to accommodate the commercial ambitions of Ganj 'Ali Khan. By the middle of the century,new populations had arrived to take part in this trade, and they no doubt required the luxury goods that local potters could provide. Very few of the later wares (monochrome and polychrome slip-painted),however, were discovered in the core of the old city. It is difficult to explain this fact. The collapse of the houses in which we found the early seventeenth century material may have occurred prior to the changes in the ceramics industry.If this is the case, then the collapse of the buildings must correspond to a city-wide disaster,for this proved to be the situation at all of the sites examined across the old city. Another explanation is that the populations using the new classes of wares, perhaps the Indian merchants, lived outside the walls. Most of the sherds collected by Stein in Mahandate from the laterseventeenthcentury.These questions will have to be left for a more thorough investigation of the archaeology of Kirman.

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Kirman Pottery in Historical Context: a Working Hypothesis

Notes

1 Membersof theteamwere:NozhatAhmadi(Universityof

1. (c. 1600) Ganj 'All Khan attracts to Kirman a troupe of fine artists and craftsmen to build his commercial metropolis. Some may have come from Isfahan, bringing carpet and tile designs to the Kirman workshops. Among the craftsmen were potters, tilemakers, and decoratorswho seem to have inspired, if not themselves produced, the first "boutique"-quality vessels imitating Wanli porcelain. Kirman itself is extensively redeveloped. 2. With the elimination of the (1625-40) from the Persian Gulf, maritime trade Portuguese increases. Kirman was uniquely positioned to take advantageof the new styles of porcelainunloadedin the Gulf ports. Very quickly potters imitate the new "Transition"style, which leads to their abandonmentof the black-outlinepalette. Older designs are reproduced in cobalt only, and new designs copy Chinese "Transitional"wares. 3. (1640-60) By the middle of the century, Iran was heavily involved in global trade (silk, wool, arms).Quartersare rebuilt,eitherfollowing a disasteror because of a change or expansion of Kirman's population. The old mosques were in need of repair. Under Shah 'Abbas II, a new fagade is orderedfor the court of the Friday Mosque, celebrating the achievements of Kirmanpottersby includingblue-andwhite as well as the traditionalhaft-rangi polychrome tiles. New decorative techniques begin to appear on pottery, reflecting changes in the market. Polychrome designs distinctly Persian appear alongside blue-andwhite. 4.

The demand on local potters (1660-1710) the new is by population great, and potters develop mass production methods to keep up. Chinese foliate ornamentis reduced to a decorative patternof curling vines. Production continues until early in the eighteenth century,but quality declines as China under the Kangxi emperor resumes exporting porcelain on a grand scale.

2

3

Tehran),Dr. SussanBabaie (Universityof Michigan), FaribaKermani(ICHO)andmyself(ROM).I amgrateful to Ayatullah-zadeh Dr.BagherShirazi(ICHO),who made for this collaboration, and to Mr. Pas, the arrangements Directorof theICHOin Kirmanforhis generoussupport. Thisongoingprojectis assistedby a generousgrantfrom the SocialSciencesandHumanitiesResearchCouncilof Canada.EileenRiley,who providedthe manydrawings and studiesandcoordinated the databasefor the Safavid CeramicsProject,continuesas ourResearchAssistantfor thisproject. The Safavid CeramicsProjectwas initiatedin 1994, supported by generousgrantsfromthe SocialScienceand HumanitiesResearchCouncilof Canadaand the Royal OntarioMuseum(team members:L. Golombek,R.B. Mason,andPattyProctor). L. Golombek,R.B. Mason, and P. Proctor,"Safavid Potters'Marksand the Questionof Provenance", Iran XXXIX(2001),pp.207-36.

4

J.A. Pope, Chinese Porcelains from the Ardebil Shrine

5

MauraRinaldi,KraakPorcelain: a Momentin the History

(Baltimore,1956).

6

of Trade(London,1989). L. Golombek,R.B. MasonandG.A. Bailey,Tamerlanes Tableware:A New Approachto the ChinoiserieCeramics

7

Iran(CostaMesa,Calif.and ofFifteenth-sixteenth Century Toronto,1996). The largestsinglecollectionof thispottery,purchasedin Iranforthe SouthKensingtonMuseum( the Victoriaand AlbertMuseum)by Sir RobertMurdochSmithin the 1870s, has now been publishedin a comprehensive catalogue by Yolande Crowe (Persia and China: Safavid Blue and White Ceramics in the Victoria and Albert

Museum:1501-1738, London,2002); coveringthe full spectrumof Safavidpottery,not limitedto "chinoiserie", butnow to someextentout-of-date (see below),is Arthur Lane'sLaterIslamicPottery(London,1957);see also J. Carswell,et al., Blue and White:ChinesePorcelain and its Impact on the WesternWorld(Chicago, 1985).

8 Crowe,2002,p. 292. I am gratefulto Dr AbdullahGhouchanifor drawingmy 9 attentionto these texts and to Prof.MariaSubtelnyfor assistingme in thetranslation.

THE SAFAVIDCERAMICINDUSTRYAT KIRMAN

10

Muhammad Tahir Nasrtbadi, Tadhkira-iNasribadi, ed.

22

Op. cit.

VahidDastgirdi(Tehran,1317/1939),p. 148.

23

Op. cit.,Table3a (possibly);othersgatheredfromKirman

11 Mir Muhammad Sa'id MashizI (Bardasiri), Tadhkira-yi Safaviyya-yi Kirmnn, ed., Muhammad Ibrahim Bastani-

ParizI(Tehran,1369),p. 275. 12

24 25

Raphael Du Mans, Estat de la Perse en 1660, ed. Ch.

Schrfer( Paris,1890): 196-97; JeanBaptisteTavernier, The Six Voyages of John Baptista Tavernier..through Turkeyinto Persia and the East Indies, trans. J. Philips

(London,1678),pp. 41, 230; JeanChardin,Voyagesdu ChevalierChardin,en Perse, et autreslieux de l'Orient,ed.

L. Langles(Paris,1811),vol. IV,pp. 128-30, vol. VII,p. 403;ArthurLanegatheredmostof therelevanttextsin the Appendix of Later Islamic Pottery,pp. 119-23. 13

Thesesherdswerenot publisheduntilrecently;see R.B. of IranianSafavid MasonandL. Golombek,"Petrography

26

Ceramics",Journal of Archaeological Science 30 (2003),

pp.251-61. 14 Golombek, Mason,Proctor,2001,p. 227. 15 Golombek, Mason,Proctor,2001,p. Table7. 16 and Mason Golombek,op. cit. 17 L. Golombek,"The Mystery of KubachiWares",in CharlesMelville (ed.), Proceedings(1995), Societas 1999),pp.407-47. Europaea (Cambridge, Iranologica 18 A clay trivet,evidencefor the presenceof a kiln, was discoveredby a teamfromICHOexcavatingat SiteD (see Fig. 17),wheremanyfineSafavidsherdswerecollected. 19 I am gratefulto curator SheilaCanbyfor allowingme to and have them sampled.Colonel these sherds study Holdichworkedas a surveyorfor the AfghanBoundary Commission (1892-98)andvisitedthesitesalongthecoast of Makran(southeastern Iran)in 1891. It is not clearat which sites he collectedthe Safavidsherdsnow in the BritishMuseum,buthis letterto a Mr.Blundell,dated14 June,mentionspotteryfromTiz andPasni.His "Noteson thePotteryandglasspickedup on theMakrancoast"does of thesherds. notshedanyfurtherlighton theprovenance 20 Stein,p. 161.SteindoesnotmentionMahanin his survey reports,andit is possiblethatthesesherdswerecollected by his surveyor,MuhammadAyub, who undertook extensivetopographical surveysforhim;the shrineof the Shi'iteShaykhNi'matullah ValiKirmani,erectedin 1436, was greatlyexpandedby Shah'Abbas(L. Golombekand

21

269

27 28

29 30

31

32

33

34

35 36 37 38 39

40

D. Wilber. The TimuridArchitectureof Iran and Turan

41

1988)pp.394-95. (Princeton, More detaileddiscussionof this point in Golombek, Mason,Proctor,2001.

42

will be analysedandpublishedin thenearfuture. Berlin,Staatliche Museen,1.4231(Lane,pl. 78A). hasthistypeof Onetypewhichmaybe uniqueto Mashhad drawn seal-mark, finely Wanli-type designsin thecentreof the the dish, with light carvingin the walls or cavetto (Golombek,Mason, Proctor,2001, Figs. 10-12). Just above the footringon the exterioris a narrowband of scrolls. Numerous examples of this class exist (for example,Crowe,2002,nos.37-41, 43-45; otherexamples placedby Crowein this groupare probablynot from Mashhad,but this hypothesiswould have to be tested throughsampling). Oxford,Ashmolean,x1213 (Iran,fig. 18); we are very gratefulto Dr.JamesAllanfor allowingus accessto the collectionof theAshmolean. BritishMuseum,1950.10-19.1(ill.Rogers,1983,fig. 154). Golombek,Mason,Proctor,2001,p. 227. Vol. VII, p. 403. Mohammad-Ebrahim Bastani Parizi, art. "Ganj-'Ali in Khan", EIr,vol. X, pp.284-85. See description ("SafavidArchitecture", by R. Hillenbrand in CHIr,vol. VI, pp. 793-95). Hillenbrand calledit "aMaidan-iShah(i.e. of Isfahan)in miniature?" (op.cit.,p. 793). Three"transition style"vessels with cobaltsquaresealMuseumof Art(Golombek, marksarein theMetropolitan Mason,Proctor,200, fig. 17) andthe VictoriaandAlbert Museum(Crowe,2002,nos. 73, 149). S. Little, Chinese Ceramics of the TransitionalPeriod:

1620-1683(NewYork,1983). Thefrontof thisdishis publishedin Lane,1957,pl. 72B. Forexample,Lane,1957,pls. 87-88. Examplesin Crowe,2002,nos. 167-70. Lane,1957,pl. 88B. who Itwas suggestedto me by my colleaguePattyProctor, is researching the Chinesesourcesof Safavidpotteryfor thisproject,thatthistypeseemsto havebeenproducedby theChineseforthePersianmarket. Sampletakenfrom a large storagevessel in a private collection;fortype see Golombek,Mason,Proctor,2001, fig. 24. For a discussionof this groupand manyexamples,see Crowe,2002,pp. 117-23. For example, designs such as "double-scroll"and "weedback"found on the exteriorsof Timuridand

270

43

44

45


Turkman dishesidentifytheworkof NishapurandTabriz, respectively(Golombek,Mason,Bailey,1996). The two signed vessels are in the Victoriaand Albert Museum(437-1887,ill. in Crowe,2002, no. 381, and C1974.1910,ill. Lane, 1957,pl. 81B andp. 17, no. 50; Crowe,2002,no. 279). Sotheby's,London,10 Oct. 1978, Lot no. 130 (Safavid ProjectNo. ZZZ.30). C.L.DavidCollection, inY. 4/1986;illustrated Copenhagen, intoUnderglaze Decoration Crowe,"APreliminary Enquiry of Safavid Wares",in M. Medley (ed.), Decorative Techniquesand Styles in Asian Ceramics(London, 1978): pl. 5a; K. Von Folsach,Islamic Art: The David Collection

46 47

1990),fig. 177. (Copenhagen, Crowe,2002,p. 292. Ahmad'All KhanVaziri,Tirikh-iKirmcTn, by Agha updated Khan,in Tatikh-iSiliyya, ed.Bastani 1961), P~tizi(Tehran, "IslamicArchitecture: the Seljuk pp. 192--93;E. Schroeder, Period",in Survey,fig. 395; D. Wilber,TheArchitectureof IslamicIran: theIlkhanidPeriod (Princeton,1955),p. 182.

48

49 50 51

E. Schroeder, 1938:fig. 367. Vaz-1r,1961, p. 193. Thepanelon theleftwas restoredby a Qajarpotter. in R.W.Ferrier(ed.),The J. Housego,"Carpets: Kirman", Artsof Persia(London,1989),pp. 123-27.

52

53

0. Watson,Persian Lustre Ware( London,1985). L. Golombek,"Thepaysageas FuneraryImageryin the TimuridPeriod",MuqarnasX (1993) (Essays in Honor of Oleg Grabar),pp. 241-52.

54

55

56

Theexceptionsaretwolargestoragejars,buttheirsizemay explainwhy a tile-likepatternwouldhave been chosen (e.g.,London,VictoriaandAlbertMuseum,ill. in Crowe, 2002, nos. 248, 516); see also, also, a fireplacehood (formerlyin a privatecollectionin New York,now in the LosAngelesCountyMuseumof Art). StephenFredericDale, Indian Merchants and Eurasian Trade,1600-1750 (Cambridge,1994). "The peoplelivingsouthof the FridayMosque(masjid-i j]imi'-i muzaffari)desiredto build houses and establish

placesneartheMazarof MalikTura-nshah Saljiqi[which wasneartheMasjid-iMalik],who is knownas MalikAdil. Sincethe construction of the quarterbecameso lovely,it wasknownasHusnabad. Todayit is extremelyflourishing" (Mashizi,p. 276); this quarterwas still knownas Shah 'Adil in the early twentiethcentury (P. Sykes, Ten ThousandMiles in Persia or Eight Yearsin Iran (London,

1902),pl. facingp. 188).Mashizimentionsseveralother quartersthat were redevelopedduringthe seventeenth century,and this accountwill be discussedfurtherin a futurepublication.

PETROGRAPHYOF POTTERYFROM KIRMAN By RobertB. Mason Royal OntarioMuseum

Thethin enoughso thatmostmaterialsaretransparent. sectionis thenobservedthrougha microscopewhichis Theceramicindustryof SafavidIranrepresentsone fitted with polarisingfilters and other optical aids. of the high pointsof the productionof potteryin the These aids enableidentificationof the mineralogyof the rocksand mineralsincludedin the sample.Other world, and especiallyin the Islamic world where it representsone of the final floweringsof a long and observations can be made on the texture and of the inclusions,the degreeof roundness dynamictradition.Like earlierpotterymade in the relationships Islamicworld,it would seem that Safavidfine wares orangularity of thegrains,thedegreeof sorting,andthe were made in a restrictednumberof centres.Textual variationin grainsizes. evidencefor the identificationof these centresexists, The 61itewares made duringthe Safaviddynasty Shiraz and were all of stonepaste,althoughsome samplesreferred citing Mashhad,Kirman,Isfahan,Yazd, Zarand.However, although attempts at attributing to in thisstudyareclay-bodied.Stonepasteis a ceramic centres body developedin the Islamicworld(MasonandTite, specificstylesof Safavidceramicsto particular had been made over the years, particularlythat of is also knownin the literature 1994),andunfortunately ArthurLane (1957), no concrete evidence linking by a host of othernames, such as faience, artificial specific styles to specific centreshas been proposed. paste,frit, quartz-frit,orfritware.The term "fritware"is Hence as partof an interdisciplinary absurdin thiscase as it neithercontainsfrit studyof Safavid particularly nor is a "ware"which is a productin and of itself, ceramics,a programmeof petrographicanalysis of Safavidwareswas initiated(MasonandGolombek,in definedby all aspectsof productionandnot restricted This has enabled the characterisation of This study solelyto theceramicbody(suchas "lustre-ware"). press). Safavidwaresby examination of therocksandminerals confusionin some mindsmay have beenproducedby foundwithinthebody.Five groupsof petrographically- materialslike stoneware,whichstartedoff as a product, defined fabrics, or petrofabrics,were found in the a "ware"strictosensu,buthas been extendedby some and these were attributed to sites of to include any hard and highly fired ceramic. wares, sampled in some is albeit cases this attribution production, Stonepasteis a translationof the wordfor the material tentative.Oneof thesetentativeattributions is to the site whichis usedby the only potterscurrentlymakingthis of Kirman,indicatedby historicalsourcesto be one of type of ceramicbody,which is in Iran(Wulff,1966), themostimportant of the Safavidcentresof production. and should be the term used by anyone who is Hence this became a focus for further study, a concernedwith accuracy(technicalor linguistic)and in is sensitive to the continuingtraditionsif the of relevant wares the who vicinity programme collecting of Kirman(see Golombek,above,pp. 253-270), and countrieswherethesematerialsweremade. theirsubjectionto petrographic analysis.Thispaperis Stonepastecompriseseight to ten parts crushed the resultof thatinvestigation. quartz,onepartof a crushedglassandonepartof a fine white clay. Given that quartzis the primaryintended thepropertiesof thismineralareparticularly ingredient, METHODOLOGY significant in the distinction between stonepaste Thisabundant mineralis commonlyfound petrofabrics. in a and nature as either entails macrocrystalline quartzor microanalysis taking sample Petrographic varieties.Microcrystalline thengrindingone sideopticallyflat.Thissurfaceis then crystalline/cryptocrystalline fixedto a glassslideandtherestof thesampleis ground quartzincludes some with granularmicrostructures downso thata section0.03mm.thickremains(Mason, (e.g. jasper),and otherswith fibrousmicrostructures INTRODUCTION

in press, fig. 2.3. This is a thin section, which is thin

(e.g. chalcedony, agate and chert). An important

271

272


internalfeatureof the crystallinequartzgrainsthathas been recognised and found to be useful, is the cloudinessarisingfromthepresenceof fluidinclusions. The degreeof cloudinessdue to the presenceof fine fluid inclusionsis given a four-folddivision, from opticallyclear,throughslightlycloudy,to cloudy,and finally very cloudy. This is difficult to represent butthe following or evenphotographically, graphically, criteriaenable the authorto distinguishbetweenthe different groups. It must be emphasisedthat the ultimatepoint here is to providethis informationto petrographers who are attempting to analyse stonepastes,and may alreadyhave thin-sectionsfor comparison."Clear"quartzis completelyand entirely devoid of any fluid inclusionswhatsoever."Slightly quartzwill still tendto have cloudy"or "sub-cloudy" some areas clear with a small area of cloudiness, perhapscausedby a singletrailor groupof inclusions. "Cloudy"quartzis evenlycloudy,with all partsof the grainbeingcoveredby fluidinclusions.Thedistinction between "cloudy"and "very cloudy" is the most problematic.Effectivelyvery cloudy quartzhas such largeamountsof inclusionsthattheopticalpropertiesof thequartzareinterfered of with.Therelativeabundance eachgroupis estimatedas withotherminerals.Table1 shows the relative amounts for each stonepaste so fardefinedfromanalysisof potteryfrom petrofabric the Islamicworld. An importantconsiderationis the degreeof magnification.Theoreticallythe higherthe the largerthenumberof fluidinclusions magnification, that would be visible. All the data in Table I were obtainedat 100x. It should be recognisedthat the grainsize may have an effect on the degree of cloudiness.Forinstance,a largesub-cloudygraincould be brokendowninto a cleargrainanda sub-cloudyor cloudygrain. RESULTSOF ANALYSIS:KIRMANPOTTERY The data from examinationof the thirtySafavidperiodceramicsfromthe Kirmanregionare shownin Table2. If one castsan eye downthe rowsof numbers it shouldbe clearthatmostof themareprettymuchthe same. This is what has been reportedpreviouslyas SafavidPetrofabric to Three,witha tentativeattribution Kirman(Masonand Golombek,in press).This group comprisespredominantlyslightlycloudy quartzwith some clearandcloudyquartz(abundances of 35-25%,

5-15%and3-20%respectively); mostlywithundulose butsomestraightandstronglyunduloseextinctions;all in moderateto well sortedangulargrainswith a mean of 0.05mm.and maximumgrainsizetypicallyof 0.2 mm. andoccasionallyup to 0.4 mm. Also traceto 5% of a felsic to intermediate volcanicrocks includinga textured another cherty type, comprising feldspar microlitesandopaques,andvolcanicglass;traceto 3% feldspars,includingcloudypotassicfeldsparsandclear plagioclasefeldspars,bothoftenexhibitingzoningand both often exhibitingalterationof the grainmargins; also trace zircon. The "typical"maximumgrainsize thegrainsizeof thesourcematerial. appearsto represent Occasionallythese largergrains exhibit overgrowth texturestypicalof sandstones.The zonednatureof the alteration of most feldspars would also suggest alterationof grainswhichwereof a size comparable to thatof thesegrains.Thatthis alterationis notrelatedto the creationof the pottery(such as firing affects) is indicatedby the absenceof this marginalalterationin other feldspars.Zirconscan also be indicativeof a detritalsource.This petrofabricmay be distinguished fromotherswitha similarrangeof quartzcloudinessby the presence of volcanic rock fragments,while the those for Zahidanin Afghanistan closestpetrofabrics, and the "IndianOcean"groupof unknown,probably Iranian, origin, both have high contents of polycrystalline quartz. Previousto the analysisof this large groupfrom Kirman,samplesin this groupcomprisedtwenty-eight archaeologicalfinds and a furtherseven objects of unknownorigin.Distributionstronglyconcentratesin the regionof Kirmanandatportandtradesitesoutside of Iran.Giventhe documentary importanceof Kirman in thetradein ceramics,thisdistribution wouldstrongly for tentative of the attribution Safavid Petrofabric argue Three to Kirman.Waresincludeall of the sampled examplesof the polychromefloral slip-paintedtype, and a sizable proportionof the blue-paintedwares. Some examples of wares with black (probably chromium)paintoutliningthe blue-painted decoration, althoughtraditionallyattributedto Mashhad,are also includedin thisgroup. Althoughno kiln evidencewith a stonepastebody was recoveredfrom Kirman,two samplesof objects whichareoftentakenas evidenceof localmanufacture were sampledwhich have clay bodies. These are a trivet-shapeda piece of kiln furniturefoundnearthe Masjidi-Malik(site D in Golombek,this volume,fig.

TABLE 1: Data Ranges for Stonepaste Ceramic Groups in Order of Quartz Clarity.

Petrofabric

"Ottoman"' Mashhadl,2 Damascus2 Safavid-5Mashhad? Safavid-1Mashhad?? FustatMamluk2 FustatFatimid2 Safavid-2 Raqqa-12 Rayy2 "Ma'arrat"2 "Rayy3"2 Safavid-3Kerman? Zahidan' "IndianOcean"' "Swamp"' Kashan2 Tabriz' Samarqandl,2 Nishapurl,2 "TellMinis"2 Maybud ,2

Raqqa-22 "Dragon"' Safavid-4Shahreza

QUARTZ Cloudiness (=100% of total quartz) "sheared" I I slightly-cloudy I very cloudy I chert clear I polycrystalline I cloudy

NON-QUARTZ IINCLUSIONS

Date (century) A.D.

Number of Sample

16th 15th 12th-17th 17th 17th-18th 14th llth-12th 17th 12th 12th 12th 12th-13th 17th 14th 15th 15th 12th-14th 15th-16th 15th 15th-16th 1lth-12th

6 13 57 2 19 10 11 8 4 2 25 9 60 7 10 2 55 20 34 44 4

20th

1

5

10

20

10

1

10

3

2

-

-

-

0.04

12th 15th 16th-17th

18 23 17

2-8 1-4 0-5

10-20 10-15 5-15

10-20 20-25 20-40

3-10 5-12 5-15

tr-4 tr-2 1-20

tr-10 2-10 0-3

0-tr 4-6 0-tr

0-tr 0-tr 0-2

0 0 0

0 0 0

0 0-tr 0-2

0.02 0.04 0.05

60-65 60 40-50 30-40 30-40 40 5-35 20-30 20-25 25-40 3-15 5-20 5-15 8-12 5-10 5-8 1-5 3-10 10-25 10-20 2-15

10-15 2-8 1-7 8-10 5-10 10-20 15-40 15-25 10-15 15-25 15-20 15-30 25-35 10 2-4 4-6 2-8 tr-12 10-25 20-40 20-25

0-2 0-tr 0-1 1-3 0-5 0-6 1-10 2-10 3-5 2-10 1-15 5-15 3-20 5-8 1-2 2-3 tr-5 0-5 1-10 2-10 10-20

0 0 0-tr 0 0-1 0-1 0-2 0-1 0-tr 0-2 0-8 0-5 0-5 1-2 1-2 tr-2 0-2 0-1 0-5 0-5 1-10

tr-1 0-tr 0-tr 0 0 tr-2 0-3 0-1 0-2 2-5 tr-2 0-tr 0-2 10-12 20-30 1-2 0-2 0-1 0-3 1-4 tr-1

0-tr 0-tr 0-1 0 0 5-12 0-2 0-tr 20-25 0-1 2-15 0-2 0 15-20 5-10 30 0-1 0-2 1-20 0-3 tr-1

0 0 0-tr 0 0 1-2 0-tr 0 0 0 0-1 0 0 0-tr 5-11 0-tr 45-50 0-2 0-4 tr-4 tr-5

feldspar

I 0 0 0-tr 0-tr 0 tr-2 tr-0-1 tr-1 0 0-tr 1-3 0-1 tr-3 0-tr 0-1 2 0-2 tr-3 1-2 tr-4 0-tr

(Diam. in carbonate volcanic mode I amphibole

I

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0-tr 0 0 0 0 0 tr 0-2 0-1 0-2 0-1 0

0 0 0 0 0 1-3 0-1.02 0 0 0-1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 2-10 0

0.01 0.02 0.04 0.02 0.03 0.05

tr-4 0 0 0 0 tr-5 0 0 0 0 5-30 0-tr 0 0

0.04 0.02 0.04 0.04 0.01 0.05 0.04 0.04 0.01 0.04 0.04 0.02/0. 0.01/0. 0.01

Column headings: Petrofabric is as defined in text or in I Mason 1996, 2Mason in press. Date is in A.D. or Common Era. Number of samples may recent analyses. Numbers underneath each inclusion represent percentage of total petrofabric body (tr = trace amount, or less than 1%). Totals of columns equals total of quartz in body (other than cryptocrystalline varieties), of which some is polycrystalline and/or "sheared" (for which see M refers to any variety of cryptocrystalline quartz. Only a selection of more common inclusions other than quartz are included; for full descriptions s data include the mode or most commonly occurring grainsize, the maximum or largest-diameter grains, and the diameter of rounded grains, whic size of rounded grain population.

274


17), anda glazedtile (sampleKIR-289foundat site O in Golombek,this volume, fig. 17). Kiln furniture, ceramicobjectsused in the firingprocess,so madeby the potterand which are assumedneverto have been tradedany distancefrom theirplace of manufacture, of any are key samplesused in the characterisation centre of manufacture.Tiles are less reliable as evidence of local manufacture,but apartfrom elite architecturalceramics like lustre-paintedexamples, plain glazedtiles seem to have alwaysbeen madeon site accordingto currentbelief, and this has been supportedby all analysisof tiles to date,for instance those fromthe Blue Mosqueof Tabriz(Mason,1996). Both of these samplesare of the samepetrofabric.In the case of clay-bodiedceramicsthe rockandmineral grainsarecalledaplasticsto distinguishthemfromthe plastic clay mineralswhich comprisethe bulk of the body. These aplastics may be present for various reasons, either naturally occurring or added deliberately(fordiscussionof the latter,see Masonand Cooper,1999). It is these aplasticmineralswhich are identifiedand characterisedin petrographicanalysis. Thepetrofabric of theseclaybodiedceramics,whichis herebydefinedas KirmanClayPetrofabric, comprises a moderatelysortedcoarsesilt (modeof 0.05 mm. and maximumgrainsizeof 0.2 mm) consistingof 5-6% mostlyundulosequartz,3%clearplagioclase,some of which is zoned, about 2% each of biotite, felsic volcanicsand opaques,1% each of a pale yellowish greenclinopyroxeneandcloudypotassicfeldspar,and up to trace of a red-pleochroicamphibole,eitheran oxidisedhornblendeor possiblyoxyhomblendegiven the dominanceof volcanicsources. Thevolcanicrock inclusionsare of varioustexturesincludingvesicular volcanic glass, feldspar phenocrysts in a cherty ground-mass,and fine trachytictexture in glassy ground-mass. Although not strictly comparableto stonepaste ceramic petrofabrics,clay-bodied and stonepastebodiedceramicsmustbe geologicallycompatiblewith eachotherif anhypothesisof a commonoriginis to be sustained. In this case the content of felsic volcanics is particularlyimportant.Both the clay- and stonepastebodied petrofabricscontain identicalinclusions of these extrusive rocks. In the case of the stonepaste wares, it would be assumed that the source of quartz is vein material from the volcanic rock formations,weathered out of the host or country rock and then collected together into a poorly induratedsandstone source. The

sand used in the clay body is considerablyless quartzose,butstillessentiallyappearsto be sufficiently similarto arguefor a commonsource. Still, althoughanalysisof these clay-bodiedwares supportsthe attributionof SafavidPetrofabricGroup Three to Kirman, an attributionalready strongly it remainspreferableto find suggestedby distrubtion, actual evidence of manufactureof the stonepaste bodies,forinstanceby findingwastersorpotterysitting of this evidenceitself. in kilns,andthe characterisation RESULTSOF ANALYSIS:IMPORTEDPOTTERY Amongst the predominantlySafavid Petrofabric GroupThreedata of Table2 there are a numberof sampleswhichareclearlydistinct,specificallysamples KIR-041,KIR-075,KIR-210andKIR-244. SampleKIR-075containsdistinctlymore cloudy grainsthan do the wares attributedto Kirman.This sample is consistentwith Safavid PetrofabricFour, to the Isfahanregion(Masonand tentativelyattributed in Golombek, press).The groupas a whole comprises predominantly cloudyquartzwithsomeslightlycloudy and very cloudy quartzand occasionalclear quartz of 20-40%,5-15%,5-15%andup to 5% (abundances respectively),including up to 20% polycrystalline grains; mostly with strongly undulose but some unduloseextinctions;all in poor to moderatesorted angulargrainswith a meanof 0.05mm.andmaximum grainsizeof 0.5mm. Also up to 2% of a felsic to volcanicrocksof a chertytexture;andup intermediate to 2% feldspars, predominantlyclear plagioclase feldsparswith fuzzy twin boundaries.This group includes thirteen samples, of which most are polychromefiguraland other slip-painted"Kubachi" wares (see Mason and Golombek,in press). This petrofabricis attributedto Isfahanon art-historical evidence,andalso by the analysisof recentstonepaste bodied-wares madein the vicinity. KIR-041 and-244 aredistinctfromtherest Samples of the petrofabricsby containinggreateramountsof clear quartz. This bears similarities to Safavid to any Petrofabric Two,whichis notcurrentlyattributed centre(Masonand Golombek,in press). This group comprises predominantlyclear quartz with some slightly cloudy and occasional cloudy quartz (abundances of 30-20%, 25-15% and 2-10% respectively); mostly with straightbut some undulose

PETROGRAPHY OF POTTERY FROM KIRMAN

275

TABLE 2: Abundances Of Selected Inclusions In Kirman Pottery Quartzclarity I Quartzvariety I grainsize SAMPLE SITE KIR-005 KIR-007 KIR-010 KIR-012 KIR-018 KIR-019 KIR-029 KIR-033 KIR-037 KIR-041 KIR-060 KIR-062 KIR-075 KIR-080 KIR-102 KIR-210 KIR-215 KIR-235 KIR-240 KIR-243 KIR-244 KIR-245 KIR-247 KIR-270 KIR-271 KIR-287 KIR-348 KIR-350 KIR-351 KIR-355

B B B B B B B B B B F F D E J I I L L L L L L M M O N N N N

clear I cloudy I sub-cldylv-cldy 8 5 5 5 2 10 5 2 3 15 3 2 1 10 2 30 5 8 5 2 20 2 7 2 5 5 6 5 3 3

20 20 20 20 25 20 20 20 20 15 20 15 10 25 25 6 20 25 25 20 15 20 20 20 15 20 20 25 20 20

5 5 10 15 10 5 5 15 5 4 10 10 20 10 8 1 10 5 10 10 2 15 5 10 10 10 5 5 10 10

tr 1 1 2 1 1 2 tr 2 1 10 1 1 3 1 3 2 1 3 1 2 3 2 1 1 2 3

polyx

Otherinclusions I

chert volc amph shrd I fels I carb I

1 1 1 - 1 - tr 1 tr 2 tr 3 1 tr tr 2 tr 1 2 tr tr 1 2 tr tr tr 2 tr tr

-

-

tr 1 tr 1 2 tr tr tr 1 1 tr 1 3 1 1 tr 2 tr 1 1 3 1 1 tr tr tr 1

mode .04 .04 .04 .04 .04 .04 .05 .04 .05 .02 .04 .04 .05 .02 .05 .05 .05 .05 .06 .08 .05 .03 .06 .05 .05 .05 .04 .05 .06 .05

max I rounded .2 .2 .2 .4 .2 .2 .2 .4 .3 .15 .2 .2 .3 .1 .5 .8 .1 .2 .3 .7 .1 .1 .2 .5 .3 .3 .2 .3 .3 .3

.4 .3 .7 .5 -

TYPE Black-line Black-line Black-line Blue Blue square Blue tassel Monochromeblue Blue Blue Blue square Black line Black-line Black-line Black-line Blue tassel? Timurid Blue Black-line Black-incised Blue Blue Blue Polychrome Black-line tile Polychrome Black-line Blue Black-line Black-line Blue

For SITEsee Golombek,above,p. 264, fig. 17. Fullercolumnheadingscan be foundin Table1. extinctions;all in well sortedangulargrainswith a meanof 0.04 mm. andmaximumgrainsizeof 0.3 mm. Also traceto 4% of a felsic to intermediatevolcanic rock of a cherty texture with cloudy feldspar phenocrystsandfine opaques,andup to 1%feldspars. Samplespreviouslyusedto definethis groupcomprise eight fragments from archaeological fieldwork, generally comprising undistinctive blue-and-white of the findsis thinlydispersed wares.The distribution acrosswesternandcentralIran(MasonandGolombek, in press). SampleKIR-210is distinctby evenhigheramounts of clearquartz,such thatit is most like the Mashhad Petrofabricdefined for the Timuridstudy (Mason, 1996).Thiswouldbe reasonablein a Safavidceramic,

as thereis excellentevidenceforproductionat this site in this period (Mason and Golombek, in press). of the typologicalattributesof However,consideration this piece reveal that it is in fact a Timuridpiece compatiblewithproductionat Mashhadin the fifteenth century. CONCLUSION This study reinforces the attribution of the earlierdefinedas SafavidPetrofabric Group petrofabric Threeto Kirman(MasonandGolombek,in press).By samplingthese wares we have not only doubledthe samplesize of piecesanalysedandfromwhichdataare

JOURNAL

276

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

KIR.07

KIR.10

KIR-12

KIR.18

KIR.19

KIR.37

KIR.41

KIR60

PETROGRAPHY

OF POTTERY

KIR.62

FROM KIRMAN

277

KIR.75

KIR.102

KIR.80 KtiR.~80

KIR.244

KIR.270 Fig. 1. Selected Safavid ceramics recovered by the Kirman Historic City Project in 2001.

used to define the petrofabricas a whole, but they all representsamples from the Kirmanarea, and so may be considered to be more likely to have been produced locally, given the strong historical evidence for productionat the site. This will lend furthercredence to attemptsat defining the productsof Kirmannot only on

petrographicgrounds but by consideration of stylistic attributesas well. The attributionof this petrofabricto Kirman is furthersupportedby analysis of clay-bodied wares typically thought to be made locally. Interestingly,although the study has shown quite clearly the size and importanceof the Kirman ceramic

278


industryof SafavidIran,it also shows that Kirman's of petrodominancewas not complete.Identification to Kirmanis particularly fabricsotherthanthatattributed of two interestingin this regard.Althoughattribution samples to Safavid PetrofabricGroup Two is not excessivelymeaningfulgiventhatwe do notas yet have an hypothesisfor where it was manufactured,the attributionof a sample to the petrofabricquite to Isfahanseems to be evidence confidentlyattributed thatKirman'scontrolwas not dominantin production, as a productioncentre althoughperhapsits importance led to influenceas an entrepotfor the marketingof Iranianwares to the foreign market.Of particular in thisregardis thehighincidenceof blackimportance attributed to Kirman, linewaresamongstthepetrofabric attributed to Mashhad.Onlya as thistypeis traditionally few of these had been sampledpreviously,enoughto Thegroupof samples questiontheMashhadattribution. heremakethisattribution completelyuntenable reported withoutfurtherstudy.

papersout of this study! I would also like to thank Eileen Reilly who is responsiblefor maintainingthe recordsof the Safavidproject.

Bibliography at Kirman", Golombek, L., "TheSafavidCeramic Industry IranXLI(2003),pp.253-70. Lane,A., LaterIslamicPottery(London,1957). Mason, R.B., "Petrographyand provenanceof Timurid in L. Golombek,R.B. MasonandG. Bailey, Ceramics," Tamerlane'sTableware:a new approachto the Chinoiserie CeramicsofFifteenthand SixteenthCenturyIran (Toronto,

1996),pp.16-56. Idem, To Shine Like the Sun: Lustre-paintedand associated pottery from the early Islamic world (Costa Mesa and

inpress). Toronto, Idem and Lisa Cooper,"Grog,Petrology,and Early atGodinTepe", IranXXXVII Transcaucasians (1999),pp. 25-31,pls.X-XI. of Mason,R.B. and Golombek,L. in press, "Petrography

Acknowledgements

Iranian Safavid Ceramics", Journal of Archaeological

Science30 (2003),pp.251-61

I wouldlike to thankLisaGolombekfor supplying Mason, R.B. and Tite, M.S., "The Beginningsof Islamic XXXVI (1994), the samplesand for otherinputinto this paper,which Archaeometry StonepasteTechnology", 77-91. wouldbe enoughto addheras an author,butas shehas pp. a paperin thisveryvolumeit wasthoughtinappropriate Wulff, H.E., The Traditional Crafts of Persia (Cambridge, for us to appearas thoughwe were tryingto get two Mass.,1966).

BOOK TRANSLATIONS AS A CULTURALACTIVITYIN IRAN 1806-1896 By IrajAfshar Tehran

My aimin this articleis to providea briefsketchof the advent of translationsof Europeanworks into Persian directly from English, French, German, into Arabic(in Russian,or by proxyfromtranslations in Egypt),Turkish,andmorerarelyUrdu,in particular, the hope of providingan insight into their cultural impact.

The sourcesthatI have used apartfrom,and even more than, the surviving printed texts, are the cataloguesof manuscriptsin a number of Iranian libraries.Librariesin Europe, such as the British Museum,the BibliothequeNationalein Paris,the India Office,the Bodleian,andso on, hada lesserinterestin collecting nineteenth-centurywork, particularly and do not, on the whole, have copies of translations, suchtextsfromthisperiod. It is likelythatthe firstbooktranslatedintoPersian was an accountof Napoleon'swarsof 1805-6 against Austriaand Russia.The translation,entitledHavadith Ndma,was madefromTurkish(theoriginaltextwas in French) in 1222 AH/1807-8 by MuhammadRadi Tabriziwho dedicatedit to 'AbbasMirza,the Na'ibalSaltana(prince-regent).2 Following this a history of Alexander,Thrikh-iIskandar,also dedicatedto 'Abbas Mirza, was translatedinto Persian, apparentlyin 1228/1813by Dr JamesCampbell,an Englishmanwho was in the serviceof the Persiangovernmentin Tabriz. It is understoodto be the translator'ssecond known book.3 Campbell'sworkaside,the firstconstructivesteps towardstranslating EuropeantextsintoPersianwithout referenceto intermediarylanguageswere taken by Iraniansthemselves. The pioneers were from two groupsof educatedmen sent to Englandby 'Abbas Mirzain orderto completetheir studies- the first groupof two in 1811 and the secondgroupof five in 1815. On theirreturnto Iran,these students,through their translationsand writings,naturallybecame the conveyersof the modemcultureof Europe. The most dedicatedmemberof the second group was an engineernamedMirzaRida Tabriziwho had

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studiedthe constructionof fortressesandtrenchesand othermilitarysubjects.I'timadal-Saltanarecordsthat MirzaRid~diedin 1299/1882.4His translations of The HistoryofPeter theGreatandTheHistoryof Napoleon are famousand severalcopies of themare still extant. The Khuldsatal-hisab(Summaryof Mathematics)of MirzaJa'farKhanMushiral-Daula,anothermemberof this secondgroup,canalso be regardedas a translation since it was composedin the same style as European texts on mathematics.Mirza Ridctand Mirza Ja'far returnedto Iran in 1235/1819. Their translations, therefore,musthavebeencompletedsometwo orthree yearsafterthisdate. The decisionof the regentto send the first seven studentsabroad,and a later decisionto send a third groupof five studentsto Franceduringthe reign of MuhammadShah in 1845, are clear indicationsthat thosein chargeof affairsof statein Iranaddressedthe needto gainaccessto themodemeducationandscience of Europe.Haji MirzaAqasi, the sadr a'zam under Muhammad Shah,in a letterto MirzaMuhammad'Ali in Paris,wrote,"buyand KhanShirazi,the ambassador bringbooks,old andnew,on militaryindustryandother sciences"(14 Rabi'II 1263/1April 1847).5He clearly intendedto havethesebookstranslated,since some of the studentswere encouragedto translatetexts from Europeanlanguageswhentheyreturned. Travellingand have translating always been two major means of transmittingknowledge and ideas, and with the outbreakof thewarswithRussia,theIranians,too,used themto acquireEuropeancivilisation. It is of some interestto mentionhere that in his Historyof Persia Sir JohnMalcolmhas madea vague andundocumented claimthata summaryof thetheories of Copernicuswith a commentaryby Newton was translatedinto Persian.He believedthatthis workwas probablyresponsiblefor the advancein ideas taking place at the time.However,thereis no evidenceof the existence of such a text in either the contemporary Persiansourcesor in thegroupof manuscripts to which I referred in my introductoryremarks. I have

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concluded,therefore,thatMalcolmprobablyobtained this informationin either India or Iran and that he reportedit withoutmakingany furtherinvestigation.6 If we wish to identifyan approximate date for the of Europeantextsby Iranians,it adventof translations wouldbe somethinglike 1800.In this studyI intendto confine myself to the period ending with the assassinationof Nasir al-Din Shih in 1896; in other wordsa periodof abouta hundredyears.But it maybe useful to providea summaryof developmentsin the epochsthatfollow.Thisearlierperiodaside,the history of translation in modemIrancoversfourdistinctperiods. 1 From the foundationin 1317/1899-1900 of the Schoolof PoliticalScienceaffiliatedto the ministry of foreign affairs, to the establishmentof the Kumisiyun-iMa'arif(EducationCommission)in 1301sh/1922.Translatorsin this period included MuhammadZhir Mirza,Muhammad'Ali Dhuka' al-MulkandYfisufI'tisamal-Mulk. 2 Fromthe Kumisiyun-iMa'arifto the foundationof the Universityof Tehranon 15 Bahman1313sh/4 Februaryl935. 3 From1935to a fewyearsaftertheSecondWorldWar when the activitiesof the leftist groupsbecame prominent. Numerous academic books were translatedand were used as texts for teachingby membersof groupssentto studyin Europeduringthe reignof Muzaffaral-DinShahandfinallyRidaShah. 4 Fromthefoundationof Bungah-iTarjuma va Nashri Kitab (the Organisationfor Translationand Publicationof Books) in 1956, and the establishmentof FranklinBooksProgram,untilthepresent. Let us now turnto the stateof translationand its process in the period extendingfor eighty to ninety yearsfromthe Regencyof 'AbbasMirzato the end of Nasir al-Din Shah'sreign. This periodcan itself be dividedinto two parts.The first is a periodof thirty years beginning with the translations of Mirza MuhandisRidaTabriziin Tabrizandconcludingwith the foundationof the Dar al-Funin School about 1270/1853-54.Duringthe secondperiodmost translationsweredoneby teachersandtranslators of theDar al-Funtinlinkedto the Ministryof Sciences and the Translations Officeof the Ministryof Publications. Translators of booksfromArabicintoPersianused a traditional literarystylewhichhadprevailedformore thana thousandyears,andthisstyleleft its markon the

first translationsfrom Europeanlanguages.For the andforthe subjectandthetextto readersto understand, be in a languagethatwas meaningfuland current,the to renderEuropeanexpressions endeavoured translators and terms into idiomatic Persian. Indeed all the translatorsworking in the reigns of 'Abbas Mirza, MuhammadShah and Nasir al-Din Shahbelieved in strictly following the method used by their predecessors.This method demandedphrases and sentencesthatcould be clearlyunderstoodand which were not merely a literaltranslationof the original. were the ideal.Of course,there Such free translations translationsof the Qur'in in are manyword-for-word which the Persianmeaningof each word is written between the lines under the Arabic. But in other scholarsomittedwordsandphraseswhen translations, it necessary and did not hesitate to deemed they introducea line of poetry or a proverbto replace phrasesand sentencesin the original.For example,in his translationof JamesMorier'sTheAdventuresof HajjiBabaoflspahan,in a passagewhichspeaksof the indolence and self-indulgenceof dervishes, Mirza verses from a HabibIsfahiniinsertsfour appropriate poemby HIafizfromwhichI quotethe first: AL'W1

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In the translationof The One Thousandand One Nights, the same thing happens.Here the translator, Shamsal-Shu'araSurtish,replacedArabicverseswith his own choice of appropriatePersian poetry by classicalpoets andwhen he could not find something suitable,insertedhis own versesin placeof the Arabic content.Thewholeeffortwas to use techniquein order to makethe phrasesmeaningfuland to embellishthe workaccordingto thetasteandstyleof Iranians.HereI might again bring an example from Hajji Baba of Ispahanwhere towardsthe close of an accountof a uses the expressionaz friendlygatheringthe translator hampishidan, to disperse. Translationsfrom the Qajarperiod are generally withinthis frameworkand accordingto these criteria. Translators of literarytextseventhoughtit acceptableto changeEuropeaninto Iraniannames for the sake of easy reading.A good exampleis the translationof the d'un dneby I'timadalComtessede Srgur'sMKmoire in 1306/1888-89. He the namesof the changed Saltana all characters in thebookintoIraniannamesandadded

BOOK TRANSLATIONS AS A CULTURAL ACTIVITY IN IRAN 1806-1896

a numberof Persianphrases,proverbsandpoetryas well as interpretations. MujtabaMinuvi,in an articleon this book,7 writes that the translator'sintentionwas to undermine andcriticiseAminal-Sulttnandthatforthis reasonit wasbanned.Thebook,indeed,hasbittercritical of thesocialsituationoflran.Thetranslator, implications and reversalinto Persiannamesand by transmutation forms,has donehis bestto makethe book look like an buthe gives himself originalworkandnota translation; the word awayby using "anthropologiste". The popularityof this translationis perhapsin part becausestoriesaboutassesin Persianliterature (fables, poemsandtales)havea longhistoryandarecloseto the Iranianmind.Forexample,the weekly Taufiq,wishing to satiriseofficial politicalparties,chose the "Asses' too, in the third Party"as its target.A few personalities, decade of the 1300s (1950s) called themselvesthe "assesgroup". Thereareneverthelesstwo masterpiecesof Persian translation in whichthetranslators, usingthistypicaland traditional have left us with monumental works method, of Persianliterature. The firstis the translationof The Thousand andOneNightswhichwas renderedfromthe Arabicinto Persianby 'Abd al-LatifTasiji duringthe reign of MuhammadShah; the other is Morier's Adventures fromthe ofHajjiBabaoflspahan,translated French version in the mid-1880s by Mirza Habib Isfahaniwhose pen name was Dastan. These two weremastersof theirart.Theywere ableto translators add Persianpoetryand proverbsor substitutephrases whichwouldremaintrueto the overallmeaningof the contenteven thoughit did not conformwordby word. MujtabaMinuvi and Jamalzadahave both briefly of HajjiBaba.8 commentedon thetranslation the translation of Mirza Fath 'Ali Perhaps Akhtnzada'sTamthildt can,withsomeindulgence,also be includedin this category.Tamthilatconsistsof a numberof playsin Turkishthatarecriticalof the social order. The book was published in Tbilisi in 1277/1860-61 and the Persiantranslationby Mirza Ja'farQarajadaghi appearedin Tehranin 1288/1871-72. Inthistranslation, too, slightchangeshavebeenmadein the names. For example, in Mulla Ibrahim Khalil

ShaikhSal~hwas changedintoShaikhSalihand Zargar intoSafarBaikArbab. SafarBaikMalakadar In this period many translationswere made by proxy,thatis to say they were not translatedfromthe originallanguage.HajjiBabaoflspahanis anexample. A numberof scientificworkswerealso translatedinto

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Persianfromthe Turkishand Arabicversionsof the Europeanoriginal,for example,CamileFlammarion's bookof astronomytranslated by Talibufof Tabriz. the time By I'timadal-Saltanawroteal-Ma'thir va in celebration of thefortiethyearof thereignof 'l-Athar al-Din Shah Nasir (the book was printed in1304/1886-87), the number of translatorswho translateddirectly from European languages had increasedconsiderablyas had the numberof those interestedin learningEuropeanlanguages.On this subjectI'timadal-Saltanawrotethe following: Immersingoneself deeply in the teachingand of different anddiversewordsis learning languages thekeyto acquiring sciences, important techniques, industriesand cultures. The introductionto association withthenationsand andcommunication thegovernments of theworldis: thescienceof the French thescienceoftheEnglishlanguage, language, thescienceof theRussianlanguage, andthescience of theGerman language.9 Nasiral-DinShah,who was a manof letterswith a particularinterestin historyand geography,was well awareof the importanceof learningforeignlanguages. He himselfhadacquireda littleFrenchandaccordingto the diariesof I'timadal-Saltana,fromtime to time he also studiedRussianandGerman,whichhe wantedto master.A numberof Qajairprinceslikewise studied foreignlanguagesand left behindseveraltranslations that reveal their interestin this field. In this period, FarhadMirzaMu'tamidal-Daulaevencompileda book of Englishnisabin whichverseswrittenin the Persian alphabetcontain English words followed by their meanings in Persian or vice-versa. Other famous princes who producedtranslationsare 'Ali Bakhsh MirzaandMuhammad TPhirMirza,bothgrandsonsof Fath 'Ali Shah; 'Abd al-HusainMirza, the son of TahmasbMirzaMu'ayyidal-Daula;and HusainQuli 'Imadal-Saltanathe son of 'Izz al-Daula(brotherof Nasiral-DinShah). Duringthisperioda numberof scientific,technical andmedicalworkswerealsotranslated intoPersianfor use in teaching.Thesebookswereall translations from works of Europeanorigin. In some cases they were compilationstranslatedfrom several sources. Since there was a shortageof such books in Persian,and certainlynot a large enough range of them, such compilationscouldnotbe madefromexistingmaterial


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in Persianand therewas no optionbut to translate.A good illustrationof this fact comes in a remarkby I'timadal-Saltanaabouttwo majortextbooksof that

period. On Handiaa-yi vustaiva 'uliyd-'(Intermediate

andAdvancedGeometry)by Nizamal-DinMuhandis al-MamalikGhaffari,one of thosewho had studiedin intoPersianfrom Europe,he writes,"Hehas translated bookswrittenby high rankingprofessors authoritative of Europeancountries."10 IntroducingKitaib-iHay'-at Najmal(TheBook of Astronomy)by 'Abdal-Ghaffar Mulk, he says "he has translatedfrom authoritative EuropeanbooksintoPersian.""1 The translatorscould in theirtask only referto a numberof English-Persiandictionariescompiled in India and French-Persiandictionariescompiled in France.However,the need to producedictionariesin Iran itself was also apparentand an interesting developmentwas the publicationof the firstvolumeof a French-Persian dictionary in Tehran in written 1296/1878-79.12 Accordingto the introduction a of words this was collection by I'timadal-Saltana, Shah himself. and compiled composedby Nasiral-Din It has a French title, namely,Dictionnairemanuel franqais-persan.It would perhapsbe appropriateto quotea few linesfromthe introduction: it andholyinnatepresence, Sincein theenlightened has been ascertainedthat knowledge and of the Frenchlanguageis extremely understanding with andcommunication beneficialfor association othercountriesas well as learningnew sciences, accordingly,with benevolenceand favour,His Majestyhas resolvedto promotethe studyof this languageamongsthis subjects(ra'aya)and his tocollecta setof royalselfhasendeavoured priceless frequentlyused Frenchwords and recordtheir has inPersian. Inotherwords,HisMajesty meanings a French-Persian lexicon. compiled comprehensive

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I mentionedbrieflythat in early translations,the aimwas to keepwithinthe currentstyle of translators' Persianprose,and to be in no way influencedby the structureof the foreign languagein question.With respectto theusageof words,commonexpressionsand terminologyof the day were appliedwhich,of course, nowadaysmostlysoundunsuitableto us. I will bringa few examples,to illustratethepoint. In Rid~ MuhandisTabrizi's1837 translationof a bookaboutNapoleonwe read:13

Iran. Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies

Iran. Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies

Iran. Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies