Iran. Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies

IRAN Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies 2000

XXXVIII VOLUME

CONTENTS Page ........ Governing Council .............. Council the of Report ........................... .................... ...... Obituary ... .....

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The International Merv Project. Preliminary Report on the Eighth Season (1999), by Georgina Herrmann, K. Kurbansakhatov, . .... StJohn Simpson et al. ................... Kirman, terre de turbulence, par Malek Iradj Mochiri ...........

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The Persepolis Sculptures in the British Museum, by Terence Mitchell . The Khazineh Painted Styles of Western Iran, by Yosef Garfinkel . . . . The Khwarazmshahs of the Banmi cIraq (Fourth/Tenth Century), ...... . ........ by MichaelFedorov ........... Decoding the Two-Dimensional Pattern found at Takht-i Sulaiman into Three-Dimensional Muqarnas Forms, by Muhammad Ali Yaghan . Scholarship and a Controversial Group of Safavid Carpets, by Murray L. Eiland III................................ Prince cAbd ul-Husayn Mirza Farman-Farma. Notes from British Sources, by Denis Wright ................ ...... .. The Survival of Zoroastrianism in Yazd, by Nile Green ........... Islamic Modernity and the Desiring Self: Muhammad Iqbal and the Poetics of Narcissism, by Yaseen Noorani ............... New Perspectives on the Chronological and Functional Horizons of Kuh-e Khwaja in Sistan, by Soroor Ghanimati ...........137 Archaeological Reports

THE BRITISH

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OF PERSIAN

49 57 71 77 97 107 115 123

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STUDIES

A Registered Charity

c/o The British Academy, 10 Carlton House Terrace, London SW1Y 5AH ISSN 0578-6967

STATEMENTOF AIMS AND ACTIVITIES 1. The Institute has an establishment in Tehran at which British scholars, men and women of learning versed in the arts, friends of Iran, may reside and meet their Iranian colleagues in order to discuss with them subjects of common interest: the arts, archaeology, history, literature, linguistics, religion, philosophy and cognate subjects. 2. The Institute provides accommodation for senior scholars and for teachers from British Universities in order that they may refresh themselves at the source of knowledge from which their teaching derives. The same service is being rendered to younger students who show promise of developing interests in Persian studies. 3. The Institute, whilst concerned with Persian culture in the widest sense, is particularly concerned with the development of archaeological techniques, and seeks the co-operation of Iranian scholars and students in applying current methods to the resolution of archaeological and historical problems. 4. Archaeological excavation using modern scientific techniques as ancillary aids is one of the Institute's primary tasks. These activities, which entail a fresh appraisal of previous discoveries, have already yielded new historical, architectural, and archaeological evidence which is adding to our knowledge of the past and of its bearing on the modern world. 5. In pursuit of all the activities mentioned in the preceding paragraphs the Institute is gradually adding to its library, is collecting learned periodicals, and is publishing ajournal, Iran, which appears annually. 6. The Institute arranges occasional seminars, lectures and conferences and enlists the help of distinguished scholars for this purpose. It will also aim at arranging small exhibitions with the object of demonstrating the importance of Persian culture and its attraction for the world of scholarship. 7. The Institute endeavours to collaborate with universities and educational institutions in Iran by all the means at its disposal and, when consulted, assists Iranian scholars with technical advice for directing them towards the appropriate channels in British universities.

MEMBERSHIP OF THE INSTITUTE Anyone wishing to join the Institute should write to the Membership Secretary, c/o The British Academy, 10 Carlton House Terrace, London SW1Y 5AH. The annual subscription rates (1stJanuary-31st December) are as follows: Full membership (U.K. only) ?25 ?8.00 Member not receiving journal Full membership (Overseas) ?30 or $60 ?7.50 Student membership COPIES OF IRAN Full members of the Institute receive a post free copy of the current issue of the journal Iran each year. Copies of Iran may be obtained from the Publications Secretary (address as above) at the following prices: ?30 or US$60 each plus ?3/US$6 Current issue-single copies purchased by non-members per copy for postage and packing (surface mail outside Europe) see publications list inside back cover Back numbers-please Those ordering from overseas may pay in US dollars or by sterling draft drawn in London, by international money order or by Eurocheque.

IRAN Volume XXXVIII2000

CONTENTS Page Governing Council Report of the Council Obituary

ii

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iii

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v

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The International Merv Project. Preliminary Report on the Eighth Season (1999), by Georgina Herrmann, K. Kurbansakhatov, StJohn Simpson et al ............ . . . . . .

Kirman, terre de turbulence, par Malek Iradj Mochiri ....

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The Persepolis Sculptures in the British Museum, by Terence Mitchell ........... . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Decoding the Two-Dimensional Pattern found at Takht-i Sulaiman into ThreeDimensional Muqarnas Forms, by Muhammad Ali Yaghan ..............

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Scholarship and a Controversial Group of Safavid Carpets, by MurrayL. Eiland III ......

97

The Khazineh Painted Styles of Western Iran, by Yosef Garfinkel

The Khwarazmshahs of the Banti CIraq(Fourth/Tenth Century), by Michael Fedorov

Prince CAbdul-Husayn MirzaFarman-Farma.Notes from British Sources, by Denis Wright ..

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The Survival of Zoroastrianism in Yazd, by Nile Green

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Islamic Modernity and the Desiring Self: Muhammad Iqbal and the Poetics of . Narcissism, by Yaseen Noorani .................. ......... New Perspectives on the Chronological and Functional Horizons of Kuh-e Khwaja in . Sistan, by Soroor Ghanimati . ............................ Archaeological Reports

THE BRITISH

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INSTITUTE

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OF PERSIAN

123 137 151

STUDIES

A Registered Charity

c/o The British Academy, 10 Carlton House Terrace, London SW1Y 5AH ISSN 0578-6967

BRITISH INSTITUTE OF PERSIANSTUDIES (A Registered Charity) GOVERNING COUNCIL President DESMOND HARNEY,O.B.E., B.Sc. Vice-President Professor ROBERT HILLENBRAND, M.A., D.Phil., F.R.S.E. HonoraryVice-Presidents Professor A. K. S. LAMBTON, O.B.E., D.Lit., F.B.A. Professor D. B. STRONACH, O.B.E., M.A., F.S.A. Sir DENIS WRIGHT, G.C.M.G., M.A. Members W. ALLAN, M.A., D.Phil. *ProfessorJ. Professor C. E. BOSWORTH, M.A., Ph.D., F.B.A. Sir NICHOLAS BARRINGTON, K.C.M.G., C.V.O. SHEILA R. CANBY,M.A., Ph.D. J. E. CURTIS, B.A., Ph.D., F.S.A. J. P. LUFT, M.A., Ph.D. VANESSAMARTIN, M.A., Ph.D. CHARLESMELVILLE,M.A., Ph.D. CHRIS RUNDLE, O.B.E., M.A. HonoraryTreasurer PETER KNAPTON, B.Phil., M.A., M.B.A., F.C.C.A. and HonoraryLibrarian HonorarySecretary ROBERT GLEAVE,B.A., M.A., Ph.D. Joint Editors Professor C. E. BOSWORTH, M.A., Ph.D., F.B.A. VESTA SARKHOSH CURTIS, M.A., Ph.D. Secretary VESTA SARKHOSH CURTIS, M.A., Ph.D. HonoraryCovenantSecretary PETER DAVIES,M.A. Auditors PRIDIE BREWSTER,29-39 London Road, Twickenham, Middlesex TW1 3SZ.

c/o The British Academy, 10 Carlton House Terrace LONDON SW1Y5AH

*Member of Research Committee

P.O. Box 11365-844 Tehran IRAN

REPORT OF THE COUNCIL to 31st March 1999 Another year, and the Institute's work continues to progress. The research sponsored by the Institute has thrived, resulting in books and conferences and the continued success of the journal IRAN. We held two well-attended public lectures and a number of students and researchers have been sponsored for research trips to Iran. First, the lectures: Henry McKenzie Johnston gave the AGM lecture on 17 November 1998 in which he retraced the steps of James Morier through nineteenth-century Persia. It was a fascinating account and much enjoyed by all. June saw the Summer lecture with a visitor from Tehran: Professor Esmail Kahrom gave an interesting talk on the Persians and their attitude to animals through the ages. He later received a BIPS grant to study the tdzi (Saluki) dog. Second, the conferences: the Institute has sponsored or co-sponsored conferences on Iranian cinema, on Iran during the Reza Shah Period, and on Art and Architecture in Qajar Iran. These conferences were a great success, being well attended and with interesting contributions from an international range of scholars. Third, the grants: from the Undergraduate Bursary Fund, we were able to contribute towards the costs of six undergraduates to study Persian in Iran. Research grants included an exciting project between Bradford University and the Archaeological Department of Tehran University analysing the material from the excavations at Cheshmeh Ali, Rayy; Dr. Lloyd Ridgeon's study of javanmardf (chivalry); Dr. John Bailey's research on the dow-tar,and Dr. Richard Schofield's research on Iran's Northern Borderlands. In addition, we continued to support the publication of the monuments and excavations at Merv, a major project under the directorship of Dr. Georgina Herrmann. As many of you will know, we also sponsor a number of long-term projects. These are based on joint research between Iranian and British academics. Current subjects include a History of Iranian Steel (under the directorship of Professor James Allan; a Catalogue of Sasanian Coins in the Muzeh Melli, Tehran (Dr Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis); Religion and Society in Qajar Iran (Dr Robert Gleave); PreMongol Architecture (Professor Robert Hillenbrand); Qajar Rock Reliefs (Dr Paul Luft); and Iran during the Reza Shah Period (Dr Stephanie Cronin). BIPS continues to support these projects, with ongoing grants for research in Iran and visits by Iranian academics to the UK One area where there has been particularly strong progress is the work of the Institute in Tehran. Dr Robert Gleave, BIPS' Honorary Secretary, was Acting Director in Qolhak between January and July 1999. During this period, the Library was reopened, the building refurbished and all the study rooms made available for use. A computer was purchased and we now have on line e-mail access in Tehran. Mrs. Mahbanou Adle, our newly-appointed librarian, and Mr. Houman Kordmahini, our resident caretaker, have worked hard to make the building a pleasant and comfortable place in which to work and do research. They now form our Tehran staff, and we strongly recommend BIPS members to visit the Institute - or even better, to stay there. The Institute's work has been greatly enhanced by the improvement in British-Iranian relations, and the British ambassador (the former Charge d'Affaires) and his wife paid an official visit to the Institute in June. The Embassy continued to provide much needed support for our Tehran operations. In London, we moved with the times by establishing our own pages on the British Academy website, and we began to prepare a handy brochure about the Institute and its work. Finally, it is left for us to thank Mr. Peter Knapton, our Honorary Treasurer, Dr. Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis (in her capacity as Secretary in the London Office), Mr. Peter Davies for his selfless voluntary work in the office on our behalf, members of the Advisory Council for their advice and support, our Tehran staff (as mentioned above), the staff of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office Iran Desk, the

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British Embassy in Tehran and the Iranian Embassy in London. In this respect, we congratulate Their Excellencies Mr Gholamreza Ansari and Mr Nick Browne on their respective elevation to the post of Ambassador. Last but not least, we thank our hosts the British Academy, who have provided office space and technical support facilities which have transformed our life in London and our ability to serve our members. We look forward to a promising and productive year of activities ahead. ROBERT GLEAVE

DESMOND HARNEY President

Honorary Secretary

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OBITUARY HELEEN SANCISI-WEERDENBURG (23 May 1944 - 28 May 2000) Heleen Sancisi-Weerdenburg died on 28 May 2000 in Utrecht,just five days after her fifty-sixthbirthday. She had been suffering from cancer for the last four years. With her passing, the study of ancient Iran has lost an exceptional scholar. Heleen began her studies in classical languages and history in Leiden, and moved on to research under the supervision of Professor W. den Boer, a specialist in Greek history. Her interest in early Iran arose from an engagement with the classical Greek period, which has provided such potent, but problematical, images of Achaemenid history. For her PhD thesis, she set herself the task (and it became a perennial theme) of trying to disentangle the complex realities of the Achaemenid empire from the distorting web created by Greek literary conventions. To do this, she studied Old Persian, mainly on her own, and Iranian archaeology with Louis Vanden Berghe in Ghent. The fruits of her work appeared in her doctoral dissertation, Yaunaen Persai in een anderperspectief (Leiden 1980). The first, and perhaps most important, chapter was a detailed analysis of Xerxes' well-known daiva inscription, in which she argued forcefully against attempts to connect its statements with historical events, setting it instead into the context of the formal rhetoric of Old Persian kingship, which began with Darius I's Behistun inscription. This, in effect, detached the text from Xerxes as an individual, and was a crucial first step in reassessing the significance notjust of Xerxes' reign, but, the entire history of the Achaemenid empire in the later fifth and fourth centuries.1 The problems raised in interpreting the diversity of sources available for Achaemenid history, the temptation to fit them into a picture congruent with the image derived from Greek narratives, and the inevitable resulting sterility in terms of historical understanding, inspired Heleen to set up the Achaemenid History Workshops. Begun in 1980 in Groningen,2 with a small group of Dutch scholars, they became from 1983 on an annual event drawing together a group of scholars from across the world.3 The organisation was important: each Workshop focused on a specified theme, on which contributions were solicited; all papers were circulated in advance; the one and a half day Workshop sessions were devoted solely to discussions and the number of participants limited to c. 30. The results were electrifying as the debates gathered momentum. One left at the end of these intense days exhausted but exhilarated, full of new ideas, information and approaches. Apart from the first two, all the Workshops were published, with contributors asked to modify their papers in the light of issues raised in the course of the Workshop sessions;4 they form the first eight volumes of the continuing AchaemenidHistoryseries.5 The impact of the Workshops has been, and continues to be, immense in setting a new agenda for studying the Achaemenid empire, which in turn has had important repercussions on assessments of Alexander the Great and the hellenistic phase of Middle Eastern history.6 Although the Achaemenid History Workshops are, and will remain, Heleen's most lasting memorial,7 her other work and interests should not be forgotten. In addition to a mass of stimulating articles on Persian topics,8 she was closely involved in, and an active contributor to, the growing fields of study on women in antiquity,9 history of food and eating,10 early travellers' descriptions of Achaemenid sites,11early Greek history and the history of classical scholarship.12 In all these diverse areas she was immensely active: writing, lecturing, fostering public interest, teaching, opening up new perspectives. She was a stimulating speaker and thus in constant demand: in The Netherlands she gave unstintingly of her time, addressing a variety of nonspecialist audiences; she lectured extensively in the United States, Canada and England; she was invited to speak in France, Italy, Germany, Poland, Greece, Turkey and South Africa. In what has turned out to be a tragically brief life, she has been, with her acute intellect and personal generosity, almost single-handedly responsible for revitalising the study of early Persian history, in a manner that has changed the field enduringly. It is sad that her early death has prevented her from fulfilling one of her most cherished wishes - to visit Iran. 1 An excellent summary of her approach and conclusions of this aspect of her work can be found in her article, "The personality of Xerxes," ArchaeologiaIranicaet Orientalia,Miscelleneain honoremLouis VandenBerghe(eds. L. de Meyer and E. Haerinck), Ghent, 1989, 549-562 2

After teaching history in a secondary school for some years, she was appointed

Groningen.

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to a lectureship

in ancient history at the University of

3 In 1984, Heleen and I drew up plans for six further workshops which would explore broad issues and made a firm decision to end them in 1990. All were held in Groningen, apart from 1985 (London) and 1990 (Ann Arbor, Michigan). 4 AchaemenidHistoryI-VIII, Leiden, Netherlands Institute for the Near East, 1987-1994. 5 Subsequent volumes: M.B. Garrison and M.C. Root; 1996-98, PersepolisSeal Studies(AchHist IX); P. Briant, 1996, Histoirede l'empire perse(2 vols. [co-published with Fayard, Paris], AchHist X); M. Brosius & A. Kuhrt (eds), 1998, Studiesin Persian History:Essays in MemoryofDavid M. Lewis(AchHist XI); D. Kaptan, in prep., TheDaskyleionBullae (AchHist XII). 6 See, for example, the many studies of P. Briant, an influential participant of the Workshops, on aspects of Alexander and Hellenistic history; also the studies of the Seleucid empire by A. Kuhrt and S. Sherwin-White (1987, 1993). 7 It was a tribute to her achievement in putting Achaemenid history "on the map" of ancient history, that she was chosen to hold the Dutch Professorship in Ann Arbor, Michigan (1989-1990), followed by her appointment to the Chair of Ancient History in Utrecht in the spring of 1990 and her election to the Dutch Research Council. 8 These range from her own fundamental analyses of the pernicious influence of "orientalism"on Achaemenid studies and a revolutionary approach to the "Median empire" to discussions of the royal practice of gift-giving (in P. Briant & C. Herrenschmidt (eds.), Le tributdans l'empireperse,Paris 1989), "Persian political concepts" (in K. Raflaub (Hsg.), AnfiingepolitischenDenkensin derAntike Leiden 1999). (Munich 1993) and historiography (in C. Kraus (ed.), TheLimitsof Historiography, 9 An article of particular relevance for readers of this journal is "ExitAtossa: images of women in Greek historiography on Persia",in A. Cameron & A. Kuhrt (eds.), Imagesof Womenin Antiquity,London 1983-1993. 10 She co-edited a book on the history of food (with sample recipes), which reached the bestseller list in The Netherlands in the summer of 1994. See also her "Persianfood and political identity", Foodin Antiquity(eds.J. Wilkins, D. Harvey, M. Dobson, Exeter 1995). 1 The Ninth Achaemenid History Workshop (1989) was devoted to this subject. Simultaneously, Heleen organised an exhibition of relevant books and drawings, accompanied by a volume discussing, for example, the limitations imposed on European visitors to Persian sites by prevailing artistic ideas and conventions. This abiding interest was taken further in her involvement with a group interested in the Dutch eighteenth-century traveller, Cornelis de Bruijn (cf. the exhibition catalogue of the Allard Pierson Museum (Amsterdam 1998) on de Bruijn'sjourneys). 12 Just a few days before her death, the papers from a conference on Peisistratos, which she had organised and edited were published (Peisistratosand Tyranny:a Reappraisalof theEvidence).A symposium on the classical tradition, set up by Heleen, will be held in Athens later this year.

AMELIE KUHRT University College London

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THE INTERNATIONALMERVPROJECT PRELIMINARYREPORT ON THE EIGHTH SEASON (1999) By Georgina Herrmann, K. Kurbansakhatov,StJohn Simpson et al. Londonand Ashgabat

This has been an exciting year for Merv. It has been selected for inclusion as one of UNESCO's prestigious Sites of World Heritage Status and Merv has also been listed as one of the world's hundred most threatened sites in their list for the Year 2000 by World Monuments Watch. This dual recognition of the unique cultural and historical importance of this great series of cities and their associated monuments is a major achievement for Turkmenistan and will lead, it is hoped, to grants to fund desperately needed training programmes and conservation work on Merv's threatened monuments. Appropriately this is also the year when the Archaeological Park "Ancient Merv"with its minimal funds managed to begin conservation work on the Greater and Lesser KyzKalas.The outer walls of these buildings have been seriously eroded during the centuries, leaving mudbricks hanging totally unsupported. A programme is underway, as funds permit, to rake out the loose soil under the hanging walls and dig down to the pakhsaplatform on which these buildings are constructed (P1.Xa). Having reached a firm base, a supporting mudbrick wall is built and plastered (P1. Xb). During work on the south facade of the Little Kyz Kala an entrance at lower storey level was revealed in the centre, below the raised rectangular panel (Herrmann 1999, 87, fig. 100). Finally, this year has seen the first of the final publications of the International Merv Project. Appropriately this is recording some of the monuments of the oasis, the most fragile, that is those predominantly built of mudbrick. These include residences, palatial and otherwise, pavilions, kepter khanas, and the remarkable icehouses, once well known on the Iranian plateau but still extant at Merv. The Monumentsof Merv: TraditionalBuildings of the Karakum, was published by the Society of Antiquaries of London, in November 1999. Publication of this richly illustrated volume has been made possible thanks to generous sponsorship by Monument Resources Petroleum and by Mobil E & P Ventures, to whom the IMP is deeply grateful. 1999 was the eighth season of work by the Turkmen-British archaeological collaboration, the International Merv Project, and the second year of the third, three-year collaboration, agreed in 1997 1

between the National Institute for the History of Turkmenistan of the Cabinet of Ministers, University College London and the British Museum. Permit, No. 0007 of 2 September 1999, signed by the Deputy Minister of Culture of Turkmenistan, G. Vasova, and issued to Dr. Kurbansakhatov, entitled the expedition to carry out multi-disciplinary investigations of the city-sites of Ancient Merv from 1 September to 31 October 1999. We are very grateful to the Archaeological Park "Ancient Merv"for making available to us their expedition house and for turning their new and excellent site museum into our workroom for the duration of the expedition. We thank the Director, Rejeb Dzaparov, for his ready help and support, and for lending to us two members of his staff, our representative from the Ministry of Culture, the invaluable Akmohammad Annaev, and his architect, Rejeb Akhmedov. Work began on 6 September and continued to 20 October. During this period four sets of excavations were undertaken, two in Gyaur Kala and two in Sultan Kala. The Gyaur Kala excavations were: 1. the 4-5th century Sasanian house in GyaurKala: MGK5, on which work was concluded, and 2. the walls of Gyaur Kala:MGK6. These excavations were undertaken by St J. Simpson (British Museum), V. A. Zavyalov (Institute for the History of Material Culture, St. Petersburg), N. Smirnova (Pushkin Museum, Moscow), D. Demey (University of Ghent, Belgium), K. Rutten (University of Ghent, Belgium) and E. Leoni (University of Ravenna), assisted by a volunteer, A. Pospielevski, and a number of workmen, five in Gyaur Kala Area 5 and up to fifteen on the Gyaur Kala walls. Bulldozers were hired to remove spoil and to backfill MGK 5 at the end of the season. At the dig-house the ceramics were processed by G. Puschnigg (University College London). Excavations in Sultan Kala were conducted in: the palatial building in the medieval citadel, 1. ShahryarArk, MSK 1: and 2. existing sections through the north, east, west and south fortification walls of Sultan Kala, which were cleaned to enable re-assessment of their construction history.

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Work on the palatial building was conducted by D. Wicke (University of Mfinster), A. Daems (University of Ghent) and I. Cheyne (University College London), assisted by five workmen. Work in the 1999 season was focused on recording the decorative scheme of the iwanssurrounding the principal internal courtyard. The programme of mapping the fortifications of Merv was continued by a further team consisting of A. Annaev, P. Brun and G. Akhadanat, assisted by workmen. They were joined by Professor T. Khodjaniasov (University of Ashgabat) at the beginning and end of the season. He continued work on his unfinished excavations to the north and south of the presumed Kushmeihan Gate, with the aim of determining whether there was indeed a major gate and road at this point, or whether the impressive defences were designed to protect the outflow of the Majanacanal. Towards the end of the season the walls of Abdullah Khan Kala were photographed, prior to recording in the year 2000. The ceramics were processed by D. Gilbert (University College London). Work on the excavated animal bone recovered from excavation was undertaken by I. Smith (Chester Archaeology). F. Pewtress (MOLAS) drew the ceramics and small finds, and D. Gilbert and G. Herrmann photographed the excavated coins and small finds. 126 coins from previous YuTAKE excavations were cleaned by P. Pearce (British Museum) who also conserved other finds. The Monuments programme was continued in 1999, with the focus on the mosques and mausolea of the oasis. A two-week programme was undertaken by Professor R. Hillenbrand (University of Edinburgh), D. Gye and J. Rock (University of Edinburgh, photographer), together with G. Herrmann, K. Judelson and A. Annaev. The monuments team was assisted by the architect of the Archaeological Park, R. Akhmedov. As always,the I.M.P. is deeply grateful to KathyJudelson with her incomparable linguistic skills. We were fortunate that she was with us much of the season: she also helps throughout the year. Funding for the field season was generously provided by grants received from the Max van Berchem Foundation, Geneva, the British Museum and the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York*. The visit by Professor Hillenbrand was funded by the Iran Heritage Foundation. The on-going programme of post-excavation work is funded by grants from the Arts and Humanities Research Board, the British Academy, the Charlotte Bonham Carter Charitable Trust and the Max van Berchem Foundation, Geneva, while the British Institute of Persian Studies provided funds for the preparation for publication of the Monuments of Meru series. We are deeply indebted to all for their generous support.

STUDIES

A SASANIAN RESIDENTIALQUARTER: Gyaur Kala Area 5 1. Architecture,stratigraphyand smallfinds, byStJ Simpson During the 1999 season the excavations were brought to a close in this area of the site where investigations began in 1993/94. The primary aims of this final season were to check remaining stratigraphic and architectural points and excavate, where possible, a larger sample of the earliest contexts in one building (Structure C). These were successfully realised within the fortnight allotted although recording continued thereafter on a limited scale. Structure C consisted of two parts, a storeroom and four inter-connecting rooms that were used for residential and domestic purposes. It was bounded by a narrow alley on the east, from which separate doorways led into the storeroom and residential rooms, and a broader street on the south. The main architectural features and site-formation processes have been outlined in earlier preliminary reports. This season's investigations added the following principal results. A. Thestoreroom(Room606): The earliest construction phase was reached at an approximate depth of 2 m. below present ground level. The plan consisted of a rectangular room measuring 9.50 m. east/west by 2.30 m. north/south and entered from the east by a doorway 0.85 m. wide. The interior plan consisted of a long narrow gangway, between 0.70 and 1.10 m. across, surrounded on the three sides opposite the entrance by a low plastered bench, the top of which was raised between 0.15 and 0.20 m. above floor level. This bench was used to support rows of large coil-built storage jars (khums), the lightly rounded bases of which were invariably wedged with broken fired bricks or, occasionally, large potsherds, often three in number and equally spaced around the foot of the vessel (P1.If). This is a feature noted by earlier excavators of such jars in Gyaur Kala (e.g. Pumpelly 1908, 215; Katsuris and Buryacov 1963, 140, fig. 9). The primary floor, benches and walls were covered with green mud plaster. The floor and benches were repeatedly raised in later phases-as found in previous seasons-but usually plastered with a light brown mud plaster. The walls themselves remained substantially unchanged until the end of this building. The lowest floor context (ctx 1071) produced several small finds, including a red-slipped horse figurine (Fig. 1:1, P1. Ia), two curved iron knife blades and a decorated copper alloy hook. In order to test the archaeological deposits beneath this room and to the north of it a 1 m. wide section was excavated across the centre. This revealed an earlier floor level and the remains of a

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Fig. 1. SelectedMiddleSasanian smallfindsfrom GyaurKala, Area5: 1: head of red-slippedhorsefigurine with bridle(SF10242), 2: bodyof horsefigurine withsaddle(SF4978), 3: rearend of horsefigurine(SF10283), 4: headoffigurine (SF 10279), 5: head offigurinewith diadem(SF4975), 6: headand bodyoffemalefigurine holdinga mirror(SF10253), 7:female riderfigurine holdinga mirror(SF 10282), 8: maleriderfigurinewith high cap (SF10243), 9: bodyoffemalefigurine holdinga mirror(SF10239), 10: bonepin, 11: bonepin with redinfilling on thehead (SF10286).

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plastered circular hearth, 0.66 m. across, with verti- white colour, the appearance of which superficially cal coil-built clay walls blackened on the interior and resembles plaster. Similar hearths have been supported on the outside by a thick clay plaster coat reported from a fourth century level in YuTAKE constructed from floor level and containing an ashy Trench 8 in Erk Kala (Usmanova 1991, 30). The prifill. This belonged to an earlier structure with a dif- mary fills of the hearths consisted of a thin black ash ferent function to the excavated storeroom above. followed by a densely compacted cake of white ash, Green plastered floors, a hearth and other deposits perhaps resulting from the burning of dung fuel. The upper parts of the hearths were invariably associated with a separate structure were also found of the the north wall storeroom, indicating destroyed as part of the levelling-up for the next abutting that on this side Structure C was bounded by another floor, hence the hearths only survived to a height of some 0.10 m. The regular replacement of the house rather than a street or open courtyard. B. The residentialunit (Rooms600, 603, 604, 841): hearths also suggests a relatively short lifespan for each. Further evidence was found for regular remodelling The last remaining room (Room 604), situated and refurbishment of these rooms, although each due west of Room 600, and entered through a its main function and to have characappears kept ter. During the earliest excavated phase, the square 0.70-0.90 m. wide doorway with a heavily worn plasroom in the south-west corner, measuring 2.80 m. tered brick threshold, measured 2.70 m. east/west by 3.20 m. north/south. The floors were found to have east/west by 3.50 m. north/south, appeared to open via been onto the street to the south, kept very clean, a constant feature of this room immediately directly a doorway some 1 m. across. This was the only exca- in later phases; a single small hearth, probably for vated phase during which there was direct access to heating rather than cooking, was found near the this street from this building. An architectural fea- centre of the room; other architectural features ture of this room was a low plastered bench (sufa) included a low rectangular plastered brick sufa along running along the eastern side, rising some 0.25 m. one wall and a niche in the south-west corner of the above the latest plastered floor. This door was later room. blocked and a new 0.90 m. wide doorway opened C. Thealleyand street:Excavations were continued from the adjacent room (Room 841) onto the alley along and across the alley and street located due east and south of Structure C. The removal of a door to the east. Rising floor levels in Room 841-trigstreet outside-necessitated levels blocking leading into Room 603 revealed a later gered by rising the construction of a pair of steps, covered with sequence of deposits, totalling 1.40 m. in depth. green mud plaster, sloping down some 0.70-0.80 m. These were excavated in a nearby section-deepto Room 603 (P1.Ig) before the occupants eventually ened from last season-over an area measuring blocked the connecting 0.70 m. wide doorway, 3.30 m. north/south by 1.45 m. east/west and stopinfilled the room to a depth of 0.50-0.60 m. and ping at the level of a 2.20 m. wide bricky pavement rebuilt the walls on a foundation course of single running alongside the south exterior face of Structure C. Finds from refuse deposits within this A bricks and a thick layer of bonding. semi-complete so-called "Margian goddess" figurine of a standing street included fourth-fifth century Sasanian coins, female figure holding a mirror was found in this provisionally identified by N. Smirnova (Table 1), a infilling (Fig. 1:6, P1.Ic) along with several semi-com- finely modelled head of a female figurine wearing an elaborate diadem (Fig. 1:5, P1. Ib) and two small plete or partly reconstructable pottery vessels. was the to the Room 841 east, largest sherds belonging to Sasanian thick-walled glass Immediately room in the house, measuring c. 5.10 m. north/ bowls, one belonging to a fifth century hemispherisouth by 4.75 m. east/west. Its floors were regularly cal shape with circular facets. Sadly the high degree plastered, and it presumably functioned for most if of decomposition of the glass fabrics prevents comnot all of its life as the equivalent of a sitting room. positional analysis, although the vessels were probaAccess to the last two remaining rooms was, during bly imported from Mesopotamia. Further sections were excavated along the alley. the earliest phase, from a doorway with a plastered brick threshold 0.90 m. across in the north-east cor- The general sequence of regularly alternating levelner. This entered into Room 600, a small rectangu- ling-up deposits and greenish, organic refuse-filled lar space with regularly plastered floors, ashy infill- gullies, flanked by one or more narrow pavements was repeated. Evidence was also found for in situ ings and a sequence of consecutively constructed and dismantled hearths similar to that found below burnt spots close to the doorways, suggesting the the storeroom. These were built to a standard circu- lighting here of small casual fires on a regular basis. Small finds included a complete bone pin with a lar plan, c. 0.53-0.60 m. across, with vertical coiled clay walls reinforced around the exterior with low carved head infilled with red pigment (Fig. 1:11). Sixteen sherds belonging to small or mediummud plaster kerbs. The interiors were blackened and scorched, particularly near the bottom, or burnt to a sized vessels inscribed in black ink with a single line

INTERNATIONAL

MERV PROJECT-PRELIMINARY

REPORT

ON THE EIGHTH

SEASON

(1999)

5

in cursive Parthian script were also found during the processing of the pottery. These resemble examples found in previous seasons in this building and have been reported from earlier excavations of fourth century deposits at G6bekli-depe, Erk Kala (YuTAKE Trench 8) and Gyaur Kala (YuTAKE Trench 2). They presumably have a similar content, namely marks of ownership with personal names (cf. Usmanova 1963, 182-83; Usmanova 1991). The shapes fall within the repertoire of Middle Sasanian pottery. This fact, combined with the fourth century date of the deposits in which they were found, implies that Parthian continued to be written as late as the fourth or even fifth century whereas MiddlePersian only appears on sixth century and later ostraca from the site. The completed excavations in Gyaur Kala Area 5 will now be prepared for final publication as a monograph within the planned series of Merv Excavation Reports.It will provide a detailed case study of daily life at Sasanian Merv during the fourth-fifth centuries.

uation of earlier Soviet data from Merv, and will finally enable the ceramic production of this region to be set within a broader context by comparison with other areas of the Sasanian Empire and Central Asia. Sasanian pottery shapes have proved to be highly standardised and over several excavation seasons a "core" group of vessel forms have been identified at Merv. These are distinctive and are easily recognisable in the published literature on earlier YuTAKE excavations at Merv (Plan 1). Some of the Soviet trenches in Gyaur Kala show a combination of vessel types that is similar to that found in Area 5. However, excavations in Erk Kala seem rather poor in terms of producing Middle Sasanian shapes. It is also remarkable that the vessel type referred to in Soviet literature as a "bowl with a waisted profile" that is so well documented in Area 5 is not illustrated in any of the YuTAKE publications from Erk Kala (cf. Herrmann, Kurbansakhatovand Simpson et al. 1999, 10, fig. 3). Throughout the five excavated occupational phases of Structure C, no significant changes could be detected in the range of diagnostic Sasanian pot2. TheSasanian and earlierpottery,by G. Puschnigg tery shapes. An assessment of the fine chronological The excavations in Area 5 have produced a rich and behaviour of single shapes still awaits the completion closely dated Sasanian pottery assemblage that allows of the quantitative analysis for Structure C which the first comprehensive analysis of material of this thus far only includes material up to 1997. However, period in this region. The stylistic characterisation of the overall period of occupation of this structure Middle Sasanian pottery, dating to the fourth-fifth appears to be too short for decisive changes to occur centuries, thus provides the basis for a detailed re-eval- in the associated ceramic repertoire.

Plan 1. ErkKala and GyaurKala: schematicsite-planshowingtheexcavatedoccurrenceof selecteddiagnosticMiddle Sasanian potteryforms: 1: ErkKala, YuTAKETrench3, 2: ErkKala, YuTAKESounding5, 3: ErkKala, InternationalMervProjectArea 1, 4: GyaurKala, YuTAKETrench8, 5: GyaurKala, YuTAKETrench6, 6: GyaurKala, InternationalMervProjectArea 5, 7: GyaurKala, YuTAKETrench13.

6

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OF PERSIAN

One of the street contexts (ctx 1004) produced a fragment of an incense-burner. This has a slightly angular shape with rectangular openings in the walls alternating with deep triangular cuts that imitate arrow-slits. Tower-shaped incense-burners of this type have previously been found in Soviet excavations in Gyaur-Kala (Filanovich 1978, 31) and on our own systematic surface artefact survey. Another fragment with an incised grid pattern, found in Room 604 (ctx 973) probably represents part of the base of an incense-burner (Fig. 2:2). Tower-shaped incense-burners of this type are dated to the fourth-sixth centuries in the Soviet literature (Filanovich 1978, 36). Their distinctive architectural decoration have prompted comparisons with contemporary Sasanian ceramic ossuaries, likewise decorated in imitation of fortifications (Filanovich 1978, 37). A number of these ossuaries have been found in the excavated necropolis located c.seven kilometres to the west of Gyaur Kala (Ershov 1959, 173, tab. 3). In addition, similar cut-out designs recur on fourth-fifth century portable incenseburners in central Mesopotamia (Simpson 1997, 76).

STUDIES

From a typological point of view the Area 5 pottery assemblage generally reflects a combination of unchanging Sasanian material plus a selection of earlier forms. These residual fragments show much variation in open shapes, which seem mostly to date to the Hellenistic and Parthian periods. Contexts from brickwork, door-blockings and sufas have provided a range of open bowls, including "fish-plates". These vessels also display different surface finishes. Most of the so-called "fish-plates"and related forms show a red and white bichrome effect on the surface resulting from the preferred method of stacking within the kiln. This firing technique appears particularly popular with vessels related to the Late Hellenistic and Early Parthian periods (Rutkovskaya 1962, 44). Other bowl shapes are burnished and fired in a reducing atmosphere, resulting in a polished dark grey fabric which is documented for the Parthian period in north-east Iran (Haerinck 1983, 188). Gradually more red-slipped bowls appear, some of which are very fine. Finally, parts of the pottery assemblage recovered from Structure C this year bear witness to distinct taphonomic processes. With increasing depth the

Fig. 2. SelecteddiagnosticMiddleSasanian pottery,GyaurKala Area5.

INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT-PRELIMINARY

destructive effects of salination on the ceramic material became more and more noticeable. Some of the semi-complete vessels found in the lower levels inside the rooms showed a thick crust of silt and salt, preventing the study of decorative detail. Fragments from these lower parts of the structure are also more brittle and flaky. The sherd material from the refuse-rich street deposits is characterised

REPORT ON THE EIGHTH SEASON

(1999)

7

by a thick greenish layer of organic deposit which covers the entire surfaces. Both processes are postdepositional; the latter has obvious implications for the preservation of pottery in the deeper occupation levels at the site. The final analysis of the pottery from this excavation area will be published in the forthcoming final report on this part of the site.

Fig. 3. SelecteddiagnosticMiddleSasanian pottery:1, 3-4, GyaurKala Area5, 2, GyaurKala Area 6.

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

8

3. The Coins,provisionallyidentifiedbyN. Smirnova TABLE1: Coins from the end of the 1998 and the 1999 seasons at Merv 1998 attribution

inv.no.

weight

size

thickness

Provenance

note

MGK6, 71 MGK6, 1

Margiana Margiana? Margiana?

type 3?

Parthian Phraates IV(38-2B.C.).

1.

9741

3.20

18

3

Artabanus II? (10-38).

2.

9739

4.58

18

7

3. 4. 5.

9724

2.01 2.9

17 15

6 3

4805

2.06

14

3.5

MGK6, 6 MGK, 7F.III MGK5, 658

6.

4832 4944

1.02 1.40

15 17

2 3

MGK5, 707 MGK5, 948

9721 4800

1.24 1.13

13x14.5 17

2

MGK6, 66

2

9727 9714

0.47

9.5

3

MGK5, 851 MGK6, 1

Fragment

1.23

17.5

1.5

0.21 0.55

9

1.5

MGK6, 36 MGK6, 1

top of bastion

2 1

Margiana Margiana

Sasanian Shapur II?

7. 8. 9.

type 5

Peroz?

10.

KavadI?

11.

Husro I? Varahran IV?

12. 13.

9734

time of Varahran IV?

14.

4901

0.50

14x12.5 14

Sasanian, 5th century Sasanian?

15.

9742 4833

0.22

10

1

0.32 1.81

13.5

1

18

3

1.18

18

1.5

MGK5, 830-74 MGK5, 850 MGK6, 1

3.05

22

2.5

MGK4

inv.no.

weight

size

thickness

Provenance

4974 4968

1.84

12

3.5

MGK5, street?

Margiana

2.85

18.5

3

0,75 1.29 3.13

16

2

MGK5, 1002 MGK5, 1038

Margiana ?

17.5

3

15

4

19

16. 17.

Abbasid? + 1 unidentified coin

18.

4802 9735

19.

MGK4, 1 MGK5, 740 MGK6, 36

Fragment new? fragment 2 fragments Erased

1999 Attribution

note

Parthian Vologases III (105-47) (Pilipko: V.2)

1. 2. 3. 4.

10200 4997

5. (near Pilipko, group VI) Rv?

MGK5, 904 wall Surface

Margiana? Margiana? II-III A.D.? Parthian?

6.

9971

3.69

7.

10259 9747

2.09

13

2,5 4

2.86

16

3

MGK5, 1071 MGK6, 66, SG

late?

2.56

14

1

MGK 7DE.III, surface

late?

8. 9.

MSK 1, 301

Sasanian Shapur I Varahran II

1.

10202

2.50

17.5

2

MGK5, 1045

2. 3.

9748 10206

2.71 2.58

18.5 15

2 2.5

MGK5, 1 MGK5, 603 MGK5, 1023 MGK 5, 1036

Merv king for Shapur I? Merv king for Shapur I?

4.

4995

0.88

17

4

Merv king for Shapur I?

5.

4998

1.22

17

3

type IX new?

INTERNATIONAL

Shapur II

type 5

MERV PROJECT-PRELIMINARY

Peroz?

Varahran IV? Kushano-Sasanian ? Late Sasanian

ON THE EIGHTH

SEASON

(1999)

6.

4966

1.95

7.

4979

1.56

8.

4990

14.5

9.

10121

0,48 1.06

2 1

18

2

10.

10200

0.75

16

2

11.

10201

0.39

14.5

2

12. 13.

10215

0.88

16

3

10249

1.76

17

2.5

14.

10229

1.37

16

2

15.

10252

1.83

17

2.5-4

MGK5, 1018 MGK5, 1071

16.

10255

1.00

16

2-3

MGK 5, 1

type 5

17.

0.88

18.5

2

18.

10256 9744

1.65

18

fragment type 5?

19.

9745

2.19 1.29

20.5 16

2.5 1.5

MGK5, street MGK 6, 66, SG

3

MGK6, 126, SG MGK5, 1053

type 5? type 4 type 5? type 5?

20.

Shapur III

REPORT

20 16

2.5

MGK5, 1002 MGK5, 1004 MGK5, 1019

type 5? type 5?

MGK5, 1018 MGK5, 1038

type 5? type 5?

MGK5, 1045 MGK5, 1040 MGK5, 1079

?

21.

10228

1.69

17.5

2

MGK5, 1071

22.

1.58

16

MGK 6, 40

0.99

15-16 -

2 1.5

23.

9752 4967

24.

10210

25.

4972

0,20 0.35

26.

4992

0.53

27.

10205

28.

10207

1.29 1.34

29. 30.

10251 9938

31.

10217

32. 33.

14

0,5 2

MGK5, surface MGK5, 1045 MGK5, 1003

12.5 17

2

MGK5, unstrat.

2

15

3

MGK5, 1045 MGK 5, 949

1.55

15.5

1.5

0.23 1.17

10

1

14

0.35

14

2 1

1.35

16

MGK5, 1079 MSK 1, surface

type 3 type 3

Fragments Street to S.

MGK5, 1057

? courtyard new?

2

MGK, 7DE.III Early Sas. House

surface

surface

Sasanian unidentified

Islamic

34.

4984

0.45

15

1.5

MGK5, 1019

35.

4982

16.5

2 3

MGK5, 1015 MGK5, 1114

37.

10247 4973

0.62 1.18

13

36.

1.31

18

3.5

38.

4987

15.5

2

39.

4989

0.72 0.41

15

40.

4996

1.05

18

2 4

MGK5, 1003 MGK5, 1020 MGK5, 1020

41.

4999

14.5

42.

9960

0.20 1.80

22

44. 45.

13101

2.29 1.13 2.27

17.5 21 27.5

46.

13100

2.57

27

43.

Khorezmshah, Tekesh (1172-1200) + 7 unidentified coins

2 1 3

MGK5, 1023 MGK5, 1018

Fragment

MSK 1, 301 surface

1.5 0.5

MGK, 7DE.III MGK, 7DE.III MSK8

0.5

Little KyzKala

surface

surface

9

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4. Thezooarchaeological remains:faunal/body part and taphonomicindications,byI. Smith representation Methods: The fieldwork has been conducted at two levels of recording. Firstly weights, fragment counts and fragment size ranges have been calculated for cranial, axial and limb bone elements. These categories have been further subdivided into large, medium and small mammal, bird, reptile and fish bone. Secondly, records have been made of the following selected elements: mandibles with two or more teeth, scapula, humerus, radius, ulna, metapodial, pelvis, femur, tibia, calcaneus, astragalus, phalanx 1, 2 and 3. Records were made of context, species, element, side, proximal and distal fusion, fragmentation, preservation, butchery, sex and selected measurements. Aims: The main aim is to investigate differences between context types, phases and parts of the site through a basic quantification of element types and to relate this to other artefactual evidence. Ultimately, it is intended to produce information on age structures, butchery practices, taphonomic factors and body part representation at intra and inter-site levels, and to reveal how different cultural groups at Merv are represented by faunal remains. Results from Gyaur Kala Area 5: Sheep and goat dominate the fauna according to the percentages of recorded selected elements. Pig, cattle, equid, dog, camel and gazelle are also present. These results are remarkable in their similarity to those obtained from the same area in 1997 (Smith 1998, 57). Another aspect common to the two datasets is the level (22%) of recorded carnivore gnawing. It can be expected that this process will have discriminated against the bones of young animals and against small bones in general. A related factor is the presence of partly digested bone which occurs in a number of contexts and which signifies that dogs swallowed bone elements or chunks of bone which became damaged by their strong stomach acids. The bones affected include the smaller distal elements of the medium-sized mammals which could have been swallowed whole, and fragments of other bones (such as long-bone shaft fragments) which sometimes also bear gnawing marks. The presence of these carnivore damaged bones may indicate that rubbish was disposed in situations where dogs or other canids could regularly scavenge, such as streets, open pits or middens, and/or that bones were deliberately

STUDIES

thrown to dogs. Comparisons between internal and external deposits are planned and hopefully this work will help in the interpretation of carnivore activities. The records of weight from MGK5 are given as percentages in Table 3. These show the relative weights from a sample of 1559 fragments. No fragments were excluded from the sample which comes from 34 contexts selected at random. Thus it includes a range of bone from tiny fragments which remain unidentified, to near-complete sheep limb bones. This method allows the rapid quantification of all fragments including those which are not in the selected list of diagnostics. The weakness of such an approach is demonstrated by the fact that in the large mammal group there may be camel, horse and cattle bones yet it is not clear what proportion each of these animals made to the total. However, it is thought that this method is useful when used in conjunction with the results of the work based on selected elements (Table 2). The large proportion of limb bone fragments (Table 3) amongst both large and medium sized mammals appears to suggest that in addition to the supply of whole carcasses, limb bones were supplied to this part of the site as separate joints. Analysis of context type groups is still at an early stage but a number of street contexts have been studied. One point of interest is the heavy fragmentation of many of the large mammal bones. In some cases it is clear that this is due to butchery but in others, although butchery may well be the cause of fragmentation, no clear chop marks can be seen. In one street context (ctx 857) there is a heavily fragmented equid radius, and one could argue that-given the context typethe degree of fragmentation is likely to be the result of trampling. However, in the same context there is a pig pelvis with an intact ilium, sheep/goat ribs (of 146 mm.), and sheep/goat scapulae with virtually intact blades. Furthermore there seems to be no evidence on the equid radius for trample in the form of random scratch marks on the surfaces of the bone. Thus it seems more likely, in this case, that butchery is the cause of fragmentation. One can speculate that a vital factor in the consideration of fragmentation within street deposits is the depth of such deposits. The more substantial levelling or dumping layers might be expected to protect their inclusions from mechanical damage whereas any material deposited within a thin surface layer is likely to be crushed.

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REPORT ON THE EIGHTH SEASON (1999)

11

Frequency of recorded fauna from MGK5(n = 506)

% 8070-605040--

3020p/goat

10

Sheep/goat TABLE 2: Frequency

Pig

Cattle

Horse/ass

Camel

Gazelle

Dog

Pig

Cattle

Horse/ass

Camel

Gazelle

Dog

of recorded fauna from Gyaur KalaArea 5 based on the selected elements listed in methods.

Bone weight percentages (n = 1559 fragments) 35-E 30-25 o 20 15-

10

-

0-

LM cranial

LM axial

LM limb

MM MM cranial axial

MM limb

SM cranial

SM limb

BD limb

WUNID

TABLE 3: Bone weights from grouped animal bones from Gyaur KalaArea 5. (LM = large mammal, MM = medium mammal, SM = small mammal, BD = bird, UNID = unidentified). Cranial weight includes maxillary and mandibular teeth, axial includes ribs and vertebrae, limb bone includes pelvic and scapula weights. Large mammal includes camel, equid and cattle. Medium mammal includes pig, sheep/goat, gazelle and dog. The few small mammal fragments are of rodent.

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THE SELEUCID-SASANIANFORTIFICATIONS GyaurKala Area 6, by V.A. Zavyalovand StJ. Simpson Work began on 22 September and continued to the end of the season. The aim was to complete a new section through the fortifications and to excavate in plan where possible. The results proved the sequence to be more complex than suggested by the 1997/98 investigations but added important new details (compare Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov and Simpson et al. 1998, 64-67, pl. VII; Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov and Simpson et al. 1999, 15-16, pls. III-IV). Phase 1: During 1998 the remains of a wallwalk with a plastered floor and a plastered semi-circular pilaster were discovered near the summit of the presumed Hellenistic wall. This area was expanded and a section commenced through the wall. A second similar pilaster was discovered two metres to the south of the first (P1.IIa-b). This pilaster was better preserved and survived to a height of c. 1.75 m., with the plastered top indicating the full original height of the Hellenistic wall. The function of these pilasters was therefore structural rather than decorative and was to support the thin breastwork (epalxion) which was one course thick at this point. The top of the wall was crenellated (P1. IIc) but no traces of slits have been found. The wallwalk behind was a metre across (P1. IIa-b), implying that it was used by foot soldiers, although artillery may have been mounted on the towers. There are no indications of a superstructure. One metre below the level of the parapet floor the top of a vaulted arch was uncovered while excavating a new section (Pls. IId, IIIa, b). This arch was supported by plastered cross-walls that defined a small room (P1. IIe). Opposite the vaulted arch, a metre to the east, ran a green plastered wall delimiting the inner face of a second wallwalk, the chafftempered mud-plaster floor of which continued into the vaulted bay. Immediately above the plastered floor lay a large concentration of sundried, clay, eggshaped slingshot, 7-13 cm. across and weighing between 200-1300 gr. each, fired clay tetrahedra, measuring 10-18 cm. across and weighing between 300-2000 gr., and a single large camel-bone. The room was therefore used for the storage of ammunition rather than simply being an infilled casemate (emplecton).A further cluster of clay slingshot was discovered immediately below the plastered floor of the upper wallwalk where they had been used as part of an infilling. The lower part of this defensive curtain and the pakhsa socle have not yet been fully excavated. However, a third wallwalk is expected, as is a massive proteichisma,the edge of which was exposed at the

STUDIES

end of the season below a Phase 3 proteichisma. Excavation along the interior face of the wall exposed a steeply sloping plastered surface which was followed-by removing a thick later sand infilling--almost to the present water table. This plastered surface requires sectioning but it offers a rare opportunity to examine the original appearance of the inner face of a Hellenistic wall. The layout of the defences of Gyaur Kala were based on a "straight-line"principle, whereby the circuit was equally accessible from the interior but would nevertheless have required considerable expense and a considerable garrison, both doubtless subsidised by the urban inhabitants. The exact date of construction of the first fortifications is uncertain, but the available written sources for this period provide a useful context against which they should be viewed. Later sources refer to Merv as an Alexandrian foundation but these are of dubious reliability (Fraser 1996, 31, 91, 116-18). In the early third century B.C. Margiana appears to have been attacked by Parni tribes as part of the Dahae confederacy: these were repulsed on behalf of Seleucus I (c. 305-281) by Demodamus, satrap of Bactria. According to Strabo, Margiana was reconstructed and enclosed within a long wall, the probable remains of which have been identified near the edge of the oasis. Again during the reign of Antiochus I Soter (c. 281-261), Merv was refounded as Antiocheia in Margiane. It is reasonable to assume that Gyaur Kala was fortified on this occasion and that the first wall dates to the second quarter of the third century B.C. Later historical sources are unfortunately scanty and ambiguous. In c. 245 B.C., Arsaces I (c. 248/247-before 210) attempted to seize Margiana but was defeated by Diodotus I of Bactria. According to some scholars, Euthydemus ruled Margiana and Aria as governor on behalf of the Seleucid satrap Diodotus II of Bactria (c. 236-221). It is hoped that the discovery of coins associated with the fortifications might throw some light on these later phases in the Hellenistic history of the city. Phase2: Tashkhodjaev (1963) proposed that there was a second wall constructed immediately in front of the so-called "Hellenistic Wall", a hypothesis confirmed at the end of the season. This new construction made use of a deliberate brick infilling of the upper and lower wallwalks of the Phase 1 wall to create a solid construction measuring c. 4.5 m. (twelve courses) across in total; the bricks infilling the upper wallwalk continued over the plastered top of the Hellenistic wall to a height of 1.50 m., also implying a higher summit (Pls. IIb-c, e, IIIa, b). Some of the bricks employed in the infilling were marked on the underside, as were a number of bricks in the original wall. Both included Greek letters, simple vertical or diagonal finger marks drawn across the clay and dog

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paw prints impressed on the mudbricks before they were dry. These presumably reflect, at least in part, a form of alphabetic notation either during brick manufacture or construction of the walls. Although it was sealed by later Sasanian deposits, direct archaeological evidence for the date of this construction is lacking, apart from a small number of potsherds reused in bonding between bricks. These include some diagnostic sherds which could date to the third or second century B.C. The greater solidity of this wall suggests concern on the part of those responsible over the threat caused by mechanised assault, particularly heavy stone-throwers, which sparked a new phase in Hellenistic defensive architecture after c. 325 B.C. (McNicoll 1997, 212). Phase 3: This was a wall and not, as Tashkhodjaev (1963) proposed, a Parthian tower. It was constructed immediately in front of the former solid wall and was a "hollow wall", standing two or more stories in height, originally possibly with a wallwalk along the top, although this has not survived. The lower archers' gallery is indicated by a row of large rectangular arrowslits, exposed during the 1997 season but not yet excavated inside (cf. Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov and Simpson et al. 1998, 64-67, pl. VIIc-d) plus a large arrow-shaped false slit between (P1. IIIc). This measures 1.35 m. in height and up to 0.45 m. across and resembles arrowslits found at Old Nysa (Levina 1949, 139) and Afrasiab (Chichkina 1986). The upper gallery was excavated in 1999, exposing a row of five arrowslits along the exterior before reaching the junction with a massive semi-circular corner bastion. The three slits closest to the bastion are aligned to enable clear fields of fire along the bastion face (P1. IVc): the fourth slit directly enfiladed a sally-port in the proteichismabeneath (P1. IIId). The position of this concealed postern would have allowed defenders to sally with their shielded left sides facing outwards, whereas attackers would have exposed their unshielded side. The method of closing this sally-port is unclear, as no traces of a pivot-stone survived, perhaps because it had been removed at the time of abandonment of this wall in the next phase. As McNicoll (1997, 103) commented in connection with Hellenistic defences at Dura and Coressus, "the sally-ports.., .bear witness to the desire to carry resistance to the enemy rather than to leave the initiative in his hands". The proteichismahas been more fully excavated this season and curves in a semi-circular plan to follow the presumed alignment of the bastion face (P1.IIId). The proteichismastands on a high platform, at least 2.50 m. in height, although the base has not yet been reached. Angled slits in the proteichisma were designed to enfilade the base of this platform. In addition, a plastered step ran around the exterior

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of the proteichisma,as an outer walkwayas well as an added obstacle to an attacker: this step was 2 m. across and raised 0.50 m. above the level of the platform (P1. IVa). Its surface was carefully plastered to create an even slope to allow water to drain from the base of the wall. The outer face of the platform itself has a complex configuration, stepped when seen in plan, thus resembling a feature described by Philon of Byzantium whereby the "saw-tooth trace" enabled archers to enfilade from two directions (McNicoll 1997). Beyond this platform there may have been ditches but, if so, these have not yet been located and are likely to have been adversely affected by medieval and later irrigation ditch digging. Phase 4: The lower gallery of the Phase 3 wall was infilled, the top of the proteichismawas levelled and a steep sloping bermconstructed over the top, rising to the base of the second storey of the Phase 3 wall (P1. IVb). This presumably now became the first but, if so, the storey of a rebuilt-heightened-wall upper part has not survived, owing to reconstruction in Phase 5. The berm was constructed of wellcompacted clay and mudbricks. Incorporated within the construction near the foot was a deposit of human, cattle, equid and sheep/goat bones. The significance of this apparently ritual deposit is unclear, but damage to the articular ends suggests that they were already old when they were interred. The abandonment of the earlier proteichismamarks the end in this sequence of the classical tradition of defensive

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Phase5: During the next phase of the remodelling of the fortifications, the upper part of the Phase 4 wall was levelled, the Phase 3/4 slits blocked (P1.IVd) and a new vaulted gallery constructed, with the arch supported on new walls built immediately above the Phase 4 floor level. This gallery, first exposed in 1998, was narrower than the previous one. It lacks slits, and its function may have been simply to offer access to the corner bastion. The bastion itself was also reconstructed in this phase with a vertical outer face rather than the steeply sloped facade of its predecessor. The inner-east-facing-facade of the Sasanian wall was carefully and repeatedly plastered to form a level open walkway around the interior face of the wall and corner bastion. The lowermost of these deposits directly overlaid the remains of the Phase 2 wall. Several, as yet unidentified, coins have been recovered from these plaster deposits. Phase 6: The Sasanian gallery was later blocked with mudbricks, large potsherds and refuse (P1.IVe). Four coins have been recovered from these contexts, two of which have been provisionally identified by Smirnova as minted by Shapur II (309-379). This is a small basis for dating this infilling, and the coins may

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twelfth century date of construction. In the centre was a square courtyard measuring 8.5 m. across. This was paved with fired bricks, consistently measuring 30 cm. square, laid to form a cross shape within a square frame (P1. VIb). The four corners of the square are laid with bricks arranged diagonally but there appears to be a slight depression in the centre, possibly indicating a drainage sump here. The initial phase of occupation was marked by stucco decoration, all traces of which were removed when the decoration was remodelled in a second Seljuk phase. The fragmentary remains of the earliest stucco were found reused as make-up for a raised level of floor in the north iwan, which measured some 15-20 cm. higher than the level of the adjacent paved courtyard. Carved and painted stucco was found in situ up to a height of approximately one metre along the interior walls of the south (1998) and north iwans (P1.V). More stucco in situ came to light on the piers THE PALATIALBUILDING IN SHAHRYARARK, of the corridor walls (P1. VIa) onto the interior MSK 1 courtyard and in the niched corners of the outer corridor walls. The main elements of the stucco were 1. Architectureand stratigraphy,byD. Wickeand stepped panels with decorative motifs in their centre StJ. Simpson (Pls. Vb and c, VIa). Another common motif is that Excavation of the palatial building began in the of four tulip shapes within a cruciform frame. Fleurdomestic area in 1995-97. In 1998 excavations were de-lys designs in rows and quatrefoil designs in sepashifted to the east end, where the surface plan rate blocks also occur. Frames for the decorative appeared to indicate a four-iwan plan. This was panels are provided either by simple ribbon or knot partly confirmed in 1998 with the excavation of an decoration and/or lozenge/triangle designs incoriwan on the southern side of a paved central court- porating X patterns. In the corner niches of the yard. The remains of Seljuk cut and painted geo- outer corridor walls in the south-west, south-east, metric stuccoes were found to survive here to a north-east and north-west corners of the courtyard it height of 1 m., confirming this to be the higher-sta- was possible to establish another design consisting of tus and public part of the building (Herrmann, a "bow-tie"with a dot on all four sides in a framed et and Kurbansakhatov field. Fragments from the vicinity of the east iwan al. 1999, 16-17, Simpson revealed floral motifs (P1.VIc). The motifs are also pls. V-VI). The aims for 1999 were to confirm the overall closely comparable to stucco designs and decorative cut bricks in the galleries and courtyard of the mauplan of the eastern part of the building, together with its decorative system: areas for excavation were soleum of Sultan Sanjar (1118-1157), and other selected accordingly. Area H was an extension of the Seljuk buildings at Merv (cf. Rempel 1963, 259, 1998 excavation area to both the west and east to 262-63). include the southern corridors of the presumed Although the south iwan (4.5 x 5 m.) has nothing western and eastern iwans. Area K to the north was leading off it, there is access to a small room (3 x 4 m.) from the north iwan, which measures planned to reveal the arrangement of the northern corridors of the west and east iwans and to establish 4.5 x 5 m. The presumed east iwan survived to a whether there was access to the presumed north higher level than the others and turned out to have iwan and paved inner courtyard from the north. An undergone major changes with regard to its architecadditional area, L, to the west was also necessary ture. Indeed, no evidence was found for an iwan. because of questions arising about the original Instead the original plan-partly excavated-conentrance. sisted of two massive square piers, each measuring 1 x 1.2 m. across, which must have supported the The building rests on a pakhsa platform, encountered in a sounding under the paved floor of the superstructure. There was no evidence for corridors internal courtyard and in soundings along the either side, but this is not surprising as they were not north, east and south exterior walls. A small sound- required for purposes of access to the rest of the building. Instead there was a single narrow wall runing in the inner courtyard (0.50 x 1.0 m.) yielded several potsherds suggesting a late eleventh or early ning from the west pier to the east exterior wall, con-

be residual. However, they do imply a fourth century or later date for Phase 6, and a fourth century or earlier date for Phase 5. Phases 3 and 4 may, therefore, date to the Early Parthian and Late Parthian/Early Sasanian periods, although the identification of further coins is required to substantiate this hypothesis. The primary aim of excavating a full new section through the fortifications was not realized this season but is expected to be concluded, along with excavation inside the bastion, during the next season. The spectacular state of preservation, particularly of the Phase 1 and 3 walls, ensure an important contribution toward the study of military architecture in Central Asia. A comparative analysis of these fortifications and illustration of the full section will follow further excavation and analysis of the stratified finds.

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sisting of a 30 cm. wide mudbrick partition wall with a row of vertically arranged mudbricks, constructed on a footing of five courses of fired brick. The main east wall of this structure was constructed in two parts, namely a central section constructed of pakhsa and an additional part constructed of mudbrick. This poorly built wall differs from the standard Seljuk construction as seen in the south wall, of mudbrick on fired brick foundations (Herrmann, Kurbansakhatovand Simpson 1999, 17). The question of the use of the building after its main period of occupation proved to be interesting. As emerges from the above description the north and east areas of the building underwent a major change in function. Only a small distance above the original floor of the northern end of the so-called east iwan evidence was found for secondary use and also of the paved courtyard, complete with a small hearth. At least two further floor levels of habitation were found in this area. A secondary brick installation was also added in the south-west corner of the room. In an important phase of secondary use-probably during or after the Ilkhanid period-the courtyard entrance of the north iwan was defined by a single course of mudbricks constructed across the front. Within this iwan, narrow benches faced with mudbrick but filled with rubble were built along the west and east walls, and around the adjoining room to the north (P1.Va). The walls above the sufas were coated with a thin layer of white wall plaster, as was the floor inside; no traces of the earlier stucco decorative scheme were therefore visible in this phase. The subsequent floor and courtyard deposits consisted of a thick light brown deposit resembling in colour, smell and consistency the appearance of dried dung. The axis of this building had therefore remained the same but the quality and style of architectural decoration had changed considerably from that of the Seljuk period. It is likely that the secondary occupation of the north-eastern area of the south iwan (excavated in 1998) also belongs to this phase of secondary occupation. After this last phase of rebuilding, no further major reoccupation seems to have taken place, if we disregard what are probably no more than the traces of open fires. Since that time the building has accumulated erosion material to a depth of between 1 and 1.5 m. Questions requiring investigation in 2000 include those regarding the architectural and decorative arrangement of the presumed west iwan and the question of access. Area L has yielded up-but not yet conclusively-the first interesting leads in this connection, and it is necessary to link this in with the domestic area in the west of the building. The phases of secondary occupation in the so-called east iwan also need further investigation. The secondary occu-

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pation phases here can shed light not only on the history of this small palace but also on the occupation history of the citadel of Sultan Kala and of postSeljuk Merv. 2. Technicalreporton thestucco,byP. Pearce Carved stucco and painted plaster were examined both in situ on the walls of MSK1 and as fallen fragments. The carved stucco is in layers approximately 2 cm. thick with carving approximately 1 cm. deep. In many areas original pigment is preserved in the carved recesses. In situ the carved stucco can be found on either fired brick or mudbrick. On fired brick the pure white stucco is usually applied without an intermediary layer, but on mudbrick there tends to be a middle layer of coarser plaster, often with a pinkish hue from a granular inclusion. The stucco bonds well to fired brick and even on mudbrick the stucco is able to survive the necessary physical pressures of excavation and cleaning for photography, etc. In some areas there is a visible "bellying out" lower down in the panel, where the stucco has lost contact with the substrate. The stucco is carved rather than moulded and was presumably executed with a sharp metal implement. The stucco on the east wall of the north iwan shows evidence of the tool slipping in usage and leaving jagged cut marks. The design is not completed in all areas and there are many examples of a lightly incised outline awaiting carving. There are also elements roughed out and not finished. This is different to the technique used in the gallery of the mausoleum of Sultan Sanjarwhere the design was guided by equally spaced incised vertical lines that cut across all areas of the patterns. Finally, there were faint traces of a graffito on fallen stucco collected from the west pier of the south iwan in Area H. It is not currently possible to determine what this represents. The pigment, where it survives, is usually well bonded and can bear brushing to remove mud etc. These pigments are usually either dark blue/black/ grey (especially on the long straight cuts) and a brilliant orange-red-pink. Occasionally there is a golden yellow, both in the carving and on the vertical plane of the stucco. Compositional analysis of pigments is programmed within the Department of Scientific Research in the British Museum. In some instances the decoration has been changed during occupation with either a coat of thick white paint visible on Small Find 11126, where the white paint has covered coloured areas, and this is evident even on some larger pieces. Another occupational change is filling up the carving with thick plaster, which is visible on Small Find 11160. Windowframe and glass. A quantity of fragmentary window glass was excavated in MSK1Area H but only

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three pieces were found still in their original stucco settings (ctx 473, 476, 477). The glass was decayed and weathered with a brown incrustation, but showed little colour at the broken edges against the light. Additional stucco fragments from one context (ctx 477) showed the deep grooves for fitting glass. Painted thin plaster "skim".There have been a few patches of in situ white plaster skim over mud plaster and of fallen thin painted plaster. The latter are usually less than 2 mm. thick and have been applied over a coarse mud plaster with obvious organic inclusions (grass, chaff, etc.). Being so thin, they have not survived well and are liable to damage during excavation, as they are soft when damp. When they dry out they do harden, but tend to be brittle and crumbly. The fallen pieces have usually come away attached to uneven lumps of coarse mud plaster. The pigmented fragments were decorated in loops of black with areas of blue, both pigments being lightly powdery and liable to come away with aggressive brushing. Post-excavationchanges. Both the carved stucco and the thin plaster skims toughen up with drying. In the case of carved stucco, small pigmented slabs (approximately 10 cm. square) make easily exhibitable items in their own right. Carved stucco on fired brick is a very hardy item. In situ stucco also hardens as it dries. There is the distinct possibility that some crispness of detail is lost if it is brushed too vigorously before this occurs. Cracks widen with drying out. Along the east side of the north iwan there was some sort of crystal growth that obscured detail. This developed towards the end of the day as the light went after approximately seven hours of exposure. The growth was more of a gradually formed incrustation rather than needle-like crystals and had the effect of fogging over the decoration. Joins in the stucco were difficult to stick with just HMG cellulose nitrate adhesive. The stucco has to be well dried out before it can be attempted and the joins need to be as clean as possible. Surfaces to be glued have to be given a sealing coat of adhesive first. 3. Thepottery,byD. Gilbert The excavations in MSK1 this season produced over 6000 sherds, of which 366 were diagnostic. Since the building was initially an elite residence, it was kept clean, and there was little build up of material during this phase. However, the upper erosion and collapse layers produced almost 40 kg. of sherds. The basic quantification of the ceramics was completed in the field and the final analyses are underway in preparation for the final report. The following summary is designed to give a flavour of the principal types of plain and glazed wares excavated thus far in the different parts of the building.

STUDIES

A. Plainwares Plainwares are the most common type of ceramic from the site and come in a wide variety of forms and styles (Figs. 4-5). Jars: The example illustrated is a typical example of an Islamic plainware from Merv. The form has a long tradition and is derived from eighth century styles, identified during earlier YuTAKEexcavations. These earlier versions are not as tall as Seljuk types. The form is that of an open jar. The handles are decorative rather than functional. The vessel was presumably used for storage, although the lid has not survived. Incisedjugs and pitchers:These vessels are uniform in shape with a high neck, slightly wider at the mouth than at the shoulder, rounded shoulders tapering inwards towards the base, a strap handle and, rarely, a pouring lip (Fig. 4:1-3). The base diameter varies between 8-14 cm., averaging approximately 12 cm. The overall height is between 30-60 cm. The diameter of the neck of the jug varies between 4-8 cm., averaging 6 cm., with a simple rolled rim. The majority of these vessels occur in a grey-green fabric. The shoulder is delimited by incised lines and heavily decorated with incised patterns opposite the handle and under the lip, if present. Sometimes the shoulder is incised with patterns suggestive of flowing liquid. The rest of the body is plain. The neck is rarely decorated but occasionally has a few incised lines or waves near the rim. The survivabilityof this type of vessel is good, as the base and lower body walls are thick and do not fragment heavily. Ewershave a globular body and a flat base, a tall neck, a small strap handle and an upwards-pointing spout. The body of these vessels is relatively thin, and the neck is even thinner, not good for preservation. The most identifiable part to survive is the spout, which tends to be thick and durable. These vary in size from 4-8 cm. in length, averaging 6 cm., and 1-3 cm. in diameter at the body junction. The spout is usually plain, although sometimes decorated with an incised tapered spiral (Fig. 5:2). The body is also often plain but again sometimes incised with lines or wave patterns. The ewer appears to be a common vessel type, judging by the quantity of spouts recovered. Ewers are in general fired to a buff colour, occasionally grey-green. Pilgrimflasks have an enclosed form, a squat flattened body with two small handles and a short circular spout (Fig. 4:5). The overall diameter varies from 15 to 30 cm. The handles are fitted onto the top of the body either side of the spout in a manner which would allow suspension, in which case the spout would be vertical. The spout is quite short, from 2 cm. on the smallest flasks and up to 4-5 cm. on the larger examples. The walls of the flask are relatively

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Fig. 5. Seljuk ceramicsfrom Sultan Kala.

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thin and thus do not survive well. The most identifiable part of the flask is the spout and handles with their unusual method of attachment to the body. The latter are generally approximately 4 cm. long on smaller flasks but up to 8 cm. on larger examples. Incised lines and patterns, similar to that on the jugs and pitchers, is occasionally found on these vessels. Other incised wares. Incised patterns are not restricted to pitchers or flasks. The decoration is usually linear or in the form of waves, in both cases executed using a comb prior to firing. In some cases more elaborate patterns are incised. One of the most unusual examples belongs to a plainware bottle with an incised Kufic inscription (Fig. 4:4). This type of inscription appears to be rare at Merv as most are in a pseudo-script. The bottle has a wide body, narrowing sharply towards the base and neck. Moulded wares:The form of these vessels, flasks, jugs and bottles, is generally closed (Fig. 4:6-12). Their walls are relatively thin and they fragment heavily, often surviving as sherds no more than 2-4 cm. across. Full forms could not be reconstructed, although the appearance of the decoration on the sherds resembles that found on more complete vessels excavated by earlier YuTAKE expeditions. Due to fragmentation, the size of vessels is also uncertain: bases are 6-12 cm. in diameter and the height ranges from 10-20 cm. The fired fabrics tend to be grey-green in colour although occasional pieces are oxidised to a buff or reddish colour. The moulded designs are usually floral, often combining dots and combed lines over the mould junctions. Moulded roundels, stars, pentagrams and Kufic inscriptions also feature. The bases of these vessels are rounded; the necks are separately wheel-thrown but left plain. Alborellosare relatively common in the Seljuk period, as shown by the increased number found in the lower layers of MSK1 (Fig. 5:3). The most identifiable part of this form is a shaved chamfer on the outside of the body wall just above a flat wheelthrown base. Base diameters varyfrom 6-12 cm. The walls are relatively thin, hence the survivabilityof this form is not good, and the associated rim type has not been confirmed. These vessels are generally fired to a grey-green colour with small numbers of buff examples. Basins are open, wide and shallow (Fig. 6:4-7). Their size varies from 26-36 cm. at the rim but generally average between 30-34 cm. The rims are simple, slightly thickened and usually everted; a small number of inverted rims also exist. The bases are invariably flat. The vessels are usually fired to a greyish buff colour. They are usually undecorated, but some examples were decorated with comb-incised lines and wave patterns on the upper exterior. The survivabilityof this form is good, as they do not tend to fragment easily.

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B. Glazedwares(Fig. 6) A small number of mouldedsherds were found, covered with a green glaze. A single, possibly postSeljuk alborellowas found, covered in a mottled brown-yellow glaze. The forms and sizes of basins match those found in plainware. Most glazed examples are covered with a green glaze, although yellow and a single blue example are also attested. These glazed versions appear to increase in frequency in the late Seljuk and Ilkhanid levels, when there also appears to be a downturn in the rim (Fig. 6:5). Three types of lamp are represented, usually glazed. The first type has a circular body with a large heavy squared spout opposite a small ring handle. This type tends to be uniform in size, with base diameters of 4-6 cm. and covered in green glaze, although plainware equivalents do exist (Fig. 5:1). The second type consists of a lamp on a pedestal, 6-10 cm. high, above a small circular base, with a strap handle connecting the base to the lamp. The basic form resembles that of the first but with the addition of a pedestal and the replacement of a strap for a ring handle. It is scarce, and the few examples found are green glazed. The third type is the most common. It consists of a simple wheel-thrown form with a base diameter of 4 cm., a rim diameter of 6-7 cm., thin walls and a lip formed by pinching the rim between the thumb and forefinger, with a small ring handle added to the opposite wall. These lamps are invariably glazed, sometimes green but usually yellow. Black underglazewares have been regarded as a diagnostic of the Ilkhanid period during YuTAKE excavations at Merv. The most common form from MSK 1 is an open hemispherical bowl with a ring base and rim diameter of 16-24 cm. or a larger deeper dish with an extenuated upturned rim measuring 20-28 cm. across: base diameters range from 6-12 cm. across. They are covered with a white slip, decorated with black designs and covered with a deep blue glaze (Fig. 6:1-3, 8). Lustrewaresare rare, perhaps because these tend to fragment heavily to sherds averaging less than 2 cm. across. Both bottles and ring-based bowl forms are nevertheless present. The best-preserved piece, a "Kashan Ware", was recovered from excavations at the Kushmeihan Gate and belonged to a ringbased bowl with figural representation and a potter's mark on the underside of the base (Fig. 6:11 and P1. IXc). Chineseporcelain.A single fragment of fourteenth century Chinese celadon ware (P1.IXd, e) was recovered in the 1999 season from MSK1, the east end of Area H. Ms. J. Harrison-Hall (Department of Oriental Antiquities, The British Museum) kindly identified it as coming from Longquan in Zheijiang province.

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Fig. 6. Seljukceramicsfrom Sultan Kala.

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4. Otherfinds,byStJ. Simpson Analyses of the pottery and other finds is still at an early stage. However, some general remarks are appropriate. There is a high degree of fragmentation in the finds assemblage and a proportion are residual; nor is there a large quantity of in situ material surviving on floors, implying that the building was maintained and regularly swept. Pottery is, not surprisingly, the most common type of container but heavily fragmented glass is relatively common in all contexts. A large proportion is blown window-glass: this is normally semi-transparent with a light blue or light green tinge and a folded-over rim, with a diameter of c. 20-24 cm. that was set within composite stucco grilles. The fragility and frequency of this glass implies that it was locally produced, although glass workshops have not yet been identified at Merv. The remainder of the assemblage is dominated by sherds of plain vessel glass, including bowls, stemmed goblets and bottles. Decoration is scarce on these, although fine trailing and mould-blowing occur on a small number of pieces. The third category of vessel are softstone cooking pots. Two partly reconstructable vessels were found, in addition to sherds (Fig. 7). Most were carved from a dark grey stone and were heavily blackened through use. They frequently show evidence of repairs in antiquity, with copper wire being twisted through drilled perforations. These pots were imported from north-east Iran where chlorite is still mined in the "stone mountain" (kuh-e sang) near Mashhad. After mining, roughouts are made in nearby workshops and sent to the city for trimming, roughing out the interior, thinning the walls, cutting the exterior with a toothed hammer, scraping the interior and final finishing with a file (Wulff 1966, 131). Stone cooking pots have the advantage of being fireproof, are easy to clean and are less fragile than their ceramic counterparts. The absence of ceramic cooking ware sherds from this excavation suggests that these had been replaced by stone [and/or metal] cooking pots by the Seljuk period. Indeed softstone cooking pots first appear at Merv in the ninth century and were a speciality of Tus in the tenth century (cf. Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov and Simpson et al. 1997, 15-16). Identifiable metal artefacts are scarce: indeed, most of the evidence for metal is in the form of small sections of copper sheet or repair strips for stone cooking pots. Small copper alloy studs are occasionally found, as are heavily corroded circular or squaresectioned nails between 6-8.4 cm. in length. Two complete iron spikes, 14-14.5 cm. long, were also found (ctx 451, 495). Coins are surprisingly rare and are usually heavily residual; the same applies to a small trilobate copper alloy arrowhead (SF 11116)

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that likewise probably derives from melted mudbrick that contained cultural materials. Finally, a small number of beads and pendants have been recovered. They include trailed glass beads, several holed shells, two polished cowries that may have been sewn onto clothing, and a light blue glazed quartz pendant of a type popularly known as "Tears of Christ". These have a distribution stretching from Palestine to Afghanistan; they are Seljuk in date although they are often mis-attributed to earlier periods. THE MEDIEVALFORTIFICATIONS 1. Theexcavationof Curtain C6 and TowerT7 (Citadel, North wall), byP. Brun and A. Annaev The programme of investigating sections through the medieval fortifications, initiated in 1998, was continued with an excavation across the north wall of the citadel of Sultan Kala, designated MSK7. The 1996-97 survey had showed that, with the exception of the north wall of the citadel, the military architecture of Sultan Kala was initially based on hollow walls with galleries and chambers, followed by solid fortifications (Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpson et al. 1997, 20-22; Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpson et al. 1998, 67-71). However, the north wall did not appear to display this evolution. No evidence of the hollow fortifications were found on the survey and the standing remains of the north wall appeared to be solid. The north wall was 330 m. long, about 5 m. wide and had fourteen semi-circular flanking towers, often only surviving as a single wall. It was characterised by the presence of right angle staircases on its inner face leading to the top of the towers or wallwalk and by the presence of posterns giving access to the outer platform. Two hypotheses were suggested to explain this different evolution: either the hollow wall had been destroyed and been replaced by a solid wall, or the location of the north wall of the citadel had been altered. If the second hypothesis was correct, we would need to find the earlier hollow wall and to study the possibility of an extension of the citadel during the move to solid fortifications. Curtain C6 and Tower T7, about 150 m. from the north-eastern corner tower of the citadel (P1.VIIa), was chosen to answer these questions because of the presence of the best preserved postern of the north wall and a staircase, ST13, leading to the top of Tower T7 (P1. VIIb). It was therefore possible to study the functions and the relationships between the main elements of the north wall. Before beginning excavation we were given access to a section and plan of 1955 by Pugachenkova (YuTAKE), which gave a different picture of the site (Fig. 8).

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Fig. 7. SoftstonecookingpotfromMSK1.

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Fig. 8. Sultan Kala: MSK 7, thenorthfortificationwall of thecitadel,Pugachenkova'sdrawingsof CurtainC6, Tower T7 and CurtainC7.

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According to the drawings, the remains identified as the eroded Tower T7 were in fact the eastern wall of a big tower and the postern was the corridor leading to its small chamber. The section showed the presence of a fausse braie,no longer visible. Another purpose of the excavation was therefore to check the veracity of the drawing. Excavation progressand methodology. After preliminary cleaning the area was planned and drawn, proving that Pugachenkova was correct: T7 was larger than expected and had a small chamber accessed by the so-called postern. We also understood that her plan and section were partly a reconstruction, as no traces were found of the western part of Tower T7, of the outer platform or of the fausse braie.If these had collapsed during the intervening 45 years, some traces would have survived. Excavations were undertaken on both sides of the wall (Fig. 9). Inside the citadel (Area A), a small trench (S1), 1.50 x 2.5 m., was opened to obtain the stratigraphy of the inner platform and showed that one minor rebuilding had taken place. The access corridor and the chamber of Tower T7 were also excavated to link them to the inner platform. The original floor was revealed under a subsequent infilling of the tower. Outside the citadel (Area B), one trench (S2), 2 x 3.20 m., set perpendicular to Curtain C6, was excavated to find the edge of Tower T7 and link its stratigraphy to that of C6. Another trench (S3), 2 x 8.5 m. long, was excavated between Tower T7 and the moat. Under Tower T7 was found the hollow tower and its platform under an important levelling. To complete our information on the shape of both towers, another trench, 3.50 x 2.50 m., was excavated (S4). As before, plans and sections were made throughout. Ceramics, small finds and samples for archaeobotanical analysis and for accelerator dating (AMS) were collected. A systematic sampling of the bricks and plaster from the different phases of the fortifications took place. The results of the excavation are presented in chronological order for a better understanding. Excavationresults.The moat was probably dug first to obtain the material needed to build the fortifications. These were built on a platform made of heavily compacted clay taken from canals and at least 50 cm. thick. The tower found under Tower T7 and the base of Curtain C6 belonged to this period. The first Tower T7 was only preserved to the height of 5.50 m. up to the level of its chamber (Fig. 10). The outer face of its base was made of fired bricks of various sizes (17-302 x 4-7 cm.) up to 2.20 m. above the platform (P1.VIIIa). The outer face was pierced by a fake arrow slit, which was probably accompanied by three others. This outer face was more than simply decoration, serving as protection against water infiltration from the moat, the curtain being situated at a safer

STUDIES

distance. An alternating laying pattern of ten courses of mudbricks and three courses of fired bricks was then used for the outer face of the tower, up to the level of the chamber. The inner core of the base was constructed with pakhsa, which was used as a floor for the chamber. Only the western wall of the chamber has survived, but unfortunately below the level of the arrow slits. The first Curtain C6 was also preserved to a height of 5.50 m. It has not been excavated down to the platform but sufficient to demonstrate that its base was built of pakhsa blocks up to 3.30 m. high. Above, the wall was built of mudbricks (22-252 x 5 cm. and 302 x 7 cm.), bonded with strongly compacted clay. A change in the pattern of the masonry indicated that the curtain had been rebuilt slightly above the floor of its gallery. The base of Curtain C6 was not covered by a fired brick outer face, which seems to have been reserved to the towers of the citadel. No data has been gathered on the type of access to the wall. There may have been in Area A a very low inner platform, similar to that excavated at Curtain C20 on the north city wall [MSK4] (Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpson et al. 1999, 18-22, pls. VII-IX). The chamber of the tower was probably accessible via the gallery, and the gallery via staircases from the inner platform. The dimensions of the first Tower T7 and Curtain C6 were similar to those of the fortifications of the hollow period excavated or surveyed elsewhere and showed that they belonged to this period. In a later phase, Tower T7 seems to have been damaged. Part of its eastern side, where the tower was in contact with Curtain C6, was repaired with good-quality mudbricks and reused fired bricks. The nature of and reason for this damage are unknown, possibly caused by rain or the appearance of a crack in the masonry. The nature of the remains of the hollow fortifications and their analysis suggest that, in a second period, the wall suffered extended damage with the destruction of its upper part (gallery, chamber and wallwalk). In the other parts of the citadel, the hollow fortifications have been maintained to the top of the gallery or higher, filled and incorporated in the solid wall. This was also true for most of the fortifications of the city. This practice allowed the builders to save on material and time for the new solid fortifications. In MSK7, the fortifications were not preserved above the floor of the gallery or the chamber (apart from part of the west wall) and were uneven. This difference of preservation means that the upper part of the wall had either collapsed or was too damaged to be of any use. The builders did incorporate the first Curtain C6 and Tower T7 in the solid wall but only what was left after the collapse of their upper part.

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MOAT N

FAUSSEBRAIE

83-1

AREA

B

FIRST

7

4 SCHAMBER

cs

CORRIDOR

STAIRCASE STAit

AREA

ST43 STAIRCAISE

A

O-

I1

Fig. 9. Sultan Kala: MSK 7, thenorthfortificationwall of thecitadel,plan of CurtainC6, TowerT7 and CurtainC7.

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SECOND

T7 CORRIDOR

CHAMBER

SFIRST

T7

S

1

0

1

3

PLATFO

.

L 2

3M.

Fig. 10. Sultan Kala: MSK 7, thenorthfortificationwall of thecitadel,elevationof CurtainC6, TowerT7 and Curtain C7 (AreaB)from thenorth. A natural collapse, such as an earthquake or a subsidence of the platform on which the wall was built, is unlikely to explain the destruction, because the base of the hollow fortifications would have been affected and seemed to be intact. A destruction occurring during an attack of the citadel is the most plausible alternative explanation. The fact that the north side of Tower T7, the side facing the enemy, was the most damaged and that only the upper part was destroyed suggests an attack with clay balls or stones thrown by catapults set up in front of the north wall. The bombardment could have destroyed the weakest part of the hollow fortifications, the

gallery and the chamber, provoking the collapse of the wallwalk. The pakhsa base of the walls probably opposed a better resistance to the shelling. A last argument in favour of an attack was the discovery of a skeleton buried in the platform of the hollow wall (Fig.10). This could have been the body of a soldier killed during the attack and buried here because the cemeteries were not accessible, the city being besieged. The burial took place just before the important levelling marking the beginning of the reconstruction of the wall during the next period. During the third period, the damaged fortifications were rebuilt and strengthened. The recon-

INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT-PRELIMINARY

struction probably started shortly after the attack, as no surface layers have been found in the stratigraphy and because the citadel could not have been left without defences for long. The outer platform on which the hollow fortifications were erected was probably extended before a 5.20 m. levelling of the whole Area B took place. The levelling was made of successive layers of qumquyi(or clay from the canal) and sandy clay. Material from the damaged parts of the hollow wall, including blocks of pakhsaor fired bricks, seemed to have been reused (P1. VIIIc). The remains of Tower T7 were more carefully levelled, as they were destined to support the new tower. Its fake arrow slit was blocked. On top of this levelling, an outer platform made of pakhsa was constructed. The eroded platform was only preserved to a height of 15-50 cm. The excavation of the edge of the moat revealed the remains of a mudbrick wall, which was probably the base of a fausse braie,built on the outer platform at the same time. Compared to examples from other excavations, the levelling which occurred at MSK7 was unusually large-scale. The size of the new tower, twice as big as the first T7, was surely the main reason behind it. The first tower could not provide a base large enough for the projected construction. Half of the new tower needed to be built on a platform. This platform had to be strong enough to support the weight of the 2.60-2.70 m. wide walls of the new tower. The levelling also had the advantage of covering and protecting from the enemy's artillery the structural weaknesses of the wall (such as the line of reconstruction of the upper part of the walls and possibly the damage caused by the suggested attack to the base of the hollow wall). The first architectural element to be rebuilt was the upper part of Curtain C6 (Fig. 10 and P1l.VIIIb). Today, the new curtain is 4.20 m. wide and 5 m. high but its original width was probably 5 m. It was built of mudbricks (222 x 5 cm. and 30-312 x 7 cm.). Unfortunately, the wallwalk and its battlements are not preserved, but they were probably higher than the earlier hollow wall. A right angle staircase (ST13) was constructed within the new Curtain C6 to get access to the summit of the new Tower T7. The new Tower T7 abutted Curtain C6 (Fig. 10). It was erected on a special platform made of broken fired bricks (192 x 4 cm. and 322 x 5 cm.), which probably also served as the floor of the new chamber (P1. IXa). The new Tower T7 was about 7 m. wide and the walls of its chamber 3 m. wide. It was carefully constructed using mudbricks measuring 28-332 x 7 cm. The rectangular chamber, 1.50 x 2 m., was blind and rather small: it was possibly used for storing weapons. The chamber was accessed via the inner platform and a corridor.

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An inner platform (Area A) was erected against Curtain C6. From it, soldiers could access the outer platform via the posterns or use the staircases leading to the towers or wallwalk. This inner platform was at least 4.50 m. high and built of a mudbrick wall encasing a clay infilling. The fourth period was characterised by a strengthening of the fortifications. As shown by other excavations, this strengthening was probably gradual (Herrmann, Kurbansakhatov, Simpson et al. 1999, 20-21). In Area A, the inner platform was widened by constructing an additional wall against its outer face. This widening was possibly linked to the repair of the floor of the chamber of Tower T7. In Area B, an additional mudbrick wall was erected against the edge of the platform, and the fausse braie was probably widened and heightened. The chamber of Tower T7 and its corridor were filled with rubble encased between small mudbrick walls (P1. IXb). This infilling was not an isolated event as some staircases of the north wall were also blocked. It could have been a final attempt to strengthen the wall or could have been linked to the events of the next period. During the fifth period, most of Tower T7 collapsed, perhaps because erosion of the north wall led to a subsidence of the outer platform. Because the western part of the tower was erected on this platform, any subsidence would have led to the collapse of the tower. On the other end, erosion could not really explain why some sections of the north wall were relatively intact like Curtain C6 and why others were missing. Moreover, the east wall of the citadel which was probably as fortified as the north wall, had no section missing. These facts might be explained by another attack on the citadel during which Tower T7 would have been damaged. Some towers being destroyed, the staircases leading to their summit and the access to their chamber would have been blocked. The possible attack would have been the last significant event at MSK7 as the area was then abandoned. Conclusion. The excavation of MSK7 produced crucial results for the study of the fortifications of Sultan Kala. First, the question of the presence and location of the first phase wall (the hollow wall) has been solved by the discovery of a tower and a curtain from this period below the north wall. It demonstrated that the layout of Sultan Kala corresponds to the layout of the first phase wall and that the move to solid fortifications was not marked by a remodelling of the defensive system. Second, the evolution of the north wall of the citadel is clearer. The first fortification was a single hollow wall constructed on a platform. This wall was seriously damaged during an attack. The remaining hollow fortifications were filled and the whole area

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canal (MSK, Kushmeihan Gate, Trench 1) and on the west bank of the canal as the canal leaves the city. MSK Kushmeihan Gate 1 measured 1.2 x 3.45 m. and was sunk to the level of the bed of the canal, i.e. 2.6 m. from the modern ground surface. Four floor levels were encountered on the way down. The original one was at a depth of 2.2 m., with sand below, while the latest (or uppermost) was at a depth of 1.5 m. from the modern ground surface. In the south part of the trench part of a large pit was found, which was full of loose earth and ash. The pit and the absence of well trodden soil or a possible fired brick paving--typical for streets of large medieval cities in Central Asia-makes it improbable that one of the main streets of Merv passed through this point. Small trenches of a reconnaissance type (MSK, Kushmeihan Gate) were cut to clarify whether there had been a road and defensive wall on the west bank of the canal. YuTAKE excavations had previously uncovered the floor of a structure with bronze household objects, spoons, bowls, jugs, decorated articles made of ivory, and numerous beads, dated to the Khorezmshah period. This year's excavations below the Khorezmshah floor revealed numerous walls of fired brick and mudbrick and a floor of an earlier, probably Seljuk period. In the debris between the floors large quantities of carved fired bricks of various shapes were found, and pottery of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, among which there were fragments of costly vessels including lustrewares, "Kashan"ware (Fig. 6:11, P1l.IXc) and 2. TheKushmeihanGate,Sultan Kala, by pierced grain-de-rizwares. One of the rich houses of T. Khodjaniasov the city had been located on the bank of the canal The Majan canal ran north-south through the prior to the building of the city wall. Two and a half metres from the edge of the west centre of the medieval city, as has been established by a series of soundings undertaken by YuTAKE. bank and below the upper floor, a wall of fired brick When the city was fortified in the second half of the ran parallel with the canal. However, it is hard to eleventh century the canal had to be altered to accept that this 2.5 m. expanse formed a road. enable it to pass through the north wall and cross the Further excavation is required to clarify whether or moat. It has long been assumed that this was the not there are fortifications. Since this section of the location of the Kushmeihan Gate, which was set in wall is the weakest link in the city's defences, there the north wall: it would have been vulnerable to should have been a major bastion to protect it from the north-west. attack. Excavations to prove that there was a street as well Finally, to establish the course of the canal as a canal leaving the city at this point, and therefore through the moat, another trench, 1.2 x 15 m., that this was indeed the Kushmeihan Gate, were ini- running east/west was sunk 22.5 m. to the north of tially carried out under the auspices of YuTAKEand the fortified wall of Sultan Kala, i.e. between the were recommenced in 1999 from 13-21 September wall and the "structure in front of the gate" (MSK, and 15-19 October. The aim was to clarify how the Kushmeihan Gate 2). A fired brick wall, possibly to be canal crossed the moat; and what was the nature of identified as the face.of the canal, was found at a the rampart which ran along the outer edge of the depth of 1.35 m. from the modern ground surface of the moat. This survived to a height of 65 cm. (12 rows canal and shielded the gate-house from the northof bricks). Below was the natural bank of the channel line the first as scholars a building regarded by some which was not faced with bricks but consisted of hard of defence at the gate? To establish whether there had been a street run- granular brown clay. The floor of the channel at the ning beside the canal, trenches were dug 23.9 m. to edge of the moat was at a depth of 3 m. below surface. the south of the fortified wall on the west bank of the After turning west, which involved a step-like drop,

levelled. An outer platform and an inner platform were erected, and the upper part of the wall was replaced by solid curtains and large towers. Finally, a fausse braie was erected on the outer platform. Subsequently, various strengthenings of the wall took place, including the construction of an additional wall against the fausse braieand the inner platform. This evolution differs slightly from that revealed in other sections. The main difference, apart from the more impressive scale of the strengthening, is the absence of the solid wall usually built against the hollow fortifications. There was no need to build one because MSK7 was already sufficiently strengthened by the building of its solid upper part (its width was equivalent to those of a hollow wall plus a solid wall). In consequence, the construction of the upper part of MSK7 must have taken place before or at the time of the construction of the solid additional wall. The infilling of the hollow wall and the building of the solid additional wall were the first measures adopted when it was decided to move from hollow to solid fortifications. Therefore, it is quite possible that the attack on the hollow fortifications of Sultan Kala had triggered the move to solid fortifications. Following the attack, sections of the hollow wall that were too heavily destroyed were replaced by a solid wall, and a solid wall was built against the sections relatively intact.

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from the text: similarly the north point is usually off true. Please note the following specific mistakes. 4. The Lesser Kyz Kala, p. 148, fig. 143 left, Pilyavsky'splan of the ground floor requires rotating so that the stairway,5, is at the bottom right instead of the bottom left; p. 149, fig. 143b left, Pugachenkova's plan of the ground floor, should be smaller. 6. Garam K6shk, p. 153, fig. 145b. The doorway behind Iwan 1 should match that behind Iwan 2. 16. Porsoy K6shk, p. 165, fig. 155a. Pugachenkova's plans are too small and should match those of Fig. 155b. 18. Dig-house K6shk, or House in the Potters' Quarter. Much of the text on p. 168 has been omitted. It should have read as follows: 18. TheDighouseKishk, orHouse in thePotters' Quarter This ruined building lies west of Sultan Kala just behind the expedition house and the park offices in an area corresponding to the medieval potters' quarter. It was built on a small mound, c. 2.00 m. high, and is orientated to the cardinal points. It is about 100 m. south of 3, the k6shk near the mausoleum of Muhammad ibn Zayd. The two-storey building is poorly preserved. Even the edges of the mound may have been reduced to allow for modern developments. It is not possible to reconcile either Pugachenkova's measurements of 27.00 x 36.00 m. or her plan with what remains. Surviving walls of the upper storey occupy an area c. 20.90 x 16.80 m., with additional mounding to the south of c. 6.00 m., giving possible maximum dimensions of 20.90 x 22.80 m. It survives to a height of some 4.00 m. Of the lower storey, only the upper part of a room in the south corner, 1, is visible: it is roofed with a balkhivault, also preserved on the upper storey and measures 3.10 x 3.20 m. To the east there is a central domed room, 2, THE MONUMENTS PROGRAMME w. 3.88 m., probably flanked by corridors, only one of which, w. 1.30 m., survives. There is a The Monumentsof Merv:TraditionalBuildings of the similar large central room, 3, width 4.10 m., to the west, flanked by stairways,1.55 and 1.32 m. Karakum,was published by the Society of Antiquaries of London, in November 1999. Unfortunately, respectively. This was probably a four-iwan because of takeovers of both companies sponsoring courtyard building with corner rooms. As usual the volume during 1999, publication had to be accomPugachenkova restores a central domed room instead of a courtyard. plished in a very short period of time, and the author Mud bricks, 3002 x 70 mm. Slots for putlogs was not shown final proofs. As a result there are a and tie-beams. number of errors, particularlyin the Gazetteer, some of which are listed below, together with new observaPrincipal reference: Pugachenkova, 1958, 206-7. tions made during the 1999 season. Such observations are likely to continue to be made and will be reported 22. The KepterKhana in Shahryar Ark, p. 175, fig. 161: scale should be 1:5 not 1:10. in this section of ongoing preliminary reports. The reduction of plans is not precise throughout, The plans of 23, KepterKhana in the south of and measurements of the buildings should be taken Sultan Kala, Pugachenkova's plan, p. 177, fig. 162a,

the channel descended steeply towards the moat. It must subsequently link with the channel, previously excavated by YuTAKE, emerging from under the moat. The channel passed through the centre of the "structurein front of the gate". A trench, 2.7 x 13 m., was cut into the rampart protecting the gatehouse, to define its function (MSK, Kushmeihan Gate, Trench 3). A wall of poor quality pakhsa,surviving to a height of 45-60 cm., was found under the loose surface soil. Below was a loose earth infill containing pieces of fired brick, lumps of clay and pottery of the tenth and eleventh centuries: there was no later material. Below was a further layer, 2.1 m. thick of poor quality pakhsa, under which passed the channel of the Majan canal. This had a vaulted roof of fired brick. The width of the channel at the bottom was 1.5 m. Higher up the edges of the channel were reinforced with fired bricks. The depth of the channel in the reinforced part was 1.55 m. The lower part of the channel was filled with clayey sand brought in by rain. The northern slope of the rampart was later turned into an ash dump, in which pieces of multi-layer ganch plaster were found, along with bones and fragments of pottery, including a lamp typical of the fourteenth-fifteenth centuries. The rampart was presumably originally defensive, as is borne out by the fact that the channel of the canal passes underneath it and by the height of the clay mass-2.1 m. Thereafter, probably before the Mongol invasion, it was hastily reinforced, and the canal blocked. The question of the location of the Kushmeihan Gate has not yet been resolved. One possible solution for its location would be where the city wall meets that of Shahryar Ark. However, although advantageous for the defenders, test excavations undertaken by Brun and Annaev in 1997 failed to find any evidence for a gate in this area. Work is scheduled to continue in 2000.

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and 26, the Timurid pavilion, p. 183, Fig. 165, are slightly too large. Although attractive, the book is not user-friendly because of a lack of full cross-referencing of the illustrations, caused both by the speed of production and by their being scattered throughout the volume. Although illustrations of each building are listed at the end of Gazetteer entries, they are not described nor their page numbers given. Furthermore the selection of photographs by the editors has not always been felicitous. The most famous monument, the Greater Kyz Kala, for instance has three distant views of its best preserved southern facade (figs. 28, 137 and 177) but none dedicated to it, and neither is there an overall view of the interior. A full photographic archive is currently held in the Institute of Archaeology, UCL. The 1999 Season.Work on the second volume in the Monuments Series, the mosques and mausolea in and around the cities and in the oasis, was continued with a visit to the oasis by Professor R. Hillenbrand, accompanied by David Gye and Jo Rock. The IMP is grateful to Professor Hillenbrand for agreeing to write Mosques and Mausolea of the Oasis,scheduled to be ready for press in the autumn of the year 2000, followed by TheMausoleumof Sultan Sanjar.The inscriptions of these buildings are being prepared by Dr. Venetia Porter (British Museum). Professor Hillenbrand also visited comparable monuments elsewhere in Turkmenistan, including the mausoleum of Abu Said at Mekhneh, the Astanababa and Alamberdar Mausolea at Kerki, the Mausolea of Sarakhs-Baba and Yarti Gumbaz at Sarakhs and the monuments at Kunya Urgench, as well as the caravanserai at Daya Khatun, Akcha Kala and Shaim Kala. The Pavilion at Kurtly (Herrmann 1999, pp. 172-73, no. 21). While visiting the poorly preserved mosque at Kurtly, the monuments team also examined the pavilion. Gye correctly interpreted the remains of the surviving trilobed squinch (P1. XIa), incorrectly described in Herrmann 1999, 57. Instead of being framed within the typical Seljuk arch, as suggested, this was set within a curving rectangular panel, a development from the squinches of the Greater and Lesser Kyz Kalas (1999, 53, fig. 45). He also noticed the remains of a pair of lobes, one on each side of the panel. Although no longer preserved in 1997, Pugachenkova had published a drawing of a squinch within a rectangular panel from Room 15 of the palace in Shahryar Ark (Fig. 11; 1958, 205b), and its existence has been confirmed by an archive photograph supplied by Dr. Kurbansakhatov. This squinch contained two stepped niches, decreasing in size. Linking the ninth century squinch with its series of concentric arches set within curving rectangular

dora

napyc IJepcnemmueir•ixbcd, np&a7tmey 8 1Izaxrpzap-apz.e Mep6a

Fig. 11. ShahryarArk, thesquinch,no longersurviving, fromRoom15 in thepalace, drawnbyPugachenkova

(1958,205b).

panels, seen in the KyzKalas,with these Seljuk examples are some in the remarkable koshk or caravanserai at Shaim Kala (P1.XIb), located on the "silk road" between Merv and Amul. Much of the ground floor of this two-storey corrugated building is still preserved: the domed rooms are supported on squinches formed of four rather than six concentric arches within rectangular panels (P1. XIc). There is clearly scope for a study of squinch development and variety in the mudbrick architecture of Merv from the ninth century examples of the Kyz Kalas to the rectangular squinches at Kurtly and the Palace in Shahryar Ark, presumably then evolving into the standard arched form, seen for instance in fired brick in the Mausoleum of ibn Zayd. Another feature characteristic of the Seljuk buildings of ShahryarArk is the employment of transverse vaults for roofing. These are most clearly seen in the iwans of the Palace and the kepterkhana (Herrmann 1999, 59-60, figs. 258, 262 and 277-8). There was not time, unfortunately, to prepare elevations and reconstructions of these vaults for the publication, but work on these is underway and will hopefully appear in the next preliminary report. These crossvaults were not confined to these two elite buildings, but were also employed on the large, four iwan courtyard house to the west of MSK 1, located between the street and the west wall of the citadel. This was cleared of camelthorn, but time did not permit planning. The one standing wall at the west end retained traces of transverse arches, as well as the chequerboard bricklay typical of the palace. The remains of transverse vaults were also noted on an

INTERNATIONAL MERV PROJECT-PRELIMINARY

enigmatic structure immediately adjacent to the north wall of the citadel and to the east of the main north-south cross-wall. Only two walls are still standing, one with an elegant recessed arched niche with incurving hood and the remains of transverse arches, with a parallel wall to the east. This con-

tained two arched entrances,one complete and one only partially preserved. Transversevaults seem, therefore, to have been a standardform of roofing in SeljukMerv:the vaultswerebuilt in mudbrickand regularlyrise from coursesof firedbricks. Workis continuingon planningand recordingin greater detail these outstandinglyimportant mudbrick buildings of Seljuk Merv,which provide vital new informationon the architectureof the period. * We were delighted to be visited by Dr. Stefano Carboni of the Metropolitan Museum, and his wife Maria.

Bibliography Chichkina, G. V., 1986. "Les remparts de Samarcande A l'epoque hellenistique", in La fortification dans l'histoiredu mondegrec (Leriche, P. and H. Treziny, eds.), 71-78, figs. 287-302, Paris. Ershov, S. A., 1959. "Nekotorye itogi arkheologicheskogo izucheniya nekropolya s ossuarnymi zakhoroneniyami v raione goroda Bairam-Ali"(Some results of the archaeological study of the necropolis with ossuary burials in the district of the town of Bairam-Ali), TrudyInstituta Istorii,Arkheologiii EtnografiiAkademiiNauk TurkmenskoiV, 160-204, Ashgabat. Filanovich, M. I., 1978. "Bashneobraznye kul'tovye kuril'nitsy iz Merva" (Tower-shaped ritual incense-burners from Merv), TrudyYuTAKEXVI, 31-43, Ashkhabad. Fraser, P. M., 1996. CitiesofAlexanderthe Great,Oxford. Haerinck, E., 1983. La ceramiqueen Iran pendant la piriodeparthe, Gent. Herrmann, G., 1999. Monumentsof Mero,TraditionalBuildingsof the Karakum,London. Herrmann, G., K. Kurbansakhatov, and StJ. Simpson et al., 1997. "The International Merv Project: preliminary report on the fifth season (1996)", Iran XXXV, 1-33, pls. I-IV. 1998. "The International Merv Project: preliminary report on the sixth season (1997)", Iran XXXVI, 53-75, pls. VI-X. 1999. "The International Merv Project: preliminary report on the seventh season (1998)", Iran XXXVII, 1-24, pls. I-IX.

REPORT ON THE EIGHTH SEASON (1999)

31

Katsuris, K. and Yu. Buryacov, 1963. "Izucheniye remeslennogo kvartala antichnogo Merva u severnykh vorot Gyaur-Kaly" (The study of the craftsman's quarter of ancient Merv near the northern gate of Gyaur-Kala), TrudyYuTAKEXII,119-63, Ashgabat. Lerner, J. D., 1999. The Impact of SeleucidDecline on the Eastern Iranian Plateau,Stuttgart. Levina, V. A., 1949. "Stena i bashnya i Staroi Nisy" (Walls and towers of Old Nysa), TrudyYuTAKEI, 133-46. McNicoll, A. W., 1997. HellenisticFortificationsFromtheAegeanto the Euphrates,Oxford. Pugachenkova, G. A., 1958. Puti razvitya architekturyyuzhnogo Turkmenistanapory rabovladenyiai feodalizma (Trends in the ArchitecturalDevelopmentin SouthernTurkmenistanat the Timeof Slaveryand Feudalism),TrudyYuTAKEVI,Moscow. Pumpelly, R, ed., 1908. Explorationsin Turkestan.Expeditionof 1904, Washington; two volumes. Rempel, L. I., 1963. "Arkhitekturniyi ornament yuzhnogo Turkmenistana X-nachala XIII vv. i problema 'sel'dzhukskogo' stilya" (The architectural decoration of southern Turkmenistan from the tenth to the beginning of the thirteenth century and the problem of the "Seljuk"style), Trudy YuTAKEXII, 249-308. Rutkovskaya, L. M., "Antichnaya keramika drevnego Merva" (Antique ceramics from ancient Merv), Trudy YuTAKEXI, 41-116, Ashgabat. Simpson, St J., 1997. "Partho-Sasanian ceramic industries in Mesopotamia", in Pottery in the Making: World Ceramic Traditions (Freestone, I. and Gaimster, D. eds.), 74-79, London. Smith, I., 1998. "The zooarchaeological analyses" in Herrmann, G. et al. 1998, 53-75, pls. VI-X. Tashkhodjaev, Sh. S., 1968. "Razrez gorodskoi steny Gyaurkaly" (The section through the city wall of Gyaur Kala), Trudy YuTAKEXII,95-118, Ashgabat. Usmanova, Z. I., 1963. "Raskopkimasterskoy remeslenika parfyanskogo vremeni na gorodischche Gyaur-Kala"(The excavations of the workshop from Parthian times in the city of Gyaur-Kala), TrudyYuTAKEXII, 164-200, Ashgabat. 1991. "Kultovyi sosud s Erk-Kaly"(Cult vessel from Erk Kala), Monumentsof Turkmenistan51 (1991/1), 30-31. Wulff, H. E., 1966. The TraditionalCraftsofPersia. TheirDevelopment, Technologyand Influence on Eastern and WesternCivilizations, Cambridge, Massachusetts/London.

KIRMAN,TERRE DE TURBULENCE' Par Malek Iradj Mochiri Paris

' En 1985 je redigeais un article propos d'un atelier de Kirman. Disposant de cette occasion et encourage par le regrette N. Lowick, j'y abordai l'6tude geographique des autres ateliers de cette province.2 Le present article pourrait etre considere comme son prolongement, mais de tendance plut6t historique. Depuis sa publication mes tentatives de reconnaissance des sigles d'ateliers de Kirman demeurent infructueuses, maisj'espere apporter par le present article des elements documentaires supplementaires a l'intention des chercheurs qui s'aventureront dans ce domaine. Dans cet article j'ai reuni les monnaies arabosassanides des ateliers de Kirman 6mises au nom des gouverneurs arabes. Cette tiche fut facilitee par des planches illustrees des livres de numismatique et l'apport de quelques collections riches en monnaies de Kirman.3Mais le but de reunir ce lot de monnaies dans l'article present depasse largement les limites d'un simple inventaire et s'engage, avec preuves historiques a l'appui, dans la recherche de la veritable identite des monnaies d'CAbdallahb. Zubayr dont apparemment aucune n'emane de lui ni de ses gouverneurs. L'etablissement de cette imposture conduira, je l'espere, au resultat souhaite ta savoir qu'il permettra plus facilement a certains lecteurs de reconnaitre les raisons qui m'ont amene~ douter de l'origine de certaines categories des monnaies arabo-sassanides.4

Lesgouverneursarabesde Kirman Dans l'ordre chronologique, sont classes cidessous les gouverneurs dont le nom est repr6sent6 par son abreviation au tableau 1 : Ab-Kh = CAbdallahle Kharijite5 Ab-Am = CAbdallahb.CAmir Zyaid-Sf = Ziyad b. Abi-Sufyan Ab-Zyd = CAbdal-Rahman b. Zayd6 Hk-a-As = Hakam b. Abi 'l-As Ub-Zd = cUbaydallah b. Ziyad Ab-Zb = CAbdallahb. Zubayr Um-Ub = cUmar b.cUbaydallah Ms-Zb = Muscab b. Zubayr At-As = CAtyab. Aswad = Muhallab b. Abi-Sufra Mhlb = Yazid b. al-Muhallab Yzid Abrh-Mh = CAbdal-Rahman b. Muhammad Amr-Lq = CAmrb. Laqit Le tableau 1 indique les monnaies de ces gouverneurs emises aux ateliers de Kirman entre 52 et 83 A.H. Elles sont, -a cinq exceptions pres, toutes illustrees, les indications de ref6rence se trouvant au tableau individuel de chaque atelier dont la liste suit immediatement le tableau 1.

TABLEAU1 A.H.

52

53 54 56

KRMANNAR GRM GV HRJN XPYC WANGY KRMANKRMAN- KRMAN-GRMKRMANKRMAN-KRMAN- KRMAN KRMANWKRMAN-KRMANAN WAT GY NAR GV HRJN XPYC WANGY Ab-Kh Ab-Kh Ab-Am Zya-d-Sf Zyad-Sf Ab-Zyd

Zyad-Sf

Zyad-Sf Ab-Zyd Ab-Kh Ab-Zyd Ab-Zyd Hk-a-As

Ab-Zyd

59

Ab-Zyd

Ab-Zyd

Hk-a-As

Hk-a-As Hk-a-As Hk-a-As Hk-a-As Hk-a-As

57 58

PYR

Ub-Zd

Hk-a-As Ub-Zd

33

Hk-a-As

34

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

TABLEAU 1 (suite) A.H.

NAR GV GRM KRMANXPYC WANGY KRMANHRJN KRMAN- KRMAN- GRMKRMAN KRMAN- KRMAN- KRMAN KRMANW KRMAN- KRMANAN WAT NAR GV GY XPYC WANGY HRJN

60

Ub-Zd

Ub-Zd

61

Ub-Zd

Ub-Zd

62

Ub-Zd

63

Ub-Zd Ab-Zb

Ub-Zd

Ub-Zd Ab-Zb

Ab-Zb

Ab-Zb

64

Ab-Zb

65

Ab-Zb Um-Ub

66

Ab-Zb

67

Ab-Zb

68

Ab-Zb

Ab-Zb

Ab-Zb

Ab-Zb

69

Ab-Zb

Ub-Zd

Ab-Zb

Ms-Zb

Ab-Zb

70

Ms-Zb

71

Ms-Zb At-As

72 73

At-As

74 75

At-As

76

Mhlb

77

Mhlb

78

Yzid

83

PYR

At-As

At-As

At-As

At-As

At-As

At-As

At-As

At-As At-As

At-As

At-As At-As

At-As At-As

At-As

At-As

At-As

Mhlb Mhlb Yzid Amr-Lg

Amr-Lg

Yzid

At-As Yzid

Liste des ateliers NAR et KRMAN-NAR Date : A.H. a - NAR CAbdallahle Kh-rijite

48

Mhlb

Abrh-Mh

(WK, Dam.3, p.51,pl. XXXIII, 6)7 20(52) (WK,Dam.2, p.51, CAbdallahle Kh-rijite pl. XXXIII, 5) 20(52) (WK, ETN.10, p.49, CAbdallh b.cAmir pl. VIII, 10) 52 (WK,63, p. 43, pl. VII, 10) Ziyad b. Abi-Sufydn 53 (WK, 64, p. 43, non illusZiya-db. Abi-Sufyan tree) CAbdalldhle Khanrijite 42(54) No 2 (P1.XIV, 8) (Garmkirman,9) CAbdal-Rahman b. Zayd 54 Hakam b. Abi 'l-~cs 56 (WK,ETN.17,p. 86, pl. XVI, 2) b - KRMAN-NAR 60 No 9 (P1.XIII, 6). cUbaydalla-hb. Ziyad 61 (ASCWC,no 16, pl. V, 27) cUbaydallah b. Ziyad 61 No 12 (P1.XIII, 2) cUbaydallah b. Ziyad No 13 (P1.XIV, 9) 62 cUbaydallah b. Ziya-d

cUbaydallah b. Ziyad

63

CAbdallahb. Zubayr CAbdallahb. Zubayr cAbdallah b. Zubayr Muscab b. Zubayr

63 67 68 71

CAtiyab. Aswad CAtiyab. Aswad cAtiyab. Aswad Muhallab b. Abi-Sufra

71 72 75 76

Muhallab b. Abi-Sufra

77

Yazid b. al-Muhallab

78

(ASCWC,n' 77, pl. XII, 69) No 17 (P1.XIII, 3) (Garmkirman,18) (WK,40, p. 32, pl. V, 8) (WK, 207, p. 104, pl. XIX, 4) No 27 (P1.XV, 13) No 28 (P1.XIV, 11) No 37 (P1.XVII, 29) (WK, So.2, p.115, non illustree) (WK, 1.48, p.115, non illustr&e) (Gaube, Tf. 9, 105)8

GV, KRMAN-GV, KRMAN-GVA a - GV cAbdallih le Kharijite 20(52) (WK,Th.8, p. 50, pl. XXXIII,3) No 3 (P1.XVII,. 27) 52 Ziyad b. Abui-SufyLn yazidi (ASCWC,n' 8, pl. Ziyad b. Abfi-Sufyin VII, 37)

35

KIRMAN, TERRE DE TURBULENCE

CAbdal-Rahman b. Zayd 52 (WK, 151, p. 84, pl. XV, 13) CAbdal-Rahman b. Zayd 53 (WK,Dam.5, p. 84, pl. XXXV, 4) CAbdal-Rahm-n b. Zayd 54 (Garmkirmdn,8) b - KRMAN-GVA 63 (Garmkirmdn,16) CAbdallahb. Zubayr c - KRMAN-GV 72 No 29 (P1.XIV, 12) CAtiyab. Aswad b. Aswad 73 (WK,I.45, p.111, pl. XXXVI, CAtiya 10) 74 (Garmkirman,25) cAtiyab. Aswad cAmrb. Laqit 83 (Gaube, Tf. 6, 68) GRM, GRMKRMAN a - GRM 52 (Gaube, Tf. 10, 109) Ziyad b. Abi-Sufyain CAbdal-Rahman b. Zayd 54 (WK, 152, p. 85, pl. XV, 14) Hakam b. Abi 'l-CAs 58 (WK,Dam.7, p. 86, pl. XXXV, 6) b - GRMKRMAN 78 (Garmkirman,31) Yazid b. al-Muhallab cAmrb. Laqit 83 No 40 (P1.XV, 14) HRJN,KRMAN-HRJN a - HRJN CAbdal-Rahman b. Zayd 54 (WK,Dam.6, p. 85, pl. XXXV, 5) Hakam b. Abi 'l-cAs 56 (WK,B. 27, p. 87, pl. XXXV, 7) b - KRMAN-HRJN 60 cUbaydallah b. Ziyad 61 cUbaydallah b. Ziyvd 67 cAbdallahb. Zubayr Muscabb. Zubayr 70 b. Aswad 73 CAtiya 73 CAtiyab. Aswad 74 CAtiyab. Aswad Muhallab b. Abi-Sufra 77 78 Yazid b. al-Muhallab XPIC, KRMAN-XPIC a - XPIC10 Hakam b. Abi 'l-CAs Hakam b. Abi 'l-cAs

(Garmkirman,15) No 11 (P1.XV, 15) No 19 (P1.XIV, 10) No 26 (P1.XV, 16)

(Garmkirman,22) No 30 (P1.XVII, 28) No 32 (P1.XV, 17)

N' 38 (P1.XIII, 5) (ENISII, fig. 1555)9

56 (Garmkirmdn,10) 57 No 5 (P1.XIII, 4)

b - KRMAN-XPIC 59 No 8 (P1.XIII, 1) cUbaydallah b. Ziyad 60 (WK,95, p. 65, pl. XI, 13) cUbaydallah b. Ziyad yazidi (ASCWC,no 75. WK, cUbaydallah b. Ziytd pl. IX, 3) CAbdallahb. Zubayr 63 (WK, 39, p. 31, pl. V, 7) 67 (Garmkirmdn,17) CAbdallahb. Zubayr 73 (Garmkirmdn,23) CAtiyab. Aswad 74 No 33 (P1.XV, 18) CAtiyab. Aswad 75 No 36 (P1.XVI, 22) CAtiyab. Aswad Yazid b. al-Muhallab 78 No 39 (P1.XVI, 19)

CAbdal-Rahman b. Muhammad

83

(Gaube, Tf. 4, 40)

WANGY, KRMAN-WANGY a - WANGY CAbdal-Rahman b. Zayd 54 No 4 (P1.XIV, 7) 56 (Garmkirmdn,11) Hakam b. Abi 'l-As Hakam b. Abi 'l-CAs 57 No 6 (P1.XVI, 20) b - KRMAN-WANGY 60 No 10 (P1.XVI, 21) cUbaydallah b. Ziyad b. Zubayr 62 (WK, Z. 1, p. 30, pl. XXXI, CAbdalla-h 10) 67 (Garmkirman,19) CAbdallahb. Zubayr 73 (Garmkirman,24) CAtiyab. Aswad Aswad 75 (Garmkirmdn,29) b. CAtiya 77 (Garmkirman,30) CAtiyab. Aswad Muhallab b. Abi-Sufra 78 (WK, RB.10, p.115, pl. XXXVII,1)

KRMANW KRMAN, cUbaydallah b. Ziyad Amir al-Mu'minin CAbdallahb. Zubayr cUmar b.cUbaydallah CAbdall-thAmir al-Mu'minin CAbdallahAmir al-Mu'minin CAbdallahAmir al-Mu'minin CAbdallahb. Zubayr cAbdallah b. Zubayr cAtiyab. Aswad cAtiyab. Aswad CAtiyab. Aswad Muhallab b. Abi-Sufra

58 64 65 65

(ASCWC,n' 63, pl. VII, 41) (ASCWC,n' 118, pl. IV, 23) No 18 (P1.XVII, 25) (WK, 202, p.101, pl. XVIII, 11)

65 No 22 (P1.XVIII, 31) 66 No 24 (P1.XVI, 23) 66 No 23 (P1.XVII, 26) 67 No 20 (P1.XVIII, 33) 69 (WK,Th.5, p.32, pl. XXXII, 1) 73 No 31 (P1.XVIII, 35) 74 No 34 (P1.XVI, 24) 75 (WK, 218, p. 112, pl. XX, 5) 76 (Gaube, Tf. 6, 62)

KRMAN-GY cUbaydallah b. Ziyad cAbdallah b. Zubayr CAtiyab. Aswad

64 No 14 (P1.XIX, 39) 67 (WK, 48, p. 35, pl. VI, 7) 75 (Garmkirman,27)

KRMAN-AN Muscab b. Zubayr CAtiyab. Aswad CAtiyab. Aswad

69 (WK, 206, p.103, pl. XIX, 3) 72 (WK, 216, p.111, pl. XX, 3) 74 N0 35 (P1.XVIII, 34)

KRMAN-WAT CAtiyab. Aswad

75 (Garmkirman,28)

PYR Hakam b. Abi 'l-CAs Hakam b. Abi 'l-CAs

56 (WK,ETN.18, p.87, pl.XVI, 3) 58 N0 7 (P1.XVIII, 36)

36

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

b. Zubayravant 64 A.H. Monnayaged'CAbdalldh La succession au califat s'obtient au suffrage universel. En 56 A.H., Mucawiya b. Abi-Sufyan en transgressant les regles sacrees de l'Islam, imposa une sorte de succession dynastique au profit de sa famille. ILobtint ainsi de son vivant le serment d'allegeance pour son fils Yazid. Cette decision allait attiser les oppositions. Mais tant que Mucawiya etait en vie, les insurrections demeurerent latentes. L'un des premiers insurges ai la mort de Muca-wiyafut Husayn b. CAli.I1 perit le 10 muharram 61 A.H. lors de l'engagement de son armee contre celle d'cUbaydallah b. Ziyad a proximite de la petite ville de Karbala en Irak. La mort de Husayn provoqua la revolte ouverte au sein de tous les groupes d'opposants. CAbdallahb. Zubayr, allie pendant quelque temps aux khawa-rijNajadat, se r6volta en Arabie en occupant ses deux villes principales Medine et la Mekka. Une expedition de Damas reprit Medine en 63 A.H. et la d6pech6e ' mit sac. Elle assiegea ensuite la Mekka. cAbdallah ne dut son salut qu'a la mort soudaine de Yazid. Le faible successeur de ce dernier, Mucawiya II, ne gouverna que 3 mois et mourut aussi soudainement que son pere. Ces disparitions successives eurent des consequences graves et provoquerent des troubles en Irak. Basra et Kfifa demeurerent sans securite pendant quatre mois et furent livrees aux truands et violeurs de femmes. Syriens et irakiens inquiet6s par la situation, firent appel a CAbdallah b. Zubayr en le priant de se rendre a Damas pour les cer6monies du serment d'allIgeance. CAbdallahrefusa de quitter la Mekka, la ville la plus adequate, selon lui, pour recevoir le serment puisqu'elle fut le berceau de l'Islam. Les croyants, se pliant a son souhait, s'y rendirent en masse pour accomplir leur devoir. Une fois l'allegeance obtenue, CAbdallaih designa les gouverneurs de provinces, et cela se passait en l'an 64 A.H.11 Cette chronologie permet d'etablir le fait important qu'avant 64 A.H. : - les gouverneurs etaient design6s par Yazid b. Mucawiya, - l'administration officielle d'Iran et d'Irak obeissait aux ordres de Damas, - CAbdallahb. Zubayr se trouvait en Arabie, - aucun 6l6ment ne repr6sentait officiellement ce dernier sur le plateau iranien. Or, la numismatique rev6le l'existence des monnaies au nom d'CAbdallahb. Zubayr 6mises par les ateliers et aux dates suivants : en 61 A.H. N0 15 (P1.XIX, 37) GD GD en 61 A.H. N0 16 (P1.XIX, 38) KRMAN-WANGYen 62 A.H. (WK,Z.1, p. 30, pl. XXXI, 10)

STUDIES

KRMAN-XPIC

en 63 A.H. (WK,39, p. 31,

pl. V, 7)

en 63 A.H. N' 17 (P1.XIII, 3) en 63 A.H. (Garmkirman,16) Ces dates sont anterieures ta la proclamation du califat et a la nomination des gouverneurs par cAbdallah b. Zubayr. KRMAN-NAR KRMAN-GVA

Monnayaged 'Abdalldhb. Zubayrapres64 A.H. La liste suivante presente historiquement le nom des gouverneurs et generaux des provinces orientales designes par cAbdallaih b. Zubayr apres son avenement : CAbdallahb. Khazim, gouverneur du Khurassan

en 64 A.H.

Muhallab b. Abi-Sufra, lieutenant de ce dernier

en 64 A.H.

cUmar b. cUbaydallah, gouverneur de Basra

en 64 A.H.

CAmirb. Mascfid, gouverneur de Kfifa en 64 A.H. Harith b. cAbdallah,gouverneur du en 64 A.H. Seistan A noter que nous n'avons aucune connaissance de gouverneurs nommes pour le Jibail, ni pour la province de Kirman, ni pour Yazd. Les monnaies au nom d'CAbdallah b. Zubayr emises en province de Kirman (tableau 2) se placent en importance de nombre d'ateliers et d'annees, en deuxieme position, apres celles d'CAtiyab. Aswad. Les deux gouverneurs zubayrides connus par leurs monnaies emises en province de Kirman, sont cUmar b. cUbaydallah et Muscab b. Zubayr. I1 n'existe aucune attestation historique prouvant leur nomination au gouvernement de Kirman. 1-cUmar b. cUbaydallah dont le monnayage se limitejusqu'a present au seul atelier de KRMANet a la seule annee 65, fut nomme gouverneur de Basra en 64 avant d' tre remplace par Nafic b. Azraq, un kharijite, suivi de Harith b.CAbdallah.12Il semble tres douteux qu'ayant eventuellement ete nomme gouverneur en Kirman, cUmar n'ait utilise qu'un seul atelier de cette province. Ou bien aurait-il ete charge de soumettre celle-ci manu militari, et dans l'affirmatif, son action n'aurait pas eu le succes espere, ou bien cette emission it son nom aurait-elle ete effectuee a son insu ? Par ailleurs cUmar fut nomme gouverneur de Fars en 67. Un abondant monnayage emis a son propre nom, provenant de cinq ateliers de cette province, demontre qu'il etait tres fier d'afficher sa haute situation. Au cours de la mime ann&e 67, six ateliers de

KIRMAN,

TERRE

37

DE TURBULENCE

TABLEAU2 A.H.

KRMAN

62 63 64

+

65

+

66

+

67

+

68 69

K-GV

K-NAR

K-XPIC

+

+

+

+

+

K-GY

K-HRJ

K-WANGY +

+

+

+

+ +

Kirman emettent des monnaies au nom d"Abdallah b. Zubayr et pas une seule monnaie au nom d'cUmar. Il ne serait par consequent pas difficile de conclure que la responsabilite d' missions de monnaies au nom d'CAbdallahb. Zubayr en province de Kirman ne releve pas d'cUmar b. cUbaydallah, et que ce dernier ne maitrise pas la situation en Kirman. 2-Muscab b. Zubayr, succedant a Hafrith b.cAbdallah, fut nomme gouverneur de Basra en 67 avant d'etre a nouveau remplace par Harith en 68. Son monnayage de Kirman, assez tardif, concerne trois ateliers de cette province, etale sur trois ans, de sorte qu'a chaque annee correspond un atelier diff6rent : KRMAN-AN

en 69 A.H. (WK,206, p. 103, pl. XIX, 3) KRMAN-HRJNen 70 A.H. N' 26 (P1.XV, 16) KRMAN-NAR en 71 A.H. (WK, 207, p. 104, pl. XIX, 4) Ce changement d'ateliers au cours de trois annees successives ne serait-il pas le temoignage de quelques incursions sporadiques ayant pour but de soumettre les rebelles de Kirman ? En tous cas les monnaies de Muscab b. Zubayr n'apportentjusqu'fa present aucune attestation prouvant sa fonction de gouverneur en Kirman. Pour les memes raisons, la rare emission de l'atelier de KRMANen l'an 69 A.H. au nom d'cAbdallah b. Zubayr ne pourrait etre attribuee a Muscab. 3-cAbdallah b. Zubayrne quitta pas l'Arabie pendant toutes ces annees. Conclusion : aucune de ces monnaies n'emane ni d'Abdalldhb. Zubayrni de sesgouverneurs.

Ibn Zubayret Amir al-Mu'minin A la mort de Yazid b. Mucaiwiya,CAbdallah b. Zubayr se proclama calife. Cet avenement fut commemore en 64 A.H., bien loin de 1'Arabieoil residait ce dernier, par une emission de l'atelier de KRMAN.13Les monnaies issues de cette emission ne v'hiculent que l'unique epithete d'Amir alMu'minin ial'exclusion de tout nom propre. Des 65, on denombre quelques emissions oi

KRMANNAR

XIII, 6 Collection H.M. Malek

44

JOURNAL

10 Nom comme au No 8 au 2' quartde la marge

11

12

Nom comme au No 8 au 2' quartde la marge : = bismillah ::a-t.L• Petit croissant sur l'6paule gauche du souverain Petit point i 11 H

,,•,•, = stw = 60

(victorieuxcUbaydallah) **-., = y zh't'n L6gendemarginalecomme au N' 8 Ornementpectoral: B5 Petit croissantsur l'6paule gauche du souverain 13 Nom et 16gendemarginalecomme au N0 8 Petit croissantsur l'6paule gauche du souverain

14 Nom comme celui du N' 8 Au 2' quartde la marge: = bismillah ::aUL

XVI, 21

"e = KRMANWANGY Collection W.B. Warden Jr.

XV, 15 i

.. *-,•= 61 ',wstw

•

KRMANHRJN Collection WB. Warden Jr.

= pylwz'byt'l'

L

,pt

STUDIES

l)

= bismillah

P, . a~tl.•

OF PERSIAN

XIII,2 'ywstw=61

KRMANNAR Collection W.B. Warden Jr. XIV, 9

"e = dwkstw= 62

I..,L ) = KRMANNAR

I)

Courtesyof the American Numismatic Society XIX, 39

,W--I-C

chlist = 64

KRMANGY

cAbdallih b. Zubayr

Collection W.B. Warden Jr. XIX, 37

15 ,.= e-J

"dlh' = y zwbyl'n

au 2e quartde la marge : J_

o.ld.IiL.

=

y

61

GD

'zst=

bismillah

t02.30 H : , S03, 06 et 09 H : 1 point Omementpectoral: B3

Collection M.I. Mochiri

KIRMAN,

TERRE

45

DE TURBULENCE

XIX, 38 16 Meme type que le N" 15

17

Meme date que le N" 15

Meme atelierque le N" 15

Collection M.I. Mochiri

= dwl' = y zwpyl 'n au 2' quartde la--• *' marge : Jd, ,

a a

=

bismillah bismillah

XIII, 3 sist = 63

KRMANNAR

t, •__~a,_ bplnb'q25 Ornementpectoral: B5 18

l-'

=="dwl' = y zwbyl'n

Collection W.B. Warden Jr.

1, >

XVII,25

au 2' quart de la -r-marge : =

bismillahbplnb Troispoints A01 H - =y A 11.30 H : -O-d

-L...

19 Nom et marginalecomme au N" 18l•gende Troispoints a'08 H Un point sur le cou de l'effigie c/m de lillah A02 H 20

Nom et l6gendemarginale comme au N" 18 a 06.30 H : 6toile

pnj.st 65

Collection M.I. Mochiri

cA

,'"'

hptAstw=67

22

XIV, 10

>

= KRMANHRJ

)

"*a

Collection M.I. Mochiri XVIII,33

-'

hpthstw= 67

21 Nom comme au No 18 au 2' quartde la marge: "s = bismillah -•.JL• S08 H : --: = m

KRMAN

KRMANW

Collection W.B. Warden Jr. XVIII,32

=__Or_ hptstw = 67

= YZD

Collection W.B. Warden Jr.

er

.Jw•" = "dwl"myl •r w, J -- = y wlwybnyk'n au 2' quartde la marge: = .-

,1L

bismill•h

^0'>" = 65 pn&stw

,-, KRMAN

XVIII,31 Collection

W.B. Warden Jr.

46

JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

23

Avers comme celui du N0 22 ?Sktw= 66

24

Avers comme celui du N0 22, mais a 08 H : -L.J = bpl

XVII, 26

>6 -U

KRMANW

Collection M.I. Mochiri XVI, 23

roru = 66

KRMANW

f•tw

Collection W.B. Warden Jr.

Harith b. cAbdallah

25

__-j -

= h 'tw y

w"VC= pdwl'n

au 2' quartde la marge : .J-LtL = bismillah au 3' quartde la marge :

,

"LXV = y zwpyl 'n ~r_ : au 2bquartde _, la marge a

07

H

:

bismillah

= u

=

= 65 pnjgst

BCRA Collection W.B. Warden Jr.

= mwc

26

**'

XIX,40

= rabbina

Omementpectoral: B6 Muscab b. Zubayr

J~C~JL-

. ,,

bpinb

16 hpt't=70

KRMANHRJ

GDH

Collection Warden W.B. 7H =GDH Jr.

cAtlya b. Aswad 27

=

= y 'swdI'n au 2' quartde la marge : = bismillah , ,L-Wall al-amr S-'

XV, 13

,L,/

.y.hpt't= 71

KRMANNAR Collection W.B. Warden Jr.

Petit croissantsur l'6paule gauchedu souverain 28

Nom et 16gendemarginale comme au N0 27 Un petit batonnetet un point &02 H et un petit point sur de l'6paulegauche l'effigie rn = lillah 11 H c/m

XIV, 11 = dwhpt't= 72

= KRMANNAR

Collection M.I. Mochiri

KIRMAN,

29

30

Avers comme celui du N' 27, " mais un point 06.30 H de la marge

TERRE

*a,,,,

Avers comme celui du No 27, ' mai 06.30 H : ?

Avers comme celui du N' 27

_-c.-s KRMANGV

dwhpt'tw= 72

"""

KRMANHRJ croissantet point ' 06.30H

I P ,Y

Avers comme celui du N' 27

34

Avers comme celui du N' 27, mais a 06.30 H = xp (XPIC)

Collection W.B. Warden Jr.

KRMAN

Collection W.B.Warden Jr

.-"/

,

YJ,

alhpt 't= 74

33

Collection M.I. Mochiri

XVIII,35

syhpt 't= 73

32

XIV, 12

XVII, 28

CILt

syhpt 'tw= 73

31

47

DE TURBULENCE

,._.3,= chlhpt't= 74

XV, 17 = KRMANHRJN " de 12 01 H : 3 petits 1C6ments Collection indefinissables Jr W.B.Warden ,.

C

XV, 18

)

KRMANXPYC Collection W.B. Warden Jr.

Avers comme celui du N0 27

XVI, 24

,,.J, chlhpt't= 74

KRMAN

>

35

Avers comme celui du N0 27

,•oiJ,