Early Christian Literature and Intertextuality: Volume 1: Thematic Studies (Library of New Testament Studies 391)

STUDIES IN SCRIPTURE IN EARLY JUDAISM A N D CHRISTIANITY Edited by Craig A. Evans Volume 14 Published under LIBRARY...

Author: Craig A. Evans | H. Daniel Zacharias

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STUDIES IN SCRIPTURE IN EARLY JUDAISM A N D CHRISTIANITY

Edited

by

Craig A. Evans Volume 14

Published under LIBRARY OF NEW TESTAMENT STUDIES

391 formerly

the Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement

series

Editor Mark Goodacre

Editorial Board John M.G. Barclay, Craig Blomberg, R. Alan Culpepper, James D.G. Dunn, Craig A. Evans, Stephen Fowl, Robert Fowler, Simon J. Gathercole, John S. Kloppenborg, Michael Labahn, Robert Wall, Steve Walton, Robert L. Webb, Catrin H. Williams

EARLY C H R I S T I A N LITERATURE A N D INTERTEXTUALITY

Volume 1: Thematic Studies

EDITED BY CRAIG A. EVANS H. DANIEL ZACHARIAS

t&tclark

Copyright © Craig A. Evans, H. Daniel Zacharias, 2009 Published by T&T Clark A Continuum imprint The Tower Building, 11 York Road, London SE1 7NX 80 Maiden Lane, Ste 704, New York, NY 10038 www.continuumbooks.com All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 978-0-567-58475-5 (hardback) Typeset by Data Standards Ltd, Frome, Somerset, UK. Printed in Great Britain by the MPG Books Group, Bodmin and King's Lynn

PREFACE

Early Christian Literature and Intertextuaiity, published as two volumes, represents the fourteenth and fifteenth volumes to appear in Studies in Scripture in Early Judaism and Christianity. Two of the previous volumes are monographs. The other eleven volumes are collections of studies that have more or less systematically worked through the Gospels, the letters of Paul, other Judaeo-Christian bodies of literature from late antiquity, or have investigated various questions pertaining to biblical understanding in the period under review. Several other studies have focused on the function of sacred Scripture in Rabbinic literature and other nonChristian Jewish writings. The present collection of studies focuses on the nature of sacred Scripture and various aspects of its intertextuality. Volume 1 is comprised of thematic studies. Early understandings of canon and Scripture, the use of Scripture in later writings, and the interpretation and application of various themes and narratives, allegories, and metaphors are treated in these several studies. Volume 2 is comprised of exegetical studies, where specific pericopes are treated. Most of these studies concern the function of Scripture in New Testament writings. New proposals are made and different approaches in method are considered. As in the previous volumes, the present volume is enriched with contributions by established scholars, as well as contributions by younger scholars, whose work is making itself felt in the discipline. The editors express their deepest thanks. The editors also wish to thank Sharon Leighton for her assistance in editing and formatting several of the papers as well as Adam Wright and Greg Monette for assisting with the preparation of the indexes. Craig A. Evans H. Daniel Zacharias Acadia Divinity College

CONTENTS

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS INTRODUCTION

Craig A. Evans and H. Daniel Zacharias 1. THE EVOLUTION OF GENRE IN THE HEBREW ANTHOLOGY

K. L. Noll 2. CONCEPTS OF SCRIPTURE IN 1 MACCABEES

Francis Borchardt 3. A JEWISH CANON BEFORE 100 BCE: ISRAEL'S LAW IN THE BOOK OFARISTEAS

Ian W. Scott 4. BEN SIRA AND PAPYRUS INSINGER

Matthew J. Goff 5. REFRACTIONS OF DANIEL IN THE GOSPEL OF MATTHEW

Jonathan T. Pennington 6. DIARCHIC SYMBOLISM IN MATTHEW'S PROCESSION NARRATIVE: A DEAD SEA SCROLLS PERSPECTIVE

Anthony Le Donne 7. ALLUSION TO AND EXPANSION OF THE TREE OF LIFE AND GARDEN OF EDEN IN BIBLICAL AND PSEUDEPIGRAPHAL LITERATURE

Peter T. Lanfer 8. ASENETH AS THE 'TYPE OF THE CHURCH OF THE GENTILES'

Rivka Nir

viii

Contents

9. BEYOND REVEALED WISDOM AND APOCALYPTIC EPISTEMOLOGY: EARLY CHRISTIAN TRANSFORMATIONS OF ENOCHIC TRADITIONS ABOUT KNOWLEDGE

138

Annette Yoshiko Reed 10. THE INFLUENCE OF THE SEPTUAGINT ON THE NEW TESTAMENT: TOWARD A MORE OBJECTIVE ASSESSMENT

165

Radu Gheorghita 11. How DOES PAUL READ SCRIPTURE?

184

Stephen Moyise 12. THE CRISES AT CORINTH AND PAUL'S USE OF NUMBERS IN 1 CORINTHIANS

197

Jin K. Hwang 13. FROM RULER TO TEACHER: THE EXTENDING OF THE SHEPHERD METAPHOR IN EARLY JEWISH AND CHRISTIAN WRITINGS

208

Wayne Baxter 14. THE NUPTIAL IMAGERY OF CHRIST AND THE CHURCH IN AUGUSTINE'S ENARRATIONES IN PSALMOS

225

Aaron Canty BIBLIOGRAPHY INDEX OF REFERENCES INDEX OF AUTHORS

236 267 280

ABBREVIATIONS

AAeg AAS AASF AASOR AAT AB ABD ABRL AbrN ACNT AcOr ACW ADAJ Aeg AfO AGJU AGSU AHW AJA AJAS AJBA AJBI AJEC AJP AJSL AJSRev AJT AKG ALBO

Analecta aegyptaica Acta apostolicae sedis Annales Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research Agypten und Altes Testament Anchor Bible D. N. Freedman (ed.), The Anchor Bible Dictionary (6 vols; New York: Doubleday, 1992) Anchor Bible Reference Library Abr-Nahrain Augsburg Commentary on the New Testament Acta orientalia Ancient Christian Writers Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan Aegyptus Archiv fur Orientforschung Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums Arbeiten zur Geschichte des Spatjudentums und Urchristentums W. von Soden, Akkadische Handwdrterbuch (3 vols; Wiesbaden, 1965-81) American Journal of Archaeology American Journal of Arabic Studies Australian Journal of Biblical Archaeology Annual of the Japanese Biblical Institute Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity American Journal of Philology American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literature Association for Jewish Studies Review American Journal of Theology Arbeiten zur Kirchengeschichte Analecta lovaniensia biblica et orientalia

X

ALGHJ ALUOS AnBib ANEP ANET ANF AnGreg AnOr ANQ ANRW

ANTF ANTJ AOAT AOS AOSTS APAMS APOT ArBib ASB AsiaJTh ASNU ASOR ASTI ATAbh ATANT ATAT ATD ATDan ATI ATLA ATR AusBR AUSDDS AUSS BA BAC

Abbreviations Arbeiten zur Literatur und Geschichte des hellenistischen Judentums Annual of Leeds University Oriental Society Analecta biblica J. B. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near East in Pictures (Princeton, 1954) J. B. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts (Princeton, 1969) The Ante-Nicene Fathers Analecta Gregoriana Analecta orientalia Andover Newton Quarterly W. Haase and E. Temporini (eds), Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1979-) Arbeiten zur neutestamentlichen Textforschung Arbeiten zum Neuen Testament und Judentum Alter Orient und Altes Testament American Oriental Series American Oriental Society Translation Series American Philosophical Association Monograph Series R. H. Charles (ed.), Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament (2 vols; Oxford: Clarendon, 1913) The Aramaic Bible Austin Seminary Bulletin Asia Journal of Theology Acta seminarii neotestamentici upsaliensis American Schools of Oriental Research Annual of the Swedish Theological Institute Alttestamentliche Abhandlungen Abhandlungen zur Theologie des Alten und Neuen Testaments Arbeiten zu Text und Sprache im Alten Testament Das Alte Testament Deutsch Acta theologica danica Ashland Theological Journal American Theological Library Association Anglican Theological Review Australian Biblical Review Andrews University Seminary Doctoral Dissertation Series Andrews University Seminary Studies Biblical Archaeologist Biblioteca de autores cristianos

Abbreviations BAG BAGD

BAR BARev BASOR BASORSup BASP BBB BBET BBR BDB

BDF BDR BEATAJ BeO BETS BETL BEvT BFCT BFT BG BGBE BHEAT BHH BHS BHT Bib BibB Biblnt BibK BibLeb BibOr BibRev BibS(F)

xi

W. Bauer, W. F. Arndt and F. W. Gingrich, A GreekEnglish Lexicon of the New Testament (Chicago, 1957) W. Bauer, W. F. Arndt, F. W. Gingrich, and F. W. Danker, A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament (Chicago, 1979) Biblical Archaeologist Reader Biblical Archaeology Review Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, Supplements Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists Bonner biblische Beitrage Beitrage zur biblischen Exegese und Theologie Bulletin for Biblical Research F. Brown, S. R. Driver and C. A. Briggs (eds), A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford: Clarendon, 1907). F. Blass, A. Debrunner and R. W. Funk, A Greek Grammar of the New Testament (Chicago, 1961) F. Blass, A. Debrunner and F. Rehkopf, Grammatik des neutestamentlichen Griechisch Beitrage zur Erforschung des Alten Testaments und des antiken Judentums Bibbia e oriente Bulletin of the Evangelical Theological Society Bibliotheca ephemeridum theologicarum lovaniensium Beitrage zur evangelischen Theologie Beitrage zur Forderung christlicher Theologie Biblical Foundations in Theology Berlin Gnostic Codex Beitrage zur Geschichte der biblischen Exegese Bulletin d'histoire et d'exegese de TAncien Testament B. Reicke and L. Rost (eds), Biblisch-Historisches Handwdrterbuch (4 vols; Gottingen, 1962-66) Biblia hebraica stuttgartensia Beitrage zur historischen Theologie Biblica Biblische Beitrage Biblical Interpretation Bibel und Kirche Bibel und Leben Biblica et orientalia Bible Review Biblische Studien (Freiburg, 1895-)

xii BibS(N) BibSem BibT BibTh BIES Bij BIOSCS BIS BJRL BJS BK BKAT BLE BLG BMI BMus BN BNTC BO BR BSac BSt BT BTB BThSt BToday BTS BTZ BU BWANT BWAT BZ BZAW BZNW C CBET CBQ CBQMS CCSL

Abbreviations Biblische Studien (Neukirchen, 1951—) The Biblical Seminar Biblical Theology Bibliotheque Theologique Bulletin of the Israel Exploration Society ( = Yediot) Bijdragen Bulletin of the International Organization for Septuagint and Cognate Studies Biblical Interpretation Series Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester Brown Judaic Studies Bibel und Kirche Biblischer Kommentar: Altes Testament Bulletin de litterature ecclesiastique Biblical Languages: Greek The Bible and its Modern Interpreters Bibliotheque du Museon Biblische Notizen Black's New Testament Commentary Bibliotheca orientalis Biblical Research Bibliotheca Sacra Biblische Studien The Bible Translator Biblical Theology Bulletin Biblisch Theologische Studien Bible Today Bible et terre sainte Berliner theologische Zeitschrift Biblische Untersuchungen Beitrage zur Wissenschaft vom Alten und Neuen Testament Beitrage zur Wissenschaft vom Alten Testament Biblische Zeitschrift Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fur die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft Catholica Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology Catholic Biblical Quarterly Catholical Biblical Quarterly Monograph Series Corpus Christianorum: Series latina

Abbreviations CG CGTC CH CH ChicStud CHR ChrCent ChrCris CIJ

CJT CNT CollTheol Com Via ConB ConBNT ConBOT ConcorJ CPJ

CQR CR CRBS CRHPR CRINT Crit CritQ CSBSB CSCO CSCT CSEL CSR CT CTA CTM CTMis CTQ CTR DBSup Dial DiKi

xiii

Coptic Gnostic Codex Cambridge Greek Testament Commentaries Calwer Hefte Church History Chicago Studies Catholic Historical Review Christian Century Christianity and Crisis: A Christian Journal of Opinion J. B. Frey, Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum (2 vols; Rome: Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1936-52) Canadian Journal of Theology Commentaire du Nouveau Testament Collectanea Theologica Communio Viatorum Coniectanea biblica Coniectanea biblica, New Testament Coniectanea biblica, Old Testament Concordia Journal V. A. Tcherikover and A. Fuks (eds), Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum (2 vols; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1957-60) Church Quarterly Review Critical Review of Books in Religion Currents in Research: Biblical Studies Cahiers de la Revue d'histoire et de philosophic religieuse Compendia rerum iudaicarum ad novum testamentum Criterion Critical Quarterly Canadian Society of Biblical Studies Bulletin Corpus scriptorum christianorum orientalium Columbia Studies in the Classical Tradition Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum Christian Scholars Review Christianity Today A. Herdner, Corpus des tablettes en cuneiformes alphabetiques Concordia Theological Monthly Currents in Theology and Mission Concordia Theological Quarterly Criswell Theological Review Dictionnaire de la Bible, Supplement Dialog Dialog der Kirchen

xiv DJD DJDJ DJG DLZ DrewG DSD DT DTT Ebib EDNT

EFN EgliseTh EHAT EHS EI EJ EKKNT Encount EpworthRev ER

ErFor EstBib ETL ETR EUS EvErz EvFo EvQ EvT EWNT Exp Tim FAT FB FBBS FC FF

Abbreviations Discoveries in the Judaean Desert Discoveries in the Judaean Desert of Jordan J. B. Green, S. McKnight and I. H. Marshall (eds), Dictionary of Jesus and the Gospels (1992) Deutsche Literaturzeitung Drew Gateway Dead Sea Discoveries Dalp-Taschenbucher Dansk teologisk tidsskrift Etudes bibliques H. R. Balz and G. Schneider (eds), Exegetical Dictionary of the New Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 199093) Estudios de Filologia Neotestamentaria Eglise et Theologie Exegetisches Handbuch zum Alten Testament Europaische Hochschulschriften Encyclopaedia of Islam C. Roth and G. Wigoder (eds), Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971) Evangeliseh-katholischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament Encounter Epworth Review R. H. Eisenman and J. M. Robinson, A Fascimile Edition of the Dead Sea Scrolls (2 vols; Washington: Biblical Archaeology Society, 1991) Ertrage der Forschung Estudios biblicos Ephemerides theologicae lovanienses Etudes theologiques et religieuses European University Studies Der Evangelischer Erzieher Evangelisches Forum Evangelical Quarterly Evangelische Theologie H. Balz and G. Schneider (eds), Exegetisches Worterbuch zum Neuen Testament Expository Times Forschungen zum Alten Testament Forschung zur Bibel Facet Books, Biblical Series Fontes Christiani Forschungen und Fortschritte

Abbreviations FFRS FIOTL FoiVie Forum FOTL FRLANT FSOT FT FZPT GA GCS GGA GKC GNS Greg GTA GTB GTJ HAL AT HAR HAT HBD HBD HBS HBT HDR HervTS HeyJ HibJ HKAT HNT HNTC HOS HR HSCP HSM HSS

xv

Facets and Foundations - Reference Series Formation and Interpretation of Old Testament Literature Foi et Vie Forum: Foundations and Facets Forms of Old Testament Literature Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments Forschungen zur systematischen und okumenischen Theologie La foi et le temps Freiburger Zeitschrift fur Philosophic und Theologie Gesammelte Aufsatze Griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller Gottingische Gelehrte Anzeigen Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar (ed. E. Kautzsch; trans. A. E. Cowley; Oxford, 1910) Good News Studies Gregorianum Gottinger theologische Arbeiter Gutersloher Taschenbucher Grace Theological Journal W. Baumgartner et ah (eds), Hebrdisches und aramdisches Lexikon zum Alten Testament Hebrew Annual Review Handbuch zum Alten Testament Harper's Bible Dictionary P. J. Achtemeier et al. (eds), Harper's Bible Dictionary (San Francisco, 1985) Herders biblischen Studien Horizons in Biblical Theology Harvard Dissertations in Religion Hervormde Teologiese Studies Heythrop Journal Hibbert Journal Handkommentar zum Alten Testament Handbuch zum Neuen Testament Harper's New Testament Commentaries Handbook of Oriental Studies History of Religions Harvard Studies in Classical Philology Harvard Semitic Monographs Harvard Semitic Studies

Abbreviations

xvi HTKNT HTKNTSup HTR HTS HUCA HUT IB IBR IBS ICC IDB IDBSup IEJ IJPR IJT IKZ IMWT INJ Int IOS IRT ISBE

2

ITQ JAAR JAC JANESCU JAOS JBL JBR JBS JBT JBT JC JE JES JETS JHC JHS

Herders theologischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament Herders theologischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament, Supplements Harvard Theological Review Harvard Theological Studies Hebrew Union College Annual Hermeneutische Untersuchungen zur Theologie Interpreter's Bible Institute for Biblical Research Irish Biblical Studies International Critical Commentary G. A Buttrick (ed.), The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible (Nashville, 1962) The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, Supplement Israel Exploration Journal International Journal for Philosophy of Religion Indian Journal of Theology Internationale katholische Zeitschrift Internationale Monatsschrift fur Wissenschaft und Technik Israel Numismatics Journal Interpretation Israel Oriental Society Issues in Religion and Theology G. W. Bromiley et al. (eds), International Standard Bible Encyclopedia (Grand Rapids, 1979-88) Irish Theological Quarterly Journal of the American Academy of Religion Jahrbuch fur Antike und Christentum Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia University Journal of the American Oriental Society Journal of Biblical Literature Journal of Bible and Religion Jerusalem Biblical Studies Jahrbuch fur biblische Theologie Jahrbuch fur biblische Theologie (monograph series) Judaica et Christiana Judische Enzyklopddie Journal of Ecumenical Studies Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society Journal of Higher Criticism Journal of Historical Studies

Abbreviations

xvii

Journal of Jewish Studies Judisches Lexikon (1927-30) Journal of Near Eastern Studies Journal of Northwest Semitic Languages Journal of Philology Jewish Quarterly Review Jewish Quarterly Review Monograph Series Journal of Religion Journal of Religious Ethics Journal of Religious History Journal of Roman Studies Judische Schriften aus hellenistisch-romischer Zeit Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic and Roman Period JSJSup Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic and Roman Period, Supplements JSNT Journal for the Study of the New Testament JSNTSup Journal for the Study of the New Testament, Supplement Series Journal for the Study of the Old Testament JSOT JSOTManuals Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Manuals Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, Supplement JSOTSup Series Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha JSP JSPSup Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha, Supplement Series Jewish Studies Quarterly JSQ Journal of Semitic Studies JSS Journal for Theology and the Church JTC Journal of Theological Studies JTS Judaica: Beitrage zum Verstdndnis des judischen Schiksals Jud in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart KAI H. Donner and W. Rollig, Kanaandische und aramdische Inschriften (Wiesbaden, 1966-69) KAT Kommentar zum Alten Testament L. Koehler and W. Baumgartner, Lexicon in Veteris KB Testamenti libros Kerygma und Dogma KD Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar uber das Neue KEKNT Testament Kirchen in der Zeit KiZ KIT Kleine Texte M. Dietrich et al. (eds), The Cuneiform Alphabetic Texts KTU from Ugarit, Ras Ibn Hani and other places JJS JL JNES JNSL JPh JQR JQRMS JR JRE JRH JRS JSHRZ JSJ

xviii

LAI LCL LD LQ LR LRB LSJ LSTS LTK LUA LumVie LXX

McCQ McMNTS MHUC MM

MNTC ModCh ModTh MPI MPTh MSU MT

MTS MTZ Mus MVEOL NA

27

NAWG NBlack NCB NCBC NCE NET NETS

Abbreviations (Abhandlungen zur Literatur Alt-Syrien-Palastinas, 8; Munster: Ugarit-Verlag, 2nd edn, 1995) Library of Ancient Israel Loeb Classical Library Lectio divina Lutheran Quarterly Lutherische Rundschau Lutheran Rundblick Liddell, Scott, Jones, Greek-English Lexicon Library of Second Temple Studies Lexikon fur Theologie und Kirche Lund universitats Arschriften Lumiere et vie Septuagint McCormick Quarterly MacMaster New Testament Series Monographs of the Hebrew Union College J. H. Moulton and G. Milligan (eds), The Vocabulary of the Greek New Testament (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1930; repr. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1974) Moffat New Testament Commentary The Modern Churchman Modern Theology Monographs of the Peshitta Institute Monatsschrift fur Pastoraltheologie Mitteilungen des Septuaginta-Unternehmens Masoretic Text Marburg theologische Studien Miinchener theologische Zeitschrift Museon Mededelingen en Verhandelingen van het vooraziatischegyptisch Genootschap 'Ex Oriente Lux' E. Nestle and K. Aland (eds), Novum Testamentum Graece Nachrichten von der kon. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaft zu Gottingen, Phil.-Hist. Klasse New Blackfriars New Century Bible New Century Bible Commentary M. R. P. McGuire et al. (eds), New Catholic Encyclopedia (New York, 1967) Neutestamentliche Entwiirfe zur Theologie A. Pietersma and B. G. Wright, A New English

Abbreviations

Neot NewDocs

NGS NHL NHS NIBC NIC NICNT NICOT NIDNTT NIDOTTE

NIGTC NITC NIV

NKZ NorTT NovT NovTSup NPNF

NRSV

NRT NTAbh NTC NTD NTL NTM NTOA NTS NTTij NTTSD Numen NumSup NZST

xix

Translation of the Septuagint (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007) Neotestamentica G. H. R. Horsley (ed.), New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity (New South Wales: Macquarie University, 1976-89) New Gospel Studies Nag Hammadi Library Nag Hammadi Studies New International Biblical Commentary New International Commentary New International Commentary on the New Testament New International Commentary on the Old Testament C. Brown (ed.), New International Dictionary of New Testament Theology (1975-78) W. van Gemeren (ed.), New International Dictionary of Old Testament Theology and Exegesis (5 vols; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1997) New International Greek Testament Commentary New International Theological Commentary New International Version Neue kirchliche Zeitschrift Norsk Teologisk Tidsskrift Novum Testamentum Novum Testamentum, Supplements P. Schaff (ed.), A Selection of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: First Series (14 vols; Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1886; repr. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1954-71) R. E. Murphy New Revised Standard Version La nouvelle revue theologique Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen The New Testament in Context Das Neue Testament Deutsch New Testament Library New Testament Message Novum Testamentum et Orbis Antiquus New Testament Studies Nederlands theologisch Tijdschrift New Testament Tools, Studies and Documents Numen: International Review for the History of Religions Numen: International Review for the History of Religions, Supplements Neue Zeitschrift fur systematische Theologie und Religionsphilosophie

XX

OBO OBT OCP OG

OGIS Or OrChr OTE OTL OTP OTS OTS PAAJR PAM

PCB PEQ PG PGM PIBA PL Presby PrincSB PRS PS PSBSup PSTJ PTMS PW QC QD RAC RB RCB REB

Ref REJ RelEd RelS RelSRev

Abbreviations Orbis biblicus et orientalis Overtures to Biblical Theology Orientalia Christiana Periodica Old Greek W. Dittenberger, Orientis graeci inscriptiones selectae I II (Leipzig, 1903-1905) Orientalia Oriens christianus Old Testament Essays Old Testament Library James H. Charlesworth (ed.), Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (New York, 1983-85) Oudtestamentische Studien (journal) Oudtestamentische Studien (monograph series) Proceedings of the American Academy of Jewish Research Palestine Archaeological Museum (in reference to the accession numbers of the photographs of the Dead Sea Scrolls) Peake's Commentary on the Bible Palestine Exploration Quarterly J. Migne (ed.), Patrologia graeca K. Preisendanz (ed.), Papyri graecae magicae Proceedings of the Irish Biblical Association J. Migne (ed.), Patrologia latina Presbyterion: Covenant Seminary Review Princeton Seminary Bulletin Perspectives in Religious Studies Patrologia syriaca Princeton Seminary Bulletin Supplement Perkins School of Theology Journal Princeton Theological Monograph Series A. F. Pauly, Paulys Realencylopddie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft (49 vols; Munich 1980) The Qumran Chronicle Quaestiones disputatae Reallexikon fur Antike und Christentum Revue biblique Revista de cultura biblica Revised English Bible Reformatio Revue des etudes juives Religious Education Religious Studies Religious Studies Review

Abbreviations RestQ Rev. SC. Re. RevExp RevQ RevThom RGG

RHPR RHR RivBSup RL RM RNT RR RSB RSPT RSR RSRev RSV

RT RT RTL RTP RTR RVV SAC SAJ Sal SANT SB SB SBAB SBB SBEC SBET SBG SBL SBLABS SBLBMI SBLDS

xxi

Restoration Quarterly Revue de Science Religieuse Review and Expositor Revue de Qumran Revue thomiste K. Galling (ed.), Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart: Handworterbuch fur Theologie und Religionswissenschaft (Tubingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 3rd edn, 1957) Revue dnistoire et de philosophic religieuses Revue de Vhistoire des religions Rivista biblica, Supplements Religion in Life Rowohlts Monographien Regensburger Neues Testament Review of Religion Religious Studies Bulletin Revue des sciences philosophiques et theologiques Recherches de science religieuse Religious Studies Review Revised Standard Version Religion & TheologiejReligie & Teologie Religious Traditions Revue theologique de Louvain Revue de theologie et de philosophic The Reformed Theological Review Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten Studies in Antiquity & Christianity Studies in Ancient Judaism Salmanticensis Studien zum Alten und Neuen Testament F. Preisigke et al. (eds), Sammelbuch Griechischer Urkunde aus Agypten Sources bibliques Stuttgarter biblische Aufsatzbande Stuttgarter biblische Beitrage Studies in the Bible and Early Christianity Scottish Bulletin of Evangelical Theology Studies in Biblical Greek Society of Biblical Literature Society of Biblical Literature Archaeology and Biblical Studies SBL The Bible and its Modern Interpreters Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series

xxii SBLEJL SBLMasS SBLMS SBLRBS SBLSBS SBLSCS SBLSP SBLTT SBS SBT SBTS SC ScEccl SCHNT Scr SCL SD SE SEA SecCent SEG SESJ SFEG SFSHJ SHT SHR SUB SJ SJLA SJOT SJT SKKNT SL SNT SNTS SNTSMS SNTU

Abbreviations Society of Biblical Literature Early Judaism and Its Literature Society of Biblical Literature Masoretic Studies Society of Biblical Literature Monograph Series Society of Biblical Literature Resources for Biblical Study Society of Biblical Literature Sources for Biblical Study Society of Biblical Literature Septuagint and Cognate Studies Society of Biblical Literature Seminar Papers Society of Biblical Literature Texts and Translations Stuttgarter Bibelstudien Studies in Biblical Theology Sources for Biblical and Theological Study Sources chretiennes Sciences ecclesiastiques Studia ad corpus hellenisticum novi testamenti Scripture Sather Classical Lectures Studies and Documents Studia Evangelica Svensk exegetisk drsbok Second Century Supplementum epigraphicum graecum Suomen Eksegeettisen Seuran Julkaisuja ( = Publications of the Finnish Exegetical Society) Schriften der Finnischen Exegetischen Gesellschaft South Florida Studies in the History of Judaism Studies in Historical Theology Studies in the History of Religions (supplement to Numen) Schriften des Institutum Judaicum in Berlin Studia Judaica Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament Scottish Journal of Theology Stuttgarter Kleiner Kommentar: Neues Testament Studia liturgica Studien zum Neuen Testament Society for New Testament Studies Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series Studien zum Neuen Testament und seiner Umwelt (jour nal)

Abbreviations SNTU SNTW SOTSMS SP SPB SR SSEJC SSL SSN sss

ST STDJ STK StOr StoneCamJ Str-B

St.Patr. StudBib StudLit StuttBA StZ SUNT SVTP SVTQ SWJT TAPA TBei TBI TBR TBii TDNT TDOT TEv TF TF TGI Th Th

xxiii

Studien zum Neuen Testament und seiner Umwelt (monograph series) Studies of the New Testament and its World Society for Old Testament Study Monograph Series Sacra pagina Studia postbiblica Studies in Religion 1 Sciences religieuses Studies in Scripture in Early Judaism and Christianity Studies in Semitic Languages and Linguistics Studia semitica neerlandica Semitic Study Series Studia theologica Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah Svensk teologisk kvartalskrift Studia orientalia Stone Campbell Journal H. Strack and P. Billerbeck, Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch (5 vols; Munich: Beck, 1922-61) Studia Patristica Studia biblica Studia liturgica Stuttgarter Biblische Aufsatzbande Stimmen der Zeit Studien zum Umwelt des Neuen Testaments Studia in veteris testamenti pseudepigrapha Saint Vladimir's Theological Quarterly Southwestern Journal of Theology Transactions of the American Philological Association Theologische Beitrage Theologische Blatter Theological and Biblical Resources Theologische Biicherei G. Kittel and G. Friedrich (eds), Theological Dictionary of the New Testament (Grand Rapids 1964-74) G. J. Botterweck and H. Ringgren (eds), Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament (Grand Rapids, 1974-) Theologia evangelica Theologische Forschung (journal) Theologische Forschung (monograph series) Theologie und Glaube Theodotion Theology

xxiv THAT ThEx ThG THKNT ThW TJT TLB TLZ TNTC TQ TRE TRev TrinJ TRu TS TSAJ TSF TSJTSA TSK TTij TTK TToday TTS TTZ TU TUMSR TWAT TWNT TWOT TynBul TZ UBS UBSGNT UF UJT UnSanc USQR UTB UUA

Abbreviations E. Jenni and C. Westermann (eds), Theologisches Handbuch zum Alten Testament Theologische Existenz heute Theologie der Gegenwart Theologischer Handkommentar zum Neuen Testament Theologische Wissenschaft Toronto Journal of Theology Theologisches Literaturblatt Theologische Literaturzeitung Tyndale New Testament Commentaries Theologische Quartalschrift Theologische Realenzyklopddie Theologische Revue Trinity Journal Theologische Rundschau Theological Studies Texte und Studien zum antiken Judentum Theological Students Fellowship Theological Studies of the Jewish Theological Seminary of America Theologische Studien und Kritiken Theologisch Tijdschrift Tidsskrift for Teologi og Kirke Theology Today Trierer theologische Studien Trierer theologische Zeitschrift Texte und Untersuchungen Trinity University Monograph Series in Religion G. J. Botterweck and H. Ringgren (eds), Theologisches Worterbuch zum Alten Testament (Stuttgart, 1970-) G. Kittel and G. Friedrich (eds), Theologisches Worterbuch zum Neuen Testament (Stuttgart, 1932-79) R. L. Harris (ed.), Theological Wordbook of the Old Testament (Chicago, 1980) Tyndale Bulletin Theologische Zeitschrift United Bible Society United Bible Societies Greek New Testament Ugarit-Forschungen Understanding Jesus Today Una Sancta Union Seminary Quarterly Review Urban-Taschenbucher Uppsala universitetsarsskrift

Abbreviations

vc

VF VT VTSup VWGT WBC WBKEL WF WMANT WPC WTJ WUNT YJS YOS ZAS ZAW ZDMG ZDPV ZKT ZNW ZPE ZRGG ZTK ZWT

zz

xxv

Vigiliae christianae Verkundigung und Forschung Vetus Testamentum Vetus Testamentum, Supplements Veroffentlichungen der Wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaft fur Theologies Word Biblical Commentary Wissenschaftliche Beitrage zur kirklich-evangelischer Lehre Wege der Forschung Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament Westminster Pelican Commentaries Westminster Theological Journal Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament Yale Judaica Series Yale Oriental Series Zeitschrift fur agyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenldndischen Gesellschaft Zeitschrift des deutschen Palastina-Vereins Zeitschrift fur katholische Theologie Zeitschrift fur die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik Zeitschrift fur Religions- und Geistesgeschichte Zeitschrift fur Theologie und Kirche Zeitschrift fur wissenschaftliche Theologie Zeichen der Zeit

CONTRIBUTORS

Wayne Baxter, McMaster University Francis Borchardt, University of Helsinki Aaron Canty, Saint Xavier University Matthew Goff, Florida State University Radu Gheorghita, Midwestern Baptist Theological Seminary Jin K. Hwang, Fuller Theological Seminary Peter T. Lanfer, University of California Anthony Le Donne, Durham University Stephen Moyise, University of Chichester Rivka Nir, Open University of Israel K. L. Noll, Brandon University Jonathan Pennington, Southern Seminary Annette Yoshiko Reed, University of Pennsylvania Ian W. Scott, Tyndale Seminary

INTRODUCING EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE A N D INTERTEXTUALITY VOLUME 1: THEMATIC STUDIES

Craig A. Evans and H. Daniel Zacharias Scholarly interest and research in Jewish and Christian scriptural intertextuality show no sign of abating any time soon. There are many reasons for this, not least the discovery and publication of new materials, ongoing archaeological excavations and discoveries, which enrich our understanding of the cultural context in which early Jewish and Christian literature emerged, and new developments in method and procedure. Given these realities it was not surprising that in collecting papers for publication it became necessary to expand the planned single volume into two. Fortunately, the papers divided evenly into thematic studies and exegetical studies. Volume One commences with K. L. Noll's interesting essay T h e Evolution of Genre in the Hebrew Anthology', in which he utilizes a Darwinian philosophy to argue that the Hebrew Bible works as an artefact interpreted by a continually changing set of ideas that determine its worthiness. Noll argues that most of the books that are now part of the Hebrew Bible originated within elite circles of educated men, led by scholars who did not view the texts as sacred and made no attempts to disseminate them. As the texts grew during their use in the education of the elite, Hellenistic scribes during the Ptolemaic period began rapidly to disseminate them, and as new readers brought new values and assump tions the collection evolved into a genre of sacred literature. 1

1 For the convenience of our readers we have assembled a Selected Bibliography on Intertextuality in Early Jewish and Christian Literature. It will be found at the end of this introduction. The bibliography comprises studies that appeared since the publication of C. A. Evans (ed.), Of Scribes and Sages: Early Jewish Interpretation and Transmission of Scripture, vol. 1: Ancient Versions and Traditions (LSTS, 50; SSEJC, 9; London and New York: T & T Clark, 2004); vol. 2: Later Versions and Traditions (LSTS, 51; SSEJC, 10; London and New York: T & T Clark, 2004).

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Early Christian Literature and Intertextuality 1

In 'Concepts of Scripture in 1 Maccabees', Francis Borchardt explores the concepts of Scripture expressed or implied by the author of 1 Maccabees. He finds that Scripture functions in two primary ways in the narrative: First, it provides the promise of divine aid and protection; and, second, it has an oracular function, in which it is used to decide proper action. The author of 1 Maccabees also uses scriptural allusions from Torah and possibly different parts of the Hebrew corpus, in order to elevate the Hasmoneans to the status of biblical heroes. Borchardt concludes that these phenomena give clear indication of a Scripturesaturated author and readership. Ian Scott's 'A Jewish Canon before 100 BCE: Israel's Law in the Book of Aristeas' takes a penetrating look at the Letter of Aristeas to determine if the idea of a Jewish canon truly is present in the text. Scott determines that the author depicts the law of Moses as a canon in the strongest sense of the word - closed, permanent and deliberately exclusive - within the narrative. This leads Scott to conclude that scholars need to rethink the concept of an 'open' Jewish canon before the turn of the era, as Torah was likely viewed as a closed canon by that time. As Aristeas also demon strates a belief in a fixed text, scholars also need to be cautious in claiming that Second Temple Jews were ambivalent towards the pluriformity of scriptural texts. In 'Ben Sira and Papyrus Insinger' Matthew Goff discusses the similarities between the Wisdom of Jesus ben Sira and the second century BCE text known as Papyrus Insinger. Although Jack Sanders has asserted a direct dependence on Papyrus Insinger, Goff asserts that the similarities discussed only point to the fact that the wisdom tradition on which each composition draws, that of Egypt and Israel, has concerns and themes that are similar to one another. There is no compelling evidence of direct dependence. Jonathan Pennington's 'Refractions of Daniel in the Gospel of Matthew' discusses the pervasive use of Daniel in the Gospel of Matthew. Pennington focuses on what he discerns to be solid intertextual allusions and highlights two important themes which emerge in the evangelist's use of Daniel - divine revelation and eschatology. Analysis of the Matthean Gospel is continued in Anthony Le Donne's study 'Diarchic Symbolism in Matthew's Procession Narrative: A Dead Sea Scrolls Perspective'. Le Donne discusses the intertextual relationship of Matthew's procession narrative with Zech. 9.9, a relationship created by the evangelist. His essay investigates the diarchic messianism implicit in Zech. 9.9 and apparently attested in one of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Le Donne believes this diarchic messianism in part explains Matthew's portrayal of Jesus, in which the latter is portrayed as offering an eschatological, restorative role to the Temple priesthood at the time of the entrance in to Jerusalem. This surprisingly open stance, Le Donne

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maintains, may reflect the eschatological roles of Zerubabbel and Joshua as depicted in Zechariah. Nevertheless, whatever the view of the historical Jesus, the evangelist Matthew has ultimately portrayed Jesus as a singular messiah. In 'Allusion to and Expansion of the Tree of Life and Garden of Eden in Biblical and Pseudepigraphal Literature', Peter T. Lanfer traces the tradition of the tree of life and garden of Eden in biblical and pseudepigraphical literatures. Lanfer notes that Eden was sometimes reimagined as the ideal temple in the book of Jubilees, 1 Enoch and other Pseudepigraphic and Dead Sea Scrolls texts, and that in the Second Temple period Adam and Eve disappeared from the story, giving way to interest in the characteristics of paradise, as in Ezekiel, Zechariah, and elsewhere. In these later conceptions of the idealized garden of Eden, God's presence performs the function of the tree of life (or plant in other ancient texts). 'What is clear in the texts here is that motifs of sacred trees and gardens are employed as dynamic representations of the temple, the faithful, the future Jerusalem and the presence of God. In these passages the tree of life is consistently connected to God; either as the represen tation of him, an extension of his will or the place where he makes himself present.' In 'Aseneth as the "Type of the Church of the Gentiles"', Rivka Nir proposes that Joseph and Aseneth is a Christian composition whose purpose is not only to persuade pagans to follow Aseneth and join the Church, but also to persuade them to undertake a life of celibacy and sexual abstinence, with a promise of entry into the heavenly bridal chamber and resurrection in paradise. The author works toward this goal by using three central symbols: the honeycomb as representative of the Eucharist, the city of refuge as representative of the heavenly Jerusalem, and the bees which symbolize the souls of believers who undertook to live lives of chastity and sexual abstinence. In 'Beyond Revealed Wisdom and Apocalyptic Epistemology: Early Christian Transformations of Enochic Traditions about Knowledge', Annette Yoshiko Reed inquires into traditions about knowledge in the Book of the Watchers that may have influenced other early Christian apologists and philosophers. She investigates the description of the angels and the wisdom they pass on to humanity and their possible relationship to Greek mythology, for example, Prometheus, but believes that the parallels are better explained as reflecting the author's participation in Mediterranean literary culture. To illustrate this point, Reed notes that Justin Martyr provides an early Christian example of how the Enochic tradition in the Book of the Watchers was used to describe two conflicting supernatural sources: the Logos and the fallen angels. In Justin's system, the truths in the teachings of Greek philosophers derive from the Logos, while the source of the lies of the Greek mythographers is the fallen

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angels. Athenagoras, in contrast to Justin, dismisses Greek philosophers as dispensers of earthly wisdom that is tainted by its origins in the world ruled by hungry daemons. Finally, Reed cites the example of Clement of Alexandria, who actually uses the angelic instruction detailed in the Book of the Watchers as proof of the heavenly origins of Greek philosophy. In 'The Influence of the Septuagint on the New Testament: Toward a More Objective Assessment', Radu Gheorghita discusses the influence of the LXX on the New Testament authors, introducing and testing three criteria for determining distinct Septuagintal influences in the New Testament. Gheorghita's paper provides important contextual back ground for the two papers that follow, both concerning Paul's use of Scripture. In 'How Does Paul Read Scripture?' Stephen Moyise follows Francis Watson's contention that Paul offers a 'reading' of the Scriptures rather than an 'exegesis'. Moyise compares three scholars and attempts to provide a scriptural framework in the light of selected passages from Romans and Galatians. According to Moyise, a scriptural framework would need to (1) be known by others, (2) explain the flow of Paul's discourse and (3) explain Paul's use of other Scriptures. Moyise asserts both the strengths and weaknesses that each of the three approaches brings. While Moyise asserts the importance of Watson's, Wagner's and Hays's portraits of Paul's use of Scripture, he concludes that there is an element of freedom in Paul's reading of the sacred text that does not comport well with the notion of a controlling framework. According to Jin K. Hwang's 'The Crises at Corinth and Paul's Use of Numbers in 1 Corinthians', 1 Corinthians 10 is replete with allusions to Numbers (v. 4: Num. 20.7-11; v. 5: Num. 14.16; v. 6: Num. 11.4, 34; v. 8: Num. 25.1, 9; v. 9: Num. 21.5-6; v. 10: Num. 14.2; 16.11-35). But Hwang also thinks we can find allusions to Numbers in 1 Corinthians 1-5, as Thomas L. Brodie has suggested in previous work. Hwang's paper explores the evidence for such allusions and demonstrates how Paul uses Numbers in 1 Corinthians 1-5, to address various crises, including the crisis of his apostolic authority at Corinth. In 'From Ruler to Teacher: The Extending of the Shepherd Metaphor in Early Jewish and Christian Writings', Wayne Baxter examines the development of the shepherd metaphor from its original symbolic relationship between king and subjects to the metaphor of teacher in early Christian writings. Baxter believes a thematic precedent in the Hebrew Bible of Yahweh as Israel's shepherd included a spiritual governance and contributed to the change of the shepherd metaphor. The shepherd as ruler metaphor also lost its referent with the cessation of the Jewish monarchy and thus went from a political metaphor to an apolitical metaphor that came to include teaching. Finally, Aaron Canty's intriguing study, 'The Nuptial Imagery of

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Christ and the Church in Augustine's Ennarationes in psalmos\ discusses the Pauline prism through which Augustine read the Psalms, and examines Augustine's Christo-ecclesiological interpretation of Psalm 44, whereby Augustine describes the relationship between Christ and the Church in nuptial terms. Canty's study illustrates again the adaptability of sacred Scripture in the ever-changing lives of believing communities.

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Early Christian Literature and Intertextuality 1 Selected Bibliography On Intertextuality in Early Jewish and Christian Literature Published Since 2004

2005 Alkier, S., 'Die Bibel im Dialog der Schriften und das Problem der Verstockung in Mk 4: Intertextualitat im Rahmen einer kategorialen Semiotik biblischer Texte', in S. Alkier and R. B. Hays (eds), Die Bibel im Dialog der Schriften: Konzepte intertextueller Bibellekture (NET, 10; Tubingen: Fancke, 2005), pp. 1-22. Blanchard, Y.-M., 'Le tils de l'homme et l'echelle de Jacob. Reflexion sur l'intertextualite scripturaire et relecture de Jean 1,51, a la lumiere de la bible juive', in C. Focant and A. Wenin (eds), Analyse narrative et bible: Deuxieme Colloque International du RRENAB, Louvain-laNeuve, avril 2004 (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2005), pp. 181— 95. Botha, P. J., 'Intertextuality and the Interpretation of Psalm 1', OTE 18 (2005): 503-20. DeClaisse-Walford, N. L., 'An Intertextual Reading of Psalms 22, 23, and 24', in P. W. Flint and P. D. Miller (eds), The Book of Psalms: Composition and Reception (VTSup, 99; FIOTL, 4; Leiden: Brill, 2005), pp. 139-52. Gignac, A., 'Lorsque Paul "raconte" Abraham, Agar et l'autre femme: Narrativite et intertextualite en Ga 4,21-5,1', in C. Focant and A. Wenin (eds), Analyse narrative et bible: Deuxieme Colloque International du RRENAB, Louvain-la-Neuve, avril 2004 (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2005), pp. 463-80. Greifenhagen, F. V. 'Cooperating Revelations? Qur'an, Bible and Intertextuality', Arc 33 (2005): 302-17. Grohmann, M., '"The Word is Very Near to You!" (Deuteronomy 30.14): Reader-Oriented Intertextuality in Jewish and Christian hermeneutics', OTE 18 (2005): 240-52. Hibbard, J. T., 'Isaiah XXVII 7 and Intertextual Discourse about "Striking" in the Book of Isaiah', VT 55 (2005): 461-76. Kiessel, M.-E., 'Intertextualite et hypertextualite en Jn 11,1-12,11', ETL 81 (2005): 29-56. Kranemann, B., 'Biblische Texte-liturgische Kontexte: Intertextualitat und Schriftrezeption in der Liturgie', ThG 48 (2005): 254-64. Moyise, S., 'Intertextuality and Historical Approaches to the Use of Scripture in the New Testament', Verbum et Ecclesia 26 (2005): 44758. 'Intertextualitat und historische Zugange zum Schriftgebrauch im Neuen Testament', in S. Alkier and R. B. Hays (eds), Die Bibel im Dialog der Schriften: Konzepte intertextueller Bibellekture (NET, 10; Tubingen: Fancke, 2005), pp. 23-34.

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Prinsloo, G. T., 'Daniel 3: Intratextual Perspectives and Intertextual Tradition', Acta patristica et Byzantina 16 (2005): 70-90. Reinmuth, E., 'Allegorese und Intertextualitat: Narrative Abbreviaturen der Adam-Geschichte bei Paulus (Rom 1,18-28)', in S. Alkier and R. B. Hays (eds), Die Bibel im Dialog der Schriften: Konzepte intertextueller Bibellekture (NET, 10; Tubingen: Fancke, 2005), pp. 57-69. Roose, H., 'Polyvalenz durch Intertextualitat im Spiegel der aktuellen Forschung zu den Thessalonicherbriefen', NTS 51 (2005): 250-69. Skemp, V., 'Avenues of Intertextuality between Tobit and the New Testament', in J. Corley and V. Skemp (eds), Intertextual Studies in Ben Sira and Tobit: Essays in Honor of Alexander A. Di Leila, O.F.M. (Washington: Catholic Biblical Association, 2005), pp. 43-70. Sweeney, M. A., Form and Intertextuality in Prophetic and Apocalyptic Literature (FAT, 45; Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005). Welzen, H., 'Intertextuality: Traces of Mysticism', in P. C. Counet and U. Berges (eds), One Text, a Thousand Methods: Studies in Memory of Sjefvan Tilborg (Boston: Brill, 2005), pp. 317-47. 2006 Aune, D. E., 'Apocalypse Renewed: An Intertextual Reading of the Apocalypse of John', in D. L. Barr (ed.), The Reality of Apocalypse: Rhetoric and Politics in the Book of Revelation (SBL Symposium Series, 39; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2006), pp. 43-70; reprinted in D. E. Aune, Apocalypticism, Prophecy and Magic in Early Christianity: Collected Essays (WUNT 199; Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006), pp. 120-49. Cook, J., 'Intertextual Readings in the Septuagint', in C. Breytenbach, J. C. Thorn and J. Punt (eds), The New Testament Interpreted: Essays in Honour of Bernard C. Lategan (NovTSup 124; Leiden: Brill, 2006), pp. 119-34. Gesundheit, S., 'Intertextualitat und literarhistorische Analyse der Festkalender in Exodus und im Deuteronomium', in E. Blum and R. Lux (eds), Festtraditionen in Israel und im Alten Orient (VWGT, 28; Giitersloh: Giitersloher Verlagshaus, 2006), pp. 190-220. Gieschen, C. A., 'Listening to Intertextual Relationships in Paul's Epistles with Richard Hays', CTQ 70 (2006): 17-32. Harrill, J. A., 'Servile Functionaries or Priestly Leaders? Roman Domestic Religion, Narrative Intertextuality, and Pliny's Reference to Slave Christian Ministrae (Ep. 10,96,8)', ZNW91 (2006): 111-30. Heckl, R., '"Wenn ihr nicht umkehrt und werdet wie die Kinder." Das Kind als Zeichen fur den Neuanfang - Die Intertextualitat zwischen Mt 18,1-5 und dem Alten Testament', in D. Dieckmann and D.

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Erbele-Kiister (eds), 'Du hast mich aus meiner Mutter Leib gezogen': Beitrage zur Geburt im Alten Testament (BTS, 75; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 2006), pp. 121-43. Hibbard, J. T., Intertextuality in Isaiah 24-27: The Reuse and Evocation of Earlier Texts and Traditions (FAT, 2/16; Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006). Kowalski, B., 'Intertextualitat als exegetische Methode', TGI 96 (2006): 354-61. Lioy, D., The Search for Ultimate Reality: Intertextuality between the Genesis and Johannine Prologues (Studies in Biblical Literature, 93; New York: Peter Lang, 2006). Nicklas, T., 'Semiotik - Intertextualitat - Apokryphitat: Eine Annaherung an den Begriff "christlicher Apokryphen"', Apocrypha 17 (2006): 55-78. Ortlund, E. N., 'An Intertextual Reading of the Theophany of Psalm 97', SJOT 20 (2006): 273-85. Schellenberg, R. S., 'Seeing the World Whole: Intertextuality and the New Jerusalem (Revelation 21-22)', PRS 33 (2006): 467-76. Schutti, C , Die Bibel in Elias Canettis Blendung: Eine Studie zur Intertextualitat mit einem Verzeichnis der Bibelstellen (Innsbrucker Beitrage zur Kulturwissenschaft: Germanistische Reihe, 70; Innsbruck: Innsbruck University Press, 2006). Seiler, S., 'Intertextualitat', in H. Utzschneider and E. Blum (eds), Lesarten der Bibel: Untersuchungen zu einer Theorie der Exegese des Alten Testaments (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2006), pp. 275-93. Swart, G. J., 'Rahab and Esther in Josephus: An Intertextual Approach', Acta patristica et Byzantina 17 (2006): 50-65. 2007 Foster, R. L., ' "A Temple in the Lord Filled to the Fullness of God": Context and Intertextuality (Eph. 3.19)', NovT 49 (2007): 85-96. Grohmann, M., 'Judische Psalmenexegese als Paradigma kanonischer Intertextualitat: Dargestellt am Beispiel von Ps 139 und Lev 12,2', in E. Ballhorn and G. Steins (eds), Der Bibelkanon in der Bibelauslegung: Beispielexegesen und Methodenreflexionen (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2007), pp. 62-73. Hacham, N., '3 Maccabees and Esther: Parallels, Intertextuality, and Diaspora Identity', JBL 126 (2007): 765-85. Herzer, J., 'Jakobus, Paulus und Hiob: Die Intertextualitat der Weisheit', in T. Kruger (ed.), Das Buch Hiob und seine Interpretationen: Beitrage zum Hiob-Symposiums auf dem Monte Veritd vom 14.-19. August 2005 (ATANT, 88; Zurich: Theologischer Verlag Zurich, 2007), pp. 32950.

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Labahn, M., '"Verlassen" oder "Vollendet": Ps 22 in der "Johannespassion" zwischen Intratextualitat und Intertextualitat', in D. Sanger (ed.), Psalm 22 und die Passionsgeschichten der Evangelien (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 2007), pp. 111-53. Maloney, L. D., 'Intertextual Links: Part of the Poetic Artistry within the Book I Acrostic Psalms', RestQ 49 (2007): 11-21. Martens, E. A., 'Impulses to Mission in Isaiah: An Intertextual Exploration', BBR 17 (2007): 215-39. McConvery, B., 'Hippolytus' Commentary on the Song of Songs and John 20: Intertextual Reading in Early Christianity', ITQ 71 (2007): 211-22. Oropeza, B. J., 'Paul and Theodicy: Intertextual Thoughts on God's Justice and Faithfulness to Israel in Romans 9-11', NTS 53 (2007): 57-80. Ruiten, J. van, 'Between Jacob's Death and Moses' Birth: The Intertextual Relationship between Genesis 50.15-Exodus 1.14 and Jubilees 46.1-16', in A. Hilhorst, E. Puech and E. Tigchelaar (eds), Flores Florentino: Dead Sea Scrolls and Other Early Jewish Studies in Honour of Florentino Garcia Martinez (JSJSup, 122; Leiden: Brill, 2007), pp. 467-89. Venter, P. M., 'Intertextuality in the Book of Jubilees', HervTS 63 (2007): 463-80. Williams, J. A., 'A Case Study in Intertextuality: The Place of Isaiah in the "Stone" Sayings of 1 Peter 2', RTR 66 (2007): 37-55.

Chapter 1 T H E EVOLUTION OF G E N R E IN THE HEBREW ANTHOLOGY

K. L. Noll The genre of many individual Hebrew scrolls, as well as the genre of the emerging anthology we now know as the Hebrew Bible, changed radically from the late Persian era to early Roman times. This thesis rests on the insight that, like any cultural artefact, literature survives and replicates only if it is useful. Usefulness is defined not by an author but by the user of the text. The genre of the literature is determined, therefore, by an interaction between the words on the page and the community of readers. As the needs of readers change, genre changes. A text means what a community of readers permits it to mean, and authorial intention has very little to do with it. This thesis has different names among the academic disciplines. Literary critics focus on an authoritative community and their collective readers' response. Anthropologists speak of the impact of a social context on genres of communication and their function. Darwinian 1

2

3

4

1 Presented at the annual meeting of the Society of Biblical Literature in San Diego, 17 November 2007, under the title 'Rethinking Literary Function in the Emerging Hebrew Canon'. My thanks to three colleagues: Cynthia Edenburg, who read an earlier draft of the paper and offered valuable criticisms; Jo Anne Dyson, who engaged me in a probing conversation about my thesis over dinner at The Fish Market; and my wife, Tina, whose comments on, and editing of, earlier drafts sharpened my focus in significant ways. 2 For a definition and discussion of 'genre', see K. L. Noll, Canaan and Israel in Antiquity: An Introduction (London: Sheffield Academic Press/Continuum, 2001), pp. 31-41. 3 Stanley Fish, Is There a Text in This Class? The Authority of Interpretive Communities (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1980). A similar approach was advocated at the Society of Biblical Literature session, 17 November 2007, by Sarah Parks, 'Harry Potter, Canon Discourse and the Biblical Canons'. 4 Since the days of Emile Durkheim, the impact of the sociology of knowledge has been a central theme of the discipline, even as methods and terminology have evolved. I have in mind especially the concept of the 'anonymous community' and the pressure this exerts on modes of religious expression, as defined by Harvey Whitehouse, Modes of Religiosity: A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission (Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 2004), pp. 64-9; cf. 76, 129-31. One might also compare common patterns of behaviour among modern fans of films, television shows and serial novels, who cluster into interpretative

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philosophy, which is my methodological foundation, invokes the influence of so-called memes on the use of artefacts. In this case, the artefact is a gradually evolving anthology of literature that is interpreted by an everchanging set of ideas (i.e., memes) about why the literature is worthy of interpretation. Obviously genre evolves when the wording of a text is modified over time, like Hebrew versus Greek Esther; but even when the words have not changed, the genre of communication frequently changes. To give one obvious example, consider the history of interpretation for the Song of Songs. Secular love poems became religious allegory. That example is not an anomaly. The genre of a fixed, unaltered text can evolve for a vast number of reasons. For example, the Gospel of Judas ceased to exist many centuries ago, but was reborn when a manuscript was recovered recently and now replicates widely in academic literature. From the viewpoint of the ancient Gnostic author, the Gospel of Judas survives and multiplies for the 'wrong' reason - because it is a literary artefact from a dead culture, not because it expresses secret knowledge about Jesus Christ. The Song of Songs became religious allegory and the Gospel of Judas became literary artefact only because the community of readers changed. In previous research I have tried to demonstrate that the existence of the Bible as sacred text is a mistake, a by-product of this Darwinian process. The Jewish Bible and its children, the various Christian Old Testaments, exist for the wrong reason, if one views the matter from the perspective of the ancient scribes who created the anthology. Documents compiled, edited and preserved for non-religious purposes - having to do largely with matters of ethnic formation, literary aesthetics, competition with Greek models of literature and the training of an elite class of Hebrew scribes - have evolved into sacred literature through no fault of 5

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communities that take a proactive role in trying to shape the 'doctrine' associated with the object of veneration. This has an impact on genres of communication, as well as how the object of veneration survives and replicates. For an entrance into this research, see Janet Staiger, Tans and Fan Behaviors', in Media Reception Studies (New York: New York University Press, 2005), pp. 95-114. 5 I have outlined my Darwinian model in Ts There a Text in This Tradition? Readers' Response and the Taming of Samuel's God', JSOTS3 (1999): 31-51.1 provided supporting data in 'The Kaleidoscopic Nature of Divine Personality in the Hebrew Bible', Biblnt 9 (2001): 1-24; and 'The Evolution of Genre in the Book of Kings: The Story of Sennacherib and Hezekiah as Example', in P. G. Kirkpatrick and T. Goltz (eds), The Function of Ancient Historiography in Biblical and Cognate Studies (London: T&T Clark International, 2008), pp. 30-56. For a bibliography of publications dealing with Richard Dawkins's concept of the meme, see Robert Aunger (ed.), Darwinizing Culture: The Status of Memetics as a Science (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000). 6 See the previous footnote and Noll, Canaan and Israel in Antiquity, pp. 304-11. See also my 'Was There Doctrinal Dissemination in Early Yahweh Religion?' Biblnt 16 (2008): 395427.


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their own. The anthology began as literature and later evolved its sacred patina, but it exerted its religious authority for reasons that its ancient authors would not recognize. To illustrate the lack of 'intelligent design' in the content of the anthology, consider the Latter Prophets through the lens offered by Philip Davies and Martti Nissinen. Each has argued that prophetic scrolls exist because a small core of royal archival material preserving authentic prophetic announcements was selected and massively supplemented over many generations, serving as exemplars for copying and frequent reformulation. The implication of this hypothesis is that the Latter Prophets were the by-product of scribal exercises and were never intended to be publicly disseminated; their later status as sacred texts to be proclaimed in religious contexts was accidental. David Carr's recent work supports Davies and Nissinen by demon strating that the entire biblical anthology originally comprised culturally classic works memorized, copied and frequently reformulated over time by an elite class of scribes. Although Carr adopts the conventional viewpoint that prophetic books go back to prophets instructing disciples, his evidence confirms the contrary thesis. The presence of the explicit instructional language Carr outlines betrays the scrolls' function as educational source books, rather than as prophetic proclamation, and gives credence to William McKane's model of a prophetic text as a 'rolling corpus'. Moreover, Carr observes that the characteristic type-scenes for instruction in Jeremiah are not as frequent or as explicit as those used in Isaiah. This observation is what I would have expected in light of research published by Julio Trebolle, who has demonstrated that Isaiah was more widely disseminated and, apparently, religiously authoritative earlier than was Jeremiah. By Hellenistic times, Isaiah was frequently disseminated, copied, quoted or otherwise alluded to. By contrast, Hellenistic Jeremiah was still evolving and was less frequently dissemin7

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7 Philip R. Davies,' "Pen of Iron, Point of Diamond" (Jer 17.1): Prophecy as Writing', in E. Ben Zvi and M. H. Floyd (eds), Writings and Speech in Israelite and Ancient Near Eastern Prophecy (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2000), pp. 65-81; Martti Nissinen, 'How Prophecy Became Literature', SJOT 19 (2005): 153-72. See also Davies, Scribes and Schools: The Canonization of the Hebrew Scriptures (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 1998), pp. 107-25. 8 David M. Carr, Writing on the Tablet of the Heart: Origins of Scripture and Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). See also Philip R. Davies, 'The Jewish Scriptural Canon in Cultural Perspective', in L. M. McDonald and J. A. Sanders (eds), The Canon Debate (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2002), pp. 36-52. 9 Carr, Tablet of the Heart, pp. 143-51. See William McKane, Jeremiah (ICC; Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1986), pp. 1-lxxxiii. 10 Carr, Tablet of the Heart, p. 146. 11 Julio Trebolle, 'A "Canon within a Canon": Two Series of Old Testament Books Differently Transmitted, Interpreted and Authorized', RevQ 19 (1999-2000): 383-99.


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ated or cited. I suggest, therefore, that what Carr has demonstrated is that Isaiah was pressed into service as instructional material much earlier than was Jeremiah. The latter enjoyed a longer life in the shadows, which helps to explain the data compiled by Trebolle. Karel van der Toorn attempts to refute the thesis that prophetic scrolls derive from royal archives, but he accidentally supports that thesis by noting that most biblical prophecy is too vague to derive from actual prophets addressing specific situations. This suggests that very little material goes back to real prophets, with or without a group of disciples preserving their words. The few clear references in the texts to historical persons and events are fragmentary remnants floating in the wine dark sea of this heavily reworked material. Moreover, Ziony Zevit observes that, when viewed as flesh-and-blood prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah and the others come off as 'impractical men' whose words are nothing more than sweeping generalizations. Zevit does his best to understand the rhetorical hyperbole of these scrolls as the product of real people addressing real life settings, but the effort seems quixotic. His characterization of the texts is compatible with the conclusion that the texts are non-referential, that is to say, not composed with any particular life-setting in mind. The data, if not always the conclusions, of Carr, van der Toorn and Zevit are sound; therefore, I conclude that, prior to Hellenistic times, the scrolls we now know as Latter Prophets were never preached; these prophecies were never widely disseminated; the names of these prophets were not part of the common culture of everyday pre-Hellenistic Judaism. Rather, the scrolls are the accidental by-product of a process of education and enculturation among elite, educated men who made no attempt to disseminate the contents of their texts. Dissemination took place only later - much later - when Hellenistic scribes mistook these anthologies to be the record of sermons preached by inspired men of hoary antiquity. In short, the Latter Prophets have become sacred Scripture by mistake, for they were never intended to be sacred Scripture. The Latter Prophets illustrate the haphazard process by which the genre of Hebrew literature evolved, but it is difficult to assign dates to the process from these data. The difficulty is that the pace at which a genre evolves does not necessarily coincide with the pace at which a text evolves. The prophetic texts began to expand very early, probably in the late 12

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12 Karel van der Toorn, Scribal Culture and the Making of the Hebrew Bible (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), pp. 183-4. With the model Davies suggests, it is reasonable to assume that an authentic prophet, such as Jeremiah, gradually became the allegedly complex personality one finds in the Jeremiah scroD through the 'rolling corpus' clustering McKane has posited. 13 Ziony Zevit, The Religions of Ancient Israel: A Synthesis of Parallactic Approaches (London: Continuum, 2001), p. 510.


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seventh or early sixth century BCE, but the anthology of prophetic exercise-texts did not become a genre of sacred literature until much later, as other Hebrew texts also evolved into this new species of genre during Hellenistic times. By contrast, the scroll of Exodus achieved its status as religiously valuable, perhaps even religiously authoritative, before its text ceased to evolve. Eugene Ulrich traces at least four, perhaps five, stages of textual evolution in the extant manuscripts of Exodus. The evolution of the Hebrew anthology's genre toward sacred utility and then sacred authority began roughly during the Ptolemaic period, as Philip Davies suggests, for this is when dissemination of the anthology began. Van der Toorn also posits a stage of deliberate textual dissemination in the Ptolemaic century, but the process of generic evolution did not begin earlier, as he suggests. He believes that Levitical scribes were already disseminating the content of Torah texts, if not the texts themselves, as early as the Persian era, and treating that content as religiously authoritative. But van der Toorn's evidence amounts to nothing more than conventional exegesis of the commonly cited biblical texts, such as Nehemiah 8, as well as speculation about a character who is probably a Hellenistic fiction, namely Ezra. During the Ptolemaic period, the Hebrew anthology began to become sacred through an abrupt process of transformation analogous to Stephen Jay Gould's notion of punctuated equilibrium. Rather than viewing the evolution of the biblical genre as a very gradual process of increasing sanctity over many centuries, it is more realistic to imagine a rapid transformation over two centuries or so, from the early Ptolemaic to the 14

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14 Eugene C. Ulrich, 'The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Hebrew Scriptural Texts', in J. H. Charlesworth (ed.), The Bible and the Dead Sea Scrolls, vol. 1: Scripture and the Scrolls, (Waco, TX: Baylor University Press, 2006), pp. 77-99 (95-6; cf. 82 n. 7). 15 Davies, 'Jewish Scriptural Canon in Cultural Perspective'. 16 Van der Toorn, Scribal Culture, pp. 233-64. 17 Van der Toorn, Scribal Culture, p. 90, cf. 106 and 147. I agree with van der Toorn's thesis that widespread dissemination of the texts, as opposed to dissemination of the contents of the texts, first began in the Ptolemaic period, as argued in van der Toorn, Scribal Culture, pp. 23-5, 260, and passim. In other words, of the two stages that van der Toorn hypothesizes for the emergence of a religious canon (on pp. 248-62), only the second is plausible. For the possibility (probability?) that Ezra was a Hellenistic fiction, see my Canaan and Israel, pp. 293-5. See also Philip R. Davies, 'Scenes from the Early History of Judaism', in D. V. Edelman (ed.), The Triumph of Elohim: From Yahwisms to Judaisms (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1996), pp. 145-82, who rightly contends that the tales of Ezra and Nehemiah belong to a larger cluster of 'competing traditions . . . with only Nehemiah attested before 200 BCE' (p. 162). Also, the very comprehensive thesis of Diana V. Edelman leaves little room for, and little need of, a historical Ezra; see Diana V. Edelman, The Origins of the 'Second' Temple: Persian Imperial Policy and the Rebuilding of Jerusalem (London: Equinox, 2005). 18 Stephen Jay Gould and Niles Eldredge, 'Punctuated Equilibrium Comes of Age', Nature 366 (1993): 223-7.


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middle Hasmonaean eras (thus, from 300 to 100 BCE, give or take a few decades). Jesus ben Sira (c.200) knows most of the texts but does not yet know them as a Bible, and even his grandson (c.130) venerates them because they are ancestral, not because they are revealed. In this hypothesis, the three stages of generic evolution are clear, though they probably overlap slightly. First, the pre-Hellenistic anthology was a loosely denned collection of scrolls produced by and for the elites, the scribal class that was, in all probability, connected with the leading class of late Iron Age II Jerusalem, Iron Age III and early Persian-era Mizpah, and later Persian-era Jerusalem. These scribes made no attempt to produce multiple copies of the scrolls or to disseminate their contents. The very existence of scrolls was, in all probability, a utilitarian by-product of the need for convenient storage of textual exemplars for scribal training. (It is easier to access one or two dozen scrolls than to sift through many fragments of papyri or hundreds of ostraca.) Although each scroll gathered to itself material of a like nature (e.g., origin myths in the evolving scrolls that became the Torah, tales about legendary kings in the evolving precursor to Samuel-Kings-Chronicles, sample exhortations and oracles in the scrolls that became the Latter Prophets), the scrolls themselves were not, in all probability, conceived as works of literature analogous to, say, the works of Hesiod or the Epic of Gilgamesh, much less the works of Herodotus or Thucydides. The gradual growth of each scroll reflected the frequency of its use for copying and reformulation by the scribes and their students, not a desire to construct a coherent 'history' or a systematic 'theology'. This model also helps to explain the lack of dissemination prior to the Hellenistic period. Scribes at outlying locations, such as Iron Age Lachish and Tel Arad, did not need scrolls, so the scrolls remained where most scribal training took place, either Jerusalem or Mizpah, depending on the historical period. Second, the period of punctuation - or rapid generic evolution - emerged in the early to middle decades of the Ptolemaic era, when, as van der Toorn has suggested, the scribes intended to place 'the ancestral heritage in the hands of a lay readership'. This was not, however, an attempt to create a religiously authoritative body of literature, as such a concept did not yet exist. Initially, dissemination involved making copies of the literature for those few Jews who could read and who also desired literature that reinforced a sense of Jewish heritage in the face of competing ethnic identities of the Hellenistic cultural exchange. The interpretation of the anthology as religiously useful or even authoritative was unexpected, and 19

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19 Arie van der Kooij, 'Canonization of Ancient Hebrew Books and Hasmonaean Polities', in J.-M. Auwers and H. J. de Jonge (eds), The Biblical Canons (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2003), pp. 27-38 (30). 20 Van der Toorn, Scribal Culture, p. 260.

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emerged during a period of about ten to fifteen human generations (c.300 to 100 BCE) in which lay readers, as well as the priests, developed their own agendas for the reading and transmission of the manuscripts. The early Roman era represents a third stage, one of more gradual generic evolution, as the scrolls began to circulate more widely among a Jewish readership. After the period of punctuation, the sacredness of the literature was taken for granted by all who were aware of the scrolls' existence, so in the third stage this new idea increasingly dominated the way in which the texts were used. I have dealt with the first stage of this process elsewhere, but will note briefly the equivalent of fossil evidence for the non-dissemination of biblical content prior to the fourth century. On the one hand, the Ketef Hinnom amulets present a conventional Iron Age patron god with solar attributes, a prebiblical, liturgical version of Yahweh. On the other hand, the Elephantine documents reveal a Jewish community in contact with Jerusalem that knows nothing of biblical texts or their contents. They do not even seem to know common biblical names, such as Abraham or Moses, much less a biblically based version of Passover. In short, given available evidence from the Iron Age to the Persian era, it is probable that the vast majority of pre-Hellenistic Yahweh worshippers were never aware of the anthology we call the Hebrew Bible, nor were they familiar with its contents. The second stage in this hypothesis is key: a period of punctuation, or rapid evolution, in the genre of both individual scrolls and the anthology as a whole. If a mostly secular anthology of literature was reinterpreted as religious literature during a relatively short period of about ten to fifteen human generations, then one would also expect a Cambrian explosion, a burst of new exegetical activity during those generations. Not surprisingly, the Ptolemaic era produced a great quantity of so-called inner-biblical exegesis and early commentaries on older portions of the anthology, such as the Wisdom of Jesus ben Sira and the proto-masoretic Chronicles. 21

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21 Noll, 'Was There Doctrinal Dissemination?' See also Noll, 'Is There a Text?' and 'Evolution of Genre in the Book of Kings'. 22 G. Barkay, M. J. Lundberg, A. G. Vaughn and B. Zuckerman, 'The Amulets from Ketef Hinnom: A New Edition and Evaluation', BASOR 334 (2004): 41-71. 23 For recent discussions of the Elephantine texts see B. Porten, 'Settlement of the Jews at Elephantine and the Arameans at Syene', in O. Lipschits and J. Blenkinsopp (eds), Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-BabyIonian Period (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2003), pp. 451-70; E. A. Knauf, 'Elephantine und das vor-biblische Judentum', in R. G. Kratz (ed.), Religion und Religionskontakte im Zeitalter der Achdmeniden (VWGTh, 22; Munich: Chr. Kaiser Verlag, 2002), pp. 179-88; P.-E. Dion, 'La Religion des papyrus d'Elephantine: Un reflet du Juda d'avant Feral', in U. Hubner and E. A. Knauf (eds), Kein Land fur sich allein: Studien zum Kulturkontact in Kanaan, Israel/Paldstina und Ebirndri fur Manfred Weippert zum 65. Geburtstag (OBO, 186; Gottingen: Vanderhoeck & Ruprecht, 2002), pp. 243-54.


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Ian Scott has examined the Letter of Aristeas and arrived at conclusions that, in my view, support my Darwinian thesis. Scott suggested that the translation of the Torah into Greek reflected conventional pieties of the Hellenistic era. Lip service was paid to the human and humane wisdom of the Torah commandments even by those who had no intention of observing its stipulations, and the allegedly unique god of the allegedly revealed 'history' narrated in the Torah was equated blandly with the syncretistic monotheism of Hellenistic conventions. In other words, the Torah's status as reflected in this second-century-BCE document defines the Torah near the close of the period of punctuation as religiously valuable (not authoritative), but in a very vague way. These observations are precisely what my thesis predicts one will find in this era: literate Jews seeking ways to render manifestly non-religious literature religiously useful, but not yet possessing the mature language of religious authority developed from Roman times. The long process of rendering the Torah viable as a specific religious authority containing 613 commandments was yet to come, and required the gradual invention of an Oral Torah. It is no surprise that the artefacts associated with widespread dissemination of the Torah and its associated observances appear in the archaeological record only after the period of punctuation. The text of the Torah became fixed before its status as religious authority was fully understood or established, which is why the Torah is such an awkward work of 'religious' literature. Moreover, well-known evidence that most of us routinely overlook suggests that the dissemination of Hebrew texts in the Hellenistic era was greeted by Jews as an astounding innovation, for the contents of these texts had not been previously known to them. This is the evidence of struggle with and against the plain sense of the texts in the emerging anthology. The struggle was caused by the many gods of the canonical Bible, who tumble over one another, creating a kaleidoscopic image of deity. When one evaluates the frequently shifting nature of Yahweh's 24

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24 Ian W. Scott, Ts the Bible Always Scripture? The "Low" View of the Pentateuch in the Letter of Aristeas\ presented at the Society of Biblical Literature Annual Meeting, San Diego, 17 November 2007.1 disagree with one aspect of Scott's conclusions. If I understand him, Scott jumps from the Letter of Aristeas (circa second century) back to the putative period of translation in the third century to assert that the fixed Torah was a recognized canon at that date. More likely, the author of the Letter of Aristeas assumed that the text of the Torah known to him in the second century had been fixed from its inception. Thus, the Letter of Aristeas does not attest to a fixed canon of Torah in the third century, but begins to define a fixed canon of Torah in the later second century. 25 Martin S. Jaffee, Torah in the Mouth: Writing and Oral Tradition in Palestinian Judaism 200 BCE-400 CE (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001). 26 Seth Schwartz, Imperialism and Jewish Society, 200 B.C.E. to 640 C.E. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001). Cf. Noll, 'Was There Doctrinal Dissemination?' 27 Noll, 'Kaleidoscopic Nature'.

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canonical personality, it is reasonable to conclude that the literati who produced the anthology were aware of these many versions of deity and chose not to harmonize them. The anthology they created betrays no hint that it was intended to define, defend, proclaim or impose a religious worldview, a divine revelation or even a theology about a god named Yahweh. Quite the contrary, each Yahweh of the Bible was constructed for its literary context - some religious contexts and some secular contexts - and only later did the Deuteronomistic influence of the Shema begin to harmonize them all into one Yahweh. What necessarily results from an anthology that presents a god whose personality changes regularly? Either interpreters will resist some divine portraits in favour of others, or they will try to harmonize all portraits into a single deity. We find both tendencies in the period of punctuation. Some scribes rewrote texts with which they were unsatisfied. Jubilees and the Qumran Temple Scroll were designed not to supplement but to replace the uneven texts they have rewritten. On the other hand, we find elaborate attempts to harmonize away the tensions in the texts, sometimes through conflation and glossing of the texts themselves and sometimes through elaborate Halakhah or Haggadah. As early as Demetrius the Chronographer and Eupolemus, we have clear evidence of Jewish exegetes who harmonize or rewrite to suit their own needs. Meanwhile, early Hellenism saw competing doctrines arising from the anthology. For example, Genesis promotes a human origin for evil and 1 Enoch's Book of Watchers promotes a supernatural origin. When neither document was yet regarded as religiously authoritative, both could exist without tension, and they are found side by side at Qumran. Eugene Ulrich rightly contends that if one were to enumerate a 'canon' (using the term very loosely) among the Qumran people, that canon would include both Genesis and 1 Enoch? Eventually, however, readers began to treat these texts as religiously authoritative rather than merely religiously useful, so that eventually canon-makers had to choose one or the other, and 1 Enoch was the loser. 28

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28 This is perhaps more true of Eupolemus than of Demetrius, but both display freedom with respect to their sources. For discussion and the texts, see Carl R. Holladay, Fragments from Hellenistic Jewish Authors, vol. 1: Historians (Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1983), pp. 51156. 29 I thank Philip Davies for alerting me to this example. See also Davies, 'And Enoch Was Not, for Genesis Took Him', in C. Hempel and J. M. Lieu (eds), Biblical Traditions in Transmission: Essays in Honour of Michael A. Knibb (Leiden: Brill, 2006), pp. 97-107. 30 Eugene Ulrich, 'Qumran and the Canon of the Old Testament', in Auwers and de Jonge, Biblical Canons, pp. 57-80. See also Eugene Ulrich, 'Our Sharper Focus on the Bible and Theology Thanks to the Dead Sea Scrolls', CBQ 66 (2004): 1-24; and James C. VanderKam, 'Questions of Canon Viewed through the Dead Sea Scrolls', in McDonald and Sanders, Canon Debate, pp. 91-109.


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In other words, the anthology we call the Hebrew Bible evolved its sacred patina only after it was disseminated beyond the small circle of scribes who created it, and the wider Jewish readership brought new religious expectations to the text. Had the anthology been intended to be religiously authoritative when first disseminated, one would expect a rhetorical structure in the text more like the Qur'an and less like the kaleidoscopic Yahweh of the Bible, and one would expect far fewer examples of dissent from, or harmonization of, the variant Yahwehs. For the pre-Hellenistic scribes of stage one, these documents were compiled for the training and enculturation of their own group. The scribes wrote and transmitted all kinds of documents, only a few of which expressed their own religious beliefs. Many texts construct a Yahweh who is little more than a narrative necessity, a story-world character whose words and actions drive the narrative's plot. This is a Yahweh of the poets, to borrow Varro's categories, and not the Yahweh of the city, the Yahweh as Jews actually worshipped him. But for the newer, more common Hellenistic Jewish readership - the Jews of the city, to modify Varro's language - all the scrolls became sacred writ, guides to religious piety. As a result, all the Yahwehs, no matter how ridiculous from a religious vantage, became one divine Lord (\T7\^ miT ^ l E T SOO "[flN miT ['Hear, Israel, Yahweh is our God, Yahweh is one'; Deut. 6.4]). Philip Guillaume put forth a vivid example of this process of generic evolution during the period of punctuation. He suggested that what Jesus ben Sira is really doing in his praise of the ancestors is trying to transform manifestly secular literature into religiously useful literature. Ben Sira is struggling to change the genre of his received anthology now known as the Former Prophets, a series of narratives that are sometimes secular, sometimes religious and sometimes sarcastically at odds with the piety of Deuteronomy. Clearly, Ben Sira is fossil evidence for the fact of generic evolution in early Hellenistic times. The evolution of the anthology's genre from cultural heritage preserved by and for an elite few, to this newer idea of sacred authority for the everwidening Jewish readership, did not go smoothly. A more gradual process of evolution continued beyond the period of punctuation and remains 31

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31 For discussion of Varro's categories, see Noll, 'Kaleidoscopic Nature', pp. 23-4. 32 Philip Guillaume, 'New Light on the Nebiim from Alexandria: A Chronography to Replace the Deuteronomistic History', JHS (2006): 1-50 (section 6, 'Ben Sira's Purpose: Prophetic Chronography', pp. 16-18). 33 For the sarcastic rejection of Deuteronomy in portions of the Former Prophets, see my 'Deconstruction of Deuteronomism in the Former Prophets: Micaiah ben Imlah as Example', in Duncan Burns and John W. Rogerson (eds), In Search of Philip R. Davies: Whose Festschrift Is It Anyway? (London: T & T Clark International, forthcoming); and 'Deuteronomistic History or Deuteronomic Debate? (A Thought Experiment)', JSOT 31 (2007): 311-45 (318-27).


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discernible as the texts became more widely available from the second century BCE. By Roman times, the notion of sacred text had become widespread among those Jews who could read, but there was no agreement about which texts were authoritative, and Emanuel Tov notes that Qumran scribes treated all their manuscripts in identical manner. Nor were the received older manuscripts congenial to this new readers' response. The awkwardness of treating documents that do not intend to exert religious authority as though they ought to be religiously authoritative is apparent in obviously secular works (e.g., Genesis, 1-2 Samuel) and in works that included both religious and anti-religious passages (e.g., 1-2 Kings, which contains conventional piety in 2 Kgs 17 and religious satire in 1 Kgs 22). It is especially apparent in the Qumran pesherim, which often pit the idea of sacred relevance against the peshat (plain sense) of the texts themselves. The authors of the pesherim frequently ignore the words they are quoting as they rush to apply them to new, and obviously irrelevant, situations. James Kugel documents the widespread inability of late Hellenistic and early Roman Jewish readers to find a satisfactory way to use these newly declared, but obstinately uncooperative, sacred texts. If one substitutes 'Hellenistic' for 'postexilic', I agree with Kugel when he writes, 'The Bible that modern scholarship is so eager to discover is really a Bible that never was: it is actually the raw material that only became the Bible following its radical reconfiguration in post-exilic times.' A significant factor influencing the manner by which the anthology evolved into sacred authority is that the texts were not yet widely available even to those Roman-era Jews who wanted to believe them to be sacred writ. This resulted in the idea of textual authority often preceding the availability of the texts. For example, John Collins notes that Jewish apocalyptic lacks any reference to a Davidic Messiah until the late second century BCE, at the very earliest. Given the evidence of Trebolle and Ulrich discussed earlier, Occam's razor suggests a reason for this: apocalyptic did not discover a Davidic Messiah until the Former Prophets began to be disseminated, and that dissemination lagged behind the dissemination of the Torah and Isaiah, each of which contains a specifically Davidic type of messianic motif only superficially, at the level 34

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34 Emanuel Tov, Scribal Practices and Approaches Reflected in the Texts from the Judean Desert (Leiden: Brill, 2004), pp. 250-4. 35 James L. Kugel, Traditions of the Bible: A Guide to the Bible as It Was at the Start of the Common Era (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998). 36 James L. Kugel, 'The Bible of Changed Meanings: Some Thoughts on John Barton's Oracles of God, JHS 7 (2007): 12-21 (18). 37 John Collins, The Scepter and the Star: The Messiahs of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Other Ancient Literature (New York: Doubleday, 1995), pp. 40-1, 49-56.


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of glossing. Thus, apocalyptic speculation emerged in the late third and early second centuries BCE, but added a Davidic Messiah only after texts telling of King David gradually became available, a process that began in the late second century, or so, BCE. Even as late as the first century of the Common Era, narratives in Josephus as well as early Christian writings support this Darwinian thesis. Josephus tells of figures like Theudas and the so-called Egyptian, each of whom seems to have interpreted the book of Joshua in a naively literal way. Theudas expected the Jordan River to part and the Egyptian wanted to see the walls of Jericho fall. This kind of superstition is precisely what one expects to see when the source text, the book of Joshua, ceases to be the exclusive possession of a tiny, elite class of well-educated people who did not view the text as a sacred history narrative. As the text made its way among hoipolloi, it became a sacred history narrative through no fault of its own, and naive believers used it for their own purposes. Like the data from Josephus, the pesher-like evidence from the New Testament demonstrates that the anthology we now call the Bible was only emerging as a religious authority in the first century of the Common Era. Christopher Stanley calls into question a widespread assumption that when the apostle Paul quoted from Jewish Scripture, Paul assumed that his intended audience would recognize the quotations, would be familiar with the Scriptures from which the quotations derive, and would supply unstated assumptions about the literary context of those Jewish texts. Stanley rightly notes that early Christian communities had little or no access to Jewish Scriptures (a point also made by Trebolle) and that Christian communities are unlikely to have known much if anything about the texts Paul quotes. Paul was dumb like a fox. He counted on the ignorance of his audience, knowing they would depend on Paul's own 39

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38 The variety of Jewish speculations about a coming one (including one or several Messiahs) is well known, but it is interesting to note how little of that speculation appears in the texts Trebolle identifies as the 'canon within a canon'. A specifically Davidic messianic conception appears in the Torah only in Gen. 49.10 (the royal predictions in Num. 24.7, 17 are not necessarily Davidic in nature). The scroll of Isaiah is more complex, because it is difficult to tease apart passages that appear to have originated in Iron Age royal liturgy (i.e., Isa. 9.6) from later scribal expansion that involved interpretation of these early texts as promise of a future Davidic Messiah (i.e., Isa. 16.5, as well as the mature forms of chs. 9, 11 and 32). What can be asserted unequivocally is that Isaiah's two figures that are explicitly called Messiahs are the Persian Cyrus (44.28-45.1) and the prophet in Isa. 61.1, not Davidic figures. Moreover, the Davidic Messiah is downplayed by Isa. 55.3. It seems that Davidic messianism first crept into Trebolle's 'canon-within' through Psalms and the Twelve Minor Prophets, later moving to Isaiah (albeit ambiguously) and one verse in the Torah. 39 Josephus War 2.259-63; Antiquities 20.97-8, 167-70. 40 Christopher D. Stanley, ' "Pearls before Swine": Did Paul's Audiences Understand His Biblical Quotations?' Nov T 41 (1999): 124-44.


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interpretation of the texts he quoted, so that Paul could score rhetorical points with his idiosyncratic interpretation of Jewish literature. This evidence from Paul's letters demonstrates that the idea that Jewish writings ought to be religiously authoritative preceded widespread familiarity with the anthology itself. In this case, when Paul (and probably other early Christian leaders) claimed that Jesus died and rose from the dead in accordance with the Jewish Scriptures (as in 1 Corinthians 15), the success of the claim was largely due to a widespread ignorance of those very Scriptures, literature that does not, in fact, foretell a dying and rising figure. Not surprisingly, when Ignatius of Antioch, two generations later, attempts to proclaim his gospel, saying: 'It is written', skeptics in his community can say: 'That is precisely the question', for the Jewish Scriptures were by that time circulating more widely and people could begin to test the claims being made about them. Only three generations after Ignatius, Celsus, who by this time is thoroughly familiar with Jewish Scriptures, can articulate skepticism against the rhetoric of Christian proof-texting precisely because the rhetoric had become authoritative prior to the actual task of finding the alleged proof-texts, proof-texts that had to be manufactured through an aggressive Christian eisegesis. The rhetoric of prophecy about Jesus became rote before the actual texts became available, a source of enduring embarrassment for Christians. Early Christianity evolved when Jewish sacred literature was still only emerging as widely available and authoritative sacred literature. The evolution of genre is the only thesis that adequately explains the kaleidoscopic nature of the biblical god, a god who is the sum of a variety of god-concepts created for a variety of literary purposes, then harmonized by later, religiously motivated readers seeking a doctrine about a god that they could worship. While some books in the Hebrew anthology were designed to define, defend, proclaim or even impose a religious viewpoint, the majority of the books were not. Clearly Deuteronomy began and ended as a religious exhortation, and just as 41

42

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41 Stanley discusses this possibility, cautiously, in 'Pearls before Swine', p. 134. 42 Ignatius, Phil. 8. In context, it is clear that Ignatius wanted his audience to believe that a story about Jesus was foretold by 'archives' (probably Jewish Scriptures), but Ignatius was defeated by skeptics in the congregation precisely because those skeptics had access to the Jewish texts. One suspects that this was a possibility that Ignatius had not counted on, and he was compelled, in the heat of the argument, to fall back on a rote recitation of the by-then traditional rule of faith, asserting that the true 'archives' are the death and resurrection and the faith generated through Jesus Christ. For the text, see W. Schoedel, Ignatius of Antioch (Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985). For discussion of the attitude toward sacred text expressed and implied by Ignatius, see Charles T. Brown, The Gospel and Ignatius of Antioch (New York: Peter Lang, 2000), p. 205 and passim. 43 Stephen Benko, 'Pagan Criticism of Christian Theology and Ethics', in Pagan Rome and the Early Christians (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986), pp. 140-62 (147-58, 160-2).


23

clearly the two books of Samuel were never intended to define or proclaim a religious message. It is certainly not the case that the anthology as an anthology was compiled to define, defend, proclaim or impose a religious worldview. The Hebrew anthology became religious literature during a short period as its readership increased during Hellenistic times, and new readers brought new values and very new a priori assumptions to what they were reading. That is why the Bible contains the literary equivalent of junk DNA, texts that are so inimical to a theological proclamation that preachers and rabbis are compelled either to ignore those passages or to preach sermons on the so-called hard sayings of the Bible. Modern theologians who seek theological resonance in entertaining folktales such as Samson; who seek models of prophetic piety in satirical anti-religious tales such as Micaiah ben Imlah; who seek Heilsgeschichte in traditional fiction assembled for its value as ethnic literature, such as the book of Genesis; who seek divine revelation in so-called prophecies that were, originally, little more than scribal exercises are only the latest participants in what has been, over the past 2,000 years, an aggressive process of eisegesis. The process of systematic theological whitewashing that we call the history of biblical interpretation is poignant testimony to the evolution of biblical genre. The Bible was not designed to be religiously authori tative, and it has managed to function that way by sheer accident. It has been useful to people for that purpose, even though it was not meant for that purpose, and its evolutionary history renders it fit only in the way that the human eye is fit for sight in spite of the awkward neural wiring derived from its blind Darwinian design. 44

44 I discuss the limited audience for even the religious texts within the anthology in 'Was There Doctrinal Dissemination?' and 'Evolution of Genre in the Book of Kings'. For the secular nature of 1-2 Samuel, see my 'Is There a Text?'

Chapter 2 CONCEPTS OF SCRIPTURE IN 1 MACCABEES

Francis Borchardt Introduction The first book of Maccabees, like many other biblical and apocryphal works, does not have a single unified view of any subject it discusses, the Scriptures included. The Scriptures are described (or quoted) by multiple characters and through a number of different literary forms. This diversity of views does not even touch on the possibility of separate redactional layers, each with its own separate agenda, as to the quality and content of Scripture. The image of the Scriptures created by this book is thus multifaceted. It will be our quest in this investigation to describe these diverse views as best as possible, in order to give a composite view of the concepts of Scripture in 1 Maccabees. 1

2

3

1. Method I have narrowed down the rather broad topic to just four questions which bring us closer to a definitive view of 'Scripture' according to 1 Maccabees: (1) Are the Scriptures holy for the author(s)/characters of 1 Jonathan: 12.9; Narrator: 1.56-57; 2.19-22*; 3.48, 55-56*; 4.47, 53; 7.17*; 14.8-9, 12*; Mattathias: 2.51-60*; Judas 4.8-10*, 30-33*; 7.41*; and the Hasmonaean army: 4.24*; 9.21* (*: These all contain some reference to passages we know from Scripture, however, see the discussion in section 5b of this work.) 2 These include, but are not limited to, narrative report: 1.56-57; 3.48; 4.47, 53; testament: 2.51-60, various genres of prayer: 4.30-33; 7.41; diplomatic treaty: 12.9 and Preisgedicht (poem of praise): 14.8-9, 12. 3 Though the majority of scholarship on 1 Mace, does not recognize multiple layers of composition, recently some have taken up the old addendum theory that 14.15 is the end of the original work (see, e.g., the discussion of this by D. S. Williams, 'Recent Research on 1 Maccabees', CRBS 9 [2001]: 169-84). I argue differently that there are at least four literary strata throughout 1 Mace, in my ongoing dissertation: Torah in 1 Maccabees (working title). There is not enough space here to make the argument for this diachronic view of 1 Mace., thus my own conclusions will be omitted.

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Scripture in 1 Maccabees

25

the book? (2) What is the function of the Scriptures, or, how are they used in 1 Maccabees? (3) To whom do the Scriptures belong? (4) What books or teachings are included in the concepts of Scripture found in 1 Maccabees? Through answering these questions I hope to give a concise but well rounded view of how 1 Maccabees comprehends Scripture. It is easily discernible to the reader that each of these questions can be posed at two levels - on the one hand we can address these questions to the narrative world the book describes, and on the other hand we can seek for answers among the compositional clues left by the author(s). Since both are important, we will attempt to address the questions on both levels. We begin our discussion of this topic with a tabula rasa. I find it necessary not to assume anything about the existence or character of Scripture either for the narrative world of our author(s) or for the broader Judaean historical world in which he is writing. It is plain that we simply do not know enough about a universally (or even widely) accepted Jewish canon at this time to make any assumptions. Each of the two pillars upon which many set their canonical (or proto-canonical) theories are prob lematic. The library at Qumran cannot be considered representative of the general scriptural ideal, both because of the sectarian nature of the Qumran group, and because of the many additional contents of that library. The prologue of Ben Sira has its own problems in that there remain questions: such as, what is intended by the prologue? How should we take into account its nature as an addition? So, we approach the scriptural questions in this work with a view to creating 1 Maccabees' picture of Scripture from scratch, and only then adding to this from our historical knowledge. 4

5

4 See, e.g., the discussion of M. A. Knibb in the introduction to The Qumran Community (Cambridge Commentaries on Writings of the Jewish and Christian World 200 BC to AD 200, 2; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 1-12, where he discusses the contents of the Qumran scrolls with reference both to the biblical fragments and to the apocryphal and psuedepigraphical ones, which he says 'may have been regarded as having canonical status'. He continues his discussion with the purely sectarian documents. 5 G. Veltri, Libraries, Translations and 'Canonic' Texts: The Septuagint, Aquila and Ben Sira in the Jewish and Christian Traditions (JSJSup, 109; Leiden: Brill, 2006), pp. 196-7. Here Veltri states that the intention of the prologue is to equate Ben Sira's writing to 'nothing more or less, than the quintessence of past wisdom'. He supports this with the correct claim that throughout the rabbinic tradition numerous writings and stories are quoted that nobody would claim as canonical, but which simply applied to a specific situation. Veltri also notes that the three separate (!) terms used for the other writings in the prologue show some vagueness in their character even for the author(s) of the prologue. He is correct in not projecting our tripartite canon back on the authors) of Ben Sira's prologue, and even calls into question the attribution of the prologue to his grandson, stating that the word could simply mean ancestor, placing the prologue's addition later in antiquity.

26

Early Christian Literature and Intertextuality 1 2. Are the Scriptures

Holy?

a. The Holiness of Scripture for the Hasmonaeans There are two verses of particular importance in answering this question. 1 Maccabees 12.9 falls within a diplomatic letter sent from the high priest Jonathan to the Spartans. In the letter, Jonathan, trying to reignite a longdormant friendship between the two nations, states that the Spartans asked for and received friendship and alliance long ago ( w . 5-8). In v. 9 Jonathan further states: 'therefore, though we have no need of these things [i.e., alliances] since we have as encouragement the holy books (xa PiPAia xa a y i a ) that are in our hands, we attempt to send to renew our friendship so that you might not be estranged from us'. The important part of this verse for our question is obviously the 'holy books/scrolls' (TO (Ji(3Aia xa ayia). Here Jonathan, the first Hasmonaean high priest, answers our question unequivocally in the positive. The Scriptures are plainly exalted and join the sanctuary vessels (4.49), the temple itself (2.12), Jerusalem (2.7), the mountain (Zion?) (11.37) and the covenant (1.15) as being called 'holy' in 1 Maccabees. Through the use of this adjective, both in this document and in the rest of 1 Maccabees it is evident that the scrolls, whatever texts they contain, are considered to be set apart and are thought to reflect some element of the divine. Though 12.9 is the only instance where the Scriptures are given the specific title 'holy', v. 3.48 may further support this claim. The verse describes the actions of Judas Maccabeus and his followers at Mizpah. Specifically, it states that 'they opened the book of the law (KCX\ EêiTETaoccv TO (}i(3Aiov TOU vouou) to inquire into the matters about which the gentiles consulted the likenesses of their gods'. The sentence 6

7

8

9

6 This translation, as all others in this work, is from the N R S V . 7 The mountain is described here as the place where the bronze tablets of the treaty by the Seleucid king should be displayed. At other places in the text the location of tablets is Mt Zion (e.g., 14.25). 8 Each of these descriptions of holiness is made in a different genre. The sanctuary vessels are called holy by the narrator in a prose report of the events of the temple's purification. The temple is called holy in the midst of Mattathias' lament over the events that have driven him out of Jerusalem, which is called holy in the same setting. The mountain, which is universally agreed upon as Zion, is called holy in a diplomatic treaty sent by Demetrius II - the only occasion in which a gentile calls something holy. The covenant is called holy in a brief narrative report on thefirstefforts of Jews to unite with the gentiles in 1 Maccabees. Thus there is no usual way the description is given by the author(s). 9 The N R S V here agrees with most translations and commentators who suggest that what is meant by the phrase irspi GOV e^ripEuvcov xa E0vr| xa buoicouaxa xcav E'ISCDACOV CCUXCDV is that they were using the scroll of the law in the same way as the gentiles did the images of their idols. However, J. Goldstein, J Maccabees (AB 41; Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1976), p. 261, mentions the difficulty in interpreting the verse, and decides that it is surely patterned after the story of Hezekiah and Sennacharib's message. So that his meaning for the

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suggests that the scroll of the law is used in the same way for the Jews as the temple idols are used for the gentiles. We will return to the specifics of use in a moment, but most important is that the Scripture is being employed in a cultic sense. This point is sharpened by the reference to gentile idols, which had and were perceived to have cultic and holy meaning wrapped up with them. The holiness of the unrolled scroll (or its contents) is further suggested by the other items present in this scene with the group of Jewish rebels at Mizpah. These include the vestments of the priesthood (xa lucma x% Upcoauvris), the first fruits and tithes (irpcoToysvTiMaTa KCU TOS SsKaxas) and finally the Nazirites. All of these were in the domain of temple use, and were, by extension, holy. Additionally, according to 3.46, the choice of Mizpah for this gathering is due to its former function as a place of prayer (1 Sam. 7.5-11), a fact which further stresses the cultic nature of the scene. When this context is tied with the appearance of the book of the law, it is unquestionable that according to the literary world presented in 1 Maccabees, Scripture can truly be called holy. 10

11

12

13

b. Scriptural Holiness for Our Author As for the holiness of Scripture at the compositional level, the evidence is far less conclusive. To be sure, the author(s) has put the holiness of the books into the mouth of a character that has great authority. The author(s) is sympathetic to the Hasmonaeans in general, and Jonathan in particular. So, any proclamation made by that character may well be thought of as shared by the author(s). The ubiquitous allusions to passages that we recognize as Scripture may also hint at the author(s)'s own knowledge of and reverence for those books. However, we must caution ourselves not to draw too many conclusions from these references. 14

passage is that the Jews found places in the Scriptures which mentioned how the gentiles consulted their gods. Goldstein does admit however that his translation strains the syntax. We follow the N R S V here. 10 This of course assumes that the scroll of the law, at least, is Scripture. See the argument in section 5 of this work. 11 See, e.g., 1.47. 12 The Nazirites are said to have completed their days, which according to Num. 6.5, 8 would not necessarily make them holy any longer. However, the intended meaning of this passage seems to be that these Nazirites have just recently completed their days, and thus still needed to make their offering at the temple (Num. 6.21), which is defiled at this point in the narrative. So, they are still set apart for their God. 13 Though the specific adjective is not used in this passage, we have seen that both the sanctuary vessels and the temple itself are deemed holy by the author(s). Thus, it may be reasonable to deduce that all these other elements specifically dedicated to the divine were considered holy as well. 14 J. R. Bartlett, 1 Maccabees (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998), p. 31, points this out most concisely, but the opinion is nearly universally shared.


28

They may simply be familiar and appropriate parallels to the author(s)'s own story, as opposed to being especially revered. 3. How are the Scriptures

Used?

a. The Use of Scriptures by the Maccabean Heroes The use of the Scriptures goes a long way to formulating a unified concept of Scripture within this book. We have already seen two uses of Scripture at 12.9 and 3.48, to which we shall return. These verses are indicative of the way Scripture functions throughout the book on the narrative level. In the level of composition there are more functions that can possibly be discerned, and these will be discussed separately. Verse 3.48, as we have seen, shows the Jews using the Scriptures in the same way the nations use the likenesses of their gods. This statement is broad, and could be misleading. It is unclear what is meant exactly by buoicouaTcc, and further it is unclear what the Jews thought the gentiles sought from these likenesses. According to some commentators, it is probable that the images are statues of the gods, which provide protection. But it is also possible that the OUOICOUCCTO: some of the surrounding cultures had some sort of oracular or prophetic function, revealing the will of the gods. If we try to find the function of Scriptures through this comparison to idols, the final use of the Scriptures is not clear from this context. 1 Mace. 12.9 clarifies the issue to an extent. It is apparent from this verse that the Jews use their holy books as an encouragement and as evidence of their contract with the divine. Jonathan's statement that 'we have no need for [alliances]' gives a strong testament to the fortifying nature the books had for the Jews. His declaration to the Spartans also spells out that the holy Scriptures stand in place of alliances, and thus are manifest proof of Israel's covenant with Heaven. This verse would lead the reader to believe that the Scriptures were used more according to the former use of the buoicouaTa than the latter prophetic/oracular function. In the same diplomatic letter, Jonathan offers further evidence of this understanding of the Scriptures at verses 12.14-15. He states that the Jews 15

16

m

17

15 However, note the alternative explanation of Goldstein, / Maccabees, p. 261, in n. 9 above. 16 J. R. Bartlett, First and Second Books of Maccabees (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), p. 55. 17 D. Arenhoevel, Die Theokratie nach dem 1. und 2. Makkabder (Mainz: Matthias Grunewald, 1967), p. 30 n. 123, stresses the oracular use but recognizes both uses here. R. Doran, The First Book of Maccabees: Introduction, Commentary, and Reflections (New Interpreter's Bible, 4; Nashville: Abingdon, 1996), pp. 63-4, also suggests the book has an instructional/oracular sense with his innovative translation of the verse.

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29

were unwilling to request aid from the Spartans or any of their other allies during their wars (a statement which is belied by the treaty with the Romans at 8.20-32, but likely a matter of diplomacy), and continues that the reason for this is that the Jews already possess the help that comes from heaven as their aid. It is clear from the close proximity and identical context of the two statements, that the Scriptures provide the promise of divine aid and protection for the Jews in the same way an alliance with foreign powers would. So, according to the testimony of Jonathan's letter to the Spartans, the function of the Scriptures is clear. Several other verses could be read to support this usage of Scripture. However, it depends upon whether one believes specific traditions we recognize from the Bible were known at this time primarily from oral communication of legends or from knowledge of the written works themselves. Further, if one accepts that these traditions were known from the written word, then he must encounter the question of whether these written traditions were considered scriptural. The verses in question are: 2.51-61 (a praise of the deeds of the ancestors), 4.8-11 (a recollection of the events at the Red Sea), 4.30-33 (a recollection of the support of heaven for David against the Philistines) and 7.41-42 (a recollection of the defeat of the Assyrians as reported in 2 Kings 19.35). If all these instances are references to Scripture by characters in 1 Mace, then at every instance they agree with the use of Scripture in 12.9. They recall the deeds reported in the Scriptures and use them as an encouragement and reminder of the help heaven can bring. If they are only oral tradition divorced from the texts, then no further evidence exists as to this application of Scripture by the characters in 1 Mace. A second use of Scripture is evidenced outside of the model discussed above. This comes closer to the latter possibility of a prophetic/oracular function. This model uses the Scriptures, specifically the book of the law, to discern proper action. At 3.56, 4.47 and 4.53 the Hasmonaeans are portrayed as performing specific deeds according to the law ( K a r a TOV vouov). In each case the deed is directly traceable to ordinances appearing in the Torah. The mention of the books of the law within 1 Maccabees ensures that these references are intended to have a literary provenance. At 3.56, Judas organizes his army into thousands, hundreds, fifties and tens, and sends home all those who are otherwise engaged for various 18

18 Though it is clear that many commentators on 1 Mace., like Goldstein, / Maccabees, pp. 285, 491 inter alia; and Bartlett, The First and Second Books, p. 168, assume nearly full knowledge of our modern Bible, but more recent studies dealing with oral transmission call this assumption into question. See R. A. Horsley, Scribes, Visionaries, and the Politics of Second Temple Judea (Louisville: WJK Press, 2007); D. M. Carr, Writing on the Tablet of the Heart: Origins of Scripture and Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005); and M. Jaffee, Torah in the Mouth: Writing and Oral Tradition in Palestinian Judaism 200 BCE-400 CE (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001).

30


reasons (Exod. 18.25; Deut. 20.5-8). Only after this does the army march out against the gentile aggressors. It is not entirely clear whether both actions are being described as 'according to the law' or only Judas' decommissioning of soldiers, but both acts have applicable ordinances immediately behind them. In w . 4.47 and 4.53 Judas and the blameless priests he has selected assemble a new altar out of whole stones (Exod. 20.25; Deut. 27.5-6) and offer sacrifice on it the next morning in accordance with the law (Exod. 29.38-42). Each of these instances stresses the use of the law to know and follow divine will in the direst of situations. These verses additionally give us the first indication in 1 Mace, that the written law should be considered holy and thus scriptural. b. The Function of Scripture for the Author (s) of 1 Maccabees The uses of Scripture by the characters are limited to the two main functions listed above: primarily as encouragement and secondarily as the arbiter of orthodox behaviour. In addition to these functions, Scripture is used by the author(s) as a background and reference point for much of his narrative. The scriptural allusions are too numerous to quote here, but they refer to most parts of our scriptural corpus, including Psalms (1 Mace. 7.17), prophecy (14.8-9, 12), Torah (14.8) and history (9.73). However, we must remind ourselves of the familiar refrain that simply because these texts are quoted does not mean that the author(s) found them to be scriptural. In any case these references mostly serve to compare the Hasmonaeans or their deeds to similar situations in the Scriptures. In a few examples these utilizations of Scripture hint at the fulfilment of prophecy (e.g., 14.8-9, 12). No matter how these scriptural allusions are applied by the author(s) their main purpose seems to be the elevation of the Hasmonaeans to the status of biblical heroes through comparisons of their orthodoxy or bravery. 19

4. To Whom do the Scriptures

Belong?

a. Possession of the Scriptures by the Characters The answer to this question should be evident, however it has some nuances. The Scriptures belong to Israel, this much is obvious. Nobody

19 E. Bickermann, The God of the Maccabees: Studies on the Meaning and Origin of the Maccabean Revolt (SJLA, 32; Leiden: Brill, 1979), p. 18; and D. S. Williams, The Structure of 1 Maccabees (CBQMS, 31; Washington, DC: The Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1999), p. 107; however N. Martola, Capture and Liberation: A Study in the Composition of the First Book of Maccabees (Abo: Abo Akademi, 1984), p. 279, sees this as only window dressing.

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outside of Israel is mentioned in connection with the Scriptures, except as an opponent in the case of Antiochus IV (1.56-57). It is important to make clear as 12.9 does, that the Scriptures belong to all Israel, not only Jonathan and the ruling party, not only the priesthood, but the whole Jewish people. The Scriptures, and especially the law are shown to be part of the Jewish and Israelite identity on numerous occasions, not least of which are 1.56-57 and 3.48. In verses 1.56-57 we see the books of the law and the book of the covenant in the hands of Jews being persecuted under the reforms of Antiochus IV. The possession, or indeed, existence of these books is a crime, according to these verses. We learn here that all books of the law which were found by Antiochus' officers were torn to pieces and burned, and anyone who was found possessing the book of the covenant was condemned to death. These new ordinances are couched among a series of other ones that attempt to totally change and mutilate Jewish identity, according to the text (1.48-49). Thus, for 1 Maccabees, even the gentile opponents recognize that these books are tied in with the Jewish identity. This agrees with what we have already seen in 3.48 where the book of the law is tied in with the identity of the national cult. The scrolls of the law form the national and religious identity of Israel for 1 Maccabees. On another level it is interesting to note that the Scriptures are never given a qualifier other than 'holy' in all of 1 Maccabees. That is, none of the familiar biblical author(s) of Scripture or the Torah are implied. Moses' name is never invoked in connection with the Scriptures, nor is the name of the deity. The only ones shown to possess the Scriptures or the law in any way throughout the book are the nameless victims of Antiochus IV in 1.56-57, the family and followers of Judas at 3.48, and the Jewish nation itself at 12.9. Indeed though the Scriptures are holy, and evidently give proof of the divine promise, they are an earthly possession. Also, it should be stressed that the Scriptures are a communal possession, as seen in the examples cited above. There is no individual to whom the literature is ascribed. The nation as a whole and its members are both the sole possessors of the Scriptures and those solely possessed by them. 20

21

b. To Whom do the Scriptures belong, in the Author's View For the author(s) of the work, the Scriptures are certainly within his sphere of influence. Not only is he conversant with laws and ordinances, but he knows many legends and psalms and elements of prophecy, which 20 Antiochus is shown in these passages to be an opponent of the scrolls of the law and the scroll of the covenant, which seem to be at least a major part of what 1 Maccabees considers Scripture (cf. section 5 of this work). 21 Indeed nowhere in 1 Maccabees is the deity named, but even 'Heaven', the word used by 1 Mace for the deity is never portrayed as author or guardian of the Scriptures.

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may or may not be written and scriptural, as is evident by his many references to these texts. The strong influence the Scriptures have on the author(s)'s style and outlook reinforce the fact that he is a member of a group to whom the Scriptures are authoritative. While the level of that authority is ambiguous (as discussed in section 2b) there is no question that it applies to the author(s). The implied audience for the work must be of the same group too, because while events and laws from the modern canon are referenced, they are not fully explained by the author(s). This fact leads one to believe that the audience has an already existing relationship with the texts. The upshot of this is that at some point in the compositional process of 1 Maccabees there was a group that already held a body of texts as authoritative and possibly holy. 5. What is Included in 1 Maccabees'

Concept of Scripture?

This is perhaps the most difficult question relating to how 1 Maccabees views Scripture. The first part of this question is: what books are included in the idea of Scripture for the characters in 1 Maccabees? Which parts of our modern canon(s) fall into the Scripture, as communicated by the characters? The prime evidence for this answer comes at 1.56-57 wherein the two books reported to be in the hands of persecuted Jews are the books of the law and the book of the covenant. At 3.48 also, it is the book of the law which is unrolled by the faithful Hasmonaeans and their followers. These verses, however, do not completely answer the question. a. 'Scriptural Status of the Book of the Law and the Book of the Covenant What is the identity of these books? Are the terms 'book of the law' (TO (}t|3Aiov TOU vouou) and 'book of the covenant' ((JifJAiov SiccOrjiais) synonymous, or do they refer to two separate literary works? Is it possible that at this late date they still refer only to Moses' book of the covenant and Josiah's law-book? However unlikely this possibility is, there is little help from the narrative in answering these questions. Both books are closely tied with the observance of laws, customs and ordinances of the Jews. This can be clearly deduced by the context surrounding w . 1.56-57 as well as through the names applied to these books. Specifically, possession of the book of the covenant seems to be 22

22 Bartlett, The First and Second Books of Maccabees, p. 32 and Goldstein, 1 Maccabees, p. 222 clearly view the terms as synonymous, but make no direct comment to this effect. Arenhoevel, Die Theokratie, p. 24, however does comment that the difference in name matters little. He goes on to say that the idea of F. M. Abel, Les Livres des Maccabees (Paris: Gabalda, 1949), which holds that the book of the covenant still had a special place revered apart from the Pentateuch is highly unlikely.

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33

very closely tied to observance of the law because both acts are consecutively described as receiving the same death sentence from Antiochus IV and his officers. However, the context is unclear about whether the two titles refer to separate books, or are simply variant names of the same opus. The evidence of the three passages mentioned above (3.56; 4.47, 53), wherein Judas acts according to the law (KOTCX TOV vouov), is similarly ambiguous. Each of these has a possible provenance from at least two separate sources within the Pentateuch. What is likely is that whether these books are separate, they both belong to the Pentateuch in some way, because of their heavy legal emphasis. Further possibilities of what could be included in 1 Maccabees' idea of Scripture come from the testimony of Mattathias at 2.52-60 and from the various prayers of the Hasmonaeans throughout the book. In all these cases direct reference or allusion is made to episodes from the Pentateuch, Deuteronomistic histories, prophetic writings and Psalms. This suggestion comes with two caveats: (1) There is never mention of any book in relation to these allusions, which opens the possibility that the Hasmonaeans are speaking only from tradition and not from their scriptural knowledge. (2) Even if the references are intended to be literary, allusions to familiar nationalistic stories in order to build national morale do not necessarily make those stories holy or scriptural. However, given the function of Scripture described in 12.9 a reasonable supposition might extend the scriptural status over some of these books. 23

b. Evidence of 'Scriptural Status in the References by Key Characters 1 Maccabees 2.52-60: The Testament of Mattathias We can briefly discuss the evidence for each of these passages having a scriptural basis. Verses 2.52-60, part of Mattathias' testament, praise a series of ancestors whom we know from Scripture. Thomas Hieke has argued that these verses stand in perfect accordance with Scripture on the basis of the traditions they transmit. Hieke offers a number of proofs for the textual bases for the references in Mattathias' testament. Though Hieke's arguments are likely the best possible ways to draw connections 24

23 Prayers and exhortations for deliverance from enemies by Judas: 4.8-10, 30-33; 7.41; prayer of lament by the Hasmonaeans: 9.21; prayer of praise by the Hasmonaeans: 4.24. 24 T. Hieke, "The Role of "Scripture" in the Last Words of Mattathias (1 Mace. 2.4970)' in Geza Xeravits and Jozsef Zsengeiler (eds), The Books of Maccabees: History, Theology, Ideology. Papers of the Second International Conference on the Deuterocanonical Books, Papa, Hungary, 9-11 June 2005 (Boston: Brill, 2007). Though Hieke starts from a premise of the connections one can draw between Mattathias' testament and their present context among the writings of the Old Testament, his concluding arguments offer that 1 Maccabees 'wants to convince Israel to follow this government which is presented as divinely ordained and pre-figured by scripture'. He has either abandoned his foundation here, or has made a logical error in his writing.

34


between Mattathias' testament and their supposed scriptural background, they do not convince in the end. Let us examine Hieke's claims for a biblical basis for each of the references. Concerning v. 52, wherein it is remarked that Abraham was 'found faithful when tested', Hieke remarks that the testing clearly calls to mind the binding of Isaac (Gen. 22.1) due to the appearance of ireipa^co ('test') in the LXX account. There is, however, flawed reasoning behind this statement. Hieke mentions himself that later Jewish tradition ascribed ten trials to Abraham. Since this is the case, it is clear that having faith in trial was perhaps Abraham's greatest known quality aside from being father of the people. Therefore, it is difficult to connect this reference at v. 52 to just one or even two instances of trial, as the text makes no allusion to a specific occasion, and likely refers to his general quality of being rewarded when tested by God. When relating the praise of Joseph (v. 53) to the scriptural account Hieke wisely refrains from trying to tie Joseph's keeping of a command ment (evToArj) in time of distress from any specific instance. Rather, Hieke calls it a general quality of Joseph which draws analogies with the power the Hasmonaeans gained as a result of their obedience to the law. In regards to the praise of Phinehas (v. 54) Hieke is correct in drawing a fairly strong connection between his quality of zeal (and subsequent reward of everlasting priesthood) and the account in Num. 26.6-15. This is supported by direct reference to the Phinehas event in 1 Mace. 2.26. The case is also particularly strong in that Phinehas is a rather minor character aside from this act, so an easy connection is made. With reference to the praise of Joshua (v. 55), Hieke is not as strong in tying a particular biblical passage to it. He takes a very broad approach to his interpretation, identifying the command which Joshua fulfilled as his becoming Moses' successor. This is such a vague statement that it is difficult to tie it to the biblical account. Secondly the reward of Joshua becoming judge over Israel, seems self-fulfilling, if indeed his righteous deed was to take the reins of power from Moses. Similar problems are encountered with reference to the praise of Caleb (v. 56). 1 Maccabees recalls his testimony before the assembly which was rewarded with an inheritance in the land. Hieke claims one needs to know the story of Caleb 25

26

27

28

29

25 Ibid., p. 65. 26 Ibid., p. 65. Hieke mentions this as a reason for this also calling Gen. 15.6 to mind, however he fails to draw the broader significance out of this statement. 27 Ibid., p. 66. 28 Ibid., p. 67. Hieke is particularly strong here in drawing linguistic relationships between the vocabulary used for Phinehas' reward in Numbers and its recollection in 1 Maccabees. 29 Ibid., p. 67.

BORCHARDT


35

to understand the reference. Truer words were never written, and might be applied to most of this praise of the ancestors. However, this particular recollection has very little detail and could easily be passed on through legend, especially considering Caleb's ties to a particular locale. Though the story certainly does appear in the Pentateuch, it cannot have its provenance there. One of the stronger connections Hieke puts forth comes through in his examination of the praise of David (v. 57). Here, he notes that David's acts of piety or mercy (EAEOS) have a number of connections (2 Sam. 9.1, 3, 7; 10.2; 1 Kings 2.7) in the accounts of David, and that the reward referred to in 1 Maccabees is an almost verbatim quote of Nathan's promise (2 Sam. 7 . 1 6 ) . This strikes me as particularly strong because it is not David's renown as king or general which is stressed, but his piety, which is a particularly strong feature in the formulaic statements of the books of Kings. It seems that oral tradition would hold onto David's status as a king or great warrior sooner than it would hold on to stories of his legendary piety. In reference to the praise of Elijah for his zeal, and his reward of being taken up into heaven (v. 58), Hieke again comes up with only weak evidence for biblical basis. He admits that the text is very general and could point to any number of incidents in which Elijah showed his zeal. This is the central point at which the connection to a text would have to be made, because the story of Elijah being taken up into heaven was almost certainly passed on through oral tradition. Thus any argument for a textual basis of the praise of Elijah breaks down. With respect to Hannaniah, Azariah and Mishael we encounter what might be the best clue to the non-scriptural basis of the praise of the ancestors (v. 59). The story of these three young men does not appear in the MT version of Daniel, but only in the LXX version (or its Vorlage). Thus, even if the story was written down at the time, it was certainly dismissed as non-scriptural at some point along the way. Secondly, the story of these men is fully the product of legend that would be passed on in oral tradition, much like the story of Daniel, which follows. In the praise of Daniel (v. 60), 1 Maccabees recalls that he was saved from the lions, because of his innocence. Hieke notes that the term for innocence does not occur anywhere (!) in the book of Daniel, but of course the issue behind it does. The problem with this fact is that the salvation from the 31

32

33

34

35

30 31 32 33 34 35

Ibid., p. 68. Num. 14.14 names Hebron as Caleb's inheritance. Hieke, 'Role of Scripture', p. 69. 1 Kings 15.3, 11; 2 Kings 8.19; 14.3; 16.2; 18.3 inter alia. Hieke, 'Role of Scripture', pp. 69-70. Ibid., p. 70.

36

Early Christian Literature and Intertextuality I

lions clearly would be passed on by word of mouth, as would any tale of Daniel's innocence. The verbal link would be the only place where a strong connection could be made to a text, but it does not exist. So, in the end there are only two very strong connections between the objects of praise and the biblical text (Phinehas and David), while the praise of Abraham, Joseph, Caleb and Daniel could be based on the text, but nothing shows this definitively. Then there are the stories of Joshua and the three young men which lend themselves to be understood more as the products of oral tradition than as biblical references. This of course does not address whether any of these texts were considered scriptural, or simply nationalistic, which is a definite problem we have to encounter from our modern vantage point. I Maccabees 4.8-10: Judas' Exhortation The prayers and exhortations of the Hasmonaeans, which also contain references to passages from our modern canon, may be used to prove some sort of scriptural status, if we can trace their literary provenance. The first such instance comes from the mouth of Judas in the form of an exhortation to his troops at 4.8-10. Here, he asks his troops to not be afraid and to remember how the ancestors were saved at the Red Sea when Pharaoh pursued them. He then asks his troops to cry to heaven to see whether God will remember the covenant with the ancestors. The central part of this passage is of course the recollection of the events at the Red Sea. Certain details are lacking, such as the role of Moses and the miraculous crossing. However the verses before and after lend significant support to a textual basis for the knowledge of this story. First, the call to be stalwart recalls the use of the 'holy Scriptures' Jonathan mentions to the Spartans (w. 12.9, 15). Second, the tie of this event to the covenant recalls the connection which is commonly made in Deuteronomy. Thus, we recognize enough evidence to not only consider this story to be based on written work, but also scriptural. 36

1 Maccabees 4.30-33: Judas' Prayer for Aid Judas' prayer for aid from heaven follows shortly after in the context of the narrative (w. 4.30-33). Judas begins this prayer blessing the saviour of Israel with a recollection of events known from 1 Samuel, before launching into the request for aid against Lysias' army. Judas first recalls the victory against the mighty warrior by the hand of David. This seems to refer to one-on-one combat, and must be an allusion to the Goliath episode. The problem here is that there are no details, and the story clearly has a legendary character that would be passed on by oral tradition. There are, however, two connections that may show signs of textual 36

Deut. 5.6; 6.21; 7.8, 17-19; 9.27; 11.3-4; 15.15, inter alia.

BORCHARDT


37

provenance; one is the use of SouXou oou (your servant) in connection with David. This phrase is used three times in the account (1 Sam. 17.31, 34, 58) and seems to be a running theme. However, the second person David is addressing is Saul, not Yahweh. This could be evidence of licence taken in the change of genre though. The other similarity this text has with 1 Sam. 17 is that, as in Judas' prayer (1 Mace. 4.33), David says that Yahweh will strike down the Philistines and that the victory will let all the world know there is a God in Israel. This similarity cannot account for a textual connection on its own, but in conjunction with the other allusions, may do so. After Judas has invoked David's defeat of Goliath he recalls Jonathan's takeover of the Philistine encampment with the help of his armour-bearer (1 Mace. 4.30; 1 Sam. 14.6-15). The reference can be concretely tied to the episode in 1 Sam. 14 through the armour-bearer, who bears no name in both Judas' recollection and the biblical account. Additionally this episode ties in well with the subsequent prayer in that Jonathan specifically invokes Yahweh as the one who will defeat the enemy. Judas asks for the same help. These connections overcome the fact that few other details of Jonathan's victory are mentioned in the prayer. Thus, the references to David and Jonathan suggest a reference to 1 Samuel, and not simply to legendary tales. Judas' use of these references in connection with a prayer for aid in warfare also hints that they fall under what Jonathan calls 'holy books' in his letter to the Spartans. However we cannot be totally sure of this. / Maccabees 7.41: Judas' Prayer Against Nicanor The final prayer of Judas (v. 7.41) recounts the slaughter of 185,000 by the hand of an angel, as a punishment for blasphemy spoken by the king's messengers, before calling for God to do the same to the army of Nicanor. This clearly recalls the story related in 2 Kings 18.28-35; 19.10-13, 35. The combination of the blasphemy, the multiple messengers of the king, and the exact number of soldiers killed suggests a textual basis as well. Though the reference is short, it is so filled with important details, that the burden of proof falls upon those who do not believe it to be based on 2 Kings 1819. The use again implies that this text falls under the title 'holy books', both because of its encouragement and because it is used in a prayer. / Maccabees 4.24: Hasmonaean Victory Hymn In one of two occasions where the mostly nameless and faceless followers of Judas break their silence, they are said by the narrator to sing hymns to heaven. One hymn is either quoted or named in 4.24: 'For he is good, for his mercy endures forever'. The wording is almost identical to the second clause of the first verse of Psalm 118. If one compares the vocabulary to L X X Psalm 117 ( M T 118) then the only different word is ay ados (good) in

38


Psalm 118 in place of KaAos (good) in 1 Maccabees. The difference could easily arise from a matter of choice on the part of either translator, and need not reflect a different Hebrew behind it. Though this does not prove the army was singing Psalm 118, it certainly opens up the possibility. Additionally, the occasion for the psalm - following a victory against gentile forces, is highly appropriate. This makes it more likely that it is Psalm 118 that is referred to. An important question to ask, if this is Psalm 118, is whether this psalm was considered scriptural. There is a clue in the text. The psalm is not being used to encourage the troops, but it does remind them of their covenant. It praises the deity repeatedly (Ps. 118.2-4) at its start and then specifically states the same message communicated by Jonathan in his letter to the Spartans. In Ps. 118.5-14 and especially in verse 8 the point is clear: It is better to take refuge in Yahweh than in mortals. The use would suggest that the psalm is scriptural for the characters of 1 Maccabees. One possible mark against the reference is that if it is not Psalm 118, then there is little support for its scriptural status. Supporting this view is the fact that it is specifically called a hymn and not a psalm. In light of this we can say the following: If the psalm is referenced here, then it is likely scriptural, based on its use. / Maccabees 9.21: Lament of the Followers of Judas After Judas' death, 1 Mace. 9.20-21 reports that all Israel lamented and said, 'How is the mighty fallen, the saviour of Israel!' This lament bears some faint resemblance to the first verse of David's so-called 'song of the bow' in 2 Sam. 1.19. It is possible that this song, which is clearly also a lament over the death of a hero in wartime, is being referred to. In support of this is the use of the phrase TTCOS ETTEOEV 5UVO:T6S ('how the mighty has fallen') which is almost an exact reproduction of the version of the song we find in 2 Sam. ( L X X ) : TTCOS ETTEGCCV SUVCCTOI. The only difference between the two phrases is the plural, which has to do with the respective subject(s) of lament. The phrase becomes a refrain in its use in 2 Samuel 1 and is repeated three times (2 Sam. 1.19, 25, 27). There is a mark against this theory: the quotation in 1 Mace. 9.21 does not end with the words above, but adds oco£cov TOV loparjA ('saviour of Israel'). This line appears nowhere in David's lament over Saul, and, though the sentiment vaguely exists there, it is by no means a dominant theme. Rather, the phrase 'how the mighty have fallen' is paired with three distinct verses, only one of which, 2 Sam. 1.27, creates a synonymous parallel as the quote in 1 Maccabees does. Additionally, there are no other hints that this phrase may be a quotation, or come from a written source at all. It is wholly possible that this was an appropriate phrase for the occasion, used without any reference in mind. The scriptural basis of this phrase is thus doubtful.

BORCHARDT


39

What we have seen through the evidence above is that the content of Scripture for the characters in 1 Maccabees must surely begin with the books of the law and the covenant, which more than likely are, or are major parts of, the Pentateuch. Furthermore, there are some indications that parts of the so-called Deuteronomistic histories, specifically 1 Samuel 14 and 17 and 2 Kings 18 and 19, might have been scriptural too. We also have accepted the possibility that at least one psalm (118) may be considered part of the Hasmonaean canon of 'holy scripture'. We have noted as well, that many of the ancestors and events praised in Mattathias' testament do not require scriptural foundations. The ones that seem to, Phinehas (Numbers 26) and David (1-2 Samuel; 1-2 Kings), only confirm the Maccabean canon we have noticed in the other statements of characters. b. Evidence of 'Scriptural Status for the Author(s) of 1 Maccabees 7.17 Quotation of Psalm 79 On the compositional level, the possible use of Psalm 79 by the author(s) of 1 Maccabees at 7.17 is ambiguous. At 7.16, following the description of Alcimus' wooing of the scribes and Asidaioi (7.12-15), the narrator states that they accepted his offers of peace, but that Alcimus took sixty of them and killed them KOTO TOV Aoyov ov hfpatytv CCUTOV ('in accordance with the word which he wrote'). The quote of Psalm 79 follows. Given the reference to a written word, it seems likely that the narrator is quoting Psalm 79.2-3 here. Though there are a few words missing in the first half of the quote, the second half is a direct quotation. While it is probable that 1 Maccabees is referring to the psalm as something that has come to pass (as one might expect of holy Scripture), the narrator also attributes the psalm to Alcimus. The fact that the psalm (or at least the specific part of the psalm quoted) was authored by Alcimus, puts the scriptural nature of said psalm in doubt. Though it is possible the author(s) quotes the psalm to show the fulfilment of prophecy, the reference may be less realization of 'holy word' than recognition of the high priest's own words. That is, the reference to the psalm is not meant to suggest some sort of holy or prophetic status for the specific psalm or the psalms as a whole, but merely to show the fulfilment of Alcimus' own words, either as irony or history. It is also possible that 37

38

39

37 Though certain manuscripts (the corrected text of Sinaiticus, the Lucianic text, specific codices) supply alternatively 'the prophet', 'David', or 'the prophet Asaph', it is clear that the original reading of Sinaiticus is the lectio dificilior and is followed by Rahlfs. I use this reading in agreement with Goldstein and Scolnic; see notes below. 38 Goldstein, / Maccabees, p. 332, claims 7.17 is a free quotation of Psalm 79. 39 Ibid., p. 332 and B. E. Scolnic, Alcimus, Enemy of the Maccabees (Lanham: University Press of America, 2005).


40

the author(s) both recognizes Alcimus' authorship of the Psalm and its scriptural status, though this seems improbable. In other parts of 1 Maccabees, such as the description of the ends of reigns of high priests (9.22, 73; 16.23-24), it is clear 1 Maccabees is familiar with the style of the books of Judges and Kings, however it is not evident that these are also considered to be Scripture. (However, see the discussion above.) This problem of ambiguity is likely avoided when one looks at the poetic preisgedicht describing Simon's reign in 14.4-15. There are references to Leviticus (26.3-4), Zechariah (8.4) and Micah (4.4) which particularly hint at the fulfilment of prophecy. Specifically, it is v. 8 which nearly directly quotes the reward promised by Leviticus for keeping all the statutes and ordinances. The suggestion is of course that in the reign of Simon, all the decrees were followed. Similarly, 14.9a is a free quotation of Zech. 8.4, where he states that old men and old women will sit in the streets. 1 Maccabees only misses the women, but the meaning is the same: Jerusalem is inhabited again and there is peace. Finally, 14.12 is a direct quotation of Mic. 4.4, where the prophet states that in the time to come, when Jerusalem is raised up, 'they shall all sit under their own vines and under their own fig trees, and no one shall make them afraid'. The text of 1 Mace. 14.12 merely brings this to the current situation and implies that the prophecy is fulfilled. These latter quotations would suggest a level of belief in these prophets as trustworthy. It is however unclear whether the writings of the prophets were considered Scripture by the author(s) or by the characters in his work. Though the author(s) does obviously know additional writings to those of which his characters show awareness, it is unclear whether he considers these scriptural. It is almost certain the author(s), like his characters, considers the Pentateuch scriptural. His use of quotes and stylistic points of the rest of the literature in our modern canon(s) is not enough to make definite statements about the status of those books. Perhaps this should not be surprising though, for, as Giuseppe Veltri points out: 40

The written as well oral [sic] Torah had been given as an inheritance to the Jewish people whose task was to observe, explain, and transmit it to the present and future generations. This conception affects all the Hebrew canon of thefirstfivebooks, though not necessarily the others. These never had the same position, degree and honour of the Mosaic Torah. 41

40 Goldstein, / Maccabees, p. 491. Though most of these references are agreed upon by most commentators. 41 Veltri, Libraries, p. 11.

BORCHARDT


Concluding

41

Remarks

Let us review what we can say for certain about the Scriptures in 1 Maccabees: (1) The Scriptures are holy, and it is enough of an accepted situation that it can be raised as a fact in a diplomatic communication from a Jewish ruler to the nations. For the author(s) too, there seems to be a strong belief in the holiness of some books due to their statements about the divine. (2) The Scriptures are used as an encouragement to the Jewish people, reminding them of their covenant with the deity, and their frequent victories over adversity through this covenant throughout history. The Scriptures also serve as a guideline for orthodox behaviour and perhaps as a window toward divine will. The author(s) further uses the Scriptures as support for his argument of Hasmonaean superiority and as evidence for the validity of the rewards for obeisance to the Torah. (3) The scriptures belong to Israel, that is, to the Jewish nation, its priests, elders, leaders and commoners and most importantly to the ancestors. They are however never described as belonging to the L O R D or Moses or any other individual. The author(s) is a member of the group to whom the Scriptures belong and writes to this community, as is clear from his biblical references and style. The biblical allusions the authors) makes are frequent, but are never fully explained, which speaks to their familiarity to the author(s) and audience. (4) The Scriptures consist of at least some parts of the Pentateuch, as can be seen by the mention of the books of law and covenant (1.56, 57; 3.48). There may be much more included, such as some prophets and some of the Deuteronomistic history, as well as some psalms, but it is not certain. This is due to the possibility of oral transmission of prophecy and nationalistic legends, and the further possibility that though the Former and Latter Prophets may have existed in scroll form, they were not considered holy or Scripture. At the very least the concept of Scripture in 1 Maccabees can be described as Torah-centric with a possibility that it is limited to the Torah. In closing, we recognize the composite concept of Scripture one perceives after reading 1 Maccabees may be only partially complete. The text gives few details and few definite clues from which the picture can be filled out. However, it must be acknowledged that we know more about the concept of Scripture for the characters and author(s) of this book, than we do for most other books of the late Hellenistic period.

Chapter 3 A

J E W I S H C A N O N B E F O R E 100

ISRAEL'S L A W IN THE

BOOK OF

BCE

ARISTEAS

Ian W. Scott Introduction: No Canon for Second Temple Jews? In recent discussions of Second Temple Judaism one often hears that there was no canon of Jewish Scripture before at least the third or fourth century C E . The suggestion is not that Jews were without any collection of authoritative writings. It is simply that the ideas of closure and exclusivity which are fundamental to the later notion of canon have not yet emerged in Second Temple Jewish thought. A close reading of the Book of Aristeas, however, seems to demonstrate quite the opposite - that some Alexandrian Jews had developed a full concept of 'canon' well before the Common Era. Although this work is often called the Letter of Aristeas, it is not really a letter at all. It is a fictionalized account (Sirjynois) of the translation of the Pentateuch into Greek under Ptolemy II Philadelphus (285-246 B C E ) . The writer adopts the persona of Aristeas, a gentile administrator in Ptolemy's Alexandrian court. The actual author is most likely an Egyptian Jew who put pen to papyrus during the latter half of the second century B C E . On a careful examination of this narrative 1

2

1 For recent surveys of Aristeas see J. M. G. Barclay, Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora from Alexander to Trajan (323 BCE-117 CE) (Berkeley: University of California, 1996), pp. 138-50; G. Boccaccini, Middle Judaism: Jewish Thought, 300 BCE. to 200 CE (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1991), pp. 161-85; J. J. Collins, Between Athens and Jerusalem: Jewish Identity in the Hellenistic Diaspora (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2nd edn, 2000), pp. 97-103,191-5. Throughout I will use the name Aristeas to refer to the Active narrator of the story and the italicized Aristeas for the literary work as a whole. Although some writers find it convenient to call the author by the name Aristeas as well, I will avoid this practice for the sake of clarity. 2 The recent consensus places Aristeas some time in the second century BCE, with a preference (on grounds of language and the Ptolemaic procedures depicted) for the latter third of that century. See Barclay, Mediterranean Diaspora, p. 445; Collins, Athens and Jerusalem, pp. 98-101; M. Hadas, Aristeas to Philocrates: Letter of Aristeas (New York and

SCOTT

Jewish Canon before 100 BCE

43

we find that the Pentateuch (and the Pentateuch alone) is depicted as a scriptural 'canon' in the strongest sense of the word. This 'law' is, for the author of Aristeas, a fixed collection of documents whose contents cannot be altered, the product of a considered decision to embrace only these books as the highest authority for the Jewish community. 1. A Unified, Authoritative

Collection

It should be obvious at least that the writer of this Alexandrian work regards the Pentateuch as a single, unified collection of texts. It is identified in the narrative by singular terms such as 'law' (vouos in 3, 45, 46, 122, etc.), 'legislation' (vouoeEoia in 5, 15, 31, 128, 129, 133, 147, 176, 313), or even 'the writing' (r\ ypa<j>r| in 155, 168). At the same time, the plurality of these texts is recognized in plural designations such as 'the books' (PipAia in 28, 31,46,176, 317) or 'the parchments' (TOUS UUEVOIS in 177). In section 30 these ideas of unity and plurality are brought together in the expression 'books of the law' (TOU vouou . . . |3i(iAia). Clearly this 'law' is understood by the author as a single collection consisting of distinct individual books. In the narrative of Aristeas this collection also functions as the one authoritative basis for Jewish life. In general the members of the Ptolemaic court treat the law as the legal constitution of the Jewish people, and the high priest's own repeated references to Moses as 'the lawgiver' (139, 144) seem to set him alongside such Greek legislators as Solon and Lycurgus. When Eleazar describes the Jews' moral distinctive ness he presumes that his people all live by the prescriptions of this legal code. After all, his speech is framed as an apology for the odd practices which gentile Alexandrians actually observe in the lives of their Jewish neighbours, practices dictated by the Jews' unusual law (144). Through this legislation, for example, Moses 'constrains' (avayKOÊi) the Jewish people to avoid eating animals without a cloven hoof (151). On the other hand, it is because the Jews actually submit to such rules that they are 'separated from all other people' and so are saved from the corrupting influence of the gentiles' wicked behaviour (151-152). Because the Jews accept the law's authority, its requirements form 'unbreakable barriers 3

London: Harper, 1951), pp. 3-54; G. W. E. Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature between the Bible and the Mishnah: A Literary and Historical Introduction (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2nd edn, 2005), p. 198. 3 See also 'lawbooks' (voutuoc) in 10 (cf. Eleazar in 127). All quotations from the Greek text are taken from the Thackeray edition, as re-published in 'Letter of Aristeas', edition 1.0, in The Online Critical Pseudepigrapha (ed. K. M. Penner, D. M. Miller and I. W. Scott; Atlanta: SBL, 2006), . This text has been compared against Pelletier's more reliable edition. English translations are my own.

44


and iron walls' (ccStccKOTrois X ^ P £ otSnpois TEI'XEOIV) which defend Israel's monotheistic piety and righteousness (139). The Jews' actual devotion to these practices is further attested by the Egyptian priests who acknowledge them as 'people of God' ( 1 4 0 - 1 4 1 ) because of their uniquely pious lifestyle. A

L

K

A

I

2. Closed, Fixed and Permanent Eugene Ulrich has rightly emphasized that even an authoritative collection of texts is not yet a 'canon' in the sense made popular by fourth-century Christian writers. Ulrich offers a stronger definition of 'canon': The final, fixed, and closed list of the books of scripture that are officially and permanently accepted as supremely authoritative by a faith tradition, in conscious contradistinction from those books that are not accepted. 4

In particular, Ulrich emphasizes that in order for a collection of authoritative writings to be considered a 'canon' it must be the product of 'reflective judgement' which produces a 'closed list' of texts. Does the author of Aristeas really have such a robust view of the Pentateuch? Certainly the narrative presumes that the law is 'closed'. Even the wording of the collection is regarded as fixed and unchangeable. Hence there is great concern in Aristeas for verbatim accuracy in the copying and translation of the law ( 3 0 - 3 1 ) . Once a precise translation has been made, the Alexandrian Jewish leaders declare that 'this should remain exactly so' (5iauE»vr| Tcttfff OUTCDS EXOVTOC) and that 'it should never be revised' (ur| yEvriTCCi imSEuia SiaoKEurj) ( 3 1 0 ) . They even add a curse on 'anyone who might alter [SiaoKEudoEi] any of what was written by adding or changing anything [TTPOOTISEW rj u£Ta(|>Epcov -ri], or by making a deletion [TTOIOUUEVOS da»p£Oiv]' ( 3 1 1 ) . Aristeas, the Active narrator, adds that the curse was pronounced 'as was their custom' (KCCBCOS E'BOS a u T d i s EOTIV) ( 3 1 1 ) . In other words, the Jewish community has for some time viewed the Hebrew text of Torah as fixed, and this notion is now simply extended to the new translation. This ideal of fixity is no temporary 5

4 E. Ulrich, 'The Notion and Definition of Canon', in L. M. McDonald and J. A. Sanders (eds), The Canon Debate (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 2002), pp. 21-35 (31). 5 Ulrich, 'Notion and Definition', pp. 32-3. In the same volume, Philip Davies makes some excellent observations about the oddness of this definition, since 'canon' language has long been used to describe a much more diverse activity common to most literate cultures ('The Jewish Scriptural Canon in Cultural Perspective', in McDonald and Sanders (eds), The Canon Debate, pp. 36-52). Still, since in biblical studies it is usually the later theological notions of canon which lie in the background of our discussions, it is appropriate for us to use the term with particular care.

SCOTT Jewish Canon before 100 BCE

45

expedient. The Jewish leaders enact their curse to ensure that the translation 'would be guarded forever, everlasting and permanent' (Sid TTCCVTOS devvaa KCU UEVOVTO: 4>uAdoonTat) (311). Even though the realities of textual transmission never lived up to this concern for stability, the author of Aristeas understands every detail of the documents to be set and unchangeable for all time. If the very wording of the law is to be fixed, then the Alexandrian Jewish community which makes the declaration must be operating (at least in this depiction) with a 'closed list' of books. Nothing may be 'added' or 'deleted', certainly not entire works. Notice the close similarity between the elders' declaration in Aristeas 311 and Athanasius' declar ation in his 39th festal letter: 'Let no one add to these; let nothing be taken away from them' (UTISE'IS T O U T O I S Ein{iaAA£Tco, ur|5£ TOUTCOV d<j>aip£io6co T I ) . This is the passage quoted by Ulrich himself in order to illustrate the key idea of closure in his definition of canon. It is striking, then, that the Jewish author of Aristeas, writing prior to 100 BCE, can have the Alexandrian elders make such a similar declaration. The two statements even use cognate terms (daip£Ois and datpEco) for the forbidden act of 'omitting' or 'removing' anything from their respective scriptural collec tions. Granted, the 'things' which are fixed in Aristeas are primarily the words and sentences, while Athanasius is more concerned with the addition or subtraction of whole books. It would seem to require special pleading, however, to argue that the statement in Aristeas means less than the later Christian declaration. Rather, it would seem that the Alexandrian Jews in the account are so familiar with the law as a fixed list of books that it does not occur to them to ban such gross changes to its contents. 6

7

3. The Product of 'Reflective

Judgement'

Is there evidence, though, for Ulrich's other key feature of a 'canon'? Does a 'reflective judgement' lie behind this closed collection of writings? Within the narrative of Aristeas, the formal acceptance of the new translation in 308-311 seems to reflect just this kind of judgement. For it is not merely the reception of one more 'version' of Torah. Rather, this scene re-enacts Israel's original reception of the law in the book of Exodus. Harry Orlinsky has pointed out the ritual and verbal parallels between the Alexandrian elders' ratification of the new translation and 6 Athanasius, Ep.fest. xxxrx, in Fonti. Fasciolo ix. Discipline generate antique (ii-ix s.). Les canons des peres grecs, vol. II (ed. P.-P. Joannou; Rome: Tipographia Italo-Orientale S. Nilo, 1963), pp. 71-6 (75, lines 5-6). The English translation follows A. Robertson in NPNF* 4.552. 7 Ulrich, 'Notion and Definition', p. 31 n. 31.


46

Israel's acceptance of the original Torah in Exod. 24.3-7. There the nation was gathered and Moses 'read aloud to the people' (^TND Nip**! •IT!) the words of the law (Exod. 24.7). The assembled Israelites then responded by committing themselves to obey the divine commands (Exod. 24.7). In Aristeas 308, likewise, we are told that Demetrius 'gathered the assembly of the Jews', took the newly completed translation, and 'read it aloud to them all' (TrccpavEyvco irdai). As in Exodus, the assembled Jewish community responds with affirmation, this time heaping accolades on Demetrius and asking that he have copies made 'to be passed on to their leaders' (uETccSouvat TOTS IIYOUUEVOIS auxcbv) (309). In Exodus the ceremony of ratification takes place at the site where the Torah was received, Mt Sinai. In Aristeas 308, likewise, the author is at pains to emphasize that the community gathers to approve the new text at 'the site where the work of translation had been completed' (TOV TOTTOV ou KCU TO Tfjs IpurjvEias ETEXEOOTI). Notice, too, that the group of 72 translators who stand with the gathered throng seems calculated to correspond to the 70 elders who went with Moses up the mountain to receive the Hebrew original (Exod. 24.9). After all, the account of their selection in Aristeas 46-50 identifies the translators as 'elders' (irpEOpuTEpot) and the author even resurrects the full 12 tribes so that each can be represented in the delegation. In this context the assembly gathered to hear the new translation is not merely one particular 'community' of Jews. As Orlinsky emphasizes, the presence of the translators allows all 12 tribes to be 9

10

11

12

8 Harry Orlinsky, 'Septuagint as Holy Writ and the Philosophy of the Translators', HUCA 46 (1975): 89-114 (94-5). 9 Orlinsky ('Holy Writ', pp. 94-5) points out two closely parallel rituals in other biblical books. In 2 Kings (4 Kdms) 23.2 the people gather in the temple and Josiah 'read aloud to them' (pmNQ ÎjTI) the text of the rediscovered 'Book of the Law'. Again, in Neh. 8.3 (2 Esdr. 18.3) the post-exilic community gathers in Jerusalem to hear the law once more. We are told that Ezra 'read from it* ( D N*"p' )) and that the words were heard by 'the ears of all the people' (pV'n'b'D "*3Tt%)_ Orlinsky also notes a partial parallel to this ritual in Jer. 36.1-10. 10 See also Sylvie Honigman, Septuagint and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria: A Study in the Narrative of the Letter of Aristeas (New York: Routledge, 2003), pp. 53-9. Honigman has noted that Aristeas seems in fact to be structured around three episodes which parallel the events of the book of Exodus. First, we find that the Jews have been taken to Egypt as slaves and we witness their liberation (12-27, 33-37). Second, we see the selection of elders from all the 12 tribes of Israel (46-50). Aristeas 308-311 then constitutes the third episode in this triptych of intertextual connections with Exodus. 11 Honigman {Septuagint, p. 58) is likely right that the author of Aristeas is forced to the number 72 (instead of the biblical 70) by his desire to have the Jewish delegation fit Hellenistic civic practice, in which each tribe would be represented by an equal number of delegates. The figure of six delegates from each tribe, unusual in Hellenistic political assemblies, is evidence of the writer's attempt to come as close as possible to a parallel for the 70 elders of Exodus. 12 So Orlinsky, 'Holy Writ', p. 98; Honigman, Septuagint, p. 57. ,,

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47

represented in a formal gathering of the whole 'Jewish people' (TO irXflSos Tcbv'louSaicov) (308). All of this would seem to confirm the suggestion made by Orlinsky, and echoed by both Sylvie Honigman and Benjamin Wright, that this ceremony amounts to the Jewish people's formal acceptance of the Greek law as authoritative Scripture in its own right. The echo of Deuteronomy in the curses which follow simply underlines the fact that the people are here re-affirming these texts as the basis of their relationship with their God. One could ask for no clearer example of 'reflective judgement' than this. For the author of Aristeas, the Alexandrian community has enacted once again Israel's ritual of commitment to the authority of the law, now in its Greek manifestation. Yet the 'reflective judgement' for which Ulrich looks in the birth of a canon seems to be more than a positive decision that a certain list of texts is authoritative. He seems to require that this 'reflection' include the conscious and deliberate exclusion of other texts which might have been included. Here we must admit that Aristeas lacks any hint of such a polemic against other documents. In fact, there is no clear reference or allusion to a single Jewish text aside from the books of Moses themselves. Yet the overt disputes surrounding the canon lists of fourth-century Christian writers are not the only kind of evidence which can point to a considered rejection of other documents as 'non-canonical'. On the contrary, the silence in Aristeas about any competing documents may simply indicate that the Jewish community in the narrative is settled and unanimous in their decision. Where there are no competing judgements, there is no need for polemics. One might argue, of course, that the 'judgement' in favour of a canon cannot really be 'reflective' unless the community in question has entertained alternative opinions as 'live 13

14

15

16

17

13 Orlinsky, 'Holy Writ', pp. 96, 98; so Honigman, Septuagint, p. 57; H. G. Meecham, The Letter of Aristeas: A Linguistic Study with Special Reference to the Greek Bible (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1935), p. 305. All o f these writers point also to the similar, formal use of TrAfjSos in 1 Mace., 2 Mace., and Acts. 14 See Orlinsky, 'Holy Writ', pp. 96-100; Honigman, Septuagint, p. 53; See also B. G. Wright III, 'Translation as Scripture' in W. Kraus and R. G. Wooden (eds), Septuagint Research (Atlanta: SBL, 2006), pp. 47-61. 15 Orlinsky ('Holy Writ', pp. 95-6) points out Moses' instruction in Deut. 4.1-2: 'You must neither add (ou TTpoo6r|0£T£) anything to what I command you nor take away anything from it (OUK OCÊASTTS dir' auToO)'. Cf. Honigman, Septuagint, p. 59; A. Paul, 'Traductions grecques de la Bible avant la Septante?' in M. M. Mactoux and E. Geny (eds), Melanges P. Leveque, IV, Religion (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1990), pp. 315-28 (323). 16 See Ulrich, 'Notion and Definition', pp. 30-3. 17 See, e.g., S. Jellicoe, 'The Occasion and Purpose of the Book of Aristeas: A ReExamination', NTS 12 (1966): 144-50. It seems more probable, however, that the book is arguing for the full, independent authority of the Greek translation, over against a secondary status dependent on the Hebrew original.


48

options'. Yet this requirement would seem suspiciously 'modern' and European in its bias toward diversity of opinion as a prerequisite for 'reflection'. Moreover, if one were to require evidence of diverse opinions in order to recognize the existence of a canon, one would be in the odd position of affirming that a collection is 'canonical' where its communal authority is comparatively weak, but denying that same collection the title 'canon' when it succeeds in establishing its hegemony! Provided that a community is at least aware of other writings, or of other communities which look to different authoritative texts, the affirmation of a closed collection is always implicitly a rejection of those other possibilities. To the extent, then, that an authoritative collection is closed, and is deliberately affirmed in its authority by the community in question, this ought to suffice as the 'reflective judgement' necessary to establish a fully fledged scriptural canon. What we can say in the case of Aristeas is that the Jewish community of the narrative, though it knows other writings, gives no other text the same authority it grants to the law. Eleazar and the Jewish translators realize that other peoples live by other laws (e.g., 239-240). They are quite clear, however, that the only law they will recognize is the code handed down from Moses. It is precisely the distinctiveness of this law that has kept the Jews pure, as a nation, from the idolatry of other peoples (139-141). Even more significant is the complete silence in the narrative about the 'prophets' or other Jewish works outside the Pentateuch. The author of Aristeas certainly knew of other Jewish writings, many of which were already being afforded some measure of authority by Jewish commu nities. Even if the Alexandrian author is intent on reflecting the situation at the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus (the early to mid-third century B C E ) it is difficult to imagine that he thought Eleazar and the translators were ignorant of other Jewish writings. The Hebrew original of Ben Sira's wisdom, written between 196 and 175 B C E , already reflects an extensive knowledge of the 'prophetic' corpus and seems to presume a similar familiarity in his audience (see Sir. 50.1-21). Would the author of Aristeas, writing at least a generation later, imagine that these other 18

19

18 Around this same time Ben Sira's grandson, another Jew staying in Alexandria, tells us that wisdom and instruction are found in 'the Law and the Prophets and the other books of the fathers' (TOU VOUOU Kca xcbv rrpor|Tcbv KOU TCOV dAXcov ircxTpicov PipXicov) (Sir., prologue 8-10; cf. 1). Even if this description of Israel's literature cannot be read as the translator's own reference to a scriptural 'canon', it clearly illustrates the breadth of Jewish literature with which the author of Aristeas would have been familiar. On the date of the Greek version of Ben Sira, see Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature, pp. 62-3. 19 For Ben Sira's date see Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature, p. 62. One can easily point to other evidence of the prophets' popularity throughout the second century BCE. Some time around 164 BCE, for example, the author of Daniel knows Jeremiah as a prophet of God and can quote from some form of his book (Dan. 9.2; cf. Jer. 25.12; 29.10).

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49

ancient writings had been unknown in the previous century? After all, most of those prophetic writings purport to be centuries older than the Ptolemaic dynasty itself. Under these circumstances the silence in Aristeas about any other Jewish texts is highly significant. The law of Moses is simply presumed to be the one and only authoritative basis for Jewish life. These works alone are chosen to be translated because they alone are credited with founding and maintaining the Jews' distinctive piety and wisdom. So when the Jewish people gather (in representative form) and embrace the Greek law as their fixed and foundational authority, we must understand this as an exclusive decision which, however implicitly, refuses the same status to any other documents. This is not to say that the Jewish community in Aristeas rejects other Jewish books outright. In no period of Jewish or Christian life has the recognition of some books as a 'canon' implied that nothing else had value in shaping the community's faith and practice. Returning to the 39th Festal Letter of Athanasius, we find that his list of canonical books is followed immediately by another list of writings 'appointed by the Fathers to be read by those who newly join us, and who wish for instruction in the word of godliness'. These other books are edifying and are even afforded a crucial role in the formation of catechumens. They simply do not play the same kind of authoritative role for Athanasius that the 'canonical' documents do. Likewise, the Jewish closing of the Tanakh did not require the abandonment of the Mishnah or the other Rabbinic writings. In the same way, the writer of Aristeas may not mean to imply that his thirdcentury-BCE forebears rejected the authority of the prophets entirely. In the narrative of Aristeas, however, only the law of Moses is judged fit by the Jewish community to stand as their central, unchangeable, unques tionable authority. Whatever other texts they might accept are clearly subordinated to the primary authority of the law. In this sense, the people's decision is deliberately exclusive. 20

21

4. The Language of 'Canon' Finally, it should not go unnoticed that Aristeas actually calls the law a 'canon'. Ulrich is representative of the recent discussion when he writes

20 It is certainly not the case that Ptolemy or his courtiers have an exclusive interest in legal codes. The legal genre of Moses' works seems incidental to the interest they generate for Aristeas and Demetrius, who are driven by a much broader interest in 'divine matters' (TO SEICC) (3). One would think that such an interest would draw them as much toward the oracles of Jeremiah or Isaiah as to the Mosaic collection. Throughout the account, however, these gentile students of Jewish wisdom seem unaware that these other documents even exist. 21 Athanasius, Ep. fest. xxxix.

50


that the term 'as used in relation to the Bible arose in Christian circles'. Similarly, Julio Trebolle Barrera claims that 'the Greek term "canon" comes from New Testament studies' and that it 'belongs to a very late period in the history of the formation of the NT canon'. Hence it is 'quite unsuitable' to use the term 'canon' in reference to Jewish collections prior to the common era. Yet the writer of Aristeas constitutes a clear, and very early, example of what these scholars deny. This second-century-BCE Alexandrian writer refers to the law using the same Greek word, KCCVCOV, which was used by later Christian writers in describing their larger biblical collection. In section 2 Aristeas describes the intellectual and educational ideal which he and Philocrates share. He reminds his audience that 'if it is inclined toward piety, the greatest of all goals, [the soul] obtains a rule which will not deceive when one consults it [airAaveT Kexpr|UEvr| KCCVOVI]' (2). It is not immediately clear that the KCCVCOV under discussion is the Jewish law. The nature of this 'rule' is left unspecified, a generic reward toward which Aristeas' pious life will lead. Aristeas goes on to explain, however, that this piety, this devotion to 'divine things', led him to join the embassy to Eleazar in Jerusalem (3). What did Aristeas hope to gain from his journey? What is this 'greatest benefit' (|JEyiaTr|v coêAeiav) which the high priest offers? It is his ability to 'interpret the divine law' (*rr|v Epimveiav TOU Seiou vouou), that is, the Torah which is written 'in Hebrew characters' (ippcciKoTs ypccuuocaiv) (3). This legislation is the prize he gained in his pious quest. It would seem, then, that the 'rule' (KCCVCOV) which Aristeas has hoped to attain is embodied in the Jewish law. This identification of the law as a reliable KCCVCOV is then reinforced when Eleazar describes Torah's function in Jewish life using the cognate verb Kccvovi^co, 'measure or judge by rule\ 'Everything', says the high priest, 'is judged according to this standard [KEKCCVOVIOTCCI] SO that righteousness will result' (168). Taken together, these two passages make it clear that the author of Aristeas understands the law to be a KOCVCOV, a rule or standard according to which Jews ought to measure all of their life and behaviour. True, the thrust of the term 'canon' here is not first and foremost the closed and fixed nature of the Mosaic books. By calling the law a canon the author is instead highlighting its function in the Jewish community. Yet even the fourth-century Christian polemicists seem to use this term as much more than a mere signal that their list of authoritative books is closed. When 23

24

22 Ulrich, 'Notion and Definition', p. 22. Ulrich goes on to claim that 'no similar term is attested in Jewish writings, including the Septuagint... until comparatively late' (ibid., p. 22). By 'comparatively late' Ulrich clearly means later than thefirstcentury CE, perhaps as late as the fourth century CE (ibid., p. 31). 23 J. Trebolle Barrera, The Jewish Bible and the Christian Bible (trans. W. G. E. Watson; Leiden: Brill, 1998), p. 14. 24 LSJ, 875 (1.1).

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Jewish Canon before 100

BCE

51

Athanasius introduces his list of the books which ought to serve as a KCCVCOV, he is concerned above all with the pastoral impact of other books on 'the ignorant and simple' who are ied astray'. The books authorized in the bishop's letter are the ones he believes to be 'fountains of salvation' where 'they who thirst may be satisfied with the living words they contain'. This concern seems very close to the interest in Aristeas on finding a KCCVCOV which can be an unerring guide in life (Aristeas 2). Our discussions of canon must thus accommodate the fact that the author of Aristeas can already refer to a closed, exclusive list of authoritative books as a 'canon' more than a century before the dawn of Christianity. 25

26

Conclusions: The Idea of Canon among Second Temple Jews All of this works together to show that the Book of Aristeas depicts the law of Moses as a canon in the full sense of the word. A strong sense of canon - including the ideas of closure, permanence and deliberate exclusivity - did not have to wait for the emergence of the Christian canon in the fourth century C E . At the very least we can say that this idea of canon was already present in some Jewish circles more than four centuries earlier. We can likely go further and speculate that the author of Aristeas embraced this concept of canon himself as he reflected on Torah. Indeed, it is difficult to avoid the likelihood that if we see such a view depicted (with no polemical edge) in a popular text of the time, then it would have been espoused by some whole Jewish communities. The implications of this evidence for the current conversation around canon development are profound and far-reaching. The ideas found in Aristeas suggest that it is only partly true to say that the Jewish canon remained 'open' in the late Second Temple period. For some Jews, the Pentateuch was likely viewed as a fixed, closed and exclusive canon for Israel from at least the early second century B C E onward. The fact that other collections could then be added alongside the law need not have detracted from the canonical nature of that Mosaic collection. After all, many Jews seem not to have added any further books to the law itself. There is also considerable evidence that many Jews continued to regard Torah as Israel's primary authority, even after they came to embrace other writings as part of a wider scriptural heritage. In fact, Aristeas seems to confirm Philip Davies' suggestion that the later Tanakh was not 27

25 Athanasius, Ep.fest. XXXIX. 26 Ibid. 27 One may detect, for example, the lingering priority of the law in the prologue of Sirach, which ends with the hope that the translated wisdom will benefit those who 'are

52


one canon, but rather a composite collection of canons. The supple mentary collections which later emerged alongside the law may not at first have been afforded the depth of authority granted to Torah. On the other hand, the existence of the idea of canon at this early stage requires that we re-think our interpretation of the evidence for diversity or openness in the scriptural collections of some Jewish groups. The popularity of Jubilees and the Temple Scroll at Qumran does not necessarily mean that the list of Moses' books was understood to be 'open' by Jews on the ground. It may be that the Qumran sectarians worked with an alternate canon of the law which was still as closed and fixed for that community's members as the Pentateuch is for the author of Aristeas. On the other hand, if some Jewish groups did have a less rigid understanding of their Scriptures, Aristeas reminds us that others could at the same time have thought more in terms of a fixed and exclusive 'canon'. Finally, once the ideas of closure, permanence and exclusivity are an established part of the Jewish intellectual repertoire, it can become both meaningful and accurate to speak of 'pre-canonical' literature. This need not involve an anachronistic projection of the final Tanakh back into the Second Temple period, as if that particular end were an inevitable historical necessity. Rather, once a true canon of the law was established in some Jewish groups, it would be natural for questions to arise as to whether other inchoate groups of documents might some day be 'closed' in the same way. In other words, it becomes plausible to think that some Jews anticipated the closure of, for example, the collection of the prophets, long before that closure was a common reality. The emphasis on a fixed text of Torah in Aristeas even suggests that we should be more cautious in claiming that Second Temple Jews always accepted the pluriformity of their scriptural books. The evidence presented by the Book of Aristeas does not somehow license a return to the simplistic, overconfident models of canonization of an earlier generation. The work of Eugene Ulrich and others has forced us now to recognize that the canon's development was a far messier, and far later, process than we had imagined before. We cannot even say whether the author of Aristeas shared the completely Torah-centric outlook of the 29

disposed to live according to the law (EVVOUCOS PioTeueiv)' (prologue 35-36). This is the same writer who, earlier on in the prologue, identifies a collection of 'prophets' alongside the iaw' as another source of instruction. 28 Davies, 'Jewish Scriptural Canon', p. 48. On the other hand, I would suggest that the evidence of Aristeas does not fit well with Davies' suggestion on the same page (and throughout much of the article) that the Hebrew canons represented 'more or less all that there was' (ibid., 48). Aside from anything else, this impression may be the result of other Hebrew literature having been forgotten. The canon of the law, however, was clearly closed for the author of Aristeas despite an abundance of other Hebrew writings in existence. 29 See, e.g., Ulrich, 'Notion and Definition', pp. 31-2.

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Jews in his narrative, or whether he allowed a significant role for Israel's prophets which is simply obscured by his subject matter. What Aristeas does show, however, is that we cannot correct earlier maximal readings of the evidence for canon development simply by rushing to the opposite extreme of minimalism.

Chapter 4 BEN SIRA A N D PAPYRUS

INSINGER

Matthew J. Goff Introduction It has been claimed that one of Ben Sira's most important sources is the Demotic Egyptian wisdom text known as Papyrus Insinger. Jack Sanders argues that there are too many points of contact to warrant 'explanation on the basis of sage observation alone. We are dealing with borrowing.' Sanders makes a notable contribution to the study of Ben Sira by pointing out its numerous affinities with P. Insinger. But their similarities are probably not a case of direct dependence. In many cases the similarities between P. Insinger and Ben Sira can be easily attributed to the fact that each work draws on the native wisdom traditions of its own country, and there are broad similarities between the traditional wisdom of Egypt and of Israel. The two compositions also have features, I shall argue, that are compatible with broader intellectual trends during the Hellenistic period. 1

Papyrus Insinger Papyrus Insinger comprises over 800 maxims that are in the form of single line, complete sentences. It contains practical and ethical instruction, 2

An earlier version of this article was presented at the annual meeting of the Society of Biblical Literature in Philadelphia on 20 November 2005. A more in-depth engagement of the topics raised in this article is available in M. J. Goff, 'Hellenistic Instruction in Palestine and Egypt: Ben Sira and Papyrus Insinger', JSJ 36 (2005): 147-72. 1 J. T. Sanders, Ben Sira and Demotic Wisdom (Chico: Scholars Press, 1983), p. 100. In earlier scholarship he expressed more caution. See his 'Ben Sira's Ethics of Caution', HUCA 50 (1979): 73-106 (esp. 105). He restates the thesis of his 1983 book in 'Concerning Ben Sira and Demotic Wisdom: A Response to Matthew J. Goff, JSJ 38 (2007): 297-306. 2 Translations are from M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature (3 vols; Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973-80), 3.184-217. Scholarship on this text includes J. R. Houser Wegner, 'Cultural and Literary Continuity in the Demotic Instructions' (Ph.D. diss.: Yale, 2001); M. Lichtheim, Late Egyptian Wisdom Literature in the International Context: A

GOFF

Ben Sira and Papyrus Insinger

55

while also treating theological topics such as the divine control of the world. Frantisek Lexa, one of the first editors of P. Insinger, dated the work to the first century C E , and thus later than Ben Sira (c. 180 B C E ) . The Danish scholar Aksel Volten proposed that the original text of the composition was older and 'vielleichf dates to pre-Ptolemaic times (that is, older than 323 B C E ) . There are no historical references in the text that would require an early dating. Lichtheim suggests conservatively that P. Insinger may be older than 100 C E . Sanders asserts that 'it seems to be a safe assumption' that P. Insinger was written before Ben Sira, or perhaps at roughly the same time. The caution among Egyptologists on this point is well founded. Wisdom texts, in both the Hebrew and Egyptian traditions, are in general notoriously hard to date with precision. In this regard P. Insinger is no exception. The view that Ben Sira relied directly on P. Insinger also has a language barrier. One must assume either that Ben Sira knew Demotic or that an Aramaic or Hebrew version of P. Insinger was in circulation. Neither of these possibilities can be ruled out completely. But there is no explicit evidence for either of them. 3

4

5

6

7

8

Study of Demotic Instructions (OBO, 52; Fribourg and Gottingen: University Press and Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1983); eadem, 'Observations on Papyrus Insinger', in E. Homung and O. Keel (eds), Studien zu altdgyptischen Lebenslehren (OBO, 28; Fribourg and Gottingen: University Press and Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1979), pp. 283-305; F. Lexa, Papyrus Insinger. Les enseignements moraux d'un scribe egyptien du premier siecle apres Jesus Christ (Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1926). See also N. Shupak, Where Can Wisdom Be Found? (OBO, 130; Fribourg and Gottingen: University Press and Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993). 3 Lexa, Papyrus Insinger, 2.110. This date is based on the handwriting of the document. P. Humbert, Recherches sur les sources egyptiennes de la litterature sapientiale d'Israel (Neuchatel: Secretariat de l'Universite, 1929), pp. 143—4, 175, understands P. Insinger to be from the first century CE. The correspondences between the two texts illustrate for him close contact between Hebrew and Egyptian wisdom in the Hellenistic age. Lexa, Papyrus Insinger, 2.86, argues that Ben Sira and P. Insinger were influenced by the same sources. See also Sanders, Ben Sira and Demotic Wisdom, p. 80. 4 A. Volten, Das demotische Weisheitsbuch (AAeg, 2; Copenhagen: Einar Munksgaard, 1941), p. 123. 5 Ancient Egyptian Literature, 3.184. This view is also adopted in Houser Wegner, 'Cultural and Literary Continuity', p. 61. 6 Sanders, Ben Sira and Demotic Wisdom, p. 70. 7 Sanders, Ben Sira and Demotic Wisdom, p. 100. 8 Sanders, 'Concerning Ben Sira and Demotic Wisdom', p. 304, argues that the discovery of a transliteration of an Aramaic version of Psalm 20 into Demotic removes the 'language barrier' I have raised (see my 'Hellenistic Instruction', p. 152). We both grant that it is possible Ben Sira could have been familiar with a translation of P. Insinger - I merely stress that no evidence of such a translation exists. See C. F. Nims and R. C. Steiner, 'A Paganized Version of Psalm 20.2-6 from the Aramaic Text in Demotic Script', J AOS 103 (1983): 261-

56

Early Christian Literature and Intertextuality I Social Values and Moral Instruction Insinger

in Ben Sira and Papyrus

There are many intriguing similarities between Ben Sira and P. Insinger, as Sanders observes. Both portray the ideal man of wisdom. Both stress filial piety and the avoidance of anxiety. They also urge one to avoid greed and teach that secrets be kept, and both make a distinction between the wise man and the fool. Both works stress the importance of one's name and reputation. Ben Sira reads: 'The human body is a fleeting thing, but a virtuous name will never be blotted o u t . . . The days of a good life are numbered, but a good name lasts forever' (41.11-13; cf. 11.33; 15.6; 44.14; 45.1; 46.11; 49.1). This echoes the traditional wisdom of Proverbs. Papyrus Insinger also emphasizes the name of the wise man: 'Wherever the wise man is, the praise of his name is with him' (29.5; cf. 9.1-2, 23; 10.13; 14.3; 16.9; 22.8; 23.12; 28.8). The importance of one's reputation is commonplace in Egyptian wisdom. Ben Sira and P. Insinger advocate what Sanders has aptly called an 'ethics of caution'. This term refers to a deferential and cautious attitude in relation to superiors. P. Insinger states, for example: 'Do not approach when it is not the time for it, for then your master will dislike you. Do not be far, lest one must search for you and you become a stench to him' (10.12-13; cf. 3.10-14; 4.2, 4; 22.8). Ben Sira offers a similar lesson: 9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

74. A translation of this text is available in R. C. Steiner, 'The Aramaic Text in Demotic Script', in W. W. Hallo et al. (eds), The Context of Scripture (3 vols; Leiden: Brill, 2003), 1.309-27. 9 For filial piety, see Insing. 2.14 and Sir. 3.8; for the avoidance of anxiety, compare Insing. 19.7-8 (the seventeenth instruction is devoted to this topic) with Sir. 30.21-24. 10 For the avoidance of greed, compare Insing. 15.19 (cf. 5.6; also note the fifteenth instruction is devoted to this topic) with Sir. 31.5 (cf. 14.3; Prov. 28.20); for the value of keeping secrets, compare Insing. 21.15 with Sir. 27.21 (cf. 13.12; 22.22; 27.16-17). 11 For P. Insinger compare, for example, 6.19 and 9.7. For Ben Sira, 21.10. See also Lichtheim, Late Egyptian Wisdom Literature, pp. 118-19. 12 Sanders, Ben Sira and Demotic Wisdom, pp. 84—5. 13 See, for example, Prov. 10.7: "The memory of the righteous is a blessing, but the name of the wicked will rot.' Cf. 10.5; 22.1; Qoh. 7.1. 14 Instruction of Any: 'Do not leave when the chiefs enter, lest your name stink' (4.1); Instruction of Ankhsheshonq 17.26: 'Be gentle and your reputation will increase in the hearts of all men'; Instruction of Kagmeni: 'Let your name go forth while your mouth is silent' (II/ 1); Instruction of Ptahhotep: 'A man of means - what is he like? Your name is good, you are not maligned' (240), 'The hearer [of wisdom] of whom this is said, he is well-endowed and honored by his father; his remembrance is in the mouth of the living.' (560fT.). 15 Sanders, 'Ben Sira's Ethics of Caution', p. 105. 16 Sanders argues that Ben Sira fuses together advice from Insing. 10.12-13 with Prov. 25.6-7: 'Do not put yourself forward in the king's presence or stand in the place of the great; for it is better to be told, "Come up here," than to be put lower in the presence of a noble'.

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'When an influential person invites you, be reserved, and he will invite you more insistently. Do not be forward, or you may be rebuffed; do not stand aloof, or you will be forgotten' (13.9-10; cf. 32.9). The traditional wisdom literature of both Israel and Egypt teaches an 'ethics of caution' before the powerful. This comportment accords with the retainer class setting of the scribe, in both Egypt and Palestine. It is not required to posit a direct connection that links Ben Sira to P. Insinger or any other Egyptian text. The subject of women is prominent in both instructions. In P. Insinger fools are unable to resist the allure of women (7.21-23; 8.2; cf. 14.10), and the wise do not associate with them (8.17). The Demotic wisdom text contrasts good and bad women in 8.4-11, part of which reads: 'There is she who is praised mistress of the house by virtue of her character. There is she whom I hold in contempt as an evil woman' (11. 9-10; cf. 11. 18-19). Ben Sira 25.13-26.18 infamously makes a distinction between good and bad wives (cf. 7.26; 23.22-26; 36.26-31; 40.19). The distinction between a good and bad wife is also in biblical wisdom (Prov. 12.4; cf. 18.22; 19.14). Egyptian wisdom likewise offers an overall contrast between good and bad women, although the two are generally not distinguished in a single 17

18

19

saying. Many of the affinities between Ben Sira and P. Insinger are commonBut their similarities are too general to warrant positing direct dependence. See Sanders, Ben Sira and Demotic Wisdom, p. 85; idem, 'A Hellenistic Egyptian Parallel to Ben Sira', JBL 97 (1978): 257-8. 17 One should exercise caution at banquets attended by nobility according to Prov. 23.34. The Instruction of Ptahhotep has a similar lesson: 'If you are in the antechamber, stand and sit as fits your rank, which was assigned you the first day. Do not trespass - you will be turned back, keen is the face (the king's) to him who enters announced, spacious the seat of him who has been called. The antechamber has a rule, all behavior is by measure' (220ff.). See also Instruction of Any 6.10ff.: 'Do not sit when another is standing, one who is older than you, or greater than you in his rank'; 5.1 Iff.: 'Attend to your position, be it low or high; it is not good to press forward, step according to rank' (cf. 4.1); Instruction of Amenemope 11.15-20: 'Keep your tongue from answering your superior, and take care not to insult him . . . Converse with a man of your own measure'; 24.21-25.1: 'Do not sit down in the beer house in order to join one greater than you'; Instruction of Ankhsheshonq 18.12: 'He who hides from his master will get a hundred masters.' 18 Lichtheim observes this parallel, as does Sanders. See Lichtheim, Late Egyptian Wisdom Literature, p. 161; Sanders, Ben Sira and Demotic Wisdom, pp. 86-7. Consult also Volten, Das demotische Weisheitsbuch, p. 49; J. J. Collins, Jewish Wisdom in the Hellenistic Age (OTL; Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1997), pp. 64-70; W. C. Trenchard, Ben Sira's View of Women (Chico: Scholars Press, 1982); T. Ilan, Jewish Women in Greco-Roman Palestine (Tubingen: Mohr, 1995); C. Camp, 'Understanding a Patriarchy: Women in Second Century Jerusalem Through the Eyes of Ben Sira', in A.-J. Levine (ed.), 'Women Like This': New Perspectives on Jewish Women in the Greco-Roman Period (SBLEJL, 1; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1991), pp. 1-39. 19 In chapter 6 the Instruction of Any praises the mother as an ideal type of woman and in chapter 3 warns one about the 'femme fatale' who can tempt men with her beauty. See

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place topics in Egyptian and biblical wisdom. This problematizes the opinion that Ben Sira relied on P. Insinger. In many instances it is simplest to claim that each text was drawing from its own wisdom tradition, and that biblical and Egyptian wisdom have numerous themes and topics in common. Unjust Suffering and the Prosperity of the Wicked in Ben Sira and Papyrus Insinger Some similarities between Ben Sira and P. Insinger cannot be easily explained through an appeal to traditional wisdom. This is the case, for example, with the themes of suffering and injustice. The refrain of P. Insinger asserts that God is in control of events: 'The fate [s3y] and the fortune [shne] that come, it is the god who determines them.' One should thus avoid excessive worrying during difficult circumstances: 'It is the god who gives patience to the wise man in misfortune' (19.9). Papyrus Insinger teaches that the suffering of the wise is to their benefit: 'The man of god is in prison [for his very gain]' (20.5). Papyrus Insinger 20.20 affirms that 'good steering' [hmy], that is, the ability to guide oneself 21

22

Houser Wegner, 'Cultural and Literary Continuity', pp. 282-316; A. Depla, 'Women in Ancient Egyptian Wisdom Literature', in L. Archer (ed.), Women in Ancient Societies: An Illusion of the Night (New York: Routledge, 1994), pp. 24-52. 20 Regarding Sanders' critique of the views presented here, I am surprised how little he does with this core point, which he does not refute. Instead he dismisses my approach as 'thematic', whereas, he argues, one should focus on the wording of specific texts. See his 'Concerning Ben Sira and Demotic Wisdom', p. 299. By word order he mainly means similarities in the order of passages in the two texts that have similar content. He has pointed out affinities, for example between Sir. 13.9-13 and a lengthy passage (35 lines long) of P. Insinger (10.12-11.23) (ibid., pp. 301-2). I do address the issue of structure (see, for example, my 'Hellenistic Instruction', pp. 167-8 and below) but the value of the sequence of parallels in terms of arguing for direct literary dependence of Ben Sira on P. Insinger is greatly weakened by the points I raise in this essay - (1) the lack of evidence that Ben Sira knew Demotic or that a translation of P. Insinger in Aramaic or Hebrew was in circulation; (2) one cannot conclusively establish that P. Insinger was written before Ben Sira. 21 P. Insinger, like Egyptian wisdom literature in general, uses 'god' [ntr] in the singular. This does not refer to a single god who is kept anonymous. That is refuted by the presence of multiple named gods in the document: Thoth (4.17; 9.6; 18.3; 21.11), Hathor (8.11, 18), Mut (8.18), Hapy (16.21), Pre (20.17), Horus (20.18), Isis (20.19), Sakhmet (34.4), the bull gods Apis and Mnevis (35.9) and Osiris-Sokar (35.14). M. V. Fox argues that the preference for the term 'god' does not reflect a monotheistic tendency (contra Lexa, Papyrus Insinger, 2.99). Rather it is a 'designation for a set of beings', a collective term for the divine, who can be manifested by one named god or another, and also by the vague expression 'god'. See his 'Two Decades of Research in Egyptian Wisdom Literature', ZAS 107 (1980): 120-35 (esp. 123-6); W. Barta, 'Der anonyme Gott der Lebenslehren', ZAS 103 (1976): 79-88. 22 The wise and pious man perseveres: 'A time in misfortune does not make the man of god give up' (21.2; cf. 19.15; 20.4).

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successfully in life, comes after trouble and grief (cf. 21.10; 30.20; 31.13). Injustices do not show that no god is in control. Rather they are opportunities for character development. According to P. Insinger, unjust suffering will be recompensed by the divine, although it is not clear when exactly this will occur. It will not happen after death: 'The end of the godly man is being buried on the mountain with his burial equipment' (18.12; cf 2.9-12). Misfortune will be corrected at some point during the life of the wise. It may even occur at the very end of his life: 'He [the god] creates the good through the fate at the end of old age' (19.20). One should not lose heart at the sight of the prosperity of the wicked. Their success does not mean that they will go unpunished: 'The god does not forget the punishment for any crime' (20.11). By the moment of death the wicked person will have paid for his deeds: 'The impious man does not die in the fortune which he likes' (20.3). The successes of the impious are construed as forms of punishment: 'A lifetime is given to the impious man in order to make him encounter retaliation (p3 tb3). Property is given to the evil man in order to deprive him of his breath through it' (30.23-24; cf. 32.23-24). The evil man is portrayed as anxious and worrying, punishing himself with a sense of guilt: 'The impious man alone suffers a thousandfold' (31.7). Thus the wicked person suffers even when he is prosperous: 'When the evil man has well-being he asks for death in it' (26.7). He knows that at some point he will have to pay for his crimes, and this gnaws at him. Being wicked, he is being punished even when he prospers. Papyrus Insinger attempts to combine an assertion of divine control with a recognition of life's unpredictability. The two do not go together particularly well. One has to trust P. Insinger when it teaches that the prosperous wicked suffer inwardly. There are harsher punishments than the receipt of property. The pious man suffering wrongfully is taught that he can learn from the experience, although there are types of misfortune that have little to teach. The wisdom of P. Insinger requires no small amount of faith. Ben Sira has similar views regarding unjust suffering. One should be patient amidst adversity: 'Trust in the Lord and keep at your job; for it is easy in the sight of the Lord to make the poor rich suddenly in an instant' (11.21). Like P. Insinger 19.20, Sir. 11.26-28 teaches that the righteous 23

23 The Instruction of Ankhsheshonq teaches, like Insing. 19.20, that vindication might not occur until the end of life: 'Do not say "The enemy of the god is alive today"; look to the end. Say "Good fate" at the end of old age' (11.21-22). These maxims conclude with the exhortation: 'Put your affairs in the hand of the god' (11.23; cf. 20.6; 22.25). Ankhsheshonq also deals with the theme of theodicy. This is clear from the conceit of the work. The instruction is ostensibly written by a priest of Re who is unjustly imprisoned.


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person may have to wait until the day of death for God to reward him for his conduct: 'it is easy for the Lord on the day of death to reward individuals according to their conduct . . . Call no one happy before his death; by how he ends, a person becomes known.' Even if the righteous suffers, he should be comforted by the fact that God can change his situation in an instant. In a manner similar to P. Insinger, Ben Sira teaches that the wise can benefit from misfortune: 'Accept whatever befalls you, and in times of humiliation be patient. For gold is tested in the fire, and those found acceptable, in the furnace of humiliation' (2.4-5; cf. 18.13-14). Ben Sira, like P. Insinger, considers the prosperity of the wicked a theological problem. The unpredictability of life means that the success of the wicked could be reversed at any time: 'Do not envy the success of sinners, for you do not know what their end will be like' (9.11). As in P. Insinger (20.11), Ben Sira teaches that the sinner who achieves prosperity through misdeeds will eventually be punished: 'The sinner will not escape with plunder, and the patience of the godly will not be frustrated' (16.13; cf. 17.15; 40.13). Ben Sira, like P. Insinger, attempts to affirm both humanity's moral freedom and the existence of an overarching divine plan that ensures the prosperity of the righteous and the punishment of the wicked. Ben Sira argues that the inevitability of judgement fills the wicked with mental anguish. According to Sir. 40.5-6, the thoughts of humankind are filled with anxiety: 'there is anger and envy and trouble and unrest. And when one rests upon his bed, his sleep at night confuses his mind . . . He is troubled by the visions of his mind like one who has escaped from the battlefield.' Ben Sira 40.8-9 states that these problems affect the wicked much more than the righteous: 'To all creatures, human and animal, but to sinners seven times more, come death and bloodshed and strife and sword, calamities and famine, and ruin and plague' (cf. v. 14). Ben Sira 40.8-9 thus makes a claim similar to the assertion in P. Insinger 31.7 that the wicked suffer inwardly a thousand-fold. Ben Sira's attempt to resolve the problem of theodicy is as unsuccessful as that of P. Insinger. It is not clear how death comes 'sevenfold' to the sinner, and, as with P. Insinger 31.7, one must take Ben Sira at his word 24

25

26

27

24 J. L. Crenshaw, "The Problem of Theodicy in Sirach: On Human Bondage', JBL 94 (1975): 47-64 (esp. 54); G. L. Prato, // Problema delta Teodicea in Ben Sira (AnBib, 65; Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1975). Cf. Prov. 13.21; 1 Sam. 2.6-8; Ps. 113.7-8. 25 Such a person should be confident that he will be requited on the day of his death, if not sooner: 'Those who fear the Lord will have a happy end; on the day of their death they will be blessed' (1.13; cf. 51.30). 26 Collins, Jewish Wisdom, pp. 80-4. 27 Crenshaw, 'The Problem of Theodicy', p. 57.

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28

when he asserts the inner turmoil of the wicked. Ben Sira's call for patient tolerance of suffering (even to the day of death) is rather unsatisfying, like that of P. Insinger, and avoids the unnerving issue of God's tolerance of human suffering. The advice is also at odds with the claim that 'retribution does not delay' (Sir. 7.16). It is hard to believe Ben Sira when he claims that basic elements of human life, such as water, salt and wheat, are 'good for the godly, but for sinners they turn into evils' (39.27; cf. Wis. 16.24). Unlike Job, Ben Sira does not seem willing to engage the issue of theodicy. His instruction on the unequal distribution of suffering, like P. Insinger's, appeals primarily to people who are not given much. The Cosmic Context of the Human Plight Both Ben Sira and P. Insinger marginalize the difficulties of the human condition by emphasizing the grandeur of the created order. This is perhaps why both compositions place lengthy sections on the goodness of creation close to the end - the twenty-fourth chapter in P. Insinger, out of twenty-five (30.17-33.6) and Ben Sira, 39.12-35 and 42.15-43.33. The stated intent of the twenty-fourth instruction of P. Insinger is to teach the 'knowing [of] the greatness of the god so as to put it in your heart' (30.18). The chapter also stresses the omniscience of God. He knows the answer to one's question before it is asked (31.5; cf. 11. 1-2). He does not only know the interior life of the human being; he orchestrates it: 'He directs the heart and the tongue by his commands' (31.11). Likewise he knows the events of the world because he has decreed how they are to happen, down to the smallest detail: 'The blow of the lance that comes from afar, the place where it lands is decreed for it' (31.6; cf. 1. 12). Papyrus Insinger 31.23 declares: 'The hidden work of the god, he makes it known on the earth daily.' He made the light and darkness, the earth, the months and years (the calendar), the seasons of summer and winter, the produce that is grown for food, the constellations (so that they can be studied), and the sweet water (31.24-32.6). These maxims highlight elements of the natural order that allow humankind to sustain itself and 29

28 Collins, Jewish Wisdom, p. 94. 29 The recounting of the elements of creation in Job likewise occurs at its end, in chs 3841. Humbert, Recherches sur les sources egyptiennes, pp. 140, 142, suggested that Job 38 and Sir. 39.12-35 and 42.15-43.33 were written in imitation of i a litterature des scribes ptolemiques', a wisdom tradition 'dont le Papyrus Insinger ne nous aurait conserve qu'un tardif chainon'. See also G. von Rad, 'Hiob XXXVIII und die altagyptische Weisheit', in M. Noth and D. Winston Thomas (eds), Wisdom in Israel and in the Ancient Near East (VTSup, 3; Leiden: Brill, 1955), pp. 293-301; T. Schneider, 'Hiob 38 und die demotische Weisheit', TZ 47 (1991): 108-24; Sanders, Ben Sira and Demotic Wisdom, pp. 75-80.

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prosper. According to P. Insinger, the goodness of creation and its suitability for human life testify to the divine fashioning of the natural order. Elements of creation were made for specific reasons: 'He created wealth for truthfulness, poverty for falsehood. He created work for the stupid man, food for the common man' (31.15-16). The purposefulness of the cosmos is also asserted in the Stoic tradition. The author grants that his students may question the extent of the divine orchestration of the natural world. The exposition of creation in P. Insinger (31.24-32.17) is placed before a series of questions and false statements, as if to address them: 30

The impious man does not say There is god' in the fortune which he decrees. He who says Tt cannot happen' should look to what is hidden. How do the sun and the moon go and come in the sky? Whence go and come water, fire, and wind? Through whom do amulet and spell become remedies? (31.18-22)

The twenty-fourth chapter does not only teach that the cosmos is a divine product. It asserts the goodness and purposefulness of creation in part to address the issue of theodicy. The creation hymns of Sir. 39.12-35 and 42.15-43.33 have striking similarities to the twenty-fourth instruction of P. Insinger. As in the Demotic text, various features of the natural order were created with specific purposes in mind. Ben Sira 39.16 is reminiscent of P. Insinger (33.5), since both affirm that creation has a rational structure: 'AH the works of the Lord are very good, and whatever he commands will be done at the appointed time.' Doctors should be praised, since their skills in medicine reveal aspects of creation that benefit mankind (Sir. 38.1-15). 31

30 See for example, Porphyry, Abst. 3.20.1, 3: 'Every product of nature, when it achieves the natural end for which it was bora, is benefited. But the pig has been born for the natural end of being slaughtered and eaten. When this happens to it, it achieves its natural end, and is benefited'; Lactantius, Ir. 13.9-10: 'The Stoics, failing to discern the truth, reply most clumsily that among plants and animals there are many whose usefulness has up to now gone unnoticed; but that this will be discovered in the course of time, just as numerous things unknown in earlier centuries have been discovered by necessity and use.' See A. A. Long and D. N. Sedley, The Hellenistic Philosophers (2 vols; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 1.329-330; U. Wicke-Reuter, Gottliche Providenz und menschliche Verantwortung bei Ben Sira und in der fruhen Stoa (BZAW, 298; Berlin: de Gruyter, 2000), pp. 13-54. 31 For discussion of Ben Sira's creation hymns, see R. A. Argall, / Enoch and Sirach (SBLEJL, 8; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995), pp. 135-64; N. Calduch-Benages, 'God, Creator of All (Sir 43.27-33)', in R. Egger-Wenzel (ed.), Ben Sira's God: Proceedings of the International Ben Sira Conference, Durham, Ushaw College, 2001 (BZAW, 321; Berlin: de Gruyter, 2002), pp. 79-100; Wicke-Reuter, Gottliche Providenz, pp. 55-105; F. V. Reiterer, 'Die immateriellen Ebenen der Schopfung bei Ben Sira', in N. Calduch-Benages and J. Vermeylen (eds), Treasures of Wisdom: Studies in Ben Sira and the Book of Wisdom. Festschrift M. Gilbert (BETL, 143; Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1999), pp. 91-127.

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The same argument is made in P. Insinger 32.12. The Hebrew version of Sir. 39.30 teaches that dangerous things, such as scorpions and vipers, were created 'to meet a need and are kept in his storehouse for the proper time'. The Stoics, who also stressed divine providence's stewardship of the cosmos, had similar problems when explaining aspects of the world that are detrimental to human life. According to Ben Sira, it is impossible to doubt the goodness and purposefulness of creation: 'All the works of the Lord are good and he will supply every need in its time. No one can say "This is not as good as that" for everything proves good in its appointed time' (39.33-34; cf. v.21). The sage acknowledges that some may disagree with his reasoning. This is also the case in P. Insinger 31.18-19. Ben Sira praises the grandeur of creation. Sanders points out that the sage mentions months and seasons (43.6), and P. Insinger the day, month and year (32.2), and that both include fresh water (Sir. 43.22; Insing. 32.6). They also both mention the sun (Sir. 42.16; 43.1-5; Insing. 31.20), the moon (Sir. 43.6-8; Insing. 31.20), and the stars (Sir. 43.9-10; Insing. 32.5). This, however, does not necessarily imply direct dependence. Sir. 42.15-43.33 recounts many aspects of the natural order that are praised in the Psalter and elsewhere in the biblical tradition, especially Job 38 and the Prayer of Azariah. Ben Sira's enumeration of the wonders of creation, like that of P. Insinger, minimizes the issue of theodicy. His poem on the misery of the human condition in 40.1-10 is literally surrounded by praise of the natural order. Ben Sira 18.10-12 places the human plight in a cosmic context: 'Like a drop of water from the sea and a grain of sand, so are these few 33

34

35

36

37

38

32 Sanders, Ben Sira and Demotic Wisdom, p. 75; A. A. Di Leila and P. W. Skehan, The Wisdom of Ben Sira (AB, 39; New York: Doubleday, 1987), p. 441. 33 Di Leila and Skehan, The Wisdom of Ben Sira, p. 45; B. G. Wright, No Small Difference: Sirach's Relationship to its Hebrew Parent Text (SBLSCS, 26; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1989), pp. 14^-50. 34 M. Aurelius, for example, wrote: 'Nothing is harmful to the part which is advantageous to the whole. For the whole contains nothing which is not advantageous to itself... As long as I remember that I am a part of such a whole I shall be well content with all that happens' (10.6). See D. Winston, 'Theodicy in Ben Sira and Stoic Philosophy', in R. Link-Salinger (ed.), Of Scholars, Savants, and Their Texts (New York: Lang, 1989), pp. 23949 (esp. 241); J. K. Aitken, 'Divine Will and Providence', in Egger-Wengel (ed.), Ben Sira's God, pp. 282-301; Wicke-Reuter, Gottliche Providenz, pp. 224-73. 35 Crenshaw, 'The Problem of Theodicy', pp. 48-51. 36 Sanders, Ben Sira and Demotic Wisdom, pp. 79-80. 37 They also emphasize that the full extent of divine mastery over the cosmos remains hidden from human comprehension (Sir. 43.32; 1.3; 18.4-5; Insing. 32.18; cf. 31.23). 38 Examples include the sun (Sir. 42.16; 43.1-5; Pss. 8.3; 19.4b-6; Pr. Azar. 40); the moon (Sir. 43.6-8; Pss. 8.3; 104.19; 89.39; Pr. Azar. 40); the stars (Sir. 43.9-10; Bar. 3.34-35; Job 38.32; Pr. Azar. 41). For additional parallels, see my 'Hellenistic Instruction', p. 171.

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years (the hundred years allotted to a human life, 18.9) among the days of eternity. That is why the Lord is patient with them . . . He sees and recognizes that their end is miserable; therefore he grants them forgiveness all the more' (cf. 17.32). Ben Sira is cognizant of the difficulties of the human condition. But he is much more comfortable affirming the grandeur of creation. Ben Sira's approach to theodicy is similar to that of God in Job 3 8 ^ 1 . Conclusion Ben Sira and P. Insinger have much in common. Many of their similarities pertain to conventional sapiential topics such as filial piety. It is by no means clear that Ben Sira had access to the Demotic wisdom text. In many cases it is reasonable to attribute their affinities to the fact that the wisdom tradition each composition draws on, that of Egypt and Israel, had concerns and themes that are similar to one another. The two compositions have parallels aside from ethical instruction. Both teach that the magnitude and purposefulness of the natural order reflect divine providence. One of the prevailing attitudes in the Hellenistic age has been called 'cosmic religion', that is, 'the expression of religious values in terms of the physical universe'. This intellectual trend represents the confluence of several traditions, including Chaldean astronomy and Stoic philosophy. These traditions promoted the idea of determinism on a cosmic scale. While determinism can teach the grandeur of God, it also presents difficulties in terms of explaining the instability of human affairs and the ever-present possibility of the reversal of fortune. Themes such as creation and determinism in Ben Sira and P. Insinger, and their unsatisfying attempts to explain theodicy, suggest that they were both affected by such intellectual trends. Some of their similarities are better ascribed to the fact that they were both shaped by the Zeitgeist of the Hellenistic age than to direct dependence. Ben Sira and P. Insinger are influenced both by traditional wisdom and their Hellenistic milieu. 39

39 J. J. Collins, 'Cosmos and Salvation: Jewish Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Hellenistic Age', in Seers, Sibyls and Sages in Hellenistic Roman Judaism (JSJSup, 54; Leiden: Brill, 1997), pp. 317-38 (esp. 327).

Chapter 5 REFRACTIONS OF DANIEL IN THE GOSPEL OF

MATTHEW

Jonathan T. Pennington Prologue Like all the New Testament authors, when Matthew is cut he bleeds Bible. As one saturated in the Jewish Scriptures, Matthew regularly reveals his indebtedness to these writings at all levels - from basic vocabulary to theological themes. We are not surprised then to find so many quotes from and allusions to the Old Testament in the First Gospel. Even more thoroughgoing than that of the other Synoptic Gospels, Matthew provides us with over 60 explicit and implicit citations and quotations. In addition to these, there are countless other allusions which we can discern with various levels of confidence. As Hays rightly observes about all of the Gospels, the evangelists are concerned to show that Jesus' teachings, actions, death and vindication 'constituted the continuation and climax of the ancient biblical story'. The Old Testament was the 'generative milieu for the gospels, the original environment in which the first Christian traditions were conceived, formed and nurtured'. This is apparent for Matthew as much as for any of the Gospels. 1

2

3

4

An earlier version of this paper was first presented as 'Refractions of Greek Daniel in the Gospel of Matthew' at the Greek Bible section at the 2007 annual meeting of the Society of Biblical Literature in San Diego, CA. 1 Compared to the other Synoptics, Matthew includes all of the OT citations from parallel passages in Mark and Q and expands upon them. See the detailed yet succinct analysis in W. D. Davies and Dale C. Allison, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Gospel According to St. Matthew, vol. 1 (Edinbutgh: T&T Clark, 1988), pp. 33-58. 2 Richard Beaton, Isaiah's Christ in Matthew's Gospel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 17, leaning on the works of M. D. Goulder and D. Senior. 3 Richard B. Hays, 'The Canonical Matrix of the Gospels', in Stephen C. Barton (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the Gospels (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 53. 4 See the excellent discussion in R. T. France's, Matthew: Evangelist and Teacher (Downers Grove, IL: Intervarsity Press, 1989), particularly pp. 166-205. France argues that the theme that best summarizes the whole of Matthew's message is the fulfilment of the OT. While this could be said for all of the NT books, in Matthew it plays a most dominant role.


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When we begin to examine the particulars of Matthew's use of the OT, one group of writings stands out, the Prophets. For example, of Matthew's ten famous fulfilment quotations, every one of them cites a prophetic text with the possible exception of the use of Psalm 78 in Mt. 13.35, though even this citation has reference to Isaiah. As is well known, Isaiah plays a decisive role in Matthew, appearing frequently, at crucial points in the narrative, and providing theological content to the First Gospel. Matthew's use of Isaiah is not unique. Indeed, the second and third parts of Isaiah are already being picked up and reused in this way in the Book of the Twelve, 1 Enoch, Wisdom of Solomon and others, and this continues right into Matthew. Also important to Matthew are the prophetic books of Jeremiah and Lamentations, Zechariah, Hosea, and Jonah, to name a few. We can suggest the same for the book of Daniel. A study of the history of the influence of the book of Daniel reveals that this work was very important throughout the Second Temple period and beyond. Several copies have been discovered at Qumran, and mention of Daniel is found in 1 Maccabees, the Sibylline Oracles, 3 Maccabees, and 4 Ezra, as well as 5

6

7

8

9

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5 M. J. J. Menken, Matthew's Bible (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2004), in his essay, 'Isaiah and the "Hidden Things": The Quotation from Psalm 78,2 in Matthew 13,35', he argues that this fulfilment quotation indeed has important Isaianic elements and even more, that the longer textual variant here that reads 'through Isaiah the prophet' is original. 6 In addition to Beaton's Isaiah's Christ, one may also consult a number of articles, including Adrian Leske, 'Isaiah and Matthew: The Prophetic Influence in the First Gospel: A Report on Current Research', in W. H. Bellinger, Jr. and W. R. Farmer (eds), Jesus and the Suffering Servant: Isaiah 53 and Christian Origins (Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press, 1998), pp. 152-69. 7 Michael Knowles, Jeremiah in Matthew's Gospel: The Rejected Prophet Motif in Matthaean Redaction (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993). A good recent example of the subtle but powerful way in which Lamentations serves as a subtext for Matthew can be found in David Moffitt, 'Righteous Bloodshed, Matthew's Passion Narrative, and the Temple's Destruction: Lamentations as a Matthean Intertext', JBL 125/2 (2006): 299-320. 8 Clay Alan Ham addresses the topic of the influence of Zechariah's messianic hope on Matthew in The Coming King and the Rejected Shepherd: Matthew's Reading of Zechariah's Messianic Hope (Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2005). 9 Note especially the important and repeated use of Hos. 6.6: T desire mercy, not sacrifice' at decisive points in Jesus' theological disagreement with his adversaries (Mt. 9.13; 12.7). 10 See the interesting discussion of how Matthew is likely picking up the language of Greek Jonah in R. Timothy McLay's The Use of the Septuagint in New Testament Research (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003), pp. 159-69. 11 One may consult with benefit the weighty, two-volume analysis of Daniel's composition and reception in J. J. Collins and P. Flint (eds), The Book of Daniel: Composition and Reception (Leiden: Brill, 2001). Also worth perusing is Lorenzo Ditommaso's tome, The Book of Daniel and the Apocryphal Daniel Literature (Leiden: Brill, 2005).

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frequently in many eras of the rabbinic traditions. Additionally, Josephus calls Daniel 'one of the greatest prophets' and devotes a portion of his Antiquities to a lengthy paraphrase of Daniel. Lorenzo Ditomasso's recent and thick volume traces the widespread influence of Daniel especially its apocalyptic sections - in Muslim apocalypses, in the Byzantine period, in mediaeval texts, in Latin, Syriac, Ethiopian, Arabic, Old and Middle English, Irish and Armenian. One must only name the time, place and language, and it seems Daniel will be there. When we turn to the NT, the marked influence of Daniel is ubiquitous. For Jesus himself and the authors of the NT, it is clear that Daniel formed an important conceptual and textual context. The most obvious connection is the Gospels' frequent emphasis on the 'Son of Man', apparently stemming from Dan. 7.13-14, but many other connections can be posited as well. The index of citations and allusions in the NestleAland Novum Testamentum Graece (27th ed.) bespeaks Daniel's import ance: listed are approximately 200 references to Daniel in the NT books. As Craig Evans points out, 'proportionately, this puts Daniel in the same category as Isaiah and the Psalms, the books most frequently quoted and alluded to in the New Testament'. Add to this data the NT's obvious knowledge and use of the Greek Bible and we have a recipe for the influence of Greek Daniel on the NT and on Matthew in particular. Space constraints will not allow me to discuss in detail all of the ways in which Matthew uses Daniel. Instead, I will briefly catalogue these and then focus on two of the most important ways in which Daniel influences Matthew, through the themes of divine revelation and eschatology. My thesis is straightforward: Matthew is drinking deeply at the well of Daniel and at many levels we can discern his intertextual use of this important book. Indeed, several core ideas presented in Matthew seem to stem directly from Daniel, and understanding these themes helps us understand Matthew's theological emphases. 13

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12 J. J. Collins, Daniel: A Commentary on the Book of Daniel (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1993), pp. 72-89. 13 A list of relevant articles and monographs on this debated topic can be found in the discussion and footnotes of A. Y. Collins, 'The Influence of Daniel on the NT', in J. J. Collins, Daniel, pp. 90-123. Other specific works include Greg Beale, The Use of Daniel in Jewish Apocalyptic Literature and in the Revelation of St John (Washington: University Press of America, 1984). 14 On the history of the interpretation of 'Son of Man', see Delbert Burkett, The Son of Man Debate: A History and Evaluation (SNTSMS, 107; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). See also below. 15 Craig A. Evans, 'Daniel in the New Testament: Visions of God's Kingdom', in Collins and Flint (eds), The Book of Daniel, vol. 2, p. 490.

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Early Christian Literature and Intertextuality 1 Daniel's Many Appearances - From Cameo to Oration

In terms of my method for this analysis I began in the first instance with the 20-plus references to Daniel in Matthew in the N A appendix. I supplemented this by a number of connections that have been made in various commentaries and articles, in addition to some of my own observations. What becomes quickly apparent is that Daniel's uses in Matthew are not all of equal weight or value. Daniel makes many appearances, in many guises, as it were, that we can lay out on a spectrum from cameo appearances to full-blown orations. To use a different analogy, some of the manifestations of Daniel in Matthew prove to be little more than 'red herrings', while others may be truly called 'smoking guns', and there are many in between. For the data surveyed here I will only present appearances of Daniel in Matthew that seem legitimate - that is, cases where either a citation or allusion appears to be intended and a solid case can be presented for a lexical and/or conceptual connection. There are in fact several instances where the N A appendix suggested a use of Daniel in Matthew that, upon my own examination, proved to be less than convincing (red herrings). These occurrences will not be covered here. In our interest and love for intertextuality we must be careful not to fall prey to what might be called - on analogy from Samuel Sandmel's famous article 'intertextomania'. I have sifted the data carefully and eliminated connections that seem to be only general and not specific. 27

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Cameo Appearances This category includes four different texts in Matthew that appear to have some real connection to particular texts in Daniel, albeit small. These include the use of Greek Dan. 4.12, 21 ( M T 4.9, 18) in Mt. 13.32, Dan. 10.6 in Mt. 28.3, Dan. 2.34-35, 44-45 in Mt. 21.44, and Dan. 4.17 ( M T 4.14) in Mt. 11.11. The most significant of these is the first one. In Matthew this reference to Daniel is found in the context of the parable of the kingdom of heaven being like a mustard seed which, although it is very small, grows to be such a height that the birds of heaven can even nest in its branches. Matthew appears to be leaning on not only Daniel here, but also L X X Ps. 103.12 and also possibly Ezek. 17.22-23 and 31.5-6. We will see below that this is not the only use of Daniel in Matthew 13 and that is part of its importance.

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16 The references to Daniel in Matthew in the N A appendix that I find are not strongly supported enough to be considered true intertexts are: Dan. 2.45 in Mt. 24.6 and 26.54; Dan. 3.28 in Mt. 4.5; Dan. 6.18 (ET v. 17) in Mt. 27.66; Dan. 9.3 in Mt. 11.21; Dan. 9.24 in Mt. 4.5; Dan. 10.9 in Mt. 17.6; Dan. 11.41 in Mt. 24.10; Dan. 12.12-13 in Mt. 10.22.

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Supporting Actors Moving beyond the realm of mere cameo appearances, but still not to the highest level of influence, we may offer a few instances where Matthew's use of Daniel can be described as functioning in the role of a supporting actor. These include Dan. 4.17 in Mt. 28.18, Dan. 7.9-10 in Mt. 17.2; 19.28; 28.3, and Dan. 3.6, 11, 15, 20, 21 in Mt. 13.42, 50. Again, space must limit our discussion, but a few comments can be made. Regarding Mt. 28.18 we may observe that this climactic conclusion to Matthew reflects a number of important OT texts including Gen. 1.1; 12.2-3; 2 Chron. 36.23, Dan. 7.13-14 and others. But Dan. 4.17 (particularly the O G ) also seems to play a role. Matthew and Daniel here both share an emphasis on the important word-pair 'heaven and earth' and the authority in heaven to reign over all the earth. These prove to be important themes in Jesus' ministry stemming especially from Daniel's influence (see also below). We may also comment on how Dan. 7.9-10 connects with Mt. 19.28. In Mt. 19.28 we read of the time of the 'new genesis' when the Son of Man will sit on his glorious throne, apparently a throne forjudging, along with his disciples who will sit in judgement over the 12 tribes of Israel. The link with Dan. 7.9-10 is very straightforward, though it is difficult to discern whether the Greek Daniel versions are more directly the source than the Aramaic. Either could be the subtext. Most important at the level of 'supporting actor' is the reference to the 'fiery furnace' in Mt. 13.42 and 50, stemming from several verses in Daniel relating to the famous story of Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego. These two verses in Matthew are part of several instances of similar judgement language in his Gospel. Matthew 13.42 and 50 refer to the fiery furnace as a place where there will be weeping and gnashing of teeth. In Mt. 8.12 we read of being cast into outer darkness, accompanied by weeping and gnashing of teeth. Matthew 22.13 and 25.30 use identical language. And Mt. 24.51 is similar with reference only to the weeping and gnashing of 1 7

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17 In this essay I have not been able to address fully the textual issues of the Hebrew/ Aramaic Daniel in comparison to the Old Greek (OG) and Theodotion (Th) versions. One may consult inter alia Tim McLay, The OG and Th Versions of Daniel (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1996) and Sharon Pace Jeansonne, The Old Greek Translation of Daniel 7-12 (Washington: Catholic Biblical Association, 1988). As the argument progresses I will make some comments on which version(s) of Daniel Matthew appears to be using in particular instances. 18 For an analysis of the meaning of this expression in the context of Matthean - Genesis intertextuality, see my essay, 'Heaven, Earth and a New Genesis' in Jonathan T. Pennington and Sean M. McDonough (eds), Cosmology and New Testament Theology (London: T & T Clark, 2008), pp. 28^4. 19 Dale C. Allison Jr., The Intertextual Jesus: Scripture in Q (Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press International, 2000), pp. 137-140, also sees this text as clearly referring to Dan. 7.13-14.


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teeth. This last phrase, 'weeping and gnashing of teeth', is formulaic for Matthew and is the consistent element throughout all these texts. Clearly these all refer to the same 'place' and experience of judgement, identified in 13.50 as at 'the close of the age'. Matthew seems to be relying on the Greek version(s) of Daniel here, with nearly identical wording. There are in fact several verses in Daniel that could serve as the intertext for Matthew, because in Daniel 3 reference is made to the 'furnace' and the 'fiery furnace' multiple times (3.6, 11, 15, 20, 21). Matthew's citation could be coming from any of these texts, though it is difficult to be certain whether there is a particular verse in mind or whether he is combining these many references into one set phrase. Either way, the fixed expression TT\V Kauivov TOU mjpos, which is used so consistently in Daniel and then in the exact same form in Matthew makes a strong case that Matthew is using a Greek version of Daniel here, not the Aramaic, though it is uncertain whether the OG or a protoTheodotionic version is in view. Moving beyond such source-critical work, the more important question is why Matthew uses these words from Daniel here. Interestingly, commentaries on Matthew uniformly make mention of the fact that this is nearly a verbatim quote from Dan. 3.6 (though they do not always mention the other texts in Daniel from which it might come), but there is very little discussion of why this quote is here or how it functions in Matthew. It is quite odd to consider that Jesus is now using the words and deeds of the evil Nebuchadnezzar as the words of his own teaching. Though it is a favourite Matthean motif, I do not think he intends us to think in Matthean terms that 'something greater than Nebuchadnezzar is here' (cf. 12.6, 41, 42). John Nolland is one exception in that he does address the question in 20

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20 In addition to these texts Daniel also makes several general references to the furnace and the men being cast in without using the formula that Matthew apparently picks up on. These are in OG 3.21; Th 3.22; OG 3.24, 25, 46. 21 Acknowledging this, it is yet possible that Matthew's words could reflect that he is using a different recension of the LXX than either the OG or Th. This is indeed the theory of M. J. J. Menken. His comments on this verse in particular, however, are that we cannot be certain what biblical text Matthew was using here. The verb form in Matthew may be from his pen and not a quote at all, as this chapter shows much redactional reworking. He concludes that 'Matthew himself was responsible for the unmarked quotation in 13,42.50, but that it is impossible to determine its textual type'. Menken, Matthew's Bible, pp. 270-1 (271). 22 For example, there is no discussion in Davies and Allison, Matthew, vol. 2; Ulrich Luz, Matthew 8-20 (Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress, 2001); Donald A. Hagner, Matthew 1-13 (WBC, 33A; Dallas: Word Books, 1993); Gundry, Matthew: A Commentary on His Handbook for a Mixed Church under Persecution (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2nd edn, 1994).

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his commentary. In passing he suggests a couple of reasons why Matthew is quoting Daniel here. It may be 'to strengthen the allusion to Daniel in the previous verse' as well as to suggest 'that this fiery fate is partly to be seen as a turning of the tables on those who have oppressed God's people'. Regarding his first suggestion - that it strengthens the connection with Daniel in Mt. 13.41 - I think he is certainly right. The ubiquitous 'Son of Man' in Matthew, especially when used in eschatological contexts, has its origins primarily in Dan. 7.13-14. For Matthew to refer to Daniel so explicitly in the following verse serves much to trigger the Daniel link. I think Nolland is also correct to suggest that the reason Jesus uses such familiar Daniel 3 language from the lips of Nebuchadnezzar is because there is herein a great ironic twist. The very words that were used for evil, Jesus now adopts to make a radical statement about all those who do not align with him. As Taco Bell's advertising department has cleverly quipped, 'Think outside the bun', so too Matthew has added a nice twist to these memorable words. Such a twist is certainly one of the marks of Jesus' parables. The unexpected, topsy-turvy nature of the kingdom of heaven is best described by using the genre of the surprising parable. It is a distinctive of Jesus' parables that they contain what Henry James would call 'the turn of the screw', the unexpected twist wherein the profundity speaks. Therefore, it stands to reason that this is the function of the Danielic quotation here. In fact, Daniel appears several times in Matthew 13 and this seems to serve an even broader purpose that links Daniel with Matthew regarding the themes of divine revelation and eschatology. This leads into our next level of appearances of Daniel in Matthew, the Orations. 23

Orations At the highest level of influence and usage of Daniel in Matthew I can discern four major ways in which Daniel makes a significant contribution to the content of the First Gospel. These are of such importance that we can classify them, to continue our metaphor, as orations - or even soliloquies - in the drama of Matthew. In these instances, not only is the intertextual use of Daniel apparent, but we can also discern that it has had a considerable influence on the shape and content of Matthew's teaching. Of these four, we will focus on the last two - divine revelation and eschatology - but all four are of great weight.

23 J. Nolland, The Gospel of Matthew (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2005), p. 561.


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Son of Man One does not have to read very deeply into Gospel scholarship and Christology before running into the issue of the origin and meaning of the phrase, 'Son of Man'. This expression was apparently Jesus' preferred title for himself, and the Evangelists regularly preserve this. One interesting observation is that, for whatever reason, the early Church, as reflected in the rest of the NT writings, does not use this expression to describe Jesus. Instead, it is found almost exclusively in the four Gospels, and on the hps of Jesus in reference to himself. Of the 50 or so different sayings in which it occurs in the NT, all but one of these are in the Gospels. Because of its importance to Christology and historical Jesus studies, research into this phrase has become a virtual cottage industry. One knows you are entering an academic minefield when a topic not only has many books written about it, but also books and articles written about the history of the debate on the topic. Because entering into the full fray of this matter would take us beyond our more specific point, I must tread lightly. Thankfully, although we certainly could not say there is now consensus on this matter, there is a wide measure of agreement that the origin of the phrase 'Son of Man' as a title comes from a Christological interpretation of Dan. 7.13. Some of the strongest evidence for this is the fact that Second Temple Judaism was already reading this text messianically (e.g., / Enoch, 4 Ezra; 4Q246 2.1-10; 4Q174, 4Q252), and it was easy for early Christianity to do the same, applied to the person of Jesus. When we consider 'Son of Man' in Matthew, we find that the Danielic 24

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24 Burkett, The Son of Man Debate. As to the question of why the title is found almost exclusively in the Gospels, Burkett suggests that this is because the expression has currency primarily in Palestinian Christianity (traces of which are retained in the Gospels) as opposed to Hellenistic Christianity (as reflected in the rest of the NT writings). Burkett, Son of Man Debate, p. 123. 25 In addition to Burkett, see the brief discussion and footnotes in Allison, The Intertextual Jesus, pp. 130-1. Also helpful is the discussion of this matter in the first part of A. Y. Collins' essay, 'The Influence of Daniel on the New Testament', pp. 90-105. Regarding which version of Daniel that Matthew is using, Danny Zacharias makes a solid argument that Matthew is familiar with the Old Greek version of Dan. 7.13-14. Danny Zacharias, 'Old Greek Daniel 7.13-14 and Matthew's Son of Man' (paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Society of Biblical Literature, Washington, November 2006). 26 Burkett, Son of Man Debate, pp. 122-3. See also John Collins, The Sceptre and the Star: The Messiahs of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Other Ancient Literature (New York: Doubleday, 1995), who concludes regarding several Qumran texts: 'The Son of God text suggests that the messianic interpretation of Daniel 7 had begun already in the Hasmonean period' (p. 167).

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connection is obvious. In addition to the many general uses of 'Son of Man' on the lips of Jesus, we can identify at least four clear and important ways that Dan. 7.13-14 serves as an intertext in Matthew. These are its usage in Matt. 24.30; 25.31; 26.64; 28.18-20. To conclude this brief section on the Son of Man in Matthew we may also mention that although it was not original to Matthew, it is apparent that the words from Dan. 7.14 also appear as an addendum to the Lord's Prayer (6.13) in many manuscripts. These match most closely with the Th version and indicate that many early Christians saw the link between Daniel 7 and Jesus. 28

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The Kingdom of God in Heaven and the Kingdoms on the Earth A second way in which Daniel serves as a key backdrop to Matthew is with the theme of the kingdom of God, and particularly how this is interwoven with the contrast between heaven and earth. Although I believe this is one of the most important ways in which Daniel informs Matthew, I will keep my comments here brief because I have dealt with this a fair amount elsewhere. Following is a short summary of the argument on this particular point. Both David Wenham and Craig Evans have observed how closely Daniel's emphasis on and description of God's kingdom relates to Jesus' own teaching on the kingdom. Wenham states that 'the full significance of the Danielic background has not usually been recognized, and that in fact the book of Daniel may be the primary background to the Gospels' teaching about the Kingdom'? Wenham identifies the key passages as Daniel 2 and 7, and argues convincingly that there are both linguistic and conceptual links with these texts and the Gospels. Evans concurs with Wenham and develops this idea more fully. Evans highlights seven 'telling indications' of Daniel's influence on Jesus' proclamation of the kingdom. Through 30

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27 Regarding the sections in Matthew that could be considered 'Q', we may note that Dan. 7.13-14 plays an important role. According to Allison's analysis, Dan. 7.9-14 is Q's most frequent intertext and it serves as bookends around the source. Allison, The Intertextual Jesus, p. 139. 28 There are 30 occurrences of 'Son of Man' (always in reference to Jesus and always spoken by him) in Matthew. 29 The N A Appendix lists five links between Dan. 7.13-14 and Matthew: Mt. 11.3; 26.64 [identified as a quote]; 24.30 [quote]; 25.31; 28.18. However, I find the connection in 11.3 more general and not particularly strong. Any connection that is there appears to function at the level of the general Jewish expectation (as reflected in John's question) that another 'One' was to come, but the specific connection with Daniel is unclear. 30 Jonathan T. Pennington, Heaven and Earth in the Gospel of Matthew (NovTSup 126; Leiden: Brill, 2007). 31 D. Wenham, 'The Kingdom of God and Daniel', ExpTim 98 (1987): 132-4 (132). Emphasis mine. 32 Evans, 'Daniel in the New Testament', pp. 510-23. 27


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an impressive array of linguistic links between the Gospels and Daniel, Evans presents a persuasive case for the essential Danielic background to Jesus' proclamation of the kingdom. Building upon these observations I argue that Matthew's unique expression r| f3aaiAeia TCOV oupaveov ('the kingdom of heaven') is coined through Matthew's reflection upon the dual themes in Daniel of God's sovereign rule (or kingdom) in heaven and the theme of the contrast of heaven and earth. The motif in Daniel, especially in chs 2-7, of the God of heaven's kingdom over against the rulers on earth (such as Nebuchadnezzar) turns out to be a frequent and important theme in Matthew as well. In Matthew this Danielic combination of God's kingdom with the heaven and earth contrast theme gets converted into his frequent heaven and earth language and important phrases such as 'the kingdom of heaven' and 'Father in heaven'. 33

Divine Revelation Another important way that Darnel informs the themes and theology of Matthew is with the emphasis in both books on the divine revelation of mysteries, particularly mysteries concerning the future kingdom(s). Several key texts in Daniel form the basis for this same crucial emphasis in Jesus' teaching, especially as found in Matthew 13. One of these key texts in Daniel is 2.28-29. O G 2.28-29 dAA' s o n 8EOS EV oupavcp dvaKaAuTrrcov uucrrripia o s s5r|ACOOE TCO PaaiAei NaPouxoSovooop a Ssi ysveaSai STT' EGXCXTCOV TCOV riuepeov paoiXeu s i s TOV aicova CfiQx TO EVUTTVIOV KOCI TO opaua T% KE^CcAfjs O O U ETH TTJS KOITTIS O O U T O U T O , EOTL O U FKCOLAEU KCCTCXKAISEIS

ETTl TFJS iiuspcov

8f\ YEVEO0OU ETT EOXOCTCOV TCOV ESTJACOOE 0 0 1 a 8f\ ysvEoSai

KOITTIS O O U ECOPCXKCXS TTCXVTCX OOCX KM

6 avaKaXuTTTcov

MUOTRJPIA

TH 2.28-29 dAA f\ EOTIV 8EOS EV oupavco aTTOKOCAuTTTCOv MUOTripia KAI syvcopioEV TCO paoiAE? NapouxoSovooop a 8si yEVEo8ai ETT' EOXCXTCOV ,

TCOV TLMEPCOV T O EVUTTVIOV OOU KO\ OA OPCXOELS TTJS KE()>aA% OOU ETTL T %

KOITTIS oou TOUTO EOTIV ou PaoiAsu oi SiaAoyiOMoi oou EVI TTJS KOITTIS oou dvEpTjoav TI 5ET ysvsoSai \IST6L r a u r a KOC\ 6 exTTOKOAuTTTCOV UUOTTJpia syvcopioEV 0 0 1 a 8B\ ysvEo8ai

This is an important text in Daniel. It serves to introduce the potent vision of the Four Kingdoms (2.29-46). It is also the means by which Daniel is exalted to become the chief satrap in all of Bablyon (2.48). In this story a great emphasis is placed on the contrast of the (true) God of heaven versus mere men on earth, even great kings and wise men. As I have suggested already, this theme of the God of heaven and his kingdom versus men on 33 See particularly chapters 10 and 12 of Pennington, Heaven and Earth in the Gospel of Matthew.

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the earth is an important one in Daniel 2-7. Here this contrast is very explicit. In 2.10 the distressed wise men of Babylon complain to Nebuchadnezzar that 'no man on earth' can both tell the king what his dream was and interpret it. In stark distinction to this, Daniel enters the scene and is at pains to emphasize that such wisdom and power come not from any man - himself included - but only come from the God of heaven (2.27-28). He has stressed the same thing in his prayer in 2.20-23. In the N A appendix Dan. 2.28-29 is listed as an allusion for Mt. 24.6 and 26.54. These connections are not invalid, but they are somewhat general. In both Matthean passages the point is that Jesus is able to speak of the future and that these things 'must be' (5e? yeveoBai, which is found also in both Greek versions of Daniel). I think there is a valid link here, but even more strongly - even though it is not mentioned in the N A appendix - is the use of Dan. 2.28-29 in Matthew 13. Matthew 13 is a key turning point in the whole book. Up until this point Jesus has been teaching plainly and boldly with recognizable authority. But in 12.14, after a series of Sabbath conflicts with the Pharisees, the religious leaders take counsel together to destroy Jesus. This results in a fulfilment quotation from Isaiah 42 about the gospel going to the gentiles. And even more striking, Jesus' entire teaching style changes. Beginning in ch. 13 Jesus speaks only in parables. We typically think of Jesus' parables as examples of his accessible, 'man on the street' pedagogical skill, but in fact just the opposite is the case. After the clear and straightforward kind of teaching the people heard in the Sermon on the Mount, Jesus' new style of instruction in parables and proverbs and similes and metaphors makes no sense. The people's response is not, 'Now, we understand', but just the opposite, 'What is he talking about?' The disciples are just as perplexed and so they ask Jesus directly about this change. His response is found in 13.11. 27

27

OTI \j|iiv SeSoxai yvcovai xd uuoTTipia xfjs PaoiAsias TCOV oupaveov SKEIVOIS 5s oil SsSoTai

The new dividing line between the people of God and those outside is not ethnicity (cf. the opening salvo of Mt. 3.8-10) but instead the understand ing of truth about Jesus, and this understanding is given to some by divine revelation and not to others. And those who were supposed to have such understanding do not and so what they do have will be taken away (13.12). This stress in Matthew on the necessity of divine revelation to understand Jesus is also found in other important passages. These include 11.25-27, where Jesus thanks the Lord of heaven and earth for hiding things from the wise but revealing them to babes. The refractions of Daniel 2 are not difficult to discern here as well. In fact, in Werner Grimm's volumes on Jesus and Daniel he has an extensive discussion of

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the connection of these two passages. Another essential passage that emphasizes the same is the famous Caesarean Philippi confession of Mt. 16.13-20. In this discussion initiated by Jesus about who they think the Son of Man is, we read the strong declaration that Peter's right understanding came to him not by humanity ('flesh and blood') but by the Father in heaven. It is not difficult to see how similar this teaching in Matthew is to the same emphasis in Daniel 2. Thus, the proclamation in Mt. 13.11 does not stand alone in the First Gospel. To return specifically to its connection with Daniel 2, in addition to the same thematic concept, one of the strongest and clearest links is the repetition of the word 'mysteries' (uuOTTipia) from Dan. 2.28, 29 in Mt. 13.11. The mysteries about the (future) kingdom(s) are the focal point in both books. This little Danielic word LiuGTrjpia at first may seem to be only a cameo appearance in Matthew, but upon further reflection this cameo proves to be very significant, even as a cameo may in fact be in a film or play. This word is found only 21 times in the L X X , and of the 'canonical' OT, only in Daniel. All of the other uses come from Judith, Tobit, 2 Maccabees, Wisdom and Ben Sira, but most of these are more general statements that are not connected with divine revelation. In Daniel the word is very frequent, occurring eight times in ch. 2 in both OG and Th, as well as an additional occurrence in Th at 4.9. The use of the plural in Matthew is particularly interesting as this matches up with the Daniel uses more closely than Mk 4.11 which (in the parallel to Mt. 13.11) uses the singular uuGTrjpiov. It seems clear in light of the statistical data (and particularly the infrequency of the L X X usage) and the strong overlap conceptually 3 5

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34 Werner Grimm, Jesus und das Danielbuch, vol. 1: Jesu Einspruch gegen das Offenbarungsystem Daniels (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1984), pp. 1-66. See also Evans, 'Daniel in the New Testament', p. 513. 35 This is the number of unique occurrences of the lexeme, that is, not counting when different Septuagintal recensions both use the word, such as in Tobit (LXX V Sinaiticus) and Daniel (OG and Th). 36 The occurrences outside of Daniel are Jdt. 2.2; Tob. 12.7, 11 (same in both LXX and Sinaiticus versions, speaking of the 'secret of the king'); 2 Mace. 13.21; 4 x in Wisdom (2.22 and 6.22 both speak of the secret wisdom of God; others not connected to divine mystery); 4 x in Sirach (not connected to divine mystery but rather proverbs about not revealing secrets of a friend). 37 The data is as follows: Of the 21 unique occurrences of the lexeme in the LXX, 10 are singular and 11 are plural, plurals including the occurrences in Dan. 2.28, 29, and the first of two instances in v. 47. The singular uses of the word are found in Dan. 2.18, 19, 27, 30, and the second occurrence in v. 47. In terms of correspondence with the Aramaic, it appears both the OG and Th switch between singular and plural at the same places as the Aramaic. Of the 28 occurrences of the word in the NT, there are only three in the Gospels, each in the Synoptic parallel passage about Jesus' teaching in parables (Mt. 13; Mk 4; Lk. 8). All of the NT occurrences are singular with the exception of Mt. 13.11, Lk. 8.10 and three instances in 1 Corinthians (4.1; 13.2; 14.2; cp. singulars in 2.1, 7; 15.51.

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between Daniel and Matthew on the issue of revelation from God, that Daniel 2 is the intertext behind Matthew's usage. As to which version of Daniel is serving in this role it is again difficult to tell. All three of the versions are quite close, including on the usage of the plural instead of the singular. Nonetheless, in light of Matthew's obvious knowledge of the Greek versions (e.g., the exact phrase &? ysvEo8ai in Mt. 26.54), it is reasonable to posit the Greek version(s) is/are at play here. Daniel 2.28-29 is not the only way in which the theme of divine revelation in Daniel feeds into and informs Matthew. We have already mentioned how crucial Matthew 13 is for this overall theme in the First Gospel. It is interesting to note then, several other ways in which Daniel informs this chapter in Matthew. Closely related to the discussion above, a key word in Matthew 13 is ouvtmjt ('understanding'). This word occurs 26 times in the NT, including nine times in Matthew, six of which are in Matthew 13 (vv. 13, 14, 15, 19, 23, 51). This word encapsulates well the main idea of ch. 13, as I have described it above. At this turning point in the First Gospel, the disciples of Jesus are defined as the ones who understand his teaching, as opposed to those outside. Leaning on the language of the quote from L X X Isa. 6.9, Matthew uses the theme of understanding - or misunderstanding - to redefine the people of God along the lines of receiving divine revelation. Understanding the mysteries of the kingdom is what marks the people of God. 38

39

40

41

38 We may note that much more work can be done here on tracing the theme of 'mystery' in the Second Temple period as it flows from Darnel into Matthew. Some important work has already been done on this topic, including one of the standard works on the subject in the modern period, R. E. Brown, The Semitic Background of the Term 'Mystery' in the New Testament (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1968). See also G. Bornkamm's essay s.v. in TDNT. Also, discussion particularly about the use of the word in Daniel can be found in Beale, The Use of Daniel, pp. 12-19. 39 Beyond the discussion that is to follow we may also note the intriguing link that can be made between the Joseph of Genesis and Daniel and then the Joseph of Matthew 1-2. In this way these three important men's lives parallel, especially around the issue of revelation related to dreams. As has been observed, the stories of Daniel and the patriarch Joseph have many obvious parallels (see Collins, Daniel, pp. 39-40). The significance of this is highlighted even more when one observes how Joseph the husband of Mary in Matthew 1-2 parallels both Daniel and the OT Joseph (see the interesting discussion in Davies and Allison, Matthew, vol. 1, p. 182). Related to this connection is the appearance of the 'magi from the East', who were often associated with Daniel and the Babylonian Exile (cf. Dan. 2.2, 10). This was the traditional view held by Celsus, Jerome and Augustine. Many modern commentators understand the reference to magi from the East as Danielic and Babylonian. For example, Hagner, Matthew 1-13, p. 27; Gundry, Matthew, pp. 26-7. 40 Cp. five times in Mark and four times in Luke. 41 He also uses this word later in Jesus' words exhorting the crowd to listen and understand (15.10), and twice more to describe the disciples coming to understand (usually later) Jesus' esoteric teachings (16.12; 17.13). See also Jeannine K. Brown, 'The Rhetoric of

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In addition to the quoted verse from Isaiah it appears that this same theme and word from Daniel also serve as the subtext for Matthew, and in this case the Th version stands apart from OG significantly. In the OG version the verb OUVITUJI occurs three times (11.33, 35; 12.3) and the noun form GUVEOIS four more times (1.17 [2x]; 1.20; 2.21). But in the Th version this word group proves to be a major emphasis, the verb being found 21 times and the noun form an additional nine times. There are several key occurrences, including 2.21 (Th only) where the noun is used to describe the giving of understanding activity that the God of heaven does. It seems that again, drinking deeply at the well of Daniel's themes and vocabulary, Matthew reflects this same important idea, possibly from a proto-Theodotionic recension. This connection is made especially strong in Dan. 12.3, and this proves to be a very important theological move for Matthew. O G 12.3 Kcci oi ouvievxes 4>avo0oiv cos (|>coaxfjpes xoG oupavoG KCXI OI KATICRXUOVTES xous Aoyous uou coaei x a a a x p a xoG oupavoG eis TOV aicova xoG aicovos KAI oi ouvievxes e^duipouaiv COS T\ AauTrpoxns xoG KOU CXTTO XCOV SIKOUCOV XCOV TTOAACOV COS OI daxepes eis xous a'icovas KOU exi Th

12.3

AXEPECOUAXOS

Mt. 13.43 Toxe OI SiKaioi eicAduvpouaiv cos 6 fjAios ev xfj (3aaiAetg xoG TTOCXPOS auxcov. 6 e'xcov coxa cxKouexco. 42

Daniel 12 plays an important role in several NT texts, including the 'abomination of desolation' (see below) and the great resurrection promise that 'many of those who sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake, some to everlasting life, and some to shame and everlasting contempt' (12.2 RSV). Just following this image of the resurrection (that will become so important for the Second Temple literature and especially the NT) the further description is given that these resurrected ones will shine 'as the brightness of the firmament' (Th) or 'like the stars of heaven' (OG). In addition to its conceptual connection with the resurrection in Mt. 25.31-46 and other texts, Greek Dan. 12.3 shows a striking link here with Mt. 13.43, as an examination of the texts shows. It is the Th version that shows the strongest verbal connection here, employing the same verb 43

Hearing: The Use of the Isaianic Hearing Motif in Matthew 11.2-16.20', in Daniel Gurtner and John Nolland (eds), Built upon the Rock: Studies in the Gospel of Matthew (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2008), pp. 248-69. 42 A. Y. Collins, 'The Influence of Daniel', pp. 110-11, gives several examples of the use of Daniel 12 in the NT, though she (somewhat surprisingly) does not mention 12.3, either here or in her discussion of Daniel in Matthew (pp. 98-9). 43 See A. Y. Collins, 'The Influence of Daniel', p. 111. She writes: 'Although the explicit idea of resurrection is lacking from the Matthean text, the notion of distinct eternal destinies for good and wicked people may be dependent, in part at least, on Dan 12.2.'

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kAauvpouoiv, from EKACXUITCO (cp. O G CXVOUGIV). This is all the more striking in that this is a hapax legomenon in the NT, and it is found only seven times in the Greek Bible. This seems clear evidence of Matthew's knowledge of and use of some recension similar to what became the Th version. What is particularly important to note as well is that Matthew has substituted the Greek's oi OUVIEVTES for his own oi 5'IKCXIOI. Tn other words, the 'righteous ones' - which in Matthew stands for those who are aligned with Jesus, expressing faith in him, living according to his kingdom teaching - are the ones who, combining the notion from Daniel, are the understanding ones. These texts fit together extremely well, with Matthew's intertextual twist that the righteous ones, the understanding ones, are the ones who will be resurrected. To be a righteous one is to be an understanding one - via divine revelation - and these are the ones who will be resurrected and be in the kingdom of Jesus' Father. We may also note that the words that conclude Matthew's saying in 13.43, T h e one who has ears, let him hear' are quite similar to his comment in 24.15, 'let the reader understand', both of which likely recall the comment in Dan. 12.10 that only the wise will understand the secrets revealed to Daniel. All of these clear connections between Daniel and Matthew 13 regarding the same theme of divine revelation also help explain why Matthew uses the language of Daniel and the fiery furnace. I suggested above that Matthew's use of the Daniel language of the 'fiery furnace' in Mt. 13.42 and 50 serves to make the connection with the Son of Man in 13.41 more explicit, as well as to twist the language of the former oppressors back on themselves. We may now offer a third reason why this striking language of the fiery furnace appears in Matthew 13. It is another whisper to the reader, 'Think Daniel'. This explicitly quoted phrase, 'the fiery furnace' is like the outcropping of a mineral-laden rock on a hillside, indicating that underneath the surface lies a vein worth pursuing. To conclude this discussion, we may observe how Matthew's use of the divine revelation theme from Daniel is a classic example of Matthew's intertextual technique. He has imbibed this OT text and has imbued its truths into his own teaching, all being retrofitted in light of the coming of Jesus the Christ, the fulfilment of all the OT's hopes and promises. In Daniel the protagonist strongly emphasizes that he is not the one who can reveal mysteries (in contrast to the false claims of the court magicians) but 44

45

44 2 Sam. 22.29; Ezek. 43.2; Dan. (Th) 12.3; and four times in Ben Sira (26.17; 43.4, 8; 50.7). 45 Robert H. Gundry, The Use of the Old Testament in St Matthew's Gospel with Special Reference to the Messianic Hope (Leiden: Brill, 1967), p. 49, argues for a deliberate echo of Dan. 12.10 on this point in Mt. 24.15. See also R. T. France, Matthew, p. 912.


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that it is the God of heaven who does. The continuity with Daniel is that Matthew's Jesus makes the same point, teaching that apart from divine revelation from the Father in heaven one cannot understand. Yet there is also an important discontinuity here. At the same time, Matthew's Jesuscentredness or high Christology shines through because the revelation of the mysteries that God gives in Matthew is not merely the interpretation of a dream or even specifically the details of what is to come in the future, but rather the revelation about who Jesus is. To be aligned with God in heaven one must be aligned with Jesus on earth; he is the Christ. Such a claim shows the qualitative or ontological difference between Jesus' discussion about the revealing of mysteries and Daniel's. Daniel's revelations have nothing to do with him. Not so with Jesus. One is immediately reminded of similar situations in Matthew where Jesus 'oneups' the great OT figures, including Moses (e.g., 'You have heard it said, but I say to you ...') and David, Solomon, the temple and others (cf. the many 'something greater than X is here . . . ' sayings). Eschatology The final major way in which Daniel is influencing Matthew can be placed under the large category of eschatology. Granted, this is a massive topic and a huge area of scholarly output - and rightly so; the NT is thoroughly eschatological in its outlook. But despite the generic-ness of the term I have still chosen to employ it here because it is large enough to encompass several ways in which Daniel in particular is working its way out in Matthew. Matthew is rifled through with apocalyptic language and imagery and is continually looking forward to the eschaton. The Beatitudes, the whole Sermon on the Mount, the missionary discourse of ch. 10, the language and imagery of the Passion narrative - all of these are full of apocalyptic eschatology. The most obvious and concentrated example is in the fifth and final major discourse in Matthew, the one that addresses explicitly and succinctly the future times, chs 24-25. These chapters in Matthew, in addition to sharing a similar worldview with Daniel 7-12, also reveal many specific references to Daniel. We can analyse them under four subcategories of eschatology: the end of the ages; 46

46 Donald Hagner states: 'From beginning to end, and throughout, the Gospel makes such frequent use of apocalyptic motifs and the apocalyptic viewpoint that it deserves to be called the apocalyptic Gospel: Donald A. Hagner, 'Apocalyptic Motifs in the Gospel of Matthew: Continuity and Discontinuity', HBT1 (1985): 53-82 (60). He also states that an apocalyptic perspective 'holds a much more prominent place than in any of the other Gospels' (p. 53). Many other works can be consulted, including David C. Sim, Apocalyptic Eschatology in the Gospel of Matthew (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); O. Lamar Cope, "To the Close of the Age": The Role of Apocalyptic Thought in the Gospel of Matthew', in Joel Marcus and Marion L. Soards (eds), Apocalyptic and the New Testament: Essays in Honor of J. Louis Martyn (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1989), pp. 113-24. 4

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the time of tribulation; the abomination of desolation; and resurrection/ eternal life. On each of these important topics Daniel makes a major appearance in Matthew. The end of the ages Daniel 9.26 shows an interesting connection with Matthew in several ways. The two Greek versions and the Hebrew all vary from each other a fair amount and in every case the content here is very esoteric. The N A lists Mt. 11.3 as an allusion to Dan. 9.26 and the connection there likely refers to the expectation of 'the coming one' (especially from Th). However, there is much more in Dan. 9.26-27 that one can see as a subtext for the Gospels, particularly reference to the future time of tribulation (see below) and mention of the Anointed One (even using X P » O T O S in O G 9.26; Th uses xpiopa) who will be cut off or killed. Additionally, we may note that the O G in this verse twice uses a word that becomes a Matthean favorite, O U V T E A E K X . This word occurs 81 times in the L X X , 22 of which are in the O G of Daniel. This is compared to only six occurrences in the Th version. Many of the instances of this word are concentrated in 9.26-27 (six times in O G here; only two times in Th), and at other times in the O G the word is used in connection with the coming armies and tribulation. What makes the connection with Matthew so strong is that this word appears exclusively in Matthew in the NT, with the exception of one usage in Heb. 9.26. In Matthew it is found at 13.39,40,49; 24.3; 28.20. It seems likely Matthew is picking up this word from Greek Daniel and using it multiple times. In Mt. 28.20 the word speaks of Jesus' promise of his presence in the future, and in this verse the word also provides an important literary and theological bookend with Matthew's first two words, (3i(}Aos Y E V E O E C O S (1.1). In 24.3 the word plays an important part in setting up the entire eschatological discourse of chs 24-25. The disciples ask Jesus to teach them about the sign of his coming and 'the close of the age'. The infrequency of this word in the NT and its great frequency and content connection with Daniel (especially O G ) make this a good candidate for intentional allusion. The recurrence to OUVTEAEICX three times in Mt. 13 is also very significant 27

47

4 8

49

27

47 The N A appendix lists Dan. 9.27 as linked with Mt. 4.5, though this is not as immediately recognizable. The reference in Matthew is to Jesus being taken to the pinnacle of the temple. The connection in Daniel seems to be the reference to Jerusalem, the temple and the Christ. By itself these would not likely prove to be clear connections, but taken in light of other uses of Dan. 9.26-27, this may be a valid allusion to draw. 48 As above, not counting the times where it occurs in different versions of the same book, such as OG and Th, and in this case, the two different textual witnesses to the book of Judges. 49 All of the Th occurrences are also found in parallel in the OG, with the OG also having 16 more uses.

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eschatologically. These three concentrated references to the OUVTEAEIOC are found in Jesus' eschatological parables of the wheat and the tares and the dragnet of fish, both of which speak of a future time of separation of the righteous from the wicked, an important eschatological motif. The connection with Daniel is certainly plausible here but is not necessary based only on this shared eschatological theme. However, Matthew's frequent use of this common Danielic term OUVTEAEIOC adds much to the argument. Yet even more, what makes this connection even more likely and striking is that just after each of these uses of OUVTEAEIOC in Matthew 1 3 we have the direct quote from Daniel regarding being cast into the fire: OUVTEAEIOC OUVTEAEIOC

in in

13.39, 4 0 , followed 13.49, followed by

by Daniel quote in 1 3 . 4 2 Daniel quote in 1 3 . 5 0

Thus, we have yet another function of the 'fiery furnace' quotes from Daniel in Matthew 13: they are part of the thick web of multiple Daniel references woven together into this key chapter. The Daniel 4 quotes in Matthew 13 are interwoven with these important eschatological references to the 'end of the ages' from Daniel 9 and other places, particularly the reference to the OUVTEAEIO:. On this score we may posit that the influence of O G upon Matthew is once again probable as OUVTEAEIO: is such a frequent and important term there. However, the word does also occur in Th, even if not as frequently, and Matthew may pick up the lexeme from some proto-Theodotionic recension. Time of tribulation There are several uses of Dan. 12.1-3 in Matthew, one of which was discussed above in connection with Mt. 13.43, and several others that will be discussed below in relation to the resurrection. But here we may also note briefly how Dan. 12.1 relates to the coming time of tribulation spoken of in Mt. 2 4 . 2 1 . It is difficult to say if Matthew is quoting either of our versions of the Greek Bible here, though the conceptual link is there. There may be a slight edge to something like the Th as subtext, though this is not entirely certain. Interestingly, the N A margin here says explicitly 'Dn 12,1 Theod'. A future time of testing also appears in Dan. 12.10. 27

The Abomination of Desolation Along with 'Son of Man', one of the strongest links made between Daniel and the Gospels - Matthew included - is reference to the 'abomination of desolation(s)'. This threefold reference in Daniel (9.27; 11.31; 1 2 . 1 1 ) refers to the defiling of the Jerusalem temple by Antiochus IV Epiphanes

50

50 Also note that 8.13 appears to refer to the same thing with the expression r\ auccp-ria sprjucoaecos.

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in 167 B C (cf. 1 Mace. 1.54, 59; 6.7; 2 Mace. 6.1-5). There is no doubt that Daniel's several references to the 'abomination of desolation' are the backdrop for the NT's conception of the same. Luke interprets this as the destruction of Jerusalem (Lk. 21.20) while Mark and Matthew are not as clear, though the destruction of Jerusalem and/or some future time are in view. But what is most striking is that Matthew goes out of his way, rather unexpectedly, to make the Daniel connection unmistakably obvious by introducing the phrase with: T O pnBev 5id Aavir|A TOU TRPOTITOU

T O

pu8ev 5ia

EOTOS EV TOTTCO dyicp 6 avayivcooKcov VOEITCO

So the source of Daniel is indisputable. The question is where in Daniel this comes from and how the Greek versions play into this. One possibility is 9.27 (identical in OG and Th). We may note that both versions are followed immediately by reference to the ecos ouvTeAeiocs (plus the additional KOU OUVTEAEIO in O G ) . AS discussed above, this becomes a favorite Matthean expression. We may also note the further connection in Mt. 24.14 with its reference to the end coming (TOTE rJX ° TEAOS). One immediate difference between these identical Greek versions and Matthew is the plural 'desolations' as compared to Matthew's singular T % IpnucooEcos. It is possible that Matthew reflects the single number of the poel particle 005QD, though this is far from certain. Actually, the Hebrew reads quite differently here from Matthew who seems to be following the Greek instead; the Hebrew should be rendered something like 'upon the wing of abominations shall come one who makes desolate' (RSV). The Hebrew goes on to speak again of 'the desolater', thus it seems the MT is speaking more specifically of a person while the Gospel's focus on the action. Either Greek version could be the source for Matthew here, despite the singular-plural difference. Another possible source for Matthew is Dan. 11.31. We may note once again that unlike Matthew, the pSeAuyucc here is anarthrous, though this is not likely of great importance. Like Matthew, however, the OG's Epnucooeoos here is singular, as opposed to the plural in Dan 9.27. Also noticeable, Th uses a different word here - F|O:V.OUEVOV, from dav.£eo £l T

51

52

51 There is also the difference between the articular version in Matthew and the anarthrous in Daniel, although the varied uses of the Greek article make this likely not of great importance. 52 The OG reads pSeAuyucc eprmcooecos and the Th has pSsAuypa rVtxxviauEvov.

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thus breaking up the formulaic expression. This gives a slight edge to O G as Matthew's source, at least in the sense that the usage is consistent and more frequent in O G , though this is not a necessary conclusion. Yet another possibility, and likely the best candidate for Matthew's source is Dan. 12.11. This occurrence of the phrase matches Matthew in its use of the singular T T J S epnucooscos. The only difference between the O G and Th here is the presence or absence of the article. Again, this is not highly significant for a difference in meaning, though it should be observed that this makes the O G text match Matthew exactly. Thus we may suggest that O G 12.11 is best said to be 'what was spoken through the prophet Daniel'. This is not to say that each of the three instances of the 'abomination of desolation' are not combined together - they are - but that in terms of a direct citation, which Matthew obvious wants to give us, it appears he is reading the O G text at 12.11. As to the question of the meaning of this intertext in Matthew, Davies and Allison query whether this suggests that Matthew's community might have used the L X X because this is where the book of Daniel belongs to 'the prophets', as opposed to in the Hebrew Bible where Daniel is among the writings. This does seem reasonable. However, they rightly note that this is not the necessary inference, as there are other texts that refer to Daniel as a prophet without making this L X X versus Hebrew Bible assumption. Nevertheless, this stands as an interesting observation regarding Matthew's text-type. I would also suggest that Matthew's explicit citation of Dan. 12.11 helps his readers see the other links he makes with Daniel 12, including especially in chs 24-25. Finally, we may also remark that this explicit reference to 'the prophet Daniel' lends much credence to the overall thesis of this essay, that Matthew is reading and reflecting on Daniel for his own narrative teaching about Jesus. 53

54

55

Resurrection!Eternal life The fourth and final use of Daniel in Matthew's eschatology concerns the topic of eternal life and the resurrection from the dead. We have mentioned above how Daniel 12.3, with its reference to the wise shining like the firmament/heavens, is used in an important way in Mt. 13.43. Daniel 12.3 is a picturesque description of the future resurrection which is 53 The OG reads TO fSSeAuyua TTJS epnM&x^W and the Th has (JSeAuyua sprjucocrecos. 54 This is somewhat in tension with Davies and Allison, Matthew, vol. 3, p. 345 n. 114, which says that the suggestion that 'any one of these texts in Daniel is in view to the exclusion of the others is unlikely'. This is correct that not one text is used in exclusion of the others, but it does seem OG 12.11 is the clearest and most direct text, and the others support it. 55 Davies and Allison, Matthew, vol. 3, p. 345 n. 113.

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spoken of in Dan. 12.2. Of course, much can be said about the developing theology of resurrection in the Second Temple period and how central of an idea this is in the NT, but we will restrict our current discussion to one particular verse in Matthew that is a refraction of Dan. 12.2, Mt. 25.46. This text in Matthew is by no means the first reference to a future time of judgement and separation of the righteous and the unrighteous, nor the first mention of a future punishment (cf. from ch. 13 the parables of the wheat and tares and the dragnet of fish, and the multiple references to a place of darkness and weeping and gnashing of teeth). But this verse is the conclusion to the most extended image of the future judgement in Matthew (25.31-46, using the image of the sheep and the goats), and it serves as the concluding climax to the entire eschatological discourse of chs 24-25. The texts of Daniel (all three versions) vary from each other a bit but the concept is the same as it is in Matthew. What O G , Th and Matthew all share exactly is the phrase eis Ccor|v aicoviov. The O G also shows some affinities to Matthew with its use of the oi 5e expression which is not only here in Mt. 25.46 but is also a regular feature of Matthew's style (found around 60 times). The common conception at work here is the eschatological separation of peoples at a time of physical resurrection. A. Y. Collins addresses the question of Dan. 12.2's influence on the NT and concludes that this notion from Daniel 'is of central importance in the New Testament'. She also states that although most of the NT passages about the resurrection do not show direct verbal links with Daniel 12, one important exception is Mt. 25.31-46. Although the explicit mention of resurrection is not found in this Matthean text, the exact phrase sis Ccorjv aicoviov is important and 'the notion of distinct eternal destinies for good and wicked people may be dependent, in part at least, on Dan. 12.2'. Thus, it seems we have good reason to make an explicit connection between Dan. 12.2 and Matthew here. To conclude our discussion of Daniel's influence on Matthew's eschatology we can pull together several pieces of the data. Davies and Allison, in discussing the background of Matthew 24, offer the following helpful chart of parallels between Daniel and Matthew 24. 56

57

58

59

27

56 The N A appendix also lists Mt. 27.52[-53] as an allusion to Dan. 12.2. The reference in Matthew to many saints being raised and entering the holy city does relate in general to the resurrection promise of Dan. 12, but the lexical connections are minimal. 57 A. Y. Collins, 'The Influence of Daniel', p. 111. 58 Ibid. 59 Davies and Allison, Matthew, vol. 3, p. 332. Time has not allowed me to analyse all of the connections that Allison has suggested here. I have chosen to focus on the four subcategories discussed above, but more work can be done here. One additional possible use of Daniel in Mt. 24 beyond what Allison gives here is Dan. 12.12 in Mt. 24.13. See A. Y. Collins, 'The Influence of Daniel', p. 111.

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Temple destroyed Time of the end Rumours of war Persecution of saints Abomination Time of tribulation Son of man on clouds

Matthew 24

Daniel

v. 3 v. 3 v. 6 w . 9-11 v. 15 v. 21 v. 30

9.26 12.6-7 9.26; 11.44 7.25; 11.33 8.13; 9.27; 11.31; 12.11 12.1 7.13

Allison concludes: 'While it is too much to say that Matthew 24 (or its main source) is a midrash upon Daniel, the clear allusions and the explicit citation of "the prophet Daniel" (v. 15) are proof that, for Matthew, the end-time scenario will fulfill the words of Daniel and Jesus simultan eously.' I agree and would add that there are even more allusions to and echoes of Daniel in this Matthean discourse, including in ch. 25 as well. Indeed, I would suggest that in addition to the explicit reference to Daniel in 24.15 and the multiple references to the Son of Man here, Matthew frames the entire discourse of these two chapters with allusions to Daniel. Daniel makes an appearance at the beginning in Mt. 24.3 and at the end with Mt. 25.46. Daniel's part in Matthew's eschatology functions at a very high level and can be easily classified as an oratory role. Epilogue I have just offered my general conclusion as to the widespread use of Daniel in Matthew - it is there, it is important, and there is still work to be done. Matthew loves the prophets and he very much wants his readers to understand that, as he says in 26.56, 'all the writing of the prophets have been fulfilled' in Jesus, and this certainly includes the important words of Daniel. I have sought to show in this essay that a key subtext for Matthew is Daniel (especially some Greek version). Moreover, understanding how Matthew employs the language of Daniel reveals something about the rich intertextuality of the First Gospel and helps us understand the depth of Danielic meaning with which Matthew is investing some of his own key themes, especially the Son of Man, heaven and earth, divine revelation and eschatology.

Chapter 6 DIARCHIC SYMBOLISM IN MATTHEW'S PROCESSION NARRATIVE

A

D E A D SEA SCROLLS PERSPECTIVE

Anthony Le Donne Craig Evans has recently suggested that Jesus' public entry into Jerusalem and procession toward the temple (hereafter: Procession) might demon strate the expectation for a/the political messiah to be endorsed by the temple priesthood and, perhaps particularly, by the anointed high priest. His study surveys a number of Rabbinic texts that interpret Zech. 4.14 messianically and suggests that 4Q254 frag 4 'may preserve the earliest extant link in a chain of messianic interpretation of Zechariah 3-4'. In this way, Evans' reading of 4Q254 follows the early comments of George Brooke. I think that there is merit to their reading of this fragment. While the present paper will not focus on 4Q254, it will suggest that this messianic application of Zechariah might be indicative of Qumran's more general understanding and use of Zechariah. With this in mind, I will be drawing further attention to another text which, in my estimation, betrays a similar understanding of Zechariah. Evans focuses primarily on Mark's account of Jesus' Procession and (by way of Mark) the historical event itself. My own paper will largely sidestep the earlier stages of the Jesus tradition to focus on Matthew's 1

2

3

1 ' "The Two Sons of Oil": Early Evidence of Messianic Interpretation of Zechariah 4.14 in 4Q254 4 2 \ in Donald W. Parry and Eugene Ulrich (eds), The Provo International Conference on the Dead Sea Scrolls: Technological Innovations, New Texts, and Reformulated Issues (STDJ, 30; Leiden: Brill, 1998), pp. 566-75; 'Diarchic Messianism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Messianism of Jesus of Nazareth', in L. H. Schiffman, E. Tov and J. C. VanderKam (eds), The Dead Sea Scrolls: Fifty Years after Their Discovery. Proceedings of the Jerusalem Congress, July 20-25, 1997 (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society and the Israel Antiquities Authority, 2000), pp. 558-67. 2 Evans, 'Two Sons', p. 571. 3 '4Q254 Fragments 1 and 4, and 4Q254a: Some Preliminary Comments', in Proceedings of the Eleventh World Congress of Jewish Studies (Jerusalem: World Union of Jewish Studies, 1994), pp. 185-92.


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interpretation of Jesus' Procession. My modest contribution to this thesis will suggest (1) that Matthew's account of the Procession betrays an expectation that is akin (but not identical) to that which was common to the Dead Sea community and (2) that Matthew was probably conversant with a form of diarchic messianism as his use of Zechariah demonstrates. Specifically, this paper will suggest that Matthew portrays Jesus riding two animals toward the temple (Mt. 21.5) to address the diarchic expectations of his contemporaries. Zechariah and Qumran To begin, it is helpful to recall the famous text from Zechariah that shaped Matthew's understanding of the Procession, Zech. 9.9: Rejoice greatly, O daughter of Zion! Shout, O daughter of Jerusalem! Behold, your king is coming to you; He is righteous and endowed with salvation, humble, and mounted on a donkey [11011], even on a colt 7 P P 0 ] , the foal of a donkey BTUrttTp]. 5

6

This prophecy was originally intended to legitimate Zerubbabel, a descendant of David, as king in a time when there had been an absence of this office in Israel. But before the significance of Zechariah can be fully appreciated, it must be pointed out that this passage is itself an allusion to 1 Kgs 1.32-40. In this passage, David choreographs Solomon's enthrone ment procession and anointing by having him mount David's mule and parade to the temple alongside Zadok the priest and Nathan the prophet. For the purposes of the present study, it is crucial to point out that David never mounts an animal in this manner to legitimate his claim to the throne. This act is done by Solomon in order to claim his status as David's successor. This act symbolically distinguished Solomon from Adonijah. Both were heirs, but David placed Solomon on his own mule to symbolically endorse him as the rightful heir to his father's throne. Furthermore, David had hoped to promote the notion that Solomon would be a greater king than his father (1 Kgs 1.37). It is also important 8

4 This is not to say that Matthew's interpretation of the historical event is of little value. For a fuller discussion of Jesus' Procession and one that includes historiographical analysis (i.e., historical analysis) see my The Historiographical Jesus: Memory, Typology and the Son of David (Waco: Baylor University Press, forthcoming). 5

LXX: uTTo£uyiov.

6

LXX:

TTCJAOV VEOV.

7 LXX omits this phrase. 8 Contrast the unsuccessful processions of Absalom (2 Sam. 18.9) and Mephibosheth (2 Sam. 19.26); cf. J. A. Sanders, A New Testament Hermeneutic Fabric: Psalm 118 in the Entrance Narrative' in C. A. Evans and W. F. Stinespring (eds), Early Jewish and Christian Exegesis (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1987), pp. 177-90 (179). 4

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that David's endorsement of Solomon included the support of both the prophet Nathan and Zadok the priest. They announced his new office with a shout and accompanied his procession. Lastly, it is no small detail that Zadok the priest plays a crucial role in anointing Solomon. Considering this historical backdrop, the possibility must be considered that such a Jewish royal procession was a uniquely Solomonic act. Solomon was the first 'son of David' to become like his father and eventually supersede his father. Zechariah drew upon this imagery in order to embody what was first achieved in the reign of Solomon. As David's original choreography intended, the act of riding a colt amid shouts of royal adulation was a symbolic claim to be David's successor. Thus the act was Davidic in a particularly Solomonic sense. Zechariah was prophesying that Zerubbabel would sit on David's throne just like Solomon had. This affinity with Solomon is of particular importance for Zechariah, because Zerubbabel is prophesied as the coming builder of the temple; this too is the responsibility of the Davidic king and it is particularly Solomonic. In this light, Zech. 6.12-13 clarifies: 9

Then say to him, 'Thus says the Lord of Hosts, "Behold, a man whose name is Branch, for he will branch out from where he is; and he will build the Temple of the Lord." Indeed, he will build the Temple of the Lord and it is he who will bear the honor and sit and reign. And there will be a priest at his throne and a council of peace between the two.'

Besides confirming the role of Zerubbabel as temple builder, this text highlights the mutual relationship between Zerubbabel (here called 'Branch') and Joshua the high priest no doubt following the lead of 1 Kings 1. Moreover, these two figures are coupled in Zech. 4.14 and called the 'sons of anointing' ""^3). Zechariah's invitation toward messianic interpretation is obvious and, clearly, was not lost on the Qumran community. As Zechariah's influence extends into the Common Era, its impact can be seen in the Dead Sea Scrolls. As is well known, Qumran's messianism included multiple offices. Joseph Fitzmyer voices his initial surprise at this duality: 10

11

12

9 Cf. also Hag. 2.9. 10 The vision of Zech. 4 shows the temple as a lamp-stand alongside two olive branches which pour out their oil 11 Cf. J. J. Collins, The Scepter and the Star: The Messiahs of the Dead Sea Scrolls and other Ancient Literature (New York: Doubleday, 1995), p. 77. 12 The most common view is that the Qumran community was awaiting two eschatological figures. However, some argue that the Dead Sea sect believed that the eschatological 'high priest' was already present in their community and were awaiting a royal


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Even though PTCED was applied in post-monarchial times to a historical priest in Leviticus 4, it is a surprise to see a priestly figure become a part of the Qumran community's messianic expectations, because there is little in the Old Testament itself about a future 'priest/ unless Zech 6.13b is so understood. 13

While Fitzmyer suggests this connection very cautiously, more might be said about this connection. Besides the possible echo of the referent 'Branch' in several scrolls, Geniza B explicitly appeals to Zechariah in the context of multiple messianic offices: 14

15

ipsn D i r t e o'xrcn Via: Tmb... 6 m a mn sran nnnT T n mro imn torn 7

.ynan na

men sran rm ? wan* cmaEam mpsn fpn lo'ar 10 .'anen pro* 11 1

When God visits the land to return the just deserts of the wicked upon them. When the oracle of the prophet Zechariah comes true, O sword, be lively and smite my shepherd and the man loyal to me so says God. If you strike down the shepherd, the flock will scatter. Then I will turn my power against the little ones [cf. Zech. 13.7]. But those who give heed to God are the poor of the flock [cf. Zech. 11.7] they will escape in the time of punishment, but all the rest will be handed over to the sword when the Messiah of Aaron and of Israel comes. (CD 19.6-11). 16

anointed figure before both 'messiahs' could be established in Jerusalem. See discussions in Collins, Scepter, ch. 4 and M. Abegg, 'The Messiah at Qumran: Are We Still Seeing Double?' DSD 2 (1995): 125-44. 13 J. A. Fitzmyer, The Dead Sea Scrolls and Christian Origins (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000), p. 83. 14 It is commonly argued that Qumran has adapted the vegetation language of Jeremiah, e.g., A. S. van der Woude, Die Messianischen Vorstellungen der Gemeinde von Qumran (Assen: Gorcum, 1957), p. 171; D. Juel, Messianic Exegesis: Christological Interpretation of the Old Testament in Early Christianity (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1998), p. 67; C. A. Evans, 'Are the "Son" Texts at Qumran Messianic?' in J. H. Charlesworth, H. Litchenberger and G. S. Oegema (eds), Qumran-Messianism: Studies on the Messianic Expectations in the Dead Sea Scrolls (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1998), pp. 135-53 (141); J. Laansma, / Will Give You Rest (WUNT, 98; Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1997), pp. 225-6. There can be little doubt that the Jeremiah texts cited above also contributed to the 'Branch' language. I do not wish to paint these two passages as mutually exclusive options. 15 4Q161 7-10 3.22; 4Q174 1-3 1.11; 4Q252 5.3-4, 4Q285 5 3; 5 4. 16 I follow the translation of M. Wise, M. Abegg and E. Cook, The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1996).

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The first line of the cited passage (line 6) concludes a previous section on the virtues of keeping the Lord's commands until the last days. This transition gives occasion for the author to express his hope for a day of divine visitation and judgement. What follows are two overt appeals to Zechariah which show that the community believed this book to be eschatologically instructive. Moreover, this passage associates the fulfil ment of Zechariah's judgement day with the coming of two anointed figures. In lines 10-11, we see the now famous refrain that bespeaks Qumran's messianic dualism: The quotes from Zechariah are from chs 11 and 13; both chapters emphasize a shepherding metaphor that predicts a bloody end to Israel's leadership. It is by way of this divine judgement that a remnant of Israel would be saved and refined. In all likelihood, the Dead Sea community saw themselves as this righteous remnant and awaited an eschatological diarchy to be established for them and against the corrupt Jerusalem temple establishment. Although the immediate context of chs 11 and 13 do not mention the dual anointed figures, this Qumran interpreter seems to have imported these figures from previous passages in the book. Taking this passage together with 4Q254, we are in a position to confirm the early suspicion of Fitzmyer and the more recent suggestion of Evans that Zechariah played a crucial role in influencing the Qumran community's expectation of a messianic diarchy. And in this particular text, we see that this influence specifically included the messianic exegesis of Zech. 13.7. I move now to the Gospel of Matthew which also quotes Zech. 13.7. 18

19

20

Zechariah and

Matthew

As I consider the possibility of diarchic messianism in Matthew's version of the Procession, I aim to triangulate Matthew between Mark (on which 17 Cf. CD 12.23; 14.19; 20.1; 4Q266 flOi.12; 4Q269 flli.2. George Brooke has recently reminded me that JTOD is rendered in the singular. However, he is willing to grant that the (virtual) scholarly consensus considers that the singular is elsewhere indicative of multiple messiahs. This study will follow the majority opinion that the phrase is best considered as a designation of multiple offices unless the context demands otherwise. 18 It has been notoriously difficult to interpret this metaphor with specific identities but most commentators agree that the central issue is concerned with issues of leadership. 19 C. Rabin's early reading of this passage suggested that the author identified the struck-down shepherd as the Teacher of Righteousness (The Zadokite Documents [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1954], p. 31). 20 A fuller treatment might revisit 4Q174 1.10-13 which conflates and exploits 2 Sam. 7.12, 14; Amos 9.11; and Zech. 6.13. While 2 Sam. 7 is most prominently interpreted, Zechariah's stamp is evident as there are two eschatological figures mentioned and the royal figure is called the 'Branch of David' recalling Zechariah's metaphorical title.

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Matthew is dependent) and Qumran (which stands along a relatively parallel trajectory). Exegetically, this will (1) involve analysing how Matthew has followed and redacted Mark's Procession account and (2) comparing Matthew's apparent agenda with the general messianic ideology of the Qumran community. F. F. Bruce catalogued 11 parallels between Zechariah and Jesus' Passion spanning all four Gospels. To summarize these parallels, the following chart has set direct quotations in quotes, strong allusions in simple text and echoes in italics. 21

Quote/Concept

Zechariah

Gospel

1. 'Say to the Daughter of Zion, "Behold, your king coming . . . mounted on a colt, the foal . . . ! " ' 2. 'King coming . . . seated on an ass's colt!' 3. ' . . . shall not look on him whom they have pierced' 4. 'I will strike the shepherd . . . '

9.9 + Isa. 62.11

Mt. 21.5

9.9

Jn 12.15

12.10 + Exod. 12.46 13.7

Jn 19.33-37

Mk 14.27//Mt. 26.31 11.12 Mt. 26.15 5. Weighed out . . . 30 pieces of silver 6. Money cast down . . . used to buy field 11.13 + Jer. 18.2 Mt. 27.9-10 11.11//13.7 Lk. 12.32 7. The poor of the flock // little ones 8. My covenant blood 9.11 + Exod. 24.8 Mk 14.24 14.4 Mk li.23//Mt. 9. Temple Mount cleft (?) 21.21 10. Flowing of living water 13.1 + Isa. 44.3 Jn 7.38 Tg. Zech. 14.21 Jn2.16 11. House of trade 22

As seen here, the first four parallels take the form of direct quotations. Taken together, 5 and 6 seem strongly influenced by Zechariah even though no direct quote is supplied. The next five represent faint echoes, perhaps too vague to be noticed individually. But given the weight of the previous six and the overall total, one is compelled to consider their merit. All told, it seems probable that the association between Zechariah and Jesus' Passion tradition was early and widespread. 21 F. F. Bruce, 'The Book of Zechariah and the Passion Narrative', BJRL 43 (1960-61): 336-53. 22 In this case, the key conceptual parallel is the Aramaic paraphrase 'there shall no longer be a trader in the house of the YHWH on that day'. Here the meturgeman has changed 'Canaanite' to 'trader'. The late date of the written tradition cautions against any strong argument. Even so, it seems that there are two exegetical options available. The first places this tradition after the destruction of the temple. If this is so, Tg. Zech. suggests that the Herodian temple was remembered as an institution corrupted by the abuse of trade. The second option is that the written tradition represents a much earlier sentiment that is contemporary to the issue at stake in Jesus' temple demonstration. Both options cast further light on the state of the temple shortly before its destruction.


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I include this chart to demonstrate succinctly both Matthew's keen interest in Zechariah and that this interest takes cues from the evangelist's received tradition. Matthew has followed Mark's lead in quoting Zech. 13.7 and has taken this saying as a key for understanding the larger significance of the events of the Passion (see points 1, 4, 5, 6 and 9 charted above). Noticing the many similarities between Mark's Passion and Zechariah, Matthew has created something of a Zechariah matrix. This can be seen in Matthew's interpretation of Jesus' Procession as the fulfilment of Zech. 9.9. It can also be seen in Matthew's expansion of Mk 14.11 to include details from Zech. 11.12-13. Bruce is then correct to quote Dodd on this matter: There is no reason to suppose that this belongs to the primitive corpus of testimonia, but we may well believe that Matthew was led to it because the whole passage of Zechariah was already recognized as a source of testimonies. 23

In this way, Matthew has followed a redaction trajectory present in the tradition he has received and has expanded it. It seems that Matthew's retelling took its interpretative cues from those implicit in Mark. I think that this is particularly true of Matthew's retelling of Jesus' Procession. Matthew's account of the Procession strays from Mark's with regard to its immediate telos. In Mark's Procession, Jesus ends his journey at the temple, looks around and leaves. In Matthew, this anticlimax is dropped altogether to include what becomes one of the most climactic moments of narrative: Jesus' demonstration in the temple. Matthew has taken the broader telos of the story and placed it in the immediate context of Jesus' Entry. The temple was, of course, both Jesus' final destination and the central focus of his symbolic act. In both these ways, Matthew's broader telos is not radically different than Mark's. What Matthew does change is Mark's immediate anticlimax. This is simply good storytelling. Given Zechariah's influence upon Matthew's interpretation, the evangelist's teleological emphasis is understandable. For Matthew, Jesus' royal office is linked with his relationship to the temple, and as 24

25

26

23 C. H. Dodd, According to the Scriptures: The Sub-Structure of New Testament Theology (London: Collins, 1952), p. 62 as quoted in Bruce, 'Book of Zechariah', p. 349. 24 P. J. Achtemeier observes that in comparison to Matthew, Mark's Procession account seems 'unusually ambiguous' ('And He Followed Him: Miracles and Discipleship in Mark 10.46-52', Semeia 11 [1978]: 115-45 [130]). Matthew's account has thus taken steps to improve this ambiguity. 25 Cf. Donald A. Hagner, Matthew 14-28 (WBC, 33B, Dallas Word Books, 1995), p. 600. 26 It should be noted, however, that Mark's placement of the fig tree incident (Mk 11.1214, 20-26) was undoubtedly strategic. Mark has couched Jesus' temple action within a type of actualized parable. With this in mind, it is possible that Matthew's alteration comes closer to how the event was originally remembered. This is confirmed by Luke's corresponding climax.

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such, Matthew places Jesus' demonstration in closer proximity to Jesus' Procession. This shift is better explained when Matthew's use of Zechariah is examined. As mentioned, Zech. 9.9 mimics Solomon's original claim to the throne in 1 Kgs 1.32-40. Zechariah employs this imagery because Zerubbabel's most important office is that of temple builder. The prophet portrays him as the antitype of Solomon in order to demonstrate his authority as the 'Branch' of David which extended from the promised 'seed' of 2 Sam. 7. According to Mt. 21.9, Jesus rides into Jerusalem amidst the shouts, 'Hosanna, Son of David! Blessed be he who comes in the name of the Lord! Hosanna in the Highest!' This is a departure from Mark in that 'Son of David' is inserted in place of Mark's mention of 'the kingdom of David our father!' The observation that Solomon's was the prototypical inaugural procession is relevant because Matthew has added the Solomonic title 'Son of David' to his Procession narrative. If it can be granted that Matthew had more than just a superficial interest in Zechariah, and that Zechariah modelled Zerubbabel after Solomon, it is possible that Matthew has followed suit by applying to Jesus a title best known for its application to David's first successor: Solomon. As stated above, David's legacy does not include a symbolic coronation procession. This ritual stems from Solomonic tradition. Thus Matthew's application of this title to Jesus may well demonstrate a typological appeal to Solomon. In this story, Jesus' Procession leads to the temple where Jesus will demonstrate his authority over it as the messianic Son of David. Zechariah guides Matthew's imagery in this regard. It is then helpful to remember that Zadok played a key role in Solomon's procession and anointing. This homogeny between king and high priest influenced Zechariah who further emphasized joint offices of 'the sons of anointing'. This must be kept in mind when reading Mt. 21.2, 5 and 7. Here Matthew borrows from Zechariah by inventing dual animals, L X X Zech. 9.9 reads: 27

28

XocTpe o<J>65pa Suyaxep I I C O V K r j p u o a e OuyaxEp lepouoaAnM ISou b P A O I A S U S oou E P X E T A I A O I SIKOUOS KOU aop^cov auxos u p a u s KOU ETTLPEPRIKCOS STTl UTTOÛyiOV KOU TTGoAoV VEOV.

27 2 Sam. 7.13 indicates that David's 'seed' will 'build a house for My name'. 28 For a fuller defence of this point, see The Historiographical Jesus. With regard to the title 'Son of David', one of the central theses of my dissertation was that, when applied to Jesus, 'Son of David' is a typological designation that draws as much from Solomonic typology as it does from Davidic typology. Indeed the only time that 'Son of David' is applied as a title in the Hebrew Bible is in reference to Solomon. Moreover, the phrase 'Son of David' is extant in the Dead Sea Scrolls only once, when it is applied to Solomon in 4Q398 fl 1 13.1-2:'[.. .the bles]sin[gs] came on [and] in the days of Solomon, the Son of David

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Rejoice greatly, O daughter of Zion; proclaim it aloud, O daughter of Jerusalem; behold, the King is coming to thee, just, and a Saviour; he is meek and riding on an ass, and a young foal!

The L X X takes the Hebrew parallel description of the same animal (TVWrWp TIT^fll man) and creates the possibility of two separate animals. Similarly, Matthew has taken this poetic category and literalized it in his narrative. The literalization of Zech. 9.9 has been almost universally noticed by commentators. But while most commentators explain what Matthew has done, few answer why he has done it. I would contend that this literalization is an extension of the first-century belief in dual messiahs as evidenced in the Dead Sea Scrolls. Given that Zechariah was the dominant mnemonic paradigm at work in Matthew's interpretation, his literalization of the two animals might also have served to comment on Jesus' relationship with the temple establish ment. In Zechariah, both Zerubbabel and Joshua were anointed and each had a crucial role in re-establishing the temple; Zerubbabel took on Solomon's mantle of building the temple, while Joshua occupied Zadok's priestly office. This is most probably the paradigm that informed Matthew's interpretation of Jesus' relationship with the temple. But in Jesus' case, the high priest is absent and at odds with Zion's king. What is not clear at this point is whether Matthew is portraying Jesus as filling both offices due to the absence of his counterpart, or whether the evangelist has merely intended to highlight the negligence of the high priest. If it is the former, Matthew's account serves as a defence against those who would begrudge Jesus both offices. If it is the latter, Matthew has demonstrated that Jesus made every effort to include the temple establishment in the coming kingdom; it was their decision to reject the messiah that ultimately excluded them. In either case, Matthew has ultimately portrayed Jesus as a singular messiah. If Matthew did indeed feel the need to address diarchic messianism (viz. Qumran messianism), he does so by highlighting that Jesus alone rode into Jerusalem on two animals. 29

30

29 Ironically Gos. Thorn. 47 reads, 'Jesus said, "A person cannot mount two horses or bend two bows".' 30 In his critique of my paper at the Society of Biblical Literature (annual meeting, 2007), James Charlesworth called further attention to the fact that Matthew's preposition and plural pronoun indicates that Jesus rode upon both animals: Kai eireicaOioEV ETTCCVCG a u T c o v (Mt. 21.7). This 'absurdity' (his word) might further suggest that the evangelist intended to portray Jesus as holding both messianic offices. It ought to be noted, however, that the New American Standard attributes the number to the plurality of coats upon the animals.

Chapter 7 ALLUSION T O A N D EXPANSION O F T H E TREE O F LIFE A N D G A R D E N O F E D E N IN BIBLICAL A N D PSEUDEPIGRAPHAL

LITERATURE

Peter T. Lanfer The tree of life first appears in biblical literature in Gen. 2.9 where it stands in the middle of the garden of Eden. It is described for the final time in Rev. 22.2 forming an inclusio with all but a few chapters of the Christian canon. However, the fact that the tree of life appears in only nine verses between the biblical Urzeit and Endzeit (three more verses if Apocryphal references are counted) would seemingly diminish its signifi cance. Yet, the tree of life has curiously remained a fixture in the imaginations of both Jewish and Christian authors. The tree of life particularly appears in texts that imagine the 'historical' Eden as the original and ideal temple, and imagine the consummation of history as a 'return to, and restoration of, Eden'. Revelation 22, for instance, reverses the expulsion of humankind from the garden of Eden in Genesis 3 thereby restoring access to the tree of life and to paradise. References to the tree of life in the Second Temple period formed a new category in which eschatological expectations were articulated under the influence of Eden mythology 'embedded' in Jewish religious consciousness. In the vast body of literature that considers the attributes of a future paradise, the tree of life takes a prominent place, especially in its role of providing the fruit of immortality and healing to the elect. Most interesting to this study are texts in which the tree of life takes on a different role, that of representing or establishing the presence of God in paradise or in the world. To reach this metaphorical end, several transformations took place. Firstly, the 1

1 'The phrase in v. 14b corresponds rather closely, though inversely, to Gen 3.22-24, which narrates the expulsion of Adam from Eden because of the possibility that he might eat from the tree of life and so live forever.' David E. Aune, Revelation 17-22 (WBC, 52C; Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 1998), p. 1221. See also Daniel Wong, 'The Tree of Life in Revelation 2.7', Bibliotheca Sacra 155 (1998): 211-26 (223); and Shozo Fujita, 'The Metaphor of Plant in Jewish Literature of the Intertestamental Period', JSJ 7 (1976): 30-45 (33). Paradise in Revelation is described as 'the "holy city" or the "new Jerusalem'". However, this paradise is clearly depicted as a restored 'Eden'.

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Tree of Life and Garden of Eden

97

former Eden was re-imagined in some texts as the original and ideal temple. Secondly, the future paradise (sometimes called 'Zion', or the 'new Jerusalem') took on the character and functions of the former Eden. In the Second Temple period, the characters of Adam and Eve essentially disappear from view, giving way to the greater interest in the character istics of paradise as the place of God's presence and an extravagant image of beauty and limitless delight. The Akkadian Epic of Gilgamesh dating to the second millennium B C E provides the first textual reference to a plant held in secret by the gods that grants life to the one who grasps hold of its fruit: 'If thy hands obtain the plant, [thou wilt find new life]'. (Tablet XI, 266-270.) In a later verse Gilgamesh says to Urshanabi, his boat-man guide: 'Urshanabi, this plant is a plant apart, whereby a man may regain his life's breath . . . its name shall be "Man becomes Young in Old Age." I myself shall eat (it) and thus return to the state of my youth.' (Tablet XI, 277-282). This plant is not specifically a tree, and the plant gives Gilgamesh 'rejuvenation, not immortality'. However, this plant which is the source of some life to Gilgamesh probably lies somewhere in the distant background of the fruit of the tree of life in Gen. 3.22 which would cause man to 'live forever'. Another source of Edenic and tree of life imagery is the ancient Near Eastern motif of primeval waters that split into four branches to 'nourish' the entire world. The oldest depiction of this image is 'a wall-painting in the palace of Mari from the 18th century B C . . . [in which] two goddesses each hold a vase with a tree or plant from which four water streams with fish rush out'. These four mythical streams are also found in Gen. 2.10 in 2

3

4

5

6

7

2 There are a number of excellent treatments of the interpretation of paradise in the Second Temple period including M. Himmelfarb, 'The Temple and the Garden of Eden in Ezekiel, the Book of the Watchers, and the Wisdom of ben Sira', in J. Scott and P. SimpsonHousley (eds), Sacred Places and Profane Spaces: Essays in the Geographies of Judaism, Christianity and Islam (New York: Greenwood Press, 1991), pp. 63-78; G. W. Nickelsburg, Resurrection, Immortality and Eternal Life in Intertestamental Judaism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Divinity School, 1972); J. T. A. G. M. van Ruiten, 'Eden and the Temple: The Rewriting of Genesis 2.4-3.24 in the Book of Jubilees\ in Gerard Luttikhuizen (ed.) Paradise Interpreted (Leiden: Brill, 1999), pp. 63-94; and Edward Wright, The Early History of Heaven (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000) to name a few of the more relevant treatments of the subject. 3 James Pritchard (ed.), The Ancient Near East, vol. 1 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958), p. 73. 4 Ibid., p. 74. 5 Ibid., n. 1. 6 LXX quotes are taken from Septuaginta (ed. A. Rahlfs, Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1979), Hebrew texts from BHS, English biblical quotes from NRSV, Dead Sea Scrolls texts from Geza Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English (New York: Penguin Books, 1998). All other translations are mine unless otherwise noted. 7 E. Noort, 'Gan-Eden in the Context of the Mythology of the Hebrew Bible*, in Luttikhuizen (ed.), Paradise Interpreted (Leiden: Brill, 1999), pp. 21-36 (31).

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which 'a river flows out of Eden to water the garden, and from there it divides and becomes four branches' (Gen. 2.10). It is of great interest to this inquiry that the Mari wall-painting locates the origin of the rivers in the tree or plant held by the goddesses. Thus, the four mythical rivers in the Hebrew Bible are connected to the life-giving properties of the source, variously defined as Eden, the temple, the city of God, the throne of God or even God. Only Ezek. 31.4 describes a tree as the source of rivers in a metaphor about Assyria. Here the waters of the deep are the source of the tree's growth and 'its rivers flow around the place [the tree] was planted, sending forth its streams to all the trees of the field' (Ezek. 31.4). 8

9

10

The Garden of Eden, Jerusalem and the Temple One of the unique innovations of Jewish and Christian literature in the Second Temple period is the re-imagining of the 'historical' Eden as a blueprint for the ideal temple. The Book of Jubilees conceives of the historical Eden as a sanctuary indicating that: 'the Garden of Eden is a holy place, more holy than any land (3.12); it is a place that belongs to the Lord (4.26)'. Moreover, the former Eden is conceived as 'the Holy of 11

8 See comments in Noort, 'Gan-Eden', p. 21. 9 For example: 'for my people ... have forsaken me, the fountain of living water' (Jer. 2.13). See also Jer. 17.13; Jn 4.10-14; Rev. 21.6, 22.17. In Jn 7.38 believers are also identified as the source of living water. 'Out of the believer's heart shall flow rivers of living water.' Ambrose of Milan speculated that Jesus was not just the source of the primeval river in Eden but the river itself. 'Is not this stream our Lord Jesus Christ, the fount as well as the father of eternal life.' This fount 'irrigates paradise'. (Parad. 3.13) H. S. Benjamins, 'Paradisiacal Life: The Story of Paradise in the Early Church', in Luttikhuizen (ed.), Paradise Interpreted (Leiden: Brill, 1999), pp. 153-67 (163). 10 W. F. Albright notes a strong relationship between the cosmic tree in Ezek. 28-31 with the land of Eden, in comparison with Sumerian Edin, which was the abode of the heroes and blessed in some Syrian and Canaanite systems. W. F. Albright, 'The Location of the Garden of Eden', AJSL 39 (1922): 15-31 (29). 11 Van Ruiten, 'Eden and the Temple', pp. 75-6. See also: J. M. Baumgarten, 'Purification after Childbirth and the Sacred Garden in 4Q265 and Jubilees', New Qumran Texts and Studies (STDJ, 15; Leiden: Brill, 1994), pp. 3-10; J. T. A. G. M. van Ruiten, 'Visions of the Temple in the Book of Jubilees', in B. Ego, A. Lange and P. Pilhofer (eds) Community without Temple (Tubingen: Brill, 1999); pp. 215—27; Florentino Garcia Martinez, 'Man and Woman: Halakhah Based Upon Eden in the Dead Sea Scrolls', in Luttikhuizen (ed.), Paradise Interpreted (Leiden: Brill, 1999), pp. 95-115 (112-13); and D. W. Parry, 'Garden of Eden: Prototype Sanctuary', in idem (ed.), Temples of the Ancient World (Provo, UT: Deseret Book Co., 1994), pp. 126-51. The Book of Jubilees is dated by Wintermute, F. M. Cross and J. C. VanderKam to around 100 BCE. See for discussion, O. S. Wintermute, 'Jubilees: A New Translation and Introduction', in J. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, vol. 2 (New York: Doubleday, 1985), pp. 35-142 (43). r

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12

Holies and the residence of the Lord' (8.19). The identification of the garden of Eden with the 'Holy of Holies' is further confirmed through Adam's sacrifice at the gates of Eden when he is expelled from it. '[Adam, acting as a priest] burns incense at the gate of the Garden of Eden [3.27] . . . [which] is burned in front of the Holy of Holies.' This sacrifice of Adam establishes Eden as a place of ritual purity where God and the righteous can cohabit. In addition, the priestly offices and sacrificial exercises were present from the beginning of creation and will be present in the eschatological future. The process of looking back to Eden as the model for the future paradise begins with the prophet Ezekiel who is 'the first to conceive the eschatological era explicitly in the colors of the Garden of Eden'. In Ezekiel, the reversal of the desolation of the land is expressed as becoming 'like the Garden of Eden' (Ezek. 36.35). Furthermore, Ezekiel identifies the new Jerusalem with Eden by mentioning subterranean waters (Ezek. 47.1, 9) and sacred trees (Ezek. 47.12). The mystical waters flowing out of the new city of Jerusalem firmly establish the connection between the new holy city and Eden (Zech. 14.8; Joel 3.18; Ps. 46.4). The future temple is likewise associated with the garden of Eden in '1 Enoch 24-27; the Testament of Levi 18.6 and Testament of Dan 5.12; Apocalypse of 13

14

15

16

17

18

12 ' And he [Noah] knew that the Garden of Eden was the holy of holies and the dwelling of the Lord. And Mount Sinai (was) in the midst of the desert and Mount Zion (was) in the midst of the navel of the earth. The three of these were created as holy places, one facing the other' (Jub. 8.19). 13 'And on that day when Adam went out from the Garden of Eden, he offered a sweetsmelling sacrifice - frankincense, falbanum, stacte, and spices - in the morning with the rising of the sun from the day he covered his shame' (Jub. 3.26-27). 14 Van Ruiten, 'Eden and the Temple', pp. 77-8. See Exod. 30.1-10, Lam. 2.6. The correlation of the 'historical' Eden and the temple is found in at least one other text, '4Q265 [7 ii 12-14], [which] shows that the equation in Jubilees of Eden with the temple was not only known, but was used for the same purpose [i.e, to affirm the holiness of Eden regarding the purity law of Lev. 12.2]'. Garcia Martinez, 'Man and Woman', p. 113. 'For holy is the Garden of Eden, and every fresh shoot that is in it is holy [as it is written, If a woman conceives and bears a male child,] then she shall be unclean for seven days; as at the time of her menstruation, she shall be unclean (Lev. 12.4)'. This concern for the purity of the sanctuary as defined in Leviticus coupled with the proclamation of the holiness of the garden of Eden explicitly connects Eden with the sanctuary in 4Q265 7 ii 12-14. 15 J. Levenson, Theology of the Program of Restoration of Ezekiel 40-48 (Missoula: Scholars Press, 1976), p. 34. See also L. E. Stager, 'Jerusalem and the Garden of Eden', EretzIsrael 26 (1999): 183-94. 16 See also Isa. 51.3 and the discussion in van Ruiten, 'Eden and the Temple', p. 79. 17 See the discussion of this passage in Levenson, Theology of the Program of Restoration, p. 30. 18 Zech. 14.8: 'On that day living waters shall flow out from Jerusalem'; Joel 3.18: Tn that day . . . a fountain shall come forth from the house of the LORD and water the Wadi Shittim'; Ps. 46.4: 'There is a river whose streams make glad the city of God, the holy habitation of the Most High'; see also Letter of Aristeas, pp. 89-90.

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Moses 29.1-6; and some Qumran texts where the expression DTK ETTpD ("sanctuary of Adam") is used (cf. 4Q174; 4Q265; 4Q241)'. As the sanctuary in this passage is contrasted in 4Q174 with the sanctuary of Israel that was 'formerly laid waste', it seems that an eschatological sanctuary is intended. However, it is unclear whether it will be a physical sanctuary, a community of elect or a metaphorical sanctuary modelled on the garden of Eden. In numerous eschatological passages life is delivered from God (either from himself, his throne, his temple or his city) by means of the mystical waters flowing out of a metaphorical Eden. In these representations of the future paradise, God performs the same function as the tree or plant that appears in Mari as the source of the rivers and the metaphorical source of life. There is also a mosaic from the threshold to the palace in Dur Sharrukin (Khorsabad) which provides an interesting parallel with the re-imagination of the temple as an 'Eden-like' garden. This threshold consists of repeated palm and floral motifs that mark off the exterior of the palace from the interior metaphorical 'garden' of the king. This metaphor identifies the interior of the palace and, likewise, the interior of the temple as the place of the king's presence or the theophany of the deity. The identification of Jerusalem with a new Eden is also found in the imagining of a future 'new creation' or 'day of creation' when the renewal of the sanctuary and the city are the central events in the renewal of all creation. The new creation is explicitly connected to the rebuilding or 'creation' of God's sanctuary in Jub. 1.29: 'From [the day of creation until] the day of the new creation when the heaven and earth and all of their creatures shall be renewed . . . until the sanctuary of the Lord is created in Jerusalem upon Mount Zion.' The phrase 'day of the new creation' implies a future 'beginning' rather than an end to history. This is clearly an eschatological allusion, and not a reference to the [former] creation in Genesis. More allusions to the re-creation of nature appear in the Hebrew Bible in the motif of the victory of the 'divine warrior'. As Frank Moore Cross and Jon Levenson convincingly suggest, the victorious return of the 'divine warrior' is linked with the 'fructification' of nature, especially with his victorious return to his temple. Levenson asserts, for example: 19

20

21

19 Van Ruiten, 'Eden and the Temple', p. 79. M. Wise and van Ruiten interpret the expression (D"?N EHpO) as 'temple of Adam', M. Wise, '4QFlorilegium and the Temple of Adam', RevQ 15 (1991): 103-32; van Ruiten, 'Eden and the Temple', p. 79. The translation 'Sanctuary of men' is found in Vermes, and suggests a restored or elect community in the last days, rather than a 'temple of Adam', or a temple modelled on the historical Eden. 20 1 En. 14.19; Ezek. 1.13; 4Q204 [En*] 1 vii 1; Rev. 22.1, 4Q385 fr. 6, 11, Dan. 7.9-10. 21 'The coming of the Divine Warrior from battle to his new temple on his newly-won mount... [and] the appearance of his radiant storm cloud is both awesome and fructifying.

LANFER Tree of Life and Garden of Eden

101

Since the fructification of nature is a motif connected with the return of the divine warrior in victory, and since that return often results in his assuming kingship in his temple on the mountain, as in Ex. 15.17-18, it is quite ordinary that the temple and its mountain should be conceived as a paradise. This connection of Eden with the old mythic notion of divine warrior and victory is explicit, not in Ezekiel, but in his successor, Second Isaiah, where Eden is what Zion becomes (Is. 51.3) after YHWH's saving battle ( w . 4-5). 22

The return of God to his throne in the Apocalypse of Moses (explicitly located in paradise) has a similar fructifying effect. In this passage, dated between 100 B C E and 200 C E , a number of motifs are combined, including God's cherubim/throne/chariot, the fructification of nature at the return of the divine warrior, as well as the association between the throne of God and the tree of life. 23

And God returned to Paradise, seated on a chariot of cherubim, and the angels were praising him. When God came into Paradise, all the plants, both of the portion of Adam and also of my portion, bloomed forth and were established. And the throne of God was made ready where the tree of life was (Apoc. Mos. 22.4). 24

As a result of God's return to paradise, his throne is 'made ready where the tree of life was' and there is a renewal of 'all the plants' in paradise. The planting of the tree of life in paradise in 4 Baruch has the same effect of renewing the plants upon God's return to paradise. The motif of the tree of life as the place of God's presence (or God's theophany) is replicated in a number of other passages as well. 2 Enoch records, for example, that 'in the midst of the trees (is) that of life, in that place whereon the Lord rests, when he goes up into Paradise' (2 En. 8.3 ) . In 25

2 6

His rule is manifest in the fertility of the drenched earth, of seed and womb.' (Frank Moore Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973], p. 156). 22 Levenson, Theology of the Program of Restoration, p. 31. 23 M. D. Johnson, 'Life of Adam and Eve: A New Translation and Introduction', in Charlesworth (ed.), Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, vol. 2, pp. 249-96 (252). 24 Johnson, 'Life of Adam and Eve', p. 281. 25 'And the tree of life which is planted in the middle of Paradise will cause all the uncultivated trees to bear fruit', (4 Bar. 9.17), S. E. Robinson, '4 Baruch', in Charlesworth (ed.), Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, vol. 2, pp. 413-26 (414). 26 F. I. Anderson, '2 (Slavonic Apocalypse of) Enoch', in Charlesworth (ed.), Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, vol. 1 (New York: Doubleday, 1985), pp. 102-213 (114-15). The fifth-century CE book of 3 Enoch similarly records that 'From the day when the Holiness, blessed be He, expelled the first Adam from the Garden of Eden, Shekhinah was dwelling upon a Keruv under the Tree of Life' (3 En. 5.1). For discussion see I. Gruenwald, Apocalyptic and Merkavah Mysticism (Leiden: Brill, 1980), pp. 50-1. The importance of Enoch in the re-imagination of Eden in the coming apocalypse is perhaps a reflex of Gen.


102

these passages, the roles of tree of life and God are not interchangeable, but the connection between the presence of God and the tree clearly remains. What is certain in these passages is that the occasion of God's enthronement is expressed with symbols of gardens, fruitfulness and sacred trees. Two aspects of the motif of the return of the divine warrior in victory to his throne are royal investiture and processional entry. Richard Barnett makes an interesting case in his study of ancient Near Eastern gateway art arguing that these reliefs are connected to the processional entry of the deity. Sphinxes, cherubim and other composite figures frequently inhabit the garden scenes in temples, throne rooms and on cylinder seals. These fantastic animals, usually winged, typically appear in heraldic compos itions flanking the deity or the king. It is possible that the composite animals represented some abstract concepts like the power, fertility and protection of the king or deity. A clearer role of these composite animals is as metaphorical guardians of the king or deity. For example, in Canaanite literature, cherubim are entrusted with the guardianship of El's throne. Similarly, in the Yahwistic creation story of Gen. 3.24 'the L O R D caused cherubim to dwell to the east of the garden of Eden . . . to guard the way to the tree of life'. In essence, these cherubim are guarding access to the metaphorical place of God's throne and presence. In the same way, the cherubim portrayed in the decorations of the tabernacle (Exodus 26) and the temple (1 Kings 6) bar access to 'eternal time and space, the mysterious, transcendent reality beyond the portal'. At the victory of God, this access to the place of God's presence is restored and offered at the time of judgement or the culmination of history. For instance, / En. 25.4-5 records that, '(as for) this fragrant tree [the tree of life], no flesh is permitted to touch it till the great judgment... It then shall be given to the righteous and holy . . . it shall be transplanted to the holy place, to the temple of the Lord [1 Enoch 25.4-5 Greek 27

28

29

30

31

5.22-24 where Enoch walks with God. This privileged activity is restricted to Enoch, Noah (Gen. 6.9), Abraham (Gen. 17.1; 24.40; 48.15), Isaac (Gen. 48.15), the 'faithful priest' (1 Sam. 2.35), the king (1 Sam. 12.2) and Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20.3). 27 The cylinder seals will not be discussed at length in this article, but the frequency with which the sacred tree scene is found on seals is noteworthy, especially for the dissemination and portability of the motif. These seals as a collection deserve further inquiry. 28 See the discussion of iconography in T. Oman, 'An Iconographic History: Symbols of Royalty and Divinity', BAR 26/4 (July/August 1995): 38-9. 29 As suggested in E. Borowski, 'Cherubim: God's Throne?' BAR 21/4 (July/August 1995): 36-41. 30 As noted by F. M. Cross, 'The Priestly Tabernacle in the Light of Recent Research', in A. Biran (ed.), Temples and High Places in Biblical Times: Proceedings of the Colloquium in Honor of the Centennial of Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion (Jerusalem: Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion, 1981), pp. 169-80 (172). 31 J. Milgrom, 'Cherubim - Gateway to the Divine', BAR 21/6 (Nov./Dec. 1995): 14-18.

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(Panopolis)]'. The temple in this passage is clearly a reconfigured eschatological 'Eden' that will contain the tree of life which the righteous and holy can access freely. The motif of the re-opening of paradise is also found in the Testament of Levi 18.10-11: 'And he shall open the gates of paradise . . . and he will grant to the saints to eat of the tree of life'; and 2 Esdras/4 Ezra 8.52: 'Because it is for you that paradise is opened, the tree of life is planted.' In this passage and elsewhere in 1 Enoch, the tree of life is linked to the throne of God through the idea that prior to the great judgement, the tree of life is 'kept' on a mountain in the northwest, which is 'like the throne of God' (1 En. 18.8; 24.3; 25.3). On the day of judgement the tree of life is moved, paradise is opened and the fragrance of the tree of life 'shall be in the bones of those who enter the holy place, who then shall live a long life on earth (/ Enoch 25)'. And in Apoc. Mos. 13.3-5, the eschatological reopening of paradise is also specifically connected to bodily resurrection, and the hope for future cohabitation with God in paradise: 33

34

35

It [the oil of mercy from the Tree of Life] shall not come to be yours now (but at the end of times). Then all flesh from Adam up to that great day shall be raised, such as shall be the holy people, then to them shall be given every joy of paradise and God shall be in their midst. 32 E. J. C. Tigchelaar, 'Eden and Paradise: The Garden Motif in some early Jewish Texts: (1 Enoch and Other Texts Found at Qumran)', in Luttikhuizen (ed.), Paradise Interpreted (Leiden: Brill, 1999), pp. 39-62 (61). 'The Ethiopic adds "towards the north it shall be transplanted to the holy place" [Ethiopic ( ± Tana 9) 25.5]': Tigchelaar, 'Eden and Paradise', p. 61. See the references and commentary on this passage in Aune, Revelation 1722, pp. 1221-2. See also: P. Grelot, 'La geographie mythique d'Henoch et ses sources orientales', RB 65 (1958): 33-9. Translation by Tigchelaar, 'Eden and Paradise', p. 44. See also R. H. Charles, The Book of Enoch (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1893), p. 99. 33 H. C. Kee, 'Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs', in Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, vol. 1, pp. 775-828 (795). 34 See also Rev. 2.7. Also noteworthy are texts about paradise by the early fathers of the Christian church. For example, 'Tertullian in Adversus Marcionem, II.IV indicates that man was "transferred into paradise, out of the world into the Church". [The Church here takes the place of the temple, identified as paradise]. [Similarly,] Methodius in Symposium, DC.3 says that "the tree of life which paradise once bore, the Church has now again produced for all."' Benjamins, 'Paradisiacal Life', p. 154. 35 See discussion in G. Nickelsburg, / Enoch 1: A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch Chapters 1-36; 81-108 (Hermeneia; Minneapolis, Fortress Press, 2001), p. 315. See also: Tigchelaar, 'Eden and Paradise', p. 43. E. Isaac, '1 (Ethiopic Apocalypse of) Enoch', in Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, vol. 1, pp. 1-89, (26). Enoch is told that the fragrance of the tree will 'penetrate their bones, long life will they live on earth, such as your fathers lived in their days'. That the fragrance of the tree will 'penetrate' the bones of the righteous suggests the possibility that bodily resurrection (as a new 'birth' echoing Gen. 2.7) is anticipated here. Interestingly, paradise here is described as an eschatological holy place on earth, not in heaven. The expectation of the righteous in this passage is also for long life, not for eternal life.

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In these passages, the hopes for the eschatological planting of the tree of life and the reopening of paradise are consistently coupled with the presence of God or rooted in the temple or throne as the place of God's theophany. Related to the idea of restored access to paradise and the tree of life is the establishment, or 'planting' of the tree of life. The transplantation of the tree of life is found in some manuscripts of / En. 26.1, in which Enoch narrates his journey around the world: 'from there I went into the center of the earth and saw a blessed place, shaded with branches which live and bloom from a tree that was cut'. In this passage, the tree functions in a similar way to the tree of life, though it is not specifically identified as such. It is noteworthy here that the tree is located at the 'center of the earth', an identification consistent with the geography of Enoch, Ezekiel and the Book of Jubilees. As the centre of the earth, the tree acts as the axis mundi, the place of God's theophany and the main point of contact between the supernatural realms and the earth. The idea of the tree at the centre of the world may also serve as a counterpart to the 'evil' tree or haughty tree which is cast down in Ezekiel 31, Isaiah 14, Dan. 4.9-12 and 4Q458 fi, 8-9. Positive descriptions of a tree which 'covers the whole earth' can be found in Ezekiel 17 and l Q H 6(14).7-19. Jon Levenson suggests that the tree in Ezekiel 17 is a prophecy concerning a 'new David . . . [who] is a "dry tree" or "low tree" awaiting his exaltation.' In each of these passages about a cosmic tree, the tree represents a king or kingdom. To be clear, the tree of life in most texts is 'not the same as the cosmic tree, but the functions of the trees can belong to the same category as iconography shows'. Moreover, the relationship between the tree of life and this cosmic tree is made explicit in a passage from the Coptic Nag Hammadi Codices which record, 'now the color of the tree of life is like 36

a

37

38

39

40

36 Isaac, '1 (Ethiopic Apocalypse of) Enoch', p. 26; Nickelsburg, following R. H. Charles (Enoch) leaves out 'of the felled tree' which is found in both the Ethiopic and the Codex Panopolitanus texts citing it as a 'later gloss, alluding to the idea of a remnant sprouting from Israel's fallen tree' (Nickelsburg, A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch, p. 318). It is likely that this gloss (if it is a gloss) would have been included in early versions of the text, as the traditions concerning the remnant of Israel's fallen tree can be found already in Isa. 11.1 which figures prominently in many messianic predictions. 37 'There appears to be no significant connection with the idea of the tree of life, except that there may be some assimilation of the two metaphors in lQH 6(14): 7-19 where the plant is said to extend its roots to the waters of Eden.' P. Tiller, 'The "Eternal Planting" in the Dead Sea Scrolls', DSD 4 (1997): 312-35 (313). 38 Levenson, Theology of the Program of Restoration, p. 95. 39 See Tiller, 'The "Eternal Planting"', p. 331. 40 Noort, 'Gan-Eden', p. 35. a

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the sun . . . its height goes as far as heaven' (NH II, 5, 110, 2-111, 5). The tree of life in 4 Baruch also acts as a counterpart to the cosmic trees (i.e. kings) that had exalted themselves. In this passage the tree of life 'which is planted in the middle of Paradise' as the 'firmly rooted tree' will judge the 'trees which had . . . boasted and said, "we raised our top to the air"' (4 Bar. 9.16-17). 42

The 'Eternal Planting' and the Tree(s)

of Life

In some texts of the Second Temple period, the motifs of the tree of life and the future paradise are appropriated on a communal and individual basis. For example, the motif of an 'eternal planting' in the Dead Sea Scrolls typically refers to the faithful members of the community. The authors of several Qumran fragments, who see themselves as the faithful ones, 'apply the plant imagery to themselves, (1QS 8.5; 11.7-9; 1QH 14 (6). 15; 16(8).6; CD 1.7-8)'. The metaphor of the 'eternal planting' 'describes the restored people of God as a plant, established by God in the land and lovingly tended so that it produces righteous deeds, glory to God and future growth'. However, it is noteworthy that the eternal planting is not necessarily connected with sacred tree symbols. Yet in certain cases there is assimilation of the metaphors. The Hebrew Bible describes the faithful as trees that are 'planted in the house of the Lord' in Ps. 92.12-13 and oaks called 'the planting of the Lord' in Isa. 61.3. In a number of passages, the faithful are described using the metaphor of the tree of life, or trees in paradise (Ps. Sol. 14.3; 1QH 6.14-19; 10.25-26; Ode Sol. 11.16; Gos. Truth 36.35-37 and Tg. Onq. to Ps. 1.3). The passage in which these 43

44

45

46

41 J. Magne, From Christianity to Gnosis and From Gnosis to Christianity {trans. A. F. W. Armstrong; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1993), p. 79. In this passage, the tree of life has a unique function, and an interesting relationship with the tree of knowledge. Eating from the tree of knowledge arouses 'souls from the torpor of the demons, in order that they might approach the tree of life'. Eating the fruit of the tree of life results in the condemnation of 'the authorities and their angels' (NH II, 5, 110, 2-111, 5). See Charlesworth, (ed.), 77K? Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, vol. 2, p. xxvii. 42 Robinson, '4 Baruch', p. 414. 4 Baruch is dated 70-136 CE. 43 Nickelsburg, A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch, p. 445. 44 Tiller, 'The "Eternal Planting'", p. 313. 45 Ps. 92.12-13: 'The righteous flourish like the palm tree, and grow like a cedar in Lebanon. They are planted in the house of the Lord; they flourish in the courts of our God.' Isa. 61.3: 'They will be called oaks of righteousness, the planting of the Lord, to display his glory.' 46 See Tiller, 'The "Eternal Planting'", p. 313; G. J. Brooke, '4Q500 1 and the Use of Scripture in the Parable of the Vineyard', DSD 2 (1995): 268-94; and Fujita, 'The Metaphor of Plant', pp. 30-45.


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two metaphors are most clearly mixed is Psalms of Solomon 14.3-5 which calls the faithful 'trees of life' whose 'planting has been rooted forever'. The holy ones of the Lord shall live in it forever; the paradise of the Lord, the trees of life are his holy ones (TCX £uAa TTJS C"%> oa\o\ auroG). Their planting has been rooted forever; they will not be plucked up all the days of heaven because the portion and inheritance of God is Israel. 47

Similarly, Odes of Solomon 11.18-19 declares 'blessed, O Lord, are they who are planted in your land, and who have a place in your Paradise, and who grow in the growth of your trees, and have passed from darkness to life'. In 1QH 8 from the Qumran corpus, the righteous sectarians are called 'the "tree[s] of life" [U"T\ "'HI?] . . . called in a collective way, "a plant of truth pIQ^H PUBD]" in line 10 and "everlasting trees" [•71D ^S] in line 12. It is beyond dispute that they all symbolize the people of the sect.' In 1QH 18 (formerly VII) 20 the motif of the plant and the tree of life may also be combined by reference to Eden and the bearing of'fruits of life': 'the fruitful Plant [by the] everlasting [spring shall be] an Eden of glory [bearing] fruits [of life]'. In 1QH XVI (formerly VIII), Hymn 18, 1-14 which begins: 'Thou hast placed me beside a fountain of streams' the following passage clearly unites the faithful supplicant with a tree of life. '[For Thou didst set] a plantation of cypress, pine, and cedar for Thy glory, trees of life p " ! ! ^HIJ] beside a mysterious fountain.' The supplicant in this passage gives thanks for his own placement in the community (symbolically planted as a tree) and the 'plantation' of the whole community (as 'trees of life'). The image of the tree(s) of life being set up by a 'fountain of streams' or a 'mysterious fountain' recalls the primeval rivers in Eden and the temple. In an interpretation of 2 Sam. 7.10 and Exod. 15.17-18, 4Q174 similarly indicates that the faithful will be 'planted' in the last days as a temple (sanctuary of men/Adam) which will never be destroyed. In this sanctuary 'the Lord shall reign for ever and 48

49

50

47 Translation of LXX and emphasis both mine. 48 Fujita, "The Metaphor of Plant', p. 40. The certainty with which Fujita speaks concerning these symbols is taken from the introduction of this hymn in line 1 where the author proclaims, 'You placed me by a streaming fountain in a dry ground and a spring of water in a parched land.' Here the author, and presumably those who read or recited this hymn, would have conceived of themselves as symbolicaDy planted in a land near a spring of water like the eschatological tree of life. 49 Translation Vermes, emphasis mine. 50 '[/ will appoint a place for my people Israel and will plant them that they may dwell there and be troubled no more by their] enemies .. .(2 Sam vii, 10) ... This is the House which [He will build for them in the] last days, as it is written in the book of Moses, In the sanctuary which Thy hands have established, O Lord, the Lord shall reign for ever and ever (Exod xv, 1718). This is the House into which [the unclean shall] never [enter nor the uncircumcisedJ . . .

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ever' (Exod. 15.17-18) suggesting that this sanctuary (figuratively com posed of 'trees of life') houses the presence of God. 51

Conclusions This diachronic study of paradisaical language confirms the persistence of the themes of the tree of life and idyllic gardens in Jewish and Christian literature. The various texts evaluated in this study by no means include all references to the tree of life or royal gardens. For example, in many Christian and Jewish texts the tree of life benignly functions as a metaphor for blessing or a tree that bears fruits of immortality or healing. There is also room for substantial further research concerning the allusions to the tree of life and the garden of Eden in Rabbinic literature and in the literatures of Jewish and Christian mysticism. What is clear in the texts here is that motifs of sacred trees and gardens are employed as dynamic representations of the temple, the faithful, the future Jerusalem and the presence of God. In these passages the tree of life is consistently connected to God; either as the representation of him, an extension of his will or the place where he makes himself present. These motifs resonate with ancient Near Eastern iconography and literature concerning sacred trees and royal gardens. They additionally find lucid expression in the apocalyptic speculations of the Second Temple period and re-emerging mythology that hopes for restoration in the 'last days'. What is remarkable about the mysticism of apocalyptic and messianic expect ations is that it is securely rooted in old motifs and language. What is more, this mystical literature reflects the exegesis of obscure passages, minor characters and odd references to articulate their hopes. Characters such as Enoch, the tree of life, the throne chariot and the cosmic waters 52

53

54

for there shall My Holy Ones be . . . He has commanded that a sanctuary of men be built for Himself, that there they may send up, like the smoke of incense, the works of the Law'. (4Q 174 fl_2i.l-7). 51 4Q174 is broken in line 6 which Vermes reconstructs as '[Its (the House's) glory shall endure] for ever; it (the House's glory?) shall appear above it (the House) perpetually.' This line would make more sense if the referent of'its glory' were something other than the house/ sanctuary. Perhaps what is intended here is the glory of God hovering over the sanctuary as in 2 Chron. 7.3, 'all the people of Israel saw the fire come down and the glory of the LORD on the temple'. See also Ezek. 43.4-5; Sir. 36.19; Exod. 40.34-35. 52 E.g., Prov. 11.30; 13.12; 15.4; 4 Esdras 2.12; 4 Mace. 18.16. 53 E.g., Rev. 2.7; Gen. 3.22; Apoc. Mos. 28.3. 54 E.g., 4 Ezra 7.123-126; L.A.E. 31, 36; See also a mediaeval midrash called the 'Book of Noah' about wise men of Greece and 40 magicians who travelled 'east of Eden' to collect 'healing herbs' and 'herbs from the tree of life'. See Ralph Marcus, 'Tree of Life in Essene (?) Tradition', JBL 74 (1955): 274; and Adolph Jellinek, mion JTD, vol. Ill (Leipzig, 1855), p. 156.

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flowing out of Eden are combined to envision the future place of God's theophany. In this atmosphere of eschatological expectation, the tree of life and the mythology of Eden consistently combine to establish the presence or enthronement of God and the promise of immortality.

Chapter 8 ASENETH AS THE 'TYPE OF THE CHURCH OF THE GENTILES'

1

Rivka Nir From just a few biblical verses in Genesis (41.45, 50-52) an anonymous composition was spun out, in Greek, telling a love story about Joseph and Aseneth. At the centre of the work is the conversion of Aseneth from idol worship to faith in God. After Joseph refused to kiss her claiming: 'It is not right for a man who worships God, who with his mouth blesses the living God, and eats the blessed bread of life (apTov EuAoyripEvov £co%), and drinks the blessed cup of immortality (iroTiipiov EuAoyrjpEVOV ccSavaatocs), and is anointed with the blessed unction of incorruption (XptojjaTi £UAOYT]|JEVCD a<j>6apaias), to kiss a strange woman, who with her mouth blesses dead and dumb idols, and eats of their table the bread of anguish, and drinks of their libations the cup of treachery, and is anointed with the unction of destruction' (8.5), she decides to destroy her 2

3

1 Ephraim the Syrian, HVirg. 21.9. 2 There are 16 Greek manuscripts, dating from the tenth to the nineteenth centuries, of a total of over 80 texts in various languages. The Greek manuscripts can be divided into two groups: a shorter text published by Marc Philonenko, Joseph et Aseneth. Introduction, texte critique, traduction et notes (SPB,13; Leiden: Brill, 1968), on which is based the translation by D. Cook, 'Joseph and Aseneth', The Apocryphal Old Testament, H. F. D. Sparks (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), pp. 473-503 and a longer text published by Christoph Burchard, Untersuchungen zu Joseph und Aseneth. Uberlieferung - Ortsbestimmung (WUNT, 8; Tubingen: Mohr, 1965), and idem with Carsten Burfeind, Joseph und Aseneth (Leiden: Brill, 2003). On the manuscripts and the history of scholarship on the subject, see further Dieter Sanger, Antikes Judentum und die Mysterien (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1980), pp. 1187; Christoph Burchard, 'Joseph and Aseneth', in James H. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, vol. 2 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1985), pp. 177-201; Randall D. Chesnutt, From Death to Life: Conversion in 'Joseph and Aseneth' (JSPSup, 16; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995), pp. 20-93; Ross Shepard Kraemer, When Aseneth Met Joseph: A Late Antique Tale of the Biblical Patriarch and His Egyptian Wife, Reconsidered (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 5-9, 225-6. In various manuscripts the title is variously given as 'The Book of Aseneth', 'The Prayer of Aseneth', "The Confession and Prayer of Aseneth', and the like. 3 The English citations of Joseph and Aseneth in this article are adapted from Cook, 'Joseph and Aseneth', based upon the group of short texts, and Burchard, 'Joseph and Aseneth', based upon the group of long texts.

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idols and to accept the belief in one God. For a full week Aseneth practises acts of penance. On the morning of the eighth day, a man of God appears to her from heaven, and commands her to remove her clothes of mourning, to wash her face, and to put on a new garment. He tells her that after she has eaten the 'bread of life', drunk the 'cup of immortality', and been anointed with the 'unction of incorruption', she would be united with Joseph forever as his bride. Her name would no longer be Aseneth, but 'City of Refuge', for under her wings all who give their allegiance to God in penitence (metanoia) would find shelter (15.4-6). When Aseneth offers to set a table with bread and wine for the man of God, he asks for a honeycomb. Miraculously, she finds a honeycomb white as snow, that confers immortality on whoever eats from it, and they both eat from it (15.14-16.11). Then thousands of bees come out of the honeycomb, all white with coloured wings, wearing gold crowns on their heads, and with sharp stings. They encircle Aseneth from head to toe, and more bees, like queen bees, settle on her lips. At the man of God's order, the bees leave Aseneth and fall to the ground dead, but then they revive and fly into Aseneth's courtyard and find refuge among the branches of the trees. The scene ends with the burning of the honeycomb (16.13-17.4), the ascension of the man of God back to heaven and the marriage of Joseph and Aseneth. Like others of that group of works, the so-called Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, this composition has provoked considerable scholarly controversy over the identity of its author, the period and the place in which it was written, and most importantly, the theological purposes it serves. The thesis I am proposing here is that Joseph and Aseneth is a Christian composition and that its purpose is not only to persuade pagans to follow Aseneth and join the Church, but also to persuade them to undertake a life of celibacy and sexual abstinence, a life which carries the promise of entry into the heavenly bridal chamber and resurrection in paradise. The author, I argue, strives for this goal by using three central symbols: the honeycomb, the city of refuge and the bees. 4

5

6

4

In the Greek manuscripts he is invariably called a man, avSpcoTros (FG: avBpcoTros £K oupavou; B: av6pcoTros CC>TOS £K TOU oupavou; D: b avOpcoTros TOG 0EOG). 5 Though the story of Joseph and Aseneth is not told in the voice of either of the main characters in the work, Joseph or Aseneth, as is the case in most of the pseudepigraphal works, its concentration on the biblical figures of Joseph and Aseneth justify the work's categorization as Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. 6 In this thesis I follow Pierre BatifTol, ('Le livre de la Priere d'Aseneth', in idem, Studia patristica. Etudes d'ancienne litterature chretienne (Paris: E. Leroux, 1889-90), pp. 1-87) who published the first critical edition. In his wake see E. W. Brooks, Joseph and Asenath: The Confession and Prayer of Asenath Daughter of Pentephres the Priest (London and N. Y. Macmillan, 1918), pp. xi, xv. F. J. A. Hort, 'Aseneth, History of, in Henry Wace and TOU

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Other scholars have already noted the similarity between the description of the honeycomb and that of the manna, which descended for the people of Israel according to the biblical account. Like Aseneth's honeycomb, manna was perceived as a white, miraculous bread descended from heaven. It too is described as the food of angels, it is associated with honey and sweetness, is connected with dew and generates eschatological hopes. 7

8

William C. Piercy (eds), A Dictionary of Christian Biography and Literature to the End of the Sixth Century A. D. (London: John Murray, 1877-87), pp. 176-7; Albrecht Wirth, Danae in christlichen Legenden (Prague, Vienna and Leipzig: F. Tempsky and G. Freytag, 1892), pp. 27-9; Montague R. James, 'Aseneth', in James Hastings, A Dictionary of the Bible, vol. 1 (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1898-1902), pp. 162-3; idem, 'Apocrypha', in T. K. Cheyne and J. Sutherland Black (eds), Encyclopedia Biblica vol. 1, (London: Adam and Charles Black, 1899), p. 254; Emil Schurer, Geschichte des judischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi, vol. 3 (Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung, 3rd edn, 1909), pp. 399-401; Wilhelm Bousset, Die Religion des Judentums im Spdthellenistischen Zeitalter (Berlin: Reuther and Reichard, 1906), p. 24; P. Fiebig, 'Pseudepigraphen des AT's', in Friedrich Michael Schiele and Leopold Zscharnack (eds), Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart; Handwortenbuch in gemeinverstandlicher Darstellung, vol. 4 (Tubingen: Mohr, 1913), pp. 1952-64; O. Stahlin, 'Die hellenistisch-judische Literatur', in Wilhelm Schmid and Otto Stahlin (eds), Geschichte der griechischen Literatur (Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, 7.1.2.1; Munich: C. H. Beck, 1912-24), II. 1, pp. 587-8; For modern scholars who proposed Christian authorship or Christian interpolation see Kraemer, When Aseneth Met Joseph, pp. 5-6,237-9,253-74; T. Holtz, 'Christliche Interpolationen in "Joseph und Aseneth'", NTS 14 (1967-68): 482-97; Cook, 'Joseph and Aseneth', p. 469; Michael Penn, 'Identity Transformation and Authorial Identification in Joseph and Aseneth', JSP 13/2 (2002): 171-83 (182); James R. Davila, The Provenance of the Pseudepigrapha: Jewish, Christian, or Other? (Leiden: Brill, 2005), p. 195. Sanders rejects Holtz's position but admits that the longer text contains Christian interpolations: Ed Parish Sanders, 'Covenant as a Soteriological Category and the Nature of Salvation in Palestinian and Hellenistic Judaism', in Robert Hamerton-Kelly and Robin Scroggs (eds), Jews, Greeks, and Christians: Religious Cultures in Late Antiquity: Essays in Honor of William David Davies (Leiden: Brill, 1976), pp. 11-44 (25). 7 Victor Aptowitzer, 'Asenath, the Wife of Joseph: A Haggadic Literary-Historical Study', HUCA 1 (1924): 239-306 (282-3); Philonenko, Joseph et Aseneth, pp. 96, 187; idem, 'Initiation et mystere dans Joseph et Aseneth', Initiation (ed. C. J. Bleeker; SHR, 10; Leiden: Brill, 1965), pp. 152-3; Burchard, 'Joseph and Aseneth', pp. 190, 212,228; Holtz, 'Christliche Interpolationen in "Joseph und Aseneth"', p. 483; B. Lindars,' "Joseph and Aseneth" and the Eucharist', in B. P. Thompson (ed.), Scripture: Meaning and Method, Essays Presented to Anthony Tyrrell Hanson (Pickering, North Yorkshire: Hull University Press, 1987), pp. 18199 (187); Kraemer, When Aseneth Met Joseph, p. 258; Moyer Hubbard, 'Honey for Aseneth: Interpreting a Religious Symbol', JSP 16 (1997): 97-110 (98); Anathea Portier-Young, 'Sweet Mercy Metropolis: Interpreting Aseneth's Honeycomb', JSP 14 (2005): 133-57 (142). 8 Manna is described in the Bible as a miraculous white bread descended from heaven: Exod. 16.14-15, 31, 35; Josephus, Ant. 3.30. Hence it is termed 'bread from heaven' (Ps.

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But no Jewish source ever described manna as granting eternal life. This aspect connects the honeycomb rather to the traditions of the Greek and Roman world in which honey, like ambrosia and nectar, was thought to be produced in heaven. Food for gods and kings, it prevents decay and destruction of the body of the dead, and confers immortality on the living. Our author drew on both of these traditions, the Jewish and GraecoRoman, in creating his image of the honeycomb, but employed the image in an entirely novel context. In this work the honeycomb symbolizes, I claim, the sacrament that was at the centre of the ritual of conversion to Christianity, the Eucharist, in which the believer partakes of the body and the blood of Christ by eating the bread and drinking the wine. Consider the following: 10

11

1. Christian tradition identified manna, the bread from heaven, with the body of Jesus, a prefiguration of the Eucharist. Jesus was 'the true bread from heaven', which 'gives life to the world' (Jn 6.32-33) and 'whoever eats of this bread will live forever' (John 6.48-51). 2. The three elements of the meal of which Aseneth partakes, and which the honeycomb symbolizes - the bread, the wine (TTOTrjpiov)

105.40; Neh. 9.15) or 'a hero's meal' (Ps. 78.25). Following the LXX translation of the last verse as 'bread of angels' (ccpTOV ccyyeAcov), Talmudic sources consider manna food of angels: b.Yoma 75b; Tank., Beshalah 33; Eliahu Rabba 23. The manna descended with the dew (Num. 11.9). Manna is part of the future ritual which Elijah will establish: Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael, Beshalah 5. In later sources it is food for the righteous, ground by mills in the third heaven, shehakim: b.Hag. 12b. It is associated with the appearance of the Messiah: Pesikta Rabati 15; Song Rab. 2.9, and elsewhere. Philo says of manna that it was 'sweeter than honey' (yAuKimpov UEAITOS) Fug. 138; Det. 117. See further Rivka Nir, The Destruction of Jerusalem and the Idea of Redemption in the Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch (Atlanta: SBL, 2003), pp. 140-2. 9 Rudolf Schnackenburg, 'Das Brot des Lebens', in Gret Jeremias et al. (eds), Tradition und Glaube: Das fruhe Christentum in seiner Umwelt: Festgabe fur K. G. Kuhn (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1971), pp. 32&-42 (339-40). 10 E.g. Virgil, Georg. 4.149-52; Lactant EHv. inst. 1.22.19-20; Porphyry, Antr. nymph. 1619; Schurer, Geschichte des jiidischen Volkes, p. 401; W. Michaelis, 'ueAi', TDNTTV: 552-554; Holtz, 'Christliche Interpolationen in "Joseph und Aseneth"', p. 483; M. Schuster, 'Mel', PW 15.1: 364-84 (381); Wilhelm Heinrich Roscher, 'Ambrosia und Nektar', Ausfuhrliches Lexicon der griechischen und romischen Mythologie, vol. 1 (Leipzig, 1884-86) pp. 281-2; Kraemer, When Aseneth Met Joseph, pp. 167-72, 200. 11 Batiffol, 'Le livre de la Priere d'Aseneth', p. 29; Brooks, Joseph and Asenath, pp. xi, xv. A survey of the main suggestions for the identity of the honeycomb is in Portier-Young, 'Sweet Mercy Metropolis', pp. 141-2. 12 1 Cor. 10.1-4; Rev. 2.17; Origen, Horn. Exod. 7.4; Ephraim the Syrian, HVirg. 37.2; Gillian Feeley-Harnik, The Lord's Table: Eucharist and Passover in Early Christianity (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981), p. 114.

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13

and the unction (xpiopa) - are all connected in Christian tradition with the Eucharist. The expressions 'bread of life' and 'cup of immortality' are common terms for the bread and wine of the sacred meal because they are believed to bestow life and immor tality on whoever partakes of them. A blessing over 'unction of incorruption' xp»OM«Ti a<J>0ccpofa alongside those over bread and wine does indeed have its place in the early Eucharist. In the Apostolic Tradition 5, attributed to Hippolytus, there is an instruction that the blessing of the oil should be said using the 1 4

15

13 The triadic formula is at the centre of the controversy over the theological identity of the work. Of the scholars who consider the work Jewish, some have suggested that the formula reflects the blessings said at the beginning and end of daily meals of havurot. E.g., Joachim Jeremias, 'The Last Supper', ExpTim 64 (1952): 91-2. In the view of Christoph Burchard, 'The Importance of Joseph and Aseneth for the Study of the New Testament: A General Survey and a Fresh Look at the Lord's Supper', in Gesammelte Studien zu Joseph und Aseneth (SVTP, 13; Leidin: Brill, 1996), pp. 263-95 (274, 278), and idem, 'Joseph and Aseneth', p. 212, the triad refers not to a meal but to central human needs for food, drink and ointment, and correspond to the biblical triad of grain, wine and oil, which can provide life, immortality and purity. For Chesnutt, From Death to Life, p. 38, and idem, 'Perceptions of Oil in Early Judaism and the Meal Formula in Joseph and Aseneth', JSP 14/2 (2005): 113-32 (113, 121, 126-31), these passages are intended to demonstrate that life and immortality are achieved by the proper Jewish use of food and ointment with their appropriate blessings, in contradistinction to idolatrous meals which lead to death. The daily meals of Jews are compared to manna, and Aseneth and all other proselytes achieve immortality when they lead their lives in a Jewish manner (more Judaico). John C. O'Neill, 'WTiat is Joseph and Aseneth About?' Henoch 16 (1994): 189-98 (193), connects the triad to the Passover meal as it was celebrated, without sacrifice, in the diaspora. Many other scholars have discerned here a ritual formula associated with sacred meals in various religious groups including the Qumran community, the Therapeutae, Jewish mystic groups and gentile mystery cults, especially that of Isis. Karl Georg Kuhn, 'The Lord's Supper and Communal Meal at Qumran', in Krister Stendahl (ed.), The Scrolls and the New Testament (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1975), pp. 65-93 (74-7); Philonenko, Joseph et Aseneth, pp. 92, 94; Lindars, "Joseph and Aseneth" and the Eucharist', pp. 188-9. 14 Ignatius, Eph. 20; Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 4.18.5. In the Syriac Acts of Thomas (William Wright [ed. and trans.], Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles [London, 1871; repr. Amsterdam: Philo Press, 1968] it is called 'Living bread, the eaters of which die not' (Acts Thorn. (Syr.) 8); Ephraim the Syrian, HVirg. 36.1 calls the Eucharist, symbolizing as it does the body of Christ, 'a living sacrifice'; Gregory of Nyssa, Ascens. Christi; 1 Cor. 10.16: To TTOTiipiov T% EuAoyias (Cf. TTOTriptov suAoyias: Joseph and Aseneth 8.9 [the long version], 8.11 [the short version]); Jean Danielou, The Bible and the Liturgy (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1956), p. 185; G. D. Kilpatrick, 'The Last Supper', ExpTim 64 (1952): 4^8 (6). Note, however, that in Joseph and Aseneth there is eating of a honeycomb, but not drinking from a cup. This accords with the more central place the breaking of bread has in the Eucharist ritual. See Acts 2.42; 20.11; Lk. 24.30; Ps.-Clem. Horn. 14.1. 15 See the papyrus fragment of a Coptic version of the Didache found in Oxyrhynchus in Egypt: F. Stanley Jones and Paul A. Mirecki, 'Considerations on the Coptic Papyrus of the

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Early Christian Literature and Intertextuality 1 same formula as for bread and wine. The identification of the honeycomb with this meal is explicit in the long version of Joseph and Aseneth, in which, after Aseneth has eaten from the honey comb, the man of God tells her that she has 'eaten bread of life, and drunk a cup of immortality, and been anointed with ointment of incorruptibility' (16.16). The order in which the components of the meal are listed by the man of God, first the 'bread of life' then the 'cup of immortality', is that of the Eucharist, in which the benediction of the bread precedes that of the wine. The honeycomb gives off a scent which 'smells like myrrh', (16.6), is called 'a breath of life', (16.4) and, when burned, produces a 'refreshing fragrance' (17.3) which fills the room. All these connect the honeycomb to the 'scent of life' that emanates from the body of 17

4.

Didache (British Library Oriental Manuscript 9271)', in Clayton N. Jefford (ed.), The Didache in Context: Essays on Its Text, History, and Transmission (Leiden: Brill, 1995), pp. 47-87 (53); Stephen Gero, 'The So Called Ointment Prayer in the Coptic Version of the Didache: A Re-Evaluation', HTR 70 (1977): 67-84 (67). It is disputed whether the term stinoufi in the Coptic version should be translated as ointment (uupov) r as fragrance or incense. For the literature on the dispute, see Jones and Mirecki, 'Considerations on the Coptic Papyrus of the Didache', pp. 84-5; Joseph Ysebaert, 'The So-Called Coptic Ointment Prayer of Didache 10,8 Once More', VC 56 (2002): 1-10. But there can be no doubt that in Constitutiones Apostolorum 7 (F. X. Funk [ed.], Didascalia et constitutiones apostolorum, vol. 1 [Paderborn: Libraria Ferdinandi Schoeningh, 1906] p. 414, lines 10-14) the blessing was understood as one over oil. See also the blessing over oil in the Ethiopic translation of the Didascalia: John Mason Harden, The Ethiopic Didascalia, (London: SPCK, 1920), p. 172. 16 Hippolytus of Rome, Trad. ap. 5; Paul F. Bradshaw, Maxwell E. Johnson and L. Edward Phillip, The Apostolic Tradition (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002), p. 50; Dom Emmanuel Lanne, 'La benediction de l'huile', in Achille M. Triacca and Alessandro Pistoia (eds) Les benedictions et les sacramentaux dans la liturgie (Rome: C. L. V. Edizioni Liturgiche, 1988), pp. 165-70. Yet more evidence is found in Cyril of Jerusalem, Cyprian, Pseudo-Dionysius and Ephraim the Syrian, among others: Cyril of Jerusalem, Myst. cat. 4.8; Cyprian, Ep. LXX.2: Porro autem eucharistia est unde baptizati unguntur oleum in altri sanctificatum; PseudoDionysius, Hier. eccles. IV 472D-473A; Ephraim the Syrian, HVirg. 37.2-3. 17 Mk 14.22-25; Mt. 26.26-29; 1 Cor. 11.23-26; Acts Thorn. (Syr.) 8. The same order, bread-wine, appears in a meal in the Qumran community: Community Rule Scroll 2.11-12 (1Q28). The opposite order, wine-bread, is found in Lk. 22.17-20; Did. 9.2-4; Clement of Alexandria, Strom. 4.25.161.3. According to Hans Lietzmann, Mass and Lord's Supper (Leiden: Brill, 1979), pp. 162-3, the order wine-bread is the later one, influenced by the Jewish practice of kiddush. David Flusser, 'The Last Supper and the Essenes', Immanuel 14 (1982): 23-7; repr. in idem, Judaism and the Origins of Christianity (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1988), pp. 202-6, maintains the opposite position, that the order wine-bread in Luke reflects the original practice, with the implication that Jesus and his disciples followed the traditional Jewish custom. 0

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Christ, since he is the true sacrifice and embodies the fragrance of paradise. In the long version, the honeycomb was made by the bees of paradise 'from the dew of the roses of life that are in Paradise' (16.14). The dew of the flowers of paradise is a common image in Christian descriptions of paradise, and symbolizes the word of the Lord, his gospel, which descends like dew and is sweet as honey. The dew of the roses of life is the 'healing dew', 'the dew of the Lord', which restores from death and promises eternal life, as does the bread of the Eucharist. 1 8

5.

19

20

The clearest proof, however, that the honeycomb symbolizes the bread of the Eucharist derives from the liturgical elements which accompany the scene. From Christian sources it appears that the Eucharist liturgy of early Christianity included four elements. First, a table was set on which bread and wine were placed (offertio). The second part was the Eucharistic sacrifice, based on a prayer of thanksgiving recited over the bread and the wine. The third part was the 'breaking of bread' (airoKAaois, KACCOIS), which symbolizes participation in the body of Jesus and is at the centre of the rite and the liturgy of this sacrament. The 21

22

23

24

18 This perfumed fragrance fills the house in preparation for his death and burial and will spread throughout the world after his death: Jn 12.3; 19.39-40; Mt 26.6-13; Mk 14.3-9. R. Nir, 'The Aromatic Fragrances of Paradise in the Greek Life of Adam and Eve and the Christian Origin of the Composition', NT 46 (2004): 20-45. 19 Homilia de virginitate [Anon.]: D. Amand and M. C. Moons (eds), 'Une curieuse homelie grecque inedite, sur la virginite adressee aux peres de famille', Revue Benedictine 68 (1953): 18--69 (13, 39). 20 Based on LXX Isa. 26.19. See the 2 Bar. 29.6, there too in the context of eschatological dew. Odes Sol. 35.1, 5: 'The gentle showers of the Lord overshadowed me with serenity . . . and He gave me milk, the dew of the Lord'. Cf. 11.13-16. 21 Gregory Dix, The Shape of the Liturgy (London: Dacre Press, 1945), p. 48; Danielou, The Bible and the Liturgy, p. 127; Louis Bouyer, Liturgical Piety (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1954), p. 75; Gerard Rouwhorst, 'Bread and Cup in Early Christian Eucharist Celebration', in Charles Caspers, Gerard Lukken and Gerard Rouwhorst (eds), Bread of Heaven (Kampen: Pharos, 1995), pp. 11-40 (30). 22 The ritual setting of the table for the Eucharist is based on Ps. 23.5 interpreted by the Church Fathers as an image for the Eucharistic meal. The association of the verse with the Eucharist is found in many Christian sources: Acts 16.34; Ambrose, Sacr. 5.7; Ambrose, Myst. 8.43; Sacr. 5.13; Gregory of Nyssa, Ascens. Christi; Danielou, The Bible and the Liturgy, pp. 182-3. 23 This is in the most literal sense of the Eucharist: in Greek, 'thanksgiving'. Justin Martyr, 1 Apol. 65, 67; Acts Thorn. (Gk) 49 (A. F. J. Klijn, The Acts of Thomas [Leiden: Brill, 1962], p. 90). 24 Lk. 24.30, Acts 2.42, 20.7, 1 Cor. 10.16; Ignatius, Eph. 20.2; Did. 14.1. Lietzmann, Mass and Lord's Supper, p. 20; F. E. Warren, The Liturgy and Ritual of the Ante-Nicene Church (London, SPCK, 1912), p. 26; G. D. Kilpatrick, The Eucharist in Bible and Liturgy (The Moorehouse Lectures, 1975; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), p. 67; Rouwhorst, 'Bread and Cup', pp. 26-7.


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fourth part was the 'communion' (KOIVOVICX), that is, the 'sharing' by the believers of a common meal in which together they eat the sacred elements of the ritual, the bread and the wine, and thus partake of the body of Christ and are united with him. All these characteristic features of the Eucharist liturgy are found in the scene of the honeycomb in our work, and in the same order. First, Aseneth offers to 'set a table' (BEOCO Tpdire^ccv) for the man of God, and to place on it bread and wine (15.14). After she discovers the honeycomb, she 'placed that on the table which she had set for him' (KCU irapE6r|KEV auTO km TTJS TpaiTE^ris T\ f j T o i n a o E V EVCOTTIOV auxou). The man of God then recites a blessing of thanksgiving over Aseneth and the honeycomb (16.7-8). He then stretched out his hand and broke off a piece of the honeycomb (atTEKAaoEV EK TOU Kipiou). In the final stage of the ritual, the 'communion', the man of God shares the honeycomb with Aseneth. He himself eats of the honeycomb, and then with his hand puts what is left of it into Aseneth's mouth saying, 'Eat', and she eats (16.15). This identification of the honeycomb as a symbol of the Eucharist accords with Aseneth's activities before this ritual meal (Chs 10-13): fasting, praying in a kneeling position with the body facing east, hands outstretched, and eyes turned upward, all these actions match the liturgy and practices of penitence required of converts to Christianity and those of the catechumens who were prepared for baptism in the first centuries of this era. Prayer and fasting were widely practised in Christian conversion rituals. Before anyone could be baptized and take part in communion he or she had to fast. Fasting was accepted as a means of achieving purification and atonement for sins, especially sins of idolatry, and there is evidence 25

26

2 7

28

25 So the long version. Burchard with Burfeind, Joseph und Aseneth, p. 206. 26 Contra Kilpatrick, The Eucharist in Bible and Liturgy, p. 61, who dismisses the identification of this meal with the Eucharist because no bread is broken. Compare the meal in Qumran: 'Wfaen they set the table to eat or wine to drink, the priest will stretch his hand first to bless at the beginning the bread and the wine' (1QS 6.4-5; lQSa 2.18-21). Kuhn, 'The Lord's Supper and Communal Meal at Qumran', p. 75 n. 39. 27 For descriptions of the practices of Christian conversion rites by four authors of the fourth century, Cyril of Jerusalem, Ambrose of Milan, John Chrysostom and Theodorus of Mopsuestia, see H. M. Riley, Christian Initiation (Washington: The Catholic University of America Press, 1974), pp. 54-84. 28 Justin Martyr, / Apol. 61.2; Warren, Liturgy and Ritual, p. 63; Danielou, The Theology of Jewish Christianity, p. 320; Willy Rordorf, 'Baptism According to the Didache', in Jonathan A. Draper (ed.), The Didache in Modern Research (Leiden: Brill, 1996), pp. 21222 (216); Franz Joseph Dolger, Der Exorzismus im altchristlichen Taufritual (Paderbora: Ferdinand Schoningh, 1909), pp. 80-6.

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for a week-long fast before Easter, corresponding to that of Aseneth's. But fasting was, along with prayer, also considered effective in exorcising the demon of idolatry, central to the rites preparing candidates for baptism and the first step in the rites of initiation into Christianity. Exorcism is also central to the prayers of Aseneth in which she asks deliverance from her 'enemy' (ex8pos), 'the wild primeval lion' and 'the Devil' who persecute her (12.7-10). Aseneth's posture during prayer, kneeling, also corresponds to that of Christian prayer. Origen maintains that kneeling is required for confession of sins before God. Like Aseneth, Christian prayer too, from earliest times, was directed eastward, toward the rising sun. Prayer facing east was of particular significance in the rituals of conversion, for the east symbolized paradise, which opened 30

31

32

33

29 Dionysius of Alexandria, Ep. ad Basilidem 1; Acts of Paul and Tecla 20; the Itinerarium of Egeria 28, (John Wilkinson [trans.], Egeria's Travels to the Holy Land [London: SPCK, 1971]), p. 130. Paul F. Bradshaw, 'The Origin of Easter', in Paul F. Bradshaw and Lawrence A. Hoffman (eds), Passover and Easter: Origin and History to Modern Times (Two Liturgical Traditions, 5; Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1999), pp. 81-97 (86); Warren, Liturgy and Ritual, p. 92; Maxwell E. Johnson, 'Preparation for Pascha? Lent in Christian Antiquity', in Paul F. Bradshaw and Lawrence A. Hoffman (eds), Passover and Easter: The Symbolic Structuring of Sacred Seasons (Two Liturgical Traditions, 6; Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2000), pp. 36-54 (37-^8). 30 Mt. 17.21; Mk 9.29; Didascalia 21; Apoc. El. 1.20-22; Acts Pet. 22; Dolger, Der Exorzismus im altchristlichen Taufritual, pp. 80-6; Danielou, The Theology of Jewish Christianity, p. 321; N. Mitchell, 'Baptism in the Didache', in Jefford (ed.), The Didache in Context, pp. 226-55 (251); Arthur Voobus, Liturgical Traditions in the Didache (Stockholm: ETSE, 1968), p. 20. Wearing sackcloth, placing ashes on the head and fasting were common expressions of remorse and penance in Judaism. 31 sx6pos is another term for the Devil: Mt. 13.24-28; Lk. 10.19; 1 Cor. 15.26; Phil. 3.18; see W. Foerster, 'expos', TDNTII: 814. The lion represents the Devil, as in 1 Pet. 5.8-9. In Apoc. El. 2.6-15, the Devil is described as a king who will arise in the west, will cross the sea as a roaring lion, and will guilefully circle the cities of Egypt and encourage idolatry. G. W. E. Nickelsburg, 'Joseph and Aseneth', Jewish Literature Between the Bible and the Mishnah (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1981), pp. 258-62 (259,263); Burchard, 'Joseph and Aseneth', p. 221. For similar descriptions by Cyril of Jerusalem, Ambrose and John Chrysostom, see Riley, Christian Initiation, p. 47. 32 Origen, Or. 30; Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. 2.23.6, see also 5.5.1; Acts of Paul and Thecla 20; Tertullian, Or. 23, 29; Ps.-Clem. Rec. 3. 50 and many further references in Warren, Liturgy and Ritual, pp. 132-3. 33 Basil the Great, Spir. Sanct. 27.66; Tertullian, Apol. 16; Clement of Alexandria, Strom. 7.7; Origen, Or. 32; Cyril of Jerusalem, Cat. 9.6; Apos. con. 2.57; 7.45.2; Didascalia 12; Hugo Rahner, Greek Myths and Christian Mystery (New York and Evanston: Harper & Row, 1963), p. 168.

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to converts on their severance from idolatry. Raising eyes upwards with outstretched hands is also associated with Christian prayer. Having separated from the world of idolatry Aseneth is now ready for the other central sacrament in the process of conversion, baptism, which precedes the Eucharist and is a condition for communion. After her week of fasting and prayer, the man of God instructs Aseneth to remove the black garment she is wearing, wash her hands and face in 'living water' ( 1 4 . 1 2 - 1 3 ) - or 'pure water', EV u5om KOcSccpcp ( 1 4 . 1 7 ) - put on a new and white garment (KCCIVTI KOH AaMirpd) or a white garment never before touched (oToAr| AEUKTI dOiiaros) and gird her waist with a brilliant (white) double girdle of virginity (SiirAr|V ^COVTJV AocMiTpdv T % TTocp0Evias), that is, one girdle on her waist and another on her chest. Aseneth did as she was instructed ( 1 4 . 1 5 - 1 6 ) , and thus 'was made new, and refashioned, and given new life' ( 1 5 . 4 ) . This description of the 'washing' has the main characteristics of Christian baptism as it was presented to candidates, the catechumens, undergoing the process of acceptance to the Church. First, the candidate for baptism had to disrobe. This ritual disrobing, preparatory to baptism, was invested with symbolic meaning, a metaphor for removing the old self and its practices. Christian baptism requires 'living water' (EV u5cm £COVTI) such as a river or sea. But even more characteristic of Christian baptism is the white garment catechumens wore after baptism. These 35

36

37

38

39

40

34 Apos. con. 2.57. 15; Cyril of Jerusalem, Cat. 19.9; Gregory of Nyssa, Orat. Dom. 5; Danielou, The Bible and the Liturgy, pp. 32-3; Basil the Great, Spir. Sonet. 27.66.192a. 35 Odes Sol. 27; 42; Tertullian Apol. 30.4; idem, Bapt. 20; Cyril of Jerusalem, Myst. cat. 1.2; Chrysostom, Baptismal Instructions 9.32; Acts John 43, 111; Warren, Liturgy and Ritual, pp. 95, 133. 36 Philonenko, Joseph et Aseneth, p. 180; Chesnutt, From Death to Life, p. 126. Philonenko suggests that these verses describe a rite of purification but does not connect it to Christian baptism (p. 179). 37 Batiffol, 'Le livre de la Priere d'Aseneth', p. 60. 38 Gregory of Nyssa, Bapt.; idem, Ep. I; Commentary of Theodore of Mopsuestia on the Lord's Prayer and on the Sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist (ed. Alphonse Mingana; Woodbrooke Studies, 6; Cambridge: W. Heffer, 1933), pp. 53-4, 68; Odes Sol. 11.9-11; 15.8; 21.2; Chrysostom, Baptismal Instructions 2.25 (trans. P. Harkin, ACW, 31; New York: Newman Press, 1963). J. Danielou, Terre et Paradis chez les Peres de l'Eglise', Eranos Jahrbuch 22, Mensch undErde, (Zurich: Rhein Verlag, 1954), pp. 433-72 (462-3). On change of clothing as part of religious initiation rituals, see W. A. Meeks, 'The Image of the Androgyne: Some Uses of a Symbol in Earliest Christianity', History of Religions 13/3 (1974); 165-208 (184-8); Cyril of Jerusalem, Myst. cat. 2.2. The practice was attributed to the verse, T had taken off my robe. Was I to don it again?' (Song 5.3). See also Col. 3.9-10; Gal. 3.27; Eph. 4.22-24. 39 Acts 8.36, 16.13; Did. 7.1; Odes Sol. 30.1; Ps.-Clem. Rec. 67; Justin Martyr 1 Apol. 61; and see Rev. 7.17, 21.6, 21.1. 40 Rev. 7.9-17. Cyril of Jerusalem, Myst. cat. 4.8; Danielou, The Bible and the Liturgy, pp. 35, 49; Geoffrey Wainwright, Christian Initiation (London: Lutterworth Press, 1969),

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NIR Aseneth as the 'Type of the Church'

white clothes symbolize the 'new self and replace the old pre-baptism garments, which represented the 'old self. The terms 'refulgent garment' (Iv5u|ja ia] of the Father, and the Spirit an effluence, as light from fire - so too do we apprehend the existence of other powers [Suvocpeis], which exercise dominion over matter and by means of it [irept *ri]v iiAr|v exouoas KCU 5I' a\)*r% J

46

- and

one in particular, who is hostile to God. Not that anything is really opposed to G o d . . . It is to the good that is in God, I say, that the spirit [TTVEUMCC] who is concerning matter, who was created by God, just as the other angels [ayyeAoi] were created by Him and entrusted with the control of matter and the forms of matter, is opposed. (Embassy 24.2)

To explain the presence of evil, disorder and multiplicity on earth, he turns to the Enochic myth of angelic descent. Like Justin, he prefaces his account with a reassertion of the divine order established in heaven: This is the constitution of the angels [fj TCOV ocyyeAcov o u o T a o i s ] - to exercise Providence [irpovoia] for God over the things created and ordered by Him, so that God may have the universal and general Providence of the whole, while the particular parts are provided for by the angels appointed over them [cf. Embassy 10.5]. Just as with human beings, who have freedom of choice as to both virtue and vice . . . so it is among the angels. (Embassy 24.3-4) 47

48

Athenagoras then outlines a two-fold angelic fall, corresponding to Christian and Jewish traditions about the fall of Satan and the fall of the angels before the flood. He first appeals to the rebellion of a single figure, 46 Cf. Embassy 10.5, where Christian beliefs in the Trinity and angels are used to deny the charge of atheism; in the process, Athenagoras makes similar assertions about the angelic role in maintaining the cosmic order: 'WHho, then, would not be astonished to hear people who speak of God the Father, and of God the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, and who declare both their power in union and their distinction in order, called atheists? Nor is our teaching in what relates to the divine nature confined to these points, but we recognize also a multitude of angels and ministers, whom God the Maker and Framer of the world distributed and appointed to their several posts by His Logos, to occupy themselves with the elements, the heavens, the world, the things in it, and the good ordering of them all [TT)V TOUTCOV EUTCCîav].' 47 The free will of the angels is also asserted by Justin, Dial. 102, 141; 2 Apol. 6; Lactantius, Inst. 25; see E. Fergusson, Demonology of the Early Christian World (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1985), pp. 119-20. 48 We may also find attempts to correlate traditions about the rebellion of Satan with traditions about the angels who fell before the flood in Justin, Dial. 45, 100, 102, 141, and Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 1.15.6.


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the prince of matter, who was entrusted by God with the regulation of the material world but then strayed from his role. He then discusses the fall of other angels, the fathers of the Giants/demons. Both are presented as breaches of the divine cosmic order by supernatural beings endowed, like humankind, with free will: 49

Some, free agents, you will observe, such as they were created by God, continued in those things for which God had made them and over which He had ordained them. But some outraged both the constitution of their nature [x% OUOIOCS] and the government entrusted to them: [1] this ruler of matter and its various forms and [2] others of those who were placed about this first firmament [ a x E p E c o p a ] - you know that we say nothing without witnesses, but state the things which have been declared by the prophets [ a 5E xo?s trpofixais EKTre4>o3vr|xai]! - fell into impure love of virgins [eis ETnOuMiav TTEGOVXES irapBEVcov] and were subjugated by the flesh, and each became negligent and wicked in the management of the things entrusted to him [a\xzk\\oas K m TTOVRIPOS TTEp'i xr|V xcav TTETTIOXEUMEVCOV ysvopEvos 5ioiKT|OIV]. (Embassy 24.5)

The Watchers are described as lower celestial beings, who properly dwell in the first firmament but who abandoned their posts to descend into flesh for the sake of fornication. At first sight, it seems that Athenagoras' knowledge of Enochic traditions may have been mediated by Justin. Closer analysis, however, raises the possibility of his familiarity with the Book of the Watchers. It is intriguing, for instance, that Athenagoras defends the veracity of his cosmology and demonology, not with appeal to Gen. 6.1-4 or to its purported author Moses, but rather with reference to the declarations of 'the prophets' (cf. Embassy 9). Especially in light of Jude 14-15, which uses the phrase 'Enoch prophesied' to introduce a quotation from 1 En. 1.9, it seems plausible that - as James VanderKam suggests - Athenagoras may be appealing specifically to the Book of the Watchers (esp. 1 En. 15.3); like Jude, Athenagoras may have understood this text as preserving the authentic writings of the antediluvian prophet Enoch. Throughout the Embassy, Athenagoras cites passages from Greek poets and philosophers to defend Christian beliefs and to argue against the Roman persecution of Christians. Here, however, he addresses the 50

51

49 As Barnard notes, this figure is never called Satan, the devil or any other proper name of the sort (Athenagoras, p. 112). 50 Athenagoras' dependence on the Book of the Watchers - as opposed to the Enochic myth of angelic descent more broadly or another version of the tradition - has been recently established by Drago§-Andrei Giulea, 'The Watchers' Whispers: Athenagoras's Legatio 25,13 and the Book of the Watchers', VC 61 (2007): 258-81. 51 VanderKam, '1 Enoch', p. 42. Notably, whereas Justin seems at times to categorize Moses among the prophets, Athenagoras distinguishes between Moses, on the one hand, and 'Isaiah and Jeremiah and the other prophets', on the other (Embassy 10).

REED Beyond Revealed Wisdom

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epistemological quandaries raised by these parallels. Why are some Christian beliefs similar to those found in the writings of Greek poets and philosophers? And, if they are indeed so similar, are gentile Christians free to draw upon the texts and traditions in which many of them were educated, in combination with - or in place of - the Jewish Scriptures? Athenagoras' answer is occasioned by his reference to the Giants. He anticipates that many of his readers might notice the parallels with Greek mythology. From these lovers of virgins, therefore, were begotten those who are called Giants. And if something has been said by the poets, too, about the Giants, do not be amazed! Worldly wisdom and divine differ as much from each other as truth and plausibility: the one is of heaven and the other of earth. And indeed, according to the prince of matter: 'We know we often speak lies that look like truths' [Hesiod, Theog. 27]. 52

{Embassy 24.6) Here, it becomes clear that Athenagoras does not simply treat 'pagan' and prophetic literature as two sources of the same divine wisdom. Nor does he seek to offer a historical explanation for their points of intersection. Rather, he draws a sharp contrast between the two, which corresponds to his understanding of cosmology, ouranology and the differences between earth and heaven. Christian beliefs are placed on the side of the true wisdom that comes from heaven, as found particularly in the writings of prophets. Prophets, as he notes earlier in the Embassy, did not pen words of their own accord; rather, 'lifted in ecstasy above the natural operations of their minds by the impulses of the divine Spirit, [they] uttered the things with which they were inspired, the Spirit making use of them just as a flute-player breathes into a flute' {Embassy 9). Greek poets may similarly claim to be inspired by the Muses, but their writings are merely 'worldly wisdom'. Their assertions might strike some readers as plausible. Yet, however much their wisdom might look like the truth, it remains ontologically and epistemologically distinct. Just as Justin associates false knowledge with the fallen angels and their demonic sons, so Athenagoras puts its source in the wayward steward of the material world. The difference between poets and prophets is underlined by his allusion to the famous words of the 53

52 On earlier Greek uses of this line to critique 'the poets', see, e.g., E. Belfiore, ' "Lies Unlike the Truth": Plato on Hesiod, Theogony 27', TAPA 115 (1985): 47-57. 53 At the beginning of this passage (i.e., Embassy 9), he notes that if Christians only reasoned about God's unity from 'pagan' sources, then 'our doctrines might by some be looked upon as human'; he brings in the divine inspiration of Moses and the prophets in this context.

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Muses at the beginning of Hesiod's Theogony (27), here framed as the words of the prince of this world. Like Justin, Athenagoras then goes on to describe the ramifications of angelic descent for the present day. Yet, in contrast to Justin, he does not make any explicit appeal to traditions about illicit angelic instruction. Rather, Athenagoras' approach develops an element in the Book of the Watchers that is less prominent in Justin's interpretation: he articulates the results of angelic descent with a focus on its cosmological significance (cf. I En. 15.7-10; 18-19; 18.14-15; 19.1). First, he notes how the fallen angels 'haunt the lower air [TOV ctepa] and the earth [TTJV yfjv] and are no longer able to rise to the upper heavens [uiTEpoupavia]' (Embassy 25; cf. 1 En. 13.5; 14.5). He then identifies 'the souls of the Giants' [cci TCOV y i y a v T c o v v|/uxcn] with 'the daimones who wander about the cosmos [irepi TOV KOOMOV]' (Embassy 25.1; cf. I En. 15.11-16.1). For Athenagoras, the present location of these various beings is important for understanding their purpose and roles. From his assertion that the material realm is now ruled by a fallen angel and from his placement of the rest of the fallen angels and daimones on the earth and in the air below the firmament, a reader might conclude that the earthly realm is governed apart from God's heavenly gaze and guidance. To counter this conclusion, Athenagoras begins by admitting that disorder appears, to many, to reign in the earthly realm. For this, he quotes an otherwise non-extant fragment from Euripides: 'Often the anxious thought has crossed my mind, whether it is chance or a daimon [ETTE TVJXCX SITE SCXI'MCOV] that rules the small affairs of men... How then, while seeing these things [i.e., earthly injustice and disorder], can we say "There is a race of gods," or yield to laws?' (Embassy 25.1-2). Unlike Justin, he refrains from drawing a contrast between Greek poets and Greek philosophers. Rather, Athenagoras cites Aristotle as emblematic of the 54

55

56

57

54 Tacit in this and similar citations is the belief that a reader who already knows the truth may be able to see it hidden, albeit in obscured and inverted forms, in even the most pernicious of 'pagan' writings. Through these writings, we glimpse the perspective of the ruler of the material world, who once dwelt in heaven but now rebels from God's goodness. 55 See Nickelsburg, / Enoch 7, p. 88, on these parallels. Compare later Jewish traditions about the fallen angels being suspended between heaven and earth as punishment; e.g. Agg. Ber; Deut. Rab.; Midrash Petirat Moshe Rabbenu. 56 Especially in light of Athenagoras' quotation of Hesiod in Embassy 24, it is interesting to note the resonance with the assertion in Op. 122-26 that the men of the Golden Age became, after their death, daimones who protect humankind. In general, apart from the consistently negative valence, Athenagoras' view of daimones is consistent with Greek ideas about these figures; in W. Burkert's words, 'Daimon is occult power, a force that drives man forward when no agent can be named' {Greek Religion [trans. J. Rafifan; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985], p. 180). 57 See E. T. Sage, 'The Quotations of Athenagoras and the Text of Euripides', Classical Philology 1 (1906): 292-3.


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view that 'the things below the heaven are not under the care of Providence'. These 'pagan' perspectives serve as foils for Athenagoras' subsequent assertion of God's true rule over the cosmos. He proclaims the divine order that supports the entire cosmos, including the apparent disorder in earthly affairs. It is only because of the influence of daimones and the weaknesses imbedded in matter that human beings can get the mistaken impression that the earthly realm is one of disorder, irrationality, or chance: 58

But because the demonic movements and energies, proceeding from the adverse spirit, produce these disorderly affects and, moreover, move men - some in one way and some in another, as individuals and as nations, separately and in common, in accordance with the tendency of matter on the one hand, and of the affinity for divine things [xa 0e?a] on the other, from within and from without - some who are of no mean reputation have therefore thought that this universe is constituted without any definite order and is driven hither and thither by irrational chance [aXoyco xuxfl]- (Embassy 25.3)

Appearance of disorder is thus contrasted with the reality of order. What appears to be earthly disorder, Athenagoras asserts, is actually governed by a divine plan: They [i.e. Euripides, Aristotle, et al] do not understand that, of those things which belong to the constitution of the whole world, there is nothing out of order or neglected. Rather, each one of them has been produced by Reason [Aoyco], and therefore they do not transgress the order prescribed to them [5i6 ou5e xr]v copiGMEvr|v EV avxoTs irapaPaivouoi T/a£iv]. (Embassy 25.3)

Just as Athenagoras had earlier explained the present-day actions of the fallen angels and their demonic sons with respect to their natures and deeds, so he now asserts that humankind too 'is well ordered, by his original nature [<J>UGEI], which has one common character for all, by the constitution of his body, which does not transgress the law imposed upon it, and by the termination of his life, which remains equal and common to all alike'. It is, in fact, 'according to the logic peculiar to himself [TOV EV CXUXT| VOMOV]', together with 'the operation of the ruling prince and of his

58 The view that Aristotle limited Providence to the heavenly domains above the moon is voiced by a number of 'pagan' and Christian authors, e.g. Diogenes Laertius 5.32; Clement, Strom. 5.14, Hippolytus, Ref. omn. haer; Epiphanius, AH 3.31. For discussion, see A.-J. Festugiere, L'ideal religieux desgrecs et I'Evangile (Paris: Cerf, 1932), pp. 221-63 (esp. 232-3) on Athenagoras; D. T. Runia, 'Festugiere Revisited: Aristotle in the Greek Patres', VC 43 (1989): 1-34; A. P. Bos, 'Clement of Alexandria on Aristotle's (Cosmo-)Theology (Clem. Protrept. 5.66.4)', Classical Quarterly 43 (1993): 177-88.

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followers, the daimones', that human beings are 'impelled and moved in this direction or that' (Embassy 25.4). It is only after this consideration of the meaning of angelic descent for the nature of God's governance of the cosmos that Athenagoras reveals that 'those who draw people to idols are the aforementioned daimones, who are eager for the blood of the sacrifices, and lick them' (Embassy 26.1; cf. / En. 19.1; Justin, 2 Apol. 5). This appeal to the demonic inspiration of idol-worship allows him to explain why some people have claimed to see evidence of these gods. He is thus able to answer the question first posed in Embassy 23.2: 'How is it that some of the idols manifest power, if those to whom we erect the statues are not gods?' Athenagoras explains how such visions result from the weakness inherent in matter and the daimones who take advantage to mislead humankind: 59

This happens to a soul especially when it partakes of the material spirit and becomes mingled with it, looking not at heavenly things and their Maker, but downwards to earthly things, wholly at the earth, as being now mere flesh and blood and no longer pure spirit. These irrational and fantastic movements of the soul, then, give birth to empty visions in the mind, by which it becomes madly set on idols... Then the daimones - who hover about matter, greedy of sacrificial odors and the blood of victims and ever ready to lead people into error - avail themselves of these delusive movements of the souls of the multitude. Taking possession of their thoughts, they cause to flow into the mind empty visions, as if coming from the idols and the statues. When, too, a soul of itself, being immortal, moves in accordance with Reason [AoyiKcos], either predicting the future or healing the present, the daimones claim the glory for themselves! (Embassy 27.1-2)

The daimones, in other words, take advantage of humankind's earthly nature as flesh and blood to inspire false visions in those who are oriented towards the material world and who forget to look towards heaven and the creator. Lest we imagine that Athenagoras here dismisses all visionary knowledge as demonic in origin, however, he adds that all people, by virtue of the immortality of the human soul, are able by themselves to see true visions of the future and that all also have the power to heal. Even though the daimones try to take credit for these wonders, their true source is God, who has implanted these powers. 59 Interestingly, Athenagoras harmonizes Justin's equation of daimones and 'pagan' gods with euhemeristic approaches to Greek gods. He suggests that 'the gods who please the multitude and whose names are given to the images, were men, as may be learned from their history' (Embassy 26.1), and he posits that the names of these men were only later adopted by daimones. See Wey, Funktionen, p. 33-60, 226-51, and on 'pagan' and Christian euhemerism, Hanson, 'Christian Attitudes', pp. 172-81.


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Like Justin, Athenagoras thus uses the Enochic myth of angelic descent to discuss true and false knowledge. Yet, interestingly, Athenagoras stands in continuity with the Book of the Watchers in somewhat different ways than did Justin. Rather than appealing to the teachings of the fallen angels, Athenagoras locates the origins of false knowledge in the prince of the material world and his demonic followers. Yet, just as the redacted form of the Book of the Watchers juxtaposes the assertion of divine cosmic order (esp. 1 En. 2-5) with traditions about the angelic disruption of this order (e.g., 1 En. 15; 18-19), so Athenagoras appeals to angelic descent to explain why the appearance of disorder mars God's truly orderly cosmos (cf. 1 En. 18.15). Athenagoras' epistemology, moreover, is tightly tied to his cosmology. Whereas Justin concedes some truths in Greek philosophy, Athenagoras dismisses Greek philosophers along with 'the poets' as purveyors of earthly wisdom that is tainted by its origins in a material world ruled by a wayward prince and populated by hungry daimones. In his view, any appearances of similarity thus mislead. For Athenagoras, the contrast is stark with the heavenly wisdom seen by prophets in ecstatic visions. Much like the Book of the Watchers, then, Athenagoras asserts that the most trustworthy source of wisdom is the prophet with special access to knowledge from heaven. 60

4. Clement of Alexandria:

Prometheus, Fallen Angels and the Theft of Truth

Clement of Alexandria redeploys these traditions in yet another manner, which draws on other elements from the Book of the Watchers and which results in yet another perspective on the relationship between Christian truth and Greek philosophy. Inasmuch as his application of the Enochic myth of angelic descent to Greek philosophy has already been richly discussed by Bauckham, it will here suffice to outline its contours and consider how Clement's redeployment of the Enochic myth of angelic descent relates to those of Justin and Athenagoras. In his Stromateis, Clement presents four explanations for the sparks of truth found in 'pagan' philosophy. Bauckham describes them as follows:

60 In Athenagoras' epistemology, God is the only source of truth, and prophecy the main criterion for truth. Another path to heavenly knowledge, however, is the rationality that God implanted in humankind, which also allows for the perception of truth through the examination of the divinely created cosmos. This path, however, is often obscured by the weakness of the flesh and the pernicious activities of daimones. See further Barnard, Athenagoras, pp. 135-9.

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Early Christian Literature and Intertextuality 1 (a) That common human reason has enabled philosophers to discern some truth, (b) that divine inspiration, mediated by the angels of the nations, has given truth to the barbarian sages, (c) that the Greek philosophers have 'stolen' knowledge from Moses and the Hebrew prophets, and (d) that the fallen angels stole philosophy from heaven and taught it to humankind. 61

For the first three, precedents and parallels abound. The fourth, however, appears to be an innovation on Clement's part. Whereas Justin defends philosophy by distinguishing it from 'pagan' ritual and religious traditions that are demonically inspired and whereas Athenagoras associates both philosophy and mythology with fallen angels, Clement here puts a surprisingly positive twist on Enochic traditions about illicit angelic instruction: he uses them to posit the heavenly origins of Greek philosophy. In Strom. 1.16, Clement notes, in passing, how some of his contem poraries account for the origins of Greek philosophy, alluding to two different views of the relationship between philosophy and the demonic. The first is the idea that philosophy was set into motion by the Devil (1.16.80.5: EK T O U SiccfioAou T T ] V K I V T J O I V KJXEI; see also 6 . 8 . 6 6 . 1 ; 6.17.159.1). This position is reminiscent of Athenagoras' association of all 'pagan' wisdom with the prince of the material world. The second is the notion that 'certain powers descended and inspired the whole of philosophy' ( 1 . 1 6 . 8 0 . 5 : E V I O I 5E S U V C C M E I S T I V C X S U T T O P E P T ] ^ ! ^ EMTTVEGOCCI TX\V rraoav <J>iAoacxj>icxv U7rEiAr}ccoiv). Inasmuch as Clement here seems to allude to the angels who fell before the flood, he seems to describe a position that is similar to the view of Justin discussed above - albeit extending the association of the fallen angels and 'pagan' mythology to include 'pagan' philosophy as well. In Strom. 1.17, Clement outlines his own position. Here, he suggests that 'philosophy was not sent by the Lord, but came stolen, or given by a thief ( 1 . 1 7 . 8 1 ; cf. Jn 10.18) when 'some power or angel [5uvcxms r\ ayyEAos] - who had learned something of the truth but did not remain therein - inspired these things and, after having stolen them, taught them'. He accepts, in other words, that philosophy has its origin in angelic transgression. What is surprising, however, is that he goes on to argue that 'the theft that reached humankind had some advantage' ( 1 . 1 7 . 8 1 ) . Although those who stole this knowledge should be condemned, their actions were nonetheless in keeping with God's will: 'Providence directed 62

61 Bauckham, TaU', p. 323. References to Clement follow Stromateis (ed. and trans. M. Caster; SC 30, 38, 278-9; Paris: Cerf, 1951-81). 62 Bauckham points to Hermias' assertion that philosophy 'took its beginning from the apostasy of the angels' (Irrisio 1) as further evidence for this view; Tall', pp. 313, 325.

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the products of this audacious deed to utility' (1.17.81). As a result, 'there is, then, in philosophy - although stolen like the fire by Prometheus - a slender spark capable of being fanned into flame, a trace of wisdom and an impulse from God' (1.17.81). When Plato and other Greek philosophers plagiarized Moses, they were thus replicating the deeds of the founders of Greek philosophy, namely, the fallen angels who stole knowledge from heaven. Clement's debt to the Book of the Watchers becomes clear in Strom. 5.1: 64

We showed in the first stromateus that the philosophers of the Greeks are called thieves, inasmuch as they have taken without acknowledg ment their principal dogmas from Moses and the prophets. To this we shall also add that the angels who had obtained the superior rank, after having sunk into pleasures, told to the women the secrets which had come to their knowledge [oi ayyeXoi EKETVOI oi xov avco xAfipov EIATVXOTES KaxoAia0f|aavxes sis fjoovas E£ETTTOV xa airopprixa xaTs yuvai£tv, oaa y E sis yvcooiv aiixciv ac^Ticro], whereas the rest of the angels concealed them - or rather, kept them until the coming of the Lord. From there emanated the doctrine of Providence and the revelation of high things and, since prophecy had already been imparted to the philosophers of the Greeks, the treatment of dogma arose among the philosophers. (Clement, Strom. 5.1.10.2)

VanderKam and others have suggested that this passage paraphrases the rebuke of the Watchers in 1 JBw.16.3. Perhaps not surprisingly, Strom. 5.1 seems to presuppose a Greek translation similar to that found in the fifth- or sixth-century Egyptian Codex Panopolitanus. If so, then Clement's understanding of illicit angelic instruction proves particularly intriguing. His overall approach, after all, recalls 1 Enoch 1216 in its choice to read angelic sin primarily in terms of the transgression 65

66

63 The appeal to Providence proves particularly fitting, since he later suggests that the teachings of the fallen angels account for the existence of the doctrine of Providence among the Greeks (Strom. 5.1.10.2). 64 See above on scholarly theories about the possible influence of the Prometheus myth on the depiction of Asael in the Book of the Watchers. 65 VanderKam, '1 Enoch', p. 47. Clement's familiarity with the Book of the Watchers and its account of angelic teachings is suggested by his other references to Enoch and the fallen angels. Note esp. Eel. 53.4: 'all the demons knew that it was the Lord who arose after the passion, for Enoch already said that the angels who sinned taught humankind astronomy, divination, and the other arts'. 66 'You were in heaven. And you knew [EYVCOXE] every secret that was not revealed to you [irav uuaxnpiov o OUK aveicaAu8r| uu?v] and (every) secret from God [uuaxnpiov TO IK xou 0EOU]. And this you informed [EunyuoaxE] the women, in your hard-heartedness. And by the secret [EV X uuoxnpico], females and mankind multiplied (c. pi.) evils on the earth.'

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of the epistemological boundaries that properly separate heaven from earth and angels from humankind. To assert their transgression of this boundary, however, is also to imply the knowledge that they knew and transmitted was heavenly in source and nature. This issue is not addressed in the Book of the Watchers. Yet Clement is able to extend its ramifications in interesting directions, inasmuch as he appears to read / En. 16.3 through the lens of a Christian salvation history. Whereas the Book of the Watchers drew a clear line between heavenly and earthly knowledge, Clement implies that this line was temporary: from his description, it seems that the secrets stolen by the fallen angels were meant to be revealed on earth, albeit only after the Incarnation. Clement notes that the other angels continued to conceal this wisdom from humankind, but he specifies that they did so only 'until the coming of the Lord' (Strom. 5.1.10.2); now, knowledge once limited to the angels is freely accessible to Christians. Following Clement's epistemo logical schema, then, Christians can feel free to draw on the truths in Greek philosophy, since the philosophical knowledge stolen by the fallen angels and their Greek students was actually meant, in the first place, to be openly revealed after the Incarnation. Whereas Justin develops the depiction of illicit angelic instruction as corrupting humankind in 1 Enoch 6-11 and whereas Athenagoras builds on its description as a breach of cosmic order in I Enoch 12-16, Clement explores the ramifications of the revelation of heavenly secrets by fallen angels who once dwelt in heaven with appeal to 1 En. 16.3. In the process, however, he inverts the negative use of the rhetoric of secrecy and revelation in the Book of the Watchers and reads the teachings of the fallen angels through Greek traditions about Prometheus: just as Prometheus transmitted stolen skills and knowledge that proved beneficial to humankind, so the fallen angels are here understood as thieves whose pilfering of heavenly wisdom had happy results. Whereas Justin and Athenagoras associate the fallen angels with corrupting knowledge and earthly wisdom respectively, Clement posits that their knowledge was actually heavenly. Their sin was to remove it from heaven and to reveal it to humankind at the wrong time. Even this transgression, however, could not have occurred apart from the governing guidance of God's Providence. 5. Conclusion It is intriguing, in my view, that Greek-educated converts to Christianity, writing many centuries after the redactional formation of the Book of the Watchers, seem to have found the Enochic myth of angelic descent to be so relevant for their own situations. Although living at times of


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persecution and seeking to defend Christianity on philosophical grounds, Justin and Athenagoras tackled the challenge of forging a Christian epistemology that allowed for apologetic arguments on the basis of the similarities between Christian and 'pagan' beliefs, while remaining true to Christian claims to a uniquely true understanding of the heavenly knowledge that brings salvation. In defence of Christian philosophy, Clement later takes up the same task. For this, as we have seen, each drew on the angelic descent myth in different ways. The result was different answers to the question of how the wisdom of the culture in which they were educated relates to the wisdom of the religion to which they converted. Why this myth and not another? And why did it not suffice merely to follow Philo in simply stressing Plato's indebtedness to Moses? Important, in my view, is the combination of different approaches to knowledge in the Book of the Watchers, wherein traditions about the corrupting power of knowledge wrongly gained are interwoven with traditions celebrating human access to secrets about the cosmos, the future and God. Whatever the precise origins of what seem to be 'anti-speculative' sentiments in the Book of the Watchers, the redactional integration of these traditions with material expressing a more classically 'apocalyptic' epistemology has resulted in a richly polysemous text, the insights of which could be readily reapplied to new circumstances when questions about the precise nature and sources of true knowledge became - once again, for new reasons - a matter of pressing concern. In this inquiry, I have dealt only with those early Christian authors who can be plausibly thought to have known the Book of the Watchers in some form and who use the Enochic myth of angelic descent in the context of discussions about the wisdom of the Greeks. To get a fuller sense of the Christian Nachleben of the different approaches to knowledge in the Book of the Watchers, one would have to consider other apologists, like Tatian and Minucius Felix, who seem to have known the angelic descent myth primarily via Justin. Perhaps also relevant is the evidence of authors, such as Irenaeus, Origen and Tertullian, who drew on Enochic texts and traditions for other purposes (e.g., heresiology, exegesis, sexual ethics). 67

67 Tatian, interestingly, transposes Justin's account of angelic descent from the antediluvian era to the time of creation; he equates pagan gods with demons and credits them with introducing astrology to humankind but calls them the host of the serpent/Satan {prat. 7-9). Minucius Felix equates the demons with pagan gods and credits them with corrupting humankind through prophetic mimicries, divination, magic and idolatry, but he nowhere makes explicit their connection to the fallen angels (Oct. 26-27). Note also the interesting approach of Lactanius, who develops the Christianized version of the myth with appeal to Jubilees. Here, God sent the angels to earth to counter the influence of Satan, but Satan tempted them into following him instead (Inst. 25); like Jubilees, Lactanius limits his account of their teachings only to magical arts (Inst. 27).

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Happily, catalogues of early Christian references to Enochic literature are plentiful and comprehensive. More needs to be done, however, to understand how such traditions function within the theologies, cosmol ogies and eschatologies of specific authors. This type of work has already been pursued, to some extent, in relation to the early Christian redeployment of eschatological and historical elements from early Jewish apocalypses. The above survey suggests that more could be learned from exploring the influence of the epistemological and cosmological elements as well. Past research had tended to downplay such elements when studying early Jewish apocalypses, not least because they did not fit with traditional views about the distinctions between 'Wisdom' and 'Apocalyptic' worldviews. With the emergence of more integrative perspectives in the study of Second Temple Judaism, however, we may also be able to shed new light on the early Christian reception, reinterpretation and redeployment of these traditions.

Chapter 10 THE

INFLUENCE OF THE SEPTUAGINT O N THE NEW

T O W A R D A M O R E OBJECTIVE

TESTAMENT

ASSESSMENT

Radu Gheorghita One of the results of the renewed interest in the Septuagint is the recognition of the significance of this textual tradition for New Testament studies. A major contributor to this development as well as its most visible confirmation is a welcome string of recent publications on this topic. After many years of what could be perceived as relative neglect, the last two decades have seen several outstanding contributions advocating the importance and the legitimacy of Septuagint studies, none more outspokenly than those of N. F. Marcos, E. Tov, K. Jobes and M. Silva. Alongside these more general approaches, M. Hengel, M. Muller and most recently T. McLay have pushed further the field in addressing the relevance and necessity of engaging the Septuagint as the quintessential linguistic and theological precursor of the New Testament. Together 1

2

3

1 Since the precise definition of the term 'Septuagint' has been the subject of several studies, no particular attention will be devoted to it here. See Leonard Greenspoon, 'The Use and Abuse of the Term " L X X " and Related Terminology in Recent Scholarship', Bulletin of the International Organization for Septuagint and Cognate Studies 20 (1987): 21-9, R . Timothy McLay, The Use of the Septuagint in New Testament Research (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003) pp. 5-7. For the purpose of this study, the term 'Septuagint' will generically denote a Greek version of the Jewish Scriptures. 2 Natalio Fernandez Marcos, The Septuagint in Context: Introduction to the Greek Version of the Bible (trans. Wilfred G . E . Watson; Leiden, Boston and Koln: E . J . Brill, 2000); Emanuel Tov, The Text-Critical Use of the Septuagint in Biblical Research, ( J B S , 8; Jerusalem: Simor, 2nd rev. and enlarged edn, 1997); Karen H . Jobes and Moises Silva, Imitation to the Septuagint (Grand Rapids: Baker, 2000). 3 Martin Hengel and Anna Maria Schwemer (eds), Die Septuaginta: Zwischen Judentum und Christentum ( W U N T , 72; Tubingen: J . C . B . Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1994), Mogens Muller, The First Bible of the Church: A Plea for the Septuagint (JSOTSup, 206; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996); and McLay, Use. The complexity of the Septuagint research, however, cannot be reduced to these studies only. For a representative sampling of the specialized interests and domains of the Septuagint research, see the informative collection of essays in W . Kraus and R . G . Wooden (eds), Septuagint Research: Issues and

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these studies not only explore the field of Septuagint research, benefiting both the scholar as well as the apprentice, but also bring fresh scope and momentum to the areas of exegesis and biblical theology. The recently published new English translation of the Septuagint (NETS) comes as a landmark of the scholarly effort engaged in bringing the Septuagint up to par with the Hebrew Bible and the Greek New Testament, the other two major fields of biblical studies. Throughout most of these studies, the reader senses an impetus for a departure from what used to be the dominant approach to the Septuagint in the not too distant past. In that approach the Septuagint was primarily considered to be the handmaid of Hebrew Bible textual criticism. E. Tov speaks for that school of thought when he asserts that 'one should always try to integrate the results of these studies into the larger area of textual criticism or exegesis . . . all other sub-areas of L X X research . . . should always have the next stage in mind, that of the reconstruction of the Vorlage of the L X X ' . The more recent studies, however, signal the emergence of a new trend which not only allocates equal consideration to the Septuagint as a theological text in its own right, worthy of the same exegetical and theological rigour as that of the study of the Hebrew Scripture, but also explores the multifaceted influence that this theological text has exerted on the NT authors and writings. This indeed is a fascinating field of investigation, in which much work must still be accomplished. As already mentioned, one facet of Septuagintal research is dedicated to analysing and assessing its role and importance in shaping the NT writings. It is often concluded that the Greek Scriptures have exerted a unique, intrinsically Septuagintal influence on the text and the theology of the NT. It is implied that in many cases, by using the Greek Scriptures, the NT authors formulated scriptural arguments and reached conclusions that could not have been attained had they used the Hebrew Scriptures. Nowhere is this position better captured than in the writings of the Danish scholar M. Muller who formulated this astounding statement: 'the 4

5

Challenges in the Study of the Greek Jewish Scriptures (SBLSCS, 53; Leiden and Boston: E. J. Brill, 2006). Albeit dated, the ultimate reference guide remains the two volumes of annotated bibliography of S. P. Brock, C. T. Fritsch and S. Jellicoe (eds), A Classified Bibliography of the Septuagint (ALGHJ, 6; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1973) and Cecile Dogniez, Bibliography of the Septuagint (1970-1993) (VTSup, 60; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1993). 4 Albert Pietersma and Benjamin G. Wright (eds), A New English Translation of the Septuagint and Other Greek Translations Traditionally Included under That Title (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2007). 5 Emanuel Tov, 'Textual Criticism of the Hebrew Bible 1947-1997', in Florentino Garcia Martinez and Ed Noort (eds), Perspectives in the Study of the Old Testament and Early Judaism: A Symposium in Honour of Adam S. Van Der Woude on the Occasion of His 70th Birthday (Leiden, Boston and Koln: E. J. Brill, 1998), pp. 61-81 (62).

GHEORGHITA

Influence of the Septuagint

167

Septuagint does in fact convey more convincingly than Biblia Hebraica what the NT authors understood as their Holy Writ'. Similarly, T. McLay addresses the implications of what seems to be axiomatic for his recent monograph, the fact that the Greek Scriptures had 'at least equal authority to the Hebrew Scriptures'. Through the examination of three cardinal issues: the influence of L X X vocabulary on the NT, L X X citations in the NT, and L X X influence on NT theology, McLay sets out to prove that 'the content of the NT is substantially different than what it would have been if the Greek translations of the Hebrew Books and other Greek Scriptures had not existed'. Almost a decade ago, I arrived at similar conclusions at the end of my own research on the use of the L X X in Hebrews. I set out to investigate whether or not it would be legitimate to affirm that the Septuagint had a determinant role in the shaping of the Epistle to the Hebrews. Has the author of Hebrews formulated his argumentation in a way that he would not have done had he been expounding the Hebrew text? While my affirmative answer to this question echoed the consensus among scholars on these matters, I have always been uneasy with the inadequate degree of objectivity in assessing that influence. I completed my research with the determination to return to it in the future and investigate various ways to increase the objectivity with which the so-called distinct, unique, unequivocal Septuagintal influence is assessed. The first step toward that goal constitutes the substance of this chapter. The study presented here proposes a set of three criteria designed to increase the objectivity with which the alleged L X X influence on the NT can be assessed. The paper will analyse the applicability of these criteria to several examples from the Epistle to the Hebrews, a suitable test-case for the study of the influence of the Septuagint on a NT writing, given its author's predominant, if not exclusive, use of the Septuagint as his Scripture. At the outset, several guidelines for the inquiry are in order. First and foremost, a precise definition of what constitutes 'a distinct Septuagintal 6

7

8

9

10

6 Muller, First Bible, p. 121. 7 McLay, Use, p. 144. 8 Ibid., p. 144. 9 Radu Gheorghita, The Role of the Septuagint in Hebrews: An Investigation of Its Influence with Special Consideration to the Use ofHab 2.3-4 in Heb 10.37-38 (WUNT, 2/160; Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 2003). 10 WTiile there is no strong consensus on the issue, most commentators accept this justifiable assumption. See, inter alia, Harold W. Attridge, Hebrews: A Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews (Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1989), p. 23; William L. Lane, Hebrews 1-8, 9-13 (2 vols; WBC, 47A, 47B; Dallas: Word Books, 1991), p. cxviii; Paul Ellingworth, The Epistle to the Hebrews: A Commentary on the Greek Text (NIGTC; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1993), p. 37; and Helmut Koester, To the Hebrews (AB; Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 2001), p. 116.

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influence' is needed. The phrase is generally used to describe the cases in which the reader detects the presence of an unequivocal dependence of a NT text or argument on a particular Septuagint text. This definition, however, is insufficient primarily because in the case of several authors of the NT, the author of Hebrews being most prominent among them, the Septuagint was the only form of Scripture available to them. To talk in such cases about a distinct Septuagintal influence would be nothing more than a truism. When the Septuagint was the version of necessity and not of choice, it is only common sense to conclude that it left visible marks on the outcome of the study of the Scriptures. To explore the unique Septuagintal influence on the NT, the phrase 'distinct Septuagintal influence' must be defined in a more precise and narrow way. This study proposes to use the phrase exclusively with reference to the influence exerted by those Scriptural passages in the Jewish Scriptures in which the Hebrew textual tradition represented by the Masoretic text varies significantly from the Greek textual traditions represented in the critical edition of the Septuagint. If a NT text bears the distinct mark of a Septuagint passage that differs from its Hebrew counterpart, then and only then can one speak of a genuine, distinct, or unique Septuagintal influence. This is the way the phrase 'distinct Septuagintal influence' will be construed in the following discussion. Secondly, the causes that led to the divergences between the Greek and Hebrew texts of a given passage, while very important and illuminating for tracing the history of various textual traditions, will not be considered at all by this study. It is safe to assume that one can still talk about a distinct Septuagintal influence even when the real causes that led to dissimilar Hebrew and Greek readings of the same passage remain unexplored or unknown. Thirdly, no particular attention is devoted to the question of the Septuagint's influence on the theology of NT authors as a distinct phenomenon from its influence on their writings. While the primary interest of this study is focused on the latter aspect, inasmuch as that influence can be more easily discerned when examining the biblical text, it is nevertheless assumed throughout that the two aspects are inseparable: the influence on the authors prompted the influence discernible in their writings, or, to put it differently, the influence on the writings stands as a genuine account of the influence exerted on the authors. Fourthly, for the sake of brevity, no time will be allotted here to trace or even consider the impact of a distinct Septuagintal influence on the argument of a particular NT author or writing. In each case considered henceforth, it can be strongly substantiated that the content of the 11

11 For a fuller treatment of these issues, see Gheorghita, Role, and McLay, Use.

GHEORGHITA


169

Septuagint-based quotation or allusion is of traceable and demonstrable consequence for that particular NT passage. The question, then, is what criteria can be used to allow for a more objective assessment of the potential cases of distinct Septuagint influence on the NT? It is hoped that the battery of three criteria proposed here will offer considerable help in this endeavour. As will soon become evident, there are strong affinities between this set of criteria and the well-known criteria of authenticity that have been used in the field of historical Jesus studies. While in general, Septuagint studies and historical-Jesus studies have little in common, I was intrigued to see that the instrumentarium designed for one field can be suitably adapted for the other. It should be mentioned at the outset that there is little consensus in the field of historical-Jesus studies with regard to either the number of criteria or their validity for authenticating the words and works of Jesus. Lists of proposed criteria vary from one scholar to another almost as much as the results do after being applied to the Gospels. Nevertheless, the criteria borrowed for our purposes here appear without exception in most major studies that assess the authenticity of the Gospels' record. In what follows, each criterion will be defined, briefly explained and then applied to a relevant passage selected from the Epistle to the Hebrews. 12

13

14

The Criterion of Multiple

Attestations

The first criterion proposed here is the criterion of multiple attestations. The case for a distinct Septuagintal influence on a NT author or passage can be made if the same Septuagint-based argument is found in other NT 12 This is indeed a very prolific area of research with an almost unmanageable volume of publications. The following are merely representative: Bruce Chilton and Craig A. Evans (eds), Studying the Historical Jesus: Evaluations of the State of Current Research (NTTSD, 19; Leiden, New York and Koln: E. J. Brill, 1994); idem (eds), Authenticating the Words of Jesus (NTTSD, 28/1; Leiden, New York and Koln: E. J. Brill, 1999); idem (eds), Authenticating the Activities of Jesus (NTTSD, 28/2; Leiden, New York and Koln: E. J. Brill, 1999); Stanley E. Porter, The Criteria for Authenticity in Historical-Jesus Research: Previous Discussion and New Proposals (JSNTSup, 191; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000); and Darrell L. Bock, Studying the Historical Jesus: A Guide to Sources and Methods (Grand Rapids: Baker, 2002). 13 The differences between the two fields of research seem to be primarily at the level of content, with a fair amount of overlap at the level of methodology. At the risk of oversimphfieation, the assessment of the influence of an antecedent text (the Septuagint) on the writers who made use of it (NT authors), on the one hand, and on the other, that of a religious system (Judaism) over a person's self-understanding and legacy (Jesus) involves tracing many similar factors that shaped the level of continuity or discontinuity between the 'old' (the source of influence) and the 'new' (the receptor of influence). 14 Porter, Criteria, pp. 69-101.

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authors. To apply this criterion is to ask whether there are any other NT authors that have developed either an identical or similar argument when working with the same Septuagint passage. Obviously, by expanding the scope of investigation to include extra-canonical writers who are known to have used the Septuagint, the case for a distinct Septuagintal influence will be strengthened if evidence is found in their writings as well. The rationale for this criterion is straightforward: if a potential Septuagintal nuance traced in a given NT text is paralleled in other contemporary writings, canonical or extra-canonical, the potential for acknowledging a distinct Septuagintal influence on that particular passage can be strongly maintained. The more cases of this nature are found in the NT, or in the contemporary extra-canonical literature, the stronger the case for a distinct Septuagintal influence becomes. Alternatively, if the Septuagint-based conclusions are discernible in and limited to only one NT author, the case for a distinct Septuagintal influence is much less decisive or definitive. It is important to acknowledge at the outset the limits of this criterion's applicability. In order to deliver a conclusive ruling on a potential case, one needs a variety of canonical writers or writings who have explored the same Greek-based Scripture passage. It is generally acknowledged, however, that there are relatively few NT cases in which different authors made use of the same Scripture passage, and an even more limited number of cases in which they used the same Septuagint passage. Therefore, the possibility of conducting synoptic comparisons among different NT authors is severely limited. Nevertheless, whenever such cases are found, the multiple attestation criterion can be a significant tool in evaluating the presence of a distinct Septuagint influence. Hebrews 2.2 stands as an ideal case for observing the multiple attestations criterion in action. The verse is part of the first warning passages in the epistle which makes a rather startling mention of angels, the ones with whom the Son was favourably compared in the previous paragraph, Heb. 1.5-13. In a rather indirect way, the author offers the reader a glimpse into his understanding of the role of the angels in the Sinaitic revelatory event. This verse contains an allusion to the giving of the Mosaic law at Mount Sinai, an event in which, according to the author, the angels had a mediating, participatory involvement, Tor if the word spoken through angels became firm' [ei y a p 6 5i dyy'eAcov AaAn0eis Aoyos EyeveTO PE($CCIOS], (Heb. 2.2). One of the more plausible sources for this particular idea is a passage from the Song of Moses in LXX Deut. 33.2, a text in which the Hebrew and Greek texts are divergent. The distinct 15

15 Most major commentators acknowledge Heb. 2.2 as an allusion to Deut. 33; so Attridge, Hebrews, p. 65; Lane, Hebrews, vol.1, p. 37; Ellingworth, Hebrews, p. 138; and Koester, Hebrews, p. 205.

GHEORGHITA


111

way in which the Greek translation renders the Sinaitic theophany and the giving of the law might have caught the attention of the author of Hebrews. He highlights the higher responsibility and obedience expected from the new-covenant believers as hearers of God speaking through his Son as opposed to those of the old-covenant believers who received a word mediated only by angels. 16

Dent. 33.2

Deut. 33.2

MT

LXX

Heb. 2.2 NA

2 7

r 0 D mrr KUplOS EK IlVOC TJKEI rriri Kal E1TE<J>aVEV in1? TrteB EK Irjip f\\iiv

,

YQ

KCU KaTEOTTEUOEV

p a s "ino k\ Spous Oapav nrwi Enp nnrhn auv nupiaoiv KCXSTIS T

EK 5EÎC2)V auTou 1

no ? [rnj retoi ayyEXoi (rneto)

MET a u r o u

6 5i dyyeXcov XaXr)06is Xoyos eyevexo

{JEPCUOS. . .

Deut. 33.2 ESV

Deut. 33.2 NETS

The LORD came from Sinai and dawned from Seir upon us; he shone forth from Mt Paran; he came from the ten thousands of holy ones, with flaming fire

The Lord has come from Sina, and appeared to us from Seir, and hasted from Mt Pharan

at his right hand.

angels with him.

Heb. 2.2 ESV

with myriads of Kades; at his right,

16 For a fuller treatment see Gheorghita, Role, pp. 76-9.

. . . for since the message declared by angels proved to be reliable . . .

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The Greek text of Deut. 33.2 differs from the Hebrew text in several places, two of which are more relevant for our purposes here. First, the phrase 'with myriads of Kades' (ouv uupidoiv KCCSTIS) describes the Sinaitic theophany in terms of God descending together 'with his holy ones' and not him descending 'from his holy assembly' EHp rQD"]0, as the Masoretic text reads. Second, further support for this meaning is provided by the Greek translation of the next line, 'at his right [hand], angels with him' (EK 5E£IGC>V CCUTOU dyyEAoi UET CCUTOU), which renders a 'completely opaque' Hebrew text. Reading Heb. 2.2 as an allusion to the distinct content of LXX Deuteronomy can thus be labelled, at least tentatively, as a Septuagintal influence. Is it, however, a case of a distinct Septuagintal influence? The multiple attestation criterion can be useful to reach a verdict in this case. Is the idea of the mediatory role of the angels to which the author of Hebrews alludes, or a relatively similar one, found in other NT authors who had access to, or made use of LXX Deuteronomy 33? The NT supplies two relevant cases. The first one is found at the heart of the apostle Paul's argumentation concerning the giving of the law in Gal. 3.19. 17

18

Gal. 3.19 NTG

Gal. 3.19 ESV

Ti ouv b v o p o s ; XV

TGOV irapapdoEcov x®P TTpOO6T60T|,

dxpis

CXI

IX0T| TO OTTEppa

co ETTTIYYEXTCXI,

5iaTay£is 5i' dyyEXcov EV

XEipi MEOITOU.

Why then the law? It was added because o f transgressions, until the offspring should come to whom the promise had been made; and it was put in place through angels by an intermediary.

Without getting into the details of the argument, Paul describes the giving of the law 'ordained through angels by a mediator' in very similar terms to Heb. 2.2, especially with regard to the presence of the angels. The

17 John William Wevers, Notes on the Greek Text of Deuteronomy (SBLSCS, 39; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995), p. 540. 18 Paul's ability and habit to use both the Hebrew and Greek Scriptures is widely acknowledged by scholars. Among several outstanding studies, see Christopher D. Stanley, Paul and the Language of Scripture: Citation Technique in the Pauline Epistles and Contemporary Literature (SNTSMS, 74; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).

GHEORGHITA


173

idea of angels associated with the giving of the law is also traceable to LXX Deuteronomy 3 3 . The second NT occurrence of the same idea is found at several junctures in Stephen's defence speech as reported by Luke in Acts. Of all three references there, Acts 7.30, 38, and 53, the one in v. 53 is notably similar not only to Paul's language in Gal. 3.19, but also to Heb. 2.2. 19

Acts 7.53 NTG

Acts 7.53 ESV

o m v s s EAdfkTe TOV vopov

you who received the law

eis SiccTayds dyyEAcov KOU oik 6uAdl;aT6.

as delivered by angels and did not keep it.

The passage from the book of Acts is all the more significant in light of Acts 6, where Stephen is listed among the Greek-speaking Jews (oi 'EAATjviOTCxi), a group distinct from, if not opposed to the Hebrew-/ Aramaic-speaking Israelites (orE(ipaToi). This association makes it very plausible to surmise that Stephen's Scripture was in fact a Greek textual tradition. As was mentioned earlier, the verdict rendered by the criterion of multiple attestations for a distinct Septuagintal influence on Heb. 2.2 is strengthened when extra-canonical authors are taken into consideration as well. Josephus and Philo, the most significant Jewish writers contem porary with the NT authors, who, not only made use of the Septuagint but also held it in high regard, allude to the giving of the law in terms similar to the ones found in the NT authors. 20

21

19 Hans Dieter Betz, Galatians: A Commentary on Paul's Letter to the Churches in Galalia (Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1989), pp. 169-70; so also F. F. Bruce, The Epistle to the Galatians: A Commentary on the Greek Text (NIGTC; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982), p. 176. 20 See the chapters on Philo by Yehoshua Amir, 'Authority and Interpretation of Scripture in the Writings of Philo', in Martin Jan Mulder (ed.), Mikra: Text, Translation, Reading and Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity (CRINT, II, 1; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990), pp. 421-55; and Folker Siegert, 'Early Jewish Interpretation in a Hellenistic Style', in Magne Saebo, Chris Brekelmans and Menahem Haran (eds), Hebrew Bible/Old Testament: The History of Its Interpretation. From the Beginnings to the Middle Ages (until 1300) (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1996), pp. 130-98; and on Josephus by Louis H. Feldman, 'Use, Authority and Exegesis of Mikra in the Writings of Josephus', in Mulder (ed.), Mikra: pp. 455-519; and Steve Mason, 'Josephus on Canon and Scriptures', in Saebo, Brekelmans and Haran (eds), Hebrew Bible/Old Testament, pp. 217-37. 21 Bruce includes one of the most extensive lists of potential allusions from both Greek and Hebrew sources, Bruce, Galatians, pp. 176-7. See also Attridge, Hebrews, p. 65.


174

Antiquities 15.136 Josephus

Antiquities 15.136 Josephus

. . . T a KOAAIOTO TCOV SoyucxTcov

. . . and for ourselves, we have learned from God the most excellent of our doctrines, and the most holy part of our law, by angels or ambassadors; for this name brings God to the knowledge of mankind, and is sufficient to reconcile enemies one to another.

KOU TO boicoTCXTa TCOV ev TOTS

vouois Si' ayylAcov irapd TOU 9EOU uaSovTcov TOUTO

y a p TO ovoua Ka\ avBpcoirois 0e6v EIS Euav£iav dfyEi KOU TTOAEUIOUS TTOAEU'IOIS

SiaAAcxTTEiv SuvaTai

22

2 3

The two references in Philo suggested by Bruce and Attridge about a mediatory participation of angels in the giving of the law (Dreams 1.14143, Life of Abraham 115) seem to preserve the same idea, albeit not as straightforwardly as Josephus. Dreams 1.141-43 Philo

Dreams 1.141-43 Philo . . . b 5E

Aoyos ayylAous

E'IOOSE KOtAsiv . . . KOU y a p . . .

SiayyEAAouoi . . . £5£r]6r]U£v TTOTETTOTE T1VOS TCOV UEOITCOV

AlyovTEs "AaAnoov ou fiiiiv, KCL\ [xi] AOAEITCO irpbs Tjuas b 9EOS, UT)

TTOTETTOTE aTTo8avco(JEv" ou y a p OT1 KoAaOElS . . . Mil XpcoMEVOoxpaco UTmpETais aAAois.

24

. . . but the sacred scripture calls them angels . . . for indeed they do report . . . once entreated one of those mediators, saying: 'Do thou speak for us, and let not God speak to us, lest we die.' . . . we cannot bear . . . without employing the ministrations of any other beings.

The allusion to the angels' mediatory role between man and God in the T.Dan 6.2 is much more opaque and will not be considered here. In light of this unusually strong N T support, further substantiated by considerable extra-canonical confirmation, the criterion of multiple attestations rules in favour of identifying in Heb. 2.2 a distinct Septuagintal influence. 25

22 23 24 25

Bible Works, ver. 7.0. Bruce, Galatians, p. 177, Attridge, Hebrews, p. 65. Bible Works, ver. 7.0. Attridge, Hebrews, p. 65 n. 28.

GHEORGHITA


175

In fairness to the complexity of the issues involved, it should be noticed that this criterion alone is seldom sufficient for reaching a final, definitive verdict. Its insufficiency for ultimately assessing the distinct Septuagintal influence in Heb. 2.2 is underlined by the content of several passages in Hebrew or Aramaic sources. The pseudepigraphic Book of Jubilees, originally written in Hebrew and most likely preceding the NT, includes a few indirect allusions to the Angel of the Presence and of other mediatory angels at the event of the giving of the law (cf. Jub. 1. 27, 29 inter alia.). Similarly, a couple of Targumic passages seem to not have been unaware of this idea. After the law was rejected by the sons of Esau and the sons of Ishmael, according to Targum Neofiti, God's Glory was revealed to the children of Israel 'on the Mount of Sinai, and with him were myriads of holy angels' (Tg. Neof Deut. 33.2-6). To understand better the limits of the first criterion we need to proceed to the other criteria. 26

27

28

The Criterion of

Dissimilarity

The second criterion for assessing the distinct Septuagint influence on a NT author or passage is the criterion of dissimilarity. The case for a distinct Septuagintal influence can be sustained if the conclusions upheld by a Greek source text are significantly dissimilar from those upheld by its corresponding Hebrew text. To apply this criterion is to ask whether the nuances drawn from a Septuagint quotation or allusion differ significantly from those derived from the Hebrew text of the same passage. Again, by expanding the scope of investigation to include non-canonical writers as well, the criterion of dissimilarity will strengthen the ruling on any given case. The logic of this criterion is just as straightforward as the first one. If an alleged distinct Septuagintal influence, whether a theological idea or nuance developed from a LXX-based quotation or echo, does not surface in any other canonical treatments of the Hebrew text of the same passage, the case for a distinct Septuagintal influence can be strongly maintained. Alternatively, if there is sufficient evidence that the exposition of the Hebrew text of a potential passage leads to theological nuances similar to or compatible with those based on a Greek text, the case for a distinct Septuagintal influence becomes considerably weaker. As in the case of the first criterion, it is worth mentioning the main 26 Ibid., p.65 n. 28 lists several other passages. 27 Craig A. Evans, Ancient Texts for New Testament Studies: A Guide to the Background Literature (Peabody: Hendrickson, 2005), p. 395 suggests Tg. Neof Exod. 20.2, and Tg. PsJ. Exod. 20.2; see also Bruce for other Rabbinic passages, Bruce, Galatians, p. 177. 28 Martin McNamara, The Targum Neofiti 1: Deuteronomy (Ar Bib, 5A; Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1997), p. 161.


176

limitation in the applicability of the criterion of dissimilarity. The criterion works well only when it is possible to compare analyses of a given Scripture passage based on the Hebrew text with those based on the Greek text. Consequently, it is rather inconclusive when there are no examples of writers using the Hebrew parallel passage. Nevertheless, even if the number of would-be cases in the NT is not vast, the criterion of dissimilarity can be a significant tool at least in the process of narrowing down the number of potential candidates. The quotation from Deut. 32.43 in Heb. 1.6 provides a good, albeit limited in scope, example of this criterion in action. This is a well-known case of a quotation in Hebrews in which the Septuagint text quoted does not match perfectly any of the sources proposed. Complicating matters even further, this passage in the Masoretic tradition does not correspond to what must have been the Hebrew Vorlage used by the Septuagint translators. For the sake of brevity, it is assumed here that Deuteronomy 32 was indeed the source for this quotation. The other less likely candidates, Ps. 96.7 [MT:97.7], and Ode Sol 2.43 will not be considered at this juncture. The Masoretic tradition and the Septuagint preserved the following texts: 29

30

Deut. 32.43b MT

Deut. 32.43a LXX

Heb. 1.6 NA 27

Eupdv0r|T£ oupavoi dpa OUTGO KCCI TrpoaKuvTiadTcooav

auTcp

kcu TrpooKuvTjoaTcooav

OUTGO

ia3

TrdvTEs utoi

8EOU

SU<j>pdv8r|TE

E 0 V T )

JJETOC TOU Xaou auToG KCU E v i o x u a a T c o o a v OCUTCO

TTCXVTES dyyEAoi 8EOU

trdvTEs

dyyEAot 8EOU

29 For a full treatment of this passage especially at the level of the relationship between various Hebrew and Greek textual traditions see Timothy R. McLay, 'Biblical Texts and the Scriptures for the New Testament Church' in Stanley E. Porter (ed.), Hearing the Old Testament in the New Testament (McMNTS; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2006), pp. 38-58. 30 Various other passages have been suggested as the source for this quotation; see Gheorghita, Role, pp. 40-1, and McLay, Biblical Texts, pp. 51-5.

GHEORGHITA

Deut. 32.43b NAS


Deut. 32.43a NETS

Heb. 1.6 ESV

Be glad, O skies, with him, and let all the divine sons do obeisance to him Be glad, O nations, with his people and let all the angels of God prevail for him

Rejoice, O nations, with His people;

177

Let all God's angels worship him.

In the absence of a Hebrew text in the Masoretic tradition parallel to the Greek text it would be reasonable to conclude that Heb. 1.6 belongs to the category of passages that bear unmistakable Septuagintal influence. Indeed, if the content of a quotation is provided only by the Greek Scripture without a parallel in the Hebrew Scripture, by default this would amount to a case of an undisputable distinct Septuagintal influence. When applied to this case, however, the proposed criterion of dissimilarity tempers, if not completely annuls the verdict, since there is at least one other Hebrew-based textual tradition that matches the Septuagint text. The Hebrew text containing an equivalent of the Septuagint 'all the angels of God' (TTCXVTES dyyEAoi 0EOO) has been q

preserved in the Dead Sea Scrolls. 4QDeut surfaced as a tradition of the Hebrew text that matches the Greek text attested in the Septuagint. It is reasonable to conclude that it was this Hebrew-text tradition and not the one preserved by the Masoretic text which served as the Vorlage for the Septuagint. 31

Deut. 32.43b 4QDeut

Deut. 32.43a LXX

q

woo

i r n n

1

i ?

27

EUpdv9riTE oupocvoi dpa

nnneJni

Heb. 1.6 NA

auTcp

icon TrpooKuvrjoaTcooav auTco

KCXl

TTpooKuvrioaTcooav auTco

TTCCVTES UlOl 8EOU

31

q

For the text of 4QDeut and its variants, see McLay, Biblical Texts, p. 47.

178


Deut. 32.43a

Deut. 32.43b 4QDeut q

LXX 6\J(})pO(v6TlT6

OCUTOG

Kai eviaxuadxcooav auxco TTCXVTES dyyEXoi 0EOG

Rejoice with him, O heavens; bow down to him, all gods,

27

68vri

MExd xou Xaou

Deut. 32.43b ESV

Heb. 1.6 NA

Deut. 32.43a NETS Be glad, O skies, with him, and let all the divine sons do obeisance to him Be glad, O nations, with his people and let all the angels of God prevail for him

TTOCVTES

dyyEXoi

0EOG.

Heb. 1.6 ESV

Let all God's angels worship him.

The very complex relationship either between these various Hebrew text traditions or between them and their Greek translation is not the focus of this study. Suffice it to say that when the criterion of dissimilarity is applied to this text, that which was thought to be a distinct Septuagintal influence on Heb. 1.6 no longer merits that special status. By identifying at least one other Hebrew-based text of the passage suitably matching the Greek-based text, the criterion of dissimilarity prevents us from conclud ing too hastily that a similar argument in Heb. 1.6 could not have been formulated from a Hebrew-based text. 32

The Criterion of Inner Septuagintal

Coherence

The third and last criterion to assess the Septuagint influence proposed in this study is the criterion of inner Septuagintal coherence. According to this criterion, the case for a distinct Septuagintal influence on a NT author or passage can be made if the Septuagint-based argument in the NT coheres more with the overall theological nuances of the Greek text than 32

Ibid., pp. 44-50.

GHEORGHITA


179

with those of the Hebrew text. To apply this criterion is to ask whether the Greek textual tradition, as opposed to its Hebrew counterpart, offers stronger support for the way in which the NT used a scriptural quotation or allusion. While the logic of the criterion of inner Septuagintal coherence is defensible, its validity is largely dependent on the overall assumptions made in the analysis of the NT use of the OT. On the one hand, those who hold to the position that the NT authors had an atomistic, non-contextual approach to the Scriptures will ascribe to this criterion a limited value at best, or will render it useless, at worst. On the other hand, those who believe that the NT authors quoted Scripture mindful of its original context will find the criterion an important tool in evaluating whether the NT exploration of an OT text squares better with the theological contour of its source in the Greek textual tradition as opposed to the one in Hebrew. Several stages are essential for this sort of laborious investigation. First, one has to make a thorough literary and theological profile of the individual L X X book that served as the source for the quotation or allusion. This should include - but not be limited to - an in-depth analysis of the translation technique evidenced in the book, as well as a thorough examination of the significant differences between the two textual traditions. These preliminary stages should culminate with the drawing up of two distinct theological profiles of the book, one for the Hebrewbased and another one for the Greek-based textual traditions. Only after these indispensable steps have been undertaken, the database is ready for the second stage, which consists of a comparative analysis and assessment of the degree of compatibility between the theological contours of the Greek or Hebrew source texts and the NT employment of that quotation or allusion. The use of Hab. 2.3-4 in Heb. 10.37-39 will serve as a suitable example of the applicability of this criterion. The quotation from Habakkuk is one of the very few cases in which the L X X source text has undergone 33

34

33 It would be unwarranted to generalize in these two categories the variety of approaches to the Jewish Scriptures among all the NT authors, underscored so well in the recently published, G. K. Beale and D. A. Carson, Commentary on the New Testament Use of the Old Testament (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic/Apollos, 2007). As far as Hebrews is concerned, the demarcations between these two camps is quite evident, see Gheorghita, Role, p. 57 and Ellingworth, Hebrews, p. 41. 34 While the investigation of the translation technique still leaves some Septuagint scholars unconvinced of its legitimacy and usefulness, e.g., Joachim Schaper, Eschatology in the Greek Psalter (WUNT, 2/76; Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1995), usually the results of well-conducted analyses reveal important textual and theological details; see especially Anneli Aejmelaeus, On the Trail of Septuagint Translators: Collected Essays (Kampen: Kok Pharos, 1993).

180


considerable change at the hand of the author of Hebrews. Due to space considerations, the preliminary stages highlighted above will be assumed. Once the pertinent data is made available with regard to Hab. 2.3-4, the focus should shift to the NT passage, Heb. 10.37-39. In order to apply the criterion of inner Septuagintal coherence it is important, first, to identify and explain the changes to the source text for the quotation as found in the target text. Second, there must be an assessment of the degree of coherence between these changes and the larger literary and theological context of L X X Habakkuk in order to find a potential causal relationship between the two. Just as important, third, a similar assessment should also be made with regard to the significance and role of these changes in the argument of Hebrews. In what follows, I will concentrate only on the quotation text itself, L X X Hab. 2.3-4, the central passage of this prophetic book, which stands as the source text for the quotation in Hebrews 10. Then, I will briefly argue that the changes to the quotation text cohere indeed with the overall message of L X X Habakkuk, a prophetic book which, as the quotation text itself, has theological nuances distinguishable from its Hebrew text counterpart. The understanding of L X X Hab. 2.2-4 ultimately is the result of reading the passage in light of the whole of L X X Habakkuk, that is, letting the overall message of the book inform and disambiguate this central paragraph. As often happens with literal translations, the target text, while having a high degree of conformity to the original, runs the risk of developing internal semantic inconsistencies of various nature. This is most clearly the case for L X X Hab. 2.2-4, especially when tracing the gender and number of various parts of speech in the passage, which no longer have the same antecedent or even referent in the Greek text as in the Hebrew text. In order to resolve these inconsistencies priority must be given either to the logic of the text, thus creating a set of grammatical inconsistencies in the process, or alternatively, giving priority to the grammatical features, to the detriment of the text's logic. There is no conceivable reading of L X X Hab. 2.2-4 that can avoid these problems. For a reader of L X X Habakkuk unable to consult the Hebrew text, the inconsistencies inherent in the text, either grammatical or logical, must be settled on their own, within the textual parameters of both the narrow and the larger contexts. I contend that this was precisely the case of the author of Hebrews who had before him a Greek text with several inconsistencies 35

36

35 For a thorough presentation of the first two stages, the LXX Habakkuk translation technique as well as the differences between the Hebrew and Greek Habakkuk, see Gheorghita, Role, pp. 189-224, and David Cleaver-Bartholomew, 'An Analysis of the Old Greek Version of Habakkuk' (unpublished PhD Thesis; Claremont Graduate University, 1998). 36 For a detailed analysis, see Gheorghita, Role, pp. 210-24. This phenomenon is well evidenced in the NETS' rendering of this passage, to be analysed shortly.

GHEORGHITA


181

overshadowing its meaning. To elucidate them, he followed leads from both the immediate and extended contexts to arrive at his own understanding of the prophetic oracle he was about to use. The form and content of L X X Hab. 2.3-4 are behind the use of this text in Hebrews. While the majority of the epistle's quotations conform to known Greek manuscripts, the quotation from L X X Hab. 2.3-4 in Heb. 10.37-38 stands out among them because of the substantial modifications the author made. The line of inquiry adopted here seeks to determine if any of the modifications in the quoted text of L X X Habakkuk can be explained as an outcome of the author's reading the passage in its larger literary and theological contexts of L X X Habakkuk. This forms the very essence of the criterion of inner Septuagintal coherence. The underlying questions relate both to the cause(s) that determined the author of Hebrews to alter this particular quotation, and to his purpose(s) in doing so. If the evidence points to a causal relationship between the L X X source text, on the one hand, and the necessity for and content of these peculiar modifications in the target text, on the other, then the case for a distinct theological impact of L X X Habakkuk on the passage can be maintained with considerable vigour. The texts are presented here in parallel columns: Hab. 2.3-4

Heb. 10.37-38 27 NA

LXX

SlOTl ETl SpOCOlS SIS KCCipOV KOU CKVCXTEAET els irepas KOCI OUK eis KEVOV lav

uoTspTiafl

UTTOJJEIVOV auTov OTt epx6|J£vos T]£EI KOU OU \XX\ XPOVIOT)

o EPXOLIEVOS rj£si KOU ou

[ ] xpoviaEi

b 5E SIKOCIOS MOU eav uTTOOTE iAT]TCX I

EK TTiaTECQS CftOBTOLX KCU E<XV U T T O O T E l A T l T a i

o SE 5 k a i o s

ouk EU6OKET fi V|AJXH Mou e v auTco [b SE SiKaios]

EK TTIOTECOS MOU £t]OETC(l

[EK TTIOTECOS

OUK EUSOKET r\ vj/uxn |iou EV OUTGO

5^™*]

182


Hab. 2.3-4 NETS For there is still a vision for an appointed time, and it will rise up at the end and not in vain. If it [appointed time] should tarry, wait for it [...] for when it [...] comes, it will come and not delay.

If it [appointed time] draws back, my soul is not pleased in it. But the just shall live by my faith.

Heb. 10.37-38 ESV Yet a little while,

and the coming one will come and will not delay; but my righteous one shall live by faith, and if he shrinks back, my soul has no pleasure in him. [but my righteous one] [shall live by faith]

The Greek text of Hab. 2.3-4 underwent three types of modifications in its use by the author of Hebrews. First, there are structural changes, among which the most important ones are the transfer of the possessive pronoun 'my' (uou) from qualifying the noun 'faith' (TTIOTECOS) to qualifying the adjective 'righteous' (StKcaos), and the repositioning of the main clause 'but my righteous one will live by faith' (b 5E SIKCUOS MOU EK TTIOTECOS ^TJOETCXI) to precede the conditional clause 'if he shrinks back' (idv UTrooTEiAnTai). A second category of changes is found at the level of content consisting of additions to or deletions from the quoted text. The insertion of the masculine nominative article 'the [one]' (6) before the participle 'coming' (IpxbuEVos) is the most significant example of this type of alteration in the passage. The third type of changes is morphological in nature, none of which are of significance for tracing the potential Septuagint influence. All these modifications most probably originated with the author of Hebrews. Whatever the nature of these modifications might be, it should be underlined that behind them lies a theological intention which led to the adjustment of the quotation text. The modifications of L X X Hab. 2.3-4 have important theological consequences for the message of the epistle, especially for its Christology and eschatology. The most important aspect to be highlighted here is that the changes made by the author to L X X Hab. 2.3-4 concur with the reading of the Greek text of Hab. 2.3-4 in light of and informed by the whole of L X X Habakkuk.

GHEORGHITA Influence of the Septuagint

183

To start, the addition of the article before the participle with the resultant text 'the coming one' (b E p x b | J E V o s ) is justified on the grounds of the Septuagint's referent for the participle 'coming' (EPXOMEVOS), who, according to L X X Habakkuk, is 'the Lord' (b K U p i o s ) L X X Hab. 3.8, or 'God' (b 0E6S) L X X Hab. 3.2. Furthermore, the purpose for his coming according to L X X Habakkuk is the salvation of his elect, 'to save your anointed ones' (TOU o c o o a i TOUS X P ° u s oou) L X X Hab. 3.13, a phrase that indicates a possible reason behind the epistle's change from 'the righteous one' (b 5E SIKCCIOS) to 'my righteous one' (b 5E SiKcabs M°u). Lastly, in anticipation of the coming of the one who is announced as 'the coming one' (b EPXOMEVOS) and the possibility of his delay, the righteous one in Hebrews must avoid becoming like 'the ungodly' (b CXCE^S) in L X X Hab. 1.4, the one who is in danger of drawing back, 'if he shrinks back' (lav uTToaTEiAr)Tai) L X X Hab. 2.3, a perspective which justifies the author's reshaping of the Habakkuk text. Alternatively, 'the righteous one' (b SiKcxios) in Hebrews is to imitate the example of the faith and trust of the righteous one in Habakkuk, the one who will find life, typified in L X X Habakkuk by none other than the prophet himself ( L X X Hab. 3.17-18). The changes that the Scriptural text underwent in the process of translation generated a new textual tradition in its own right. It carries theological nuances important for the NT writers, who were often eager to explore them in light of the Christ event. The criterion of inner-Septuagintal coherence aims to give a verdict in assessing whether in these cases a causal link can be established between the Greek textual tradition of the Jewish Scriptures and its use in the writings of the NT. While it requires painstaking comparative analysis of both textual traditions of the text as well as of their implications for the NT usage, it may well prove to be one of the most reliable and potent guides for a thorough analysis and evaluation of the impact of the L X X as a whole on the NT. lOT

Conclusion The three criteria outlined above are designed to guide the exegete in assessing with fairness and more objectivity the potential cases of distinct Septuagintal influence on the NT authors. Each one of them proves to be useful in some cases, while in others, due to insufficient data, it might be less applicable. With regards to the cases in which they cumulatively point in the same direction, either defending or rejecting a case for a distinct Septuagintal influence, the verdict of these three criteria is considerably strong. It is hoped that by using them, NT exegetes can make a more informed and objective assessment of the cases of the use of the Septuagint in the NT; as a result, they will be able to position themselves with more confidence in the ongoing dispute Hebraica sive Graeca Veritas.

Chapter 11 How

DOES PAUL

READ

SCRIPTURE?

Steve Moyise Introduction The aim of this paper is to consider whether there is sufficient evidence for positing an overarching scriptural framework for understanding Paul's use of Scripture. I take it for granted that Paul is an intelligent writer who uses Scripture as one of many rhetorical devices to influence the churches to which he is writing. In that sense, it is both natural and necessary to seek an explanation for Paul's particular uses of Scripture in the rhetorical function of each letter. However, my question is whether it is also possible to 'connect the dots' (as it were) and see a framework behind Paul's particular uses of Scripture in the various letters. There is thus no need to deny that the particular 'selection of dots' visible in any one letter is significantly influenced by its rhetorical function. But it would deny that the contingent circumstances of the letter are a sufficient explanation of Paul's use of Scripture, in the sense of determining it. The analogy that springs to mind is the way a magnet inevitably draws iron filings into a particular pattern. I do not consider the rhetorical situation of Romans, for example, to be a sufficient explanation for Paul's choice of around 60 explicit quotations from Israel's Scriptures, though it is undoubtedly significant. Crucial to our investigation is clearly the question of how much 'fit' will be considered necessary in order for a particular theory to be convincing. In the conclusion to Francis Watson's Paul and the Hermeneutics of Faith, he suggests that Paul offers a 'reading' of Scripture rather than an 'exegesis'. The latter is obliged to account for everything (significant) in the text but a 'reading' is a 'construal of the whole from a particular

A slightly modified version of a paper given at the 'Paul and Scripture' seminar of the SBL, Washington 2006. I am grateful for comments expressed by the panel and for email correspondence with Ross Wagner.

MOYISE

How Does Paul Read Scripture?

185

1

perspective'. In the corresponding footnote, Watson quotes from David Kelsey's book, The Uses of Scripture in Recent Theology, followed by his own comment: '[W]hen a theologian appeals to scripture to help authorize a theological proposal, he [sic] appeals, not just to some aspect of scripture, but to a pattern characteristically exhibited by that aspect of scripture, and in virtue of that pattern, he construes the scripture to which he appeals as some kind of whole'... Kelsey shows that an implicit 'construal of the whole' may be reconstructed from a theologian's actual use of scripture, in relation to which it serves as a kind of hermeneutical framework. There is no reason why this should not apply also to Paul. 2

Of course, had Kelsey not believed this, he would not have been able to write his book, which categorizes theologians like Barth and Bultmann in terms of their overall 'construal' of Scripture. Other scholars would be rather more sceptical about capturing the six million words of the Church Dogmatics in a short summary statement. Indeed, Watson acknowledges that a 'hypothetical objector' might come to a very different assessment of Paul's use of Scripture, asserting that: [In Paul], intense engagements with particular passages are often succinct to the point of obscurity, and there is little attempt to co ordinate what is said about one passage with what is said about another. In addition (this is still our hypothetical objector speaking), the relevant interpretations are scattered among various letters and are occasioned by a variety of contingent situations. The pieces at our disposal are simply not made to be fitted together: not surprisingly, as they belong to different puzzles. Given the nature of the material, a 'Pauline reading of the Pentateuch' will be an artificial construct, no doubt bearing telltale signs of some contemporary theological agenda but telling us little about the real Paul. 3

In this paper, we will look at three different types of scriptural framework that have been thought to underlie particular passages. We will begin with Francis Watson's ambitious project that a particular 'construal' of the Pentateuch explains most, if not all of Paul's scriptural quotations. For reasons of space, our study will focus on his understanding of Galatians 3 and Romans 1-4. We will then consider the more limited proposal of Ross Wagner that Paul wrote Romans 'in concert' with Isaiah, focusing especially on Romans 9-11 (as Wagner does). Finally, we will look at

1 F. Watson, Paul and the Hermeneutics of Faith (London and New York: T & T Clark, 2004), p. 515. 2 Ibid., p. 515 n. 1, citing Kelsey, Uses of Scripture in Recent Theology (London: SCM, 1975), p. 102. 3 Watson, Paul, p. 515.


186

Richard Hays's view that Paul cites Hab. 2.4 in Rom. 1.17 in order to evoke its theodicy theme, which in turn contributes to the idea that Romans is primarily about the faithfulness of God and the faithfulness of Jesus. Our question is whether the diversity of these proposals points us towards Watson's 'hypothetical objector' ('the pieces at our disposal are simply not made to be fitted together'), or whether they offer cumulative evidence for the view that Paul read Scripture through the lens of a scriptural framework or frameworks. Francis

Watson

After 500 pages of erudite exposition and argument, Watson invites us to consider the fact that Paul's argument in Galatians 3 depends on explicit quotations from Genesis, Leviticus and Deuteronomy, together with a reference to the giving of the law in Exodus. In the body of the book, he has sought to show that these are not isolated proof-texts but represent a 'broad complex of scriptural material', to which he now adds the comment that they come from the Torah's beginning, its middle and its end'. Though the order that these references appear in Galatians is Genesis-Deuteronomy-Leviticus-Exodus, Watson claims that it requires only 'minimal intervention by the interpreter' to turn this into the canonical order and that this 'bears no obvious traces of that "contem porary theological agenda" darkly alluded to by our purely fictitious objector'. He concludes that Galatians 3 clearly presents itself as an 'interpretation of the Torah, a construal of the shape and logic of its fivefold form'. This is important for Watson for he does not agree with the 'New Perspective' attempt to harmonize Lev. 18.5 with Gen. 15.6 and Hab. 2.4. His understanding of Paul's construal of the law is that the earlier conditional promises were overtaken by the reality of sin and curse. Paul states this quite clearly in his interpretative remark: b 5E vouos o\k EOTIV EK TTIOTECOS ('But the law is not of faith'). This is not an imposition on the text for Paul finds this antithesis in Scripture itself, the latter chapters of Deuteronomy being at odds with the earlier conditional promises. In Galatians, this antithetical construal is made explicit by closely juxtaposing law (Lev. 18.5) and promise (Gen. 15.6/Hab. 2.4). In Romans 1-4, however, the argument is more complex. According to Watson, Rom. 1.17a is virtually a paraphrase of Hab. 2.4: 'The one who is righteous (that is, with a righteousness of God, revealed in the gospel) by faith (since this righteousness is received by faith and is intended for faith) will live.' The 4

5

6

4 Ibid., p. 517. 5 Ibid., p. 517. 6 Ibid., p. 48.

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theme of 'righteousness by faith' will be picked up in Romans 4 when Paul discusses Gen. 15.6 but before that, he pursues an argument designed to demonstrate that 'no human being will be justified in his sight by works of the law' (Rom. 3.20). Interestingly, Paul's evidence for this statement does not come from the law itself but a catena of quotations drawn from the Psalms and Isaiah. In Rom. 3.10-18, Paul or someone before him, has amassed a set of phrases that condemn the wicked, probably understood as gentiles, in contrast to the righteous. By beginning the catena with the universal statement of Ps. 14.1 ('There is no one who is righteous, not even one'), Watson thinks that these condemnations are subsumed into a universal condemnation, which Paul considers to be the verdict of the law (Rom. 3.19). According to Watson, Paul would have considered the Psalms and Isaiah as commentary on the law and 'insofar as the later writers are all saying the same thing as Moses, they too articulate the voice of the law'. He concludes that the 'juxtaposition of Habakkuk 2.4 and the catena of Romans 3.10-18 sets up an antithetical hermeneutic in which the voice of the prophet and the voice of the law represent the positive and negative side of the total scriptural testimony to the Pauline gospel'. Can Hab. 2.4 bear this exegetical weight? Watson thinks it can since: (1) Paul returns to it in another programmatic statement, namely, Rom. 3.2122; and (2) it was also very important to the Qumran pesherist. For the first, Watson regards Rom. 3.21-22 as a gloss on Rom. 1.17 and therefore as further comment on Hab. 2.4: 'But now apart from law, the righteousness of God has been manifested, attested by the law and the prophets, the righteousness of God through faith of Jesus Christ for all who believe.' The italicized phrases demonstrate the progression in Paul's argument: 7

8

• •

•

Apart from law confirms the view that Paul sees in the 'by faith' of Habakkuk a corollary, 'and not by law'. This has been the thrust of Paul's argument in Romans 3. The undifferentiated 'it is written' (Rom. 1.17; 2.24; 3.4, 10) now gives way to the law and the prophets. This is a traditional formula for referring to Scripture but Paul probably has a more complex meaning in mind, for it suggests a voice of 'law' and a voice of 'prophecy'. However, Paul can also hear the voice of law in Isaiah and Psalms and so the phrase 'law and prophets' not only points to different blocks of material but different voices within Scripture. Not only is the meaning of 'faith' interpreted by the gloss, 'apart from law', it is now specifically associated with Jesus Christ. Watson resists the recent trend to take this as a subjective genitive and insists

7 Ibid., p. 58. 8 Ibid., p. 66.


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that Paul maintains the gap between what he knows and what the prophet knew (specifically, because it was hidden from the prophet). Secondly, Watson demonstrates the importance of Habakkuk in 'the Twelve' and the importance of Hab. 2.4 in the book as a whole. For both Paul and the pesherist, Hab. 2.4 represents the 'divinely ordained way to salvation with a clarity and brevity virtually unparalleled in the rest of scripture'. Watson then mounts an argument that Paul and the pesherist have far more in common than is often recognized, noting, for example, that both see in the faith/faithfulness of Hab. 2.4 the key to opposing the view of the law held by the (apostate) majority. Though they differ in their exposition, they belong to the same 'intertextual field'. Indeed, Watson can say of the pesherist: 'At this unique point at the heart of the Book of the Twelve, the Qumran hermeneutic shows itself to be identical to the hermeneutic prescribed and presupposed in the prophetic texts them selves.' 9

10

Ross

Wagner

We now turn to Ross Wagner's more limited proposal that Paul wrote Romans 'in concert' with Isaiah. Isaiah plays a very limited role in Watson's proposal but there are more explicit quotations from Isaiah in Romans (approx. 18) than any other Old Testament book (Psalms: approx. 13; Genesis: approx. 9; Deuteronomy: approx. 8). Since half of the letter's 60 or so quotations occur in Romans 9-11 (an average of one quotation every three verses), that is where Wagner begins his investigation. He concludes that Paul read Isaiah as a three-act play of rebellion, punishment and restoration and 'locates himself and his fellow believers (Jew and Gentile) in the final act of the story, where heralds go forth with the good news that God has redeemed his people'. This involves a two-fold strategy: (1) Paul read prophecies of Israel's deliverance as prophecies of his own gospel and mission; and (2) Paul read texts that denounce Israel's idolatry and unfaithfulness as referring to Israel's current resistance to the gospel. However, this is not simply an imposition on the text for: 11

[In] claiming that God will be faithful to redeem all Israel, Paul does not lean on the isolated testimony of a few verses from Isaiah. Rather, he taps into a broad and deep stream of thought that is characteristic of Isaiah's vision - a stream of thought, moreover, that is shared by numerous other prophetic texts and that is kept vigorously alive in later 9 Ibid., p. 124. 10 Ibid., p. 112. 11 J. R. Wagner, Heralds of the Good News: Isaiah and Paul Tn Concert' in the Letter to the Romans (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2002), p. 354.

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Does Paul Read Scripture?

189

Jewish literature. Paul could probably assume that many of his listeners in Rome would be familiar with the broad outlines of this widelydiffused eschatological hope for God's coming to deliver his people and to establish his reign over the cosmos. 12

The question of whether Paul could assume his readers would know the literary context of all his quotations has been sharply challenged by Christopher Stanley but providing we maintain the level of generality implied by this quotation ('broad outlines of this widely-diffused eschatological hope'), we can go along with it. One can nevertheless imagine at least three potential objections. (1) If the Isaiah framework is so important to Paul, why does he wait until chapter 9 before seriously engaging with it? (2) Are these Christological/ecclesiological interpret ations a plausible reading of Isaiah or are they 'impositions' on the text? and (3) Can this Isaiah framework explain Paul's use of other Scriptures, especially when they are closely co-ordinated with Isaiah? For the first point, Isaiah is of course quoted in Rom. 2.24 ('The name of God is blasphemed among the Gentiles because of you' [Isa. 52.5]) and Rom. 3.15-17 ('Their feet are swift to shed blood; ruin and misery are in their paths, and the way of peace they have not known' [Isa. 59.7-8]). Both texts focus on the judgement aspect of Isaiah's message but it could be argued that Paul is deliberately holding back the message of salvation until he has dealt with other issues. Wagner thinks this is confirmed by the fact that Paul quotes Isa. 52.7 in Rom. 10.15, showing that Paul is fully aware of the contents of Isaiah 52 and is evoking a judgement-salvation pattern. On the other hand, it does appear significant that Paul can spend five chapters outlining his understanding of salvation (Romans 4-8) without explicitly engaging with Isaiah. The second and third points can be usefully discussed together by looking at Rom. 10.16-21: 13

But not all have obeyed the good news; for Isaiah says, 'Lord, who has believed our message?' So faith comes from what is heard, and what is heard comes through the word of Christ. But I ask, have they not heard? Indeed they have; for Their voice has gone out to all the earth, and their words to the ends of the world.' Again I ask, did Israel not understand? First Moses says, 'I will make you jealous of those who are not a nation; with a foolish nation I will make you angry.' Then Isaiah is so bold as to say, 'I have been found by those who did not seek me; I have shown myself to those who did not ask for me.' But of Israel he says, 'All day long I have held out my hands to a disobedient and contrary people.' 12 Ibid., p. 297. 13 C D . Stanley, Arguing with Scripture: The Rhetoric of Quotations in the Letters of Paul (London and New York: T & T Clark, 2004).

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The double mention of Isaiah is certainly suggestive of Paul's indebted ness to the great prophet, and the reference to Moses would seem to imply that Paul thinks the Pentateuch is in harmony with it. Wagner says that the aim of this section is to show how 'God planned to pour out his mercy on Gentiles' and the quoted words appear to achieve this. However, there appears to be some 'imposition' on the meaning assigned to Deut. 32.21. The text lists a series of punishments (fire, disasters, hunger, pestilence, beasts, sword) that will come upon Israel as judgement for her rebellion in the wilderness. The mention of 'not a nation' is included because one of those punishments will be oppression by other peoples; it is hardly a reference to God's mercy on the poor unfortunate 'not a nation'. However, according to Wagner, this is to miss the essential point of Deuteronomy 32, which is that 'the jealous anger of God at Israel's unfaithfulness arises because of his commitment to Israel'. The song begins with statements about God's faithfulness (v. 4: 'A faithful God, without deceit, just and upright is he') and despite the severity of the judgements, Israel remains 'his people', 'his servants' (v. 36), 'his children' (v. 43). Thus in Paul's reading of Scripture, 'the faithfulness of God that triumphs over Israel's unfaithfulness and at the same time extends to all nations the blessings promised to Israel, encapsulates and brings to fulfilment the essential story, not only of Deuteronomy 32, but of Israel's Scriptures in their entirety'. 14

15

16

Richard

Hays

Richard Hays is rightly famous for demonstrating various scriptural patterns behind Paul's exegesis but we will here focus on his view that Paul cites Hab. 2.4 in Rom. 1.17 in order to evoke its theodicy theme. Hays begins by noting that all of Paul's key terms in Rom. 1.16-17 echo the language of the L X X . Thus before discussing the function of Hab. 2.4, he notes how such texts as Ps. 98.2-3, Isa. 51.4-5 and 52.10 promise a 'future universal manifestation of God's salvation and righteousness' that extends to the gentiles. This also explains Paul's otherwise perplexing reference to not being 'ashamed'. He is not referring to a natural human embarrassment when speaking about religion, as some commentators have suggested. Rather, Paul is echoing the language of the lament psalms and texts such as Isa. 50.7-8: 'I know that I shall not be put to shame; he who vindicates me 17

14 15 16 17 Press,

Wagner, Heralds, p. 191. Ibid., p. 197. Ibid., p.m. R. B. Hays, Echoes of Scripture in the Letters of Paul (New Haven: Yale University 1989), p. 37.

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191

[b SIKOUCOOOCS ME] is near'. It is from this background that the quotation of

Hab. 2.4 must be understood. Hays notes that most commentators have assumed that Paul is using Hab. 2.4 as a proof-text for his doctrine of 'justification by faith' with almost complete disregard for its original setting. But against the background of the texts just mentioned, Hab. 2.4 is now seen as supremely relevant, for it is a locus classicus for the issue of theodicy. Facing the calamity of a Babylonian invasion, Habakkuk cries out, 'why do you look on the treacherous, and are silent when the wicked swallow those more righteous than they?' (Hab. 1.13). Demanding an answer from God, he positions himself on a rampart: I will stand at my watchpost, and station myself on the rampart; I will keep watch to see what he will say to me, and what he will answer concerning my complaint. Then the LORD answered me and said: Write the vision; make it plain on tablets, so that a runner may read it. For there is still a vision for the appointed time; it speaks of the end, and does not lie. If it seems to tarry, wait for it; it will surely come, it will not delay. Look at the proud! Their spirit is not right in them, but the righteous live by their faith. (Hab. 2.1-4)

The answer given by the Hebrew text is for the righteous person to remain faithful to God, despite such difficult circumstances. There is a vision for the end and it is presumably a vision of salvation but it is not for the present. Therefore the righteous person must wait with patience, demonstrating faithfulness or loyalty to God's promises. The implication, of course, is that God will prove faithful and the L X X has made this more explicit by substituting the third person pronoun for the first person (The righteous one shall live by my faithfulness'). By omitting either pronoun, Paul has allowed an ambiguity which, according to Hays, serves his purposes very well: The ambiguity thus created allows the echoed oracle to serve simultan eously as a warrant for two different claims that Paul has made in his keynote formulation of the gospel: in the gospel God's own righteousness is revealed; and the gospel is the power of God for salvation to everyone who believes. Around these foci Paul plots the ellipse of his argument. 18

Hays recognizes that there is a considerable difference between the context of Habakkuk and the context of Paul's argument in Romans. Habakkuk is concerned about the 'military domination of the Chaldeans . . . over an impotent Israel', whereas Paul's concern is the 'apparent usurpation of Israel's favored covenant status by congregations of uncircumcised Gentile Christians'. In that sense, the echo is 'off-centre' and thus metaphorical (a trope). But there is sufficient similarity to deny 19

18 Ibid., pp. 40-1. 19 Ibid., p. 40.


192

that Paul is 'circumventing the text's original referential sense'. Instead, Hays maintains that Paul 'draws on that sense - indeed, on at least two different traditional readings of it - as a source of symbolic resonance for his affirmation of the justice of God's ways in the present time'. 20

Analysis Paul's use of Hab. 2.4 is instructive for our topic since he does not quote from any other verse or appear to show any interest in the book itself. For Watson, this is because the verse declares the 'divinely ordained way to salvation with a clarity and brevity unparalleled in the rest of scripture'. Paul sees in its 'by faith' the corollary 'not by law' and this introduces his major hermeneutical stance toward Scripture. Indeed, it is not even necessary for readers to know that the text comes from Habakkuk. For Hays, however, it triggers a theodicy motif precisely because Habakkuk was a locus classicus for that theme. This is significant for Hays' understanding of Romans and contributes to his interpretation of m a r i s 'IT]OOO as 'faith/fulness of Jesus'. Both scholars agree on what they are opposing: those who think Paul is 'circumventing the text's original referential sense' and simply 'reading in' their own theological convic tions. But they differ significantly on the function of the quotation and the implications for determining Paul's scriptural hermeneutics. Wagner has successfully demonstrated the importance of Isaiah in Romans 9-11. Not only does he have statistics on his side (quotations from Isa. 1.9; 8.14; 10.22-23; 27.9; 28.16, 22; 29.10; 52.7; 53.1; 59.20-21; 65.1, 2), his exegesis is by and large convincing. Isaiah does seem to have acted as some sort of 'guide' to enable Paul to explain Israel's current state of unbelief, along with the promise that in the end, 'all Israel will be saved' (Rom. 11.26). Whether this constitutes a 'controlling scriptural frame work' is difficult to say, for Wagner thinks that Paul is drawing on 'a stream of thought . . . that is shared by numerous other prophetic texts and that is kept vigorously alive in later Jewish literature'. If this is the case, it could be that this 'stream of thought', which is essentially the hope that God will ultimately triumph over rebellion, is the 'controlling framework' and the quotations from Isaiah (and other texts) are simply a means of illustrating it. One factor that could tip the balance is Wagner's interpretation of Deut. 32.21. Ostensibly, this verse is about judgement ('They made me jealous . . . I will make them jealous') and offers little grounds for hope. 21

22

20 /Z>iV/., p. 41. 21 N A lists two other parallels (1 Cor. 1.24/Hab. 3.19 and 1 Cor. 12.2/Hab. 2.18): both of minor significance. 22 Wagner, Heralds, p. 297. 27

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Does Paul Read Scripture?

193

Wagner, however, thinks that Paul's argument in Rom. 10.16-21 requires continuity between the voice of Moses and the voice of Isaiah and if this is correct, it could constitute evidence that Isaiah is acting as the controlling framework. It should be noted that this is not an argument used by Wagner since he regards the overall message of Deuteronomy 32 as identical to that of Isaiah. Thus the issue of whether a scriptural framework derived from Isaiah is being used to interpret a text from Deuteronomy 32 does not arise. Watson is more complex in that he regards the earlier quotation of Deuteronomy 30 as being at odds with Paul's gospel (which is why Paul rewrites it) and thus illustrates the antithetical hermeneutic expounded in Romans 1-4. It is only in a particular textual tradition of Deut. 32.43 ('Rejoice, O Gentiles, with his people') that Paul finds a message of hope for both Jew and gentile alike. Thus the 'pattern' of Deuteronomy 32 is not straightforward: 'In his office as lawgiver, Moses knows nothing of any such promise. On the other hand, the Moses who speaks in the Song speaks not as lawgiver but as prophet, alongside Isaiah and others.' We began by asking what sort of 'fit' would be necessary in order to accept the view that Paul interpreted Scripture via an overarching scriptural framework. In the course of reviewing the work of Watson, Wagner and Hays, we have seen a number of arguments used to support such a view: 23

1. It was (Well) Known by Others • • •

Reading Isaiah as a three-act play of rebellion, punishment and restoration was part of an established 'stream of tradition' (Wagner). Habakkuk was a locus classicus for the theme of theodicy (Hays). Hab. 2.4 was also seen by the pesherist as encapsulating the 'divinely ordained way to salvation' (Watson).

2. It Explains the Flow of Pauls Narrative • • •

23

Romans 9-11 tells the story of rebellion, punishment and restor ation ('all Israel will be saved') (Wagner). Romans 2-3 is concerned with defending the divine justice (2.11; 3.3-8, 26), which is further expounded in Romans 9-11 (Hays). Romans 1-3 aims to show that despite what the law promises, no one will be justified by 'works of law' (3.20). The antithesis is made explicit in Romans 10 (Watson).

Watson, Paul, p. 453.

194

Early Christian Literature and Intertextuality 1 3. It Explains Paul's use of Other Scriptures

• •

•

Deuteronomy 32 is quoted in Rom. 10.19; 12.19 and 15.10 (in order) because it shares the same three-act story as Isaiah (Wagner). Behind Romans 1-3 are a series of passages (Ps. 98.2-3; Isa. 50.7-8; 51.4-5; 52.10) that promise 'a future universal manifestation of God's salvation and righteousness' that extends to the gentiles (Hays). The antithetical hermeneutic becomes explicit in Gal. 3.11 where Hab. 2.4 and Lev. 18.5 are juxtaposed, along with Deut. 27.26 (Watson).

For some, this will be sufficient to show that despite their different interpretations, each is witness to the fruitfulness of this approach and thus evidence for Paul's use of scriptural frameworks. On the other hand, there are problems: (1) if the framework is said to be well known, it is difficult to decide whether it is Scripture or the theme that is influencing Paul; (2) if the framework is not well known, it is difficult to see how Paul's readers would have been able to deduce it from the particular letter; and (3) if the proposal is highly complex, it is difficult to see how it can operate as a framework. For example, Wagner speaks of a three-act play and a common eschatological hope but unless one was an utter pessimist, can it be anything other than rebellion, punishment and restoration? At this level of generality, it is not surprising that it agrees with the pattern of Deuteronomy 32; the majority of biblical writings do. Similarly, if Hab. 2.4 evokes a common theodicy motif, then it is possible (perhaps even likely) that it is the motif that is providing the guiding framework, not the book of Habakkuk (especially as Paul does not seem to be interested in any other verse from the book). The second point is particularly aimed at Watson. If Paul's antithetical reading of the Pentateuch was innovative, could any of Paul's readers have deduced it from the quotation of Hab. 2.4 in Rom. 1.17 and the catena of Psalms and Isaiah in Rom. 3.10-18? Would it not have been much clearer if Paul had begun with a text from the law or at least constructed the catena from the law? To a lesser extent, even though Wagner does not claim that Romans 1-8 is dominated by the Isaiah framework, it is strange that Paul waits until ch. 9 before drawing attention to it. One might have thought he would want to indicate that the two earlier quotations of Isaiah (52.5 in Rom. 2.24 and 59.7-8 in Rom. 3.15-17) are to be interpreted within an overall framework. Indeed, Hays remarks that the meaning of Isa. 52.5 in Rom. 2.24 can only be deduced from multiple readings of Romans: The letter's rhetorical structure lures the reader into expecting Israel's final condemnation, but the later chapters undercut such an expect-

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ation, requiring the reader in subsequent encounters with the text to understand the Isaiah quotation more deeply in relation to its original prophetic context. 24

For the third point, I also have Watson's proposal in mind. There is little doubt that his book contains numerous exegetical insights and his acceptance of complexity in his proposal is refreshing. For example, the antithesis between promise and law is not simply a division between Prophets and Pentateuch, for inasmuch as the prophets are commentators on the law, they can also speak with the voice of law. Indeed, Paul can reject Lev. 18.5 as the voice of truth, while accepting Lev. 19.18 as God's will for the Christian, despite their proximity in the Pentateuch. Deut. 30.11-14 can only be used by Paul after he has drastically rewritten it but Deut. 32.43 marks a return to the unconditional hope expressed in Gen. 15.6 (but not in the Masoretic Text, which does not mention 'gentiles'). All of this shows great sensitivity to the material and great subtlety of explanation, but does it not also undermine the idea of an overarching scriptural framework? Watson does not see Scripture speaking with one voice but multiple voices, which Paul uses in various ways. Paul is clearly influenced by Scripture and certain patterns within Scripture but I am not convinced that these should be described as 'frameworks', at least in the sense of 'controlling' or 'prescribing' Paul's interpretations. I am not sure if Richard Hays would still 'own' the following quotation, but I have always felt that it captures something of the dynamic of Paul's use of Scripture: In short, there is no evidence in the letters that Paul - in contrast to other ancient authors such as Philo - ever sat down with the biblical text and tried to figure out what it might mean by applying an exegetical procedure abstractable from the particular text that he was reading. Rather, he seems to have leaped - in moments of metaphorical insight to intuitive apprehensions of the meanings of texts without the aid or encumbrance of systematic reflection about his own hermeneutics. 25

Such 'intuitive leaps' could of course include discovering patterns in Scripture or making deductions from such patterns that no one else had previously made. Paul is deeply influenced by Scripture and is not just using it to support views obtained on other grounds. But neither does he appear to be constrained by a scriptural framework, as if we could have predicted that he would rewrite Deut. 30.11-14 or find a message of hope in Deut. 32.43. Perhaps it is a matter of definition. If we think of the human skeleton as a framework, then one could argue that it controls the shape of each person to a remarkable degree. On the other hand, detailed 24 Hays, Echoes, p. 46. 25 Ibid., pp. 160-1.

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knowledge of a skeleton does not get you very far in understanding any particular individual. Watson, Wagner and Hays offer convincing evidence that Paul's use of Scripture is not simply ad hoc but reflects some of the narrative patterns found in Scripture. But there is also an element of freedom that does not sit comfortably with the idea of a controlling framework. Watson's use of 'construal' has much to commend it but further work needs to be done on how a 'construal' of the Pentateuch would relate to a 'construal' of Isaiah or even whether one could have a 'construal' of the Psalms. In the end, of course, it is not the meaning of 'framework' or 'construal' that is important but what is being communicated by them. My caution would be that we do not lose sight of Paul's creativity, however much he may have been influenced by scriptural patterns.

Chapter 12 THE

CRISES A T CORINTH A N D PAUL'S USE 1

OF NUMBERS

IN

CORINTHIANS

Jin K. Hwang 1.

Introduction

Although in his epistles Paul never explicitly cites Numbers, there are indeed a number of unquestionable allusions to Numbers in 1 Corinthians. Chapter 10 is especially replete with such allusions (see Table 12.1). For instance, in w . 6-10 Paul mentions three tragic events found exclusively in Numbers, respectively in chs 11, 21 and 25. All of these are referred to as negative examples to be avoided. But Paul's use of Numbers does not seem to be confined to 1 Corinthians 10. We can find allusions to Numbers not only in the later chapters but also in the earlier, particularly chs 1-5. In fact, Thomas L. Brodie has already suggested this possibility. The situational similarity is, according to him, the most telling evidence of Paul's dependence on Numbers in these chapters: like Moses, who had to handle the various crises in the community of Israel 1

2

3

Originally a paper presented at the 2006 SBL Annual Meeting, held in Washington, D C , USA, on 18-21 November. 1 The editors of N A suggest as many as 10 allusions to Numbers in 1 Corinthians 10: Num. 11.4/1 Cor. 10.6; Num. 11.34/1 Cor. 10.6; Num. 14.2/1 Cor. 10.10; Num. 14.16/1 Cor. 10.5; Num. 14.36/1 Cor. 10.10; Num. 16.11-35/1 Cor. 10.10; Num. 20.7-11/1 Cor. 10.4; Num. 21.5-6/1 Cor. 10.9; Num. 25.1, 9/1 Cor. 10.8. See also W. A. Meeks, "And Rose Up to Play": Midrash and Paraenesis in 1 Corinthians 10.1-22', JSNT16 (1982): 64-78, who finds direct allusions to Num. 14.22-23, 28-30, in 1 Cor. 10.5,9, 10. Cf. C. J. A. Hickling, 'Paul's Use of Exodus in the Corinthian Correspondence', in R. Bieringer (ed.), The Corinthian Correspondence (BETL, 125; Leuven: University Press, 1996), pp. 367-76, who only considers Paul's use of Exod. 32.1-6 in Cor. 10.1-11. 2 According to N A , there are several other allusions to Numbers outside 1 Cot. 10: Num. 11.29/1 Cor. 14.5; Num. 12.8/1 Cor. 13.12; Num. 18.8, 31/1 Cor. 9.13; Num. 21.3/1 Cor. 12.3. 3 T. L. Brodie, 'The Systematic Use of the Pentateuch in 1 Corinthians: An Exploratory Survey', in Bieringer (ed.), The Corinthian Correspondence, pp. 447-75 (456-7); also idem, The Birthing of the New Testament: The Intertextual Development of the New Testament Writings (NTM, 1; Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2004), pp. 132, 135-6. 27

4

27

198


(Num. 1 1 - 1 7 ) , Paul as the founder of the Corinthian community had a similar need to deal with the various crises in it (1 Cor. 3 . 1 - 5 . 8 ) . The present paper aims to further develop Brodie's idea and demonstrate how effectively Paul uses Numbers, especially in 1 Corinthians 1-5, to handle these crises, including the crisis of his apostolic authority at Corinth. 4

27

Table 12.1. Allusions to Numbers in 1 Corinthians (NA ) Numbers

1 Corinthians

11.4 11.26-29 11.29 11.34 12.8 14.2 14.16 14.36 15.17-21 16.11-35 18.8 18.31 20.7-11 21.3 21.5-6 25.1 25.9 33.55

10.6

Other Pauline passages 1 Thess. 5.19

14.5 10.6 13.12 10.10 10.5 10.10 Rom. 11.16 10.10 9.13 9.13 10.4 12.3 10.9 10.8 10.8 2 Cor. 12.7

2. The Israel-Church

Typology in I Corinthians

It is quite obvious from 1 Corinthians 10 that Paul is trying to compare the Christian community (EKKATJOIOC) at Corinth to the community ( o u v a y o y T ] ) of Israel in the wilderness. Particularly in w . 1-11, Paul deliberately takes the first-person plural pronoun ('we' = the Christians) as the counterpart of the third-person plural ('they' = our fathers, namely, the people of Israel in the wilderness) (see Table 12.2). And he makes what happened to the people of Israel in the past relevant to the 4 Brodie, 'The Systematic Use of the Pentateuch in 1 Corinthians', p. 446: 'Direct literary dependence occurs in at least one area. The account of how the leaders, especially Moses, handled the various crises (chapters 11-17, esp. 11-14, 16-17), has provided one component in Paul's account of leaders, including himself (1 Cor 3, 1-5, 8)'.

HWANG

Crises at Corinth

199

Corinthian community when he says, 'Now these things happened to them to serve as an example, and they were written down to instruct us, on whom the ends of the ages have come' (v. 11, N R S V ) . Paul does not clearly state what made him compare the Corinthian community to Israel. But w . 1-4 indicate to us that he considers baptism and participation in divine (spiritual) food and drink as the common experiences both communities share (cf. also 1.14-17; 10.14-22). Paul further sharpens the Israel-Church typology by identifying the rock (fi TTETpa), which accompanied the people of Israel (Num. 20.7-11), as Christ: the wilderness community of Israel drank divine water from the rock, namely Christ, as the Corinthian community participates in the cup of Christ (w. 4, 16; cf. 10.9; 11.25). 5

Table 12.2 The Israel-Church Typology in 1 Corinthians 10.1-11 Israel (the third-person plural pronoun)

Church (the first-person plural pronoun)

vv. 1-4 oi T r a T E p e s TJMCOV TTOVTES. . . TTOVTES. . . TTOCVTES. . . TTOVTES. . .

v. 6

KCXOCOS

kockeIvoi

E7TE9uMr]oav

EIS TO

ur|

EIVCCI

r\\ias

ETi8uu7]Tas

KOCKCOV

v. 7 KaBcos V . 8 KOC0COS

TIVES

cturav ...

TIVES

OUTG3V . . .

(M^SE

EiScoAoAaTpai yivEoOs)

UT)5E TTOpVEVCOUEV

V . 9 KCCSCOS TIVES C t U T c i v . . .

UT]5E EKTTEipa^CGUEV

v. 10 KaSaTTEp TIVES o t U T c o v . . . v. 11 x a u T a 5E TUTHKCOS ouvEfJaiVEv

Eypacjm 5E

EKE1VOIS

(UT]8B yoyyuÊTE)

Trpos vou0£Oiav

timcov

Cf. V . 6 TOCUTOC 5E TUTTOl X\\XCOV £yEVT]0noav

See also v. 18 Tov'lopar|A KOTCX oapKa

Interestingly, Paul also uses the Israel-Church typology at the very heart of his exhortation in the case of incest in 1 Corinthians 5. He exhorts the Corinthians to 'clean out the old yeast [EKKC(9O(P<XTE TT|V irocAaicxv ÛMTIV]' d 'celebrate the festival [EOPTOC£COUEV], namely, the Passover, with unleavened bread' because 'our paschal lamb, Christ, was sacrificed [TO i r a o x a fjuoiv ETUSTJ XpiOTos]' ( w . 7-8). Admittedly, unlike in 1 a n

5 J. W. Aageson, 'Written also for Our Sake: Paul's Use of Scripture in the Four Major Epistles, with a Study of 1 Corinthians 10', in S. E. Porter (ed.), Hearing the Old Testament in the New Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2006), pp. 152-81 (178), aptly points out: 'The metaphorical and functional connection between Christ then and Christ now represents Paul's as then so now hermeneutic, and it enhances the connection between idolatry then (Israel) and idolatry now (church)' (his italics).


200

Corinthians 10, here Paul does not explicitly refer to the wilderness community of Israel as a counterpart of the Corinthian community. But by applying the technical terms for Jewish practices of festival celebration (w. 7-8: SKKa0apaTE TT|V traXaiav C,v\ir)v; TO i T a a x a . . . STUBti; sopTa^coMSv) and communal discipline (v. 13: e£6cpcxTE [drive out]) to Christian life and Church practices, Paul makes it clear that the IsraelChurch typology provides him with a broad framework of thought in 1 Corinthians 5. For Paul, both the wilderness community of Israel and the Corinthian Church can be characterized as Passover communities, communities which are not only redeemed through the sacrifice of the paschal lamb but which are also to celebrate the Passover (Num. 1.1; 3.13; 7.2, 4; 9.6; 15.41; 33.31; 1 Cor. 5.7-8; cf. 1 Cor. 10.1-2; 11.24-25; 15.3, 7; 2 Cor. 3.6). The Israel-Church typology itself, of course, may not prove Paul's dependence on Numbers in 1 Corinthians 1-5. But it can be a good foundation for validating the points of comparison between these chapters and Numbers which we shall now discuss. 6

3. Situational

Similarities between the Church at Corinth and Israel in the Wilderness

When we compare the Christian community at Corinth which Paul describes in 1 Corinthians 1-5 with that of Israel as recounted in Numbers, the following two points of similarity may be discerned. First, in both communities people were divided among themselves with regard to who should lead and/or whom they would follow (Num. 12.2-9; 13.2514.10; 16.1-35; 17.6-15; 25.1-9; 1 Cor. 1.11-12; 3.3-4, 21-23; 4.6, 15) (see Table 12.3). In the wilderness community of Israel, such a division almost always ended up with a group in opposition to Moses, their leader. This also seems to be the case with the Corinthian Church. After Paul left Corinth, the Corinthian believers were divided among themselves concerning whom they should follow (1 Cor. 1.11-12; 3.3-4, 21-23; 4.6). Each one had his/her own favourite teacher. It is debated whether 'Apollos' and 'Cephas' indeed point to real persons, as widely assumed, or 7

8

6 Cf. Hickling, 'Paul's Use of Exodus in the Corinthian Correspondence', pp. 374-5, who notes this typology in 1 Cor. 5 but tries to relate it to Exodus only. 7 Brodie, 'The Use of the Pentateuch in 1 Corinthians', p. 456, compares 1 Cor. 3.4-9 with Num. 16. 8 Cf. Num. 11.4-34; 20.1 -13; 21.4-9, where it is said that the whole congregation of Israel spoke against Moses. See also P. Buis, 'Les Conflits entre Moise et Israel dans Exode et Nombres', VT 28/3 (1978): 257-70 (257-8); A. Schart, Mose und Israel im Konflikt: erne Redaktionsgeschichtliche Studie zu den Wustenerzdhlungen (OBO, 98; Freiburg, Schweiz: Universitatsverlag, 1990).

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Crises at Corinth

201

whether they are intended to be disguised names for other teachers, as David Hall asserts. Regardless of which is the case, Paul's strong apologetic stance in 1 Corinthians 1-4 (especially the self-references in 2.15; 3.1-4; 4.1-5) indicates that the Corinthians' adherence to other prominent teachers may have resulted in a negative evaluation of Paul's apostolic authority and ministry or deviation from his teaching. We can, therefore, conclude with Gordon Fee that the crisis of authority was one of the primary concerns Paul had in mind, not only in chs 1-4 but also in 9

Table 12.3. Authority Crises in Numbers and 1 Corinthians Numbers

1 Corinthians

12.2-9 Miriam and Aaron against Moses 13.25-14.10 The congregation of Israel against Moses 16.1-35 Korah, Dathan and Aibram against Moses (and Aaron) 17.6-15 The congregation of Israel against Moses and Aaron 25.1-9 Zimri against Moses • Miriam and Aaron: leaders of the tribe of Levi • Korah: a leader of the tribe of Levi • Dathan and Abiram: leaders of the tribe of Reuben • Zimri: a leader of the tribe of Simeon

1.11-12 The Corinthian congregation divided around their favourite teachers: 'Paul', 'Apollos' or 'Cephas' 3.3-4 Walking after human leaders: 'Paul' or 'Apollos' 3.21-23 'Paul', 'Apollos' or 'Cephas' 4.6 'Paul' or 'Apollos' 4.15 Myriads of rraiSaycoyoi (guardians) vs. not many iTaTepes (fathers)

11

9 D. R. Hall, 'A Disguise for the Wise: uETaoxnMomauos in 1 Corinthians 4.6', NTS 40/1 (1994): 143-9. 10 G. D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians (NICNT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987), pp. 195, 207; J. T. South, Disciplinary Practices in Pauline Texts (Lewiston: Mellen Biblical Press, 1992), p. 26. 11 D. T. Olson, Numbers (Interpretation; Louisville: John Knox, 1996), p. 156, contends that although Moses singles out three particular tribes, Levi, Reuben and Simeon, in the conflict stories, all the other tribes must have also been involved in the rebellions.

202


Second, as Brodie has already indicated, in both communities the leader had to deal with various religious and ethical problems o f the community that were probably caused by the authority crisis itself (Num. 25.1-9; 1 Cor. 5.1-13; cf. 1 Cor. 6.9-20; 10.1-33; Num. 15.32-36; 16.22-27). Sexual immorality and idolatry were considered the most serious and urgent problems in both communities. We may also note that in both communities the leader invited the whole community to take corporate responsibility to discipline the wrongdoer(s) or to take care of impurity among themselves so that they, as a Passover community, might be found holy and blameless before God (Num. 15.40; 25.4-6; 1 Cor. 3.17; 5.8; cf. 1 Cor. 1.2, 8; 6.2; 7.3-4; Num. 12.14-16; 16.3-5; 19.20; 20.12). 4. I Corinthians 5 and Numbers 25 1 Corinthians 5 seems to be the best place to demonstrate the situational similarities between the wilderness community of Israel and the Corinthian Church, on the one hand, and the likelihood of Paul's dependence on Numbers in the earlier chapters of the letter, on the other hand. The situation Paul is addressing in 1 Corinthians 5 has many parallels to that described in Num. 25.1-9. First, in both passages the residual negative impact that the individual TTopvEioc (sexual immorality) has on the community as a whole appears as the primary issue to be addressed (1 Cor. 5.1, 9, 11; Num. 25.1 [EKTTopvEuaoci; to indulge in sexual immorality]). It is clear from 1 Cor. 10.8 that Paul was aware of the tragic consequence of the sexual immorality of Israel when he was composing the letter. As Paul understands, sexual immorality had a tremendous impact on the whole community: it resulted in 23,000 men being killed in one day. Second, in both passages the crisis of authority is one of the most significant concerns. The incident at Shittim as presented in Num. 25.1-9 clearly indicates an authority crisis. When people were deeply involved with sexual immorality at Shittim, Moses instructed all the tribes of Israel to carry out disciplinary action, namely, the death penalty (Num. 25.5). Nevertheless, his injunction does not seem to have been followed by the people nor by the ringleaders. This can be best illustrated by Zimri, a ringleader of the tribe of Simeon, who boldly confronted Moses in front of the congregation of Israel and took a Midianite princess to do what Moses prohibited Israel from doing (25.6-8). Although Scripture only reports his 12

13

12 It is not certain how Paul got the number 23,000 instead of 24,000 (cf. Num. 25.9). But John Lightfoot suggests that Paul may have in mind 'a double vengeance against the sinners, namely by judges, and by a pestilence' and thus 23,000 may point to the number of the second group (Commentary on the New Testament from the Talmud and Hebraica, vol. 4 [Peabody: Hendrickson Publishers, 1997], p. 224). 13 Cf. also b.Sanh. 82a; Philo, Spec. 1.10.56; Mos. 1.295-302; Josephus, Ant. 4.141-55.

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Crises at Corinth

203

audacious behaviour, later Jewish traditions expand the verbal part of his challenge to Moses to show how haughty he was. It was his haughtiness that led him to do what he was not supposed to do (engage in sexual immorality). Similarly in 1 Corinthians 5, Paul clearly states that he had already instructed the Corinthians regarding what to do with the sexual immorality (v. 9). Given this, then, they should have taken disciplinary action toward the incestuous man. But the reality is that they failed to do so. Interestingly, in v. 2, Paul finds haughtiness or arrogance (TT6UGieo|JEVOi [having been puffed up]) to be the key reason for their failure. Here the <j>uoi6co verb, hence the arrogance of the whole community, may well point back to the arrogance of some Corinthians who favoured their leader(s) over against Paul in absentia (4.6, 18-9). If the incestuous man had been indeed one of their prominent leaders present among them, as is likely the case, it would be understandable how the whole community could have been biased in favour of him over against Paul so as to choose to take no disciplinary action toward him. The expression of an unmet expectation in v. 2 (ouxi pocAAov ['should you not rather...?']) may also disclose Paul's deep concern about his apostolic authority, which has not only been challenged by the incestuous man but also discredited by the whole community. Third, in both passages mourning is closely connected to disciplinary action. In 1 Cor. 5.2 Paul indicates that the Corinthians' mourning (TTEVBECO) would have led them to disciplinary action. Although scholarly opinions diverge with regard to the meaning of this mourning, they largely appreciate the close connection between mourning and discipline. To name but a few: 'confessing the sin of the erring brother as if it was their own' (Brian Rosner); 'a passionate grief which leads to corresponding action (ivcc ccpfjfj KTA.)' (Rudolph Bultmann); and 'a judgment on sin' (Hans Conzelmann). Still, it is not quite clear from 1 Corinthians 5 alone why Paul connects it closely with a disciplinary action. 14

15

16

17

18

14 Tg. Ps.-J. Num. 25.6; b.Sanh. 82a; Josephus, Ant. 4.145-9; cf. Philo, Spec. 1.10.56. According to Num. 31.16, Balaam advised the Midianite (or Moabite) women to seduce the people of Israel to commit adultery. It is interesting that in a later Jewish tradition a haughty spirit or proud soul is considered what characterizes the disciples of Balaam (m.'Abot 5.19). 15 R. F. Collins, First Corinthians (Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 1999), p. 210; J. K. Chow, Patronage and Power: A Study of Social Networks in Corinth (JSNTSup, 75; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1992), pp. 130-41; A. D. Clarke, Secular and Christian Leadership in Corinth: A Socio-Historical and Exegetical Study of 1 Corinthians 1-6 (AGJU, 18; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1993), pp. 73-88. 16 B. S. Rosner, '"OYXI MAAAON ETTEN0HIATE": Corporate Responsibility in 1 Corinthians 5', NTS 38 (1992): 470-3 (472). Cf. 1 Clem. 2.6. 17 R. Bultmann, TTCV6OS, TTEV6SCO', TDNT, 6.42-3. 18 H. Conzelmann, / Corinthians (Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1975), p. 96. 4

204


Numbers 25, however, may help us understand the nature of this connection. When the congregation saw Zimri audaciously challenge Moses by doing exactly what Moses had instructed him to punish, it is said that the people themselves wept (•''Di i"FQrn / OCUTO'I 5e IKACUOV) at the door of the tabernacle of witness. Later Jewish traditions tend to elaborate on what made the congregation of Israel weep or mourn (e.g., Num. Rab. 823; Tg. Ps.-J. Num. 25.6). But it seems quite obvious in the Scripture itself that their mourning led Phinehas, son of Eleazar, to carry out disciplinary action toward the inflated ringleader who committed sexual immorality in opposition to Moses (Num. 25.7: H'TI/icai i5cov [and when he saw]). The Targum Pseudo- Jonathan to Numbers also seems to affirm this connection when it says, 'But they [the Israelites] wept and recited the Shema, and stood at the door of the tent of the meeting. When Phinehas bar Eleazar bar Aaron, the priest, saw this, he remembered the regulation ...' (25.6; italics added). If so, then, the probability is quite strong that Paul expected the Corinthians to mourn with a view to appropriate disciplinary action that should be taken just as the congre gation of Israel mourned and took proper disciplinary action. 19

20

21

22

23

5. 1 Corinthians 3-4 and Numbers

11-12

There are two other parallels between 1 Corinthians 1-5 and Numbers, which demand our close attention. The verbal parallel between 1 Corinthians 4 and Numbers 12 can be mentioned first. Against the questioning by Miriam and Aaron of Moses' authority, God affirms Moses' authority by declaring, 'When a prophet of the Lord is among you, I reveal myself to him in visions, I speak to him in dreams. But this is not true of my servant Moses. He is faithful in all my house. With him I speak face to face clearly and not in riddles; he sees the form of the Lord' (w. 6-8; N I V ) . Here it may be noted that God considers his servant

19 Admittedly, Paul uses a different verb, TTEVGECO. In the LXX, however, H D D is also rendered as TT£V8ECO (Gen. 23.2; 50.3; cf. Deut. 34.8; Neh. 1.4; 8.9). 20 Cf. M. Noth, Numbers (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1968), p. 198, who contends that the congregation were already weeping because of the apostasy and its punishment when Zimri brought a Midianite woman. 21 J. Milgrom, Numbers (The JPS Torah Commentary; Philadelphia: JPS, 1990), p. 214, suggests an alternative reading, 'While they (Moses and the community) were weeping, Phinehas . . .' 22 Targum Pseudo-Jonathan: Numbers (ed. M. McNamara et al., trans. E. G. Clarke; ArBib, 4; Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 1987). 23 See also Brodie, 'The Use of the Pentateuch in 1 Corinthians', p. 457, who finds a parallel between 1 Cor. 5.1-8 and Num. 15.1-36 as both texts mention getting rid of an offender.

HWANG

Crises at Corinth

205

SspaTrcov) Moses' faithfulness in his house as the ground of his special authority (v. 7; cf. Josh. 1.2; Job 2.3). In 1 Corinthians 4, Paul also presents himself as a faithful servant of God ( w . 1-2: \JTTEpr]Tf|s and o'ncovopos). Strikingly, the wording of the LXX to describe Moses' qualification as the prophet and leader of Israel, the house of God, shares significant similarities with the phrase Paul uses to describe himself as a servant of God whose authority God would acknowledge at his judgement. 24

LXX Num. 12.8: Oux OUTCOS O BEpamov pou Mcouofjs oXcp TOO OTKCO pou TTIOTOS EOT! \

1. Cor. 4.2: CO6E XOITTOV {JrrTsiTai iv TO?S oixovopois 'iva TTIOTOS TIS EupE0fj

While the term oiKovopos itself is not used in LXX Num. 12.8, the combination of 'the servant of God' and 'the house of God' of which he is in charge in this passage may well embrace what Paul is trying to convey with the word oiKovopos (cf. 1 Cor. 3.9 [8EOU oiKoSopri EOTE; you are God's house]); Gal. 4.2). It is also significant to note that Paul invites God to be his judge who will recognize him as a faithful oiicovopos while he rejects both the premature judgement of others and his own selfjustification. Interestingly, in Numbers 12, Moses does not seek to justify himself. It was God who judged Moses to be a faithful servant of his in his house and hence a fully qualified prophet of his. In another conflict story in Numbers 16, Moses appealed to God's judgement when Korah and his companions rose against him and challenged his authority (see esp. v. 4; cf. v. 15). This is probably what Paul was doing in 1 Corinthians 4 where he appealed to God's vindication of his apostolic authority and ministry which were questioned or negatively examined by some Corinthian believers (see esp. v. 4 , 6 5E c c v a i c p i v c o v \is K u p i o s EOTIV [but the Lord is my judge]; cf. 4.17). The second parallel we may discern between 1 Corinthians 3-4 and Numbers 11 is a conceptual one, related to nursing-father imagery. In Num. 11.11-12 Moses represents himself as a nursing father. When people rose up against him and complained about the food, Moses asked God, 'Did I conceive this people or did I give birth to them [Mr| i y c o EV yaoxpi lAa|3ov iravTcc TOV Aaov TOUTOV f\ E y c o ETEKOV CCUTOUS]? For you say to me, "Carry them in your bosom as a nurse takes up the suckling [ACC|3E 25

24 Brodie, 'The Use of the Pentateuch in 1 Corinthians', p. 456, also notes the verbal parallel between Num. 12.8 and 1 Cor. 4.2, although he does not further explicate it. 25 Even though in 1 Cor. 4.1-2 Paul uses OIKOVOUOS in a plural form, the first-person pronouns in w . 3-5 strongly indicate that it was his authority that was subjected to a criticism or examination. For the apologetic aspects of 1 Cor 4.1-5 see my PhD dissertation, 'Mimesis, Apostolic Parousia, and Church Discipline: An Apologetic-Mimetic Interpretation of 1 Corinthians 4-5' (Fuller Theological Seminary, 2006), pp. 71-112.


206

CCUTOV eis TOV KOATTOV oou chotx a p o c i TIBTJVOS TOV 8 r | A a £ o v T a ] to the land 1 promised on oath to their fathers."' Here we find a combination of mother imagery and that of a nursing father. Despite his frustration with the community of Israel, Moses seems to identify himself as their nursing father. In 1 Corinthians, Paul also identifies himself as the nursing father of the Corinthian community (3.1-2; 4.14-5). The word for 'feeding milk' (yaXa TTOTI^CO) in 3.1-2 points to Paul's understanding of his role as their nurse, while the y E w a c o O ^ ) ( beget) verb in 4.15 shows his selfidentification as their father (cf. OUK TTOAAOUS T T a T E p a s [there are not many fathers]). Paul also uses wet-nurse imagery elsewhere in his epistles (e.g., 1 Thess. 2.7). Because this imagery was widespread among the contemporary orators and Cynic philosophers, Abraham J. Malherbe contends that Paul may have borrowed it from them. It may be the case, however, that the combination of nurse and father imagery in 1 Corinthians 3-4 came from Numbers 11, as Peter R. Jones suggests (cf. also 1 QH 3.1-18; 7.20-22). Interestingly, Numbers 11 is the only place in Scripture where a human speaker uses nursing-father imagery for himself in the first-person account (cf. Mai. 1.6). Furthermore, like Moses, Paul uses this imagery in a situation in which his authority is apparently at stake (cf. Gal. 4.19). 26

27

28

t o

29

30

31

6 . Conclusion So far we have considered two points of situational similarity between the Church at Corinth and Israel in the wilderness, which are clearly recognizable in 1 Corinthians 5, and two other remarkable parallels between 1 Corinthians 4-5 and Numbers 11-12. Despite the lack of a quotation formula or an explicit reference to Numbers in the earlier chapters of 1 Corinthians, all these points of comparison strongly indicate 26 Conceiving (Tnn/Accupavco EV yaarpt) is exactly what a mother does, as is giving birth 0 ^ / T I K T C O ) to a child (Gen. 25.21; Exod. 2.2; 2 Sam. 11.5; 2 Kgs 4.17; 1 Chron.7.23; Isa. 8.3; cf. Gen. 5.3; Num. 26.29, 58, where ysvvaco is used for a father). 27 Cf. A. Wildavsky, The Nursing Father: Moses as a Political Leader (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1984), pp. 58, 167, 216. 28 Cf. also Brodie, 'The Use of the Pentateuch in 1 Corinthians', p. 456. 29 E.g., Dio Chrysostom, Or. 4.73ff.; 33.10; Plutarch, Adul. amic. 69BC. 30 A. J. Malherbe, * "Gentle as a Nurse": The Cynic Background to 1 Thess ii\ NovT 12/ 2 (1970): 203-17 (216-17). 31 P. R. Jones, 'The Apostle Paul: Second Moses to the New Covenant Community; A Study in Pauline Apostolic Authority', in J. W. Montgomery (ed.), God's Inerrant Word (Minneapolis: Bethany Fellowship, 1973), pp. 219-41 (231). Jones contends Paul also represents himself as a second Moses with his 'foundation-layer' and 'planter' metaphors (1 Cor. 3.6, 10; Exod. 15.17; Jer. 31.27-28; 1QH 11.8) (pp. 22(M).

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207

that even in these chapters Paul may have Numbers in mind and may be using the wilderness story of Israel, the original Passover community, to deal with the various crises in the Corinthian church, a new Passover community, as he apparently does in chs 8-10. When we read 1 Corinthians 1-5, especially chs 3-5, in light of the wilderness story of Israel written in Numbers, we can more clearly understand some of Paul's teachings in these chapters that may otherwise remain obscure. This reading will help us understand why Paul emphasizes his faithfulness as the servant (OIKOVOIJOS) of the Lord and invites the Lord to be his judge when his authority is at stake (1 Cor. 4.1-5; Num. 12.8). It will also enable us to appreciate Paul's concern for his authority in 1 Corinthians 5. Despite remarkable connecting points between chs 4 and 5 (e.g., the verb uai6co; the KOCUX- word group), the majority of scholars have tended to set a sharp break between them. Furthermore, even among those who recognize the connection between these chapters, some scholars claim that Paul no longer has a concern for authority in ch. 5 and following. A comparison between 1 Corinthians 5 and Numbers 25, however, seems to indicate that the opposite is the case. Additionally, when we read 1 Corinthians 5 in light of Numbers 25, we can get a better understanding of the connections between the Corinthians' inaction and arrogance, on the one hand, and between their mourning and disciplinary action, on the other hand (vv. 2, 7). It should be mentioned, however, that by highlighting the allusions to Numbers in 1 Corinthians 1-5, we never intend to downplay Paul's use of other scriptural passages in these chapters. Admittedly, Paul also uses Deuteronomy (16.1-4, alluded to in 1 Cor. 5.7-8; L X X , 17.7 cited in 1 Cor. 5.13), Isaiah (29.14, cited in 1 Cor. 1.19; 40.13 L X X in 1 Cor. 2.16), and Jeremiah (9.22-23, cited in 1 Cor. 1.31) in significant ways. But it should not be overlooked that Paul appears to depend on Numbers to formulate some of his key arguments in 1 Corinthians 1-5 as he does in chs 8-10. Such an intentional allusion is even more likely when we consider the points of similarity and parallels between 1 Corinthians 1-5 and Numbers and the advantages, as suggested above, of reading the former in light of the latter. 32

32 E.g., B. J. Dodd, Paul's Paradigmatic T: Personal Example as Literary Strategy (JSNTSup, 177; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999), pp. 73^1.

Chapter 13 FROM RULER TO TEACHER

THE EXTENDING OF THE SHEPHERD METAPHOR IN EARLY AND

JEWISH

CHRISTIAN WRITINGS

Wayne Baxter 1.

Introduction

'Shepherd' was a metaphor commonly used in the ancient Near East to symbolize the relationship between a king and his subjects. While this meaning of 'ruler' that is associated with the shepherd metaphor is clearly reflected in the Hebrew Bible (HB), it becomes extended in the writings of early Christ-believers to include the meaning of'teacher'. This move from 'ruler' to 'teacher' represents a somewhat unexpected transformation of the metaphor, in light of its typical usage in the HB and other ANE texts. The present study suggests that there are two precedents for this move: a general thematic precedent of the depiction of YHWH in the HB as Israel's ultimate shepherd, and a textual precedent of the shepherd narrative in Zech. 11.4-17. The study shall begin with a brief survey of the meaning of the shepherd metaphor in the HB as it is invoked by the term, JIITl ('shepherd'). While 1

1 There are two reasons for this limitation. First, of the two words in the HB used for 'shepherd', viz., n i n and ""IpD, the latter is almost never employed metaphorically: of the 183 uses of "IpQ in the HB, the noun form never appears metaphorically, while the verb appears twice in the extended metaphor of Ezek. 34; by contrast, of the 167 occurrences of Hin, almost half (82) are metaphorical. As J. Huntzinger states: 'The frequent use of HITI . . . reveals it to be a standard term for describing the activity of shepherding* ('The End of Exile: A Short Commentary on the Shepherd/Sheep Metaphor in Exilic and Post-Exilic Prophetic and Synoptic Gospel Literature' [PhD diss.: Fuller Theological Seminary, 1999]', p. 155). The second reason for this limitation is that HIT") corresponds most closely to Trotuaivco, the standard term used in Greek sources for 'shepherd'. The LXX employs iroiuTiv/Troiuaivco for HI?"! 92 times, compared to using (SOOKCO for 1117*1 (17 times) and VEUGO (seven times). Of the latter two terms, VEUCD never appears in the New Testament. WTiile ffcxjKco appears nine times in the NT, it is never used for Jesus and only twice (Jn 21.15, 17) does it refer to leaders in Christ-believing communities. Hence, by concentrating on HIT"!, the comparisons that are

BAXTER

From Ruler to Teacher

209

the imagery associated with the shepherd motif in the HB can be quite broad, when the shepherd metaphor is invoked without HIT"!, it does not appreciably add to the observable pattern of the shepherd-!"!]}"! meta phor. Next, some examples of the extending of the meaning of this metaphor shall be noted, as well as instances of this same development in Second Temple Judaism. The analysis will conclude by discussing possible precedents and reasons for this shift in meaning from 'ruler' to 'teacher'. 2

3

drawn between Hebrew texts and Greek texts will be more accurate: HIT) would be the Hebrew term ultimately standing behind the use of Troiuriv/Troiuaiveo in texts appropriating HB 'shepherd' passages. 2 Shepherding imagery can be evoked by or is implicit in the mention of 'sheep' (e.g., 2 Sam. 24.17; Ps. 95.7; Mic. 2.12), a shepherd's duties of leading/feeding/guiding/gathering the flock (e.g., Ps. 68.7; Isa. 49.10), as well as by his accoutrements (e.g., Isa. 10.5, 24; Ezek. 37.19). For a survey of shepherding imagery in the HB beyond the use of 'shepherd', see R. Hunziker-Rodewald, Hirt und Herde: Ein Beitrag zum alttestamentlichen Gottesverstdndnis (B W Alten N T, 155; Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2001), pp. 3^-204; B. Fikes, 'A Theological Analysis of the Shepherd-King Motif in Ezekiel 34' (PhD dissertation: Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1995); and Huntzinger, 'End of Exile'. Wild beast imagery can also presuppose the protection of a shepherd (e.g., 1 Sam. 17.34-35; Mic. 5.7 [MT]). For an investigation of shepherding imagery that includes this type of broader wild beast imagery, see P. Porter, Metaphors and Monsters: A Literary-Critical Study of Daniel 7 and 8 (Lund: CWK Gleerup, 1983), pp. 61-120. WTule ('sheep') can conjure up the image of a shepherd, the focus of ]KH-metaphors tends to be on the sheep not the shepherd. Hence, when ]KH is used metaphorically by itself (i.e., without HUH) - 22 times of its 248 occurrences - it refers to the special relationship between the nation Israel and YHWH (Pss. 74.1; 79.13; 95.7; 100.3); the recipients (typically Israel) of YHWH's intervention (Pss. 77.21; 78.52; Mic. 2.12; Zech. 9.16); victims of another nation's military advance (Ps. 44.23; Mic. 5.7); subjects of a king/ruler (2 Sam. 24.17; Jer. 13.20); objects of reproach (Ps. 44.12; Jer. 12.3); and Israel's straying from YHWH (Isa. 53.6). T. Slater (Christ and Community: A SocioHistorical Study of the Christology of Revelation [JSNTSup, 178; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999], pp. 165-6) divides these usages of 'sheep' (and also 'ram') into two categories: generic references and sacrificial references. In each of these categories, the emphasis is on the state of the sheep, not the nature or activity of the shepherd. Hence, when an author uses 'sheep' metaphorically, he is more interested in saying something about the sheep/people. When he uses 'shepherd' metaphorically, however, his interest lies in the shepherd/leader. 3 In parallel fashion to the shepherd-HUH metaphor (see section two below), biblical writers use 'rod' (MET) metaphorically to signify rulers: Jewish monarchs or members of the ruling class (Gen. 49.10; Num. 21.17; Pss. 2.9; 125.3; Isa. 11.4; Ezek. 19.11, 14), gentile kings or leaders (2 Sam. 7.14; Isa. 10.5-8; 14.5, 29; 19.13; Amos 1.5; Zech. 10.11), or YHWH (Job 9.34; 21.9; Pss. 23.4; 45.7; Isa. 30.31; Lam. 3.1; Ezek. 20.37; Mic. 7.14). Similarly, 'stair (n3tfOT/piHDD) is employed metaphorically for Jewish monarchs or members of the ruling class (Isa. 3.1-4), gentile rulers (Num. 21.18; 2 Kgs 18.21/Isa. 36.6; Ezek. 29.6), and for YHWH (Ps. 23.4; i.e., as the psalmist's shepherd, YHWH's staff offers him comfort). Porter

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Early Christian Literature and Intertextuality 1 2. The Shepherd Metaphor

in the Hebrew

Bible

It is not surprising that, given the agrarian orientation of ancient Israelite society, the shepherd-sheep metaphor is frequently employed in the HB. The term HITl and its cognates appear 167 times, with almost half of these occurrences being metaphorical. The shepherd-sheep imagery most commonly symbolizes the relationship between a nation's leaders (the shepherds) and the general populace (the sheep), a meaning commonly observed in ANE literature. The biblical authors employ the shepherd metaphor for rulers in Israel's pre-monarchical history, such as Joshua and Moses in Num. 4

5

6

notes that herd-leader language, i.e., 'he-goat' (TiniJ), 'ram' (V'N) and 'bull' OS, Ofc"l), can evoke the shepherd metaphor. Thus, these animals symbolize (gentile) monarchs (Isa. 14.9; Dan. 8.4-8) and military leaders (Isa. 34.2-7; Ps. 22.12, 20; Zech. 10.3-5). Verbs with pastoral connotations are often employed for YHWH: e.g., 71W ('lead', 'guide' [Exod. 13.17-21; 15.13; Deut. 32.12; Neh. 9.12, 19; Job 12.23; Pss. 5.9; 23.3; 27.11; 43.3]), bm ('lead', 'guide' [Exod. 15.13; 2 Chron. 32.22; Pss. 23.2; 31.4; Isa. 40.11; 49.10]), ('gather' [Isa. 49.5; Mic. 2.12; 4.6]), KIT ('go out' [Isa. 37.32; 40.26; 49.9; Ezek. 20.38; 34.13; Mic. 2.13; 7.15]) and KID ('lead out' [Num. 27.17; Ps. 78.54; Jer. 30.3; 31.8-9; Ezek. 34.13; Zech. 10.10]). 4 For a discussion of shepherds and sheep in ancient Israel, see Huntzinger, 'End of Exile', pp. 56-62. While there would have been a general familiarity with sheep farming, Huntzinger suggests that because of their particular social context, exilic and post-exilic writers would have had no tangible experience with the role of shepherds: they would have used the metaphor in a more 'exotic' fashion. 5 For a detailed examination of the shepherd metaphor in ANE texts, see Porter, Metaphors, pp. 61-120, passim, J. Vancil, 'The Symbolism of the Shepherd in Biblical, Intertestamental, and New Testament Material' (PhD Dissertation: Dropsie University, 1975), pp. 14-99. For more cursory overviews, see Fikes, 'Shepherd-King', pp. 24-52, and P. de Robert, Le Berger D'Israel: Essai sur le Theme Pastoral dans l'Ancien Testament (Cahiers Theologiques, 57; Neuchatel: Delachaux et Niestle, 1968), pp. 9-20. For a discussion of shepherd imagery in ancient Egyptian texts, see D. Muller, 'Der gute Hirte: ein Beitrag zur geschichte agyptische Bildrede', Zeitschrift fur agyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 86 (1961): 126-44. Clearly according to its use in the ANE texts cited, the central thrust of the shepherd's activity is ruling. This use (shepherd as ruler) can also be observed in classical Greek literature, where earthly monarchs and the gods are likened to shepherds; cf. the discussions of R. Bracewell, 'Shepherd Imagery in the Synoptic Gospels' [PhD diss.: Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1983], pp. 73-84, and J. Seibel, 'Shepherd and Sheep Symbolism in Hellenistic Judaism and the New Testament' (PhD diss.: Yale University, 1963), pp. 16-29. Siebel notes that one of the main distinctions between the metaphor in ANE and classical Greek literature is that in the former, the metaphor was applied initially to earthly monarchs and then to God. But the reverse occurs in the latter: the move is from God to earthly monarchs. 6 Ps. 49.15a presents one instance in the HB where the shepherd-sheep metaphor does not represent king-subjects, but death and the disobedient: 'Like sheep they are destined for the grave, and death will be their shepherd'. That the next strophe speaks of the upright 'ruling' over them reinforces the meaning of 'shepherd' here: death rules over the disobedient; i.e., 'shepherd' means 'rule'.

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27.17 (cf. Isa. 63.11) and Israel's judges in 2 Sam. 7.7 (1 Chron. 17.6). It is not unexpected, then, that with the advent of the monarchy, Israel's kings should be depicted as shepherds, such as Ahab (1 Kgs 22.17/2 Chron. 18.16) and David: 'He chose David his servant . . . to be the shepherd of his people Jacob, of Israel his inheritance. And David shepherded them with integrity of heart; with skilful hands he led them' (Ps. 78.70a, 71b-72; cf. 2 Sam. 5.2). The prophets depict Israel's current or recent monarchs as shepherds within the context of negative judgement. Jeremiah, for example, condemns Israel's monarchy for its role in bringing about the Babylonian exile: 8

'Woe to the shepherds who are destroying and scattering the sheep of my pasture,' declares the Lord. Therefore this is what the Lord, the God of Israel, says to the shepherds tending my people: 'Because you have scattered my flock and driven them away and have not bestowed care on them, I will bestow punishment on you for the evil you have done,' declares the Lord. (Jer. 23.1-2) 9

Along with kings past and present, Israel's future rulers are also likened to shepherds. Thus, for example, Ezekiel prophesies to the exiles: I will save my flock and they will no longer be plundered and I will judge between sheep and sheep. And I will place over them one shepherd and he will tend them - my servant David - he will tend them and he will be their shepherd. And I, the Lord, will be their God and my servant David will be prince in their midst. I the Lord have spoken. (Ezek. 34.22-24) 10

The shepherd metaphor frequently includes Israel's entire ruling class. Thus Jeremiah, as a member of the priestly class, defends himself against his accusers by asserting that he never shirked his duties as a shepherd of God's people (Jer. 17.16; cf. 2.8; 10.21). Similarly Deutero-Isaiah 11

7 De Robert lists ANE parallels for the phrase, 'like sheep without a shepherd' in Num. 27.17, calling this expression a 'veritable cliche de la terminologie royale de Fancien Orient: on la retrouve en Egypte et en Mesopotamie, ainsi que dans l'Ancien Testament' (Berger, p. 46). 8 But cf. Wallis, who observes: 'There is no evidence that the term "shepherd" ever served as a title for a reigning king of Israel', attributing this early reluctance to the Israelites' awareness that 'shepherd' was a title for foreign gods (TUPT, TDOT, 13: 550); and cf. Huntzinger, who moves in a different direction: '[Shepherd] was never used as an official title for the national king because it was reserved to describe God' ('End of Exile', p. 79). If, however, the oracles in Jeremiah and Ezekiel (redaction aside) originated with these prophets (rather than with later scribes) then the assertion of these commentators is incorrect. 9 Cf. Jer. 50.6; Ezek. 34.2b-4, 8-9, 15-17. 10 Cf. Mic. 5.1-3 [MT]. 11 While Jeremiah the priestly prophet refers to himself as Israel's shepherd (in 17.16), in 2.8 'shepherds' are distinguished from priests and prophets.

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includes prophets as members of Israel's ruling class: 'Israel's watchmen are blind, they all lack knowledge . . . they are shepherds who lack understanding' (Isa. 56.10a, l i b ; cf. Zech. 10.2-3). Deutero-Zechariah chastises the ruling class because of their illegitimate wealth: 'Those who buy them slaughter them but they are not free from guilt. And those who sell them say, "Blessed be the Lord, for I am rich!" Those who shepherd them do not have mercy on them' (Zech. 11.5). The prophets apply 111)1, not only to Israel's monarchy but to gentile kings who, like their Israelite counterparts, are usually judged: 'Weep and wail, you shepherds; roll in the dust, you leaders of the flock. For your time to be slaughtered has come; you will fall and be shattered like fine pottery' (Jer. 25.34). Further, the extent of shepherding can range from the large scale of ruling nations to the much smaller scale of commanding field troops. In describing the Babylonian siege, for example, Jeremiah writes, 'I will destroy the Daughter of Zion, so beautiful and delicate: shepherds with their flocks will come against her; they will pitch their tents around her, each tending his own portion' (Jer. 6.2-3). In addition to earthly monarchs, the biblical authors routinely apply the shepherd metaphor to YHWH. In four instances HUI is used as a title or in near titular fashion for Y H W H . In one instance it occurs within a series of titles for God: 'because of the hand of the Mighty One of Jacob, because of the Shepherd, the Rock of Israel, because of the God of your fathers . . . because of the Almighty' (Gen. 49.24b-25a). In a second occurrence the author of Psalm 23 declares, 'The Lord is my shepherd' (v. 1); consequently, he testifies of how YHWH provides for, guides and protects him. In Psalm 80, the author writes, 'O Shepherd of Israel, hear us, you who lead Joseph like a flock, who sit enthroned between the cherubim, shine forth' (80.1). What was perhaps implicit in Psalm 23 is 1 2

13

14

15

16

12 In the prophetic writings, Israel's 'watchers' typically refers to God's prophets, e.g., Jer. 6.17; Ezek. 3.17; 33.2-7; Hos. 9.8; Mic. 7.4, 7; Hab. 2.1. 13 That the buyers and sellers here should be identified with the shepherds/leaders - i.e., those exercising some measure of control over the flock - is suggested by the syntax of the verse: |TVP ]i"P3p ('those buying them slaughter them') is paralleled with ^DIT &b DrPITVI ]71*b& ('those shepherding them do not have mercy on them'). In other words, the buyers (and sellers) represent the shepherds. Additionally, the nature of the metaphor, viz., the use of 'buyers and sellers' rather than, say, herd leaders (as in Ezekiel 34), would also point in this direction. 14 Cf. Jer. 25.35-36; 49.19; 50.44; Zech. 11.15-17. At other times, however, they can be viewed more positively: '[YHWH] says of Cyrus, "He is my shepherd and will accomplish all that I please; he will say of Jerusalem, 'Let it be rebuilt,' and of the temple, 'Let its foundations be laid"" (Isa. 44.28; cf. Jer. 43.12). 15 Cf. Jer. 12.10; 22.22; Mic. 5.5b-6; Nah. 3.18. 16 Vancil, Wallis et al. note how this usage is extensively paralleled in ANE literature: Vancil, 'Sheep, Shepherd', ABD, 5: 1188, Wallis, 'HOT', pp. 548-9, and J. Jeremias, 'TToiuriv', TDNT, 6: 486-7.

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made explicit in Psalm 80: YHWH's royal rule is conjoined to his pastoral care of Israel. In a fourth instance, the redactor of the epilogue of Ecclesiastes writes, 'The words of the wise are like goads, their collected sayings like firmly embedded nails - given by one Shepherd' (12.11). According to the HB, then, YHWH as the ideal shepherd is one who leads and guides his flock, doing so with gentleness and sensitivity so as not to overburden them; he searches for the strays, gathers his sheep together, and provides them with pasture; he protects and rescues his flock from danger, and heals the wounds of the injured. 17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

3 . The Meaning of 'Shepherd' Extended in the New

25

Testament

The restriction of the shepherd metaphor to earthly monarchs and civic rulers disappears in the New Testament. 'Shepherd' (iTOi|jrjv or TToiMaivco) appears explicitly as a title for leaders in the Jesus movement in the letter to the Ephesians, where the author of the letter lists the foundational ministries that secure apostolic revelation and tradition: 'It was he who gave some to be apostles, some to be prophets, some to be evangelists, and some to be shepherds and teachers' (4.11). Here, the Greek structure - of a lone definite article used with two nouns of similar case and number joined by K a i - suggests that 'shepherds' and 'teachers' be viewed as one entity not two. In other words, shepherding includes teaching. In similar fashion, the offices of overseer (eTTioKoiTos) and elder 2 6

27

17 Cf. J. Thomson, 'The Shepherd-Ruler Concept in the OT and Its Application in the N T , SJT 8 (1955): 406-17 (407-8). Thus, for example, when Micah speaks of YHWH gathering his people in exile and bringing them back into his sheepfold, he will go out before them: 'their king will pass on before them, the Lord at their head' (2.13). Fikes also notes that when HI?") applies to YHWH, the HB oscillates between personal testimony and royal depiction ('Shepherd-King', p. 95). 18 Scholars roundly agree that the epilogue (12.9-14) represents a later redaction to the rest of the book. For a summary of the arguments, see G. Wilson,' "The Words of the Wise": The Intent and Significance of Qohelet 12.9-14', JBL 103/2 (1984): 175-92 (175-8). 19 Exod. 15.13-17; Pss. 5.8; 23.2-3; 31.3, 78.52-55; Isa. 49.9-13; Mic. 7.14. 20 Ps. 28.9; Isa. 40.11. 21 Ezek. 34.4, 11-12, 16. 22 Isa. 40.11; Jer. 31.8-10; Mic. 2.12-13. 23 Ezek. 34.13-15. 24 Gen. 48.15-16; Ezek. 34.10. 25 Ezek. 34.4, 16. 26 Cf. BDF, 144^5. 27 Thus M. Barth, for example, translates this expression as 'teaching shepherds' (Ephesians, [2 vols; AB; New York: Doubleday, 1974], 2.425).

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become explicitly linked with the metaphor in Acts 20.28 and 1 Pet 5.1-2. The shepherd metaphor, when applied to Christ, can still connote ruling or judging. In the book of Revelation, for example, the author often combines Ps. 2.9, which speaks of 'ruling [Troipccivco] with a rod of iron' (in the L X X ) with the shepherd metaphor. When the metaphor is applied to Christ in the Gospels, however, an interesting development can be observed. While Christ is considered by the Gospel writers to be Israel's true shepherd, the scope of shepherding Israel shifts from ruling Israel (an idea clearly observed in Revelation) to teaching Israel. Thus, for example, when the Markan Jesus observes Israel's dilemma of being 'like sheep without a shepherd', his immediate response to their dilemma is 'to teach them many things' (Mk 6.34). If the primary allusion in Mk 6.34 is Num. 27.17, then this would underscore the activity of teaching in Mark's use of the metaphor: Jesus is the messianic Moses-like teacher. (Trpea(3\jTEpos)

29

30

31

32

28 In his farewell address to the Ephesian elders as recorded by Luke, Paul warns them that since the Holy Spirit has made them overseers, they are to 'be shepherds of the church of God'. 29 1 Peter concludes, T o the elders among you, I appeal as a fellow elder... be shepherds of God's flock that is under your care, serving as overseers' (5.1-2). 30 Rev. 2.27; 12.5; 19.15. 31 This is evidenced by their appropriation of Zech. 13.7 ('strike the shepherd and the sheep will be scattered') in Mk 14.27 and Mt. 26.31, and Ezekiel 34 in Mt. 25.31-34 and Jn 10.1-18. 32 While the expression 'like sheep without a shepherd' is reminiscent of several HB passages (1 Kgs 22.17/2 Chron. 18.16; Ezek. 34.5; Zech. 10.2), there are significant reasons for believing the central allusion here is to Num. 27.17. First, scholars recognize that the wilderness is an important motif in Mark's Gospel (e.g., U. Mauser, Christ in the Wilderness: The Wilderness Theme in the Second Gospel and its Basis in the Biblical Tradition [London: SCM, 1963]; W. Lane, The Gospel of Mark [NICNT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1974], pp. 39-62; Bracewell, 'Shepherd Imagery', pp. 92-108). In fact, within this section of Mark's narrative, its importance is suggested by the triple usage of'wilderness' (eprjuos) in w . 31, 32 and 35. Ipnuos occurs in almost stereotypical fashion in the book of Numbers (even within the context of Num. 27.17): 'Wilderness' occurs 55 times in Numbers [LXX]; of the books of the Pentateuch, Numbers is most characteristically associated with Israel's wilderness period: the literary setting of Exod. 19-Num. 10.10 is Mount Sinai (receiving the law), the setting of Deuteronomy is the vicinity of the Jordan (preparing for the conquest), while the bulk of Numbers (10.11-33.39) reflects the nation's wandering about in the wilderness. Second, that Jesus begins to teach the masses is reminiscent of Moses, who was recognized not simply as the lawgiver but as Israel's teacher (he is referred to as 'teaching' Israel in Deut. 4.14; 5.31; 6.1; 31.19; his position as Israel's teacher is also affirmed by Mt. 23.2 and Jn 9.28), and in fact, immediately before (and after) the Numbers 27 passage, Moses expounds the law (cf. 27.5-11). And third, the feeding miracle that immediately follows in Mark's narrative precipitated by the length of Jesus' teaching session - would almost certainly evoke thoughts of Moses and the miracle of manna in the wilderness. This is evidenced in John's Gospel where, after the sign of the feeding of the five thousand, John writes, 'When the people saw the sign that he had done, they began to say, "This is indeed the prophet who is to come into

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These examples demonstrate that the authors of the New Testament extended the meaning of the shepherd metaphor. By applying 'shepherd' as a title for Christ, and in particular, for early Church leaders, the metaphor moves beyond the usual category of earthly monarchs. And by associating, as the Gospel writers do, the activity of teaching with shepherding the masses, the metaphor shifts from the realm of ruling to the realm of teaching. The question now becomes: Is there earlier evidence for this type of conceptual move? 4. The Meaning of 'Shepherd' Extended in Early Judaism The metaphoric appropriation of HID or Troipocivco in Second Temple Judaism largely echoes its usage in the H B . The metaphor is used somewhat differently in / Enoch, Psalms of Solomon 17 and Philo, particularly in De Agricultural In the Dream Visions section of / Enoch, in addition to using the metaphor for God, it is applied to the angelic beings to whom God gives the authority to rule Israel, but whose shepherding results in the brutalization of his people; in Ps. Sol. 17 the 33

4

35

world"' (Jn 6.14). This connection between Jesus' miraculous provision and Moses' manna provision (and hence, Jesus and Moses) is made even more explicit in the 'bread of life' discourse which follows (Jn 6.41-58). 33 Cf. 4Q504 (4QWords of the Luminaries) 1-2 iv 7; 1Q34 (lQFestival Prayers) 3 ii 8; Jdt. 11.19; L.A.B. 19.3; 28.5; Josephus, Ant. 7.328; 8.404. 34 On the whole, the shepherd metaphor appears much more frequently in Palestinian than diaspora Jewish literature. The only diaspora Jewish authors who use the metaphor are Philo and Josephus. The metaphor is altogether absent in, for example, the diaspora Jewish texts of Artapanus, Aristobulus, Letter of Aristeas, Joseph and Aseneth, Ezekiel the Tragedian, Pseudo-Phocylides and Wisdom of Solomon, which (with the exceptions of Aristobulus and Pseudo-Phocylides) present material which would have (at least potentially) provided a suitable context for the shepherd metaphor's appropriation: although frag mented, Artapanus deals with Joseph and Moses in the context of kings and rulers; two of the questions posed in Letter of Aristeas concern the chief characteristic and the definition of kingship; Joseph and Aseneth has descriptions of Joseph, the ruler of Egypt and Y1TWH; there are also fairly lengthy descriptions of Moses and YHWH in Ezekiel the Tragedian; and the sixth chapter of Wisdom of Solomon deals with the rule of kings. 35 The 'Lord of Sheep' is depicted in / Enoch 89-90 as one who hears and responds to his flock's cries for help (89.17), personally leads his sheep (89.22), appoints others to lead and pasture his flock (89.25), rescues oppressed members of the flock (89.52-53), and judges the evil shepherds who abuse his flock as well as those who stray from his path (89.74-76; 90.1526). Thus G. Nickelsburg remarks: that 'the Lord was closely involved in the lives of those sheep [was] evident, from a grammatical point of view, in the author's use of "the Lord of the sheep" as the subject of a variety of verbs. The Lord was the immediate subject of actions of which the sheep were the objects or beneficiaries' (1 Enoch 1: A Commentary on the Book of Enoch Chapters 1-36; 81-108 [Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2001], p. 389).

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term describes the ruling activity of the Davidic messiah; in De Agricultura, Philo uses it largely with reference to the mind. For Philo, a 'shepherd' is someone whose mind rules over bodily passions so that those passions do not consume the individual, thereby bringing about ethical and virtuous order for the soul. But even in each of the aforementioned texts, the core trait or activity of the shepherd is ruling. Extension of the metaphor can be observed in three other texts. At the end of a poem in Ben Sira that extols God's mercy in 17.29-18.14, Ben Sira refers to God as the 'shepherd of his sheep', and as such God 'rebukes and trains and teaches them' (18.13). While likening God to Israel's shepherd is standard fare, and while the idea of rebuking and training the sheep so as to facilitate their submission would doubtless be implicit in some of the metaphoric uses of 'shepherd' in the HB, the element here of teaching (5»5CXOKCO) would bring a new dimension to the metaphor. The Damascus Document (CD) represents a second extension of the metaphor. In this text, the shepherd metaphor is applied to the Examiner, the leader of the Qumran-like sectarian camps. The Examiner's role in the communities is to instruct members in the Torah and in the works of God, to impart wisdom to those entrusted to his care, as well as to oversee matters pertaining to recruitment, to marriage and to family affairs. Here, the category of'ruler as shepherd' moves from the political realm to the religious realm and beyond ruling to include teaching. 37

38

36 In shepherding the flock, the Son of David will reign over the nation as the 'King of Israel' (Ps. Sol. 17: 21, 32, 42); he will destroy the gentile rulers for trampling Jerusalem, punish arrogant 'sinners' who have turned their backs on the covenant, 'judge peoples and nations', gather together a holy people, leading and judging them in righteousness, and settle the people in their land. 37 Cf. De Agric. 37-39, passim. 38 CD XIII, 7-16a reads: vacat And this is the rule of the Examiner for the camp. He shall instruct the Many in the works of God and enable them to discern his mighty wonders, and recount before them the eternal happenings with their interpretations. He shall have compassion on them like a father does for his sons, and will watch over all the afflicted among them like a shepherd over his flock. He will loosen all the chains that bind them so that there will be neither oppressed nor crushed in his congregation, vacat And anyone who joins his congregation, he should observe him for his works, and his intelligence, and his strength, and his might and his wealth. And they shall write him in his place according to his inheritance in the lot of light. vacat Let not any of the sons of the camp exercise authority to bring anyone into the congregation except by the word of the Examiner for the camp, vacat And none of those who have entered the covenant of God should buy from or sell to the Sons of Dawn, but rather hand to hand, vacat And let no one do any matter for buying or for selling but rather let the Examiner for the camp be informed. And he will make counsel that they not e[rr . . . ] . . . And thus for the one who divorces. And he ...

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Another explicit tie between the shepherd metaphor and the activity of teaching appears in 2 Baruch. Near the end of the story, the people, in view of Baruch's impending death, request that he write a letter to the Jews in Babylon to encourage the diaspora Jews in their exilic plight. Their reason for their request is because 'the shepherds of Israel have perished, and the lamps which gave light are extinguished, and the fountains from which we used to drink have withheld their streams' (77.13). Baruch reassures his followers, saying: 39

Shepherds and lamps and fountains came from the Law and when we go away, the Law will abide. If you, therefore, look upon the Law and are intent upon wisdom, then the lamp will not be wanting and the shepherd will not give way and the fountain will not dry up (77.15b-16). 40

'Shepherds', iamps' and 'fountains' represent the teachers of the law. Despite his imminent departure, Baruch assures the people that as long as they are faithful to God's law, God will provide them with other religious teachers, that is, shepherds, to guide them. Thus, a metaphor that was previously reserved for God and for earthly monarchs - insofar as they are rulers of nations - becomes applied to religious leaders, not merely in the capacity of ruling the flock but as teacher of the flock. What would be the precedents for this shift in the metaphor from political ruler to religious teacher? 5. Possible Precedents for Extending

the Shepherd

Metaphor

There would seem to be two precedents for this observable shift in the shepherd metaphor from monarchic ruler to religious teacher. The first precedent would be thematic. As previously observed, the HB commonly depicts YHWH as the ideal shepherd of Israel who leads, protects and pastures his people. While the pasturing of Israel primarily revolved around delivering them from their enemies, gathering them together, and settling them securely in a land that would bountifully sustain them, there would seem to be a few hints that YHWH's pasturing of Israel involved a further dimension. In view of the feeding miracles in the desert during Israel's wilderness wandering, the Deuteronomist urged Israel to recog nize that they do not 'live on bread alone but on every word that comes

39 The parallelism between 'extinguished lamps', 'dry fountains' and 'perished shep herds' implies that Israel's shepherds were supposed to offer light to the people, lest they walk about in darkness, and drink, lest they thirst. 40 That is, inspired teachers of the law, beginning with Moses and continuing with Baruch - with whom the author of this text identifies. According to J. Wright the author of 2 Baruch considered himself to be 'a recognized/authorized "Baruch" intermediary' ('The Social Setting of the Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch', JSP 16 [1997]: 81-96).

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from the mouth of the Lord' (Deut. 8.3). In other words, God's physical provision is matched by the spiritual or religious provision of his commandments, which, when heeded, bring about spiritual life. The Gospel of Matthew explicitly takes up this thought of Deut. 8.3, applying it to Jesus' temptation in the wilderness (Mt. 4.3-4), to underscore the primacy of hearing and obeying God's words over earthly satisfaction. Similarly, the epilogue of the book of Ecclesiastes states, 'The words of the wise are like goads, their collected sayings like firmly embedded nails given by one Shepherd' (12.11). According to the redactor of this text, the ultimate source and giver of wisdom is God. While scholars have put forward different views on the identity of the epilogist's 'one Shepherd', 41

41 Wilson, 'Words of the Wise', lists some of the other alternatives as Solomon, Hezekiah and the president of a wisdom-collecting school. But while Solomon may represent the patron of wisdom and the wisdom tradition, ultimately, even he (according to the biblical record) received his wisdom from God (1 Kgs 3; 4.29-34; passim). Moreover, if Wilson is correct that the redactor of the epilogue of Ecclesiastes seeks to make explicit the Deuteronomic connection between wisdom and the law, then again, God would be the ultimate source of true wisdom, viz., the law. De Robert asserts that the identity of the 'one Shepherd' is Qoheleth (Berger, p. 94; cf. Bracewell, 'Shepherd Imagery', p. 54), but this position is also untenable: while Wilson assents that the identity of the 'one Shepherd' remains problematic, his two conclusions from his literary analysis of the epilogue are that '(1) the epilogist refers here to a select collection of carefully arranged wisdom sayings; and (2) that collection is not coextensive with Qohelet' ('Words of the Wise', p. 177, his emphasis). Similarly G. Sheppard notes, 'If mBDK is taken to signify "overseers of the collections", then the antecedent to "these" must be those same collections or "the words of the wise", that is, a reference to a set of existent collections or books inclusive of, but larger than, Qoheleth' ('The Epilogue to Qoheleth as Theological Commentary', CBQ 39 [1977]: 182-9 [188]). Qoheleth, then, cannot be the 'one Shepherd'. F. Zimmermann asserts this title refers to Moses because Moses was the 'shepherd par excellence', and because of the parallels between Moses and Hammurabi, who refers to himself as a 'shepherd' (since Zimmermann argues for a Babylonian provenance for Ecclesiastes; see F. Zimmermann, The Inner World of Qohelet [New York: KTAV Publishing, 1973], pp. 162-3). David, however, is the 'shepherd par excellence', since 'shepherd' is associated far more often with him than with Moses. Further, Zimmermann does not prove his case for a Babylonian provenance, thereby weakening his suggested parallel with Hammurabi. M. Fox argues that 'one shepherd' merely extends the metaphor of goads and nails and therefore simply refers to human shepherds in general (Ecclesiastes [JPS Bible Commentary; Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 2004], p. 84; cf. T. Kruger, Qoheleth: A Commentary (trans. O. Dean; Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2004], p. 211, who follows Fox's interpretation). But Fox's interpretation is problematic for several reasons. He understands as an indefinite article ('a'); however, only very rarely does HIN function in this way: of the five hundred-plus occurrences of ITO in the HB, BDB lists only five instances (which Fox cites for support) where it functions as an indefinite article: 1 Sam. 6.7; 24.15; 26.20; 1 Kgs 19.4-5; and even of these, 1 Kgs 19.4-5, ITttk should actually be understood not as 'a' but rather as 'a certain' in v. 4, and consequently as 'the' in v. 5. Clearly, the most common meaning for HIK is 'one'. Further, while Fox adopts the secondary meaning for ]HD, i.e., 'set' (its primary meaning being 'give'), only takes this secondary meaning when followed by certain prepositions: bto n , f n , b, ^b or bD - which is not the case here (cf. BDB, 680-81). Even in Fox's 9

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the balance of evidence seems to tilt towards God. Thus, as with Deut. 8.3 (and later Matthew), Qoh. 12.11 reveals that God not only provides nourishment for the physical body but also words of wisdom for the soul. In light of these hints that YHWH's pasturing of his people extends beyond the physical realm to the religious realm then, when YHWH promises to provide like-minded shepherds for his people, it is possible that the religious leaders who govern the people of God - especially in the absence of the monarchy - would be considered shepherds of the people. The second precedent for this conceptual move from ruler to teacher would be textual. The textual precedent for this shift in the shepherd metaphor would seem to be the shepherd narrative of Zech. 11.4-17. supporting text of Deut. 15.17, where ]H] takes its secondary meaning, it is followed by the preposition D. Moreover, even if 'shepherd' in Qoh. 12.11 merely continues the goads and nails metaphor, the question still remains: what is being compared to a shepherd? Are the actual words of the wise being likened to a shepherd (which would represent an unparalleled comparison), or is the source of these words (i.e., God or someone else) like a shepherd? A final argument against Fox's position is this: although in theory nails can be associated with shepherds, it would be unlikely that 12.11c continues the goads/nails metaphor because 'nails' never appear in the HB in connection with either explicit or implicit shepherding imagery. 42 There are a number of reasons for believing that 'one Shepherd' refers to God. Nearly all commentators explicitly agree that the most obvious or natural referent for 'shepherd' here is God, given its usage in the HB: e.g., G. Barton, The Book of Ecclesiastes (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1908), p. 198; Zimmermann, Inner World, p. 163; R. Murphy, Ecclesiastes (WBC 23A; Dallas: Word Books, 1992), p. 125; E. Christianson, A Time to Tell: Narrative Strategies in Ecclesiastes (JSOTSup, 280; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998), pp. 1056; Fox, Ecclesiastes, p. 84 (cf. a list of scholars in Kriiger, Qoheleth, p. 211 n. 14). Additionally, the only other references to 'one shepherd' in the HB are found in Ezek. 34.23 and 37.24, which refer to a future Davidic monarch, whose shepherding of the nation is explicitly co-extensive with YHWH's. Lastly, the text draws a distinction between the 'upright and faithful words' of Qoheleth the 'wise one' (D3n [sg.]) in w . 9-10, and the words of 'the wise ones' (•"'DDI! [pi.]) in v. 11a, i.e., wise sayings that do not originate with Qoheleth. The meaning of v. 11 would especially be true if, as numerous scholars assert, the redactor(s) of the epilogue represented a competing wisdom tradition which sought to correct Qoheleth's teaching; cf. Zimmermann, Qohelet; Sheppard, 'Epilogue'; Wilson, 'Words of the Wise'; Kruger, Qoheleth. This view of God being the ultimate source of wisdom would stand behind b.Hag. 3b, which explains the sometimes contradictory views that rabbis held of Torah by appealing to Qoh. 12.1 lc. This would seem to suggest that each of these subjects received their particular teaching from the same source, viz., 'one shepherd'. The easiest way to explain how competing wisdom teachings can come from the pens of different scribes would be if the author believed that God was the ultimate author of wisdom. While it is possible that the words of the wise are being likened to a shepherd (rather than God), it seems more likely, based on grammatical, theological and contextual grounds, that their source of origin, i.e., God, is the focus of the comparison. Grammatically, the use of "HIR points in this direction (cf. the discussion above): if 'words of the wise' is the focus of the comparison, then the presence of "NIK (as an indefinite marker) would be superfluous and even confusing; theologically, God is the Shepherd of his followers in the HB; contextually, the warning of 12.12 seems to make better sense if God is in view: to reject the words of the wise is to reject


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Zechariah 11 resumes and develops the shepherd metaphor introduced in Zechariah 10, where the prophet describes Judah's present plight - owing to the false prophets - as being lost, iike sheep oppressed for lack of a shepherd' (10.2). In the ensuing shepherd narrative, the prophet is charged by God to shepherd the flock marked for slaughter. In replacing the leaders (or former shepherds) the prophet expels three of them, thus implying that he is the chief shepherd, exercising authority over the undershepherds who are supposed to manage the flock responsibly. In the end, the people reject the prophet as their shepherd, and he, in turn, pronounces judgement upon them, symbolized by the breaking of his two staffs with which he had, as their shepherd, formerly tended them. Further, he announces that YHWH will raise up a foolish shepherd who will abuse the flock. While the passage has some interpretative difficulties, of central importance for the discussion here is the prophet's vocation as the shepherd of the sheep: a prophet is explicitly commissioned by YHWH to shepherd Israel - and not simply as another member of the ruling class in YHWH's stead. This is the only instance in the HB where someone outside of the monarchy is explicitly commissioned to shepherd the nation. That a prophet - who functions (at least in part) as a teacher of Israelite tradition - can be commissioned to shepherd the nation, runs completely counter to the standard usage of the shepherd metaphor in the HB. And this incongruence does not seem to have gone unnoticed by later authors. While the precedent for the move from shepherd-ruler to shepherd43

44

45

their ultimate source, God, who is to be feared (v. 13) because he will judge everyone accordingly (v. 14). 43 The flock that the prophet shepherds consists of two sub-communities: the masses (i.e., the flock at large) and the leaders of the masses (i.e., those who buy and sell members of the flock) - whom the prophet replaces. 44 C. Meyers and E. Meyers (Zechariah 9-14 [AB, 25C; New York: Doubleday, 1993], p. 281), for example, consider this shepherd oracle to be a retrospective commentary on the Babylonian exile, i.e., its causes and consequences. Of the possibility of a prophetic sign pointing to a past event, however, A. van der Woude insists, 'dass eine Zeichenhandlung nicht Erlebtes, sondern Bevorstehendes zum Ausdruck bringt' ('Die Hirtenallegorie von Sacharja XI', JNSL 12 [1984]: 139-^9 [144]). In view of Deutero-Zechariah's obvious appropriation and reversal of Ezekiel 34 and 37 (cf. Mark Boda, 'Reading Between the Lines: Zechariah 11.4-16 in its Literary Contexts', in M. Boda and M. Floyd [eds], Bringing out the Treasure: Inner Biblical Allusion in Zechariah 9-14 [JSOTSup, 370; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2003] pp. 277-91 [284]), it would seem better to understand this prophecy as referring to the post-exilic circumstances of the redactor. 45 W^hile 'shepherd' in Num. 27.15-23, refers explicitly to Joshua and implicitly to Moses, the Numbers passage is not the same because Moses and Joshua predate Israel's monarchy and as the unequivocal leaders of the nation, they approximated kings; and moreover, in later writings Moses (at least) is viewed as Israel's king, for example, implicitly in John and explicitly in Philo's writings.

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teacher in New Testament texts like Ephesians, Acts and 1 Peter would doubtless have been the ministry modelled by Jesus, for the Gospel writers an additional precedent may have been Zechariah 11. Both Mark and Matthew demonstrate a shift in the metaphor from shepherd-ruler to shepherd-teacher. That Mark explicitly cites Zech. 13.7, and Matthew explicitly cites this verse, as well as Zech. 9.9 and 11.12-13, suggests that the shepherd narrative of Deutero-Zechariah was well within the purview of these authors. Similarly, Jesus, the Good Shepherd in the Fourth Gospel, is depicted by John as the teacher or revealer of the things of God; since John explicitly cites Zech. 9.9 and 12.10 and may also allude to Zech. 11.17, this likewise suggests that Deutero-Zechariah's shepherd oracle was also within John's purview. Luke's Gospel, however, displays little interest in portraying Jesus as Israel's shepherd and not surprisingly, neither cites nor alludes to any of the shepherd passages in Deutero-Zechariah. Although CD 13 and Ben Sira 18 neither cite nor allude to DeuteroZechariah, their respective moves from shepherd-ruler to shepherdteacher would likely be grounded in the general thematic precedent of the depiction of YHWH in the HB as the ideal shepherd, whose shepherding transcends the earthly realm and extends to the religious realm - as suggested by Deut. 8.3 (also mirrored by Matthew) and Qoh. 12.11. In view of this move from shepherd-ruler to shepherd-teacher, the subsequent question would be, why this shift in meaning? This extension of the metaphor may have been precipitated by some related factors. By the time of Deutero-Zechariah and Ecclesiastes (late sixth to late fifth century B C E for the former, and fifth to third century B C E for the latter), the Jewish monarchy all but ceased to exist, thereby eliminating 46

47

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46 Contra BraceweD, 'Shepherd Imagery', pp. 232-76. 47 A. Hill ('Dating Second Zechariah: A Linguistic Reexamination', HAR 6 [1982]: 10533) uses linguistic analysis to establish a range of 515-475 BCE. Meyers and Meyers believe that the fallout of the Graeco-Persian wars of the 450s and stark disillusionment with the resettlement of Jerusalem and Judaea account for the imagery in Deutero-Zechariah and suggest a date range of 515-^45 BCE (Zech 9-14, pp. 15-29). By employing the relevant data that the book of Nehemiah offers, Redditt argues that 'the four collections inherited by the redactor [of Deutero-Zechariah] were composed between the years of 515 and 445, and that they represented the thinking of a number of people during the first half of the sixth century' ('Nehemiah's First Mission and the Date of Zechariah 9-14', CBQ 56 [1994]: 664-78 [676]). According to Redditt, the final redaction of Deutero-Zechariah would be close to the time of Nehemiah: the end of the fifth century. Typological considerations (viz., combat myth patterns) lead P. Hanson to a date range of 520-425 BCE (The Dawn of Apocalyptic: The Historical and Sociological Roots of Jewish Apocalyptic Eschatology (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, rev. edn, 1979). 48 Scholars arrive at a third-century BCE terminus ad quern based on the older of two manuscripts of Ecclesiastes, 4QQoh*, found at Qumran, which dates to approximately 175150 BCE (cf. E. Ulrich, et al. (eds), Qumran Cave 4. XI: Psalms to Chronicles [DJD, 16; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000], p. 221). The original text would thus be even older. As well,

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one of the referents for the metaphor. Additionally, in the case of Deutero-Zechariah, a strong disillusionment with the post-exilic Judaean leadership may have contributed to his unique, prophet-as-shepherd appropriation of the metaphor. In the case of Ecclesiastes, this text might reflect a subtle shift taking place in Israelite society over what constitutes a 'shepherd' in Israel. That is, during a period marked by a steep decline in prophetic activity, Qoh. 12.11 may represent an implicit claim to religious authority for the office of the sage: in other words, sages believe that they represent the true successors of the prophets. Along these lines, it may be that the development of the institution of the synagogue also contributed to this shift in the meaning of the metaphor. The development of the synagogue closely coincides with this observable shift in meaning. The emphasis on the public reading of Torah and Torah interpretation, otherwise not known in pre-exilic times - that is when the shepherd metaphor was used strictly for 'ruling' - would likely have elevated the status of the Torah teacher in local communities. Thus, it would seem that the synagogue teacher would have come to be viewed as a 'shepherd' of the people. But despite the metaphor's extension from 'ruling' to 'teaching' by the early Jewish authors of Ben Sira (cf. Qoh. 12.11), CD and 2 Baruch, the standard activity associated with the shepherd metaphor for non-Christbelieving, Second Temple Jews remains ruling (similar to its use in the HB): the shepherd rules over Israel, a Jewish sect, or (as in Philo) bodily passions. In other words, the innovation of 'teaching' branches off from the chief meaning of 'ruling'. For Christ-believers, however, the relation ship between ruling and teaching becomes more symmetrical than otherwise observed in the HB and Second Temple Jewish literature. Approximately half of first-century Christ-believing authors either expli49

50

scholars recognize the likelihood that the late second-century-BCE book of Ben Sira presupposes Ecclesiastes (cf. Kriiger, Qoheleth; M. Fox, Qohelet and His Contradictions [Sheffield: Almond Press, 1989]). The apparent traces of Hellenistic thought in the book incline scholars to set the terminus a quo to the fourth century BCE. For a brief summary of linguistic evidence pointing scholars to a post-fourth-century date, see S. Burkes, Death in Qoheleth and Egyptian Biographies of the Late Period (SBLDS, 170; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1999), p. 36 n. 4. C. Seow ('Linguistic Evidence and the Dating of Qohelet', JBL 115/4 [1996]: 643-66) offers strong arguments for pushing the terminus a quo to the fifth century BCE, cf. J. Kugel ('Qohelet and Money', CBQ 51 [1989]: 32-49), who pushes the terminus ad quern to the mid-fourth century BCE. 49 Hanson, for example, suggests that the redactor, who belonged to the prophetic tradition, uses this oracle to condemn the hierocratic, temple establishment for its Persian sponsorship, corruption, and its 'uneschatological' orientation (Dawn, pp. 280-6). Also unique to Deutero-Zechariah's appropriation of the metaphor is the negative tone of a prophecy concerning a future, Jewish shepherd-ruler (Zech. 13.7). 50 Cf. A. Runesson, D. Binder and B. Olsson, The Ancient Synagogue from its Origins to 200 CE: A Source Book (A J E C, 72; Leiden: Brill, 2008).

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citly or implicitly associate the activity of teaching with the shepherd metaphor. One of the reasons for the more prevalent association of teaching with shepherding in the writings of early Christ-believers is because Jesus' followers - and leaders in particular - were expected to imitate him. Hence, just as Jesus, the 'Good' and 'Chief Shepherd (Jn 10.11 and 1 Pet. 5.4, respectively), tended his flock, so assembly leaders were appointed to follow his example in this regard. By contrast, whereas in the HB YHWH commissioned leaders to shepherd his people, there is not this same sense of emulation seen in the NT that Israel's leaders were to copy YHWH's model as a shepherd. A second reason for this association involves Jewish nationalism, that is, the concern for the moral renewal and/or political-national restoration of Israel. Many strands of Second Temple Judaism echoed the Jewish national sentiments intrinsic to the HB - sentiments strongly reflected in the deployment of the shepherd metaphor. Consequently, similar to the HB, monarchs and members of the ruling class (in addition to YHWH Israel's ultimate king) are viewed as Israel's shepherds. Copious strains of Christ-belief, however, rejected Jewish nationalism and therefore, for these groups shepherding would have had no political overtones - making it easier conceptually to extend the metaphor from the political sphere of ruling to the more apolitical realm of teaching. Thus, in tracing the use of the shepherd metaphor in early Jewish and Christian writings it would seem that while the shepherd metaphor originally (i.e., in the texts of the HB) possessed stark national-political overtones - it referred to the activity of political ruling or governance - in the wake of the cessation of the Jewish monarchy, and in view of the comprehensive and analogical shepherding of YHWH (i.e., his shepherd ing of Israel included a spiritual or religious dimension), the activity of a 51

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51 This number increases if second-century Christ-believers are included, e.g., Ignatius (Romans), and the author of the Shepherd of Hermas, both of whom employ the metaphor for assembly leader-teachers (similar to NT texts). 52 E.g., Jn 15.12; 1 Cor. 11.1; Eph. 5.25; Phil. 2.5-11. 53 Thus, in addition to following Jesus' example as a servant (Mt. 20.26-28), a teacher (Jas 3.1), and a prophet (Acts 13.1), assembly leaders were also to serve as shepherds for Christ-believers; cf. Jn 21.15-17; Acts 20.28-30; Eph. 4.7-12; 1 Pet. 5.1-4. 54 Qoh. 12.11 represents the lone instance in the HB where the shepherd metaphor appears without overt Jewish nationalistic overtones. For a brief discussion of politicalnational overtones in the use of the shepherd metaphor in the HB, see Hunziker-Rodewald, Hirt, pp. 47-9. 55 Of its numerous non-YHWH references in Second Temple Jewish texts, only in Philo, CD XIII and 2 Baruch does the shepherd metaphor refer to apolitical figures. 56 Consequently, NT authors show a reticence for applying the metaphor to political or civic rulers - despite the opportunity to do so: e.g., Acts 7.10; Rom. 13.1-7; 1 Tim. 2.2; 1 Pet. 2.13-14, where the use of the shepherd metaphor for kings or rulers would have made perfect sense.

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metaphoric shepherd came to include religious governance. But not only did the metaphor shift in terms of its focus (i.e., from a political orientation to an apolitical one), the activity associated with shepherding expanded to include teaching. Furthermore, while non-Christ-believing, Second Temple Jews continued to appropriate the shepherd metaphor most commonly for rulers or ruling, many Christ-believers, because of their desire to emulate Jesus' works, and because of their rejection of a Jewish national restoration, frequently - in contrast to most non-Christbelieving Jews - applied the metaphor for the activity of teaching.

Chapter 14 T H E

N U P T I A L

I M A G E R Y

A U G U S T I N E ' S

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PSALMOS

Aaron Canty Augustine's Enarrationes in psalmos constitute a massive collection of sermons and expositions on the psalms written and preached during a period of about thirty years. There is little consensus on the exact dating for many of these works, but it seems as though Augustine began work on them shortly after his ordination to the priesthood in 391 and completed his final exposition in 421 or 422. Since the expositions were composed over the course of much of his career, many of Augustine's central theological concepts and most characteristic exegetical methods can be found in them. Although there were numerous commentaries on the Psalms in the early Church, Augustine's approach was unique: in fact Jerome criticized Augustine for the novelty of his approach. This paper will discuss the source of that novelty, namely the Pauline prism through which Augustine reads the Psalms, and it will examine one application of this reading of the Psalms, whereby Augustine describes the relationship between Christ and the Church in nuptial terms. 1

2

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1 Recent summaries of the questions pertaining to the dating can be found in the new CSEL editions, which remain incomplete (Enarrationes in Psalmos [CSEL, 93/1A, 94/1,95/3, 95/4, 95/5; Vindobonae: Verlag Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2001-], 93/ 1A, pp. 7-8; 94/1, pp. 7-8; 95/3, pp. 7-8; 95/4, pp. 7-8; 95/5, pp. 7-8). See especially Clemens Weidmann's introduction to CSEL 93/1 A, where he argues that, for Augustine's enarrationes on Psalms 1-32, a distinction must be made between shorter expositiones and sermones. 2 See Michael Fiedrowicz's introduction to Augustine's Expositions of the Psalms, vol. 1 (trans. Maria Boulding; ed. John E. Rotelle; New York: New City Press, 2000), pp. 13-66 (15). 3 See Brian E. Daley, SJ, Ts Patristic Exegesis Still Usable? Reflections on Early Christian Interpretation of the Psalms', Communio 29.1 (2002): 185-216 (204-11). 4 Thomas F. Martin, OSA, "Psahnus Gratiae Dei": Augustine's "Pauline" Reading of Psalm 31', VC 55/2 (2001): 137-55 (137-9). 4

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Early Christian Literature and Intertextuality 1 1. The T o t u s Christus

Perhaps both the most profound and most pervasive exegetical lens through which Augustine views the Psalms as prophecies is that of the totus Christus, the 'whole Christ' comprised of Christ as the head and the Church, with its members, as the body. Augustine believes that the bond between Christ and the Church is profoundly intimate and that one cannot be separated from the other. In a sermon on Psalm 58, Augustine explains the relationship in this exegetical context: 5

6

Non ergo ilium solum qui est caput nostrum cogitemus quando audimus Christum loqui sed cogitemus Christum caput et corpus, totum integrum quendam virum. Nobis enim dicitur Vos autem estis corpus Christi et membra, ab apostolo Paulo, et de illo dicitur ab eodem apostolo quia est caput ecclesiae. Si ergo ille caput, nos corpus, totus Christus caput et corpus. But when we hear Christ speaking, we should not think of him, our head, in isolation. We must think of him as head and body, one whole perfect man, for to us the apostle Paul says, You are Christ's body and his limbs (1 Cor. 12.27). And of Christ himself the same apostle declares that he is the Church's head. But if he is the head, and we are the body, the whole Christ consists of head and body. 7

8

As several scholars have noted, Augustine finds the inspiration for the totus Christus hermeneutic in the writings of Paul of Tarsus. Paul's description of the body of Christ and its head and members illustrates the 5 See Fiedrowicz, Introduction', pp. 43-5. See also Michael Fiedrowicz, Psalmus Vox Totins Christi (Freiburg: Herder, 1997), pp. 84-100; Pasquale Borgomeo, L'Eglise de ce temps dans la predication de saint Augustin (Paris: Etudes Augustiniennes, 1972), pp. 209-52; Michael Cameron, 'Augustine's Construction of Figurative Exegesis against the Donatists in the Enarrationes in Psalmos' (PhD diss.: University of Chicago, 1996), pp. 272-301; idem, 'Enarrationes in Psalmos', in A. Fitzgerald (ed.), Augustine through the Ages: An Encyclopedia (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1999), pp. 290-6; Michel Revellaud, 'Le Christ-Homme, tete de l'Eglise', in Recherches Augustiniennes 5 (1968): 67-94; and for a discussion of the totus Christus concept in the context of prayer, see Monique Vincent, Saint Augustin Maitre de Priere (Paris: Beauchesne, 1990), pp. 33-61. 6 The enumeration of the psalms here follows Augustine's Vetus Latina. 1 Enarrat. Ps. 58 (1), 2. All Latin texts are taken from the CSEL and CCSL (38-40) editions; regardless of the edition, the quotations will follow the orthography of the CSEL; the italicized words of the Enarrationes are biblical texts and have been rendered as such by the editors. Quotations will be taken from Maria Boulding's translation, although I have had to emend one and make annotations to another (see nn. 41, 56). For more passages that articulate the unity of the head and members of the totus Christus, see Ennarrat. Ps. 17, 51; 26 (2), 2; 30 (2), 3-4; 40, 1; 127 (1), 3. 8 See Fiedrowicz, 'Introduction', p. 53; Elisabeth Grunbeck, 'Augustins ekklesiologische Christologie im Spiegel seiner Hermeneutik. Die Bildstruktur der "Enarratio in Ps 44"', VC 49/4 (1995): 353-78 (356); Martin, 'Psalmus Gratiae Dei'.

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belief in a profound unity between Christ and those who choose to follow him. Another Pauline source for Augustine's reading of the Psalms is his conjugal imagery of the relationship between Christ and the Church. Alluding to the conjugal imagery of Eph. 5.32, Augustine affirms the organic unity of the Church with Christ in this way: Sed debemus intellegere personam nostram, personam ecclesiae nostrae, personam corporis Christi. Unus enim homo cum capite et corpore suo Iesus Christus, salvator corporis et membra corporis, duo in came una, et in voce una, et in passione una; et cum transient iniquitas, in requie una. We must understand this person as ourselves, as the person of our Church, the one person that is Christ's body. Jesus Christ is one man consisting of head and body, the Savior of the body and the body's members, two in oneflesh.They are two in one voice as well, and two in one passion; and when iniquity hasfinallypassed away, they will be two in one rest. 9

Later in this commentary Augustine even links the redemptive sufferings of Christ to the Church (see Col. 1.24: 'Now I rejoice in my sufferings for your sake, and in my flesh I complete what is lacking in Christ's afflictions for the sake of his body, that is, the church'). He asserts that because Christ and the Church together form one person, Christ's sufferings are felt by his bride. What Christ suffers, the Church feels; and what the Church undergoes, Christ experiences. One trajectory of the theological implications of this image drawn ultimately from Eph. 5.32 and Gen. 2.24 closely unites ecclesiology with Christology. Just as the Son of God assumed a human nature to himself, so does Christ through his humanity assume the Church and her members to himself. Augustine describes the Incarnation itself in nuptial terms when he says, 'When the Word was made flesh he was like a bridegroom who found himself a bridal chamber in a virgin's womb. Once wedded to human nature he came forth from that purest of all rooms, humbler in mercy than all others, stronger than all in majesty.' Pasquale Borgomeo is even eager to describe a communicatio idiomatum between Christ and the Church. He describes Augustine's view by asserting that 'Normally, Christians are, according to Augustine, not other Christs but Christ himself . . . An immediate corollary follows: if 10

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9 Enarrat. Ps. 61, 4. See also Enarrat. Ps. 30 (2), 3-4 and 142, 3. 10 Enarrat. Ps.6\, 4. 11 See Borgomeo, L'Eglise de ce temps, p. 215. 12 'Ille tamquam sponsus, cum Verbum caro factum est, in utero virginali thalamum invenit; atque inde naturae coniunctus humanae, tamquam de castissimo procedens cubili, humilis misericordia infra omnes, fortis maiestate super omnes', Enarrat. Ps. 18 (2), 6. 13 See Borgomeo, L'Eglise de ce temps, pp. 208-18.


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Christ speaks, it is I myself who speak as well, a living member of his body.' For Augustine, the cause of this almost complete identification of the members of the Church with Christ is Christ's sacrifice on the cross. It is this sacrifice, which creates an organic unity between head and members. Augustine relates the organic unity between Christ and the Church to the unity of the human body. One of his favourite passages for describing this unity is Acts 9.4, which relates part of the story of Saul on the road to Damascus. Augustine views this passage as evidence for Christ's presence in his members on earth. The author of Acts describes the zealous Saul travelling to Damascus to gather Christians in order to 'bring them back to Jerusalem in chains'. On the way to Damascus, he experienced a bright light and a voice speaking, a voice which was also heard by Saul's companions. The speaker later identified himself as Jesus, but first he said, 'Saul, Saul, why are you persecuting me?' What Augustine finds fascinating about this passage is that Jesus, who was raised from the dead and has ascended into heaven, is claiming that Saul is persecuting him. Noting that Saul persecuted Christ in heaven when he persecuted the Church, Augustine develops the analogy with the human body by saying that it is 'just as when our foot is trodden on, our tongue yells'. The spiritual unity between Christ and his followers implies that Christ, in heaven, is in his members on earth and that his members, though in pilgrimage, reign with him in heaven. Using this Christo-ecclesiological principle, which identifies the Church with Christ and incorporates it into the whole Christ, Augustine separates the various layers of prophetic meaning in the Psalms by interpreting them according to several different perspectives. The speaker of the psalm could be Christ, the Church or the whole Christ, and the subject of the psalm could be Christ, the Church or the whole Christ. This way of understanding the Psalms, that is, by what is sometimes known as 'prosopological' exegesis, whereby different phrases would be attributed 14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

14 'Normalement, les Chretiens sont, selon Augustin, non pas d'autres christs, mais le Christ lui-meme . . . Un corollaire immediat s'ensuit: si le Christ parle, c'est moi aussi, membre vivant de son corps', Ibid., p. 213. 15 'Non enim inveniret praeter se mundissimam rationalem victimam, tamquam agnus immaculatus fuso sanguine suo redimens nos, concorporans nos sibi, faciens nos membra sua, ut in illo et nos Christus essemus', Enarrat. Ps. 26 (2), 2. Augustine does point out some of the limitations of identification in Enarrat. Ps. 142, 3. 16 See Enarrat. Ps. 44, 20. 17 Acts 9.2. 18 Acts 9.4. 19 'Sicut in compage corporis humani pede calcato lingua clamat', Enarrat. Ps. 44, 20. 20 See Enarrat. Ps. 3, 9; 54, 3; 55, 3; 122, 1; 142, 3; 148, 17. 21 See M. Fiedrowicz's distinction between the vox ad Christum, the vox de Christo, the vox Christi, the vox de ecclesia, and the vox ecclesiae, Introduction', pp. 45-60; Psabnus Vox

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to different speakers, was not an innovation of Augustine but rather was a common way of interpreting the Psalms in the early Church. What is new with Augustine, however, is the totus Christus. If seen only as an exegetical device or hermeneutic tool, the doctrine of the totus Christus may seem rather contrived, leading to forced interpretations for perhaps merely apologetic purposes. The totus Christus concept existed, however, in some form well before Augustine encountered the two controversial opponents usually engaged by the Enarrationes, the Donatists and the Pelagians. Augustine's exposition on Psalm 3, for example, written as early as 392, clearly expounds upon the totus Christus in an exegetical context. If the idea of the totus Christus as articulated in the Enarrationes is viewed not merely in its historical context, which in some cases may be difficult to reconstruct, but also in its theological and exegetical context, a deeper understanding of the organic or connatural relationship between the totus Christus and Augustine's overall exegetical approach to the Psalms may emerge. For the contours of this relationship to emerge, the very scriptural bases for the idea must be underscored, and one of those bases is Eph. 5.31-32. Augustine sees the relationship between Christ and the Church as a mystery which can be contemplated and known to some extent through the reality of natural marriage. Augustine's use of bridal imagery for the Church is striking and may seem unusual for Augustine's day, when asceticism and the dignity of virginity were being extolled. Augustine 22

23

24

25

26

Totius Christi, pp. 249-378. Fiedrowicz acknowledges that the various perspectives often intermingle. Augustine himself uses an even greater variety of exegetical perspectives, the examination of which lies beyond the scope of this paper. 22 Fiedrowicz, Introduction', pp. 44-5. 23 For more on Augustine's ecclesiology, especially the ecclesiological dimension of the Enarrationes in psalmos in the polemical context which surrounded many of them, see Maurice Pontet, L'exegese de S. Augustinpredicateur (Paris: Aubier, 1944), pp. 387-91, 41946, Yves Congar's introduction to Augustine, Traites Anti-Donatistes, vol. 1 (trans. G. Finaert; Paris: Desclee de Brouwer, 1963), pp. 80-124, R. A. Markus, Saeculum: History and Society in the Theology of St. Augustine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), pp. 105-32, Michael C. McCarthy, SJ, 'An Ecclesiology of Groaning: Augustine, the Psalms, and the Making of the Church', TS 66 (2005): 23^*8; Emile Mersch, Le Corps mystique du Christ, vol. 2 (Paris: Desclees de Brouwer, 1951), pp. 35-138. 24 See M. Fiedrowicz, Psabnus Vox Totius Christi, pp. 430-9 and Seraphino M. Zarb, Chronologia Enarrationum S. Augustini in Psalmos (Valetta: St. Dominic's Priory, 1948), pp. 253-6. 25 See Enarrat. Ps. 3, 9. 26 See David G. Hunter, 'The Virgin, the Bride, and the Church: Reading Psalm 45 in Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine', CH (June 2000): 281-303. In his eagerness to underscore Augustine's 'ecclesial' reading of Psalm 44 in contrast to the 'ascetic' readings of Ambrose and Jerome, Hunter de-emphasizes the unity not only between the limb or member of the Church and the Church itself, but also between Christ and the Church. He claims that for Augustine 'the purity of the Church was only an eschatological prospect', (p. 303). For

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nevertheless applies nuptial imagery in his exegesis because it is a vivid expression of the unity of the Church with Christ, and it may allow for a greater appreciation not only of the totus Christus idea as an exegetical tool, but also as a Christological and ecclesiological concept as well. 27

2. Nuptial Imagery in the Enarrationes: Psalm 44 I would like to turn now to one application of Augustine's reading of the Psalms through Paul's head and body imagery: Augustine's reading of Christ and the Church as bride and bridegroom. The sermon on Psalm 4 4 is a good introduction to Augustine's typological application of nuptial imagery and to his understanding of the complex relationship between Christ and the Church. Augustine views the whole psalm as a song about a holy marriage. The diverse people and objects described in this psalm provide numerous opportunities for Christo-ecclesiological interpret ations which are related to many Augustine scatters throughout the voluminous Enarrationes. In these additional passages, all of which cannot possibly be examined in this short paper, Augustine's exegesis will continue to develop the Christ-Church relationship in nuptial terms. In describing Psalm 4 4 as a song about a marriage (sanctis nuptiis), Augustine immediately introduces the two spouses. Christ is a bride groom, a king and saviour; the Church is his bride, his redeemed people. The wedding involves more than just the bridegroom and the bride, however. There are also children and guests who attend. By including the role of both child and guest, Augustine intimates the depth and profundity of the nuptial union. As a child of the bridegroom, Augustine sees the psalm as written for all of the 'filiis Core' (Ps. 4 4 . 1 ) , whom he correlates allegorically with the children of Christ. Augustine is also an invited guest, moreover, on account of his 28

29

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31

Augustine, however, the Church and every member in their terrestrial existence share in Christ's holiness. He goes so far as to say that those baptized members who deny their holiness 'capiti ipsi faciunt iniuriam' (Enarrat. Ps. 85, 4). This relationship transcends space and time: 'si per caritatem ipse nobiscum in terra est, per eamdem caritatem et nos cum eo in caelo sumus' (Enarrat. Ps. 122, 1). See also Enarrat. Ps. 36 (3), 4; 56, 1; 90 (2), 1. 27 See Emilien Lamirande, L'Eglise celeste selon saint Augustin (Paris: Etudes Augustiniennes, 1963), p. 88. 28 Enarrat. Ps. 44, 1. 29 Enarrat. Ps. 44, 1. 30 Ibid. 31 The typology involved in this opening exposition is not easy to see at first glance. Augustine claims that 'Korah' in Hebrew signifies a bald man. The word for 'bald' in Latin is calvus, which Augustine links with Calvaria. Moreover, Elisha is a bald man and is a type of the 'bald' Christ, who is crucified at Calvary. The children in 4 Kgs 2.23-24 who mocked Elisha for being bald represent those who mocked Christ on Calvary.

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membership in the Church. As child and as guest, Augustine is present at the wedding through the intermediary Church. The wedding is thus fruitful. The children of the bridegroom are simultaneously members of the bride, and on a deeper level, they become the bride herself. Commenting on 'pro dilecto', (Ps. 44.1), Augustine says that the psalm is about the beloved Christ and his wedding. Christ initiates the nuptial union so that he can be head of the Church, and if he is to be the head, he must have a body. He becomes head by assuming flesh in a 'thalamus', a bridal chamber which is the Virgin's womb. Augustine then links this nuptial union between Word and flesh to Psalm 18, in which the bridegroom proceeds from his bridal chamber. By assuming a human nature and uniting to himself soul and flesh in the Virgin's womb, the Word becomes head of the Church. Augustine here refers explicitly to Eph. 5.31: 'It is flesh, very flesh, that is united to the Word; as scripture says, They are two no longer, but one flesh (Mt. 19.6; see Eph. 5.31). The Church was drawn from the human race, so that flesh united to the Word might be Head of the Church, and all the rest of us believers might be the limbs that belong to that Head.' In Augustine's commentary on v. 2, Christ's physical conception, which effects the union of the Church to the Word, is grounded in the generation of the Son from the Father. Augustine asserts that the whole verse is spoken by the Father, and that the T tell' of T tell my works [opera mea] to the king' signifies the eternal generation of the Son. The Father communicates from all eternity the works of his creation to the Son, the king; but the king is also the one in whom the works of creation are present, as well. That the Word is both speech and the one to whom the speech is addressed is shown by the previous phrase, 'My heart overflows with a good Word'. The Word proceeds from the Father's heart, and the Father's works of creation are spoken into existence through the love of the Father for the Word and the Word's love of the Father. The overflowing from the Father's heart, signifies a 'birth beyond the power of human telling'. The entire commentary on the eternal Word in sermon 44, 4-6 32

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32 'Gaudeamus in nuptiis, et nos erimus cum iis qui fiunt nuptiae qui inuitantur ad nuptias; et ipsi inuitati sponsa est. Et enim sponsa ecclesia est, sponsus Christus', Enarrat. Ps. 44, 3. 33 Enarrat. Ps. 44, 3. 34 See Enarrat. Ps. 18 (2), 6. 35 See Enarrat. Ps. 85, 4 for an articulation of Augustine's anti-Apollinarianism. 36 'Et enim caro ipsa Verbo est coniuncta; unde etiam dicitur: lam non duo, sed una caro. Assumpta est ecclesia ex genere humano, ut caput esset ecclesiae ipsa caro Verbo coniuncta, et ceteri credentes membra essent illius capitis', Enarrat. Ps. 44, 3. 37 Ibid. 38 'Nativitatem quamdam ineffabilem', Enarrat. Ps. 44, 4.

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illuminates both 44, 3, which underscores the bridegroom's humility in wedding his spouse (i.e., assuming a lowly human nature) and 44, 7 which explains why Christ is 'more beautiful than the sons of men [Ps. 44.3]'. The generation of the Son, which is linked to speech, accentuates the enormous differences between the eternal Word in which God spoke all creatures into being and the 'infans Verbum' who could not speak. Augustine juxtaposes the infant Christ, who was unable to speak, with the fact that 'the heavens spoke for him, [the angels uttered their praises,] a star guided the magi, and he was adored in the manger as food for the humble'. The lowliness of Christ's appearance should not prevent one from seeing his divine beauty, a theme which recurs in 44, 7. In 44, 7 the eternal Word comes as a bridegroom. Christ is exceedingly fair because of the grace on his hps. In fact Christ comes 'with the word of grace on his hps, with the kiss of grace'. Augustine thus links the bridegroom's beauty to speech and even introduces again possible Eucharistic imagery, when he says that it is Christ who gives the cup of salvation. The beauty of the bridegroom is reflected even in his garments, which are described in Ps. 44.9. The garments send forth sweet fragrances, and Augustine explains that both the garments ('vestimenta') and the fragrances ('odores') are Christ's saints. As garments they are 'his elect, the whole Church', which Christ has cleansed and unified. The vestimenta become a single Church, which Christ 'makes fit for himself, free from spot or wrinkle'. Augustine links the Church's unification and sanctification directly to Christ's passion. Christ removes any stains from the garment when he washes the Church in his blood, and he irons out any wrinkles or creases when he stretches out the Church on the cross. Christ is also the source of the aromatic fragrances, which are exuded from the garment. Augustine links the odores of Ps. 44.9 with the 'good odour' of 2 Cor. 2.15, in which Paul says,' We are the fragrance of Christ 39

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39 See Enarrat. Ps. 44, 7. 40 Enarrat. Ps. 44, 3. 41 'Caeli locuti sunt, angeli laudes dixerunt, magos stella direxit, adoratus est in praesepi, cibaria mansuetorium', ibid. Boulding omits the phrase in brackets from her translation. Note the possible Eucharistic imagery of Christ in the manger as food for the humble. 42 See Augustine's litany-like lines in which the cycle of Christ's pre-Incarnational existence to his glorious reign in heaven is recounted: 'Pulcher ergo in caelo, pulcher in terra; pulcher in utero, pulcher in manibus parentum; pulcher in miraculis, pulcher in flagellis; pulcher inuitans ad uitam, pulcher non curans mortem; pulcher deponens animam, pulcher recipiens; pulcher in ligno, pulcher in sepulcro, pulcher in caelo,' ibid. 43 'Cum verbo gratiae, cum osculo gratiae', Enarrat. Ps. 44, 7. 44 Ibid. 45 'Electi eius, tota ecclesia eius', Enarrat. Ps. 44, 22. 46 'Sicut vestem exhibet, sine macula et ruga', ibid.

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offered to God in every place. Unification is again implied as the diverse fragrances become a single fragrance emanating from Christ. As they emanate together from Christ, the saints act as a sweet-smelling fragrance when people are saved by following and loving Christ in his saints. Loving the bridegroom means loving the bridegroom's friends. Psalm 44.10 mentions the bridegroom's friends when it describes 'the daughters of kings'. These kings are the apostles. Alluding to Rev. 19.16 and Mt. 19.28, Augustine says that Christ is the king of kings and that the apostles, sitting on thrones in judgement of the twelve tribes of Israel, are kings as well. The apostles, through their preaching the gospel, 'the word of truth', beget daughters who signify regional or local churches and souls. The ivory palaces from which they come are the hearts of the saints in submission to Christ. Here the image of begetting through speech returns, and Augustine, speaking of Peter, points out that Christians 'came to birth through Peter', but they 'are born to Christ'. Augustine then comments on the bride's appearance and entrance to the wedding, both of which occur in v. 10. The bride's place at the right hand of the bridegroom signifies her election. Her garment symbolizes the unity of the faith. The gold of her gown represents wisdom while its variety signifies both the 'mysteries of our teaching' and the many languages in which those mysteries are taught and expressed. Augustine is careful to say that while there may be many languages expressing the one faith, care should be taken so that the garment is not torn. In the commentary on the last six verses of Psalm 44, Augustine continues explaining the typological significance of what is described, but he also elaborates on the complex relationship between Christ and the Church which he implied in his remarks on the psalm's title, namely that the Church can be bride and mother of Christ's children at the same time. Augustine claims that the daughters of Tyre in Ps. 44.13 signify gentiles who are about to believe in Christ. They bring gifts which are alms, and Augustine claims that in order to gain the king's favour, the daughters must give to the king through the bride, that is the Church. Augustine 48

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47 'Christi bonus odor sumus in omni loco\ Enarrat. Ps. 44, 22. 48 'Diligebant eum qui in illo diligebant Christum, qui sequebantur bonum odorem; diligebat amicum sponsi sui ipsa sponsa', ibid. 49 Enarrat. Ps. 44, 23. 50 'Verbum veritatis', ibid. 51 Ibid. 52 'Per ilium nati, sed illi nati', ibid. 53 'Sacramenta doctrinae', Enarrat. Ps. 44, 24. 54 Ibid. 55 See Enarrat. Ps. 44, 27. Augustine may be thinking here of 3 Kgs 2.13-20 where Bathsheeba, the queen mother, receives a petition from a supplicant and, in an intercessory role, conveys it to King Solomon on his behalf.


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concludes 44, 28 by identifying those daughters seeking acceptance through the bride with the bride herself who already belongs to the king: 'Both those who seek acceptance [her face], and the queen whose acceptance [face] is entreated are all one bride, all one queen, for mother and children together all belong to Christ, belong to the Head'. In 44, 29 the Church is the king's daughter (the singular is intended), who in the following paragraphs leads virgins and loved ones into the temple of God, which is itself the Church. Augustine explains that the Church, insofar as it has believed in Christ and established itself through all the nations, precedes those people who have yet to come to the king. It is through the Church that people outside the Church enter the temple of God (the Church). Augustine is aware of the complexity of the relations presented here. If the Church as daughter of the king enters the Church as temple, Augustine asks rhetorically, 'Of what is the temple built?' He explains that those people who enter into the Church by means of the Church become the Church. All the faithful are living stones held together by their love, together forming the temple of the king, which is united and whole. In Augustine's commentary on the last two verses, the Church is bride and wife, mother and daughter. The Church in her roles as bride and wife conveys something of her loveliness and beauty, which she has received from her Bridegroom, and also of her intimate union with Christ. As a mother she brings forth sons who take the place of their fathers. Augustine sees in this image from v. 17 a description of apostolic succession. He explains that the apostles beget the Church through preaching (see v. 10) and that the Church bears sons who take the place of the Apostles. As begotten, the Church is a daughter of the king and of the kings he appoints; as a mother the Church gives birth to sons and appoints them as princes in place of the fathers. 56

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3 . Conclusion While Psalm 44 is an ideal place to find Augustine's use of nuptial imagery to describe the relationship between Christ and the Church, Augustine applies it in many other passages. The inspiration for such an application 56 'Et qui deprecabuntur vultum, et cuius vultum deprecabuntur, omnes una sponsa, omnes una regina, mater et filii simul totum ad Christum pertinens, ad caput pertinens', Enarrat. Ps. 44, 28. 57 See Enarrat. Ps. 44, 31. 58 'Unde construitur templem?' Enarrat. Ps. 44, 31. 59 Enarrat. Ps. 44, 30. 60 See Enarrat. Ps. 44, 23. 61 See Enarrat. Ps. 44, 32.

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of nuptial imagery is his application of key passages in the Pauline literature such as 1 Corinthians 12, Ephesians 5.23-33 and Colossians 1.16-25. By applying the head and body metaphor, combined with the nuptial motifs in Ephesians 5, to the Psalms, Augustine developed the prosopological exegesis of one of the most important texts in the early Church. While resisted at least by Jerome, Augustine's exegesis became influential in later theological reflections on the profound relationship between Christ and the Church.

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I N D E X

ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN TEXTS

O

F

R E F E R E N C E S

49.24b-25a 212 50.3 204n.l7 50.52 109

Epic of Gilgamesh Tablet XI, 266-270 97 Tablet XI, 277 97 Tablet XI, 282 97 HEBREW BIBLE/OLD TESTAMENT Genesis 1.1 69 2.4-3.24 97n.2 2.7 103n.35 2.9 96 2.9-10 135n.ll9 2.10 98 2.24 227 3 96 3.22 97, 107n.53 3.22-24 96n.l 3.24 102 4.22-24 145n.27 5.3 206n.24 6.1-4 143, 154 6.9 102n.26 12.2-3 69 15.6 34n.26, 186, 187, 195 17.1 102n.26 22.1 (LXX) 34 23.2 204n.l7 24.40 102n.26 25.21 206n.24 41.45 109 48.15 102n.26 48.15-16 213n.24 49.10 209n.3, 21n.38

Exodus 2.2 206n.24 3.17-21 210n.3 7.4 112n.l2 15.13 210n.3 15.13-17 213n.l9 15.17 106n.50, 206n.29 15.17-18 101, 106, 107 16.14-15 l l l n . 8 18.25 30 19.10 125n.72 19.15 125n.72 20.25 30 24.3-7 46 24.7 46 24.8 92 24.9 46 26 102 29.38-42 30 30.1-10 99n.l4 39.22-29 133n.l06 40.34-35 107n.51 Leviticus 12.2 99n.l4 12.4 99n.l4 18.5 186, 194-5 19.18 195 26.3 40 Numbers 3.13 200 6.5 27n.l2 6.21 27n.l2 8 27n.l2 10.11 214n.32 11 198

11.4 197n.l, 198 11.4-34 200n.7 11.9 112n.8 11.26-29 198 11.29 198, 197n.2 11.34 197n.l, 198 12.2-9 200,201 12.8 197-205n.22 12.14-16 202 13.25 200,201 14.2 197n.l, 198 14.10 200,201 14.14 35n.31 14.16 197n.l, 198 14.22 197n.l 14.28 197n.l 14.36 197n.l, 198 15.1-36 204n.21 15.17-21 198 15.32-36 202 16.1-35 200, 201 16.3-5 202 16.11-35 197n.l, 198 16.22-27 202 17 21n.38, 198 17.6-15 200,201 18.8 197n.2, 198 18.31 198 19.20 202 20.1-13 200n.7 20.7-11 198-9 20.12 202 21.3 197n.2, 198 21.4-9 200n.7 21.5-6 197n.l, 198 21.17 209n.3 21.18 209n.3 24.7 21n.38 25 202, 207 25.1 198, 202 25.1-9 200-2


268

25.4-6 202 25.5 202 25.9 198 26 39 26.6-15 34 26.29 206n.24 26.58 206n.24 27 214 27.5-11 214n.32 27.15-23 220n.45 31.17 203-14 33.55 198 35.6 (LXX) 120 35.11 120 35.15 120n.45 35.25-26 120n.46

20.9

2.35 102n.26 2.6-8 60n.24 6.7 218n.41 12.2 102n.26 14 37,39 14.6-15 37 17 37,39 17.31 37 17.34 37 17.34-35 209n.2 17.58 37 24.15 218n.41 26.20 218n.41

7 91n.20, 94 7.7 211 7.10 106 7.12 91n.20 7.13 94n.27 7.14 91n.20, 209n.3 7.16 35 9.1 35 9.3 35 9.7 35 10.2 35 11.5 206n.24 19.26 88n.8 22.3 120n.46 22.29 79n.44 24.17 209n.2

Deuteronomy

1 Kings

1 Chronicles

4.1-2 47n.l5 4.14 214n.32 4.42 120n.46 5.6 36n.36 5.31 214n.32 6.1 214n.32 6.4 19 6.21 36n.36 7.8 36n.36 7.17 36n.36 8.3 218-21 9.27 36n.36 11.3-4 36n.36 15.15 36n.36 15.17 219n.41 16.1-4 207 17.7 207 19.3 120n.46 20.2-8 132 20.5-8 30 27.5-6 30 27.26 194 30 193 30.11-14 195 31.19 214n.32 32 193, 194 32.12 210n.3 32.21 190, 192 32.43 176, 178, 193, 195 33 170n.l5, 173 33.2 170-172 34.8 204n.l7

1 89 1.32-40 88,94 1.37 88 2.7 35 2.13-20 233n.55 3 218n.41 4.29-34 218n.41 6 102 15.3 35n.33 15.11 35n.33 19.4-5 218n.41 22 20 22.17 211,214n.32

7.23 206n.24 17.6 211

Joshua 1.2

204

120n.46

1 Samuel

2 Kings 4.3 35n.33 4.17 206n.24 8.19 35n.33 16.2 35n.33 17 20 18 37,39 18.3 35n.33 18.21 209n.3 18.28-35 37 19 37,39 19.10-13 37 19.35 29,37 20.3 102n.26 23.2 46n.9

2 Samuel 1 38 1.19 38 1.25 38 1.27 38 5.2 211

2 Chronicles 7.3 107n.51 18.16 211,214n.32 32.22 210n.3 36.23 69

Nehemiah 1.4 204n.l7 8.3 46n.9 8.9 204n.l7 9.12 210n.3 9.15 112n.8 9.19 210n.3

Job 2.3 204 9.34 209n.3 11.5-6 143 11.28 143 11.38 143 12.23 210n.3 21.9 209n.3 38 63, 142 38.32 63n.38 38.41 64

Psalms 1.3 105 2.9 214 9.22 40 9.73 40 14.1 187 14.4.15 40

Index of References 16.23-24 40 18 231 22.12 210n.3 22.20 210n.3 23 212 23.4 209n.3 23.5 115n.22 28.9 213n.20 44 229n.26, 230 44.1 230, 231 44.3 232 44.9 232 44.10 233 44.12 209n.2 44.13 233 44.23 209n.2 45 229n.26 45.7 209n.3 46.4 99 51.9 130n.92 68.7 209n.2 78.25 112n.8 78.54 210n.3 78.70a 211 79 39 79.2-3 39 80 212 80.1 212 92.12-13 105 95.5 (LXX) 150 95.7 209n.2 96.7 176 98.2-3 190, 194 103.12 (LXX) 68 113.7-8 60n.24 117 (LXX) 37 118 37-9 118.2-4 38 118.5-14 38 118.8 38 Proverbs 8.17 123n.61 10.5 56n.l3 10.7 56n.l3 11.30 107n.52 12.4 57 13.12 107n.52 13.21 60n.24 15.4 107n.52 18.22 57 19.14 57 22.1 56n.l3 23.3- 4 57n.l7

25.6-7 56n.l6 28.20 56 30.1-4 143 Ecclesiastes 3.21 142, 143 7.1 56n.l3 12.11 219-23 53.4 161n.65 Isaiah 1.9 192 1.18 130n.92 3.1-4 209n.3 6.9 (LXX) 77 8.3 206n.24 8.14 192 9.6 21n.38 10.5 209n.2 10.5-8 209n.3 10.22-23 192 10.24 209n.2 11.1 104n.36 11.4 209n.3 14 104 14.5 209n.3 14.9 210n.3 14.29 209n.3 16.5 21n.38 19.13 209n.3 26.1 (LXX) 120n.48 26.19 115 27.9 192 28.16 192 28.22 192 29.10 192 29.14 207 30.31 209n.3 34.2-7 210n.3 36.6 209n.3 37.32 210n.3 40.26 210n.3 42 75 44.3 92 44.28 21n.38, 212n.I4 45.1 21n.38 49.5 210n.3 49.9 210n.3 49.9-13 213n.l9 49.10 209 50.7-8 190, 194 51.3 99n.l6, 101 51.4-5 190, 194 52.5 189, 194

52.7 189, 192 52.10 190, 194 53.1 192 53.6 209n.2 54.11 121n.51 54.15 120n.47 56.10a 212 59.20-21 192 59.7-8 189 60.10 121n.51 61.1 21n.38 61.3 105 62.11 92 63.11 211 65.1 192 65.2 192 Jeremiah 2.8 211 2.13 98n.9 6.2-3 212 6.17 212n.l2 9.22-23 207 10.21 211 12.3 209n.2 12.10 212n.l5 13.20 209n.2 16.19 120n.46 17.13 98n.9 17.16 211 18.2 92 22.22 212n.l5 23.1-2 211 25.12 48n.l9 25.34 212 25.35-36 212n.l4 29.10 48n.l9 30.3 210n.3 31.8-9 210n.3 31.8-10 213n.22 31.27-8 206n.29 36.1-10 46n.9 43.12 212n.l4 49.19 212n.l4 50.4 120n.47 50.6 211n.9 50.44 212n.l4 Lamentatians 2.6 99n.l4 3.1 209n.3 Ezekiel 1.13 100n.20

270


3.17 212n.l2 3.27 99 8.19 99 17 104 17.22-23 68 19.11 209n.3 19.14 209n.3 20.37 209n.3 20.38 210n.3 28.3 146n.29 28.13 121n.51 29.6 209n.3 31 104 31.4 98 31.5-6 68 33.2-7 212n.l2 34 208n.l, 214n.31 34.10 213n.24 34.11 213 34.13 210n.3 34.13-15 213n.23 34.15 211n.9 34.16 213 34.22-24 211 34.23 219n.42 34.2b-4 211n.9 34.4 213n.21 34.5 214n.32 34.8 211n.9 36.35 99 37.19 209n.2 37.24 219n.42 43.2 79n.44 43.4-5 107n.51 47.1 99 47.12 99

Daniel 2 73-7 2.2 77n.39 2.7 75 2.10 75, 77n.39 2.16-19 143n.l8 2.18 76n.37 2.19 76n.37 2.20-23 75 2.26-30 143n.l8 2.27 76n.37 2.27-28 75 2.28 76 2.28-29 74-7 2.28-29 (OG) 74 2.28-29 (Th) 74 2.29 76

2.29-46 74 2.30 76n.37 2.34-35 68 2.44-45 68 2.45 68n.l6 2.47 76n.37, 143n.l8 2.48 74 3 71 3.6 69,70 3.11 69,70 3.15 69, 70 3.20 69,70 3.21 69, 70 3.21 (OG) 70n.20 3.22 (Th) 70n.20 3.24 (OG) 70n.20 3.25 (OG) 70n.20 3.28 68 3.46 (OG) 70n.20 4.9 143n.l8 4.9 68 4.9 (Th) 76 4.9-12 104 4.12 (LXX) 68 4.14 68 4.17 68, 69 4.18 68 4.21 68 6.17 68n.l6 6.18 68n.l6 7 72n.26, 73 7.9-10 69, 100n.20 7.9-14 73n.27 7.12 80 7.13 72 7.13-14 67-73 7.14 73 8.4-8 210n.3 8.13 82n.50 9.2 48n.l9 9.3 68n.l6 9.24 68n.l6 9.26 81,86 9.26 (OG) 81 9.26-27 81 9.27 81-3 10.6 68 10.9 68n.l6 11.31 82,83 11.35 130n.92 11.41 68n.l6 12 85 12.1 82 12.1-3 82

12.2 78, 85 12.3 78, 84 12.3 (OG) 78 12.3 (Th) 78, 79 12.10 79, 82 12.11 82,84 12.11 (OG) 84 12.12 85n.59 12.12-13 68n.l6

Hosea 6.6 9.8

66n.9 212n.l2

Joel 3.18

99

Amos 9.11

91n.20

Micah 2.12 209n.2, 210n.3 2.12-13 213n.22 2.13 210n.3 4.4 40 4.6 210n.3 5.1-3 211n.l0 5.5b-6 212n.l5 5.7 209n.2 7.4 212n.l2 7.14 209n.3, 213n.l9 7.15 210n.3

Nahum 3.18

212n.l5

Habakkuk 1.4 (LXX) 183 1.13 191 2.1 212n.l2 2.2-4 (LXX) 180 2.3 (LXX) 183 2.3-4 (LXX) 181 2.3-4 179-94 2.18 192n.21 3.2 (LXX) 183 3.8 (LXX) 183 3.13 (LXX) 183 3.17 (LXX) 183 3.19 192n.21

Haggai 2.9

89n.9

271

Index of References Zechariah 2.15 120 4 89n.l0 4.14 87,89 6.12-13 89 6.13 91n.20 8.4 40 9.11 92 9.16 209n.2 9.9 88,92,93,94,95, 221 9.9 (LXX) 94 10 220 10.2 214n.32, 220 10.2-3 212 10.3-5 210n.3 10.10 210n.3 10.11 209n.3 11 220 11.4-17 208,219 11.5 212 11.7 90 11.11 92 11.12 92 11.12-13 93,221 11.13 92 11.15-17 212n.l4 11.17 221 12.10 92,221 12.46 92 13.1 92 13.7 90-2, 214n.31, 221 14.4 92 14.8 99

APOCRYPHA Baruch 3.34-35

63n.38

2 Esdras 8.52 103 18.3 46n.9

Judith 2.2 76n.36 11.19 215n.33

1 Maccabees 1.15 26 1.47 27n.ll 1.48-49 31 1.54 83

1.56 41 1.56-57 24n.l, 31 1.57 41 1.59 83 2.7 26 2.12 26 2.19-22 24n.l 2.26 34 2.49- 70 33n.24 2.51-60 24n.l 2.51-61 29 2.52-60 33 2.52 34 2.53 34 2.54 34 2.55 34 2.56 34 2.57 35 2.58 35 2.59 35 2.60 35 3.48 24n.l, 26, 28, 31, 41 3.55 24n.l 3.56 29, 33 4.8-10 24n.l 4.8-11 29, 33n.23, 36 4.24 24n.l-37 4.30-33 24n.2, 29, 36 4.30 24n.l, 37 4.33 37 4.47 24n.l, 33 4.53 24n.l, 33 4.47 24n.2-30 4.49 26 4.53 24n.2, 29, 30 6.7 83 7.12-15 39 7.16 39 7.17 24n.l, 30, 39 7.41 24n.2-37 7.41-42 29 8.20-32 29 9.20-21 38 9.21 24n.l, 38 9.73 30 11.37 26 12.5 26 12.9 26-36 12.14-15 28 12.15 36 14.8 30, 40 14.8-9 30 14.9a 40

14.12 24n.l, 30, 40 14.15 24n.3 14.25 26n.7

2 Maccabees 6.1-5 83 13.21 76n.36

4 Maccabees 18.16

107n.52

Prayer of Azariah 40

63n.38

41

63n.38

Sirach 1.3 63n.37 1.13 60n.25 2.4-5 60 3.8 56n.9 3.21-22 143 4.14 123n.61 7.16 61 7.26 57 9.11 60 10.6 63n.34 11.21 59 11.26-28 59 11.33 56 13.12 56 13.9-10 57 13.9-13 58n.20 13.12 56n.l0 14.3 56n.l0 15.61 56 16.13 60 17.15 60 17.29 216 17.32 64 18 221 18.4-5 63n.37 18.9 64 18.10-12 63 18.13-14 60 20.30 143 21.10 56n.ll 22.22 56 23.22-26 57 25.13 57 27.16-17 56 26.17 79n.44 27.21 56 30.21-24 56n.9

272


31.5 56 32.9 57 36.26-31 57 34.1-8 142 36.19 107n.51 38.1-15 62 39.12-35 61 39.16 62 39.21 63 39.27 61 39.30 63 39.33-34 63 40.1-10 63 40.8-9 60 40.14 60 40.5-6 60 40.13 60 40.19 57 41.4 142 41.11-13 56 42.15 61 42.16 63 43.1-5 63 43.4 79n.44 43.6 63 43.6-8 63 43.8 79n.44 43.9-10 63 43.22 63 43.33 61-3 44.14 56 45.1 56 46.11 56 49.1 56 50.1-21 48 50.7 79n.44 51.30 60n.25 Tobit 12.7 76n.36 12.11 76n.36 Wisdom of Solomon 2.22 76n.36 6.12 123n.61 6.22 76n.36 8.3 123n.61 16.24 61 NEW TESTAMENT Matthew 1.2 77n.39

1.17 78 1.20 78 2.21 78 3.8-10 75 4.3-4 218 4.5 68n.l6, 81n.47 6.13 73 7.13 86 7.25 86 8.12 69 8.13 86 9.11 86 9.13 66n.9 9.26 86 9.27 86 10.22 68n.l6 11.2-16.20 78n.41 11.3 73n.29, 81 11.11 68 11.21 68n.l6 11.25-27 75 11.31 86 11.33 78,86 11.35 78 11.44 86 12.1 86 12.3 78 12.6 70 12.6-7 86 12.7 66n.9 12.11 86 12.14 75 13 68-85 13.11 75,76 13.12 75 13.13 77 13.14 77 13.15 77 13.19 77 13.23 77 13.24-28 117n.31 13.32 68 13.35 66 13.39 81, 82 13.40 81, 82 13.41 71, 79 13.42 69, 79, 82 13.43 78-84 13.49 81, 82 13.50 69, 70, 79, 82 13.51 77 15 86 15.10 77n.41 16.12 77n.41

16.13-20 76 17.2 69 17.6 68n.l6 17.13 77n.41 17.21 117n.30 19.6 231 19.28 69,233 20.26-28 223n.53 21.2 94 21.21 92 21.5 88,92,94 21.7 94, 95n.30 21.9 94 21.44 68 22.13 69 23.2 214n.32 24 85n.59, 86 24.3 81,86 24.6 75,86 24.10 68n.l6 24.13 85n.59 24.14 83 24.15 79-86 24.15-22 83 24.21 82, 86 24.25 80-5 24.30 73n.29, 86 24.51 69 25 86 25.1-13 126 25.30 69 25.31 73 25.31-34 214n.31 25.31-46 78,85 25.46 85,86 26.6-13 115n.l8 26.15 92 26.26-29 114n.l7 26.31 92,214n.31 26.54 75, 77 26.56 86 26.64 73 27.9 92 27.52 85n.56 27.66 68n.l6 28.3 68, 69 28.18 69,73 28.20 81 Mark 4 76n.37 4.11 76 6.34 214 9.29 117n.30

Index of References 10.46-52 93n.24 11.12-14.20-26 93n.26 11.23 92 13.14-20 83 14.3-9 115n.l8 14.11 93 14.22-25 114n.l7 14.24 92 14.27 92, 214n.31

Luke 8 76n.37 8.10 76n.37 10.19 117n.31 12.32 92 21.20 83 22.17-20 114n.l7 24.30 113n.l4, 115n.24

John 3.5 119n.43 4.10-14 98n.9 6.14 215n.32 6.32-33 112 6.48-51 112 7.38 92, 98n.9 9.28 214n.32 10.1-18 214n.31 10.11 223 10.18 160 12.15 92 12.3 115n.l8 15.12 223n.52 19.33 92 19.39 115n.l8 21.15 208n.l

Acts 2.42 113n.l4, 115n.24 7.10 223n.56 7.30 173 7.53 173 8.36 118n.39 9.2 228n.l5 9.4 228 13.1 223n.53 16.13 118n.39 16.34 115n.22 20.7 115n.24 20.11 113n.l4 20.28 214 20.28-30 223n.53

Romans 1.3 194 1.4 185, 186, 193 1.8 194 1.16-17 190 1.17 186-94 2.3 193 2.11 193 2.24 187-94 3.3-8 193 3.4 187 3.10 187 3.10-18 187, 194 3.15-17 189, 194 3.19 187 3.20 187, 193 3.21- 22 187 3.26 193 4 187 6.3 119 9'11 185, 188 10 193 10.15 189 10.16-21 189 10.19 194 11.16 198 11.26 192 12.19 194 13.1-7 223n.56 15.10 194

1 Corinthians 1.2 202 1.11-12 200 1.19 207 1.24 192n.21 1.31 207 2.1 76n.37 2.7 76n.37 2.16 207 3.1 198 3.1-2 206 3.3-4 200 3.4-9 200n.6 3.6 206n.29 3.9 205 3.16-17 133 3.17 202 3.21 200 3.21-23 201 4.1 76n.37 4.1-2 205n.23 4.1-5 207 4.2 205n.22

4.6 200 4.14-5 206 4.15 201 4.18 203 5 202 5.1 202 5.1-8 204n.21 5.1-13 202 5.13 207 5.2 203 5.7-8 200 5.8 202 5.9 203 6.2 202 6.9-20 202 6.19 133n.l09 7.3-4 202 9.13 198 9.24-27 132n.l01 10 197n.l 10.1-2 200 10.1-4 112n.l2 10.1-11 199 10.1-33 202 10.4 197n.l, 198 10.5 198 10.6 198 10.8 198 10.9 198 . 10.10 198 10.16 113n.l4 10.17 133n.l09 11.1 223n.52 11.23-26 114n.l7 11.24-25 200 12 235 12.2 192n.21 12.3 198 12.27 226 13.2 76n.37 13.12 198 14.2 76n.37 14.5 198 15 22 15.3 200 15.7 200 15.26 117n.31 15.51 76n.37

2 Corinthians 2.15 232 3.6 200 5.17 119n.43 7.2 200

274


9.6 200 11.2 124n.66 12.7 198 15.41 200

9.26 81 10.37-38 179-182 11.10 121n.51 12.22 121n.51

Galatians 3 185 3.11 194 3.19 172 3.27 118n.38, 131 4.2 205 4.19 206

James 3.1 223n.53

Ephesians 2.19 122 4.7-12 223n.53 4.11 213 4.22-24 118n.38 5 235 5.23-33 235 5.25 223n.52 5.31 231 5.31-32 229 5.32 227 6.10-17 132n.l01 Philippians 2.5-11 223n.52 3.18 117n.31 3.20 121n.51 Colossians 1.16-25 235 1.24 227 3.9-10 118n.38 1 Thessalonians 2.7 206 5.19 198 1 Timothy 2.2 223n.56 2 Timothy 4.7-8 132n.l01 Titus 3.5 119n.43 Hebrews 1.5-13 170 1.6 176-178 2.2 170-173 3.7 121n.52

1 Peter 2.13-14 56 5.1-2 214 5.1-4 223n.53 5.4 132n.l01, 223 5.8-9 117n.31 Jude 14 154 15 154 Revelation 2.7 103n.34, 107n.53 2.17 112n.l2 2.27 214n.30 7.9-17 118n.40 7.17 118n.39 12.5 214n.30 14.4 124n.66 19.15 214n.30 21.1 118n.39 21.2 121n.51 21.6 118n.39 21.9 121n.51 22 96 22.1 100n.20, 135n.ll9 22.2 96 22.17 98n.9 OLD TESTAMENT PSEUDEPIGRAPHA Apocalypse of Abraham 21 135n.ll9 Apocalypse of Elijah 2.6-15 117n.31 Apocalypse of Moses 13.3-5 103 22.4 101 28.3 107n.53 2 Baruch 10.19 133n.l06

29.6 115 77.13 217 77.15b-16 217 4 Baruch 9.16-17 105 9.17 101n.25 1 Enoch 1.9 154 1.36 139 2.1 151 2.5 148, 159 5.1-2 148 6.11 144, 162 7.1 149 8.1 150 8.1-3 143 8.2 150 8.3 149, 151 9.6 143, 150 9.7 149 10.2 144 10.8 143 12.16 144, 146, 161 162 13.5 156 14.5 156 14.16 142 14.19 100n.20 15 159 15.3 154 15.3-7 149 15.7-10 156 15.8-16.1 149 15.11-16.1 156 15.18-19 156 16.3 146, 161, 162 17.36 142 18.8 103 18.14-15 156 18.15 159 18.19 159 19.1 150, 156, 158 24.3 103 24.27 99 25 103 25.3 103 25.4-5 102 26.1 104 41.3 143n.l8 45.3-6 121n.53 90.29 121n.50 89-90 215n.35

Index of References 2 Enoch 8 135n.ll9 8.1 121n.53 8.3 101 9.1 121n.53 42.3 121n.53 4 Ezra 8.52 121n.53 10.27 121n.50 Joseph and Aseneth 2.17-20 135 4.9 124 7.11 124 7.6-7 124 7.8 124 8.1 124 8.1-3 124 8.5 109 8.9 113n.l4 8.11 113n.l4, 121n.49 12.7-10 117 14.12-13 118 14.15-16 118 14.17 118 15.4 118 15.4-6 110 15.6 120 15.7 121n.49 15.7-8 123 15.14 110,116 16.4 114 16.6 114 16.7-8 116 16.11 110 16.13 110 16.14 115 16.15 116 16.16 114,119,121 17.1 136 17.3 114 17.6 121n.49, 124n.65 19.5-7 120n.44 19.8 121 22.13 121 Jubilees 1. 27 175 1.29 100, 175 3.12 98 3.26-27 99n.l3 4.26 98 8.19 99n.l2

Liber antiquitatum biblicarum (Pseudo-Philo) 19.3 215n.33 28.5 215n.33 Letter of Aristeas 3 43 5 43 15 43 28 43 30 44 31 43 33 46n.l0 45 43 46 43-6 89 99n.l8 122 43 128 43 129 43 133 43 139 43-8 140 44 141 44-8 144 43 147 43 151 43 155 43 168 43, 50 176 43 177 43 239 48 240 48 308 45-7 309 46 310 44 311 44 313 43 317 43 Odes of Solomon 1.1-5 131 2.43 176 9.8-11 132 11 127n.79 11.9-11 118n.38 11.16 105 11.16-23 135n.ll9 11.18-19 106 15.8 118n.38 20.7-8 131n.99 21.2 118n.38 27 118n.35 30.1 118n.39 35.1 115

275 Psalms of Solomon 14.3 105 17: 21 216n.36 Sibylline Oracles 5.250 121n.50 Testament of Dan 5.12 99, 121n.53 6.2 174 Testament of Levi 18.6 99 18.9 121n.53 18.10-11 103 Testament of Naphtali 3 149n.36 Testament of Moses 1.295ff 202n.ll 29.1-6 100 DEAD SEA SCROLLS Cairo Damascus Document 13 221 13.7 216n.38 1QS 6.4-5 116n.26 8.5 105 11.7-9 105 1QS* 2.18-21

116n.26

1QH 3.1-18 206 6.14-19 105 7.9 104n.37 7.20-22 206 8 106 10.25-26 105 11.8 206n.29 14-15 105 16 105, 106 18 106 4Q161 (Pesher on Isaiah) 4Q161 90n.l5


276

4Q174 (Florilegium) 4Q174 72-107 4Q204 4Q204

100n.20

4Q241 4Q241 100 4Q246 2.1-10 72 4Q252 (Commentary on Genesis) 4Q252 72 4Q252 5.3-4 90n.l5 4Q254 4Q254

87, 91

4Q265 4Q265

99n.l4, 100

4Q266 4Q266

91n.l7

4Q269 4Q269

91n.l7

Philo On Agriculture 37 216n.37 39 216n.37 On the Contemplative Life 35 119n.40 65 119n.40 66 119n.40 81 119n.40 Embassy 9 154, 155 10 154n.51 23.2 158 24.1 152 24.2 153 24.3-4 153 24.5 154 24.6 155 25 156 25.1-2 156 25.3 157 25.4 158 26.1 158 27.1-2 158 Against Flaccus 45 120n.48 On the Embassy to Gains 281.3 120n.48 Spec. Laws 1.10.56 202n.ll, 203n.l2 4.61 140n.7

4Q285 4Q285 5.3-5.4

90n.l5

4Q385 4Q385

100n.20

4Q398 4Q398 94n.28 4Q458 4Q458 104 4Q504 4Q504 215n.33 4QDeut 4QDeut 177 4QEnoch 4QEnoch 4QQoh 4QQoh

143n.l8

a

a

221n.48

Josephus Antiquities 3.30 l l l n . 8 4.141-55. 202n.ll 4.145-9 203n.l2 5.231. 133n.l06 7.328 215n.33 8.404 215n.33 11.161.1 120n.48 15.136 174 20.97-98 21n.39 Against Apion 2.167-69 140n.7 Jewish Wars 2.259-63 21n.39 7.375.2 120n.48 123.137 119n.40

TARGUMS Tar gum Neofiti Exodus 20.2 175n.27 Deuteronomy 33.2-6

175

Tar gum Pseudo-Jonathan Exodus 20.2 175n.27 Numbers 25.6 203n.l2, 204 Targum Zechariah 14.21 92 OTHER RABBINIC LITERATURE Hagigah 3 12

219n.42 112n.8

Pesiqta Rabbati 15 112n.8 Sanhedrin 82a 202n.ll, 203n.l2 Seder Eliyahu Rabbah 23 112n.8 Song of Songs Rabbah 2.9 112n.8 Yoma (Kippurim) 75b 112n.8 APOSTOLIC FATHERS Didache 7.1 118n.39 9.2-4 114n.l7 10.6 123n.59 14.1 115n.24

277

Index of References Ignatius To the Ephesians 20 113n.l4, 115n.24 Shepherd of Hermas 3.3-4 136n.l22 NEW TESTAMENT APOCRYPHA AND PSEUDEPIGRAPHA Apostolic Constitutions and Canons 2.57 118n.34 7.45.2 117n.33 Apocryphon of Paul 22 135n.ll9 Acts of Peter 22 117n.30 Acts of Thomas 1 (Syr.) 135n.ll7 5.50 132n.l01 8 (Syr.) 114n.l7, 113n.l4, 125n.74, 133n.l09 10 (Syr.) 122n.54 49 115n.23 Gospel of Thomas 47 95n.29 PAPYRI INSCRIPTIONS AND FRAGMENTS P. Insinger 2.9-12 59 2.14 56n.9 3.10-14 56 4.2 56 4.4 56 4.17 58n.21 5.6 56 6.19 56n.ll 7.21-23 57 8.2 57 8.11 58n.21 8.17 57 8.18 58n.21 9.1-2 56

9.6 58n.21 9.7 56n.ll 9.23 56 10.12-11.23 58n.20 10.12-13 56 10.13 56 11.21-22 59n.23 11.23 59n.23 14.3 56 14.10 57 15.19 56 16.9 56 16.21 58n.21 18 58n.21 18.3 58n.21 18.12 59 19.7-8 56n.9 19.9 58 19.15 58n.22 19.20 59 20.3 59 20.4 58n.22 20.5 58 20.6 59n.23 20.11 59,60 20.17 58n.21 20.18 58n.21 20.19 58n.21 20.20 58 21.2 58n.22 21.10 59 21.11 58n.21 21.15 56 22.8 56 22.25 59n.23 23.12 56 26.7 59 28.8 56 29.5 56 30.17 61 30.18 61 30.20 59 30.23-24 59 31.5 61 31.6 61 31.7 59 31.11 61 31.13 59 31.15-16 62 31.18-19 63 31.18-22 62 31.20 63 31.23 61, 63n.37 31.24 61,62

32.2 63 32.5 63 32.6 63 32.18 63n.37 32.23-24 59 33.5 62 34.4 58n.21 35.9 58n.21 35.14 58n.21 31.7 60 32.12 63 GREEK, LATIN, AND SYRIAN WRITINGS Ambrose De mysteriis 7.34 130n.93 8.43 115n.22 De sacramentis 5.7 115n.22 De virginibus 1.40 129n.90 1.36-37 134n.ll5 Aphrahat Demonstration 6.0 133n.l09 6.6 127n.79 6.7 134n.ll5 6.8 134n.ll2 7.19 132n.l02 17.2 134n.ll4 Dialogue 19 148n.32 23 148n.32 43 148n.32 45 148n.32 92 148n.32 Demotic Wisdom 8.4-11 57 11. 9'10 57 11. 18'19 57 14.39 136n.l22 21. 9 122n.55

278

Early Christian Literature

Aristotle

LXXV.15

Generation of Animals 3.10.761 128n.84

Demosthenes

and Intertextuality

122n.57

13

1

131n98

HFaith. 20.6-7

Athanasius Epistulae Festales XXXIX 51n.25 XXXIX 49n.21 Cyril of Jerusalem Catecheses 9.6 117n.33 9.13 128n.87 Didascalia 12 117n.33 21 117n.30 25 128n.87 Myst. Cat. 1.2 118n.35 2.2 118n.38 4.8 114n.l6, 118n.40 7.34 119n.41 34 119n.42

Enarrationes in Psalmos 3.9 228n.20 18.6 227n.l2, 231n.34 26.2 228n.l5 36 230n.26 44.1 230n.28 44.3 231n.33, 232n.40 44.7 232n.39, 232n.43 44.20 228n.l6 44.22 232n.45, 233n.47 44.23 233n.49, 234n.60 44.24 233n.53 44.27 233n.55 44.28 234n.56 44.30 234n.59 44.31 234n.57 44.32 234n.61 54.3 228n.20 55.3 228n.20 56.1 230n.26 85.4 230n.26, 231n.35 90.1 230n.26 122.1 228n.20, 230n.26 142.3 228n.l5 148.17 228n.20

135n.ll7

HNat.

1.44

136n.l22

3.15

122n.54, 136n.l22

28.9-10

128n.87

HVirg. 312-3

114nl6

Epiphanius Panarion Adversus haereses 61 132n.l02 Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 2.23.6 117n.32 34.4 136n.l21 Preparation for the Gospel 13.12.3-4 140n.7

Proc. 1 131n.99 Ephraim the Syrian

Gregory of Nyssa

Clement of Alexandria

Epiph.

Stromata 1.16 160 1.16.80.5 160 1.17 160 1.17.81 160, 161 4.25.161.3 114n.l7 5.1 161 5.1.10.2 161, 162 6.17.159.1 160 6.8.66.1 160 7.7 117n.33

8. 16

Ascens. Christi 113n.l4, 115n.22

130n.94

HParad. 2.11-13 136n.l21 4.1 135n.ll9 6.7 122n.57 6.8 135n.ll7 6.12 131n.99 6.24 132n.l03 7.22 121n.53 9.3-5 121n.53 14.11 121n.53 27 133n.l09

Cyprian Ep. LXXIII.10

122n.57

HEpiph. 7.8 132nl02

Orat. Dom. 5 118n.34 Hesiod Opera et dies 42 144n.22 109 145 Theogonia 27 155,156

Index of

Irenaeus Against Heresies 1.15.6. 153n.48 4.18.5. 113n.l4

John Chrysostom Baptisimal Instructions 1.1. 131n.95 2.19 134n.ll4 2.25 118n.38 2.27 130n.93 3.11 132n.l01 4.29 122n.58 9.12 119n.43 9.32 118n.35

8 9 10 13 15 54

References

147 151 147n.32, 148 148, 150 148 151

Dialogue with Trypho 45 153n.48 100 153n.48 102 153n.47, 153n.48 141 153n.47

Pseudo-Clement Epistle to Virgins I. 1 125n.74 II. 3 124n.66 II.8 124n.66 Homilies 14.1. 113n.l4 Recognitions 3.50 117n.32 67

118n.39

Lactantius Epitome of the Divine Institutes 1.22.19-20 112n.l0

Sermo cum presbyter fuit ordinatus 4.73ff 206n.29 33.10 206n.29

The Divine Institutes 25 153n.47

Justin Martyr

Methodius of Olympus

First Apology 5 147n.32, 148 9 148, 151 13 151 14 148, 151 20 151 21 151 23 151 44 147 46 151, 147n.32 61 116n.28, 118n.39 62 151 65 115n.23 66 151 69 147 Second Apology 3 147n.32 5 148, 151 5.2 148, 149 5.3 149 5.4 149 6 153n.47 7 147n.32 7.1 150n.38

Symposium 3.8 135n.ll7 8.1 129n.91 8.2 128n.87 16.13 130

Pseudo-Eupolemus 9.26.1

140n.7

Tatian Oral. 79 163n.67

Tertullian

Origen Or. 30 117n.32

Apology 16 117n.33 Baptism 20 118n.35 Prayer 23 117n.32 29 117n.32

Virgil Petronius Satyrica 56.6 128n.84

Porphyry De antro nympharum 16.19 112n.l0 17.1 129n.89 17.19 128n.86

Georg. 1. 44 121n.53 4.149-52 112n.l0 4.197-201 129n.89 4.219-227 128n.85

INDEX OF AUTHORS

Aageson, J . W . 2 0 9 Abegg, M. 1 0 0 Abel, F . M. 4 2 Abusch, R . S. 1 5 4 Achtemeier, P. J. 103 Adler, W . A. 1 5 0 Aitken, J. K . 7 3 Albright, W . F . 108 Allison, D . C . 7 5 , 79, 82, 87, 94, 9 5 Amand, D . 125, 1 3 5 Amand de Mendieta, D . 1 3 5 Anderson, F . I. I l l Ankarloo, B. 1 5 9 Aptowitzer, V. 121 Archer, L . 6 8 Arenhoevel, D . 38, 4 2 Argall, R . A 7 2 , 148, 151, 1 5 3 Attridge, H . W . 177, 180, 183, 184 Aune, D . E . 106 Aunger, R . 2 1 Auwers, J . M. 25, 2 8 Avery-Peck, A. 151 Barclay, J . M. G . 5 2 Barkay, G . 2 6 Barnard, L . W . 150, 164, 169 Barr, J . 149, 1 6 2 Barrera, T . J. 6 0 Barta, W . 6 8 Bartelemus, R . 1 5 4 Barth, M. 195, 2 2 3 Bartlett, J . R . 37, 38, 4 2 Batiffol, P. 120, 122, 128 Bauckham, R . J . 150, 162, 169, 1 7 0 Baxter, W . 2 1 8 Beale, G . K . 7 7 , 1 8 9 Beaton, R . 7 5 , 7 6 Behm, J. 1 3 3 Belfiore, E . 1 6 5 Bellinger, W . H . 7 6 Ben Zvi, E . 2 2

Benko, S. 3 2 Bettini, M. 1 3 8 Betz, H . D . 1 8 3 Bickermann, E . 4 0 Binder, D . 2 3 2 Black, J. 121 Black, M. 1 5 6 Bleeker, C . J. 121 Blenkinsopp, J. 2 6 Blundell, S. 1 5 5 Boas, G . 1 5 5 Boccaccini, G . 5 2 Bock, D . L . 179 Bockmuehl, M. 1 5 3 Boda, M. 2 3 0 Bohak, G 130, 143 Borchardt, F . 3 4 Borgomeo, P. 2 3 7 Borowski, E . 1 1 2 Bos, A. P. 167 Boston 175 Boulding, M. 2 3 5 Bousset, W . 121 Bouyer, L . 125 Bow, B. 153 Bracewell, R . 220, 2 3 1 Bradshaw, P. F . 124, 127 Brill, E . J. 1 7 5 Brock, S. 1 3 5 Brock, S. P. 140, 143, 176 Brodie, T . L . 207, 208, 210, 212, 214, 215, 2 1 6

Brooke, G . J .

97,101,115

Brooks, E . W . 120, 1 3 0 Brown, C . T . 3 2 Brown, J. K . 8 7 Brown, R . E . 8 7 Bruce, F . F . 102, 183, 184, 185 Budge, E . A. W . 1 3 2 Buis, P. 2 1 0 Bultmann, R . 195, 2 1 3

Index of Authors Burchard, C. 127, 130, 131, 137 Burchard, C. 119, 123 Burkert, W. 166 Burkes, S. 149, 232 Burkett, D. 77, 82 Burkitt, F. C. 140 Burns, D. 29 Cancik, H. 161 Canty, A. 235 Carr, D. M. 22, 39 Carr, E. 135 Carson, D. A. 189 Caspers, C. 125 Caster, M. 170 Charles, R. H. 114 Charlesworth, J. 105, 108, 119 Chavasse, C. 146 Chazon, E. G. 149, 152 Chesnutt, R. D. 119, 123 Cheyne, T. K. 121 Chilton, B. 179 Chris B. 183 Christopher, D. S. 182 Clark, E. A. 135, 136 Clark, S. 159 Clarke, A. D. 213 Clarke, E. G. 214 Cleaver-Bartholomew, D. 190 Clements, R. A. 149 Collins, A. Y. 77, 88, 95 Collins, J. J. 30, 52, 70, 71, 74, 76, 77, 82, 99, 137, 149, 152 Collins, R. F. 213 Conzelmann, H. 213 Cook, A. B. 137 Cook, E. 100 Cope, O. L. 90 Corley, J. 148 Crenshaw, J. L. 70, 73 Cross, F. M. 108, 110, 112, 148 Daley, B. E. 235 Danielou, J. 128, 132, 141 Davies, P. 22, 24, 28, 54 Davies, W. D. 62, 75, 87, 94, 95 Davila, J. R. 121 DeJonge, H. J. 25,28 De Robert, P. 220, 221, 228 De Strycker, E. 143 Depla, A. 68 Der Neue, C. H. 137 Di Leila, A. A. 73 Dimant, D. 154

281

Dion, P. E. 26 Ditomasso, L. 77 Dix, G. 125 Dodd, B. J. 217 Dodd, C. H. 103 Dogniez, C. 176 Dolger, F. J. 126 Doran, R. 38, 149 Droge, A. J. 151, 157, 158 Dunn, J. D. G. 150 Dupont, J. 133 Durkheim, E. 20 Dyson, J. A. 20 Edelman, D. V. 24 Edenburg, C. 20 Egger-Wenzel, R. 72 Ego, B. 108 Eldredge, N. 24 Ellingworth, P. 177, 180, 189 Elliott J. K. 143 Elm, S. 134 Evans, C. A. 77, 83, 97, 98, 100, 148, 179, 185 Evans, G. R. 149 Farmer, W. R. 76 Fee, G. 211 Feeley-Harnik, G. 122 Fergusson, E. 163 Festugiere, A. J. 167 Fiedrowicz, M. 235, 236, 238, 239 Fikes, B. 219 Finaert, G. 239 Fischer, U. 133 Fish, S. 20 Fitzgerald, A. 236 Fitzmyer, J. A. 100 Flint, P. 76 Floyd, M. 22, 230 Flusser, D. 124 Foerster, W. 127 Folker, S. 183 Fox, M. 68, 228, 232 France, R T. 75, 89 Fredriksen, P. 149 Frerichs, E. 152 Fritsch, C T. 176 Fromm, N. K. 144 Fujita, S. 106,116 Geny, E. 57 Gero, S. 124

282


Gheorghita, R. 175, 177, 178, 186, 190 Gittin, S. 149 Goff, M. J. 64 Goldstein, J. 36, 39, 49, 50 Goltz, T. 21 Goodspeed, E. J. 159 Gordon, R. 159 Gould, S. J. 24 Goulder, M. D. 75 Graf, F. 154, 155 Graffin, F. 136 Grant, R. M. 136 Greenspoon, L. 175 Grelot, P. 113 Griffith, S. H. 135, 140, 144 Grimm, W. 86 Gruen, E. 150 Gruenwald, I. 152 Guillaume, P. 29 Guillaumont, A. 136 Gundry, R. H. 80, 89 Gurtner, D. 88 Hagner, D. 90, 103 Hall, D. 211 Hallo, W. W. 66 Ham, C. A. 76 Hamerton-Kelly, R. 121 Hanson, P. 148, 158 Harden, J. M. 124 Harkin, P. 128 Hartman, L. 151 Harvey, S. A. 129, 140 Hastings, J. 121 Hays, R. 75, 196, 200-6 Heffer, W. 128 Hempel, C. 28 Hengel, M. 175 Hickling, C. J. A. 207,210 Hieke, T. 43,44 Hill, A. 231 Himmelfarb, M. 107, 151, 154 Hoffman, L. A. 127 Hofius, O. 133 Holladay, C. R. 28 Homung, E. 65 Honigman, S. 56, 57 Horsley, R. A. 39 Hort, F. J. A. 120 Hubbard, M. 121 Hubner, U. 26 Hunter, D. G. 239 Huntzinger, J. 218, 221

Hunziker-Rodewald, R. Hwang, J. K. 207 Isaac, E.

219

113

Jaffee, M. S. 27 James, M. R. 121 Jargy, S. 135, 144 Jefford 124, 127 Jellicoe, S. 57, 176 Jellinek, A. 117 Jeremias, G. 122 Jeremias, J. 222 Joannou, P. 55 Jobes, K. 175 Johnson, M. D. I l l Johnson, M. E. 127 Jones, F. S. 123 Jones, P. R. 216 Juel, D. 100 Kee, H. C. 113 Keel, O. 65 Kelsey, D. 195 Kilpatrick, C. 126 Kilpatrick, G. D. 123 Kirkpatrick, P. G. 21 Klijn, A. F. J. 125 Kmosko, M. 143 Knauf, E. A. 26 Knibb, M. A. 35 Knowles, M. 76 Koester, H. 177, 180 Koln 175 Kraemer, R. S. 119, 130, 133, 136, 137, 139, 145 Kraus, W. 175 Kriiger, T. 228, 232 Kugel, J. L. 30 Kuhn, K. G. 123, 126, 129 Laansma, J. 100 Lamirande, E. 240 Lane, W. 177, 180, 224 Lanfer, P. T. 106 Lange, A. 108 Lanne, D. E. 124 Lawlor, H. L. 150 Le Donne, A. 97 Lefkowitz, M. R. 145 Leiden 175 Lemke, W. 148 Levenson, J. 109, 110, 111, 114 Lexa, F. 65

Index of Authors Lichtenberger, H. 161 Lichtheim, M. 64, 66 Lieber, A. 145 Lietzmann, H. 124 Lieu, J. 28, 149 Lightfoot, J. 212 Lindars, B. 121 Link-Salinger, R. 73 Lipschits, O. 26 Long, A. A. 72 Louis H. F. 183 Lovejoy, A. O. 155 Lukken, G 125 Lundberg, M. J. 26 Luttikhuizen 113 Luz, Ulrich 80 Mactoux, M. M. 57 Magne, J. 115 Magne, Saebo 183 Magness, J. 149 Malherbe, A. J. 216 Mason, S. 183 Matthews, T. F. 140 Marcos, N. F. 175 Marcus, J. 90 Marcus, R. 117 Markus, R. A. 239 Martin, T. F. 235 Martinez, F. G. 108, 109 Martola, N. 40 McCarthy, M. C. 239 McDonald, L. M. 22, 28, 54 McDonough, S. M. 79 McKane, W. 22 McLay, T. 76, 79, 175, 177, 178, 186, 187 McNamara, M. 185, 214 Medebielle, A. 143 Meecham, H. G. 57 Meeks, W. A. 128, 136, 207 Menahem, H. 183 Menard, J. E. 134 Menken, M. J. J. 76, 80 Mersch, E. 239 Meyers, C. 230 Meyers, E. 230 Michaelis, W. 122 Milgrom, J. 112,214 Miller, D. M. 53 Miller, P. D. 148 Mirecki, P. A. 123 Mitchell, N. 127 Moffitt, D. 76

283

Mohr, J. C. B. 175, 177, 189 Montgomery, J. W. 216 Moons, M. C. 125, 135 Moyise, S. 194 Mulder 183 Murphy, F. J. 149 Murphy, R. 229 Murray, R. 135, 140, 142, 144, 146 Miiller, D. 220 Miiller, M. 175-7 Nedungatt, G. 144 Neusner, J. 151, 152 Nickelsburg, G. 53, 58, 113-15, 127, 148-52, 154, 155, 166, 225 Nims, C. F. 65 Nir, R. 119 Noll, K. L. 20, 26, 27, 29 Nolland, J. 80, 81, 88 Noort, E. 107, 108, 114, 176 Noth, M. 71,214 Notley, R. S. 129 Olson, D. T. 211 Olsson, B. 232 O'Neill, J. C. 123 Orlinsky, H. 55-7 Oman, T. 112 Pagels, E. 157, 161 Parry, D. W. 108 Paul, A. 57 Penn, M. 121 Penner, K. M. 53 Pennington, J. T. 75, 79, 83 Perdue, L. G. 152 Philonenko, M. 128, 130 Piercy, W. C. 121 Pietersma, A. 176 Pilhofer, P. 108 Piovanelli, P. 138 Pistoia, A. 124 Pontet, M. 239 Porten, B. 26 Porter, P. 219 Porter, S. E. 179, 186 Portier-Young, A. E. 121, 146 Prato, G. L. 70 Pritchard, J. 107 Rabin, C 101 Raffan, J. 166 Rahlfs, A. 107 Rahner, H. 127

284


Redditt, P. 231 Reed, A. Y. 150, 154, 155, 157, 161, 162 Reed, A. Y. 148 Reiterer, F. V. 72 Revellaud, M. 236 Riley, H. M. 126, 127 Robinson, S. E. 115 Rogerson, J. W. 29 Rordorf, W. 126, 134 Roscher, W. H. 122 Rosner, B. 213 Rotelle, J. E. 235 Rouwhorst, G. 125 Runesson, A. 232 Runia, D. T. 167 Rush, A. C. 136, 141

Skemp, V. 148 Slater, T. 219 Smith, J. Z. 148 Soards, M. L. 90 South, J. T. 211 Sparks, H. F. D. 119, 131 Stager, L. E. 109 Stahlin, O. 121 Staiger, J. 21 Standhartinger, A. 133 Stanley, C. D. 31, 32, 199 Stead, C. 149 Steiner, R. C. 65, 66 Stinespring, W. F. 98 Stone, M. E. 148, 152 Sukenik, E. L. 145 Suter, D. 154

Safrai, S. 129 Sage, E. T. 166 Sanders, E. P. 121, 137 Sanders, J. A. 22, 54, 98 Sanders, J. T. 64-6, 68, 71, 73 Sandmel, S. 78 Sanger, D. 119 Satran, D. 149 Schafer, P. 150, 161 Schart, A. 210 Schiele, F. M. 121 Schiffman, L. H. 97 Schmid, W. 121 Schnackenburg, R. 122 Schneider, T. 71 Schoedel, W. 32 Schurer, E. 121 Schuster, M. 122 Schwartz, S. 27 Schwemer, A. M. 175 Scolnic, B. E. 49 Scott, I. W. 27, 52, 53 Scott, J. 107 Scroggs, R. 121 Sedley, D. N. 72 Segelberg, E. 136 Seibel, J. 220 Senior, D. 75 Seow, C. 232 Sheppard, G. 228 Shupak, N. 65 Silva, M. 175 Sim, D. C. 90 Simpson-Housley, P. 107 Skarsaune, O. 161 Skehan, P. W. 73

Telfer, W. 138 Thomas, W D . 71 Thompson, B. P. 121 Thomson, J. 223 Thomson, R. W. 140 Tigchelaar, E. J. C. 113 Tiller, P. 152 Tiller, T. 114,115 Tischendorf, C. D. 143 Tov, E. 30, 97, 175, 176 Trebolle, B. J. 22, 31, 60 Triacca, A. M. 124 Ulrich, E.

24, 28, 54, 55, 60, 62

Valantasis, R. 135 Van der Aalst, A. J. 144 Van der Kooij, A. 25 Van der Toorn, K. 23, 24 Van der Woude, A. 100, 230 Van Ruiten, J. T. A. G. M. 107, 108, 109, 110 Vancil, J. 220, 222 VanderKam, J. C. 28, 50, 97, 108, 164, 171 Vaughn, A. G. 26 Veltri, G. 35, 50 Volten, A. 65 Voobus, A.

127, 135, 136, 142

Wace, H. 120 Wagner, R. 194, 198, 200, 202-4, 206 Wainwright, G. 128 Wallis 221,222 Warren, F. E. 125, 126 Watson, F. 195-7, 203, 205, 206

Index of Authors Watson, G. E. 175 Watson, W. G. E. 60 Wegner, J. R. H. 64, 68 Wendling, J. 133 Wenham, D. 83 Werline, R. 153 Wevers, J. M. 182 Wey, H. 157, 159, 168 Whitehouse, H. 20 Wicke-Reuter, U. 72 Wickham, L. R. 162 Wildavsky, A. 216 Wilken, R. L. 131 Williams, D. S. 34 Wills, L. M. 148 Wilson, G. 223, 228 Wimbush, V. L. 135 Winn, R. E. 144 Winston, D. 73 Wintermute, O. S. 108 Wirth, A. 121

285

Wise, M. 100,110 Wooden, R. G. 175 Wright, B. G. 57, 73, 148, 176 Wright, E. 107 Wright, J. 227 Wright, W. 123 Wtirthwein, E. 133 Xeravits, G.

43

Yehoshua A. 183 Ysebaert, J. 124 Zacharias, D. 82, 148 Zarb, S. M. 239 Zevit, Z. 23 Zimmermann, F. 228 Zscharnack, L. 121 Zsengeiler, J. 43 Zuckerman, B. 26

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