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XI
THE
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THE MACMILLAN COMPANY NEW YORK
BOSTON CHICAGO SAN FRANCISCO -
ATLANTA
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XI
THE
CAMBRIDGE MODERN HISTORY
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY NEW YORK
BOSTON CHICAGO SAN FRANCISCO -
ATLANTA
MACMILLAN & LONDON
CO., LIMITED
BOMBAY CALCUTTA MELBOURNE
THE MACMILLAN
CO. OF TORONTO
\
CANADA,
LTD.
THE?
CAMBRIDGE
MODERN HISTORY PLANNED BY THE LATE
LORD ACTON
LL.D.
REGIUS PROFESSOR OF MODERN HISTORY
EDITED BY A. W.
WARD
LITT.D.
PROTHERO LITT.D. STANLEY LEATHES M.A.
G.
W.
VOLUME
A
XI
THE GROWTH OF NATIONALITIES
Neto
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1918 All rights reserved
COPYRIGHT,
1909,
BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. Set
up and
electrotyped.
Published January, 1909.
p V
J. 8.
U
Norfoot> Berwick & Smith Co. Cushing Co. Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.
PEEFACE quarter of a century which, roughly speaking,
is covered by volume is remarkable as being an epoch of violent international and civic disturbance, interposed between two generations the period 1815-45, and that from 1871 to of almost unbroken peace It is also, from the point of view of Universal History, the present day. the most important period since the Congress of Vienna. Indeed, the changes made in the map of Europe between 1859 and 1871 were in some respects greater and more permanent than the final results of the warfare which ended in that great pacification. The effects produced by the French Revolution and the reign of the first Napoleon in the domain of political ideas especially in regard to notions of selfwere indeed immense and government and the spirit of nationality enduring. But the alterations which the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars made in the distribution of power and in international relations
THE
this
were too sweeping to
last.
They
called forth a hostile reaction as over-
whelming as the impulse which produced them; and the balance of power which resulted from the Congress of Vienna differed in no essential respects from that which existed before 1789. The following generation saw some notable changes in political conditions the overthrow of Legitimism in France the separation of Holland and Belgium; the liberation of Greece from the Turk, and other reductions of Ottoman power. But, thirty years after the ConThe revolutionary and gress, its work still remained almost intact. nationalist efforts in Poland and Italy had failed the unitary movement in Germany had made little progress except in the Zollverein, the political effect of which was as yet hardly perceived; reform and reaction were ;
;
at grips in the Iberian peninsula; the obstinate conservatism of Metternich continued to dominate Europe. But with the Revolution of February a new stage in European
still
development begins. violent oscillation
The next four years (1848-52) were a period not so
much
affairs of France, Italy, and some years previously, the mutterings
domestic
of
in international relations as in the
central Europe. of the
Already, for
coming storm could be
vi
Preface
perceived by those who had ears to hear; but there was no apparent reason to suppose that the new efforts of political reformers and ardent
would be more successful than those which had preceded Nor indeed were they, so far as superficial appearances went. The outbreak of 1848 was far more violent and more wid spread than the movements of 1820 and 1830 but, though for some time the revolutionary element seemed to be gaining the upper hand, the tide ultimately turned and the reaction everywhere prevailed. The Austrian nationalists
them.
;
monarchy, after a severe struggle, not only re-established itself in its own dominions but recovered its hold upon northern Italy. In Bohemia the rising spirit of Slav nationality led to a futile revolt elsewhere in ;
the Austrian dominions
served as a set-off against the Magyar ; and, with the aid of Russia, the insurrection in Hungary was put down. Thus strengthened and encouraged, Francis Joseph had little difficulty in regaining the
it
hegemony
of
Germany, and reducing Prussia at Olmutz
In France the Republic collapsed, to her former secondary position. more from its inherent weakness and the mistakes of its leaders, than
from any active opposition and another Napoleon advanced, by rapid This was the most notable change stages, from Presidency to Empire. ;
produced by the Revolution of February; but two others had consequences ultimately as important. In Germany Prussia, in Italy Piedmont, had stood forth as the champions of national unity and each had ;
adopted a constitutional form of government. In their nationalist efforts both countries failed Piedmont heroically, Prussia not without humilibut each remained the centre of nationalist hopes. These events, combined with the aims and character of Napoleon III, the circumstances of his accession, and the appearance, in Italy and Prussia, of two ation
;
of the greatest statesmen of
modern
times, determined the course of
European development during the next eighteen years (1852-70). This period (that of the Second Empire) falls into two divisions, marked respectively by the rise and dominance, the decay and fall, of Napoleon's power. Anxious to allay the fears excited by his name, he But he began by proclaiming the pacific intentions of the Empire. could not forget that military distinction was expected from a Napoleon, or disregard the conviction of Frenchmen that France ought to be the arbiter of Europe. He therefore grasped the opportunity of selfassertion afforded by the state of Turkey and the question of the Holy
from the policy of Louis-Philippe, made war, in conjunction with Great Britain, on Russia in defence of the Turk. The internal dissensions and the vacillating policy of the British Ministry Places, and, departing
vii
Preface had
left
the initiative in the preliminary negotiations to Napoleon and it throughout the armed conflict which ended, to the dearly;
he retained
bought advantage of the Allies, in the Treaty of Paris. That the Peace of 1856 was not more unfavourable to Russia was due to Napoleon's desire to leave the way open for a complete reconciliation with the defeated Power.
With a reputation considerably enhanced both
at
home and abroad
by this success, his throne apparently established, and the succession secured by the birth of a son, Napoleon now set about carrying into effect a policy which he conceived to be a heritage from his uncle and at the same time worthy of France
namely, the championship of oppressed flagrant example of a nationality oppressed, and that which most nearly concerned France, was to be found in Italy. Hence the understanding with Sardinia, foreshadowed at the Conference nationalities.
of Paris,
The most
which led to the war
of 1859.
The Peace
of Villafranca left
the work of emancipation incomplete and Napoleon's promises only half fulfilled. When the Emperor retired, the work of liberating Italy was
taken up by a stronger and more determined
spirit,
that of Cavour,
whose vigorous and astute policy had, ever since the dark days of Novara, prepared his country for the coming struggle. The union of Italy was brought about by a skilful mixture of audacity and caution, of war and diplomacy, of action and reserve and Cavour lived to see his work ;
accomplished, save that at his death the Austrians were
still
in Venice,
and a French garrison in Rome. Napoleon's scheme of liberating an oppressed nationality had prospered far beyond his original intention or desire; and the annexation of Savoy and Nice hardly compensated for the closing of the door to French ambitions in the peninsula. Cavour had used Napoleon in order to carry out his schemes for the
union of
Italy.
Meanwhile, in the north, another great statesman was
watching events and forming his plans for still more momentous action. In the year after Cavour's death, Bismarck was called to power in Prussia. His
first
task was to forge the military
weapon without which
his policy
"
blood and iron" could not hope to succeed. Abroad he recognised the supreme importance to Prussia of a good understanding with her of
eastern neighbour;
and the Polish insurrection
of 1863
gave him the
opportunity of cementing the friendship with Russia for which Prussia's attitude in the Crimean War had paved the way. But Bismarck's
most momentously in the policy which he " " adopted towards Austria. In the debate between the parties of Great and " Little" Germany, Bismarck ruled the former decisively out of originality
showed
itself
viii
Preface
longer obsequious to the traditions of the Holy Roman Empire, Prussia was to revive those of Frederick the Great and to strike boldly for the headship of Germany. court.
The
No
revival in 1863 of the Schleswig-Holstein question,
which had
played an important part in the German movement of 1848, gave Bismarck the opportunity of putting this policy into execution, and of The duchies once testing the capacities of his new army in the field.
taken from Denmark, it was not difficult to pick a quarrel with Austria over their tenure. Austria, attacked on two sides, was victorious at Custozza, but her crushing defeat at Koniggratz decided the German question against her; and Prussia, strengthened by annexations in northern Germany, became the unquestioned head of a new confedera-
As for Italy, though defeated, she had her reward in Venetia. rather than Austria, that was it has been well said was France beaten at Koniggratz and Napoleon was not slow in perceiving that the result was one which menaced the power and even the security of France. He had vainly intervened in regard to Poland in 1863 an action which only served to alienate Russia. His refusal to interfere in the tion.
It
;
question of the duchies in the following year offended England without
Meanwhile difficulties, at home and abroad, Germany. round the Second gathered Empire. In the Legislative Body an oppoat sition, hardly perceptible first, was gradually growing in numbers conciliating
and influence. The ill-advised and unfortunate expedition to Mexico was draining his resources and undermining his influence. To the Emperor, then, it seemed increasingly necessary that France should obtain some compensation for the growth of her neighbours in territory and power. The compensation which he specially coveted lay on the left bank of the Rhine, or in Belgium. When the Seven Weeks' War broke out, Napoleon looked to a prolonged struggle which would enable him to intervene between the exhausted combatants at his own price. But he was not prepared for action, and his hopes were dashed by the rapid conclusion of peace.
Subsequently he opened secret negotiations with Prussia, but Bismarck bluntly repelled the suggestions to which he had formerly appeared to listen, and made use of them to bring the States of southern
Germany
into a close military alliance with
Prussia.
From
this
moment
a conflict between France and Germany became To the majority of Napoleon's advisers it appeared the consummation of German unity should at all costs be
practically inevitable. essential that
prevented.
Bismarck looked to a war with France as the only way to
ix
Preface its
The
accomplishment.
question of
Luxemburg
appeared likely to break out over the but Bismarck was not ready, nor did
conflict
(1867)
;
he regard the matter as one likely to enlist the ardent sympathy of the whole German nation. He accordingly accepted a compromise and awaited a better occasion. Meanwhile in France, the system of
government was rapidly passing, under the increasing pressure of the parliamentary opposition, from an autocracy into a constitutional monarchy, without, however, any gain of popularity for the Emperor, whose concessions appeared due rather to weakness than generosity. The disastrous failure of his plans in Mexico diminished his resources,
and
dealt a
heavy blow to
his reputation.
Dreading a single-handed collision with Prussia, he sought to strengthen himself by alliances. His natural allies were Austria and With the object of winning over Victor Emmanuel, Napoleon Italy.
made the Convention of September, and removed his troops from Rome. But Garibaldi was not to be restrained and Mentana forged anew the ;
which bound Napoleon to the Vatican. So long as French held the gates of Rome, there could be no alliance between France troops and Italy. Austria lent a more willing ear and overtures made with the utmost secrecy at Vienna seemed to promise a hopeful result. Time however was needed for Austria to prepare; and time was not to be fatal link
;
allowed.
Secret as the negotiations were, Bismarck was awake to the fact that a league against him was in contemplation, and he resolved to anticipate it. The Revolution in Spain and the difficulty of finding anyone to fill the vacant but precarious Spanish throne, gave him the opportunity of
fastening a quarrel on .France, which would appear to put that country
and would give him that whole-hearted support in Germany which was requisite for a successful war. The last phase in the episode of the Hohenzollern candidature was so managed as to produce this twofold result and the war for which Bismarck had so long been on an burst astonished Europe. A series of overwhelming preparing in the wrong,
;
victories hurled the
Empire to the ground; the heroic resistance of and Paris itself fell into the difficulty, overcome invaders' hands. Already German unity the great result at which Bismarck had aimed had sprung from the triumph of combined Germanic effort and the new Empire was proclaimed amid the painted France was, with more
;
;
victories of the
Roi
lowed, like the and, when the
fire
Soleil.
In Paris the horrors of the
Commune
fell,
royalist
Commune
fol-
on the disasters of the war; intrigues threatened and em-
after the earthquake,
Preface, It was only slowly and with diffiestablished Third the that itself, and the maimed and Republic culty shattered State recovered domestic repose. But the hegemony of had if indeed Napoleon III had ever really possessed it Europe definitively passed across the Rhine.
barrassed the French Government.
Directly connected with that nationalistic policy which is so striking of the central story of this volume are the awakenings and
a feature
developments of national spirit or enthusiasm in the life and literature of Italy, Germany, and Hungary, and also among the Slavonic races to which attention is drawn in the following Cechs, Poles, and Russians narrative.
Much
and importance notably the Mutiny advance of British colonies towards self-government,
else of interest
in India, the steady
the rapid progress of British trade, the awakening of Japan and the revolution in that country which substituted a highly organised modern is also to be told. State for a loose congeries of feudal principalities in America, the Civil War and the
The great contemporary events
victory of the Northern States over slavery and the forces of disruption, have already been narrated in another volume.
remains only for the Editors to acknowledge their debts to the distinguished scholars who have aided them in this portion of their It
enterprise.
Sir Alfred Lyall, acting as the literary executor of the late
Sir Spencer Walpole,
gave
final revision
to Chapters
XI and
XII.
The
Bibliographies to these chapters were compiled by Professor J. H. Clapham (now Assistant Tutor of King's College) to whom we are also indebted for valuable suggestions and criticisms with regard to these and
other chapters in the present volume. In connexion with the same two chapters valuable information was given as to the Income Tax and Succession
Duty by Mr T. A.
Watson, who we owe some tion
To Mr R. W.
Prest, of Somerset House.
Seton-
kindly read through Chapter XV, 1, and Chapter XXII, 4, valuable suggestions upon these sections. The latter sec-
had the additional
Lemberg University. for his services in
benefit of revision
We
are
much
by Professor Askenazy,
indebted to
connexion with this section.
Mr
of
Ignatius Knaster
Dr
Zsolt Beothy, Progave valuable assistquotations from his own
fessor of Aesthetics at the University of Budapest, ance in Chapter XV, 3, and allowed some
works to appear therein.
Dr Eugen Horvdth, Professor in the Gyongyos Gymnasium, Hungary, rendered assistance, especially in the Biblio-
graphies to Chapters III, VI, VII, XV. To Professors H. Delbriick, of Berlin, and F. Meinecke, of Freiburg, the Editors owe special thanks for their counsel as to several of the chapters
on recent German history.
xi
Preface In Chapter XXVII,
1,
Mr
E. A. Benians, Fellow of St John's Col-
The Right Honourable lege, Cambridge, offered valuable suggestions. Sir Charles Tupper revised the whole of Chapter XXVII, 2, and init some new information derived from his own vast experience Canadian politics. Chapter XXVII, 3 was carefully revised by Mr F. H. Keeling, Scholar of Trinity College, Cambridge; and the
serted in in
accompanying Bibliography was
Mr
in large part
composed by him and by
T. A. Boose, Librarian of the Colonial Institute.
It
may
be well
to state that, though the lamented death of Professor Masi occurred before this volume was published, Chapters IV, XIV, and XIX had
received the benefit of his final revision.
The Index
to this
volume
has been compiled by Mr H. G. Aldis, of Peterhouse and the University Library, who has also given other assistance. Finally, we desire to state that, in consequence of the illness of one
number, his editorial duties with regard to the present volume from an early stage in the progress of its chapters through the Press, were, undertaken by Mr H. W. V. Temperley, Fellow of Peterhouse. He has of our
discharged the task which thus devolved upon him with conspicuous ability and devotion, and we desire to assure him of our cordial gratitude. A.
G.
W. W. W. P.
S. L.
November, 1908.
TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER
I
GREAT BRITAIN AND FREE TRADE (1841-52)
By
J.
H. CLAPHAM, M.A., Fellow and Assistant Tutor in History of King's College PAGE
State of the country
1
Peel's Cabinet
2
The Corn Laws Revival of the Income Tax
ib.
The Railways Factory and Bank Acts
ib.
Financial Reform. Laissez Faire.
3
.........
The Tractarian crisis The Scottish Church
5 ib.
6
Its Disruption Irish affairs
O'Connell and
........... ........... ...........
Young
Peel's Irish policy
The Corn Laws
Ireland
And the Potato Famine Repeal of the Corn Laws Irish Coercion Act Peel's fall Irish
Famine
Political unrest
Russell's Cabinet
Commercial distress Sugar and Timber Duties.
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill
7 ib.
8 9 10 ib.-ll
11 ib.
12-13 13 14 ib.
..... ......
Navigation Laws Repeal of the Navigation Laws. Colonial policy Foreign policies of Aberdeen and Palmerston The Churches
The
4
15
16 16-7 18
19
.
Chartism
ib.
and conditions. Emigration Confusion and rearrangement of parties
20 21
Social legislation
xiii
xiv
Contents
CHAPTER
II
THE FALL OF CONSTITUTIONALISM
IN
FRANCE
(1840-8)
By EMILE BOURGEOIS,
Professor of History in the University of Paris
PAGE Results of the crisis of 1840 Attitude of the bourgeoisie towards religion
The Napoleonic cult The National Guard Evolution of the two
..... ........... ... chief parliamentary parties
Religious influences Parliamentary reform.
The entente cordiale with England Foreign policy and party disputes. The schism between the centres Opposition between Thiers and Guizot . . . Right of Search Convention. Railway scheme .
.
.
The Regency Act Temporary retirement of Thiers Guizot and the Congregations Renewal of struggle between Guizot and Thiers
.......
French policy in Tahiti and Morocco Thiers seeks aid from Palmerston and Barrot Guizot, Thiers, and Louis-Philippe Dissolution of the Chambers
..........
The
situation in Europe and in France as affected by the Spanish Marriages Lamartine and the banquets Political indecision of the French people
Guizot's internal
and foreign policy
22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 i&.
35 36 36-7 37 38-9 40 ib.
41 42
Presages of storm
CHAPTER
III
LIBERALISM AND NATIONALITY IN GERMANY AND AUSTRIA (1840-8)
By
F.
MEINECKE, Professor
of History in the University of
Freiburg
B.
i.
........ ...... ......... ...
Opposing tendencies in Germany Austrian government at the centre Liberal and National movements in Austria
43 44 45
Bohemian demands
ib.
Revolt of peasants in Galicia Austria annexes Cracow. -Nationality struggles in Hungary
46 47
'
Situation of Prussia
.
,* .
'.
.
v
.
.
,',,*.
!i
>
'.
'
'
.
.
.
.
,> ;
.
.
.
"
'**''
V'
.
industry
Railways and financial policy
.
:i
,-:
. ri
ft jt
r.',
;*.-,
.
.
. .
Introduction of local self-government Its results
Reform of the law Courts Working of the legal reforms
,.
" .
.
.
.
.
';
.
.
.
613 614 615 616 617 618 619 620 621 622 623
xxxi
Contents
PAGE
...... .........
Reforms in the military and educational systems Growth of journalism and power of the Press Influence of Press Censorship General results of the era of Reform
Discontent in Russia and Poland
...........
Origin and effects of the Polish Revolution Growth of Nihilism
Foreign policy Russian conquest of Bokhara
624 625 626 627 628 629 630 ib.
631 632
Reduction of Khiva and Khokand Alaska
ib.
Persia
633
The Danubian
Principalities
ib.
Russian foreign policy in Europe
634
THE BALKAN LANDS
(2)
By
BLECH
E. C.
Fanatical outbreaks against Christians Settlement of Syria. Montenegro Turkish relations with Greece and Egypt Origin of the Suez Canal
.
.
.
.
.
.
The Church in Bulgaria Russia and the Black Sea
ib.
639 640
Greek raid on Thessaly Misgovernment in Greece
ib.
Deposition of King Otho Accession of King George Ionian Islands ceded
The new Greek Constitution The Danubian Principalities Meeting of the Divans. Union Roumania.
Fall of Couza.
Crisis in
Roumania
Servia.
Withdrawal
635 636 637 638
......... ......... .... of
Moldo-Wallachia
Accession of Prince Charles
of Turkish garrisons
(3)
....
641 ib.
642 ib-
643 644 645 646 647
RUSSIAN LITERATURE (1800-1900)
By GEOFFREY DRAGE, M.A. Romanticism and Realism in Russian The Romanticists Pushkin
literature
:
Lermontoff
The
Realists
:
ib.
649 Bielinski.
Gogol
ib.
Influence of Turgenieff and Dostoievski Tolstoi
Influence
648
and character
of his
work
650 651 652
xxxii
Contents
NATIONAL INFLUENCES IN BOHEMIAN AND POLISH LITERATURE
(4)
By R. NISBET BAIN,
Museum
Assistant Librarian, British
PAGE '
The Cech nationality. The origin of Panslavism Josef Dobrowsky The discovery of the Griineberg MS Josef Jungmann
'
'
.
'.
^'
.
.
.
.
*
*'*.*'
ib. ib.
Frantisek Palacky Kollar
.
.
.
ib.
political literature Polish historical traditions
............ ..... the "Reds," Lelewel
:
Dzieduszycki Alexander Vielopolski and the new Russian policy The Grand Duke Constantine and Poland Szujski
655
656
Cech
Polish parties
653 654
and the Przeglqd Polski
ib.
657 ib.
658 659 660
CHAPTER XXIII HOLLAND AND BELGIUM (1839-70)
By
GEORGE EDMUNDSON, M.A.,
the Rev.
of Brasenose College, (1)
formerly Fellow and Tutor
Oxford
HOLLAND
Holland in 1839 and 1840 Abdication of William I. Accession of William II Effects of 1848. Revision of the Fundamental Law William III. Thorbecke and the new Constitution
.... '
Religious difficulties
The
' '
Death
April of
Movement
"
'
and
its results
.
!
.
.
.
j;
V
:
'
.'
.
v
;
y Iti
.
Thorbecke
Progress of the Dutch colonies
The new native
ib.
668
policy
(2)
BELGIUM
.... ........*
State of affairs in Belgium in 1839 Industrial
and
financial crisis
-
^ .--,...
.
669 670 671 672
.
673 674
,
jij
'
The Rogier Ministry and the Revolution Education
of 1848
.
.
.
.
*
.
.V.
.
'
.
.
Liberation of the Scheldt
661 662 663 664 665 665-6 667
.
'.."'.. "
4
.
'
.
.
-
.
:
&
.
,
First years of Leopold II.
Advanced Liberalism
The Flemish National Movement
Contents
xxxiii
THE LUXEMBURG QUESTION
(3)
PAGE Luxemburg, 1815-50
674 675
Luxemburg under Prince Henry (1850-79)
(4)
LITERATURE IN THE NETHERLANDS (1800-70)
Dutch and Flemish
675-6
literature of the period
CHAPTER XXIV SCANDINAVIA (1815-70)
SWEDEN AND NORWAY
(1)
By W.
F.
of King's College, and Censor of Fitzwilliam Hall
REDDAWAY, M.A., Fellow
Character and influence of Bernadotte
Sweden Sweden and Norway
Internal difficulties of
Relations of
Norwegian policy
...........
of Charles
XIV
His foreign policy Swedish policy towards Russia and Denmark Domestic policy of Sweden Growth of a Liberal Opposition Attack on the Crown in the Diet National progress Oscar I. Foreign and domestic policy
.......
Industrial progress Charles
XV
ib.
difficulties
(2)
By W.
F.
DENMARK
REDDAWAY, M.A.
Denmark under Frederick VI Growing
ib.
687 688
689 690
Parliamentary reform in Sweden
Suedo-Norwegian
677-8 679 680 681 682 683 684 685 686
difficulties in
Schleswig-Holstein Enlightened policy of Christian VIII The Schleswig-Holstein question. Frederick VII The Constitution of 1849 Loss of Schleswig-Holstein
........
.
691 692 693 694 695 696
xxxiv
Contents
-
(3)
DANO-NORWEGIAN LITERATUEB (1815-65)
By
E. GOSSE, M.A., LL.D., Librarian to the House of Lords
Germanising tendencies in Danish literature Danish Poetry Oehlenschlager. Grundtvig Andersen. Hertz Heiberg.
.....
PAGE .
:
Beginnings of Norwegian national literature
Welhaven.
Munch
Norwegian Prose The youth of Ibsen and Bjornson
697 698 699 700 701 ib.
702
CHAPTER XXV ROME AND THE VATICAN COUNCIL (1846-70)
By
G. A. FAWKES, M.A., Balliol College, Oxford
Character of Pius
IX
The Papal States
at his accession
.
IX and Reaction. Antonelli Progress of Reaction in Tuscany and
Pius
Growth
of
Maistre
...........
Political relations of the
Spanish Concordat
Rome De
French Ultramontanism.
Papacy
Emmanuel King of Italy The Oxford Movement Newman Victor
ib.
:
Russia
......
Papal dogmas. Syllabus of 1864 History of dogma of Immaculate Conception Development of Ultramontanism Religious journalism.
.
.
.'
Significance of Quanta Cura and the Syllabus Effects of the Syllabus -v-'
Opposition to the dogma of Infallibility Origin and summoning of a General Council . Controversial literature at the Council Procedure at the Council
The Opposition grows weaker of Infallibility voted Results of the Vatican Council
Dogma
.
.
.
'
.
.
.
.
'%;/?"
.
?/
*v
!/.*;,*.
,:
>*
'
t
out the devolution of the Crown upon On the a minor and the creation of a Regency monarchical in form. into the street from the had which Paris the were mob, surged other side their
way through
tribunes and the very precincts of the Chamber, with demands exactly these opponents that the deputies were called contrary; it was between as to and, they formed a collection of individuals rather legislate upon than an organised body, they allowed their hands to be forced. Lamartine, in secret agreement with the journalists of Le National, for the Republic .Marie, Marrast, and Cremieux, was preparing the way
on a plan devised in the by the creation of a Provisional Government that newspaper, and he was unwilling as yet to proclaim the fall of the House of Orleans or to propose the Republic prematurely. Dupin and Odilon Barrot, Royalists to the end, defended but feebly the cause of the Comte de Paris and of the Regency promised to the fallen office of
exchange for his abdication. It was the conquerors of the Tuilieres, students, Republican citizens, and Socialist workmen who in invaded the defenceless Assembly, spite of .the orders of General Gourgaud the the President, deputies, the Regent and the Royalist swept away its death-blow. and Dupont de 1'Eure was monarchy gave King, boy chosen President on the spot and the deputies who were exponents of
King
in
;
the rights of the people declared the final deposition of the Orleans family and placed the Provisional Government in the hands of Lamartine, Arago, Ledru-Rollin, Dupont de 1'Eure, Gamier-Pages, Cremieux and Marie. They refrained from proclaiming the Republic.
There was a wide difference the gathering of the
men
of origin, composition and aims who sat at the H6tel de Ville
of Paris
between and the
of French deputies who at the Corps Legislatif had voted for a The one was actually the people in arms who Provisional Government. had overturned the monarchy, swept away all other authority and sat
Assembly
in the direct exercise of their sovereign will; they were, however, the people of Paris and nothing more, working men and artisans eager to
The other was a achieve social reforms and to revolutionise Europe. body of representatives chosen in part by the provinces, whose functions had been placed in suspense by the downfall of the parliamentary monarchy, politicians who were chiefly concerned in legalising their own more inclined position with the consent and by the help of the nation to follow the opinion of the country than to
move forward without
its
approbation, "de cimenter un gouvernement solide" ; more desirous, finally, of order than of reform, of peace at home and abroad than of social changes or the advancement of theories.
two bodies with their divergent aims had continued to each other as the people, the Ministers, and the Court had oppose opposed each other for the last three days, the Revolution would not have come to an end on the evening of February 24. Lamartine, If these
1848]
Formation of a Provisional Government
103
however, and his colleagues in the Assembly had the courage and the sagacity, like Louis-Philippe in 1830, to demand the confirmation of On their their powers by the sovereign people at the Hotel de Ville. arrival there the representatives of the people who mistrusted them The Ministers finally gained their object by prohesitated to comply. the Republic forthwith (subject to ratification by the people), claiming
and especially by admitting to power three Republicans, two of whom were socialists, as secretaries of the Provisional Government the names of these men were added by the popular assembly to those of its friends " We have been Marrast, Louis Blanc, and Albert, the working man. not but the Chamber" was the phrase to the Chamber by appointed this Constitution. It was to describe Cremieux singular employed by the result of a bargain, of a compromise between the deputies and the people of Paris, brought about and concluded by mutual concessions on the one side was the establishment of a democratic republic and the promise of a movement of social reform on the other was the surrender ;
;
;
of the sovereignty of the people following upon the surrender of the sovereignty of the King, into the hands of the Provisional Government.
Promises and mutual confidence formed the basis of that compromise which on a certain evening of 1848 for the second time founded the This fact explains the preponderating part in the Republic at Paris. settlement played by sentiments which found their highest expression in Lamartine. All classes of the nation, the the eloquence of a poet provinces as well as the capital, shared during the first days of the new The rich, like rSgime in one common dream of justice and benevolence. the Rothschilds, subscribed for the wounded, and duchesses organised The poorer classes, although societies for the relief of the destitute. no made had the hand, attempt to abuse their victory, upper they gained Never was a revolution less and from plunder. abstaining vengeance The army which had avoided a conflict was invited to blood-stained. swear friendship with the triumphant mob the clergy proclaimed the doctrine of Christian equality and fraternised with young and old The provinces made no complaint of changes beneath trees of liberty. about which they had not been consulted they trusted Paris as Paris The political parties who had trusted the Provisional Government. conscious of their or became have cherished suddenly hopes might regrets own impotence, as they were swept away by a flood of enthusiasm. These were the characteristics of a Revolution, the shortest and least violent that has ever taken place in France, but which carried with it a These same qualities accounted too conviction of its irresistible force. ;
;
for the transitory nature of its results.
Once clothed with authority and made responsible for order, the Provisional Government hastened to organise the one with a view of Since Guizot fell there had been no Ministry, and ensuring the other. Lamartine at this juncture undertook Foreign Affairs, Ledru-Rollin the
First steps of the Provisional Government
104
[1848
of War, Arago the Admiralty and provisionally the Ministry Cremieux to recall General Cavaignac from Africa. necessary being became Minister of Justice, and Marie of Public Works ; Finance, Public Instruction and Trade were respectively entrusted to Michel Goudchaux, Their first care was for Paris measures were Carnot, and Bethmont. the removal of the barricades and for the for to provide necessary subsistence of the populace, who had been plunged into poverty by the The events of February and the enforced idleness which followed. Interior,
it
;
command
officers in
of the
army agreed
to serve
under General Bedeau,
who had been placed at their head ; General Duvivier, who had assisted at the capture of the Tuileries, reorganised the National Guard, and functionaries of all sorts, when invited to transfer their services to the The new Ministry then, without Republic, accepted the situation. further delay, turned its attention to the provinces and appointed Commissioners who were to carry its orders into each department and In many cases the men, thus hastily report on the position of affairs. It was the cause of the Republic. benefited rather than chosen, injured not however the country districts which first gave the Government cause for anxiety danger threatened from close at hand, from the people of Paris whom it had already been necessary to reckon with, who mistrusted the Government and even their own representatives, associated with it in an incongruous task. ;
It
was
to
no purpose that on the very evening of February
24, the
Government with a view to satisfying the popular eagerness for social reform had declared that the royal palace of the Tuileries should be turned into a national home for incapacitated working men, and that the civil
list
of Louis-Philippe should be
employed in redeeming for
destitute persons the goods which they had been compelled to pawn. On February 25 the revolutionaries, who had grown used to mob victories, marched to the Hotel de Ville with arms in their hands and
bearing the red flag, the emblem of their claims and the terror of the Lamartine calmed them by dint of fair words and propertied classes. concessions, and persuaded them to retain as the National Flag the tricolour with a red rosette on the staff. Next, under pressure from his colleagues, particularly Louis Blanc, he pledged the future by a decree
which proclaimed the right of all citizens to employment, cost what it might, under the inspection of the State or of associations authorised by It was only by this concession, extorted by the menace of a dangerous it. conflict, that he succeeded on this particular day in persuading the mob to disperse and in procuring for his Ministry a further extension of " We have three months of credit. misery in the service of the Republic before us," said one of the popular orators to Lamartine on taking his leave the promise implied was full of meaning, but it was never carried out. The Republic had restored to liberty the revolutionaries Blanqui, Barbes, Huber, and Martin Bernard, imprisoned under the monarchy of ;
July.
105
Demonstration of March 16
1848
The return
of these
men
to Paris, their presence there in the
they had endured, Revolutionaries (Amis du peuple de la Revolution), which had just then been formed, that a fresh armed rising took place on February 28. The midst of their adherents, created so
and the
much excitement
tale of the sufferings
in the clubs of the Friends of the
working men
of Paris and their Socialist leaders demanded that as a to the decree of February 25, a Ministry of Progress and sequel practical Labour (Ministere du progres et du travail) should be created, whose duty it should be, in conjunction with one of their own number, to create
and equip a centre for the organisation of labour. The Ministers parried new attack by consenting to the appointment of a commission of which was to sit at the Luxembourg under one more promise enquiry The the presidency of two of their members, Louis Blanc and Albert. Government had already on February 27 made a show of fulfilling its
this
previous promises by opening yards for the engagement of the unIt had the first beginning of national workshops. employed as navvies had which become odious in of the the moreover Municipal Guard, place to the Parisians, enrolled, as a paid body of police, men who had been
These measures, condemned driven by want to volunteer for the service. as acts of weakness by the propertied classes, by no means satisfied the In vain the mutual assurances of confidence and goodSocialist artisans. will exchanged in a moment of enthusiasm between the Provisional
No sooner again. were they given than fresh claims were advanced. On March 16 there was a demonstration organised by the bonnets d Government and the people w ere renewed again and r
the grenadiers of the National Guard, belonging to the well-to-do quarters who were indignant at the recent disbandment of their smartest battalions; and this sufficed to rouse once more the poorer inhabitants of poll,
the faubourgs
who were
dissatisfied
and
restless.
A
hundred thousand
men marched
past the Hotel de Ville and extorted a promise from the Government that the regular army should always be kept as far from If on this occasion the Socialist leaders could have Paris as possible.
agreed amongst themselves to let loose the mob upon the Ministry, the social revolution so much desired by Blanqui and Barbes would have broken out and swept away Lamartine and his colleagues. Instead of and this, there were divisions among the leaders of the working men Cabet, Raspail, and above all, Louis Blanc, managed to turn a dangerous ;
demonstration, and so gained for a few days a greater hold than ever upon the Ministry. The Government survived this fresh crisis only through the intervention the treason as it was called in the clubs of Louis Blanc but the important point was that it did survive the danger and every week added, no matter with what difficulty, to its
riot into a peaceful
;
;
existence strengthened its position. Louis Blanc soon perceived this. had hoped to have dominated the Ministry, which in the first instance
accepted his dictation with
ill
He had
grace, but at the beginning of April, 1848,
Foreign policy of Lamartine
106
[1848
Lamartine had managed to secure the all-important support of LedruRollin, and within the Ministry, at all events, retained his supremacy. It was, however, only with the greatest difficulty that he had succeeded in securing for the country during these two months complete political the right of meeting liberty in fact under liberty, liberty of the Press, time the at the same in and pressure of the social resisting every aspect, revolution.
His efforts had been equally great to maintain peaceful relations between the newly born Republic and the European Powers. With Europe on the one side already ripe for revolution at the moment of the outbreak in Paris, and on the other the Parisian democrats who were inclined to follow the traditions of the Convention and make war on kings on behalf of their subjects, the Government had a difficult part to play ; a dread of the revival of the Terror inclined them to peace, while they were anxious after the fall of Guizot to emphasise their sympathies number of foreigners who had taken refuge at Paris with liberty. found advocates and Belgians, Poles, Germans, Italians, and Irish in in certain of the of the and also the victors Tuileries, champions The circular dispatch Ministers whose enthusiasm they had aroused. addressed by Lamartine on March 7 to the Powers was necessarily, like the Government itself, a compromise, an undertaking not to intervene in the affairs of Europe coupled with a veiled threat of intervention aimed at those sovereigns who should check the natural growth of liberty within their own dominions " the maintenance of the treaties of 1815 is irreconcilable with natural rights." "The circular is evidently a piece
A
:
of
patch-work put together by opposite parties in the Government.
The one warlike and
disturbing, the other peaceful and conciliatory. should say that if you were to put the whole of it into a crucible and evaporate the gaseous parts and scum off the dross, you would find the rule to be peace and good fellowship with other Governments" (Palmerston to Clarendon, March 9, 1848). As a matter of fact, while the Revolution broke loose in Germany and Italy, the French Republic, which seemed to have prompted them, abstained under the guidance of Lamartine from any participation in the troubles at Berlin and Vienna. It even went so far as to discover and put a stop to the plottings of certain Frenchmen such as Delescluze with the " Risk Alls " (Risquons Tout) in Belgium and the Lyonnais in Savoy. This was hardly the Republic dreamed of by the revolutionaries of Paris, when on the evening of February 24 they proclaimed, as the consequence of their victory, a new era of liberty, and the brotherhood of all Europe. dream, however, could be no safe guide for statesmen burdened with the destinies of France and between I
A
;
them and
the people of Paris there arose a fundamental antagonism the conflict of the ideal with the practical, of enthusiasm with reason
which had its origin in the events at the H6tel de Ville on February and which day by day grew more acute.
24,
Ledru-Rollin and the departments
1848]
107
In these circumstances, France was called upon to elect a Constituent Assembly. Such a national council had been demanded, and promised
On February 26, accordnotice that a for the plebiscite gave ingly, Republic would be held immediately while, on March 5, it summoned the constituencies to By the provisions of a decree prepare for the elections on April 9. drafted in conformity with a pledge given by Ledru-Rollin, " the suffrage was to be direct and universal ; all Frenchmen over twenty-one years of from the
first
by the Provisional Government.
it
;
age were to have a vote
;
and
all
Frenchmen over twenty-five were
to be
eligible for election. Voting was to be secret, by scrutin de liste according This decree afterwards took its place as a law among to departments."
the legal institutions of the country, and by it the French democracy, which, already in 1789, had acquired equality before the law, now obtained complete political equality also. The adoption of such a measure was a great event in the history of France, and in that of modern democracy but, after fifty years of monarchical government and several centuries of ;
inexperience on the part of the nation, it was also a measure of was impossible to foretell the consequences. The results of such a step were specially mistrusted by the revolutionary leaders in Paris, Louis Blanc, Blanqui, and Albert, who would have preferred delaying the elections as their forerunners had done in 1793. They were perfectly at home in a revolutionary movement in Paris under their immediate control but an appeal to the country would be a leap in the dark, a leap too, whatever the result, backed with all the sanction of the law. They protested therefore against the elections, and with redoubled vigour on March 17, when it became known that the Ministers, who were equally uneasy about the result of an appeal to the people, had decided to take roundabout steps to influence the choice of the electors. On March 8, Ledru-Rollin addressed a circular to his agents in the departments, in which he desired them to warn all under their rule against letting canpolitical
which
it
;
on them and to mistrust those republicans du lendemain who, while pretending to be the friends of the new regime, were trying to make the electors forget the really sincere Republicans of former days. Although Ledru-Rollin was one of the most advanced members of the Government, this advice caused him to be accused of exerting undue official pressure, and at the same time aroused the indignation of the club orators, who demanded that the elections should be put off. For the purpose of calming the agitators they were accordingly postponed till April 23, 1848. The results of the contest, which were published on April 28 and 29, fully justified the forebodings of the Socialists, and, to a certain extent, those of the Ministers. Judged only in the light of the speeches of those elected, the returns, it is true, represented an almost unanimous devotion on the part of the country to the Republic and to social reform; but a glance at the character of the deputies produced a very personal didates spring surprises
The Provisional Government resigns
108
[1848
In Paris itself, the Socialist leaders, Barbes, Leroux, all the Labour candidates, and the communists with and Raspail, together at the Luxembourg, hardly obtained a commission the nominated by different impression.
fourth of the votes given to members of the Provisional Government; and the elections in the capital therefore supplied Lamartine and his colleagues with precisely that legal support of which they had hitherto In the felt the want in their campaign against violence and impatience. provinces, on the other hand, the election returns showed a very different Lamartine himself, it is true, was elected in ten departstate of affairs. ments but out of the eight-hundred and forty deputies who composed the new Assembly, a dangerous minority of a hundred and thirty were ;
declared Legitimists, and at least a hundred,
who had
sat as Royalists
in the Assemblies of the preceding reign, could be counted side by side Should these Royalists with the members of Lamartine's own party.
forget the crisis which had disunited them in 1830, and combine together against the Republic, their presence in the Assembly might easily become a peril to the new regime.
This double peril, consisting on the one hand of the discontent among the Socialist leaders, who were now deprived of their authority in Paris by the legalised power of the Assembly, and who on April 15, before the elections, had even attempted to excite another insurrection, and on the other hand of the large number of Royalists in the Assembly, who, though nominally Republicans, had by no means abandoned their former opinions, ought to have induced the Republican majority to form itself That such a course was absolutely essential, into a closely united party. if
the party was to be successful in
its
endeavours to establish peace, and
in its task of compelling the refractory and hot-headed sections of society to submit to the laws of a strong and organised Republic, was quite
evident;
but
it
was soon made clear that no such union would be
attempted.
On May
in compliance with the law, the Provisional Government powers, and rendered its final account to the Constituent Assembly. As that body was incapable of exercising the executive power itself, it decided to establish an Executive Commission of five members, until after the Constitution had been voted. Lamartine advised the Moderate Republicans to permit some of the Democrats to hold office in this Commission, as they had formerly done in the Provisional Government; but all in vain. Moderates, such as Buchez, Marie, Pagnerre,
laid
down
8,
its
Garnier-Pages, and the men belonging to the committee at the Palais National Marrast and Marie strained every nerve to exclude LedruRollin, whose propagandist tendencies and leanings towards Socialism had alarmed them. It would indeed have taken little to induce them to form an alliance with Orleanists like Odilon Barret. On May 9, when the vote on the Commission was taken, Ledru-Rollin's exclusion, which would have provoked an immediate conflict, was only prevented by the most
109
Effect of the Polish uprising
1848]
strenuous exertions on the part of Larnartine, whose eloquent refusal to abandon his colleague cost him fifty votes and some of his popularity. On the following day, on the other hand, Louis Blanc called upon the Assembly and the Government to remember the people, and to nominate a Minister of Labour and Progress, thus further alarming the country at the projects of the revolutionary party.
From
the very
first,
the Executive
these tendencies to excess
and
reaction,
Government was caught between and reduced to impotence. The
of the Republican party in the Assembly formed themselves into separate parties that were disunited and almost hostile to one another. Dupont de 1'Eure presided over the Moderate Republicans at the Palais National Ledru-Rollin and Flocon headed the Reform party, which went by the name of " the committee of the Rue des " and Berryer, a celebrated Legitimist lawyer, led the RoyalPyramides affected the name of " honest Republicans," and met in the Rue who ists, The whole Assembly also, by the five great committees into de Poitiers.
two principal sections
;
;
which the
it
at
power
once organised itself, was conspiring to curtail still further the Commissioners entrusted with the government of
of
France.
The consequences
of such
conduct soon became
visible.
By May 11,
the popular agitators believed that circumstances were ripe for an enterTheir pretext prise that would secure them the command of the streets.
was the foreign policy of the Government; for according to the Parisian democrats the business of a Republic was to make war 011 kings, and organise crusades for the assistance of enslaved or martyred nations. Their ideas, however, did not coincide with those of Lamartine, who insisted on maintaining a peaceful policy, and on observing strict neu-
On May
trality in European quarrels. of a Polish revolt, brutally suppressed
13, accordingly,
when
the news
by Prussian troops (May 5), became known in Paris, a long procession of workmen and students assembled in the Place de la Concorde, with shouts of " Vive la Pologne" On May 15, this procession met again outside the doors of the Corps Legislatif, in order that it might support a motion made by the deputy Wolowski in behalf of unhappy Poland. The Assembly itself was next invaded, and in a
few moments became the prisoner of the people, who, by the mouths
of Blanqui, Barbes, and Huber, proceeded to decree its dissolution, to establish a tax on the rich, and to declare war against the kings of
Fortunately, the National Guards from the bourgeois quarters and from the suburbs, who appeared upon the scene at the call and under the command of General Clement Thomas, arrived in time to set the deputies at to restore the independence of the
Europe.
of the city
liberty,
The Assembly, and to re-establish peace and order in the capital. in their turn now Barbes and were obliged Blanqui, revolutionary leaders, to submit to the fate which they designed for the members of the Assembly: the Provisional Government, for a moment master of the
110 Hotel de
Attitude of the provinces Ville,
was driven
out, the revolt
[1848
was brought
to an end,
and
the conspirators were imprisoned at Vincennes. This episode, however, had further consequences.
Not only did it accentuate the split in the Republican majority, but the more advanced members of that party were now held responsible for an act of violence which they had never encouraged. An accusation was brought against Louis Blanc, who was roughly handled by the National Guards, and narrowly escaped being arrested ; Caussidiere, the chief commissioner of police, a friend of Ledru-Rollin's, was obliged to send in his resignation; while Ledru-Rollin himself was looked upon as the accomplice of the The members of the committee at the Palais National, Marrast, rioters. of Strassburg, and Pascal Duprat, who were delighted to Martin Senart, have this opportunity of compromising their more advanced colleagues of identifying them with the insurgents, intrigued busily against the Executive Commission, and even against Lamartine, in the hope of either
and
them to resign, or to give way before the reactionary campaign which was being meditated. To the detriment of the Republic they were unconsciously repeating the mistakes made by the Royalist majority of the two Centres when it overturned the throne of Louis-Philippe. By setting the two sections of their majority one against the other they were crippling their power, which could only become really strong through the union of their whole party. This fact was clearly proved by the bye-elections on June 5, 1848. Almost all the candidates elected in Paris, and in some of the provinces, belonged to the parties hostile to the Executive Commission and to Lamartine's Republic. The Parisian Socialists who had suffered in the obliging
April elections now obtained their revenge through the success of Pierre Leroux, Proudhon, Charles Lagrange, and Caussidiere. In four constituencies Royalists rejoiced over the election of Theirs, who had till now been excluded from the Constituent Assembly, but who now, in company with Changarnier, returned in triumph to public life. The event, however, charged with the most serious consequences for the future was the election of Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte in Paris and in three departments; for his success proved that a coalition had been effected between the discontented and the hopeful sections of society, and bore witness to an alliance among all those workmen, Conservatives, Liberals and patriots who were mutually disappointed with the home and foreign policy of the Republic. It showed that the Extreme Left
and the Extreme Right, however mutually opposed, were ready to unite under a name recalling the glories of the past; while the other Republicans, under the guidance of Lamartine, were growing more and more divided. On June 10, when the Government moved that a decree of banish-
ment should be pronounced against Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, the icy manner in which the Assembly received this proposal at once convinced Lamartine that his own power was at an end.
Two-thirds of the
Attitude of
1848]
workmen
111
Assembly, consisting of the Socialists, the Royalists, and a large number who were well pleased to do anything that damaged the Executive Commission, which they accused of weakness and of favouring the Revolutionists, voted that Louis Napoleon should be allowed to take his seat. From this moment the Republic was without a Government, though Trade and business, which had already it had never needed one more. been injured by the February insurrection, were declining. The five per cent. Rente, which had been at par under the preceding regimes, now Strikes and want of work had affected both stood at only sixty-nine. workmen and employers. The collection of a supplementary tax of forty-five centimes, voted by the Assembly to supply the deficit, was causing trouble, and giving rise to riots in all parts of the country, at some of which cries of "Vive VEmpereur" were already to be heard. In of the Republicans,
the
month
of
May
also,
those
workmen
in Paris
whom
the Republic had
placed in the Ateliers nationaux, in order to secure the peace of society during a time of crisis, and in order to testify the new regime's sympathy for the labouring classes they hoped thus to preserve from the
whom
contagion of revolutionary doctrines, began to show an inclination to escape from Conservative influences, and to go over to Louis Blanc and the Socialists. More than 100, OQO men whom the Government believed
had enrolled in the party of order now showed signs of preparing for while their leader, Emile Thomas, allowing himself to be influenced by the mob and by its doctrines, proposed a plan for the organisation of labour according to the methods of Louis Blanc, which he had till now rejected. When first this change of opinion among the workmen became On noticeable, the Government resolved to meet it by prompt action. May 26 it dismissed Emile Thomas, the head of the Ateliers nationaux, and forced him to leave Paris while, in concert with Trelat, the Minister of Public Works, it endeavoured to find some means of putting an end to the workshops themselves, of sending the younger workmen into the army, and of either discharging the others, or obliging them to work again for private employers. But it suddenly appeared to have thought better of this design, and instead of discharging all the workmen simultaneously, began to talk of getting rid of them by slow degrees. The Government had realised that it was face to face with a serious it
a revolt
;
;
insurrection.
This new insurrection was too good an opportunity for weakening and disuniting the Republicans to be missed by their adversaries. In the Assembly, on May 28, during a sitting of the Labour Committee, presided over by Corbon, a Socialist workman, the Democrats combined with economists like Wolowski, and with the Royalists, in an attempt to force the
Government
to consent to a decree for the reorganisation or The speeches made by some of
disbanding of the national workshops.
112
Struggle between people
and Government
[1848
the deputies on this occasion, even more than the actual words of the decree, were of a kind certain to provoke hostility between the bourBoth Socialists and Conservatives classes. geoisie and the labouring wished to excite a disturbance; "either organise labour or maintain " Under their orders the Assembly required order was the general cry. the Government, now in a dilemma between the extreme parties, to dismiss the provincial workmen who had crowded into the workshops, and to pay any men whom they continued to employ by the piece instead In vain Trelat and the Commission tried to postpone of by the day. On May 30, June 11 and June 19 the Right the passing of this decree.
In Paris, ever since May 30, the people had repeated their demands. been preparing for resistance. George Sand pointed out to Tocqueville the state
of
affairs
among
the
organisation, numbers, arms, and
workmen, and told
"Do
bitter feeling.
him
of
their
not," she said,
"drive the people into the street by irritating them." The Commission, with its usual prudence, endeavoured to repurchase the railways and to start the construction of lines on a large scale, for this measure would have at once enabled the State to provide work for the national workBut the Assembly shops and to send the unemployed away from Paris. refused its consent to this project, and on June 21 the Government was The obliged to publish a decree abolishing the Ateliers nationaux. rest workmen were to be to the the enter compelled army, younger On the same to be sent into the provinces to make embankments. " Vive Barbes " and " Vive evening, however, the workmen, with cries of NapolSon" decided to make a demonstration in the Pantheon on the following day; and on June 23, barricades were erected in all the On that evening Lamartine, now resigned to working-class districts. a struggle which he saw was inevitable, and with which he perceived the Commission would be unable to cope, persuaded his colleagues to place unrestricted powers in the hands of the Minister for War, General Cavaignac. On June 24, accordingly, the Assembly, satisfied with having rendered powerless the Government which it had itself created on May 5, established a military dictatorship in the person of General Cavaignac for the purpose of putting down the insurrection and at the same time the Executive Commission to requested resign. This measure, which was proposed by Pascal Duprat with the consent of the Moderate Republicans and the men of the Committee at the Palais National, was apparently justified by the gravity of the approaching conflict. Indeed, the struggle which now broke out between the people and the Conservative Republicans, on June 23, 24, 25, and 26, was much longer and more sanguinary than the conflict with the monarchy in the Both sides were ready to take the offensive and preceding February. General Cavaignac was much better prepared for resistance than LouisThe populace had had both time and means to Philippe had been. provide arms and ammunition; while the Minister for War, with the ;
;
Slaughter in the suburbs
1848]
113
had made all necessary preparations for and had arranged a plan of campaign which the ; insurgents overcoming was now successfully carried into operation by the concerted action of Generals LamoriciSre, Bedeau, Damesme and Duvivier. The compromise that had existed in Paris between the Republic and the labouring classes On the day when the Assembly denounced that was now at an end. precarious understanding the people rose en masse, without any incitement assistance of Colonel Charras,
districts round the H6tel de Ville, in the Bastille quarter, in the Faubourg St Antoine, and in the neighbourhood of the Pantheon and the Place d' Italic Veritable fortresses
from conspirators, in the working-class
.
were set up by the insurgents, " with the regularity and skill of engineers," for the purpose of regaining the H6tel de Ville from the bourgeoisie. The generals entrusted with the task of contending with the workmen for the possession of Paris, Cavaignac and especially Lamoriciere, also resolved to concentrate their forces in the districts which they already
controlled,
and
to secure
from thence
first
the Hotel de Ville
and sub-
sequently, one after another, the various strongholds of the insurrection. In the midst of this pitched battle, only a few deputies still endeavoured to carry
Assembly
messages of peace and conciliation to the barricades or the but the people answered these well-meant efforts by firing ;
From the tribune, Lamartine, wounding Bixio, and killing Domes. and Duclerc. of Victor Considerant some the reviled meanwhile, deputies A terrible battle ensued. On June 24 the troops, assisted by the National Guard and the G-arde mobile, succeeded in occupying the H6tel de Ville and the central districts, while at the same time they drove the On the 25th General Brea was insurgents back into the faubourgs. killed while trying to surprise the great barricade set up by the people On near the Barrier e de 1'Italie, which was taken the same afternoon. the same day all the northern districts were recovered from the insurgents. at
Finally, in the evening, after terrible bloodshed, the troops, which had now been reinforced by National Guards from all parts of France, succeeded in taking the Place de la Bastille, where the rebels had concentrated their forces. The Faubourg St Antoine was now the only quarter unsubdued but the conquest of this working-class district was a very difficult enter;
houses and narrow streets were ill suited to military while almost its entire population was fighting on the side of operations, the workmen. The Archbishop of Paris (Mgr. Afire) bravely undertook a mission of pacification for the purpose of saving the army and people from another engagement that would inevitably lead to still worse
prise, for its lofty
He was struck down by a bullet, which was not, however, by an insurgent nor aimed at him, and it looked, at first, as if his life had not been sacrificed in vain, for the combatants now showed some inclination to lay down their arms. During the night conferences took place between Recurt, the Minister of the Interior, Adam, a Parisian official, and delegates from the Faubourg. The people required
bloodshed. fired
c.
M. H. xi.
8
Suppression of the insurrection
[1848 "
" social a guarantee that a Republic would be established as the price of their submission. Cavaignac, however, demanded unconditional surAt ten o'clock on June 26 he ordered an attack, which resulted render. The Parisian workmen and army left 10,000 in a complete victory. killed and wounded on the field of battle in this cruel struggle ; while
who fell during the insurrection, exceeded the the glorious victories of the First Empire. of any This conflict left behind it a feeling of hatred between the Republic and the people that nothing could efface. For a long time, the bourthe number of number killed
officers,
in
dreaded a repetition of the insurrection which it had found so No difficulty in suppressing at Marseilles, Rouen and Bordeaux. commissions instituted were to the shown was vanquished special mercy for the purpose of securing culprits, who might otherwise have escaped punishment; Courts martial were set up; and on June 27, a large number of prisoners was sentenced to transportation from France. Th< people were forced to submit to the will of their conquerors, but theii hearts were filled with hatred. During the insurrection, which had thus extinguished the hopes of the populace, traces of an active Bonapartisl
geoisie
much
;
propaganda were already noticeable, and that party now prepared to for the profit out of the misunderstandings produced by the civil strife outbreak of which it was probably, in some degree, responsible. The conclusion of the social insurrection was a personal triumph for General Cavaignac, who had been responsible for its suppression. But, by August, 1848, the Republicans were entirely and hopelessly After his last attempt to compose the differences among his Ledru-Rollin determined, with Flocon and Felix Pyat, to fon party, an alliance with the defeated Socialists. On September 12, he pleaded, Louis Blanc had done, for the right to work while on September 22, he celebrated the anniversary of the Revolution by a great banquet. divided.
;
Meanwhile Delescluze, the editor of the RSpublique d^mocratique et sociale, attempted to renew the alliance between the associations of the workmen and the Democrats. But, as Proudhon had just asked the Assembly to confiscate a third of all private property, such a proceeding was exactly the one most calculated to drive the Conservative Republicans into This section of the party now permitted its allies of the Right, de Falloux, Thiers and Montalembert, to take measures completely at variance with Republican principles; such as the abolition, after July 11, of the right to elect the mayors in Paris and the other further reaction.
towns, decrees restricting the liberties of clubs and political and a succession of repressive measures against the Press, which was obliged "in the interests of property and the family," to
large
associations,
provide heavy securities and to submit to a tyrannical surveillance, while its spoliation and ruin were made a source of On July 15 public profit. the Manuel rSpublicain, written by the philosopher Renouvier, was prohibited ; and Carnot was obliged to retire from the Ministry because
1848]
115
The Republican Constitution
From he had defended a scheme for popular elementary education. fear and necessity the Republicans agreed to these measures to the great joy of the Conservatives, partisans of Church and monarchy who, on October 1, 1848, in the persons of Dufaure, Vivien, and Freslou, began to make their way into the Ministry itself. ;
Under these conditions the Republican Constitution was passed by Assembly during September and October, 1848. Though its object was to put the coping stone on a regime for the advancement of justice, fraternity and peace, and, so to say, to inaugurate a new era, it was published all in a hurry, as the last act of a dream, that had been condemned before realisation by the dissensions among the Republicans. Armand Marrast introduced the report of the Committee in the Assembly; and, in explaining the new law, he remembered rather his studies and his philosophy than the role of statesman that he had played in the the
Republican party since February, 1848. He offered the Assembly a theoretical scheme of Republicanism and social policy, the vagueness of which was little in harmony with the real state of parties. Revolutions, according to him, were justified by an inevitable law of progress; and he defined a regime resting on universal suffrage as a reign of equality explained by fraternity, as the condition most favourable to all liberty, whether of speech, of the Press, or of association, and as a pledge and binding promise to the disinherited and the poor. On September 3, 1848, the Assembly, after a few amendments, decided almost unanimously to prefix a preamble to the Constitution conceived in a similar spirit, thus showing that it intended to proceed on the lines of Marrast and his committee. Tocqueville, who was a
member
of that committee, has left an account in his memoirs of his The actual text of the Constitution colleague's deliberation and aims.
was mainly drafted by a lawyer, Courmenin, but the other members of the committee containing journalists from all parties like Marrast, Vaulabelle, and Lamennais, Royalist statesmen like Dufaure and Barrot, and Moderate Republicans, differed so greatly in their opinions that they were only able to work together at all by evading real facts and fundamental questions. As Tocqueville observed, " the Committee thought it best to preserve a semblance of harmony by keeping to superficial matters; it applied broad principles to small details; and it organised the whole machinery of the Government without due consideration, because it was desirous of avoiding any enquiry into the relative force of the various wheels."
The Chamber, which was even more divided than its Committee, acted in the same manner. In the preamble to the Constitution it declared that by means of the Republic " it would walk with greater freedom in the paths of progress and civilisation ; would assure a more and would enable equal distribution of social burdens and advantages all citizens to attain a higher standard of morality, prosperity, and .
.
.
116
Debates on the Constitution
[1848
enlightenment by the help of laws and institutions." It recognised that there were "rights and duties *prior to, and superior to, actual laws" but it did not enquire whether the actual laws which it was then passing ;
were consistent with this vague and ill-defined code. It undertook "to respect foreign nationalities," at the very moment when it was preparing to send a French expedition " against the Roman people. It while dismissing Carnot, and talked about " free popular education
abandoning his projects. It announced, after closing the national " workshops, that the State and the departments would establish public The unanimous issue benefit of the unemployed." for the workshops
programme that for the present was quite unpractical, the Assembly appear anxious to offer some amends for the real refusal of all its parties to grant any social and democratic reforms. of
a written
made
The clauses of the Constitution gave rise to much more debate. The lengthiest discussion was occupied with the question whether the power should be vested in one or two Chambers. On September 27, Lamartine and Dupin, who were in favour of a single Chamber, only obtained a majority of 40 over Duvergier de Hauranne and Odilon Barrot. Republicans, indeed, were beginning to fear that a legislative
might possibly establish his supremacy by sowing dissensions between two Chambers; and they would therefore only consent to the institution of a Council of State, to be elected by the Assembly for the If the whole Republican purpose of elaborating and discussing bills. had followed this could have rejected the it party up logically policy, Committee's proposal to place the executive power in the hands of a dictator
President to be elected directly by the people by universal suffrage. The Committee's proposal would lead to the establishment of two rival powers, each with a similar origin, but neither with any means of legally controlling the other ; and as any conflict between two such powers must inevitably result in a victory for the one commanding the army, the end could only be a dictatorship. few Democrats like Jules Grevy and
A
Flocon opposed the project but Lamartine's fears of a dictatorship were not strong enough to keep him from adopting it and upholding it in a vigorous debate. Eventually, by a majority of 500, the Assembly agreed to the institution of a President, to be nominated by the people, inof the like the President of the United States. Chamber, dependently There was this difference, however, that the French President's Ministers, though chosen and appointed by himself, were to be responsible to the Assembly, and answerable with their chief to a high court of justice, whose members were to be selected each year from the Court of Cassation (October 7, 1848). With the exception of some debates on administrative decentralisation, which occupied October 18 and 19, without arriving at any conclusion, there was no part of this Constitution, as it finally became law on October 23, which engaged the attention of the Assembly ;
so earnestly as this question concerning the election of the President.
Movement in favour of Louis Bonaparte
1848]
117
Meanwhile, on September 17, 1848, the people had already declared Napoleon Bonaparte in five departments. Of these elections the most characteristic had been those in Paris, where two parties, the Moderate Republicans and the Social Democrats, had found themselves Fould and Raspail, the favourite candidates of these two face to face. a total poll of 247,000, had hardly obtained together a out of parties, greater number of votes than had been cast for the great Emperor's nephew alone. As the months passed away, the heir of Napoleon In former days he continued to improve his position with the electors. had not seemed destined to such good fortune, when his unsuccessful conspiracies against the July Monarchy had resulted in his imprisonment and exile. Since then, however, he had very prudently remained in England, allowing his friends to act for him; and their zeal and activity, noticeable alike in the Assembly, in the Press, and at popular centres and demonstrations, had advanced his cause, and gradually gained over for Louis
The Socialists, enraged at the way they the malcontents of all parties. had been crushed after the June insurrection, now remembered how Louis Napoleon had written in their behalf at the end of the preceding Others among the Democrats expected a vigorous foreign policy reign. from a Napoleon, accompanied by a glorious Liberal propaganda, such as Monarchy and Republic had alike refused them. Finally, not a few Royalists underrated the influence of a man whom they believed to be of mediocre ability and unequal to the task of securing a triumph The elections which took for his political and religious aspirations. which Louis Napoleon perfectly 17 an omen on were place September understood. He at once came to take his seat in the Constituent Assembly, where he was unanimously received as the defender of order and the champion of democracy. While the Republicans were divided
among themselves, and were becoming more and more undecided between the desires of the people on the one hand, and the reproaches of a Conservative bourgeoisie on the other, a union of extremists was being
formed against them under the leadership of Louis Napoleon. During the last month in which his Provisional Government held office,
Cavaignac tried in vain to give some more definite pledges to the
To this end he separated himself from the more moderate party of order. section of the Republican party, and made Dufaure, a Moderate Monarchist, Minister of the Interior, with the result that he was accused of being a traitor by the Republicans on November 29; but all to no In the last days of November, in order to please and reassure purpose. the Catholics, who were alarmed by the Roman insurrection, which had brought abo.ut the assassination of the Minister Rossi, and was on the point of driving the Pope from Rome, Cavaignac took the step of appointing a special ambassador, Corcelles, and also organised an armed But expedition at Toulon for the purpose of assisting the Pope. neither these tardy concessions, nor the Minister's efforts to win the
Louis Bonaparte elected President
118
[1848
favour of the masses, who were summoned on December 10, 1848, to elect a President by universal suffrage, were able to prevent Frenchmen from declaring themselves for Louis Napoleon Bonaparte by an enormous He was elected to hold office for four years, by more than majority. five million votes, against one million and a half given to General On December 20, the President of the Constituent Assembly Cavaignac. administered the oath to the Prince President, as he was to be called for the future; an oath by which he undertook to remain faithful to the
democratic Republic, and to perform all the duties required of him by " Memories of the the Constitution. Napoleonic legend, dreams of a of communism and of a clerical propaganda, the fear future, glorious had deceived the mind of the people, and in consequence the Republic obtained a master." The rule of the men of 1848 was over; and now the Moderates also had had their day, like the Montagnards, Radicals and Socialists who had been dismissed in the months of June and July. proof that this was the case was furnished without delay by the
A
Government, which the new chief of the executive power selected on December 29. Constitutionally he should have chosen his Ministers from the groups possessing a majority in the Assembly partly, that is to say, from the Moderate Republicans of the Left, and partly from the Conservatives or Republicans of the Right, the sometime Monarchists. ;
He, however, did nothing of the kind. The Assembly indeed retained Republican President, Armand Marrast, but every other Republican, however able, was driven from office. The names of Arago, Marie, Garnier-Pages, and Recurt were hardly even considered and still less notice was taken of Senart, Bastide, Pagnerre, and Barthelemy St Hilaire, although they controlled four hundred out of the seven hundred votes in The Premiership was given to Odilon Barrot, a man the Assembly. never at heart a Republican, though he had overthrown the monarchy, as it were accidentally, while striving to overthrow Guizot, and who now consented to serve under the new regime, solely in order to gain power. Drouyn de Lhuys, a diplomatist who had made his fortune under Thiers, and had won a name for himself while opposing Guizot, was made Minister of Foreign Affairs Tracy undertook the Navy Hyppolite Passy became Minister of Finance, and Malleville, Minister of All these men had been in the Government of Louisthe Interior. There were indeed only two blots on this Orleanist Cabinet: Philippe. its
;
;
;
namely, Bixio, a Republican, who accepted office, in the hope of inducing the Government to help suffering Italy, and de Falloux, a Legitimist, who had been persuaded by his friends, and by the Abbe Dupanloup, to accept the portfolio of Education, in order that the supremacy of the Church might be established in that department. It was not long, however, before the resignation of Bixio and Malleville made way for Leon Faucher, an old opponent of Guizot's, who had worked for liberty with
much
ability
under the July Monarchy, but who was now, at the risk of
Relations of Ministry
1848-9]
sacrificing liberty, to devote all his defence of order against Socialism.
and Assembly
119
former energy and talent to the Under these Ministers the ReBerger, a friend of Odilon Barrot,
publicans were all ejected from office. who had formerly been a member of the Dynastic Left, was made Prefect of the Seine ; General Changarnier became Commander-in-chief in Paris, and was also given the command of the National Guard, although it was illegal for the same officer to hold both appointments.
The Legion of Honour was placed in the hands of Marshal Molitor, and finally a rich pension, as it were, was a general of the Empire found for Jerome Bonaparte, a brother of the great Napoleon, by his ;
being solemnly installed at the H6tel des Invalides (January, 1849). What control, however, could an Assembly representing a mere fraction of the electorate, and frequently holding diverse opinions, hope to exercise henceforth over a man supported by five million electors? The powers never anything but provisional wielded by the Constituent Assembly were necessarily obsolete, now that the Constitution had become law ;
while the President's power had acquired an additional strength since it rested on a definite form of government founded upon the Constitution. Ministers, indeed, still humoured the Assembly at times, but they often made it feel the superior strength of the master whom they represented. Now and then the Republicans offered a feeble resistance, and tried to come to an understanding with the Democrats whom they had formerly Bat a common fate awaited both parties. The life of the opposed.
Republican Assembly had been prolonged, in spite of its lasts endeavours to avert the threatened dictatorship, in spite of a reaction among the Royalist party, and in spite of its ill-founded claim to remain sitting until all laws
passed.
fundamentally necessary to the Constitution had been 29, 1849, under the coercion of the troops
But now, on January
quartered in Paris, mobilised for the purpose by Changarnier, the Assembly was compelled to vote its own dissolution and agreed, by a majority of five, to retire so soon as it had passed laws for regulating the Council of State and the responsibility of the Executive, an electoral The Republic did not, however, disappear law, and finally a Budget. abruptly, but still lingered on for several months after this decree. Its adversaries, in the meantime, took care not to neglect the lesson to be drawn from the Republican dissensions which had been so helpful to their own manoeuvres. Perceiving that the days of the Constituent were numbered, they took measures for securing the control of Assembly the Assembly that would succeed it. Their first care was to form a united party for their ranks included Orleanists who dreamt, like men who, like Faucher, Thiers, of restoring the deposed monarchy Barrot and Dufaure, had visions of a bourgeois regime with a strong Government declared Bonapartists, like Lucien Murat and Lucien Bonaparte Legitimists, like Falloux and even a very few Republicans. ;
;
;
;
Though
the past of these
;
men
differed as widely as their views,
whether
Parties in the Assembly
120
[1849
avowed or otherwise, a union was none the less swiftly effected between them by means of a Committee(Z7wum electorate) which met in the Rue de Poitiers. The common ground on which all were ready to agree was " " undoubtedly a policy of saving society by supporting the Church of Rome, which was so admirably qualified, if only it was strong and independent, to teach resignation and respect for authority to a turbulent In order to further this policy, subscriptions were collected in people. Paris and in the provinces newspapers were subsidised and circulated while pamphlets advocating the cause of religion and hostile to communism were distributed in town and county. " Woe to church towers ;
;
the Socialists win," became the common watchword; and Montalembert, the eloquent leader of the Catholic party, placing himself at the head of the association, called upon Liberty to unite with the Church for the purpose of securing the safety of society. if
It was Falloux, Montalembert's friend and accomplice in the Prince President's Government, who now, under the pretence of giving freedom of conscience, became responsible for a law which handed over the
He had training of the mind to the Church and the religious Orders. of as Minister for himself the established Education, purpose barely of carrying out this scheme, before he hastened to summon a special " Parliamentary Commission on Education, whose appointed task was to " secure the freedom of the schools set up by the Republican Constitution (January 4, 1849). Very few University men were appointed by the Minister to this Commission, which was mainly composed of Catholics, such as Dupanloup, de Melun, and de Riancey, under the presidency of Thiers. Its first duty, in the opinion of Falloux, was to shelve the democratic scheme for a system of elementary education given and controlled by the State, in opposition to the private schools, which Carnot had proposed six months earlier in the Constituent Assembly. Secondly, though Thiers and Cousin opposed this, it was to withdraw from the State the monopoly of secondary schools in which the bourgeoisie were educated, and to sanction the establishment of Catholic At the very outset schools, and of education by the religious Orders. of these proceedings, however, the Catholics encountered a difficulty which had not been foreseen. Certain members of the Constituent Assembly, who had scruples about the work on which they were engaged, endeavoured to oppose Falloux by bringing forward an alternative scheme
On January 9, Jules Simon, in the name of the Education Commission, gave the Assembly an opportunity of frustrating the plan formed by Falloux, the friend of Dupanloup and
for popular instruction.
Lacordaire. This move was, however, defeated, for although the Commission had been nominated by the Assembly, the Minister was strong enough to delay any examination of its proposals until the end of the
and at the coming elections he expected to obtain a majority which would promote the influence of the Church with greater docility.
session
;
The new Government and Rome
1849] It
was not only the position of the Church
121
in France, however, but
also her situation abroad, which is elsewhere described, that was arousing the attention and zeal of the Conservatives. Though Cavaignac had
offered the
Pope
Pius
assistance, after his defeat in preferred to take refuge
IX had
Rome by
the Revolu-
Gaeta, under the of the of and of Austria and thence he King Naples protection appealed for help to Europe, and the despotic Catholic Powers, rather than to France, where sympathy with schemes for a free Italy was In France, the Catholics desired to show their believed to be current. with the Holy See by restoring it unconditionally to its sympathy former position ; while their chief Falloux had accepted office for the tionists,
at
;
double purpose of establishing "religious liberty," and of ensuring " the Louis Veuillot, a man well qualified safety of the Pope in Italy." to give evidence on Catholic party history, relates how, previous to the election of Louis Napoleon, Montalembert had made Falloux promise to intervene in Rome on behalf of the Pope. But in January, 1849, the Prince President and his Ministers, Odilon Barrot and Drouyn de Lhuys, found it no easy matter to fulfil this promise. By the terms of the Constitution, which they had sworn to uphold, they were forbidden to interfere in quarrels between a sovereign and his people, and they had therefore no right to intervene between Pius IX and his rebellious subjects. It was hardly possible for Louis Napoleon to forget, or to make others forget, that, in 1831, he had himself intrigued and fought in Rome for those liberties which Pius IX would not grant even now, when defeated and a fugitive. With the President's consent, Drouyn de Lhuys suggested that a Congress should be summoned for the purpose of supporting the Pope only making the condition that it should not be held in the King of Naples' dominions, but in those of the King of Sardinia, who was at once a Catholic and a Liberal. But a fresh outbreak of hostilities, and the crushing defeat of Charles Albert at Novara, in March, 1849, soon obliged Louis Napoleon and his Ministers to abandon their temporising The revolution in Rome grew more acute after the nomination policy. of a Triumvirate, of which Mazzini was the violent and despotic leader. By the end of March, 1849, the Pope's exile seemed likely to prove a Meanwhile Falloux, in the name of the lengthy and serious matter. ;
who were growing
impatient, continually pressed for some on the part of France. At length Drouyn de Lhuys took step forward, and decided to send de Rayneval and d'Harcourt
Catholics,
definite action
the
first
to the conference of Catholic States at Gaeta.
when he saw that
this conference
Afterwards, however, to give Austria a
seemed inclined
mandate to intervene in Rome, he advised Louis Napoleon to take more decisive measures, and to dispatch an army corps to Italy, capable at once of checking the Austrians on the Roman frontiers, and of striking a wholesome fear into the hearts of the rebel Republicans.
Oudinot sent
122
to
[1849
Italy
The traditional hatred of French Liberals for the Austria of Metternich and Schwarzenberg* and their desire to dispute the possession of Italy with that nation, made Drouyn de Lhuys hope that he would this enterprise in the eyes of the Constituent Assembly, be able to
justify in spite of its being apparently directed against the Romans ; and, on the other 16th, he did in fact succeed in carrying his measure.
On
April hand, he believed that this seeming attack upon the rebels would give the President a good opportunity of satisfying and reassuring the minds The execution of this very delicate enterprise was of the Catholics. entrusted to General Oudinot; who, though he was to refrain from " to bring about the re-estabattacking the rebels, received instructions lishment of order," on a basis in conformity with the legitimate rights of the people, while at the same time forcing Rome into submission and the Pope to accept a constitution. On August 29, 1849, the French ;
They encountered no resistance troops disembarked at Civita Vecchia. on first landing, for the Romans were uncertain whether the new arrivals came to defend them against Austria and the Neapolitans or to restore the Papacy to power.
At
first,
the
Pope rejoiced
at the
coming
of these
troops but his satisfaction was mitigated when the French Envoys tried to force him to promise that he would grant indulgences and liberty to It soon became evident that the French Government had his subjects. been mistaken in believing that the mere presence of its troops would The arrival of intimidate Mazzini or induce the Pope to give way. General Oudinot in Italy only served to excite hostilities between the rival parties by making both contend for the assistance of France. A choice between these parties soon became inevitable, nor could ;
the decision of the French
Commander
be
much
in
doubt.
In the
a situation without a practicable which he found himself his only advisers were the diplomatists, d'Harcourt, de solution men who, both from inclination and Rayneval, and Forbin Janson from the position which they occupied, would naturally give way to the Forbin Janson indeed, on the influence of the Roman Catholic party. word of a priest, Father Ventura, assured Oudinot that Mazzini's faction in Rome was in a minority, and that the majority of the people there were hoping for his intervention. On April 30, accordingly, on the strength of this information, he risked an attack upon the city, and was Without any actual orders, in defeated outside the gates of Rome. defiance indeed of the decrees and instructions of the Constituent Assembly, he had declared war against the Roman Republic and his attempt had been a failure. On May 7, 1849, when this news became known in Paris, the indignasituation in
;
among the Republican party fully equalled the joy experienced by the circle in the Rue de Poitiers. stormy sitting in the Assembly how the an for showed, instant, Republicans might have been if strong had The irritated at being been united. Moderates too they only tion
A
1849]
Attitude of the Assembly
123
(although they had refused to dragged into a war against liberty at violation of the Constitution, the and for open it), indignant fight united their reproaches and their votes with those of the Radicals. In a motion proposed by Senart, and carried by a majority of a hundred, Jules Favre and Ledru-Rollin both condemned the conduct of the Government. To appease this violent opposition, Drouyn de Lhuys offered to suspend hostilities against the Roman Republic; while on May 9, he hurriedly dispatched Ferdinand de Lesseps to Italy, in the hope that the negotiations of a diplomatist of strong will and well-known Liberalism would be able to repair the mischief caused by Oudinot's But whatever chance of success such a mission unfortunate attack. might have in Rome itself, it was condemned in France before it started. But what did the wishes of a dying Assembly matter to the Catholics Oudinot's abrupt attack upon the Pope's enemies or the Conservatives ? was exactly what they wanted, and they were therefore certain to find In the first place it excuses for it and to turn it to some good account. was an excellent pledge to offer to the Catholic electors at the opening The honour of the Church and of the of the electoral campaign. French army required to be avenged and Falloux had no difficulty in making the Prince President understand and acquiesce in the wishes of The occurrence, indeed, supplied Louis Napoleon the Catholic party. with an admirable opportunity of strengthening his own majority in the next Assembly. He now formed a closer alliance with the Conservatives ;
for the purpose of ousting the send reinforcements to General
Republicans
forbade his Minister to
;
Oudinot and caused Lesseps to convey the following message, which, on May 9, he also had published in the " Our Presidential paper La Patrie, to that officer military honour ;
:
is
at stake, I will not suffer
it
to receive
any injury."
Copies of the
letter containing these words were also distributed to every regiment " for the purpose of attaching the army more closely to the chief of the
As the elections were imminent there can be no doubt that Louis Napoleon desired to increase his prestige by a show of zeal against The furious indignation of the Republicans, the Roman insurgents. who, on May 11, 1849, endeavoured to overthrow the Ministry, did not prevent Leon Faucher from sending to the PrSfets (May 12) a list containing the names of those deputies who disapproved of the Roman expedition, in order that the electors might be urged not to vote for them. At the same time, emboldened by the knowledge that its desire to involve France in the defence of the Holy See was connived at by the Presidency, the Union Liberals, the organ of the association in the Rue de " Socialist " and " InsurPoitiers, did not scruple to apply such terms as " gent to even the most moderate Republicans, who were only desirous of maintaining French neutrality in the quarrel between the" Pope and his " The honour of the was cleverly subjects. country and of the army turned to account, and used for the advantage of the reactionary parties State."
Results of the
124 by Louis Napoleon
;
and on
a victory at the elections. At these elections the
May
new
elections
[1849
18, 1849, this fortunate phrase secured
Conservatives
won
eighteen seats out of
out of the seven hundred twenty-eight in Paris, while five hundred candidates recommended by the association in the Rue de Poitiers were
The unanimity among the Republican successful in the provinces. Roman the question had seemed for a moment to promote party, which Moderate men in the Assembly, had not been extended to the country. Arago, Bastide, Lamartine, Marrast, Carnot, and Jules Favre, had refused to stand at the elections as members of the coalition that Ledru-
like
Rollin,
Madier de Montjau, and Greppo had endeavoured to form with
the Socialists for the purpose of defending the Republic. In consequence, the Moderate Republicans were utterly crushed; and even the most popular man among them, Dupont de 1'Eure, only obtained 40,000 votes
Their role was indeed over and henceforth they disappeared among the Royalists who had succeeded in uniting themselves with the Church and Louis Napoleon, or among those Democrats whose alliance they had formerly refused. An event of particular significance was the defeat of such a man as Lamartine, whose name and prestige had secured a majority for his party in 1848. Though the defeat of these men was highly agreeable to General Cavaignac's fortunate rival, and to the Conservative party, it did not, after all, mean the final extinction of the democratic Republic which they had desired to establish in France. In Paris, the Social Democrats had secured only 30,000 votes less than the Conservatives while in the provinces, two hundred deputies, entirely devoted to Republican principles, had been returned to oppose the Conservatives in the new When the Revolution had broken out in February, very Assembly. out of 274,000.
;
;
few people had dreamed of realising Republican ideas and the democratic regime which had then been established, as if by chance, had not been supported by any definitely constituted party. But a year later, in 1849, in spite of the sanguinary conflicts which were agitating France and Europe, such a party was being insensibly formed by a rapprochement between statesmen who recognised the power and the rights of the people, and a people who began to perceive the uselessness of rioting and violence. This new force had been organised by Ledru-Rollin by means of banquets and popular committees. The communistic theories also, whose advocacy of confiscation had formerly caused so much alarm, had now been replaced by a Socialistic propaganda encouraging the formation of friendly societies among the lower classes, and urging them to engage in solid undertakings for the advancement of the general The May elections were a real triumph for Ledru-Rollin, prosperity. who was elected in five departments by two million votes. The departments of the Est, Alsace, the Haute Saone, the Jura, the Saone et Loire, the Ain, the Rhone, the Isere, the Ardeche, and also several departments ;
1849]
125
Dissolution of the Constituent Assembly
of the Centre, such as the Loir et Cher, the Cher, the Nievre, and the Creuse, all pronounced themselves in favour of a Social Democratic
Republic.
Even
in the army, as its generals themselves
admitted, the
in the Assembly and in certain districts, party which was still strong number of adherents while Tocqueville a considerable reckon could upon observes that the Democrats, who had believed their cause utterly lost, were as much intoxicated with joy when their successes became known as if they had gained a majority at the elections. During the last days of the Constituent Assembly, these Democrats had already made furious attacks upon the Government and the ConOn May 19, servatives, who had leagued together for their destruction. Bill forward the Government a to by brought reject they had managed ;
General Changarnier. On had demanded and Sarrans Ledru-Rollin vigorous action in May 22, defence of the liberties of the people, that is to say, a complete reversal Had not General Changarnier of the policy of the Roman expedition. kept the troops then in Paris shut up in their barracks, they might even have succeeded in persuading the Assembly to declare itself en
for the purpose of legalising the position of
The permanence, and in giving the signal for an armed resistance. would have been a on their for such or motive, part proceeding pretext, the blow aimed by the President and his Ministers at the Constitution by their conduct in the Roman question. But on May 27, 1849, the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly had parted the combatants. At Rome, meanwhile,
all
through this
crisis
Lesseps was ceaselessly
trying to make the Romans submit to the Pope by promises of liberty and a Constitution. But, between General Oudinot on the one hand, who would not abandon his intention of entering the city by force, and Mazzini and Garibaldi on the other, who were firmly resolved to
On May 16, nevertheless, prevent him, his task was by no means easy. he succeeded in obtaining an armistice from the French General and on May 18, he persuaded the Roman Assembly to appoint some plenipotentiaries with views more moderate than Mazzini's. But, on the following day, Mazzini and the violent party once more obtained the upper hand in Rome; while Oudinot insisted upon a renewal of hostilities, and became even more warlike after the arrival of General Vaillant from ;
On May 24, Paris, with orders to supersede him if he should give way. however, after threatening the Romans with a definite rupture, a menace which was confirmed by an ultimatum delivered on May 29, Lesseps at length succeeded in signing a treaty with the Roman Republic, by which the city gates were to be opened to the French army, if it would promise to respect the rights of the nation. On the very day on which Lesseps issued his ultimatum, he was curtly recalled by a telegram from Drouyn de Lhuys, as if he had ill-
On June 1 an acquitted himself of his mission or failed in obedience. order was telegraphed to General Oudinot from Paris, contrary to his
126
The
u
Roman campaign
at
home"
[1849
to attack Rome, and to take expectations, to break off negotiations, the effect of the pressure brought to bear at was It storm. by by d'Harcourt and de Rayneval, who advocated the im-
it
headquarters mediate and unconditional restoration of the Pope, and by the German It was Jesuits, who were financially supporting this French crusade. the consequence of the wishes which they had conveyed to Paris through a determined Catholic, Prince de La Tour d'Auvergne. Lastly it was the welcome extended by the Ministry to the Catholic majority in the The first sitting had been held on May 28; Legislative Assembly. and already the Catholics were growing uneasy to find Odilon Barrot hesitating between them and the more moderate deputies of the Centre, such as Dufaure, Tocqueville, and Lanjuinais. It was to reassure them and quiet their apprehensions that the Prince President had sacrificed Rome and the convention signed by Lesseps. That diplomat returned in amazement to France, to be rewarded for his efforts by disavowal and censure for having failed to carry out his instructions while General Oudinot began the siege of Rome on June 3, and on the 30th entered through the breach. fortnight later, the Catholics saw the close of their cherished crusade a solemn Te Deum was sung at St Peter's celebrating the victory of France over the Roman Republic? and the unconditional restoration of pontifical authority. At the same time Falloux had hastened to lay on the table of the Legislative Assembly his Bill for liberty of instruction claimed by Catholics and religious communities for nearly twelve years (June 18). week later a commission had already been appointed to investigate it ; and, on July 3, 1849, the Catholic majority, rejoicing just then in the return of the Pope to Rome, asserted their determination to carry through with the utmost speed "this Roman campaign at home," as Montalembert called it. The Constitution, however, prescribed a preliminary enquiry by the Council of State, in the case of a law of such But when it came to obtaining control of education in importance. France and achieving their purposes, Falloux and the Catholic majority did not trouble themselves about constitutional forms, any more than they had done in their defence of the Pope. The Catholic party had the power, and they meant to use or even abuse it. The fruitless attempt of Ledru-Rollin and Martin Bernard, on June 13, to stir the people of Paris to revolt furnished an excellent pretext to decimate the Democratic party by means of severe measures arrests in Paris and in the provinces, prosecutions and a state of ;
A
:
A
Banquets were forbidden, mutual benefit societies dissolved, and Republican school-teachers suspended or arbitrarily dismissed. These excessive measures of repression were as ill-judged as the abortive It became evident besides, they overshot the mark. rising of June 13 that this so-called vindication of order was to culminate in the This stimulated the subjection of the nation to the Catholic party. siege.
;
Attacks on the Democratic party
1849]
127
the prosecutions secured readers for such Republican propaganda Le National as whose editors, Duras and Jules Simon, newspapers were now disposed for an understanding with the Democrats Le Siecle, La Rpublique, L 'JEvenement, prime mover in which last was Victor Hugo, and especially La Presse, which Emile de Girardin suddenly brought round again to the party of liberty, as public opinion shifted. In the country districts La Feuille du Village disseminated information :
the peasants. The municipal and departmental -elections more than anything else indicated the progress of this propaganda. None were more characteristic than the ballots of July 14: nineteen Socialist and Democratic deputies had been shut out from the Assembly by the High Court entrusted with the trial of the culprits of June 13. To supply their places the Union LibSrale of the Rue de Poitiers had produced
among
list, mainly of Royalists like Malleville, Delessert, Ferdinand Barrot, and Ducos, and of Moderates such as Lanjuinais and Boinvilliers, who always rallied round a Bonaparte. This list passed by only a very small majority over the Republican list, which mustered nearly 100,000 votes. So the strength of the Republican Opposition was growing. The contending parties then were the Catholic Conservatives and the Republican Democrats, two vast bodies each disputing as to the power or tenets of the other and, between the two, the Prince President at that time began by degrees to make his weight felt and to sketch out his own independent policy. His election and his fate, prior to the and Republicans into opposite to divide Catholics development tending had been determined the movement which, on the strength of camps, by his name, had at the close of 1848 brought together the numerous adherents of Communism, and also the people who since the days of June bore a grudge against the Republican bourgeoisie. Louis Napoleon had no intention of being completely drawn over to the Right, nor of losing his influence with the masses, the peasantry, and the army by adopting a Catholic reactionary policy. Though he might propose to remain the of in order the face of clubs, democratic Press, and mob, he did guardian not wish to be the tool either of the Monarchy or of the Church. On the contrary the mode of operation best calculated to develop and
a
;
power in the country seemed to him that of striking the Between the rival parties, on various grounds so distracting for France, an intermediate party must be interposed for which preparations had long since been made, and which was destined when The history the time should be ripe to supersede both in his interests. of the Legislative Assembly thus became to all appearances that of a Catholic Republic contending with Liberal and popular Oppositions; in reality events were simply paving the way for a personal government. From the outset, Louis Napoleon had clearly shown that he had no intention of joining the Monarchist and Catholic majority, since he had selected more Liberal Ministers such as Tocqueville, Lanjuinais, and assure his
political
mean.
Louis Napoleon and the Holy See
128
[1849
Dufaure, to the last of whom, on the model of Cavaignac, he had After the capture of entrusted the Ministry of the Interior (June 2). Rome the Ministry prorogued the Assembly from August 13 to September 30. People openly talked of a coup d'e'tat, which was save that the President's action was less precisely what took place
had been feared, though sufficiently so to furnish a lesson and a pledge for the Liberals. The opportunity the pivot on which was provided for him by the Roman question Louis Napoleon had the internal affairs of France just then turned. as a former restored the Pope by force he wished it to be known that the liberties of Rome he would not of suffer IX and Pius champion Antonelli to set up an absolutist regime once more, although a sort of white terror (terreur blanche) had already begun on July 15 in Rome. serious than
for the Catholics
:
He
Edgar Ney, to remonstrate with the Pope; he published Ney's instructions, in the form of a letter compounded of expostulations and demands, which scandalised the Holy See. France, or rather her leader, dared to present a sort of sent his aide-de-camp,
and
finally,
on August
18,
ultimatum to the Holy See, embodying a total amnesty, lay administraand Liberal institutions. Pius IX, who could not dispense with the French troops, dared not show his anger by a refusal. In a brief of September 12, motu proprio, he promised reforms, but without really granting them. Instead of discharging his debt he signed a bill for payment at a remote date. Napoleon was not baffled by this dilatory reply: he insisted on his Ministers demanding from the Holy See an amendment to the pontifical brief, namely the voting of supplies by an elective assembly but he had reckoned on a Ministry more amenable to his orders than to the will of the majority in the Assembly which tion,
;
controlled the Ministers.
When
met on October 1, 1849, the Catholics did not approve or support the conditions imposed on the " It would be an odious Holy See by the Prince President. piece of to force the will of a whose inconsistency independence we sovereign were but now vindicating," explained Montalembert with enthusiastic Odilon Barrot and his colleagues, yielding applause from the majority. to Falloux' influence and to fear, did not venture to question this. They declared, in agreement with Thiers, reporter to the commission, that after all the Pope's brief was satisfactory and in compliance with the Legislative
seem inclined
to
The Assembly approved by a large majority of the expeditionary corps remaining in Rome in the Pope's service unconditionally and even for the purpose of supporting a reactionary policy; and thus they virtually pronounced against Louis Napoleon. The President resolved on a decisive step, namely, the dismissal of a the President's letter.
Ministry which had not upheld his policy of opposing the pretensions of As early as May 30, 1849, he had commissioned the Catholic party. Odilon Barrot " to secure Ministers who would be devoted to his own
Louis Napoleon's new Ministry
1849-50]
129
Barrot had shirked this task, preferring to retain his inthe Parliament. Without consulting the Assembly, the President sent for General d'Hautpoul on October 31 and put him in office, giving him for coadjutors new men who were to be simply
person." fluence
in
exponents of his
Rouher
own
for Justice, de
These new Ministers were and then Ducos de La Hitte for Foreign Rayneval
opinions and policy.
:
Ferdinand Barrot for the Interior, de Parieu for Public InstrucFould for Finance. The message which he bade them read contained one passage which was a programme in itself " No sooner were the dangers of the mob safely past than the parties were seen to raise their standards afresh, renew their rivalry, and alarm the country Affairs,
tion,
:
by sowing seeds of unrest broadcast. In the midst of this confusion France looks to the guiding hand, the will, and the standard of him whom she elected on December 10. That victory of December 10 involved a whole system, for the name of Napoleon is a programme in itself Let us then exalt authority without detriment to true liberty." alone. It was in point of fact a dictatorship, which began from October 31, The most vigorous par1849, under pretext of "exalting authority." ticipator in the undertaking, whose talent and zeal were absolutely devoted to the President, was the Auvergne lawyer Rouher, who sought to find means for the satisfaction of his ambition in the establishment of a regime of authority. As Keeper of the Seals he did not scruple, for " the undoing of the Republicans, to make " red, rabid, anarchist criminals For this piece of policy he made use of the administration of of them. justice.
The procureurs-generaux were bidden
month against the organisation
to give information every
Democratic party, its newspapers, its associations, its dealings both open and secret, and even against those holders of office in the other departments who were suspected of halfThe Minister of War was equally zealous in heartedness or complicity. his use of the gendarmerie, circulating orders for them to watch " itinerant demagogues," and to give notice of all persons in authority and even of the
On December 13, 1849, the Minister of Public Instruction, Parieu, asked the Assembly while waiting for the voting of a law on education, that the school-teachers in each department might be set under the control and at the disposal
school-teachers favourable to subversive doctrines.
of the prefects. It was clear that, by the prosecution of the Republicans as anarchists, the presidential authority further aimed at setting up for
who should
be perfectly amenwhatever they might be. On January 2, 1850, the Royalist and Catholic majority attempted an almost successful opposition to this plan. It was only by a majority of one vote that the Bill, under the control of the school-teachers putting the prefects, was passed. retaliated and Catholics by opposing Royalists the Education Bill, which the Government had been adroit enough to The delay and refer to the Council of State on November 7, 1849.
itself in
the country an
able to its designs
C.
M.H.XI.
army
and ready
of officials,
to fall in with them,
9
130
" Falloux'
Act"
[i860
President perceived the threat; the Assembly itself was dismayed by On the advice "of Dupin and Mole they agreed to a audacity. compromise, and voted for Parieu's Bill, on condition that the Government pledged themselves to support at no distant date that Bill dear This Bill, to the Catholics, the Education Bill drawn up by Falloux. which in the history of French education has retained the name of " Falloux' Act," was finally passed on March 15, 1850. The fundamental yet evident principle of this enactment was to confirm in the primary schools and extend to secondary education the right of all citizens to give instruction, and further to charge the State transferred to it by with the burden of providing national education he created the and when the lycees, and by University Napoleon I, Guizot in his Act dealing with the schools in 1833. But for the Catholics, who thus secured the right of competing with the state schools, its
the law meant something very different. Primary, communal, and departmental schools, the lyces, and the masters in these schools, were placed under the influence of the Church. Four archbishops, elected by their colleagues, were put by the Church on the governing body of the University to inspect the programmes of lectures, to examine books, and to
On the provincial academic Councils she placed two enquire into abuses. one of them a bishop, to supervise the masters and, lastly, she obtained for rural cures the right of inspection of schools themselves. At the same time the Act gave special facilities to those schools which the Catholic party proposed to found, availing itself of the liberty of competition for the religious communities, whose existence was not then, however, recognised in France. If it was a question of a primary school, the certificate of competency required from state masters or from independent professors was not required from members of the Church if of a secondary school, where only state masters with degrees attesting considerable attainments were allowed to teach, no proof of learning was asked from the teachers in the case of Catholic schools. On priests,
;
:
granting their premises to free (i.e. Catholic) schools, the communes and departments were exempted from obedience to the law obliging them to provide education at their own expense. By means of such immunities Falloux' Act, which proclaimed liberty as a natural right, was destined, above all else, to subject that very liberty to the influence and advancement of the Catholic clergy. Louis Napoleon's Government would have been satisfied with Parieu's Act, passed on January 9, 1850, which, under pretext of protecting the school-teachers from Socialistic doctrines, placed them at the GovernIt acquiesced in Falloux' Act because it had been ment's discretion. committed to it from the outset and, by going back on its word, it would have provoked a conflict with the Catholics in the Assembly, to the advantage of the Democratic party. The passing of these two Acts in succession produced a temporary compromise between the Prince
1850]
Bye-elections in Paris
and
the departments
131
President and the Legislative, a provisional entente directed against mutual enemies Republicans, Liberals, Democrats, and Socialists. On March 15 this ill-assorted but useful compact seemed to them still more necessary, because the system of repression practised during the past year produced an effect on these enemies contrary to calculation. their
On March
10, five
days before the passing of Falloux' Act, the people of
and of the departments were summoned to a ballot, in order to fill the thirty-one vacancies in the Assembly. The Republican list, with men like Carnot, Vidal and de Flotte, was carried by a majority of a thousand votes over the list from the Rue de Poitiers supported by In the provinces, eighteen Republicans were elected Louis Napoleon. This popular revulsion to Republicanism was due out of twenty-eight. to the final completion and cementing of the union between Moderates, Radicals, and Socialists which was effected once a dictatorship seemed imminent and a clerical reaction to be feared. Henceforth the time could be foreseen when, by an inverse process to that which came about in 1848, Republicans of all shades of opinion would unite and regain the ground which their divisions had cost them, while the Union Liberate dissolved into partisans and opponents of Louis Napoleon. This was the second decisive move in the policy of the Prince President. As he had imposed his will on the Catholic majority on October 31, 1849, so, on March 16, 1850, he opposed it to the progress of the Republican minority, which threatened to become a majority just Paris
as formidable to his
ambition.
Under pretext
of protecting society,
which he declared to be in danger, he made Pierre Jules Baroche Minister of the Interior. Baroche had attracted attention as magistrate by the zeal with which he had successively opposed Guizot and, after December 10, 1848, the Republicans. The personnel of the Second Empire was made up of Rouher, Fould and shortly afterwards Moray. Moreover it was amusing to see Baroche, one of those who had organised Radical banquets for the extension of the property qualification for the franchise, making ready with the same zeal to "rectify universal suffrage." Baroche threw himself heart and soul into this task, prosecuting newspapers and clubs but just then a fresh election became necessary in Paris as Vidal, one of the candidates of March 10, chose to sit for his ;
constituency in Alsace. Things went in favour of Eugene Sue, the popular writer, on April 28, 1850, thus contributing to the superiority of the Republican party. Baroche at once took in hand a scheme for universal suffrage," suggested to the Conservatives by their "rectifying defeat in Paris on March 10, which he introduced in the Assembly on committee, of which Leon Faucher was chosen reporter, May 8, 1850. decided in favour of this scheme on May 18. On May 31 the Legislative did likewise, after stormy debates, in which Montalembert was accused by Victor Hugo of having abjured his whole past as a Liberal, and Thiers brought about his own recall to the people's confidence. There
A
132
Campaign against
the
Republicans
[1850
was an end of the matter. Nearly three million citizens found that they were deprived of their political rights on the pretext that they had not " resided three years in one place, and were consequently vagabonds," or " anarchists " and " criminals," if they had taken part in a club or secret before a political tribunal. Shortly society, or if they had been convicted afterwards clubs and public meetings even for election purposes were forbidden, for the future, by the Act of June 9, 1850. Following on these enactments a regular reign of terror and persecution was deliberately inaugurated against the Republican party throughout France. The Administration of Justice under Rouher cooperated with the Executive under Baroche. House to house distribution of books or pamphlets, meetings and banquets, in any form, were forThe Republican representatives of the nation were reduced to bidden. receiving their constituents one at a time in cafes watched by the police. Any gathering of people who might talk politics was eyed with suspicion by gendarmes, magistrates, and prefects. The houses of Republicans were searched daily. The smallest societies where Republicans met were The Republican newspapers signalised and broken up as secret societies. were hunted down and overwhelmed with lawsuits and fines. Officials, postmen, surveyors of roads, and school-teachers were dismissed on the slightest suspicion. Mayors, officers of the National Guard, and municipal councillors suffered a like fate so soon as information had been given " " against them. The cry of Vive la Republique became an act of sedition, " " that of Vive Napoleon was commended and rewarded. Absurd as it may seem even the wearing of red in belts, ties, or caps became actionable. These reactionary measures paralysed the Republican propaganda There just when it was deprived of means of action in the Assembly. was at that time some thought of a rising among many Democrats like Michel de Bourges and his friends the London exiles, Ledru-Rollin and others but the more politic among them Bernard, Lavergne, Grevy and Cavaignac contented themselves with exercising the right of speaking in the Assembly. They denounced, at every opportunity, these glaring infringements of justice, hoping that an appeal to the country would before long give the nation a voice once more, and that justice would then be avenged. Patience being a virtue of the strong, the Democrats proved their strength by the practice of it. They desired their party to abstain from voting till 1852, in order to signify their intention and fixed determination to have no part in political institutions, which for the time being had no more than a superficial claim to legality. By their ;
policy the Republicans gained this point, that, in face of their opponents who were taking advantage of power for their own ends, they remained the party of justice, of liberty as against absolutism, of established order as against the abettors of civil strife. Thus, despite persecution, they
were nourished on something better than hopes. Soon the Royalists, in their turn, were struck in the person of Changarnier, who was deprived
Parties in the Chamber
1850-1]
133
of the army of Paris. On January 9, 1851, Louis in a of formed which were included Rouher, action, Napoleon Ministry and Saintand Thiers was able to say to the Arnaud, Baroche, Fould, in "The is existence." Empire already Assembly: From 1851 onwards the whole question was not whether the Empire would come into being, but how, by legitimate means or by force. If it was to be accomplished legitimately, the Constitution would have to be modified, in particular Article 45 forbidding the re-election of the of the
command
At the instigation of the President after four years' tenure of office. Prefects the Oonseils-generaux had since August, 1850, expressed themselves in favour of the removal by the Assembly of this limit in the case of Louis Napoleon ; some had even advocated a consulship for life. The President was, first of all, in favour of effecting this act of usurpation without violence, preferring to have the supreme power accorded to him After governing by an emergency Ministry, rather than to seize it. which he appointed on January 17, 1851, in place of his Ministry whose after proving to the fall had been effected by the vote of the Assembly with it and was even then doing so he that he could dispense Assembly offered the Royalists an opportunity of coming to an understanding with him. Those approached by him were, first of all, Odilon Barrot, Malle-
and Tocqueville, subsequently Faucher and Buffet, all men who On April 10, could never be expected to countenance violent measures. of from his the 1851, they accepted promise loyal support presidency if from the to extort would endeavour Assembly a vote faithfully they of his of office. Such were Louis the tenure approving prolongation Napoleon's efforts to secure a peaceful revision of the Constitution. ville
Ministers, among whom were Rouher, Baroche and Magne, no stone unturned in their attempts to reconcile public opinion and even to utilise it in breaking down parliamentary opposition.
The new
left
28, 1851, the time when the proposals desired by the were to be brought forward, the opinion of the country Assembly favourable, appeared especially in those departments in which the had The intentions of parties first been built up. Bonapartist party in the Chamber continued uncertain the Republican party took their stand from the first. They could not pronounce in favour of preThe paring the way for a dictatorship, were it never so legal a one. Monarchist party, who formed a majority, were disposed towards this solution, since they shared Berryer's illusion that an entire revision would fully vindicate justice, and tend to bring about a restoration previously approved by such Orleariists as Mole. Uncompromising Orleanists like Thiers, who desired to overthrow Louis Napoleon and set aside the Comte de Chambord, allied with the Republicans to defeat absolutely The partisans of the programme of the President and his Ministers. in numerous the Chamber, who constituted Bonapartist power, already the party of the Elysee, were bestirring themselves on the other side and
Up
till
May
:
134
Constitutional revision rejected by Assembly
to their joy discovered
Orleanists,
who were
[1851
politicians in the ranks of Legitimists and resigned to a prolongation of Louis Napoleon's
many
authority in order to avoid a coup d'etat and delay the irreparable.
De Broglie came to terms with Leon Faucher on this point, and his influence was still great in Orleanist circles. Persigny, a friend of the Prince and a former Legitimist, tried to win Changarnier's concurrence on these grounds and by means of promises likely to appease his rancour. In short, there was certainly a majority in favour of the legal solution, which the Prince President laid before the House. But, according to constitutional law, a majority for the revision was not sufficient. The votes in favour had to be three-quarters of the total number of voters, and out of about 710 entitled to register their opinion over 180 (more than a quarter) were obdurate Republicans. Perhaps it was in order to win adherents in the group thus entitled to decide between dictatorship and monarchy that Louis Napoleon went away to Lyons, and made a speech there on June 1, 1851, which was calculated to conciliate the Democrats. This produced no effect whatever: when on July 8 Tocqueville opened the debate on the revision with a favourable statement, Michel de Bourges and Victor Hugo declared that not a single Republican would vote for it. On July 19 the project of revision was thrown out by nearly 100 votes " The Constitution will not be revised," said a deputy, " it can almost be said to have ceased to be." After voting, the Assembly decided to rise as usual on August 10 for a recess of two an interval which, in 1849 and 1850, the President months and a half had turned to such good account for the furtherance of his fortunes. And did Louis Napoleon use it, as has been said, for the preparation this time of those violent measures, which seemed the sole expedient for maintaining his power, now that the attempt at a legal solution had been foiled ? It was observed that Saint- Arnaud, General Magnan, and Colonel Fleury were summoned to Paris. They were young officers from Africa, who were supposed to possess the energy and decision of :
youth needful for carrying out a coup de main. Maupas, Prefect of Haute Garonne and the Prince's confidant, and Count Morny, who was a member of the family, and devoid of all scruple, were now more frequent visitors at the Elysee and between August 11 and September 9, in the retirement of Saint-Cloud, they considered with Carlier, Prefect of Police, the question of the right moment and conduct of a coup d'etat. It seems for a time that the President demurred at making the final decision. " Louis Tocqueville, who was his Minister, has said Napoleon was in his plans. He was often seen to alter his course, very vacillating advance, pause and then retire, greatly to his own loss for the nation had chosen him to dare all things, and what it expected of him was valour and not discretion. He had always been much addicted to pleasure. His passion for common amusements and his taste for comfort had increased with the facilities of power. He let his energy thus become ;
:
:
daily enfeebled
135
Attitude of Louis Napoleon
1851]
and
his ambition
abate and die away."
Up
to
the
moment
for attempting the final stroke the President hesitated between the desire to establish himself firmly in power without risking anything
and the fear of losing that power
if he risked nothing. After contemplating the coup dtat for October, 1851, when he saw the Assembly on the point of resuming its sittings, he thought that he would make one last attempt on legal lines. He knew that it was only the stubborn opposition of the Republicans, which had in July baffled his desire to protract his authority, and he suddenly conceived of a device He announced his intention of restoring the people for appeasing them.
and of abrogating the electoral law of May 31, 1850, and he gave the grounds for his action in his message of November 4. " This restoration of universal suffrage affords one more chance of from the revision." But October 12 the opposition of the securing Ministry, which resigned in a body rather than accept this challenge to the Conservative Assembly, and the certain opposition of that Assembly, induced the President to anticipate it. On October 27 he to all their rights
summoned de Maupas terms: "Here I am on
to the Prefecture of
Police for Paris in these the edge of a ditch full of water; on the other I need some men to help me across side I see safety for the country. Will you be one of them?" Maupas had accepted, and this ditch.
had Saint-Arnaud, who was to replace General Randon in " When Department. Lamoriciere had said of him you see Saint-Arnaud a Minister, say Here is the coup d'etat." The other Ministers, except Giraud and Fortoul, were men of no weight and behind them lurked Morny awaiting the critical moment, when he would assume the management of the conspiracy at the Ministry of the Interior. The plot was carried on in perfect secrecy during November, 1851, whilst the Assembly, which was reduced to the defensive, attempted so above all
the
War
:
:
at the instigation of its Quaestors to guarantee
its
own
inviolability
and existence by a law, empowering the Assembly's President to claim the armed force and all authority. The Republicans had defeated this The Royalists had set Quaestors' Bill by a majority of one hundred. aside the Electoral Bill approved by the Republicans. Members seemed incapable of combining for decisive effort. Maupas, Persigny, SaintArnaud, Morny and Mocquard, bringing Louis Napoleon's final hesitations to an abrupt conclusion, laid their plans in profound secrecy during the last days of November.
was drawn up by Morny and mysteriously December 1-2, embodying a proclamation and the' informing people of the dissolution of the Assembly advising and the restoration of universal suffrage, and convening the electors from December 14 to 21 for a plebiscite to decide about the revision of the Constitution. When the Parisians read these notices, they were confronted by the whole army of Paris called out in readiness to uphold First of all a decree
printed during the night of
The Coup d'etat of December
136
[1851
The people's representatives found the Palais legislatif occupied dawn by two regiments of- the line. They soon heard too that at sunrise the most prominent men among them, Royalist as well as them.
since
Republican generals, had been taken to the prison of Mazas under the pretext of their having conspired against the State: those so treated were Bedeau, Changarnier, Lamoriciere, Cavaignac, Leflo, Colonel Charras Thiers and Roger du Nord of the Orleanist leaders and of ;
;
the Republicans Cholat, Valentin, Greppo, Nadaud, Miot, Baune and Warrants had at the same time been issued against seventy Lagrange. Republicans, journalists or members of Democratic societies, who were
"in order to make the Republic more sure," as Louis In short, all the men, and the parties, who in July Napoleon put had opposed the revision of the Constitution, were rendered powerless under pretext of conspiracy, whether in the interests of crown or people. The manoeuvre had been rapidly executed and promised to be successful. Such representatives of the people, however, as were still at large, tried under Berry er's leadership to organise some form of legal opposition at to be arrested
it.
the Mairie of the Tenth Arroiidissement, in the quartier St Germain, where the Legitimist party reckoned its strongest adherents. Two hundred deputies of all parties met for a last sitting and proclaimed the fall of Louis Napoleon and the continuance of the Assembly, although
they possessed no means of enforcing their decisions or the law of the At the orders of Maupas, General Forey cleared the hall and had
land.
these last supporters of legality conveyed between lines of soldiers to prison in some neighboring barracks.
The Republican
representatives had tried another expedient for the of a dictatorship. establishment Carnot, de Flotte, Jules resisting Favre, Victor Hugo, Michel de Bourges, Madier de Montjau, and
Schoelcher formed themselves into a committee of opposition and decided on a popular rising for December 3 in the Faubourg St Antoine. few barricades were raised there and also near the Halles. But the whole day passed off without any events of consequence. It was not till the evening, from seven o'clock till midnight, that a serious disturbance ensued on news arriving that Baudin had met his death on a barricade. Saint- Arnaud left things to take their course until the afternoon of the next day ; then, when he had given his troops the needful time to rest and recuperate, he hurled his cavalry brigades on the boulevards against the artisan districts in the centre, drove the mob back, and overwhelmed it, so that in a few hours he was master of the situation. Blows had been dealt thick and fast, and no quarter given without warning an unarmed crowd of pedestrians and onlookers had been fired on with grape-shot on the Boulevard Poissoniere, and then the company had passed on at once to complete its work of brutal repression. Morny had installed himself too, in hot haste, as Minister of the Interior. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte might be master of the Assembly and of Paris, but France was not yet at his feet. Morny, who was
A
;
1851]
Events of December 3-8
137
devoid of scruples and full of energy and devotion for his cause, was It was vital that everything the very man for this hazardous post. should be prepared so that, when the people were summoned in a fortnight's time to vote for the restoration of the Empire, they might not be overruled by the influence of Republican leaders, committees, and newspapers of which the progress, even in the rural districts, had been daily apparent during the past two years. Morny kindled the
In order to enthusiasm of his prefects and sub-prefects by dispatches. make ready for the great national plebiscite, he authorised them after December 4, 1851, to replace justices of the peace, mayors, and schoolteachers, whose concurrence was not vouched for by an oath in writing. He ordered them to arrest instantly any person attempting to disturb the peace, and to suspend any newspaper that might damage their side by its polemics. On December 5 he requested the prefects to give
information against sub-prefects not showing sufficient zeal in the On December 6 he forbade them for the performance of this task. future to let a single newspaper appear unless they had seen the proofs. " The " Administration," he said, needed all its moral force to accomplish its work of regeneration and salvation." On the 7th the Ministry had a list of the authors of disorder, and the leaders of the Socialist party drawn up in every part of France, and a decree of December 8 treated as convicts and criminals at common law " all these rascally members of
and unrecognised political associations." There was a twofold purpose in these terrorist measures the framework and heads of the Republican organisation prepared in the departments, in view of the elections of 1852, must be speedily demolished before the ballot to which France was summoned and, on the other hand, the friends of law and order, both Conservatives and secret societies
:
;
Royalists, must be persuaded by reason of impending anarchy to rally on the day of the voting to the policy of the Elysee. The risings which took place in Democratic centres in the provinces at the news of the Coup d'etat contributed towards this twofold object. The north made no move, and the east scarcely any beyond a few demonstrations rapidly In the west it was the same thing. quelled at Nancy and Strassburg.
But
and at Bonny-sur-Loire there was fighting. In Allier Donjon seized the town of La Palisse. There was a riot at Poligny in the Jura, a bloody revolt in Nievre where the Democrats got possession of Clamecy and summoned their friends from Yonne to The troops got the better of them on December 8. In the help them. south the Republicans of Lavardac and Villeneuve advanced under arms against Agen, and those of Gers against Auch, while those of Herault, mustering hastily from the country, blockaded Beziers for three days. At Toulon there was quite a little army commanded by Duteil, which would perhaps have roused Provence to revolt if Marseilles had risen. at Montargis
the Democrats of
For six days a provisional Government consisting of peasants actually
138
Effects of the
Coup
d'etat
[1851-2
Digne and governed the Basses- Alpes, formerly a Conservative These revolts, speedily quelled by the exertions of the prefects, and gendarmes incited by Morny, afforded evidence to the generals from which it had been preserved by the country of the grave danger some and d'Stat justification for the brutal repression of this Coup " abominable vandalism of this jacquerie" and for the declaration of a sat at
district.
From state of siege in thirty-two departments, one-third of France. that time it was a simple matter to implicate in proceedings against insurgents all Republicans whom it was desirable to banish immediately. In Paris from December 4 the number of arrests amounted to 2100 and they continued during the following days. In Meurthe, between " December 3 and 20, nearly 5000 of the " reds were arrested. And of course the departments which had risen were most affected. The time had now come when Morny, in view of the approaching ;
verdict of France, could give his prefects the necessary instructions "for ensuring the free and sincere expression of the will of the nation." Since they were delivered for the future from Republicans and party animosity (which would have perverted the real significance of the ballot) the Administration must not remain inactive and unmoved. It received orders to turn " its energies to winning the day for the political opinion
which had prompted the Coup d'etat, to circulating the President's proclamations even in the remotest villages, to forming electoral committees composed of honest men, who would undertake to enlighten the minds of the public, from the chief towns to the smallest hamlets, to fortify their spirit, and to convey the wishes of the prefects to the This circular of December 10, 1851, after the terrorist measures leading up to it, was the essential preliminary to a ballot manipulated by an energetic and unscrupulous Ministry. It contained a sentence which was at once a programme and an avowal " Liberty of conscience, but the resolute and consistent use of every allowable means of influence and persuasion, that is what I expect from you." Morny was not deceived in his expectation, and Louis Napoleon could congratulate himself on having called him in at the critical moment, when on December 21, 1851, France decided, by 7,500,000 votes against 640,000, to delegate to the Prince President the right of electors."
:
The nation abdicated its sovereignty, the person of the great Emperor's nephew, remembering at the same time the fame which his House had won for The France, and hoping for a strong and equally glorious Government. were of the and people weary impotence of parliamentary struggles drawing up the Constitution. vesting
all its
parties; they
rights
in
dreaded popular risings and longed for quiet and security. helpless too, beneath a rSgime of administra-
They were discouraged and
and terrorism, which stifled every attempt at discussion and opposition. Louis Napoleon and his adherents celebrated this their first victory at Notre Dame on January 1, 1852, and by Te Deums in all the churches of France. And, while the President duly installed tive pressure
1851-
Victory of the Prince President
]
139
himself at the Tuileries, there to revive the memories of Napoleon's Consulate, the eagles, symbolical of glory and power, appeared once more There was very little room for doubt as to on the standards of France. the form of Constitution which the Dictator was commissioned to draw up. In order however to leave nothing to chance, he carried on with policy, of which the efficacy had been proved by After December 31, 1851, Morny had the plebiscite of December 20. the list sent in to him of persons arrested since ftie Coup d'etat, so that
renewed severity that
he might deal them a final blow and complete the sentence in good These measures for the "public safety" attacked the representaearnest. tives of the people first of all: by the decree of January 9 eighteen deputies, of
whom six
were Republicans, were exiled for a period, and
whom
belonged to the Montague ; the five most sixty-six for life, all of of to be these were transported to Guiana but, through the dangerous influence of George Sand, three of the sentences were commuted to ;
banishment, namely, those of Greppo, Marc Dufraisse and Richardet. Mathe made his escape. Miot was sent to Lambessa. The Conservative deputies had almost all been released there was nothing to fear from them after the voting of December 20. After the Democratic leaders, it was the turn of their constituents in the provinces, "the revolutionary as they were termed in the circular of January 11, 1852 ringleaders" the insurgents in the recent risings and all opponents of the Government who threatened the peace. Regular lists of suspects were drawn up by Commissaries of the War Department, procureurs-generaux and prefects. All compromising information was welcomed and arrests immediately began and were continued throughout the month of January, 1852, to the number, it is estimated, of nearly one hundred thousand. Then, when all Democrats possessed of any energy, conviction or influence had been securely caught in the net which the authorities had spread so widely and so rapidly, a special Court of Justice was constituted to deal finally with the victims. "The number of guilty persons and the fear of public strife," Morny confessed in his circular, "did not allow of acting otherwise." From January 18, 1852, it was decided that Commissions mixtes, consisting of prefects, procureurs-generaux and officers, should try the prisoners in districts declared to be in a state of siege if trial it could be called when the sentence was pronounced on information from the Government, in private, and without witnesses or :
;
These commissions determined on penalties, in accordance with a special code compiled for their use, namely, trial before a Court martial transportation to Cayenne or Algeria, temporary or for life; relegation to some place in the interior; trial before a Court council.
;
misdemeanours (tribunal correctionnel) subjection to these conditions sentence was given summarily and supervision. of the proceedings, as also the grounds of conviction, The records rapidly. have been preserved and suffice to prove how many people innocent even for the trial of
Under
;
Measures for
140
the "public safety
" [1852
view were arrested, condemned and actually of officials anxious to show their zeal or even orders the on transported as a consequence of private animosities or unfounded suspicions. The official documents of the time give the number of persons sentenced as little short of 20,000 nearly 3000 to relegation to the interior, 10,000 But this total is to transportation to Algeria, and 6000 to supervision. the numerous must not be Republicans incomplete forgotten who, to from a
political point of
:
escape these stringent proceedings, underwent voluntary exile in Switzerland, Belgium, England, and even the New World, or who remained in France because they were unable to flee, but had to leave their homes at the sacrifice of their occupations and of other February, 1852, this piece of work was completed to the a work which we can only regard as crueJ satisfaction of its instigators and fatal to justice and liberty. George Sand's words bear a melancholy " When testimony to the state of things you go into the provinces and see how crushed is the spirit, you must bear in mind that all the force lay in a few men now in prison, dead, or banished." In conclusion, the dictator could henceforth without risk give some semblance of legality to his power. On January 14, 1852, he promulgated the Constitution on his own authority, having entrusted the task of drawing it up to his faithful Ministers Troplong, Persigny, Flahaut and Rouher chiefly. He offered it to the French nation as the fortunate and rightful heritage of the First Consul, a return too long delayed, "the
and conceal themselves
interests.
By
:
only Constitution adapted to the social and administrative institutions of modern France, and calculated to secure the requisite liberties and the maintenance of Napoleonic principles." He justified the institution of an untrammelled power, on the grounds of the pretended responsibility of the head of the State towards a people no longer possessed of newspapers, political liberty, or personal security. The fact is that he
had grasped
all the nation's powers the Ministers no longer constituted a parliamentary cabinet, but were appointed by him and removable at his pleasure alone ; they had become mere instruments under his ;
direction. The Council of State, chosen by him, formulated laws, but in private. The Senate, whose duty it was to revise the laws and fresh ones, and to interpret the Constitution, seemed to have propose some legislative authority; but the selection of every one of its
members
rested with the President
and
their salary
was
left to his dis-
Since their sittings were not public, and as their sessions only lasted so long as their master chose, beginning and terminating at his orders, what independence or initiative was there actually left to the Senate ? The Senators were appointed on January 26, 1852, the Councretion.
Admirals and Marshals on the 25th. Every precaution, and otherwise, was taken so that the sovereign, having made the law in his own interests and without any other check, need not apprehend that one and only check, the Corps legislatif, which he had allowed to cillors of State,
legal
stand as a sort of last tribute to legality.
Restoration of hereditary
1852]
141
Empire
And such a Corps legislatif\ An assembly of two hundred and fifty members who had to swear themselves in before him in order to take their seats, who were elected by a ballot of the arrondissements to pass laws and arrange taxation, but who were obliged to refuse the public any account of their deliberations. They had to pass the Government's Bills without possessing the right to modify them, and might not even They were not entitled to nominate bring forward a Bill themselves. their President, nor might they call in the Ministers to debate with them, nor ask questions. By the suppression of the right of address they were deprived of every expedient for obtaining a hearing with In short, the annual voting of either the sovereign or the nation. the budget was the sole power remaining to the representatives of the Louis Napoleon had however taken his precautions against country. this inadequate means of opposition by the electoral decree of Februall of electors 1852, categories suspected of Republicanism were ary 2, from debarred ballot the (which, according to principle, was to carefully be universal) and the right of determining the electoral divisions was :
conferred on the executive power. " You must understand," Morny wrote " how to the prefects on January 18, great an effect a more or less skilful adjustment of divisions will have on the election results." "It " the Government is a serious business," he added on January 20 will not hesitate to recommend candidates directly to the choice of the electors." And, while biding his time for absolutely forcing the vote of ;
the electorate, the President on February 17 issued a decree relating to the Press,which entirely deprived the voters of political liberty, subjecting
them to authorisation pure and simple, and to the suspension of the Government at his caprice, and even compelling them to insert officially communications of reports of the Ministers and their agents.
On March
29, 1852, the President, desirous of putting the Constitu-
tion into force, installed the bodies, thus elected at his will and according On that occasion he solemnly declared " The dictatorto his orders. :
entrusted to me by the people, terminates to-day." But what had he done but force that dictatorship on the people, and continue it under the semblance of a Constitution ? His Minister and coadjutor, de Maupas, described this regime more accurately when he termed it an absolute Government, which possessed no more than the name of ship,
A
Even the name was soon lost. fresh Republic and of liberty. was organised in a similar manner to those preceding it. The same measures of repression and intimidation were in the first instance
plebiscite
there were appeals from the head of the State to Conservatives Catholics in the provinces, which the President visited in September of that year; there was proscription of Democrats, and On November 21 and 22, 1852, came the suppression of the Press. final restoration of the hereditary Empire in the person of Napoleon III.
adopted
and
to
;
CHAPTER VI THE REVOLUTION AND THE REACTION IN GERMANY AND AUSTRIA.
I
(1848-1849)
IT has been seen in an earlier chapter, how wide-spread had been the political unrest which in Germany preceded the outbreak of the The leaders of the party of national reform had Revolution of 1848. definitively adopted as an integral element of their programme of action the transformation of the decrepit Confederation into a federal State.
The more radical political ideas, which during the last generation had found abundant utterance in the south-west, seemed about to coalesce with the desire for representative institutions that in 1847 had led to the summons of the Combined Prussian Diet. Were such a coalition to be actually brought about,
it
must overwhelm
all
attempts at resistance
wish of King Frederick William IV to force the growing national movement into the tortuous channel of his own semi-mystic designs but it must also overwhelm the traditional attachment to territorial independence still strong in many of the minor Its effect on Austria and the Austrian monarchy States of the north. could riot yet be definitely gauged but the discontent which had accumulated here was partly due to racial and to economic causes of very or evasion.
It
must
stultify the
;
;
long standing. Still, the impulse to which the outbreak of both the German and the Austrian Revolution of 1848 was due, came, after all, from without and not from within and Count Beust, who was generally aware from what quarter the wind blew, very properly scouts the notion that the earlier ;
of these two associated movements, unprecedented in the suddenness of its outbreak and unparalleled in the swiftness of its spread, was a purely native origin. The impotence of the chief continental Governments had for some time become manifest to the party of agitation spread over Europe. In 1846, the Polish Revolution had indeed been overthrown; but its fugitive germs had been scattered into many a region of future activity besides the hotbed of Paris. In 1847 had followed the overthrow of the Swiss Sonderbund, and the successful assertion of the principle of a direct appeal to a national numerical
and more homogeneous
142
1847-8]
Early insurrectionary disturbances in Germany 143
In October, 1847, Metternich diagnosed the condition of majority. Austria by the remark that a mortal disease was upon the State which he had served for very nearly half a century and the Italian troubles ;
December and January ensuing went some way towards confirming When on February 22-4, 1848, the crash came at Paris, the his fears. tremendous significance of these events was at once recognised by German In his London political opinion among all sorts and conditions of men. exile Ferdinand Freiligrath, whose dreams were haunted by the figure of the Holy Republic of the German nation, exulted in " this proud epoch of the world's history." And, a few days later, King Frederick William IV of Prussia, mindful, perphaps, of Neuchatel, appealed to Queen Victoria to of the
join in a
new quadruple
alliance
on behalf of the peace of the world.
The
earliest actual insurrectionary disturbances in followed on the February outbreak of the Revolution in
Germany which France were on
But the
rapidity of their succession and the ubiquity of their recurrence were amazing and, in the words of Duke Ernest of "most Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, astonishing of all was the total absence a small scale.
;
any power of resistance on the part of the various Government and the helplessness with which one and all, high and low, allowed themselves to fall a prey, some to the most inept notions, and of
authorities,
others to a paralysis of terror." The movement, starting in the southwest in the last day or two of February, was everywhere welcomed by a
middle and more especially the professional a by large proportion of the Government officials of the several States. Addresses poured in from all quarters the most virtual consensus of the classes, as well as
Government drafted by the masterDahlmann and signed by nearly the whole professoriate of his while the population of nearly every important University of Bonn
notable being that to the Prussian
hand
of
;
town or princely " Residenz " assembled in more or less imposing numbers, to give voice to its demands. With the almost universal claims for freedom of the Press and the right of free assembly and petition was usually associated the demand for a national Parliament, through which the people at large should share in the government of a united Germany. Trial by jury, the arming of the people, the grant of a Constitution
where
it did not already exist, and the imposition on the State army of an oath of fidelity to it where it did, were other frequent demands often the establishment of equality of rights between the several religious confessions was added, for the most part on behalf of the Jews and before long the social grievances of the lower classes, whose political interests proper were few, made themselves heard. The workmen in the towns claimed a share in the profits of the manufacturers and the peasants raised their perennial cry for the removal of feudal servitudes, and the abolition of the game laws. In the large majority of instances the fruit fell from the The procedure trembling tree at the first shock. was nearly everywhere the same with "storm mass-meetings, -petitions" ;
;
;
144
.
National Parliament demanded
to the sovereign
when forthcoming
or to a Diet
though there was a great deal of clamour, there
when
was
[1847-8 at hand.
But,
actual violence and hardly any bloodshed. The Governments readily changed the chiefs of their most prominent ministerial departments and made profuse promises of reforms ; and they were equally prompt in undertaking to use their best endeavours for a fundamental change in the system of the existing Germanic Confederation. little
the first of the kind The Heppenheim meeting of October 10, 1847 had led to the concentration of whose proceedings were made public Liberal effort, in the south-west at all events, upon the question of a German National Parliament. On the first news of the Paris disturbances, a motion on this subject was proposed in the Darmstadt Chamber on February 27, 1848, by Heinrich von Gagern. This ardent champion of parliamentary freedom and singularly high-minded man had from the first aimed at carrying a plan of constitutional reform by the support of and he a national representative body, elected by the people at large now urged the Hesse-Darmstadt Government to take steps towards obtaining for Germany in the first instance a provisional head with a responsible Ministry for foreign and military affairs, and a National A few days later, on March 5, a more or less self-constiParliament. tuted committee of fifty-three leading Liberals, chiefly though not entirely from this part of Germany, met at Heidelberg, and agreed to the appointment of a Committee of seven members, to arrange for the ;
On
of a preliminary Parliament ( Vorparlament). his return this meeting, Heinrich von Gagern, who had in the interval been himself called to the head of the Hesse-Darmstadt Ministry, brought about
summoning from
an understanding with the Baden and Nassau Governments, by which younger brother Max was commissioned to ask the co-operation of
his
German Governments in establishing a German Central Power, which should assume authority in conjunction with the proposed National Parliament (March). The success of the scheme was practically conditional on the readiness of the King of Prussia to assume the Frederick William IV, responsibility of a provisional German headship. however, had conceived a rival plan of a Congress of German Princes at Dresden. The gifted and high-minded Joseph Maria von Radowitz, who had long been deep in the King's counsels, and of whose veracity there is no doubt, was afterwards anxious to prove that his master had been to himself at But the head of the German movement. place ready both Radowitz and the King, whatever the strength of their intentions, had to submit to the superior force of events. As for the old Diet at Frankfort, though, even to itself, its days were known to be numbered, other
rose after a fashion to the situation by a vague appeal to the German nation (March 1) and by allowing each Government to deal as it chose with its Press. Meanwhile, the Vorparlament scheme was steadily carried on ; and on March 31 this assembly actually met at Frankfort.
it
1846-8]
Movement in Baden, Mainz
& Hesse-Darmstadt
145
The grand duchy of Baden was the natural starting-point for the revolutionary movement which, once set on foot, seemed to progress almost The Grand Duke automatically from State to State, and town to town. Leopold had, as far back as 1846, introduced a strong Liberal element into his Administration, which was thus in substantial agreement with the constitutional views cherished by the parliamentary majority. But before long a potent influence was exercised on the Opposition side by
Friedrich Hecker, a talented advocate with a powerful demagogic vein, Thus, while the Liberal majority followed the lead of those whose national aspirations
who soon shared the Radical leadership with Gustav Struve.
had found expression in Bassermann's motion in the Chamber noticed above, Hecker's socialistic harangues on the one hand and the remnants of Baron von Blittersdorff's anti-Liberal influence upon the administration on the other, made the political state of Baden extremely inflammable in addition to which the grand duchy was in this very winter of 1847-8 ;
threatened by material distress consequent upon an industrial crisis. Thus, when on February 27 the Paris news reached Mannheim (the centre of radical feeling in the State) a popular meeting was at once held and an attempt made on March 1 to terrorise the Diet at Carlsruhe was only defeated by the presence of mind of Karl Mathy. By his advice the Government met the popular demands half-way, conceding liberty of the Press and the formation of a National Guard. But, while in the chief towns of the grand duchy the movement was still under some control, in the rural districts the peasantry began to rise against the landowners, and in the neighbourhood of the Lake of Constance a Republic was proclaimed. Mathy 's courageous behaviour among his electors at Constance helped to steady men's heads on March 23 the Second Chamber rallied to the Constitution ; and, pending the meeting of the National Parliament, the revolutionary movement was arrested. On the same day as that on which the French news reached Mannheim, it had filled Mainz. The famous metropolis, connected by recent traditions with the memories of the First French Revolution, had since those turbulent days had to submit to the reactionary sway of the Grand Duke of Hesse-Darmstadt, besides as a territorial fortress admitting ;
;
a joint garrison of Austrians and Prussians the latter much detested. In default of the immediate concession of the demands of a popular
meeting held on March 4, a descent en masse upon Darmstadt had been intended, when on the following day it was announced that Grand Duke Ludwig II had adopted his son and namesake as his co-regent (a few months later, Ludwig III became Grand Duke by his father's death) and called to the conduct of his Government Heinrich von Gagern, who learnt his appointment on his return from Heidelberg (March 5). It failed however to put an end to the Mainz unrest and in May a deplorable disturbance took place, accompanied by some loss of life. In the Bavarian capital the scandals of the Lola Montez regime might ;
c.
M. H. xi.
10
146
The movement in Bavaria and Hesse-Cassel
[1847-8
have been expected to have ended with the departure of their heroine and the reopening of the University, the centre of opposition to her sway (February 11). But her creature, Berks, was still acting Minister of the and after, to quell popular agitation, Prince Wrede had been Interior on the point of ordering the troops to fire on the crowd, a serious conA royal proclamation, however, now flict seemed inevitable (March 6). appeared, promising the assembling of the Estates on March 16, for the discussion of the popular demands, including a National Parliament; ;
" Bavaria's
was announced in his inimitable style, " takes On the same day the Munich garrison, pride in his Germanic manhood." headed by the King's younger son, Prince Luitpold, swore fidelity to the Bavarian Constitution. But Lola still hovered about the capital and various ministerial changes ensued before on the 18th, rioting having recommenced, she was declared an alien and her most powerful agent, the head of the police, was dismissed. The Estates were awaiting the and of their the capital was distracted between hopes sittings opening and fears, when, late on March 20, two royal proclamations were affixed King,"
it
;
In one of these, King Ludwig, while recording his faithful adherence to the Constitution and his conscientious stewardship of the " as public resources though I had been the servant of a free commonanounced his abdication the other was signed by his son and wealth," successor Maximilian II, who declared his resolution to uphold lawful liberty in both Church and State. Some Liberal politicians were admitted to the walls.
;
and the new era began. Bavaria was almost the only German State where the Revolution of 1848 was accompanied by a change of sovereign. In Hesse-Cassel, where a law-abiding population had to suffer from the arbitrary will of a succession of Electors, the Revolution found Frederick William I in a conflict with his subjects which he had long carried on as co-regent with his father William II, and had recommenced with fresh vigour since he had himself succeeded as Elector in November, 1847. Foiled in his attempt to prevent the officers of his army from taking the oath to the Constitution, which with the aid of his Minister Scheffer he was persistently striving to undermine, he had at the close of the year into the Ministry
;
appointed a Commission of revision, under whose care it would probably have bled to death, but for the effect of the news from France, which reached Cassel on February 29. After some hesitation, due to Scheffer's illness, the Elector gave way under the pressure of a number of deputations from Hanau and other places (March 6), and agreed to the dismissal of Scheffer, the appointment of some Liberal Ministers, and the convocation of the Estates. Further deputations resulted in a of freedom of the Press arid other concessions, including proclamation that of full right of private religious worship to the Deutschkatholiken seceders from the Church of Rome whose importance (with that of their apostle
Ronge) was overrated
at the time, but has since
been perhaps
1848-9]
The movement in Frankfort and Nassau
147
unduly disparaged. These concessions were not considered sufficient at Hanau, where on March 9 a popular meeting, swelled by many outsiders, On March 11 determined upon a three days' ultimatum to the Elector. the Elector, greatly perturbed, more especially in view of the relative popularity of the rival Hesse-Darmstadt line, gave way once more and proclaimed his acceptance of a purely constitutional system of governHis Ministry was now thoroughly transformed but as it neither ment. enjoyed the Elector's confidence nor satisfied the populace (a riot on ;
April 9 led to the disbandment of the Elector's lifeguards), more troubles were certain to follow. At Frankfort, under a still essentially oligarchical system of govern-
ment, the Jews within the
city,
and outside
it
the inhabitants of the
rural districts, desired a removal of the restrictions resting
upon them. In accordance with the permission given by the Diet on March 3, the Senate at once proclaimed the liberty of the Press and, when further demands were made, they were for the most part granted. But some, including the removal of Jewish disabilities, were refused and democratic excesses led to conservative counter-demonstrations. Meanwhile, the Diet hoisted the national black-red-and-gold standard in front of its palace, ;
;
though determined to put a patriotic face on its collapse. From Mannheim and Caiisruhe the revolutionary movement quickly On March 2 a popular passed on into Nassau, where it took a new turn. at Wiesbaden into which had was held poured an enormous meeting it was said 30,000 well provisioned as if for a number of peasants campaign. The one demand near to their hearts was that the private domains of the Duke one of the wealthiest of German Princes should as
be declared the property of the State.
When,
after
some
delay,
Duke
Adolf appeared among his subjects and promised to grant all their demands, he became for the nonce almost as popular as the able leader of the movement, a lawyer named Hergenhahn. But it was not to be that the it for such would stop expected peasants' rising really was here. Not only did the peasants, when an amnesty had been proclaimed for all offences against the game and forest laws, interpret this as licensing a general destruction of game and a free appropriation of all forest timber; but they possessed themselves of all communal offices,
and carried on the work of local government, except that the payment of rates and taxes, and of rent payable to public receivers, had come to an end. While the Ministry under Baron von Dungern passively looked on, and the old Chambers had been dissolved, the real authority everywhere belonged to the Committees of Safety newly formed round the Central Committee at Wiesbaden. When at last a Second Chamber, elected on a new basis, assembled, it consisted half of peasants, half of officials. Hergenhahn, now chief of the Ministry, was left without enduring support, and in June, 1849, his resignation was accepted by the Duke. Notwithstanding the violent resistance of the Radicals, the days of
148 Movement in Wurtemberg, Hanover
&
Saxony
[1848-9
reform were now ended, and by March, 1852, the revolutionary changes had been effectually " revised."It has been noticed in an earlier chapter, how in Wurtemberg the carried out for many years under King intelligent system of government more William, especially through his very capable Minister Johannes von Schleyer, a strict constitutionalist, had ceased to satisfy the popular demands. The material prosperity of the kingdom had at last begun to diminish and the economic distress had been increased by the dearth of Thus the malcontent element in the population had been further 1847. increased though the Government, at the opening of the Wurtemberg Diet early in 1848, sought to ascribe this condition of things to the ;
;
malign influence of immigrant revolutionary agitators. The arrival of news from Paris accordingly led to disturbances, which were forcibly put down, and to the admission into the Ministry of Friedrich Romer, the actual originator of the Heidelberg meeting of March 5, and a the
To the Ministry thoroughly independent politician of high character. which included him and some other men of insight must be attributed Wurtemberg, though its action in regard to national was much hampered by the determined particularism of its King, weathered the storm in the two critical years 1848 and 1849. Passing from the south-west to the north, one would hardly have expected that the kingdom of Hanover should have been involved to any For here the despotic serious extent in the revolutionary movement. the fact that
German
affairs
personally, in spite of everything, not an King Ernest Augustus had been able to repress the resistance which it unpopular sovereign in and no Press deserving the name existed provoked every quarter to be "freed." Yet a public demonstration on March IT induced the rule of
;
King, three days later, to consent to the appointment of a new Ministry, presided over by Count Alexander Levin von Bennigsen, and including, as its most important member, the eminent historian and publicist Johann Karl Bertram Stiive, burgomaster of Osnabriick. The Hanoverian legislature hereupon settled down to a revision of the Constitution of the kingdom on the more Liberal lines of that approval in 1833; and the task was accomplished by September, 1849. On the other hand, the
Government of
of Ernest Augustus, even more pertinaciously than that William of Wurtemberg, opposed all attempts to bring about a
constitutional unity for Germany at large. In Saxony, since the Leipzig tumults of
August, 1845, and the
consequent adoption of a repressive policy by the Government, disquiet and discontent had continued to pervade the population. At a time
when
in Prussia the
Combined Diet was
of a representative assembly
at last presenting the spectacle in the little neighbour
worthy of the name,
had every pretext for declaring its existing Diet was the impotence of particularism more Nowhere "incompetent." in felt than keenly Saxony, through which so much of the German
kingdom
the Radicals
Saxony: Robert Blum.
1848-9]
149
Thuringia
nation's activity and intelligence circulated. Immediately on the arrival of the news of the Paris Revolution an address, in which all the sections
was sent to King Frederick Augustus from this having been unfavourably received, a and, (March 2) Leipzig second, demanding the dismissal of the Ministry, was despatched amidst of Liberalism concurred, ;
Falkenstein, the unpopular Minister of the Interior, hereupon resigned and, after the abolition of the censorship had been announced and the summoning of a new Diet promised, the whole of the Konneritz Ministry followed his example (March 13). Three days later, which time the of success the Revolution at Vienna was by unmistakable, the new Saxon Ministry took office with Braun, the leader of the Opposition in the Second Chamber of the Diet, as its President, and von der Pfordten (formerly professor at Leipzig) and Oberlander (a town great agitation.
;
councillor of
Zwickau)
as
Ministers for Foreign and
Home
Affairs
Under Oberlander's auspices a network of clubs, destined respectively. to exercise a noble influence upon the progress of the revolutionary movement and
in
Germany, speedily overspread the kingdom.
The most
among these were the Vaterlandsvereine, which were, consciously or not, moving forward in the direction of a Republic. Their exemplar was the Leipzig club, where Robert Blum was long the protagonist a copious orator and a master of both rapture and active
influential
pathos, but often indefinite like the movement of which he assumed the direction, and self-consistent only in his abhorrence of government and Governments. In Saxony the progress of this kind of radicalism
was surprisingly rapid, and took the new Liberal Government itself by so that the new electoral law promulgated by it resulted in surprise Diets which altogether outstripped its policy. Thus, in February, 1849, the Braun Ministry finally resigned, and was reconstituted under Held Baron von Beust, to oblige the King, taking the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. With this Ministry, too, the Chamber was speedily at issue on the subject of the publication of the German Constitution, and in April it was dissolved by the King, who though a moderate and minded was Prince, reasonably strongly attached to his sovereign rights. Thus affairs moved on to the final conflict between King and people in May, 1849, to which it will be necessary to refer below. In Ernestine Saxony, and in the small Thuringian States in general, where for the most part much goodwill existed between the potentates and their " peoples," the news of the February Revolution produced a flood of petitions and addresses as elsewhere. Little hesitation was ;
;
anywhere shown before conceding the popular demands indeed, at of Reuss granted them before they were made. Greiz, Prince Henry In the capital of Schwarzburg-Sondershausen, whose public debt exceeded half a million of dollars and which could not boast a single railway, Prince Giinther affably declared that, even if fate were to force him to In abdicate, he would still arrange so as to finish his days at home. ;
XX
Anhalt.
150
[1848-9
Mecklenburg
other Thuringian towns the citizens joined with the military in putting down insurrectionary demonstrations, or performed this task themselves. The rising at Weimar was mainly inspired from the neighbouring University of Jena, a time-honoured centre of academical agitation ; more
was that at Altenburg, where, after Hanoverian and Prussian had restored order, Duke Joseph abdicated in favour of his son troops In general, the more or less vague agitation for liberty ran its George. course in this part of Germany before the schemes for unity had taken definite shape. Nothing came of proposals for a union with the kingdom and it of Saxony, or for the establishment of a kingdom of Thuringia may be noticed that, when at Frankfort (in November, 1848) a scheme of mediatisation was debated, nine of the Thuringian deputies voted The spirit of Karl August of against it, and only four in its favour. Weimar survived among many of the Thuringian Princes, and the Coburgers were by no means isolated in their political breadth of view. Thus these petty sovereigns were popular among their subjects and in the days of the Reaction they showed little desire to undo the reforms accomplished in 1848 and 1849. In Lippe-Detmold and Waldeck, as well as in the southern principality of Hohenzollern-Hechingen, the petitions of the inhabitants were violent
;
;
The course of events in granted by the several Princes (March 9-10). the Anhalt principalities, at that time still under three Governments, and more especially the history of the Bernburg revolution, are typical of an The obstinate Kleinstaaterei by no means on the Thuringian pattern. population of this petty State had long been misgoverned under an imbecile Duke by an extravagant camarilla, without a single non-official but now a responsible newspaper to open the eyes of the public and constituent Diet were established. These soon quarrelled Ministry with one another; whereupon the Court left the country, and Duke Leopold IV of Dessau assumed his kinsman's responsibilities by granting the Bernburgers a Constitution and summoning a fresh Diet for its revision. During an election riot (February 18, 1849), some thirteen shot down by the military, which was hereupon superseded were persons In Dessau Prussian by troops and soon afterwards the reaction began. and Kothen, where a joint Diet sat and a common Constitution was confirmed by the Duke of Dessau, Prussian influence and Prussian military interference, to the satisfaction of King Frederick William IV who as the cousin of the Duchess took a great interest in Anhalt affairs, in the course of 1849 and 1850 undid most of the progress effected. In the Mecklenburg grand duchies, long regarded as the impregnable ;
;
fastness of feudal institutions
and
ideas, the
movement
of the spring of
1848 seized upon both burghers and peasantry as rapidly as elsewhere. At Schwerin the Grand Duke Frederick Francis II was moved to promise liberty of the Press, and to summon (for April 26) an extraordinary Diet, which, for the first time in Mecklenburg history, secured the same measure
1848-51]
Oldenburg.
The Hanse Towns
151
Towards the close to draw up a common Constitution on a broadly democratic basis. But the combined efforts of the nobility of both duchies and of the Grand Duke George of Strelitz (Queen Louisa's brother) prevailed over the willingness of his of electoral rights to all classes of the population.
of the year deputies
from both the grand duchies met
Schwerin kinsman to recognise this Constitution; and, both duchies having concluded military conventions with Prussia, the old character of
Mecklenburg regime was to a large extent restored by 1851. In Oldenburg, in answer to the usual popular demands and disturbances, Minister Beaulieu quietly withdrew (his subordinate Hannibal Fischer being driven out of Birkenfeld by main force) and Grand Duke Paul Frederick Augustus was found ready to lay before a Diet sumthe
;
moned
(September) a draft Constitution, which assigned income from the domains to the State. Disturbances broke out in the free city of Bremen at the same time as in Oldenburg and after a protracted deliberation a Constitution was adopted in March, 1849, in which the civic body was reformed on a broadly popular basis, without the oligarchical Senate being, however, ousted from its possession for the purpose
half the
;
In Hamburg, the question of constitutional reform power. But its be committed to an assembly elected by a general vote. conclusions failed to satisfy either side, and serious disturbances ensued which necessitated the calling in of Prussian troops (August, 1849), and at a later date of Austrian ; so that more than a decade passed before In the third of the (in 1860) a constitutional settlement was effected. Hanse Towns, Liibeck, a proposal to revise the existing Constitution by providing for a wider popular representation, was withstood by the Senate, and ultimately led to an occupation of the city by Mecklenburg but the revised Constitution came into force troops (October, 1848) and not was (December) again altered in a reactionary sense till 1851. of the real
had
to
;
minor German States noted above, whatever brought about by the outbreak none of them could have gone so far as it did but for the success of the risings which shook.the foundaAnd of tions of the two great German Powers, Austria and Prussia. a all doubt derived the Berlin insurrection these, again, powerful beyond immediate impulse from the upheaval which had preceded it, though only by a few days, at Vienna.
The movements
in the
their special antecedents, were actually of the Paris February Revolution ; but
The general political condition of the Austrian monarchy has been briefly described in a previous chapter. long period of peace had weakened instead of strengthened the authority of a Government whose purpose it had been to maintain the existing system of the State without any actual change. The spirit of constitutional freedom could not fail to penetrate into an empire of whose population something like
A
half tion
had for centuries enjoyed the right of a share in their own legislaand taxation, though this right was not exercised under modern
The Austrian Empire before
152
the outbreak
[1848
constitutional forms, and though even in Hungary the executive was reserved to the Crown. It was impossible but that a desire for an of representative Government and for the reforms which effective
system
establishment must bring with
it should be cherished throughout the was allowed for any expression of opinion no opportunity empire, though on public affairs either by the Press or by public meetings. The Government was organised in Departments, often conducted with ability, and by officials of enlightened and even Liberal views, but out of touch with one another and subject to little control except in the last instance by This supreme authority was in the the supreme authority of the State. hands of an imbecile Emperor, guided by a State Conference consisting
its
Archduke Francis Charles, the heir to the throne, mentally above the level of the reigning Emperor Archduke Ludwig, the Emperor's youngest brother, a conservative of the narrowest type, in favour of whose claims those of his liberal-minded elders Archdukes Charles and John had been accordingly passed over by their father and the two Chancellors Metternich and Kolowrat, who were hardly on Count Franz Kolowrat- Liebsteinsky, speaking terms with each other. of four
little
;
;
who was
responsible for the control of home affairs, was wont to pose as a reformer in order to annoy his colleague. Metternich, in his turn, while
quite awake to the expediency of internal changes, had long abandoned effort to bring them gradually about, and confined his attention to maintaining the existing political system of Europe against all attempts to interfere with it. Thus he had at last settled down to the belief that
any
the success which had so long attended his endeavours was destined to continue unbroken. The year 1848 opened with no direct signs of troubles ; though anxiety was caused by movements of troops and volunteers towards the
Early in February there were disturbances having followed at both Milan and Venice, martial law was proclaimed in Lombardo-Venetia (February 22) In Hungary and Transylvania the Conservative influence of the two Court Chancellors, Count George Apponyi and Baron Samuel Josika, seemed for the time at least to have arrested the progress of Kossuth's agitation, to which the Moderate leaders of the Opposition gave only a half-hearted support. Galicia was quiet. In the German
Lombardo-Venetian at
Padua
;
frontier.
and, anti- Austrian demonstrations .
provinces of the monarchy there seemed nothing to cause alarm, except that the bad harvests of the last two years and the stagnation of business had led to disturbances among the unemployed, more especially in and about Vienna.
The news of the Paris Revolution, soon after it had reached Vienna, was followed by that of the popular movements in Baden and Wiirtemberg, arid of the rising at Neuchatel, which resulted in the expulsion of the Prussian officials and the establishment of a Provisional Government (March 1). The first symptoms of public excitement at Vienna
Beginning of
1848]
the
Vienna insurrection
153
manifested themselves among the select body of political thinkers who met in the Politico-Juridical Club, and of whom Alexander Bach, a Vienna lawyer of great ability and courage, as well as of an ambition which soared above personal inconsistencies, was soon to come to the front among the students of the University, who were to play so extremely prominent a part in the coming Revolution; and more During the whole of this period of Austrian especially on 'Change. history, financial interests came to the front with surprising rapidity and it was, as we shall see, the doubts felt in the stability of the National Bank of Austria which as early as March 3 furnished Kossuth with the opportunity for insisting on the establishment of a separate ;
.:
Hungarian Ministry. Metternich was by
time quite aware of the gravity of the Empire. On March 4 Radowitz arrived at Vienna, where Metternich agreed to the King of Prussia's proposal of a conference of Princes on German affairs at Dresden, and endeavoured to gain over his visitor to the idea of a common action on the part of the Eastern Powers in view of the approaching European crisis. He was full of anxiety but though rumours of his and Archduke Ludwig's resignation were already on foot, no question of any popular concessions seems to have been as yet entertained. On March 9 an address, this
general situation of the
;
upholding the principles of a self-dependent and centralised Austria, was drafted for presentation by the Lower Austrian Estates who were shortly to meet and two days later another was passed in a popular meeting at Prague, on similar lines, but emphasising the fraternity and equality of rights existing between the German and Cech nationalities. ;
Thus prefaced, the Vienna insurrection proper began characteristically by a demonstration in the University on Sunday, March 12, in which a petition of the well-known type was carried by acclamation and entrusted to the care of two popular professors. Though it was graciously received by the Emperor, through the mediation of Kolowrat, a feverish agitation had now seized upon the capital and the State Conference, following Metternich's advice, resolved to summon a meeting of delegates from the lawful Estates of the several provinces of the Empire to confer with a special Committee nominated by the Government. But such ;
On the 13th the insurrection took more definite measures came too late. Led by Adolf Fischhof, a young doctor of medicine, a popular shape. deputation amidst great tumult gained admission to the Landhaus, where the Lower Austrian Estates were assembling, and whence they with Before the heads of the difficulty made their way to the Hofburg. State assembled there in council could arrive at any conclusion, a conflict had taken place in the Herrengasse between the troops and a densely packed crowd, and five lives had been lost. So great was the popular fury that
Archduke Albrecht, the commander
persuaded to allow
of the
the civic guard to enter the Inner
was where Town,
garrison,
154 it
Resignation and flight of Metiernich
[1848
at once fraternised with the insurgents. Then, while in the suburbs was set to some manufactories, the mass of the population of the
fire
surrounded the imperial residence, where the members of the State Conference and others were assembled under Archduke Ludwig, and whither University and civic deputations passed in, the populace itself It was in circumstances in the evening invading parts of the palace. so anarchical, in the midst of a hurly-burly of Archdukes, officials, and demos, that Metternich, whose resignation had been demanded by the city
civic deputation, was apprised of the expediency of bowing to the storm. After a personal appeal, to which Archduke Ludwig made no adequate response, the Chancellor declared his readiness to resign, and at once drew up and despatched to the Emperor a dignified letter. On the following day (March 14) he and his faithful Princess escaped with some difficulty to Feldsberg in the Marchfeld, and thence to Olmiitz and Prague nor ;
were the
later stages of his flight
to Dresden, devoid of (which he did not reach till April 21) His semi-official farewells to the Tsar and the
and
finally to
London
danger or of suffering.
King of Prussia were in keeping with the rest of his conduct he had given way to a catastrophe which, though never, as he writes, a docteur d symptomes, he had long foreseen and which during nearly forty years he had done his best to avert. His constructive task was long over; and even at :
Court, in the circle of Archduchess Sophia, the consort of the heir to the throne, his persistence in the old methods had begun to arouse some impatience. The extraordinary coldness experienced by the fallen statesman was due partly to fear, partly to a mass of obloquy which
day obscures his great services to the Peace of Europe. While Kolowrat remained in place, and Metternich's own office was temporarily filled, the imperial manifesto issued on March 15 was put together, without ministerial advice, in a wrangle of Archdukes and other advisers round the sovereign. It promised a Constitution, abolished the censorship of the Press, established a National Guard, and announced a joint meeting of Estates, which would now have a new significance, for It was rapturously received as the visible sign of the coming July 3. the popular victory and on the same day the Emperor was made to drive as if in token of his contentment through the capital, where all was On the 16th, though Prince Windischgratz, exaltation and confusion. to whom on the 14th Archduke Albrecht had made over his powers, had proclaimed martial law, and carried it out in some of the suburbs, he left the city to its own devices and the mob used its liberty to enter the house of the unpopular burgomaster, Ritter von Czapka, who fled for his life. A Committee of 24 citizens was appointed to conduct the business of the Inasmuch as the obnoxious head of the police, Count Sedlnitzky, city. had been dismissed and the force itself been reduced to inaction, such order as was preserved depended upon the exertions of this Committee, and more especially upon those of the new National Guard and the to this
;
;
The new Ministry.-- Hungary
1848]
armed students of the University.
On March
155
19 the Emperor's advisers
summoned courage
to issue an imperial edict directing all public authorities to maintain the existing laws and ordinances in so far as they at last
had not been legally revoked and on the following day the new Ministry, which had been several days in the making, was actually called into "power." Bach and Schmerling were astute enough to keep out of it; and its ultimate head was Baron von Pillersdorff, hitherto Kolowrat's second-in-command, whose brief memoir of his Ministry shows him to have been well-intentioned and honest almost to simplicity. "Six men," he writes, "were now united in a single cabinet, who had never before exchanged opinions or concerted a political system" and five of them speedily resigned. Among these were Count Kolowrat, who remained President of the Ministry for a little more than a fortnight, when he retired into private life Count Ficquelmont, who at an advanced age had taken the direction of foreign affairs, for which he had long been designed in the event of Metternich leaving it vacant and Baron von Kiibeck, whose experience of Austrian finance was probably unsurpassed, but who withdrew even sooner than Kolowrat. The movement, which had first broken out at Vienna, had communicated itself with the utmost speed to Linz, the chief town of Upper ;
;
;
;
Austria to Graz, the capital of Styria (where public feeling in the first instance directed itself against the Jesuits), though the demands of the to Salzburg, and to other important Styrian Diet rapidly extended ;
;
Thence it passed with no less rapidity into places in German Austria. the other parts of the monarchy and from first to last the action of the new Government was complicated by a most varied series of deputations. ;
The address of the two Tables of the Hungarian Diet was brought Vienna on the day on which the triumph of the Revolution had been formally acknowledged there (March 15) by the Palatine of Hungary, Archduke Stephen. The guidance of popular opinion, and the consequent control of the Diet, where the Magnates could not in the end hold out against the Lower Table, was rapidly passing out of the hands of the Moderate Constitutionalists, even out of those of Szechenyi, whose influence had been unrivalled, into those of Count Batthyany and Kossuth. The youthful Palatine, who had only in the previous year succeeded to his father's dignity, had allowed himself to be gained over by these leaders, the drift of whose action he hardly perceived, and had to
consented to support the demand for a responsible Hungarian Ministry appointed by the Palatine, which the Diet had adopted on March 14. He was followed to Vienna by a large deputation of members (including Kossuth), and on the 17th was informed that the King agreed to the
demand
of the Hungarian Diet. No sooner had Archduke Stephen returned to Pressburg, than he announced the nomination of Batthyany as President of the Meanwhile, on March 15, an enthusiastic Ministry. popular gathering at Budapest had forced the Council of the absent
156
The Hungarian Ministry.
Croatia.
Prussia
[1848
Palatine to grant the demands of the "People's Charter," embodying the "Twelve Points" recently drawn up by Joseph Iranyi, and including liberty of the Press and the establishment of a National Guard. At Vienna, the critical character of the concessions which the
vehemence of the Hungarian nationalists and the impetuosity of the Palatine had brought to pass, was fully recognised and it was sought to minimise them by attempting to reserve to the imperial Government the supreme military command and certain financial resources for the maintenance of army and diplomacy, as well as to pledge Hungary to the But it was not a moment in taking over of part of the public debt. which the Government was able to press anything, and the law which practically pronounced the autonomy of Hungary was finally approved A brief period followed in which, as will be seen, at Vienna (April). much was done in the way of legislative reform to justify the measure which Kossuth and Batthyany had carried over the heads of Crown and nobility, and of all the Conservative and Moderate elements in the ;
political life of the
kingdom. May 15 was a day of popular excitement, and in a great public meeting an address, approved on the morrow by the magistrature of the city, was voted, which called upon the Emperor to
At Agram
also,
At Prague, a National Guard was formed, and, pending the reorganisation of both Diet and City Council, a general "Committee of St Wenceslas" took it upon itself to prepare a national address for presentation to the Crown. Finally, in Galacia, whither of course the Vienna views penetrated latest, a deputation of nobles and citizens obtained from the imperial Commissioner at Cracow, and from the Governor Count Francis Stadion at Lemberg, the release of political prisoners. But this most capable and courageous official and statesman refused to allow the arming of the population, and called out the entire garrison of the capital, in order to show that here at least the Government stood firm. restore the ancient rights of "constitutional Croatia."
The cycle of these early revolutionary movements is completed by the course of events in Berlin. The Prussian like the Austrian Government had
at first remained apparently passive spectators of the series of disturbances in the minor States; though at the beginning of March Frederick William IV is said to have had the intention of sending two army corps into the south-west. When, however, by March 15 the outbreak of the Revolution at Vienna and the flight of Metternich
became known at Berlin, there was great joy in popular and some satisfaction even in official spheres; but the Government seemed wholly at a loss how to act, and the King, who cherished a romantic veneration for the historical greatness of the House of Austria, was in the depths of despair. Everything seemed giving way around him. In the Prussian monarchy, there were signs of strong popular sympathy with the
1848]
Agitation at Berlin.
--The
"
March Days"
157
both in Westphalia and in the Rhine Province, Revolution. In the west where there was so much inflammable material to receive the sparks blowing across the frontier savage assaults were made upon the countryhouses of wealthy noblemen and a great deputation was on its way from Cologne to assure the King that immediate reforms were indispensable. In the east, there was a disturbance at Breslau on March 5 and at Konigsberg in East Prussia a meeting was held on the following day, ;
;
which commissioned Johann Jacoby, a Radical physician of great ability, and others to draft a petition demanding liberty of the Press and a National German Parliament. A riot followed on March 13, and wild rumours immediately arose that the Government intended to bring Russian troops across the frontier. In Berlin itself March had opened with a succession of public meetings, and from the 13th onwards there was increasing friction with the military and the police. considerable alien element believed to have consisted chiefly of Rhinelanders and Poles had found its way into the capital, where barricades were experimentally
A
erected as early as
March
15.
On
the following day the military had
for the first time to give fire in order to clear the streets. March 17 seemed to pass quietly ; but unfortunately the King's Ministry was at this very time awaiting its dismissal. The high-minded and able
Minister of the Interior, Ernst von Bodelschwingh, who had advised summoning of the Combined Diet in 1847, had been unable to
the
persuade the King to go further and, distrusting his own influence as a As a last public man, he had on March 15 again asked leave to resign. service, he drafted a patent accelerating, in view of the great events at Vienna, the meeting of the Combined Diet, and insisting on the necessity of a Constitution, with a representative assembly, for Germany at large. On the fatal morning of March 18, Frederick William IV signed this patent, and at the same time an ordinance abolishing the censorship in Prussia. At noon the Ministers gave in their resignation. Count Albert von Alvensleben-Erxleben, a wealthy Conservative nobleman who had rendered excellent service to the State, and who long held an almost ;
unique position at Court as adviser in cases of extreme difficulty, had been sent for; but, moved by a rooted distrust of the King's methods of rule, he declined to serve, and suggested Count Adolf Heinrich von He was sent for in his turn and granted a day's Arnim-Boitzenburg. delay in which to make up his mind. In the course of the morning the royal concessions became known and the Schlossplatz filled with all sorts of people through Berlin more especially proletariate and "immigrants." Within the Palace the King was discussing ministerial arrangements, and, in the midst of a motley crowd, receiving first the Rhenish deputation, to which he poured out promises for both Prussia and Germany, and then a less vehement deputation from the Berlin magistracy, towards which he ;
The "March
158
Days"
at Berlin
[1848
Outside, in the meantime, the aspect of the crowd of it bore down in a menacing fashion upon of General von Pfuel, who had just arrived absence In the the Palace. in Berlin to take charge of the Guards, the command was by Alvensleben's advice assigned to General von Prittwitz, an officer of He at once it was now about high courage but uncertain temper. proceeded to clear the Schlossplatz by slowly advancing a 2p.m.
adopted a regal tone.
grew dangerous, and part
squadron of dragoons, with their sabres sheathed, and a company of Some friction inevitably followed, and a few infantry on each flank. sabres were drawn then a couple of muskets accidentally went off. No one was hurt; but in a moment the crowd dispersed, crying "Murder! " With extraordinary speed, barricades rose up in several Treason streets, and in a few hours Berlin was in a state of general insurrection. Prittwitz, who had not more than 12,000 troops at his disposal, now ;
!
began to carry out his plan of gradually securing the control of a limited area round the Palace but he was terribly hampered by the indecision of the King, who could not be induced till nine o'clock to give an order for the troops to advance, and who by midnight was in a condition bordering upon dementia. The shock of finding his trust in his people vain, and his own visions of action rudely dissipated, had completely unhinged him and when the Liberal leader, Georg von Vincke, pressed the King hard to "yield," his last power of resistance seemed to have It was in this state of mind that he composed his ill-starred vanished. proclamation "An meine lieben Berliner" in which he requested the people to quit the barricades, after which the troops should be withdrawn. This he sent for approval or correction to the ex-Minister ;
;
Bodelschwingh, who at once conveyed it to the printers. Next morning (Sunday, March 19) the confusion in the King's apartments was renewed; in the midst of it he knelt down to prayers with the royal family, when he was further softened by an inopportune admonition to humility from the Court preacher. Deputation on deputation arrived urging the unto monarch withdraw the troops, although, except very partially happy in one of the suburbs, the barricades had not yet been evacuated. At ten o'clock, the King was at last persuaded by Arnim, in spite of the opposition of Bodelschwingh and of vehement protestations from the Prince of Prussia, to issue an order that the troops facing the barricades should quietly remove from them. The order was communicated to some of the officers on duty with the troops, who during the lastfour-and-twenty hours had undergone much fatigue and worry, and were half-starved and it had already been partially acted upon before it reached Prittwitz, who, after some hesitation, with an oath, gave the word for the withdrawal of the troops into their barracks. Before long, to the horror of the inmates of the Palace, its surroundings were left unprotected. Soon afterwards the King granted the popular demand for arms, which were supplied from the Zeughaus; and the triumph of the insurrection was complete. ;
1848]
The King's ride and proclamation
159
Further humiliations, however, followed on this unforgotten day of shame. In the course of the day a long procession escorting a van laden it was afterwards reckoned with corpses of defenders of the barricades that 216 insurgents had fallen in the fray as against 18 soldiers passed the facade of the Palace the few military still remaining to guard it were quickly hidden away, and the King and Queen appeared on the In the evening the capital was balcony to salute the procession. for it was known that a new Ministry had been brilliantly illuminated all of them avowed Liberals, though of no extreme type. appointed With Arniin-Boitzenburg, Count Schwerin, Alfred von Auerswald, Ludolf Camphausen (the leader of the Rhenish Opposition), Hansemann, Bornemann, and, as Foreign Minister, Heinrich von Arnim (late Minister at Paris) had taken office. During the night and on the following morning Prittwitz ordered the troops to quit all the barracks in Berlin, lest they For a moment the King thought of leaving should be surrounded there. his with Berlin departing troops, but is said to have been kept back by the (incorrect) observation of his new Chief Minister that no sovereign who had left his capital in such circumstances had ever returned thither. He remained, and it is said that a watch was kept over the threshold But the fury of of his bedchamber by one or two faithful officers. the populace turned against the Prince of Prussia, who was set down as a sworn reactionary "unhappily," wrote Ludwig von Gerlach, "quite a mistake." On the evening of the 22nd he and the Princess escaped to Potsdam, where the officers of the troops sent out of Berlin were consuming their wrath ; and thence they continued their flight to ;
;
England. Meanwhile, on the 21st, the dregs of the cup had been drunk by the unhappy King, who was in a sense the martyr of his own illusions. On that day appeared a second Proclamation, drafted by Arnim-Boitzenburg, and addressed " To mypeople and the German nation." In this document occurred the celebrated phrase that Prussia was henceforth merged in Germany (Preussen geht in Deutschland auf). More than this, escorted by his Minister-in-Chief and a police officer, King Frederick William IV, with the black-red-and-gold flag which he declared himself to have adopted floating round his head, rode through the streets of his capital, addressing the students of the University on the way and otherwise spending himself in promises. He had not consented to this grotesque solemnity without reluctance, and afterwards spoke to the Queen of this The part which he had played on day as the most terrible of his life. this occasion, there can be no doubt, filled all factions and interests in the State with shame and Among the Liberals, whom it had disgust. quite failed to conciliate, the idea was mooted of bringing about his abdication,
and
of
of the Prince of Prussia's his mother, who leaned to a time, the King, remaining at Sanssouci, followed
working for the accession under the regency of
son, Prince Frederick,
Liberalism.
For
The new Prussian Ministry
160
[1848
not only Radowitz' advice of "effacing" himself as much as possible but because his spirit was utterly broken. Yet, after all, the significance of Frederick William IVs semi-mystic his unlucky ride. Arnim's proclamation was more enduring than that of for constitutional reasons,
in Germany implied that desire for the phrase of Prussia being merged expansion of Prussia and her Constitution into Germany and a German Constitution which underlay the political aspirations of the brothers Gagern, of the historian Droysen, and of Baron Stockmar, one of the most practical politicians of his day. This idea was in essence that of
the National State, to this day imperfectly realised, as preferable to the Federal State which, though destined to be reconstituted and reorganised,
was already becoming a thing of the past. But neither was Frederick William IV the man to secure to Prussia the hegemony in Germany at the price of the sacrifice of her own individuality as a State, nor was remain within the power of his successors. 22 the solemn funeral of the martyrs of the insurrection was held at Berlin, attended by nearly all the clergy of the capital, the King doffing his cap as the coffins passed the Palace, whereas he took no part in the military honours at the burial of the fallen soldiers two On the 25th he paid a visit to Potsdam, where he enraged days later. the officers, some of whom, it is said, had entered into a plot for his " liberation," by dwelling on his perfectly comfortable condition at Berlin. Abroad, as well as at home, his Government was treated with undisguised In the latter half of March the proposed conference of disrespect. Governments on German affairs was to have been held at Potsdam instead of Dresden Austria, then in the throes of her Revolution, had assented and Ministers had actually arrived from Saxony and from the south-west. But, on March 24, the new Austrian Government declared that without its assent no change could take place in the Constitution an
effort in this direction to
On March
;
;
Eager to conciliate national feeling and Liberal Prussian the goodwill, Ministry, as we shall see, despatched troops to the established Provisional Government of Schleswigsupport newly of the Confederation.
Holstein, and promised to satisfy the Poles by a division of the grand duchy of Posen. On the 29th the Ministry was reconstituted with a view to satisfying the more advanced Liberalism of the western provinces,
Camphausen taking Arnim-Boitzenburg's place
and Hansemann being transferred April 2 the Combined Diet met.
at its head,
Department; and on So far there had been no serious attempt to interfere with the results achieved by the March Revolution but it was about this time that efforts towards bringing about a reaction began on the part of the extreme Conservatives, among whom Ludwig von Gerlach was the leading spirit, and Hans von Kleist-Retzow and Otto von Bismarck soon became known as his most redoubtable followers. The hope was now wide-spread, that a United Germany would at last be called into life, with a common Constitution based upon a to the Financial
;
The Schleswig-Holstein rising
1848]
161
Yet it may be doubted whether even this longnational representation. cherished aspiration, and the impulse derived from the wonderful success of the French Revolution, would have sufficed to fill all Germany with a sense of the necessity of common national action, but for the direct appeal coming at this very time from a quarter to which the national sympathy The significance of the Schleswigcould go out whole and undivided. Holstein question and its history cannot be understood except in connexion with the long struggle for national unity, and with its successive phases of hopefulness and failure. The draft Constitution for the Danish
monarchy, which
it
was
attempted immediately King Frederick in January, 1848, and by which it was intended to unite with the Danish kingdom the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, hitherto only tied to It was to it by a personal union, was never carried into execution. 26 from Denmark and have been submitted to an assembly of notables 26 from the Duchies but the project had to be given up within two months. Its chief consequence was the formation at Kiel of a Provisional Government for the Duchies under the Hereditary Prince Frederick of Schles wig-Hols tein-Noer, which included, together with Count von Reventlow-Preetz and Wilhelm Beseler of Schleswig, both prominent as political leaders, two local citizens of repute. This reprethe sentative Government took possession of the fortress of Rendsburg and organised the insurrection key to the command of both Duchies At Copenhagen no exertion was spared, and against the Danish rule. to introduce
after the accession of
;
by the beginning of April 14,000 men were in the field. On April 9, before Prince Frederick had joined his army, it was defeated at Bau near Flensburg by the Danes, who two days later occupied Schleswig. Beyond a doubt, if left to themselves, being in possession of the whole of Schleswig, as well as in command of the sea and the island of Alsen,
they would have made short work of the ill-organised insurrection. But already the quarrel had become one of European significance ; and Prussia could not avoid taking part in the conflict. The instincts of both the Russian and the British Government were against helping Germany to become once more what a league of German
France had towns had been in the distant past, a great Baltic Power. no such interest, but she was traditionally hostile to Germany and
Denmark. Austria was at present incapable of intervening ; Prussia intervened, she could not permanently hold aloof. This fact, and the eagerness with which the Schleswig-Holstein rising had been welcomed by the patriotic feeling common to all German Liberals, were patent to all parties in Prussia. To the extreme Conservatives any friendly to
but
if
Prussian interference in the struggle seemed self-seeking and dishonest; the Liberal Government knew that nevertheless it must be ventured, unless all thought of a Prussian hegemony in Germany was to be
postponed sine 0.
M. H. XI.
die.
11
162
Prussian intervention
[1848
Thus, already on March 24 the Prussian Government had recognised autonomy of the Duchies, -their indissoluble connexion with each other, and the descent of the sovereignty over them in the nearest male the
Soon afterwards two regiments of Guards (i.e. Augustenburg) line. were sent to Rendsburg, as if Prussia had been charged with the Federal On April 4 the Diet at Frankfort, moved by several of the execution. north-German Governments, resolved to invite the Prussian to charge itself with the task of negotiating a cessation of hostilities with Denmark on the basis of the restitution of the state of things before the issue of the obnoxious Constitution and an agent, Major von Wildenbruch, was immediately sent from Berlin to Copenhagen. His instructions were carried out by him in so unskilful a fashion as to inspire the Danish Government with the conviction that it might play its own game. It rapidly broke off the negotiations and, after the defeat of the SchleswigHolsteiners (April 9) and their retreat upon the Eider, the Prussian troops crossed that river (April 30). They were soon followed by other The die had been cast; arid the Prussian and Hanoverian soldiery. German people at last had its wish. On April 12 the Federal Diet ;
;
acknowledged the Schleswig-Holstein Provisional Government and a few days later General von Wrangel, a veteran cavalry officer whose reputation for dash dated from the days of Napoleon and whose manners were thought like Bliicher's, took the command of the army, commissioned by the Germanic Confederation as well as by the King of Prussia. Before this enterprise came to an inglorious end, the National Parliament at Frankfort had at last been called into life. A Committee of Seven, including Heinrich von Gagern, had, it will be remembered, been appointed at Heidelberg on March 5, 1848, to take the requisite steps for the meeting of a National Parliament, and to provide in the ;
instance for the convocation of a preliminary assembly ( VbrparlaThe Diet of the old Confederation, having as early as March 8 come to the conclusion that a German Parliament was a necessity, in its first
ment).
turn appointed an advisory Committee of Seventeen to discuss the best method of reorganising the existing Confederation. Among the Seventeen, for the most part men of Liberal views, Dahlmann represented Prussia, and Schmerling Austria. They constituted themselves early in April under the presidency of Max von Gagern and within a week, Dahlmann, with the aid of the eminent jurist Albrecht, drafted a German Constitution which was signed by all the Seventeen but the Bavarian, and on " Dahlmann's Constitution," a historical April 25 laid before the Diet. ;
document
of the highest significance, accepted the principle of a hereditary sovereign head of the Empire ; it further proposed a two Chamber system, giving seats in the Upper Chamber, by the side of the reigning
Princes, to 161 notables, to be chosen in part by the Governments, and in part by the Diets, of the several States. For the rest, while army,
diplomacy and customs were to be Imperial concerns, there was
left to
1848]
Sittings of the
Vorparlament
163
the particular States a measure of independence sufficient to satisfy the demands of historical tradition. As to the extent of the Empire, both
East and West Prussia were to be included in it, together with part of Posen, but only the Cisleithanian dominions of the House of Austria. This scheme was generally approved by the Prince of Prussia and by Baron von Usedom, the Prussian plenipotentiary at the Diet, as well It agreed in some respects with a draft Constitution as by Bunsen. sketched about this time by Prince Albert (Queen Victoria's consort), but differed from it in others. Frederick William IV, however, would in correspondence with Dahlmann he had put forward have none of it a rival scheme of his own, with the Emperor of Austria as hereditary Roman Emperor, and the King of Prussia as German King, together with other half-historical, half-fantastic variations. Thus Dahlmann's draft, though in many respects long subsequent labours of the Frankfort National Assembly failed to better it, fell stillborn. On March 12 the Committee of Seven had begun to issue their
first
invitations to the Vorparlament, addressing them in the first instance to the several Estates ; but the outbreak of the Revolution in Vienna
and Berlin accelerated their action, and already on March 31 the Out of a total of 576 members, 141 came assembly met at Frankfort. from Prussia, 72 from Baden, 84 from Hesse-Darmstadt, but only 2 from Austria. The Vorparlament was not particularly fortunate in its actual President, the eminent Heidelberg jurist Mittermaier, who, though possessed of political experience as well as insight, lacked those physical qualities which among the Vice-Presidents Robert Blum had in perfection. The " Wild Parliament," as this assembly was dubbed, revealed
hopeless commixture of heterogeneous ingredients at its first meeting, held in the midst of tumultuous excitement and rumours of imminent armed intervention. The Republican minority, led by the Badeners its
Hecker and Struve, brought forward their plan of a federal Constitution on the model of that of the United States but, on the motion of the Badener Alexander von Soiron, it was resolved to leave the settlement of the future German Constitution "solely and wholly" to the National In accordance with a Assembly, as directly representing the nation. federal law promulgated by the Diet as early as March 30, the Vorparlament ordered the holding of direct elections for a single Chamber, without a check upon it; but the numerical basis was altered so as to apportion one deputy to a population of 50,000, instead of 70,000, souls. A Committee of Fifty (in which not a single Republican member was included) was appointed to watch the course of events till the actual meeting of the National Assembly. It should be added that the Vorparlament, while declaring in favour of the immediate admission of a United Schleswig-Holstein into the Germanic Confederation, acknow;
ledged it as a sacred duty of the nation to co-operate in the restoration of Poland.
164
Opening of
Before the
the
Frankfort Parliament
[1848
sitting of the National Assembly was held (May 18), party, vexed by their failure in the Vorparlament and
first
the Republican infuriated by the courageous arrest of Fickler, one of the champions of Radicalism in Baden, by the Moderate Liberal leader Mathy, had
organised an insurrectionary outbreak near the Lake of Constance but some troops sent by the Diet quelled the attempt (April) nor was More serious another, made by Struve in September, more successful. for the time was the rising, also in April, which followed on the arrival at Posen of General Baron von Willisen, an officer of Liberal views, as commissary to superintend the partition of that province. But he could ;
;
not satisfy either side and, though 20,000 insurgents were here confronted by more than 30,000 Prussian troops, it was not till after the latter had suffered a reverse at Miloslav (April 30) that the insurgents were forced to conclude a convention at Bardo (May 5) and lay down their arms. Hereupon General von Pfuel, who had succeeded Willisen, without ;
Two
difficulty suppressed the insurrection. years later the detachment of Polish from German Posen was without resistance revoked.
Republican opposition, and the unwillingness of some of the Governments to obey the behest of the Diet, had delayed the elections to the National Assembly. Nevertheless, by May 13 the deputies had gathered at Frankfort in sufficient numbers for the Assembly to be opened with adequate solemnity in the Paulskirche. The elections had not been carried on everywhere at the same time or with the same ardour; while, for instance, in Austria proper there had been much enthusiasm, in Bohemia a large number of districts had flatly refused to have anything The number of its members, which to do with a German Parliament. at the opening had nearly reached 400, seems afterwards to have risen The National Assembly, whatever its shortcomings, preto about 550. sented a fair reflexion of German middle class society, except that the landowners, and still more distinctly the merchants and manufacturers, were quite inadequately represented in it. On the other hand, the "
professors," the men of solid academical learning, including many of the foremost historical and legal scholars of the age, formed a very important element in the Assembly, and took a leading part in its debates. In " one sense at least no nation could be " unready which was counselled by such men as Dahlmann, Droysen, Duiicker, Gervinus, Waitz, Mohl, Welcker, Mittermaier, with Jakob Grimm, Ernst Moritz Arndt, Ludwig Uhland, and many other bearers of honoured names. Yet even these were outnumbered by about two to one by the judicial and administrative
and nearly equalled in numbers by the practising advocates. second meeting of the Nationalversammlung it chose as its President by 305 votes out of 396 Heinrich von Gagern, who was unmistakably marked out for the post not only by the part he had taken in the national movement, but by his commanding personality, His chief competitors for the loftiness of purpose and moral courage. officials,
At
the
Archduke John
1848]
elected
Reichsverweser
165
Chair had been Alexander von Soiron and the democratic orator Robert
Blum.
At an
early sitting of the Assembly (on May 24) a Committee of Thirty (in which of the Diet's advisory committee only Dahlmann and Max von Gagern were included) was appointed to draft a national
Constitution for report to the House; but, as it had been recognised first that the most pressing question was the establishment of a a Central Power another Committee, of supreme executive authority
from the fifteen,
was named
to consider
it.
This second Committee had come to
the conclusion that the bolder plan of the hegemony of a single Governmust be postponed, ment which could only have been the Prussian
and that the best temporary expedient was a
tripartite Directory con-
sisting of representatives of Austria, Prussia and the smaller States respectively, when opinion began to veer round towards the provisional
establishment of a single Head, in the time-honoured form of a Reichsverweser( Vicar of the Empire). Some what impulsively, Gagern identified himself with this idea, and with the suggestion that Archduke John of The Archduke's personal Austria should be selected for the office. popularity, due in part to his open dislike of Metternicli's system of government, in part to his bonhomie of manner and speech, and in part to his marriage with a daughter of the people, had been skilfully fostered in the Austrian interest. The proposal of entrusting to him the control of the executive power of the new-born Empire chimed in with the but would it commend itself to medieval notions of the King of Prussia the susceptibilities of the Prussian people, and to the sympathies of the For the debate which other, especially the northern, German States? was to settle the question of the Central Power not less than 160 speakers
had put down their names and, after it had lasted from June 19-24, it was only a bold stroke on the part of Gagern which decided the issue. Amidst tremendous applause he proposed that the Assembly itself should ;
proceed to create the Central Power by the election of a Reichsverweser. This resolution which, while vindicating the sovereignty of the nation as directly represented by the Assembly, completely ignored the particular Governments, having been supported by both Radowitz and Vincke, was, notwithstanding Dahlmann's protest, carried without a division on June 27 and on the following day the Central Government in the person of an irresponsible Reichsverweser acting through a responsible Ministry was established. On the 29th Archduke John was elected to the office by 436 out of 548 votes. The unwillingness of the Conservatives to ;
ignore the Governments, and the Radical prejudice against the election of a Prince, had alike proved unavailing ; and the Prussian plenipotentiary Usedom had not ventured to make known the protest sent
by his Government. An act of more than doubtful legality had been combined with a great political blunder. At first all seemed to promise well. The recognition of the Reichs-
Ministers and parties at Frankfort
166
[1848
verweser by the Governments met with no difficulty; the new Prussian Ministry ( Auers wald's) passed over the Idches of Usedom, and King Ernest It was, however, noticed that the recogof Hanover swallowed his ire. nition of the new authority by the Prussian army was indefinitely delayed.
On July 11 the Archduke held his joyous entry into Frankfort and the Diet of the Confederation, by transferring its powers to the Reichsverweser, at the same time, as had been skilfully arranged by Schmerling, ;
asserted
and
The Archduke for the present put a stop to its functions. to the appointment of a Reichsministerium, and of ambas-
now proceeded
sadors to the Great Powers.
Schmerling took Home affairs, and Heckscher
Justice, with the Prussian General von Peucker as Minister of War ; early in August Prince Charles of Leiningen accepted the Presidency of
the Ministry, but resigned it within a few weeks on account of the vote on the Malmoe Truce to be mentioned below; while Heckscher was Affairs, and three deputies of great ability, Duckwitz of Bremen, Beckerath (for whom Mathy had generously made way), and Robert von Mohl, became Ministers of Commerce, Finance and Justice respectively. The appointment of Stockmar (who sat for Coburg) as Minister of Foreign Affairs had been contemplated but he declined,
transferred to Foreign
;
though declaring himself ready to accept the Presidency of the Ministry if Bunsen would take the Foreign portfolio. Within the National of the Assembly, system parties slowly proceeded to define itself more or less distinctly. They took their names in French fashion from the sections of the arena in the Paulskirche in which their members sat, and also from the hostelries and other places of public resort which they Thus the Extreme Right (the Party Milani) consisted of frequented. the Conservative ultras, who denied to the National Assembly any right of participation in the executive, and demanded for the Governments a The Right share in the settlement of the Constitution of the Empire. (the Casino} did not ignore the Governments, though acknowledging
unity of Germany as the paramount purpose of the Assembly; while the Right Centre (the Landsberg party) though likewise respecting the independence of the Governments, desired the control of the military It was to this fraction forces to be in the hands of the Central Power. that the majority of the Ministers belonged. Similarly, the Left shaded off from the Extreme Left (the Donnersberg*) who hoisted the flag of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity, to the Left proper (the Teutsche Hof) whose chief aim was popular sovereignty as represented by a permanent national parliament elected by universal adult suffrage, and to the more moderate politicians in the Left Centre ( Wurtemberger ffof), with the the
intermediate fractions of the Augsburger Hof and the Westend Hall. The National Assembly now felt itself free to enter upon its It began its constitutional discussions with the protracted proper task. of formulating the G-rundrechte, or fundamental rights of process German citizenship. The interpretation given to the term was so
1848]
The Schleswig-Holstein
The Grundrechte.
War 167
1 wide, and the determination to exhaust the subject before passing on to a discussion of the constitutional superstructure so profound, that the G-rundreckte must in any case have occupied the House for a considerable
but before the Assembly brought its labours upon them to a towards the end of 1848, much had happened to interrupt these close, labours and to impair the authority of the Assembly itself. Thus, though the G-rundrechte were, on December 27, 1848, proclaimed as law by the Reichsverweser, and though on March 28, 1849, they were incorporated in the Constitution of the Empire, the larger States (Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Hanover) neither proclaimed them as law, nor treated them as having the force of law without proclamation. A most humiliating rebuff was in the first instance administered to time
;
the national aspirations by the stoppage of the Schleswig-Holstein War. Prussia, though she had intervened in this War in the name of the Germanic Confederation, lacked the will, as the Central Government
lacked the means, to carry the conflict to a successful issue in the face of the ill-will of the non-German Great Powers, while Austria required every soldier she could spare for the struggle in Italy. Wrangel, after assuming the command, had by a couple of successful engagements soon made himself master of the whole of Schleswig, and entered Jutland, Jutland, however, he soon received orders taking Fridericia (May 2).
consequence no doubt of Russian warnings.
to evacuate, in too, the
Danes drove back the Prussians from
opposite Alsen
;
Very soon, their position at Diippel
but they were in their turn pushed back by Wrangel
across the Jutland boundaiy upon Hadersleben
War was now
at a standstill
pressed heavily upon
:
German
(June 28). Practically the the Danish blockade of the German coasts trade,
and was
felt as a national humilia-
Neither wide-spread wish for a German fleet. the King of Prussia nor the Conservative camarilla which from time to time influenced his action sympathised with the War. Thus negotiations had been opened in the previous month, countenanced by Russia, Great Britain (where Bunsen's appeal to public opinion had been counteracted by the visit to London of the Danish politician Orla Lehmann) and Sweden and on August 26 a truce was concluded for a term of seven
which gave
tion
rise to a
;
1
This
will
appear
from the following brief summary
of
the
Grundrechte as
" No German State actually passed Every German is a citizen of the Empire. shall in the administration of civil or penal law make any difference between its own subjects and those of any other State. Before the law there exists no distinction of classes. The rights of all citizens are equal the duties of all are the :
;
same
man
bound
Personal freedom is serve the Empire in arms. inviolable and no man may be arrested except on a judicial warrant which gives the cause of his detention and is communicated to him within twenty-four hours after his arrest. All Germans have the right of freely expressing their opinions by word of mouth, in writing or in print ; the right of free petition ; the right of public meeting. Every German State is to possess a Constitution with a popular :
every
is
to
;
representation,
and to
this representative
body the Ministers are
to be responsible.
"
168
Malmoe Truce and Frankfort Parliament
[1848
months between Denmark and Prussia at Malmoe. Prussia had no authority to conclude this truce but the Danish Government, in refusing to deal directly with the agents of the Central Power, was able to plead that it had remained "uninformed" of the establishment of that authority. The Malmoe Truce stipulated that the Provisional Government should cease, and that its authority should be transferred to a so-called "Conjoint Government," named partly by Prussia and partly by Denmark, with Count Karl Moltke, whose leanings were Danish, at its head. When, on September 4, Heckscher communicated the Truce to the National Assembly for confirmation by the Central Power, it was clear that an approval of the compact would involve an approval of the action of The Prussian Government was at once imPrussia in concluding it. peached by the eminent politician at the head of the Right Centre, who, more completely than any man in his party, was identified with the idea of the hegemony of Prussia in Germany. Dahlmann, a him of sat for a inch Holstein (he division), Schleswig-Holsteiner every had resolved at any cost to oppose the Truce. After a first failure he renewed his onslaught and, when after the ratification of the Truce by Prussia (September 2) the Assembly had to choose between the humiliation of approval and civil war, his motion for the rejection of the agreement was carried by a majority of 17 votes (September 5). The nascent organisation of parties seemed suddenly broken up the Ministers resigned if there was to be a new Government, Dahlmann, it was said, must take office with Robert Blum. The former was actually sent for by the Archduke but he soon saw that he was in an impasse even old Arndt had gone over to the Moderates. The diplomacy of Franke (long the trusted agent of the House of Augustenburg) had to be called in and by a majority of 21 the vote of the Assembly was reversed, and the Truce of Malmoe approved (September 16). The most far-sighted and the most single-minded of the politicians of the Frankfort Parliament had been under a delusion. Prussia's prestige had fallen low; but her hand could not be forced by appeals to public morality and national ;*
;
;
;
;
;
Though the Prussian Government now took steps, if the should be renewed, to meet it well prepared, the Prussian intervention in the Duchies was after a second campaign to come to patriotism.
Danish
War
more ignominious close. Meanwhile, the breakdown of the National Assembly in this matter had led to the most lamentable incident in its history. The Free Town of Frankfort had in this very month of September set up a Constituent Assembly of 120, to be freely elected by the whole body of the subjects of the State. The citizens had been largely stimulated in the direction of advanced democratic ideas by the deputies of the Left, who fraternised with them in their clubs, and enjoyed their applause from the galleries of the Paulskirche. The acceptance of the Malmoe Truce by the Assembly had fallen like sparks upon fuel. The members were mobbed a
still
Murder of Lichnowsky and Auerswald
1848]
169
indiscriminately as they came forth after voting the Westend Hall, as the club-house of a more Moderate portion of the Left, was devastated ; and an attempt was made to seize the person of Heckscher, the Minister ;
for Foreign Affairs. Here, as in other risings of the sort, an unknown alien element poured in by train to take part in the conduct of the
The next day passed in wild rioting but on the 18th insurrection. some 2400 Austrian and Prussian soldiers arrived in the city. Un;
skilfully handled, they failed to prevent something like an irruption into the Assembly's place of meeting, where however the authority of Gagern
Round the Paulskirche, however, a network of small kept the peace. barricades was raised, and it was not till two in the afternoon that the had behaved with admirable self-control, several Prussian having been shot down where they stood) received orders to Three hours later the troops were called off again, as demolish these. it was hoped that the arrival of artillery from Darmstadt would soon put an end to the revolt. It was about this time that two deputies, Prince Felix Lichnowsky, a nobleman of popular sympathies well known in the Palace at Berlin, and the Prussian General von Auerswald as who had ridden forth to a politician conspicuous by his moderation survey the state of affairs, were recognised by a suburban mob, dragged forth from a house into which they had retreated, and murdered with the most revolting brutality. By six o'clock the artillery had arrived, and but some hours passed there were now some 12,000 troops in the town Next morning a state of siege was before the revolt was mastered. proclaimed, which was vigorously enforced and the talk of removing But the effect of the National Assembly to Niirnberg came to nothing. the episode, enacted almost under the eyes of the National Parliament, was very notable and though the murder of Auerswald and Lichnowsky was not to stand alone as a deed of popular frenzy (probably in this troops (which
soldiers
;
;
;
instance instigated by diabolical design), its effect upon public feeling all doubt contributed to hasten the approach of the Reaction.
beyond
While, during the
summer and autumn
of 1848, the
authority of
Assembly was seriously impaired, the relations between the Governments of the two German Great Powers and the National Assembly also underwent important changes. At Vienna the transformation of the old political system into a constitutional regime more or less corresponding to popular Liberal ideas and aspirations, had been accomplished without much trouble and with hardly any bloodshed. The light-hearted Viennese were immensely elated to find that citizens and students together had managed a great revolution so cleverly, and were ready to believe that capital and monarchy might without difficulty the National
be tided over into a of the
Empire was
new stage
in the
of their political life, while the Constitution making. The influence allowed to the students
of the University was a specially significant illustration of the childlike These spoilt children of the community, left hopefulness of the times.
Agitated condition of Vienna
170
[1848
own devices by their professors (except when one or the other of these served as a popular figure-head on his own account), were treated by the population at large not only as directors and organisers of the political movement in progress, but as a kind of Court of Appeal to their
the grievances and troubles of private as well as public life. Perhaps this peculiar feature of the Vienna insurrection may explain the idealistic character which it throughout retained, and which it certainly did not owe to the scurrilities which flowed from the emanci-
on
all
The troubled
pated Press.
condition of Vienna was, at the same time,
due in part to the privations suffered by its working classes ; for, though the Government had done their best to bring these sufferings to public notice, they had not earned much gratitude for their pains and, in the ;
end, the workmen own claims in the
came
beyond the satisfaction of their of freedom from taxation, and the way employment, of their condition. In addition to this material general improvement for future disturbance, there was the proletariate proper, with the Polish and other alien agitators. The full tide of a Polish immigration from France and Belgium poured into Germany towards the end of March, 1848 and the resolute pursuit by the Poles of their own aim, while many others who took part in the Revolution had but a vague notion of what aim they were pursuing, no doubt contributed to their disproportionately large share in the actual conduct of the insurrection now near at hand. With Lombardo-Venetia turned into a camping-ground with Hungary demanding a measure of independence which it was impossible to deny to her with Croatia and Slavonia asking for protection against the Magyars, of which it was impossible at present to hold out more than the vaguest promise with Bohemia striving after an autonomy of which her later history had failed to obscure the proud traditions; and to care for little
;
;
;
;
with the German provinces of the monarchy largely entering into the desires of the rest of
Germany for a real national executive as well the new Austrian Government had decided meeting of the great Combined Diet the new Constitution which was to cure all ills.
as a national legislature not to postpone till the
attempt to frame the
and his colleagues in the meantime allowed the free use and none could well have been more free of the civic rights of and Prince petition public meeting. Windischgratz had, as early as March 18, proclaimed that order and tranquillity had been restored at Vienna moreover, when the news came of the evacuation of Milan and Venice, a large number of volunteers were enlisted for Radetzky's Pillersdorff
;
But this patriotic phase proved quite transitory. The unspent force of the Revolutionary current, and the impotence of Pillersdorff and his colleagues, were shown on the occasion of the publication of the new Press law (April 1). Though it offered a
army.
liberal instalment of concessions, the
opposition,
and
Pillersdorff consented
law aroused the most vehement to
the
appointment of a joint
1848]
Weakness of
the
Austrian Government
171
committee of students and journalists to advise on amendments. In the German question the Government were more successful in keeping in touch with public feeling both in Vienna and in the German provinces which was in general sympathy with the national movement, generally but desirous of maintaining the Austrian ascendancy in federal affairs. Schmerling, whom the Government had appointed its representative on the confidential Committee of Seventeen, completely fell in with the guarded policy of Count Ficquelmorit, who as Minister of Foreign Affairs kept a cool head, and who in the beginning of April, on the
The resignation of Kolowrat, assumed the Presidency of the Ministry. fear of a Prussian hegemony influenced the policy of Austria even in this period of stress ; as early as April 21, the Ministry officially declined, though in courteous phrase, to submit unconditionally to any decree of the " " Federal down to the end of Archduke and at
Frankfort, Assembly John's tenure of office, Austrian statesmanship continued to hold back. Yet in Austriaitself the progress of Liberalism seemed unbroken. The Ministerial changes early in April were accompanied by the abolition of the State Conference, so long the supreme authority in the Austrian ;
and immediately afterwards Archduke Ludwig withdrew from public affairs. The Emperor Ferdinand found it easier to govern through his responsible Ministers, now that no more intimate adviser was left to him the Archduchess Sophia had not yet become a convert to the cause of the reaction, and as yet all talk of a Court camarilla was illusory. But worthy men though Pillersdorff and his fellow-Ministers undoubtedly were, the times in Austria were not such as The symptoms of trouble conto suit a monarchy without a monarch. tinued in Vienna; and after Windischgratz had on April 30 been transferred to his old post of Commander-in-chief at Prague, there was now in the imperial capital no effective military authority, and no police system of government
;
;
authority at
all.
Meanwhile, the Ministers continued their work of framing a Constitution, and already early in April submitted to a gathering of some thirty notables from the several parts of the monarchy a draft, based, as Pillersdorff afterwards frankly declared, on the Belgian Constitution, as " in circumstances similar to those existing in having been drawn up Austria." In these deliberations Alexander Bach's voice is said to have been generally decisive. Simultaneously discussions on the proposed In Bohemia, Constitution took place in the several provincial Diets. however, the national party insisted by petition on the establishment of a separate administration for this kingdom, with Moravia and Silesia and from Galicia, where Count Francis Stadion and his lieutenants had with difficulty maintained the public peace, a petition came up for the resettlement of the province on a national basis. The Bohemians were referred to the coming general Reich ttag, whose assembling was to crown the constitutional work, for the satisfaction of their main demand ;
;
The Hungarian Ministry and
172
its
legislation
[1848
the Galicians were assured that the Emperor was ready to preserve their But the cardinal difficulty with which the Austrian Governnationality. ment had to deal was the condition of Hungary, and its relations to the
The Hungarian Ministry had, after a violent storm of adjoining lands. had broken down some recalcitrance at Vienna, more indignation popular especially against the inclusion of Kossuth, been finally constituted under Count Lewis Batthyany. Among its members were the Conservative Prince Paul Esterhazy, long known as Austrian ambassador in London (Foreign Affairs) ; Francis Deak and Baron Joseph Eotvos, both Constitutionalists of high character and consistent moderation (Justice and Public Instruction) ; Count Stephen Szechenyi, formerly the adored leader of the national party (Public Works), and Kossuth (Finance). The Administration was thus composed of members of all the national parties, including men who kept in view the historic traditions of Hungarian politics ; and in the elaboration of the Constitution at Pressburg, the provisions as to the Palatine, the maintenance of the bicameral system, and the imposition of a property qualification on electors, reveal a moderating hand, although the far-sighted prudence of Deak was unable Thus the allaltogether to prevail against the driving power of Kossuth. important provision which transferred the control of army and fortresses from the Crown to the Hungarian Ministry was strongly disapproved by Deak. On the other hand, his moderating wisdom cordially co-operated with the enthusiasm of Kossuth, who had long insisted upon their necessity, in carrying through the Diet those March and April Laws, which and, it must be asserted, beneficently completely changed the very foundations of the social as well as the political system of the Hungarian In the first place, the feudal servitudes and the tithes payable nation. the In the second, taxation was extended by peasantry were abolished. In the third, the right of electing to the Diet, which had to all classes. hitherto belonged only to the nobility, who exercised it in the several counties of the kingdom ( Comitats), was now extended to every Hungarian owning property worth the equivalent of 30. These were henceforth the G-rundreehte of the Hungarian people ; and the fact that the nobility
had voluntarily relinquished
their privileges bound the middle class as well as the peasantry to the national cause during the conflicts now at hand while a class of small landowners had been created who were The Diets, it may be added, passionately attached to the new regime. ;
were to be henceforth annual and their future seat, with that of the Government, was to be at Pest. Provision was also made in these laws for establishment of liberty of the Press, and for the formation of a National Guard. But the Hungarian question was by no means solved by a change in the relations between the Austrian monarchy and the Hungarian nation. Notwithstanding the breadth of their legislative enactments, Kossuth and his fellow-leaders of the national movement had long regarded as an ;
The Magyars and
1848]
173
the Slavs
of the Magyars, including that of the Magyar Before the Diet separated, it requested the King to take imtongue. mediate steps for the convocation of the Transylvanian Diet, so as to The effect without further delay a union between the two countries. in a favour of such union was of entirely Magyar Klausenburg feeling
axiom the ascendancy
;
but the Saxons at Hermanstadt showed an anxious desire to secure Still more doubtful seemed the future of guarantees for their rights. On April 8 a Serb deputation, which had arrived Slavonia and Croatia. at Pressburg to congratulate the Diet, though well received in public, were told by Kossuth in his private house that, before there could be any question of an equal treatment of the Slavonian with the Magyar tongue, His imappeal would have to be made to the decision of the sword. and two and a half of Slavs millions of millions five words left prudent not to speak of nearly a million and a half of Roumans (Walachs) assured that five millions of Magyars were resolved to uphold Germans the ascendancy of their tongue systematically extended since 1839. Thus a strong impulse was added to the agitation which had for some " South time been carried on for the speedy holding of a Diet of the " Slavonic nations by which they should secure to themselves an autonomy ;
analogous to the Hungarians.
At Vienna
this
agitation
was
tacitly
approved but present ills had to be reckoned with in the first instance, and on April 11 the Emperor-King Ferdinand closed, with a speech in Hungarian, the Diet which had gone far towards achieving the disruption ;
of his
monarchy. a matter of course, in this of all monarchies in the world, neither loyalty towards the throne nor the desire for a strong personal rule was Even where these extinct or confined to self-centred regions like Tyrol. did but historic traditions of autonomy or not where operate, feelings the feelings of race were strong, there was in most instances a desire to uphold the Austrian empire as such, while transforming it into a union of more or less independent political communities, under the personal and Except among the German democrats headship of the Emperor. there was nowhere a desire even with these it was not always strong that the Austrian monarchy should merge, either in whole or in part, in a united Germany. Among the six Austrian members of the watching committee of Fifty named by the Frankfort Vorparlament, the five who put in an attendance (they included Count Anton Auersperg, no less sincere as a politician than as a poet) showed themselves anxious above
As
secure attention to the demands of the Slav nationality ; the the eminent historian Palacky, the acknowledged leader of the sixth, old Cech party in Bohemia, refused to attend, on the plea that Bohemia properly formed no part of Germany, and that for Austria, including " " The in Germany would be political suicide. Bohemia, to merge effect of Palacky's very open letter was considerable in various parts
all to
of the
monarchy among the Slovenes ;
in Styria, Carinthia,
and Carniola
The Government Constitution
174
[1848
were formed in favour of adhesion to Austria and against the real object being the formation incorporation in the Germanic body of a kingdom of Slovenia as an independent part of the Austrian monarchy. With all these views and interests the makers of the new Austrian Constitution had to reckon, as well as with the desire to merge Austria in Germany, cherished by the Vienna students and advocated by till he was removed by government orders. one Doctor Schiitte associations
Yet, after submitting the Constitution to the notables assembled at for the purpose, under the presidency of Archduke Francis Charles, it was resolved, instead of discussing the new Constitution in a general Diet (as had been promised in the imperial manifesto of March 15), to promulgate it ready-made (octroyer) 1 on the authority of
Vienna
The Constitution was actually published amidst great the sovereign. on April 25, to which day the celebration of the Emperor's rejoicing had been postponed, and communicated by Ficquelmont to the birthday foreign Powers. It declared the union as a single indissoluble constitutional
monarchy
of the lands
forming part of the imperial Austrian
State, exclusive of Hungary and the other Transleithanian lands, and To all the citizens of the State thus defined it the Italian possessions.
A
General Diet (Reichsand religious liberty. instituted, to consist of an Upper House of princes of the dynasty, and nominees of the landowners, and a Lower of 383 members, the system of election to be definitively determined by the Reichstag.
granted
full rights of civil
tag) was
The provincial Estates were to continue by its side, but without constituent powers. The Ministers were to be responsible to it; and a National Guard was to be formed, which, like all the officials of the Empire, was to swear fidelity to the Constitution as well as to the sovereign. The Constitution had avowedly left the Hungarian difficulty unsolved and just exception was taken to some of its provisions as well as ;
Bach, whoperceivedthat it was regardedas unsatisfactory, no time in moving away from the Administration. Its most unpopular member was at this time its head, Ficquelmont, widely charged with having jobbed into the Ministry of War his relative, Count Baillet von Latour, who was a general of reputation as well as a The aged President of the Ministry was zealous servant of the Crown. shamefully mobbed in his own house, with the co-operation of the National Guard and the Students' Legion, and practically forced to resign (May 3). The populace was more and more coming to demean itself as master of In Galicia a rising the city, with the aid of an increasing influx of Poles. on April 25 had been completely suppressed by the following day, and the sittings of the popular council at Lemberg were closed by Stadion. At the same time he granted the peasantry the abolition of the robot (a servitude of labour which varied in different parts of the monarchy, but its
omissions.
lost
1
" Concession
Of 1814.
et
octroi" were the terms used in Louis XVIII's grant of the Charte
1848]
Central Political Committee
175
usually extended over rather more than a hundred days), and encouraged the Ruthenes to assert their racial counter-grievances at Vienna. The Polish movement, being thus at an end in Galicia, proceeded to
make
itself felt, after another fashion, in the Austrian capital. Yet it was not the Poles to whom the second and most dangerous outbreak of the Revolution at Vienna was directly due. For the control of the populace the Government, which dared not make use of such troops as remained in Vienna, had chiefly to depend on the National Guard, which transacted business with the Ministers Out of this Committee and the through an executive Committee. a Central Political Committee, students formed was then University which had begun to interfere in government business when it was dissolved by Count Hoyos, who had quite recently resumed the governorship of the city (May 18). The result was vehement popular indignation and on the evening of the 15th, a concourse of workmen and students moved upon the Hofburg, following the National Guard, which did not Here a self -commissioned deputation interfere with their proceedings. invaded a meeting of the Cabinet, and obtained from it the reinstatement of the Central Political Committee, and the promise of a revision in a democratic sense of the Constitution and the electoral law. Late at night the Emperor signed these concessions, which were made public on the following day, with an undertaking that the military should not be Pillersdorff called out except on the demand of the National Guard. and his colleagues now chivalrously offered either to go or to stay but On the 17th the unexpected without eliciting any public response. which is often the obvious happened. The Emperor, with the whole imperial family, starting from Schonbrunn as if for a carriage drive, continued it to Innsbruck. Fear, pure and simple, had dictated this step. ;
;
On the following morning the news of the flight spread through Vienna, and produced a state of feeling made up of popular exasperation against the Camarilla (now forming round the Archduchess Sophia), loyal regrets, and among the well-to-do aprehensions of a complete downfall of the public credit. which The Ministry floundered into a decree afterwards had to be modified in order to avoid a national bankruptcy pure and simple ordering that all payments in specified coins or in public bank-notes should be accepted at their nominal value. Public feeling was beginning to recover from the effects of the departure of the Emperor, when the Ministry attempted a repressive measure which they were impotent to carry out. One of the chronic incentives to disturbance would, they thought, be removed by the dissolution of the Academic Legion, for which the closing of the University for the annual vacation on May 26 would furnish an
admirable opportunity. The students resisted in spite of a display of National Guards and regulars and a large body of unemployed workmen (who had been kept together by government orders to facilitate measures ;
Regency of Archduke John
176 Committee of Safety.
[1848
maintenance) came to the aid of their University comrades. The end was that the Government withdrew part of the troops, and, when the erection of barricades immediately ensued, revoked the obnoxious order itself. They had thus practically abdicated their authority and on the evening of the 26th a fresh Committee of one hundred members, consisting of citizens, students, and National Guards, was set up to This Committee preserve public order and to safeguard popular rights. of Safety, with Dr Fischhof as its ruling spirit, exercised what little public authority remained in the strange interregnum which followed. While the eyes of the Viennese were turned towards Prague, whence an army under Windischgratz was quite prematurely rumoured to be " " approaching, the barricades were left standing in the streets, defended especially one decorated with by workmen, and affording much pleasure to the population. a portrait of the Emperor The Press had never been more shameless. Vienna was given up to the officials and the lower classes according to one account, the aristocracy had taken its departure on the 18th, and after the 26th the bourgeoisie followed. A more extraordinary condition of things has probably never existed in a State in which the regular machinery of government was still at work. Addresses and deputations were pouring in every day to the Emperor's Court at Innsbruck, where Wessenberg, who had courageously taken office as Minister for Foreign Affairs at the age of 74, was in attendIn ance, and where the Vienna corps diplomatique gradually assembled. Vienna the rest of the Ministry jogged on as best it could, the War Minister Latour taking no part in any business but that of his own for their
;
;
department. situation of
The
and by the end credit of
difficulty of
chief
the public finances. of
June
it
the
was reckoned
the State could not
Ministry was, after
Every month the
much
deficit
all,
at 35 million florins.
longer be maintained,
the
increased,
when
The the
Bank
stood to the amount of government paper in On June 25 Archduke John, at circulation in the ratio of 1 to 8. PillersdorfTs request and with the Emperor's consent, came to the rescue by assuming the regency but this could only be a temporary expedient, since his election as Reichsverweser, narrated above, followed within four reserve of coin in the
;
Thus, when the Committee of Safety indicated the expediency of days. a change of administration, and Archduke John did not say nay, the long-suffering Pillersdorff actually resigned, together with one or two
v
Baron Anton von Doblhoff-Dier hereupon of his colleagues (July 8). undertook the formation of a Ministry which was to be unmistakably Liberal in colour, with Wessenberg as Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Bach of Justice, Latour, however, retaining the Ministry of War. The abnormal condition of things at Vienna necessarily reacted upon At Prague the the other great centres of population in the monarchy. Cech party determined to attempt another advance towards Bohemian Windischgratz, who was in command of the troops, and independence.
Jellacic.
1848]
The Slav Congress
at
177
Prague
several members of the nobility, openly renounced all obedience to the Vienna Ministry; and Count Leo Thun, now at the head of the Bohemian
Administration, declared himself obliged to establish a responsible proGovernment, in which the Cechs were duly represented. The
visional
Vienna Government hereupon called upon him to resign his office. On the other hand, the negotiations in progress at the instigation of Eotvos between Frankfort and Pest, aimed at allowing Austria to be absorbed into the German Empire with her Slav as well as her German provinces, provided that Croatia and Slavonia were left to be incorporated in the Magyar kingdom. But this solution they dreaded more than anything, and were resolved upon averting, more especially since the Austrian
Government had appointed Count Joseph Jellacic von Buzim Banus of Croatia. JellaCic, the son of a Croatian nobleman and landowner who had seen much service in the Napoleonic days, had himself as yet only risen to the rank of colonel in the Austrian army but he had gained distinction in the fighting against the Turks on the Military Frontier, of which he continued to hold the command, so that he always had a supply of soldiery at his disposal, and he had acquired the confidence of the national party in Croatia. Under his government Croatian jealousy of Magyar ascendancy soon found means of making itself audible whereupon the Austrian Government cautiously prohibited the proposed meeting of a Croatian Diet and called upon the Barms to give an ;
;
account of his proceedings. But, interpreting the situation for himself, he warmly approved the suggested convocation of a general Slav Congress with a view to the formation of a great Slav confederation. The Slav Congress actually opened at Prague in June, after the issue of two manifestos, the one appealing to the whole brotherhood of Slavs, the other protesting loyalty to the House of Austria. But its sole fruit was a third manifesto drawn up by Palacky, which in its final sentence demanded a general congress of nations. The Congress had thus soared into the sphere of dreams but, though the denunciation of a great Slav seems to have been conspiracy pure invention, the gathering undoubtedly The ill-will to excite the democratic helped aspirations of the masses. excited among the younger Cech partisans by the return of Windischgratz ;
was heightened by his refusal to supply the Prague students, emulous of Vienna brethren, with cannon and ammunition. On Whitsunday, June 13, an assault was made upon his palace by the excited populace, and, this having been dispersed by the soldiery, barricades were erected, and the revolt began in earnest. Though on the first day the insurgents were overpowered by the troops, Windischgratz, whose methods were always slow, entered into negotiations even after his wife had been shot dead at a window of his palace, he showed no vindictiveness in the terms offered by him and on June 15, after an exchange of prisoners had been effected, he withdrew his troops from the city to the surrounding heights, and agreed to an armistice. But, on the 16th, some shots fired across their
;
;
c.
M. H. xi.
12
178 Windischgratz subdues
the
Prague insurrection
[1848
Moldau furnished him with an excuse for renewing hostilities and, demanding an unconditional surrender, he began the bombardment In the morning the of the city and continued it during the night. and was absolute master of Prague. Windischgratz insurgents gave way, The Reaction had achieved its first victory and found a champion in the
;
after
whom
it could put its trust and, though the Austrian Revolution was in its course had been reached. an the no end, turning-point by meansjit As for the Cechs, they had missed their opportunity, and had no longer The Bohemian to be taken into account in the ultimate settlement. Diet summoned by Count Leo Thun never met, and his Slavophil hopes were at an end. On the other hand, the Croatians and Southern Slavs in general, having to abandon the hope of Cech co-operation, became in the hands of the Austrian Government an interest to play off against the Hungarians, and indeed an instrument to employ against them. For the present, the service rendered by Windischgratz to the cause of and he order and to the prestige of the army overshadowed all others ;
;
strong enough to raise the state of siege at Prague, while declaring his determination to maintain the tranquillity which he had re-established. The Reaction, which had thus triumphed at Prague and was looking forward to a speedy triumph at Vienna, hereupon spread to other parts of the monarchy where the Revolution had made a more or less rapid The provincial Diets which met in the summer of 1848 progress. almost invariably took as a starting-point for their discussions the burdens resting on the peasantry the robot and the tithe and were indeed pinned down to this subject by the peasant deputies admitted into the reformed assemblies. The results were neither uniform, nor everywhere satisfactory. In Tyrol, where there were no peasant servitudes, the old Estates were maintained, and a petition was voted against the liberty of religious worship allowed by the new Constitution to dissident felt
confessions.
The General Diet
(Reichstag}, which was finally to settle this Constiwas tution, formally opened by Archduke John on July 22, by which time most of the members of the heterogeneous and polyglot assembly had Of the total of 383 nearly one-fourth were peasants on reached Vienna. ;
the other hand, the nobility were conspicuous by their absence, though there were a few Polish nobles from Galicia, where, curiously enough, Stadion had also found a seat. Thus, as at Frankfort, the great body of the deputies belonged to the middle class ; but it was calculated that
than half of them spoke German as^ their mother-tongue. The Right in the Assembly consisted mainly of Cechs, led by Ladislas Rieger, and the incompetence of the President, Schmitt (a Viennese), left the conduct of business chiefly in the hands of the Cech Vice-President Strobach; the minority on the Left consisted of German democrats, and was largely controlled by the Vienna democratic organisations. Though the Committee of Safety still remained in the exercise of its less
The Reichstag
1848]
at
179
Vienna
abnormal functions, a vote of the Reichstag, urging upon the Emperor the necessity of his return, induced his advisers to bring him back to Schonbrunn on August 12. Already on July 31 the Assembly appointed a Committee to deliberate on a Constitution for the Empire, instead of
merely revising the Pillersdorff instrument, which was thus relegated to limbo. During August the discussions turned chiefly on the removal of the burdens which had hitherto oppressed the peasantry in their The mover of the resolution for relations to the owners of the land. removal, which was unanimously adopted in principle, Hans But on the question of comKudlich, was himself a peasant's son. debates the Left arose, pensation protracted objecting to any payment of the sort, while Bach roundly declared that by the grant of it the Government would stand or fall. Thus the Reichstag determined in favour of compensation by a vote of 174 to 144, and by a further vote resolved on the formation of provincial funds for defraying it. With some difficulty, Bach further persuaded the House (which as he pointed out possessed no legislative, but only constituent powers) to ask the imperial sanction for the new land law; although it would not " concede to the Emperor the title " von Crottes G-naden (by the grace of Thus a and of work was great God). actually accomenduring piece this otherwise ill-starred Reichstag plished by (September 7). Before its remaining labours were overwhelmed by the last effort of the Revolution at Vienna, the relations between Austria and Hungary, and those between both Governments and the South-Slavonian movement, had entered into a further phase. The new Banus of Croatia had at " " first seemed ready to adopt the entire Illyrian programme, according to which a Slav kingdom was to be included on equal terms with Germany, Austria and Hungary in a tripartite personal union. But their
doubtful whether Jellacic was really enamoured of the ideal of a His chief wish appears to have been to preserve South-Slavonic State. the authority of the Habsburg dynasty which his family had faithfully served in arms, while at the same time enabling Croatia to defy the Pest Government and thus secure the gratitude of the Emperor. Without therefore intending to bind his future action by its conclusions, he summoned the Croato-Slavonic Diet for which both provinces had been agitating, and which met on June 5 at Agram. The assembly was blessed by prelates of both the Greek and the Roman Church, and attended by sympathetic or quasi-suppliant representatives from the Cechs of Bohemia, the Slovaks of northern Hungary, the Slovenes it is
of Styria.
The Dalmatians, however, would not come
;
and between was at
of Slavonia, whose proper centre Carlowitz, no prospective system of common administration, mutual consultation, could be settled. The only point as to
the Croatians
and the Serbs
or
of
which
unanimity existed was precisely the line of action which Jellacic desired to ensure
the rejection of the authority of the Hungarian Ministry.
180
The Croatian and
The frightened
imperial
the
Hungarian Diet
[1848
Court ordered him to dissolve the Agram
assembly ; but, by way of reply, he betook himself to Innsbruck in person to explain his proceedings, preceded by a couple of deputations. The Hungarian Diet in its turn had reassembled on July 2 ; but the
Court at Innsbruck, where Prince Esterhazy put in an appearance as the Foreign Minister of the King of Hungary, could not hope that history would repeat itself, and that the Magyars would once more come to the He was followed by the President rescue of their distressed sovereign. of the Ministry, Batthyany, who had the satisfaction of taking back with him to Pest three imperial manifestos (dated June 10), rejecting the claim to independence in respect of the Hungarian Crown asserted by the two main sections of the population of Transylvania, the Saxons and the Roumans charging the Hungarian Government with the defence of Dalmatia and the Military Frontier both of them Slav lands which it was desired at Agram to include in the great South-Slavonian or"Illyrian" kingdom and suspending the Banus of Croatia from all his offices till he should have justified himself before his sovereign. It took some ;
;
and some knowledge of the dessous des cartes to see through courage this attempt to pacify Hungary at any cost, while waiting for better times. But this courage and, there seems reason to believe, this knowledge Jellacic possessed; and when, after Batthyany's departure from Innsbruck, the Banus arrived there, a change in the Imperial policy set in, which was promoted by the turn which events took in Hungary under the it continuously growing ascendancy of the Radical party and its leader
might be
said, its dictator
Kossuth.
An
anti-military tumult at Pest on May 10 had withdrawal of the commanding general, Baron Lederer ;
ended in the and several of
the officers and soldiers involved in the affray had been subjected by the Government to the jurisdiction of an ordinary tribunal. The apprehensions of the army quartered in Hungary increased when the Ministry called out a National
Guard
of 10,000
men, with higher pay than the
regulars, obviously in order to tempt over as many as possible of them into its ranks ; and a vague hope arose that Jellacic was the destined leader of a reaction at Pest as well as at Vienna in which the army
would again play the decisive
part.
His astute proceedings continued to excite quite extraordinary interest in both friends and foes. Encouraged by a rising of the Serbs under George Stratimirovic at Carlowitz, which the Hungarian General Hrabowsky had in vain endeavoured to suppress, the Croatian Diet assembled at Agram for an extraordinary sitting, and resolved to demand from the Emperor the restoration of the Banus, together with other more far-reaching concessions. It then voted to confer upon the Banus an unrestricted personal authority whereupon he declared the Diet per" benediction (July 9). manent, and then prorogued it with a "parental In other words, he could now act as he thought best on his own ;
Kossuttts financial measures
1848]
181
A
negotiation into which he hereupon entered at Vienna with the Palatine and Batthyany, broke down but he proclaimed his failure at Agram as if it had been a success (August 6). Whether or not Jellacic had intended this last negotiation to fail, it responsibility.
;
to a breakdown. The action of Kossuth, which they were unable to resist or restrain, was beginning to create great alarm among his colleagues, of whom in truth Batthyany alone was under his spell. Kossuth, whose moods were at times those of a religious enthusiast rather than of a political reformer, had for a time, in a sort of retreat, been meditating a systematic breaking away from the Austrian rule. He began with a succession of financial measures culminating in a refusal of the compulsory redemption of the notes of the Vienna National Bank by the Hungarian exchequer, and in the emission of Hungarian paper-money to the amount of 121 million florins, in lieu of a loan of its paper offered to the Hungarian exchequer by the Vienna Bank, in accordance with its privileges (May). Thus the interests of Austrian finance were united to those of the Austrian army in the desire to see an end of the Hungarian Constitution and Ministry. Kossuth,
was predoomed
however, went forward undismayed, commending his proceedings to the " " his capital and the country at large by (Kossuth Hirlapja) journal for he was not less fluent and effective as a writer than as a speaker. When, on July 5, the Diet was reopened, it was seen how great a change had been brought about in its relations to the country. The influence had altogether passed from the Magnates to the indeed, the Upper House was approaching extinction, as a The war against large number of nobles were quitting the country. the Croatians was treated as a national necessity, and Kossuth's im-
commanding Deputies
;
demand
passioned
for 42,000
men and
a credit of 2,000,000 florins was
On the other hand, granted without a dissentient voice (July 11). though it was reluctantly agreed to defend Austrian interests in Italy, if reasonable regard were paid to the just national demands of the Italians, there was obviously a growing sympathy on the part of the Magyars with the Italian struggle for independence. While (notwithstanding the misgivings of Eotvos and Deak) the Hungarian democracy was thus under Kossuth's leadership drifting away from the maintenance of a foreign policy frankly in harmony with that of Austria, it showed itself ready to enter into relations of intimacy with the Frankfort Assembly and its Central Power and Kossuth ruthlessly pointed out ;
countrymen that the completion of the unity of Germany meant the disintegration of the Habsburg monarchy. The Austrian Governon the other still a of conciliation towards ment, hand, kept up policy its and more Hungary though leading members, especially Bach, perceived the impossibility of maintaining a real union on the basis of the But the solution of the problem was existing Hungarian Constitution. soon taken out of the Government's hands.
to his
;
Imminence of
182
the
Austro-Hungarian
conflict
[1848
The outbreak of the conflict between Austria and Hungary, which had no doubt been largely provoked by the dealings of the Hungarian Diet with the questions of army and finance, was decided by the change which came over the spirit of the Austrian Court and Government with In June and July Magyar the triumph of the Austrian arms in Italy. pride had suffered from the inability of the Hungarian Government to cope with a series of disturbances on the part of the Serbs of Slavonia, in the course of which General Bechtold, who had nearly 10,000 men at his disposal, was finally repulsed from the trenches of Szent Tomasch, commanding the Franzenskanal and the Lower Theiss. The Austrian Government, however, though an understanding existed between the War Minister Latour and Jellaci(5, could not yet make up its mind to take part openly with the latter and the Slav movement. Kossuth's budget, on which the debates of the Diet began on August 24, was conceived and constructed entirely as if framed for a perfectly independent Yet the anticipated State, managing its own army and foreign affairs. financial deficit was nearly four times the anticipated revenue, and could only be covered by a loan and the issue of paper-money (besides the doubling of the tax on absentees). The Austrian Government having, in accordance with the privilege of the National Bank of Vienna, prohibited the circulation in Austria of Hungarian one-florin bank-notes, Kossuth retorted by the prohibition of Austrian notes of the same value in Hungary and other retaliatory measures followed. The relations between the two Governments were becoming strained to the breakingpoint and now a curious contest arose between them for the possession of the person of the Emperor-King. When, on July 24, a motion had been carried in the Hungarian Diet inviting the King to Pest, Doblhoff brought matters to a crisis by inducing the Austrian General Diet (July 29) to send a deputation to Innsbruck urging the Emperor's return The deputation had to listen to some indignant reproaches to Vienna. launched by the Archduchess Sophia against the misbehaviour of the capital but for the moment the Ministry, and the wish to mark the Imperial displeasure with the proceedings in Hungary, prevailed, and Both the Ministry and the Court returned to Schonbrunn (August 12). the Court had been encouraged to this defiance of the Hungarian Government, to which they had hitherto seemed to yield step upon step, by the good news from Italy, where on July 25 Radetzky had gained the victory of Custozza and on August 6 triumphantly entered Milan. On August 22 the first warning was given to the Hungarians by the withdrawal of the extraordinary powers of the Palatine whereupon Batthyany and Deak immediately hastened to Vienna to arrest further action. But the Camarilla, which now determined the action of the and of which the chief members were the Archduchess Sophia Emperor and the Adjutant- General Prince Lobkowitz,the friend of Windischgratz, to whom were subsequently added Baron Kiibeck, now out of office, ;
;
;
;
Batthyany.
1848]
Jellaci6 invades
Hungary
183
and Prince Felix Schwarzenberg not yet Minister had resolved to strike and on September 4 an imperial rescript was issued, without previous consultation with Wessenberg, reinstating Jellacic in all his The Hungarian Ministers, who knew that this meant war, were offices. for the moment dumbfounded. Batthyany shook off all responsibility
home
;
by resigning his post. The patriotic Szechenyi's mind was unhinged, and he attempted to take his own life. Kossuth alone, for the imperial rescript
after a
moment
of discouragement, rose to the height of the situation,
which he had done so much to bring about. Into his half-responsible, half-irresponsible, hands now fell the direction of the proceedings of the Diet, which accepted the programme of the Minister of the People including the issue of an (apparently) unlimited number of Hungarian five-florin bank-notes, and the transfer of any officers and soldiers from the Honveds. All this the army into the newly created National Militia " was to be" without prejudice to the sanction of the King which sanction was immediately refused by an imperial rescript, dated September 15. Three days earlier Batthyany had been induced by the Palatine to undertake the formation of a new Ministry, to which Kossuth promised to give an independent support. Batthyany's self-sacrifice deserves for he well that the condition which he had attached knew recognition that the Austrian Government should prevent to his consent namely, could never be fulfilled. Jellacic from an irruption into Hungary On September 17 came the news that the Banus had crossed the Drave an invasion countenanced by the and the invasion of Hungary Austrian Government, and jubilantly welcomed by a large majority of had begun. the Slavs, whether or not subjects of the Hungarian Crown On the same day the Reichstag at Vienna, to which the Hungarian Diet had made a last appeal as from nation to nation, notwithstanding a notable demonstration of sympathy on the part of the German democrats, was induced by Bach to refuse to receive the Hungarian deputation. A few days later the Palatine, Archduke Stephen, resigned his dignity though he was much blamed by the Court, his intentions had always been good, and he had no taste for Kossuth's project of proclaiming him King. The recognition of Batthyany's Ministry was, however, not directly refused at Vienna; and the relations between the two Governments remained for a time undetermined even after hostilities had In other words Austria, as Bach had indicated, reserved actually begun. to herself the right of supreme arbitration between Slav and Magyar So late as and of finally siding with the successful combatant. to avoid 22 ordered in were the Imperial troops September Hungary collision national with the levies. any The patriotic enthusiasm which in the hour of peril Kossuth had been able to infuse into Diet and nation had, for the moment at least, justified itself. Capital and country had been so far as possible placed in a state of defence. With a view to ensuring the fidelity of the people, ;
;
184 Hungarian preparations.
Murder of Lamberg
[1848
to carry out in full the reforms decreed by the Diet iu the the removal of the peasant servitudes, preceding spring, more especially for which the landowners were to be compensated by a state advance of
it
was resolved
The national military force had been provided with 15 million florins. " national " expense. arms, munition and gunnery instruction at the Most of the fortresses of the kingdom had been given up to the Government; Temesvar and Arad alone, among the more important places, remaining under imperial control. The key of the Danube fell into the hands of the Hungarians, when on September 28 Field-Marshal von Mertz left Komorn, of which the defences had been neglected, in the hands of his second in command, who soon hoisted the Hungarian flag. But though Jellacic, advance met with no support in Hungary, he continued to move forward, and the critical moment of a collision drew nearer and nearer. A last attempt was now made by the Austrian Ministry, in consultation with some Hungarian noblemen at Vienna, to avert the imminent It was agreed, with the assent of Batthyany, who had been catastrophe. summoned to give advice, to form a Conservative Ministry in Hungary under the presidency of Baron Vay. But, as this would take time and Jellacic was gradually drawing nearer to Pest, it was resolved, again with Batthyany's approval, to send thither at once Field-Marshal von Lamberg, who was himself a Hungarian Magnate, and conciliatory in his sentiments, in the capacity of Commander-in-chief of all the troops beyond the Leitha so that Jellacic would have been subordinated to him. Before Lamberg's arrival at Pest Kossuth had induced the Diet to appoint a parliamentary committee of six, of which he was himself one, a to assist the Ministry in the conduct of affabs (September 22) National of the Committee that for of this out grew far-reaching step Defence, which with Kossuth at its head accomplished the Hjingarian At a sitting of the Diet on the 27th Kossuth carried Revolution. ;
;
a further motion, disapproving the assumption by Lamberg of the command of the Hungarian army and forbidding any part of it to acknowledge him as its chief. On the 28th he arrived at Pest, and after a short interview with Hrabowsky, the General in command, was crossing the bridge to Buda in a hackney-coach, when he was fallen upon by an excited mob and brutally done to death. His mutilated body, which had been borne on scythes to the military hospital, was afterwards secretly interred by the Servite Fathers. But for this foul act Jellacic would have found himself in a position of great difficulty, had he appeared at the head of his troops before Pest. But this was not to be. On September 29 he came upon the
Hungarian forces under General Moga near Veldencze, and after an duration. artillery engagement agreed to an armistice of three days' The check thus imposed upon his advance, and his subsequent withdrawal towards the Croatian frontier, and then into Styria, raised the self-
1848]
Riots at Vienna
Austria declares war.
185
confidence of the Hungarian people to a height which as a military event the engagement hardly warranted ; but, little more than a week
(October 7), his reserve, which, 10,000 strong, had followed the main army, was pressed so hard by the Hungarians under Perczel and Gorgei that it was obliged to surrender. On October 3 the Austrian Government at last issued an open
later
retreat of his
war against the holders of power in Hungary. The among others by General Recsey, an old Hungarian officer who had been named President of the Hungarian Ministry by the At the same time the Diet was dissolved, Austrian Government. and its last resolutions were declared invalid a state of siege was proclaimed over the whole kingdom and Jellacic was declared ComBut there could no mander-in-chief of all the troops in Hungary. of back. On October 7 two at Pest be any question going longer Austrian generals surrendered with their force to Gorgei at Ozora, and declaration
of
manifesto was signed
;
;
a great number of soldiers immediately passed over to the national camp. At Vienna, Latour, though continuing in the Reichstag to deny that
actual assistance
had been given
to Jellacic,
was pushing forward
all
troops which could be spared to the Hungarian frontier and it was his intention of using for this purpose even part of the diminished Vienna garrison of 8000 men, which gave rise to the final revolutionary outbreak ;
in the Austrian capital.
While the Reichstag was, in half a dozen languages, debating the Constitution, and public attention seemed to be riveted by the progress of the conflict between the Magyars and Jellacic, the populace of the and its friends were still haunted by the vision of an approaching sudden revolutionary change. Agitators of all sorts were on the spot and as the fear of a restoration of the old order of things began to be associated with military designs and Court influences, the sense of excitement and alarm continued, even after illness had for a time silenced the On Radical agitator-in-chief, a language teacher named Tausenau. August 21 and the four days following Vienna was terrified by a prolonged riot occasioned by an attempt of the Ministry to lower the state allowance made to unemployed women and children and the Committee of Safety, unable to cope with the rioters, made an offer to dissolve itself. The offer was promptly accepted by the Ministry, which, chiefly no doubt at the instigation of Bach, was, in the words of a diplomatic " This again excited observer, adopting a more governmental attitude." the displeasure of the populace and in a riot which began on September 11 and continued on the following day a ministerial building was sacked. On the 13th the students were astir at the requisition of the National Guard the military were called out and the Reichstag declared itself permanent a vote which Bach's firmness induced the House to rescind. More exasperated than ever, the malcontents now formed a new Central Committee out of representatives of the chief capital
;
;
;
;
;
186
Murder of Latour
Insurrection in Vienna.
[1848
and the sympathies of the masses were thus directly Hungarian cause and to the scheme of absorbing or German Republic Cisleithanian Austria into the German Empire of the future. Hungarian influence was of course actively at work to democratic clubs
;
attracted both to the
N^foster this disposition. Thus Latour's attempt
to detach part of the Vienna garrison for a calamitous On October 5 some experiment. Hungary proved Italian of an battalion the removal on the morning was caused ; by difficulty
service in
of the 6th a battalion of grenadiers, chiefly composed of Viennese, was to have started for Pressburg, when a disturbance took place at the railwaystation, and part of the battalion fraternised with the populace and Some Galician troops having been ordered by Major- General students. Bredy to intervene, he was shot dead his guns were seized and the mutinous grenadiers and their friends marched back in triumph into the Neither Ministry nor Reichstag knew how to act the small city. garrison, scattered through different parts of Vienna, were confused by ;
;
;
contradictory orders ; and the mob increased hourly, in spite of some a body which efforts of the loyal portion of the National Guard outnumbered the garrison by something like five to one and with the its disloyal section and the students. The bells were and cannon discharging and the mob had become a maddened This victim was sought and found monster, which needed its victim. in the Minister of War, Count Latour, who was forced to sign some paper, and then hunted out from an attic in which he had taken refuge, and murdered his body being hung up on a lantern-post. Meanwhile, barricades were rising everywhere and after a struggle of several hours the populace, early on the 7th, stormed the Zeughaus. Wessenberg and Bach (now also an object of popular hatred) made their escape and the latter next day sought to ease Doblhoff's way by resigning his In the night a fraction or rump of the Reichstag, consisting office. members of the Left, held a sort of sitting in which they of mainly
connivance of
ringing,
;
;
declared the Reichstag permanent appointed a Council of the Commune ( GremeinderatK) to provide for the public security in co-operation with the Government and dispatched an address to the Emperor which recommended an amnesty, to include the murderers of Latour, and demanded the withdrawal of the imperial manifesto of October 3. ;
;
Thus
closely was the outbreak at Vienna, to be sought in the agitation among the
though its immediate cause working classes, interwoven with the movement, now essentially democratic, of the Hungarian
was
Revolution.
The Emperor
received this address, before the night of October 6-7 usual suavity, and gave a conciliatory answer in his with out, On the morning of the 7th he quitted Schonbrunn, this time writing. escort. His destination was unknown at Vienna a numerous guarded by but on the 17th he took up his residence at Olmiitz. Soon after his
was
;
1848]
The Emperor at Olmutz. - - Investment of Vienna 187
departure another manifesto reached the Ministry at Vienna for publicawhich an appeal was made to all the peoples of the Empire for their support in the struggle with revolutionary anarchy. The Ministry, represented by the Finance Minister, Baron Philip von Krauss (whose conciliatory attitude towards the Revolution was quite understood at Olmutz), and the rump of the Reichstag, instead of associating themselves with this manifesto, maintained a kind of middle position. Meanwhile, the majority of the Reichstag the Slav Right and the leaders of the with the approval of both the Conservative and the Moderate Centre Liberal chiefs, Stadion, Wessenberg and Bach declared its sittings tion, in
transferred to Briinn.
The Vienna rump had now become
a mere local
authority, by the side of the Gremeinderath and the perennial students' committee, in the midst of an anarchy which a contemporary could
though it was to outbreaks of fury. While unemployed proletariate was being armed with weapons from the Zeughaus, the remaining troops of the garrison were withdrawn into a suburb, and finally led out to join Jellacic' forces, which were now approaching Vienna. By October 9 his army, numbering between 30,000 and 40,000 men, reached Bruck on the Leitha, some four miles from Vienna; within a couple of days the heights round the city were covered with troops and on the 13th Jellacic" headquarters were at Schonbrunn. Notwithstanding the rumours current in Vienna, no of deliverance had appeared. The Reichstag had not Hungarian army dared to call in Magyar aid on the other hand the Hungarian Government or in other words Kossuth, now President of the Committee for the Defence of the Country awaited an appeal from the Reichstag before on October 17 and 20 actually attempting the relief of Vienna. Twice Hungarian troops actually crossed the Leitha, and twice they returned. It was not, however, Jellacic, to whom the chief honours of the On October 11 a proclarecovery of the Imperial capital were to fall. mation was posted in the streets of Prague, announcing that Prince Windischgratz was starting with his army for Vienna. It was issued on describe as gem'dthlich
liable
the
;
;
own who had
his
authority for
;
but, unlike Jellacic in Hungary, Windischgratz, in close communication with the Court,
some time been
its confirmation. On October 16 an Imperial manifesto invested him with the command of all troops in the service of the Emperor, except the Italian army under Radetzky. Slowly,
had not long to wait for
according to his wont, Windischgratz advanced, proclaiming from Graz on the 20th a state of siege in Vienna and its vicinity, and calling upon all authorities to submit to him within four-and-twenty hours. The troops ultimately gathered round the city were afterwards reckoned at 160,000 men probably a much exaggerated total. The resistance offered by Vienna, as has been well pointed out by the most recent historian of the Revolution in Austria, was far from contemptible, especially if it is compared with the quiet submission of
188
Windischgratz before
Vienna
[1848
Berlin to Wrangel, and that of Pest to Haynau. Windischgratz refused to enter into any negotiation with rebels ; and the Reichstag's protest The moving power lay with the against his proceedings was futile. democratic clubs and their nominee, Wenzel Messenhauser, an ex;
and popular journalist and orator, had on October 6 been chosen Commander of the National Guard. He was a man of courage but the actual organiser of the defence was Joseph Bern, who had served under Napoleon in Russia, covered himself with glory at Ostrolenka, in the Polish insurrection of 1830-1, and had taken part in the civil wars With ruthless energy he conducted the resistance of of Portugal. Vienna till its close on October 29, when he fled to Pressburg and officer
;
offered his services to Kossuth.
The
struggle
now
riveted the attention of
Germany
at large, as well
Austrian Empire. Though an attempt in the National Assembly at Frankfort to obtain a direct vote of sympathy with the Viennese broke down, and the two commissioners, who at Schmerling's instigation were sent to make enquiries at Vienna, speedily quitted that " United Left " soon deputed city for the camp of Windischgratz, the to the Austrian capital four of its members, among whom by far the most prominent was Robert Blum. His political position had of late been somewhat weakened by his attempts to repress the wild extravagances of the Extreme Left, while posing as the acknowledged leader of the entire democratic party and, by nature an orator rather than a statesman, he may have gone to Vienna with vague hopes. But, of to the one of his testimony companions (Julius Frobel), according as
of the
;
the deputation speedily perceived the discord existing between the leaders of the insurrection, and on the day after their arrival resolved to This proving impossible, Blum threw himself with return to Frankfort.
impetuous courage into the defensive action of the University students. On October 24 Windischgratz took up his quarters at Hetzendorf, near Schonbrunn. On the previous day he had issued his second proclamation to the Viennese, giving forty-eight hours' grace to the city, of all armed bodies, inclusive of the Academic Legion, the closing of all clubs, and the removal of all aliens unprovided with a passport, and further demanding the surrender of certain hostages, as well as of Bern, the Hungarian Pulszky, and the murderers of Latour. The desperate suggestion of the Cremeinderath that he might at once take possession of the ill-defended city, Windischgratz judiciously declined and he refused to negotiate with either Reichstag or Ministry. On the 26th the bombardment of Vienna by the Emperor's generalissimo began ; but it was not till the 28th that the main attack was opened, and that after considerable resistance, directed by Bern, the walls of the Inner Town were occupied. Hereupon, there was much talk of surrender but on A proffer the 30th the revolutionary spirit flickered up once more. of intervention had now been made by Kossuth, but curtly refused by
and ordering the dissolution
;
;
1848]
Battle of Schwechat. - - Capture of Vienna
189
and on the 30th the Hungarian forces under Moga once the crossed more Leitha, and came into collision at Schwechat with the When the result of the of Imperial army under Jellacic. greater part Windischgratz
;
the battle, which was visible from the spire of St. Stephen's at Vienna was ascertained, all further organised the rapid defeat of the Hungarians The proletariate was resistance on the part of the city was at an end. in occupation of streets and walls ; and, early on the 31st, the G-emeinderath sued Windischgratz for protection. That night Vienna was, after a short
and the black flag cannonade, entirely in the hands of the troops on St. Stephen's gave way to the black-and-yellow colours. On November 1 the arrests of persons concerned in the insurrection began; but no execution took place for more than a week and it was reckoned that altogether not more than 104 cases of punishment occurred, and that in not more than twenty-four death was inflicted. Among those executed was Robert Blum, as to whose active participation in the The rising there was no doubt, and who was shot on November 9. remembrance of his eloquence and enthusiasm invested his death with a ;
;
semblance of martyrdom, which long occupied the popular imagination. A protest against his execution was almost unanimously voted by the The Frankfort Assembly, and even Schmerling had to show indignation. pardon extended to Blum's associate, Julius Frobel, was attributed to the fact that this well-known publicist had produced a pamphlet opposing Another sufferer was the gallant the absorption of Austria in Germany. was read to the Austrian a lesson whose execution Messenhauser, by submitted to the Reaction without For Vienna the rest, Reichstag. herein wiser than the enthusiasts who died without further protest having abandoned hope for the final overthrow of the Vienna Revolution ended the design of permanently transforming the Austrian monarchy into a group of national States, while merging German Austria in a ;
united Germany.
The army had now once more become, and was conscious
of
having
become, the chief power in the State. Radetzky tendered his congratulations to Windischgratz, and the Tsar felicitated both commanders (November). The selection of a Government had no longer to be accommodated to the demands of a democracy to which Pillersdorff and In place of the old his colleagues had been obliged to show deference. Ministry, treated with cool disregard by Windischgratz (whom Archduke John, for him rather bitterly, about this time compared to Wallenstein), a new Administration now took office, presided over by the Field-
He possessed Marshal's brother-in-law, Prince Felix Schwarzenberg. considerable experience as a diplomatist (he had recently rendered admirable service to Radetzky in this capacity, after serving under him with credit in the field) but he knew little, and cared less, for modern ;
constitutional
except that of
and was a stranger to any theory of government, a strong monarchy. His self-possession was due, partly
life,
190
Schwarzenberg s Ministry
[1848
to aristocratic haughtiness, partly to a cynical coldness of nature ; and With him were associated, as Home Minister, Count his will was iron. Francis Stadion, who combined with conservative instincts a sincere desire for reform; as Minister for
the North
German Lloyd;
and,
Commerce, Bruck, the creator
among
of
the late Ministers, Krauss for
Finance, and, after Windischgratz had overcome his prejudice against The really distinctive feature him, the indispensable Bach for Justice. in the new Ministers' programme, and in their policy, was the insistence on the unity of the Austrian monarchy, even as against what would at a later date have been called Pangerman aspirations. The democratic in of and the German the at Vienna parts monarchy in general had party never been able entirely to shake off the desire for the preservation of this unity ; and the political instincts of Schwarzenberg and Stadion met in the desire to renew it in a more enduring form. On October 22 an imperial rescript summoned the Reischstag (many of whose members had already betaken themselves to Moravia) to meet at Kremsier, a small town not far from Olmiitz, and formerly an Another opportunity seemed thus to be offered archiepiscopal residence. to the Cech party to control the situation ; but before long a large portion of the Left of the Vienna Assembly put in an appearance ; and on November 27 Schwarzenberg, no doubt speaking the views of Stadion, announced the intention of the Ministry to uphold unreservedly the
As a matter of fact, the debates of the "constitutional monarchy." Kremsier Reisehstag, mainly concerned with a series of Grrundrechte, which, like those elaborated at Frankfort, were to form the basis of the ultimate Constitution of the Empire, attracted scant attention. The utmost excitement, on the other hand, was caused by an event, foreseen though it had been, which the Ministry communicated to the
whose Kremsier Reischstag on December 20. The Emperor Ferdinand had on December 2 abdicated mental condition necessitated this step the throne, with a kindly word of welcome to his successor. Archduke Francis Charles having, not without difficulty, been induced to forgo his rights, his and Archduchess Sophia's son, Archduke Francis, or as he was henceforth happily called, Francis Joseph, succeeded as Emperor. Though only eighteen years old, he was at once declared of age. His accession eased the situation for he was unfettered by promises either Austrian or Hungarian. His title as King of Hungary was, indeed, disputed as not having been confirmed by the Diet of that Kingdom but for this he could afford to wait, if, as his first proclamation drafted by Alexander von Hiibner, like most Imperial manifestos of this period, " announced, his trust was, with the assent of all his peoples, to unite them into a single political whole." The aim of the Schwarzenberg Government, thus announced and reannounced, was the consolidation of a single centralised monarchy, whose Constitution would absorb that of Hungary and the lands hitherto held ;
;
1848-9]
The new Constitution
191
dependent on the Crown of St Stephen. But was this aim compatible with the continuance of the Kremsier Diet, which presumed the duality of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy only partly represented in In the course of the constitutional discussions which this Diet had it ? taken over from Vienna something like a fair compromise seemed to have been reached between the centralising and the purely federalist principles. Palacky, whose draft had proposed to divide the monarchy into eight distinct national groups, withdrew from the Constitutional Committee and provision seemed to have been made for a reasonable distribution of functions between the central and the provincial authorities, and of the electoral power between the towns and the peasantry. But, though by March 2, 1849, the Committee had at last ended its labours (even so far as proposing a new national white -red-and-gold flag), and was about to submit them to the Diet, these hopes were doomed to disappointment. Though the Frankfort Assembly had affirmed the pro vision of the German Constitution by which no German land could be combined with a nonGerman in a single State, and though Hungary was fighting for the autonomy of which her own Constitution was the symbol, the SchwarzenOn that day berg Government on March 4 perpetrated its coup d'etat. it published by imperial authority a Constitution of the one and indivisible Austrian Monarchy the occupation of the Kremsier Diet, after its many months of labour, was gone, and on March 1 it was dissolved. to be
;
;
different, except in its close, had been the course of Prussian The politics in the period ensuing on the Revolution of March, 1848. of and autumn little comfort to months summer brought dreary King or
Far
King Frederick William IV's sensitive nature could not bring The Camphausen Ministry accept the new conditions of rule. showed no lack of skill or earnestness in seeking to perform the difficult task of restraining democratic endeavours while at the same time recovering for Prussia the sympathies of German Liberalism ; but they could not conciliate the confidence of the King, to whom the idea of ministerial people.
itself to
was utterly repugnant. He was still worse pleased when June the Ministry was once more shifted " further left " under the presidency of Rudolf von Auerswald, Hansemann becoming the Thus the King remained constantly accessible to the leading Minister. counsels of the Conservative Camarilla by which he was surrounded (Leopold von Gerlach, Adjutant-General von Rauch, Marshal of the Court von Massow, Edwin von Manteuffel, and Marcus Niebuhr) while at the same time lending an ear to the advice of those Liberal statesmen responsibility at the end of
;
whom he cherished an unfailing personal confidence Bunsen, Stockmar, and above all Radowitz, who may be said to have kept the King's conscience in this period of depression, down to November, 1850 The chief questions with which at this time the Prussian Government had to deal were the settlement of the Prussian Constitution, and the
towards
" Prussian " National Assembly and
192
the
King
[1848
Germany as reorganised under the Constitution in course of elaboration by the National Assembly. To democratic opinion, and to those far-sighted political thinkers who, though from no democratic point of view, desired a fusion between the Prussian monarchy and the national German State of the future, nothing could be more relations of Prussia to
unwelcome than that a Prussian Constitution should be called into life and beyond doubt a strong specifically Prussian
before the G'erman
;
The Prussian Ministry could, however, hardly do otherwise than pursue its course and after the second and last Combined Prussian Diet {Vereinigter Landtag*) had closed (April 10), the Constituent Assembly on which that Diet had resolved feeling existed even in Liberal quarters.
;
at Berlin on May 22, arid sat till November. Between this Berlin " " National Assembly and the King there was little love lost, although
met
he followed Stockmar's advice by abstaining from dissolving it but the Conservative party took up no attitude of uncompromising resistance indeed, in one of the earliest numbers of the Neue against its work Preussische (Kreuz-^ Zeitung, the important organ of Conservative ;
opinion in Church and State, of which Wagener was editor and Ludwig von Gerlach the most important contributor, it was argued that Prussia was dejure a hereditary constitutional monarchy. Before long, however, the Assembly fell more and more under the control of the Radicals and, when in a riot on June 14 the mob plundered the Zeughaus,the Assembly, whose sittings were held close by, declared itself in need of no protection ;
but that of the citizens of Berlin. On the other hand, in August a series of meetings was held at Berlin, under the presidency of Kleist-Retzow, " " for the the so-called Junkerparlament, in protection of property which Conservatives of various shades of views, from Bismarck to Bethmann-Hollweg, took part. In September, the Assembly proceeded to such a height of democratic extravagance as to pass, against Ministers, a vote calling upon all officers in the army who refused to abstain from The consequence was reactionary efforts to resign their commissions. another ministerial crisis. The poor King was exposed to a series of refusals
made
from leading Liberal statesmen, and from Alvensleben, who
clear that his acceptance of office must be preceded by the King's an event which at this time seemed quite possible. Finally, abdication it
a Ministry was patched up under General von Pf uel, on his return from suppressing disorder in Posen (September). As the year went on, the spirit of unrest was still astir in various there were tumults in Saxony and in Baden Struve Germany once more proclaimed the republic (September 21), but soon found himself in prison, while in Vienna the Revolution was still supreme. In
parts of
;
Berlin the mob terrorised city and Assembly and the King vacillated between submission to the will of the democracy (assenting for instance to the reform of the game laws, and thereby enraging Bismarck) and ;
spasmodic recalcitrance (absolutely refusing to accept the abolition of
1848-9]
The Brandenburg-Manteuffel Ministry
the formula "
By the
grace of
God"
193
as the preamble of his royal title).
The Ministry could bear the strain no longer, and resigned and on November 1 the King took his courage into his hands and appointed a new President of his Ministry who was prepared to risk a conflict with Count Brandenburg, the son of King Frederick William the Assembly. ;
II
and Countess Donhoff, and a
patriotic Prussian
and a Hohenzollern
every inch of him (he was a cavalry general and had recently restored order at Breslau), was not the man to shrink from necessary measures. But he lacked the official experience enabling him to avoid repressive He processes which, aristocrat though he was, were repugnant to him. was therefore soon provided with a colleague (and future successor)
whose qualifications supplemented his own, and who had been trained both to pertinacity and to self-effacement in the school of the bureauOtto von Man teuff el's name is associated, more cracy typified by him. than that of any other man, with a period of Prussian history full of humiliations, but marked at the same time by a subconsciousness of the future for which the State was preparing itself and of which the glory was to fall to others. He suited the King, who liked those in his service to spare
him the outspokenness which had hitherto been a
tradition
of Prussian official life.
On November
9
the anniversary, as
Ludwig von Gerlach was
fain
"JBrwmaire" Count Branin the Berlin National and announced its denburg appeared Assembly, transfer to Brandenburg. The Assembly replied by resolving to refuse the payment of the taxes already granted by it but on the following day Wrangel at the head of his troops occupied the capital without encountering any resistance. So far the new composite Ministry (which still included several Liberal or Liberalising members, such as von der that Heydt) had been successful but they had formed a further design
to
remind the Court
circle at Sanssouci, of
;
;
by the authority of the Crown a ready-made Constitution, by the insertion of certain provisions for the maintenance " of the royal authority from the "Waldeck Constitution (as that elaborated by the Assembly was popularly called after the most extreme of the Radical leaders). The Government Constitution even accepted the principle of universal suffrage nor was it till nearly six months later
of introducing which differed
;
1849) that the three classes of electors, graded according to rate of taxation, were introduced, and secrecy of voting was abolished. It is not easy to understand the object of Brandenburg and his colleagues
(May
30,
in persisting in their intention to
The King
impose (octroyer)
this Constitution
refused to sign, and only gave way when convinced that nothing could be expected from the Assembly at Brandenburg, and encouraged by the example set by the Emperor of Austria on November 27. The Assembly itself, whose trump card of re-
upon the country.
at
first
fusing the taxes had been played in vain, could not be induced to make up a quorum at Brandenburg. Probably it was the desire to prove C.
M. H. XI.
13
The new Prussian Constitution
194:
[1848
the Prussian State capable of determining its own course of action which induced the Ministry to undertake and carry through their experiment. On December 5 the Assembly was dissolved, and on the following day the new Constitution was promulgated. The efforts of the Frankfort National Assembly itself for the settlement of the German Constitution and the permanent establishment of a
Central Government could not but be affected by the political changes and Prussia, and by the bearing of their Governments and For in spite of many taunts peoples towards the German problem. as to the political incompetence of the Frankfort Parliament and the nation whose aspirations it on the whole adequately represented it was not this Parliament or the German nation which is to be held accountable in the last resort for the failure of the work of reorganisaIt has been seen that, after much time and trouble devoted to tion. the basis on which the edifice of the discussion of the G-rundrechte there ensued the interruptions the Constitution itself was to rest caused by the Schleswig-Holstein crisis and the September riots at It was well understood at Frankfort that, after the purely Frankfort. provisional step of entrusting the vicarious administration of the Central Power to Archduke John of Austria, it behoved the Assembly to lose no time in establishing that Central Power on a firm foundation. But though logic might in this instance have been sacrificed to necessity, and the discussion of the Grrundrechte adjourned till their acceptance and that of the Constitution of which they were the substructure could be enforced, the relations of Austria and Prussia to the new Germany could in no case have been settled with speed. When on October 19 the National Assembly entered on its grand constitutional debates, beginning with a series of questions which involved the relations with the two Great Powers, its authority had, as has been seen, unfortunately been impaired both in the eyes of the nation at large, and in Austria
Powers in particular. relations of Austria to a reorganised
as towards these
The
Germany had not admitted
of other than speculative treatment so long as the former had itself been in a state of revolutionary unsettlement. The appointment of Archduke
had irritated the Prussian nation without really and had merely tided over the difficulty of securing But there a permanent Central Government to a united Germany. was a question antecedent to that of the satisfaction of such claims as Austria might still possess to the hegemony in Germany; and this was that of the actual territorial relations between them. Practically, this problem admitted of only three lines of solution. The first was to admit the entire Austrian monarchy into the German polity of the future this was of course impossible, and more impossible than ever at a time when the conflict between the nationalities within that Empire had developed into open war. The second was to exclude (together with
John
as Reichsverweser
benefiting
;
its rival,
Austria and Germany
1848]
195
Transleithanian) Cisleithauiaa Austria from the German Empire or Federal State, and thus to do away with the completeness of German This was the solution which seemed to Frederick William IV, union. as it has to many patriotic minds before and after him, an unEven pardonable sin against the national history and the national life. those, therefore, who, like Dahlmann and Droysen, were prepared to consent to this sacrifice, rather than renounce the design of creating
a federal German State under feasible conditions, shrank from a naked presentment of this alternative; and in its place put forward what may be described as a third course. This was, to insert in the proposed second paragraph of the German Constitution the following " No declaration part of the German Empire may form part of a State These words implied that if the containing non-German territories." German portion of the Austrian monarchy was to be included in the Germany of the future, that monarchy must be divided into two halves, held together by a personal union only. One of these halves must be united with the German organically Empire, acknowledging its laws and yielding allegiance to its Central Power, however that Power might be constituted. The other must stand aside. And to this proposal the Austrian Government must answer by a categorical Aye or No. It was, however, clear that the Austrian Government was not at the :
time in a position to give a decisive reply to a question affecting the whole future of the monarchy and, in any case, procrastination would have been in accordance with its instincts. On the other hand, neither the National Assembly nor Prussia, Austria's only real rival, had any sufficient reason for delay. Not only, however, would it have seemed abominable to Frederick William IV to allow any advantage to be taken of the difficulties of the Austrian Government but even Prussian Liberalism of the old Opposition type, as represented by such a politician ;
;
To Georg von Vincke, could not reconcile itself to such a course. an amendment to the Gagern gave expression by moving to the effect proposal of Dahlmann and the Constitution Committee as
this feeling
that non-Austrian
Germany should be constituted a federal State with which Austria should enter into a wider federation so that there would be a Union within a Union. But the wider union would manifestly amount to little more than an international alliance; and the eminent poet and patriot Ludwig Uhland admirably described it as " the joining of fraternal hands stretched forth for a final farewell." Ultimately, a proposal to exclude all non-German lands from the Empire was adopted by a large majority (October 27) but the majority failed to carry the nation with it. For it was due to the support of the entire Left, which the Vienna Revolution was then at its height still indulged in the hope that German Austria was destined to form part of ;
;
the
German Republic. The declaration had, after all, to stand over. When, after the removal of the Austrian Reichstag from Vienna,
196
Conflicting schemes of reorganisation
[1848-9
Schwarzenberg at last found time to reply to the Frankfort Assembly, he informed the deputies who at Kremsier were laboring at the completion of the Austrian Constitution, that the maintenance of the unity of the that unity with which the principle approved at Austrian monarchy was " a German as well as a European Frankfort was at direct issue necessity." The relations between the new Austria and the new Germany, he continued, could not be finally determined till each of them should have firmly established itself; up to that time, however, Austria would continue faithfully to meet her federal obligations. The answer of the Frankfort Assembly was to relieve Schmerling of his position at the head of the Reichsministerium by a vote of want of confidence in other words, the Assembly refused to be any longer a party to the temporising His place was taken by policy which he had so skilfully carried on. Gagern (December 18), who in his turn was succeeded as President of the National Assembly by Eduard Simson, a Konigsberg Professor of remarkable political, and especially parliamentary, ability. In answer to the enquiries of the Prussian Government Schwarzenberg was quite He demanded the admission into the Germanic body of the explicit. The Frankfort entire Austrian monarchy, centralised as a single State. Constitution should be thrown over altogether, together with the Assembly which had produced it and the old Confederation should be restored, with a stronger executive than it had hitherto possessed (December 13). The Prussian reply favoured the conjoint consideration of the Frankfort draft Constitution by Assembly and Governments; while, as to the future relations of the Austrian monarchy with the Germanic body, it approved the plan of a wider federation between the two (December 19). further exchange of views then took place as ;
;
A
German States round the larger; Government propounding a scheme which would have successfully sapped the principle of German unity as well as the design of Prussian ascendancy, and was therefore warmly welcomed by the Governments of the minor Kings and Frederick William IV interposing to a possible grouping of the smaller
the Austrian
;
with a memorandum (January 4, 1849) upholding that conception of Austria as the first and Prussia as the second German Power, from which he only swerved when his patience was too sorely tried by his ally. Meanwhile Gagern demonstrated, on behalf of the German Central Government, that a united arid centralised Austrian monarchy could not conceivably enter into the German Federal State as at present constituted, while the question of a wider union between them must be left to diplomatic negotiation (December 18). Thus the political separation of Austria from Germany had to all intents and purposes been officially proclaimed. Though not long afterwards (January 5,
1849) Gagern was authorised by the Assembly to enter into negotiations with Austria as to her relations with the German State, it was well
known
that Schwarzenberg's
diplomatic action
entirely ignored the
1849]
197
The Prussian Circular Dispatch
German Parliament. It therefore behoved Prussia to explain to the other German States her own position and her desire that they as well as she should maintain a satisfactory understanding with the German This was done in a circular dispatch which further Parliament. advocated a closer union between the non- Austrian States of Germany, and a wider union between these and Austria. King Frederick William IV was with great difficulty mainly through Bunsen's exerhis attach to tions signature to this missive and with prevailed upon its dispatch, on January 23, Prussia seemed to have at last entered into friendly relations with the National Parliament, and to have abandoned ;
her preposterous attitude of deference to Austria. Unfortunately, even now he vacillated but between the Austrian Government and From the Frankfort Parliament the breach was no longer to be filled. the Austrian that of a demand Constitution came bland Schwarzenberg March 4 should be recognised by the German Ministry, and the entire Austrian monarchy admitted into the Germanic Confederation, reorganised by means of a directory of seven members, presided over (this was the solitary concession) alternately by Austria and Prussia, with an Upper or States House of 70 members, of whom 38 were to come from The resolute the Austrian monarchy, and 30 from Austrian Germany. answer of the despised Frankfort Assembly to this proposal was the completion of the Constitution at which it had so long laboured and the choice of the King of Prussia as German Emperor (March 27 and 28). On this last issue the attitude of the Prussian Government towards the action of the German National Assembly from first to last turned. The difficulties in the way of the consistent advocates of a Prussian hegemony over Germany, to take if possible the convincing form of a ;
German Empire hereditary in the royal dynasty of Prussia, were many and various. There was the conscientious conviction of the King, that the Imperial dignity ought to be restored to the House of Austria, he being made German King, or, as he would have preferred, hereditary commander of the German armies there was his still stronger conviction that, if the headship of the Empire were accepted by him at all, it must come through the choice of his fellow Prince and there was, lastly, " crown of his private but passionate determination not to accept a shame" (Schandkrone) from the detested revolutionary Assembly at A less immediate difficulty, but one which seems to have Frankfort. impressed itself upon several eminent political thinkers of the time, was ;
;
the bearing of the question of the Prussian hegemony of Germany upon Was it possible for Prussia either to the future of the Prussian State. secure this hegemony or to merge her own political existence in that of Germany, if she sought at the same time to develop her own constitu-
with representative institutions of its own ? Least of all could such a combination commend itself, if the Prussian Constitution, which was to co-exist with the German, was one imposed by the Crown, tional life,
198
Constitutional reform
and lacking
the
Confederation
[1848-9
Such seem to have been Hergenhahn and Heinrich November, 1848, visited Berlin. The last-
real guarantees of permanency. men as Bassermann, Simson,
the views of such
von Gagern,
and
all of
whom
in
named
in particular, as the mouthpiece of the Frankfort Casino party, earnestly endeavoured to divert the King from the path along which
For a moment, the Brandenburg and Manteuffel were leading him. " " was fired the and by tempter King's imagination Gagern believed But it was not to be Prussia was that his efforts had been successful. ;
;
now nor
later to be wholly "
"
and, as has merged in Germany been seen, the Prussian Constitution was promulgated on December 6. Thus, the Austrian Government, after repressing the Bohemian 'and Viennese insurrections, and making some progress, as it seemed, towards overcoming the Hungarian revolution, had announced as its German programme the reconstruction of the old Confederation. From Prussia, on the other hand, the great opportunity of establishing her hegemony over Germany seemed passing away for the reasons indicated above, and because of the jealousy of the smaller German royal Governments, and the unwillingness of the democrats at Frankfort, Berlin and elsewhere Between these to support a scheme based on hereditary monarchy. difficulties the German Constitution, which the National Assembly had laboured so arduously to perfect, could not but fall to the ground, and the whole national movement of which it was to have been the enduring neither
;
symbol, collapse, together with the National Assembly itself, in the face One more series of efforts was made before of a triumphant Reaction. the end came but when these had been frustrated, the story closes, though its epilogue will have to be briefly recounted in a subsequent ;
chapter.
On March 12, 1849, Karl Welcker, an eminent member of the National Assembly who had hitherto upheld the retention of Austria in the Empire, proposed, without previous consultation with his party, the adoption en bloc of the Constitution of the Empire as now before the Assembly and the offer of the hereditary dignity of Emperor to the Had Welcker pressed his motion to^ an immediate would division, probably have been adopted by a large, majority but he deprecated haste and, when the motion came up from committee for decision, it was rejected by a small majority, which included the entire Even Left as well as all the opponents of the ascendancy of Prussia. King
of Prussia. it
;
;
patriotic Radicals, however, could not look with equanimity upon the downfall of the entire constitutional edifice which seemed imminent;
in the end the influence of Heinrich Simon and others gained over a sufficient number of the Left by the twofold concession of agreeing to the Imperial veto being made suspensory only, and voting in parliamentary elections secret. The bearing of this limitation of the Emperor's prerogative (which was subsequently even extended to his veto on constitutional changes) upon King Frederick William's
and
Frederick William
1849]
IV declines the Imperial Crown
199
estimate of the value of the Crown subsequently proffered to him should But the word had now been given that, quocumque not be overlooked. modo, the Constitution and the election of the King of Prussia as Emperor were to be put through. On March 27, a majority of 27 resolved that the head of the German Government should be a reigning German Prince ; and the hereditary character of the dignity was affirmed by the still more slender majority of 4. On the following day 290 votes were given in favour of the election of King Frederick William IV of Prussia, 248 deputies, including 200 Austrian members, not voting and a deputation of 32 members, with President Simon at their head, was Before appointed to offer the Imperial Crown to the King in person. leaving Frankfort, the President, perhaps injudiciously, prevailed upon the Reichsverweser to retain his office for the present. ;
Since signing the important dispatch of January 23, Frederick IV had relapsed into his usual habit of political castlebuilding. Early in February he perplexed his Ministers by a four hours' On the one exposition of the system of German policy favoured by him. hand, he could not but be impressed by the fact that many of those not only his brother the Prince of Prussia and Liberal around him Ministers and advisers, but even a member of the Camarilla such as inclined to the acceptance of the Imperial Crown. But his Rauch hatred of the Revolution and all its works was ineradicable ; and he told the veteran Arndt, who vehemently pressed him not to refuse it, that it was no Crown, but a necklet of slavery. Thus, in consultation with the Camarilla, an answer to the imminent offer was drafted, and to this, improved by Alvensleben and accepted by the Ministry, the King On April 3 the celeadhered, though not without moments of doubt. brated audience took place in which the Imperial Crown was actually offered and declined. Strictly speaking, the King neither accepted nor it. The rejected purport of his words, which were lacking neither in in nor good sense, was that he could arrive at no decision without dignity the free assent (Einverstandniss) of the German Kings, Princes and Free Towns. Inasmuch as there was little or no doubt as to the assent of the petty sovereigns, it was the Kings only whose dissent was in question ; but as this was equally certain, Frederick William IV's reply amounted to a postponement sine die of the proposal made to him. Whether or not he afterwards regretted his decision, in his comments to Bunsen and others he dwelt chiefly, and by no means without reason, on the dangers
William
To Beckerath, his acceptance would have exposed Prussia. the Frankfort Ministry sent to Berlin to make one final attempt at overcoming his scruples, he used, not for the first time, the expression that " Frederick the Great would have been the man for the occasion as for himself, he was not a great ruler." At least he loved peace, and
to
which
whom
was the
full of real,
though probably exaggerated, monarchy which he had inherited.
fears for the security of
200
National Assembly and the Eeichsverweser
[1849-50
Not one
of the four Kings Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover, and Wiirtemventured to affront the majority of their subjects by declaring against the resolutions of the National Parliament and, on April 4, the plenipotentiaries of 28 German States signified their assent to them. Moreover, the affairs of Austria were again going badly in Hungary, and her resistance to any Prussian action could, for the time at least, have been only what Schwarzenberg might have called " symbolical." But the risk which Prussia dared not run a year later existed in 1849 and the Tsar would no doubt have then raised as angry a protest against any decisive step taken or threatened by Prussia as he actually did in 1850. In any case, Frederick William IV had made up his mind not to run this risk, and to break with the Frankfort Parliament once and for ever. On April 11 the National Assembly had resolved by a vote of 276 against 159 to adhere immutably to the Constitution which had been read for the second time and approved by the House. A motion for its recognition was laid on the table of the Prussian Second Chamber and on the 21st the King authorised a ministerial declaration that the Prussian Government refused its assent to the Frankfort Constitution. Camphausen immediately resigned as plenipotentiary at Frankfort and at Berlin the Foreign Office was taken over by Count Henry von Arnim-Heinrichsdorf, from whom no opposition to the King's vagaries was to be expected. The action of the Frankfort Parliament was paralysed from this moment onwards. Austria had recalled her deputies so early as April 5. On May 4 the Parliament gallantly called upon the several German Governments to enforce the lawfully enacted Constitution, and announced at the same time that the first duly constituted German Reichstag would meet on August 15, up to which date a Regent of the Empire (no longer a Vicar) was to hold office. But even this course was only supported by On May 14 Prussia recalled her deputies, declaring a majority of two. her intention of carrying on, in conjunction with the Governments of the "
berg
;
;
;
;
On May 21 larger States, the constitutional work begun at Frankfort. and folio wed suit on the same date 65 headed ; Saxony deputies, by Dahlmann
the very core of the whole body announced their withdrawal. earlier, the Reichsverweser, by way of keeping up appearances to the last, had appointed a new Ministry but it was an administration Minister as for pour rire, including Foreign Affairs one Jochmus, pre-
Four days
On May 25 viously a Hamburg merchant's clerk and a Turkish pasha. the rump of the National Assembly determined by 71 to 64 votes to migrate to Stuttgart, where on June 6 it set up a Regency of the Empire, consisting of Heinrich Simon, the ultra-Radical Karl Vogt, and four other deputies, and on June 16 declared the Reichsverweser a On September 30 Austria and Prussia finally took over the usurper. functions, such as they were, still appertaining to the Central Power, and before the end of the year Archduke John finally made over his authority into their hands, quitting Frankfort on New Year's Day, 1850.
1849-50]
201
The Frankfort Constitution
So ended an attempt which had long become hopeless, to give validity nobly planned. This instrument, which would have
to a Constitution
Germany the ideal of national unity in a federal form, has The edifice the limbo of great designs frustrated by fate. passed into had been constructed on the basis of personal liberty to be guaranteed throughout the Empire by the G-rundrechte described above. Its several realised for
States were to retain their independence in so far as it was not limited by the Imperial Constitution, and their Governments all the rights of
surrendered to the Imperial authority. There was no longer any loose confusion of Federal with Government power as had been the case with the old Confederation the Imperial authority was to form the sole international representation of the German nation; to it were to belong exclusively the right of deat its command, claring war and of concluding peace it was to have not a congeries of state contingents, but the entire armed force of Germany. The Empire was to constitute a single territory in all The Emperor was to be its head matters of commerce and customs. and its international representative. By his side was to stand the Houses the of two Upper or Staatenhaus, with composed Reichstag 192 members (40 from Prussia and 38 from Austria), half of them nominated by the several Governments, and half by the representative state sovereignty not expressly
;
;
:
and the Lower or Vblkshaus, composed of ; the deputies of the nation, directly elected by a simple majority in areas of 100,000 inhabitants ; every male citizen over twenty-four years of age To each of the two Houses was to belong the being entitled to a vote. bodies of the several States
right of initiating laws and impeaching members of the Government; but the Lower House alone was to determine the Financial Budget, to for one year in whole or in part, to it and be
granted annually proposed by the representatives of the nation. This was the gift which the Frankfort Assembly proposed to bestow upon the German nation nor can the design be laughed to scorn, though its incomplete fulfilment was reserved for a later generation. or rejected,
;
CHAPTER
VII
THE EEVOLUTION AND THE REACTION IN GERMANY AND AUSTRIA.
II
IN November and December, 1848, the prospects
of the
Hungarian
The national pride had suffered Hungarian army at Schwechat (October 30)
Revolution had become very dark.
from the defeat of the and its consequent return into Hungarian territory and the dream of an alliance between the Hungarian and the Viennese democracy was at an end with the fall of Vienna. Before long, the Hungarian Government would have to defend itself and its cause against a ring of armed forces ;
closing in upon the turbulent army that had subdued Vienna
Magyar
capital to co-operate with the in the north,
from Galiciaand Moravia
in the west. The anti-Magyar movement of the northern Slovaks had been quite recently put down but in Transylvania in the east all sections were united against the Magyars, except their kinsmen the Szeklers, and a savage Rouman rising played into the hands of the Austrian Government. All along the southern line, in Slavonia and in Croatia, soldiery was being raised where it was not already under arms, and the Hungarian Government were being taught too late their rashness in treating the claims of these populations with contemptuous ill-will. To a total of not far short of 150,000 armed men, of whom at least two-thirds were trained regular troops, the Magyars could as yet only oppose a force of 100,000 still to a large extent consisting of troops which had come over from the Austrian colours the national levies of the Honveds, however, admitted of considerable further extension the National Guards, on the other hand, could not be used in the field. The great want of the Hungarians was officers of experience for though many officers had come over with their companies, they were for the most part younger men. Windischgratz, habitually slow in his movements, was on the present occasion probably anxious to wait till the change of Emperor should have been completed. The Hungarian Diet of course declared Francis Joseph's assumption of the succession in Hungary illegal, as having taken place without its own assent, and on December 15 Jellacic, with the advanced
and from Styria
;
;
;
;
202
1848-9]
Gorgei.
Hungarian Government
at Debreczen
203
guard of Windischgratz' army, crossed the Leitha. Of the two routes leading directly to Pest the southern was covered by Moritz Perczel, a Hungarian political leader, who had formerly been an officer of Engineers. The northern was in charge of Arthur von Gorgei, who, on Moga's withdrawal after Schwechat, had been appointed his successor. This able strategist and in many respects mysterious man (for, wherever the key to his character and conduct is to be found, it is certainly not in his own wordy memoirs) sprang from a German Protestant family in the Zips, and had, after some early military service, quitted the Austrian army and devoted himself to chemical research at Prague. In 1848 he returned to Hungary, where he at first took service in the National Guard and speedily came to the front, sharing in the success of Veldencze, and doing his part to wards embittering the conflict by ordering the execution " treasonable " correby military law of Count Zichy, for engaging in with Jellaci ;
barricade by barricade, the city was retaken by the Point du Jour to Pere La Chaise. Thiers had profrom the besiegers claimed on the 21st that the full penalty would be exacted and the trict
by
district,
;
to massacre the conquered. Officers, provosts-marshal, soldiers put men to death as they chose, after a pretence of trial
army proceeded and
or without
any trial at all. they amounted in
It
was admitted that the dead numbered
fact to 20,000 at least
while 38,568 per17,000 sons were arrested, of whom 1058 were women and 651 children and of the total number arrested 1179 died in consequence of bad treatment. ;
The
and, in contradiction to prisoners were tried by Court martial French usage, which looks upon acts committed during civil war as political offences punishable by transportation, the Federates were condemned to death or penal servitude. 13,450 persons were sentenced, of whom 270 were condemned to death and 7500 transported. The Courts martial continued to sit as late as 1876. As the result of this massacre, which exhausted the principal corporate bodies of Paris, the revolutionary and Socialistic party, which had seemed destined to give a powerful impulse to the democratic movement in France at the fall of the Empire, was swept out of existence. It was, in the words of Malon, " the third defeat suffered the French The ancient party divisions were all that by proletariate." remained on the one side, Monarchists, Legitimist or Orleanist, and on the other Republicans. How, after the storm had subsided, was the evolution, which had been taking place since 1860, to be completed ? What was the definite form of constitution which France should finally attain? Which of those two parties but lately united against the Liberal Monarchist or Republican would end by carrying Empire the country ? Seven more years were still to pass before the question was definitely decided. After 1871, however, various symptoms pointed out the direction in which French political life must inevitably develop. It was undoubtedly true that the monarchist deputies had obtained the abrogation of the laws relating to exile and the confirmation of the elections of the Due d'Aumale and the Prince de Joinville, but at the ;
;
506 very
Results of the struggle
moment
of the struggle with the
Commune,
official
[1871
communications
and private intelligence disclosed the advance of republican feeling in the towns and Thiers himself accepted the legislation relating to the ;
princes, only subject to formal reservations.
The nation indeed had chosen
the Assembly with a view to peace, already showed a preference for those who had been most careful of the national unity, for those who, while they rejected all thoughts of war for the present, were determined that the country should be strong. In July, at the supplementary elections, the Republicans were successful in twenty -five out of thirty -nine departments ; and of twenty-one deputies returned for Paris, sixteen candidates, belonging to the Union of the Press and followers of Thiers, were elected. Thus the monarchical majority in the Assembly no longer represented the opinion of the country; but they held the supreme power, and no legal process existed by which They proceeded to exercise the constituthey could be deprived of it. ent power " which they looked upon as the essential attribute of their " and, in virtue of it, they forthwith bestowed on France supremacy a provisional Constitution. Thiers was sufficiently adroit to make his authority felt and to prevail upon an Assembly which was monarchist at heart to legislate in such a way as to prepare for the future of the But, as his friends asserted when they brought in their Bill Republic. with the organisation of the Government, it was essential, in the dealing interests of the working classes, of commerce and manufactures, that there should be a feeling abroad of stability, unanimity arid reconciliation. On August 31, 1871, by 491 votes to 94, the enactment known as It provided " that the Head of the the Rivet- Vitet Law was passed. " executive should take the title of President of the French Republic ; that he should have the power of appointing and dismissing his Ministers, and the right to address the Assembly whenever he thought necessary; but that the individual Ministers, the Ministerial Council as a whole,
but
it
;
and the President himself, should remain responsible to that body. This, then, was the outcome of the continuous efforts of Constitutional Liberalism during the Empire, which the pressure of events had in-
The Monarchists saw that, after the late crisis, evitably produced. was impossible to rekindle the old political animosities, while the ad-
it
vanced Republicans, who were looked upon as advocates of war, and who had lost their working-class vanguard, were unable to make headway. The provisional Constitution expressed with accuracy the position of political and social forces brought about by the events of the last few and, after the convulsions of this terrible year, it was, broadly The definitive speaking, the Liberalism of 1863 which had prevailed.
years
;
but from this Constitution was not to come for another four years time forward, while the energy of the whole country was concentrated on its work of reconstruction, its political life was to enjoy a development more continuous in its character, and, above all, more independent of the hazards of foreign politics. ;
CHAPTER XVIII THE REACTION AGAINST ROMANTICISM IN FRENCH LITERATURE (1840-1871)
LITTLE did Madame de Stael guess when she introduced the term " Romanticism into France the stir that it was destined to make. Yet it heralded the most important literary movement, and the most fruitful in unforeseen results, which Europe has seen since the Renaissance. And yet, if Romanticism were at its zenith in 1830, by 1843 owing, first, to the failure of Les Burgraves, and to the speedy success of the it seemed almost dead. naturalistic and realistic theories in art Thus, in the space of thirty years, the main stream of literature had apparently divided into two great currents, not merely flowing in different, but in what seemed totally opposite, directions. How did it come to pass that a movement on so large a scale, and of such importance not only in France but in Europe generally, should have experienced so brief an existence, and won such barren victories? The answer to this must be sought " in the fact that under the one term " Romanticism we are apt to ina literary coterie which gained much clude two wholly different things notoriety but whose life was short, and a revolution in the world of letters, not only French but European, under whose influences and amid whose results we are living to this day. The name of this literary coterie was the " Cenacle " it consisted of the group of authors who gathered round Victor Hugo, arid met at Charles Nodier's salon at the Arsenal their theories of art and of literature are to be found in the preface to Cromwell and in the articles of Deschamps in La Muse Francaise. It was above all in their work for the stage, which as it were sets the crowning and ratifying seal upon all literary reforms, on whose boards, moreover, the noisiest battles of the new School were fought, that the weak points in the Cenacle 's theories made themselves most conspicuous, and that it showed its inability to A manifesto, in fact, is of no reconstruct where it had pulled down. The value unless based upon achievement and illustrated by example. to their it is works constructed true, produced Romanticists, according theories but, instead of supplying their justification, these works seemed "
:
;
;
only to help
them
to fall the quicker into a predestined disrepute. 507
508
Romanticism
Moreover,
it
and blossoming
is
worth noticing
much
saw the growth
that, if the period
literary achievement, it was a time cultus of suited to letters and to the experiments of the marvellously while innovators we admit the genuine inspiration of the ; and, literary
of so
fine
authors of the period, we do not find it attributable to the theories of the Cenacle but, rather, independent of them: it is not by rule and Men like Lamartine, de Musset, precept that masterpieces are made. and Vigny were in no way indebted to such doctrines and even Hugo ;
himself, in his capacity of lyric poet, rather expounded his theories to justify his works, than wrote his works to illustrate his theories.
To sum up, Romanticism, regarded as a poetic school, did not and could not last long but to regard it under this aspect is to see merely Romanticism was, in reality, a its smallest and least interesting side. literary revolution, which originated in Germany towards the close of the eighteenth century, and preached, before all else, a return to nature and to the ideas and formulae of the Middle Ages. It spread rapidly throughout Europe because it responded to a certain intellectual need the longing to substitute for the worship of an antiquity but ill-understood, of classic models but poorly imitated, something new and personal, Its direct progenitors in the realm of art as well as in that of letters. were Rousseau and Chateaubriand, who were the true forerunners of the new birth of religious feeling and of admiration for the Middle Ages it was they who revived the feeling for Nature, who preached ;
;
revolt against accepted ideas of the fatality of passion ; it
human
and prejudices, and who taught the theory was they who, by developing the sense of
personality, prepared the soil wherein lyric poetry could flower. under other names, of the old conflict between
It was, in truth, a revival,
Regnier and Malherbe, between the Independents and Boileau in the between the Ancients and the Moderns at the seventeenth century
A
movement so important, so wide-spread, beginning of the eighteenth. so vast, came, by the very multiplicity and vagueness of the principles which it enforced and of the rights which it claimed, to have incalOne of the most apparently surprising, but in culable consequences. reality most natural of its results was its eventual development into realism and naturalism from which in its origin it seemed so far removed. To put the matter more clearly Romanticism, or rather the Cenacle :
regarded merely in the light of a literary School, went too far, and failed to keep its promises, especially in the realms of the drama and the novel ; its
existence was inevitably short, for
it
was consumed by its own
zeal
and
exaggerations. As was to be expected, a reaction in the opposite That every too sudden advance must of necessity be direction set in. followed by a recoil is a fixed law; and, in this instance, the recoil con-
its
own
sisted in a perception of the excess and absurdity which had marked the pretensions of the Cenacle, and in a keener appreciation and admiration for the great classics of the seventeenth century. But, if the Cenacle
The evolution of Romanticism
509
were dead, Romanticism proper remained very much alive, with all its elements which elements of sanity, fruitf ulness, and essential novelty had already ensured its victory over an outworn and conventional idealism and one of its fundamental principles, more fully understood and applied to better purpose, was destined to give birth to realism. We have just seen that Romanticism demanded " truth drawn from " " historical it would have none of Nature herself landscape," preand of heroes on an extra-human scale tentiously arranged grouped " This " natural truth, this reality, the writers of 1830 of false idealism. had seemed scarcely able to appreciate or delineate, and they had fallen Their works were rapidly into the extraordinary and the improbable. essentially the outcome of imagination and feeling. Acting under the ;
;
influence of the scientific spirit, of that love of clearness and precision, that quest for the definite fact and the document, which was the peculiar characteristic of the latter part of the century, a new literature gradually took form and shape, a positive literature which adopted as its guiding
principle the faithful reproduction of the life around it, without any modifications save those which the laws of art necessarily impose upon When the Romanticist claims " to reproduce Nature in its the artist.
crude entirety," as it appears to our eyes, it seems to be a realist who is speaking, and, when Victor Hugo describes the environs of Le Treport, his method seems to foreshadow that of the painters of the Barbizon School. The best proof, however, that there is no real antinomy between Romanticism and realism and that the difference is one of degree and not of kind, is the fact that the majority of the great writers of the nineteenth century belonged, at one and the same time, to both
For example, Balzac, Gautier, Michelet, Renan, Flaubert, and many others, borrowed from each school what was best in it, and harmoniously mingled the two influences. Thus, Romanticism tended in the beginning towards the development of the lyric and individualist spirit then, its exaggeration and excess produced a natural and inevitable reaction and later, under the influence and through the normal development of the salient principles schools.
;
;
of the scientific spirit, it experienced a
complete transformation, passing
This result will be traced in greater finally into realism and naturalism. detail later, in dealing with the particular writers and with especially literary genius to whom this chapter is devoted. One of the definitions which has been applied to Romanticism is that is "a literature in which the lyric element predominates." Lyric
the it
men of pronounced
poetry did not, so to speak, exist in France before the Romantic period and, if Hugo is to be regarded as the leader of the new School, it is for this reason among others that he was almost exclusively a lyric poet and that the basis of his inspiration was generally lyrical. All the early ;
works of Hugo since Odes et Ballades (1832) up to Les Rayons et Les Ombres (1840) are essentially lyrical and subjective ; from 1840, on the
Early work of Hugo
510
contrary, a difference is perceptible and other influences are apparent. Careful as always to follow the varying currents of prevailing taste and
moreover by the idea that the poet should be not " " a but a shepherd of his people, a vates responsible for the only poet doctrines of the common herd, we find him throwing himself ardently into political life, and endeavouring to guide and direct public opinion. His poetry reflects these preoccupations, and becomes more detached, fashion, penetrated
more
lofty
there
is
a
in a word, more objective. Viewed from this standpoint difference between the tone of the Contemplations
marked
and that of the preceding volumes. With him every sensation tended more and more to develop into a symbol, every symbol into a myth. This tendency, which grew daily more and more noticeable and which formed the basis of his lyric faculty, made him the most objective of the Oenacle poets his poetry became the expression of emotions, human it :
but expressed in a universal sense. And it is precisely this quality which gives to his poems their peculiar and original charm. In Les Chdtiments, for instance, we see the product of a disappointed
is true,
vanity, a violent outburst of political hatreds and personal bitterness. Thanks to his peculiar mastery over his materials, Hugo succeeded in
creating a type of literature in which he often excelled, in which occasionally, as in IS Expiation and finest works are precisely those
Les Abeilles, he was supreme. And his which are most largely symbolic, most
impersonal. All the violent and passionate emotions which had shaken his soul, His personal hatred time was to soften, to purify and to universalise. of the Emperor was merged in a horror of tyranny in general, in pity for all the unhappy and oppressed ; and La LSgende des Siecles presents a series of pictures on the heroic scale, a cycle of turbulent dramas, symbolic rather than historical, and inspired by the same philosophic
and
social ideas
by an unshakable
belief in
God and
in
immanent
justice, by love for the poor, the suffering, and the helpless, by hatred It for the oppressor whether in the form of priest, king, or conqueror. " and literature fill a in French of which is a incomplete epics,'-' gap cycle in which he has tried to enclose the history of humanity, characterised by what he believes to be its chief epochs, from Creation to the Last
All Victor Hugo is contained in these three volumes, which In them, passing from poetry of the void in French literature. he attained an personal type, inspiration purely symbolic and objective, thus revealing himself as one of the great lyric poets of the world. Though a member of the famous C6nade, Theophile Gautier was a man of wholly original character, altogether distinct from the other
Judgment.
filled a
members
of the circle.
His genius was narrow and peculiar; but, conwas a poet of the first rank. He was without
fined within its limits, he
without eloquence, and possessed of only average sensibility and The sole principle to which he clung, and which was indeed intelligence. ideas,
Theophile Gautier
511
the very source of his inspiration, was a hatred of everything which either Both literally closely or remotely savoured of middle-class Philistinism. and figuratively, he never put off the red waistcoat in which he arrayed
himself on the
first night of ffernani. Gautier Theophile (who had been for a time a pupil in Rioult's school of painting) was essentially a painter whom chance had made a poet. Though he is scarcely ever more than this, his peculiar faculty enabled him to accomplish the apparently impossible, to render by means of words and phrases, so as to make his reader feel, the precise sensations
experienced in the presence of the actual scene, of the visible landscape He transcribes a corner of the park at Versailles, or a Flemish Cabinet picture, in the manner of a painter, and never fails to produce
described.
Moreover in all his work there is always this kind of which is the essence of his originality. A large part of
his effect.
specialised talent
devoted to a series of descriptions of various Momie brings to life before our eyes, like a picture from the brush of some Eastern painter, the actual Egypt of the Pharaohs and the larger half of Le Capitaine Fracasse is nothing Mademoiselle de landscapes the ;
Maupin
Roman
is
de la
;
but a series of pictures irresistibly recalling the etchings of Callot. Even in his capacity of critic, instead of critically appraising works of art or literature he contents himself with the reproducing them, in his own inimitable fashion, with offering them, so to speak, for the individual inspection of the reader. To this rare and individual gift he joined a keen and unerring sense of colour and decorative effect, an inexhaustible vocabulary, both rich
and accurate, a excess.
brilliant virtuosity sometimes verging on insolence and Finally, in his style, whether in prose or verse, though always
rather smooth, polished, and carefully wrought, he never betrays effort seems to be improvising in a language full of lightness, ease and sanity. All these qualities make of him a writer altogether apart, bearing no resemblance to any other and his work, small in output, but delicate, refined, perfect, even to the smallest detail, has often been compared with the masterpieces of Benvenuto Cellini. His influence over his conwas and he a is immense, temporaries striking example of those writers who passed insensibly from romanticism into realism. " His hatred of what was Philistine and commonplace lent inspiration to Baudelaire ; his pictorial sense of form and colour led him to renounce the subjective methods of the lyric poet in favour of devotion to the thing seen and thus gave birth to an impersonal literature. The perfection of his ;
aesthetic faculty quickly enabled him to appraise the medieval colour of the romanticists at its true worth; the Parthenon conquered him.
He ended by abjuring the Gothic ideal, that he might the more fully reveal that worship of the classical which formed the basis of his whole In him, indeed, we see the actual pivot upon which French literabeing. ture revolved, in passing from romanticism to naturalism."
512
Alfred de Vigny
Alfred de Vigny was one of those rare poets to be found among the whose inspiration, though perhaps indeed the only one he never spoke of it himself, was at all times purely lyric, and at the same time always impersonal. To say nothing of his plays and his novels, even his poems take the form of narratives, episodes, the theme of which is always a being or an object altogether distinct from himself. This is in complete accord with Vigny's own character he was a solitary from his youth up, and one to whom the acute and romanticists
:
A
Catholic painful consciousness of his solitude brought deep suffering. by birth and education, he had lost his faith ; a soldier, who knew the soldier's life through and through and had realised both its of personal glory were its depths, and whose hopes him but around he saw extinct, nothing grounds for disillusion and disenchantment. Ever a prey to doubt he gave himself up to meditations problems to him upon the great problems which agitate humanity A stranger to the over-confident and exaggerated for ever insoluble. optimism of a Lamartine, Vigny turned towards pessimism and unbelief. Indifferent and contemptuous as he was towards political affairs and persons, he suffered much through the state of things brought about by for him the past was dead indeed, the future full of the Revolution All that he saw around him even the circumstances of his darkness. He sought refhim from and alienated the world. life offended private uge in poetry, which should at least bring him consolation. But of poetry he had formed for himself so high, so lofty an ideal, that even here he was tormented by self-distrust, even here he found nothing but suffering and disappointment. This is the explanation at once of that detached and impersonal note in his work and of the smallness of his literary output. Filled with respect for his art, and sensible of his difficulties, he was content to leave nothing to chance, to await inspiration in a state of through a medium ever more finely wrought religious withdrawal and to seek patiently the realisation of that ideal of and more perfected at beauty which he had fashioned for himself. These were the ideas once individual, in the sense of .being profoundly and painfully felt, and universal, in that they were capable of arousing the interest of all men developed or rather condensed in his few works, some of which compare worthily with the finest achievements of Lamartine or of Hugo. In many aspects of his work he was a true romantic poet, but through his own life, through his conception of art, through his poetic ideal and method, through the restraint and conciseness of his manner, he ultimately diverged as widely from romanticism as Musset himself, or as Leconte de Lisle in later days. Occasionally, at certain points, a personal touch But these unveils to us for one moment the suffering soul of the poet.
heights and
;
of sensibility, which the true romanticist hugged to his breast, De Vigny's their emotions into literature, are very rare. demand a place apart in the history of romantic poetry, as the
moments
and which fused
poems
Alfred de Musset.
Baudelaire
513
and peculiar temperament, rather than as a conillustration of the theories of a new literary school. or sequence Alfred de Musset began his career as a perfervid romanticist with of an individual
work
Oontes d'Espagne
et d'ltalie,
which contained everything that the poets
of the
new school were then claiming and advocating
local
colour, exaggeration of
love of the exotic,
The Romanfeeling. as one of themselves.
were easily in truth Musset, in advance of his age, perceived all that was false futile in Romanticism, and, while the new School fought and
ticists
Yet and
manner and of deceived and acclaimed him
triumphed in defence of their ideas, he was gradually returning from them to the classics of the school of 1660. He soon realised how much was meretricious, artificial, and trumpery in the exaggerated search after local colour, in the high-sounding, empty epithet, in the rich yet needless rhyme, and could never bring himself to admit that form and expression should take precedence of the matter and thought to be expressed. Does that mean, however, that Musset owes little, or nothing, to Romanticism ? This was impossible but he borrowed from it only what was best he laid down as a principle that the whole art of the poet consisted :
;
"
in laying bare his heart, in " moving others through his own emotion, a principle which is, in fact, the very essence of lyric poetry and, conse-
quently, of Romanticism. On the other hand, certain sides of his character were in direct opposition to the principles animating the writers of the new school ; or rather the qualities, which they lacked, were possessed by him. Owing
temperament, to an innate fastidiousness, and also to the natural limitations of his talent, the artist in him was by no means faultless ; yet Musset was the sole romanticist who showed " psychological intuition,"
to
this not only in Les Nuits, where he analyses, with a delicacy and an exquisite precision very rare in those days, the finest shades of the soul's diverse emotions. This trait is above all conspicuous in his plays,
and
though clearly showing the influence of the foreign literatures then newly revealed by the Romanticists, he accomplished original and charming work, unlike anything he had hitherto achieved. To sum up it must be admitted that Musset was influenced, though perhaps unconsciously, by the Romantic movement ; but his natural gifts likewise made him a great and original poet. " He found inspiration in his own nature, and instinct and taste taught him what to avoid." Charles Baudelaire, a late comer in the Romantic field, who found little save the the idol of some, gleanings left by his great predecessors the scorn of others is to us the last representative and the last champion of the ideas and His work, original and principles of the C^nacle. strange, sometimes disturbing and often unequal, may be taken as typical of the Romantic methods, both at their best and at their worst at their best, because Baudelaire was curiously preoccupied with form, because, as a writer, he was subtle, painstaking, for ever striving after in which,
:
:
C.
M. H. XI.
33
514
Leconte de Lisle
the highest, and occasionally realising perfection; at their worst, because of his deliberate and too frequent unveiling of repulsive things. There were two reasons for this : one, since by merely exaggerating one it was hatred of the commonplace Romantic tendency easy for a man to become pretentious, non-moral, unreal, and unwholesome ; the other fact that all the highest places were already filled, all costs to be original, he had to fall back upon the at so that, desiring He invented a " new thrill," and, all his life, bizarre and the subtle. was a slave to the form of art he had chosen to make his own. This
must be sought in the
abandonment of the realm of seriousness and beauty for that and ugliness was a profound blunder on his part and that Baudelaire triumphed in spite of it was due to the faultlessness of deliberate
of strangeness
;
his workmanship, the perfect finish of his form. Unfortunately, however, he was idolised by a host of incompetent and unintelligent imitators last direct who could not fail to detract from the effect of his work 1830. of of Romantic was the as it poetry offspring Leconte de Lisle, on the other hand, brings us back to the domain of pure beauty and serenity, and in him we can watch one of Romanticism's When he began writing, the great lyric evolutions actually at work. themes were, to a certain extent, exhausted. Poetry was growing gradually less personal, and was becoming steeped in the scientific spirit. Vigny's completed work had already given us many wonderful examples of that symbolic poetry, which tends to efface whatever personal and intimate element there may be in the actual emotional life of the poet. In harmony with the taste of the age, and following in the new direction of a poetry at once impersonal and scientific, the soul of Leconte de Lisle despised a lyric poetry which confined itself to an outpouring of He concealed his own the intimate hopes and fears of the poet himself. that of and behind humanity in general, whose despair suffering, doubt, the too own. his became Despising personal, over-intimate note pain of modern life, he sought refuge in the past, in the contemplation of
ancient civilisations, in the portrayal of the ever varying religions whereby men at all times have endeavoured to benumb their insatiable In this way he created a new subjectcuriosity, to assuage their griefs. old the germ of which existed already because so new matter very It is to Leconte de Lisle that we owe the idea of in Romanticism. historical reconstruction, aided by science, and the intellectual effort to comprehend all art, of whatever age or country ; and for such a task no
Learned and conscientious, poets, he brings before us in all the faiths of old Indian, Celtic,
one moreover was better equipped than he. faithful interpreter of the great
Greek
long procession, all the gods and giving to all in turn their peculiar character. Polynesian, and Hellenic in and this student there was ever the fervent lover of poet Finally, form and plastic beauty, striving to compress into verse, imperishable and immortal because of its perfection, those fleeting aspects of being in
The Romanticist dramas
:
515
Scribe
which his soul delighted of each passing phenomenon, however brief and fugitive, he tried to seize the peculiar beauty, and as a rule he These descriptions of his, though absolutely objective, are succeeded. marked by an intensity, a glow, a purity and an exactitude to which nothing else is comparable. Thus, claiming descent from Victor Hugo and regarding him as his sole master, though all the while an unconscious disciple of Vigny, Leconte de Lisle touched romanticism at a thousand points, while at the same time moving further and further away from the theories of 1830. He easily outstripped those men of secondary talents, who had not the power to win freedom for themselves nor to fix their own standpoints, once for all, amidst all the incoherent Hence he became impulses which, at that time, swayed men's minds. the leader of that new school which was to include masters like SullyPrudhomme, and Heredia, serving as a link and transition-point between the Cenacle of 1830 and the Parnasse contemporain. The Romantic School had made the theatre the scene of its noisiest battles, but, all the same, had never succeeded in producing live drama. The failure of Les Burgraves was the best possible proof of this but, apart from this, no author of the time seemed to possess the true ;
;
dramatic instinct: the only merit of Hugo's plays lies in the beauty of their verse ; the dramas of Alexandre Dumas pere are as poor in Musset's comedies alone deserve a place to themstyle as in psychology. selves in the history of the French theatre, but it is well known that they were not written to be acted, and that it was owing to a peculiar Romanticism had freed the theatre chance that they were ever staged. from all rules and all conventions ; but its work was purely destructive, and it had laid no new foundation. Tragedy was dead, historical drama no longer appealed to the public, the play of passion was tending towards melodrama pure and simple. The vacant place had to be filled in which the latter half of the nineteenth became, by comedy, especially century, the only permissible literary form for drama to assume. Few men have had a luckier or more prosperous career than Scribe ;
few men
have been so persistently depreciated. The real explanation of his success is to be found in the fact that he provided the play-goer with precisely what he wanted and with was the middle class more. of the He typical representative nothing of
also, especially since his death,
the general public of his day.
Neatness, clearness, logic
:
these
were the favourite intellectual qualities of the time. But, despite his limitations, it must in justice be admitted that the stage instinct of Scribe, and his mastery over all the resources of his craft, were both supreme. Judged from this standpoint, Bataille des Dames and Un Verre cCEau are without a rival. Gifted with an inventive faculty of and he himself to the search for dramatic confined great range fertility, conjunctures, and, led by admirable sagacity and ingenuity, he found them in endless number. He was solely but perfectly a writer of the
516
Augier
exercised a stage, and, through this very quality, his successors. and over both his contemporaries writing, apart from character,
is
its aspect, as
noteworthy influence
The
notion that playa school for the study of manners and
a highly specialised art, having its own technique, its own is traceable to him ; and it is hardly
peculiar methods of workmanship,
much to say that, in all the plays which have come after him, can trace a comedy or an idea, originally emanating from Scribe. too
we
On
the other hand it is impossible to ignore the influence exercised modern comedy by the innovators of the eighteenth century upon those inventors of middle-class drama and sentimental comedy who, as it were, discovered the setting wherein the author of the future was to place his characters, thus paving the way in a direction along which others were advantageously to follow. Finally it should be noted that the Romanticists, by ignoring the unities, by mingling tragedy with comedy, by devoting themselves to the exact reconstruction of the sur-
roundings appropriate to the personages of their plays, provided all subsequent comedy with some of its leading characteristics. Of this later
comedy we may take Emile Augier and Alexandre Dumas fils
as
the two great representatives. On many sides of his character Augier touches Scribe very closely. He too was a representative of the bourgeois spirit both in its best, He a man of reason and good sense. and in its most limited, aspects was to find his true polarity when subjected to the influence of Balzac.
The novel had in fact preceded the drama in the depiction and obThe drama was, in its turn, servation of real life and character. to take up the task of the novel, while making use of the methods study after the manner of Balzac, strengthened by peculiar to itself. such seems, in fact, to be the a plot after the manner of Scribe
A
formula by which the comedies of Augier and Dumas fils were conThe whole problem consisted in the transference to the stage, structed. no in a manner interesting to the general public, of a study or picture as the was or a of vice, absurdity, particular eccentricity, longer merely way with Moliere, but of a man, as a member of society, planted amid and in the subsequent endeavour to his own immediate surroundings show to the spectator the slow and successive development in this man's character under the influence of his profession, of the current standard of manners, and of the circle in which he lived. Since it was essential to interest a public spoilt by the comedies of Scribe, a situation had to be selected which would serve to throw into as
high
relief as possible the characteristics of the leading personage,
and produce the most striking dramatic effect attainable. The field was a vast one, since it comprised no less an area than the study of mankind and its imperfections. Augier especially delighted in studying the vices of our social organism, and interested himself principally in questions relating to money and the intermingling of different classes,
Dumas
fils
517
realising, clear-sightedly enough, that in them were to be found the This is the basis of keystones on which the society of his day rested. what is undeniably his finest comedy, Le G-endre de M. Poirier (1854), the play of all others in which his qualities as a painter of the society he saw around him shine with the most brilliant lustre. His portraits are
marked by an arresting fidelity and boldness, an incomparable depth and subtlety of insight, a supreme largeness of touch. For example, Maitre Guerin, the peasant-notary who bends the law to his own uses and steals while quoting his favourite authority ; Giboyer, type of the Bohemian,
who has
hand at all trades ; and, finally, Poirier himself, that of the bourgeois-gentilJiomme of the nineteenth century. perfect picture Add to this a dialogue of simple, easy and natural quality, a true and subtle observation of traits which reveal the character in a single word, tried his
a moral attitude at once sturdy and straightforward if at times somein Augier one of the most typical represen-
what limited, and you have
tatives of his age, a mind steeped, moreover, in the characteristically French tradition of the nineteenth century.
In certain of his plays, not perhaps to be numbered among his best (as Lions et Renards, Le fils de Griboyer), Augier tried his hand at but he particularly devoted himself to the comedy of political comedy manners. Alexandre Dumas fils busied himself principally with the problem of love, and was led on insensibly, by the peculiar bent of his temperament, to the "problem-play." Instead of confining himself ;
human vices or of social incongruities, to presenting fellow-men with a picture of their failings or their vices, Dumas, confronted with the problem of evil, was irresistibly drawn to desire an improvement in manners, and, within his limitations, to prepare the way for it. In his work for the stage he came gradually to aim at the acquirement of a guiding and moralising influence over his audience and it was thus that Dumas, through his desire to reconstruct to the depiction of
his
;
and society in general, upon a basis of love, justice, and equality, through his attacks upon those laws, customs, and prejudices which he held responsible for the existing state of things, found himself naturally drawn to the comedie d these. It should not be forgotten that Dumas fils, passionate admirer of his father as he was, was completely But steeped in Romanticism, especially at the outset of his career. in his case Romanticism gave place gradually to a mystical habit of mind, to the tone of a visionar}^ moralist who must preach, even in the most brilliant of his plays. Realising as we must the moralist in him, combined with the insight of a keen observer, with a capacity for taking swift and sure surveys of life, and for producing in us the sensation of life itself in all its intenseness and actuality, we can perhaps appreciate sometimes even a little disconcerting something of the alluring originality of Dumas' plays. Beginning his career with comedies of manners (e.g. La Dame aux Came'lias, 1852), he sought to realise his family
life
518
Drama: Dumas
fils.
Labiche.
Sardou
ideal of a morally helpful drama, wherein should be solved, or at the most pressing and serious problems which beset con-
least discussed, the
temporary
society.
of Dumas has indeed its limitations one could wish that he had given a somewhat larger range to his studies, that he had not always interested himself in exceptional cases one might blame him for his taste for paradox, sometimes, even, for things bordering on the unclean. At the same time it should never be forgotten that he
The dramatic genius
;
;
possessed in a supreme degree those rare qualities which go to make the playwright actuality, the vis comica, a vigorous style, the gift of biting, witty dialogue ; above all, it must be remembered that his influence over his contemporaries was considerable, and that a large part of our present-day drama owes its existence directly to him. Of a very different order was the spirit animating all the plays of All that he cared about was to laugh himself and to make Labiche. others laugh, and in the pursuit of this ambition, he was triumphantly successful during a period of thirty years. It would be a complete misconception, a stupid blunder, to take his plays seriously, to dissect them and endeavour to construct a philosophy from them. The value of Labiche's
plays lies in their droll imaginings, their inconceivable buffoonery, the fascination of their extraordinary and absurd situations as exemplified for instance in
gives
them
Le Ghapeau
La Cagnotte. What their practically universal basis of while occasionally, as in such plays
de Paille d'ltalie or
their peculiar flavour
is
good sense and shrewd observation as La JPoudre aux yeux, Le voyage de M. Perrichon, or Le Misanthrope ;
VAuvergnat, a certain insight into the human heart is revealed. In spite of having tried his hand, and that successfully, at most things, perhaps even because of this very versatility, Victorien Sardou, direct disciple and successful rival of Labiche, is first and foremost and is perhaps scarcely more than that. Gifted with a playwright exceptional faculties, with an incomparable inventiveness and wealth of resource, he has always reflected too faithfully the fickle taste of the public, passing, as he has, from the comedy of observation (such as Nos bons Villageois, La Famille Benoiton) to political comedy (Rdbagas), from moral comedy (Daniel Rochat) to historical drama (Patrie). In all, thanks to his vigour, his suppleness of mind, his instinct for the stage, he has achieved genuine success in none has he given us that masterpiece which one had almost the right to expect from him. Before the advent of the nineteenth century the output of fiction with certain brilliant exceptions all the more noteworthy for their had been devoid of any real literary value. L* Astre, Le Roman rarity with Comique, La Princesse de Oleves cover the seventeenth century Gil Bias, Manon Lescaut, La Nouvelle HSlo'ise, Paul et Virginie we have exhausted the eighteenth. On the other hand, in the nineteenth century the novel is the form of literary expression which, during the whole et
;
Influence of the novel:
George Sand
519
course of the century, has shown the highest capacity for expansion, and of the masterpieces of our time belong to this hitherto but little This is, no doubt, due to the fact that the literary appreciated category.
some
form of novel is at once the most subtle and the most plastic imaginable. Moreover, throughout the whole of the last century, the novel was undergoing a perpetual process of transformation, thus presenting us with the fullest possible picture of the changes in literary taste and temper, from the most extravagant Romanticism to the crudest naturalism. The
majority of the Romantic novelists had made their reputation before need not therefore concern ourselves with them in this chapter. 1840. need only note that coming first under the influence of Sir Walter Scott and the Romanticist taste for historical reconstructions the novel
We
We
at the outset chiefly of the historical or personal type. Alfred de Vigny's Cinq Mars, Hugo's Notre- Dame de Paris and a great part of Les Mise'rabies, and especially the novels of Alexandre Dumas pere, may be taken as typical of historical fiction, the first three basing their
was
claim to attention upon serious qualities of style, literary workmanship, and genuine literary beauty while the last, though the success which they attained was remarkable, possess only a somewhat remote link with pure literature, in spite of their astonishing qualities of invention, ready wit and infectious gaiety. There was in truth something false, something self-condemnatory, in this whole class of work. It exercised, nevertheless, a certain influence at this period, and through its preoccupation with ;
the surroundings, its careful construction of the setting of its characters, it paved the way by degrees for the conception of the novel of manners
we know it to-day. We may take Chateaubriand's Rene, or Madame de StaeTs Corinne, as the type of the personal novel in its lyric, while Benjamin Constant's Adolphe may serve to represent its analytical, aspect. It is from this type of fiction that we derive the modern psychological as
novel.
George Sand, in her early works at any rate, combined both these two Influenced by the romanticist advocacy of the lyric note, of sentimental exaltation, of the worship of the ego, of the fatality of passion, George Sand, admiring follower of Rousseau as she was, published one after the other and with prodigious success, Indiana, Valentine, and Jacques. In her depiction of their heroines, sisters of Werther and of Rene, suffering from the malady of the century, and wearing ever, like aspects.
Chateaubriand, their hearts upon their sleeves, we see her rebelling against prejudices, opinions and principles, then accepted and established, and boldly championing the rights of passion. Thence she passed on naturally to the novel with a purpose, wherein the story serves merely as a vehicle for the author's admirable theories theories characterised, in her case, all
by a socialism as generous as it was vague and ill-defined. Among the most interesting of her novels of this type may be mentioned Consuelo and Le Meunier d'Angibault. Later, her socialism
520
Sand.
Merimee
Stendhal.
developed a rustic tinge, and she produced such little masterpieces as Petite Fadette, La Mare au Diable and Francois le Ohampi. Her mind had, indeed, always inclined in the direction of country things, and even in her most passionate or most mystical novels, such as Valentine, Le Meunier and Consuelo, one comes across enchanting descriptions of " What I wished to write was the country sights and sounds. eclogue " she says in a letter to Balzac and no one has ever of humanity succeeded in achieving clearer-cut, fresher, more supremely true, wordShe has pictures of the country and its peasant-dwellers than hers. been accused of idealising her peasants the real truth is that she was an optimist, and that it was her pleasure to view things and people from the angle most favourable to them. Finally, in her last works, Jean
La
4
'
;
;
de la Roche, and
poetry and
Le Marquis de
Villemer, steeped as they are in simple sunny philosophy, she produced idylls after the pattern of Ohampi in a setting similar to that of Valentine and Indiana.
in
Francois le As a writer she was chiefly remarkable for an extraordinary facility, an incomparable wealth of ideas, a careless prodigality full of charm and all of which qualities grace, a style varied, flowing, and subtle in front her the rank of the Romantic novelists. place
go to
No two writers more remote from George Sand could well be imagined than Stendhal and Merimee, whom we may group together for purposes of study, so like were they to each other in both work and character. Henri Beyle (Stendhal) stands out as one of the most original figures in our literary history and one of the most difficult to appreciate. He belonged to no one school, yet, through some one side of him, to all. In his irony and enthusiasm, in his harsh sincerity and delicacy, in his impulsiveness and cool analysis, he was essentially a man apart, clinging all
unconsciously to the traditions of the eighteenth century, and seeing
in literature nothing save a means of amusement. He was a sensualist like Condillac, an atheist like Chenier ; force was the chief god in his
Pantheon, and Italy ever the land of his predilection.
What he
chiefly
prided himself upon was his knowledge of the human heart. In Le Rouge et le Noir, for example, he sets himself to trace in his hero, Julien Sorel, all the varying influences temperament, climate, surwhich As he himself predicted, human affected. are roundings by beings it was not until the latter years of the nineteenth century that he
was really appreciated and admired, and proved him to be one of the immediate precursors of the psychological novelist. Prosper Merimee was one of those few contemporaries of his upon whom Stendhal exercised an undoubted influence. They had, in truth, the same tastes, the same antipathies, the same type of character, the same tendencies. Both, in their worship of force, regarded literature as a profession with disdain, both possessed in equal degree the passion for sarcasm, and mystification, and both display the same hankering after the objective and impersonal note. Steeped to the lips in irony and
521
Balzac
pessimism, Merimee confined himself to the short story in which he His plots are solidly put together, his characters logically excelled. conceived and developed a lover of simplicity and clarity, he viewed ;
He tells his stories with emphasis and sentimentality with dislike. brevity and sobriety but with an astonishing insight, conciseness, and In six lines he draws a landscape, in as many words a character truth. but he has an extraordinary faculty for making a character live, and live ;
humanly, completely (as in the case of Colombo, or Carmen^) and an equal faculty for the accurate and vividly realistic presentment of scenes, whether tragic or commonplace (e.g. La Chronique de Charles IX. Matteo Falcone). His style, by its purity, its intentional and studied restraint, its perfection of form, enhances the illusion, and to it he owes his definite and unique place in literature. In Balzac's imaginative faculty, in that element of the extraordinary and the visionary which he had in him, in the extravagance and superabundance of his work, in his taste for incredible adventures and fabulous personages, the influence of Romanticism can easily be traced. Nevertheless, posing as a philosopher and man of science, his ambition was to write what may be called the Natural History of Man. His aim was ;
to be a savant, a student of natural science, solely occupied in observing,
unconcerned with the award of moral praise or he studied humanity in fact as an entomologist dissects an To study society as a whole under all its diverse aspects, he must insect. needs bring them all under one focus, conceive for their closer union one universal plan. This was to be called La Comedie Humaine, in which the same characters were to appear and reappear studied, now describing, classifying,
blame
:
{Eugenie G-randet) now in Paris (Le Pere G-oriot, La Cousine Bette) now in private life {La Femme de trente am) now now the life of the fields a following military career (Les Chouans) in the provinces
;
;
;
;
(Le Qur de Village, Le Medecin de Campagne), and so forth. He set himself, in truth, to describe all he saw, good as well as bad, the grotesque and the repulsive as well as the sublime, and, in truth, his temperament and inclination impelled him to the depiction of humanity
more degraded and vicious aspects. Such preference is, indeed, one of the salient characteristics of the realistic art, and in this direction, moreover, he achieved his most striking successes. On the other hand it must be confessed that Balzac, ill-served by a style heavy, pompous, often in bad taste, and never either delicate or
in its
refined, failed in his portrayal of the
may go even
further,
and
find
higher types of humanity.
him lacking
We
in sense of proportion, in His field was for nature.
restraint, and with absolutely no feeling limited to the study of average characters, and of life as. lived among the middle and working classes; but in -this domain he was supreme.
Never has the wreckage of a whole cycle of existences, nor the ruin of a whole family, through the vice or madness of one of its individual
522
Feuillet.
Flaubert
members, been revealed with greater power and knowledge. Take for instance the avarice of Pere Goriot, the envy of Cousine Bette, the lust of Baron Hulot, the madness for invention in the house of Claes, all of them types, monstrous, out of proportion, almost symbolic if you incomparably 'vivid, intensely real in their moral and physical determinism. at times even Romanticist, then, Balzac certainly was and Romanticism is the element in his work which is extravagantly so most salient. But, in the main, he must be regarded, alike in temperawill, yet
A
ment, in his choice of subjects, and in his method of treatment, as the father of our contemporary realism. Where Balzac had failed was in his appreciation of the subtleties of poetic feeling, and most of all in his delineation of well-bred, distinguished society it was in this latter direction, on the other hand, that Octave :
A
won his most signal triumphs. disciple of George Sand, he stands for us as the representative of the idealist and romantic type of fiction (e.g. Le Roman dun Jeune Homme pauvre, Sibylle). Nevertheless, in his later novels (La Morte, M. de Camors, Julia de Trecceur), Feuillet
conscious of the depth of moral deterioration reached by the members of a certain limited world of fashion, he seems to have aimed at unsparing verity
and strength.
Herein he was often successful
;
but he remains
chiefly a delicate, optimistic writer, invaluable as a real inmate of the " world of fashion, as the sole " Romantic who succeeded in painting aristocratic society as it really
is.
After 1850, the novel, which had so greatly extended its range since the beginning of the century, shows a tendency to oust all other literary forms. It was the sign of a new literary standpoint, the novel being, with rare exceptions, essentially the perception and expression of sentiments external to the author. If, therefore, one may trace in it both of the two main tendencies which characterised the century as a whole, it And Flaubert's is, nevertheless, realism which we find predominating. originality lay precisely in the fact that he caught up and combined harmoniously in himself the main elements of both realism and Romanticism. He was a Romanticist by taste and by temperament, also by natural reaction (he began his career with verse and his first book was La Tentation de St Antoine')^ by his disgust with his age, his hatred for the commonplace and the Philistine, his admiration for Chateaubriand and Hugo, in his passion for perfection of form and faultlessness of style, and in the very selection of his subject-matter; all this his private letters and notes show more than abundantly. He is a naturalist, by reason of his absorbing interest in physiology (to which he subordinated
psychology), his scientific habit of mind, his documentary accuracy (as minute as that of Balzac), his passion for describing the platitudinous Education sentimentale, Madame mediocrity of middle-class life (e.g. Bovary, Bouvard et PScuchef), and, most of all, by reason of his These dual tendencies are impassive, impersonal attitude towards life.
L
History:
Thierry.
Michelet
523
to be found running in harmonious combination through all his works, remarkable for their accurate analysis of feeling, for their appropriate setting, their incomparable beauty of word-painting, their brilliant, restrained, and perfect style, their intimate combination of "dramatic
and documentary truth, of the ideal and the real, of perfection form and depth of meaning." these had been to the time of the Lyric poetry, fiction and history Revolution the three great lacunae in the classic literature of France lacunae which it was reserved for the nineteenth century to fill. Before 1789, in fact, almost the only works which can be cited as purely of historical, are LEssai sur les Moeurs and Le Siecle de Louis It was the nineteenth century which gave history a new Voltaire. eminence in the field of literature and it was to Chateaubriand, in his sixth book of Les Martyrs, that the initiative in the direction of picNevertheless we must also turesque and descriptive history was due. interest
of
XIV
;
take into account, in this connexion, the influence of Sir Walter Scott, awakening of the patriotic spirit brought about by the Revolution,
the
and the publication of authentic documents (e.g. the Memoires de St Simon, 1830, and the like). History, indeed, in common with all other kinds of literary achievement, was destined to undergo those two great influences by which our to become "extravagantly Romanticist" century has been dominated in the hands of Michelet realistic, in those of Thiers scientific, in those of Taine and Renan. Under the influence of Romanticism, history began ;
;
by being, before all things, artistic, picturesque, evocative of past times it sought to make the men and ages of the past live again, in all the colour, specific traits and outward characteristics peculiar to each historical character and to each epoch, endeavouring always to relate and to describe, rather than to philosophise or discuss. What Thierry and Michelet wished to do was " to create an art, fashioned out of the materials " furnished by an exact and impartial erudition a work at once of science and of the imagination, alike of art and of criticism. In this manner, Thierry tried to relate La Conquete de VAngleterreparlesNormands and to depict France in the sixth century in the Re cits des Temps Merovin;
giens.
Unfortunately, despite a certain picturesqueness of colour and a
certain happiness in the choice of epithets, the form, in his case, lacked grace, harmony, and beauty, and as a rule remains unworthy alike of
and of his theme. Michelet, on the other hand, possessed the qualities which Thierry lacked imagination, overflowing sensibility, enthusiasm, poetry, a sense of the picturesque, a faculty alike for form and colour. If he has the defects of his qualities, if many errors are to be found in his history of the Revolution, no one, on the other his intentions all
hand, has better understood or resuscitated the mystic and Catholic Middle Ages, and his Vie de Jeanne d'Arc is a work unique of its kind. But the historical work of Michelet, the Romanticist, remains, in spite
524
Guizot.
Tocqueville.
Thiers.
Lamartine
We
read our facts as mirrored in of all his efforts, lyric and personal. the soul of the narrator, and it is solely through the subjective processes of his own genius that we are made aware of the reality of facts.
With Guizot and more
precise,
more
on the other hand, history becomes more philosophic, more impersonal, and
his followers,
scientific,
confining itself to the field of ideas rather than of facts (thereby continuing the traditions of Montesquieu and of Voltaire), sets itself to deduce the social philosophy therein contained. Guizot a statesman
and foremost who wrote only to defend his two great political principles, religion and Liberalism, neglects the recital of facts to devote himself more to causes and consequences ; the very titles are the proof of this ; Histoire generate de la Civilisation en Europe, Histoire de la first
Revolution d? Angleterre, and the like "great works, cold and strong, in which he studies the progress of society, in such fashion as to represent the Monarchy of July as the necessary and legitimate crown of the whole Fashioned in this school, yet never writing solely history of France." in defence of his ideas, de Tocqueville (1805-59) gave evidence of a larger, deeper and more impartial spirit, and his work may, for our time, be regarded as the model of historical philosophy and philosophic He set himself to study the progress and the future of Dehistory. " mocracy in America, and produced an original and profound work, an austere and vigorous presentment of precise facts, of judgments and In ISAncien Regime et la Revolution he tries to explain of forecasts."
the underlying causes of 1789, and to study the play of political and These two books are sufficient to establish his social institutions. renown, and are the most solid works of social philosophy that have apLouis-Adolphe peared in France since Montesquieu's Esprit des Lois.
Thiers (1797-1877), in his old age, compared Romanticism to the Commune, which means, in very truth, that he understood nothing of the movement, that he even went through it all without understanding But that which he possessed in the suits content of art and poetry. preme degree, that which he introduced into the study of history, was the faculty of clarity, of precision, and, above all, " le don de comprendre"
such as finance, diplomacy, applied to matters till then neglected like. He and the was, at least, the first to administration, strategy, relate a whole section of French history (JL'Histoire du Oonsulat et de T Empire) the first to carry light and leading into realms hitherto lying After him, history, falling under the influence fallow and unexplored. of Taine, becomes more and more precise, accurate and scientific. for example Mignet, with whom it becomes a generalisation based
Take upon
or Renan, whose whole work springs in reality from Semitic The only historian, whom we must needs place in others. and philology, a class apart, is Lamartine, who carried on the romantic tradition, and
specific facts
;
whose Histoire des Grirondins(I8l) eloquent, impassioned, enthusiastic it is is no more history than is Michelet's IS Histoire de la Revolution.
as
Fustel de
Coulanges.
Criticism:
Sainte-Beuve
525
It was, indeed, inevitable for history to develop more and more into as it came more and more and as exact a science as possible a science to rely upon original documents, as criticism of the original sources
became more definite and more exacting, in proportion also as, side philology, by side with it, there grew up new and auxiliary sciences epigraphy, the history of art, archaeology (especially Egyptology with which Champollion (1790-1832) and his successors, Assyriology, etc.) to it ever new materials, preventing its relapse into abstraction. brought With Fustel de Coulanges (1830-89), for example, history, detached once and for all from all Romanticist influence, becomes at once the work
He himself declared history to of a philosopher and a man of science. be "the science of human societies and of sociological fact," and he seeks only an exact presentment of the past, studied solely and scrupulously in In La Cite Antique (1864) and in L'Histoire des the texts themselves. France (1875) he dissects the causes which led In these two books there of history. up is a range of information, a force of thought in the setting forth and Institutions de I'Ancienne to the
two great revolutions
interpretation of facts, a firmness and robust simplicity of style which, taken all together, entitle them to rank as masterpieces.
Instead of claiming for criticism that it profited by the progress would be fairer and truer to say that it experienced a simultaneous renewal and transformation, in obedience to the same causes, and yielding to the same influences. History, in renouncing of history, it
former errors, developed into an affair of science, art and truth. In manner the old type of criticism, whether realist or dogmatic, which " canon," the one dogma, judged all things by the light of the one according to one sole and unvarying ideal, gave place by degrees to the its
like
which judges works of art by replacing them in their original setting, by taking into account the social conditions and circumstances under which they were produced. The names of Villemain, Vinet, Scherer, and Fromentin can here only be cited, since each would
modern
type,
deserve a special study but it is in Sainte-Beuve that we find nineteenth century criticism really personified, first, because he was incontestably its leading spirit from 1835 to 1867, and, next, because, beginning his career as a Romantic poet and ending it as a critic and historian, he stands as one of the most striking exemplifications of the evolution of literary taste in the nineteenth century. Up to 1835 Sainte-Beuve, himself a Romantic poet, bravely upheld the Romanticists, and came boldly out as an innovator. During this period he accustomed the public to the innovations of the new school and gave wise counsel to his confreres. By degrees, removed from the friendship and influence of Hugo, and seeing with clear eyes the exact condition of Romanticism realising, moreover, that henceforth it would be quite he came to judge it with perfect detachcapable of defending itself ment, and, up to 1850 or thereabouts, we find him growing ever more ;
526 Sainte-Beuve-Journalism.-PhilosopJiy:
Victor Cousin
He joined, in a word, the circumspect, more noticeably conservative. " Left to at he had Centre," which, heart, always belonged, and in whose bosom he remained to his death. Finally, after 1850, he showed himself in the light rather of a literary historian than of critic even in that of a historian pure and simple as opposed to a literary historian. He possessed, indeed, in the supreme degree the qualities essential to the critic profound erudition, vivacity, intelligence, above all, an insatiable curiosity, which caused him to seek in everything the spectacle of humanity engaged in the actual work of living and the very plasticity and alertness of his mind enabled him to pass through the most varied ;
surroundings and judge them with understanding and insight, to see into and analyse the most opposite types of character. By dint of studying, first and foremost, the life-story, the moral and physical presentment of a writer, he seeks to get at his temperament, his manner of being, his tastes, endeavouring always to revivify the past of a man in his present, to explain his work by explaining the man himself. And thus his criticism, by its pure realism, by its elucidation of individual character, possesses an immense artistic value. might here associate journalism with criticism ; but, as a matter of fact, during the whole of the nineteenth century, the small claim which the Press ever possessed to be regarded as literature grew smaller and smaller, absorbed as it was, on the one hand, in politics, and, on
We
We
the other, in the pursuit of information, however obtained. will confine ourselves to the mention of Paul-Louis Courier (1772-1825) who wrote in defence of liberal ideas under the Restoration, and whose " vivid " alert prose carried on the tradition of Voltaire ; of Emile de Girardin, in France of the value of advertisement and the founder the discoverer
Armand Carrel, one of the last representhe old newspaper apostolate ; of Veuillot (1813-83), the champion of the Catholic Church and of the temporal power of the Pope of Prevost Paradol (1829-78), a man of brilliant and scornful of the halfpenny paper; of
tatives of
;
who fought
against the Imperial regime ; lastly, of Edmond exquisite story-teller and charming talker," independent Voltairian and republican and many others. intelligence
About (1828-85),
"
;
With regard
viewed in its purely literary aspect, it is difficult to consider it apart from other Maine de Biran, things. Saint-Simon and especially Auguste Comte, " the most powerful thinker of his half-century," must be at once dismissed from this survey, their purely literary merits being of the smallest Comte writes badly and the whole of his school is outside the domain of literature. Victor Cousin (1792-1867) was at once university orator and learned philosopher, at first a Romanticist, then purely a scholar, an eloquent and admired professor. the philosophic system, which he defended, has Eclecticism to philosophy,
:
fallen into discredit. of Pascal's Penstes,
Besides being a writer, he discovered the original text
was one
of the founders of the history of philosophy,
Renan.
527
Taine
and did something towards making German philosophy known to Frenchmen. There remain Renan and Taine, who are as much to be classified In as critics and men of learning as either philosophers or historians. Renan there were two personalities, representing the dual tendencies a delicate and exquisite artist, a weighty historian and of the time man of learning. His wit, the charm of his style, the superior literary vesture in which he clothes his philosophic ideas have brought upon him accusations of dilettantism the truth being that in studying faith he lays most stress upon the need of exact knowledge, that in criticism For France he he never strays far from the moral aspect of things. ;
founder of religious history, the historian of Judaism and of Christianity (UHistoire du Peuple d* Israel, La Vie de It was he who first brought Jesus, Les Origines du Christianisme)
will ever stand as the
.
comparative philology to the study of history, who succeeded in reconstructing the characters of bygone personages, in making the scenes and the setting of past ages live again as a philos" represents, in the history of thought, a kind of metaphysical opher, he As a writer he is especially scepticism at once subtle and lofty." remarkable for a simplicity, a subtlety, a harmony, which do not exclude the gifts of a painter or of a colourist; and, because of his very delicacy, he has influenced only a few choice spirits. the
method
of
;
As for Taine, it is difficult to speak freely of and judge fairly, a writer so close to our own day. His philosophic theories practically created the naturalist and realist movement of the latter half of the century. disciple of the English Empiricists, he became the
A
champion of psycho-physiology, maintaining that humanity should be studied scientifically, so that through the interpretation of a host of minor
details,
carefully observed, the underlying psychological laws For him, the true task of the historian consisted in
might be revealed.
so grouping facts under their different formulae as to bring them readily into conformity with one universal axiom. What the historian does for It the past, the novelist and the dramatist were to do for the present. was for them to collect all the "human documents" possible, so that reality
and truth might be the more loudly proclaimed the most interesting cases being naturally the abnormal ones, viewed either pathologically or Finally, when all teratologically, because in them reality is magnified. this has been accomplished, we may proceed to introspection and to the ;
study of ourselves. From this brief survey, we may estimate the influence he exercised over men's minds, when we consider how many men of letters, novelists, and dramatists have worked on his lines, and how largely the criticism of to-day, adopting his theories concerning " the surroundings, the time and the race," has followed in his footsteps, while adding on its own account that analysis of individual character which he was too apt
Whatever may have been his defects and his errors, we cannot but recognise in him one of the most powerful minds of that to neglect.
Art. - - General
528
summary
" half-century, which by its opening out of so many new paths has left such a profound impression upoft contemporary thought." Art has ever presented the same features and undergone the same
The resemblances between Poussin and Corneille, Watteau and Marivaux, are undeniable between Greuze and Diderot they are infinitely more striking, because, towards the end of the eighteenth century, art and art-criticism entered into the domain of Since then, the links between them have been drawn ever literature. closer and closer, until we come to men like Fromentin, at once a painter and a writer of distinction. May we not even divine something far stronger than a link or a relationship between such men as Fontanes and Guerin, Delacroix and Hugo, Delavigne and Delaroche, Courbet and Flaubert? Art in the nineteenth century in fact underwent from the pseudo-classicism precisely the same variations as literature influences as literature.
;
down to the naturalism of Manet, passing through Romanticism and realism on the way. After 1840 Romantic art (represented only by Hugo and Delacroix) withered nevertheless, even then, this art set moving a current of new ideas, and provided each of the various arts with a fructifying germ which it was for each to develop according to its own nature. In painting, it meant the triumph of nature -study and pure landscape, as exemplified by such men as Corot, Rousseau, Millet, Troyon and above all Courbet. Historical landscape had had its day henceforth there were to be no more rules for any particular type of of Girodet-Trioson
;
;
work, save those each individual
man
of genius fixed for himself. Italy to nature, devoting themselves presents itself to our bodily eyes
and Greece were forgotten, men turned
to its faithful interpretation as it If there must be figures they sun, sky, trees, water, air, chiaroscuro. must be the peasants of Millet, or the wood-cutters of the neighbouring
Instead of seeking inspiration at Capri or Paestum, men began to paint the wild or picturesque environs of Paris Fontainebleau and forests.
Barbizon. Was it not by these same principles that Flaubert was actuated when he wrote Madame Bovary ? Thus, in the arts as in the literature, Romanticism culminated, in the middle of this century, in the triumph of that which, from Rousseau and Bernardin de Saint-Pierre down to Chateaubriand, had first inspired this whole great school of French thought that is to say, in the admiration and worship of nature, studied and observed as it really is.
CHAPTER XIX THE COMPLETION OF ITALIAN UNITY (1)
THE SUCCESSORS OF CAVOUR (1861-1870)
THE
life work of Cavour have been nowhere more summarised than on the morrow of his death, by Sir Robert worthily Peel, Lord John Russell, and Lord Palmerston, when they described him as the real author of that great work of liberty, the resuscitation of Italy, which had earned him the gratitude, not of his country, but of mankind. " The man who has wrought this great deed," said Lord " Palmerston, will live eternally in history and premature as his death and indeed is, and deeply as it may have shaken the hopes of may seem,
purposes and
;
has not come too early for his glory." Such was the judgment on Cavour of the leading statesmen of England, the classic land of constitutional liberty, from whom the great Italian had learnt his lessons, and drawn his inspirations. Massimo d'Azeglio, on the other hand, thought that he had died exactly at the his fellow-citizens, it
right moment for his reputation, so precarious did he think the life of the hastily constructed edifice, so vast the piles of ruin on which its foundations were laid. His immediate successors earned the somewhat " contemptuous nickname of the Generals of Alexander," not always without reason. But it is only fair to observe that the change in the dispositions of men and of things, which had begun shortly before the death of Cavour, had become seriously aggravated since the sudden removal of his immense authority. Italy had staggered under the blow her unification was still incomplete, the financial need was sore and continual and, while the lines of external policy were pretty well fixed and secure, those of internal administration were still uncertain. In the end it was determined to adopt throughout the kingdom, with a few alterations, the laws enacted by Urbano Rattazzi in virtue of his extraordinary powers. These were, however, modified, in consequence of some jealousies, by a number of provisos, such as the division of the country into districts corresponding to the former States, and by the arbitrary union of provinces. Unfortunately, these laws contained the ;
:
c. M, H. zi.
529
34
530
The kingdom of Italy obtains recognition
[1861-2
seeds of a yet graver difference, in the shape of a revolt against centralisation under Piedmontese hegemony; and in the meanwhile the real decentralisation for which the people craved, the decentralisation which would secure the true and complete autonomy of the Commune, that historical germ and essential principle of Italian life, remained
more than a phrase. At the same time, the riddle of Naples and provinces was puzzling in succession the various Viceroys who were sent there. The problem remained unsolved ; in Naples every function of little
its
ordinary government was impossible in the southern provinces, anarchy borrowed strength from the brigandage indigenous there, which, much to its discredit, the Government was unable to cure. Baron Bettino Ricasoli, who had succeeded Cavour as Prime Minister, was undoubtedly the most influential political leader of the moment. A man of powerful mind, inspired with patriotic feeling and noble ideals, he was yet, owing to a stiff and rather unbending character, in many The respects the antithesis of the great statesman he had succeeded. external outlook was gloomy, the new kingdom was nowhere recognised, It is true except by England in an informal and semi-official fashion. that a few days after the death of Cavour, Napoleon III recognised her, as a fresh proof of the goodwill felt towards her in her immense J.QSS. But though he had previously come to an understanding with Cavour as to the withdrawal of the French from Rome, he now declared that this recognition was not to be construed as detracting from the validity of the papal protests against the occupation of the Marches and Umbria, or as approving the results of the Unionist policy of Italy he further signified that France was resolved to maintain the occupation of Rome, so long as any of the interests she had undertaken to protect remained unsecured. Thus the value of the French recognition was reduced to a minimum. Nevertheless, her example was followed, first by England, this time acting officially and then by other nations, notably, in the f ollowingyear Russia and Prussia. Italy having been thus duly (1862), by adopted into the family of nations, was naturally the more anxious for the accomplishment of her own unity, to which Rome and Venice only were now lacking Rome, the cause of all her difficulties with F'rance Venice, on whose account the chronic hostility of Austria, now the more formidable in that she had less territory to defend, might at any moment become an imminent and mortal peril to the new kingdom. Though convinced that his duty was first to establish the country on a peaceable and orderly basis, and to strengthen the army both in numbers and organisation, Ricasoli nevertheless felt bound to follow up the Roman ;
;
;
;
question at once.
The
failure of the confidential negotiations of Cavour,
which is mentioned in a previous chapter, had exasperated the hostility of Pope and Curia against Italy. The presence of the Neapolitan Bourbons in Rome so demoralised the Pope and his Administration as to make them deaf to the most elementary rules of political morality. Recruiting for
1861-2]
RicasoWs policy in Church and
State
531
the brigand bands was carried on openly at regular well-known centres ; Chiavone, Crocco, Guerra, Giordano, brigand chiefs notorious for their
enormities and atrocities, came and went without hindrance, and all this under the very eyes of the French garrison and their commander General Goyon. Ricasoli determined to try the effect of direct and public overtures to the Pope, by invoking the good offices of the French Government. The latter, however, declined its aid but Ricasoli held to his purpose too firmly to lose heart on this account. What he had been unable to obtain from Napoleon and the Pope by diplomacy, he determined to wrest from them by means of a vast national agitation, by the ;
voice of all Italy, throughout its length and breadth, demanding Rome. With this idea in his mind, he showed greater cordiality towards Garibaldi, whose name was being used to organise a network of democratic
Their objects, indeed, extended associations throughout the country. Ricasoli but nevertheless Rome, hoped to be able to keep them beyond
He went a step further, and left Mazzini free to return to his country, so that all divisions might disappear, in the growing unanimity Besides endeavouring to appeal to the of the Italian cry for Rome. on foot a movement among the Clergy, to Ricasoli also set democrats, The movement was headed induce the Pope to be reconciled to Italy. and other prelates, but Eusebio Carlo Liverani, by Passaglia, Monsignor " Petition of 9000 Priests." it did no more than give birth to the so-called It was generally looked upon as an attempt to start a new schism on a in hand.
magnificent scale ; but it was weakly supported and had no success, as is, strangely enough, invariably the case with the agitations of rebellious clergy in Italy. The parliamentary majority that supported Ricasoli was his domestic policy, and at his procedure towards not break with him. Indeed, they accepted dared still, they sundry very important proposals of his, one after another: e.g., the abolition of the viceroyalties of Naples and Sicily, and that of the administrative independence of Tuscany; the issue of a loan for twenty
becoming alarmed at
Rome
;
millions sterling ; the consolidation of the debts of all the States ; the increase of expenditure on the great public works, and especially on railways, which were to restore the economic prosperity of the country;
and measures, involving the universal adoption of the decimal system unification of the coinage fresh taxation on a large scale for the replenishment of the Treasury. The attitude of Ricasoli. towards Rome had displeased Napoleon III, who considered that Italy made no sufficient allowance for the serious embarrassments to which he was thereby subjected at home. Victor Emmanuel, for his part, was quite ready to devote himself entirely to the liberation of Venice (therein agreeing with Mazzini, rather than with a law on weights ;
;
Garibaldi and Ricasoli), by planning an insurrection in Hungary, which would force Austria to abandon Venetia. Ricasoli was now becoming the object of a sort of conspiracy, which, originating at the Court, was
532
Fall of Ricasoli.
Premiership of Rattazzi
[1861-2
spreading to the Chambers and beyond, and was even favoured by no less a person than Benedetti, the French Minister at Turin. Rattazzi was the soul of this conspiracy, and to his ambitious and intriguing spirit
weapons were lawful.
Meanwhile, the semi-official agents of Victor secured for Rattazzi a more exalted support, and a conference between him and Napoleon III actually took place in Paris in October, 1861. all
Emmanuel had
of what was going on, and warned Victor country and his Crown in a hazardous game, which might end in his finding himself, not at the head, but at the tail, of the Mazzinian and Garibaldian parties. The King received his frank observations with ill-humour; and at length, on February 28, 1862, he sent a letter which caused Ricasoli to offer his resignation. It was at once accepted; and Rattazzi was commissioned to form a new Cabinet. Ricasoli had no doubt been guilty of many mistakes, but was at least
Ricasoli
was fully aware
Emmanuel not
to risk his
pure in intention, while the King had given way to evil counsels and to the impulses of an impatient patriotism; and Rattazzi's rise to power signified the success of a
low
intrigue.
Rattazzi was apparently surprised at his own victory; and his first Ministry was hastily and imperfectly constructed of representatives of different parties. The old Cavour majority distrusted him; but, after it dared not open its mouth. The extremists some temporary arrangement with the new Ministry, which might have been of some solid value to them, but for the plottings, the Of secret understandings, and the general atmosphere of conspiracy. the extremists Mazzini was perhaps the least dangerous, inasmuch as
its
desertion of Ricasoli,
came
to
he always conceived revolution as a cosmopolitan affair he w ould make one revolution engender another Hungary, Bohemia, Poland, next Greece, then the nationalities of eastern Europe were to pass on the sacred lamp; the Austrian empire was to be dissolved, and the destinies of Europe were to be changed Garibaldi, on the contrary, had but little faith in such far-reaching schemes both from old exan old All he desired and from to Mazzini. perience opposition equally was an understanding with Rattazzi to enable him to go his own way; and Rattazzi, on his side, fully believed in his own ability to control Garibaldi summoned a congress of the democratic Garibaldi's activity. associations, which had been growing up for some time, partly under his auspices, partly under those of Mazzini. The meeting was held at Genoa on March 9, 1862, with Garibaldi as president, and was numerously attended a resolution was passed merging all the societies into one, under the name of the "Society for the Emancipation of Italy." War was declared for the liberation of Rome and Venice and Garibaldi was persuaded not only to be reconciled to Mazzini, but even to insist on his recall from exile. Meanwhile the Government gave no sign by word or act, and seemed r
;
;
!
;
;
Relations between Garibaldi
1862]
and Rattazzi
533
more than ever to have some secret understanding with Garibaldi. But just then King Otho was driven from Greece by a military revolt, which appeared to be connected with the Slav agitations on the Danube and the movements in Herzegovina, Bosnia, Servia, and Montenegro. We cannot say what impression these events made on the mind of Garibaldi ;
but
we know
that Rattazzi promised to supply
him
for the purpose of
some armed enterprise with arms and a large sum of money (40,000, as declared by Crispi in open Chamber, and Rattazzi did not gainsay him). Shortly afterwards Garibaldi took a journey into Lombardy, whence he sent a request for the promised arms and treasure Rattazzi, fearing that ;
the prestige of the King might suffer in the general uncertainty as to the nature of Garibaldi's next enterprise, arranged to accompany Victor
Emmanuel
to Naples
;
and was received there with great enthusiasm,
in
Whether spite of the wretched condition of both capital and provinces. Rattazzi and Garibaldi kept to their reciprocal engagements is doubtful. Rattazzi thought that he could play with idea, which was to attack Austria.
clear
fire;
He
Garibaldi had but one continued to hesitate
between an attempt on Greece and one on Venice but meanwhile he had taken up his quarters at Trescorre, the central point of the valleys ;
that lead into Italian Tyrol, whither, according to the information of the Government, he proposed to penetrate by way of Anfo and Edolo.
Peremptory orders were immediately sent to stop him at all costs, and many Garibaldians were consequently arrested and imprisoned in various border-towns, amongst others at Sarnico. Thence they were transferred under arrest to Brescia, where the populace attempted to rescue them a conflict ensued with the Italian troops, in which many of the inhabitants were killed or wounded. Garibaldi took up the cause of the prisoners of Sarnico as his own, and charged the Government with a breach of their understanding; although in all probability it was ;
he who, yielding not unwillingly to the arguments of the Mazzinians, had departed from his promises to Rattazzi. It is easy to conceive the disgust felt by Cavour's old majority at these discreditable proceedings. Nevertheless, though much against their will, they supported the Government and Garibaldi retired to Caprera, sick at heart, indignant both with the Government and the Mazzinians, and yearning to act once more with entire independence and without any secret understandings. On June 29, 1862, he appeared unexpectedly at Palermo, passed in triumph along the path of his former victories from Calatafimi to Marsala, and there, in the midst of a vast crowd assembled in a church, he raised for the first time the cry "Rome or death " The Government, in its first surprise and terror, took no active steps, an attitude which gave rise to a general belief that the King and Rattazzi were still in collusion with Garibaldi. Intrigues of such a sort have sometimes been too readily admired in Italy as examples of superfine astuteness. Garibaldi himself never even dreamed that an attempt would be made to stop him ; but he did all he could to ;
!
Garibaldi wounded at Aspromonte
534
[1862
avoid collision with the troops in. Sicily. However, on August 3, 1862, a royal proclamation was issued, countersigned by all the Ministers, which publicly disavowed his action, and threatened him and his followers with the most rigorous penalties of the law. But this was unheeded by Garibaldi. On August 24 he crossed the Straits on two vessels, with some 3000 volunteers, and landed near Mileto in Calabria but, hearing from ;
Reggio that a state of siege had been proclaimed in Sicily and Naples, and that the King's army under Cialdini was advancing, he directed his forces to concentrate on the table-land of Aspromonte, which he reached On the same day Colonel Pallavicini, at the himself on August 29. head of the royal forces, arrived at the same spot and attacked the Garibaldians with great vigour. Few volleys were exchanged, as Garibaldi had forbidden any resistance but unluckily a bullet struck him on His companions were made prisoners of war; and he the right ankle. was himself placed with all due respect on board a man-of-war, and taken to the fortress of Varignano near Spezia. This was the second step on the road to Rome, and it was not taken without bloodshed. ;
now issued, through Giacomo Durando, his Minister for Foreign Affairs, a circular dated September 10, 1862, in which he laid claim to Rome as the reward of it, and adopted the cry of Garibaldi, " Rome or death." On October 8 he addressed a dispatch directly to the French Government, in which he put his demands still higher; ignoring all that had happened, he proposed, it was said, to take up the question of Rome at the point where Cavour had left it, and insist upon the withdrawal of the French occupation of Rome, and the Rattazzi
He recognition of the principle of non-intervention in Italian affairs. thus gave a monumental example of political tactlessness and diplomatic and the attitude immediately adopted by Napoleon must very quickly have enlightened him. Drouyn de Lhuys (who had replaced Thouvenel at the French Foreign Office) simply left this dispatch of October 8 unanswered and, as to the circular of September 10, he reminded its authors that, in the negotiations concerning Rome, only the imperial Government must confine itself to the attempt to reconcile two interests equally deserving of respect, and could not hear of sacrificndivetS,
;
ing one to the other.
So
the external situation was settled, and unfavourably to be done with the domestic difficulty ? Was Maria Pia Garibaldi to be indicted ? of the of Fortunately marriage Savoy to the King of Portugal relieved the Ministry of trouble on far, therefore,
for Italy.
What was
this point, by giving them an opportunity of declaring the customary amnesty. Rattazzi next tried to regain touch of the old majority of the Right by a rearrangement of the Ministry, but without success. He also thought of dissolving the Chambers, but was afraid to do so ; on November 18, however, a bitter discussion took place in the Chamber, in which the Ministry were violently attacked and, on December 1, 1862, ;
The Consorteria Ministry.
1860-3]
535
Naples
Rattazzi announced the resignation of the Ministry. It was succeeded on December 8, 1862, by a Ministry of the pure Right, or, to adopt the name by which the Moderates were now beginning to be known, a Consorteria ( u log-rollers ") Ministry. This was headed first by Farini, and later, on his somewhat sudden retirement, by Marco Minghetti
Out of the troubles and vicissitudes of the Rattazzi the old Ministry majority of the Right had issued in a more disintegrated The principal deserters were the Piedmontese condition than ever. members, who felt that they were losing much of their former pre(March
24, 1863).
dominance with the resignation of Rattazzi. By the side of the great parliamentary Consorteria clique there were smaller provincial and local associations, which were perhaps even more intolerant and more exclusive. Minghetti, now President of the Council, was undoubtedly one of the widest intellects and most disinterested spirits among the Consorteria but he was without the nerve requisite for controlling the profound antipathies to which their mutual intolerance and systematic exclusiveness had given rise. Face to face with this party of order stood a body which was not so much an Opposition, in the true sense, as a confused and chaotic crowd; old antagonists of the Moderates and enemies of Cavour ambitious young men struggling to rise Garibaldians acting rather from sympathy with their old general than on any political principle. Around these were grouped the derelicts of the shipwreck of Mazzinianism, and of other old dogmas and lost causes Neo-Guelfs, Autonomists, Bourbonists, the still Federalists, Republicans, impenitent survivors of the secret All Italy was still societies, and other political combatants of 1848-9. agitated by the late occurrences at Aspromonte Turin and Piedmont ;
;
;
;
feelings
new Ministry
them the reactionary which had been provoked by the extravagances of Garibaldi
suspected the
of designs hostile to
;
were now giving place to the opposite sentiment in Sicily discontent was profound and threatening brigandage showed signs of lifting up its head again in the provinces of Naples. ;
;
The fact symptom of
is
that the brigandage of those countries was
partly a
local reaction, partly an ancient evil, deep-rooted in the economic conditions of those provinces, which was not curable
and by force alone. It has been said, with some plausibility, that the true conquest of Naples was affected, not when Garibaldi flashed like lightning from Reggio di Calabria to Naples, but by the war against brigandage. The situation created by the prevalence of brigandage was essentially a problem demanding the interference of the National Government, as Garibaldian enthusiasm and the good sense of Neapolitan Liberals had failed to suppress the disorders. For, though the middle class Reformers, who took up arms in 1860 to the number of 18,000 (according to the
social
trustworthy estimates of Racioppi and Turiello), unquestionably aided the success of the general movement in favour of Garibaldi, they proved unable even to stop the reactionary peasants from recovering possession
536
The problem of brigandage in Naples
[1862-3
whole provinces of Abruzzo and Molise, within a few days of the Volturno nor could they prevent that reaction, combined with the dispersion of a part of the Bourbonist army after the first victories of Cialdini, from giving rise to brigandage. It is with this problem of in that the success of the Naples brigandage newly formed kingdom of bound for was its up, Italy largely suppression had become a pressing of the
battle of the
necessity.
;
Brigandage began by being mainly
political
;
later, as
its
existence was prolonged by the aid of the Bourbons who had taken refuge in Rome, by the complicity of the papal Court and the toleration of the French, it once more became a social institution. Moreover, while
Government had lost some time, failed to make
the old
all
for
itself felt directly
power
of controlling its
it,
the
new
had,
own
by strength. The reaction in favour of Bourbonism which brigandage kept up, had been started some time before, as we have seen and, during their viceroyalties, neither Farini nor Prince Carignano nor San Martin o had been able to arrest it. From the military point of view Cialdini had been the most successful his method was, while vigorously repressing ;
;
the Bourbonist plots in the interior, so to envelop the as to force them away from the papal frontier their and drive them into Calabria, where he hoped tions But the vice-regal office crush them by a single blow. Cialdini
was
recalled,
was abolished, and La Marmora succeeded him with the title of
Prefect of Naples and Commander-in-chief.
were
brigand bands base of operato be able to
at first eagerly filled
The ranks
of the brigands
by foreign fanatics of Legitimist views, who
were joining a new Vendean Crusade, but these adventurers could not give Neapolitan brigandage an exgentlemen character. When they were got rid of, brigandage clusively political returned to its original type, which was that of a morbid anarchic really believed they
development. It had been fostered by superstition, ignorance, and misery, by the impulsiveness of Southern blood, by class hatred, family feuds, and personal quarrels, by selfishness on the part of the rich and wretchedness among the poor ; and finally by the state of semi-villenage,
by which peasants and agricultural labourers were tied to the soil, starving and hopeless of redress. It is to be feared after all that the only efficient remedy for these evils is one that has come without the assistance of statesmen, viz., the emigration of these poor country folk in a body and even this, in the proportions that it has now assumed, promises to become a scourge in its turn. The Minghetti Ministry, immediately on assuming power, appointed a parliamentary commission on this question. Giuseppe Massari, an old and respected Neapolitan patriot, drew up their report, which remains Their proposal was to this day a standard authority on the matter. to extend the basis of property in these provinces by getting rid of mortmain, to make roads, to cut down the woods which sheltered the brigands, to start schools, and to increase the vigilance of the police, as ;
The Pica Law. -- Foreign
1863-4]
537
politics
On this report an well as the severity and swiftness of punishment. Act was based known as the Pica Law; its effect was good, but its Besides the repression of operation was neither general nor continuous. that of regulating brigandage, there was another pressing necessity the finances of the State, which the great political changes between 1859 and 1863, and the wastefulness of the various provisional Governments, that held power before the annexation, had reduced to something very near ruin. Minghetti, as a moral philosopher and a learned political economist, went back to first principles, and drew up a complete scheme, which, he had the audacity to predict, would in four years' time produce equilibrium between the debit and credit side of the ordinary (not the extraordinary) budget, if nothing interposed to disturb its symmetry. He submitted his proposal to the Chambers in a speech of great eloquence and lucidity on February 14, 1863; beside it a previous scheme of Sella, drawn up under the Rattazzi Ministry, now looked rather pessimistic and people were grateful to Minghetti for his confidence. Unluckily, as it turned out, there was some flaw in the calculations of both and he who had speculated with the greater confidence in the future was the financier who incurred the greater blame. But the Chambers went on to sanction a special loan of X28,000,000, out of which Minghetti proposed to meet immediate wants, at the same time keeping in hand a reasonable ;
;
sum
to meet eventualities in the political world. In truth the atmosphere of Europe was growing murky. Russian Poland had been the first to rise in 1863. Germany was preparing to wrest the duchies of Schleswig-Holstein from Denmark and it was impossible to say whether Austria and Prussia would fall out or agree on the partition. Napoleon was nursing his day-dreams, as usual. European conflagration was not impossible and it behoved to be Unrest and disturbance had its counterpart in the Italy ready. ;
A
;
; Garibaldi, it is true, was incapacitated for a received at Aspromonte but Mazzini was busy with all manner of chimerical projects for the liberation of Venetia. During 1863 and 1864 events developed as follows the Ministers were hesitating to avail themselves of any assistance from revolutionary bodies, being doubtful of their own ability to keep them under control next, King Victor Emmanuel, self-confident and secretive, with a view of his Constitutional powers peculiar to himself, and intensely anxious to break with Austria on the first possible opportunity, was negotiating with
internal
life
time by the
of
Italy
wound
;
:
;
Hungarian refugees. He also had relations with Mazzini himself, whose and reservation he never succeeded in quite breaking down and whose promises of loyalty were always strictly limited in the way of date; and, finally, with Garibaldi, with whom he always found it easier to come to an understanding, from a certain conformity between their characters. The King's plan was, as usual, to foment an insurrection in the Austrian empire, to be backed up in the Danubian principalities the first centre distrust
;
538 Improvement in finances.
Industrial development [1864
of insurrection being Transylvania. Garibaldi was to form an army the of Roumanians, Servians, and other southern composed Hungarians, Slavs, and to take the command of it against Austria. Italy was to take
that opportunity to declare war. of support in arms and money.
The King was liberal in his promises As soon as all this warlike preparation
became known to Mazzini, he broke off all negotiations with the King, and did his best to thwart his plans. Just then Garibaldi paid a visit to London, where he doubtless hoped to obtain valuable support for his new enterprises, and where he took the opportunity to effect, in appearance at
least, a reconciliation with Mazzini. As, for the time being, these questions had ceased to agitate Europe, the Minghetti Ministry felt it incumbent on them to take up the Roman question. The ever growing scandal of the complicity of the papal Court in the Neapolitan brigandage, the responsibility and
disgrace of which was now beginning to be a serious burden on the French Emperor ; the disgrace of the contract for the construction of the southern railways which had been given to an ex-Minister Bastogi ;
the attitude adopted in Parliament by the Piedmontese Opposition, all increased the difficulty of the Ministry. On the other hand, though the condition of the finances did not quite come up to the confident
Indeed it expectations of Minghetti, it had at any rate much improved. be said that the movement towards in Italian finances may equilibrium dates from his tenure of
having been initiated by three important the increase of the land-tax (with temporary provisions for its equalisation throughout the kingdom), the imposition of the tax on personal property, and the imposition of the tax on food. Besides this, new treaties of commerce were made, or old treaties renewed measures of taxation,
office,
viz.
with France, England, Russia, Holland, and Denmark
;
and there were,
in addition, to be discerned the first signs of an economic, industrial, and social awakening, which was of great importance for the first years of
new kingdom. Companies were started for the development of the sulphur mines, railways, gas-works, canals, and banks also for the acquisition of public property and there arose popular and co-operative loan institutions, workmen's associations on Mazzini's anti-socialistic basis, co-operative stores, and societies for the existence of the
;
;
making advances to landowners. Now that the old state boundaries had disappeared, the various districts began to exchange their products ;
while the public authorities gave constant attention to the supply of roads and schools. Of course all such developments were at present more or less in embryo, and the hindrances were so many and grievous that the
Government was induced
negotiations with
Rome
to attempt to score a success in or France, in order to relieve the strain of
its its
internal difficulties.
Negotiations with France were resumed in June, 1864 vention, providing for the withdrawal of the French from
;
and a Con-
Rome
within
Ministry of
1864-5]
La Marmora.
Papal Syllabus
539
two years, was drawn up on September 15. Napoleon III required, in return, that the capital should be transferred from Turin to Florence. This condition gave rise to a dispute the Italians contended that it recognised the advance of the capital one stage nearer to Rome, the next
;
French view, it was a final renunciation of Rome. Turin resented fiercely the insult to its dignity and the injury to its prosperity and the disturbances, in which the inhabitants of this generally peaceful while, in the
;
and quiet city expressed recklessness.
their feelings,
were put down with ill-considered
Two massacres of unarmed citizens took place on September
21 and 22 and the King was so shocked and upset by these disastrous events that he dismissed the Ministry on September 23, 1864. ;
Minghetti was succeeded by General Alfonso La Marmora with a Ministry consisting mainly of Piedmontese members, which induced both Chambers to approve the French Convention and transferred the capital to Florence. But the old majority was now broken up, and a Piedmontese Opposition had been constituted, with a temper so furious that even Mazzini thought he could use it for his own purposes. For many years this body had a disintegrating effect on the Government, and paralysed all its relations, especially towards the extreme parties, in spite of the sound parliamentary majority, by which the Ministry was supported. Thus the Italians had reached the third milestone on the road to Rome but there were yet to be terrors and convulsions before the Milliarium Aureum the Golden Milestone of the Forum was reached. So far as Rome itself was concerned, experience showed how difficult it was for both one and the other of the contracting parties to carry out ;
the Convention, in the face of the refusal of Garibaldi and the party of action to come to any terms, and of the equally implacable hostility
IX and
the Roman Curia. The Pope, indeed, by way of of the demonstrating impossibility any accord, took the opportunity of declaring his disagreement, not with Italy only, but with the whole of Pius
modern civilisation, by the publication of the Syllabus (on December 8, The general elections 1864) whose importance is indicated elsewhere. of 1865 had laid bare the depths of the gulf which had been formed between political parties since the death of Cavour. There was a Ministerial crisis and, scarcely had the Ministry been reconstituted, still under the presidency of La Marmora, than it narrowly escaped a second of
;
But the first whispers of war were in the air and disputes disaster. were allayed under the influence of the thrill of expectation that heralds great events, and by the secret hope that the opportunity had at last come for expelling every Austrian from Italy. The rivalry between Austria and Prussia, Bismarck having come into power on September 23, 1862, was threatening to burst out into war. Italy thus had an excellent excuse for and the Roman question, dropping bringing the Venetian trouble to a solution by forming an alliance with Prussia a policy known to have been favoured by Cavour so far back as 1858. The success of La Marmora ;
540 Italo-Prussian
alliance against Austria.-Custozza [1866
in negotiating and concluding this alliance will gratitude of his country.
The
direct negotiations
never cease to deserve the
between Prussia and
Italy, in the
matter
of this alliance, began only in March, 1866, and were conducted by Bismarck in person ; but, indirectly, they had been going on much
His object in seeking an alliance with Italy was not only in longer. order to secure her material aid against Austria, but in order to assure himself of the neutrality or at any rate of the acquiescence of France.
Bismarck always distrusted Napoleon
III,
who was
at
any moment
capable of crossing the purposes of Prussia ; at the same time he distrusted La Marmora and Italy, as on too intimate terms with La Marmora on his side suspected that Bismarck's main Napoleon. if he succeeded, he would These mutual suspicions at the outset, and the stratagems which Bismarck was compelled to adopt in order to draw his recalcitrant King and Court into the war, very seriously aggravated the difficulties of the negotiations, and later were to produce very serious However, on April 8, 1866, a treaty of offensive and consequences. defensive alliance was concluded between Prussia and Italy. Scarcely was this signed, under conditions of the greatest secrecy (which of course were not kept), than Napoleon, on May 5, 1866, notified to La Marmora that Austria had made a formal proposition to cede Venetia, in return for a simple promise of neutrality. Austria had in fact resolved, in face of the extreme peril that threatened her, to abandon Venetia, and throw La Marmora had already it as an apple of Atalanta in the path of Italy. the first mooted. its renewal on May 6, with when On rejected proposal more urgent insistency and in greater detail, he maintained his honourable refusal. Italy intended, he said, to remain faithful to her treaty with Prussia. Italy would otherwise fail in loyalty and in honour, and her honour was dearer to him than even the acquisition of Venetia. On June 20, 1866, Italy declared war against Austria. Thus began the third war of independence. No description is needed of the universal enthusiasm of the country, of the hopes of glory which inspired both the army, under the command of the King in person, and the volunteers under Garibaldi. La Marmora went to the front by the side of Victor Emmanuel, and was succeeded as President of the Ministry by Ricasoli. But on June 24 the Italians were defeated at Custozza, and, what was worse, so badly defeated that, in the opinion of their chiefs, it was useless to resume operations before July 5. Two days before that date the Prussians had conquered at Sadowa and Austria, beaten to the dust, renewed her offer to cede Venetia to Italy through Napoleon III, in exchange for an armistice which should enable her to concentrate the whole of her forces against the victorious Prussians. This then was the end of all the enthusiasm, all the hopes of Italy this ghastly unavoidable dilemma Venetia within her reach, but on terms which it was
purpose was to intimidate Austria, and that, leave Italy in the lurch.
;
;
541
Acquisition of Venetia
1866]
To add to the alike shameful to accept, and madness to refuse Nevertheless Italy gloom, came a naval defeat at Lissa on July 20. remained to the end true to her obligations towards Prussia; while Prussia, without troubling herself to inform her unfortunate but loyal La Marmora took upon ally, concluded an armistice at Nickolsburg. himself the responsibility which, in the general state of doubt and hesitation, no one else would assume, and agreed to an armistice on This was concluded at Cormoy on August 12, behalf of Italy also. 1866, and orders were given to Garibaldi to retire from the district of Trent, which he had just reached at the head of his volunteers. In connexion with Garibaldi replied with one word only, " I obey." " it this matter, he wrote in his autobiography gave occasion later to the usual complaints of the Mazzinians, who once more wanted me to proclaim a Republic and march on Vienna and Florence." Prussia, ever distrustful of the intentions of Napoleon, hastened to make peace with Austria by the Treaty of Prague, August 12. Italy, with great but !
:
useless reluctance, was fain to accept peace also, and a treaty was signed at Vienna on October 3. The wretched farce of the retrocession of
a farce which the Venetia by France to Italy was then played demeanour of General Leboeuf, the French commissioner, rendered still more absurd. But, through the good sense of General di Revel, the Italian commissioner, it was possible to carry it out on October 19 without any parade and an unanimous vote of the people, given on October 21 and 22, did all that could be done to rectify the awkwardness of the position in which Italy had been placed by the unskilful conduct ;
of the war,
and by French mediation.
Nevertheless, a period of general intense moral depression followed. to its very soul a reactionary movement, of which
The nation was vexed
;
was less easily defined than the cause, had to be put down Palermo and when, after Venetia had been evacuated by Austria, and after the French had withdrawn from Rome in accordance with the Convention of 1864, the King was able to declare on December 15, 1866, that "Italy is at last free of all foreign domination" even this announcement failed to raise the spirits of the Italians. Pius IX, in spite of his affected indifference, was alarmed at being abandoned by the French, and negotiations with Rome were therefore resumed on the old pretext of providing for the vacant sees but the
the purpose by force at
;
;
results
A little later, the Government brought
were as negative as before.
to dispose of ecclesiastical property for the relief of the indebted deeply Exchequer, by way also of a sort of experiment in the organisation of a "free Church in a free State" (libera Mesa in libero stato). In substance, it provided for a sale of the property of all religious corporations, by which the State would benefit to the amount of It contained a provision authorising the Bishops them24,000,000. selves to carry out the operation and to redeem the property by the
up a
Bill
calling upon the army to save the throne and charter from the The garrisons peril in which Thomar's despotism had placed them. of Oporto and other cities responded, and Thomar once more escaped from his enemies to Spain (April 29). Saldanha was offered the presibut, as was widely believed, solely with dency of the Council on May 1 the object of inducing him to return at once to Lisbon unaccompanied. If there was a design to assassinate or capture him, the plot failed. The wary soldier took the precaution of entering the capital with his troops, action
own terms, and formed a Ministry of "regeneration," which asked for the support of all independent men in purifying the executive and in carrying out a policy of moderate reform. Saldanha failed to create a national party but he rendered signal service to the country by passing the celebrated Acto Addicional, which introduced liberal clauses into the Charter, and settled a long-standing The most important innovation of the Acto Addicional was a difficulty. for the direct election of deputies and among other changes provision were the curtailment of the power hitherto exercised by the central executive, the creation of representative municipalities, and the abolition of capital punishment for purely political offences. Measures to readjust the incidence of taxation met with so much obstruction that the Government prorogued Parliament, and resorted to the unconstitutional device of imposing its scheme by ministerial decree. Still, the unbroken peace which characterised Saldanha's long tenure of office reassured native capitalists, attracted foreign investors, and stimulated commercial dictated his
;
;
enterprise.
On the death of Maria da Gloria (November 13, 1853), she was succeeded by her son Pedro, during whose minority the King Consort acted as Regent. Pedro V, who came of age on September 16, 1855, was a self-willed youth of narrow understanding, too prone to meddle in the details of routine administration. The inevitable crisis occurred when, on the rejection of a financial measure by the Upper House, the Ministry advised the creation of a sufficient number of peers to force the Bill through. The King refused his assent; and Saldanha resigned (June 6, 1856). He had rescued the country from despotism by his coup d'etat in 1851 ; he had strengthened the monarchy by lowering the qualification for voting ; he had administered affairs with integrity, and
Napoleon III humiliates Portugal.
574
Luiz I
[1856-64
with but few lapses from constitutional practice; and he left office at He the end of five years, with the respect of his bitterest opponents. was never again to stand so high in public esteem. His successor, the Marquis de Louie, formed a more democratic Ministry, which bid for the support of the Septembrists, and of the Freemasons. But the most memorable incident during Louie's term of office was a diplomatic difficulty with France. Napoleon III had already protested against Saldanha's conduct in allowing French republican refugees to settle in Portugal ; it was now in his power to mark his displeasure by humiliating Saldanha's successor. On November 29, 1857, the Portuguese authorities at Mozambique seized, in the neighbourhood of Quintanghona, a French slaver, the Charles-et-G-eorge; the captain was duly tried, sentenced to two years' imprisonment, and The French Government protested, and sent two men-of-war to the Tagus (October 3, 1858) to exact reparation. Louie reckoned on English support, which he might have obtained, had Palmerston been in office but Derby and Disraeli were not disposed to intervene, and was finally compelled to pay a sum of 349,000 francs as comPortugal fined.
;
pensation. The Louie Ministry was discredited, and resigned on March 16, Towards the end of 1861, Lisbon 1859, but was recalled a year later. was devastated by epidemics of yellow fever and cholera. Saldanha's life was despaired of the King's brother Don Fernando died on November 6 ; ;
V
fell a victim to the plague. He was days later Pedro succeeded by his brother Dom Luiz, who took the oath on December 22. But the misfortunes of the royal family were not at an end the King's surviving brother, Don Joao, died on December 27. The Lisbon mob fell into a panic, credulously imagined that poisoners were at work, stormed Thomar's house, and clamoured against Louie. It was long before public confidence was restored; but the sympathy and courage shown by Luiz I made the monarchy more popular than it had been during the reigns of his immediate predecessors. His marriage to Maria Pia of Italy (October 11, 1862) pleased all Liberals welcomed her as a daughter of Victor Emmanuel, parties and Conservatives as the god-daughter of Pius IX. The Louie Ministry abolished capital punishment in 1862, and continued a decentralising policy but its financial measures were ill-conceived, and it
and
five
;
;
;
alienated
supporters by expelling the popular Sisters of Charity. Louie resigned on April 14, 1864 ; and, a month later, Saldanha, who had represented Portugal at the Vatican since 1862, reached Lisbon. He advised the King to dismiss the Ministry, and to govern by royal decrees, which might be confirmed when convenient by an amenable Parliament. Though not unwilling to nominate Saldanha to the first
many
place in the existing Cabinet, the King declined to withdraw his confidence from Ministers upheld by a parliamentary majority. Saldanha
returned chagrined to Rome, declaring that Portugal was "rotten to
1848-70]
Republicanism and colonial expansion
575
Apart from the personal rebuff which he had suffered, the of the democratic spirit filled him with misgivings ; and his growth dissatisfaction deepened after the dethronement of Isabel, for the establishthe core."
ment of a Spanish republic would encourage the Portuguese republicans. His fears were exaggerated, yet they were shared at the time by many observers. Republican opinions were, no doubt, prevalent among the educated professional classes ; but they were chiefly held by doctrinaires There was likewise a incapable of organising an armed rebellion. socialistic tendency among the workmen in the large cities, and among the labourers in the provinces; but these inchoate groups were without competent leaders, without definite aims, and without the franchise. Early in 1869 Saldanha was transferred to the Paris embassy, and took part in the negotiations to place King Luiz' father, Ferdinand of SaxeLater in the year, he returned to Coburg, on the throne of Spain. of the Louie Cabinet, and on May 19, denounced the Portugal, policy
made his last coup d'etat. The army again supported him and
1870,
;
the
King appointed him Prime
Minister, good-naturedly allowing the octogenarian Marshal to believe that he had saved the dynasty once more. But it was not possible
him for long and his dismissal on August 29 caused no The conduct of affairs was entrusted to statesmen of a less melodramatic type, more in accord with modern ideas, and more interested
to indulge
;
stir.
in the policy of colonial expansion. This process had been begun by effective Joaquim Rodrigues Graga's occupation of Angola in 1848 ; by the abolition of slavery at Macao in 1854, and at Ambriz, Cabinda, and
Molembo in 1856 by the settlement of a European colony at MozamThe further bique in 1857, and by the exploration of Nyassaland. colonial developments lie outside the limits of our period. ;
CHAPTER XXI THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR (1870-1871)
THE swift completeness of the victory of Koniggratz had raised Prussia at a bound into the front rank of the military Powers of Europe ; the secret agreements following on the Convention of Nikolsburg, by which the south-German States bound themselves to fight under the leadership of Prussia in the event of war, had laid a broad foundation upon which the edifice of German unity might be solidly built. The French Emperor, conscious that his tenure of the throne depended upon the prestige of his Government, watched with deep concern the rise of a great and powerful neighbour; the French people, jealous of their military renown, looked with envy on laurels fresher and more Thus the Treaty glorious than those won at Magenta and Solferino. of Prague, while ending one war, sowed the seeds of another. Napoleon III had committed a grave political blunder in 1866; sure of the success of Austria, he had planned to intervene at the right moment on behalf of Prussia, at the price of substantial concessions. Koniggratz found him unprepared to intervene in the only way in which he could hope to obtain any real advantage for himself or for France. Hence the victory of Prussia came to be regarded by the Imperialist party as a humiliation which it was essential to avenge. East of the Rhine, it was recognised at once that the situation created by the defeat of Austria was but temporary. Urged forward by the voice of the people, among whom the idea of a united Germany was gathering strength, as much as by the necessities of the moment, the rulers of the southern States had consented readily enough to place themselves under the hegemony of the Hohenzollern; but they made it perfectly clear to Prussia that, while France held Strassburg and dominated the left bank of the Upper Rhine, they lay under a menace more pressing and more real than the prospective advantages of a union with tTiib Northern Confederacy. Thus, on the one side, Bismarck set himself to face a conflict with France as necessary to complete the work he had begun; on the other, Napoleon began to scheme to obtain some advantage at the expense of Prussia, which would lower the prestige of that Power in the eyes of Europe. In the years immediately following the downfall 576
The European situation in 1870
1866-70]
577
Power was prepared to proceed to extremes France was in the act of reforming her military system under the guidance of Marshal Niel Prussia required time to fit the contingents of the allied States to her model; but Napoleon's repeated attempts to strengthen and extend his eastern frontier, always detected and met by Bismarck, produced a state of friction between the two countries which was viewed of Austria neither
;
;
with growing apprehension in Europe. In 1868 the principals were engaged in preparing for a conflict which both regarded as inevitable. Napoleon turned to Austria, Denmark, and Italy as the Powers most naturally inclined to resent the aggrandisement of Prussia or most disposed to repay past favours. But, since his foreign
policy had for years been swayed by moods, and had lacked concentration of purpose, he found his prospective allies loth to commit Bismarck had been working towards the goal of German themselves.
unity ever since King William had called him to office (September, 1862). Aware that Russia, as is described elsewhere, had deeply resented her abandonment by Austria during the Crimean War, he sought at St Petersburg an effective counterpoise to anti- Prussian designs. By ungrudgingly helping Russia in her Polish troubles, and finally by promising to acquiesce in the abrogation of the Black Sea clauses of the
Treaty of Paris, he obtained from Prince Gorchakoff a guarantee of at the same time, he lost no opportunity of benevolent neutrality and conciliating assisting Italy, with whom Prussia had been allied in Austria 1866. against Thus, in the year 1870, Austria, with her military preparations incomplete, with her finances disorganised, and above all apprehensive of the action of Russia, returned vague replies to the overtures from Paris. Italy, desirous of consummating her unity, coveted Rome, from which Napoleon, posing as the protector of the Pope, and fearful of losing clerical support at home, was not disposed to withdraw his troops. She was therefore anxious to avoid a conflict with her former ally, though she held that the cession of Nice and Savoy had more than comDenmark was equally bent on pensated France for her aid in 1859. non-committal for, though eager to regain Schleswig-Holstein, and to profit by the discomfiture of Prussia, she saw clearly that a false step would mean ruin. It was recognised, both in France and in Prussia, that England, busied with domestic re form under Gladstone, was unwilling to interfere in continental affairs, but that the neutrality of Belgium was very dear to the English people, who would certainly not brook the ;
;
presence of either Power at Antwerp. The question was definitely settled by the publication, at the instance of Bismarck, in the Times (after the declaration of war) of a proposal made by Benedetti in the autumn of 1866 that Prussia should help France to acquire Belgium, in return for
French connivance at certain annexations in northern Germany. England was intensely moved by this exposure and Lord Gran ville at once negoti;
C. M. H. XI.
37
578
The question of
the
Spanish Succession
[1870
ated a treaty with the belligerents by which each was bound to oppose, England, any violation of Belgian territory by the other. the political atmosphere was highly charged, there did not Though to be any immediate cause of^danger in the middle of the summer appear of 1870. The French Premier, Emile Ollivier, was able to tell the Chamber on the last day of June that in no direction could a question be detected that was at all dangerous. Within four days the whole of The French Foreign Minister, the Due de France was in a ferment. Gramont, was informed on July 3 that Prince Leopold von Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen had been selected, with his own consent, as a candidate for the vacant throne of Spain. It was more than probable that this step was approved by the head of the House of Hohenzollern. In the existing state of her relations with Berlin it was impossible for France to allow Spain to fall under the influence of Prussia. Benedetti, the French ambassador to Prussia, was directed to proceed to Ems, where King William was taking the waters, and to press for an immediate renunciation of Prince Leopold's claims. He was informed that the matter was one for Prince Leopold and the Spanish people, but that his Majesty would communicate with Prince Leopold's father on the subject. jointly with
The Due de Gramont was not satisfied, and insisted on an explicit order from King William to Prince Leopold; but, while dispatches were passing between Paris and Ems, it was announced from Madrid that Prince Leopold had withdrawn. This was not sufficient for Napoleon, in of the state French who, opinion, dared not close the incident
without inflicting a public diplomatic defeat upon Prussia. On July 13 Benedetti was ordered again to seek an interview with the King, and to demand that he would not at any future time sanction any similar proposal coming from Prince Leopold. King William absolutely refused to bind himself by an engagement without limit of time, and on the persistent ambassador seeking yet another interview, he was politely informed that the King, who left Ems that evening, could not receive him.
A
telegram published by Bismarck, and conveying, through its abbreviated form, the impression that King William had treated the French ambassador with disrespect, drove Paris into a condition of frenzy. The Cabinet, in which the Liberal majority was at first disinclined to adopt extreme measures, was carried away by the popular outburst, and on the evening of July 14, 1870, the Emperor Napoleon III in Council decided on war. The next morning the forces of the Empire received orders to mobilise ; on the evening of the same day the King of Prussia issued similar orders to the States of the North German Confederation, and his example was followed in southern Germany on July 16. Though the formal declaration of war was not received in Berlin until July 19, it is from the issue of the orders for mobilisation that the war must be dated, since as much depended upon the smoothness and rapidity with which the ponderous machinery, then set in motion, did its
1815-70]
The Prussian military system
579
work, as upon the qualities of the rival leaders, or upon the valour of the opposing troops. The Prussian military system, adopted in northern Germany from the birth of the Confederation, and gradually extended
with slight modifications to the southern States, after the Peace of Prague, was founded by Scharnhorst as an answer to the limit to her standing army imposed upon Prussia by Napoleon I. Briefly, Scharnhorst's principle was to make the standing army the school for the war training of the nation, and to pass through the school the largest number of men, compatible with sound teaching, with the object of creating an
enormous potential reserve. Through years of patient labour, often in the face of violent opposition, the King, Bismarck, Moltke, and Roon toiled, until now, at their call, Europe saw for the first time not an army, but a nation in arms, preparing for the field. Under the Prussian system the army was in the true sense of the word territorial.
had
The majority of its units drew their recruits from the districts in which they were permanently stationed and these recruits, returning to their homes after their period of training, became the reservists required to The villager, on bring the standing army up to its war strength. his name his clothing from a with the drew shelf labelled colours, rejoining and equipment, ready fitted for his use. Thus the railways were left free to prepare for the movement of the completed units to their places of concentration. The battalion, when ready, joined its regiment, the regiment its brigade, and so in succession, without rest but without haste, till three great armies ready for the field were advancing towards the Rhine. ;
The obligation to serve was universal, and was rigorously enforced. Exemptions were rarely granted but the period of service with the colours was at the same time reduced to the utmost, with the object both of keeping the youth of the country as short a time as possible from their ordinary avocations, and of passing the largest number through In 1870, the terms of service, except for the more scientific the ranks. corps, were two and a half years with the colours, four years in the reserve, and five and a half in the Landwehr (militia). The reserve formed the complement of the standing army the Landwehr had a distinct organisation. This system produced a field army of 500,000 men on the outbreak of war. Moltke had recognised that armies of this size could no longer be controlled by precise orders issued by one man. To assist him in his scheme of organisation, and in the preparation of plans of campaign, he had called into existence a General Staff, to which the best brains of the nation were attracted. He kept this carefully chosen body of officers in closest touch with the army, by regularly sending them back for duty with the fighting units and by means of them he taught the whole body to exchange the old rigid compliance with orders for an ;
;
;
intelligent
interpretation of general instructions.
upon the war with the spirit of intense belief in the advantage
All ranks entered and with an
initiative highly developed, of adopting the offensive.
580
Moltke's plan of campaign
[1867-70
Moltke's plan of campaign had been prepared in the winter of 1867, details being constantly revised by his General Staff, in accordance with the military and political conditions of the moment. So carefully was this done that more detailed information as to the capacity of the French railways was available in Berlin than in Paris, and a later and more accurate map of the country between the Rhine and Paris was issued to the German regiments than was in the hands of the French The plan consisted in the formation of three armies and a staffs. its
The first army, commanded by Steinmetz, 60,000 reserve. and the second, under Prince Frederick Charles, of 131,000 men, were drawn from the troops of the North German Confederation. The third army, under the Prussian Crown Prince Frederick, was composed of 130,000 men, chiefly south Germans. The general reserve, 63,000 men, was directly under the orders of the King of Prussia. Three army corps and one division of regulars and four Landwehr divisions, were utilised to watch the Danish and Austrian frontiers, and the northern Thus 384,000 men were immediately available for the invasion of coast. France. The information collected by the General Staff showed that the French could not place in the field at once more than 250,000 men. A study of the French railway system showed that, if this force were to be brought rapidly to the frontier, it must be assembled in two main portions about Metz and Strassburg, and must be divided by the Vosges. It was held improbable that France would violate the neutrality of Luxemburg and Switzerland, or would attempt an invasion of Germany from the south, which would leave Paris uncovered. Therefore it was general strong,
decided to deploy the three armies behind the fortresses of the middle Rhine, and to move the first down the Moselle, the third down the Rhine, the second army followed by the reserve forming the connecting link. Thus a superior force could be brought against the French, should they invade Germany, without waiting to complete their mobilisation for either flank or the centre could be reinforced more quickly than the parts of the French army, divided by a mountain range, could be brought together. Moltke's plan was simplicity itself Paris was his ultimate objective, but his immediate intention was to seek out and crush the enemy's field armies. ;
;
universal service existed in France in 1870, its obligation The terms of service were five years with partially enforced. the colours, and four in the reserve. In practice, anyone who could pay for a substitute was allowed to do so; and the State's share of this money provided bounties for men who extended their service.
Though
was very
This produced a long-service professional army which was not in touch with the nation, and also depleted the reserve. Those not required to serve did indeed join the Garde Nationale in the large towns, and elsewhere the Garde Mobile but their training was purely nominal, and Thus the standing army had little they had no organisation for war. to fall back on and the strength of the nation was undeveloped. ;
;
1852-70]
The French military system
581
These defects did not lie on the surface. Under the second Empire army had waged successful war in the Crimea, in China, in Algeria, in Mexico, and in Italy. The veteran soldiers parading on the Champs de Mars impressed the spectator more than the young troops which defiled before the King of Prussia on the Tempelhofer Feld. Europe had not yet learned that the men in uniform at a given moment do not represent the power of a nation in a life-and-death struggle. Though a few of the more thoughtful, Marshal Niel, the War Minister, among them, had been startled by the success of Prussia in 1866, the French army, in its own estimation and that of the world generally, was the first in Europe. Niel had carefully examined the system of mobilisation in 1867 and had formulated proposals for increasing the efficiency of the reserves. His premature death (1869) put an end to these reforms. The long-service system had proved the most convenient and effective for the numerous foreign expeditions of the Empire, and pressed lightly on the people as a whole. The proposed changes were unpopular and were not carried Kiel's Leboeuf had calculated that successor, Marshal Leboeuf through by on the ninth day of mobilisation 150,000 men could be assembled in Lorraine, and 100,000 in Alsace, and that the total would be raised to On this 300,000 within a few days, when all the reserves had come in. the Emperor based his plan of campaign. He was aware that united Germany could put into the field an army of about 400,000 men, but he expected that, if France acted swiftly and successfully, Germany would not long hold together. He believed that the wounds of 1866 were too recent to be healed that a rapid advance across the Upper Rhine would that an early divide Germany, and make the southern States hesitate advantage would bring them into the field with Austria once more at their head, and perhaps even with Denmark and Italy to support them. This plan had much to recommend it, but it required before all A large part of the French army was quartered rapidity of execution. the
.
;
;
in eastern France.
Napoleon hoped to assemble these troops quickly, and to be in a position to strike at Prussia while she was mobilising. But years of careful preparation in peace are essential to rapidity in war, and this preparation had been altogether neglected in France. The French officers were selected and trained for the staff as boys and never returned to the fighting units; their knowledge was almost entirely theoretical; and they were out of touch with the army. They had evolved a highly centralised organisation, which worked well enough in peace, but which killed initiative, and was fatal in war. The French headquarters, which should have been chiefly concerned with the doings of the enemy, were overwhelmed with details of the merest routine. Subordinate commanders, even of the highest rank, were not informed of the plan of campaign the details of the concentration were not worked out. The railway companies, left to deal with the transport of the troops, were not acquainted with the data ;
Defects of the French military system
582
[1870
of the problem they had to solve, though the organisation of the army made that problem extraordinarily complex. The French army was not localised, but regiments, quartered in accordance with the exigencies of the moment, were supplied from fixed depots. Thus reservists at Strassburg and Metz, whose regiments were within a few miles of their homes, had to travel to Britanny, to Picardy, or even to Algiers, for their arms and equipment, and, returning to take their places in the ranks, sometimes found their regiments had moved no one knew whither. The railways required for the concentration of the fighting units, and for the transport of war stores, were soon thrown into confusion by this incessant cross-traffic, nor was the supply of those essentials which make an army out of an assembly of units more successful. The
system, centralised in the hands of a few overworked officials, broke down. While the troops were in want of everything, the sidings at Metz were congested with trucks of which no one on the spot knew the contents. Thus it fell out that, when the Emperor joined the army at Metz on July 28, the thirteenth day of mobilisation, he found that there was not a single corps in a condition to take the field, and that doubts
assuming the offensive were already expressed. In one respect only was France incontestably superior the Prussian navy was in its infancy the French possessed the second fleet in Europe. It was proposed to land an expedition of 30,000 men in SchleswigBut the preparation of Holstein, and to invoke the aid of Denmark. the navy for war had been neglected equally with that of the army and, before the first ships were ready for sea, every vulnerable point on the Prussian coast was guarded. Before the expeditionary force assembled at Cherbourg could be embarked, it was needed for the defence of the and even the ships' guns and crews had to be diverted to arm and capital man the forts of Paris. Though part of the fleet under Bouet- Willaumez sailed for Denmark and passed through the Great Belt, it effected nothing ; the navy remained impotent throughout the war, and Moltke was very soon able to leave the protection of the coast to the as to the possibility of
;
;
;
;
Landwehr.
By
the end of July any idea of combining the two forces
and Lorraine in an immediate offensive movement was abandoned and, though the Emperor still attempted to direct the whole, the French army was virtually divided by the Vosges into separate commands. The first corps and a division of the seventh in Alsace, about 35,000 strong, were under Marshal Macmahon while the Emperor immediately controlled the second, third, fourth, fifth, and Guard corps, assembling in Alsace ;
;
army of the Rhine, 128,000 men, scattered over Lorraine at and to the east of Metz. The sixth corps, 35,000 strong, at Chalons, formed the general reserve under Marshal Canrobert the remainder of the seventh corps concentrating at Belfort to watch the exits from the Black Forest. Meanwhile, the German armies, covered by detachments on the called the
;
1870]
The affair of Saarbriicken
583
and by a boldly handled cavalry, were steadily drawing near. reconnaissances had brought information that the main French Daring was near the in Lorraine about St Avoid, and that northern frontier army Alsace was clear of the enemy. Moltke, foreseeing the possibility of frontier,
the French advancing, and sufficiently confident of the ultimate result to avoid any unnecessary risk, decided to check the second army in order to reinforce it with the 63,000 men of the reserve. At the same time, the first corps and first cavalry division were directed to reinforce the first army, as it had become obvious that there was no immediate danger of a raid on the coast, and as the formation of the Landwehr divisions was far advanced. This measure of precaution enabled the second army to move through the wooded defiles of the Palatinate in battle array, and the first army to check an advance against the second. The French cavalry, accustomed to act as a reserve upon the battlefield, and untrained to be the eyes and ears of the army, remained inactive. No certain information was available at the French headwhere confused rumours, resulting in contradictory orders, quarters, added to the existing chaos. Partly to clear up the situation, partly to appease the Empress and the Court party, who, judging the temper of France from that of the noisy mobs which thronged the Boulevards, demanded an instant invasion of Germany, the Emperor decided on a reconnaissance in force for August 2. Its execution was entrusted to
Marshal Bazaine, who, besides his own corps, the third, had the second But even this (Frossard) and the fifth (de Failly) under his orders. could not be carried out in its and resolved itself operation entirety, into an advance on Saarbriicken by Frossard's corps, supported on its flanks by detachments from the other two. The day, famous as the bapteme de feu of the young Prince Imperial, was otherwise only remarkable for the stubborn resistance offered by a detachment of the German eighth corps, consisting of one regiment, three squadrons, and a This little party battery pushed forward on outpost duty to the Saar. was forced to evacuate Saarbriicken, but was not pursued by Frossard, who could not move far from his depots for want of transport and supplies. This blow in the air served only to confirm the information already received at the Prussian headquarters. To give time for the second army to come into line with the first, and to ensure the co-operation of the
two in the expected battle, Moltke directed the first army to delay its march and to concentrate towards the second. At the same time, the Crown Prince Frederick was ordered at once to cross the frontier with the third army, to prevent any transfer of force from Alsace to Lorraine and to cover the left flank of the second army. Macmahon had meanwhile pushed forward two divisions to cover the junction of the first and seventh corps. One of these divisions, the second under General Abel Douay, rashly advanced to the very frontier, and occupied Weissenburg on August 3, where it was unconsciously in presence of the third army,
584 Advance of 3rd German army.
Battle of
Worth
[1870
advancing to cross the Lauter between Weissenburg and Lauterburg. Douay was surprised in bivouac on the morning of August 4. He was himself killed; and his division escaped with difficulty and joined Macmahon The greater part of the Crown Prince's in the neighbourhood of Worth. because their line of march was crossed by cavalry, being delayed columns of infantry hurrying forward to the sound of the guns, did not Hence all touch with the retreating reach the battlefield till dusk. third army, groping for the vanished On was lost. the 5, enemy August French, discovered Macmahon in position behind the Sulz and Sauer brooks in the neighbourhood of Worth. There the French Marshal had collected the whole of the first corps, and had one division of the seventh
On hearing of the route at Weissenburg, the Emperor corps within reach. definitely placed Macmahon in command of all the troops in Alsace, including the fifth corps (de Failly) then near Bitsch, but immediately afterwards drew half of one of de Failly's divisions to himself. De Failly, had
in face of conflicting orders, could only send one division to Worth, which arrived too late to take part in the battle, while the greater part of the seventh corps was still in the neighbourhood of Belf ort ; so that
Macmahon had only 32,000 infantry, 4850 cavalry, 107 field guns, and 24 mitrailleuses available. The Crown Prince had within reach the fifth and eleventh Prussian corps, the first and second Bavarian corps, and part of the Wiirtemberg division in all, 72,000 infantry, 4280 cavalry, and 231 guns. The outposts of the two armies were in touch on the night of the 5th, yet neither commander intended or anticipated a battle on the next Macmahori, vaguely informed of the enemy's strength, had planned day. an advance on the 7th while the Crown Prince, whose army had scattered ;
;
enemy, leaving him unfavourably disposed for attack, proposed to pass the day in manoeuvring preparatory to enveloping the enemy's flanks. When armies are in contact, commanders have but in its search for the
limited control of events.
An
affair of
outposts early on
August
6
involved the second Bavarian and fifth Prussian corps in an attack, which could not be broken off in accordance with the Crown Prince's wishes.
Both these corps, particularly the fifth, suffered heavily in this premature attack ; but the fire of a greatly superior artillery, effectively massed on the heights east of Worth, swept away the head of every counter-attack.
Though the Crown Prince arrived too late upon the scene to take up the reins of control effectively, and although the German attacks were generally disjointed, the principles of Prussian training triumphed. Each commander hurrying forward to the noise of battle threw his men into the fight where they were most needed. The French, fighting with desperate valour, were pressed back on both flanks by weight of numbers. About 3 p.m. part of the Wiirtemberg division appeared on the French right, and the first Bavarian corps came into action on their left.
Macmahon, who had exhausted
his reserves,
and had no troops
to
meet
1870]
Results of the battle of Worth
585
these new assailants, withdrew his shattered troops through the Vosges passes; the tardy appearance of one of de Failly's divisions enabling the In panic haste the beaten army retreat to be covered to some extent.
streamed through the mountains by Saverne and Luneville to Neuf chateau, which it reached on August 14. Thence they were sent by rail to Chalons, arriving on August 19, and were joined eventually by the remainder of the fifth and seventh corps, which had been drawn into an ignoble retreat without firing a shot. The battle of Worth had not merely cost the French some 7000 men killed and wounded, 4000 unwounded prisoners, 24 guns, and much material of .war, but the right wing of the French army was utterly demoralised, and all this though circumstances combined to make the German pursuit singularly ineffective. A pursuit cannot be improvised when approaching darkness is adding to the confusion of a battlefield. The headquarters of the third army being unprepared for battle on August 6, the greater part of the cavalry was not within reach when it did arrive, it was assumed that Macmahon would seek to rejoin the Emperor either towards Metz or towards Bitsch. The French Marshal's rapid retreat westwards enabled him to get away undiscovered. Nor was this the only penalty which the assailants paid for provoking an unpremeditated fight. They lost 489 officers, 10,150 men killed and while more than wounded nearly a third more than the vanquished half this loss fell on the fifth corps which had attacked unsupported. While the south Germans in Alsace were thus proving to Europe that German unity rested on solid foundations, events had been moving fast in Lorraine. It had been Moltke's intention that the first and second armies should be concentrated behind the Saar on August 6, and that they should not cross the frontier until the third army had secured the eastern passes of the Vosges, and had obtained a firm grip of the ;
in Alsace. The commander of the first army, Steinmetz, was not fully informed of Moltke's plans, and only knew that a general On the news of Saarbriicken, his divisional and offensive was proposed. had commanders corps already sprung forward, like hounds straining at the leash, beyond the line appointed them, in order that they might act on the flank of any attempt to interfere with the second army. Prince Frederick Charles had pushed his advanced guards well to the front to cover his march through the Palatinate and thus it happened that the left of the first army, which Steinmetz had seen no reason to check, was approaching Saarbriicken on August 6, while the leading troops of the right of the second army were making for the same place about half a
enemy
;
march ahead of the remainder. After the theatrical display of August 2, Frossard had remained with the second corps in the neighbourhood of Saarbriicken, and had made no day's
use of the French cavalry for scouting. Ignorance of the enemy's doings bred nervousness, which was increased by the constant presence of hostile
586
Advance of
the \st
and 2nd German armies
[1870
vedettes, and the dark forests across the frontier were believed to conceal The news of Douay's disaster convinced Frossard masses of Prussians. that his position was too exposed; he therefore applied for and obtained permission to withdraw his corps to a defensive position which he had prepared on the Spicheren heights, east of Forbach; the movement being quietly carried out during the afternoon and night of August 5. That evening Napoleon, after much vacillation, came to the conclusion that the enemy intended an advance on Nancy, and decided to effect a junction with Macmahon by way of Saargemiind and Bitsch. The not was to until the Earlier in 7th. the he had, operation begin day while appointing Macmahon to the command in Alsace, placed the second, third, and fourth corps under Bazaine "for military operations only," retaining in his own hands the Guard and sixth corps as a Thus, on the night of August 5, Frossard was holding general reserve. the ground about the Spicheren heights with one and a half divisions, one and a half divisions and the cavalry being in support near Forbach. He could, if necessary, be supported by 60,000 men, for the third corps
was echeloned along the Saargemiind-St Avoid road, on a radius of some ten miles from Spicheren the fourth corps was 15 miles away at and east of Boulay the Guard had come up to Courcelles, 28 miles off one brigade of the fifth corps was at Saargemiind, the remainder were near Bitsch, preparing to join Macmahon. Frossard's retirement from Saarbriicken had been duly reported by the ever watchful German cavalry, the news serving only to confirm Steinmetz and his subordinates in their ;
;
;
intention of pressing forward. Early on the 6th the advanced cavalry of the second army drew the fire of the French outposts ; but Frossard's position was wooded, his troops were well concealed, and there was nothing to show that the
heights were occupied in strength. General von Kameke, the commander of the 14th division of the first army arriving with his first troops at
Saarbriicken about midday, made up his mind that the French were He was retiring, and that he had only a rearguard in front of him. sure of support, for he had met General von Goeben, the commander of the eighth corps, who had ridden forward to see the situation for himself,
and had undertaken to hurry forward his 16th division. The cavalry of the second army had also informed him that Alvensleben, who commanded the third corps, had been similarly employed and was bringing division. Therefore, without hesitation, he sent the only a single brigade hand had at he infantry against one and a half A resolute counter-attack must have divisions strongly entrenched. swept the rash assailants from the field; but Frossard was away at and, owing to that fatal lack of Forbach, telegraphing to Bazaine initiative, which was the curse of the French army throughout the campaign, the opportunity was let slip. The gallant Prussian brigade, storming forwards in spite of the loss of their general, carried and held
up the 5th
;
587
Battle of Spicheren
1870]
the Rotherberg, a bluff which
But they were beaten
off
marked the centre of the French position. flanks, and were only able to maintain
on both
themselves by the successive arrival of the remaining brigade of the 14th division, and of the leading troops of the 16th and 5th divisions which were thrust into the fight wherever they were most needed. On his arrival, Frossard, impressed by the boldness of the first attacks, had ordered forward a division from his reserve and at no time were the ;
Germans
in superior numbers. Indeed, a counter-attack, delivered by a brigade of this division of Frossard's reserve, was pressing them steadily back, when it died away, and the French began everywhere to retreat
sullenly and in the eighth corps
good upon
order.
The appearance
of the 13th division of
his left flank, as darkness was coming on, caused Frossard, fearing that his line of retreat might be cut, to withdraw from the battlefield, and decided the fortunes of the day.
Again the victors had to pay in killed and wounded more heavily than the vanquished, the Germans losing 4871, the French 4078 inclusive of about 1000 prisoners, taken mostly on the left flank late in the day. The French had in action 23,700 infantry, 72 field guns, and 18 mitrailleuses ; the Germans 26,500 infantry and 66 guns but this superiority was not attained until the arrival of the 13th division upon the field. On the one side every available rifle and gun had been ;
employed, and as successive reinforcements arrived the command changed hands, first from Kameke to Goeben, then to Zastrow, the commander of the seventh corps, and finally at nightfall to Steinmetz. On the other
French infantry had remained passive throughout the day, within reach of the battlefield. Frossard, anxious to keep in touch with Bazaine, did not join his men till late in the day ; Bazaine, equally anxious to keep in touch with the Emperor, did not appear at all. Had side 60,000
a like spirit animated the two armies, the Germans must have suffered a The same causes as at Worth prevented an effective great disaster.
indeed, Moltke was so impressed by the seriousness of the danger which he had escaped that the next days were spent rather in consolidating the armies, the advanced troops of which had pressed far beyond the line intended, than in following up the advantage gained. The victories of Worth and Spicheren were not won by superior generalship or greater valour; they were the outcome of years of pursuit
;
thoughtful study in the military cabinet and on the training ground. The bubble of French prestige was pricked ; Alsace and Lorraine, with the exception of their fortresses, of the invader Italy, lay at the
mercy and Denmark had abandoned all thoughts of intervention the expedition from Cherbourg to the North Sea was given up, and the marines were hastily called to the capital though less than a third of their armies on the frontier had been engaged, a profound depression, from which they never recovered, affected the French troops. Vacillation and lack of forethought had exposed them piecemeal and ill-equipped to ;
Austria,
;
;
588
The French fall back behind
the Moselle
[1870
fired with unity of purpose, equipped and ready, though he did not boast of the fact, to the last button. The French army, reeling from these staggering blows, everywhere On August 7 orders were issued for a general retirement fell back. behind the Moselle undoubtedly the wisest course in the circumstances. But the stability of the Empire was too uncertain to admit of the Paris, injured in its pride, military situation alone being considered. demanded at the least a general engagement east of Metz. This fortress, far from being a support to the harassed Emperor, proved, like the The forts were not provisioned ; many field army, to be unprepared. were not even completed. The Imperialist party succeeded in ousting the Ollivier Ministry on August 9, and replaced it by one of its own The new creatures, with Montauban, Count of Palikao, at its head. Ministers could not face the prospect of Metz falling into German hands ; and it was decided to make a stand on the French Nied. This position, which had been laboriously entrenched, was found to be untenable. Fresh orders were issued to retire on Metz, where the greater part of the army was collected under the eastern forts on August 13. The marching and counter-marching consequent on these changes exhausted and demoralised the troops ; and the army heard, with a feeling of relief and of hope, that Napoleon had at last recognised his own incompetence and had definitely handed over the command to Marshal Bazaine. Meanwhile the cautious Moltke was bringing his armies together. With this end in view, the first army on the right was kept back, while
an enemy,
army on the left threaded the difficult passes of the Vosges. The advance was slow, for the many forts tfarret in the frontier provinces had to be masked the direction of Macmahon's retreat was doubtful and Moltke, aware that he had as yet met in the field a bare third of the third
;
;
A
the French army, was inclined to treat his adversary with respect. force sent to surprise Strassburg failed in its object ; the Baden division
was therefore detached from the third army to invest the fortress the Guard and first Landwehr divisions with a siege train were brought from Germany, and the investing forces (40,000 strong) were placed under the orders of General von Werder. Strassburg was no better prepared than Metz a single line regiment was the only formed body in the garrison; but, by dint of strenuous effort, the French commander, ;
;
General Uhrich, succeeded in forming a defending force of 23,000 men,
composed of depot battalions, Gardes Mobiles, and Gardes Nationales, and of a number of refugees from Macmahon's army. This motley force was handled with such energy that Werder, after a futile attempt to frighten the town into surrender, was compelled to begin regular siege operations.
On August 13 the first German army, on the right, had reached the French Nied the advanced guard of the second army had secured the important bridge over the Moselle at Pont-a-Mousson while the leading ;
;
589
Battle of Colombey
1870]
columns of the third army were approaching Nancy and Luneville. Bazaine, on taking over the command, gave up the idea of defending Additional the line of the Moselle, and ordered a retreat on Verdun. but the river, coming bridges were thrown over the Moselle in Metz down in flood, swept them away; the retreat could not be begun until August 14, and even then was greatly delayed by the congestion in the town. Thus, on the morning of August 14, a great part of the French still in position east of Metz, covering the retirement. was As army the day wore on and the lumbering baggage trains cleared the town, This movement division after division quietly fell back on the bridges. was observed by the advanced guard of the seventh corps of the first army, under Baron von der Goltz, who, like Kameke at Spicheren, dashed He was met near forward to hold the retiring enemy to his ground. old now Bazaine's the under third, Decaen, and corps, Colombey by Ladmirault. also the under The battle was not fourth, by eventually 4 and of the hour until the lateness a German prevented p.m. begun ;
;
concentration before dark. The French, everywhere in superior numbers, held their own, withdrawing under cover of night in accordance with The encounter did not appreciably delay the their original orders. French retreat, which was hindered by the encumbered roads in their rear rather than
by any action
of the
enemy.
The Germans
lost close
on 5000 killed and wounded, the French about 4000, Bazaine being slightly and Decaen mortally wounded. While this combat was raging to the east of Metz, more decisive events were taking place to the south and west. The 5th cavalry division of the second army, crossing the Moselle at Pont-a-Mousson, pressed On forward in a north-westerly direction on to the Verdun road. 15 into with French the division came contact three cavalry August divisions near Vionvilleand Rezonville but the French horsemen, waiting for their infantry to close up, made no serious attempt to drive back their weaker opponents, who established themselves south of Mars-laTour, nearer to Verdun than the French, and within striking distance of the main road. By that evening the tenth German corps was across the Moselle at Pont-a-Mousson and the third at Noveant; thus the French retreat was already seriously compromised, though Prince Frederick Charles wrongly believed the enemy to be well on his way to the shelter of the Meuse. A general advance of the second army was ordered for August 10, in the hopes of catching the French before they reached that river, two corps only, the tenth and third, being directed on to the Verdun road. In point of fact, none of Bazaine's troops lay west of the French cavalry, which had been met by the 5th cavalry division. The conduct of the retreat of an army, in touch with an active and enterprising enemy, through the congested streets of a town, is perhaps the most difficult problem of war which a staff can be called ;
upon
to
solve.
Bazaine,
suddenly placed in charge of a tottering
590
The French
retreat intercepted at Vionville
[1870
organisation, unaware even of the exact positions of his troops, could not issue the detailed instructions which a vicious training had taught the
army to expect. Only two main roads, those from Metz to Doncourt and to Mars-la-Tour, were available for the retreat; and not till the night of August 15 did the leading infantry gain touch with the cavalry, which had passed the day about Vionville, while the tail of the army was still
toiling wearily through Metz.
At daybreak on August 16 the Emperor decided to quit the army, and drove off to Verdun by the northern road, shortly before the guns of the German cavalry opened one of the most remarkable battles of the war. Bazaine, ignorant of his peril, had decided not to move till the afternoon, so as to allow his rear divisions to close up his patrols from Vionville, trotting out for a mile or two after daylight, had come in ;
reporting that no enemy was near ; when suddenly, about 9 a.m., shells burst in the camp from German batteries, which appeared to have sprung from the ground. The cavalry retired pell-mell behind the shelter of Frossard's corps (the second), encamped in front of Rezonville,
and the daring gunners, following them up, dropped their shell among the infantry tents. These were the artillery of the 5th cavalry division, which had been directed by Voigts-Rhetz, the commander of the tenth corps, to reconnoitre towards Rezonville, while he moved, in accordance with Prince Frederick Charles' orders, westwards in search of the enemy, believed to be retiring on the Meuse. The 5th cavalry division was almost immediately supported by the 6th and by the leading infantry of the General von Alvensleben, the comthird corps marching on Vionville. mander of this corps, on arriving on the scene, decided at once to attack. He had barely 30,000 men under his orders, while in front of him, though he did not know it, lay nearly the whole army of the Rhine. A cavalry brigade and Frossard's second corps had already been met behind them at Rezonville lay the greater part of Canrobert's sixth corps, which had joined the army at Metz on the 13th from Chalons. A little further back at Gravelotte were the Guard and the reserve cavalry, in all some To the north on the Doncourt road was Leboeuf, who had 70,000 men. succeeded Decaen in the command of the third corps, while Ladmirault with the fourth corps was coming up from Metz. Thus some 60,000 more Frenchmen were within reach. Then followed a soldiers' battle, in which the decisive factor was the moral condition of the two armies. Confident in themselves and in their ;
German troops pressed forward without thought of the odds doubt and hesitation prevailed in the French ranks. The French advanced troops were hustled out of Vionville and Flavigny Frossard's Here corps fighting stubbornly was pushed back on Rezonville. Canrobert's sixth corps checked the triumphant enemy, who, obliged continually to extend his front to meet French reinforcements coming up, now from Doncourt, now from Gravelotte, had to throw his last infantry
leaders, the
;
;
1870]
The
battles at Vionville
and Mars-la- Tour
591
It was now about 2 p.m.; the tenth German reserves into the fight. corps was still some distance from the field ; and Alvensleben was grimly
A
resolute advance must have struggling to hold what he had won. the French line But of retreat. Bazaine, who had just arrived reopened the field, having narrowly escaped capture in a cavalry skirmish, upon was not the man to be resolute in adversity. He was in two minds ; without definitely giving up the retreat on Verdun, he became suddenly
anxious about his communications with Metz, and moved a great part of which should have been supporting Canrobert, to the left, where it remained comparatively inactive. Canrobert, with greater on Leboeuf's his firmness, finding right and the enemy's corps coming up The French fire slackening, ordered an advance to retake Vionville. To divisions were seen by Alvensleben deploying in front of Rezonville. meet the attack he had only eight squadrons of cavalry under General von Bredow. It was vital to gain time for the tenth corps to come up; and the cavalry were sent on a mission no less desperate but more useful than that of the Light Brigade at Balaklava. Straight at and through Canrobert's division rode these splendid troopers, bringing the French movement to a standstill before it had well begun, but at a cost of more than half the number of those who started on this famous death-ride. The charge was the turning-point of the battle. Detachments from the seventh, eighth, and ninth corps, crossing the Moselle, enabled Alvensleben His left was indeed pressed back for a to hold his own on his right. time by the arrival of parts of the third and fourth French corps; but these were in turn checked on the long-expected appearance of the tenth German corps. Prince Frederick Charles, arriving about 4 p.m., took over the command, and by hard fighting was enabled to hold his ground, till darkness gave relief to his exhausted men. Neither side could claim any marked tactical success; the losses, about 16,000 on either side, were equal but the moral and strategical advantages won by the Germans at Vionville and Mars-la-Tour were decisive. French army of 130,000 men, glad to have held their own an against enemy barely half as numerous, abandoned the idea of the On August 17 this retreat was still possible by retreat to the Meuse. the northern roads but the attraction of Metz was irresistible, and Bazaine ordered the army to fall back on a strong position west and north-west of the fortress. He alleged that the number of wounded, the state of the troops, and the want of ammunition and supplies left him no choice. That the army should have fallen into this condition, almost within sight of a great depot, shows how deeply the canker of disorganisation had eaten into the French military system. The French movement was carried out without interference and by On the left, nightfall on the 17th the army of the Rhine was in position. under the shadow of the great fort of Plappeville, lay Frossard with the second corps Leboeuf with the third corps extended the line northwards ; his precious reserve,
;
A
;
;
;
592
Bazaine falls back on Metz
[1870
next came Ladmirault with the fourth corps about Amanvillers, Canrobert with the sixth corps held the right at St Privat, with his flank extended and thrown slightly back to Roncourt ; behind Frossard, on the of Plappeville, Bazaine himself took position with the Guard as his general reserve clear proof that his thoughts were still corps
glacis
centred on maintaining touch with Metz.
Moltke had meantime been planning to reap the fruits of Vionville and Mars-la-Tour. The whole of the first army, and the second were within reach except the fourth corps, which was making a dash at Toul and the reinforcing second corps, which was advancing by forced marches from Germany to the Moselle at Pont-a-Mousson. The events of the 16th had shown that the army of the Rhine was west of the Moselle therefore only the first corps and some cavalry were left to watch Metz from the east the seventh, eighth, and ninth corps were brought up on the right of the tenth and third corps, which remained in their positions at Vionville and Mars-la-Tour, while the Guard and twelfth corps extended ;
;
;
the left of the third corps west of Mars-la-Tour. At nightfall on the 17th about 140,000 men were in line parallel to the Metz-Mars-la-Tour road. The second corps which had reached Pont-a-Mousson, and the fourth approaching Toul, formed a connecting link with the third army, which
was
at
and beyond Nancy.
The seventh and eighth
corps had, in order
to reach their positions on the German right, to make a flank march within striking distance of the Metz forts. It was essential to the safety of the movement that no dashing subordinate should bring on a premature
engagement, such as had hitherto heralded every battle of the war. Stringent orders were issued from headquarters and were only too The cavalry of the tenth and third corps were literally obeyed. exhausted by their glorious efforts of the day before but the fresh squadrons within call were not energetically handled, and the French were allowed to slip away not only unmolested but unobserved. At daybreak on the 18th, Moltke was still uncertain whether Bazaine had resumed his retreat to the Meuse by the northern roads, or had fallen back on But he was ready for either contingency, and his orders for Metz. August 18 directed the second army to move northwards to Doncourt, while the seventh and eighth corps of the first army covered the movement from any interference from Metz. If the enemy were in retreat, the second army could fasten on their rear till the first army came up in support if he had elected to stand north of Metz, the second army on first would wheel round to the right and envelop his the pivoting ;
;
right flank. after daybreak on the 18th the German corps were in motion ; there was no certain information of the enemy, and it was not until 10.30 a.m. that Moltke knew that the French were in position and meant to fight. Even then he believed the enemy's right flank to be at Montigny, south of Amanvillers, a point actually at about the centre of
Soon
but
still
593
Battle of Gravelotte
1870]
In accordance with his plan the great wheel to the right began; pivoting on the seventh corps, the eighth, ninth, Guard and twelfth corps successively moved round, the tenth and third corps Thus the two armies were about to meet, each following in support. a situation which meant disaster to the facing towards its own capital the
line.
vanquished.
The
battle of Gravelotte
was opened prematurely about noon by
the artillery of the ninth corps, which was unable to resist the temptation to shell Ladmirault's camp, where on the high ground south of
Amanvillers the French could be seen quietly preparing their dinners. The position of the guns being too exposed, the infantry of the ninth corps had to be brought into the fight, and the battle began in earnest. Moltke had issued orders to hold the fiery Steinmetz in check until the second army had had time to envelop the enemy's right but, believing this flank to be some miles south of its actual position, he now allowed the artillery of the seventh and eighth corps to become engaged. Steinmetz, anxious that the ninth corps should not be left without support, exceeded his instructions, and sent forward his infantry against the French left under Frossard, who held what was naturally the strongest part of a position, which he had skilfully strengthened by defensive works. After some two hours of hard fighting, the attack appeared to be making good progress and Steinmetz, under the impression that the enemy was yielding, ordered a column of cavalry and guns to advance and confirm the success he imagined he had won. But Frossard's main position was unshaken his men turned a deadly fire upon the helpless horsemen, crowded in a ravine, which ran in front of the French lines, and thus caused, about 4.80 p.m., something like a panic among the ;
;
;
Germans in that part of the field. Meanwhile Prince Frederick Charles, moving with the Guard and twelfth corps behind the ninth corps, which was struggling desperately to make some impression upon Ladmirault, reached the village of Ste Marie aux Chenes, opposite St Privat, about 3.30 p.m., only to find that the flank, for which the Germans had been groping all day, stretched some two miles further north. The twelfth corps was accordingly sent to make a yet wider detour, while, partly to cover this movement, partly to assist the hard-pressed ninth corps, the Guards were moved to the attack but, finding no cover in the open ground in front of St Privat, ;
and advancing 7951
men
in too dense a formation, they suffered terrible loss, falling killed or wounded, the greater part in one short
The remnant of the devoted corps disdaining to give ground, clung to what they had won, until the twelfth Saxon corps at last appeared, driving before it Canrobert's extreme right. By a combined attack of Saxons and Guards, St Privat, already in flames, was carried at the bayonet's point, and the French right was crumpled Ladmirault's corps, involved in the ruin of Canrobert's, gave way, up. half-hour.
c.
M.
H.
xi.
38
594
Effects of the battle of Gravelotte
[1870
darkness and the tardy arrival of part of the French Guard alone stopping the weary pursuers. Though their right had suffered a disastrous defeat, the French centre and left had repulsed all attacks. division of the second German corps had been hurried forward to support Steinmetz and, on its arrival, a renewed attempt was made to carry Frossard's lines, with the object of preventing reinforcements being sent to Canrobert. This attack met with no better success than the
A
;
former; and at nightfall the French in this part of the field had more than held their own. The battle of Gravelotte had, however, been won and lost, as Moltke had foreseen, on the other flank. There were many anxious hearts at the royal headquarters during the afternoon, but through it all Moltke had awaited the result with quiet confidence. Bazaine had altogether underestimated the strength of Frossard's position. Deceived by mere demonstrations against the town and by Steinmetz' fierce attacks, he was deaf to appeals from Ladmirault and Canrobert, and kept his reserves behind his left six miles from the point where the issue of the day was decided. Absorbed in the events on his left, he considered that he had at last succeeded in baffling the enemy, until late in the evening, when he received the news of the disaster to his right. Thereupon he issued orders to the army of the Rhine to retire under the guns of Metz, whose shelter they were never to leave again On the German side about 200*000 men except as prisoners of war. were engaged on the French about 140,000. The German losses in killed and wounded amounted to 20,584 men, those of the French to about 13,000, besides 5000 prisoners. On August 19, the fact that the army of the Rhine had fallen back on the forts surrounding Metz, and was holding positions which could not be carried by assault, was known to Moltke. The original plan of campaign had contemplated that, while the armies advanced to Paris, Metz should be masked by a Landwehr division, which was already ;
approaching. armies, which
The new was
situation
demanded a reorganisation of the The whole of the first army, and
at once undertaken.
the second, third, ninth, and tenth corps of the second army, with the Landwehr division, were formed into an army of investment, 175,000 From the remainder of the strong, under Prince Frederick Charles. second army (the Guard, the fourth and twelfth corps), the army of the
Meuse was created, and placed under the Crown Prince of Saxony. Thus, with the third army, 240,000 men were available for the advance on the French capital. The third army and fourth corps had reached the Meuse on August 19, and were there halted to enable the new army to come up. On August 22 a general advance was begun on Chalons, where troops were believed to be collecting. When the Emperor drove into Chalons from the battlefield of Mars-la-Tour on August 16, he found there the twelfth corps, which had been formed of troops from the Spanish frontier, a division of
Formation of
1870]
the
army of Chalons
595
marines from the expeditionary force, and some newly formed regialso one infantry division, the cavalry and half the artillery of Canrobert's corps which had been unable to get through to Metz, and some Gardes Mobiles from Paris. During the next few days the refugees from Worth and the fifth corps arrived, while the seventh corps was on its way from Belfort. Macmahon was directed to form an army, to be called the army of Chalons, out of this collection of units. The material was not promising; many of the regular units were in a state of demoralisation, while the Parisian Gardes Mobiles were openly Of the mainsubordinate, and had to be sent back to the capital. that an makes an effective of war chinery weapon army part was to-
ments
;
the rest wofully deficient. Yet something had to be done, for the third German army was already across the Meuse, and there was no time for hesitation. tally lacking,
Macmahon was
for leading the army back to Paris, where a thirteenth was corps being formed, and where, with the immense resources of all France upon which to draw, he would have more time for organisation. The Emperor agreed; but the Empress and Palikao had still to be reckoned with. A dispatch from Bazaine after Mars-la-Tour had reached Paris, in which he announced that, after replenishing his supply columns, he intended to march west. If Macmahon were to fall back, the Paris mob might construe the movement to be an abandonment of the army of the Rhine and in that event the Empress did not care to face the consequences. Macmahon, in perplexity, proposed a comIt was promise. clearly impossible to remain at Chalons with the army incomplete in every detail, while the enemy were fast approaching. So, on the 21st the camp was abandoned in haste; immense accumulations of stores were burnt and a move was made to Reims. Here the ;
;
seventh corps joined the army by rail, bringing its strength up to 150,000 men organised in four corps. At Reims Macmahon was in a position to act against the flank of a direct advance on Paris, and could still stretch out a hand to Bazaine, if The state opportunity offered. of the troops which had last arrived confirmed Macmahon in his intention to move on Paris. Orders to this effect were issued, but, on the 22nd, another dubiously worded dispatch arrived from Bazaine, giving details of Gravelotte, and announcing his intention to break out towards Chalons, by Montmedy, or if that were not possible, by Sedan. Macmahon inferred that Bazaine was about to start, and reluctantly and with full knowledge of the danger, ordered the fatal march to the Meuse, which was to lead to the downfall of the Empire. If the army moved swiftly and secretly, it might be possible to get round the right of the army of the Meuse before the third army could come up but the condition of the troops, and of the supply and transport services, upon which the mobility of armies depends even more than upon the marching powers of the men, gave little promise of swiftness, while the want of a numerous cavalry ;
Macmahoris march
596
to
the
Meuse
[1870
trained to keep prying eyes at a distance warranted small hope of In brief, a hastily organised, ill-equipped, and half-demoralised secrecy. force was attempting the desperate venture of a flank march between
the enemy and the Belgian frontier, on the ground that Bazaine might be doing something, and could not, if he were, be left without support. Fortune at first favoured Macmahon ; the German headquarters, well aware of the condition of the army of the Rhine, could not believe that the French would uncover the capital
and risk their last field army march of great armies are not to be lightly altered. Ill-considered changes throw into confusion the immense trains toiling painfully in the rear, and, as many a luckless Frenchman had found, entail hardships no less severe than the loss of a battle. So, not until the evening of August 28, when news from London had confirmed the reports of the cavalry, did Moltke direct a movement northwards to intercept the rash enemy. The army of Chalons had thus gained three days but already the intendance was breaking down, and in three days the army had only reached the Aisne, barely 25 miles on its way. Still the position was not hopeless. Macmahon expected Bazaine to break out to the north-west, and hoped to join him near Montmedy. To do this he had to cross the Meuse near Stenay or in a forlorn hope.
The
lines of
;
Mouzon for the Belgian frontier bends to the south near Montmedy, and he would have been cramped for room, had he crossed lower down. On the evening of August 25, the right of the army of Chalons was some twelve miles nearer Stenay than was the right of the army of the Meuse. The Germans were still uncertain of the enemy's movements, and had to execute a difficult change of direction. The next few days altered the situation decisively. On the 26th an encounter with a strong body of German cavalry on the right flank caused unwarranted alarm and the 27th, on which day the first German troops occupied Stenay, was spent in moving the rest of the army to the assistance of the seventh corps which was on the right. The events of this day once more convinced Macmahon of the hopelessness of his task, and orders were issued for a retreat. But during the night vigorous protests arrived from Paris, whence Palikao telegraphed, " If you desert Bazaine, there ;
;
will be a revolution in Paris."
Macmahon
preferred the probability of
he advanced, to the certainty of slander and if he retired. The counter-orders produced more than ordinary disgrace confusion, and the army gained little more than ten miles on the 28th, on which day the twelfth Saxon corps held the Meuse at and south of Stenay, while the remaining German corps were fast approaching from the south. Macmahon moved northwards to seek a crossing lower down the river, leaving the fifth corps under de Failly to cover the movement. This corps had a skirmish with the advanced guard of the Saxons on the 29th, yet allowed itself to be surprised next day a few miles further north, near Beaumont. defeat and capture,
if
The Germans
1870]
On
597
close in
the morning of the 30th the head of the third
German army
The had, by splendid marching, come up with the army of the Meuse. German line stretched from Stenay on the Meuse to Vougiers on the Aisne, down which river the eleventh corps and three cavalry divisions were marching to cut off Macmahon, should he try to fall back westSix corps could be concentrated for a battle, a seventh corps, wards. Thus the net was already the sixth, was following half a march in rear. it drawn the French as was were pressed back on and, together, spread, the Meuse.
August 31 found
army hemmed into a triangle with The base, with the town of Sedan in its
their
sides about four miles in length.
Lines of centre, was formed by the Meuse, which was swollen by rains. hills skirted by streams formed the sides, arid furnished natural ramparts strengthened by well-built villages, positions capable of a stubborn defence, but with the cardinal defect that they were everywhere encircled by heights, which afforded unlimited opportunity for the employment of
an overwhelming
artillery.
Within this triangle many anxious conferences were held. Macmahon was above all desirous of getting the Emperor away to safety; but Napoleon III, sick in body and broken in spirit, a passive spectator of the miseries of his troops, not permitted to return to his capital, whence orders were issued of which he disapproved, and left with
nothing but the honour of a great name, preferred to remain and suffer with his men. As to the future, the French Marshal had no very definite idea. The most pressing need was a day's rest for the troops, which were arranged rather with a view to holding off the enemy than to accepting a decisive battle. Macmahon did not grasp the extent of his danger, for he had not learned that lesson in tactics which September 1 was to make clear to the military world. Till then it had always been believed that it was only necessary to mass sufficient force, and to drive it home with determination, to be certain of breaking through any In this war breech-loader was meeting breech-loader hostile position. for the first time,
and long-range
field artillery
was
first
employed.
Few,
any, had perceived the power of resistance which the increase of range, accuracy, and rate of fire had conferred on an attenuated line, or the
if
deadly effect of converging fire whether in attack or defence. Macmahon did not conceive it possible that Bazaine could be held in by a less numerous foe ; and, believing the strength of the enemy in front of him to be exaggerated, he considered that he could break through at will, if his adversary were rash enough to attempt to surround him.
During the 31st General de Wimpffen, a protege of Palikao, joined army to replace de Failly in command of the fifth corps, with a brevet from the Minister appointing him Macmahon's successor in the event of any accident to the Marshal. On the same day a thirteenth French corps, which had been organised at Paris under General Vinoy, and moved by rail to the front, was directed by Macmahon to halt at
the
598
Battle of Sedan
[1870
Mezieres, a clear indication of his intention to retreat on that place. consisted in an enveloping movement
The German plans were simple and
by two corps against each of the sides of the French triangle, covered from any movement from Mezieres by two cavalry divisions, and the Wiirtemberg division. The first Bavarian corps was to attack the village of Bazeilles at the foot of the eastern face, while two corps remained on the left bank opposite Sedan in second line. The Bavarians opened the battle during the afternoon of the 31st, and, resuming it at daylight the next morning, carried the village after a fierce fight by 10 a.m., by which hour the two corps operating against the eastern face
and established a long line of guns on the During the fight at Bazeilles Macmahon was The severely wounded, and handed over the command to Ducrot. latter, impressed with the danger of the situation, ordered a retreat on Mezieres; but the movement had scarce begun when de Wimpffen, producing his nomination from his pocket, countermanded it, after a fierce wrangle with Ducrot, and directed the army to break out easthad developed
their attack,
heights behind them.
wards towards Montmedy. While the French generals were quarrelling, the Germans, methodically deploying battery after battery, crowned the heights west, south, and east with a circle of iron, which poured a ceaseless rain of shell ever narrowing space in front of the advancing infantry. artillery fire, de Wimpffen's efforts on the east were scant with success, when his attention was called to a more meeting on Here Douay's corps, attacked by two the west. pressing danger German corps, was in great peril ; and it became necessary to countermarch troops to his assistance across ground swept by the German guns. Still the pressure on the western face was not relieved ; and, as a last desperate throw, the cavalry were called up to retrieve the fortunes of Five regiments of cavalry under General Marguerite charged the day. home again and again, riding through the enemy's skirmishers, only to be swept back by the unshaken fire of the supports. Three generals and nearly half of those brave horsemen fell killed or wounded on the field. The splendid and hopeless gallantry of the attempt made it a fitting Soon afterwards, the eastern climax for the death-throes of an empire. and western attacks, uniting near the apex of the triangle, completed the pitiless circle which fenced in the unlucky army of Chalons and by the Emperor's order the white flag was hoisted over Sedan. Macmahon's No less than 81,000 officers and men, includforce had ceased to exist. ing the Emperor and a Marshal of France, surrendered as prisoners of war; while during the battle 21,000 had been captured, 3000 killed, into
the
Overwhelmed by
;
and 14,000 wounded. The German losses amounted to 8960 men. While the army of Chalons was struggling into the trap which Moltke had set, Bazaine, lost in the fog of war, uncertain whither Macmahon was moving, or whether he was moving at all, but possessed
Bazaine driven back at Noisseville
1870]
599
with a vague desire to do something, was tapping in half-hearted fashion which Prince Frederick Charles was daily drawing closer round Metz. After an ineffective- demonstration on August 26, it was at the lines
August 30, when definite news of Macmahon's march had come through the German lines, to make a serious attempt to break out on the right bank of the Moselle and to move northwards on Thionville. But Bazaine's staff was not equal to the task columns crossed each other delays, orders, and counter-orders produced vacillation when the attack could not be developed till late in decision was imperative the afternoon of August 31. Superior numbers enabled the French to in the direction of Noisseville during the some minor successes gain of September 1 showed German dawn and but the evening night; columns hurrying forward from all points to strengthen the threatened portion of the line of investment and by midday Bazaine had abandoned the attempt, and retired under cover of the forts. Down to this time, Bazaine does not appear to have grasped the fact He still looked upon his troops as a field army, that he was besieged. decided, on
;
;
;
;
which, kept intact, might, by threatening the German communications, have a decisive influence on the course of the campaign. He had not doubted his power to break through the German lines he was rather obsessed by the difficulty of maintaining his army without a base when he did break through. He was even more in the dark than Macmahon as to the effect of modern inventions upon tactics. It was a revelation to him that the breech-loader would enable a small body to hold out against greatly superior numbers, while the telegraph, spreading instantly the news of attack, brought at speed to the threatened point reinforcements which, thanks again to the busy brain of the inventor, could carry sufficient sustenance to make them for a time at least independent of the heavy trains which more than all else fetter the movements of armies. Nor were the French Marshals alone in this condition of the people of Paris, soon in their turn to be shut in by a ignorance ;
;
thin circle of iron, spoke loudly of treason as the sole explanation of the astounding failure of their leaders, spreading distrust throughout the country, accustomed to draw inspiration from the capital. Indeed,
month of August, 1870, culminating in the stupendous Within catastrophe of Sedan, had set all Europe agape with wonder. one short month the whole of the regular army which a great military empire had sent forth to meet the foe had been dispersed, put hors de
the events of the
Few even among the combat, taken prisoners, or closely invested. remembered that the of the men of Jena thoughtful grandsons much as their grandfathers had been, that the Frenchman was still brave,
most were
that the German was not irresistible, that a Colossus had not sprung fully
armed from Moltke's brain but that the weapon of war, which they saw used to such effect, had been slowly and painfully forged by men of like passions with themselves.
600
Revolution in Paris.
The immediate
Investment of the capital
[1870
result of the capture of the Emperor and the destrucArmy at Sedan was a bloodless revolution in Paris,
tion of the Imperial
4. The Empress and Palikao fled to England and a Government of National Defence was formed in Paris under
on September Provisional
;
the Presidency of General Trochu, with Jules Favre, Gambetta, Arago, Grevy, and Rochefort as members. Such a Government could not be other than Republican but an appeal was made to all parties to unite ;
in the defence of the country, while a pledge was given that the nation should have an opportunity of deciding between the claimants to power
when
the foe was driven from the land.
Paris became the natural centre surrounded on two sides by deep rivers, encircled of ramparts and an outer one of detached forts, the
of further resistance
;
by an inner line After Gravelotte, armies of great city was capable of a stout defence. workmen had been employed in strengthening the defences, and stores had been hurried in, to supplement the already large accumulation of for Paris had been designated as the main base of the armies supplies Of regular troops there were the operating on the eastern frontier. thirteenth corps, which Vinoy had cleverly withdrawn from Mezieres, the fourteenth corps, which had just been formed in the capital, and a number of marines, sailors, gendarmes, and police in all about 80,000 men, and in addition 115,000 Gardes Mobiles and 100,000 Gardes Nationales. Heavy guns and ammunition had been brought from the fleet and coast fortresses and the forts were on the whole well armed. At the German headquarters there had been no hesitation as to the next step. In France, more than in any country in Europe, the capital The capture of Paris would be the best represented the country. ;
;
guarantee of a satisfactory treaty of peace. As soon then as arrangements had been made for the disposal of the prisoners of Sedan, and the supply system of the armies, somewhat disorganised by the sudden wheel to the north to intercept Macmahon, had been disentangled, the advance on the capital began. By September 19 the line of investment had been completed with trifling opposition. On this day and the next Jules Favre was engaged in negotiations with Bismarck, to discover what terms the Germans would concede but, the Provisional Government having decided not to yield a stone of the fortresses or an inch of territory, these ended abruptly, and both sides prepared to continue the war. In spite of the overwhelming successes already won, the task before the German leaders was full of difficulties. The detachments required ;
for the various sieges, to protect the lines of communication, and to conduct the numerous prisoners back to Germany, the losses in battle, the ravages of sickness, had all greatly reduced the strength of the
Not more than 147,000 men were at first available to hold an and to cover the investment from possible The interruption. capture of Toul and Strassburg at the end of September relieved the strain by setting free the besiegers, and by army.
enceinte of over fifty miles,
1870]
The situation after
the investment
of Paris
601
opening direct railway communication with Germany; but by the beginning of October it had become evident that the war was entering on a new and, to the Germans, a most unpleasant phase. Hitherto, the people of the invaded provinces, being for the most part out of touch with the Imperial army, had treated the war as the affair of the soldiers, and, with the object of easing their burdens, met In the first weeks of the the enemy's demands more than half way. found little the German war, cavalry patrols difficulty in obtaining information small foraging parties, entering towns and villages, often found that obsequious mayors had anticipated their requisitions. But the defeats of Gravelotte and Sedan and the investment of Paris had ;
France from coast to coast. An appeal issued by the Provisional Government, calling on the whole able-bodied population to co-operate The in the defence of their native land, met with a ready response. found it of and Paris the armies Metz cavalry increasingly besieging difficult to obtain supplies patrols were attacked by assailants who disappeared as rapidly as they had appeared the escorting of convoys, which had at first been an almost unnecessary precaution, became a dangerous and arduous duty. The German cavalry, shy of venturing far from support, failed to obtain information, and rumours took its rumours of levies in the north about Amiens, in the south about place Besangon and Lyons, above all, rumours of preparations on a large stirred
;
;
scale in the valley of the Loire. and the classification of reports
Till
now
the checking of information
had been carried by the German
staff
almost to the stage of an exact science, for the organisation of the French army was known to the smallest detail. From the capture of a few prisoners wearing a particular button, the whereabouts of the regiment, brigade, and corps to which they belonged could be accurately deduced with the aid of a little corroborative evidence. The strength of the corps in infantry, cavalry, and artillery, even the names of the
commanders and staffs, and their idiosyncrasies, were known. But nothing was known about the organisation of the new formations springing up round the beleaguered capital there were no data to which The machine-like regularity with which the reports could be referred. advance to Paris had been conducted became impossible blows were struck in the air the German commanders, still inspired with the desire to meet and defeat the enemy's forces in the field, now discovered that the finding of an army to defeat was their chief difficulty. Fortunately for them, the immense resources of France had not been organised for war; though the Provisional Government had done much :
;
;
time at its disposal. After the investment of Paris there remained of regular units, outside the besieged fortresses, but twelve battalions of infantry, nine regiments of cavalry, and a single complete There were, in addition, a large number of depot battery of artillery. companies, which had been collected after Gravelotte into regiments in the short
602
Organisation of resistance in the provinces
[1870
de marche, of men who had not joined at the outbreak of the war, of untrained or partially trained men, and of men who had escaped from Behind these there were the Garde Mobile, scattered the early battles.
throughout France, more than 600,000 strong; some 40,000 Francs tireurs or irregulars formed in small bodies under local leaders; and the Garde Nationale, strengthened and vivified by the accession of all able-bodied males not otherwise employed who were willing to strike a blow in defence of their country of these last, there were not less than 700,000, used chiefly in the defence of their own districts. Of arms there was no lack, and deficiencies could be readily supplied, through the Atlantic and western channel ports, by purchase from abroad. But of trained leaders there were few, and of those supply and transport services, which give life to armies, none. The Provisional Government had dispatched a delegation to Tours ;
to organise resistance in the provinces, and had selected the valley of the Loire as the chief centre of activity ; Lille in the north, Rouen in the north-west, Alen^on in the west, and Besancjon in the south, being other centres of organisation. By the end of September little had been
done beyond the partial organisation had been placed under the command
of a fifteenth corps at Tours, of the veteran general, de
which
La Motte
Rouge, with vague instructions to do something, and that quickly. He accordingly drew his forces towards Orleans and sent his cavalry, supported by some infantry, northwards through the town towards Paris. On October 5 this body met, and pushed back to Etampes, within The thirty miles of the capital, the 4th German cavalry division. German headquarters staff, already somewhat uneasy at the extent of their commitments, saw in the movement the beginning of a general offensive on the part of the forces known to be assembling in the General von der Tann, with the first Bavarian corps, Loire valley. was accordingly directed to cover the besiegers from the threatened advance and later, as the French showed no sign of advancing, the 22nd division was added to his force, and he was ordered to advance and occupy Orleans. The fifteenth French corps was anything but ready for the offensive and, though the men fought bravely on the defensive, ;
;
they were badly led, so that von der Tann, after some stiff fighting, succeeded in occupying Orleans on October 11. Meantime, an event destined to have a far-reaching effect on the On October 7 Leon Gambetta course of the campaign had taken place. from Tours on October 9. Paris and reached in a balloon escaped Alone of the members of the Provisional Government, Gambetta saw clearly that Paris was but a small part of France he alone appreciated ;
the potentialities of the immense resources of the nation as a whole. Aided by de Freycinet, a young civil engineer, he succeeded in inspiring Endowed with the provinces of France with his own fiery patriotism.
a genius for organisation and an extraordinary capacity for work, he
The Germans
1870]
lose
Orleans
603
created in the short space of six weeks an army of 180,000 men, lacking only the discipline and training which no human power could improvise.
So early as October 25, Gambetta, who had replaced de La Motte Rouge by General d'Aurelle de Paladines, agreed with the latter that an advance should be made on Orleans, with the object of capturing that town and forming there an entrenched camp within which an army could For this operation, 120,000 be assembled to raise the siege of Paris. men were already available, while von der Tann, still in Orleans, had D'Aurelle de Paladines' advance was delayed not more than 20,000. by the ominous news that on October 27 Bazaine had capitulated, and that the 200,000 besiegers of Metz were hurrying forward to relieve the Gambetta, however, insisted that pressure on the armies round Paris. the programme agreed upon should be carried out. Accordingly, on November 9, von der Tann was attacked near Coulmiers, a few miles south-west of Orleans, borne back by weight of numbers after a fierce The recently organised struggle, and compelled to evacuate the city. French troops were in no condition to undertake protracted operations, and a proposal to follow up the success by an advance on Paris was abandoned in favour of the original plan. The French troops, therefore, prepared defensive positions north of Orleans. The activity of General Fiereck, who had collected in the west a force of Gardes Nationales, Gardes Mobiles, and Francs tireurs, had already caused the German leaders serious anxiety. Incapable of sustained operations in the field, but admirably handled as guerillas, these troops continuously harassed their enemy, who was never able to discover their It was therefore decided, even before strength or their intentions. d'Aurelle de Paladines advanced, to reinforce von der Tann by a division
and by one of infantry, and to place the whole under the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin. When the news of Coulmiers and of the loss of Orleans arrived, there was serious talk of raising the siege and kits were actually packed in the headIt had not been supposed at first that Paris would quarters staff. stand a regular siege but now, when there were no signs of surrender after six weeks of investment, it became necessary to form and bring up a siege-train from Germany, and to arrange for reinforcements for the attenuated line of circumvallation, against which a sortie in force was Efforts were made to check the spread of guerilla wardaily expected.
of cavalry
command
of the
;
;
German leaders, by an organised system of Villages and towns were fired without mercy, and even given over to pillage for a stated period, while the leading inhabitants were taken as hostages and shot, when attacks were made by guerillas in their
fare,
the chief bane of the
reprisals.
By the end of October the strain on the German resources had become very severe, but the capitulation of Metz (October 27) brought a welcome relief. Of the troops thus set free the first and second armies the former were directed to move on Rouen and Amiens, and to deal with vicinity.
604
Effect of the capture of Metz
[1870
the French troops gathering in Normandy and Picardy ; the latter, to cover the siege of Paris from the army of the Loire. Immediately after the fall of Strassburg, Werder had pushed through the Vosges towards the Upper Seine, with a view to covering the German communications from the troops which Cremer was known to be assembling about Besangon, assisted by Garibaldi, who had come to the aid of the Republic, and was raising a force of irregulars at Dole. By the end of October
Werder had occupied Dijon ; and, during the first week of November, a detachment of his force under Tresckow had invested Belfort. With first army and of Werder's corps, the German communications were to some extent covered and the second army was free to deal with the masses gathering in the Loire valley. Bazaine's surrender of Metz had come at a most inopportune moment for the organisers of the national resistance to the invader. Its moral effect was second only to that of Sedan, for not only did it neutralise the effect of the recapture of Orleans, but by producing a sense of hopelessness in all but the most valiant, it greatly influenced subsequent
the deployment of the
;
Had Bazaine, looking beyond the miseries of his own army, operations. held out for another fortnight, as he might certainly have done, the army The surbesieging Paris would have been most seriously embarrassed. render of Metz delayed d' Aurelle de Paladines, and settled any question of an immediate movement on Paris. By November 14, the ninth corps of Prince Frederick Charles' army had reached Fontainebleau and the Germans, though there were still many weeks of hard work before them, ;
had passed successfully through the crisis. The solution was, however, by no means clear. Fiereck's operations had convinced the Germans that a French army was forming in the direction of Le Mans, which would threaten the flank of any movement on Orleans. The Grand Duke of Mecklenburg's detachment was accordingly sent westward in search of this imaginary army while Prince Frederick Charles, awaiting the arrival of the remainder of his command from Metz and the return ;
Grand Duke, adopted a defensive attitude north of the forest of By November 21, the third and tenth corps had come up and the army was disposed on an extended line from the Loing to the main of the
Orleans.
;
Paris-Orleans road. Preparations were now begun for an advance on Orleans ; and, with this object, Prince Frederick Charles drew in the left of his line from the Loing to Beaune la Rolande ; but, before he was ready, the enemy had anticipated him. D'Aurelle de Paladines, distressed by the lack of discipline and training in his newly formed units, and busied in repairing these defects behind his fortified lines, urged, in reply to Gambetta's demands advance on Paris, that the second German army might at any
for an
moment
take the offensive, and that with half-trained troops it would be better to await their onset behind earthworks. When the Germans did
not attack, Gambetta insisted that an effort must be made to push
605
Germans recapture Orleans
1870]
through to the assistance of the capital. Accordingly, on November 28, d'Aurelle de Paladines massed 50,000 men on his right with the object The tenth of overwhelming the Germans left at Beaune la Rolande. 9000 and about this did not number more than German corps place in great danger of defeat. But the training of the French did admit of concerted not movements; columns missed large troops their way and were late, thus allowing time for the inevitable German reinforcements marching to the sound of the guns to relieve their The French hard-pressed comrades, and drive back the assailants.
at first
was
10,000 men; with such desperate valour did the young levies, seeking to atone for their lack of skill, hurl themselves Under the stress of defeat the discipline of the newly on the enemy. formed army broke down; and the French fell back in great confusion. Fortunately for them the Germans, too exhausted to pursue, had not Undaunted by this repulse, perceived the extent of their success. Gambetta, who had heard from Trochu by balloon that the garrison of Paris would make an effort to break out towards Orleans on November 29, directed d'Aurelle de Paladines to try the other flank. Thus, on December 2, the French, advancing with some 80,000 men in the direction of Toury met the detachment of the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg coming up to extend Prince Frederick Charles' left, near the villages of Loigny and Poupry. Again the Germans were at first hard pressed again the French attack, though gallantly delivered, failed owing to want of combination and again the timely arrival on the field of a German division of the ninth corps turned the scale. The in
lost
all
about
;
;
French were everywhere repulsed. the
The effect of these two defeats was to break up the organisation of army of the Loire; the transport and supply arrangements were
thrown into complete confusion and the defeated troops, wearily D'Aurelle de retreating through snow and slush, suffered terribly. Paladines had intended to stand in his lines outside Orleans but the state of his army made him abandon all idea of organised resistance. After some haphazard but severe fighting north of the forest of Orleans and outside the town, the Germans drove back their opponents and re-entered Orleans on the night of December 4. Among the French, General Chanzy, the commander of the sixteenth and seventeenth corps, who had throughout these operations shown marked ability, alone succeeded in maintaining some semblance of organisation in his command, which he rallied at Beaugency south of Orleans. Meantime the sortie from Paris, which Trochu had announced for November 29, had taken place. Ducrot, the guiding spirit of the defence, had been busy throughout the months of October and November in reconnoitring, undercover of a number of minor enterprises, the circle of investment. He had decided that an attempt to the north of Paris offered most prospect of success, and preparations to carry his proposals ;
;
606
Sortie from Paris.
Situation in the provinces
into effect were well advanced, when the news of Coulmiers hopes aroused of the approach of the army of the Loire caused
[1870
and the Trochu
The strength to insist on an immediate effort to break out to the south. of the German position in front of Versailles forbade a sortie on that side
;
and
it
was decided
to
advance from Vincennes across the Marne in
the direction of Villiers and Champigny on November 29. The prepathe rations for the movement were however not completed in time bridges over the Marne were not ready ; and it was necessary to cancel a fatal step with the orders which had already set the troops in motion The half-trained troops enlisted from the critical population of Paris. ;
attacking columns failed to combine and the Wiirtemberg division, upon whom the brunt of the onset fell, fighting stubbornly throughout December 1, and again, after an armistice to bury the dead on December 3, Ducrot led his men withstood every effort to break through their lines. back into Paris on December 4; and the city relapsed into the dull struggle with hunger, broken only by the occasional political Smeutes stirred up by the extreme Republicans. Northwards of Paris Manteuffel, who had taken Steinmetz' place in command of the first army, had occupied Amiens on November 27, and Rouen on December 5 ; while to ;
the south Werder, firmly established at Dijon, was more than holding his Only at Belfort, where a gallant against Cremer and Garibaldi. Colonel had trained a garrison of Mobiles Denfert Rochereau, engineer, and Franc tireurs round a nucleus of regulars, and by sheer energy and ability was keeping the besiegers in a state of constant anxiety, did the
own
French
flag still retain something of its old prestige. loss of Orleans (December 4) had created a panic throughout The Delegation of the Provisional Government removed the Touraine.
The
administration to Bordeaux, and was followed by a stream of diplomats, officials, clerks, correspondents, and the majority of those who could afford to leave their homes. Undaunted in the midst of the general
seat of
depression and confusion, Gambetta and de Freycinet
still
toiled cease-
lessly at the creation of new forces, still elaborated fresh plans of offence. The troops of the German second army, exhausted by their rapid
marches from Metz, and by the severe fighting in bitter weather which had led to the recapture of Orleans, were in urgent need of repose. Both Prince Frederick Charles and Moltke believed the army of the Loire to be in a state of dissolution and the pursuit was entrusted chiefly to cavalry, who however soon discovered that Chanzy was standing ;
stubbornly in front of Beaugency, and that they could make no headway. The weary victors were again compelled to take the field, and for six days were engaged, in frost and snow, with an enemy who doggedly refused to be driven from his position.
The sufferings of the French during these days were appalling. Chanzy resolutely kept his troops bivouacked in the open in alternate snow and mud, foreseeing that his army would inevitably dissolve if he allowed it
1870]
Chanzy
to be scattered
On December
at
Le Mans. -Faidherbe moves on Amiens 607 towns or
to seek shelter in the surrounding
villages.
men
could endure no more, he began a retreat on Vendome, where, standing again at bay, he brought his army successfully across the Loir, a tributary which runs west of and parallel to the great Loire, and finally drew back westwards towards Le Mans. Rarely has a retreat under such adverse conditions been conducted with equal ability. By drawing the enemy upon himself, and stoutly to refusing give way, Chanzy allowed time for the shattered right of the army of the Loire, under Bourbaki, to re-form south of wing Orleans and to take up positions covering the great arsenal at Bourges. The wisdom of the retreat was at once shown by the fact that Prince Frederick Charles, uncertain of the situation to the south, could not venture to uncover the army of investment by following Chanzy to Le Mans, where the latter, reaping the reward of his self-sacrifice and firmness, won the time needed for his worn-out troops to recruit. truce of exhaustion followed for some weeks in the south-west, Prince Frederick Charles withdrawing the second army to the neighbourhood of Orleans and the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg's detachment to Chartres. For a time the centre of interest shifted north, where, after the occupation of Rouen and Amiens by the Germans, the fortress of Arras had become the base of French resistance. There General Faidherbe, who had gained a reputation in north Africa, arrived on December 3, and, completing with great energy the work of his predecessors, had by the middle of December ready for the field an army of 40,000 men, which, as it contained a number of refugees from Sedan and Metz, was superior in discipline to any other of the levies raised by the Provisional Government. After occupying Rouen, General Manteuffel was directed to This harbour was of great value to the French, who seize Le Havre. were importing immense stores of war material and, to save it, Faidherbe advanced on Amiens. The German garrison was compelled to evacuate the town, and Manteuffel had to give up all thoughts of 12, rinding the
A
;
Havre and to hurry back to meet Faidherbe, who on hearing of his approach took up a position north-east of Amiens on the Hallue stream. Manteuffel advanced to the attack with 25,000 men on December 21, and opened a three days' struggle amid ice and snow, in which Faidherbe held his own, retiring during the night of December 24, only because his ill-equipped troops, forced to bivouac in the open, could no longer endure the cold. The news of Faidherbe's advance roused fresh hopes in Paris and preparations were at once begun for the attempt to break out to the north which Ducrot had always counselled. The sortie, which took place on December 21, resolved itself into an attempt to capture the village of ;
Le Bourget, which,
if
successful,
was
to be the signal for a general
advance through the investing lines. Favoured by fog, the French managed to enter the village, but were never able completely to drive
608 Bombardment of Paris.
Efforts of Gambettz
[1870-1
out the defenders and, on the arrival of German reinforcements, Trochu broke off the fight before half his troops had been engaged. Indeed, Trochu at this period seems to have considered failure inevitable, and to have undertaken any enterprise rather with a view to pacifying the populace than with any hope of success. For some time past, loud expressions of impatience had been heard ;
in
Germany
at the delay in reducing the
French
capital.
Pressure was
a step to which he was brought to bear on Moltke to bombard Paris from to be motives of averse supposed humanity. But Moltke under-
stood better than his critics what the bombardment of a fortified town of the size of the French capital entailed. He knew that it would be useless to begin a cannonade which could not be sustained; and, until the large number of guns, and immense stores of ammunition required
had been collected (a
difficult operation with congested lines of coma deaf ear to those who urged him to begin. he turned munication), At last, when all was ready, the bombardment of the forts began on
December
27, 1870, and that of the town on January 5, 1871. the beginning of the new year, when it was becoming daily more clear that the powers of endurance of the capital were nearing their limit,
At
the untiring and to rescue Paris.
hopeful Garnbetta had started another great effort While yet the halves of the army of the Loire were reeling back from the blows received about Orleans, the left under Chanzy westwards towards Le Mans, the right under Bourbaki south towards Bourges, de Freycinet had conceived the idea of transporting a This was to be combined with part of the army of the Loire eastwards. Cremer's and Garibaldi's troops, and with a new corps whose formation at Lyons was far advanced, in a great movement against the German lines of communication, which should incidentally raise the siege of gallant Belfort simultaneously Chanzy from the west and Faidherbe still
;
from the north were to resume the offensive. The plan, admirable as a war-game manoeuvre where the all-important element of morale is of no account, had the defect of demanding a mobility and an organisation such as the army of the Loire did not possess. After the loss of Orleans, d'Aurelle de Paladines had been removed from his command; and Garnbetta had practically assumed the direction of the armies in the provinces. He accepted de Freycinet's abovementioned proposal, overrode the objections of Chanzy, who, appreciating the situation more correctly, advocated the simpler operation of a combined movement from west and south on the capital, and directed Bourbaki to begin the entrainment of the three corps under his orders eastwards on December 23. But the movements of great masses cannot
A
be improvised. large proportion of the railway officials brought in for the occasion were unacquainted with the lines they were required to work, with the result that delays were endless. The men, cooped up in narrow carriages for days together in severe cold, suffered torments ;
Bourbaki's troops disarmed in Switzerland
1871]
609
abundant where they were not required, were not available where The first troops did not gain touch with the newly they were needed. formed corps from Lyons, which had moved forward to Besarigon, till January 2 while Bourbaki's third corps, which was left in front of Bourges to cover the movement from prying eyes in the German second army, did not come up till a week later. Werder, warned in time of this supplies,
;
massing of 100,000 men against him, evacuated Dijon and concentrated at Vesoul then, when it became clear that Bourbaki was moving on Belfort, by a brilliant dash against the French flank at Villersexel he further delayed their already hesitating advance. Finally, slipping between them and Belfort, he took up a strong position on the banks of the Lisaine. Here for three days, from January 15 to 17, he withstood all attacks, till Bourbaki was compelled from exhaustion to draw off and ;
begin a disastrous retreat. At the German headquarters at Versailles, Werder's reports of the concentration in the neighbourhood of Besangon had been regarded as Bourbaki was still believed to be in front of Bourges and to exaggerated. be meditating an advance on Paris and it was not until January 5, when ;
Werder captured a number of prisoners of Bourbaki's regiments, that Moltke acknowledged his mistake, and immediately set about repairing it. A new army was promptly formed from one of the corps besieging Paris, together with a division from the lines of communication and a division set free by the fall of Mezieres, and was placed under Manteuffel, who had hitherto been directing the operations of the first army in the Manteuffel moved rapidly southwards and, sweeping down on the of Bourbaki's luckless force, hemmed it in against the Swiss frontier. Bourbaki's one chance of keeping open his line of retreat lay in the co-operation of Garibaldi, who with 40,000 men occupied Dijon. north.
flank
and rear
But Garibaldi, who had lost the fire of his youth and was in failing health, allowed himself to be neutralised by a single German brigade. Left without succour, cut off from his base, his starving troops exposed Jura Mountains, Bourbaki had no choice but to cross the frontier, within which on February 2 over 80,000 men were disarmed by the Swiss. Fifteen days later, Colonel Denfert Rochereau marched proudly out of Belfort at the head of the garrison, having stood a siege of 106 days and having surrendered only on the express orders of the French Government. The events which had led to the issue of these orders may be told in a few words. Towards the end of December Chanzy, who, thanks to Gambetta's energy, had re-equipped and reorganised the two corps with which he had retreated to Le Mans, and had been largely reinforced, was preparing to renew the offensive, and had pushed forward strong detachments with this object. Moltke still believed Bourbaki to be in front of Bourges, and, wishing to deal with the two armies while they were separated, ordered Prince Frederick Charles, on January 1, to inarch c. M. H. XL 39 to the rigours of winter in the
Defeat of Chanzy at Le
610
Mans
[1871
against Chanzy, who was considered to be the more ready to take the field. With the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg's detachment, Prince Frederick
Charles disposed of about 60,000 men, as against Chanzy with 150,000. 5, at once came in contact with French detachments, which were steadily pushed eastwards. In view of the German offensive, Chanzy decided to give up his forward movement, and to occupy a position which he had prepared in front of Le Mans. Prince Frederick Charles attacked him there on January 10; and in a fierce battle, which lasted throughout the two following days, the French
The Germans, advancing on January
were everywhere driven from their entrenchments, suffering a loss of killed and wounded, and 20,000 prisoners. The removal of Bourbaki's army eastwards, and the defeat of Chanzy, had cleared the country south and west of Paris, and left Faidherbe in the north the only immediate menace to its besiegers. After the battle of the Hallue, Manteuffel had left his eighth corps under Goeben to watch Faidherbe and to besiege the fortress of Peronne east of Amiens, which was a standing danger to his communications, while he proceeded to Rouen, in the neighbourhood of which the Francs tireurs and Mobiles were becoming daily more active. On January 2 Faidherbe, with about 35,000 men, moved against Goeben, who with 15,000 was covering the siege of Peronne, and began an attack on the German position, which was continued the next day. Fighting gallantly and in the French had, numbers, superior by nightfall on January 3, gained a substantial success, and driven the Germans everywhere back on their
more than 6000
last positions.
But the
strain of battle
was too much for the raw
troops and when, on January 4, Faidherbe found Goeben still standing in front of him, and his own men in no condition to renew the fight, he ;
drew
off,
greatly to the relief of the hard-pressed Germans. fell on January 9 after Manteuffel had left to take
Peronne
command
His successor, Goeben, as it was no longer necessary to keep troops in advance of Peronne, concentrated the greater part of the first army behind the Somme, an operation which was barely completed, when news arrived that the French were movFaidherbe had been induced ing eastwards in the direction of St Quentin. this to take with the Gambetta triple object of threatening the step, by communications of the first army, of reaching out a hand to Bourbaki in his expected march northwards from Besangon, and of aiding a great The manoeuvre sortie from the capital, which was in preparation. proposed was indeed an attempt to march round the right flank of the German first army and Faidherbe, perceiving its danger, had consented to it with reluctance. By January 18 he had assembled his forces about St Quentin but Goeben had divined his adversary's intention, and, having rapidly collected his army by road and rail, was marching that same day up both banks of the Somme to the attack. On January 19 the Germans advanced upon St Quentin, and, capturing the town, of the
army formed
to deal with Bourbaki.
;
;
inflicted a decisive defeat
upon Faidherbe.
Failure of the
1871]
last sortie
611
from Paris
Thus north, south, east, and west, Gambetta's heroic efforts to save the capital had met with disaster ; but, ere they had all failed, it had become clear that the limits of endurance had been nearly reached. The Paris mob still believed in itself, however, and clamoured for a Accordingly, Trochu agreed to make a great effort, which the Garde Nationale, hitherto chiefly employed in manning
sortie en masse.
in
the ramparts, should take part, rather to convince the populace of the 90,000 futility of further resistance than with any hope of success.
men, massed under the guns of Mont Valerien, moved southwards on The attack was January 19 against the German lines before Versailles. delivered in three columns but, being disjointed, it was foredoomed to Parts of the force by sheer hard fighting forced their way into failure. Saint-Cloud and into the park of Buzenval, where refusing to be dislodged, they maintained themselves until the following day; but Four days the greater part was streaming back to the city before dark. at Versailles to arrived Jules Favre later, open negotiations for the ;
capitulation.
The
Provisional
Government had at length recognised that any hope was futile. After the downfall of the Empire,
of foreign intervention
Thiers had undertaken a mission to the Courts of London, St Petersburg, Vienna, and Florence, to invoke the mediation of the Great Powers.
The time was ill-chosen. Italy was already engaged in securing Rome, while the attention of England and Austria was fully occupied by the action of Russia, who on September 29 announced that she would no The longer be bound by the Black Sea clauses of the Treaty of Paris. utmost that Thiers was able to bring back to Paris was a proposal made by England, and supported by the other Powers, that the Provisional Government should negotiate an armistice for the purpose of taking the One of Bismarck's strongest cards, in his sense of the French people. that he had no grounds for supposing the Prowith was Favre, dealings visional Government to represent France. He let it be known that he had opened negotiations with Napoleon and the fear that the Imperial Army under Bazaine would be released, for the purpose of restoring the Empire and enforcing any compact which had been agreed upon, brought On January 28 a three weeks' armistice was signed, Favre to his knees. to enable elections to be held for an Assembly, which was to meet at Bordeaux to decide the question of peace or war. The outer defences of Paris were surrendered the garrison became prisoners of war and the 8,000,000. city purchased exemption from occupation at the price of Elsewhere, the troops of both nations were to retain their positions but the eastern theatre of war was expressly excluded by Bismarck from the terms of the armistice. By a strange blunder Favre' omitted to communicate this fact to Bourbaki, and thus rendered his fate doubly sure. Gambetta absolutely refused to recognise the authority of the Paris ;
;
;
;
Government
to act in the
name
of France,
and
called loudly for the
Formal Treaty of Peace signed
612
[1871
continuance of the war
but he found no one to follow him, and he ; and discredited man. a disappointed Though at the moment resigned, It he was stigmatised as a madman, his work was more than justified. is true that the terms offered by Bismarck after Sedan were not substantially different from those he ultimately accepted, but the second period of the war not only preserved for Frenchmen their self-esteem, but impressed their adversaries with respect for the great resources and power of resistance of the French nation. When, in the years following the Peace of Frankfort, the wonderful recovery of France from her
was watched with jealous eyes by the hot-bloods in Germany, memory of the resistance offered by an unprepared and unorganised Thirty-five years people lent weight to the counsels of the prudent. disaster
the
of peace are Gambetta's best apology for his administration. The result of the elections proved France to be eager to
end the
Thiers was appointed on February 17 as chief of the executive, and, together with Favre and Picard, was commissioned to conclude The preliminary proposals were signed on February 26, France peace. agreeing to the cession of Alsace, and of German Lorraine with Metz, and to the payment of an indemnity of .200,000,000; but she retained These terms were ratified by the Assembly of possession of Belfort. Bordeaux and the formal treaty was signed at Frankfort on May 10, The chief prize of victory had not however been included in the 1871. On January 18 King William of Prussia had been procapitulations. claimed German Emperor in the Salle des glaces of Louis XIV's historic palace at Versailles. Thus the work begun in 1866 was completed. The blood shed by north and south side by side on many a victorious field had made of Germany a united nation, which from its birth could proudly claim to be the first military Power of the world. war.
;
CHAPTER XXII
WAR
RUSSIA AND THE LEVANT AFTER THE CRIMEAN (1)
RUSSIA
AND THE PERIOD OF REFORM
IF the tradition of the terrors of the system of Nicholas has unduly prejudiced men's minds with regard to his thirty years of resolute repression, it is probable that opinion has been somewhat biassed by the sympathetic figure of the Tsar liberator, so cruelly slain on March 13, 1881, in favour of his twenty-six years of far less stable rule, in which careful great expectations alternated with great disappointments.
A
examination of historical documents, as they become accessible,
will, it is
somewhat detract from the halo of idealism which has surrounded Alexander, and also diminish the deep sympathy that has been felt with the sacrifices imposed on society and the governing classes during this fateful period. The early life of Alexander, and his activity up till his accession, gave little promise that he would be known as a reformer. He seemed impregnated with the spirit of his to be feared,
father's reactionary regime,
though to
his father's
disappointment he
showed no love
of soldiering, and indeed gave evidence of a heart too soft for the heir to a military despotism. He was, however, no enthusiastic idealist, but a man of limited education, limited experience of affairs,
and a cautious
spirit.
with the ideas of
Acquainted through
German romantic
his tutor, Vasili Zhukovsky, but devoid of the technical
literature,
knowledge of the social and economic problems with which he had to deal, he was obliged to choose between plans put before him, rather than criticise or initiate. As a result there appeared a vacillation in his policy, and a want of staunch adherence to his councillors, of which a striking instance was the dismissal of Nicholas Miliutin as soon as the Edict of Emancipation was published. He was fond of his country, and a believer in her destiny, but alike in internal and external policy inclined to take a middle course. For some years he managed to steer between the two extremes. But at home years of labour and anxiety weakened his desire for reform and, when revolutionary societies ;
613
614 Emancipation of serfs.
Committee of enquiry
[1854-70
appeared, he gave way to the advisers who advocated repression. Abroad he was sincerely anxious for peace, though jealous of the national honour, and desirous of amending those provisions of the Treaty of Paris which he considered derogatory to Russia. With these objects he twice risked a European War: first in 1863, when the Western Powers threatened interference in the Polish question, and again in 1870, when he repudiated the Black Sea clauses of the Treaty of Paris. His first great work was the Emancipation of the Serfs. The manifesto issued on his accession to the throne did not contain a word with regard to this question and the retirement, on August 20, 1855, of Bibikoff, the Minister of the Interior, who was considered a foe of The manifesto, issued on serfdom, quieted the fears of the nobility. March 19, 1856, on the conclusion of the Treaty of Paris, spoke of laws But in the same month the Emperor, equally just for all his subjects. " There are in addressing a deputation of the Moscow nobility, said That reports that I desire to proclaim the emancipation of the serfs. is wrong ; but, as a result of these menaces, there have been instances of the peasants disobeying the landowners ... I do not say that I am ;
:
it (emancipation). We live in such an age that in cannot but take place. In this, I think you too agree with me. Consequently, it is better for it to come from above than from below." While the Emperor showed prudence and common sense, and looked with a critical and suspicious eye upon panaceas, society, including all who made any pretensions to enlightenment, was in a state of excitement, one might almost say exaltation. Men seemed to breathe more freely when the death of Nicholas was announced. On all sides were heard on all sides were heard confessions of past cries in favour of liberty from even high officials on all sides enthusiasts registered delinquencies, vows to prove themselves worthy of the new era, which it was felt was now dawning on Russia. All alike expected reforms so thorough that Russia would be placed at one bound in the van of civilisation. The emancipation of the serfs had been long and eloquently advo-
entirely against
time
it
;
;
cated by writers like Griboiedoff, Bielinski, Grigorovich, and Turgenieff, and earnestly expected by the peasants, who, by repeated revolts during the war, extending over nine governments, in 1854 and 1855, showed their belief that their military service had given them an additional title But the Emperor to freedom, and their intention of obtaining it. On his coronation in 1856, he suspended proceeded with deliberation. recruiting for three years, and granted an amnesty, among others to At the end of 1856 he appointed a secret the Decabrist conspirators. Committee to consider the question of emancipation. It met for the first time on January 3, 1857, and consisted of Prince Orloff, the Finance Minister Brock, Count Adlerberg, Muravieff, Chefkin, Prince Vasili Dolgorukoff, Prince Gagarin, Baron Korff, Count Lanskoi, Count Bludoff, and Rostovtseff. Only the last three, with the Secretary Vladimir
615
Emancipation achieved
1857-66]
Butkoff, were for emancipation the majority were rather in favour of measures for improving the condition of the peasants. The Emperor was not contented with the progress made, and to expedite matters, appointed the Grand Duke Constantine a member of the Committee. On August 18, 1857, the nobility of three Lithuanian governments presented a petition asking for permission to liberate their serfs, but In reply, the Emperor issued a rescript retain their right to the lands. on November 20, 1857, empowering the nobility of each of the governments named to form a committee to draw up projects "for the ameliora" a permission which was extended tion of the condition of the peasants ;
in the
same year
to the nobility of St Petersburg
the following year to
Moscow and
formed on February
17, 1859,
and Novgorod, and
in
other governments. After some intermediate steps, including the appointment of a Principal Committee and a Central Statistical Committee, the question of emancipation became definitely the order of the day and there were ;
two Elaboration Committees under the work up the materials forwarded by the
presidency of Rostovtseff, to Local Government Committees.
George Samarin
and
On
one of these served Miliutin, with
noteworthy that their efforts in favour of the serfs, while supported throughout by the landowners on the Committee, such as Vladimir Cherkasky, were opposed by the bureaucrats. The material so worked up was then presented to a small committee consisting of Lanskoy, Muravieff, Constantine Palen, and Rostovtseff, and was finally considered by the Principal Committee, of which the Grand Duke Constantine was now made President. These deliberations occupied the whole of the years 1859 and 1860 and it was only through the personal interference of the Emperor that the scheme was presented to the Council of State in January, 1861. The manifesto of emancipation was completed on February 19, 1861. This measure dealt with the private serfs. of Orders September 7, 1859, By imperial and October 23, 1861, in a similar way, a number of the state serfs, who held an intermediate position between serfdom and freedom, were also a process which in their case was not completed till 1866. partly liberated The general result of the Emancipation was, that with the exception of the dvorovuye, or serfs personally attached to the nobles, who after two years more service received their freedom, the peasants were not only liberated from their personal dependence on nobles or Crown, but were his friend
;
it is
;
A
formed into a body of landed proprietors. certain proportion of the land was left to the nobles as their private property ; the rest was distributed amongst the peasantry, on condition that they should evenalso
tually redeem their lots by paying compensation to the former landowners. The State issued bonds to the latter, representing the amount due from the peasants, which was to be paid within forty -nine years. The
redemption was not to begin at once but the peasants were allowed to enter into an arrangement with their former proprietors, by which they ;
616
Effects of the
Emancipation on
the serfs
[1861-6
remained in partial dependence upon them, and paid rent for the use The payments were fixed at different rates, according to of their lands. the locality, and levied in such a way that the rate rose, as the lot of In determining the amount of the lot, the State fixed land diminished. a maximum and mimimum, varying in different localities, which generally corresponded to the amount of land allotted to the peasants while serfs. When the amount of land occupied by the peasant exceeded the maximum allowance the landowner might appropriate the surplus ; but, when the peasants' lots were below the established minimum, the deficiency was made up out of the estates of the nobles. By voluntary arrangement with the peasants the landowners had the option of giving them at once one-quarter of the maximum as a free gift, and so closing all further relations or mutual claims. Special local provisions were made in the case of serfs belonging to small proprietors. The former state serfs received very much larger lots than the former 10,749,845 private serfs received 92,708,690 acres or private serfs.
on an average 8-62 acres each, while 10,745,738 state serfs received 185,595,295 acres or 17-56 acres each, and 900,486 crown serfs received
The emancipation legislation did 10,833,153 acres or 12*03 acres each. not require any alteration to be made in the existing mode of tenure in any locality. Where communal ownership was customary, the land was Communal ownership apportioned to the community as a whole. prevailed in the north, east, and south, but in Little Russia, in Poland and the west, individual ownership was general. Where individual ownership prevailed, the land was allotted to individuals. The deeds were in all cases delivered to the village community, which was made This led to an responsible for all taxes and redemption payments. increase in the communal system; for the community was directly interested in seeing that the labour on each piece of land was sufficient to discharge the obligation attaching to it, hence a redistribution of land took place at definite or indefinite periods. Where the pressure of taxation
was most severely felt, the partition of the land according to the number of the labourers, and even according to the capacity of the individual, became most precise, so that no member of the community should shirk If any peasant was left without cattle or his share of the burden. means of cultivation, and became hopelessly involved in debt, his land was taken from him and given to someone else. At an early stage, in central and eastern Russia, there arose from this cause a large number of landless peasants. Originally, it was expressly stated in the Emancipation Act, that the peasants should have absolute possession of their lots, after they were redeemed, with power to sell or otherwise dispose of them. To carry out the emancipation and to determine the area to be given by the proprietor, and the money compensation payable to him, negotiations of a most delicate character were necessary. For this purpose the office of Arbiter of the Peace was instituted (1861) and, to the ;
Effects of the
1861-70]
Emancipation on
the nobles
617
great credit of the nobility, men of position and character were found, who brought infinite patience, tact, and knowledge to their difficult task. So far did they abandon class prejudice, that they were even accused of siding too much with the peasants; and, thanks largely to them, the It peaceful revolution was carried out almost without an outbreak. may be said that the credit of this extraordinary measure, and its successful fulfilment, was due not only to the Emperor, the Grand Duke
Constantine, and the
by
Grand Duchess Helena (a Wiirtemberg princess
who warmly supported him), but
birth,
also to the nobility,
who,
in
the vast majority of cases, were ready, with unhesitating generosity, to It was due sacrifice a large portion of their cherished hereditary rights.
not less to the peasantry, who patiently accepted what they believed to be only a fraction of the benefits due to them. The result of the emancipation, so far as the landlords were concerned, was wittily summarised by one of the nobles, as reported by Sir Donald Mackenzie Wallace, in the saying: " Before the emancipation we drank champagne, and kept no accounts; since the emancipation we " The direct monetary compensation keep accounts, and drink beer !
was probably inadequate.
The new
ants, not only fell short of
dues, to be collected from the peasthe value of the compulsory labour, now
abandoned, but were extremely
difficult of collection.
When
a proprie-
careful, he became much better off, and in the southern section of the Black Earth zone at any rate the land increased enormously in value but, when the money obtained under the emancipation scheme was ill employed, the proprietor and his family became bankSo rupt, and went to swell the educated proletariate of the local town. far as the peasant was concerned, there is no doubt that his enthusiastic worshippers were disappointed; and within a very short time of the tor
was energetic and ;
The peasemancipation we find them admitting their disillusionment. ant often proved lazy, careless, drunken, and dishonest; and it was very difficult to make him adopt any of the requisite improvements in his From the peasant's point of primitive methods of cultivating the land. view, the money dues and taxes were more burdensome than the old compulsory labour dues; and the old ill-defined rights as to grazing cattle on the landlord's pasture, and obtaining wood from the landlord's and pecuniary help in time of need from the landlord were missed Everything under the new system had to be bought and But, slowly and surely, the capable and industrious agriculpaid for. tural peasant saved and bought land and prospered, while the lazy and incompetent lost even the share of land he had, and sank to a misery forest,
at every step.
unknown
before.
The
best proof of the general success of this great
that, on the whole, it may be said that for the first twenty the taxes were paid without great and serious arrears. years Free labour was After agriculture come industry and commerce. on the increase in industrial employment in the period preceding the
measure
is
618
Industrial
effects
of the Emancipation
[1856-63
emancipation. That event was certain not only to accelerate the tendency, The crisis occurred in the but also to produce a crisis in production. industries most dependent on serf labour, such as the iron industries of the Urals there in many cases the labourers lost their heads, and simply gave up the work they had such reason to detest, and departed. The production of pig-iron in the Urals fell from 14,513,000 puds in 1860, In the Bogosloff district of the Perm governto 10,467,000 in 1862. ment about 3000 men, being three-quarters of the men workers, either ;
deserted their land, houses, and gardens, or sold them before leaving at a ridiculous price. In one summer, 800 of the best workmen left the Berezoff works, and similar instances might be multiplied. It was the same with the mines. If the factories were not all affected in the same degree, it was because free labour had already made good its footing. The cloth factories suffered most; in 1858 there were 423 cloth factories employing 97,168 workmen, in 1863 there were 365 employing 71,797. In
other industries, there was less trouble. The decline in the cotton induswas due not to the emancipation, but to the great diminution in the import of cotton owing to the American Civil War. This decline in cotton led, as a not unnatural result, to a revival of the linen industry. There was added another of those disturbing factors which make it so try
draw economic conclusions on any
At subject, at any time. a commercial expansion took place in Russia, and an alteration was made in the law relating to public companies, introducing limited liability, which produced a fabulous increase in the difficult to
the end of the
number
fifties,
of joint-stock companies.
There followed, of course, over-pro-
then either panic, or complete indifference, on the part of the such undertakings. In 1856, the capital subscribed to limited to public, liability companies amounted to 15 million roubles, in 1857, to 30 million roubles, in 1858, to 51 million roubles, and, in 1859, to 67 million roubles. Another factor in the situation was a movement beginning in 1857 in favour of the prohibition of child labour in factories, and the limitation In that year a special Commission on of the hours of labour of minors. this and cognate subjects was appointed by the Governor-General of St duction
;
Petersburg, which prepared the project of a law for the prevention of accident, the promotion of sanitary regulations, as well as housing and other reforms which was supported by the St Petersburg employers,
but resisted by those of Moscow and elsewhere. The same year saw another Commission appointed in the Ministry of Finance, under the presidency of Stackelberg, to reform the whole of the Russian factory
and labour laws; and record
this
Commission was
sufficiently enlightened to
protest against Article 1865 of the Penal Code, which had a strike a criminal offence. No legislation, however, followed. its
made The emancipation
of the serfs further revolutionised the conditions
of the industrial labour market.
but prices rose
still
higher, so
The
first
result
that real wages
was a fell.
rise in
The
wages
;
industrial
1850-78]
619
Railways and financial policy
labourer showed an inclination to return to the land ; nevertheless, the productive power of the factories rose to such an extent, owing to the Thus an introduction of machinery, that domestic industries declined.
enormous incentive was given to a new development of travelling labour, followed by a fall in the normal rate of wages and a deterioration in the conditions of labour.
An
impulse in favour of industry was due to the development of In 1856 Alexander II directed his Committee of Ministers railways. to consider the whole question of railway construction and, as a result, the railway system was developed, more or less rapidly, under the general control of the Government, although the actual building of the lines was carried out by private companies, and was largely due to men ;
of
energy and initiative like von Dervies.
During 1856-78 about 600
and the railways formed a miles of railroad were annually constructed for the network European portion of the Empire, extending fairly complete ;
Orenburg in Asia, and including the Poti-Tiflis line in the Caucasus. The construction of these lines was rendered easier by the lower tariffs of 1859 and 1861, permitting the importation of pig and In 1866 the cast iron either at a very low duty or entirely free. Government ordered that all railway plant should be of Russian manuand in 1869 an import duty was, for the first time, placed on facture foreign machinery, which led the way to a more stringent protective The average value of all exports from policy in 1877 and later years. 1850 to 1874 was 261,389,000 roubles, and the average value of all imports during the same period was 263,869,000 roubles. The Finance Ministers of this period were Alexander Kniazhevich The principal achieve1858-62, and Count Michael Reutern 1862-78. ment of the former was the establishment, on May 31, 1860, of the Bank of Russia. He left it to his successor to carry out the project which effected the supersession in 1862 of the system of leasing the retail sale of spirits to private persons, by a system of excise. In the first year of the excise system the consumption of spirits in Russia doubled and the number of cases of open intoxication increased sixfold. The gain to the revenue was byno means proportionate. The income derived from spirits in 1865 was 18,000,000, or only one million more than that obtained in the last year of the farming system. The very low original duty, 4 roubles per vedro (2*7056 gallons), was accordingly raised till it reached 10 roubles per vedro. The result was a decrease in consumption, and hence a relative but not an absolute falling-off.in the revenue. Reutern was one of the Committee on the finance of the emancipation, which succeeded in solving the financial side of that complex question, so as to involve no sacrifice on the part of the public exchequer. During, his long tenure of office he showed himself a man of prudence, method, and He succeeded not only in effecting some economies, and in integrity. introducing some order into Russian finance, but also in developing the as far as
;
;
620
Introduction of local self-government
[1859-82
b}^ the creation of private banks, thirty-three of which were founded during his administration. He reformed the system of the audit of accounts and at length, in 1872, after a long series of deficits,
national credit
to produce for the first time a surplus. To him must be given measure the credit for the development of the railway system. The emancipation of the serfs was only the first in a series of It was followed by the institution of a system of local selfreforms. government, by reforms in the law Courts, as well as in the military and
managed
in great
educational systems. The introduction, after enquiries which commenced in 1859, of local self-government in the shape of elective local Councils (1864), was all the more popular, because the local committees formed to consider the of the had been much hurt that no general emancipation question assembly had been held in St Petersburg, at which they might have It was characteristic of Alexander II that the reform it was was introduced gradually, and that in twelve years 186576 brought into force only in 34 governments of European Russia, and in the Cossack district of the Don, where it was abolished later (1882). It involved a measure of decentralisation and of liberty, and it embraced in one scheme all classes of the population. At this time, there were on the one side the assemblies of the nobility, under their marshal, with the right of petition to the Crown on the other hand were the peasant assemblies of the Mir (village community), and the Volost (canton). The new authority combined both classes, and also the towns, in two new bodies, the District Assembly, and the Zemstvo or Provincial
aired their views.
;
The principal duties Council, the latter being elected by the former. on the new bodies were, to keep the roads and bridges in proper repair, to provide means of conveyance for the rural police and other
laid
to elect the Justices of the Peace, to look after primary educasanitation, to watch the state of the crops, and take measures They meet once a year, and elect a against approaching famine. bureau or committee, which is a paid body and is responsible for the officials,
tion
and
conduct of
Every three years the deputies are elected in certain the landed proprietor, the rural communes, and the by proportions municipal corporations. It was a remarkable fact, noticeable from the outset, that no trace was found of class hatred, resulting from the on the contrary, peasant and noble sat peaceably side by emancipation side in the local assemblies, and peasants often chose nobles or priests The elections were on the whole satisfactory. At to represent them. no the local chief of police and the president of doubt, elections, peasant the electoral meeting made their influence felt, and corruption in the shape of drink or actual bribery was not unknown. At the meetings the nobles preponderated by dint of education, if not by dint of numbers and attendance, being unpaid, was found burdensome by the peasants. A few years later, out of 13,000 deputies elected for 33 governments, there affairs.
;
;
621
Results of local self-government
1868-75]
were 6204 landowners, 5171 peasants, and 1549 representatives of towns. The officials of the Central Government regarded the plan askance from the first, and not only took care that any attempt of the Zemstva to combine, or to exercise any political influence, should be frustrated, but also exerted through the veto of the Governor a benumbing effect on the That veto could be used if any resolution passed appeared to the work. " which Governor to be " contrary to the true interests of the Empire opened a very wide door to reactionary influence. a drawAnother hindrance to an active policy was that of finance back most acutely felt in the District Assemblies, where the interests of Of the burden, some three-quarters the ratepayer were most active. fell on rural districts, and of this about three-fifths was paid by the ;
At peasantry, the imperial taxes taking precedence of the local rates. first, the revenue did not amount to more than half the expenditure, and the burden rose rapidly; in fact, the total expenditure originally six million roubles
nearly 28 millions.
rose in 1868 to nearly 15 millions, and in 1875 to In 1868 the combined revenues of 30 Zemstva were
in the folio wing percentages houses for the police and other imperial officials 4-6 per cent. quarters for the troops 0-8; means of conveyance for the police and other officials 17-0 special administration for peasant affairs 14-9; Justice of the Peace Courts 13-2; roads and bridges 13.1; sanitary affairs, physicians' hospitals, and the like, 8 "3;
expended
:
;
;
popular education 5-1; payment of debt and sundries 3-8, and working expenses of Zemstvo administration 19 '2, per cent. On the whole the new institution worked well. The ordinary duties were well performed, with but little taint of peculation or jobbery. Reforms were introduced into the hospitals, lunatic asylums, and benevolent institutions a good deal was done, considering the limited means, for popular education, by founding village schools and a few seminaries for schoolmasters; a new and more equitable system of and a plan for mutual fire insurance was carried rating was created into effect an institution of great value in a country where wooden houses are usual, and fires not exceptional. Perhaps too much attention was paid by the new administration to the more attractive work of education and too little to the more prosaic needs of good communications; but, considering the expenditure, and the difficulties of obtaining good administrators for the tiresome detailed work, which was rewarded by none of the decorations or official promotion, such as were given fo: other public service, and none of the profits realisable in the new world ;
;
of railways, banks, and joint-stock companies, the so much good work was done in these
wonder
is
rather that
early days.
In 1870, the principle of local self-government was extended to the towns. In the time of Nicholas, a project drawn up by Miliutin had been applied to St Petersburg but now a complete system was intro;
duced, at
first
tentatively,
for
St Petersburg, Moscow, and Odessa,
622
Reform of
the
law Courts
[1862-4
which substituted representation of property for representation by class and even adopted the advanced idea of women's suffrage. The reforms of the law Courts were characterised by the same cautious deliberation as marked the other great measures of Alexander II. First, there were references thereto in imperial manifestos; then, the Council of State examined the question from the historical, theoretical, and practical point of view then, a commission discovered no less than twenty -five radical defects in the existing system then, the fundamental principles underlying the changes to be made were published in an Imperial Order of September 29, 1862; finally, the new legislation was completed, and received the Emperor's approval on November 20, 1864. Unlike the other reforms, it was not an original creation, but an This was a adaptation of elements borrowed from the civilised West. disappointment to the Slavophiles and to reformers like Samarin, who feared that the peasant tribunals set up by the Emancipation Act might suffer. But, although not original, judicial reform was planned on alarger scale, with more unity and logic, and was carried out more resolutely, than any of the other reforms of Alexander II. The principles on which it was based were the separation of the judicial from the administrative power; the independence of the magistrates and the tribunals; the or corporation,
;
;
equality of all Russian subjects before the law, without distinction of birth or rank ; oral procedure publicity ; and, last but not least, the direct participation of the people in the administration of justice, through the institution of the jury, and by the election of the judges. ;
There were two complete sets of tribunals on the one hand, for petty where no abstract legal principle was at stake, the Justices of the Peace Courts, the members of which were selected by the new elective District Assemblies, subject to confirmation by the Senate on the other hand, for the more important cases, the regular tribunals, the ordinary members of which were to be appointed by the Crown through the judges, who submitted lists of suitable candidates. These two sets of tribunals were parallel, and contained each an ordinary Court and a Court of Appeal, with the Senate as the complete and final Court of Appeal above them all. The Justices of the Peace Courts were to be competent for all civil cases in which the sum at stake was not more than 500 roubles, and for all criminal cases in which the fine was not more than 300 roubles. If the sum at stake exceeded 30 roubles, or the fine The institution 15 roubles, there was an appeal to the monthly sessions. of elective Justices of the Peace was introduced gradually, and was not extended, for instance, to the Polish and Lithuanian provinces. Complete and logical as the reform appears, there were from the first a good many exceptions. There were the peasant tribunals, with the elected under the Emancipation Act. There were the commercial judges Courts instituted by Nicholas for commercial men. There were the ecclesiastical Courts with their medieval jurisdiction, not only over the :
cases,
;
Working of
1860-74]
the legal
623
reforms
clergy, but over the laity also, in such matters as divorce, in which the reforms planned by Alexander II were never carried into effect. Apart from administrative justice, with its totally irregular proceedings and the creation of certain special examining magistrates for criminal
cases (1860), which constituted a serious modification of the new system, These played an important part in the there were the Courts martial.
but they did not escape the troublous times at the end of the reign The wholesome light of influence of the prevalent zeal for reform. publicity was introduced, with a system of regimental and District ;
Courts under a supreme Court at St Petersburg. But, though a juridical education was given to the officers who filled judicial posts, the presiding judge remained more like a prosecuting counsel than an impartial In addition to these important exceptions, there was always authority. in the background the Ministry of Justice, which could still exercise Though judges could not be dismissed, except for the compressure. mission of a felony, or a misdemeanour, the threat, whether expressed or implied, of their removal by the Ministry of Justice to a distant disagreeable post, or other methods, were used to subject them to the Executive. There also remained the crying evil severely felt in every of of official administration lack the competent men, and department the inadequacy of salaries, which provoked, and in the eyes of contemporary Russian society extenuated, corruption and other such abuses. At the beginning of 1870, in the 32 District Tribunals which then existed, there were 227 judges, of whom 44 had never received a legal education. The want of a proper personnel was even more keenly felt in the composition of the Bar, now called into existence by the new juridical institutions. The profession of advocate, though lucrative, enjoyed but little credit with the public for few of those who sought this new avenue ;
of
work were possessed
either of adequate
knowledge
of the law or of
the keen sense of professional honour required by their calling. Abuses therefore remained both in civil and in criminal cases.
Moreseems no doubt that, in some form or other, bodily torture was still exercised. In the peasant Courts there was even an increase of the corporal punishment expressly forbidden by a ukase of 1863, to such an extent that, in one government the number of cases in which it was inflicted rose from 5452 in 1866-8, to 10,884 in 1872-4. The worst infractions of the new judicial laws took place from the action of the secret police, the Third Section of the Imperial Chancery, which, at the close of the reign, acted with the same arbitrary disregard of legal forms and principles, as in the worst days of Nicholas. It is perhaps the best tribute to the vitality of the new judicial institutions that they survived over, there
the terror
and confusion
of the Nihilist period.
At
the very commencement of the reign, military reforms were introduced; military colonies came to an end; the period of military service
was reduced from twenty-five to fifteen years ; degrading corporal
624 Reforms in the military and educational systems
[1856-74
punishments were abolished; attention was paid to the education of In officers, and the military educational establishments were reformed. 1862, the Minister of War was instructed to review the whole military system, which suffered, among other defects, from over-centralisation. The first result was the publication, on August 6, 1864, of an order with regard to the formation of military districts, of which ten were founded four more were added on August 6, 1865. In each circle, a at once On January 1, 1874, a new special commanding officer was appointed. order was issued, under which the whole male population, without -Six years were to be distinction, became liable to military service. in the reserve men in and the nine with the militia, colours, years spent were liable for service up to 40 years of age. ;
The question of national education occupied the attention of the Emperor from the first year of his reign. In 1856, a Committee was On appointed to enquire into subjects of instruction and text-books. June 18, 1863, a general code of regulations for Russian Universities was published, based on the labours of a Committee appointed on the Alexander Golovin, the Minister of Education, to enquire management of educational establishments, and consisting chiefly
initiative of
into the
of Professors of the University of St Petersburg. According to this Code, the Universities received a certain measure of autonomy under the
Ministry of Education, the system of instruction being placed in the hands of the different faculties and the Council of the University. Each faculty constituted an independent assembly, consisting of the ordinary and extraordinary Professors, under the presidency of a Dean chosen The Council consisted of all the ordinary and extrafor three years.
ordinary Professors, under the presidency of the Rector, who was chosen by the Council for four years and confirmed by imperial ordinance. The code laid down what was the sphere of independent action of the faculties, and the Council, and those cases, in which the confirmation The administration of of the Warden and the Minister was required. the economic affairs of the University was placed in the hands of the Inspector, who was called in only on questions relating to the students, under the presidency of the Rector. University Court, to deal with the offences of the student, was formed, consisting of three Besides this, judges, chosen annually by the Council from the Professors.
Dean and the
A
the stipends of the Professors, the number of professorial chairs, and the revenues of the Universities were all augmented. On November 19, 1864, a new code of regulations was published on the subject of secondary schools, which was later amended and supplemented by the code of June 19, 1871. Secondary educational establishments were divided into classical schools, or gymnasia, and modern schools (Realschuleri), from which the ancient languages were excluded. Popular education was thoroughly revised by a code published on the subject on June 14, 1864. Special attention was paid to
1856-70]
Growth ofjournalism and power of the Press 625
the education of women, in institutions which were grouped under the Similar institutions were founded in foundation of the Empress Marie. The 1870, under the auspices of the Ministry of Public Instruction. higher education of women was provided for by pedagogic instruction, and advanced courses in St Petersburg, Moscow, Kieff, Kazan, and Odessa. With regard to the Press, the new reign brought the outbreak of journalistic activity, described by Bernard Pares in his Russia and Reform. In 1856, the Russian Causeries (Besyeda) of Alexander Koshelyeff, and Terty Philipoff, and the Russian Messenger of Michael Katkoff were founded at Moscow. In 1857, government newspapers were instituted in four towns in Siberia, and eleven Russian specialist magazines, such as the Engineer s Magazine, the Library of Medical Science, and the Journal of the Imperial Archaeological Society. Many new newspapers which were not sent to but also sold on the subscribers, only appeared, which the became influential streets. were the G-olos (the papers Among Voice), founded by Andrew Kraevsky at St Petersburg in 1862, and the Moscow Crazette, the editorship of which was taken up by Katkoff on January 1, 1863, and the Den (the Day) founded by the Slavophil Ivan Aksakoff in October, 1861, which lasted till 1865 and had a circulation of 4000. During the years which elapsed before the new press law, published at last on April 6, 1865, the Censorship acted spasmodically. In 1857, Prince Paul Viazemsky was placed at the head of the Censorship. He drafted a report in 1858 advising that the regulations should be relaxed, but he did not obtain the complete concurrence of the Emperor, and therefore resigned. In 1859, the secret Committee was re-established to control literature, in harmony with the views of the Government in 1862, the duties of the Censorship were divided between the Ministries of the Interior and of Public Instruction, preventive duties being assigned to the latter, and punitive duties to the former. It is noteworthy that, when the emancipation was promulgated on March 5, 1861, not a journal in St Petersburg or Moscow had a word of comment on it, and that only on March 7 did the Moscow G-azette insert a few sympathetic lines in ;
The chief Russian reviewing a book in an obscure corner of the paper. of this was the Kolokol founded journal period (the Bell), by Alexander He.rtzen in 1857, and published in London, with its motto, " Vivos voco, mortuos plango,fulgurafrango." Although strictly forbidden in Russia, it was to be found everywhere, even in the Emperor's Cabinet. In fact, on one occasion, when an official who had been attacked in the Kolokol took the precaution of printing a special number for the Emperor, omitting the incriminating article, means were found to bring an original, unexpurgated copy into the Emperor's hands. In the matter of the Censorship, as on other great questions, the Emperor vacillated. In February, 1856, on the occasion of the performance of Count Vladimir Sollogub's play, The Chinovnik ( The Official), he In 1859, he agreed, expressed himself in favour of outspoken criticism. c.
M. H. xi.
40
626
Influence of Press Censorship
[1855-80
" in conversation with Isakoff, that publicity was indispensable only," he said, "with us it takes a bad direction." In 1860, Alexander Nikitenko, who had been placed in 1859 at the head of the Committee on the affairs of the Press, wrote " for literature there has come a very unfavourable epoch the chief thing is that the Emperor is strongly set against it" and in 1862 "now we have a thoroughgoing reaction." The Commission of 1863, which collected information from France, Germany, England and Belgium, preceded the law of 1865. This Act tried to make a transition from the system of preliminary Censorship so strongly opposed by Aksakoff to that of legal punishment, but all the fundamental guarantees were wanting. The punitive powers belonged not to the law Courts, but to the Minister the accused had no right to be heard the punishment was not confined to the offender the offence was not defined by the law ; the accuser was the judge. The result was that, after an attempt on the Emperor's life in 1866, terrorism and Journals were suppressed right and left. The hysteria prevailed. ;
:
;
;
:
;
;
;
which the journals appealed, was as unstable as in the days of In 1863, Hertzen wrote sympathetically of .the insurgent Poles, and the circulation of the Kolokol fell from 2500 in 1861 to 500. In 1866, he wrote strongly against Karakozoff's attempt on the Tsar, and alienated Radical sympathy. Katkoff, on the other hand, attained power and influence, by the genuine patriotism of his articles on the In 1862, the Moscow G-azette had a circulation of 6000. Polish question. In 1865, its circulation had risen to 12,000, and he was able successfully But he was the exception, and from 1862 to to withstand the Censor. 1868 the Press deteriorated rapidly. Repressive laws were applied to Between 1865 and the Press in 1866, 1867, in 18T2, and in 1873. no less than issued to the Press, and 167 were warnings January, 1880, 52 publications were stopped. The date of the reaction from the reforming spirit which inspired public, to
Nicholas.
In a despotism, the earlier part of the reign cannot be definitely fixed. even with a clear-sighted, determined, and experienced head, there are always undercurrents. In Russia, from 1855 onwards, there was a whirlpool of undercurrents which make it almost impossible to gauge the The causes of force and direction of the stream at any given moment. the reaction are among the most interesting phenomena which the historian of this period will have to trace,
when
mentary evidence is forthcoming, and when a
all
the necessary docu-
sufficient length of time has
At present only a rough elapsed to make a proper perspective possible. sketch is possible, and one that must reflect the confusion of the time. First and foremost, there was the thoroughly Russian characteristic, a feeling of prof ound despair which quickly succeeded confident enthusiasm, as each of the great reforms failed to bring about the complete regenera-
Empire which its advocates had expected. was the character of the sovereign, cautious to the point of
tion of the whole Russian
Then
there
1855-70]
General results of the era of Reform
and always inclined was Russian society with
627
back as well as forward. Then inherent want of moral purpose and
vacillation
to look
there
its
steadfastness, arid the continuous internal conflict, due to its being largely For thirty composed of men who were both officials and landowners.
years these
men had been bound hand and
foot and ruled with a rod of
Now
that freedom had come, they were, with the exception of a small minority, too benumbed in spirit to take advantage of it, and too much aghast at the speed and thoroughness of the transformation the iron.
to become accustomed to the new order of In of the the enlightened few, the reforms had been too opinion things. deferred a long gradual start should have been made at an earlier epoch now it was too late for half-measures. It has already been indicated that one great reason of the failure of the reforms was the terrible dearth of competent administrators for
Empire was undergoing, ;
;
But it is true that previous despotic reigns, by keeping aloof from politics, had not only prevented the growth of such society also had turned men's minds to speculative philobut administrators, This speculative direction was now encouraged by the daily sophy. ordinary posts.
Press, especially in St Petersburg, which showed a total want of moral The political principle in the use of the newly acquired freedom.
and
now openly as well as secretly The Government might preached to the Russian youth of both sexes. have looked to society for some sound element to oppose the new and dangerous movement which culminated in revolutionary Nihilism. But society still regarded the Government as its foe, and neither the defenders nor the opponents of the new institutions had any faith in the courage or sincerity of the Administration. The policy of the Emperor, in entrusting the execution of the reforms to bureaucrats who were hostile to the policy in question, was intended no doubt as a measure of conciliation, but it conciliated no one, and was only regarded as a sign of weakness. Therefore, the enemies of the new reforms openly opposed the Government, while the friends of the new reforms did not support the Government, and the Government, for its part, did not stand by its own friends. The extraordinary result was that the Liberals bitterly attacked anyone who said a word in favour of the Government as a hireling in search of a career, and he received no protection from the imperial Administration. In these circumstances, Socialism, with its secret organisation, advanced by leaps and bounds. At the very time of the emancipation secret proclamations were being issued advocating the destruction, not only of the whole imperial family, but also of the nobility and the highest official classes. The Universities were seething with disaffection, and the Government did not know what to do with them. Harsh measures were tried, but only increased the trouble. Incendiary fires took place wildest socialist and materialist ideas were
Petersburg, which were ascribed to the secret organisation. Investigations showed that the agitation was confined to the educated
in
St
628
Discontent in Russia
and Poland
[1853-74
and was practically the product of the Universities and Technical Schools, such as the Medical Academy and the Agricultural The Government, which in response to a demand for a Institute.
proletariate,
scientific and practical, as opposed to a classical, education, had encouraged scientific studies, now discovered, to its astonishment, that there seemed
some occult connexion between natural science and revolutionary The young persons supposed to be preparing for a commercial and industrial career were, it now appeared, devoting their time to be
tendencies.
to planning the reconstruction of society ; and, when they wished to put their plans into practice, they naturally came into collision with the
Exile by deportation increased enormously. From 1853 to 1862 there were 101,230, and from 1863 to 1874 there were 146,380 persons In the country the detailed work of the reforms deported to Siberia.
police.
went slowly but surely forward. In the largest towns, and especially two capitals, there was an unexampled ferment of excitement. To make matters worse, there arose foreign troubles. First came the The Poles proved unable to profit by the benePolish insurrection. volent intentions of the Emperor, who had shown himself, in the case of Finland, ready to go far to meet national susceptibilities by granting a distinctive coinage in 1860, and in some other respects. The Poles, however, were not content with gradual progress. They desired all or nothing, and their ambitions not only involved rebellion against Russian government, but went beyond the Peace of 1815, and claimed for Poland the boundaries of 1772, thus provoking the resentment of Austria and Prussia as well. The economic condition of Poland in 1855 was remarkable. The nobility, as sole proprietors of the land, and entitled to demand forced labour from their peasants, enjoyed a The peasantry, on the other hand, position of great wealth and influence. were, in general, the mere chattels of their masters, with no land of The their own, and impoverished by the burden of forced labour. in Count Andrew with 1855 founded Zamoiski, Society by Agricultural in the
the object of affording a centre for all efforts to ameliorate the condition of the peasants, became, before long, the rally ing-point of public spirit. Its aim was nothing less than the settlement of the peasant question, which would have gained immense popularity for the society, but the
imperial Government determined to secure for itself any credit that could be gained in this way. By a ukase of March, 1861, concessions were granted in the shape of a separate Ministry of Instruction and Public Worship, under Marquis Alexander Vielopolski, who had persuaded the Emperor to adopt a policy of conciliation. Elective Boards were established in every province and district, with the power of repreBefore senting the local needs to a Council of State sitting at Warsaw. these institutions could have a fair trial, there were differences between Vielopolski and Zamoiski, and the Governor-General Prince Michael
Gorchakoff suddenly suppressed the Agricultural Society on April
6,
Origin and
1861-77]
effects
629
of the Polish Revolution
1861. Throughout the year, demonstrations took place, repeatedly checked by the Cossacks, who fired upon the passive crowds. In 1862, the Grand Duke Constantine was appointed Viceroy, with Vielopolski as Vice-President of the Council, and Director of the Civil Administration ;
but, in spite of reforms, including the reopening of the University of Warsaw, which had been closed since 1832, and the adoption of Polish as
the official language, disaffection increased. Repeated attempts were made on the lives of the Viceroy and Vielopolski; the secret national organisation
extended
At
its
activity; the neighbouring Russian provinces were affected.
commencement of 1863, the revolution broke out. The inwere unarmed and unorganised, and the insurrection was an surgents the
It was relentlessly repressed, and every remnant act of national despair. The most important consequence of Polish autonomy was obliterated.
of the rebellion, for Poland,
was the economic revolution embodied
in
work of Prince Vladimir Cherkasky and Nicholas Miliutin. The rebellion had been carried out by wealthy nobles the As a reward for their loyalty, and as a peasants had remained inactive.
the law of 1864
the
;
measure of precaution against the power of the nobility, half the land was bestowed as freehold property upon the peasant holders, who were at the same time freed from all obligation to work on the estates of the No change was made in the peasants' undefined right large proprietors. of access to the nobles' forest-land and pastures, as it was the aim of the Government to perpetuate the difference of interest between the two To this classes and to complete the incorporation of Poland with Russia. radical measure, and to the effect of the tariff of 1877, is due the marvellous subsequent development of Polish industry, which has bound Poland and Russia with chains of self-interest likely to prove a serious obstacle to the realisation of Polish hopes of independence. The most important consequence of the rebellion, for Russia,
was an
outburst of patriotic feeling, in which Michael Katkoff took the lead, which not only strongly supported the Emperor in his attitude of resistance to the interference of Foreign Powers in Polish affairs, but which set the seal of public approval on the policy of repression followed
by Muravieff in Lithuania, by Erast Dlotovsky in Livonia, and by Michael Annenkoff in the south-western governments, and on the policy of Russification in matters both political and religious, henceforth Yet, in spite of the patriotic remorselessly applied in European Russia. enthusiasm of Katkoff, and the renascence of Panslavism, the revolutionary movement grew and prospered in the heart of the Empire; and the new ideas were strengthened, if not by missionary efforts among the people, yet, in considerable measure, by the exile of their advocates to The distant parts of the Empire, where they were hitherto unknown. escape of Michael Bakunin from Siberia, in 1864, marked a new era in
the development of militant Nihilism, which was moreclearly defined in the programme put forward at the Nihilist Congress at Basel, in 1869,
630
Growth of Nihilism.
Foreign policy
[1856-71
and received a great impulse from the action of the Paris Commune in Michael Bakunin preached the destruction of all existing political 1871. Nicholas Chernishevsky grafted on this negative doctrine institutions ;
Peter Lavroff advocated the necessity of going ; the people to enlighten and instruct them. The first-fruits of these efforts were seen in the attempt of Karakozoff on the life of the Tsar in 1866, and the foundation of the special organ the Narodnoye
the views of socialism
among
Dyelo (the Cause of the People), at Geneva, in 1870. Two classes played an unexpected part in the spread of the new doctrines, which included atheism, namely, descendants of priests of the orthodox Church and a nationality which enjoyed a far greater persons of Jewish descent measure of toleration under Alexander II than was accorded to them in the preceding or the succeeding reign. Women also were especially conand the educated spicuous; proletariate furnished 99 per cent, of the revolutionaries, whose enthusiasm and audacity present, at the end of this period, a striking contrast not only to the indifference and torpor of society,
but also to the moral isolation and indecision of the governing classes. Through all the changes and commotions in the interior, Russian external policy was unmoved. Prince Alexander Gorchakoff had given the word, "La Russie ne boude pas, elle se recueille"; and recueillement was her attitude to Western Europe during 1856-70, except when Prussia required 'her support. That steady support was granted, on the whole, during the quarrel of Prussia with Austria, and, without qualification, in the transactions leading to the Franco-German War. But in Central Asia, in the Far East, and in South-Eastern Europe,
Government of Alexander II at once maintained Russian prestige, and gratified the national pride and ambition. The question of Central Asia was early brought home by the embassies sent by the Khans of Khiva and Bokhara to congratulate the Emperor on his accession. Musaffar-ed-din, the then Amir of Bokhara, had openly sympathised with the Khokandians in their efforts to retake Fort Perovski. Those efforts were supplemented by the pillage of caravans, which kept the frontier in a ferment. In 1863, Michael Chernaieff, starting from the basin of the Hi, marched southwards against Ali Alta, while Colonel Verevkin, from a base on the Sir Darya, marched eastwards on Hazrat; the two columns then combined, and captured Chimkent. This advance gave alarm to Great Britain, which had long felt apprehension on behalf of India and Prince Gorchakoff deemed it wise to issue a the attitude of the
;
circular note to the Powers, explaining the policy which was being carried out, and defending the action of Russia on the plea of necessity (1864).
This note pointed out the dilemma in which civilised States are placed in contact with wandering tribes. They find' it impossible to live in unity with such neighbours, and must establish a system of control, or
when
see their frontiers a prey to chronic disorder. But, when the frontier tribes are subdued, they in their turn are exposed to the aggression of
Russian conquest of Bokhara
1864-72]
631
more distant tribes and hence the frontier line must be extended until come into contact with a regularly organised State, which can maintain ;
it
order within
own
its
borders.
Prince Gorchakoff declared that the protection
and not encroachment upon the territory of others, was Russia's object. To the commanders on the spot, however, perpetual advance seemed the only practical policy. Thus, Chernaieff, learning that a strong body of Khokandians were gathered at Tashkent, immediHis first ately marched against them without waiting to be attacked. at Tashkent but a second, under(October 2, 1864) failed; attempt of her
frontier,
taken in direct defiance of the orders of the Tsar, succeeded in reducing In 1865, Turkestan was constituted a frontier district with the town.
Tashkent as
its capital.
Russia had, by this time, subdued the whole of Eastern Turkestan, and only the Khanates remained to be dealt with. The struggle was In December, 1865, the Amir of Bokhara assumed immediately renewed. the offensive on behalf of the three Khanates, occupied the city of Khozhend, and imprisoned four Russian envoys. General Dmitry Romanovsky who was sent against him, encountered him at Irgai, where a great battle, reminding one in some respects of Plassey, was fought on May 20, 1866 and Khozhend was taken by the Russians. ukase signed in 1867 placed Turkestan under a Governor-General, whose authority extended over the provinces of Sir Darya and Semirechensk, the latter including all the territory between the lakes of Balkash and Issik-Kul. General Constantine von Kaufmann, who was appointed to establish the Government, began by making overtures of peace to the Amir of Bokhara. No reply was vouchsafed, but the Amir instead massed his Without waiting for this, troops for an attack on the Russian outposts. Kaufmann pushed on to Samarkand, and, after defeating the united Khivan and Bokharan host, received the surrender of the city on May 12, 1868. Leaving a small garrison in the city, he pushed on, with his main force, against the Amir. During his absence, the townspeople introduced reinforcements, and for three days closely besieged the little garrison. This
A
;
act of treachery
was punished by Kaufmann, on
criminate massacre.
The submission
of the
his return,
by an
indis-
Amir was complete; and
a
treaty was signed between Russia and Bokhara on June 18, 1868, the chief articles of which were the cession of the province of Zerafshan to
payment of a war indemnity, and the right of trading the Khanates to all Russian subjects. throughout The reduction of Khiva was a corollary to that of Bokhara. In the year following the conquest of ^Samarkand, Khivan bands penetrated the Russia, the
Orenburg government, and urged the Russian Kirghiz troubles, which then arose, continued till 1872, when rumours of an intended expedition reached England, and occasioned so much anxiety that Count Peter Shuvaloff was dispatched to London to explain the intentions of Russia. According to his statement, which
steppes of the to revolt.
The
632 Reduction of Khiva and Khokand.
Alaska
[1861-76
to Parliament by Lord Granville, the sole object of the to be dispatched to Khiva, was to punish acts of about expedition to recover fifty Russian prisoners, and to teach the Khan brigandage, that such conduct on his part could not be continued with impunity. In regard to the suggested desire of the Tsar to annex Khiva, Count Shuvaloff declared that not only was it far from the intention of the Emperor to take possession of Khiva, but positive orders had been given In March, 1873, an expedition consisting of three Russian to prevent it. columns advanced simultaneously against Khiva. After a short bombard-
was repeated
ment, and before a final assault was made, the city capitulated, and a treaty of peace was signed, the terms of which were entirely contrary to the declared intentions of Russia, whose representatives subsequently stated that an expression of intention did not amount to a solemn pledge given for all time. The terms included the cession to Russia of the entire territory of Khiva on the right bank of the Oxus together with the delta of the river, the payment of a large indemnity, and the relegation In 1875 Kaufmann of the Khan to the position of a dependent. invaded Khokand, and defeated the Khokandians at Makhran. In 1876
the capital was occupied by a force under Skobeleff, and after several engagements, in which the native forces were defeated, Khokand was declared a portion of the Russian Empire, under the name of Ferghana, with General Michael Skobeleff as its first Governor. Russia was thus in possession of the whole of Eastern Central Asia. During the alarm caused in England by the conquest of Samarkand, Prince Gorchakoff, in a note of February 24, 1869, instructed the
Russian ambassador, Baron Brunnow, to inform Lord Clarendon that the Tsar considered Afghanistan entirely outside the Russian sphere of activity in Asia, and that it had at no time entered his mind to interfere with the independence of that country. In 1872 he agreed with Lord Granville to delimit the Afghan frontier by an imaginary line, running from old Sarakhs to Khoja Saleh on the Oxus, and excluding Russia from the oasis of Pendjeh. On the Chinese frontier, a Mohammedan adventurer, named Jakub Beg, established himself in 1866 as ruler of Kashgar and his growing power excited the jealousy of the Russians, who created a fortress at Naryn and occupied the district of Kulja in 1870. In the Far East the favourable results of the Treaty of Aigun (1860) have been already indicated. The course of Russian diplomacy in China and Japan is elsewhere described, but the important transactions with reference to Russian policy in America need some notice. On ;
December 31, 1861, there expired the last charter of the Russian American Company, to which in 1799 the trade and regulation of the Russian possessions in the region now known as Alaska had been confided. Prince Maksutoff was appointed to administer the affairs of the territory. In 1864 authority was granted to an American company to explore the This territory with a view to establishing an overland telegraph line.
Persia.
1834-73]
The Danubian Principalities
633
led to important investigations in the Yukon district, commenced in 1865 by Robert Kennicott and others. In 1867 negotiations were
by the United States with the Russian Government which had no idea of the value of the territory, but was only acquainted with the difficulties and expense of its administration. These negotiations were terminated by the formal sale of the territory for 7,200,000 dollars. on October 18, 1867, to the United States. On August 25, 1859, the long struggle of Shamil against Russia was concluded by his surrender, and the Eastern Caucasus was pacified The tribes of the Western Caucasus offered a longer resistance, being; initiated
who secretly supplied arms, by the English, who subscribed money, and by the French, whose ambassador in ConstantiThanks, however, to the nople openly took the side of the Tcherkesses. supported by the Turks,
energy and local knowledge of General Nicholas Evdokimoff, good progress was made. Early in 1863 the Grand Duke Michael was named of the and in June, 1864, he was able to report that Caucasus, Viceroy the country was completely subdued. The Caspian became practically a Russian lake in 1869. Since that time no ships flying the Persian flag have been allowed upon it none but Russian companies may navigate it and the transport of goods by sea is secured to Russia. The relations of Russia to Persia at this time were based upon a series of treaties between Great Britain and Russia beginning in 1834. The first of these, signed by Lord Palmerston in 1834, affirms the desire of the British Government to maintain the independence and integrity of Persia. This agreement was confirmed in 1838, and again in 1839, by an exchange of notes between Count Charles Robert Nesselrode and Lord Palmerston, when the latter accepted with satisfaction the declaration of the imperial Cabinet that it did not harbour any design hostile to the interests of Great Britain in India, that its own policy with regard to Persia remained unchanged, and was no other than that which the two Powers had in 1834 agreed to adopt. On July 2, 1873, Lord Granville informed the Persian Grand Vizier of the understanding arrived at in 1834, and communicated what had passed to the Russian ambassador, ;
;
who expressed
satisfaction.
In his relations to the Turkish Empire both in Asia and Europe, Alexander II was guided by two principles his desire to protect the Slav Christians, and his determination to free Russia from the clauses of the Treaty of Paris relating to the Black Sea and Bessarabia, which he considered derogatory to her. Consequently, he took part in the Conference
which met at Paris in 1858 and placed the Danubian Principalities under Hospodars, elected by representatives, with a reservation of Turkish and, as elsewhere described, gave his support to the union suzerainty of Moldavia and Wallachia in 1861, under the name of Roumania. He gave moral assistance to the French Emperor in 1859 in the question of Italian unity, as against Austria and, had he not been estranged by ;
;
634
Russian foreign policy in Europe
[1860-72
the subsequent Sardinian invasion of the Papal States, his joint action with France in regard to Syria in 1860 might have led to a complete understanding between himself and Napoleon with regard to the future
In 1863 Alexander joined England and France in recogDenmark as George, King of the Hellenes and in 1864 he approved of the British surrender of the protectorate of the Ionian Islands, and of their incorporation in the kingdom of Greece. With the appointment of General Nicholas Ignatieff in 1865 as amof
Turkey.
nising Prince William of
;
bassador at Constantinople, a more active policy commenced, which was accentuated by the enthusiasm excited in Russia by the Panslavist In 1866 Russian diplomacy Congress, held at Moscow in 1867. persuaded the Turks to evacuate Belgrade and the Servian fortresses, and in 1869 procured the recognition by the Porte of Milan IV as King of Servia, on the murder of his uncle, Prince Milan Obrenovitch. The action of Alexander was less fortunate in the matter of Crete, when the He invited England and inhabitants rose against Turkey in 1866. France to join him in obtaining the autonomy of that island. England refused, and the proposals of the Powers were negatived by Turkey. Greece intervened with armed force; but Prince Gorchakoff brought about a Conference at Paris in 1869 which imposed neutrality on King
In 1869 appeared George, and left the Cretans to fight their own battle. Nicholas Danilevsky's famous book Russia and Europe, which contained the gospel of Panslavism and proclaimed the mission of Russia as a civIn Bulgaria the struggle for freedom, which commenced ilising power. and the first substantial in 1870, received the support of Ignatieff; result was obtained by the establishment of an exarchate independent of the Patriarch at Constantinople in 1872, and the consequent recognition of the freedom of the national Church. In 1870 the Franco-German War gave Alexander the desired opportunity for the repudiation of the Black Sea clauses of the Treaty of Paris, which forbade Russia to construct naval arsenals on the coast This of the Black Sea, and closed those waters to all ships of war. step excited considerable enthusiasm in Russia, and was followed by a Conference of the Treaty Powers in London in 1871. On March 13, 1871, a treaty was executed by the Powers abrogating the clauses of the Treaty of Paris which limited the naval rights of Russia on the Black Sea, but affirming the Sultan's rights to close the Dardanelles and On March 18, a convention was signed the Bosphorus to warships. between Russia and Turkey, declaring that each Power had the right to maintain fleets of any size in the Black Sea. The following year (1872) saw the termination of the long estrangement of Russia from Austria, and the culmination of the long friendship with the House of Hohenzollern, in the conclusion of the Triple Alliance between the three Emperors, which was for sixteen years to be the main factor in
European
politics.
1853-8]
635
Fanatical outbreaks against Christians (2)
THE BALKAN LANDS
Through the inopportune intervention of Russia the question of Holy Places merged into wider issues, and, after occupying the chancelleries of Europe for many months, passed out of the domain of diplomacy to the arbitrament of the sword (July 3, 1853). The story of the Crimean War is told elsewhere; its chief results for Turkey were the abolition of the Russian protectorate over the Danubian Principalities and of the Tsar's claim to a special right of intervention the
on behalf of the Christian subjects of the Sultan the closing of the and, especially, Turkey's formal warships of all nations In return for this conadmission into the family of European Powers. cession and for the guarantee of her independence and the integrity of her territory, which looms large in the Treaty of Paris, the liatt-i;
straits to the
;
of 1856, whereby the principles of the tanzimdt are and amplified, was incorporated in that international Act. The proviso however was made that the signatory Powers could base on this insertion no claim to intervene on behalf of the Christians of Turkey.
Houmayoun reaffirmed
It might have been hoped that the fact that three Christian States had just taken the Sultan's side in a great war against another Christian Power would have induced the statesmen and people of Turkey to adopt and endeavour to carry out really effective measures of reform, and to
establish the proclaimed equality of all classes of Ottoman subjects otherwise than theoretically and on paper. But the occurrence, not long after the conclusion of the treaty, of several fanatical outbreaks, proved once more how deep-seated were the animosities of the different
The first of these, which occurred at Jedda in June, 1858, have been due to the ill-considered action of certain European officials in hauling down the Turkish flag which had been hoisted on a vessel purchased by an Ottoman subject, though the formalities of registration had not been completed. Immediately mobs began to assemble in the streets, and a rush was made for the foreign consulates, where the inmates were murdered. The comparatively few Christian residents in the town, mostly Greeks, were then slaughtered: it is to their lasting honour that not one of them accepted the offer made them by the mob of saving their lives by apostasy to Islam. England and France, whose Consuls had been killed, took vigorous action the chief Turkish officials were held responsible and publicly executed and the
nationalities. is
said to
:
;
fact that fifty years later the respective embassies are still occasionally busied with from the Turkish treasury the arrears of annuities
claiming
due to relatives of the murdered Consuls furnishes another example of the The energy displayed after the event proverbial longevity of pensioners. by the two Powers produced a salutary impression on the ultra-fanatical population of Jedda; and nearly forty years elapsed before the next murderous attack on a consular official there.
636
Settlement of Syria.
Montenegro
[1860-9
Disturbances next broke out in 1860 in Syria and the Lebanon, which, if not actually instigated by the local authorities, at least took place with their connivance ; it has been alleged that the central Government was acting with the settled purpose of punishing the population If this for having assisted Mehemet Ali in his designs of conquest. incredible story be true, it argues an astonishing lack of foresight on the For the Syrian troubles were nearly the cause of part of the Porte. the permanent occupation of the country by France, who, while loyally co-operating with England in the cause of reform, never lost sight of her own interests. The Turkish ambassador in Paris, the distinguished Ahmed Vefyk Effendi, succeeded in protracting negotiations with Drouyn de Lhuys until Fuad Pasha had arrived in Syria with 20,000
and all danger of French conquest was at an end. A European Commission, in which Lord Dufferin made his first appearance in diplomacy, drew up on June 9, 1861, a Constitution for the Lebanon which, with slight modifications, has worked not unsatisfactorily until troops,
It provides for the nomination, by the representathe present day. tives of the Five Powers at Constantinople, in conjunction with the Porte, of a Christian (hitherto always a Roman Catholic) Governor for
the Lebanon, appointed for five years but eligible for re-election. On June 25, 1861, Abd-ul-Mejid died; he was succeeded by his brother Abd-ul-Aziz, in whose reign Turkey was not destined to enjoy more repose than in that of his predecessor. Soon after Prince Danilo's
death in 1860, disturbances in Montenegro called for serious efforts on Turkey's part before they could be suppressed. On May 13, 1858, the Montenegrins had inflicted a crushing defeat on a Turkish expedition at Grahovo. Frontier incidents and an insurrection in the Herzegovina led to a renewal of the war in 1862 the superior armaments and discipline of Omar Pasha's troops overcame the valour of the mountaineers; Cettiuje was invested, and on August 31, 1862, the Convention of Scutari was concluded, whereby the Montenegrins were precluded from building forts on the frontier and from importing arms. Servia, the Principalities, and Crete were successively the scene of ;
At last Turkey, exasperated by the assistance openly disturbances. afforded to the Cretan insurgents by the Hellenic Government, on December
This required within five 11, 1868, presented an ultimatum. days compliance with five points, which provided for the cessation of the formation of bands and the equipment of ships in Greece destined for acts of aggression against Turkey. These terms being rejected, a rupture of relations ensued, and Hobart Pasha, a retired British naval officer in command of the Turkish fleet, threatened the Greek coasts with a blockade. European diplomacy intervened, and a Conference of ambassadors tions
and
met
at Paris
was limited
on January
8,
1869.
The scope
at its sixth sitting on
January
28,
of the delibera-
Turkish ultimatum 1869, the Conference decided
to the five points comprised in the
;
1798-1869]
Turkish relations with Greece and Egypt
637
Athens calling on the Hellenic comply with the Turkish demands. Greece, more than usually unprepared for a conflict with Turkey, accepted this declaration on February 6, 1869, and diplomatic relations were resumed the grant on January 10, 1869, of a Constitution providing Crete with a measure of local self-government calmed for a time the turbulence of the that a declaration should be forwarded to
Government
to
;
islanders.
Meanwhile, Turkey had taken advantage of the complaisance of the European investor to accumulate an enormous debt in successive loans, theproceeds of which were squandered in unproductive and useless expenditure. By 1865 it had become apparent that the interest on the debt could be met only by contracting fresh liabilities but the inevitable bankruptcy was staved off for several years. The Sultan was able to count on the prodigality of his vassal, the Viceroy of Egypt, to supplement his resources besides a large addition to the annual tribute, vast sums were given as bakshish by Ismail in order to obtain the increase of his privileges, and, especially, the alteration of the law of succession. The firmans granted on May 27, 1866, and June 8, 1867, conferred on the Viceroy the title of Khedive (the equivalent of ruler or lord) and settled the succession on his eldest son. Until then the inheritance had devolved on the oldest male of the family, irrespective of relationship this is still the rule followed in the House of Osman, being a custom derived from the original nomadic condition of the Turks, when the Abd-ul-Aziz leadership of a child was obviously out of the question. was the more readily inclined to make the change, as he was meditating ;
;
;
Ottoman throne in favour of son Youssouf Izz-ed-din, which, however, owing to adverse public opinion, he was unable to effect. In 1867, the Sultan, accompanied by his nephew, the present Sultan Abd-ul-Hamid, and by his Foreign Minister Fuad Pasha, travelled to the first Ottoman sovereign who had ever underEngland and France taken such a journey. Two years later various European rulers and princes visited Constantinople on their way to the opening of the Suez Canal. a similar alteration of the succession to the his
The
transactions leading to the opening of the Suez Canal, which
will be fully described in another volume, need some notice here, however brief. To restore the ancient waterway that led from the Nib to
Suez and thence fall on the flank of the Cape route to India was one f Napoleon's dreams in 1798. generation later, the cutting of the " isthmus formed a part of the nobly-planned " Mediterranean system of international communications devised by Michel Chevalier and popularised by the zeal of his fellow Saint-Simonians and about that time also some such scheme fascinated Ferdinand de Lesseps, then French consul at Tunis. In 1847 the Saint-Simonian propaganda actually led to the making of a survey.
A
;
638 The Suez Canal.
The Church in Bulgaria
[1854-76
The accession of Said Pasha (1854-63) enabled Lesseps, who was his personal friend, to secure a comprehensive concession in that very year. Supplemented by a second document of January, 1856, it promised to the unborn company land and materials for the maritime canal and the sweet water canal, claims over all the area which the latter would corvee labour of the irrigate, generous exemptions from taxes, and the of engineers in a international committee Later the fellahin. year strong In 1855 he had opened his long campaign for blessed Lesseps' plan. Turkish recognition and European support, through the Press, public He won much sympathy meetings, the chancelleries and the embassies. but for three years his plans broke against the wills of two old men who could not believe that this Stratford Canning and Palmerston scheme of a retired French diplomatist was other than a continuation of the old struggle between France and Britain for the control of the East. At length, however, in 1858, Lesseps, assured of the benevolent attitude of his own and the Austrian Governments, started his Company without But for a the formal approval of the Porte, and work began in 1859. favourable report from Sir John Hawkshaw, in Said's last days, Ismail, who succeeded him as Khedive in 1863, might have stopped the work ;
the corvee labour, resumed much of the and took over the sweet water canal giving the Company compensation on a scale fixed by Napoleon III as arbitrator (1866), in which year the Porte gave a belated sanction to the
altogether.
He withdrew
expropriated land,
enterprise.
Three years later the canal was opened. Its success was immediate and the bulk of the tonnage that passed through it was British. But, as Englishmen had subscribed very little capital, England was not possessed of influence in proportion to her interests, until Disraeli, by buying Ismail's shares in 1876, made the Government which had steadily opposed the canal the greatest of the Company's shareholders.
To return again, after this slight digression to an event which was to influence deeply the future of Turkey, to the mere purely internal affairs of the Ottoman Empire. noteworthy proceeding was the grant
A
of the firman
establishing
the
Bulgarian
Exarchate as a separate
The Bulgarians had long re10, 1870). of the and educational matters, Greeks in ecclesiastical sented the tyranny
religious
community (March
and towards 1860, under French instigation, had seriously contemplated Several revolutionary outbreaks, which the joining the Church of Rome. Turks strove to characterise as mere acts of brigandage, had occurred and in 1868 one band, under Hajji Dimitr, had crossed the Danube and had penetrated as far inland as Kezanlik, before encountering serious ;
Russia, gradually improving her relations with Turkey, took of her growing strength and of the Porte's apprehensions to advantage of an independent Church to the Bulgarians, her for the concession press opposition.
1870-1]
Russia and
the
Black Sea
639
and fellow-Slavs and Turkey eventually yielded, in and warnings of the Oecumenical Patriarch. The Phanar finally fulminated a decree of excommunication against the adherents of the new ecclesiastical denomination, whose only point of divergence from the Orthodox Church lay in the fact that they used in The ettecT} their liturgy the Bulgarian instead of the Greek language. was at first to produce among the Bulgarians a feeling of unbounded But this evanescent sentiment soon gave loyalty towards the Sultan. way to the awakening consciousness of nationality, and the Exarchate Firman of 1870 was the direct forerunner of the Bulgarian insurrections of 1875-6, just as these led in turn to the Russo-Turkish War and the fellow- worshippers
;
spite of the protestations
loss of
Bulgaria to Turkey.
The Franco-Prussian War
of 1870,
by crippling
for a time the
power
of France, offered to Russia an opportunity of which she was not slow There is indeed little doubt that her neutrality had to take advantage. been conceded at the outbreak of the war on condition that Prussia
would allow
her, if circumstances permitted, to denounce those clauses Treaty of Paris which she found most galling, i.e. those which restricted her sovereign rights in the Euxine. Far-sighted statesmen had long foreseen that these restrictions would not be endured by Russia indefinitely, and Lord Palmerston had prophesied that they would last only ten years. When it became clear that France could not move and that England would be left alone to assume the championship of the treaty, the Russian Chancellor, by a note dated October 81, 1870, denounced the articles of the Treaty of Paris which limited Russia's naval forces and armaments in the Black Sea. This action was based on the allegation that infractions of the treaty had already occurred in the modifications of the status of the Principalities, and in the passage of the straits by certain warships, contrary to its provisions. Europe found no satisfactory rejoinder to this application of the theory that one breach of an engagement, if of the
The British Government was obliged to established, justifies another. state that, while treaties in a general way were binding, Russia might have asked for the revision of such of the provisions of the Treaty of Paris as pressed unduly on her, and that in that event Her Majesty's Government would have taken her wishes into consideration. The upshot was that a Conference met in London, and on March 13, 1871, a treaty was signed restoring to both Russia and Turkey the power of possessing unrestricted naval forces in the Black Sea. of the Crimean War was hailed by the anti-Turkisn Greece as the long-awaited opportunity of freeing their comRussia's triumph was looked upon as patriots from the Turkish yoke. certain, the King and Queen actively supported the policy of aggression, and the Greeks hastened to carry out the armed invasion of Thessaly
The outbreak
party in
640 Raid on
Thessaly.
Misgovernment in Greece
[1854-61
and Epirus. Some 6000 men took part in the inroad, which was little more than brigandage and cattle-lifting on an unusually large scale. Turkey's official patience gave way, and all Greek subjects were expelled from the Empire when at last the Turkish troops came up, the invaders offered little resistance. Finally, England and France interfered: on ;
April 22, 1854, England threatened Greece that, if she persisted in squandering her scanty resources in attacking Turkey, it would become necessary to insist on compliance with those clauses of the treaty establishing King Otho on the throne which made the payment of the interest on the guaranteed loan a first charge on the state revenues. In May, 1854, the Piraeus was occupied by English and French troops, which remained in occupation until February, 1857. King Otho was required by England and France to give an undertaking that Greece would preserve strict neutrality during the continuance of the war, failing which Athens would be occupied by Anglo-French troops at the cost of the country. By her ill-considered and unsuccessful action Greece thus lost the respect of friends and foes alike, and sacrificed the prestige gained during the war of independence. The continuance of brigandage in particular compromised Greece seriously in the eyes of Europe, and directly resulted in prolonging the foreign occupation of the Piraeus. During the Paris Conference the guaranteeing Powers decided to take measures for the amelioration of Greek affairs: and a commission was sent to enquire into the state of the finances. But the divergence of views between the three Powers prevented any good result. On May 4, 1859, the Commission published its report, in which attention is directed to the manifold shortcomings of the Government in financial matters, and the conclusion is drawn that a sum of 900,000 francs, subject to eventual increase, should be paid annually by Greece towards the interest and sinking-fund of the guaranteed loan ; in June, 1860, Greece agreed to these terms, but failed to carry them out. Meanwhile, the unpopularity of the King
and Queen increased daily. 1859 between Austria and Italy brought out strongly the divergence between the Court, which was entirely in favour of Austria, and the people, whose sympathies were naturally with the Italians. Discontent prevailed throughout the army, and the desire to rid the Even the frustracountry of the Bavarian domination grew apace. tion of an attempt to murder the Queen (September 18, 1861) failed to restore popularity to the discredited royal pair. Five months later the garrison of Nauplia openly revolted, and the mutiny was not supThe King endeavoured to gain favour pressed for nearly two months. to a his support by lending visionary scheme for the invasion of Turkey in imitation of Garibaldi's successful raid, and by actively fomenting
The war
of
discontent against English rule in the Ionian Islands. But the disaffection of the people was increased by the doubts as to the succession to the throne. The Constitution of 1844 required that King Otho's
1862-3]
King Otho
successor should be a
deposed.
member
Accession of King George 641
of the
Orthodox Church, and the absence
of a properly qualified heir afforded a powerful argument to the antidynastic party. Warnings of impending revolution were unheeded. In
October, 1862, when the King and Queen had left for a tour through the country, the revolt of the troops at Vonitsa, near Arta, spread rapidly On October 22, 1862, a provisional Government was to the capital.
formed which declared the deposition of King Otho, and announced the forthcoming convocation of a national assembly for the election of his successor and the drawing up of a fresh constitution. King Otho v/as unable to return to Athens, and on October 24, 1862, he left Greece forHis departure was for the guaranteeing ever five years later he died. Powers a matter for neither surprise nor regret all recognised the right of the Greek people to expel a sovereign whose mismanagement and imcompetence were abundantly proved. By the treaties and protocols of 1832 it had been provided that no person connected with the reigning families of the three guaranteeing Powers could be chosen to occupy the Greek throne. On the deposition of King Otho England at once proposed to France and Russia to reaffirm this principle, and the Cabinets of Paris and St Petersburg expressed ;
:
a praiseworthy desire to respect the choice of the people of Greece, so long as any likelihood existed of its falling on a prince of their
But they hastened to comply with the British proposal when it became evident that the Greeks were determined to elect On December 4, 1862, Prince Alfred, afterwards Duke of Edinburgh. the three Powers joined in a formal declaration excluding their princes from the throne of Greece, which was communicated to the provisional
respective nationalities.
But when the matter was referred 13, 1862. of out cast 230,016 were in favour of votes 241,202 popular suffrage, Prince Alfred and only 2400 for the Russian candidate, the Duke of England now felt it her duty to show gratitude for the Leuchtenberg. choice of an English prince, even though debarred from accepting the She accordingly notified the provisional Government proffered Crown. that if a suitable person were chosen as King, if the constitutional form of government were preserved, and all attempt at aggression against Turkey were abandoned, the Ionian Islands would be ceded to Greece. After various personages had refused the vacant throne, the choice eventually fell on Prince William, the second son of King Christian of
Government on December to
Denmark, who on March 30, 1863, was unanimously elected as King George I. On June 5, 1863, the Powers entered into a treaty by which they recognised the election; England undertook that the legislature of the Ionian Islands, before the annexation to Greece was effected, should vote a
sum
thus raised to 10,000 annually, to the King's Civil List of the three Powers consented to relinquish in favour of King in all .12,000 out of the George an income of
rebellion
[1850-60
if it were a central Government, able to give orders throughout the territory under its control, and to see them executed. It was not for the. purpose of carrying on with China political relations such as exist among Western States that the Powers had insisted on the residence of their diplomatic agents at the capital, but, with the exception of Russia, for the sole purpose of protecting the interests of To enable them their countrymen engaged in commerce and proselytism. to carry out this policy with success it was necessary that the central Government should be strong enough to make its authority felt throughout the country; and two things were recognised as indispensable: first, " that the " Taiping rebellion should be suppressed, and, secondly, that for the old system of redressing grievances by putting pressure on the provincial officials should be substituted that of diplomatic representations. For some years past the richest provinces of China had been
the Court as
ruthlessly ravaged by rebels, who had proved incapable of establishing any settled form of government. Their leader was a native of Kwangsi,
named Hung Siu-tsuen he had imbibed some notions of Christianity from an American missionary at Canton, and had established on this basis a new sect of his own. In 1850, being joined by some fellowprovincials, he allied himself with the anti-dynastic secret society known as the Triads, and thus gave to the movement a political character. In 1851 these people broke out into open rebellion under Hung, who " " proclaimed himself Emperor of the Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace (Tai Ping), and from this time onwards they were spoken of by " foreigners as Taipings." Advancing northward, they laid siege to more than one important provincial city without success but, in January, 1853, Wuchang, Hanyang, and Hankow fell into their hands. Moving down the Yangtze, they captured Kiu-kiang and Nganking, finally establishing ;
;
themselves in March at Nanking, the ancient capital of China. From to and the north, they dispatched expeditions penetrated as of six After Tientsin. months, neighbourhood fruitlessly
this point far as the
in attempts to make good their conquests in the north, they were driven back south in the ensuing spring, and by March, 1855, they were confined to the neighbourhood of the river. Many foreigners, influenced by the belief that they had adopted Christianity, approved of their efforts to overthrow the Manchu dynasty supposing that, if they succeeded, their attitude would be more friendly than that of the Peking Government. But visits paid to Nanking in 1853 by the Governor of Hongkong and the French Minister showed that the Taipings were not disposed to abate a whit of the lofty pretensions put forward by the imperial Court in their relations with foreigners, and the opinion formed by foreign officials was adverse to the expectation that they would eventually establish their rule over the whole country. As time went on, it became more and more evident that their only policy consisted in plundering the cities they had captured, and in devastating
consumed
;
Suppression of the rebellion
1859-64]
821
the regions through which they passed. Towards the end of 1859, they were besieged by the imperial forces in their most important strongholds but the Anglo-French expedition in 1860 gave the movement a new lease of life. The siege of Nanking was raised and the rich and ;
;
hands. As their near approach important to Shanghai endangered that important centre of foreign commerce, the British and French Ministers publicly announced that they would defend About the same time a patriotic the Chinese city and foreign settlement. Chinese merchant engaged the services of an American named Ward, who began operations with a small body of Europeans and Manila-men, and afterwards raised a force of disciplined Chinese with the object of The rebels attacked driving the rebels out of the province of Kiangsu. Shanghai in August, 1860, and again in January, 1862, but were repulsed on both occasions by the allied troops. From this time onwards, the interest of both the English and the French Governments was actively enlisted for the expulsion of the Taipings from the neighbourhood of the open ports, and their troops frequently acted as auxiliaries to Ward's On one of these expeditions the French admiral lost disciplined Chinese. city of
Suchow
fell into their
his life. Ward was killed in action in September, 1862, and was succeeded by Burgevine, who later, quarrelling with the Governor of the province, went over to the rebels. The French had already organised a Chinese and the British Government now contingent under naval officers allowed several of its officers to undertake the leadership of what had been Ward's force. Among these officers the most distinguished was the well-known Colonel Charles Gordon. His operations were so successful that by May, 1864, Nanking was almost the only place left to the ;
With the capture of this city in July of that year by the Taipings. The imperial General Tseng Kuotsuan the rebellion came to an end. effective assistance rendered to the imperial Government by the allies was an important factor in the suppression of this disorder, which had ravaged the richest provinces of the country for over twelve years. The aim of the Western Powers had been to place their relations with China upon a normal footing; and, when the residence of their representatives at the capital was finally conceded, they at once turned their attention to this question. Consuls and naval officers had been accustomed to regard themselves as authorised to exact redress for local abuses by the
employment
of
force.
Such a practice defeated the
endeavours of the diplomatists to compel the imperial Government to
The responsibility for the acts of the provincial officials. as the aimed Government at central the policy adopted strengthening best means of restoring tranquillity, and at securing the observance of the " treaties without resorting to force. In earlier days the " gunboat policy was the best that could be resorted to, in view of the length of time
recognise
its
required for the exchange of communications with the home Governments, and of the uncompromising temper of the Chinese Court, which refused
Views of Burlingame on China
822
[1862-7
have any direct dealings with Western Powers. Peace had not been any intermediate stage between the abolition of the East India Company's supercargoes at Canton, who regulated a trading monopoly, and the establishment at Peking of foreign Ministers, who watched over a trade open to all the world. In July, 1862, the newly appointed American Minister Burlingame took up his residence at Peking and joined the other three Ministers in substituting diplomatic to
of long duration at
action for the more popular and showy appeal to force. Owing to the peculiar constitution of the government, which left a large measure of autonomy to the provinces, such a policy could not be expected to be immediately successful ; and great forbearance had to be exercised by the foreign Ministers, whose task was rendered more arduous by the dilatoriness of the Chinese and the impatience of the mercantile communities at the ports. From time to time consular officers of different nations, in
conjunction with naval
officers,
continued to act on their
own
initiative
in claiming redress from the local authorities. It became necessary to remind them that they could not be allowed to determine for themselves
what reparation or redress was due for wrongs committed, or by what means it should be exacted whether by blockade, by reprisal, by landing armed parties, or by acts of even more hostile character, since obviously no Government could delegate to its servants in foreign countries the power of involving their own country in war. Towards the end of 1867, when Burlingame was on the point of giving up his post at Peking, the Chinese Government induced him to. undertake a mission to the Treaty Powers, with the object of disabusing of an impression believed to be very general, that the Chinese Court had entered upon a retrograde policy, and to deprecate any intention, on the part of the Powers, of urging China to adopt precipitately such as, any new progressive policy which might affect her independence
them
for instance, the grant of concessions to construct railways, which would place the internal communications of the country under foreign control.
He successfully negotiated a treaty at Washington in which the principle of non-intervention in Chinese domestic affairs was recognised. In England met with a cordial reception and Clarendon wrote to Burlingame that the British Government preferred appealing rather to the central Government than to local authorities for the redress of wrongs done to British subjects. He reminded him, at the same time, that it was the duty of the central Government to assume, and to be prepared to exercise, supreme authority over provincial Governments. It was agreed, also the mission
;
however, by Burlingame that force might be resorted to for the prolife and property in immediate peril. Burlingame's views, which the British Government confirmed, did not meet with ready acquiescence either from merchants or diplomatists. In default of a central Government with adequate power, the only
tection of
effectual
means
of preventing
war was,
in their opinion, to
make
the
1638-1867]
General summary. - - Japan
823
For local authorities feel a personal responsibility for their own acts. some years the general disregard of the treaties by the Chinese authorities at the ports, and the unsatisfactory tone of the Government towards large majority foreigners generally, had been the subject of complaint. of the leading Chinese were hostile to foreigners, and in the redress of grievances the Government seemed to have adopted the maxim of Philip II, " Time and I are a match for any two." It was observed that a diplomatic instrument had no binding power with the rulers of China when
A
its stipulations with impunity, or when they believed that the force that imposed them was no longer available. The answer returned from England was that the British Government looked to the
they could evade
Chinese Government, and to it alone, for the wrongs of any kind done to British subjects under any circumstances. They held the Government at Peking alone responsible for the carrying out of treaties, and
looked to it to enforce their full observance on the provincial authorities. This shows the policy of the Western Powers, and proves that they hoped
by pressure at the centre to modify the age-long Constitution of the Chinese State, so as to compel the substitution for the practical autonomy of the provinces of an intelligent and centralised administration. To expect this result, however, was to underestimate the force of resistance to innovation which permeates a body politic of so hoary an antiquity as that of China; and experienced observers were not wanting who came to the conclusion that the policy of forcing direct diplomatic relations on the Court of Peking had proved a grievous mistake.
(2)
JAPAN
After the expulsion of the Spaniards and Portuguese in 1638, Japan to all foreign intercourse except with the Dutch and Chinese traders, who were confined within a limited space at Nagasaki. Japanese The commerce with subjects were forbidden to travel or trade abroad. the Dutch, which had at first been free, was converted into a govern-
was closed
ment monopoly, and subjected to constantly increasing restrictions till it seemed scarcely worth continuing. Since the beginning of the nineteenth century the English, French, Russians and Danes had in turn endeavoured to establish friendly relations, but without success. In 1842 it was ordered that, if foreign vessels were driven by stress of weather on the coasts of Japan, or were in want of provisions, fuel, or water, such articles might be supplied to them, and they might be allowed to Two years later the King of Holland counselled the depart in peace. to The Tycoon mitigate the strictness of the law against foreigners. no of was that deviation from law the ancient Japan regarding reply foreign relations could be permitted. In consequence of the development of the whale fishery in the
824 Perry's mission.
Social conditions in
Japan
[1851-3
northern Pacific, American seamen were from time to time cast away on the coasts of Japan, where they received harsh treatment. The desirability of coming to a direct agreement with the Japanese Government in regard to whalers putting into Japanese ports, and for the establishment of a coaling depot for the line of steamers which it was proposed to run between California and China, induced the American Government in 1851 to send out instructions to Commodore Aulick, " " Emperor of together with a letter from President Fillmore to the These instructions were repeated in November, 1852, to his Japan. successor, Commodore Perry, who was ordered to proceed to Japan with and if he found persuasion unavailable, was his whole available force to threaten that chastisement would be resorted to in case American seamen were hereafter cruelly treated. Perry reached Uraga, at the entrance to the Bay of Yedo, with a squadron of four ships, on July 8, ;
1853.
The
material and mental civilisation of Japan had been derived from
China, either directly or through Corea. The writings of Chinese moral philosophers and historians were the main objects of study, and classical
Chinese was the favourite vehicle of literary composition. Buddhism, in the form in which it had been early imported into China, became the religion, and almost entirely absorbed the temples formerly dedicated to the gods of the country. The early constitution of the government had been framed on a Chinese model, and the penal legislation of the T'ang dynasty had been adopted in its entirety. Alongside of classical Chinese there had continued to exist an indigenous poetical and romantic literature which remained unaffected by Chinese influences, and a revival of interest in it had been promoted by a small band of scholars from the end of the seventeenth century. The nation was classified, as in China, into scholars, agriculturists,
dominant
and tradesmen, with this difference, that the word scholar was not to a learned and pacific class, but to the noble or military applied, order of Samurai. The moral code was based on the Chinese doctrine of the Five Social Relations, but dwelt mainly on the duties of loyalty to the prince and obedience to parents. This loyalty was due, not to the sovereign, but to the feudal chief, and the popular literature was artisans,
examples of this virtue. From China, too, had been the view that all Western nations were barbarians, whom it was adopted and to exterminate, and the isolation in which the Japanese right proper had lived for two centuries or more had intensified this feeling. people " Christianity was stigmatised as a pernicious doctrine," and was believed
full
of shining
to be associated with the practice of sorcery.
The Japanese
point of
honour was that of the Samurai, ready to sacrifice his life for his lord and to die by his own hand rather than suffer any imputation of disloyalty the mercantile point of honour, strict fulfilment of engagements even where they involve pecuniary loss, was unknown. It was the ;
Political institutions.
Samurai
class that
Tycoon and daimios
825
formed the backbone of the nation, and inspired
all
its ideals.
Towards the end
of the twelfth century the administration was the usurped by military class, on whose chief was conferred the title Civil wars in of Sei-i-tai-sho-gun, or Barbarian-quelling- Generalissimo.
the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries only served to strengthen a polity which the legitimate sovereign was relegated to a merely nominal position as head of the State and fountain of honour, while the Shogun in
was recognised
as the de facto ruler in both internal affairs
and external
relations.
The power
of the latest dynasty of Shoguns, that of the Tokugawa was established family, by lyeyasu after the fall of Osaka in 1615, and consolidated by his grandson lyemitsu, who succeeded in 1623. He daimios the to alternate at and to leave Yedo, compelled pass years their families there when they went down to their fiefs, by this means Yedo was the real capimaintaining a strict control over their actions. tal of the country, which was partitioned amongst the Tokugawa family and the daimios or feudal lords, who numbered some 268, broadly divided iutofudai, creations of lyeyasu, and tozama, feudal lords of earlier At the head of the daimios ranked the G-o-san-ke or Three Famidate. lies, as they were called, or Princes of Owari, Kishiu, and Mito, descended from the third, fourth, and fifth surviving sons of lyeyasu. In case of a failure in the direct line of Shoguns, an heir could be chosen from It was held that Mito could not succeed, but he either of the first two. was regarded as peculiarly the supporter and adviser of the Shogun. In 1716 the seventh Shogun having died while yet a child, Yoshimune*, Two of his sons and Prince of Kishiu, was brought in as his successor. a grandson became the founders of the G-o-san-kid or Three Nobles, Tayasu, Hitotsubashi, and Shimidzu, who were also capable of succeeding in fact, the eleventh Shogun, lyenari, was adopted from the second of these houses. With these must be classed the other descendants of lyeyasu, some fourteen in number, who bore his family crest, of whom the most important were Echizen and Aidzu. Next in order came the Koku-shi daimios, nobles whose territories comprised one or more of the 68 provinces into which the country was divided, and their cadets, most of whom traced their lineage back to a period anterior to the victories of lyeyasu. Amongst them the more prominent in political affairs were Satsuma, Choshiu, Tosa, and Hizen, in the south and west. A member of the Date family of Sendai, best known by the name of his castle-town, Uwajima, must also be mentioned. In the list of great daimios was included li Kamon no Kami, belonging to one of the four families from which a President of the Council could be taken, and hereditary protector of the Mikado's person. Lastly came the fudai daimios, creations of lyeyasu, the minor tozama or nobles of a time preceding lyeyasu's rise to power, and the hatamoto or gentry of ;
Mikado and Court
826
nobles
wealth and importance. These nobles were subject, as was the Shogun himself, to a strict ceremonial etiquette, which rendered them almost prisoners in the hands of their retainers, forming a compact body Of the latter, the higher in rank held usually designated as a "clan." lesser
office
as clan-councillors
by hereditary right. The effect of this etiwas a curious degeneracy and aloofness
quette in the course of time
from public affairs. The feudal chiefs gave themselves up to pleasure, lived a life of artificial seclusion, and allowed their retainers to think and act for them. If, during the period of storm and stress which preceded the revolution of 1868, some of them were distinguished for politiwas mainly because they had been younger sons, who had received an ordinary education. cal ability, it
or (to call him by the title first adopted at the of the eighteenth century in correspondence with Corea) the beginning
The Shogun,
Tycoon, was usually termed Emperor by Europeans and Americans. His administration was formed from his own vassals, the great territorial The notion that the 18 greater nobles taking no share in it whatever. daimios constituted a Council of the Empire is altogether erroneous. They were not consulted on public affairs until after 1853. Entirely in the background, exercising no governmental authority, secluded in his palace and never seen by any of the common people, was the Mikado. A sort of phantom Court surrounded him, bearing administrative titles belonging to the period when he was de facto as well as de jure ruler. Intermarriage with the leading daimid families was not uncommon. The Daijo-daijin, a title in later times combined with that of Kwambaku, or first Minister, was assisted by the Sa-daijin, Udai-jin, Nai-daijin, and Dainagon. They were descended from the most illustrious families of the Empire, in comparison with whom the daimios were mere novi homines but their incomes were on a meagre scale. Even the Mikado himself received but a very limited revenue. From the time of Yoritomo downwards, the military chieftain who was able to obtain possession of the Mikado's person virtually ruled the It was therefore a principal object of the Tycoon to keep a country. The garrison of strict watch over the Court and its surroundings. Kioto was under the command of the ShosMdai, who may conveniently be called the Tycoon's Resident, and the civil governor was also a Tokugawa vassal. None of the feudal lords was permitted to have a permanent residence at Kioto, nor to communicate directly with the Court, their immediate and acknowledged superior being the Tycoon, ;
who might almost
be styled their sovereign.
Two
things were requisite in order that this system should be maintained: first, that the Mikado should be contented with the way in which the country was governed and his own dignity and safety provided for; secondly, that, if a difference of opinion arose between the Court and
the Tycoon's Government, the latter should be strong enough to
make
its will
827
Council of State
1853-68]
So long as the country was closed to the entrance predominate. from the outer world and peace was maintained at home, this
of ideas
dual system, which had lasted for six and a half centuries, was likely to remain undisturbed but the moral fibre of the Tycoon's Government had degenerated, and it only needed the arrival of the American squadron under Perry in 1853 to start a movement which, in the short space of ;
brought it to the ground ; while the necessity of replacing the particularism of the feudal system by a centralised government deriving its authority from the principle of legitimacy was gradually forced upon the minds of all thinking men. At the head of the Tycoon's administration was the Council of State, fifteen years,
popularly called Grorojiu, composed of five or six of his greater vassals, not necessarily endowed with political ability, so that the substance of power passed into the hands of subordinates. Next in official im-
portance was Second Council, called Waka-doshiyori, also composed sifudai daimios. The Exchequer, the Tycoon's harem, and the ordnance were managed by the Rmui-toshiyori. There were no written laws, either civil or criminal, but manuscript records of cases were in existence which furnished precedents for decisions delivered by the judicial officers. Two Jisha-bugio tried cases affecting the Buddhist and Shinto temples, and others brought up from distant provinces. Two Machi-bugio presided over the administration of the city of Yedo, and tried cases arising among the common people. To the same number of Kanjo-bugio were referred agricultural cases, and they also had charge of the posting system on the main lines of communication. Cases in which daimios, the gentry and ordinary Samurai were concerned, came before the
The Metsuke were similar officers 0-metsuke, of whom there were four. of lower rank. The foregoing classes of officials were on duty during alternate months.
month
They held general meetings on nine days
in
the
to hear appeals, and also to advise on matters of state policy were referred to them. During the latter years of the Tycoonate
which it was commonly said that the confidential secretaries governed the In the territories of the damios the same transfer of real country. authority had come about, and the revolution of 1868 was mainly brought to pass by Samurai of undistinguished birth, who had gained the confidence of the few Court nobles and feudal lords whose understanding had survived the soporific effect of the conditions under which Another factor in the situation was that the they had been educated. Tycoon, residing either at Yedo, a city of over a million of inhabitants, or in small country towns, had mostly lost the fighting qualities that had won the victories of lyeyasu, while those of the daimios^ retainers of the
living for the
most part a simple country
life
away from the pleasures and hardihood of their
of the metropolis, retained the warlike vigour forefathers.
At
the request of the United States Government, the head of the
Russian mission
Nariaki of Mito.
828
[1844-54
Dutch factory at Nagasaki had given notice to the Tycoon's officials in the previous autumn that the American expedition would shortly When the news of Perry's sudden appearance at Uraga reached arrive. The alarm the capital, considerable perturbation nevertheless ensued. was caused by the fear lest, in the event of hostilities breaking out, communications by sea should be interrupted, and the population of Yedo be deprived of the supplies of rice from other parts of the country upon which they depended for their subsistence. Nariaki, the ex-Prince of Mito, who had been forced to abdicate in 1844 for having destroyed the Buddhist monasteries in his province and confiscated their bells to cast cannon, and for other measures of reform, initiated with the object of reviving the military spirit of his clan, which were disapproved of by the conservative members of the Council, was invited to come forth from his To add to the retirement and aid the Government with his counsels. confusion, the Tycoon was so sick that it was found impossible to take any decision, except that the President's letter should be received, and the envoy be told to come back next year for an answer. To have induced the Government of Japan to receive with some ceremony a letter addressed When it was represented to Perry to the Tycoon was already a success. that his proposals were of such a weighty character as to necessitate reference to the Mikado and the feudal chiefs, he answered that he would return in the ensuing spring with a larger force, when he trusted to obtain a favourable response to his overtures. The suggestion that the Mikado and feudal lords must first be
consulted was an unfortunate one for the Tycoon.
No such
obligation
existed, and it had been merely put forward as an excuse for delay. For two and a half centuries the Tycoon had exercised an authority in domestic and foreign affairs, which had never been disputed by a single powerful daimio. It was the Tycoon who had closed the country to foreign commerce, not the Mikado nor were the daimios consulted on ;
pretext was, however, again made use of when the Russian Admiral, Putiatin, arrived shortly afterwards at Nagasaki and delivered a note from Count Nesselrode proposing to fix the boundary the occasion.
The
between the two empires, and to open a couple of ports to Russian trade. Resort was had to procrastination and it was not till January, 1854, that an answer was handed to Putiatin, to the effect that the boundary would have to be carefully examined with the aid of documents and maps; the weighty questions raised in the Russian Chancellor's note must be reported to Kioto, and discussed with the nobles and great This would take from three to five years, and the officers of State. result would be communicated in due course. Putiatin, after replying that, if she desired to avoid disaster, Japan would do well to enter into commercial and friendly relations with foreign countries, took his leave ;
for the present. It
was impossible
to conceal the substance of the reply given to the
1854]
Opinions of daimios.
829
Perry's Treaty
Americans, and shortly after Perry's departure copies of the correspondence were circulated among the high officers of State and the In the course of the autumn their replies came principal feudal lords. in. Nearly all were opposed to any alteration in the old law that foreign intercourse was limited to trade with the Dutch and Chinese but the impossibility, for the present, of resisting the forces of which the United It was suggested that States could dispose was generally recognised. a friendly answer should be given, and hopes be held out of the demands being granted in a year or two; during that time the naval and military defences of the country could be completed, when the refusal to negotiate A different note was struck by li Kamon no could be made absolute. Kami, who was in favour of returning to the system that had prevailed before in the seventeenth century the country was closed, and the ;
Japanese people interdicted from trading abroad. He advised that the old prohibition against the building of sea-going ships should be repealed, and that Dutch masters and sailors should be engaged to instruct the Japanese in the art of navigation. Then they would be able to sail the ocean in their own ships and see what other countries were
with their own eyes, instead of depending upon the reports of the Dutch. The knowledge and experience thus gained would better enable them to ensure the safety of the nation than the present system of sitting at home with closed doors. The head of the Ministry, in resuming the memorials and the discussions that had taken place, declared the inadequacy of the national defences to be recognised on all hands consequently, when the Americans Orders were returned, they should be put off with a dilatory reply. issued that Perry should not be permitted to pass Uraga, and officials were sent thither to detain him. They were reckoning on a mistaken view of his character. Perry called at Uraga on February 13, 1854, accompanied by six ships, with which he moved up towards Yokohama in spite of all remonstrance. Five commissioners, of whom two were the governors of Uraga, were appointed to treat with him. After some three weeks' negotiation, he exchanged with the Japanese plenipotentiaries on March 31 an agreement providing for the opening of the like
;
Shimoda and Hakodate to American ships for the supply of coal, wood, water, and provisions, for the protection of shipwrecked mariners and their property, for a limited exchange of products, for the appointment of a consul to reside at Shimoda after the lapse of eighteen months, provided either of the two Governments deemed it necessary, and for the exchange of ratifications within eighteen months from the date of signature. After examining the local conditions at the two ports, he agreed at Shimoda upon a set of port regulations to be observed by Americans, and on June 18 he sailed thence by way of the
ports of
Loochoos for Hongkong. In May the Tycoon's Government
let it
be publicly
known
that
830
British Admiral's. Treaty.
Russian Treaty
[1854-5
concessions had been made, under pressure of necessity, owing to the It was supposed that present incompleteness of the national defences. for the would suffice interval a short arrangements for resisting perfecting The real reason which induced the Government to further demands. make concessions to the American Commodore was the emptiness of the treasury, a fact which, however, was unknown to all but a few of the
higher officials, so that they were universally blamed for their weakness in It was unfortunate that they adopted this shuffling policy, giving way. which it cannot be doubted contributed to their eventual downfall, and caused their foreign relations to assume a troubled aspect from the beginning.
The outbreak of the Crimean War rendering it desirable to prevent Russian ships of war and their prizes from making use of Japanese ports to the disadvantage of England and France, the British Admiral on the China station proceeded early in September, 1854, to enquire what were the views and intentions of the Japanese Government in regard to the war vessels of belligerents. The Tycoon's Ministers held that it would be more prudent to ignore the question, as the exclusion of belligerent vessels from their ports might involve them in disputes with Powers towards whom they entertained no unfriendly feelings; but they were willing to concede to Great Britain permission for passing vessels to obtain provisions, wood, and water, and to effect repairs at Nagasaki and Hakodate, and also, if necessary, at Shimoda. The Admiral accordingly experienced no difficulty in concluding a convention embodying these terms, with the addition of a most-favoured-nation clause, which
was signed at Nagasaki on October 14. About the same time Putiatin, after calling at Osaka, arrived at Shimoda. Here his ship was damaged on December 23 by a tidal wave, and foundered at sea as she was being towed round to Toda Bay for He then resumed negotiations on the lines originally proposed repairs. him The Japanese Government declined to discuss the at Nagasaki. by or to grant any concessions beyond those contained boundary question, A convention was accordingly signed at Shimoda on in Perry's treaty. February 7, 1855. Putiatin succeeded in getting away in May on board a ship which he had built with materials supplied to him by the Japanese authorities.
Copies of the American, English, and Russian Treaties were forwarded
Mikado, who on February 13, 1855, caused an expression of his complete satisfaction with the manner in which the negotiations had been carried on to be conveyed through the Kwambaku, his chief Minister, to the Tycoon's Government. Hakodate, which had hitherto formed part of the domain of the feudal lord of Matsumae, was constituted government territory, a grant of other lauds being promised by way of compensation. The narrative here naturally
to Kioto for the information of the
falls
into
two
parts,
namely the action
of
foreign
Powers and the
1855-7]
Harris
at
Shimoda.
He
is invited to
Yedo
831
It will be found more internal political condition which resulted. convenient to treat them alternately than to adhere closely to the chronological order of events.
Townsend Harris, the American Consul-General appointed to reside at Shimoda, arrived there with his interpreter Heusken on August 21, He found the officials extremely obstructive. Orders had in fact 1856. been given to hinder, by every possible means, the growth of an intimacy between Japanese subjects and foreigners, lest the former should be In spite, however, of the general unled to embrace Christianity. hold with foreign nations, the current was to intercourse willingness In November, setting strongly in the direction of its development. 1855, a convention had been concluded with the Dutch permitting them to own their settlement at Nagasaki ; and the ratifications were ex-
changed in October, 1856. A month later Captain Possiette brought In April of the to Nagasaki the ratifications of the Russian Treaty. same year orders were given to discontinue the odious practice of enforcing the fumi-ye or trampling on the emblems of the Christian religion, and in October, 1857, this was made the subject of a treaty stipulation with Holland; but at the same time the Japanese commissioners declared that it was forbidden to teach Christianity (then " pernicious doctrine "), or to import books, regarded in Japan as a pictures, and images relating to Christianity or any other foreign religion. In the autumn of 1856 the governors of Nagasaki reported that Sir John Bowring was about to visit that port for the purpose of concluding a fresh treaty, doubtless for the promotion of commerce, and the Metsuke (law officers) advised that it would be politic to make voluntary con-
good grace rather than to yield to pressure. To meet the emergency, Hotta, one of the Council of State, was placed in charge of foreign affairs, with a staff of officials to study commercial questions. Harris in March, 1857, communicated to the officials at Shimoda part of cessions with a
a letter from the Secretary of State, to the effect that, if Japan sought to evade the Treaty, the President would ask Congress for authority to
employ such arguments as they would be unable to resist. He had at an early date after his arrival applied to be allowed to visit Yedo in order to present the President's letter to the Tycoon, and his persistent
" " anyone but the Emperor finally won the day. The Council of State had regarded the vigorous action of the British naval forces against Canton in the later months of 1856 as an omen of what might befall Japan if they did not change their attitude towards foreign countries, while Harris lost no opportunity of intimating that it would be wise to accept his proposals if they desired to avoid subsequen\ difficulties with Russia, France, and England. His observations evidently made a great impression on them. In September, 1857, the Government decided to reverse their policy, and to invite him to Yedo for an audience of the Tycoon. This was made known to him without delay, and he
refusal to deliver it to
1
832
Harris negotiations
[1857-8
arranged with the governors of Shimoda that the ceremonial of presentation to the Tycoon should be the same as in the Courts of Europe. For form's sake a suggestion was put forward, but immediately abandoned, that he should prostrate himself and touch the floor with his forehead. At this moment the most influential members of the Council of State were Hotta and Matsudaira. The Tycoon lyesada was entirely in their Owari enjoyed no consideration, and Kishiu was a mere boy. hands. Nariaki of Mito was looked up to as a leader by half Japan. The daimios of Tsuyama, Echizen, Akashi, Kaga, Inshiu, and Awa were connected with the Tycoon by family ties. The other great daimios were guided by Nariaki. Satsuma and Hizen early perceived that political changes were imminent, but were more deferential than Choshiu, Higo, and Tosa, who were wont to express their views with a good deal of freedom. The daimios sprung from the same blood as the Tycoon and the great fudai, such as Aidzu, Kuwana, li, and Himeji, and those who had been members of the Council, were the main props of the Government. The lesser daimios did not count. Harris arrived at Yedo, November 30, where he was received with the greatest civility, and commissioners were appointed to treat with him. His audience of the Tycoon passed off satisfactorily on December 7, and on the 12th he had a conference with Hotta, at which he enlarged on the changed situation caused by the introduction of steam propulsion. Japan would be obliged, he pointed out, to abandon her policy of seclusion. Foreign nations would send fleets to demand the opening of the country, and the terms demanded by them would not be so moderate as those asked by a simple diplomatist with no force at his back.
He
illustrated this thesis
from the case of China in the war
of
The
1839 and the war then in progress.
chief concessions required were, the residence of foreign Ministers at Yedo, freedom for foreign merchants to buy and sell without official interference, and the opening of more treaty that satisfied America would be accepted by the other ports.
A
Powers. These arguments proved convincing, and on February 18, 1858, the terms of the treaty were settled. In order to give time to obtain the consent of the Mikado and the daimios, it was agreed that the final signature should be postponed for sixty days, and Hotta proceeded He to Kioto for this purpose, while Harris went down to Shimoda. was back in Yedo on April 17. Hotta was still away at Kioto, endeavouring to gain over the Mikado, and he did not return till June 1. He told Harris on the 5th that the Mikado's consent was still withheld, but he undertook that the treaty should eventually be signed as it stood. Harris reproached him with having represented the Tycoon to be the treaty-making power, whereas it was now clear that the real authority resided at Kioto and he hinted at proceeding thither himself to pursue the negotiations. Hotta assured him that the Tycoon and his Council were fully resolved to carry the treaty into effect, but ;
1858-63]
Harris'
Treaty.
Ports
to
be opened
833
they required time to bring the daimios to reason, and asked for a further postponement until September 4. The Council offering to give him a written pledge to sign on that date, he agreed to the delay, only stipulating for an undertaking not to conclude a treaty with any other Power until thirty days after the signature of his own. The letter was
Harris retired to Shimoda; accordingly written, and dated June 12. but on July 23 an American man-of-war brought him the news of the conclusion of the English and French Treaties with China, and of the impending visit of the English and French plenipotentiaries. He at once proceeded to Kanagawa, whence he despatched a letter to Hotta with the tidings. Since June 4, li Kamon no Kami, whose broad-minded policy has already been referred to, had been at the head of the Tycoon's Government. He promptly sent down the treaty Harris urged the importance commissioners to discuss the situation. of signing without a moment's delay, because the English and French, having vanquished the Chinese, and forced on them the signature of a treaty almost at the gates of Peking, would assemble their fleets and He feared that proceed to Japan to insist on the opening of the ports. find to would it difficult the of demands two satisfy Japan great Powers If the Council would sign his treaty flushed with their recent victories. he could usefully intervene on their behalf. Returning to Yedo, the li argued that the adminiscommissioners reported the conversation. tration of public affairs having been entrusted to the Tycoon, the delegation to him of the Mikado's powers must be held to include that of deciding in a case of emergency. The Tycoon gave his consent, and the commissioners were instructed to append their signatures, which
was done on July 29. This Treaty, which served as a model for those subsequently concluded with Holland (August 18), Russia (August 19), Great Britain (August 26), and France (October 9), conceded diplomatic and consular privileges, and undertook to open, in addition to Shimoda and Hakodate, the following ports at the respective dates Kanagawa (Yokohama) and Nagasaki (July 4, 1859), Hiogo (January 1, 1863), Niigata or some other port on the west coast (January 1, 1860), and the cities of Yedo and Osaka (January 1, 1862 and January 1, 1863). The importation of opium was prohibited the persons and property of United States citizens in Japan were placed under the jurisdiction of United States consular Courts the free exercise of their religion and the right of of worship were granted to them and a tariff of import erecting places and export duties was annexed. Foreign coin was to circulate in Japan at its intrinsic value, weight for weight. Ratifications were to be exon or at before changed July 4, 1859, in accordance with Washington a suggestion made by the Japanese themselves, and either party was to be entitled to demand a revision after July 4, 1872, on giving a year's :
;
;
;
notice. c.
The Treaty also contained an article providing that the M. H. xi.
President, 53
NariakVs opposition
834
[1844-66
requested by the Japanese Government, would act as friendly mediator between Japan and any foreign Power. Nariaki had been called into council in 1853 on the occasion of In 1855, besides being appointed to advise on the Perry's first visit. coast defences and military reforms, he was invited to take a share in if
He found, however, that the obstructiveness the general administration. of the permanent officials impeded his efforts, and in 1856 he ceased to On hearing of the resolution that had been taken attend at the castle. Yedo he threw up his appointments and sent a secret memorial to the Mikado, reviewing the course of events during the past five years, and accusing the Tycoon's officials of weakness and want of The manner in which Europeans had spread over the whole foresight. globe, annexing one country after another, made it clear to him that their offers to enter into friendly relations with Japan were merely a to invite Harris to
He prayed the Mikado to arrive at a send stringent orders to Yedo that things must not be allowed to go on in this fashion. He was convinced that If the Mikado did not approve of the conduct of the Tycoon's officials. it were otherwise, then the humiliation of Japan would become patent to the whole world, and her loss of honour and dignity would by sue ceeding generations be laid to the charge of the Tycoon's Government. cover for their sinister designs.
decision without delay,
and
to
moment Nariaki worked persistently against the Tycooi where he maintained an agent in constant communication wit! His own sympathies were no doul the leading nobles of the Court. influenced by the fact that his wife was a daughter of Arisugawa, one oJ She had borne to him the son who in 184< the Princes of the Blood. had succeeded him in the headship of the clan, and also the soi who, having been adopted to be head of the Hitotsubashi House, w* now being put forward as a candidate for adoption as heir to th( Two of his younger sisters were married to Nijo ant childless Tycoon. Takadzukasa, Court nobles of the highest rank. Hotta and his colleagues of the Council had, however, definitely From
this
at Kioto,
adopted the policy recommended by li in 1853. Harris' proposals for a treaty had been communicated to the daimios, who were informed th* the changed world situation necessitated the conclusion of treaties witl If the country were not united in the face of th< foreign nations. emergency, grave danger would result, and they were invited to expres their opinions as to the best course to pursue. Nariaki replied by violent tirade, suggesting that Hotta and his colleague Matsudaira ought
to disembowel themselves, and that Harris' head ought to be cut Irishiu took the same line as his father Nariaki ; but Echizen and
off.
pronounced themselves in favor of the government policy. Satsuma also advocated opening the country. The general opinion seemed to have become less hostile to the cultivation of relations with foreign countries but nearly all of the daimios recommended that the question ;
1858]
The Mikado refuses
to
sanction the Treaty
835
should be referred to the Mikado for his decision. The Mikado thereupon declared his desire that care should be taken not to admit foreign diplomatists or traders to the vicinity of Kioto, and that mixed residence first attempt to procure the Mikado's must be prohibited. approval of the negotiations with Harris having proved fruitless, owing to the
A
uncompromising attitude of the Court, it became necessary to use greater pressure, and Hotta proceeded to Kioto in March, 1858, together with one of the commissioners who had negotiated with Harris. He took with him a copy of the draft treaty, and laid it before the Mikado accompanied by a statement of the reasons for asking his If it were refused, the internal condition of the country would sanction. rise to grave apprehension, and cause domestic and foreign war to give It will be remembered that the Council of break out simultaneously. State had pledged themselves in writing to Harris to sign within sixty days.
This declaration caused further animated discussion at the Palace. Various Court nobles memorialised the throne in an adverse sense. Feudal retainers flocked to Kioto, and unanimously condemned the In consequence of this the independent clansmen were forbidden treaty. the by Tycoon to enter the city. The reply of the Mikado did not amount to a direct refusal, but it reiterated the necessity of keeping foreigners away from the neighborhood of Kioto, and again declared that the daimios ought to be requested to put their opinion in writing. Hotta rejoined that it was absolutely necessary
The to grant to foreigners such terms as they were willing to accept. Treaty provided effectually against any sort of future dispute arising. It was
of course impossible to foresee every possible contingency, but the danger of the Powers banding together against Japan was imminent.
A
hurried message from Yedo reached him in the middle of April reminding him that Harris was shortly expected there, and that the Treaty had to be signed on the 18th. The Council said they would not sign without the Mikado's sanction, and they enclosed the draft of a letter which they proposed should be addressed to Harris deferring signature until Hotta's return. On receipt of this news Hotta again addressed the Court, urging a prompt reply, as Harris had become very pressing and the English fleet was expected. He added a copy of a letter in which the Council acknowledged the Mikado's orders to consult the daimios, and said that the Tycoon recognised the justice of the Mikado's apprehensions in regard to public opinion, but that he would guarantee him against having any reason to feel personal anxiety. The only reply Hotta thereupon he elicited was a repetition of the previous order. it was been that the with Harris concluded, replied having negotiations a must definite Mikado to effect to them. The give necessary give
answer at once, if he desired to avoid dangerous complications. The Court replied that the Mikado's resolution was unchanged.
836
Adoption of an heir
to
the
Tycoon
[1858
Nothing beyond the Treaty with Perry could be conceded. If the Americans resorted to force, the Tycoon must do his best, and the Mikado would wish to be informed what measures of defence were He would not sanction the new Treaty until the opinions of adopted. the daimios had been submitted for his consideration. Finding that he made no impression, Hotta at last gave up trying Three days after his return to persuade the Court, and left for Yedo. II was appointed by the Tycoon Tairo, or President of the Council, an office not ordinarily filled up, and it was decided to ask Harris for further At the same time the daimios actually present in Yedo were delay. sent for to the castle, and in the presence of the Tycoon a written order was delivered to them reciting the Mikado's commands. It stated that the Mikado did not believe there would be war, but that this result would depend upon the action taken by the Tycoon, who was of opinion that the only course to adopt was that already laid before the Mikado. A further expression of their views was required of them, which they were to furnish without delay. Matters were complicated at this juncture by the urgent need of finally deciding upon the adoption of an heir to the Tycoon, who had The question had been married for some years and had had no children. been pending for several years. Some favoured the choice of the young Prince of Kishiu, who was only twelve years of age, but being cousingerman to the Tycoon was the nearest in blood. Many leading officials, including Hotta, as well as the daimios of Owari, Echizen, Satsuma, Tosa, Sendai, Awa, and Uwajima and the Tycoon's own wife preferred Nariaki's son, Hitotsubashi, who was twenty years of age, and known to
The Tycoon had made up his mind in possess exceptional ability. favour of his cousin. Moreover he disliked the character of Nariaki, who was likely to arrogate to himself an inconveniently great share in the counsels of the Government, if his son were adopted as heir. While was
being debated, the necessity presented itself of the Nariaki, on hearing of immediately signing treaty with Harris. Harris' arrival at Kanagawa, protested violently against the conclusion of the treaty without waiting for sanction from the Mikado, as a disloyal and impious act, certain to encounter general reprobation. If they had, this question
still
however, actually signed the treaty, either li, or one of his colleagues on the Council, ought to proceed to Ki5to at once and take the Mikado's He also declared his absolute opposition to the pleasure in the matter. chief provisions of the Treaty. li replied that when the daimios had been consulted, not one of them had given his voice for war, but that they had simply urged the imperative necessity of taking precautions for
the future, which had been done. The Council then informed the Court at Kioto of the momentous step they had felt compelled to take. The had to been the Mikado's sanction; without Tycoon unwilling sign but the danger of postponement was too great to be risked. Similar
1858]
Political situation at Kioto
837
information was given to all the daimios, who were called on to state their opinions without reserve as to the next steps to be taken. On August 4 the ceremony of installing the young Prince of Kishiu The partisans of Hitotsubashi, neveras the Tycoon's heir took place. the decision. still to theless, However, a week later orders upset hoped were issued confining Nariaki to his house Hitotsubashi was forbidden to attend at the castle; Owari and Echizen were forced to retire into ;
life, in consequence of their opposition to li's foreign policy while Tosa and Uwajima were subjected to the same penalty for having addressed the Court directly with regard to the Hitotsubashi candidaOn August 10, the ture, and Hotta was dismissed from the Council. in the of the daimios on his choice received person Tycoon congratulations of an heir; but that night he was suddenly taken ill, and expired on the To add to 14th, after giving orders for the penalties just mentioned. the confusion, a decree arrived from the Mikado, commanding the In this the presence of either li or a member of the Council at Kioto. hand of Nariaki is evident. On the 12th the British and Russian squadrons arrived with the respective plenipotentiaries. li was therefore justified in replying to the Court that state affairs of pressing importance required his presence at Yedo but he promised that Manabe, newly appointed a member of the Council, should be sent up instead. As the latter could not start during the early days of mourning for the late Tycoon, a long letter, drafted by li, was sent to the Kwambaku (the Mikado's chief Minister), defending the course pursued by the Yedo
private
;
;
Government. to explain in a few words the situation at Kioto. Hotta went there to get sanction to the Harris treaty he was greatly helped by Kujo, the Kwambaku, and his retainer Shimada Sakon, the latter deriving his inspiration from Nagano Shuzen, a retainer of li. On the other side were the friends of Nariaki and his party, namely Takadzukasa and his son, Konoye and Sanjo, all four of them nobles of the highest rank, with whom sided most of the Court nobles, thoroughgoing advocates of the seclusion policy. It was these personages who defeated Hotta's mission. To procure the Mikado's orders in their favour was, for either party, a matter of first-rate importance, and as these had to be transmitted through the Kwambaku, the side he favoured must win the day. A contest thus arose about the occupancy of that It was office, and li's opponents exerted every effort to get rid of Kujo. his support that had enabled li to procure the Mikado's approval to the young Prince of Kishiu being adopted, in spite of Nariaki's influence, and this success had exasperated the other party. The news of the Treaty them a been handle powerful signed gave having against li. Nariaki, after being worsted at Yedo, now employed all his influence at Kioto on behalf of Takadzukasa and his friends, who in turn endeavoured to set him on his feet again by procuring direct orders to him from the Mikado. One It is necessary
When
ManaM
838
mission
to
Kioto
[1858
to be absent from Court, the Takadzukasa that the Mikado was not satisfied with the letter a drafted stating party It was a rebellious and disof the treaty. signature hasty Tycoon's courteous proceeding on the part of the Ministers, which could not fail to cause a breach between Kioto and Yedo : the Mikado required, therefore, that all the daimios should be summoned to give their advice on the Instructions were at the same time critical situation that had arisen.
day,
when Kujd happened
forwarded to the Prince of Mito (Nariaki's son) as the senior daimid, This docuto communicate to the others the wishes of the Mikado. ment came into the hands of the Prince, though obviously intended for his father, and instead of acting on the instructions, he showed them to the Council. He had, however, already sent off his reply, promising to act for the best, but this fact he was careful not to disclose. The Council decided therefore to reply briefly to the Court letter, defending what had been done, and to leave it to Manabe, on his arrival at Kioto,
Meanwhile, clansmen of Satsuma (among them Saigo Kichinosuke, afterwards a celebrated political leader), Choshiu, Echizen, and Mito had assembled at Kioto to support the opposition against the Tycoon's Government. The Tycoon's Resident and the civil governor of the city had kept a watchful eye on their doings, and sent information to meet Manabe on his journey which showed the necessity of adopting vigorous measures, for traces of a conspiracy to get rid of the young Tycoon and supplant him by Hitotsubashi had been discovered. On hearing of Manabe's having started from Yedo, the pro-Mito Court nobles put sufficient pressure on Kujo to make him resign but li refused to recognise the resignation on the ground that to offer a fuller exposition of their policy.
;
by constitutional practice a Kwambaku could not be appointed or dismissed without the Tycoon's concurrence, and instructed Manabe to act The latter reached Kioto on October 23, and the arrest of accordingly. the plotters followed. This vigorous step greatly weakened the Nariaki influence. Kujo agreed to remain in office, and measures were taken against the hostile Court nobles, though in such a leisurely manner that six months more elapsed before they found it necessary to resign their offices.
Manabe told the Court that the Yedo Government did not really desire to cultivate relations with foreign countries. The change in the world situation had necessitated the conclusion of treaties, but the Government would watch
an opportunity and use every effort to get armaments, in the way of ships and present the necessary funds were lacking.
for
rid of foreigners so soon as adequate
At guns, were completed. would come to Japan solely in pursuit of gain ; and, if things Foreigners could be so arranged as to prevent their making any profit out of the To rescind the trade, they would soon withdraw of their own accord. treaties on the morrow of their signature would unite all the Powers against Japan, and in the unprepared state of the country it was not to
1859]
Difficulties
of the Tycoon
839
be thought of. Kujo told the Tycoon's Resident that what the Mikado was most anxious to prevent was a promise to open Osaka to foreign trade. He wished foreigners at other places to be placed under the same restrictions in regard to residence and moving about the country as the Chinese and Dutch had always been subjected to at Nagasaki, lest the Japanese people should become friendly to them and be infected by the "pernicious doctrine." It is clear that Manabe had undertaken that all foreigners should be expelled from the country within a few years.
The
was the issue of an imperial edict on February 3, 1859, dethat the Mikado, while unwilling that relations of friendship and claring " commerce with " barbarians should be established even temporarily, result
was satisfied for the moment with the resolution adoped by the Tycoon, with the concurrence of the President of the Council and other officials,
" the barbarians " at a distance, and eventually to renamely, to keep establish the good old law of seclusion. Harmony had thus been
Mikado and the Tycoon, and it was confidently would speedily be formed for closing the Mikado The understood the unavoidable difficulties that country again. had presented themselves, and would for the present await the result of the Tycoon's deliberations. This important edict was regarded as a victory for li and it was followed by the resignations of Takadzukasa and his son, of Konoye and Sanjo, which took effect in May. Manabe had returned to Yedo in the middle of April. The arrested plotters had been dispatched thither for trial, and the qualified assent of the Mikado to the treaties might have seemed to have secured the This was, however, only in appearance. The position of the Tycoon. prisoners had not yet been convicted, and the Mito clan was still in What Manabe had possession of the special order from the Mikado. attained between the
hoped that satisfactory plans
;
obtained was not his sanction to the Treaties, but merely a postponement
The Court had abandoned no principle. The Tycoon remained under the obligation to close the ports, sooner or
of the closing of the country.
commerce, and yet the course of events was adverse to his out his undertaking. He had contracted it in January; nevercarrying theless he had not only to open the three ports in July to several nations, but also to send an embassy to the United States to exchange the ratifications of the treaty. The language held to the Court and the That course pursued towards foreigners became daily more divergent. collisions with foreign Powers should ensue became inevitable, because the majority of the ruling classes of the country was anti-foreign, who learnt nothing from the few whose eyes were opened by their intercoure with such men as Commodore Perry and Count Putiatin, or their visit to Washington. li having failed to obtain the Mikado's unreserved consent, was now driven to attempting to crush the Mito influence by severe sentences on political offenders, and by bringing about a marriage between the Tycoon and a younger sister of the Mikado. The decree
later, to
o
The Treaties come
840
into operation
[1859-60
which the Mikado affirmed his hope that the foreigners would eventually be driven out was not made public, and those whom it most concerned were
left in entire
ignorance of
its
existence.
came into force on July 1, 1859. Kanagawa, or The new a rather Yokohama, village on the opposite side of the bay, was opened to trade, while the English, American, and French diplomatic representatreaties
up their residence at Yedo. From the outset every sort of was thrown in the way of trade by the Japanese authorities. Difficulties occurred in connexion with the currency, owing to the un-
tives took
obstacle
wise clause in the treaties providing for the circulation of foreign gold
and silver coin in Japan weight for weight. The ratio of gold to silver was much lower than in the West, and the gold coin was rapidly exPrices of produce rose, and all classes complained that living ported. was now much dearer than before. Less than two months after the opening of the port of Yokohama a Russian naval officer and a seaman were hacked to pieces in the dark by men of the Samurai class. In November the Chinese servant of a foreign merchant was the victim of a murderous assault. In January, 1860, the native linguist of the English in February two Dutch merchant legation at Yedo was murdered, and in of Yokohama. No redress was the streets to cut were pieces captains obtained in any of these cases but every measure that ingenuity could suggest was taken to prevent the recurrence of such incidents, especially by instituting a rigid system of passes for Samurai visiting Yokohama, and by the erection of guard-houses on the approaches to the town. The Tycoon's Government had weakened their own hands by allowing the Mikado and the daimios to believe that it was their intention to expel foreigners from the shores of Japan as soon as they considered the country to be sufficiently prepared, and the impediments placed in the way of trade were part of the ambiguous policy they had adopted. ;
In order to maintain the prestige of the Tycoon they exerted themselves to obtain from the Mikado a censure on the Court nobles dismissed for the share they had taken in transmitting orders direct to Mito, and thus fomenting disagreement between the Mikado and the Tycoon, while
same time, in the name of the latter, they disgraced Nariaki, and His son was ordered him into confinement at the capital of the clan. confined to his own house, and Hitotsubashi was forced to retire into sentences varying from capital punishment to exile were private life pronounced on some fifty of the men of lower degree who had been arrested at Kioto and sent for trial to Yedo; and the officials who had worked for the adoption of Hitotsubashi were deprived of office and lands. The source of all the Tycoon's troubles being the Mito clan and its intrigues with the Court, li now came to the conclusion that it must be forced to give up the document containing the private orders received from the Mikado. Through Kujo he obtained the necessary sanction to the demand being made but obstinate resistance was offered at the
;
;
1860-3]
Murder ofli Kamon no Kami.
by the Mito clansmen, some twenty
Prussian Treaty 841
whom
resolved to remove the his country to the barbarian, insulted their prince, and persecuted even to the death upOn March 24, 1860, as he was proceeding to right and patriotic Samurai. the castle, the band attacked his train, murdered him, and carried off his traitorous President of the Council
of
who had betrayed
Thus
the most strenuous advocate of an enlightened foreign policy disappeared from the scene, to be followed to the grave From this time six months later by his inveterate enemy, Nariaki.
head in triumph.
onwards dissensions among the clansmen, some of whom supported the Tycoon, while others vindicated the rights of the Mikado, prevented Mito from exercising any influence over the current of national politics. In September, 1860, a Prussian mission under Count Eulenburg It can well be arrived at Yedo to conclude a treaty of commerce. in to was the that this proposal negotiate highest degree unimagined welcome to the Tycoon's Government, which had already become involved consequence of the Treaties of 1858. The Prussian diplomatist was, however, not to be denied ; and, finally, the Government consented early in December to appoint commissioners, with the result From this all mention of that a treaty was signed on January 24, 1861. the opening of other ports or places besides Yokohama, Hakodate, and Nagasaki was excluded. Niigata, or some other port on the west coast, in serious difficulties in
to have been opened on January 1, 1860, but no steps were taken on Of more importance were the either side to carry out this stipulation. treaty provisions that the city of Yedo should be opened for residence
was
and trade on January 1, 1862, and the city of Osaka with the port of It was necessary for the Tycoon's Government, Hiogo, January 1, 1863. in order to fulfil the undertaking given by Manabe to the Court, to obtain from the Treaty Powers their consent to a postponement, and already in the summer of 1860 they had approached the foreign repreThe latter, who had experienced in their sentatives on this subject. own persons the dangers of residence in Yedo, were not unwilling to recommend this course to their Governments. Eventually, it was decided by the Council to send a mission to Europe to negotiate. It started in February, 1862, and returned home in January, 1863, after visiting all the Powers in turn, except the United States, with its object accomplished. In return for the concession obtained, the envoys undertook to recommend to their Government that all restrictions on trade complained of by foreign merchants should be removed, and also that, in accordance with a suggestion thrown out in 1861 by the Tycoon's Ministers, Tsushima should be opened to commerce as a measure of protection against Russian aggression. Just before the negotiations for the Prussian Treaty were concluded, Heusken, the Secretary of the United States legation, was
murdered as he was riding home one night from the Prussian envoy's The English, French, and Netherlands representatives decided lodgings.
Night attack on
842
the British legation
[1861-3
to remove their establishments temporarily to Yokohama or Kanagawa, until the Japanese Government should give guarantees for the safety of the legations, while the American Minister preferred to remain in Yedo, where, as he maintained, perfect safety could be enjoyed, so long as
observed the precautions recommended by the Tycoon's It was he who had obtained the conclusion of the first treaty To him, that accorded the right of diplomatic residence in Yedo. therefore, it would have been humiliating to admit that he had made a mistake in insisting on this point during the negotiations. He reported to Washington that he looked on Heusken's murder as the result of his foreigners Ministers.
own imprudence
in going through the streets at night, though escorted mounted Samurai detailed by the Government for his protection. The Council were greatly disquieted by this withdrawal of the three diplomatists, but procured their return in March, 1861, by engaging to The measures that provide effectually for the protection of the legations. the Council had engaged to take were put to a rude test on the night of July 5, when a band of fourteen Mito clansmen attacked the residence of the British Minister. The Japanese guard, consisting of clansmen furnished by the feudal chief of Koriyama and from retainers of the Tycoon, engaged the assailants after they had penetrated to the Minister's It was discovered afterwards apartments and wounded two of his staff. that the plan had been formed more than a year before, some of the
by the
confederates having visited the building in the disguise of curio dealers, and made themselves acquainted with the interior arrangements. Hearing that the British Minister had returned on July 3 from a journey in
The motive was the interior, they proceeded to carry out their design. merely blind hatred of the foreigner, and, as in the case of other murderous attacks, the act was riot the result of provocation received. In order to ensure better protection in the future, the Government undertook that residences should be built for the foreign Ministers in some The place finally selected was Goten-yama, an eledefensible locality. vated piece of ground commanding the bay, which for generations had been a pleasure resort of the inhabitants of the capital. Buildings were accordingly commenced, but had not been completed, when they were burnt to the ground early in 1863 by incendiaries from Choshiu. The choice had been very unpopular, and the clansmen had especially resented it as dedicating to the service of the foreigner an important Harris and his successor Pruyn continued to live at strategic position. Yedo till, on the night of May 24, 1863, the American legation was destroyed by fire. For some time previous Pruyn had been urged by the Council to leave the capital, for the residence there of diplomatists was one of the treaty stipulations most objected to by the Mikado's party and he reluctantly came to the conclusion that the destruction of his residence was an act of incendiarism for which the ultimate respon;
sibility
must
rest
on the Tycoon's Government.
1861]
The Russians at Tsushima
843
Russia had, as narrated in a previous section of this chapter, acquired territory stretching from the mouth of the Amur river down to the northern boundary of Corea. It contained no warm- water port, and the idea was conceived that the Japanese island of Tsushima, lying in the Corean channel, would serve as a convenient additional naval station. Accordingly, in March, 1861, the corvette commander Barileff, 'was dispatched thither with orders to Possadnick, form an establishment on shore. When the news of his proceedings reached Yedo, the Government sent down officials to enquire what were his intentions. They could obtain no information, except that his ship was in need of repairs, which appeared to them suspicious, as she had come straight from Nagasaki, where, had she required any, they could The commander explained that his real easily have been executed. to the was forestall object English, who had designs on the island and had asked the Tycoon's Government to give them land there for a naval station. This was false. Injunctions were left with the daimid to avoid a breach of peaceful relations, and the officials returned to report The Russian consul at Hakodate was then appealed to their superiors. to, who replied that he knew nothing of the matter, but would enquire It turned out afterwards that he himself had been of the Commodore. the channel through which the Commodore had received his instructions. The Japanese Government then turned for help to the British Minister and Admiral. The diplomatist advised their addressing a complaint to the Russian Government, which they accordingly did on September 27.
from China an enormous
The Admiral proceeded to Tsushima, where he arrived on August 27, and found a very complete naval depot in existence, including a hospital and workshops, with the Russian flag flying on the hill above. On his addressing a letter to the Russian officer, asking whether his orders admitted of his leaving the island if he received a request to that effect from the Japanese authorities, and whether he had orders to create a permanent establishment there, he received a polite but evasive answer. Sir James Hope thereupon proceeded to Olga Bay on September 5 in search of the Commodore, but not finding him there, he left a letter, enquiring whether it was his intention to retain permanently the establishment begun by the Possadnick, and if otherwise, when would it be removed. He added that until he received instructions from his own Government, it would be his duty not to recognise any establishment formed on Japanese territory not sanctioned by treaty, whether by Russia or any other Power, and that he would make his intention known to the Japanese authorities. In reply the Commodore informed him that, even before the receipt of his letter, orders had been sent to Commander Barileff to withdraw. When the official reports reached England, Lord Russell instructed the ambassador at St Petersburg to make representations to the Russian Government. Prince Gorchakoff treated the matter as one of no importance, and complained of the tone
Political
844
amnesty
[1861-2
of the Admiral's letter to Barileff, but said that the island had been abandoned. The dates seem to suggest that the relinquishment of this to establish a naval station midway in the channel between
attempt Corea and Japan was not altogether spontaneous. In the unprepared state of Japan at that period the Russians might have acquired a position on the island from which they could not afterwards have easily been dislodged. In November, 1861, on the occasion of the intended marriage between the Mikado's sister and the young Tycoon, orders came down from Kioto to proclaim a general amnesty in favour of all those who, in the belief
that they were serving their country, had committed political which they had suffered capital punishment, exile, imprisonThis was virtually a command to censure or domiciliary arrest.
offences for
ment
retrospectively the whole policy of li, the late President of the Council. Since his assassination, the chief direction of affairs had passed into the hands of Kuze and Ando. It was the latter who had sanctioned the treaty negotiations with Eulenburg, at a moment when the morally pledged to cancel those already concluded.
Tycoon was
A
reprimand
addressed by him to the actual negotiator Hori, one of the Commissioners for Foreign Affairs, had driven the latter to take his own life, and a party of Hori's retainers attempted on February 14, 1862, to assassinate Ando in the precincts of the castle. He escaped with a severe wound, but did not reappear in public life. few days later an edict was received from Kioto, inveighing against
A
the increasing audacity of " the barbarians," and recalling that the result of previous communications with Yedo had been to fix upon a term of
between seven and ten years for severing relations with foreign countries. The Mikado had agreed to a short delay, in order to give time for the As evidence of the harmony which completion of military preparations.
now prevailed, so necessary for the successful
"
quelling of the barbarians,"
Mikado had allowed his sister to espouse the Tycoon, and the whole country must unite in seizing the occasion for manifesting the glory of Japan. After Nariaki disappeared from the scene, his mantle had fallen on Shimadzu Saburo, a younger brother of the late, and father of the
the
present, Prince of Satsuma, who now appeared at Kioto. change speedily came over the field of politics. Kuze and
A
complete
Ando were
Shungaku, the ex-Prince of Echizen, and the feudal chief of Aidzu were summoned to the Tycoon's councils, while at Kioto the Court nobles who had been disgraced at the instance of li were restored to favour. The Kwambaku Kujo was sent about his business and replaced by Konoye, who belonged, as will be remembered, to the party formerly headed by Nariaki. In order to secure the Tycoon's hold over the person of the Mikado, Aidzu was shortly afterwards appointed Military Governor of Kioto. It was a good choice, for the Aidzu clansmen were the most formidable warriors in Japan, except those of Satsuma. disgraced.
Shimadzu Saburds mission
1862-3]
to
Yedo
845
To
bring pressure to bear on the Tycoon a Court noble named Ohara in June to Yedo, with Shimadzu Saburo as his to offer to the Tycoon the choice of three instructions escort, bearing the first, that the Tycoon should come up to Kioto with all alternatives the daimios to consult with the Court nobles as to the government of " the country and the " expulsion of the barbarians the second, to ;
was dispatched early :
copy
the system bequeathed by Hideyoshi to his son, and appoint five of the greater daimios whose territories lay on the coast to be chief Ministers (tairo) or the third, to appoint Hitotsubashi assistant to the Tycoon and ;
Shungaku
sole chief Minister.
The Council
finally
consented to accept
and the whole of the third alternative. Notice was that the Tycoon would proceed to Kioto "in order to come to a given complete understanding with the Mikado, and to give expression to his sincere sentiments and intentions, thus laying the foundations of a complete accord and enabling the military prestige of Japan to be developed until she became the most powerful nation in the world the Tycoon therefore called on all the daimios to aid him with their advice part of the first
;
in the introduction of the necessary administrative reforms, that finally he might bring tranquillity to the imperial bosom and confer prosper-
on the people." This proclamation was followed on August 1 by the appointments of Hitotsubashi as Guardian to the Tycoon and of Shungaku as President of the Council.
ity
The Tycoon's Government had
capitulated.
As Shimadzu Saburo was
returning to Kioto in September, 1862, he met on the high road near Yokohama a party of four British subjects, one of whom (Richardson) was killed, and two severely wounded, by men This incident had important and farforming part of his retinue. In the spring of 1863 the British Government reaching consequences. demanded a formal apology for a murderous attack having been permitted on British subjects on a high road open to them by treaty, with the 100,000 as a penalty for this offence, and a payment of a sum of further sum of .10,000 as compensation to the families of two sentries who had been murdered by one of the Japanese guards at the British From the Prince of legation at Yedo on the night of June 26, 1862. charge* d'affaires was instructed to claim the trial and execution of the chief perpetrators of the murderous assault, and the 25,000 by way of compensation to the relatives of the payment of
Satsuma the
murdered man and to his companions. The Tycoon's Government, which was being pressed by the Court to " expel the barbarians," would have refused compliance, but eventually gave way when an ultimatum, backed by a strong naval force, was presented. They paid the money and offered a written expression of regret. They intimated their readiness to pay the indemnity on behalf of the Prince of Satsuma, but declared themselves unable to arrest and punish the murderers, thus admitting that they had no power in the territories of a great daimio.
Kagoshima bombarded
846
[1862-4
under Admiral Kiiper, with the charge d'affaires on board, consequently proceeded to Kagoshima in the month of August The Satsuma authorities to present the demands directly to the Prince. of Richardson the on the ground that he to slaying justify attempted and his party had obstructed the passage of Shimadzu Saburo's train. They held that, if anyone were to blame, it was the Yedo Government
The
British squadron
for not inserting in the treaty a statement of the Japanese rule of the road. They declared their inability to find the individuals implicated, and declined to pay compensation until the question of responsibility
The Admiral thereupon
seized some steamers belonging opening fire, engaged them during a furious storm. Many guns were dismounted and half the town was burnt, besides a factory and a gun-foundry, the loss on the British side being 2 officers and 10 men killed and 51 wounded. On the following
was
settled.
to the Prince,
and on the
batteries
day the squadron quitted the bay, throwing shells as it passed into what was believed to be the Prince's palace. The report addressed to the Tycoon on behalf of the Prince briefly stated that the seizure of the steamers had rendered it necessary to open fire and drive off the attacking
The engagement could hardly be claimed as a victory by either side, but in November, 1863, envoys from Satsuma presented themselves to the British charge d'affaires, expressing the desire of their Prince to come to terms, by undertaking to search for the guilty parties and offering to pay the sum demanded. This proposal was accepted, and the Tycoon's Government provided the money. From this time forward a friendly feeling grew up between the clan and the British legation, which was largely facilitated by the business relations existing between Satsuma and a leading British firm at Nagasaki. In the spring of the following year, however, Shimadzu Saburo was sent for to the palace of the Mikado, force.
who
expressed his satisfaction at the zeal displayed by the Satsuma clan
in the repulse of the British squadron, and conferred gifts on him and his son the reigning Prince. It is highly probable that the arrangement
made with the charge d'affaires had been concealed from the Prince's knowledge by the retainers who professed to speak on his behalf. To go back, however, to the previous year the political situation developed rapidly after the mission of Ohara, who on his return to Kioto was rewarded for the success he had obtained. The Court nobles were informed of the Mikado's satisfaction with the Tycoon's evident desire to amend his conduct and to respect the wishes of the sovereign, who would wait awhile to see the result. About the same time, notice was given at Yedo to the daimios that they might send their families home, and that the rules for their own attendance there would be greatly modified, so as to allow in future of their residing more continuously in One their territories and attending to the interests of their people.
and
all thereupon quitted Yedo, as it proved, for ever ; and most of the great daimios, such as Inshiu, Chikuzen, Geishiu, Kurume, Awa,
1863]
The Tycoon
visits the
Mikado
Kumamoto, Satsuma, Choshiu, and Tosa, from
at Kioto this
847
time onwards
established themselves at Kioto, thus openly transferring to the Mikado the allegiance they had formerly paid to the Tycoon. Finally, it was decided at Yedo that the Tycoon should start for
Ki5to in the ensuing March. Hitotsubashi and Shungaku preceded the Tycoon to Kioto. In response to an urgent message from the palace they, in conjunction with Aidzu and the ex- Prince of Tosa, imprudently undertook that when the Tycoon arrived he would fix the date when " " This would be some time expulsion of the barbarians should begin. in the month between May 18 and June 15, 1863 but, in order to for a sufficient reason beforehand shortening his stay, they provide reminded the Court that they had previously stipulated for an interval ;
his return to Yedo and the commencement of the operations. general body of officials at Yedo, who were only too conscious that the Tycoon was undertaking the impossible, it seemed that the impatience of the Court was unreasonable, and that the Tycoon
of
twenty days between
To
ought not to be made to promise precipitately what was beyond his power to perform. They counselled the adoption of stringent measures against all those who were trying to force on him an enterprise that would not only bring about his ruin, but also leave a lasting stain on But the time had the character of Japan in the eyes of foreign nations. and their the moral courage for chiefs lacked resistance, political gone by On the last day of March to tell the Court that the task was hopeless. the start was made. The original intention was that the stay at Kioto should not exceed ten days, but the Court, having got the Tycoon there, determined to keep him as long as possible. At first, the Mikado was induced to declare that he left the performance of the functions of Shogun entirely in his hands yet at the same time he announced the Mito was sent down possibility of his taking the field himself in person. ;
to
Yedo
to hasten preparations for war.
The only way
of escape for the
Tycoon was to agree on a date for commencing negotiations, by which was meant an intimation to foreigners that they must depart. June 24 was accordingly chosen. Notice was given to all the daimios to defend their coasts from foreign attack, and Hitotsubashi was dispatched to Yedo to see that the Mikado's orders were executed. Before his arrival, however, notes had been addressed on the appointed day to the Ministers of England, France, and the United States, stating that orders had come from the Tycoon at Kioto to close the ports and banish all At the same time the Council gave them verbal assurances foreigners. that nothing would be done to give effect to this intimation. Trade would go on as usual, and troops would be sent to support the Tycoon
As a matter of course the foreign representatives against his enemies. a replied by protest against this attempt to set the treaties aside, and declared they would take such steps as seemed fitting to protect the interests of their respective countries.
848
Choshiu fires on foreign ships
[1863^
Troops were accordingly embarked on board two British steamers chartered by the Council and brought as far as Osaka, to the unbounded Ogasawara, who commanded them, was indignation of the Court.
denounced on all sides as a traitor to the Mikado, and was glad to Hitotsubashi, moreover, had sent up a memorial escape back to Yedo. from his charge, on the ground that he could not relieved be to asking find a single
member
of the
Yedo Government
willing to assist in
its
Assurances on behalf of the Tycoon that he would carry out the Mikado's orders so far as practicable having been given by the Ministers in his suite, he was allowed to go down to Osaka, whence they execution.
promptly brought him home to Yedo by steamer. Ogasawara had to be dismissed from office for his temerity in planning a rescue.
The Straits of Shimonoseki, on the northern side of which lay the Choshiu territory, were habitually used by foreign vessels navigating between Yokohama and Nagasaki. Powerful batteries had been con" structed in readiness for the day when " expulsion was to begin. It so a on that American steamer anchored there June 24, happened passing On July 8 and 11 a French dispatch1863, and she was at once fired on. An American boat and a Dutch man-of-war received similar treatment. man-of-war was promptly sent to retaliate. She engaged the batteries on July 16, and sank a steamer and a brig belonging to the Prince. Four days later the French Admiral attacked the batteries, and landing a party of 250 men, spiked the guns and destroyed the ammunition. The Straits remained closed until September, 1864, when a joint expedition of the four Powers, including Great Britain, attacked Shimonoseki, captured the batteries and removed the guns. It should be mentioned that, previous to the dispatch of the allied squadrons, a ship had been sent down to convey to Choshiu two young clansmen (one of whom was the present Prince Ito) who had just returned from England, in order to present to their lord remonstrances on the part of the foreign representatives, and endeavour to induce him to abandon further hostilities. The answer of the clan was that the Prince had been merely carrying out the orders of the Mikado and Tycoon, and that he could not open the Straits without their sanction, which he would endeavour to obtain if a delay of three months were conceded to him. The failure of this attempt at negotiation convinced the diplomatists that measures of coercion were unavoidable. The result of the operations was an undertaking on the part of Choshiu not to re-arm the batteries, to allow free passage to foreign vessels, to furnish them with such supplies as they might need, and to pay an indemnity for the expenses of the expedition together with a sum as ransom for the town of Shimonoseki. Eventually, the Tycoon's Government undertook the payment of this indemnity, the amount of which was fixed at $3,000,000. Each of the three Powers whose vessels had been molested received $142,000 as
The Tycoon and
1863]
the
Mikado
849
compensation, the balance being divided equally among the four, although the force contributed by each was far from being equal. As in the case of Kagoshima in 1863, this passage of arms was followed by the establishment of entirely amicable relations with the Prince and his retainers.
No sooner had the Tycoon been conveyed safely back to Yedo than a memorial signed by him was addressed to the Mikado, representing that, in the opinion of Mito and Hitotsubashi, with whom he had been directed to consult, the present moment was an unfavourable one for To attempt it would be merely carrying out the exclusion policy. playing into the hands of the "barbarians." So soon as order was introduced into the internal administration and harmony of opinion He suggested that the established, the necessary steps should be taken. of a date should be his left to discretion. fixing entirely It will be noticed that the authors of this document entirely ignored the fact that June 24, 1863, had already been agreed upon by their colleagues who had accompanied the Tycoon to Kioto. The reply which came back praised the Tycoon for having, by coming to Court, revived an excellent practice that had remained in abeyance for over two centuries, and thus placed the relations of sovereign and vassal 011 a proper footing. A rebuke was added for his not keeping the Mikado constantly informed of his doings, above all for having gone to Yedo in a steamer, and for his unsatisfactory language in regard to breaking off foreign relations he deserved to be called to account for his conduct, but out of gracious consideration, proceedings against him would be delayed haughty language to which the Tokugawa Slioguns had not been accustomed. sudden and unexpected change now came about in the Mikado's counsels, due to the rash proceedings of the Choshiu chief. By his on and Dutch he had attacks American, French, ships unprovoked had on himself the direct and been of Powers, brought hostility foreign He had violated a constitutional rule by anticiingloriously worsted. He had not parleyed before pating instructions from the Tycoon. opening fire. To the Tycoon's Government the discomfiture of Choshiu was very welcome, and strengthened their position. Prince Nakagawa, the Mikado's principal adviser, became convinced that the anti-foreign policy of violence was impracticable, and those who had been foremost in urging it fell into disgrace. Sanjo and certain other Court nobles were forbidden to appear at Court, and the Choshiu men w^ere ordered to surrender the guard of the palace gate that had been in their charge. Easy credence was given to the accusation that they were plotting to ;
A
force him to declare war against the foreigners. on called to Choshiu, being explain his action in firing on foreign ships and in sending armed men across the strait into the territory of Kokura, replied that to the order to break off relations on June 24 his retainers
carry off the
0.
Mikado and
M. H. XI.
64
850 Expulsion of Choshiu
clan.
Murder of Camus
[1863
its natural interpretation. They had supposed that any would be have taken place prethat contemplated might parleyings hostilities were to be immediate. The Kokura clan that and viously,
had given
had weakened the effect of Choshiu's efforts by withholding their assistance, and surely to send men to expostulate with them was in no
way
irregular.
There were not wanting sympathisers with Ch5shiu. Awa, Inshiu, Uyesugi, and Bizen urged that the Tycoon should be called on to explain the delay in closing the port of Yokohama, which the Minister Itakura and his colleagues had promised should by this time be accomplished. On the other hand the Echizen clan frankly gave it as their opinion that The both the Mikado and Tycoon were pursuing an erroneous policy. " had become enlightened, and friendly intercourse maritime " barbarians between nations was the rule. For Japan to remain isolated was imThe policy of closing the country and " expelling the practicable. To break off relations with barbarians" had no foundation in reason. the Five Powers without just grounds would amount to a breach of faith. The "pernicious doctrine" so much talked about was quite different " from the " Kirishitan of former times, and as far as they could hear no harm need be anticipated from its adoption. Commerce would enrich Japan, as it had enriched other countries. Until the Court changed its line of action it would not be visited either by the reigning daimid or by
Shungaku.
The upshot was
that the Choshiu clansmen were forbidden to remain and they accordingly departed in a body, carrying off with them Sanjo and six other Court nobles, who were allied with them
in Kioto,
Sanjo will be heard of afterwards. the Tycoon's Ministers hoped to induce the foreign representatives to consent to Yokohama being closed, on condition of Ogasawara's Note of June 24 being withdrawn. Finding that they had produced no impression, the Council wrote on November 12 announcing that they had changed their policy, and requested that Ogasawara's Note might be returned. To keep up appearances, they circulated a politically.
At
first
notification that full
powers having been given to the Tycoon to arrange
for closing the ports, and negotiations having begun, the clansmen must abstain from all acts of violence. The Mikado was also informed that
negotiations had begun, await the result.
and he announced reluctantly that he would
On October 14 a French naval officer, Lieutenant Camus, had been cut to pieces as he was riding in the neighbourhood of Yokohama. An and for as the this murder was apology compensation promised and, foreign representatives had peremptorily refused to entertain the pro;
posal to close the ports,
and England,
it
was decided
to arrange the
Camus
negotiate with the two Governments,
to dispatch a mission to France and at the same time to
affair
whom
the Council expected to find
1864]
Tycoon again at Kioto.
Attack on palace
851
more yielding than the diplomatists on the spot. The reception they met with in Paris did not encourage the envoys to pursue their journey further, and they returned in August, 1864, with a convention by which they undertook that the Tycoon would reopen the Straits of Shimonoseki within three months. This convention the Government were easily persuaded not to it
ratify, as
they recognised the impossibility of putting
into execution.
His most formidable antagonist having been obliged to withdraw from Kioto, it was thought safe for the Tycoon to proceed thither again in February, 1864, accompanied by four out of the seven members of which the Council of State now consisted. He was preceded by Hitotsubashi in January. Choshiu still had friends there, who exerted their efforts to obtain leave for himself and his son to come up and The explain their conduct in the previous summer, but without success. result of the negotiations between the Court and the Tycoon's supporters was that Aidzu, Shungaku of Echizen, the ex-Princes of Uwajima and Tosa, and Shimadzu Saburo were designated as personages enjoying the Mikado's confidence and therefore suitable counsellors for the Tycoon. An undertaking was given that the Tycoon and all the daimios, on succeeding to their fiefs, should proceed to Kioto to receive investiture from the Mikado, and that various marks of respect hitherto withheld should be paid to him and to the members of the imperial house. In return for these concessions, the Mikado again committed the government of the country to the Tycoon, and left the punishment of Choshiu and the seven fugitive Court nobles to his discretion. He was at the same time ordered to carry out the closing of Yokohama to foreign trade with
due expedition. As soon as these terms were settled the Tycoon started Yedo, where he arrived on June 23. The Choshiu clan, who were indisposed to admit that their conduct was in any way worthy of blame, refused to remain under the imputation of disloyalty, and early in August a band of some 400 warriors, headed by Fukubara, a leading clan-councillor, arrived at Fushimi. They disobeyed the Court's orders to return home at once, and protested that their only desire was to manifest the loyalty of their princes, and to remove traitorous advisers from the Mikado's side. Two other bands under Kunishi and Masuda followed, raising the total number to 900. The Tycoon's party put forth a proclamation, commenting on their threatening attitude, and announcing that the Mikado had decreed their chastisement. On the 20th of the month hostilities broke out. The Choshiu men attacked the palace from three sides, but were repulsed after a bloody fight by the clansmen of Aidzu, Kuwana, Echizen, Hikone, Ogaki, and Satsuma and the Tycoon's troops under Hitotsubashi. They were pursued in their retreat; some twenty of the fugitives committed suicide rather than surrender, and the rest dispersed in the direction of their home. for
852
The Tycoon's expeditions against Choshiu
[1864-5
Five days later, a decree was issued from the palace denouncing the criminal act of Choshiu, and ordering the Tycoon to march against the This was proclaimed throughout the country, and the daimios clan.
The of the west and south were called on to furnish contingents. ex-Prince of Owari was named commander-in-chief, and Echizen second Further edicts deprived the two Princes of their titles in command. and rank, and forbade the transport of rice and arms to their territories. In November the Commander-in-chief arrived at Hiroshima at the head of the attacking force, and received the submission of the Choshiu Princes. They undertook to execute the three leaders of the attack on the palace and to surrender the fugitive Court nobles, while they themselves would retire to a monastery and await the sentence that might be pronounced on them. The heads of Fukubara, Kunishi, and Masuda having been produced and satisfactory evidence of contrition furnished by the Princes, Owari gave orders to withdraw the troops. It only remained, therefore, to decide what should be done with the two Princes. That the Tycoon inspired the resolution taken on this occasion is scarcely probable, and it can only be supposed that his supporters had become infatuated, for they not only commanded that the Prince of Choshiu and his son should be brought prisoners to Yedo, but also ordered Uwajima to send troops into the territory to assume their custody. They also conceived the untimely resolution of re-enacting the old law, abrogated in 1862, which required the daimios to leave their families in Yedo, and to reside there themselves every alternate year. These measures provoked not only a protest from some of the leading daimios, but also a severe rebuke from the Mikado, who called on the Tycoon to forthwith proceed to Kioto and settle with him what steps should be taken to restore domestic and foreign peace to the country. Meanwhile disturbances had broken out in Ch5shiu, where those of the clan who resented the decapitation of the three clan-councillors, rose under the leadership of Takasugi and Yamagata, worsted their opponents, and carried off the two Princes to the inland fortress of Yamaguchi. On these events becoming known at Yedo the Tycoon's advisers resolved on a second expedition. To reiterated orders to proceed to Kioto no attention was paid; but at last they found that delay was no longer practicable, and finally consented that he should leave Yedo in June, 1865. It was at first intended to reappoint the ex-Prince of Owari to the chief command, but his principal retainers were unwilling to see him placed again in that invidious position, and Kishiu was appointed in his stead. Higo was to lead the van, but, loyal though his house had always been to the Tycoon and his ancestors, he was very Inshiu, a brother of Mito by unwilling to take part in the operations. " blood, remonstrated against the vagueness of the expression dangerous " schemes used as the justification for renewed coercion, and warned the Tj^coon against the defeat and loss of prestige which he foresaw would be the result. Echizen likewise protested, while Satsuma flatly refused
1865]
The powers of
to send a contingent.
the
Tycoon and
To make
the
Mikado
853
matters worse, the treasury was de-
pleted, and resort became necessary to the unpopular measure of calling upon the Buddhist monasteries and townspeople of Yedo for contributions
towards the expense of the contemplated operations. The Tycoon reached Kioto on July 16, and had an audience the
same day.
The Mikado put
before
him three equally unpalatable
alter-
natives, each of which was contrived so as to reserve to the Court the ultimate decision in Choshiu's case ; and it was not till November that
a reply was given. The Tycoon stated that he had summoned the cadets of the house of Choshiu to appear before him at Osaka, but they showed
no signs of an intention to obey, and under the circumstances it was difficult to treat the clan with leniency; on the contrary, everything pointed to the necessity of an advance in force. Another complication had arisen from the attitude of the foreign So far back as 1858 Harris had twitted the Tycoon's representatives. Ministers witn their apparent inability to conclude a treaty without the Mikado's permission. Nevertheless the Treaties were signed by the Tycoon as the high contracting party on the part of Japan, and to hide " in the various this assumption, while he was termed " His Majesty
drawn up in foreign languages, in the corresponding Japanese verwords were either omitted altogether or rendered by a term of which the only possible equivalent in English is " His Highness," a title borne also by the Kwambaku. When real diplomatic relations were texts
sion these
opened at Yedo the foreign representatives were not long in finding out that the Tycoon was not the Emperor of Japan, and that the " Mikado was much more than the supposed " Spiritual Emperor of the early writers. This impression deepened as time went on. The Tycoon's Ministers were forced to admit that they were unable to interfere in the administration of the great fiefs, and that their inability to carry out the treaties was due to the Mikado having refused his sanction. The necessity of obtaining the ratification of the true sovereign was forced upon the notice of Western Governments but until after the naval ;
expeditions to Kagoshima and Shimonoseki and the gradual assemblage of ships and troops in the Japan seas, the opportunity of pressing the In the summer of 1865 Sir Harry Parkes point did not present itself. arrived in Japan as British Minister, and, as soon as he had leisure to take up this question, urged it upon the attention of his colleagues.
Accordingly, a powerful combined squadron proceeded to Hidgo early November, carrying the British, French, and Netherlands Ministers and the United States charge d'affaires, with the object of compelling In addition to demanding the attention of the Tycoon to the matter. the Mikado's ratification of the Treaties they offered to remit two-thirds of the Shimonoseki indemnity in return for the immediate opening of Osaka and Hiogo and the revision of the customs tariff on a basis of 5
in
per cent, ad valorem.
854
The Treaties sanctioned by
the
Mikado
[1865-6
The appearance of foreign ships of war in the bay of Osaka on such an errand caused a profound sensation at the Court. The Tycoon was persuaded by his Ministers to ask the Mikado's leave to recommence to the treaties frankly and sincerely. Simulnegotiations with respect taneously he offered to resign his office in favour of Hitotsubashi and To increase the pressure on the Court it was retire into private life. at once for Yedo. would leave that he out Evidently such a step given would have placed the Court in a very difficult position. A similarly worded memorial from Hitotsubashi, Aidzu, Kuwana, and the Minister Ogasawara reinforced the Tycoon's arguments. On the night of November 21 representatives of fifteen leading clans were summoned to the palace, to offer their advice to the Mikado. A large majority proved to be in favour of the treaties being sanctioned. Accordingly, on the decree the wished-for came forth, worded as follows: following day " to is and consent treaties, given Imperial you will therefore make To this was added a rider, stating that there suitable arrangements." were several stipulations in the existing treaties which did not harmonise with the Mikado's views. A report must be made on these points after careful examination, and when the clans had discussed it, he would give The question of opening Hiogo must be dropped. his decision. In communicating the Mikado's consent to the foreign representatives the Tycoon's Ministers entirely suppressed the rider, thus leaving them under the impression that the treaties had been sanctioned as they
In regard to the opening of Hiogo they simply said that they were unable to discuss it at the moment. They would continue to pay the instalments of the indemnity, and instructions should be sent to Yedo
stood.
to negotiate the
amendment
of the tariff.
This interruption having been disposed of, the Tycoon reluctantly consented to remain in office, with Hitotsubashi as his principal adviser, and he was left free to deal with the Choshiu question as he judged expedient. Early in January, 1866, a sort of trial of Choshiu took place at Hiroshima that is to say, three law officers put a series of questions to two clan-councillors, who returned not very frank replies. Finally, a ;
declaration was put in on behalf of the two Princes, expressing complete submissiveness and readiness to accept whatever terms might be imposed. The leaders of the Choshiu drilled troops, who had also been examined, spoke out more boldly, and expressed their confidence that the two Princes would be acquitted, on the ground that they had unwaveringly obeyed the orders both of the Mikado and the Tycoon. This was too much for the patience of the Council, who felt they were being trifled with. In March they presented a report bearing the names of Hitotsubashi, Aidzu, and two of themselves, acquitting the Princes indeed of treasonable intentions towards the Mikado, but censuring them for their lax exercise of authority over the clansmen. In consideration of the loyal conduct of the Choshiu family in past times
1866-7]
Deaths of
the
Tycoon and
the
Mikado
855
they recommended as a lenient sentence that 100,000 koku of lands should be confiscated (say two-sevenths of the Choshiu territory), that the two Princes should be condemned to seclusion for life, the headship being continued in a descendant, while the families of Fukubara, Kunishi, and Masuda should be attainted. This was approved by the Court on the same day, with the significant recommendation that care should be taken to avoid popular commotion. In the eyes of the feudal lords the sentence appeared preposterous, as indeed it was, since the Tokugawa power was altogether insufficient for its enforcement. The whole population of the two provinces declared their intention of resisting, and, so soon as they were ready to take the field, the Choshiu troops invaded the adjoining provinces, where they occupied positions from which the Tycoon's army proved unable to eject them. Kishiu had already protested against the unnecessary severity of the sentence, while Satsuma had refused to march on the ground that there was no justification for an appeal to arms. The Government was at its wits' end for money, and tried to raise funds from the officials, from the city of Osaka, and the towns of Hiogo and Nishinomiya. The Tycoon's forces suffered repeated defeats at the hands of their better drilled and disciplined adversaries.
At the end of September the Tycoon died most opportunely, and Hitotsubashi was appointed to succeed as head of the Tokugawa family. Hereupon the Court commanded a cessation of hostilities and the retirement of the Choshiu troops from the territories they had seized. Choshiu affected to disbelieve that this was the genuine order of the Mikado, and declined to evacuate, on the ground that there was no guarantee that the war would not be renewed immediately after the mourning for the Tycoon was over. On February 3, 1867, the Mikado died also, and was succeeded by the present Emperor, then only fifteen This event was followed by an order from the palace years of age. to disband the troops on both sides in consequence of the national mourning, which was submissively notified by the new Tycoon to all whom it might concern. The opening of the port of Hiogo and of the cities of Yedo and Osaka had in 1862 been deferred with the consent of the Treaty Powers until January 1, 1868, and there was no prospect of a further delay being accorded. The new Tycoon, anxious to cultivate friendly relations with the foreign representatives, invited them to visit him at O^aka in the month of April, when he received them in public and private audience, and entertained them at his own table in accordance with Western etiquette. During their stay arrangements were discussed for the settlement of foreign merchants at those three places, and on April 9, He 1867, the Tycoon memorialised in reference to the opening of Hidgo. confessed that in 1865 the order of the late Mikado to abandon this treaty stipulation
had not been communicated
to the foreign representatives
856 by
his
ensued.
Opening of Hiogo
[1867
for fear qf the complications which might have predecessor, To have insisted on modifying the treaties in this respect would
have amounted to a breach of faith, and was impracticable. As the had been sanctioned in general terms, nothing had been said on Then the Choshiu question and the death of this subject at the time. his predecessor had caused the question to drop out of sight, but the foreign representatives were constantly arguing that it should be disposed He was convinced that of, as the stipulated date was fast approaching. the only safe course to pursue was to carry out the treaties faithfully. Any other policy would interfere with the most urgent need of the moment, namely, that Japan should acquire the ships and arms in which treaties
foreigners at present possessed the superiority, and develop the resources He enlarged on the value of international treaties as of the nation.
guaranteeing the weak against oppression by the strong, and declared that in the present state of the globe it was no longer practicable to maintain a policy of seclusion. The reply was that it was impossible, out of respect to the late Mikado's memory and in view ,of opinions expressed by the various clans, to sanction the execution of the Treaties in regard to Hiogo. In a further memorial of April 26 the Tycoon returned to the charge, and begged for a reconsideration of this matter, which he regarded as of the most vital importance to the interests and safety of the country.
The foreign Ministers, confident in the Tycoon's promise to them that the Treaties should be carried out, quitted Osaka about May 20, but There the Mikado's consent was not given until nearly a month later. were at this moment in Kioto representatives of Echizen, Geishiu, Tosa, and Uwajima, who, on being consulted, confirmed the Tycoon's On June 26 an imperial decree was issued annulling representations. the orders of two years before to revise the treaties and to refrain from opening Hiogo. Another decree of the same date, quoting the opinion of all the clans represented at Kioto, and especially of the four just named, the Tycoon concurring, ordered a lenient settlement of the Choshiu case. Two days later the four clans memorialised, accusing the Tycoon's Government of having mismanaged the affairs of the nation and especially in undertaking a second expedition against The Choshiu question Choshiu, which was revolting to public opinion.
for years past,
two which pressed for solution, and now was to show that it was disposed In another memorial of the same date to return into the right path. they demanded the restoration of rank and title to the two Choshiu was the more urgent the occasion for the
of the
Yedo Administration
Princes, considering this to be of greater urgency than arrangements for the opening of Hidgo. It had long been obvious to every observer, foreign as well as
Japanese, that the existence of the Tycoonate was an anachronism. Only a governing power accepted by the whole nation could fitly
1867-8]
Tycoon resigns
Mikado resumes government
;
857
represent it in international relations, and bring the latter into conformity with the rules of intercourse observed among the independent sovereign States of the West. Expression was given to these views by the ex-Prince of Tosa in October, in a weighty document addressed to the Tycoon, pointing out that the want of accord between the Mikado, Tycoon, Court
He nobles, and daimios exposed the nation to danger from without. declared it necessary to set aside the dual polity that had been tolerated in the past and restore the ancient form of government directly by the Mikado. To this was annexed a short sketch of a new Constitution, in which the anti-foreign policy was definitely discarded. Under these circumstances the Tycoon came to the conclusion that the course pointed out by Tosa was the only way of extricating the nation from a position full of peril, and, in a manifesto to the daimios on November 8 whole governmental power, as exercised by his to the sovereign, he announced that he had relinquished his functions. His resignation was at once accepted but he was directed to remain responsible for the general direction of declaring that the predecessors,
must be restored
;
who would be summoned to discuss future in the meantime their retainers arrive at Kioto could arrangements, would represent them for all necessary purposes. The Satsuma, Tosa, and Geishiu clansmen at the capital warmly approved the Tycoon's surrender of power. Many of his own retainers were, however, deeply incensed at the step he had taken, and he experienced much difficulty in persuading them to acquiesce in his renunciation of a position from which affairs until
the daimios,
;
own
share of political importance was derived. Manifestly the institution of the Tycoonate afforded no protection against foreign attacks ; it was powerless to impose its will on any important daimid, and its influence at the Mikado's Court had almost
their
Its inability to carry out the Treaties and to protect the lives of foreigners, its want of frankness, and its narrow-minded endeavours to prevent intercourse between the retainers of feudal lords
completely faded away.
and the foreigners resident at the ports had deprived it of the sympathy which its misfortunes might otherwise have merited. Suddenly, on January 3, 1868, an order was issued from the Court dismissing Aidzu from the guardianship of the palace gates, and subThe stituting the clans of Satsuma, Tosa, Geishiu, Owari, and Echizen. offices of Shogun (Tycoon) and Kwambalm were abolished, and three grades of high office were created, to which various Court nobles, feudal No servant or supporter of the late lords, and clansmen were appointed. Tycoon had a place in this new list of functionaries. Another decree declared that the government of the country had been resumed by the Mikado, whom henceforth we must speak of as the Emperor. This decree added that the daimios must combine their efforts to place Japan at the head of all the nations of the earth. The provisional Government was formed with Prince Arisugawa at its head, two more imperial
Tycoon's attack on Kioto defeated
858
[1868
two Court nobles and the five feudal lords whose men held the five Court nobles (of whom Iwakura was one) palace gates, as councillors, and three Samurai from each of the five clans as assistant-councillors. Princes,
The real power lay with these last fifteen. A further decree restored the Princes of Choshiu to their former rank and titles, and granted permission On this a large body of their troops, to the clan to re-enter Kioto. in been held The had which readiness, at once entered the capital. outlawed Court nobles who had fled in 1863 were also allowed to return. close alliance had existed between Satsuma and Choshiu since the end of 1866, and the events which speedily followed were directed and controlled by the leaders of these two clans. On January 6 the ex-Shdgun addressed a memorial to the Court, protesting against the changes made on the 3rd without consulting him, and announcing his intention of continuing the provisional direction He of affairs, in accordance with the Mikado's previous commands. then withdrew to Osaka, accompanied by his own drilled troops and the clansmen of Aidzu and Kuwana, giving out that he took this step in
A
order to avoid an armed conflict in the immediate vicinity of the palace. At a reception of the foreign representatives, who had assembled there in December to watch the development of the situation, he informed them that he did not recognise the validity of the measures recently taken in the name of the young Emperor. He would abstain from the use of force to vindicate his rights, and would demand of his opponents In the meanthat they should ask for the opinion of a general council. time he would conduct foreign affairs as before. These prudent resolutions were eventually overborne by his own Echizen military retainers and by the clans of Aidzu and Kuwana.
and Owari came down
to Osaka to attempt an arrangement. They that he should proposed give up a considerable portion of his hereditary revenues to the Mikado, and enter the Government as a councillor on a footing of equality with Satsuma and the other great daimios already
appointed and they offered to guarantee a friendly reception, if he came to Kioto with only a small retinue. Unfortunately for the success of these pacific overtures, a conflict had already occurred at Yedo between the forces of the ex-Tycoon and the Satsuma men. The Satsuma palace had been attacked and destroyed, and the clansmen either slain or forced manifesto was immediately published against Satsuma, now to fly. regarded as the ringleader of the opposition, if not the sole enemy, with whom he had to contend, and on January 26 the ex-Tycoon started for Kioto with all his available force. About halfway thither he encountered the troops of Satsuma and Choshiu, was completely defeated after four days' fighting, and had to retreat on Osaka, whence he returned precipitately to Yedo by sea. message was at the same time delivered to the foreign representatives that, as the Tycoon could no longer protect ;
up
A
A
them, they must provide for their
own
safety
and that
of their country-
Progress of the
1868]
civil
war
859
men
This was not difficult for them, as the English, at Osaka and Hiogo. French, and American ships of war were in port at the latter place. In consequence of some passing Bizen troops having fired on foreigners, it became necessary temporarily to occupy Kobe, where the merchants were located but on February 8 a Court noble arrived from Kioto, bearing ;
a declaration under the Emperor's sign-manual announcing the constitutional changes that had taken place, and recognising the binding character of the treaties. Satisfactory assurances that foreigners would be protected in future from similar acts of aggression having been given
by the envoy, the foreign representatives at once requested the naval commanders to withdraw their men. Neutrality notifications were issued by the Ministers, of which one important consequence was that an iron-clad ram, purchased in the United States by the Tycoon's agents, which arrived shortly afterwards, was not delivered until the Civil War was over, when it passed into the hands of the imperial Government. Unfortunately, the anti-foreign feeling among the clansmen, which had been encouraged for so
many
years, still continued to manifest itself from time to time, 8 the crew of a French man-of-war's launch were massacred
and on March
by a party
of
Tosa
soldiers at Sakai.
Both
in this
and
in the
Kobe
new Government was
able to afford complete redress, and the incidents failed to disturb the relations between it and foreign Powers. case the
The transfer of authority at Nagasaki, Hiogo, and Osaka was effected without further fighting, and by the middle of February the western half of the country as far as Lake Suwa had acknowledged the authority of the Emperor. proclamation was put forth declaring the ex-Tycoon and the daimios in immediate attendance on him, among whom were Aidzu, Kuwana and members of his Council, to be in a state of rebellion, and an imperial Prince was appointed commander-in -chief of the clansmen who now set out for Yedo along the two main roads from Kioto. Towards the end of March the vanguard crossed the passes into the plain of Yedo. A month later the ex-Tycoon made his submission. The
A
transfer of the city of Yedo, as well as of the port of Yokohama, was carried out without disturbance early in May. The Aidzu clan had retired to their own country among the
mountains north of Yedo, where they maintained a vigorous defensive some months. Sendai, Nambu, Yonezawa, and Shonai entered into an alliance with them, more out of a spirit of opposition to the southern and western clans than from devotion to the Tokugawa cause. To them flocked numbers of men from other northern districts and not a few Tokugawa retainers who were unwilling to accept without a struggle the downfall of their chief. In Yedo itself a body of the latter, with the assistance of Aidzu and other clansmen, seized upon the mausoleum of the Tokugawa Shoguns at Uyeno, but a vigorous attack made on them by the Imperialist troops drove them to flight. After long-continued
for
fighting in
Echigo the imperial authority was
established in that
860
Organisation of new government
[1868-9
province also. The armies of ^the Emperor were now free to close in upon the capital of Aidzu, which after a heroic defence surrendered on November 6, and all resistance on the mainland terminated. When the castle of Yedo was handed over on May 2, the ex-Tycoon's fleet, consisting of six vessels mounting 83 guns, was to have been surrendered, but Admiral Enomoto and his friends refused to comply with the terms of the capitulation, and the Imperialists lacked sufficient naval force to compel delivery. They continued to lie off the city, affording an asylum to opponents of the Imperial party, till early in October, when they suddenly disappeared from their anchorage, leaving behind them a manifesto in which they denounced the proceedings of
the confederated clans, and declared their intention of fighting, if need After calling in Sendai Bay, where be, to confer peace on the country. they obtained some recruits, at the beginning of December they took possession of the island of Yezo, where they proceeded to set up a republic based on what was styled universal suffrage, though the franchise
was limited to Samurai. They remained unmolested till the following It April, when an Imperialist squadron proceeded in their pursuit. included the iron-clad ram which had now been handed over. Operations began towards the end of May, and were terminated a month later by the surrender of the rebel leaders to the overwhelming force that had been brought against them. The civil war was thus concluded with the complete triumph of the Imperialists. It remains only to sketch the constitutional changes resulting from the assumption of power by the legitimate sovereign. One of the first acts of the victors in the conflict had been to set up a provisional Government consisting of a Council of State composed of
Court nobles, feudal lords, and clansmen. Seven other executive departments were shortly afterwards added, namely, Shinto worship (which was restored to the position of a state religion), Home, Foreign Affairs, War, To the department of Foreign Affairs Finance, Justice, and Legislation. were attached It5 and Inouye, the two Choshiu Sumurai who in 1864 had endeavoured to dissuade their Princes from pursuing a hostile policy, and their advice proved of the greatest utility to the inexperienced heads of the Office. The rest of the staff were /Samurai who had entertained In June the further step was taken friendly relations with foreigners. of promulgating a Constitution, in which the principle of subdividing the authority of the State into legislature, executive, and judiciary was At the head of the Council of State were to be two Chief recognised. Ministers, and each department was to be presided over by a Minister and vice-Minister assisted by secretaries. Local government was divided into cities, clans, and imperial territories, or prefectures, formed out of the former domain of the Tokugawa Shoguns, and the imperial estates. For the moment the organisation of the clans was not attempted, but cities and prefectures were to be placed under Governors arid Collectors
1865-8] of
Treatment of foreigners and Christian converts 861
Revenue
many made
This Constitution was merely tentative, and in subsequent years, as the necessity before the system of local government was definitively
respectively. modifications were
itself felt,
made
settled.
The
intention of the
Emperor
to respect the Treaties
had already
been announced, and a memorial on the subject soon afterwards followed, signed by the heads of six influential clans, Echizen, Tosa, Choshiu, It dwelt on the supreme importance Satsuma, Geishiu, and Kumamoto. of placing foreign relations on a proper footing, of renouncing the idea of " expelling the barbarians," and of receiving the foreign Ministers at Court in accordance with the etiquette generally observed among nations. A government notification declared that these suggestions were accepted, and the diplomatic representatives of the Six Powers were invited to Three accepted, the English, Kioto to have an audience of the Emperor. French, and Dutch Ministers, who were received by the Emperor towards the end of March, 1868. It was not to be expected that this sudden change in the attitude of the Court towards foreigners and radical departure from the old tradition of the unapproachableness of the Emperor, would escape adverse criticisms, and perhaps something worse, at the hands of A murderous attack was made by a couple of the ultra-conservatives. fanatics on the English Minister and his suite as they were proceeding to Court on March 23, when seven men of his mounted escort were Two Japanese civilians, Goto and Nakai, who were severely wounded. with the Minister, leapt from their horses and dispatched one riding of the assailants, Nakai being wounded in the melee. The other was and was afterwards while three accomplices were captured, decapitated, condemned to perpetual exile in a distant island. The audience took In April place three days later, and was marked by great cordiality. the Emperor broke through the old rule of strict seclusion by moving down to Osaka, whither he had been advised by Okubo, a leading Satsuma statesman, to transfer the capital. During his sojourn here he gave audience to the British Minister, who was the first foreign representative to present his credentials to the sovereign. On several occasions fear had been expressed lest a renewal of foreign intercourse with Western nations might be followed by the reintroduction
was held, had caused unnumbered Throughout the Empire, in every hamlet and in every ward of a town or city, tables of the law denounced Christianity as a "pernicious doctrine," and offered rewards for the At Nagasaki, discovery of priests, lay-brothers, and native catechists. which had been founded as a settlement of the Roman Catholic missionaries in the sixteenth century, the whole population was forced annually to trample on the emblems of Christianity. The article of
of the Christian religion which, as woes in the seventeenth century.
it
Harris' Treaty authorising the erection of places of worship at the open ports had been regarded as especially obnoxious, and it was feared that
A
862
second capital established at Yedo
[1865-73
the people mixed intimately with foreigners they would become It was believed for a long infected with foreign religious doctrines. time that Christianity among the people had been completely stamped The Roman Catholic out by the severe measures of repression employed. missionaries having built a church at Nagasaki, people from the vicinity
if
began towards the end of 1865 to resort to
it
in such
numbers
as to
It was found that some the attention of the authorities. thousands of the peasantry in neighbouring villages had all along They arrested all they could lay practised Christian rites in secret. hands on, and endeavoured to compel their recantation. Finding this
attract
impossible, they resolved to banish them to different parts of the empire, in the expectation that this treatment would induce them to renounce
Protests were offered against the proceeding by the foreign consuls and Ministers, but only a temporary relaxation of the measure was conceded. Things were in this position when the revolution of 1868 occurred. Among other steps taken to show that the authority of the their belief.
Emperor had replaced that of the Shogun, the old tablets were taken down and others substituted, but these still contained the mention of The foreign Ministers renewed Christianity as a pernicious doctrine. It is true that the Treaties gave no right of intervention, such as that resulting from the toleration clauses of the Treaties imposed on China in 1858 ; but the argument that it was an unfriendly
their remonstrances.
act thus to stigmatise the religion professed by the States with which the Emperor's Government proposed to maintain friendly relations was irrefutable. The representations of the foreign diplomatists produced some slight effect but a Government which was based on the theory of the Emperor's descent from the gods of Japan, and had placed the department of the Shinto religion on an equality with the Council of State, could not afford to be tolerant if it was to secure popular support. ;
The
decree of banishment was carried into effect ; but in most of the which the Christians were transported they were treated with humanity. That they were not put to death, or treated as
localities to
criminals, but only as misguided people who required to be led into the right path by a certain measure of severity, is a fact indicative of a far more tolerant spirit than that which had actuated the Government of the Tokugawa Shoguns. must not anticipate events further than by stating that in 1873 the offensive tablets were removed and the
We
homes, and that, from the year mentioned, not legally enacted, became the actual practice of the regime which had taken for its designation Meiji, or Enlightened exiles allowed to return to their
toleration,
even
if
Government^
The
proposal to transfer the capital to Osaka was not adopted ; but was decided that the Emperor should pay a visit to Yedo, which was to be erected into an eastern metropolis, the name in September, 1868, it
being changed to Tokio, which has that signification.
The coronation
Further changes.
1868-9]
863
Parliamentary assembly
on October 12, he left Kioto on November 4, and travelling by slow stages reached Tokio on the 26th. Here he remained till January 20, 1869. Tokio and Niigata were opened to trade on January 1, thus completing the list .specified in Harris' Treaty of 1858, and on January 5 of the youthful sovereign having taken place
the Emperor received the whole diplomatic body in audience. During the same month a general council of loyal daimios voted unanimously the sentences to be passed on Aidzu and the heads of other clans, twenty-five in number, whose resistance had prolonged the civil war. All but two of the heads were forced to retire in favour of a relation, the domains of Aidzu and another were forfeited, and eighteen other daimios suffered a diminution of revenues, accompanied by a transfer to less desirable territory.
however, the Emperor had been dependent on the material by the clans which had overthrown the Tycoonate in his name, and it was evident that further changes were necessary to The first step in the direction place his Government on a solid basis. of attributing the substance as well as the form of power to the Emperor was taken by the clansmen of Satsuma, Choshiu, Tosa, and Hizen, who in March, 1869, induced their respective chiefs to sign a memorial in
So
far,
assistance contributed
which they placed
their territories
and retainers
at his disposal.
It
was
decided that for the present the feudal lords should return to their The administration territories, of which they took the title of governor. of the clans was remodelled so as to bring it into harmony with that of the imperial cities and territories. Early in 1868 a representative assembly had been planned, in order to give effect to the oath, taken by the Emperor on assuming the reins of government, that the practice of discussion and debate should be universally adopted, and
measures be decided by public argument. before the Parliament thus outlined held its year, however, elapsed first sitting. Its most important achievement was its approval of a all
A
proposal that the feudal lords should surrender their fiefs to the Emperor. Several years had to elapse before the time became ripe for carrying into effect what had always been the intention of the leaders of the revolution of 1868, namely, the creation of workable parliamentary institutions. After the fall of Aidzu in November, 1868, the greater part of the western troops which had fought on the Imperialist side returned to their native provinces,
and the Government was
in a great
measure
left
depend on prestige for procuring obedience to its orders. The Emperor had returned to Kioto in February, 1869, but came back in May to Tokio, where he was joined in November by the Empress, and the eastern capital became thenceforth the permanent residence of the
to
Court.
The Satsuma men were by no means influence
which they possessed
satisfied
in the Cabinet.
At
with the share of head were Sanjo
its
864
Abolition of the feudal system
[1871
and Iwakura, former Court nobles, who may be said to have represented the Choshiu and Satsuma influence respectively, and out of six councillors one only, Okubo, belonged to the Satsuma clan, the other seats being Particularism occupied by two Choshiu, two Hizen, and one Tosa man. was still powerful in the clans of Satsuma, Choshiu, and Tosa, but especially in the first of these, where Saigo, whose tendencies were strongly conservative, enjoyed vast popularity.
The
future of the uni-
Japan looked gloomy. That more definite material support must be obtained was patent, and it was decided to address a strong appeal to the loyalty of those who had contributed most to the victory of Imperialism. Early in January, 1871, Iwakura and Okubo proceeded to Kagoshima, bearing a letter from the Emperor to Shimadzu Saburo, in which the old statesman was adjured to come forward as the chief bulwark of the throne. Saigd was induced to consent that a large contingent of Satsuma troops should be permanently stationed at Tokio, and to join the central administration in person. -In the meantime Kido had gone down to Choshiu, where he was joined by Okubo, and they prevailed on the two Princes to follow the example of Satsuma. From Choshiu they went round to Tosa, where an agreement was arrived fication of
at with the local clan leaders to join in the proposed arrangements. The Princes of Satsuma and Choshiu were to live in T5kio, where the
ex-Prince of Tosa had already taken up his residence. Iwakura on his way back obtained the adherence of the important clans of Owari and Hikone. The total force thus placed at the immediate disposal of the Government consisted of nine battalions of infantry, two squadrons of
and six batteries of artillery. was time that the central authority received an accession of strength, for serious disturbances had arisen in Bungo and Shinshiu, which required to be suppressed with vigour. The inherent strength of the monarchical principle was such that it eventually triumphed over all its difficulties, though it was unable to wean the discontented Samurai from the practice of political assassination. That the political unity and development of the national power could only be attained by the complete abolition of feudality had long been admitted by the most enlightened of Japanese statesmen, and at the beginning of 1871 the conversion of the clan domains into imperial territories was openly proposed in a memorial presented in the name of To this Chdshiu gave cordial approval in the same the Prince of Awa. cavalry, It
public manner, as did also Inshiu, who pointed out the economy in expenditure that would be secured by the amalgamation of several smaller clans under a single administration. newspaper was established under official patronage, in which such papers as those just mentioned were pub-
A
and by disseminating these ideas throughout the country prepared way for their acceptance. Some of the smaller clans were converted into imperial territories on their own application. On August 11 the lished,
the
General
1871]
summary
865
existing Cabinet was dismissed, with the exception of Sanjo, who retained the post_pf Udaijin, and Saigd and Kido took office as Councillors of Okubo became Minister of Finance, Okuma of Hizen was reapState. pointed Councillor, and Itagaki of Tosa was added to the number, so that
the list of councillors no w contained one name from each of the four leading I wakura became Minister for Foreign Affairs and Goto Minister of clans. Public Works. The Shinto religion, which had been the province of an office ranking with the Council of State, was relegated to a department.
Oki
of Hizen,
and
as vice-Ministers
.
Ito,
Inouye, and Yamagata of Choshiu were retained the reconstructed Cabinet comprised all the
Thus
leading minds of the country, and was in reality a strong Government. few days later the hereditary Governor of Chikuzen was dismissed, in consequence of an extensive forgery of government paper-money by the clansmen, and his place was filled by an imperial Prince. On the 29th the final step was taken by the promulgation of an imperial The edict, abolishing the clans and converting them into prefectures. hereditary Governors were deposed from office, and ordered to take up their permanent residence at Tdkio, together with their wives and families, thus reducing them to a position of even greater dependence
A
on the Government than in the most palmy days of the Tycoonate. For the moment their places were left unfilled, the local administration being entrusted to the councillors of the late clans. With this event the history of the period may fittingly be brought In the comparatively short space of thirteen years, dating to a close. from Harris' Treaty, a political revolution, which was at the same time a restoration, had been accomplished, to which no parallel can be found in the history of any country a revolution which would have been but for the veneration that attached to the name of the impossible whose extended backwards beyond the dawn of sovereign genealogy history.
The power and prestige of the Tokugawa Shoguns had already begun decay before the appearance of Western Powers on the scene. The natural consequence would have been an attempt to displace them in favour of one of the more vigorous families, whose clansmen, living a country life, had not been subjected to the enervating influences of the This would have led to a repetition of the devastating civil capital. wars which had marked the close of previous dynasties of Shoguns. The pressure from without exercised by foreign relations hastened the event, and by demonstrating the community of interests between the clans,
to
gave to it a different complexion. From the moment that the Tycoon, whose legal status was that of a subject, entered into treaties with the sovereigns and heads of Western States, his authority became more difficult to uphold; and his downfall in 1868 was but the logical consequence of an essentially false position. 0. M. H, XI.
55
Note. In many of the following Bibliographies it has been found impossible to distinguish between contemporary and secondary authorities, and, even where the distinction is made, many of the secondary works often partake of the nature of
contemporary authorities.
CHAPTERS
I,
XI, AND XII
GREAT BRITAIN, I.
1841-68
CONTEMPORARY AUTHORITIES A.
GENERAL
Hansard's Debates. Parliamentary Papers, especially the annual volumes of State Papers and the Statistical Abstracts [from 1852].
Statutes of the Realm.
The Annual
Register.
The Times, The Morning periodical publications may be mentioned Chronicle, The Morning Post, The Edinburgh Review, The Quarterly Review, The Economist, The Spectator.
Among
:
London. Bentinck, Lord G. A political biography by B. Disraeli. Bowring, Sir J. Autobiographical Recollections. London. 1877. London. 1895. Recollections. Boyle, C. D., Dean. Broughton, Lord.
Recollections.
Buckingham, Duke of. London. 1861.
Edinburgh Review,
Courts and Cabinets of William
1852.
April, 1871. IV and Victoria.
2 vols.
W.
Correspondence and diaries. 3 vols. London. 1884. Diplomatic Recollections. Privately printed. Gladstone, W. E. The history of the years 1852-60 and Greville's Journals. Eng. Hist. Rev. H, 281. The Greville Memoirs. London. Part 2. 3 vols. 1885. Greville, C. C. F. Part 3. 2 vols. 1887. Notes on the Greville Memoirs. By A. Eng. Hist. Rev. i, 105. Holyoake, G. J. Sixty years of an agitator's life. 2 vols. London. 1892. Knight, Charles. Passages in a working life. 3 vols. London. 1865. Letters. London. 1870. Lewis, Sir G. C., Bart. Malmesbury, Earl of. Memoirs of an Ex-minister. 2 vols. London. 1884. Croker,
J.
Elliot, Sir
H.
1877. Martineau, Harriet. Autobiography. 3 vols. London. 1889. Melbourne, Lord. Papers. Ed. L. C. Sanders. London. Mill, J. S. Autobiography. London. 1873. Memoirs of. Edd. Earl Stanhope and E. Cardwell. Peel, Sir R. London. 1856-8. C. S. Parker. 3 vols. London. 1899. Papers. Raikes, T. A portion of the journal kept by T. R. from 1831 to 1847.
London.
1856.
Speeches and dispatches. Recollections and suggestions. London. Memorials. 4 vols. London. Selborne, Earl. 867 Russell, John, Earl.
2 vols. 1875.
1896-8,
London.
1870.
2 vols.
2 vols.
Great Britain, 1841-68
868
N. W. Conversations with distinguished persons during the Second Empire. 2 vols. London. 1878. 1880. Ib. [Second series.) 2 vols. London. Stockmar, C. F. von, Baron. Memoirs. Tr. by M. Miiller. 2 vols. London. 1872. Autobiography. 2 vols. London. 1895. Taylor, Sir H. Letters. Edd. A. C. Benson and Viscount Esher. 3 vols. Victoria, H. M. Queen. London. 1907. Vitzthum von Eckstaedt, Count C. F. St Petersburg and London in the years London. 1887. 1852-64. Engl. Tr. Ed. H. Reeve. 2 vols. Senior,
B.
IRELAND
Report on the Census of 1851. Reports of the Poor Law Commissioners for Ireland. Parliamentary Papers, 1846-8: Scarcity in Commissariat Reports Relief of Relief Commissioners' Reports Ireland Distress and Workhouses: etc. Periodicals The Nation, The Freeman's Journal, The United Irishman, The Irish State Trials.
:
:
:
:
Irish People, The Irish Felon. Baxter, R. Irish Tenant Right Question.
Butt, Isaac.
The
The
Irish People
and
London.
1869.
by means
of a judicial assurance. the Irish Land. Dublin. 1867.
transfer of land
Dublin.
1857.
Lord. Personal recollections of the life and times of Valentine, Lord Cloncurry. Dublin. 1849. "Devon Commission." Report from H. M. Commissioners of inquiry into the state of the Law and Practice in respect to the occupation of land in Ireland.
Cloncurry,
7 vols.
Dublin.
1845.
Irish emigration Dufferin, Marquis of. ed. London. 1867.
Duffy, Sir Charles Gavan.
Young
and the tenure
Ireland.
Dublin.
of land in Ireland.
2nd
1880.
Four Years of Irish History. Dublin. 1883. The League of North and South. Dublin. 1886. My Life in Two Hemispheres. Vol. i. London. 1898. Ireland in 1868. Fitzgibbon, Gerald. [Two different works with this lin, 1868 and Dublin and London, 1863.] The Land difficulty of Ireland. London and Dublin. 1869.
Dub-
title.
Distress in Ireland.
[Narratives of visits to distressed dis[1846-7.] Transactions during the Famine in Ireland. [1846-8.] London. 1870. Gibbs, F. W. English Law and Irish Tenure. Haliday Collection of Pamphlets, Library of the Royal Irish Academy. Dublin. 1844. Kane, Sir R. The Industrial Resources of Ireland. 1843. Kohl, J. G. Ireland. London. Loftus, Lord A. Diplomatic Recollections. 2 vols. London. 1892. Ireland before and after the Union. 3rd edn. London. 1848. Martin, R. M. 1852. Martineau, Harriet. Letters from Ireland. London.
Friends, Society tricts
of.
by members
of the Society.]
London.
England and Ireland. London. 1868. The land question in Ireland. Dublin. 1867. Ireland and the Imperial Parliament. Dublin. 1871. Memoirs and Correspondence. Ed. Sir T. Wemyss Reid. Playfair, Lord. Mill, J. S.
Pirn, J.
don.
Lon-
1898.
Repeal Association, Reports of the Parliamentary Committee of the. Senior, N. W. Journals, conversations, and essays relating to Ireland. London. 1868. Sullivan, A. M.
Trevelyan, C. E.
The Phoenix Societies in Ireland and America. Dublin. The Irish Crisis. 1880. [First published, 1848.]
2
vols.
[1862.]
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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS
London. 1864. Arnold, A. The History of the Cotton Famine. Ashburton, Lord. The financial and commercial crisis considered. London. 1847. Ashworth, H. Recollections of Richard Cobden and of the Anti-Corn Law League. London.
1876.
London. 1852. English Agriculture in 1850 and 1851. The Landed Interest and the supply of food. London. 1878. Children, Report on employment of in Mines and Manufactures. London. 1842-3. Children and Young Persons, Reports on employment of in Trades and ManuLondon. 1863-6. factures not already regulated by law. Caird, J.
Young Persons, and Women, Reports on employment of, in Agriculture. London. 1867-8. Commercial Distress, Reports of Secret Committees on. London. 1847-8. Commons' Inclosure, Report of Select Committee on. London. 1844. 1872. Cooper, T. Life. Written by himself. London. 2 vols. London. 1876. Poetical Works. Elliott, Ebenezer. Children,
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The commercial crisis of 1847-8. London. 1849. London. 1859. Facts, failures, and frauds. Exhibition of 1851, Reports. Frame-work Knitters, Report on the condition of the. London. 1845. 1842. Scotch farming in the Lothians. London. Greg, R. H. Health of Towns, Reports of Commission on the. London. 1845. Reports of Commission on the State of Large Towns and Populous Districts. London. 1844 and 1845. Report on the sanitary condition of the Labouring Population (with supplement on Interment in Towns, by Edwin Chadwick). London. 1843. Import Duties, Report from the Select Committee on the. London. 1840. 1850. Lardner, D. Railway Economy. London. Life and Struggles. London. 1876. Lovett, W. London. 1849. Past, Present, and Future. Martin, R. M. Railways The Sugar Question in relation to Free Trade and Protection. London. 1848.
London Labour and the London Poor. London. 1849. Midland Mining, Report on. London. 1843. London. 1862. Northcote, Sir S. H. Twenty Years of Financial Policy. The Progress of the Nation. 2nd edn. London. 1851. Porter, G. R. 1853. Prentice, A. History of the Anti-Corn Law League. 2 vols. London. The dwellings of the labouring classes. 3rd edn. London. 1854. Roberts, H. The physical condition of the labouring classes. London. 1866. Tooke, T. A History of Prices, 1839-47. London. 1848. Mayhew, H.
D.
THE CRIMEAN WAR
[Includes also various documents up to Angeberg, Count. Le trait6 de Paris. 1871 connected with the treaty.] Paris. 1873. Bengescu, G. Essai d'une Notice Bibliographique sur la question d' Orient. Brussels.
Conduite de
1897.
1855. guerre d'Orient, de la. [Anon.] Brussels. Diplomatic Study of the Crimean War. (Russian Official Publication, transl.) 2 vols. London. 1882. la
Eastern Papers (Parliamentary). Report of the Sebastopol Committee. IStude Diplomatique sur la Guerre de Crimee. Par un ancien diplomate. 1878. Petersburg, [printed] Evreux.
St
Great Britain, 1841-68
870
Feldzug, der, in der Krim...von fast ausschliesslich officiellen Berichten beider kampfenden Parteien. 4 vols." Leipzig. 1856.
Intendance militaire au Crimee, la. [Anon.] Lyons. 1864. Reminiscences of Crimean campaigning and Russian imprisonment. "The Six Hundred." Edinburgh. 1883.
Alexandre par. Paris.
By
one of
Empereur de Russie. Souvenirs de Sebastopol recueillis et rediges 3rd edn. (D'apres les originaux au musee historique de St Ptersbourg.)
III,
1894.
Bezancourt, C. de. Cinq mois au camp devant Sevastopol. 2nd edn. Paris. 1855. 5th edn. Paris. 1857. L'expedition de Crimee. La marine franchise dans la Mer Noire et la L'expedition de Crimee. 2 vols. Paris. 1856. Baltique. Burgoyne, Sir J. F. The military opinions of. Ed. Hon. G. Wrottesley. London. 1859. Life
and correspondence.
Ed. Hon. G. Wrottesley.
Letters from headquarters: [Calthorpe, S. J. G.] 1856. the Crimea. 2 vols. London.
London. 1873. or the realities of the war in
1856. Chodasiewicz, R. A voice from within the walls of Sebastopol. London. La Crimee et Sevastopol de 1853 a 1856. Paris. 1892. P. E. A., Baron. Precis historique des operations militaires en Orient de mars 1854 a sept.
Du Casse,
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Paris.
Fay, C. A.
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Souvenirs de la Guerre de Crim6e.
Paris.
1867.
Friedjung, H. Der Krim-Krieg und die Oesterreichische Politik. Stuttgart. 1906. Hamley, Sir E. B. The story of the campaign of Sebastopol. London. 1855. The War in the Crimea. London. 1891. 1863-80. Kinglake, A. W. The Invasion of the Crimea. 6 vols. London. Adapted for military students. By Gen. Sir G. S. Clarke with Altas.
Edinburgh. 1899. Lyons, Admiral Lord. Life. [With description of his operations in the Black Sea.] By Sir E. Wilmot. London. 1898. Niel, A., Marshal. Siege de Sebastopol. Journal des operations du genie. (Atlas.)
Paris.
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1855. Raglan, Field-Marshal Lord. Life. [Anon.] Rousset, C. F. M. Histoire de la guerre de Crimee. 2 vols. and Atlas. Paris. 1877. Crimean Diary of Sir C. A. Windham. London. Russell, Sir W. H., edited by. 1897.
The British Expedition to the Crimea. London. 1877. St Arnaud, Marshal. En Crimee par docteur Cabrol et Paul de Rgla [unpublished letters].
Paris.
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The Crimean campaign with the Connaught Rangers. London. 1878. Letters from the army in the Crimea, [Sterling, Sir A. C.] [n. d.] Thomas, G. E. M. La Guerre d'Orient (1854-5). Paris. 1900. Todleben, Count F. E. I. Defense de Sebastopol. 2 vols. and Atlas. St Peters-
Steevens, N.
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Wood, Field-Marshal
Sir Evelyn.
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SECONDARY WORKS A.
GENERAL
Anson, Sir W. R. The Law and Custom of the Constitution. 2 vols. Oxford. 1892. Bernard, Rt Hon. M. A historical account of the neutrality of Great Britain 1870. during the American Civil War. London. Buxton, S. Finance and Politics; an historical study. 2 vols. London. 1888.
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4 vols. London. 1884. Dowell, S. History of Taxation and Taxes in England. 1862. Knight, C. Popular History of England. Vol. vm. London. Low, Sidney, and Sanders, L. C. The Political History of England, 1837-1900.
London. 1907. McCarthy, Justin. History of our own times. 5 vols. London. 1879 sqq. Martineau, Harriet. History of England during the thirty years' peace. Vol. London. 1850.
HI.
May, Sir T. E. The Constitutional History of England. (10th edn.) 3 vols. London. 1891. Molesworth, W. N. History of England from 1830. 3 vols. London. 1871. Montefiore, C. Sebag. History of the Volunteer Forces to 1860. London. 1908. A history of modern England. 5 vols. London. 1906. Paul, H. 1900. Stephen, Sir Leslie. The English Utilitarians. 3 vols. London. Walpole, Sir Spencer. A History of England from the conclusion of the great war in 1815. 6 vols. London. 1878 sqq. The History of Twenty-five Years [1856-70]. 2 vols. London. 1904. Ward, T. H. [editor]. Reign of Queen Victoria. 2 vols. London. 1887. B.
IRELAND
HISTORIES AND BIOGRAPHIES
1888. Bryce, J. [editor]. Two centuries of Irish History, 1691-1870. London. Davis, Thomas. The memoirs of an Irish patriot. By Sir C. G. Duffy. London. 1890. Essays on the Irish Church. London. 1866. Lecky, W. E. H. Leaders of Public Opinion in Ireland. 2 vols. London. 1903. Peel and O'Connell. London. 1887. Lefevre, Rt Hon. G. Shaw. MacHale, Archbishop. Life. By B. O'Reilly. 2 vols. New York. 1890. Mathew, Father. Life. By J. F. Maguire. London. 1863. Ireland from '98-98. London. 1898. Morris, W. O'Connor. 1856. Nicholls, Sir G. History of the Irish Poor Law. London. O'Brien, R. Barry. The parliamentary history of the Irish land question. London. 1880. 2 vols. London. 1883-5. Fifty years of concessions to Ireland. Irish wrongs and English remedies. London. 1887.
W. P. The great famine in Ireland. London. Trial of 1843-4. O'Connell, Daniel. The Queen v. 1844. Flanedy. Dublin.
1896.
Special Report.
Ed. John
Life. By Michael Macdonagh. London. 1903. Personal recollections of. By W. O'N. Daunt. 2 vols. London. and the revival of National Life in Ireland. By Robert Dunlop.
York and London. 1900. O'Connor, T. P. The Parnell movement, with a sketch London. O'Rourke, J.
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New
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1886.
History of the great Irish famine of 1847. Dublin. 1875. 1877. Rutherford, J. The Fenian conspiracy. 2 vols. London. Memoirs. By W. Torrens McCullagh. 2 vols. London. 1855. Sheil, R. L. New Ireland. 2 vols. London. 1877. Sullivan, A. M. Whately, R. Archbishop. Memoirs. By W. J. Fitzpatrick. 2 vols. London. 1864. Life and correspondence. Ed. E. J. Whately. 2 vols. London. 1866. C.
"Alfred" [Kydd,
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History of the
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Growth of English Industry and Commerce. Modern Times. Part n. Cambridge. 1903. Gammage, R. G. The History of the Chartist Movement. Newcastle and London. 1894. [Expanded from a book published in 1854.] London. Gamier, R. M. History of the English Landed Interest (Modern Times) .
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Annals of the British Peasantry. London. 1895. Hasbach, W. Die englischen Landarbeiter in den letzten hundert Jahren und die Einhegungen. Leipzig. 1894. Holyoake, G. J. Life of J. R. Stephens. London. 1881. The history of the Rochdale Pioneers. London. 1893. The history of co-operation. 2 vols. London. 1906. 1878. Howell, G. The conflicts of capital and labour. London. Hutchins, B. L., and Harrison, A. A history of factory legislation. London. 1903. 1872. History of British Commerce. London. Levi, Leone. Levy, H. Entstehung und Rtickgang des landwirthschaftlichen Grossbetriebes in 1904. history of the English Poor-Law. [Vol. in of new edn of Sir G. London. 1899. Nicholls' history.] Owen, Robert. Life. By Frank Podmore. 2 vols. London. 1906. 1888. Prothero, R. E. Pioneers and Progress of English farming. London. Studien zur Geschichte der Englischen Lohnarbeiter. Vol. HI. Steffen, G. F. 1905. Stuttgart. Die Entstehung und die okonomische Grundsatze der ChartistenTildsley, J. L. Berlin.
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For Bibliography of English
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Acts of Assembly of the Church of Scotland. Brown, T. Annals of the Disruption. Edinburgh. 1877. Buchanan, R. The Ten Years' Conflict. 2 vols. Edinburgh. 1849. Chalmers, T. Memoirs of. By W. Hanna. 4 vols. Edinburgh and London. 1849. On the establishment and extension of national Churches. Glasgow. 1838. Correspondence with the Earl of Aberdeen, 1839-40. Edinburgh. 1893. The law of creeds in Scotland. 2nd edn. Edinburgh. 1902. Innes, A. T. Studies in Scottish History. London. 1892. Hugh. Headship of Christ and the rights of the Christian people. 1861. burgh. Church and State in Scotland. Edinburgh. 1878. Moncrieff, Lord. Miller,
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[See also Bibliographies to Chapters
XXV, XXVI, XXVII.]
CHAPTERS
II
FRANCE, FROM
AND
1840
V
TO
1852
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES
I.
OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS, PUBLICATIONS, ETC.
A.
1.
Secret
The secret archives found in the Tuileries after the Revolution are printed Revue retrospective (33 numbers, March to September, 1848).
in
Papiers et correspondance de la famille imperiale (also found in the Tuileries). 2 vols. Paris. 1870.
2.
Le Moniteur
Le Bulletin des Lois
Official
Messages Pre"sidentiels in (Euvres de Napoleon 1876-80; La Gazette des Tribunaux, and Le Droit In course of pub(Judicial, etc.); Les Archives Parlementaires (1789-1860). lication. (Vol. 110 (1905) only reaches the year 1837.) Rapport de la Commission d'Enquete sur Tinsurrection du 23 juin et les eVenements du 19 mai 1848. 3 vols. Paris. 1848. Haute Cour de Versailles attentat du 13 juin 1849. 1851. Proces du Complot de Lyon. Paris. 1872. Circulaires, notes et instructions du second Empire (1851-70). III.
;
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;
Paris.
:
3.
Berryer, P. A.
Special Collections of Parliamentary Speeches,
etc.
Discours parlementaires. 6 vols. Paris. 1872-4. Discours et melanges politiques. 2 vols. Paris.
'Falloux, A. F. P. de.
1882.
1867. Faucher, Leon. Correspondance et vie parlementaire. Vol. n. Paris. Discours parlementaires. 2 vols. Paris. 1881. Favre, Jules. 1882. Grevy, Jules. Discours politiques et judiciaires. 2 vols. Paris. L'histoire parlementaire de France (1815-48); recueil des disGuizot, F. P. G. 5 vols. Paris. cours de G. 1863. Lamartine, Alphonse de. La politique de L. (Choix de Discours) par L. de Ronchaud. 2 vols. Paris. 1878. Discours politiques et Merits divers. 2 vols. Paris. 1879. Ledru-Rollin, A. A.
Montalembert, Vicomte de. Discours. Discours parlementaires.
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La Revolution de fevrier au Luxembourg. Paris. 1849. 1886. Souvenirs (1781-1870). 4 vols. Paris. Broglie, Due de. Camp, Maxime du. Souvenirs de I'arme'e en 1848. Paris. 1902. Cassagnac, Granier de. Souvenirs du Second Empire. 3 vols. Paris.
1879. 2nd edn. 6 vols. Paris. 1896. Journal. Memoires. 2 vols. Paris. 1849. Caussidiere, M. 1888. Commissaire, S. Memoires et Souvenirs. 2 vols. Lyons and Paris. Cuvillier-Fleury, A. A. Journal intime et correspondance. 2 vols. Paris. 1900-3. Doudan, X. Melanges et lettres. 4 vols. Paris. 1876-7. Fagan, L. Life of Sir Anthony Panizzi. London. 1879. [Contains letters of Castellane, Marshal de.
Thiers and Palmerston.] Memoires d'un royaliste. 2 vols. Paris. 1888. Falloux, A. F. P. de. 1875. Faucher, L. Biographic et Correspondance (Vie Parlementaire). Paris. Memoirs. Part n. 3 vols. London. 1885. French translation Greville, C. by M. de Boud. Paris. 1889. Lettres a sa famille et a ses amis, recueillies par Mme de Witt. Guizot, F. P. G. Paris. 1884. Memoires pour servir a 1'histoire de mon temps. 9 vols. Paris. 1858-68. Hadard, M. Memoires de Leonard ancien gargon mac.on. Paris. 1895.
Lutece (correspondance adresse"e de 1840-3 a un journal allemand). For the German text see Werke, vols. ix, x. Hamburg. 1875. 1853. Hugo, Victor. Choses vues. Paris. 1900. Histoire d'un Crime. Paris. 1877-8. Lamartine, A. de. Trois mois au pouvoir. Paris. 1848. Histoire de la Revolution de 1848. 4th edn. Paris. 1859. Maupas, C. E. de. Memoires. 2 vols. Paris. 1884. Melun, Vicomte de. Memoires. Paris. 1891.
Heine, H.
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1852
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Correspondance de Montalembert et de Fabbe Texier
1899. Paris. (1838-59). Fragments et souvenirs (1810-48). 2 vols. Paris. 1899. Montalivet, M. C. de. Les journees de juin. 2nd edn. Paris. 1848. Pages, Duport. Histoire de la Revolution de 1848. 2nd edn. Paris. 1866. Pages, Gamier. Memoires. Paris. 1896. Persigny, Due de. Proudhon, P. J. Confessions d'un revolutionnaire. Paris. 1891. 1850. Regnault, E. Histoire du gouvernement provisoire. Paris.
Comte de. Memoires inedits du Cte de Ste Aulaire. Quoted in Duvergier de Hauranne, Hist, du gouv. parl. en France, and Thureau-Dangin, Hist, de la Monarchic de Juillet.
Ste Aulaire,
1882-4. Correspondance. 6 vols. Paris. ma vie. 20 vols. Paris. 1854-5. Conversations with M. Thiers, M. Guizot, etc. Senior, Nassau.
Sand, George.
Histoire de
2 vols.
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1878.
Thomas,
Histoire des ateliers nationaux. Paris. 1848. Alexis de. Correspondance et nouvelle Correspondance ine"dite. Paris. 1861-8.
fimile.
Tocqueville, 3 vols.
Souvenirs (publics par
le
Cte de T.).
Paris.
1893.
Nouveaux memoires d'un bourgeois de Paris. 6 vols. Paris. 1853-5. Victoria, Queen. Letters (1837-61). Edd. A. C. Benson and Visct Esher. 3 vols. London. 1907. French translation by J. Bardoux. 3 vols. Paris. 1907. Ve"ron, L. D.
II.
A.
POLITICAL HISTORIES
SECONDARY
DEALING WITH THE WHOLE OR A PART OF THE PERIOD
Histoire de 1'Europe depuis Fevenement de Louis- Philippe. Capefigue, J. B. H. R. Paris. 10 vols. 1845. Histoire de la Deuxieme Republique. 4 vols. Paris. 1854-5. Castille, H. Histoire du Second Empire. Vol. i. Paris. 1870. Delord, Taxile. Histoire de la Deuxieme Republique francaise. 2 vols. 1887. Gorce, P. de la. Histoire du Second Empire. Vol. i. 1894. Hildebrand, K. Geschichte Frankreichs von der Thronbesteigung Louis Philippe. 2 vols. Gotha. 1877-9. (Gesch. d. europ. Staaten.) 4 vols. Paris. 1861. Nouvios, V. de. Histoire du regne de Louis Philippe I er Histoire de la Republique de 1848. 2 vols. 1873-8. Pierre, V. 1852. Regnault, Elias. Histoire de huit ans. 3 vols. Paris. Renard, J. La Republique de 1848-52 dans la collection de FHistoire Socialiste. .
Paris.
1905.
Histoire parlementaire de la Deuxieme Republique. Paris. 1893. Spuller, E. Geschichte der socialen Bewegung in Frankreich. Paris. 1850. Stein, L. Stern, Daniel (Comtesse d'Agout). 1850. Paris.
Histoire de la Revolution de 1848.
Le parti republicain au Coup d'Etat. Paris. 1906. Tchernoff, I. Associations et Societes Secretes sous la Deuxieme Republique. Tenot,
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fitudes Historiques sur le
Coup
2 vols.
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d'Etat.
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Thureau-Dangin, P. [Of
more general
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histories the following
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noted
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Manuel historique de politique etrangere.
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Histoire de France. Tomes vn-ix. Paris. 1865-79. Dareste, A. E. C. Debidour, A. Histoire diplomatique de 1'Europe. Tomes i, n. Paris. 1891. Gervinus, G. G. Geschichte des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts seit den Wiener Vertragen. 8 vols. Leipzig. 1855-6.]
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Histoire du gouvernement parlementaire en France, 10 vols. Paris. 1872. Histoire de la politique exterieure du Haussonville, J. O. B. de Cleron Cte de. gouvernement franyais (1830-48). 2 vols. Paris. 1850. Les catholiques liberaux, de 1830 a nos jours. Peris. 1885. Leroy-Beaulieu, A. La loi Talloux. 1 vol. Paris. 1906. Michel, H.
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Audiganne, A. L'Industrie frangaise apres la Revolution de Fevrier. Paris. 1849. Les populations ouvrieres et les industries dans le mouvement social de la 1854. France. Paris. 1849. Blanqui, A. Des classes ouvrieres en France pendant Tannee 1848. Paris. Catineau-Laroche, P. M. S. La France et 1'Angleterre comparers sous le rapport des industries agricole, manufacturiere et commerciale. Paris. 1844. Essai de politique industrielle, souvenirs de voyage France, Chevallier, Michel. :
Paris. 1843. Belgique, Allemagne, etc. Les chemins de fer en France sous Ernest-Charles, J. Paris. 1896.
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Deschamps, L. Histoire de la question coloniale en France. Paris. 1891. Jurien de la Graviere, Admiral. Souvenirs de la navigation a voiles... le protectorat Paris. 1865. fransais a Tahiti, etc. 1893. Lalanne, E. La France aux colonies au XIX e siecle. Paris. 1906. Leblond, M. Ar. Leconte de Lisle & la Reunion. Paris. Rousset, C. Le commencement d'une conquete 1' Algerie de 1830 a 1840. Conquete de 1' Algerie (1841-57). 4 vols. Paris. 1887-9. The English Blue Books of the period bearing upon colonial subjects should be also consulted. :
[See also Bibliographies to Chapters
X, XVI, XVII, XVIII,
XXL]
CHAPTERS (1)
III,
VI,
VII,
XV
AND
GERMANY AND THE AUSTRIAN MONARCHY (1840
TO
1862)
(See also Bibliography to Chapter XVI ; as to Schleswig-Holstein see also BibL to Chapter XXIV; for relations with Italy cf. BibL to Chapters IV and XIV, and for those with the Church of Rome BibL to Chapter XXV.)
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL AND GENERAL INFORMATION The most exhaustive bibliography
of this as of all other periods of
German
his-
Dahlmann-Waitz' Quellenkunde der deutschen Geschichte, of which the 7th This invaluable handbook edition, Leipzig, 1906, is edited by E. Brandenburg. furnishes full information with regard to printed documents as well as to collective and special historical works. See also V. Loewe, Biicherkunde der deutschen Geschichte, 2nd edn., Berlin, 1905; and compare Allgemeine Bibliographic fur Deutschland, Leipzig, 1836-92 (continued from 1893 under the title: Wochenttory
is
liches Verzeichniss etc.).
For Hungarian books and documents those in command of the Magyar language should consult the Review of Hungarian Books, published by the Library of the Hungarian National Museum in yearly vols., Budapest, 1895-1906, and various other publications of the H. N. M. See also The Future of Austria-Hungary. By Scotus Viator. London. 1907. The stenographical reports of the Frankfort Parliament, its precursor and offshoots, of the Austrian and Hungarian Reichstage, and of the Prussian and other territorial Diets, are extant and can in most cases be consulted without difficulty in the Libraries of the several capital and other chief towns the most important The of these are mentioned in their proper places in the ensuing Bibliography. shorthand reports of the proceedings of the Prussian Chambers are complete from the beginning, with all other matters ordered to be printed by the Chambers. As covering the whole field of political science, C. W. von Rotteck and C. Welck;
er's
Staatslexicon, oder Encyclopaedic der Staatswissenschaften, new edn., 12 Altona, 1846-8, summarises the necessary preliminary information on Gerfor the revolutionary period may be consulted P. legal and political history
vols.,
man
;
Roth and M. Merck, Quellensammlung zum Deutschen
offentlichen
Recht
seit 1848,
Erlangen, 1850-2, which reaches to the end of May, 1849. Much valuable historical information, in a condensed form, together with useful bibliographical references, is to be obtained from W. Herbst's Encyclopaedia der neueren Geschichte (5 vols., Gotha, 1880-90). Most of the numerous and in general admirable articles on important episodes of German history in the period of the Revolution and the Reaction, printed in Die Gegenwart, 12 vols., Leipzig, 1848-56, are cited in their places. 879
2
vols.,
Germany and
880
the
Austrian Monarchy, 1840-62
The most complete ethnographical survey of the peoples forming the Austrian Empire of the period covered by thfese chapters is Die Volker Oesterreich-Ungarns. 1881-3. 12 vols. Vienna and Teschen. :
Vols.
1-4.
5.
6. 7.
8-11. 12.
Among
Schober, K., Bendel, Deutschen.
J.,
Schwicker,
J.
H., Egger,
J.
Die
Hunfalvy, P. Die Magyaren. Die Rumanen. Wolf, G., Goldbaum, W. Die Semiten.
Slavici, J.
Vlach, J., Helfert, J. A. v., Szujski, J., Suman, Die Slaven. Stefanovic, T., Czirbusz, G. Schwicker, J. H. Die Zigeuner.
collective biographical
J.,
Stare,
J.,
works the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographic
(Leipzig, 1875 etc.) will of course be found pre-eminently useful ; and it maybe convenient to mention here, among the more important articles contained in it refer-
ring to the period covered by these chapters, especially those on Arnim-Boytzenburg, Count Adolf Heinrich, by C. Rossler; Arnim, Baron H. A. von, by K. Wippermann; Beckerath, H. von, by W. Oncken; Blum, R., by Eelking; B ruck, Baron K. L. von, by von Sommaruga; Bunsen, C. K. J. Baron von, by R. Pauli; Christian,
Duke
Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Augustenburg, by K. Lorentzen; Dahlby A. Springer; Droste-Vischering, C. A., Abp. of Trier, by L. Ennen; Ernest Augustus, King of Hanover, by F. Frensdorff; Fischer, H., by K. Wippermann; Ficquelmont, Count C. L. F., by Felgel; Frederick William I, Elector of Hesse, by K. Wippermann; Frederick William IV, King of Prussia, by L. Ranke; Geissel, Cardinal J. von, by L. Ennen; Gerlach, Ludwig von, by K. Wippermann; Gervinus, G. G., by A. Thorbecke; Hansemann, D. J. L., by F. Bamberg; Hassenpflug, H. D., by K. Wippermann; Hergenhahn, A. H.,
mann,
of
F. C. D.,
by K. Wippermann; Jacoby, J. J., by K. Wippermann; John, Archduke of Austria, by A. Schlossar; Kolowrat-Liebsteinsky, F., by Sommaruga; Louis I, King of Bavaria, by T. Heigel; Marx, Karl, by G. Gross; Maximilian II, King of Bavaria, by T. Heigel; Mittermaier, K. J. A., by Marquardsen; Metternich, Prince Clemens, by P. Bailleu; Peucker, General E. von, by K. Wippermann; Pfordten, Baron L. K. H. v. d., by K. Wippermann; Rabenhorst, B. von, by "P."; Radowitz, J. von, by R. von Liliencron; Rodbertus, J. K., by M. Wirth; Schlick, Count F. H., by "S. C. H."; Haynau, F. W. K. E. von, by K. Wippermann; Schwarzenberg, Prince Felix zu, by von Zeissberg; Sophia, Archduchess of Austria, by C. Wolfsgriiber; Stephen Victor, Archduke of Austria, Palatine of Hungary, by Schlitter; Stiive, J. K. B., by G. Stiive; Vincke, Georg von, by H. von Petersdorff Wagener, H., by H. von Petersdorff; Waldeck, B., by A. Stern; Welcker, K. T., by von Weech; William I, Emperor (sections 1-4), by E. Marcks; William I, King of Wurtemberg, by E. Schneider; Willisen, General K. W. von, by B. Poten; Windisch-Gratz, A. C. F., Prinz von, by "L. W."; Wrangel, Count F. von, by H. Poten; Ernest II, Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, by M. Berbig; Gagern, H. von, by G. Kaufmann; Harkort, F. W., by O. Schell; Kleist-Retzow, H. von, by H. von Petersdorff. See also the articles in Biographisches Jahrbuch und deutscher Nekrolog...hrsg. von A. Bettelheim, Berlin, 1896 etc., and especially those on Bennigsen, R. von, by H. Oncken; Delbriick, R. von, by K. Helfferich; Oldenburg, Grand Duke Peter of, by P. Kollmann. Brief biographical notices of natives of any part of the Austrian Empire (including Hungary, Bohemia etc.) down to 1850 will be found in C. von Wurzbach's ;
Biographisches Lexicon des Kaiserthums Oesterreich (60 vols., Vienna, 1856-91), of which the bibliographical references form by no means the least valuable element. No digest or survey appears to be extant of the German periodical literature of this age, to which the reader could be with advantage referred. Among the politi-
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Augsburg: Allgemeine Zeitung (originally published at Tubingen; then at Stutt1798-1908. (Now continued as a gart and Tubingen; finally at Munich). weekly paper.) Heyck, E. Die Allgemeine Zeitung 1798-1898. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Deutschen Presse. Munich. 1898. Berlin: Allgemeine Staatszeitung; from 1843 Allgemeine Preussische Zeitung; from 1848 Preussischer Staats-Anzeiger; from 1851 Kon. Preussischer
Staats-Anzeiger. [Official Journal.] Berliner Borsenzeitung. Berliner Tageblatt. Kladderadatsch. From 1848. [Liberal comic paper.] Im Konigl. privilegirte Berliner Zeitung von Staats- u. gelehrten Sachen. Verlage Vossischer Erben. From 1816. [Popularly known as the Vossische Zeitung. The Liberal organ of the Berlin bourgeoisie.]
From 1816. [Army organ.] National-Zeitung. From 1848. [Liberal.] Neue Preussische (Kreuz) Zeitung. From 1848. [Conservative.] Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung. [Official and semi-official.] Militar-Wochenblatt.
Post, die. 1850-5. Preussisches Wochenblatt. Berlin. [Represents the views of the then Prince of Prussia.] Protestantische Kirchenzeitung fur d. evangelische Deutschland. Berlin.
1854-96 (now Prot. Monatshefte). [Democratic.] Bremen: Weser- Zeitung. From Jan.
[Church organ.]
Volkszeitung.
1,
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[Liberal.]
Brunswick : Braunschweigische Landeszeitung. ? Nemzeti Politikai Hirlapja. 1848-9. 1848. Budapest: Kossuth Hirlapja. Cologne: Kolnische Zeitung. From 1794 under the name of Postamtszeitung, in succession to an official print, and soon afterwards as Kolner Zeitung. [Liberal.] Du Mont Schauberg, M. Kolnische Zeitung, 1802-1902. [Privately printed.] Vorwarts. Elberfeld:
[Social Democratic.] Rheinisch-Westfalische Zeitung.
Frankfort: Frankfurter Zeitung.
Venedey, fort.
Hamburg:
J.
Deutsche Reichstagsschau.
Die Wage.
8 numbers.
Frank-
1848-9.
Staats- u. gelehrte Zeitung d. hamburgischen unpartheyischen CorresFrom 1802. [With an evening paper, the Borsenhalle.] [Con-
pondenten. servative.]
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Hamburger Nachrichten. Der Freischutz.
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Hanover: Hannoversche Zeitung. Hannoverischer Courier. Heidelberg: Deutsche Zeitung. Heidelberg and Frankfort.
Kiel:
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Altmann, W.
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Histories
Ausgewahlte Urkunden zur Deutschen Verfassungsgeschichte
seit
2 parts. Berlin. 1898. Biedermann, K. Dreissig Jahre Deutscher Geschichte. Von der Thronbesteigung Friedrich Wilhelms IV bis zur Aufrichtung d. neuen Deutschen Kaisertums1896. 4th edn. 2 vols. Breslau. 1806.
The Holy Roman Empire. 4th edn. Supplementary Chapter: The J. new German Empire. London. 1873. Die Nation und der Bundestag. Ein Beitrag zur deutschen GeFischer, K.
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Kaltenborn, C. von. Geschichte der Deutschen Bundesverhaltnisse und Einheitsbestrebungen von 1806-56. 2 vols. Berlin. 1857. Kampe, F. F. Das Wesen des Deutschkatholicismus mit besonderer Riicksicht auf sein Verhaltniss zur Politik. Tubingen. 1850. Geschichte der religiosen Bewegungen der neueren Zeit. 4 vols. Leipzig. 1852-60. Kaufmann, G. Politische Geschichte Deutschlands im 19. Jahrhundert. (Vol. iv of
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On the relations of the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein to Twiss, Sir Travers. the Crown of Denmark and the Germanic Confederation, and on the treatyengagements of the Great European Powers in reference thereto. London. 1848.
B.
CONTEMPORARY AND OTHER MEMOIRS, LETTERS,
ETC.
Beseler, W. 1856.
Zur Schleswig-Holsteinischen Sache im August 1856. Brunswick. (And other pamphlets on S.-H. affairs, 1857-9.) Bunsen, Frhr. C. K. J. von. Memoir on the constitutional rights of the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, presented to Viscount Palmerston by Chevalier Bunsen on the 8th of April, 1848; with a P. S. of the 15th of April. Publ., with M. de Gruner's essay on the Danish Question and all the official documents, by Otto von Wenkstein. London. 1848. Droysen, J. G. and Samwer, K. Die Herzogthiimer Schleswig-Holstein u. das Konigreich Danemark. Aktenmassige Geschichte der danischen Politik seit d. J. 1806. Hamburg. 1850. Fock, O.
Schleswig-Holsteinische Erinnerungen, besonders a. d. Jahren 1848-51. 1863. Friedrich, Prinz von Schleswig-Holstein-Noer. Aufzeichnungen a. d. Jahren 184850. Zurich. 1861. Leipzig.
Holmfeld, Baron C. Dorckinck. Essai historique sur la question de la Succession du Royaume de Danemark, et analyse du droit quant aux Duche"s de Schlesvig et de Holstein. Copenhagen. 1844. Polemische Erorterung iiber die Schleswig-Holsteinische Michelsen, A. T. L. Staats-Succession.
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1844.
Zweite Polemische Erorterung etc. Leipzig. 1846. Moller, F. Erinnerungsblatter an die Schleswig-Holsteinischen Feldziige von 1848-51. Altona. 1888. Neue Kieler Blatter. Hrsgbn. von H. Carstens und K. Lorentzen. Kiel. 1843-7. Samver, K. Die Staatserbfolge der Herzogthiimer Schleswig-Holstein und zuge1844. horigen Lande. Hamburg. Samver, K. F. L. Die Erhebung Schleswig-Holsteins 24. Marz 1848. Aufzeichnungen aus dem Nachlass. Wiesbaden. 1898. Schleiden, R. Erinnerungen eines Schleswig-Holsteiners. Vol. in Schleswig:
Holstein's erste Erhebung, 1848-9.
Vol. iv:
Schleswig-Holstein im ersten
1891-4. Kriegsjahre 1849-64. Wiesbaden. On the Question of Languages in the Duchy of Schleswig. A memoranSchleswig. dum translated from the German. London. 1861. [Exposes the Danish practices.]
(Wachsmuth, W.) Guter, 1852.
Uber den Verkauf der Herzogl. Augustenburgischen FamilienKiel.
1864.
V.
OTHER STATES A.
ANHALT
Anhaltischen Herzogthiimer, die. Part i. Anhalt-Bernburg. Die Gegenwart. Vol. iv. Part ii. Anhalt-Dessau und Anhalt-Kothen. Ib. Vol. v. Leipzig.
1850.
900
Germany and
the
Austrian Monarchy, 1840-62 B.
Textausgabe der Badischen Verfassung
Rosin, H.
burg
BADEN
i.
B.
u. ihrer
Nebengesetze.
Frei-
1887:
Baden vor den Ereignissen in 1848. Die Gegenwart. Vol. n. Leipzig. 1849. Baden im Fruhjahre 1848. Die Gegenwart. Vol. in. Leipzig. 1849. Bekk, J. B. Die Bewegung in Baden. Mannheim. 1850. (Supplement, 1852.) Fenner von Fenneberg, F. Zur Geschichte der Rheinpfalzischen Revolution u. des Badischen Aufstandes. 2nd edn. Zurich. 1850. Hausser, L. Denkwiirdigkeiten zur Geschichte der Badischen Revolution. 1851. Heidelberg. Hecker, F. Die Erhebung des Volkes in Baden fur die Deutsche Republik. Basel. 1848. Dahlinger, C. W. The German Revolution 1849: being an account of the final New York and London. 1903. struggle in Baden. Geschichte seines Lebens. 2nd edn. Leipzig. 1872. Freytag, G. Karl Mathy. Hausrath, A. Ein Prophet der Volkspartei (G. Herwegh). Preuss. Jahrb. June, 1887. Mathy, Karl. Aus dem Nachlass. Briefe 1846-8. Hrsgbn. von L. Mathy. 1898. Leipzig. Die politische Sturm- u. Drangperiode Badens. 2 vols. Mannheim. Mtiller, L. 1905-7. Die Gegenwart. Vol. v. Leipzig. 1850. Pfalzisch-badische Krieg, der, v. J. 1849. Revolution, die, in Baden, von dem Septemberaufstande 1848 bis zum Ende der Catastrophe von 1849. Die Gegenwart. Vol. in. Leipzig. 1849. Denkwiirdigkeiten aus den Jahren 1848-9. Hrsgbn. von W. Bios. Sigel, T. Mannheim. 1902. Karl Mathy. In Historische u. politische Aufsatze. 3rd Treitschke, H. von. 1903. edn. Vol. i. Leipzig. Der Feldzug in Baden, 1849. Berlin. 1903. Voss, W. von. Weech, F. von. Geschichte der badischen Verfassung. Nach amtlichen Quellen. Karlsruhe. 1868. [Covers the period 1818-68; but is chiefly concerned with
1814-31.]
Badische Geschichte. Karlsruhe. are treated briefly, but clearly.] C.
1890.
[The events of the last period
BAVARIA
Sarmnlung der bayerischen Verfassungs-Gesetze. Eingeleitet u. hrsgbn. Munich. 1852. [Covers the period 1818-52.] v. T. P. 1826-74. Regierungs-Blatt fur das Konigreich Bayern. Munich. Verfassungs-Urkunde des Kgrch. Bayern, nebst den auf die Verfassung bez. sonst. Gesetzen. Hrsgbn. von R. Piloty. Munich. 1894. Pozl, J.
Baiern u. sein Konig Ludwig I. Die Gegenwart. Vol. i. Leipzig. 1848. Baiern unter den Ubergangsministerien von 1847-9. Part I Vom Sturze Abels Die Gegenwart. Vol. vn. Part II: bis zu K. Ludwigs Thronentsagung. Vom Regierungsantritt K. Maximilians II bis zum Ministerium Pfordten. Ib. :
Vol. x.
Leipzig.
1852-5.
Bamberger, L. Erlebnisse a. d. Pfalzer Erhebung Mai u. Juni 1849. In Gesammelte Schriften. Vol. in. Bayerns Beruf. i. [In favour of Bavaria co-operating with Prussia.] Munich. 1861. Ein Jahrhundert Bayrisch-Wittelsbachischer Geschichte, 1799-1899. Fester, R. Erlangen.
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Fournier, A.
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Braunschweig, d. Herzogthum, in seiner neueren politischen und wirthschaftlichen Entwickelung. Die Gegenwart. Vol. xn. Leipzig. 1856.
FREE TOWNS
E.
Bremen, die
freie Stadt, in ihrer politischen u. culturgeschichtlichen Entwickelung. Die Gegenwart. Vol. vm. Leipzig. 1853. Duckwitz, A. Denkwiirdigkeiten aus meinem offentlichen Leben von 1841-66. Ein Beitrag zur Bremischen u. Deutschen Geschichte. Bremen. 1877. Hamburg's Verfassungskampfe wahrend der letzten zehn Jahre. Die Gegenwart.
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Lammers, A.
1882-7. Oldenberg, F. J. H. Wichern. 2 vols. Hamburg. Staat u. Stadt Frankfurt. Die Gegenwart. Vol. v. Leipzig. of September, 1848.]
F. C. B. Stiive.
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In Preuss. Jahrbiicher, xxx-xxxii. in seinen offentlichen Zustanden.
Die Gegenwart.
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Geschichte des Konigreichs Hassell, W. von. Bremen. 1897-1901. 3 vols.
Hannover, 1813-66.
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Hannoversche Verfassungs- und Verwaltungsgeschichte 1680Meier, F. von. 2 vols. 1898-9. 1866. Leipzig. Oppermann, H. A. Zur Geschichte des Konigreichs Hannover von 1832-60. 2 vols.
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and Detmold, J. H. Briefwechsel, 1848-50. Hrsgbn. von G. Stiive, mit Einl. von G. Kaufmann. (Quellen u. Darstellungen zur Gesch. Hanover. 1903. Niedersachsens, xm.) Johann Carl Bertram Stiive, nach Briefen u. personlichen Erinnerungen. Stiive, G.
Stiive, J. C. B.
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Hanover. 1900. Reminiscences of the Court and times of King Ernest of Han2 vols. London. 1886. German tr. by H. Verauns. Brunswick.
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the
HESSE
G.
Hesse-Cassel
1.
Kurhessisches Urkundenbuch. Eine Zusammenstellung d. wichtigsten u. interessentesten Schriftstiicke in der Kurhessischen Verfassungsangelegenheit. Frankfort.
1861.
1810-60.
Gerland, O.
Zwei Menschenalter Kurhessischer Geschichte nach den
Erinnerungen d. Generalmajors Gerland. Cassel. 1892. Der Verfassungskampf in Kurhessen. Leipzig. 1851. Grafe, H. Hans Daniel Hassenpflug. Vortrage u. Abhandlungen (Hist, Sybel, H. von. Munich. 1897. Bibl.). Hesse- Darmstadt
2.
Mainzer Vorgange,
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Vol.
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1848.
THE MECKLENBURQS
H.
Friedrich Franz II, Grossherzog Hirschfeld, L. von. und seine Vorfahren. 2 vols. Leipzig. 1891.
von Mecklenburg-Schwerin,
Mecklenburg i. d. Jahren 1848-51. Die Gegenwart. Vol. vi. Leipzig. 1851. Werner, A. Die politischen Bewegungen in Mecklenburg und der ausserordentBerlin. liche Landtag im Fruhjahr 1848. 1907.
SAXONY (ALBERTINE)
I.
Verfassungsgesetze des Konigr. Sachsen. Hrsgbn. von O. E. Walter. 1875. Von V. Flicker. Leipzig. 1895. Beust, F. F. Graf von.
Blum, H.
See above,
Robert Blum.
I,
A,
Leipzig.
Leipzig.
2.
1878.
Bucher, A. Aus Dresden's Maitagen vor 50 Jahren. Dresden. 1850. R. Blum als Mensch, Schrif tsteller, Frey, A. Zur Erinnerung an einen Todten :
und
Politiker.
Mannheim.
1849.
Freytag, G. See above, I, A, 2. Friesen, R. Frhr. von. Erinnerungen aus meinem Leben. 2 vols. Beust, Count F. F. von. Erinnerungen zu Erinnerungen.
Dresden.
1880.
Leipzig.
1881.
Gustav Freytag. Preuss. Jahrb. September, 1886. Sachsen, das Kgrch., von der Einfuhrung der constitutionellen Regierungsform bis zum Riicktritt des Marzministeriums. Die Gegenwart. Vol. v. Vom Rticktritt des Marzministeriums bis zum Schluss des Landtags von 1849-50. Ib. Rossler, C.
Vol. vi.
Leipzig.
Witzleben, 0. D. von.
1850-1. Heinrich Anton von Zeschau.
1874.
SAXONY (ERNESTINE)
J.
Ernst
Leipzig.
Herzog von Sachsen-Coburg-Gotha und Freytag, G. Briefwechsel, Hrsgbn. von E. Tempeltey. Leipzig. 1904. Aus meinem Leben und aus meiner Zeit. 3 vols. Berlin. 1887-9. Edition in one volume, ib. 1892. Engl. Tr. by P. Andreae. 4 vols. London. II,
1853-93.
1888-90. Stichling, G. T. E. Ch. Frhr.
von
Gersdorff, Weimarischer Staatsminister.
1853.
Tmlringen.
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Weimar.
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Marzministerium, das, in Wtirtemberg. Die Gegenwart. Vol. vi. Leipzig. 1851. Pflugk-Hartung, J. von. Das Wurttembergische Ministerium Linden. Histor, Taschenbuch. Leipzig. 1888. [The Reaction, from 1850.] Wtirtemberg, das Konigreich, bis zum Marz 1848. Die Gegenwart. Vol. iv. Leipzig.
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OTHER STATES
Nassauische Chronik d. Jahres 1848. Wiesbaden. 1849. [RevoRiehl, W. H. lution in Nassau.] Nassau's politische und sociale Zustande. Die Gegenwart. Vol. v. Leipzig. 1850. [The Revolution of March, 1848.]
Oldenburg, das Grossherzogthum, in seinen offentlichen Zustanden. wart. Vol. ix. 1854. Leipzig. Pleitner, E. Oldenburg im 19. Jahrhundert.
2 vols.
Oldenburg.
Die Gegen1900-1.
GERMAN LITERATURE
(2)
(1840-70) I.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Handbuch zur Geschichte der deutschen Litteratur. Leipzig. 1906. Bartels, A. Goedeke, K. Grundriss zur Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung. 2nd edn. Ed. by E. Goetze. Vol. vm. Dresden. 1905. (Especially Vol. ix, in course of publication.}
Meyer, R. M.
Grundriss der neuern deutschen Litteraturgeschichte.
2 1902, 1908. Nollen, J. S. .^fcw^iology ture. ChioiiL' 1903.
A
and
practical bibliography of
Modern German
Berlin. litera-
deutsche Litteraturgeschichte. (Since 1890.) Vol. i. Berlin. 1908. Vol. xvi (Year 1905). 'iMp For many imporlHF German periodicals containing valuable bibliographies and critical noticelrije K. Breul, handy bibliographical guide to the study of the
Jahresberichte
AtjMliere
Stuttgart.
A
German language and
literature.
II.
Baechtold,
J.
London.
1895.
(Chapter
I.)
HISTORIES
Geschichte der deutschen Litteratur in der Schweiz.
Frauenfeld,
1892.
Die deutsche Dichtung der Gegenwart. 6th edn. 1904. 1897. Geschichte der deutschen Litteratur. 2 vols.
Bartels, A.
Die Alten und die Jungen.
Leipzig.
Leipzig.
1905.
German
904
Literature,
1840-70
Deutsche Literaturgeschichte. 2 vols. Munich. 1907-8. Biese, A. 1906. Leipzig. Engel, E. Geschichte der deutschen Literatur. 2 vols. Francke, K. A history of German literature as determined by social forces. 6th New York. 1903. edn. 1897-9. Krauss, R. Schwabische Litteraturgeschichte. 2 vols. Freiburg i. B. Meyer, R. Die deutsche Litteratur des 19. Jahrhunderts. 3rd edn. Berlin. 1906. Deutsch-osterreichische Litteraturgeschichte. Vol. i, Nagl, J. W. and Zeidler, J. Vienna. 1899. (Vol. n not yet completed.) Robertson, J. G. A history of German literature. Edinburgh. 1902. Schmidt, J. Geschichte der deutschen Litteratur von Leibnitz bis auf unsere Zeit. 1896. 5 vols. New edn. Berlin. Die deutsche Nationallitteratur vom Tode Goethes bis zur Gegenwart. Stern, A. 5th edn. Marburg. 1905. [Excellent as a first introduction.] 2nd edn. Leipzig Vogt, F. and Koch, M. Geschichte der deutschen Litteratur. and Vienna. 1904. (The modern portion is by M. Koch.) See also articles in F. Bornmuller's Biographisches Schriftsteller-Lexikon der Gegenwart, Leipzig, 1882; F. Brummer, Lexikon der deutschen Dichter und Prosaisten des xix Jahrhunderts, 5th edn., 2 vols., Leipzig, s..o. (revised to January 1901); and especially the articles in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographic, ed. by R. von Liliencron and F. X. von Wegele, Leipzig, 1875 sqq.
COLLECTED ESSAYS ON THE PERIOD
III.
Bernays, M. Schriften zur Kritik und Litteraturgeschichte. 4 vols. Stuttgart. 1895-9. Leipzig and Berlin. Franzos, K. E. Die Geschichte des Erstlingswerks. Berlin. [1894.] 1888. Freytag, G. Aufsatze zur Geschichte, Literatur und Kunst. Leipzig. Gesammelte Reden und Aufsatze zur Geschichte der Literatur in OsterSauer, A. reich und Deutschland. Vienna and Leipzig. 1903. Kleine Schriften zur neueren Litteratur, Kunst und Zeitgeschichte. Scherer, W. Ed. by E. Schmidt. Berlin. 1893.
Schmidt, E.
Charakteristiken.
Berlin,
i.
1886,
3
n.
1905.
1901.
Zur Literatur der Gegenwart. Bilder und Studien. Leipzig. 1880. Studien zur Litteratur der Gegenwart. 2nd edn. Dresden and Leipzig.
Stern, A.
1898.
Neue
Ib. 1904.
Folge.
IV.
Konnecke, G.
PORTRAITS AND HANDWRITINGS
Bilderatlas zur Geschichte der deutschen National-litteratur. Eine
Erganzung zu jeder deutschen Litteraturgeschichte. 2nd edn. Marburg. 1895.
Nach den Quellen bear-
beitet.
Good portraits are also contained in the works and in the two series of Stern's Studien. V.
of
Vogt and Koch, and
of Engel,
COLLECTED WORKS OF PARTICULAR AUTHORS
W. Gesammelte Werke. 20 vols. Berlin. 1874 ff. In this edn.: Vaterlandische Romane. 8 vols. Berlin. 1884. Auerbach, B. Samtliche Schwarzwalder Dorfgeschichten. 10 vols. Stuttgart. 1871. Samtliche Romane. 12 vols. Stuttgart. 1871-2. Alexis,
Schriften.
Borne, L.
18 vols.
Gesammelte
1883-95. Stuttgart. Schriften. 12 vols. 2nd edn.
Hamburg.
1868.
905
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Gesammelte Schriften. 3 vols. Stuttgart. 2nd edn. 1898. Droste, Annette v. Gesammelte Dichtungen. 6 vols. 6th edn. Stuttgart. 1898. Freiligrath, F. Gesammelte Werke. 22 vols. Leipzig. 1886-8. Freytag, G. Gesammelte Werke. 8 vols. Stuttgart. 1883. Geibel, E. Gesammelte Werke. 3 vols. Leipzig. 1895-6. Greif, M. Sammtliche Werke. 5th edn. 20 vols. Stuttgart. 1892-4. Grillparzer, F. 1893. Groth, K. Gesammelte Werke. 4 vols. Kiel and Leipzig. Gutzkow, K. Gesammelte Werke. 12 vols. Jena. 1873-8. Dramatische Werke. 20 vols. Jena. 1871-2. Hebbel, F. Samtliche Werke. Historisch-kritische Gesamt-Ausgabe, ed. by n. 12 vols. 4 vols. in. Letters. Diaries. R. M. Werner, i. Works. 1901 sqq. [The chief works are published in several cheap 6 vols. Berlin. editions.]
1887-90. Heine, H. Sammtliche Werke. Ed. by E. Elster. 7 vols. Leipzig. 1897-9. Heyse, P. Gesammelte Werke. 29 vols. Berlin. Jordan, W. (No edn. of collected works. See Bartels, Handbuch (1906), p. 573.) Gesammelte Werke. 10 vols. Berlin. 1889-90. Keller, G. Nachgelassene Schriften und Dichtungen. Berlin. 1893. Kinkel, G. (No edn. of collected works. See Bartels, Handbuch (1906), p. 578.) Laube, H. Sammtliche Schriften. 16 vols. Weimar. 1875-82. Lenau, N. Sammtliche Werke. Ed. A. Grun. 4 vols. Stuttgart. 1855. 12 vols. Berlin. 1871-4. Lewald, Fanny. Gesammelte Werke. Ludwig, O. Gesammelte Schriften. Edd. A. Stern and E. Schmidt. 6 vols. 1891. (Since 1896 several cheap editions.) Leipzig. 4 vols. 1878-89. Stuttgart. Morike, E. Gesammelte Schriften. Raabe, W. (No edn. of collected works. See Bartels, Handbuch (1906), pp. 603-4.) Reuter, Fr. Werke. Critical edn. by W. Seelmann. 7 vols. Leipzig and Vienna, s.a. [1905-6]. Gesammelte Geschichten und Novellen. Stuttgart. 1898 ff. Riehl, W. H. von. Gesammelte Werke. Ed. with an introd. by Joh. Proelss. Scheffel, J. V. von. 1907. 6 vols. Stuttgart. 22 vols. Leipzig. 1895. Neue Folge. Spielhagen, Fr. Samtliche Romane. 6 vols. 1902. Leipzig. Storm, Th. Sammtliche Werke. 8 vols. Brunswick. 1898.
VI.
CRITICISM
1896. Lyrische Dichtung und neuere deutsche Lyriker. Berlin. Bulthaupt, H. Dramaturgic des Schauspiels. Vol. in: Grillparzer; Hebbel; Ludwig; Gutzkow; Laube. 3rd edn. Oldenburg and Leipzig. 1891. Friedmann, S. Das deutsche Drama des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts in seinen
Biese, A.
1902. Hauptvertretern. 2 vols. Leipzig. Die deutsche Lyrik in den letzten fiinfzig Jahren.
Gaster, B. 1905.
Hoffmann von Prahl.
Fallersleben.
Leipzig.
Unsere volkstiimlichen Lieder.
Wolfenbiittel.
4th edn., by K. H.
1900.
Der deutsche Roman des xix Jahrhunderts. 3rd edn. Berlin. 1898. Mielke, H. Witkowski, G. Das deutsche Drama des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts in seiner Entwickelung dargestellt. Leipzig. 1904. Ehrhard, A. and Necker, M. F. G.
Grillparzer, F.
Munich.
Sein Leben
und
seine
Werka
1902.
Mahrenholtz, R. Pollak, G.
F. G.
F. G. 1890. Sein Leben und Schaffen. Leipzig. and the Austrian Drama. New York. 1908.
Hungarian Literature
906
Sittenberger, H. .F. G. Sein Leben Grillparzer, F. 1899. F. H. Leipzig. Bartels, A.
und Wirken.
Berlin.
1904.
Hebbel, F.
Biographic Friedrich Hebbels. Vienna. 1877. Baechtold, J. G. K.s Leben. Seine Brief e und Tagebucher. Berlin. Berlin. 1897. Edition with1892-6. Supplement Keller-Bibliographic. out diaries etc. Berlin. 1898. 2nd edn. Leipzig. 1907. G. K. Seven Lectures. Koster, A. Ludwig, O. A. Stern. O. L. Ein Dichterleben. 2nd edn. Leipzig. 1906.
Kuh, E.
Keller, G.
:
HUNGARIAN LITERATURE
(3)
I.
(AK
HUNGARIAN SOURCES AND AUTHORITIES
these
works are in Hungarian, except where otherwise noted.) A.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL
WORKS
Ancient Hungarian Library. Vol. i. Ed. by C. Szab6. (Printed Hungarian works, 1531-1711.) Vol. n. Ed. by C. Szab6. (Works published in Hungary, but not in the Hungarian language, between 1473 and 1711.) Ed. by C. Szab6 and B. Hellebrant. (Works of Hungarian writers Vol. in. published outside Hungary, between 1480 and 1711.)
Egyetemes
Philologiai
Kozlony (Journal of Philology). Budapest. [Publishes list of all works that have appeared in the preceding
annually a systematic year.] Petrik, G.
Bibliography of Hungarian Literature between 1712 and 1875. Bibliography of Hungarian Literature, 1885-1900. Riszlingstein, A. Bibliography of Hungarian Literature, 1876-85.
B.
COLLECTED WORKS OP AUTHORS
Lives and Works of Hungarian writers. Budapest. [The J., sen. Hungarian equivalent of the Diet, of National Biography.] (In progress.) 2nd edn. 5 vols. Budapest. 1876. Toldy, F. Manual of Hungarian Poetry. German edition. Budapest and Vienna. 1878. Szinnyei,
C.
WORKS OF GENERAL
CRITICISM AND LITERARY HISTORY
J. A History of Hungarian Theatres. Budapest. 1887. History of the Hungarian Drama. Budapest. 1897. Beothy-Badics. A History of Hungarian Literature. Budapest. 1907. 3rd edn. 2 vols. [Initiated by Zsolt Beb'thy as Editor-in-chief; with F. Badics as The contributors include the leading authorities on responsible editor.
Bayer,
literature and history.] Historical Sketch of the National Literature of the Hungarians. 2 vols. Budapest. 1903. 8th edn. Prose Fiction in older Hungarian Literature. 2 vols. Budapest. 1886.
Hungarian Beothy, Z.
Eesthetic Sketch of Hungarian Literature. Budapest. 1896. The main tendencies of Hungarian Literature. Budapest.
Riedl, F.
1896.
907
Bibliography
History of Hungarian National Literature. Budapest. 1878. 4th translation, by M. Kolbenheyer. Budapest. 1865. History of Hungarian Poetry. Budapest. 1867. 2nd edn. German translation, by G. Steinacker. Budapest. 1863.
Toldy, F.
German
edn.
D.
MONOGRAPHS
Arany, John.
By F. Riedl. 3rd edn. Budapest. 1904. Berzsenyi, Daniel. Biography of, by J. Vaczy. Budapest. 1895. Csokonai. Life of, by Z. Ferenczi. Budapest. 1907. Ebtvos, Baron Joseph. By Z. Ferenczi. Budapest. 1903. Fay, Andrew. Biography of, by F. Badics. Budapest. 1890. Katona and his "Bank Ban." By P. Gyulai. 2nd edn. Budapest. 1907. 2 vols. Kisfaludy, Charles, and his Works. By J. Ban6czi. Budapest. 1882-& Madach, Imre. Life and Poetry of, by M. Palagyi. Budapest. 1900. Petofi, Alexander. Biography of, by Z. Ferenczi. 3 vols. Budapest. 1896. 1881. Revai, Nicholas. Life of, by B. Csaplar. 4 vols. Budapest. Vorosmarty. Biography of, by P. Gyulai. 5th edn. Budapest. 1900. II.
FOREIGN AUTHORITIES AND WORKS A.
ENGLISH
Miscellaneous Riedl, F.
A
Yolland,
A.
History of Hungarian Literature. London. B. Petb'fi (1823-4). A Literary Study.
Hungarian:
An
English Study of Petofi.
Budapest.
1906.
Budapest.
1906.
In
1904.
Translations
Hungarian Poems and
Fables. London. 1877. John Arany; the Legend of the Wondrous Hunt, with a few miscellaneous London. 1881. pieces of folk-songs. Loew, W. N. Gems from Petb'fi and other Hungarian Poets. New York. 1881. Magyar Poetry. New York. 1899. Pulszky, Francis and Tere"z. Tales and Traductions of Hungary. 3 vols. LonButler, E. D.
don.
1851.
Translations have appeared in English of most of the famous novels of Maurice J6kai, of several by Mikszath (including St Peter's Umbrella), and of Baron J6sika's 'Neath the Hoof of the Tartar. A smaller number of works have been translated into French ; while many of the works of the above authors, as well as of Eotvos, Petb'fi etc., have been rendered in German.
B. Fischer, A. Kont, T.
GERMAN AND FRENCH
Leben und Werke.
1889. Leipzig. Paris. 1896. et scientifique. Histoire de la litte>ature hongroise. Budapest and Paris. Petbfi's
La Hongrie
litte"raire
1900.
German
edition: Leipzig. 1906. tude sur Tinfluence de la littSrature franchise en Hongrie. Paris. 1902. Nemenyi. Das moderne Ungarn. Berlin. 1883. Notes sur la litte"rature hongroise. Paris. 1900. Polignac, M. de. Die ungarische Litteratur. Kultur der Gegenwart. Part i. Section 9. Riedl, F. 1889. Schwicker, J. H. Geschichte der ungarischen Litteratur. Leipzig.
Ujfalvy, C. La Hongrie, son histoire, sa langue et sa Iitt4rature. Ungarische Revue. Budapest and Leipzig. 1881-95.
Paris.
1872.
CHAPTERS
IV,
XIV, AND XIX,
1
AND 2
ITALY, 1846-70 I.
BIBLIOGRAPHIES
comprehensive bibliography of recent Italian history exists. For the epoch we have nothing beyond a Library Catalogue. The partial bibliographies contained in sundry histories of the period, only indicate the documents, etc., from which the information in the text was derived. Bolton King's History of Italian Unity has a good specimen of a systematic bibliography of this
No
of the Risorgimento,
kind.
Much
general assistance is supplied by Occasional bibliographies on special subjects in the Rivista Storica Italiana edited by Costanzo Rinaudo from 1884 onwards. 2. Annuario Bibliografico della Storia d' Italia, published for the quarterly Studi Storici edited by Amedeo Crivellucci. Pisa, 1902-3. 3. A general bibliography of the history of the Risorgimento, now in preparation by Mr H. Nelson Gay, whose library at Rome is the richest known in the :
1.
.
literature of this subject. The catalogues of Museums of the Italian Revival will
be found very useful for
amid much that is and important docuformation, in Turin, Milan, Ven-
consultation, not to speak of smaller collections elsewhere; worthless there are many interesting relics, rare publications,
ments.
These museums
exist, or are in course of
Vicenza, Bologna, Ferrara, Forli, Modena, Reggio, Florence, Perugia, Macerata, Palermo, etc. The Royal Palace at Turin also possesses a museum, a library, and an archive room devoted specially to the Risorgimento. Among the most important and most scientifically arranged of these Catalogues are ice,
:
The
Illustrated Catalogue of books, documents, and objects exhibited by the Provinces of Emilia and Romagna in the Temple of the Italian Revival (Provincial Exhibition of Bologna, 1888) by R. Belluzzi and V. Fiorini. Books and documents, as catalogued for V. Fiorini. 2 vols. 1890-7. The Catalogue of works bearing on the History of the Italian Revival, compiled by Ernesto Masi. Rome. (Forzani and Co.) 1907. Printed for private ;
circulation only.
.
A Catalogue, intended rather for general culture is now being compiled for the Andrea Ponti Historical Library, branches of which have been established in Ravenna and other Italian towns by the Countess Maria Pasolini, ne'e Ponti. 908
909
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Bolton King.
Can til,
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indipendenza Italiana Cronistoria. 3 vols. Turin. 1872-7. Coppi,A. Annali d' Italia dal 1750. Vols. vm-xi. Florence. 1859-62. Storia d' Italia del 1814 sino ai nostri giorni. 2 vols. Turin. 1854-9. Farini, L. C. Milan. 1888-90. 3 vols. Ghiron, I. Annali d' Italia. Govi, A. Storia della Rivoluzione Italiana durante il periodo delle riforme. C.
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W. R. The Dawn of Italian Independence. Italy from the Congress of Vienna 1814 to the fall of Venice 1849. 2 vols. Boston and New York. 1894. 9 vols. Turin. 1888-97. Tivaroni, C. Storia critica del Risorgimento Italiano.
Thayer,
ITALY, 1846-9
III.
CONTEMPORARY AUTHORITIES
A.
Storia documentata della Diplomazia Europea in Italia dall' anno 1814 all' anno 1861. 8 vols. Turin. 1865-72. Carte segrete e Atti Ufficiali della Polizia Austriaca in Italia dal 4 Giugno 1814 al
Bianchi, N.
22 Marzo 1848. 3 vols. 1851-2. Capolago. Correspondence respecting the affairs of Italy, 1846-9, presented to both Houses of Parliament by command of Her Majesty. 4 parts. London. 1849. affairs of Naples and Sicily, 1848-9. Governo degli Austro-Estensi in Modena (1814-59) pubbliDittatore delle Provincie Modenesi. 2 vols. Modena. 1860.
Correspondence respecting the
Document! riguardanti cati per ordine del
il
I lutti dello Stato Romano e 1' avvenire della Corte di Roma. Contains documents of 1806 to 1859. Florence. 1860. Governo Pontificio, il, e lo Stato Romano. Documenti preceduti da una esposizione storica e raccolti per decreto del Governo delle Romagne dal Cav. Achille
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Gennarelli.
2 vols.
Prato.
B.
1860.
SECONDARY WORKS 1.
Beauregard, Costa de. bert.
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Prologue d'une Regne
La
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du Roi
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Epilogue d'un regne
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Le Cinque Giornate di Milano nelle Narrazioni dl fonte austriaoa (in Luzio, A. Rome. 1899. Biblioteca Storica dal Risorgimento Italiano). 1891. II segreto del Re Carlo Alberto. Bologna. Masi, E. I Casi di Napoli dal 20 Gennaio 1848 in poi. 2nd edition. Trani. 1893Massari, G. Nelson-Gay, H. Relazioni fra gli Stati Uniti e T Italia 1847-71. Turin. 1907. Ferdinando II e il suo regno. Naples. 1893. NIsco, N. La Rivoluzione Lombarda del 1848-9. Milan. 1887. Ottolini, V. 1872. Oudinot, Marshal. Gaston Steigler. Paris. 3 vols. Turin. Storia Militare del Piemonte. 1855. Pinelli, Ferdinando. Saffi, A. Storia di Roma. In Vols. n and Hi of Ricordi e Scritti. Florence. 1892-9Spada, G. Storia della rivoluzione di Roma e della Ristaurazione del Governo Giugno 1846 al 5 Luglio 1849. 4 vols. Florence. 1862-9. Memorie Storiche sull' intervento Francese in Roma. 3 vols. Turin.
Pontificio dal 1
Torre, F. 1851.
Trevelyan, G. M. Garibaldi's Defence of the Roman Republic. London. Vols. iv and v. Florence. Storia Civile della Toscana. 1850. Zobi, A.
1907.
Memoirs, Letters and Biographies, partly contemporary
2.
D. Berti. Rome. 1877. Amari, Carteggio di Michele. A. d' Ancona.
Alfierl, Cesare.
2 vols. Turin. 1896. I miei Ricordi. 2 vols. Florence. 1867. Azeglio, Count Massimo di. Lettere a sua moglie, Luisa Blondel. Ed. G. Carcano. Milan. 1870.
Correspondance politique avec Rendu. Paris. 1866. Capponi, Gino. Lettere di G. C. e di altri a lui. 6 vols. Ed. A. Carraresi Florence. 1882-90. Nella vita e nelle opere. T. Massarani. Rome. 1890. Correnti, Cesare.
Dabormida, Giuseppe, General.
Regno
L. Chiala,
di Carlo Alberto, 1848-9.
La
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Countess. R. Barbiera, II Salotto della Contessa Maffei e la Societa Milan. 1895. Milanese, 1834-86. Manin, Daniel. Documents et pieces authentiques laissgs par. Planat de la Faye. 2 vols. Paris. 1860. Maffei,
Memorandum Storico-Politico. Turin. Margarita, Solaro della. Life. Mazzini, Giuseppe. By Bolton King. London. 1902. Scritti editi ed inediti. Imola. 1906 sqq.
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6 vols. London. 1864-70. Life and Writings of G. M. Mazzini, Giuseppe. 1894. Essays. Translated by T. Okey. London. 1888-90. Minghetti, M. Miei Ricordi. 3 vols. Rome. Montanelli, G. Memorie sull' Italia e specialmente sulla Toscana dal 1814 al 2nd edition. 2 vols. Rome. 1853. 1850. Lettere ad Antonio Panizzi di uomini illustri e di amici Italiani, Panizzi, Antonio. 1870. 1823-70. Ed. L. Fagan. Florence. Pasini, Valentino. Bonghi, R. La vita e i tempi di V. P. Florence. 1867. Memorie raccolte di suo figlio, Conte Pier Desiderio Pasolini. Imola. Pasolini, G. 1881.
Radetzky, Field-Marshal. Briefe des Feldmarshalls Radetzy (1847-57). Ed. B. Duhr. Vienna. 1892. Vita. Luzio, A. Bergamo. 1901. Rosmini, A. Serbati. Commentario della Missione a Roma 1848-9. Turin. 1881. Settembrini, Luigi. Ricordanze della mia vita. Preface by F. De Sanctis. 2 vols. 1898. Naples. Florence. Vita e ricordi di Italiani Illustri del secolo xix. Tabarrini, M. Visconti-Venosta, G. Ricordi di Gioventu. Cose vedute o sapute. Milan.
IV.
A.
1884. 1904.
ITALY, 1849-70
DOCUMENTS, OFFICIAL OR SEMI-OFFICIAL
Turin. 1849-61. Atti del Parlamento Subalpino. Turin. 1861-70. Atti del Parlamento Italiano. Fasti Legislativi e Parlamentari. Bollati di St Pierre, F. E.
2
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principally on military and naval affairs or the political events immediately connected with them
Da Quarto al Volturno. Bologna. 1898. Da S. Martino a Mentana. Milan. 1892. La liberazione di Roma nell' anno 1870. Turin.
1898. L'alleanza di Crimea. Rome. 1879. Ancora un po' piu di luce sugli eventi politici e militari dell' anno 1866. Florence. 1892. Guerzoni. Florence. 1889-91. Garibaldi, Giuseppe. Guerrini come ci awiammo a Lissa. Turin. (In course of publication.) La Marmora, A. Un po' piu di luce sugli eventi politici e militari dell' anno 1866. Florence. 1873. 1862. Maurigi, R. Aspromonte. Turin. Persano, C. Diario private politico militare nella campagne navale degli anni 1880. 1860-1. Turin. Come siamo entrati in Roma. Preface by Carducci. Milan. 1896. Pesci, U. Pollio, A. Custoza, 1866. Turin. 1902.
Chiala, L.
2.
Works on
Azeglio, Count Massimo
Turin. Bulle, C.
particular political events
di.
Bianchi,
and personages
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C.
M. d'A. [1848-59]
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e lo Stato del
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2 vols.
1900. 2 vols. Citta di Castello. d' un Regno. 2 vols. Turin. 1896. Venti cinque Anni in Italia. (1844-69.) 3 vols. G. D. e 1' opera sua nella vicende del Risorgimento. Dina, Giacomo. 1896-9. Turin. Del Rinnovamento Civile d' Italia. 2 vols. Turin. 1851. Gioberti, Vincenzo. Guardione, F. II dominio del' Borboni in Sicilia dal 1830-61. 2 vols. Palermo.
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1901. 2 vols. Milan. 1903. II Martiri di Belfiore e il loro processo. Luzio, A. 1905. NelP Ottocento. Milan. Masi, E. London. 1902. Life, by Bolton King. Mazzini, Giuseppe. Turin. 1891. Muller. Politica Segreta Italiana. L' idea italiana nella soppressione del potere temporale dei Papi. Pantaleoni, D. Turin. 1884. Passaglia, C. Petizione di nove mila sacerdoti Italiani a S. S. Pio IX. Turin. 1862. Storia intima della Toscana. Prato. 1861. Rubieri, E. (1859-60.) Governo e Governati. Bologna. 1890. Turiello, P. Victor Emanuele II. King of Italy. Cappelletti, Storia di V. E. II e del suo 3 vols. Rome. 1893. regno. 2 vols. Milan. Massari, La vita e il regno di V. E. II, primo re d' Italia.
1878.
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MEMOIRS, LETTERS, BIOGRAPHIES, CHIEFLY CONTEMPORARY
di. Souvenirs de. Rome. 1884. Lettere di, al Marchese Emanuele d' Azeglio. Edited 1883-4. Bertani, Agostino, e i suoi tempi. By J. W. Mario. 2 vols. Florence. 1888. Florence. 1875. Bixio, Nino G. Guerzoni, Vita. Ricordi. Turin. 1888. Castelli, Michel Angelo. (1847-75.) 2 vols. Turin. 1890-1. Carteggio Politico. Cavour, Count Camillo di. Artoni and Blanc, II conte de C. in Parlamento. Florence. 1868.
Azeglio, Countess Constance
Count Massimo di. by Bianchi. Turin.
Conte di Cavour. Castelli, Ricordi. Turin. 1886. Lettere edite ed inedite di; Chiala. 6 vols. Turin. 1863-71. Die Erhebung Italiens im xix Jahrhundert. J. F. X. Kraus. Mainz. 1902. Le comte de C. De La Reire. Paris. 1863. Cavour. H. von Treitschke, Histor. u. polit. Aufsatze. 5th edn. Vol. n. 1886. Italian translation. Florence. 1873. Leipzig. Life. E. Cadogan. London. 1907. See also, as to his youth Villari; Studies, Critical and Historical, pp. 11941. London. 1907. Storia di quattro ore. Lettera. Florence. Corsini, Laiatico. 1889. II
:
Garibaldi, Giuseppe. lation. 3 vols.
Autobiografia.
London.
2 vols.
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Florence.
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[English trans-
Govone, il Generale Giuseppe. Edited by U. Govone. Turin. 1902. French edition, enlarged. Paris. 1905. Guiccioli, Alessandra. Quintino Sella. 2 vols. Rovigo. 1888. Lanza, Giovanni. Tavallini, La vita e i tempi di G. L. 2 vols. Turin. 1882. La Converzione di. Bologna. 1899. Minghetti, Settembre. Ricordi Diplomatici. In Nuova Antologia. March. Nigra, C. 1895. Tabarrini and Gotti, Lettere e documenti del B. R. Ricasoli, Baron Bettino. 10 vols.
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GENERAL
Manuale
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Die italienische Einheitsidee in ihrer literarischen Bulle, O. Berlin. 1893. Parini bis Manzoni.
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Un homme
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Mameli, G.
CHAPTER
VIII
THE SWISS CONFEDERATION I.
(1815-74)
CONTEMPORARY AUTHORITIES BIBLIOGRAPHIES
A.
Bibliographic d. Schweizerischen Landeskunde, issued by the Zentralkommission fur Schweiz. Landeskunde. Bern; 1893, etc. (In progress.) Brandstetter, J. L. Repertorium uber die in Zeit- und Sammelschriften (181290) enthaltenen Aufsatze und Mitteilungen Schweizergeschichtlichen Inhaltes, Basel. 1906. 1892; Continued by H. Barth (1891-1900). Basel. Swiss Travel and Swiss Guide-Books. London. 1889. Coolidge, W. A. B.
B.
DOCUMENTS
Abschiede der eidgenossischen Tagsatzungen. 35 years. 1814-48. Fetscherin, W. Repertorium der Abschiede, 1814-48. 2 vols. Bern. 1874^6. Amtliche Sammlung der Bundesgesetze und Verordnungen. 11 vols. Bern. 1850-74. Bericht (Allgemeiner) des eidgen.
Oberbefehlshabers tiber die Bewaffnung und Bern and Zurich. 1848. Bericht (Beleuchtender) tiber den Entwurf der Bundesverfassung vom 8. April,
den Feldzug von 1847. 1848.
Bundesblatt der Schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft. Bern. 1849, etc. Les troupes frangaises interne'es en Suisse en 1871. Rapport Davall, E.
officiel.
Berne. 1873. Protokoll iiber die Verhandlungen der mit der Revision des Bundesvertrages von 1815 beauftragten Kommission. Bern. 1848. Protokoll uber die Verhandlungen der eidgen. Rathe betreffend Revision der Bundesverfassung, 1873-4. Bern. 1877. Rapport du procureur g6n6ral de la Confederation sur V insurrection royaliste des 2, 3, et 4 septembre, 1856, dans le Canton de Neuchatel. Relation officielle des evenements du septembre, 1856, dans le Canton de Neuchatel. The collections of the Laws of the various Cantons should also be consulted. They have appeared under different titles, such as Sammlung der Gesetze, Amtliche Sammlung, Offizielle Sammlung, Recueil des Lois, Bollettino officiale, etc.
C.
Swiss MEMOIRS, ETC.
Bluntschli, J. C. Denkwtirdigkeiten aus meinem Leben. 3 vols. Nordlingen. 1884. Dufour, G. H. La Campagne du Sonderbund et les eVenements de 1856. Neu-
chatel
and Geneva.
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In German 914
:
Basel.
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915
Bibliography Der Kanton Luzern und seine Bundesgenossen im den Radikalismus. Schaffhausen. 1850. Frey-Herosee, F. Autobiographic. Vol. xin of Argovia. Aarau. Elgger, F. von.
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gegen
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Kern, J. C. Souvenirs politiques, 1838-83. Bern. 1887. Meyer, Bernard, Hitter von. Erlebnisse. 2 vols. Vienna. 1875. Meyer von Knonau, L. Lebenserinnerungen, 1769-1841. Frauenfeld. 1883. Ochsenbein, U. Zweiter Bericht iiber den Kampf der luzernischen Fliichtlinge und ihrer Freunde am 31. Marz und 1. April, 1845. Bern. 1845. Peyer im Hof, J. F. Aus den Anfangen des neuen Bundes. Frauenfeld. 1900. Pfyffer, Kasimir. Sammlung kleiner Sohriften, nebst Erinnerungen aus seinem Leben. Zurich. 1866. Scherr, Thomas. Meine Bestrebungen und Schicksale wahrend meines Auf enthaltes im Kanton Zurich. St Gall. 1840. Bern. 1887. Segesser, P. A. von. 45 Jahre im luzernischen Staatsdienst, 1841--87. Sammlung kleiner Schriften. 3 vols. Bern. 1877-9. Der Kampf zwischen Recht und Gewalt in der Schweiz. Siegwart-Miiller, C. 3 vols.
Eidgenossenschaft.
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1863-6.
NoN-Swiss AUTHORITIES
Memoirs of; chiefly from Family Papers. By his Widow. J. von. 2 vols. London. 1868. German transl. by F. Nippold. 3 vols. Leipzig. 1868-71. Correspondence relative to the Affairs of Switzerland, 1847-8. (Blue-book.) London. 1848. Ein Lebenslauf. 2 vols. Stuttgart. 1890. Frobel, Julius. Seven Letters on the Recent Politics of Switzerland. London. 1876. Grote, G. Memoires. Vol. vin. Leipzig and Brussels, 1867. Guizot, F. P. G. Lane-Poole, Stanley. Life of Stratford Canning. Vol. i, pp. 222-84. London. 1888. Die Schweiz und ihre Zustande. Hanover. 1847. Miigge, Th. Rumbold, Sir Horace. Further Recollections of a Diplomatist. London. 1903. Wit, T. F., genannt v. Dorring. Fragmente aus meinem Leben und meiner Zeit. Bunsen, Ch.
4
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1827-30. II.
A.
SECONDARY WORKS
Swiss HISTORICAL PERIODICALS, ETC.
Argovia. Aarau, from 1860. Easier Jahrbuch. Basel, from 1879. Berner Taschenbuch. Bern, from 1852. Bibliotheque Universelle de Geneve. Lausanne, from 1816. Politisches Jahrbuch der Schweizer. Eidgenossenschaft. Edited by C. Hilty. Bern, from 1886. Revue Historique Vaudoise. Lausanne, from 1893. Sammlung Bernischer Biographien. Bern, from 1884. Statistik. Zeitschrif t fur Schweiz. Bern, from 1865. Ziircher Taschenbuch. Zurich, from 1878.
B. Hasler, F.
COLLECTIVE
and H., and Hartmann, A.
Baden.
WORKS OF REFERENCE Gallerie bertihmter Schweizer der Neuzeit.
1868-71.
Denkwurdigkeiten der 22 Freistaaten der Schweiz. Eidgenossenschaft. Aarau. 1823-33. Dictionnaire biographique des Genevois, et des Vaudois, qui ee de. 1878. sont distingu6s. 2 vols. Lausanne. Secretan, E. Galerie Sulsse. Biographies Nationales. 3 vols. Lausanne. 1873-80. Helvetia.
8 vols. Montet, A.
The Swiss Confederation (1815-74)
916
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C.
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CHAPTERS
IX, 1
AND XXII,
1,
3,
4
RUSSIA AND THE SLAVONIC NATIONAL MOVEMENTS I.
A.
RUSSIA FROM
1825 TO
1881
BIBLIOGRAPHY; PERIODICALS, ETC.
1891-2. Ikonnikof, V. S. Sketch of a Russian Historical Bibliography. Kief. (Russian.) Russian Antiquity. (Periodical.) St Petersburg. 1870 and onwards. (Russian.) Archive. Moscow. 1863 and onwards. (Russian.) (Periodical.) Biographical Dictionary. St Petersburg. 1896 sqq. (In progress.) (Russian.) Encyclopaedic Dictionary. St Petersburg. 1897. (Russian.) Complete collection of the Russian Laws. St Petersburg. 1839 and 1857. (Russian.) Collection of the Russian Historical Society.
B. 1.
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NICHOLAS I Foreign Policy
Bernhardi, T. V. Unter Nicholas und Friedrich Wilhelm IV. Leipzig. 1893. Foreign Policy of Nicholas I. St Petersburg. 1887. (Russian.) Thouvenel, L. Nicolas I et Napol6on III. (1852-4.) Paris. 1891. Tatistchef.
2.
Domestic and Educational
Bludof, Count. Last hours of Tsar Nicholas I. St Petersburg. 1855. (Russian.) CrShange, G. Histoire de la Russie. 2nd edn. Paris. 1896. La Russie en 1839. Paris. 1843. Custine, Marquis de. Engelhardt. A sketch of the History of the Russian Censorship, in connection with the development of the Press. 1703-1903. St Petersburg. 1904. (Russian.) Gregorovich. Emperor Nicholas in the Holy Synod. Russian Archive, 1869. (Russian.) Haxthausen, Baron A. von. Russische Studien. 2 vols. Hanover. 1847. London. 1856. Engl. transl. R. Farie. Korkuyef. The Russian Fleet under Nicholas I. Naval Magazine, 1896. (Russian.) Lacroix. Histoire de la vie et du regne de Nicolas I. Paris. 1864-75. Lalayef Emperor Nicholas I the Founder of the Russian School. St Petersburg. 1896. (Russian.) .
919
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920
Histoire de la Russie.
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St Petersburg. 1897. (Russian.) Skalkovsky, K. A. Les Ministres de finance de la Russie, 1802-90. Russian. Paris. 1891.
C. 1.
ALEXANDER
Trans, from
II
Foreign Affairs in Europe
Annuaire diplomatique de 1'Empire de Russie, 1861-81. Beust, Franz Ferdinand, Graf von. Aus drei Viertel-Jahrhunderten. gen und Aufzeichnungen. 2 vols. Stuttgart. 2 vols. Engl. Transl. by Baron de Worms.
Erinnerun-
1887.
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Bielefeld and Leipzig. 1880. Bismarckbriefe, 1844-70. Danilevski. Russia and Europe. 5th edn. St Petersburg. 1895. (Russian.) Gorchakoff Prince. Materials collected in memory of the 25 years spent by Prince Gorchakoff at the Foreign Office, 1856-81. St Petersburg. 1881. (Russian.) Souvenirs et correspondance du Prince Emile de Sayn-Wittgenstein Berlebourg. ,
Paris.
1888.
[See also Bibliographies to Chapters I,
2.
X, XI.
For Polish
affairs see
II
B
below.]
Asiatic Policy (including Alaska)
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Russia in Central Asia. London. 1889. Drage, G. Russian Affairs. London. 1904. Martens, T. T. Russia and England in Central Asia.
St Petersburg. 1879. (Russian.) Masheieff Historical sketch of Turkestan and the advance of the Russians therein. St Petersburg. 1890. (Russian.) Morny, Due de. Extrait des Memoires. Une ambassade en Russie. Paris. 1892. .
Muravieff-Amursky, Count; Barsukoff. Skrine, F. H. B.
Yadrinzev
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and Ross, E. D. Sibirien.
Jena.
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(Russian.) 1899.
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[See also Bibliographies to Chapters
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RUSSIAN LITERATURE 1.
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2.
Arseniev, K. K.
Russian Literature. 2 vols. 1888. (Russian.) Leo Tolstoy, his life and work. London. 1906. Birnkof, Pavel. 1893. Chernischevsky, N. G. Critical Studies. St Petersburg. (Russian.) Haumant, lilmile. Frau Tourgenief. La vie et 1'ceuvre. Paris. 1906. Kropotkin, Prince. Ideals and Realities in Russian Literature. London. 1905. La psychologic des Romanciers Russes du 19 me siecle. Paris. 1905. Lourie". Critical Studies of
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1896. Arbes, J. Persecution of the Bohemian nation, 1869-73. Prague. (Bohemian.) Dobrowsky, Josef. Briefwechsel zwischen D. und Kopitar, 1808-28. St Peters1885. burg. 1901. Havlicek, Karel. Political works. Prague. (Bohemian.) Havlicek and our politics. Hejret, H. Pilsen. 1903. (Bohemian.) Life, Tuma, K. Kuttenberg. 1883. (Bohemian.) Jungmann, J. Sketch of his life. Jedlicka. Otakar, Prague. 1871. (Bohemian.) Bohemian Literature. (Literatures of the World.) London. Ltitzow, Count. 1907.
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Documente 1818).
Supplemental volumes i-vi (1518-1849). C.
Bucharest.
1886-95.
SECONDARY WORKS
General (including History of Turkey and Balkans as a whole}
1.
Abd-ur-Rahman
Sheref.
Tarikh-i-devlet-i-osmanie.
2
vols.
Constantinople.
1900.
Geschichte der Orientalischen Angelegenheit im Zeitraume des BerFriedens. (Allg. Gesch. in Eingelbert.) iv, 5.
F.
Bamberg,
Pariser
und des Berliner
1892.
lin.
Turkey in Europe. London. 1907. The Slavonic Provinces South of the Danube in their relation to the Ottoman Porte. London. 1876. Halil Ganem. Les Sultans Ottomans. 2 vols. Paris. 1902. Jochmus. Journey into Balkans (1847). Journal Royal Geog. Soc. London. 1854. Eliot, Sir C.
Forsyth,
W.
La pe'ninsule des Balkans. 2 vols. Brussels. 1886. Laveleye, E. London. 1887. Engl. trans. Lyde, A. W. and Mockler-Ferryman, A. F. Military Geography of the Balkans. London. Miller,
W.
1905.
The Balkans.
"Story
Stratford de Redcliffe, Viscount.
2.
Special;
of the Nations."
Life.
By
Works dealing with
S.
London.
Lane Poole.
the separate
1899.
2 vols.
Balkan
London. 1888.
States, etc.
Bulgaria
Das Fiirstenthum Bulgarien.
1891. Prague. Geschichte der Bulgaren. Prague. 1876. La Bulgarie danubienne. Etudes de voyage, 1860-80. Paris. 1881. Kanitz, F. German edition. 3 vols. Leipzig. 1875-9. Mach, R. von. The Bulgarian Exarchate. Eng. trans. London and Neuchatel.
Jirecek, C. J.
1907.
Greece
La Grece contemporaine [published 1854]. 8th 1864. Finlay, G. History of Greece. Vol. vm. London. Two lectures on Modern Greece. London. Jebb, Sir R. C. About, E.
Sergeant, L.
Greece in the nineteenth century. Montenegro, Bosnia,
London.
edn.
Paris.
1888.
1901. 1897.
etc.
Histoire de Montenegro et Bosnie depuis les origines. Paris. 1895. Sommieres, Vialla de. Voyage historique et politique en Montenegro. Paris. 1820. 1820. English edition. London. La France au Montenegro d'apres V. de S. et H. Delarue. Remits de voy1876. ages public's et completes par Cyrille (Baron Adolphe d'Avril). Paris. Coquelle, P.
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The Levant, from 1830
to
1871
Roumania Roumanie; D'Adrinople a Balta Liman (1829-49). Correspondance et Documents 1843-56. 2 vols. Paris. 1893-4. Erinnerungen. In Deutsche Revue, 1894. French Charles, King of Roumania. Bucharest. 1894. translation in Independance de Roumanie. Eng. adaptation. By Sidney Whitman. London. 1899. Histoire de 1' esprit public en Roumanie au xix 108 siecle. Paris. 1905. Eliade, P. Die Herkunft der Rumanen. Bamberg. 1904. Fisher, E. Hurmuzaki, E. von. Fragmente zur Geschichte der Rumanen [description in Bucharest. 1885. eighteenth century]. Vol. v. Mano, J. O. L'union des Prineipaut6s roumaines. Paris. 1900. Napoleon III et les Principautis roumaines. Anon. [Armand Le>y?] Paris. Bibesco, Prince Georges.
1858.
Samuelson, J. Roumania Past and Present. London. 1882. Xenopol, A. Histoire des Roumains jusqu'a 1859. (Abridgment from larger
Roumanian work
in 6 vols.)
Jassy.
1889.
Paris.
1896.
Servia
Le Royaume de Serbie. Paris. 1894. Coquelle, P. La Serbia e la dinastia degli ObrSnovich (1804-93). Cuniberti, Lt.-Col. F. 1893.
Turin.
Mijatovich, Chedo (late Servian Ambassador in England). Servia and the Servians. London. 1908. Rachitch, V. Le Royaume de Serbie. Paris. 1901.
CHAPTERS X AND XVII NAPOLEON
III.
I.
THE LIBERAL EMPIRE
BIBLIOGRAPHIES
Catalogue of the History of France from the Bibliotheque Nationale, Series
LB 57 and ,
Series
LC
2
LB
52
to
for periodical publications.
Caron, P., and Maistre, H. Repertoire methodique de Thistoire Paris. et contemporaine. 1898. (Published in yearly volumes.) Caron, P. Bibliographic des travaux publics de 1866 a 1897 sur 1'histoire de France (Published in parts from 1907 onwards.) depuis 1789. Stammhammer, J. Bibliographic des Sozialismus und Kommunismus. 2 vols. Jena. 1893-1900. Briere,
G.,
moderne
II.
MANUSCRIPTS
The several collections specified by Charles Schmidt in his note (Vol. ix., p. 787 of this History) on the manuscript material available for the history of the First Empire would also serve for the Second, but for the fact that the latter period is
A definite rule of too recent to admit, in all cases, of the inspection of documents. the Archives Nationales allows the inspection of those documents only which date back at least 50 years. C. Schmidt, Les Sources de 1'Histoire de France depuis 1789, aux Archives Nationales (Paris, 1907), is a complete guide to the various collections For the period of the Second of documents, and to the method of consulting them. 30 Empire Series BB is the most important. It contains the documents which relate to the "mixed commissions" (bound volumes or indexed registers), BB 30 /398 and following numbers; and especially the political reports of the procureurs generaux (BB 30 /367-390) arranged by districts. Rouher as Minister of Justice, by a circular dated November 24, 1849, requested the procureurs generaux to furnish, on the first of each month, "reports containing a reasoned estimate of the moral and political condition of the departments ... as well as short accounts of such political events as had happened." By a circular of January 31, 1853, these reports were to be furnished at half-yearly intervals only. The series in each department is nearly complete, except that there is in almost all cases a gap between December 1851 and February 1852. Drawn up as they were with the help of the procureur of each arrondissement, they furnish valuable information, especially for the period during which they were issued month by month, concerning the activity of the political parties and the modifications undergone by them, and also on economic subjects (harvests, famines, industrial prosperity), and the moral condition of the On the subject of these documents see an interesting communication by people. Seignobos to the Socie"ted'histoire moderne in Bulletin, 6th year, No. 49, June, 1907. 927
928
The Liberal Empire
III.
Napoleon
CONTEMPORARY AUTHORITIES
III.
LAWS; REGULATIONS; OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS
A.
Annales du Senat et du Corps tegislatif. 1860 sqq. Annales de 1' Assemble nationale. 1871 sqq. Bulletin des lois. Gazette des tribunaux. Moniteur universel (Official Journal of the
Journal officiel (from 1869). La Censure sous Napoleon III.
Rapports
till
1869).
ine"dits et
in-extenso sur la censure
1892.
Paris.
dramatique (1852-66).
Empire
le 18 mars. 3 vols. (i, Rapports; 11, Dispositions; in, Documents Paris. 1872. publics par la Commission d'enquete parlementaire.)
Enqueue sur
B.
JOURNALS, ETC.
(The organs whose dates are not indicated duration of the Empire.) (a)
La
may be
consulted for the whole
Imperialist
Le Pays; La France (from August 8, 1862); L'^tendard (June 27, 1866-April 25, Revue Contemporaine; Revue Europ6enne (February 1, 18591869); December 1, 1861)..
Le Constitutionnel
L'poque
;
Patrie;
(from March
1865);
9,
(6)
La Gazette de France;
L' Union. (c)
Journal des Debats; Revue des
(d)
La
Orleanist
Deux Mondes.
Independent (democratic or
liberal)
Le Courrier du Dimanche (from 1857); L'Opinion Nationale (from September 1, 1859); La Libert^ (from July 16, 1865); Le Figaro (from November 16, 1866).
Presse;
Moderate Republican
(e)
Le
Legitimist
Sifccle;
Le Charivari; Le Temps (from April
(from January 10, 1865)
1868-March
31, 1871);
(/)
;
25, 1861); L'Avenir National L'Electeur, afterwards 1'filecteur Libre (January 25,
La Cloche (August
15,
1868-December
21, 1872.)
Republican, Radical, and Socialist
La Lanterne (May 30-October
71, 1868); Le Reveil (July 2, 1868-January 22, 1871); Le Rappel (from May 4, 1869); La Marseillaise (December 19, 1869July 25, 1870); La Phare de la Loire (published at Nantes); La Gironde (published at Bordeaux).
(gr)
For a et la
list
and account
Commune.
Paris.
Journals of the
Commune
of these see F. Maillard,
1871.
Les journaux pendant
le
Siege
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I/Univers (until its suppression on January 29, 1860); Le Monde' (from FebruJune 16, ary 18, 1860); L'Ami de la Religion (daily from March 16, 1859 1862) Le Correspondant. ;
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1868-9. Alton-Sh6e, Comte E. de. Mes memoires. 2 vols. Paris. 1901. Barante, Baron de. Souvenirs. Vol. vm. Paris. Memoires. 4 vols. Paris. 1875-6. Barrot, Odilon. Mes souvenirs. Neuchatel. 1873. Beslay, C. Brussels. 1867. Boichot, J. B. Souvenirs d'un prisonnier d'Etat. Cassagnac, A. Granier de. Souvenirs du second Empire. 3 vols. Paris. 1879-82. Journal. 5 vols. Paris. 1895-6. Castellane, Mar6chal de. De Paris a Cayenne. Paris. 1869. Delescluze, C. Duruy, V. Notes et souvenirs (1811-94). 2 vols. Paris. 1901. Memoires d'un royaliste. 2 vols. Paris. 1888. Falloux, Comte de. Souvenirs (1837-67). 2 vols. Paris. 1897. Fleury, General Comte. Haussmann, Baron G. E. Memoires. 4 vols. Paris. 1890. Neun Jahre der Erinnerungen eines oesterreichischen Htibner, Graf J. A. von. Botschafters in Paris (1851-9). 2 vols. Berlin. 1904. Maupas, C. E. de. Memoires sur le second Empire. 2 vols. Paris. 1884-5. Memoires. Paris. 1899. Persigny, Fialin, Due de. Mes petits papiers. 2 vols. Paris. 1887-8. Pessard, H. Quentin-Bauchart. Etude et souvenirs sur la deuxieme republique et le second Empire, 1848-70. Paris. 1901. Randon, Marechal. Memoires. 2 vols. Paris. 1875-7. 1896, Rochefort, Henri. Les aventures de ma vie. 5 vols. Paris. c. M. H. xi. 59
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1905. Scheurer-Kestner, A. Souvenirs de jeunesse. Paris. M. M. and other distinguished with Conversations W. N. Thiers, Guizot, Senior, London. 1878. 2 vols. persons. Notes et souvenirs. Paris. 1903. Thiers, A.
Anglais a Paris. Notes et souvenirs. Traduit de 1'anglais par J. Herce". 1893-4. 2 vols. Paris. Me"moires sur le regne de Napoleon III. 6 vols. Bern. Viel-Castel, H. de.
Un
1881-4.
IV.
SECONDARY WORKS A.
GENERAL
Boston. 1873. J. S.C. History of Napoleon III, Emperor of the French. Beaumont- Vassy, Viscomte E. de. Histoire intime du second Empire. Paris. 1874. Geschichte des zweiten Kaiserreichs und des Konigreichs Italien Bulle, C.
Abbott,
Berlin. 1890. (Allgem. Gesch. in Einzeldarst.) Cassagnac, A. Granier de. Histoire de Louis- Philippe, de la Revolution de fe~vrier, Paris. 1857. et du re"tablissement de P Empire. Darimon, A. Histoire d'un parti. Les Cinq sous 1'Empire (1857-60). Paris. Le tiers parti 1886. 1885. L'opposition liberate sous 1'Empire (1860-3). Les irre"conciliables sous 1'Empire (1867-9). 1887. sous 1'Empire (1863-6). Les Cent seize et le ministere du 2 Janvier (1869-70). Paris. 1889. 1888. 6 vols. Paris. 1868-75. Histoire du second Empire. Delord, Taxile. Napoleon III und sein Hof (1851-70). 3 vols. Cologne. 1891-4. Ebeling, A.
W. Napoleon III. London. 1896. Hanotaux, G. Histoire de la France contemporaine. Vols. i and n. Paris. 1903-4. Life of Napoleon III. 4 vols. London. 1874-82. Jerrold, Blanchard. La Gorce, P. de. Histoire du second Empire. 7 vols. Paris. 1894-1905. L' Empire liberal. Paris. 12 vols. (in course of publication). Ollivier, fCmile. Fraser,
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B. r
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Beauregard, Comte D. de. Nice.
Tome
i.
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Family and Court
liltude et revue de'Phistoire
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1903.
Bouchot, H. Les elegances du second Empire. Paris. 1896. Chambrier J. de. La cour et la socie"te du second Empire. 2 vols. Paris. 1902-6. La maison de 1'Empereur. Paris. 1897. Conegliano, Due de. L'EmLa cour de Napoleon III. n Lano, P. de. La secret d'un Empire, i in Paris. 1891-3. 3 vols. pereur. L'Impe~ra trice Eugenie. Les femmes des Tuileries. La cour du second Empire. Saint- Amand, Imbert de. Paris.
1898. (2)
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Aucoc, L. Le Conseil d'etat avant et depuis 1789. Paris. 1876. 1900. Berton, H. L' Evolution constitutionnelle du second Empire. Paris. Monnet, E. Histoire de 1' administration provinciale, dSpartementale et communale en France. Paris. 1885. Nervo, Baron de. Les finances de la France de 1852 a 1860. 5 vols. Paris. 1861. De 1' organisation de la police. Dijon. 1899. Pelatant, L. Trochu, Jules. L'armSe franchise en 1867. Paris. 1867.
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Manuel historique de politique etrangere. Vol. in: Le temps Bourgeois, E. Paris. 1905. present. Debidour, A. Histoire diplomatique de FEurope de 1814 a 1878. Vol. n: La Revolution. Paris. 1891. Un reve d'Empire: Tempire de Maximilien; fin d'empire. 2 vols. Gaulot, P. Paris. 1898.
Comte J. Un ami de Napoleon III. Le Comte Arese et la politique italienne sous le second Empire. Paris. 1897. Gramont, Due de. La France et la Prusse avant la guerre. Paris. 1872. 1882. Harcourt, B. de. Les quatre ministeres de M. Drouin de Lhuys. Paris. Grabinski,
Leonardon, H. Prim. Paris. 1901. Rothan, G. Souvenirs diplomatiques. L'Europe et Pavenement du second Empire. Paris. 1890. La Prusse et son roi pendant la guerre de Crime'e. Paris. 1888. L'affaire du Luxembourg. Le prelude de la guerre de 1870. Paris. 1882. L'Allemagne et 1'Italie, 1870-1. 2 vols. Paris. 1884-5. Thouvenel, L. Pages de 1'histoire du second Empire. Paris. 1903. Trois anne~es de la Question d'Orient (1856-9). Paris. 1897. Le secret de TEmpereur (1860-3). 2 vols. Paris. 1889. Histoire de la diplomatic de la defense nationale. 3 vols. Paris. Valfrey, J. 1871-3. (5)
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XIII
ENGLISH LITERATURE, I.
PRINCIPAL
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[For Bibliographies see II below.]
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[See also Bibliographies to Chapters I,
XI, XII;
XV 2;
XVIII;
XXV D;
XXVII.]
CHAPTER XVI BISMARCK AND GERMAN UNITY I.
BIBLIOGRAPHIES AND WORKS OF REFERENCE
Dahlmann-Waitz. Quellenkunde der deutschen Geschichte. 7th edn. 1906. 1907. Hrsgbn. von E. Brandenburg. Mit Erganzungsheften. Leipzig. Jahresberichte der Geschichtswissenschaft.
(From 1878.) Berlin. 1880 sqq. Bibliographic der deutschen Geschichte in der Deutschen Zeitschrift fur Geschichtswissenschaft. 1889 sqq. Leipzig.
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GENERAL GERMAN HISTORY, A.
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Abeken, H. Ein schlichtes Leben in bewegter Zeit. Berlin. 1898. Bamberger, L. Erinnerungen. Hrsgbn. von P. Nathan. Berlin. 1899. Bernhardi, T. von. Aus dem Leben Theodor von Bernhardis. Berlin. 1893-1901. Beust, F. F. Count von. Aus drei Vierteljahrhunderten. 2 vols. Stuttgart. 1887. Engl. Tr. Memoirs of Count von Beust. Tr. by Baron H. de Worms. 2 vols. London. 1887. Bismarck, Prince. Regesten zu einer wissenschaftlichen Biographic des ersten Deutschen Reichskanzlers. Leipzig. 1891-2. Die politischen Reden des Fiirsten Bismarck. Historisch-kritische Gesamtausgabe besorgt von H. Kohl. Stuttgart. 1892-1904. :
Furst B. als Redner. Vollstandige Sammlung der parlamentarischen Reden Bismarcks seit 1877 mit Einleitungen und Erlauterungen von W. Bohms und A. Dove. Berlin, Stuttgart. 1895-1901. Gedanken und Erinnerungen. Stuttgart. 1905. R. v. Keudell, Furst und Fiirstin Bismarck. Erinnerungen. Berlin and Stuttgart.
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Poschinger, H. von. Ftirst
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NARRATIVE AND GENERAL WORKS
Biedermann, K. Dreissig Jahre Deutscher Geschichte (1840-70). Breslau. 1896. Bismarck. M. Lenz, Geschichte Bismarcks. Leipzig. 1902. Bielefeld. 1907. C. Heyck, Bismarck. T. Matter, Bismarck et son temps. Paris. 1905. H. Blum, Ftirst Bismarck und seine Zeit. Munich. 1895. P. Klein-Hattingen, Bismarck und seine Welt. Berlin. 1902-7. Geschichte Bulle, C. Berlin. 1890.
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La fondation de T Empire Allemand. Paris. 1906. Denis, E. Frederick III, King of Prussia and German Emperor. M. Philippson, Friedrich III als Kronprinz und Kaiser. Berlin. 1895. M. Philippson, Das Leben Kaiser Friedrichs III. Wiesbaden. 1900. M. v. Poschinger, Kaiser Friedrich. Berlin. 1898-1900. Paris. 1897-1905. Gorce, P. de la. Histoire du second Empire. Kauffmann, G. Politische Geschichte Deutschlands im 19. Jahrhundert. Berlin. 1900.
Maurenbrecher, W. Grtindung des Deutschen Reiches 1859-71. Leipzig. 1892. Moltke, Field Marshal Count von. M. Fahns, Feldmarschall Moltke. Berlin. 1900.
N. Bigge, Feldmarschall Graf Moltke. Munich. 1900. Seignobos, C. Histoire politique de 1'Europe contemporaine, 1817-96.
Paris.
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Sybel, Heinrich von. 5th revised edn. 1901.
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Die Begrundung des deutschen Reichs durch Wilhelm I. 7 vols. Munich and Leipzig. 1889-94. Popular edn.
Welt- und Zeitgeschichte, 1862-90. Heidelberg. 1892. King of Prussia and German Emperor. L. Hahn, Wilhelm, der erste Kaiser des neuen Deutschen Reichs. Berlin. 1888. Marcks, E. Kaiser Wilhelm I. Leipzig. 1905. W. Oncken, Unser Heldenkaiser. Berlin. 1898. L. Schneider, Aus dem Leben Kaiser Wilhelms. Berlin. 1888. H. v. Petersdorff, Kaiserin Augusta. Leipzig. 1900. Zwiedeneck-Sudenhorst, F. von. Deutsche Geschichte von der Auflosung des alten bis zur Grundung des neuen Reiches. 3 vols. (Bibl. deutscher Geschichte.) 1897-1905. Stuttgart.
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X and
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Sect. 1,
B, D.]
DOCUMENTS AND CONTEMPORARY MEMOIRS
Aktenstiicke zum Wiener Friedensvertrage von 30. Okt. 1864. Kiel. 1865. Der Donnerschlag von Sadowa. Deutsche Revue, 29, 30. Bapst, G. Ma mission en Prusse. Paris. 1871. Benedetti, Count V. Blumenthal, Field Marshal Count von. Tagebiicher aus den Jahren 1866 1870-1.
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Prussia and Schleswig-Holstein. per Gang d. Preuss. Politik in d. SchleswigBerlin. 1865. Holsteinischen Angelegenheit (1862-5).
Reventera, Graf. Erinnerungen eines Diplomaten in St Petersburg. Deutsche Revue, 28, 29. Rechberg und Bismarck. Deutsche Revue, 28. Saxon Army. Der Anteil des k. sachsischen Armee-Korps am Feldzuge 1866. 1869. Bearb. vom Generalstabe. Dresden. 1903. Denkwiirdigkeiten. Stuttgart. Stosch, Albrecht von. Vitzthum von Eckstadt, Count C. F. von. London, Gastein und Sadowa. 1864-6. Stuttgart.
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1892. Kanngiesser, O. Geschichte des Krieges von 1866. Basel. Kozmian, S. von. Das Jahr 1863. Polen und die europaische Diplomatic. Vienna. 1896. Kurz, H. Der Feldzug der Mainarmee i. J. 1866. Berlin. 1890. Lehmann, M. Der Krieg in Westdeutschland. Historische Zeitschrift, 22. Lenz, M. Konig Wilhelm und Bismarck in Gastein 1863. Deutsche Rundschau, Nov. and Dec. 1906. 1899. Nikolsburg. Deutsche Rundschau. Lettow-Vorbeck, O. v. Geschichte des Krieges von 1866. Berlin. 1896-1902. La Prusse et la revolution de Pologne en 1863. Annales des sciences Matter, T. politiques.
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Die kritischen Tage von Olmutz im Juli 1866. Vienna. 1903. Moltke und Benedek. Berlin. 1900. Schlichting, von. 1892. Schmitt, R. Die Gefechte bei Trautenau. Gotha. Thimme, F. Wilhelm I, Bismarck und der Ursprung des Annexionsgedankens Olimitz
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THE NORTH GERMAN CONFEDERATION, A.
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SOURCES, DOCUMENTS, ETC.
1901. Bray-Steinburg, Graf Otto von. Denkwurdigkeiten. Leipzig. Freydorf, R. von. Aus Briefen und Tagebiichern eines Deutschen Ministers. Deutsche Revue, 8, 29. Annalen des Deutschen Reichs, 38. Archiv des Norddeutschen Bundes. Sammlung aller Gesetze, VerGlaser, J. C.
trage Hirth, G.
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Annalen des Norddeutschen Bundes und des Deutschen Zollvereins fur
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1889. Binding, K. Die Crunching des Norddeutschen Bundes. Leipzig. 1902. Matschoss, A. Die Luxemburger Frage. Breslau. Furst Chlodwig Hohenlohe Schillingsfiirst und die Deutsche Frage. Salzer, E. Histor. Vierteljahrsschrift. 1907. F. Verfassungsrecht des Norddeutschen
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[See also Bibliography to Chapter
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Tubingen.
XXL]
DOCUMENTS AND CONTEMPORARY ACCOUNTS
King of Roumania. Aus dem Leben Konig Karls von Rumanien. Aufzeichnungen eines Augenzeugen. 4 vols. Stuttgart. 1894-1900. In Brief e und Nachrichten iiber die Hohenzollernsche Thronkandidatur. Vol. n.
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Deutsch-franzosische Krieg, der, 1870-1. Redigiert von der kriegsgeschichtlichen Abteilung des Grossen Generalstabs. 2 parts in 5 vols. 1872-81. Gramont, Due de. La France et la Prusse avant la guerre. Paris. 1872. Hahn, L. Der Krieg Deutschlands gegen Frankreich und die Griindung des Deutschen Kaiserreiches. Die Deutsche Politik 1867-71. In Aktenstiicke, amtliche und halbamtliche Aeusserungen. Berlin. 1871. Lebrun. Souvenirs militaires 1866-70; preliminaires de la guerre; mes missions a Vienne et en Belgique. Paris. 1895. German translation by O. Busse. 1896. Leipzig. Loftus, Lord A. Diplomatic London. 1894.
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Baldamus, A. Der Ursprung des deutsch-franzosischen Krieges nach einer DarNeue Jahrbticher fur das klassische Altertum. 1906. stellung Bismarcks. Blume, W. von. Die Beschiessung von Paris und die Ursachen ihrer Verzogerung. Berlin.
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[For general purposes see also Bibliographies
XXI; XXII,
1;
to
Chapters
XXIII; XXIV.]
XVII; XIX;
CHAPTER XVIII FRENCH LITERATURE (1840-70) I.
GENERAL WORKS
La literature
Paris. 1882. frangaise au xix siecle. Essais de psychologic contemporaine. Paris. 1904. Paris. 1904. Sociologie et litterature. c Brunetiere, F. Evolution de la po6sie lyrique au xix siecle. 2 vols. Paris. 1893-5 Le roman naturaliste. Paris. 1884. Doumic, R. Essai sur le theatre contemporain. Paris. 1898. e 1887. Faguet, E. Le xix siecle. Paris. Histoire du romantisme. Paris. 1859. Gautier, T. Lanson, G. Histoire de la litterature frangaise. Paris. 1898.
Albert, P.
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Lemaitre,
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Vola
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Portraits contemporains.
du lundi. 15 vols. Nouveaux lundis. 10 vols.
Causeries
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Paris.
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1857-62. Paris. 1863-72. 1866-94. Taine, H. Essais de critique et d'histoire. Paris. Les romanciers naturalistes. Paris. 1881. Zola, Paris.
&
Le roman experimental.
II.
Paris.
1880.
SPECIAL STUDIES OF DIFFERENT AUTHORS
Balzac, Honore* de. E. Scherer. Paris. 1885.
Etudes sur
la litterature
contemporaine. Vol. iv.
Spoelbach de Lovenjoul. Paris. 1886. F. Brunetiere. La statue de B. Revue des Deux Mondes. Baudelaire, Charles. 1 Sept. 1892. Paris. Paris. 1868. Vie, par T. Gautier. Causeries du lundi. Vol. ix. 1851. Paris. Sainte- Veuve. Paris. 1887. Cousin, Victor. J. Simon. Anatole France. La Vie litteraire. Vol. in. Paris. 1889. Feuillet, Octave. 1870. Sainte-Beuve. Nouveaux lundis. Vol. v. Paris. A. France. La Vie litteraire. Vol. n. Paris. 1889. Flaubert, Gustave. E. Bergerat. Paris. 1879. Gautier, Theophile. M. du Camp. Paris. 1890. Sainte-Beuve. Nouveaux lundis. Vol. vi. Paris. 1870. 943
French Literature, 1840-70
944 Hugo, Victor.
E. Bire\
L. Mabilleran.
Paris. 5vols. 1893!
1869-93.
Paris.
Premiers lundis. Vols. i-m. Paris. 1879. Vols. i, 11. Paris. 1846. Portraits contemporains. P. Bourget. Essais de psychologie contemporaine. Leconte de Lisle, C. M. 1904. Paris. Sainte-Beuve.
Evolution de la po6sie lyrique. Paris. 1895. Les Contemporains. Vol. n. Paris. 1887. A. Filon. Paris. 1894.
F. Brunetiere. J.
Lemaltre.
Me'rime'e, Prosper. Musset, A. de. Sainte-Beuve. Causeries du lundi. Vols. i, xm. Paris. 1851, 1877. Biographic. P. de Musset. Paris. Etude par Arvede Barine. Les Grands ficrivains Francais. Paris. 1893. Renan, E. J. Darmesteter. Revue Bleue. Paris. 14, 21 Oct. 1893. Revue arch6ologique. Paris. Jan. 1893. S. Reinach. 1887. Sand, George. E. Caro. Paris. Sainte-Beuve. Portraits contemporains. Paris. 1846. Stendhal. E. Faguet. Revue des Deux Mondes. Paris. February 1892. E. Rod. Paris. 1892. A. de Margerie. Paris. 1894. Taine, H. G. Monod. Renan, Taine, Michelet. Paris. 1894. L'oeuvre de. F. Brunetiere in Revue des Deux Mondes. November Thierry, A.
15, 1895.
Vigny, A. de.
M. Pale"ologue.
III.
Paris.
1892.
DRAMA, ART, CRITICISM, ETC.
Larroumet, G. Etudes de litte"rature et d'art. Paris. 1896. La Come'die en France au xix e siecle. 2 vols. Paris. 1898. Lenient, C. Confession de Sainte-Beuve. Paris. 1882. Nicolardot, L. Sainte-Beuve, C. A. Correspondance. 3 vols. Paris. 1877-80. Sarcey, F. Quarante Ans. de Theatre. Bibliotheque des annales politiques et Iitt6raires. Vols. iv-vi. Paris. 1902.
CHAPTER XX SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. I.
A.
(1845-71)
SPAIN
BIBLIOGRAPHIES
Hartzenbusch, E. Apuntes para un catalogo de peri6dicos madrilefios; ... Madrid. 1894. Torres Campos, M. Bibliografia contemporanea del derecho y de la polftica. 2 vols. Madrid. 1883-98.
B.
PUBLISHED DOCUMENTS
Catalogo de cuentas de la Administraci6n publica, en los afios de 1744 a 1856, In the Revista de Archives, existentes en el Archive General Central. Madrid. (In progress.) Bibliotecas y Museos. 2 vols. Madrid. 1886. Constituciones de Espafia. Constituci6n de la Monarqula Espanola. Madrid. 1857. Constituci6n de la Naci6n Espanola, votada definitivamente por las Cortes ConMadrid. 1869. stituyentes en 10 de junio de 1869. Dalmas y Olivart, R. Colecci6n de Tratados ecc. celebrados desde el reinado de 2 vols. Isabel II. Madrid. 1890-9. Derecho parlamentario espanol. 2 vols. Madrid. 1885. Diario de las sesiones de Cortes. 50 vols. Madrid. (1845-71.) Documentos relativos a las negociaciones seguidas con la Santa Sede desde el 10 de diciembre de 1854 hasta el dia. Madrid. 1855. Documentos diplomaticos sobre el casamiento de S. M. Dona Isabel II, y el de S. A. S. la Infanta Dona Luisa Fernanda. Madrid. 1847. Tratados de Espafia (1842 a 1846). Madrid. 1869. Janer, F. Leyes provisionales del matrimonio y del registro civil, y disposiciones dictadas para la ejecuci6n de la primera. Edici6n oficial. Madrid. 1870. Leyes sobre aboliciance.
Paris.
1842.
Eng. trans.
Cape-
1846.
Gumming, R. G. London.
1831.
missionary work
London. 1882. Campbell, J. Travels in South Africa. London. Travels in South Africa. 2 vols. London. The Basutos. London. 1861. Casalis, E. town.
1832.
1815.
1822.
Five years' adventures in the far interior of South Africa.
1873.
1836. Gardiner, A. Narrative of a journey to the Zulu country. London. Grout, L. Zululand, or Life among the Zulu-Kafirs of Natal. London. 1864(?). Travels and adventures in Eastern Africa. London. 1836. Isaacs, N. Livingstone, David. A popular account of missionary travels and researches in
South Africa.
London.
1861.
1842. Missionary Labours and Scenes in Southern Africa. London. Researches in South Africa. 2 vols. London. 1828. Philip, J. Smith, A. Report of an exploring expedition into the interior of South Africa as far as the Limpopo river. London. 1836.
Moffat, R.
(4)
The Kaffir Wars
Abstract of proceedings of the board
of]relief for the destitute (1834-5) appointed at Capetown. 1836. Alexander, J. E. Narrative of a voyage.. .and of a campaign in Kaffirland...in 1835. 2 vols. London. 1837. Case of the colonists... in reference to the Kaffir invasions of 1835 and 1846. By the editor of the Grahamstown Journal. Grahamstown. 1846. A narrative of the irruption of the Kafir hordes... 1834-5. Godlonton, R. Grahamstown. 1836. Introductory remarks to a narrative of the irruption of the Kafir hordes... 1834-5.
Grahamstown.
By the editor of the Grahamstown Journal. Grahamstown. 1835-6. "Justus." The Wrongs of the Caff re nation. London. 1837. Kay, S. A succinct account of the Kaffer's case.. .in a letter to T. Fowell Buxton, London. 1857. Esq., M. P., etc. etc. Report of the central board of relief for destitute sufferers by the Kaffir War in 1846. Grahamstown. 1847. Stockenstrom, A. Narration of transactions connected with the Kaffir War of 1846 and 1847. Grahamstown. 1848. Ward, Harriet. Five Years in Kaffirland, with sketches of the late war in that London. 1848. country.
(5)
The Emigrant Boers;
the Republics
Bezuidenhout, D. P. The Pioneer's Narrative ( 1838) v. Annals of JN atal (sup. I, B). The History of the Great Boer Trek. London. 1899. Cloete, H. Delegorgue, A. Voyage dans 1'Afrique Australe notamment dans le territoire de Natal... durant les annSes 1838-44. Paris. 1847. ,
South Africa
976
W. C. The wild sports of Southern Africa, being the narration of a hunting of the chief Moselekatse. London. 1852. expedition through the territorfes Molesworth, Sir W. Materials for a Speech in defence of the policy of abandoning London. 1854. [ImporPrivately printed. the Orange River Territory. tant for home policy.] Narrative, 1834-9, v. Annals of Natal (sup. I, B). tretorius, W. J. De Hollandsche Afrikanen en hunne republiek in Zuid Afrika. Stuart, J. Amsterdam. 1854. Harris,
D.
NEWSPAPERS AND JOURNALS
The South African ComThe Government Gazette (continuous from August 1800) mercial Advertiser; The South African Chronicle and Mercantile Advertiser; The Colonist, 1827-8; The Grahamstown Journal; De Zuid Afrikaan; Het Nederduitsch Zuid-Afrikaansch Tijdschrift, 1824-42; The South African Journal, 1824; The South African Quarterly Journal, 1829-31, 1833-5; The Cape of Good Hope Literary Gazette, 1831-3; The Diamond News and Griqualand West Government Gazette (see especially Judge Stockenstrom's judgment, March 16, 1876). .
II.
SECONDARY AUTHORITIES A.
Cappon,
Britain's Title in
J.
GENERAL
South Africa.
criticism of Theal's history.] Gresswell, W. P. Geography of
2nd edn.
London.
South Africa south of the Zambesi.
1902.
[A
Oxford.
1892.
1899. Lucas, C. P. History of South Africa. Clarendon Press. London. 1877. Noble, J. South Africa, past and present. Illustrated Official Handbook. History, etc. of the Cape of
Good Hope and
South Africa. London and Capetown. 1893. Theal, G. M. History of South Africa 1795-1828, 1828-46, 1846-60. Republics and Native Territories, 1854-72. London. 1903, 1904, 1904, 1900. 1887. History of the Boers in South Africa. London. 1902. Progress of South Africa in the Century. London. South Africa. (Story of the Nations.) 5th edn. London. 1899. London. Fifty years of the Republic in South Africa (1795-1845). Voigt, J. C. 1899.
Manual
Wilmot, A.
of
South African History. B.
London.
1901.
SPECIAL
1897. Campbell, C. T. British South Africa. London. [A very full account of the early days of the Albany settlement.] Colquhoun, A. R. Africander Land. London. 1906. 1893. Grey, Sir George. Life, by W. L. Rees. 2 vols. London. Henderson, G. C. Adelaide. 1907. Hewitt, J. A. Sketches of English Church History in South Africa from 1795 to 1848. Capetown. 1887. Geschiedenis van den Oranje-Vrijstaat. The Hague. Hofstede, H. J. 1876. Partition of Africa. London. 1893. Kafir Socialism. London. 1907. Essential Kafir. London. 1904.
Keltic, J. S.
Kidd, Dudley.
The
977
Bibliography M'Carter, J. The Dutch Reformed Church in South Africa. Molteno, Sir J., Premier of the Cape. Life and Times. 2 vols.
London.
Edinburgh. 1869. P. A. Molteno.
By
1900.
Newman, W. A. Russell, W. L.
London. 1835. Biographical Memoir of John Montagu. 3rd edn. London. 1894. Natal, the Land in its Story. 1901. Smith, Sir Harry. Life and Letters. By G. C. Moore-Smith. London. Sou they, Sir Richard. Life and Times of. By Sir A. Wilmot. London. 1904. Stow, G. W. Edited by G. M. Theal. The Native races of South Africa. London. 1905. [Deals especially with Bushmen, Griquas and Betshuana in early part of this period.]
AUSTRALASIA
(4)
I.
CONTEMPORARY AUTHORITIES MANUSCRIPTS
A.
For bibliographical purposes see Australasian Bibliography a catalogue of books in the Free Public Library, Sydney, relating to or published in Australasia. 3 parts. Sydney. 1893. The Governors' dispatches, departmental correspondence, letters from individuals (Miscellaneous A to Z), sessional papers, and certified Acts are preserved in the Record Office; copies of instructions to Governors and out Ms. material later than 1802 can only be seen if letters in the Colonial Office. a permit (which may be extended to 1.830) is obtained from the Colonial Office. All important material prior to 1812 is published in Historical Records of New South Wales. 7 vois. Sydney. 1893-1901. :
B.
(1)
DOCUMENTS AND OFFICIAL PAPERS
Published and presented
to
Parliament of United Kingdom
Three Reports of the Commissioner of Inquiry, J. T. Bigge, into the State of New South Wales: (1) General report, 1822. (2) Report on Agriculture and (3) Report on judicial establishments, 1823. Trade, 1823. Report from the Select Committee Of the H. of C. on the system of transportation. 2 vols. 1837, 1838. (a) Of the H. of L. on the state of the islands of New Zealand. 1838. (6) Of the H. of C. on the colonisation of New Zealand. 1840. (c) Of the H. of C. on the state of the colony of New Zealand. 1844. (d) Important Reports, etc., of the Legislative Council (New South Wales) or of Committees thereof are copied in Parliamentary Papers, 1837-8, no. 389; 1840, :
1841, nos. 241, 308; 1844, no. 505; 1846, no. 418; 1847-8, nos. 986, 994; 1850, no. 1220. Emigration. Copies of Extracts from the Correspondence between the Colonial Secretary and the Governors of the British Colonies no. 612;
in N.
America and Australia.
London.
(A) (2)
On
OFFICIAL
Published in Australasia
Debates in the Legislative Council,
New South
the division of territory and on stitution Bill. 1853. (6)
C. M. H.
XI.
1833.
Wales,
Crown
(a)
On
Immigration, 1840, (c) On the Con-
lands, 1840,
62
Australasia
978
Parliamentary Debates, or Hansard's of (a) New Zealand, 1867 sqq., (6) Queensland, 1864 sqq., (c) South Australia, 1857 sqq., (d) Victoria, 1857 sqq. Statistical Registers of (a) New South Wales, 1857 sqq., (6) Queensland, 1859-68, 1874 sqq. (c) South Australia, 1861-2 sqq., (d) Victoria, Statistics of (a) New Zealand, 1853 sqq., (&) Queensland, 1869 sqq., (c) Tasmania, 1857 sqq., (d) Victoria, 1857-73. By H. H. Hayter. Melbourne. 1874 sqq. Victoria, Yearbook of.
New
Zealand,
Handbook
of.
By
Sir J. Vogel.
London.
1875.
The above are published annually in the capitals of the respective colonies, except the last named. (B) (1)
UNOFFICIAL
Almanacs and Calendars
Royal South Australian Almanac. 1839 sqq. Chapman's New Zealand Almanac. 1860 sqq. Brisbane. Pugh's (Moreton Bay or) Queensland Almanac. Hobart. Walch's Tasmanian Almanac. 1862 sqq. Adelaide.
Auckland.
1859 sqq.
For the periods 1824-40 and 1846-62, see Fenton, History of Tasmania, p. 457. Gordon and Gotch's (Australian or) Australasian Handbook and Alma-
London.
nac. 1870 sqq. Sydney. Australasian Pocket Almanac. Almanac. 20 vols. 1851-70.
(2)
1821.
Ford Waugh or Cox's Australian
Newspapers
Brisbane (formerly Moreton Bay) Courier. Brisbane. 1846 sqq. Herald, the (formerly The Port Phillip or Melbourne Herald). Melbourne. 1840 sqq. Launceston Examiner (formerly Advertiser, etc.). Launceston. 1829 sqq. South Australian Register. Adelaide. 1837 sqq. Sydney (Morning) Herald. Sydney. 1831 sqq.
For the period 1803-31 see J. H. Heaton, Australian Dictionary of Dates. London. 1879. Pt n. pp. 172-6. (3)
Wholly
(or partly) Autobiographical
An
1902. Bonwick, Octogenarian's Reminiscences. London. Bowen, Sir G. F. Thirty Years of Colonial Government [Queensland, New Zealand, Victoria, etc., includes valuable Documents]. Ed. S. L. Poole. J.
2 vols. London. 1889. Duffy, Sir C. G. My Life in two Hemispheres. Vol. n. London. 1898. 1891. Fenton, James. Bush Life in Tasmania. London. Fox, Sir W. The War in New Zealand. London. 1866. The Maori King. London. 1864. Gorst, Sir J. E. Grey, Henry, 3rd Earl. Colonial Policy of Lord John Russell's Administration. 2 vols. 2nd edn. London. 1853. Gudgeon, T. G. Reminiscences of the War in New Zealand. London. 1879. London. Vol. n. Parkes, Sir H. Fifty years in the making of Australian history. 1892.
Wakefield,
New outline of a plan of a proposed Colony (South 1834. Art of Colonization. London. 1849.
Edward Gibbon.
Australia).
The
London.
979
Bibliography
Adventure in New Zealand from 1839 to 1844. London. 1845. The Founders of Canterbury. [Contains letters of Gibbon Wakefield to
Wakefield,
Edward Jerningham.
Vol. n. J.
R. Godley.]
Christchurch,
New
Zealand.
1868.
Whately, Richard, Archbishop. Thoughts on Secondary Punishment with Appendix on Transportation to New South Wales and observations on Colonisation. London. 1832. Whitmore, Sir G. The Last Maori War. London. 1902. Original Journals, etc., of their expeditions have been published by Burke, Cunningham, Eyre, Forrest, Gregory, Hume, Kennedy, Leichhardt, Mitchell, Oxley, Stuart, Sturt and Wills.
II.
SECONDARY AUTHORITIES GENERAL
A. (1)
Epitome
of Official History of
Official
New South
Wales.
Sydney.
1883.
Yearbooks are annually published for New South Wales, New Zealand, and nearly annually for Western Australia, an official Yearbook for Queensland was published in 1901, an official Record and an official Handbook for Tasmania were published in 1892 and 1894 respectively, and Statistical Registers for New South Wales, South Australia, Victoria and Western Australia, and statistics of New Zealand, Queensland and Tasmania are annually published in the capital of E. Greville's annual Yearbook of Australia, with special the respective colony. issues for the different colonies, is private, though based on official information. Official
and
Victoria,
Unofficial
(2)
Bonwick,
Port Phillip Settlement.
J.
London.
1883.
Coghlan, T. A. Statistical Summary of the seven colonies of Australasia. Sydney. 1902. [Contains the history of each colony.] 1884. Fenton, J. History of Tasmania. Hobart. Gonner, E. C. K. Settlement of Australasia. English Historical Review, u, London. 1887. pp. 625 sqq. Hodder, E. History of South Australia. Vol. 11. London. 1893.
Reeves, Rogers,
W. J.
P.
D.
The Long White Cloud [New Zealand]. Historical
Geography
of Australasia.
London.
Oxford.
1898. 1907.
W. History of Australia. Vol. in. London. 1883. 1883. History of New Zealand. Vol. in. London. Turner, H. G. History of the colony of Victoria. Vol. n. London. Rusden, G.
Doerkes-Boppard.
B.
SPECIAL
(1)
Histories
1904.
Verfassungsgeschichte der Australischen Kolonien und des Munich of Australia." Historische Bibliothek. Bd. xvi.
"Commonwealth u. Berlin.
1903.
Finniss, R. T. Constitutional History of South Australia, 1836-57. Hocken, T. M. Contributions to the early history of New Zealand.
Otago.
Hogan,
J. F.
London.
1898.
Gladstone Colony.
London.
1898.
London. 1891. Settlement of
Australasia
980
Government of Victoria. The Australasian Colonies till
Jenks, E.
Condon. 1891. Cambridge.
1893.
1895.
Early History of the colony of Victoria. Vol. n. London. 1878. Vol. n. Historical and statistical account of New South Wales.
Labilliere, F. P.
Lang, J. D. London.
4 editions.
1834, 1837, 1852, 1875.
-
Edinburgh. 1847. Phillipsland. 1847. Cooksland. London. Moore, H. H. Constitution and Commonwealth of Australia. London. 1902. Genesis of Queensland. Sydney. 1888. Russell, H. S. Wentworth, W. C. Statistical Account of the British Settlements in Australasia.
London.
Vol. n.
Westgarth,
W.
1824.
Half a century of Australasian Progress. London.
(2)
The following are works
Biographies,
of reference
1889.
etc.
:
Cyclopaedia of Australasia. Melbourne. 1881; Heaton, J. Henniker. London. 1879; Australian Dictionary of Dates and Men of the Time. Hutchinson, Australasian Encyclopaedia. Edited by G. C. Levey. London. 1892; Mennell, P. Dictionary of Australasian Biography (1855-92). London.
Blair, D.
1892.
Angus, G. F., Father and Founder of South Australia. Life, by E. Hodder. London. 1891. New Zealand Rulers and Statesmen. London. 1886. Gisborne, W. 1907. Grey, Sir George. Life. By G. C. Henderson. London. Life and Times. By W. L. Rees. Vol. n. London. 1892. Gudgeon, T. G. Defenders of New Zealand. Auckland. 1887. Lowe, Robert (Viscount Sherbrooke). Life and Letters. By A. P. Martin. 2 vols. London. 1893. London. 1897. Parkes, Sir H. Life, by C. E. Lyne. Life and Times of Sir G. Grey. Vol. n. London. 1892. Rees, W. L. London. 1898. Wakefield, Edward Gibbon. Life, by R. Garnett. et sa doctrine de la colonisation syste"matique. By A. Siegfried. Paris. 1904. (3)
A
Year
in Tasmania.
By
Social and topographical works
the author of "Five Years in the Levant."
Hobart.
1854. Boxall, G. E.
Story of the Australian Bushrangers. London. 1899. History of Australian Explorations based on official and private papers and issued under auspices of various Australian Governments. Sydney. 1888. Gregory, J. W. Geography of Australasia and New Zealand. 2nd edn. London.
Favenc, E.
1907. Neu-Seeland. Stuttgart. 1863. Hochstetter, F. von. Maning, F. E. Old New Zealand. Auckland. 1863. Meredith, Mrs L. A. My home in Tasmania. London.
1852.
Tom
Petrie's Reminiscences of early Queensland. Petrie, C. C. Strzelecki, P. E. de. Physical Description of New South Wales
Land. Trollope, A.
Brisbane.
London.
1854. Australia and New Zealand.
Vol. n.
London.
1904.
and Van Diemen's 1873.
CHAPTER XXVIII (1)
CHINA
UNPUBLISHED SOURCES;
I.
MSS., ETC.
Correspondence in the Record Office relating to Sir H. Pottinger's Mission to China. Foreign Office Confidential Print from 1839 to 1871.
II.
PUBLISHED OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS
Hansard.
Parliamentary Debates. Vol. LIII. 3rd Series. London. 1840. Parliamentary Papers relating to China from 1821 to 1870. Royal Commission on Opium. Vols. vi, vn. London. 1895. United States Senate Executive Documents. Washington. 183959. 1861-8. Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States. Washington. Foreign Relations of the United States. Washington. 1870.
III.
MEMOIRS, LETTERS, TRAVELS, ETC.
Auber, P. China, an Outline of its Government, etc. London. 1834. 1901. Brandt, M. von. Drei und dreissig Jahre in Ostasien. Leipzig. Histoire des Relations de la Chine avec les Puissances Occidentales. Cordier, H. Vol.
Paris.
i.
Davis, Sir
J. F.
Elgin, Earl. Ellis, Sir
1901.
China.
New
L. Oliphant.
Henry.
London.
edn.
The Earl
1857.
of E.'s Mission.
London.
1859.
Journal of proceedings of the late Embassy to China.
London.
1817.
Nankin Port Ouvert. Shanghai. 1901. Livre Jaune. Paris. 1864. Christianisme en Chine. Paris. 1857-8. 1894. Lane-Poole, S. Life of Sir Harry Parkes. Vol. i. London. Gaillard, le P. Louis.
Gros, Baron. Hue, le Pere.
Lenormant, Loch, H. B.
C.
Articles in
"Le Correspondant "
Personal Narrative.
3rd edn.
for 1846.
1901.
London. 1907. Sargent, A. J. Anglo-Chinese Commerce and Diplomacy. Sir Appendix. Henry. Autobiography. London. 1885. (Vol. i. Taylor, Charles Elliot's Mission to China.) Willson, Beckles. Ledger and Sword. London. 1903. 1868. Wilson, Andrew. The Ever Victorious Army. Edinburgh and London. 981
China and Japan
982
(2)
JAPAN
UNPUBLISHED SOURCES
I.
Foreign Office Confidential Print, 1853-71, partly reproduced in Parliamentary Papers of the period.
PUBLISHED OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS
II.
United States Senate Executive Documents, Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States; Foreign Relations of United States Senate. (See also (1) China above.)
III.
ORIGINAL JAPANESE WORKS (A)
Baku-matsu
UNTRANSLATED
History of the Fall of the Shogunate.
Shi.
1907. Tokio. Materials for the History of the I-Shin Shi-rio.
No
New
By Kobayashi
Shojiro.
30 parts.
Tokio.
Regime.
date.
Kai-koku Ki-gen. Collection of Documents relating to the Opening of the Country. By Katsu Awa. Tokio. 1891. Kai-koku Shi-matsu. Life and Times of li Kamon no Kami. By Shimada Samuro. Tokio. 1888. Tokugawa Bakufu Jidai-Shi. History of the Tokugawa Shoguns. By Ikeda Koyen. Tokio. 1907.
(B)
Japan 1853-64, or Genji
Yume
TRANSLATED
Monogatari.
Translated by Sir E. M. Satow.
Tokio. 1905. Reprint. Kinse Shiriaku. A history of Japan from 1853 to 1869. Translated Satow. Revised edn. by S. Watanabe. Tokio. 1906.
Bley,
J.
F. O.
H.
C.
Sir E.
M.
OTHER WORKS, GENERAL AND SPECIAL
IV.
Adams,
by
History of Japan. London. 1875. Die Politik der Niederlande in ihren Beziehungen zu Japan.
1855. Oldenburg. American Relations in the Pacific and the Far East, 1784-1900. Callahan, J. M. Series xix. Nos. 1-3.) (In Johns Hopkins University Studies. Greene, Rev. D. C. Correspondence between William II of Holland and the Shogun of Japan. In Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan. Vol. xxxiv. Pt. 4. Yokohama. 1907. The Mikado's Empire. New York. 1876 and subsequent editions. Griffis, W. E.
Townsend
Harris.
Parkes, Sir Harry.
Life.
New York and F. V. Dickins.
Boston. Vol. n.
1895.
London.
(See also under (1) /// above.)
1894.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF
LEADING EVENTS MENTIONED IN THIS VOLUME 1740 1779 1791 1792 1798 1799 1803 1809 1814
1815
France secures treaty right to custody of Holy Places near Jerusalem. War of Dutch settlers in South Africa. Constitutional Act for Canada. March. First Cechish national manifesto in Austria. Establishment of the Helvetian Republic. Bentham's Emancipate your Colonies. Russo- American Company formed to trade in Alaska. Napoleon's Act of Mediation reorganises Switzerland. Grand Duchy of Finland finally annexed to Russia. "Form of Government" or Constitution in Sweden. First Kaffir
Oehlenschlager's Helge. Restoration of the Order of Jesuits. Fundamental Law or Constitution of Norway. Norway united with S\veden. June. Germanic Confederation constituted. August 7. Federal Pact of Zurich. November 20. Act of Mediation guarantees Swiss independence. Riksakt determines relations of Sweden and Norway.
Nek (Cape Colony). Norway founded.
Schlachter's
1816
Bank
of
March. Raid of Pindaris into British province of Madras. 1816-23 Marquis of Hastings Governor- General of Bengal. 1817 Bank of New South Wales incorporated. The Porte grants autonomy to Servia. Oct.-Dec. Successful British campaigns in India. Charles XIV (Bernadotte) King of Norway and Sweden. National Bank of Denmark founded. Extensive British annexations of territory in India. 1819 Count Joseph de Maistre's Du Pape. 1819-21 5000 British immigrants settle in South Africa. 1819-23 Bigge's commission of enquiry and Act of Government for Australia. 1820 Mill's Essay on Government. 1821-44 Brock Finance Minister of Russia. 1823 July 14. Swiss Condusum refuses right of asylum to foreign refugees.
1818
1823-6 First Burmese War. 1824 Jan Kollar's Sldvy Dcera. 1825-6 Revision of Navigation Laws in England by Huskisson. 1826 February 14. British Treaty with King of Ava annexation of Annam, etc
1827
English settlements in West and North Australia. First railway opened between Stockton and Darlington. Keble's Christian Year. April 14.
Capodistrias President of Greece.
Chronological Table
984
Corn Law in England adopts Sliding Scale principle. Rigorous Press censorship introduced in Russia. Russian Treaty with Persia. Hottentots and Whites placed on an equality in Cape Colony. 1828-35 Lord William Bentinck Governor- General of Bengal. 1829 Treaty of Adrianople gives Caucasus to Russia. 1830 Victor Hugo's Hernani. November. Milosh Obrenovitch recognised as hereditary Prince of Servia. Democratic reform of Cantonal Constitu1830-1 Disturbances in Switzerland. 1828
tions.
1830-3
Cultuurstelsel introduced in
Dutch
Indies.
Beginnings of French colonisation in Algeria. 1830-44 Zollverein extended to all important German States except Austria. 1831 September. Russians enter Warsaw, end of constitutional Poland. October 9. Assassination of Capodistrias. 1831-2 Reglement or Constitution proclaimed in Moldavia and Wallachia. 1832 March 17. Siebnerkonkordat of Swiss Liberal Cantons. November 14. Six Swiss Catholic Cantons found League of Sarnen.
European recognition Issue of Svod or Code
of of
Kingdom of Greece. Laws in Russia.
1832-42 70,000 immigrants in New South Wales. 1833 February. King Otho lands in Greece. " July 14. Keble's sermon National Apostasy begins the Oxford Movement." New Charter Act for East India Company. Abolition of Slavery in British Colonies. 1834 Welhaven's Norway's Twilight. 1834-5 Sixth Kaffir War. 1836-9 Elliot's mission to China. 1836-40 Great Trek in South Africa 10,000 Boers leave British territory. 1837 Communal self-government established in Norway. New Zealand Association formed. June. Separation of England and Hanover. 1837-8 Rebellions in Upper and Lower Canada. 1838 English Chartists publish the "Charter." Earl of Durham Governor-General of Canada. December 16. Boers defeat Zulu King Dingan in Natal. 24. Prince Milosh of Servia delegates his powers to a Council. 1838-9 First Afghan War. 1839 Louis Napoleon Bonaparte's Les Idees Napoleoniennes. February 11. Lord Durham's Report on Canada. :
Final recognition of independence of Belgium. 3. Sultan Abd-ul-Mejid issues the Tanzimat. Religious persecution in Russia and forcible conversion of Uniates, French conquests in Algeria. Beginnings of state control of education in England. April.
November
1840
Schneckenburger's Die Wacht am Rhein. Accession of Frederick William IV of Prussia.
Act
of Union unites Upper and Lower Canada. Transportation to New South Wales reduced. 1841 Sir George Cornewall Lewis' Government of Dependencies. February. Newman's Tract No. 90. Nassau Senior's Report on Condition of Hand Loom Weavers. August. Sir Robert Peel Prime Minister of England. 1841-2 Relaxation of Press censorship in Prussia. Laws ameliorating condition of serfs passed in Russia.
Chronological Table 1842
985
Destruction of British army in Afghanistan. Guizot's Railway Scheme in France carried. July 13. Death of Duke of Orleans. Regency Act in France. August 29. Treaty of Nanking. British annexation of Hongkong. September 21. British armies under Pollock and Nott enter Cabul.
January.
February
7.
The Nation (organ of "Young Ireland") appears. 15. November. Treaty of the Hague between Holland and Belgium. The Amur Darya brought under Russian influence. 1842-3 Free Kirk secession from Established Church in Scotland. War between England and Natal Boers. 1842-5 Peel revives Income Tax and systematises English tariff. 1843 Carlyle's Past and Present. Ruskin's Modern Painters, vol. i. October
Gioberti's Primato.
February
May.
1844
.
British annexation of Sind.
British annexation of Natal.
Imposition of differential dues between British Colonies prohibited. Commerical treaties between England and China. Agitation for Repeal. Arrest of O'Connell. Sept.-Oct. Lelewel's Considerations on the History of Poland.
March 30. King Otho assents to new Greek Constitution. May. Narvaez' oligarchic amendment of Spanish Constitution of 1837. Graham's Factory Act in England. "Bandiera" incident in Italy. United States and France conclude commercial treaties with China. Nicholas I discusses Eastern Question with Lord Aberdeen. 1844-5 Peel's Bank Charter Act. 1845 Gioberti's Prolegomeni al Primato.
Maynooth Grant. Customs union between Moldavia and Wallachia. October. Potato Famine in Ireland. December. Peel resigns, but returns to office pledged
Newman
leaves the English for the
Roman
to carry Free Trade. Catholic Church.
1845-6 First Sikh War. 1845-53 Sir George Grey Governor of New Zealand. 1846 January. Massimo d'Azeglio's I Casi di Romagna. Liberal Ministry in Baden. June 14. Great Liberal meeting at Brussels demands Reform. 26. Abrogation of Duties on Corn Bill passed in England (colonial and foreign Corn placed on same footing). Peel resigns. Russell Prime Minister. Grey Colonial Secretary. Oregon boundary dispute between United States and England settled. The aims of the Swiss Sonderbund made public. July 16. Pius IX publishes his Amnesty. September 17. Germanic Confederation reserves rights in Schleswig29.
Holstein.
October 10. French marriages of Queen Isabel of Spain and her sister. Revolution of peasants in Galicia. 1846-7 Continued distress in Ireland and great emigrations to America. Acute distress in Holland and Belgium. 1846-9 Final Repeal of Navigation Acts in England. 1847 Gioberti's Gesuita Moderno. Settembrini's Protesta del popolo delle due Sicilie. Lamartine's Histoire des Girondins.
Chronological Table
986 1847
Frederick William IV summons the Combined Diets in Prussia.
February 3.
riots in Bavaria (till February, 1848). appoints an Advisory Council. Pacifico incident at Athens. April 4. May. Political disturbances in Wurtemberg. Banquet at Mac,on to Lamartine. July 17. Austrian troops occupy Ferrara. The Swiss Federal Diet decrees dissolution of the Sonderbund. 20. October 10. Meeting of German Liberals at Heppenheim. November 4-25. Swiss Federal troops defeat the army of the Sonderbund. Nicholai Muravieff Governor- General of Eastern Siberia. 1847-54 Lord Elgin Governor-General of Canada. 1848 Massimo d'Azeglio's Lutti della Lombardia.
"Lolamontane"
March
Pius
10.
IX
Macaulay's History of England, vol.
i.
January 12-27. Successful insurrection in Palermo. 20. Death of Christian VIII of Denmark, accession of Frederick VII. Draft Constitution for uniting Schleswig-Holstein with Denmark. February 3. Sir Harry Smith establishes Orange River Sovereignty.
God
"
Pius IX's allocution, beginning
Promulgation of Statute by Grand Duke of Tuscany. Disturbances in France about the Political Banquets. Austria proclaims martial law in Lombardo-Venetia. Guizot announces his resignation to the French Chamber.
22. ,,
23. 24. 27.
March
"
10. 17.
1.
,,
5. ,,
bless Italy
!
Erection of barricades and riots in Paris. Louis-Philippe abdicates. The Republic proclaimed. Provisional Government of Lamartine and Ledru-Rollin. National Workshops in Paris. Grand Duke of Baden grants reforms. Appeal of Frankfort Diet to German nation. Heidelberg Liberal committee demands Vorparlament. Charles Albert of Sardinia and Piedmont promulgates Statute (Constitution).
Lewis I summons meeting of the Bavarian Estates. 7. Lamartine's circular to the Powers defines the attitude of the French Republic in foreign policy. 10. Pius IX appoints a Liberal Ministry in Rome. Vienna rises in successful insurrection. 12-3. 6.
Riots and disturbance in Berlin. Resignation and flight of Metternich from Austria. Pius IX grants a Constitution to the Papal States. 15. Imperial Manifesto grants Constitution to Austrian dominions. Address from Hungarian Parliament demanding responsible Ministry conveyed to Vienna by the Palatine (Archduke 13-5.
14.
Stephen). People's Charter" granted by the Palatine's Council at Budapest. 16. Demonstration of 100,000 workmen in Paris. Frederick Augustus, King of Saxony, appoints a Liberal Ministry. Estates of Baden summoned by the Grand Duke. 17. Emperor Ferdinand concedes demands of Palatine. Count Batthyany chosen President of the Ministry, which, under in-
"The
fluence of Kossuth, carries "March and April Laws." William II of Holland appoints a Commission to reform Constitution.
Chronological Table 1848
March
IV of Prussia summons Combined Diets, and abolishes Censorship of the Press. Insurrection in Berlin. 18-22. Cinque Giornate in Milan, which the Austrians evacuate. 19. Troops withdrawn from Berlin, Liberal Ministry appointed. Lewis I of Bavaria abdicates in favour of Maximilian II, 20. 18.
Frederick William
22.
Liberal regime begins. Ernest Augustus of Hanover appoints a Liberal Ministry. Frederick William IV of Prussia retires to Potsdam. Manin expels the Austrians from Venice and proclaims Republic. Charles Albert of Piedmont declares war on Austria.
,,
30. 31.
April
987
1.
2.
8.
Belgian troops disperse French revolutionaries at Risquons-Tout. Vorparlament meets at Frankfort. Publication of new Press laws arouses great opposition in Vienna. Meeting of Combined Diet in Prussia. General Durando induces Papal troops to declare for co-operation with Charles Albert; the Pope ratines his action. Deputation of Serb Nationalists to Hungarian Parliament.
Danish troops suppress insurrection in Schleswig-Holstein. Failure of O'Connor's great Chartist demonstration in London. Hungarian Parliament dissolved (reassembles July 2). Germanic Diet acknowledges Provisional Government in Schles-
9.
10. 11. 12.
wig-Holstein. Austria declines to submit unconditionally to the Frankfort National Assembly. Austrian Constitution published by Emperor Ferdinand. 25. "Dahlmann's Constitution" laid before Germanic Diet. Count Stadion suppresses rising in Galicia. 25-6. 26. Extraordinary Diet of Mecklenburg-Schwerin declares equality 21.
of electoral rights.
Pius IX's Encyclical declares against the War. May 2. Prussians under Wrangel take Fridericia from the Danes. Convention of Bardo. Polish revolutionists at Posen agree to 5. surrender to Prussians. 7-17. Risings in Spain. Narvaez dismisses Bulwer (British ambassador). 13. First meeting of Frankfort National Assembly. Count Hoyos dissolves Central Political Committee at Vienna. Mob demonstration in favour of Poland in Constituent Assembly 15. at Paris dispersed by the National Guard. Riots at Naples. End of Constitutional regime. Meeting at Agram demands Constitutional Rights of Croatia. 17. Emperor Ferdinand I flies from Vienna to Innsbruck. 22. Prussian Constituent Assembly meets. 30. Victory of Piedmontese over Austrians at Goito. Slav Congress opens in Prague. June 10. Radetzky recaptures Vicenza. ,,
29.
13-7. 14.
Fighting in Prague. Victory of Windischgratz. Prince Bibesco of Wallachia, forced to accept a Revolutionary
Constitution, resigns and quits country. National Workshops abolished by decree of French Government. 23-6. Sanguinary riots in Paris. French Government appoints 21.
Cavaignac Dictator, who restores order. 29.
July
8. 9.
Archduke John of Austria chosen Reichsverweser at Frankfort. Appointment of ultra-Liberal Ministry at Vienna. Jellacic supported by Diet of Croatia.
Chronological Table
988 1848
July 11.
22. 25. 27. 6.
August
12.
22. 26. 29. 4.
September
Repression begins in France. Government decrees restrict liberty of Press and right t>f public meeting. Hungarian Parliament votes for war against Croatia.Reichsverweser enters Frankfort and appoints responsible Ministry. Reichstag of the Austrian dominions meets at Vienna. Radetzky defeats the Piedmontese at Custozza. Union of Piedmont, Parma, Modena, and Venice declared. Radetzky recaptures Milan.
Emperor Ferdinand
I returns to Schonbrunn. the extraordinary powers of Palatine of Hungary. Truce of Malmoe between Prussia and Denmark. Sir Harry Smith defeats Boers. Battle of Boomplatz. Jellacic reinstated Banus of Croatia.
He revokes
Land law
in favour of peasants passes Austrian Reichstag. Swiss Diet adopts Constitution increasing the Federal Power. The Frankfort Assembly ratifies Truce of Malmoe. 16. 17. Jellacic invades Hungary from Croatia. Murder of Auerswald and Lichnowsky at Frankfort. 18-9. 7.
12.
28.
,,
mob murder Lamberg, appointed Commander-in-chief Hungary by Austrian Government.
Budapest in
29-Oct. 7. Jellacic driven back towards Croatia. Austrian Government declares war on Hungary. 3. Second Vienna Revolution. 6-7. 17. Flight of the Emperor Ferdinand to Olmiitz. 22. Austrian Reichstag summoned to meet at Kremsier.
October ,,
,,
,,
26.
Bombardment
30.
Jellacid repulses a Hungarian force attempting to relieve Vienna. Arrests begin in Vienna. Schwarzenberg Ministry appointed.
November
1. ,,
8. 9.
18.
December
2.
of
Vienna by Windischgratz.
Reactionary Prussian Ministry under Count Brandenburg. New Fundamental Law accepted by William II of Holland. Execution of Robert Blum. Assassination of Rossi. Flight of Pius IX to Gaeta. Abdication of Emperor Ferdinand I of Austria in favour of
Francis Joseph I [made public December 20]. Prussian Assembly dissolved, and a Prussian Constitution promulgated by royal edict. 18. Gagern becomes head of the Reichsministerium. Sixty-four outbreaks of serfs in Russia during this year. Portuguese occupy Angola. 1848-56 Lord Dalhousie Governor-General of India. ,,
1849
5.
January 6.
23.
February
6.
7-9.
5.
Windischgratz occupies Budapest.
Hungarian troops under Gorgei declare their adhesion to King Ferdinand's Constitution and to monarchy. Frederick William IV negotiates with Frankfort Assembly.
He confirms new Prussian Constitution. Pius IX appeals to the Powers. Republic
proclaimed at
Rome. Battle of Gujarat, Dalhousie annexes Punjab. Thorbecke forms a Ministry in Holland pledged to extensive reforms. 4-7. Schwarzenberg publishes a Constitution by imperial edict, and 21.
March.
19.
dissolves Austrian Reichstag. of Independence.
Hungarian Declaration
Governor-President."
Kossuth " responsible
Chronological Table 1849
March
Radetzky defeats Charles Albert of Piedmont at Novara. Frankfort Assembly suspend relations with Austria, and the King of Prussia German Emperor. Twenty-eight German States accept Frankfort resolutions.
23.
28.
April
4.
14.
Saxon Lower Chamber dissolved. Garibaldi repulses Oudinot and a French force from Rome. Convention of Balta Liman between Turkey and Russia arranges for suppression of revolution in Moldavia and Wallachia. Bombardment of Budapest begins. Fall of Palermo and end of Sicilian Revolution.
28.
30. 1.
3.
5.
13.
Prussian troops suppress insurrection in Saxony. Insurrection in Baden.
18.
Kossuth issues Hungarian protest against Russian interference.
21.
Gorgei recaptures Budapest. Interview of Francis Joseph I and Nicholas I at Warsaw. National Assembly migrates from Frankfort to Stuttgart. Austrians enter Florence. Dreikonigsbiindniss (Prussia, Saxony, Hanover) concluded. Present electoral law of three grades introduced into Prussia.
7. ,,
e.lect
Leopold, Grand Duke of Tuscany, restored to power by plebiscite. Hungarian Republic, and deposition of Francis Joseph, proclaimed.
11.
May
989
,,
25. ,,
,,
,,
26.
,,
30.
May-June. Fall of Brescia. Haynau's reign of terror. June 6. Kossuth re-enters Budapest and prorogues Hungarian Parliament. 6-16. National Assembly at Stuttgart sets up Regency of Empire ,, and deposes Reichsverweser. Prussian troops suppress insurrection in Baden. 25-30. ,,
Rome. Haynau from Rome.
Garibaldi evacuates
30. 3.
July
Gorgei repulses
White
15.
terror in
Acs.
Austrians recapture Budapest. Bern and Hungarians defeated at Segesvar. August 9. Haynau defeats southern Hungarian army at Temesvar. 11-13. Kossuth hands over his powers to Gorgei, who negotiates the ,, 18.
,,
31.
surrender of Hungarian troops at Vilagos. Negotiations for surrender of Venice begin. 27. Manin goes into exile, Austrian triumph in Italy. October 5. Council of Prussia's "Union" votes for a National Assembly. " Saxony and Hanover practically withdraw from the Union." 6. Thirteen Hungarian generals executed at Arad. ,, Execution of 114 civilians in Hungary, including Louis Batthyany. ,, Muravieff Amurski builds fort of Petropavlovsk in Kamschatka, 24.
,,
1860
Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood edit The Germ. 9. Piedmontese Parliament approves the peace with Austria. February. Siccardi Laws in Piedmont. 22. Hanover formally secedes from the "Union." ,,
January
March June
15.
9.
Falloux' Education Act.
Political clubs
and public meetings forbidden in France.
Haynau from Hungary. Peace signed between Denmark and
Recall of
July. 2.
Prussia.
Dissolution of Diet in Hesse-Cassel on refusal to vote Budget. 12. Revival of the old Germanic Diet. Oct. 11-Nov. 6. Troops sent by Bavaria and Prussia to Hesse-Cassel. November 15. End of the "Union." 29. Olmutz Punctation.
September.
Chronological Table
990
Dresden Conferences open. tariff between Hungary and Austria. Constitutional Act of Australia. 1850-1 Louis Napoleon renews French claim to custody of the Holy Places. Thorbecke democratises local and provincial government of Holland. 185O-64 "Taiping" Rebellion in China. 1851 Gioberti's Rinnovamento Civile d' Italia. 1850
December
23.
Bruck's uniform
Reichsrath, or Imperial Council of State, established in Austria. Revolution of Saldanha in Portugal, Acto Addicional.
April.
May
16.
,,
,,
June
13.
Old Germanic Confederation completely restored. Secret alliance of Austria and Prussia. Close of "Don Pacifico" incident.
July 19-Aug.
10.
French Legislative Assembly rejects project for con*
and is prorogued. Kossuth leaves Turkey, and goes to England and America. Spanish Concordat with Pope. December 1-8. Coup d'etat of Louis Napoleon. Assembly dissolved. 13. Schwarzenberg abolishes Austrian Constitution. 21. Louis Napoleon empowered (by plebiscite) to draw up new French Constitution. Submarine telegraph laid between Dover and Calais. Great Exhibition in London. stitutional revision,
August. October.
Abrogation of equal electoral rights in Mecklenburg-Schwerin. 1851-2 Restoration of Catholic hierarchy in England and Holland. 1851-8 Muravieff's campaigns in the Amur district. 1852 Montalembert's Des int6rets Catholiques au XIX siecle. January 17. Sand River Convention grants independence to Transvaal. Jan.-Feb. French Constitution promulgated (Jan. 14) by Louis Napoleon, followed by period of severe repression and proscription. 28-May 10. Frederick VII of Denmark reoccupies Schleswig-Holstein. April. "April Movement" in Holland. May 6. Grand Duke abolishes the Constitution of Tuscany. November 2-21. Senatusconsultum proclaims Louis Napoleon hereditary Emperor of the French, which is ratified by plebiscite. 4. Cavour becomes Prime Minister of Piedmont. December 7. "Mantuan Trials," ending in execution of Enrico Tazzoli and other conspirators. Jan.
10.
Credit fonder of France established.
Constitution Act for
1853
New
Zealand.
Second Burmese War, and British annexation of Pegu (Dec. Draining of Lake of Haarlem by Dutch Government. Settlement of Clergy Reserves Question, Canada. Transportation of convicts to Australia finally abandoned.
20).
Gladstone's first Budget. Nicholas I reopens the Eastern Question to Sir Hamilton Seymour. 20. Defeat of Turks. Montenegrin independence acknowledged. May 22. Prince Menshikoff withdraws from Constantinople.
January.
1854
Commodore Perry and an American squadron
visit Yedo. Moldavia and Wallachia retire to Vienna. Sultan demands that Russia shall evacuate Moldo-Wallachia. November 30. Russian fleet destroys Turkish squadron at Sinope. February 23. Convention of Bloemfontein. British recognise independence of Orange Free State. Crimean War begins. April.
8. July October.
Hospodars
of
Chronological Table 1854
July.
991
Revolution in Spain, Ministry of Espartero.
September 20. Franco-British forces defeat Russians at the Alma and advance on Sevastopol. October 25. Allies victorious at Balaklava, and (Nov. 5) at Inkerman. December 8. Proclamation of dogma of "Inmaculate Conception." Elgin's Reciprocity Treaty between Canada and the United States. 1854-5 1854-6
Beginnings of gold-rush in Australia. Abolition of slavery in various Portuguese settlements. De Lesseps secures concessions from Said Pasha for Suez Canal. 1854-7 Piraeus occupied by Franco-British troops. 1854-8 Treaties provide for opening of Japanese Ports and establishment of diplomatic relations with European Powers. 1854-9 Sir George Grey Governor of Cape Colony. 1855 January. Resignation of Aberdeen. Palmerston Premier. " Piedmont joins France and England against Russia. 25. March. Peace conference between Russia and Allies opened at Vienna. New Military law in France. April 28. August 16. Piedmontese win the victory of Chernaya over the Russians. Austrian Concordat with Rome (revoked 1867). 18. September. French capture Malakhoff redoubt at Sevastopol. 1855-60 Bruck Minister of Finance for Austria. 1856 March 6. Treaty of Paris ends Crimean War. British annexation of Oudh. Constitution granted to Luxemburg. 1857 February 20. Parliament condemns Palmerston's Chinese policy. (A dissolution gives him a large majority.) May 10. Outbreak of Indian Mutiny of Mirat. 26. Napoleon negotiates Treaty of Peace between Switzerland and King of Prussia, who abandons all claims to Neuchatel. Bank of France given special privileges. June 9. 27. Nana Sahib's massacre at Cawnpore. Garibaldi founds the "National Society." August. Moltke becomes head of Prussian General Staff. September 14-21. Delhi taken by assault.
November 22. Final relief of Lucknow. December 28-9. Occupation of Canton by a Franco-British force. Portuguese settle a white colony at Mozambique. abolishes Sound Dues. Grondwet or Constitution of Potchefstroom.
Denmark
1858
Sze"chenyi's Survey of the anonymous Retrospect. 14. Orsini attempts to assassinate Napoleon III. March 21. British capture Lucknow.
January
Conference of Cavour and Napoleon III at Plombieree. Lord Canning first Viceroy of India, amnesty issued. Treaty of Aigun. China surrenders left bank of Amur to Russia. Jews enabled to sit in the English Parliament. Darwin's Origin of Species. Meredith's Ordeal of Richard Feverel. January 10. Treaty between France and Piedmont. Moldavia and Wallachia form personal union under Couza. France and Piedmont declare war against Austria. April 19.
July 21-2.
November
1859
June
1.
24. Victory of Napoleon III at Solferino. Armistice of Villafranca. July 8. Aug.-Sept. Tuscany and the Duchies declare for union with Piedmont.
Chronological Table
992 1859
December 22. La Gue"ronniere's pamphlet, The Pope and the Congress. Roon appointed War Minister by the Regent the Prince of Prussia.
Juarez President of Mexico. Rise of Volunteer movement in England. 1859-61 Issue of Indian Civil and Criminal Procedure Codes, and Penal Code. Cobden's Commercial Treaty with France. 1860 January. Union of Tuscany and the Emilia with Piedmont. March. 24. Treaty of Turin cedes Nice and Savoy to Napoleon III. " " May 1 1-27. Garibaldi and the Thousand land in Sicily and take Palermo. Formation of National Bank of Russia. 31. August 22-September 7. Garibaldi lands on Italian mainland, and enters Naples.
October
12.
13.
20. ,,
21-2. 25.
November
1861
Garibaldi's victory at the Volturno. Emmanuel II invades the Kingdom of Naples. "The October Charter" proposed for Hungary. Naples and Sicily declare for union with Piedmont.
Victor
Meeting
of Garibaldi
and Victor Emmanuel at
Caianello.
The Marches and Umbria
declare for union with Piedmont. Decrees permit free discussion to French Assemblies. 24. Slavery abolished in Dutch East Indies. February 13. Fall of Gaeta. 4.
Manifesto proclaims emancipation of Russian Serfs. 19. Russia grants concessions to Poland. 17. The Kingdom of Italy proclaimed by the first Italian Parliament. ,, October 31. France, England, and Spain unite to collect debts from Mexico. December. Settlement of " Trent " affair between England and United States. 14. Death of Albert, Prince Consort of England. ,, Confederate privateer Alabama leaves the Mersey. July. August 29. Garibaldi defeated and captured at Aspromonte. September. Bismarck becomes President of the Prussian Ministry. October 22. Provisional Government in Greece deposes King Otho. Swedish communes receive self-government. January 21. Revolution in Poland begins. June. French enter Mexico. Prince William of Denmark recognised as George, King of Greece. 5. November. Death of Frederick VII of Denmark. Schleswig-Holstein de-
March.
1862
1863
clares for Duke of Augustenburg. Opening of the Scheldt to Belgian commerce. 1863-72 Maori Wars. 1864 February 1. Austro-Prussian forces occupy Schleswig-Holstein. May 25. Law passed permitting the rights of combination in France. August. Dispute as to Schleswig-Holstein begins between Austria and Prussia. October 10. Convention meets at Quebec to discuss Federation. September 15. Napoleon Ill's convention with Victor Emmanuel promises evacuation of Rome. November 20. Reform of Russian Law Courts. December 8. Papal Encyclical and Syllabus published. Peasants freed from serfdom and made landowners in Poland.
1865
1866
Elective local Councils introduced into Russia. Signature of Geneva Convention. February. Dedk's pamphlet anticipates the Ausgleich* December 10. Death of Leopold I of Belgium. Sir Harry Parkes British Minister in Japan. Atlantic Cable successfully laid.
Chronological Table 1866
February. April ,,
May
8.
20. 6.
,,
20.
June
24.
July ,,
3.
12.
20.
Habeas Corpus Act suspended in Ireland. Italy and Prussia sign treaty of offensive and defensive
993 alliance.
Prince Charles of Hohenzollern elected Prince of Roum nia. Italy refuses to abandon Prussia in return for cession of Venetia, Battle of Irgai. Romanovsky takes Khozhend. Italians defeated by Austrians at Custozza. Prussian victory over Austrians at Koniggratz (Sadowa). New Constitution for Roumania voted by its Assembly. Austrian naval victory over Italians off Lissa.
Mob-disturbance in Hyde Park, London. Treaty of Prague between Prussia and Austria. October 3. Treaty of Vienna between Italy and Austria. 22. Plebiscite in Venetia declares for union with Italy. December. Rome evacuated by French garrisons. (Reoccupied 1867.) Conference in London as to Federation of Canada. 1866-7 Referendum and Initiative adopted by many Swiss Cantons. 1866-8 Last Ministry of Narvaez in Spain. 1867 D'Azeglio's / Miei Ricordi. February. Disraeli's Reform of the Franchise Bill. March. French evacuate Mexico. 3. Withdrawal of Turkish garrisons from Servia. 29. British North America Act. May. Conference in London and treaty for neutralisation of Luxemburg. Execution of Emperor Maximilian by Juarez in Mexico. ,, October 18. Russia sells Alaska to United States. November 3. De Failly and the French repulse Garibaldi from Mentana. Mikado resumes full governmental power in Japan. 8. ,, Rattazzi confiscates church property in Italy. Russia annexes Turkestan. Ausgleich between Austria and Hungary. 23.
August
12.
Croatia granted
Formation 1868
of
Home
Rule.
North German Confederation.
11. Liberty of Press cancelled in France. September. Prim's revolution in Spain. Deposition of Queen Isabel. Church rates abolished in England. Russia annexes Bokhara. 1868-9 Civil War in Japan. Triumph of the Mikado. 1869 Danilevsky's Russia and Europe. February 6. Greece obliged to accept Turkish ultimatum.
May
December
28.
Ollivier Ministry takes office in France.
Suez Canal opened. Commercial Treaty between Portugal and the Transvaal. 1869-70 Hudson's Bay Territory transferred to the Dominion. Louis Riel's Red River Rebellion in Canada.
1870
C.
Discovery of diamonds at Dutoitspan and Bulfontein. Imperial garrisons withdrawn from New Zealand and Australia. Meeting of Oecumenical Council at Rome. March 23. Constitutional Government established in France. French plebiscite approves of Liberal reforms since 1860. April 23. July 2. Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern's candidature to Spanish crown announced. 12-5. ,, Negotiations between France and Prussia as to this candidature. 19. War declared by France against Prussia. Dogma of Papal Infallibility voted. M. H. XX
63
Chronological Table
994 1870
Battles of Weissenburg and Worth. Battle of Spichereh. Battles of Vionville and Mars-la-Tour. 16. Battle of Gravelotte. 18. Battle of Sedan. 31-Sept. 1.
August 3-6. 6.
September 3-4. 19.
20.
October
2.
27.
November
9.
Revolution and Proclamation of Republic in Paris. Investment of Paris begins. Italian
army
Plebiscite at
enters
Rome
Rome.
declares for union with Italy.
Germans take Metz. French recapture Orleans.
Amadeo, Duke of Aosta, accepts throne of Spain. 28-Dec. 4. Germans recapture Orleans. December 30. Death of Prim. 18. January King of Prussia proclaimed Emperor of Germany 26.
1871
in
Versailles.
20-8.
February
2.
17.
Last sortie from Paris fails. Armistice signed by Bismarck and Favre. Bourbaki's troops disarmed in Switzerland. French Assembly at Bordeaux declares for a Republican Government, and (March 1) ratifies the Prussian terms of peace.
March
13.
London conference abrogates Black Sea
clauses of Treaty
of Paris. 18. Disputes between Commune and Versailles Assembly begin Disturbances in the French provinces.
April
10-May
Assembly.
28. Hostilities at Paris between Commune and Versailles Order restored after great slaughter. Numerous arrests and
sentences. 31. New Constitution of France (Rivet-Vitet Law) proclaimed. Basutoland annexed to Cape Colony. Responsible Government given to Cape Colony. March. Russia annexes Khiva.
August 1872 1873 1874 1877
New Federal Constitution for Switzerland becomes law. April 19. Carducci's Odi Barbart.
INDEX OF NAMES 240; joins the Siebnerkon242; 244; and the Articles of Baden, 246; suppression of monasteries in, 246 sq., 248; 251; industries of, 259 Aasen, Ivar, Norwegian philologer, 701 Abd-ul-Aziz, Sultan of Turkey, accession
Agra, presidency 747
Aargau, 236; kordat,
637 639 of, 630 Abd-ul-Hamid, Sultan of Turkey, 637 Abd-ul-Mejid, Sultan of Turkey, 18; reforms by, 275 sq. 314; 316; and the Treaty of Paris, 323 sq. death of, 636 Abel, Karl von, Bavarian statesman, 61 Aberdeen, George Hamilton-Gordon, fourth Earl of, Colonial Secretary, 2; and the :
Croato-Slavonic Diet
;
;
312; and the sq. causes of the Crimean War, 315 sq. character of, ib. 346; resigns, 320; 379; and the Spanish marriages, 554 ministry (1852), 309
;
;
;
Abonyi, Louis, Hungarian novelist, 430 Aborigines Protection Society, 788 About, Edmond, French writer, 526 Abruzzo, peasant movement in, 536; 542 Abyssinia, the war in, 752 sq. Acarnania, insurrection in, 279 Achaltsik, acquired by Russia, 274 Acs, Hungarian camp at, 210 Adam, Edmond, Parisian official, 113
Adams, Charles in
Francis,
London, 336
American Minister
sq.
Adelaide, capital of South Australia, 792 sq.;
798
Adlerberg, Count Vladimir, 614 Adrianople, Treaty of, 274, 281, and MoldoWallachia, 281 sq., and Servia, 284
366 Archbishop of Paris,
Adriatic, Neapolitan fleet in, 85; Affre, Denis-Auguste,
113 Afghanistan (1815-69), Chap. XXVI; Russia and, 632 Africa, South, English and Dutch in (185070), Chap. XXVII (3); British rule in, 761 Aftonblad, Swedish journal, 685 Agassiz, Louis, naturalist, 260 Agen, Republican attack on, 137 Agnew, Patrick Alexander Vans, British official in India, 740
relief of,
at,
156;
at,
179 sq.
Effendi, Turkish ambassador in Paris, 636 Aidzu clan and daimws, Chap. XXVIII (2), passim Aigun, Treaty of, 273 632 A'inali Kavak Convention, 282 ;
;
;
738;
Ahmed Vefyk
;
10 foreign policy Scottish Church, 6 sq. 16 sq. 21; 31; 33; forms a coalition
731;
Agram, revolutionary movement
;
of,
of,
Aire river, pollution of, 1 Aisne river, French army
at, 596; 597 Mechet, captured by Russia, 273 Akashi, daimid of, 832 Akbar Khan, son of Dost Mohammad, 733 ; 735 Akkerman, Convention of, 282 Aksakoff, Ivan, Russian journalist, 625 sq. Alabama incident, the, 336 sq., 776 776 Alaska, sale of, by Russia, 632 sq. Albania, disturbances in, 279 Albany, Western Australia, 790 sq. Albert, Prince Consort of Great Britain, 33; 163; and Napoleon III, 308; 338; and William I of Prussia, 406; and the Spanish marriages, 553 death of, 336 French poliAlbert, Alexandre-Martin, tician, 101; 103; 105; 107 Alberta, district of, 776 Albrecht, Archduke of Austria, 153 sq. ; 216 Wilhelm Eduard, German jurist, 162 Alcolea, battle of, 569 Alcoy, Federico Roncali, Count of, Spanish Minister, 559 Alderney, naval works at, 333 Aleardi, Aleardo, Italian poet, 546 sq. 549 Alessandria, fortress of, 366 sq. 371 Alexander I, Tsar, and Bern, 236; 262; 264 sq. 268 664 and Charles XIV of Sweden, 681 sqq. II, Tsar, and the Crimean War, 323, 373; and Austria, 402; and the King of Prussia, 434; and the AustroPrussian War, 456; attempts on the life character of, 613; of, 484, 626, 630; and the emancipation of the serfs, 614; and the railway system, 619; and local government, 620; and law reform, 622
Ak
;
;
;
;
;
095
;
;
Index
996
and national education, 624; and the Press, 625; 627; Asiatic policy of, and the 632; foreign policy of, 633 sq. Black Sea, 633 sq. and the poet Odyniec, sq.
;
;
;
658 of Prince Alexander Karageorgevich, Servia, 285; 647 Alexandra, Queen of Great Britain, 338 Alexandrovsk, fortress of, 273 Alexis, Tsar, 264 - Wilibald, see Haring, Wilhelm Alfieri, Giuseppina, Marchioness, 392 Vittorio, Italian poet, 549 di Sostegno, Cesare, Marquis, Piedmontese Minister of Education, 75; 79;
and
Italian Federation, 90;
92;
retires,
93 Alfonso XII, King of Spain, 569 sqq. Alfred, Prince, Duke of Edinburgh, and the Greek throne, 641 Algiers, France and, 35; transportations to, 139 sq., 304 Ali Alta, Russian advance on, 630 Ali Murad, Chief of Khairpur, 737 Aliwal, battle of, 739 - North (S. Africa), Treaty of, 787 Allahabad, 748; proclamation at, 749 Allgemeine Zeitung, 719 Allier, rising in, 137 Allix, Jules, French politician, 502 Alma, the, battle of, 317, 319, 364 Alsace, 49; 219; workmen in, 301; 498; the French army in, 581 sq. the war in, 583 sqq. ceded by France, 612 Alsen, 161 capture of, 442 Altenburg, revolutionary movement at, 150 Althorp, John Charles Spencer, Viscount (afterwards third Earl Spencer), 3 Alvensleben, Konstantin von, Prussian general, 586 590 sq. Alvensleben-Erxleben, Count Albert von, Prussian statesman, 157 sq. 192; 199; at the Dresden Conference, 233 mission St 434 of, to Petersburg, ;
;
;
;
;
;
Amadeo
I,
King
of Spain
(Duke
of Aosta),
570 sqq. Amalia, Queen of Greece, 279 Amanvilliers, French army corps at, 592; 593 Amari, Michele, Italian historian, 548 Amballa, British forces at, 738 Ambriz, slavery abolished at, 575 America, North, 16; trade of, with Bremen, 54; French exiles in, 140; Confederate States of, 248; Russian policy in, 632; British North America, 765, 770 sq. Amherst, William Pitt, Earl Amherst of Arracan, Governor-General of India, 727 729; embassy of, to Peking, 803 Amiens, 601 603 German occupation of, 606; 607; 610 Amir Khan, founder of the Tonk State, 725 sq. Amouroux, Charles, French politician, 502 Amoy, capture of, 809 ;
;
;
Amur, Russian advances in, 272 sq. Anapa, acquired by Russia, 274 Anckarsvard, Baron, Swedish politician,685 Ancona, 71 capitulates, 389 Andalusia, 557; harsh measures in, 566 Andersen, Hans Christian, 699 ;
Anderson, William, British officer in India, 740 And5, Japanese statesman, 844 Andrassy, Count Julius, Hungarian statesman, 214; 400 Andrea, Girolamo di, Cardinal, 392 Anethan, Jules Joseph, Baron de, Belgian statesman, 674 Angola, Portuguese occupation of, 575 Anhalt-Bernburg, revolutionary movement in, 150 Alexander Karl, Duke of, 150 Anhalt-Dessau, Leopold IV, Duke of, 150 Anhalt-Kothen, revolutionary movement in, 150 Anna, Queen of Holland, 664 Annam, China and, 802 Annenkoff, Michael, Russian governor, 629 Annesley Bay, expedition to, 753 Anson, George, General, in India, 746 Antonelli, Giacomo, Cardinal, 93; Napoleon III and, 128; 378; 389; 392; character of, 705; 709; 712; and the dogma of Infallibility, 722
Antwerp, the Regulation of, 672; port of, #>. 674 , Anyos, Paul, Hungarian poet, 422 Anzengruber, Ludwig, Austrian writer, 412; 415; 420 ;
Aosta, Duke of, see Amadeo I Sahib, Maratha chief, 725 Appenzell, Canton of, 244; 248; Apponyi, Count George, 152
Apa
250
sq.
Aquinas, Thomas, 718 Arabia, British India and, 753 Arad, fortress of, 184; the Hungarian Government at, 210 sqq. military executions ("The Arad Martyrs") at, 214 Arago, Dominique-Francois, French savant ;
and
102; Minister of politician, 26; Marine, 104; 118; 124 Etienne, French politician, 99 Francois- Victor-Emmanuel, French politician, 600 Arakan, 727 ceded to Great Britain, 728 729 Aral, Sea of, 273 Arana, Jose", see Baena, Du,ke of Aranjuez, Queen Isabel at, 556 Arany, John, Hungarian poet, 428 sqq. Arbue"s, Peter, Spanish Inquisitor, 715 Arcadia, insurrection in, 279 Argos, French occupation of, 277 ;
Aristophanes,
Hungarian translation
;
of,
429 Arisugawa, Prince, Japanese Minister, 834; 857 Armellini, Carlo, Triumvir in Rome, 94 Arndt, Ernst Moritz, 49; 164; 168; 199
997
Index Arnim, Heinrich Alexander, Baron von, Prussian Foreign Minister, 159 Arnim-Boitzenburg, Adolf Heinrich, Count von, 157 sqq. Arnim-Heinrichsdorf, Heinrich Friedrich, Count von, Prussian Foreign Minister, 200 Arnold, Matthew, the poems of, 354 sq. ;
365
Thomas, D.D., and convict
colonies,
794 Arnoldi, Wilhelm, Bishop of Trier, 52 Arras, fortress of, 607
760;
Australian Agricultural Company, 790 Austria, Liberalism and Nationality
in
Revolution and Re(1840-8), Chap. Ill action in (1848-9), Chap. VI; Reaction ;
Chap. VII;
in,
1852-62, Chap.
rivalry of with Prussia, for
XV
German
(1);
su-
premacy (1862-71), Chap. XVI, passim; and Italy (1846-9), Chap. IV, passim; and Italy (1849-61), Chap. XIV, passim; Palmerston and, 17 sq. 31; France and, 39, 122, 484, 577 41 and the German national moveBritish trade with, 15; ;
Arrazola, Lorenzo, Spanish statesman, 566 "Arrow," the lorcha, incident, 325, 815 Artico, Filippo, Bishop of Asti, 369 Asbjornsen, Peter Christian, Norwegian writer, 701 Ashburton Treaty (1842), 17
Ashley, Lord, see Shaftesbury Ashta, fight at, 726 Asia, Russian advances in, 272 sqq., 630,
632 Aspre,
Australia, British policy in, 16; 310; Constitutional Act (1850) of, 763
;
;
ment, 62 sqq.; and Rome, 121; and Switzerland, 244 sq., 249 sq., 252, 256; and Servia, 285, 647 and Turkey, 276 sq., 313 and the causes of the Crimean War, 314 sqq. and the Crimean War, 321, 323; and the Treaty of Paris, 323, 374; 338; 340; alliance of France and Piedmont against, 376, 381 sq. and the war in Italy, 383 sq. and the Treaty of Zurich, 385; and Italy, after Novara, 366 sq. 371; and Piedmont, 372 sq. attempts conciliation in LombardoVenetia, 374; rule of, in Italy, 376 sqq.; and Poland, 434 sq., 437, 628; and the Schleswig-Holstein question, 436 sqq., 477; and Prussia, 479 sq., 483; negotiates for a French alliance, 494 sqq. 531; Garibaldi and, 533 537; the Italowar Prussian alliance against, 539 sq. cedes of, with Italy and Prussia, 540 sq. and the Triple Alliance, Venetia, 541 543 sq., 634; and the Spanish marriages ;
;
;
;
;
Constantin
Baron,
de,
Austrian
general, 95
;
Aspromonte, Garibaldi wounded at, 534; 535 Assam, 727 ceded to Britain, 728 Assiniboia, district of, 776 Athabasca, district of, 776 Athens, civil war in, 642 Atlantic Ocean, submarine telegraph under, 346 , Aubry, Emile, French politician, 492 Auch, Republican attack on, 137 Auckland, capital of New Zealand, 793 sq. province of, 796 George Eden, first Earl of, GovernorGeneral of India, 731 sqq.; 743 Auerbach, Berthold, German writer, 418; 420 Auersperg, Anton Alexander, Count von ("Anastasius Griin"), 173; 413 Auerswald, Alfred von, Prussian statesman, 159 Hans Adolf Erdmann von, Prussian ;
;
general, 169
;
;
;
;
;
;
and the Franco-German 638; and Moldo-Wallaand Sweden, 683 Pius IX chia, 643 sq. and, 706, 716; and the Papacy, 708 and
question, 553; War, 587, 611;
;
;
;
the Vatican Council, 719, 721. Ava, 727; British Resident at, 729;
742 Avenir national, le, French journal, 487 Awa, daimid of, 834; 836; 846; 850; 864 Azeglio, Massimo Taparelli, Marquis de, 65; the Casi di Romagna of, 66 sq., 69, 73 expelled from Florence, 69 70 the ;
;
Rudolf von, Prussian Minister-President, 166, 191 Augier, Guillaume-Victor-Emile, dramatist, 516 sq. 548
French
Augustenburg, Christian, Duke 696
Duke
of,
226 sq.;
claims on Schles477 Prussia and
Frederick, of, wig-Holstein, 437 sqq. 448 sq. Austria and, 444 sqq. Aulich, Louis, Hungarian general, 214 Aulick, Commodore, mission of, to Japan, ;
;
;
824 Aumale, Caroline, Duchesse
;
;
;
de,
;
547; 548 Azoff Sea of, 322 ,
Bach, Alexander von, Austrian statesman, 153; 155; 171; and the Austrian Constitution, 174;
Minister of Justice, 176,
179; and Hungary, 181, 183, 398 185; resigns, 186; 187; policy of, sq. Minister of the Interior, 216, 215 sq. 398; 217; 401; dismissed, 403 Baden, revolutionary movement in, 60 sqq., 144 sq., 152, 192, 218; and the Vorinsurrection in, 221; parlament, 163; and Prussia, 228; the "Articles" of, 246;
190; ;
553 Henri-Eugene-Philippe-Louis d' Orleans, Due de, 33; 505; 553 Austen, Jane, novelist, 360 Australasia, development of (181570), Chap. XXVII (4) self-government in, 761 ;
separates from Cavour, 370 sq. Ministry 371 373 529 the I Miei Ricordi of,
of,
;
;
Lutti di Lombardia of, 80, 546; 84; Minister for Foreign Affairs, 367 sqq.;
;
Index
998
and the Schleswig-Holstein quesand the Austro-Prussian war, 457; and the North German Confederaand the Francotion, 460 sq., 464 sq. German War, 464 and the Papacy, 708 Baden, Frederick, Grand Duke of, 397; 406 Leopold, Grand Duke of, 60; 145; 259;
tion,
438
;
;
;
218
constitution, 115 sq. appointed Premier, 118; 119; and Pius declines IX, 121; 126; office, 128 sq.; Louis-Napoleon and, 133 Barrot, Ferdinand, French statesman, 127; 129
Barthelemy St
;
Hilaire, Jules,
French
poli-
118 reaction in, 238 insurrections Basel, 234 in, 241 sq.; division of, 245 sq. 248; silk- weaving in, 259; 491; Nihilist Con629 at, gress tician,
sq.
Badli Sarai, fight
at,
746
;
Balassi, Valentine,
Hungarian poet, 422
Balbo, Cesare, 65 sqq.; 70; 73; Piedmontese Minister, 80; 371; 547 Balearic Islands, prisoners sent to, 556,
568
Balkan Lands,
the,
Chap.
XXII
peninsula, evacuated Ballarat, gold in, 796; 798
Balta Liman, Convention
(2)
by Russia, 402
of,
284
Baltic Sea, British fleet in, 317; 346 Baltzer, Johann Baptista, philosopher, 712
Baluchistan, 731; 736; 753 Balzac, Honore" de, 427 ; 509; 516; novels
521 sq.
"Bandiera" incident, 65, 67 Bandula, Burmese general, 727
Bank
sq.
of England, 5 537 Banks' Peninsula, purchased by a French company, 793 Barbados, 757 Barbes, Armand, French revolutionary, 104 sq. 108 sq. Barcelona, rising at, 560 Barcoo river, exploration of, 795; 798 Barcsay, Abraham, Hungarian writer, 422 Bareilly, revolt at, 746 Barileff, Russian naval commander, 843 sq. Baring, Sir Francis Thornhill, Lord Northbrook, 3 Barings, the financial house of, 10 Barnard, Sir Henry William, LieutenantGeneral, at Delhi, 746 Baroche, Pierre-Jules, French Minister of the Interior, 131 sqq. 294 Bar6czy, Alexander, Hungarian writer, 422 Baroda, State of, 727 Barrackpur, mutiny at, 729 Barrot, Camille-Hyacinthe-Odilon, 30; 32; and Thiers, 36 sq., 40; 42; 96; and the Revolution (1848), 99 sq., 102; 108; ;
;
;
;
;
Baena, Jose" Arana, Duke of, 560 Baggesen, Jens Immanuel, Danish writer, 697 Bagot, Sir Charles, Governor-General of Canada, 767 Bagyidaw, King of Ava, 727 sq. Bahawalpur, Nawab of, 736 Baird, Sir David, General, 778 Baji Rao II, Peshwa of Poona, 725 sq.; 747 Bajza, Joseph, Hungarian writer, 426 Bakunin, Michael, Russian revolutionary, 219; 504; escapes from Siberia, 629; 630 Bala Hissar, 733 occupation of, 735 Balaklava, battle of, 319 sq., 364
of,
and the Republican
;
Bassein, capture of, 742 Bassermann, Friedrich Daniel, Baden politician, 61 sqq.; 145; 198; at the Gotha
meeting, 221 Bassi, Antonietta, Countess Pasolini, 72 Bastide, Jules, French politician, 99; 118;
124
Count Pietro, Italian statesman, 538 Basutoland, 783 annexed to Cape Colony, 787 Basutos, and the Boers, 782; 783 sqq.; and the Orange Free State, 787 Bathurst, 790 discovery of gold at, 795 Batthyany, Count Casimir, 212 sq. ; at Widdin, 215 Count Ludwig, 155 sq. 172; 180 sqq.; forms a new Ministry, 183; 184; arrest of, 203; 205; execution of, 214 Bau, Danish victory at, 161, 695 Baudelaire, Charles-Pierre, French poet, 511; 513 sq. Baudin, Jean-B.-A.-V., French politician, 136; 488 Bauernfeld, Eduard von, Austrian dramatic poet, 414 sqq. Hesse-Cassel Moritz Baumbach, von, Minister, 232 Baune, Eugene, French politician, 136 the revolutionary moveBavaria, 60 sq. ment in, 146; 167; and the Frankfort Constitution, 218; and the Berlin conand the Hesseference, 220; 222 sq. Cassel crisis, 229 408 and the AustroPrussian War, 457; and the Zollverein, 462; and the North German Confederaand the German tion, 460 sq., 464 sq. Empire, 465 sq. and the Franco-German War, 464 Bay of Islands, mission at, 793 Bayer, Joseph, Hungarian officer, 214 Bayonne, Narvaez at, 559 Marshal of Francois-Achille, Bazaine, France, 479; leaves Mexico, 484; 496; 498 583 586 sq. takes over the command, 588; conduct of the war by, 589 611 sqq.; capitulates at Metz, 603 sq. Bazeilles, fight at, 598 Bastogi,
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
Beaconsfield, Benjamin Disraeli, first Earl of, 11; and Protection, 20; Chancellor of the Exchequer, 21, 328; 309 sq. 330 and the Reform Bill of 1867, 341 sq. ;
;
;
rivalry of, with Gladstone, 342 sq.
;
and
999
Index Irish
Disestablishment, 344; resigns, the novels of, 357; and Portugal, 574; and the Suez Canal, 638; 757
345
sq.
Beales,
;
Edmond,
his political agitation,
340
Beaugency, French troops at, sq. Beaulieu-Marconnay, Karl, Baron von, 605
Oldenburg Minister, 151 Beaumont, engagement at, 596 Beaune la Rolande, German victory 604
Bechtold,
at,
Hungarian
Philipp,
general, 182
Bechuana
tribes,
and the Boers, 782
Bechuanaland, 761
;
789
Becker, Nicolaus, German poet, 49; 412 Beckerath, Hermann von, German Liberal leader, 53; 58; 166; 199; at the Gotha meeting, 221 Bedeau, Marie-Alphonse, French general, 100; 104; 113; imprisoned, 136
van de, Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, 668
Beele, Sloet
Beets, Nicolaes, Dutch writer, 676 Beg, Jakub, ruler of Kashgar, 632 Be"hic, Armand, French Minister of Public
Works, 476
Behmaru
hills, British defeat at, 733 Behr, Johann Heinrich August, Saxon statesman, 220 Bekk, Johann Baptist, Baden statesman, 61 Belfort, French force at, 582, 584; 594;
612 siege of, 604, 606, 608 sq. Belgiojoso, Christina, Princess of, 85 Belgium (1839-70), Chap. XXIII (2); 9; 28; the Jesuits in, 67; the Risquons Tout French exiles in, 140; 308; in, 106; 447; France and, 462; Napoleon III ;
and, 483, 496; neutrality of, literature in, 676; and China, Belgrade, evacuated
577 819
of,
765
sq.
;
colonial views
sq.
Bentinck, Lord George, attacks Sir Robert Peel, 11; 15; death of, 20 Lord William Cavendish, GovernorGeneral of India, 724 729 sqq. Bentivegna, Francesco, Baron, 380 ;
B granger,
sq.
Baron
Bentham, Jeremy, 756
sq.
;
Pierre- Jean de, 24 Berar, cession of, 743
Rajah of, 725 sqq. Berbice, retained by Great Britain, 667 Berchtold, Count Frederick, 654 Berezoff iron-works, 618 Berezowski, attempts to assassinate the Tsar, 484 Berger, Jean-Jacques, Prefect of the Seine, 119; 303 Berks, Bavarian Minister of the Interior,
146 Berlin, Academy of, 49; 52; 54; insurrection in, 151 ; the revolutionary move-
ment
the "March Days" in, in, 156 sqq. 157 sqq.; 188; the "National Assembly" disturbance in, 218; Conat, 192 sq. federation conference at, 220, 458; the Peace of (1850), 225; and the HesseCassel crisis, 229 sq. 450 Bern, 234 government of, 235 236 sq. reaction in, 238; 240; joins the Siebner246 konkordat, 242 University of, 241 Federal Diet at, 248, 250; 249; sq.; 253; constituted the capital, 254; 259 see Bernadotte, Jean-Baptiste-Jules, Charles XIV, King of Sweden the House of, 677 Bernard, Aristide-Martin (Martin-Bernard), French politician, 104; 126; 132 Simon, trial of, 328 sq. ;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
Bernburg, see Anhalt-Bernburg
by the Turks, 634;
Bernoulli, Daniel, 260
647
Jacob, 260
Bell, Archibald,
791 Belluno, Austrian occupation of, 86 Bern, Joseph, Polish exile and Hungarian general, at the defence of Vienna, 188; in 209 defeat of, Transylvania, 204 sqq. at Temesvar, 211; 213; at Widdin, 215 Benckendorff, Count Alexander, chief of Russian Secret Police, 263 ;
;
Bendigo, gold in, 796 Benedek, Field-Marshal Ludwig von, 46; 452 sq. Benedetti, Count Vincent, French diplomatist, 313; 388; and Bismarck, 454; 457; and the King of Prussia, 463, 578; 483; 495; Minister at Turin, 531 ; 577
Benedict XIV, Pope, 706 Benedix, Roderich, German dramatist, 414 sqq. 751 government of, 744 Bengal, 727 military system of, 752 sq. Bennigsen, Count Alexander Levin von, 148 Rudolf von, Hanoverian statesman, 407 ;
Johann, 260
Lieutenant, in Australia,
;
;
Bernstorff, Count Albert, Prussian Foreign Minister, 407 Berryer, Pierre-Antoine, French politician,
109;
133;
136;
475
Bertoldi, Giuseppe, poet, 545 Baron Jons Jacob, Berzelius,
Swedish
chemist, 686 Berzsenyi, Daniel, Hungarian poet, 424 Besangon, 601 sq. ; French troops at, 604, 609; 610 Beseler, Wilhelm Hartwig, Schleswig political leader, 161 Beshir, Emir, chief of the Druse Mountain,
276 Beslay, Charles, French politician, 502 Bessarabia, 323 633 ; the Treaty of Paris and, 643 Bessenyei, George, Hungarian writer, 421 ;
sq., 431 Bethlen Gabor, Prince of Transylvania, see Transylvania Bethmann-Hollweg, Moritz August von, German politician, 192; 396
Index
1000
Bethmont, Eugene, French Minister of Commerce, 104 Beust, Ferdinand Friedrich, Count von, 142; Saxon Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Confederation conferences, 220, 232; 397; 408; 496; and the Vatican Council, 721 Beyle, Marie-Henri (Stendhal), 520 Be"ziers, Republican attack on, 137 219;
149;
at
Bezuidenhout, Frederick, 779 Jan, 779 Bhartpur, 727; capture of, 729 Bhopal, 725 the East India Company and, 726 Bhutan, military operations in, 752 ;
Napoleon and Bismarck
Biarritz,
at, 447,
479 Bibesco, George,
Hospodar
of Wallachia,
283
Russian Dmitri Gavrilovich, Minister of the Interior, 614 Biegeleben, Freiherr Ludwig Maximilian Bibikoff,
von, Austrian Privy Councillor, 444 Bielaya Krinitza, bishopric at, 266 Bielinski,
Vissarion,
Russian writer, 614,
649 Bigge,
John Thomas, mission
tralia,
789
of,
to Aus-
sq.
Bilderdyk, William, Dutch writer, 675
Auguste-Adolphe-Marie, French statesman, 294; 297; 477 Billioray, Alfred-Edouard, French politi-
Billault,
cian,
502
Birmingham, bombs made in, 327 Bismarck-Schonhausen, Otto Eduard Leopold, Prince von, Ministry of (1862-71), Chap. XVI; 58; 160; 192; and German Unity, 220, 223, 408, 577; and the HesseCassel crisis, 231; 305; and the Schles-
wig-Holstein question, 338; 394; 396; at sq.; 406; 410 sq. Biarritz, 447, 479; and the Luxemburg 483 towards question, policy of, France, 494 sq., 576 sqq. and the peace negotiations with France, 497 sqq., 600, 611 sq. ; and the alliance with Italy, 539 sq. ; and the Spanish succession, 571; and army reform, 579; and the Vatican
and Austria, 402
;
;
;
Council, 719
;
;
Bogosloff district, industrial depression
in,
618 forts, capture of, 815 Bohemia, the Liberal movement in, 45 sq. ; and the National Assembly, 164, 170;
Bogue
the national party in, 171 173; 176 sqq. 216; Austrian troops in, 230; 399; 402; the Austro-Prussian War in, 452; 563; ;
;
literature in,
653 sqq.
Boileau-Despre"aux, Nicolas, 508 Eloi-Ernest Forestier Boinvilliers,
de,
French politician, 127 Bokhara, 630; Russian conquest of, 631 Bolan Pass, British troops in, 732 Bologna, 71 Neapolitan troops at, 85; 89; and union with Piedmont, 386 Austrians driven from, 384 ;
Albert ("Jeremias Gotthelf"), Swiss writer, 261; 417 sq. Bixio, Jacques-Alexandre, French deputy, 113; 118 Bitzius,
Bizen, Japanese noble, 850 Bjerregaard, Henrik Anker,
Blagoveschensk, founded, 273 Blanc, Louis, 24 sq.; 39; 97; and the Revolution of 1848, 99, 101, 103 sq.; and the Lamartine Ministry, 105 sq. and the elections, 107; 109 sqq.; 114 Blanqui, Louis-Auguste, French revolutionary, 104 sq.; 107; 109; 290; 474; editor of Candide, 486; attempts to establish a Republic, 496; 497 sq. Blaser, Anselmo, Spanish general, 560 Blaxland, Gregory, Australian explorer, 790 sq. Blicher, Steen Steensen, Danish writer, 698 Friedrich Landolin Karl, Blittersdorff, Baron von, Baden Minister, 145 Bloemfontein, British garrison at, 784 Blood river, Zulus defeated at, 782 Bludoff, Demetri, Count, 614 Blum, Robert, German politician, 59; 149; vice-president of the Vorparlament, 163; 165; 168; at the defence of Vienna, 188 execution of, 189 Blumenthal, Leonard von, Prussian general, 456 Bocskai, Stephen, Prince of Transylvania, see Transylvania Prussian Ernst Bodelschwingh, von, Minister of the Interior, 56; 58; 157 sq. Bocklin, Arnold, painter, 261 Bodtcher, Ludvig Adolph, Danish poet, 699 Boers, the, Chap. XXVII (3) passim Bogaers, Adrianus, Dutch poet, 676
Norwegian
poet, 700
Bjornson, Bjornstjerne, novelist, 701 sq. Black Sea, Russia and, 274; British and French fleets in, 316; the Powers and, 321 sq.; neutralisation of, 323 sq. 577; abrogation of the Treaty of Paris clauses, 611, 614, 633 sq., 639 Blackburn, riots at, 2 ;
Blackmore, Richard D., novelist, 359 Blackwood's Magazine, 362
;
Bombay, 724; Presidency
of,
727;
High
Court of, 751; military system of, 752 Bonaparte, Jerome, ex-King of Westphalia, 119; 293; 385 Louis- Lucien, 119 Mathilde, Princess, 293 Napoleon-J.-C.-P. (Prince Napoleon), 293; 376; at Turin, 381; 386; 484 Pierre, Prince, 491 sq. Bonifacio, Straits of, 346 Bonin, Edward von, Prussian general, 224 Bonjean, Louis, French lawyer, 505 Bonn, 49; University of, 143 Bonny-sur-Loire, rising at, 137
Index Boomplatz, battle of, 783 Bordeaux, 31; 113; 499;
the National Assembly at, 500; 606; 611 Bornemann, Wilhelm, Prussian politician, 159 Bosch, Johannes van den, Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, 667 Bosi, Carlo Alberto, poet, 545 Bosnia, movement in, 533 Bosphorus, the Sultan's rights in, 634 Bosse, Pieter Philip van, Dutch statesman, 667 Bouet-Willaumez, Louis-Edouard, Comte, French vice-admiral, 582 Boulay, French army corps at, 586 Bourbaki, Charles-Denis-Sauter, French 607 sq. retreats into general, 257 Switzerland, 609; 610 sq. Bourboulon, French Minister in China, 817 sq. Bourges, abdication of Don Carlos at, 553; arsenal of, 607 608 sq. Bourget, Le, abandoned by the French, 498; 607 Bourke, Sir Richard, Governor of New South Wales, 792 Bowring, Sir John, British Governor of Hongkong, 325; 815; 831 Boyen, Hermann von, Prussian Adjutant;
;
;
general, 456
Leopold H. L. von, Prussian states56 Brabant, 670; anti-French feeling in, 673 Brahe, Magnus, Count, 685 Brandenburg, Prussian National Assembly at, 193; 198 Frederick Wilhelm, Count, Prussian Prime Minister, 193, 218; and the HesseCassel question, 229; death of, 230 Brandes, Georg, Danish writer, 700 Braun, Alexander Karl Hermann, Saxon
man, 49
;
statesman, 149 Bravo, Luis Gonzalez, see Gonzalez Bravo Murillo, Juan, Spanish statesman, 557 sqq. resignation of, 559; 563 ;
Bra,
Jean-Baptiste-Fidele, French general,
113
Bredow, General von, at Vionville, 591 Bredy, Major-General, shot at Vienna, 186 Bregenz, conference of sovereigns at, 229 Bremen, 54; revolutionary movement at, 151 Brentano, Ludwig, Baden revolutionary, 221 Brescia, 85; the defence of, 95; Garibaldian prisoners at, 533 Breslau, disturbance at, 157; 193; 219; supports Bismarck, 451 Bresson, Charles, Count, French ambassador at Madrid, 17; 554 Bright, John, 309; 328 sq. 339; and Ireland, 343 sq. 794 sq. 798 Brisbane, convicts at, 790 British Columbia, 771 united to Canada, 776 ;
;
;
;
1001
Brock, Peter, Russian Minister of Finance, 266; 614 Brofferio, Angiolo, Italian writer, 545 Broglie, Achille-L6once- Victor-Charles, Due de, and Louis-Napoleon, 134 Bronte, Charlotte, 359 sq. Emily Jane, 354 Bronzell, skirmish at, 230 Brouckere, Henri Marie Joseph Ghislain de, Belgian statesman, 672 Brown, George, Canadian politician, 769 sq.; 774 Sir Thomas Gore, Governor of Zealand, 799 Browning, Elizabeth Barrett, 352 sqq. - Robert, 350; 352 sq. and George Meredith, 361 364 sq. Bruce, Sir Frederick W. A., British envoy
Browne,
New
;
;
to China, 817 sq. Bruck, Jellacic at, 187 Karl Ludwig, Baron von, Austrian Minister of Commerce, 190; 216; 223; Minister of Finance, 402; 403 394 sq. Briinn, the Austrian Reichstag removed to, 187 Brugghen, Justinius Jacob Leonard van der, Dutch statesman, 666 Brunet, Colonel, in Paris, 100 ;
Brunetti, Angelo (Ciceruacchio), tribune, 74; 76 sq.
Roman
Philip, Baron, Russian ambassador in London, 632 Brunswick, and the Zollverein, 53, 394;
Brunnow,
and Prussia, 228 Brussels, 92; 491; conference
at,
General Prim
at,
568;
672
Brydon, William, army surgeon, escapes from Cabul, 733 Buccleuch, Walter Francis Scott, fifth
Duke
of,
10
Buchanan, James, President of the United States, 563
Robert, poet, 352 sq. 357 Bucharest, 283 Russian Governor at, 643 International Commission at, 643 sqq. ;
;
;
Buchez, Philippe- Joseph-Benjamin, French politician, 108 Buckingham and Chandos, Richard P. T. N. B. C. Grenville, second Duke of, 2 sq. Budapest, the revolutionary movement at, 155 sq. 208; Austrian occupation of, 210 sq. 421 sq. Budenz, J6zsef, Hungarian scholar, 431 Burger, Gottfried August, poet, 412 sqq., 423 sq. Buffet, Louis- Joseph, French statesman, 133; 491 sq. Bugeaud de la Piconnerie, Thomas-Robert, Due d'Isly, Marshal of France, 99 sq. Bugge, Sophus, Norwegian philologer, 701 Bulfontein, discovery of diamonds at, 787 Bulgaria, the Tsar and, 312; struggle for freedom in, 634; the Church in, 638 sq. Buller, Charles, Secretary to the GovernorGeneral of Canada, 765 sq. ;
;
Index
1002
Bulwer, William Henry Lytton Earle (Sir Henry Bulwer, afterwards Lord Bailing and Bulwer), ambassador at Madrid, 17; 554 sqq. dismissed from Madrid, 557 Bulwer-Lytton, see Lytton Bungo, disturbances in, 864 Bunsen, Christian Karl Josias, Baron von, 163; 166sq.; Frederick William IV and, and the Schleswig-Holstein 197 191 question, 227; 249; 254 Buol-Schauenstein, Karl Ferdinand, Count von, Austrian statesman, 232 322 and Cavour, 372, 374; succeeds Schwarzenberg, 395; 402; resignation of, 403 Burckhardt, Jakob, writer on art, 261 Burgers, Rev. Thomas Francois, President of the Transvaal, 788 Burgevine, joins the "Taiping" rebels, 821 Burke, Robert O'Hara, Australian explorer, 798 Burkersdorf, fight at, 453 Burlingame, Anson, American Minister in ;
;
;
;
;
China, 822 Burma, 724;
first war with, 727 sq.; 734; second war with, 742 802 Burnes, Sir Alexander, Captain, and Dost Mohammad, 732; 733 Burr, Colonel, defeats the Peshwa of Poona, 726 Busby, James, Resident at Bay of Islands, 793 Bushire, British force at, 745 Bussi, Corboli, Monsignor, 74 Butkoff, Vladimir, Russian official, 615 Byron, George Gordon Noel, Lord, 350; 354; influence of, on Pushkin, 648 ;
Bytown,
see
Ottawa
Camphausen, Ludolf, Prussian statesman, 53; 159 sq.; 191; 200 Camus, Lieutenant, French naval 850
to,
569
Candide, French journal, 486 Candolle, Alphonse-Louis-Pierre de, 260
Auguste de, 260 Canning, Charles John, Earl Canning, Governor-General of India, 329 sq.; 724; 744 sq. 749 sqq. George, President of the India Board, 724; 755; 762 Stratford, see Stratford de Redcliffe ;
Canovas del
Castillo, Antonio, Spanish statesman, 560 Canrobert, FranQois-Certain, Marshal of France, in the Crimea, 318; 322; 582; 590 sqq. at Gravelotte, 593 sq. ; 595 ;
Canterbury Association, 796 New Zealand, 796; 799 Canton, 325; 724; 734; the English in, 803 sqq. opium trade at, 806 sq. British ;
;
Cadorna, Raffaele, Italian general, 544 Caianello, meeting of Victor Emmanuel
and Garibaldi
at, 390 death of, 542 Cajetan, Jacopo, theologian, 718
Cairoli brothers,
Calabria, political persecution in, 379 Calatafimi, battle of, 388; 533 Calcutta, 730; Burmese embassy at, 742;
High Court of, 751; 816 Callao, bombardment of, 567 Callot, Jacques, French etcher, 511 Calvi, Pier Fortunato, execution of, Calvinists, in Switzerland, 234
;
tion
of,
Lord
816
Canus, Melchior, theologian, 718
XXVII (3) passim; 761 the British in, 778 sqq. 783 Parliament of, 784; Sir George Grey in, ib.; and the Transvaal Church, 786 Cape of Good Hope, 667; 760 Cape Town, surrender of (1806), 778 Cape York, overland journey to, 795 Cape Colony, Chap. ;
;
Mauro,
see
;
Gregory XVI, Pope
Capodistrias, John, Count, 277
Capponi, Gino A. G. G., Marchese, 65; 67; 90; 546; 548 Caprera, Garibaldi at, 390, 533, 542 Capua, fight at, 390 Carbonari, the, Pius IX and, 72, 74, 77 James Thomas3 Brudenell, Cardigan, seventh Earl of, at Balaklava, 319 Italian Carducci, Giosue, writer, 549 Carignano, Prince of, see Eugenio Carinthia, and German unity, 173 Carlier,
Pierre,
French Prefect of
Police,
134
377
Cambridge, Tennyson at, 350; the study of history at, 363 Cameron, Charles Duncan, British Consul at Massowah, 753 Sir Duncan Alexander, general, 800 Campbell, Sir Archibald, general, Governor of British Burma, 728 Colin, see Clyde,
;
attack on, 809; American trade with, 810; capture of, 812; 814 sq. occupa-
Capellari,
Caballero de Rodas, Spanish general, 569 Cabet, Etienne, French politician, 24; 105 Cabinda, slavery abolished at, 575 Cadiz, revolution at, 569 riots at, 570 Duke of, see Francisco de Asis
officer,
Canada, the Federation of, Chap. XXVII (2); 17; the Clergy Reserves of, 310; 336; 343; British rule in, 755 sqq. Canary Islands, Spanish generals banished
Carlo Alberto, King of Sardinia, see Charles Albert Carlos VI, of Spain, see Montemolfn, Count of
Don
Maria Isidro de 553 Carlota, Dona, and the marriage of Queen Isabel, 553 Carlos,
(Carlos
Borb6n), abdication
of,
Carlowitz, 179; rising at, 180 Frederik Ferdinand, Carlson,
statesman, 690 Carlsruhe, Diet at, 145; 147; 221
Swedish
1003
Index the writings of, 355; 357; 359; 361; the Frederick the Great of, 362; Froude's
Thomas, 342;
Carlyle,
347
349 sqq.
sq.;
;
Life of, 364
Carnarvon, Henry H. M. Herbert, fourth Earl of, 340 sq. 771 Carniola, and German unity, 173 Carnot, Lazare-Hippolyte, French statesman, 26 39 Minister of Public Instruc;
;
;
and national education, 120; 124; 131; and the Coup tion, 104; retires, 114; 116;
d'etat of December, 136; 304; 477; 489 Caroline, Princess of Palermo, see Aumale,
Duchesse de of, 798 Nicolas-Armand, French journalist, 26; 526 Carrer, Luigi, Italian poet, 545 Carretto, Francesco Saverio, Marquis del, Neapolitan Minister, 69 Cartagena, Duke of Aosta lands at, 572 Cartier, George Etienne, Canadian statesman, 769; 770; 775 Casale, Agricultural Congress at, 78; 371
Carpentaria, exploration
Carrel,
Casati,
Gabrio, Count de, Italian states-
man, 90
politician,
487
Chalmers, Thomas, and the Disruption the Scottish Church, 6 William, bequeaths a Goteborg, 684 Chalons, army corps at, 582;
college
of to
585; Ger595 Henri-Charles-Ferdinand-M.-
man advance
Chambord,
on, 594
;
D. d'Artois, Comte de, 133 Champollion, Jean-Frangois, Egyptologist, 525 Chandler, Edward Barren, Canadian politician, 775 Changarnier, Nicolas - Aim6 - Th6odule, French general, 110; 119; 125; deprived of his command, 132; 134; 136 Chanzy, Antoine-Eugene-Alfred, French retreats to Le Mans, general, 605 sq. defeated at Le Mans, 610 607; 608 sq. Chapu, capture of, 809 Charles, Archduke of Austria, 152 X, King of France, 22 682 XIII, King of Sweden, 677 ;
;
;
XIV, King of Sweden (Jean-BaptisteJules Bernadotte), 677 character and influence of, 678 sq. constitutional position ;
Caspian, Russian advances on, 273, 633 Prussian troops in, 229 sqq. Cassel, 223 Castagnetto, Count, Secretary to King Charles Albert, 78 Castelar y Ripoll, Emilio, Spanish states;
man, 567; 570 Castelfidardo, Papal
army defeated
at,
389,
;
680 Norwegian policy of, 681 foreign policy of, 682 sqq. and the Tsar Nicholas, 684; domestic policy of, 684 sqq. death of, 686; 688 XV, King of Sweden, character and of,
Castile, Old, disorder in, 562; Castillejos, battle of, 564 Catalonia, Carlist rising in,
Catania, capture II,
of,
;
reign
567
of,
688 sqq.
mania, 645
556
and, 66 of Russia, 262
;
264
633
French
;
death
of,
690
sq.
King
Albert,
Cathcart, Charles Murray, second Earl Cathcart, in British N. America, 767 Cattaneo, Carlo, Italian writer, 547 Caucasus, Russian advances in, 273 sq. ; Caussidiere, Marc,
;
Prince of Leiningen, 166; 214 Prince (afterwards King) of Rou-
92
Empress
;
;
469
Catharine
French
PauI-Armand,
Challemel-Lacour,
politician,
99;
110 Cavaignac, Louis-Eugene, French general, 104; Minister of War, 112; 113; suppresses the insurrection in Paris, 114; 117; and the Presidential election, 118; 121 sq. imprisonment of, 136; 304
;
70
sq.
;
of Sardinia, d'Azeglio
75
sq.
;
78
grants a
;
and the war with Constitution, 80; and Italian Federation, Austria, 82 sqq. 90; 121; 207; abdication of, 366; 367; ;
545; 547; and Pius IX, 706; 93 Charlet, Nicolas-Toussaint, 24 Charlotte, Empress of Mexico, 484 Charlottetown, Confederation conference at, 770 379;
death
of,
Cavour,
Charpentier, Jean de, geologist, 260 Charras, Jean-Baptiste-Adolphe, French officer, 113; 136 Chartres, German force at, 607 Chassin, Charles- Louis, French journalist,
Cettinje, investment of, 636 Ceuta, Arab raids near, 564 Chadwick, Sir Edwin, 1
488 Chateaubriand, Francois-Auguste, Vicomte 519; 532; Les Martyrs of, de, 508; 523; 528 Chater Sing, Sikh officer, 741 Chaux de Fonds, Republican movement in, 253 Chefkin, Constantine, 614 Chemnitz, Friedrich, poet, 412 Chenier, Andre-Marie de, poet, 520 549 Cherbourg, 31 naval works at, 332 582 587 Cherkasky, Vladimir, Prince, 615; 629 Cherkesses, the, and Russia, 274
;
Camillo, Count di, and Italy (1849-61), Chap. XIV; 79; 83; meets Napoleon III, 307; 322; and Austria, 403; results of the work of, 529; 530; 639; 705; death of 392 Cawnpore, 738; mutiny at, 746; massacre at, 747; 748 Cayenne, transportations to, 139, 304 176 sqq.; 190; 216; Cechs, the, 46; literature of, 653 sqq. Cervi, island of, 280 sq. ,
;
;
;
;
Index
1004
Chernaieff, Michael, Russian general, 63,0
sq. ; and the political 309; and the Anglo-French commercial treaty, 333 sq., 470; 325 sq. ; 764; and China, 815 Coblenz, the Prince of Prussia at, 396
Cobden, Richard, 2 parties, 20;
sq. river, battle on, 322; 373 Cherniskevsky, Nicholas, Russian socialist, 630 Chester, Fenians in, 344 economist, Michel, political Chevalier, 298; 470; 637 Chiavone, Italian brigand, 531 Chico, Francisco, chief of the Madrid police, 560 Chikuzen, daimid of, 846
Chernaya
of,
Chimkent, Russian capture
of,
politician,
and
(2)
passim
XXVIII
630
daimws
Chap.
I, King of Denmark, 226 - VIII, King of Denmark, 226; and the crown of Norway, 680 sq. accession and reign of, 693 sq. death of, 64
Christian
;
;
IX, Prince of Gliicksburg, afterwards
King of Denmark, named successor by the London Conference, 226 sq. 338; and Schleswig-Holstein, 438 sq., 696; 641 ;
Charles XIV in, 681; 688; University of, 700 Chrzanowski, Adelbert, Polish general, commands the Piedmontese army, 93 Chusan, British occupation of, 808 sq. 818 Cialdini, Enrico, Italian general, 469; 534; 536; 542 Christiania,
;
Ciceruacchio, see Brunetti, Angelo Cintra, revolt at, 573 Civilta Cattolica, Jesuit journal, 714;
718;
Civita Vecchia, 71; 122; French troops recalled from, 496 Clamecy, seized by the Democrats, 137 Villiers,
George
land,
fourth Earl
13;
William Frederick of, Viceroy of Ire-
Foreign Minister, 309;
general,
John William, Bishop
of Natal,
Samuel Taylor, 347; 365 Colesberg Kopje, diamonds discovered at, Coleridge,
787
Robert Porrett, Lord Monkswell,
Paris,
Count von, Austrian envoy to
252
movement at, 157 589 Colombia, purchases Swedish warships, 683 Combermere, Sir Stapleton Cotton, Viscount, Commander-in-chief in India, 729 Comte, Auguste, 365; 526; 707 Concha, Jose" Gutierrez de La, see Havana, Marque's de La Manuel de La, see Duero, Marque's del Condillac, Etienne-Bonnot, 520 Conegliano, Austrian army at, 86 Confalonieri, Federigo, Count, 75 sq. Congressi degli Scienziati, 68 Conscience, Hendrik, Flemish writer, 673; 676 Conside'rant, Victor-Prosper, French politician, 113 Constance, and the revolutionary movement, 145; 221 Constant de Rebecque, Henri-Benjamin, 519 Constantine, Grand Duke of Russia, 214; and the emancipation of the serfs, 615, 617; Viceroy of Poland, 629, 658 sq. Cologne, revolutionary
Colombey, battle
of,
Constantinople, 276; the Greek Church at,
313
French newspaper, 292 Cook's Straits, 793 Cooper's Creek, exploration of, 795; 798 Coorg, annexation of, 730 750 Copenhagen, slow recovery of, after Napoleonic wars, 691 Corbon, Claude-Anthime, French politician, Constitutionnel, Le,
;
721
Clarendon,
John,
788
Colloredo,
of,
William
337
136
clan
Cloenso,
Collier,
with Western intercourse of, China, Powers, Chap. XXVIII (1); 259; treaty of with Russia, 273; England and France and, 308; Napoleon III and, 476; and Japan, 823 sq. Chinhai, capture of, 809 Chinhat, Sir Henry Lawrence at, 748 Chinkiang, attack on, 809 Chittagong, 727 sq. Chitu, leader of the Sindhia levy, 725 sq. Cholat, Fran<jois-Joseph-Eugene, French ChSshiu,
Sir
322
Colladon, Jean Daniel, physicist, 260
dismissed, 865 Chili, Mastai-Ferretti (Pius IX) in, 72 Chilian wala, battle at, 741
governor
Codrington,
313;
322; 632; and China, 822
111 Corcelles, Claude-Franc.ois-Philibert Tircuy de, mission of, to Rome, 117 C6rdova, Fernando Fernandez de, Spanish
general, 551 569 Corea, China and, 802; 824; 844 ;
Clerkenwell. Fenian outrage in, 344 Clontarf, meeting at, prohibited, 8 Clotilde, Princess, 376; 381 v
Cormenin, Louis-Marie de la Haye, Vicomte de, 115 Cormoy, armistice of, 541 Corneille, Pierre, 528 Cornuda, Austrian success at, 86; 87 Corot, Jean-Camille-Baptiste, painter, 528 Cortina, Manuel, Spanish statesman, 551
Clough, Arthur Hugh, 352; 354 Clyde, Colin Campbell, Lord, at Balaklava, 319; 741; 746; at Lucknow, 748 sq.
Cosa, Admiral de, 87 Cossacks, Russia and, 273 Costa, Isaac da, Dutch poet, 676
Clarete, Ibrahim, see Gonzalez
Richard, Khan, 726
Clarke,
Major,
Bravo
defeats
Karim
,
1005
Index Cotton, Sir Willoughby, general, 728 606 Coulmiers, German defeat at, 603 Courbet, Gustave, painter, 528
Czuczor, Georg, Hungarian writer, 431
Courcelles, French force at, 586 Courier, Paul-Louis, journalist, 526 Courrier frangais, 486 Cousin, Victor, 23; 36; 120; as a philosopher, 526
Dada
;
Cousin-Montauban, see Palikao,
Charles-G.-M.-A.-A.,
Comte de
Cousseau, Ant. Charles, Bishop of Angouleme, 473 Couza, Alexander John, Prince of MoldoWallachia, 644 sq. Cowley, Henry R. C. Wellesley, Earl,
ambassador at Paris, 333 Cracow, annexed by Austria, 39, 46 sq., 250 Cranborne, Lord, see Salisbury, third Marquis of Cramer, Camille, French officer, 604; 606; 608 Minister of Cr^mieux, Adolphe, 102 sq. Justice, 104 Gaston, French politician, 503 Crete, 313; 324; the Powers and, 634 disturbances in, 636; a Constitution for, 637 Creusot, the Commune at, 503 Crimean War, Great Britain and the, Chap. and Moldo266; XI; 263; 272; Wallachia, 284 300 causes and results 325 346 influence of, on of, 305 sq. Piedmont and, English literature, 351 373 Austria and, 401 sq. 635 Greece 764 Canada and, 769 830 and, 639 Crispi, Francesco, Italian statesman, 533 Cristina, Queen of Spain, see Maria ;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
Dabo, Amirs defeated at, 737 Kashji, Gwalior Minister, 737 Dadar, General England at, 735
sq.
Dahlmann, Friedrich Christoph, 49; 143; the German Constitution of, 162 sq. 164 sq. opposes the Malmoe Truce, 168; withdraws from the Frankfort 195; Assembly, 200; 221 Dalhousie, James A. B. Ramsay, first Marquis of, and the "railway mania," ;
;
in India, 4; 329; 730, administrative reforms by,
750
740
sqq.;
744;
747;
sq.
Dalling and Bulwer, Lord, see Bulwer Dalmatia, 47; 179 sq. Dalwigk, Reinhard Karl Friedrich, Baron von, Hessian statesman, 397 Damesme, Edouard-Adolphe-Marie, French general, 113
Damjanics, 207; 214
Janos,
Hungarian
general,
Danilevsky, Nicholas, Russian writer, 634 Danilo, Prince of Montenegro, 277; 636
Danewerke, the, Danes driven out of, 440 Danube, 314; crossed by Turkish troops, 315,321; 323; navigation of, 643 Danubyu, attack on, 728 Danzig, Prussian naval station, 445 Darboy, Georges, Archbishop of Paris, 505; 719; 721 Dardanelles, the, rights in, 634 Darimon, Alfred,
314
sq.
French
Sultan's
the
;
politician,
304
;
Darling Downs, occupation of, 790; 795 river, exploration of, 792, 795 Daru, Napoleon, Comte, French statesman, 491 sq. 721
Crocco, Italian brigand, 531 Crusenstolpe, Swedish journalist, 684 sq. Csanyi, Laszlo, Hungarian statesman, 212;
Darwin, Charles, 365 Daulat Rao Sindhia, Maharaja of Gwalior, 726 Davis, Jefferson, President of the Confederate States, 337
Cristina Croatia, revolutionary movement in, 156; 170; Hungary and, 173, 202; 177 sqq. the Diet of, 180 206; 209; reaction in, ;
217; 399
;
214
Sir
Csokonai, Michael Vit6z, Hungarian poet,
423 Cuba, 335; 557; proposed American purchase of, 563 Amede'e-Louis Cubieres, Despans de, French general, 39 in 790 sq. Allan, Australia, Cunningham, Curci, Carlo Maria, Jesuit, 715 Cure Gustave, French Republican, 304 Cureton, Charles Robert, brigadier-general, 1
,
in India, 741 Currie, Sir Frederick, Indian official, 741 Curtatone, 86 battle of, 94 Gushing, Caleb, mission of, to China, ;
810
sq.
Custozza, battle of, 89, 122, 540 Cyprus, English occupation of, 324 Czapka, Ignaz, Ritter von Winstetten, Burgomaster of Vienna, 154 Czechs, see Cechs
John Francis, Governor
of
Hong-
kong, 814 -
Thomas Osborne, and
the
Young
Ireland party, 7; 13 Deak, Francis, Hungarian politician, 172; 181 sq. 203; and the Constitutional writings of, party, 216; 400; 405 sq. ;
;
426 Debreczen, Kossuth at, 203; 204 sq.; the Hungarian Diet at, 207; 214; 425 Decaen, Claude-Theodore, French general, 589 sq. Decazes, Louis-C.-E.-A., Due de Gliicksberg, French ambassador at Madrid, 556 Decker, Pierre Jacques Francois de, Belgian statesman, 672 Dekker, E. Douwes ("Multatuli"), Dutch writer,
676
Delacroix, Ferdinand- Victor-Eugene, 528 Delagoa Bay, Boers at, 781; 782; 789 Delaroche, Hippolyte (Paul), painter, 528
Index
1006 Delavigne,
Jean-Francois-Casimir,
poet,
528 Delbruck, Martin Friedrich Rudolf von, Prussian statesman, 394 Delescluze, Louis-Charles, French revolutionary, 106; 114; 488; 502 Delessert, Frangois-Marie, French politician, 127 Delhi, 731; 746; capture of, 747 Dembinski, Henry, Hungarian Commanderin-chief, 205; 207; 210; at Szoreg, 211; 213 at Widdin, 215 Demerara, retained by Great Britain, 667 Democratic,, La, Spanish journal, 567 Democratic, La, French journal, 488 Den, the, Russian journal, 625 ;
Denfert-Rochereau, Pierre-M.-P.-A., Colonel, defends Belfort, 606, 609 Denman, Thomas, Lord, 9 Denmark, (1815-70), Chap. XXIV (2); literature in (1815-65), Chap. XXIV and Schleswig-Holstein, 161 sq., (3); 224 sqq., 436 sqq., 400 sqq., 446, 477, 537; and the Malmoe Truce, 168; the attitude succession question in, 226 sq. and of Great Britain towards, 337 sq. in attitude of, 1870, 577; Italy, 538; and the Franco-German War, 582; 587; and Sweden, 682 sq., 687, 690; and China, 819; and Japan, 823 De Quincey, Thomas, 361 sq. 365 Derby, Edward G. G. S. Stanley, fourteenth Earl of, War and Colonial Secretary (1841), 2; 9; and the repeal of and Protection, the Corn Laws, 10 sq. ;
;
;
;
20; refuses office, 21 Ministry of (1852), 309 320 Minisib. ; and France, 308 resigns, 331 ; try of (1858-9), 328 sqq. opposes Gladstone's financial scheme, 334 third Ministry of, 340 sqq. retire;
;
;
;
;
;
;
of, 342; and Portugal, 574; and the colonies, 762; and Canada, 771 Edward Henry Stanley, fifteenth
ment
Earl of (Lord Stanley), 330; 345 Dervies, von, constructs railways in Russia,
619 Deschamps, Emile, French poet, 507 Desmousseaux de Givre", Bernard-JeanEchard, 41 Dessau, see Anhalt- Dessau Destutt de Tracy, Antoine-C.-V., French Minister of Marine, 118 Deutsche Zeitung, 62
Comte,
Devonshire, eighth Duke of, see Hartington Dharmsala, death of Lord Elgin at, 752 Dholpur, Dadi Kashji at, 738 Dhondev Pant, see Nana Sahib Dhulip Sing, 738 Diaz, Pastor, and the Spanish marriage question, 554 Porfirio, Mexican statesman, 477 Dickens, Charles, 358 sqq. Diderot, Denis, 528 Diepo Negoro, Javanese leader, 667 Dtetz, the House of Nassau and, 674
Digeon, Emile, French politician, 503 Digne, provisional Government at, 138 Dijon, the Germans at, 604, 606; 609 Dillenburg, the House of Nassau and, 674 Dillon, John Blake, and the Young Ireland party, 7; 13 Dingan, Zulu chief, 782 Dingelstedt, Franz, German poet, 50; 413 Disraeli, Benjamin, see Beaconsfield Djokjokarta, Javanese rising in, 667 Dlotovsky, Erast, policy of, 629 Dobell, Sydney Thompson, poet, 352 Doblhoff-Dier, Anton, Baron von, Austrian statesman, 176; 182; 186 Dobrowsky, Josef, Cech writer, 653 sqq. Dobling, Count Sze"chenyi at, 401 Dollinger, Johann Joseph Ignatius, church historian, 708;
cation
of,
717;
719;
excommuni-
723
Donhoff, Sophie, Countess von, 193 D61e, Garibaldi at, 604 Dolgorukoff, Vasili, Prince, 614 Dominicans, at Nancy, 30 Don, Cossack district of the, 620
Doncourt, Germans at, 592 Donker-Curtius, Dirk, Dutch statesman, 663; 665 sq. "Dopper" Church, in South Africa, 786 Domes, Auguste, French politician, 113 Dorpat, University of, 267 Dost Mohammad, Amir of Kabul, 731 sqq. 741 sq. and Lord Dalhousie, 744 745 Dostoievski, Feodor, Russian writer, 650 sq. Douay, Abel, French general, 583 sq. 586 598 ;
;
;
;
Straits
Dover,
of,
submarine
;
telegraph
under, 346 Sir John,
Doveton,
Raja
of
General, defeats the
Nagpur, 726
D6zsa, leader of the Hungarian peasants' revolt, 427 Drakenberg Mountains, Natal
frontier, 782;
783 Dreikonigsbundniss, the, 220, 222 Dresden, proposed conference at, 144, 153, 160; Metternich at, 154; 217; disturbances in, 219; conferences of, 232 sq. Droste-Hiilshoff, Baroness Annette Elisabeth von, 414 Droste-Vischering, Baron Clemens August von, Archbishop of Cologne, 50 Drouyn de Lhuys, Edouard, French Minister of Foreign Affairs, 118; 121 sqq.; Lesseps, 125; in London, 281; 474; and the Convention of Gastein, 479; 480; and Rome, 534; and the Syrian negotiations, 636 Droysen, Johann Gustav, German historian, 160; 164; 195 Druey, Charles, Swiss statesman, 254 Druses, the, and the Maronites, 276 Dublin, 7 University of, 9 recalls
322;
;
Duchatei, Charles-Marie-Tanneguy, Comte, French Minister of the Interior, 96
1007
Index Duckwitz, Arnold, German politician, 166; 227 Duclerc, Charles-The'odore-Eugene, French politician, 113 Ducos, Theodore, French politician, 127 Ducrot, Auguste-Alexandre, French general, 598; 605 sqq. Diippel, 167; capture of, 224; 440 sq. Duero, Manuel de La Concha, Marquis del, 556 Diisseldorf, revolutionary movement at, 219 Dufaure, Jules-Armand-Stanislas, French statesman, 98; 115; Minister of the Interior, 117, 128; 119; 126 Dufferin, Frederick T. Hamilton-TempleBlackwood, Marquis of, 636 Duffy, Charles Gavan, and the Young Ireland party, 7
Dufour, William Henry, Swiss general, 239 250 sq. 255 Dufraisse, Marc, banished, 139 Dugonics, Andrew, Hungarian writer, 422 Duhot, General, in Paris, 100 Dulce, Domingo, Spanish general, 560 569 Dumas, Alexandre, pere, 426 sq. dramas of, 515; 519 548 fibs, 516 sqq. ;
;
;
;
;
Dumay,
Jean-Baptiste,
Mayor
of Creusot,
503 Duncker, Maximilian Wolfgang, 164 Dungern, Baron Emil August von, Nassau statesman, 147 Dunin, Martin von, Archbishop of Posen, 50 Dupanloup, Felix-Antoine-Philibert, Bishop of Orleans, 118; 120; 296; opposes the Emperor, 469; 484; 709; and the Syllabus, 716 Dupetit-Thouars, Abel Aubert, French admiral, 35 Dupin, Charles, French politician, 102; 116; 130 Dupont de 1'Eure, Jacques-Charles, French statesman, 102; 109; 124 Duprat, Pascal, French politician, 110; 112 Durando, Italian writer, 65 Giacomo, Italian Foreign Minister, 534 Giovanni, Italian general, 84 86 Duras, Leopold, editor of Le National, 127 D' Urban, Sir Benjamin, Governor of Cape Colony, 780 sq. Durban, capital of Natal, 782 Durham, John George Lambton, first Earl and Canada, 755 sqq.; 762; of, 16; 765 sqq. Durjan Sal, rebel Jat, 729 Duruy, Victor, French Minister of Public Education, 476; 479; 484; attacked by the Catholics, 485, 494 Duschek, Francis, Hungarian Minister of Finance, 212 sq. Dutch Reformed Church, in S. Africa, 785 Duteil, Republican politician, 137 Dutoitspan, discovery of diamonds at, 787 Duvergier de Hauranne, Prosper, 116 ;
Franciade-FIeurus,
Duvivier,
French
general, 104; 113
Dzieduszycki, Count Izydor, Polish writer,
657
East India Company (English) 310; 329; 724 sqq. and the China trade, 804 sqq., 822 East Indies, foreign trade of, 15 ;
(Dutch), abolition of slavery 666; 667 sq. Echagiie, Rafael, Spanish general, 569 Echigo, fight at, 859 Echizen clan and daimios, Chap. XXVIII in,
passim
(2)
Eckernforde, Danish men-of-war at, 224 Eden, Sir Ashley, envoy to Bhutan, 752 Edinburgh, Duke of, see Alfred, Prince Edinburgh Review, 362 Edward VII, King of Great Britain, illness of, 336 marriage of, 338 Edwardes, Sir Herbert Benjamin, MajorGeneral, in India, 740 sq. 744 Egypt, England and, 313, 324 Eichhorn, J. A. F. E., Prussian statesman, 51 sq. Eider river, Prussian troops cross, 162; 338; and the Danish frontier, 693 sq. ;
;
Einsiedeln, political meeting at, 242 Elberfeld, revolutionary meeting at, 219; ,
394
Electeur, Le,
Elgin,
French journal, 488
James Bruce, eighth Earl
of,
Vice-
roy of India, 752; Governor-General of Canada, 760 sqq., 766 sqq.; in China, 812, 816 sqq. Countess of, 767 Eliot, George (Mary Ann Cross), 360 Elizabeth, Empress of Austria, 374; 401 Princess of Roumania, 646 of Bavaria, Queen of Prussia, 159 Ellenborough, Edward Law, first Earl of, 10; President of the Board of Control, 328; and the annexation of Oudh, 329 Governor-General of India, 730, sq. 734 sqq. recall of, 738 Elliot, Sir Charles, Admiral, 806 sqq. Sir George, Admiral, 808 ;
;
Elphinstone, Mountstuart, Governor of Bombay, 725; 731 William George Keith, Major-General, at Kabul, 733; 735 Elsass, see Alsace Emilia, the, 386 sqq. of Prussia
and Benedettf 578 Encounter Bay, 792 Enfantin, Prosper, French politician, 298 England (see also Great Britain), Chaps. I, XI, XII, XXVII literature in (1840-70), Chap. XIII the Tractarian Movement in, 5 sq. relations of Church and State in, 18 sq.; and France, 28 sqq., 33, 35 sq.; and the slave-trade, 30 sq., 36; French exiles in, 140; 272; Schwarzenberg and,
Ems, the King at, 463,
;
;
;
Index
1008 393
;
and Piedmont, 372
sq.
;
Cavour
in,
371; 378; 380; the Oxford Movement in', 709 sq. ; and the Syllabus, 716 England, Sir Richard, General, 734 sq. Enomoto, Japanese admiral, 860 Eotvos, Joseph, Baron, Hungarian politician, 172; 177; 181; 400; the writings of,
426
sq.
Eperies, taken by the Russians, 210 Epirus, Greek invasion of, 640 Erdelyi, John, Hungarian writer, 427
Erfurt Parliament, 222 sq., 228 Erivan, acquired by Russia, 274 Ernest Augustus, King of Hanover, 60; 148; 166; and the Frankfort Assembly, 200; secedes from the German Union,
222 Erzerum, Treaty
of,
276
Escher, Alfred, and the St Gothard tunnel,
260 Escher von der Linth, Arnold, geologist, 260 Escosura, Patricio de la, Spanish Minister of the Interior, 562 Espartero, Baldomero, Spanish general and statesman, 33;
550;
553;
returns to
resigns, 562 Essequibo, retained by Great Britain, 667 Esterhazy von Galantha, Prince Paul Anton, 172; 180 Etampes, German force at, 602 Eu, Queen Victoria at, 33, 37, 553 Eugenie, Empress of the French, 293; 307; 384; 468; 474; supports the Government, 490; 495; acts as Regent, 496; and the peace negotiations, 498; and office (1854),
560
sq.
;
the Franco-German War, 583, 595; flight of, to England, 600 Eugenio, Prince of Savoy-Carignan, 386;
536 Eulenburg, Count, mission of, to Japan, 841; 844 Euler, Leonhard, physicist, 260 Euxine, see Black Sea Evald, Johannes, Danish poet, 697 Evans, Australian explorer, 790 sq. Evdokimoff, Nicholas, Russian general, 633 Evenement, Le, French newspaper, 127 Examiner, The, 362 Eynard, John Gabriel, and Greek independence, 239 Eyre, Edward John, Australian explorer, 795 Fabbri, Edoardo, Count, Papal Minister, 89 Faidherbe, Louis-Le'on-Ce'sar, French general,
607
sq.
;
610
chief,
783
Falkenstein, Johann statesman, 149
Paul
von,
Saxon
Vogel von, Prussian general, 452;
4*5
Nova
Scotia,
;
Farini, Luigi Carlo, Italian statesman, 65; Minister of Education, 369; 371; 386:
and the Consorteria Ministry, 535; 536 Faroe Islands, Norway and, 683 Fasting, Glaus, Norwegian writer, 700 Fateh Khan, Barakzai Minister, 731 Fatehgarh, rebels defeated at, 748 Faucher, Le*on, French Minister of the
118 sq. 123; and the campaign against the Republicans, 131; 133 sq. Favre, Gabriel-Claude-Jules, French statesand the Coup d'etat of man, 123 sq. December, 136; 305; 307; in opposition, 475, 477; 485; 489; 493; 496; negotiates with Bismarck, 497, 600; 498; signs an armistice, 499; 500; negotiates for the capitulation of Paris, 611; 612 Fazy, James, Genevese Radical, 248 Feith, Rhijnvis, Dutch writer, 676 Interior,
;
;
Feltre,
Due
Ferdinand
de, see
II,
Goyon
Emperor, 45
-
I, Emperor of Austria, 44; 152; and the Vienna insurrection, 153 sq. and Hungary, 173; flight of, 171 sq.
;
;
175;
at
Innsbruck,
176;
sq.;
abdication
returns
to
at Olmiitz, 186
Schonbrunn, 179, 182;
190;
of, 88,
193;
204;
208; 405 of the
Two
II, King Sicilies, 18; 68; and the Scientific Congresses, 69; demands for 79 sq. ; and the reform, 70; and the Naples Constitution, 87 sq. ; suppresses the Sicilian Revolution, 91
and Pius IX, 121; reactionary ; policy of, 379 sq. ; death of, 380 VII, King of Spain, 551 of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, King Consort of Portugal, 570 sq. ; acts as Regent, sq.
573; 575 Ferghana, see Khokand Fernando, Dom, of Portugal, death of, 574 Ferrara, 71 Austrian occupation of, 77 sq. ; the national movement in, 384 Ferrari, General, 86 Paolo, Italian dramatist, 548 ;
Ferre",
Pierre-Louis-Charles-Achille de, French general, 485; at Rome, 543; in the Franco-German War, 583 sqq., 596 sq.
Failly,
Faku, Pondo
Lieutenant-Governor of 759 Falloux, Fre"de"ric- Alfred-Pierre, Vicomte de, 114; French Minister of Education, 118; 119; education scheme of, 120, 126; 130; and Pius IX, 121 123; 128; and the opposition to Napoleon III, 469 Faludi, Francis, Hungarian writer, 421; 431 Fanti, Manfredo, Italian general, 389 Lord,
Falkland,
Charles-The'ophile,
French
com-
munist, 502 Ferrieres, peace negotiations at, 497 sq. Ferry, Jules, French politician, 498; 502 Feth Islam, garrison of, 647 Feuille du Village, La, French newspaper, 127 Feuillet, Octave, novelist,
Fickler, C. B. A.,
522
Baden Radical, 164
1009
Index Ficquelmont, Count Karl Ludwig, Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs, 155; 171; 174 Fielding, Henry, 361 Fiereck, General, 603 sq. Filangieri, Carlo, Neapolitan general, 91 sq.; 380 Fillmore, Millard, President of the United States (1850-3), 824 Fingo tribes, in Queen Adelaide Province, 781 Finland, 628; 678; 680 Finlay, George, historian, 280 Finmark, partition of, 684 Firozpur, 732; 736; 738 sq. Firozshahr, battle of, 739 Fischer, Hannibal, Oldenburg official, 151; and the German fleet, 227 Fischhof, Adolf, Austrian politician, 153; 176 FitzGerald, Edward, poet, 354 Fitzroy, Sir Charles Augustus, Governor of New South Wales, 795 Robert, Admiral, Governor of New Zealand, 793 sq. Flahaut de la Billarderie, Auguste-CharlesJoseph, Count de, 140 Flanders, 670; anti-French feeling in, 673 Philip, Count of, 645 Flaubert, Gustave, novelist, 365; 509; 522; 528 Flavigny, French repulse at, 590 "Flemish movement," the, 673, 675 Fleury, Emile-Fe~lix, French general, 134 Flinders Island, blacks deported to, 791 Flocon, Ferdinand, editor of La Reforme, 25; 99; 101; 109; joins the Socialist party, 114; 116 Florence, 41; Scientific Congress at, 68; 78 sq. Mazzini in, 91 the Austrians in, reaction in, 377 sq. ; 95; 386; the Italian capital transferred to, 539 Flotte, Paul-Louis-Rene" de, French poli;
;
tician, 131; 136 Flourens, Gustave, French politician, 498; 502 Foersom, Peter Thun, Danish writer, 699 Fogarasi, Janos, Hungarian scholar, 431 Fontane, Theodor, German poet, 413 sq. Fontanes, Louis, Marquis de, 528 Foochow, opening of the port of, 810 Forbin-Janson, Charles-T.-P.-A.-F., Marquis de, 122 Forcade de La Roquette, Jean-L.-V.-A. de, French Minister of the Interior, 490 Foresta, de, Sardinian statesman, 369 sq. Forey, Elie-Fre'de'ric, French general, 136 Forrest, Sir John, in Australia, 798 Fortescue, Chichester Samuel Parkinson-, Lord Carlingford, 343 Fortoul, Hippolyte-Nicolas-Honore", French statesman, 135; 297 Foscolo, Ugo, Italian poet, 546; 549 Fould, Achille, 117; French Minister of Finance, 129; 131; 133; 297; 472 sq. G. M, H. XI.
Fox, Charles James, and Canada, 756 sq. 766 Fraenckel, Le"on, French politician, 503 France (see also Napoleon III), the fall of Constitutionalism in (1840-8), Chap. II; the Republic (1848-52), Chap. V; under ;
Napoleon III (1852-9), Chap. X; the Liberal Empire (1859-70), Chap. XVII; the literature of (1840-71), Chap. XVIII; and the Franco- German War, Chap. XXI Great Britain and, 16, 332 sq. commercial treaty of, with Great Britain, 333 sq. ;
;
;
on English
influence of, the Jesuits
literature, 365;
and Italy, 71, in, 67 sq. and the Italian Revolution, 83, and the Austro-Italian War, 88;
78
sq.
;
;
92; intervention
Rome, 94
in
of,
sq.,
706;
and Venice, 95; mediation of, in Italy, 367; and Piedmont, 372 sqq., 376; and and Italy the war in Itaty, 382 sqq. ;
Italian (1861-6), 530 sq., 534, 538 sqq. policy of, 709; and the Schleswig-Holstein question, 161, 446; 215; and the HesseCassel crisis, 230 240 and Switzerland, ;
;
;
and sq. and the Don
244, 246, 249 sq., 252, Greece, 279, 640 sqq.; Pacifico incident, 281;
255
;
claims of, in and the causes of Jerusalem, 311 sq. the Crimean War, 311 sqq.; and the Crimean War, 321 sqq. and the Treaty of Paris, 323 and the Orsini Plot, 327 ;
;
;
;
Cavour anti-English feeling in, 328 sq. and, 371, 391; and Naples, 380; cession of Nice and Savoy to, 386 sqq. Austria ;
;
and, 402; and Bismarck, 434, 462; and the Polish Revolution, 434; 443; and the Austro-Prussian War, 451, 454, 456 461; and Luxemburg, 462, 675; and the Spanish Succession, 463, 571 declares war against Prussia, 463; and and the the Triple Alliance, 543 sq. sq.
;
;
;
Spanish marriages question, 553 sqq.
and Mexico, 565;
;
and Portugal, 574;
the military foreign relations of, 576 sq. the navy of, 582 system of, 580 sqq. and the and affairs in Syria, 635 sq. Danubian Principalities, 643 sqq. and Sweden, 678, 687; Ultramontanism in, 707; and the Vatican Council, 719, 721; and India, 731; and China, 802 sq., 811 sqq.; and Japan, 823, 833, 840 sq., 847 sq., 850, 853, 861 Francis II, Emperor (Francis I of Austria), ;
;
;
;
;
44
King of the Two Sicilies, mar387 and accession of, 380 sq. 389 sq. 469 flight of, from Naples, 388 Charles, Archduke of Austria, 44; and the Austrian Constitution, 152; 174; and the succession, 190 Joseph, Emperor of Austria and King of Hungary, 88; 190; the Hungarian Diet and, 202; and the Hungarian campaign, II,
riage
;
;
;
;
210,213; pardons Gorgei, 214; abolishes the Constitution, 217; and the King of
64
Index
1010
Prussia, 224; and the Danish succession question, 226 and the Hesse-Cassel crisis, 229, 231; visits Italy, 374, 377; at Villafranca, 384; 393; 398; visits Hungary, 401; Russia and, 402; resolves on war in Italy, 403 and constitutional changes, ;
;
403
sq.
Prussia,
;
and and Hungary, 404 sq. 407; and German unity, 408; ;
and the Frankfort assembly of Princes, 435; and Italy, 449; and Napoleon III, 450 sq., 453; 455; visits Paris, 484 Francis Rak6czi II, see Transylvania Francisco de Asis, King Consort of Isabel II of Spain, 37 sq.
;
marriage of, 554 561; 569
556; and Narvaez, 557; Francke, August, 710
sq.
;
XXI
Franco-German War, Chap.
German Luise Marie von, 412 Franke, Karl Philipp, and the Malmoe Truce, 168 Frankfort, the National Assembly at, 162, 164, 181, 188 sq., 191, 194 sqq., 227; the Vorparlament at, 144, 163; the Diet novelist,
228; 150; Archduke John 166; riots in (1848), 168 sq.; Confederation meeting at, 223; 224; 233; and the German navy, 227 note; Bisat, 147, 162, at,
402
assembly of at, sq., 434; Princes at, 435; 446; 455; Constitution, 198, 200 sq., 218; Peace of (1871), 612 Franklin, district of, 776 Franzenskanal, 182 Franzoni, Luigi, Archbishop
368
Turin,
Frederick,
see
696
Crown Prince of Prussia (afterwards Frederick III, German Emperor), 159, 406; and Schleswig-Holstein, 440; in the Austro-Prussian War, 452 sq. supports Bismarck, 455 sq. and the German Empire, 465 sq. in the Franco-German War, 580, 583 sq. ;
;
;
Augustus II, King of Saxony, 59; 200; and the Frankfort Constitu222 tion, 218 sq. 149;
;
Charles, Prince (of Prussia) in the Austro-Prussian War, 452 in the Franco;
German War,
580, 585, 589 sqq., 593 sq.,
599, 604, 606 sq., 609 sq. William IV, King of Prussia, accession of, 47; the ideas and aims of, 48; of,
measures of, 49; religious policy 50 sqq. constitutional schemes of,
towards Austria, 195 sq. chosen German Emperor, 197 sq. declines the Imperial Crown, 199; and the Frankfort Constiand Austria, 208, 224 and tution, 200 German Confederation, 218 sqq. and the Danish succession, 226; and the Hesse-Cassel 228 sqq.; and crisis, ;
;
;
;
;
Switzerland, 249; and Neuchatel, 253, sq.; policy of, 393, 395; and the succeeded Kreuzzeitung party, 396 sq. by his brother, 406 and the Papacy, 708 ;
;
Freeman, Edward Augustus, historian, 363 Freeman's Journal, Irish newspaper, 8
German poet, 143; 413 sq. Fremantle, Australian port, 791 Frere-Orban, Walter, Belgian Minister, Freslon, Alexandre, French statesman, Freycinet, Charles-Louis de Saulces Freiligrath, Ferdinand,
50;
672 115 de,
French statesman, 602; 606; 608 Freytag, Gustav, German writer, 414 sqq. Fribourg, 234; Government of, 235; reaction in, 238; the Jesuits in, 239; 240; and the Aargau monasteries, 247; Fric, Josef,
Memoirs
of,
of,
259
656
by the Prussians, 167; 224, 695 Friedrichstadt, capture of, 225 "Friends of Light," Prussian Church party, 51 sq. Frobel, Julius, at Vienna, 188 sq. Frohschammer, Jakob, philosopher, 712 Fromentin, Eugene, painter and writer, 525; 528 Frossard, Charles-Auguste, French general, 583; 585; at Spicheren, 586 sq.; 590 sqq.; at Gravelotte, 593 sq.
Froude, James Anthony, 363 sq. Richard Hurrell, 349 Fry, Elizabeth, visits Denmark, 694
Fuad Pasha, Mehemed, Turkish Foreign Minister, 313; 636 sq. Fukubari, Choshiu councillor, 851; execution of, 852; 855 Fulda, Prussian troops in, 229 sq. Fulgencio, Fray, Spanish monk, 557 Furrer, Jonas, Swiss President, 254 Fushimi, Choshiu warriors at, 851 Fusinato, Arnaldo, Italian writer, 545 Fustel de Coulanges, Numa Denis, French historian, 525
;
55 sqq.; 142; and Queen Victoria, 143;
and the German national movement, 63
;
Fridericia, captured
German Emperor, Crown Prince of Prussia
III,
VI, King of Denmark, reign of, 691 sq. VII, King of Denmark, 161; and Schleswig-Holstein, 225; accession and reign of, 694 sqq.; death of, 438, 477,
first
in Berlin, 156 sqq. and German and "Dahlmann's unity, 160; 162; Constitution," 163; 165; and the Schleswig-Holstein War, 167; and the Auerswald Ministry, 191; and the "National Assembly," 192; and the BrandenburgManteuffel Ministry, 193; attitude of,
251; 257; industries of
sq.
Frederick
154; and the revolutionary move-
265
Frangois,
marck
150;
ment
conference
144; sq., proposes Dresden, 144, 153; and Anhalt
at
affairs,
Gaeta, Pius IX and Leopold II at, 91 sqq., 121; conference at, 121, 379; fall of,
390 Gagarin, Paul, Prince, 614
Index Gagern,
Heinrich von,
60;
Darmstadt Minister, 144
sq.
62; Hesse160; 162;
;
President of the Nationalversammlung, 164; 169; 195; succeeds Schmerling, 196; 198; 221 Maximilian von, 144 160; 162; 165 ;
Galeotti, Leopoldo, Italian writer, 65 Galicia (Austria), revolt in, 46 sq. 152; the ;
revolutionary movement in, 156; national rising in, 174; aspirations in, 171 sq. 175; 178; and Hungary, 202 204; 216; bishopric in, 266; 398; 402; massacre ;
;
in,
658
(Spain), rising in, 554 Dmitri Vladimirovich, Prince, Galitzin, Governor-General of Moscow, 270 sq. Galletti, Giuseppe, Italian politician, 81 Canadian Sir Alexander Tilloch, Gait,
Finance Minister, 763; 770; 775 Gambetta, Le'on, French statesman, 485; defends Delescluze, 488; 489; 491; opposes the declaration of war, 495; and the Franco-German War, 497 sqq., 600,
602 sqq.
1011
fete at, 75; 78; 243; Garibaldi's expedition from, 332; revolt at, 366, 375; 373; democratic congress at, 532 Ferdinand, Duke of, 91 - Thomas, Duke of, 571 George IV, King of England (Prince Regent), and Sweden, 683
Genoa,
election of, I, King of Greece, 634 641; 642 Gerbet, Olympe-Philippe, Bishop of Perpignan, 469 Geringer, Baron Karl Gabriel von, Governor of Hungary, 216 Gerlach, Leopold von, Prussian general, 51 191 396 sq. Ludwig von, Prussian politician, 51 160; 192 sq.; 220; and the Kreuzzeitung ;
;
;
;
party, 396; 397 Germ, The, 357
Germanic Chap.
Confederation,
the
XV
(1); 459 (see also Austria
Germany
and
(1852-62), Prussia),
Liberalism and Nationality in (1840-8),
Revolution and Reaction in Chap. VI; the Reaction in, Chap. VII; literature in (1840-70), Chap.
Chap. Ill;
Shastri, 725 Ganges, drowning of children in, 730 canal, completion of, 744 Garibaldi, Giuseppe, in Rome, 94; 125; expedition of to Sicily and Naples, 332; in London, 351 and the unity of Italy, 375; 382; in Sicily, 388; 389; and
Gangadhar
;
Cavour, 390, 392; meets King Victor Emmanuel, 390; 391; 462; 469; invades the States of the Church, 485; Ricasoli and, 531; 532; relations of, with Rattazzi, 533 wounded at Aspromonte, 534 535; and King Victor Emmanuel, 537 sq. 539 and the war with Austria, 540 sq. marches against Rome, 542 at Mentana, 543; 545; in France (1870), 604, 606, 608 sq. 705 Garigliano, the, fight at, 390 Gamier-Pages, Louis-Antoine, 26; and the Revolution (1848), 100 sqq.; 108; 118; 477 Elizabeth Gaskell, Cleghorn, novelist, 359 sq. Convention 445 Gastein, of, sq., 448, 450, 479 509 Gautier, Th6ophile, sqq. Gawler, George, Governor of South Austra792 lia, G'a^ite de France, La, 292 Geer, Louis de, Baron, Swedish statesman, 689 sq. Geibel, Emanuel, poet, 413 sq. 420; 701 Geijer, Eric Gustav, Swedish historian, 686 sq. Geishiu, daimio of, 846, 856 sq., 861 G6nestet, Petrus Augustus de, Dutch poet, 676 Geneva, 234; 236; 243; radical rising in, 248; and the cession of Savoy, 256; proposed episcopal see of, 258; 259; republican congress at, 485 sq., 568; 630 ;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
(1848-9),
XV
Bismarck and German unity, and the Franco-German War, Chap. XXI 38 260 and Schleswig-Holstein, 337, 537; influence of, on English literature, 347; and the war in Italy, 384; and the Triple Alliance, 634; the Papacy and, 717; and the Vatican Council, 719; the Old Catholic schism (2)
;
XVI;
Chap.
;
in,
;
;
723
Gers, Republican rising in, 137 Gervinus, Georg Gottfried, 62; 164 Ghazni, 731: captured, 732; 733; 735 Ghent, and the Liberal cause, 674
Afghan tribe, 733 Ghyka, Prince Alexander, Hospodar of Ghilzais,
Wallachia, 282 Prince Gregory, Hospodar of Moldavia, 284; 643 Giacometti, Paolo, Italian playwright, 548
Gibbon, Edward, historian, 363 Gibraltar, General Prim lands at, 569 Gibson, Thomas Milner, and the Conspiracy Bill, 328 Gilbert, Sir Walter Raleigh, LieutenantGeneral in India, 740 sqq. Gioberti, Vincenzo, the Primato of, 65 sq. the Prolegomeni al Primato of, 67 sq. 70 sq. 73; 76; 90; Ministry of, 93, and Pius IX, 705; 712 546 sq. Italian brigand, 531 Giordano, Gipps, Sir George, Governor of New South Wales, 795 Girard, Gre'goire, Swiss Franciscan friar, 239 , Girardin, Emile de, French journalist, 12? 526 Giraud, Charles, French statesman, 135 Girodet-Trioson, Anne-Louis Girodet de Roussy, painter, 528 ;
;
;
;
,
Index
1012 Gislikon, battle at, 251
Gitschin (Jicin), 452; Prussians in, 453 Giusti, Giuseppe, poet, 68; 546 Gizzi, Pasquale, Cardinal, Papal Secretary 703 of State, 76 sq. ;
Gladstone, William Ewart, Under-Secretary 4 and Mayto the Board of Trade, 2 nooth College grant, 9; 10; 21 the first ;
;
;
Budget
of,
310
sq.
;
resigns,
320
;
opposes
the Divorce Bill, 326 sq. 328; 330; Chancellor of the Exchequer (1859), 331 ; 333; financial policy of, 334 sq.; 337; introduces the Reform Bill of 1866, 339; and rivalry of, with Disraeli, 342 sq. Irish Disestablishment, 344 sq. 345 and the Neapolitan trials, 379 577 764 sq. and the Anglo-French Treaty of Com;
;
;
;
;
;
;
merce, 470 Glarus, industrial legislation
Glasgow, financial
crisis in,
in,
260
327
Gliicksburg, Christian, Prince of, 226 sq. Due de, see Decazes, Louis-C.-E.-A. Glutz, Robert, Swiss historian, 261
Goderich, Viscount, see Ripon, Earl of
Henry Thomas, commander in the Burmese War, 742 Goben, August von, German general, 586 Godwin,
sq.;
Sir
610
Gorgei, Arthur von, 185;
career of, 203; 212; Hungarian Commander-in-chief, 205; 206; Minister of War, 207; defeated at Pered, 210; at Arad, 211; surrenders to the Russians, 212 sq. interned at Klagenfurt, 214 Gorres, Joseph von, 49 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, 347; 365; 411 sqq.; 415; 418; 420; 424; 430 Gotz, Christian, Austrian general, 206 Gogol, Nicholas, Russian writer, 649 sq;
and Kossuth, 203
sq.,
;
262. Goito, battle
of,
86
Gokla, Indian general, 726
740 625 Golovin, Alexander, Russian Minister of Education, 624 Goltz, Baron von der, German general, 589 Robert Heinrich Ludwig von der, Count, 396; Prussian ambassador in Paris, 483 Goluchowski, Agenor, Count, Austrian statesman, 404 Gonzalez Bravo, Luis ("Ibrahim Clarete"), Spanish Minister, 550 sq.; 558; 566; 568; Ministry of, 569 Gorchakoff, Alexander, Prince, Russian Chancellor, at Vienna, 321; 434; and
Golab Sing, ruler of Kasmir, Golos, St Petersburg journal,
Prussia, 456, 577; 628; Asiatic policy 630 sqq.; and Crete, 634; and Poland, 660; 843
of,
Gordon, Charles George ("Chinese Gordon"), 821 Gorham, George Cornelius, Vicar of Brampford Speke, 18
Gota
canal, 684 sq.
Goteborg (Gothenburg), industrial college at, 684; 685 Gotha, "Union" meeting at, 221 Gothenburg, see Goteborg Got5, Japanese Minister of Public Works, 861; 865 Gotthelf, Jeremias, see Bitzius, Albert Goudchaux, Michel, French politician, 26; 99; Minister of Finance, 104; 304 Gough, Sir Hugh, Viscount Gough, in India, 738 sqq.; 745 Goulburn, Henry, Charicellor of the Exchequer, 2; 762; 790 Gourgaud, Baron Gaspard, French general, 102 Governolo, occupied by King Charles Albert, 88 Govind Chandra, Raja of Kachar, 730 Goyon, Charles-M.-A. de, Due de Feltre, French general, 531 Graaf-Reinet, district of, 778 Graham, Sir James Robert George, Home Secretary, 2; and the Corn Laws, 3 sq., 9 sq. and the Factory Acts, 4 sq. 7 and Dublin University, 9; 21; resigns, 320; 765 Grahovo, Turkish defeat at, 636 Gramont, A.-A.-Alfred, Due de, Foreign Minister, 493, 578; 495 Granada, tablets and parchments of, 713 Granja, La, Queen Isabel at, 556 Grant, General Sir James Hope, in India, 749 Granville, Granville George Leveson-Gower, second Earl, 331 577; and the Afghan frontier, 632; 633; 801 Grassellini, Monsignor, Governor of Rome, 76 Gratry, Joseph- Alphonse, Oratorian, 721; 723 Gravelotte, 590; battle of, 593 sqq., 600 sq. Gray, Thomas, poet, 351; 357 Graz, revolutionary movement at, 155; 187 Graziosi, Canon, 73 Great Britain (see also England), and Free Trade (1841-52), Chap. I; and the Crimean War, Chap. XI, 306 sqq. last years of Whiggism, and Parliamentary Reform in (1856-68), Chap. XII and India, Chap. XXVI passim; and her Colonies, Chap. XXVII; and China and Japan, Chap. XXVIII passim; strained relations of, with France (1840), 16, 476; Commercial 496; Treaty of, with France, 469 sq. and the Spanish marriages, 17, 33, 38 sq., 553 sqq. and Italy, 78 and the Italian Revolution (1848), 83; and the ItaloAustrian negotiations, 88; and Sicily, ;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
and Venice, 95; and Italy, 367, 376, 382, 387, 390, 538; and Naples, 380; recognises the Kingdom of Italy, 530; and the Schleswig-Holstein question, 161, 167, 224 sq., 438, 441, 446; and the Hungarian refugees, 215; and the HesseCassel crisis, 230; and Switzerland, 244, 91 sq.
;
1013
Index 249 sq., 252, 255 sq., 259; and the TurcoPersian frontier question, 276; and the refugees in Turkey, 277 and Greece, 279 and the Don Pacifico insq., 640 sqq. and Napoleon III, 307 sq. cident, 281 Austria and, 402 and the Polish revolution, 434; and Mexico, 476, 565; and Spain, 556 sq., 564; and the European situation in 1870, 577; and the FrancoGerman War, 611; and the Russian advance in Asia, 630 and Persia, 633 and ;
;
;
;
;
;
;
634; and the Jedda riots, 635; and the Suez Canal, 638 and the Black Sea, 639; and the Danubian Principaliand the Dutch Colonies, ties, 643 sqq. Crete,
;
;
667; and Belgium, 672; and Norway, 682; and Sweden, 683 sq., 687 Greece, Palmerston and, 18; under King Otho, 277 sqq.; the Tsar and, 312; 313; military revolt in, 533 Alexander II and, 634 and Crete, ib. rupture of, with ;
;
;
Turkey, 636
misgovernment
;
in,
639
sq.
;
the succession in, 641; the new Constitution of, 642 brigandage in, 643 Roumania and, 646 Greenland, Norway and, 683 Gre"goire, Henri, Abbe", 72 ;
;
XVI (Mauro
Gregory Capellari), Pope, and 71; condemns the Guizot, 37; 67 sq. 703 and AntoArticles of Baden, 246 ;
;
nelli,
716; death
705;
Sir
Augustus
;
of,
70
movement
at,
149
French politician, Jean-Louis, 124; 136; 139 Greuze, Jean-Baptiste, painter, 528 132; GreVy, Francois-Paul-Jules, 116; President of the National Assembly, Greppo,
500; 600 Grey, Charles, second Earl Grey, 755 Henry George, third Earl Grey, 10; Secretary for Colonies ancj for War, 14, 16; colonial policy of, 759 sqq., 763 sqq. and New Zealand, 796 sq. Sir George, Governor of Cape Colony, 784; 786; in South Australia, 792, 795; in New Zealand, 794 sqq., 799 sq. Sir John, General, in Gwalior, 738 - Thomas Philip de, Earl de Grey, Viceroy of Ireland, 8
;
Griboiedoff, Alexander, 614 Grigorovich, Alexander, 614 Grillparzer,
Austrian
Franz,
dramatist,
414 sqq.
Grimm, Jacob, 49; 164 Wilhelm, 49 Gripenstedt, Johan August, Swedish Minister of Finance, 688 690 Griqualand, Treaty State of, 783 ;
Grisons, the, 234; 236 Groben, Karl, Count von der, 230 sq. general, 221
Prussian
Karl
Wilhelm
Prussian general, 50
Georg
812;
Tommaso, Italian writer, 545; 548 Grosswardein (Magyar, Nagyvdrad), Gorgei at, 214 Grosvenor, Lord Robert, 339 Grote, George, historian, 250 Groth, Klaus, German poet, 414; 420 Grossi,
Griin,
Anastasius,
see
Auersperg,
Count
Anton Alexander von Griineberg Manuscript, the, see Koniginhof Griinne, Count von der, Austrian AdjutantGeneral, 398 403 Nikolai Frederik Grundtvig Severin, Danish writer, 692; 698 Guadagnoli, Antonio, Italian writer, 545 ;
GueYin, Pierre-Narcisse, Baron, 528 Guerra, Italian brigand, 531 Guerrazzi, Francesco Domenico, 78; the government of Tuscany, 90 sq. trial of,
337
and ;
94
;
sq.
Guest, Lady Charlotte, and Mdbinogion, 352
Guiana, 139; Great Britain and, 667 Guirigay, El, Spanish journal, 550 sq. Guizot, Francois-Pierre-Guillaume, Chap. II passim; 16 sq. and the Jesuits, 67; and the Opposition, 96; dismissal of, 97 sq.; 118; Education Act of, 130 131; and Switzerland, 249, 252; 297; 305; the historical works of, 524; and the 707 and Spanish marriages, 554 sq. China, 812 Gujarat, 742; Afghans at, 744 Gustavus IV, King of Sweden, 677; 681 Gutierrez de La Concha, see Concha ;
;
;
Gutzkow, Karl Ferdinand, German
writer,
411; 414 sqq.
Guyon, Richard Debaufre, general in the Hungarian army, 215 Gvaddnyi, Joseph, Count, 422 Gwalior, 726; Ellenbo rough's policy in, 737; 738; 749 Gyongyosi, Stephen, Hungarian poet, 422 Gyulai, Franz, Count, Austrian general, 403 Paul, Hungarian writer, 430
Haarlem lake, drainage of, 664 Hadamar, and Luxemburg, 674
sq.,
668
Hadersleben, Prussians at, 167 Haring, Wilhelm ( Wilibald Alexis), novelist, 417; 420 Hagelanden, Boreel van, Dutch politician, 663 Haidarabad, 734; 736; Outram's defence of, 737; 743 Nizam of, 727 Haileybury College, closed, 751 Hajji Dimitr, Bulgarian leader, 638
Hakodate, Japanese port, 829
sq.
;
opened
to foreign trade, 833; 841; 843 Halifax, Charles Wood, Viscount, 14 sq. Hall, Carl Christian, Danish statesman,
696
;
Grolmann,
Jean-Baptiste- Louis,
;
Charles, in Australasia,
798 Greiz, Liberal
Baron Gros, 816; 818
von,
Floris
Adrian van, Dutch Minister of 665 sq.; 668
Finance, 662;
Index
1014
Havlfcek, Karel, Cech journalist, 656 Havre, Le, 15; threatened by the Germans,
Hallam, Arthur Henry, 350 Halle, meeting of Old Liberals in, 451 Haller, Albrecht von, scientist, 260 Hallue, the, battle of, 607, 610 Ham, fortress of, 286
Hamburg, revolutionary movement
607
Hawke's Bay, Province of, 799 Hawkshaw, Sir John, and the Suez Canal,
in,
151
;
227
Hampden, Renn Dickson, Bishop
of Here-
ford, 18
Hanau, Liberal movement at, 146 sq. 229 Hanka, Vaclav, Cech writer, 654 sq. Hankow, captured by the "Taipings," 820 Hannecken, General, defeated at Wag;
hausel, 221
Hanover,
;
;
;
Hazara, Sikh annexed, 740 Hazrat, Russian advance on, 630 Sir Edmund Head, Walker, GovernorGeneral of Canada, 768 Sir Francis Bond, Governor of Upper Canada, 755 Hebbel, Friedrich, German dramatic poet, 414 sqq. 420 Hubert, Michel-Pierre, French Minister of Justice, 42 Hecker, Friedrich Franz Karl, Baden 145; 163 politician, 61 sq. Heckscher, Johann Gustav Moritz, German politician, 166; 168 sq. Heeckeren, Baron Georges d'Anthes de, 472 Heemskerk, Jacob, Dutch statesman, 667 Heemstra, Baron van, Dutch statesman, 666 Heer, Oswald, botanist, 260 Hefele, Karl Joseph von, Bishop of Rottenburg, 719; 722 Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich, 365 Hegyes, engagement at, 211 Heiberg, Johan Ludvig, Danish writer, 699 Heidelberg, political meetings at, 144, 162 Heilmann, Josue", 301 Heine, Heinrich, 411; ballads of, 413 Heke, Maori chief, 793 795 Held, Gustav Friedrich, Saxon Minister, 149 Helena, Grand Duchess of Russia, 617 Helvetian Republic, established, 235 sq. Henley, Joseph Warner, President of Board of Trade, 331 He"non, Jacques-Louis, French Republican, 304 Henry, Prince (of the Netherlands), in Luxemburg, 674 sq. Hentzi, Heinrich, Austrian general, 208 Heppenheim, Nationalist assembly at, 62, 144 Herat, 731; siege of, 732; 733; captured by Persia, 745 He>ault, Republican rising in, 137 Herbert of Lea, Lord (Sidney Herbert), Secretary of the Admiralty (1841-5), possessions in
and
the
394; 60, 148;
Zollverein,
53,
revolutionary movements in, 167; and the Frankfort Constitution, 218; and Germanic confederation, 220 and Schleswig-Holstein, 337 sqq. ; 227 454; and the Austro-Prussian War, 452; ;
;
455
;
Hanse Towns, and the Zollverein, 53 151 Hansemann, David Justus Ludwig, Prus58 at the Heppensian statesman, 53 heim meeting, 62 sq. 159 sq. 191 Hansen, Mauritz Christopher, Norwegian ;
;
;
;
;
poet, 700 Hanyang, captured by the "Taipings," 820 Harbarovsk, founded, 273 Harcourt, Frangois-Eugene-Gabriel, Due 126 de, mission of, to Gaeta, 121 sq. Hardenberg, Charles Augustus, Prince of, 57; 59 Friedrich Ludwig von (Novalis), 49 Hardinge, Sir John, Queen's Advocate, 337 of Lahore, Viscount (Sir Henry Hardinge), in India, 738 sqq. Hargraves, Edward Hammond, gold miner, 795 American ConsulHarris, Townsend, General in Japan, 831 sqq.; 836; 842; 853 ;
Hartington, Spencer Compton Cavendish, Marquis of (afterwards eighth Duke of Devonshire), 331 Harvey, Sir John, Lieutenant-Governor of
Nova
Scotia, 759
Hasanzai
tribe,
Hassenpflug,
743
Hans
Minister, 228 sq.
Hastings, Francis
;
Daniel,
232
Hesse-Cassel
sq.
Rawdon, first Marquis 724 sqq.; resignation of, 727; 730; 743; 750; 753 Warren, Governor-General of Fort William, 731 Hauff, Wilhelm, German writer, 417 Haussmann, Georges-Eugene, Baron, Prefect of the Seine, 303 Hautpoul, Alphonse-Henri Beaufort, Marquis de, French general, 129 Havana, General Prim in, 566 Jose" Gutierrez de La Concha, Marque's de La, 569 Havelock, Sir Henry, Major-General, at Cawnpore, 747 sq. of,
638 Baron August Haxthausen-Abbenburg, F. L. M. von, 266; 274 Haydon, Benjamin Robert, the autobiography of, 362 Haynau, Baron Julius Jacob von, Austrian 188 in Hungary, 209 sqq. general, 95 recalled, 215 sq.
in India,
;
;
Secretary at War (1845-6, 1852-4), Secretary of State for War (1859-61), 2; 10; 21; 320; and the panic of 1859, 333 Herder, Johann Gottfried, poet, 414 H6re"dia, Jos6 Maria de, poet, 515
1015
Index Hergenhahn,
Nassau
August,
politician,
147; 198
Hergenrother, Joseph von, the Anti- Janus of, 719 Hermannstadt, 173; occupied by Russians,
206
Hernad
Gorgei
river,
at,
211
Hersfeld, Prussian troops at, 230 Hertz, Henrik, Danish poet, 699
;
Hertzen,
625
Alexander,
Russian
701
journalist,
sq.
Herwarth von
Bittenfeld, Karl Eberhard, Prussian general, 452 Herwegh, Georg, German poet, 50; 413 Herzegovina, 533 insurrection in, 636 Herzog, Hans, Swiss general, 257 Hesse, and the German Empire, 465 Hesse-Cassel, the revolutionary movement and Germanic confederain, 146 sq. crisis in, 228 sqq. 233 tion, 221 sqq. reaction in, 397; 450; 454 sq. Frederick, Prince of, 226 - Frederick William I, Elector of, 60; 146 sq.; 228 sq. 231; 233 William I, Elector of, 209 William II, Elector of, 60; 146 Hesse- Darmstadt, 60 revolutionary movement in, 144 sq. 163; and Germanic confederation, 221 sqq. reaction in, 397; 450 454 and the Austro-Prussian War, 457 - Lewis II, Grand Duke of, 60; 145 - Lewis III, Grand Duke of, 145 Hetzendorf, Windischgratz at, 188 ;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
Heusken, interpreter, 831; murder of, at Yedo, 841 sq. Heydt, August von der, Prussian statesman, 193; 230 Heyse, Paul, novelist and poet, 414 sq. 417; 419 sq. Heytesbury, William A'Court, Lord, 731 Hierta, Swedish journalist, 685 Higo, daimio of, 832 852 Hikone" clan, 851 864 Himeji, Japanese noble, 832 Hinckeldey, Karl Ludwig Friedrich von, Berlin president of police, 395 Hindmarsh, Sir John, Admiral, Governor of South Australia, 792 Hiogo, port of, 833; 841; 853 sq.; 855; opening of, 856; 859 Hiroshima, 852 trial of Choshiu at, 854 Hirschfeld, Karl U. F. W. M. von, Prussian ;
;
;
;
general, 221 Hirzel, Bernhard, Swiss pastor, 246 Hislop, Sir Thomas, General, 726
Hitotsubashi,
XXVIII
(2)
Hizen, daimio
Japanese passim of,
noble,
825; 832; clan
Chap. of,
863
Hobart Pasha, 636 Hobson, William, Captain, Governor of
New
Zealand, 793
Hodson, William Stephen Raikes, at Delhi, 747 Hoffmann, Gotthelf, 413
Hoffmann von Fallersleben, August Hemrich, German poet and politician, 412 Hohenlohe, Adolf, Prince von, Prussian statesman, 410 Chlodwig K. V., Prince von, Bavarian Foreign Minister, 719 Hohenzollern principalities, annexed by Prussia, 227 Anton, Prince von, Prussian statesman, 406 Hohenzollern-Hechingen, revolutionary movement in, 150 Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, Charles, Prince of, see
Charles, Prince of
Roumania
Leopold, Prince of, 462 sq. 571; 578; 646 Hokianga, French mission at, 793
;
495;
Holberg, Ludvig von, Danish dramatist, 697 sq. 700 ;
Holkar, Raja of, 726 Holland (1839-70), Chap.. XXIII (1); 9; Frederick William IV and, 50; restoration of the Catholic hierarchy in, 378; and Luxemburg, 483, 674 sq. and Italy, ;
666; and Belgium, 672; and China, 819 675 sq. and Japan, Chap. XXVIII (2) passim Holmers, Jan Frederik, Dutch writer, 676
canal
538;
of,
literature in,
Holstein
(see
;
;
also
Schleswig-Holstein)
and Germanic confederation, 223; 224; German troops in, 439; ceded by Denmark, 442; Austria and, 449; Prussian troops
in,
Homburg,
450
and
Germanic
confederation,
223
Home, Duncan,
at Delhi, 746
Honau, battle at, 251 Hongkong, 805 sq. 808; ceded to Great ;
Britain, 809;
816; 819
Hood, Thomas, poems of, 353 of Holland, waterway through, 666 Hope, Sir James, Admiral, 843 Hori, Japanese Commissioner for Foreign Affairs, 844 Horsman, Edward, politician, 339 Horvath, Michael, Bishop of Csanad, 209;
Hook
214; 431
de Pal6c, Adam, Hungarian poet, 422 Hotta, Japanese Councillor of State, 831 836 dismissal of, 837 sqq. Hottentots, in Cape Colony, 780 Howe, John, Nova Scotia statesman, 762 Hoyos-Sprinzenstein, Count Johann Ernst von, Governor of Vienna, 175 Hrabowsky, Johann, Baron, Hungarian general, 180; 184 Huber, Aloijs, French revolutionary, 104; 109 ;
;
Huddersfield, riot at, 2 Hudson Bay Territory, ceded to Canada, 776; 777 Hiibner, Count Joseph Alexander von, 190'
Austrian ambassador at Paris, 381 Huhnerwasser, Austrian repulse at, 453
Index
1016 Victor, 24 ; 127;
Hugo,
134; and the cember, 136; 365; 131;
and Montalembert^ d'etat of Deinfluence of, on
Coup
literature, 427; the writings 507 sqq., 515, 519, 522, 528 Hume, Alexander Hamilton, Australian explorer, 790 sq. Joseph, 3 Hu-men-chai, Treaty of, 810 Hummelauer, Baron, mission of, to England, 88; 92 Hunfalvy, Paul, Hungarian scholar, 431 Hung Sin-tsuen, and the "Taiping" rebellion, 820 Hungary, the literature of (1686-1900), Chap. XV (3); Palmerston and, 17; 47; the Revolution in (1848), 93, 95, 152, 155
Hungarian
of,
sq.; 170; the Ministry of, 172; 174; 178;
relations of, with Austria, 179 sqq. ; the Slav invasion of, 183 Diet of, 180 sqq. Austria declares war against, 185 ; sq. and the accession of Francis Joseph, 190 sq. ; 200 ; progress of the Revolution in, ;
;
202 sqq.
and
;
a Republic proclaimed
Italy, ib.
in,
207
;
and Russian intervention,
;
suppression of the Revolution in, 209 sqq. reaction in, 216; customs union with Austria, 223, 394 285 Schwarzenberg and, 393 Austrian rule in, 398 sqq. 402 sq. effect of the "October Charter" in, 404; under the leadership of Deak, 405 sq.; 456; and Italy, 531, 537 sqq. Hunt, Leigh, the writings of, 361 sq. Huskisson, William, 3; 762 Huss, Magnus, 688 Hyde Park, Reform meeting in, 340 sq. 209;
;
;
;
;
;
;
Ibrahim, Sultan of Turkey, 275 Ibsen, Henrik, Norwegian dramatist, 699; 701 sq. Iceland, 683 Constitution for, 694 ;
Idstedt, battle at, 225, 695
Nicholas, General, Russian ambassador at Constantinople, 634 li Kamon no Kami, daimio, 825; 829; 833 sq. 836 sqq. murder of, 841 ; 844 Hi, Russian expedition to, 273 Imam Baksh, and the Holkar host, 736 Ignatieff,
;
;
Ghar, fortress
of,
736
Immaculate Conception, dogma of, 712 sq. Immermann, Karl Lebrecht, 411 Imola, Mastai (Pius IX) at, 72 India (1815-69), Chap. XXVI; United States trade with, 15; 259; the Sepoy Mutiny in, 326 schemes for the government of, 329; 633; Napoelon I and, ;
637; 790" Indore, Minor Maharaja of, 726 Indus, navigation of, 736 Infallibility,
dogma
of,
712, 717 sqq. Severin, Danish no-
Ingemann, Bernhard velist, 698 Inglis, Sir John Eardley Wilmot, MajorGeneral, at Lucknow, 748 Inker man, battle of, 319, 364
Innocent XI, Pope, 713 Innsbruck, Emperor Ferdinand at, 175 sq. ; 180 Inouy6, Japanese noble, 860; 865 Inshiu, daimio of, 832; 834; 846; and Choshiu, 850; 852; 864 Ionian Islands, Greece and, 280 sq., 634; 640 sqq. Iranyi, Joseph, Hungarian politician, 156 Ireland, affairs in (1841-8), 7 sqq.; 310; Fenianism in, 343; Disestablishment in, 344 sq. the Roman Catholic Church in, 711 Irgai, battle of, 631 Irish Sea, submarine telegraph under, 346 Irrawaddy river, 727 Isabel II, Queen of Spain, 17; 33; 37 sq.; 462; proclaimed of age, 550; negotiations for the marriage of, 552 sqq.; and Serrano, marriage of, 554 sq. relations of, with her hus555 sqq. band, 556; gives birth to a son, 557; gives birth to a daughter, 559; 560; opposes the sale of Church lands, 561; and O'Donnell, 562, 567; character and Mexican affairs, 565 sq. of, 563; and Italy, 566; 567; Pius IX and, 568; the private life of, ib.; 569; dethronement of, 570 575 the Papacy and, 709 Isernia, fight at, 390 Isly river, French victory on, 35 Due de, see Bugeaud de la Piconnerie Ismail Pasha, Khedive of Egypt, 637 sq. Issik-Kul, lake of, 273; 631 Isturiz, Francisco Javier de, Spanish statesman, 554 sq. Itagaki, Japanese Councillor of State, 865 Itakura, Japanese Minister, 850 Italy, in Revolution (1846-9), Chap. IV; Cavour and (1849-61), Chap. XIV; the Completion of Unity in (1861-70), Chap. XIX (1) literature in (1846-70), Chap. XIX (2); Palmerston and, 17; 38; French intervention in, 121 sqq., 125 sq., 484 sq.; 152; and Hungary, 181, 207; 182; and the Swiss Sonderbund, 249; 260; Napoleon III and, 306 sqq., 462, 468, 473, 476, 478; English policy towards, 331 sq. 398; influence of, in Germany, 407; 443; and the AustroPrussian War, 454; Bismarck and, 446; alliance of, with Prussia, 447 sqq., 455, 479; makes peace with Austria, 457; obtains Venetia, 480 486 negotiations for a French alliance with, 494, 496; Spain and, 564, 566; 577; and the FrancoGerman War, 587, 611; and China, 819 It5, Prince, 848; 860; 865 ;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
Itzstein,
Johann
Adam
;
Baden
von,
tician, 61
Iwakura, Japanese noble, 858 864 sq. lyemitsu, Japanese Shogun, 825 lyenari, Japanese Shogun, 825 lyesada, Tycoon of Japan, 832 lyeyasu, Japanese Shogun, 825; 827 ;
poli-
1017
Index Jacoby, 157
German
Johann,
politician,
53;
Jacqueminot, Jean-Francois, Vicomte, French general, 97 State 726 Jaipur, of, Jaitpur, annexation of, 743 733 relief of, 734 735 Jalalabad, Jalandar, 740; mutiny at, 746 Jamaica, 757; negroes of, 761 James, Edwin John, barrister, 328 Jamna river, 726 Janda Khaur, regent in Lahore, 738 Jankoji, Raja of Gwalior, 737 Japan, Chap. XXVIII (2); 259; 802 Jaromer, see Josephstadt Jassy, riot at, 283 643 Java, Dutch rule in, 667 sq. Jechna Doab, 741 Jedda, disturbance at, 635 Jeffrey, Francis, Lord Jeffrey, 347 Jellacic von Buzim, Joseph, Count, Banus of Croatia, 177; 179; and the Croatian Diet, 180 sq. 182; invades Hungary, 183 sq. 185; marches on Vienna, 187; invades Hungary, at Schwechat, 189 202 sq.; 206; 209; 211; 217 Jena, University of, 150 Jenkins, Sir Richard, Resident of Nagpur, 726 Jensen, Adolf, German song- writer, 413 Jerusalem, Protestant bishopric at, 6; the Holy Places of, 305, 311, 313, 324, 635 Jesuits, the, in France, 23, 34, 36, 67 sq. in Switzerland, Gioberti and, 65 sqq. in Rome, 76, 79, 81 67, 239, 247 sqq. 126; at Graz, 155; and the dogma of the Immaculate Conception, 713; the Civilta Cattolica of, 714 Jeunesse, La, French journal, 486 Jews, in Rome, 74 the Hungarian Diet and the, 210 in Switzerland, 256 in Moldavia, 283 in parliament, 380 in Roumania, 646; in Sweden, 680; in Tuscany, 706 Jhansi, annexation of, 743; 746; 749 ;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
Jicin, see Gitschin
Dom, Prince of Portugal, death of, 574 Jochmus, A., German politician, 200 Jodhpur, State of, 726 Joao,
John, Archduke of Austria, 152; elected Reichsverweser, 165; 166 sqq.; 171; Regent of Austria, 176; 178; 189; the Frankfort Assembly and, 194 199 sq. resigns office, 230; 222 King of Saxony, 59 455 Joinville, Francois-F.-P.-L.-M. d'Orle'ans, Prince de, 505 ;
;
;
J6kai, Maurice,
Hungarian
novelist,
430
sq.
Joseph, Archduke of Austria, 673 - II, Emperor, 399; 401; 422; 431; 653; anti-papal policy 'of, 708 Field-Marshal (Jaromer), Josephstadt
Benedek at, 453 Baron Nicolas, Hungarian
J6sika,
426; 430
Baron Samuel, 152; 216
writer,
Journal des Debats, Le, 34 292 du Peuple, Le, French newspaper, 24 Judrez, Benito, Mexican statesman, 476 and Maximilian, 484 565 479 sq. Jung Bahadur, 749 Jungman, Josef, Cech writer, 653 sq. Jura, disturbances in, 240; 242; 246; 259 Jutland, 167; lost by the Danes, 441; provincial Diet of, 692 ;
;
;
;
Kabul, 731; evacuation of, 733; 735 Kachar, invaded, 727; 730 Kaffirs,
war with, 780;
sq.
restored to their
land, 781; 784 Kaffraria, British, 786
Kaga, daimid of, 832 Kagoshima, British squadron at, 846; 849; naval expedition to, 853 864 Kainardji, Treaty of, 313 ;
Kalahari desert, 783 Kalpi, rebels defeated at, 749 Kameke, General von, 586 sq. 589 Kamran Shah, ruler of Herat, 731 Kamschatka, Russian fortress in, 272 Kanagawa, 833; 836; opened to trade, 840; 842 Shah Shuja crowned at, Kandahar, 731 732; 733 sqq. Kangaroo Island, 792 Kankrin, Jegor, Count, Russian Minister of Finance, 265 sq. Kdpolna, Hungarians repulsed at, 205 Kara George Petrovich, Servian leader, 284 sq. Karachi, 346; 732; capture of, 736 Karageorgevich, Alexander, see Alexander Peter, see Peter Karakozoff, D., attempts to assassinate the Tsar, 626, 630 Karamzin, Nicolai Mikhailovich, Russian historian, 262 Karauli, State of, 726 Karim Khan, Pindari chief, 725 sq. Kdrman, Joseph, Hungarian writer, 423 Kashgar, Russia and, 632 Kashmir, 731; 732; 740 Katkoff, Michael, Russian journalist, 625 sq.; 629 Katona, Joseph, Hungarian dramatist, 424 430 sq. Kaufmann, Constantine von, Russian general, 631 sq. Kazalinsk Fort, 273 Kazinczy, Francis, Hungarian writer, 423 sqq.; 431 Keane, John, Lord Keane, Commander-inchief at Bombay, 732 Keate, Robert William, Governor of Natal, 787 Keats, John, poet, 350 Keble, John, and the Oxford Movement, 348; 354; 711 Keiller, James, manufacturer, 684 Keiskama river, 780 Kelat-i-Ghilzai, evacuation of, 735 ;
;
;
Index
1018
and the suppression of the Aargau monasteries, 246 Emile, Count, French politician, 469; 472 Ferdinand, archaeologist, 261 Gottfried, German writer, 261 ; 417
Keller, Augustine,
sqq.
Keme"ny, Sigismund, Baron, 426 sq. Kempenaar, de, Dutch Liberal, 663
Kennedy,
Edmund
430
;
B., Australian .explorer,
795 Kennicott, Robert, in the
Yukon
district,
633 Kern, J. Conrad, Swiss statesman, 256 Keshen, Chinese Commissioner, 809 Ketteler,
Wilhelm Emmanuel, Baron von,
Bishop of Mainz, 721 Keyser, Rudolf, Norwegian historian, 701 Kezanlik, Bulgarian raid on, 638 Khiva, 273; Khan of, and the Tsar, 630; Russian conquest of, 631 sq. Khokand, Khan of, 273 Russian conquest of, 632 Khozhend, taken by the Russians, 631 Kiachta, Russian army at, 816 sq. Kiangsu, province of, 821 Kido, Japanese Councillor of State, 865 Kieff, University of, 267; 625 ;
Kiel, Provisional
445; Treaty
Government
of,
682
at,
161
;
225;
sq.
Kider
Blatter, 692 Kierkegaard, Soren Aaby, Danish writer, 699 Kimberley, foundation of, 787 John Wodehouse, first Earl of (Lord Wodehouse), 343 Kineyri, fight at, 740 King, Richard, ride of, to Grahamstown, 782 William, Chief of the Ngati-Awa, 799 Kinglake, Alexander William, 364
Kingsley,
Charles,
writings
of,
359;
at
Cambridge, 363 Kingston, University of, 778 Kinker, Johannes, Dutch writer, 676 Kinsky, Rudolf, Prince, 655 Kioto, Chap. XXVIII (2) passim Kirghiz, the, and Russia, 273 Kirki, battle at, 726 Kisfaludy, Alexander, Hungarian poet, 423 Charles, Hungarian poet, 424 sq. 431 ;
Kishiu, Prince
of, 825, 832; 836; heir to the Tycoon, 837; 852; 855 Kiss, General, execution of, 214 Kisse"leff, Paul, Count, Russian Administrator of Moldo-Wallachia, 282 Kiu-kiang, captured by the "Taipings," 820 Kiutayeh, Kossuth at, 215 Klagenfurt, Gorgei interned at, 214 Klapka, George, Hungarian general, 204 sq.; 207; capitulates at Komorn, 213 Klausenburg (Magyar, Kolozsvar), 173; captured by Bern, 205 Kleist, Heinrich von, dramatist, 415 sq.
Kleist-Retzow, Hans von, Prussian politician, 160; 192 Kniazhevich, Alexander, Russian Minister of Finance, 619 Knicanin, Stephan Petrovich, Servian general, 211
Knoop, merchant in Russia, 272 Knowles, James Sheridan, dramatist, 352 Kobe", occupation of, 859 Kochubei, Prince, 264 Kolcsey, Francis, Hungarian poet, 424 Koniggratz (Sadowa), battle of, 340; 453; 457; 480 sq.; 483; 494; 540; 576 Koniginhof, Cech poems and Griineberg MS. found at, 654 Konigsberg, political agitation at, 53 54 157 Konigstein, Frederick Augustus II, King of Saxony, at, 219 Konneritz, Julius Traugott Jakob von, ;
;
Saxon statesman, 149 Kothen, see Anhalt-Kothen Koh-i-nur diamond, 732 Kok, Adam, South African chief, 783 Kokura, clan of, 849 sq. Kolaba, 743 Kolettes, John, Greek statesman, 279 Kolhapur, State of, 727 Kollar, Jan, Slovak poet, 655 Kolokol (the Bell), Russian journal, 625 sq. Kolowrat-Liebsteinsky, Franz, Count, 44; 152 sqq. resigns, 155, 171 Kolozsvdr, see Klausenburg Komorn (Komarom), in Hungarian occupation, 184; 204 sq.; relief of, 206; 210; Klapka at, 213 214 Kongeaa river, Danish frontier, 695 sq. Konoye", Japanese noble, 837; 839; 844 ;
;
Kopp, Eutychius,
historian, 261
Koregaon, the Peshwa's army repulsed at, 726 Korff, Modest, Baron, 614 Koriyama, chief of, 842 Kororarika, 793; burned, 794 Kosas tribe, destruction of, 786 Koshelyeff, Alexander, Russian writer, 625 Kossuth, Louis, 18; 152; and the revolutionary movement (1848), 153, 155 sq.; and the Hungarian Ministry, 172; and the Slavs, 173; 180; the financial measures of, 181 sq. 183; and Lamberg, 184; 187; and the siege of Vienna, 188; and Gorgei, 203 sq., 212; 205; appointed "Governor-President," 207; 209 sqq.; abdication and flight of, 212; 213 sq. in exile, 215; England and, 351, 393; 400; 405; writings of, 426, 431 ;
;
Kotzebue,
August
F.
F.
von,
German
writer, 699
Kowloon
peninsula, England and, 813 Kraevsky, Andrew, Russian journalist, 625
Krauss, Baron Philip von, Austrian Minister of Finance, 187; 190; 217 Krefeld, silk-weaving in, 259 Kremsier, the Reichstag at, 190 sq., 196 Kreusler, Wolrad, German song-writer, 413
1019
Index Kreuzzeitung, the, Prussian journal, 192 396 Kriza, John, Hungarian writer, 427 429 ;
;
Krok, Cech journal, 654 Kronstadt, occupied by Russia, 206 Kruger, Stephen John Paul, President of the Transvaal, 785 sq. Kudlich, Hans, Austrian politician, 179 Kiibeck, Baron Karl von, Austrian Minister, 155; 182; 217 Kiiper, Sir Augustus Leopold, Admiral, 846 Kujo, Chief Minister of the Mikado, 837 sqq., 844 Kulali, hospitals at, 321 Kulangsu Island, 809 Kulja, Russian occupation of, 632 Kumamoto, daimio of, 847 861 Kurig, Prince, Chinese plenipotentiary, 819 Kunishi, Japanese noble, 851 sq. 855 Kursk, peasant revolt in, 268 Kurume', daimio of, 846 Kutch, State of, 727 Kutchuk Kainardji, Treaty of, 282 Kuwana, Japanese noble, 832; 854; 859 858 clan, 851 Kuze", Japanese statesman, 844 Kyaikhalo, attack on, 728 ;
;
;
and Lamartine, Alphonse de, 32 39 sq. the Revolution of 1848, 102 sqq. foreign 109 and the Constituent policy of, 106, Assembly, 108 sqq. 113 and the Republican Constitution, 116; 124; 305; 508; the Histoire des Girondins of, 524 Lamberg, Franz Philipp, Count von, Austrian Field-Marshal, murder of, 184 Lambert, Commodore, at Rangoon, 742 Lambessa, Miot transported to, 139 Lambruschini, Luigi, Cardinal, Papal Secretary of State, 703 Lamennais, Abbe" F6licit6- Robert de, 27; 115; 707; 717 Lamoriciere, Christophe-Le'on-Louis Juchault de, French general, 113; 135 sq. 389 ;
;
;
La
Bisbal,
Count
O'Donnell
of, see
Lachat, Eugene, Bishop of Basel, 258 Lachlan river, exploration of, 792 Lacordaire, Jean-Baptiste-Henri, 23; 27; 120; and the opposition to Napoleon III, 469
La
Cour,
Edmond
de,
French ambassador
at Constantinople, 313
La Motte
Rouge, Joseph-Edouard de, French general, 602 sq. Larides, the, drainage of, 299 Landor, Walter Savage, 350 Landstad, Magnus Brostrup, Norwegian writer, 701 Langensalza, fight at, 452 Langlois, Captain, purchases Banks' Peninsula, 793
126
Victor- Ambroise,
Vicomte,
sq.
Lansdowne, Sir Henry Petty-Fitzmaurice, 320 third Marquis of, 309 ;
Lanskoi, Sergei, Count, 614 sq. Lanza, Giovanni, Italian statesman, 543 La Palisse, seized by the Democrats, 137 La Rive, Arthur Auguste de, physicist, 261 La Henri- AugusteRochejacquelein,
Georges du Verger, Marquis de, 469 472 Latour, Theodor Franz, Count Baillet von, Austrian Minister of War, 174; 176; 182; 185; murder of, 186; 188 ;
Ladenberg, Adalbert von, Prussian statesman, 230 Ladmirault, Louis-Rene"-Paul de, French at Gravelotte, 593 sq. general, 589 sqq. La Farina, Giuseppe, and the unity of Italy, 375 La Gorce, Pierre de, 324 Lagrange, Charles, French politician, 110; 136 Lagrene", Th6odore-M.-M.-J. de, mission of, to China, 811 La Gue"ronniere, Louis-Etienne-Arthur, Vicomte de, 382; 387; 467 sq. La Harpe, Fre"de>ic Ce"sar, Swiss politician, 239 Lahore, 731; affairs in, 738; peace with, 740; 741 Laing, Samuel, Financial Minister in India, 752 Lake, Gerard, Viscount Lake of Delhi, 720 Lai Sing, Sikh chief, 734 738 sq. Lalor, Peter, Speaker of the Victorian Assembly, 798 Lamarck, Jean-B.-P.-A. de Monnet, Chevalier de, 365 La Marmora, Alfonso Ferrero, General, 366 385; 536; sq.; sails for the Crimea, 373 and the war with Ministry of, 539 sq. 540 sq. Austria, ;
;
;
;
;
;
Lanjuinais,
Labiche, Eugene, French dramatist, 518
;
;
La Tour d'Auvergne Prince de, 126 Laube, Heinrich,
Lauragais, Charles,
German
writer,
411;
414 sqq. Lauenburg,
lost by Denmark, 338, 442; 445; 691; 694; 696 Laugier, Cesare de Bellecour, Comte de, Italian general, 84; 94 Launay, Gabriele de, General, Sardinian
Minister, 366 sq. Lausanne, International Congress at, 486 Laval, University of, 778 La Valette, Charles-J.-M.-F., Marquis de, 474 Lavardac, rising at, 137 Bernard-Martial-Barthe'leiny, Lavergne, French politician, 132 Lavroff, Peter, 630 Lawrence, Sir Henry Montgomery, British Resident at Lahore, 740 742 in Oudh, 748 John Laird Mair, Lord Lawrence, Governor-General of India, 740; 742; 744; 752 sq. Lawson, William, Australian explorer, 790 sq. ;
;
Index
1020
to Rome, 94, 123, 125 sq.; and the Suez Canal, 637 sq. Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim, 411; 415 sq. Leu, Joseph, assassinated, 247 Leuchtenberg, Nicolas Maximilianovich,
Learmonth, George, 649 Lebanon, administration of, 276; 636 Jean Louis Joseph, Belgian Lebeau, statesman, 669 of Marshal France, Leboeuf, Edmond, 495 sq. 541; and army reform, 581; 590 sq. Lecce, political persecution in, 379 Lecomte, Claude-Martin, French general,
of,
Duke
;
Lisle,
Charles-Marie,
Ledeganck, Karel, Flemish poet, 676 Lederer, Baron, General, at Pest, 180 Ledru-Rollin, Alexandre-Auguste, 25; 40; 97; 102; Minister of the Interior, 103; 106; and the elections, 107; and the Constituent Assembly, 108 sqq. 114; 123; and the Social Democratic party, 124 sq.; 126; 132 Leeds, pauperism in, 2
Leichhardt,
Friedrich
W.
L.,
Australian
explorer, 795 Leiningen, Charles, Prince of, see Charles 219 Leipzig, 59; disturbances in, 148 sq. Lelewel, Joachim, Polish historian, 657 Le Mans, 604 607 sqq. battle of, 610 Lemberg, popular council at, 174 ;
;
;
Lemercier, Jean-Louis-Anatole, Comte, 469 Lenau, Nikolaus, Austrian poet, 411 Lennep, Jacobus van, Dutch writer, 676 Leo XII (Annibale della Genga), Pope, 72;
716 Italian
poet,
II,
;
;
II, King of the Belgians, 645; accession of, 673 of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, Prince,
see
Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen Prince of Palermo, 553 at, 385 Lermontoff, Michael, Russian writer, 648 sq. Leroux, Pierre, French Socialist, 24; 108; 110 Lersundi, Francisco, Spanish general, 559 Lesghians, the, and Russia, 274 L'EspSe, Prefect de, killed at St Etienne, 503
Cavour
Lesseps, Ferdinand,
Vicomte
486
at,
;
and
Limburg,
.,
Germanic
602
;
confederation,
223; 667; 669; 674 Limoges, the Commune at, 503 Limpopo river, 782 Lin, Chinese Commissioner, 807; 810 Lincoln, Abraham, President of the United States, 336 Lindley, John, Professor of Botany, 10 Ling, Peter Henrik, Swedish poet, 686 Lingg, Hermann Ludwig Otto, poet, 414 Lintin, opium smuggling at, 806 Linz, the revolutionary movement at, 155
Lippe-Detmold, the revolutionary move-
ment
in, .150
Lisbon, 281; 572; cholera in, 574 Lisgar, Sir John Young, Lord, Governor-
General of Canada, 775 Lissa, naval battle at, 541 List, Friedrich, political economist,
54
Lithuania, 622
in,
Littler, Sir
;
repressive measures
629
John Hunter, Lieutenant-Gen-
739
Liverani, Eusebio, Monsignor, 531 Liverpool, financial crisis in, 327 336 and Manchester railway, 4 Plains, 790
;
Leri,
International Congress
;
Grand Duke of Tuscany, 78 sqq. and the war with and Italian Federation, Austria, 83 sq. retires to Gaeta, 91, 379; 89; 93; restoration of, 94 sq., 377 sq.; 383; revokes the Statute of 1848, 706 I, King of the Belgians, 669 sqq.; death of, 672
Leopold 68 sq.
(2);
upon, 245 Liliencron, Baron Detlev von, 413 Lille, 31 Republican banquets at, 40
eral,
Leopardi, Giacomo, Count, 546; 549
the the
after
Liestal, attack
Lefl6,
;
(2);
223 Li,e"ge,
;
;
IX
Chap.
Liber Pontificates, 718 Libussa, Princess, 654 Lichnowsky, Felix, Prince, murder of, 169 Liechtenstein, and Germanic confederation,
French
poet, 512; 514 sq.
Adolphe-Charles-Emmanuel, French general, 136 Lefrangais, Gustave, French politician, 502 Legations, the Papal, 71, 74; 468 Leghorn, reform agitation at, 78; revolt the Austrians at, 95 378 at, 90 Legnago, fortress of, 82 Lehmann, Orla, Danish politician, 167; 693
641
the,
Crimean War, Chap. XXII Austrian Lloyd service in, 394 Lewis, Sir George Cornewall, 765
501
Leconte de
of,
Levant,
de,
mission
Earl
Robert 790
Banks Jenkinson, second
of,
Livonia, repressive measures in, 629 Llorente, Alejandro, Spanish Minister of Finance, 559 Lobkowitz, Prince, Austrian AdjutantGeneral, 182
Loch, Henry Brougham, Lord Loch, in China, 819 Lockhart, John Gibson, 362 Locle, Le, Republican movement in, 253 Loigny, French repulse at, 605 Lombardo- Venetia (see also Lombardy), martial law in, 1 52 1 70 political trials in, 372 under the rule of Radetzky, 376 sq. 382 Lombardy, 70; hostility to Austria in, 75 sq. 78 81 the war in, 82, 84 sqq. union and Austria, 92 of, with Piedmont, 90 332; 384; 388; relinquished by Austria. 407; Garibaldi in, 533 ;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
1021
Index JLondon, peace negotiations at, 224; 300; Orsini in, 308; the Orsini Plot in, 327; Reform meetings in, 340; Garibaldi in, 351, 538 King Victor Emmanuel in, 373 Cavour in, 374; Mazzini in, 376; Exhi;
;
bition (1862) at, 486; Workmen's Inter596 625 national Association at, ib. ;
;
;
Conference of, 778; (1852) in, 255; Protocol (1852) of, 226, 436 sq., 439 sqq.. 477; Treaty of (1852), 696; Mexican Convention (1861) in, 565; Schleswig-Holstein Conference (1864) in, 441 sq. Canadian Conference (1866) in, 771; Luxemburg Conference (1867) in, Black Sea Conference 483, 667, 674; (1871) in, 634, 639 Missionary Society, 779; 783
Convention (1814)
;
London Magazine, 362 Review, 362 Longuet, Charles, French political writer, 486 Loots, Cornelis, Dutch writer, 676 Loreto, Pius IX and, 706 Lornsen, Uwe Jens, Schleswig official, 692 Lorraine, 49; 498; the French army in, 581 sqq. the war in, 585, 587; ceded by France, 612 Los Castillejos, Marquis of, see Prim, Juan Lothringen, see Lorraine Loudon, James, Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, 668 ;
Archduke of Austria, see Ludwig King of Bavaria, see Ludwig - XVIII, King of France, 174; 681; and Sweden, 683 the Great, King of Hungary, 421 429 King of Portugal, see Luiz Louis-Napoleon, Emperor of France, see Napoleon III Louis-Philippe, King of France, and the Louis,
;
Spanish marriages, 17, 553 sqq.; 22; 28 sq. and Tahiti, 35 and Thiers and 73 81 Guizot, 37 Thiers and, 40 sq. 96; dismisses Guizot, 97 sq. and Thiers, 98 sq. and the Revolution of 1848, 100 sqq. and Switzerabdicates, 101 land, 249; 288; 556; 671; 793 Louisa, Queen of Prussia, 151 Louise, Queen of Denmark, 695 sq. Louise-Marie, Queen of the Belgians, 671 Louie, Marquis of, Portuguese statesman, 571 574 sq. Lourdes, miracles of, 714 Lovedale, Free Church educational mission, Sir George Grey and, 786 Lowe, Sir Robert, see Sherbrooke, Viscount Lubecki, Frantisek, Polish statesman, 658 Lucan, George Charles Bingham, third Earl of, 330 the national movement in, Lucca, 69 sq. 75 and union with Piedmont, 84 88 Lucena, Count of, see O'Donnell, Enrique Lucknow, mutiny at, 746; relief of, 748; 749 Ludiana, attack on, 739 ;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
Ludwig, Archduke of Austria, 44 retirement
-
I,
;
and the Ultra-
of Bavaria,
King
152 sqq.
;
171
of,
montanes, 61 sq. and Greece, 278
abdication
;
of Bavaria, 397
of,
146;
465 sq. King Otto, German dramatist, 415 sqq.; novels of, 419 420 II,
;
;
Liibeck, the revolutionary movement in, 151 Liiders, Alexandre Nicolaievich von, Russian general, 206; 211; 659 Liitzow, Count Rudolf von, Austrian Minister in Rome, 71 77 ;
Lugos, 211; fight at, 213 Luitpold, Prince (of Bavaria), 146 Luiz I, King of Portugal, 534; 570 sq.; accession of, 574 Lusignan, opposition to Napoleon III at,473 Luxemburg, Duchy of, and the Zollverein, 53; neutralisation of, 462; France and, 483 580 667 Belgium and, 669 674 sq. Luzac, Dutch Liberal, 663 Luzern, 234; government of, 235; 237; reaction in, 238; 240; joins the Siebnerand the Articles konkordat, 242; 244 sq. of Baden, 246; and the Aargau monasanti- Jesuit risings in, ib.; teries, 247; 251 Lydenburg, district of, 785 ;
;
;
;
;
Lyndhurst, John Singleton Copley, Lord, 2 Lyons, 31; Louis-Napoleon at, 134; 243; silk-weaving in, 259 290 Gambetta at, 498; the Commune at, 503; 601 608 sq. Lytton, Lord (Edward G. E. Lytton Bulwer-Lytton), Colonial Secretary, 330; the dramas of, 352 the novels of, 358 Lyveden, Lord, see Smith, Robert Vernon ;
;
;
;
Mabinogion, the, and Lady Charlotte Guest, 352 Macao, slavery abolished at, 575; 804; death of Napier at, 805; 806; 810; 819 McArthur, John, Captain, in Australia, 791 Lord Thomas Babington, Macaulay, Macaulay, 361 sqq.; 751 Macdonald, Sir John Alexander, Premier of Canada, 769 sqq. 775 McDougall, William, Canadian politician, 769; 775 McGee, Thomas D'Arcy, Canadian politician, 775 McGill University, 778 Canadian politician, 770 Mackenzie, district of, 776 MacLean, Sir Donald, New Zealand statesman, 799 ;
Macmahon, Marie-E.-P.-M., Count de, Due de Magenta, Marshal of France, 496 582 sq. at Worth, 584 sq. 586 sq. forms the army of Chalons, 595 marches at Sedan, 597 sq. to the Meuse, 596 sq. 599 sqq. Macnaghten, Sir William Hay, 731 733 Lady, 733 Magon, banquet to Lamartine at, 40 ;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
Index
1022
Macpherson, James, the Ossian of, 352 Macquarie river, exploration of, 792 Lachlan, Governor of New South Wales, 789 Madach, Imre, Hungarian dramatist, 430 Madagascar, 778 Madier de Montjau, Noel-Frangois-Alfred, French politician, 124; 136 Madoz, Pascual, Spanish politician, 551 Madras, Pindaris in, 725; High Court of, 751 military system of, 752 sq. Madrid, revolutionary risings in, 556 sqq. martial law in, 559; revolution in, 560, 570; fighting in, 562; mutinies in, 566 University of, 567 sq. Madvig, Johan Nikolai, Danish scholar, 699 Magdala, storming of, 753 Magenta, battle of, 383, 403, 468 ;
;
;
Due Magnan,
de, see
Macmahon Marshal
Bernard-Pierre,
of
France, 134
Magne,
Pierre,
Maguire,
John Francis,
Irish
politician,
Aimable-J.-J.
Due
PeUissier,
de,
Marshal of France, 322; 328
Manitoba, Province
Mannheim, (1848)
in,
of,
effect of the
776 sq. French Revolution
145; 147
Manning, Henry Edward, Cardinal, and the Syllabus, 716 Mansfield, Sir William Rose (afterwards Lord Sandhurst), Commander-in-chief in India, 752
Edwin Hans Karl, Baron von, Prussian field-marshal, 191; 409 sq.; mission of, to St Petersburg, 456 in the Franco-German War, 606 sq. 609 sq. Otto, Baron von, Prussian statesman, 193; 198; and the Hesse-Cassel at the Dresden Confercrisis, 229 sqq. 395 sq. 403 William I ence, 232 sq.
Manteuffel,
;
;
Malmesbury, James Howard Harris, third Foreign Secretary, 21; 328; 331 166; 168; 224 Malon, Benoit, French politician, 502; 505 Malta, British fleet at, 313 753 Malters, fight at, 247 Maly, Jakub, Cech political writer, 656 Mama Sahib, 737 Mameli, Goffredo, poet, 545 Mamiani, Terenzio della Rovere, Count, Italian statesman, 89 93 Manabe", member of the Council, at KiSto, 837 sqq. of,
Malmoe Truce,
;
;
Manchester, insanitary state of, ances at, 2 Fenians in, 344
;
;
;
and, 406 Mantua, 82; investment of, 84; 85 sq. ; 88 conspiracy in, 376 sq. 384 Manzoni, Alessandro, Italian poet, 546 sqq. Maori, the, and the Settlement of New ;
;
Zealand, 792 sq.
;
799
sq.
Maranoa river, exploration Maratha War, 725 sqq.
of,
795
Marathon, brigandage at, 643 Marches, the Italian, national movement 384;
in,
387;
390;
invasion
of,
469;
annexed to Italy, 709 Marfori, Carlos, Marquis of Loja, 568 sq. Margarita, Clemente Solaro della, 70 sq. 75 530
;
;
Margotti, editor of Unita Cattolica, 714 Marguerite, Jean-Auguste, French general,
598
Queen of the Two Sicilies, 380 Queen of Portugal, 572 sq. Cristina of Naples, Queen of Spain, 38 550 sq. and the marriage of her daughters, 553 sqq. withdraws to Paris,
Maria,
II,
Malay archipelago, the Dutch in, 667 Malays, in Cape Colony, 778 Malcolm, Sir John, Indian statesman, 726 Maleville, Francois-Jean-Le'on de, French Minister of the Interior, 118; 127; 133 Malghera, fort of, captured, 95 Malherbe, Frangois de, French poet, 508 Malines, Catholic Congress at, 714
;
Venice, 82; 84; 86; restored to office, 90; at Venice, 95; 374; and Italian unity, 375; 488
;
French statesman, 133; 297
344 Maharajpur, British force at, 738 Mahmud II, Sultan of Turkey, 275; 278 Shah, ruler at Kabul, 731 Maine, State of, 777 de Biron, Francois-P.-G., 526 Mainz, revolutionary movement at, 145; 228; claimed by France, 457, 483 Maistre, Joseph, Count de, and the Papacy, 707 Maitland, Sir Thomas, in Portugal, 572 Makhran, fight at, 632 Maksutoff, Prince, Governor of Alaska, 632 Malacca, Straits of, Great Britain and, 667 Malaga, socialistic riots at, 570 Malakhoff, the, capture of, 322 sq.
Earl
Mandavi, 743 Manet, Edouard, painter, 528 Mangan, James Clarence, poet, 352 Manin, Daniele, 76; and the revolution in
1
;
disturb-
;
;
;
556; 557; corrupt practices of, 559 sq.; leaves Spain, 561 Frederica Amelia, Queen of Greece,
639 sqq. Louisa Augusta, Princess of Prussia (afterwards German Empress), 159 Luisa Fernanda, Infanta, see Montpensier, Duchesse de 574 Pia, Queen of Portugal, 534 Theresa, Empress, 421 sq. Marie, Empress of Russia, 263 625 Amelie, Queen of the French, 101 Henriette, Queen Consort of Leopold II of Belgium, 673 Louise, Duchess of Parma, formerly Empress of the French, 69 Alexandre-Thomas, 26; 39; 102; Minister of Public Works, 104; 108; 118 Marivaux, Pierre Carlet de Chamblain de, 528 ;
;
1023
Index Maryborough, Province of, 799 Marmotan, French politician, 502 Marongio Nurra, Emmanuel, Bishop of Cagliari, 368 Maronites, the, and the Druses, 276 Marquesas Isles, France and, 35; 793 Marrast, Armand, 26; 39; 102 sq. 108; 110; and the Republican Constitution, 115; President of Assembly, 118; 124 Marsala, Garibaldi at, 388, 533 Marsden, Samuel, in Australia, 791, 793 Marseillaise, French journal, 492 Marseilles, 31; 114; 137; land-bank at, 298; 302; the Commune at, 503 Mars-la-Tour, 589; battle at, 590 sq.; 594 sq.; 592 Martaban, capture of, 728, 742 Martin, Alexandre (dit Albert), see Albert of Strassburg, Edouard, 99; 101; 110 Marx, Karl, 53 Mason, James Murray, American envoy to Europe, 335 Massari, Giuseppe, Neapolitan patriot, 536 Massow, Ludwig Joachim Valentin von, Marshal of the Prussian Court, 191 Mastai, Paolino, Monsignor, and Pius IX, ;
Ireland, 8; 12
Gotha meeting,
Mataudaira, Japanese Councillor of State, 832; 834 Matthias (Corvinus) the Just, King of Hungary, 421 Matun, British success at, 728
Maundsaur, Treaty of, 726 Maupas, Charlemagne-Emile de, Prefect of Haute-Garonne, 134 sqq. 141 Minister ;
;
of Police, 291 sq. Mavrocordatos, Alesaandro, Prince, 279 Maximilian, Emperor of Mexico (Ferdinand Maximilian Joseph, Archduke of Austria),
Governor
of Lombardo-Venetia, 374; 377; proclaimed Emperor, 477; 479; death of, 483 sq. 565 II, King of Bavaria, accession of, 146; 200; and Hesse-Cassel, 229; 397 ;
Maynooth
9 136
College,
Mazas, prison of, Mazzini, Giuseppe, 65; the Giovine Italia of, 67, 69; appeals to Pius IX, 78; in in Rome, 93 sq. 121 sq. ; Florence, 91 ;
of,
150;
in
the
Franco-German War,
603 sqq., 607, 610 59 150 sq.
Mecklenburg-Strelitz,
movement
in,
George, Grand
Mehemet
revolutionary
;
Duke
of,
151
Pasha of Egypt, 636 Mehidpur, engagement at, 726 Melbourne, founding of, 792; 795 Ali,
William Lamb, Viscount, 15;
20;
731 Melchthal, Arnold von, 261
Melegnano, battle Melilla,
Arab
at,
383
raids near, 564
;
;
at the
;
Count Mensdorff-Pouilly, Alexander, Austrian Foreign Minister, General, 448 444; Menshikoff, Alexander Sergeievich, Prince, mission of, to 306; Constantinople, 313 sq., 316; in the Crimea, 317, 319 Garibaldi defeated Mentana, at, 485 sq. ;
IX Masuda, leader of Choshiu warriors, 851 sq. 855 Matabele, the, Boers massacred by, 781 782 Matari, Napier at, 737 Math6, Felix, French politician, 139 Mathew, Theobald, Father, influence of, in
166;
Mecklenburg, reaction in, 397 Mecklenburg-Schwerin, 59 revolutionary movement in, 150 sq. - Frederick Francis II, Grand Duke
;
72
145; 164; 221; 446
;
French politician, 502 Melun, Vicomte de, 120 Melville Island, 790 Menabrea, Federigo Luigi, Italian statesman, 542 sq. Mendizabal, Juan Alvarez, Spanish statesman, 555 sq.
Mastai-Ferretti, Giovanni Maria, see Pius
Mathy, Karl, Baden statesman, 61 sqq.
380; and the Sicilian Revolution, 388 sq.; 391; Ricasoli and, 531; 532; and King Victor Emmanuel, 537 sq. 539; 542; 547; 705 Mazzoni, Giuseppe, Tuscan' triumvir, 91 Meagher, Thomas Francis, Irish Nationalist, 13
;
and French intervention, 125; 245; 351; 366; in Milan, 372; 374; and the Genoa in London, 376; 377; rebellion, 375;
Me'line, Jules,
543 Mercantini, Luigi, Italian poet, 545 Mercier de Lostende, French ambassador at Madrid, 571 Meredith, George, 361 Merime'e, Prosper, 520 sq. Mermillod, Gaspard, curi of Geneva, 258 Merode, Saverio de, Monsignor, 389; 705 Mersey, the Alabama built on, 336 Mertz, Friedrich Wilhelm von, Austrian field-marshal, 184 Messenhauser, Wenzel, Commander of the Viennese National Guard, 188 sq. Messenia, insurrections in, 279 Messina, rising at, 79 sq. 85; capture of, 92 ;
Lazar, General, Hungarian Meszaros, Minister of War, 204; 210; 213; at
Widdin, 215 Metastasio, Pietro Bonaventura, 423 Metcalfe, Sir Charles Theophilus (afterwards Lord Metcalfe), in India, 729, 731 ; Governor of Canada, 759, 767 Metternich, Melanie, Princess, 154
Metternich-Winneburg, Clement Wenceslas L., Prince, and Palmerston, 17; 39; 41; 44; and Prussia, 48; 56; and Italy, 71;
Index
1024
75, 77 sq.; fall of, 81; 143; 152; 153; resignation and flight and Bern, 236; and Switof, 154; 233; 658; and zerland, 244 sq., 249 sq.;
and Pius IX,
Gregory XVI, 703 708 Metz, 464; Bazaine in, 496 580; Napoleon III at, 582; French army in, 588 sqq.; German advance on, 599; capitulation ceded by France, 612 of, 498, 603; 604; Meucci, Filippo, Italian song-writer, 545 Meurthe, arrests in, 138 Meuse, 589 sqq.; German army corps at, 594; Macmahon's march to, 595 sqq. Mevissen, Gustav, German Liberal leader, 53 Mexico, 447; the French in, 476 sq., 479, 481, 484; 554; European intervention 683 in, 565 sq. Meyer, Conrad Ferdinand, 261 ; 412 Meyerskappel, battle at, 251 ;
;
;
Mezieres, French
army corps
598; 600;
at,
Miram6n, Miguel, Mexican statesman, 565 Mirat, mutiny at, 746 sq. Mitchel, John, Irish Nationalist, 13 Mitchell, Sir Thomas Livingstone, Australian explorer, 792 795 Mito, Prince of, 825; 838 sqq.; 847; 849; ;
852 Mittermaier, Karl Joseph Anton, President of the Vorparlament, 163 sq. Mocquard, Jean-Frangois-Constant, French politician, 135; 387 Modena, 69 sq. ; national movement in, 75; and union with Piedmont, 83, 386; 84; 88; 381; 468 Moe, Jorgen, Norwegian writer, 701 Morike, Eduard, German poet, 414; 420 Moga, Johann, Hungarian general, 184; 189; 203 Mogador, bombarded by the French, 35 Mohl, Robert von, 164; Prussian Minister of Justice, 166
Mohmand
609 Miani, British victory at, 737 Micara, Cardinal, 703 Michael, Grand Duke of Russia, Viceroy of the Caucasus, 633 Ill Obrenovich, Prince of Servia, 285; 634; 647 sq. Michel de Bourges, French democrat, 132; 134; 136 Michelet, Jules, 34; 36; 39; 509; 523 sq. Mieroslawski, Ludwig, Polish general, 46; in Sicily, 72; in Baden, 221 Mignet, Frangois-Auguste-Marie, 524 revolution in, rising in, 79 Milan, 75 sq. ;
;
81; and Piedmont, 83, 85 sq.; 88 sq.; disturbances at, 152; the Austrians in, 182; 243; 373; 374; under the rule of
Radetzky, 376 sq. 383 II Obrenovich, Prince of Servia, 285 IV, King of Servia, 634, 648 ;
attacks
the
of
Milano, Agesilao, King Naples, 380 battle 388 Milazzo, at, Mileto, Garibaldi lands near, 534 Russian statesman, Miliutin, Nicholas, 613 sq. 621 629 ;
Mill,
"
;
John Stuart, and India, 329;
Ireland, 343
and
sq. autobiography of, 362 Millet, Jean-Frangois, French painter, 528 Milosh Obrenovich, Prince of Servia, 284 sq. 647 Miloslav, Prussian reverse at, 164 Milton, John, 351 Mincio, the, 85 the war on, 86 89 Minghetti, Marco, Italian statesman, 71; ;
;
;
;
81; 89; and the Consorteria Ministry, 535; Ministry of, 536 sqq. dismissed, 539 Minto, Gilbert Elliot, first Earl of, 731 Gilbert Elliot, second Earl of, 17; 78 Miot, Jules-Francois, French Republican, 136; 139 Miquelon, island of, 776 ;
Miraflores,
554; 566
Marquis
of,
Spanish statesman,
743 390 Moldavia (see also Roumania), Hungarian invasion of, 211; 281 sqq.; Napoleon III and, 306; Russian occupation of, 314, 316 sq., 401; 321; independence of, 323; union of, with Wallachia, 633, 643 sq. Mole", Louis-Mathieu, Count, 33; 98; 130; 133 Molembo, slavery abolished at, 575 Molesworth, Sir William, 16; 764 sqq., 976 Moliere, Jean-Baptiste Poquelin de, 516 Molise, peasant movement in, 536 Molitor, Gabriel-Jean-Joseph, Marshal of France, 119 Moltke, Count Karl, Danish statesman, 168; 694 sq. tribe,
Mola, fight
at,
Helmuth K. B., Count von, 406; mission of, to Florence, 448; and the Austro-Prussian War, 452 sq. 456 and army reform, 579 the plan of campaign of, 580; conduct of the Franco-German ;
;
;
War
by, 582 sqq. Alejandro, Spanish Minister of Finance, 551 sq. 559; 566 Moncalieri, proclamation of, 367 Monck, Charles Stanley, Lord Monck, Governor-General of Canada, 768 sq. 775
Mon,
;
;
Mongolia, Russian privileges
in, 819 Monnard, Charles, historian, 261 Mont Cenis Tunnel, 371 Montalembert, Charles Forbes, Comte de, 27; 34; Guizot and, 40; 114; 120; and the Pope, 121; 126; 128; Victor Hugo and, 131; and Napoleon III, 296, 469; 297; 371; 714; and the Vatican Council, 721 Montanaro, 86; battle of, 94 Montanelli, Giuseppe, Italian politician, 65; 69; 90 sq. 377 Montargis, rising at, 137 ;
Montauban, Charles-G.-M.-A.-A. Cousin-, see Palikao, Comte de
1025
Index Montebello, battle of, 383 Montemolfn, Carlos Luis, Count of (Carlos VI), 553 564 Montenegro, Turkey and, 277; 533; disturbances in, 636 Monterotondo, Garibaldi at, 542 sq. Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat, Baron de la Brede et de, 524 Montez, Lola, 61 145 sq. Monti, Vincenzo, Italian poet, 549 Montpensier, Antoine-Marie-Philippe-Louis d' Orleans, Due de, marriage of, 17, 33, 37 sq., 553 sqq. 101 ordered to leave Spain, 569; 570 Marie-Louise-Fernande de Bourbon, Duchesse de, marriage of, 17, 33, 37 sq., 557 and the Mexican throne, 553 sq. 565; ordered to leave Spain, 569 M6or, Hungarian defeat at, 203 Moravia, 171; and Hungary, 202; Austrian troops in, 448, 452 Morny, Charles- Louis-Joseph, Due de, 131 134 sq. Minister of the Interior, 136; 137 sq. President of the Chamber, 294 297; 299; 327; supports Napoleon III, 471; 472; 482 Morocco, 16; French policy in, 35 Spanish war in, 564 565 sq. Morris, William, poet, 357 Morrison, Robert, missionary, 812 Mortara, Agricultural Congress at, 75 ;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
Moscow, 266; serfs at, 267; 270; 615; 618; local government in, 621; 625; PanCongress at, 634 625 sq. Moselle, 580; the French retire behind, 588; 589; 592 Moshesh, Basuto chief, 783 787 Mossorin, Hungarian reverse at, 211 slavist
Moscow
Gazette,
;
Moustier, Lionel, Marquis de, French ambassador at Berlin, 403; Foreign Minister,
483
Mowat,
Sir
Oliver,
Canadian
politician,
769
Mozambique, 574
;
European settlement
at,
575; 778
Mudki, Sikh force at, 739 Miiller, Johannes von, historian, 261 Miinchengratz, Austrian repulse at, 453 Miinsingen, political meeting at, 240 Mulder, Gerrit-Jan, and the Dutch bishoprics, 665 Mulraj, Governor of Multan, 740 Multan, rebellion at, 740 sq. "Multatuli," see Dekker Munch, Andreas, Norwegian poet, 701 Peter Andreas, Norwegian historian, 701
Munich, 61; revolutionary movement in, 145 sq. 712 sq. Munkacs, surrenders to the Russians, 213 Munoz y Sanchez, Agustin Fernando, see ;
Duke
of
Rianzares, Murat, Napoleon-Lucien-Charles,
119 C. M.
H. XX.
Muratori, Ludovico Antonio, historian, 706 Muravieff, Michael, and the emancipation in Lithuania, 629 of the serfs, 614 sq. ;
Nicolai, Governor-General of Eastern Siberia, 272 sq. Murcielago, El (The Bat), Spanish journal,
559
sq.
Murillo,
Juan Bravo,
Bravo Murillo
river,
855 856 sqq. Muzzarelli, Carlo, Monsignor, 91 ;
Myede, Burmese army
at, 728 Mysore, British administration
in,
730
Nachod, 452 fight at, 453 Nadaud, Martin, French deputy, 136 Nageli, Karl Wilhelm, botanist, 260 ;
retainer of
Nagano Shuzen, Kami, 837
li
Kamon
no
Nagasaki, foreign traders at, 823; Dutch factory at, 828; 830 sq. port of, opened, 833 839 sq. 843 British firm at, 846 848; 859; Roman Catholic mission at, 861 sq. Nagpur, 725 sq. annexation of, 743 Nagy Sarlo, Austrian defeat at, 206 Nagyvarad, see Grosswardein Nakagawa, Prince, the Mikado's chief adviser, 849 Nakai, defends the English Minister at Kioto, 861 Nakhichevan, acquired by Russia, 274 Nalaczy, Joseph, Hungarian writer, 422 ;
;
;
;
;
;
Nambu
clan,
859
Nana Sahib
(Dhondev Pant), 727;
at
Cawnpore, 747 sq.; 749 Nancy, 30; political demonstrations at, 137; 586; 589; German force at, 592 Nanking, British force at, 809; 813; the " "Taipings at, 820 sq.; Treaty of, 807, 811 Napier, Sir Charles, Admiral, in the Baltic,
317 Sir
Charles James,
Sind, 735 sqq.
;
Commander
in
745
Robert Cornells, Lord Napier of Magdala, 749; 753 Sir William Francis Patrick, as a historian, 364 William John, Lord Napier, mission of, to China, 805; 810 the situation in, 69 70 75 Naples, 41 movement for reform in, 79 sq. and the Conthe war with Austria, 84 sq. 89 sq. stitutional regime in, 87 sq. 240; Garibaldi in, 332; 375; reaction Emmanuel Victor in, in, 379 sq. King 389 sq., 533 sq. difficulties of government in, 530 531 brigandage in, 535 sq. Pius IX and, 706 annexed to Italy, 709 ;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
Prince,
see
exploration of, 792, 795 Musaffar-ed-din, Amir of Bokhara, 630 sq. Musset, Louis-Charles-Alfred de, 508; 512; the poetry of, 513; comedies of, 515 Mutsu Hito, Mikado of Japan, accession of,
Murray
;
;
;
66
Index
1026
Napoleon I, Emperor of the French, 24; and the Helvetian Republic, 235 sqq. 259; 287; 292; 296; 302; and the' Prussian army, 579; and India, 637; and the Gallican Church, 707 ;
of the French, Palmerston and, 18; 21; 24; elected to the
Emperor
Ill,
Constituent Assembly, 110 sq. 117; elected President, 118; and Pius IX, and the 378, 468, 478; 121, 128; Italian expedition, 123, 126; 127; appoints a new Ministry, 129; and the Education Acts, 130 sq. ; measures by, autoagainst the Republicans, 131 sq. cratic aims of, 133 sqq.; and the Coup ;
;
d'etat of
December, 135 sqq.;
promul-
Constitution of 1852, 140; proclaimed Emperor, 141 246; mediates between Prussia and Switzerland, 255 character and aims of, 286 s"q. ; sq. ; gates
the
;
foreign policy of, 287 sq., 305 sq. ; administration of, 288 sqq.; and the imperial marriage of, 293 ; and family, 292 sq. the Church, 295 sq.; 297 sqq.; and ;
improvements assassination
in Paris, 303;
attempted
304, 327, 375; 306; Great Britain, 307, 328 sqq., 338; of,
and and the French claims in Jerusalem, 311 sq.; and Nicholas I, 312; and the peace negotiations (1855), 322 sq. 370; and Cavour, 371; and Italy, 306 sq.; 373 alliance of, with Piedmont, 376, 381 and the war with Austria, 383 sq. ; sq. 385 annexes Nice and Savoy, 386 sqq. 389; and the kingdom of Italy, 390; and Austria, 393, 403, 407; proposes a Congress, 436; 445; meets Bismarck at Biarritz, 446 sq.; 448; and the ItaloPrussian alliance, 449; and the AustroPrussian War, 450 sq., 453 sqq.; and Luxemburg, 462, 483, 675; personal policy of, 467; Italian policy of, 468, clerical opposition to, 474, 478, 484 sq. 468 sq. and the Anglo-French Treaty of Commerce, 469 sq. continued opposition and Poland, 475; and to, 471 sqq.; Mexican affairs, 476 sq., 484, 565 sq.; and Schleswig-Holstein, 477; and the North German Confederation, 480; 482; visits the Emperor of Austria, 484 and army reform, 487, 494; compelled to grant constitutional reforms, 489 sqq.; and the plebiscite, 493; and the crisis with Prussia, 494 sq.; deposed, 500; Victor Hugo and, 510; and Italy, 530 sqq., 544; and the cession of Venetia, 540; Bismarck and, 540; 547; Spain and, 564; and the Spanish succession, 570; humiliates Portugal, 574; attitude of towards Prussia, 576 sq. and the European situation in 1870, 577; declares war against Prussia, 463 sq., 578; the plan of campaign of, 581 sq. conduct of the war by, 583 sqq. appoints Bazaine to the command, 588; retires ;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
to Verdun, 590; at Chalons, 594 sq.; at Sedan, 496, 597 sq.; 600; Bismarck negotiates with, 611; and Alexander II, 633; and the Suez Canal, 638; and
XV
Moldo-Wallachia, 644; and Charles and the occupation of Rome, 706 sq. and Pius IX, 708; and Victor Emmanuel, 709; 714; and the Vatican, 717 Napoleon, Eugene-L.-J.-J., Prince Imperial, at Saarbriicken, 583 of Sweden, 690; ;
see
Prince,
Bonaparte,
Napoleon-
J.-C.-P.
Narbonne, the
Commune
at, 503 Nariaki of Mito, 828; 832; opposes the Tycoon, 834; 836 sqq.; death of, 841; 844 Ndrodni Noviny, Cech journal, 656 Narodnoye Dyelo, Russian journal, 630 Narvaez, Ram6n Maria, Duke of Valencia, Ministry of, 551 sqq.; 554; returns to office (1847), 556 sq.; retires, 557; 558; and Bravo Murillo, 558 sq. 560 forms a Ministry (1856), 562; dismissal of, 563; Ministry of (1864-5), 566 sq. fifth Ministry of, 567 sq. death of, 568 Naryn, fortress at, 632 Nasirabad, mutiny of, 746 Nassau, revolutionary movement in, 144; 147; and the German Union, 222; 450; 454 sq. Adolf, Duke of, 147 House of, 674 Natal, Boers in, 781 sq. ; a British colony, 782 sq. 788 Natalia, Republic of, 782 Nation, The, Irish newspaper, 7 sq. National Colonisation Society, 792 National, Le, French newspaper, 26 sq.; 34; 36; 42; 96; 99; 102; 127 Nat-padi, capture of, 728 Nauplia, French occupation of, 277; 278; 640 Nelson, New Zealand, 793; 796; 799 ;
;
;
;
;
Louis-Charles-P.-R.
Nemours,
Due
d'Orle"ans,
de, 32; 101
Nesselrode, Count Charles Robert, 633 828 Nettement, Alfred, and the opposition to Napoleon III, 469 ;
Neuchatel, Frederick William IV of Prussia and, 143, 227, 234, 242, 245; surrendered by the King of Prussia, 255 sq. ; rising at, 152; 234; 236; constitution of, 238; 242; submits to the Confederation, 245; 250 sqq. revolution in, 253 259 Neue Preussische Zeitung, see Kreuzzeitung ;
;
Neufchateau, French retreat to, 585 Nevers, Land-bank at, 298 New Brunswick, 757; 763; union of, with Canada, 770 sq. 777 New Plymouth, Province of, 796; 799 sq. New South Wales, 16; British administration in, 789 sq. development of, 791 sq. ;
;
795; gold
799
in,
796; 797; population
;
of,
1027
Index New New
York, financial
327
crisis in,
Zealand, Constitution of, 16, 796; 760; British rule in, 761; development of, 792 sqq. progress of, 799 801 Association, 793 Company, 793 796 ;
;
;
Newcastle, Australia, 790 ;
of,
in, ib.
;
;
;
general, 128 Niccolini, Giavan
Battista, Italian poet, 70; 545; 548 Nice, 88; Great Britain and, 332, 334; ceded to France, 386 sqq., 468; 577 Nicholaievsk, port of, 272 Nicholas I, Tsar, and Gregory XVI, 71; and Metternich, 154; 189; and Prussia, 200; aids Austria, 208 sqq.; 213; and Gorgei, 214; and the Emperor Francis Joseph, 217; and the King of Prussia,
and Schleswig-Holstein, 225 and Hesse-Cassel, 229 sq. character and policy of, 262 sqq.; legal reforms by, 264 sq. and the serfs, 224, 395; sq.
228
;
;
;
;
268
results of the reign of, 274; and Turkey, 277, 312 sq. ; and Napoleon and the causes of the III, 307, 312; Crimean War, 314 sqq. ; 321; 324; and sq.
;
Bengal, 734 Niebuhr, Marcus C. N. von, 191 to Frederick William IV, 396
Nova
Scotia, 757 with Canada, 770
759
;
Novaliches,
Commander
sq.
union
;
at of,
sq.
Marquis
of,
see
Pavfa,
Don
Manuel Novalis, see Hardenberg, Friedrich
Ludwig
von Novara, battle of, 93 sqq., 121, 207, 366 sq. Novdant, German force at, 589 Nugent, Count Laval, Austrian fieldmarshal, 84; 86 Nuytz, Canonist, 712 Nyassaland, exploration of, 575
;
;
;
;
Oberiander, Martin Gotthard, Saxon Minister, 149
Obrenovich, House
secretary
of,
647
O'Brien, James (Bronterre), Chartist, 19 William Smith, Irish Nationalist, 8 sq. and the repeal of the Corn Laws, 11; 13 Ochsenbein, Ulrich, Swiss politician, 247 251 253 sq. sq. ;
;
;
French position on, 588 Adolphe, Marshal of France, 487; 577; 581 Nievo, Ippolito, Italian writer, 548 Nievre, revolt at, 137 Nightingale, Florence, 321 Nigra, Cavaliere Constantino, Sardinian Minister of Finance, 369 841 opened, 863 Niigata, port of, 833 Nijo, Japanese noble, 834 Nikitenko, Alexander, 626 Nikolsburg, peace negotiations at, 455 sq., 483 armistice of, 541 Convention of, 576 Ningpo, capture of, 809 810 Nipal, Nana Sahib in, 749 Nishinomiya, town of, 855 Nisida, prisons of, 379 Nocedal, Candido, General, Spanish Minister of the Interior, 562 sq. Nodier, Charles, 507 Noir, Victor, French journalist, 491 sq. Noisseville, French repulse at, 599 river,
Niel,
;
Nott, Sir William, General, Kandahar, 733 sqq.
;
Austria, 402; 613 sq. 622; and Sweden, 684, 687; death of, 321 Nicholson, John, Brigadier-General, at Delhi, 746 sq. Sir Commander-in-chief in Nicolls, Jasper,
Nied
North- West Provinces, 751 Territories, 771 sqq. 776 sq. Norway (1815-70), Chap. XXIV (1); literature in (1815-65), Chap. XXIV (3); and the Danish succession, 696 Nota, Alberto, Italian playwright, 548 Nothomb, Baron Jean-Baptiste, Belgian statesman, 669 sq. ;
and the Oxford Movement, 5 sq., 710 sq. 347 influence of, 349 355 sermon by, sq. 709; 713; and the Syllabus, 716; 721 Ney, Napole"on-Henri-Edgar, Comte, French Cardinal,
;
;
submarine telegraph under, 346
Sea,
;
Newfoundland, 757; 771; government
Newman, John Henry,
;
;
Henry Pelham F. P. Clinton, fifth Duke of, Colonial Secretary, 763 765 800 776; fishery disputes
Nonnen, Edward, agriculturist, 684 Nordin, Baron, Swedish financier, 684 Norfolk Island, penal establishment at, 791, 794 North Island, New Zealand, 795 sq. 799 sq. - German Confederation, 220; 455; formation of, 457 sqq. and the southern States, 464 sq. Napoleon III and, 480
;
Ochterlony, Sir David, in India, 729 O'Connell, Daniel, Lord Mayor of Dublin, 7 and Young Ireland, 7 sq. and the Repeal campaign of 1843, 8; convicted of sedition, ib. 9; death of, 12; 13 O'Connor, Feargus, Chartist leader, 19 Odessa, local government in, 621 625 ;
;
;
;
O'Donnell, Enrique, Count of La Bisbal, afterwards Count of Lucena, 560 sq. Ministry and resignation of, 562; forms a new Ministry, 563; in the Moroccan campaign, 564 created Duke of Tetuan, ;
;
and Mexican affairs, 565 (1863), 566; and Prim, 566 sq.;
ib.
;
;
resigns recalled
(1865), 567 death of, 568 Odyniec, Antoni Eduard, Polish poet, 658 Oehlenschlager, Adam Gottlob, Danish poet, 692; 698 sq. Oerstead, Hans Christian, Danish scientist, 699 Oettingen-Wallerstein, Ludwig Kraft Ernst, Prince of, 61 Ofen, see Budapest and Pest Offenburg, Radical gathering at, 62 sq. ;
Index
1028
Ogaki, clansmen of, 851 Ogasawara, Japanese Minister, 848; 850; 854 O'Hagan, Thomas, Lord, Lord Chancellor _ of Ireland, 8 Ohara, Japanese noble, 845 sq. Okhotsk, sea of, 272 Oki of Hizen, Japanese vice-Minister, 865 Okubo, Japanese statesman, 861 864 sq. Okuma, Japanese Councillor of State, 865 Old De Beers, diamonds discovered at, 787 ;
Oldenburg, and the Zollverein, 53, 394; revolutionary movement in, 151 Paul Frederick Augustus, Grand Duke of, 151 279 ;
Olga Bay, Sir James Hope
at,
843
Oliphant, Margaret, novelist, 360 Olivier, Juste, poet, 261 Ollivier, Emile, French statesman, 304; 472 sq. 475; 480; rivalry of, with 485; Rouher, 481 sq. Ministry of, 490 sqq. 578 retirement of, 588 Metternich at, 154; Olmiitz, 190; 217; conferences at, 225; the punctation of, 393 231, ;
;
;
;
Salustiano
Olozaga,
Spanish
de,
states-
man, 550; elected to the Cortes, 555; 556; draws up a Liberal Constitution, 561; 566 Pasha, Turkish general, 277; 283; crosses the Danube, 315; 317; 636 Ontario, and Confederation, 770 771; 774 Opinion nationale, La, French journal, 487 Oporto, 93 captured by insurgents, 572 Orange Free State, founded, 784; 786 sqq. River Colony, Boer emigration to, 781 sq. 783
Omar
;
;
;
Sovereignty, 783 sq. Orczy, Baron Laurence, Hungarian writer,
422 17, 777 Orenburg, railway to, 619 Orissa, famine in, 752 Orleans, 602 sqq.; recaptured by Germans, 605 sq. 607
Oregon boundary dispute,
the
;
Ferdinand-Philippe-Louis, Due de, 30 death of, 32 - Helene-Louise-Elisabeth de Mecklenburg-Schwerin, Duchesse de, 32; 101
Orleans,
;
Orloff, Aleksei, Prince,
Orsini,
614
Italian revolutionary, 291; attempts to assassinate Napo-
Felice,
304; leon III, 307; 308; 327; execution of, 375; 376 Orsova, Kossuth at, 212 Ortega, Jaime, Captain-General of the Balearic Islands, 564 Orvieto, occupied by the Italian army, 389
XXVIII
Osaka, Chap. Oscar I, King
(2)
passim
of Sweden, 682; accession and reign of, 687 sq.
O'Shaughnessy, poet, 365 Otago, Province
Arthur of,
Otaheite, see Tahiti
William
796; 799
686;
Edgar,
Otho, King of Greece, 18; accession and reign of, 277 sqq.; 533; 639 sq.; deposed, 641 Otricoli, revolutionary force at, 72 Ottawa, seat of Government, 769, 773 Oudh, annexation of, 329, 743; British intervention in, 730 745 748 750 sq. Oudinot, Nicolas-C.-V., Due de Reggio, French general, in Italy, 94, 122 sq., 125 sq. 706 Oultremont, Henriette, Countess de, 661 sq. Out ram, Sir James, at Haidarabad, 737; 743 745 at Lucknow, 748 sq. ;
;
;
;
;
;
Overend and Gurney, House
of, 340 Ovidius Naso, Publius, 422 Owari, daimw of, 825; 832; 836 sq.; expedition of, against Choshiu, 852; 858 clan, 857; 864 Owen, Samuel, man of science, 684 Oxford, Clough and Matthew Arnold at, 354; the study of history at, 363 Movement, the, 5 sq. ; 348 sq.; 354; 709 sq. Oxford and Cambridge Magazine, 357 Oxley, John, Australian explorer, 790 sqq. Oxus, the, Russian advance on, 632 Ozora, Austrians surrender at, 185
Pacca, Bartolomeo, Cardinal, 703 Pacheco, Francisco, Spanish politician, 554 Ministry of, 555 sq. expelled from Mexico, 565 Pacifico, David, Greek trader, 18; 280 sq. Padre Cobos, El, Spanish journal, 561 Padua, captured by the Austrians, 87; 152 Pagan, Burmese defeated at, 728 ;
;
Paget, Sir Augustus Berkeley, minister at Copenhagen, 337
British
Pagnerre, Laurent- Antoine, French politician, 26; 100; 108; 118 Paisley, pauperism in, 2
Palacky, Frantisek, Bohemian historian, 46; 173; at the Slav Congress, 177; 191; 216; writings of, 653, 655 sq. Paladines, Louis-J.-B. d'Aurelle de, French general, 603 sqq. 608 Palatinate, the, 218; the Bavarian, 221 ;
Palen, Constantine, 615 Paleocapa, Pietro, Venetian Liberal leader,
76 Palermo,
insurrection at, 77, Garibaldi at, 388, 533; 541
80;
92;
Palestro, battle at, 383 Palffy von Erdoed, Count Aloys, Governor of Venice, 82 Palikao, Charles-G.-M.-A.-A. Cousin-Montauban, Count de, 473 588 and the war with Germany, 595 sqq. flight of, 600 Pallavicini della Priola, Emilio, Marquis, Italian general, 534 Pallavicino, Giorgio, and Italian unity, 375 Palm, Johannes Henricus van der, Dutch writer, 676 Palmella, Pedro de Souza Holstein, Duke ;
;
;
of,
Portuguese statesman, 572
1029
Index Palmer, William, and the Nizam- of Haidarabad, 727 Palmerston, Henry John Temple, third Viscount, 2; 10; Foreign Seeretarj^, 14; dismissal of, foreign policy of, 16 sqq. 77; and 18; 21; Thiers and, 36 37 sq. Austrian policy in Italy, 92; 106; and Hungary, 209; and Switzerland, 250, 252; and the Don Pacifico incident, 281 and Napoleon III, 307; 310; and the causes of the Crimean War, 315 sq. sucand the ceeds Lord Aberdeen, 320; Crimean War, 321 sqq.; 325; arid the defeat of, 328; Divorce Bill, 326 sq. 329; returns to office (1859), 331 Italian and France, 333; and policy of, 331 sq. Gladstone's financial scheme, 334 sq. and Schleswig-Holstein, 224 sq., 337 sq. 379; Schwarzenberg and, 393; 470; 529; and the Spanish marriages, 38 sq., 554 and Persia, and Spain, 556 sq. sq. 633; and the Suez Canal, 638; and the Black Sea, 639; and China, 805, 807 sq., 814 sq. death of, 338 sq. ;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
Danish poet,
Frederick,
Paludan-Miiller, 699; 701
Pamplona, Olozaga arrested Panipat, battle of, 725 Panizzi, Antonio, 380
at,
555
Panslavism, origin of, 653 sqq. 656; Russia Balkans and, 284-5; and, 274, 633 sq. 638-9 with Diomede, negotiates Pantaleoni, Cavour, 392 Papacy, the (see also Pius IX, and Rome), (1846-70), Chap. XXV; and Italy (18469), Chap. IV passim; and Italy (1849and Italy 61), Chap. XIV passim; (1861-70), Chap. XIX passim; France and, 121 sqq.; and Switzerland, 258; ConConcordat of, with Austria, 401 cordat of, with Spain, 558 Papal States, government of, 704, 706 Papineau, Louis-Joseph, head of the French Canadian party, 768 775 Paradol, Provost, French writer, 526 Pardo, the, Francisco de Asis at, 556 Pares, Bernard, the Russia and Reform of, 625 ;
;
;
;
Parieu, Marie-L.-P.-F. Esquirou de, French Minister of Public Instruction, 129 sq. Parini, Giuseppe, Italian poet, 549 Paris, events in, during the Republic, 184852, Chap. passim; 31; University of,
V
67,297; 290; banks in, 298; 300; improvements in, 302 sq. 333 371 King ;
Victor of,
Emmanuel
497 sqq.
485; 578;
488; 580;
594 sqq.
;
bardment
in,
373;
;
;
the defence
demonstration in, in, 502 sqq.; and the war with Germany, investment of, 600 sqq. bom;
political
the
Commune
;
of,
608;
the last sortie from,
611; 851
-
Congress of (1856), 306, 374, 380; conference (1858) at, 306, 633, 649;
conference (1869) at, 634, 636; Treaty of (1856), 276, 308, 323 sqq., 577, 611, 614, 633 sqq., 639, 643, 647, 745 Paris, Louis-Philippe-Albert d'Orle'ans, Comte de, 101 sq. Parkes, Sir Harry Smith, in China, 815 sq. 819; in Japan, 853 ;
Parma,
under
the
Louise, 69 sq.
;
75; 84;
Archduchess Marieunion of, with Pied88; 381; 468
mont, 83, 386; Parnell, Sir Henry Brooke, 3 Parris, Robert, and the purchase of Maori lands, 799 Pascal, Blaise, 526 Pasini, Valentino, 76; and the defence of Venice, 95 Paskievich, Ivan Feodorovich, Prince of
Warsaw, Russian 213
field-marshal, 210 sq.
;
sq.
Pasolini,
Count Giuseppe,
man, 72
sq.
Italian
states-
81
;
Passaglia, Carlo, Jesuit, 392; 531; 715 Passy, Francois, French deputy, 98 Hippolyte, French Finance Minister,
118 Pastrengo, Austrian attack on, 84 Patras, French occupation of, 277 Patrie, La, French newspaper, 123; 292 Patrociriio, Sor Maria de los Dolores, 557; 561 Pa via, King Charles Albert at, 82; 85
Don Manuel, Marquis of Novaliches, 569 Pavlovsk, railway to, 266 Pays, Le, French newspaper, 292 Pe"czeli, Joseph, Hungarian poet, 422 Pedro V, King of Portugal, 573 sq. Peel, General Jonathan, Secretary for War, 341 Sir Robert, second Bart., Ministry Pavia,
of (1841-6), 1 sqq. resignation of (1846), 11; 15 sqq.; 19; and political parties, 20; 309 sq. 320; and Colonial dues, ;
;
death of, 20 Sir Robert, third Bart., Irish Secretary, 343 529 Sir William, naval captain, at Lucknow, 748 Pegu, British annexation of, 742 Pehtang, American envoy at, 817; 818 Peiho river, 808; 815 sq. 762
;
;
Peking, 753; European representatives at, 802; 803; Convention of (1860), 812; 813; 815; 817 sq. 823; establishment of Legations at, 819; 822 Pelcl, Frantisek, Cech writer, 654 Pelissier, Aimable-Jean-Jacques, see Mala;
khoff, Due de Pelletan, Eugene, Pellico, Silvio, 79;
Penny,
Nicholas, India, 740
French 547
journalist,
487 in
Brigadier-General,
Pepe, Guglielmo, Neapolitan general, 85 87 Percy, Thomas, Bishop of Dromore, 414; ;
429
Index
1030
185; 213;
Perczel, Moritz, Hungarian general, 203 sqq. ; resumes command, 206; at Widdin, 215
78;
Isaac, French financier, 298
Baron Sigmund von, Hungarian 214
politician,
610
Peronne, siege of, Perovski Fort, attack on, 630 Perovsky, Count Basil Alexeievich, Governor-General of Orenburg, 273 Perrone, Ettore, Italian general, 93 Giovanni, theologian, 713 Perry, Matthew C., Commodore, in Japan, 824; 827 sqq.; 834; 836; 839 Persia, and Turkey, 276; and Russia, 274, 633; 724; 731; and the siege of Herat, 732; 733; British war with, 745 Persigny, Jean-Gilbert-Victor Fialin, Due 140; 296; ambassador in de, 134 sq. London, 328; 472 sq.; dismissed, 476 Perth, capital of Western Australia, 791 ;
Perugia, 384 occupied by Italian army, 389 Peschiera, fortress of, 82, 85; siege of, 86; 88; 384 Peshawar, Dost Mohammad in, 732; 734 Pessard, Hector, French journalist, 303 477 Pest (see also Budapest), tumult at, 180; murder of Lamberg at, 184; 188; Austrian troops in, 203; 206; 210 Pestalozzi, Jean Henri, educational re;
;
former, 260 Peter I, the Great, Tsar, 264 Ill, Tsar, 267 I
Karageorgevich, King of Servia, 648
699
;
;
cardi
Laws
;
Petropavlovsk, fortress of, 272 Peucker, General Eduard von, Prussian Minister of War, 166; 221 Pfordten, Baron Ludwig Karl Heinrich von der, 149; 232; 397 Pfuel, Ernst Heinrich Adolf von, Prussian general, 158; 164; Ministry of, 192 Pfyffer, Edward, Mayor of Luzern, 244 Kasimir, Luzern statesman, 243 Philip, John, missionary, 781 Philipoff, Terty, Russian writer, 625 South African mission Philippopolis, station, 783 Phillpotts, Henry, Bishop of Exeter, 18 Pianori, Giovanni, 304 Picard, Louis-Joseph-Ernest, French politician, 305; 475; 485; 488; 493; member of the Provisional Government, 497 Jose",
Marquis
statesman, 550; 559 Pie, Monsignor, 469; 484 Piedmont, (1849-61), Chap.
in,
708
Pietermaritzburg, capital of Natal, 782 Pillersdorff, Baron Franz von, Austrian statesman, 155; 170 sq. resigns, 175; 179; 189 ;
Pindaris, the, measures against, 724 sqq. 753 Piraeus, Anglo-French occupation of, 640 Pisa, and the Jesuits, 69 ;
Pisacane, Carlo, Italian revolutionary, 375;
380 Pishin, British retreat to, 734
Pius VII (Gregorio Barnaba Chiaramonti), Pope, 72; 703 IX (Giovanni Maria Mastai-Ferretti), Pope, the pontificate of (1846-70), Chap. passim; and English bishoprics,
XXV
19; 38; and Guizot, 40; election of, 71 ; character and career of, 72 sq. ; the Amnesty of, 74; further reforms by, and Metternich, 77; and Great 76; and Rome, 79 sqq. and Britain, 78 the war with Austria, 84, 87 sq.; 89; restoration of, 95, flight of, 91 ; 93 sq. 378; and France, 121 sq., 125 sq. ; and ;
;
Napoleon III, 128, 468, 474, 478; and Piedmontese ecclesiastical courts, 367 sq. 371 reactionary policy of, 378; at Gaeta, 379 387 and the struggle for Temporal Power, 389, 391 sq. 469; aided by France, 484 sq. and the (Ecuthe
;
Peterwardein, surrender of, 213 Petbfi, Alexander, Hungarian poet, 211; 423 428 sqq. Petrarch. Francesco, 423
sq.; 612 Pidal, Pedro
of, with Lombardy and Venetia, 90; 92; defeat of, by Austria, 93; and the Swiss Sonderbund, 249; Napoleon III and, 306 sq. sends troops to the Crimea, 322; 332; appeals to France and England, 367 and union with central Italy, 386, 388; 403; 468; alliance of, with Prussia, 479; 535; 706; the Sic-
;
Petersen, Frederik Christian, Danish philologer,
situation in, 70; and the Papal 71; national movement in, 75, 83 sq.; and Italian Federation, 89;
State,
union
Pered, Hungarians defeated at, 210 Pe>eire, Emile, French financier, 298 Pere"nyi,
the
of,
Spanish
XIV
passim;
;
;
;
;
;
menical Council, 494; hostility of, to publishes the Syllabus, Italy, 530 sq. 539; 541; and the dogma of Infallibility, 543; 545; Concordat of, with Spain, 558; and Isabel of Spain, 568; 574; and Holland, 665 Plappeville, fort of, 591 sq. Platen-Hallermunde, Count August von, German poet, 413 Playfair, Lyon, Lord Playfair, 10 Plichon, Charles-Ignace, French politician, 469; 472; Minister of Public Works, 493 Ploeshti, insurrection at, 646 Plombieres, Napoleon III and Cavour at, 307, 376; 381 Po, river, Italian troops cross, 84, 86 Poltenburg, Baron Ernst von, Hungarian general, 213 Poerio, Alessandro, poet, 545 Carlo, Italian revolutionary, 379 Poland, literature of, Chap. XXII (4); revolutionary movements in, 46 sq. 71 France and, 109; the Vorparlament and, 163; Hungary and, 208; Napoleon III ;
;
;
Index and, 308, 475 sq.; 323; Bismarck and the revolution in, 434; 436; 456; land tenure in, 616; 622; economic condition of, 628; the revolution in, 628 sq. Russian concessions in, 658; political ;
parties, in, in,
657
sq.
;
insurrection (1863)
537, 660
Poligny, riot at, 137 Pollock, Sir George, Field-Marshal, 734 sq.
Pomare, Queen of Tahiti, 35 Pomerania, Spielhagen's writings on, 420; 680 Pont-a-Mousson, German force at, 588 sq. 592 Poona, capture of, 726 Pope, Alexander, 423 Port Darwin, founded, 798 Essington, Australia, 795 Macquarie, 790 sq. Natal, besieged by the Boers, 782 Phillip, Australia, 790 796 Porta, Carlo, Italian writer, 545 Portal, Jose", organises rising at Seville, 557 Portici, conference at, 379 Portland Bay, Sir Thomas Mitchell at, 792 Porto San Stefano, Leopold II retires to, 91. Spanish inPortugal, 1846-73, 572 sqq. tervention in, 556; 567; Spain and, 571; and Delagoa Bay, 789; and China, 819; and Japan, 823 Posada Herrera, Juan, Spanish politician, 563 ;
;
;
Posen, Polish conspiracy in, 46; Prussia and, 160; 163; rising in, 164; 192; 434 Possiette, Captain, at Nagasaki, 831 Potchefstroom, Boer government at, 782;
Grondwet
of,
785
Potenza, political persecution in, 379 Potgieter, Andries Hendrik, Boer leader, 782 Poti, acquired by Russia, 274 Potteries, the, disturbances in, 2 Pottinger, Major Eldred, at the siege of
Herat, 732 Sir Henry, British Governor of Hongkong, 807; 809 sq. Poupry, French repulse at, 605 Pourtales, Count Albert, Prussian poli-
tician,
396
Pouyer-Quertier, Augustin-Thomas, French statesman, 470 Pozsony, see Pressburg Prague, revolutionary movement at, 153, 156; Metternich at, 154 171; 176; Slav Congress at, 177; insurrection at, 177 ;
187; 203; 216; Russian influence in, 653; Peace of, 457, 461, 541, 576 Prati, Giovanni, Italian poet, 546 sq. ; 549 Pratteln, engagement at, 245 Precursors, the, Irish society, 7 Pressburg (Pozsony), Archduke Stephen at, 155; 172 sq.; Joseph Bern at, 188 Presse, La, French newspaper, 127 Preston, disturbances at, 2 ;
Pretorius, Andries, 782 sqq.
W.
J.,
Boer
leader,
Marthinus Wessel, President of the Transvaal, 785; 788 sq. Preussische Jahrbiicher, 451 Preussisches Wochenblatt, 396 Prim, Juan, Count of Reus, Marquis of Los Castillejos, 558; 563; in the Moroccan campaign, 564; in Mexico, 565 sq. declines office, 566; and O'Donnell, 566 sq. esplots against the dynasty, 566 sqq. capes to Portugal, 567 retires to Geneva, in search of a successor to 568; 569; Isabel, 570 sq. assassinated, 571 Prince Edward Island, 757 770 sq. united to Canada, 776 Prinsterer, Gulielmus Groen van, Dutch historian, 664; 666 Pritchard, George, consul at Tahiti, 35 Prittwitz, Karl L. W. E. von, Prussian general, 158 sq. Prodol, Austrian repulse at, 453 Prome, British occupation of, 728; 742 Propertius, Sextus Aurelius, 422 ;
;
;
;
;
;
;
Protot, French politician, 502 sq. Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph, French
24; 99; 110; 114; funeral of, 478
XV
1852-62, Chap.
Prussia,
socialist,
300; 304; 474 sq. (1)
;
passim;
under Bismarck (1862-71), Chap. XVI; and the Franco-German War, Chap. XXI; 31; and Poland, 46, 628; under Frederick William IV, 47 sqq. and the German national movement, 62 sqq.; 78; 148; and Mecklenburg, 151; revolutionary movement in, 151, 156 sqq.; and ;
the Schleswig-Holstein rising, 160 sqq., 167; and the Vorparlament, 163; and the National Assembly, 165, 192 sq. 167; and the Malmoe Truce, 168; 191; the new constitution of (1848), 194, 196; and the Frankfort Assembly, 194 sqq.; and Austria, 196 sq., 217; and the Frank;
fort Constitution, 200; and Germanic confederation, 218 sqq. disturbances in, 219; and the Dreikonigsbundniss, 220; suppresses the Baden insurrection, 221 and the Schleswig-Holstein War, sq. 224 sq. and the Danish succession, 226 ;
;
Pourtales-Steiger, Count Louis August, 255 Poussin, Nicolas, painter, 528
sq.
1031
;
;
dispute of, with Austria, 227 sqq., 479; and the Hesse-Cassel question, 228 sqq. and the Dresden Conference, 232 sq. ; secret alliance of, with Austria, 233 and ;
;
Switzerland, 244, 250, 252, 255 sq. ; 308; and the causes of the Crimean War, sq.; 323; and Schleswig-Holstein, 338, 436 sqq., 477; war of, with Austria, 374; and the war in 340, 540 sq.
314
;
annexes Lauenburg, Italy, 384; alliance of, with Italy, 479, 539 sq. ;
445; 480; peace nego-
and Luxemburg, 483, 675; tiations with Austria, 483 and ;
Napoleon
486; 489; policy of, towards France, 494; recognises the kingdom of Italy, 530; 537; and the Spanish
111,484;
Index
1032
and the Spanish succesmarriages, 553 the military system of, sion (1870), 571 579; the navy of, 582; Russia and, 630; ;
;
and Moldo-Wallachia, 645 and Sweden, 683; and the Papacy, 708; and the Vatican Council, 719; and China, 819; and Japan, 841 ;
Prussia, East, revolutionary
157 Prince
movement
in,
I,
Emperor
German poet, 50 Pruyn, American Consul-General in Japan, 842 Przeglqd Polski (Polish review), 660 Puchmajer, Antonin, Cech poet, 653 Puchner, Baron Anton von, Austrian general, 206 Puebla, taken by the French, 476 Pugacheff, Yemelian, revolt of, 263 Pugin, Augustus W. N., 355 Puig Molt6, Antonio, Spanish officer, 563 Pulszky, Ferencz Aurel, Hungarian leader, 188; 204; 214 Punjab, the, 724; 727; 731 sq.; annexation of, 742; 744; 751 Punniar, engagement at, 738 Pusey, Edward Bouverie, 349; 711 Pushkin, Alexander, Russian writer, 262; 648 sq. Putiatin, Count, Russian admiral, in China, 816; in Japan, 828, 830; 839 Putte, Francis van de, Dutch Colonial Minister, 666; 668 Fe"lix,
French
politician,
99;
114;
502 Quadrilateral, the, Austrian
84
Joseph
statesman, 48 Carlsruhe, 60;
;
Maria von, Prussian ambassador at 50 sq. ;
and the German national
movement, 63
144; at Vienna, 153; sq. 160; 165; Frederick William IV and, 191 character of, 220; and the Dreikonigsand Germanic confederabundniss, ib. and the dispute with tion, 222 sqq. 228 Minister of Foreign Austria, sqq. Affairs, 229; resigns, 230; mission of to England,*.; and Switzerland, 252; 396 Radzivil, Michael, Prince, 277 ;
;
;
;
;
William
see
of,
German
Prutz, Robert Ernst,
Pyat,
Radowitz,
army
in,
82,
sq.
Quanta Cura Encyclical, Quarterly Review, 362
see Syllabus
Raffet, Denis-Auguste-Marie, 24 Raffles, Sir Thomas Stamford, 668
Bay, 790 Raglan, Fitzroy James Henry Somerset, 322 Lord, in the Crimea, 317 sq. Rainer, Archduke of Austria, 405 Ramnagar, battle at, 741 Ramorino, Girolamo, Italian general, 366 sq. Ramu, British repulse at, 727 Ranc, Arthur, French politician, 502 ;
Count Jacques-Louis-Ce"sarAlexandre, Marshal of France, 135 Rangoon, 728; captured, 742 Ranjit Sing, Sikh ruler of the Punjab, 731; 732; 736; death of, 738 Ranvier, French politician, 502 Rask, Rasmus Kristian, philologer, 699 Raspail, Frangois- Vincent, French politician, 105; 108; 117
Randon,
Rassam, Hormuzd, imprisoned by King Theodore, 753 Rastatt, 50; 219; surrender of, 221 Rastoul, French politician, 502 Rasul, Sikh force at, 741 Rattazzi, Urbano, Italian statesman, 366; 370 sq. Keeper of the Seals, 372 386 sq. ; the laws of, adopted, 529; Ministry of, ;
;
532 sqq.; and Garibaldi, 533; resignation of, 535 confiscates church property, 542; and the religious Orders, 708 Rauch, Friedrich Wilhelm von, Prussian ;
Quebec, Confederation Convention at, 769 sqq.; 771; 774; 777 Queen Adelaide, South African province of, 780; 786 Queen's Colleges, Ireland, established, 9 Queensland, 761 founding of, 795 population of, 796, 799 separated from New South Wales, 798; 801 Queretaro, death of Emperor Maximilian at, 483 Quinet, Edgar, 34; 36 Quintanghona, French slaver seized at, 574 ;
;
;
Raab, captured by the Austrians, 210 Raabe, Wilhelm, German novelist, 417; 419 sq. Radetzky, Count Joseph, Austrian fieldmarshal, 68; in Italy, 71; retreats from Milan, 81 sq. 84; and the Italian War, 85 sqq.; at Novara, 93; 170; 182; 187; 189; 208 sq. 357; conference of, with King Victor Emmanuel, 366 374 rule of, in Lombardo-Venetia, 376 sq. ;
;
;
;
Adjutant-General, 191; 199
Raumer, Karl Otto von, Prussian Minister of Education, 395 Rauscher, Joseph Othmar von, Austrian cardinal, 398; 401 Rawal Pindi, Sikhs surrender at, 742
Rayneval,
Alphonse Gerard
126; diplomat, 121 sq. Foreign Affairs, 129 the writings Reade, Charles, ;
de,
French
Minister for
of, 359 Rechberg, Count Johann Bernard, Austrian statesman, 403; 436; and SchleswigHolstein, 437, 439 sqq.; fall of, 444
Re"csey von Re"cse, Baron
Adam, Hungarian
185 Recurt, Adrien, French Minister of the Interior, 113; 118 Red River rebellion, 777 Redan, the, British attack on, 322 sq. genei'al,
Reed, 746
Sir
Thomas,
General,
American minister
in
in China,
India,
816
1033
Index Reforme, La, French newspaper, 24; 27; 34; 42; 96; 99; 101 Reggio di Calabria, rising at, 79; 388 Regnier, Mathurin, French poet, 508 Reims, French army at, 595 Rein, Jonas, Norwegian writer, 700 Renan, Ernest, 509 523 sq. 527 ;
;
Renault, Pierre-Hippolyte-Publius, French general, 100 Rendsburg, fortress of, 161 sq. Renouvier, Charles-Bernard, the Manuel republicain of, prohibited, 114 Renzi, Pietro, Italian politician, 65; 69
Repeal Association, founded by O'Connell, 7sq.; 11 Republique, La, French newspaper, 127 Reshid, Mustafa, Pasha, 275 sq. Retief, Pieter, Boer leader, 782 Reus, Count of, see Prim, Juan of, 149 Reuss, Henry XX, Reuter, Fritz, German writer, 417; 420 Reutern, Count Michael, Russian Minister of Finance, 619 Reveil, Le, French journal, 488 Revel, Count, Sardinian ambassador in London, 77 General di, 541 Reventlow-Preetz, Frederick, Count von,
Prince
161
Rodrigues Graga, Joaquin, occupies Angola, 575 Roebuck, John Arthur, and the Crimean War, 320; 764
Romer, Friedrich, Wurtemberg
Roermond, proposed bishopric of, 665 Rogeard, Louis-Auguste, French journalist, 486 Roger du Nord, Comte Edouard, French politician, 136 Rogier. Charles, Belgian statesman, 670 sq. ;
returns to
campaign, 580; 664 Rhinelands, political agitation in, 52 sq. Rhodes, Cecil John, 788 Riancey, Henri-Le"on Camusat de, French politician, 120 Rianzares, Agustm Fernando Munoz Sanchez, Duke of, 551; 559 sq. Ribe, Treaty of (1460), 693
y
policy
of,
532;
President of the Ministry,
resigns,
sq.
;
resigns,
540;
542
Richard, Albert, French politician, 492 Richardet, French deputy, 139 Richardson, murder of, near Yokohama, sq.
Riehl, Wilhelm Heinrich von, German writer, 417; 419 sq. Riel, Louis, Canadian insurgent leader, 777 Rigault, Raoul, French politician, 502 Rimini, 65; revolt at, 69; 88 politician,
Antonio 562; 568
de
los,
the,
in,
national
policy
of,
673;
749
movement
in,
;
XIX
of Italy (1861-70), Chap. passim; Nicholas I at, 71 government reform in, 79; 80; the situation in, 84; the Republic in, 91, 93 sq. French intervention the Lomin, 94 sq., 121 sqq., 125 sqq. bard Legion in, 367; reaction in, 378; ;
;
;
French troops in, 384, 462, 494, 530, 538; evacuated by the French, 485, 541; 387; as the capital of Italy, 391, 539; 392 469 Napoleon III and, 478 second French expedition to, 485 sq. policy of Ricasoli towards, 530 sq. policy of Rattazzi towards, 534 Garibaldi marches against, 542; reunited to Italy, 544 ;
;
;
;
;
Roncali, Federico, see Alcoy, Count of
Roncourt, French force at, 592 Ronge, Johannes, religious reformer, 52; 146 Roon, Albrecht Theodor Emil, Count von, Prussian field-marshal, Minister of War, 406 sq. 409 sq. and Schleswig-Holstein, 440; 449; 456; 579 Rose, Sir Hugh Henry, see Strathnairn, ;
Ricotti, Ercole, Italian historian, 548 Tuscan de, Ridolfi, C6me, Marquis Minister, 78; 90v Rieger, Ladislas, Cech politician, 178
Rosas,
672;
;
states-
man, 378; 386; succeeds Cavour, 530; towards Rome, 530
office,
674 Rohilkhand, campaign
XXV
;
Ribeyrolles, French journalist, 25 Ricasoli, Baron Bettino, Italian
politician,
62; 148
384; 386; 388; annexed to Italy, 709 Romano vsky, Dmitry, Russian general, 631 Rome (see also Papacy, the, and Pius IX), and the kingdom 1846-70, Chap.
Rheinische Zeitung, 53 Rhine, the, Prussia and, 49; France and, and the Prussian plan of 338, 457;
Rlos
;
Romagna,
Revue de Paris, 485 politique, French journal, 487 pour tous, French journal, 486 Rezonville, 589 battle at, 590 sq.
845
Rioult, Louis- Edouard, French painter, 511 Ripon, Frederick John Robinson, Viscount Goderich, first Earl of, 3; 792 Risorgimento, 83 Risquons-Tout, French revolutionaries at, 671 Rive Gauche, La, French journal, 486 Rochefort, Henri, 488 sq. 491; arrested, 492; 600 Jacob Rochussen, Jan, Dutch statesman, 666 Johann Rodbertus, Karl, Prussian economist, 218
Spanish
;
Lord Rosenthal, Nedermeyer van, Dutch politician, 662 Rosmini, Antonio, and Italian Federation, 89 sq. and Pius IX, 705 Rossetti, Christina Georgina, 354 Dante Gabriel, 351 353 the poetry of, 357; 365 Gabriele, Italian poet, 545 ;
;
;
Index
1034
Rossi, Ernesto, Italian actor, 548 Count Pellegrino Luigi Odoardo,French envoy to Rome, 68; 74; 81;
the administration of, 90; murder of, 91, 117; 93; 705 Rostovtseff, Jacob, 614 sq. Rothschild, Lionel Nathan de, Baron Rothschild,
330; 345
Nathan Meyer Rothschild, Lord, 330
Justice,
;
131 sqq.;
129;
140;
and the
Anglo-French Treaty of Commerce, 470; Minister of State, 477;
480; rivalry of, 481 sq.; 485; President of the Senate, 490; 492; 543 Rouland, Gustave, French statesman, 478 Roumania, Napoleon III and, 306, 308; formation of, 633; Constitution of, 646
with
in
Hungary, 217 Rousseau, Jean-Baptiste, 423 207;
828, 830, 833, 837, 843 Russia, Little, land tenure
Ollivier,
Roumans,
the,
173,
in, 616 Russian American Company, 632 Russian Messenger, the, 625 Rustchuk, Turkish troops at, 283 Ruthenes, the, Count Stadion and, 175 Rzevuski, Henryk, Polish novelist, 658
180,
rising of, 202;
Jean-Jacques, 508; 519; 528 Pierre-Etienne-Th6odore, painter,
Saarbriicken, engagement at, 583, 585 sq. Saargemiind, French force at, 586. Sadowa, battle of, see Koniggratz Sadulapur, battle of, 741 ^adusain, battle at, 740
528 Rovigo, taken by the Austrians, 87 Riidiger, Count Fedor Wassiliewich, sian general, 213 Rvigen, Spielhagen's writings on, 420 Riitimeyer, Ludwig, zoologist, 260
Rus-
Safaffk, Paul Josef, Slovak writer, 46; 654 in Rome, 94 Sai'd Pasha, Viceroy of Egypt, 638
Sam, Aurelio, Triumvir
Ruge, Arnold, German democrat, 50 Rupert's Land, Canada and, 771 Julius, German theologian, 51 Ruskin, John, 355 sq. Russell, Earl (Lord John Russell), 10; Ministry of (1846-52), 11 sqq.; and Palmerston, 18; resigns, 21; and the Aberdeen Ministry, 309 sq. and Russia, 312; and the causes of the Crimean War, 316; resigns, 320; at the Peace Conference, 321 sq. 325; 328 sq.; Foreign Italian policy of, 331 sq. Secretary, 331 and Alabama the 333; incident, 337; and Parliamentary Reform, 339; defeat and 339 of, sq. 529; Morocco, 564; and the Colonies, 758 sq., 762, 764 sq.; and China, 815 Russia, under Nicholas I, Chap. IX (1) ; and the Crimean War, Chap. XI passim; after the Crimean War, Chap. XXII (1); literature in (1800-1900), Chap. XXII (3); 9; 31; and Poland, 46, 434, 436, 658 sq.; Gregory XVI and, 71; and Austrian action in Italy, 78; 95; and
Saig5 Kichinosuke", Japanese politician, 838; 865 Saint-Arnaud, Jacques-Achille Leroy de, Marshal of France, 133 sqq.; in the
Rupp,
Crimea, 317
;
;
;
Schleswig-Holstein, 161, 167, 224, 441; aids Austria against Hungary, 208 sqq. 229; and Switzerland, 244, 249, 252 sq.; ;
and Turkey, 276 sq., 306; and Monteand Greece, 279; and negro, 277; Moldo-Wallachia, 281 sqq., 643, 645; and Servia, 284 sq. and the Don Pacifico incident, 281; and the Holy Places at Jerusalem, 305 sq., 311 sqq.; and the causes of the Crimean War, 306 sq., ;
sq.
Saint-Cloud, Napoleon III at, 286; 611 St Etienne, the Commune at, 503 St Gall, 234; 236; 240; joins the Siebnerkonkordat, 242; 243; and the Articles
;
;
;
and Norway, 682; Denmark 687; appeals to, 683; rupture of, with the Vatican, 711; and the Catholic Poles, and the siege of Herat, 732; de#>.; signs of, in Asia, 732; 802; and China, 812, 816 sq., 819 sq. ; and Japan, 823,
Rouen, Republican banquets at, 40; 114; 602 sq. the Germans in, 606 sq. 610 French Minister of Rouher, Eugene, ;
373; and Italy, 382, 530, 538; Austria and, 401 sq.; Bismarck and, 434 and the Austro-Prussian War, 451, 456; and Napoleon III, 475 sq.; and Prussia, 577; and the results of the Crimean War, 635; and the Bulgarian Church, 638 sq.; and the Black and the Greek succession, Sea, 639; 641 sq.; and Sweden, 678, 683 sq.,
312 sqq.;
'
of Baden, 246; 248; 259 St Gothard Pass, road over, 239 tunnel, 259 St Lawrence river, navigation of, 776 St Petersburg, local government in, 263, 621; 266; industrial policy at, 270; 321; 615; reforms in, 618; University of, 624; 625; incendiary fires in, 627; treaty signed at, 684 St Pierre island, and the fishery dispute,
776 Saint-Pierre, Jacques-Henri Bernardin de,
528 St Privat, 592 battle at, 593 St Quentin, captured by the Germans, 610 Saint-Simon, Claude-Henri, Comte de, 526 Louis de Rouvroi, Due de, 523 St Vincent de Paul, Society of, 473 Sainte-Beuve, Charles-Augustin, 365; 525 ;
sq.;
548
Sainte Marie aux Chines, 593 Sakai, massacre at, 859 Sakhar, English troops at, 734 sq. Salamanca, Jos6 de, Spanish Minister of
Finance, 555 sq.; 559 sq.
Index 93 Salasco armistice, the, 89 sqq. Saldanha, Joao Carlos, Duke of, Portuguese Minister of War, 572; Prime Minister, fall ib. and Thomar, 572 sq. of, 573 sq. returns to Portugal, 575 733 Sir at Robert Henry, Jalalabad, Sale, 734; 739 T. G. A. Cecil, third Salisbury, Robert ;
1035
Satsuma, daimid and clan of, Chap. (2) passim
XXVIII
Sardinian
Disraeli's Reform Bill, 341 sq. Salis-Soglio, Ulrich von, commander of the Sonderbund forces, 250 sq. Salkeld, Philip, at Delhi, 746
Minister in Marquis, Vienna, 75 Horace Benedict Saussure, de, geologist, 260 Sauzet, Jean-Pierre, French politician, 101 Savoy, France and, 88, 376; the Lyonnais in, 106; Polish invasion of, 245; ceded to France, 256, 386 sqq., 468; Napoleon III and, 332, 334; 577 Saxe-Altenburg, George, Duke of (1848-53), 150 Joseph, Duke of (1834-48), 150
Salmeron, Nicolas, Spanish statesman, 567 Salvandy, Narcisse-Achille, Comte de, 36 Salvini, Tommaso, Italian actor, 548 Salzburg, Napoleon III at, 484 Samarin, George, and the emancipation of the Serfs, 615, 622 Samarkand, captured by the Russians, 631; 632 Sambalpur, annexation of, 743 San Bonifazio, Austrian army at, 86 San Carlos de la Rapita, Ortega lands at, 564 San Juan, acquired by the United States, 777 San Luis, Luis Jos6 Sartorius, Count of, 559 sq. San Martino, battle at, 383
Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, and Prussia, 228; and Schleswig-Holstein, 438 - Ernest II, Duke of (bom 1818), 143; 224; 397 Ferdinand, Prince of (born 1816), see Ferdinand - Leopold, Prince of (born 1790), see Leopold, King of the Belgians Prince of (born 1824), 33; 553 sqq. Saxe-Weimar, Karl August, Grand Duke of, 150 Saxony, and the Zollverein, 54, 443 political conditions in, 59 sq. revolutionary movement in, 148 sq. 160; tumults in, 192; 200; and the Frankfort Constitution, 218; 219; and German union, 220
;
;
;
;
Marquis of (Lord Cranborne), 340; and
Count Ponza
Viceroy of
di,
Naples, 536 San Sebastian,
Queen Isabel at, 569 Sanctis, Francesco de, Italian writer, 548 sq.
Sand, George (Mme Dudevant), 112; 139 the writings of, 519 sq. 522 sq. Sand River Convention, 784 sq. Sandhurst, Lord, see Mansfield, Sir William ;
;
Rose Sandor, General, hanged, 214 Sanjo, Japanese statesman,
849
837;
865 Sanssouci, Frederick William IV Santa Cruz, Marquesa de, 550 sq.;
863
sq.
839;
at,
159
369 Santo Domingo, a Spanish colony, 566 Stefano, prison of, 380 Santucci, Vincenzo, Cardinal, 392 Sapienza, island of, 280 sq. Saragossa, rising at, 559 Sardinia (see also Piedmont), 209; 244; 252;
and the
Treaty of Zurich, 385; and the Crimean War, 373 468 Sardou, Victorien, dramatist, 518; 548 Sarnen, League of, 242 sqq. dissolved, 245 Sarnico, Garibaldians imprisoned at, 533 Sarrans, Bernard, French politician, 125 ;
;
1
Sartorius, Luis Jose see ,
San
district of,
Saskatchewan, Satara, annexation Satlaj river,
of,
Luis,
Count
of
776
743
boundary of the Sikh kingdom,
731; 735; 738; 740
;
and Schleswig-Holstein, 337; sq., 408; reaction in, 397; and the Austro-Prussian War, 452; 454 sq.
Scandinavia (1815-70), Chap. XXIV Scania, Swedish troops in, 683 Scarlett, Sir James Yorke, General, 319 Schack-Staffeldt, Adolph Wilhelm, Danish poet, 697 Schassburg, see Segesvdr Schafarik, see Safafik Schaff hausen, Canton of, 234 ; 240 Scharnhorst, Gerard David von, Prussian
Joseph Victor von, poet, 414; 417; 420 Scheffer, Friedrich H. E. L., Hesse-Cassel Minister, 146 Scheldt river, 669 abolition of tolls on, 672 Scheffel,
Lucia, King Charles Albert at, 85 Santarosa, Pietro di, Sardinian Minister,
249,
;
;
general, 579
;
and Switzerland,
Sauli,
;
Scherbatoff,
Prince,
Governor-General of
Moscow, 270 Scherer, Edmond-Henri-Adolphe, 525 Schiller, Johann Christoph Friedrich von, 411; 413; 415 sq., 423 sq. Schimmelpenninck, Count, Dutch statesman, 663 Schlachter's Nek, affair of, 779 Schlegel, Friedrich von, 49 Schleswig-Holstein, 38; Prussia and, 64, 160 sqq. anti- Danish rising in, 161 sq. ; the Vorparlament and, 163; the National Assembly and, 167; 194; the war in, 224 sq., 440 sqq., 695; and the succession question, 226 sq. ; 231 sqq.; Great Britain and, 337 sq.; 412; the Powers new Constitution for, and, 436 sqq. ;
;
437
sq.;
ceded by Denmark, 442, 696;
Index
1036
Austro-Prussian administration of, 442 nationalsqq.; 454; 477; 479; 537; the movement in, 692 sqq. Schleswig-Holstein-Noer, Frederick, Hereditary Prince of, 161 Johannes Wiirtemberg von, Schleyer, statesman, 148 Schlick, Count, defeats General Meszaros, 204; 205 sq. Schmerling, Anton, Baron von, Austrian statesman, 155; 162; 166; 171; 188; and the execution of Blum, 189; and the Frankfort Assembly, 196; Ministry and German unity, 408 of, 404 sq. Minister of the Interior, 444 Schmitt, President of the Austrian Reichstag, 178 Schneckenburger, Max, German poet, 49; ;
;
412 Schoelcher, Victor, French politician, 136 Schon, Theodor von, Chief President of the province of Prussia, 53 Schonbrunn, 179 182; the Emperor leaves, ;
186; Jellacic at, 187; 188 Schrader, Clemens, and the Syllabus, 715 Schroder, Andreas, Baron von, Russian ambassador at Dresden, 232
Schiipfheim, fight near, 251 Schiitte, Anton, Austrian agitator, 174
Schwach, Konrad Nicolai, Norwegian poet, 700 Schwarzburg-Sondershausen, the revolutionary
movement
in,
149
sq.; and the Frankfort Assembly, 196 200; 206; and Russian intervensq. 216 sq. and Prussia, 218, tion, 208 sq. 220 and Germanic confederation, 222 sq. 224; and Prussia, 227 sqq.; and the ;
;
;
;
Hesse-Cassel
crisis,
228
at
sqq.;
Dresden
the
reacConferences, 232 sq. tionary policy of, 393 sq. 395; 398; and ;
;
Hungary, 398
death of, 215, 394 Frederick, Prince, 249 Schwechat, battle at, 189, 202 sq. Schwerin, Maximilian, Count von, Prussian sq.
;
statesman, 58; 159; Minister of the Interior, 406 Provost, Swedish financier, 684 sq.
Schwyz, government of, 238; 239; disturbances in, 242; 243; reunited, 245; and the Aargau monasteries, 247; 251 Scotland, the Disruption in, 5 sqq., 18 Scott, Colonel, at Nagpur, 726
-
Sir Walter, 355;
358;
361;
426; on French literature, 519, 523 Scribe, Augustin-Eugene, dramatist, 515 sq. Scutari, 321 Convention of, 636 influence of, ;
Sebastiani, Jean-Andre"-Tiburce, Vicomte, French general, 97; 100 Sedan, 465; battle of, 496, 544, 595, 597 sq.
600
sq.,
612
Vienna, 154 Seeley, Sir John Robert, historian, 363 Segesvar, battle of, 211, 428
Segur d'Aguesseau, Joseph-Paul-Louis, 474 Quintino,
Sella,
Italian
statesman,
537;
Finance Minister, 543 sq. Semendria, garrison at, 647 Semirechensk, province of, 631 Se"nart, Jules, 110; 118; 123 Sendai, daimid of, 836 clan, 859 Bay, 860 Senfft von Pilsach, Baron, 51 Senior, William Nassau, 1 Sepoy rebellion, 745 sqq. Serbs, 179; rising of, 180; 182; 206; 217; 285 and Austria, 399 Sercognani, General, 72 Sermoneta, Michelangelo Caetani, Duke of, ;
79 Serrano Bedoya, Spanish general, 569
Dominguez, Francisco, Duke of and Queen Isabel, 555 sq. of 556; Captain-General Granada, 568 elected Regent, 570 banished, sq. 284 647 Servia, (1858-69), sq.; sq.; the Tsar and, 312; 533; Russia and, 634; 636 Sessa, fight at, 390
La
Torre,
;
;
Settembrini, Luigi, the Protesta del popolo delle due Sicilie of, 69, 79; 87; 380 Settimo, Ruggiero, Sicilian politician, 80 siege of, 318 sq. ; fall Sevastopol, 316 sq. of, 322; 323 ;
Giinther, Prince of, 149 Schwarzenberg, Charles, Prince, 217 Felix, Prince, Austrian Foreign Minister, 92; 95; 183; Ministry of, 189
;
Sedlnitzky, Josef, Count, chief of police in
Seville, rising at,
Don cashiered
557
Enrique, Duke of, 553 by Narvaez, 557
sqq.;
George Hamilton, British at St Petersburg, 312; at
Sir
Seymour, ambassador Lisbon, 573
Sir Michael, Admiral, 325 Shabatz, garrison of, 647 Shaftesbury, Anthony Ashley Cooper (Lord Ashley), seventh Earl of, 5; 353 Shah Shuja, King of Kabul, 731 sq.; 734;
736 Shakespeare, William, 353; 115; 421; in Hungarian literature, 424 sq., 429 sq. ; Danish translation of, 699 Shamil, surrender of, 633 Shanghai, 807 capture of 809 810; 816; attacked by the "Taipings," 821 Shapuri Island, British occupation of, 727 Sheikh-ul-Islam, 275 ;
,
Shelley, Percy Bysshe, 350 sq. Shelton, John, Colonel, defeated
;
;
362
by Afghans,
733 Sher Sing, Sikh rebel, 741 Sherbrooke, Robert Lowe, Viscount, 339 764 sq. sq. Shikarpur, occupation of, 736 Shimada Sakon, retainer of the Kwambaku, 837 Shimadzu Saburo, Japanese statesmen, 844 mission of, to Yedo, 845; 846; 851; 864 ;
;
1037
Index Shimidzu, Japanese noble, 825 Shimoda, Japanese port, 829 sqq. opened to foreign trade, 833 Shimonoseki, Straits of, 848; 851; town of, 848 naval expedition to, 853 Shinshiu, disturbances in, 864 Shonai clan, 859 Shuldham, Thomas, Colonel, 728 Shumla, Kossuth at, 215 Shungaku, Prince of, 844; President of Council, 845; at Kioto, 847; 850; 851 Shuvaloff, Peter, Count, 631 sq. Siam, China and, 802 Sibbern, Norwegian Minister, 690 Siberia, 270; population of, 273; news;
;
papers 651 Siccardi,
in,
625;
deportations
Giuseppe,
Sardinian
628;
to,
politician,
367 sqq. 708 Siccardi Laws, Cavour and, 367 sqq. 69 75 moveSicily, Palmerston and, 18 ment for reform in, 79 the revolution in, 80; and the war with Austria, 85; 88 ;
;
;
;
;
revolution in, suppressed, 91 sq. Garibaldi's expedition to, 332; 380; revolution in (1860), 388, 469; votes for sq.
;
;
annexation, 390; 531; 534 sq. to Italy, 709
;
annexed
Siede, Le, French newspaper, 127;
292;
487 Siegen,
and Luxemburg, 674
Constantin, Siegwan-Muller, Luzern, 247 sq. Siena, Leopold II at, 91
Mayor
Sierra Bullones,
Zabala
Sigel,
Marquis
Franz, General,
of, see
Baden
of
revolutionary,
221 Sikh wars, 731 739 sqq. Silesia, unrest in, 52; 171; 450 sq. Silvela, Manuel, Spanish statesman, 570 Simla, Treaty at (1838), 732 Simon, Heinrich, German politician, 52; 200 Jules, and the Education Commission, 120; 127; 475; 485; and the de;
fence of Paris, 497 Simplon Pass road, 239 Simpson, General Sir James, 322 Simson, Eduard, President of the Frankfort National Assembly, 196 198 sq. Sind, 724; 727; annexation of, 731 732; 734 war with, 736 sq. Great Singapore, acquired by Britain, 667; 727 ;
;
;
IX at, 71 sq. Sinope, Turkish fleet destroyed at, 306, 315 sqq. Sir Darya, Russia and, 273; 630 sq. Sinigaglia, Pius
Slavs, the,
and the Liberal movement, 46;
Slav Congress at Prague, 177; 178 sq. 207; 399; 404 Sleeman, Sir William Henry, Indian official, 743 Slidell, John, Confederate States envoy to
Hungary and, 173;
;
Europe, 335 Slovaks, at the Croato-Slavonic Diet, 179; 202; 399; Slovak writers, 654 sq. at the Croato-Slavonic Slovenes, 173 sq. ;
Diet, 179 Slovenia, a proposed
Smith,
kingdom
of,
174
Adam, 311
- Sir Harry George Wakelyn, 739; Governor of Cape Colony, 783 sq. Sir Lionel, general, 726 Robert Vernon, Lord Lyveden, 329 Smolka, Frantisek, Polish politician, 660 Stanislas, Polish historian, 660 Sobdar Khan, 736 Sobraon, Sir Harry Smith at, 739 Soiron, Alexander von, Baden politician,
163; 165; 221 Solferino, battle of, 383 sq., 403
Sollogub, Count Vladimir, 625 Solothurn, 234; government of, 235; reaction in, 238; 240; joins the Siebnerkonkordat, 242; 246 Somerset, Lord Charles, Governor of Cape Colony, 780 Somnath, the (spurious) gates of, 735 Sonderbund, the Swiss, 237; 248 sqq. Sophia, Archduchess of Austria, 154; 171; and the Camarilla, 175, 182; 190; 398;
and Alexander Bach, 401 Sostegno, Alfieri
di, see Alfieri
Sotomayor, Duke of, Spanish statesman, 555 Soubirous, Bernadette, of Lourdes, 714 Sound Dues, the, abolished, 687; 693 South Australia, 792 a Crown colony, 794 population of, 796, 799; 797 sq. 799 Island, New Zealand, 795 sq. Southland, province of, 799 Soutzo, Alexander, Greek poet, 278 Spain, the course of Revolution in (1845Palmerston and, 17; 71), Chap. XX; Bismarck and, 462; the succession in (1870), 462 sq., 495, 578 sq. and Mexico, ;
;
;
;
Pius Papacy, 708 sq. Japan, 823 476;
IX
683;
Spaventa,
Silvio,
;
and, 706; and the and China, 819; and
Neapolitan politician, 379
Spencer, third Earl, see Althorp, Viscount Spencer's Gulf, settlement of, 792 Spener, Philipp Jacob, 710 Speranski, Count Michael, Russian states-
man, 264 Spicheren, battle
of,
586
sq.,
589
Sismondi, Jean C. L. Simonde de, 261 Sitabaldi Hills, 726 Situ, Jat slave, see Chitu
Spielberg, castle of, 75 Spielhagen, Friedrich, novelist, 417; 419 sq. Spoleto, Mastai-Ferretti (Pius IX) at, 72
Skalitz, fight at, 453 Skobeleff, Michael, Russian general,
Sponneck, Count Wilhelm Karl Eppingen von, Danish Minister of Finance, 225 Stackelberg, Count Ernest, Russian diplomatist, 618
632 Slavonia, 170; Hungary and, 173; 177 sqq.; disturbances in, 182; 202; 206
Index
1038
Stadion, Count Francis, Austrian statesman, 156; 171; and Galicia, i?4, 178;. 187; Minister of the Interior, 190, 398;
retirement of, 216; 403 Stael [-Holstein], Anne-Louise-Germaine, nee Necker, Baroness de, 507; 519 Stampfli, Jakob, Swiss politician, 256 Stafford, Sir Edward William, in New
Zealand, 799
Donald Alexander Smith, Strathcona, Lord, 774 Strathnairn, Hugh Henry Rose, Lord, at Constantinople, 313; in India, 749 Stratimirovic, George, Serb leader, 180
David Friedrich, theologian, 246 Hill, 355
Strauss,
Staffordshire, condition of the miners in, 1 Stahl, Friedrich Julius, Prussian Conservative leader, 223 ; 395 sqq. Stanley, Edward G. G. S., see Derby,
Strawberry
Strobach, Anton, Vice-President of the Austrian Reichstag, 178 Strousberg, Bethel Henry, German banker,
646
fourteenth Earl of
Lord, see Derby, fifteenth Earl of Owen, Captain, at Banks' Peninsula,
793
Struve, Gustav von, 61 sq.; 145; 163 sq.
485; see also Legations Staunton, Francis, French officer, repulses the Peshwa's army, 726 Steffens, Henrik, Norwegian philosopher, 697 sq. Steiger, Jakob Robert, Swiss statesman,
247 260
Steinmetz, Karl Friedrich von, Prussian general, 580 585 sq. at Spicheren, 587 ; 606 at Gravelotte, 593 sq. Stellenbosch, district of, 778 ;
;
;
Stelvio Pass, 243
Stenay, German occupation of, 596 sq. Stendhal, see Beyle, Marie-Henri Stephen, Archduke of Austria, Palatine of Hungary, 155; 181 sqq. Stephens, James, Fenian leader, 343 Sterbini, Pietro, Roman revolutionary, 91 ;
plorer,
Barbe, Hospodar of Wallachia, 284; 643 Stirling, Sir James, Captain, Governor of Western Australia, 791 Stockhausen, August Wilhelm Ernst von, Prussian Minister of War, 229 Stockholm, agitation in, 684; 685 Stockmar, Baron Christian Friedrich von, 160; 166; Frederick William IV and, 191; 192 Stolberg, Count Anton, 51
Lambertus
politician,
Dutch
Dominicus,
663
Theodor Waldsen, German 420 412; 414; 417 sq.
writer,
;
Stosch, Albrecht von, Prussian general, 456 Stourdza, Michael, Hospodar of Moldavia, 282 sqq. Strachwitz, Count Moritz von, German poet, 413 sq. Straits Convention, 30
Strassburg, 31 political demonstrations at, 137; 243; 464; 576; 580; siege of, 588; fall of, 600, 604 Stratford de Redcliffe, Stratford Canning, ;
Viscount,
in
Turkey, 275 sqq.;
306;
798
Johann Karl Bertram, Hanoverian statesman, 148; 220 Sturt, Charles, Captain, Australian explorer, 792; 795 Stuttgart, disturbances in, 61 Stiive,
revolutionary
movement
155;
in,
and German unity, 173; 179; 184; and Hungary, 202; 399 Suchow, captured by the "Taipings," 821 Suchtelen, Count Jan Pieter, Russian Minister in Stockholm, 679 Sue, Eugene, French writer, 131 Suez, 346; canal, 637 sq., 788
;
427
Sully-Prudhomme, Ren^-FranQois-Armand, 515 Sumatra, Dutch supremacy in, 667 Sungari river, navigation of, 273 Svoboda, Vaclav, Cech writer, 654
Swan
93 Stirbey,
politician,
;
Stubbs, William, Bishop of Oxford, 363 Studer, Bernard, geologist, 260
Styria,
Steiner, Jakob, mathematician,
Baden
imprisoned, 192 John MacDouall, Australian ex-
Stuart,
Staring, Antoni, Dutch writer, 676 States of the Church, invaded by Garibaldi,
Storm,
and the causes of the Crimean War, sq., 316; 320; and the Suez Canal,
313 638
River, exploration on, 791
Sweden, (1815-70), Chap. Schleswig-Holstein,
XXIV
167, 441;
and and the
(1);
Danish succession, 696 Swinburne, Algernon Charles, 357 sq. 365 Switzerland, the achievement of Federal Unity in, Chap. VIII; 38; Frederick William IV and, 50; 64; the Jesuits in, 67; 140; overthrow of the Sonderbund ;
580; 609; and the Old in, 142; 385; Catholic Schism, 723 Sybel, Heinrich von, German historian, 231 Sydenham, Charles Edward Poulett Thomson, Lord, Governor-General of Canada, 758 sqq.; 766 sq. Sydney, 790; and Victoria, 792; 794 sq. Syllabus, the, of Pius IX, 712; 714 sq. Syria, 276; Napoleon III and, 476; 634;
France and, 636 Szalay, Ladislas, Hungarian historian, 431 Szasz, Charles, Hungarian writer, 430
Count Stephen, Hungarian Szechenyi, national leader, 155; 172; 183; 205; the Survey of, 400 sq. writings of, 425 sqq., 431 Sz6csen, Count Anton, Austrian states;
man, 404
1039
Index Szegedin, 210; battle at, 211
431 Szoreg, battle
of,
211
Szony, engagement
at,
206
Szujski, J6zef, Polish historian,
660
Tabley, de, John Byrne Leicester Warren, Lord, English poet, 353 Tache", Sir Etienne Pascal, Premier of
Canada, 769; 775 Tagliamento, Austrian advance on, 86 Tagus, French men-of-war in, 574 Tahiti, 16; 35; annexed by the French, 793 Taine,
523
sq.
;
Hippolyte-Adolphe, 527
native troubles at, 799;
800 Tarnowski, Count Stanislaw, Polish writer, 660 Tartars, in China, 803 Tartary, Gulf of, 819; Sea of, 272 Tashkent, captured by the Russians, 631 Tasmania, transportation to, 784, 794 sq. ; separated from New South Wales, 789; 790 sq.; population of, 796, 799; 797 Tata Giovanni, Orphanage of, 72 Tataraimaka, the Maori and, 799 sq. Tati, discovery of gold at, 787 Tausenau, Karl, Austrian Radical, 185 Tayasu, Japanese noble, 825 Taylor, Sir Henry, the dramas of, 352 sq. Tom, dramatist, 352 Tazzoli, Enrico, Italian priest, 376 sq. Te Rauparaha, Maori chief, 793; 795 Te Rewi, Maori chief, 799 sqq. Tegne"r, Esaias, Swedish poet, 686 sq. Tej Sing, commander of Khalsa troops, 738 sq. Telford, Thomas, engineer, 684 Tell, William, the legend of, 261 Temesvar, 184; battle of, 211 Temps, Le, French journal, 487 Tenasserim, capture of, 728 Tennyson, Alfred, Lord Tennyson, the poems of, 350 sq. and Browning, 352; 353; 364 sq.; 701 ;
of,
Thierry,
Baron Charles
de, in
New Zealand,
793 Jacques-Nicolas-Augustin, 523
historian,
"Taiping" Rebellion, the, 820 sq. Takadzukasa, Japanese noble, 834; 837 sqq. Choshiu 852 Takasugi, leader, Taku forts, capture of, 812; 817 sq. French Talabot, Paulin, politician, 298 Talienwan Bay, European force at, 818 Tangier, bombarded by the French, 35 Tann, Baron Ludwig von der, Bavarian general, 602 sq. Tantia Topi, Brahman officer, 738 sq. Taormina, capture of, 92 Taranaki, 793;
Eugene, the Paris in December 1861 488 Teplitz, meeting of the Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia at, 224 Teste, Jean-Baptiste, French statesman, 39 Tetuan, occupied by the Spaniards, 564 Duke of, see O'Donnell, Enrique Thackeray, William Makepeace, 358 sq. Thackwell, Sir Joseph, Lieutenant-General, in India, 741 Thana, Danglia imprisoned at, 725 Theiss river, the war on, 204 sq., 210 sq. Theisz, French politician, 502 Theodore, Emperor of Abyssinia, 752 sq. Thessaly, Greek invasion of, 639 sq. Theux de Meyland, Barth.; 673; and ;
800
;
Luxemburg, 674
1044
Index
William II, King of Holland, accession of, 662 and constitutional reform, 663 668 and Luxemburg, 674; and Japan, 823; death of, 664 Ill, King of Holland, accession of, 664; 665; 667; and Luxemburg, 674 sq. 148 and I, King of Wiirtemberg, 61 the Frankfort Assembly, 200; 223; and Hesse-Cassel, 229 Prince (of Denmark), see George I, King of Greece Willisen, Baron Wilhelm von, Prussian general, 164; 225; 227 Wills, William John, Australian explorer, 798 Wilson, Sir Archdale, General, at Delhi, 746 sq. James, financial member of Council of India, 752 John ("Christopher North"), 362 Wimpffen, Emmanuel-Fe'lix de, French general, 597 sq. Windischgratz, Alfred, Prince von, Austrian field-marshal, 154; 170 sq. 176; quells the Prague insurrection, 177 sq. 182; in besieges Vienna, 187 sqq. 190; Hungary, 202 sqq.; recall of, 206; 208 sq.; 501 Winterthur, industries of, 259 Winther, Christian, Danish writer, 699 Wodehouse, Lord, see Kimberley, Earl of Wodzicki, Count Ludwik, Polish writer, 660 Worth, battle of, 584 sq., 587, 595 Wohlgemuth, Baron Ludwig von, Austrian general, 206; defeats Gorgei, 210; in Transylvania, 215, 217 Wolf, Rudolf, astronomer, 260 Wolff, German poet, 413 Wolowski, Louis-Francois-MJchel-Raymond, French politician, 109; 111 Wolseley, Garnet Joseph Wolseley, Viscount, in Canada, 777 Wood, Sir Charles, see Halifax, Viscount Woosung, capture of, 809 Wordsworth, William, poet, 347 sqq. Wrangel, Friedrich, Count von, Prussian general, 162; 167; 188; occupies Berlin, 193 in Schleswig-Holstein, 440 Wrede, Karl Theodor, Prince, 146 Wuchang, captured by the "Taipings," 820 Wurtemberg, 60 sq. revolutionary movement in, 148, 152; and the Frankfort Constitution, 218; 221; and Germanic and the Austroconfederation, 222 sq. Prussian War, 457; and the North German Confederation, 460, 464 sq. and the Zollverein, 462 and the FrancoGerman War, 464 and the Papacy, 708 Wyke, Sir Charles Lennox, British envoy in Mexico, 565 Wysocki, Joseph, Polish general, 207 ;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
;
Yamagata, ChSshiu leader, 852; 865 Yamaguchi, fortress of, 852 Yandabu, Treaty of, 728 Yangtze river, 809
Yar Mohammad, intrigues with Persia, 733 Yedo, Chap. XXVIII (2) passim Yeh, Commissioner at Canton, 815 sq. Yezo, island of, seized by rebels, 860 Ymuiden, harbour of, 666 Yokohama, American expedition
at,
833; opened to trade, 840 sq.; 845; 848; port of, 850 sq., 859
829; 842;
Yone"zawa clan, 859 Yonge, Charlotte Mary, novelist, 360 Yoritomo, 826 Yoshimun6, Prince of Kishiu, 825 Young, Edward, poet, 422 Sir John, see Lisgar, Lord Youssouf Izz-ed-din, 637 Yssel river, abolition of tolls on, 664 Yukon district, 633, 776 Yuriev, see Dorpat Zabala, Juan de, Marquis of Sierra Bullones, Spanish general, 569 Zagreb, see Agram Zamoiski, Count Andrzej, 628; ings of, 657, 659
the writ-
Zanella, Giacomo, Italian poet, 547
Heinrich
Zastrow,
Adolf
von,
German
general, 587
Zerafshan, ceded to Russia, 631 Zhukovsky, Vasili, tutor to the
Tsar,
613 Zichy-Vasonykeo, Count Ferdinand, Military Commandant at Venice, 82; 203 Ziegler, Swiss Federal officer, 251 Zittel, Karl, Baden politician, 60 Zollverein, the German, and trade with Great Britain, 15; 28; 47; 53 sq., 63; 393 sq.; 443; renewed, 444; and Italy, 447; the North German Confederation and China, 819 and, 461 sq. Zoutpansberg, Boers at, 781; 785; 787 Zschinsky, Ferdinand von, Saxon statesman, 219 Zschokke, Johann Heinrich Daniel, Swiss writer and politician, 239 Zug, 234; 244; and the Aargau monasteries, 247; 251 defeated by the Boers, 782 Zulus, 781 Zurich, 234 the Federal Pact confirmed at, ;
;
;
236; 237; reaction in, 238; 240; joins the Siebnerkonkordat, 242; University 242 Federal Diet at, 243 sq. of, 241 Protestant rising in, 246; 247; and the ;
;
;
industries
Sonderbund, 248; 254; 257; 260 Treaty of, 385 of, 259 Zuylen van Nyevelt, Baron Jacobus Petru* van, Dutch statesman, 666 Zwinglians, in Switzerland, 234 ;
;
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