The Correspondence of Lord Acton and Richard Simpson, Volume 2

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF LORD ACTON AND RICHARD SIMPSON VOLUME II

THE

CORRESPONDENCE OF LORD ACTON AND

RICHARD SIMPSON VOLUME II EDITED BY

JOSEF L. ALTHOLZ DAMIAN McELRATH AND

JAMES C. HOLLAND

WKJW

CAMBRIDGE AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1973

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao Paulo, Delhi Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521086882 © Professor J. L. Altholz, Father D. McElrath and Professor James C. Holland 1973 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 1973 This digitally printed version 2008 A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number: 75-112466 ISBN 978-0-521-08688-2 hardback ISBN 978-0-521-08369-0 paperback

CONTENTS INTRODUCTORY NOTE THE CORRESPONDENCE, Letters 201-467

page vii 3

INDEX OF PERSONS

329

INDEX OF BOOKS AND ARTICLES

338

INTRODUCTORY NOTE This second volume of the Acton-Simpson correspondence contains 267 letters, from September 1859 through June 1862. This covers the period of Acton's editorship of the Rambler1 until its transformation into the Home and Foreign Review. This was the period of the most intense correspondence between the two men. The remaining letters, through 1875, will appear in Volume in, along with a bibliography. A third editor has been added for these two volumes. Professor James C. Holland of Shepherd College is a former student of Father McElrath and collaborated with him in the publication of Lord Acton: The Decisive Decade 1864-1874 (Louvain, 1970), which contains much of Acton's correspondence for those years.2 Among other duties, Holland will be primarily responsible for the Index. The object of the editors has been to reproduce both the text and the appearance of the letters as faithfully as is possible in print. Sometimes this is not entirely compatible with the conventions of publishing. For instance, Simpson had the bad habit of underlining his signature, sometimes twice or thrice, as a flourish. This can be accurately reproduced in typescript, but it appears in print in this volume as a single underline. In all other respects, this volume is a continuation of Volume i. Where a person, book or article has been adequately footnoted in Volume i, the Index to this volume will indicate the location of that footnote. Additional acknowledgments are due to the Graduate School of the University of Minnesota for a small grant to Professor Altholz, to his research assistant David Horgan, to the Rev. D. Cousins of Oscott College, and to Ann Walsh. 1

2

Attributions of authorship of unsigned articles in the Rambler are to be found in Walter E. Houghton, ed., The Wellesley Index to Victorian Periodicals, 1824-1900, vol. II (Toronto, 1972). The Simpson, Newman and Dollinger letters are not included. The publication of the latter is now complete: Victor Conzemius, ed., Ignaz von DollingerjLord Acton: Briefwechsel 1850-1890, Band in (Munchen, 1971). The publication of The Letters and Diaries of John Henry Newman, ed. C. S. Dessain, continues, and Volumes xix and xx appeared in time to be extensively consulted in the preparation of this volume.

THE CORRESPONDENCE

201 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 30 SEPTEMBER 1859* Carlsbad 30th. September My dear Simpson, My mother's dangerous illness brought me here yesterday from my holiday in Upper Austria where I received no news of you and rejoiced to conclude therefrom that all things prosper, and I cannot tell for some time when I am likely to get away from Carlsbad. At any rate I must have a week with Dollinger whom I have not yet seen, and I hope to be home before the 25th. Too late however to do any revision, unless for the name of the thing and the goodness of conscience you think it worth while to send me anything in type. Newman writes to me that he hopes to finish his Isles, but is not sure. Northcote has promised a review of Palmer, Arnold one of Mill, and O'Hagan an Irish article which may certainly not aspire beyond the dignity of a 'communicated'. Newman and Toleration1 would be for the first part, I suppose, and if Wetherell has written something, it can follow Toleration if Newman fails us. I will send a notice or two which you will not want. I have been to Vienna and Prague, and have seen great men and have got much matter for my Austrian article, and much I might have used for the last Foreign Affairs. Since I came here I have also had a long talk with Count Buol.2 For three weeks I went every day to a hospital for wounded soldiers and heard a good deal, but I do not know whether I have anything that you can use, for I have read no newspapers. The dissatisfaction in Austria is enormous, the emperor discredited, the aristocratic generals in great hatred and contempt and unable to show themselves at a cafe with other officers. Benedek, as the only successful general, and as a bourgeois, boundlessly popular with the army. Not only is the army angry at having been led to defeat by incapable chiefs, but both army and people at the neglect of the comfort of the private soldiers, in consequence of mismanagement and want of funds. This riles the common people fearfully. The army starved in Italy, and the discipline was rigorously enforced on men dying of hunger and of thirst which their officers would not allow them to slake. Then the wounded complain bitterly of the butcherly treatment in the * Gasquet, Letter XLIII, pp. 84-7, with omissions. The third part of Newman's 'Isles of the North' and Simpson's projected article on toleration, neither of which were published. 2 Count Karl Ferdinand von Buol-Schauenstein (1797—1865), foreign minister of Austria 1852—9, had just resigned after leading Austria into the Italian war. The following section supplied material for Simpson to use in 'Current Events'. 1

great military hospitals. To a people accustomed to the thought of a 'paternal' govt. all these sufferings are a source of extreme animosity. Politically the most remarkable facts are the inaction of Austria in Italy, where she seems now tolerably agreed with France, and the settlement of the Protestant question by the new ministry. The Statute, of which you have seen and will, I suppose, give the chief provisions, is perfectly liberal and sensible. It has long been drawn up, and it is not Bach's fault that it was not sooner published, so that his successor Goluchouski is decking himself with the feathers of the other. The Protestants had no real grievances, and this decree only secures to them the enjoyment of rights they for the most part practically possessed. They do not therefore exhibit any great delight, and there is no great practical change. But the row about Protestant oppression is silenced, and the cry against the Concordat is weakened. For this Statute is conceived in the same spirit, drawn up on the same principle, and in fact completes the work of the Concordat. The Catholics have most reason to rejoice at it, for it concedes to the Protestant privileges, very harmless in themselves, but far greater than were granted to the Church. No Catholic teacher, for instance, can be appointed in a Protestant school. It was impossible to obtain a corresponding right for Catholic schools. This passage has indeed, amusingly enough, been complained of on the plea that the Catholics might now demand the same thing, though it was refused in the Concordat. The Austrians are resolved not to interfere in Italy, and, by refusing to recognize the new settlement, to reserve to themselves the power of upsetting it all when an opportunity offers. China will give you an easy chapter. Eckstein writes full of admiration for your letters in the Correspondant.1 Shall we not begin again this winter to think of the Lingard Socty?2 I have been putting together my notions and plans for carrying it out. Will you do the same, and make a note of every body,—library said—family, we may hope for materials from, besides those we can convoke as members, and the best practical way of obtaining subscribers. I wonder what our Irish friends are doing. Arnold says most people think the bishops have been imprudent. I had rather be turned out of parliament by my petition than by the clergy at the next election. If you can charitably write immediately, and tell me all about your intercourse with Wetherell, direct to Carlsbad, Bohemia. Your's ever truly J D Acton 1

2

Simpson wrote 'Lettre sur le role des catholiques dans les dernieres elections en Angleterre', Correspondant (May 1859), 167-71; 'Lettre de Londres' (June 1859), 374-7; 'Lettre de Londres' (September 1859), 174-80. Acton's projected English Catholic historical society.

202 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 4 OCTOBER 1859 Clapham. Oct. 4. 59 My dear Acton I should have written, but I doubted whether the letter would reach you; you comfort me greatly, for I feared I should have to do all the R. Northcote's boy died last week, & so I had to do the article for him, but he approved it, & it is now in the printers hands. Toleration is communicated; 17| pp. Newman has given us, Ancient Stes No. ii. 7 pp. also Commun. Northcote on the Catacombs about 16 pp. I had also finished "The forms of intuition No. 1. 20 pp." now in Wetherell's hands—but that will stand over. I was also going to do Donnet,1 but now with Newman's Isles, Arnold's Mill, O'Hagan's Ireland we shall have more than enough.2 Correspondence, a Ire of Wetherell agnst Newman; a letter of F. Capes on Palmerston & the Architects re the foreign office. A Ire of mine on the English martyrs. D? on 'Catholic policy' (approved by Wetherell)— & one of F. de Buck; in all about 17 or 18 pp. Your short notice 3 | pp.— Current events say 30 to 35. I. Home affairs—1. The Catholic Ch (Much about the Irish pastoral)—2. Domestic events—Evictions at door, & the sticker 3. Foreign relations. China Sfc Juan America—Ld J. Russell's farm policy. II—1. The Revolution & the Ch. 2. The Rev? in Italy—3. Austria & Germany, (send me a few notes about the Federation dodge—4. France & Italian policy—p. armaments—y. agitation for liberty of the press. 5. Spain & Morocco. Russia—& Turkey.—There are other things such as the 2^ Indian mutiny etc. but one must draw the line somewhere. With Wetherell I get on capitally. He comes & dines here on Sundays —but till the end of November he is engaged night & day, so he only writes the if?, not agnst Newman, but against Nap. III. Afterwards he will do more. 1

2

Ferdinand Francis Auguste Donnet (1795-1882), archbishop of Bordeaux, cardinal 1852, by virtue of that rank a senator during the Second Empire. Bonapartist and ultramontane, he spoke often in the Senate. Of these items, the November Rambler contained: Northcote, ' The Symbolism of the Catacombs'; Newman,' The Ancient Saints, I I ' ; Simpson,' Forms of Intuition'; Arnold, 'Mill on Liberty'; Wetherell ['Sigma'], 'Napoleonism and its Apostolate', 83—6 (a critique of Newman's defence of Napoleon III); F[rederick] C[apes], 'Palmerston on Architecture', 86-90; Simpson ['R. S.'], 'The Cultus of the English Martyrs', 90-3; Simpson ['X'], 'Catholic Policy and the Temporal Prosperity of the Church', 93-7; de Buck, 'The Episcopal See of St. Martin'. Only one short notice was by Acton; the other and the ' Current Events' were by Simpson.

We have the account for the old Rambler. The surplus, after paying everything is £271 odd. We propose to divide it thus. £200 as capital for the new. £15 J. M. Capes, the rest to be divided—half to me (F. Capes did this; it wd have been too much for my modesty) & the rest between you & him. So you will have £14 odd to bless yourself with, & we can henceforth pay our writers. The thing is buoyant enough now, if we can but keep it so. The Oscott pastoral1 published—very mild, though turgid & ungrammatical. The end is oracular & suits us. It declares that our controversy is no longer with sectarians but with Infidels; this is something that our pilots should at last have come to recognize however dimly this great truth. Now shall I make into articles that book of mine? Or shall I submit it to Longman?—but we will talk of all this when you return. The Irish Bps. have been very imprudent; & they will not stick to their programme: They will get any amount of reform of the present system, but not the inauguration of a new. If I were you I would spare a week in the winter to go over & talk with them separately, but carefully eschew the society of Maguire2 & the O'Donaghue,3 whose meeting, by the bye, it is impossible to get together. I will have my current events printed as soon as possible & send you the slips, so as not to compromise you; but I am schooling myself in prudence to a most remarkable extent, so I do not think I shall offend much. The Tablet made a veryfierceonslaught on my article The Theory of Parties, but there was no argument in it—It supposed that the writer was simply a fool, & treated him accordingly. It complained of the Home part of current events being colourless, but praised highly the foreign part. W. R. has not been plucky enough to touch upon the matter at all, which seems to me rather houndish. There was grave talk at Oscott about condemning the article "On consulting the laity"—The Cardinal is going to Rome for 6 mo. probably to support the recommendations of the synod. He is however very ill, & people were fearing the other day that he wd not live long enough to have Trebizonde4 turned out of the right of succession. If he succeeds we shall have to fight it out. With the Cardinal it is a game of chess, or at most fencing; with Trebizonde it wd be daggers. You will be sorry to hear that M" Harding5 (is it not?—the oldest 1 2 3 4 5

The pastoral letter of the Provincial Synod of Westminster, meeting at Oscott. John Francis Maguire (1815-92), founded the Cork Examiner 1841, barrister 1843, M.P. 1852-72, the leading Irish Catholic spokesman in this parliament. Daniel O'Donoghue (1833-89), 'the O'Donoghue' (head of the clan), M.P. 1857, expelled, again M.P. 1865-85, bankrupt 1870. Errington, titular archbishop of Trebizond. Mary Georgiana Frances Ellis (d. 1917), eldest daughter of Lt. Col. Augustus Frederick Ellis, married 1858 Arthur Edward Hardinge (1828-92), entered army 1844, equerry to Prince Albert 1858-61, to the Queen 1861, general 1883, knighted 1886. 6

Miss Ellis) has given up her religion, & gone to the bad. Mac told me of it on Sunday—he says that the Queen made a dead set at her. I did not know the Q. was a Theologian. After this you must prepare aes triplex against the next attack of Todd.1 I told Mac what Todd wanted, & he said he had suggested it to T. & asked if T. had been goose enough to hint it to you? I told him it was too late, for you were going to bring home an Austrian Princess—"I thought as much," said he. So now you will know the origin of the next report that gets about concerning you. I do not know that I was ever so much bullied by anything as by these current events. I hate the work, though I own that it will have been good to have done them once. F. de Buck writes that they ought always to be done by the same hand, who shd devote himself to them; You have both the greatest opportunities of knowing, & the greatest historical habitudes. You pick up in conversation the proportion of events which we who know nobody have to pick out laboriously from newspapers. And then you have been a historian all your life—I was almost plucked for my history at Oxford. I have no talent for it, & so no taste for it—It takes months for a lot of separate events to settle down into a whole in my head. I am now beginning to have a glimmering understanding of the events in the early part of September. Buck also criticised Eckstein on Nap. "on detache trop le personnage de Fhomme—a mon sens, le personnage etait Thomme lui-meme paraissant en public. Dans cette montre, si vous voulez, il profltait des enseignements de l'histoire; mais ce n'etait pas pour cela un masque." I shall be delighted to get up the Lingard scheme with you at Xmas, but now, having written so much lately that my fingers & wrist ache consumedly, I will give myself a holiday. Shall we have Eckstein on Science & religion for Jany? Also, in view of Trebizonde, we must get into Longman's hands, if possible. Make up your mind to that, & think again whether you cannot ask Lord Granville's assistance. Could you only ask it from him on the same terms as f1? Ld Palmerston? I mean, would his interference make him suppose that it committed you to his party? Dont let anything I have said prevent your sending the notices that you mention. Wetherell & I have been talking of the necessity of improving that part: but we neither of us have time. It shd be done by the greatest reader—LYOU again. But with our capital we can now afford a little more expense. The cost of each no. paper & printing is about 65—I do not quite know what each brings in, but I think over 100. Burns only pays in about 6 mo. But our £200 capital is quite enough to pay the printing & paper for 6 mo: & 1

A proposed marriage for Acton.

7

writers must be paid as before by orders on the publisher. But we need not go into this till we can settle about Longman. I hope that all reasons to be uneasy about your mother have ceased.— Ever yours very truly R Simpson 203 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 7 OCTOBER 1859* Carlsbad October 7.1859 My dear Simpson, I was delighted to receive your letter, with so much good news. As to the November Rambler I must observe that promises are sometimes delusive, and that Newman's in particular are not to be trusted. His letter to me half promising the end of the ' Isles' was dated September 6^, long before he sent the Ancient Saints, so that perhaps he means to send no more. I refreshed him with a reminder yesterday, but I am too far off to keep up the correspondence. Unless therefore OHagan and Arnold, whom I requested to send their articles to Burns, have done so by the time this reaches you, Wetherell or you had better write to Newman, as well as to the others, to know for certain. Letters will find them 6 Harcourt S$ Dublin. At any rate let us have 'the forms of intuition.' no 1. this time. Passing from the next R. to the last, I am glad the treatment of Gladstone appears colourless. Our difference on important political questions with the midsummer Newman obliges us to be a little reserved at first. To make up for Father de Buck's criticism on Eckstein, Reichensperger, the Catholic leader in the Prussian chamber writes: "The article on the Bonapartes seems to me to betray a pen of the first order. May I be allowed to ask the name of the author? " Wallis has missed the point apparently of your essay on parties. A man may without prejudice to his reputation for wisdom dispute some of the opinions, but only a fool can overlook the ingenuity and felicity of the analysis of Toryism as a social not a political system. Reichensperger above-praised says he read it with great interest and agrees with the substance of it, but says it is a question of practice not of theory, and that no theory will suit both Prussia and England. Though this is simple enough, yet as he is a very able man, and as the Prussian Catholics certainly succeed better than we do in a very similar enterprise, I have begged him to put into a letter for the R. any observations your article * Gasquet, Letter XLIV, pp. 87-104. 8

may suggest to him.1 As to the future Rambler I shall not be back in time to make notes of the events of this month. But if you will help me in that, I will follow up on my return home, and will undertake the continuation of that irksome task. I am ready to do it not because my historical studies will make me do it well, but because doing it will help me to understand history generally. But it ought to be agreed between us that if there is any subject to be treated in the chronicle which you or Wetherell happen to be particularly conversant with you shall both make notes on such subjects, that may be worked into the text. I am very glad you both agree with me about the importance of the literary notices. I have an idea which I communicated yesterday to Newman, that without excluding odd notices of various kinds it might be a good plan to group together several books on one branch of literature in each N? I could do in this way ten pages of medieval history for January, and I could get, say, a set of notices of books on biblical learning &c. for March, and so forth. This plan would, I conceive, serve to concentrate the interest of the short notices in each N° and with proper assistance would not be extremely difficult. This is the way too in which I could best bring my German studies and correspondence to bear. I am beginning also to see quite clearly into the millstone of Austrian politics at the present change. I hope to have for Jan? an article ready the tendency of which as well as other things, your cool report of the Austrian princess will serve to explain. I hope besides to get one or two other articles done before parliament meets, so as to have nothing but current events and literature on my hands during the session. I have had letters from Prague since my arrival here, in which Hofler, who I think I told you, is one of the best German historians, offers essays on the history of the Middle ages, naming subjects of the widest interest and importance. Another very considerable writer, Lowe,2 the same who discussed in a Vienna Journal your essays on Shakespeare, proposes one or two papers on the English philosophers. I presume of the period between Bacon and Berkeley. I have asked for more exact information, and have accepted also. I have been thinking that Raby might do to translate our German articles allowing for touching up at home. During the Session it is impossible for me to do it myself. You have admitted original articles of his; as he knows German perfectly I hope his translations will be better than his compositions.—After receiving your letter this afternoon I resolved to speak to Lord Granville about Longman. He promised at once to do what he could to facilitate matters and said he would have 1

2

This was done: see August Reiehensperger, 'The Theory of Party', Rambler, 3rd ser. II (January 1860), 237-43. All subsequent references to volumes of the Rambler after May 1859 will omit the '3rd ser.'. Johann Heinrich Lowe (1808-92), professor of philosophy at Prague 1851.

Longman to dinner when we get home if I liked. So we must bide our time and get Newman to write to Longman at the right moment. I am sure you will be glad of this. I hope that the £200 which you propose to make into a capital for the Rambler will prove a good investment and that you will not regret that you did not share it with Capes straightway. I am glad of the unexpected £14 you promise me; they shall pay for Eckstein's future articles. He announces the first only for the end of December, thinking, I suppose, that it will be in time then for Jany. So I expect it will be too late. What you say about publishing your philosophical work apropos of the dicta of the Oscott bishops, is well worthy of consideration, and meets halfway something that has often occurred to me lately. It is not enough that the Rambler should recover its good name in the world separate from you. You ought to take the same opportunity of rehabilitating yourself independently of the R. You ought not to be known simply as Simpson the Rambler but as S. the author of such and such a book. Campion, if you could finish him this winter would have appeared to me the very thing. But the same will be done with your treatise of Metaphysics. MansePs remarkable success proves that a well written book of this kind is not overlooked because merely of the subject. If it is not too long, if it is clear, and helped with these pointed illustrations which come so readily to your pen, published by Longman, it will in all likelihood (materially) succeed. Still more, as you must seek a Protestant public, if it takes its place in existing discussions and controversies, if it hangs by sticking one peg into Whewell, another into Mill, another into Hamilton, Mansel &c. on the other hand it will be an advantage to you among Catholics, that you can start from the recent utterance of the bishops, and act as the pioneer amongst us in the great controversy which your essays have already engaged in, and of which people are beginning to see the importance. I say all this frankly, believing your book to be written, and that the getting it ready will not impede you in writing articles. Whilst I write it occurs to me that if you confine your book to the Cosmogony there is not room for much that I have said. But then the interest of that subject is never dying and my opinion is still the same. I would only impress upon you that you ought to do Mill for Jany. It is a capital subject for Longman and it ought to be our least religious N? of all. I suppose that in Current events you will give extracts from the Pastoral and will sing a chorus to the passage you speak of. Our negotiations with Longman must be kept quite secret. You ought sometimes to write an article or a review for the Weekly. It would serve our purpose to sound an occasional echo in its pages. I have no room left to speak about the German confederation, and the projects of reform, but will if I can, without delay. I read hardly any newspapers, but loads of Austrian pamphlets. I hope you have made some blunder 10

about the catacombs. I met De Rossi, the underground archaeologist par excellence, at Vienna, and renewed an old Roman acquaintance with him. He said Northcote had made some mistakes, so I will send him the Nov? R. and ask him to send us a critique or correction of errors, by which means we shall have him among our contributors. I have also written to Gratry for something which will give us the use of his name. The prospect of Longimanian advertisements and other advantages in the trade, joined to your account of our affairs, and of your good understanding with Wetherell, is highly exhilarating. Not so what you say of Mrs. Harding, for the others owed their conversion to her. I almost regret I did not succeed better with the youngest. I had already a suspicion that MacMullen had a hand in organizing every scheme for matchmaking in Belgravia, so he deserves to be the victim of your bold trope. I am very sorry too for Northcote. As soon as Palmer's book on Egypt appears we must send it to Renouf. I hope your article will not stop subscriptions to his plates in Xn Antiquities. My mother, I hope is getting better, though slowly, and with little chance of an entire cure. Yours ever faithfully John Dalberg Acton P.S. There ought to be a chapter in Current events on the estab. Church, of a page or two. Will you undertake it for the Jany. N?? only a convert can do that sort of thing, and if well done would keep our friends of the union1 &c. on the look out. will you tell MacM. that I consider myself justified in fixing him an article or a letter, for his sinister designs? I It is important to observe who are the friends and who are the enemies of Austria.2 This is the characteristic lesson of the late war, and the most telling fact concerning the internal government of Austria. In Germany the people were almost entirely with her, the Governments, when not carried away by popular feeling, generally against her. French imperialism has a great fascination for many of those small princes, and its influence has led them more than once to acts and wishes incompatible with the liberal institutions which subsist with more or less success all over Germany. Austria, it is often said, has lost friends by the Concordat. There is considerable truth in this. The old Austrian Government, before 1848, was the most unpopular throughout Germany, the very 1

2

The Union, a newspaper (later the Union Review) representing the views of the Association for the Promotion of the Unity of Christendon (A.P.U.C), a group of high Anglicans and some Roman Catholics favouring the corporate reunion of the churches. The following sections provide material for 'Current Events'. 11

bugbear of liberal politicians and of the press. But the courts regarded it as their bulwark and their security. Every prince sought in it the safeguard of his power. Metternich was the Protector of the Confederation which he had created, as much as Napoleon was the Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine. The mild absolutism, and good natured tyranny of the emperor Francis was the ideal of many weak and timid sovereigns. Austria was the model of a monarchy, whilst France was a republic scarcely disguised for decency's sake in the trappings of kingly government. But now it is no longer so. Austria has sacrificed in the Concordat the great and most indispensable element of despotism. The prince who does not command the souls of his subjects, has according to modern notions, a very precarious authority over their bodies. It is Austria that is now the mongrel, half absolute, half free—It has surrendered to the most formidable and insinuating enemy, it has admitted a state within the state. Did not D? Busby1 walk before the King when he visited his school, for fear the boys would imagine there was a greater personage in the world than the schoolmaster? And now that Francis Joseph has publicly acknowledged the rights of the pope in matters hitherto belonging to the state will not his subjects ask themselves whether perchance in other respects too the state has not hitherto overstepped the limits of its just authority? No state is safe from the influence of so pernicious an example. Even the old and world wise protestant king of Wirtemberg has been forced into similar concessions, and the Grand-duke of Baden has given way to the archbishop of Freiburg, as if he was a medieval prince living in the dread of excommunication and the fear of God! There are many who make these speeches, and these are the enemies Austria has made by the Concordat. But that state which was so long the object of abhorrence to the Germans as it is now to the Italians, has had with it during the late war not only the sympathy, but the enthusiasm of the German people. Even the great majority of the Prussian press had, in spite of the government, turned by the beginning of April to the side of Austria. The two ablest political writers among the German Democrats of 1848 were Gustav Diezel and Julius Frobel. Diezel suffered a long imprisonment in Wirtemberg. Before his death, last year, he had written the most powerful and eloquent pamphlets in favour of Austria and in favour of the Concordat. One of them has been translated into English. Frobel after being condemned to death at Vienna has enjoyed the incalculable advantage of several years residence in the United States. His recent pamphlet on the peace of Villafranca is the ablest apology of Austria that has appeared. Prussia, he says, has sustained a greater moral loss than Austria a material. The 1

Richard Busby (1606-95), headmaster of Westminster 1638-95 (under several Kings), a notorious flogger.

12

failure of the Austrian arms has caused her to lose ground in Germany. But Prussia has lost more by unskilful diplomacy than Austria by her unsuccessful warfare. The Gotha party, that which labours for the Prussification of all Germany out of Austria, succeeded indeed in depriving Austria of the support of Germany, but has injured still more its own credit by its success. So long as Austria remains a great power she can prevent Prussia from absorbing the rest of Germany. Even if Austria was as much weakened as in 1848, the smaller states would find a protector against Prussian ambition. On the other hand no Austrian statesman has ever entertained for the Emperor the ambitious designs of Prussia. A division of Germany between them is impossible because they could never agree, and because it would be in the interest of the rest of Europe as well as of the lesser states to prevent it. Yet that the present constitution of the Diet is untenable is beyond a doubt. Nor is it doubtful that France and Russia are interested in preserving it, because it makes Germany powerless in Europe. In their attempts at reform the patriots of Germany have to overcome the opposition of powerful enemies, and their own divisions. It is extremely questionable whether any effectual change will be adopted. The following plan has been proposed. The lesser states, in order to be de facto as well as de jure severally equal in rights to Austria and Prussia, must be collectively equal in power. There are in Germany materials for three great powers instead of two, as at present. The lesser states have a common character, similar institutions, and common interests against the two great powers; therefore every motive to unite together in a separate confederation. The federal government would not affect the home government of each state of the union more than at present is the case, the army would be a federal army and the diplomatic relations would be conducted in the name of the union as a whole, the several states would surrender their separate armies, and their separate relations with foreign states. This union would then join as a third member in another union of the three great German powers. By such an arrangement as this the jealousy between Austria and Prussia would be removed, the Confederation would lose that simply defensive and consequently impotent character attributed to it by Prince Gurchakoff and Count Walewski, and the strongest barrier would be set to French and Russian aggression. NB Pray consider whether it would not be well to have instant chapters in current events, as catholic affairs, estab. church, parliament, Ireland &c. Also whether any device can be better than Seu vetus verum sit diligo sive novum.1 1

The motto chosen for the new Rambler was a variant of this: Seu vetus est verum diligo, sive novum (I seek the truth, whether it is old or new). 13

Dear Simpson, I did not finish these scratchings in time for post yesterday. I do not know whether they are intelligible, or can be worked into your account of German affairs. At any rate they cannot stand in any degree as they are. In using these stones you must not leave one on the other. I do not believe anything will be really done. If Austria had been victorious, it might have been possible, but with overweening neighbours right and left, I see little chance. I have not considered how the plan of a narrower confederation would affect religion. As far as I now see, not at all. I have no books of reference, but if you have anything authentic to refer to, you ought to add that the diplomatic agents of this union would speak in the name of so many millions of people and would be backed by an army of so many 100,000 men. I suppose the population of Germany barring Prussia and Austria is something like 15,000,000, and the army near 300000, but you must not say this without book. If you can find in a gazeteer or anything the federal contingent of the several smaller states, you can compute their possible force in this way: Bavaria had this summer above 100,000 men under arms. If the federal contingent of Bavaria is 50,000 I think it is something like it, you may double that of all the states to find their real amount of military force. As to the Irish bishops and their dodge, I cannot help thinking the position very difficult. They say: separate altogether—the Whigs say: mixed both in national schools and godless colleges. Now mixed, or rather neutral education for children is not so detestable in principle as in universities. The principle is not the same. The national schools may be improved, the books changed, the whole thing conducted fairly; then the absence of the cross &c. will not be a reason to throw it over. But in higher studies the Whig principle is detestable on grounds not of religion only, prot. or cath., but of science too. I can neither entirely oppose the bishops nor entirely agree with them. What I want is not the destruction of the godless colleges, still less that they be converted and live, but that the university should have fair play and a chance of choking them. Your's ever truly J D Acton Will not F. de Buck do anything about Williams' book on Anglican orders? Do you know TUniversel'?1 II Dear Simpson, Here you have a 3^ Postscript. I find that the population of the smaller states of Germany, barring Austria and Prussia, is 18,000,000, and the army it could set on foot, at the rate of the Bavarian, 1

A Belgian journal. 14

which is above 100000 to 4J000000, would be 400,000 men. The whole population of Prussia is 15,500,000, of which 12000000 are Germans; of Austria 38 or 9000000, of w^ 8 are German. I don't know whether I can make the federal question clearer. The weakness of the present confederation is not in the small states, but in the presence of great powers in it. Both Prussia and Austria have possessions not in the confederation, both have interests distinct from it. They cannot therefore devote themselves to a purely German policy, and the purely German interests of the remaining members of the Diet cannot prevail at Frankfort. This is what the late war teaches: The German patriots were for Austria, not for her sake but their own. They wished to represent all Germany as united, so that an attack on one German state would be resented by all. By this they have more to gain than Austria. The help of Austria is worth more to Germany than the help of Germany to Austria. If Prussia is attacked all the confederation is indeed bound to defend her. Austria must give her federal contingent, of 95000 men. This she will do, but certainly no more; whereas if it had been established that the integrity of her whole power not only her federal territory was the common cause of all Germany, she too would have thrown her whole weight into the scale in case of an invasion of Rhenish Prussia, that is, not 95000, but 400,000 men. The Confed. has never gone to war since it was formed. This was the first occasion, and now one of its members declared that as a great power, a member of the Pentarchy, it could not allow itself to be controlled by the majority in the Diet, that is, that it refused to obey the laws of the confederation. This was not unnatural, and proves not the wickedness of Prussia, but the defect of the whole institution. But what was wrong in the Prussian policy was the attempt to use the troubles of Austria to establish her own dictatorship in Germany, and the way in which they sought popularity by lecturing Austria on her bad gov-, whilst admitting her right —forgetful of Seneca who says "Primum esse, turn philosophar."—In a word the interests of Germany were sacrificed to those of the great states that belong to Germany. The object of reform is clearly enough indicated by this: to get rid of this dependence on the interests and policy of the two great members of the Confederation. If those great powers disagree, all Germany is the victim of their dissension. If they agree all Germany must follow their behest. Reform signifies therefore Emancipation. Now in 1848 two projects principally divided the patriots who tried to use that favourable moment when all things were in a state of change and transition to improve the constitution of Germany. One was called the Grossdeutsche, or Greater German party, because they understood Germany to include Austria. This was no project, but merely a negative to the project of excluding Austria. It only obtained the 15

character of a plan for change and reform when it understood all Austrian territories to belong to the Confederation. This would be equivalent to putting Germany with its 34000,000 into the pocket of Austria with (then) 40,000,000 of inhabitants, and this was not the plan even of the Austrians (tho' mooted at one time, tho' feebly, by Schwarzenberg—always condemned and ridiculed, on Austrian grounds by Metternich). The other, Kleindeutsche little-German party, commonly called the party of Gotha, openly and consciously aimed at the unity of Germany under the Prussian crown by the total exclusion of Austria. This was then a definite and vigorous plan, encouraged at one time by the Prussian gov^, the ideal too of the mass of German liberals. This party voted at Frankfort the imperial crown to the King of Prussia, and were laughed at for their pains. There was something in it, because 1? it gave unity to Germany tho' at the price of the Austrian portions of the union, 2? it gave more than double power to Prussia, which can hold up its head among the 5 great Powers only by taking the lead of Germany. 3? it was a great victory of Protestantism. 4? It was a great creative act of the revolution, which party said, first united, anyhow then democratic. A single revolution, victory of the barricades in a single town would suffice to revolutionize all Germany when united, like France; but when there are many states there must be many revolutions, none of them certain to succeed. The last element is the strongest in the Gothaism of the present day. Carl Vogt, the most ungodly demagogue of 1848, is its loudest champion. In all other ways it has lost ground greatly, particularly, ut supradict since Prussia's unpatriotic conduct during the Italian war. This plan has more against it in the eyes of most men than there is to recommend it in the eyes of a few. 1? it is quite impracticable, because Austria will refuse, because the small states will refuse to be gobbled up, because neither France nor Russia will tolerate such an increase of Prussian territory. 2? It weakens and impoverishes Germany, by separating from it many rich territories belonging to it, and by casting off that power which upholds the dominion of the German race over other inferior races. The first plan makes a Germany of 74000000 souls, the last a Germany of 34000000, and adds Austria to her enemies. This party was always foolish (tho' the mass of literary men in Germany belonged to it, Ranke and his school &c) and is now weak as well as foolish. We have then these possibilities: 1? A league in w^ Austria and Prussian join by virtue of their German provinces. This is now the fact, and this all wish to change because the Diet is only the scene in wh. Austria and Prussia contend for the supremacy and the little states are isolated and not able to act for themselves or to influence the others. 2? A league to wh. all Austria sM belong, the plan of Schwarzenberg, 16

and of some of the Grossdeutsch party. If really carried out it would nullify Prussia and Austricize all Germany. 3? A league from wh. Austria sM be wholly excluded. The Kleindeutsch, or Gotha project, popular still in Prussia, promoted now chiefly by the lowest demagogues for revolutionary purposes—It w^ lead to the Prussification, protestantizing (by removing the Austrian balance of religion) and revolutionizing of Germany. 4? A league, from wh. both Austria and Prussia are excluded, of the lesser states among themselves, wh. sh^ again join as a collective unit, in a league with the other great powers, itself a great power (Intellectually and martially: 14 universities, and 400,000 men, and all the great federal fortresses.) The more I think and write about it, the more this seems to me plausible. The Catholics in this Union w^ be about in the same proportion as in Prussia, where they hold their own perfectly, that is I imagine about a third, 5 to 7 millions. Parity c^ be enforced in all states of the league, and by this the church w^ gain because there are little states where priests are not tolerated. The petty, malignant ill treatment of the church that occurs in odd corners, would become impossible by the extension of the scene, by an increased central authority, by a closer union with Catholic districts. I am pursuing this idea with great pleasure and eagerness, not because I expect it to succeed, but to make sure that we are not advocating anything very absurd. I do not think it absurd, but pray consider it before you speak of it. I would not really advocate or recommend it in the R. but show up the bad present state, the hopelessness of the two great projects of 1848, and then mention this as the progress which the movement of reform has made, showing its advantages. All other plans, besides these four, are simply revolutionary. It is clear that with this arrangement Germany w^ have gone to war this summer in spite of Prussia, and that Lombardy would have been saved (as it would have been if Austria had had no hope from Germany, and had not kept an army of 130000 men ready to march on the Rhine.) On the other hand if Prussia is in difficulties it would be a sure ally, and w^ neutralize the jealousy between Prussia and Austria. It is useless to give details of a plan of which the completion is so remote that an indistinct outline is all that can be discerned. Evidently there must be a college representing the union of Austria, Prussia and Germany, consisting perhaps of three princes, an archduke, a Zollern, and a German sovereign. These would change in so many years, and the triumvir representing Germany in that triumvirate would also be for the time, say 1, 2, or 3 or 5 years, president of the new Germanic confederation. Perhaps the four Kings, Bavaria, Saxony, Wirtemberg, Hanover might take this office in turn. They would have a responsible federal ministry, and a 17

federal parliament, with 2 chambers, one representing the confederate states, one the nation (as in America, which with Switzerland offers many points of analogy). The first chamber w^ be appointed by the several governments; the House of representatives would be elected by the parliaments of the several states. (In all this of course Prussia & Austria are excluded.) As I said, I do not think this is likely to be soon carried out, but I think that everything that improves the present state of things facilitates and leads to an ultimate settlement something like this. I am afraid my letter is very confused and unintelligible. It has been written at intervals since last evening, and my ideas have only cleared up as I went along. On revision I see no mistake to correct. I am not sure of the N? of German universities, or of the king under whom Busby fl gged

°

'

Your's ever faithfully JDA.

Be sure, if you use this at all, to leave not a stone upon a stone.

204 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 11 OCTOBER 1859 Clapham Oct 11. 1859 Dear Acton O'Hagan will not be ready till the next R.1 Arnold's article I expect tomorrow; Newman gives us two chapters of Ancient Saints. So we shall stand thus. Catacombs (supposed to be Northcote) 16 pp. Arnold on Mill (unless I see reason to banish him to the Communicated) pp? My intuition, N? 1. 20 pp. Communicated. Newman Ancient Sts say 16 pp. RS. Toleration 18.2—Letters. F. Capes on Pam's architectural lectures. Wetherell on Nap. iii. RS. on Catholic policy & Temporal Prosperity of the Church. Ib on Cultus of our Martyrs. V. de Buck on the Episcopate of S^ Martin.—in all say 20 pp. Short notices—We have 3 | pp that you sent up for last n? I can tickle out Miller's geology3 with tags of LyelPs speech at Aberdeen, bits from Bunsen, & frm Professor Edwd Forbes to about 3 pp more, making it a kind of conspectus of the tendency of geological theories at the present day, somewhat in the manner you recommend & then I wait your notices. As for current 1 2

3

Rambler. In fact it was delayed two issues. Respectively, Northcote, "The Symbolism of the Catacombs'; Arnold, 'Mill on Liberty' (Communicated); Simpson, 'Forms of Intuition'; Newman, 'The Ancient Saints, II', Rambler, n (November 1859), 41-62; and the unpublished 'Toleration'. Simpson reviewed Hugh Miller, Sketch-Book of Popular Geology (Edinburgh, 1859), in ibid. 107-10.

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events, I expected they would take 30 pp. But I have avoided giving long extracts, & instead I only give the analysis of documents, as being more readable, & much shorter; & in consequence I do not think I shall get beyond 25 pp. even with taking in a much wider range than Newman did. Newman, the more he considers my old article about Lingard & Lamennais,1 the more he fears it. On reading it through I find that by cutting out all the first part, explanatory of the meaning of the old R. in putting in Tierney's letter, & nearly all the last part which was built on Newman's to you, I can make an article of about 8 pp which is a mere summary of the arguments on both sides, & a decision that Leo XII intended both Lingard & Lamennais to be Cardinals. This I put into / instead of we, & make it a communicated article—could there be any harm? This is only in case wefindthat we run short. It wd take about 8 pp. If something shorter is wanted, I have an extract from an unpublished Venetian relation relative to Religion in Engd in 1556 which takes about 5 pp. Since I knew that Arnold was writing on Mill I have given up reading for the article—I think that N? 2 of my forms of intuition, which will be by far the most original portion of the 3 articles, will do for Jan?. Nothing more will be wanted from me except perhaps helping you in some chapters of current events, which I think might be divided as you propose, e.g. one man might watch all Ecclesiastical events—another might have done the history of the strike2 & so on. Some rather important matters, such as the investigation into the bribery of Gloucester & Wakefield I have not even looked at, through sheer want of time, & through having overlooked the beginnings of the business. A question has arisen about the R. correspondence—One Giunchi D.D. has written to correct a matter of fact in Meynell's " Rosmini & Gioberti" ;3 his correction rests only on his ipse dixit, & so ultimately on the authority of his name, not on his arguments. Now Newman says his theory was that the Correspondence should be all under anonymous signatures, that the matter should rest solely on the value of the arguments, not on the solidity of the names. But in this case he does not know what to advise, & leaves it to you. My idea was to separate the correspondence into 2 parts. I. such as Newman describes. II. Where the name is a guarantee necessary either for the value of the letter, or for the utility of the Rambler. In the present instance Giunchi's letter, which states that Gioberti's formula is understood in Italy thus & not thus, is only valuable when we know the means of information possessed by the writer; there1 2 3

Simpson, 'Dr Lingard's Alleged Cardinalate'. The engineers' strike, a major event of the year. Antonio Giunchi, 'Rosmini and Gioberti', Rambler, n (November 1859), 97-8. Giunchi was professor of theology at St Edmund's College, Old Hall. 19

fore I wd put him in the second class.11 had long ago written to Hecker, to ask him to give me a letter on American & Canadian matters, in order that among other things the Rambler "might have the benefit of his name"—What you say about Gratry giving "the use of his name", Rossi,2 & Reichensperger seem to point the same way. Do you not think that with the title & index which must accompany the next number we had better reprint, as a kind of Preface Newman's address "to readers & correspondents"? Perhaps if you write to N. soon you will ask him whether he objects, & what alterations he wd advise— whether, eg. he wd approve of the above scheme of dividing the correspondence, & whether he would say anything about it in the paragraph touching that department. I should think that Raby wd be exactly the man for translations; always supposing that he sends the original also, for correction & repairs. Your conversation with Ld Granville about Longman is excellent in its promises. I have a further personal interest in the success of the attempt, as I count upon it for an introduction to L. whom I may by that means persuade to publish some book or other. I do not see why I could not finish Campion this winter, if I can get up the steam of my interest again; & after this month I shall have comparative rest from the Rambler. You will see by my list of things for the next R, that we are far from full yet; & possibly there be an over calculation—we have yet only one chapter of Newman—7 pp. Yet I have put him down for 16. Arnold 16?—Toleration is only 17 J So we shall have plenty of room for Reichensperger's letter (signed with his name?) & for anything else which you can send, which will give us greater variety than anything I can get up. Could you get some German statesman to write us his view of the affairs of the Roman states, & to sign it with his name? This would be the best way of introducing views which coming out anonymously in the R. will only be fastened on by Wallis & howled at, unless he is warned off by a name he fears to meddle with. The Cardinal has had spasms of the heart—a new complaint superadded to his already overloaded budget. He is much better I believe, but I suppose he will postpone his journey to Rome for awhile. I look with some impatience for your North Germany confederation notes—when I have them I shall be able to put the bulk of the Current events into the printers hands. When you see the Professor will you tell him that in reading over again Lib IX of Hippolytus' Book of Heresies (late Origen's Philo1 2

The letter was published with the signature *G' and an editorial note (ibid. 98) that the author was 'a distinguished theologian, a fellow-countryman of Rosmini'. Giovanni Batista de Rossi (1822-94), archaeologist of the Roman Catacombs, associated with Northcote. 20

sophumena) I was much struck with the parallel between the abuse of Callistus by H. & the abuse of Father Parsons by the English appellant Prts & vice versa. The way in which they raked up or invented details of birth parentage or education is exactly like the zest of Hippolytus in describing Callistus' martyrdom. The great point of their argument in any controversy of doctrine or discipline was—your mother was no better than she should be, your father was a gallows-bird, & you are a slip string. In 1606 one D^ Thomas James had the industry to compile a life of Parsons solely from the writings of "the Prts & Romanists" against him. It is said to have contained "more satire than history, & rarely to be met with, as the Jesuits bought up all copies "—this written 1660. I have never seen the book but it may be in the Museum, or Bodleian, or Lambeth. I think that a history of that quarrel might be of great use—it would be a kind of Miserere after our prolonged chorus of quoniam sanctus sum. Parsons was nearly as bad as his opponents so we should not offend one party more than another. I have not been able to extract more than 10 minutes out of Wetherell for 10 days. The Rifle corps movement is progressing so fast—(I wrote it Rifle crops wh wd have done as well)—You will have to get up the Aldenham rifles, & go to Hythe for a week to be taught how to shoot. I have cut out of the Times a lecture by a man who has been there detailing his experiences—enough to make your mouth water—He affirms that it beats hunting, cricketing, cock shooting or anything else. The volunteers thus shot better than the regular officers in the r? of 47 to 46 & than the soldiers in the r? of 47 to 43, to the surprise of General Hay, who could only account for the fact of their beating the officers by their enthusiasm, wh made them work so much harder. If we had divided the £200, £100 of it wd have been yours, & £50 a piece to Capes & me—that being the amount of our original contributions —You see, since we have had the R we have saved up our original outlay —but at the expense of receiving nothing for our labour. I hope your anxiety about your mother is still decreasing—believe me, ever yours very truly. R Simpson

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205 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 13 OCTOBER 1859* Carlsbad 13th October 1859 My dear Simpson, A great deal more occurs to me that would serve to throw light on the question of federal reform in Germany, but it is too late, I suppose, to say much, and I have sent already more than you are likely to use. The governments of the lesser states mostly desire a stronger central power than now resides in the Diet. For this purpose they must surrender some of the right of sovereignty. This they cannot do to an authority which will be shared by others, by powers whose interest are not identical with their own. The union of the lesser states would differ from Prussia and Austria not only because it would include no great power, but because it would be exclusively German. This would be the great element of unity. I have found the title of the book I could not remember about King Lucius: which it would be worthwhile to insert in the note to F. de Buck's letter.1 Perhaps it might stand something like this: "We shd. be glad to see the question of K. Lucius fully discussed by our learned corresp: He must be aware of the grave reasons there are for doubting the story altogether. It would be especially interesting to have the matter treated with reference to Scholl: De ecclesiasticae Britonum Scotorumque historiae fontibus. Berol. 1850.

I hope you have got some or all of the promised articles. It would be unpardonable of Newman not to continue the Isles2 after an interruption of 4 months. As our ambition rises, our weight, I presume will increase—It will be a great advantage if, like some of the Quarterlies, which keep a jester, like Kings of old, we separate our wit from our wisdom, and, putting the former into a place by itself, avoid the danger of making a commotion in our serious articles. Your pen, as the French have it, deborde quelquefois, as you very well know. Why should there not be a special limbo for facetiae too good to be altogether omitted, and yet unfit for appearance in the midst of graver things? I do not mean that we ought to alter anything in our mode of treating serious subjects, but that there should * Gasquet, Letter XLV, pp. 104-7. 'The Episcopal See of St. Martin'. Gasquet (p. 105) wrongly cites 'The Cultus of the English Martyrs', written by Simpson. 2 'The Isles of the North'. 1

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be moreover an occasional article, promoting no very profound truths, but relieving the gravity of the rest. You see, in the matter of excessive gravity my own conscience is not at ease, and as you have been kindly accumulating upon my dilatory and parliamentary hands the offices of annalist and of literary critic, I beg in return to suggest a special addition to your functions. Can you not get a rise out of Lamb for January? Thereby allow me to communicate a fruitful thought. Why not, in the course of the article, express surprise and regret that L. never wrote the natural history of bores, as he has of poor relations, of swine &c. and then proceed to give the physiology of the Bore after his fashion, with your own ideas?1 Having impregnated yourself with his style you would improve upon him in substance, and you might say a thing or two that would relieve your mind at the expense of your neighbour. Albert Smith and others indeed have copied C. L. somewhat in the natural history of the 'Gent', the 'Flirt' &c. but I do not think they have done the bore. In Loss and Gain, p. 10 I think, there are some good things about it. NB. There is neither the word (nor its equivalent) nor the idea in Germany, and, contrary to the usual rule in language, that is a great sign that the thing must be very common. Is there no Greek for a bore? It is not a classical idea: Socrates I take to have been a bore in the eyes of many whom he cross questioned in the market place. It belongs to a particular stage of civilization. People with very few ideas do not, I believe, find time pass slowly, & are not bored by waiting. Even so with beasts. A sense of boredom is a product of luxury, like the gout, and a real epicurean tries to escape both, not by avoiding bores only, but by avoiding the sense of their being bored. The Americans again do not understand what a bore is, another sign of its belonging to civilization. Their speeches are endless and pedantic, their conversation pompous and extravagant, their questions impertinent and importunate. Sidney Smith met Daniel Webster at dinner at Lord Ashburton's and found that he held forth greatly. On going away his criticism was: Too slow for our market. I hate the French but they are seldom bores. The idea of Vennui plays a greater part than Vennuyeux. A Frenchman is empty and therefore gets sick of his own company, but he can make play with a neighbour, whoever he be, as he can make food out of nettles, with a little salt and pepper. But then a Frenchman is good humoured, and that requires a vent, but sours by inaction, and he is vain, and wants food for his vanity. Can you, in a pleasant mood, adopt the notion? It would not be a bad dodge to give it as a quotation from Lamb, of a passage not sufficiently known and applauded. 1

This is the genesis of Simpson's article, 'A Plea for Bores', Rambler, n (January 1860), 214-26, signed 'Rude Boreas'. 23

Is a bore sensitive of bores, and does he see the mote in his neighbor's eye when he has a beam in his own? Talkative old men will listen to talkative old men, whom we should go to sleep at hearing. I almost think that the next calamity to that of being a bore, is a facility for being bored, and for thinking people bores. After speaking so much of bores I can hardly say I am truly Your's J D Acton

206 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 15 OCTOBER 1859* Carlsbad Saturday My dear Simpson, It is late in the evening and we go away tomorrow. I therefore answer your letter first of all without knowing whether I shall have time to night to finish a couple of pages on Anderdons Seal of Confession,1 which interested me because of S. John Nepomucene whose history I happen to know better than Anderdon, whose research has not extended beyond the Breviary. We travel slowly and shall not be at Frankfort till Wednesday, at Cologne perhaps on Friday. There, or at Ghent, I may find whatever you send by return of post. My mother is still too ill for me to leave her and we take the Carlsbad Doctor with us. Be sure not to give Newman an opportunity of saying that the R. is apt to run riot if I am not at hand to urge timid counsels. As to current events—I vote we do call them in January, though they are contemporary now—you increase your trouble by analyzing documents instead of quoting, on the other hand a document must be quoted entire if it is to be referred to, and I am guilty of excessive quotation, 25 columns, I think, and Newman 20 in July. There were good things in your article on the 3 Cardinals2 which I regretted should be lost; I hope you will save them if you yield on other points to Newman's adverse judgment. There is a published Venetian report of about the date you mention, I do not remember it exactly nor I see the crusade agt the National schools has been begun at Carlow. I will give the Xn brothers a substantial, but not demonstrative subscription. * Gasquet, Letter XLVI, pp. 108-12, with small omissions. William H. Anderdon, The Seal of the Confessional: a Panegyric of St. John Nepomucene (London, 1859). 2 'Dr. Lingard's Alleged Cardinalate'. 24 1

the writer's name. Don't publish if you are not sure. Those reports are often extant in many more or less correct copies. The originals are all at Venice: copies were kept in families of ambassadors, others were made for men going on embassies. Thus they got multiplied. Rankes1 peculiar knowledge and views of modern history are derived mostly from a set of these at Berlin. The cold blooded acuteness of those Venetians singularly suits and attracts, and often misleads him. But if you have reasons for believing it unpublished, print it by all means, as it is certainly curious. January seems to prosper, I suppose I shall have Austria current events, and literary notices: OHagan, Wetherell, Intuition N° 2, Hofler's historical article, barring Eckstein, Newman, and other chances.2 Can J. M. Capes do anything that will not do harm, and that will deserve payment? Pray think of it. As to current events, I must pray you or Wetherell to make cuttings for me for a week or two. If my mother is better when I get home, I must go to Munich for a week. I have not seen Dollinger and he is clamorous. Only a few extracts and a few notes for the order and connection of things. With the help of the Weeklies and of the German papers I can make up the rest. Then, I pray you, undertake the Established Church as your particular chapter, including the Revivals, Dissenter's movements if any &c. Wetherell will do a chapter of a page on the defences of the country.3 Does Marshall, Stokes Allies, or anybody know all about the educational legislation of the Emperor of the French? It is very curious and characteristic of the whole system, and would afford materials for a very interesting article. Is no friend of yours living in France who has occasion to follow all this? Giunchi is Professor at Old Hall, S.T.P indeed, and wanted to write against our Jansenism, on which occasion I induced you to join in snubbing him, and have regretted it ever since. Clearly Correspondence cannot always be anonymous, if it is admitted to such an extent as it now is. If anybody has to set us right about a mistake about himself, for instance, his letter could not be put in the third person. Newman wanted communicated articles to be anonymous, but he put Eckstein's name and title in full. For the same reasons, because of the eclat of a distinguished name, similar exceptions ought to be made in the correspondence. But this reason cannot be made the rule, and we must find some other. May foreigners, for instance, sign in full? It is not so absurd a rule as it looks. No foreigner will write whose name has not some eminence and with Englishmen we can seldom gain anything by printing the name which we cannot get by whispering it, or by obvious initials. If you have 1 2 3

Leopold von Ranke (1795-1886), professor of history at Berlin 1825-71, the great exponent of scientific history. Of these only Simpson's ' Forms of Intuition' appeared in January. Wetherell ['X'], 'Volunteers and Recruits', Rambler, n (January 1860), 226-9.

25

doubts, one may put a note about the distinguished correspondent, a countryman of Rosmini speaking in a matter with which he is peculiarly conversant &c. and any other compliment you like. He is an Italian, sensitive therefore, and therefore butterable. As he is very probably right, let us treat him with all respect. But the real authority about Rosmini is to be found at the Rag and Famish in the person of that dashing dragoon Bunberry. He went and sate ever so long at his feet on the Lago Maggiore. At any rate I do not think a formal division I and II, of anon, and signed letters would be adviseable. By the same token I hope you will get a letter from Hecker. It is well worthy of consideration whether we should not have such a correspondence from foreign parts as you and Reichensperger carry on in the Correspondant. We could get letters from France, Eckstein, perhaps Montalembert &c from Germany, Prussia, Vienna, from very competent hands. Could we manage an occasional good letter from Belgium, where you have more friends than I, from Italy, America &c. it would be a new feature not without its merit. If this is done, we must see and get an inaugural communication or two for January. Consider this I pray you, and whether so much organization will not overwork us, and whether this sort of Correspondence may not occupy a part of the space and prominence destined by Newman for starting new questions. I am too far to correspond with him on the subject in time, but if we reprint his advertisement, I conceive this is the point to be modified. We must also in so doing consider whether his Prospectus will stand fire if we get hold of Longman, and if not, whether it is well to bring it forward again now. I speak doubtfully only because the prospectus in question is not present before me either in the body or in the spirit, not because I remember anything which would be really a difficulty. But that very passage about the utility of the corresponding department for the solution of doubts and difficulties did give alarm to bishops and divines. Perhaps therefore we might make capital by a judicious alteration of that passage of course with N's full consent. I cannot ask for it, because I have not the passage to be modified, nor therefore the means of doing it. If you and Wetherell agree with what I have suggested, you can easily make the arrangement with Newman. In Stapleton's life of Canning there is a curious statement about a declaration by Charles I that he was a Catholic, purporting to have been copied at Rome, about which Canning questions the king. Do you know what it is, whether it is known, or whether worth writing to Theiner1 about? I know by the bye that proofs are extant of Henrietta Maria's infidelity to Charles soon after their marriage, but like Allies' story of letters of Queen Elizabeth, nobody has thought fit to publish them. If 1

Augustin Theiner (1804-74), Oratorian priest, Vatican archivist 1850, prefect 1855, dismissed 1870 and left the Church. 26

you print a modified article on Lingard &c. I hope you will take care that it shall not stand in the way of any advances of civility the Cardinal may be inclined to make to you. It is important that this November N? being the last of the year and of the volume should not frighten away subscribers. If we carry a good body of subscribers into Longman's hands, then, I think, the Rambler is safe, and we may look forward to a prosperous undertaking. I read in the Times the rifle lecture, and mean to get one of my friend Whitworth's1 rifles. It will be good exercise during the winter, especially as W. is to have a practising ground on Lord Granville's farm near Hendon. If my mother does not get well enough for me to leave her on the road, I hope to see you on Monday or Tuesday week. Ever your's sincerely J D Acton

207 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 1 NOVEMBER 1859 Herrnsheim Worms Hesse Darmstadt November the 1st 1859 My dear Simpson, My mother fell so ill on the road to England that we were obliged to bring her here, where she became rapidly worse. Yesterday week she received the Last Sacraments, and we expected her every day to die. Since Saturday there has been a great improvement and we have hopes of saving her. This is why I did not come to England and did not write to you, and it will prevent me from returning before the middle of the month. I can therefore only look forward to a couple of week's work for January; especially as I have been a fortnight without looking at a paper, and nearly a week without going to bed. I do not know how I am to chronicle the events of these weeks. I can do some chapters of the chronicle, and some short notices, but I must implore you to go on making notes of the current events. For the bulk of the N? there will be no lack of articles, Intuition, OHagan, Newman, Wetherell and some German may all be looked to. I received today from Munich a letter of Arnold's enclosing a scrap from you to him in which you explain how and why his Mill is thrown over.2 1 2

Sir Joseph Whitworth (1803-87), mechanical engineer and weapons manufacturer. Acton had travelled to America in 1853 in company with Whitworth. Another article was eventually published: Arnold, 'The Catholic University of Ireland', Rambler, in (May 1860), 1-10. 27

I must ignore his letter under the pretext of absence until I hear from you more about it. I conjecture that he don't suit you, or that there's something wrong. Pray let me know, for 2 reasons: We accepted his offer of this article on Newman's recommendation, who I see by a letter of Darnell's is grumbling at something we have done, I know not what unless this, and secondly the Dublin University is a body to get on our side if possible by civility to its members, jointly and severally. I do not know when I shall be able to leave my mother, but I must go to Munich for a week, and hope to be home before the 20^ at latest. Reichensperger promises to write on the art of building churches and palaces, and of leading a Catholic party. This I expect soon. Gratry announces later contributions. You have not told me what you think of my plan of foreign correspondence as a partial substitute for theological agonistics, which I should like to organize this winter. Pray let me have a Nov. R. sent by post quam citissime. I received a bundle of proofs at Frankfort & returned my own corrections., I liked Toleration and enjoyed a quiet sleep over S^ John Chrysostom.11 hope we shall soon have more of him. I have had no opportunity yet of reading Montalembert on Italy. Perhaps we may make it the subject of a letter, but if possible we ought not to dispute publicly among ourselves however much we may disagree on a subject of this kind. I have no confidence in Montalembert's Italian politics. This question as well as Irish education obliges me to have a talk with Dollinger before I go home for the winter. I hope you continue your correspondence in the Correspondant; I really attach great importance to it. Above all I long for an early line from you. Believe me Your's sincerely John D Acton Herrnsheim Worms Hesse Darmstadt 208 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 4 NOVEMBER 1859 Dear Acton I was afraid that your anxieties were only increasing, not only because I heard nothing of you—I wrote to you at Ghent yesterday fortnight— but because the proofs you sent to the printers from Frankfort were just those parts which had no corrections at all upon them. 1

Newman's 'Ancient Saints'. 28

Arnold's letter is cancelled; his article1 has appeared: the quarrel was that he sent it so late that it could not be made to fit in anyhow; however it is in, & this is how—(the beginning was abominable; amost unintelligible—but I took the liberty of altering it, with Wetherell—) Newman wrote to me on the 22d Oct to ask whether " Toleration " had been revised: I sent him proofs; he wrote back a rigmarole ending "distressed as I am to say it, I do not see how I have any right at all to acquiesce in its appearing"—So I cut it out, & in my note announcing that I had done so I said that I hoped that Arnold's article on a kindred subject, which I had been obliged to substitute, would suit him— Newman was riled, & wrote back that he did not know I was subeditor, but, as I seemed to be so, he begged me to be good enough to withdraw his article if Arnold's had not been revised. I wrote to explain how it was in type, & that it was not subeditor's business etc, but that the article came in naturally etc etc—& sent him a proof; he was satisfied, & allowed it to pass.2 This was only last Saturday, the day that the Rambler ought to be in Burns' hands. But I believe the printers let him have some copies in time for the country parcels. This being the case, I have determined not only on my own account, but on account of Newman & the Rambler, to have nothing whatsoever to do with the editing the next or any future number, unless Newman himself writes to me to ask me to do so. I found my position last month absolutely untenable, & I cannot consent to undertake it again. Wetherell with from 12 to 13 hours work a day at his office,3 & unable even to answer my letters except on Sundays, though with the best of wills, has, during nearly all October, been quite useless—Unless I had taken all the work the Rambler could not have appeared: & because I did take it Newman seemed inclined to stop the Rambler in a way that I cannot distinguish from the treatment adopted by Wiseman, Ullathorne & Grant last February. You must not misunderstand me—nothing could be kinder than Newman's manner; it is the thing itself that I cannot stand. He had made no condition about revision; yet at the last moment, when the Rambler was printed he insisted on the withdrawal of his own article, except another had been revised by some ecclesiastic. 1 2

3

'Mill on Liberty'. The correspondence on this is in C. S. Dessain, ed., The Letters and Diaries of John Henry Newman, xix (London, 1969), 225ff. Newman was disturbed first by Simpson's article on 'Toleration', which had not been submitted to a theological censor, and then by the evidence that Simpson, whose withdrawal from the editorship had been stipulated, was in fact acting as sub-editor. Wetherell, a clerk at the War Office, was overworked in connection with the Volunteer movement. 29

I shall copy out the beginning of your letter & send it to Newman i1 he has been wanting to communicate with you; & a letter, which I send you herewith, has been waiting for you since the 24th. Perhaps he will undertake the Jany. no.—Anyhow I shall leave to him the responsibility of saying what is to be done. In the meantime I will make notes of the current events, & provide matter enough to fill up in case of disappointments—Arnold has to send the latter half of his articles; O'Hagan promises punctuality—My second "Intuitions" I began yesterday. Can you not do your Austria? There has been a flamingly favourable notice of the Rambler in the Saturday,2 & a long rigmarole letter from Bagshaw about the Dublin3 in the Tablet, saying that he intends to carry it on till May at least, when arrangements have been made to adopt a better scale of payment etc—& begging assistance from ladies & gentlemen. It seems to be a failing concern, but he sticks to it like a leech, & swears he will never give it up to any one who will not receive the Cardinal as dictator pure & simple. If you still have the proof of Toleration will you get Dollinger's opinion about it. I think that Newman is only frightened—"I quite dread your article now I see it"—" I should myself hold your conclusions under correction of the Church—but in working them out I cannot say for certain that you have not run aground"—So if any other theologian said I had not, & took the responsibility off him, he wd be satisfied— Perhaps the Professor would suggest some alterations. Newmans objections are 1. You have to prove that you have a right to take the word indifference in a good sense. 2. In defense of that good sense, have you a case, so well supported by divines & facts of Eccl. history as to make it tenable. I do not say you have not, but you have not proved you have." 3. between temporal faculties & religious faculties there is the great "middle ground that talents intrinsically secular can be used, not proximately, but ultimately & indirectly for religious ends; a doctrine, w^ allowing of their proper use, excludes their "indifference". 4. Why write on theological subjects at all?" I have written to Burns to send you a Rambler by tonights post. Your plan about foreign correspondence is I think very good, only 1 2

3

Simpson added 'No I wont—you must write9 in the margin. 'Roman Catholic Politics—By One of Themselves', Saturday Review, vm (29 October 1859), 509-10. Some lines from this review of 'The Theory of Party' are worth quoting: 'Whether or not the Rambler speaks the sentiments of a large numerical section of the British Roman Catholics we cannot say. It stands confessed that it represents the greatest intellect existing among the clergy of their Church' (p. 510). Bagshawe had once again proposed to resign the editorship of the Dublin Review and been persuaded to resume it. 30

then we must keep the letters from being newsletters, or mere chapters in current events, or dithyrambic anticipations of the good time coming (I have Hecker in my eye)—but rather they should be discussions of policy from a national point of view—Eg. if we could have honestly, what Prussians & Austrians, & Frenchmen & Italians think of us—wrong or right, the impressions would be historical, & probably would often be highly useful, & as often entertaining. O, wad some chiel the giftie gie us To see oursels as others see us— Says Burns (not and Lambert1—that individual forms no such wish that I know of) On second thoughts I shall just tell Newman the cause of your long absence—he can well guess the fix he has put me into without my hinting it to him. I suppose that he was riled by my asking him, if my "Toleration" was theology, what subject was free for discussion, seeing the Bps of Ireland had dictated politics, the Bps of England had tabooed education, & (might have added) Cardinal Wiseman had appropriated science to himself. It seems to me that it is just on that debateable land between theology proper & life that we are called on to debate—if we may not, it would be better to give up all pretense of Catholic literature at once. I most earnestly hope that your mother progresses favourably— Ever yours most sincerely R Simpson Clapham I cannot get a letter out of the Correspondant Nov. 4. 59. people—I do not know whether they want me to go on or no—I am afraid there is not much to be got out of Wetherell—he was taken home in a fainting condition last Saturday, & I have not heard of him since, though I hope to see him on Sunday. Will you write to Newman. 1

A play on the poet Burns and the publishing firm Burns & Lambert.

31

209 ACTON TO SIMPSON • NOVEMBER OR DECEMBER 1859 Thursday evening Dear Simpson, I have just come back from Brighton and have brought my mother with me. I have not had time to go through the papers you have sent me, and I must get Rome1 ready at once, so that every quarter of an hour is precious. Eckstein's paper2 seems to me full of good conceits, but you know so much more of these matters that I do not venture to state decidedly an opinion I shd. be at a loss to defend. I do not know whether you will like it, or consequently, whether you will be inclined to translate it. If you can, it will be a great blessing. He wishes it to be put into shape for him as freely as possible. If at all next No., it ought to come under communicated articles. Arnold does not answer, and O'Hagan promises nothing before Saturday week. _T , , Your s ever truly J D Acton 210 ACTON TO SIMPSON • NOVEMBER OR DECEMBER 1859 O'Hagan fails us. Pray therefore make philology,3 if you still have it in hand, as abundant as possible, and send a short notice more if you can, for I am not sure that I can fill 30 pages with current events. JDA 4

Bores capital. I have made an alteration or two, as the French word ennuyeux does personify ennui, but the two words are not equivalent to the English. The signature ought to be Rude Boreas. Is Sterne's bodder good English? or is it not the transition from bother to bore? 1 2 3 4

Acton, 'The Roman Question', Rambler, n (January 1860), 137-54. Eckstein's paper appeared later, translated by Simpson, as 'The Church and Science', ibid, in (May 1860), 68-83. Simpson, 'A Few Words on Philology', Rambler, n (January 1860), 186-99. 'A Plea for Bores'.

32

211 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 5 DECEMBER 1859 16 Bruton S. Monday Dear Simpson, Dollinger returns Toleration with the passages marked which he dislikes, and with a criticism which on the whole confirms Newman's doubts. But he says likewise that there is much in the article which he likes. " I think it natural that N. shd have opposed its admission. S. has not observed the rule distingue tempora, and overlooks the historical development of the thing and the ideas at the bottom of the compulsory proceedings of the church. He does not consider the politically subversive, and antisocial character of some of the older heresies, which made self defence unavoidable. I wish I could have a talk with him about it. The article wd certainly have given great scandal, in spite of many good and true things it contains. Convince him that this is one of the most difficult of all questions, that it requires special historical studies, and that most of those who attempt to deal with it, burn their fingers." "There is a great difference between persecution before and since the reformation. Before it every new doctrine was a renunciation of the unity which bound all nations together; since then this unity has been quite destroyed. The Protestants did not inherit the persecution principles of the church. They rejected them, and built up their own theory anew."1 I have omitted nothing, the last bit is written on a separate scrap of paper. Do you think you can remodel the essay in harmony with these and Newman's criticisms? There is a great deal that ought not to be lost, provided you can save the train of thought after omitting or altering these passages. You might expressly put aside the historical question altogether. Otherwise what have you got for Wetherell, who cannot write his articles?2 O'Hagan's fitness for the first part is very doubtful. I have no letters from anybody but Reichensperger, who says he has sent me a longish letter thro' Burns, wh. I have not yet received. If you have nothing editorial, it ought to be political. I must try a review of Ranke.3 As I am away from my books I can neither finish Austria, nor review the religious side of Ranke. But I would makeshift to fill ten pages with some discussion of his views of our political system in its growth. Have you any unknown secret about Elizabeth or anybody that I cd use? I 1 2 3

Dollinger's argument here is remarkably similar to that of Acton in his 1862 article on 'The Protestant Theory of Persecution'. Probably on an army subject. Not published. 2

33

ACL

have no materials whatever. He quotes from Jardin that Garnet approved of the plot1—"I told them it was lawful," Garnet is represented to have said to Hall. Then he says that before the plot Catholics were much better off than under Elizabeth. Can any play be made with these passages? _r , r to Your s ever JDA. I have had a talk with old Longman. He stated some objections, but ended by asking me to write on paper a statement of our proposal, saying also that he was going out of town, and could not attend to business for a week. I'll ask Newman to write too. This was at a dinner here.

212 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 6 DECEMBER 1859 My dear Acton The space that was reserved for Wetherell ought to be given to the Catholic topic of the day—the States of the Church, & the Temporal dominion of the Pope—It is expected of the R. & our silence is interpreted in as bad part as any speech could be—Therefore take the bull by the horns2—There are lots of things to be said about it. 1. The difficulty of speaking about in a nation where such extreme views are taken as in Eng & Ireland. One party seeing nothing but downright malice only tempered by stupidity in the Papal Government—The other looking upon it as a model of political perfection—both views in unequal degrees disrespectful to the Pope. For has he not owned that reforms are wanted? 2. You might take the opportunity of affirming the necessity of his Temporal Rule—doubtless to do away with it altogether would be to cut the knot of the present difficulty, but in a manner to bring about immediately difficulties of a much more overwhelming character etc etc. So you might make a confession of Faith for the Rambler. 3. You might pitch into the reforms that are demanded—which are 1. administration of laymen instead of clerics—& show how absolutely stupid & senseless is Bowyer's defence—the government is not so bad, because it has X lay functionaries and only Y Clerics. 2. Introduction of the code Napoleon instead of the liberal principles of mediaeval government. 1 2

The Gunpowder Plot. This refers to Acton, 'The Roman Question'. 34

3. the true reform wanted exactly the reverse of what Rome is likely to get under French dictation. How you might extravagate under this head! 4. The position of England, & of the Catholic party in England with respect to Italian Politics. Has not Engd. adopted as a principle the recognition of de facto government immediately they are established, without reference to their religion?—Catholic Belgium was assisted against Holland—It is then the natural policy of Engd to support the provisional governments of central Italy, without any deep enquiry into the principles on wh they are acting—revolutionary or constitutional. This policy is not ignoble, because it is straightforward, & intelligible & goes upon a principle not invented for the occasion, or in hatred to Popery, but acted upon ever since Canning " called the new world into existence" &c—Hopelessness of the Catholic minority changing this policy—i.e. prevailing on England to act in the contrary direction.—Only chance, by suggestion of all kinds of difficulties, & by doing what it can to expose the humbug of Piedmontese & Central Italian constitutionalism to turn away the interests of Englishmen from squabbles where neither side can be popular with them, & so getting Engd to hold its hand, & withdraw from interference—especially as imprudent interference in a quarrel about which the really well-instructed Constitutional Protestant Englishman cannot care a button may easily give the pretext for a Continental combination against us, & for a war that it is for our interest to stave off as long as possible. You know ten times more than I do about these matters, & these are only the results of a very superficial consideration, but they may serve to remind you of a few things that might be said, & to determine you to say them—I think you may keep quite clear of all theology in the article. As to my Toleration it is a real satisfaction to find that Dollinger agrees with N.—N seemed to me to give such weak reasons for a strong act that I felt quite discontented with him for it, & was reduced to think either his act or his reasons excessively weak. I think after what has occurred we must try to alter the article in accordance with Dollinger's remarks, & then submit it to Newman—It had better wait till Arnold has finished what he has to say. i.e. for the March no1 As to letters, I could write one on the natural use of reformatories to furnish food for powder. There was a kind of discussion of the subject while you were away, & it interested me so I made notes—Also—but we shd get into scrapes through it—some sort of estimate of the composition of the Catholic body in Engd. 1

The second instalment of 'Mill on Liberty'. 35

2-2

I have just reed the enclosed1—you can ask him to write against Giunchi—at any rate he is a help in need—I shall write to him by tonights post, & explain that you probably have received no letters from him— Nothing from F. de Buck as yet. Ever yours R Simpson Dec. 6. 59. 213 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 6 DECEMBER 1859 Tuesday Dear Simpson, I received your letter at 1, on my return from Brighton. I have been trying for a long time to shut my eyes to the necessity of doing what you say, against my better judgment. You are unquestionably right, but it is a very bitter pill. Your programm is excellent, and I shall stick to it as much as I can. I have already begun, and shall have made my sketch complete by 7 oclock. So I write in a hurry—I will write candidly, but not indiscreetly, saying nothing but what I really believe. But I am dreadfully unprepared and bookless. What I write you must improve as much as possible, with Wetherell, MacMullen, anybody you like—If any more hints occur to you, of your charity send them to me. Write a letter on reformatories, but not on any dangerous subject. I cannot tell how I can write about Rome without offence. I never got MeynelPs letter. , J D Acton Do rewrite Toleration 214 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 7 DECEMBER 1859* Bruton St. Tuesday night or rather Wednesday morning Dear Simpson I have been dining where I heard several odd things about the defences of the country, and I have got; my canvass nearly ready. 1

A letter from Meynell. See M[eynell], 'Rosmini and Gioberti', Rambler, n (January 1860), 232-6. * Gasquet, Letter XLVII, pp. 113-14, with omissions.

Tomorrow I must work out a piece, and I hope to send you a portion on Friday. I mean to bring to bear what I can from my scribblement last August, as much as you will not quarrel with, and among the rest my pet quotation from a book of Sadolet1 nobody has ever read. I should be extremely glad if Capes would do his letter on the Code Napoleon. I must suppose some knowledge of it which I cannot give in my article. Since I came home tonight I have refreshed my mind by reading over again Napoleon III et 1'Italic2 It is really feeble in thought and execution, and exhibits no power of will. I am afraid the politics of my article3 are very old fashioned. I have never come out so antiquatedly conservative, so Burkian as here. I do not know whether you will agree with me. We must have firm ground under our feet. I remember you once said, alluding to my Austricism, that it won't do to stick to a sinking ship. I am afraid I am a partisan of sinking ships, and I know none more ostensibly sinking just now than S. Peter's. Why do we care for the temporal power? The religious argument will not bear examination. It will raise up more enemies than friends. We cannot absolutely identify an accident with the essence of the church, and if all at once the temporal power goes, one would look foolish. I do not think it will go yet, but if it does, the injury to the church will be great indeed, but the destruction of the states will be complete. Ergo I put the defence on the same grounds as the attack, both on religion and policy; I shd. defend the temporal govt. both for the sake of the church and of the states. But who has political instruction enough to comprehend this? I had no doubt the writer was Jack Morris4 and wrote to congratulate him, but I did not discover that he attributed the letter5 to me, as he does the ' Theory of party', which I like extremely, and, as it has been so much attacked, I have an excuse for not denying that I wrote it. Rome, Intuition, OHagan, Arnold.6 What else? Eckstein may not arrive in time for translation, or you may not be able to do it, and an historical article from Germany7 is not forthcoming. Wednesday. It is forthcoming, and on a good subject. The history of the rise of the papal state-system. Our acquaintance is too old and too intimate for me to be 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Jacopo Sadoleto (1477-1547), bishop of Carpentras 1516, cardinal 1536, humanist, church reformer and reunionist. Vicomte de la Gueronniere, VEmpereur Napoleon III et Vltalie (Paris, 1859), inspired by Napoleon himself. 'The Roman Question'. Gasquet (p. 113n.) mistakenly cites Hofler's 'The Political System of the Popes'. J. B. Morris. Simpson's 'Catholic Policy and the Temporal Prosperity of the Church'. Respectively, 'The Roman Question', 'Forms of Intuition', O'Hagan's expected article and the second part of 'Mill on Liberty'. 'The Political System of the Popes'. 37

able to express surprise at the generous way you speak of the critiques on Toleration. _r , Your s ever J D Acton 1 I have got Reichensperger's letter. Clever and well written. I shall set about translating it when I have done with Rome.

215 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 7 DECEMBER 1859 1 Nelson Terrace Clapham Dec 7 Dear Acton I have put down in the crudest way a portion of my collections in philology,2 which interested me very much in the getting together, but perhaps are merely old bones & stones (as the village valuer called a celebrated minerological collection at East Brent), now they are got together. And even if they are worth anything it is a great question whether they wd. suit the Rambler—Bui; as anything is better than running short of copy, you may perhaps in an emergency use it. I sent you a note3 on Monday Evening about a letter from the exUshawite I mention to you—Can you do it? Shall we meet at the Club on Sunday, & proceed to Macmullen's to discuss the Roman States? Yrs. ever R Simpson 216 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 20 DECEMBER 1859 Tuesday night Dear Acton In this fix it would be far better to give only 8J sheets than to print these "catacombs"4—the style is so offensively fat & flabby, & the 29 pp of Ms. would scarcely become less than 18 or 19 in print—so that 1 2 3 4

'The Theory of Party'. 'A Few Words on Philology'. Not preserved. George Conroy, 'On the Signs of Martyrdom in the Catacombs', Rambler•, n (January 1860), 199-214. 38

you wd have 8 or 9 pp beyond what you imagined—If you left it out, then you wd have two pp. to make up. for you lose 10 (Arnold) & cancel 8 (^ sheet)—difference 2. No one would notice the omission, especially as the articles will be more numerous—there were only 8 | sheets in November. I had written a short letter which I enclose—I dont know whether you approve it, & if you do whether you wd like to put it in—I will try to see you tomorrow (Wednesday) afternoon, between 3 & 4 o'clock when we can talk of the necessary fillings up— Arnold1 I believe will put in an appearance tomorrow—if so, all will be right—he treated me in the same way in October, & was very mad when I talked of putting him off to the next no.—If everything else is printed by Saturday, he can be put into type next week—for the printers begin to get sober again by Wednesday after Xmas— Ever yours RS. I have set to work on a short notice of Bacon (Roger)2 which I will bring with me—It will do instead of the enclosed letter—You must add more documents to the current events—e.g. the Catholic declaration I said nothing about the capture of Schlamyl3 last time—Nor about Turkish affairs—the conspiracy to murder the Sultan & its curious results— Under Spain have you noticed the new Settlement of Church property?

217 ACTON TO SIMPSON • ? JANUARY I860* Friday My dear Simpson, Wetherell writes to say that he must give up his connection with the Rambler because of some things I wrote in the last number.4 He has probably told you so already. It is absolutely necessary that he should be efficiently replaced. If I 1

The second part of 'Mill on Liberty', which did not arrive in time for this issue. Rambler, n (March 1860), 393-6. A misspelling of Schamyl, or Shamil (1798?-1871), Muslim leader of the resistance to Russian rule in the Caucasus 1834-59. * Gasquet, Letter XLVIII, pp. 115-16, with omissions. 4 'The Roman Question'. Wetherell understood Acton 'to be supporting the Temporal Power to a degree to which he was not prepared to go with him' (Gasquet, p. 115n., written after consultation with Wetherell). 2 3

39

remain in Parliament I cannot go on doing the current events. Private business is pressing heavily on my time and I can give none at all to political study. It is useless to be in Parliament if I do nothing there. On the other hand if I am turned out, I shall be abroad for some time. Pray think who would suit you to work with us. Is it any use to think of Thompson? Is there no new man? Are there not converts? I believe current events must be continued as I hear they are a popular part of the R. Is it not possible to divide the labour of them? I hope as he has not quarrelled with any utterance of your's that you will remain thick with Wetherell, and that we shall get an article out of him again someday. I do not so much regret his secession because it opens the way for a more satisfactory arrangement. On Wednesday I was at Birmingham, Oscott and Edgbaston. They have tried to bone me for a great papal meeting in the Townhall;1 but I saw neither the bishop nor the resolutions. Northcote will write a letter promising an article,2 and will revise Conroy's new article.3 He is already very popular and is engrossing power without as yet encountering opposition.4 He finds however the reality worse than my description. I never saw Newman so much out of spirits or so distributively angry. He likes the last R. Other things greatly trouble him, some of which he would not tell me, and some he wished me not to repeat.5 Personally he was as usual extremely kind. He has no quarrel with Intuition6 but is convinced that we should be ruined if your Toleration were to appear. OHagan solemnly promises, and says he hasfinishedcertain other work which took up his time. ,7 , . , Your s ever sincerely J D Acton

218 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 3 FEBRUARY 1860 Dear Acton Stokes says of T K's7 Ire. " It seems to be rubbish, unfit for the R. The question too has lost interest since the Gov. refused to give up the 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

A public meeting in support of the Pope's Temporal Power. Rambler, n (March I860), 386, signed ' J. S. N.\ promising 'On the Signs of Martyrdom in the Catacombs', ibid, in (July 1860), 203-22. 'The Church in the Ancient Symbols', ibid, n (March 1860), 343-61. Northcote had just become president of Oscott College. Probably his delation to Rome on account of the article 'On Consulting the Faithful'. Simpson's 'Forms of Intuition'. Uncertain; evidently an Irishman. 40

mixed system, & the Italian question has carried captive the Irish People". Will you tell K. that you did not see in time for the last R. & that the question is too old & forgotten for the March N?? Meynell promises the editorial note you wanted. He is working at an article on the "Limits of thought" w^ he hopes may appear in May.1 Northcote cannot write a letter now—But he sent me a pamphlet out of w^ I can show up some of C's2 absurdities. Shall I do so? or shall we let it alone for the present. He hopes to have your long Ire w^ I told him of very soon. _ ^ o. Ever yr? K Simpson Feb. 3. 219 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 5 FEBRUARY 1860* Sunday My dear Simpson, I write from Aldenham not because I have time, but because I am not sure of being able to do it for a couple of days in London where I go tomorrow. Newman's wrath3 is not directed against you or me. I am not sure that we understand exactly in the same way his feeling about the Rambler. He is extremely desirous that it should continue as it is, either two or three monthly, and if possible in Longman's hands, and rejoiced greatly, perhaps immoderately considering the facts, at the report on our circulation which he has obtained from Burns. He is deeply convinced that it can be an instrument to accomplish much good, and that nobody can do so much towards it as yourself. On this account he deplores whatever impedes the attainment of this result, and in particular whatever diminishes your own authority. Whatever approaches theology seems to him to produce this danger ipso facto, not from the badness of our theology, but because the better the doctrine the greater the offence to pious ears. Our only security therefore, and the only means of inspiring confidence, is to avoid all such questions. He persists in thinking the article on Toleration theological not in the subject but in the treatment. 1

The 'editorial note' (probably on Rosmini and Gioberti) does not appear to have been published. The article was 'The Limits of our Thought', Rambler, in (May 1860), 83-106. 2 Conroy. * Gasquet, Letter XLIX, pp. 116-19, with omissions. Gasquet misdates this letter 11 February, which was not a Sunday. Simpson's letter of 8 February was obviously a reply to this. 3 See the penultimate paragraph of Letter 217. 41

For us all this is a question of prudence. He himself regards it as such, not as a question of principle. I have never heard him speak so openly on the affairs of the Church as in the bitterness of his spirit he spoke during the half hour I was with him, and his language was more vehement indeed—but in substance the same that I have been hearing and imbibing any time these nine years from Dollinger. He agrees then with us in principle, and the question is whether we disagree with him in policy. I do not think it is a personal question, and you seem to me to do him injustice in speaking of his treatment of us almost as F. Capes speaks, with whom I should be sorry to think that you agreed in all other personal judgments. As things are it is impossible for me to ask him to write or to take any ostensible part in the Rambler, and we must weigh his opinions in our own scales. It seems absurd for me to take the prudent line, considering my insufficiently disguised contempt for every unscientific method of treating literary and political and ecclesiastical matters, but I have learnt by experience the uselessness of addressing people in a tone they do not understand, and supposing knowledge which does not exist. A letter of Dalgairns' and our conversation with that obscurantist Ward are portentously instructive in this respect. It is difficult to accommodate oneself to a state of mind one can hardly understand, but I fully recognize the fact of its existence, and the wisdom of acting accordingly. If you agree with me in this you have no objection to make to the only thing Newman wants us to do, to eschew absolutely the treatment of theological questions, and the theological treatment of questions. The alternative is to fight it out, as Capes thinks you ought to have done last spring when I was abroad. Now Newman attempted to fight in defence of the Laity, and the consequence was that he was silenced and insulted,1 and, as I understood Capes, that the circulation did not materially improve. Now since we have taken the Rambler back again we have made no particular new enemies, and have gained some friends. Can we not go on and prosper in this way? As to your ostracism, we ought, I conceive, to consider it simply as a matter of interest. The most important thing is to avoid giving any occasion for complaint or apprehension, at least for a time. It is not, I imagine, to please Newman that you are in concealment, but for the interests of the review. Do you believe that things are changed in this respect since July? Compared to this it is quite a secondary consideration whether the succession of Newman and Wetherell abolishes the understanding on which we undertook to carry on the R.2 But a more im1 2

This refers to the article ' On Consulting the Faithful' and its delation. The 'understanding' was that Newman would contribute to the Rambler and help to find a sub-editor. 42

portant matter is my growing incompetency to accomplish even my present part in the work. I have lost the blessing of solitude which I possessed at first; I shall soon lose even that of celibacy.1 I must attempt to justify my election into Parliament, and committees have marked me already for their own. It is necessary for the R. and for my peace of mind that I should not be an always indispensable element in the conduct of the review. With the best will in the world, and the greatest disinclination to go to bed before four oclock. I cannot go on without the comfortable assurance that in an emergency which may disable me for a time, a number can be brought out without overworking you. Independently therefore of the more familiar reasons, it is, I assure you, vitally important to get some other associate. I will advance 10 guineas a number, for the next three numbers, let us say, if you can get a man who will do two or three sheets a number for the money—exclusive of the articles of Arnold on Mill and Scott, of OHagan, and of Conroy past and future,2 for which I am responsible. These are not splendid conditions truly, but will they not suffice to relieve me of a task which I must do badly or not at all? Pray discuss this with any person in whom you have most confidence; but I had rather you did not show my letter to anybody but MacMullen. If I in any degree convince you, I should like the notion of getting Stokes to join us extremely; but do you suppose it would be worth his while, as time must be money to him? Ever faithfully Your's J D Acton 220 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 8 FEBRUARY 1860 Dear Acton Sometime or other we must have a talk about Stokes—As to N.3 what I said of him was founded on a misapprehension—I thought he was angry with us & had thrown us over, & I did not see the use of continuing a pretence which seemed only of use to satisfy him. As it is not so, of course all I said is retracted. I am not in the least bitten bitten 1 2

3

Acton was about to be engaged to Countess Marie von Arco-Valley (1841-1923). The marriage, however, did not take place until 1865. Respectively, the second part of 'Mill on Liberty'; Arnold, 'Sir Walter Scott', Rambler, in (May 1860), 39-67; O'Hagan. 'The Hopes of Ireland', ibid, n (March 1860), 281-91; Conroy, 'On the Signs of Martyrdom in the Catacombs' and 'The Church in the Ancient Symbols'. Newman. 43

with F. Capes' theories on the matter, nor am I sore about Toleration, which I told the Printers today to break up>, unless they heard from me within three days. I found the Paper wh I left with you at the printers. On the back there is a note of the length of the matter at hand Arnold 10 Intuition 19 Darwin 151— The beginning & end of the last must be carefully revised, for I think they will come within the proscribed sphere of subjects theologically treated—& yet I do not know. The short notice w^ I made of R Bacon2 is unfortunately in type, but I have told the printers to send me a proof that I may enlarge & correct it—it is now about 3pp. _, Ever yours R Simpson Stafford Club Feb. 8. 221 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 15 FEBRUARY 1860 Dear Acton I have made no alteration in Darwin,3 for I cannot satisfy myself that the introduction is theological—except in the sense that it is a controversy about a "simplicity" theory which is as applicable to metaphysics or politics as to theology, and as destructive wherever it is applied as it is to theology. Bacon4 was pointed, so we will let him remain as he is, for to add more wd make him too long. I have to go the Printers to cancel Toleration— I have talked with Mac, about Stokes—he thinks that his residence at Liverpool is an insuperable objection5—He mentioned two other men, Fowkes6 & T. W. M. Marshall—the one I do not know the other I don't 1

2 3 4 5 6

Respectively, the second part of ' Mill on Liberty'; the third part of ' Forms of Intuition', Rambler, n (March 1860), 324-43; and Simpson, 'Darwin on the Origin of Species', ibid. 361-76. See Letter 216, p. 39, n. 2. 'Darwin on the Origin of Species'. Simpson's review of Roger Bacon's works. 'Mac' is Macmullen. Stokes was an Inspector of Schools, based at Liverpool. A misspelling. Edmund Salusbury Ffoulkes (18!L9-94), converted 1855, active in irenic movements and the Union magazine, returned to the Church of England 1870, vicar of St Mary's, Oxford, 1878. 44

think I could get on with for any length of time—he is a nice fellow & a good pen, but (I speak Pickwickice) a flashy humbug. How did you get on at Birmingham? Ever yours sincerely R Simpson Feb. 15. 222 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 20 FEBRUARY 1860 Monday Mg. Dear Acton The difficulty is to make something out of nothing. I send my attempt to do so in the shape of "Catholic affairs."1 do read it, & cut out all that may offend—I have written it with a view of your doing so. Fowkes2 sends me a letter offering translations of three hymns for the R. I enclose it—You may as well look at them, whether you mean to give them a chance or no—for certainly his is a good pen, not for Subeditor but for occasional contributor. I have as yet seen no proofs but my two articles. Yours ever R Simpson 223 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 21 FEBRUARY 1860* 16 Bruton St. Tuesday night My dear Simpson, I send you Newman's letter,3 which I defer answering till you return it, after answering him yourself. Many thanks for Catholic affairs, which save me very much trouble, and which I have ventured to deprive of what might appear polemical, as our narrative ought I conceive to be as objective as possible. A certain sweep was proud of having been spoken to by a Lord, who said D— you, get out of the way. I have taken away from Mr. Henessey and 1

Rambler, n (March 1860), 399-401. Ffoulkes. * Gasquet, Letter L, pp. 119-22, with slight omissions. 3 Newman to Acton, 20 Feb. 1860, in Letters and Diaries of Newman, xix, 307-8. 2

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Mr. Macmahon1 the opportunity of rejoicing at their appearance under similar circumstances in our pages. Ullathorne's speech was so full of inaccuracies, being at the same time entirely founded on the book I gave him, that I have taken leave to say so in a complimentary way, as a sort of set off against your criticism. Brownson's son goes to Paris to morrow to become a Jesuit, after bestowing a good deal of his presence on me for a day or two. He thinks his father is very favorably disposed to us, and will like to send us letters. OHagan's article2 has arrived, and seems to me fully excellent. I put it No. 1. He wishes the authorship kept secret. I have got no proof but Conroy,3 which came today, and will reach you as soon as corrected, for your further corrections. I have gone thro' it in time to send it with this. I was at the printers' today, and we are in very good time and quantity. De Buck's letter4 is very welcome, though clearly not meant for publication straightway. I'll ask Ffoulkes for his MS. but withouten promise, for I know Badeley has translated some hymns literally, and I should like to compare them. I had a long conversation today with Macaulay5 who is the Weekly Register. He says he wants it to be our organ (O'Ferrall's Monsell's and myself's) and to declare its political as well as its religious principles definitely. He wishes therefore to have our regular advice and directions. He says it is paying very well, that he is going to push the connection in Ireland, where he is helped by the new Solicitor General, that he can give a guinea an article, and wants me to find him writers. A fair and proper offer, and not to be thrown aside. Let us try to get it up in Wilberforce's6 absence, and in his despite. I will do certainly what I can with such a willing vessel, and you will lend I hope an occasional helping hand. I have stipulated for absence of controversy among Catholics, such as attacks on Tablet, and other washing of dirty linen in public, breadth of political opinions, to be not founded on attachment to persons, but to principles, without therefore eternal quarrels with Lord John7 &c. I have spoken to Monsell, and I think we are bound to make an attempt. I ought to say that you must have no misgivings about political writing, for the essay on party8 has been a great success in Ireland especially. Lord Granville has had letters from distant friends requesti ng him to forward congenial papers &c. to the distinguished author, supposing him to be myself, and in various quarters I hear of the great impression that it made. If you 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Irish members of Parliament. 'The Hopes of Ireland'. 'The Church in the Ancient Symbols'. 'Belgian Polities', Rambler, n (March 1860), 388-93, signed ' Y. Z.' Aside from the fact that he was Irish, this Macaulay cannot be identified. Henry Wilberforce. Lord John Russell, the Foreign Secretary. Simpson's 'The Theory of Party'. 46

will write an occasional leader, and let them have it through my hands at first, I will try to get as much from Stokes, OHagan, perhaps Ffoulkes. I really hope you can make up your mind to this—it is a means of power not to be lost. Macaulay is not a bad specimen of an Irishman, and seems to be blessed with several candid friends, whose remarks make an impression on him. The W.W.1 may become a useful auxiliary in our work. Tomorrow I eat orthodox fish with the Fullerton's at 2 to make acquaintance with Feilding,2 from whom I shall hear more facts of the Birmingham meeting, tho perhaps not more truth than from Newman, whose letter on that occasion was remarkably diplomatic. The enormous disproportion of ability between Lord John and Palma Vecchio3 on one side and Gladstone on the other in these debates will make it very difficult for them to prevent him from superseding them if he likes and plays his cards as well out of the House as in it. Believe me Yrs. ever J D Acton 224 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 24 FEBRUARY 1860 Friday Dear Simpson, I am compelled to disappear for a week. Pray forget my existence during that time. I recommend my misprints to you, as they send me nothing to correct. The end of my article4 will bear improvement, but I cannot get at it. I send an envelope in my handwriting, as Hodges is to have orders to insert5 whatever comes from me, during Macaulay's absence in Ireland; Walker having been got rid of. I have founded a promise on what you said of Dechamps. Ffoulkes' poetry I was obliged civilly to return to him: By the cross, all lacrymose, Stood a mother dolorose Whilst in agony hung her son. In which banquet our new king With new law, new offering— 1 2 3 4 5

Weekly Register ('Weakly Wilberforce'). Rudolph William Basil Feilding, Viscount Feilding (1823-92), converted 1850, succeeded as Earl of Denbigh 1865. Lord Palmerston, the Prime Minister. 'The States of the Church', Rambler, n (March 1860), 291-323. In the Weekly Register. 47

The old lunar rite repeals. 0 how will every creature quake What time His searching account to take The Judge shall solemn entry make! &c. &c. 1 have not been able yet to go through more than one sheet of Hofler.1 We shall probably have some Arnold on Scott2 for the next No. Pray touch up everything of mine as much as you can. Your's ever truly J D Acton

225 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 6 MARCH I860* 9 Royal Crescent Brighton Tuesday Dear Simpson, I am very glad you promise a second article on Dechamps3 for this week, and hope there will be plenty of self assertion in it, so as not to seem dependent for your wisdom on the author. Stokes I am sorry to hear will not write for it, I do not know why. Are you working at Reform?4 If anything can be made of Eckstein5 we are well provided for next number, as Arnold promises an article, already nearly finished, on the University, besides his long paper on Scott, of which we can put in as much or as little as we like. So there is: Reform, Eckstein, Hofler on the Roman states-system, Arnold on the University—all candidates for the first half—Conroy, Arnold on Scott, Meynell, for the second.6 I see no prospect of my being able to do foreign affairs. Pray decide whether I am to ask somebody else to do them, or to leave them to you, promising only intercalary passages of my own. There is no chance of my mother living many days, and her death will heap business and various 1

'The Political System of the Popes, II', Rambler, in (May 1860), 27-38, written by Hofler and translated by Acton, to whom it is often attributed. 2 'Sir Walter Scott'. * Gasquet, Letter LI, pp. 122-3, with major omissions. 3 Not published. For the first article, also not published, see Letters 166, 167 and 169. 4 Simpson, 'Reform', Rambler, in (May 1860), 10-26. 5 Eckstein, 'The Church and Science', ibid. 68-83, which had to be translated. 6 In addition to the above, these are, respectively, 'The Political System of the Popes'; 'The Catholic University of Ireland'; the second part of 'The Church in the Ancient Symbols', ibid. 106-13; 'Sir Walter Scott'; and 'The Limits of our Thought'.

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responsibility on me for a time. She has been all but insensible for eight days. ^T , A , Your s ever truly J D Acton PS. I wrote to Ullathorne pointing out eight mistakes in his speech,1 and got a very friendly and handsome letter of thanks saying that my corrections came just in time for the expensive edition—being the only one protestants are likely to see. If he is found out saying one thing to the poor Irish and another to the mixed public he will be in a famous scrape. JDA 226 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 9 MARCH I860* Brighton Friday My dear Simpson, What you say of the sorrow which is coming upon me and which you so lately experienced is not poetical but perfectly true. My mother is lingering on in a painless and almost insensible state, which deceives both the hopes and the fears of the doctors. Her mother has arrived from Germany, and I could not immediately find time to read the articles you sent me. You are a portent of labour and activity. I will do all I can in a supplementary way to help in foreign affairs, and I am very grateful for the load of trouble you shift from my shoulders to your own. Thouvenel's and Rechberg's recent statepapers2 will require analysing. If war breaks out in Italy the matter will be easily formed. I am very glad to hear of Owen's book,3 which by all means review. I have written abroad for correspondence. Arnold's Scott will I suppose be lightish reading, of which we may give as much as we like. His paper on the University (pro domo) was intended first of all for the Freeman,4 which refused it, and then for a pamphlet. But he is inclined to take advantage of my mistake and send it to us. I suppose he wishes the authorship to be concealed, and I said that if there was nothing which would look like spitefulness on the part of Newman or his friends, it should be editorial. It is to be only seven or eight pages. 1

At the Birmingham pro-papal meeting in February. * Gasquet, Letter LII, pp. 123—5, with omissions. 2 On the Italian question. See the 'Foreign Affairs' section of 'Current Events', Rambler, in (May 1860), 130-44, by Simpson. 3 Sir Richard Owen, Paleontology (Edinburgh, 1860), reviewed by Simpson, ibid. 127-8. 4 The Freeman's Journal, a Dublin newspaper.

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If you write on reform for WR.1 I suppose they will be obliged to see that you do not contradict what they have already said. With this condition it would be very good, and Monsell was so eager that you should be induced to write for it that he has no right to complain. For my part I am bound only by my vague utterance on reform in my election address. I cannot conceive a state in which reform should not be a normal condition of progress, that is of existence. Growth need not be change—properly speaking. Nothing is so fixed as the Church in some ways, or in others so developing. As to facts I possess few. But read, I pray you, at least before finishing your article, Mackintosh's article in the Edinbro' and his speech on reform—in his works. Bagehofs article reprinted from the National review. Mill's Essay on reform and Austen's essay. Dr G. Conroy asks to be allowed to correct the last part of his article,2 if you can have it sent. I am too stupid and confused to have any illumination about liars at this moment. If you cannot be light otherwise, read some light book and review it—if you have time, v: Holmes, the Autocrat of the Breakfast Table. Strahan & Co. a cleverish American, might give you some openings. I have sometimes thought a very amusing thing might be written called the Philosopher's Stone,3 showing how often practical results have been got by seekers of the unfindable, and how men have shot at crows and hit pigeons. Astrology the cradle of astronomy, alchemy of chemistry —how an opinion must be made absurd before it can be popular or pursued with success, every truth requires alloy.—How the reformation produced the reforming council wh people had looked for 100 years without success before Columbus sought the East Indies and found the West. How this is providential because men would not go so zealously after prosaic ends. Distinguish this truth from crying for the moon, as O'Connell & Repeal &c. Every period of history, every great invention would give instances of this sea king wot never existed. If you will pursue this and work it out, I think I can give more examples. Your's faithfully J D Acton 1 2 3

Weekly Register. 'The Church in the Ancient Symbols'. This was worked out by Simpson, 'The Philosopher's Stone', Rambler, in (July 1860), 223-33.

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227 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 12 MARCH 1860 Brighton Monday Dear Simpson, I wrote too much pressed for time and space to distinguish between the philosopher's stone as discussing practical results of the pursuit of an imaginary ideal, and another mode of treatment which my instances jumbled up, useful results of the pursuit of impracticable schemes— This is only Dieu dispose, and an endlessly wide field— Is there nobody who has time and inclination to go for a day to the British Museum? He should ask for: Oetinger Dictionnaire de Biographie 1852 or 3. Therein let him seek the article Napoleon Bonaparte (1), and he will find among many other books about him the title of one which I have forgotten the author of, and never saw: Systeme religieux, or idees religieuses de N.B.1 by a man whose name begins I think with B. I think it is the last book on the list in Oetinger. 5 or 6 pages of extracts from it might serve for a good paragraph in Current events, on the religious ideas of the two emperors—as in the Idees Napoleoniennes there is nothing about the church. This would serve to accomplish what Ullathorne has grossly failed in—But who should do this well ought also to get: Napoleon III oeuvres, and run through them, skipping the Idees wh. I have read and found nothing— Then it would be possible fully to show the Genesis and the continuity of the Napoleonic system of the Church. If any friend would undertake this task of four orfivehours it would not take longer, and would be useful. Could such a task be set to any one we wish we to get hold of? Yr? truly J D Acton 228 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 12 MARCH 1860* Monday night My dear Simpson, To begin with what is most important I wish JM Capes would give us some articles, moyennant retribution, and especially one for the next 1 Napoleon Bonaparte. * Printed by Gasquet as Letter LVII, pp. 131-3, dated' June 1860', with large omissions.

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No. The reproach of weightiness must be got rid of, and I can do nothing towards it at any time. Either give him a book to review, as that will give him little trouble, or get him to write on some timely and popular subject. As to Morris' book11 should have been glad to review it and encourage the writer, but I had the misfortune to re;ad it, in part at least, and it became impossible. If books are to be noticed at all it must be done uprightly, on their merits, and with even scales. I sat down with the best resolution of speaking favorably of Robertson,2 who had begged for a notice, but I found so little good to say that I am afraid he will hardly be grateful, and that we have not much assisted the sale of his book. However I urged Wallis to notice it,3 who has an easier conscience, or a more shifting standard, and he said, long ago, that he was doing it. If Wetherell is reviewing them both at once it cannot be but that he will have to give the palm to Robertson in very many respects, for Robertson is clearly the best church historian in England now Hardwicke is dead. It is necessary in order to save our good name to allude to the fact that an elaborate German life of S. Thomas was published in 1853 by Buss of Freiburg, who has done it well enough. His book is fuller and more historical than either of the others. Then it must be noticed that the historical poem used and quoted from MS by Morris has been since published. This obiter, to show we are up to the events of the day. I am really concerned that F. de Buck should take my jokes so seriously and should be impelled thereby to say all the evil of me he must have in his mind to counterbalance his eulogy, and which I hope is not more correct. The fact is I got my notion of De Ram4 from two things, his complete devotion to the views of the Univers, which he explained to me at the centenary of the Munich academy last year, and from the idea I had that he must have set his seal more than anybody else on the spirit of the Louvain University, which I cannot think very highly of. The philosopher's stone5 must be considered as ends not as means. Many instances to be given; Elixir sought in medicine led to many discoveries (I hope & believe). Was it not a man called Crorse in Devonshire who gave the impulse to the electric telegraph by trying to get life out of corruption? Then how necessary it is for people to have an ideal object which excites their energies beyond any material thing tho' the 1 2

3 4

5

John Morris, The Life and Martyrdom of St. Thomas Becket. James B. Robertson, Public Lectures delivered before the Catholic University of Ireland, on some subjects of Ancient and Modern History (London, 1859), reviewed by Acton, Rambler, n (March 1860), 396-8. In the Tablet. Pierre Francois Xavier de Ram (1804-65), Belgian historian, first rector of the Catholic University of Louvain. Here follow more suggestions for 'The Philosopher's Stone'.

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ideal is never realized—luckily perhaps in general. Dismal state of nations like China that is spurred on by no wish to realize an ideal. Then Mrs. C. Hall has a pleasant Irish tale where an old Irishman is represented 'watching for the time5, waiting for a good time coming, in perfect indolence and placid expectancy. Is the notion of these impossible ideals got from a reminiscence of the primitive state, and the original design of human life? Connexion with the Millennium. Neatly introduce the star of the 3 wise men, who followed it expecting to find a king, but recognized at once what they really found. Happy those who imitate them. Ideals in politics—never realized, but the pursuit of them determine history—Such was papal supremacy over states in M.A. The Balance of power, all the attempts at Universal empire which have broken down, but have carried things, ideas, institutions to place like birds seeds where they were wanted for God's design—Persians—Alexander—Romans— Napoleon—also political principles as panacea—Liberty,. .Nationality— equality—unity of weights & measures & language—Socialism—Icarie— other similar Utopias, Plato, Hesperides— Geographical ideals drove men over all the world—Cathay, El dorado—Spaniards to America expecting to get gold—else those countries would never have got a Catholic civilization. Nations have had a star before them which they have followed in their migrations, & wh. brought them to their allotted place—for all historically great nations conquered their homes. With the Teutonic race (& Arian?) this was most the case. They had some mythological reason for going to Northern Europe, & then a similar impulse drove them South—Gray's lines on the Southward course of Northern nations. Birds of Passage, where do they go to and what ideal do they seek? What the Jews have before them. All this is very crude and vain. It came into my head in the train coming up this evening to vote—back tomorrow, hopeless. If I could think more seriously about it, or examine my memory, I would suggest more topics. I do not know whether all this will open a vein. Your's ever J D Acton

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229 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 14 MARCH 1860 Dear Acton I was foolish enough to think that we might get a rise out of a book extracts from w* I have sent by this post—But when I sat down to write about them last night they struck me as too foolish—infra dig— Though probably quite up to the mark of those subscribers who complain of our heaviness. Read them, & say whether you think that a short flippant article of 7 or 8 pp should be made of them—If you think not, burn them— I have written to J. M. Capes to ask wha/t he will do, & telling him to consult you. I am going to the Museum today to look up Oetinger & the religion of the Bonapartes—I rather funk writing now. Lent is beginning to tell both on my temper & my intellect. I will keep your hints about the philosopher's stone—I do not see my way to an article yet—but I have no doubt that the idea will grow. Could you write a short notice of Morris,3 consisting rather of generalities, alluding to all recent lives of S^ Thomas, & saying absolutely nothing of the merits of his book, but something in praise of a man choosing so important and serious a subject, & working at it so conscientiously? Yours ever R Simpson Wednesday mg.

230 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 14 MARCH 1860 Brighton Wednesday Dear Simpson, I am sure you will say a De Profundis for my mother, who died last night at twelve o clock, without a struggle. She is lying in her coffin now, and will be taken to Aldenham on Friday. I go there to morrow with her mother.2 The funeral will be early next week, I fear not without a large gathering of friends. Many cares come on my hands, and I shall be nearly useless until I come back from Germany after the Easter recess. 1 2

John Morris' book on Becket. Marie Pelline de Brignole-Sale, Duchesse de Dalberg (1787-1865).

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At least I am afraid I shall not have time to write anything but do not deprive me of all employment and distraction on that account. I have not received yet the MS. you speak of. If I find Morris' book at Aldenham I will try to write half a page upon it, as you suggest, though I am very sorry Wetherell does nothing. I did not like officiously speaking about him in high quarters whilst he might think I did it only for my own interest. But since he deserted us I told Lord Ripon1 that the Volunteer department2 was grievously over worked. 'Oh, he said, you mean a capital fellow, Wetherell,' of whom he made the highest eulogy, and said he had been unavoidably badly treated as to promotion, but that he was no longer overworked. Do not lose precious time in pursuing the Bonapartes at the Museum. Anybody can do that. I hope you will know all about Reform. The debates next week are not likely to be very instructive, but it will be well to write after them. I am really most anxious to recover the aid of J.M.C.'s3 excellent pen. , „ ..,„ ,, xr ^ Your s faithfully J D Acton 231 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 15 MARCH 1860 Dear Acton There is nothing for it but "fiat voluntas tua", & the problematical consolation, that it is hardly possible that you should ever experience a greater grief. I was near forty when I lost my mother, & she was only a wreck & ruin, & it was beyond all comparison the greatest shock I ever had—You might have hoped for many years more of the society of your mother. Time will blunt your grief but not your memory or your love. My mother said to me a few days before she died " I was your first love, & you will never find one more constant or more true", & the saying lives with me like a text of the psalms— I will not be sparing of sending you things to look at, & questions to answer, & I will not put myself out if I receive no answer back. I sent you my Bonaparte collections from the Museum on Wednesday evening— They are not much but they seem significant. Meynell sent me his 1

2 3

George Frederick Samuel Robinson (1827-1909), M.P. 1852-9, succeeded as Earl of Ripon and Earl de Grey 1859, created Marquess of Ripon 1871; under-secretary for war 1859-61, for India 1861-3, secretary for war 1863-6, for India 1866, lord president of the council 1868-73; converted 1874; viceroy of India 1880-4. Wetherell's duties as a clerk in the War Office involved him in organizing the Volunteer movement. J. M. Capes.

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article1 this morning—about 20 pp. The review of preceding theories is good. Not so his own—I made my objections, but I dont think that they need in the least prevent our publishing—of course only " communicated ". I have read up Mackintosh on Reform—his 1818 article is a remarkable one—but I still cannot find Bagehot—John Arundell at the Club today lentmeLacordaire on the Italian question2—he says some sharpish things, but he is more given to generalization than to any thing precise, & you feel that he means more than he says—that there is something still unsaid. I have translated a few passages to come in somewhere—either in the notices, or in current events— A iittle volume of Macaulay's biographies is out—What a beautiful writer he is—& how he makes you forgive what he says through admiration of how he says it—Did you crib from him a formula you often use, such as " & which has the distinction of being the worst biography in the world " ? I could not help noticing how Bagehot3 had tried to form himself on the Macaulay model, & in many respects with great success— Ever yours very truly R Simpson After Reform4 there must be dissolution—I hope not before you have spoken, or what will they say to you at Carlow? Thursday night

Send back the enclosed without breaking your brains about the application of Abraham & the three men who were going to burn Sodom to any jest of yours.

232 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 23 MARCH I860* Paris Friday My dear Simpson, I have been too busy to answer your letters, and can only find time between two trains on my way to spend a peaceful fortnight at Munich. The extracts from the Bonapartes are very remarkable. I hope you will 1

' The Limits of our Thought', Laeordaire, De la liberty de Vltalie et de VEglise (Paris, 1860). 'The Club' was probably the Stafford Club. 3 Walter Bagehot (1826-77), editor of the Economist 1860, political analyst. 4 The anticipated passage of a reform bill. * Gasquet, Letter LIII, pp. 126-7, with omissions. 56 2

work as many of them into^ a cap. of current events as possible.1 All the first Nap. says of religion gives a very low notion of his capacity. Many irreligious men have understood it practically much better than he. Bonald says, near the beginning of his Pensees, a book from which you might take several good notes, Nap. donnait des tableaux aux eglises, des revenus aux eveques, des pensions aux marguilliers—il appelait cela retablir la religion—or something like this—It might be quoted in illustration of the quotations. I cannot find Beauterne, if he is at Munich I will send you extracts. The passages about the preachers might give the canvas of an amusing little article, if there is nothing else. I told Arnold to send his things to me in Bruton St. Pray either intercept them by writing to him, or go to Bruton St. and give directions to Holden2 about letters from Dublin. I find Newman is very fond of Arnold, and expects that someday he will settle at Edgbaston.3 If I have time I will send you at least notes for a short notice of Morris' Becket from Munich, and anything else that occurs to me. Reichensperger promises a letter on Prussian Catholic politics, tho' hardly for next time, and it must be rewritten, and not signed by him, as he will have to omit his own exploits. Perhaps I shall manage to send you a letter from Germany for Correspondence. Gratry tells me that Lacordaire really sees through the hollowness of the Roman system. He is grossly ignorant of history, remember that if you review him or build upon him. I cannot sufficiently repeat that Bagehot wrote an article on Reform in the National last year, and published it separately. I would observe on the Roman Question &c. that the crime of the emperor is not so great, that he is not worse than the generality of the people through whom he is powerful &c—as you say in the Register. But whereas Nap. I in his incapacity of understanding the real significancy of religion, saw the Church at her very lowest ebb, this man lives in a period of revival, and ought to know better. Will you call Contemporary events current events, and put the motto on the title page of Vol. II, and on the cover of each No. of vol III. Seu vetus verum sit diligo sive novum?4 , „ .., „ ,, xr to Your s faithfully J D Acton 1 2 3 4

Simpson instead used this material for a letter, signed 'R. S.', 'The Ecclesiastical Policy of Louis Napoleon', Rambler, in (May 1860), 115-19. Presumably a servant. Arnold soon afterwards became a master at Newman's Edgbaston school. Slightly inaccurate.

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233 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 7 MAY I860* Monday Dear Simpson, I went off to Aldenham on Saturday. 1 am sorry I missed you on Friday evening. I should have suggested some modification of the beginning of your lapidary article,1 the first page or two, I think, would be thought rather heavy. Pray what have we besides this and your martyr?2 Will Eckstein3 be safe and worth putting in? I have not yet heard from Arnold what we are to have from him. Have you any promise from Wetherell, and is Northcote4 to begin in July? Mrs. Bastard5 offers a paper on Kingsley6 of which the summary is clever enough. De Vere congratulates us on our improvement since Newman, but can do nothing now. I have received nothing yet from Gratry, but am almost sure I shall. I hope to manage several short notices, besides as much chronicle as you like. I have received stupid Dalton's stupid translation of Hefele's Ximenes,7 which claims some short notice. I dare say you will like to have the book. There is a biblical Dictionary, edited by Dr. Smith,8 of which I heard a great deal at Arthur Stanley's.9 I have asked Jack Morris10 for a review, and will get St. John to correct it, and you will touch up both, but not for July. Can you write or get anything on some burning topic, and letters from Father De Buck? Thesis. Political science must be consistent with Theology, because of its moral foundation. It cannot yield Hike medical precepts &c. to a higher law. Can you explain why this is so, if you believe it, as I do? I understand by political science the development of the maxim suum * Gasquet, Letter LV, pp. 129-30, dated 'June I860', with minor omissions. 'The Philosopher's Stone'. 2 Simpson, 'A True Report of the Life and Martyrdom of Mr. Richard White, Schoolmaster', Rambler, in (July 1860), 233-48. 3 'The Church and Science'. 4 Northcote,' On the Signs of Martyrdom in the Catacombs', Rambler, in (July 1860), 203-22. 5 Florence Mary Scrope (d. 1871), married Edmurid Bastard 1853, widowed 1856. 6 'Mr Kingsley', Rambler, iv (November 1860), 66-80. 7 Karl Joseph von Hefele, The Life of Cardined Ximenes, trans. Canon Dalton (London, 1860), was reviewed by Acton in an article, 'Hefele's Life of Ximenes', Rambler, in (July 1860), 158-70. 8 William Smith, ed., Dictionary of the Bible, 3 vols. (London, 1860-3), was not reviewed in the Rambler. 9 Arthur Penrhyn Stanley (1815-81), pupil and biographer of Thomas Arnold, dean of Westminster 1864-81, spokesman of the Broad Church party. 10 J. B. Morris. 1

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cuique in the relations of the state with other states, corporations and individuals. I find everybody saying that the interests of religion must override the precepts of politics, which seems to me a contradiction. Your's truly J D Acton On looking at Dalton I think he will give our opportunity for a short article on Spain, if I can manage it without books.

234 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 10 MAY 1860 4 Victoria R^ Clapham Com. Thursday Dear Acton I was in hopes of getting up to see you today, but I cannot. Cut up the philosopher's stone as you think fit, & I will try to alter it. It was written under every disadvantage. Eckstein is good, but he is very difficult, & verges towards the limits of the unsafe. But we can Northcoterize him. Wetherell has made no promise to count upon. I have asked him to come here next Saturday. As to Northcote, the two enclosed letters will show you what we have to expect. It is somewhat bumptious of a mere picker of other men's brains as N is with regard to the Catacombs to take this line about such a man as Buck who is an original authority, & worth twenty of the other to boot.1 Why not try Mrs Bastard? Do you mean the thesis for an article of mine? Is it a "burning topic", in any other sense than that Todd will say we deserve to be burnt for what we shall say about it? I perfectly agree. Politics, in their foundation, as suum cuique in corporate bodies, are as much morals as suum cuique in distributive justice with regard to individuals, & are therefore parts of religion; religion opposed to politics in these fundamental principles is a house divided against itself. But I suppose your friends only say that the interests of religion must override politics when the political suum cuique is hard to adjust—as in the case of the franchise. It is too difficult a proposition for any politician to determine where the franchise should commence—therefore find where it wd give most votes to Catholics. But those who think first of the latter consideration, & deliver themselves fm all thought of the former on its account, are clearly dishonest & immoral politicians. 1

Northcote and de Buck disagreed over the significance of the phials found in certain tombs in the catacombs. 59

You see you must do something on Spain. I will send you a part of Eckstein soon. Wetherell's friend Oxenham1 wants to know why his lre2 was not published. I told W. it was only because Arnold insisted on the completion of his art. Oxenham thereupon wants to enlarge even to doubling it. I have told the printers to send W. a proof. We may print up to 25 pp of the Martyr. ._, J F F J ^ Ever yours R Simpson I congratulate you on the first round of your voice in the House,3 & also on your pleasant backers Henessey & Bowyer4—

235 ACTON TO SIMPSON - 12 MAY I860* Saturday Dear Simpson, I send the philosopher's stone to the printers with a note or two appended. Why did you not introduce Saul who went out to look for his father's she asses and found a kingdom? I am sick of the men who are afraid of a scandal. I do not know what you have written to Northcote, so I cannot write to him, but he must come to the very opposite conclusion from that of his letter, as it is now impossible to stop short, and the truth must be known. What have we? Philosopher's stone 10 pp. Martyr 25, Cardinal Ximenes and the Inquisition 10 or 12, Eckstein?5 About sixty pages. I will prolong the Current events to 35, and we may get 10 of short notices, allowing for one or two of your's. Perhaps you will have a Belgian letter, besides Oxenham's.6 We have nearly 40 pages for Arnold, Gratry, Northcote, 1

Henry Nutcombe Oxenham (1829-88), converted 1857, at this time studying for the priesthood at Old Hall, was not ordained, later taught at Edgbaston, studied under Dollinger in 1863 and translated several of his works. 2 It was published later, with the signature of 'X. Y. Z.', 'Catholic Education', Rambler, in (July 1860), 248-53. 3 Acton addressed a question to the Foreign Secretary, Lord John Russell, on 4 May, asking to have Lyons' despatches from Rome laid on the table. 4 They were incongruous allies: Hennessey was a Tory, Bowyer (Wiseman's spokesman) a former Irish Independent. * Gasquet, Letter LXI, pp. 138-40, dated 'June? I860', with minor omissions. 5 Respectively, Simpson's ' The Philosopher's Stone' and' A True Report of.. .Richard White' and Acton's 'Hefele's Life of Ximenes'; Eckstein's article, a sequel to 'The Church and Science', was eventually withheld from publication. 6 The ' Belgian letter' referred to De Buck, who had had several letters in the previous issue; Oxenham ('X. Y. Z.') published 'Catholic; Education'. 60

Wetherell, Mrs. Bastard, F. Capes, none of whom can be counted upon.1 I send you a letter received this morning from Haulleville,2 editor of the Universel, of whom Reichensperger formerly and now again speaks most highly. Will you undertake this regular correspondence? By cultivating the Universel and the Correspondant at the same time, you could do a great deal to keep ideas straight about our affairs. I do not answer him till I hear from you. I hope you will manage to get something from Wetherell. Is not Stokes going to help us any more? Passing through Paris the other day I was unexpectedly informed that there were certain monies which had belonged to my mother and were due to me, and I shall probably get them in the course of the summer. I do not think it is much above £200, but such as it is I will put it into your hands whenever I get it, for the use of the Rambler. Do you think that with what we have got it will enable you to organize the management in a more regular and business like way? We want a third hand,3 at least a drudge for the current work, or if possible a head as well as a hand, able to give some time regularly to the thing. To facilitate this arrangement, and for or rather towards payments of articles in England I shall be your debtor to the amount of ten pounds a number. This and the 200 and odd from Paris, and my share in the remaining property of the R. must be considered as belonging to you, subject only to the expense of an active editorial colleague. I hope that in this way we shall have less trouble and anxiety, that you will have some profits and more leisure for serious work, and that we shall escape the animosity of a suspicious public. Only let us get a good colleague in the place of Wetherell, whoever you like. I am afraid you have an objection to Stokes. We must have advertisements in spite of Newman, and I will send copies to the editors of some Catholic publications abroad. I have not got any money in the bank, but if it will suit you to anticipate the couple of hundred, which I probably shall not get for three or four months there are ways by which it can be arranged I suppose. Do you agree with me that actual metaphysical speculation is of doubtful usefulness in the R? I believe very few people read it, and that reviews of philosophical books, or papers on the history of philosophy would serve our purpose better for the future. The report of what I said to Lord John4 was so inaccurate that I have made Hodges put a correct one into today's Register,5 for the topic was 1

2 3 4 5

Arnold wrote 'The Negro Race and its Destiny', Rambler, in (July 1860), 170-89; Northcote sent 'On the Signs of Martyrdom in the Catacombs'. Prosper Alexandre Charles, Baron d'Haulleville (1830-98), Belgian publicist. A sub-editor to replace Wetherell. Acton's question in the House of Commons, 4 May 1860. Weekly Register, 12 May 1860. 61

so ticklish I could not afford to be misrepresented. Hodge answered that he could not trust himself to write a leader on so important a topic, and hoped I would help him. So I sent him notes which appear as an article, mingled with a few of the commonplaces of our weakly friend, so that I mean to conceal and deny that I wrote it. The fun was that Bowyer, expecting something in his line began cheering aloud at first, but pulled a very long face before I had done, and then got up to say that he respected my motives, but protested against the government papers being considered of any weight at all. So I have hinted in the Register at the real meaning and aim of my question. I have no doubt we shall have some papers equally authentic and unfavourable. I expect Dupanloup's book on Rome1 almost daily. I wish you would review it when it comes, and especially explain how much more No Popery there is in the country than in the high places. Your's ever sincerely J D Acton

236 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 12 MAY 1860 4 Victoria Rd - Saturday night Dear Acton I cd have wished that you had sent me the Stone2 to rewrite the first four or five pages—is it too late now? I wrote to Northcote to tell him whose the letter was,3 to exculpate myself from the charge of imprudence, to apologize for not having consulted him, & to give him a copy of Buck's private introduction to his letter. Northcote's prudence seems to me absolutely immoral. Here is a mistake in fact, which is to be glossed over in such a way as, if possible, to make it an additional argument of the infallibility of the mistaken persons even in matters of fact. But we poor laymen are not to be allowed to know what a set of ignoramuses we have been believing without a solid foundation of dogma being first laid to prove that mistakes are not errors, & so far from diminishing trustworthiness, only contribute to strengthen it. Do write to Northcote & tell him how impossible it is now to stop short; & 1

2 3

Felix Dupanloup, La SouveraineU pontificate selon le droit catholique et le droit europe'en (Paris, 1860), reviewed by Simpson, 'The Roman Question', Rambler, iv (November 1860), 1-27. Dupanloup (1802-73) had directed the school at which Acton studied in 1841-2; in 1849 he became bisihop of Orleans. He was the leading spokesman of Liberal Catholicism among the bishops. 'The Philosopher's Stone'. De Buck, 'The Signs of Martyrdom in the Catacombs', Rambler, in (May 1860), 114. 62

that if he wont write we will try & get Buck to do it,—an event that will take his breath away.—By the bye, I dare not write to Buck again without enclosing him some testimonials. You know he is not afraid of the solid dollars, but he is afraid that unless the work is said to be pour la gloire de la Belgique, the dole will be chucked to the Bollandists as to Beggars, with some ill-natured remarks about the stupid fools who can believe all the trash that is conglomerated in the Acta.1 I will keep Haulleville's letter a day or two, to consider about it, & I will come to your generous offer of subventing the Rambler. Our capital fund £200, is untouched, or what is touched is replaced by the bills that Burns pays in to our credit. Besides there is your 14£ still in Capes' hands. With our present system this capital is sufficient. To render your gift really useful we should first of all change our publisher—If Longman wd take us; even Hurst & Blackett wd be better than Burns. Next we should manage as you say, in a more ship-shape way. Yr letter suggested to me a plan, but I can only think of Wetherell to help in it. I have now plenty of rooms to spare; & I thought I might offer a couple to him. He has not too much work now; & £5 a number for the bulk of the editing business might come conveniently to his pocket. Then we could see as much as we chose of each other, & manage snugly enough. But I will not say anything of this till I have consulted my wife—for it involves another servant, & a certain sacrifice of independence. I cannot deny that it would suit me to make the Rambler pay, but I think that you are the last man to pay for it. To work & pay too is a double tax. We need not anticipate any of your money. What we have is plenty to go on with. Till we launch out further into the deep, & begin to pay for articles we cannot spend more than we do. I have come quite independently to the conclusion that metaphysics— even reviews, or historical papers—are generally too much for the Rambler. I was blind to the fact while my own articles were coming out; but my judgement was reopened by MeynelPs article.2 Can't we fix a day for meeting next week—any day but Monday. I will call on you about 1 or 2, or earlier if you like. Ever yours sincerely R Simpson 1 2

Acta Sanctorum. De Buck was one of the Bollandists who edited the Acta. 'The Limits of our Thought'.

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237 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 14 MAY 1860 Monday Dear Simpson, I shall be at home about 1 tomorrow, and if you do not come, let me have a line to say on what day you will come about that hour for I am much distraught with goings about. I wish your plan could succeed with Wetherell, provided he is not too much horrified at my anti-Jacobinism. When you get hold of him pray put him through a course of Burke. Certainly if he could agree with those opinions there is nobody who would suit us so well. But offer him the whole 10 pounds a number. That would be worth his while. Longman was not encouraging, but I will try again. I have no answer from Panizzi1 yet, whom I begged to obtain the testimonia in question. I have written to soothe Northcote. , xr Your s ever J D Acton 238 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 19 MAY 1860 London Saturday Dear Simpson, Will you send the Stone2 to the Printers? Are you safe about Tertullian? Does man know theologically what he has not been told, or at least would he know anything if he was told nothing? I imagine that if we do not know something of what we are looking for, in spirituals, we shall hardly find anything, or reason would precede revelation. I only mean that the theological application of the idea seems to me open to misconstruction. Mrs. Bastard promises an article on Kingsley.3 The skeleton I saw was extremely good. ^T . , J to Yrs. sincerely J D Acton Do press Capes.4 I sent you a No. of the Universel yesterday. I hope you are making up your mind. 1

2 4

Anthony Panizzi (1797-1879), Italian refugee, assistant librarian at the British Museum 1831, keeper of printed books 1837, principal librarian 1856, retired 1866, knighted 1869; the founder of modern librarian ship. 3 'The Philosopher's Stone'. Florence Bastard, 'Mr Kingsley'. Frederick Capes, who was considering the sub-editorship. 64

239 SIMPSON TO ACTON -21 MAY 1860 Dear Acton, I answered W. verbally yesterday that I thought Oxenham's hobby1 was one that required great caution, as it was so nearly similar to the proposition of Louis Napoleon w^ I quoted in my letter, intended to follow O's, but disarranged by Arnold's sudden growth.2 Moreover that the subject was one that had before now involved the R. in many troubles; therefore, as letters are a little farther off from Editorial responsibility than communicated articles I thought we had better retain the first form. I might have added that the first part is already in type as a letter, & we shd have all that expense for nothing if we now change the form. W. said his reason for preferring the C. article was that he thought the letters all humbug, as it was clearly impossible to continue a controversy in print at intervals of two months— Will you ponder these reasons & decide. I have altered the stone3 so as to make the spiritual part harmless, I hope. Do you think the Universel as good as the Journal de Bruxelles (e.g.)? I shall see you tomorrow, & I will bring Gratry's volumes—I have no opportunity of sending them. Did you see how the Tablet puffs the book? I looked in vain for a good word for the translator.4 It will be rather a bold measure to publish Eckstein without apologetic note or commentary. When it is in type you will be able to see what is wanted. Wetherell has been trying to write. When I told him he sd have increased pay for it he said that wd go far to clear his head; but he would not have us count upon him for next n? I did not speak to him about permanently helping me, as I had spoken to F. Capes about it, & so I am obliged to wait till he answers. But W. dines with me next Sunday, & I daresay we shall be able to come then to some arrangement. _, . , Ever yours sincerely R Simpson Monday Morning 1 2 4

Writing on Catholic education. Wetherell wanted Oxenham's letter printed as a 'communicated' article. 3 'The Negro Race and its Destiny'. 'The Philosopher's Stone'. The ' volumes' are probably some of the six volumes of Gratry's Philosophie (Paris, 1855-7). The 'book' is Gratry's The Month of Mary conceived without sin, trans. F. W. Faber (London, 1860). 3

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ACL

240 ACTON TO SIMPSON -24 MAY 1860 16 Bruton St. Thursday Dear Simpson, Northcote promises,1 but he would very much like to get sight of De Buck's book. The letter he says "of course destroys all necessity or possibility of any reserve"; so that we shall obtain all we wanted. Only he is not sure of Morris sending the introductory part.2 He will either get a substitute or do without. He writes in perfect good humour. I shall never be comfortable so long as all my short comings have to be supplied by you, as well as the sinew and substance of the R. I suppose you cannot hope to talk over Wetherell now that you cannot offer him the best part of the bait. It is obviously in the interest of the Rambler and of more than the Rambler, that you should be in the way of the utmost possible abundance of political and literary resources. I will divert my Spectator to Victoria Road, if you will let me have all the back nos. at the time when the chronicle will have to be made up. I have never looked at it but then. All the others you ought certainly to get with the public funds and file them accordingly. I hope I may presume that you will also agree to Haulleville's proposal. I have begged him to send his Universel over here. Keep of course your authorship a strict secret, and it will be good fun to propose to take the Universel at the club, and to see the impression produced by the English correspondence of an orthodox journal, by name so nearly allied to the Univers that even fools will begin to believe you. I shall not go to Paris next week, as my shortest way is now by Cologne, but I can find ways and means of letting Gratry have his book.

I hope you will press Capes to divorce3 1 2

3

Yrs. truly J D Acton

His article on the catacombs. Northcote expected an introduction to his article to be written by Morris (it is not certain which Morris); instead, Morris sent a letter (signed ' J. M.'), 'The Signs of Martyrdom in the Catacombs', Rambler, in (July 1860), 253-60. Remainder of letter missing. The reference is to Frederick Capes, and the ' divorce' does not appear to be of the marital sort.

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241 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 6 J U N E 1860 16 Bruton St. Wednesday Dear Simpson, I arrived last night in spite of the storm in 36 hours from Munich. Seeing the Stone1 in print I am much troubled at the presence of foolish hints of mine in the midst of so much that is capital. I suppose you will sign it with some initials, that it may not seem a merely merry article, as it would if signed like the Plea.2 I find only 15 pp. of the Martyr;3 I thought there were to be 25. If it is very long it ought not to be spread over more than 2 numbers. What is already printed, martyr, stone, & Ancient SS.4 fills about 40 pages. Eckstein whom I will send to the printers to morrow, I believe 20. Arnold promises his negroes5 immediately. That will do for the first part with Dupanloup, if you have had time to do him. Then I have got a MS of Mrs. Bastard on Kingsley,6 clever. I've only read a few pp. and will send it you when I have got to the end. With a little cookery I think it would do. Do you know anything of Northcote? If he sends nothing I must do Dalton,7 or the whole number will be too pleasant and entertaining. Then I can curtail Current Events, which will be a blessing. What of Wetherell? Yrs. truly J D Acton 242 ACTON TO SIMPSON -7 J U N E I860* Thursday My dear Simpson, I am glad Northcote has been faithful to his promises. I have received nothing yet from Arnold, and am wrathful with Jeffs8 for not sending 1

'The Philosopher's Stone'. 'A Plea for Bores' had been signed 'Rude Boreas'. 'A true Report of...Richard White'. 4 Newman, 'Ancient Saints, iv, St. Chrysostom—The Exile', Rambler, in (July 1860), 189-203. 5 'The Negro Race and its Destiny'. 6 Eckstein was not published.' The Roman Question' and' Mr. Kingsley' were deferred until the November issue. 7 The translator of Hefele's life of Ximenes. * Gasquet, Letter LVIII, p. 134, with major omissions. 8 Presumably a bookseller. 2

3

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3-2

Dupanloup, provided always the book has appeared. I am to have a letter on Austrian affairs in time. What is Morris' letter you speak of?1 How in the world shall you reform the House of Lords?2 The H of C. is a representative body, and must change with the body it represents. It is essentially moveable and growing, and adapting itself to altered circumstances. But the aristocracy does not represent, and has no real right to change, as its elements are constant. Whether or no aristocracy is an element of progress or of stability, properly, seems to me highly to be questioned. On all which there is much to be said, and I think I cd. return your MS. with some notes, if you deal with this side of the question. Pray let me know what Panizzi said in his letter,3 and whose the others were, as I must write a note of thanks motive. I had another letter from Haulleville, which seemed extremely sensible. I see also that he is a good scholar, from his articles in the Correspondant on German matters. He has also written a good book on mediaeval Lombardy. He takes just our view of affairs in his letter, and criticizes Montalembert just as we should. He speaks of the correspondence of Coffin's friend, not as permanent, and greatly wishes my friend, whom I luckily never named, or he would have betrayed you to Coffin,4 to accept the task. Do you think well on't. He is clearly the right man. You shall read certain of his pamphlets when you come to town. I really think that his proposal may be turned to good account. Will you consult Buck? I cannot find the first sheet of Mrs. Bastard—so I cannot send you what I've got, as you would be unable to read it through as I have been. There is more moreover coming. Yrs. ever J D Acton I have just heard that Cashel Hoey5 is regularly appointed. I will write and ask Haulleville about it. 243 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 8 J U N E 1860 Dear Acton I send 9 sides of my article on the H. of Lords. If you don't like it say so at once, for I have no care for it—I only prepared it because Dupan1 2 3 4

5

See Letter 240, note 2. Simpson, 'The House of Lords', Rambler, in (July 1860), 145-57. A testimonial for the Acta Sanctorum. Coffin, Simpson's parish priest at Clapham, was a strong Ultramontane and would not have approved of Simpson's writing for the Correspondant. Coffin's 'friend' cannot be identified. John Cashel Hoey (1828-93), Irish journalist, editor of the Nation 1855-7, went to London as sub-editor of the Dublin Review, barrister 1861, later a colonial agent. 68

loup seemed to fail. It is not on the Reform of the H. of Lords, but to prove that their present strength is because they virtually represent classes wh have lost their direct representation in the Commons. Panizzi wrote that he was deeply grieved to hear that there wd be any chance of the Acta being dropped, as it would render the parts already published less valuable—that though there had been & doubtless would still be critical oversights, altogether the work was admirably edited etc. The other was a joint Ire fr Sir F. Madden Jones, Bond, & another, not Vaux1—It was much the same as Panizzi's but even more complimentary, lamenting on behalf of all mediaeval historians the prospect of the Acta being discontinued. I have already a letter ft" Buck about the Universel & Haulleville—He says, among many other things L'Universel marche tant bien que mal. On a lance des souscriptions dans le public pour recueiller des fonds; on s'est donne beaucoup de peines pour raeoler des abonnements mais selon moi, c'est en pure perte. Le journal voudrait former un tiers-parti c'est a dire nager entre catholiques et liberaux, mais c'est vouloir prendre la lune avec les dents. On devient ainsi necessairement sans charactere, sans nuance, sans but. Quant a moi, je prie Dieu qu'il ne m'inflige jamais en purgatoire la peine de lire journellement l'Universel. There are not 1000 subscribers, bringing in less than 30,000 ff. the expenses are 120,000 ff a year. B. enters into explanations why the third party is impossible in Belgium—his reasons are weak, & I don't think the worse of the U. for what he tells me. Let me have my Ms back as soon as possible—I have told the printers to put 5 more pp of the Martyr2 into type—that will be more than half— it will leave about 17| pp for next time. I cant find an envelope so excuse this primitive fold— Yours ever R Simpson Victoria Road C.C. June 8. 1

2

Sir Frederick Madden (1801-73), assistant keeper of manuscripts at the British Museum 1828, keeper 1837-66, knighted 1833; John Winter Jones (1805-81), entered British Museum 1837, assistant keeper of printed books 1850, keeper 185666, principal librarian 1866-78; Sir Edward Augustus Bond (1815-98), assistant in Record Office 1833, in British Museum 1838, Egerton librarian 1850, keeper of manuscripts 1866-78, principal librarian 1878-88, knighted 1898; William Sandys Wright Vaux (1818-85), entered British Museum 1841, keeper of coins and medals 1861-70. 4 A True Report of...Richard White'.

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244 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 9 J U N E 1860* Saturday My dear Simpson, I begin by answering your letter before I read your article. You touch of thefingerthe point where we do not agree politically with F. de Buck. The Tiers parti he complains of is not very different from that which the R. represents here, and is quite obviously the policy for a country like Belgium, where Catholicism and antichristianism are bound up in one bundle. A clerical policy (Mgr. Malou1 & the Louvain professors) would ruin church and state if it prevailed there, and if I understand it rightly it is due to the obstinacy of that party, dependent on the Univers, that a Catholic ministry has become an impossibility. The representative among Belgian public men of this syncretism, De Decker,2 is almost my ideal of a statesman. I don't mean in action, for I don't know enough about it, but in his theory, which if you care to know, you will find in 30 quartos of the Brussels Hansard which I have just received. An enemy said of Dedecker that he is a double barrelled gun, one barrel to shoot at his enemies, the other at his friends. Rambler tout pur. I decidedly like your article, and am curious about the conclusion. I am afraid the view might easily be carried to excess. The upper classes— tho' the peers have no vote, ought to be represented in the Commons just as the interests of the poorer classes that have no vote. Classes ought not to be excluded, as Guizot & his friends; excluded them in France. This seems to me the merit of the Bill, that it will admit a portion of the working class to the franchise, so that no common interest will be wholly excluded. It is very dangerous to draw the line of separation between the elements of the two houses too strongly and clearly. The antagonism must be broken by the admission of an element of each in the other. In a note to p. 3 you speak of Gentz as a Prussian statesman in 1839. He was a Prussian, but not a Prussian statesman, for he went early into Austrian service, and he was neither a Prussian nor an Austrian in 1839, but a dead man ever since 32 or 33. _T A , Yrs. truly J D Acton * Gasquet, Letter LXIV, pp. 144-5, dated 'July, 18(10'. Jean-Baptiste Malou (1809-64), professor of dogmatic theology at Louvain 1837, bishop of Bruges 1849, a traditional scholastic theologian. 2 Pierre Jacques Francois de Decker (1812-91), Belgian statesman and publicist, prime minister 1855-7. 1

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245 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 11 J U N E I860* 16 Bruton St. Monday Dear Simpson, The only objection is that you really go too far at last in treating the Lords as representatives. Lord Shelburne once said so in the Lords, to Burke's indignation. Pray read in Burke's works the motion for an address on the speech from the throne. He says good things of aristocracy in the thought on the present discontents. If I was you I would finish with a flourish about the uses of nobility in a state—its natural alliance with the priesthood &c—But I would be afraid of making it a too practical proposal, or speaking as if you expected that it could be realized. Being at the printers on Saturday I found that the Stone, Newman, Northcote, Morris, the Martyr, Oxenham made about 75 pp. Of the remainder take 29 for current events, an additional notice or letter or two—that leaves 40 pp. for editorial articles. 1. H. of Lords. 13 pp.? 2. Ximenes 12 pp. 3. Arnold's niggers1 14 or 15. I send today to the printers all my bosh about Hefele, and 6 pp. wh. Arnold has sent, promising more. He suggest the R. should be pushed in Ireland, and thinks a good deal more might be done. , . , xr to Your s truly J D Acton I was writing the most good natured part of my article when I read the Saturday on Dalton. There is no concealing the fact that he is a great fool and has spoilt a good book. But the blunders of the flippant reviewer are so grand that I have asked Wallis to write himself a letter2 defending Dalton by showing up his reviewer—the only possible defence. * Gasquet, Letter LIX, p. 135, with omissions. 'The Negro Race and its Destiny'. In the Tablet This refers to Hefele's life of Ximenes.

1

2

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246 ACTON TO S I M P S O N • 19 J U N E 1860 Tuesday My dear Simpson, The Father 1 proceeds wholesale in most of his assertions and is remarkably averse to everything like qualification. An anonymous writer can hardly ever do this, or speak so absolutely, without provoking his readers to question his right so to speak. The letter seems very hastily written, and would, I should think, bear compression. Pray do not forget that the proceedings he alludes to, especially the theology of Gagarin, above all such a statement as that of the absence of real doctrinal differences between the two churches, have been received with anything but general approbation, and by Dollinger for instance with the most serious censure. It is too vast a controversy to admit into our pages, besides it would become quite theological. Would it then be wise to accept an assertion so decided, and a view so onesided, without giving, and we cannot well give, any opportunity for modification, or would it not be best to soften a little the expression, or to give it a more narrative than critical tone? Might not his argument, or rather statement, be represented as that of these Russian Jesuits? It would carry far more weight if coming as from them, than from an anonymous writer, and nobody would be able to dispute it. Much more might be said of the diminished antagonism among the Russians. I have some of their books, class books and official publications for the Western provinces, in which, in order to conciliate and unite the Poles, and justify the violent imposition of the schism on the United Greeks 15 years ago, the differences are made to appear as slight as possible. Formerly, in Sturdza's time, the opposite line was taken, but the common defence of the persecution under Nicholas is that it led to great public advantages at the price of an almost imperceptible alteration of religious practice and profession. Their theology however, so far as there is any literature, goes the other way. Wilberforce has arrived, and called on me, but I was out. I postponed any settlement with Macaulay, as he was not satisfactorily disposed yesterday, until Wilberforce should come. XT J J Yrs. ever J D Acton 1

De Buck. Simpson had translated the letter for the Rambler. See Acton to Newman, 29 June 1860, in Letters and Diaries of Newman, xix, 376.

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247 ACTON TO SIMPSON -23 J U N E 1860 Saturday morning Dear Simpson, I have seen Wilberforce and Macaulay, at becoming length. Will you meet them here on Monday at 12? Wilberforce does not want to put you to the trouble of doing the foreign news, clippings &c. But only the leader, the translation of the Paris letter, and the foreign ' Week'—that is about 3 columns altogether. For this the offer still stands of 70£ a year, the arrangement being temporary at first, but to begin at once. On Monday I shall therefore state this proposal in your presence, and we shall see if we can come to an agreement. _r , & Your s ever J D Acton We shall stipulate for secrecy. Pray maintain a becoming gravity in the presence of these fogies.

248 ACTON TO SIMPSON -29 J U N E I860* Friday Dear Simpson, Ryley has written to me about prisons and workhouses, urging me to write an article on the subject as I should do it so well, and adding 4 1 would offer my services, but I am too rough and too diffuse for your classical &c &c pages'. I have written at once to encourage him to send us an article on the subject for September,1 and did not consult you about it only to save time that he might not suppose that I had hesitated at all. I hope you will agree with me. If there is to be parliamentary action about it we ought to help, and I suppose I shall have to speak on one subject or other. You know that it is no petty grievance, but a matter of several thousand souls a year.2 We can submit the article to MacMullen. For my part I think there are as many external as internal reason for accepting. * Gasquet, Letter LVI, pp. 130-1. Edward Ryley, 'The Prison Discipline Act', Rambler, in (September 1860), 300-17. 2 The 'grievance' was the refusal of prison and workhouse authorities to admit Roman Catholic chaplains.

1

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What have you written for the WR? I hope you have given some corrections to the part of Current events you only saw in print. Your's ever J D Acton It's all up with the Cardinal.1 Manning writes that his resignation is admirable. Very different than from Errington. Howard is monsignoring it about town, resplendent. I stipulated with Macaulay that you should have the Independance, one of the Belgian Catholic papers, and the Telegraph. The rest you had better take with Rambler funds.

249 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 30 J U N E 1860* 16 Bruton St. Saturday My dear Simpson, There is this much reason in what Hodge2 says that a weekly is not supposed to give general disquisitions not bearing on a particular event or question of practical policy. At the same time it was most proper to inaugurate a new regime with a general statement of views, and your article possessed the peculiar merits of a newspaper leader in the highest degree. Generally I think we ought to keep theory for the Rambler, and the practical application for the Register. Among other reasons for this: The Register is the liberal organ, definitely, and must keep its distance most clearly from the Tablet. Their rivalry will drive them as far apart as may be in their opposite lines. Macaulay is visibly an Irish Liberal, and the general Catholic public is not very far from sharing most of his views. This will inevitably assert itself in the paper. Then Galitzin3 is a Russian prince and a Catholic of the Society of Falloux, Correspondant & Co. that is to say, in all probability, a decided Liberal, rating Austria next to Russia, and Russia next to the devil. It is impossible to expect these elements to combine with what John Henry4 calls the foreign Toryism of the Rambler. The dreary commonplaces of the enclosed article do not regard you, as they relate to home topics only. 1

Cardinal Wiseman was gravely ill in Rome, but recovered. * Gasquet, Letter LX, pp. 136-8, with one omission. Hodges, sub-editor of the Weekly Register. 3 Augustine Gallitzin (orthography varies; 1823—75), Russian prince converted to Roman Catholicism and resident in Paris, contributed to Le Correspondant and wrote books on religion and Russian affairs. 4 Newman. 74 2

I failed to get young Throckmorton1 into the House on Thursday, but never heard of your being there. There was much poor speaking, but a triumphant performance by Disraeli, and yesterday a sound speech by Horsman, containing more things true than new. I cannot imagine Gladstone remaining in the Govt. He and Palma Vecchio have been contradicting each other all through. I have been a good deal with him this week, and have given him a paper on mythology which he asked me to write, in support of his hobby about revelation preserved in it. Martyr 20 pp. Arnold end of niggers.2 Mrs. Bastard on Kingsley Ryley on Workhouses3 Eckstein, whom I have asked to do Church and States. Half a promise from Newman.* a promise from Wetherell, the philosophy you have got, another I will send for you to look at—half a promise from Aubrey DeVere. De Buck on Russia, an Austrian letter I have already.5 I will find out how many volumes have appeared of Montalembert's collected writings and send them to you if you would like to analyze the system of ideas that appears and varies in them. A vigorous analysis of his systems would be highly opportune. I cd. give some notes if you wd. do it as you did Bentham &c. And would you undertake Veuillot's new collected vols. in November? The Univers ideas are a greater power in the church than the Correspondant's. Pray reflect favorably here on. Yrs. ever J D Acton Together with Veuillot you should glance at Ventura, Gaume and Gueranger. Shall I get a letter from Eckstein on Mont. & Veuillot as a help? 1 2

3 4

5

One of the two sons of Sir Robert Throckmorton, cousins to Acton. This is a list of articles for the September Rambler: the second part of Simpson, 'A True Report of...Richard White', 366-88, and the second part of Arnold, 'The Negro Race and its Destiny', 317-37. These two articles appeared in November. It is possible that Acton expected Ryley to write on workhouses rather than prisons in September. Eckstein's article was not published. For Newman's 'half promise, see Newman to Acton, 20 June 1860, in Letters and Diaries of Newman, xix, 374. Newman sent the last part of 'Ancient Saints', Rambler, in (September 1860), 338-57. Of these, only one letter appeared: De Buck, 'The Russian Church', ibid. 388-98. The 'Austrian letter' may have been Ludwig von Meyer, 'The Austrian Empire', ibid, iv (November 1860), 121-4.

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250 SIMPSON TO ACTON-80 JUME 1860 Dear Acton Saturday Mg I am glad you have got Ryley to write on that subject, but I hope he will not be too longwinded—His orations are interminable. I took the liberty of lending your Carlyles French Revolution to Wetherell yesterday—he is done up, & takes a holiday for a week or 10 days, & borrows that & another book of mine to amuse him withal. He promises something for September—about the Civil service examinations I suppose. You will see that I have simply used Eckstein in this weeks "Weekly" —I told them I cd do nothing this week—I begin seriously next time. I like the Universel much—the Correspondence is good, so is the summary with which each n° begins—I hope it will answer. That metaphysic philosophic paper you gave me to read is not bad, but very dry—it might possibly do for a letter, but I think we shall overflow too much with articles for it to be admissable. There is Eckstein wh I must read & correct & send to you to send to Newman. I was at Mitcham this week, & only sent my proofs to the printers on Friday Mg. but I made several verbal corrections, if they were in time to be of use. Have you lately read Macaulay's speeches on the Reform Bills of 1832? There is a bit quoted in Lawrence Peel's life of Sir R. P. that was almost word for word in your current reform.1 L. P's life is worth looking through—his wish is to prove that Sir Robert was the last effort of the nisus formativus that had been homogeneously energising in the Peel stock for the last 3 or 4 generations —It is an application without acknowledgment of Carlyle upon Mirabeau—Lawrence Peel is a sad old twaddle. _, Ever yours R Simpson If any tickets for Wimbledon fall easily into your hands, & you have no other use for them, I should be glad of one or two. Wetherell took good care of himself last Saturday—he had a red ticket, & sat as it were in the House of Lords. To which place young Pugin also found entrance, but not I believe by the door. He climbed up, & hid himself behind an extensive old Peeress, who protected him from a vigorous assault of the umbrella of an ag€:d Protectionist. 1

Lawrence Peel, Sketch of the Life and Character of Sir Robert Peel (London, 1860).

'Your current reform' probably refers to 'Contemporary Events', Rambler, in (July 1860), 265-88. 76

251 ACTON TO SIMPSON-2 JULY 1860 Monday Dear Simpson, I received your note too late on Saturday to get the entrance tickets you wanted for Wimbledon, and today there was no chance of sending them to you in time. I have looked out the quotation from Macaulay in Laurence Peel, and am horified at the obvious charge of copying I am open to. I remembered nothing of Macaulay's reform Speeches except a passage on the French noblesse that I did not agree with. I send you Cochin's letter to Monsell. You must answer Galitzine yourself, saying what you want, and giving him as much freedom as possible. Will you write to the WR. office about payment for him? I suppose it ought to be prepaid quarterly. Your article was excellent in all the merits of newspaper writing. It is a new light for the Register readers. Shall you not make attempt to get Wetherell on again? I expect Arnold's answer about the mode of pushing it in Ireland. Your's ever J D Acton 252 ACTON TO SIMPSON -9 JULY I860* Monday night Dear Simpson, The Week1 is capital—Do go on and write with spirit. Hodge could hardly help putting your article where it did not belong, as he had no foreign article. I send you notes which may help for a Roman article for this week, on Lyons' papers.2 I got them and read them to day. They are a running commentary on some of my articles, confirming, thank God, all I said. Monsell, Maguire &c are greatly disturbed by them. I * Gasquet, Letter LXII, pp. 140-3, with minor omissions. Simpson's contribution to the Weekly Register. 2 Acton had obtained the publication of the despatches of the British diplomatic agent at Rome, Richard, Lord Lyons (1817-87), attache 1853 and secretary of legation 1856 at Florence (with residence in Rome), ambassador to Washington 1858, Constantinople 1865 and Paris 1867-87, created Earl Lyons 1871. 1

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think Lyons honest. Monsell doubts it from something he once told him— so it is best not to say so. I have sent for a copy to send you. If I find it on going home to night I will transfer my marks to it, which may save you time, and give materials to confirm these notes—which I have just written without having the papers before me. But do not speak decisively on the character or future of the Roman Go vs. You can read the whole in two hours. I have written to old Normanby1 to ask for further papers in the Lords if there are any important ones wanting. I have just seen Macaulay who is delighted beyond all measure at your first article. The one he sent you was by Stokes. Your's ever J D Acton Irish education threatens to be my maiden speech2— Lyons repeatedly recognizes the good will of the Roman Government to make reforms and also the determination of the people—of the discontented part of it—not to accept them, The opposition is not to definite grievances, but to the government altogether—not because it is bad, but because it is clerical, and therefore not suited to the spirit of the times. Therefore the disaffection in the papal states is like that in Tuscany against the Grand duke, not like the Sicilian movement, a protest against real, distinct wrongs. The Grand duke attacked because he was an Austrian—the pope because he is a priest;. The readiness to concede very much on one side, the resolution to be satisfied with nothing on the other—is the most striking result of these papers. Nothing can be conceived more criminal than the unwillingness to see reforms made which Lyons perceives among the malcontents—lest they should consolidate the government. Secularization will satisfy nobody—yet it is the great remedy dwelt on by Lyons, because it is only a means, not an end—It is the means by which the opposition hope to get power to alter all things according to their own pleasure & designs. These are eminently hostile to the Catholic system, and not less so to English ideas of liberty—See what Lyons enumerates as the peculiarities of Code Napoleon. In fact Italian liberalism, for the most part, is not far removed from the system which finds its most natural expression and development in French Imperialism. Conscription, for instance, he 1

2

Constantine Henry Phipps, Marquess of Normanby (1797-1863), cabinet minister 1834, 1839^11, lord-lieutenant of Ireland 1833-9, ambassador to Paris 1846-52, Florence 1854-9. The following are notes enclosed in this letter, dealing with Lyons' despatches.

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himself says, is advocated by the liberal party, as it has been imposed on the Sicilians by Garibaldi, though it was one of their great liberties under Naples. Now conscription is not tolerated by a people that understands and loves freedom. Then confiscation of Church property—he gives as one of the happy results hoped for—also destruction of nobility by abolishing entail &c— Garibaldi and Faure's decrees agt. Jesuits and Redemptorist, & confiscation of their property do not tally with that freedom which consists as Fox says "in the safe and saved enjoyment of a man's property, secured by laws defined and certain". Lyons sets up a memorial to the infamy of Italian liberals which they do not all of them deserve. But the first aspirations of the moderate and conservative among them, like the Marchese Carlo Bevilacqua of Bologna, whom Lyons often mentions with praise, are baffled by their unscrupulous allies who strive to make things worse under the present system in order that they may become better only by the supremacy of their own system—Revolution is the great enemy of reform—it makes a wise and just reform impossible— Antonelli constantly speaks of a wish to reform in detail—There is little chance of this being possible—it would excite more ill will among the adversaries of the Holy See than all the abuses. A people thirsting for the Piedmontese system can certainly not be conciliated by really good government. See how little wisdom when in one year tariff was heightened, and receipts of course fell—a year or two later tariff lowered and receipts naturally rose—what an empirical—foolish system—See again Antonelli's wish for conscription—and other foolish notions.

253 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 11 J U L Y 1860 Dear Acton Galitzin, who also writes to the Universel under the signature H much the same that he writes to the W.R. sends such long letters that they take 4 hours to translate. So I have only had time to rush through Lyons' papers, & to make an article out of your notes. There are subjects very fruitful of discussion in p. 62. How far is it possible for the Pope to admit the equality of all men before the law—& religious equality & toleration—just what I should itch to talk about, but dare not. 79

I think Lyons rather well disposed to the Pope than otherwise—why doubt his honesty? Is he present minister at Washington? I have told Hodges that I shall go up to the office to correct the proofs tomorrow evening about 7—Should you be at the House if I called there on my way—say at 6? I am tired of writing & should like a chat. Ever yours R Simpson

4 Victoria Rd Wednesday 254

ACTON TO SIMPSON • 11 JULY 1860* Wednesday night Dear Simpson, You have assuredly the privilege of curtailing, and correcting (when need be) Galitzin's letters: I am very glad you have managed to make an article on Lyons, now Lord Lyons at Washington. They say that his confidential conversation differs from his correspondence which appears inspired by the English government in the; background. But I firmly believe that all he says is true. Antonelli says things worse than any he says, so I have no reason to misdoubt him. As to the Pope making all men equal before the law etc.—it is surely equivalent to doing away with the temporal power altogether, which has no sojourn in a world so altered. The inquiry seems to me nearly superfluous as I cannot believe that the temporal government has any future before it. I will be at the House at the corner of 6 striking tomorrow, and hope I can walk with you to the office on my way to dinner. I am afraid I shall not escape making a maiden speech, I hope rather on national defences than on Irish matters. , „ ... „ ,, xr Your s ever faithfully J D Acton Your style is attracting great attention to the WR. * Gasquet, Letter LXVI, pp. 147-8, misdated 'July 12', with omissions.

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255 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 15 J U L Y 1860 Dear Acton What a pity that we missed Peel & Kinglake1—the latter must have been a real success—Also, who is to knock down whom for that silly quotation from the Nation, Tablet versus Pope which adorns p. 3. of our respectable weakly? I thought that you made a point of these mean quarrels being altogether dropped—Wilberforce was boasting that the Tablet had for years or months (I forget wh) being trying to draw him into a personal altercation but that he was too old a flat-fish to be caught—Is it Hodge, or only the devil? ^ te & J Ever yours R Simpson S^ Swithun, and a rainy day—40 more to follow— 256 SIMPSON TO A C T O N - 2 3 J U L Y 1860 Dear Acton Wetherell was here yesterday, & expresses a willingness to be again subeditor on certain conditions wh I have made him promise to discuss with you some day this week at 4 P.M. 16 Bruton will be the most convenient place to meet, if you will receive us there—I am afraid that my only open afternoons are Friday & Saturday—I don't think there will be the least difficulty about coming to an agreement—Give me a line soon, that I may write to W. Do you see the Weekly on the Rambler? And the last paragraph in the "Week" about Walford2 I presume ^ r Ever yours R Simpson 4 Victoria Rd Clapham Common July 23. 1

2

The Rambler had failed to review Lawrence Peel's life of Sir Robert Peel or to comment on A. W. Kinglake's speech in Commons, 12 July 1860, criticizing Napoleon III. Edward Walford (1823-97), a convert, had been tempted to return to Anglicanism, but it was announced that he had been dissuaded.

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257 ACTON TO SIMPSON-23 JULY 1860 16 Bruton St. Monday Dear Simpson, If we succeed in coming to an agreement with W.1 that shall satisfy you and him I shall believe in all the future success of the Rambler. Say Friday at 4 oclock, to come with him to Bruton St. You must settle with him beforehand about money matters, making your own terms as to the 200£ and the 60£ per ann. that I spoke of. It will put old Noggs2 into spirits again, and will be a great comfort and relief to both of us. Only we must come to some more definite explanation of views and designs than we attempted last year. I see you and I came very sorrily out of the Weekly Critique of the R.3 I think we must excite attention by discussions in correspondence. Do you think the very point they quote from me for animadversion might serve the purpose? I hope everybody liked your article last; week as well as I did. Don't forget that the Register is read by much more and greater fools than those whom the R. is accustomed to offend, and you are treading on ground infinitely important and difficult. In leading articles I suspect it well to allow any little excitement to subside by following an article that creates a sensation by its ideas by one remarkable rather for its style and brilliancy. That is the best mode too, in that sort of writing, of preparing the way for new ideas. Will not Northcote send us a paper foreshadowing the changes hinted at by the bishop of Birmingham's4 letter, in our colleges? I hope we shall have the letter, (why not rather an article ?) on Russia from Father de Buck.5 , A7 Your s ever J D Acton 1

2 3 4 5

Wetherell. Newman. This and the first sentence are quoted in Letters and Diaries of Newman, xix, 394 n. 1. Criticism of the Rambler in the Weekly Register, Ullathorne. Northcote did not write on this subject. 'The Russian Church'.

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258 ACTON TO SIMPSON . 14 AUGUST I860* 16 Bruton St. Tuesday My dear Simpson, I am overjoyed at the zeal with which Wetherell sets to work. He had told me of Newman's answer.1 He is alarmed at de Buck's letter,2 warned by Newman's, and wants some precaution taken about it. I will send it to Newman with a letter of hearty thanks. I am just off to Robson's3 to see what he has sent, and to take the end of Ryley's article,4 which is much to the purpose and totally without personalities or declamation. I take with me also Oakeley's letter on XYZ.5 The Jesuits whom I reminded yesterday, promise another. Newman also threatens one, and the Vienna letter6 will go to print to morrow. So that we shall have five letters from Correspondents. I have just sent you more blue books on Syria than you bargained for. Pray let me know whether you are seriously dealing with Dupanloup, besides Spiritualism.7 Monsell and OFerrall have been to Birmingham, where a priest, for great scandal, has just got 6 months hard labour. Newman, knowing nothing about the new arrangement, burst forth in praises of the new Weekly, and was told how it happened to be better. In particular he was delighted with your last article. Longman decidedly refuses.8 [Shall we try anybody else? Lady Georgiana9 has given me an unsatisfactory answer, with little promise of writing. _r , , ° Your s sincerely, J D Acton I have just been to the printers. They have got White,10 Newman's Ancient Saints, and Ryley's Discipline three articles. Also one letter from correspondence. * Gasquet, Letter LXIII, pp. 143-4, dated 'July ? I860', with omissions. Newman to Wetherell, 12 August 1860, in Letters and Diaries of Newman, xix, 393-4. Wetherell had resumed the sub-editorship of the Rambler about 8 August. 2 A letter on the signs of martyrdom in the catacombs, proposing that chemical tests be made of the phials containing the alleged blood of martyrs. 3 4 The printer (Robson and Levey). 'The Prison Discipline Act'. 5 Frederick Oakeley ['F'], 'Collegiate Education', Rambler, in (September 1860), 401-8. 6 'The Austrian Empire'. 7 Simpson, 'The Spirit-Rappers', Rambler, in (September 1860), 357-65. 8 To replace Burns as publisher of the Rambler. 9 Fullerton. 10 The second part of 'A True Report of...Richard White'. 1

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National defence.1'! Prison discipline. I + Simpson on Rome2 Niggers J Ancient Saints Kingsley3 White

\ I + Simpson on Spiritualism. J

Tomorrow they can have Kingsley and another letter. How soon shall we have your own 2 articles? They are also ready for small type. W. has some ready, so I will ask him to send it.

259 ACTON TO SIMPSON 15 AUGUST 1860 Wednesday 2 oclock My dear Simpson, This4 is a very important matter, and ought certainly to be published. If Northcote and F. de Buck do not decidedly object. If you decide on putting it in Correspondence, I will send you the Austrian letter translated, to use in a chapter of current events, that there be not too many letters. I have just met Pagani5 at breakfast, blowing a great trumpet of praise of the Rambler, particularly of XYZ6 „ T_ A , F J 'F Ys. J D Acton (over) Do you know of a man called Pope?7 Lockhart8 speaks most highly of him as a writer, and advises us to get him to write. He is going to Edgbaston, to a favourable atmosphere. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

8

Acton, 'National Defence', Rambler, in (September 1860), 289-300. 'The Roman Question'. 'Mr Kingsley', published in November. The remaining articles were published in September. De Buck's letter. Giovanni Battista Pagani (1806—60), Rosmini's successor as general of the Institute of Charity, later worked in England. Oxenham on 'Catholic Education'. Thomas Alder Pope (1819-1904), converted 1853. Pope was offered a post at the Edgbaston School in 1860, but did not accept until 1864. He joined the Oratory 1867 and was ordained priest 1869. William Lockhart (1819-92), converted 1843, Rosminian priest 1846.

84

260 ACTON TO SIMPSON 16 AUGUST 1860* Thursday Dear Simpson, Newman fully, and I think highly, approves of the Russian letter,1 so the printers have it. Also a letter from Newman of which he wants the authorship kept secret, against XYZ.2 A cleverish and amusing but most unjust and abominably malicious performance. I have already written to Northcote, ignorant of his opposition, saying that I earnestly hoped he would not object to the publication of your analysis. If de Buck is not quite positive we must insist with Northcote, because it is a mere statement of facts and observations not an argument, and to suppress it on religious grounds contradicts all my sense of morality and reverence for Truth. Never mind Dupanloup. He has just sent a Mr. Harris, an Englishman professor at Orleans, who is on a holiday here, to ask for Lyons' papers. We stand about thus: 16 National defence 12? Ancient SS. Prison discipline 18 Spirit rappers 10 18 20 Martyrdom Negroes 48

Russia Newman Oakeley3

+

46 = 94

11 2 6

19 + 94 = 113 Leaving 31 pp. for Current events, literary notices, and your analysis. Perhaps I have overrated your MS in bulk; as to my article, I only guess that it will be 12 pages. What have you heard of Pope? Faber has injured Marshall's cause,4 already hopeless I believe, by a foolish letter through Fullerton to Lord Granville, full of threats and indignation, and vacant of argument of any kind. Your's ever J D Acton * Gasquet, Letter LIV, p. 128, dated '? April, I860', with major omissions. 'The Russian Church'. Newman ['H.O.'], 'Seminaries of the Church', Rambler, in (September 1860), 398-401. 3 The articles are, respectively, by Acton, Ryley, Arnold, Newman, and two by Simpson; Oakeley's letter was 'Collegiate Education'. 4 T. W. Marshall had recently been dismissed from his post as inspector of schools. 85 1

2

261 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 17 AUGUST 1860 Friday night Dear Simpson, I think Northcote's letter decisive against publishing.1 1? He refuses, as he has a right to do, the use of his name, which seems to me of great importance. 2? He is determined to destroy the effect of the instance, and to deny that his bottle is a fair sample, and he is clearly able to ruin it in most men's eyes. 3? He will declare, turning against you, that a single example is of no force, and everybody will believe him if the validity of it is disputed. On a sensitive point, we must not give me judice such openings as these. He writes to me: " I am strongly of opinion that we should not be justified in putting out so startling an announcement on so slender an induction as we have yet been able to attempt. Do you know whether Scott Murray2 has an ampulla? I wrote to him the other day fancying he had; but have received no answer." From this I see that he looks forward to further investigation. Let us accept that, and stick to your principle that truth must out, and faith cannot be preserved by fibment. His reference to Galilei is as Bethell, interrupted by Campbell in his speech, said to his neighbours of the Chancellor's remark before going on "not only senile, but anile." How say you on the previous question? I hear he has offered Marshall a professorship at Oscott. Yrs. ever J D Acton If you know no more about the enclosed inquiry than I do would you send it on to Brussels, to the proper quarter? 1 2

With reference to de Buck's letter. Charles Robert Scott Murray (1818-82), M.P. 1841-5, converted 1844.

262 ACTON TO SIMPSON -24 AUGUST 1860* Friday Dear Simpson, I am just off.1 Newman writes2 that he thinks a declaration of irresponsibility should include Communicated articles as well as Correspondence, now that his original Notice is omitted. Will you write it? I have withdrawn the one you prefixed to Correspondence to make way for the other. Pray bestow some shape on my phantasy on Volunteers.3 It was written in one day, and has no end. I am afraid you will think I have poured a good deal of water into your wine in Tyrol and Syria.4 , Ar J J Your's ever J D Acton 263 ACTON TO SIMPSON -27 AUGUST 1860f Aldenham Monday My dear Simpson, I read to Jack Morris part of the article about the droll Druse,5 and he immediately exclaimed 'Simpson'. I begged for silence. Newman does not advise the publication of the account of the examination,6 as he thinks it does not prove much. Northcote writes that he looks forward to publication when there are more instances. Newman says he will have no time to write for the two next numbers. I start on Thursday night,7 for I do not know how long, and will tell all those who have promised articles to direct to the Editor at Burns'. I have endeavoured to provide articles in abundance, so that you will have no difficulty between you in making up the number. I told you that Ryley had put a puff of the Tablet into the tail of his * This is published as the second half of Gasquet, Letter LXVII, p. 149. To Birmingham and Aldenham. Newman to Acton, 23 August 1860, in Letters and Diaries of Newman, xix, 397-8. 8 * National Defence'. 4 'Current Events - Foreign Affairs', Rambler, in (September 1860), 419-32. f Gasquet, Letter LXV, pp. 146-7, dated 'July ? I860', with major omissions. 5 In 'Foreign Affairs'. 'Jack' Morris is J. B. Morris. 6 Of the phials found in the catacombs. 7 For the Continent. 1

2

87

article, together with an ill disguised puff of myself, by virtue of which his article is shorter by 5 pages. He is at work on Workhouses1 for next time, and has promised not to exceed a sheet, and not to deal with persons. He has received his money, but I have not promised that Workhouses shall be editorial, so pray decide as you like about that. Monsell promises an Irish article, with an agreement that it is to be rejected if unfit, or corrected if defective. We have talked a great deal about it, so I hope it will do for editorial. The Solicitor General2' has almost promised to undertake the series I proposed of historical articles on Ireland since Emancipation. He is to discuss the matter with his namesake the professor3—I do not feel confident of either OHagan for next time. I have asked Badeley for a short communication editorial if possible on the Catholic Charities Bill, which Bowyer got into such a scrape about. I brought Badely down, but too late, although Govt. said if they had known his points in time they would have accepted all we proposed. There will also be another article in bad English, finishing the mediaeval popes, from Hofler*—Aubrey de Vere offers poetry. Unless you think better of his poetry than his prose I shall insist on the latter. Something may be got from Arnold. NB. The famous protestant Prussian paper, the Kreuzzeitung gives a very favourable notice of the Ramblers, selecting the article on Scott5 for particular praise. I have not asked it, for anything. Wetherell promised to correct Mrs. Bastard6 and make a good thing of it. I hope he will have time to do something himself besides Current events. Miss S. John,7 author, I believe, of Tyburn and who went there, a successful book, sends "Lent, as kept in Paris & in London". I must return it respectfully; but she offers a review of Pontlevoy's life of Ravignan. You remember how much De Buck wished us to speak of it. Don't you think her review might be made to do, as she is a practiced writer? Could you not induce F. de Buck to make his Rites into a communicated article next time? We want a learned article, and it will be beyond the limits of a letter. Besides which a com. article does us more credit than Correspondence. Add to all which your own article, a merry 1 2

3 4 5 6 7

Ryley's 'article' was 'The Prison Discipline Act'. 'Workhouses' was published as 'The Poor-Law Amendment Act', Rambler, iv (November 1860), 28-54. Thomas O'Hagan (1812-85), Irish barrister, solicitor-general 1860, attorney-general 1861, judge of common pleas 1865, lord chancellor of Ireland 1868-74, 1880-1, created Baron O'Hagan 1870. John O'Hagan, who was professor of political economy and jurisprudence at the Catholic University of Dublin. Part III of 'The Political System of the Popes', Rambler, iv (January 1861), 183-93. By Arnold, in May. Arnold, Monsell, O'Hagan and Badeley did not contribute to the November Rambler. 'Mr Kingsley'. Probably Catherine St John, niece of Ambrose St John.

88

one I hope, and there is no chance of want of matter. Northcote has no time to defend XYZ. Morris offers to do it when he sees the letters against him. He must not be attacked again in November. So there are materials in abundance: Simpson DeVere Wetherell De Buck OHagan Miss S. John Badeley Mrs. Bastard Monsell Ryley Arnold Hofler. Wednesday and Thursday are I suppose your busiest days, this week especially, so I am afraid I may not see you. Your's ever truly J D Acton

264 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 29 AUGUST 1860* Wednesday night Dear Simpson, I have been in much trouble with unforeseen business for several days, and could only begin my article1 today. They will have half of it in the morning and the rest at night. They gave me law till Friday. But as I must leave town with Lord Granville on Friday, I shall not be able to revise it, which will be greatly needed. I pray you therefore compassionately take it in hand. We thereto" s father is dead, and he is gone. I added something to your Tyrolese and to your Syria.2 Can you get another page or two of short notice in case of need? There may be space wanting to be filled up. Arnold has not sent the end of his article yet. We stand so: Prisons Negroes Ancient SS Spirit rapp: White

17 5 19 8J 23 721

* The first half of Gasquet, Letter LXVII, pp. 148-9, with major omissions. 'National Defence'. 'Foreign Affairs'.

1 2

89

Russia Newman Oakeley Notices Events

91 2\ 7J 4 18 114

I send the Austrian letter I shall write on Education in Ireld1 Arnold promised 18-5

3 2 13 18 114 132

Leaving 12 pp. for my defences of wh. I have written 7. If you have a couple more pages ready it leaves margin for Arnold to be a little shorter, & for me too. I was obliged to cut off many pages of Ryley, for its incredible absurdity. The rest I think is good, and Newman exquisite. In grievous haste Yrs. J D Acton 265 ACTON TO SIMPSON -30 AUGUST 1860 Thursday Dear Simpson, I am just off. Will you tell Burns to send all that is directed 'editor' to you. Could you manage, one of these days, (I only got the commission today, and have no time to execute it,) to send to Jonathan Woodward Rue S. Catherine Bruges the examination papers for army examinations both for the line and scientific corps? Badeley is very uncertain. Your's faithfully, J D Acton 1

In 'Current Events-Home Affairs', Rambler, m (September 1860), 418-19. The 'Austrian letter' was deferred until November; the other articles were published as listed.

90

266 ACTON TO SIMPSON -28 NOVEMBER 1860* Munich 28 November 1860 My dear Simpson, I have been cut off all this time from all English news, and immersed in much private trouble, and I knew nothing of what was going on until this evening the November Rambler came into my hands. I was sorely distressed at first on seeing that the men I had reckoned upon had failed you, but on reading the articles I saw there was no loss, and my conscience was greatly comforted. You have very courageously boarded the Roman question, with only too much tenderness for Dupanloup,1 and I am afraid too many loose reminiscences of our conversations. XYZ is really a treasure of knowledge, temper and sense. I hope we shall get him to write often in the article department. His treatment of Newman is exquisite, quoting him against himself so often that I cannot believe he does not know who H.O. is;2 but I fear Newman would be alarmed if his secret is divulged. Our most noble selves3 seems to me too elegant and neither pointed enough nor allusive enough for you. It is a very good letter in every way, and cannot offend anybody but the miserable nameless scribes. Meyer's Austrian letter4 comes late in the day, as it takes no notice of very important recent events. How do you stand for the next number? There ought to be a Hofler5 at Burns' and Monsell wrote to me that he was at work on Syria. Will you write to inquire? Address Tervoe. Limerick. Here a letter of Morris on Colleges. I do not know what has been said in the papers, and whether it is out of date. The beginning at any rate must be altered. He has left Aldenham.6 If there are attacks in the Weeklies on XYZ it is certainly better not to notice them, at least by name. I have found a letter here from Wilberforce, who is full of your praises, and says that you get on admirably together—greatly commending your article on the Austrian constitution which I look forward to when I get home. * Gasquet, Letter LXVIII, pp. 149—52, with one omission. Simpson's 'The Roman Question' was a review of Dupanloup. Oxenham ['X.Y.Z.'], 'Catholic Education', Ramblery iv (November 1860), 100-17, was a reply to Newman's letter in the September issue, which had been signed inadvertently with Oxenham's own initials 'H.O.' 3 'Our Most Noble Selves', ibid. 117-20, was written by Oakeley. 4 'The Austrian Empire'. 5 'The Political System of the Popes, in'. 6 J. B. Morris had been dismissed as Acton's chaplain. His letter was not published. 1 2

91

If you can write by return of post I shall get your letter here. D61linger's book1 has been out some weeks, and I can give you a longish notice of it, say 25 or 30 pages. Otherwise I have not done much. I only came here to stay a week or two ago, having been in Austria several weeks, in Switzerland at Geneva and at Freiburg in Baden, where I made propaganda for the Rambler. Early in December I must be on the Rhine, and I shall be detained at Paris—Pray let me know therefore what I am to do for you. I thought I recognized Wetherell's measured head in Home affairs and of course in Eliot's novels,2 which I have never made up my mind to read. I have heard nothing of Monsell since September, when he asked for books on Syria, of which I sent him a long list. If you write to him will you ask whether he can get anything out of the Solicitor General.3 Arnold will be eager to write for pay. The correspondence with him had perhaps better be done by Wetherell. By the bye Oxenham knows not what he says about forms of government in the church. Your history is not always sound. Sebastian, not Emanuel was killed in Africa, and Granvelle was gone before Alba came; but what you say on clerics in times of revolution is none the worse for that. I look forward with horror to the beginning of the session and the solitude of London, and work in Committees. I have got together materials on the modern history of the popes, and would give anything for a quiet half year among my books at Aldenham. Will nobody write a serious article on Montalembert's4 monks? It might be proposed to Arnold. Will you sometimes think, when you have nothing else to do, and talk with MacMullen, about gaols and poorhouses? I shall want your , «.,_,„ „ counsel in the matter. Ar Your s iaithfully J D Acton 1

2 3 4

Christenthum und Kirche in der Zeit der Grundlegung (Regensburg, 1860), reviewed

by Acton, 'Dollinger's History of Christianity', Rambler, iv (January 1861), 145-75. 'George Eliot's Novels', ibid. (November I860], 80-100, was written by Oxenham, not Wetherell. Thomas O'Hagan. Montalembert's Monks of the West was not reviewed.

92

267 ACTON TO SIMPSON -29? NOVEMBER 1860 Dear Simpson, This1 came immediately after I had sent off my letter to you. I write at once to accept it. If it is too late it will do for the next time. It is better not to reckon on it, and to poke up Monsell nevertheless. I think Montalembert ought to have a discriminating article if anybody can be got to do it. Dalgairns would be the right man, but there is no chance. Your's ever J D Acton 268 SIMPSON TO ACTON -3 DECEMBER 1860 4 Victoria Road Clapham Dec. 3. 60 Dear Acton We did not get Hofler2 till the beginning of November; now I am engaged in rewriting him, for his English is even worse than usual. He will be very involved, & index-like (in respect to the numbers of names, not to the involution) even after all my labour. I dont think he will take more than 10 or 11 pages. I am afraid Wetherell is ill, as he was to be here yesterday, & I have not heard of him for a week. He was to do a short article on the Peter's pence (about 6 or 7 pp) & another on the Maori war (for w^ he has special information at the War O.). Ward writes in reply to Oxenham about 35 or 40 pp (!!) & when I was last in comm? with Wetherell there was a quarrel about name or initials.3 Wetherell insisting on initials, Ward protesting against the anonymous & wanting to put his name. Our little friend4 made so much of the importance of sticking to Newman's programme that I gave him carte blanche to do as he liked. Oakley has sent a preachy article on preaching,5 & another letter signed F. in reply to XYZ.6 with hints of something 1

2 3 4 5 6

A letter from Arnold to Acton dated 23 November 1860, offering to send an article on the Irish Church establishment. Acton's letter to Simpson is written on the back of Arnold's letter. 'The Political System of the Popes'. 'Catholic Education', Rambler, iv (January 1861), 237-73, signed ' W.G.W.' Wetherell. Oakeley, 'Preaching and Public Speaking', Rambler, iv (January 1861), 205-16. 'Catholic Education', ibid. (March 1861), 396-410. 93

more. He wrote " our noble selves '?1—Not knowing what I should have to fill up I have been writing a chapter on Faith & Science, & another on Father Campion2 to be used if we had not matter. But I should much prefer your notice of the Professor's book (if you will send it) & Monsell's Syria.3 I have also meditated a short article on Forsters " Grand remonstrance",4 containing a few words on what I fancy to have been the mistakes of the English Catholics in the great Rebellion, in terms applicable to the present Italian question. My article on the Roman question5 had to be written 3 times before it would please Wetherell, & I think had all the juice squeezed out. Dupanloup was not treated so politely in the first draft. I certainly did try to put into it all my reminiscences of your talks, seeing that in political matters in the R, I consider myself simply your agent. But Wetherell's politics I cannot quite make out—I had to draw in my horns, in several directions, when I found that his hedge of prickles was planted in such queer figures round my field. What I want from you now is, the article on Dollinger, & a "current event" paper on Austria & Germany generally—also loose thoughts on other foreign matters to be worked up into my current events. In spite of your disgust for London I shall be very glad to see you there again. Talking of solitude, I sometimes wish you would plunge into the desert of Clapham—would come & have half my house—within a cab half-hour of Westminster, and out of the beat of Carlow constituents. But I don't think I should do it myself if I lived at present in Bruton S^ Oxenham did George Elliot,6 & I was rather disappointed, his Ires are making a vast shindy—being abused weekly in the Tablet & Weakly— just as Capes'7 articles were of old. I wrote to the W.R. last week under signature of "one formerly connected with the R.", to protest against the notion w^1 many correspondents assume that the R is an organ of the Catholic body in Eng simply to echo existing opinions, & to be the transcript of existing facts &c, & to remind people that the precisely similar controversy w^ raged years ago has, even according to Canon Flanagan,8 done a great deal of good. Wilberforce is full of my praises is he;? I wish I cd be full of his. He mauled my articles till I was obliged to write to him that though he was 1 2 3 4 5 8

'Our Most Noble Selves'. This was the first of the series, 'Edmund Campion', Rambler, iv (January 1861), 216-37. 'Dollinger's History of Christianity' was published. Monsell's article on Syria (concerned with the massacre of Christians) was not sent. Simpson, 'The Grand Remonstrance', Rambler, iv (January 1861), 176-83. 6 7 In November. 'George Eliot's Novels'. J. M. Capes. Thomas Flanagan (1814-65), canon of Birmingham, author of a history of the Catholic Church in England which had been criticized by Simpson in 1857. The controversy over education took place in 1848—9. 94

at liberty to reject he was not at liberty to correct; if he did so once more I would not write another word, Hodges revenges himself by leaving the most astonishing mis-spellings misprints & mis-stoppings, so that I who wrote the thing often find it difficult to know what I meant. Last week however my art. was printed without a mistake. I have just got your second packet. What is to be done with all our Education correspondence, unless we print an education supplement to the R? Ward 35 to 40 pp. Oakley 10—Jack M.1 7—57 pp. too much for one subject is it not? However as Ward will want a corrective perhaps Jack's letter will come in well upon it. If Arnold only promises his article by the 27th,2 it wd not all come to hand till the 30th So it will not appear in the next n°—He forgets that all printers are drunk all Xmas time— Wetherell promises to do Montalembert—who has written to me to beg for a review—but with his ill health he can scarcely be trusted. He is capital as subeditor—a little too pedantic & precise perhaps, & sometimes troublesome on that account, but painstaking & sagacious to an extent that makes me marvel—but for composition, we cannot get much out of him except the home affairs,3 which he does well, does he not? I am still in the idleness of music—like Shakespeare's Lordling's daughter between the M.A. & the Knight—"her fancy fell a turning"— so is mine continually humming tunes & inventing impossible combinations of chords. But they don't come to much. I want to talk with you a little to get me to form some desires or designs of worthier pursuit —so that I may end like Shakespear's song—"Then lullaby, the learned man has got the lady gay"—I being the lady gay. I know the song because I have just set it to music. I have written in so small a type that I have exhausted my budget before I have finished the paper. But do let me have a line or two from you from Paris, & tell me what I may expect in the way of Articles. I shall go up to Town this afternoon to look after Wetherell, because the printers will soon begin to be hungry, & nothing is settled yet about the Jany. n? W. has large plans, but they require much money—& I supersede to speak of them, seeing that he can do it better himself. F. Capes sometimes talks of withdrawing with his £50, & I encourage the idea, for he is an irrational animal in some respects. His wisdom is all that of the Times, & the Times has been so successful lately that all its humble satellites set up for prophets on their own account, & say " I told you so—You were wrong & I was right in my anticipations &c &c"—Now this is tiresome. 1 2 3

J. B. Morris. Arnold had asked to be allowed to delay his article until 27 December. Wetherell generally wrote the 'Home Affairs' section of 'Current Events'. 95

You have heard of the Duke of Norfolk's death, & how Hope Scott is to marry the Lady Victoria?1— Remember me with all respect to the Professor, & believe me dear Acton Ever yours faithfully R Simpson 269 ACTON TO SIMPSON -6 DECEMBER I860* Munich 6 December My dear Simpson, Many thanks for your letter just received, and for so much news. In several respects good news I think. I have set to work on Dollinger, but I shall be lengthy, grave and dull—near 30 pages I expect. I am afraid Hofler and the XYZ controversy will hardly be enough to relieve my dulness. Ward has got three names, so without any classical joke I should think he would be at once recognized as a man of three (initial) letters.2 I don't think he has any right to protest or to insist that we should suspend in his favour a rule to which everybody submits. Reichensperger's3 was a peculiar case, by no means establishing a precedent. Besides, the weeklies can be instructed at once to name him as the distinguished or learned writer. Pray do not print Jack Morris without some corrections. I think the matter is grave enough to be pursued, and it brings so many fishes floundering into our net. You should have seen the professor's4 countenance when I told him that H.O. was Newman. How have we got into such favour with Oakley? I am delighted at it for the sake of our respectability. If I had known that Wetherell was not the author of G. Eliot I should have said that I thought it rather weak. At any rate Oxenham's last letter5 seemed to me very good. I still think he will be very useful to us. I suppose Arnold means to be in time, and I reminded him of the pressure of the holidays. I think Irish articles are very likely to pay. But it is better to be prepared to do without Arnold in case of accident, and you seem tolerably provided. In the midst of so much ponderosity the Maori war or the 1

Henry Granville Fitzalan Howard (1815-60), 14th Duke of Norfolk 1856, died in November. His daughter, Lady Victoria Howard (1840-70), married Hope-Scott on 7 Jan. 1861. * Gasquet, Letter LXIX, pp. 152-6, with omissions. 2 W. G. Ward's initials only were appended to his letter on 'Catholic Education'. 3 'The Theory of Party'. 4 Dollinger. The reference is to Newman's letter in September. 5 'Catholic Education' in November. 96

Remonstrance or both would be singularly timely. As to Peter's Pence I do not suppose Wetherell seriously believes in it. We must certainly be prepared to see the pope leave Rome and take refuge in Spain or Germany. If in Germany, (at Wurzburg, where there is a splendtd palace of the old prince bishops and a faculty of theology particularly Roman), the reaction upon German Protestantism will be immense. I had the luck to hear a long conversation on this point the other night between Dollinger and the ablest of the Bavarian Protestants. Their mutual confidence was astonishing to a beholder. Dollinger said that one thing at least was certain that the Romanism of the church was destroyed for good, and the other was convinced that the presence of the Holy See in Germany, on the border land of the two religions, must lead to the reunion of the German Protestants with the Church. But there are a great many more consequences connected with the fall of the temporal power, which, when the time comes, we must try to point out. In the March No. I spoke of a possible combination of peter's pence, state payments, and domains, for the support of the pope. The last seems to me the most natural, and the only one that can permanently endure. Popular collections are uncertain, they cannot be equally levied in countries where the clergy is supported by the state and in countries where it is maintained by the people. Peter's pence of old was a very partial and a very small tribute and it was paid by countries where the Church was already richly endowed. You cannot expect a clergy that looks to collections for its own livelihood to be zealous in promoting a constant and permanent tribute which enters into competition with its own. That applies chiefly to our country. But abroad there are more serious objections. In Prussia for instance the state cannot stand in the long run a perpetual, or periodical popular excitement which combines the two things most feared, attachment to the papal authority, and democracy—for in a bureaucratic state everything that stirs independently of government, and in the mass of the people as such, that is not in their organization, is virtually democratic. Much more must those Catholic states which like France and Sardinia are responsible for the troubles and necessities of the pope dislike and dread a movement constantly recurring, organized and kept alive by the whole clergy, which is in fact a protest against what they have done. All these difficulties will be met by the system of domains. The Governments, if they give up a fragment of crown lands to the Holy See, lose nothing, because the voluntary contributions, which have the serious disadvantages ut supra, carry away as much of the wealth of the country, and it would be in each country a matter of little more than 20 or 30,000£ a year. Add to this, which is a just claim, and obviously in the interest of France, Italy, Austria, Spain, Prussia, and Germany to concede the liberty of private bequests, and the pope is as rich once more 4

97

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as in the days of Gregory the Great. This I would hold fast to, that the arrangement that is to be made must be made for good—In speaking of the loss of the Roman states I would not speak of the chance of a restoration, fora restoration of the old regi me, and of the position of the pope as a ruler of millions, is I am pursuaded out of the question. I stay here till the middle of next week, hardly long enough to hear from you if there is anything. About the 17th. I expect to be in Paris, and in London two or three days later unless Lord Granvi lie comes to Paris to meet me. I may get something showable from Eckstein for March; he has just written a stout volume on Sanchoniathan, and is at work on the pope, a startling pamphlet it will be. I hope Wether ell is not ill. He has political knowledge and sagacity, though I am sure I don't know where he has been for political doctrines, and greatly fear that we shall clash on that point some day. I hope you and he will be good natured enough to correct my paper, and especially the style of the translated extracts, which, as I want to send you copy as soon as may be, and have many other things to do here. I shall hardly be able to rewrite. It is much to be prayed and hoped that you will keep up your spirits at the Weekly. There you are doing the service of outposts, and must be always exposed to a brush with the arch enemy dulness. The good that men write lives after them, but it is only by patience and prolongation and perseverance that it is to be done at all, with the pen. I hope we shall have patience and fortitude to go on sowing what we shall not reap, although that is a sort of labour which is not its own reward. But for you besides there are two things. One is to publish, if it can be managed, one or two books, trying Longmans Parker, Bentley, Hurst. The other, which your book on Campion gives you a right to, is to lead and manage the society for the publication of materials for Catholic history in England. Whenever I think of it it seems to me more and more desirable and feasible. If I could only get turned out of Parliament in an honest way, and settle down among my books, I should soon bring to maturity my part of the plan. As you are versed in the matter it would be important by degrees to collect an accurate list of all the documents, reports, letters &c. that have been printed, relating in any way to the matter. If you make a list of what has been published, I will make one of what might be. Really this is a serious matter, and we may do good service in it. If there is sense in Ward's letter, as the thing cannot go on always, might this not be done? We might tell Oxenham on what conditions and with what modifications we will admit an editorial article on the subject, subject, shall we say, to Northcote's inspection, though not to all his amendations, making ourselves in conjunction with Ox. the 98

arbiters of them. Then we might leave the others to fight it out in the newspapers. I am very glad to hear about Hope. The lady Victoria ought to be very much obliged to me. ^T , . , Your s ever sincerely J D Acton 270 ACTON TO SIMPSON - ? DECEMBER I860* Munich Wednesday Dear Simpson, My best moments have been taken from me, but here I send you the beginning and the end of my article.1 I go to the Rhine to morrow, and will there finish the intermediate part, which will not be above four pages of print at the outside. So I reckon there will be altogether near 30 pp. Pray bestow a careful perusal on what has been, especially in the second part, hastily written, though it is a subject I have read most of the books upon. It was difficult to put an account of the critical school in a moderate compass. I thought it wiser not to talk much about Dollinger's book, but by the help of other things to put it on a proper pedestal. Some malice will not escape you. Are the lectures2 on the Protestant tradition in the Anglican difficulties or in the Present Position of Catholics? I have neither at hand. P. 19 I quote a passage from Petavius, which both in the original and in Kuhn's quotation finishes with the word debeat. I suppose it ought to be praebeat, but I know not. It is in the 2d. cap. of the preface to De Trinitate sub fin. If I have put too strongly the Protestant disbelief in miracles p. 7 of the last part, pray see to it. I say once or twice that I speak of rationalistic Protestantism, but not introducing that qualification each time may make it seem too sweeping. I enclose a note to Jack Morris on surveillance3 if you think it worth while to put it in. I have seen some Tablets with very absurd letters. Hookey Walker4 has found out editions of Hallam's Const, history in 9 vols. and of Mignets' Revolution in 24, which is about as long as three Ramblers. Northcote must be ashamed to be quoted for such bibliographical * Gasquet, Letter LXX, pp. 156-7, with several omissions. 2 'Dollinger's History of Christianity'. By Newman. The surveillance of seminarians was an issue in the 'X. Y.Z.' controversy. 4 Probably Henry Martyn Walker (1821-86), converted 1846, ordained priest 1851, had taught at Oscott for twelve years. 1

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curiosities. Really the difference between a, rogue and a fool is very slight indeed. It seems the Jesuits hold their peace. Do they in the Register also, I wonder? It is rather fun that a year ago I wrote to Northcote a letter on students and divines at Oscott compared to which XYZ is a panegyrist, & in Feb. Northcote told me that things were a good deal worse than I described. I see he has adopted a grandmotherly element in the shape of a vice president in the person of Revd. W. Grosvenor1— perhaps not an injudicious move on the part of the president. II n'est permis, says Fievee, qu'a pouvoir fort d'etre conciliant sans danger, et d'admettre des considerations sans faire doute de ses principes. A german says a good thing wh. you may apply to our friend Napoleon: "where the sense of right and respect for law is undermined the Droit de plus fort prevails. But the 'plus fort' is generally, up to the certain point, he who is most unscrupulous in the choice of means." Sir James Mackintosh calls the words 'garder a vue' "a phrase for which the humanity of the English language has no equivalent." Hist, of Engl. II 292.2 My quotation, p. 1 is from Wordsworth. _r , , J n r Your s ever truly J D Acton I am just going to see young Wilberforce the son of the late Archdeacon,3 who has got an American wife with an estate full of slaves. I hope the Paris Correspondent is satisfactory. I apprehend Audley in the ami de la religion4 will not quite tally with what I sent you about Austria. By the bye I have put in a bit of spite agt. the Correspondant, in consideration of Montalembert's letter to Cavour. 271 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 19 DECEMBER 1860 4 Viet. Rd. Dec. 19. Dear Acton I have very bad news for you—Your article,5 posted in Munich Dec. 12 has not arrived. I have written to the postmaster at the chief office but 1 2 3

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William Grosvenor (d. 1891), ordained priest 1851, vice-president of Oscott College 1860-2, thereafter chaplain at St Mary's Priory, Princethorpe. The portion of this letter from ' II n'est permis' to this point is on an enclosed slip of paper. Edward Wilberforce (1834-1907), son of Robert Isaac Wilberforce, married Fannie Flash of New Orleans 1860; formerly in the navy, barrister 1866, master of the Supreme Court 1899. Uami de la religion was a moderate Ultramontane French newspaper. 'Dollinger's History of Christianity'. 100

have heard nothing. I enclose part of the contents of a packet P Aubrey de Vere—the rest consists of 5 sonnets w^ I have sent to Wetherell. Let me hear of your arrival the first moment, for I want to talk with you. _, J Ever yours. RS. Try the metropolitan telegraph. We have a station here—& fix two or three hours when I can find you. I am rather uncertain in my moves as my father has been struck with paralysis, & lies in a very precarious state.

272 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 20 DECEMBER I860* Herrnsheim Worms 20 December Dear Simpson, I have shortened the article, and omit several pp. of MS. in which I went into details, as it would have led me too far—I speak of coming back to them—This refers to Dollinger's interpretation of IJopveta and divorce, which will be valuable for the Protestants, and seems to me very successful. I remember the Christian Remembrancer of July, at the end of the article on Broglie says of the Kings of thought, as he calls them, in Germany that they write less well than the French, and his examples are Gothe, Kant, Mohler and the Professor. Now Gothe writes about as well as Plato, so the thing is absurd with these examples, but it is remarkable that a Protestant Oxford man should select these four as the greatest Germans. I did not think of it where I say that this book is well and popularly written—which it is in the highest degree, alone of D's writings—or I wd. have quoted the Remembrancer to give relief to my sentiment. The quotation would serve also to praise Dollinger which I have tried to avoid. Can you get the No.? If so it may be worth while to put it skilfully in. I still despond about Schmerling,1 though I do not know his plans. If he makes non-Hungary one state and parliament, & Hungary another, his house is divided agt. itself. I saw at Freiburg a long article going to the Universel on the subject. Some facts are true in it, but do not trust the judgments. The late plan, of provincial parliament, was Rechberg's. * Gasquet, Letter LXXI, pp. 158-60, with omissions. Anton von Schmerling (1805—93), became first minister of Austria 13 Dec. 1860, resigned 1865. The remainder of this letter was used in the composition of 'Notes on the Present State of Austria', Rambler, iv (January 1861), 193-205.

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Its absurdity lies in many things; also in making so many small provincial Estates, over agt. big Hungary. Schmerling, as a German, was a national necessity, because Goluchowsky is a Slavonian, and the Rechberg-contribution made the Germans jealous of the Slavonic element. I have seen many more men who knew Schmerling—all think highly of his ability, courage, and finesse. Do not publish this, but it is significant of Machiavellic genius: at Frankfort, he, the Austrian, member for Vienna, confidential minister of Archduke John, wanted to let the crown of Germany be given to Fred. William, judging that Austria would then become chief of popular party in the empire, and wd. be strengthened by all the popular elements. He told this confidentially to another deputy at Frankfort whom I have just seen. NB. If Archduke Stephen is spoken of in the papers, (I do not see them) he was Palatine and fell into unpopularity on one side and disgrace on the other in 48—but he is the cleverest Archduke, and I have just seen a confidential letter from him, full of confidence in the result of things in Hungary. His correspondent told me he thought he wd. be consulted, or put into some great office. The army is not discouraged, as I tho't my cousin was, but eager to fight, and confident of victory, as I hear on good authority. I believe the funds rose so little at Vienna because Plener became finance-minister definitively at the same time as Schm. became home minister. As to Concordat it is likely S. will try to alter. I am more and more convinced of that, from what I hear. Half the concordat, executed, and secured by other liberties will be better than the present document, unsafe and unperformed. But the breach of faith will be terrible. It is, however deserved, as they put the Church in an exceptional position. There was a want of political sincerity in it. Benedek is disliked at court, because the army forced him on the emperor. People speak of Wallenstein. As long as Archduke Albert serves peaceably under him good terms will certainly be kept up. I am detained till after Xmas.—Merry Xmas to you. Your's sincerely J D Acton Will you send me a line to the Louvre Hotel at Paris? I shall be there next Thursday.

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273 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 30 DECEMBER 1860 Herrnsheim Sunday 30 December My dear Simpson, I received today your Paris letter, forwarded to where I have been kept far longer than I intended to stay, and where I have been indulging in the belief that you were at your ease and that I had supplied you with a long article and with sound notes for German events. As the 'immediate' letter sent to Bruton S. has missed me, they not knowing anything about me, I have only just learnt the trouble you have been in and your affliction at home. I am afraid you must mean that Mrs. Simpson has been ill—if so I hope that anxiety is off your mind, and that your fears for your father have not been realized. If the winter in England is so severe as it is here it must be a trying time for people sick and weak from old age. I am at a loss to understand the delay of the Munich MS. I was obliged to make a parcel of it, as, thinking that I should be in time to bring it over myself, I had written on stiff paper, out of Sybaritism. But I took a receipt for it at the post office—no security however for prompt delivery. Except your disappointment there will be no loss, and having begun your faith and science,1 I suppose you will have materials to go on with it next time—I do not rely on Arnold. But we must have him next time, and Monsell or OHagan—and I hope Wetherell. I am very sorry to hear that his complaint is heart disease. The only thing I am afraid of for this No. is that my letters must make a very singular article on Austria,2 for I have been no diligent reader of newspapers, and had really no materials. You speak of only Ward's letter, so I conjecture you thought 37 pp. enough of a good thing.3 I hope to be in town on Sunday or Monday, and will not come to Clapham unless I find a line giving an account of yourself. I will push Monsell, O'Ferrall, Lord Edward4 and anybody I can get weak enough to submit, to bribe Wilberforce into good behaviour by a largesse, so that we may have more control over him. In any such arrangement the fool-metrical element must not quite be overlooked. Pray postpone violence, in consideration of your own deficiency in that 1 2 3 4

Simpson, 'Reason and Faith', Rambler, v (July 1861), 166-90. Since 'Dollinger's History of Christianity' had not arrived, Simpson had assembled Acton's ' Notes on the Present State of Austria' into an article. Ward's 'Catholic Education' was the only letter published. Howard. 103

useful quality, and of Wilberforce's and Macaulay's proficiency in it—in fulfilment of Johnson's maxim who drives fat oxen must himself be fat or rather—ox. Unless our prince has fallen off, it was great folly to dismiss him, and besides he belonged to your department, not their's— Unless there is more understanding between you you cannot go on long with effect. Your current events being so short I conclude you have not said much of the Turin despatch, or were not quite agreed with Wetherell about it. Viewed in the light of Burke's philosophy is it bad enough to justify a breach with government?1 I shall have some business to do at Aldenham, but will try to get some work done for the two next numbers, for from the meeting of parliament till Easter I shall be perfectly useless. I have spent a fortnight in an old library reading nothing but French literature of the 18th. century, of which I knew very little besides Montesquieu, Rousseau and Voltaire. I have got several lights I had not seen before in the books on that period. The generalities of most writers on the subject are highly ludicrous. Have you read Buckle's new volume? Ranke has published a very large vol. on Charles I. I hope my letter will not reach you at a time when it will seem cruel to wish you as I do with all my heart a happy new year. Your's ever sincerely D Acton

274 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 7 JANUARY 1861 Monday Dear Simpson, I arrived last night, and have to stay here for a couple of days, but I shall not expect you, as you must be in trouble and busy. I go for a couple of days to Berkshire on Thursday, and shall be in town for a day on Monday. Take your choice therefore I pray you between Tuesday, Wednesday, and this day week, and if you come not tomorrow pray send me a line today on which day I can look forward to seeing you. I am sorry to find that my paper2 was after all perfectly unintelligible. Your's ever truly J D Acton 1 2

I.e., a breach between the Catholics and the Liberal Government over its Italian policy. An article on Baden (not published). 104

275 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 9 JANUARY 1861 Wednesday night My dear Simpson, If the task1 is less puzzling than you expected the performance is much more successful than I could have imagined. If you go on it will become easier and more successful. Have you a dictionary? Your reward will be in the very first caps, of the first book. I saw Wilberforce but only for a moment, and have just received a letter from him which I cannot read. He declines Stokes,2 because, he says, he is going on swimmingly and does not want to pay. In answering his illegible scrawl, that is in asking for a legible copy, I will also ask how far his disinclination to pay extends. I will write to Stokes, who has also written to Macaulay, and will ask him to keep his willingness for a week or two, till the MPS. are in town. Then I will make a push, and if Stokes is not affronted by this stupidity, am really sure to succeed. Wilberforce says his friends are writing that he gives offence by his view of South Italy,3 and that some are taking their names off the list of subscribers because there is not enough devotion to the pope. It will be more prudent if you do not take the critical line too strongly for a time. The misdeeds of the other party are matter enough for attack. People I suppose cannot understand a view that has not been put forward in all its fulness. W. wants me to write him a theory of rebellion. What you propose about Campion4 had occurred to me to suggest as soon as I saw that you had an article about him. Here is some money to which I shall have 100£ to add. Pray consider how it can best be turned to account. _r Your s ever J D Acton 1 2 3 4

Simpson was attempting to translate Dollinger's Christenthum und Kirche. Stokes had offered to write for the Weekly Register. The Weekly Register's articles on foreign affairs were written by Simpson. To expand the article on Campion into a book. Several chapters were subsequentlypublished in the Rambler; the complete book was published in 1867.

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276 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 11 JANUARY 1861 Dear Acton I write from Robson's to acknowledge your cheque. I suppose from what you say that the 100 is part of the 200 new capital, & the 35 (+the 25 I had 4 months ago) the year's 10£ a number. I have all the account of the former moneys which we will go over when you come to Town in Feb. Oakeley is so anxious to have aflingat W. G. W. that we shall have to give him 10 pp. in March.1 XYZ intends a short letter, protesting against W. G. W.'s interpretations, but declining for personal reasons to prolong the contest.2 Buck writes from Brussels to deprecate the continuance of the controversy, to affirm that that exact portion of surveillance w^ is exercised in the Schools of the Belgian Jesuits is the exact cheese (excuse the vulgarism) but that the Italian surveillance is foolish—still he wants the matter hushed up. Wetherell I found very ill today. I had intended to discuss with him the ways and means of making ducks and drakes of the moneys with the feeblest possible results—but he was not up to the discussion. I have only a little vocabulary of German words, which leaves me in the lurch in all compounds & in all inflexions—for particles, it has not even zur, of w^ I cannot guess the meaning. Would you like to see Buck's letter? _, „ .Al „ ,, J Ever yours faithfully R Simpson Jany 11. 277 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 12 JANUARY 1861* Buckland Saturday Dear Simpson, I am very much convinced that the controversy ought not to be continued indefinitely, and that it will not come to a close by letters from F. or XYZ. Could you not persuade them to merge their letters in an article? The presence of WGW may bring them nearly together, and you 1

Oakeley ['F.'], 'Catholic Education', Rambler, iv (March 1861), 396-410. 'W.G.W.' 2 Oxenham ['X.Y.Z.'], 'Catholic Education', ibid. 392. is Ward. * Gasquet, Letter LXXII, pp. 161-2, with several omissions.

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might succeed in constructing out of what they write, with any help from De Buck's correspondence, an article on which both would substantially agree. I do not feel certain that the termination we look to will be attained by a communicated article. The pensive public is not metaphysical enough to understand, or honest enough to be willing to understand, the difference between a letter and a com. article, with respect to its authority & responsibility. By making it a com. article we do not put an end to controversy, as we would tolerate not only a letter against a com. article, but successive com. articles contradicting in some degree each other. The synthetical, epicritical view which we might put under 'com.' would not be elevated above the region in which Ward & Oakeley wage their war, or have the weight of an editorial decision. We have shared the odium of opening the question, as it is, justly and rightly. It will not be increased by putting in an article adopting some of the chief points of XYZ as we can separate ourselves from him properly on some others. Besides the outraged interests and prejudices have had their say, and the violence of the storm has abated in the public mind. Moreover the belief will not be that XYZ has gained any victory in public opinion. Great names have appeared against him, and loud voices have cried out. I think his general view requires and deserves support, and we give him that much more by a discriminating editorial than by letting the dispute go on, or transferring it to the second compartment. Those are the reasons which make me think it would be wisest to finish with an editorial. Pray arbitrate between my pro and WetherelFs com, Newman I hear is pleased with XYZ's answer to him, and is believed by many persons to be the author of your letters to the Register. He is highly pleased with the new number. Northcote & Meynell are both indignant with my article.1 Darnell I hear will be with you and will tell you more. Pray ask him if you see him and I do not, when the school meets again, as I am to bring him a little relation of mine.2 I hear Newman has been so angry at various times with my politics that I am tempted to write an article on Italian affairs, which will cost less trouble than one on Baden, which would be more of fact and less of doctrine—and I am to have some company at Aldenham, and am not sure of time. I sleep in town on Monday, and will let you know in what part of the South of England I spend the rest of the week. ^r , Your s ever J D Acton 1 2

'Dollinger's History of Christianity'. Paolo Beccadelli (1852-1918), Principe di Camporeale, was placed by Acton as a student at Edgbaston.

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278 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 14 JANUARY 1861 Dear Acton I have written to Oakeley to propose the article;1 but I enclose you one of his & one of Wetherell's notes that came this evening. There are two modes of doing business—either make up F. & XYZ into an article as you propose. Or give F. his 10 pp. XYZ room to protest against WGW & to decline the controversy; & at the same time to state our own views in an article wh shall be quite independent of Oakeley, XYZ or anyone else. I am disposed to think this wd be preferable, as F evidently likes to take an apparently independent position. I do not much admire having our article written by a man whose name Wetherell will not disclose—I wd rather do it myself after mature consultation with him & you. I have just finished the part of Campion that refers to his views on education—I have not made it very controversial, because I thought it might mar the biography to do so. Your Italian article will bear a more interesting title than the Baden one,2 though I dare say the latter would be intrinsically the better—So let us begin with Italy. I have seen Darnell—He had not seen Newman since N. had received the R. N. was storming at its being ten days late— thanks to the Continental express parcels delivery—His school will be closed for an extra week in consequence of the frost, which freezes up both the exits & the entrances of food—the boilers & the cloacae. You will have a circular, I suppose, about this affair—I have not seen him since Friday morning so I could not give him your message—I have heard from Northcote today enquiring your whereabouts—No complaints of the Rambler—He only says XYZ must; be reduced to powder WGW having sat upon him so long— _ * v^ * « 6 r 6 Ever yours faithfully R Simpson Monday evg. 1 2

A combination of Oakeley's and Oxenham's letters. Neither was published.

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279 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 15 JANUARY 1861 16 Bruton St. Tuesday Dear Simpson, I think your plan is the best. For we shall end with three persons taking in a general way the same reformatory view, XYZ, F and the R. The two letters will then give support to our article. As to the anonymous writer he only offers a letter, and that in defence of XYZ. The only question is whether his letter would stand in the way of your article. If XYZ means to write a very short letter there might be room both for the arguments and for the letter of the anonymous Wetherell. You might still write an article, separating yourself distinctly from Newman's view of Trent, from Ward, and in some points from XYZ, using all the new letters, Oxenham's notes, if there is anything in them, and a letter I will try to get from Northcote privately, and ignoring the protests in the newspapers altogether. You would then ask Wetherell to get his anon, reserving editorial space for your paper. How say you? I beseech you not to fill Campion with contemporary allusions, and make it altogether an aycuwer/xa es TO irapax* It will look too like a pamphlet. I have not got hold of the last n? yet, so I have not seen your first cap. Kingsley's inaugural lecture1 tempts me to put down my theory of historiography in a review. Northcote inquires after me probably to complain of my saying about the lies of Catholic historians.2 Your's ever truly J D Acton Let us by all means keep F. O.3 in good humour. 1 2 3

Charles Kingsley, The Limits of Exact Science as applied to History (Cambridge, 1860), was his inaugural lecture as regius professor of modern history at Cambridge. In 'Dollinger's History of Christianity'. Frederick Oakeley.

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280 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 19 JANUARY 1861* 16 Bruton St. Saturday My dear Simpson, I have just got the R. and read my abominations. Your paper on Forster1 touches a great question capitally, and I have read with the greatest interest the beginning of your life of Campion.2 Here are the things that occurred to me reading it. You must make up your mind from the first whether you are writing for a general public and for your present readers, or a book that is to satisfy the curiosity of learned men on the subject in time to come. I pray you choose the latter. It includes the former. It will cost you no greater trouble, for you have the materials, and know more about it than any man living. But then some things must be changed. 1? You must omit allusions to matters of merely momentary, passing interest, making them, if at all, in the most ingenious, secure, concealed manner. Nothing betrays more than this the low estimate an author has of his own purpose, and of the capacity of his readers. Such are (224) the point at Wiseman and Flanagan, which are really beneath the dignity and respect of history. 2? You must give references to your authorities wherever you do not quote common books, either at the foot of the pages, or in notes at the end of the vol. with numbers at the margin. In which notes you can then sometimes, and with greater freedom if they are at the end, give important passages in Latin of which you have given the sense in the text. In all decisive points this is indispensible to give authority to your book; especially when you use unpublished matter. So also (227) the quotations from S. Thomas and (234) S. Hilary should have cap. and v. There should be authority cited for the passage on Dudley's religion half way down p. 227, &c&c. Paullo minora: 217 is 'spout' dignified enough? Macaulay w$ have used it, but he w^ have covered and surrounded it with great splendor and pomp of words, and he is accused of vulgarity in his expressions. 220 For IngoWstadt read Ingobtadt—no d. * Gasquet, Letter LXXIII, pp. 162-4. 'The Grand Remonstrance'. Acton's 'abominations' were his two articles in the January number. 2 The first chapter of 'Edmund Campion'. 1

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221 Is it fair to Anglicans to divide them as you do, in the 6*h line? I never heard of a bp. of Tarasona—surely Tarraconensis. Has Demosthenes, in a garbled quotation any business here? 226 Is Prince Consort a title naturally given to the Queen's husband? I thought it was a privilege not always conferred, but I don't know. You call oratorical see saw a passage which in Latin must read very like certain passages of Cicero, for which there is certainly a learned rhetorical designation. 232 "Governor" in inverted commas means father. It is a natural old word for tutor, and you so use it farther on. 233 Card! Toleto, generally Toletus, but I suppose you have authority. 236 ' orders and disorders' perhaps a quotation, but don't appear so, and look like a joke. My criticisms on style will remind you of Gracchus denouncing sedition. But it is a great danger to carry the characteristics of essay writing into a serious, learned, grundlich book. My theory is that in history the historian has to disappear and leave the facts & ideas objectively to produce their own effect. Off to Salop on Monday. ^r , « .Al « „ r Your s faithfully J D Acton

281 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 22 JANUARY 1861 Dear Acton I quite agree with all your criticisms of my Campion, many of wh I had before intended to realize in my corrections of the sheets. The notes will be at the end, & there shall be full references. As to the quotations —I have thought that it might be worth while to republish Campion's Opuscula. They are—The History of Ireland—The X rationes. Certain Epistles, & some few Orations. The letters & orations can be increased from the collections at Stonyhurst, also perhaps from the records of the Grocers' company. There are also a few extant specimens of his latin verses which judice me are not worth much. The whole wd make a volume of about 250 or 300 pp. Now if this is to be published as a supplement to his life, evidently I ought not to cram my appendix with extracts w^ will be found in situ in Vol. 2. So before determining the question of quotations, the other must be decided. Ill

Wetherell is very strong in his opinion that the education controversy1 sh be terminated without the intervention of the Editor at all, except in a notice after the last letter that the discussion is here closed. He says d

1. This is an excellent opportunity of showing the use of the correspondence department, in throwing out subjects of discussion without ourselves pretending to decide. 2. Our position is, that we have inaugurated a discussion, & have not taken our side in it. Our adversaries in the papers have taken it for granted from the first that to attack XYZ is to attack the Rambler. If the Rambler at last decides in favour of XYZ they will always point back to this controversy, as proving that our indifference is only assumed, that we really patronize the view we allow to be put forward, & that our pretended separation from our correspondent is mere hypocrisy. 3. He objects to an article that merely asserts the right & the opportuneness of our mooting the question as uncalled for—we have done it, & so assumed & secured the right. To write an article that merely says we intend to do the same as often as we choose is, he says, only to rile a public that is sufficiently riled already— 4. &c &c—So he begs us not to have an article; to put all that is to be said into the 3 letters & then to put an editorial notice at the end that here the controversy ceases. In case this is done I would give Wetherell your notes upon the matter to be worked up in his letter—or I would like a PS. to it to be inserted under the same signature. I send you by this post some few chapters of Dollinger2—the early ones must be done over again—but I begin to feel my legs now, & am able to twist the construction. Will you scratch all faults with a cross, and all corrigenda that do not amount to errors with a line, & send it back to me to be revised. Thanks to the big dictionary you have lent me I can jog on pretty handsomely now. Wilberforce has sent me a cheque for £57. & £20 of w^. is for the Prince.3 Now I know neither the man's address, nor how to get the money to him—But I don't like returning the money to W. for fear he might wait another 3 months before paying. Have you any body at Paris who would do it? If so I will at once pay unto your bankers £20— Wilberforce however is surely bound to pay 500ffr. in Paris, & therefore to bear all expenses of the agency—This is always his way—to throw off his own business on the shoulders of any body that he thinks will stand it. 1 2 3

The 'X.Y.Z.' controversy over Catholic education. Simpson's attempted translation, Gallitzin. 112

On second thoughts I suppose that my banker has his correspondent at Paris as well as you or your banker—so unless you think the former way the better I will manage without your intervention—But it must be done under Wilberforce's name, not mine. I had no idea you were in Town last week. I thought you were wandering in the North. Cocks has been to me about an inspectorship of charities. Did Bowyer's act1 found such an office? If so, is it in the gift of the Chancellor, or of whom? I suppose only a barrister will get it. Ever yours sincerely R Simpson 4 Victoria Rd Jany. 22. 1861 I will send you my new cap on Campion in a few days. Dont mind cutting it about. 282 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 23 JANUARY 1861* Aldenham Wednesday My dear Simpson, It is a marvel that you get on so quickly and so well,2 and I hope easily and pleasantly. You preserve most dexterously the force of the original. I have made a few corrections, a few mere suggestions, where I was uncertain whether you understood the original—one or two of my marks are mere signposts to Hilpert whom I pray you to consider not my property but your's I have not had time to go through more than one third of what you sent me before post time. I overlook, in consideration of Wilberforce having paid his debts, his disposition to pay the prince through you, partly because I did not expect he would be so prompt, partly because it is my fault. I wrote him a long letter in answer to certain questions, and put in a word about payment, not on your behalf so much as on Galitzin's, saying you were in a false position towards him so long as he was not paid, seeing that you represent the paper to him. So my over diplomacy is the cause. In his answer, which again referred to something quite different, there was no allusion to anything I had said except a P.S. "Many thanks for your 1

The Roman Catholic Charities Act, 1860. * Gasquet, Letter LXXIV, pp. 165-70, with major omissions. This refers to the translation of Dollinger.

2

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letter, w^ was very interesting." I have agreed with Stokes to get him in, or rather to get the WR. into your four hands, quoad spirit, as soon as there are men in town whom I can put forward to press the matter. Think well on't before you resolve to publish a vol. of Campion's works. 1? How rare is the history of Ireland? 2? How good? 3? How likely to be read? I can answer none of these questions. I do not believe the X rationes would justify very as an answer to any of the three. Wetherell is resolute because he does not want to commit the R. to a view opposed to Newman. I did not imagine we should confine ourselves to asserting the right of discussion, or that we should be altogether adopting XYZ. There is force in the argument that by ending a corresponding dispute with an editorial it might; look like a pusillanimous way of feeling the ground before we acknowledge our own opinion. But in reality the course we are going to take is the most pusillanimous. What I care for most is that Newman's view of the Council of Trent should not go unreproved in the letter which, whoever writes it, is to be the most authoritative document of the controversy. Next to that my strongest conviction is of the hope—and use-lessness of disputing with Ward, whose letter represents not a reasonable view, but a state of mind.1 I write to Cocks about the Inspectorship. I have loads of company coming to morrow and the house still in great disorder. A very kind letter from Newman this morning highly approves of the late R. and particularly subscribes to my extravagantest utterances. Your's ever J D Acton I enclose a valuable communication I had finished my letter, but as my train starts 2 hours later than I thought, here are some notes: My own contribution to the discussion must be very small, for I have not got the back numbers at hand. But it must be established that all questions of this kind, not exclusively ecclesiastical, but social, and interesting to all alike require ventilation. 1? for the enlightenment of those whose business practically it is to decide about them, 2? for the satisfaction of others, and for inspiring them with confidence, giving security &c,, Everything secret degenerates, even the administration of justice; nothing is safe that does not show it can bear discussion and publicity. The Church especially has been in the habit of appealing to the sense of the masses, to public opinion, as she is founded on conscience. For instance the great improvement of Hildebrand's age was begun by raising the laity of Northern Italy against the corrupt clergy. (Pataria). 1

Ward ['W.G.W.'], * Catholic Education'. 114

But I don't know that this historical argument will be of any use. Under Catholic absolutism the church set to work in another way. What is most wanted is a high standard of education in the clergy, without which we can neither have, except in rare cases, good preachers, or men of taste or masters of style, or up to the knowledge, the ignorance and the errors of the day. They will have neither sympathy nor equality with the laity. The example of France is conclusive. No clergy is more zealous, more ascetical, than the better sort of French priests. S. Sulpice educates them for that, but not for learning. So they are shut off from the lay world, they influence only the women and instead of influencing society through the women help to disorganize it, by separating the men and women. Our wives, says Michelet have not been educated in the same faith as ourselves, hence decline of marriage in France. When the French clergy

has a good man to show, Gratry, Ravignan, Lacordaire, his social influence is immense. For it is no answer to say an ignorant clergy is good enough for an ignorant laity. They must be equal not only to lay Catholics, but also to Protestants both lay and clerical. They must be educated with a view to the clever enemy, not only to the stupid friend. Asceticism by itself no security without knowledge. It is just as dangerous to faith, in educated men, tho' not highly or sufficiently instructed, as knowledge is, by itself—onesided view of all things, ignorance of the world, ignorance of proportion & perspective in things purely religious, ignorance of the borderland where religion touches the outer world of life and of ideas—There have been heresies of false asceticism just as there have of false speculation. Taste for learning can be nourished only by reading the great writers, by artes liberates, not by prayer and seclusion. Then I would define the R. as not a lay magazine either in its subjects, or its writers, or its purpose, and the notion of a lay mag. foolish, I suppose that is what you said in the Register. Then we ought to put aside Newman's view of Council of Trent as a dangerous error. 1? the Decree he quotes does not limit the range of studies at all; the terms are quite indefinite. Nor 2? does it settle anything about lay and church students. As there are few and imperfect schools for education in general for boys, it was decreed that every diocese should have an institution of the kind at least for the clergy, that they at least might be safely educated, but not to the express exclusion of others. I am positive about this for I referred to the passage with Dollinger. Both N. and XYZ are wrong as to the authority of C. of Trent and I suppose it would be best to set Newman right, as he is most in the wrong, by setting the other right. For XYZ says Trent does not 115

bind us because it is not received here, but in fact that is not the reason, for its decrees in discipline are not absolute, but are modifiable and everywhere modified by time and place, and were themselves only what the Germans w^ call an historical phenomenon, a change with regard to the past, changeable in the future. Newman is not wrong because the Council is not accepted in England; he would be equally wrong everywhere else, and in every period except just that when the decrees were given. Then XYZ quotes wrongly the Council of Constance as to tolerated heretics. The notion would be a contradiction in that age. None were tolerated or tolerable—but the words apply to excommunicated persons and the mode of dealing with them. Then I suppose you will agree with me that he exaggerates the merits and the influence of the Anglican clergy—The Methodists are surely a warning to him. Before posting this, Sunday intervening, I have got through a good part of W. G. W. Newman never said a truer word than when he said that if we carefully define our views, controversy will generally become hopeless or superfluous. There are two things which cannot be attacked in front, ignorance and narrow mindedness. They can only be shaken by the simple development of the contrary qualities. They will not bear discussion. I cannot see that Ward's view is susceptible of discussion, or that his argument is fit to be seriously treated in the R. David Lewis and many others are examples of men who study not to find out truths, but to find out proofs of what they already believe to be truths. Now this is in contradiction with the nature of research and argument, and men of this sort must be passed by. If one can promote knowledge and common sense in general, their influence and dangerousness will go of itself. The only serious thing seems to me the discussion p. 249 of the literature which Ward puts in the 3^ class. This is simply the Gaume1 controversy. The ancient and the English classics are the substance of what he calls literature and denies their educative properties. Sophocles and Shakespeare, Cicero and Bacon are the types. Ward unjustly concentrates the whole into novels, romances of earthly passion, and argues therefrom, making no proper distinction, (and indeed speaking like a heathen) between sensuality and love. Then one must surely distinguish between the danger of knowledge and the danger of exciting the imagination. They belong to different ages. The bulk of all literature is dangerous only in the first way. Novels of course are dangerous during study periods because they distract and absorb, but I do not believe 1

Jean Joseph Gaume (1802-79), French priest, denounced the use of pagan classics in Catholic schools. 116

that there is any of the other danger in most of Scott, Dickens, Thackeray, or the later Bulwer's writings. Ward seems to me so childish in his psychology, and in the ignorance betrayed by his ideas of the French clergy that I cannot help thinking Oakeley & the Anon.1 will waste powder. You cannot convince by logic men attracted by such arguments as these. _T , Your s ever J D Acton 283 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 13 FEBRUARY 1861 Feb. 13.

Dear Acton I see that Ward will consider himself injured if he is attacked without opportunity of rejoinder—so will you send me back my letter,2 w*11 will modify so as to make a mere expression of opinion, not calling for reply. I told him in general terms of the meddlesome policy of Riley,3 whom he hates, & I am sure he will go to the Cardinal—I pressed—1. the absurdity of the minority of the committee having an unauthorized agent—2. the danger of calling witnesses as Kelly & Driscoll—3. The drivelling folly of insisting on paid Chaplains—he entered most eagerly into all those points, was going off to the Cardinal at once, but I stopped him, till I had opportunity to speak to you. If you say nothing I shall let him do as he likes— The Printers want to know whether to keep up an article of mine on Faith & Science4 w^ is partly in type. Will you ask them to send it you that you may judge. I forgot to show you the accounts—I will put my little book in my pocket next time I come to you. The total I have spent is £33.8. for 3 numbers, & part of a 4th (4.4.0. to Meynell) On reaching home I found the proofs of a quantity of letters for the appendix to Lady Falklands life.5 Miss S$ John was to have arranged them, but she has only confounded them all together in the obscurest 1

2 3

4 5

The 'Anon.' refers to Wetherell's letter on the X.Y.Z. controversy. It was not published, but a letter, signed ' S. A. B. S.', ' Catholic Education', Rambler, iv (March 1861), 392-6, embodies several of Acton's comments and was probably drafted by Simpson. Simpson, 'Catholic Education', Rambler, iv (March 1861), 410-21, signed 'Derlax'. Ryley had been pressing the issue of obtaining Catholic chaplains in work-houses, which was now before a committee of the Commons. Acton, as M.P. in charge of the measure, was annoyed by Ryley's aggressive tactics. Simpson, 'Reason and Faith', Rambler, v (July 1861), 166-90. Simpson edited The Lady Falkland: Her Life (London, 1861).

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way—It will be at least a week's hard work to put them together, so my German will lie fallow for that time. After dining at Ward's yesterday I was obliged to have a supplementaryJ dinner when I &got home. „ ..,« ,, xr Yours ever faithfully R Simpson 284 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 13 F E B R U A R Y 1861 Ash Wednesday My dear Simpson, On reading over your letter1 today, before sending it to print. I conceived one or two doubts, probably nearly identical with those suggested to you by your conversation with Ward. I wanted to propose that it should be modified into the tone of one remarking on the various phenomena of the controversy, not going into the arguments themselves— seeing what had occurred obiter that was significant or suggestive, not wishing to carry farther a dispute which the distance of the disputants from each other on first principles, and on the method by which truth is to be discovered in practical questions, rendered hopeless, (or superfluous. Does not Newman in some university sermon use these two expressions relative to the value of controversy when people really know their own minds?). Then I must animadvert on the unfair way you use my rather careless sayings. I suppose it is not wonderful that when they come back to me in the grave shape of a publishable paper, I should be a little startled at finding them so little sobered or moderated or chastened by your taste and judgment. One expresses half one's view in a letter, believing the rest to be understood; but it is not always fair to do so in print. I pray you therefore to measure the bricks carefully before you put them into your wall. The Austrian article2 weighs horribly on my mental stomach from its extreme one sidedness, and I am not sure whether in the passage for which I am responsible Ward is not too lightly or briefly dismissed. I do not say unjustly, but with too little weight of proof or hint. I am invited, and I hope Bowyer is too, to meet the Subcommittee3 and their lawyer tomorrow, when I hope to find them united. I do not think it will be advisable to put anything into the WR.4 founded on Ryley's quarrel with me until the mode of his attack appears. Ward, 1

'Derlax' on 'Catholic Education'. 'Notes on the Present State of Austria'. 3 A sub-committee of the Catholic Poor School Committee dealing with legislation. * Weekly Register. 118 2

I believe is a great blab, and the Cardinal likes and trusts Ryley, and I do not want any personal element to be introduced into a public question from my side of the field, and Bagshawe (of the oratory)1 meant to apply to the Cardinal about Ryley, but if Ward has any influence with him I do not see why he should not speak to him. It is no use expecting that I shall make capital with authorities2 by anything I may do in this matter, for I shall soon lose it all again. Most likely I shall have to speak on Italian affairs and the pope, to save us, as far as I can, from a no popery excitement and I may as well tie a mill stone round my neck and roll myself into the Thames. Do you know anything of Arnold's article on the Irish church, and whether it is in type? I suppose we may arrange the articles thus: XYZ. Stokes. Arnold. Comm: Mrs. F. B. Campion3—with Faith and Science for an emergency. Can you manage Lord John,4 and do you agree with my notes on his speeches? Have you ever borrowed of me a volume of Fievee?5 If not, do. No Frenchman, I think, comes nearer the view I conceive to be right in politics, and which Newman accuses of the double defect of extreme Toryism and extreme Whiggism. Besides which he is a man of no phrases wh. like Montesquieu, and not a doctrinaire like Tocqueville, but impudently brilliant and clever, and ever hitting the nail on the head just en passant—a man who would suit you, I think. I am distressed at the thought of your dinner with Ward: it would have better fitted today. I missed Manning; also Gallwey,6 and talked with Allies whose wits I found much confused by bill. Your's every truly J D Acton 1 2 3

4 5 6

Edward Gilpin Bagshawe (1829-1915), son of the editor of the Dublin Review, entered the London Oratory 1850, ordained priest 1852. The Catholic hierarchy. The articles were: Oxenham, 'The Neo-Protestantism of Oxford', Rambler, iv (March 1861), 287-314 (a review of Essays and Reviews); Stokes, 'The Administration of Charitable Trusts', ibid. 314-32; Arnold, 'The Irish Church'; Mrs. Bastard, 'Women, Politics and Patriotism', ibid. 349-62; Simpson, 'Edmund Campion, II', ibid. 362-91. Russell. Joseph Fievee (1767-1839), French journalist and political writer, worked with Condorcet and served Napoleon but grew increasingly conservative. Peter Gallwey (1820-1906), entered Society of Jesus 1836, ordained priest 1852, served mainly at Farm St, provincial 1873-6.

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285 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 14 FEBRUARY 1861 Thursday night Dear Acton You will see I have only rewritten the first page—but as there is nothing personal to WGW in the rest, I supersede to rewrite that—but I will do so if you like. I have seen nothing of Arnold. Wetherell ought to have it. At your leisure read Campion, & cut out those quotations that are less interesting. Your remarks on Lord John seem excellent—I shall certainly use them.1 I have tried to write an elementary kind of article upon them for the Weakly. Fievee I will borrow when I have a few less distractions—just now I am in the middle of correcting proofs, & of executors' business, as troublesome as if I was going to get a fortune out of it instead of nothing. Elver yours faithfully R Simpson 286 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 15 FEBRUARY 1861 Friday Dear Simpson, I received Arnold,2 and your assurance ithat you had him not, by the same post, and have been hard at work at him. The article is very loose in thought and words, and carelessly got together as to facts. I have boldly interpolated and altered, so as to fit it for an editorial. Some points are very good as to the present position of the Catholic clergy, but I have broken the edge of his argument from the analogy of confiscations abroad, and put in at the end3 what is the key stone of the question, that the right to the property lies not with the people but with the Church. He neither knows the history of Ireland nor anything of public law, and calls peasants and shopkeepers a proletariate! I am off to the Athenaeum for a quotation to end the article with, and will then take it and your letter to the printers. Pray keep all the Irish quotations in Campion, Arnold leads up to them, and I have put in an 1 2 3

This refers to 'Current Events'. 'The Irish Church'. Acton altered Arnold's article and \sTote the last paragraph. 120

allusion to them. There is a long letter from Oakeley1 at the printer's, and they have now (this evening) all the articles. I met the Subcommittee yesterday, and was much snubbed by Manning. They know nothing of their own minds, and are very much at sea, variously disagreeing, and thinking small beer of each other. New, the lawyer, is rather feeble. I have a difficult game to play. Ryley, supported by the Cardinal and by all fools on the Committee,2 will persuade Bowyer to go in for everything, pay and building grants, so as to raise a storm of disinterested Protestant indignation, and resistance. The Committee, being at variance with itself, wants to make only general claims, and to leave the fighting it out, the real responsibility, to Bowyer & me. My plan therefore was to commit the whole committee to the reasonable project. Otherwise I shall be in a fix, with all the zealots against me, and they will say I betray their cause. So next Monday they meet again, and invite me to attend, and Morris3 is to propose a definite project for their adoption, but of course not for publication, and then I hope to have the authority of the Committee on my side and it will be all right if I succeed. I took the precaution of frightening Villiers4 about the unpopularity of ministers with catholics in foreign matters, so I hope he drew the conclusion that we must be conciliated by concessions at home. Your's ever truly J D Acton MacMullen is a treasure on the committee. Stokes has modified, or rather added to his article,5 in pursuance of some suggestions of Badeley.

287 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 15 F E B R U A R Y 1861 Dear Acton I have a bad eye, & don't like to read or write—but here are two notes—there is also a voluminous one from Wilberforce, on w^ I must consult you when I have read it, wh will not be till I can see— The letter I sent you to Germany, w^ was lost, contained a note from Aubrey de Vere, the sonnets that were inclosed I still have—They are not good enough to make us break our rule agnst poetry. Ever yours R Simpson 1 3 4

2 'Catholic Education'. The Catholic Poor School Committee. John Morris, Wiseman's secretary. Charles Pelham Villiers (1802-98), M.P. 1835-98, president of the Poor Law 5 Board 1859-66. 'The Administration of Charitable Trusts'. 121

288 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 16 FEBRUARY 1861 16 Bruton St. Saturday My dear Simpson, This is of no consequence, so don't read it if you are blind: I write at once because Sunday is coming and you may be better, and then you can read what I send you. I understood the proofs would be sent out on Tuesday. I have so much changed Arnold that he must have an opportunity of considering about it. Newman never went farther wrong than in this business.1 I marvel at him for an old humbug. I send you some gossip on America, jotted down late last night, which may furnish you with some materials for current events, and save you trouble. My American notebook is at Aldenham, but my impressions are very clear, and are strengthened by the many Americans I have seen of late years, Ticknor, Sumner, Motley2 &c. Their notion of liberty is not = security, nor self government, but participation in gov* of others, power, not Independence, aggression, not safety—that is, always the contrary to what ought to be. Their state is absolute, their sovereign despotic, and irresistible. There is no immunity, no exemption from supreme control, no corner of the pie in which the state has not got a finger. All this is the clean opposite of our ideas of independence, jealousy of interference, of certain spheres and relations of life being beyond public inquiry. Not so much afraid of control as eager to exercise it. Let me know how you are, and whether I must put down more notes for current events—On Austria perhaps, where we have got the new statute. Is Wetherell's letter safe, if he is ill? Your's ever truly J D Acton 1 2

The Catholic University of Dublin. Respectively, George Ticknor (1791-1871), historian of Spanish literature; Charles Sumner (1811-74), Senator 1851-74; John Lathrop Motley (1814-77), historian of the Netherlands, ambassador to Vienna 1861-7, to London 1869-70.

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289 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 17 FEBRUARY 1861 Sunday Evg. Dr Acton I enclose XYZ. he is very short.1 Have you any notion of the length of F.O.?2 I think your American views excellent, but if there remain only 10pp. what are we to do for current events'? I am going to the Museum tomorrow (Monday) & afterwards I will call on you—about 4.30. As you may suppose, my eye is better, but I must not work it much yet. I am in hopes it comes from fasting. Anyhow I have dispensed myself for next week. Ever yours faithfully R Simpson

290 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 22 FEBRUARY 1861 Friday My dear Simpson, I think Oxford should stand.3 There is reason for it in the article itself. Your notes and indices on America are very good natured and useful. I will make them up to morrow at the Athenaeum. The printers want all current events by Monday morning. The articles are 105 pp.+ 2 of literary notices,+4 letters, the last4 being at least II pages long and wasting powder on Ward's arguments—altogether there are not above 7 pages left for Current events. Wetherell has sent 1 p. on Home affairs, and promises New Zealand. America will be at least 3 pp. Can you not make a summary in 1J p. of the Italian revolution? I suggest it because you must have the materials in your hands—If you have not time let me know and I will make a shift, though I read no papers from Xmas to Candlemas—but it wants no discussion or remarks, only chronicle. Lord Edward5 burnt his fingers yesterday, as I told him he would. Villiers whom I entreated to put as many unbelievers on our 1 2 3 4 5

Oxenham's March letter on 'Catholic Education'. Oakeley, 'Catholic Education'. This is evidently in reply to a missing letter by Simpson. Simpson,'Catholic Education'. Howard. 123

committee has satisfied me with Lord Stanley1 & Monckton Mimes.2 I will deal with Lord John's policy now that I have my notes back, but the events themselves will be for the most part new to me. I think you cannot have more than one page for them as I must print the capital passages in the Russell speeches and despatches. After all my alterations in Arnold's article3 the passage at the bottom of p. 334 still fills me with horror as it stands. , xr A , Your s ever truly J D Acton I know nothing of your Cardinal. 291 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 23 FEBRUARY 1861 16 Bruton St. Saturday My dear Simpson, I have just been oppressed by 2\ hours of Ryley—He, putting forward Wallis and others, wishes for a meeting at the club,4 to pass some resolutions. He does not dislike the resolutions of the Committee, but he of course wants to pass some more vigorous and coercive. I gave him no satisfaction about it, and he proposes to discuss it at a meeting with Morris which Morris has proposed. Here is a letter from Arnold which I pray you consider. The amount of it is that we should offer Mullany5 sufficient consideration for the subscribers he gets, putting his name upon the titlepage, and giving him a circular to send round in his own name, on our principles, on Newman as our founder in our present shape, on our contributors being divines and scholars of the continent, several of the leading Catholic clergy in England, Catholic MPS., leading members of the Irish Bar, and professors of the Catholic University. What do you propose to offer Mullany? Shall we deal with Dolman6 at the same time? and how make sure of Burns? Will you send a title to the printers for Mrs. Bastard's article?7 Your's ever truly J D Acton 1

2 3 4 6 7

Edward Henry Stanley (1826-93), styled Lord Stanley, 15th Earl of Derby 1869, M.P. 1848-69, secretary for the colonies 1858, for India 1858-9, for foreign affairs 1866-8, 1874-8, for the colonies 1882-5, a moderate Tory, became a Liberal 1880. Richard Monckton Milnes (1809-85), M.P. 1837, created Lord Houghton 1863, a leading social and intellectual personage. 'The Irish Church', which Acton thought too radical. 5 The Stafford Club. J. Mullany, a Dublin publisher. Charles Dolman (1807-63), Catholic publisher. 'Women, Politics and Patriotism'.

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292 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 24 FEBRUARY 1861 Dear Acton I send you the proofs, with three suggestions of headings for Mr? Bastard. Anyhow the note must come out. I sent my proof of Oxenham1 to the author, but have not received it back. Mullany is clearly the man—He should be offered for the first year 50 per cent instead of 25 on all subscribers whom he secures. As to Arnold's idea of canvassing the Irish Clergy, I dont think it as good as canvassing the laity. What would the " proletariate " say to his article?— It is the clergy that dislikes our views about Italy—the laity have already learned Catullus' maxim Desinas ineptive Et quod vides perisse, perditum ducas. I would not exclude the clergy, but I would certainly rather get hold of the leading laymen, both as the more rational and as the better educated. I don't know that it is necessary to begin by offering Mullany the extra 25 per cent. He will probably be glad to be a co-publisher at the usual rate of profit—Afterwards he may be stimulated by the extra peculation. About Dolman & Burns, we must be careful how we treat the latter—I will try to call upon you tomorrow (Monday) at about 2 o'clock, & if you have time we can go together to Burns to talk the matter over—He can have no legitimate objection to the Dublin man—He may possibly to Bond S*2 About a circular, can't you consult OHagan upon its terms—You who have canvassed Carlow must know how to deal with Celts better than most Saxons, but OHagan is to the manner born. I had a talk with an old lawyer today who was primed with Weekly Register, & quoted to me my own opinions—He is the first convert I have seen; a few months ago I heard of him as the most absurd prophet of the continuance of the temporal power exactly as it was, because it was necessary for the Church. ^ _ ... „ ,, Ever yours faithfully R Simpson Sunday Night. 1 2

'The Neo-Protestantism of Oxford'. Dolman, who was Burns' competitor.

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293 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 6 MARCH 1861* Wednesday My dear Simpson, Will you put on paper exactly what you wish to propose to Mullany, and I will write to him and to Arnold about the diplomatic part of the arrangement. I have lost time but I have not had a moment I could call my own for several days. I wrote to Arnold, who protested against the last paragraph I put on to his article,1 trying to pacify him. Indeed there was no help for it, as I got his protest on the 28^ I also wrote to Oxenham. Newman writes2 that he likes the Number, though of course I cannot be expected to go along with the Magazine in the views it holds about the clerical body? I have written to ask what he means. He says Ward was ' comforted if not satisfied' by what I wrote in answer to his question,3 and pleased by what I said of him. That shows the delicacy of my touch, for I said in a covered way that I thought him a blackguard, and was ashamed that certain passages of his letter should have appeared in the R. He is so openly attacked by the two last letter writers4 that it will be hard to refuse admission to a reply; I hope he will not insist on making one. What is to be done next time? Have you any promises? Has Wetherell written to Mrs. Bastard? Will the article on the 17th century do?5 Have you written on Ward's book?6 Is anything to be expected from Wetherell? Current events ought to be very long in the next N? starting with the debates in Paris, the Austrian constitution, the American catastrophe, the Turnbull case7 and its action on public affairs (some think it will upset the Gov^) the Italian parliament—Warsaw & slavery all in the first week; and I cannot help thinking that things must ripen at Rome in the next few weeks. Let us both read the news attentively this month; there is food for the historian. The Italian debate comes on again tomorrow. Edwin James, Peel, Edward Howard, Monsell, Grant Duff &c&c are going to speak, besides the chiefs. This is probably all that will be * Gasquet, Letter LXXVI, pp. 172-3, with omissions. 'The Irish Church'. Newman to Acton, 4 March 1861, in Letters and Diaries of Newman, xix, 471, followed by Acton's reply. 3 Acton to Newman, 20 February 1861, ibid. 466-7. 4 Oakeley and Simpson. 5 No such article was published. 6 Simpson, 'Dr Ward's Philosophy', Rambler, v (May 1861), 61-80. 7 William Barclay Turnbull resigned as an editor of the State Papers under pressure from extreme Protestants. 1 2

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done about Italy for a while, and nothing will come of it. It is bad policy of the Catholics, and I have in vain disputed the point with Monsell and Lord Edward. If things come to a head this month, then we can speak out about Rome. I have paid my debt to Todd. Your's ever truly J D Acton

294 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 7 MARCH 1861 Thursday morning Dear Acton There will be no difficulty with Burns; I mooted to him three points— 1. Mullany or Kelly.1 2. The circular,2 & whether it shd be confined only to Ireland. 3. Dolman or Richardson. The last I said we should not press if unacceptable to him—but you see he will offer no opposition. I said that, when we had spoken to the Dublin people we would call on him, & talk it over—So now a letter has to be written to Mullany—& then we must fix a meeting with Burns. And concoct a circular. Ever yours faithfully R Simpson Thursday Morning over I thought that I had better announce to Oxenham how that his notes could not be introduced3—he does not much like it—He has found out that they were very valuable—Ecce signum—dont send back his letter— Todd writes to dun me for his orphanage—& asks me to take an opportunity to get your £5;—as I have lots of money of yours idle shall I put it in the same cheque with mine? 1 2 3

W. B. Kelly, publisher, 8 Grafton St, Dublin. A publicity circular to increase the sales of the Rambler. A further letter on Catholic education.

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295 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 7 MARCH 1861* Aldenham Thursday My dear Simpson, I send you a ms. from Hennessy1 which I think we ought to admit, although I do not agree with his decimal propensities (perhaps you, a mathematician, will) nor altogether in his dislike of anonymous writing, not at all in his ideas of orthography or his reverence for the Marquis Normanby. But he is a writer in the Atlantis, and I have heard a clever man in his way, and then an Irishman. You see his name must be put in a note, saying it would be a contradiction, or something or other, not to put it to an article against Anon. Pray see how he writes affidavit. I doubt whether Cachlet is good French. There must be an e inserted at any rate. Do you think we can strike out the slip I have put a note to, and introduce in the place the note I enclose? I have told Oxenham that I should be able to tell whether his letter would be dangerous when I saw it. It is in Bruton S. and he says he leaves it to us to determine. Have you got Ward's letter?2 He sent it to Burns, who has been in the habit of sending our parcels to you, so I reckoned on your receiving it. I do not at all dispute the rightfulness of your severity on Ward ;3 only I wanted you to be quite sure of its justice. Not having read him I could not tell, or feel confident unless I knew you had considered it again seriously. I think all these letters ought to appear if you have no strong opinion the other way. But I hold myself neutral as to Oxenham's supplement, which is intended tofinishhis letter. Pray consider it. He is anxious about the renewal of the discussion, and this shows his apprehensions. I shall be in town on Monday, & hope to hear from you, if not here before I go up. I have had much business, of an annual character to look after, books to unpack, friends to entertain, and have had a distraction in Greek politics. But I think I shall have an article ready, on America,4 and another is promised on Ireland,5 half of which I have read, and about which I have undertaken that no questions should be asked, or at least that none should be answered. These with your review of * Gasquet, Letter LXXV, pp. 170-2, with omissions. 1 Gasquet, p. 170n., erroneously cites this as 'The Administration of Charitable Trusts'. Hennessey's article, not published, was probably on anonymous writing. 2 Ward ['W.G.W.'], 'Catholic Education', Rambler, v (May 1861), 100-17. 3 Simpson ['Derlax'], 'Catholic Education', ibid, 118—22, a reply to Ward's letter. 4 Acton, 'Political Causes of the American Revolution', ibid. 17-61. The 'American 5 revolution' was the Civil War. Probably Monsell,' Catholic Policy', ibid. 1-17. 128

Ward for editorial, Campion, Hennessy, Mrs. B., Wetherell (?) for Communicated1— I told Oxenham that his national letter2 must certainly not appear signed XYZ. As to my speech about Italy, I will not waste powder, make enemies, and get into so much trouble without an object and an occasion. A man who never speaks cannot speak with effect on an unpopular question, and I do not know whether I could do any good at all; but at any rate only in the last extremity, when there is a vote on the existence of the ministry. I hope Wetherell enioyed his lunch. „ , , r J J Your s ever truly J D Acton 296 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 11 MARCH 1861* 16 Bruton S* Monday Dear Simpson, The article on Campion3 is not quite so carefully written as the two first, I think. As to the boundless question of the deposing power, the books, which have not arrived as they are coming by a slow train, will probably enable you to speak with greater confidence and precision. Wetherell I expect can tell you exactly what Dante says of the maltreatment of Boniface. My words were a reminiscence of Macaulay on Ranke. Wetherell is more likely to recover if you relieve his anxiety at once. As to new books, will it be any good to subscribe to Mudie's out of the Rambler funds, and distribute among us and our friends the books we get, for prompt review, arranging with Mudie for the sort of literature? Do not quote Echard for the 16^ century, unless you have a good reason. In a book of original research the authorities ought always to be primary.

Pray squint at the Scargill4 article, and be quite sure whether it is unfit. Your's ever J D Acton 1

Of these, only Simpson's 'Dr Ward's Philosophy' and 'Edmund Campion, I I I ' were published. 2 Apparently a proposed circular letter, dealing either with the education question or with Oxenham's difficulties at St Edmund's College. * Printed by Gasquet as the first three paragraphs of Letter LXXX, p. 183, dated 'April 10, 1861', with omissions. 3 Simpson, 'Edmund Campion, I I I ' , Rambler, v (May 1861), 80-100. 4 Edward Tudor Scargill (b. 1827), converted 1849, assistant secretary of the Royal Statistical Society 1855-9. ACL 5 129

297 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 13 MARCH 1861 Dear Acton The books have come, & I am in despair—However I felt while I was writing those 11 pp.1 that I was obliged to slur over half I said, & that it would be necessary to get clear views, so I must set to work as soon as I have finished Ward,2 on whom I am now working. Wetherell does not want the money before the end of the month—He has no banker, & I understand him to say that he should prefer not having it yet—But I will see him in a day or two, & if he likes I will give him a cheque forthwith. We do subscribe to Mudies—& in consequence I am inundated on Mondays with \ a dozen books I seldom look at & scarcely can review. I dont know whether we could agree with Mudie to give on our order any particular book that might be enquired for to the man we sent—Then we shd have to read the literary announcements, divine what was important, & commit to the man charged with that particular department. I have a bad eye again, & must leave off— Ever yours faithfully R Simpson March 13.

298 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 14 MARCH 1861 Clapham Thursday Dear Acton I have read through ScargilPs article on the change from Calvinism to Arminianism in the Anglican Ch. during the 17th Cent, and find that the treatment is ridiculously inadequate to the subject. He says nothing of his own, and any one after an hour's reading might collect more authorities & facts. It will not do at all. I enclose another proposal, which is rather of the "pig in the poke" school—But it is Irish. & may be utilized on that side. Will you answer it? The Rev*? Gentleman considerately saves you the penny for postage. 1 2

The part of ' Edmund Campion' which Acton had read. 'Dr. Ward's Philosophy'. 130

Is not this evidence of great greenness? Can't you inquire from your friend the President what sort of sucking pig it is? Ever yours faithfully R Simpson 299 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 14 MARCH 1861* 16 Bruton St. Thursday My dear Simpson, I send you an additional volume1 in which you will find a number of curious passages quoted in the notes pp. 205-243. They are cleverly selected so as to give a bad appearance to the church, but they are perfectly authentic and fair as far as they go. You willfindat your leisure the quotations in the notes throughout the volume curious and interesting; the text is stupid and worthless. There is very little to read on the subject you are upon in each of the books I sent. You will not find it the work of many hours going through them, and you will confound criticism by the abundance of your knowledge, and the confidence of your head. In an earlier volume of Gieseler, which I have not in London, all the chief passages of the medieval decretals may be found, Novit, Clericis laicos, Unam Sanctam, &c. The next time you go to the Museum, you might read that part of the book through in an hour. But remember that there is a distinct difference between the theory of the Middle Ages and that of the 16^ century. Taking Gregory the Great as a starting point, we find nothing in him of the system afterwards carried out, tho' he rebuked Emperors freely. But then came the Teutonic (Carolingian) monarchy, which gave the church (the bishops and abbots) great wealth in lands, and immunity from the civil jurisdiction, so that their lands were called Immunitates. Their power was so great that they ruled the state, and in the 9^ century there are sayings of kings and emperors acknowledging that their crowns may be given or taken away by the prelates. I think you will find an act of Charles the Bald to that effect quoted in Phillips and others. The feudal system developing found the clergy great landed proprietors, and being founded on landed property it proceeded to include them, * Gasquet, Letter LXXVII, pp. 173-6. This material was intended to assist Simpson in discussing the claims of the papacy in his work on Campion. 131 5-2

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subjecting them to its rule. Those were the; days when nobody thought of the pope, and the influence of the church was local, episcopal, not papal. Gregory VII upset all this, for he found the clergy degraded and the church subject; so he took the law into his own hands reformed the clergy, and, to secure their good behaviour under papal authority, sought freedom for the church in supremacy. Feudalism admitted no immunities. So to be free from its often oppressive control the only idea that occurred to Gregory was to make the pope suzerain of all states. Observe that this was part of the same proceeding that raised the papal authority so high over the bishops. The two things were connected—one was a necessity, the other a means suggested by the times. Nothing can bear a more definitely marked character of a particular age and state of society than Hildebrand's plan. It is simply a turning of feudalism into an instrument of Church power and independence, instead of a source of oppression and secularization, which it had become. Well this plan was in great measure realized at the beginning of the 12$h century, 1122, and then came a violent conflict with the Emperors, and in the course of the war, as is the nature of things, the opposite views went into extremes, and took an abstract speculative shape, no longer a local colouring. What helped this was the rise, in the 12^ century, 100 years after Gregory, of Roman Law, and of scholastic philosophy, both very abstract, systematic affairs. With the help of these the Emperor Frederic I held that everything belonged to him, and Frederic II tried to blot out the papacy altogether, and Innocent III, a great lawyer and divine of the school of Paris, shaped a theoiy of papal omnipotence on a theological basis, floating in the air, not at all connected with the state of things then and there. Nothing is more striking than the abstract character of political speculation in the divines of that period. They know nothing of the times they live in, or of the practical working of government. All their examples are pagan, all their history ancient; the historical feeling had left them, and they did not know why Brutus or Judith were not quite applicable examples to their own time. The beginning of this, oddly enough, is in John of Salisbury, who had seen very closely the greatest contest of state and church of those times. Yet his reasoning is altogether on Aristotelian premisses, and on ancient instances. I think he is the first instance, in time, of this sort of speculation, quite disconnected from the circumstances of the time. So the popes and scholastics built up in mid air a fabric without foundations, and quite in antagonism with the facts and the spirit of the age. They defeated the Hohenstaufen, and destroyed the empire, virtually, because the emperors were quite in the wrong against them; but thenceforth, in carrying out their system they were beaten at every turn. The last of the House of Staufen died in 1267, and the papacy seemed to have triumphed in the 132

reign of Gregory X, who gave the empire to the Habsburgs, when the decline at once set in, with Martin IV, and the French influence. The theory of papal omnipotence was repudiated by all. The crown of Sicily was given to the Anjous, in reverence for S. Lewis, and excommunications launched &c. But the Sicilians slew the French, defied the pope and compelled him to yield. That ought to have been the end of those theories. They started quite afresh in the 16^ century, and the two must not be mixed up. , XT r Your s ever J D Acton 300 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 19 MARCH 1861 Dear Acton I have at last finished Ward,1 at least I have written about his book till I am tired, & I send you the result. Will you tell me whether you think there ought to be any conclusion beyond what I have made. The book2 is but a fragment, & any criticism upon it must be more or less fragmentary, & I dont see the result of recapitulating remarks more or less disconnected—moreover I was studious of brevity. Different letters have come to me—One from Finlayson,3 with a communication of 12 sides (very illegible) on the rights of laymen (himself to wit) to argue on ecclesiastical matters—He asks to have it returned to him last Friday if we do not want it. But it only came to me yesterday. I have not read it, but I should be shy of admitting the discarded writer of the Dublin to the Rambler—especially the author of "Bad Popes"4— Another from D^ Maguire,5 on the Education question, the only points in wh are that he has had 17 years experience as Professor, & that he approves of all the letters in the last R. especially that of F. It is not worth printing— Another from a person who gives neither name nor address, asking whether we will have a poem called the Mary wreath, w^ we rejected in 1859 only because it came too late—I remember writing a most polite note to that effect & thus it is that civility causes double trouble. I have a copy of Ockam about the power of the Popes if you want to 1 3 4 5

2 'Dr Ward's Philosophy'. W. G. Ward, On Nature and Grace (London, 1860). William Francis Finlason (1818-95), barrister 1851, legal reporter for The Times; sometimes spelled Finlayson. Finlason, 'Bad Popes', Dublin Review, xxxvin (March 1855), 1-72, was an attack on Dollinger for excessive objectivity. This was published untitled, signed 'P.Q.R.', Rambler, v (May 1861), 124-5.

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read it—It is only now that I havefinishedwith Ward that I am going to begin with your books. Many thanks for your thread through the maze of this question—It would be an element in its solution to know what books on the subject were placed on the Index, for it would show the animus of the Roman court. Of course Barclay de Pot. Papae was there—& Bellarmine—but I suppose not Bozius. Barclay is surely a clever writer; I knew him before for I had bought a copy of him for 6d/ _ . , & rJ ' Ever yours truly R Simpson Tuesday night— 301 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 20 MARCH 1861* Wednesday My dear Simpson, Your review of Ward1 is so extremely severe that I earnestly hope it is not unjust, for if he says what you attribute to him he deserves no better treatment. If you look through it again pray consider how ill it would be done to leave an opening by which so wrong-headed a teacher might recover himself. As to a conclusion, it is a maxim of Greek oratory to make the peroration tremendous, but to finish it with a few soothing words, as the Pythagoreans finished the day with a hymn. You on the contrary end, like a scorpion's tail, with a sting. This looks as if the article was written for the sake of attacking the book, whereas if you end gracefully as you begin, all the intermediate criticism seems forced upon your good nature by a sense of justice. If you think a general compliment would do as to the probable success of certain parts of his book that is to come, in spite of his general bad influence on youth, or on his genius and virtue &c. I think the effect of the whole would be enhanced. Is it right in the last lines of p. 2 to say 'though attributes of God'? Is not an attribute independent of free appointment? I know nothing about it, but it strikes me so. As to infidelity & mathematics, p. 16 and 17. there is an excellent saying of bp. Watson of Llandaff on the subject, which I will try to find at Aldenham. At top of p. 17 should not the word 'morally' be inserted before 'oblige' to avoid a certain confusion? * Gasquet, Letter LXXVIII, pp. 176-81, with omissions. Dr Ward's Philosophy'.

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The Maynooth article1 fled into thin air when I warned the writer ag* theology proper, but Russell writes that he is a good fellow. I think Finlason is very impudent, considering the favorable notice we have given him.2 The question of the rights of laymen had best be solved ambulando, after Newman's article on the subject.3 I have no time for Ockam. That was altogether another phase, or rather episode, of the history of the papal authority. It starts from the peculiar attitude of the observants in the 14^ century, of which, in its esoteric history, little is known, because the works of the leaders, Olivi and Ubertinus, are excessively rare. I have the latter, and so have the Brompton patres. Marsilius of Padua belongs to the same party and period, and Dante is generally mixed up with them. Just as the mendicant orders sprung up in the reaction against a rich, pompous and courtly clergy, with a strong admixture of democracy, besides the primitive vow of poverty and alms seeking, so a century later they fell into a reaction against the head of the Church for the same reason. The Dominicans soon got aristocratic, and left the begging to the Franciscans. The great errors of the popes after Innocent IV and Gregory X threw the best men into opposition, and produced a sort of spurious Gibellinism, in which the old things and thoughts were inverted: The real Gibellines, the party of the Hohenstaufen emperors, cared more for the state than for the church, and were ready to sacrifice one to the other. The Guelfs were then defenders of the faith. But after Boniface VIII the Gibellines wished to save the church, through the emperor, from the pope (Dante, who was first of all a sincere catholic, 2]J a, patriotic Florentine, much less a patriotic Italian, and only in the lowest degree what he is generally represented as, an imperialist)—After the catastrophe the antagonism increased between the spiritualists and the (papal-) court party Guelfs, because the papacy had not only ceased to be spiritual, but had also ceased to be universal. Suspicion of Avignon heightened the dislike of the worldly papacy, and the Bavarian emperor personified this feeling. He was excommunicated of course by the fiery old pope John XXII, but the pope was not all in the right, and the confidence of the church was lost by the papacy in the 14^ century. The Bavarians have always defended their emperor, and he has a great tomb in the cathedral at Munich, tho' excomunicate. Ockam died there too. He and Marsilius were the theorists of that dispute, which has one foot on the Dantesque Gibellinism, and another on the Franciscan opposition, both intensified and combined by dislike of Avignon. Episodes in that affair are Rienzi, and the rise of the Viscontis at Milan. The echo of it all in the letters of 1 2

A proposed, article by a professor at Maynooth. 'The Administration of Charitable Trusts' was in part a review of two books by 3 4 On Consulting the Faithful in Matters of Doctrine'. Finlason.

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S.Catherine of Siena. Pray note the gradations of decline: 1 The Frenchified papacy bearded by the Sicilians—2 Boniface VIII outraged by the French. 3. 70 years captivity. 4 Schism of the West 5 attempt to govern church by general councils, Constance, Pisa, Basil. 6 The Six Wicked popes, Innoc. VIII, Sixt. IV, Alex. VI &c. 7 Reformation. Guelf & Gibelline are names which changed their meaning as much as Whig and Tory. For at last the Guelfs, who had been defenders of the freedom of the church became defenders of the power of the pope, a regular court party, postponing the rights and welfare of the church to the interests of the papacy—separating the two in fact, whilst pretending to make them identical. So while I hate the Gibellines of the XII cent. I don't like the Guelfs of the XIV. and Dante is condemned for saying in his time what I would say in ours. He did not stop at the consideration of what would suit the popes, but went on to think of the good of religion, and of certain moral rights and duties, beyond certain religious or rather ecclesiastical interests. The papacy had forfeited the leadership, and the life of the church beat more warmly in other places than at the head. Have we not lived to see the same thing? The revival of faith in this century has left the papacy behind, as far, almost, as in those old days. Barclay is admirable. There are several works of his, full of learning, and a defence of him by his son the great Latinist. I shall be at Aldenham next week, and will, if you please, send you more books: Gieseler, my marked copy of Gregory VII, of Innocent III, of John of Salisbury &c. and divers others. Also any of the books quoted by Phillips. Bellarmine's book was not permanently on the Index, I believe. If this subject interests you and you have time to go into it, without reading up, which is unnecessary, any of the old writers themselves, it will be really valuable. After Pius V there was more discussion. First in France at the time of the Ligue, which produced loads of speculation on political and ecclesiastical affairs. Bellarmine went thro' the siege of Paris, and was in the midst of all these disputes. Strange to say a leading Ligueur, and consequently democrat, a friend that is of popular sovereignty under a religious sanction, became the founder of advanced Gallicanism, Richer; whilst Dwperron, who hated the Ligue and stuck to the King, when he was yet a Protestant, was the greatest adversary of Gallicanism, and compelled, in a great speech which is extant, the Estates of 1614, the last before 1789, to abandon a Gallican proposal. Then, soon after, there was the dispute about the English oath, which went into the same questions. Contemporaneously with this appeared a Protestant plan for predominance of the pope as moderator in Europe, and Henry IV's Design. All dissipated by Richelieu and the compromise of the Peace of Westphalia. Your's ever truly J D Acton 136

302 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 9 APRIL 1861* 16 Bruton St. Tuesday Dear Simpson, Coming to town last night I found your bad account of yourself which I am very sorry for, and which seems to confute the popular opinion of the didactic virtues of antipodical suffering. We have a clear fortnight, so there is nothing to agitate you. My American article1 will be very long, perhaps 30 pages. I am sure of the other political.2 Your's on Ward, (and probably Campion,)3 is ready. I suppose we are sure of Mrs. Bastard.4 As toHennessy you must settle whether it is too bad for us. It is rather pleasant to put the author's name to a very bad article. I sent you a review of Oxenham of Goldwin Smith, and his letter.5 There is no offence in the letter, and very little point. He does not get hold of the question at all, and is, I believe, quite wrong in several things. But as it may provoke a letter from Newman on University education, with whom I have lately spoken a great deal on that point, it is well. Pray see whether he takes your view of morality in his review. The authorship of the letter must be kept secret, although there is no harm in it. We ought also to review: Macaulay, Maine, an excellent book, and the Life of Pitt.6 I will send you my notes on each, if you please, as I have read the two first, and shall read the other one of these days. You can then, at your leisure, put in the results of your reading, as corrections or additions. A short notice of Montalembert would be also very timely, if we get it, and you must also recover your MS. from Wetherell, and ascertain from him about Mrs. B. I go to Burns about Ward. I cannot understand how it is that you have not got the letter. Do not let us bother Wetherell for current events; I can do a good deal of disquisition, if some day you can string the facts and dates together, with as little or as much animadversion as you choose. I do not understand the Polish affairs at all. Austria will deserve several pages, also Cavour's speech on Rome, whose reference to Sarpi, Giannone and Arnold of Brescia (of whom * Gasquet, Letter LXXIX, pp. 181-3, with omissions. 'Political Causes of the American Revolution'. Monsell, 'Catholic Policy'. 3 'Dr Ward's Philosophy' and 'Edmund Campion, I I I ' . 4 No article was received from Mrs Bastard. 5 The review was not published. The letter may be the untitled correspondence between ' F ' (Oakeley) and 'X. Y.Z.' (Oxenham), Rambler, v (May 1861), 122-4. 6 None of these was reviewed. 1

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nothing certain is known in detail, but there is a tradition in Italy from Nicolini's tragedy, who has clothed him with a mythic garment like Numa Pompilius) is gloriously conclusive against him, for this is worse than Josephinism, and I am glad to find Sardinia at her best worse than Austria at her worst. It is, as you say, decisive against the possibility of the church coming to terms with the Kingdom of Italy, decisive therefore in favour of speedy flight. Then the French and English debates on Italy and Schleswig Holstein, which, if you like, I will try to explain. War seems to be very near at hand. 1 1 hope God will defend the right, but it is a dismal prospect. Has not Wilberforce been denying and explaining away an article of Jyour's? ,.r , r s J Your's ever J D Acton 303 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 10 APRIL 1861 D. Acton XYZ' Ire2 is innocence itself, except the unprepared way in wh he lugs in the Oxford & Cambridge question may be taken to contain the sting of a panegyric of mixed education—To his article I have a fundamental objection—it is in direct contradiction with my article on Ward3— About Mr? Bastard we are not altogether sure, as Wetherell was too ill to go to lunch at her place, & she sought W. where he was not, & he has been too ill to write since—The enclosed will explain to you better than any words how bad the man is—Hennessey I suppose must appear, but he is decidedly below par both in style & in matter—XYZ is as far above par in style as he is below in matter, so he is in equilibrium—But we must not have two opposite views of morals inculcated in two editorial articles—Have you heard from Dublin yet about Kelly? I hoped to find you today, & to go to Burns & Richardson about the business ;4 it must now be taken in hand forthwith, for if we miss it this time we must wait 6 mo. before the commencement of another volume gives us another opportunity— This blessed club is a desert—I hope to find Simeon here, who thinks Cavour's speech the most masterly programme of a liberal & Catholic policy that has ever been put forth Wilberforce has been explaining away a thing of wh I gave him a very good explanation; as he would not take that—I wash my hands of his 1 2 3 4

Gasquet (p. 183n.) says that this refers to Schleswig-Holstein. More likely it refers either to Italy or to America. See Letter 302, note 5. 'Dr Ward's Philosophy'. Obtaining additional distribution for the Rambler. 138

difficulty, & I have not looked either at Tablet or Register for 3 weeks— Wilberforce uses to such a diabolical extent my permission to do what he likes with my articles that I never look at them in type—wh saves me a world of blushes. I hope this Ire will be superfluous & that I shall find you— Ever yours sincerely R Simpson I have been better since Tuesday when my jewel was cracked; but carbuncles are not like boils—they take a week to grub up—

304 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 10 APRIL 1861* Dear Simpson, I make my notes on Campion as I go along: p. 2. Otho of Freising lived long after Gregory VII, so I have modified your expression; and the excommunicated Emperor was Henry IV, not III as you had written but struck out. p. 5 I have expunged the word 'Gallican' as applied to More, not because I am sure it is inappropriate, in one sense, but because it is a term that included a wide range of opinions, from Bossuet, almost to Cavour. Thousands of Catholics of old believed as More did, before there were Ultramontanes. One party did not turn off to the right until another had turned off to the left of the good old pre-Hildebrandine straight line—(or rather pre-pseudo-Isidorian). It seems to me hardly fair to apply the term Gallican to all who deny the extreme papal opinions, because then it makes Gallicanism include the right view. You must at the same time, by the same rule, term ultramontane all who differ from the errors of Gallicanism—so that it is also a name for the right view. There ought not to be a negative definition of the terms. By the bye do you know all Sir T. More said of the right of parliament to bestow the crown, and what bearing his opinion has upon 1688, and the Regency question in 1788? p. 6 You cite admirably the instance of William against Paul IV, but you say William & Gregory VII. Now it was Alexander II who blessed the standard and encouraged the invasion of England, 1066—and did not die till 1073. So I have changed the name. It is true Gregory VII was * Gasquet, Letter LXXX (except the first three paragraphs), pp. 183-6, with major omissions. Where Acton says 'Pius IV was an ass', Gasquet has 'Pius IV was no good'.

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his Antonelli at the time, and approved of William when he became pope, still it was Alexander who was the real approver. What you say of the mistakes of the papal policy I think very good. Paul IV, Caraffa, was an enthusiast who quarrelled with Phillip II, the best of Catholics, an impracticable man—Pius IV was an ass, and his short reign would have been calamitous but for his nephew Charles Borromeo governed the Church under him at the age when Pitt became minister here. Pius V, a Dominican, as narrow minded as a Saint can be, suspicious, zealous to fanaticism, unbending, but not altogether straight-forward, in short the type of an Inquisitor. You say nought of the question of publication of the Bull. I have heard Grant say it never was published. A2. The court was at Prague in 1573, but Ferdinand was not emperor, so I have struck out the passage where his name occurs. Ferdinand I died 1564, Ferdinand II succeeded 1619, whereby hangs the bloody tale of the 30 years' war. Avellaneda's Empress was the wife either of Max II, or of Rodolph. Remember that Emperor Maximilian grievously inclined to Protestantism, if he turns up in your reading. I have struck out, A3 your remarks on the safe conduct of Hus. The emperor could not guarantee him, going to his trial, against the consequences of his judgment. It is admitted that no complaint lies against either council or emperor on the subject. I have not put in its place, what you might have added, that Hussitism created German University life. For Hussitism was a national heresy—a revival of the Czech nationality &c—so the German, Catholic students fled from Prague, and founded the university of Leipzig, the first in Germany. Then I have had to change your words attributing the final measures to restore religion in Bohemia, 1620, to the progress restoration had already made. It was the consequence of the rebellion, 1618, when they elected a Protestant King, and were put down by Tilly (Nov. 1620). Ferdinand took the opportunity to use severe measures, but it was a reaction. Carafa's account is not strictly historical. The Emperor had little or no authority in Prague from 1609 to 1620, and the two first emperors who reigned during that period, Rodolph & Mathias, were not zealous Catholics, and did little for religion. Ferdinand, the best of the Habsburgs, only recovered his authority in Bohemia by the victory on the White Mountain. Carafa's remark is puerile about the difficulty of converting Bohemians as compared with the people in the Palatinate, Tilly's next conquest. The people of the Palatinate had already changed their religion four times within the memory of old inhabitants, each time with little trouble or resistance. At each new reign, after 1550, they were changed, first to Lutherans, then to Calvinists, then Lutherans, then Calvinists again, and so Tilly found them in 1623. But in Bohemia Utraquism was 140

the national faith, by which Bohemia had been made a great nation, and for a time independent, and with which their patriotism was linked, by which it had been set in motion, like that of the Saracens by Islamism. Besides Protestantism had had time to take root in the Austrian provinces. Tomorrow I will take your two papers1 to the printers, who have already got Ward's letter in type, and will send you two copies to morrow or next day—one for Derlax2 through Wetherell. It is 18 pages. I will not take Hennessy, because, if Mrs. B. keeps her promise, there will be no room for him.3 I had nearly understood that it was as you say, about XYZ's article,4 so I will send it back to him. Pray get Mrs. B's direction from Wetherell. I will write to her. His handwriting is dreadful. I am sorry he has exchanged Watson for Williams.5 I expect an early letter from Arnold. I saw Burns today, who talked much, and of other things, and thinks the XYZ controversy ought to go on, but we did not speak of business. If what you say of him is true Simeon does not know that he is not a Catholic. I must be in the city to morrow for some time, and will try to get off to Clapham to see you in the course of the day. Your's ever truly J D Acton I have brought more books for you

305 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 13 APRIL 1861 16 Bruton St. Saturday Dear Simpson, I hope you have the books I sent to Clapham. I was obliged to forward the proofs to you as I had mislaid WetherelPs direction. Seven pages of article 1 are in the printer's hands. Do you know of any levity ? How are you ? I am off to Stonor with Tom,6 and come back on Monday, into my new lodgings, 37 Halfmoon St. 1 2 3 4 5

6

'Dr Ward's Philosophy' and 'Edmund Campion, III'. Simpson ('Derlax') was to reply to Ward's letter on 'Catholic Education'. Neither Hennessy nor Mrs Bastard was published. Oxenham's review of Goldwin Smith. Apparently a change of physicians. Thomas Watson (1792-1882), M.D. 1825, baronet 1870; Charles James Blasius Williams (1805-89), practised in London since 1833, a specialist in consumption. Thomas Stonor, son of Lord Camoys, whose seat was at Stonor.

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If there is any difficulty in making up the loan required add what is wanted from the moneys of the R. and I will repay the sum after. But my bankers' account is in a bad way, owing to the unremitting kindness of certain foreign agents. ... , & 6 Your's ever J D Acton 306 SIMPSON TO ACTON • ?13 APRIL 1861 D* Acton Here is a specimen of the riches of Foule's1—this is all from about \ a chapter—Of course no one would ever think of verifying all the references. Stapleton—p 1. & Tostatus p 2. & S Raymund de Pennafort, S Bonaventure, & Cardinal Hostiensis p 3 should be looked at. I send you the papers rather as a list of authors than to trouble you to look at them. I have asked Wetherell to write at once to Mrs Bastard to ask for something—we expect now TFW. Montalembert2—say 20 Acton? RS. Ward RS. Campion M rs "D

16 to 20 20 to 30

Ward's Ire Derlax3

15 10

Current events

25 —

Wetherell urged, as we begin a new vol. with new publishers in May, that we should settle something about the ' current literature' which he wanted to establish, in the same way as the ' current events'— Look how the Tablet pitches into our "tone"— Yours ever faithfully R Simpson Saturday 1 2 3

Not clear; possibly a catalogue of works published by Robert (1707-76) and Andrew (1712-75) Foulis or by Andrew Foulis the younger (d. 1829). A proposed article by Wetherell on Montalembert, not published. The list includes: 'Political Causes of the American Revolution' (whose length was unknown); 'Dr Ward's Philosophy'; 'Edmund Campion'; the unsent article by Mrs Bastard; Ward's and Simpson's letters on 'Catholic Education'. 142

307 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 15 A P R I L 1861* 37 Halfmoon St Monday night Dear Simpson, Gladstone has brought forward his budget1 in a very tame, straightforward speech, and it is on the whole well received. I rejoice at the confirmation it contains of my view that he is not inclined to Democracy, or to class legislation, but tries to carry out true principles of economy. He spoke very well on direct & indirect taxation, and balanced different interests by remitting a penny of direct taxation, and removing at the same time the paper duty. Dollinger seems to have pronounced himself distinctly at last on the Roman question in a public lecture2 at which the Nuncio was offended and walked away. I shall soon learn the details, and, I hope, get the lecture. I think you will find Innocent Ill's policy as distinguished from that of his predecessors pretty clear in the first volume. 'Novit' is chiefly interesting as bearing on the germ of the views of Boniface VIII (Unam Sanctam)—But there are half a dozen of his decretals, if I remember right, so beginning. Observe the mediaeval colouring one gets from the passages I have marked in John of Salisbury. I have spent an unholy Sunday with Lord Camoys3 and Sir John Simeon, who uttered many abominations. Camoys is not as intelligent as I had heard and thought. ^T , Your s ever J D Acton * Gasquet, Letter LXXXI, pp. 187-8, with an omission. This was the famous Budget which obtained the repeal of the paper duties by including the item in a consolidated finance bill. 2 The Odeon lecture, later published as Kirche und Kirchen, Papstthum und Kirchenstaat (Miinchen, 1861). 3 Thomas Stonor (1797-1881), 5th Baron Camoys (dormant peerage revived in his favour, 1839). Camoys and Simeon were both extremely liberal Catholics. 1

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308 ACTON TO SIMPSON - 19 APRIL 1861 37 Halfmoon S* Friday night Dear Simpson, Kelly gives a general consent to the appearance of his name on our title page, and expects particulars from us. Will you tell me what to write to him, exactly, and what to communicate through Arnold. I should observe, as a favourable coincidence, that our Irish article1 is very Irish, and OHagan undertakes to get it copied into certain Irish papers, and adopted by Cullen. Shall we presently settle with Burns and Richardson, and get advertisements? Ward's letter seems to me very foolish. I suppose Wetherell is looking after Derlax.2 ,r , Your s ever J D Acton

309 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 21 APRIL 1861 Clapham Sunday evg My dear Acton Kelly must be told that the Rambler sale is now 750. at 3sh It is our property, & we allow the usual commission to the publishers; whether or not to tell him that we will allow him an additional premium on each subscriber I scarcely know; it is obviously foolish to throw away money; but it is wise to make a man more active than he would otherwise be by crossing his palm. But I think this had better go through Arnold, as it must be so managed as not to come to the ears of Burns. Whether Kelly receives the numbers from Burns or direct from Robson I dont know; Burns must be consulted on this point. Have you determined to add Richardson's name or not? I thought that Dolman was useful as representing the Old Catholics, but I dont know that Richardson represents anything at all. I must manage to see you tomorrow about the Rambler copy, but I 1 2

'Catholic Policy'. This refers to the two letters on 'Catholic Education'. 144

cannot get up to town till the afternoon—Will you be at home at 2 o'clock? If I don't find you then I will call again at 4— Wetherell is here—very bad. He is summing up his bills, wh come to rather more than he fancied, but 250 will cover them all, all that is that are not merely due to friends, like the 15 due to the Rambler. Ever Yours R Simpson 310 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 25 A P R I L 1861 Dear Simpson, Thanks for the Chronicle.1 I am perfectly wretched to find that my American article2 will be 40 pages! and extremely dull. I do not know where to curtail, for many of the extracts are excellent, and cut a great many ways. But the result is that there are only 11J pages for the remaining events, allowing no room for notices. Do not give yourself trouble therefore to say more than is necessary. I will omit Schleswig altogether, shorten Poland, say very little of Bethell & Gladstone, and only devote 2 or 3 pp. to Dollinger3—a subject on which we must put ourselves right. , . , Ar F 6 Your s truly J D Acton 311 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 2 MAY 1861* Thursday Dear Simpson, I send you this to consider about. It had better be kept to ourselves. How are you? Have you written on Poland and is the Register going to speak of Dollinger's lecture? I saw Newman,4 who was full of your praises. He said exactly what I have said on the Roman question, as to the general change of feeling in the new direction, the weight of authority all on one side, the time for speech and the time for silence; the futility of bishops, the blessing of the revolution &c&c. He ought to be ashamed not to pronounce himself. 1

Material for 'Current Events'. 'Political Causes of the American Revolution'. 3 In 'Current Events', Rambler, v (May 1861), 139—40, based on newspaper reports of Dollinger's critique of the Temporal Power. * Gasquet, Letter LXXXII, pp. 188-9, with an omission. 4 On 27 April. 145 2

At Gladstone's this morning, where I breakfasted with Sam Oxon.,1 I saw Passaglia's pamphlet,2 which is eloquent, diffuse, and going as far as possible in saying that the temporal is lost;, and that without detriment to religion. He says all I attributed to him, and more. But the publication is secret, printed at Rome it bears Asisi on the title page, a misprint meant to save the lie, and the authorship is carefully concealed. It is however quite fair that we should bring him forward, and there will be some astonishment. There is only one copy in England. I delivered a brief, and therefore improved abstract of my American article,3 to the astonishment and admiration of the ignorant audience, especially the ignorant Gladstone. I had to say a great deal about the Roman question. Our chances in workhouses4 are looking up. Your's ever truly J D Acton

312 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 17 MAY 1861 Dear Acton I tried to find you yesterday under the pastoral care of M> Creed5 but failed—I had many things to say. 1. Wetherell (who is getting rather better) wants to know if the Spectator & Saturday R can be sent to him direct to "The Mounts, Malvern Wells," instead of Ebury Street. 2. J. M. Capes offers (but not for next time) an article on Stanhope's Pitt.6 3. Weld has received a letter from Boerio7 S. J. Archivist at Rome, asking him what he can get for the documents (not the originals) of wh I enclose a list—for publication. I told W. not to expect more than £10 or at most £20. But I bethought me that in a question of some interest to history (viz. the submission of Charles II to the faith some 10 years before his death, & his reception by his own son, de la Cloche, perhaps 1 2 3

4 5 6 7

Samuel Wilberforce (1805-73), bishop of Oxford 1845, of Winchester 1869; nicknamed 'Soapy Sam'. On the Roman question. 'Political Causes of the American Revolution'. This affair marked the beginning of Gladstone's admiration for Acton, and perhaps also of his support of the Southern cause in the American Civil War. The admission of Catholic chaplains. ' Pastoral care' is not meant literally. Creed cannot be identified. Not published. Joseph Boero (1813-84), entered Society of Jesus 1830, archivist and biographer.

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Lord Stanhope would recommend his publisher to take them—& give something for them—or I thought that if we are ever to have our Catholic society, we might publish these documents.1 Boerio says that he only wants money to enable him to print other things. 4. Have you accepted a place in the future Academia2 (I spelt it wrong)? —I have, with the intention of being Devil's advocate in a place where otherwise pious interests only would be represented— 5. Have you any plans for the next Rambler? shall I put in that article about faith & reason?3 _ A , Ever yours truly R Simpson Clapham, May 17. If that Papal question is to be argued, had it not better be in a review of Greenwood's Cathedra Petri?4 How about the Dublin?

313 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 1 J U N E 1861* Saturday Dear Simpson, I think very highly of your paper on faith and science,5 and have ventured only on one or two verbal changes that have nothing to do with the philosophy of the thing. It should be in the editorial part, so I have struck off the signature and the sentence promising a continuation. Will you send a proof to Brussels, or shall I send one to Birmingham, in order to escape the imputation of writing on theology without revision?6 In Campion7 I can only suggest that besides Sandes there are other testimonies to the goodness of Jesuit education &c—as from Bacon, if 1

Acton later wrote an article on this subject: 'Secret History of Charles I I ' , Home & Foreign Review, I (July 1862), 146-74. Cardinal Wiseman founded an 'Academia of the Catholic Religion' in imitation of the Roman Academies. Acton was one of the 'censors'. 3 'Reason and Faith' was published in July. 4 Thomas Greenwood, Cathedra Petri. A Political History of the Great Latin Patriarchate, 5 vols. (London, 1855-65), not reviewed. * Gasquet, Letter LXXXIII, p. 189, with major omissions. 5 'Reason and Faith'. 6 'Brussels' refers to de Buck, 'Birmingham' to Newman, two of the theological censors of the Rambler. 7 'Edmund Campion, I V , Rambler, v (July 1861), 235-59. 2

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you choose to look in the Index to his works. I am off to the printers. Wilberforce has just been here, troubled with Roman difficulties, but the meeting at the Club1 cut him short and carried him off. Ever Your's J D Acton 314 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 6 J U N E 1861 \ Moon St. Thursday Dear Simpson, I shall not be at the Poor Law Committee to morrow, though I was there on Tuesday from 3 till 4. I cannot escape from my Railway Comee2 till 4 oclock. I suppose you have heard of my keen encounter with the enemy.3 , J Your s truly J D Acton There will be interesting evidence on the Catholic claims to morrow from a Poor Law Inspector. 315 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 6 J U N E 1861 No notice yet about

Thursday

the Academic!,

Dear Acton Will you send me Giunchi's article & book ;4 I will make a short notice out of it. In April I sent you a short notice written by M" Bastard—Do you know what has become of it—She has asked Wetherell why it did not appear last time, & I suppose she will expect it to go in this time5— 1 2 3

4 6

Stafford Club. Acton was a member of both these committees of the Commons. Several Catholic M.P.s insisted that Acton raise immediately in Parliament the issue of the treatment of Catholics in prisons, even while the workhouse question was still unresolved. This was intended to bring Acton into direct opposition to the Government, with the Roman question in the background. He resisted this pressure at meetings of the Stafford Club on 1 and 4 June, No article or book by Giunchi is recorded for this period. He later published De Intellectu, juxta ordinarium vocis usum apud Anglos (London, 1863). Probably Lady Maxwell Wallace's translation of Fernan Caballero, The Castle and the Cottage in Spain, reviewed in Rambler, v (July 1861), 276-7. 148

Would it be worth my while to explain in a letter the meaning of the end of my article on Ward,1 which, thanks to the Tablet2 has been abominably misinterpreted, as I gather from what Manning said to you Ever Yours faithfully R Simpson 316 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 7 J U N E 1861 Friday Dear Simpson, I will send you the paper of Giunchi &c when I get home. I cannot get time to work, as my Committee is still going on. In obedience to your suggestion I have given up Nationality,3 which requires time and care, for it is a new question in political philosophy. I shall get another article4 ready, which will take less time and trouble, and if I do not hear from you I will try to model Cavour5 into an editorial. My two articles will fill at least 40 pages. What you can do in reviews and chronicles pray do quickly

'

Faithfully Your's J D Acton

317 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 7 J U N E 1861 Friday Morng Dear Acton I enclose a short notice of Palmer's Egyptian chronicles6—and a short letter,7 which may do for something or nothing—Also two bits of a notice of Hare,8 which if carried out in this way will take too much room, besides 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

8

Simpson published this letter: 'Dr Ward's Philosophy', ibid. 269-72. The Tablet printed hostile reviews and letters on the Rambler in its issues of 18 and 25 May and 1 June. Acton's article on 'Nationality' was not published until 1862. Acton, 'Expectation of the French Revolution', Rambler, v (July 1861), 190-213. Acton, 'Cavour', ibid. 141—65; perhaps originally intended for 'Current Events'. William Palmer, Egyptian Chronicles (London, 1861), reviewed by Simpson, Rambler, v (July 1861), 272-5. Faber had included in his Whitsunday sermon a reference to ' dangers from within' the Church, alluding clearly to the Rambler and Acton. Favourable reviews of this sermon, Devotion to the Church (London, 1861), appeared on 1 June in the Tablet and Weekly Register. Simpson's draft letter was a response to this. Not published.

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not being very interesting—I dont see how his plan can be criticized or developed in a short space—If it deserves to be mentioned at all, it should have an article to itself. But indeed even then, the book itself seems as compressed as possible, & can only be discussed in a book as long as itself. I sent you a paper for "correspondence"1 last night; I thought that if we were to be condemned for the closing passages of my article on Ward, I might as well explain them previously, & not leave them to be interpreted by hostile parties—however, if you think it unwise or too provoking, do not put it in „ r b ' ^ Ever yours faithfully R Simpson 318 ACTON TO SIMPSON . 10 J U N E 1861* 37 Half Moon St. Monday night My dear Simpson, I shall be very much disappointed if you will not allow me to beg of you not to insist on the insertion of your letter.2 I really do not think it will do any good, or help to bridge over the chasm between truth and error, and reconcile the friends of the one with the slaves of the other. Consider how vast, powerful, deeply rooted the system is that we have to combat. You cannot demolish Protestantism, or even establish a presumption or a prejudice against it by a short letter of this kind. Our enemy is just as large and strong a manifestation of the Evil One as Protestantism, and needs wider and fuller treatment. We meet him not by argument so much as by example—by going to walk the other way, not by confuting him. No wonder each time we do so we provoke his angry roar, and it is no use complaining each time of it. As to the present case I have no wish to answer those who have attacked me, and I think it is wiser not to heed them, for they will live for ever like Nabuchodonosor the king, and will not stop crying because they are beaten. You certainly are attacked absurdly by Thompson, and I hear a Dominican says he would like to have the burning of you. But your letter is not a sufficient answer to Thompson on the grounds of historic truth & veracity. It is a wider question. Your best answer would be I think to pursue the question of the political power of the popes, for which you have rich materials, and 1

The letter on 'Dr Ward's Philosophy'. * Gasquet, Letter LXXXIV, pp. 189-91, with minor omissions. 2 In response to Faber's sermon.

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to go on with Campion without innuendo, as if everybody agreed with you. When you come to town you shall determine what had best be done. I am inaccessible every day till 4 o'clock—then free, at the H of C. To morrow the Protestant Alliance1 comes before our Cee I will look for you there at 4. If you are not there to morrow, can you seek me at Cee room n? 1 on Wednesday at 3 3/4? I will show you what Caccia2 sends, and a letter on Trent sent and recommended by Newman,3 which has so moved my indignation that I have told him that without his accompanying note I should not think of admitting it. I hope Oakeley4 is safe. I cannot finish Nationality till I am off my railway. I hope this week. But I can make it as long as you like, and introduce almost any political topic. De Vere promises a September review of Dr Doyle.5 Cullen has sent me the life of Abp. Plunket. Shall we ask Todd to review it? Can you give your leisure to making up a chronicle of events since February? Barring the Church, America, Austria—Hungary, Italy—Cavour, Schleswig, Poland—Russia, Budget &c—as dry as you like—I will annotate with as many reflections as Robson requires. I have 16 pp. from Newman,6 extremely confidential and affectionate. He recognizes the point at him in the last Summary,7 and thinks he has done a great deal in submitting to the allusion. Your's ever truly J D Acton 1 2

3

4 5 6 7

An organisation of Evangelicals and Dissenters, very hostile to Roman Catholicism. Caccia (other names unknown; 1807-82), ordained priest 1830, joined Rosminians 1850, in England 1851-6, in Rome 1856-68. He sent a correspondence between himself and another Italian priest, printed as 'The Roman Question', Rambler', v (July 1861), 259-68. A letter by Fr Henry Bittleston of the Oratory, on the controversy over Catholic education. Acton's comment on the letter (Acton to Newman, 10 June 1861, in Letters and Diaries of Newman, xix, 512) caused Newman to withdraw it. Possibly 'English Public Schools and Colleges in Catholic Times', Rambler, v (September 1861), 346-60. De Vere, 'The Life of Dr. Doyle', ibid. 302-26, and vi (November 1861), 85-106. Newman to Acton, 7 June 1861 (two letters), in Letters and Diaries of Newman, xix, 505-9. The summary of 'Current Events - Foreign Affairs', Rambler, v (May 1861), 138, alluded to Newman in stating that the wisest and holiest priests thought that the loss of the Temporal Power would be a blessing to the Church.

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319 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 7 JULY 1861 37 Halfmoon St. Wednesday Dear Simpson, This is the most interesting Campion,1 and much of what you say is very instructive. I venture to tone down a few expressions. You call Geraldine a family name, and say So and So Geraldine. Is it not Fitzgerald in the singular, and is not Geraldine collective? I am not sure enough to make the correction. What do you know of other contributors? Capes, Oakeley, Mrs. Bastard? De Vere promises an Irish article.2 On Monday I go down to Lord Petre's for a couple of days, to meet the Cardinal. I wonder what conversation we shall have, and whether I shall have an opportunity of conjuring the storm, as the French say. Darnell comes up next week, on his way to Munich. It seems Oxenham is to become a tutor in the school, and they are thinking of Wetherell. Perhaps this is a secret; I mention it in order that you may influence Darnell in the way you think best for Wetherell who, it strikes me, might manage this, if he is disabled for the War Office. Talking of the Ponte Molle you have not mentioned that the missionaries must have gone out by the Flaminian Gate.3 Perhaps it is wiser so. Where did you get the word rout of the army? Rout for rotta, I suppose; but is it used? The inn bearing the sign of the city is I suppose FEau de Geneve, which is still one of the best known signs. Your's ever truly J D Acton 1 2

3

'Edmund Campion, V , Rambler, v (September 1861), 372-93. Of these, Oakeley probably wrote ' English Public Schools and Colleges in Catholic Times' and de Vere wrote 'The Life of Dr. Doyle;'. Neither Capes nor Mrs Bastard appears to have contributed. One article, 'Aubrey de Vere's Poems', ibid. 360-72, is unaccounted for, but the author ('T.C.') appears to be an Irishman. The reference is to a passage in 'Edmund Campion'. The 'Flaminian Gate' alludes to Wiseman's famous 1850 pastoral letter 'from out of the Flaminian Gate'.

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320 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 19 JULY 1861* 37 Halfmoon St. Sunday Dear Simpson, I saw a good deal of the Cardinal at Thorndon last week. He was cold at first, but I warmed him with literary conversation, and the people there remarked how much we babbled gently together. There was a story that he had heard of my saying that there was bad Latin in his Lecture,1 but he accepted my compliments about that and the Academy with good grace. I hope you will be there on Tuesday at 5, as I am off for the country on Wednesday and have no idea how I shall bestow myself in the Autumn. There is some work to be done at Aldenham which will drive me away in September, I suppose to the Rhine. I will write a political article, and hope you will have the grace to do some current events.2 De Vere promises a review of Dr. Doyle. Do not put in the Flaminian Gate; I have all the pains in the world to keep Newman in good humour. He is so much riled at what he pleasantly calls your habit of pea shooting at any dignitary who looks out of window as you pass along the road that I am afraid he will not stand by us if we are censured. But he will be very indignant with the authorities, and declares that he agrees with us in principle entirely.3 It is better not to irritate him. Dollinger sends you tenderest greeting. His wrath with Manning is quite amusing. Your two papers4 are in the printers' hands. Have you got Oakeley? Your Austrian article5 puts excellently well the genealogy of imperialism. Wilberforce is quite discouraged, and most anxious to give up if any body will give him a thousand pounds. I have sent him to Lord Edward,6 and spoken a hint to Lord Petre. What of Wetherell? How are you?

Your's ever truly J D Acton

* Gasquet, Letter LXXXV, pp. 191-2, with major omissions. Wiseman's Inaugural Address to the Academia of the Catholic Religion, 29 June 1861, reviewed by Acton, 'The Catholic Academy', Rambler, v (September 1861), 291-302. 2 Acton in fact wrote the ' Current Events' but did not write a political article for the September number. 3 Newman to Acton, 5 and 16 July 1861, in Letters and Diaries of Newman, xx, 3-5, 12-13. 4 'Edmund Campion' and the second part of 'Reason and Faith', Rambler, v (Sep5 Presumably in the Weekly Register. tember 1861), 326-46. 6 Howard. 1

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321 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 22 JULY 1861 Dear Acton I don't think the enclosed is in Wetherell's writing—I suppose he is not well enough to write—You see we have nothing from him, & no tidings of Mrs. Bastard. I have spoken to F. Capes about the Censure1 of the Rambler—He fully agrees to the proposal of continuing in spite of everybody till our finances are run out, & promises, on an early day, to examine our accounts— He has I suppose a little over £200—I have, of yours, just under £100. (Wetherell you know had an advance of £20)—So we have 300, not 400 as I said yesterday, to go on with—This would carry us on a year if we sold nothing. Then, there is no distinct pledge to give always 9 sheets—We might content ourselves with 8 or 8 | on occasions like the present. Gladstone2 will save us some 15 or 20£ a year in paper if we print the same quantity —And of course if the demand decreases, we shall print fewer copies, & decrease the stationer's bills. On the whole, we can I think keep our printing & paper bills down to £200 a year; If we only get back £150, our £300 will last six years, unless we fritter it away in paying our contributors. Have you not something written on the budget, but not printed last time? And have the printers nothing of yours in MS? You will find in the Times of March 11, p. 10. col 3, a curious paper of decisions of the Cardinal penitentiary, before giving absolution in political cases. It might be as well to refer to it in the notes upon Caccia. Can you get at the right explanation of the Ministerial crisis at Turin of March 20, when Cavour was suddenly out?—Liborio Romano having resigned the Presidency of the Council of Lieutenancy at Naples 4 days previously—the last act of L.R. was to order Garibaldi's birthday to be kept, & the Piedmontese had hard work to keep the peace as well as the day. I send you a rough calendar of events from that time— The Turnbull case has never been mentioned. If America has a chronicle, the letter of Gregory to the Times, June 12, p. 12. should be looked at— _, « ... „ „ Ever yours faithfully R Simpson Wednesday Morning 1 2

A censure of the Rambler by the Roman authorities, believed impending. The repeal of the paper duties, contained in Gladstone's Budget.

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322 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 26 AUGUST 1861 Tuesday Morning Dear Acton I returned late last night from a ramble in North Somerset & South Dorset. No one knew my address, so nothing was sent on to me but some business letters which were duly lost, & I in the mean time enjoyed the exquisite sensation of having nothing to do, & doing it. I am writing this at the printers; I find they are full, all but one page; I suppose you have the little bit of buttered toast, or pickled salmon, or devilled kidney that is to close that gap; so I will not think of stopping it with my own furze bushes. I see you duly received my foolish correspondence from Lyme—I would not give you my address partly because I did not know where I was going or how long I was going to stay, partly because I did not want you to take any such news as a hint that you might ask for more. I had a long talk with Lewis English,1 whom report makes Brigg's2 successor, about the Rambler—He could not make out why it was not condemned. He supposed that it was only protected by its insignificance, & by its unstable character as a periodical—But if you would have the kindness to draw out in a book the sentiments of your Current Events of May last, he would undertake to ensure that your damnation should "thunder in the Index" as Shakespear says—English has been trying to make the Bishops here forbid the clergy to read it—But though he finds that it has not a friend among them, yet each shrinks from the responsibility of fulminating a harmless thunder, which might possibly only increase the circulation of the peccant periodical. He finds that the priests are unanimous in their hatred and defiance of our pride & coxcombry—On the other hand I talked promiscuously to a couple of country priests who do not take the R, & I find that their sentiments coincide with ours to a T. Perhaps if they read us they would go over to the enemy too. Lewis English went so far as to say he would refuse us absolution, but there he disgusted a clerical admirer, who up to that period had taken his part, & whom I talked to afterwards & found wavering in his political allegiance. However from all I hear & I see, I perceive that the feeling against us is very bitter & that they (everybody) will try to get us into the Limbo of the Index if possible— 1 2

Louis English (1825/6-63), priest, D.D., former vice-rector of the English College at Rome, later rector of the Collegio Pio. He did not become a bishop. John Briggs (1788-1861), coadjutor vicar-apostolic of the Northern (later Yorkshire) District 1833, vicar-apostolic 1836, first bishop of Beverley 1850.

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You are coming up soon, are you not, on your way to the Rhine? I have not seen you since the delightful news from Bull's run; I am afraid that Springfield will not be so good—The Star of this morning proclaims it to be a federal victory. _, J Ever yours— R Simpson

323 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 28 AUGUST 1861 Aldenham Wednesday Dear Simpson, I am glad you have been enjoying your tour and are back in time to see what is doing. Several articles have never been sent to me for correction; I pray you therefore look to it. Sleeplessness from incessant neuralgia has disabled me for more than a week; I have sent at last for the Doctor. If he cures me I suppose I shall be off next week to the Rhine. Newman is dreadfully low and ill, and I have told him he ought to come with me, but he is sure to be more prudent in choosing a companion.1 Your conversation with English must have been amusing. I am a Dutchman if there is any offence in the present N? I put the review of DeVere2 into Com.3 partly because it was too good natured to be quite honest, and partly because the view about Irish history is not exactly the same as in the 'Mission of the Isles'.4 I have so far buttered the Cardinal in the: first article5 that the remarks on the Academy will stand on their own merits. This article I have not seen in type; pray correct it. In particular I don't think readers will understand how an academy can be a Mechanism. I probably shall not be present at the next meeting,6 but steps ought to be taken for the establishment of a constitutional system. It would be well to propose that the original laws of the Roman Academy be printed along with our rules, and to found further questions on a comparison of them. That seems to me a necessary preliminary. The next question is that of election, and the mode of putting it must depend on the sort of change already made in the rules. 1 3 4 5 6

Newman to Acton, 21 August 1861, with Acton's reply, in Letters and Diaries of 2 Newman, xx, 35-6. 'Aubrey de Vere's Poems'. 'Communicated', as distinguished from 'editorial' articles. Newman's 1859 articles. 'The Catholic Academy'. Of the Academy.

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I think you are wrong in giving your philosophic articles1 a serial character, with a common title and numbers. If they could have had distinct titles it would have been better. I hope you will get Wetherell's help in the next number. Mrs Bastard has been ill, but has an article on Rio2 half ready, and will probably send it in. Capes with a little pressure will write on Pitt. There ought certainly to be an article by Stokes on the Industrial schools bill.3 I have said nothing of it on purpose, in the chronicle, nor of Indian legislation, because Wetherell, I believe, knows something about it. If no great unforeseen trouble intervenes I suppose I shall be able to get a review ready on Dollinger's new book.4 As we have pointed so distinctly on several occasions at the Irish Church as the great calamity of the country, we ought to take some part in the oath question.5 It has something to do with the apathy of the Irish on the Church question. There will be a motion on the Catholic oath next year in the House. So I have given lots of materials to old Green,6 whose hobby it has been for years, and he has half written a letter on the subject, which Badeley will probably answer. If Green accompanies it with a paper on Church property, I expect it will be fitter for Com. than for ed. Your's ever truly J D Acton Remember that S. Augustine never uttered the saying in necessariis7 &c.

324 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 30 AUGUST 1861 4 Viet, m Clapham Aug. 30./61 Dear Acton I have looked over all that the printers have let me have—there were 2 pages short, but I told them to work in the contents,—this is all fair, 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

'Reason and Faith'. Mrs Bastard, 'Rio on Christian Art', Rambler, vi (January 1862), 220-34. Stokes wrote on the Education Commission instead. Capes did not write. Acton, 'Dollinger on the Temporal Power', Rambler, vi (November 1861), 1-62, a review of Kirche und Kirchen. T. L. Green, 'The Oaths', ibid. (January 1862), 250-65, a letter, really a substantial article, on the oaths required of Catholic office-holders. Thomas Lewis Green (1799-1883), ordained priest 1825, Acton's chaplain at Aldenham from 1860. In necessariis unitas, in dubiis libertas, et in omnibus caritas, an earlier motto of the Rambler.

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as we gave 4 pp over last time. The contents are generally printed on an extra leaf. I changed your "mechanism" into "manufacture"—for the former generally makes or mars something—but if we have no freedom octroye to us we shall be simply a lump of ice in the sun, or a souffle collapsing in the air. I went to see my chapel at Mitcham yesterday1—It is of brick, chapel 50 x 20 feet, with sacristy 14 x 8 about 20 or 21 feet high, with roof entirely of stained deal (no plaster visible), & the cost is only 220£. For double that sum I am convinced you might have an excellent library, 60 x 25, by 30 high, & with a few architectural features about it—Of course my place has nothing beautiful about it, but it makes an excellent room, & the builder says he will warrant it for a century—Before you build, you should see it— I hope your neuralgia is better—Of Wetherell at last I hear much better accounts, & I hope we shall get the review of Montalembert out of him—Will you, or shall I write to Stokes for his article? I am sure I hope that no great trouble will prevent your doing Dollinger for November—I should think that you had had enough of great troubles this last year to bear you scot free through the next half century— I have elided the N° 2. from Reason & faith—the rest of title I could not change without too much expense.2 I find that Wilberforce has left off sending me the WR3 since I went out. I have not yet informed him of rny return—I rather take this as a hint that he wants no more of me, so I shall not tell him of it at all. I have not yet seen Oakeley's article4 nor that on DeVere's Poems— I suppose that the printers did not send them to you by yesterday's post —If not, I cannot see how the R can be published on Monday—& that, after all your pains to be in time will be simply their fiasco for wh they must have a wigging. I think the Cardinal ought to feel properly proud of the butter-boats that are emptied upon him in this R. If he were other than he is he would suspect some sinister design under the streaky succulence to which he has been so uncommonly disused. De Vere5 takes up the cue & fires a whole broadside of wine and oil into the wounds inflicted by the thieves that had the Rambler—Surely we are going to be converted. Wetherell 1 2 3 4 5

Simpson and his brother were the chief financial supporters of the mission at Mitcham, where he had once been the Anglican vicar. The title appeared simply as 'Reason and Faith', with no indication that it was a continuation. Weekly Register. 'English Public Schools and Colleges in Catholic Times'. 'The Life of Dr. Doyle'. 158

will keep me in order next time, so Stokes will probably be the only vinaigrette of the present year - Pointed icicles for Jany1 Ever yours faithfully R Simpson 325 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 31 AUGUST 1861 Aldenham August 31 Dear Simpson, I am very glad to hear a better account of Wetherell. He will I have no doubt give us something as soon as he can. Pray write to Stokes, and encourage Capes. I am not sure of going to Germany for several weeks, and am tempted by a friendly invitation to go to Prussia at the time of the Coronation in October. At any rate there will be time in all probability to write a political article, as Dollinger's book will not be out, I presume, till the end of the month.2 Aubrey de Vere wants copies of his paper, which it is too late to get for him, but I suppose we can order them to send him several copies of the number. There ought to be a second article on the subject, as the second volume of his life is untouched in the present N? If you do not strongly protest against my Carlow sympathies I will ask de Vere to finish the subject.3 As to Wilberforce, I cannot believe he will remain long in his present place,4 and I expect we shall be able to remodel the paper before many months are over. If I had a thousand pounds I would buy it of him, but my first spare cash must go to imitate your achievements in cheap edification,5 on which I heartily congratulate you. Oakeley and the review of De Vere were revised some days ago, but they only sent me yesterday proofs of matter they had had more than a week, greatly wanting correction. As to the succulence of my criticism on the Cardinal, the phrases are mostly borrowed bodily from Newman's introduction to his paper on the Isles of the North.6 Then they were recommended by the wish to serve the Academy, and to carry down the demand for free inquiry and self 1 2 3 4 5 6

January. Kirdie und Kirchen was published in time to forestall the ' political article'. A 'second notice' of 'The Life of Dr. Doyle', published in the Rambler, vi (November 1861), 85-106. Editor of the Weekly Register. Wilberforce wanted to sell out. Church-building. Acton had promised to build a school in Bridgnorth. 'The Mission of the Isles of the North' in 1859. 159

government—also by the prudence required by the dangers of the time. Moreover, the more important a cause, the more impersonal ought to be its advocacy—a truth you shut your eyes to because wit requires personality for its display. I have no Chaloner1 at hand—can you tell me whether the dying speeches of the five Jesuits executed in 1679 are extant in print? After a week's discomposure I cured my neuralgia with chloroform and quinine. Your's ever sincerely x -^ . . J J D Acton 326 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 2 SEPTEMBER 1861 Dear Acton The speeches of the victims of Oates' plot are largely quoted by Challoner; they were printed at length at the time. Charles Weld some few years ago bought 2 large 4° vols of tracts relating to the plot, & I have not a doubt but they contain the original editions of the speeches, if you want anything more full than Challoner gives—I am sure Weld would be glad to lend them to you. He has written to F Boerio offering him £20 for the Stuart papers w^ I told you of.2 I have told Dolman to send to you a copy of the life of Lady Falkland.3 Now we are in the "silly season" perhaps it wd not be impossible to get a notice of it in the Saturday or the Athenaeum. Can you help to this—? Dont trouble yourself about it, unless an opportunity comes in the way. Where is your article on nationality?4 I have no objection to Aubrey de Vere except that he bores me, individually—But if he pleases the pensive public my objections go for nothing. I would not call you to account for one thing till this R. was out. Do you really think that historical objections to the Church have more influence at the present day than scientific ones? It is a question of statistics, & you are more likely to know than I, but all my experience would have led me to give an opposite answer— I write to the printers to see if it is too late to print off a dozen copies of Aubrey de Vere's review of Doyle— 1 2 3 4

Richard Challoner, Memoirs of Missionary Priests... that have suffered death in England, on religious accounts... (London, 1741). Letters of Charles II. Simpson's edition of The Lady Falkland, her Life. Published in the Home db Foreign Review in 1862. 160

Wont you write to Manning before you go about the Academy? I feel sure that whatever comes from me will be interpreted over the left & that my speaking will be more useless than my silence—But if you will not write, I will move Ward or some one to ask the questions which you ^ "

Ever yours sincerely R Simpson

Sept. 2.161 327 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 3 SEPTEMBER 1861* 3 September1 My dear Simpson, I dare say there is hardly any question on which we are less likely to agree than the one you start.2 1? You unjustly compare all the physical sciences to history only. I include all the moral sciences, philosophy, law, language &c. 2? It is not a mere question of statistics, because I admitted3 that to the uneducated mind, or rather imagination, difficulties derived from natural phenomena are more impressive than the others, which only educated men can understand. So I conceded numbers to your view beforehand. 3? Objections to the Church from natural science are made only in the name of unbelief. Historical and other objections are not only made by unbelief but are the basis of Protestantism and of every heresy, and in one sense of every false religion. 4? The battle of the church is fought in each age on the battle field and with the weapons of that age. Whatever is the absorbing problem of the day is sure to be brought to bear upon her. Now putting the question of controversy aside the character of the present day is much more strongly marked by the discoveries in moral than in physical science. The science of history and the science of language, and the philosophical study of jurisprudence, are all new discoveries of this century. Before this, historical controversy was nonsense, for the materials were imperfect and the method did not exist. There is as great a difference between history now and in Gibbon's time as between the astronomy before Copernicus and after him. For this reason the controversy on this point is of greater consequence. 5? Scientific attacks touch not the church only, but other religions are her allies in the conflict. But historic and philosophic objections are made * Gasquet, Letter LXXXVI, pp. 192-5, with omissions. This letter bears the notation by Simpson: 'On my letter concerning the incidence of moral and physical science on religion'. 2 Whether historical or physical science poses the greater danger to religion. 3 In 'The Catholic Academy'. 6 161 ACL 1

against her by every system, and here she has no ally. 6? Speaking widely I do not see that natural science is attacking religion now as it did formerly. Germany is the home of every sort of unbelief, but the bulk of eminent men of science is certainly not so uniformly infidel there as the historians or philosophers or divines. That is only one country, you will say, and it may be different here, but it is of all countries the most advanced in the ways of unbelief, it feeds the irreligion of other lands and there is no stronger proof of its superiority than the contempt with which such books as Buckle's are received there. 7? In astronomy the greatest of the astronomers, Madler, who discovered the system of the fixed stars, or central sun, is no enemy of religion; and in geology, which amuses us so much, the Neptunist revival is entirely a Christian movement in its tendency. So I might go on for a long time. You say your experience is the other way, and that is of course a sufficient answer to all this; as for me I have no experience of a mind forgetful of progression by antagonism and conceiving that opinions upon which the Masters of science are not agreed, among whom at all times there have been zealous Christians, are really in contradiction with faith. Some of the chief objections, I suppose the greatest of all, that which denies the unity of the human race, may be advanced at a greater advantage in philology and ethnology than in physiology. At least I know that the greatest and most infidel of the German naturalists said that he had no serious argument whatever against the unity; which is certainly not yet the case in the science of language. But I am not only entirely ignorant on all these topics, but probably extremely prejudiced. People who are anxious about the bearing of scientific discoveries always remind me of those who are so eager to prove the existence of Catholic dogmas in very early times; for both seem to me to overlook the theory of growth. Many thanks for the information about the plot. I was surprised to find among old books a manuscript report of those speeches, and wished to know if they were a curiosity. I have no friends in the Athenaeum, that I know of, but I will try the Saturday. Send them a copy. Thanks for mine before hand; I shall not get it before I go, for I am much pressed to be at Munich for the meeting which begins on Sunday1—Dupanloup is to be there and it cannot be but that the Italian question will be discussed. If I get a line from you during the next fortnight pray direct it here. I have not gone on with nationality because in order to establish its revolutionary character I wanted to read the debates of the Convention in Robespierre's time, which I have been doing, but not yet writing. 8 pages are written of an Austrian article2 out of 30 or more; but I shall 1 2

A general conference of German Catholics, 9-12 September 1861. Not published. 162

know more about Austria before I come back, which will not be, I think, later than the end of the month. If you can get Ward to make the motion in the academy, that, I think will be best. English has been in this neighbourhood and met old Green, whom the bishop put here as the gravest of his old priests to keep me in order; and English was horrified at finding that he had not a proper sense of the perils and duties of his position, and did not even think me a heretic or excommunicate. If DeVere sends a second Doyle1 pray cut off the sweetness and flabbiness. I did a good deal this time, but not enough. Yr? ever sincerely J D Acton

328 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 7 SEPTEMBER 1861 Dear Acton Stokes says that he was thinking of offering an article or two on the Education Commission Report2—of w^ he has read all the vols—he puts three (!!!) after this statement. But if we like he will write on the act.3 However I have written to him, urged by a feeling that it is a pity to waste such a cram, to write two acts on the subject he has got up, & then to write on the Act—I hope you approve— Burns sent me the enclosed4 this morning—dont you smell dirt?—In fact, I presume he has agreed to publish a review under Ward Thompson, Allies &c5—Et tu Brute we may say to Northcote whose name also figures on the list—& makes this barefaced attempt to save trouble & opposition by making the Rambler into that review—If we manage judiciously we can make him give us up, instead of our giving him up—Not that there is any particular advantage in that, but it is pleasant to have two ways open to us—And now we really must find another publisher—Driven out of the pale of orthodoxy we must find our refuge in the Longman 1 2

3 4 5

The second notice of 'The life of Dr Doyle'. Acton had extensively revised the first article. Stokes, 'The Education Commission', Rambler, vi (November 1861), 62-85; 'The Commission on Education and the Revised Code', ibid. (January 1862), 172-90; 'The Revised Educational Code', ibid. (March 1862), 293-300. The Industrial Schools Act. Stokes did not write on this. Burns to Simpson, 6 September 1861, quoted by Simpson to Newman, 30 September 1861, in Letters and Diaries of Newman, xx, 47-8. Burns proposed that the Rambler should be directed by a committee to be approved by Manning, Ward and Northcote. 163

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set1—When you come home you must set in motion all the machinery that you can command to get us a home in the Row. Burns I think has been playing a perfidious game for a long time, but he has infants to feed, & cannot afford to be too particular. I am going to write a letter for the Rambler on the point of controversy which we have entered into2—there is a deal to be said on both sides, & the subject will bear a letter or two— Give my affectionate respects to the Professor Ever yours faithfully R Simpson

Sept. 7. 329

ACTON TO SIMPSON - 10 SEPTEMBER 1861* Munich Tuesday My dear Simpson, I think you are quite right in suspecting Burns of doing us all manner of wrong. He has the two strongest motives for doing wrong, interest, and the good cause. As you do not say what your answer was I write by return of post, as I may be in time to concert with you before you answer him. It is of course the complement of Manning's insinuations to me two months ago, and of the proposal made to me by Burns somewhat earlier. At that time there was no question of amalgamating the R. That is proposed now that the necessity of destroying us is more keenly felt. The first thing that occurs to me is that it is well to learn as much as possible, if we can provoke a further communication. This would be done by your saying that I was abroad, and that they had better tell me about it too. Or else you might say, if you agree to it, that for my part I would agree to any arrangement by which Newman should be made editor, but that none of the other names give me a guarantee for Catholic principles in the conduct of the review. You might even say, for it is the fact, that the bishops have told me they would have no thorough confidence in any convert but Newman—for I observe all Burns' men are converts. 1

I.e., change to a non-Catholic publisher, such as Longman. Simpson ['D.N.'], 'Physical and Moral Sciences in Relation to Religion', Rambler, vi (March 1862), 387-91. * Gasquet, Letter LXXXVII, pp. 195-7, with omissions.

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A further ingenious dodge would be to throw on me this responsibility, of consenting on condition of Newman's assuming the reins, and to answer for yourself that you will be ready to listen to terms, and to join those men in carrying on a review if a new one is started. This would be justified by Burns' letter, and would be a fair reply. It might break the edge of the opposition, to a certain extent, and I do not see that we can prevent the new journal from being commenced. It is also very probable that they will do us considerable mischief. Our policy must be decided by the position they assume towards us. We must also try to secure the continued assistance of some of our best men, as Stokes, Arnold, Oxenham, all of whom, I think, are with us on principle. If they begin attacks upon us I look forward to Allies' historical articles, yea and Thompson's, to scatter them to the 4 winds, leaving Ward & Co. to your gentle touch. In short nothing seems clearer to me than that they must begin the fight, except that the R. cannot coalesce. Northcote's enmity I knew of, not the least because he never thanked me for a haunch of venison of my killing. But how comes MacMullen among these men? He has been getting more and more angry with me, like most people, this year, but I thought you would have kept him in order. By all means reward Stokes for his much study by inserting as many articles as he is ready to write. I arrived here in the midst of the Catholic Meeting and was asked to speak on Catholicism in England, but a timely sore throat has laid me up, and saves me from the misery of making and of hearing speeches. I made acquaintance with a remarkable man, D*" Michelis1 of Munster, who believes, like you, in natural science, and, faithful to the same similitude, is greatly persecuted by the zealots and Romans. He prepared a speech on the contrast of Roman and German research, quite in the tone of the R. and he has put himself at the head of a singular movement of union with Protestants, barring religion, on questions of science, politics and patriotism. If I can, as I hope, get ready an article on Dollinger,2 I may manage to bring him in, pointing out tacitly the analogy with us. Your's ever faithfully J D Acton 1 2

Friedrich Michelis (1815-86), theologian and philosopher, ordained priest 1838, taught at various seminaries, excommunicated 1871 and joined the Old Catholics. 'Dollinger and the Temporal Power'.

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330 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 25 SEPTEMBER 1861* Munich Thursday My dear Simpson, Ever since I wrote to you I have been laid up, several days in bed, and not yet allowed to go out. Of your charity S€:nd me a few lines about what has been going on. Having lost so much time and being due at Berlin in the middle of October I cannot come home before the end of next month. Dollinger's book1 will soon be ready and I hope I can manage to send you an account of it. I will roar very gently, but there are things in the book to make each particular hair to stand on end, so it will be well not to put overmuch abomination in the other artic les. What have you ? I prayed DeVere to send his Doyle2 to Burns, where I suppose you will find it. Green, of Aldenham, will if reminded, have a letter ready, which I partly read, and perhaps a Com. article.3 If Mrs. B. is well she will send a paper on Rio,4 if asked for. I hope Wetherell's promise of improvement has been kept. If he reviews the Monks of the West5 pray get him to animadvert on its being a book with a tendency, not written for learning's sake, but for an external practical momentary purpose—therefore without the dignity of a real history in its design, though very good in great part of the execution. This is a canon of criticism to which we must hold fast if we are to insist on more serious and consciencious and disinterested study— La verite quand meme; there is no other excuse for instance for having refused a notice of Morris' Thomas Becket, which is full of research, but is a panegyric, professedly, not a history. I hope I need not warn you against Montalembert's declamation about Poland—He has no idea of the insanity of nationality, or of political right supreme above apparent religious interest. He exaggerates moreover the power of the national verein, though it is by no means inconsiderable. * Gasquet, Letter LXXXVIII, pp. 198-9, with omissions. Kirche und Kirchen. The second notice of 'The Life of Dr Doyle'. 3 The letter was probably 'The Oaths', not published until January. Green published no article in the Rambler. * Mrs Bastard, 'Rio on Christian Art'. 5 By Montalembert. 1

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Surely things are coming to a head in Italy. Dollinger has produced a comical enthusiasm here by a declaration on the temporal power which leaves intact the whole question on which he expressed such startling opinions, and good people will be grievously troubled when his book appears after this innocent manifesto. If it is absolutely necessary to get a new publisher at once I think Newman would write to Longman who snubbed me about it. MacMillan has a review of his own. What of Hurst & Blackett? Smith of railway station celebrity,1 was recommended to me, and the rival Saturday was at one time to be published by him. Do what you like; but I will not go to Longman again myself. If Wetherell is up to it, there ought to be an Indian retrospective chapter in current events. The moral of the Indian debates was the folly of abolishing the Company, from the incapacity of parliament to deal with India, besides the anomaly of a constitutional assembly governing despotically with one hand, & politically with the other. Also it was wrong to centralize unnecessarily. Divided, or rather multiplied, authorities are the foundation of good government. As to the details I do not understand them, but there was clearly very great uncertainty and frequent change. Have you the materials for a simple chronicle of Ricasoli's policy since Cav.'s death?2 , xr Your s ever J D Acton 331 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 28 SEPTEMBER 1861 Stafford Club Sept. 28. Dear Acton I hope this will catch you before you leave Munich. When I recd your letter of the 10th inst I immediately3 wrote to Burns throwing on you the responsibility of consenting, saying that I would consent to any arrangement of w1? Newman was the maker, that I could not agree with any of the men he named except Macmullen, that all were converts, & all just as obnoxious to the Cath public as you or I. Finally I told him that nothing more could be said till you returned at the end of the month. 1 2 3

William Henry Smith (1825-91), railway-station bookseller, later politician, secretary for war 1886. Baron Bettino Ricasoli (1809-90), succeeded Cavour as prime minister of Italy 1861-2, 1866-7. 13 September.

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In reply I recd a note on the 16th, for the most part perfectly illegible, but beginning—"There is no hurry in the matter, as we have 2 months as it happens; only the thing shd be decided without unnecessary delay" —He says he suggested the names very much at a guess (!!) & had really no views upon that point—"The council shd decide on all important points, & they should have one acting editor, say Macmullen for one (changed from time to time &c)"— I wrote no answer to this—Yesterday, Sept 27 comes another letter from Burns1—"I am going from home for some time, & so will you communicate with Dr Northcote, whom I have asked to act for me—I shall be happy to publish under any management of w^ Dr? Northcote & Manning may approve, only I can't consent to have Dr Newman mixed up in it, as I saw too much of the trouble he had with the Bible affair—I shd say M> Allies wd be willing to act for one, Ward for another. I hope to call at Oscott on my way back & to hear the result. Of course you will not bring out another No with our name until this matter is arranged.

I called today on Longman to ask him what to do—We have no legal hold on Burns, though he said it was an unheard of thing in the trade thus to throw over a magazine without the notice of one interval of publication. Moreover Burns possesses the Books, with the lists of our subscribers, & cannot be forced to hand them up. We are in his power, except so far as he may fear a show up & a shindy, Longman agreed with me that the publication of the circumstances might be expected to produce no small row, & that the parties concerned would do all they could to avoid a show up. He advised us therefore to use the high polite style with Burns, & either to appeal to him to publish the next n° (This I said was out of the question) or to go at once to Chapman & Hall or to Simpkin & Marshall2 & get them to publish. If Northcote is to act for Burns, I suppose we shall have the list of subscribers. Now it will be to be considered what circular we shall send round, & what advertisements we shall make. In hope of your returning immediately I will not call on C & H, or on S. & M, unless you send me a telegram to do so; because you could do it so much better than I. Longman told me to call on him again if we could not succeed with either of those firms. He said that we must not mind expense in advertising. I have an article from Stokes;3 about 20 pp. A letter from Oxenham;4 & my Campion;5 I am getting up a phase of the Roman question, in case 1 2 3 4 5

Both letters from Burns are given in Simpson to Newman, 30 September 1861, in Letters and Diaries of Newman, xx, 48. Non-Catholic publishing houses. 'The Education Commission'. 'Our Public Schools and Universities before the Reformation', Rambler, vi (November 1861), 119-24. 'Edmund Campion, VI' was deferred until January 1862, pp. 234-50.

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you have not done anything about it; I don't know whether to hook it on Liverani or Manning.1 I shall be glad of having to come out in open opposition. Macmullen you see has had his name used in vain. To Newman I shall send copies of the correspondence, in order to raise a2 hedge of thorns between him & Ward & Co. the men who think that poor truth is such a sickly babe that unless she is thrust through thick & thin by solid & profound lying he will soon languish & faint away. I wish we were well off on our new journey—the start is the difficulty— Come, as soon as you can tear yourself away from Munich; & bring an authentic explanation of the Professors explanations, to whom do my hommages. , Ever your s, iaithiully Richard Simpson 332 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 30 SEPTEMBER 1861 London, Sept 30. 61 Dear Acton I received your note this morning, so, without waiting for any telegram, I called on Chapman & Hall—Hall has broken his arm, Chapman must consult—would not give me any reply, or any inkling of one till Wednesday;—advised me however to try two or three more, in case he refused—notably to try his next door neighbour Hardwicke. Hardwicke I did not see; his manager gave me to understand that he was a staunch protestant & not likely to undertake such a thing but he will write. Next as I was going to call at Macmullen's in Henrietta Sfc, I thought I would try Williams & Norgate.3 Williams was almost cordial in the way in w^ he entered into everything, promised to do whatever we wanted, & I was only sorry that, having spoken to Chapman & Hall, I could not close with him at once. However I asked what opportunity he had for pushing the magazine—Not much in England he said, but plenty abroad, notably in America. Then I went to Smith's, whom I did not see, but I left full particulars, & am promised a reply tonight or tomorrow morning, whether Smith will treat or not. 1 2 3

'Dr. Manning on the Papal Sovereignty', Rambler, vi (November 1861), 106-19. Simpson altered 'raise a' to 'water the' in the manuscript. A Protestant publishing firm, of 14 Henrietta St., Covent Garden. 169

Then I called upon Longman to tell him how much I had done—He said that Wms & Norgate were most respectable people, as good as Chapman & Hall; that no publisher had much opportunity of pushing a work (is this true do you think!)—though Smith might be advantageous down the lines—He advised me to wait a few days, & not to seek further, for I could not be in better hands than in those of your Henrietta S* people— I am very sorry to hear of your illnesses; this comes of all the small hours, dinners, wines, balls, routs, &c that you have kept, eaten, drunk, danced, routed & et-cetera'd during the Session. I hope you will give me some views of foreign affairs; I have not read a line since I got out of the Weekly. Send me an outline of Ricasoli's career, & I will fill in with documents. Send me also Aubrey de Vere's direction that I may tell Wetherell to look him up if he has failed us. I will also make him write to M" B. & I will write to Green— About the new prospectus?1 Shall we tell the story—& appeal not ad misericordiam, but ad indignationem of the people? Williams said he had often wondered why there was no organ to represent the English lay Catholics. _, A , r J= J Ever yours truly R Simpson 333 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 1 OCTOBER 1861* Munich 1 October 1861 My dear Simpson, You must have received my last letter while your's, full of important news, was on the way. My illness, together with my promise to be at Berlin with Lord G.2 in the middle of this month, compelled me to give up my intention of coming home this week, and I have got new engagements now which make it all but impossible for me to go home now, although your letter makes me wish very much to be there, to discuss these grave matters with you. I think our conditional agreement to any arrangement which should give the supreme power over the new journal to Newman, and Burns' unconditional refusal to allow of Newman's interference, gives us a morally strong position. If anyone should say 1

The change of publisher seemed to necessitate a new prospectus. See ' To Readers and Correspondents', Rambler, vi (November 1861), 147-8. * Gasquet, Letter LXXXIX, pp. 200-2. 2 Granville. The occasion was the King of Prussia's entry after his coronation.

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that to propose Newman as future editor was a mere dodge, because we knew he would not accept it, from what passed two years ago, this would be foolish and frivolous. For the Rambler which he formerly took out of our hands, and soon gave up, was a damnosa haereditas; he took it with its sins upon it; and accepted the solidarity of our objectionable traditions. Moreover he depended mainly on the old staff to assist him in carrying it on. He was grafted on the old stock. But in this new scheme he would be at the head not of the old group of the R. but of the leading writers in general, who would all be pledged to help the new phase of the magazine, and who would be in a triumphant position as having just destroyed our monopoly. Newman would find himself on a very advantageous pinnacle, instead of being, as he was in 1859, in a fix, and if all these men had bona fide consented to take him for editor, it would be really absurd to cite the events of 1859 as a proof that he would not accept the offer, made under such different circumstances. It is true however that Newman has no greater liking for Burns than Burns for him, and I do not think he would actively assist us now in our difficulty; but I am not sure. I conclude that when you got my last letter you did not hesitate to call on the Protestant publishers. I will agree in any business arrangements you find it necessary to make. With Burns' note about not publishing with his name in your hand you can of course ask Northcote for the books, as a matter of course. It would be best to do that part of the work while Northcote is in power, and to make no allusion to the negotiations, regarding the whole scheme of amalgamation as destroyed by the rejection of Newman, and considering ourselves simply as set adrift by Burns. It is time of course to inform Newman of the use we have made of his name. After writing to you I wrote an explanation to him, but on second thoughts did not send it, as I did not know the course you might take. In speaking of what we did it would be well to show how we could bona fide propose to remit the R. into his hands in consequence of the altered situation. I shall manage to send you an article. Manning's book1 seems rather an improvement on his old views. The result of all this is that we shall soon have a regular opposition, and open war declared by the other side. We must collect our forces for the encounter, and get some help from the Protestant press. It will be a prodigious tactical error if we begin the attack, or if, in consequence of these events, we go farther to the Left. We may speak more openly, that is true, and a blessing; but we must not speak more 1

H. E. Manning, The Present Crisis of the Holy See Tested by Prophecy. Four Sermons (London, 1861).

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one sidedly, or partially. On the contrary our dodge is not to leave them any legitimate ground which they can occupy to our exclusion, on the great questions of the day. It must not be said that in our new position we confine our view to one aspect of things, or that we overlook important considerations in the eagerness to help a particular opinion to its rights. Especially we ought not to be more hard or bitter in consequence of persecution. There cannot be a higher cause or a better position than that we have taken, and it should not be soiled or spoiled by personal things. If you have to issue circulars &c and will let me see them, anything sent to Munich before the end of next week will reach me. There ought not to be too great a contrast between any manifesto you issue and Newman's of old. Harmony of religion with free science, and with the just claims of social progress, and with political right and freedom, would be good and not inconsistent topics. Your's ever faithfully J D Acton 334 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 3 OCTOBER 1861* Munich Thursday My dear Simpson, I think you had a good inspiration in going to Williams and Norgate, and I telegraphed to you today to that effect. We have long had dealings together, and they are both men of considerable literary attainments. Besides they are quite of the free school in matters of religion, and they have a very extensive connexion among men of letters. I hope you have come to terms with them. They can certainly push us to some extent among Protestants, also in America. Then they will get us advertisements. Would it be feasible e'en now to get Smith to put us on the railway stalls? We should not be much read but it may strew a little popish seed on the minds of casual travellers. We must trim our sails a little according to the new state of the weather, justifying our character before the world as the lay Catholic organ. For this we must seek up subjects generally interesting, and those catholic questions especially about which Protestants are curious. And we must secularize ourselves as much as possible, and have no more than is necessary of what resembles theology. There is only one point here which I think ought not * Gasquet, Letter xc, pp. 203-6, with minor omissions. 172

to be abandoned and that is Irenics with the Union party; 1 avoiding controversy as much as possible, but giving them a helping shove. No Catholics have done this for them yet, except Phillipps,2 and he badly. I asked Dollinger whether he thought converts or natives could do this best, and he had many arguments in favour of the latter. But are they to be had? Would Maguire or Collingridge do? An excellent topic for an early number will be a review of Montalembert as a Catholic politician, in the 7 vols. of his speeches and pamphlets. It would be a capital opportunity to express views on great subjects about which Protestants are curious. Do you recommend Arnold for it, or Wetherell, or will you do it yourself with any help I can contribute? You must prepare, from time to time, a slashing review. I think we shall do. You had a new convert at Clapham, of whom you had hopes; can you not turn him to some account? A letter to DeVere, Athenaeum, to be forwarded, will reach him. Make sure there are no MSS. lying at Burns'. There was some talk of a man who knows Russian, and was willing to write, a useful speciality from its rarity. I have given up newspapers altogether, and really do not know much about Ricasoli. The Spectator will make chronicling easy. The Piedmontese are evidently lending their strength on Naples. I was told last November that the Neapolitans would hold out at least a year. They are not mere bands of brigands, but organized and paid by the King of Naples, with his own coin, I am told, but whether he has saved his mint, or uses the pope's I don't know. I am assured that the organizer of the resistance in Naples is or was Merode,3 though this is vehemently denied. It is a supremely important question, for what becomes of Peter's Pence?4 Calculate the whole sum it has sent to Rome (it stood lately in the W R.) compare it with the expenses of government in the little remaining state, and the Cardinals' salaries, and Nuncios—and there is a great excess. In Rome all pensions &c are cut down for Peter's Pence. That proves that they understand thereby a fund not for gov* but for armament. They talk of an army of their own, but this is iniquitous or hypocritical. The French preserve peace and keep off the Sardinians. Without them the 8000 mercenaries Merode talks of could certainly not do it. What is the use of them, or spending money and blood for nothing? Ergo, I think it is pretty clear where S^ Peter's pence go to, and whence the insurgents' payments come. The solidarity with Naples is the great 1 2 3 4

The Association for the Promotion of the Unity of Christendom, the movement for corporate reunion, whose organ was the Union, later the Union Review. Ambrose Phillips de Lisle (or Lisle Phillips; 1809-78), converted 1824, wealthy landowner, enthusiast for corporate reunion. Frederic-Francois-Xavier de Merode (1820-74), papal chamberlain, minister of war 1860-5, titular archbishop 1866. Collections for the Pope.

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evil of the present situation. It has gone on increasing, and the most remarkable document is the rebuke to the bishop of Ariano—Read it— in the Ami last week. Here they set up the absolute principle of Legitimacy, so that no legitimate throne can be upset—for misgovernment &c. they ignore the duty of submission to govt de facto, tho' in Naples of course this is problematical. They remind the bishop of excommunication latae sententiae (ipso facto) for all who encourage spoliation—which is obviously out of the question. For they still protest against various spoliations, and yet do not refuse communion to the govt. Besides Francis II was not strictly speaking lawful king, in the eyes of Rome, since the feudal right of the Holy See who gave the Sicilian crown has been denied. My grandfather1 threw it off, by refusing the symbol, an annual white horse. If you go into this point of the league with Naples, in the chronicle, and the natural anxiety of Piedmont to put down this opposition, and the impossibility of their looking with friendly eyes on the pope (besides odisse quern 1.) you come to the Pence question, wh. is a delicate one. There is one danger coming up anew, that, in order to remain in Rome, they may accept terms. This ought to be pointed out with protest beforehand. Passaglia &c do not consider this a peril, in their patriotism. ^r , * ..i* n r Your s ever faitniully J D Acton I believe in Roebuck2 & Sardinia; don't you? I see that Brownson whom I quoted for Secession is a Unionist—so also Abp. Hughes,3 which is natural, as the church cannot commit herself well against the national cause. 335 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 3 OCTOBER 1861 Dear Acton I will first copy so much of my correspondence w^ Newman as is necessary for you to know, & from it you will gather much that I should have had to tell you directly. 1

2 3

Sir John Francis Edward Acton (1736-1811), succeeded to baronetcy 1793, served in Tuscan navy, became Neapolitan minister of marine 1779, of war 1780, prime minister 1790-1804. John Arthur Roebuck (1801-79), radical M.P. 1832-7, 1841-7, 1849-68, 1874-9. John Joseph Hughes (1797-1864), Irish-American, ordained priest 1826, coadjutor bishop of New York 1838, bishop 1840, archbishop 1850.

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Newman writes. Oct 2.1 —Burns certainly is coming down suddenly on you. I suppose he wd say in his defence 1 that he is but renewing or continuing applications wh have been made to you both by himself & by others for some time. 2. that, if he does not come down upon you, others will come down upon him, to his pecuniary loss. Having said this, I fear I must go on to say that I am not the best person to advise you in the present matter, for I am committed to an opinion already. Some months ago, in consequence of information w^ S* J. gave me, I expressed my deliberate opinion about the R. I thought it was in a false position, w^ it never cd get out of, & that it was sure to be stopped, or to come to an end, in one way or other. Accordingly I said that it would be best for the proprietors to stop it themselves, & at once, because if not, others wd do so for them, either peremptorily, or indirectly & gradually. I have had no reason up to this day to change this view of the matter—& I am only sorry that it should be more difficult now to carry out than it was. This may seem a hard answer in your great perplexity, but I do not see how to speak otherwise, consistently with my own feeling, expressed to Sir John Acton by 1- last June." R.S. to Newman in answer. Oct. 3. " " Yesterday I went to Chapman & Hall. They wd not absolutely refuse to publish so "respectable a clever" a mag. but H. had one great objection—that it was Catholic. I sd this obj. was insuperable; that I wd not ask them to accept my offer if it was either inconvenient or otherwise unacceptable, & that I shd be sorry to tarnish the brilliancy of their reputation for orthodoxy. I had previously ascertained that Williams & Norgate of 14 Henrietta Sfc wd accept us without the slightest hesitation, so I at once passed on to them, & concluded the bargain, having the authority of Acton, by telegram from Munich. [N.B. One of the W & N's articles is—Sir J. A. & co to let Messrs W & N have the copies for sale at least two clear days before the day of publication i-e Oct 28th evening. Mark this, & mature your papers at once, & send them by post, not by parcels delivery—] "Acton never told me that you advised us to stop, or prophesied that we wd be forced to do so. At any rate, nobody who has the least right over us has as yet, peremptorily or otherwise, commanded us to stop. When that event takes place it will be time for Acton 1

Newman's and Simpson's letters are in Letters and Diaries of Newman, xx, 49-51. Simpson's transcription omits several passages and differs slightly in the text. He enclosed his interpolated comments in brackets. 175

& me to determine what we will do. Now at least we cannot think of retiring. We will carry on the Rambler for some time at whatever loss— The questions wh I intended asking you are these. If we are thus to go on, how are we to explain our migration from a Catholic publisher to one who calls himself Catholic only in the sense of excluding nothing, true or false, provided only it is scholarly & respectable. Are we to have an article—to print a prospectus on a loose leaf & send it round to the leading Catholics,—or to advertize largely? In these documents what are we to reveal & what to conceal? If I follow my own inclinations, I shall perhaps give a full history of the treatment the R. has had from 1855 to March 1859, & from Sept. 1859 till now, under the heading "Catholic freedom of the press"— Wetherell is going to write to N. to say that he cant write the notice of change; that if I write it, I shall probably put my foot in it by writing something such as above described; & to suggest that the only remedy is that N. should write a few pp for him (W) in strict confidence.1 The R. will now be in a new position. The new names on the title will be a declaration of independence, & authorities will be shy of meddling with us unless they are very certain that they have the law & right on their side: Will the "falseness of our position" be retrieved by this move? Will the state of independent opposition be more terrible than that of critical friendship? If so, shall we, or shall we not begin with a declaration of war, & an assertion of our rights to speak on mixed questions of education & politics & the like, & of our determination to do so in the teeth of all contradiction?" So far R.S. to N. These are important questions—I shall get no answer fri? N.2 so consult with your own self, & send me your determination. I will do just as you like in the matter. I have no genius of practical politics in me & utterly distrust myself; but my voice is for war. I dined with Macmullen yesterday, & told him how his name had been taken in vain.3 He was very angry, & declared that he had never heard a word of the matter before. Though a tory, he thought that the assertion of independence, & the battle against intolerance, were incomparably more important in principle than any particular opinion, & urged me then and there to pledge myself that I would go on in spite of the Bishops—I did so willingly, & pledged you too—Mac said that will do. You will lose a good deal at first—but you will be certain to beat them. They will be at their wits end &c &c Old Maguire is a firm friend—I shall tell him about it as soon as I can see him. 1 3

Portions of WetherelFs letter, 3 October 1861, are given, with Newman's reply, in 2 ibid. 52. Newman replied on 4 October. This terminated the correspondence. By Burns, proposing the 'council'. 176

I have written to Arnold, to Kelly, to Green. I have heard nothing of Aubrey de Vere—What is his direction? I will get Wetherell to write to Mr? Bastard. I have but one craving now—copy, copy, copy!—Let us have a spicy n? this next time. Stokes' article1 is solid, peppery, but scarcely spicy— Very important, & full of great but disagreeable truths. Addio. Ever yours sincerely R Simpson—

Oct. 3. About adding Dolman's name2—Williams thinks it would be of no use, Wetherell of much—in conciliating Catholics to the change. Shall I propose it to D. or let it be? D. is a slippery fellow to deal with, & Burns once hinted that it is always difficult to get anything out of him. I have also written to Northcote—"Burns names you his agent—Have the kindness therefore to order the persons in charge to let us see the Books, or to furnish us with a list of our subscribers". I have sent the letter to Wetherell for his imprimatur. I have your second telegram about Wms & N.3—it was a happy inspiration of mine. Williams seems in every respect a satisfactory person to deal with. I look for a letter from you tomorrow, but I send this off to day, as these questions require a speedy answer.

336 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 6 OCTOBER 1861* Munich 6 October My dear Simpson, I rejoice extremely at your agreement with Williams and Norgate. Encourage them to advertize, and to procure advertisements for us. As to Kelly, I hope we shall keep him. Arnold never answered, and may be never received my letter on those arrangements, and I was afraid to multiply written descriptions of them. I suppose W & N will give Kelly the ordinary rights, and we must turn him to the utmost attainable account. Will not Dolman ultimately get into the same predicament as Burns? I see very little security for a peaceful and durable harmony with him, unless, matters having been explained fully, he will enter into 1

2 'The Education Commission'. As an additional publisher of the Rambler. Williams & Norgate replaced Burns as publisher of the Rambler with the November issue. * Gasquet, Letter xci, pp. 206-10, with slight omissions. 177

3

the spirit of the thing. Maguire might be of use if you determine to negotiate with him. At a distance and without discussion I cannot judge so easily. I greatly doubt Newman's consenting to Wetherell's suggestion, after his clear declaration that he thinks we ought to come to an end. I surely told you of his saying we ought to give in, and should be in a false position, but he never said we should be made to. Our whole correspondence on the subject was founded on the presumption of Antonelli striking a blow either through the Index or the bishops, and he said he thought if that happened we ought not to go on, and should do better to be beforehand with it. I gave him many good reasons for our determination to do neither one nor the other. As to a Manifesto, our decision upon this involves that of the question of a declaration of war. I confess I look with nothing but unmitigated horror and alarm at your disposition to take advantage of the change, for more vigorous and bitter polemics. 1? Resentment is unworthy of the dignity of a grave and religious Magazine., 2? Opposition implies partisanship, which implies partiality, and a disposition not to do justice to all aspects of a question but to stick to that which serves ulterior ends. 3? Besides this erroneous restriction of our own horizon leaves a territory to the enemy to occupy, and gives him an undeserved and powerful position against our shortcomings. 4? The best way to fight authorities is to convert their subjects, this not by doing battle against power, but for the principles of the R.1 5? Liberty, truthfulness, honesty, and that strict method in discussion which seeks not what is convenient but what is true—can be recommended with very little effect except by example. This is one of those problems wh. are solved by walking, not by preaching. Instead of war I should say to the warriors ' nolite turbare circulos meos.'—Our purpose has in one sense not been a directly practical one—We have never tried to produce an immediate particular effect, or to influence action, except by the slow process of influencing thought, and we have tried to do this by influencing habits of thought, not by imposing opinions. In this course we can best go on by giving examples of what we wish to teach. I wish toto corde that you may take in some part of these ideas, and allow them to check, if not to soothe, your just indignation and your native and highly cultivated pugnacity. If so, you will agree with me that no long explanation is required. False and malicious explanations are sure to be given, and may be contradicted and corrected. But in the R. itself I would not speak of it. Let us rather print at the beginning a leaf such as Newman adopted.2 1 2

Rambler. 'To Readers and Correspondents' was published at the end of the November Rambler. It was based largely on Newman's Advertisement of May 1859.

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His would require modification. Paragraph 1 must be changed to fit present circumstances. 2 stet. 3 disappears 4, 5 remain, 6 d? 7 d? 8??? Then a new paragraph might be added...The R. goes on as hitherto, regarding as open to free discussion all questions not decided by the authority of the church—except the purely dogmatic dep- wh. N. excluded—regarding also such discussion as necessary, pro & con, in order to instruct and enlighten ourselves on those points which can only be made clear by discussion, and also as the only means of presenting in their true light Catholic views to those who do not share our faith. I w^ not say more than this to attract Protestants, lest it appear that we reckon now too much of them. And this leads to another powerful consideration against quarrelling, that we have now, more than we had before, the likelihood of a Protestant public. Their presence will be a useful moral force in certain circumstances, but in general it is not well to wash one's dirty linen in public, or to look for witnesses of that domestic occupation. I certainly think we shall possess a more firm independence, and that the importance of our existence increases with the attempts to stop us— attempts not justifiable by any means, and which we must be careful not to provide excuses for. MacMullen is right. Generally I think there is more point in his wit than maturity in his judgment or opinions. I am extremely glad both that Wetherell is recovered and that he is putting on the drag. Will not Capes write on Pitt? 1 I would not begin with a declaration of our rights and intentions in an article, for they are pretty well known, and a wise number would show that they are not changed. Remember the change of publisher will be a perplexity to the baffled pursuer, and he will make up for it by saying we ought never to have had a Catholic publisher or appearance, that we have thrown off a transparent mask &c. It will be grist to this mill if the new number supplies materials to confirm this statement, by going beyond what has been our tone before. Have you made our change of publisher public, as by mentioning it to Northcote? Any review about to be started will look to Northcote, and he will be a powerful influence in it. He is a prudent tactician, and I apprehend now a passionate adversary. If he writes, and meddles in opposition to us, he will be sure to take up anything you fail in by too great wrath, and to profit by every opening. I think him, precisely because he is the least likely to do harm or to lead the public astray, the most capable of all these men to injure us, if, like unskilful generals concentrating our forces on one point, we leave an important position unoccupied. It is very easy to take one side in the great Italian question, and to write till you are sick about the good pope and wicked Ricasoli or vice versa, strengthening your case with a few 1

J. M. Capes' article on Pitt was never published. 179

generous admissions. But who has looked at both sides, historically, regardless of effect and impressions, objectively, except ourselves? That is the best position; every temptation to abandon it is a temptation of weakness. Dollinger's book is not quite all printed yet—I cannot write beginning or end of my article1 till it is published, but I shall be within the appointed time, and I will send the middle part first. I think I can promise near thirty pages. I have disputed several points unsuccessfully with the Professor. On others, especially political ones, I have been of some use to him; especially too with reference to the various feelings and impressions about the world, and I have had a hand in his Preface which is, I think, about the most perfect thing I ever read. I will translate good part Ever faithfully Your's J D Acton I shall probably be here till near the end of the week.

337 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 7 OCTOBER 1861 Dear Acton— I only received a snub from Newman in answer to what I wrote2—He clearly likes to be taken au pied de la lettre, & resents all interpretations. I have only told him that it was at your suggestion that I proposed him as supreme moderator (I did not say editor) to Burns. I only substituted Newman for Northcote & Manning. Talking of the latter, have you received an article on his last lecture3 ch w I sent you on Friday? I tried to make it as peaceful as I could. I am only beginning this letter here, as I shall have to finish it at Henrietta S*4 after arranging with W & N about the advertisements. I have consulted with Capes, & am about to consult with Wetherell. We all agree that it is nearly necessary to publish your name as editor —or manager—Most reviews now publish the name of their responsible man; perhaps it is even more necessary in such a review as ours. I hope therefore you have no violent objection to it. If you have, let us know at once. You had perhaps better send a telegram to say whether or no you approve of the form wh I enclose; together with amendments you may suggest. 1 2 3

'Dollinger on the Temporal Power', reviewing Kirche und Kirchen. See Letter 335, n. 3. 'Dr Manning on the Papal Sovereignty', reviewing The Present Crisis of the Holy 4 See Tested by Prophecy. The office of Williams & Norgate. 180

How much money shall we spend in advertising? Williams thinks— I must leave it blank till I see him—I have asked him to consider the matter— Unfortunately Wetherell has not received the Spectators regularly. Who sends them? Tell us this, & we will give Wetherells amended address. He has been at 3 fresh lodgings since he gave the address to w. the S. is now directed— Bonus has sent me certain testimonials of one Spencer,1 who claims my acquaintance, & asks me to ask you to ask Lord Granville to name him new Catholic Inspector of Schools, as he hears that the new minute2 will necessitate the nomination of at least one more. I wrote to Bonus that I would pass on his request, but that I knew you made it a rule not to recommend where you had not personal knowledge. I do pass it on to save my conscience. I have missed Williams; But I have seen Wetherell—This is the form of advertisement on w* we have agreed. T.O. The Rambler Change of publishers The Proprietors beg to inform the public that Messr? Williams & Norgate will henceforth publish this periodical, which will remain under the exclusive direction of Sir John Acton, Bart, MP. & will continue to advocate the same principles as heretofore,—namely, Harmony of implicit faith with free enquiry, & of Religion with the just claims of social progress, & of political right & freedom All communications should be addressed to Messr? Williams & Norgate, 14 Henrietta S- Covent Garden & — Edinburgh The next number, being the first of a new Volume, will be published on the first of November; the Numbers appear at intervals of two months, price three shillings each. Then follows W.&N trade advertisement to w* the last parag. will probably be transferred. Wetherell has heard from Newman, who refused to aid him in writing a first article. Send us your ideas in a Ire. Should it or should it not give an account of the cause of our change? Surely we must justify it somehow. We think (W & I) that there shd be an article of about 3 or 4 pp. saying just enough to justify us without necessarily declaring war. But are names to be mentioned? Are Mannings talks with you to be referred to? 1 2

Not identifiable, but clearly not Fr Ignatius (George) Spencer, Passionist priest. The revised educational code. 181

Write two or three pp. of letter, containing your ideas & W or I will reduce them to form. Wetherell finds nothing from de Vere at Burns. I must close to save the Post _ . , Ji-ver yours sincerely R Simpson. Written at Maguires— Oct. 7.

338 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 8 OCTOBER 1861* Munich Tuesday My dear Simpson, You are certainly not too severe on Manning's elaborate absurdities.1 1 had no idea he had gone so far. What a fool the pope must think him, if he ever knows of all these things. I have jotted down a thought or two on your MS. If this is to be an article of faith there must be another, that the pope's subjects will always be Catholic: Indefectibilitas populi Romani. I think you are quite right in principle that it2 is a question of freedom, like everybody else's, w^ uses in proportion to responsibility for, or authority over, others not of govt. But the state in wh. freedom w^ be sufficiently secured against the government, and ag* the people is ideal. England is the only example of the first, but a no popery cry c^ be got up in England wh. w^ set all rights at defiance in the streets. Practically your theory w$ require English law and Catholic people, that is the South of Ireland—such a place as I have the honour to represent. But, propter malitiam temporum, as Bellarmine says, who thinks the pope w^. be better without temporal power. There is no other way of securing him. You are quite right agt. Manning's theory, but in point of fact we cannot devise an alternative for sovereignty. It is impossible to exaggerate the danger and abomination of such doctrines as his. I wish you would take the line of Catholic indignation a little. As to its not being right to call those bad Catholics who laugh at his absurdities, you speak too apologetically. This is not a safe tone. I wd. rather go at it in this way, that according to this high theory it is necessary to consider every denier a bad Catholic, treating this as a reductio ad absurdum, from the absurdity of the cry itself, wh. necessarily censures all opponents. * The first part of Gasquet, Letter xcn, pp. 211-14, misdated 'October 9', with one x omission. In 'Dr. Manning on the Papal Sovereignty'. 2 The Temporal Power, considered as a guaranty of the independence of the Church. 182

I showed in my article on the Roman States,1 that the Roman state grew out of Immunities, such as abounded in every part of the Carolingian state. The pope was at the head of a great Immunitas, like many other prelates. The similarity of the two things, papal and episcopal independence, appears best under Charlemagne. P. 8 You speak of the danger of schism in a way I shd. have thought exaggerated, but your notion of the pope in France is dreadful, for a despotism founded on absolute and infidel democracy is precisely what he must most avoid. Why not suggest the alternative of an English exile? The empire fell in 1806, at the peace of Presburg. Has the Vienna protest of Pius VII anything to do with it. I quite agree with your theory of the empire, and so the popes understood it, but you push too far your view that it is still ideally extant. Pacca thought that its revival by Napoleon might render the temporal power altogether unnecessary. Nicholas I's saying is most apposite.—Observe, with reference to the analogy with all other freedom that bishops etc. belong to particular nations, but the papacy (as representing unity and govt. of universal church) is not national—so it is natural its freedom shd. be secured in a different way. Consider the case of the state he is in being at war with other Catholic states, or his peril if it is at war with heretical states. The right of liberty is a claim, not always admitted. The Church's right is denied by the pagan state wh. denies distinction between religious and civil society,2 and by the modern absolute state. The temporal sovereignty is the only plan we can devise to secure liberty for the pope, but it is a means, subsidiary; in fact it is a negative idea, the not being governed—not the right of governing—though governing is the only way to avoid being gov^—derivative. It is wanted as a basis, an acknowledgment of independence—not as a means of defence or a source of political power. The extent, therefore, not essential. I am writing in a great hurry to save the post, having come in late. Has Wetherell seen your paper? He will say, if he has not yet seen it, that a part is not clear to the vulgar. But what strikes me most is the need of modifying the deprecatory or apologetic portion, as if you were accused, into the suggestion that on these principles you might be accused. Nardi,3 for whom, for a very good reason, I have a reverence, assures me solemnly that no Peter's Pence go to Naples. Pray take this into consideration. Also a point to be made is that if the pope really leaves Rome then will be the time to help him with all our might and main, let us therefore not exhaust our poverty when he does not want it. The emperor's4 mind is quite made up. He told Nardi II 1 2 3

'The States of the Church' in March 1860. In the manuscript, Acton altered 'society' to 'authority'. Francesco Nardi (1808-77), canonist, professor at Padua, auditor of the Rota 1862, member of the congregation of the Index. Nardi was very close to the Arco-Valley 4 family, Acton's Munich relatives. Napoleon III. 183

faut passer une eponge sur tout cela—meaning the Roman state. Don't quote this, but be sure of the Emperor's determination. Your's ever truly J D Acton

339 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 9 OCTOBER 1861* Munich Wednesday Dear Simpson, I had not time yesterday, but this morning I have been looking in Dupin's1 dissertations for utterances of the early popes on the nature of their power. I dare say where you got the others you have also these, but I copy them in case you know them not. Perhaps one or two of them may be actually quoted in your article. I did not read it with reference to this, and may have forgotten. Gelasius (in tomo de anathematis vinculo —I have no more exact reference and do net know what it is—it is not necessary for you to quote cap & verse) " Quod si haec (de rebus eccles. loq.) ten tare formidant, nee ad suae pertinere cognoscunt modulum potestatis, cui tantum de humanis rebus judicare permissum est, non etiam praeesse divinis, quomodo de his per quos divina ministrantur judicare praesumunt, fuerint haec ante adventum Christi, ut quidam figuraliter adhuc tamen in carnalibus actionibus constituti pariter Reges existerent, pariter Sacerdotes Sed cum ad verum adventum est eundem (Christum) Regem atque Pontificem, ultra sibi nee Imperator Pontificis nomen imposuit, nee Pontifex regale fastigium vindicavit Christus memor fragilitatis humanae, quod suorum saluti congrueret dispensatione magnifica temperans, sic actionibus propriis dignitatibusque distinctis officia potestatis utriusque discrevit, suos volens medicinale humilitate salvari, non humana superbia rursus intercipi, ut et Christiani Imperatores pro aeterna vita Pontificibus indigerent, et Pontifices pro temporalium cursu rerum Imperialibus dispositionibus uterentur, quatenus spiritualis actio a carnalibus distaretur cursibus et ideo militans Deo minime se negotiis saecularibus implicaret, ac vicissim non ille rebus divinis praeesse videretur, qui esset negotiis saecularibus implicatus, vi2 et modestia utriusque ordinis curaretur; ne extolleretur utraque * The second part of Gasquet, Letter xcn, pp. 214-15, misdated 'October 10', omitting the Latin quotations. Louis Ellies Dupin (1657-1719), French patristic scholar and church historian. 2 The manuscript is torn at this point. 1

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suffultus et competens qualitatibus actionum specialiter professio aptaretur." Is not this the original of Nicholas I? Pope Symmachus, (in Apologetico adv. Anastasium Imp.) "Conferamus honorem Imperatoris cum honore Pontificis, inter quos tantum distat quantum ille rerum humanarum curam gerit, hie divinarum, tu Imperator a Pontifice baptismum accipis, sacramenta sumis, orationem poscis, benedictionem speras, poenitentiam rogas, postremo tu humana administras, ille divina dispensat, itaque, ut non dicam superior, aequalis honor est." Gregory II ep. 2 ad Leonem Isauricum: "Quemadmodum Pontifex introspiciendi in Palatium potestatem non habet, ac dignitates regias deferendi, sic neque Imperator in Ecclesias introspiciendi. .&" The prayer in officio Cathedrae B. Petri: "Deus qui beato Petro collatis clavibus regni coelistis, animas ligandi atque solvendi pontificium tradidisti &". After the time of Gregory XIII the word animas is omitted in Missals & Breviaries!!! Gregory I to Theodore Imper: Lib. II Ep. 64: " Valde autem mihi durum videtur, ut ab ejus servitio milites suos prohibeat, qui ei et omnia tribuit, et dominari eum non solum militibus, sed et Sacerdotibus fecit." If any of these passages are new to you I hope they may be of use against Manning. Don't quote Dupin; he has a bad name as a Gallican. Observe also that there are authorities opposed to all these in the M. Ages. You wot of them in the books you have of mine, e.g. in Gieseler. But this later theory not only never was realized, but the attempt to carry it out was the cause of the decline of the papal power in Europe after Boniface VIII. If it failed in those days, when the clergy had still such a supremacy in knowledge, how much more now. It is a theory wh. is explicable from the state of things & aspirations in a particular age, and only deserves consideration viewed in the light of that age, historically, conditionally. Then as the other theory is just as distinctly defined by equal authorities, and is the only one that ever stood the test of facts and the light of day, there is certainly no presumption of religiousness in favour of Manning's view. It ruined the popes once; what will it do now? Even if true—speculatively, w^1 we deny, but let us admit for argument sake—seeing the effect it must have on Protestants, and on the vast majority of all Catholics, especially on Catholic scholars who deny it—thus dividing the really faithful into 2 camps —and the use enemies can make of it against us, all reasons of expedience w^ lead us not to put it forward—as it can do no practical good, and must do so much harm. The other, the common faith of Catholics, that the pope must be free by hook or by crook, is obviously enough for us practically. 185

Shall you have Guizot's book1 in time for a short notice? It will be excellent of its kind—At this distance I shall be too late— Elver yours faithfully J D Acton

340 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 10 OCTOBER 1861* Munich Thursday My dear Simpson, I am not surprised at Newman's fighting shy; but I am getting anxious to know the result of your letter to Northcote. I hope you have agreed to advertise largely, to take advertisements, and to push in America. The Spectators were sent by Dolman, always dilatory, probably also stupid and blundering. As to publishing my name I do not know what good it can do and should have under ordinary circumstances strong objections. As things now stand I do not care about it. One or two changes in the advertisement occurred to me. Just claims are indefinite: necessary implies that we must follow in the wake of modern advancement. Implicit faith is a bad expression of Newman's for it is a theological term applied to those truths which cannot be made clear to reason. If we use the words 'submission to the authority of an infallible Church or tribunal, or to inf. authority', it implies that we submit where the authority is infallible, but hold ourselves free where it is not, and when it is not, for instance the Index or the bishops. How say you? I cannot make out why the change of publishers obliges us to give an account of ourselves. Autobiographical notices in a review seem to me altogether out of taste. Burns will presently appear as publisher of another periodical. This will be significant enough. Besides we cannot give a full, intelligible, satisfactory history without treading on confidential and disputatious questions, showing that there has been a long prepared plan to destroy us, exposing Manning's Mephistophelian treachery and craft, explaining Antonelli's wrath, and supposed connexion of articles in the Rambler with the objectionable policy of Catholic M.Ps. all this would be necessarily defiant, indignant, warlike, and had much better be told in self 1

Guizot's Christian Church and Society in 1861 was reviewed in Rambler, vi (January 1862), 265-7. * Gasquet, Letter xcin, pp. 215-18, misdated 'October 11', with major omissions.

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defence, when an opportunity offers, than now. You know that Manning's proposals to me1 were insulting and dishonorable, so that you must not suppose that on this point I do not feel strongly. But I think our interest is not to tell half a tale, but the whole whenever it becomes necessary. A quarrel with Burns does not seem to me a knot worthy of such a solution. I see in the Union2 that it is rumoured that the R. is to change hands, certain expressions having given offence in high quarters. Will it not be enough to say simply that in consequence of a difference of opinion with our former publisher we are compelled to seek a new one? I think this sort of reserve would look more simple, and would be more ingenious, for whatever our coming troubles, which I do not underrate, nobody can be so blind as not to see that this move disengages us from the awkwardness and annoyance of disputes with authority. Any full explanation must make it definitely clear that we are at variance with the powers that be, which, without further details, raises a presumption against us. That notion ought not to be cultivated. The time cannot be distant when the great source of hostility to us, the Roman Question, will be solved, for a time in a way which will be confirmation of our views. Then the quarrel between us and the Roman party will have no interest, for we shall be as zealous as any in support of the dispossessed and fugitive pope. If on the other hand he makes terms, which in his late allocution he implies in vague terms that he will never do, in spite of Passaglia, actor & mediator, I suppose we shall find ourselves more popish than the pope, and shall defend the church against an iniquitous league between Antonelli and the Piedmontese. Do not let us commit ourselves in such a way as will prevent us soon from taking up either of these very advantageous positions. Acknowledged and organized opposition would so commit us, I think at least. Of course even with the pope in Bavaria our antagonism on the ground of freedom of inquiry will remain, though a German exile will soon effect a change even in this respect. I do not think either it is wise to display a great sense of the importance we attach to the change or to the grievance which led to it. I give my voice at any rate for nothing more than a colourless notice to Correspondents, reserving our fire for the reply; unless a word or two of explanation are put into that sort of manifesto which I think ought to be adopted and adapted from Newman's in 1859.3 I shall send you by tomorrow's post ten pp. of MS. less than one third of my article.4 The rest in the course of the week. Several sheets of the book are not yet ready. I have insinuated a good deal of unmitigated 1 2 3 4

In June, urging Acton to give up the Rambler. The Union magazine. This was the eventual form of the notice 'To Readers and Correspondents'. 'Dollinger on the Temporal Power'.

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Whiggism into the Professor's book; but otherwise there are lots of refined gold in it. I wish we could have Guizot and Passaglia at the same time. Eckstein is preparing to discuss the Professor as soon as he appears, I suppose in the Correspondant. Who is your friend Spencer, I wonder. I do not know anything about a new Inspectorship, and I do not expect to be consulted, as Lynch, who though not actually, was ostensibly, my candidate, got the President1 into a quarrel. ^r , „ ... « ,, ^ Y our s ever faithfully J D Acton 341 ACTON TO SIMPSON-16 OCTOBER 1861* Munich 16 October Dear Simpson, I hope no news is good news, and that you are going on with a propitious wind. I am off on Friday for Leipzig and Berlin, at which capital a letter, poste restante, will reach me any time before the end of next week. Deluded partly by your want of copy, partly by forgetfulness that I was writing on both sides of my paper, I have made my article a monster.2 The variety of the subjects as well as their interest would be an excuse if the article corresponded to those qualities—but the best is to come. I dare say you have judiciously clipped the first portion of MS. I hope you get the sheets of the preface to night, and then all that remains can be posted on Friday, and will reach you on Monday. A quotation p. 47 from Psalm 76 v. 6 does not suit the passage in the Douay translation. I have not the English version at hand, and do not know whether it would be an improvement. At the end I have pointed the moral in a resume of my own, translating the Professor more completely into the language of the Rambler. You will find lots of things that will delight you. Your's faithfully J D Acton I am on the look out for your attack on my notion about physical science.3 1

Granville, Lord President of the Council. * Gasquet, Letter xciv, pp. 218-19, postscript omitted. 2 'Dollinger on the Temporal Power' ran to 62 pages. 3 'Physical and Moral Sciences in Relation to Religion' was not published until March 1862.

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342 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 20 OCTOBER 1861 Dear Acton Yes, good news & no news are sufficiently near one another to pass muster as the same in the present case; though the reason why you did not hear was a notion of mine that you were to be at the Coronation,1 & that it would be of no use to write to Munich: have you missed that sight through having to do that review of Dollinger? Northcote let my letter remain unanswered for a week, then I wrote again, & received a tart reply—what I asked him to do was a mere commercial matter,2 & ought to have been settled across the counter. I understood that he refused to have anything to do with the matter; but two days after Burns enclosed the lists, as "requested by D^ N"—I therefore wrote again thanking him for having done what I asked, & pointing out the doubt that I was entitled to entertain, whether Burns, after his abrupt close of dealings with us, would reckon this as a merely commercial matter—& so it rests. As you so hate to have your name put forward I have left it out of all advertisements, for it will be time to let it be mentioned in the Weekly when you come back. Talking of the Weekly, Wilberforce is in heart again, through a cause that would have put anyone else into the dumps. Hodges has turned out a thief, & has robbed him, W. thinks, of £3,000. Hence he concludes, what a fine property it must be, & how very far towards Jericho he will see you go before he lets you sell it for £1000 for him. One Prendergast3 is to be Hodges successor in the Subeditorship. Commercially, the thing will be farmed to the printers, they paying a percentage on the circulation. I suppose your article will be 60 pp. All the better; it is on the great question of the day, it is hot now, & may be cool by Jany. Next comes Stokes 23 pp. next DeVere, perhaps 20 but I have not his last 6 pp. yet. Campion will stand over this month, & I have cut down my review of Manning to about 14 pp.4 Correspondence about 16 pp. few short notices —& the rest Current Events, only on one subject, Italy. I give an analysis 1 2 3

4

The coronation of William I, King of Prussia, in Konigsberg. Sending the proprietors of the Rambler the list of subscribers, on the occasion of the change of publishers. Possibly John Patrick Prendergast (1804-94), Irish barrister and land-agent, coeditor (with Charles W. Russell) of Irish state papers from 1865 and author of historical works; or his son, later an American citizen. The articles were * Dollinger on the Temporal Power', 'The Education Commission', the second notice of 'The Life of Dr. Doyle' and 'Dr. Manning on the Papal Sovereignty'. 189

of Passaglia among the events—Guizot I have not yet seen though Williams promised to let me have it as soon as it came out. I will try to get some slight mention of it in, if I cannot do more. Wether ell has failed me again. After a week in London he was getting as bad as before, & was suddenly sent down to Malvern for a week. I dont know what they will do with him. I think another 6 months would cure him, & I should hope a little interest might be made to get him that leave of absence instead of sending him off, w^ would be ruin. This illness is entirely due to his overwork at the Office at a business wh must have been done by one man, though it occupied him 20 hours a day— I had a long talk with Wallis & Henessy the other day about the scandalous conduct of their party1 in branding us as bad catholics; Wallis denied that they did so; Henessy owned that Wallis did—The great Irish leader struck me as a singularly inane & insignificant person, & I did not think him a bit more honest than Wallis. In the Tablet office one always hears the most ascetic, the most ultra clerical view of all matters proclaimed to the tune of "damn me"—It ought to be their motto. I dont know which is the most noxious preacher of filial reverence & affection for the Pope—Hodges or Wallis. I hope that the number will be satisfactory—I have advertised that it is to contain an extended review & analysis of D.'s work on the Papacy— When I get the proofs, I will see if I cannot put a running title to it, or divide it into sections, for readier reference. Ever yours faithfully R Simpson Oct. 20. 343 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 8 NOVEMBER 1861* Buckland Friday Dear Simpson, I have just seen the English edition of the life of Tocqueville, which is fuller than the French which you have got. It will be a capital subject for an article by you in the next number.2 For the next fortnight I shall have company at Aldenham, and shall be prevented from doing much, 1

Catholic Tories. * Gasquet, Letter xcv, pp. 219-20, with one omission. Simpson, 'Tocqueville's Remains', Rambler, vi (January 1862), 249-72.

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but I will if you care for them, send you desultory notes for the article. To describe what formed his mind, and how it grew in power, and how it was developed in its views, from American Democracy to his last work, in which he stands in opposition to modern popular ideas far more than at first sight people suppose— Then to compare him to other Frenchmen—to show the very distinct limits and the very broad gaps of his genius and of his knowledge—how he occupies nearly the position of Burke to his own countrymen, minus the greatness and vastness of the other's mind, but plus much colder observation. You will make a capital article if you will get the new book from Mudie. Pray send a line to Aldenham to say whether it is worthwhile to send you notes. I shall have a political article ready. I have just found Goldwin Smith's Ireland, and will jot down notes for a review in case you get no Irishman to do it.1 Let me know as much as you can about Wetherell, and I will write to Lewis,2 but make me sure of not doing what will offend him, or what is not right. I have Mrs. Bastard's article.3 We must have a review of Miss Procter.4 Shall I ask Oxenham? xr A , Yr? truly J D Acton I w^ write more if I had a better pen.

344 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 9 NOVEMBER 1861 Dear Acton You will have found my note of three or four days back at Aldenham. Here is another letter from Burns; I have not answered it. Does he want us still to negotiate through him a union with certain Catholics, or does he merely wish us to put a stop to whispers that I have no doubt circulate both in the Trade & in Catholic society, that he has treated us in a very 1 2

3 4

Acton, 'Mr. Goldwin Smith's Irish History', ibid. 190-220. There was no political article. Sir George Cornewall Lewis (1806-63), baronet 1855, man of letters, M.P. 1847-52, 1855-63, chancellor of the exchequer 1855-8, home secretary 1859-61, war secretary 1861-3; Wetherell served under him at the War Office. 'Rio on Christian Art'. Adelaide Anne Procter, Legends and Lyrics. A book of verses, 2 vols. (London, 1858-61), was not reviewed.

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shabby manner? If the former, wd it be fit; to pump him a little more, & so to get hold of some allies through him? I enclose also Oxenham's short notice of Goldwin Smith, happily omitted in the last R. The extract already in type may be incorporated in your notice.1 About Tocqueville—I was thinking of a review but I never meditated so elaborate a one as you propose. I thought of dividing it into three heads. 1. Tocqueville as historian, showing his gradual conversion from his history with a purpose, or history in leading strings to be used as a political weapon, to history on its own hook, leading itself, & the author, like Abraham, he knows not whither. This contrast you may easily see on reading his letters just after publication of America, & contrasting them with those in Vol 2 about p 240 written during the incubation of the Ancien Regime. Look especially at a passage Vol 2 p. 163. "our reading of history is our bane. &c in a conversation with Senior. Much of the doctrine w^ you have poured forth upon me will naturally come in here. 2. Tocqueville on the relations between religion & liberty. (' SL

3. Tocqueville on the Italian questions,

for b read especially his talk with Senior Yol 2. p 148 sqq. I dont know whether we should bring in his personal history—the scepticism of his early life, his first feeling of the want of an eternal foundation & his succeeding faith—or the hopefulness of his early life, the equality of his favour for aristocratic or democratic society, compared with the political misanthropy that came over him after Decf 2, as expressed in a letter to Mde de Circourt Vol 2. p. 240. You see I have some few views upon the review, but I should be very glad of your notes. For the Jany. R. there are already in type Campion c. VI. & my letter on science & religion,2 w^ I will improve a little—Will you send Mr? Bastard3 to Robson's as soon as may be, mindful of our duty, w^ is to have the R. at Williams & Norgates by the 29th of Decf—Mindful also of the inefficiency in which Bacchus leaves his printers about Xmas time? About Stokes—shall we ask him to continue his set of articles? or do they give needless offence? Can you find out this? I will see Wetherell in a day or two & find out if I can what will & what will not offend him—He seems now more touchy than ever—But no wonder that his temper suffers with his abominable health— 1 2

Since Acton was reviewing Goldwin Smith in an article, Oxenham's notice was superfluous. Simpson, 'Edmund Campion, VI', Rambler, vi (January 1862), 234-50. The letter 3 on physical science and religion was deferred. 'Rio on Christian Art'. 192

Look at a curious question in Tocqueville Vol 2. p 204 or 5—the divergence between French & German speculation. You might help me to an answer to this that would come in well. I suppose that I had better not stint myself in the length of the article. One can scarcely choose fragments that are not interesting—I did not contemplate any sketch of , his life—nothing like a memoir. ^ J to Ever yours truly R Simpson Nov. 9. I shd think that Oxenham wd do Miss Procter well—tell him he can't have more than 12 pp for her. 345 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 10 NOVEMBER 1861* Aldenham Sunday My dear Simpson, I found one letter from you last night and got another this morning. Burns seems decidedly conciliatory, from whatever motive, and ought, I think, to be met in the same strain. If he is afraid of whispers he ought to be very much obliged to us for our silence. If he is thrown over as publisher, w^ his praise of the last N? makes likely,1 then we may get helping friends through him. Thompson and Allies are those most likely to be in his mind as approving our articles. If I was you I would answer whatever is least likely to frighten them off. So pray pump him a little more, making of course no promises or offers. Of course it is clear that he lies. He was in hopes of coercing us, undoubtedly. So I think he must be thrown over. Can't you say we wd be glad of these men's contributions, on the premiss of independence? They ought to be glad to modify the R. in harmony with their ideas. Your scheme for a paper on Tocqueville is excellent—I will send what notes I can but apprehend they will be useless and placeless, for you may answer what Piron said of Voltaire: II travaille en marqueterie, et moi je jette en bronze. But the development of his religious ideas ought certainly not to be overlooked. See cap. on the Catholic church, her future in America, and that on the French clergy before the revolution (a very poor chapter) also letters to Mm? Swetchine about 1856. I have not the life; I only saw it at Buckland. * Gasquet, Letter xcvi, pp. 220-1, with several omissions. Burns reported that several of those whom he had proposed to take over the Rambler had praised Acton's review of Dollinger.

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I shall send you Mrs. B.1 for Wetherell, who is accustomed to cook her style. I think Oxenham has not seen, to judge from the fragment you send me, the portee of Goldwin Smith's book, especially of its errors. Do you know whether the signature T.C. is known, or whether I could erect it into our Irish historical contributor?2 DeVere did not know it, nor disapproved he the article, tho' not poetical enough. I will write to Oxenham about Miss P. 3 Pray get Stokes to go on with the same subject, if he has more to say about it, but his views on the new Minute ought to appear in Jan?4— before the meeting of Par^ Ffoulkes writes to ask me for literary employment. Do you mind my asking him for certain articles? He can surely be of use, and we ought not to throw away a chance. DeVere is off on Eastern travel. Green has taken up with glee your idea, and will do what you propose. I hardly thought the Milnerian tradition w^ so easily lapse into Ramblerism.5 I have heard abominable nonsense quoted from Broglie's art. wh. I have not seen. I think you are right about corporations, but wrong in identifying them with secret societies. Pray bring to bear on your political speculations the distinction between state and society (unknown to the ancients, due to Christianity.) Newman seems to have forgotten his wish to see us extinct, and speaks quite freely of our future prospects. Also lie likes the last n? especially your article on Manning. I send you a contribution for Maclaurin.6 Your's ever truly J D Acton 346 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 12 NOVEMBER 1861* Tuesday Dear Simpson, I think your letter to Burns will do very well, and is quite diplomatic enough. On the whole I regret the 30 shillings spent in cancelling that page of my article. 1

Mrs Bastard, 'Rio on Christian Art'. ' T . C was the signature of 'Aubrey de Vere's Poems' in September. 3 Miss Procter. 4 'The Commission on Education and the Revised Code'. 5 Green was a traditional old Catholic. 6 Possibly William Cowper Augustine Maclaurin, former Episcopalian dean of Moray and Ross, converted 1850 and in financial straits thereafter. * Gasquet, Letter xcvn, pp. 221-3, with one omission. 2

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All that you say is perfectly true, and the connexion between the absolutist tendencies of the church and the establishment of the Roman monarchy is very important and not understood. I wanted to write an article on Julius II and another on Leo X wh. w^ have explained this, but I have collected such heaps of materials that I don't know when I shall master them. True it is that what the church wants is freedom for corporations. What she had in the M. Ages was the erection of corporations into political bodies—a necessary result in a society where political power followed property, and all property was real. The Immunity she then obtained is only a phase of the medieval theory of self government—the battle between which and feudalism is the political topic of mediaeval history. In modern times she can only demand the self government due to every legitimate association. The distinction between these and secret societies is that the former are for social, private purposes—the latter for influence in the state. Whether or no the church overlooked this difference in condemning associations that easily assumed a revolutionary aspect, I know not, but you probably know it. Only do not let us make the same mistake. In politics as in science the church need not seek her own ends—she will obtain them if she encourages the pursuit of the ends of science, which are truth—and of the state, which are liberty. We ought to learn from mathematics fidelity to the principle and the method of inquiry and of government. In the next current events we must deal with the French treatment of the Soy. of S. Vincent.1 Pray note whatever analogy or illustration the Roman practice supplies. What would be the rule there? I have suggested a topic to Ffoulkes. Innocent XI requesting James II to intercede with Lewis XIV to stop the persecution of the Huguenots. I cannot find that his letter has ever been published. I showed Dollinger what there is in print about it, and he quotes it in his preface. Do you know anything about it? Ff. wrote, I think, about Innocent and the Revolution, about which there is much to say. _T Your s ever truly J D Acton The house is full of people. Green borrowed yesterday no less than eight folios, in pursuance of his engagement. 1

The councils of the Society of St Vincent de Paul were suppressed by the French government in October 1861. The subject was dealt with by Simpson in 'Current Events - Foreign Affairs', Rambler, vi (March 1862), 417-18.

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347 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 12-16 NOVEMBER 1861 Dear Acton M" B.'s article1 is rather a mess; but there are two or three grains of wheat in the chaff. I shall counsel Wetherell to try the heroic remedy of extensive amputation. Here is Burns' answer to my last. There the correspondence may as well drop. Either he knows nothing about the matter, & is quite mistaken in supposing that any management to be approved by Manning would have allowed the articles in question to pass, or he is shuffling. If Manning was only to go through the solemn farce of recommending persons whom Burns had beforehand picked out, it seems to me that Burns has probably insulted Manning & Northcote as foolishly as he insulted Newman & us. We are well rid of him, & if he will still sell our numbers we have everything of him that we could wish. Have you read my letter on science2 wh I gave you in slip? Give me your objections to it now, so that I may put them in & discuss them, it will forward the controversy a stage— _, . , J to Ever yours truly R Simpson Nov. 12. Nov. 16. The above note never went to the Post. The enclosed Ire from Wetherell is the result of my pumping him—so to speak—for it ended with my telling him outright what I was aiming at—He was much delighted, & said that in matters of patronage he never had the least modesty. Evidently the thing would be to ask Sir G. Lewis to talk to Lord de Grey3 about him— He is wonderfully better, & we may expect his aid for the March n? he declares himself unequal to any literary work as yet— I met Burke, the Cardinal's nephew the other day—He was maintaining that you were excommunicated for your articles w* were calculated to strengthen the hands of the despoilers of the Pope—Macmullen who was there, remarked that if this was the case it was very inconsistent to make you one of the Censors of the Academia; Burke was silenced— I read your article on the Academy (in the Sept R.) the other day—It is really excellent—I did not see how good it was while I was reading it to correct the press— 1 3

' Rio on Christian Art'. Lord Ripon.

2

' Physical and Mora I Sciences in Relation to Religion'. 196

348 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 18 NOVEMBER 1861* Aldenham Monday Dear Simpson, There is no more to be said to Burns or of him. He knows not what he says. I am distraught by a house full of people and write in a hurry. I cannot at this moment lay my hand on your printed letter.1 My impression on reading it was that it was only a good argument if we take a Protestant—or, if you like—a Roman view of Scripture. It seems to me that natural science hardly ever gets at religion by itself, without the help of moral sciences, metaphysics &c. The real questions are not concerning Moses or Joshua but Creation, the existence of a spiritual world, the unity of mankind. To discuss the way modern science touches these points I wanted to brush up my ignorance of that sort of literature, if I had time, as I shall never have a better opportunity to learn something about it. As this is not done, I cannot say what I should have to say in reply. Then of course I meant to reiterate the doctrine that disinterested science and faith cannot be contradictory, that they clash only by the fault of the professors of one or the other or from imperfect knowledge— &c. I will do everything in my power for Wetherell, now I am not afraid of annoying him. Ffoulkes will, I hope, find the text of Innocent's letter to James, w^ will be interesting. Also your letter, and Green's2—who is full of points, and much excited. He goes to conference tomorrow, and I hope will not leak and be stopped. Then Campion and Tocqueville Rio, Stokes, Oxenham on poets. 3

If I live and do well I shall have 2 articles.4 When is the next Academy? Your's ever truly J D Acton Have you seen Cobetfs New Testament?5

P.T.O.

* Gasquet, Letter XCVIII, pp. 223-4, with omissions. 2 'Physical and Moral Sciences in Relation to Religion'. 'The Oaths'. 3 Respectively, Simpson, 'Edmund Campion, VI' and 'Tocqueville's Remains'; Mrs Bastard,' Rio on Christian Art'; Stokes,' The Commission on Education and the Revised Code'; and Oxenham's review of Miss Procter. 4 Only 'Mr Goldwin Smith's Irish History' was published in January. 5 Carel Gabriel Cobet and Abraham Kuenen, eds., Novum Testamentum ad fidem codicis Vaticani (Leiden, 1860). 1

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349 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 19 NOVEMBER 1861 Nov. 19. I have not seen Cobet's New Testament. Dear Acton Will you, to save time, send a line to Stokes, at 28 Huskisson S* Liverpool—He doubts whether we are not asking him to write out of good feeling to him rather than good counsel for the Rambler—He says " One's thinkings on the new code could not be freely given without some reference to the abuses of the old system, & I had rather not write on the subject unless I may indicate some small portion at least of the truth. The matter however ought to be considered, & since the Poor School Committee is dumb, besides being otherwise incapable, the field lies open to the Rambler. Pray however do not call on me unless you are quite sure that you wish it." He ought to be allowed to say all that he thinks true, but without the collateral issues, running with excoriating acid, which are to be found in his last article.1 If after all his article is very fierce, it may be a communicated one. We are pretty well filled in for Jan?, if all promises are fulfilled— We have printed Campion & my letter—25 pp.—Promised—Your two articles 40 pp. Stokes 20—Tocqueville 20 at least—Rio 12 or 14— Oxenham 16—Green ?2—Short notices?—Current events—France Sfc Vincent of Paul & Fould—Ireland Sir Rob1 Peel—Austria & Hungary— Making in all about 160 or 170 pp. In that case Oxenham will have to stand over. Wetherell told me that Mrs B did not choose Rio—w^ accounts for her dryness about him—She wants to write on Mrs Browning, & she wished to join Miss Procter with her; she wd have done better than Oxenham who rather fluent of twaddle except on points on wh he has deep feelings. W also insists that whether Guizot's book3 is bad or good it should be noticed, & that we should say plainly that it is bad, & why, if it is so. I send you an extract from Ad1? Sir C. Napier's4 life & correspondence, 1 2

4

'The Education Commission'. See footnotes to Letter 348. Acton's second article and Oxenham were not pub3 lished. Christian Church and Society in 1861. Sir Charles Napier (1786-1860), entered Royal Navy 1799, knighted 1840, viceadmiral 1853, admiral 1858, commanded the fleet in the Baltic 1854-5. His Life and Correspondence was published by Edward D. H. E. Napier in 1861 (2 vols., dated London, 1862). 198

worthy of a place in Punch. The vols however, to him who has patience to read them, give a picture of the bluff old buccaneer, bold, fertile in clumsy makeshifts such as usually seem to succeed in war, probably because so few people have their wits very keenly about them there—& rather henpecked at home. His case for doing nothing in the Baltic is well proved—but nothing is said about the deep unpopularity he fell into with all his captains by his perpetual tipsiness when there. Captain Robert Hall1 told me this himself. I thought that you might add ten lines about his parliamentary career That arrant snob Thornbury2 to whom the evil genius of Turner contrived that the materials for the life of the artist should be committed has concocted two other volumes of biography of the ginger beer school, drowning a ha'p'orth of fact with gallons offizzlingfancies, such as you might expect from the last & smallest joint of the tail of Thomas Carlyle. Both these books are temptations to short notices in the epigrammatic style such as your soul loveth. Also Richard Burton3 the traveller has published a large volume on the Mormons; clearly the best thing written yet—He observes with his loins girded, but he writes as it were in dressing gown & slippers—Though in fact he writes as he observes; only the same hurried & instantaneous jotting down of notes wh makes the careful observer gives to the book wh is only the republication of these notes the appearance of slangy inconsideration, wh might have been avoided if he had rewritten it in dressing gown & slippers. Wetherell wants the subject of current literature treated in this way— notices of books, say 3 to a page—telling what the book is, what it is about, how it is done, & whether it is worth reading—carefully eschewing all discussion of subjects, w^ he would confine to articles—a sort of publisher's circular, without the publisher's interest in misrepresentation —Hence he would make short articles of all your short notices. This idea has the advantage of being a view. The current literature part of the Rambler is at present in a provisional state, only kept open till we decide how it to be carried on, or whether at all. I don't know when the next academy is—I did not stay the last meeting out. It should be the last Tuesday in November. Subject, Ward on the use of intellect in the Church—Come with some crushing quotations Ever yours sincerely R Simpson 1

2

3

Robert Hall (1817-82), entered Royal Navy 1833, captain 1855, fought in Crimean War, private secretary to first lord 1863, superintendent of Pembroke Dock 1866, naval secretary to the Admiralty 1872, vice-admiral 1878; a friend of Simpson. George Walter Thornbury (1828-76), published in 1860 British Artists from Hogarth to Turner (dated London, 1861) and in 1861 The Life of J. M. W. Turner, R.A., 2 vols. (dated London, 1862). Sir Richard Francis Burton (1821-90), traveller and author, knighted 1885. 199

350 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 20 NOVEMBER 1861* Wednesday My dear Simpson, I will write to encourage Stokes. If the truth is toflyfrom the Rambler I do not know what will become of it. I agree with Wetherell about Guizot, whose book I had only for 20 minutes in hand. One or two points are suggested by the article in the Saturday, 3 weeks ago. Also his praise of the Reformation for two things, neither spiritual, and both false, ought to be used against him— Altogether the book seemed to me full of truisms, commonplaces and generalities. Likewise I dislike WetherelPs notion of literary notices for this reason, that if you read a book that is good you must have a great deal to say about it which will not go into a third of a page; and if you have not read enough for that it is very perilous writing about it at all. I should always feel very uneasy if I wrote that kind of notice; either of injustice to the writer, or of being exposed by a more careful reader. The pains one takes in reading a book sufficiently to review it are too great for such a small result as a few lines, and are too great to allow of one's doing well a large number of publications. My own plan would rather be to notice at 1 to 3 pp. all books which suggest remarks on their subjects, or give an opportunity for making them, and make one read in a number of other books for what one wants in order to be confident. Pray consider and discuss these opposite views. Add also that a serious book (Guizot, Goldwin Smith &c) is unfit for 10 lines, and cannot always have an article. A notice of 2 or 3 pp. is often enough to satisfy its requirements. The Westminster1 critiques, and my friend Menzel's2 Literaturblatt are my models. The altogether contemptuous epigrams wh. as you say my soul loveth belong only to books altogether beside the mark or behind the age, wh. don't deserve to be treated seriously or like grown up people. If we can fill next number without both my articles it will be well, as I shall have my provision for use when I shall have no time to write. I really cannot come all the way to London to hear Ward on intellect, and I think it disgraceful that he and Manning sh^ turn the Academy into afieldfor disporting themselves on their particular hobbies, stripping * Gasquet, Letter xcix, pp. 224-5, with omissions. The Westminster Review. 2 Wolfgang Menzel (1798-1873), German writer, editor of the Literaturblatt 1852-69. 1

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it of its scientific, honest, disinterested character, and corrupting men's minds with views instead of method. ^r , , Yr? ever truly J D Acton It w^ perhaps be well to move the printing of Ward's paper, as it deserves to be more widely known, and to throw in the light of publicity on our proceedings. 351 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 21 NOVEMBER 1861 Dear Acton I send you my art. on Tocqueville.1 My remarks on the first part of the subject went to such a preposterous length that I made only quotations on the second—I mixed together two heads wh I at first intended to be separate—his method, & his solution of the problem of democracy & liberty, & made the second subservient to the first. Then failing space warned me that I had better let him speak for himself on the religious question; policy I think favours the same view. Tocqueville is a greater name than the Rambler, & men who would only abuse us may lay what he says to heart. I have not written any peroration, as I was waiting for your notes; perhaps a comparison between Tocqueville & Burke would be the best thing. Also a word or two should be said upon the additions in the English translation. Ward's subject for next Tuesday is "the position assigned to intellect in the Catholic & anticatholic schools of thought respectively." He might as well say "on the position assigned to the organs of speech in the French & English languages respectively"—"on the position assigned to steam power in locomotive & stationary engines respectively"—or any other distinction where there is no difference—As if Catholic thought was one kind of intellect, anti-catholic thought another—the latter a higher intellect, the former a lower one. Ward I suppose means by intellect "intellectual principles"—or "logical methods"—or "cultivation of intelligence" or any thing rather than what he says. If he takes the line he has taken in his book, I think I shall argue against him thus—"Ward gives us an argument against the use of intellect, proving it to be wicked & abominable—Either his argument is intellectual & intelligible, then it is wicked—or it is not intellectual & unintelligible & then it is foolish". 1

'Tocqueville's Remains'. 201

If you want much added to Tocqueville will you scratch out some of what I have written—The art as it is will be nearly 24 pp. I will see whether there is an opening for moving the publication of Ward's paper—perhaps I might move that it be printed & published as soon as may be, & that discussion upon it be postponed till the meeting after the publication— _, , . , r Ever your s truly R Simpson Nov. 21. 352 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 23 NOVEMBER 1861* Saturday My dear Simpson, I have only just begun your article1 and I take up my pen to put down remarks as they suggest themselves. P. 9: Notion that freedom must be reconciled with two great, inevitable powers apparently hostile to it, democracy and religion, capital. It will bear I think more definite development in your text. He discovered the importance and danger of the first much sooner than the other.(*over)2 You say very rightly that he was no historian, though he wrote the best book on a great historical event—because he could not see things in their flow, im Werden as the Germans say—but was a great observer of what is actual, or constant—like the dealers in physical science. Is not the great delusion of his America the belief in the irresistible progress of democracy to predominance through all history? In reality democracy is a part, one of three (or four) elements in the state—which in early, undeveloped societies has no place at all, which it is the business of history to raise to its proper level and proportion, and the effort of the revolution to make sole and supreme. The solution is in self government which = indifference of monarchy, aristocracy & democracy. This he denies. But he did not understand the Church. His chapter on the old French clergy overlooks those things in which they were most deficient—Eaten up by Jansenism—helpless against unbelief, divided ag^ themselves, all which Plato and Aristotle very well knew. His picture of America is perfectly accurate not simply by supererogation, but because his powers of observing were far beyond his powers of reasoning. He says in the passage you quote p. 10: 'I endeavoured to show thaV etc—a vicious locution in the mouth of a historian whose business it is to show what was or happened—not that any particularly thing is or was. 1 * Gasquet, Letter c, pp. 226-9. 'Toequeville's Remains'. The next eleven lines were added by Acton as explanatory.

2

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Observe that America has not solved the problem of reconciling democracy with freedom, for it has not reconciled power with law—or will with duty, which is the moral aspect of the same thing. 13. on use of history, excellent— As to his originality he is nearly right— Research should be original; but a man who disdains what others have said either goes wrong, or ends by saying what others have said, without knowing it. In his America he does knowingly say much that others had discovered before him, without acknowledgment. In my American article1 I quoted Story's complaint to that effect. In the other book2 his leading conclusions, ideas, judgments and much of his facts—had been anticipated in the Introduction to the history of the Revolutionary period by Heinrich von Sybel, which appeared (vol. 1) at Diisseldorf in 1853 (the preface is dated 8 May 1853). This anticipation of so great a book I hold to be one of the most remarkable things in literature. Sybel is an excellent historian—but a complete unbeliever. 17. first lines. There is a fallacy in his notion of liberty as compared to religion. Liberty is not a gift but an acquisition; not a state of rest but of effort and of growth; not a starting point but a result of government; or at least a starting point only as an object—not a datum but an aim— Just as the regular movements of the heavenly bodies produce (??) the music of the spheres, liberty is the result of the principle suum cuique in action. What you said of a bore3 is true of freedom (See vol. n p. 217— one of the very best paragraphs you ever wrote.) Pray consider this analogy. The word Religion is too indefinite—only truths come true; and only the true religion corresponds with the truth in politics. Else there is sure to be a creak somewhere in the harmony. 15 his long passage on religion implies that he has not separated state and society. What he says immediately after shows the outward differences, but not that of principle and definition. 22 The words about Germany are so true that after 1848 the whole country clergy in Germany, so far as they were rationalists, all those unbelievers therefore who—unlike the university professors—lived in close intercourse with the people and saw the effects of irreligion on society in a revolution, became believing Protestants and made a great reaction everywhere. The last words in p. 22 are wrong. If the Austrians had marched against Rome there would have been no regular defence. They resisted a 1 2 3

'Political Causes of the American Revolution'. The Old Regime and the Revolution. In 'A Plea for Bores'. 203

republic because they relied on a disturbance in Paris—If you like to say this in a note I can be your surety. 23 line 5 &c. Observe that if Powers restore the pope they have a right to demand a security against new revolutions in the concession of liberal institutions. They cannot always keep up the police, or have the necessity of an expedition impending. Secondly this right is the solution of the difficulty as to the right of the Roman people to revolt. The Romans have a right to demand of the restoring powers that the restoration shall be conditional—that they may not be again placed in the dilemma between religious interests of the world and their own political rights— that there may be no provocation of a rebellion against the pope. The powers have clearly no right to restore the pope for the sake of religion unless they restore freedom for the sake of the people. The two things correspond—otherwise the Romans would be worse off than other people because of the pope—instead of which they ought to have a greater security for freedom than all others, as their sovereign has a greater security for stability. Is it not so? Nothing can be taken from your paper. The peroration might start from his belief in democracy w^ led him at last to set himself agt. his country men—showing that modern France, professing freedom, has but exaggerated the worst evils of the old regime, state absolutism & absence of self gov^ His historical induction scanty, and this led him to mistake the progress of society—His book is really a protest against all that inspires modern Europe in Latin countries— , , Trr Yr? ever truly J D Acton Why move the printing of Ward for academical discussion? The publication of his lecture will be a useful ferment in general.

353 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 23 NOVEMBER 1861 Dear Acton You asked me how the Roman government would treat a Society like that of S* Vincent of Paul. I cannot tell you, except you take this for an answer. 1 The Roman government (I suppose in its mixed capacity as both Temporal & Spiritual) assumes the entire direction of all voluntary associations for charitable purposes. Leo XII, 1826, established the "Commission of Subsidies" for the 204

administration & management of public charities. A Cardinal president, XV members—XII "deputies" chosen by the Pope for six years, preside over the distribution of alms in the XII Rioni. Each Rione is divided into its parishes, & each parish has its committee, the Priest, a male parishioner, & a dama di caritd, nominated by Cardinal President for 3 years. The congregazione Regionaria is composed of these Parochial committees + a physician & surgeon, under the presidency of one of the XII deputies. All these officers give their services gratis. Each regionary congregation has also a paid secretary & steward. The alms are given personally by domiciliary visit—They are divided by Leo XII into ordinary, extraordinary, & urgent—Reports of all the expenditure &c are presented at intervals to the Pope. 2 Considering that the Pope thus organizes by motu proprio all voluntary associations for charitable purposes names their officers, fixes their functions, & requires from time to time an account of their proceedings, it is clear that no such society as that of S^ Vincent of Paul in France could exist in Rome without being subject to exactly the same supervision of government (or rather much more minute) as that w^ Rouland is attempting to impose in France. Any association trying to shirk this inspection would necessarily be more or less a secret society, & would come under the penalties to w^ such associations are liable. If to this a Piedmontese bias, or the suspicion of such a bias, were added, we can well guess how the Roman government would treat the Society. Of course the answer to this is, that the Pope is Bishop as well as Prince—He is Napoleon & Cardinal Morlot in one, & can do not only what both can do separately, but even more, as the union of distinct forces forms a new force absorbing the third force whose business it was to keep the other two distinct. So whatever independence the Parisian societies would retain as against Nap. on one side & the Cardinal on the other, in order to keep a kind of balance, would run to seed in Rome, & wd be absorbed by the Pope = Nap + the Cardinal+ x (x being the small amount of corporate independence aforesaid.) I suppose that the spiritual position of the pope makes all the difference. I cannot see any other pretence for dictating the mode in w^ voluntary contributions shall be distributed. But of course people have the remedy in their own hands, by refusing to make any such contributions in future. If they continue to give, they accept the assumption of the Pope or the Emperor. Of course also we Englishmen have some difficulty in arriving at the notion of an abstract justice in a case so much unlike our own, through the absence of a compulsory poor vote. Excuse me for writing all this twaddle round that one very small 205

grain of fact w^ I put in the beginning. Perhaps you have some book w^ contains Leo's motu proprio. I enclose something from Todd— ^ , , ° Ever y ours truly R Simpson Nov. 23. 354 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 24 NOVEMBER 1861 Sunday Dear Simpson, I have sent Sybel, as the Introduction will interest you if you have patience to read it. It is the best political history of that age I have ever seen, but admits no purely moral elements.. Your paper1 is, I think, improved, but I would not hit a side blow at Manning and Ward, in a letter devoted to other things. It will weaken any direct blow we may have to strike. I have not time today to look out about Roman administration. But I am sure the bishopric of the Roman sovereign does not put him in a different position towards associations (as such) from that of a purely secular power. Suppose the Society of S. Vincent were what a foolish member represents it to be in the Times, indifferent to creeds—an idea perhaps nourished in France from the abstinence of the clergy—then it is clear the pope would have no sort of ecclesiastical jurisdiction over it. I would be disposed to stick to this comparison of France with Rome because it is a very serious matter touching associations. The right of association is anterior to the actual state. The state has grown out of associations, and can suppress only those directed in some way against itself. To go farther, and to say all societies must get the permission of gov* to exist, which also implies a certain inspection or control, is to take state absolutism as the starting point in politics, and freedom—or rather liberties, as concessions and compromises of absolutism. Whereas the presumption is in all cases against the state. It has no business where it cannot prove its case. It has no admittance except on business evidently its own. This takes on the flank your very important view of the church as an association among others, which you assuredly ought to work out again on the ground supplied by Rouland &c. I send back your facts, as you may not have them otherwise on paper, and for the sake of the ingenious al ebra S Your's ever truly J D Acton 1

'Physical and Moral Sciences in Relation to Religion'. 206

355 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 26 NOVEMBER 1861* Tuesday My dear Simpson, There is not resemblance enough for a comparison between Burke and Tocqueville, except that they were the first political writers of their respective countries, and that both were ludicrously particular about their style. I don't think a comparison w^ be fruitful. Pray tell Capes that as far as I am concerned I shall be delighted at his offer,1 and will undertake his 10 guinea subscription at Mudie's together with any remuneration you may agree upon with him. I do not stick to my theory absolutely except for myself what I want to exclude is mere literary criticism, where no truths, moral or political, come to light, and for which any journal is competent, and the doctrines of the Rambler supply no light. If Capes reviews the chief publications of the day and his notices pass through our three pair of hands, they ought to be good for something. I sent your MS. and Sybel to be posted in London by the hand of a crusty cook. History does not stand still for 20 years, and Sybel's Literature of the First Crusade needs to be greatly modified now. What does Lady D.G.2 mean by his history of the C? He delivered two splendid lectures upon them at Munich in which he absolutely ignores the religious character of the Hildebrandine age. Also a history of the second Crusade in Schmidt's Zeitschrift, which is sound as far as criticism goes. Which has she used? Your notion about an article on liberty is worth developing—But we must distinguish nations, or at least civilizations. Antiquity is not involved in the process to which we belong; it influences it, but is itself quite separate. Our state begins with Conquest, at the Great Migration. (Feudalism is the common type of states founded on conquest—even in India, tho' there it is crossed by Castes, w^ represent permanence in opposition to progress, that is to say, the Pantheistic notion of the state, wh. is without history.) No European polity has been able to stand without feudalism. Poland never got ordered, Russia is called for this reason an Asiatic state. Hungary was founded on conquest, by a people not Teutonic, but yet IndoGermanic, which therefore at once adopted Teutonic forms (S. Stephen). The state is only ideally the original form of social life. Each particular * Gasquet, Letter ci, pp. 230-4. To review books for the Rambler. 2 Lady Duff Gordon translated Heinrich von Sybel, The History and Literature of the Crusades (London, 1861). 1

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state only gradually grew to be a power over the people. At first society was broken into pieces, self sufficient, every group—not every man—for itself, and only God for all. There was no notion of sovereignty. The feudal lord was the highest authority. Hence feuds between them— the token of feudal life—the assumption of functions now devolved on the state, then discharged by every man for himself. This is one instance of the state not existing above society. It is the same in taxation, all local, none imperial &c. Consider the Crusades. In the first Crusade you would suppose there is no such thing as a state in Europe—no authority above all these noble lords. What we now call the King was, in those days, a noble among other nobles—not interfering in their sphere and domain, except by feud, not by authority, possessing power, like each of them, only over his own dependents. (France in 11th century best instance). The Arragonese said to their King: ' We, each of whom is as good as you, all together better than you'. Of course all this was obnoxious to the church, for she had no room for her grand institutions in a society so broken up. Besides the development of the State is the business of profane history. But stick to this, that in that society out of wh. modern European states have grown, the corporation was the first thing, the sovereign state the second. But the state gradually gained ground, and took into its hands what was common to all. The Church accomplished this first by borrowing from the Jews the notion of an anointed King, thus elevating by a divine sanction a power which the then society could not develope out of itself. Afterwards came Roman law (about the time of Frederick I) in which the state is the first thing, law comes downwards, from the sovereign, does not grow upwards from the people, as in the Teutonic state. This difference not however in the original principle of the two legislations, but in this that the Roman law wh. began to be studied was that of a finished state, of a mature, yea an old people, of an empire w^ had developed the most extremest absolutism on the ruins of the Populus. The political ideas of the Theodosian or Justinian Code are those of a society ground to atoms by the wheel of revolution, consisting no longer of parts, but like sand or water, in which all life and all power are in the sovereign. This is the very opposite extreme of that society to w^ this system was introduced. Hence Frederic found men at Bologna who told him that all the property of the people was his; and that he might take what he liked—that what he left was a concession on his part, as with property: so with liberty. The Germans were slow in realizing the state, so the legists clapped a pair of spectacles on their young noses, taught them to lean on a stick, and to have the ills of age. So they grievously overshot the mark, and introduced a dualism into European politics w1? went on increasing till now we stand alone on Teutonic ground. Italy follows 208

Celto-Roman France, and 1789, and in Austria the two principles are at war. Now the Church was at once attacked by this new power, under Frederic I and II, and especially under Philip the Fair, & NogareL This was no longer a war against feudal absolutism, as with Hildebrand, Anselm, Becket, but against the pagan state.' Quod principi placuit legis habet vigorem.' To this enemy the church gradually succumbed, after Boniface VIII, himself a lawyer, until she fell prostrate in the Concordat of Leo X. She had invoked the same absolutism for herself, (Unam Sanctam). So completely had she become estranged from the Teutonic system that all scholastic writers from S. Thomas to Suarez, or even to Taparelli, entirely ignore it. All their ideas are either from Roman law, or from Aristotle, or from the Jewish Theocracy. So they did unspeakable harm. The evil was that the learned education in the M. Ages was turned away from actual life to books written in a very different society. See John Salisbury's account of his studies, and his dreadful doctrines. The scholar did not drink of the ideas of the lay society of his time. Later on the Jesuits showed the same estrangement from the state in w^ they lived. I don't know what you mean by freedom of the State. All liberty is conditional, limited and therefore unequal. The state never can do what it likes in its own sphere. It is bound by all kinds of law. But I must stop my unintelligible rhapsody till you provoke it again. Ricasoli's paper much occupies my thoughts. I hear Dollinger's book1 is triumphing in Germany. , . , XT r Your s ever truly J D Acton Read the 27^ book of Montesquieu 356 SIMPSON TO ACTON • ?27 NOVEMBER 1861 Dear Acton The Cardinal was very lame yesterday2 - His lecture was, on events, long disbelieved, rehabilitated by late criticism. Not a word against us. He began with the Fratres Arvales—Hardly known till the inscriptions about them were found in digging for S* Peter's Sacristy. Since which their history is perfect. Do we not know even the rubrics of their ceremonies? Perhaps we dont know exactly their legal doings—they had something to do with titles of real property—but what would you? We even know the sweetmeats they distributed after their annual sacrifice. &c. 1

Kirche und Kirchen.

2

At the Academia of the Catholic Religion. 209

Next came a general confession of the existence of legends—then a theory of their origin—they are never mythical—rather they arise from school declamations, plays, or mysteries or ballads being made about the nucleus of the fact. Hence there is always such nucleus, & it may be enucleated by criticism. Then came the great example. De Buck's rehabilitation of S* Ursula. I think I must write an account to him of a Cardinal making a (very bad) analysis of his book, two stenographers scratching away at his halting periods, and a noble lord rising at the end to demand the publication of a lecture for which the British public must feel such an intense desire. Eminence graciously nodded, & the meeting separated.

357 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 27 NOVEMBER 1861 Nov. 27. Dear Acton The book & the article arrived safely on Monday night. By this post I send you an article of Capes'1—he says " it strikes me as so important for you to start off with the new year with something out of your usual recent subjects that I have put all steam on, &finishedthe political article I spoke of." I don't think it hors ligne, but it may do. We can't however rush so brutally upon the remembrance that even Pio Nono is mortal without more pious circumlocution—It is only gratuitous to mention him at all. What does he mean by clericalis?n, the first word of p. 13.?—is it a kind of lay apostolate of pulpit common places against popery, cards, & sabbath amusements, or what? The word clearly should be explained, or blind buzzards will think we are pitching into priests. At the end of the p. you are surprised that you are in the midst of protestant teaparties instead of in Catholic society—He mistakes lumping together for generalization.—same p. can pan em et circences be a nominative case? even as a neuter plural? However there are very good things in the art; & it won't take up more than 8 or 9 pp. I did not explain my notion about liberty sufficiently—I meant it rather as an a priori analysis than as a rule deduced from history. There being 3 elements or factors of freedom, the corporation, the state, the individual, it is required to know in what way they should be combined2—Instances of the factors taken singly. 1 2

Not published. This discussion is the genesis of Simpson's article, ' The Individual, the Corporation and the State', Rambler, vi (May 1862), 432-51. 210

1. liberty of the corporation—Is* organization of society, when the family, the sept, the tribe was absolute—no state—no individual recognized. 2. liberty of the state—i.e. its freedom from all control, & from all contrivances to hinder its absolute action—The Roman Empire. 3. Liberty of the individual—The Barbarians—The Feudal lords. II. Binary combinations 1 The corporation with the absolute state—Pope's temporal sovereignty— (reductio ad absurdum—its repression of all other corporations) 2. The corporation with individual liberty—perhaps some instances in the feudal times when there was no state, & the Church or the guild allied herself1 with various Lords.— 3. The absolute state with the corporation. Spanish monarchy of Philip II (?)— 4 With the individual—the democratic Caesarism of the Bonapartes— 5. The individual with the corporation—Leo X (?)—a Political pontiff using the Church as his tool &c. 6. The individual with the state—l'etat c'est moi— III. All these combinations failing to produce the desired result, freedom, try the ternary combination /"liberty of the corporation—the family—the Church—the school—the I artistic & mercantile association— | liberty of the state—war—taxation—justice. \Jibery of the individual in all else. These liberties would define & circumscribe one another— Notice how the rjOos is different in each of these different liberties— e.g. how a man who kicks hardest against the social compulsion of custom, against being obliged to do what his neighbours do—i.e. against the uncontrolled liberty of the corporation—may admire the strong government & think a French or Neapolitan despotism a political model. Conversely the greatest enemy to a despotic rule may be the greatest slave of social conventionalism.— I think some such plan might be made to contain all that we should have to say about the Roman treatment of corporations, about secret societies &c &c— I had only looked to Sybel's title p. when I wrote. The tr. is in two parts. 1. a translation of the Munich lectures. 2. a selection from the 1

Simpson added 'it' over 'herself. 211

preface to his history of the ls^ Crusade, viz. his criticism on the original authorities— To return to the former subject—I use the word liberty as S* Bernard does when he says liberty of power = omnipotence ]. ^ . , . , L , 1 , ! . . in their highest degrees respecknowledge , , , r Al ° . & = omniscience l^. .„ 11 , T tivelv—they J have lower degrees & will = all-holiness J " And that the will without any alteration in itself may undergo the greatest accidental deterioration by the loss of liberty of power & knowledge—So I use the "liberty of the state" as if the state was a person, with absolute liberty of action, irrespective of all external rights— We had rather a good meeting last night at the Academia—Ward preached us a common place sermon on the dangers of using the intellect for any but its true end, thinly disguised under the affectation of scientific words, utterly misapplied. When it was over, Ld Petre moved vote of thanks, the Cardinal desired it might be printed, & asked immediately who was to read the next paper—Wallis was named—he refusing, the Cardinal told Ward he ought to carry out his subject—he had mentioned that he would read another paper on it—"Yes" I said "& in his next paper he may prove what he has only asserted in this"—This was the beginning of a dispute in w^ Ward was baited much more to our amusement than to his—Burke, Badley, Roberts1 Allies, W. Eyre,2 & others all against him—Snob Riley got up & volunteered an explanation of Ward, reducing him to the merest truism—W. said that R.'s remarks were true, but were not the exact thing that he (W.) wished to prove in his paper. I quarrelled with his definitions, with his facts, with everything; there was a general cry that I should read the next paper, & criticize Ward. The Cardinal interposed, & said that the Academy was not to be turned into a mere debating club, & that its forms did not permit of paper against paper—However the ice is broken for discussion, and after a few minutes the presence of the Cardinal was no longer felt as any great check. He is not well enough to say much—He came to Ward's rescue with a text from Scripture which had the trifling drawback that, so far as it bore on the matter, it was not in Scripture at all. After the bull-bait, Macmullen & I retired to Allies' where we dined. A. declares that Burns used his name without his knowledge or sanction— Wetherell tells me that the place of unpaid private-secretary to Lewis was filled up yesterday, but that you need not know it, for that if you 1 2

John William Roberts, a Franciscan priest. William Henry Eyre (1823-98), ordained priest 1853, Jesuit 1854, rector of Stonyhurst College 1879-85.

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ask for that, it will serve to show the kind of thing he wants. He also wishes to know whether you are on such terms with Sir G.C.—as to tell him of the kind of treatment wh Wetherell gets from Hawes1—It is too foolish he says, to be the subject of an official memorandum, though it is nagging & annoying in the ultra old-womanish sense of the phrase. Oxenham writes—" I have drawn up a 2nd letter on the Public schools to send Sir J. Acton w^ he promises to insert if there is room, w^ I hope there will be.2 It only treats the historical question, & does not refer except once indirectly to any thing... elsewhere, so that WGW3 will have no claim to ask for a reply." _ , r Ever yours truly R Simpson 358 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 28 NOVEMBER 1861* Thursday Dear Simpson, I don't think Capes was greatly inspired when he wrote this. His view of the function of the state is so low and material that I can by no means accept it, and fear that if his paper is editorial it will be in contradiction with later articles. Much of it however is safe enough, for we have said it often before. Not only Pius IX's but Lord Palmerston's mortality is irrelevant and ungracious. What he wants for a start he gets just as well from Palma Vecchio's position as from the hypothesis of his death. Then I must protest against the distinction between Ultramontane and historical. Everything systematic is anti-historical. Ultramontanism as it used to be understood is now a superstition. It means in reality something very different. For my own part I believe myself just as much an Ultramontanist, as a partisan of the historical school. I told Oxenham we cd not promise room both for his article4 and his letter, and that the letter must be historical not controversial. I suspect he has given up his article, for though he writes an illegible letter to me every other day he says nothing about it. What you most want for your theory of liberty is a definition of corporations, and then the constant distinction between states founded on corporations—where they are therefore political—and states w^ tolerate corporations in the social department but w^ are not founded on them. 1

Sir Benjamin Hawes (1797-1862), M.P. 1832-47, 1848-52, under-secretary for the colonies 1846, deputy secretary for war 1851, permanent under-secretary for war 2 1857; knighted 1856. It was not published. 3 Ward. 4 Presumably the review of Miss Procter. * Gasquet, Letter en, pp. 234-6.

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Your account of the Academy is charming. I hope Ward's paper will be printed. My friend Lord Petre must have looked rather foolish. Do not superfluously irritate the Cardinal—By an egregious breach of faith, he has never submitted for discussion the code of laws which it was agreed in July to introduce, and if he is riled or frightened at first he will do any foolish and absurd things to save his propriety. I go to Birmingham on Monday partly attracted by fat swine, partly by a Bazaar to w^ I gave an incautious promise of appearance, partly to poke an inquisitive nose into the disputes about the school.1 You had better print Tocqueville2 at once as the first article. I am asked to lecture in Bridgnorth, perhaps on America. If I do I think I shall publish it with notes, which will take time. Will Capes begin his notices this time? ^ , , , Y our s ever truly J D Acton 359 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 1 DECEMBER 1861* Sunday Dear Simpson, Your letter* is not a bit too strong. I have softened only one passage, and struck out what you wrote over the page because I was not sure Clericis laicos was revoked, and feared that as you had just written Urban for Boniface you might have made an oversight. But if you wrote consciously pray restore the words. Does not Manning know the difference between doctrine and discipline? The analogy is with such things as the authority over princes in the MA4 —which was definite, conditional, and therefore local, and temporary. I dare say Manning would wish to erect that power into a theory and an absolute right, as Brownson did. In Rocaberti he must have found so many who did so, and so much nonsense of every kind, that he may well have been seduced into his present errors. I was once very familiar with that dreadful compilation. All those men believed that what was right once was right always—that the claims of the Church came from her nature, not from her position—from her institution, not from her history. This they believed even in matters of doctrine—where they admitted no development—In discipline they were therefore naturally absolutists. 1

The Oratory School at Edgbaston, which was about to undergo a crisis. 'Tocqueville's Remains'. * Gasquet, Letter cm, pp. 236-7, with omissions. 3 A letter of Simpson against Manning which was not published. 4 Middle Ages. 2

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Your view of the politics of the day is I think perfectly right. But it will discourage Capes if we reject his article—Cannot we put it into the second part? 1 1 know nothing of a political article—professedly—but I will make the review of Goldwin Smith2 editorial, and cram it with doctrine. Then Tocqueville, Stokes & Smith will be in the first part—Campion, Mrs. Bastard, Capes, Oxenham in the second.3 I shall see the latter tomorrow and learn about his contribution. Surely the only purpose of the Americans4 was to insult and defy England. It must be a horrible mess for the government. Your's ever sincerely J D Acton By the bye, I have not been reckoning on your paper on liberty5—Will it be ready in time? That would be excellent.

360 SIMPSON TO ACTON • ?2 DECEMBER 1861 Dear Acton I found at Mudies' that Capes had a subscription of 3.3.0. expiring Aug. 2. 1862, so I supplemented it with 4.18.0. making it a 10.10.0 subs, up to the date—wh will be enough time for trial. I wrote him from Mudies' a hasty note, in wh I told him that there was a political article, & I thought that you were rather embarrassed with his—If it goes in after this he will be all the better pleased; he wont be offended, for he wrote that we might cut & slash his notices as we liked. I will let Wetherell see his art. If his objections to the form & tone as as decided as ours to the matter there is nought to be done but to leave it out. I enclose the beginning of a short notice of Burton6 if you think it worth while I can put from a couple to four more pages of analysis of his summary of Mormon tenets & philosophy. There are two interesting points. 1. The resuscitation among a set of ignorant Saxons of the Materialism of Tertullian, the Gnosticism of Cerinthus, the successive emanations, 1 2 3 4 6

'Communicated' as distinguished from 'editorial' articles. 'Mr Goldwin Smith's Irish History'. This order was followed, but there were no articles by Capes or Oxenham. An American naval vessel had boarded the British sloop Trent and arrested two 5 Confederate agents. 'The Individual, the Corporation and the State'. Burton's The City of the Saints was reviewed in Rambler, vi (March 1862), 410-12.

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the cycles of worlds, + the gradual divinizatlon of a man from Brahmins + Buddhists &c—showing the influence of the common mechanism of the intellect on the invention of dogmas. 2. The reasons why a faith w^ includes some of the most unpopular tenets of the Tractarians & Catholics—Apostolic succession—hierarchy —temporal power of the Church—should have met with a great success precisely among the classes among whom our preachers have failed as signally as the Pusseyites (who indeed had the advantage of being in many cases in possession of thefield,& so ought, on these grounds to have beaten us.) What of Green's letter?1 Remember that this is Dec. 2. that our publishing day is Dec. 29, & that boxing day is a terrible time for the printers who are mostly assaulted by the God Drunken (a real member of our old mythology) about Yule-tide— ^ . , Ever yours sincerely R Simpson I grieve like an alderman to see that I am fast becoming as illegible a writer as Oxenham or Burns.

I have opened this to say that Wetherell writes to me, not by any means to stop you from asking for the unpaid secretaryship for him, if you were about to do so. The present arrangement, he says, is only temporary, & he hopes that the war will make his office look up— I have restored the statement about Clement V annulling the bull Clericis laicos My authority is Passaglia, delta scomunica, p. 37—who gives ecco le parole of Clement—noi, con consiglio de' nostri fratelli, siffatta constituzione et dichiarazione o dichiarazioni, e tutte le cose che da loro o per loro sono seguite, interamente rivochiamo; e vogliamo che da tutti si abbiano come se non fossero state fatte giammai." He gives no reference, but perhaps the whole story is to be found in the place to w^ he refers apparently for the bull clericis laicos only—come si legge nel VI delle decretali lib. Hi, tit 23, cap. 3. 1

'The Oaths'.

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361 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 3 DECEMBER 1861* Tuesday Dear Simpson, By all means give more of Burton and work out your points. It will make a very interesting notice. Green is hard at work and promises to be ready this week. Oxenham will send article and letter in a few days. Goldwin Smith will be done this week, and will be near 20 pages.1 I wasted my substance at Birmingham yesterday, where I saw your brother, who, I thought, looked well. Northcote and others were pleased to be gracious. The head of a pious family among the leaders of ton in the town, told me that because they stuck to the oratory,2 near which they live, they are snubbed and reviled by the other good people of the place. Newman is very seedy and never shows, or does anything in public. He is always going to London to consult Doctors, and I am afraid thinks himself in a bad way. Flanagan3 I found, the historian, is a tremendous oracle of the Birmingham clergy. I hear there is very little chance of our escaping war.4 1000 apologies about Clericis Laicos. You are quite right—I only remembered the revocation of Unam Sanctam. Do not forget that Clement V was not the immediate successor of Boniface VIII. Benedict IX intervened. Your's ever truly J D Acton 362 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 4-5 DECEMBER 1861f Wednesday Dear Simpson, I forwarded by today's post some of Capes' notices5 which seem to me very much the thing. Pray do not let them print naive which is feminine. Naif is the word. Also a passage about natural theology I leave to your severer judgment. I do not think Dickens' general character ought ever to be touched upon without noticing the great merit that in all his books * Gasquet, Letter civ (first part), pp. 237-8, with an omission. Of these, ' The Oaths' and ' Mr. Goldwin Smith's Irish History' were published. 3 Newman's Oratory. Thomas Flanagan. 4 With the United States. f Gasquet, Letter civ (second part), pp. 238-9, with omissions. 5 For the January Rambler. 1

2

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there is no indecency. Pickwick moreover is not so decidedly his best book as to deserve to be always referred to as such. Nancy's refusal to be delivered from Sikes after her love for the child had brought her a chance of redemption, and Charley Bates turning against the murderer,1 are surely in a higher style than anything in Pickwick. I am troubled by a post hour devil in the shape of Ryley, whose communication this morning was of the most entertaining self sufficiency. My answer is likely to provoke a long rejoinder. He has discovered that you and I are treading in the footsteps of Lamennais. Don't quote it, if you see him, or talk of it so that he should hear, for he is a dreadful bore when he sets to a thing, and as it is I see no end to our correspondence. Thursday Here is Oxenham's letter; not bad, I think. Did I tell you that his poetry was to include several recent works, especially Edwin of Deira w^ he says is excellent? , . TT Your s ever truly J D Acton 2

363 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 6 DECEMBER 1861* Friday Dear Simpson, I forgot to write about a passage, I think in your notice of Burton, about opening letters.3 Graham was attacked because he did it for a foreign power, but the gov* considers itself justified in doing it when there is rebellion against the Queen. Meagher4 has a sister a nun at Princethorpe. All her letters were opened when they were in pursuit of the brother. It is a singular confirmation of what I said in my article, that Montalembert should write of Dollinger's book:5 'J'en signerais volontiers chaque parole'. For what he goes on to say he is no great authority. 'J'estime qu'il n'a rien ete fait de plus fort depuis Bossuet contre la reforme et ses consequences.' 1

The references are to Oliver Twist. On public schools; not published. * Gasquet, Letter cv, pp. 239-40. 3 J. M. Capes reviewed Dickens' Great Expectations, Rambler, vi (January 1862), 274-6. 4 Thomas Francis Meagher (1823-67), Young Irelander, convicted of treason 1848, transported, escaped 1852 to America, brigadier-general, U.S. Army, 1862, governor of Montana Territory 1866. 5 Kirche und Kirchen. 2

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The success of the book is very different from what I expected. 8000 copies have been sold in six weeks. The great majority both of clergy and laity in Germany have adopted it. The Archbishop of Munich has wished Dollinger joy, declared his entire approval, and his fear that the court of Rome will do itself great harm by censuring the book. For my part I don't see how they can protect the Civilta1 and at the same time tolerate Dollinger. A French translation is coming out; I fear by a very incompetent hand. With a view to a new edition I have sent Dollinger my own criticisms. I am anxious to see how he will take them. , T , , , Your s ever truly J D Acton You know of Eckstein's sudden death. He was near 80. It has been a fatal year for eminent Catholics.

364 SIMPSON TO ACTON - 7 DECEMBER 1861 Dear Acton I saw Wetherell yesterday; the first words he said were—Capes' article is curable, his notices incurable—He went on—They at once degrade a magazine from its first class position—to my question—as how? He answered. 1. They only deal with old books, that everybody had read who is going to read them; whose merits therefore may be summed up in a serious review, while it is superfluous to indicate them in a flippant notice. 2. The style is abominable—a laborious attempt at fun that never succeeds in being funny. 3. An objectionable tone—in wh line I suggested, his obnoxious review of a very remarkable believer (Wolff)2 & his gentle dealing with a sceptic (Forbes)3 I told him that the notices must be cured somehow, & that we must retain enough Capes for the changes to be a lesson to him of how he is to do his business next time. W. was especially vehement against the review of Dickens, w^ he said was unworthy as a summary of Dickens' merits & demerits in general, & as a review of a particular book now half forgotten both inapplicable & superfluous. W. was also decided against admitting Oxenham's letter:4 he said that 1 2 3 4

The Jesuit Civilta Cattolica. Capes reviewed Travels and Adventures of Joseph Wolff, Rambler, vi (January 1862), 271-3. G. Wilson and A. Geikie, The Life of Edward Forbes, reviewed by Capes, ibid. 269-70. On public schools. 219

he wrote long ago to O. to tell him that everybody who read the R was already sick of the controversy—that O's reason for writing again— because he understood that AMDG1 was not going to answer—was absurd that he was notorious for never knowing when to leave off a dispute—& that if an article of his was admitted he could not expect a letter to be also. It seems to me also that O's Ire—however good—ought to have been all contained in the last R. The letter we published for him then2 was as it were the rough copy of this: Now he cannot expect you to find room both for his rough & his fair copies of the same thing. I wish he had sent us his fair copy—But he should be told ths,t if Newman thinks no scorn of writing a thing thrice over before he prints, it wd not be too much to ask O. to write his things twice. So the case stands between you & your sub. I have offered to doctor Capes on Wolff—I suggested that Home subsecivae* might stand; Dickens too; with additions of yours—Forbes, minus the natural theology, w^? is either nonsense or wrong—A theology from an induction of phenomena w*> only give natural forces is a pantheistic theology of dead forces; a theology from an induction of physical & mental phenomena combined is also a pantheistic theology but of a living universe— Theology comes from a deduction from mental processes, which4 takes the mind as the symbol & proof of the great ruling force of the Universe— I am very happy to hear of the success of the Professor's book. Did I tell you how I heard Burke, the Cardinal's nephew, contrast Dollinger & you with regard to your respective views of Italian affairs, pretending to agree cordially with him, but considering that you were excommunicated? I imagine that the Cardinal fancies he agrees with Dollinger. I am sure that Manning (unless he heard otherwise at Rome) will profess faith in the Professor: but then he is a syncretist of the first water, who never selects the stones for his building, but lays down alternate courses of granite & sun-dried mud eked out with straw—to wit Dollinger & Roccaberti. I had heard nothing of Eckstein's death—has he left any Ms. remains? Elver yours faithfully R Simpson Clapham. Dec. 7. 1 2 3 4

The author (probably Oakeley) of 'English Public Schools and Colleges in Catholic Times' in September. 'Our Public Schools and Universities before the Reformation'. John Brown, M.D., Horae subsecivae, reviewed by Capes, Rambler, vi (January 1862), 268-9. Simpson changed 'which' to '& it'.

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365 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 8 DECEMBER 1861* Sunday night Dear Simpson, Wetherell is invaluable—A grumpy partner in the city is the security of every firm. Moreover he is not to be answered. The books were old. Dickens' had been noticed in other reviews last August. But I did not think so ill of the style as he does, and it is a great thing to humour Capes. I told Oxenham that I could not promise room for letter and article. If you decide against the first Wetherell had better tell him so. He is quite interminable as a disputant, in private as well as in print, but I thought it a very good letter. One passage in Stokes,1 that I have remarked upon, ought to be changed. It will not only offend, but will do harm instead of good. Our prudent colleague will I am sure agree with me, and you also. There is nothing else I should wish to alter except the Latin accents, which are as barbarous as the absence of accents in Greek; but I cannot correct so good a scholar. It ought to come after your Tocqueville, so that our two reviews may not come together.2 Business has interrupted my work, but Gold win Smith will be done in a few days. Green3 is only behind because I have flooded his house with literary resources. Burke and I are old friends. I hope when Lent comes he will absolve me. Advent is not severe enough. Do you see the difference between the effects of fear and of anger in the distinction he makes? I certainly did not betray my disagreement with Dollinger on the question of restoration,4 the subject of long discussions between us. At Edgbaston they have his book and think I made it much too soft. If these people think they agree with Dollinger I have been a very skilful analyst. I shall try to find out about Eckstein's papers. I believe he wrote rapidly and suddenly. If you cook Dickens5 do it with your own sauce, not with mine. In spite of your dislike of novels you must have read his older works. Our recent novel literature in general seems to be our great glory in litera* Gasquet, Letter cvi, pp. 240-2, with omissions. 'The Commission on Education and the Revised Code'. The reference is to ' Tocqueville's Remains' and ' Mr Goldwin Smith's Irish History'. 3 'The Oaths'. 4 Whether the Pope should be restored to all or a fraction of his domains after their expected fall. 5 Capes' review of Great Expectations. 1

2

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ture—since Bulwer's reformation. They are nearly all respectable, except Currer Bell1 and Kingsley—but at least the masters—NeoBulwer, Thackeray, Dickens, Reade, Trollope. The corrupt Bulwer was in the ascendant when Boz2 appeared, w^ is much to the credit of the latter. Certain Germans of the last century remind me of him as to religion. They saw no divine part of Christianity, but divinified humanity, or humanized religion, and taught that man was perfectible, but childhood perfect. So they used to die full of benevolence, and admiration for the sun and moon, and for their children, and their dog, and for their home. They hated intolerance, exclusiveness, positive religion—and with a comprehensive charity embraced all mankind, and condemned alike differences of faith and distinctions of rank, as insurrection against the broad, common humanity. Their religion was a sort of natural religion adorned with poetry and enthusiasm—quite above Christianity. Herder was a man of this stamp. Surely Dickens is very like them. Nothing can be more indefinite than his religion, or more human. He loves his neighbour for his neighbour's sake, and knows nothing of sin, when it is not crime. Of course this shuts out half of psychology from his sight, and partly explains that he has so few characters and so many caricatures. His humour, I take it, is only the second cause of his caricaturing, and has found its grave in it. I really cannot see the fun of describing a man by an absurdity, by his always sucking his forefinger, or having a mouth like a letter box, or firing a gun at sundown. It is mere poverty of imagination. His habit of taking particular newspaper or other incidents and personages into his books is a sign of the same failing. A poet describes something more general than a particular character, truths common to many, like Major Pendennis. Is it more than mere Protestantism that all his deaths sh^ be without spiritual assistance? Your's faithfully J D Acton Has anybody reviewed Guizot? If not Oxenham is ready to do it, having just read him. Pray let me know as soon as you can. What he says to me about it is perfectly right. I wish there was a good report of Ferrari's speech. He is the most profound historian in Italy, as Massari is s^bout the most accomplished scholar. Have you read his preface to Gioberti? 1

Charlotte Bronte.

Dickens.

222

366 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 10 DECEMBER 1861 Dec. 10. 1861

Dear Acton By all means let Oxenham do the short notices of Guizot.1 But tell him to be short. Wetherell is slowly reading the book, but only to give me notes to review it by. I read it & forget it. Your notes about Dickens are excellent. I have made of them an introduction to Capes (shorn of his introduction) w^ I have sent off to Wetherell. I altered Stokes' bureaucratic views in 3 places to suit the antibureaucratic views of the Rambler, & cut out his prophecy about the nuns as uncalled for. Wetherell is now exercising his ingenuity upon it, & also upon Mr? Bastard, for whom he has rewritten the introduction. We stand now thus Tocqueville —22 —22 Stokes Goldwin Smith 22? 66

Campion Capes Bastard Oxenham2

—23

— 8? —14? 16?

137 leaving just 7 pp. for correspondence, short notices, & current events— Who & what is to go to the wall till March? How many pp. will Green want?3 He must appear—so must one of Oxenham's affairs. Can Capes' article, wh satisfies none of us come in? As for letters—there is mine in type (the one about natural & moral sciences in their respective antagonism to revealed religion)4 Green necessary. That about Manning I have suppressed—I fancied that all his affair was printed in the Weekly of Nov. 30. but last Saturday more came,5 w^ would require a complete remodelling of the letter—However 1

2 3 5

This review is erroneously attributed to Acton in the bibliography by Bert F. Hoselitz, in Acton, Essays on Freedom and Power, ed. Gertrude Himmelfarb (Boston, 1948). The first three are 'editorial' articles; then follows 'Edmund Campion, VI' (communicated), Capes' reviews, 'Rio on Christian Art', and the unpublished Oxenham. 4 For 'The Oaths'. Postponed until the March issue. An introduction to Manning's lectures on 'Temporal Sovereignty of the Popes' appeared in the Weekly Register of 30 November and 7 December 1861. 223

I had suppressed it before that. Oxenham—if his article does not appear his letter must. I suppose you do the current events. Wether ell says he is not up to Home events. Are there more than these 3. The conservative reaction— Peel in Ireland—The war spirit? Foreign must contain 3 heads at least America—France—Italy.1 Peel you must do. Perhaps I could do a page on the conservative reaction, in the sense of what I wrote to you a week ago—If you want me to do it send the letter back, if you have it still. Burke I am told is Irish in this—that you must not depend upon him for his direct, much less for his indirect representations of other peoples' opinions. I say this to modify what I said before about him as representing the Cardinal. Roberts & I are concocting something against Ward—Probably it will come in for the March R. Roberts takes the theological part,2 I look at the matter politically—I gave R. 24 pp of MS. yesterday—If we can thus hook in R. to write it will be excellent—I suppose he cannot do it directly as he is one of Manning's Oblates—but he is most vehemently disgusted with Mannings paper— ^ * -^ * n 8 s r ^ E v e r y OUrs faithfully R Simpson 367 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 11 DECEMBER 1861* ^ „. Wednesday Dear Simpson, You have miscalculated the quantity, apparently from your inclination to exclude Capes. Tocqueville 22 Your letter3 3 Stokes 17 Green 7 Acton 28 Notices 12 23 Campion Current Events 2 Capes 8 24 Mrs. Bastard 10 120 Oxenham, say 12 120

144

1

No 'Home Events' appeared. Acton's 'Foreign Affairs' dealt only with Italy and America: Rambler, vi (January 1862), 277-92. 'Peel' is Sir Robert Peel (1822-95), son of the Prime Minister, who became Chief Secretary for Ireland in 1861. 2 Roberts wrote 'Dr. Ward on Intellect', Rambler, vi (May 1862), 465-94. * The first paragraph of this letter is printed as the last paragraph of the letter of 8 December, Gasquet, Letter cvi, p. 242. 3 'Physical and Moral Sciences in Relation to Religion'. 224

Now as there will be more than 12 pp. of short notices I suppose Capes' article ought to be left out, as none of us like it. I shall make a great mess of Current events, not having read up, and having no foreign newspapers; so it is well that they sh^ not be too long. The war spirit may, I think, be included either in what you call conservative reaction or in the American chapter. Peel very short. If you will do English internal affairs, I will do Italy and America. Ricasoli is already done, and the debate is I suppose what remains. I will also do Peel if you wish, tho' I know nothing of him before the late quarrel & the rows of pins. That will be short. Russia and Poland must come in next time; also Hungary and the crisis of the quarrel. What I want is to get you to do France. I have not the materials, and am not safe in questions of finance. You are well up about the Society of S. Vincent, and then Fould.1 I attach no importance whatever to the constitutional changes, for a reason I have given in my paper on G. Smith. Are you therefore agreeable? -^ , ° Ever your s J D Acton If you will send me your chapter on English politics when done, I may manage to tag on a thing or two, if you will do as much for my Ricasoli.

368 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 11 DECEMBER 1861 Dear Acton I only see the Times, so I cannot help you to a better report of Massari's speech—I have looked at his two prefaces to Gioberti—I get on however very slowly with the volume, as each sentence sets me wool gathering. It is about the most suggestive book I ever began.2 I read yesterday a new vol. of Goldwin Smith,3 on w^ I made the remarks enclosed, with the idea that they might be of some use to you if you want to know where he stands theologically. He is clearly one of F. D. Maurice's men. I don't know what effect this has on his philosophy 1

2 3

Achille Fould (1800-67), French minister of finance 1849-51, 1851-2, of state 1852-60, of finance 1861-7, persuaded Napoleon III to limit his financial powers during parliamentary intersessions. Vincenzo Gioberti, Opere, 37 vols. (Naples and Turin, 1861-6), in part edited by Giuseppe Massari. Goldwin Smith, Rational Religion, and the rationalistic objections of the Bampton Lectures for 1858 (Oxford, 1861), a reply to Mansel's The Limits of Religious Thought. Goldwin Smith (1823-1910) was regius professor of modern history at Oxford, 1859-68, professor of history at Cornell University 1868-71 and then lived in Canada; president of the American Historical Association 1904. 8

225

ACL

of history, for I have never read it; it may of course result in scrutinizing all creeds for the salt of truth that kept them from rotting; & it may be carried on to supposing that the amount of salt he finds in each religion was a sufficient foundation for religion—i.e. that all religions are true, though most are more or less blocked up with rubbish. He is a great hypocrite for pitching into Mansel for believing our intellect incapable of defining & conceiving the divine essence, when he himself considers all definitions hitherto given or hereafter to be devised mere rubbish, & that God is only in real relation to our moral sense, & to our intellect only as interpreting our moral sense. His true quarrel with Mansel is that M. denies to our moral sense that absolute certainty or truth w^ can construct for itself the moral nature of God. Smith believes that his own fine feelings, backed up by his historical knowledge, are quite enough to enable him to set his finger on any religious manifestation & to say God is here, but not there—Mansel blows this pretence to the winds, & is therefore sceptical, atheistical abominable & unmannerly. Smith is a humbug. Of course he treats Newman as a sceptic, but does not say why. The only reason he knows of is that Newman says " God is one if the one is applicable to God at all"—"holy" &c&c in the same way. Considering that Smith is just as sceptical with regard to the applicability of any of the merely rational or logical notions to God, while he preposterously implies that e.g. chastity is the same virtue in God that it is in man. I think that he must have no small impudence & cheek to knock his little earthen mug against the huge iron sides of Old Noffffs1 in this dispute. ^ n . ,n „ F ** Ever yours faithfully R Simpson I am obliged to go off to Wetherell, who writes that there are passages of Stokes2 (besides those I corrected) wh he cannot pass, & so begs to see me. Clapham, Dec. 11. 61

Gold win Smith has just published a little book of 140 pp "Rational religion, & the rationalistic objections of the Bampton lectures for 1858." He shows himself an enemy of orthodoxy & of all formulistic Xtianity, throws over the Athanasian Creed, speaks as slightingly of the external evidence as of the dogmas, and defines religious & Scriptural as opposed to Ecclesiastical faith to be a belief that everything that is now dark in the ways of Providence will in the end be made clear. Out of the gushing abundance of a full nature he wishes to accept every outflow therefore 1 2

Newman. 'The Commission on Education and the Revised Code'. 226

as telling a true tale of God, and to reverence every human conception of the Divine nature as so many elements or parts to make up the fulness of God's image. Hence he declares Mansel to be atheistic when he makes revelation to be regulative, choosing some of these symbols & rejecting others, selecting a place where God may set his name to be worshipped, & forbidding all other images, names, or places as idolatrous. Hence he looks at Kant & Fichte as men of a deep religious nature at least in contrast to the Anglican formalists of the period, & rejoices that Mansel's attempt to take the keystone out of their religious arch, has also brought down his own edifice about his ears. Like Maurice he believes in the feelings and affections, thinks that the internal moral character of a revelation is positive evidence of its supernatural descent, i.e. proves not only that it may be, that there is no moral reason against its being, from God in a direct & supernatural way, but that it must be so. Against the obvious objection that what reason can judge of so infallibly, reason can also create—for if we know enough to judge, we know enough to make—he hides his head in the bag of reverence, walks wonderingly, & talks obscurely; defending himself chiefly by charging his opponents with atheism & scepticism—When he has not to oppose but to put forward his own system his mysticism betrays the nonsense that rules in his brain—thus he answers the "overwhelming difficulty" arising from the tardy appearance & partial distribution of moral & religious knowledge by a rising conviction that "the community of mankind is a community indeed, & that what is given to one member of it, is, though as yet we know not how, given to all."

369 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 13 DECEMBER 1861* Friday Dear Simpson, Oxenham's poetical criticism is sometimes commonplace but we want something of the kind as a literary relief from so much gravity. It ought to come between Stokes and me,1 I think. At any rate criticism of taste must be editorial. In his notice of Guizot2 was a passage which would have made us obnoxious to the Index. To say that persecution is wrong—nakedly, * The first part of Gasquet, Letter cvn, p. 243, with omissions. 'Mr Goldwin Smith's Irish History'. Oxenham's article was not published. 2 Christian Church and Society in 1861. 1

227

8-2

seems to me first of all untrue, but at the same time it is in contradiction with solemn decrees, with Leo X's Bull ag* Luther, with a Breve of Benedict XIV, of 1748 and with one of Pius VI of 1791. I have gone into the history of these ideas a propos of Goldwin Smith, in order to be able to speak quite confidently. I have collected such lots of materials that I must use them in a separate paper. This is what has delayed me for the last few days. , , , xr J Your s ever truly J D Acton Oxenham will be at least 14 My paper say 29 Tocqueville, Campion, Stokes 61 104 Mrs. Bastard1 Correspondence Short notices Current events

10 10 10 10

would be all right

370 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 13 DECEMBER 1861 Dear Acton If you think that it is more to the interest of the Rambler to put Cape's article in than to leave it out, by all means let us have it. Wetherell it was who rejected it, but you know he is a grumpy critic. I must say he is right, taking the high critical view. But I am perfectly ready to give my vote with you if you still hold to your wish to have him in, because I suppose the admission of a shady communicated article would not do much harm, whereas the entire discouragement of Capes would be a loss of his help, not to mention the £4.18 or so that we paid Mudie for him. Then comes the question, what shall stand over? I am afraid Stokes will be more than 17 pp. 18^ sides of 42 lines each of 12 words. My letter2 may stand over, but that is only 3 pp. Campion cannot, unless we discontinue him altogether. Tocqueville would do as well in March as now, if it was not for the occasion wh the publication of the translation has given for the Review—We must have an Irish article & you cannot possibly stand over. Stokes will have lost much of his importance by 1 2

'Rio on Christian Art'. 'Physical and Moral Sciences in Relation to Religion'. 228

March—There only remain M" Bastard1 & Oxenham. The latter you have promised, & it might be as bad to discourage him as Capes—not that I believe that O. wd be discouraged.—Mr? B. I suppose would not care much & it might be as well to let her stand over, write at once to say. About S^ Vincent of Paul—I want to be sure of my ground about Popes & Secret societies—So, if not very inconvenient to you, will you give me references to Collections w^ I may find in the Museum where I may find the following Bulls. Clement XII. Benedict XIV Pius VII— Leo XII

In eminenti 1738 Providas Romanorum. 1751 Ecclesiam Quo graviora

When are we to have your article & Green's letter?2— Ever yours faithfully R Simpson. Dec. 13. Benedict's Bull is the most important. He recites Clement's, & gives the religious & political reasons of his damnation. I forgot to say that Wetherell urges that Peel in Ireland is not an event—till something has come of him—w^ he holds to be impossible— That the reaction is not an event, till it has declared itself more clearly —& that Ld Stanley's speech,3 & the war have apparently arrested it— There remain then no home events. France I will attempt, S* Vincent de Paul & Fould, though I know nothing of finance beyond what I read in your Block,* & then only for 5 minutes after I have read him. 1

2 3

4

The articles are: Simpson, 'Edmund Campion, VI' and 'Tocqueville's Remains'; Acton, 'Mr Goldwin Smith's Irish History'; Stokes, 'The Commission on Education and the Revised Code'; Mrs Bastard, 'Rio on Christian Art'. 'The Oaths'. Lord Stanley, speaking at King's Lynn on 22 November, urged British neutrality in Italy and America and took a moderate line in domestic policy, not hostile to the Liberal Government. He denied that there was a ' Conservative reaction'. Maurice Block (1815-1901), French Jewish economist.

229

371 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 14 DECEMBER 1861* Saturday Dear Simpson, I believe mine1 would be the best article to stand over, as there is nothing in it about Ireland, but only politics in general. I shall send it to you however in order that you may decide. Wetherell I thought was more lenient to Capes' article than to his notices. I think Capes had much better be left out than Oxenham, whose paper will repose the mind of the attentive reader. It had best be decided by convenience of quantity between Capes and me; presuming that you will undertake to soften the pill to Capes for one thing rejected and the others greatly altered. I quite agree with Wetherell about Peel. It is always a great thing to avoid Irish questions when it is possible. I take therefore America and Italy, leaving France to you. Political currents would not however be bad material for a chapter—noticing the speeches of Lord Russell at Newcastle, Bulwer at Hertford, Horsman, Stanley, Bright at Rochdale, Pakington, Fitzgerald at Horsham, Whalley at Dublin—words are events as much as deeds. There is an invaluable book which you ought to devote a day to at the Museum = Guerra: Constitutiones Pontificiae 4 Vols. folio, 1772 with an Index rich enough to make your mouth water. It gives under distinct heads all that the popes have written, decreed, or decided upon each, giving the substance of the document, often the very words of the essential portions, together with references. It only goes down to the early part of the last century. The Bullarium of Leo XII contains I think all that came out since Benedict XIV. The Bullarium Magnum goes down to that pope's reign—Coquelines not quite so far. Bullarii Romani continuatio a Clem. XIII ad Pium IX ed. Barberi 1835-53 14 folios. This last will contain what you want later than 1751. Benedict recites Clement's Bull. Providus Romanorum stands also in Durand de Maillane Diction, de Droit Canonique 1787 III 562 (a very useful book.) of modern canonists see Schrodl Ius Canonicum. I have mislaid the volume and cannot refer you to the passage, see the Index. None of the others go into the question. I cannot see however how the society of S. Vincent, without oath or secrecy, comes under these censures. „ , . , Your s ever truly J D Acton * One paragraph of this letter is printed as the second part of Gasquet, Letter cvn, 1 pp. 243-4. 'Mr Goldwin Smith's Irish History'. 230

Oxenham hopes for proofs. 68 Hagley Road till the 20^ at Harrow after the 24^ I suspect Green's letter, including some important quotations will be 12 pages. Tocquev. Stokes Oxenham Mrs. B. Campion

22 18 15 10 22 87

12 Green Your letter1 3 18 Notices

120

If Oxenham's letter came in, or either Green or the notices were a little longer, or if I have underrated the length of O's extracts from the poets, then Capes may burn and I may wait—This would be the best arrangement of all. 372 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 14 DECEMBER 1861 Dec. 14. 1861

Dear Acton Comparing Oxenham with Capes I think the latter preferable. One is a man, the other a girl. I decidedly object to O's philosophy of poetry, & his way of putting the " poetry " of the Martyrs of Cawnpore & of Florence Nightingale is much fitter for the London Journal than for the Rambler. The acts were poetical enough, i.e. deserved to be celebrated in poetry, but to call them "poetry" is twaddle of the first water. If we admit him we must suppress nearly all the 12 sides with wh he flounders off. Such at least is my impression. But I will take it over to Wetherell this afternoon & consult with him—I wd much rather have the Ire than the article, wh is weaker than that on ' Religious Novels '2—& that was milk and water of the most watery kind. If he complains of being shortened too much refer him to your partner at Clapham—I don't at all mind this. About his Guizot—I shall ask Wetherell to rewrite it with his manliness—I used to think Wetherell feminine; but in comparison to Oxenham he is "Mars Bacchus Apollo virorum"—The picture of Lacordaire, refusing to throw one grain of incense on the idol shrine, & retiring 1 2 See footnotes to Letter 370. In July. 231

quietly from the pulpit of wh he had been the glory & the grace rather than whisper pleasant falsehoods from the sacred chair of Truth, only wants crinoline to make it perfect. Oxenham writes too much—he draws out of himself more than is in him, so we have only crude knowledge ill-cooked served up with plenty of paper ruffles—a costume becoming to a good haunch of mutton ridiculously misapplied on a vol-au-vent—Wetherell thinks that he shd be confined to 3 articles a year. Wetherell & I wont determine absolutely till I hear from you on Monday—But I would rather err on the side of over tartness with Stokes,1 than on that of sugared spooniness with Oxenham— Oxenham besides has many bristles under his sugar. His aesthetic phraseology is all borrowed from the most offensive schools. E.G. why does he talk of the poets being the great teachers of the day? If we are tamely to talk all this nonsense because he sends it us, why not at once get Mr? Thornbury2 to write us an article on Turner, & to tell us that the three great teachers of England are Shakespear, Bacon, & Turner? It is a foolish offshoot of Goldwin Smith's idea of God in all, of inspiration speaking God's revelation through glorified human feelings, & of poets utterances being the materials of the Bible of the future—Not that G.S. is fool enough to descend so low as this, though I think his principles lead to it. It is very difficult to locate aesthetics in a philosophy. But does Oxenham even see the difficulty? Is he a safe exponent of what you would like to bind yourself to? E.G. that Miss Proctor has " a message " for you? Shall I write to Oxenham, & get into a private controversy with him on the matter? It will comfort him to think that the article is excluded, if it is to be excluded, rather for its wickedness than for its weakness. Besides, it may lead to his re-writing it with advantage to everybody. Do let us have your article & Green's letter3 by Monday's post if possible; at any rate the first 16 pp of your art. Ever yours faithfully R Simpson 373 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 15 DECEMBER 1861* Sunday Dear Simpson, Your severity is a great comfort, and enables me to pursue without fear of responsibility the natural lethargy of my critical disposition. I 1

'The Commission on Education and the Revised Code'. A joking reference to G. W. Thornbury. 3 'Mr Goldwin Smith's Irish History' and 'The Oaths'. * The third part of Gasquet, Letter cvn, p. 244, with omissions. 2

232

reckoned indeed upon Florence Nightingale sticking in your throat. But Wetherell ought to do the correspondence with him. I prepared him for WetherelPs correction of his Guizot. Let him, as you say, be confined to or of only 3 articles a year. I send you a paper1 in which I hope a certain tone of Dominus vobiscum will disguise various ideas which are not of the most acceptable kind. An apology of the Reign of Terror has, compared to many Catholic apologies, the advantage of entire sincerity and truth, and serves to show that we defend the church on the same testing as all other truths. I am softened towards all Goldwin Smith's errors by his purposelessness and honesty. He often speaks of things he does not know, but is not really a humbug in history. I have not felt confidence enough to use your paper on his other book as I have not read it. If it throws any light on his want of a sense of the spiritual, pray put it in at the place where I say that of him. Who is Mainwaring of King William St. by whom a" translation of the Professor is announced?2 Dollinger is writing a life of Eckstein to be prefixed to a posthumous work of his. _, , A , Your s ever truly J D Acton 374 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 16 DECEMBER 1861 Clapham Dec. 16.

Dear Acton You say3 p. 5. that no one who had read the writings of the two primates would call Bramhall an inferior counterpart to Laud. Is G.S. speaking of writings, literary or philosophic ability, or even statesmanlike mind? Or is he speaking of active political life, & the realization of a given plan. In fact, has not Laud been more successful, a more significant figure in history, than Bramhall, in spite of the great literary superiority of the latter? You have G.S. by you, & can tell whether you have understood him aright or not. I still think that G.S. has a theory to w^ he bends his history—That book against Mansel is characterized by a fierce hostility against "Bishops" & hierarchs, in comparison to men whose utterances he 1 2

3

Probably 'The Protestant Theory of Persecution', Rambler, vi (March 1862), 318-51. George Mainwaring had purchased in 1860 the publishing business of John Chapman, publisher of the Westminster Review. He proposed, without authorization, to publish a translation of Kirche und Kirchen. In cMr Goldwin Smith's Irish History'. 233

supposes to be spontaneous, not official, because they had no dignities; this is of the same kind as his condemnation of the Irish Establishment. I think he is at bottom one of the Lamennais order, a believer in the common sense of the average, & in the mischief of the idiosyncrasies of the elite in the spiritual order. A thorough sceptic in all external revelation, or revelation that comes through any channel but this common sense.—whether this accounts for his historical mistakes I do not know, but I suspect it goes some way in that direction. If so, he does strive to make history prove a theory, though he may have wit enough to disguise his theory in his history, & only to let it out in his philosophical controversy. But this is only an obscure question of fact; nobody ever did harm by supposing the man he was criticising to be actuated by higher motives than those which really influenced him. Your doctrine is excellent, & on the whole very clearly put, whether or not G.S. deserves all your praises. I have ventured to unravel some of your sentences, & to make 3 or 4 out of one. In one instance I thought you not intelligible so I altered your words where you said, vindicate a moral code agnst those who identify "the laws w* manifest themselves in actions wt the laws w* govern them,"

I have put—" averages with laws, who consider the outward regularity with w^ actions are done to be the inward reason why they must be done, & conceive &c—If you dont mean this, write, & I will put what you do mean instead. The article is most instructive, & well worth all the care you have given it. I cannot fancy "ourselves" holding' it over to let Oxenham have his foolish say. I hope the Professor's book will not be published by Mainwaring in K W^ he succeeded Chapman, as infidel publisher; he patronizes Emerson, & all the Boston school; the one tiling that recommends a book to him is its supposed hostility to Xtianity. Probably he has been told that the Book is a wonderful attack on Protestantism. Now as Protestantism is the dominant religion here of course it is nothing to him in whose interest it is attacked, so that it is attacked by somebody. Publishing it at that house will lose it an immense mass of respectable readers. I speak of Mainwaring as he was 5 years ago. He may have reformed; ask Stewart.1 Capes has solved the problem of his article by sending us a quantity more short notices w^ I will convey to Wetherell tonight. So let it be decided that we leave out both that of Capes & Oxenham's. Many thanks for the references. It is Persigny who says that S^ V. de P. has the organization of a secret society. 1

Charles J. Stewart (1799-1883), London bookseller.

234

Is poor Prince Albert1 an event? I suppose by today's telegram war2 is certain. Suppose the Q goes mad & refuses to sign any declaration? _, A 1 J • Ever y" truly R Simpson 375 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 17 DECEMBER 1861* ^ Tuesday o. J Dear Simpson, 3 I reckon upon your longanimity to make my paper intelligible and to correct what you disapprove. Bramhall had better be left out. The words of GS. startled me impressed with Laud's mediocrity and with the conspicuous failure of his enterprize. I must confess that if you deprive G S. of his honesty, in history he has nothing to stand upon but the merits of his style. But his blunders are certainly not due to his theory if he has one, or he would not make out so weak a case against the Irish establishment. However I cannot speak as to his other book, and must leave that correction to you. In the passage about laws you are right as to the meaning, but do averages signify all that recurs with constant regularity? I want to distinguish between injunctions—proceeding from outward authority & will—and laws which are part of a thing's nature. I can hardly conceive a real infidel translating all Dollinger's book4 faithfully, but there is not a word in it against the infidels, and it is remarkable that the professor should have particularly reckoned on his treatment of positive Protestantism being taken up and pushed forward by the Unattached Protestants. Strange that his Italian translator should have been, on a former occasion, Bianchi Giovani, no better than Mainwaring according to your account of him. Be sure not to mitigate the folly and wickedness of suppressing S. Vincent, while you explain it. The beauty of the Society always struck me as being in its wonderful harmony with the laws of political economy. The remedy for poverty is not in the material resources of the rich, but in the moral resources of the poor. These, which are lulled and deadened by money-gifts can be raised and strengthened only by personal influence, sympathy, charity. Money gifts save the poor man who gets them, but give longer life to pauperism in the country. Moral influence cuts off the supplies w^ nourish it. Only institutions like the S. Vincent St can intercept poverty on its way to pauperism, and can permanently relieve, 1

The Prince Consort died on 14 December. * Gasquet, Letter cvin, pp. 245-7. 3 'Mr Goldwin Smith's Irish History'.

235

2

With the United States.

4

Kirche und Kirchen.

not only the poor but the state. For poverty comes either from one's own fault, or from some independent cause. The first may be prevented by influences over w^ the state has no power—by social action w^ reduces poverty to its ideal minimum, of those who are poor by no fault of their own, & who have a claim on the state. These alone, in whose case compassion is free from censure, are to be directly supported by the public. Indiscriminate almsgiving as contrary to Xty as to political science. A despotic state, founded on Proletariate, naturally jealous of influences coming between it and the basis of its construction. The Prince is a serious loss, but he only misled our public men in German Affairs. As the Prince of Wales comes to the van I suppose it will strengthen his candidate, the duke of Newcastle,1 who is also Goldwin Smith's patron. Probably the Queen will be more disposed to follow her feelings than the voice of prudence—So I see troubles looming among ministers, whom I suppose the American difficulty will strengthen until there is some signal reverse. How Canada is to be held till the ice breaks I cannot conceive. , TT A , Your s ever truly J D Acton 376 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 18 DECEMBER 1861 Clapham, Dec. 18, 1861

Dear Acton The Cardinal called a conference of his clergy together yesterday, & held forth, inter alia, on the iniquity of certain laymen taking upon themselves to instruct the clergy in the doctrines of their religion. My informant thought he meant the Rambler; I suggested that he could only mean Ward, who alone fulfilled the indications as given above. I suppose however he did mean the Rambler, & perhaps particularly my article on Manning.2 I went to the printers yesterday & found matters in this position Tocqueville Stokes Acton Rio Campion 1 2

22^ 18J 29 (say) 15 23 108

Henry Pelham Fiennes Clinton (1811-64), succeeded as Duke of Newcastle 1851, secretary for war 1852-5, for the colonies 1859-64. 4 Dr Manning on the Papal Sovereignty' in November. 236

108 Correspondence RS1 4 Green 12 (say) Notices (10 pp already in type) 16 140 To make room for the currents I propose to hold over my letter, & to eliminate some 3 or 4 or more pages of Campion; I can probably do it in a way that will leave the matter already printed in hand for March— There is no need that it shd be more than 16 pp—So you may have some 15 pp for Currents2 if you want them. Of these I shall want perhaps 3 for France Oakeley has sent a letter,3 begging those who have read Ward's letters against him in the Tablet to read also his replies—Wetherell considers the letter a godsend, as it will enable him to put a note at the end of it declaring the controversy closed—I fully agreed, & we only wait your consent. W. rejoices in the great moral & intellectual good that it will do to Oxenham to find nothing at all of his in the coming Rambler. When will Green be forthcoming? ^ ^ , Ever yours truly R Simpson You have saved me a column by the notes you have given me on S* Vincent of Paul— Surely Laud4 succeeded in his Ecclesiastical reforms? He turned the table into a thing that it was possible to call an Altar, & fixed the Ceremonial—You will have the slips soon & may take the passage out if you like—then we will try to concoct something to give the difference between mere regularity of happening from internal necessity & the injunction that gives an external cause— 1 2 8 4

'Physical and Moral Sciences in Relation to Religion'. For the other items, see footnotes to Letter 370. 'Current Events'. On public schools; not published. William Laud (1573-1645), archbishop of Canterbury 1633, royalist and high Anglican.

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377 ACTON TO S I M P S O N • 19 D E C E M B E R 1861* Thursday Dear Simpson, Supposing there would be much more space I was going placidly on with an Italian chronicle, which I cut short and send you with America,1 I fear 12 pp. swelled with doctrine, and therefore compressible at your discretion. Green's letter 2 may be curtailed by giving substance for text of Prot. oaths. I had written a note on the University of Louvain, to meet the charge of Gallicanism, but left it out, because of the length of the letter, and because the peculiarly anti Gallican character of that faculty must be matter of notoriety. Pray omit Capitular notices3 rather than bits of Campion. Lord Grey is detestable, Napier is as bad. 4 Pray do what you like with Oakeley, but I beseech one of you to soften the spirit of Oxenham with a discreet communication. I get 12 or 16 pages from him regularly thrice a week. I say Laud failed because he helped to pull down the house about the king's ears and his own. Perhaps you do not agree in my view of the great part played by religion in the rebellion. , , XT r r J J s Your's ever truly J D Acton 378 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 20 DECEMBER 1861 Dec. 20. 61. Clapham Dear Acton —And yet Capes' second batch of notices was certainly superior to the first, whose defects did not pierce the nightcap in w^ you had put to sleep your critical faculty. Wether ell undertakes to manage the Oxenham difficulty, & I suppose I must distil soft blarney into the ears of Capes, whose disuse of writing has generated in him a misuse of words for ideas. He has sent a third batch of notices—One of Goldwin Smith upon Mansel, on w^ I place my veto, for sufficient reasons of philosophy, & another of Miss Strickland on w^ Wetherell puts his veto for its emptiness & vulgarity. * The first part of Gasquet, Letter cix, pp. 247-3. These were the two parts of 'Current Events'. 2 3 'The Oaths'. I.e., notices by Capes. 1

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4

Two notices not published.

It is curious that Robson1 with the frames before him, should have so miscalculated the pages of the articles in type—I suppose you have the slips w^ I have. Tocqueville near 24 pp Stokes near 18 (will be more when Wetherell sends the last paragraph; & Campion 18. From the latter I propose to leave out a passage in slips 6 & 7 beginning with the paraf (last but one on the slip 6) "Both Campion & Parsons had tasted the bitter fruit &c" to the end of the 4th paraf on slip 7 "after w^ he returned to his order in Poland"— This will do next time when I shall have to speak of the secret society of young men, whose first duty after this decision it became to publish themselves by the negative process of abstaining from going to Church— The anomaly of a secret society to make secret believers into open professors—of a secret society to destroy secrecy—never seems to have struck the young chaps who formed it. I am afraid they were no better than Monsignori Talbot2 & Howard, than Patterson3 and Stonor & Johnny Arundell; they were undermined by the clumsy craft of Polonius which is Burghley, & blown to the moon by the tricksy ingenuity of Walsingham, which is the Iago of the period. I cut short S* Vincent of Paul in consequence of the shortness of space —perhaps it wd be best only to give part of Persigny's circular as an event, leaving the doctrine for an article—For the same reason I shall only just collect the facts from Fould's circular & Troplong's report in today's Times4— You see we now stand Tocqueville Stokes Campion Rio Acton

24 18 16 15 29? 102 Green 14 Notices 12 Leaving 16 pp for events5—

1 2

3

4

_, . Ever yours truly R Simpson

The printer. George Talbot (1816-86), converted 1847, papal chamberlain and canon of St Peter's; an extreme Ultramontane, Wiseman's and Manning's agent in Rome; went insane 1868. James Laird Patterson (1822-1902), converted 1850, priest and canon of Westminster, served as Wiseman's 'master of ceremonies', president of St Edmund's College, Ware, 1872-80, auxiliary bishop of Westminster 1880. Raymond Theodore Troplong (1795-1869), first president of the Court of Cassation 1852, reported to the French Senate on the modification of the constitutional pro5 visions regarding budgets. The list is correct; see footnotes to Letter 370.

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Is the last paragraph too strong?1 It shall be toned down or scratched out as you choose—I will look after Fould tomorrow. I have sent Green2 to the printers—The letter is a most useful one but he omits all mention of the negotiations at Rome about the oath—Fiftydecisions of French & Belgian Universities would not be worth one rescript of Propaganda, to stop certain mouths— G. will want 14 or 15 pp. By this post I send you a notice of Guizot that Wetherell has got a friend3 to write, instead of Oxenham's galimatias— Ever yours RS 379 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 20 DECEMBER 1861* Friday Dear Simpson, I put down here my suggestions for correction in the proofs sent me; they are so few that I do not return them. In Tocqueville 3 Michaud for Mick, and superficial for foolish a propos of Reeves'4 article. He reads the R. attentively, and is open to influence, whic h will not be if he is snubbed. The note about Sybel: Introduction to his History The italics sM begin at History. Toqu. 9 is egoism English, or egotism? Beginning at 'all over Europe', the end of your paper won't do. I have sketched an alteration, w^ I think keeps the point and leaves out the sting. Pray see whether it will do. Has the pope made no protest at all? All over Europe is a very general statement. S. Vincent flourishes gloriously in Germany. The affair on Guizot5 is good enough till it comes to the hollow phrases at the end. I think the following points ought to be dwelt upon. The revolution teaches that a government may be subverted by its subjects, irrespective of its merits; while that theory lasts the pope can never be safe against his own subjects except by force. Even good gov* is no security in a revolutionary age—see the cases of Louis Philippe, of Tuscany in '59. While the revolutionary principle has power therefore the papal 1

Probably a part of the French 'Current Events', 'The Oaths'. 3 This appears to be Daniel Connor Lathbury (1831—1922), an Anglican, joint editor of the Economist 1878-81, editor of the Guardian 1883-99, of the Pilot 1900-4. * The second part of Gasquet, Letter cix, pp. 248-51, with omissions. 4 Henry Reeve (1813-95), editor of the Edinburgh Review 1855-95. 5 By Lathbury. His review, revised on the basis of Acton's comments, appears to have been substituted for Oxenham's. 2

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sovereignty must depend on the aid of its neighbours against its subjects. But the revolutionary theory has also an international application, and teaches that a state may be absorbed by its neighbours even if it has not attacked them: when a wish of the kind is presumed on the part of the people, or expressed by insurrection, or ascertained afterwards by vote, or even for rectification of physical boundaries, or for the sake of ethnological connection. Therefore, (which is a priori necessarily obvious, as it can't contradict itself) the same revolutionary doctrine which puts gov*? at the mercy of the people, prevents neighbours protecting it against the people. Therefore in an age where the duty of allegiance and even good gov* are no security, treaties, and international guarantees, & public law, can be no security. In the M. Ages the popes preserved their liberty by their authority, by the faith of nations, not by their own political sovereignty—by the moderating influence they exercised over states; which was the key stone of the European system. Simultaneously, almost with the final destruction of that system by the cessation of unity of faith, and the nationalization of Churches (Concordat of Francis I in 1516. Luther 1517) the popes obtained a material basis for the freedom which was losing its spiritual guarantee—through the formation of the sovereign dominion in Central Italy in the Borgias, Julius II, and the Medici. On this they straightway built up a new system, to take the place of the old, and this was the system of the Balance of Power. The political support of the medieval system was the empire; this had now fallen and as much of it as remained was an alarm to the pope as an Italian sovereign. The army of Charles V took Rome, and the reluctance of the Holy See to assist the empire in the 30 year's War was due to Italian politics. The violence of Caesar Borgia, of Julius in armour, could not continue, and the military manner of founding the state could not go on to preserve it. That w^ have been contrary to the character of a priestly gov^ So the popes undertook to maintain their spiritual freedom through their territorial independence by the opposite plan to that of the respublica Christiana under pope and Emperor by preventing predominance of any one power, not by courting it. So they created the system of the balance of power, as the security of their temporal powers, as of old the imperial supremacy had been the implement and safeguard of their spiritual predominance. Now balance of power, w1? popes kept up in Italy, and by balancing France & Austria, is a system of Alliances, and the alliances may very easily vary, be mixed up like a pack of cards, provided a certain equality is the result. The object is peace—not any higher, ethical purpose—and for this the alliance of Protestant powers is good enough—yea or of the Turk. The connection between the temporal power and the balance is so 241

clear that when Napoleon raised up a new universal empire, Pacca imagined the temporal power would become superfluous. Now as balance of power is made up of alliances, it depends on the security of the alliance, that is, on the sanctity of treaties. The revolution, just now in the shape of Caesarism, naturally upsets both. Result: In an age of revolution the temporal power has no security ag^ rebellious subjects or ambitious neighbours. The spiritual liberty of the church has no safety in a revolutionary state. No solution therefore till the revolution has exhausted itself. Till then, provisional safety in some state that is not despotic or revolutionary. All this as suggestions to you. Say as much as you like of it—It will, I think, give more point to Lathbury's notice. The notion of balance of power being made by the popes to preserve their temporal power, instead of their old universal authority, will startle those who think it merely an attack on the old papal supremacy. But I am armed to the teeth with the materials of Italian and papal history, since Libri's sale, and I am sure this is true. ^r ' . , Your s ever truly J D Acton I've sent a lot of duplicates to Quetelet1. We have not settled prices, so if you go there at once and look them over you can take as many as you like, and he will put down to my credit only the remainder.

380 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 21 DECEMBER 1861 Many thanks about

Dec. 21.

Quetelets Dear Acton Read the Cardinal against us2 in the Tablet p 804, beginning at top of th 4 column. Are we to "take action" thereupon? I have scratched out all about Rome & S* Vincent; the subject is one w^ must be treated at length, if at all. I send a little on Fould. I have tried to understand the constitutional alterations3 by the help of Block, Fould, & Troplong, & I am convinced that they are absolutely nil. 1 2 3

Not clear; possibly a bookseller. This was Wiseman's pastoral of 17 December, reproving laymen who presumed to instruct the clergy. In France. 242

You have sent some most excellent matter to be added to Guizot, but you have not sent me the notice to w^ I may add it. I have made your corrections—also I have cut out egoism, w1? does not express Tocqueville's character—it was a sort of feudal consciousness of lordship over vassals carried into the realms of literature Yrs ever truly R Simpson 381 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 23 DECEMBER 1861* Monday night Dear Simpson, I have just come home from a couple of days' trip to Oxford and into Berkshire. The Guizot1 must have reached you since you wrote. I hope you have soothed Capes more successfully than W.2 has Oxenham, who has thrown that function upon me; and I found two very long and plaintive letters awaiting me. I shall try my hand upon him tomorrow. I quite agree with you about France, so far as I understand the political result of Troplong's clever but barefaced performance. As to finance I am afflicted with an incapacity to understand anything about it. Surely the Cardinal dotes. I most decidedly think it will be wiser as well as more Christian to take no notice of his denunciation. It is impossible to reconcile him or those who believe in him, and as he desires the clergy not to dispute with us we ought to expect to live in peace. Seen in the light of the Academy the indignity he has wrought is very great. Shall we not give him the benefit of the season? A merry Christmas to you, and a more dissipated than mine, which will be spent very decorously with our new contributor.3 Your's ever faithfully J D Acton I have corrected in the Rio article,4 which by the bye is not signed—I leave that to you and W—the words 'obligation ennoblit', into 'anoblit', but am in doubt and have no dictionary. * The first part of Gasquet, Letter ex, p. 251, with several omissions. 2 Lathbury's review. Wetherell. Green, Acton's chaplain. 4 Mrs Bastard, 'Rio on Christian Art', which was eventually signed ' F . H.'. 1

3

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382 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 24 DECEMBER 1861 Dear Acton I ought to have sent you this scrap from Wetherell yesterday. Oxenham I believe is in Town now, & W. expects to see him today. He has the article, & will agree with him to put it among the communicated articles for March,1 reserving the right to scratch out all that is silly in it. I have wondered to find that my anticipations of the motives of the damning of secret societies being so entirely political were so right. Benedict XIV Providas 1751 gives six motives. 1. The union in such societies of men of different religions. 2. The secret—he quotes Caecilius (!) out of Minucius Felix honesta semper publico qaudent, scelera secreta sunt. (He might have quoted to the same effect Celsus ag. Orig. & Trypho ag. Justin.) 3. The oath of secrecy —quasi liceat alicui cujuslibet promissionis aut juramenti obtentu se tueri quominus a legitima potestate interrogatus omnia fateri teneatur quaecumque exquiruntur ad dignoscendum an aliquid in hujusmodi conventibus fiat quod sit contra religionis aut reipublicae statum et leges. 4. The civil law qua omnia collegia et sodalitia praeter publicam auctoritatem consociata prohibentur. Pandect, lib XLVII tit 22. de coll. et corporibus illicitis. Et Ep. C. Plin. Cael sec. XCVII lib X. against hetaeriae—i.e. ne societates et conventus sine principis auctoritate iniri et haberi possent. 5. Many secular princes have in fact suppressed these societies. 6 & their numbers are suspected by good men. If this is right, then Persigny2 is right too in his treatment of S$ Vincent of Paul. A happy Christmas to you— ^ A , J ^rj Ever yours truly R Simpson Clapham Dec. 24—61 1 2

No article by Oxenham appeared in the March Rambler. The French minister of the interior, responsible for suppressing the Society of St Vincent de Paul.

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383 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 25 DECEMBER 1861* Xmas Day Dear Simpson, I shall be surprised if O.1 insists on having his paper published, or consents to alter it. He will see from my letter that tho' I asked him to write it I did not think much of it. Your reading of Benedict XIV is very happy. Your rather illiterate anon, correspondent may be Bunbury. Newman has told S. John that he must write for the R. Who therefore offers papers or a paper of exactly this kind—Whether competent or otherwise I know not—certainly versed in the German literature of the Old Testment. Who the Juice is W.P. mysteriously alluded to by W. Is it Pegg Wosser?2 And has he given to us what he gave before to the Weakly? And does he notice Farmer's reply? And what does Stokes say? In short who the J. is he? And why is he not in correspondence? Your's ever truly J D Acton I hope Capes is at peace within. 384 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 26 DECEMBER 1861 Dear Acton Without "France" 3 we have already a page & a half too much. Therefore France will stand over till March. WP. is Pegg. His communication4 is the same as that wherewith he favoured the Weakly; & Wetherell has extracted the juice, so far as was needful, & it will come as a note to "Communicated articles". Stokes says nothing for he has not been consulted. He was justified in leaving out " I am told" because he had said over & over again that the Commissioners only depended on hearsay. * The second part of Gasquet, Letter ex, p. 252, dated 'Tuesday', with omissions. Oxenham. A pun on Francis Richard Wegg-Prosser (1824-1911), M.P. 1846-52, converted 1852. 3 An item for 'Current Events'. 4 See Rambler, vi (January 1862), 220n., a correction of Stokes' November article on 4 The Education Commission' regarding the Catholic school at Belmont. 1

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Will S* John furnish Bunbury with a new Gospel, or a new Revelation? The latter seems about what B. wants, if it is B. I have read Leo XII on the Commission of subsidies—He thereby abolishes all other charitable associations, just as Nap. III. perhaps will, when he has succeeded in making a S* Vincent that knows no distinction in Religion ^ . , & Ever yours truly R Simpson Boxing day, as I am reminded by the dustman— 385 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 31 DECEMBER 1861 Dear Acton Darnell has written that he wants to talk to me next Friday about his affairs. Of course he means that unhappy quarrel at Edgbaston which threatens to stop the school.1 Will you therefore tell me what you know about it, & what line can be taken in order at least to get people to temporize, & so put off a catastrophe which I am afraid will come, unless Mr? Wooton2 commits suicide, & Darnell consents to carry on a school for big boys in Birmingham. Shall I propose that you should mediate? or if you don't like to intervene between Newman & Darnell, should I be justified in telling D. that he should agree with N. to leave the matter in the hands of Dollinger? Would Newman agree? Would the professor undertake to mediate? Could he come over to England in the Summer, if it should turn out to be necessary?—I am writing very much in the dark, for I have heard the barest outlines of the dispute, but as my advice has been asked, it is worth while to learn something about the merits of the case. You have subdued Wetherell by your article & your events this time, & he accepts your lead as the political philosopher of your day. But he laments that you should employ a style wh with difficulty allows your meaning to transpire, & proposes for this, wh he regards as a real calamity, the following cure— 1 That you should read, for the purpose of imitating, something of Swift's, as often as you have opportunity; so as to progress, through Swift, to Macaulay. 1 2

Darnell had resigned as headmaster of Newman's Oratory School at Edgbaston. The other masters (including Oxenham) had also resigned. Frances Wootten, widowed 1847, converted 1850, matron of Edgbaston School. Her role as matron had been the occasion of the crisis at the school. 246

2. That, failing this course, you should finish your articles a little sooner, so as to give him, W., at least a week to make the necessary transpositions & divisions of sentences & clauses. Seriously, I think it would be worth while to do something in this line, unless you want the dust over your fine gold for ever to depreciate it beneath the gilded dust of men with no brains but more mechanical dexterity— The Nullity of the things of J. M. Capes that we have printed is appalling. I have written him a letter which I hope will appease him. But I don't see the use of him unless he improves. He was always rather prolific of vortices of words with vacuums in the place of central columns. But then his flow of words was limpid & clean; now it is borrowed from Dickens & his third rate imitators. It is really Dickens & milk-&-water. We ought to have for March Stokes' proposals in place of the clauses of the revised minute he would set aside.1 Wetherell suppressed a final sentence in w^ he had proposed the continuance of capitation grants; as being contrary to the argument of the whole article— A happy new year to you— . ,, rrj J J Ever yours faithfully R Simpson Dec. 31.

386 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 1 JANUARY 1862 1 January 1862 My dear Simpson, I know unfortunately very little about the questions in dispute at Edgbaston. Darnell once spoke of them in an enigmatical way, and Oxenham speaks of them despondingly in the P.S. to most of his letters, but I did not know, for instance, that the suicide of Mrs. W. is desirable. I suppose the substance of the quarrel is about the connexion between the school and the oratory. By the new building, in front of the church, and the surrender to the boys of the top floor of the oratory, the school has become a regular appendage, almost a part, of a religious house—and that for good; and of course at the same time the secular character of the establishment is diminished, and the Protestant public school element so far as it consists in dame's houses and the absence of surveillance necessarily loses ground. The school is rivetted to the spot for ever, and 1

Stokes followed his earlier articles with 'The Revised Educational Code', Rambler, vi (March 1862), 293-300. 247

stands or falls with the oratory. One should suppose that the tendency of all this is to conciliate those whom the Protestant associations offended, and it may be connected with a change which I think has taken place of late in Newman's views on education. His letter ag^ XYZ and what I hear of his article in the Atlantis1 can hardly be reconciled with what he taught at Dublin.2 If the object is to connect the school more intimately with Newman, that object is in fact not attained—for the boys see nothing of him, and the masters do not even know when he goes to London. If it is to strengthen it with the support of the oratory in general, which maybe the design, as I think finances have been taken out of Darnell's hands, at Ryley's instigation, and put into those of the least wise of the Fathers, then it is a mistake. For when Newman dies, and I am afraid he is alarmed about his health, the school will stand by virtue of Darnell and his staff, not of the oratory, and it is essential that it should soon learn to stand on its own merits, to resist the storm that will assail it when the awful chief is gone. What part the Fathers take in this controversy I know not, but the masters are all strongly against Newman. If you see Oxenham you will find him very wrathful about his article, and resentful either of criticism or fun, but he understands the Edgbaston question, and has great confidence in Darnell. You probably know better than I do what the parents say, and what the boys. I would do anything to save the school, but I cannot put in my oar between Newman and his liegemen. He has never spoken to me about it, and would suppose the others have, and so be suspicious. Dollinger will probably come over at Easter, but that is far off, and he might not be able to estimate a variety of collateral considerations that bear on the question. Hope Scott is the man Newman would most willingly listen to, and generally the wisest of men, but he is heretical about University education and does not care for a Catholic University. Now the school must ultimately decide that question, either by setting up a Catholic University, with a school of theology, or by getting a college at Oxford, as the Jesuits proposed, or as Jowett3 foretels, by the addition of the sectarian character of the University. When the first generation of boys has been trained at the university level and turned out of Edgbaston, unless one of these alternatives is provided, it will break down—for no fruit can ripen if the year ends in June. Hope has also got a crotchet about the aristocratical character of the school, but here Darnell has a plan which I thought sensible and just. 1

3

No article by Newman on this subject appeared in the Atlantis. Possibly Acton had heard of an article, actually by Ornsby, 'Roman Education', Atlantis, vn (1862), 2 1-23. The lectures on The Idea of a University. Benjamin Jowett (1817-93), fellow of Balliol College, Oxford, 1836, regius professor of Greek 1855, master of Balliol 1870; one of the Essayists and Reviewers and a distinguished classicist.

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387 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 4 JANUARY 1862 It 1 is a clear triumph to the obscurantists, and a destruction of the last refuge of the would be believers in Newman's practical ability. I wish he would once more become what he really is, a philosopher, & give up attempting to rule men by his command, instead of exerting an almost omnipotent influence over them by his teaching. In talking to Darnell & Moodie2 one is painfully conscious of the infinite distance between them & Newman. Yet I must own that in this matter I am inclined to go in with the young-'uns. Either N., not being a public school man, does not see why schools & universities should be conducted on the same plan; or with that painful subserviency to the pressure of authority for w^ he has always, from time to time, been distinguished, he has yielded his own convictions to the supposed desire of Bishops or Pope. I have written off to Wetherell, with a copy of Lewis' note. He is at Malvern for a week. About articles, there is one that I want to write before going into the question of liberty, namely, the real meaning of "ecclesiastical government" ; training its grievance not to the government by clerics, but to the principles of legislation w? professional clerics must necessarily follow— viz. the laws of subjective or ascetic morality instead of those of political or objective morality.3 The differences are chiefly 3. 1. ascetic |moralityf the law giver political (obeys [ the law 2. Ascetic morality, or the legislation of the confessional founded on "intention", rather than positive rule. 3. Its rule founded not so much on what is really evil, as on the casuistry of "the occasions of sin"— From these three points I think I can show why ecclesiastical policy is so unbearable, & can also the question of Tocqueville in p. 163 of the current Rambler. E v e r yours faithfully R Sim

Clapham Jany 4. 1862 1 2

3

Pson

The resignation of the masters at the Oratory School, which Simpson wrongly saw as the collapse of the school itself. Robert Sadleir Moody (1823-1907), converted 1854, taught at the Oratory School 1859-61, at Oscott 1862-73. Moody's criticism of Newman had occasioned irritation even before the quarrel over Mrs Wootten brought about his resignation. This is the genesis of Simpson's article, 'Moral Law and Political Legislation', Rambler, vi (March 1862), 301-18.

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388 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 5 JANUARY 1862* 5*h January 1862 My dear Simpson, I knew nothing of all the events you relate,1 and can throw no light on the matter. Newman's suspicions of Darnell and the rest would explain his having brought the school into closer connexion with the oratory, against Darnell's wish, but he has never shown any desire or taken any steps to obtain direct personal influence. This seems to me to put him in the wrong. He reduces himself to a nonentity in the school, by keeping aloof both from boys and masters, and then expects that all the influence and attachment will not be concentrated in the hv^Loapyos who does the work and exercises all the every day authority. In such a system it is natural that the appeals to the supreme head should be made only at irregular moments, and for the purpose of interrupting the natural course of events. Unless he assumes much of the responsibility and authority hitherto in Darnell's hands Mrs Wootton's appeal to him ought never to be admitted. Moreover Darnell's two rules are so transparently just and necessary that the opposition to them is absurd. I have long had the impression that Newman did not like Moodie, and would be glad of an opportunity of replacing him. Of course Newman did not explain to Hope2 etc. how completely he has withdrawn himself from the school, but they ought to know it from the boys. I cannot conceive the plan of the double school3 answering, and I greatly doubt Newman's giving in about Moodie. It is not clear to me that he had no right to take the opportunity of getting rid of one of the masters whom he disliked, though Darnell may be committed to stand or fall with Moodie from subsequent occurrences. What Newman ought to do would be to recover his own direct influence in the school not by Mr? W. but by actually taking part in it, seeing the masters, examining the boys occasionally, and giving them occasional sermons. I hope somebody will tell him so. In any case it is a great misfortune. I will try to tap Bellasis. Dollinger, whose book4 has been approved by the pope—personally— on the strength of an elaborate private report he had made, asks whether he is to send you a copy of the second edition. I discouraged him, but I will send you one of the first edition, where you will find, p. 577. that he * Gasquet, Letter cxi, pp. 253-6, with a major omission. 2 With regard to the Oratory School. Hope-Scott. Separating the younger from the older boys. 4 Kirche und Kirchen. 1

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agrees with your view of clerical government. All your points seem to be right. An important corollary of the first is that in all secular states the existence of great classes, nobles, clergy etc. limits the royal—or state— power. In Rome the great class of the clergy is the mere creature and instrument of the sovereign. In Protestant countries, and those Catholic countries where church property was seized (Austria etc.) the monarch had to call into existence a new class, for administration of church property. This was the origin of modern bureaucracy, that is, of a class irresistible as against the people, merely an implement as agst the Crown. This was the step by w^ loss of Church's power or freedom led to absolutism. But in Rome the clergy = the bureaucracy—w^ is made ludicrously apparent by giving clerical garb to secular employes. All liberty consists in radice in the preservation of an inner sphere exempt from state power—That reverence for conscience is the germ of all civil freedom, and the way in wh. Xty served it. That is, liberty has grown out of the distinction (separation is a bad word) of Church and State. Rome, where they are not distinct, w^ therefore be like the Caliphate, Russia etc. but for the difference that in those cases the absolute civil ruler becomes ipso facto ruler of the Church, whereas in Rome the anything—but—absolute ruler of the Church is ipso facto ruler of the state. The security therefore is only in the objectiveness of eccles. law, & its transfer onto the state; w^ is precisely what asceticism overturns. I must take another piece of paper. Law is national, growing on a particular soil, suited to particular character and wants. How peculiar, local, national, influenced by time and place, is the political and social legislation of Moses'. But where a religion w^ is universal inspires the gov^ of a state, it must do so absolutely, regardless of particular conditions, of historical traditions, physical aptitude, moral inclination, or geographical connexion. It contradicts the first principle of legislation, that it should grow in harmony with the people, that it should be based on habits as well as on precepts (mos-jus),1 that it should be identified with the national character and life. On this depends growth, and liberty and progress saving tradition. But where a general or different code is imposed on a people, as the civil law was on the continental states in the 15^ cent, the consequence must be state-absolutism. For the system must be administered by experts— legists, jurists, bureaucrats. It must proceed downwards—The people cannot administer a law not their own. This is the reverse of self gov^ w^ proceeds not from a code, but from custom (droit coustumier), is learnt not from books but from practice, is administered by the people themselves, class for class (i.e. judgment by one's peers, w* is the principle of Jury— 1

Acton added 'ij#os-04"s' over '(mos-jus)'.

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the participation of society in the judgment—the judge represents the state) and place for place—Mayors, J.P., jurisdiction of seigneurs on the continent to this day in some parts, tho' that is unreasonable where there is Roman law. However good therefore the code maybe, if it comes aliunde than from national life and history, it destroys self gov^ and makes the state absolute—even if its forms are liberal. The exception is in conquest where the vanquished learn the laws and polity of the conquerors, like the Gauls and Spaniards from the Franks and Goths—Intermarriage can alone produce it, destroying monopoly of aptitude and knowledge. Another point is that a religious government depends for its existence on the belief of the people—Preservation of the faith is ratio summa status, to which everything else must yield. Therefore not only the civil power enforces the religious law, but the transgressions of the religious law must be watched and denounced—therefore espionage & religious detectives, and the use of the peculiar means of information religion provides to give warning to police. The domain of conscience not distinct therefore from the domain of the state—sins = crimes, and sins against faith, even when private, without proselytism, are acts of treason. Apply to this the theory of misprision—& every man becomes a spy. Seclusion from the rest of the world necessarily follows, if the rest of the world has not the same religion, or even if it is not governed on the same principles. For liberty is extremely contagious. Therefore travel and commerce, facilities of communication &c. necessarily proscribed; for they would be solvents of a state founded on religion only. But all these prohibitions restrain material as well as intellectual well-being. Poverty and stationary cultivation, that is to say, in comparison with the rest of the world, retrogression, the price of such a gov^ Two things put an end to this. The economical dependence on other countries, w^ needs ensues, ultimately break down the seclusion, as the determination of capital to exploiter undeveloped resources is resistless in the long run —and the increase of communication gradually destroys barriers and brings the forbidden knowledge and desires into the sequestered community. All this is perfectly applicable to Tibet and Maroc w^ correspond with Rome better than the Jews, for among the Jews the priesthood did not retain the ruling power. All which is more true than new, so forgive garrulity. Your's ever sincerely J D Acton What do you hear of the new * Correspondant"!11 suppose a last vigorous blow at us. Will it not destroy the Dublin and make us quarterly? Don't be indiscreet or angry about it in company. 1

A new magazine, proposed to replace the apparently failing Dublin Review. 252

389 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 11 JANUARY 1862 Dear Acton I send you by this post (early enough) the article that I spoke of.1 There will be time to rewrite it if it ought to be less harsh & dictatorial. The subject is too big to put into an article of 20pp. I enclose also a short notice of a book by S* John.2 I have not heard from Capes, except that his boy has blown his eye out, & that the father is very much hipped, & only writes for money, & therefore does not relish having his affairs omitted. But if he wont give us more brains in them, how can we take them. This was only a message, I have had no letter— Have you seen Marshall's book on Missions?3 He is a wonderful swallower of all opinions—It is a pity that the subject did not fall into the hands of some one with equal industry & more judicial equilibrium. It is said that Darnell has left the Oratory.4 Deane5 goes about saying that Oxenham is at the bottom of it all, & that Newman declares he will never see O. again. The mess is horrible, & worse as parents have as yet received no notice of any change, & the halfyear begins the 24th Inst. Are you pushing foward your articles for Wetherell's manipulation? Ever yours truly R Simpson Saturday, Jany 11. 62. 390 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 13 JANUARY 1862* Monday Dear Simpson, I have only just had time to read your article, and will keep it a day, to put down a variety of glosses that it suggests to me. If then you think any of them worth adopting, it would be wise at the same time to 1

'Moral Law and Political Legislation'. Not published. T. W. Marshall, Christian Missions: their Agents, their Method and their Results, 3 vols. (London, 1862). 4 Darnell took a leave of absence from the Oratory; he later withdrew completely. 6 Probably Edward Dean, or Deane (b. 1814), fellow of All Souls, Oxford, converted 1855. * Gasquet, Letter cxi (the second letter so numbered), p. 257; most of the letter omitted. 2

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soften the tone of the paper, which is not objective enough, and to weigh certain expressions and definitions where accuracy is of importance. Darnell is here, and the complication has increased since you saw him. He has resolved to be away for a time, his presence at the oratory being a stumbling block to the school now that he is no longer master, but he will never be able to remain in the oratory again, I think, unless he recovers the Headmastership. He wrote yesterday definitively to Newman in spite of my very urgent advice to do nothing that will be irrevocable, and refused to let me involve myself in the usual fate of meddlers, which seemed to me the last forlorn card, now that Hope has been deluded. Newman's strong feeling against Oxenham is a greater obstacle to any arrangement than his strong proceedings against Darnell. He means to go on with Arnold1 and Marshall,2 the other Marshall3 and Rougemont4 having submitted. The case of the latter affords a sinister satisfaction to XYZ,5 who sees in his iniquity the result of the Seminary system. Moody goes to Oscott. As Darnell wisely resolved to make no public demonstration, and restrained the eagerness of O. I have encouraged him to write merely a short private letter to a few of the parents who know him best—such as can be shown. This he has composed with great skill and judgment— neither justifying himself, nor giving up his point, neither accusing Newman nor patronizing his successors, nor divulging secrets, quite short and matter of fact. O. has written to Newman a letter which is a masterpiece of temper for an indignant and angry man. The crisis seems to me a very grave one, and all the future of education at stake— and the fate of another institution besides the school trembling in the balance.6 For all which I see no hope unless Darnell some day comes back—a consummation which depends hence forward on the wisdom of Arnold. If Darnell had taken any revenge, or made public protest and opposition, that would be impossible for ever. He cannot stand by himself, and Newman must fail without him. Your treatment of M> S* John is rather severe—I have no doubt he deserves it. Gratry writes of Dollinger's book; "c'est selon moi le livre decisif... destine a produire un bien incalculable et afixerl'opinion sur ce sujet... Le D.D. nous a rendu a tous un grand service." So much for the man in the Register who says I lied when I quoted Gratry in favour. Lacordaire's last letter before his death was a strong expression of the 1 2 3 4 5 6

Arnold came from Dublin to become a master at the Oratory School. T. W. Marshall, who did not in fact come to the Oratory. J. B. Marshall. Abbe A. Rougemont, a French priest, taught at the Oratory School 1861-2, later convicted as a thief. Oxenham, also referred to as 'O'. This refers to Acton's hopes for a Catholic university in England. 254

same views. I send you a vol. of Gobineau1 where you will find an interesting chapter on religion and policy. I have been hard at work, but I have too many books. ,r , . , Your s ever truly J D Acton I suppose you will review Marshall—as favourably as honestly allows. I am a subscriber, I think, but have not yet red the book. Robertson2 bothers me again about Enoch. I see the Correspondant will not be a serious competitor. 391 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 20 JANUARY 1862 Clapham 20 Jany. 62 Dear Acton I have recast the whole article,3 & put into it most of your commentary—I hope the tone will be tame enough, but dont let your eye pity or your hand spare to scratch out all that sins. Might you not write a short notice of the coming translation of Dollinger,4 like Newman's short notice of S* John's translation of the psalms in May 1859,5 just to make public the three points of its immense sale, the adhesion of the German clergy & of the French constitutionalists, & the personal approval of the Pope?—The three points are very important—You might also mention that Maccabe the well known Catholic writer &c is translating it, as a make-weight against the prejudice of Mainwaring's name. Have you seen the new French population returns? From a short abstract in the Times last week it appears that the increase is something under 2,000,000 including the new departments. This would give even a decrease in the population of France proper, whereas they claim an increase of something like 1 per cent a year—The Times must have made some mistake, for I dont think even Troplong would so shamelessly blazon forth so shallow a fraud as this would be. I suppose you will be able to get the returns before the current events for March are in hand. 1 2 3 4 5

Comte Joseph Arthur de Gobineau, Essai sur VintgaliU des races humaines, 4 vols. (Paris, 1853-5). James Burton Robertson (1800-77), translator of Schlegel and Mohler, professor of geography and modern history at the Catholic University of Dublin 1855. 'Moral Law and Political Legislation'. Kirche und Kirchen was to be translated by William Bernard MacCabe (1801-91), Irish journalist and historian. No preliminary short notice was published. Rambler, i (May 1859), 116: a one-sentence announcement of the work 'in preparation'.

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Marshall's book ought to have an article;1 there never was so shallow a fellow as he. He never once rises to a principle all the way through. He condemns raising money by taxes on Idolatry as fanatically as our forefathers condemned the Popes for taxing the stews, without taking the trouble to consider that to leave idolatry untaxed is a premium upon it, and in comparing the conduct of the English with the governments of other colonizing countries, he seems utterly oblivious of the fact (is it— not a fact?) that governments always spare the aboriginal population, whereas private adventures always maltreat it; so that governments w^ colonize are always at first more merciful than colonial speculators &c. When you come up to Town will you bring the remaining volumes of Gobineau—I should like to finish him. I send you the rewritten article by this post. What is it to be called? Asceticism & politics (?).—Monks. Priests, & Statesmen (?). Christianity & Civilization—&c— „ m±_, „ ,, T, Ever yours faithfully R Simpson W™ Eyre is setting up a Catholic library w^ may possibly become a peg whereon to hang the "Lingard society",2 if it can be hung there without making it Jesuit. His notion is to collect all books published by English Catholics—It is a natural addition to collect copies of or indexes of all MS. & other records of the same, & occasionally to publish the more important of them.

392 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 21 JANUARY 1862* Tuesday Dear Simpson, Your article3 has lost nothing either in vigour or in effectiveness by the softened tone. I would only suggest: Page 7 repentance equivalent to innocence? Will that do? If you wrote it deliberately I have no doubt you are right, but as it is startling I thought you had perhaps not weighed the word. 9. Desire of wealth not of life only the incentive to labour, on principle of self preservation, in two ways. First, life is not secure unless there is 1

Simpson, 'Marshall on Christian Missions', Rambler, vi (March 1862), 352-66. Acton's proposed Catholic historical society. * Gasquet, Letter cxn, p. 258, with several omissions. 3 'Moral Law and Political Legislation'. Gasquet (p. 258n.) erroneously identifies this as 'The Protestant Theory of Persecution', actually by Acton. A note in the Downside MSS. indicates that Wetherell warned Gasquet against this error.

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provision made for a rainy day, accident, loss &c. So a store, an excess, is required as a guarantee of the bare necessaries being always forthcoming 2? Self preservation leads to seek to found a family, to endure, in one's children, after one is dead. The same instinct, at the same time a moral principle, leads us to wish to provide for these children, their education &c. Do you observe the immense step taken in political economy by putting selfpreservation in the place of Self interest? You speak of the Beatitudes; it occurs to me that you might use them more as the root of the Xn revolution in ethics—poor in spirit &c—These were new ideas in the world—The Sermon on the M> is the real revelation of a new Society—morally. Observe the degeneration of the principle of poverty in an altered society in the friars who followed the monks. It had enriched the old world—it impoverished the modern—For the Benedictines, the real inheritors of the old monastic & ascetic spirit, growing with the growth of Xdom—became wealthy, politically powerful &c. But the Franciscans, continuing to live on alms, instead of giving them, multiplied over much, as it was cheap to found a community of 'em, requiring only bricks & mortar, & leaving them to beg their food from the poor. In Spain this was one cause of the country falling into decay, & the General of the order protested at last ag^ the multiplication of his order. Will you take the trouble to make a note of the quarrel you speak of among Canonists on the decree of Alexander III, as there is a view there I can use for other purposes. I will notice Dollinger next time or next but one as M'Cabe prefers, & will try to get the text of Lacordaire's letter. If I get Marshall's book while I am here I will make some political notes on it which may combine with your's for an article—Darnell & Oxenham are here, disputing. The former, I expect, will go abroad before the school meets. Oxenham has lectured on S.F.1 of Assisi, & publishes his lecture—I am curious to get a sight of it. You say nothing of Ward's lecture on Tuesday.2 Did you not attend? Clarendon calls his book: Religion and Policy3—Will that do for your article? Have you secured Stokes? ^r , L 1 Your s ever truly J D Acton 1 3

2 St Francis. At the Academia. Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of Clarendon (1609-74), lord chancellor 1660-7. His Religion and Policy was published (Oxford, 1811).

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393 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 22 JANUARY 1862 Dear Acton The controversy about Alexander III s bull I only know of from Fagnanus—in 1. lib. dec. de Treuga et Pace. c. Treugas. (Vol. 1. p. 634. no 46 19g.)—He asks. An lex Eccla post promulgationem a principio statim liget, antequam recipiatur a subditis In the "arguitur quod non" he quotes 1. leges firmantur moribus. §Leges. 4. dist. 2. nullam habent vim obligandi nisi ex more. Aristot. lib. 2. Polit. cir. fin. 3. only bind, quod judicio populi receptae sunt De quibus ff. de legibus, & leg. Si fundam ff. de contrahen. enpt. Quare legem tarn civilem quam Canonicam (because legislator is always supposed to imply the condition) ex defectu Legislatoris non obligari nisi a subditis recipiatur censuerunt— Gemin. in diet §Leges. Navarr. in Manual, c. 23. no. 41—et cons. 1. 9. 5. de Constit. Covarr. lib. 2. Var. resol. c. 16. no. 6. ex Theologis Major in 4 sent. dist. 15. c. 4. cont. 2. Armil. in voc. 'Lex', no 11. Angel, no. 4 in fin. But the law can only not be binding from defect, either of power or of will in legislator—Pope has power—Also has will.

But I have begun in the middle. The Glossa secunda on the bull said 'haud constit. de Treuga hodie non tenere, nee Episcopi censeri illuis transgressores. quia nonfuit moribus utentium approbata This gloss is called singularis—Imol. no 12 Abb. no. 4 Johan. de Anon, ad fin famosa (not infamous) i Felin. no. 6 (but excellent) J Goffred. Innocen. Oldrad Imol. etc 258

& Rotae decis. 781. no. 11. par. 4. divers. Hostien, declares it to be the common opinion—though he rejects it & the gloss. Of course Fagnanus follows Hostien—& quotes lots of names, whom I will write out for you when you want them— I send you a little affair about Marshall— I have not heard of Stokes yet—I told him to let us have a short article. Mrs. Bastard promises 2. Articles, one on Mrs. Browning & Miss Proctor the other on Ruskin—Doubtful if we get either this time.11 must put together 16 pp of Campion2 I suppose. Ward's lecture on Tuesday was provoking enough, but no discussion was provoked. It was too long to leave time for it. He began with saying that the Catholic idea of intellect is that wh. is directed to the contemplation of God—therefore it has nothing to do with Science—a strange conclusion in a man who believes that Mathematics are a part of God— He went on to assert the supremacy of the non-intelligent will over the intellect—& thus proved that the church wh. is the organ of this blind will, is the true guide of the seeing intellect even in question of politics & science. His tone was triumphant & unctuous, & the peroration was clearly directed against the Rambler. I moved that it be printed, & he promised to print his 2 lectures as he had given them with notes. I gave the surety to understand that I would reply in the Rambler.3 Have you seen the Union of Nov. 8 ? It has a very civil4 of the Rambler, picking out the articles on Dollinger & on Manning,5 from the latter picking out "the fitting sentence"—"What the Pope wants is not a positive right of governing but a negative right of not being governed: not a centre of political power, but a basis of independence." As this sentence is yours, it may console you to find that, if Wetherell can't, the Union can, make out what you mean— Ever yours truly R Simpson Clapham Jany. 22. 1862. 1 2 3 4 5

Neither was published. Simpson, 'Edmund Campion, VII', Rambler, vi (March 1862), 366-86. Ward's two lectures on the intellect were reviewed in May, but not by Simpson. The word 'notice' is omitted. Acton, 'Dollinger on the Temporal Power', and Simpson, 'Dr Manning on the Papal Sovereignty'.

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394 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 23 JANUARY 1862 Thursday Dear Simpson, Many thanks for the extracts, which are most valuable for my purpose, and which I shall treasure up. They are so abundant I am sorry for the trouble I gave you thoughtlessly. Your paper on Marshall is generous. I will keep it a day, if you don't mind, for some political notes, which will, I daresay, be of no use. The subject of the gov^ of dependencies inhabited by races of an inferior type is the most intricate in all politics, and the analysis of the instances is very interesting. I have very little time to write, as I am occupied keeping up the spirits of one guest, and soothing the irritation of the other. Your's ever truly J D Acton 395 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 24 JANUARY 1862 Dear Acton Enclosed you have the sketch of a short notice1 on a subject which has only just opened in any clear form to my mind, but wh, it seems to me, would be a good subject for an article here after—for it has its comic side in Don Quixote as well as its serious side in Dante. I suppose the laborious Germans have exhausted it, as they have most others. Have you any book about it, the pith of w^ is all collected in an index or notes? Or do you know anything about it? Capes calls me the coolest hand he ever saw, but will go on writing— He sent me a cheque for 10£—y ours of last No?—I returned it, telling him to pay himself for what he had written, & for what he was going to write, & his economy has overflowed his dignity, wh has only bubbled up in a plain spoken but good natured letter to me. Stokes will send a short article2 next week— In my list I only gave you the Canonists who took the political side— There is an equal n? of those who follow Hostiensis, whose names I will copy when you want them— 1 2

This is the genesis of Simpson, 'Dante's Philosophy of Love', Rambler, vi (May 1862), 457-64. 'The Revised Educational Code'. 260

About the article on love, did I not tell you how I brought Jack Cocks1 up to the scratch by an essay on the adaptibility of man & woman to one another when once they are fixed. I might try to recollect what I said to him so as to divide the affair into two parts—Romantic & Unromantic. Is Oxenham still savage with me? He tells Wetherell that my letter (to W.) & my conduct to him (O.) were both studiously impertinent. As my only conduct was rejecting his article it rather puzzles me what he means. But do you be a go between, & offer him my respectful homage, or whatever is most likely to mitigate the Mrjvov of the Ever yours truly R Simpson Clapham. Jany. 24. 62 396 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 6 FEBRUARY 1862* Aldenham Thursday My dear Simpson, It has been impossible for me to do any work with so very talkative dispertatious and obstinate a man as Ox.2 in the house, so that I have kept your MS.3 in vair, There is this great difference between Spanish and English colonies looking at them quite ab extra, that the Spaniards undertook to discharge the duties of a higher religion and civilization to the natives whilst the English quietly ignored the natives altogether. Undoubtedly the first cause of this is the fact that the Church formed a link uniting Spaniards and natives, which was wanting in the English colonies. A second point is this. Labour in the tropics is hateful and unnatural to Europeans, whilst in Northern countries it suits them. Therefore the Spaniards required the natives to do their work for them; the English did their own. We have a signal proof of this in the fact that in the Southern colonies of the English they provide a race of labourers accustomed to the hot sun, who do the work for them. Moreover the natives in the countries we colonized lived by the chase, and were not cultivators of the soil. The South Americans in very many countries, had already fixed settlements and a high agricultural culture. The English aborigines therefore could not easily be utilized, the Spanish easily as well as necessarily. 1

John Somers-Cocks. * Gasquet, Letter cxxvi, pp. 278-80, undated and out of place, with one omission. 2 Oxenham. 3 'Marshall on Christian Missions'.

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Then there is this great difference. The English colonies, in general, were founded by the emigrants for themselves, not by or for the state. They were in opposition to the home country, and were more or less, originally, sectarian—that is, exclusive in their religion, not members of a great, spreading religious organization. In these two respects the Spaniards were entirely different. They went forth as emissaries of the state, labouring for it, helped and guided by it, and controlled at the same time by a church which had very similar duties towards the natives as towards them. Thus they were under a double control which was wanting in North America. The English colonists could only ignore the natives because their political principles were liberal; there was no overwhelming state power over them. Where class rules over class a strong supreme power is 1? necessary because one must be watched and the other protected, as the duties of the state and its interest, oblige it to preserve both alike, and 2? possible, because the dominion of one class over the other gives to the dominant class a compensation that makes it tolerant of oppression from above, whilst it partly deadens to the lower class the force of the state, partly represents it as a protection from the social domination—(as in Russia)—Thus Absolute monarchy delights in castes, in the modulation of citizenship fixed and determined by blood (Creole, Mestizo—Octoroon &c.) in slavery, which, even when there is no monarchy tends to make the state absolute, and absolutism a blessing. The English colonies were fed by the condition of the mother country —over population (at first) religious oppression, civil troubles. All this drove them out by a natural impulse. But in Spain there were the best possible reasons to remain at home. No man went out for good if he could help it. The whole thing had to be organized by the public authority, & had therefore a political character. The English went forth from the weakness & sickness of England, at the time of greatest weakness— (Stuarts) the Spanish, from the superabundant force of Spain. Therefore, as the first relied on themselves, they florished and grew independent naturally—the latter declined as the mother country declined, developed no independent resources—and when they violently broke off, had no vitality in them. Observe that Bacon (Essay of Plantations) wishes colonies to be planted only on virgin soil, not where natives must be dispossessed or destroyed—a characteristic difference. All this is great nonsense and not much to the point. As to Dante there is much to be said. Let me know by return of post what books I am to bring to town, or what subjects you want books about. I come up on Monday, by our new railway— Darnell is gone. Ox goes to morrow, having exhausted the topics of 262

possible discussion with me, and kept me up till 2 | in the morning for a fortnight. I have not been free to read or write a page all this time, but will turn these 2 days to ace* to furnish Wetherell with trouble early next week. ^r , _ Your s ever truly J D Acton 397 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 7 FEBRUARY 1862 Friday Dear Acton Not that I believe in Gobineau altogether—but I should like to read his 3 remaining volumes—Also something about that particular phase of platonic chivalrous love wh was the doctrine of Dante & his circle—the magical receipt to make a gentleman—something like St. Ignatius' exercises as a receipt to make a Xtian. I wont have anything else, unless you have a convenient volume containing Sanchoniatteo, Berosus, et similia with modern notes—I am tempted by the insufficiency of the answers to Essays & Reviews to risk my book on the ancient Cosmogonies.1 But I must rewrite a few chapters. On the part of the Rambler I say anathema to Ox—that wanton Heifer—Will you lunch here on Tuesday at 2? Ever yours truly R Simpson

398 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 8 FEBRUARY 1862 Aldenham Saturday My dear Simpson, Ox has just gone, after leading me a dreadful dance through every conceivable subject, and quarrelling on all. Not a word said all this time about his rejected contributions or about future articles, but his mind quite made up about the absurdity of very many of my doctrines. I must stay a day or two to pack up, and to write my article,2 and as I 1 2

A work on the Mosaic cosmogony which Simpson had projected in 1859. 'The Protestant Theory of Persecution'. 263

see nothing comes on in Par*1 before Thursday, I can hardly be in | Moon S^ before Wednesday. Will you let me have a line there saying when I can see you easily? Eckstein is the classical authority on Sanchoniathon. I will see whether I have the texts you want in any of my collections. I am very glad you think of publishing your book in connexion with E.&R.2 It is the right moment for it. I will pack up what I can iind for you on Dante &c. Your's ever truly J D Acton 399 SIMPSON TO ACTON • ? FEBRUARY 1862 D^ A. Will you add to this3 whatever occurs in the way of doctrine. I dont know that the absurd criticism of the Correspondant on the last leaf is worth criticising, if not throw it away—I only put it in tofillup. I should like to add an abstract of the population returns if you can get them for me. Ask in the House tonight—surely some one can tell you about them. What of the democratic chambers in Berlin, & of the debates upon a reform of the confederation there? It has just struck me, that if Longman refuses to bring out M'Cabes translation of Dollinger,4 he (M'C.) might possibly publish it by subscription. In that case, like Marshall's book, it might be printed abroad, but in Germany, not in Brussels. I imagine it might be done for 50 or 60£. If the charge was 7/6 it would only require from 180 to 200 subscribers to make this pay. The rest might go for profit. Ever yr? sincerely RS 400 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 19 FEBRUARY 1862 My dear Acton I have therefore made your short notice an article,5 so as to get nearer to 40 pp. By all means let us have the letter6 directly. I know 1 3 4 5

2 Parliament. Essays and Reviews. Probably part of the ' Current Events' for the March Rambler, The initial arrangements for publication by Mainwaring had collapsed. 'The Protestant Theory of Persecution'. Evidently Simpson had not expected so long an article. 6 Acton ['C.C.'], 'Colonies', Rambler, vi (March 1862), 391-400.

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nothing of any foreign event but French—Wetherell doubts what home event there is—What of the Trent affair expenditure & the trial of our improved military & naval organization thereby made?— Can you find the population statistics of France? Also can you do something about Poland? I.E. say what is the meaning of the apparent reconciliation between S^ Petersburgh, Rome & the Warsaw clergy?— I cannot do Austria, for I know nothing about it—& no untying of any knot has as yet taken place— Can you find out whether Mr? Bastard has sent to Wetherell any short notices?— _, A . Eiver yrs truly R Simpson Feb 19

401 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 20 FEBRUARY 1862 Thursday Night Dear Acton I have looked through the Times from Oct 20 to Dec. 24 without finding the French statistics. I will have one more try at them tomorrow; may be daylight will be better than candle light. I found waiting for me 6 more sides of your article1—so I suppose with the 24 J already in hand it will be just over 30 pp. & leave only 29 pp. to fill up. I have rewritten the beginning & end of that letter,2 & sent it to Wetherell. We must make some effort to get the French returns, or such a lot of the 29 pp.3 will be blank—& such a lot of your work will have been thrown away. _, Ever yours R Simpson T.O. My letter will be about 4 pp. Yours — say — 10 leaving 15 pp. or if we only give 8 | sheets 7 pp. and quite enough too. Though what with Mrs Bastard, Wetherell, & French returns we might easily fill up the 15. 1 2 3

'The Protestant Theory of Persecution'. 'Physical and Moral Sciences in Relation to Religion'. The total allotted to 'Correspondence' and 'Current Events'.

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402 ACTON TO SIMPSON • ?21 FEBRUARY 1862 3J o clock Dear Simpson, 1 I have finished 14 pages of rough copy of my letter. Can you put it into any shape? I send also a couple of pages written in the HofC— probably of no use whatever. Want of books has pressed me sorely, and I have not distinguished with sufficient care between the Australian and American natives—So I put in the extract from Bo wen to make up for it. If you can turn the whole to account it will make 12 pages. As I did not get home till 11 last night, and have been for two hours with my cousins this morning you must bear with an excessive hastiness. The Patrie2 is at none of my Clubs. I hope you have found by daylight what the night concealed. Wetherell has also been seeking in vain for his materials, through many Timeses. He wants to be very short. Your's ever truly J D Acton 403

SIMPSON TO ACTON • 25 FEBRUARY 1862 Dear Acton I went to the printer's yesterday. (Monday)—I find matters stand thus Stokes (had he not better be first?)— 8 there is a supplement w^ I have sent to Wetherell w^ will make it up to 8— In print only 5 at present— My article—Priests & politics—or| Christian civilization—or &c j ^ Marshall—with supplement— 15 Campion 21 Acton3 40 In print—my old letter4 Short notice—Burton's Mormons— 108 1 3

2 'Colonies'. A French periodical. Respectively,' The Revised Educational Code',' Moral Law and Political Legislation', 'Marshall on Christian Missions', 'Edmund Campion, VII' and 'The Protestant 4 ' Physical and Moral Sciences in Relation to Religion'. Theory of Persecution'.

266

I have given Wetherell a few short notices, & if necessary I cd do a few more. I afterwards called at the House but you were not there. I wanted to give you certain useless papers which I send by this post. They were to be Current events of the last number, but there was no room for them— They might save some little labour now if they are worth anything. The other papers are statistical collections for the Papal States, of wh I could make no use—no more can you I should think of such incomplete figures. _, n . . „ „ to Ever yours faithfully R Simpson I have talked to Williams about publishing my Cosmogony—I am to show it to him one day this week.

404 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 26 F E B R U A R Y 1862 Wednesday Mg. Dear Acton You know that Tierney died last week. I talked yesterday with D? Maguire about his library. It appears he has a unique collection of English Catholic books, especially of history. Still more valuable is his collection of Mss. partly original—such a correspondence of Father Parsons &c, but chiefly copied from sources that will never again be open to liberal man—from Ms. at Stonyhurst, & in the archives of Orders—These were lent during the enthusiasm of Lingard's1 success, & the loan was repented at leisure. Maguire guesses the value of the library to be about £3000. Clearly the evils to be apprehended are 1. dispersion—2. purchase in a lump by some one like 8" York place who would lock up the Ms. or lock out the public. Will you speak to Lord Granville, to Panizzi & to Jones about buying the things for the Museum. They have no collection of Catholic books to speak of—& a sale of the duplicates might go far to repay the cost of the lump. What an opportunity it wd be for a Lingard society, if there was such a society; & if it had £3000—(I suspect 2000 or even 1500 would do) 1

John Lingard (1771-1851), ordained priest 1795, won Protestant as well as Catholic acclaim with his History of England, 8 vols. (London, 1819-30). 267

Would the wealth of the Throckmortons invest itself in such a spec:? or what would Lord Petre say to it? I think I shall talk to Jones about it today. I shall be at the Museum till about 2.30—If you happen to be there you can enquire for me at the table in the middle—I generally sit in the row marked G—or in one of those next to it— ^ . , Ever yours sincerely R Simpson Ward's lectures1 are all in print—I saw a proof of them at Robson's2 yesterday— 405 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 5 MARCH 1862 Dear Acton Wetherell was with me on Sunday, & there are several things to be referred to you remaining from his conversation. 1. He wants you to use your influence which he knows is great with Darnel to keep him in the oratory, in opposition to Oxenham, who is trying every means to spur him out, & is even persuading him, as soon as Newman's country school3 is opened, to set up an opposition shop. 2. I believe I had forgotten to tell you, that when you were abroad, I think it must have been in 1860, a letter came from Finlay,4 the Greek revolutionist, to the Editor of the Rambler, offering to write—I sent it to you, but I fancy it miscarried, & I have always forgotten to speak of it since. In case we become Quarterly he would be worth anything. 3 On the same supposition could we not get Turnbull to write? He is mortally offended with me, but surely you might persuade him. 4 May not Jack Morris review Pusey on the Minor prophetsOxford Parker.5 5. What do you think of offering Allies to publish his lectures read before the Academy? Of course in the " Communicated " part—He might be paid with about 150 or 200 copies printed off for him. W. G. Ward, The Relation of Intellectual Power to Man's True Perfection (London, 2 1862). The printer. Part of the plan of separating the older and younger boys at the Oratory School. George Finlay (1799-1875), historian, had taken part in the war of Greek independence. Edward B. Pusey, The Minor Prophets with a commentary ... (Oxford: J. H. and J. Parker, 1860). This was to be the first volume of an edition of the Bible, but no other appeared. 268

6 Wetherell wants me to explain how that he did not say he would correct your articles—that I had quite misrepresented him &c &c—but what he did say I forget—we must talk it over with him. 7. He wants certain new rules made about proofs, which, with their reasons & preambles, you will see by the enclosed which he sent last Thursday—On this again we ought to have a confabulation alle tre. This seems enough for one batch

^ Ever yours R Simpson

March 5. Did you see Whalley dragged through the kennel of Peterborough?1

406 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 6 MARCH 1862 37 Halfmoon S^ My dear Simpson, I have been out of town, on the errand you wot of, and have not been able to see Panizzi, but I will press him and the Trustees whom I shall see to day at the House, about Tierney's library. You are manifestly drifting towards quarterly notions.2 What are the conditions? What money shall we want? Williams talked to me of reviewing the current foreign literature. I did not pursue the subject because I am afraid of not being rich enough to supply the needful at starting. Reflect upon it, as, if we are to be a quarterly it ought to be next summer, and our next, May, N? w^ be the end of a thick volume, not the beginning of a new one. I never saw or heard of Finley's letter, which is much to be regretted. I think I could persuade Turnbull—your plan for Allies is excellent, but will he consent? Let us have a confabulation all three. Shall I say at dinner on Saturday at the Wellington, at 5 or 6 o clock? Will it suit you? I don't invite W. till I hear from you. Don't ventilate our quarterly designs. Settle what you will with the printers, only don't make the conditions quite so hard on us as W. does. Consider the difficulties of an M.P. and 1

2

George Hammond Whalley (1813-78), M.P. for Peterborough 1852-3, 1859-78, an anti-Catholic, raised a question in the House of Commons on 4 March concerning the loyalty of the students at Maynooth College. He was rebuked by Bernal Osborne, who complained that the House had been ' dragged through the kennels of Peterborough'. Transforming the Rambler into a quarterly review. 269

diner out. I quite appreciate Wetherell's reluctance to handle my papers now he has had some experience, but it is a great disappointment. I wrote yesterday to Darnell, warning him of the danger of an opposition scheme. I have never distinctly known how much influence Ox has had with him. There has been some coolness between them of late. People have convinced Darnell that Newman will not take him into the House again. The only person who can speak with confidence on this point is Flanagan, and Darnell is much guided by him. But the position is getting more complicated. Bellasis is circulating the letters of Newman & Darnell, and the effect, without explanation, is of course unfavourable. Bellasis accompanies them, with lying comments of his own. This is an unfair and aggressive measure, and considering the generous forbearance and reserve of Darnell, no better than infamous. I could not now advise the others not to put forth a defence, but I have begged Darnell to do nothing which, in case of a change, from Arnold's withdrawal or any other cause, should prevent his taking advantage of it to recover his position. But I have not the influence Wetherell supposes, for I implored Darnell not to send the decisive letter which he wrote from Aldenham. Ever Your's faithfully J D Acton As I am going to pay some debts I send you a cheque for the R. before my balance is exhausted.

407 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 6 MARCH 1862 Thursday ev? Dear Simpson, Wetherell proposes to come to dinner on Tuesday at 7 oclock. Will you mind dining in Halfmoon S^? I'll try to organize a quiet repast and to obtain a limited supply of wine. He is taking up the Quarterly notion, and has a long list of contributors—If you can make out that a moderate supply of money would do t'were very well—What should be our position to W & Norgate? It would suit them of course if we reviewed foreign literature and encouraged their business. Pray think a little of it, and then you would do best to talk to them. Hurst and Blackett1 have accepted the translation of Dollinger—I 1

The publishing firm of Daniel Hurst (d. 1870) and Henry Blackett (d. 1871). 270

hear that the London Review has lost some hundred subscribers since the writers from the Saturday joined it. The Times was neat this morning on the pastoral.1 Your's ever truly J D Acton 408 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 6 MARCH 1862 Thursday Night Dear Acton Let us say 5.30 or 6 on Saturday—I am in no want of the £100 for the R. yet. There are still about 70£ left of the 160£ you gave, was it last year, or the year before, besides what Capes may have—But I know he paid 112£ to Robson about a month ago, so probably he has not much at present. Have you spoken to Williams about the expense of a Quarterly? Wetherell, innocent of all notions of money, believes that the Quarterly will be cheaper than the bimonthly. There will not be so much given for the money. There will be something saved in binding. And probably there will be a greater sale. On the other hand there will be the expense of beginning. Suppose I came to you earlier, or met you on Saturday afternoon at Williams & Norgate's, could we talk it over with Williams? If so, name the time. I also want to take Williams my Cosmogony, which I have been working at for the last week. There are ideas of advertisements also w1? Wetherell has. E.G. he wants to advertise his pamphlet (the reprint of the article in the Dublin)2 —he asks me to advertise my life of Lady Falkland—and he thinks we might advertise gratuitously certain good books for Williams & Norgate, or for the publishers who send us their volumes. This can be talked over on Saturday. I wont settle any conditions with the printers till after Saturday. W. is too much of an official—he wants to tie us with written laws & so on, us who are accustomed to the milder yoke of custom & convenience. His reluctance to handle your papers is not a growth of the experience of Protestant theories of persecution,3 but is a consequence of that consummate correctness which cannot bear to be misrepresented in any, 1 2 3

The Times, 6 March 1862, p. 9, gave the text of Wiseman's lenten pastoral in full. Wetherell, 'Catholic Unity and English Parties', Dublin Review, XLIII (September 1857), 172-206. Apparently the difficulty concerned Acton's article. 271

even the slightest particular—he vows that I misrepresented to you what he promised to do—& he explained how, but his explanation went in at one ear & out at the other—So I must leave him to tell you. As for Darnell, Wetherell's idea is that though Newman wd never give him back the School at Edgbaston, he might give him the country school, which wd be infinitely better—Cannot some one throttle Bellasis? —As to the decisive letter Darnell sent from Aldenham, did not some accident prevent Newman's having it? ^ p -.i n n r Ever yours faithfully R Simpson T.O. Your second note has just arrived—So I wont dine on Saturday with you, but if you have nothing better to do I will meet you in the afternoon as I proposed. I will dine with you on Tuesday at 7. We should offer Hurst & Blackett to advertise Dollinger's book— perhaps they wd pay us for doing so.

409 ACTON TO SIMPSON • ? MARCH 1862 Dear S. I have just received this rhapsody, and forward it to the proper quarter. He1 is an honest man, and his indignation is founded on good motives. In our quarterly scheme he is a person to look to for help in promoting our interests—It is not difficult to show that he has misunderstood your drift, and I will write to him whatever you like. As you have a quarrel with him I had perhaps better be the correspondent. Yr? truly JDA 410 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 10 MARCH 1862 Monday Dear Simpson, Having to pay a bill I went to W & Norgate's this morning. They had your note. I talked of the quarterly to them and they encouraged the notion in a general way, but we went into no details. If I cannot come 1

Probably Phillips de Lisle. 272

tomorrow, there being a debate which may keep me till dinner time, pray talk to them about the details, expense, profit, advertisements, and the getting of books for notice. Monsell is at Brimudgham.1 When he comes back I shall hear more of Newman's story. I was late for dinner on Saturday, as I was invited for 7J. Your's ever truly J D Acton 411 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 17 MARCH 1862 Monday Dear Simpson, I hope you are faithful to your engagements, and remember that we have a bottle of wine and other things to discuss at 7 to morrow. I have been laid up, but took prompt medicine from the smiling Meryon.2 and am right again. Phillipps has written two long letters since, and is nearly pacified by my last. , A. r J J Your s ever J D Acton 412 ACTON TO SIMPSON • ?21 MARCH 1862* 37 Halfmoon St Friday Dear Simpson, I shall expect you to morrow afternoon, some time between 2 and 4. We can have a talk and go to W & N.3 I have not spoken to them, as you are the better man of business and negotiation. The Quarterly cannot be as cheap, because we must pay, if possible 5£ a sheet to contributors who will take it, and put some money into Wetherell's pocket. The question is, will advertisements, increased circulation, and a sum of, say, five hundred pounds at starting, enable us to do this? I will mature my schemes against dinner time on Tuesday. Meantime I am in luck. There is an excellent young German historian, who has written on Gregory VII, and practised the historic art in the 1

2 A play on Birmingham. Probably a doctor. * The first part of Gasquet, Letter cxnr, p. 259, dated (probably wrongly) 28 March, with several omissions. (The editors now date this letter as 7 March.) 3 Williams and Norgate. 273

best of all schools, under Bohmer1 of Frankfort, Dr. Helfenstein.2 He called on me an hour ago, and proves to be established in London, giving lessons, and studying at the Record Office for the Catholic history of England. He is anxious for literary employment, and so I won him by talking German and praising his book, and speaking of his master Bohmer, for all which he was not prepared. I broached no plan, but asked him to call on me again, which he is sure to do. He can write English well, and is an excellent Anglo-Saxon scholar besides. He will be invaluable, both for articles, and for notices of German literature. But I have many schemes, and so has Wetherell, and so probably have you, and there will be much to talk of. If Wetherell only complains of having been misrepresented, and thinks my papers worth the trouble, might he not yet be persuaded to undertake the correcting of them? It would be a great thing if Newman could be induced to do what Wetherell suggests.3 F. Ward4 is thinking of the same thing. Darnell's forbearance ought to overcome the angry chief. But what will become of the Ox for whom there is no reconciliation? Your's ever truly J D Acton 413 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 28 MARCH 1862 Dear Acton Charles Weld writes to me that he has Boerio's5 papers that you wot of —The letters of Charles II &c—that you told me to offer 20£ for. I am to call upon him about them on Monday at 4. Shall I call on you on my way thither, at 2.30 or 3, or on my way thence say at 6—not to dine. I shall dine early—to talk about them—W. did not accept the offer when I made it, so you are not bound by it. If you still hold to it, it remains to be considered whether the papers might not be announced and extracted in an article in the first Quarterly No., and afterwards published, with the said article for a preface, by Williams & Norgate. I fancy that Boerio has written an introduction, which he is exceedingly anxious to have published with the documents. Perhaps this introduction might do for an article, especially if, as I suppose, it enters into particulars about the archives at the Gesu.6 1 2 3 5

Johann Friedrich Bohmer (1795-1863), city librarian of Frankfurt 1830. Jacob Helfenstein, historian and philologist. 4 With regard to the Oratory School. Francis Ward. 6 Should be 'BoeroV. The headquarters of the Jesuits in Rome. 274

On the whole, had we not better walk together to Weld's who has a hole at 9 Blandford in Portman Sq. Write at once or I shall not have your answer _ Jiiver yours sincerely R Simpson Friday night March 28.

An article for July—on the distinguished Catholics who died last year— Lacordaire—Eckstein &c—who will do it?

414 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 29 MARCH 1862* 37 Halfmoon St. Saturday My dear Simpson, I will be at home on Monday at 6 and till 6J in hopes of seeing you after your interview with Weld. My presence would probably not contribute to a satisfactory arrangement, and you are a famous negotiator. Get the papers from him by all means, and renew or extend the offer if you see cause. He must have bought the papers, and therefore his price will be fixed. I have also got, on the way from Germany, a MS. life of Mary Stuart, which may also help to an article. Teulet1 also throws light. I sent him to you only for a short notice. Boerio's introduction may or may not be worth something. There ought to be some security from him that he has sent all the papers on the subject that he knew of or could find. If there is any reticence the blame would fall on us. Dollinger knows nothing of the missionary question, but recommends inspection of 'Mislin, les lieux Saints', and the Bullarium Congregationis de Propaganda Fide. I asked Wetherell to forward Russell's letter2 to you. It is hard to believe that the Cardinal will come to terms with us, but Russell is well disposed. Monsell is very eager for the success of our scheme, and wishes to write articles and to republish them as pamphlets—a way of getting Irish * The second part of Gasquet, Letter cxni, p. 260, with omissions. Alexandre Teulet, Relations politiques.. .avec VEcosse au XVIe siecle, 5 vols. (Paris, 1862), reviewed by Acton, Home & Foreign Review, i (July 1862), 241. 2 Acton was corresponding with Dr Russell concerning the change of the Rambler to a quarterly. Russell proposed that the failing Dublin Review be merged with the Rambler. 1

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circulation. I have just been breakfasting with Pearson1 (Spectator) and Bagehot (Economist), and did not get much out of them. It was perfectly settled that Campion was to be struck off at Rambler expense,2 and Robson must understand that it will continue to be so printed. What do you make of Perin?3 I am trying to get my German4 a berth at Oscott. Have you spoken to Oakeley? What of the Jesuits, Waterworth5 and Tickell? „ , Your s ever truly J D Acton

415 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 1 APRIL 1862* 37 Halfmoon St. Tuesday My dear Simpson, Your last chapter of Campion6 has overwhelmed the Professor7 with delight, who asks why you do not enlarge your scope into a ' Geschichte des Englischen Religionswesens unter Elizabeth', and hopes you will publish as fully as possible your precious materials. I expect you, I think, about 4 to morrow. I cannot do the play in the evening, for I have to attend the Speaker's Levee. Boero won't do at all. He has written nothing but commonplaces, possesses no collateral illustrative information, and knows only Hume and Lingard. Then he is as diffuse as if all he has copied out of them was perfectly new. There is only one successful piece of combination where he tries to make up for the gaps of his papers. For they do not actually prove that the King8 was ever received into the church before his death. A better case for that can be made out of the scene at his death bed than out of these documents. Nevertheless an interesting paper could be 1

Charles Henry Pearson (1830-94), historian, lecturer at King's College, London, 1855-65, later settled in Australia. Pearson wrote for the Spectator but was not the editor. 2 Edmund Campion, serialized in the Rambler but not completed, was not to be continued in the new quarterly. 3 Charles Perin, De la Richesse dans les Societes Chretiennes, 2 vols. (Paris, 1861); later reviewed in the Home & Foreign Review. 4 Helfenstein. 5 William Waterworth (1811-82), entered Society of Jesus 1829, priest 1836, rector of St George's College, Worcester, 1857-78. * Gasquet, Letter cxvi, pp. 266-7, with an omission. 'Boero' is misread 'Bolto'. 6 'Edmund Campion, VIII', Rambler, vi (May 1862), 504-26. 7 Dollinger, whose letter has not been preserved. 8 Charles II. 276

made out of them, by throwing in other matter, were it only from Macaulay. So they must be got; but Weld has only to read Boero's narrative to see the absurdity of the notion of publishing a single line of it. It is unfit even for the Dublin Review and the contiguity of Finlason. Your's ever truly J D Acton 416 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 5 A P R I L 1862* 37 Halfmoon St. Saturday My dear Simpson, Here is the end of the Dublin negotiations1 and the beginning of the fight—a stand up fight it will be. It is very likely the whole thing is got up in consequence of our scheme. Allies having disbelieved what W2 and I said about the decline of the Dublin perhaps indicates that they were already scheming. It will be necessary now to announce our change as soon as possible, in order to be in the field first if possible. At any rate they cannot well bring out their first new No. for a month after us, at least. Do not be indiscreet in your talk at Clapham. Pray think of a very good article for July. ^ , . , v 6 J Ever Your's truly J D Acton 417 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 18 APRIL 1862f 37 Halfmoon St. Friday My dear Simpson, I have done 25 pages of foreign events,3 on doctrine, on Italy, Mexico and Prussia. The letter4 will be seven pages, on Monday, as they will not print for a couple of days at Easter. That makes my contribution of * Gasquet, Letter cxvn, p. 267. Cardinal Wiseman had rejected Russell's proposal to merge the Dublin Review and the Rambler; instead, he arranged for a new management of the Dublin. 2 Wetherell. f Gasquet, Letter cxix, pp. 269-70, with omissions. 3 'Current Events—Foreign Affairs', Rambler, vi (May 1862), 546-72. 4 Acton ['N.N.'], 'The Danger of Physical Science', ibid. 526-34. 1

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32 pages. Wetherell was seedy today, when I found him at work on the Merrimac.1 Sullivan, overcome by my account of our intentions, offers indefinite articles on half a dozen subjects, Celtic philology, Asiatic ethnology, Ceramic ware, chemistry, Geology, Mineralogy, mining, agriculture, and physical science in general. I will try to bind him at once for current literature. He will hardly be able to give an article in July. See your friend Davis.2 Before answering him I send you his letter to know what you think we can make of him. Are you making sure of Stokes' article?3 Wetherell insists on his profound knowledge of, and sympathy with, the 18th. century. I am off to morrow, for no holiday, but to do nationality under the benigner heaven of my own country. Pray send me Davis' letter to Aldenham, and tell me what books I am to pack up for you. W. thinks Roberts4 a treasure. Newman leaves me unanswered, so I think I shall visit him on my way home. FranceMr. Browning Blockade Nationality Charles II Wetherell Paley Crosby5

will probably be nearly our contents for July. There ought to be something Irish and something religious soon.6 Your's ever truly J D Acton

1 2 3 4 5

6

The Confederate ironclad ship, defeated by the Monitor on 9 March. Not identifiable. Not published. 'Dr Ward on Intellect'. Of these, only three appeared in the Home & Foreign Review, i (July 1862): Acton, 'Nationality', 1-25, and 'Secret History of Charles II', 146-74; and F. A. Paley, 'The Science of Language', 175-94. Respectively, Bartholomew Woodlock, 'Recent Irish Legislation', ibid. 52-78, and J. B. Morris, 'The Evangelistic Symbols as a Key to the Gospels', 195-220.

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418 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 21 APRIL 1862 My dear Acton I wrote to you at J Moon St on Saturday, enclosing two Ires, of Paley1 & Burns—I hope they were sent on. Davis may be used to hunt up documents in connection with Charles ii —Surely in the correspondence of the English Ambassador at Paris there must be some allusions, if nothing more direct, to the negociations. He may also find out the mother of Charles' Jersey bastard. After that he may find the correspondence of the English agent accredited to Spire in 1573 to make up the Anglo-Teutonic confederation of that date. About books. Pauli or any one else on the parliamentary project of 1409 to take the church lands into the hands of government, & pay clergy by rent charge. Then, as Roberts has a great fancy for doing Galileo in the complete way that he does these matters—A. von. Reumont: Beitrdge zur Italienishen Geschichte—for the documents. I have Marino Marini, & your Charles.2 With these, the articles in the Dublin & the Rambler, & certain ms notes I could give him, I think he would have materials for a full discussion. The Bishop3 has sent me a pathetic letter, "humbly & urgently entreating me to take henceforth the part of silence, or if I write & publish, to choose subjects that cannot affect the Church & the Holy See."—The only difficulty I feel is, what terms to answer him in. That I will not be persuaded in matters where I am not obliged I am determined—but how to say so? I would send you his letter, but a few sentences will suffice. He says that the writings I write or suffer to be published "will not save souls or draw wanderers to the Sacrament of penance"—"will not add one act of contrition to the many we ought to offer"—"Do not let us discuss" &c. Shall I say that I know from experience that the political prejudice against Rome is stronger among educated Englishmen than the religious. That leaving our body to be represented by the Dublin R. & Tablet in print & Bowyer in the House is 1 2 3

Frederick Apthorp Paley (1815-88), classicist, converted 1846, private tutor, since 1860 at Cambridge. 'Secret History of Charles I I ' , dealing with an alleged bastard of Charles who became a priest. Grant, Simpson's diocesan. Portions of Grant's letter are given in Gasquet, p. 270n., with a draft of Simpson's reply. A better draft or text of Simpson to Grant, 23 April 1859, is given by Gasquet, pp. lvi-lviii.

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the next way to clinch this prejudice. That the Rambler tends to modify it & at last to destroy it. That the destruction of the Rambler would to mens minds be the last sign of the incorrigible political wrongheadedness of the Catholic hierarchy, & therefore that our existence is indirectly and remotely a means of "saving souls & drawing wanderers to the Sacrament of penance"— ^ , , Ever yours truly R Simpson Easter Monday I will think more about books before May—

419 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 22 APRIL 1862* Tuesday My dear Simpson, I think it is very possible the Bishop, egged on by common rumour and deceived by current reports, may have never had before him your case, and has never considered the points which go the other way. He is at the same time a holy man and a weak man. I would, in your place, bear all this in mind in replying, and write as moderate and religious and grave an explanation as possible in answer. Of course you cannot assist contrition and penance, for a Journal deals necessarily with public topics, and cannot handle the private spiritual concerns of individuals. But you can assist faith, by defending the truth, to the best of your ability, which cannot be done by suppressio veri and suggestio falsi: and you can help charity by giving an example of an objective and dispassionate way of writing, which does not attack the person but the error.1 You can hardly avoid a discussion, which he deprecates, because he keeps to generalities. What you propose to say is, I think, quite the thing, but pray assume, if you can, ignorance and good intention in the correspondent. Roberts is a treasure. I will bring Reumont, and all I have on Galileo. I see light in the history of Charles II. The English Ambassador at Paris knew nothing about it. Arlington knew the King's private sentiments on religion, but had no occasion to write about them when he was in France. The real place to look to all the Vatican Transcripts, as they are called. But I don't know whether Davis understands Italian. The mother was of high birth, and her name was never known. She probably * Gasquet, Letter cxx, pp. 270-1, with a large omission. Simpson used this portion of Acton's letter in his reply to Grant.

1

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died before the restoration. Charles' letters are really touching. It is a new phase in his life, as well as a new event. ^r , , , Your s ever truly J D Acton The letters have not been forwarded. I write for them to day to \ Moon St. where the people were already admonished to send them on. 420 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 23 APRIL 1862 Wednesday Dear Simpson, Capes is a sell. Let us prick him, at least in his conscience, for next July.1 Your enclosures were intercepted in Halfmoon St. but I have a letter from Paley, together with an article of 20 pages,2 a popular exposition, by a scientific philologist, of Max Muller3 on Word roots. Again he proposes a paper for the protection of the school boy.4 It is so popular a view with old Catholics that I almost hesitate about rejecting it: but it is very foolish. Partly from you and partly from Wetherell I gather the purport of Burns' letter.5 Morris6 is impossible, but W7 wishes Burns to be snubbed, which I do not think a wise plan. If you very ingeniously get a further communication from him without committing yourself, and without a defiance which would either shut him up or lead to war, his next letter may give materials for me to go upon in writing to Russell, who ought to be the intermediate agent. Can't you find out from Burns whether the Dublin scheme is going on, and whether they wish for some concession which should make an amalgamation possible? If that should come to our knowledge by this devious channel I think I should have my feet on a rock in writing to Russell. If Deane's discovery is a new light I would accept his paper on the subject.8 Not if it is merely stirring the old puddle. Pray encourage Paley with his MS. I will do so likewise. 1 2 3 4 5

6 7 8

Nothing by Capes appeared in the Home & Foreign Review. 'The Science of Language'. The 'letter' was not published. Friedrich Max Muller (1823-1900), German-born orientalist and philologist, at Oxford since 1848, fellow of All Souls 1858, later edited The Sacred Books of the East. Not published. Burns to Simpson, 12 April 1862, proposing a new quarterly, superseding both the Dublin Review and the Rambler, edited jointly by Acton and someone from the Dublin, and open to all parties among Catholics. Canon John Morris. Wetherell. Not published. 281

I can bring Roberts on Galileo: Reumont. Sarcke—in the Historischpolitische Blatter Fabroni. Universita di Pisa Frisi. Elogio 1775 Brenna—vita Tiraboschi But I have neither Nelli, Venturi, nor Libri. Your's ever sincerely J D Acton Can you help W who is puzzled by the necessity of selecting the people to whom the Prospectus1 is to be sent? I have given him some suggestions.

421 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 23 APRIL 1862* Wednesday My dear Simpson, I think Burns' letter2 might be made use of. You ought to tell him that I, for my part, am as anxious now as I was in the autumn to get rid of the trouble and responsibility of the editorship, and that all I care for is the certainty that there shall be an organ of free discussion, which shall be in all respects as good a review as it can be made. Accordingly, before making the change in the Rambler, I made preliminary overtures to the Dublin Review, and Dr. Russell distinctly said that he saw nothing in my proposal which could be an obstacle to a perfect agreement and combination. He only asked for time, and we accordingly postponed our announcement. But Dr. Russell found that arrangements were already being made to put the Dublin on a new footing and it was therefore impossible to hope for any result of the negotiations. Burns must therefore understand that the notion of union was rejected before any conditions could be discussed, and when Russell thought it both possible and extremely desirable, because the Dublin informed us that it was actually going to be revived and reformed. Under these circumstances we published our intention3 in the newspapers. You should add that as to Allies, whom he puts forward, I have seen him, and he has assured me of his sympathy with the scheme as it is. 1

Of the new Home & Foreign Review. * Gasquet, Letter cxvin, pp. 267-9, dated 16 April. It had evidently just arrived, after the previous letter had been sent. 3 To transform the Rambler into a quarterly. 2

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He should also be told that if on public grounds he wishes to see us united, he ought to have gone to the Dublin people, who have rejected the idea. When it was proposed by the other side we accepted, making only one condition, that of Newman's arbitration, which they rejected. We have now made proposals ourselves, which the old master of the Dublin1 eagerly accepted, but the plan turned out to be impracticable because the Dublin has already made other arrangements. If I was you I would not say very much more than this. Mark your letter private, because of Russell. Perhaps you need not name him. Does Burns seriously suppose that his ' men of the same stamp' could seriously accept our motto? Put on the wisdom of the Serpent and answer him diplomatically. Your's ever truly J D Acton The tone to take is not defiant or triumphant, but regarding the rejection as irrevocable, and our advertisement as an engagement.

422 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 24 APRIL 1862 Dear Acton Don't have Paley's anti-bum-brushing manifest2—at any rate not yet. He only offers it because it is ready. Look at this letter, & see what infinitely more valuable things he offers. I have accepted the Studies on the Cambridge Mss3 with enthusiasm. Enclosed is a letter from Weld. I have told him that he cannot have the Ms4 back till the printers have done with it, & that I shall have paid the 20£ to his account before this evening. Dont you send a cheque—it will be plenty of time for that when you come up again. I cant find Paley's note, but you know what offer it contained. It had also an exhortation to scientific accuracy—He will be a capital fellowworker, & I suppose you will be obliged, in time, to let him ventilate his own crotchets. I did not write to Burns in Wetherell's sense, because it would have been inconsistent with my usual way of treating him, & would have made the beginning of the talk ridiculous. But I think he is a mere busybody, 1 2 3 4

Russell, sub-editor but often the actual editor. His letter, sent with his article. Paley's article, 'The Science of Language'. Boero's papers. 283

& neither knows nor has any means of knowing, any of the internal history of the Dublin. I wrote a devout letter to the Bishop1 yesterday, & at the end referred him to the proofs of my conversion as they will appear in the July R.2— I will talk to Wetherell about the circulars— Ever yours truly R Simpson April 24 62 423 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 24 APRIL 1862 Brookes' Thursday Dear Simpson, I have forwarded both letters. All right. Paley looks as if he was in earnest. I will follow up your blow as soon as I hear from him. His article will be rather in your line. I have encouraged Sullivan not only to write generally, but to take a department of current literature. He knows all about chemistry, physiology &c. Meantime my German,3 whose religion is still a mystery, has asked for books for review, & I have sent him some for trial. MacCabe's translation4 is extravagantly absurd and full of atrocious Germanisms. I don't know whether we shall be able to use him. He has written to offer himself, especially for foreign languages. We make out 97 pages of articles. I shall have 23 of foreign events, and 7 for my letters.5 97 + 30 = 127. Wetherell talks of filling 6 = 133. I hope Capes is going to send short notices. My foreign affairs are in only 3 chapters,, 1. Italy (allocution) 2. Prussia 3. Mexico. Your's sincerely J D Acton A strong letter today from Arnold on Italy—on the right track. 1 2 3 4 5

Grant. Rambler. The new name had not yet been adopted. Helfenstein. Of Kirche und Kirchen, just published. "The Danger of Physical Science \

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424 ACTON TO SIMPSON - 25 APRIL 1862* Friday Dear Simpson, I have nearly finished my dissertation on Boero's papers.1 I shall actually quote very little of them, and eke out the information they contain from the contemporary writers. But it would be a foolish predicament if I could not show copies of the letters themselves after quoting them for such very singular and unlikely facts. Do you think Weld would acquiesce in the papers remaining till after the appearance of the article, or would it be best to have the copies copied? I have tried to hunt out traces of James Stuart2 in every direction, and have wasted a great deal of time with no success beyond the year 1670. I am persuaded that he went to S. Omers or Watton in the winter of 1668-9 and was ordained there—under what name does not appear. But if one would see a list of all novices who entered at S. Omers, and of all Jesuits ordained priests there, between January 1669 and October 1670, it would probably be possible to trace him further. I shall express my acknowledgments to Boero without alluding to the Gesu. Burns ought to be reproved for always using names without authority from the owners. Oakeley and Allies require no more offers or concessions, inasmuch as they are agreeable—and the latter is even shaken in his belief of the infallibility of Faber. There is yet one point on which Father Boero might manage to throw light, but it is a very feeble chance. The manuscripts of Oliva the General must be at the Gesu. It would be curious to find that of the letter marked P33, vol. II p. 72 of the Bologna edition, al Re di N. This anonymous King is either John Casimir of Poland or Charles II. I cannot from internal evidence determine which, though if I did not know, through these MSS. that Oliva corresponded secretly with Charles, I should have had no suspicion that it could be meant for him. If the letter is to him. then the Jesuit spoken of in it, also anonymously, is James Stuart. If it is to the King of Poland I do not see why his name should be concealed, as there are other letters from Oliva to him without any disguise. I do not know whether Weld takes interest enough in the question to inquire further. I cannot say that this is a promising clue. Ever Your's sincerely J D Acton * Gasquet, Letter cxxn, pp. 272-3, with omissions. 1 'Secret History of Charles I I ' . 2 The alleged bastard son of Charles II.

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425 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 25 APRIL 1862 Dear Acton I wrote to Burns yesterday to ask him who he was, & whom he represented: - "Bagshawe is somebody, & Russell of Maynooth is somebody, because each of them has a following, represents a combination of persons & a power—but who is Morris, who Allies, & who Ward, that we should be asked to come to terms with them? What have they to offer, & what guarantees to give that what they offer shall be duly paid? If they are only private persons, they cannot require any public treaty—If they are public persons, just say so". This has got out of Burns the enclosed, by which you see that Morris represents Bagshawe & so (ultimately) the Cardinal. Play them a little on your hook—It will be good generalship if you can capture them. Knowing that the letter I wrote to Burns would probably go to the Cardinal, I made certain confessions of personal imprudence, & said that I knew the prudence of the Rambler might be advantageously corrected, but that we must stick to its principles, the free discussion of subjects not defined by infallible authority, without either suppressio veri or suggestio falsi & that I feared it was not so much our occasional imprudences, as our habit of free discussion that was aimed at. Perhaps your friend Davis (I have never spoken to him in my life) might be employed to direct the envelopes in wh. we send round our prospectus to all creation. I have added to your suggestions—all clubs, book societies, all subscribing to the Poor School committee, to the Literary Fund, & all Societies like the Royal S.—Wetherell adds the names in the Court guide, & only wants a little to make him throw in the General P.O. Directory— ^ . , Ever yours truly R

Ap. 25. 1862

SimpSOn

PS. how many thousands of the prospectus shall we have printed? Paley is very Latin-&-Greek-scholarlike but I think he is to seek in his philosophy of instinct, & in his doctrine about the non-alphabetic character of Egyptian Hieroglyphics— Wetherell yesterday jumped at an offer of mine to write on "The Conservative reaction"1—Have you the dates of the recent elections that I may look through the Timeses for the speeches of the so called Conservatives, to see what character they really profess? Your hints on the matter are requested— T>^ 1

Simpson,4 The Conservative Reaction', Home & Foreign Review, I (July 1862), 26-51. 286

426 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 26 APRIL 1862* Saturday My dear Simpson, If you will use Davis for writing directions, thereby getting him gradually into our toils, he lives 7 Francis St. Tottenham Court Road, and his Christian name, in the words of the song, is William You have brought Burns to book at last. As to morrow is Sunday I have time to think about the best way of using the information and turning to account the present situation, which is a sufficiently good one. I greatly dislike the notion of meeting Morris1 yet on the subject. He is positive, obstinate, narrow, prejudiced, and extremely pontifical. But he is intelligent and straight-forward, and ought to be, and I suspect is, grateful to me for the constant support I have given him2 against many adversaries throughout the Poor Law inquiry. The moral of this is that he ought to be communicated with, but indirectly. He is probably not quite plenipotentiary; therefore he ought to be met by some intermediate agent. Where one party is represented by an agent who can be disavowed, and the other must stand by every word he says, the first has a great advantage. Now Burns is not eligible for the purpose. Allies occurs to me as the best man. He can hardly have shaken off yet the impression I made upon him a fortnight ago, and he is so far disconnected with us that he will look like an independent actor. He is overwhelmed with work this week, and will only pass on my letter, but as it is the week of his glory and persecution, he will give it an impetus as it passes through his hands. If nothing is done at once the O may take advantage of the presence of the bishops to try to do something for the Dublin. But I think I would at the same time write to Russell, on whose good will I think I can rely. My line would be perfectly independent, but extremely conciliatory. I would say that I loved peace much, knowledge and honesty more, and that the arrangement of Communicated articles will enable us to combine the two. That two distinguished priests offered to advise with us, Russell as to questions of theology, Macmullen as to questions of policy—the first would preserve our harmony with the church, the last with the clergy. The first offer however contingent on the disappearance of the Dublin. In that case I should be happy to accept the friendly * Gasquet, Letter CXXIII, pp. 273-5. Canon John Morris, Wiseman's secretary. 2 In Parliamentary committees. 1

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offers—to drop the name Rambler, and to publish the united quarterly on 1 July. I do not see that there is any other concession possible, or that Newman's name can in any way be used, or that there would be any security if I offered to retire at once from the editorship. Conservative reaction for ever. See the Weeklies for the dates of elections. You shall have mine when I get back. I think they are not in my room. I have no time today to write or even to think about it, or to write to Wetherell about Burns &c. It is reckoned in sieges that one shot of 400 kills a man. Shall we take the same proportions in our prospectus, and send out 400,000 to get 1000 subscribers? or will it be enough to take away two of the 0's? The next time you dine out let it be known that , , , you are going abroad for the summer. TT J & s Your's ever truly J D Acton

427 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 26 A P R I L 1862 Dear Acton I have written to Weld with the two questions for Boero. I have also asked him to get John Arundell to look through Bellings'1 letters at Wardour. Ought not the indices of the State Paper office to be looked through? Strange things sometimes turn up there. Also, if you will give me a clue to the Vatican transcripts, I will look in them. Burns wrote again yesterday to ask me to tell you to communicate directly with Morris, & not through him—This is convenient, as it gives me an opportunity of bringing the correspondence with him to a close. Roberts denies that he ever thought of really doing Galileo. He said to me—"I should like to do such a subject as G". He means something in wh. he might be outrageously candid. I have asked Charles Weld for a paper on art for July. 2 Perhaps we shall get. We wont pay him a brass farthing for it, in revenge for the £20 he did you out of for Boero. _, xr J Ever Yours Truly R Simpson Ap. 26. 62 Boero can only want his own precious memoir, not the copies of the letters. Let him make fresh copies. I have told Weld that he shall have the memoir back— 1 2

This refers to a secret mission of Sir Richard Bellings, private secretary to Queen Catherine of Braganza. Not published.

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428 ACTON TO SIMPSON • 28 APRIL 1862* Monday Dear Simpson, Many thanks for your inquiries sent to Weld. I am sure Bellings' letters must contain information. If you should be going to the Statepaper office you might surely discover something. 1? About Bellings' mission to Rome, October 1662, and Aubigny's cardinalate. 2? About correspondence with Rome in August—November 1668 or January 1669. 3? Any letters from Jersey 17th April—24th June 1646 in which the name of De la Cloche1 occurs—anything concerning the release from prison of a clergyman of that name in that interval. But these were things done so privately that there may be nothing. No papers of this date) Hopper will look.2 J If at the Museum you have time to get a look at the Vatican transcripts, Marini's collection, you will find only a volume or so about Charles II, with a register of contents. Anything therein about reconciliation with Rome, between 1662 and 1672 ought to be entrusted to Davies for copy. I heard yesterday from Ranke, who is not at all prepared for the discovery.3 Today I am writing to Morris, with as much discretion as possible. If Roberts sees the books will he not take up Galileo? or am I to bring none to him? What about Stokes and J. M. Capes for July? Your's ever truly J D Acton I have given Morris 1? A statement of the theory of editorial articles—which are not to be all the editor thinks, but confined to certain limits— * Gasquet, Letter cxxiv, pp. 275-6, with an omission. 1 'James Stuart', Charles II's alleged bastard. These lines are in Simpson's handwriting. 3 Concerning Charles II's religious position. 2

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2? An explanation of the wide margin on both sides of the editorial department in the Com.1 articles—No test of opinion there, only merit, sincerity &c. 3? As theology cannot be omitted: a As many priests to write as possible— fi Russell's offer of supervision for theology and Macmullen's for policy, to be accepted. Finally one or two explanations of personal views which may be misunderstood—and a general declaration that we shall be very happy to amalgamate on those conditions, (that is, that we offer those terms provided the Dublin will disappear from the face of the earth) and that we shall at the same time be perfectly content and peaceable if they refuse:

429 SIMPSON TO ACTON • 29 APRIL 1862 Tuesday Ap. 29 Dear Acton I think that Roberts may be induced to do Galileo in a year's time, if we get him into disputes about it. I quarreled with him yesterday a little, & got him into a discursive mood upon the subject. You had better bring the books, for they may be wanted. For the present he takes to a philosophical subject—" Necessity "—Wetherell prefers this to " Galileo ". As Roberts tells me he quite agrees with my "Forms of intuition" of course I can have no objection. Weld has written to Boero with your two questions. I will write to John Arundell about Billings (sic is it not?)—Weld has to give us for July " a beautiful paper of Minardi on the Essentials of Art contra Gothos, Praerafaelletos et alios Haereticos"—Shall I accept it for July?2 It will want translating. But it will cost us nothing. This will make the exorbitance of Boero square. I have written to Stokes to secure him for July.3 J. M. Capes must be left to himself till his own Epicurean conscience convicts him of escroquerie (is that the way to spell it)—I will go to the State Paper Office & Museum when this "infernally fine weather", as Robson calls it, will let me (Robson damns the fine weather, because all his printers are in a 1 2 3

'Communicated' - articles for which the editor was not responsible. It was not accepted. No article by Stokes appeared in the Home & Foreign Review. 290

state of absquatulation between Greenwich & Jericho,)—By the bye, talking of d-ning—D.N. to N.N.1 greeting—N.N. be D