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ir|vciq dv(vopo'ov) XXXXX (piicopoa)v t p i o D -
5
V Tiatep.
(ascia) 1. 4. 5. 6.
CIL
for A on the stone. for I on t h e stone. iii Suppl. 10055, R o b e r t 1937, C o n d u r a c h i , R o b e r t 1946: X X X X for A on t h e stone.
Aurelius Dionysius, children.
a Jew from
Tiberias,
(aged) 50 years, father
of three
The stone was found out of context in modern Senj in 1885. Frey mistakenly located the inscription at Salonae, but this was corrected by Robert who inspected the stone in the Museum of Zagreb in 1931. In Latin, the text is: Aurelius Dionysius ludeus Tiberiensis annorum XXXXX filiorum trium pater {-n is used twice for final -m). On other Latin inscriptions in Greek characters, see #Pan2. The deceased man was a Roman citizen descended from someone who obtained Roman citizenship through the Constitutio Antoniniana as his nomen indicates. The name
Dalmatia
Dionysius
23
together with the feminine form Dionysia occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Egypt,^ Cyrenaica,^ Ostia^ and Rome.'' It also occurs on papyri from Alexandria and Philadelphia and ostraca from Edfu.^ J e w s from Tiberias and Sepphoris in Galilee are also attested at Taenarum (#Ach55) and Rome.^ 11.5-7. The unusual reference to having three children must indicate that the deceased had claimed through the his liberorum of the Augustan marriage legislation {Lex lulia et Papia Poppaea) some advantage such as exemption from public duties or guardianship. A number of privileges and penalties constituted through this law were incorporated in the Theodosian Code and remained in operation until 410 C E . ' " Another reference to the ius liberorum occurs in a Jewish inscription from R o m e . " Lifshitz identified, though with hesitation, the object beneath the last line of the inscription as an incense shovel. It is actually an ascia, a carpenter's axe, which frequently occurs on pagan and Christian monuments. The symbolism of the ascia has been widely discussed, but its exact significance is still unclear. It has been suggested that in the case o f Christian monuments the ascia could represent a sort of c r o s s , crux dissimilata, but such a symbolic interpretation will hardly help to explain its occurrence in a Jewish inscription. In many pagan and Christian (Aiov\)oiog),
(AiovDOia),
4 J I G R E 116, 122, 156. 5 C J Z C 70. 6 J I W E ! 18. 7 J I W E ii 2 1 8 , 2 9 3 . 8 CPJ 143.3, 8, 15, 2 0 ; 241.2; 2 9 4 . 1 ; 411.6-7, 3 0 . J l W E i i 6 0 , 561. • " C . T h . 8.17.2; Cod.Just. 8.58.2. J I W E ii 4 8 6 .
24
Dalmatia
funerary inscriptions the image of the ascia indicated the profession of the deceased; see Kaufmann (1917, 38), Kajanto (1976, 49-57), Mattsson (1990). Perhaps that is also the case with this inscription, but there is no other evidence to indicate the occupation of Aurelius Dionysius. The ascia can also work more symbolically, to represent death or completion.
Salonae
(Split)
Salonae was a Roman colonia (from 47 BCE) and after 9 CE became the provincial capital of the new province of Dalmatia. There is archaeological evidence for the existence of a Jewish community there. A medallion made of red glass paste bears the image of a menorah with tripod base flanked on the left by a shofar and ethrog and on the right by a lulab (Archaeological Museum of Split, inv.no.I 1 4 8 2 ) . O t h e r archaeological material includes three clay lamps bearing the image of a menorah (inv.nos. Fc 718, 1226, 1466). The first lamp was found in 1903 at Salonae, the second comes from the area of ancient Asseria (Benkovac) and the third one is of unknown p r o v e n a n c e . T h e third lamp has a menorah with a spiral base or more probably handles, which is a very rare representation attested in the Balkans only at Perinthus-Heraclaea (#Thr4). A fragment of marble sarcophagus in the same museum (44 x 30 x 12 cm.) has an image of a menorah with lighted lamps on each branch (inv.no. D 254). According to Bulic, the fragment was found in the ruins of the 10"'-century church of Our Lady of the Island (Gospe od Otoka) on the island of Gospin Otok near S a l o n a e . T h e r e were also images of menorahs scratched on the walls of Diocletian's palace, perhaps left by the builders.'^ D a l 3 . F i n a l p a r t of e p i t a p h . Editions: Gabricevic 1959, 77-80 (from the stone); AE 1959, no.251 (from Gabricevic); d'Ors 1959, 4 8 1 - 2 ; Gabricevic 1959/60, 9 - 1 5 ; ILJug 1963, n o . l 3 1 ; CIJ ? 1975, Prol. no.680a. Illustrations: Gabricevic 1959, p l s . X l I l - X l V (photo); Gabricevic 1959/60 (photo); CIJ i^ (photo). Other bibliography: Revised Schurer iii.l, 1986, 73; Gabricevic 1987, 234-42. Found at Salonae. Now: Split, Archaeological Museum. Details: Marble stele broken vertically into two pieces. No measurements published.
'2 '3 '4 •5
Buljevic 1994, 256 no.8. Bulic 1926/7, 119. Bulic 1926/7, 122. R i s m o n d o 1994, 2 0 4 - 5 , pl.Xl, nos.245, 2 4 7 , 2 7 0 - 1 , 3 1 3 , 4 1 1 .
Dalmatia
25
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
Language: Latin. Date: 4"^ century CE. Text (follows CIJ i^ and new photo, with some restorations proposed in ILJug 1963; the text from the left piece is in italics): On the stone: RAMSIQV ERITHABE QVITQVIT IVELCRISSI COLENTES QVESQVE RINONV DEBET
SCIAREVOLV ATANVMINA ANISIVEIVDE SMANISVNVS QVOTSIBIFI FACERENON
T h e r e are eight lines from the inscription on the left fragment and six on the right.
/ ]ram si qufis deajsciare voluerit ha be [at /r/ata numina quitquit [Rom]am sive ludei vel Crissi[(ani) suojs Manis quesque quot sibi fi[ejri non v[oluit] facerc non debet.
5
26
Dalmatia
1. d'Ors: [ sepulturam nostr]\am si qufis ex/sciare; ILJug: [ hanc sepultur]\am; CIJ P : [ajram 1. ILJug: [dejsciare; GabriCevid, d'Ors: fexajsciare 2. d'Ors: habefantj; ILJug: habefbitj I. quidquid (for quisquisl), ludaei, Christiani 3 . Gabricevie 1959, CIJ P: [pagjani 3-4. d'Ors: quitquit [con]\[g]ani sive Iude\i vel Cris[[s]]i[a]\ colentefs suoJs man[[i]]<e>s: unus 4 - 5 . Manis unus \ colentefs] on the stone. This is a mistake o f the stone-cutter w h o put unus after Manis and then continued with colentes on the next line. 5. d'Ors, ILJug: quisque [homo] 5. 1. quisque, quod 6. T h e o in NON is very small, apparently omitted and added later. 6. Gabricevic: v[ult] ; d'Ors, ILJug: vfult id] ; CIJ i^: vufit] (misprint for VM//?)
If someone wishes to deface (the inscription/monument) may the gods be angry with him whatever (he is), Romans or Jews or Christians, who honour their dead ancestors. Each one should not do what he does not want to be done to him. This inscription was found in a medieval necropolis uncovered in 1954 during the construction of a road near the church of St. Nicholas in Split. The stone was broken into two pieces and reused as building material for one of the graves.'^ 11.1-2. This is a curse against violation of the grave similar to formulae such as habebit deos iratos,^^ habeat deos superos et inferos iratos^^ or the Greek equivalent To-bq Geo-bq KexoA,(0)xevo\)q exoixo,'^ invoking a divine punishment upon the potential wrongdoer. In a Jewish context similar maledictions appeal to the wn-ath of the God of Israel as shown in inscriptions from Asia Minor.^^ 1.3. In his first publication Gabricevic restored [pag]ani, which was accepted by d ' O r s and Lifshitz. However, he later changed it to [Rom]ani, which is also the restoration of Sasel in ILJug.^' This reconstruction is plausible as it would be difficult to understand here the term pagani in its original meaning of 'countrymen', ' p e a s a n t s ' , or 'civilians' as opposed to 'military'.22 From the 4 * century CE onwards the term acquired a pejorative sense much used by Christian authors to describe the devotees of the Greek and Roman or barbarian cults as opposed to Christians, and
16 Gabricevic 1 9 5 9 / 6 0 , 1 0 - 1 1 . '7 I L S 8 1 8 1 , l . 4 ( M a c t a r ) . '8 ILS 8198,11.12-13; 8202,11.6-8 (Rome). '9strubbeI994,81. 20 Strubbe 1994, 9 8 - 9 , 1 2 3 - 6 , n o s . 1 2 - 1 3 . 2' Gabricevic 1959/60, 1 3 - 1 4 . 22 C.Th. 7.21.2; Cod.Just. 3.28.37; Pliny, Ep.10.18.2; Tacitus, Hist. 3.24, etc.
Dalmatia
27
this meaning is found in the Theodosian Code.^^ Romani is a standard designation for the people of Rome i.e the Romans. After Constantinople became the capital of the Roman Empire in 330 CE the corresponding Greek term 'Pconaioi was also applied to the Greek population. In the early Christian literature the term Romanus could designate the Roman church, a Christian or a pagan.^^ It is more likely, then, that the author of the curse envisages that the gods of Romans, Jews and Christians will punish the violator of the grave. In a similar way an epitaph probably from Kilise in Pisidia, Asia Minor, refers to the gods of Persians and Greeks.^^ 1.4. The formula manis colentes is usually regarded as pagan.^^ It has been noted by Sasel and Lifshitz that the formula in 11.5-7 occurs also in a Christian inscription from Concordia.^^ Gabricevic dates the inscription to the 4^"^ century CE on palaeographic grounds. The mixture of religions is also most likely in the 4"^ century. The implication of the curse is that the tomb was in a mixed burial area. Dal4. Epitaph of a Samaritan Editions: Bulic 1902, 88, 142 (380B); Bulic 1904, 166 (3405A); Bulic 1906, 178 (all three fragments arranged by W. Kubitschek); Egger 1926, no.252; ILJug 1963, no.2531. Other bibliography: Marin 1994, 72. Found in the Manastirine necropolis, Salonae. Now: Split, Archaeological Museum, inv.nos.3405A, 3SOB, 489B. Details: Stele broken into three parts, 50 x 25 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 18 August 539 CE. Text (follows ILJug 1963 and the restoration of 11.1-2 by Egger 1926): ev9a8£ Kite [Za|j,a-] peiTioca No[ - - aTco] Kd))iT|(; niTo[... Ovydx-I Tip E'i)YA,co[CToio\), TeA,ea)-] TTjaaoa ev [eipfivn 0 e - ] o\> Tupo 8e[Kla7i[evTe KaA,-] ev56)v [Z]e7tte[fippicov,l ^fiaaoa Kok&c, [etrj eiKO-] o i Kai ejcxot- 'V)7t(axia(;) 'AKlmtovoq x-1 OV X,a^icp(oxdxo\)), [iv8(iKXicovo.(a(Xapio(;) NiK6axpa(xo iD'inb^ - j i n n
Kai eA,dA,r|oev K('6pio)(; jxexd Moiiofj Xtyav A,dX,r|oov x& 'Aapd)v Kal xoiq mdiq a\)x[oa)l XeyGiv ovxcoq e\)A,0Yf|[oexe] xobq Diobg T(CTpa)fiA, el'Tiaxe a v x o i q
208 209 210 211
JIGRE 3 9 , mid-2"'* century B C E - 2"'' century C E . CPJ 5 0 . 3 , 3 6 5 . 1 , 4 1 2 . 6 , 471 c o l l i . JIWE ii 5 6 2 . RICM 143.
5
Macedonia:
Thessaloniki
e'oX.oyfiaei o e K(\)pio)q K a l (p^X-a^ei ae, e7ti(pavei K(i)pio)q x6 TcpoocoTuov a\)TO\) jupoq a e K a l d y a j c f i o e i CTC, [ejKapei K(\)pio)(; TO jtpoocojcov a \ ) T\) Tipoq o e K a l n o i f | o e i o o i e l < p f | > VTiv K a l Gfjoexai TO ovop,d jioD eTil Totx; a)ioi)q T(apa)fiX, Kdyd) e\)X,oYfioa) a\)T0\)(;. • b i r b IDE;-fnn eiq ©eoq evA-oyia ZipiKio) xro TuoifiaavTi dp,a covpiq) Ke TeKvoi. aiS^i NeditoA-iq p,eTd T©v (piX,o2 Schiby 1977, 106-8.
102
Macedonia:
Thessaloniki
Ik..
pronounced as Sa-Maria, which later developed into Samarias i.e., nvpyoq Zapapiaq.^'-' The tower, however, was not far from the earliest medieval Jewish quarter of Thessaloniki located near the old sea walls and close to the harbour of the city. According to Moutsopoulos the quarter, known from the 7* century onwards as the "Vrochthoi quarter", was located near the site of the old Etz ha-Hayim synagogue destroyed during the great fire of 1917.2'^ Pelekidis suggests that this inscription was built in the wall of an ancient Samaritan synagogue, but this again can not be proven. 2 1 3 Tsaras 1982, 64 7. 2 1 4 M o u t s o p o u l o s 1995/6, 6 - 2 1 .
Macedonia:
Thessaloniki
\ 03
The text of the inscription consists of three parts: (a) A blessing in Samaritan Hebrew (11.1 and 15); (b) The text of Num 6.22-7 (the benediction of the priests) in Greek (11.2-14); (c) A dedication in Greek of a certain Siricius (11.16-19). Purvis notes that the letters of the Samaritan script in 11.1 and 15 were not uniform and that they had, possibly, developed under the influence of a manuscript tradition. It is very different from the script used in Samaritan amulets including the one from Corinth (#Ach50). He suggests that the Samaritan community in Thessaloniki was not active in writing with the Samaritan script or in speaking Hebrew, but normally used Greek.^'^ The only other occurrence, though problematic and in Greek letters, of a benediction (berakhah) like this in an inscription outside Palestine is in a Jewish epitaph from Alexandria.^'^ Lifshitz & Schiby note that the Greek text of Num 6.22-7 in 11.2-14 has been inscribed very carefully with almost no orthographical inaccuracies, exception Moiiof] for Mcooiof] in 1.3, and some small errors with individual letters. They also note thirteen deviations from the text of the LXX:^''' Inscription LXX 11.1 2 jxexd Moiiofi npoq M(ax)Gf\ 1.4 xcp 'Aaptbv 'Aapwv eiTcaxe 1.6 leyovxeq e-uA-oyi'ioei £\)Xojr]cai 1.7 (p\)A,d^ai EEKpavei eicKpavdi 1.8 1.9 npoq a e ejtt a e eA,ef|aai a e dyaxcfiaei a e ETcapei eTcdpoci 1.10 1.11 npoq a e ini a e Scbri KOiTjaei eniGfiao-oaiv 1.12 Gfiaexai K a l eycb Kvpioq Kocyco 1.13 Lifshitz observes that while the inscription translates the Hebrew text us receptus almost literally, the LXX has v.24 from the Hebrew immediately after v.27.-'^ The inscription uses future indicatives where the LXX has aorist optatives.^'^ Lifshitz notes that dyaTiiiaei in 1.9 is a more accurate translation of the Hebrew word ]3n than the LXX rendering eA-eiiaai a e . 2 2 " The inscription also omits Kiypioq after Kdyd) in 1.13, following the
2'5 Purvis 1976, 122 3. 216 J I G R E 15. 217 Lifshitz & Schiby 1968, 370. 218 Lifshitz & Schiby 1968, 370; CU
i\
219 Horsley 1976, 109. 220 Lifshitz & Schiby 1968, 373 4 ; Robert in B E 1969.
104
Macedonia:
Thessaloniki
Masoretic text and the Samaritan Pentateuch.^^' All this leads Lifshitz & Schiby, followed by van der Horst, to suggest that the text of the inscription provides evidence for the lost Greek translation of the Samaritan Pentateuch.^^^ However, Tov challenges this view, suggesting that the inscription was part of a L X X revision, which rendered the Hebrew text of the Pentateuch more accurately.^^^ He also argues that the usage of K\)pi0(; as the rendering of the tetragrammaton Y H W H in the inscription is not related to a Samaritan source, because the Samaritans did not pronounce Adonai (as a substitute for the tetragrammaton) but Shema or Ta(3e. In the inscription Kvpioq occurs, abbreviated as KZ, four times (11.2, 7 - 8 , 10) and according to Tov its usage is based on the LXX vocabulary. Horsley suggests that the occurrence of K\)pi0(; in the inscription may also be attributed to Christian influence, especially if P u r v i s ' 4^^-6^^ century date is accepted (see below).'^^^ T h e formula in 1.16, eiq Qeoc,, occurs quite often in Samaritan inscriptions from Palestine, but was not a distinctively Samaritan expression (it is used also in Christian and Gnostic contexts).226 The formula is attested only once in a Jewish inscription in the Diaspora (#Pan2 from Aquincum, q.v.); eic, Qeoq 6 Por|9cov is found in probably Jewish inscriptions from Syria.^27 jy^q tenn evA-oyia is well attested in Jewish inscriptions in Palestine and the Diaspora (#Ach59, # # T h r I - 2 , 4). Lifshitz & Schiby accept Pelekanidis' view that the dedicator Siricius is to be identified with the sophist Sergius Siricius from Neapolis in Palestine (Nablus), a pupil of Andromachus, who taught at Athens in the 4**^ century CE.228 However, it is not certain that he is the same person, although it seems likely as Siricius was not a common name (no other examples in P L R E i-ii). Lifshitz also notes that it is not known if Sergius Siricius was Samaritan or Greek, since Neapolis had a mixed population.229 The form of the name Sirica is attested in Jewish inscriptions from Rome.230 This is the only occurrence of the salutation ax>^ri applied to a city in Thessaloniki although it is attested epigraphically elsewhere.23i It shows the Thessalonican Samaritans' attachment to their ' h o m e ' city (under its
221 CIJ P 6 9 3 a . 222 Van der Horst 1990, 144. 223 TOY 1974, 3 9 6 - 8 . 224 T o v 1 9 7 4 , 3 7 5 . 225 Horsley 1976, 110. 226DiSegni 1994,111-15. 227 IJudO iii 38 (= CIJ 8 6 4 ) , 41 (= CIJ 8 4 8 ) . 228 PLRE i, p.845 Lifshitz & Schiby 1968, 376. 229 Lifshitz & Schiby 1968, 376; CU P 693a. 230 JIWE ii 278, 357. 231 Peterson 1926, 319; Robert 1960, 2 3 , 25; B E 1966, 319.
Macedonia:
Thessaloniki
105
Graeco-Roman name) in the same way that Diaspora Jews felt loyalty to Jerusalem. Pelekidis tentatively dates the inscription to the 4"^ century following his o w n identification of the dedicant with the sophist Siricius. However, Purvis, on the basis of the Samaritan script, suggests a date between the 4"^ and 6**^ centuries. Samaritan inscriptions are too rare for this to be very reliable, but the use of a long i - instead of e i - in the formula also suggests a date for the inscription close to the one suggested by Purvis. M a c l S . Epitaph(?) Editions: Heuzey & Daumet 1876, 282, no. 119; Demitsas 1896, 4 4 6 - 7 , no.392; IG x.2.1 1972, n o . 4 3 I ; RICM 1983, no.l 13. Other bibliography: Kanatsoulis 1979, 23 no. 165. Found in the area of Thessaloniki. Present whereabouts unknown. Details: Marble plaque; dimensions not recorded. Language: Greek. Date: 2"^-3'^^ century C E . Text (follows RICM 1983): 'A7coA,X,,ip[axo(;] a2. Lolling: M e v a v 5 p o q b l . Miller: ©eopiXJia c 3 - 4 . Miller: [xptiaxe] x a i p e c 4 . Lolling, Giannopoulos: x a i p e
KaXX,i[rt7rTi] or
Ka^^Uaq];
(a) Callias / Callis (son/daughter) of Menander. (b) Theophila, wife of Seleucus. Farewell to the people. (c) Menander (son) of Menander. Farewell to the people.
21 CJZC 51a.
Giannopoulos:
114
Thessaly:
Larissa
This funerary stele was discovered in the Turkish cemetery of Larissa. It is considered Jewish because of the formula xro X,aw x a i p e i v , which was used by the Jews of Larissa (see # A c h I ) . (a) is inscribed in the aetoma while (b) and (c) are on the stele proper. The practice of reusing a funerary stele by one family or by members of the Jewish community was c o m m o n in Larissa as indicated by two other inscriptions from the same area ( # A c h I , #Ach4). Lolling suggests that (a), which he considers a separate inscription, was added later than (b) and (c) because of its position. That would be natural if the stone was reused over an extended period. The name in LI of (a) could be restored as either masculine or feminine. The masc. form KaA-Ua^ occurs at Beth She'arim (Hall J)^^ but is otherwise unattested in Jewish inscriptions or papyri (the form KaXfiq, however, appears in a papyrus from Arsinoe and KaA,X,e'0(; occurs in an ostrakon from Edfu),^^ while the fern. KdX,A,iq occurs in an inscription from Cyrenaica.24 Other KaXXinames like KaA-A-iKpatriq, KaA,X,laxpaxo(;, KaA,X,iax6, KaA,X,iirjtr|, KaX,A,i67cr| etc, could also fit in the first line of (a) although KaA,A,ia(; was by far the most popular of these names. T h e name Theophila (0eo(piA,a) in (b) 1.1 is not much attested among Jews. The masculine form ©exxpiX.oq occurs in Cyrenaica^^ and ©eocplA-oq is found at Rome.^^ The masculine form Theophilus (0eocpiA,o(;) also appears in a papyrus from ApoUonias, Egypt.^^ Seleucus occurs in another Jewish inscription from Larissa ( # A c h l 2 ) , and also at Rome, Edessa and Beth She'arim.2* The name Menander (MevavSpoq) occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Rome, Sardis and Larissa (#AchlO, q.v.). It occurs here in (a) 1.2 and twice in (c). Menander in (a) is probably the same person as one of the Menanders in (c), so it is possible that the stele was used by only one family. A c h 4 . Epitaph of Maximus, Eucrata, Maximus and Gynaika Edition: Giannopoulos 1930, 256 no.7. Found at Larissa(?). Now: Larissa, Archaeological Museum. Details: Marble column, 75 x 42 x 12 cm., with a protracted dark line in the stone, broken at the top and on the right side up to the middle. Language: Greek. Date: i M * century CE(?).
22 23 24 25 26 27 28
B S ii, no.60. CPJ ii 3 0 7 , 4 2 1 . CJZC 43d. CJZC 33b, 7 2 . JIWE i 354. CPJ 1 2 1 . JIWE ii 4 8 5 ; IJudO iii 80 = CIJ 1 4 1 7 - 1 8 ; BS ii, n o . 6 0 .
Thessaly: Larissa
115
Text (follows Giannopoulos 1930): (a)
(b)
Md^^M-o? Ma^tHOT) Xaipiv.
XQL&
E\)Kpdi;a Ei)Kp a t o q . (c) M a | i lio(; yovfi auToO r \ ) v a i K a xro A,avacat
CO
'
xaipiv.
a2. Giannopoulos: < x ^ > a3, c 4 . 1. x a i p e i v
(a) Maximus (son) of Maximus. Farewell to (the) people. (b) Eucrata (daughter) of Eucrates. (c) Maximus (and) his wife Gynaika, farewell to the people. According to Giannopoulos this inscription was in the collection of the Archaeological Museum of Larissa. Its provenance is unknown. The inscription is assumed to be Jewish because of the formula x(p A,acp x a i p e r v (see # A c h I ) . The three separate inscriptions preserved on the column are another example of the popular practice among Larissan Jews of reusing funerary monuments (cf. # A c h l , #Ach3). The name Maximus (Md^i^ioq) which occurs in (a) and (c) is found in Jewish use only at Rome.^^ It occurs twice in (a) 1.1 and in (c), and it is possible that the stele was used by only one family (cf. Menander in #Ach3). The names Eucrata/es and Gynaika are otherwise unattested in Jewish inscriptions and papyri from the Diaspora. Gynaika is not found as a name anywhere in LGPN. A c h 5 . E p i t a p h of A l e x a n d e r Editions: Gallis 1973/4, 562 (from the stone); SEG xxix 1979, no.537. Illustradon: Gallis, pl.375d (photo). Other bibliography: BE 1980, no.291; Caiding 1979/80, 39; Williams 1998, noT.95 (English tr.). Found at Larissa. Now: Larissa, Archaeological Museum (no inv.no.). Details: Grey marble kioniskos, broken below, 82.5 x 32.5 cm. (92 x 29 cm. according to Gallis). Letters: 4.4-4.5 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 4*''-6* century CE(?).
29 JIWE i i 9 4 , 128.
Thessaly:
116
Larissa
Text (follows SEG xxix 1979 and personal inspection): {menorah) 'AA,e^dvpo\) Kai
TCpOCTtdlOD.
1. A o m i t t e d on s t o n e
Of Alexander,
scholasticus and prostates.
The stone was found during a rescue excavation, conducted in 1973/4, of the remains of a 2"^ or 3'"'* century building at 7 Roosevelt Street in modern Larissa. The inscription is on the upper part of the kioniskos under the image of a menorah. It has not been reported where exactly the stone was found, but it is very likely that it belonged to a stratum later than that of the foundations of the building. 1.1. 'AJie^avSpoq and the fem. form 'AA,e^dv5pa are attested in Jewish inscriptions from Egypt, Carthage and Rome,^° and the Latin form Alexander occurs at Rome.-" The name also occurs on papyri from Egypt
30 J I G R E 3 0 . 150; le Bohec 1981, 184, no. 3 8 ; J I W E ii 112, 259, 336, 3 6 8 . 3 ' J I W E ii 2 7 9 . 3 4 3 .
Thessaly: Larissa
\ \ 7
and an ostracon from Edfu;-'^ these persons are not necessarily Jews. The form 'AA,e^av8p(i)a is a t t e s t e d at Rome a n d Apamea as well.^^ 1.2. axoXaoxiKOC, became a title from the 4^'' century CE onwards; before that it was used mainly as a designation o f a student of rhetoric.-^"^ Claus and Simon note that the title was used mainly b y lawyers and rhetors but did not become a technical t e r m or office.^^ Williams' definition is "a man qualified to w o r k as an advocate b y virtue of having passed through all t h e normal stages of higher education." People with the title sometimes had other official functions in their city too."^^ It w a s mainly a selfdesignation (as with the c h u r c h historian Socrates Scholasticus; see the list of the known scholastici from t h e 3'"'^-8"^ century in Claus 1965).^'' It is probable t h e n that Alexander was a lawyer or a rhetor. The title disappears f r o m the sources after the 8"^ century.^*^ The title is attested also in Jewish inscriptions from Apamea (late 4"^ century CE) and Sepphoris (5^*^ century).39 1.3. The title of KpooraxTiq was widely used in Antiquity with a range of meanings including a 'patron', 'defender', 'head' or 'leader, president' of a professional organisation, community or city; also a n a r m y officer."*" In Christian contexts it is applied to deacons or bishops as 'leaders or protectors' of the people, o r to minor Church officials."" The title is found among the Jews in Egypt (Xenephyris, 140-116 BCE), Rome, Aphrodisias and Naples (5"^-6^'' century CE).'*^ It has been interpreted either as an equivalent of the Roman patronus (after Plutarch, Rom. 13, Mar. 5) or as some sort of 'presiding officer' of a local Jewish gerousia.^^ Thus, Horsley equates the title with that of the gerusiarch.'^'^ Frey, Leon and van der Horst suggest that the irpoaxdxric; was a legal representative of a Jewish community to the government.'*^ Binder thinks that the offices of the
32 CPJ 13.1; 14.26, 4 1 ; 18.4, 7, 20, 2 3 ; 4 7 . 2 ; 136.3; 142.2. 4; 1 4 3 . 4 - 5 , 7 - 8 , 13, 16, 19; 408a.4. 33 J I W E ii 246, 2 8 5 , 4 6 1 , 568 (= IJudO iii 33); CIJ 811 - lJudO iii 66. 34 C I G 2 7 4 6 ; O G I S 6 9 3 ; C I L viii.3.20274; Plutarch, Cic. 5; LSJ, s.v. 35 Claus 1965: Simon 1966, 1 5 8 - 6 0 ; S o c r a t e s . H.E. 6.6.36 - PG Ixvii 681 A. 36 H a n t o n 1927/8, 130. 37 Claus 1965, 2 0 ^ 2 . 38 Simon 1966, 160. 39 l J u d O iii S y r 5 , S y r 6 0 = CIJ 9 9 1 , 8 1 4 . 40 LSJ, s.v. 41 St Basil the G r e a t , Ep. 2 1 4 . 2 = PG xxxii 7 8 9 C ; P h o t i n u s ap. E p i p h a n i u s , Pan. 72.11 - P G xlii 3 9 7 A . 42 J I G R E 2 4 ; J I W E ii 170, 3 6 5 ; lJudO ii 14 = Reynolds & T a n n e n b a u m 1987, 11.9a, 4 1 ; J I W E i 30. 43 Juster 1914. i 4 4 3 ; Krauss 1922. 145; both following Philo's usage, c f Mutat. 89, Praem. 77. 44 Horsley 1979, 2 4 1 ^ . 45 C U i, p . X C V ; Leon 1960. 193; van der Horst 1991, 9 5 .
118
Thessaly:
Larissa
7i:poaTdTTiiov 'EpiiioD Ke novtiavfjq TTjq ToDSeaq. {hedera) 2. Y omitted on stone 3 . 1. Kai 4 . 1. T o « 6 a i a ( ;
Of(?) Boukolios Jewess.
[or Boukolion],
the son of Hermias,
and Pontiana,
the
The director of the Gymnasium in Larissa, Georgios Zekides, discovered the inscription in 1900 during the construction of 'Victoria' market in the town. It was then transferred to the G y m n a s i u m ' s building where most inscriptions found in Larissa and the surrounding area were kept until the
46 JIGRE 18. 47 Binder 1 9 9 9 , 3 5 2 - 5 . 48 Kasher 1 9 8 5 , 1 1 1 - 1 4 ; JIWE i 30.
Thessaly: Larissa
119
foundation of the Museum. Frey, followed by Williams, suggests that the inscription is an epitaph for the deceased child of Pontiana and Hermes: Bo\)KoA,ioa)v. However, it is more likely that the inscription belonged to two people: Boukolios the son of Hermias, and Pontiana the Jewess presumably husband and wife. This would divide the inscription into two halves exactly balancing each other; Pontiana's ethnic would take the place of a patronymic. This inscription is, it seems, a very rare example of evidence for intermarriage between Jews and non-Jews. There are only a few literary sources regarding this practice. Philo attests exogamy among the Alexandrian Jews {Spec.Leg. 3.29) and according to Josephus both daughters of Agrippa I (Drusilla and Berenice) married non-Jews {Ant. 2 0 . 1 4 1 - 5 ) . According to Acts 16.1-3 one of Paul's disciples, Timothy, was b o m to a Jewish-Christian mother and a Greek father. The m e n d o n of Pontiana's ethnic origin supports the suggestion that her husband was not a Jew. Pontiana is otherwise unattested as a name used by Jews. Williams' suggestion that she might have been a proselyte is difficult to prove;"*^ proselytes are frequently designated clearly as such.^° The name of the husband could be treated as a nominative form of the Greek name Boa)KoX.la)v (cf. Homer, //. 6.21), in which case the genitive in 1.2 would not agree with it. More probably it is meant to be a gen. sing, form of Bo\)KoX,io^ (BoDKoX-oq) with a superfluous -v at the end. The names are not attested in Jewish inscriptions. Boukolion is a very rare name,^' whereas there are ten examples of Boukolos in LGPN. These inscriptions are dated to the 4*''-3'^^ centuries BCE. The name of his father 'Epiiiaq is a derivation of Hermes ('Epp,fjq; cf, 'Epp.i6vTi, 'Epiioyevriq etc.) and was popular in the Greek world,^^ ^ js also well attested among the Jews in Egypt, Cyrenaica, Aphrodisias and Rome.53
L G P N dates the inscripdon to the 2"** or 3"^ century CE.^^
49 Williams 1998, 196 n.63. 50 JIWE i 52; JIWE ii 6 2 , 2 1 8 , 224, 3 9 2 , 4 8 9 , 4 9 1 , 577; IJudO ii 14 = Reynolds & Tannenbaum 1987, a l 3 , 17, 2 2 . 5' LGPN i 103; LGPN iiiA 94. Only three occurrences in non-Jewish inscriptions are listed: a Bot)Ko?iecov is attested in an inscription from Argos and BOVKOUCOV occurs on a v a s e from Apulia and in an inscription from Euboea. 52 LGPN i 1 6 3 ^ ; LGPN ii 1 5 7 - 8 ; LGPN iiiA 1 5 2 - 3 ; LGPN iiiB 1 4 2 - 3 ; Pape & Benseler 1911,382^. 53 JIGRE 28; CPJ 88.3; 144.6, 8 , 1 5 , 2 5 , 3 3 ; 4 5 3 . 2 0 ; CJZC 56a; IJudO ii 14 = Reynolds & Tannenbaum 1987, a24; JIWE ii 121, 360, 3 7 8 , 4 6 7 , 5 5 1 . 54 LGPN iiiB 88.
120
Thessaly:
Larissa
A c h 7 . E p i t a p h of Cleopo Editions: Lolling 1883, 118-19 no.27; IG ix.2 1908, no.839; Oehler 1909, 443 no.98; Giannopoulos 1912, 156; CIJ i 1936, no.698; CIJ i^ 1975, Prol. p.80. Other bibliography: Ferrua 1941, 4 5 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66. Found at Larissa. Now: Larissa, Archaeological Museum. Details: Marble stele with aetoma, broken below, 80 x 42 cm. Language: Greek. Date: uncertain. Text (follows CIJ i): K^eo'DJUQ) KolVTOt y-ovfi 8e To
84 CJZC 7a, 3/4 CE. 85 IJudO ii 4 7 = CIJ ii 7 5 5 ; Trebilco 1991, 177. 86 Lampropoulou 1993, 6 7 4 - 5 ; Lampropoulou 1995, 5 0 - 2 ; Moutzali 1995, 7 5 - 8 0 .
\ 97
Peloponnese
5 i d pio\) 8copov x6 jcpovaoD xti a-ovaycDYfi.
5
There is a Greek T inscribed in the upper part o f the stone (Fougeres) 2 . Small omicron between A and Y 3 . Small omicron between P and N 4. Small omicron between A and Y 1. Fougdres, Levi: 'EXjri8(ii)(;; Lifshitz 1967: 'E^TtiSOq 4 . IG v . 2 , Krauss, Robert 1 9 6 0 , B E 1969: x6 7tp6vao(v)
Aurelius Elpidis, father of the people [i.e. the Jewish community] (made) the gift of the pronaos to the synagogue.
for
life,
The cippus was discovered by Fougeres in 1893 among the ruins of a Byzantine chapel located south-east of the theatre in Mantinea. The d o n o r ' s title and the reference to a synagogue show that it records a Jewish donation. The first editor of the inscription, Fougeres, corrected the reading of the cognomen in 1.1 'EX,Jui80q to 'EX,7ti8r|(;. This, however, was rejected by Robert who notes that it is most likely a form of the name 'EX,Jut8i(;, a shortened form of 'EA,TCi8ioq.^' The interchange of i for D was c o m m o n in the Late Roman and Byzantine periods.^^ The title jcaxfip Xaov was probably similar to iiaxfip a-ovaYcoyfjc; which is often found at Rome.^^ On %a6c, as a term for the Jewish community, see # A c h l . ft seems that cvvaycoyf) here means the building rather than the community. The term Tcpovaoq designates the space in front of a temple's main body, enclosed by a portico and side walls. A donation of a itpovaoq is also attested in a Jewish inscription, dated to the 5^-6"' century CE, from Asia Minor at the Metropolitan Museum in N e w York.^^ Lifshitz dates the inscription to the 4 * century CE on palaeographic grounds. The form of the name is consistent with a 3'^''-4* century dating.
Taenarum
(Kyparissa)
= TAVO-Karte
B VI18:
HI8
The villages of Kyparissa and Alika are located on the west coast of the Mani Peninsula at the site of ancient Taenarum (Caenopolis), not far from Cape Taenarum (Matapan).
87 88 89 90
Robert 1946, 9 9 n.3. Gignac 1976, i 2 6 9 - 7 1 . JIWE ii 2 0 9 , 2 8 8 , 5 4 0 , 5 4 4 , 5 7 6 , 5 7 8 . Ameling 2 0 0 3 , 2 4 7 - 9 .
198
Peloponnese
AchSS. E p i t a p h of J u s t u s Editions: IG v.l 1913, no. 1256; Schwabe 1949, 231 no. 20; CIJ 1975, Prol. no.72 la. Other bibliography: Robert 1946, 100; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 66; Williams 1998, no.l.36. Found at Kyparissa. Present whereabouts unknown. Details: Plaque of white marble, 62 x 30 x 33 cm. Language: Greek. Date: century CE or later. Text (follows I G v . l 1913): 'lOVCfTOq
'Av8poTiPepiEUQ. Justus (son) of Andromache,
from
Tiberias.
This inscription was discovered in the first half of the 19'^ century built into one of the walls of the house of Georgios Georgiobretakos in the village of Kyparissa. This makes it clear that the inscription originated in ancient Taenarum. Justus was a common Roman name but also frequently used by Jews, probably because of its meaning - righteous (e.g. Josephus' son Justus; Justus ben Sapphias from Tiberias;'^' Joseph Justus also called Barsabbas'^-). It occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Beth She'arim, Capernaum, Jaffa, Caste 1 Porziano, Venosa, Taranto, Narbonne and Rome.'^^ Justus' name is followed by that of his mother rather than his father, possibly because she was the commemorator. The masculine form 'Av8popd%oq occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Berenice in Cyrenaica.'^'* Tiberias was not an exclusively Jewish city, but someone using its ethnic could probably expect to be presumed to be Jewish. Jews from Tiberias are found in inscriptions from Senia (#Dal2), Carthage'^'' and Rome. The inscription was not dated by the editors, and there is no clue to dating except the use of a Latin name, which seems unlikely for a Tiberian before the 1^^ century CE at the earliest. 9' J o s e p h u s , Vila 12.66, etc.; BJ 2.599. '^2 A c t s 1.23. 93 BS ii, n o s . 1 2 7 , 190; Lifshitz 1967, no.75; J I G R E 148; J I W E i 18; J I W E i 69 Cloooxa); J I W E i 120; J I W E i 189; J I W E ii 2 5 , 7 1 , 126, 2 6 0 , 2 7 1 , 3 4 4 , 3 7 9 , 5 1 5 , 5 3 1 , 561; 369 (lusta). 94 C J Z C 7 0 - 1 . 95 Le B o h e c 1 9 8 1 , n o . 2 8 . 96 J I W E ii 6 0 , 5 6 1 .
Peloponnese
199
Ach56. E p i t a p h or honorific inscription for J o n a t h a n Editions: N. Drandakis, PAE 1958 [1965], 2 1 5 - 1 6 ; Lifshitz 1967, 17 no.9a; CIJ i^ 1975, Prol. no.721b. Illustrations: Drandakis 1958, 216 no.y fig. 167b (photo); CIJ i^, p. 107 pi.3 (photo). Other bibliography: BE 1966, no. 197; Revised Schiirer iii.l 1986, 66; Lampropoulou 1993, 6 7 4 - 5 . Found at Kyparissa. Present whereabouts unknown. Details: Plaque of white marble, broken on right, 40 x 39 x 9 cm.'^'' There is a rectangular hole on the left side of the plaque. Language: Greek. Date: 3"' century CE(?). Text (follows Drandakis 1958 and photo): 'IcovdOav ov S[ - - - ] d p x o v x a yevol^evov? - - - ] Jonathan
whom
having become(?)
archon
Drandakis discovered the inscription in 1958 during excavation of the 6"'ccntury church of St. Peter ("Ayiog Uexpoq) near the modern village of Kyparissa. It is therefore certain that the inscription originated from Taenarum not from Magna, as noted by Robert in BE. The personal name (an exclusively Jewish one until adopted by Christians) and title together make the inscription almost certainly Jewish. Drandakis notes that the plaque was reused for this inscription, which was written carelessly with unaligned letters of varying size. It is inscribed only on the upper part of the plaque, perhaps to avoid the hole which comes immediately below 1.2. According to Robert the plaque was placed in the local synagogue, but he did not take into account that it was reused for this inscription. Thus, although it may originally have been 97 I h e s e are the m e a s u r e m e n t s given by D r a n d a k i s ; CIJ i^ gives 4 0 x 2 9 c m .
200
Peloponnese
attached to a building, its secondary use is far from clear, and the truncated and unparalleled wording does not even make clear whether it is an epitaph or the record of a donation or an honour bestowed by the synagogue. The fact that the title is in the accusative is more consistent with an honorific inscription than an epitaph. The title archon occurs in Jewish inscriptions from all over the Diaspora: Cyrenaica, Capua, Elche, Acmonia in Piirygia, Side, Cyprus and Rome.^^ It is translated generally as "ruler" or "leader" and is part of the common Greek civic terminology adopted across the ancient Mediterranean (LSJ, s.v.), which was adapted for Jewish use.^^ Frey, following Josephus' usage of the term,'^° suggests the archons were m e m b e r s of the council of elders of the Jewish c o m m u n i t y . A c c o r d i n g to Leon, their duties were mainly concerned with the secular affairs of the c o m m u n i t y . y ^ n der Horst suggests the archon "was a leading official who probably was elected annually".'^^ In some cases archon was an honorary title - this would explain the fact that, according to the epigraphic evidence, it was conferred upon children (cf. #Mac8).'^'* Attempts to find a single meaning or function for it assume a misleading degree of uniformity in the Diaspora; it is much more likely that the title was used in a variety of ways at different times and places. Lifshitz understands IcovdOav as an accusative form of the name TcovdGotq.'^^ However, it could also be a direct transliteration of the Hebrew IpT, without a Greek case ending. The name occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Cyrenaica and Rome.'^^ Drandakis dates the inscription to the 2)^^ century CE on palaeographic grounds.
98 CJZC 7 0 - 2 ; JIWE i 2 0 ; JIWE i 181; Lifshitz 1967, no.33 = IJudO ii 168; Robert 1958, 3 6 no.69; Lifshitz 1967, no.85 = IJudO iii C y p 4 ; JIWE ii, p.538. 99 G. Delling, apxcov, T D N T i 4 8 8 - 9 . 100 Ant. 4 . 2 1 8 , 1 2 . 1 4 3 , 14.168-84. C f also I M a c c 12.6; 2 M a c c 1.10, 11.27. On the use o f the title in the Second Temple period, cf. Binder 1999, 3 4 4 - 8 , 3 7 1 . '01 Frey in CIJ i, p . L X X X V I l . •02 Leon 1960, 176. '03 V a n der Horst 1 9 9 1 , 8 9 . '04 Robert 1958, 4 0 - 1 ; JIWE ii 2 8 8 , 3 3 7 . '05 On the occurrence o f the name in the L X X and in inscriptions from Palestine, c f Ilan 2 0 0 2 , 1 4 4 - 5 0 . '06 CJZC n o . 7 2 , a p p . l ; JIWE ii 265, 3 6 6 .
Section 9
Achaea: Greek islands Euboea
- TAVO-Karte
B VI18:
GI8
The existence of a Jewish community on Euboea in the 1*' century CE is mentioned by Philo (Legatio 282) in the letter which he says King Agrippa I wrote to Caligula. Ach57. Epitaph of Euphranor Editions: Pappadakis 1986/7, 2 3 9 - 4 0 ; SEG xxxix 1989, no.933. Illustration: Pappadakis, pl.4 (photo). Found at Chalcis(?), Euboea. Now: Chalcis, Byzantine Collecdon at the Emir Zade ^ a m i i , inv.no.269 (old 73). Details: Marble cippus, 79.5 x 14 x 10 cm. Letters 3.5-5 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 5 * -7'*' century CE. Text (follows SEG xxxix 1989): Ex)cppot-
vop nOTC-
U[?Ui-]
5
OX) • EXE-
toq x& Xa& 4 - 6 . Pappadakis: Uon'kiX'kioc, 8 - 9 . Pappadakis: eXeoc,
Euphranor
10 or
TlonXmvoc,
(son) of Publius [or Publilius].
Mercy to the
people.
Although there is no indication of where the inscription was found it probably originated from Chalcis or the surrounding area. Pappadakis notes that the name Euphranor is also found in inscriptions from Eretria. The name is a common one (over 200 examples in LGPN), and has the basic meaning of 'cheering', 'pleasant person'. It is normally written with
202
Euboea
omega instead of omicron, and the use of omicron here probably indicates that it should be understood as a vocative, " O Euphranor". Pappadakis reconstructs the name in 11.4-6 as UonXiXkioq (Publilius) or no7tA,iav6q (Publianus), with a preference to the former.' However, the name can also be interpreted as n67tA,ioq, the Greek form of the Latin Publius, which was one of the most common Roman names adopted into Greek.2 In a Jewish context Publius is found at Aquileia (1*' century BCE) and Capua (2"''-4^'' century CE),^ and the Greek form appears in inscriptions from Rome, Cyrene, Teucheira and Cyrenaica."^ Pappadakis interprets 11.7-10 as an acclamation, a call to the passer-by to show pity and mercy for the deceased. Pleket in SEG. following Robert, considers the term A-aoq Jewish and explains the phrase as an invocation of G o d ' s mercy to the local Jewish community. On the Jewish use of Xadq, cf. # A c h l . The wish expressed here seems to be a shortened version of the one found in the synagogue at Apamea (lJudO iii Syr54 = CI J 804), eipf]vii K a l zXzoQ, e n i m v t o fiyiaojievov "bptov reX-qeoq ("Peace and mercy upon all your blessed people"). According to Pappadakis the inscription should be dated between 5"^ and 7"^ centuries CE.
Aegina
- TA VO-Karte B
VI18:1118
Aegina was conquered by the Romans in 211 BCE and given by them to the Aetolians who later sold it for 30 talents to Attains 11 of Pergamum. It was returned to Rome in 133 BCE under the will of Attains 111. The island suffered from pirate attacks in the early 1^' century BCE and gradually declined. During the early Byzantine period Aegina was again populated and enjoyed some prosperity. CIJ 724, from Aegina, is a magical text on a sheet of lead, with some angelic names (Michael, Gabriel. Ouriel, etc.) and probably l a w , but it is unlikely to be of particularly Jewish origin.
' Pape & Benseler 1911, 1235. 2 Pape & Benseler 1911, 1235 6. 3 J I W E 17, 2 0 . 4 J I W E ii 3 6 0 ; C J Z C 13a (this inscription, however, has the Greek transcription of the female form Publia); C J Z C 4 3 a ; C J Z C a p p . l 9 q .
Aegina
W1
Q. W2
Plan of the A e g i n a s y n a g o g u e (after M a z u r 1935)
203
204
Aegina
The synagogue is located in the vicinity of the harbour of ancient Aegina.^ It was excavated in 1928 under the direction of Welter and Sukenik (although the mosaic inscriptions were knovm earlier; see below), but found in poor condition, with only a few parts of the original walls preserved. The synagogue is a rectangular building with an apse in its eastern wall (diameter 5.5 m.).^ There were no traces of the foundation wall on its west side. The building consists of a single hall fdled entirely by a mosaic floor (Mazur: 13 x 7.6 m; Welter 1938: 13.5 x 7.6 m). The design of the mosaic is geometrical and according to Goodenough its border "is occupied by a series of swastikas with curved arms like whirl rosettes; some of the swastikas turn clockwise, some counterclockwise. In the centre of each swastika is a design of crossed loops.' The inner field of the mosaic is a running motif of alternating ovals and circles. At the outer edge is a rolling design that Miss Mazur calls lotus, but on the eastern edge along the apse is a pattern of ivy, broken at the centre with a patch of plain white tesserae."^ The mosaic reaches right up to the walls, and there is no indication that there were stone benches attached to the walls in the hall. Mazur suggests that there were wooden benches or mats.^ At the eastern edge of the mosaic floor there is a white mosaic strip measuring 150 x 35 cm. Mazur suggests that a bema was placed in the apse, in front of the Ark, covering the white strip. Wischnitzer believes that the strip was most probably used as a safety mark indicating the spot where the stairs leading to the Ark began. However, since direct evidence was not found, the presence of such a construction remains uncertain,'' The entrance to the synagogue hall is marked on the west by the mosaic inscriptions (##Ach58-9). The excavations conducted by Welter and Mazur in 1932 revealed the remains of an earlier building with the same orientation as the synagogue. An earlier wall was discovered running parallel to the west end of the synagogue mosaic ( W l ) . According to Mazur the space between the surviving parts of that wall probably marks the place where the main entrance of the building s t o o d . A second wall was found at the same
5 Mazur 1935, 3 0 - 1 . See below (#Ach58) for a bibliography on the synagogue. 6 Sukenik 1934, 44; Mazur 1 9 3 5 , 2 6 ; Goodenough, Symbols ii 75, iii fig.881. ' These are the design usually referred to as 'Solomon's knot', also found in synagogue mosaics at, for example, Ostia and Bova Marina. 8 Goodenough, Symbols ii 75. 9 Mazur 1935, 27. '0 Wischnitzer 1964, 4. ' ' In his description o f the site, Goodenough (ii 76) exaggerates considerably on this issue, assuming a Torah shrine in the apse, with a curtain covering its entrance and a menorah flanking it on each side. '2 Mazur 1935, 27. Goodenough (ii 75) suggests three entrances, but there is no archaeological evidence to prove this.
Aegina
205
level, lying beneath the north wall of the synagogue (W2). According to Mazur it extends for 3 m. westward and then connects to another wall with a south-west direction, thus forming the narthex of the earlier building. At the same level, along the west wall of the synagogue, a pavement of quadrangular red tiles was found by the excavators.'^ The pavement is divided in two parts by a wall (W3) perpendicular to the west wall of the synagogue. Mazur suggests that the coincidence in the direction of W2 and the north wall of the later synagogue proves the existence of an earlier synagogue.'"* She also suggests that the earlier walls were from a chamber attached to the earlier building to serve as w o m e n ' s quarters. However, the site did not yield sufficient evidence to support this suggestion, and there is no reason to assume that the synagogue would have had a separate area for women.'^ M a z u r ' s idea is apparently based on the assumption that the site was under Jewish ownership for a long period, but this is uncertain. The architectural plan of the late building recalls immediately the building of the synagogue at Elche in Spain'^ and the Palestinian synagogues of the 4**^-6"' centuries: M a ' o n , Jericho, Beth Alpha, M a ' o z Hayim, Gerasa, N a ' a r a n , Hammat Gader and G a z a . " The addition of an apse was very c o m m o n in synagogue architecture from the 4**^ century CE onwards, and the one at Aegina was orientated roughly towards Jerusalem. The limited nature of the excavation makes it impossible to determine the exact nature of the building which preceded the synagogue with the apse and mosaic floor. If there was an earlier synagogue, it probably had an assembly hall and additional rooms clustered around it. The inscription shows that Theodorus was responsible for a complete rebuilding, but does not indicate whether he was replacing an earlier synagogue. Mazur dates the building on the basis of the inscriptions to 3 0 0 - 3 5 0 CE, on palaeographic grounds. She further suggests that it was destroyed in the 5 * century CE.'^ The latter date is based on the date of the graves, pertaining to the graveyard of the adjacent Byzantine church. These graves, found in the cavities of the north wall of the synagogue, were part of a large Christian necropolis and dated to the 6*'' century CE by Mazur and to the 7 * by Blegen. The reuse of synagogue buildings for Christian purposes in the 5^'' century is well attested in archaeology and literature; c f Stobi ( # M a c l ) and Apamea (IJudO iii 53).
'3 '4 '5 '6 '7 '8
Mazur 1 9 3 5 , 2 6 - 7 . Mazur 1 9 3 5 , 2 7 , followed recently by Hachlili 1998, 30. Mazur 1935, 3 2 n.4. JIWE i 1 8 0 - 2 ; Hachlili 1998, 4 5 - 7 , 2 0 5 - 7 , 4 0 7 - 8 . Hachlili 1988, 143-^4, I 8 I - 2 , figs.4, 9. Mazur 1 9 3 5 , 2 9 - 3 0 ; Goodenough, ii 76.
206
Aegina
Acli58. M o s a i c inscription of T h e o d o r u s Editions: CIG iv 1859, no.9894b; Levy 1861, 272, 297 no.12-5; Schurer 1879, 25 8, 41 no.45; IG iv 1902, no. 190; Oehler 1909. 444 no.l 14b; Krauss 1922, 243 no.96; Sukenik 1934, 4 4 - 5 ; Mazur 1935, 2 5 - 8 ; CI J i 1936, no.722; Lifshitz 1967, 13-14 n o . l . Illustrations: Sukenik 1934, p l . l l ; Mazur 1935, pls.iv-v; Lazaridis & Chatzidakis 1967, pi. 19, pi. 122a. '-^ Other bibliography: S. Reinach, BCH 18 1886, 332 n.2; Reinach 1886, 2 4 1 ; Kohl & Watzinger 1916, 146; G. Welter, AA 1932, 1 6 4 - 5 ; Robert 1937, 81 = 1946, 102; BE 1951, no.95; SEG xi 1954, no.46; Goodenough, Symbols ii 1953, 7 5 - 6 ; Robert 1958, 39 n.4; Robert 1964, 49 n.3; Lazaridis & Chatzidakis 1967, 19, 161; Urdahl 1968, 53; BE 1969, no.53; Stambaugh 1978, 600; Kraabel 1979, 507; Kant 1987, 677 nn.23, 2 7 ; Rajak & Noy 1993, 91 no. 17; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 72; White 1997, ii 3 5 6 - 8 ; Hachlili 1998, 25, 3 0 - 1 ; Williams 1998, no.IL63 (English tr.). Bibliography for synagogue and mosaic: L. Ross, Blatter fur literarische Unterhaltung 23/12/1832 (no.358), cols. 1499-1500 (=Ross 1863, 139); H. N. Fowler, AJA 6 1902, 69; Kohl & Watzinger 1916, 146; Krauss 1922, 243 no.96; G. Welter, AA 1932, 1 6 4 - 5 : E.P. Blegen, AJA 36 1932, 358; Bequignon 1933, 2 5 5 - 6 ; Sukenik 1934, 4 4 - 5 , 5 1 ; Mazur 1935, 2 5 - 3 3 ; H. Rosenau, JPOS 16 1936, 35; Welter 1938. 47, 63, 110; Sukenik 1945, 3 1 ; Sukenik 1949, 2 1 ; Goodenough, Symbols ii 1953, 7 5 - 6 , iii fig.881 (plan); Parlasca 1959, 134; Wischnitzer 1964, 4 5 ; Hengel 1966, 161 n.56, 163 n.62; Lazaridis & Chatzidakis 1967, 19; Urdahl 1968, 53; Sodini 1970, 703 n.5; Pelekanides & Atzeka 1974, i 100-1 no.75, pl.68; Pallas 1977, 14 no.8d; Kraabel 1979, 507; Foerster 1981, 166-7; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 72; White 1997, ii 356 no.74; Hachlili 1998, 25, 3 0 - 1 , figs.l 1-12 (plan), 198-9, fig.A. Found at Aegina. Now: Aegina, Archaeological Museum. Details: Mosaic inscription set in a tabula ansata. No measurements published. Black lettering on white background. Language: Greek. Date: 300-350 CE. Text (follows Lifshitz 1967): 0e68(opoq dp%[iat)vdyo)y(og) (pjpovxiaat; exri x e a o e p a ex 8e)ieA,i(ov xfjv G['i)vaytoy(fiv)] oiKo66pr|Ga itpooo5e\)6 XpvGivoi ne' K a l EK XC?)V X O V @ ( E O ) X ) Scopetov x p v o i v o i pe'. 1. S m a l l omicron after e in Qeobaypoq, after p in cplpovxiaaq 2. C I G : I I P O C O A E Y C s on the m o s a i c 3 . C I G : P E s on the m o s a i c 3 . S m a l l omicron
after x in xo-u
'9 A photograph of ##Ach58-9 provided http://www.archaeology.org/online/features/greece/
by
Elias
Messinas
is
at:
Aegina
3. 1. 2. 2. 3.
207
eceojx): ©Ywith bar over theta on m o s a i c C I G : dpxiot)v[aycoYoq (plpovxiaa^ I. E K C I G , C I J : a\)vay[a)y(fjv)]; rtpooo8ei)[G(riafxv)| C I G , C I J : z p o o i v f o l i [p|e'; ©E(OT3); po'
Theodorus, archisynagogos. phronti stes for Jour years, built the synagogue from the foundations. 85 gold coins were received, and 105 gold coins from the gifts of God. This inscription and #Ach59 were found in 1829 in the outskirts of modern Aegina, in a partly preserved mosaic pavement. To prevent further damage the mosaic was covered ag ain, but unearthed in 1901 and 1904 as part of the archaeological exploration of the island. However, until the excavations in 1932 conducted by Welter and Mazur (see above) the ground plan of the building remained unexplored. The inscription recording Theodorus' foundation is set in a tabula ansata and located in the west end of the mosaic floor. After the discovery of the mosaic floor in 1829, the inscription suffered further damage and some parts of its text were lost. The reconstruction of the lacuna in 1.2 is based on the publication of the inscription in CIG and IG. Theodorus held two titles in the Jewish community. The first one was probably archisynagogos, assuming that more letters of this word were visible when the mosaic was first uncovered than survive now. His holding of the title phrontistes is indicated by a participle rather than a noun, probably to indicate that it was only that office which was held "for four years". The title (ppovxiatrig was not exclusively Jewish, but occurs
208
^^S'"^
in Jewish inscriptions from Porto (4"^ century), Rome (3'**-4"' century?), Caesarea (6^*' century) and Side (5^^-6^ century CE).^^ Robert translates it as "curator" and notes its frequent occurrence in the public administration in Greece, Asia Minor and Syria during the Late Roman period.^' Frey suggests that the Jewish (ppovtioxfiq was a supervisor of communal property, but there is no direct evidence of this.^^ White translates the title as "steward" and considers its holder an "overseer" of the reconstruction work of the synagogue building or "treasurer" of the Jewish congregation in Aegina.23 Noy notes that the verb (ppovxt^co usually designates someone who, in general, has to "supervise" or "oversee" and sometimes corresponds to the Latin curator and the Greek £7iip,eA.r|Tf|(;. Sophocles equates the title to npo GapaJiTiaK; e-oxfiv.
5
4. 1. BepaJtetaiq
Laodice to the Highest God, having been saved by (medical) him, (made) a vow.
treatments
by
This was found together with # # A c h 6 0 - I on 22 Aug. 1912. The inscription is clearly set up as a votive thanksgiving to Theos Hypsistos for his healing powers. It is very similar to a dedication to Zeus Hypsistos or, most likely, just to Hypsistos, dated to the imperial period, from the sanctuary on the Pnyx at Athens: [Aii? 'Yxi/Iioxtp | [e^xillv Zo)ai[p,r| e]epa7te\)[0ei]cya ("To Zeus(?) the Highest, Zosima, having been cured (made) a vow").'^^ Theos Hypsistos is explicitly represented as a healer also in a dedication from Aezani in Phrygia.'^^ Frey, followed by Trebilco, White and Binder, understood Gapaitfiaiq as "infirmities" and translated 11.3—4 as "cured by him of her infirmities". However, there is no reason to depart from the normal definition of GepaTteia, "cure", "medical treatment" (LSJ, s.v.). The dative is used to
105 Mitchell 1999, no. 129. 106 Mitchell 1999, no.209.
Delos
223
show that she was saved by the t r e a t m e n t s , a n d bTto + genitive shows that they were performed by "him", i.e. the god. The name Laodice is not otherwise attested in Jewish inscriptions. Binder's suggestion that the name is masculine is contradicted by the participle ending -ca which clearly shows that the dedicator is a woman.'"^ Bruneau dates the inscripdon to the century BCE on palaeographic grounds. # # A c h 6 2 - 3 seem to be substantially older than # # A c h 6 0 - l . A c h 6 3 . Vow of L y s i m a c h u s Editions: Plassart 1913, 205 n o . l ; Plassart 1914, 527 no.2; Krauss 1922, 244 no.97; CIJ i 1936, no.729; I.Delos 1937, no.2328; Lifshitz 1967, 15 no.6; Bruneau 1970, 484; White 1997, ii 3 3 8 - 9 n o . l . Other bibliography: Juster 1914, i 499; Offord 1915, 202; Nock, Roberts & Skeat 1936, 57 (=Nock 1972, 418); Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 70; White 1987, 139 n.25, 147 n.60; Trebilco 1991, 133-4 no.4.3c; Mitchell 1999, 135 n o . l 0 8 ; Binder 1999, 303 n . l 3 7 . Found in building G D 80 on Delos. N o w : Delos, Archaeological Museum, inv.no.E779. Details: Column of white marble, 86.5 x 21 cm. (17.5 at the top), with a small round hole on the top. Letters: 1.7 cm. Space between lines: 1 cm. Language: Greek. Date: I century BCE. Text (follows I.Delos): A\)cyi)xaxoq \)Kep eai)xoa) ©era 'Y\j/ioxcp Xapiaxfipiov. Lysimachus,
on his own behalf, to the Highest God, a
thank-offering.
According to Plassart's diary the inscription was found on the western benches of room B on 24 Aug. 1912. Plassart related this inscription to #Ach65 found in House IIA to strengthen his identification of G D 80 as a synagogue. His suggesdon, however, is based only on the occurrence of the name Lysimachus in both inscriptions and is by no means persuasive.'^^ The present inscription is clearly a dedication to Theos Hypsistos following a successful cure or other successful intervention of the deity in the devotee's life. This is confirmed by the small hole, 3 cm. Cf. IG ii-iiP 3.1.4532: KA.a\){8ia 'AJypmTceiva acoG[eiaa] xfji a w w v [evjvoiai ("saved by their goodwill"; dedication to Asclepius and Hygeia, Athens). '08 Binder 1999, 303 n . l 3 7 . '09 Plassart 1914, 5 3 0 .
224
Delos
deep and 3 cm. in diameter witli traces of lead, on the upper surface of the column, most probably used to seal and hold a votive metal figure.*'^ The occurrence of xocpiaxfjpiov in 1.4 is also instructive. The term, or the form evxapiaxfipiov,*" occurs often in votive inscriptions and is found in dedications to Theos Hypsistos and Hypsistos fi^om Athens, Dacia, Moesia Inferior, Mytilene, Caria and elsewhere. xapioxfjpiov does not occur in Jewish inscriptions, but ei)xapiaxfipiov is found in Jewish dedications from Amastris in Paphlagonia, Ascalon and the Gaza region."-^ The name Lysimachus occurs in #Ach65 (of questionable Jewishness) and in a Jewish inscription from Cyrenaica.*'"* Bruneau dates the inscription to the I^* century BCE on palaeographic grounds. Ach64. Dedication Editions: Plassart 1913, 206 no.6 = 1914, 528 no.6; Krauss 1922, 244 no.97; CU i 1936, no.731; I.Delos 1937, no.2333; Lifshitz 1967, 16 no.8; Bruneau 1970, 484. Illustration: Bruneau 1970, pl.ix fig.6 (photo).'*^ Other bibliography: Juster 1914, i 499; Nock, Roberts & Skeat 1936, 57 (=Nock 1972, 418); Bomer I960, 113-14; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 70. Found in building GD 80 on Delos. N o w : Delos, Archaeological M u s e u m , inv.no.A3051. Details: Marble stele with cornice at top and bottom, 33 x 20 x 26 cm. Text worn away at the top. Language: Greek. Date: 1'-2"''century CE. Text (follows I.Delos 1937): [
]
{rosette) {rosette) Yev6^evo(; eX,e\)GepO(;. having become
free.
" 0 Mazur 1 9 3 5 , 2 1 . " ' L. Robert, Hell, x 1955, 5 5 - 6 2 . " 2 Mitchell 1999, n o s . l , 4; 78; 80, 82; 115; 133, 139, 1 4 1 - 6 , 149, 151, 153, 1 5 6 - 7 ; 2 9 0 1. ' '3 Lifshitz 1967, nos.35 (= IJudO ii 149), 70, 72. 1 '4 CJZC 45b. " 5 Donald Binder has provided a photo at: http://faculty.smu.edu/dbinder/delos.html
Delos
225
According to Plassart's diary the inscription was found in the southem corner of room B on 29 Aug. 1912. Although it is damaged, it was probably dedicated to Theos Hypsistos in thanks for a manumission. However, personal dedications of this kind to the deity have not been found so far. The inscription could also indicate that manumission of slaves took place in GD 80 in a way similar to that attested in synagogues in the Bosporan Kingdom at roughly the same time ( ( # # B S 5 - 9 , 1 7 - 1 8 , 2 0 25). However, #Ach45 shows that at Oropus a Jewish ex-slave was willing to thank pagan deities for his manumission. Binder suggests that the rosettes were symbols related to the Jemsalem Temple indicating a possible Jewish provenance of the inscription.'*^ However, rosettes often occur on non-Jewish monuments as well. These rosettes are much more elaborate than the six-petalled ones commonly found on Judaean ossuaries. A rosette is also depicted in #Ach28. Bruneau dates the inscripdon to the l^*-2"'' century CE on palaeographic grounds. Ach65. Inscription of Agathocles and Lysimachus Editions: Plassart 1913, 205 no.l = 1914, 5 2 6 - 7 n o . l ; Offord 1915, 202; Krauss 1922, 244 no.97; CH i 1936, no.726; I.Delos 1937, no.2329; Lifshitz 1967, 15 no.3; Bruneau 1970, 484. Illustrations: Bruneau 1970, pl.ix. fig.4 (photo); Bruneau 1982, 499 fig.l3 (photo).**' Other bibliography: Juster 1914, i 499; Plassart 1916, 163, 242; Nock, Roberts & Skeat 1936, 57, 65 (=Nock 1972, 418, 424); Bruneau 1982, 499; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 70; White 1987, 1 3 9 ^ 0 n.28, 147 n.60; Trebilco 1991, 1 3 3 ^ , no.4.3e; White 1997, ii 3 3 8 - 9 no.5; Binder 1999, 303-4. Found in Insula GD 79, House IIA on Delos. Now: Delos, Archaeological Museum, inv.no.A3052. Details: Marble base, 34.5 x 17 x 18.5 cm., with a round hole on the upper surface. Letters 1.6 cm., with serifs. Letter forms: > 5 i ^ £ © | f p f X Space between lines: 1.5 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 1*' century BCE. Text (follows I.Delos 1937): 'AYa9oKX,Ti(; Kal A\)Giiia%oq eiti
1*6 Binder 1999, 306. * 1' Donald Binder has provided a photo at: http://faculty.sniu.edu/dbinder/delos.html
226
Delos
Agathocles
and Lysimachus,
in a prayer [=
vow?].
This w a s found during the excavations of House IIA in 1912-13 conducted by A. Plassart and Ch. Avezou.''^ The building is located in the southwest part of Insula GD 79, on the street immediately behind the stand of the Stadium (GD 78). House IIA has a peristyle court with rooms attached on the west, south and south-west. There are shops attached to the south, but with no direct access to the building."^ The principal entrance is from the south through a corridor with latrines and a kitchen(?) attached on the e a s t . T w o additional entrances at the east and west comers of the north wall of the court lead to a street that separates Houses IIA & B from Houses C & D in the neighbouring insula.'2* The court allows access to the four principal rooms of House IIA. A large hall is accessed through two entrances from the west.'22 Two small rooms are located at the southwest and south-east comers of the court and accessed through single entrances.'23 Another small room is accessed through an entrance at the south-west c o m e r of the west hall.'2"* Unfortunately, Plassart did not give measurements for the rooms in his 1916 publication of Insula GD 79. The court is paved with small pieces of marble. There are four columns of bluish marble forming the peristyle'25 and a stair at the north-east corner, about 3.85 m. from the north wall, leading down to an underground cistem.'26 This is only the second example from Delos of a cistern with h u m a n access to it; the other one is the cistem of G D 80 (see p.214). Plassart notes that the niches found in the north wall of the court and the small altars found in the court, the west hall and the room at the south-west corner of the court were typical of the domestic cults on Delos.'2' The walls of most of the rooms and the court of House IIA were painted and a number of graffiti, including a male figure reclining on a couch, a boat and a giant phallus, were also found.'2^ Plassart describes Insula GD 79 as " a r c h a i c " without giving a particular date. The present inscription was found in the north-west c o m e r of the court of House IIA. It is inscribed on a rectangular base that has a hole 2 cm.
" 8 Plassart 1916, 1 4 5 - 6 . ' '9 Shops 11, e, ; on Plassart's plan. Plassart 1 9 1 6 , 2 3 2 - 4 , pls.V-VII. '20 Corridor a and rooms b&con Plassart's plan. Plassart 1916, 2 3 4 - 5 , pis. V - V I I . '21 Plassart 1916, 1 5 6 - 9 . '22 Room g on Plassart's plan. '23 R o o m s f & e o n Plassart's plan. '24 Room h on Plassart's plan. '25 Plassart 1 9 1 6 , 2 3 6 - 8 . 126 Plassart 1 9 1 6 , 2 3 8 - 4 1 , figs.39-40. '27 Plassart 1 9 1 6 , 2 4 2 - 3 , 2 4 7 . '28 The phallus w a s found on the south wall o f the west hall (g). Cf. Plassart 1 9 1 6 , 2 4 3 - 6 .
Delos
227
deep and 6 cm. in diameter on the upper s u r f a c e . A c c o r d i n g to Mazur there are traces of lead in the hole that might indicate that the base was carrying a votive metal figure (cf ##Ach60, 63).'-'° Plassart relates this inscription to the dedications to Theos Hypsistos found in G D 80 solely on their physical proximity in the adjacent insula and the occurrence of the name Lysimachus here and in # A c h 6 3 . ' ^ ' Bruneau notes, rightly, that this is not a sufficient reason to establish a connecdon between them. He goes on, however, to suggest that House IIA was also a Jewish establishment but different from GD 80, which was used by "orthodox" Jews.'^^ f h i s seems unlikely, as it would be very difficult to identify House IIA as a Jewish residence on the basis of this inscription. Plassart, followed by Lifshitz, White and Binder, understood the expression e n l Kpoae-oxfi in 11.3-4 as referring to the proseuche = synagogue of the Jews on Delos.'^^ Mazur notes, however, that the absence of a definite article before Tipooe-oxfi makes this translation doubtful. She prefers to read Kpoae-oxfi with its original meaning, "a prayer", and translates 11.3-4 as "in fulfilment or in pursuance of a prayer". This, according to her, makes the Jewish character of the inscription less probable.'^"* However, we should note that the original meaning "prayer" is almost never attested in pagan inscriptions.'^^ A form of the equivalent verb, 7tpoaet)xoio ("please pray"), is found in a Jewish epitaph from Rome,'^^ and the noun occurs once in the N T . ' ^ ' Bruneau and Levinskaya note that in certain cases the expression exci 7tpooe\)xtl could be used as a synonym of e-oxri i.e. "(in fiilfilment of) a vow".'^^ This, apparently, was also M a z u r ' s idea when she noted that the meaning of this inscription is similar to the dedications from GD 80 ( # # A c h 6 0 - 3 ) . Bruneau suggests that tni 7tpoaea)xfi is used in a similar sense in one of the Samaritan honorific inscripdons found near GD 80 (#Ach66). Thus, the use of eni 7i;poae\)xfi with the meaning of "(in fiilfilment o f ) a prayer/vow" probably indicates a Jewish influence. However, whether the dedicators were Jews or not remains an open question.
'29 Bruneau 1982, p.499 fig. 13. '30 Mazur 1 9 3 5 , 2 1 . '3« Plassart 1914, 530. '32 Bruneau 1 9 8 2 , 4 9 9 - 5 0 3 . 133 Plassart 1914, 5 3 0 - 1 . '34 Mazur 1 9 3 5 , 2 1 . 135 j h e r e is a papyrus example: BGU iv 1080. The term noxevxo.
(Doric for Ttpooe-uxil)
attested in an inscription from the theafre at Epidaurus might indicate a pagan use o f the term with the meaning o f "prayer house" although this was questioned by Levinskaya (1990, 1 5 5 6). C f further GLAJJ ii, no.395; Levinskaya 1990, 1 5 6 - 9 ; Levinskaya 2 0 0 0 , 1 5 0 - 6 5 . 136 JIWE ii 2 8 2 . 137 James 5.17. •38 Bruneau 1 9 8 2 , 4 7 4 - 5 ; Levinskaya 2 0 0 0 , 1 5 8 - 9 .
228
Delos
The name Agathocles occurs in Jewish inscriptions from Egypt'^^ and Cyrenaica.'"*^ On Lysimachus, cf. #Ach63. Plassart and Bruneau date the inscription to the 1^^ century BCE on palaeographic grounds. A c h 6 6 . Samaritan inscription honouring Menippus Editions: Bruneau 1982, 4 7 1 - 5 no.2; SEG xxxii 1982, no.810; Kraabel 1984, 4 4 - 6 ; SEG xxxiv 1984, no.786; White 1987, 1 4 1 - 7 ; SEG xxxvii 1987, no. 1832; van der Horst 1988b, 185-6; Boffo 1994, 4 7 - 6 0 no.3; White 1997, ii 3 4 1 - 2 no.7 l b ; Llewelyn 1998, 1 4 8 - 5 1 , no.b. Illustrations: Bruneau 1982, figs.4-7 ( p h o t o ) ; Talmon 1997, fig.4 (photo).
Other bibliography: Wasserstein 1982, 270; BE 1983, no.281; Egger 1986, 3 0 8 - 9 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 7 1 ; Pummer 1987b, 19-20; Kant 1987, 7 0 7 - 8 ; van der Horst 1988a, 141 = 1990, 143-4; S. Talmon, EI 20 1989, 2 8 3 ^ ; SEG xxxix 1989, no.712; Talmon 1997, 2 2 8 - 9 ; Pummer 1998, 2 8 - 9 ; Binder 1999, 305, 315. Found near GD 80 on Delos. Now: Delos, Archaeological Museum. Details: Stele of white marble depicting a large wreath, broken above and below, 70 X 54.2 (at base; 56 with moulding restored) - 53 (at top) x 9.5-6 cm. Letters c.1.2 cm (0.8 cm. for omicron)}^^ 11.2, 4 & 6 are inscribed and painted red; 11.1 & 3 are inscribed and painted black; 1.5 was not inscribed but only painted. Letter forms: AETIIQ Language: Greek. Date: c.250-175 BCE. Text (follows Bruneau 1982): (top)
[?oi ev AfiA,q)l (wreath)
TopaTiA,ixai oi djiapxo^Evoi eiq
l e p o v d y i o v 'Ap'ApTe|4.i8d)poD 'HpdtKA,eiov a-OTOv Kal xobq eyyovoox; avxoi) KaxaoKevd o a v x a Kal dvaGevGa EK X&V ISicov eni K p o a e v x f i xov 0e[oftl TON[ - - ] OAONKAITO[ - - Kal eoxe(pdvo)oav] Xfrocm oxe[(pd-I \(o Kal [ ] KAI - I T[ - ]
y a p ^ e l v exip-riaav
MEVITCTCOV
5
139 JIGRE 36, 46. 140 CJZC 7a, 10. 141 Donald Binder has provided a photo at: http://faculty.smu.edu/dbinder/delos.html 142 These are assumed to be the measurements intended by Bruneau, whose text prints "12 cm." and "8 cm."
Delos
229
5 - 6 . White 1 9 8 7 , 1997: [jiepi]PoA,ov or xov [OIKOV Kal xov waiGpov xov JtepiiPoXov K t t i x6[v xpiKXeivov] 6. Bruneau: 6Xov(?) Kal TO
The Israelites [on Delos?] who make offerings to the temple (on the) holy [or to sacred and holy] Garizim [Argarizin] honoured Menippus (son) of Artemidorus, from Heraclion, himself and his descendants, for constructing and dedicating from his own funds in a prayer [^ vow] of God and crowned with a golden wreath and
Philippe Fraisse, architect of the Ecole Fran9aise d'Athenes, found the inscription together with #Ach67 92.5 m . north of G D 80 in 1979. The stelae were found lying next to a wall of a building that has not been excavated. They were most probably placed in this building and it is possible that this was the Samaritan establishment on Delos, not G D 80 as stated by Kretabel.*"*^ Most of the surface of the stone is taken up by a large and elaborate wreath, with the surviving part of the inscription fitted into the space below it. Bruneau reconstructs the inscription on the lost top part of the stone on the basis of #Ach67. H e suggests that because the stele was reused and there was insufficient space beneath the wreath, the beginning of the inscription was placed above it. White challenges this, arguing that the text does not require the addition of the phrase o i ev AfjX,© because it dates to the period before Athenian control of Delos ( c . l 6 6 B C E ) when such an expression would not be usual. He refers to an article by Baslez where it is observed that during the Athenian domination the council of Delos created a special status of quasi-citizenship represented by the phrase ev AfiX,©.'"*"* Thus, the colony of Athenians, established between 165-146/5 BCE, used this phrase to describe their status on the island, but the term would not normally be used earlier than that.'"*^ However, it would be odd to begin the whole text as 1.1 begins, without at least a defmite article. 1.1. This is the first occurrence of the term "Israelite" in a Samaritan inscription, but c f the much debated TCT6paT|X,iTTi(; designating a J e w at Rome in JIWE ii 489. Kraabel speculates that the t e r m ' s meaning is not religious but geographical and could be translated as "those from (the Northern Kingdom) Israel",'"*^ but this seem unlikely in the 2"^* century BCE. Bruneau observes, after a note by M . Simon, that through this designation the Samaritans on Delos claimed descent from Jacob/Israel
"»3 Kraabel 1984, 3 3 3 ^ . 144 Baslez 1976, 3 4 3 - 6 0 . '45 Baslez 1976, 3 4 3 n.2. '46 Kraabel 1 9 8 4 , 4 6 n . 6
230
Delos
(Gen 32.29), i.e. before the formal separation between Jews and Samaritans occurred, indicating their religious and cultural affiliation.'"*' It is very likely that the term is used here, and in #Ach67, to distinguish the Samaritans from the Jews, the 'lovSaioi, living on the island. 11.1-2. The phrase oi dn;apx6p.evoi zic, iepov a y i o v 'Apyap^eiv indicates that the Samaritans made annual payments to the temple on Mt Garizim. The verb d7cdpxop.ai, means literally "to make a beginning, esp. in sacrifice" or "to offer the firsdings or first-fruits" (LSJ, s.v.). The noun dTrapXT) is used with the meaning of the tax paid by Jews to the Jerusalem Temple by Philo, and occurs on papyri and ostraca from Egypt.*"** iepov could mean here, and in #Ach67, either "sacred"*"*^ or "temple". For example, it is well known that in several cases the Jerusalem Temple was referred to as iepov.*^^ Pummer seems to prefer the second interpretation and notes that if correct both the present inscripdon and #Ach67 could be dated before the destruction of the Samaritan temple on Mt Garizim in 129 B C E . Although it is not clear whether the Samaritans continued to make contributions after their temple was destroyed, the phrase oi djcapxojievoi eiq iepov d y i o v 'Apyap^eiv could have been used as a Samaritan selfdesignation in later periods as well, regardless of whether they were actually making the payments. Since it is not particularly relevant to the rest of the content of this inscription, it was clearly regarded as important for the self-identity of the Samaritans on Delos, perhaps as another way of differentiating themselves from the Jews. 'Apyap^eiv is a Greek transliteradon of • * ' T ~ i : N N i.e. Mt Garizim. Talmon notes that the "transliteration of "IH as 'Ap proves that the Hebrew term [ I N = mountain] was not understood as a general noun, but as a constitutive part of the name of the mountain".*^* A direct parallel to the use of 'Apyap^elv here and in #Ach67 is found in the works of the Hellenistic Samaritan historian Pseudo-Eupolemus.*^^ The preserved texts of his work render the name of the mountain as 'Apyap^iv.'^^ Pummer notes that this form, with slight variations, occurs also in non-Samaritan sources from the Roman and Byzantine periods.*^"* Talmon suggests that
'47 Bruneau 1 9 8 2 , 4 7 8 - 9 . '48 Philo, Spec.Leg. 1.77-8, 151-2; CPJ ii 1 6 2 - 8 0 , 4 2 1 . Cf. Smallwood 1981, 124-5; Bruneau 1982, 480. '49 So Bmneau 1982, 4 7 7 - 8 ; Kraabel 1984, 332; White 1987, 141-2; Llewelyn 1998, 148. 150 Josephus, BJ 1.63; Ant. 12.10, etc. '5' Talmon 1997, 227. '52 Cited by Eusebius o f Caesarea, Praep.Ev. 9 . 1 7 . 1 - 9 , 18.2. C f Holladay 1980, 173. •53 M S B, however, uses 'ApYap^eiv. C f Pummer 1987b, 19. '54 Elder Pliny, H.N. 5.14.68, has morn Argaris. See also Damascius, Vita Isidori 141, cited in Photius, BibL cod. 2 4 2 , p.345b. C f GLAJJ i, no.473; ii, 6 7 3 - 5 ; Pummer 1987b, 2 1 3.
Delos
231
the rendering of the name of the mountain as one word was a specific feature of the Samaritan w r i t i n g s . P u m m e r , however, notes that the transliteration and contraction of "in with a proper name in Greek occurs often in the LXX manuscripts, the Vetus Latina (Argarzim; 2Macc 5.23, 6.2) and the N T ('ApuayeSwv; Rom 16.16).'56 11.3-4. White notes that KaxaoKeDdaavxa is a term usually used to designate the construction of a building. The donor, Menippus, apparently paid for the construction and the dedication (dvaBevBa) of a building, probably, as White suggests, the Samaritan establishment on Delos, 11.4-5. £711 npoc£X)XX\ is in the dative and with no definite article before npoG£X)xx\Bruneau suggests it has the meaning of "(in fulfilment of) a prayer/vow".'^* C f #Ach65 for further discussion. The addition of xovt 0e[oi)] makes clear the reason for M e n i p p u s ' donation: a vow to God (with genitive used for dative). White, followed by Binder, challenges this reading and suggests that npooevxfi should be understood metonymically as a "prayer-hall", explaining where the donation was made ("in (the) prayer-hall of God").'^^ This, however, seems unlikely, since there is no definite article as would be expected when the word is used in this sense. M e n i p p u s ' donation was, most probably, listed in 11.5-6, beginning with either x6 or xov. 11.6-7. The crowning of a distinguished donor is a common practice in Greek honorific inscriptions. The golden crowns were the most expensive and highly regarded, decorated with golden branches and leaves. The public proclamation of a crowning was scheduled for a particular place and occasion. It is not clear where exacdy M e n i p p u s ' crowning took place - in the Samaritan establishment or during a religious festival or other public feast on Delos. The crowning of a donor, Tation wife of Straton, by the Jewish community is attested in the inscription from the synagogue of Phocaea. Menippus, the donor to the Samaritan community, was probably a native of Heraclion / Heraclea in Crete,'^' but might instead be from another Heraclea, e.g. Heraclea under Latmus in Caria, or Heraclea near Mt Oeta. He was not necessarily a Samaritan himself The name Menippus is not otherwise attested in Samaritan or Jewish inscriptions. It is interesting that the donor in #Ach67, Serapion, was also a Cretan, from Knossos, for which Heraclion was the port.
155 156 157 158 159 160 161
Talmon 1 9 9 7 , 2 2 5 - 9 . Pummer 1987b, 2 3 - 5 . White 1987, 143. Bruneau 1982, 4 7 4 - 5 . White 1987, 142 no.40. Lifshitz 1967, n o . l 3 = IJudO ii 36. Bruneau 1982, 4 8 1 .
232
Delos
Bruneau dates the inscripdon to 2 5 0 - 1 7 5 B C E on palaeographic grounds.'^2 Ach67. Inscription honouring Serapion Editions: Bruneau 1982, 4 6 9 - 7 1 , n o . l ; S E G xxxii 1982, no.809; SEG xxxiv 1984, no.786; White 1987, 1 4 1 ; White 1997, ii 3 4 0 - 1 no.71a; Llewelyn 1998, 148-51 no.a. Illustradons: Bruneau 1982, figs.2-3 (photo); Talmon 1997, fig.3 (photo). Other bibliography: Wasserstein 1982, 270; B E 1983, n o . 2 8 I ; Kraabel 1984, 4 4 ; Egger 1986, 3 0 8 - 9 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 7 1 ; Pummer 1987b, 1 9 - 2 0 ; SEG xxxvii 1987, no. 1832; Kant 1987, 7 0 7 - 8 ; van der Horst 1988a, 141 = 1990, 143-4; van der Horst 1988b, 184-6; S. Talmon, EI 20 1989, 2 8 3 - 4 ; SEG xxxix 1989, no.712; Boffo 1994, 4 7 - 6 0 no.2; Talmon 1997, 2 2 6 - 9 ; Pummer 1998, 2 8 - 9 ; Binder 1999, 305. Found near building G D 80 on Delos. N o w : Delos, Archaeological Museum. Details: Marble stele depicting a large wreath, broken above, 48 x 40.5 (base) - 33 (top) x I I (base) - 7.5 (top) cm. Letters c. 1.5-1.0 c m . ' ^ Letters inscribed and painted in red (even lines) or black (odd lines). Language: Greek. Date: c. 150-50 B C E . Text (follows Bruneau 1982): {wreath) oi ev AfiA,tp lapaeX-eixai o l d 7IAPX6P.evoi elq iepov ' A p y a pi^eiv axecpavovaiv xp\)a© oxe(pdvcp SapajclcDva TOCCTO\oq KV6CTIOV e\)epyeoia(; eveKev
5
xfjq elq ea^xovq.
The Israelites on Delos who make offerings to the temple (on) [or to sacred] Garizim [Argarizin] crown with a golden wreath Serapion (son) of Jason, from Knossos, for his beneficence to them. This w a s found together with #Ach66. On 11.1-4, see #Ach66. The word "Israelites" is written differently here: T a p a e X e i x a i , with e instead of T| and e i instead of i. The iota adscript indicating the dative is missing as in
162 C f the absence o f iota adscript indicating the dative throughout the inscription. Bruneau 1982, 4 8 3 ^ . 163 Donald Binder has provided a photo at: http://faculty.smu.edu/dbinder/delos.html 164 This is presumably what Bruneau intended by " 1 5 - 1 0 cm."
Delos
233
#Ach66.'^^ The benefactor, Serapion, was from Knossos, and Menippus in # A c h 6 6 was probably also a Cretan, The reason for the Samaritans honouring Serapion is described with the term e\)epYeoia, one of the standard epigraphic terms for good deeds or benefactions within the system of euergetism; cf. # # A c h 3 8 - 9 where it applies to Herod the Great, and #Mac7 where it is mentioned in a family context. The name Serapion is attested in Jewish inscriptions from Cyrenaica.'^^ A s with Menippus, Serapion was not necessarily a Samaritan himself. Bruneau dates the inscription to 150-50 B C E on palaeographic grounds. For the significance of o i EV Air|A,q) for dating, c f #Ach66. If the dating is correct, it shows striking continuity with #Ach66 in the way the Samaritans of Delos designated themselves, and in the form of wreath used on the stones (unless the wreaths survive from earlier use). The two inscriptions may be closer to each other in time than Bruneau believes. A c h 6 8 . P r a u l u s of S a m a r i a in a list of d e d i c a n t s Editions: Roussel 1915/16, 174-5 n o . I 6 8 ; Durrbach I 9 2 I / 2 , 264 n . l ; I.Delos 1937, no.2616, col. II, 11.53-4. Other bibliography: Robert 1946, 102; BE 1969, no.369; Bruneau 1982, 479; White 1987, 144 n.47, 147 n.60; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 7 0 - 1 ; van der Horst 1988a, 141 n.30 = 1990, 144 n.37. Found in building G D 100 on Delos. Now: Delos, Archaeological M u s e u m , inv.no.G685. Details: Marble stele, 100 x 61 x 4 cm. Language: Greek. Date: c.lOO CE, Text (follows I.Delos 2616, II.53-4): NPA\)X,0(; Zajiapeix; Kal [-bleep] Twv d8eA,(pc5v Kal xfjq ji[T|Tp6q.] Praulus
of Samaria,
also for his brothers and
53 54 mother.
This was found in Serapeion C (GD 100).'^' The whole inscripdon is written in two columns and lists the names of the members of the temple and a number of dedications to Serapis. Most people in the list are recorded with their names in the nominative followed by a patronymic (or with a Roman praenomen and nomen), but some have an ethnic instead, e.g. 'HpdKX.eiTO(; T'6pio[APMAKJjrA
l./*:^ rF.A.oie B oYA-n A ? A t f C j - A I I N A F r A l K h f h x . OA > « C A V o A r - r f 0r^' z H Y H , -^'i''-? K A t T H H X A : < ItTHr4 ^
86 i
Durrbach 1921/2, i 2 6 4 - 5 ; Krauss 1922, 2 4 3 - 4 no.97; CIJ i 1936, no.725a; I.Delos 1937, no.2532.i; Couilloud 1974, 215 no.485.ii; White 1997, ii 3 3 8 - 9 no.3. Illustrations: Wilhelm 1901, fig.3 (facsimile); Deissmann 1923, 352 figs.73-4 (facsimile); Cumont 1923, pl.4.2 (facsimile); Mazur 1935, 15 fig.2 (photo); CU i 1936. no.725a (facsimile). Other bibliography: F. Cumont, MemPontAcc 1.1 1923, 77 no. 19; Cook 1925, ii.2 880 1 no. 19; Nock, Roberts & Skeat 1936, 57 (=Nock 1972, 418); Robert 1937, 81 = 1946, 9 9 - 1 0 0 ; Goodenough, Symbols ii 1953, 6 1 ; Robert 1960, 433 n . 3 ; Pippidi 1974. 2 6 0 - 1 ; L. Robert, CRAI 1978, 248 n . 4 1 ; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 70; White 1987, 139-40 n.27, 147 n.60; van der Horst 1991, 148-9 no.6; Trebilco 1991, 133-4 no.4.2; Williams 1998, no.ll. 133 (English tr.). Found on Rheneia. Now: Bucharest, National Museum of Romania, inv.no.L582. Details: White marble stele with tenon underneath, broken at the top, 42 x 31 X 6.5 cm., inscribed on both sides. The letters were originally painted in red. Language: Greek. Date: 2 " ' ' - e a r l y l " century BCE(?). Text (follows Couilloud 1974): (front) (jmir of uplifted hands) eTCiKaA.o'Giiai Kal d^iro tov ©eov tov 'Y\|/iatov tov Kvpiov tcov 7rve\)p,dtcov
Rheneia
237
K a l Tcdoiig oapKog, cTti xo-bq SoA-coi cpovei)a a v x a q fj (papfiaKevoavxaq x-qv x a A,ai7t(opov dcopov 'HpdKA,eav, exxeavx a g a-oxiig x6 dvaixiov a i p a d 8 i KCOQ, iva oijxcoq yevrixai xoiq cpoveto a o i v a-oxfiv r\ (pap|a.aK£; Harkavy 1867: GeneXiou; Levinskaya: xoO M-^XPI
the archons around Satyrus son of Artemidorus (senior archon^ for the 2"'^ time - Pourthaius II, Achilles (son) of Demetrius, Dionysiodorus (son) of Eros (and) Zobeis (son) of Zobeis - repaired the prayer-house with their own foresight, roofing it, from the foundation up to The site of Olbia was identified in the 1790s by P.S. Pallas.' The land belonged to Count Ilya Andreevic Bezborodko (1756-1815),^ whose residence was at Stolna (Stol'noye) near Glukhova in Chernigov province, northern Ukraine. Bezborodko was succeeded by his nephew Count Alexander Grigiorievic Kuselev-Bezborodko (1800-1855).^ Many ' Leypunskaya 1994, 7. 2 Russkii biograflceskii slovar' ii 1900, 6 4 1 - 3 . 3 CIG incorrectly refers to "Count Ilya Andreevich Kushelev-Bezborodko".
256
Black Sea:
Olbia
inscriptions from Olbia were taken to Stolna, including this one. IPE records their subsequent fates: some were given to the public library of St Petersburg in 1880 (IPE i^ 32, 199) or to the Hermitage (183); one found in 1847 was apparently taken to the family home at St Petersburg (20); there was no record of what happened to others (94, 272, this inscription). The only eye-witness descriptions of this inscription are those of von Koppen and Kohler. Von Koppen included it among inscriptions from Olbia which he copied in 1819 and 1821 at Stolna. He described it as a fragment of marble tablet, "Uber 8 Zoll lang, und beinahe eben so breit"; depending on whether he was using a system of 10 or 12 Zoll to the foot, this would give dimensions of 2 0 - 2 4 cm. His restoradons were made with the help of D. von Eichenfeld of Vienna. Kohler, in a review of von K o p p e n ' s book, criticized his reading of this and other inscriptions, and gave his own majuscule text from copies made in 1818 and 1822. Von K o p p e n ' s reply said that he had checked the original twice, and noted that 1.10 was n o w almost invisible as the stone had been built into the wall of the "garden-house" at Stolna. Boeckh in CIG used a copy provided by von Koppen. B o e c k h ' s text has caused confusion because the square brackets were accidentally omitted in his restoration of 1.1, and some later writers have therefore assumed that there was a dedication to Agathe Tyche on the stone as it was preserved. In the absence of any further information about the stone, subsequent discussion has concerned the restoration of the beginning of the inscription and of the names, and the question of whether or not it is Jewish. Some restorations have assumed much greater line length than others, and some have been very inconsistent about the length of individual lines. The text above assumes lines of 15-19 letters. Olbian inscriptions do not use a system of numbered years, so exact dating by named magistrates is not possible. According to Krapivina, there was much repair and rebuilding throughout Olbia during the late 2"** and early 3'^'' centuries CE, thanks to greater security and prosperity following the stationing of Roman troops there by Antoninus Pius. This would be the obvious time for the rebuilding of the proseuche; restoration after a destructive Scythian invasion in 2 3 2 - 5 is another possibility. However, Krapivina herself dates this inscription, without explanation, to the end of the 1*^ century, and Kariskovskii (1989) proposes 150s-160s. The case for the inscription being Jewish was first argued seriously by Stephani, and was followed by Oehler, Ehrlich, Luria in SEG, and most recently Levinskaya, but not by Latysev. Minns understood the proseuche as the "chapel of Achilles Pontarches", an interpretation proposed by Latysev in 1887. Kocevalov's explanation is that the inscription is an official one by the archons of Olbia, making a dedication to Theos Hypsistos (as first suggested by Tolstoi), whose cult must have become a
Black Sea: Olbia
257
State one. Kariskovskii (1989) and Ustinova too claim that the proseuche was a pagan one, containing a g o d ' s statue and repaired by the city archons. Krapivina labels it a pagan "chapel". Ehrlich suggested that the archons were Jewish rather than civic ones, and this was followed by Frey and Lifshitz. Tolstoi treated Archon as a personal name; it is known as such (cf. #Ach43) but not from the north coast of the Black Sea. The explanations of Ehrlich and Tolstoi are unnecessary, because the inscription follows the pattern of dedications by magistrates attested in many inscriptions from Olbia. They were archons and strategoi, in groups of five, of whom four were usually described as oi xcepi the (presumably) senior member of the group. The senior archon was sometimes labelled "for the second time" (TO p'), or even "for the third time". Kariskovskii (1993) gives a full list of all known Olbian magistrates, which shows that the people named here (or at least people with the same names) are all known from other inscriptions, as Kocevalov first pointed out, although they do not occur together anywhere else. The magistrates normally cooperated to make dedications to local divinities. Pourthaius son of [Pourjthaius is archon in IPE i^ 130, a dedication to Achilles Pontarches; there is also a strategos called IlovpOaiq NiviKeovq in IPE i^ 83, to Apollo Prostates. Since there is not enough room in this inscription for a full patronymic after Pourthai(u)s' name, unless it is a very short one, Kariskovskii's suggestion that his name was followed by a P to show that he had a father of the same name has been adopted above. Achilleus son of Demetrius is strategos in IPE i^ 86 and IPE i^ 80, both to Apollo Prostates. Dionysiodorus son of Eros is archon in IPE i^ 132 and in VDI 1953 (4), 1 3 0 - 5 , both to Achilles Pontarches. Zobeis son of Zobeis (with the genitive as noted below) is strategos in IPE i^ 105, to Apollo Prostates. The only names of a known magistrate which fits the available space and recorded letters in 11.2-3 is, as first noted in IPE, SotTDpoq 'ApTe^iSropoo), who is listed as senior archon in IPE i^ 142, to Achilles Pontarches, and would therefore be suitable for the "second time" designation here. His name gives a line of appropriate length (19 letters). Kariskovskii's list includes several other possibilities, but none has a patronymic ending -po\) and none is known to have been senior archon for the first time: l.o.patjCiXoc, nooeiSfioi), who is recorded twice as strategos, and three men who are recorded as archon, although not senior archon: SotTvpo^ KoDvxotKOV, ZKOcpTotvoq 'A^iaioD, [ZcoKp]dTr|q Ea)pr|aipi[oa)]; the first and third of these are known from inscriptions published in Kariskovskii's article. The likelihood that the inscription refers to a Jewish prayer-house depends entirely on the term proseuche, which Levinskaya argues should be taken as Jewish unless there is very compelling evidence to the contrary, which there is not here. However, it should be pointed out that.
258
Black Sea:
Olbia
according to Epiplianius, the original Messalians, a pagan sect worshipping one "Almighty God", met in places which they called proseuchai; that seems a less likely explanation here, since the Messalians are a shadowy group, but it remains a possibility."^ Levinskaya states (1996, 222): "The repairing of a Jewish prayer-house initiated by the city magistrates does not imply that Judaism became a state religion. It implies good relations between the city authorities and the Jewish community and quite possibly some kind of business reladons, e.g. the synagogue could have been repaired as an act of gratitude for some useful service." In fact, this inscription has a significant difference from the usual ones made by the Olbian magistrates, since the rather complex ending replaces the simple XapioTTipiov with which the magistrates' dedications normally concluded; there is therefore no reason to suppose that the standard opening of 'Ayaefi T\)XTi followed by the name of Achilles Pontarches or Apollo Prostates in the dative would have been used here. Some unknown circumstances evidently caused the city to make an extraordinary contribution to a group centred on a proseuche, and all external evidence (as discussed in depth by Levinskaya) indicates that such a group would most probably be Jewish. The fact that there is no other evidence for a Jewish community at Olbia (as pointed out by, e.g., Kariskovskii 1989) is not a strong argument against this, in view of the presence of Jews in other Greek cities in the area and the lack of Jewish inscriptions from some places which certainly had a large Jewish,population, e.g. Antioch in Syria. 1.3. Neither of the originals gives the above reading, but it is a reasonable interpretation of what Kohler recorded. 1.6. IPE i^ 105 has Zd)|3eiq Zwpeixoq, but Latysev noted other parallels for the form of the genitive apparently used here: Kocp^eu; Kdp^ei,^ n i S e u ; N T S E I . ^ The magistrates' names are, as is usual at Olbia, a mixture of Greek and non-Greek. 1.9. Pronoia occurs in many of the inscripdons from the Sardis synagogue, where it indicates the providence of God (cf. # T h r l ) , but it was a term also much used by non-Jews, especially as a virtue of public benefactors.^ In the Black Sea region it could be both a divine and human quality.* The verb cxeyoLfa tends to occur in other inscriptions, as here, in association with another verb meaning 'build'.^
4 Epiphanius, PanM.\-2, discussed by Mitchell 1999, 9 3 - 4 . Epiphanius shows that the Messalians had close affinities with the Jews. 5 IPE i^ 9 9 , 1 0 1 . 6 98, 111. 7Rajak 1998; J.R. Harrison, NDIEC vm 1984/5 [ 1 9 9 8 ] , no.7. * IPE i^ 4 2 , 7 9 . 9 IGBulg i^ 57; des Gagniers & Tran Tarn Tinh, Soloi i 116; I.Delos 1417.
Black Sea: Olbia
259
1.10. The interpretation followed here was proposed by Stephani (followed by Harkavy, who printed the line without brackets) and (apparently independently) Lifshitz; it is endorsed by Hengel. The proseuche was "restored from its foundation"; this assumes that the expression depends on e7ceoKe{)aaav not CTtEydoavTeq, as "covering", at least in the usual sense of "roofing", could hardly take place from the foundations. It also assumes that the singular form "foundation" rather than the normal plural was used; there are parallels for this i n Asia Minor and Egypt, e.g. ey 9e|xeA,iov eTriKaxECTOKevdoBTi;'^ otjco GE^ieX,io\) KotTEOKEvaaev;" dvav[E6oavTa] OCTCO G E J I E U O O ) ; ' ^ q)Ko8op.fi9Ti dico 9E^EX,iot) EtO(; otvco Elg oiKr|[T]fip[i]ov T 6 V ^EVCOV Kai xcav 7capEpxo)i.£va)v.'^ The reading 9EOV followed in most editions i s one reason for this inscription often being classified as pagan, as "from the g o d " would imply that there was a statue of a god in the building. Levinskaya rules out the line altogether: "Given the impossibility of inspecting the stone it would be unsafe to depend on the unreliable line 10."
M A M A iii 7 3 , time o f Arcadius and Honorius. ' 1 S B xxxii 9 2 7 3 , time o f Commodus. • ^ B e m a n d 1984, no. 103. 13 A. Bemand, De Thebes a Syene, no. 196 (Christian).
260
Black Sea:
Chersonesus
(Sevastopol)
Chersonesus
= TAVO-Karte
B VI18: D 23
Tauric Chersonesus was outside the borders of the Bosporan Kingdom but, like it, came under the overall suzerainty of Rome. According to Zolotarev, it became subject to the Bosporan Kingdom under Cotys II ( 1 2 3 - 1 3 3 CE). Its archaeology is n o w (since 1994) being investigated by U.S. and Ukrainian scholars in the Black Sea Project, and their work led to the publication of the following inscriptions. There are literary references to Jews at Chersonesus: a medieval tradition that St Cyril learned Hebrew there,''* and a reference to Jews in the martyr-acts of Bishops Basileus and Capito of Chersonesus, set in 300.15 There is other archaeological evidence for Jews t h e r e : a roughly cut menorah on a thin piece of limestone (with barnacles) which was reused to line a cistem of the early Roman period, later reused as a grave and excavated in 1956. This is a very early use of the menorah, since it cannot be later than the 1^* century C E and could be earlier. Edwards (1999, 166) mentions possibly 3'^^-century CE lamps with menorahs. A Jewish name has been suggested in another inscription. In IPE i^ 4 5 1 , a very fragmentary inscription which appears to prohibit the reuse of a tomb granted by civic decree, Solomonik (1979, 119-20) proposes reading the name Sanbation in 1.4 instead of - o a v Kaxlcovoq, and argues for the n a m e ' s Jewishness, but even if the reading is correct, Jewishness is very uncertain.'^ There is evidence of a Jewish presence elsewhere in southern Crimea. At Vilino, in Bahchisaray region on the south-west coast, north of Sevastopol, a plaque with a menorah was discovered in 1983. Solomonik (1988, 17) saw it in Simferopol Museum. She says that it is badly damaged with a rough surface; the measurements are 58 x 54 x 15-18 cm.; there is a nine-branched menorah, 25 cm high. According to her, the local historian M. Choref recorded other similar monuments from the area. A plaque with a menorah was found during excavations in 1966 at Sudak (on the south-east Crimean coast, west of Theodosia). The plaque was apparently reused as building material in a necropolis dated to the ll'^^-l 2'*'century CE.'« N . Repnikov discovered a limestone plaque (60 x 39 cm., broken above) in the region of Eski-Krym, east of Sudak, with a menorah between an unknown object and a shofar, and a tamga on the reverse.'^ Bely found a damaged plaque with a menorah (and tamgas on the 14 Overman 1999, 147. 15 Dan'shin 1996, 147. 16 Edwards; Maclennan; Solomonik 1977, 121. 17 S e e V. Tcherikover in CPJ iii, p p . 4 3 - 5 6 . 18 S o l o m o n i k 1988, 19. 19 S o l o m o n i k 1988, 19. A tamga is a Turkic clan s y m b o l .
Black Sea: Chersonesus
reverse) during excavations in Kyz-Kermen in 1980. 8'*'/9* century CE.^o
261
It was dated to the
BS2. Graffito on wall plaster Bibliography: Maclennan 1996, 4 9 - 5 1 (from the original); Overman, Maclennan & Zolotarev 1997, 5 7 - 6 3 (from the original); SEG xlvii 1997, no. 1171 (from Overman et al.); Eshel 1998, 2 8 9 - 9 9 (from the original). Illustrations: Maclennan 1996 (photo and drawing); Overman, Maclennan & Zolotarev (photo and drawing); Eshel (photos and drawing). Other bibliography: Solomonik 1988, 1 4 - 1 5 ; Brenk 1991, 18-19; Edwards 1999, 167-8 (Eshel's English tr.); Overman 1999, 146-7; Zolotarev 2000, 80*, 84*; Williams 2002b, 27. Findspot: Basilica I (probably a synagogue), Chersonesus, Now: Chersonesus Museum Preserve, nos,269, 267, Details: Two pieces of plaster, 14,4 x 15 and 5 x 6,5 cm,; letters c. 1.2-1.5 cm. Language: Hebrew. Date: late 4**'- early 5^^ century CE. Text (follows Eshel; italics = frag, no.267; underdotting indicates doubtful letters): [J^IN...]
.••''?127N"'.5.
n]/7P/7[
]
i----
]
[ - - ] nSo
1. Overman et al. 1997: ] • ' ' ' P t & M [ - | ] M 3 N [ 2 . Overman et al. 1997: ]
[sic]
"rnQOa m:i[n]
Translation (Eshel): ... the one who has chosen Jerusalem bless Hananiah the Bosporan Amen amen sela ...
He ... will
The city was a significant Christian centre, and a Christian basilica was built there in the 5 * century and rebuilt in the 6**'; it was first excavated in 1935, with further work in the 1950s. Beneath the floor of that building, remains of an earlier building were found in 1950 to which these plaster fragments (which are among 450 fragments of fresco) seem to belong. Overman et al. assign them to a late-4' /early-5''' century destruction level dated by coins; this is also the date given to the lettering by Eshel, although the lack of any dated Hebrew from the region makes the dating of letter-forms difficult. Members of the Black Sea Project rediscovered the plaster itself, and the records of its original excavation, in the archives of the Chersonesus Museum in 1994. The earlier building (which appears to have been in existence from the late 2"^ to late 4*'' centuries) also had a
20 S o l o m o n i k 1988, 19.
262
Black Sea:
Chersonesus
mosaic floor, with geometric patterns and chalices; the plaster fragments were found between this floor and thai of the later building. Maclennan and Edwards describe a limestone block with a weil-craftcd relief of menorah, lulab and shofar (the shofar depicted with holes, which otherwise occurs only at Beth She'an and M a ' a n ) which was re-used in the apse of the Christian basilica and is likely to have come from the earlier building.^' That building therefore appears to have been a synagogue; if it was destroyed in the late 4"Yearly 5'^ century, that is contemporary with the outbreaks of synagogue destruction throughout the Roman Empire; cf. p p . 6 1 , 205. It was in a prominent location in the city, next to the shore, adjacent to a bath complex, and close to the port. The three lines of Hebrew inscription were written over a Greek inscription (almost indecipherable, but see #BS3) which had up to 11 lines containing up to 15 letters per line. The writing from the larger fragment was joined to that of the smaller by Eshel, although the two fragments are not exactly contiguous. The Hebrew may be a prayer written down by a user of the synagogue, or the draft of an inscription which was to be painted on the plaster in more formal lettering, as possibly occurs at DuraEuropos. There is only one other inscription of the Roman period from the region which uses Hebrew (#BS13). The writing does not seem to have been done all at once, as Eshel notes that 1.3 is inscribed with a thinner tool than 11.1-2. The writing of Hebrew over Greek might signify a change in the preferred language of the congregation, but could also be caused by special circumstances. Apart from the name and ethnic, the Hebrew may have been limited to biblical quotations and set phrases, as was normal in the Diaspora at this date. 1.1. The reading is not certain. Eshel notes as alternative possibilities [ " I j m n n ("the lad") and uhw ("peace"), but those words would not produce a coherent sentence. Her reading which is followed above is derived from Zech 3.2: "The Lord rebuke you, O Satan, may the Lord who N o w k e p t in the d e p o t of the N a t i o n a l A r c h a e o l o g i c a l Park T a v r i c h e s k y ' , i n v . n o . 1 5 0 / 3 6 5 7 9 ; also d i s c u s s e d by S o l o m o n i k 1979, 121 2
'Chersones
Black Sea: Chersonesus
263
has chosen Jerusalem rebuke you." Flere it would represent a way of avoiding naming God directly, without the negative sense of the original, but Eshel suggests that it has an apotropaic function, to protect the person named from evil spirits. It might also suggest an awareness of the centrality of Jerusalem for someone in a remote part of the Diaspora. A comparable expression, derived from Zech 4.10, is used at the synagogue of 'En-Gedi: "the judge whose eyes range over all the e a r t h " . C f . #Achl6. 1.2. Someone described as "the Bosporan" (the Hebrew is a version of the Greek BooTcopitrjq) was presumably not a native of Chersonesus, although he may have been a resident. The ethnic could mean that he was from the Bosporan Kingdom, or specifically from its capital Panticapaeum. 1.3. The concluding formula is found at 'En-Gedi^^ as what the people should say to endorse a curse; at Hammath-Gadara^^ endorsing the blessing of donors, sometimes combined with "peace"; and at Kafr Hananiah^^ used in the same way. At Jerash, it is used in both Hebrew/Aramaic and Greek mosaic inscriptions calling for p e a c e . n S o is particularly common in both Hebrew and LXX texts of Psalms, with the approximate meaning "always". Hebrew and Aramaic donor inscriptions often call for a blessing on the donor, if not quite in the wording used here, and the acknowledgment of a donation to the synagogue is the most likely context for this inscription. B S 3 . Graffito on w a l l - p i a s t e r Editions: Maclennan 1996, 50 (from the original); Overman, Maclennan & Zolotarev 1997, 5 7 - 6 3 (from the original); SEG xlvii 1997, no.l 171 (from Overman et al.); Eshel 1998, 2 8 9 - 9 9 (from the original); Zolotarev 2000, 80* (from the original). Illustrations: Overman, Maclennan & Zolotarev (photo and drawing) Other bibliography: Edwards 1999, 168; Williams 2002b, 27. Findspot: see #BS2 Details: See #BS2. Plaster fragments no.269 (see #BS2), 247, 367. Language: Greek. Date: see #BS2. Text: 269: [ - - ] £\)?ioyfioeT| [ - - ] 269, 247, 367: [ - - ] EXiXoyia
22 F i t m y e r & H a r r i n g t o n 23 F i t m y e r & H a r r i n g t o n 24 F i t m y e r & H a r r i n g t o n 25 F i t m y e r & H a r r i n g t o n 26 S a i l e r 1969, n o . 4 1 .
1978, n o . A 2 2 . 1978, n o . A 2 2 . 1978, n o s . A 2 8 3 0 . 1978, A 3 5 .
[ - - \
264
Black Sea:
may he/she be blessing
Chersonesus
blessed.
The first word was deciphered from the graffiti underneath the Hebrew inscription. It could be a form of the passive infmidve evA-oyfiaeai, "to be blessed" (cf IJudO iii S y r l 3 ) , or the subjunctive passive aorist, "may he/she be blessed", which would probably be more likely in the context. The second word was also found underneath the Hebrew graffiti, and on separate pieces of plaster. It could be part of some sort of liturgical language, but, especially in the phrase ziikoyxa. i r a o i , it is common in Diasporan Jewish inscriptions (see JIWE ii 292, # T h r I ) , and it is not found otherwise in inscriptions from the region. Other plaster fragments were also found with graffiti, consisting of no more than isolated letters or fragments.
Panticapaeum
(Kerc) = TAVO-Karte
B VI18: D 25
Panticapaeum (modern Kerc) was the capital of the Bosporan Kingdom, which existed as a Roman client-state from the time of Augustus until the 4 * century CE. Jerome records a tradition told him by a Jew that the Jews came to the Bosporus (which he says is Sapharad in Hebrew) as captives exiled by Hadrian,^^ and another which he attributes to Jewish sources that they were sent there by the Assyrians and Chaldaeans.^^ The implication is that there was a significant Jewish presence there in the 4**^ century, although the epigraphic evidence apart from #BS4 is considerably earlier, no later than the 2" century. There was much archaeological activity at Kerc in the 1820s and BOs,^^ but the original museum was looted when the town was occupied during the Crimean War. The Jewish inscriptions from Kerc have been found independently of each other, but in 1867 several menorahs were found among a group of 25 graves probably dating from the 2"'^^^*' centuries.-'^ Another stone with Jewish symbols was found in 1955 when a guardhouse was demolished at the Melek-Cesmenski barrow, which had probably been used for the storage of finds.^' Solomonik lists the following stones with Jewish symbols now in Kerc Museum but of unknown provenance:
27 C C S L Ixxvi 3 7 2 . 28 C C S L IxxviA 8 4 5 - 6 . 29 On the history o f the museum and excavations at Kerc, see N.F. Fedoseev, VDI 2 0 0 2 . 1 , 154-78. 30 Eshel 1998, 2 9 5 . 31 Dan'shin 1996, 144; Solomonik 1988,19.
Black Sea: Panticapaeum
265
1. Inv.no.K-3188: menorah with base. 2. Inv.no.K-3189: menorah and shofar. 3 and 4. N o inventory numbers: lulab, menorah with rounded branches, shofar. 5. Inv.no.K-3190: menorah with nine branches, key {Imahtah) on left, and unknown object on right. Part of the plaque broken. Skorpil (1914, 2 0 - 1 , no.VI, pHc.lO (photo)) describes a gravestone with a menorah and traces of illegible letters painted in red found in 1911 at Predtecenskaya Square, Kerc.^^ It was a soft limestone stele, 52 x 25 x 11-12 cm., frame 17 x 17 cm. However, his photograph does not support this: it shows a stele with a rounded top and rough acroteria, with a recessed field in a raised frame, containing a design which does not look like a menorah (it could be a lulab with three branches on each side) and would be upside down if it was. B S 4 . D e d i c a t i o n of proseuche Edifions: Latysev 1904, 2 6 - 9 no.21 (from the stone); IGRR i 1911, no.873 (follows Latysev); Weinreich 1912, 22 no. 117 (follows Latysev and I G R R ) ; Minns 1913, 558, 6 0 8 - 9 , 612, 6 2 1 , 657 no.63 (follows Latysev); C I R B 1965, no.64 (from the stone); Nadel 1968b, 6 4 - 6 (comments on CIRB); PLRE i 1971, 845 (from IGRR); Yailenko 1987, 53 no.35 (from CIRB); Levinskaya 1996a, 110, 113, 2 2 9 - 3 1 no.3.I.l (from the stone); Gibson 1999, 2 3 - 4 (follows Levinskaya), 134; Ustinova 1999, 2 3 4 - 5 , 237 (partial text from CIRB); Mitchell 1999, 134 no.88. Illustrations: Latysev (drawing); Levinskaya 1996a (photo). Other bibliography: Zgusta 1955, §331 (discussion of name); Hengel 1971, 1 7 4 - 6 ; Gajdukevic 1971, 476; Nadel 1975, 281 n.45; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 38; Reynolds & Tannenbaum 1987, 137, 140 n.26; Levinskaya 1990a, 158; Trebilco 1991, 136; Millar 1996, 173. Found in secondary use at Kerc. Now: Kerc, Historico-Archaeological M u s e u m , inv.no.KL 260. Details: Grey marble stele, top carved to form triangular gable in relief; 103 X 30 X 10 cm; letters 1.8-2.2 cm.; guidelines above and below lines of lettering. Language: Greek. Date: 306 CE. Text (follows Levinskaya): ©era 'Y\|/iaTq) eKr|K6(p euXFIV.
A\)p(FIA,io(;)
Oxxxki-
pioq S6YOV(; ' O -
A,\)p,7ioa), 6 eicl 32 Summarized by Dan'shin ( 1 9 9 6 , 145).
5
Black Sea:
266
Panticapaeum
! . -; I
1 i
x%
0eo§o0iaq,
oepaatdyvcoa x o < q > , tei|iT|9elq vnb
AI.OKA.TIX ^ l a -
vo\) K a l M a ^ i p i a v o u , 6 K a l 'O^DjiKiav KA.T|9ei(; e v x&
^
10
6q e-
Tcapxeicp, 6 noXXd dKoSiijifiaaq K a l d n o a x a x f i o a g EXTJ 8 e K a
Kal
ev
15 noX-
Xoiq QXix^Eiq yevo[xevo^, ev^d^evoq, EK 0£|i.eA.ioD O I K O Soixfiaaq xfiv T c p o o -
ev^fiv ev X(P Y X ' . 3. ' t o m a r k a b b r e v i a t i o n
20
Black Sea: Panticapaeum
267
4 . G i b s o n : Zcoyoviq ( m i s p r i n t ) 6. G E O A O E I A I in rectangular sigma
IPE
drawing
(CIRB:
eeo8oaia),
but
the
final
letter
is
a
8. C r O N on the s t o n e 16 17. M i t c h e l l : OA-iyecfi; 1. £v TioXXaiq 0A,i\j/eoi
To the highest God who listens to prayer, a vow. Aurelius Valerius Sogous, (son) of Olympus, who (is) in (charge of Theodosia, known to the emperors, honoured by Diocletian and Maximian, who (was) also (called) Olympianus in the province, who was absent for a long time and spent sixteen years away, and having been in many troubles, having made a vow, built the prayer-house from the foundations in the (year) 603. The stone was noticed al n o . 3 , Cemetery Street, Kerc, in 1 9 0 1 - 3 , where it had been used for over 40 years as a threshold, with the inscription face down. No information is recorded about its earlier history. As with # B S 1 , the question of whether or not this inscription should be considered Jewish depends largely o n the significance given to proseuche. Thus Levinskaya argues that it is Jewish, and Ustinova argues that it is not; Millar refers to it as "perhaps" Jewish and Trebilco as "almost certainly Jewish". It is considerably later than most epigraphic occurrences of the word. Ustinova refers to its use to signify a Christian church in IGLS xxi.2.98 (church of Sts Lot & Procopius in Mekhayyat, Transjordan), but the text asks St Lot "7tp6o8e^e ITIV J t p o o e D x f j v of your slaves Rhome and Porphyria and Maria", and despite the editors' translation "re^ois la maison de pricre", it is by no means clear that proseuche there refers to a building rather than a prayer. However, in this case the divine appellation al the start of the inscription may support the case for Jewishness. The cull of Theos Hypsistos was very important in the Bosporan Kingdom, especially al Tanais (spreading to Panticapaeum from the mid-3'^'^ century), and may have developed independently of Jewish influence, as argued by Ustinova in the fullest study of the question, but it is not otherwise known to have used buildings called proseuchai (cf #Ach65). Theos Hypsistos is often used in conjunction with proseuche for the Jewish God, e.g. JIGRE 9, 27, 105.-^-^ A proseuche in Alexandria was dedicated to Theos fmejgalos efpekojos,^^ although epekoos is usually an epithet for pagan gods.^^ S o g o u s ' name is a common Bosporan one, found in nom. as Soyog or XoyoDq and gen. as Eoyoi) or Eoyoi (Zgusta). He had apparently spent sixteen years in the service of the Roman Empire; the "province" is presumably the Roman one in which he served,-^^ most likely on the 33 S e e L e v i n s k a y a 1996a, 9 5 - 7 . 34 J l G R E 13; q.v. 35 A v i - Y o n a h 1959, 5 - 6 . 3'' G a j d u k e v i c .
268
Black Sea:
Panticapaeum
southern coast of the Black Sea. He does not say that he was the governor. His service coincided with the joint rule of Diocletian and Maximian ( 2 8 5 305), who are named here in a form which would not have been used in an official Roman inscription. At the time of the inscription he was in charge of the city of Theodosia on the western edge of the Bosporan Kingdom, but, since it was not under direct Roman rule, this must have been as a Bosporan and not a Roman official {contra Levinskaya, who translates "imperial governor of Theodosia"). His return to his home country was no doubt connected to the mysterious troubles. Assuming that the proseuche is a Jewish one, Sogous need not be a Jew himself; he was evidently a devotee of the Jewish God in some sense, but possibly as a God-fearer, although there is no reason why he should not have been a full Jew. PLRE suggests that he may be a judaizing Christian, victim of the persecution of 303, which is a possible explanation. 11.7-8. oePaoxoyvQXTToq is a fairly unusual expression, but it occurs in another Bosporan inscripdon, CIRB 58 (dated 546, i.e. 249 CE), applied to Aurelius Rhodon: xov eni xj\q PaoiXleJiaq Ki xei^iocpxov Kal innea 'Pco|xai(ov. The first of these titles, translated by Minns as "prefect of the kingdom", is formed in the same way as that for Sogus' governorship of Theodosia. At Olbia, two men were praised for having oepaoxoyvraoxoq ancestors.^^ The state of being "known to the emperor" may have meant more outside the Roman Empire than in it, since it is very rare in Roman inscriptions.^^ 11.12-13. Levinskaya comments on the unusual word e n a p x e l o v ; the normal word for province is fi e i t a p x i a . There is also a mistake with gender (and spelling) in 11.16-17. The whole inscription is somewhat ungrammatical, as the main verb which should have come in 11.19-20 is actually a participle. 1.17. QXi\^iq, meaning trouble or affliction, is a common word in the L X X and N T (but "rare in extra-Biblical Greek" according to Bauer^, s.v.) and occurs occasionally in Christian inscriptions; the nearest parallel to its use here is IG xiv 531 from Sicily: r\ xrov noXX&\ QXix^eoiV b7C(op,ovf| ("the enduring of many troubles"). 1.21. Bosporan inscriptions of a public nature are dated by the Pontic era (introduced by Mithridates) which began in Autumn 297 BCE.^^ BS5. M a n u m i s s i o n of H e r a c l a s Editions: Dubois de Montpereux, Voyage autour du Caucase 1843, Atlas, IV serie, pl.26d no.20 [not seen]; CIG ii 1843, p.I005 no.2114bb (from copy by Dubois); Curtius 1843, 2 5 - 6 (follows CIG; some brackets omitted); Graefe 37 IPE P 4 2 , 4 3 . 38 IKPrusa ad Olympum 2 1 ; IKPrusias ad Hypiutn 7, 39 Minns 1913, 5 9 1 .
Black Sea: Panticapaeum
269
1844, 6 5 - 7 (comments on CIG; refers to a new copy); Asik 1848, 9 2 - 3 no.28 (from the stone?; minusc. text sometimes deviates from majusc); Antiquites du Bosphore Cimmerien ii 1854, 2 2 6 - 9 no.XXII (from the stone); Frankel 1857, 123 (from CIG and Asik; line-divisions not given); Levy 1861, 273, 3 0 1 - 2 n . l 9 (from Stephani and Frankel); Harkavy 1867, 9 0 - 2 no.2 (badly printed text); Derenbourg 1868, 526-7 no.2 (partial text); IPE ii 1890, no.52; iv 1901, p.286 (from the stone); Schurer 1897, 201-3 (follows IPE); Lipinsky 1903, 3 2 1 ^ no.2 (summary of Harkavy); RIJurG ii 1904, no.XXX.34 (from CIG and IPE); Oehler 1909, 301 no.89 (partial text without brackets or indication of omissions); IGRR i 1911, no.881 (follows IPE); Minns 1913, 6 2 1 - 2 , 654 no.46 (from IPE); Juster 1914, ii 82 (partial text from IPE); Leclerq 1928, 247-8 (from Derenbourg and IPE); CU i 1936, no.683 (follows IPE); Robert 1946, 107 (11.6-7); Nadel 1958a, 138-41 no.l (from IPE and other eds.); Nadel 1958b, 9-11 no.2 (from earlier eds.; transliterated text); Bomer 1960, 103-6 (partial text from IPE); CIRB 1965, no.70; Nadel 1976, 2 1 4 - 1 5 , 228 n.l 14 (IPE text attributed to CIRB); Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 3 6 - 7 (partial text from CIRB), 105; Oester 1993, 199 (partial text from CIRB); Levinskaya 1996a, 222, 2 3 1 - 2 , no.3.II.l (from the stone); Gibson 1999, 1, 28 n.65, 100, 124, 126, 1 2 8 ^ 0 , 143, 149-50, 160 (follows Levinskaya; text printed twice); Overman 1999, 147-8 (follows CIRB); Binder 1999,443 n . l 2 6 (from CU and CIRB). Illustrations: Levinskaya (photo of upper fragment); Binder 2002 (photo of upper fragment). Other bibliography: Calderini 1908, 78 no.32, 145, 180 n . 3 , 187 n.5, 1 8 8 - 9 , 194, 200, 246, 257, 287 n.3, 4 1 8 - 2 0 , 4 3 7 - 8 , 4 4 1 , 4 4 5 - 6 ; Krauss 1908, 5 3 ; I. Tolstoi, ZMNP 1916, 347 n.l [not seen]; Krauss 1922, 2 3 9 - 4 0 no.82 (German tr. from Latysev and CIG); LSJ^ 1940, s . w . jipocevxTi, ouvEKiTpoTie'Dco; Nadel 1948, 2 0 3 - 6 ; Westermann 1955, 126 n . l 0 0 ; Goodenough 1956/7, 2 2 1 - 2 ; Nadel 1960, 64; Bellen 1965/6, 1 7 2 - 5 ; Nadel 1968a, 2 5 3 , 264, 2 6 9 - 7 0 , 2 7 2 - 3 , 2 7 5 ; Nadel 1975, 2 7 4 - 5 , 278 n.33, 282; Leipoldt & Grundmann 1975, 2 4 0 - 1 no.253 (German tr.); Barrett 1987, 5 6 - 7 no.55 (English fr.) = Barrett & Thornton 1991, 6 3 - 4 no.59 (German tr.); Solomonik 1988, 10-11 (Russian tr.); Harrill 1995, 175 (English tr.); MacLennan 1996, 4 6 - 7 (English tr.); Eshel 1998, 295 (partial English XT.); Williams 1998, no.II.14 (English tr.); Binder 2002, 443 n . l 2 6 (English fr.); Gruen 2002, 109, n n . 3 1 - 3 ; Binder 2002 (EngHsh fr.). Found at Kerc in 1832. N o w : St Petersburg, Hermitage Museum, inv.no. P.1832.34. Details: White marble plaque broken in two, damaged on right, 64 x 29 x 9 cm. Top is a triangular gable with three acroteria (central one lost) and a circle in the centre of the pediment. Moulding above inscription. Guidelines above and below each line of letters. Letters 1.4 cm. Language: Greek. Date: Jan./Feb. 81 CE.
270
Black Sea:
Panticapaeum
Text (follows Levinskaya): PACJIAEIDOVXO^
PAAILEOOQ T I ^ E -
plot) ' I O D A I O D Tr|CKoa)7t6pi8o K '
5 - 6 . C I G : TcpoTetpoul; Antiquiles: rcpoTefpov]; Asik: < - p o v > 6. C I G , A s i k : N i K i < a T > O O Sta; Antiquites: tvSioDoot)
6. 1. a(piripi 6. C I G : n[po-|; Antiquites, IPE: [Jtpo-| 7. Antiquites: 'Hp(XKXd (for H ) 8. A s i k , C I G : eoxfllc;] 9. < a > for A on t h e stone; Antiquites: veniXr[iixo (for H) 9. I P E : d7ia[p|ev6-; C I G , Asik: d j t a < p > e v 6 - (E in m a j u s c ; Antiquites g i v e s
for I) 10. < a > for A on t h e stone ( b u t the letter a p p e a r s t o b e A in L e v i n s k a y a ' s p h o t o ; Antiquites r e a d s 7iavi;6i;) 10. IPE: KX.Ttpov6p[ou]; Asik: K ? L T I P O V [ 6 ^ , O O ] ; C I G : KA-ripov6[po\)J 11. R on s t o n e ; C I G , Asik: xpeTceoa[i 8'J 11. C I G , Asik: < P > o o - (for A in majusc.) 12. C I G , Asik: tai (for ANTAI in m a j u s c ) ; Antiquites, C I R B : -?i.[iix]ai 1 2 - 1 3 . C I G , A s i k : KaOdx^ E'U^>d)a.riv; I P E : £['o|£,dp'nv; Revised Schiirer: 'n[-6]^d|i,'nv; C I R B : t)^dpriv 13. A s i k : tT)v; Antiquites: i TTIV (for I); 1. eiq
13. IPE: Kpo[a]eo14. C I G , Asik: W (for NHN in m a j u s c ) ; Antiquites: [jcnlv 14-15. C I G , Asik: 7ipoaKq] [KaGotTca^?], a 6 n a [ x a d v 6 p e i a ? - - ] [ J K a i 'Eppdv [dvEJciA.fiTtxo'oq] [Kai dKa]pavoxA-f]xo[-U(; and x' ep,o-oj [Kai na]vx6q KA,Tipov6|a,[oD ini] [ K a p a p ] o v f i n e x p i x% ^a)fj[q ^ou - - ] [ I ei)dpeoxoi xf\ ^[rixpi \iov7] [ ]ixd8i Kttl T i d v x a &G\nep'? ..] [
I Kai
[
]e T c o i T i o o D o i v 7 t d [ v x a ..]
x£A,£-oxfiGavx6q
5
10
poi)
[\xexa 5e xf|v] xeX,eDXTiv e i v [ a i at)xoiq] [xpeTceaGai dvjemKcoA.'Oxax; d v [ e u ] [ T i d a r i q d f K p i a J p T i x f i o e o q Ka[9d)q r\X)^a-\ [prjv ? ojioD djv yr\q pouA.ovxai ^[(opiq] [eiq xf]v] T t p o o e u x T i v Gtoiceiac; xe K a i T i p o o [ K a p x j e p f i o e o q - oDv[e]nixpoTte[Dovoriql [5E| K a i xr\q avvayiayqc, x w v 'loDSaicov. 4. Gibson: 'Apx|e^|i[aio\) ] 5. C I G : [c)t(p]i[Ti])a.i xoxic, £-\p.ovq SouA.ouq? ercl tfl]; N a d e l 1958b: erci xfii 6. C I G : [Tcploaeuxii [ - - OpEEXi'iv [iovl]
15
20
Black Sea: Panticapaeum
277
7. C I G : fKcxliCTW)xcx[xad v S p e i a - - - J 8. C I G ; ' E p ( I A V [eXeuGepovi; Ka9djta£, K a i ] 9. 1. dnapEVoxA,fitot)5; C I G : [d7ta]P<e>voxA,fiTo[\)q Koti
DJTOJ; N a d e l
A.VEKXKI\KXO\)C,
1958: f d v a | p < e > v o x ^ T i [ x o \ J 5 l 10.
C I G : f j t a j v x o q K ^ T i p o v 6 [ p o u e a x c o 5 e A-uxoT^ fi n a - j ; N a d e l 1 9 5 8 b :
I K a i djco J T A J V X O ^ 1 1 . C I G : [ - p a p j o v T i p£%pi xfjc; ^coffig fj)j.(ov n a p ' e | . I O I K a i ] ; ASik maju.SC: Z Q E 1 1 1 2 . N a d e l 1 9 5 8 b : ^cofiiq |XO\) Tcap' E P O | i K a i A V ) v ] E T ) a p e C T X o < \ ) A > i i p o [ i 12.
C I G : fxfi c n j v ] £ \ ) a p E o x o < t ) C T > T | p.[T|xpi pot)]; L u r i a a/?. N a d e l 1958b:
fjiap' ep-oi Ktti a \ ) v ] £ - u a p E a x o < < ) 0 > r i )j,[oi] 13.
C I R B : [ - - ] x d 8 i ; C I G : [....]ixd8i, K a i n:dvxa, (aq \r\ pfixrip
\IOVI];
L u r i a ap. N a d e l
1 9 5 8 b : x d 8 i K a i < a > T c d v x a cbq 14.
CIRB: [ - - Ka]i
14.
C I G : [SiexaqJEV, X£>.£-oxTiaavx6q \IOV [KaG-]; C I R B : pofu]
15. C I G : f-djCEp 7ip6a0]E t t o i t i o o - u o i v jidvfxEq. pexd 8eJ; I P E : ndlvxeq] 16. N a d e l 1 9 5 8 b : a o x t i q ] XE^£T)xf]v; C I G : [xtiv fipcojv X £ X £ T ) x < t i > v e i v a [ i a o x o i q dTtEp-] 17. C I G : [ - x e o G a i ? dlvejiiKcoXoxco^ a v [ - - ] 18.
I. dpcpioPrixriaEco^; C U : dp(pi]PT|axT|A£0(;; C I G : [
JX[f|]0E[COJ(; K a f i ? - - - ]; G i b s o n ,
L e v i n s k a y a : K a x ' [ e o x t i v |XOT)]; N a d e l 1975: K a [ i jidoric; 8iKii(5?] 19.
C I G : [ . . . . ] a v < X > E 5 P O U ^ O V X A I , [xcopi^ xfic;]; G i b s o n : [ p o o , oitox) d ] v y %
PO-6A,vxai yltapic,]; I P E : P O [ U ] X < O ) > v [ X A I ] ; C I R B : p o [ t ] ? i o v [ X A ] I ; I. P O W L C O V X A I 20.
C I G : [ii; xfiv] TipooEUxfiv GcoTCEiaq FXE K a i T c p o o K a - l ; C I R B : 9a)7cei[a]5 [xe K a i
n p o o - J ; C U ( m i s p r i n t c o r r e c t e d in Prol. p . 6 6 ) : G o ) n £ i [ a | i ; , xcopic; 21.
1. KapxEpi'iaecoq; C I G : [ - x a v x | i i c T £ < a ) > q , CFOV£jtixpo7CE[d)0Tiq 8 e | ; C I R B : [8e K a ] i
22-3.
C I G : K a i xfj^ AOVAYCOYFIQ x(OV; IPE: a t i v a y c o y l T i ^ J ; C I R B : x(o[v| 'Iou8ai[cov]
In the reign of King , Friend of Caesar and of Rome, Pious. Year on the .. of the month Artemisios. /, , set free my home-bred slaves, in the prayer-house, according to a vow, once and for all. male(?) bodies:
278
Black Sea:
Panticapaeum
and Hermas, unassailable and unmolested by me and every heir in paramone''^ until (the end of) my life giving satisfaction to my mother (?) and everything as and when I die they will do everything after (my) death it is possible for them to take themselves unimpededly (and) without any dispute, as I have vowed, wherever on earth they wish, except for submissiveness and service to the prayer-house. (Done) also with the community of the Jews providing joint guardianship. The early history of this inscription is unclear. It was found at Kerc, but was in a house at Theodosia by the mid-1820s (soon after its discovery, according to Nadel). Copies were made by Blaramberg and Dubois, both of which were used in CIG. By the time Latysev copied it for IPE, it was in the museum at Simferopol (Theodosia), where it was also copied for C I R B . All editions depend on these four copies. Maclennan published a photograph for the first time, reproduced above, which shows that the surface of the stone is very badly worn. According to Latysev, the tablet was complete when he saw it, probably meaning that no text had been lost with the damaged edges. A few of the lines are complete on the right but most are not. Some of the wording is rather different from the other manumission inscriptions, which makes restoration of the missing text harder. The beginning must have involved a dating formula, followed by the manumittor's name at the end of 1.4. It appears that the lettering in the opening lines was larger or more widely spaced than in the rest of the inscription. A line length of 25-31 letters is assumed above for the bulk of the text. 11.5-10 can largely be restored by analogy with #BS5. At least two slaves were involved, probably both male as the male Hermas was named second. This is the only occurrence of acbpaxa in the Bosporan manumissions, although it was the normal term used for 'slaves' in the manumissions from Delphi (##Ach42-4). 11.11-16 contain a paramone clause which is different from what is normally found in Bosporan inscriptions. There is a brief one in the pagan CIRB 74 (text given above, p.275). Such clauses (on which, see Hopkins 1978, ch.III; he translates the term as "staying and serving" or "conditional release") normally lasted until the end of the manumittor's life (or manumittors' lives, if they were husband and wife), with the requirement to perform services, often the same as those which the slave had previously performed. There may be a reference to serving the manumittor's mother in 1.12, but the restoration is rather tentative. Calderini suggests that the ex-slaves were obliged to stay near the manumittor's mother while the manumittor was alive. If e u d p e o x o i is correctly understood as an adjective agreeing with the slaves (forms of the verb (CTa)v)e\)apeCTTeco are 4^ I.e. on condition o f staying and serving; see discussion below.
Black Sea: Panticapaeum
279
m u c h commoner in inscriptions), it must have the sense of giving satisfaction to their owner;^° cf. two manumission inscriptions from Calymna in the Aegean, where the paramone clause requires the ex-slave to behave euapeaxco^;^' in one from Delphi, the verb euapeoTeoi is used.^2
11.17-23 return to the pattern of # B S 5 , with the addition of a reference to (if the restoration is correct) dp,(piopf|Tr|(nq, which in the context would mean disputing the ex-slaves' free status, Nadel (1975)'s suggestion of Ka[l JcdoTiq SiKTiq] for the end of 1,18 is based on inscriptions from Delphi, and would involve a further departure from the pattern of # B S 5 , but must be a possibility; it would have to spill over into 1.19 to avoid making 1.18 too long. If Kax' evxiiv is the correct restoration of 1.6, it is unlikely to be repeated here, so KaOdx; rl^)|d^r|v, as in # B S 5 , seems the most likely restoration. There is no room for the agreement of the heirs which is specified in # B S 5 , but the way in which 11,21-3 exactly repeat 11,18-19 of # B S 5 , even though 8e Kai seems superfluous without the first half of the sentence, suggests that the heirs' agreement should have been mentioned first, B S 7 . M a n u m i s s i o n of Elpis Editions: Marti 1934, 6 6 - 8 no,V (from the stone); Nadel 1948, 2 0 3 - 6 ; Nadel 1958a, 145 no.lO (from Marti); Nadel 1958b, 12 no,5 (from Marti with restoration of 1,3 by S, L u r ' e ; transliterated text); CIRB 1965, no,71 (from the stone); Bellen 1965/6, 171-6 (from new photo; text on 172-3 from CIRB); Lifshitz 1969, 9 5 - 6 no,6 (from CIRB); BE 1969, no,52 (summary of Bellen), no,405 (summary of Lifshitz); Simon 1971, 518 (from Bellen and Lifshitz; 11,8-10 only); Hengel 1971, 174 (follows Bellen); Siegert 1973, 158-9 (from IPE and Bellen); CIJ i^ 1975, Prol, no,683a; Nadel 1975, 270 (from CIRB with list of variants), 2 7 5 - 9 ; Nadel 1976, 2 1 5 , " 229 n . l 16 (from CIRB and Lifshitz); Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 37, 166 (partial text from CIJ); Yailenko 1987, 57 no.38 (from CIRB); Levinskaya, 1990b, 3 1 2 - 5 (from CIRB); Trebilco 1991, 155-6 no.4.2 (follows CIJ); Levinskaya 1996a, 7 4 - 6 , 2 3 2 - 4 no.3.IL2 (from photos); Wander 1998, 111-14 (from Bellen and CIJ); Gibson 1999, 28 n.65, 1 1 7 - 1 8 , 126, 1 2 8 - 3 5 , 139-44, 156, 161 (from CIJ; collates other restorations); Ustinova 1999, 231 (follows CIRB); Overman 1999, 148-55 (follows CIRB); Binder 1999, 3 8 5 - 6 (follows CIJ and CIRB with new tr.).
50 Bauer^ s.v., citing Tit 2 . 9 . 5'TitCal 154 and 173. 52 F D iii 3 6 4 . 53 Wrongly referring to CIRB 7 2 .
Black Sea:
280
Panticapaeum
^^^^^^^
Illustrations: Marti, P H C . 6 (photo); Bellen, Taf.21c (new photo); Levinskaya 1996a (photo). Binder 2002 (photo). Other bibliography: Nadel 1968a, 270, 274; Harrill 1995, 177 (English tr.); Williams 1998, no. VII. 10 (English tr. of Bellen version); Levine 1999, 1012-14 (CIJ i-'s English tr.); Mitchell 1999, 118; Binder 1999, 4 4 1 , 4 4 4 ; Binder 2002 (English tr.); Levinskaya 2002, 5 1 7 - 2 0 . Found in Kerc, autumn 1928. In Kerc Museum according to CIRB but not located there by Levinskaya. Details: Plaque of white marble, deliberately broken above, 32 x 37 x 11.5 7.5 cm. Top line only partly preserved. Letters 1.1-1.7 cm., very neat, with serifs. Much of the surface damaged and badly worn. Language: Greek. Date: l'-2"'^ century CE.^'* Text (follows Levinskaya 1996a; 1.3 follows Bellen): I . . c ' 0 . . . ] + A + + [ .'^^^ - iKOCKOD dcpirjjXl £711 xf{C, TCpOOEt)-
Xfiq 'EA,7tia [£jx]a['u]tf] x- ['H]5eta N[..]axe[oa)q] yi)VII Iop[ M ] NT[ ]I0E[..]HN npo[ ]0?
5
10
n[-[ [•]A[-[.]A[ [
] ] ] ]0[..]
59 B e l l e n , Lifshitz, revised Schurer, Gibson, Williams; contra 2002.
15 Ustinova, Levinskaya
284
Black Sea:
Panticapaeum
BAIIAEYoNToIBAII AEQI"P1BEPIoYloYAI oYlcorroItlAoKAlIA PoZlcA14>iAoP2f1A|oY EYZEBoYI.ToYZ ANtriHNoIAAEIZI
oYI.AEIAN..ITE...rY •NHiop
NT
' A [ p i - ]
This ingenious suggestion is based on what appears to be a false assumption about the relationship of the two inscriptions (see above). It has also been suggested (Kruger ap. CIRB) that the front text ends dveaTf]a[- -]. dveGXTiae(v) is very common in Bosporan epitaphs, usually with a noun in the accusative ('stele' or ' t o m b ' ) and/or the phrase fivrmriq Xdpiv. It would mean that several lines must be lost before the recorded text. B S I L Epitaph with menorah Editions: IPE ii 1890, no.304 (from the stone); CIJ i 1936, no.687 (from IPE); Schwabe 1947/8, 61 (from CIJ); Zgusta 1955, §757 (from IPE); CIRB 1965. no.746 (from the stone). Illustration: IPE (drawing). Other bibliography: Gibson 1999, 22. Found 1867 near Kerc. Now: Kerc, Historico-Archaeological Museum (left part only). Details: Limestone tablet, 55 x 49 x 9 cm. Language: Greek. Date: 3''' 4"' century CE (?).
60 IPE ii no. 19; c f n o . 3 4 .
288
Black Sea:
Panticapaeum
Text (follows IPE drawing): [ ]+ Ya)vfi Tio)v(o(;?).
{menorah)
-BDV Xpria-
G r o s s ' c o p y had MY at the beginning o f 1.1, according to IPE.
thun, wife of
Chrestion(?).
See #BS10 for details of the finding of this inscription. The text is arranged around a menorah (with tripod). It is not clear if any further text has been lost. There may have been another line below 1,3, as there was not room for -oq before the stem of the menorah, Schwabe suggests that -thun at the end of the w o m a n ' s name is a version of -thi(o)n, a common ending for female names with a neuter form, B S 1 2 . Epitaph with menorah E d i d o n s : IPE ii 1890, no.305 (from the stone); CIJ i 1936, no.686 (follows IPE); Schwabe 1947/8, 61 (from CIJ); Zgusta 1955, §757 (from IPE); C I R B 1965, no.777 (from IPE); CIJ i^ 1975, Prol. p.66. Illustration: IPE (drawing). Other bibliography: Levinskaya & Tokhtas'yev 1996, 6 5 ; Dan'shin 1996, 145; Eshel 1998, 296 (English tr.); U s d n o v a 1999, 232; Gibson 1999, 22. Found 1867 near Kerc. Formerly in Kerc Museum; present whereabouts unknown. Details: Limestone tablet, upper left corner broken, 51 x 32 x 9.5 cm. Deeply inscribed letters. Letter forms: A M w Language: Greek. Date: 3 ' M * century CE(?). Text (follows IPE drawing): [...] {menorah)
-cov
OM. G r o s s ' c o p y (according to IPE) had an extra line a b o v e with M on the left, yitlcov in the next line; omitted the final line. C I R B : - - - I - - - [yixjcov | Zapo'u{TiA,] | o v ?
on (son) of
Samuel.
See #BS10 for details of the finding of this inscription. According to C I R B it could not be found in the Kerc Museum. The deceased's name
Black Sea: Panticapaeum
289
ends in -on, but could be a 5-letter name or a much longer one if there really w a s a previous line. The father's name may be the first occurrence of a biblical name at Panticapaeum. The menorah had a tripod, and the stem ran through M in 1.2. B S 1 3 . Epitaph Editions: Skorpil 1900, 1 0 7 - 8 no.20 (from the stone; Greek text only); IPE iv 1901, no.404 (from the stone; Hebrew studied by Chwolson); CIJ i 1936, no.688 (from IPE), i^ Prol. p.66; CIRB 1965, no.736 (from Skorpil and IPE). Illustrations: Skorpil (drawing); IPE (drawing). Other bibliography: Marti 1913, 55 no.98 (Russian tr., using C h w o l s o n ' s restoration); Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 37; Solomonik 1988, 1 2 - 1 3 ; Dan'shin 1996, 1 4 4 - 5 ; Levinskaya & Tokhtas'yev 1996, 736; Eshel 1998, 296 (English tr. of Chwolson's Hebrew); U s d n o v a 1999, 232; Gibson 1999, 2 2 . Found near Kerc, Sep. 1899. N o w : Kerc, Historico-Archaeological Museum. Details: T w o fragments of soft limestone slab, 4 0 x 35 x 8 cm. Raised frame 4 cm. wide; deep line between Hebrew and Greek. Letters 1.5-3 cm. Greek letter forms: A£C Language: Hebrew and Greek. Date: 3'''-4''' century CE (7).^' Text (follows IPE drawing): n ^ - r D [ - - - ]
1S7D[---]
uhw
*'[---]
-ujcep d[va7c-] ai)oeco[(; Taa?]aKiOX) xo'^ fittKapi-
5
coTotxot)- e p i v T i
[ K a l ] dv7i;aDai | x[ii|i 9 11.
10. C I R B : eoxinllv; S t e p h a n i : eujcnlv IPE, CIRB:
Levinskaya:
(rcpooleuxiii OpEJixf|v
X[p1wa
12. I P E , C I R B : dve7t:TipeatTxo[5] 14. S t e p h a n i : -07to5idyT|
To the Highest God, all-powerful, blessed, in the reign of King Mithridates, Friend of... and Friend of his country. Year 338, in the month Dei OS. Pathos (son) of Strabo dedicated in(?) the prayer-house according to a vow his home-bred slave whose name (is) Chrysa, on which [i.e. with the provision that] she may be untouched and unviolated by every heir, under Zeus, Earth, Sun. The stone was found at Anapa, and was in the collection of Prince Alexander Alexandrovic Sibirskii (1824-1879; author of Catalogue des medailles du Bosphore Cimmerien) before being taken to the Hermitage in 1859. The inscription has aroused great controversy because of the apparent contradiction between a Jewish invocation of God at the
306
Black Sea:
Gorgippia
beginning, the reference to a proseuche (see # # B S 4 - 5 ) , and a pagan formula at the end. Hence the contradictory comments of Horsley ("This text used to be considered Jewish") and Levine ("At first there was some scepticism about the Jewishness of this text"). Most recent commentators have accepted its Jewishness, e.g. Revised Schiirer, Trebilco, Belayche, Ustinova. Latysev argued against it in IPE, and recent expressions of doubt have been made by Kraemer and bij de Vaate & van Henten. 11.1-2. Theos Hypsistos andpantokrator are not necessarily Jewish, but eulogetos is regarded by most scholars as a specifically Jewish epithet for God at this date, later used by Christians too;*^ cf ##BS21, BS22, BS27. There are no cases of its use in clearly pagan inscriptions, although bij de Vaate & van Henten have examples of related expressions. See also #Thr5. 11.3-6. The king suffered some form of damnatio memoriae, but enough of this name is still legible to show that he is Mithridates. There is a clear date of 338 of the Bosporan era = 41 CE., so the king is Mithridates I, w h o m R o m e replaced with his half-brother Cotys I c.46 CE.^^ epithets of the king are unparallelled and the first has not been satisfactorily explained. Bosporan kings in the Roman period are invariably called philokaisar and philordmaios, as in the manumissions from Panticapaeum. The only parallel for the epithets here seems to be IPE i^ 38a: [K6Ta)v 'AaK]oi)pYoa) p a [ o i X e a jxeyav Boairdpoi) (piX,OKaiaapa Kai (pi]X,67taTpiv, which is from Olbia, outside the kingdom. The first epithet was treated by Latysev in IPE as philogermanikos, which would have the sense of "friend of Caligula/Claudius"; this is plausible and would mean a simple omission of two letters in the inscription, but the term seems to be otherwise unknown. Boltunova's suggesdon philosymmachos has no reladon to the remains on the stone, according to Levinskaya. Perhaps the abandonment of the normal titles was due to Mithridates' disaffection from Rome. 11.8-9. The wording here is closer to the manumissions from Phanagoria than those from Panticapaeum (but the involvement of God is found only at Gorgippia). Forms of dvaxlGiipi are used in manumissions by dedication to a god, including CIRB 1021. The inscription may simply have put the prayer-house in the dative to signify where the manumission took place, as in #BS18, but the omission of ev in this position would be a very easy epigraphic mistake (haplography), so it has been restored here (cf. #BS6). The lack of any expression which actually means 'free' or 'freed', combined with the confusion over the royal epithets, suggests that the text was not composed very competently. It may well have been one of the first of its kind at Gorgippia.
Hengel. 84 Cassius D i o 6 0 . 8 , 6 0 . 2 8 ; Tacitus, Ann. 12.15.
Black Sea: Gorgippia
307
11.11-12. The phrase ecp' © fj includes a preposidon used in an unusual sense and a relative pronoun © with no real antecedent; Williams translates "on the condition that she be..." which is clearly the sense intended, ejci is regularly used in manumission inscriptions at Delphi in the same way, in the phrase eiti ToioSe diredoTO, which Gibson (1999, 39) translates "on the following conditions ... sold". The expression used here and in ##BS22 and BS24 (also the pagan CIRB 74) to indicate Chrysa's inviolability is different from what was used at Panticapaeum and Phanagoria, although with the same effect. dvETiacpoq is a rare classical word meaning "untouched", "unharmed" (LSJ), which is often used in manumission inscriptions elsewhere.^^ dvETtripeaaxoq is translated by LSJ as "not despitefully treated", and the Suppl. cites this inscription; it is not used in manumissions elsewhere. 1.14. There are examples of Jew taking oaths by pagan divinities, notably a man from just south of the Dead Sea swearing by the emperor's tyche^^ and an Egyptian Jew apparently swearing by Trajan h i m s e l f . I n an inscription recording the manumission of a Jewish slave at Oropus (#Ach45), he refers to a dream in which he received a command from Amphiaraus and Hygeia. At Delphi, the slave-owner loudaios took part in a fictitious sale to Apollo (#Ach44).^^ The formula ojivoo) A t a Ffiv "HA,iov is found widely (see the detailed study by Cook), including in the Black Sea region.^^ The same three divinities are named in a pagan manumission (CIRB 74; text given at pp.274-5).^^ The citizens of Chersonesus in the early 3'^'* century B C E invoked them in an oath of loyalty in the form: 6^vi)(o A l a Fav "AA,iov OapGEVov GEobq 'OXDixTtio-oq Kal 'OA,u|i.Jiiaq Kal fipcoa BaX.an\)pot) 16. CIG, A§ik, Antiquites: 5](opedv; Graefe (ap.Klotz), Pomyalovskii: [-xfiv 'Id) Sjcopedv
To the Highest God, all-powerful, blessed, in the reign of King Tiberius Julius Sauromates, Friend of Caesar and of Rome, Pious. Timotheos (son) of Nymphagoras (son) of Macarius, with his sister Elis wife of Nanobalamyros, according to a vow of our father Nymphagoras (son) of Macarius, we set free our home-bred slave Dorea The inscription was found in 1841 at Anapa, and taken to St Petersburg. Pomyalovskii saw it in the N A Y K Academy. Although the lettering is good, there are a number of incorrect and repeated letters, some of which the stone-cutter tried to remove. The question of this inscription's Jewishness involves one of the main issues discussed for #BS20, the Jewishness of the divine titles. Kittel pointed out the illogicality of accepting one inscription as Jewish and not the other. There is no reference to a proseuche here to support Jewishness, and no reference to pagan gods to argue against it, although either may have been included in the missing text. There were four Bosporan kings called Sauromates: I ( 9 3 - 1 2 3 CE), II ( 1 7 4 - 2 1 0 ) , III ( 2 2 9 - 2 3 3 ) , IV (from 276). IPE argues for Sauromates I, CIJ and Cook for Sauromates II. Exactly the same nomenclature and dating formula are used in several inscriptions from the time of Sauromates I in inscriptions dated between 104 and 110 CE,^^ ^nd this inscription seems to belong to the same period. T h e manumission was carried out by a brother and sister to fulfil their father's vow. They use a papponymic as well as a patronymic (Macarius is almost certainly a name not an epithet), as was common at Gorgippia. The sister's name must be the genitive of ^HA-iq, a common name in the region. The name of her husband is unknown but may be related to the Scythian name Balamerus.^^ The verb of manumission is dcplTipi, the preferred expression at Panticapaeum. The name of the slave,^4 whom the manumittors had presumably inherited from their father, is Dorea,^^ although the first editors treated the word as an adverb ("dotally").
92 93 94 95
C I R B 1021, 1115 by the prefect o f Gorgippia, 1259. IPE. Mitchell calls it "manumission o f a foster-daughter". LGPN i has one example o f this name, a slave(?) from Euboea.
Black Sea: Gorgippia
311
BS22. Manumission Editions: Blavatskaia 1958, 9 1 - 6 (from copy made in 1940 by V.D. Blavatski); BE 1960, no.291 (partial text from Blavatskaia); SEG xix 1963, no.504 (from Blavatskaia); Lifshitz 1964, 157-161 (from Blavatskaia); BE 1965, no.283 (partial text from Lifshitz); CIRB 1965, n o . l 126 (from Blavastkaia); Nadel 1968b, 7 1 - 4 (discussion o f CIRB); CIJ i^ 1975, Prol. no.690a (from Blavatskaia); Nadel 1975, 271 (from CIRB, with n e w restorations); Gibson 1999, 109-10, 112-14, 1 1 6 - 1 9 , 122, 169 (follows CIRB); Binder 1999, 275 (follows CIJ); Mitchell 1999, 133 no.86 (partial text from CIRB). Other bibliography: Nadel 1968a, 268; Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 37; Kant 1987, 684 n . 8 1 ; Belayche 1991, 160 (French tr.); Edwards 1996, 6 2 4 (English tr.); Williams 1998, no.V.54 (English tr.); Ustinova 1999, 229; Edwards 1999, 163-4 (English tr.). Formerly in Anapa Musemn; destroyed during W W 2 . Details: Marble plaque about 50 cm. high, damaged in the middle. Language: Greek. Date: May/June 68 CE. Text (from Blavatskaia, SEG and CIRB): 0 E © i 'Yii/iaxooi xcav{Ta}TOKp(xi;opi ei)<X.>0Yr|Troi, PaaiA,e\)ovToq ^acikicoq 'Pr|OKOD7i6pi5o(; (piXoKaioapoq Ktti (piA,opa)paio'o e\)oePoO(;' exouq 5x' \i'x\\6c, Aaeiaioo) [..]• NeoKX.fi(; 'AeT|vo8Q)[po'D dcpiripi? eXevGepJovq I)K6 A l a rfjv "HA,iov [ - ] poo) t p o -
5
Black Sea: Gorgippia
3|7
Hypsistos too. If the text lost at the beginning was comparable to #BS20, about eight lines are missing. 1.3, as printed above, contains the end of the manumitted slave-woman's name. The end of the inscription is different from any of the other Bosporan manumissions. The verb Kpo0p£vco means "to remain with, stay with, remain true to",'^'' and takes a dative, so the construction is perfectly regular, and it has the form of a very truncated paramone clause (cf. #BS5); presumably it implies the "submissiveness and service" regularly specified at Panticapaeum. The verb is used in manumissions from Macedonia^^ where it means serving the goddess for a customary number of days, e.g. SEG xxvii 277: Ecp' & T c p o a p e v c o o i v xaq e0ipot)^ f||iepaq t f i 9e(p. BS25. M a n u m i s s i o n ( ? ) Editions: Latysev 1910, 75 no.9 (from a squeeze); CIRB 1965, n o . l 128 (from Latysev); Nadel 1968b, 74 (from CIRB); Gibson 1999, 170 (follows CIRB). Illustration: Latysev (drawing). Other bibliography: Revised Schurer iii.l 1986, 38. Bought at Anapa in 1910. Now lost. Details: Marble fragment, 7.5 x 15 cm,; letters 1.5 cm. with serifs. Language: Greek. Date: l^'-^'"* century CE. Text (follows CIRB): [...J 4 > a p v a K : i t o [ v
? e j c i xf\q]
[7npooEV>x]T\q o u v y u v f a i K l a u x o u - - | [... e j v xcp 0 D v [ Nadel:
[6 5eiva\ Oapvaicicolvo^
-
- -I
jtanipl | [a\)vayo>y]fj(;
a\)v y\)v[cxiK-l
tp Seivai I xov
8eivog\ \ |e]v xw 6u(.i[P(p... 3 . r.alySev: GujU ( b u t the letter a p p e a r s to b e N in h i s facsimile)
Pharnakion
in the prayer-house(?)
with his wife
in the
See #BS24 for details of the acquisition. There is nothing sure in the text except the name Pharnakion, and even that could be in any grammatical case. The name is an extremely common one in the region; Pharnakion son of Pothos, governor of Gorgippia, built a temple to Aphrodite Nauarchis in 110 CE and was leader of a synodos t h e r e . T h e uncertain restoration of proseuche gives the appearance of a Jewish manumission. Nadel reconstructs the text completely differently, and even more Bauer-, s.v. 98 S E G xxvi 7 2 9 , xxvii 2 7 7 , xxvii 2 9 4 , xxxiv 6 5 8 , xxxvii 5 9 0 . 99 C I R B 1 1 1 5 , 1129.
Black Sea:
318
Gorgippia
speculatively, as a Jewish epitaph. There is some support for it being an epitaph of some sort in the likelihood that Qvv-, unless it is the beginning of a name (e.g. Thyneites or Thynarchos), is most likely to be from 0 kvX xo<xc,-> 'Iot)6ai|oi CPJ i, p p . 9 4 - 6 ; CPJ iii, p p . 4 4 - 6 ; JIGRE 4 0 , 4 8 , 5 8 - 6 0 , 65, 76, 86, 90, 9 3 , 9 5 - 9 6 98, 106, 108; Mussies 1994, 2 7 0 - 2 .
344
Appendix
2: inscriptions
not considered
Jewish
Sofiana^^ and, quite frequently, at Rome.^^ Sanbatis/Sambatis was also a popular choice for Christians and occurs in Christian epitaphs from Athens.^"* The name also appears in a fragmentary inscripdon, probably from Oescus, where it is unclear whether it is used in a Jewish or Christian context.^^ A 'Sabbath' name is attested in only one other Cretan inscription: the name Sapaxicov occurs in a Chrisdan epitaph from Pege, district of Rethymon.^^ A p p 2 2 . M a g i c a l text CIJ 717, a magical text of unknown origin, includes among much else a list of Jewish angelic names (Ariel, Michael, Raphael, etc.) and Lapoccbe, but is clearly not a Jewish text, just a reflection of the way in which magical names and formulae were borrowed from all religions.
32 33 34 35 36
JIWE i 6 8 , 85, 126, 158. JIWE ii 7, 19, 2 2 , 47, 110, 157, 193, 2 2 0 , 2 4 4 , 257, 269, 339, 356. Creaghan & Raubitschek 1 9 4 7 , 3 7 no.XXIII, 4 2 , no. 13. ILBulg 119. ICret ii 12; Bandy 1970, no.74.
Bibliography Albrecht, K. Rechtsprobleme Westlokrer,
in der Freilassungen
der Booter,
Phoker,
Dorier,
Ost- und
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orientaux
sur le territoire
de la Mesie
Superieure
(EPRO 7 ) ,
Concordance CIJ n o . 675 676 677 678 678a 679 680 680a 681 681a 681b 682 683 683a 683b 684 685 686 687 688 689 689a 690 690a 690b 691 691a 69Ib 692 692a 693 693a 693b 693c 693d 694 694a 694b 695 696 696a 696b 696c
N o . in this vol. Pan2 Panl Pan3 Pan4 Pan5 p.l Dal2 Dal3 MoesI Thr5 App7 BSl BS5 BS7 BS9 BS4 BSIO BS12 BSll BSI3 BS15 BSI4 BS20 BS22 BS23 BS17 BS16 BS19 Thr3 Thr4 Mac 16 Mac 17 M a c 13 Mac 14 App9 Macl Mac6 Mac7 Ach24 Achl6 Achl7 Achl8 Achl9
697 698 699-701 702 703-5 706 707 708 708a 708b 708c 708d 709 710 711 711a 711b 712 713 714 715 715a 715b 715c 7I5d 715e 715f 715g 715h 715i 716 717 718 718a 719 720 721 721a 721b 721c 722 723 724 725a
Ach6 Ach7 Achl Ach8 Ach3 AchlO Achl 2 Achl 3 Ach9 Ach2 Ach23 Ach25 Ach43 Ach42 Ach44 Ach46 Ach45 Ach28 Ach30 ApplO Ach34 Ach26 Ach27 Ach33 Ach31 Appl 2 Ach32 Appl 3 Ach29 Ach40 App2 App21 Ach47 Ach48 Ach51 Ach54 Ach52 Ach55 Ach56 Ach53 Ach58 Ach59 Aegina Ach70
Concordance
725b 726 727 728 729
Ach71 Ach65 Ach60 Ach62 Ach63
730 731
Ach61 Ach64
375
731a 731b 731c 73 Id 78*
Delos App20 Cre3 Crel BS21
Indexes * indicates that the occurrence appears to be non-Jewish. " indicates that the occurrence is in an inscription quoted in the notes. Inscriptions from the Appendixes are not included in the indexes, except in Xe-f. Place names in Vf refer to discussions of those places in the main text.
a b c //. a b ///.
a b c d e f IV. V. a b c d e f VI. a b c d VII. a b c d e f
Details of inscriptions Nature o f inscription Language Provenance Personal names Names N o t a b l e features o f the names Personal details Vocabulary o f relationships Joint epitaphs / dedications Commemorator identified A g e at death Epithets and qualities Occupations, ranks and secular titles Place-names and ethnics Religion Terms indicating 'Jew' etc., and Jewish institutions Jewish titles S y n a g o g u e s and parts o f synagogues Prayers, blessings, thanksgivings, invocations Biblical quotations Symbols Dates and rulers Years given by era Dating formulae Day o f the w e e k / month Rulers and their families Funerary formulae Life and death o f the deceased Provision o f the tomb Terms for tomb Curses and fines against tomb violation T h e deceased in the tomb W i s h e s for / addressed to the deceased
page 377 377 378 378 382 382 383 383 383 384 384 384 385 385 385 386 387 387 387 388 388 388 389 389 389 389 390 390
Index
g VIII. a b c IX. a b c d X. a b c d e f
2>11
Addressed to the reader Formulae of benefactions Verbs used for benefactions Circumstances, source and nature o f benefaction V o t i v e formulae Manumissions Verbs o f manumission Words for e x - s l a v e Terms and conditions o f manumission Consent to and endorsement o f manumission Other words Greek words not indexed elsewhere Latin words not indexed elsewhere Hebrew words not indexed elsewhere Unidentified words N a m e s from A p p e n d i x 1 N a m e s from Appendix 2
390 390 391 391 391 392 392 394 394 395 395 395 396 396
/. Details of inscriptions a. Nature of inscription Acclamation Amphorae Building dedication Ephebic list Epitaph
- (partly) metrical - with curse Graffito List o f names Manumission
Mac 13 BS28 Ach74 Ach53 Pan 1 - 2 , Pan4, Dal 1-4, M o e s l , T h r 3 ^ , Mac6-8, Mac 1 0 - 1 2 , Mac 1 4 - 1 6 , Macl8?, Ach3-36, Ach366w, Ach37, Ach40, Ach46, Ach48^9, Ach51-52, Ach55, Ach56?, Ach57, Ach75 C r e l - 3 , BSlO-16, BS19, Mac9, A c h l - 2 Ach70-71 Macl", B S 2 - 3 Ach68, BS26 A c h 4 2 ^ 5 , BS5-9, BSl7-18, BS2024, BS25?
Prayer Ach72 Samaritan amulet Ach50 Samaritan dedication Macl7 Samaritan honorific inscription Ach66-67 Seal Mac2 Ach38-39, Statue base Ach69 S y n a g o g u e inscription Pan3, Pan5, M a c l , Macl", Ach47, Ach54, Ach56?, B S l , BS4 - mosaic Thiasos inscription Tile fragment V o t i v e / thanksgiving
Uncertain
T h r l - 2 , Macl", Ach58-59 Ach41 Dal5 Thr5, M a c 3 - 5 , Ach60-63, Ach64?, Ach65?, Ach73, BS27 Moes2
b. Language Greek
Dal4, M o e s 2 , Thrl-5, Macl-16,
MaclS, A c h l ^ 8 , Ach51-75, Crel-
Index
378
Hebrew
Hebrew and Greek
3, B S 1 , B S 3 - 1 2 , BS 14-28 Dal5, AchSO, B S 2 , BSl6a, BS Phanagoria Mac 17, A c h 3 6 6 / 5 , Ach49, B S l 3
Pan3-5, Dall, Dal3, Moesl Latin and Greek Pan 1-2 Latin in Greek characters Pan 1-2, Dal2
Ach58-59 Ach24 Pan2 Crel-2 Ach52 AchSl Thr5 Ach26-39 Mac6-11 Thr3 Ach57 BS2-3 Ach47-50 Ach53 Ach60-69 Ach42^4 BS20-27 BS19 Pan3 Cre3 AchI-14 Ach54 Pan5 Moesl-2
Olbia Oropus Panticapaeum Peratovci Perinthus Phanagoria Pherae Philippi Philippopolis Phthiotic Thebes Piraeus Plataea Rheneia Rome Salonae Senia §ikl6s Solva Stobi Syros Taenarum Tanais Thessaloniki Uncertain
Latin
c. Provenance Aegina Almyros Aquincum Arcades Arcadia Argos Assenovgrad Athens Beroea Byzie Chalcis (Euboea) Chersonesus Corinth Coronea Delos Delphi Gorgippia Hermonassa Intercisa Kastelli K i s s a m o u Larissa Mantinea Mursa Oescus
BSl Ach45 BS4-16 Dall Thr4 BSl 7-18 Ach25 Mac 12 Thrl-2 Achl5-23 Ach40-41 Ach46 Ach70-71 Ach75 Dal3^ Dal2 Pan4 Panl Mac 1-5 Ach72-74 Ach55-56 BS28 Macl3-18 Dal5
//. Personal names a. N a m e s (in Latin alphabetical order; s e e VId for names o f rulers) Abraham: 'APpaiiTjov) Achilles: 'AxtA.A.e'bq Achyrius: 'Ax^pioq Actia Aeschylus: Aiax^Xov A g a t h . . . : AyaGf - - ] A g a t h o c l e s : 'Aya0OKX.fiq A g o n : 'AycDvoq Alexander: 'AXe|av8pO(; 'A?i.e|dv8pot)
Mac 16 BSl* Macl Pan4 Ach45* BSIO Ach65 Ach42* Mac7 Ach5, Achl6?
A m m i a : 'A)X)xia
Ach26, Ach35 Amyntas: 'Anuvxaq Ach42*, Ach43* Ach43* 'An'Ovxa Ananias: ' A v a v i o v Ach33 Anastasius: A v e a x a a i o Pan2 Andromache: 'AvSpo^ctxri? A c h 5 5 Anna: "Avvgc Macl 5 "Avvaq Achl 7 "Avva[(;?] Ach49 A n o s : "Avoq BS18
Index
Anticharmus: ' A v T i x d p n o o Antigone: ' A v x i y o v a Antiochus: 'Avxi6x[ow) A p o l l o n i u s : 'AnoA.X.(j)vioq ' AnoXXcovtoo
Ach45* Ach43 Ach31 MaclS Mac 1S
Archon: "Apxcov Ach43* Arescusa: 'ApeoKouaa Ach25 A r i s t . . . : Apiax[ - - ] BSIO Aristion: 'Apioxicov Ach42* Aristomachus: 'Apiaxopajcog A c h 4 2 * Ariston: 'Apiaxcov BS26* Arsa: Arsa[e] Dal 1 Artemidorus: 'Apxep.i5d)po\) A c h 6 6 , BSl*? Asandrus: " A a a v S p o q Ach42* Asteria: 'Aaxepia(; Ach24 Asyncrition:'AovvKpixlcp M a c l S Athenades: 'AetivdSriq Ach45* Athenaeus: 'Ae<Tiv>a[io\)] B S 2 2 Aeriveov Ach28 Athenodorus: 'AGrivoScopo^ A c h 4 5 * 'AeTivo8d)po\) BS22 Atisides: ' A x i a i S a q Ach43* Aurelius: At)p(f|Xio(;) Macll, MaclS, AchS3-S4, BS4 AupTiXioq AchS 1 A\)pTi<X>iovq Dal2 Bagias: B a y i o v BS26* Benjamin: B r i v e i a p i Pan2 Beviapfiq Mac 14, Ach27 Berenice: B[8pe?]veiKTi Cre2 Biottus: Bioxxoq Ach4S* Bothylis: BoBuXi BSl9 Boukolios(?): BO\)KOUO\)V Ach6 Callias: KaXXi[ag] Ach3 Callisthenia: [?KaXXiCTe]eveiaq BS23 Cassia: K a a a i e Panl Charinus: X a p i v o q Ach4S* Chreste: Xpf|axr| BSS Chrestion: Xpr|axia)v(o(;?) B S l l XprjCTxicovoq BS26 Chrysa: Xp\)CTa BS20 Claudius: KA,(av5io(;) Macl Cleodamus: KX,E-o5dpo\) Ach42*, Ach44
379 Cleon: KXetov
Ach42*, Ach43*, Ach44 C l e o p o : KXeovJtcb Ach? Cosmianus: K o a p i a v 6 ( ; Thrl Cosmius Pan3 Cyria: Qyriae Moesl Dates: Adxot) Ach41 * D e c i m u s : Ae[K]po\) Ach2S Decusanis(?): A t i K o o a a v i Pan2 Demetrius: Aiip,f|xpio(; Ach40 ATip.tixpiot) Ach40, BSl*? D e m o : Aiipd) Ach 1 Demosthenes: Aap,oa9eveoq A c h 4 3 * D i o m e d e s : Aiop.iii8ov(; Ach2S Dionysius: Aiov\)CTio\)q Dal2 AiovOaiov BSl 7 Dionysodorus: Aiov\)apvaKi(Dvo5 Philip: iX,in:a AchS Ach32, Philo: OiXtovoq Ach35 Philocrates: [iA.]oKpaxiiq A c h 4 4 Philotimus(?): [?oa6x]ei^oq B S 2 3 BS17 Phodacus: []65aKo^ Ach46* Phrynidas: Op[uvi5ai] Ach44 Pindarus: Iliv5dpo-o Polycharmus: IloX-uxappoi; M a c l , Mac3-4 rioX'Oxappov Macl Pontiana: Ilovxiavfiq Ach6 Mac5 Posidonia: IloaiSovia BS17 Pothon: IloBcovo^ BS20 Pothos: noGoq Pourthaius: no\)p6ai[oq] BSl* Ach6S Praulus: n p a o X o ( ; Ach43* Praxias: I l p a ^ t a BSIS Psycharion: ^Fvxapicov Ach57? Publius: rioTcUov Quintus / Quintas: Koivxa A c h 7 AchlO Koivxot) Thr3 Rebecca: 'PepeKa[(;] Pan4 Sabinilla Sambion: [r]appia)v BS25" BS26 Eappico[vo^] BS14 Samuel: SapofiA, BS12 ZapovrilXJo'u BS26 Saphasas: Zacpdgaq Ach4S Sarah: Z d p a q BSl* Satyrus: Z[dxopov] Ach 17 Saul: Zao\)A, Secundus(?): [?Secu]ndus Pan5 A c h 13 EeKoa)v5o(;
381 A c h 13 Ach3, A c h 12 Pan4 Septimia(?): Septimae Serapion: Zapanlcova Ach67 BS14 Severus: lepepo Shabbetai: TIDE? B S l 6a Simeon: Ziii[ea)?]v Ach33 BS16 E-opewv Simon: l e i p t o v BS15 Siricius: ZipiKio) Macl 7 Ach32 Socrates: LcoKpdxou Ach42 Sodamidas: Zco5ap,i8aq BS4 S o g o ( u ) s : ZoyotJ^ Zoyo^ BS4 Sophia: Zo(pia Cre3 Ach44 Sostratus: Zcbaxpaxoq BS20 Strabo: Zxpdptovoq Ach41* Symmachus: Z'onp.axoq Ach42*, Tarantinus: Tapdvxivoq Ach44 Ach42* Teison: Teiatov Mac7 Tertia: Tepxiaq Themison: 0e|iia Crel 0eo8d)po\) veto(xe)p(o-u) A c h 5 9 MacS Theodosius: 0 e o 8 o a i o ' u Mac 16 Theodote: 0Ea)86xri(; Ach20 Theodotus: 0eo86x(o Ach30 Theodula: 0eo8ov?i.a[(;] Ach3 Theophila: 0eo(pi?i,a Theophrastus: ©eixppaaxoq A c h 4 2 * Ach37 Thras...: © p a a [ - - ] Macl Tiberius: TiPepioq Macl TiPEpiov Ach44 T i m o c l e s : TipoKA-Tii; BS21 Timotheus: TEipoOEoq Achl Titianus: Tixiavov BS4 Valerius: O-oaA-Epioq Ach44 Xenocritus: SevoKpixoq Ach42* X e n o n : SEVCOV Ach42* SEVCOVOq Xenophania: EEvoipaveiai; A c h 4 2 * BSl* Z o b e i s : ZCOPEK; BSl* Zcbpei IeKox)v5o\) Seleucus: ZeXe'OKO'u
Index
382 Z o s a s : Zcoaaq Z o s i m u s : Ziaa\\ioc, ....ete: [ - - Jexiiq ....mus: [ - - ]\iox> ....nome: [ - - Jvcburi
Ach60 Ach8 Ach22 Ach21 BS24
.olia: [ - - JoXiaq .on: [ - - ]voq .onius: [ - - Jovioq .ter:
[ -
-
]Tiip
Ach48 Ach22 Ach41* Achl 4
b. Notable features of the names D o u b l e name (6 K a i ) M a c l , Mac 15, BS4 (oKe) Thrl,Thr2? (d) K a i ) Mac 14 ([T]6V KQti) BSl7 (xfi K a i ) Mac 15 (KXtiBeiq) BS4 N a m e introduced by ^ o v o ^ a 'BS20, BS24 &i ovop-a Ach42, Ach44 ai^ ovonaxa Ach43 Roman citizen name (duo/tria nomina) Pan4, D a l 2 , Thr5?, M a c l , Mac 12, Mac 15, A c h 5 1 , Ach53-54, BS4 Patronymic (father's name in gen.) Macll, Achl, A c h 3 ^ , Ach7-8, Ach9?, AchlO, Achl2-13, Achl5, A c h l 6 ? , Ach21?, Ach25, Ach27, Ach31-33, Ach35-36, Ach37?, Ach40, Ach41*, Ach42*, Ach43*, Ach44, Ach45*, Ach46,
Ach57, Ach66-67, Crel, BSl*, BS4, BS8, BS17, B S 1 9 21, BS22?, BS23, BS26 Patronymic ("son/daughter o f ) Dal4, M o e s l , Mac6-7, Ach6, Ach52, B S l 4 P' for patronymic BS 1 * Papponymic BS21 Metronymic Mac7, Ach55 H o m o n y m o u s parent and child Mac 18, A c h 3 - 4 , Achl3, Ach40 D e c e a s e d ' s name in nom. without verb D a l 2 , Mac 18, Achl, Ach3-4, Ach7-13, Achl4?, Achl5, Ach25-27, Ach31-36, Ach37?, Ach40, Ach52, Ach55, Cre3 D e c e a s e d ' s name in gen. without noun Ach5, Ach6? D e c e a s e d ' s name in vocative Ach57?, B S l 9 ?
///. Personal details a. Vocabulary of relationships Father: patiri Panl? (pi<X,>icopo\)v x p i o u v Tiaxep Dal2 7iaxp6 jtaxpoQ \iox> BS22 Mother: mater Pan4 xfi |x[T|xpt p,ot)?] BS6 xfiq M-Tixpoq Ach28, Ach68?
x a ^ [Hajxpoi; Ach42* Brother: [xm]v d5eX(pcov a v x e v Ach48 xmv ctSeX-ipcbv Ach68 Sister: [sjorori Dall d5eX\)ae
ovq [PaoiXe{)ovxo(; PaaiXecoq (piXoKaiaapoq K a i (piXopwpaiov, evCTePo^iq]
BS20 BSS BS22 BS21 BS2S" BS26 BS6
VII. Funerary formulae a. Life and death of the deceased Pan4 Dal2 MacS xpi[e]xot) (?) Crel excov Ach9 [exjdav SeKa ^fiaaCTa Kak&o, [exT| eiKoJai Dal4 Ktti eTtxd
A g e : quae vixit annis dv(vopovv)
Death: [xeXevjxTiaaaa Dal4 Murder: xovq 66A,a)i ( p o v e v o a v x a q T[ (pappaKexKTavxaq Ach70-71 e x / s a v x a q avxfi^ xo dvaixiov a t p a d5iKa)q Ach70-71
b. Provision of the tomb dedico: dedicavit pono: posuic ejiiYpd(poo: ETteypaii/a
Moesl Dall Mac7
KaxaaKem^co: KaxeCTKe xiq dvo^n xov xacpov, ha>(sr\ xfi dYi(oxa[xTi] avv7(o(Yfi) dp(Y 5 e xzic, xowxcv xov xdcpov dvopv^ri, Scbai xi dYioxdxti cvvaYtoYfi Swapicov p.\)pid5e(; SeKa si qu[is deajsciare voluerit habe[at ir]ata numina quot sibi fi[e]ri non v[oluit] facere non debet 'iva eYSiKfioiiq x6 atna x6 dvaixiov ^tixfioeiq, Kai xfiv xaxicjxriv i v a eKSiKfiatiq x6 a t ^ a x6 dvaixiov Kai xfiv xaxiaxtiv
Mac7 Mac 12 Mac 15 Ach23 Dal3 Dal3 Ach70 Ach71
e. T h e d e c e a s e d in the t o m b Manes: D ( i s ) M(anibus) [suo]s Manis colente[s] "Here lies": Keixe evGdSe Kixe
Pan4, Dall Dal3* Ach23 Dal4, Mac9, Ach75
evGa K(eixai) evGa xiQn xfig KeK\)^TmevT|(; evGe KaxdKixe evGa
BS14 BS16 Thr3 Thr4 Cre3 Repose: vjtep d[vaji]ai)aeto[(;] B S l 3
f. W i s h e s for / addressed to the deceased Farewell: x a i p e
Ach9?, Ach31?, BS19 Memory: veia(; x«Piv C r e l , Cre2? Hviaq x « P i v Macl5 [ivfiji.li 5iKea(; emva Cre3 Peace: epivT] [Kai] dv7ra'uai(; BS13
- ev ipfi[VTi - - ] ev [eipfivn 0e]oO
mSz?
Ach75 Dal4
BSl 3
Consolation: xdcpoi <e>K6(xcov) fi K(ai) d[eK6v]x(ov eni y%c, dvGp]d)JKov Ach23
g. A d d r e s s e d to the reader Farewell: [xai]poiq dvGpoajiov jte7t[v\)jj,ev]e o a x i q -ojidpxei VIII. Formulae
of
Achl
benefactions
a. V e r b s used for benefactions dvaxiGTiRi ( c f IXa): [dveGTiKav] BS27 dveGTiKev Thr5 dvaGeivai Ach45 dvaGevGa Ach66 ['Ajt6XA,(Dvi dveGrjKav?] Ach69
Sropov ( n o verb) Ach54 erciaKeDd^co: e[Jte]aKe'6aaav BSl KaxaoKevd^co: KaxaaKevdaavxa Ach66 Koaneco: eKoafiriaev Thrl P-ODCTeioco: eixoDacbGii A c h 5 9
Index
oiKoSopeo): oiKoSojifiaaq BS4 oiKo86jiT|aa AchS 8 jtoieo): ETtoiTiaev Thr2
391 TW noif|aavti Mac 17 aTEyd^o): axeydaaCvxEq] B S 1 restituo: [restituit] PanS
b. Circumstances, source and nature of benefaction Personal circumstances: 6 noXka anohy\\nr\oac, Kal dTtoaxaxfiaaq EXTi 5eKa £^ BS4 EV TCOXXoiq eX,i\|/Eiq YEVOJlEVOq BS4 atoGevxeq [EK |i,EydX,(ov KivlS-Ovtov BS27 atoGEiCTa zaxc, )iaxa yovaiKEia x p i a A c h 4 3 xpotpfi: liov xpocpfiq BS22
c. Terms and conditions of manumission Protection o f the ex-slave
ve7iiX.TiJtxov Kai ctTtapevoxXiixov CITCO 7tvx65 kXt1Pov6ho[v] [dvejtiXfiTtxotw; Kai dna]pavox^fiTQ[v)(; ctTto x' enoO Kai Tiajvxoq kX.tipoy6h.[ov OTtcoq e a x i v djtapevoxXrixoq Kai ctvejci^tiJixoq djto Ttavxoq kXtipovohov dve7ti^jtxoi, dveniKoXvxoi e(p' S fi ctveTtacpoq Kai dvejttipeaaxoq ctjco navxoq KX.r|pov[6)j.]ov e[(p'] wi wCTiv dve[ii]a(poi Kai dvejtTipeaaxoi dno Ttavxoq K^ripovonot) jiov e(p' © xe fi d[ve]7ta(poq Kai dveJiTipeaaxog Q;[^6] xe eno\) Kai icavxoq jio[v] KX-qpovop-ox) [dve7td(p]o\x; Kai dve7iTi[pedCTxo\)^ duo jtavxo^] KX.Tipovop.ov e' & 6t[ve7ia(poq fi Kai d]ve7tr|[peaCTXoq ditjo xefin[wvKai jtavjxoq KXttipovoixcolv fi|xw[v] dvejtiKa)^t)xa)(; ecp' &ixe eXevBepov eijiev Kai dvfe(pa7txov dno jidvxtov xon jidvxa piov e(p' &ixe eX,ev ox;] eXevBepov ovxa K a l 6 Pepaioxfip pepaiovxco x d v w v d v xwi [Bejcbi [x]pejtea<e>ai a v x o v bnoM a v Por)X,Tj[x]cxi xp[e]7tea[9]ai xe a-uxovx; [6ji]ot) d v PovXcavxai e t v [ a i a\)xoiq xpeTteaBai dvjeTciKwX'Oxax; d v [ e v Ttdariq dp(pia]PT|XT|aeoq [Kal xpejcecBai a\)xol)(;] x' e^ouoicoq [oito-o d v PovXcovxai] [bnoM d ] v yr[C, p o o X o v x a i 5ie^eA,0eiv eXev)9epo[(;] djtixco M o a x o q o v d v a v x o q po{)XT|xai Koiecov 6 Ka 6eX,T|i [ejtl jtapap]ovfj pexpi xfjq ^o)^[(; p o v - - ] 7tapaneivd[xa)] 5 e 'Ap\)vxa(; j i a p d 'Iov5ai[o]v, ecaq Ka ^fj 'Iov5aiO(;, Ttoiewv xo j t o x i x a a a o p e v o v jidv xo 8v[va]x6v ei 8 e pfi, KVpioq eaxoa 'lovSaUojq [eicilxipecov 'Ap\)vxai (be, Ka (paivT|xai avxcbi jtXdp pf| [ i r a p a p e v e i v e v i a v ] x o v K a l e i v a i eXevOepov pTi[Gevl pii6]ev JipoariKOvxa xeXevxfiffavxoq p o v 7toif| e a j r o x e i a v Macl 8fip,0(;: 6 5fip,o(; Ach38*-39* xcoi 5fiii[coi Ach?4* 5id Macl eyd) Mac? ep.e Macl Hoi Macl eiq Ach38* Ach2 eX,avva): eX,dea9e
Mac 15 Macl Ach45 M a c l , Ach2 Ach56 Ach45
Macl, Mac?, A c h l - 2 , Ach?, Ach69
Index
ev Ach45 e ^ o v a i a : xfjv e ^ o v a i a v M a c l eni Ach42, A c h 7 0 71 e n i y p a n i x a : [xo] e n i y p a p u a Ach2 evGu: Ach2 ecptipoq: ecpTiPoi Ach53* Macl ejcw: e x e i v eiaa(Bxii(;: [oi 6iaoto]xa[i] A c h 4 1 * Kaxd: KaG' Ach45 KE for Kai: Macl7, Ach6, Ach20, Ach28, A c h 7 2 , Cre3 p^v Macl pexd AchSl, BS23 poxGoq: poxGtov AchSl vvv Ach69 6 5 e : xo[iCT8e Ach42 oveco: 6v[ri]ae Ach2 Macl a Ach4S ov AchS6 xo AchSl Ach2 oaoq: o a o o i o-oSev Ach2
395 o'uxoq: xoOxtp Mac 12 ot)X(oq: oiixto Macl ndq: Jidvxa BS6 navxoq Macl ndvx(ov Macl ndaav Macl noieo): jtoieiaGai Macl noXoc;: KoXk&\ AchSl npoq Ach4S npoaoSeooo: npoao8e'6G AchSS n p o a x d a a t o : npoaxd^avxoq A c h 4 S axe(pav6co: eoxecpdvcoaav A c h 4 1 * axf|Xr|i Ach4S CT-Ov Macl, BS21, BS2S auvxdaaco: a\)vexa^e Ach4S ct)v8oKeto: a\)ve8o4ev M a c l xipf|: xf|v xipf|v AchSl •ono: BS4 •on' AchS3* (p-uXdaacoC?): [
