Liber Eliensis

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I owe my acquaintance with the Liber Eliensis to Professor Dom David Knowles and Mr E. Miller, who suggested an edition of its third book as a suitable subject for a doctoral dissertation. When this was almost ready for publication in 1952, Professor D. Whitelock regrettably found herself unable to continue her projected edition for the Royal Historical Society of Books I and II, and I am grateful to her for asking the Society to transfer the editorship to me, and to the Society for inviting me to produce an edition of the Liber Eliensis complete. For enabling me to undertake this work my thanks are due primarily to the Master and Fellows of St John's College, Cambridge, also to the Universities of London and Southampton for appointing me respectively to a Research Fellowship at the Institute of Historical Research and to a Tutorial Fellowship, and no less to the owners and custodians of the manuscripts used in this edition, especially the Master and Fellows of Trinity College, Cambridge, and the Dean and Chapter of Ely. I have received valuable instruction and advice from Professor Francis Wormald, Professor H. A. Cronne, Dr G. R. C. Davis, Dr P. Chaplais, and Mr A. E. Douglas. Mr E. Miller has made available to me his extensive knowledge of unprinted material concerning Ely and my debt to him is greater even than is measured by the number of times that reference is made in the footnotes to his book, The Abbey and Bishopric of Ely. My greatest debt is to Professor D. Whitelock, and it is not owed solely for the Foreword which she has contributed and without which this edition would be very much the poorer. The information drawn from charters of the Anglo-Saxon period, where it is not specifically cited as drawn from secondary sources, including her Anglo-Saxon Wills, and the comments on the diplomatic of the charters of this period which are included in this edition, are based on her research and judgement. Her knowledge of these and other sources of Old English History has saved me from a number of errors, particularly of dating, and her careful scrutiny of the text of Books I and II has been a most valuable check on its accuracy. I am deeply conscious that she has been more generous to me in dispensing both her time and learning than anyone has the right to hope. For any errors which may remain I am of course alone responsible. I am also greatly indebted to the University of Southampton for a generous grant towards the publication of this volume. E. O. BLAKE SOUTHAMPTON

November

CONTENTS PAGE

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F O R E W O R D L I S T

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O F A B B R E V I A T I O N S

I N T R O D U C T I O N .

L I B E R

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E L I E N S I S

Prologus de historia Eliensis insule D e situ Elyensis insule Liber primus

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Liber secundus .

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Liber tertius

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A P P E N D I C E S

Appendix A: Libellus quorundam insignium

operum beati Mdelwoldi episcopi

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Appendix B : E x t r a c t s from the Book of Miracles in Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Domitian xv

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Appendix C: The litigation of E l y Cathedral Priory, 1150-69

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Appendix D : Some comments on Book I I of the Liber Eliensis .

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Appendix E : The activities of Bishop Nigel of Ely between 1139 and 1144

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Appendix F : The Passio of St Thomas Becket .

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GENERAL INDEX

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FOREWORD The Liber Eliensis is unique among post-Conquest monastic histories in the extensive use it makes in Book II of vernacular documents. This makes it an important source for the history in pre-Conquest times of an area of England for which evidence is not plentiful. It is therefore desirable to say a few words on the nature of the documents used and on the various types of information they afford the historian. Book II can be divided into two sections, the first, extending to chapter 49, consisting of a version, with a few additions, of an earlier extant work, the Libellus quorundam insignium operum beati Mthelwoldi episcopi, which was translated from a vernacular source between 1109 and 1131 *; and the second, the remainder of the book, in which the author uses among other sources vernacular documents preserved in the archives of his house. The Libellus portion is much the more interesting. The sources available to the compiler of the Libellus probably included a list of the acquisitions made in the time of Bishop iEthelwold, very similar to one concerning his other foundation, Peterborough, which has survived 2. One may, for example, compare the building up of the estate of Ashton by Abbot Ealdulf of Peterborough by the purchase of a mill from one man, a hide of land from another, twenty acres in wood and field from a third, and one and a half hides from a fourth, with the similar series of transactions which created the Ely estate of Hill and Haddenham in ch. 16 3 or of Wilburton in ch. 17. Like the Peterborough list, the Ely record normally included the name of the place where the transaction was performed, and the names of the sureties at the sale and of the witnesses to the delivery of the purchase money. Some lands reached the respective abbeys by forfeiture; Castor was given to Peterborough by Osgot ' for the outlawry when he slew Styrcyr ', and Yelling was forfeited to Ely by Wulfwine Cocus and his wife (ch. 7). There are similarities in phraseology: the extremum denarium of ch. 34 is pane latestan penign of the Peterborough list 4, and placitum . . . apud Walmesford in octo hundretis (ch. 11) translates sehte hundred gemote &t Wylmesforda 5. A comparison of the records suggests that vades renders either Old Norse festermen or its English equivalent borh or borhhand, which is also translated fidejussores, and that prwdium represents toft. Much litigation over the Ely lands arose after the death of Edgar. The accounts of these suits are obviously based on records similar to some that have survived from other churches. A good idea of the type of record available to the author of the Libellus may be formed from a Rochester document, Robertson, no. XLI, which gives a complicated history of an estate and includes the making of a death-bed will, 1 2

See infra, pp. xxxiv, li-liii. In Society of Antiquaries, MS. 60. It is best edited in A. J. Robertson, Anglo-Saxon Charters (henceforward cited as Robertson), nos. XXXIX and XL. Cf. also no. XXXVII, a deed 3of exchange from the same source. Chapter references refer to those of Book II. 4 6 Robertson, p. 78, 1. 21. Robertson, p. 76, 1. 8 f. ix

x FOREWORD as in ch. n ; or no. LIX, also from Rochester, where, as in so many Ely eases, arrangements made in Edgar's reign were set aside after his death. It is a feature of some such documents to include direct speech l, and so the speeches in cc. 10, n , 18 and 19 may be derived from the sources. Their similarity to records preserved in other collections goes a long way towards establishing the authenticity of the Ely accounts of litigation 2. Moreover, these give much circumstantial detail. A later writer would hardly have bothered to tell us that among the stolen goods in ch. 32 there was a dagger decorated with gold and silver; or that a gift of forty shillings and a horse was made to Wulfnoth in ch. 25, not only because he had worked hard to establish Ely's title to land, but also because he was about to cross the sea in his lord's service; or that the final payment for Swaffham was handed over wrapped in a glove (ch. 34). Detailed arrangements concerning the exchange of stock are often given, which would be pointless in a later fabrication. Some of the facts stated can be confirmed, e.g. that King Edgar had been left Marsworth by .ZElfgifu, and that Bishop iEthelwold translated the Rule of St Benedict 3 ; and many persons mentioned—and not only great magnates—appear in other records. The author of the Libellus seems to have been faithful to his sources. Had he been inclined to alter them, he would surely not have left the priest Athelstan unpunished by divine vengeance when he broke an oath sworn over St Etheldreda's body (ch. 32 f.); and he might have deleted the reference in ch. 12 to a hundred-court held by Ealdorman TEthelwine at Ely, within the cemetery at the north door of the monastery, at a date after Edgar's death. Before Ely was refounded, Wulfstan of Dalham had held a court there, but the abbey claimed that Edgar had given them by his foundation charter the soke of the two hundreds 4 within the Isle . Laws and charters sometimes corroborate the accounts of legal proceedings 5, and thus allow us to accept with confidence the additional evidence for Anglo-Saxon law which the Ely accounts contain. After the Libellus has ended, the author of the Liber Eliensis uses, among other sources and traditions, some vernacular documents in the archives of his church. The Ely copies have not survived, but Bury St Edmund's has preserved a parchment with the wills of iEthelfleed and her sister iElfflaed, widow of Ealdorman Brihtnoth 6. The information in ch. 63 about the gifts of iElfflaed could come from this document, with the addition from local knowledge that she gave a tapestry depicting the deeds of her husband; but the account of her sister's bequests in ch. 64 must come from a lost agreement with Abbot 7iElfsige, later than the will. Westminster has preserved the will of ^Elfhelm (ch. 73) . The other documents available to the author of the Liber Eliensis are lost 8, but his summaries have so much in common with extant wills that the genuineness need not be called in question. They include wills of 1

Cf. Robertson, no. XLIV (from Westminster), or no. LXXVIII (from Hereford). Post-Conquest writers at other houses, such as Ramsey and Thorney, had access to lost records of this type. 3 See cc. 37 and 47. 4 See E. Miller, in The Victoria County History of the County of Cambridge and the Isle of Ely, iv (1953), p. 5. Mr Miller, however, does not share my suspicions of the Edgar privilege. 6 See pp. xiii-xvi, infra. • D. Whitelock, Anglo-Saxon Wills, nos. XIV, XV. 7 8 Ibid., no. XIII. See cc. 59-62, 65-70, 81, 83, 88 and 89. 2

FOREWORD xi Ealdorman Brihtnoth and his descendants 1. To these may be added the will of his great-grandson,2 Thurstan, which comes from Bury and was apparently unknown to the Ely writer . It shows that the abbey did not always obtain, or at least retain, all the estates left to it. This may be because later agreements were made with the testators' kin, for no complaint of usurpation is made. Yet the apparent freedom from litigation during this later period may be delusive; records of suits may not have been so carefully kept after Bishop iEthelwold's time. As it can thus be established that a number of contemporary documents underlie the Liber Eliensis, this becomes a source of outstanding value for tenth-century history, since it supplies much important evidence. First one should put the light it sheds in ch. 25 on Edward the Elder's methods in reconquering the eastern Danelaw 3. For the claim of the sons of Boga that Bluntisham, Huntingdonshire, ought to have belonged to their uncle Tope, because his grandmother had gone to King Edward at Cambridge at the time when Earl Toli had obtained the province of Huntingdon, implies that lands were forfeited to the king unless their owners made their submission to him; so we can see the full meaning of phrases in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle such as ' many people who were under the rule of the Danes submitted to him.4 ' The old men who remembered the time when Earl Toli was killed at Tempsford declared this claim to be nonsense, for Edward had subdued Huntingdon before ever he came to Cambridge. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle proves that they were right 5 . Tope's grandmother may have been one of ' the here which belonged to Cambridge' which chose Edward ' specially as its lord and protector' 6, but this submission would have been too late to save her Huntingdonshire land. This suit supplies a good instance of the length of time that could be covered by the memory of witnesses. Old men soon after 975 give an accurate account of events of 917. As one would expect from the use of here in connexion with Cambridge in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, the Liber Eliensis shows that there was a strong Danish element in the population of this area. Appe, Bondo, Clac, Grim, Haward, Ingulf, One, Osebern, Othulf, Scule, Sumerlede, Thorth, Thurverth, Toli, Tope, Uvi or Uva, and Ulf all bear Scandinavian names, while Oslac, Osmund and Siferth are as likely to be anglicised forms of Scandinavian names as to be of native origin. As in the Peterborough list, many of the persons who occur as vendors or witnesses appear to be small landowners, and the existence of a large class of such men with power of alienating their holdings is characteristic of other parts of the Danelaw. Welcome additions are made to our knowledge of the church in eastern England before the monastic revival. Ch. 32 speaks of a monastery ' of royal dignity' at Horningsea with a number of clerics under a priest Cenwold at the time of the Danish settlement 7, which appears to have had a continuous history, to have attracted the gifts of Danish converts, and to have been regarded as a hereditary property 1 3

2 Cc. 62, 67, 88 and 89. D. Whitelock, op. cit., no. XXXI. This was pointed out by F. M. Stenton,' The Foundations of English History ', Transactions of the4 Roy. Hist. Soc, 4th series, ix (1926), p. 168 f. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle MS. A, s.a. 912 (C, D, 913) and MS. A, s.a. 920. 6 Id., MS. A, s.a. 920 (correct date 917). 6 Id., MS. A, s.a. 920. Here ' army ' is used in the sense of Danish settlers. 7 See D. Whitelock, ' The Conversion of the Eastern Danelaw', Saga-Book of the Viking Society, xii (1941), pp. 159-76.

xii FOREWORD by the priest, Herulf, to whom King Athelstan gave it. When it was bought by Bishop iEthelwold from King Edgar, the bishop had a long struggle to recover land then held by a kinsman of the priest Cenwold, as well as other land which the priest Athelstan, kinsman of Herulf, claimed as his own. As for Ely itself, though the Lives of St iEthelwold written, at a distance, by Winchester men, say that it was deserted and regalifiscodeditus (a phrase used also in the suspicious Edgar privilege) when Bishop Jjthelwold placed monks there, cc. 18 and 24 show that there was a land-holding community there long before this time. The author of Liber Eliensis wishes to establish this more clearly: he adds, to a chapter taken from the Libellus, that iEthelwold expelled clerics, perhaps an assumption from the same bishop's behaviour at Winchester. We have no means of knowing whether his statement in Book I, ch. 41, that eight clerics returned after the Danes had destroyed the abbey, is Ely tradition or the author's invention. King Eadred's charter in ch. 28 would prove that there was a community at Ely before its refoundation, if there were not reasons to suspect that it was originally a grant to Wulfstan, emended later into a direct gift to the abbey. The career of another figure in the 1monastic revival, Thurketel of Crowland, can be reconstructed from cc. 22 and 31 . The Libellus gives a clear, though not attractive, picture of Bishop iEthelwold, and is also one of the main sources relating to the reaction, on Edgar's death, to his policy of enriching the monasteries. This subject has been much discussed, most recently by Mr D. J. V. Fisher 2, who calls attention to the impression this work gives that Bishop Jjthelwold and Abbot Brihtnoth were hard business-men. We find, for example, a man asserting that he was forced to sell an estate to prevent the abbot claiming his wife and sons as innati3 of an Ely estate (ch. 10), and in this and some other suits the abbot added to the original purchase price after he had won his suit, doing so once at the ealdorman's request (ch. 11a). Public opinion was against the abbey in ch. 35. Yet the justice of the Ely case was often admitted in the courts, and it is likely enough that some of their opponents had seized the opportunity afforded by political disturbances to press dubious claims. One suit (ch. 11) has more than a local interest, and it takes us back to the time when the reaction was at its height and the monasteries were seriously threatened. For Leofsige's refusal to keep after Edgar's death terms made with Ely is only a small part of his attack on Bishop iEthelwold's foundations. He seized from Peterborough the estates of Peterborough, Oundle and Kettering, and his success would have meant the extinction of this monastery. At an assembly at London he was ordered to restore them and to pay to the bishop his mund and his own wergild to the king, a sentence confirmed by the shire-court of Northampton. But meanwhile, he ' perished shamefully and miserably' by divine vengeance. The meaning of this vague remark is shown by the Life of St Oswald4, if, as seems highly probable, Leofsige is to be identified with a man who tried to appropriate Peterborough lands, and who was killed by the orders of iElfwold, Ealdorman ^Ethelwine's brother, after a council in which these two brothers defended the cause of monks, with the help of 1 2

Saga-Book of the Viking Society, p. 174 f. ' The Anti-Monastic Reaction in 3the Reign of Edward the Martyr ', Cambridge Historical Journal, x (1952), pp. 254-70. This no doubt translates the Old English inbyrde. 1 Ed. J. Raine, Historians of the Church of York, i, p. 446.

FOREWORD xiii Ealdorman Brihtnoth. .Elfwold, after this crime, came to Winchester, and approached Bishop iEthelwold barefoot as a penitent, but iEthelwold ordered him to be met with a procession bearing the gospels, holy water and the Cross, incense and thuribles, and candelabra with candles, and greeted him as a soldier of Christ, a leader and defender of the church. Nevertheless, it is understandable that the account composed at Ely, when the monasteries were no longer in grave danger, should wish to avoid too clear a reference to this deed of violence. Nor is it surprising that the bishop should remit to Leofsige's widow the emendation for her husband's seizure1 of the lands, although a court held at Wansford had adjudged her liable to pay it . As regards the administration of the area, we find Cambridgeshire and Northamptonshire in the jurisdiction of iEthelwine, ealdorman of East Anglia 2, and Huntingdonshire in that of Brihtnoth, who, in his later years at any rate, was ealdorman of Essex. The court which he held at his own estate of Ditton, Cambridgeshire (ch. 33), was probably a private one; he had a personal concern in the suit, and the decisions reached at Ditton were repeated at a meeting in Cambridge, the nature of 3which is unspecified. The ealdorman presides over meetings of groups of hundreds as well as at the shire-meeting. In his absence, Wulfstan of Dalham presides at Cambridgeshire meetings and also attends a meeting of the three hundreds in which Kelling, Norfolk, lies (ch. 48) i. It is probably this Wulfstan to whom the title sequipedus, a variant of ftedisequus, is given in Eadred's charter (ch. 28). This title, which describes a man in close personal relations to the king, fits well the man who was sent by King Edgar to make the clerics at Winchester ' by the royal authority ' give way to the bishop 5. It reminds one of the references in Gepyncdo 3 to the thegn who ' served the king and rode in his hired on his missions ', and perhaps of that in II Cnut 71.3, 4, to the king's thegn among the Danes, who ' has a more intimate relation with the king '. Among other thegns who ride on the king's missions may be noted iElfheah Stybb and Brihtnoth, Odda's son, who came to the assembly at Thunderfield at King Athelstan's command6; or Leofstan, son of iElfwold, and iEthelnoth, son of Wigstan, who were sent by King iEthelred on a mission to Richard of Normandy'; or Ton the Proud, who attended a Herefordshire shire-meeting on King Cnut's business 8. None of these persons is given any title. Even if Wulfstan 1 Cf. Robertson, no. LIX, where a widow's property is declared forfeit because of a theft of title-deeds by her husband, who died during the process of the suit. 8 He and the king's reeve Eadric preside at a meeting at Wellingborough, Northants., in Historia Ramesiensis, ed. W. D. Macray, p. 79. 3 On these, see H. M. Cam, ' Early Groups of Hundreds ', in Liberties and Communities in Medieval England. In the Liber Eliensis, II, ch. 12, the ealdorman presides at the meeting of a single hundred. 4 If Berlea in ch. 34 is Barley, Herts., and the Wulfstan who was reeve when it was forfeited is Wulfstan of Dalham, the latter must have held office in this county also. 6 jElfric in his Vita S. JEthelwoldi (Chronicon monasterii de Abingdon, ed. J. Stevenson, ii (R.S.), p. 260) calls him quendam ministrorum suorum famosissimum, XJulfstanum vocabulo. The 6Life by Wulfstan adds that he was ' of Dalham '. VI Athelstan, 10. 7 W. Stubbs, Memorials ofSt Dunstan, p. 397 f.; translated by D. Whitelock, English Historical Documents c. 500-1042, no. 230. 8 Robertson, No. LXXVIII; D. Whitelock, op. cit., no. 135.

xiv FOREWORD of Dalham is the reeve mentioned in ch. 34, he is certainly more than the reeve of a single royal estate 1. Perhaps the title ' high-reeve ', which, apart from its use in Northumbria, occurs occasionally from the second half of the tenth century, applied to persons in his position 2. Other persons besides the above mentioned ealdormen are given the title comes, i.e. ealdorman or earl. Toli (ch. 25) is the Earl Toglos of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, and comes Oslac (ch. 32) may be the well-known ealdorman of Northumbria 3. Sons of comes Hereric held land in Downham, Cambridgeshire (ch. 11) and comes Scule is named as a former owner of the Suffolk estates of Brandon and Livermere (ch. 36) and Sudbourne (ch. 37), to which six hundreds were attached (ch. 41). Scule signs among the duces in several charters between 931 and 935, and between c. 946 and 949 4, a date which fits the Ely evidence, for the estates he sold at Brandon and Livermere were later bequeathed to Wulfstan of Dalham and given by him to Wihtgar many years before he died (ch. 35). Scule would then be a contemporary of Ealdorman Athelstan, ^Ethelwine's father, and Hereric, who was dead when Bishop iEthelwold treated with his sons, may belong to the same period. Charters from Northumbria show that that province had earls contemporary with those named in historical records, perhaps holding areas subordinate to the great ealdormen 5, and a similar state of things may have existed in the eastern Danelaw, with Hereric and Scule as subordinate earls6. Scule's area of jurisdiction may have been the six hundreds attached to the estate of Sudbourne. Some additions are made to our knowledge of the law relating to land, a subject about which the laws tell us little. While important people make arrangements about land when they attend a meeting of the witan ', or assemble for the dedication of a church (ch. 30), the normal practice was to make agreements and pay purchase money before the court of the hundred or group of hundreds, or before the boroughcourt of Cambridge (ch. 26) or the shire-court. One transaction at Cambridge (ch. 11) takes place first before 24 indices, then before ' legal witnesses ', and these indices (no doubt a translation of lagamen) 8 appear again in a law-suit in ch. 24. 1 He witnesses a Kentish document, Robertson, no. LIX, but I doubt whether this justifies our identifying him with the reeve of this name who acts in Kent in this text. Wulfstan was a common name. a It glosses preses in the mid-tenth-century glosses in Cleopatra A. iii, and legatus in ^Elfric's Glossary. It is applied to Kola who fought in Devon in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 1001 A, and to vEfic, killed by Ealdorman Leofsige in 1002. King Ethelred speaks in a charter (K.C.D., no. 719) of ' iEfic whom I considered the chief among my chief men '. s See D. Whitelock, ' The Dealings of the Kings of England with Northumbria in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries ', The Anglo-Saxons. Studies in some Aspects of their History and Culture presented to Bruce Dickins, ed. P. Clemoes, p. 78. 1 The long gap does not necessarily mean that two persons are involved, for few witness lists 6after 935 include signatories from Danelaw areas. See the article cited supra, loc. cit. ' The Peterborough document, Robertson, no. XL, p. 78, 1. 10, mentions Ulf eorles suna. Miss Robertson suggests that eorl is here used as a personal name, but it seems to me more probable that it refers to an earl in a similar position to Hereric and Scule. ' At Slaughter (ch. 7), Taunton (ch. 25), London (ch. 35), or Kingston (ch. 49). 8 On these, see e.g. F. Liebermann, Die Gesetze der A ngelsachsen, ii: Glossar, s.v. lagamen; F. M. Stenton, in The Lincolnshire Domesday and the Lindsey Survey, ed. C. W. Foster and T. L. Longley, pp. xxix-xxx.

FOREWORD xv Litigation is dealt with before the hundred, group of hundreds, or shire, in which the disputed land lay. An apparent exception, where the suit concerning Stretham, Cambridgeshire, comes before the shire-meeting at Hertford, can be explained by its also concerning the status of the claimant's wife and sons, said to be innati of the Ely estate of Hatfield, Hertfordshire (ch. 10). An appeal to a higher court when the defendant, after frequent summons, failed to appear at the meeting civium et hundretanorum held by Ealdorman iEthelwine at Ely, is mentioned in ch. 24. The suit was then taken to a grande placitum under the same ealdorman at Cambridge 1. The usurpation of Peterborough lands by Leofsige (ch. 11) was so serious a matter that it first came to a. generate placitum at London, but within eight days the judgement was confirmed at the shire-court at Northampton. An interesting case occurs in ch. n a where one of the parties in a suit concerning Chippenham, Cambridgeshire, appealed to his lord, ^Elfwold, brother of Ealdorman iEthelwine, with the result that the two brothers and all the chief men of East Anglia and Cambridge came first to Freckenham 2, which adjoins Chippenham, perhaps to investigate the facts on the spot, before going on to Hinton (Hall), where three hundreds were assembled. The proceres of East Anglia are again met with attending a meeting outside their own province, that of the eight hundreds of Wansford, Northamptonshire (ch. 11). Were they there merely as the personal following of Ealdorman iEthelwine, or is it significant that the case being tried was the liability of the widow of Leofsige, the man for whose death the ealdorman's brother jElfwold was responsible? Some of the judgements given in the courts deserve comment. The offence of claiming land after a man's death when no claim was brought in his lifetime, for which3 Uvi is sentenced in ch. 18 to pay four marks, is mentioned several times in the laws , but without the penalty being stated. Four marks, if silver is meant—and this is what marks mean elsewhere in the Libellus 4—is an unusual fine, for it differs from the fines expressed in5 ores or marks in the laws in having no direct relation to the ' hundred of silver ' , being the unlikely fraction of four-fifteenths. If gold were meant, it would be the same as the eight half-marks of gold laid down in the treaty of Alfred and Guthrum as the highest wergild, but this offence can hardly have involved so heavy a penalty as wergild. Perhaps the penalty varied with the extent of the estates involved in the claim. Another illegal claim is mentioned in ch. 30, where Ealdorman iEthelwine refuses to defend his possession of land because when he bought it no opposition, claim, contradiction or prohibition had been made by lord or kin 6. The correct procedure is shown in ch. 11a, where two 1 II Cnut, 19, 19.1, allow a plaintiff to go to the shire-court after three unsuccessful appeals in the8 hundred court. Freckenham is just across the border in Suffolk, but Picot, sheriff of Cambridgeshire, took action there and assumed that some part of it was terra regis. See R. Lennard, Rural England 1086-113$, p. 144, n. 2; p. 150, n. 1. 3 III iEthelred, 14; V ^Ethelred, 3.2; II Cnut, 72, 72.1. Becwsed, 3.1, gives the formula used by the heir when replying to such a claim. 4 In ch. 25 a horse worth three marks is mentioned. This can only mean silver. A horse worth5 three marks of gold is inconceivable. I.e. a long hundred of ores of silver reckoned at 16 pence to the ore. 6 In Robertson, no. LXXXIII, land is said to have been bought ' unopposed and uncontested '. Cf. the formula unbryde 7 unforboden, Becwsed, 2.

xvi FOREWORD men come forward at a sale and forbid the seller to sell and the abbot to buy 75 acres of the land offered for sale. There are also a couple of general statements on the laws governing suits concerning land. One is in ch. 34, after it has been established in court that an estate was bought by Wulfstan. Any further claim must be directed against Wulfstan's heirs, ' for the land was now in the fourth hand 1, but even if it were in the third or second hand, they would have to do likewise.' The second is the judgement given in ch. 25: propior erat Me, ut tenant haberet, qui cyrographum habebat quam qui non

habebat. That this truly represents Anglo-Saxon practice is clear from charters 2, and it explains Bishop iEthelwold's anxiety when he had failed to get the title-deeds with Hauxton and Newton (ch. 27), because the transfer was not completed when King Edgar died. There are references to criminal law also, the most important being the Horningsea suit (ch. 32), with its vivid detail of the tracing of stolen goods to the locked chests of the old priest Herulf, where they had been put by his kinsman the priest Athelstan. The latter was seized and brought to the bishop of the diocese 3. But Herulf used the treasures of his church to redeem his kinsman from the bishop, that he might not suffer death or degradation, and to make a gift to the reeve, so as not to lose his monastery. This misappropriation of church treasure was then used later on by Bishop iEthelwold as a handle to try to get Athelstan to relinquish an estate, but Athelstan commended himself to Wulfstan, giving him the disputed land at his own price, and the bishop could do nothing while Wulfstan lived 4. After his death, Athelstan obtained other backing, and an agreement was reached, the bishop dropping the accusation of theft of church goods, and Athelstan relinquishing the estate and swearing on the altar and over the body of St Etheldreda never to renew the claim, an oath which he broke, with impunity, after Edgar's death. Again, by gifts, he secured supporters, and the matter ended in compromise. Perhaps no recorded law-suit exceeds this one 6in interest5 except the case of Helmstan, recorded in a letter to Edward the Elder , which bears a strong likeness to this one, for Helmstan, as a defendant in a land-suit, is in a difficult position because of a previous theft, and he secures the support of a powerful protector by giving him the titledeeds of the disputed land, retaining only the use of it for his lifetime. Space does not allow the discussion of all the matters of legal interest, such as the statement in ch. 26 that sureties for a sale of land were unnecessary when it took place in Cambridge, Norwich, Thetford, or Ipswich; or that in ch. 24, that the goods of men who had usurped and used land belonging to Ely, and been declared 1 2

I.e. Wulfstan—yEthelwine—the king—Bishop ^thelwold. See e.g. Robertson, no. LXIX, and F. E. Harmer, Select English Historical Documents of the Ninth and Tenth Centuries, no. XXIII. In the latter, Eadgifu retains the title-deeds when restoring a man's estates, to ensure his loyalty. Retaining the deeds, she could easily recover the estates. 3 In VIII .ZEthelred, 27, a priest who is an accessory of thieves is to lose his orders, unless he make amends both to God and men as the bishop shall prescribe. 4 The bishop's inability to take action against Wulfstan suggests that this is the powerful thegn6 Wulfstan of Dalham, though he is usually depicted as a friend of the abbey. It supplies some information on the early-tenth-century church, on which see p. xif., supra. 6 Harmer, op. cit., no. XVIII, translated by D. Whitelock, English Historical Documents c. 500-1042, no. 102.

FOREWORD xvii liable to pay twofold damages to the abbot and a fine to the king, could be forcibly seized if they did not pay; or the appointment by a court of a commission to go round an estate, taking the abbot with them (ch. 24); or the measuring of land whose extent was disputed by men chosen by both parties (ch. 11a); or the representation of one of the women vendors of an estate by her small son and his advocates (ch. 10). Nor can one call attention to all the topics of more general interest, such as the information that Ealdorman Athelstan ' Half-king ' had had patrimony in Devon, which he exchanged for the estate of Hatfield which his sons claimed to have been wrongly seized by King Edgar (ch. 7); or that Irish traders visited Cambridge, where a priest stole a cloak from them (ch. 32). The documents used in the later part of Book II supply among other things a reference to the doing of orphrey work by a noble lady and her women (ch. 88), and one to an opinion that the ownership of 40 hides of land was necessary before a man, though nobilis {i.e. with a thegn's wergild) could rank among the proceres (ch. 97). The presence of a Greek bishop in England in the mid-tenth century should not pass unnoticed (ch. 2), though it is not clear that this evidence is drawn from the vernacular documents we have been considering. Finally, the Libellus has an interest for numismatists. It establishes beyond doubt that twenty shillings are reckoned to the pound 1, and thus shows the use of a twelve-penny shilling in this part of England. This is often considered to be a post-Conquest introduction, but already in i o n Byrhtferth of Ramsey declares:2 ' There are twenty shillings in a pound, and twelve times twenty pence is a pound.' Many amounts are expressed in aurei, and cc. 10, 17 and 27 make it clear that payment in gold is meant, while a comparison of ch. 8 with ch. 10 gives the equation 100 aureis equals 100 tripodiis auri. On general grounds, one would expect aureus to be translating mancus 3, the normal term used to express amounts in gold, for this is used in the Peterborough memoranda, as well as in a document from Ely 4 and in the Liber Eliensis itself when this is not based on the Libellus. Aureus can hardly be a translation of ora, for an ore of gold would make the prices paid for land far too high in comparison with those expressed in pounds and shillings, while an ore of silver would make them very low, even if it were not so clearly shown in some chapters that it is payment in gold that is expressed by the aureus 5. If we 1 E.g. inch. 1 ia three hides at 100 shillings each are paid for with/15, and £7 J plus 30 shillings comes to £g; in ch. 25, 100 shillings plus ^25 amounts to £30; cf. also cc. 35 f., 48, 49a. 2 Byrhtferth's Manual, ed. S. J. Crawford, p. 67; cf. also p. 193. The evidence for a twelvepenny shilling in the Old English translation of Exodus xxi. 10, which speaks of twelf scyttingas be twelf psenegon, could come from a continental source, as does the statement in a penitential (B. Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes, ii, p. 222) se riht scylling byd a be xii penegum ' the correct shilling (i.e. when money is being paid instead of doing penance) is always reckoned at twelve pence.' 3 Mancus is used to render aureus by Bishop Waerferth; see e.g. Bischofs Wserferths von Worcester Vbersetzung der Dialoge Gregors des Grossen, ed. H. Hecht, p. 65, 1. 4. 4 Robertson, pp. 252-57. 5 If it were not so clear that the aureus refers to gold, it would be tempting to take the composition of 100 aurei, paid in ch. 19, after the bishop's intercession with the king, by a man who had forfeited all his possessions, as the well-known fine of a long hundred of ores of silver. A hundred mancuses would be a heavy, but still a possible fine; a hundred ores of gold would be beyond the capacity of any individual to pay.

B

xviii

FOREWORD

take the aureus to represent a mancus, it does not follow that a gold coin, rather than a weight of gold, was meant by the Old English writers, though the author of the Libellus may have thought it was *. As for the equation of an aureus with a tripodium auri, Mr R. H. M. Dolley has suggested to me that the latter term could have been applied to the mancus if this were thought of as the treble of the old tremissis, the only denomination in gold with which the Anglo-Saxons had ever been familiar; or, alternatively, if the mancus be equated with the so-called ' gold penny ', it might have acquired an Old English nickname here rendered tripodium, inasmuch as the extant ' gold pennies ' seem to approach, though not quite to attain, the weight of three average silver pennies of the period. He suggests also that these silver pennies, which alone seem to have been strict legal tender, were heavily overvalued—hence the need for caution when one attempts to calculate the official ratio of gold to silver. It is impossible to decide what Old English word tripodium is translating: it might be prims, which derives from tremissis, but this is recorded only as a reckoning equivalent to three silver pennies; the phrase in ch. 10 could have been ' a hundred times three penny-weights (pening-wcege or peninga gewihte) of gold ' 2 ; but it is possible that there was an unrecorded term pri-wiht or pri-wwg ' treble weight'. The existence of an Old Norse adjectivepri-v&gr' of treble weight', would support the latter possibility, for Old Norse words are found in documents from this area. DOROTHY WHITELOCK 1

Yet the will of King Eadred (ed. Harmer, op. cit., no. XXI) gives instructions for the coining into mancuses of 2,000 mancuses of gold, while the will of the Atheling Athelstan (ed. D. Whitelock, Anglo-Saxon Wills, no. XX), by its insistence in two places that land had been paid for in ' mancuses of gold by weight', suggests that payment in gold coins was not unknown c. 1015. 2 Either of these suggestions would imply a ratio of gold to silver of 10 : 1, for the mancus is always equated with thirty silver pence. This seems very low.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 1. MANUSCRIPTS

A B B.2.7 C C.C.C. 393 D E F G M O 9822

Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Vespasian A.xix. Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Domitian xv. Trinity College, Dublin, MS. B.2.7. Trinity College, Cambridge, MS. O.2.41 (Gale). Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS. 393. Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Tiberius A.vi. Trinity College, Cambridge, MS. O.2.1 (Gale). Ely, Dean and Chapter, MS. (Liber Eliensis). Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Titus A.i. Ely, Diocesan Registry MS., Liber M. BodL, MS. Laud. Misc., 647. Brit. Mus., MS. Add., 9822. 2. PRINTED WORKS

Abbo, Passio S. Edmundi Ailred, Vita S. Edwardi Asser A.S.C. B (Book of Miracles) B (Chronicle) Bede Bentham, Ely B.C.S. Bigelow, Placita . Cambs. Place-names Chronicon . Dd . Diceto

.

.

.

Eadmer, Hist. Novorum Eadmer, Vita Wilfridi Eddius Stephanus, Vita Wilfridi Encomium Emmae

Cited from Memorials of St Edmund's Abbey, ed. T. Arnold (R.S., 1890), vol. i. Ailred of Rievaulx, Vita S. Edwardi regis et confessoris (Migne, Pat. Lat., cxcv). De Rebus Gestis Mlfredi, ed. W. H. Stevenson (1896). Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. See supra, B. See supra, B. Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum, ed. C. Plummer (1896). J. Bentham, The History and Antiquities of the Cathedral and Conventual Church of Ely, 2nd edn. (1812). Cartularium Saxonicum, ed. W. de Gray Birch (1885-93). M. M. Bigelow, Placita Anglo-Normannica (1879). The Place-names of Cambridgeshire and the Isle of Ely, ed. P. H. Reaney (English Place-name Society, 1943). Chronicon Abbatum et Episcoporum Eliensium. See Introduction, infra, p. xxvi Domesday Book. Radulfi de Diceto . . . Opera Historica, ed. W. Stubbs (R.S., 1876). Eadmer, Historia Novorum in Anglia, ed. M. Rule (R.S., 1884). Cited from Historians of the Church of York, ed. J. Raine (R.S., 1879-94), i, 161-226. Eddius Stephanus, Life of Bishop Wilfrid, ed. B. Colgrave (1927). Encomium Emmae Reginae, ed. A. Campbell (Camden Third Series, lxxii, 1949).

XX

Engl. Hist. Rev. . Essex Place-names Farrer, Itinerary Florence Gale, Scriptores XV Gervase Gesta Guillelmi Gesta Herwardi . Gesta Stephani Hamilton, I.C.C. Hardy, Desc. Cat.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS English Historical Review. The Place-names of Essex, ed. P. H. Reaney (English Place-name Society, 1935). W. Farrer, ' Outline Itinerary of Henry I ' , Engl. Hist. Rev., xxxiv (1909). Florence of Worcester, Chronicon ex Chronicis, ed. B. Thorpe (1848). T. Gale, Rerum Anglicarum Scriptorum Veterum, ii; Historiae Britannicae, Saxonicae, Anglo-Danicae Scriptores XV (1691). The Historical Works of Gervase of Canterbury, ed. W. Stubbs (R.S., 1879). Guillaume de Poitiers, Histoire de Guillaume le Conque'rant, ed. R. Foreville (1952). Gesta Herwardi incliti exults et militis, Gaimar, Lestorie des Engles, ed. T. D. Hardy and C. T. Martin (R.S., 1888), i, 339-404. Gesta Stephani, ed. K. R. Potter (Nelson Medieval Texts, 1955)Inquisitio Comitatus Cantabrigiensis, ed. N. E. S. A. Hamilton (Royal Society of Literature, 1876). T. D. Hardy, Descriptive Catalogue of Materials relating to the History of Great Britain and Ireland (R.S., 1862).

Harmer, Writs Hart, Essex Charters

F. E. Harmer, Anglo-Saxon Writs (1952). C. Hart, The Early Charters of Essex: The Saxon Period (University of Leicester, Department of English Local History, Occasional Papers, no. 10, 1957) > The Norman Period (ibid., no. 11, 1957). Sir Christopher Hatton's Book of Seals, ed. L. C. Loyd Hatton Book of Seals and D. M. Stenton (1950). Hearne, Leland's Collectanea J. Leland, . . . De Rebus Britannicis Collectanea, ed. T. Hearne (1770). Henry Hunt., Hist. Anglorum Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum, ed. T. Arnold (R.S., 1879). Inquisitio Eliensis, cited from Hamilton, I.C.C. (see I.E supra). K Codex Diplomaticus Aevi Saxonici, ed. J. M. Kemble (1839-48). Libellus . . . . Libellus quorundam insignium operum beati Mthelwoldi. See Introduction, infra, p. xxxiv. M i g n e , P a t . Lett. . Migne, Patrologiae series Latina. E. Miller, The Abbey and Bishopric of Ely (1951). Miller, Ely . E. Miller,' The Ely Land Pleas in the Reign of William I ', Miller, Ely Land Pleas Engl. Hist. Rev., Ixii (1947). Monasticon Anglicanum, re-ed. J. Caley, H. Ellis and Monasticon B. Bandinel (1817-30). Nova Legenda Anglie . Nova Legenda Anglie, ed. C. Horstman (1901). Ordericus Vitalis, Historiae Ecclesiasticae Libri Tredecim, Ord. Vit., Hist. Eccl. . ed. A. le Prevost (Societe de l'histoire de France, 1838-55)-

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS Osbern, Vita Dunstani P.C.A.S. . Papsturkunden in England Ramsey Cart. Ramsey Chronicle Regesta Richard of Hexham Robertson, Charters Simeon V.C.H. Vita Oswaldi Waverley Annals Wharton, Anglia Sacra Whitelock, Wills Will. Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum Will. Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Winchester Annals

xxi

Cited from Memorials of St Dunstan, ed. W. Stubbs (R.S., 1874). Proceedings of the Cambridgeshire Antiquarian Society. W. Holtzmann, Papsturkunden in England (1932-52). Cartularium Monasterii de Rameseia, ed. W. H. Hart and P. A. Lyons (R.S., 1884-93). Chronicon Abbatie Rameseiensis, ed. W. D. Macray (R.S., 1886). Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum, i, ed. H. W. C. Davis (1913) and ii, ed. C. Johnson and H. A. Cronne (1956). The Chronicle of Richard, Prior of Hexham, ed. R. Howlett, Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, iii (R.S., 1884-86), pp. 139-78. A. J. Robertson, Anglo-Saxon Charters (1939). Symeonis Monachi Opera Omnia, ii, Historia Regum, ed. T. Arnold (R.S., 1882). The Victoria History of the Counties of England. Cited from Historians of the Church of York, ed. J. Raine (R.S., 1879-94), i, 399-475Annales Monastici, ii, ed. H. R. Luard (R.S., 1865), Annales Monasterii de Waverleia. H. Wharton, Anglia Sacra (1691). D. Whitelock, Anglo-Saxon Wills (1930). William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Pontificum Anglorum, ed. N. E. S. A. Hamilton (R.S., 1870). William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Regum Anglorum, ed. W. Stubbs (R.S., 1887-89). Annales Monastici, ii, ed. H. R. Luard (R.S., 1865), Annales Monasterii de Wintonia.

INTRODUCTION I. THE MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LIBER ELIENSIS The chronicle, known since 1848, when part of it was published by D. J. StewartJ under the title Liber Eliensis, survives in Trinity College, Cambridge, MS. O.2.1 (E), and in a manuscript in the possession of the Dean and Chapter of Ely (F) 2. E is a manuscript of4 the late twelfth century 3; on vellum; 228 x5165 mm.; 256 folios (plus two fly-leaves) ; 30 gatherings of three, four or five leaves ; 29 lines (to fo. 8ov) and from 30 to 35 lines (from fo. 81 to the end) to the page; single column; initials coloured in red and green. The handwriting is of the same general character throughout and the work of different scribes difficult to distinguish. Three main hands can be singled out 6. Hand A wrote all Book8 I and Book II to the second line of ch. 90 ', including the rubrics as far as ch. 84 . Hand B begins in Book II, ch. 90, and continues to the end of Book III, ch. 43 9. Cc. 44-50 seem to be written in several different hands, perhaps including a rough version of B, and B more certainly resumes towards the end of ch. 50 and continues to the middle of ch. 92 10. From Book III, ch. 44, to the middle of ch. 92 the manuscript is very roughly written, and cc. 69-92 n in particular are in an increasingly untidy hand. There are many erasures and marginal additions, which seem to reveal traces of the process of composition. This suggests that scribe B was himself the compiler of this section of the work. Hand B also wrote the rubrics of Book II, cc. 85-103, and most of the rubrics after ch. 90 overflow into the margin12or are written on erasure. The rest of the manuscript is written in a neat hand, C , and the same hand has written 1 Published in 1848 by the Anglia Christiana Society. * Stewart's edition probably owes its title to this MS., which is familiarly styled Liber Eliensis. For a general introduction to the MSS. of the L.E. see Miller, Ely, pp. 4-7; Harmer, Writs, p. 464; T. D. Hardy, Desc. Cat., i, 278-80, 590-91; ii, 104-07, 309, 508, 553; C. Gross, Sources and Literature of English History, 2nd edn., no. 1372; N. R. Ker, Medieval Libraries of Great Britain (1941), pp. 42-43; G. R. C. Davis, Medieval Cartularies of Great Britain (1958), pp. 41-44, and especially W. Holtzmann, Papsturkunden in England, i, 67, 75, 86, 96-97, 103 05, 108, 171; ii, 75-933 Described by M. R. James, The Western Manuscripts in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge (1900-1904), iii, 79-82. 4 Including the kalendar occupying the first fourteen folios, which are not numbered. 5 Fos. 229 and 230 are from a fourteenth-century music book and form a separate gathering of two leaves. *7 But cf. M. R. James, loc. cit., who distinguished between only two. The end of fo. 76. 8 A number of insertions in the text and margin are written in hands of the same period which cannot be conclusively identified with each other or with other hands in the manuscript. See fos. 14, 15-15V, 43. 44. 45- 10 xl * Fo. 125V. Fos. 125V—51V. Fos. 144—51V. 12 The handwriting of marginal additions in this part of the L.E. can only rarely be identified with any degree of certainty (C on fos. 107-09V, 116V-17, 160, 164, 169V, 171V; B on fos. 113V-14, 145, 145V with marginal additions by C). Marginalia on fos. 100 and IOIV may be in the hand of O. xxiii

xxiv INTRODUCTION the rest of the rubrics. The first fourteen folios, which contain an Ely kalendar * and lists of the abbots and bishops of Ely, are not numbered, and according to the existing foliation the Liber Eliensis occupies fos. 21-177. It is followed by the Inquisitio Eliensis, a record of the plea of 1071 X 75 and short Lives of Sexburga, ^Ermenilda, JLrcongota, Werburga, ^Edelberga and Wihtburga. F is a manuscript of the early thirteenth century; on vellum; 267 x 185 mm.; 190 folios (numbered in pencil 1-188, but the numbers 78 and 84 have been used twice 3 ); 22 gatherings, 13 of four leaves, 8 of five leaves 4; the fifth gathering is of two leaves plus one folio; mainly with catchwords; 30 lines to the page; double column; initials coloured red, green and sometimes blue. Four main hands can be distinguished: A, from fo. 2 to 21 (except for an insertion in another thirteenthcentury hand on fo. 13, col. b); B, from fo. 2iv to io8v (excepting the indices of chapter headings to Book II on fos. 36-38V and to Book III on fos. 107-08V); C, from fo. 109 to m v ; D, to the end of the Liber Eliensis. There are important additions in a hand of the late thirteenth or fourteenth century, perhaps that of O B, and in a hand of the thirteenth century, as on fos. 59V and 61. The Liber Eliensis occupies fos. 2-i88v. It is preceded by notes in various hands, especially one on the ' confessors ' buried at Ely 6 and another on the convent's rights of jurisdiction in the isle of Ely, and it is followed by a charter of Prior Hugh (fi. 1200) and a scarcely legible memorandum in a hand of the fifteenth century '. The versions of the Liber Eliensis found in E and F, while not identical, share the same form and most of the same contents. The work is there divided into three books. Book I, after a prologue and a brief chapter De situ Eliensis Insule, takes the history of the monastery at Ely from its first foundation by St Etheldreda to its destruction by the Danes in 870. Book II covers the time of the abbots from the restoration of the abbey during the reign of Edgar to the death of the last abbot in 1107, and Book III treats of the first two bishops of Ely, Hervey the Breton (1109-31) and Nigel (1133-69). The whole is prefaced by a general prologue and ends with a passio of St Thomas Becket. It has no title, but is referred to in the rubrics as historia Eliensis insule 8. Only one other manuscript, Bodl., Laud. Misc. 647 (0), retains something of this form. It is a more impressive production than either E or F; on vellum; 363 X 225 mm.; 188 folios (according to a pencil foliation which numbers all except blank folios—with the exception of the first fly-leaf); regular gatherings of six, the 1 Printed by F. Wormald, Benedictine Kalendars after izoo, vol. ii. Cf. also B. Dickins, Leeds2 Studies in English and Kindred Languages, vi, p. 15. Both edited by N. E. S. A. Hamilton as part of his I.C.C. See infra, p. 426. 3 The pencil foliation has been used in this edition and the duplicate folios are here numbered 78a and 84a. An older foliation excludes fo. 1 and numbers the remainder 1-189. 4 This includes the index of chapter headings to Book II which was added later. The end of this index was written on a separate folio which was originally bound to precede fo. 39, but when8 the manuscript was re-bound in 1930 it was misplaced and is now fo. 36. E.g. on fos. 47 and 92. 6 Infra, p. xxxviii. ' For a brief description see Historical Manuscripts Commission, 12th report, appendix, part 8ix, p. 393. Infra, pp. i, 62, 63, 245. Although this would be a more correct title for the chronicle, the conventional title has been retained to avoid confusion.

INTRODUCTION

xxv

last two of seven, leaves; with catchwords; double column; 44 lines to the page; written in a well-formed book-hand of the early fourteenth century, with initials coloured alternately red and blue and with an elaborate pen-style decoration of initials and margins. The Liber Eliensis occupies fos. 3-177V. Books I and II remain, with some exceptions, unaltered. Book III lacks most of the miracle stories found in E and F, but has many more charters, and in all three books O frequently adds additional information from other chronicles. Book III is continued beyond 1169 and takes on increasingly the pattern of a cartulary, interspersed with notices of the elections and deaths of English kings and bishops of Ely. The continuation ends after recording the accession of Bishop William of Louth in 1290 and was presumably finished before he died in 1298 x. Another group of manuscripts preserves versions, not of all the Liber Eliensis, but of one or two books only. Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Titus A.i (G), written in the late twelfth or early thirteenth century 2, has on fos. 3-23V a shorter version of Book II. It ends at ch. 96 and omits all the charters as well as most of those narrative chapters which are not concerned with the history of the possessions of the abbey 3. Fos. 24-55V contain a cartulary of royal privileges and writs from Edgar to Henry II, papal privileges from Victor II to Adrian IV, private charters of Bishops Hervey and Nigel and other documents concerning the priory of Ely up to the election of Geoffrey Ridel to the bishopric in 1173. These documents include almost all the documentary material used in the Liber Eliensis. Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Domitian xv (B), written in a regular book-hand of the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century, opens with a short chronicle from the birth of Christ to 1158 * and continues with the general prologue, Book I (fos. 7-31V), and the shorter version (as in G) of Book II (fos. 74-94). The books are separated by a booklet on the second translation of St Etheldreda in 1106 and a book of miracles. Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Vespasian A.xix, fos. 29V-51, contains an extract from Book III. The handwriting belongs to the period 1257-86, for it occurs also in a list of bishops on fo. 51 up to and including the name of Hugh Balsham, who was appointed to Ely in 1257, while the name of John Kirkby, who succeeded him in 1286, is written in a different hand. A third group of manuscripts present an Ely chronicle of a different kind. The material is arranged, not by books and chapters, but as a series of acta of individual abbots and bishops. These acta are prefaced by a few, brief chronological notes on the foundation of Ely, by a libellus breviter comprehensus in quo continetur genealogia et vita beate Etheldrede et sororum suarum, and by an account of the tenth-century restoration. The whole consists of a radically abbreviated version of the Liber Eliensis, as far as it goes, with a few differences especially in the dating of some of 1 The hand of O occurs also in a list of bishops and kings in Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Vespasian A.xix, fo. 51, which confirms the date. The hand, format and decoration also recalls Liber M, written about the same time. See infra, p. xli. 2 Cf. Holtzmann, Papsturkunden in England, i, 75; Hardy, Desc. Cat., ii, 36; Davis, Medieval Cartularies, p. 43. Space does not permit so detailed a description of these subsidiary MSS. mentioned here as that given for E, F and O. Further details can be found in my unpublished dissertation, Historia Eliensis, Book III (Cambridge University Library). 3 Infra, p. xliv. 4 Infra, p. 410.

xxvi

INTRODUCTION

the abbots *. To distinguish it from the Liber Eliensis this chronicle will here be referred to as Chronicon Abbatum et Episcoporum Eliensium or more briefly as Chronicon. The earliest extant manuscripts of the Chronicon are Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Nero A.xv and xvi and Lambeth Palace Library, MS. 448. In Nero A.xv/xvi it is taken down to the time of Bishop Thomas Arundel and, judged by the handwriting, the subsequent notes on his successors, John Fordham (1388-1425) and Philip Morgan (1426-35), were supplied one at a time, while the rest, ending with the translation to Ely of John Alcock in i486, was added all at once 2 . Lambeth 448 begins with a fragment (fos. 1-77), written, like Nero A.xv/xvi, on vellum, which breaks off at the beginning of the pontificate of Bishop Simon Langham (1366-73). This fragment is not even complete within its own limits. One gathering is missing from the life of Bishop Nigel, which has been made up in a hand resembling that of Robert Steward (fos. 33-34) and in the hand of Wharton himself (fos. 34-35). It must at one time have been continued beyond fo. 77V, because the catchword of the next gathering is given in the hand of the text. The lost section has been replaced by a portion of a manuscript, written on paper, which carries the continuation to the time of John Morton (1479-86) and in which rough notes were later added on his successors down to Thomas Thirlby (1554-59) 3- The beginning of this paper manuscript survives in Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Titus A.i (part ii), fos. 58-14OV l, and the section removed to complete Lambeth 448 has been replaced by the last five folios 5 of yet another version of the Chronicon, BodL, Laud. Misc., MS. 698, which remains incomplete. The two remaining major manuscripts of the Chronicon, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS. 287 6 and Brit. Mus., MS. Harley, 3 7 2 1 ' have been left unmolested. Apart from these two and Nero A.xv/xvi, therefore, three manuscripts existed. One (Lambeth 448 to fo. yyv) remains a fragment. The second (Laud. Misc. 698 plus Titus A.i, fos. 141-45V) was taken to 1 The relation of the contents of the Chronicon to the L.E. is best illustrated by the edition of H. Wharton in Anglia Sacra, i, 591-688. The chronological notes are taken from Book I (especially the De situ and ch. 41) and Book II (especially cc. 1-4 and 86) with additions from Bede, lib. i, and Florence. The genealogy corresponds largely with Book I, although the order is sometimes changed and new material added. There is no prologue to Books I and II. The history of the restoration of the abbey is abbreviated from Book II, cc. 2-4, 7, 37 and 50 and the rest is told in the form of a gesta abbatum: Abbots Brihtnoth (from cc. 6, 52-54, 56), iElfsige (from cc. 57, 76-77, 79, 80), Leofwine (from ch. 80), Leofric (from cc. 80, 85-86, 94), Wulfric (from cc. 94, 97-98), Thurstan (from cc. 98, 101-03, 109, 111-13), Theodwin (from cc. 113, 115, 116, 114), Symeon (from cc. 118-19, 128, 130-37) and Richard (from cc. 140—43) with the second translation of Etheldreda (from cc. 144-48). Under the life of Bishop Hervey part of the prologue of Book III is retained, followed by excerpts from cc. 1-9, 17, 21, 25, 26, 28-36, 38, 41-43. The life of Nigel is abbreviated from cc. 44, 45, 47-54, 61, 64, 69, 73, 77-78, 82, 86, 89, 92, 96, 122-23, I37-42 1 But cf. Wharton, op. cit., p. xlvi, who distinguished only three hands, ending at 1388, 1434 and i486 respectively. 3 Lambeth, MS. 448, fos. 78-91. 4 This version of the Chronicon, apart from being bound up in the same volume, has no connection with the version of L.E., Book II and the cartulary mentioned supra, p. xxv. 6 Now MS. Titus A.i, fos. 141—45, ending in 1435. 6 A life of the bishops only, described by M. R. James, Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (1912), ii, 56-58. ' A full Chronicon to the installation of John Morton (1479-86). The MS. is described in Historia Eliensis, Book III.

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1434 and the third (Titus A.i, fos. 58-140V, plus Lambeth 448, fos. 78-88V) to i486!. The Chronicon was known to Leland and his notes from it are printed in Hearne's Collectanea 2. Extracts from Nero A.xv/xvi appeared in the Monasticon Anglicanum of 1655 3 a n ( i m 1691 Henry Wharton published the Chronicon from Lambeth 448 4 . The Liber Eliensis has never been printed in full. Book I was published in Mabillon's Ada Sanctorum 5 . Book I, the abbreviated version of Book II, and the booklet on the second translation of St Etheldreda were printed for the Bollandists by D. Papebroch. He also included extracts from the Chronicon (to 1434) in Titus A.i and from the book of miracles in B as well as from the cartulary in G 6 . Wharton published an extract from Book III, taken from A ', but the first edition of any part of the Liber Eliensis based on an early manuscript was produced by Gale in his Scriptores XV8. The two books into which his edition is divided do not represent Books I and II of the Liber Eliensis. His Book I is a copy of the Libellus quorundam insignium operum beati JEthelwoldi episcopi 9 from which the first fortynine chapters in Liber Eliensis, Book II, are derived 10 . His second book is made up of Liber Eliensis, Book II, cc. 52-101 u , and is taken from E. In 1848 Canon D. J. Stewart published Books I and II. Book I he printed from F, Book II from a transcript made by H. Petrie, which conflates the versions found in the Libellus (C) and E 12 . A critical edition from a wide range of manuscripts exists only for those of the papal letters printed by W. Holtzmann 13 . 1 A number of later transcripts have also been examined, but these add nothing to the tradition of the surviving MSS. (See especially Brit. Mus.,MSS. Add. 6261, fos. 15—42V; 33491, fo. 28; Cotton Faustina E.iv, fo. 105; Claudius A.viii, fos. 119-23V; Vespasian B.xv; Vespasian A.xviii; Harley 258; Lansdowne 207 E.6; Lansdowne 320; Bodl., Rawlinson C.850, fos. 97-98V; Tanner 441; Tanner 118; also a fragment of Book II in a MS. belonging to Miss M. A. Arber. See also the valuable collections of James Bentham, C.U.L., Add. 2945, 2950, 2951, 2953, 2962 and of Bishop Wren, Ely Diocesan Registry, G.2.) 2 3 T. Hearne, Leland's Collectanea, i, pt. ii, pp. 588 ff. P. 87. 4 Anglia Sacra, i, 591-688. His marginal references to Cottonian i and Cottonian ii are to Titus A.i and Nero A.xv/xvi. He also knew C.C.C., 287 and excerpted sections from MSS. Cotton, Vespasian A.xix (pp. 678-81), Titus A.i (part i) (p. 682), and Domitian xv (p. xxxix) for the beginning of Book III, Book II, ch. 178 and the general prologue respectively. 6 Vol. ii, 707 ff.; from MS. Cotton, Domitian xv. 8 The Bollandist edition was based on a transcript owned by the college at Douai (and used also by Mabillon). This was copied later for Bolland and collated with the original in the Cotton Library (which must be Domitian xv). This collated transcript, no longer complete, survives as Vol. I of Phillipps MS. 8174 olim Heber, which was presented to Ely by Canon V. H. Stanton in 1897 a n ( i i s riow in the possession of the Dean and Chapter. Vol. II of this MS. gives extracts from Titus A.i. It is not clear whether this volume was copied from a transcript kept at Douai or directly from Titus A.i. See Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (1st edn.) Junii, iv, 489 ff. 8 '8 And other extracts; see supra, p. xxvi, n. 1. Pp. 463 ff. Printed from his MS., which is now at Trinity College, Cambridge, O.2.41, from which he also printed seven Anglo-Saxon charters and the privilege of Pope Victor II (Book II, cc. 5, 9, 58, 77, 82, 92, 93, 95). 10 Infra, p. xxxiv. " Omitting cc. 53, 55, 69 and 70. 12 The transcript used to be P.R.O. Transcripts 31/5, no. 75, but it was sent to the secretary of the Anglia Christiana Society and not returned. 13 Papsturkunden in England, ii. Detailed references are given in the footnotes to the text. He also prints the index of chapter headings of Book III with references to another printed edition of it (C. W. Stubbs, Historical Memorials of Ely Cathedral, 1897).

xxviii

INTRODUCTION II.

THE SOURCES OF THE LIBER

ELIENSIS

Book I has frequent extracts from Bede's Ecclesiastical History 1 , especially to provide information on the life of Etheldreda and the history of the Northumbrian and East Anglian royal dynasties, and also a passage from the chronicle attached to his De Temporum Ratione 2. The rest of the historical framework of Books I and II is supplied from the chronicle, and occasionally from the genealogical tables 3, of Florence of Worcester. The Liber Eliensis has incorporated passages not only from Florence, but from additions to his work found only in Bodl., MS. 297 4, a manuscript associated with Bury St Edmunds, and must have used either this manuscript or one closely related to it. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is cited only twice 5. More use has been made of the Gesta Guillelmi by William of Poitiers. It provides an alternative source to Florence for the capture of Alfred in 1036 6, and a number of phrases used by William to describe the battle of Hastings are employed in the Liber Eliensis for a description of the siege of Ely 7. Other phrases, used in the same context in the Liber Eliensis 8, are almost certainly derived from the Gesta, but, as the surviving text of the Gesta breaks off incomplete in 1067 9, this cannot be proved beyond doubt. They occur also in an account by Orderic Vitalis of William I's campaign of 1069-70 10. Nowhere else does the Liber Eliensis borrow from Orderic, and it is most unlikely that Orderic, who could have had access to a local Ely source X1, should have adapted a narrative describing the king's assault on Ely for his own account of an earlier action in Yorkshire. It can, moreover, be shown that in a passage borrowed independently by both from the Gesta the phrases used by Orderic and the Liber Eliensis are almost identical 12 . We know also that Orderic followed the Gesta up to 1071 13 and that the Liber Eliensis habitually uses phrases from the Gesta out of their proper context. It seems all but certain, therefore, that Orderic and the Liber Eliensis independently employed the same passages from the Gesta—Orderic appropriately to describe the arduous campaign 1 E.g. Bede, i, 15; ii, 15; iii, 7-8; iii, 18; iv, 3 and especially iv, (17) 19. The Eccl. Hist, is sometimes expressly cited under such titles as Anglorum historia (infra, Book I, ch. 8) and once strangely as liber sermonum Bede presbiteri (ch. 9). 2 Ed. T. Mommsen, M.G.H., Chron. Min., iii, 314-15 (infra, Book I, ch. 34). 3 Infra, Book I, cc. 2 and 8. 4 Infra, Book II, cc. 86, 100—01, 140. For comments on this MS. see Memorials of St Edmund's Abbey, ed. T. Arnold (R.S., 1890), i, pp. viii, 340 1, and J. R. H. Weaver, The Chronicle of John of Worcester, Anecdota Oxoniensia, Medieval and Modern Series, Part xiii (1908). 5 Infra, Book I, ch. 15; Book II, ch. 80. The A.S.C. used must have been a version of the E type. The 673 entry is in all versions, but Abbot Leofwin is mentioned only in E and F. Another reference, to the A.S.C. s.a. 798 (in Book II, ch. 147), must be to an addition in F, which alone has this information, but it does not indicate the source used by the L.E., since ch. 147 is part of a passage borrowed from a Life of St Wihtburga. Cf. infra, p. xxxvii. 6 Book II, ch. 90. Cf. Encomium Emmae Reginae, ed. A. Campbell (Camden third series, vol. lxxii), pp. lxv ff. 7 8 Infra, Book II, cc. 107, n o , i n . Ibid., cc. 107, 109, n o . 8 See Gesta Guillelmi, pp. xv and 270. 10 n Hist. Eccl., ii, 197, 196, 184, 197-98. See infra, p. 286. 12 See notes to Book II, ch. 107, and cf. Gesta Guillelmi, p. 200 and Orderic Vitalis, Hist. Eccl., ii, 149. 13 Hist. Eccl., ii, 217-18; Gesta Guillelmi, p. xv.

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in Yorkshire and the Liber Eliensis, less exactly, the similar hardships encountered by the Normans in the marshes of Ely. On a smaller scale the Liber Eliensis has excerpts from the Life of Guthlac by Felix 1, the Lives of Bishop Wilfrid by Eddius Stephanus 2 and Eadmer 3, from Abbo's Life of St Edmund * and Osbern's Life of St Dunstan 5, Goscelin's Lives of St Ivo 6 and St Werburga ' and from William of Malmesbury's De Gestis Pontificum 8. Several sources have not been identified. These include a Life of St Milburga 9, Old English Lives of St Etheldreda 10, St Sexburga 1X and Bishop Felix 12. The compiler of the Liber Eliensis may have known and misunderstood the Old English poem on the battle of Maldon 13, and he must have had a regnal list of the kings of Wessex similar to that preserved in Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Tiberius A.iii 14 . He may also have used an unknown source for his account of the Danish invasions. He describes the arrival of the Danes in 866 in words which suggest that his source included a nominal roll of their leaders 15, but no such list is found in the sources otherwise known to have been used by him. Also the activities of the Danish army between 866 and 871, described in the words of Florence, are dated by the regnal years of iEthelred I— a method not generally used in the Liber Eliensis and one which otherwise only Henry of Huntingdon seems to adopt 1 6 . Another oddity, which may have no significance but deserves to be mentioned, is that in its account of the succession to iEthelred II the Liber Eliensis follows the phrasing of Florence, but in omitting his reference to the election of Cnut respects the order of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle *'. Book III is distinguished from the first two books in being almost entirely independent of outside sources. Apart from the passio of St Thomas, which is related to known Lives and Passions of St Thomas 18, there are borrowings only from one passage of William of Malmesbury's De Gestis Pontificum 19 and from two of Florence 20. O frequently adds extracts from Florence independently from E and F, and also from Henry of Huntingdon 21, iElred's Life of Edward the Confessor 22 and perhaps William of Malmesbury's Gesta Regum 23 . For its historical notes after 1169 it draws 1

2 Infra, Book I, ch. 7. Ibid., ch. 8. Ibid., prologue and cc. 8-10. 4 Ibid., De situ, ch. 8; also cited in the general prologue and Book II, ch. 105. 5 Infra, Book II, proem and cc. 53, 72. The Life by Adelard (Memorials of St Dunstan, ed. W. Stubbs, R.S., 1874, pp. 53-68) may also have been used. See infra, Book I, ch. 42; Book II, cc. 53, 72. 6 Infra, Book II, ch. 71. ' Infra, Book I, ch. 37. 8 9 Infra, Book I, ch. 6. Ibid., ch. 2. 10 xl 12 Ibid., prologue. Ibid., ch. 36. Ibid., ch. 6. 13 14 Infra, Book II, ch. 62. Infra, Book I, ch. 42. 15 ' cum plurimo comitatu ducum et procerum, quos enumerare honerosum est, in cronica vero describuntur ' (Book I, ch. 39). 16 Ibid. 17 ls 1B Infra, Book II, ch. 79. Infra, Book III, ch. 143. Ibid., ch. 25. 20 In ch. 46 Stephen's actions immediately after his accession are described in words which Florence (i, 224-25) uses for the reign of Harold (also used in L.E., Book II, ch. 101). Ch. 72 describes the state of England before the battle of Lincoln (1141) in words taken from the Florence annal for 1136 (ii, 96). This cannot be derived from Bodl., MS. 297 which ends in 1131. But it occurs in other chronicles associated with Bury—Brit. Mus., MSS. Harley 447 and 3775 s.a. 1136. 21 E.g. in a chapter, not in E or F, added after Book II, ch. 54. See infra, p. 126. 22 23 E.g. in Book II, ch. 79. Infra, p. 126, n. 2. 3

xxx

INTRODUCTION 1

mainly on Ralph of Diceto , but is occasionally closer to Roger of Howden 2, and after 1201 it shares a source with the Historical Collections of Walter of Coventry 3. Apart from these general sources, the Liber Eliensis has incorporated several works locally produced and concerned with various aspects of the domestic history of Ely. Book I has the form, obscured in part by additional material and an emphasis on chronological order, of a saint's Life and Miracles—prologue 4, genealogy 5, life 6, translation ', epilogue 8, and miracles 9—which suggests that it has been compiled from a Life which existed as a separate work. That such a Life did exist is indicated also by two extant Lives—Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS. 393, and Trinity College, Dublin, MS. B.2.7. The Corpus manuscript is written in a single hand, of the twelfth century, and contains a Life in rhyming prose, followed by a book of miracles composed in a different style. The last four of these miracles, while still in the same hand, form a separate group and are written in yet another style. In contrast to the rest, which fall into the period 870-970, these fcmr, one of which is dated 1116 10, belong to the time of Bishop Hervey (1109-31) n . Then follows a metrical version in hexameters of this Life and of the book of miracles, written by Gregorius, a monk of Ely, and, as Gregorius tells us that he was writing during the reign of Henry I, the Life from which he was working must have been completed by then 12. The Life in the Dublin manuscript is one of a collection of saints' lives, compiled in the fourteenth century 13. It is followed by a book of miracles which, except for the omission of the later group of miracles, is identical with that in Corpus. The Life itself, however, differs in some respects. It is shorter, differently arranged, and written in a simpler rhyming style. Nevertheless, there are some striking points of resemblance. Both Lives begin with the 1 O, fos. 109.V— ii2v, 115V, 118-24, I ^ 1 - These notes concern the consecration of Geoffrey Ridel (Diceto, i, 391-95), the death of Henry II (Diceto, ii, 65), the death of Geoffrey Ridel (Diceto, ii, 68), the election of William Longchamp (Diceto, ii, 69, 75), the election of Eustace (Diceto, ii, 159), the death of Richard I (Diceto, ii, 166; but O has a different set of verses), and the accession of John (Diceto, ii, 166). 2 For the accession of John (Howden, iv, 87-88) and some passages concerning Richard's crusade and captivity (Howden, iii, 112, 182, 185). 3 See the introduction to The Historical Collections of Walter of Coventry, ed. W. Stubbs (R.S., 1872). The shared passages concern the end of the interdict and the coronation of Henry III (Walter of Coventry, ii, 216-17, 225-26, 229-30 and 244). 4 5 Infra, p. 6. Cc. 1-2. 6 7 Ch. 3, beginning ' Beata et gloriosa regina iEtheldretha . . .' Cc. 26-31. 8 9 10 Ch. 32. Cc. 39-49. Infra, Book III, ch. 33. 11 They are included also in Book III as cc. 33-36. 12 He refers to the miracles of Hervey's time as nostro tempore and prefaces the first of them with a eulogy on Henry I. Cf. C. W. Stubbs, Historical Memorials of Ely Cathedral, p. 66. The metrical version ends incomplete after the first of these miracles and the scribe of the MS. left a space in his index of chapter headings for the three remaining miracles. This suggests that this copy was made while Gregorius was still at work and therefore belongs to the reign of Henry I. Also one of the miracles of Bishop Nigel's time (Book III, ch. 60) is dated 1134-35 and this was presumably not yet available for copying into the Corpus book. The handwriting and the decorated initial at the beginning of the MS. would suit a date in the second quarter of the twelfth century. Cf. G. Zarnecki, The Early Sculpture of Ely Cathedral (1958), pp. 31 and 43, n. 20. The MS. is described in M. R. James, Desc. Cat. of the MSS. in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, ii, 251-53. 13 See Analecta Bollandiana, xlvi, 86-88.

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phrase Beata et gloriosa Mtheldretha, which is the opening also of Book I, ch. 3, and have many passages in common with Book I, cc. 3-32, and with each other x. They cannot be derived from the Liber Eliensis, since it includes material on the life of Etheldreda which they would not have passed over. For other reasons, it is unlikely, if not impossible, that the compiler of the Liber Eliensis knew the Corpus text and that of Dublin in an earlier manuscript version and compiled Book I from the two. We may rule out as an alternative the possibility that he used only one of them. There are many verbal parallels with Dublin which are not shared by Corpus 2. On the other hand, occasionally the echo of a phrase in the Liber Eliensis, which is not in Dublin, can be found in Corpus 3, and in one instance, where Corpus' interprets the name Ely as digna Dei domus, the same interpretation and wording is given in the Liber Eliensis *, without any parallel in Dublin. If, then, we were to assume that the compiler drew on both versions and worked, as on this assumption he must have, mainly from Dublin, it is difficult to see why he should pick on the occasional, and insignificant, phrase from Corpus. It is far more likely that he found the phrases which he shares with Dublin and Corpus, or with either one of them, in a version of the Life which has not survived. The question then arises how this postulated version is related to Dublin and Corpus. It is possible that Dublin, which is closest to Bede, was the first to be produced and that from it a revised version, now lost, was made which in turn was the source of Corpus and the Liber Eliensis. But there may have been another link in the chain. Dublin, Corpus and the Liber Eliensis include a passage which Corpus and the Liber Eliensis place immediately after the death and before the translation of Etheldreda and which in the Liber Eliensis clearly marks the conclusion of the first part of the Life, while in Dublin it stands as the concluding phrase of the whole work 5. There is no reason why Corpus and the Liber Eliensis, or the Life from which they worked, if they found the passage in the Dublin position, should have moved it back into the middle of the work. It is much more likely that Dublin, using a version of the Life which placed the passage in the position retained in Corpus and the Liber Eliensis, moved it to the end of the whole as a fitting peroration. It is impossible to reach certainty, but by this reasoning we could postulate a lost version, based on Bede, divided into two parts, the first of which ended with Etheldreda's death. From this Dublin would derive, merging the two parts into one and moving the concluding phrase of the first part to the end of the second. From this same lost version there would also derive a second lost version, which retained the division into two parts, but made other alterations in phrasing and order, and which was used by Corpus and the Liber Eliensis 6 . 1 These are indicated in the footnotes to the text infra. 2 E.g. ch. 4. 3 See notes to cc. 4, 10, 21, 26, 27, and 28. 1 Ch. 15, which adds the construction from the Hebrew on 6 See notes to ch. 21. 6

which this interpretation rests.

Other surviving Latin Lives of Etheldreda closely follow Bede, iv (17) 19. Cf. Hardy, Desc. Cat., i, 264, 282—84; Analecta Bollandiana, xvii, 67; xxix, 76; xlvii, 244; liv, 342; lvi, 336; also Cat. Cod. Hag. hat., ii, 355. Only the Life in Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Tiberius D.III departs appreciably from the language of Bede and introduces some rhyming prose. But it shares no significant parallels with Dublin or Corpus.

xxxii INTRODUCTION Miracles, attributed to the merits of St Etheldreda, are recorded in each of the three books of the Liber Eliensis. Some of these, if not all, must have been taken from older miracle collections. Clear evidence, if difficult to interpret, of such a source exists only for the miracles of Book 1 1 . These form part of a selfsufficient and coherent narrative. It describes the plan of an archipresbyter, head of a community of clerks at Ely in the reign of Eadred, to check on the contents of Etheldreda's tomb. In the course of the narrative five of the saint's miracles are recalled 2, and a digression to explain the existence of a hole in the tomb refers to the miraculous punishment of a heathen Dane who, at the time of the Danish raid on Ely in 870, tried to break it open in search of loot3. Then follows an account of the priest's investigations and punishment. This narrative is said to have been committed to writing by iElfhelm 4, a young man in clerk's orders and one of the priest's associates. No separate work of this description, which could have been the source of Liber Eliensis, Book I, cc. 43-49, has survived, but its onetime existence is confirmed by the miracle book which follows the Life in Dublin and Corpus. This book comprises the same miracles and, although the narrative sequence has been broken up to provide a series of separate miracle stories, set in chronological order, it is evident that the source from which it was derived followed the same order as found in the Liber Eliensis 6. It is unlikely that this source is the Liber Eliensis itself, since there is no reason to believe that Book I had been completed early enough to have been used at a time when the Corpus manuscript had not yet been written. Nor can the Liber Eliensis be derived from the Dublin/Corpus book, as the Liber Eliensis retains the narrative in what must be an earlier form and in a style of simple rhyming prose which shows no sign of having been abbreviated from the elaborate rhyming pattern, interspersed with hexameters, of Dublin/Corpus. It may be that both are derived from a common original, but there are grounds for holding that, while the Liber Eliensis has incorporated ^Elfhelm's work in its original form, Dublin/Corpus has used a later adaptation of it. This solution is suggested by Book I, cc. 41-42, which give an account of the Danish attack on Ely and the punishment of the heathen Dane written at greater length and in a more ambitious rhyming prose than the version included in MMhelm's narrative. There are parallels between these chapters and Dublin/ Corpus which reveal a relationship much closer than that between the latter and cc. 44-49 6. But here again Dublin/Corpus cannot have been the source of the simpler and self-sufficient rhyming scheme of the chapters in the Liber Eliensis. There must have been a version, itself based on iElfhelm's work, from which the compiler of the Liber Eliensis took his cc. 41-42 and which served as the basis of the Dublin/Corpus book. The existence of such an adaptation of iElfhelm's narrative would also explain verbal parallels between Dublin/Corpus and Book I, ch. 38, and perhaps those between another book of miracles in B and Book I, ch. 37, and Book II, cc. 1-4. 1 See ch. 49,' 2 Cc. 44-48. 6

Hec breviter3 memorantes, in libro miraculorum beate virginis plene disseruntur'. 4 Ch. 41, and also in ch. 49. Ch. 42. At the point where the L.E. inserts the miracles, the Dublin/Corpus Book omits them, but refers to ' que prescripta sunt miracula '. 6 They are indicated in the footnotes to the text.

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B is introduced by the same prologue as the Dublin/Corpus book and includes four of the miracles of the Dublin/Corpus version *. But it has a much larger collection of miracles and, following on the prologue, adds a section which treats briefly of the history of Ely from the death of Etheldreda to the restoration of the monastery in the reign of Edgar. This section has no exact parallel in the Dublin/Corpus book, but it shares a number of passages with Book I, ch. 37, and Book II, cc. 1-4. The possibility cannot be excluded that this section is derived from the Liber Eliensis 2. But in one instance, where a phrase occurs in both, it is B which seems to retain it in its original position 3. Also at the end of a passage common to both, which is ultimately derived from the Libellus, B reads: ' Alias quoque terras quamplurimas ab aliis emens ecclesie adiecit, quas per singula numerare otiosi negotii est, cum proprio alibi contineantur volumine. Ceterum ut regis magnificentia legentibus innotescat . . . subsequens ipsius privilegium declarabit, quod iccirco hie ponendum videtur, ut cunctis liqueat quanta firmitate domus Dei fundamento suo innitatur.' The Liber Eliensis gives a different rendering: ' Aliasque terras . . . adiecit, que proprio alibi continentur volumine; singula tamen breviter dignum duximus hie admittendum ' 4. Then follows a list of Bishop ^Ethelwold's gifts to Ely and a chapter, introducing Edgar's privilege, which ends with the words ' privilegium . . . innitatur ' 5. The privilege follows in both versions. At first sight B seems merely to have adapted the words of the Liber Eliensis to its own purposes. The volumen referred to is the Libellus, most of which is copied into the Liber Eliensis, but which B omits. But it is difficult to see why a miracle collection should go out of its way to make known a charter which was already available in the manuscript of the Liber Eliensis and, quite apart from that, the phrase makes better sense if we treat it as belonging to B originally and as written before Liber Eliensis, Book II existed. The terms in which it is couched then convey the significant distinction that B is omitting the record of Bishop ^Ethelwold's acquisitions of land, which could be found in the Libellus, but is adding for the benefit of its readers a copy of Edgar's charter, because this the Libellus omits. If this reasoning is sound, the compiler of the Liber Eliensis must have used this section of B in an earlier manuscript version. The suggestion that this earlier version was in fact part of the adaptation of ^Elfhelm's work rests only on very slight evidence. There are no parallels in the Dublin/Corpus book, but at the point where we should expect to find them—after a brief reference to the restoration of the monastery—it apologises for an omission: ' Sed his omissis, ad ea que spopondimus enarranda transeamus ', and from this we may infer that the source from which the author of Dublin/Corpus worked contained further details. We cannot be certain, therefore, but it may be 1 2

Cc. 44-47. B is a manuscript of the thirteenth century or later and, even if we assume that the collection of miracles existed in an earlier manuscript version, which is likely, it cannot have been composed before 1174, as one of the miracles refers to Bishop Geoffrey Ridel (fo. 72, col. b). The collection also retains phrases which make sense only in the context of the L.E. (e.g. ' ut supra memoravimus', Book II, ch. 122; ' cuius iam supra meminimus', Book III, ch. 138; Richard Fitz Neal, ' supermemoratus ', Book III, ch. 138; Ranulf, ' memoratus', Book III, ch. 47). 3 See notes to Book II, ch. 1. 4 6 See notes to Book II, ch. 3. Book II, ch. 4. C

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argued that .ZElfhelm's narrative, as represented by Book I, cc. 43-49, was succeeded by a more elaborate version which formed the basis of the Dublin/Corpus book and which is represented more faithfully by Book I, cc. 41-42, and by the occasional phrase in eh. 38. This version may also have included the account of the history of Ely, as given in B and adapted in Book II, cc. 1-4, and Book I, ch. 37. The only other local sources used in Book I are Lives of Sexburga 1 and Jirmenilda 2. The sources of Book II are easier to trace. Cc. 1-49 3 are taken from a work which survives in two manuscripts, Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Vespasian A.xix, fos. 2-27V (A) 4 and Trinity College, Cambridge, O.2.41, pp. 1-64V (C) 5 , under the title Libellus quorundam insignium operum beati Mthelwoldi. Both manuscripts belong to the twelfth century and C was probably written between April 1139 and the end of 1140 6 . These two versions of the Libellus are, but for a few unimportant variant readings, identical 7 . They give a brief account of the restoration of Ely, with echoes from Wulfstan's Life of St iEtherwold 8, and a record of lands acquired by him on behalf of Ely and of pleas which arose from these transactions. This record, written originally in Old English, had been preserved at Ely and was translated into Latin—according to the translator's own statement—at the instigation of Bishop Hervey, that is between 1109 and 1131, and was known as the liber de terris sancti JEftelwoldi9. Towards the end of Book II the compiler declares his debt to another local source: ' Comprimo magnifica gesta Herewardi' and again ' In libro autem de ipsius gestis Herwardi, dudum a venerabili viro ac doctissimo fratre nostro beate memorie Ricardo edito, plenius descripta inveniuntur' 10. A work answering this description has survived in a manuscript belonging to the Dean and Chapter of Peterborough—the Register of Robert of Swaffham, compiled in the thirteenth century n . These Gesta Herwardi are divided into two parts. The 1 See notes to Book I, cc. 18, 32, 35. The passages there noted occur also in a Life of Sexburga in Trinity College, Cambridge, MS. O.2.1 to which they intrinsically belong. As this life is a copy appended to the manuscript of which the L.E. forms the first part, the compiler must have used it in an earlier manuscript version. The collections of Lives in Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Caligula, A.viii, and C.C.C., MS. 393 contain only a set of lectiones on Sexburga which have not been 2used. See ch. 36, where a parallel is noted with the Life in Trinity, MS. O.2.1, which is related to, but not identical with, the lectiones in MS. Cotton, Caligula A.viii, and Corpus, 393. 3 Except cc. 5, 6, 9, 16, 28, 29, part of 39, 40. 4 Described in detail in Historia Eliensis, Book III. 6 Described by M. R. James, The Western MSS. in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge, iii, 145-46. 6 Infra, p. xl. 7 A and C share an omission due to a scribal error which is made good in E and F. The latter must therefore derive from an earlier manuscript version of the Libellus, while A, which has two omissions not in C (infra, Book II, cc. 18, 32), is probably a copy of C. 8 Infra, Appendix A, p. 395. 9 Infra, Book II, proem. Cf. also Book III, cc. 119 and 120, where it is referred to as ' liber terrarum quern librum sancti iESelwoldi nominant '. Cf. also D. Whitelock, ' The Conversion of the Eastern Danelaw ', Saga-Book of the Viking Society, xii (1941), p. 160. For further comments see Professor Whitelock's Foreword, supra, pp. ix-xviii, and also infra, p. li. 10 Infra, Book II, ch. 107. 11 Printed by C. T. Martin as an appendix to Gaimar's Lestorie des Engles (ed. Sir T. D. Hardy and C. T. Martin, R.S., 1888, ii, 339-404) under the title Gesta Herwardi incliti exulis et militis.

INTRODUCTION

xxxv

first records the legendary exploits of Hereward until his return to England sometime after the Norman invasion and is stated to have been translated from a book in Old English, written by the deacon Leofric, Hereward's priest at Bourn 1 . The second part contains the personal recollections of some of Hereward's associates and is concerned mainly with his adventures during William I's siege of Ely. Five chapters of this second part correspond closely to the contents of the four chapters preceding the acknowledgement of the compiler of the Liber Eliensis, quoted above 2, and verbal parallels are frequent 3. But there are differences. Some details are found in the Gesta which are not in the Liber Eliensis. We hear, for instance, of William of Warenne's attempt to prevent Hereward from reaching Ely 4 and of the prowess in battle of the Ely monks 5. In the account of a skirmish at Reach the Gesta supplies the names of Hereward's followers, including that of Thurstan, the later prepositus of Ely 6. Hereward's escape after his reconnaissance of the king's camp is more fully described' and so is his last battle in defence of Ely 8. Some matter, on the other hand, is in the Liber Eliensis which is not in the Gesta. In so far as these additions can be derived from local tradition current in the compiler's time 9 he need not be held to have found them in his source and the Gesta could be the work which he used and abbreviated. But there are differences in presentation and phrase which cannot be explained in this way. The Liber Eliensis, for instance, uses direct speech where the Gesta has reported speech 10 and vice versa l x and occasionally gives a slightly different rendering of the story 12. The same slight, but distinct, difference is seen also in the choice of the occasional word: ' connexis pellibus bidentium . . . ut onus supereuntium melius sustentaretur ' [Gesta) 13 against ' pellibus ovium . . . ut onus supergradentium levins sustentaretur et pondus ' 14 (L.E.); ' de profundis illarum aquarum in armis putrefactis a&strahuntur. Quod enim nonnunquam ipsi vidimus ' (Gesta) 15 against ' ex ipsis fundaminibus sepius arma e^trahi cernimus ' (L.E.)16; ' nee venator ibi venabula non observet nee auceps avibus insidiare . . . non desistat' (Gesta) 17 against ' venabula abicit nee auceps aves decipiendo quiescit' (L.E.) 18 ; ' centum et aliquando ducentas et plus ' (Gesta) 19 against ' per centum et tres centas captas vidi plus minusve ' (L.E.) 20 ; ' dum illuc References will be made to this edition. For a notice of the earlier editions by T. Wright and F. Michel see ibid., p. xlvii, and for a later edition see De Gestis Herwardi Saxonis, ed. S. H. Miller, Fenland Notes and Queries, iii (1895-97). Cf. Hardy, Desc. Cat., ii, 22; F. Liebermann, Uber Ostenglische Geschichtsquellen, p. 14; H. W. C. Davis, England under the Normans and Angevins (13th1 edn., 1949), App. Ill, pp. 525—26; Freeman, Norman Conquest, iv, note OO, pp. 804-12. 2 Gesta Herwardi, p. 339. Book II, cc. 104-07. 3 See notes to cc. 104 and 105. The common passages in cc. 106 and 107 have not been noted4 for lack of space. 6 Gesta Herwardi, pp. 375-76. Ibid., p. 381. 8 6 Ibid., p. 383. ' Ibid., pp. 387-88. Ibid., p. 390. 9 E.g. Deda's report on the resources of the island and on the privileges of the abbey. Other phrases are introduced from William of Poitiers in ch. 107. 10 In Deda's report (ch. 105), Gesta Herwardi, p. 379. 11 Ibid., in William of Warenne's reply. 12 In its account of the skirmish at Reach [ibid., pp. 382—84), the fight in the king's kitchen (pp.13385-88), and the last battle (pp. 388-90). I4 15 16 P. 377. Ch. 104. P-377Ch. 104. 18 19 20 " P p . 380-81. Ch. 105. P . 381. Ch. 105.

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tempus exegi' (Gesta) against ' quamdiu illuc mansi ' (L.E.) 2. As it is unlike the compiler's normal habit to interfere with the style and wording of his sources in this way, we may infer that these differences from the Gesta were already present in the source which the compiler used. The exact relationship between this source, of which no manuscript version has survived, and the Gesta is a matter only for conjecture. The differences are too great to be attributed to a scribe making a copy. The answer is probably to be found in the preface to the Gesta. The author informs us that he had once abandoned the work and, when eventually prevailed upon to publish it, finding it imperfect, ' curae nobis fuit iterum . . . ad hoc ineo stilum convertere, et vobis iterum in morem historiae libellulum retexere, de hiis quae a nostris et a quibusdam suorum audivimus' 3 . The words imply that he did not copy, but re-wrote an earlier work which included the recollections of Hereward's followers, and an earlier passage indicates that the object of his revision was to improve language and style 4. The earlier and cruder version could then have been the source of the Liber Eliensis and the assortment of differences and similarities would be most satisfactorily explained on the hypothesis that the author was not revising an earlier Latin text, but producing a new translation into Latin of stories which had come to him in the vernacular. The author of the Gesta, as well as the author of the version represented by the Liber Eliensis, would then be the Richard, monk of Ely, referred to in Book II and, although the author of the Gesta nowhere identifies himself as a monk of Ely, the evidence supports rather than contradicts such an identification. In the preface he reveals himself as the member of a community 5. Some of his information on Hereward was derived a nostris, which would suit Ely. He was familiar with the topography of the island and, in referring to Ely, he speaks of in temporibus abbatum as a term requiring no further explanation 6. This reference to the times of the abbots puts the date of the Gesta after the accession of Bishop Hervey in 1109. The monk Richard was dead before the Liber Eliensis had been completed, that is before 1174 7, and even if the author of the Gesta—quite regardless of any identification with Richard—had been a mere boy when he saw the associates of Hereward and they very old, he is not likely to have lived longer than about this time 8. Book II, cc. 144-48 give an account of the second translation of Etheldreda in 1106 which is related to similar accounts found in B and in a Life of Wihtburga. In B 9 it is given, like the book of miracles, as a separate booklet, De secunda translatione, inserted between Books I and II of the Liber Eliensis. It is, with few exceptions, identical with cc. 144-47 a n ( i parts of cc. 148 and 150, and an introductory 1 3 4

2 P. 381. Ch. 105. There are similar examples in ch. 106 (Gesta, pp. 382, 384). Gesta Herwardi, p. 340. He describes his first attempt as ' crudam materiam . . . minus dialecticis et rhetoricis enigmatibus compositam et ornatam ' (ibid., p. 340). 6 Ibid., pp. 339 40. 6 7 The point is made by Liebermann, loc. cit. See infra, p. xlviii. 8 If the vestra dilectio, addressed in the preface, is—as is likely—a bishop of Ely, the Gesta were probably written before 1131, since the addressee also is stated to have seen two of Hereward's knights and it is improbable that they, maimed as they were, lived long enough to meet Bishop Nigel. 9 Fos. 33 ff.

INTRODUCTION xxxvii chapter, summarising the early history of Ely and of the building of the abbey church, has echoes from ch. 142 and concludes with all but the first sentence of ch. 143. There is no indication in the corresponding parts of Book II that they might be adapted from a self-sufficient work of this kind and the inference must be that the booklet has been compiled from the Liber Eliensis. The Life of Wihtburga is one of the collection of Lives in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS. 393. It ends with the story of Wihtburga's translation to Ely, which except for a few readings is the same as Book II, ch. 53, followed by a version of her translation to the new church which is identical with parts of cc. 144 and 148 and all of ch. 147, as well as being less directly related to the description in ch. 144 of those invited to attend the ceremony and of Bishop Herbert's speech. The style of the shared passages, which is characteristic of the rhyming prose of Corpus, and the order of the narrative, which is changed at one point in the Liber Eliensis from that retained in Corpus 1, indicates that the Liber Eliensis is dependent on a Life of Wihtburga of the Corpus type. It cannot have been Corpus itself, since it omits the name of Wido of Pershore, given in the Liber Eliensis, as present at the ceremony 2, and there is supporting evidence for the existence of such a Life, because Corpus shares a common source, which has not survived, with another Life of Wihtburga included in Trinity College, Cambridge, MS. 0.2.1 3. The story of the translation to Ely of the relics of St Alban, given in Book II, ch. 103, occurs also in the Life of St Alban in the Nova Legenda Anglie 4 by John of Tynemouth who found it ' in cenobio Heliensi scriptum '. John's version adds the date of St Alban's translation to the monastic church at Ely (IV. Id. Maii), also that the abbot of St Alban's who brought the relics later died at Ely and that the Ely monks, on being commanded by King William I to restore the relics to St Albans, sent a different set of bones. It lacks the information that at Ely St Alban's relics 1 Corpus gives the names of those who inspected Wihtburga's body at a point corresponding to the middle of Book II, ch. 147, where the L.E. says quos supra memoravimus, having already named them in ch. 144. Evidently the source used by the L.E. had the names in the same place as Corpus. 8 Also the chronological calculations in ch. 147 ' De huius quippe . . . ostensa est corpore ' are given later in Corpus, as the last passage of the Life (cf. infra, ch. 148). This position is more appropriate and there is no reason why the L.E. should have advanced it. The most likely explanation is that it was a marginal addition in the source used by both. 3 Fos. 236V-240V. The Trinity and Corpus Lives are for the most part identical. Corpus cannot be derived from Trinity, since a number of phrases, which it does not share with Trinity, fit too naturally into the stylistic pattern of the whole to be regarded as later additions. Also Corpus makes no use of much historical and genealogical information which Trinity adds to the prologue. These additions in Trinity are made in a simple prose quite distinct from the rhyming prose of the matter shared with Corpus; yet Trinity cannot be based on Corpus, since it ends with a miracle which occurs earlier in Corpus and it is Corpus, not Trinity, which acknowledges a change of order (' His e diverso tempore assimilatis et ex similitudine annexis, ad superiora proposita reditus detur associabilis '). Corpus therefore must have worked from a source which placed the miracle in the same position as it occupies in Trinity, and it is this source, of which no manuscript version has survived, to which both owe their common stock. The Trinity Life in its present state does not include the two translations, but it ends abruptly—the last few lines being added in a later hand—and they may well have been part of its source. Another collection of Wihtburga's miracles in Caligula A.viii bears no close relationship to either Trinity or Corpus and does not help to determine their common source. 4 Ed. C. Horstmann (1901), i, 36.

xxxviii INTRODUCTION were first stored in a small church and that the abbot arrived about six months before Stigand's deposition, and it calls him Alfricus (with the variant reading Alfridus) instead of the Mgfridus of the Liber Eliensis. John's version cannot therefore be merely an extract of the Liber Eliensis, at least in its surviving form, but the close verbal parallels indicate that ch. 103 and John's version share a common source. It has been suggested that of the two versions that of John is the more accurate 1. But the only serious discrepancy between them is in the abbot's name, and the Ely kalendar in E records the death on 31 October of an abbot Mgfridus. This is scarcely conclusive proof of the accuracy of the Liber Eliensis, as the handwriting of these obits dates from the same period as the Liber Eliensis and furthermore the abbot's house is not named. But as no other Mgfridus is known to have been connected with Ely, it may be taken as confirmation that in the twelfth-century tradition at least that was the name ascribed to the abbot of St Alban's who died at Ely and it suggests that the fourteenth-century version of the name may be corrupt. The whole matter, however, is obscured because the Ely tradition cannot easily be reconciled with that recorded in the Gesta Abbatum of St Alban's. According to the latter the abbot who sought refuge and died at Ely was called Fretheric, who came without relics and apparently later than 1069/70, and Ely's claim to have the true relics of St Alban is derived from the action of an abbot Alfric in Edward the Confessor's reign who, anticipating the Ely monks' reluctance to return the relics, once received, tricked them first, by sending a false set. Vaughan suggests that the Ely tradition is substantially correct and that St Alban's later suppressed all information about the refugee abbot yElfric (or EcgfriS), and invented a legend to explain, and refute the claims of Ely 2. Another domestic source incorporated in Book II is an account of the lives of the chief benefactors of Ely—Archbishop Wulfstan, a Swedish bishop, named Osmund, Bishops Mliv/ine. and TElfgar of Elmham, Eadnoth of Dorchester and .ZEthelstan of Elmham, and Ealdorman Brihtnoth. They are listed in this order in a note in F, fo. 1 3. In Book II the accounts given of these confessores Christi are dispersed among several chapters 4, but there is good reason to believe that they were originally part of a single work recording the translation by Prior Alexander in 1154 5. No manuscript versions survive of any narrative sources which may have provided material for Book III. But on three occasions the compiler refers to the works of his fellow-monk Richard. Ch. 96, concerning the priory's litigation over the possession of Stetchworth about 1150, which this Richard conducted at the papal 1 2 4 5

R. Vaughan, Matthew Paris (1958), p. 200. 3 Ibid., pp. 198-204. Cf. Bentham, Ely, i, 85. Cc. 62, 65, 71, 72, 75, 86, 87 and 99. In every case, with the exception of Bishop Osmund, the date of death is given in a similar form. Each is said to have been translated inter alios (or some similar phrase) and the opening passage of the chapter about Wulfstan clearly was intended to introduce a narrative treating of them all (' primum earn in serie aliorum collocantes, quos subsequens narratio declarabit'—and this in ch. 87 when in the L.E. only the account of Osmund remains to be given). The compiler explains the change of sequence: ' Horum primus est in ordine vir optimus Wlstanus, licet aliquorum, exigenti narrationis serie, supra meminimus '.

INTRODUCTION xxxix x curia, is based on a historia on the subject written by him . Cc. 44 and 45, dealing with the accession of2 Nigel in 1133, are derived from a more detailed account in Richard's opuscula . Elsewhere, although no acknowledgement is made, there are indications that a local source has been used. Verbal parallels in the description of Nigel's3death in cc. 137 and 138 suggest that both accounts are adapted from a single source . Ch. 138, moreover, seems originally to have belonged to a coherent narrative dealing with the priory's complaints against the bishop's familia and the punishment visited upon detractors of St Etheldreda, dispersed between cc. 73, 78, 89 and 92. These chapters and a few others recall the stylistic extravagances found in the three chapters known to be derived from the works of Richard 4 5and they deal with matters which Richard is likely to have committed to writing . The evidence is too slight to allow a definite conclusion, but the likelihood remains that the compiler has drawn on one or more narrative accounts covering episodes in the pontificate of Bishops Hervey and Nigel, and perhaps also in the careers of Abbots Simeon and Richard, concerned with the priory's struggle for its lands and rights. Another self-sufficient narrative embodied in Book III is contained in cc. 47 and 51-53. The subject matter—a story of an insurrection planned by Nigel's procurator, Ranulf— would fit the matter of the narrative source already postulated, but it stands alone in the whole Liber Eliensis in its use of a 6classical source, Sallust's Bellum Catilinse, which seems to set it apart from the rest . The selection and sequence of the documentary material included in Books II and III suggests some relationship with three Ely cartularies which have survived,— the Collectio Privilegiorum which follows the Libellus in C, another version of the 1 ' Ad hoc monacus Ricardus auctor huius operis et hanc historiam stilo commendavit, causam negotiumque pro ecclesia suscipiens . . . de arbitrio domini pape decidendum appellavit ' (ch. 96). See infra, p. xlvii. 2 ' Pretermitto plurima que in opusculis fratris nostri historiarum studiosissimi deserti et eloquentissimi viri plenius referuntur ' (ch. 44). ' Hec quidem latius scriberem, sed, quoniam in venerabilis iam dicti patris Ricardi opusculis plene inveniuntur, ad alia festinamus ' (ch. 45). 3 They are indicated in the footnotes to the text. The argument is more fully set out in ' The Historia Eliensis as a Source for Twelfth-Century History ', Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, xli (1959), pp. 311-16. 1 E.g. ' Itaque cara et preclara Eliensis metropolis luxit et elanguit, suo orbata presidio a iugo destituta solatio . . . et de more pro pastore in vigiliis, in ieiuniis . . .' (ch. 44); '. . . cuius honestas totam curiam illustrabat, potestas regebat, largitas extollebat . . .' (ibid.); '. . . verba pretendit . . . monita adiungit . . . ferre commonuit . . . devote spopondit . . .' (ch. 45); '. . . vir impius, inventor sceleris . . . multipliciter afflixit . . . gravamina intulit . . . contumeliis lacessivit . . . rapere non timuit . . . " (ch. 96). If Richard is taken to be the compiler of the L.E. itself as well as the author of these opuscula, the evidence from style cannot of course be admitted to help determine the contents of the opuscula. See infra, p. xlvii. 5 His complaints at the curia covered a wide range (cc. 102, 101) and a digest of them might well 6have been included in the Stetchworth historia. In B (Book of Miracles) these four chapters are given as one continuous story, but, as this is clearly derived from a source which had previously mentioned Nigel's clerk Ranulf, it is probably taken from the L.E. The only other narrative sources taken into Book III are the miracle stories in cc. 33, 35 and 43. The most interesting of these is ch. 33, concerning the liberation of Bricstan, which is adapted from a story composed by Abbot Warin of St Evrout, another version of which has found its way into Orderic Vitalis, Hist. Eccl., iii, 122-34. Like other miracle stories in Book III these probably belonged to a collection of miracles from which they were copied in approximately chronological order into the L.E.

xl INTRODUCTION Collectio, with additions, in Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Tiberius A.vi, fos. 99-120 (D), and the cartulary which follows Book II in G. The collection in C consists of three groups of documents. The first of these, written in the hand which also wrote the Libellus and the I.E. in this manuscript, comprises—apart from four charters of Edgar, iEthelred and Cnut x—charters and writs concerned with the liberty of Ely, with the creation of the bishopric in 1109 and with the division of the Ely lands between bishop and monks. It ends with three letters from Innocent II of 1139 arising from Nigel's attempt to recover alienated lands. The second group, written in a different hand, consists of one letter of Innocent II and six of Lucius II of 1144. A third hand has copied letters from Eugenius III of 1150 and 1152, the last of which is incomplete, breaking off in the middle of a sentence at the end of a folio. The first group seems2 to represent the documents taken to Rome by the delegation sent by Nigel in 1139 , as well as the papal privileges which they secured, and the manuscript was afterwards used as a convenient register for papal letters and privileges. D is clearly a copy of C. It reproduces the abrupt end of C, but in the middle of a line and folio, without supplying the rest of the document, and is written in one hand up to this point. Its beginning has not survived. In 3its present state the manuscript opens with the middle of Edgar's Stoke charter , which is the third document in C, but in view of the identity of the rest, C and D presumably shared the same beginning. In a second hand D adds five miscellaneous documents which are not in C. Up to the first change of hand in C (after i Book III, ch. 67), the5 Liber Eliensis includes the same documents in the same order , with one exception when the compiler of the Liber Eliensis explains the change: ' Que quia prior est privilegio, ipsa primum, deinde ponitur privilegium '. But there are differences. Even before ch. 67 the 6Liber Eliensis adds in Book II charters of Eadred, ^Ethelred and two inventories , and in Book III two groups of charters respectively of Henry I and Stephen 7. After ch. 67, while all the letters in C and D are in the Liber Eliensis 8, they are only a small proportion of the documents found there and they are disposed in a different sequence 9. More significantly, there are a number of variant readings, including10 omissions, in C and D, which have not found their way into the Liber Eliensis . Several solutions suggest themselves. The compiler may have used the originals, without consulting C and D, if we may assume that these were bundled together in the order followed (up to ch. 67) by the cartularies. He may have derived his text from the originals, but used C or D as a guide, or he may have copied 1 2 4

Book II, cc. 9, 39, 58, 72. 3 Book III, ch. 53. Book II, ch. 39. Book II,2 cc. 5, 9, 39, 58, 82, 92, 93, 95, 116-17, 120-27, 136; Book III, cc. 2-7, 10-13, 15-16, 18-19, 6, 55, 54, 56, 65-67. 5 Book III, ch. 55 precedes ch. 54. 6 Cc. 28, 77, 114 and 139. ' Cc. 8, 14, 20-24 a n d 4°> 49> 638 Except one letter of Archbishop Theobald in D. See infra, Book III, ch. 91. 9 Cc. 68, 85, 79, 84, 80-81, 83 (end of the second hand in C), 95, 105 and part of 104 (end of C and change of hand in D); only in D, cc. 91 (followed by another version of this which is not in the L.E.), 90, 106, 134. 10 See textual notes to e.g. Book II, cc. 117, 126, 127, 136 and Book III, cc. 79, 85. For omissions in D only see e.g. Book III, cc. 2, 6, 7, 13, 81, 83.

INTRODUCTION xli an earlier version of C which stopped at ch. 67. This last solution, as the compiler would hardly have troubled to excuse his change of sequence unless he had been copying from a manuscript observing it, is perhaps the most probable 1. G has all the documents of the Liber Eliensis from Book II, ch. 116 onwards, except Book 3III, ch. 95 2. It includes those not in C or D, which are added in the margin of E , and except for Stephen's charters, which in G are grouped together 4, it follows the same order as the Liber Eliensis. Yet G cannot, as at first seems possible, have served as a supplementary source for the Liber Eliensis from which the marginal additions in E could be derived. It is the Liber Eliensis which must be5 the source. G has a number of worse readings and omissions not shared by E or F , and in four instances copies phrases which are not part of the document and which belong naturally to a narrative history rather than a cartulary6. The evidence from variant readings is not clear enough to determine which manuscript of the Liber Eliensis may have been used by G. In three instances it seems that 7 E rather than F was used , but the treatment given in G to the two inventories in Book II 8 may suggest that here at least it was following an earlier version of the Liber Eliensis which has not survived 9. Another cartulary, used to establish the text of the charters in this edition,—Ely Diocesan Registry, Liber M,—which is the only surviving attempt at a complete and systematic priory cartulary, was not 1 This relationship between C, D and E matches the suggestion made by J. H. Round for the versions of the I.E. in the same manuscripts. Refuting the conclusions of N. E. S. A. Hamilton —who took the version in E to be derived from C—he held that the D version was an inferior copy of C and that E, which corrects C's inaccuracies, derived from a source held in common with C. Cf. Hamilton, I.C.C., pp. 97 fi. and xiii ff. and Round, Feudal England, pp. 124-25. They use the letters A for Tiberius A.vi (D), B for Trinity, O.2.41 (C), and C for Trinity O.2.1 (E). Cf. also G. R. C. Davis, Medieval Cartularies, pp. 42—44. 8 Italso lacks Book II, ch. 128 (added in the margin of F only) and Book III, ch. 133 (in the margin of E only). Book III, ch. 114 is entered twice. While the cartulary seems to have begun originally with Book II, ch. 116, four charters were later copied in to precede it (Book II, cc. 92, 93, 9. 39) and one was added at the end (Book II, ch. 77). It ends with fifteen documents, not in the L.E., mainly connected with the election of a successor to Bishop Nigel, three of which have been printed by R. Foreville, ' Lettres " Extravagantes " de Thomas Becket . . .' (Melanges d'histoire du Moyen Age dedies a la memoire de Louis Halphen, no. xxix, pp. 225-38). 3 Book III, cc. 8, 14, 71, 75, 76. It also includes the inventory in Book II, ch. 114 (in the margin of E), but not that in Book II, ch. 139. 1 Book III, cc. 49, 63, 70, 71, 75, 76, 87, 88, 114. These are followed in G by letters of Innocent II (Book III, cc. 54-55, 65-67, 56) after which the order of the L.E. is resumed, except that 6ch. 128 precedes ch. 127. Also Book III, ch. 8, precedes ch. 7. See textual notes to e.g. Book II, ch. 114; Book III, cc. 2, 5, 16, 18, 22, 23, 66, 71, 85, 98,

103,

106, 6

129,

140.

See the concluding phrases of Book II, cc. 116 and 117, Book III, cc. 4 and 5. In Book II, ch. 136 G adds igitur and idem with E and F—words which do not belong to the charters and are omitted from C and D—and in several instances shares other readings with E and F against C and7 D (e.g. Book III, ch. 54). One error which clearly originated in E led to amendments in G and F. In E the last word on fo. 172 is Dei, the first on fo. 172V is legiis. G amends the latter to legibus, F (on erasure) to privilegiis (ch. 134). It is, however, possible that G preserves the original version. In Book III, ch. 85 F reads in aquis sicut solebant, where E and G omit sicut (E adding in quibus in the margin), and in ch. 14 G and E read scilicet which is omitted in F. 8 Cc. 114, 139. • See infra, p. xliv.

xlii INTRODUCTION compiled before the last years of the thirteenth century and too late therefore to have been used by the compiler of the Liber Eliensis 1. III. THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE MANUSCRIPTS The relationship of the manuscripts of the Liber Eliensis cannot be established with certainty. There are marked differences between E and F which indicate that E cannot be a copy of F. Apart from the handwriting of E, which seems to be the earlier of the two, F includes chapters in the text which are only in the margin of E 2 and, while F seems to be a fair 3copy throughout, there is one section in E which looks like the compiler's autograph . For this section at4 least F is probably a copy of E, and this may be true for the whole of Book III . For Book II, however, E cannot be the sole source of F, since the latter reproduces the Libellus in full, which E severely abbreviates, and has other additions 6. Whether F used E as a basis from which to work, while making its own additions, or whether an earlier recension, which has not survived, has been used, must be left open to doubt 6. It is perhaps unlikely that F worked from E, as we might in that case expect some vestige in E also 7of F's emendations and additions, especially where F has made good an omission or altered individual words 8 and in cc. 113-15, where F has re-organised the material. There is, moreover, evidence of an earlier recension, now lost, of E, which F might have used. Book II in E is preceded by an index of chapter headings. This is not merely a summary list, compiled from the rubrics of the chapters which follow in the text of E and later inserted in a vacant space left for the purpose. It was copied into E in the same hand as that of the text immediately preceding and following—a hand which wrote9the first seventy-six folios of the Liber Eliensis, to the second line of Book II, ch. 90 . It must therefore be either the copy of an index to an earlier manuscript version of Book II or at least compiled from the rubrics in the text of such a version. It represents a Book II of the E type, but with some differences. In its omissions it agrees with E against F. It has no rubrics for F, cc. 69, 70, 138, where the 1 Cf. G. R. C. Davis, Medieval Cartularies, p. 43. The manuscript resembles O in handwriting and general appearance. a Book II, cc. 114, 138; Book III, cc. 8, 14, 32, 71, 75, 76. 8 Fos. 144-3iv (Book III, from the end of ch. 68 to the middle of ch. 92). But the autograph4 may begin already earlier. See supra, p. xxiii. This would explain the errors shared by E and F in Book III, cc. 15, 54, 56, 95, 134, 137, 138. F has several omissions and inferior readings which could be the result of careless copying (cc. 26, 35, 36, 60, 96, 116) or attempted correction (cc. 38, 43, 74, 121). For a variant which can probably be traced to an error in E see supra, p. xli. 5 It adds an excerpt from William of Poitiers in ch. 90 and also the cc. 69, 70, 138. 6 The strongest piece of evidence for E as the direct source of F is the inclusion of the word perrexit in the text of ch. 142. This occurs at the corresponding place on the line in E, but is part of the inset rubric. As this is written in red in E, F's error is unnatural, and it may be that E exactly reproduced the lay-out of an earlier recension with the rubric in the same shade of ink as the7 text. E.g. in cc. 55, 66, 69, 85, 109, 111, 134. 8 E.g. in cc. 83, 104, 105, 106, 137. In ch. 78 E reads ornamentis, followed by ornatibus lined9 through: yet F reads ornatibus only. It also wrote the rubrics to the text as far as Book II, ch. 84.

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corresponding chapters are omitted from the text of E, nor for 108 , which is a later marginal addition in the text of E, and none for seven chapters from the Libellus (24, 33, 36, 41, 42, 45 and 49), which are either omitted from the text of E or abbreviated and joined to the preceding chapter without a new rubric. It has no rubric for ch. 76, which is in the text of E, but gives a different rubric for ch. 77 which could have covered the subject matter also of ch. 76. It omits the rubric for ch. 122. But it adds a rubric, not given in the text of E, after ch. 119, which is obviously meant to describe ch. 120, and this leaves two rubrics (in the same words as those which in the text of E describe cc. 120 and 121) which are quite adequate for cc. 121 and 122, and no difference from the content of the text of E need be inferred. But the rubrics to cc. 73-89 are given in a different sequence from the text of both E and F 2. This sequence is most easily explained as an earlier arrangement in which the chapters were grouped roughly under the reign of the appropriate king. Cc. 73-80 belong to the reign of ^Ethelred 3 and cc. 81-89 to that of Cnut. Certainly ch. 84, beginning ' Ut autem rex Canutus imperium suscepisset ', follows more naturally on ch. 79, which records his accession, than on ch. 83. The sequence in E and F would then be the result of a rearrangement in a stricter chronological order according to the respective terms of office of Abbots ^Elfsige, Leofric and Leofsige. This earlier recension of E, as represented by the index, would meet the conditions required of the ancestor of F 4. In fact, one point of contrast between E and F can best be understood, if we regard them as making their separate and different emendations from an archetype such as this. The index has two rubrics not found in E or F. The first of these, ' Quod sua industria impetravit a rege, quatenus totius abbatie possessiones iurari faceret et restitui indixit', follows the rubric for ch. 113. The other, ' Quod predictus abbas Godefridus que in thesauris etiam reperiit ecclesie describi fecit ', follows the rubric for ch. 117. Also, like E, the index has no rubric for ch. 115. The text of E has no equivalent to the rubric after ch. 113. After ch. 117 the rubric in the text has been erased, leaving only Quod, and the chapter, beginning ' Et quomodo possessiones sua industria ad ius sancte ^EdeldreSe pertinentes conscripte sunt et fidelium attestatione iuramenti designate, sicut non minus que in ornamentis thesaurorum reppererat annotare 1 The rubric to ch. 108 was originally missing also from the index of F, as was that of ch. 109, and they were added in the margin. But this seems to be without significance, as the index in F was copied in after the completion of F Book II and as the additions are in the same hand as the rest of the folio on which they occur, presumably correcting an accidental omission by the scribe. *I-e73, 77, 80, 74, 75, 78, 79, 84, 85, 81, 82, 86-89, 83, 90. 3 The only exception is ch. 80, which ends with the election of Abbots Leofwine and Leofric in the reign of Cnut. But here too the chief time reference is the death of Abbot TElfsige tempore regis4 Mthelredi, which would account for its insertion at this point. For instance, if F did not work from E, the recension from which it did work must have had an abbreviated version of the Libellus like E. F gives the phrase ' Collectis igitur omnibus terris . . . habenturque ibi hyde lx ' as the last sentence of both cc. 23 and 24. If F had been prepared from a Book II giving the Libellus in full, the sentence would have come only in ch. 24. E, however, omits the chapter of the Libellus, corresponding to ch. 24 in F, except for this last sentence which it appends to ch. 23 without a new rubric. Presumably the F version copied ch. 23 from an abbreviated version like E, then supplied ch. 24 in full from the Libellus and repeated its last sentence.

xliv INTRODUCTION curavit', gives the inventory of the abbey treasures taken by Ranulf Flambard. In the margin in a different hand and without rubric is added an inventory taken in the time of Godfrey. F, on the other hand, gives Godfrey's inventory after ch. 113 (changing the end of ch. 113, as given in E, and adding a new narrative chapter—115) and Ranulf's, without the opening sentence in E, as ch. 139. In the archetype, therefore, the chapter represented by the rubric following ch. 117 was probably Godfrey's inventory and the chapter represented by the rubric following ch. 113, which has verbal parallels with the opening sentence of Ranulf's inventory in E, must have either made some reference to this inventory or included a copy of it. E then preferred the position after ch. 117 for Ranulf's inventory rather than Godfrey's and omitted to find a place in the text for Godfrey's altogether. F, however, made a more radical revision in removing Ranulf's inventory to a chronologically more1 suitable position and inserting Godfrey's in the place vacated by it after ch. 113 . But although the F version seems to be ultimately descended from this archetype, it is unlikely that F itself, which has the appearance of a fair copy, is immediately derived from it. It is safer to postulate a recension of the F type, adapted from the archetype, from which F was later copied. There is some support for this theory in the version of Book II in B and G. This stops at ch. 96 and includes only those chapters concerned with the acquisition— or in ch. 96 the alienation—of the abbey lands 2. B is a copy of G 3. G is closer 4 to F than to E in its variant readings and in that the Libellus chapters are given in full and ch. 90 includes the extract from William of Poitiers. It cannot be an earlier recension from which F, or the postulated original of F, have been expanded, since its readings are frequently inferior 5 and it is clearly abbreviated from a more 6 complete Book II . It could be copied from F, but the handwriting seems to be of an earlier date and in7 one instance it retains a scribal error which in F has been corrected on erasure . It is possible that G copied F before the correction was made, but, as the correction seems to be in the hand of the text, it is more likely that it derived the error from a common source. For Book I the evidence comes only from variant readings. E and F frequently 1 The cartulary in G gives Godfrey's inventory after ch. 117, which suggests that G was here following the archetype and not E. As it omits Ranulf's inventory altogether this suggests further that the archetype did not give this inventory in full in a form suitable for inclusion in a cartulary. The omission of the same inventory from O must have a different explanation, as O gives cc. 113-15 in the order of F. As, like E, O also omits ch. 138, it may have been following F at 2one point and E at the other. Cf. infra, p. xliv. It omits cc. 5, 9, 28, 39, 58, 77, 82, 92, 93, which are documents; cc. 6, 50-57, 71-72, 76, 79, 80, 84-87, 91, 94, which are narrative chapters not concerned with the Ely lands, and ch. 15, which is a later marginal addition in F. The only anomaly in this selection is the inclusion of ch. 90, recording the betrayal of Alfred in 1036. 3 B is the later manuscript. Its readings generally agree with G—especially where the order of words differs from E and F (e.g. cc. 8 and 11). In ch. 74, where the word Berchinges occurs in EFO,4 it has been erased in G, while it is entirely omitted from B. E.g. BG and F share omissions against E in ch. 62. 6 BG frequently have a different word order from F, where F agrees with E and the Libellus (e.g. 6cc. 8 and 11). -E.g. it keeps the phrases introducing charters, even when the charters themselves do not follow7 (cc. 8, 38). See the textual notes to ch. 29.

INTRODUCTION xlv 1 2 place words in a different order , individual words have been altered and, if F had been working from E we should expect a corresponding amendment in E. It is in itself likely that a manuscript of Book I separately existed, since in his proem to Book II the compiler acknowledges a delay between the writing of the first two books. The version of Book I in B must in fact derive from such a manuscript, since the scribe of B evidently did not use a manuscript of the whole of the Liber Eliensis 3. Therefore, although the variants of B generally agree with F, they cannot derive from F, but must come either from a later copy of F Book I, which is unlikely, or from a Book I used by both B and F *. The text of O does little to further the discussion. It has the full Book II as5it is in F. Up to about ch. 101, with a few exceptions, it follows the readings of F , but after that generally shares neither its omissions 6 nor its variants from E 7. On the other hand, it has F's version of cc. 113-15, although it omits Ranulf Flambard's inventory altogether. There is no point in speculating about a common source which might have shared these characteristics. O is an attempt at a comprehensive history and the easiest explanation of its vagaries is that it used all the manuscripts available, but without any systematic collation. This is indicated on three occasions when the scribe of 0 could not decide which was the better reading and retained both 8 and also by the fact that his writing is sometimes found in 1

E.g. in cc. 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 17, 18. E.g. adoptatam E: adoptivam F (ch. 14); salute E: statu F (ch. 16); vestimentis E: vestibus F; reperiit E: habuit F (ch. 16). 3 He would not otherwise have copied the fragment of Book II, nor separated Book II from Book I by inserting between them the tract on the second translation (which comes at the end of the full Book II) and the book of miracles. 4 In cc. 8 and 9 E and F have lengthy additions on erasure which are not in B. It is unlikely that B could have copied F before the additions were made, since they are made in a hand which looks earlier than that of B. B could therefore derive from a copy of F Book I, taken before these additions were made, or from a source shared by E and F. In ch. 8 also B (with O) has a variant from E and F, which may come from such a common source (super Deirorum provinciam . . . super provinciam Eboracam adhibuit E, showing signs of erasure; super Deirorum et Berniciorum provincias . . . super provinciam Eboracam adhibuit F; super Deirorum, on erasure, provinciam . . . Eboracam hoc est Berniciorum adhibuit B; super Deirorum etc. as B, but without erasure, O). All versions make the error of not realising that the province of York is the same as that of Deira. But B and F seem to have used a source, which could not be E, with the word Berniciorum in it, perhaps as a suggested correction of the erroneous Deirorum, misunderstood by B and F. 5 E.g. in cc. i, 54, 55, 61, 62, 65, 66, 69, 85, 101. 6 E.g. in cc. 102, 109, 131, 136, 142, 148. 7 E.g. in cc. 104, 105, 106 (F alone adds eiusdem domus), 133, 134 (F alone adds ab Mo), 137. The chief exceptions from this rule are in cc. 31 (EO add two verbs not in F); cc. 59 and 67 (where omissions in FBG are made good in EO); ch. 78 (ornamentis followed by ornatibus lined through, E; ornatibus, F; ornamentis, O) and ch. 83. Also after ch. 101 FO sometimes agree against E;«.g. ch. 101 (occurrere, E and Florence; concurrere, FO); ch. 109 (impegre, FO; omitted in E). The same distribution applies approximately where F adds words, not in E, by interlining. Up to ch. 105, with a few exceptions, these added words are in the text of O; after that they are omitted from O, as from E. 8 Ch. 2 (favore, EFBG; fervore, AC; favore . . . vel fervore, O); ch. 73 (perpetuo, with final 0 on erasure, F ; in perpetuum, E ; perpetuo vel in perpetuum, O); ch. 100 (edoctum, E ; eductum, F; eductum vel edoctum, O). Cf. also ch. 89, where O shares a long addition with F, but also one sentence which is only in E. 2

xlvi INTRODUCTION x 2 marginalia of3 both E and F . The same explanation would fit its version of the other books . The extract from Book III in A 4 has readings which are generally inferior but provide no conclusive evidence whether E or F was the parent manuscript. The composition of the Liber Eliensis thus falls into the following stages. Book I existed separately in a version from which the inferior copy in B is probably derived. A manuscript of Book II was then prepared, which is now lost, but represented by the index of chapter headings in E. This8certainly included all Book II and may have continued as far as Book III, ch. 43 . Books I and II and the beginning of Book III were copied, after the order of several chapters had been amended in the text, but not the index, of Book II, into a single manuscript—E—which the compiler continued to the middle of Book III, ch. 92. The rest of his autograph may have been too rough to be preserved and was replaced by a fair copy. The manuscript from which E had taken Book II then served as the basis for a revised Book II from which the abstract in G (later copied by B) was probably taken and eventually F was prepared from the separate version of Book I, the revised Book II and the continuation to the passio of St Thomas in E. IV. THE AUTHORSHIP AND DATE OF THE LIBER ELIENSIS There is nowhere any indication to contradict the impression given by the prefaces to the three books that the compilation was the work of one man. He was clearly a monk of Ely, but we cannot be certain of his name. He has sometimes been identified with a monk Thomas8, on the grounds that Thomas wrote the miracle story in Book III, ch. 61 in the first person singular de me ipso. But the style employed in this chapter is not found elsewhere in the Liber Eliensis and, although it may be said that he used a flamboyant style in ch. 61 only, because it was appropriate to his subject, it is unlikely that he could have denied his taste 1 3

2 Book II, cc. 134, 137, 148. Book II, cc. 15, 128. O continues its preference for E up to Book III, ch. 55 (e.g. it does not share F's omission in ch. 26 and misreading in ch. 38), but follows F in bad readings in cc. 54, 56, 69, 74, 92. In cc. 95, 127, 135 it agrees again with E, and in a passage in ch. 138, -where E is unintelligible, it first followed E and then produced its own emendation. In Book I, O generally agrees with F, but cf. supra, p. xlv, n. 4, where it shares a reading with B, which may represent an older version of Book I. 4 It includes cc. 1, 2, 5, 6, 9, 25, 33, 41, 44—47, 51-56, 62, 72-73, 137. 6 E is still a copy up to this point, and the second copyist's hand, which took over at the beginning of Book II, ch. 90, stops after ch. 43. If G cartulary used this manuscript of the L.E. it would explain why it abandons the sequence of the L.E. with the first charter (ch. 49) after ch. 43. Also ch. 43, the last chapter dealing with Bishop Hervey's time, is in itself a likely place for a6 break in the composition of the L.E. See supra, p. xxiii. By previous editors of the L.E. and the Chronicon. Their findings, discussed in Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, xli (1959), pp. 309—10, need not be examined in detail, since they are all based on the evidence of Book III, cc. 44, 45 and 61, which is cited below. The difference between them lies, not in their conclusions, but in that they found this evidence in a variety of MSS. Wharton had to rely on Book III in A, which has cc. 44 and 45, and on the book of miracles in B, which includes a copy of ch. 61. Mabillon and Papebroch had the evidence of B only. Gale had a manuscript (E) of the L.E., as had Stewart, but the latter printed only a few, incomplete notes made by H. Petrie. Cf. also Liebermann, t)ber Ostenglische Geschichtsquellen, pp. 225 ff. and M. Bateson in D.N.B. under Thomas of Ely.

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xlvii

for rhyming prose and hexameters for the whole length of the Liber EHensis. It is far more probable that Thomas was the compiler of a collection of miracles into which he introduced one witnessed by himself x. A stronger claimant is Richard, the author of the Stetchworth historia and of the opuscula on the priory's grievances. His name would lend considerable authority to the Liber Eliensis, at least for its twelfth-century portions. A senior monk of Ely, whose experience was not confined to domestic affairs, he is probably to be identified with the later sub-prior 2 and prior 3 of that name. Richard's claim has long been recognised. Boston of Bury mentions him as author of Sermones quamplures 4, but not of any historical work. Leland calls Ricardus Anguillarianus Monachus author of Anguillarianae res gestae insulae 5. Bale in his Index Britanniae Scriptorum 6 quotes Boston, but in his Catalogus ', apart from correctly using Leland and Boston, he attributed to Richard also Carmina diversa and aliqua nonnulla. This is an error which can be traced back to the Index 8, where these latter items are on the authority of Matthew Paris attributed to Roger de Insula, Anglus nacione. Above Roger Bale wrote ' Ricardus ' and above Anglus ' putatur Eliensis', and Roger was subsequently altogether omitted from the Catalogus. Bale's error passed to, among others, Wharton 8 and Tanner 10. This claim depends on the evidence of one passage. Describing the early stages of the litigation over Stetchworth, Book III, ch. 96 tells us that Bishop Nigel had first confirmed the priory in its possession of the manor, but was obliged after an appeal heard before Archbishop Theobald and Bishop Hilary of Chichester to reverse his decision: ' . . . prenotatorum simul consilio episcoporum atque precepto adversarium ilium Henricum, monachis inconsultis, in possessionem, quam petebat, de Stevechesworde . . . introduxit. Ad hoc monachus Ricardus, auctor huius operis, et hanc historiam stilo commendavit, causam negotiumque pro ecclesia suscipiens solus ex omnibus restitit . . . et de arbitrio pape decidendum appellavit.' The construction of the italicised passage is unfortunately obscure. Stewart seems to have concluded—in a sentence which is also far from clear—that it had been 1 The nearest approximation to his style in works produced at Ely is to be found in the version of the Book I miracles in Corpus, MS. 393, Trinity College, Dublin, B.2.7 and B. 2 He was one of the party which represented the monks at the election of Geoffrey Ridel (G, fo. 54V). 8 He succeeded Salomon in 1177 (Bentham, Ely, i, 216-17) and was not himself succeeded before 1189 (ibid., p. 217. Bentham does not give his authority for this date, but this must be the concord ' facta die Sabbati prox' post festum Sancti Andr' anni primi electionis domini Willelmi de Lungchamp ' which Bentham copied into Vol. VII of his notebook, C.U.L., MS. Add. 2950, from Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Tiberius B.ii, fo. 255). This Richard is not to be identified with the monk Richard said to have written the Gesta Herwardi (see supra, p. xxxvi), who must have been dead by the time Book II was copied into E (where he is referred to as beate memorie). 1 Catalogus Scriptorum Ecclesiae, C.U.L., MS. Add. 3470, no. 169. 5 De Scriptoribus Anglicis, ed. A. Hall, Commentarii de Scriptoribus Anglicis (Oxon., 1709), i, 245. Cf. Leland's Collectanea, ed. T. Hearne, i, pt. ii, 598 ff. 6 Ed. R. L. Poole and M. Bateson (1902), p. 344. 8 ''Scriptorum Illustrium Maioris Britanniae Catalogus (1557), p. 269. P. 405. 9 10 Anglia Sacra, i, p. xlv. Notitia Monastica (1774), p. 35.

xlviii INTRODUCTION extracted, with ch. 96, from a work written by Richard and, having been included in the Liber Eliensis by an oversight, had no bearing on its authorship \ He did not, however, explain the meaning of the phrase or why, wherever it originally belonged, Richard should apparently be proclaimed the author of two works. To make sense of the construction the et must mean also or even, which gives us the meaning: ' For this purpose {i.e. to defend the monks' title to Stetchworth) the monk Richard, author of this opus, wrote also this historia ' (or ' even this historia '). Taken as an integral part of the Liber Eliensis and as written by its compiler, the sentence would at first sight imply that Richard was firstly the author of the Liber Eliensis itself (opus) and secondly of an account of the Stetchworth case, excerpts from which are given in ch. 96. This would agree with the evidence of cc. 44 and 45, where Richard is cited as the author of certain opuscula, excerpts of which are given there, and also described as historiarum studiosissimus. As the references to Richard are in the third person and complimentary, it would be unlikely that he wrote them himself and that he was himself the compiler of these chapters. But he may well have compiled Books I and II and Book III to the end of Bishop Hervey's time (ch. 43) and have left the task of adapting his earlier works—and perhaps of compiling the rest of Book III—to a colleague who made the acknowledgements quoted. This would help to explain the confusion in some of the chapters dealing with the history of Stephen's reign, which must have been adapted from an earlier narrative version, as the division of the narrative into chapters and the sequence in which these are disposed in the Liber Eliensis make nonsense of the2 chronological order, which was accurately known by the author of the narrative . It would also fit the evidence of the handwriting, which changes at the end of ch. 43 3, and 4 of the postulated recension, which may have continued to this point , and it would agree with what we know of the date when the Liber Eliensis was compiled. Book I must have been written later than 1131, when Florence, the latest source used in it, could have become available 8. The compiler then allowed enough time to pass 8 before beginning Book II to warrant an apology for the delay , and this book cannot have been completed before 11547. Book III was finished after 1169, when Bishop Nigel died,—and the first reference to his death comes as early as ch. 57 8—and, as no mention is made of his successor, before 11749. We could 1 3 6 6 7

2 Liber Eliensis, p. vi. See infra, App. E, p. 436. 4 See supra, p. xxiii. See supra, p. xlvi. See The Chronicle of John of Worcester, ed. J. R. H. Weaver, pp. 9-10. See infra, Book II, Proem. The date of Prior Alexander's translation of the relics of the ' confessors ' buried at Ely (Book II, ch. 87). This evidence for the date of Book II is roughly corroborated by Book II, ch. 54, which cannot have been written before 1144, since it mentions a silver cross ' quam Nigellus episcopus tulit ' and this must be one of three crosses mentioned in Book III, ch. 89. The same chapter includes a letter from Henry of Huntingdon, described as a venerable old man, which refers to events of about 1150. 8 ' Tempore adhuc superstitis domini Nigelli episcopi ' . . . 9 This agrees with the evidence of the kalendar, which precedes the L.E. in E and which gives the obit for Nigel, but not for Geoffrey Ridel. Cf. F. Wormald, Benedictine Kalendars after 1100, vol. ii and B. Dickins, Leeds Studies in English and Kindred Languages, vi, p. 15. The passio of St Thomas could also have become available by then. See E. Walberg, La Tradition Hagiographique (1929), pp. 133-34.

INTRODUCTION xlix therefore conjecture that Richard's early essays in historical writing, that is his account of the early years of Nigel's pontificate, led him to design the Liber Eliensis and to compile Book I. Soon after the completion of Book I he would have been entrusted, sometime before 1150, with the handling of the Stetchworth case, which caused him to write an eloquent description of the priory's grievances. After the conclusion of the case he would have resumed his work and, after bringing it up to the death of Bishop Hervey, could have become too fully occupied in administrative work to complete his design. The only difficulty in this interpretation is that a certain stylistic exuberance, which distinguishes the chapters known to derive from his opuscula, is not generally prominent in Books I and II 1 . But there are no irreconcilable contrasts of style, and the differences may be explained on the grounds that the opuscula were Richard's independent creation and described events by which he had been personally stirred, while in Books I and II he was the compiler only, organising and adapting materials at second hand. On the other hand, it is possible that the opus of which Richard is said to be the auctor is not to be taken as a literary work at all. He is presented in the Liber Eliensis as the priory's spokesman in the early stages of the Stetchworth litigation, and the disputed phrase may mean no more than that Richard, who initiated this litigation—in lodging the appeal at the curia,—also wrote a historia of it. This alternative interpretation would leave the Liber Eliensis the work of an anonymous compiler, writing between 1131 and 1174, who drew much of his information on contemporary history from the works of Richard, and, while the balance of probabilities favours Richard as the author of the whole work, in assessing the accuracy and authority of the information supplied we can safely ascribe to him the responsibility only for those chapters which can be shown to derive from his opuscula 2. V. THE VALUE OF THE LIBER ELIENSIS The value of a compilation, made between 1131 and 1174, of materials so varied in date and content, is open to question. The materials themselves are not of course objective records of the acknowledged rights of the abbey, but represent its claims in times of stress and its needs to justify existing customs by appeal to ancient privilege. Thus the production of a Life and miracles of St Etheldreda are testimony less of a lively cult of the saint than of the doubts and disrespect3 of the generations of monks and laymen in the century after the Norman invasion . The emphasis on the antiquity of the abbey's liberty owes much to the disputes arising from the Norman settlement and from later attempts by Bishops Hervey 4 and Nigel5 to recover alienated lands. The determination8 of Abbots Simeon and Richard to establish exemption from episcopal control may have led them to seek evidence for it when none existed. Suspect in themselves, these materials, 1 2

See supra, p. xxxix.

See supra, p. xxxix. This more cautious conclusion is adopted in my article, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, xli, p. 311. • See infra, Book II, cc. 131, 132; Book III, ch. 58. Cf. D. Knowles, The Monastic Order in England (1949), pp. 118-19. 4 6 Book III, ch. 9. Book III, ch. 48. • Book II, cc. 118, 141. D

1 INTRODUCTION as presented in the Liber Eliensis, incur further suspicion, because we are here made to see them through the eyes of men determined to claim for the new cathedral priory the rights and lands which the convent had enjoyed in the time of the abbots and to prevent the new bishops from assuming, by right of succession to the abbots of Ely, the exercise of powers in the isle which had been denied to their predecessors in their episcopal capacity, the bishops of Lincoln. The narrative account therefore, no less than the documents, of the Liber Eliensis cannot be accepted without careful scrutiny for signs of forgery, bias, or less culpable inaccuracy resulting from ignorance or misinterpretation. From such a scrutiny the documents emerge remarkably well. Of the royal writs and charters only Edgar's privilege 1, Edward the Confessor's confirmation 2, 3 the report of the discussio libertatis of 1080 , and Eadred's charter in Book II, ch. 28 need be considered spurious. Of the papal letters only the privilege of Victor II is suspect *. Charters confirming grants from Bishops Hervey and Nigel are above suspicion, except those recording the division of lands between monks and bishop 5. But whatever may be said of the form of these instruments, the contents of Bishop Nigel's charter at least can be accepted as genuine e. The authenticity of Hervey's charter is more seriously in doubt since the discovery among the Ely muniments of an original charter 7, which was not copied into the Liber Eliensis and describes a less generous settlement. One may suspect that the monks substituted for it a document which more nearly met their demands—ch. 26—and which was presented to Bishop Nigel to provide a model for his arrangement between 1137 and 1139. In fact, Nigel could not have been ignorant of Ely, D. and C, Cart. 51, since it was witnessed by the archdeacon whom he inherited from his predecessor 8, and the difference between the two charters can be adequately explained without assuming either to be a forgery. The difficult Latin of the passage introducing ch. 26 9 lends itself to the construction that Hervey's plan to separate the livelihood of the monks from the rest of the income from the Ely lands caused much indignation and that the monks did not consent to his proposals until he had promised to consider a gradual increase of the monks' share after inquiring into their specific needs. The original proposals, it is suggested, are embodied in the Ely charter and the eventual improvements in ch. 26, and an essential difference between the two arrangements is indicated—again in difficult Latin—by the preamble to ch. 26. This implies that Hervey had first merely earmarked the incomes from certain manors for the various requirements of the convent (necessaria monachorum) as distinct from the res episcopates, and such an assignment, conferring no rights 1 4 6

2 3 Book II, ch. 5. Book II, ch. 692. Book II, ch. 116. Book II, ch. 93. Book III, cc. 26 and 54. The versions which have survived as Brit. Mus., Harley Cart. 43.H.4 and 43.H.5 appear to be not originals, but scriptorium copies (see infra, cc. 26, 54). The contents of Nigel's charter are taken over verbatim into the papal confirmations of 1139 and 1144 (Book III, cc. 56 and 85). Nigel's charter was later confirmed by himself (Book III, ch. 135; Ely, D. and C, Cart. 55) and it served as the basis for William Longchamp's charter of confirmation (Ely, D. and C, Cart. 57). 7 Ely, D. and C, Cart. 51; printed by Miller, Ely, pp. 282-83. Cf. ibid., p. 76. 8 William the Breton. The clerk Gocelin of Ely, who became a member of Nigel's familia, also 9witnesses this charter. Cf. Book III, cc. 78, 89, 90, 92. See infra, Book III, ch. 25.

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of administration or free disposal of the manors themselves, is all that the Ely charter records 1. Possession and independent control of the manors themselves was the subject of the later grant, in response to bitter complaints, which is copied in ch. 26 2. The earlier arrangement, thus revoked and anyhow insignificant by comparison, would not require detailed notice in the Liber Eliensis and ch. 26, no less than the Ely charter, can be regarded as authentic 3. The same is true of the few private charters which are included 4 and of the abstracts of Old English wills and other grants 6. The records derived from the Libellus are in a category by themselves 6. The survival of two manuscripts of the Libellus itself proves that the compiler of the F version of the Liber Eliensis merely incorporated a translation, prepared in Hervey's time, without any important alterations. But exactly what the translator had before him is less obvious. His ultimate source was clearly a number of informal records in Old English of acts of purchase by Bishop iEthelwold which generally, but not always 7, include the account of a law-suit after the death of King Edgar. Such records, also connected with ^Ethelwold, are well known from the cartularies of Abingdon, Winchester and Peterborough 8, and traces are found of them also in a twelfth-century Latin version in the Ramsey Chronicle 9. The details of the transactions described are convincing. No doubt the records present only Bishop iEthelwold's side of the case, but the selection of the facts and the bias of the presentation at least belongs to the period of the transactions themselves: there are no later controversies over the estates concerned which might have occasioned forgery or interpolation at a later date. Whether the translator was the first to arrange documents, separately preserved, consecutively in a book, or whether he was working from an existing collection, we are not expressly told 10. But there 1 The manors are arranged under the headings ad victum, ad vestitum, ad luminare, ad operationem, and some of these arrangements continued to be observed after the priory gained full control. See infra, Book III, ch. 105 and F. R. Chapman, Sacrist Rolls of Ely (1907), i, 120. 2 '. . . res monachorum a rebus episcopalibus separatim ordinavi, et . . . separatim possidere permisi . . .' 3 This explanation accounts also for other differences between the charters. Manors named in the Ely charter, but absent from ch. 26, had probably been alienated (e.g. Willingham, Hardwick and Hatfield were later held as knights' fees of the bishop, Miller, Ely, pp. 183-84. Kingston was recovered by Nigel in 1135, infra, Book III, ch. 48. Hoo was exchanged, Liber M, p. 146). Of the additional possessions in ch. 26 Nigel confirms elsewhere that the monks had held Winston (' sicut illam melius et liberius quando ad episcopatum venimus tenuerunt ', Liber M, p. 155) and their own court (Book III, ch. 135) in Hervey's time, and he is not likely to have been deceived, as he made a survey of the Ely revenues soon after his accession (Book III, ch. 48). 4 6 Book III, cc. 139-41. I Book II, cc. 60-70, 73-75, 81-82, 88-89. 6 Book II, cc. 7-8, 10-14, 6-27, 30-49. 7 Cc. 11, parts of 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 20, 21-23, 26, 31, 36-40, 42-49. 8 Cf. Robertson, Charters, nos. XXXI, XXXVII-XL, LIII. There are other instances concerned with Rochester, Christ Church, Canterbury, and Hereford (ibid., nos. XLI, XLIV, LIX, LXVI, LXIX, LXXVIII, LXXX). 'E.g. pp. 48—51, 59-61, 76—79. Cf. F. M. Stenton, The Latin Charters of the Anglo-Saxon Period (1955), p. 44. 10 The proem to Book II and the concluding phrase of Book III, ch. 119 (which quotes the Latin Libellus verbatim) suggest only that there was a liber de terris sancti /Edelwoldi in the Latin translation. But the introductory phrase to Book III, ch. 120 (which proceeds also to quote the Latin Libellus) seems to imply that such a book existed before its translation into Latin (' in libro iam dicto sancti ^Edelwoldi Anglice composuerunt, sed nunc temporis in Latinum transmutatum . . .').

lii INTRODUCTION are indications that he is translating a register compiled soon after the time of the events described. The transactions, for instance, concerning lands on the island of Ely are grouped to show the piecemeal acquisition of the abbey's possessions there 1, and the object was clearly to demonstrate the composition of the sixty hides which the abbey in yEthelwold's time owned ' infra aquas et paludes et mariscum de Ely ' 2. Elsewhere also the sequence of entries seems to respond to an earlier design than that of a twelfth-century translator and 3the occasional comment to belong to the period of the transactions themselves . Moreover, the relics of ^Ethelwold's administration at Peterborough 4 suggest that he might well himself have instigated the compilation of such a register. A distinction ought probably to be made between the detailed summaries of transactions, which begin with the Hatfield exchange 5, and the four introductory chapters, dealing with the restoration of the monastery, which precede it in the Libellus. These chapters seem to have been compiled by the translator from the paragraph on the restoration of Ely in Wulfstan's Life of ^Ethelwold and from a brief account consisting of Wulfstan of Dalham's defence of the old foundation and of TEthelwold's purchase of estates in Ely, Melbourn, Armingford, Northwold and the soke of the seven and a half hundreds. This latter account was presumably part of the Old English original of the Libellus. For if the details of iEthelwold's purchase had been supplied by the twelfth-century translator we should expect them to have been derived from the version of Edgar's privilege which has survived in the Stowe charter and which the compiler of the Liber Eliensis later inserted at this point. But the Libellus gives the number of hides of the estates concerned, not found in the Stowe charter6, 7 and speaks of five and a half, not five hundreds . The original of the Libellus must here have given the gist of a version of Edgar's confirmation in the same way as8 it abstracted from other charters of Edgar the details of the grants of Linden and Stoke 8. Taken as a whole, the Libellus provides no firm evidence of the date when the postulated Old English original could have been compiled. It could fit equally well before or after the death of iEthelwold, but the probable 1 2

Cc. 8-24 (except for the intrusion of transactions concerning Cambridge in cc. 18-20). See infra, Book II, ch. 24. It is unlikely that, as has been suggested, the hidage figures here given have been adjusted to agree with those sworn to at the Domesday inquest, since they rarely coincide with the totals in Domesday Book and since in cases where the tenth-century estate has been re-organised before the Norman conquest no attempt is made to identify it with the corresponding Domesday estate. See infra, Book II, cc. 8 and 9, and notes. 3 See especially the group of estates at the end of the Libellus (infra, Book II, cc. 42-49), bought and later lost by iEthelwold, with the apparently contemporary comment that now the bishop, or the church, lacks both land and purchase money; also ch. 11, where an account of the purchase of land at Chippenham is added to the descriptio of Downham with the final comment on the six and a half predia which cost sixty shillings, while no one with any sense would value them4 at more than twenty. See Robertson, Charters, no. XXXIX for a list of iEthelwold's gifts to Peterborough and no. XL for a list of sureties for the purchase of estates for Peterborough. 6 Book II, ch. 7. 6 Except for Harting, given to Edgar in exchange. ' See infra, Book II, ch. 5. These details do not appear either in the Old English version of the Stowe charter nor in the other surviving version of Edgar's grant to jEthelwold of the monastery of Ely with the estates at Melbourn and Armingford. 8 9 Book II, ch. 9. Book II, ch. 39.

INTRODUCTION liii x limits are 2 after the accession of iEthelred and before the death of Abbot Brihtnoth . This collection of documentary material is the most valuable part of the Liber Eliensis. For the domestic history of Ely it effectively illustrates the growth of the endowment, its fortunes after the Norman invasion, and the way in which the lands were allocated to support the separate establishments of bishop and monks after the creation of the bishopric of 4Ely in 1109 3. In the wider field of English history the Libellus is full of interest , and the documents of the Stetchworth case give a good example of the procedure of5 appeals to the papal curia and the use of judges delegate in the reign of Stephen . The worth of the compiler's own comments and of the information derived from narrative sources is more uneven. For the history of Etheldreda's foundation additions to Bede are insignificant and scarcely repay the labour of sifting the mass of conventional verbiage in praise of the ascetic life 6. For the ' time of the abbots ' the compiler adds the date of the restoration, which was probably taken from a local set of annals ', and a brief notice on each of the 8abbots, including generally details of their consecration and the date of their death . His account of the history of the abbey's franchise is uncritical, reflecting no doubt what had by the twelfth century become the conventional view of his house.9 He presents the Stowe version of Edgar's charter as an authentic instrument and emphatically accepts Edward the Confessor's charter with the dogma that the total immunity from the interference of royal officers, which the abbey had claimed in the eleventh century for all its lands, and the freedom to call any bishop of their choice to perform the essential episcopal functions there, derived from the right 10which Etheldreda had enjoyed in the island, bestowed on her ' pro dotalicio iure ' . This view must be rejected with the document on which it rests, and it is no longer possible to reconstruct with any degree of ucertainty when the abbey acquired its franchise and what rights it comprehended . It is too much 1 Book II, ch. 11 refers to .SJthelred ' futurum regem tune vero comitem', but this could be the translator's interpolation. 2 His name occurs in some of the transactions, but elsewhere the title abbas is used without qualification, which may indicate that Brihtnoth had not been succeeded at the time of writing. The calculation of the total hidage of the island of Ely may be connected with the measuring of the3 island by Leo, the prepositus in Brihtnoth's time (Book II, ch. 54). See Miller, Ely, pp. 16-25, 66-70, 74-77, 155-62, 165—75. 4 See Professor Whitelock's foreword, supra, pp. ix-xviii. 5 See infra, Book III, cc. 96-114. 6 They include the place of her birth, given as Exning (Suffolk), a legendary account of her journey south from Coldingham, the dates for her marriage to Tonbert (652) and his death (654-55), a n ( i a mistaken attempt to prove that Etheldreda was the daughter of Hereswith (see infra, Book I, cc. 2, 3, 4, 13). ' The date is given as 970 iuxta cronicum (Book II, ch. 3, q.v.). 8 See infra, Book II, cc. 57, 80, 84, 94, 98, 112, 113, 115, 118, 137, 140, 150 and App. D, pp. 410-13. 8 10 See infra, Book II, ch. 5. Book II, ch. 92. Cf. Book I, ch. 15. 11 The problem is discussed by Miller, Ely, pp. 9-15 and V.C.H., Cambs., iv, 1—8. The grant of the Ely hundreds and the Suffolk hundreds is included in the Stowe version of Edgar's charter and also in the summary of what may be another version of this charter in the Libellus (supra, p. lii). The Suffolk hundreds were certainly in the abbey's possession before iEthelwold's death in 984 (infra, Book II, ch. 41). That the hundred and a half of Mitford was acquired in Edgar's time we have on the authority only of the L.E. (ibid., ch. 40).

liv INTRODUCTION to expect the compiler to undermine the foundations of his abbey's liberties, but there is less excuse for his failure to render a fuller account roft nthe long struggle, sustained by abbots and bishops between 1071 and 1139, f° e full restitution of the abbey's rights and lands. The efforts of Hervey and Nigel receive an appre1 ciative, but hardly informative, mention , while the pleas of William I's reign are still less adequately reported 2. The compiler has failed also to give a clear account of the complicated arrangements necessary after 1109 to devise a financial settlement for the maintenance of two establishments out of the income of one. It must have seemed absurd, for instance, to the bishop, when he assumed control over the administration of the abbey revenues, not to resume the exercise of episcopal functions which under the bishop of Lincoln had been discharged by the sacrist in place of the archdeacon. But the monks, accepting no change of status, were determined to retain their lands and liberties, and the attempts of the bishop and his familia to reach a working settlement and to obtain the ready money necessary for an active political career in Stephen's reign are accordingly represented, regardless of their merits, as gross offences against St Etheldreda 3. But even if we make allowances for such distortion of the facts *, the narrative commentary is far from adequate in detail and the administrative history of the new cathedral priory must be reconstructed from the documents themselves. Similar strictures apply to the compiler's contribution to our knowledge of English history at large. A few interesting remnants of local tradition emerge. We hear, for instance, that the monastery to which King Sigebert withdrew was Betrichesworde 5 and6 that Bishop Felix founded churches at Reedham7 (Norfolk) and Soham (Cambs.) . We9 hear of the royal visits to Ely of TEthelred , Cnut 8, and Edward the Confessor . There is some biographical material on Archbishops u 12 Wulfstan 10 and Stigand , on Bishop Eadnoth of Dorchester , and some of the bishops of Elmham 13. But normally the compiler is content to follow familiar sources even where we should suspect the existence of an interesting local tradition 14, and sometimes he presents his materials in such disorder as to deprive them almost completely of their intrinsic value. The outstanding example of this treatment is his account of William I's siege of Ely 15. He presents it as a consecutive narrative which protracts the siege from 1 2 3 4

Book III, cc. 9, 39, 48. Cf. Miller, Ely, pp. 165-75. See infra, App. D, pp. 426-32. E.g. Book III, cc. 37, 101; Book II, ch. 54; also Book III, cc. 78, 89, 92, 101. Even in Book III there are mistakes. A muddled introductory phrase to four papal letters (cc. 65-68) obscures the fact that Nigel himself visited Rome in 1140 (ch. 68) and four of Stephen's writs5 (cc. 49, 70, 71, 76) have been misplaced. See infra, App. E. 8 Book I, ch. 1. • Book I, ch. 6. ' Book II, ch. 91. Book II, ch. 85. 9 Book II, ch. 91, where he is said to have been brought up in the monastery. 10 u 12 Book II, ch. 87. Book II, cc. 98, 103. Book II, ch. 71. 13 iEthelstan (Book II, ch. 65), iElfgar (cc. 72, 75), jElfwin (ch. 86). There is also a reference to the death of Asgar the Staller in captivity (ch. 96), to the death of William de Warenne (ch. 119) and the probably erroneous information that Henry I was crowned by Archbishop Thomas of York14 (ch. 140). E.g. on the death of Alfred at Ely in 1036 (Book II, ch. 90). 18 Book II, cc. 102-11.

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1069 to 1075, and he inserts extracts from William of Poitiers out of their context * and from Florence regardless of chronology 2. This narrative as a whole—quite apart from individual errors—is clearly untrustworthy, since it cannot be reconciled with the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and Florence, which describe the siege and capture of Ely in the annal for 1071 3, and with the fact that Abbot Thurstan died in 1072 4. It is difficult to reconstruct the local tradition of the siege. The circumstances leading to William I's attack given in the Liber Eliensis are taken from Florence. The rest of the story seems to come from local sources. One of these is the legend, recorded in the Gesta Herwardi and without dates, of Hereward's successful defence of the island 5. A second is a brief digest of Hereward's operations. This so consistently follows the phrases of a single biblical source—/ and II Maccabees—as to have no parallel elsewhere in the Liber Eliensis and therefore to suggest that it existed as a separate opusculum later incorporated as a whole by the compiler of the Liber Eliensis 6. The details of this account are obscured by the biblical language, but it seems to summarise Hereward's exploits as described in the Gesta Herwardi and as reproduced more fully in Liber Eliensis, Book II, cc. 104-07. But it adds the date for this unsuccessful siege as 1069 and also the statement that William I had to abandon it in order to attend to the affairs of the kingdom since he was faced with inroads from Scotland, Ireland, Wales and Denmark. It adds further, that on the advice of Bishop William of Hereford and others the king at this time distributed among his knights those of the abbey lands which lay outside the island. A third seemingly separate account 7 tells of a successful assault, seen from the Norman angle, which ends with the surrender of the island, and this surrender is made—whether by the compiler of the Liber Eliensis or his source it is impossible to say—to follow after a secret treaty between Abbot Thurstan and the king at Warwick in the seventh year from the beginning of the rebellion. These sources seem to be made up of three distinct fragments of local tradition. (1) They present different versions of the same siege operations. First, William crossed the lacus Cotingelade, but was unable to storm the rebels' fortifications at Alrehede. He then tried with the aid of local levies to bring his siege weapons to bear on Alrehede, at first unsuccessfully, when Hereward had them set on fire, and a second time—perhaps in the absence of Hereward—with success. After a laborious crossing of the marshland of the island he then reached Witchford and paid a visit to the monastery, whereupon the abbot sought him at Witchford to make his submission. Throughout these operations negotiations seem to have been carried on for a truce, accompanied by charges of ill faith on both sides and by the king's threats to enfeoff his knights permanently in the abbey lands outside the 1

See infra, Book II, cc. 109-10. Extracts from the annal for 1071 are followed by an account of the siege dated 1069 (ch. 102), followed in turn by extracts from 1067 (ch. 103), and from 1067, 1085 and 1069 (ch. 104). 8 Cf. also accounts other than Florence dependent on A.S.C. as Henry of Huntingdon, Hist. Anglorum, p. 205 and Simeon, ii, 195 (using Florence); also Orderic Vitalis, Hist. Eccl., ii, 215-16. Freeman's view is generally accepted ' that the whole campaign took place in the course of the year following the departure of the Danish fleet ' (Norman Conquest, iv, 475) in the summer of 10704(A.S.C, E). 5 2

6

See infra, App. D, p. 412. Book II, ch. 102.

7

Book II, cc. 104 07. Book II, cc. 109-11.

lvi

INTRODUCTION 1

island . This must be the siege referred to by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and Florence, s.a. 1071. (2) There was a meeting at Warwick in the seventh year from the beginning of the rebellion. The seventh year ought probably to be reckoned from 1066 and thus falls in 1072, i.e. after the surrender of the island. The business of the meeting may have been to negotiate for the restitution of the abbey lands 2. (3) The island was besieged in 1069. Apart from the mention of the date itself in the Liber Eliensis, attacks from Scotland, Ireland, Wales and Denmark could be said to have been threatening in that year, and it is in itself likely that William, after his return south in 1068, when he built castles and left garrisons at Huntingdon and Cambridge 3, took care to place a watch on the approaches to Ely. The same period would fit the strange reference to Bishop William of Hereford. It is of course possible that William was written in error for Walter, who was bishop of Hereford at this time. But it is more likely that the compiler of the Liber Eliensis has confused the opening passage of the annal for 1070 in Florence, where William, earl of Hereford, with others unnamed, is held responsible for the plan to plunder the monasteries. The sequence of events adopted by the compiler of the Liber Eliensis is best explained on the hypothesis that he regarded the three accounts of the same siege operations as describing a succession of different operations and that he had to fit them in between two time references. His first source placed the surrender of the island after the rebellion of Ralph Waher, i.e. in 1075, and the Hereward legend immediately before it. The second source attached the Hereward legend to the siege of 1069. 1075 is the seventh year from 1069, and so the Warwick meeting could be taken to precede the surrender and could be identified with the occasion mentioned in the Hereward legend when the monks betrayed the defenders of the island. We thus get two assaults, both resisted by Hereward, the first in 1069 successfully, the second in 1075 eventually, owing to the treachery of the monks, without success 4. It is impossible fully to salvage the local tradition from the compiler's treatment of it. Perhaps the most likely reconstruction is that the king invested the island in the winter of 1068-69. His command to search the monasteries 5, the invasion of abbey lands by his knights, and the rumour that Abbot Thurstan was to be replaced by a Norman abbot 6 , would have persuaded the monks to side with the rebels and to welcome Hereward and the Danes, who made Ely their base for the raid on Peterborough early in 1070 7. This led the king to assail the island later that year and, after a brief resistance, inspired by Hereward, to force 1 For these details see infra, Book II, cc. 104—11 and notes. The story of the capture of the rebels is quite unreliable. Edwin, whose presence at Ely at this time is most unlikely, is said to have been captured there, while Morcar, who is reliably reported to have been captured there,2 is in the L.E. said to have escaped. See infra, App. D, p. 430. 3 Orderic Vitalis, Hist. EccL, ii, 185. 4 This might have induced the compiler to extend Abbot Thurstan's life beyond 1075. 6 Florence, s.a. 1070; cf. infra, Book II, cc. 101, 102. 6 Gesta Herwardi, p. 374. 7 See the Peterborough addition to A.S.C., E, s.a. 1070.

INTRODUCTION lvii an entry into the island. The Ely camp was probably divided between the residents prepared to come to terms with the king, those exiles prepared to surrender if only the Normans' good faith could be trusted, and mere adventurers like Hereward whose continuing excesses discredited all attempts at negotiation. The king meanwhile pressed on with his attack and owed his success partly to the endurance of his troops, emphasised in Norman recollections of the assault, and partly to the dissensions among his opponents, which led to the English legend of the monks' betrayal1. Nor did the compiler use his own knowledge of the locality to supplement the scanty topographical information found in his sources, with the result that William's line of approach cannot be reconstructed with any degree of certainty. According to Florence 2, he attacked the island on its western 3side, and this fits the traditional identification of Alrehede with Aldreth causeway . But there are difficulties in this identification 4, and it has been suggested that the attack came from the direction of Stuntney on the eastern side 5. This suggestion rests on the argument that there have been no archaeological finds near Aldreth High Bridge to indicate that this was the area of the assault and that the fen there must have been a good deal wider than the four furlongs mentioned in ch. 104, while such finds have been made on the eastern side at a point where the water was probably sufficiently narrow and where such names as Alderbrook Farm may recall the Alrehede of the legend. This theory would receive further support if the Brandune, where William is according to the same chapter said to have withdrawn, is identified with the Ely manor of Brandon, Suffolk. But it is then difficult to see how Hereward on his return from the king's camp there to Ely could shelter in Somersham wood, which lies on the west side of the island. Perhaps the king stayed at the royal manor of Brampton, Hunts., to the west of Somersham, and this would lend support to the traditional view of an attack from the west. The compiler's record scarcely improves when he reaches events nearer his own time and no longer has any major sources to be correlated with local tradition. He gives interesting and seemingly independent accounts of Hugh Bigod's testimony that Henry I7 on his death-bed designated Stephen8 as his successor6, of Stephen's coronation , and of the battle of Lincoln (1141) , and in passing he mentions the purchase for Richard, Nigel's son, of the office of treasurer about 1 Cf. also the version of the siege in Orderic Vitalis, Hist. Eccl., ii, 215-16, suggesting that Morcar was tricked into surrender. 2 See infra, Book II, ch. 102. 3 V.C.H., Cambs., ii, 381-85, with map on p. 382, and Bentham, Ely, i, 104, n. 2, which refers to the later legend that William's army was encamped to the south of the causeway on Belsar's Hills, on the edge of the fen, in the manor of Willingham. 4 See H. C. Darby, Medieval Fenland, p. n o . 6 See T. Lethbridge in P.C.A.S., xxxiv, pp. 90-91; xliv, pp. 23-25 and in V.C.H., Cambs., i, 332-33. His view has the support of A. K. Astbury, The Black Fens (1958), pp. 49—51. 6 Book III, ch. 46, which is the source of the briefer account in Diceto, i, 248. 7 It adds a new date—18 December—to an already varied tradition. See infra, Book III, ch. 46. 8 Book III, ch. 72. There is also an interesting description of the miserable living conditions in the isle during the ' anarchy ' which bears out reports from Peterborough and Ramsey (Book III, ch. 83; cf. J. H. Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, pp. 213-20).

lviii INTRODUCTION 1 1159 . But in giving information on the career of Nigel he has again abused his sources 2. Such treatment of narrative sources, which raises doubts without offering the means of their resolution, 3deprives the information tendered on general English history of most of its value , and it is a sad epitaph on the industry and good intentions of the compiler that his history is most useful where his own work can be altogether undone and the compilation be dissolved into its component parts. VI. PLAN OF THE EDITION (a) The Text It is impossible to devise a self-consistent plan for an edition of a charterchronicle which will satisfy its requirements both as a narrative history and a collection of charters. The latter requires that the text should present the original version of the document, where possible, and otherwise the nearest approximation to it. This would imply introducing into the text original charters from the beginning and middle of the twelfth century, the Stowe charter of about the eleventh century, versions from cartularies C and D, which frequently retain older versions of personal and local names, and occasionally from Liber M (end of the thirteenth century), each with their several characteristic spellings. It would further raise the problem whether pleas described in the Libellus should be regarded as documents and printed from manuscripts of the Libellus rather than of the Liber Eliensis. The result would be a medley of texts from manuscripts ranging over three centuries in which the unity and distinctive quality of the Liber Eliensis would be wholly lost. The edition is therefore planned to display the character of a twelfth-century charter-chronicle, planned as a composite work in which documents are subordinated to a narrative history. The text reproduces F, as the most complete of the early versions of the Liber Eliensis. Conventional contractions have been extended without notice except in doubtful cases, when extensions are shown within square brackets. Since the scribes show no consistency in their use of e and use ee only for the initial letter 1 Book III, ch. 122. The evidence of this chapter has been needlessly condemned as a ' scandalous and highly imaginative narrative ' on the grounds that it refers to Bishop Alexander of Lincoln and Pope Eugenius III who were no longer alive in 1158 (H. G. Richardson, ' Richard Fitz Neal and the Dialogus de Scaccario ', Engl. Hist. Rev., xliii (1928), pp. 163-66). The compiler, however, is here making two points: (i) Etheldreda's ' palla ' was pawned to provide money for the purchase of the treasurership when the king was preparing his Toulouse campaign in 1158, and (ii) this palla had already been pawned on a previous occasion (' similiter altera vice') when Bishop Alexander had presented it to Eugenius III at whose command it was restored to Ely (presumably in 1145 when Alexander paid one of his visits to Rome, Henry Hunt., Hist. A nglorum, p. 278). 2 See infra, App. E. * It has found its way into only one major chronicle. Ralph of Diceto had good contacts with Ely in Richard Fitz Neal and William Longchamp (Diceto, i, p. lxxiv; ii, pp. xxxi-xxxii). He derived his note on the insurrection at Ely (ibid., i, 252-53) from Book III, cc. 47, 51-53, on Hugh Bigod's oath at Stephen's accession (ibid., i, 248) from Book III, ch. 46, on Archbishop Wulfstan from Book II, ch. 87 (ibid., i, 172). For the value of the L.E.'s tradition that an insurrection against Stephen and Bishop Nigel was planned in 1135-37 s e e infra, Book III, ch. 47.

INTRODUCTION

lix

of Old English names, the letter e is printed in all cases, except personal and local names, in place of the ae and oe of classical usage. For easier reading the scribes' punctuation and arbitrary use of capitals, as well as their indiscriminate use of c or t before i, are discarded in favour of modern convention; v is printed for u before a following vowel, and consonants are doubled {e.g. cowwendo) without notice unless the use of a single consonant seems consistent. The loose sentence structure of much of the Liber EUensis makes it impossible to apply any rigid standards of punctuation, and it is not always possible to tell—especially where clauses begin with a relative pronoun—where the beginning of a new sentence was intended. Punctuation marks have therefore been used sparingly with the primary aim to ease the reader's task rather than to achieve any overall consistency. Interlineations and important erasures are indicated in the lettered notes, and readings found in other manuscripts have not normally been introduced into the text, except in a few instances where the patently imperfect state of F requires emendation. (b) Documents To conform with the rest of the chronicle the text of the documents is also taken from F and at times retains its imperfect extensions (e.g. Teste where Testibus or Testimonio would be more appropriate). Routine contractions are extended without notice. In doubtful cases and for clearly incorrect readings (especially in personal and local names) extensions and emendations are intruded into the text when the complete or correct reading can be supplied on good manuscript authority; then the reading of F is shown in the lettered notes. If the correct reading cannot be supplied in this way, extensions and emendations are shown within square brackets, when they can be confidently conjectured; otherwise the abbreviation of the manuscripts is retained. All variants are given only for original charters where these exist; elsewhere, to avoid overcrowding the notes, variants are shown only if they serve to establish a more reliable version, to display the relationship of the manuscripts, or if they suggest any significance from a linguistic point of view. (c) Lettered Notes These comprise the collation with E and 0 and, where relevant, with the version of Book II in B and G, with the Libellus, with the cartularies in C, D, G, and Liber M (with occasional additions from other cartularies), original charters, and infrequently the version of Book III in A. No special notice is given at the head of chapters of which manuscripts are to be collated, except where subsidiary manuscripts deviate from F and in the case of documents, where all manuscripts collated are indicated. The aim of the collation is not to present a complete reconstruction of subsidiary manuscripts, but to illustrate their interrelationship and expose significant variations. (d) Numbered Notes These notes do not aim at a comprehensive commentary on the text. Their primary purpose is to indicate sources incorporated by the compiler of the Liber EUensis. In addition to the pointed brackets in the text, direct borrowings are indicated in these notes by the phrase e.g. ' from Bede ', less direct relationships

lx

INTRODUCTION

by such phrases as ' derived, abbreviated, expanded, abridged, from'. References to Bede, Eccl. Hist, are given by book and chapter, unless they are to Plummer's introduction which is referred to as Bede, vol. ii. References to Florence are to Thorpe's edition, which where necessary, to distinguish it from the manuscript version in Bodl. 297, is specified by the words ' as printed'. References to parts of the Liber Eliensis are by chapter only, if in the same book, otherwise by book and chapter. Conscious borrowings from the Vulgate and classical authors are generally shown (the note being placed at the end of the passage borrowed), but no attempt is made to indicate fully the general and obvious dependence on a biblical vocabulary. (e) Sigla The letters have been chosen to agree with the edition of the papal letters in W. Holtzmann, Papsturkunden in England. F E 0 A B G C D M

Ely, Dean and Chapter MS. (Liber Eliensis). Trinity College, Cambridge, MS. O.2.1 (Gale). Bodl., MS. Laud. Misc. 647. Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Vespasian A.xix (Book III and Libellus). Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Domitian xv (Books I and II, Chronicle and Book of Miracles). Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Titus A.i (Book II and Cartulary). Trinity College, Cambridge, MS. 0.2.41 (Gale) (Cartulary and Libellus). Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Tiberius A.vi (Cartulary). Ely Diocesan Registry, Liber M (Cartulary).

[fo. 2]

Incipit prologus de historia Eliensis insule a .

Cum animadverterem excellentiam Elyensis insule et animo versarem que ob merita sanctarum virginum in ea quiescentium collata et conscripta sunt admiranda opera et eventus insule ac gesta magnorum, animum contuli ad ea que minus per seriem annorum et temporum et regum atque dominorum insule inclita gesta queve disperse vel confuse Anglico stilo inserta h sunt, et bona facta atque miracula sanctorum sanctarumque ibidem Deo militantium secundum ordinem in hystoriam explicare temptavi. Apud nos enim huiusmodi congesta per ordinem et insimul hystorialiter scripta adhuc minime habentur, nisi vita et miracula sanctarum illic quiescentium de hystoriis, de cronicis, de scriptis Anglicis et Latinis, de testamentis, de relatione collecta ndelium. Unde exarare cepi aliqua, ne que digne predicanda sunt inscripta remanerent, quasi incognita seu vetustate consumpta atque abolita. Nam diu expectatus philosophus aut bonus hystoriographus, dum stilum advertere temptaverit, in multis materiam non inveniet. Et si forte quis1 opusculum istud exprobrare temptaverit, oramus ut manum myrram distillantium adponat et opus poete suscipiat, ut in memoriam posteris si explicaverit relinquatur. De cetero parvitatem scribendi et prolixitatem tractandi ne causetur queso, sciens in brevi vel repente facta plurimorum et tempora comprehendi non posse, nisi lectorem magis fastidiret et ingrueret. Nam et regio Anglorum cum una 2 terra sit, plures in ea per provincias vario sub eventu principabantur et {contigit ut ad regnandi emolumentum primum ducibus, deinde regibus sufnceret una eademque Brittannia"). Sed nisi flexibilem seriem lector sedulo intendat, nunc de uno, nunc de altero regno, ac regum nomina [fo. 2v\ varie disserentem ordinem non facile advertet. Iccirco hystoriam in tres libros distincte per capitula partiri aggressus sum ac singula in suis locis et quorum temporibus contigerunt enarrare. Liber vero primus constat de situ insule et de gloriosa regina Etheldretha et de succedentibus ei sanctis virginibus quibusve infortuniis insula subiacuit usque ad ingressionem monachorum in Ely. Secundus autem de temporibus monachorum in Ely et de libertate loci, et quomodo ecclesia renovata fuit et de obsidione Normannorum usque ad tempora episcoporum. Tertiusa vero de temporibus episcoporum quod nunc est. Et quoniam ad huiusmodi narrationem devertere fratrum sollicitudo et gratia provocaverunt me, necessarium reor opus memorabile caritatis et que sumus experti volumini commendare, quo puritas caritatis operi inserta propensius enitescat pulchra varietate distincta, et sic initium experiar cooperatorem omnium invocans Deum. Explicit prologus. " For the General Prologue and Book I the text is based on F and variant readings are recorded from 6E, B and 0. This rubric is omitted inc B, F and O. incerta B. Brithannia E. d Tertius . . . episcoporum om. B. Tertius . . . to end of Prologue om. O which adds Tercius vero de temporibus episcoporum quid plus vel minus utile gesserint plene insinuans et de hiis que temporibus ipsorum ecclesie Elyensi contigerunt. Cf. prologue to Book III, infra, p. 23y. 1 2

Cf. Vulg. cant., v, 13. contigit . . . Brittania: from Abbo, Passio S. Edmundi, p. 6. 1

2

LIBER ELIENSIS

Incipit de situ Elyensis insule 1. Omnes preclari et nobiles suum penitus oppidum decorari et magnificare contendunt et statum provincie atque suorum facta maiorum memorie digna litteris commendare nonnulli intendunt. Quod recte fit. Nos autem maiorum facta sequentes, priusquam interius progrediatur hystoria, videtur congrui ordinis de loci nomine narrationem incipere: quia Ely stagnensium maxima insularum, quam omnino dignam titulo predicare incipimus, opibus 2 3et oppidis magnificam, silvis, vineis et aquis enim eque laudabilem, omni fructu , fetu ac germine uberrimam (dicimus autem Ely Anglice, id est {a copia anguillarum, que in eisdem capiuntur paludibus, nomen) sumpsit, sicut Beda Anglorum disertissimus docet 4, que 5 mutato nomine meliorando Ely nuncupatur modo, scilicet digna Dei domus, cui nomen convenit eius), inter civitates regionis Anglie decentissima atque nominatissima, miraculis 6 famosa, reliquiis gloriosa, utile et quietum videtur preferre habitaculum et, ut vere fatear, valida virorum premunita manu atque bellicosa, animis et armis hostibus resistendum parata. [fo. 5] Sed ne auditorem nimis fastidiret, de domesticis'animantibus, de feris silvarum, de volucribus, de piscibus multis et magnis, qui per circuitum sepe capiuntur in aquis que maria vocantur, quanta ibi copia sit, diceremus, in libro autem huius operis secundo 7 iuxta seriem, ubi legitur a Normannis insula fuisse subacta, singula memorantur. Et quid amplius? {Interius 8 ubere glebe satis admodum leta, ortorum nemorumque amenitate gratissima, ferarum venatione insignis, pascuis pecorum et iumentorum non mediocriter fertilis} et {piscosis fluminibus) maximis undique circumdata. Non enim insula maris est, sed stagnorum refusionibus et paludibus inaccessa navigio adiri poterat. Sed quoniam (volentibus 9 ) illuc {ire quondam periculosum navibus, nunc facta via per palustre arundinetum pedibus transitur). 1 This chapter has no value as an original description of the island of Ely. It is a patchwork made up from a number of sources. Borrowings from major works are indicated in the text. Phrases in common with passages in other writings composed at Ely are noted in the footnotes only. 2 opibus . . . laudabilem: abridged from the description given by William the Conqueror's knight Deda, on his return from captivity on the island, infra, Book II, ch. 105; Gesta Herwardi, pp. 380-81. 3 fructu . . . uberrimam: cf. Gesta Herwardi, p. 382. 4 Bede, iv, 17 (19), p. 246. This passage from Bede is used also in Wulfstan's Vita S. Ethelwoldi,6 ch. 23, col. 92, for the account of Bishop iEthelwold's restoration of Ely. que . . . eius occurs in a similar context, infra, ch. 15, as part of the Life of St Etheldreda and is found in the corresponding place in the Life in C.C.C. 393. 6 miraculis . . . habitaculum: cf. the version of Book II, ch. 1, found in B (Book of Miracles), Qui locus aquosus, piscosus, nemorosus et ferax cum utile et quietum videtur preferre habitaculum. . . . Helyense cenobium . . . miraculis famosum et reliquiis gloriosum. The relationship between the L.E. and this Book of Miracles is discussed supra, p. xxxiii. For a similar passage cf. also Wulfstan, Vita S. Ethelwoldi, ch. 23, col. 92. 7 Infra, Book II, ch. 105, where Deda's report includes a full list of animals to be found in the8 island. Interius . . . fluminibus: from Abbo, Passio S. Edmundi, p. 7. s Volentibus . . . transitur: from Will. Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum, p. 147.

LIBER ELIENSIS 3 Restat autem insula in longitudine miliaribus vii a Cotingelade usque ad Litleporte a vel ad Abbotesdelfc b, nunc vero Biscopesdelf vocitatum, et in latitudine iiiior, hoc est a Cherchewere usque ad mare de Straham cum adiacentibus insulis per girum preter Dudintone d que ex insula est, in qua villule sunt et nemora cum insulanis2 pertinentiis, cum aliis non sine semine incolis, cum pascuis uberrimis. Nominatur etiam ad predictam insulam Chateriz, ubi abbatia eest sanctimonialium, et pagus Withleseia atque abbatia monachorum de Torneia . Dicitur autem insula nunc esse in comitatu Cantebrigie duorum centuriatuum, sed unum est cum appenditiis que deforis sunt atque his metis iuxta antiquitus infra se constare perhibetur atque dinoscitur3, hoc est a medietate pontis de Tid usque ad Upwere et a Biscopesdelf usque ad fluvium iuxta Burch quod vocatur Nien in provincia Girviorum. Girvii sunt omnes Australes Angli in magna palude habitantes, in qua est insula de Ely, sed verius secundum Bede attestationem de (provincia est Orientalium Angloram) in eiusdem ingressu provincie sita 4. Antiquitus autem, ut fertur, villa apud Craten1

0

h Litleporte on erasure E. Abbotesdelf on erasure E. "d Cherchewere on erasure and partly in the margin F. Dutentone E. ' Thorneia BE.

1 These are the limits of the island, as distinct from the administrative Isle, of Ely, which are said to have been determined by the authority of King Edgar by Abbot Brihtnoth's prepositus Leo, who perpetuated the settlement of one particular boundary dispute by cutting the Abbotsdelf. This chapter should be read with infra, Book II, ch. 54, where these details are given. The exact location of these boundaries, except for Littleport and Stretham Mere, are still the subject of discussion (cf. Miller, Ely, pp. 12-13). It has been suggested that Cotingelade was the name of a little tributary which came to form a stretch of the Old West river (G. Fowler, P.C.A.S., xxxiii, 124, with map), but it has also been identified with part of the Bean Ditch which once separated Stretham and Cottenham fens (Miller, Ely, p. 12, n. 5, citing S. Wells, Laws of the Bedford Level Corporation, ii, 175, 177). Either identification would be compatible with another reference to Cotingelade in connection with William I's attack on the island in 1071 (infra, Book II, ch. 107), but this depends on the further identification of Alrehede with Aldreth. The Abbotsdelf has usually been identified with the Crooked Drain, since the name seems to have been preserved in Delph Bridge. But Fowler's view that it continued the Crooked Drain in a North Easterly direction towards Shippea Hill station, if accepted, would make it a more obvious alternative to Littleport as the terminal point of a measurement of the length of the island. See Miller, Ely, p. 12, n. 5 (ii), citing Fowler, P.C.A.S., xxxiv, 17, 27, with map. 2 This sentence, like the next, does not belong to the tenth-century description (supra, n. 1), but refers to conditions in the twelfth century, when the term insula had come to embrace possessions of the abbey outside the island. Cf. Miller, Ely, p. 14 and sketch-map facing p. 220, V.C.H., Cambs., iv, 1-8. Cf. also infra, Book II, ch. 54. and in 8 This is the later Ely hundred with the addition of what was to become the hundred of Wisbech (see infra, Book II, ch. 75), as the bounds from Upware to Tyd and Bishopsdelf to the neighbourhood of Peterborough show. According to Miller this division into two hundreds was no more than a fiscal arrangement to produce two hundreds of roughly 40 hides each, while they formed a single unit of administration (Miller, Ely, p. 31). 4 This passage has been the subject of frequent comment. Bede's Elge in provincia Orientalium Anglorum regio familiarum circiter sexcentarum (iv, 17 (19), p. 246) has been tentatively identified with the province of the Southern Gyrwe, rated at 600 hides in the Tribal Hidage. On these and the further grounds that the element ge may represent the equivalent of the Germanic gau and that Tondbert is called princeps Australium Gyrviorum (Bede, iv, 17 (19), p. 243) Ely is thought to have been the centre of a provincia or regio, having its origin in the first stages of the Anglo-Saxon settlement, which according to the Ely tradition would then have been given

4 LIBER ELIENSIS dune1, id est vallem crati a, sita fuit, ab urbe que nunc est miliario distans, ubi ferramentorum utensilia et regum nummisma multotiens reperitur [fo. 3v] antiquorum, et quod illic hominum diu fuerit habitatio nonnullis designatur indiciis. At Deo amabilis Etheldretha, accepta iure dotis 2 insula a Tonberto * primo sponso suo, postquam illic mansionem elegit, prope nuentis alveum in loco eminentiore habitacula posuit, illuc deinceps constructa urbe potius ac decentius habitatur. In primitiva etenim ecclesia nascentis fidei et christianitatis in honore semper virginis Marie monasterium ibi fuerat fabricatum per beatum Augustinum Anglorum apostolum, cuius operis rex iEdelbrihtus primus fundator extitit, in quo ministros Dei c officium complentes instituit, quos Pende regis exercitus patriam devastans inde postea fugavit locumque in solitudinem commutavit3. Talibus itaque fundatoribus Elge monasterium primitus fundatum est, ut in antiquis legimus scriptis, quamquam beata Etheldretha post longam desolationem suum hinc mereatur primatum, ubi Christo servante usque in presentiarum habetur ecclesia quam sedem episcopalem postea factam novimus et ipsius metropolim fore provincie. 4 Ab omnium namque iudicio et potestate insula admodum libera est, quo (neque episcopus neque alicuius exactionis minister sine advocatione fratrum se intromittat vel rem sancte inquietare presumat); quod per privilegia et munimenta suis locis plenius inseremus, dignum ducentes prius historiam tractare famose insule que floruit ac floret Christo patrocinante presentia, beneficiis atque miraculis sanctarum feminarum, ^Etheldrethe videlicet, Wihtburge, Sexburge, iErmenilde, quarum suffragiis feliciter gratulatur. Continentur illic etiam sanctorum sanctarum que plurimarum reliquie que post ipsas Christo famulantes in ecclesia successerant (usque 5 ad tempora Danorum), videlicet Inguare pagani regis ac sociorum eius (qui, habitatricibus partim peremptis, "c cracti E. " Thonberto E. atque vicinia add. E in the margin with caret in a different hand and shade of ink, add. B in the text.

by Tondbert to Etheldreda iure dotis {infra) and which was eventually restored to Bishop iEthelwold's foundation in the shape of the two hundreds of the Isle. The difficulties of this interpretation are most fully discussed by Miller (Ely, p. n ) , who suggests plausibly that only the island itself passed into Etheldreda's hands (ibid., pp. 9-14). Cf. H. M. Chadwick, The Origin of the English Nation (1924), pp. 8-9 and H. C. Darby in Antiquity, viii, 194-201. 1 In 1771 the name still survived as Cratendon Field ' about a mile South of the present city '2 according to Bentham, Ely, i, 54. Supra, p. 3, n. 4. This must be a local tradition which found its way into Edward the Confessor's charter of confirmation (infra, Book II, ch. 92), but for which there is no corroboration from 4an independent source. This information probably comes from a local set of annals. It is included among the chronological entries which form an introduction to the later Chronicon Abbatum (as in Wharton, Anglia Sacra, i, 593) s.a. 607 and is entered under the same year in B (Chronicle) from which the date in the Chronicon Abbatum may derive. B tells only of the foundation, not the destruction, of the church sicut ex scriptorum testimonio docetur, but this probably refers to the L.E. and not to an4 earlier source. The phrase is from Edward the Confessor's alleged charter of confirmation, Book II, ch. 92. Cf. also Book II, ch. 54. 6 usque . . . fugatis: probably abbreviated from a similar summary as in B (Book of Miracles), fo. 37V.

LIBER ELIENSIS 5 partim fugatis), locum penitussubverterunt. Sunt autem in gremio insule ecclesie duodecim cum villis campestribus et modicis insulis, que ab antiquo ad cenobium tanquam capelle ad matricem ecclesiam pertinent, nee extra cenobium nisi sero ad ecclesias facta sunt cimiteria, sed apud Ely ex tota insula [fo. 4] defunctorum sepeliebantur corpora. Explicit a de situ Elyensis insule. " proemium add. B.

LIBER PRIMUS Incipit ° prologusb in vitam" sancte virginisd iEtheldrede. Nonnullose apud veteres floruisse diversis artibus deditos ex historiarum antiquitate vulgatum accepimus qui adhucusque vivacis ingenii subtilitate viguerunt, ut famam inmortalem operis pretio compararent. Unde et quamplures emerserunt variis scientiis prepollentes quorum quidam fucatis sermonibus quorundam preconia ad celos usque sustulerunt, cum illorum mores tantis indigni inveniantur laudibus. Sed eorum laudem et mentionem declinantes qui cum transeunte seculo transierunt, sancte virginis .ZEtheldrethe, cuius laus in benedictione est et memoria non recedet,l meritorum preconia intendimus stilo prosequi, quatenus nostro studio, ut dignum est, cedis commendetur, ne vicissitudine rerum interveniente lapsa ad memoriam facile non recurrant. At de ipsa que in nostre gentis historia Beda disseruit non omnibus eque sufficiunt, quedam eius insignia que gesserat in vita sua (non 2 simul in uno, sed in diversis sparsa auctoribus, esse probantur), ipsius sanctissime matris compulsi 3 devotione, que Anglice seu veridicorum attestatione actenus memorantur non absque studio in unum 4 comprehendere potuimus, ut (luce 5 veritatis insignita 6 posteris) innotescant. Et (quicumque vel audire vel legere desiderat nichil quod eorum auctoritate roborari non possit inveniet, nichil quod contrarium sit dicturum me fore confido), sed verbum ad verbum, sicut Beda edidit, de ortu eius, de patre et que de matre eius alicuius scripti testimonio conicere 7possumus, de vita atque de obitu, licet aliqua his conserenda admisi. (Maiores etenim nostri) ex hac dulciflua f matre innumera referre consueverant, sed totiens incommoda expertus, nunc cedes et incendia, nunc irruptiones barbarorum, potuit locus deperire quassatus et que de vita ipsius scripta erant aut combusta aut ablata vix aliqua inveniuntur, tamen hec breviter attigisse suffecerit. Verum si forte libellum de vita illius conscriptum g Anglice 8 quis ostenderit, in eo plura existunt que hie minime repperiuntur. Assit nobis Spiritus Sanctus meritis sancte sue virgi-[/o. ^]-nis, qui unicuique prout ° Incipit om. E and add. in margin with caret as p. 4, n. c. 'c Proemium E, prologus in om. B. vita BE. " et regine add. BE. '1 This prologue and the index of chapter headings which follows are not in B. dulcissima 0. " conscriptum . . . quis in a different shade of ink and quis in the margin, F; Anglice scriptum quis E. 1 2 3 1 6 7 8

dignum . . . memoriam: perhaps based on the prologue to the Libellus, infra, App. A. non . . . probantur: from Eadmer, Vita Wilfridi, p. 162. compulsi: from ibid. 5 in unum: from ibid. luce . . . posteris: from ibid. quicumque . . . confido: derived from ibid., pp. 162-63. Maiores . . . nostri: from ibid. Not identified. 6

LIBER ELIENSIS 7 1 vult et quantum vult spirat et instruit , ut quod ad illius gloriam suscepimus ipso annuente veraci stilo expleamus. Ergo invidorum2 nullus hoc parvitatis nostre opusculum attractet, obturata enim aure Cilleos canes transisse nos recolat. Siquidem ut inveni et legi et a veridicis comperi, ita edidi. Non enim me appetitus laudis humane armavit, ut opere digesto venustari videar honoris nomine. iEtheldretha vero, cuius ethimologia a preclara et simplex sonat, ipsa inquam regina laudabilis, domina et advocatrix mea, cuius apud Deum maius est meritum quam queat aliqua declarari facundia, ipsius amor et memoria crebris id suscipi monent, animam meam letitia devotionis involvunt et, quotiens menti mee luctus desolationis occurrit, nubes discussa caligine auram repperit animo clariorem. Verum sensu tenuis et pauper eloquio, tamen quocumque scribendi ausu, etsi verborum decore non splendeo, ipsa patrocinante explere confido. Et licet verba per os nostrum proferantur minus idonea, caritate qua preminet linguam nostram suo suppeditare dignetur obsequio, que elinguem adolescentem lingue reddidit plectro modulante sub palato. Igitur que sequuntur preclara sunt virginis opera, quibus possumus auditis proficere et ex relatis aliis prodesse. " ethunologia F. 1 Cf. the opening sentence to the prologue of the lives of the bishops of Ely, as printed in Wharton, Anglia Sacra, i, 615, ' Sancti Spiritus, qui unicuique, prout vult et quantum vult, inspirat et infundit, assit mihi gratia ' and Ioh., iii, 8. 2 Cf. Hier. in Ezech., 6, ' nequaquam in me Scyllaei saevirent canes qui latrare non cessant'.

Incipiunt capitula. 1. De quibus virgo iEtheldretha carnis originem duxit et quomodo pater eius Anna Estanglorum suscepit regnum. 2. Quod pater et mater ° sancte virginis Etheldrethe sanctam genuerunt sobolem. 3. Quod Etheldretha in infantia sancte vivere cepit. 4. Quomodo Etheldretha primum data est viro qui parvo tempore vixit. 5. Quod Beda exemplum posuit de beata Etheldretha et sponso eius Tonberto. 6. De transitu Felicis episcopi et ubi sepultus iacuit. 7. De interitu Anne regis et quod fratres sui post eum regnaverunt. 8. Quomodo Etheldretha iterum datur viro videlicet regi Northamhunbrorum b et qui cum ilia venerunt et quam sancte vixerit. 9. Quomodo rex non potuit uti virginis conubio, per sanctum Wilfridum eius animum sibi allicere temptabat, sed ipse monita castitatis regine pretendit. 10. Quod regina etheldretha monitis beati [fo. 5] presulis cedocta divortium a rege diu postulaverat, sed vix optinens monasterium subiit et velamen sanctitatis ab eo suscepit. 11. Quod rex Egfridus de monasterio earn eripere laboravit, sed Dei miseratione salvatur. 12. Insigne testimonium virginitatis eius. 13. Quomodo Etheldretha tetendit ad Ely et quid in itinere ei contigit. 14. Quod ecclesia Coludi post illius decessum igne consumpta a est. 15. Quod beata Etheldretha in Ely ad possessionem propriam rediit cetumque ibi utriusque sexus sub monachili habitu congregavit et quorum auxiliis illic fundavit ecclesiam. 16. Quomodo in Ely a sancto Wilfrido facta est abbatissa. 17. Quod virgo Domini Werburga habitum religionis in Ely sub ipsa suscepit. 18. De adventu beate Sexburge in Ely. 19. Quod sancta TEtheldretha prophetie spiritum habuit, et quod Wilfridus Romam perrexit, sed rediens illam obisse cognovit. 20. Quod infirmata palam cunctis penituit. 21. Qualiter maioribus aggravata doloribus spiritum celo reddidit die tertio. 22. De sancto Huna sacerdote. 23. Quod quidam minister beate virginis per sacrificium salutare non potuit vinculis teneri. " After mater three words erased, probably sancte virginis TEdeldrede E. b c d Northa' himbror' E. et om. E. assumpta E, as- later lined through.

LIBER ELIENSIS 9 24. Quod virgo Domini Werburga de Ely assumpta quibusdam ecclesiis preficitur. 25. Post obitum sancte iEtheldrethe soror eius Sexburga in Ely facta est abbatissa et divinitus inspirata voluit levare ossa illius a de sepulchre. 26. Sexburga de fratribus quosdam misit lapidem querere sepulchralem. 27. Quod corpus sacratissime virginis incorruptum invenit et, quod mirabile est, vulnus in carne mortua curatum. 28. Quod divinitus lapis sepulchralis virginee glebe coaptatur et superposito operculo compago non apparet. 29. Quod de vestimentis virginis EtheldreSe beneficia prestantur. 30. De locello in quo sepulta fuit miracula narrantur. 31. Quod fons exoritur de loco sepulture eius. 32. Oratio auctoris ad dominam suam Etheldretham. 33. Et quod de ipsa historice Beda composuit primumb, hoc etiam versibus asseruit. 34. Quod Beda non solum in Historic Anglorum libro, sed etiam in illo quem De Temporibus edidit ex ilia scripsit. 35. De obitu Sexburge abbatisse. 36. Quod Eormenilda post earn facta est abbatissa et Werburge filie sue ecclesiam de Schepeie c commendavit. 37. Quod virgo Domini Werburga post obitum matris sue Eormenilde monasterium Elge suscepit et ubi sepulturam elegit. 38. Quod apud Ely cultus divini operis sub sanctarum floruit regimine feminarum, donee locus [fo. $v] igne et ferro vastatur a Danis. 39. In quorum temporibus Dani Angliam vastaverunt et de eorum interitu. 40. Quod Danid ad Ely applicantes monasterium combusserunt et quoscunque invenerunt neci tradiderunt. 41. Quod paganus foramen fecit in sepulcro virginis, sed mox ultione divina per cussus est. 42. De victoria regum Anglie et de nativitate iEdgari regis. 43. Exhortatio sacerdotis ad archipresbiterum suum narrans ei que sequuntur miracula, cupiens eum ammovere de sua temeritate. 44. De quadam matrona. 45. De adolescentulo muto. 46. De puella ceca. 47. De quodam iuvene. 48. De ancilla sacerdotis. " eius O. " Sfepeie E,

b d

primum composuit E. Dani om. E, interlined in later hand.

io LIBER ELIENSIS 49. Quod iudicium Dei in predicto archipresbitero et suis consortibus desevit. 50 a. Quomodo rex jEdgarus regnavit. Expliciunt capitula b.

1. Incipitc textus sequentis libelli in vita sancte .£L6elSreSe virginis d et de quibus carnis originem duxit et quomodo pater eius Anna Estanglorum suscepit regnume. Igitur f Angli1 secundum veteres historias (tempore Martiani principis) annos centum quinquaginta sex ante beatorum Augustini sociorumque eius adventum in (Brittanniam), que nunc Anglia dicitur, (sunt advecti, qui de tribus Germanie fortissimis populis, id est Saxonibus Anglis et Iutis, advenerant. De Iutarum origine sunt Cantuarii, de Saxonibus Orientales Saxones, de Anglis vero, hoc est de ista patria que angulus) appellatur, (Orientales Angli sunt exorti) et Orientalem ipsius insule partem, que usque hodie lingua Anglorum» Estangle dicitur, sortito nomine sunt adepti et funiculo hereditatis potiuntur. Ex quorum (stirpe multarum provinciarum regium genus originem duxit), a quibus precelsa virgo Etheldretha came propaganda extitit, que tarn eximia sanctitate mirabilis quam regia dignitate spectabilis feliciter emicuit. Quod Celsius apparet, cum singula ex Beda vel historiis comprobantes, reges annumerando provincie, ortum beate virginis ita retexendum aggredimur. Fuit autem rex Estanglie (Reduualdus 2 nomine dudum in Cantia fidei sacramentis imbutus, sed frustra. Nam ab uxore sua seductus, habuit posteriora peiora prioribus et, licet actu ignobilis, tamen natu erat nobilis,filiusvidelicet Ti-[/o. 6]-tili, cuius pater fuit Wuffa, a quo reges Orientalium Anglorum Wulfinges appellant). lam dicto vero Reduualdo successit (iErthuualdus h 3 filius eius qui, persuadente rege Northamhimbrorum TEduuino, fidem Christi et sacramenta primum suscepit cum eadem provincia, sed non post multum temporis occisus est. Cuius frater Sigisbertus, vir per omnia christianissimus atque doctissimus, cum regno "6 After Ch. 49 0 adds Privilegium iEdredi regis super manerium de Stapelforde. Expliciunt capitula om. E. 0 Incipit vita sancte virginis et regine Etheldrede B. d virginis iEdeldreSe E. ' regnum suscepit E. 1 1gitur om. B. " Anglorum . . . venit (p. 11, n. a) added on erasure, crammed into the existing space and partly overflowing into the margin in E. * iErcpuualdus E. 1 Angli . . . duxit: derived from Florence, i, 1 which follows Bede, i, 15, pp. 30-31. The date here given is not derived from either source. It is probably a mistake for 146, calculated from A.D. 450 to Bede's date for Augustine's arrival in 596 (i, 23, p. 42). The compiler may have been misled by Bede's dating clause ' adventus vero Anglorum in Brittanniam anno circiter CL ' (ibid.). This is more likely than that he should have worked from 597 (given as the date for Augustine's arrival by Bede, v, 24, p. 353 and Florence, i, 10) back to 441 which would agree with Prosper Tiro's date for the coming of the invaders (M.G.H., Auct. Ant., ix, 660). 2 Reduualdus . . . appellant: derived from Bede, ii, 15, pp. 115-16. Cf. Florence, i, 16. 3 JErthuualdus . . . perduxit: derived less faithfully from Bede, ibid, and iii, 18, p. 162.

LIBER ELIENSIS n potitus est, provinciam tribus annis in errore versatam ad rectam1 fidem et opera iustitie per sanctum Felicem episcopum perduxit). Is illi (in a Gallia exulanti familiaris effectus, Angliam cum eo post mortem iErthuualdi venit et Estanglorum episcopus emcitur, accepta sede in civitate Dunuuoc 6 ) quam (sua 2 predicatione a longa iniquitate atque infelicitate iuxta nominis sui sacramentum liberavit). (Interea 3 idem rex c, relictis regni negotiis et cognato iEgerico commendatis, qui et antea partem eiusdem d regni tenebat, monasterium quode sibi fecerat intravit acceptaque tonsura eterno regi multo tempore devote servivit). {Quod4 dum faceret, contigit gentem Merciorum, duce rege Penda nomine, adversus Orientales Anglos in bellum procedere. Qui dum inferiores se esse in bello prospicerent, rogaverunt Sigisbertum f ad confirmandum militem secum venire in prelium. Illo vero nolente ac contradicente, invitum monasterio eruentes duxerunt in certamen, sperantes minus militum animos trepidare, minus presente duce quondam strenuissimo posse fugam meditari. Sed professionis sue vir sanctus non inmemor, dum oppimo esset vallatus exercitu, non nisi virgam tantum in manu voluit habere occisusque est una cum rege iEgerico et cunctus eorum exercitus g, insistentibus paganis, cesus h sive dispersus "). Acta sunt hec anno ab incarnatione Domini sexcentesimo tricesimo septimo 6. {Successor 6 autem regni illorum factus est prefatus Anna, filius Eni, de regio genere vir optimus atque optime sobolis genitor), Etheldrethe iam dicte atque sororum eius, sicut sequentia declarant. Qui regnum adeptus, (monasterium 7 ) quod vir Domini Furseus, de quo mirabilia leguntur, ( a prefato rege Sigisberto acceperat in castro, quod lingua Anglorum Cnobheresburch dicitur, rex provincie illius Anna edificiis ac donariis pluribus adornavit). b " Cf. supra, p. 10, n. g. Dummoc BE. " rex idem BE. eiusdem . . . intravit on erasure in a different hand and shade of ink, E. ' in Betrichesworde interlined in a later hand with caret after quod F, in BetrichesuurSe add. after quod in the text, BEO. ' Sigisbertum from BEO, the letters -is- obscured in F by an initial on the verso. ' exercitus om. BE and add. after dispersus, as in Bede, iii, 18, p. 163. h incarnatione verbi Dei BE. d

1

in . . . Dunuuoc: from Florence, i, 17-18. Cf. Bede, iii, 18, p. 162. sua . . . liberavit: abridged from Bede, ii, 15, p. 117. Interea . . . servivit: conflated from Florence, i, 18 and Bede, iii, 18, p. 162, but neither source gives the name of Sigisbert's monastery which must be derived from local tradition. l Quod . . . dispersus: from Bede, iii, 18, pp. 162-63. 6 The date is not in Bede. It may be derived from Florence, i, 17, or calculated from the year of Anna's death, given as the nineteenth year of his reign. In both cases, i.e. if the year of Anna's death is taken as 654 (A.S.C., B and C, and Florence), his accession would fall in 636. B [Chronicle) gives no date, but its dates, where appended to excerpts from Florence, do not always follow him accurately; e.g. the dates given for the accession and death of iEthelbert of Kent are given as 552 and 617 where Florence has 551 and 616. Perhaps the same error occurred in the copying of Florence's annal for 636 in a source used by the L.E. and from which B had its dates for iEthelbert. 6 Successor . . . genitor: derived from Bede, iii, 18, p. 163. ' monasterium . . . adornavit: from Bede, iii, 18, pp. 162-64. 2

3

12

LIBER

ELIENSIS

2. Quod pater et mater [fol. 6v] sancte virginis iEtheldreSe sanctam genuerint sobolem.

Rex 1 igitur Anna uxorem tanto condignam sponso sortitus est gloriose, non disparem natalibus admodumque moribus egregiam, pluribus antequam regnum adeptus est annis. Horum vitam et mores tarn copiosa Deus benedictione locupletavit ut per virtutum incrementa semper animos elevarent ad supera. Pauperibus Christi officium sedulo impendentes, eorum ministeriis inherebant et talibus dediti operum exercitiis ingenua carnalis geniture successione ditantur. Nati sunt eis liberi quos vita laudabilis et mors nichilominus pretiosa commendat. Filii autem duo, Aldulfus et sanctus Iurminus, acfiliequattuor 2, primogenita videlicet Sexburga femina incomparabilis, jEdelberga, .ZEtheldretha atque Wihtburga, que propter Dominum carnis illecebras respuentes inter prudentes virgines oleum in vasis suis habere 3 meruerunt. Aldulfus vero quod fuerit Anne regis films,4 ut in presenti contexitur opere, nonnullis designatur indiciis, etiam iuxta Bedam atque historias, si attendimus, comprobatur. Iurminus autem quem sanctitas vite et iustitie meritum beatum commendant, sicut in Gestis Pontificum Anglie legitur 5, frater fuisse virginis Etheldrethe perhibetur. Sed iam qualia predictarum fuerint primordia feminarum, qualis progressus, quis finis, diligenter inspiciendum. Hec namque 1 The Libellus breviter comprehensus in quo continetur Genealogia et Vita B. Etheldrede et sororum suarum . . . etc., which takes the place of L.E., Book I in the Chronicon Abbatum (as printed in Wharton, Anglia Sacra, i, 595-604) begins at this point. 2 The memory of King Anna's daughters may have been preserved continuously at Ely and not have been in need of corroboration from other sources when the monastery was refounded and when the L.E. was compiled. But they are mentioned in the East Anglian regnal list in Florence, i, 261, which the compiler knew. If the local tradition had been destroyed with the monastery in 870, it could easily have been revived. Cf. Die Heiligen Englands (ed. F. Liebermann, 1899), p. 6, ' Fuerant autem sancta Sexburga et sancta ^EOeldrySa et sancta Wihtburga filie Anne regis Anglorum ', and a similar notice in the Liber Vitae: Register and Martyrology of New Minster and Hyde Abbey, Winchester (ed. W. de G. Birch, Hants. Record Society, 1892), p. 85. iEthelberga is called filia naturalis of Anna in Bede, iii, 8, p. 142. 3 Cf. Matth., xxv, 4. 4 The first reference is to Bede, iv, 21, p. 253, which mentions Heresuid mater Alduulfi regis Orientalium Anglorum, but does not call Aldwulf a son of Anna. The second reference may well be to the East Anglian regnal list in Florence. The text of this list admittedly calls Aldwulf the son of Hereswith and iEthelhere, Anna's brother and successor, but the compiler of the L.E. may have used, and misread, the drawing of the pedigree, as it appears for instance in Bodl. 297, p. 42. From this he could have drawn the false inference that Anna's daughters and Hereswith's sons were all born of the same union of Anna and Hereswith. By what authority the Life of Milburga, cited below, made Etheldreda a daughter of Hereswith it is impossible to say, as the Life has not survived, but there is no other evidence to support it. Sir Frank Stenton rejects the testimony of Florence on Hereswith in favour of the genealogy of East Anglian kings in Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Vespasian B.vi (printed by H. Sweet in The Oldest English Texts, 1885, pp. 167-71), which lists her as wife of jEthelric, son of Eni, and Aldwulf as their son, and the pedigree reconstructed by him (The Anglo-Saxons, Studies . . . presented to Bruce Dichins, 1959, pp. 43-52) leaves only Sexburh, iEthelberg and Etheldreda as the progeny of Anna, to whom Wihtburh is added on the evidence of the Liber Vitae of Hyde. Cf. also Plummer, Bede, vol. ii, 106, 244. 6 Will. Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum, p. 156, ' Jacent in ecclesia (i.e. Bury St Edmunds) duo sancti, Germinus et Botulfus, quorum gesta nee ibi nee alibi habere memini, nisi quod primus frater sanctae Etheldredae . . . fuisse asseritur '. His translation, with that of St Botulf, is mentioned, s.a. 1095, in Bodl., 297, p. 397 (printed in Memorials of St Edmund's Abbey, ed. T. Arnold (R.S., 1890), i, 352).

LIBER ELIENSIS 13 fuit Hererici nepotis regis Edwini Northanmater, de qua progenies tanta prodiit,filia himbrorum, et nomen eius Hereswitha 1. Etenim in vita sancte virginis Milburge 2 legitur. Sexburga maior Anne regis filia iErcomberto ° regi Cantuariorum datur in coniugium, soror sancte virginis Etheldrethe, cuius mater Heresuuitha dicebatur. Neque alia tune temporis in tota Anglorum historia, sed neque in cronicis Anglicis vel Latinis, repperitur, que tali nomine censeretur preter hanc sanctarum genitricem feminarum, quam Beda3 proculdubio (matrem Aldulfi regis) asserit, de qua in 4 analibus scriptum legimus: {Rege Estanglorum Edeluualdo defuncto successit Aldulfus, cuius mater Heresuuitha, soror sancte Hilde abbatisse, quarum pater Herericus, cuius pater ^Edfridus, cuius pater ^Eduuinus). Ipsa namque, sicut Beda testatur s, (de viro altero filiam habuit [fo. 7] nomine Sedridam), que virgo sancta permansit. Sexburga vero, ut premissum est, nupsit viro anno quinto regni patris eius Ercomberto regi Cantuariorum 6. Altera autem filia ESelberga Deo dilectam perpetue virginitatis gloriam in magna continentia servavit. {Nam 7 eo tempore necdum multis in regione Anglorum monasteriis constructis, multi de Brittannia monastice conversationis gratia Francorum monasteria adire solebant, sed et filias suas erudiendas ac sponso celesti copulandas eisdem mittebant, maxime in Brige et in Cale et in Andilegum monasterio. Inter quas erat predicta Sedrida, filia uxoris Anne regis Orientalium Anglorum de alio genita viro, et filia naturalis eiusdem regis Edelberga) serviens Domino in loco qui dicitur Brige * 8. Wihtburga vero9 adolescentior filiarum, regum natos et parentum honores contempnens, (humilem locum in paterna provincia post interfectionem patris apud Dyrham solitarie volens vivere elegit). Hec, prout series competit, licet breviter attexentes, de singulis lector per propria volumina sufficienter inveniet. 3. Quod ,<Etheldre3a in infantia sancte vivere cepit. (Beata 10 et gloriosa virgo -ZEtheldretha), apud Orientales Anglos in loco famoso Exninge" n nuncupato (nobilissimis 12 parentibus orta, ut venerabilis doctor et veracissimus historiographus testatur Beda, Anne regis Orientalium Anglorum extitit filia) de matre vocabulo Heresuuida, sicut supradictum est, genita. Generis itaque " ^Erconberto BE.

* Brigge BE.

" iExeninge BE.

1 Probably derived from Bede, iv, 21 (23), which calls Hild abbess of Whitby, ' filia nepotis Eduini regis, vocabulo Hererici' (p. 252) and the sister of Hereswith (p. 253). 2 The reference is not to the extant Life of St Milburga, as printed in Bollandist A eta Sanctorum for 23 February. Sexburga . . . coniugium is based on Bede, ii, 8, p. 142. 3 iv, 21 (23), p. 253. 1 From Florence, i, 27, who wrongly makes Hereric the grandson, instead of nephew, of Edwin. See Plummer, Bede, vol. ii, 244. 6 iii, 8, p. 142. Scethryth was made abbess of Faremoutiers-en-Brie. 6 Cf. Florence, s.a. 640, which would be the fifth year from Anna's accession in 636. 8 '9 Bede, iii, 8, p. 142. Supra, n. 5. A similar passage occurs in the Life of Wihtburga in Trin. Coll. Camb.,MS. O.2.1, fo. 239. For 10the relationship between this Life and the L.E. see supra, p. xxxvii. Beata . . . Mtheldretha is the opening phrase of the Life of St Etheldreda in Trin. Coll. Dubl., MS. B.2.7 and C.C.C. 393. 11 Exning, Suffolk. This is the only evidence that Etheldreda was born there. 12 nobilissimis . . . filia: identical in B.2.7, l e s s close to C.C.C. 393.

14 LIBER ELIENSIS prosapia nobiliter sullimata, nobilitatem mentis gloria sanctitatis decoravit. Nam ° (in 1 ipsa infantia vivens bona, in oculis omnium crevit semper in melius, pretendens aliquid in se Dei dono b futurum. Crescebat Etheldretha), a Deo preelecta, (bone indolis domi adulta, ut assolet etas ilia, cum parentum copiis, nulli unquam molesta verum suavis, dulcis omnibus ac mitis). Sed hoc mirabile valde est atque laudabile quod ab 2 ipsis infantie rudimentis sobrietati et pudicitie indulgens, nunc parentum vestigia comitata, nunc sola ecclesie frequentabat limina, neglectis puellarum otiis Deum sedulo exorare gaudebat. Mirantur parentes filiam suam talibus delectari studiis, earn potius intelligentes gratia Dei ampliore [fo. yv\ virtutum munere donandam. Non enim lasciviam amplexa est mundi, immo cursum vite presentis in virginitate consummare, pie, sancte religioseque vivendo, elegit atque contendit, ut de ea in evo iam imbecilliore dictum sapientis apparet: ' etas senectutis, vita inmaculata' 3. 4. Quomodo iEtheldreSa primum data est viro qui parvo tempore vixit. (Cumque 4 ) beata (virgo laudabilis vite processu) pueriles (annos transegisset et) ipsa iam 5 adulta nubilis appareret, (fama) divulgante (sanctitudo animi) ac (pulchritudo corporis) illius (longe lateque Celebris existeret), accedunt plurimi atque, forme virginis excellentiam admirantes, virginee puritatis titulos egregia laude prosequuntur. Innumeris etenim eius pulcritudo principibus complacebat et venusta fades eius ad puellares promovebat amplexus. Ilia solius Dei suspirabat ad thalamum, cui virgineum sollempniter epitalamium concinebat. Iugis in cantico, et sue carnis iugi ante Deum insudabat holocausto. Interea, superno iudice previdente, ad festinum virgo disponitur Etheldretha coniugium et ad thalamum diversis organis sollempniter et festivum. Nee hoc agebatur ut eius pudicitia lederetur, sed, quo maior in hoc certamine probaretur patientia, eo ampliore atque pretiosiore martirii coronaretur victoria. Tandem (postulatur 6 in coniugium a Tonberto principe Australium Girviorum). Qui in amorem virginis to turn- animum informandum instituit suoque earn matrimonio copulari a patre rege donari exposcit. Assentit votivo petentis iuvenis desiderio et ei satisfacere rex fidelis intendit. {Quod7 ilia) audiens multum (perhorret, diu recusat, diu denegat, utpote que) omni desiderio vitam in (virginitate optabat implere. Sed vincit parentum auctoritas, immo animi eius sententiam divina immutat providentia que earn presciebatc ex matrimonii sarcina gloriosiore coronandam castitatis laurea. Desponsatur itaque apparatissime) bien« Namque O. c -scie- not legible in F.

b

dono Dei E.

1 in . . . Etheldretha, bone . . . mitis: very close to B.2.7, and passages in common with Hand C.C.C. 393. 2 ab . . . rudimentis: also in Prologue to B (Book of Miracles). 3 Sap., iv, 9. 4 Cumque . . . existeret: very close to B.2.7. 8 iam, nubilis: also in C.C.C. 393. 6 postulatur . . . Girviorum: very close to B.2.7; princeps . . . Australium Gyrviorum, vocabulo Tondberct in Bede, iv, 17 (19), p. 243. 7 Quod . . . copule: very close to B.2.7; occasional phrases shared with C.C.C. 393.

LIBER ELIENSIS 15 nio ante interfectionem 2patris sui. {Alligatur, licet invita, coniugali copule) et, sicut scriptum repperitur , insulam Elge ab eodem sponso eius accepit in dotem. {Quo 3 facto, perpetuo manet virgo. Ecce quod insolitum mundo miratur omnis homo, [fo. 8] ut quevis virgo desponsata viro maneat inmaculata. Sed nulli fiat ambiguum in cogitatu hominum apud Deum fieri facillimum, quicquid eius aspectus elegerit potissimum). Desponsata igitur matrem Domini meruit imitari, ut, ex concupiscentia carnis invicta, esset sancta corpore ac spiritu. Etenim cum inter dotales tabulas incorrupta virgo corruptibilis vite premeretur angustiis, per celestia cotidie desideria ineffabili coronabatur martirio, et licet donaretur a patre sponsa marito, si tamen maritus dicendus est qui pudicitie dampna non intulit. Crebris autem precibus et elemosinarum fructibus intenti, in omni iustitia et sanctificatione, non inpudicitiis aut superbia huius vite ducebant dies suos, uterque enim noverat iuxta legum condicta ex parivoto sanctiora fore coniugia. {Sed 4 illo post modicum temporis), sicut Beda testatur, {ex quo earn accepit defuncto) et pro merito castitatis coronam bvite percepit a Domino, tamen in virginis contubernio, ut a veridicis vulgatum est , sub iugo maritali ferme triennio 5 vixit. In quorum copula non c d commixtione carnis unum corpus sed , ut creditur, in Christo unus erat animus, dum uterque apostoli6 consilium tenuit nee tamen discidium aut discordia aliquando intercessit. Et quamvis virgo pie excidium defleverit sociale, gaudebat potius solutam se esse in Christi libertate de iugo coniugii, sperans sic evasisse impedimenta mundi. Hinc precibus.et elemosinis se Deo thurificat, lacrimas et aromata flagrat, Christum celosque reboat. Et cum vix aut nunquam e potest quelibet repperiri que concupiscentie non subiciatur illecebris, hec ad nuptias speciose pervenit, sed ignara maritalis negotii indefessis precibus apud Deum optinuit, ut illam custodiret inmaculatam. {Sed7 non diffidendum est nostra etate fieri potuisse quod evo precedente aliquotiens factum fideles narrant historic). l

a

*h passionem add. in the margin of E, probably to replace interfectionem, in a different hand. est, homo ille iustus et ad testimonium coniugale semper mansure virginitatis electus atque constitutus add. B. c d e unus add. E. unus om. E. unquam E. 1 652, which is the date given in the Genealogia (Wharton, Anglia Sacra, i, 597). These dates cannot be confirmed from an independent source. B (Chronicle) gives no date, but inserts the entry2 between annals dated 646 and 647. This source has not been identified. Cf. supra, p. 3, n. 4. 3 This passage reveals something of the relationship between the L.E., B.2.7 and C.C.C. 393. The latter read: ' Quo facto, permanet virgo, supramemorato sponso (imminente mortis confinio, add. C.C.C. 393), post modicum temporis desponsationis eius defuncto. Ecce quod insolitum mundo novum miratur omnis homo, ut quevis desponsata maneat immaculata. (Ad hoc super excellit gratia Dei totius naturam mundi quodque dedit epiteton matri, quid mirum si concessit famule Dei, add. C.C.C. 393.) Sed nulli . . . potissimum' . . . 4 Sed . . . defuncto: cf. Bede, iv, 17 (19), p. 243. 6 In B (Chronicle) the entry is placed between events of 652 and 654, i.e. before the death of Anna. 6 Cf. I Cor., vi, 16 ? This probably refers to the apostolic saying referred to in the prologue to B 7 (Book of Miracles) concerning the passage Virginitas . . . est omnium regina virtutum. Sed . . . historie: from Bede, iv, 17 (19), p. 243; also close to B.2.7 and C.C.C. 393.

16 LIBER ELIENSIS 5. Quod Beda exemplum posuit de beata ^EtheldreSa et sponso eius Thonberto, Querunt nonnulli in qua pagina sive historia repperitur quod Beda in testimonium Tonberti ac sponse illius iEtheldrethe factum aliquotiens asseruit ' sicut fideles narrant historie ', videlicet quonam vir et mulier in coniugio degentes inma[fo. sponsi celestis O.

d

1 3

h

c Quomodo B. rege diu B. ' ab eo om. E. * constare sibi E. h nunquam ei E. k cotidie add. BEO.

z Phil., i, 23. Perpendit . . . solitarie: also in B.2.7 and C.C.C. 393. regent . . . permitteretur: derived from Bede, iv, 17 (19), p. 243, as also, but less faithfully, an in B.2.7 d C.C.C. 393. l fletibus . . . postulationibus: also in B.2.7. 5 a . . . rex: derived from Eadmer, Vita Wilfridi, p. 186,

26

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ELIENSIS

proposito revocare. Rex) vero tandem victus ipsius inportunis precibus, {licet 1 invitus), tamen earn dimisit invincibilem. Ilia nimirum gavisa valde de regis concessu atque {licentia2, quamvis difficulter et sero impetrata, sumptibus secum pluribus paratis nobilis virgo et potens regina) {intravit 3 monasterium sancte JEbbe abbatisse, que erat amita regis Egfridi [fo. 1411] et sancti Oswaldi martiris et Oswi regum germana, positum in loco quern Coludi nominant urbem °, accepto velamine sanctimonialis habitus a prefato antistite Wilfrido). Quam de regno multi prosequentes viri ac femine ecclesiis pro domino se subsiderunt, sicut Owinus maior familie eius, merito Deo carus, secretorum celestium auditor, domine sue vestigia secutus, non oblitus qualis fuerit, vitam monachicam repetiit, ut supra retulimus, sed et tante virginis et regine conversionem longe cognoscentes plures seculo renuntiarent vel in bonis operibus habundantius se exercerent. Ingressa igitur monasterium iEtheldretha, hostiam vivam se Deo optulit, cuncta que {mundi 4 sunt deseruit, sprevit atque a corde suo procul abiecit), insuper pro regali diademate humili obumbratur velamine, pro bisso et purpura ambitur earn b nigra vestis et aspera. Tune vero primum se regnare inclita regina credidit, cum ad servitutem Christi de regno libera exivit, ita ut non solum regalia ornamenta deponens Deo suam substantiam contulit, sed pro illius amore monastice religionis normam suscipiens voluntatem propriam et carnem sancte obedientie subdidit. Ubi quo advenerat, dum temptatur infirma, inventa est perfecta. Merito felix, merito gloriosa, probata obedientie glorificatur passione et sancte constituta discipline, tantum divinitatis cultus exercens, ob suavitatem divine contemplationis ab humanis cetibus delecta batur abiungi, ut sub specie Marthe resideret, quiete summopere vacaret Marie. {Augmentabatur 6 in ea fama bonitatis, eque crescebat in eadem devotio religionis super omnes socias illius congregationis). Ubi per anni spatium didicit, quia iugum Domini suave est et onus eius leve. In quo etiam loco tam sancte conversationis culmen arripuit, tam perfecte humilitatis exemplum ostendit, ut in eius vita expressum intelligeret magisterium, si quis sancte institutionis requireret documentum. Et vere inquam nunc felix geminis ornatur virgo triumphis. Nam duobus maritis desponsata, prius videlicet duci ac denuo regi, sed Dei virtute amborum frustrata est conubio. Et ecce contigit ut, quia in virginitatis proposito semper animum gessit invictum, nunquam cor-[/o. J5]-rumpi potuit duorum violentia maritorum. Ipse iEtheldretham protexit a flamma corruptionis, qui tres pueros eruit a camino ignis Babilonis 6 . " urbem nominant E. b earn om. BEO, E leaving a small gap after ambitur. 1 2 3

licet invitus: from ibid., p. 186. licentia . . . regina: partly shared with B.2.7, partly with C.C.C. 393. intravit . . . germana: derived from Florence, i, 30, s.a. 672, found more briefly also in B (Chronicle); germana . . . Wilfrido: from Bede, iv, 17 (19), pp. 243—44. 4 mundi . . . abiecit: derived from Eadmer, Vita Wilfridi, p. 186. 5 Augmentabatur . . . congregationis: also in B.2.7 and C.C.C. 393. •C/. Dan., iii, 23 ff.

LIBER ELIENSIS 27 11. Quod rex Egfridus de monasterio earn eripere laboravit, sed Dei miseratione salvatur. Regina vero iEtheldretha, ut prefinitum est, monasterialibus iam subdita disciplinis, sed rex Egfridus, qui eius illibate copulationi diu fuerat deditus, non leviter ferens divortium sponse dilecte supra modum mox de illius abcessu cepit contristari et mestus esse. Unde suorum suggestione atque instinctu de monasterio illam, licet iam sanctitatis velamine obtectam, eripere conabatur. Nee mora, ad monasterium ubi virgo sancta degebat cum furore et fremitu festinanter ascendit. Quo audito, mater congregationis Ebba ex sola fuga presidium fore suggerit a. Et spiritu citata divino, quo cunctetur virgo in reliquum actitare studuit nee quiescendum, donee in domum suam perveniat in Ely. Illic Dei virtute incontinentie Caribdim posse vitare decernit. Porro que fuerat regni domina nudius tertius imperium terrenum contempnens monasterium subiit. Facta est nunc ancillarum Christi famula, occupans ultima ministeriorum servitia. In talibus namque delectabatur virgo Deo devota, habens illud semper ante oculos, ' quanto magnus es humilia te in omnibus ' 1 . Sed prosperis optate quietis divino munere concessis, non defuere insidie inimici. Unde probatur in ea verissime apostoli 2testimonium, quod omnes qui volunt pie vivere in Christo persecutionem patiuntur . Instat enim rex, in matrimonio cupiens earn resumere, non omittens persequi, si forte valeat comprehendere. Sed sanctimonialis femina gemens et anxia nunc geminato timore dukes latebras coacta fugit et exiit Dominoque suam intentius pudicitiam commendavit et digressa clam ambitum loci cum duabus Dei ancillis Sewenna et Sewara collem eminentem prope, qui Coldeburcheshevet 3, quod Latine caput Coldeburci dicitur, adiitb et ascendit. Sed4 Deus, qui ventis et mari imperat et obediunt ei, non derelinquit sperantes in se , illius iussu credimus fieric, quod mare, suum alveum egrediens nunc aquas multipliciter effundens, locum in quern sacre virgines ascenderant circumdedit et, sicut ab incolis loci accepimus, per septem continuos dies [fo. ijv] sine cibo et potu in oratione consistentes eas occuluit et, quod mirabile dictu est, solitos recursus obliviscens, quamdiu rex illic aut penes locum morabatur. Stetit itaque aqua ad ostendendum cunctis virginis meritum et aqua erat ad adiutorium et ad tuendum et quasi aqua non erat ad nocendum sive disperdendum. Taliter ancilla Christi munita presidio, evasit minas regis nee sensit quandoque lesionem ab eo. Nam tulit auxilium Dominus miserator egentium atque suam sponsam dementis dextere clipeo protexit inermem. In momento enim locus d secretuse ac subito premunitus gratia Dei factus est, ut ex uno latere montis de medio precisa excelsa rupes haberetur et equam planitiem maris fluctus reducto paululum sinu ostenderent, ut nee ad evadendum hostem vasta heremi solitudo peteretur. Percrebuit fama undique huius rei ac tanti miraculi et timuerunt qui viderant vel audierant, cognoscentes Deum iugiter esse protectorem eius. Cumque diutius essent in supremo rupis acumine et aquarum • heremumque suadebat ad fuge presidium petendam, ibi Dei virtute munita donee persecutio cessaret exegit add. B. h c derelinquid BE. fieri add. in margin F. d locus on erasure E. ' secretus locus O. 1 3

Eccli., iii, 20. Not identified.

2 4

I I Tim., iii, 12. Luc, viii, 25.

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multitudine undique circumdate, sed qua parte eas posset rex aggredi nequaquam invenisset, tandem nichilominus factum admirans in stuporem versus de loco recessit, Eboracum rediit nee deinceps confessorem Domini Wilfridum a secretis seu affectu, ut antea, coluit, sed iram diu tacito contra ilium sub pectore gessit et expectata hora, ob istius modi causam eum de sede sui episcopatus expulit 1 . Denique cum omni fiducia ad copulam sancte regine reverti posse destitueretur, .ZErmenburgam sibi matrimonio copulavit2. Sanctimoniales autem in rupis vertice degentes, cum sitis ariditate nimium estuantes gravarentur, Ebba venerabilis abbatissa Etheldretham commonet dominum Christum exorare, ut gustum aque illis prestet a in hac sitis necessitate, qui de petra potavit populum suum in deserto. Et fusa intentius ad Deum oratione cum summa mentis devotione, fons aque iuxta earn confestim erupit lucidissime atque ad preces eius, quod per naturam non habuit, per gratiam Dei arida ru-[/o. x6]-pes aquas perfudit que in usum ipsarum sufficeret nee necessitati deesset et usque in evum manare non cessat. Unde potum sumentes, Deo gratias egerunt, et infirmis adhuc saluberrima prestat. Insuper memoriale et pre ceteris mirabile est, quod vestigia pedum illius ascendentis et descendentis in latere montis infusa, tanquam in calida cera, nunc usque ostenduntur ad laudem domini nostri Iesu Christi. In hoc etenim facto si diligenter attendimus, quattuor memoranda satis admiratione digna perpendere possumus. Unum, quod misericorditer Deus illas ab oppressione regis protexit. Aliud, quod mare suas aquas ad earum munimentum tanquam pro muro effudit. Tertium quod rupis aspera in siti earum aquas donavit. Quartum, quod duritia petre, velut sue oblita nature, more mutato ad tactum plante illius mollescere potuit. Hoc de scriptis Bede non cepimus, sed quicumque locum Coludi norunt cum assertione huius rei testes existunt. Non enim vir beatus suffecerat singillatim cuncta meminisse vel audire vel cedis inprimere que de omnibus per Angliam suo tempore sanctis fiebant, sed nisi que diu et plurimum a religiosis a veridicis fuerant vulgata litteris commendare disposuerat. His ita gestis, ad proposita revertimur. Verum quantum inde laboribus seu fatigationibus beata virgo exacta fuerit, donee in Ely quo tendebat pervenisset ex sequentibus comprobatur. 12. Insigne testimonium virginitatis eius. De hac igitur Deo dicata femina iEtheldretha nemo diffidat, nemo vereatur, quod post regificos virgo servata maritos illibata perstiterit b . A Domino factum est istud, sed, quoniam his diebus aut nullatenus aut vix probatur in coniugatis, hinc stupescimus et est mirabile in oculis nostris. Sanctissimi Wilfridi quoque c Eboracensis archiepiscopi assertione ac medici Kinefridi aliorumque veridicorum, sed et communis attestatione vulgi, sicut Beda sanctus didiscerat, scripsit3, cuius etiam insigne virginitatis testimonium perhibens ita commendabat, dicens: Quoniam "6 prestet illis E. nam deponta (con. to desponsata) quidem virgo manet ut data pridem B. " quoque Wilfridi E. 1

Cf. Florence, i, 34.

' i v , 17 (19), p . 245.

2

Cf. Eadmer, Vita Wilfridi, p. 186.

LIBER ELIENSIS 29 {cum* quibusdam venisset in dubium de ista Christi sponsa et virgine, mihimet sciscitanti, an hoc ita esset, idem beate memorie [fo. i6v] Wilfridus pontifex referebat, dicens se testem integritatis eius esse certissimum, adeo ut Egfridus promiserat se ei terras ac pecunias multas esse donaturum, si regine posset persuadere eius uti conubio, quia sciebat illam nullum virorum plus illo diligere). Istius tam sacre virginis pudicitiam a predicare dignum est que ei et in adversis socia et in prosperis comes individua extitit. Utlibet quique accipiant, ego, quod claudos curaverit in vita sua, quod cecos etiam illuminaverit et quod in nomine Iesu innumeros sanaverit, ex piorum attestatione comperi atque scriptura teste nosse contigit. Ipsa enim est virgo sacratissima et una de numero prudentum que nescivit thorum in delicto 2 nee digressa est cum Dina filia Iacob, ut videret mulieres aliene regionis 3, nee oppressa a Sichen filio4 Emor quandoque corruptioni concessit, quia fundata erat supra firmam petram . Nil ei prorsus de terrene rei placebat specie, sed regnum mundi et ornatum seculi contempsit propter amorem domini Iesu Christi quern mente et puro corde super omnia dilexit, a quo nunc illi reddita est corona iustitie. Et licet martirium quietis tempore haut pertulit, tamen gloria decoratur martirii, cum vitiis et concupiscentiis confligens, crucem Domini iugiter in sua came portavit. Spero certissime atque confido earn acceptissimam esse illis qui stolas suas laverunt * in sanguine agni5 et c canticum novum dulcissime ante thronum Dei cantitant6. Quod si sub Nerone vel Dioclitiano dimicare tune licuisset, procul dubio e'culeum sponte ascendisset, ignibus se ultro intulisset, nunquam serris vel laminis desecari membra timuisset, iam vero adversum omnes penas atque supplicia quibus plerumque cessit humana infirmitas ita a confessione Domini non recedens inmobilis obstetisset, ut letus ulceribus, gaudens cruciatibus dquelibet inter tormenta risisset. Sed quamquam ista non tulerit, implevit tamen sine cruore martirium. Quas vero pro spe eternitatis humanorum dolorum non pertulit passiones, fame, vigiliis, nuditate, cura pro infirmantibus, sollicitudine pro periclitantibus, quia solum celestis vite dulcedinem in terris amaverat, ut in comparatione eius quecumque adversa mundi et prospera vilescerent? [fo. 17]. 13. Quomodo .flithelSreda tetendit ad Hely, et quid ei in itinere 6 contigit. Res est valde opinata et seniorum nostrorum relatione nobis tradita quam omnis provincia in qua acciderat, velut hesternum, recitare solet et meminit. Sponsam igitur Domini iEtheldretham locum, ubi pro Christo se supposuit, mutare et mansionem alias petere iEgfridi regis quondam sponsi sui infestatio compellebat. Et assumptis secum prefatis Dei ancillis, Seuuenna et Seuuare, a loco atque provincia recessit, Domini tenens preceptum, ' si persecuti vos fuerint homines in una civitate, fugite in aliam'', ad flumen, quod dicitur Humbre', perveniens, cuius 0

b

c

d

puditiam E. et om. E. ' itinere ei E.

1

laverint E. tamen interlined F, om. B. ' Humbre dicitur E.

cum . . . diligere: derived from ibid., p. 243. 3 Sap., iii, 13. Gen., xxxiv, 1-2. 5 Matth., vii, 25; cf. Luc, vi, 48. Apoc, xxii, 14. 6 Cf. Apoc, xiv, 3. ' Matth., x, 15. 2

4

30

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alveo lenis aure in pulsu transito, in portum Wintringeham 1 prospere est advecta. Sed inde quasi stadiis decem ad viculum divertens, in modum insule paludibus fere circumdatum Alftham 2 nominatum, cum iam dictis puellis hospitium petiit et accepit. Ibique paucis diebus mansitans, ob meritorum insignia non poterat abscondi, Domino ecclesiam construxit, quo in loco per ipsius suffragia crebra incolis prestantur beneficia. Inde beata virgo iter arripuit, tanquam una de Christi peregrinis in veste humili, ut non solum mente, sed et habitu, propter Dominum se humilians non recto calle quo tendebat, immo preter viam, gradiebatur et, ne ab insidiatoribus prosecuta posset comprehendi, latitando incessit, nulli volens suum revelare misterium aut cuiquam digressionis sue exponere causam. Cumque ambularet calore solis urente et ex labore insolito nimium fatigata vix subsistere valuit, locum umbraculi et amenitatis quo sinus sudore diffluos refrigerare et in novis membra posset tabescentia viribus reficere diligenter appetiit. Nee diu frustratur voto, sed celeris efneatia mancipavit optatum. Et lento pede progrediens, disponente Dei gratia cominus locum suis necessariis aptum ostendit °, virenti amictum decore, ad repausandum transeuntibus congruum, miranda planitie b consitum, ut potius ex industria putares adequatum, undique aspersum floribus variorum colorum. Intendit valde optatum, videt delectabilem, iuvat pausabilem [fo. iyv\ miros alitus ex herbarum odoribus dulciter spirare. Cuius amenitate sancta viatrix delectata modicu'm repausare, modicum se relevare exoptat, ut reparato membrorum tabescentium vigore reliquum itineris c suppleret. Denique se collocavit atque dormivit ibique tantummodo quiescebat, ubi earn quiescere lassitudo coegisset. Est mirandum valde quod narro, cuius rei vobis impertire cupio notitiam, quam veram esse nullus ambigat audientium. Cumque de sompno evigilata post paululum surrexisset, invenit baculum itineris sui, quern ad caput antea fixerat aridum et diu inveteratum, iam viridi amictum cortice fronduisse ac folia prodisse. Quod ilia intuens admirando stupuit et pro tali facto Deum ex intimo corde cum consortibus suis laudans benedixit. Sed nequamquam hoc velut commenticium d estimetis, cuncti quidem novere provinciates atque verissimum asserunt. Hoc quippe de historiis non invenimus, sed tali compulsi necessitate incompositum non relinquimus. Et cuncta que fecit Iesus cum scripta non sunt in libris Evangeliorum, si postea ab aliquo memorentur, numquid ideo non vera esse probari possimt? Crevit ergo lignum illud et facta est fraxinus maxima cunctarum arborum illius« provincie, quam ex nostris adhuc plures viderunt. Appellatus est locus ille usque in hodiernum diem iEdeldreSestowe 3, quod Latine sonat repausatio iEtheldrethe. Facta est etiam illic ecclesia in honore / beate virginis ad laudem domini nostri g Iesu Christi qui mirabilis h est in sanctis suis. «c offendit BE. " planie E. it eris E, the letters ne interlined in a later hand; itineris om. B, 4 Emended from commentum E; commentiuu' F. ' ipsius E. * honore' E. ' nostri om. E. * venerabilis B. 1 s

Wintringham, Lines. Perhaps to be identified with West Halton, which lies close to Wintringham and has a church dedicated to St Etheldreda. Cf. F. Arnold-Forster, Studies in Church Dedications (1899), ii, 367, 369 and Bentham, Ely, i, 53. 3 Not identified.

LIBER ELIENSIS 31 a 14. Quod ecclesia Coludi post illius decessum igne consumpta est. Nee diu post discessum venerande .ZEtheldrethe {monasterium 1 virginum quod Coludi situm fuerat, in quo habitum religionis accepit, per culpam incurie flammis absumptum b est, quod tamen a malitia inhabitantium in eo et precipue illorum qui maiores esse videbantur contigisse, omnes qui noverunt facile potuerunt advertere, quod hie minime preterimus. Sed non defuit puniendis ammonitio divine pietatis qua correpti per ieiunia, fletus et [fo. 18] preces iram a se ad instar Ninivitarum iusti iudicis averterent. Erat namque in eodem monasterio vir de genere Scottorum, Adamnanus nomine, ducens vitam in continentia et orationibus multum Deo devotam. Hie occupatus noctu vigiliis et psalmis, vidit subito astare sibi quendam incogniti vultus, cuius presentia cum esset exterritus, dixit illi ne timeret et quasi familiari eum voce alloquens: ' Bene facis', inquit, ' tempore nocturne quietis non sompno indulgere, sed vigiliis et orationibus insistere et sedulo Deum deprecari. Totum hoc monasterium ex ordine perlustrans modo singulorum lectos inspexi et neminem preter te solum erga sanitatem anime sue occupatum repperi, sed prorsus omnes viri ac femine aut sompno torpent inerti aut ad peccata vigilant.c Virgines quoque Deo dicate, contempta reverentia sue professionis, dadinvicem sponsarum in periculum sui status adornant aut externorum virorum sibi amicitiam comparant. Unde merito loco huic et habitatoribus eius de celo vindicta flammis sevientibus preparata est.' Quod mox congregationis matri e , vocabulo Ebbe, que, ut diximus, Deo dignam iEtheldretham in religionem susceperat et in filiam adoptivam f nutrierat atque docuerat, curavit indicare. At ilia de tali presagio merito turbata dixit. ' Quare non citius hoc compertum mihi revelare voluisti"? ' Qui respondit: ' Timui propter reverentiam tuam, ne forte nimium conturbareris. Sed tamen hanc consolationem habebis, quod in diebus tuis hec plaga non superveniet.' Qua visione vulgata, loci accole aliquantulum paucis diebus timere et seipsos intermissis facinoribus castigare ceperunt. Verum post obitum illius h abbatisse redierunt ad pristinas sordes, immo sceleratiora fecerunt. Et cum dicerent ' Pax et securitas ', extimplo prefate ultionis sunt pena multati). Proth ' dolor. Concite nimirum illis extiterat indicium eversionis, quod non merebantur gratissime virginis suffragari consortio, cuius presentia frustrati, impie et perverse agentes, incorri[fo. z et de Neut[une]. Privilegium * ^Jdredi regis super manerium de Stapelforda l. De Henulvesberim. De Wambeford. De Fordham et Midelton' ". De Horningeseie °. Item p de Horningeseie. De Suafham et Berle 9. De Brandune r et Livermere. Item s de Brandune et de Livermere. De Sutdburne *. De Wdebrege ". De Stoche *, unde et privilegium regis. De Dirham w. De x Sudburn et Wdebrig' et Stoche et vi hundretis. De * Nordwolde. De Pulham. De Wetinge. 0

b Staneia E. Grantebrigia E. "d De Dundintune et de Wimblimgetune E. Item de E. ' Werm'e E. f Uimbliggetune E. ' This heading is omitted in E. h Tostes corr. to Toftes E. ' Havekestune et de Neutune E, et de Neut' add. F in a later hand, perhaps that of 0, which adds ket de Neutone at this point. This heading is omitted in O which adds the charter in Book I, supra, p. 6. ' Stapelforde E. m De iEnulfesberi om. here E, which inserts it after the heading of ch. 30. " De Fordeham et Mideltune E, et Midelton' add. in a later hand F, perhaps in that of 0, which0 adds et Middiltone at this point. Horningeseia E. " This heading is omitted in E. " et Berle add. in a later hand F, perhaps that of 0, which adds et Berle at this point. * This heading is omitted in E. ' Bramdune E. ' Suthburne E. " Wdebrige E. " et privilegium iEdgari regis super illud add. E, unde . . . regis add. in a later hand F, per haps wthat of O, which has this addition here. Derham E. " This heading is omitted in E, Sudb' F; the restored reading is taken from the rubric given at the head of the chapter, infra, p. 114. y This heading is omitted in E.

LIBER ELIENSIS

67

a

45. De Horningeseie. 46. De Grantedene 6. 47. De Massewrde". 48. [fo. 38] De Cillinge d. 49. De * Horningeseie. 49a. De ' Ceangueswrde. 49b. De ' Earningeford. 50. Que ornamenta rex iEdgarus " ecclesie de Ely contulit h. 51. Quod sancta 3 crux Christi loquelas edidit in protectionem monachorum. 52. Quo tempore * ecclesia dedicata fuit vel l a quibus. 53. Quod abbas Brithnodus m transtulit corpus " alme virginis Withburge ° ad Hely. 54. Quibus metis insula cingitur et quanta auctoritate innititur ». 55. De " his qui bona ecclesie de Ely r fecerunt et qui mala. 56. Qualiter martirizatus est primus abbas noster Brithnodus s. 57. Post obitum primi abbatis quis ei substituitur. 58. Privilegium regis iESelredi super villam de Lithleberi'. 59. De Dacstede u . 60. De Cyngestune v, Rodinges w, Undeleia, Withleseia x et » Cotenham z et de terra Lundonie, que dicitur Abboteshai aa. 61. De Bregeham bb, Hengham cc Wetinge, Rathlesdene et Mundeford et dd etiam de piscationibus circa Theodford. 62. De venerabile duce Brithnodo qui dedit sancte .ZESeldreSe Spaldewich et Trumpintune, Ratendune et Hesberi, Seham, Fuelburne, Theveresham, Impentune ee , Pampeswrde ff, Crochestune et Fineberge °°, Tripelaue, Hordewith hh et Sumeresham cum appenditiis eius. 63. De i j domina ^EdelfleSa, uxore predicti ducis, que dedit nobis willam de Ratendune et de » Saham kk et de " Dittunne » et de » Chefle. 64. De Haddam mm et de ji Cheleslelle "". 0 d f

h This heading is omitted in E. Grantendene E. " Messewrde E. Gillinge E. • This heading is omitted in E. Headings 49a and 49b are added in F after Horningeseie in a later hand, perhaps that of O, which has the same additions. They are omitted in E. Stewart prints them as part of eh. 49. They should be shown as separate chapters, but are marked a and b so as to retain in general the numbering of chapters as used by Stewart. h ' dedit Eliensi add. E. de Ely condulit om. E. ' sancta om. E. l m * et a quibus add. E. vel a quibus om. E. Brithnodus abbas E. " corpus interlined in a later hand, perhaps that of O, F. ° Witburge E. » quanta locus innititur (on erasure) auctoritate E. ' This heading is in O preceded by the heading De obitu regis TEdgari et quam viriliter rexit et de Edwardo et Ethelredo filiis eius qui ei successerunt. ' de Ely om. E. ' Brithnodus add. in a later hand, perhaps that of O, F. v * Litleberi E. « Dracstede O. Chingestune E. w z et RoSiges E. * et Witleseia E. » et om. E. Cotheham E. aa bb cc Abb'eshai E. Brigeham E. Hengeham E. dd etiam om. E, possibly added later in O; et, de om. F and interlined in a later hand. gs " Inpentune E. " PampevorSe E. Fineberga E. k ** Herdwich E, Herdewic O. » de om. E. " Seham E. " Dittune E. ""»Hadham E. "" Cheleshelle E.

68

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65. De sancte memorie iEdelstano episcopo qui dedit nobis Drengestunne ". 66. De Wiwelingenam b. 67. De StevechesworSec et Merch et Chertelinge et Dullingeham et de una virgata in Suafham. 68. De Ceddeberi". 69. De e willa de Hoo. 70. De Hecham. 71. De f Jidnodo pontifice. 72. De g JESga.ro h confessore Domini. 73. Quis dedit > villam de Wratinge. 74. Quod * iste possessiones tradite sunt ecclesie l de Ely cum Lefsino futuro abbate, scilicet Glemesford, Herdherst, Berchinges m, Feltewelle, Selford n et Sneillewelle °. 75. Cum iElfwino " episcopo he possessiones in ecclesia date sunt: Walepol, Wissebeche q , que est quarta pars centuriatus insule, et Debenham, BrihtewelleT et Oddebrigge s. 76. Quod ' iElsinus abbas intulit in Ely reliquias sancte WendreSe virginis et quod obtinuit pretio a rege iESelreSo Cadenho et Stretle et duo Lintunum. 77. Inde ' munimentum regis eiusdem. 78. Quod ecclesia de Ely locum administrandi in curia regis ex consuetudine optinet. 79. Quomodo " reliquie alme virginis WenSreSe ex * hoc loco sublate sunt, et quod regina Imma w, sicut * sub rege MSelreQo hanc ecclesiam honoribus provexit, ita sub rege Canuto secundo sponso eius v decore vestium adornavit". 80. [fo. 38V] De ao transsitu ^Elfsinibb abbatis, cuiLeofwinus successit et ei Leofricus, ambo succedente tempore cc consecrati ab JLlfwino Elmamhensi dd episcopo. 81. Deee iEstre, Fanbrige ff et Thirlinges. 82. Privilegium " Canuti regis de mutuatione hh Chefle et Dittune. 83. De ji Berchinges. 0

c Dregestune E. * Wivelinggeham E. Stevecheworde E. e Ceodbery E. This heading is omitted in E. f This heading, followed by that of ch. J2, follows the heading of ch, yg in 0. h « See n. f. ^Efgaro E. > dededit F. * This heading is preceded in E by the headings of cc. 76, yy, 80. 1 ecclesie tradite sunt cum Leofsino abbate E. m Berchinches E. " Selford interlined and in a later hand in F, perhaps that of 0, om. E. ° Seneillewelle E. * yElwino E. " Wisebeche E. * Brithwelle E, ' Odebrige E, which adds et Bramdune. There is no mention o/Bramdune in either the heading or the text of the chapter itself. ' The headings of cc. y6 and yy precede that of ch. 80 (q.v.) in E. " de hoc loco add. E; 0 begins De obitu regis iEdhelredi et de iEdmundo filio eius, qui ei successit, et de Canuto qui successit iEdmundo, et quomodo . . . w x " ex hoc loco om. E. Ymma E. prius add. E. " suo O. * O continues with the headings of cc. yi and y2. aa This heading precedes the heading of ch. y4 in E. bb dd abbatis iESelsini E. "" succedente tempore om. E. Elmhamensi om. E. ee This heading, followed by that of ch. 82, follows ch. 8$. hh " Fanbrege E. «« See n. ee. mutatione E. '' This heading follows that of ch. 8g in E. d

LIBER ELIENSIS 6

69 c

84. A ° quo benedicitur abbas Lefsinus Elyensis et que bona illic gessit, et quod ex nutu regis Canuti annua firma ecclesie constituitur. 85. Quanta d difficultate ad suam festivitatem rex Canutus in Ely pervenit et, de longe audiens monachos, cantilenam composuit. 86. Quod iElfwinus e episcopus monachos primum f apud BetricheworSe g locavit et post, relicto episcopatu, ad nos rediens hie suam sepulturam elegit. 87. Quomodo vel h quando et a quo corpus Wlstani confessoris Domini translatum est. 88. De Belesham et Wetherengesete 3 et SteveschesworSe *. 89. De Dittune l et Burch et de m Cnopewelle n et ceteris que scripto illo nominantur. 90. Quam ° nefarie proditus sit jElfredus " clito frater q gloriosi regis ^Edwardi. 91. Qualiter Edwardus r factus est rex s et quam pie rex * rependere studuit bona sibi in infantia ab ecclesia collata. 92. Carta ipsius super omnibus que possidet ecclesia. 93. Privilegium Victoris pape de libertate loci et omnium que illic adiacent. 94. Quomodo Wlfricus factus est abbas ". 95. Stabilitas loci a rege roborata. 95a. [Item de eodem *.] 96. Quod ecclesia de Ely w villam de Estre cuidam ad tempus x tenere concessit. 97. Quomodo abbas Wlfricus y quasdam ecclesie possessiones, nesciente conventu, fratri suo concessit, et de ipsius obitu. 98. Quomodo abbatiam de Ely Stigandus archiepiscopus tenuit et quanta illic z ornamenta tribuit. 99. De Osmundo episcopo. 100. De obitu regis iEdwardi aa, et quod Haroldus bb post eum"" suscepit regnum qui Thurstanum in Ely abbatem constituit. 101. Quod rex Haraldus post dd annum interemptusee est a duce Normannorum Willelmo, qui ius regni bello optinuit. 102. Quod timore regis novi t ! nobiles patrie ad Ely confugerunt et diu loci firmitate muniti contra ilium rebellavere, unde rex gravi indignatione commotus cuncta ecclesie bona diripere iussit. b "0 This heading follows that of ch. 79 in E. Leofsinus E. d bona fecit huic ecclesie et E. Qua E. ' iElwinus E. < primum om. E. ' primum add. E. h k vel . . . quo om. E. 'mWetheringesete E. Stevechevorde E. 1 silvestre add. E. de om. E. " Cnopwelle E. 0 O begins De obitu regis Canuti et de Haroldo quam . . . a * j9iluuredus E. -at' on erasure E. ' iEdwardus E. * et de morte Godwini comitis add. O. ' rex om. E, interlined F in a later hand. " E continues et stabilitas . . . roborata, i.e. the heading of ch. 95 in F. " This heading does not appear in any index. It occurs in the corresponding place of the text apparently introducing a separate chapter and is therefore added here. w de on erasure, Ely interlined E. v ' temppus F. Wluuricus E, Wlfridus F. aa bh • illic on erasure E. yEdwardi regis E. Haraldus E. cc eum regnavit on erasure E, which omits suscepit . . . constituit. "" The erasure of note cc is continued as far as post E. " interemtus F. tf novi regis E.

70 LIBER ELIENSIS 103. Quod Stigandus archiepiscopus a fugiens a b [fo. 36] facie regis in Ely devenit et quomodo sancti Albani reliquie illuc sunt delate. 104. Quod rex Willelmus totam Angliam describi fecit, Anglis tributum importabile posuit, et de famis enormitate qualis non fuit ab initio, et quod gens regis fraude Herewardi in flumine sit necata. 105. Quanto preconio miles ab Herewardo c dimissus, magnificentiam loci extulerit ante conspectum regis. 106. Quomodo Herewardus dd, figulum se flngens', malum sibi parari advertit. 107. Quomodo Herewardus caute superveniens machinas regis subvertit atque combussit, /et de plurimorum coniuratione adversus dominum suum regem. 108. Quam violenter locus de Enulfesbery abstractus sit Elyensi ecclesie. 109. Quod" monachi Elyenses clementiam regis adierunt, et de atrocitate itineris exercitus et equorum eius. n o . Quod abscedente Herewardo de insula rex tandem ingressus est *. i n . Quam crudeliter rex suam iniuriam vindicavit de inimicis, et quod monachi fedus cum eo >firmumoptinent, dantes * non modicas pecunias, ad quod persolvendum aufertur de ecclesia omne l precipuum in auro m et " argento. 112. De transitu abbatis Thurstani. 113. Quomodo rex Theodwinum in Ely ° constituit abbatem, qui nolens suscipere, nisi totum illic restituisset ablatum, quo v ingressusq post modicum ex hac luce subtractus est absque benedictione sui officii, locum sua presentia vacuum Godefrido viro r illustri atque prudenti reliquid. 114. Post obitum Theodwini abbatis que inventa sunt de thesauro ecclesie. 115. De s obitu abbatis Theodwini, et quod Godefridum procuratorem pro se dereliquid. 116. Sub quibus principibus res ecclesie iurate sunt *. 117. Carta regis de libertate loci ac "w dignitate *. 118. Quod rex Willelmus Godefridum ad Malmesberiam deEly transtulerit illicque Simeonem * pro eo v instituit, qui contra morem et loci dignitatem et z ipsius regis preceptum nescientibus ecclesie filiis benedictionem percepit ab episcopo Lincolniensi. 0

archiepiscopus om. E. A note at the foot of this folio in F refers back to fo. 36, see supra, p. 64, n. a. a " jErewardo E. iErewardus E. ' fingit O. f This heading is added in the bottom margin of F with caret and in the same hand as the rest of this section of the index. It is also added in E with caret in the right margin. ' This heading follows that of ch. 112 in the margin of F. It is in the text of E. h k est om. F. ' eo on erasure E. illi add. E. 1 m omne on erasure E. aurum F. " atque E. ° in Ely om. E. " et for quo E. " locum . . . vacuum om. E, adding it after prudenti. r This heading is omitted in E. Its place is taken by the heading Quod sua industria impetravit a rege quatenus totius abbatie possessiones iurari faceret et restitui indixit. The chapter to which this heading refers may be the one which in E follows ch. ny and in F is numbered ch. i^g. See supra, Introduction, p. xliii. s This heading is omitted in E. It is not needed since the subject matter, assigned to a separate chapter in F, is in E part of ch. 113. ' fuerant E. " et E. " This heading is followed in E by the heading Quod predictus abbas Godefridus que in thesauris etiam repererat ecclesie describi fecit. See supra, Introduction, p. xliii. w x de Ely nondum sacratum add. E. priorem Wintonie add. E. y pro eo om. E. ' atque E. 6

LIBER ELIENSIS 71 119. Quomodo post mortem comes Willelmus Warennie sit dampnatus in anima °. 120. Cartab regis de restituendis ecclesie possessionibus ab invasoribus suis. 121. Item aliud preceptum de eodem. 122. Alia" carta regis de restituendis ecclesie possessionibus. 123. Carta regis de quinque hundredis in Suthfolc. 124. Prohibitum regis ne episcopus Lincolliensis aut secularis iustitia consuetudines intra insulam requirat. 125. Quod rex Willelmus precepit abbatem de Ely ab archiepiscopo benedici usu veteri ecclesie [fo. j6i>] et quod possessiones loci minores et maiores describi iussit. 126. Preceptum regis quod consuetudines pristine de libertate ecclesie illibate serventur. 127. Quod rex subtiliter investigare studuit quanta d locus firmitate subnititur. 128. Carta" regis de Estona. 129. De quodam fratre qui mentem excesserat sed meritis sancte iEdelSrehe f sanato. 130. De ° duobus mutis. 131. De Picoto vicecomite qui multa incommoda huic iessit ecclesie. 132. De Gervasio qui hominibus sancte ^EdelSrehe valde infestabat eth cruciabat. 133. Quod dominus Deus, precibus sancte virginis JMelSrehe placatus , indignationem suam et iram j de hoc * loco adverterit. 134. Quod rex Willelmus iterum ecclesiam vexavit, et de obitu ipsius et l ubi sepultus iacet. 135. Quod, deficiente viribus Symeone abbate, veredarius eius quidam invasit terram de Wicham etm nonnulli nalias ecclesie possessiones. 136. Quod Rannulfus quidem iussu regis annonam monachis sed brevem constituit. 137. Quomodo abbas Symeon exuit hominem. 0 in anima om. EO. 0 adds et de rebus quas ipse et alii abstulerunt de ecclesia Elyensi iniuste. This is followed by the heading Qualiter iussu regis determinatum fuit terras ab ecclesia iniuste ablatas redire, quarum nomina hie scribuntur, which refers to the plea of 10J2 x 5, infra, p. 426. 6 E omits the heading given in F for ch. 122 and inserts before F's heading for ch. 120 the heading Quod possessiones ecclesie iterum regis precepto sunt iurate. In E this latter heading was presumably intended to describe ch. 120, and the two subsequent headings, which in F refer to cc. 120 and 121, to describe cc. 121 and 122. The headings and chapters in the text of E are as in F. " This heading is omitted in E. See supra, n. b. d quanta locus on erasure E. e This heading is omitted in E, as is the corresponding chapter in the text. It is added in the margin in F in a later hand, perhaps that of O, at this point. This heading was later lined through and inserted in a modern hand below the heading De quodam fratre . . . where Stewart places it, numbering it ch. I2g. In the text of F the chapter is added in the bottom margin in a hand closely resembling that of O with a caret before the heading De quodam fratre . . . . which is clearly the place for which it was intended. 0 adds it here, preceded by the heading Quomodo quidam nobilis tradidit se beate iEdheldrede ad monachatum. This is Book III, ch. 38, which relates the circumstances of the grant. f sancte virg' sanato E. « This heading is omitted in 0. Above this heading Carta regis de Estona is interlined in a modern hand. h placatus sancte iEdeldrede E. ' suam et iram on erasure E. * hoc om. E. ' et om. F. m Radulfus E. " quidam E.

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138. Que " damna monachi extranei intulerunt Elyensi ecclesie. 139. Qualia * Rannulfus invenit in thesauris sancte MdeWrehe. 140. Quomodo" abbatia donatur Ricardo monacho Beccensi. 141. Quod abbas Ricardus ab episcopo Lincolniensi benedictionem accipere rennuit et d abbatiam studuit in episcopatum mutare. 142. Quomodo rex Henricus emulorum instinctu Ricardum de abbatia expulit et ipse Romam perrexit. 143. Quod Ricardus veniens" de Roma in locum suum restituitur et f novum opus ecclesie a suo predecessore inceptum edificavit. 144. De secunda translatione corporis sacre virginis quam idem abbas fecit. 145. Quomodo alias sanctas invenit et qualiter transtulerit. 146. Quod ante sollemnitatem huius translationis propter opus dilatandum sanctarum sepulcra Sexburge atque Ermenilde de loco pristino, ubi eas collocaverat beatus .ZEdelwoldus, removit, similiter alme Withburge tumbam dimovens, sed casu ministri inprudentes fregerunt. 147. Quomodo abbas novum mausoleum paravit, sed minus aut plus quantitate forme corporis Withburge habuit et quod palam sacrum corpus illius ostendit et in sepulcro veteri divinitus sanato recondidit. 148. Quo a anno ista translatio facta est et quanto affectu abbas Ricardus almam virginem Withburgam venerari satagit h. 149. Quod idem abbas Haddam diratiocinavit. 150. Quomodo Ricardus abbas moriens vidit beatam Withburgam sibi assistere '. Expliciunt * capitula libri secundi.

1. [fo. 3g] Quomodo ecclesia de Hely per sanctum .didelwoldum restaurata fuit rege precipiente iEdgaro. Nunc x quoque restat 2 scribendum de reparatione Elyensis ecclesie, que primam meruit monastice discipline l habere magistram sanctam et venerabilem, ut diximus, virginem m ^Edeldredam, cuius frequens eversio paganis olim inruentibus locum sine cultu occisis effecit cultoribus, cuius loci desolatio, antique religionis preferens "6 This heading is omitted in E. This heading is omitted in E. Cf. supra, p. yo, n. r. " 0 begins De obitu regis Willelmi Rufi et de coronacione regis Henrici fratris sui et quomodo abbacia Elyensis donatur . . . ' d et add. in the margin E. f 9 " veniens Ricardus E. et om. E. -uo on erasure E. h In O the heading follows Mandatum regis pro relaxatione consuetudinis et feudi que Picotus requirebat de ecclesia Elyensi. '1 assistitere F. * Expl' . . . secundimadd. in a later hand F, perhaps that of 0; om. E. monastice discipline om. BG. ac reginam add. E. 1 For the relationship of cc. 1-4 to the Libellus and B (Book of Miracles) see supra, Introduction, p. xxxiii and infra, Apps. A and B. 2 restat . . . serviebat: cf. B (Book of Miracles).

LIBER ELIENSIS 73 ad exterminium , de celesti libertate in humanam servitutem transierat et usque tempora gloriosi regis Edgari regio fisco serviebat. Cuius etiam {tempore 1 beatus Jidelwoldus egregius pontifex, ut lucerna ardens et lucens, in populo Dei fulgebat. Qui cum ornamentis omnium virtutum bonorumque exemplis operum preditus essed et ecclesiamb Dei regendam suscepisset, non solum rector strenuus, verum etiam cenobiorum fundator plurimorum extitit. Alia siquidem a fundamento incipiens, alia que destructa sive destituta erant diligenter restaurando innovavitc et d ad e unguem usque perduxit familiamque Domini summi patris familias sub norma sancte conversationis in omnibus locavit. Inter que f Elyense cenobium renovavit), 2 quod non ut cenobium sed ut publicum monasterium sine cultu et reverentia omni transeunti patebat. a

2. Quomodo " rex ^Edgarus h quibusdam petentibus eundem locum dare denegavit. (Eo 3 autem tempore duo de magnatibus regis, Sigedwoldus ' episcopus natione Grecus * et Thurstanus genere Danus), visa loci habitudine, magis eum cupiditate quam devotione {a rege petiverunt. Cumque pari ambitione) decertarent, ne alter de alterius vel contemptu insultaret vel optentu5 invideret, medium se interiecit quidam {qui erat regi a secretis nomine Wlstanus de Delham) et hie, divino magis instigatus nutu quam humano ductus affectu, ne alteri illorum cederet avare petitionis effectus, regem hac oratione convenit: {' Domine rex, cum tue saluti), honori atque regno cuncti {providere debemus, nemo nostrum consulit ky istorum {petitioni) esse adquiescendum. Locus enim sanctus et Celebris est talibusque indignus possessoribus, cuius antiquam dignitatem [fo. 3gv] ne ignoranter peccare cogaris, paucis b c a land into Lintune Se iEJ>elferS geuSe his sunu Leofric, J>aet J?onne HS hidmaelum 7 aecermaelum on Wilburhtune 7 on Haedenham 7 on Hylle 7 on Wichamme. He hit gesealde iEdgare cyninge unbesacan. Ealswa hit his yldron ter mid feo gebohten 7 se forespecena cyninge hit gesealde gode 7 see iESeldriSe his saule to alysednesse. Anno dominice incarnationis nongentesimo septuagesimo scripta est hec carta, his testibus consentientibus, quorum inferius nomina caraxantur. Ego Eadgar rex prefatam donationem concessi. Ego Dunstan Dorovernensis ecclesie archiepiscopus consignavi. Ego ^Ef>elwold episcopus expressi. Ego Osulf episcopus consignavi. Ego jElfstan episcopus adquievi. Ego Oswold episcopus subscripsi. Ego iEdelm episcopus non rennui. Ego Byrhtelm episcopus confirmavi. Ego Alfwold episcopus consolidavi. Ego iEscwig abbas. Ego iElfric abbas. Ego Osgar abbas. Ego iElfstan abbas. Ego ^EJpcelgar abbas. Ego Kyneweard abbas. Ego iElffeah abbas. Ego iElfhere dux. Ego jEJ>ehvine dux. Ego ByrhtnoS dux. Ego Ordgar dux. Ego Oslac dux. Ego iElfwine m'. Ego iEJjelwserd m'. Ego Wlstan m'. Ego Jilfsige m\ Ego iEnulf m'. Ego iElfric m'. Ego iEdwine m'. Ego Alfwold m'. Ego iElfwserd m'. 0 The heading in E reads De Stretham. " betus F. * fratribus B. 1 2

This chapter is copied from Libellus, cc. 7, 8, 9. In 1066 Ely held 5 hides at Stretham, Cambs. Perhaps one of the sisters retained her share and no claim on behalf of Ely was made or has survived.

LIBER ELIENSIS 83 annuit et sorores eius jEthelfled et iESeleve nuncupate similiter concesserunt. Venerabilis siquidem presul comparavit illam terram unique sororuma, scilicet iEdelfled, pro suis iiii hidis et pro pecunia, que in eadem terra habebatur, dedit xxxta libras, et alteri earam, scilicet JE&eleve, pro suis iiii hydis et pro sua parte pecunie tantundem argenti contulit. Hec autem pecunia data ac persoluta erat sororibus in oppido, quod dicitur Grantebricge, eodem tempore quo b emit idem c 2 episcopus Lyndune cum c tripondiis auri a prefato Leovrico, ut [fo. 43V] in priorid capitulo relatum est. Ubi cum esset puerulus filius Wlsii et MQelAssQe allatus , latores pueri et matertera eius iEtheleve receperunt xxx libras et cum puero pecuniam tulerunt matri eius, scilicet jUthelfleSe 3. Evoluto post hec unius anni spatio, beatus ^Ethelwoldusf comparavit in eodem Stretham e ab Alfwoldo de Merthamlege * unamhydam et duos gurgites pro xx'1 aureis g h coram omnibus apud civitatem , que dicitur Grantebrigge, 5et duo fratres equivoci, scilicet duo Alfelmi, quorum uni cognomentum erat Polga , vades huius rei erant. Post mortem vero TEdgari regis idem Alwoldus ' omne pactum fregit, dicens se coactum ad hoc fuisse et vim ac rapinam sibi illatam esse, dixitque se velle illam terram habere et pecuniam acceptam reddere. Tune Brihtnotus abbas profectus venit contra eum apud Hereford * et coram cunctis in generali placito proposuit ei, quomodo uxor et filii sui de terra sancte iESeldreSe de Hethfeld l innati fuerant6 et quomodo, ut liberos et absque calumpnia eos habere posset, vendiderat episcopo eandem terram, acceptis ab episcopo xxu aureis. Audita igitur hac ratione, cepit cessare Alfwoldus a procacitate sua, tandemque omni fine facto abbas Brihtnotus supradicto auro xl solidos addidit et m dedit ei. Pro qua pecunia duo filii sui Alfwinus et iEgelmerus ad Grantebricge venerunt et Alfuardus et Wine de " Wicforde ex parte abbatis pecuniam 1

0 d

b eius add. E. quo . . . iEthelflede om. E. ad latus F. • Stratham A.h ' civitatem . . . dicitur om. E. duos CBEFG. " Hertford ACO. ' Hsetfeld AC. m et dedit ei om. B. " de on erasure F.

c

tripodiis EF. * duas EF. > Alfuuoldus A C.

1 It may be that the translator has incorrectly written eius for sue and that the sisters had Leofric of Brandon for their brother as well as the other Leofric who had bequeathed them their 8 hides. This would supply a reason why the permission of Leofric of Brandon had to be sought. But by a strictly grammatical rendering eius should refer to the other Leofric whose name may have been repeated here in the Old English original. The names Leofric and ^Ethelflaed are too common to risk identification, but it may be significant that a Leofric of Stretham is mentioned in a document, printed as Robertson, Charters, App. II, no. IX, part of which deals with an assignment of property to Thorney and part with miscellaneous entries concerning Ely. A payment is made to Leofric of Stretham for corn and an iEthelnaed gave a sum of money of which 60 pence were given to Brandon for sheep (ibid., p. 256). 2 Cf. supra, ch. 8. 3 The Libellus here adds ten lines of verse, printed infra, App. A, and with the words Evoluto post begins a new chapter, headed De eodem. 4 Probably Mardleybury, Herts. 6 For .lElfhelm Polga and his brother see infra, cc. 11, 73. 6 Cf. a miscellaneous document, preserved on the fly-leaf of a gospel-book once belonging to Ely (printed in B. Thorpe, Diplomatarium Anglicum Aevi Saxonid, 1865, pp. 649-51 and J. Earle, Handbook to the Land-Charters and other Saxonic Documents, 1888, p. 275), which gives the genealogical details on a few families of innati of Hatfield. See also supra, Foreword, p. xii.

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eis illuc detulerunt. Huius autem rei testes erant Oswi et Oschetel de Bece et Osulf de Grettune et plures alii proceres illius provincie a. In * eodem Stretham quedam vidua, Wlfled vocabulo dicta, Siverti relicta, xxiiii acras prelato Elyensi b vendidit eodemc die quo nonna facta est Deo sacrata. Quam d terrain adquisiverat pater eius Wlstanus tempore Jithelstani regis et ilia post mortem patris sui eandem terrain absque calumpnia semper habuit, et hoc noverat to turn hundretum 2. I I . De 3 Dunham. Hec est descriptio quomodo beatus ^ESelwoldus episcopus vi hydas in Dunham 4 adquisivit, que villa est fertilissima et monasterio proxima. Primum pepigit pro duabus hidis Lefsio et uxori eius Syfled xv libras apud Grantebricge. Tune * Lewinus f prepositus et Wine de Wicceforde et omnes optimi homines de Hely partem pecunie, scilicet x libras, [fo. 44] ei tulerunt, cuius rei testes erant Sexferth et Oschetel et Osuui de Bece et Uvi et plures alii fideles viri. De v autem libris que restabant dies inter eos datus erat. Inter hec fecerunt g iterum aliam conventionem inter se *, videlicet quod predictus Lefsius et uxor eius emere deberent ab episcopo cum eisdem xv libris v hydas apud i Cleie 5, eo * tamen pacto quod episcopus eis ultra dare deberet unum cyphum argenteum de xl solidis, quem Brixius l, pater Lefsii, moriens dimisit episcopo. Hac itaque conventione facta, omnem pecuniam vivam et mortuam que in duabus terris, scilicet in Dunham et in Cleie, erat m cambierunt n sive mutaverunt. Interea, antequam reddidissent episcopo illas x libras pro Cleie, exuit hominem rex /Edgarus. Quo mortuo, predictus Lefsius, Dei inimicus deceptorque ° hominum, et uxor eius omne pactum habitum cum episcopo irritum fecerunt et * aliquando optulerunt ei x libras quas ab eo acceperant, aliquando vero se ei aliquid debere omnino denegabant. Sic quoque existimabant se per a dolum recuperaturos terram quam vendiderant, sed nos in omnibus cum testibus nostris semper eos convicimus. Cum igitur ea tempestate qua rex, ut diximus, obierat nos diu different et fatigarent, addidit idem deceptor malum malo et dolum dolo Deoque ac sancto Petro r abstulit cum rapina Burch et Undelas et Kateringas 6 . Qua de causa contigit, b " Item add. E. in Elyense B. d " eodem . . . sacrata on erasure E. Quam to the end of the chapter om. E. f ' Tune . . . hec fecerunt om. E. Leouuinus AC, Lefwinus BG. 9 h iterum fecerunt E. inter se om. E. 1 v hidas apud on erasure E, apud extending into the margin. m * eo . . . mutaverunt om. E. ' Brycsius A. erat om. O. " cambiaverunt sive mutuaverunt G. ° -que om. E. Q " et . . . Kateringas om. E. per dolum om. here 0, adding it after quoque. ' Paetro AC. 1

Libellus, ch. 9, headed De eodem. The Libellus adds eleven lines of verse, printed infra, App. A. This chapter is copied from Libellus, cc. 10, 11, 12, 13. 4 Downham, Cambs., where Ely held 4 hides in 1066 (Dd, i, fo. 192). 6 Presumably Clayhithe, which was part of 7 hides held by Ely in Horningsea, Cambs., in 1066 (Dd, i, fo. 191). 6 Bishop jEthelwold had granted Medeshamstede (Peterborough), Oundle, and Kettering to Peterborough. Cf. Robertson, Charters, no. XXXIX, p. 73. According to Hugh Candidus the 2

3

LIBER ELIENSIS

85

a

quod nemo illas terras infra duos annos aravit nee seminavit nee ullo modo coluit b sicque tota cultura perditum ibat. Videns ergo dominus Deus quantis iniuriis quantisque tribulationibus ille seductor servos c suos afficiebat, labores eorum miseratus d est. Cuius misericordia sancta ecclesia recuperavit quod iniuste amisit. Nam edicitur generale placitum apud Lundoniam quo, dum duces, principes, satrape, hrethores et causidici ex omni parte confluxerant 1 , beatus JiSelwoldus prefatum Leofsium in ius protraxit et coram cunctis suam causam et iniuriam ac rapinam quam ipse Leofsius intulerat sancte ecclesie ex ordine patefecit. Qua re bene et rite ac aperte ab omnibus discussa, omnes Deo et beato iESelwolSo per iudicium reddiderunt Burch et Undelas et Kateringes. Iudicaverunt etiam, ut Lefsius episcopo totum dampnum suum suppleret et mundam suam redderet, de rapina vero regi forisfacturam emendaret, dato pretio genealogie sue 2 . Post hec infra octavum diem convenerunt e iterum ad Northamtune f et, congregata ibi [fo. 44V] tota provincia sive vicecomitatu, coram cunctis iterum causam supradictam patefecerunt. Qua patefacta ac declarata, ut preiudicatum erat apud Lundoniam, iudicaverunt et isti apud Northamtune. Quo facto, omnis populus cum iureiurando in Christi cruce reddiderunt episcopo absque calumpnia que sua erant, scilicet Burhc a et Undelas et Kateringes. Interea 3 predictus Lefsius, qui servos h Dei tantum afficiebat, ultione divina fervente > turpiter ac miserabiliter k interiit 4. Quo mortuo, beatus iESelwoldus e t l Agelwinus, cognomento alderman, ac primates Norhamtunensis m provincie necnon Orientalium Anglorum proceres placitum habuerunt apud Walmesford in octo hundretis 5 . Ubi inter alia iudicatum est, ut Siffed n, relicta Lefsii", et heredes sui Deo et episcopo predictam rapinam emendare deberent, sicuti ipse, si vixisset, facere debuisset v appretiaveruntque summam dampni quod episcopo intulerat plusquam c libras. Tune predicta matrona omnium optimatum, qui aderant, suffulta patrociniis, episcopum humiliter requisivit, ut pro amore Dei eius misereretur et ut forisfacturam, que ad earn pertinuerat preter puerorum suorum forisfacturam, b " aravit on erasure C. colu't F. "seravos F, first v expunged; servvos G. ""misertusX ' the letter t inserted later in F. « Burch AC, B. k servos . . . afficiebat om. E. ' fervente om. E. 1 et . . . fine imposito, beatus .lEdelwoldus om. E. m Northamtunensis EG. " Sifled AC. 0 Lefsi EF, BG. » debuissed F.

e k

cum venerunt EF.

mirabiliter B.

name Medeshamstede was changed to Burch soon after the refoundation of the monastery there. He inserts this information in his chronicle (ed. W. T. Mellows, 1949, p. 38) immediately after Edgar's charter of confirmation, dated 972. 1 Presumably not before 977, if the verdict in favour of iEthelwold ended the two-year period during which these estates were not cultivated. For a similar great meeting in London of c. 989-90, attended among others by Abbot Brihtnoth, the ealdormen iEthelwine and Brihtnoth,2 and several thegns connected3 with Ely, see Robertson, Charters, no. LXIII, p. 130. I.e. wergild. Libellus, ch. 11, headed De eodem. l Cf. the famous council after Edgar's death, at which iEthelwine and others spoke in defence of the monasteries, where iEthelwine's brother ^ilfwold killed a man who had unjustly laid claim to some Peterborough land {Vita Oswaldi, p. 446). See supra, Foreword, p. xii. 5 Wansford, Northants. Cf. Robertson, Charters, p. 76, 1. 8, ' on sehte hundred gemote set Wylmesforda '. Cf. supra, Foreword, p. ix. K

86

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emendare possed cum c solidis, quos daturas erat ei episcopus pro suis duabus hydis in Dunham, unde ille diem acceperat ab eis, ut supradiximus. Annuit itaque gloriosus pontifex hoc quod petierant et insuper misericordius quam sperabant ° sibi fecit. Nam totam rapinam, que super earn iudicata erat, ei dimisit et insuper dixit ei, ut infra octavum diem ad Hely venisset et ab abbate Brithnodo c solidos recepisset. Que sic fecit. Dataque est ei b ilia pecunia coram duum" hundretorum testimonio. Preterea dedit ei episcopus pro blado d suo quod erat in terra de Dunham vii libras. Sic igitur huic rei fine imposito, beatus ^Edelwoldus e duas hydas de Dunham et terram suam de Cleie cum tota pecunia que in ea erat recepit 1 . Nee 2 multo post Siverthus de Dunham defractus f viribus vergensque in senium, infirmitate pedum, que " podagra dicitur, graviter contrahebatur. Qui eo tempore, quo beatus h yESelwoldus iESelredum, futurum regem tune vero comitem3, et matrem > suam et k Alfricum cyld et plures maiores natu Anglie ad Hely secum adduxerat, venit cum coniuge sua nomine l Wlfled ad episcopum et ei coram prememoratis notificavit se post diem [fo. 43] suum duas hydas quas in Dunham m habuit Deo " sancteque ^ESeldriSe pro anima sua daturum ibique se dixit sortitum esse locum sepulture sue rogavitque ° omnes qui aderant, ut super hac re sibi testificarentur. Alio * quoque tempore, post mortem scilicet Godingi de Gretune 4, venit secundo idem vir ad Hely, ubi noverat ilium esse sepultum, rogavitque fratres, ut eum ad sepulturam illius ducerent. Nam erat ei familiarissimus. Quo cum venissent, vocavit ad se abbatem et ^Edricum et Leovricum de Berle et Levingum de Trumpentune innotuitque eis, quod sui karissimi et fidelissimi amici ibi essent sepulti et quod ipse nimia infirmitate depressus morti appropinquasset, ' ideoque ', inquid, 'o karissimi mei, volo ut conventio mea coram vobis renovetur, videlicet quomodo hie Q elegi mihi r locum sepulture mee et post diem meum Deo et sancte iESeldriSe dedi duas hydas, quas in Dunham habeo, et filie mee duas hydas do in Wilbertune et c d " serp'abant C. * illi O. sic MSS. p'lato, b interlined A. e jEdelwoIdus terram de Dunham et de Cleie recepit E. 1 defractis EO. " que . . . dicitur om. E. * beatus om. E. 1 k matrem eius iElftreSam reginam E. et Alfricum cyld om. E. ' nomine om. E. m hydas in Dunham quas E. " et inserted later in E, -que om. E. 0 -que om. E. " Alio . . . Cipenham (infra, p. 88, n. a) om. E. ' hie elegi om. here and add. after mee BG. ' qui for mihi B. 1

The Libellus adds twenty-two lines of verse, printed infra, App. A. The Libellus here begins a new chapter, 12, but without a heading. If this is an exact translation of the Anglo-Saxon original the descriptio of Downham cannot have been composed before the accession of iEthelred, but the translator may be expanding some such phrase as ' ealdorman iEthelred, the king's son '. The reference clearly is to the future king, but the title comes is surprising, since ^Ethelred was only a child in his brother's reign. 4 Gretton, Northants. Cf. Ramsey Chron., pp. 65-66, where his son Alfnoth witnesses a sale of land. The family must have been connected with, or held land of, the family of Wulfstan of Dalham, since Alfnoth successfully challenged the gift of some land in Swaffham to Ramsey which jElfwold, TEthelwine's brother, had bought from JEthelwoldo cognato Wulfstani de Delham. Ealdorman iEthelwine intervened on behalf of Ramsey, but after his death Alfnoth regained possession (ibid., pp. 79-80). For ^Ethelwold cognatus or chusin cf. infra, ch. 32. Goding may have become a monk at Ely shortly before his death (infra, ch. 26). 2

3

LIBER ELIENSIS 87 precor, o amici mei, ut hoc oblivioni non tradatis, immo, ubi necesse fuerit, illud recognoscatis. Item eodem die remeando domum renovavit eandem conventionem coram amelioribus eiusdem provincie ultra Upuuere in loco, qui dicitur Hyravicstouue 1. Deinde cum idem vir, videlicet Siverthus de Dunham, prevalente infirmitate, mortis horam sibi ingruere sensissed et apud Lindune absque spe recuperande sanitatis iacuisset, misit pro abbate Brihtnoto et pro fratribus ecclesie. Aderantque ibi iEluricus de Wicham, iEldstanus et filius suus Wine, Leovricus, Brihtelmus, Alfelmus de Redeuuinclen et iEdricus, unus de proceribus Aieluuini alderman 2, et Osuuoldus presbiter et Sexferdus cum filio suo. Tune Brihtnotus abbas testamentum huius Siferdi coram uxore et coram filia sua coramque omnibus supramemoratis fecit scribi in tribus cyrographis coramque cunctis fecit recitarib lectumque fecit incidi unamque partem cyrographi retinuit Siuerdus, alteram autem dedit abbati, tertiam vero misit cstatim per prefatum Brihtelmum iEieluuino alderman, qui tune temporis deiebat in Ely, et petiit ab eo, ut suum testamentum ita stare concessisset quomodo abbas illud scripserat et ordinaverat apud Lindune coram predictorum testimonio virorum. Cum itaque Aieluuinus alderman hoc audisset et cyrographum vidisset, remisit illico ad eum Wlnothum de Stouue 3 cum Brihtelmo sciscitatusque est ab eo quid aut quomodo vellet de testamento suo. Qui mox per eosdem renuntiavit ei sic suum testamentum absque omni contradictione [fo. 45V] vel mutatione se velle stare, sicuti prefatus abbas illud in cyrographo posuerat. Quod ut Aieluuinus alderman audivit, totum concessit ut staret, sicuti ipse Siverhtus testatus erat. Post4 hec iEthelwoldus episcopus et Brihtnotus abbas a duobus fratribus Alurico et Leofwino, filiis cuiusdam comitis nomine Hererici, crebra petitione quesierunt, ut duas hydas quas habebant in Dunham sibi vendidissent pro auro sive pro argento, vel pro alia terra, que tantundem valeret, mutassent, sed, quamdiu illi duo fratres eandem terram simul habuerunt, nullatenus huic rei finem imponere potuerunt. Tandem vero senior frater, scilicet Aluricus, mutavit terras cum iuniore fratre suo proque duabus hydis de Dunham dedit ei terram quam mater eorum dimisit eis in " Hyrauuitstouue AC.

* vero BG.

° degebat AC, delegat B.

1 This place has not been identified. The domus of Siferth must have been, not in Downham, but in Linden End or Stretham where he died and where Upware lies and where his widow sold land to Ely (supra, p. 84). There is a Stow Bridge in Stretham, or perhaps there is some connection with the neighbouring parish of Wicken. But as Upware is mentioned in the boundaries of the Isle of Ely as one of the limits of one of the two Ely hundreds, the provincia ultra Upware may refer to the hundred of Witchford as distinct from that of Ely (where Siferth had already made known his intention). In this case the two Ely hundreds may not have been so much of a single2 unit of administration at this time as is usually thought. Eadric, a king's reeve, presided over a plea concerning Alfnoth, son of Goding, with Ealdorman iEthelwine (Ramsey Chron., pp. 79-80), but it is doubtful whether a king's reeve could be described as one of the ealdorman's proceres. 3 Witness in the company of Alfnoth, son of Goding, Leofsige, son of Gode, Abbot Brihtnoth and others to a gift of land in Gretton (ibid., p. 66 and infra, ch. 33). 4 The use of a coloured initial at the beginning of this paragraph in the Libellus has been taken, in the numbering of chapters in C, to indicate the beginning of a new chapter, numbered 13, although there is no new heading.

88

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Cipenham ° \ Post modicum * tempus contigit, quod idem" Aluricus gravi tributo opprimebatur. Qui, cum pecuniam a se exactam non haberet, venit ad a ASeluuoldum episcopum et ad e Brihtnotum abbatem optulitque f eis duas hydas suas a de Dunham ad commutandum h pro tribus hydis quas ipsi habebant in Cipenham, eo > pacto ut tantum pecunie, quantum eis placeret, sibi ob incrementum ab eis daretur. Qui sic fecerunt, videlicet terras commutaverunt, et ei quattuor libras insuper dederunt. Facta est * autem l inter eos hec conventio sive m commutatio ac persoluta est Alfrico " hec peccunia iuxta Grantebrigge in ° australi parte coram toto populo illius provincie. Aluricus * igitur eandem terram Brihtnotho abbati liberavit in manu primum coram q xxiiii iudicibus in predicto loco 2, deinde etiam fecit similiter coram testibus legalibus ^Edrico et Alfelmo cognomento Polcan et Lefsio Alfuuii r filio, et Osulfo et Leovingo et Alfnotho et Uvi et Oswio et Grim et Wlnotho et Alurico et Wensio et Lefsio et Alfnotho, Godingi filio 3. Omnibus igitur his assistentibus et testimonium dantibus, iEluricus, filius Hererici comitis, Brihtnotho abbati tradidit ii hydas in Dunham in omnibus rebus, in terris, in silvis, in paludibus, sicuti pater suus unquam illam terram melius sive liberius habuit, preter unam paludem iuxta Grantebregge et v acras terre quas ipse iEluricus retinuit. Postquam autem hoc totum factum est, gloriosus episcopus iESeluuoldus dedit ei x solidos et Brihtnotus abbas contulit ei xx solidatas ovium et unum palefridum pro x solidis. Datis itaque his solidis et solidatis, Aluricus recepit pro ii bus hydis de Dunham vi libras 4 et iii hydas in Cipenham. Mutaverunt autem abbas et ^Elwricus boves et frumentum quod erat in horreis in ii bus terris, videlicet y£luricus liberavit abbati apud Dunham xv caretas et abbas ei econverso liberavit totidem apud Cypenham s. Aluricus quoque liberavit' abbati xxx acras seminatas et abbas ei totidem tradidit seminatas apud Cipenham et xlviii dedit ei dono. Huic autem rei testes intererant Lefsius, filius Gode, et Uvius et Wacher " de Suafham et Bondo 5 et Brunstanus 6, homo eiusdem iElfrici. [fo. 46] "c Cypenham A C, Chypenham BG. " autem tempus iEluricus venit ad iEdelwold' E. d e f ipse O. ad om. F. ad om. E. -que om. E. " suas om. EO. h k mutandum E. ' eo . . . dederunt om. E. est om. 0. 1 m est hec conventio inter eos E. sive . . . pecunia om. E. " Alurico A C. "in . . . parte om. E. * TEluricus to the end of the chapter om. E. "s manu coram corr. to manu primum coram G. ' Aluuini BG. Adopting the reading of AC; AFO, BG read Dunham. " Wacer AC, BG. ' quoque added and erased in C. 1 2

Chippenham, Cambs. An interesting reference to Cambridge customs soon after the re-conquest of the Danelaw. Cf. infra, ch. 24. On the indices in this and other Danelaw boroughs see F. M. Stenton, AngloSaxon3 England, pp. 525-26. Of these witnesses jElfelm Polga is discussed infra, p. 143; Uvi and Oswi infra, p. 138. As Lefsius Alfwii filius follows iElfelm Polga in this list, he may be the Lefsius whom Ramsey Chron., p. 193 calls iElfelm's cognatus. For Alfnoth see supra, p. 86. 4 One of several instances in this chapter and elsewhere which show that in the Libellus the shilling is reckoned as twelve pence. See Professor Whitelock's foreword, supra, p. xvii. 5 Probably a brother of the priest iEthelstan, infra, p. 106, and perhaps to be identified with the Bonda who witnesses Robertson, Charters, no. LXIII, p. 131, with other thegns familiar to Ramsey and Ely. For Wacher of Swaffham see supra, ch. 33. 6 Perhaps Brunstan of Soham, mentioned infra, p. 89.

LIBER ELIENSIS

89

a

11 a. De eodem *. Res ipsa hortari videtur 2, ut de tribus hydis de Cipenham que iElurico, filio Hererici comitis, date fuerant pro duabus hydis de Dunham dicamus quomodo conquisite erant. Inprimis quidam nomine Wine comparavit in Cipenham lxxx acras et v predia domibus constructa a Leofsio de Fracenham datis c solidis. Ab iElfrico de Wicham emit quoque xx acras et unum alodum domibus edificatum datis xx solidis. AWlfelmo, fratre Wlfuuini, mercatus est x acras cum x solidis. Hoc quoque totum factum est coram totius b hundreti testimonio. Deinde Alfuuoldus, qui dicebatur Grossus, et uxor eius totam terram suam, quam in eadem villa, scilicet in Cypenham, habebant, abbati Brihtnotho venum optulerunt. Venerunt itaque apud Horningeseie 3 ad eum. Ubi cum essent, cepit abbas inquirere ab eis quot hydas in Cypenham habuissent et quanti taxassent eas. Illi itaque dicebant et affirmabant se iii hydas ibi habere. Tandem igitur convenit illis, quod abbas pro singulis hydis c solidos eis daret. Statueruntque terminum, videlicet viii diem apud Cypenham, quatenus uxor Aluuoldic illuc veniret xv libras acceptura et abbati iii hydas integras et absque calumpnia traditura; nam ilia maius rectum in ilia terra habebat per alterius viri coniugium. Venit igitur abbas ad statutum diem, sed et mulier predicta aderat ibi et cum ea Othulf de5 Exninge i et Simundus et nepos eius Tucca et Ageluardus et Osebernus de Saham et Alfstanus de Fugelburne 6 et Athelstanus presbiter et frater eius Bondo et Wlfelmus et omnes fere meliores qui in eadem villa erant. Quibus congregatis, abbas coram omnibus xv libras protulit et proferendo profudit. Surrexerunt ilico duo viri, videlicet Brunstanus 7 de Saham et Glor et ex parte Ulfi lxxv acras de eandem terra mulieri, ne venundaret, et abbati, ne compararet, interdixerunt 8. Duobus etiam villanis vii acras prohibuerunt. Tune quidam de astanti-a bus ait: ' Terra de qua agitur, licet absque calumpnia esset et uni parti tota simul concederetur, minime iii hyde essent ibi integre, nedum modo, dum calumpniantur, ad e calumpniandum in partes eunt.'f Quo audito, vocavit abbas ad se omnes meliores et sapientiores qui ibi aderant acceptoque ab eis consilio, dimidium pecunie dedit mulieri dimidiumque reservavit, donee ilia, sicuti pacta erat, iii hydas integras et absque calumpnia sibi proficeret. Quod si hoc facere non posset, secundum pretium terre pretium pecunie metiretur ei. Factique sunt prememorati viri super hac re fideiussores ac testes utrimque. Mane itaque facto, electi aunt [fo. 46V] hinc et inde quamplures, videlicet de hominibus abbatis et de hominibus mulieris. Qui primum circumeuntes mensi sunt terram que absque calumpnia erat et non invenerunt " The whole chapter is omitted in E. ' Alfuuoldi AC. • ad om. AC, reading et calumpniando. ' ad added later in the margin of E.

d

" totius otn. BG. simul om. 0.

1 In the Libellus a coloured initial has, in the numbering of chapters in C, been taken to indicate the beginning of a new chapter, numbered 14, although there is no heading nor room left for one, and from this the L.E., ch. 11a is copied. 2 Res . . . videtur: cf. Sallust, Bellum Catilinae, v, 9. 3 Horningsea, Cambs. 4 6 6 Exning, Suffolk. Soham, Cambs. Fulbourne, Cambs. '8 Perhaps the homo Mlurici of supra, p. 88. See supra, Foreword, p. xvi.

go

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de terra, que mulieris iure fuisset, nisi unam hydam per ° sexies xx acras et super hydam xxiiii acras, de terra vero calumpniata reppererunt lxxxii acras. Nee mora, precepit Ulf suis hominibus, ut suas lxxv b acras sine dilatione colerent. Interea idem Ulf debebat c abbati xxxvii d acras ad supplementum super ii hydas apud Middeltune, quas ipse Ulf mutaverat abbati pro duabus hydis et xxxvii acris apud Fordham 1 . Debebat etiam abbati" xx solidos, quos ei prestiterat et miserat per jElfricum, iEduuini filium. Quesivit itaque abbas ab eo, ut predictam terram de Cypenham, scilicet lxxv acras quas calumpniatus erat, sibi dimitteret pro xxxvii acris f, quas sibi debebat, et pro xx solidis, quos ei prestiterat, eo tamen pacto ut Ulf illam terram derationando liberam et quietam ac absque calumpnia sibi faceret. Quod si hoc facere nequiret et mulier terram derationaretur, abbas ab ea g terram emeret, sicuti conventionem fecerant et sicuti testes eorum conventionem recognoscere vellent. Ut autem Aluuoldus et uxor eius compererunt se terram amissuros per calumpniam, quam Ulf imposuerat, ut supradiximus, omne consilium postposuerunt et omne pactum irritum fecerunt veneruntque ad dominum suum, nomine Alfuuoldum, fratrem iEgeluuini alderman, ac dixerunt ei, quod abbas eos fraude circumvenisset et quod eo impellente Ulf illam terram calumpniatus esset. Dixerunt etiam quod abbas xv libras per conventionem h pro eadem terra > pepigisset, esset ibi plus vel minus. Pro hac igitur causa discutienda Ageluuinus alderman et Aluuoldus * frater eius et abbas Elyensis monasterii et cum eis omnes maiores natu Orientalis Anglie et de Grantebregge venerunt ad Fracenham 2 et inde profecti sunt ad villam, que dicitur Hegenetune l 3, ubi iii hundreta congregata erant, ibique produxit abbas qui inter eum et mulierem testes et fideiussores erant, quorum nomina supra memoravimus. Producti ergo testes cum iii hundretis perhibuerunt testimonium abbati, videlicet quod Ulf quodam tempore, congregatis iii hundretis, assistente quoque uxore Aluuoldi, coram cunctis defensionem fecerat de eadem terra dimidio anno priusquam abbas illam terram ab ea venum quesisset, perhibuerunt etiam se esse testes ™ ac fideiussores inter abbatem et mulierem, quod abbas daret ei xv libras si ilia iii hydas integras in Cypenham sibi liberaret, si autem hoc facere non posset secundum pretium terre pretium pecunie daretur ei ab abbate. Videns itaque Ageluuinus alderman quod abbas " per testimonium [fo. 47] iure derationatus esset, rogavit eum ut pro amore suo supradictam ° pecuniam, scilicet vii libras et dimidiam * aliquantulum aug*eret. Cuius rogatu dedit ei abbas xxx solidos et misit ei per Wine de Hely, Osmundi filium 4, quam pecuniam ipse Wine detulit ad " Grantebruge ibique ex parte abbatis dedit mulieri, cuius ilia terra erat, coram viro suo palamque omnibus. " p with suspension for pro F. * xxv BG. c the second b interlined F. * xxvii BG. ' hydis lined through add. F. ' acris om. EF, BG. h ' adopting the reading of AC, eo EFO, BG. con interlined F. k i re for terra G. ^lfuuoldus AC. 1 m Henegetune AC. testes esse BG. " quod abbas om. B. 0 supraditam F. " dimidium F. « de for ad A C. 1 2 3 4

For Ulf's deal in Milton see infra, ch. 31, but this debt is not mentioned there. Freckenham, Suffolk. Hinton Hall in Haddenham (Cambs. Place-names, p. 233). Perhaps the Osmund Hocere of infra, ch. 12.

LIBER ELIENSIS 91 O nefas secli! o ambitio mundi! que nunquam cessat ecclesiasticis rebus inhiare, inhiando dilacerare et dilacerando minuere. Videte quam iniquum commercium. Abbas dedit mulieri huic ix libras et non habet pro his nisi unam hydam et xxiiii acras arabiles de terra que absque calumpnia sit et vi predia cum dimidio nuda et vastata. Constititb igitur ilia hyda c solidis et c xxiiii acre xx solidis, et vi predia et dimidium constiterunt Ix solidis, que nemo qui sapit appretiaret plusquam xx solidos 1. a

12. De 2 Wicceford d. Deinde comparavit abbas cc acras apud Wiceford 3 a Sumerlede pro xi libris coram totius hundreti testimonio tempore4 ^Edgari regis. Defunctoe autem eo statuque regni fluctuante, idem Sumerlede rediit ad dolos et pactum quod cum f abbate habuerat irritum fecit dixitque se coactum fecisse quod fecerat atque acceptam pecuniam sepe reddere voluit. Interea venit iEgelwinus alderman ad Hely et infra cimiterium ad haquilonalem g portam monasterii tenuit placitum cum toto hundreto ibique causam sive litem, que erat inter abbatem et Sumerlede, finivit sic: quod abbas dedit ibi Sumerlede xxx solidos sicque persolvit j ei xii libras pro cc acris *". In 5 eadem villa mutavit l abbas cum Osmundo, cognomento Hocere, xvi acras, dans illi pro his totidem apud Grantebruge, ea m tamen n conventione quod post obitum 6Osmundi abbas habiturus esset terras utrasque. In eadem quoque villa mutavit l abbas vii acras, quas ° ab Alfnotho emerat in Wilbertune'. 13. De 8 Walde. Non longe inde iEthelstanus, filius Manne9, dum moreretur, dedit sancte 10 iESeldreSe c acras in Walde . " secli o amb- on erasure F. ' constituit, -tui- expunged F; constat B. c et interlined F. " Uuicheford AC. ' Defuncto . . . cc acris om. E, * cum interlined F. ' -em on erasure F. h causam add. in the margin of F; om. BG which continue sn lite. k ' p(ro) corr. to p(er), F. acras A. ' mutuavit E. m eadem E. " tamen om. E. ° quas . . . mo- (of moreretur) on erasure E. 1 Even if Wine's n o acres are included, this whole transaction accounts for only 2 hides and 14 acres of the 3 hides given to iElfric. The Old English source probably recorded this transaction separately, without reference to these 3 hides, and it was added to the descriptio of Downham by the compiler of the Latin Libellus to explain their descent as far as possible. 2 This chapter is copied from Libellus, cc. 15, 16, 17. 3 Witchford, Cambs. See infra, ch. 14. 4 A Sumerlida of Stoke and a priest of the same name occur as sureties for Bishop iEthelwold in Robertson, Charters, nos. XXXIX and XL, pp. 75, 77. But the estates concerned lie in Northants. and Hunts. 6 The Libellus here begins a new chapter, numbered 16 and headed De eodem. 8 'Libellus, ch. 17, headed De eodem. ' Wilburton, cf. supra, ch. 8. Libellus, ch. 18. 9 iEthelstan, Mann's son, was a benefactor of Ramsey and had some connection with iElfelm Polga. An abstract of his will, including this bequest, is given in Ramsey Chron., pp. 59-61. The date of his death was recorded at Ramsey under the year 986 (Ramsey Cart., iii, 166). Cf. Whitelock, Wills, p. 134. 10 Wold near Witchford.

92

LIBER 1

ELIENSIS

a

14. De Wicham . Apud Wiceham 2 sunt 1 acre, quas iESelwardus 6 et Brihferthus c habere solebant d mutuum. His acris simul collectis, sancta iEdeldrida habet iii hydas integras in Wicceforde 3 et Walde et Wiceham). 15. De Suttune*. Wulsius ' quidam et Mawa et films eorum, Alsius nomine 4, dederunt Deo et sancte virgini g et regine iESeldreSe iii hydas in Suttune 5 et abbatem Brithnodum inde coram hundredo vestierunt, ut h cum fratribus ecclesie memoria eorum haberetur. 16. 3ithelstan, germanus of Archbishop Oda, occurs in Ramsey Chron., p. 49, claiming Burwell against Ramsey. 4 See D. Whitelock in The Anglo-Saxons: Studies . . . presented to Bruce Dickins, p. 79 for the interesting conjecture that this Oslac, Thored's father, is to be identified with the earl of Southern Northumbria and that the Thored who had succeeded Oslac by 979—and perhaps immediately on the latter's expulsion after the death of Edgar—might be the son mentioned here. But Professor Whitelock prefers the identification of the later earl Thored with Thored, Gunner's son. 6 See ibid., p. 75 where this reference to Oscytel acting in the official capacity of a bishop in Cambridgeshire during the reign of Edgar is used to support the argument that Oscytel did not relinquish Dorchester on his appointment to York. See supra, ch. 22. It also indicates that Dorchester was the diocese to which Cambridgeshire at this time belonged.

LIBER ELIENSIS

107

copum suis viribus non sufficeret, petiit Wlstanum fecitque sibi homagium ac promisit illi Eie ad vendendum pro tanto pretio, quantum sibi placeret, quatenus contra episcopum yESeluuoldum manuteneret eum quia episcopus appellabat eum de gazis ecclesie, quas ille et Herulfus cum sacrilegio extulerant. Taliter nactus est Wlstanus Eie per mendacia presbiteri et per aliquantulum pecunie sicque habuit, quamdiu vixerat, contra Deum et contra beatum iEdeluuoldum. Post mortem vero illius cepit episcopus facere [fo. 53] calumpniam super Eie et super ESelstanum qui gazas ecclesie abstulerat. Videns igitur presbiter quod nil proficeret, si cum episcopo contenderet, quesivit sibi patronos, scilicet Osulphum et Godingum et ^EalferSum ° et alios quamplures virrones, qui eum apud episcopum deprecarentur. Tune episcopus rogatu illorum dimisit ei dumtaxat calumpniam de gazis, eo pacto quod redderet Deo et sancte y£Seldre5e Eie. Ivit igitur presbiter cum eo ad Hely ac iuravit super altare sanctum et super corpus b sancte iESeldreSe, quod nee ille nee aliquis successorum suorum unquam tempore vite sue nee postea Eia c repeteret nee calumpniam inde faceret. Ante hoc iiiior annis Wlfricus prepositus exivit d hominem et dimisit nepoti suo Leofstano presbitero duas hydas quas, ut ante docuimus, Deo et monasterio de Horningeseie vi et iniuste arripuerat. Interea quidam institores de Hybernia cum variis mercibus et sagis aput civitaculam, que Grantebryge nuncupatur, appulerunt et, expositis mercibus, contigit quod prefatus presbiter Leofstanus furtim subduxisset saga eorum. Quod cum patefieret, petiit patrocinium civium. Qui ei deprecati sunt vitam et solum e. Quod cum factum fuerat, prefatus presbiter duas hydas, quas Wlfricus prepositus ei dimiserat, dedit Wlstano cum cyrographo. Wlstanus vero dedit eas cum cyrographo iESelstano chusin, cognato suo, quas post obitum Wlstani iESelwoldus episcopus emit ab eo pro viii libris. 33. De 1 Horningeseie f. Deinde post mortem iEdgari regis predictus9 Leofstanus et nlius Wlfrici h prosiluerunt et vi optinuerunt iias prescriptas 3' hydas * Horningeseie et ^ESelstanus presbiter assultum fecit et optinuit Eie, mentitus Deo et sancte iESeldriSe iusiurandum quod iuraverat. Partitusque l est presbiter terram de Eie cum duobus fratribus suis hoc modo: dimidiavit primum et, post dimidiam partem acceptam, accepit et tertiam. Eo enim maiorem partem cepit, quo ei magis quam aliis terra constitit. Nam dedit jESelstano,filioManne 2, duas marchas argenti et m Omundo cum fratribus suis tantundem. Dedit etiam multa aliis proceribus, ut eum contra ius et fas manutenuissent. Cum n igitur presbiter y£3elstanus multis iniuriis episcopum et abbatem ° affectos reddidisset *, post " multa annorum curricula consilium inierunt cum amicis tandemquefecerunt,ut illepresbiter etfratres sui Bondo et iElfstanussimulessentinunum, "d iEtferSum AC. ' corpus om, A. " Eiam O, Eia om. BG. exuit C, BG, 0; exiu' A. ' vel patriam interlined add. AC. 1 E has no heading and continues without a break from aureis. See supra, p. 106, n. g. h ' predictus om. E. Wlurici prepositi E. ' prescriptas om. E. * in add. E. ' Partitusque . . . manutenuissent om. E. m et added in the margin of F, om. BG. " Qui cum multis iniuriis E. ° diu add. E. " redderet E. " post . . . Godingi nlius om. E. 1

This chapter is copied from Libellus, cc. 43, 44.

2

See supra, ch. 13.

108

LIBER

ELIENSIS

diemque constituerunt apud Horningeseie. Venerunt itaque ad diem abbas et Alfnobus, filius One, Uvius et frater eius Oswi, Wlnobus de Stoue, Grim filius Osulfi, SaxferS et filius eius Oscitelus, Osuui [fo. 53V] de Bece, Alfstanus, Clac a de Fugelburne, Omundus et filius eius Simundus, Uvi, Wacher de Suafham et yElfnobus, Godingi filius. Coram b his ergo testibus dedit abbas iESelstano pro sua parte de Eie unum predium et unam hydam de c duodecies xx acris apud Sneileuuaelle 1 quam emerat a Wedwino, Aldstani d filio, pro vi libris. Deditque e etiam ei aliud predium et lxxv acras, quas emerat ab Hugone e t 1 Alfrico. Deditque" etiam abbas fratribus iEthestani, Bondono h et ^Elfstano in eodem loco iiii libras ' et xviii denarios, sicque pacificati sunt abbas et Abelstanus et k Bondo et Alfstanus de omnibus, scilicet de terra et de marisco et de pecunia cum omni amicitia et coram testimonio populi. Deinde 12 ibant quidam fratres Leofsius et m ^Elfstanus et Uulgarus et Oslacus, gener eorum, ad BrihtnoSum alderman et dederunt ei unam hydam quam acquisierant, eo pacto ut ipse manum ferret eis ad conquirendam quandam terram in Orientali Anglia. Quod cum fecisset, Wlgarus et Oslacus fecerunt ei de sua parte de hyda, sicutipepigerant. Aliivero omne pactum cum eo irritum fecerunt. Ab hiis autem, qui pactum fregerant, comparavit abbas et ^Edricus suam part em de hyda pro iiii libris coram testimonio populi. Post hec comparavit predictus Leofsius presbiter a Lefstano presbitero unam hydam et unum campum pro c solidis. Qui tarn etsi antea pactum, quod cum BrihtnoSo alderman habuerat, irritum fecisset, iterum tamen proposuit ei unam hydam datum, aliam vero venundatum. Verum, ut antea, ita et nunc omnia mentiri comprobatur. Videns igitur BrihtnoSus alderman quod presbiter mendaciis et perfidia, qua n plenus erat, eum seduxerat, iussit ilium summoneri et, veniens ad Dittune 3, cepit ibi disserere et enarrare causas et calumpnias, conventiones ° et pacta infracta que habuit super eum per testimonium multorum legalium virorum. Cui omnia illata deneganti et contradicenti statuerunt, ut cum iureiurando se purgaret. Quod cum facere nequibat nee qui sequum iurare debuerant habere poterat, decretum est, ut eo expulso Brithnotus alderman utrisque hydis uteretur, videlicet quam pollicitus erat ei dare et quam proposuit venundare. Hoc idem iterum alia vice statutum erat apud Grantebryge. Quod cum factum fuerat, Bryhtnodus alderman easdem terras contulit sancte ^ESeldreSe i. a b c

Oslac O. Coram multis testibus, ut in libro terrarum habetur, abbas dedit iEdelstano E. de . . . acris om. E. " iEdelstani E. ' -que om. E. 'h ab add. ACE. « et fratribus eius dedit iiii E. Bondoni AC, BG, final o probably on erasure F. ' libris A. k et . . . amicitia et om. E. ' E summarises the rest of the chapter in one sentence: Duas vero hidas, que restabant de Horningeseie, Brithnodus alderman postea optinuit et eas contulit sancte iEdeldreSe. '" et om. AC. " quia AC. ° conveniens corr. to conventiones A. 1 3

2 Snaihvell, Cambs. Libellus, ch. 44, without a heading. Fen or Wood Ditton, Cambs., probably the former which belonged to Brihtnoth's wife, Jilffljed, or her sister, at this time and which was assessed with Horningsea in 1066 (Dd, i, fo. 191; Whitelock, Wills, pp. 35, 41; infra, p. 421). See supra, Foreword, p. xiii. 4 See supra, ch. 32.

LIBER ELIENSIS 1

109

a

34. De Suafham et Berlea. J3dgarus b rex emit ab Egelwino, yESelwardi filio de SuSsexe, Suafham 2 et Bereleac pro lxxx aureis. Deinde d comparavit utrasque terras iEthel-[/o. 54]-uuoldus episcopus a rege, datis illi totidem aureis. Post obitum vero iEdgari regis quidam maligni per parentele violentiam impetum fecerunt super Berlea et vi optinuerunt illud, tamen e ilia terra facta erat per furtum transgressioni obnoxia tempore iEdgari regis, Wlstano preposituram agente. Contigit igitur quodam tempore, quod magna concio erat statuta apud Witlesford et convenerunt illuc iEgeluuinus alderman et fratres sui Alwoldus et Egelsius et episcopus Eswius et Wlfled relicta Wlstani et omnes meliores concionatores de comitatu Grantebrygge. Assidentibus itaque cunctis, surrexit Wensius 3, Wlfrici cognatus, et fecit calumpniam super terram de Suafham dixitque se et cognatos suos iniuste carere ilia terra, quandoquidem pro ea nil habuissent, videlicet f nee terram nee terre pretium. Audita igitur hac calumpnia, interrogavit .ZEgelwinus alderman si aliquis esset ibi in populo qui sciret quomodo Wlstanus illam terram adeptus esset. Respondens ad hec Alfricus de Wicham dixit, quod Wlstanus emerat eandem terram, scilicet duas hydas in Suafham, a predicto Wensio pro viii libris. Et ut credibile quod dixerat haberetur, viii hundreta, que sunt in australi parte Grantebrygge, traxit in testimonium. Dixit etiam, quod Wlstanus dederat Wensio illas viii libras per duas vices, extremam tamen partem pecunie et extremum denarium 4 misit ei" per Leofwinum, ASulfi filium 5. Qui dedit illi pecuniam in una cyrotheca involutam coram viii hundretis, in quibus predicta terra sorte iacuerat. Hiis ergo auditis, statuerunt, ut episcopus et abbas duas hydas in Suafham sine omni calumpnia haberent et pro libitu potirentur; si autem Wensius aut cognati sui pecuniam aut aliud pretium pro ilia terra amplius exigere voluissent, ab heredibus Wlstani et non ab alio illud exegissent. Terra enim ilia fuit modo in quarta manu et, quamvis esset in tertia vel in secunda manu, similiter facere debuissent6. Post hec iESelwoldus episcopus et Brihtnodus abbas has duas "b de add. E, et Berlea add. later in F and partly in the margin. jEdgarus . . . aureis om. E. " Berlea AC. d Deinde pontifex venerandus iEdelwoldus comparavit a rege Swafham et Berleia pro octoginta aureis E. " tamen to the end of the chapter om. E.

1 1 2

vedelicet F.

' ei added later at the end of a line in F, om. G.

This chapter is copied from Libellus, ch. 45. The descent of the 2 hides at Swaffham seems clear. They must have passed from Wulfstan, perhaps of Dalham (see supra, ch. 2), to ^Ethelwine, thence to King Edgar, and on to jEthelwold, who would thus have them in quarta manu. The history of Berelea is the same except that, while Wulfstan bought Swaffham, Berelea seems to have come into his possession in the course of his official duties as reeve. No reason is given why iEthelwold did not attempt to retrieve Berelea, but no estate with that name was to be connected with Ely. No minor place-name in Swaffham is recorded which could correspond to it. It may be Barley, Herts., where Chatteris held 3J hides in 1066 (Berlai, Dd, i, fo. 136). The 2 hides at Swaffham could have lain at either Swaffham Prior or Bulbeck, Cambs., in each of which Ely held 3 hides in 1066 (Dd, i, fo. 190b, 196). 3 A Wynsigus about this time deprived Ramsey of some land at Burwell, which borders on Swaffham (Ramsey Chron., pp. 49-50). 4 See supra, Foreword, p. ix. 6 6 See infra, ch. 60. See supra, Foreword, p. xvi.

no LIBER ELIENSIS hydas et lxx acras, quas episcopus emerat, prestiterunt ^Eadrico, eo pacto ut ille, cum moreretur, redderet sancte iESeldreSe hanc eandem terrain cum omni pecunia et omni facultate omnibusque bonis que ipse in vita sua acquisierat. Et huius rei testes erant ^Egelwinus alderman et totus cetus, qui tune apud Grantebruge convenerat. 35. De * Brandune et Livermere a.

iElfgarus b 2de Muletune, cum moreretur, dimisit Wlstano de Delham v hydas apud Brandune et Livermere [fo. 54v\. Wlstanus vero dedit eandem terram cognato suo Wiggaro c multis annis ante finem vite sue. Post obitum vero eiuse quodam df 3 tempore, cum convenissent concionatores Anglie ad Lundoniam , idem Wigarus jESelwoldo episcopo eandem terram optulit venum. Quod cum audissent episcopus et abbas, dederunt ei pro5 terra xv libras coram testimonio Leofrici, iESelferthi filio4, g et Uvi de Wivelingeham . Centum vero solidos miserunt ei postea per Leofwinum prepositum et Wine de Wicceford. Qui dederunt ei eandem pecuniam apud Brandune coram testimonio totius hundreti in quo ilia terra iacet. Emerunt h etiam jab eo omnem pecuniam que erat in ilia terra secundum quod appretiata fuerat. Ea vero tempestate, qua rex yEdgarus de hac vita decessit *, quidam, Ingulfus nomine, vi et iniuste Deo sancteque .ZESeldreSe lBrandune abstulit. Sed ut manifestaretur virtus Dei et meritum beate iESeldreSe virginis ex illo die, quo sic res ecclesie invasit, nichil edulii aut liquoris gustavit. Rumpebatur enim sine omni dilatione cor eius. Sicque factum est quod, qui vivus que Dei erant iniuste arripuerat, oppetens mortem retinere non potuit, sed se et ilia simul amisit m. Uxor quoque etfiliieius eo " mortuo invaserunt eandem terram ° similiter, sed quemadmodum honorem Deo non dederuntq nee anime * sue pepercerant, sic ultio divina exarsit super eos et infra unum annum omnes miserabiliter interierunt. Tune SiverSus, Ingulfi fraters r, dedit episcopo suam terram contra voluntatem .ZEgelwini alderman aliorumque quamplurium. "1 There is no heading in AC. ^Elfgarus . . . obitum vero eius om. E. " Wihtgaro AC. d E begins the chapter with Quodam. ' idem om. E. 1 Withgarus optulit venum vEdelwoldo episcopo v hidas apud Brandune et Liveremere. Quod cum episcopus et abbas audissent, dederunt ei xx libras, xv illic coram omnibus, centum E. ' per . . . pecuniam om. E. *1 Emerunt . . . fuerat om. E. l Sed ea tempestate E. " dicessit E. ^SeldreSe om. E. m perdidit E. " eo om. E. 0 terram . . . quern on erasure E, admodum in the margin. " anime on erasure F, rei for anime BG. " annum unum E. ' frater Ingulfi, timens ne sibi taliter eveniret, dedit E. ' et aliorum plurimorum E. 1 2

This chapter is copied from Libellus, ch. 46. Brandon, Suffolk, where Ely held 5 carucates in 1066 (Dd, ii, fo. 381b), and Livermere, Suffolk, where Guthmund held the abbey's 2 carucates in 1066 (infra, ch. 97). 3 Cf. the generate placitum at London, supra, p. 85 and Robertson, Charters, p. 130. 4 Leofric of Brandon, supra, cc. 8, 10. 8 Willingham, Cambs.

LIBER ELIENSIS

in

ax

36. De Brandune et de * Livermere. iElfgarus emit omnem octavam acram in Brandune et iii hydas apud Livremere a quodam comite, qui dicebatur Scule 2, pro duobus dextrariis et duobus dorsaliis de pallio e t c 1 aureis. iEthelwoldus 3 episcopus addidit supradictis xx libris x aureos et dedit Withgaro pro amicitia que inter eos erat. 37. De 4 SuSburne. iEadgarus rex et AlftreS dederunt sancto ^ESelwoldo manerium, quod dicitur SuSburn 5, et cyrographum quod pertinebat, quod d comes, qui dicebatur Scule 6 , dudum possederat, eo pacto ut ille regulam sancti Benedicti in Anglicum idioma de Latino transferret 7 . Qui sic fecit. Deinde vero beatus ^ESelwoldus dedit eandem terram sancte iESeldreSe cum cyrographo eiusdem terre. 38. De 8 Wdebregge. Beatus iESelwoldus comparavit iii hydas apud Wdebricge 9 et appenditia, [fo. 55] que pertinebant, a Wlfleda relicta Wlstani pro xv e libris coram testimonio totius hundreti. 39. De 1 0 Stoche. Quedam matrona, que dicebatur Alftreth ° This chapter is omitted in E. * de om. AC. d quod . . . possederat om. E. 1 2

u

cepit deprecari regem ^Edgarum, ut

" et interlined F. ' xvi BG.

This chapter is copied from Libellus, ch. 47. A dux of this name witnesses B.C.S., nos. 674, 675, 677, in 931; 689 in 932; 702, 703 in 934 (as well as no. 701, wrongly dated 930 for 934, and a dubious text, no. 716, which, if genuine, belongs to 935 rather than 937). There is then a gap until B.C.S., no. 779 (942-46), no. 820 (947), and no. 883 (949) which he witnesses as eorl. Cf. also B.C.S., no. 882 (949), where the same name occurs without title as do others which usually have dux, and no. 812, subscribed by Acule dux. In spite of the gap in the signatures it does not follow that two men of this name are involved; for there is evidence that the large councils with magnates from all over the country, to which the early group of signatures belongs, were discontinued after about 935, and the signatures of men from the Danelaw occur only sporadically after that time. This comment is based on information from Professor D. Whitelock. 3 Numbered as a separate chapter, 48, in the Libellus, where a space is left for a heading. 4 This chapter is copied from Libellus, ch. 49. 6 For a comment on cc. 37, 38, 39 and 41 see infra, App. D, p. 421. 6 See supra, ch. 36. ' jEthelwold's translation is said to survive in the text printed by A. Schroer, Die Angelsachsischen Prosabearbeitungen der Benedictiner Regel (1888), or at least that which survives in Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Faustina A.x. See N. Ker, Catalogue of Manuscripts containing AngloSaxon (1957), pp. 194-96. 8 This chapter is copied from Libellus, ch. 50. 9 See supra, ch. 37. For Wulfflasd cf. supra, ch. 34, from which it can be inferred that she was 10the widow of Wulfstan of Dalham. This chapter is copied from Libellus, ch. 51. 11 If this is the iElfthryth who married Edgar, the grant to Jithelwold was presumably made before their marriage in 964 or 965.

H2 LIBER ELIENSIS et beato jESelwoldo venderet x hydas apud Stoche 1, quod prope est de Gippeswic, a duo molendina que sunt sita in australi parte. Cuius preces valuerunt b apud eum. Nam episcopus dedit regi pro ilia terra et pro molendinis c aureos et" postea optulit eandem d terrain et eadem molendina sancte iESeldreSe). iEdgarus e quoque rex divini muneris dignationem in se transisse cognoscens, gloriam potestatis morum gratia compensabat, cuius potestas regni fuit augmentum, cuius auctoritas ecclesie munimentum, cuius vita virtutis instrumentum, cuius opera puplicum erant adiumentum. Unde hoc tertiumf sue largitatis munus ecclesie adiciens, precedentis exemplo privilegii, ea qua illud causa, gemina lingua 2insignivit et, hoc fine consummans propositum, eternam sibi propagavit memoriam . diris obcene horrendeque Flebilia ° 3 fortiter detestanda titillantis seculi piacula, mortis circumsepta latratibus, non nos patria indempte h pacis secures, sed quasi > fetide corruptele in voraginem casuros, provocando ammonent, ut ea * toto mentis conamine in l casibus m suis, non solum despiciendo, sed etiam velud fastidiosam " melancolie nausiam ° abhominando, fugiamus *>, tendentes ad illud propheticum:q ' Divitie si affluant, nolite cor apponere V Qua de re infima quasi peripsema quisquiliarum abiciens, superna ad instar pretiosorum monilium eligens, animum sempiternis in gaudiis figens ad adipiscendam melliflue dulcedinis misericordiam perfruendamque infinite letitie iocunditatem, ego iEdgarus, per omnipatrantis dex-r teram totius Brittannie regni solio sullimatus, quandam ruris particulam, decem "c -lendina . . . parte on erasured E. " -erunt on erasure E. et om. E. eandem . . . molendina om. E. e Adgarus F; this introduction and the charter which follows are not in AC, which continue with ch. 41. 1 iterum for tertium BG. « This charter is not in BG, which have the introductory phrase, iEdgarus . . . memoriam, only. It is here collated with copies in EO and in the cartularies CGM. It is also collated with D from the middle of the penal clause, where the surviving fragment of this cartulary begins. h indepte CGM. 1 sed quasi adopted from the reading in CGM, om. EFO; fetide is the last word of col. a and extends into the margin in F. l cum for in CGM. " Corr. from eo tota F, eo tota E. m -sion erasure F. " fastidiosam from CGM, fastidium EFO. 0 nausiam from CGM, nausium EFO. " figiamus F, fu written in the margin in a later hand. r " per ipsum E. x CGM. 1 2

Stoke near Ipswich. See infra, App. D, p. 416. The language of this introductory paragraph in its rhyming prose closely resembles the paragraph introducing Edgar's Linden charter (see supra, ch. 8). This resemblance along with the reference here to exemplo precedentis privilegii may suggest that the passage derives from a collection of charters including cc. 5, 9, and 39, in that order. Unless we are to assume that an Old English version existed also of cc. 9 and 39, as for Edgar's privilege (ch. 5), the phrase gemina lingua, like publica lingua in ch. 8, must refer to the Old English description of the boundaries. 3 Date: 970. Printed: K., no. 1270; B.C.S., no. 1269; Monasticon, i, 475; Gale, Scriptores XV, i, 520. For a comment on this charter see infra, App. D, p. 416. l Ps., lxi, 11.

LIBER ELIENSIS 113 videlicet cassatos in loco, qui Stoche " celebri nuncupatur vocabulo, sancte Dei ecclesie ad reverentiam beati Petri b apostolorum principis necnon beate iESeldreSe perpetue virginis dedicate c loco, qui celebri Heli d nuncupatur onomate, ob eterne beatitudinis remunerationem« perpetua largitus sum hereditate, quatenus rus prefatum ad usus monachorum inibi degentium, uti iESelwoldus episcopus suo famulatu optinuit, devote deserviat. Predicta equidem tellus cum omnibus utensilibus, pratis videlicet, pascuis, molendinis ac suburbanis, supradicte iugiter subiciatur ecclesie. [fo. 5511] Sit autem predictum rus omni terrene servitutis iugo liberum, tribus exceptis, rata videlicet expeditione, pontis arcisve restauratione. Si quis igitur hanc nostram f donationem gin aliud quam constituimus transferre voluerit, privetur consortio sancte Dei ecclesie eternis h baratri incendiis lugubris iugiter cum Iuda Christi proditore eiusque complicibus puniatur, si non satisfactione emendaverit congrua >, quod contra nostrum deliquid * decretum l. 40. De

m

Dyrham.

Inter alia vero magnifica confessor Domini vESelwoldus expetitum " a rege "6 celebri JEt Stoce (iEstoce M) nuncupatur CGM. betri F, omitting beati; beati Petri om. O. c de expunged add. E and F. d Elig CG. * remuneratione CG. 'privatus CG. h ' ecclesie Dei M. eternis is the first word in D. k > congrua on erasure E. deliquit C. ' The boundaries are found only in CD and partly in M. The version here printed is taken from C. 0 gives an abbreviated version only of the dating clause. His metis prefatum rus hinc inde giratur. Dis synt )?ara x hySa landgemaera aet Stoce. past is j?onne aerest of Caere hySe andlang streames aet iEscmannes yre 7 swa forS on middeweardne stream p hyt cymS on brunnan 7 swa forS on Beofford 7 f>anon on Haligwille on Healdenesho of }?aem ho on Pottaforda on Hagenefordabrycge of Hagenefordabricge on Horse wade into merscmylne of merscmylne into pere brige. Anno Dominice incarnationis nongentesimo septuagesimo scripta est hec carta, his testibus consentientibus, quorum inferius nomina caraxantur. Ego TEdgar rex totius Brittannie prefatam donationem sigillo sancte crucis confirmavi. Ego Dunstan Dorobernensis ecclesie archiepiscopus eiusdem regis donationem crucis signo consignavi. Ego /Elfstan episcopus consignavi. Ego iEJ^elwold episcopus consensi. Ego Osulf episcopus. Ego Wynsige episcopus. Ego Oswald episcopus. Ego Alfwold episcopus. Ego JEtielm episcopus. Ego Alfwold episcopus. Ego iElfstan episcopus. Ego Wulfric episcopus (Wuluwric D). Ego Wulfsige episcopus. Ego /Elfsige episcopus. (The last witness listed in M.) Ego ^Escwig abbas. Ego Osgar abbas. Ego .ZElfric abbas. Ego iElfstan abbas. Ego jE]?elgar abbas. Ego Kyneweard abbas. Ego ^Elfheah abbas. Ego Folbriht abbas. Ego Godwine abbas. Ego BryhtnoS abbas. Ego Osward abbas. Ego Bryteh abbas. Ego iElfhere dux. Ego ^Elfheah dux (om. D). Ego Ordgar dux. Ego iEthelstan dux. Ego iEthelwine dux. Ego BryhtnoS dux. Ego Oslac dux. Ego Wulfstan m'. Ego 7E)?erward m'. Ego Eanulf m'. Ego iElfward m'. Ego Osweard m'. Ego Osulf m'. Ego iElfwine m'. Ego Eadwine m'. Ego ^Elfric m'. Ego .Elfhelm m'. Ego ^Elfsige m'. (Ego Wulfstan m' add. D.) Ego Winsige m'. Ego Wulfget m'. Ego iEthelsige m'. Ego Wulfstan m' (om. D.) Ego Bryhtric m'. Ego Leofa m'. Ego Hringulf m'. Ego Osulf m'. Ego pureferth m'. Ego Heanric m'. Ego Leofric m'. Ego JEdwig m'. Ego Leofwine m'. Ego Af>ulf m'. Ego OsferS m'. Ego ^ilfhelm m'. Ego SigeferS m'. Ego Osgod m'. Dis is 8ara x hida landboc aet Stoce Se jEdgar cyning gebocade Gode and see iESeldrySe into mElig on ece yrfe his saule to alysednesse ealswa vElfSryS hit geaern dode his gebedda. This chapter is not in the Libellus. " Expetiu' G, expetium B.

H4 LIBER ELIENSIS 1 ^Edgaro Dyrham cum omnibus que ad eandem villam pertinebant ecclesie de Ely adiecit et sancte iESeldreSe gratanter optulit. 41. ( D e a 2 Sudb[urn] b et Wdebrig'" et Stoche et vi hundretis. Fecerunt quodam tempore conventionem inter se episcopus et abbas et iEgelwinus alderman, ut ipse yEgelwinus tenere deberet3 de illis SuSburn et Stoche d et Wdebrige et vi hundreta que pertinent ad Sudburn . Qui sic fecit reddiditque eis pro hiis ministeriis x libras quotannis in termino rogationum. 42. De ' 4 NorSwolde. ThurverSus abstulit cum rapina Deo et sancte iESelSreSe xii hydas apud NorSwalde; nam hec terra erat pars terrarum5 quas beatus iESelwoldus comparavit a rege iEdgaro, dans ei pro hiis Eartingan . 43. D e / 6 Pulnham". Diripuit h etiam idem Deo et sancte iESeldreSe Pulham ', quam iESelwoldus episcopus emerat a rege ^Edgaro pro xl libris. Quas terras, videlicet Nordwalde et Pulham per transgressionem amisit Ualdgchist * et omnia que habebat tempore iEdmundil regis et fuerunt in manu regis Eadmundi et EaSelredi7, quousque ipse iESelredus dedit easdem terras EaSgive matri sue. Post cuius mortem acquisivit easdem terras Wlstanus a rege .ZEdgaro, sed et Eadgyva et Wlstanus acquisierunt "b This chapter is omitted in E. c Abbreviated in all MSS. Wdebregge C, -brige G. d et Wdebrycge et Stoche AC. e This chapter is omitted in E. ' This chapter follows ch. 40 in E. « Pulham ACEG. h The chapter is summarised in E by the sentence Deinde sanctus episcopus iEdelwoldus emerat Pulham a rege .ZEdgaro pro quadraginta libris. • Admundi F. ' Pulnham AC. " Waldchist AC. 1 East Dereham, Norfolk, with its appurtenances of the hundred and a half of Mitford. This entry is not in the Libellus and may therefore represent a later tradition. East Dereham had certainly been granted to the abbey in time to be made responsible for providing a farm for the monks in the time of Abbot Leofsige (infra, ch. 84).J Cf. Miller, Ely, p. 31; H. M. Cam, Liberties and Communities of Medieval England (1944), P- ^ 5 ' 2 This chapter is copied from Libellus, ch. 52. 3 Apparently identical with the 5J hundreds of Wicklow (Cam, op. cit., p. 101), Plumesgate, Loes, Wilford, Carlford and Colneis and the Thredling of Winstow. Cf. supra, ch. 37 and Edgar's privilege, ch. 5. 4 6 This chapter is copied from Libellus, ch. 53. See supra, ch. 5. 6 This chapter is copied from Libellus, ch. 54. It reads like an abstract of an unsuccessful plea which outlined the descent of the estate. The land at Northwold and Pulham seems to have been recovered by the time of Abbot Leofsige's allocation of farms (infra, ch. 84) and in 1066 Ely held 6 carucates and 34 sokemen at Northwold (I.E., pp. 132, 139) and 15 carucates and 74 sokemen at Pulham (I.E., p. 135). An error for Eadred.

LIBER ELIENSIS 115 b et emerunt plures terras et plura bona quam ° unquam Waldgist habuisset et hiis duobus maneriis addiderunt. Hec igitur duo maneria predictus ThurverSus vi cepitc et optinuit. 44. De 1 Wetinge. Apud Wetinge comparavit ^ESelwoldus episcopus iii hydas ab Egelwardo pro tantum fecit, quod vi libris. Deinde d vero quidam nomine Steapae per sua munera episcopus caruit utrisque, videlicet et terra et pecunia 2. 45. De f 3 Horningeseie. Emit quoque episcopus ab ESelstano, iEgelwardig fratre, duas hydas apud Horniggeseie pro viii libris 4. Nunc vero care-[/o. 56]-mus et ilia terra et h pecunia. 46. De i 5 Grantedene. aureis ab Henrico de iEthelwoldus episcopus emit Grantedene 6 pro ducentis Waneting coram * testimonio iEdgari regis et Alferil alderman et iEgelwini et m BryhnoSi et ^Elfrici cild et Ringulfi et ThurverSi et aliorum sapientum qui tune ibi aderant ". Sicque ° facta est conventio ilia v coram illis, quod, siquis unquam in alio tempore facere vellet calumpniam super ilia terra, Henricus et heredes sui episcopo ducentos aureos" redderent ipsique discordiam cum calumpniatoribus haberent. Quamvis hec conventio sic facta fuisset, tamen caret ecclesia de Ely nunc et ilia terra et pecunia. 0 6

quam on erasure, unquam extends into the cmargin, F; qua AC. habuissed -F. accepit for vi cepit G. *f Deinde . . . pecunia om, E. ' ilia add. 0. This chapter is omitted in E. ' -wardi on erasure F. "1 ilia add. O. This chapter follows ch. 44 in E. In G thel heading is on erasure and reads De Chynlinge. * coram om. E. Alferi . . . aliorum om. E. m plurimorum sapientium E. " adherant F. " Sicque to the end of the chapter om. E.

»ilia conventio A C. 1 An erasure of three or four letters after aureos F. 1 2

This chapter is copied from Libellus, ch. 55. Weeting, Norfolk. See infra, ch. 61. Perhaps Mgelwardus is the brother of .STthelstan, mentioned in ch. 45, which would connect him with Wulfstan of Dalham. See supra, ch. 32. 3 This chapter is copied from Libellus, ch. 56. 4 These are presumably the 2 hides which Wulfstan had given to ^Ethelstan chusin. See supra, ch. 32. 6 This chapter is copied from Libellus, ch. 57. 6 Little Gransden, Cambs. The grant must have been made sometime between ^Ethelwold's appointment to Winchester in 963 and Edgar's death in 975, in which period jElfhere of Mercia, jEthelwine and Brihtnoth all sign as ealdormen. Ely held an estate there in the time of Abbot Leofsige (infra, ch. 84) and 5 hides and 1 virg. in 1066 (Dd, i, fo. 191b). But cf. the suggestion by C. Hart in his forthcoming Early Charters of Eastern England that this estate includes Great Gransden (Hunts.), the subject of a grant to Thorney (C.U.L., MS. Add. 3020-21, fos. 13-13V), which might explain Ely's loss.

n6

LIBER ELIENSIS

47. De

a

b

* Massewrde .

^Edgarus rex et Alftred dederunt sancte ^ESeldreSe terrain de MassewrSe quam Alfgyva, cum moreretur, dimisit ei 2 . 48. De 3 Chyllingec. ^Edelwoldus episcopus emit ab iEdrico Daco suam terram de Cillinge 4 pro xx a libris et pecuniam, que erat in ea, emit pro xi libris. Recepit e igitur iEdricus apud Ely c solidos ab episcopo coram hundreto et xv libras, que restabant, detulit f illi iEgelsius, qui tune erat prepositus episcopi, et dedit eas ei coram tribus hundretis in quibus Cillinge iacet. Aderantque ibi Wlstanus g de Delham et Ringulfus h et fere omnes meliores de illis finibus. Dataque > est ei ibi pecunia coram testimonio trium hundretorum. 49. De k 5 Horniggeseie. Post obitum vero .Sidgari regis, dum esset l rex iEdwardus et fere omnes sapientes sui apud Kyngestune, rogavit Egelwinus alderman ^ESelwoldum episcopum, ut dimisisset eum habere Chyllinge, eo pacto ut econverso ille mutaret sibi tantundem terre que ei esset propior et copiosior; de pecunia vero, que erat in terra, pro libitu fecissent. Quod cum concessissent episcopus et abbas, iEgelwinus alderman tradidit eandem terram Ringulfo. Deinde petierunt episcopus et abbas ab eodem ^Egelwino, ut adquietaret eis et absque calumpnia habere faceret duas hydas apud Horniggeseie a filiis Wlfrici quas, ut supradiximus, episcopus emerat ab ^ESelstano 6. Quo audito, Egelwinus m cepit semper bene promittere se hoc facturum, sed verba sua pondus non habuerunt nee promissa ad effectum pervenerunt. 49a. De™ 7 Ceangeswrde.

iEthelwoldus episcopus emit a quodam suo optimate Leofsio duas hydas apud Ceangueswrde pro iiii libris, que terra est in vicecomitatu de Bedeforde pertinens ad h "c De om. E. MessewrSe AC. Killinge A C, Gillinge E. " lx E. ' recepit . . . prepositus episcopi om. E. g ' detulit on erasure F. Wlstanus ibi de Dalham E. h j et Ringulfus om. E. Dataque . . . hundretorum om. E. k This chapter is omitted in E. ' essed -F. •» jEgeluuino A C. " This chapter is omitted in E. ACF have no heading. In F the heading is written faintly in the margin in a later hand. 1 2

This chapter is copied from Libellus, ch. 58. Marsworth, Bucks. /Elfgifu left this estate to Edgar in her will (Whitelock, Wills, no. viii, p. 20). By 1066 the only estate there belonged to King Edward's thegn Britric (Dd, i, fo. 149b,3 Misseuorde). This chapter is copied from Libellus, ch. 59. 4 Identified as Kelling, Norfolk, in Oxford Dictionary of English Place-names. 6 This chapter is copied from Libellus, ch. 60. 6 See supra, ch. 32. 7 Chapters 49a and 49b are copied from the Libellus, where they are not numbered as separate chapters and have no heading, although a space has been left for one.

LIBER ELIENSIS 117 Hohtune . BrihnoSus igitur abbas dedit [fo. ^6v\ Lefsio primam partem pecunie, scilicet lx solidos apud Heatfeld coram testimonio Alfwaldi a de Stodham. Deinde vero, cum moreretur idem Leofsius, xx solidos, qui restabant, fecit abbas dari et partiri clericis pro anima sua. Sed et relevatio b Leofsii restabat nee data eratc episcopo. Sic emit episcopus illam terram et tamen per rapinam et violentiam ei ablata est. 1

49b. De d Earningford. Hyda quoque et dimidia ei ablata est apud 3Earningeford 2, que per pungnam et per furtum facta erat transgressioni obnoxia} . 50. Que e ornamenta rex sue auctoritatis proferens sententiam, ' aut canonice,' inquid,m' est k vivendum aut de l ecclesiis exeundum.' Ex quo factum est, ut complurium ecclesiarum clerici, dum contempnerent proposita conditione corrigi, auctoritate pontificis sint expulsi) et monachi introducti. {Qui rege adito vel n quos regis gratia proximos effecerat, Dunstanum iniuriarmn accusant, virtutis se amatores pronuntiant, ut in presentia regis conveniatur, orant. Dunstanus itaque his que ° rationabiliter postulabantur contrahire nolens, coacto concilio Wintoniam venit, ubi ex sententia totius concilii de adversariis victoriam cepit). Intererat tante controversie Brithnodus, sancte Elyensis ecclesie primus abbas 3>, cum cetera religiosorum turba. Auxilium de celo,a non de terra, a Deo, non ab hominibus, prestolabantur. {Cumque inimici Domini ex iure nichil sibi superesse conspicerent, usi auxilio regis et principum ad preces se vertunt, quibus episcopum flagitant, quatenus Tintromisse persone de ecclesiis expellantur, expulse restituantur. Dubitante igitur viro Dei nullumque ad rogata responsum porrigente, res mira et seculis inaudita contigits. Ecce corporis Domini * forma, ex " lapide incisa, vexillo crucis infixa atque in editiore domus parte locata, humanos exprimens * modos, omnium voces compescuit, dicens: ' Absit hoc ut fiat. b "c et interlined F. ex sequente 0. This chapter occurs also in B (Book of Miracles), (Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, pp.d 484-85, ch. xl), and variant readings will be indicated by the letters BM. It is omitted in BG. a add. in the margin of F. " excedentius Osbern. ' In error for Oswaldus. In E the correction was made in a hand probably of the fourteenth century on erasure, in F by a modern hand in the margin. 'h res interlined F; adeunt res E, Osbern. ! -quirunt on erasure E. infandos Osbern. k est . . . contempnerent on erasure E. ' de om. Osbern. m complurium on erasure F. " se virtutis Osbern. 0 quasi add. Osbern. " abas F. a inimici Domini om. Osbern. " contigit om. Osbern. ' igitur om. Osbern. * Dominici Osbern. "ex . . . incisa om. Osbern. " exprimens . . . compescuit on erasure, compescuit (s interlined) extending into the margin, F; compesuit (-uit on erasure) E. 1 2

Ps., cxliv, 20. tanta . . . turbati and other passages enclosed within pointed brackets to aream complent are from Osbern, Vita Dunstani, p. 112.

LIBER ELIENSIS 119 Absit hocaut Ad quam vocem rex omnesquec maiores natu fere usque ad alationem spiritus perterriti, clamore pariter et Dei laudatione aream complent). Tune2 beatissimus Dunstanus archiepiscopus et sanctus iESelwoldus, pater et d monachorum patronus, [qui] de sede sui episcopatus atque de Ely eos expulerat et monachos in utrisque collocaverat, atque sanctus Oswaldus Wigornensis presul, qui de sua similiter sede clericos eiecit et monachos" instituit, adversum quos propugnatores extiterunt fortissimi, necnon bone memorie dux Brithnotus 3 et iElwinus, Orientalium Anglorum comes, cum fratre suo .ZElwoldo, in conspectu regis [fo. ffiv] constanter{restiterunt)et{se nequaquam ferre posse dixerunt, ut monachi eicerentur ab ecclesiis qui omnem religionem in regno tenuerunt}. Taliter pars inimica invidentium bono Dei virtute est proiecta, ut in eis compleatur f quod in psalmog legitur: ' Vultus autem Domini super facientes mala, ut perdat de terra memoriam eorum ' 4. At contra de istis benedicitur: ' Clamaverunt iusti et Dominus exaudivit eos et ex omnibus tribulationibus eorum liberabit eos 6, ut qui in domo Dei sunt in prosperis et in adversis discant spem in Domino firmam habere ', quia, ' qui linguas infantium 6 facit disertas et omnia cooperatur in bonum ', huic elemento inmobili loquelas edere iussit in protectione suorum fidelium ad gloriam nominis sui, qui omnia quecumque voluit fecit in celo et in terra et disponit omnia suaviter. Itaque horum singuli proh inaudito et insperato eventu Deum laudibus undique extollunt atque collaudant . Denique ad propria quique remeare festinant, quod viderant et audierant gratanter ubique ' predicant. Huius etiam admirande rei conscius * et donorum auditor celestium testis veridicus factus Brithnodus abbas dum ad suos in Ely remeavit, Deum in operibus suis benedicunt,7 qui non derelinquid presumentes de * se et de propria virtute gloriantes humiliat , ubi nomen eius invocatum est super nos, qui facit mirabilia magna solus 8. fiat.'b1

b " exhalationem Osbern. spiritus om. Osbern. e d Dei om. BM. add. ed.; om. MSS. ' monachos from 0, which makes better sense, but still leaves the sentence tmgrammatical and the meaning obscure; monachis EF. 1 copleatur F. * Final m added later in E and F, memoria BM. h collaudant on erasure E. 1 ubique om. E, BM, interlined F. k l contius F, BM. ad for de 0. 1 The following verses are written in the margin of F in a hand of the fourteenth century, with an accompanying note in a fifteenth-century hand, ' Isti versus scripti sunt juxta crucem argenteam in refectorio Winton ':

Humano more crux presens edidit ore Celitus afflata, que prespicis hie subarata, Absit hoc ut fiat, Absit hoc ut fiat, Absit hoc ut fiat. Judicastis bene, mutaretis non bene. 2

For this sentence cf. Florence, s.a. 969. Brithnotus . . . tenuerunt: derived from Florence, i, 144. Cf. Vita Oswaldi, pp. 443-46. 6 Ps., xxxiii, 17. Ps., cvi, 13. e Sap., x, 21; Rom., viii, 28. s ''Judith, vi, 15. Ps., lxxi, 18. 3 l

120

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52. Quo ° tempore ecclesia dedicata fuit vel a quibus. Interim abbas Brihtnodus * circa ecclesie fabricas instabat, munificentia regis fultus atque auxiliis sancti presulis, quam, non ut piger operator sed cum summa intentione, a Danis quondam subversam, ad c perfectum erigere laborabat. Ex parte enim lapsa velud nova non sine grandi labore, licet plurimo tempore decurso, tamen propere, quam sperabat, consummatione adimplevit. Ac deinde a, tectis reparatis que igne fuerant consumpta, templum rursus edificatum non minus eximium aut eminens quam prius apparuit. Tandem deprecatione fratrum tam abbas quam episcopus iESelwoldus dedicationis diem optinuerunt a beatissimo archipresule Dorbernensi Dunstano, tempore assignato die sequenti purificationis sancte Marie. Cum quo multi pontifices et ecclesianim pastores ad tam festivam solempnitatem celebrandum convenerunt, inprimis officinas monasterii benedictionibus repleverunt et sua auctoritate locum et que alicuius fidelium largitione ibidem collatae fuerant scripto consignantes, adhibitis 1 excellentissimi regis iEdgari privilegiis cum quibus universa confirmaverunt. Post hec dedicationem inceperunt in benedictionibus dulce-[/o. 5#]-dinis in capite ecclesie titulum beati Petri, apostolorum principis, ponentes et in g australi parte memoriam sancte Dei genetricis, semper virginis, Marie, et, diem exultabilem sollempniter celebrantes, iuxta ritum dedicationis templi in ymnis et confessionibus Deum benedicebant. Sicque post sancta missarum veneranda officia edentes et bibentes in Domino continuis vii diebus festum agebant ac deinde in letitia magna unusquisque remeavit ad propria. Emundatus est locus ille, divina operante dementia, ex omni feditatis squalore et negligentie. Inmaculatum Deo illic sacrincium cotidie offertur in odorem suavitatis, unde et angeli congaudent atque letantur arcangeli et collaudant in celis nlium Dei. Corpus1 autem beatissime virginis regine .lESeldreSe in ecclesia secus altare maius in loco, quo transtulerat illam sancta Sexburga, invenit venerandus pater iESelwoldus, quam certissime intentatam et inconspectam, non sub terra delitescentem, sed desuper eminentem, reliquid. Et quidem hoc {illi ad maiorem gloriam accrescit, quod nemo ipsius tumbam pandere, nemo inspicere presumpsit). Qui vero illam aliquando intueri temptabant, sicut in miraculis eiusdem legitur, absque mora oculis de capite evulsis miserabiliter interierunt. 53. Quod h 2 abbas Brithnodus transtulit corpus alme virginis Withburge ad Ely. Regnante > Deo amabili iEdgaro regum Albionum candidissimo, cuius beato b " This chapter is omitted in BG. Brihtnodus om. E, interlined F. c d ad . . . erigere interlined EF. Ac deinde on erasure E. " -lata on erasure F. * adibitis MSS. " in interlined E. h This chapter is collated also with B (Book of Miracles) (BM), (Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, p. 485), and the Life of Wihtburga in C.C.C. 393. It is omitted in BG. ' sed regnante iam Deo . . C.C.C. 393. 1 The rest of the chapter is abridged from infra, ch. 144, whence the phrase Mi . . . presumpsit is derived verbatim. 2 This account of the translation of St Wihtburga from Dereham on 8 July 974 occurs also in the Life in C.C.C. 393, where it follows the miracles and precedes the story of her second trans-

LIBER ELIENSIS 121 tempori sancte virginis Withburge translationem dedicamus, refloruit vigor ecclesiarum et splendor reluxit sanctorum. Tune liquido resplenduit illud oraculum quod gemma Anglorum Dunstanus antea Glestonie a audierat de celo super ipso nunc pacifico 1 sceptrigero, tune infante nato. Hoc erat: ' Pax Anglorum ecclesie exorti nunc puerib et Dunstani nostri tempore.' Cuius principatu nunquam anglica secla feliciora videre tempora, cum unius regis fortissimi atque optimi universa Brithtannie cum adiacentibus insularum regibus esset monarchia. Ab evangelici vero protoparentis c nostri Augustini eiusque collegarum beatissimo adventu nullius memoria plura sanctorum, quam sub hoc principe, micuere sidera. Inter quos hunc suum orbem illustrarunt prefulgide Dunstanus et ESelwoldus, quasi minor Petrus et minor Paulus. Superior metropoli Cantie presidebat, alter vero d Ventano * presulatu in fundandis vel reparandis monasteriis velud procinctum Dominici belli [fo. $8v] et castrorum agebat. Hie ergo f theoricus architectus inter plurima edificia sua regale monasterium, quod in Ely insula antiquitus a gloriosa regina et perpetua virgine iESeldreSa constructum sacro virginum contubernio pollebat, reparaturum a opibus pristinis ac novis nobilitavit, monachili cetu munivit, domnum Brithnodum prepositum suum abbatem primum instituit. Inter alia vero magnifica expetitum a rege ^ESgaro monastermm in h Dyrham 2 cum pretiosissimo thesauro suo Withburga adiecit, cui nimirum in omnibus his gratia transferendi parabatur. Hinc unanimi consilio instant tam sacratissimus presul quam devotissimus abbas, qualiter sine tumultu illud preclarissimum monile ecclesie, ilia splendidissima margarita virginee glebe adhuc liquido intemerate ad sullimiorem thalamum transiret, quatenus decentior > aula hanc k Celsius decoraret et hec illam sue presentie omamento ac splendore clarius illustraret. Cumque habuissed benivoli regis donativum ac favorem, placuit maxime devotis precibus supernam benignitatem et ipsius virginis voluntariam exposcere opitulationem, ut sine confusione explerent sacram intentionem. Preveniens itaque fidelis predo faciem Domini in confessione et psalmis et abstinentia, cum fratribus soUertioribus proviso tempore venit cum militari manu ad prefatam ecclesiam in Dyrham '. Venit ad hereditatem sibi traditam, suscipitur in domum suam, nemo querebat aliam adventus sui causam. Ille cum posset ex regia auctoritate potenter ac violenter agere, maluit reverenter ac providenter propositum implere, ne " Clestonie E, Clastonie BM. b nunc pueri on erasure E. " proparentis BM. « vero om. BM, C.C.C. 393. ' Wintano E, BM, Uuentano C.C.C. 393. ' ergo om. BM, C.C.C. 393; on erasure E. " Corr. to reparaturum F. * in om. BM, C.C.C. 393. 1 decentior on erasure F. k hanc adopted from E and C.C.C. 393; ac F, anc with initial h added later BM. ' Derham C.C.C. 393, herbam BM. lation to the new church in 1106. I t is included as one of the miracles in B (Book of Miracles) and may once have followed also in the Life in Trinity, O.2.1 which ends abruptly. All these accounts are probably derived from an older Life (see Introduction, supra, p. xxxvii). Cf. Bollandist Ada Sanctorum Martii, ii, 603-06; Bentham, Ely, i, 76-78; also Nova Legenda Anglie, ii, 468-70. 1 This reference to Dunstan's prophecy recalls the words used by Florence, i, 133, already quoted supra, Book I, ch. 42. 2 Cf. supra, ch. 40.

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seditio aut tumultus surgeret im plebe. Invitat cives ad larga convivia, exercet plebia a iura. Illis dimittit meritoriam aulam, sibi vendicat ad vigilandum et ad adorandum b secretariam ecclesiam, idoneus ad sanctum sacrilegium, ad fidele furtum, ad salutarem rapinam, ad Iacob benedictionem supplantandam. lam ergo ° nox saturos d ad ospitia et stratus suos invitabat et amplis e alis Dei predonem cum suis monachis et clericis in sacrum f acinus vigilant em velabat. Quantis tune genuum flexionibus et precum vaporationibus almam virginem sibi comitem fore imploraverit / , ad exponendum sermo torpescit. Tandem fide armati cum turribulis orationum ac thimiamatum instant, tumbam reserant inven-[/o. 5o]-tamque " toto corpore vernantem, acsi dulci sopore quiescentem, iusto tremore atque admiratione salutant. Quam refirmato operculo lacertis lapsibus ac vectibus sullatam, paratis vehiculis excipiunt cum debita reverentia et efferunt cum assidua psalmodia, cum triumphali letitia, sicut exultant victores capta preda. Occurrunt et ambiunt succenturiatim milites et ministri, armis et animis, si quid obsisteret, parati. Ita per viginti miliaria terrestri via progressi, ad fluvium in Brandune h devenere ingressique naves cum illo vitali ferculo, remis et armamentis navalibus certatim incubuere. Illud vero admirabile signum nequaquam decet preteriri, quod in ' itinere per totam fere noctem stella splendidissima super illud prefulgidum corpus comminus rutilabat et, claros radios effundens, iugiter comes ibat vel precedebat. Illis k namque iter per undam agentibus, ecce l populus Dirhammensium, associatis sibi affinibus plebibus, fugientes consequitur armatus. Nam Dyrhamenses parrochiani, iam omnibus sopore gravatis, dum tardius m suspecta in oratorio explorant abbatis hospitia, inveniunt reserata limina, summa nullo presente silentia, ablatam beate matris sue Withburge tumbam, ipsam simul hospitalibus insidiis abductam. Fit clamor dirus plangentium, inhorruit clangor tubarum, non secus quam si patria arderet aut hostilis exercitus cedes et incendia patraret. Unica gloria provincie querebatur technis n ac fraude abstracta ac, velud archa Dei a Philisteis, captiva abducta. Protinus omnes in arma prosiliunt et ad predam excutiendam unanimi impetu proruunt. Itaque bipartito agmine utramque ripam ° a dextris et a sinistris occupant et, velud obsidione, preter fluvialem viam includere decertant. Iactant convicia, intemptant spicula, exprobrant simulatoribus perfida sacrilegia; clamoribus, terroribus, minis ac probris implent aera. Vix abbati, vix ipsi, quam nulla tetigit corruptela, glebe parcunt virginali. Sed deficit et evanescit, ut fumus inanis, conatus desolatorum, quos absterret, cui tarn claro sidere favebant ethera, neglecte prius virginis maiestas simulque Eligensis preceptoris facultas. Qui, tanquam surdus, non audiens perstrepentes divinumque auxilium crebris optinens [fo. 5gv] orationibus, impellit nautas et navim exortationibus p, ut miles urget equum calcaribus, Deique protectione evadunt, fesso reditu confusis " plebei BM. 6 et interlined, ad adorandum added in the margin of F with caret; et exorandum BM, et orandum C.C.C. 393. e d ergo om. BM, C.C.C. 393; on erasure E. saturosa BM. ' amplius BM. f inploravit C.C.C. 393. " invento BM. h Bramdune E, Branduna BM. k ' hoc add. BM, C.C.C. 393. Illis . . . agentibus om. BM, C.C.C. 393. 1 autem add. BM, C.C.C. 393. m tardius om. E; interlined F with ta in a later hand. " tehenis F. 0 p ripam om. BM. -ationibus on erasure F.

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123 a

persecutoribus. Excursis ergo viginti miliariis per undam usque ad Tidbrithteseie b, hoc est ad Tidbrithti c insulam 1, triumphali iam securitate dulce ac suave onus composito vehiculo deducunt per terrain, canentes Domino laudem et gloriam. Veniens ergo nova gloria ad sibi celitus provisam elegiam, longum est exponere quanto populorum concursu et occursu d, quanto monachorum et cleri concentu, quanto omnium gaudio ac triumpho suscepta sit. Ipsam beatissimam germanam ac monasterii primiceriam ESeldreSam aliamque precelsam sororem reginam Sexburgam, comitante matrem regia filia yErmenilda cum omni choro sanctarum animarum quas " Domino peperere,credasomnisfidelisanima obviam excessisse et dulcibus ulnis f atque amplexibus venientem collegisse inque suum thalamum, quo perpetuo maneat, invitasse ac collocasse. Congaudent angeli sororie » pudicitie virginum concives et amici, et collaudant sponsum glorie conventu solempni. Hoc solempne tripudium translationis sue intulit festiva h Withburga Eligensi regioni', scilicet k octavo Idus Iulii, iEdgaro summo Davitica virtute et Solomonica pace 2 Anglico occeano imperante, Dorobernensi vero auriga Dunstano totam patriam irradiante et beato ^ESelwoldo, Wentano presule, instar auree aquile in condendis ecclesiis amplifice coruscante. 54. Quibus { insula metis m cingitur et quanta auctoritate innititur. Ecclesia namque, ut domum Dei decet sanctitudo, in n longitudinem dierum sub religiosorum contubernio collocata, et iam res ecclesie augmentari ceperant, nee solus ad omnia Brihtnodus abbas intendere suffecerat. Unde fratrum concordia atque favore virum honestum ex eis, Leonem nomine 3, sibi commilitonem ° extrinsecus posuit, in rebus quidem agendis providum atque sollicitum, cui rei familiaris commisit preposituram; eratque v precipue terre cultor et curam habebat circa plantationes ac semina fructuum diversorum. Hie, velud Martha, sollicitus erga plurima, promptus ad omne q bonum, citius ut r iubentis susceperat imperium, ipso etiam suo abbati non parvum adiumentum in operibus tribuit. Etenim fines regionis Elge sua industria metiri inchoavit et tamquam munitionibus obsedit, precavens in futurumdolosamachinamenta, b "ad om. BM. Tidbricthesege BM, Tidbrichtescge C.C.C. 393. c d Tidbrichti C.C.C. 393. et occursu om. BM. ' quas . . . pepercre on erasure F. f g ulti' BM. sororie on erasure F, corr. from sonorie E. h sancta for festiva O. ' ecclesie for regioni O. k scilicet to the end of the chapter om. O, adding: anno ab incarnacione Domini DCCCCLXXIIII, VIII. Idus Julii, ubi requievit iuxta sorores suas CXXXII ann', hoc est usque ad annum Domini MCVI, quo quidem anno Ric[ardus] ultimus abbas Elyensis corpus eius integrum repperit et in novum monasterium, ab ipso et predecessore suo a fronte consummatum, transtulit, sicut posterius dicetur. See infra, ch. 144. 1 This chapter is omitted in BG. m metis insule EO; change of order also indicated in F. ™ in on erasure F. " co- on erasure F. "8 eratque . . . diversorum om. E; added in the margin of F in a contemporary hand with caret. r opus add. E. ut on erasure F. 1 2

The name is preserved in Turbutsey Farm, Ely (Cambs. Place-names, p. 219). Cf. Osbern, Vita Dunstani, p. 103: ' Eadgarus . . . ut David pietate ac fortitudine, atque ut Salomon sapientia, divitiis, gloria.'. 3 Probably the Leofwine prepositus of supra, ch. 16, if Leo may be taken as the latinised form of Leofwine.

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ne aut incircumcisus aut immundus, [fo. 60] querens plus quam sua sunt, prave et perverse Dei servos quieti vacantes iniqua exactione lacescendo, pertransiret terminos eorum, quod sepius contigisse meminerat. Unde vocatis simul hinc et inde vicinis utrorumque accolarum a discussa portione atque ,'divisa, possessionum ecclesie ad perpetuam evidentiam secationem fecit ipso in invio et in aquoso paludum medio, que vulgo usque ad hanc diem Anglice b Abbotesdelf 1, Latine autem abbatis fossa, sonat, ut esset tanquam firmamentum in luto aquarum, ne quis circumpositos titulos utriusque partis temere e preriperet aut concenderet. Sed et insulam per girum cum d auctoritate regis iEdgari taxato signavit limite et a seculo in seculum illius statutum nequaquam valet infringi. Nitebatur frater ille in augmento commodorum et, quicquid emolumenti exegisset, totum in commune tradidit, habens illud terroris Ananie et Saphire semper pre occulis; erant enim illis omnia" communia, sicut fuisse narratur de ipso nascentis ecclesie primordio. Crucem vero fecit argenteam, que crux Leonis prepositi nominatur, in qua forma corporis Christi ingenio artificis cavata sanctorum reliquias Vedasti et Amandi continebat, quam Nigellus episcopus tulit et plura, que loco congruo iuxta seriem temporis referemus 2. Aliud quippe opus gessit precipuum et utile quod ad preconium eius credimus enarrandum. Hortos quoque et pomeria circa ecclesiam late plantavit nascentium et ipse peritus, considerans locum insignem atque venerandum obsidione arborum decentius apparere, que multum loco et amenitatis et commodi tribuunt et queque ab eo plantata sunt f et insita, sicut ligna silvarum in altum erecta, cerneres et omni citius fructuum ubertate repleri. Hec ad hystoriam non incongrue adducentes, ad proposita manum vertimus. Regio autem Elge per miliaria viitem in longum extenditur, a Cotingelade videlicet ad Litleporte, vel ad Abbotesdelf, [quod] g nunc Biscopesdelf h dicitur, et iiiior in latum, a Chirchewere ad mare de Stretham; sed termini j duorum centuriatuum qui ad Ely ab antiquo pertinent amplius comprehendi noscuntur, hoc est de medietate pontis de Tid usque ad Upewere et de Biscopesdelf usque ad flumen iuxta Burch, quod vocatur Nen, ut in capite libri primi contexitur 3. Et he sunt dignitates et consuetudines ecclesie de Ely concesse et confirmate a rege iEdgaro et omnibus subsequentibus [fo. 6ov] regibus Anglie usque hodie sancte iESeldreSe infra insulam et infra duos centuriatus insule 4, scilicet omnia placita et iura que pertinent ad coronam " -rum on erasure F. Anglice on erasure E. per girum cum on erasure F. * sunt om. E, interlined F. * nunc Biscopes- on erasure F.

6 4

1 2 4

c temere e

on erasure F. omnia om. O. ' quod om. MSS. > terminis E, -nus, F.

Cf. supra, p. 3 and Bentham, Ely, i, 79. 3 Book III, cc. 78, 79. De Situ, supra, p. 3. This interpretation of the liberties of Ely belongs not to the tenth but to the twelfth century and is based, as the author says, on scriptis et brevibus of the abbey, belonging mainly to the periods after the Norman conquest and after the creation of a bishopric at Ely. The particular concern of the author with the archdeacon's rights in the Isle connects him with the monk Richard who tried to reclaim the abbey's rights on behalf of the new cathedral priory in a case at Rome in 1150, and suggests that the latter part of this chapter has been taken from Richard's opuscula. See Introduction, supra, pp. xxxviii-ix. A note in a hand probably of the fourteenth century adds excerpts of this chapter and the De Situ (supra, p. 2) to a copy of the ' discussio libertatis '

LIBER ELIENSIS 125 regis, et omnes homines duorum centuriatuum insule de quindecim in quindecim diebus debent con venire ad Hely vel ad Wicheforda, que caput centuriatuum insule dicitur, vel 1ad Modic ° que quarta pars est centuriatuum, ad discernenda iura sancte iESeldreSe . Et nemo infra insulam habet terram vel ius aliquod nisi sancta iESeldreSa et nullus baronum b regis infra duos centuriatus insule habet curiam2 suam, sed calumpniator et calumpniatus ad predicta loca venient et ibi iudicabuntur . 3 Similiter in cquinque centuriatibus et dimidio de Wichelaue et uno atque dimidio B de Dyrham i et in trilingo de Winestune . Et si quis in terra sancte iESeldreSe, d cuiuscumque homagii sit, sive externus sive indigena, calumpniatus fuerit et iudicatus ad aquam et ignem, non alias sed in Ely quod Deus indulserit recipiet neque super hoc secularis aut ecclesiastica persona rectitudinem exiget, soli autem ecclesie per manus e sacriste, qui archidiaconii vices in insulam gerit persolvetur 6. Unde quidam litterarum peritissimus senio atque canitie venerandus attestari perhibetur. Textus quidem hie est. Venerabili domino et amico karissimo Alexandra priorif Elyensi Henricus archidiaconus Huntendunie salutem. Noverit dilectio vestra nunquam Nicholaum, archidia[co]num Cantebrigieg, aut predecessores eius potestatem exercuisse vel quicquam accepisse ab aliquo reo qui subisset aquam vel ignem infra insulam Elyensem, sicut mea fert memoria et ab illis, quos diligenter super eadem re h conveni et eiusdem rei scientes, didici. Vale. Sed neque episcopus neque iudex hactenus super insulam se intromittit vel rem b " Modich E. baronorum F. "d Dyrham on erasure E. sive . . . fuerit on erasure F, fuerit extending into the margin. ' per manus om. FO. 1 -io vestra on erasure F. ' -um Cantebri- on erasure E, archidianum F. h rem F.

(infra, ch. 116)—an account of an inquest into the abbey's liberties in 1080. These excerpts may be derived from the L.E. and have no independent value. But it is also possible that the liberties described in them were those discussed at Kentford and that the compiler of the L.E. found them in a memorandum together with a record of the discussio, from which he extracted the relevant portions in the De Situ and for this chapter. See Introduction, supra, p. liii. 1 The nature of these is discussed by Miller, Ely, pp. 30 ff. Modich may be identifiable with Mudeke which is mentioned among the fisheries of Littleport (ibid., p. 32; Cambs. Placenames, p. 213). The phrase que quarta pars est centuriatuum is applied also to Wisbech (infra, p. 144) and Miller believes that Modic may have been a ' court for the Wisbech district ' and that this phrase is the Latin rendering of the Old English ferding (op. cit., pp. 32-33). For the functions2 and organisation of a. ferding see F. M. Stenton, Engl. Hist. Rev., xxxvii, p. 227. This may be derived from William I's writ, infra, p. 207. 8 See supra, ch. 5. 4 The hundred and a half of Mitford (Norfolk). See supra, ch. 40. 6 Described as the ' Trilling or Thredling of Winstow which was added to the Wicklow group6 ' and as clearly the third part of Cleydon hundred (Cam, Liberties and Communities, p. 101). This liberty was disputed by the archdeacons of Ely in the twelfth century (infra, Book III, ch. 37) and was the subject of a claim made by the priory in the time of Prior Alexander in 1150. This reference to Henry of Huntingdon therefore fits the calculations of T. Arnold that he was born before 1084 and survived into the reign of Henry II. He was the son of Nicholas whom he may have succeeded as archdeacon on his death in 1110 (Henry Hunt., Hist. Anglorum, pp. xxxi-xxxiii; infra, Book III, cc. 37, 101 and App. C).

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sancte inquietare presumit ex auctoritate apostolicorum et regum interdici videtur 1, sed a quocumque potissimum elegerint a ordinari vel sua sanctificari episcopo b faciant. Hec de scriptis et brevibus ecclesie non autem a me, ut commenta, concepic, sed tanquam flens dico monens et obsecrans, ne quis possessiones d sancte extra ecclesiam distrahere sive dignitates eius sibi vendicare presumat; iudicium enim portabit, quicumque est ille. Testis mihi est Deus, quanta animatversionee mulctantur cotidie non f solum ipsi, qui talia presumpserunt, verum in quartam et quintam eorum generationem iram furoris Domini inminere cognoscitur, et hereditate preripere gestientes sanctuarium Deii psi nunc degeneres, innumeris possessionum agris [fo. 61] minime contenti g , alienis sua relinquere ac graviter egere Christo vindice compelluntur 2. 55. De h his qui bona ecclesie de Ely' fecerunt et qui mala. Rex namque iEdgarus et Dei pontifex ^ESelwoldus, qui cenobium Elyense honore ac dignitate plurima venerati sunt, sed et manus cuiuslibet dantis vel vendentis sive pretii numerus iam plane * designatur, necnon et alii benefici viri sua largiter impenderunt. Inter quos Wlstanus vir venerandus de Dalham et Brithnodus alderman Deo l amabilis et hominibus m in restauratione et n postea loco multa beneficia contulerunt. Verum hi quantum ad statum ecclesie roborandum pro pietate impenderunt, maligne mentis quidam, si non viribus, fraudibus surripere non verebantur. Maxime ^Elwinus, Rameseiensis cenobii fundator, monasterium de Ely lacessere calumpniis ac rebus minuere, contempta Dei reverentia et sanctarum illic quiescentium, sicut in libro terrarum, quern librum sancti ^ESelwoldi vocant, legitur 3, 6 " eligerint F. episcopo om. O. c d ut commenta con- on erasure E. possiones F. ' Deus quanta a- on erasure E, anim- on erasure E. 1 non on erasure F. ' contempti EF. k k This chapter is omitted in BG. ' de Ely om. E. plene O. 1 m Deo on erasure E. hominibus on erasure F. " -ne et on erasure E. 1 This refers to a phrase in Edward the Confessor's charter of confirmation and the privilege of Pope Victor II, infra, cc. 92 and 93 and App. D, pp. 417-18. 2 O adds a chapter De obitu regis Mdgari, et quant viriliter rexit et de Edwardo et Ethelredo filiis suis, qui ei successerunt. This is made up of extracts from Florence (cited as Cronica Mariani), annals for the years, 975, 963, 959, 979, 994, 1002, 1007, and 1014, interspersed with passages from Osbern, Vita Dunstani, pp. 114-15, Henry Hunt., Hist. Anglorum (cited as Cronica Henrici), pp. 167, 174, to give a summary of Edgar's reign and the monastic foundations of Dunstan, Oswald and iEthelwold; of the succession of Edward and his martyrdom; of the succession of jEthelred, Dunstan's prophecy concerning his reign, the Danish raids and the massacre of St Brice's day; and of the death of Sweyn of Denmark. The summary includes William of Malmesbury's famous reference to the tribute of 300 wolves which King Edgar exacted from the Welsh (Gesta Regum, i, 177, but not verbatim). 3 I.e. the Libellus (see supra, ch. 7). The account of the Hatfield plea is clearly taken from the Latin, which it reproduces verbatim, and not from the Old English original. This chapter has probably been extracted by the compiler of Book II from some intermediate source which had itself made use of the Libellus. He is not likely himself to be transcribing from the Libellus which he has already incorporated in full and from which he would have been expected to copy the name JEdelwinus correctly rather than write Mlwinus. Cf. two miracle stories in Book III, infra, cc. 119, 120, which, with this chapter, may have formed part of an opusculum of the monk Richard on the malefactors of Ely. See Introduction, supra, p. xxxix,

LIBER ELIENSIS 127 ut sibi de rapina oblationem aptaret, presumpsit, parvipendens illud sapientis: quod x qui de fraude sibi facit oblationem ' quasi qui filium victimat coram patre ' . Etenim defuncto rege ^Edgaro, predictus iElwinus 2, cognominatus alderman a, et fratres sui terram de Hethfeld calumpniati sunt. Enarrata autem ac ostensa sua calumpnia, eandem terram invadentesb sibi vendicaverunt. Videntes vero fratres ecclesie se nullatenus illam terram vel relinquere vel absque magno detrimento posse dehabere, utpote alias non habentes c silvam unde suos usus explere possent, requisierunt predictum iElwinum et, facta cum eo conventione, predictam terram mercati sunt ab eo, dantes pro eo duas terras quas Wlstanus de Delham, cum moreretur, dedit sancte iESeldrede, videlicet xxx hydas apud Hemmingeford et vi in Winningetune d, unde eisdem terris usque ad hanc diem ecclesia caret, atque pro tali conventione ab abbate recepit iii hydas apud Wambeford 3 et v apud Gillinges, pollicens et promittens e semper se facturum necessitates ecclesie; sed pollicitatio eius caruit effectu. Qui etiam pro emendis terris aurum et argentum multum ecclesie perdere fecit. 56. Qualiter ' martirizatus est primus abbas noster. Quodam igitur tempore sanctum Brithnodum abbatem ad regis curiam [fo. 6iv] iESelredi contigit pro ecclesie negotiis proficisci, cis Geldedune per silvam, que nova foresta vocatur, ibat. Ubi, ut fertur, ad usus nature remotiora loca repetiit, cavens, ut erat homo simplex et magne verecundie, undique circumspexit», reginam forte sub quadam arbore offendit iElstreSam 4 suis veneficiis vacantem. Per * fantasias enim et artem magicam, velut in equinum animal versa, putabatur intuentibus esse equa et non mulier, ut insatiabilem exardescentis luxurie intemperiem saturaret. Discurrens hue atque illuc cum equis ac dissiliens, se ipsis irreverenter exhibuit, contempto Dei timore ac regie dignitatis honore, crimen glorie sue ita contemptibiliter intulit. Quo viso, non absque luctu et pavore ingenti in talibus se perceptam a viro sancto ' ingemuit. Peritissima vero in arte mechanica, ut fertur, habebatur. Sed vir Domini ex huiuscemodi rebus nimium turbatus k, quantocius inde recessit et, ad regis curiam deveniens, magnifice susceptus, ecclesie sue negotia citius adimplevit. Itaque munificentia regis perfunctus et exilaratus, ad sua redire viam repetiit et, ne reginam licet aborrens declinaret, ad eius descendit aulam, quam fortuitu ab omnibus vacuam penitus invenit, tamen celeriter regine illius innotuit adventus. 0 alderman . . . relinquere on erasure F. c d habentem B. Winnigetune f This chapter is omitted in BG. k

* vel . . . vel om. E. ' permittens F. " circumprospexit E. Per . . . intulit om. E, add. in the margin of F in a contemporary hand with caret. ' a viro sancto om. E, interlined F in the same hand as that of the text. k Corr. from turbatur F.

1 2 3

E.

Cf. Eccl., xxxiv, 24. Mlwinus . . . Winningetune: from Libellus, ch. 5 (supra, ch. 7). This reference to Wangford conflicts with the testimony of the Libellus, where ^Ethelwine receives this estate on a different occasion (supra, cc. 27, 30). 4 iElfthryth, second wife of King Edgar. This legend is fully discussed by C. E. Wright (The Cultivation of Saga in Anglo-Saxon England, 1939, pp. 157 ff.). He prints an abstract from F (ibid., App. no. 33, pp. 278-79) with a translation into English (pp. 158-60). Cf. also K. Sisam in Medium Aevum, xxii (1953), p. 24.

128 LIBER ELIENSIS Ilia vero petivit, ut cum festinatione ad earn solus veniret et, quod cum eo de salute anime sue nonnulla secrete tractare habuerit, mandavit. Cui ingresso plures enormitates lascivie nimis favorabiliter et inverecunde locuta est, precibus et promissis ilium, veluti sanctum Ioseph \ mulier impudica, si posset, incontinentie sibi nodis alliceret, estimans fraude maligna sanctum Dei in scelere secum commisceri, quoniam per ilium metuerat detigi a malitia quam illam exercere invenit. Ille viribus et verbis obstat, negat et abhorret. Unde in furorem commota, evocatis ex suo nequam famulatu ancillis, et, quia concepit dolorem peperit iniquitatem 2, beatum virum neci tradere iussit, nolens esse superstitem quam fore dubitavit suorum aliquando scelerum proditorem. Excogitat quoquomodo ilium extinguat, corpore a vulnere reservato immune et non apparente lesione. Admonet eas mucronum copulas in ignem fervere et sub asellis sancti abbatis imprimi usque dum spiritum excutiant. Quo facto, clamant lugenter fautrices a intrinsecus, velud tali infortunio b pavefacte, unde ministri abbatis et qui cum illo venerant adcurrunt monachi, eum subitac morte preventum ab eis audiunt et ingemiscunt. At illi ex eventu nimium dolentes et voces lugubres emittentes, corpus domini sui vehiculo imponentes, in Ely ad suam detulerunt ecclesiam, nullum vulneris in eo comperientes indicium sepul-[/o. 62]-ture tradideruntd. Martyrizatus est itaque primus sancte Elyensis ecclesie abbas, unius muliercule suffocatus machinationibus, optans magis incidere in manus hominis quam legem Domini derelinquere, cuius anima cum sanctis omnibus semper regnatura eterna in celis promeruit gaudia 3. De regina vero sinistrum nemo aliquid vel saltern mutire sive malum in ipsam presumpsit inferre sermonem. Poterat hoc verbum cunctos latere diutius, nisi quod eadem de sceleribus, de suis veneficiis et nefandis operibus Dei miseratione compuncta, et maxime de interitu gloriosi regis iEdwardi privigni sui 4, quern palam cunctis suis circumventum insidiis, ut proprius eiusfiliusiEilredus levaretur in regem, iniuste peremisse confessa est, pro quo cenobium sanctimonialium de Werewelle ex suis opibus fecit, ubi omnibus diebus vite sue in luctu et penitentia permansit, ete quali morte BrithnoSum Elyensem abbatem interfecerit, ut presignatum est, gemens et anxia f ostendit; in quo loco " tam in rebus quam in possessionibus multa deinde beneficia contulit. 57. Post h obitum primi abbatis quis ei substituitur '. Antiquorum exemplis provocati, quorundam sanctorum maxime abbatum, quorum cura cetus noster in sancta religione profecit, sed et regum atque virorum, " lugenter fautrices om. E, interlined F in the same hand as that of the text. 6 infurtunio F. " subita on erasure F, subbita E. tradiderunt on erasure F. * est gemens on erasure F. * auxia F. h ' loco om. FO. This chapter is omitted in BG. ' substuitur JF.

d

1 Cf. Genesis, xxxix, on which part of this story seems to be modelled. Cf. Wright, op. cit., p. 161. 2 Job, xv, 35. 3 For the date of his death see infra, App. D, p. 411. 4 jElfthryth's share in the murder of Edward the Martyr is fully discussed by Wright, op. cit., pp. 162—70, with references to the relevant sources, including this account. The wording of this passage cannot be traced back to any known source, but its contents add nothing to the legend as known to writers of the twelfth century.

LIBER ELIENSIS 129 b quorum munificentia ° locus noster effloruit et beneficiis excrevit, memorias elabi non sinimus, sed ex hystoriis sub conveniente brevitate quedam discerpentes, ut nee prolixitas quemquam fastidiret nee plena veritas minus innotesceret, attendimus. Qualiter vero primus Elyensis ecclesie abbas vita decessitc precedens lectio designavit,' quern sanctus Dunstanus, Dorvernensis archiepiscopus, et d sanctus iESelwoldus, Wintoniensis episcopus, iubente rege iEdgaro benedixerunt. Quo defuncto, alium, e nomine iElsium, predictus jESelwoldus, rege iubente ^ESelredo, in loco eius constituit et ipse benedixit1. Huius autem regis 2tempore ipsa ecclesia de Ely plurimum crevit et, licet idem rex bellorum frequentias haberet, patris sui ^Edgarif largitatem erga eandem retractans ecclesiam, voluit et ipse memoriam suam regali in ea munificentia propagare. Paterna igitur probitate accensus, ad dilatandum earn possessionibus se accinxit sequentique privilegio suam in ea donationem confirmavit. 58. Privilegium" regis ^Edelredi super villam de Lithleberi. h3 secularium opum patrimonia incertis ' nepotum heredibus relinUniversa k quunturm et omnis mundi gloria, adpropinquante l istius vite termino, ad nichilum redacta fatescit, sicut per quendam sapientem dicitur:' Mundus hie cotidie transiens [fo. 62v] deficit et omnis pulcritudo eius ut fios feni n marcescit'. Hiccirco ° terrenis caducarum rerum possessionibus indeficientia superne patrie gaudia, qDomino patrocinante, lucranda sunt. Quamobrem ego yESelredus vr totius Britannie ceterarumque gentium in circuitu persistentium basileus quandam ruris s possessionem, xx videlicet mansas in loco, qui celebri Lithanberi' nuncupatur vocabulo, Domino eiusque " genitrici Marie et beato Petro apostolorum principi necnon sancte iESeldreSe " virginiwprecipue ac relinquis virginibus sibi cognatis ad monasterium, scilicet quod in Ely situm est, ad usus monachorum ibi degentium perpetua largitus sum hereditate, ut illo perpetualiter cum omnibus utensilibus, pratis videlicet, pascuis *, silvis b " munifentia F. locusd noster on erasure F; noster effloruit on erasure E. et . . . huius autem regis on erasure F. " discessit E. ' iubente rege EO. ' i n . . . propagare on erasure F. ' This charter is not in BG. It is here collated with copies in EO and the cartularies CDM. It is not in the cartulary in G. In CD the charter is headed: Bis is )?ara xx hida boc set Lytlanbyrig pe Mpe\ved cyning gebocede 7 hit Gode sealde 7 see ldiJje hire halgan cinne into Elig. * Per universa E, ^ Universa C. k l relinquuntur om. O. adpropinquate F. ' incestis M. "* reducta CD, " feni flos CDM. " Iccirco CDE, Idcirco M. « Brittanie CD. v vEthelredus CM, Eadelredus D. 't quandam on erasure F. "porcionem lined through, add. D. Mt Lytlanbyrig CD, Litlebir' M. " -que interlined F, et eius E. w Elig C, Elyg M. " -EtheldrySe C, iEdeldryde D. * pascuis om. E, add. in the margin of F, with caret, in a contemporary hand. 1 2 3

For the date of his accession see infra, App. D, p. 411. The same phrase is used in the description of iEthelred's death, infra, ch. 79. Date: 1004. Printed, K., no. 711; Monasticon, i, 476; Gale, Scriptores, XV, pp. 521-22. For a comment on this charter see infra, App. D, p. 417.

130 LIBER ELIENSIS pertineat. Sit autem predictum rus omni terrene servitutis iugo liberum a, tribus exceptis causarum b laboribus, rata videlicet expeditione, pontis arcisve restauratione. Siquis igitur hanc nostram donationem in aliud quam constituimus transferre voluerit, privatus consortio sancte Dei ecclesie, eternis baratri incendiis lugubris iugiter" cum Iuda Christi proditore eiusque complicibus puniatur, si non satisfactione emendaverit congrua d quod contra nostrum deliquid 6 decretum f. Anno vero Dominice incarna0 tionis millesimo iiii scripta est hec carta. 59. De 9 Dacstede. Venerabilis femina, iESeliva nomine, dedit Deo et sancte iEdeldreSe et illius beate prosapie, que in Ely 1requiescit, terram de Dacstedeh cum omnibus ad j eandem villam * pertinentibus et quascumque habebat sanctorum reliquias. Huius vero donationis multi testes fuerunt qui ad earn convenerant tempore mortis illius, insuper iElsius abbas de Ely et Lefsius monachus eius, sed et nobiles de provincia et filius " -erum on erasure F. h causarum om. E; add. as supra, p. 129, n. x, F, iugiter om. E; add. as supra, p. 129, n. x, F. d e Corr. from congrue F, congruo E. deliquit C. * The boundaries are found only in CD, and the list of witnesses in CD and partly in M. Theversion printed here is from C. His metis prefatum rus hinc inde giratur. Dis syndan ]?a landgemera into Lytlanbyrig, J?£et is serest of J?am forde pe is .am smalanforda to crocesjjorne of croces]?orne (crocesforda D) andlang sceacerdene into f>ere ealdan delle of }?ere delle into j>am haecce into ]?am wulfpytte of J>am pytte to botulfes heale leage suSwearde (siSwerde D) of J?ere leage into Wullafes leage of Wullafes leage andlang into Leofsies pytte of Leofsies pytte swa ut to )?am felda (fealde D) into f>am ealdan gehaege of }>am gehtege into Spelbeorhge of Spelbeorhge into styrice on Icelingtune gemerae 7 Casasterforda gemeras 7 Lytlanbyrig gemeras. Anno dominice incarnationis millesimo iiii0. scripta est hec carta. Indictione secunda. His testibus consentientibus, quorum inferius nomina caraxantur. Ego yEthelredus rex Anglorum prefatam donationem cum sigyllo sancte crucis confirmavi. Ego iElfstanus eiusdem regis filius una cum fratribus meis corroboravi. (iEthelstanus M.) Ego ^Elfricus Dorovernensis ecclesie archiepiscopus eiusdem regis donationem cum tropheo agie crucis consignavi. Ego Wulfstanus Eboracensis ecclesie archipresul consensi. Ego jElffeah Wintoniensis ecclesie pontifex adquievi. Ego Lyvingus episcopus consolidavi. Ego Ordbrihtus episcopus expressi. Ego jEthulfus episcopus subscripsi. Ego iElfgarus episcopus non rennui. (The last witness in M.) Ego Wulgar abbas. Ego .fclfsinus abbas. Ego Germanus abbas. Ego jElfere abbas. Ego Kenulf abbas. Ego iElfric (^Elfsie D) abbas. Ego iElfric dux. Ego iElfelm dux. Ego Leofwine dux. Ego ^Ethelmer m'. (dux D.) Ego Ordulf m'. Ego Wulgeat m'. Ego iEdric m'. Ego Wlfcytel m'. Ego iElmaer m'. Ego .^Ethelmaer m'. Ego Godwine m'. Ego Syweard m'. * In BG this chapter follows ch. 49b, i.e. the last chapter copied from the Libellus. h de Dacstede on erasure F. k ' ad om. F, add. in the margin in a modern hand. rite add. EO. c

1 Thaxted, Essex. There seems no strong reason to identify JEfeliva with iEthelgifu, second wife of Ealdorman iEthelwine, as tentatively suggested by Hart (Essex Charters, no. 26, p. 18), particularly as the traditional date for the accession of Abbot iElfsige (981) must be discarded (supra, ch. 56) and she died in 985 while Brihtnoth was still alive.

LIBER ELIENSIS 131 eiusdem femine Brixius et filia nomine ^EdySa, atque alii qui in testamento eius sunt, quod Anglice scriptum in ecclesia adhuc habetur in testimonium. 60. De Cyngestune, Rodinges a, Undeleia, Withleseia et Cotenham et de terra Lundonie, que dicitur Abboteshai.

Tune quidam valde locuples, Leofwinus nomine filius iESulfi1, cognita fama dulcedinis, caritatis et hospitalitatis et maxime erga Dei cultum devotionis in Ely, locum in magna cepit habere reverentia. Fertur vero ilium in maximo lapsum delicto, in quo non diu iacens, sed Dei gratia in se citius reversus, nimium formidare cepit. Inter ipsum namque et matrem suam lis aliquando exorta fuit, unde iracundie d stimulis b exagitatic et sevientis animi impetum difficile valens cohibere, iuxta illud: ' ira impedit [fo. 63] animum non e possit cernere verum ', sed arrepto mox stipite matrem tundendo graviter sauciavit f, que elisa ° diutius doluit, sed tali infortunio ex vulneris ictu spiritum exalavit. Ille nimirum amplius factum expavens, consilium a sacerdotibus et viris prudentibus inquirit et ab eis responsum est presentiam Domini apostolici Rome consulendum fore, qui unicuique secundum qualitatem culpe congrue et discrete medicamentum penitentie novit h imponere. Post hec Romam perrexit, flens et eiulans, coram beato Petro et sanctorum ibidem reliquiis deprecans, ut a se iudicium Domini adinstar Ninivitarum suis meritis averterent atque delicti enormitatem, prout gessit, domino pape non sine > dolore aperuit. De quo iniunctum est illi in penitentia suum primogenitum paupercule ecclesie in monachatum alicubi tradere et earn de copiis possessionum suarum ditare et pro anime commodo suas opes pauperibus Christi habundantius erogare. Et, dum domum rediit, quod salubriter concepit efficaciter implevit et larga elemosinarum dona egenis undique erogavit. Plura locis pauperioribus distribuit, maxime erga ecclesiam de Ely suam munificentiam informare cupiebat, ubi primogenitum suum nomine iESelmerum cum his qui inferuntur possessionibus, teste3 cirographo4 Anglice descripto, devotissime optulit, videlicet Cingestune 2, RoSinges , Undeleia et que ad earn pertinent piscationes, et terram in LachingeheSe k 5, quam Oswaradala a d h 1

b RoSinges E. stumulis F. " exagitatus EO. g vallens F. ' ne BG. ' satiavit F. elysa F. novit in full F, novum in full B.k sine interlined E. Lachingeheie E.

1 Leofwine, iEthulf s son, is one of the witnesses of Robertson, Charters, no. LXIII, p. 130, and was also a benefactor of Thorney. See Whitelock, Wills, p. 173, where it is suggested that he was the father of Leofmaer of Bygrave. This grant to Ely must have been made after 1002 when Archbishop Wulfstan succeeded to York and before the death of Abbot iElfsige (infra, App.2D). Kingston, Suffolk, where Ely held 2 carucates in 1066 (Dd, ii, fo. 386). 3 The Rodings, Essex, in which Ely held land, are difficult to identify. The 3 hides 45 virgates of Dd, ii, fo. 19 have been tentatively identified with Aythorp Roding, and the 2J hides of Dd, ii, fo. 36b (to which i hide was attached in alia Rodinges) with High Roding (V.C.H., Essex, i, 450, 474). Cf. Miller, Ely, p. 71, n. 2, where he speaks of two Rodings, (?) Aythorp and (?) Morel; also Hart, Essex Charters, no. 35, p. 20. 4 Undley, Suffolk, where Ely held 1 carucate in 1066 (Dd, ii, fo. 382). 6 Lakenheath, Suffolk. Ely held 3 carucates there in 1066, but this includes the estate at Lakenheath granted by Edward the Confessor (Dd, ii, fo. 382; infra, ch. 92).

132

LIBER

ELIENSIS

vocant ", et tertiam partem de Withleseya1 et terram de Estereie 2 et Cothenham3 et terram de Londonia que usque ad hanc diem Abboteshai" dicitur4, et Glemesford 5 et piscationes c de Upstaue 6 atque annuam firmam de villa regia de iESfelda 7 et plura, que in eo scripta sunt, concessit, sed et muneribus amplioribus munificenter aptatis locum interius exteriusque ditavit. Post hec servum Domini ^Elsium abbatem et fratres qui cum eo fuerant coram archiepiscopo Wlstano atque episcopis et abbatibus ac plurimorum cetu virorum et mulierum adiuravit, ne possessiones, quas pro d redemptione anime sue et uxoris atque parentum suorum Deo et sancte genetrici eius Marie necnon beate virgini iESeldreSe et illius sancte prosapie donaverat et optulerat, non auro, non argento, non qualicumque commodo de ecclesia distraherent vel mutarent, sed ob illorum memoriam in ecclesia firmiter perseverarent ac statute consisterent. [fo. 6jv] Fratres vero spoponderunt econtra pro illo semper in secunda feria et in tertia feria pro uxore et filiis et cognatione sua missas celebrare, egenos alere, nudos vestire, ut in testamento eius Anglice descripto legitur. Adiecit igitur adhuc ille Deo acceptus bonum quod inceperat atque muros ecclesie dilatare et ad australem plagam ampliare incepit et suis expensis reliquo operi unitos consummavit. Fecit quoque in uno porticu altare ad honorem beatissime Dei genitricis et desuper tronum ad longitudinem hominis, in quo imago ipsius habens filium in gremio de auro et argento gemmisque insigniter operata inestimabilis pretii magnitudine videbatur, quam rex Willelmus, insulam bello sue ditioni optinens, ac plurima ornamenta ecclesie tulit atque contrivit 8. Complevit autem iste e vir laudabilis dies suos in senectute bona et allatum est corpus eius ad Hely atque sepultum in ecclesia sacre virginis iESeldreSe, quam bonorum suorum fecerat heredem, cui sit vita Deus et peccatorum remissio. Amen. 61. De Bregeham, Hengham, Wetinge, Rathlesdene et Mundeford c u m ' piscationibus circa Theoford. Quedam vidua nobilis genere et dives valde, sed, quod magis est, tantum virtutum °6 convocant, con- expunged F. In Holborn non procul a palatio Elyensi added in the margin of E in a modern hand. " piscationem E, final s interlined F, in the same hand as that of the text. d pre F. ' iste vir laudabilis interlined E. ' et piscationes E. 'Whittlesea, Cambs., where Ely held 2 hides in 1066 (Dd, i, fo. 191b) out of a total of 6 hides2 (Dd, i, fo. 192b, Thorney 4 hides). Eastrea, part of the island of Whittlesea (Cambs. Place-names, p. 259). 3 Cottenham, Cambs., where Ely held 10 hides in 1066 (Dd, i, fo. 191b). But Ely received land 4there also from another source, infra, p. 138. Cf. note b, but the land of Holborn is said to have been given to the church of Ely by Bishop John Kirkby (Bentham, Ely, i, 151). 6 Glemsford, Suffolk, where Ely held 8 carucates in 1066 (Dd, ii, fo. 382). 6 Now represented by Starnea Dyke (Cambs. Place-names, pp. 15—17). 7 Probably Hatfield Regis, Essex, since Hatfield, Herts., then already belonged to Ely (se infra, ch. 64). But it is not clear why Leofwine should have been in the position to grant a far from 8a royal vill. Infra, ch. i n .

LIBER ELIENSIS

133 1

augmentationibus ", quantum divitiis, adcrevit, nomine Elfwara . Hec moriens testamentum suum coram 6 multis sub cyrographo sermocinatione vulgi descripto fecit confirmari. Dedit autem Deo et sancte virgini iESeldreSe atque illius beate prosapie habundanter de suis copiis possessiones et munera, ut, quod ei Deus misericorditer ad horam prestiterat, ipsa pro mercede in eternam ei possessionem econtra gratanter offerret, videlicet Brigeham 2 cum omnibus ad eandem c villam pertinentibus infra villam et extra, in terris at aquis, in boscho et d piano, insuper addidit Hengeham 3 et Vetinge e * et Ratlesdene B et Mundeford 6 et scrinium cum reliquiis, quod gradatum feretrum vocabant, et duas cruces f operatas ex auro et argento et gemmis pretiosis, quas Nigellus " episcopus postea tulit atque contrivit '. Sed et terram de Teodford 8 et piscationes circa easdem paludes et cuncta que habuit, preter ilia que h scripto suo excepit, quod nunc usque apud nos est, ecclesie tradendum constituit. Corpus vero eius in Ely delatum reconditur et nomen illius super sanctum altare descriptum cum fratrum nominibus perpetuam in ecclesia memoriam habet. 62. De venerabili duce BrithnoSo, qui dedit sancte ^ESeldreSe Spaldewich, et Trumpintune, Ratendune, et Hesberi, Seham, Fuulburne, [fo. 64] Theveresham, Impentune, PampewrSe, Crochestune s, et Fineberge, Tripelaue, Herdewich, et Sumeresham cum appendiciis eius k. De BrithnoSo viro singulari et glorioso succedit memoranda relatio, cuius vitam l et gesta non parvis preconiis Anglice commendant hystorie, de quibus pauca qualicumque stilo cum venia lectoris excepimus 9. Res enim magna est et maiorum b " agmentationibus F. choram F. d " ad eandem on erasure F. et om. F. ' Wetinge E. ? mirifice add. E. " Nigellus om. E, leaving a gap before episcopus. * qui EF. > Crachestune EG. * suis 0. ' -ius vitam on erasure F, iustam add. E. 1 Ramsey Chron., pp. 84-85 gives an abstract of the will of matrona Alfwara, genere nobilis sed fidei devotione nobilior who died in 1007 (Ramsey Cart., iii, 167) and who is probably to be identified with the MUwa.ru of this chapter. 2 Bridgeham (Norfolk), where Ely held 4 carucates in 1066 (Dd, ii, fo. 213b). 3 This is not easily identifiable with any of the Domesday holdings of Ely and it is not mentioned in Edward the Confessor's charter of confirmation (infra, ch. 92). Perhaps Ingham or Hingham, Norfolk (Dd, ii, 148b, nob). 1 Weeting (Norfolk), where Ely held the commendation and soke over 9 liberi homines with 5 | carucates in 1066 (Dd, ii, fo. 162). Cf. supra, ch. 44. 5 Rattlesden (Suffolk), where Ely held 6 carucates in 1066 (Dd, ii, fo. 381b). 6 Mundford (Norfolk), where Ely held 3 carucates and 7 sokemen in 1066 (Dd, ii, fo. 213b). 7 See infra, Book III, cc. 78, 89. 8 Presumably Little Thetford, where Ely held 1 hide in 1066 as a berewick of Ely (Dd, i, fo. 191b). 8 The death of Brihtnoth, ealdorman from about 956, perhaps of Huntingdon and later certainly of Essex, at the battle of Maldon was made the subject of legend and song, of which the Old English poem is the most notable and the Ely tradition an interesting variant. See C. E. Wright, The Cultivation of Saga in Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 23-24; E. V. Gordon, The Battle of Maldon (revised edn. 1957) ; Vita Oswaldi, pp. 455-56. For a note on his career see M. Ashdown, English and Norse Documents (1930), pp. 274-77; a ' s o Whitelock, Wills, p. 106.

N

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relatio ° dignissima, quam nos exigui et elingues arido sermone non sine pudore narramus. Itaque vir iste nobilissimus Northanimbrorum dux* fortissimus fuit, qui ob mirabilem sapientiam et corporis fortitudinem, qua se suosque viriliter protegebatb, Anglica lingua alderman, id est senior vel dux, ab omnibus cognominabatur. Erat sermone facundus, viribus c robustus, corpore maximus, militie d et bellis contra hostes regni assiduus et ultra modum sine respectu et timore mortis animosus. Preterea sanctam ecclesiam et Dei ministros ubique honorabat et in eorum usus totum patrimonium suum conferebat. Murum quoque pro religiosis conventibus semper se contra eos opponebat2 qui loca sancta inquietare conabantur. Nam avaritie et vesanie quorundam primatum, monachos eicere et prius ab vEdgaro et sancto JEQelwoldo eiectos in ecclesias revocare studentium, vir iste religiosus {in 3 sinodo constitutus) cum magna constantia restitit dicens, {nequaquam ferre se posse ut monachi eicerentur de regno, qui omnem religionem tenuerunt in regno). Vitam autem suam ad defendendam patrie libertatem, quamdiu vivebat, impendebat, totus in hoc desiderio positus, ut magis moreretur quam inultam patrie iniuriam pateretur. Fiebat siquidem eo tempore frequens inruptio Danorum in Angliam quam, diversis in locis navigio venientes, graviter devastabant. Brithnodo autem duci omnes provinciarum principes, quasi invincibili patrono pro magna ipsius probitate et fide sese fideliter alligabant, ut eius presidio contra inimicam gentem securius se defenderent. Igitur cum Dani quodam tempore apud Meldunam applicuissent, ipse e audito rumore cum armata manu eis occurrens, pene super omnes pontem ' aque interemit. De quibus pauci vix evadentes, propriam patriam ad hec narranda navigarunt'. Post hanc autem victoriam Brithnodo duce cum alacritate h in Northannimbriam * [fo. 64V] reverso, Dani nimium hoc audito tristati, classem denuo repperant *, Angliam properant et ad ulciscendam suorum necem quarto l iterum anno, Iustino et Guthmundo, filio Stectani, ducibus, ad Meldunam applicant *. Quem portum nacti, ut audiunt h "e relatione G. pertegebat F. d uribus F. militia BO. ' A dopting the reading of G; ipso BEFO, -so . . . armata ma- on erasure and extending into the margin of F. ' Sic MSS.; presumably intended for omnes super pontem. * navigarent E, navigar't F, with t on erasure. j * alicritate F. Northanimbrorum E, Northanhumbriam G. *1 reperant E, reparant GO. Adopting the reading of E; quasi iterum anno et Guthmundo BFG, quarto iterum anno et Guthmundo O. F has a marginal reference to the reading of E in a modern hand. 1 There is no evidence that he was ever ealdorman of Northumbria; perhaps the Ely writer saw the words ' on NorShymbron ' in the poem, if he knew it, where it refers to a hostage fighting to avenge Brihtnoth's death, and drew a wrong conclusion. 2 Cf. Ezech., xiii, 5. 3 in . . . regno: derived from Florence, i, 144; cf. supra, ch. 51. * The names of the leaders are not given in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. They may be derived from the account of the battle in Florence, i, 149. If there is any truth in the legend that they came to avenge an earlier defeat, no record of it has survived. No raid is recorded for the year 987. The raids were not resumed until 988, and, if the compiler is thinking of 991 as the fourth year in a series, the first would fall in that year. But the only attack on which we have any information was directed against the West coast of England and cannot be considered as a prelude for the battle of Maldon. Cf. Florence, s.a. 988; also Vita Oswaldi, p. 456, which follows

LIBER ELIENSIS 135 Brithnodum ista in suos perpetrasse, statim mandant se ad ulciscendos eos adventasse ipsumque inter ignavos habendum, si non audeat cum eis conferreamanum. Quibus nuntiis Brithnodus in audaciam concitatus, pristinos socios ad hoc negotium convocavit et cum paucis bellatoribus, spe victorie et nimia ductus animositate, iter b ad bellum suscepit et precavens et properans, ne hostilis exercitus saltern unum passum pedis se absente occuparet. Dum igitur iter agendo ad abbatiam Rameseie appro-c pinquaret et ab abbate Wlsio sibi suisque hospitium et procurationem quereret , responsum est ei quod locustemille tante multitudini non sufficeret, sed tamen, ne omnino abiret repulsus, sibi et vii de d suis quod petebat ministraret1. Ad quod fertur eleganter respondisse: ' Sciat dominus abbas, quod solus sine istis nolo prandere, quia solus sine illis e nequeo pugnare ', et fsic discedens, iter ad Helyensem ecclesiam direxit, premandans abbati iElsio se per insulam cum bellicis ° copiis transiturum ad pungnam et, si ei placeret, apud eum cum suo exercitu cenaturum. Cui abbas pari voluntate conventus sui respondit se in opere caritatis nulla numerositate terreri, sed magis de ipsorum adventu gratulari. Receptus ergo cum omnibus suis regali hospitalitateh procuratur et pro sedulo monachorum obsequio ad magnum loci amorem succenditur . Nee videbatur sibi aliquid boni' unquam fecisse, si hoc monachorum beneficium irremuneratum reliquisset. Cogitans itaque apud se illos causa sui non parum fuisse gravatos, in crastinum causa suscipiende fraternitatis venit in capitulum et, gratias agens abbati atque conventui de tam liberali eorum caritate, ad compensandam eorum largitatem dedit eis statim hec k capitalia maneria, Spaldewich, et Trumpintune, Ratendune, et Hesberie, Seham, et Acholt. Exponens negotium ad quod ibat aliaque maneria sub hac conditione concessit, scilicet Fuulburne, Theveresham, Impetune, PampewrSe, Crochestune, et Fineberge, Tripelaue, Herduuic, et Sumeresham cum appendiciis eius l, et super hec triginta mancas m auri, xx u libras argenti, ut, si forte in bello occumberet, corpus illius hue allatumhumarent. Hanc " quoque donationem cum ° duabus crucibus aureis et duabus laciniis pallii [fo. 63] sui, pretioso opere auri et gemmarum contextis, binisque cyrothecis artificiose compositis ecclesie Elyensi investivit. Deinde commendans se orationibus fratrum cum suis properavit ad bellum. Quo perveniens, nee suorum paucitate movetur nee hostium multitudine terretur, sed statim eos adgregitur p et per xiiii dies ardenter cum eis " ad hoc added later in F at the end of a line. h approximately one letter erased before iter F. c a -reret on erasure F, quere't E. de om. BG. • istis B. 1 se per on erasure F, secum insulam E. h " cum inbecillis E, -m bellicis on erasure F. accenditur BG. 1 k bonum E. capitula add. E. 1 suis BG. ™ marcas B, -r' written over erasure in E in a later hand. " hanc on erasure F. 0 cum duabus on erasure F. " et . . . congreditur om. B. up the battle of 988 in Occidente immediately—transactis non plurimis mensibus—with the battle, in oriente huius inclytae regionis, in which Brihtnoth was killed. It is also possible that the Ely writer gained a false idea of two battles if he had, and could only partially understand, the Old English poem. 1 For a comment on the circumstances and details of Brihtnoth's bequest see infra, App. D, p. 422.

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congreditur. Quorum ultimo die, paucis suorum superstitious, moriturum se intelligens, non segnior contra hostes dimicabat, sed magna strage illorum facta pene in fugam eos converterat, donee adversarii paucitate sociorum eius animati, facto cuneo, conglobati unanimiter in eum irruerunt et caput pungnantis vix cum magno labore secuerunt, quod inde fugientes secum in patriam portaverunt. Abbas vero, audito belli eventu, cum quibusdam monachis ad locum pugne profectus, corpus ipsius inventum ad hanc ecclesiam reportavit et cum honore sepelivit. In loco autem capitis massam cere rotundam ° apposuit, quo signo diu postea in temporibus nostris b recognitus honorifice inter alios est locatus. Fuit autem vir iste pius et strenuus diebus iEdgari c , iEdwardi regis et martyris et iESelredi, regum Anglorum, et mortuus est anno regni d ipsius .ZESelredi xiiii0, ab incarnatione vero Domini anno nongentesimo nonagesimo primo x. 63. De domina ^Edelfleda,e uxore f predicti ducis, que dedit g nobis villam de Ratendune et de Saham et de Dittune et de h Chefie. Uxor quippe eius, nomine iElfleda domina, eo tempore, quo i vir idem suus interfectus est et humatus, manerium de Ratendune, quod erat de dote sua, et terram de Saham, que est ad stangnum iuxta Ely, et Dittune, et unam hidam in Chefle, et torquem auream et cortinam gestis viri sui intextam atque k depictam in memoriam probitatis eius huic ecclesie donavit 2. 64. De Hadham et de Cheleshelle. Huius autem soror, nomine iEdelfleSa 3, uxor iESelstani ducis, rebus, dote atque hereditate suorum opulentissima, unde inter affines ipsa nobilior apparuit, sed dum incertis mundi opibus videbatur inherere, circa sancte religionis cultum pie sollicita, 0 a

b rotunda EF. nostris om. E. e regni om. G. iEdelfreda F. '1 dededit F. qui F, qui later corr. to quo E.

h de k

" Eedgari F. ' uxore . . . ducis om. GO.

om. E. deposita add. E.

1 This account of Brihtnoth's death is independent of other known versions and presumably represents the local tradition. iEthelred's regnal year is probably reckoned from Florence, who places iEthelred's accession in 978 (cf. Plummer, Two Saxon Chronicles, ii, 166). The form of the dating clause combined with the phrase inter alios locatus indicates that this version of the Brihtnoth legend was compiled to form part of an account of the benefactors of Ely whose relics were translated by Prior Alexander in 1154 {cf. infra, cc. 65, 71, 72, 75, 86, 87, 99 and Introduction, supra, p. xxxviii). The beginning of this account is given as part of infra, da. 87. These relics were reported by James Bentham to have been discovered in 1769 when the North wall of the choir, in which they were then immured, was removed. His report made to the Society of Antiquaries in 1772 and a description of the bones is printed in Bentham, Ely, i, Addenda, pp. 23-24. Brihtnoth's obit is recorded in the Ely kalendar in E on 10 August, where reference is also made to his will. Cf. B. Dickins,' The Day of Byrhtnoth's death and other obits from a twelfth-century Ely kalendar', Leeds Studies in English and Kindred Languages, no. vi (1937), pp. 15—17. Cf. also the kalendar in Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Titus D.xxvii, fos. 3~8v, where the obit is given under 11 August (discussed ibid., p. 14). 2 See infra, App. D, p. 422. The death of iElfflaed and her sister were commemorated, to the kalendar in E, on 20 May (Dickins, op. cit., p. 18). according a See infra, App. D, p. 423.

LIBER ELIENSIS 137 exemplo beate Anne in viduitate post obitum viri sui iugiter permanebat. Insuper sanctas nostras intima dilectione et veneratione crebro requisivit et ad eas cum devotione excubias frequentabat. Unde sana et incolumis cum plurima munerum largitione abbatem ^Elsinum et fratres ecclesie convenit, ob insignemc familiaritatis [fo. 6511] gratiam ad b magnum loci amorem trahebatur. Dedit autem illis Dittune et Hedham et Cheleshille d, f et ea in testamento suo Anglice e confirmari fecit, sed sorori sue predicte iElflede , dum viveret, villam de Dittune concessit habendam. a

65. De sancte memorie iEdelstano episcopo, qui dedit nobis Dregestune. Quam venerabilis olim extiterit locus iste, testatur etiam ^Edelstanus Helmamensis episcopus 1, vir ecclesiastica devotione precipuus et precipua largitate erga ecclesiam istam munificus. Qui crebris sanctarum hie quiescentium virtutibus fratrum religione ad diligendum hunc locum attractus, Brithnodum et iElsium, primum videlicetg et secundum loci huius abbates, totumque conventum de societate fraternitatis, de sepultura sui corporis, diu ante obitum suum, adhuc sanus et incolumis, cum multa munerum largitione convenit, cui et monachorum professiones et faciendos ordines et cetera episcopalia ob insignem familiaritatis gratiam abbash uterque apud se concessit. Erat enim talis ecclesie istius libertas, ut quemcumque episcoporum mallent ad hec facienda convocarent 2. Unde magis alios episcopos quam Lincolliensem ad facienda pontificalia iura vocabant, ne Lincolniensis ecclesia, in cuius diocesi sita est ista Elyensis, calumpniosis exactionibus sub episcopali potestate posset earn aliquando gravare. Quare ob indicium antique dignitatis servate sunt hue usque in scriniis ' nostris priscorum fratrum scripte professiones que facte sunt in presentia domini iEdelstani Helmanhensis episcopi, nulla vero in * presentia alicuius episcopi Lincolniensis. Ipse vero l tali honore magis animatus et delectatus, propria pecunia, ut carta ipsius testatur, totum manerium de Dringestune libera emptione3 comparatum in eternam possessionem Elyensi conventuim hereditario iure donavit . Et ut firmior " esset donationis huius munificentia, aliis etiam magnificis muneribus earn magnificavit ° et amplificatam " sub multis testibus roboravit. Que " exsemplo F.

' a d . . . trahebatur on erasure F.

' autem om. E, autem illis on erasure F and crammed into the available space in the same hand as that of the text. d e Cheleshelle E. Anglice om. O. 1 The correct version of the name lElfflaed from E, iESelfleda on erasure F. ' et for de EO. h

quecumque F. *1 in . . . episcopi on erasure F. g, with o interlined, i.e. ergo E. m conventu EF. 0 amplificavit for magnificavit E.

' scriniis on erasure F.

" infirmior E. " amplificatum E.

1 Bishop of Elmham, c. 995-1001. The signature of his predecessor Theodred occurs for the last time in 995 (K., no. 688), while iEthelstan first signs in 997 (K., no. 698). He last signs in 1001 (K., no. 705), and if., no. 706, dated 1001, is witnessed by his successor. 2 This chapter is not reliable evidence for the abbey's immunity from episcopal control in the Anglo-Saxon period. See infra, App. C, p. 403. 8 Drinkstone, Suffolk, where Ely held 2 carucates in demesne in 1066 (Dd, ii, fo. 381b).

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singillatim verbis ipsius annotare non erit inutile: ' Preterea ', inquid, ' concedo vobis pro salute anime " mee omnia capelle.6 mee insignia, scilicet crucem episcopalem et maiorem turrem ° xx librarum inter aurum et argentum ', quam Nigellus episcopus postea cepit atque comminuit et plura que loco suo retexentur 1, ' et calicem cum patena x librarum d argenti', sed factione Godcelini clerici, cognomento e de Ely, post multum temporis aufertur 2, ' et meliorem sacerdotalem vestem meam et i ' [fo. 66] turribulum v lib[rarum] et i cappam cantoris et unum bonum pallium et xl mancas a auri et singulis annis vi ue libras ad indumenta monachorum et quicquid boni de cetero potuero vobis ministrabo, ut gratior Deo et huic sancte ecclesie sit societas mea et studiosior sit apud vos mei memoria.' Deinde multo post tempore defunctus condictum sepulcri locum, hue allatus, accepit et deinceps inde remotus in seriem aliorum translatus feliciter requiescit 3. Fuit autem contemporaneus h beati iESelwoldi sub piissimo rege ^Edgaro, qui locum istum monachili ordini assignaverunt, monachis et divitiis ampliarunt. 66. De Wuelingeham K Sequitur vir bonus, Uva nomine 4, qui de opibus sibi creditis sic disponere appetebat, quatenus post metam hums vite non detrimenti, sed emolumenti causa sibi forent. Dedit autem Deo et sue alme virgini iESeldreSe villam de Wivelingeham 5 et terram de Cotenham 6 iure perpetuo possidendam cum omnibus, quecumque ad earn pertinebant. Sed et aliis * ecclesiis in possessionibus et muneribus habundanter donavit et cum testamento usitato sermone corroborari fecit, ne in eternum distrahi videretur quod Christo domino pro eterna gloria commutaverat. Hoc enim pactum in plurimorum presentia testium sub cyrographo scriptum est et pro munimine in ecclesia de Ely l hue usque habetur. Horum primus Leofsinus alderman ' et abbas iElsinus et fratres ecclesie de Ely et alii plures qui in ipso cyrographo nominantur. h " anime on erasure F. copelle F. ° crucem BG. -urn . . . factione on erasure F. " -nomento de Ely on erasure F. f et i, at the end of fo. 65V, et unumh begins fo. 66, F. '1 marcas EO. autem contemporaneus on erasure F. k Wivelingeham E. et aliis on erasure F. ' de Ely om. E.

d

1 2

Infra, Book III, cc. 78, 89. The loss of two chalices is blamed on Gocelin but neither of these is to be identified with ^Ethelstan's. Infra, Book III, cc. 50, 92. 3 See supra, ch. 62, note. His death was commemorated at Ely on 7 October (B. Dickins, op. cit., p. 22). * 4 Uvi of Willingham, brother of Oswi, infra, ch. 67, and witness to at least two transactions concerning Ely (supra, cc. 11, 33). His death was commemorated at Ely on 16 February (Dickins, op. cit., p. 18). 6 Willingham, Cambs., where Ely held 7 hides in 1066 (Dd, i, fo. 191b). 6 There is no reason to suppose that this is the same estate as one already granted there by Leofwine, iEthulf's son (supra, ch. 60). Perhaps it is to be identified with the 3J hides less 14 acres which Oswi, sokeman of Ely, held there in 1066 (Dd, i, fo. 201b). ' The dates of Leofsige, ealdorman of Essex, witnessing charters from 994 to 1001 and banished 1002 (Whitelock, Wills, p. 149), establish the certain terminal dates for Uvi's will, but the limits are narrowed if iElfsige did not succeed before 996 (supra, ch. 56).

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139

b

67. De Stevechesworde " et Merch et Chertelinge et Dullingeham et una virgata in Suafham. Huius quoque frater fuit Oswius 1 nomine, cuius mores Deo et seculo probatos, omni honestate ordinatos, omni ordini gratos, large elemosine et donationes in ecclesias et pauperes proferebant. Nee erat animus eius aliunde occupatus nisi, ut Deo placeret et omnes beneficiis superaret. Cui erat uxor Leofleda dicta que, in cunctis conjugis sui profectibus applaudens, ipsa beatitudinis c premia expectans, elemosine largitatem frequentabat. Dederat illis Deus utriusque sexus propaginem quam de copiis bonorum atque possessionum divites fecerant atque sublimes. Ex quibus iElfwinum nomine Deo d et sancte ^ESeldreSe in monachicum optulerunt", ad vestimentum eius villam de StevecheswrSe 2 statuerunt et post vitam eius ecclesie perpetim f adiaceret. Preterea ecclesiam de Ely plurimum provexerunt et his possessionibus ampliare volebant, videlicet de [fo. 66v] Merch et Chertelinge et Dullingeham et una virgata in Swafham. Horum testes fuerunt ^Elwricus, Cantuariensis archiepiscopus, et Escuwinus», Merciorum episcopus, cuius sedes, que nunc est Lincollie, in Leircestria fuerat 3, et episcopus Orientalium Anglorum ^ESelstanus *, de quibus supra meminimus, atque duo fratres eius, predictus Uva, alius JESericus, et plures qui in scripto illius Anglice descripto h habentur. 68. De Caedeberi. Quomodo ;' enim de duobus fratribus dictum est, sic et de tertio nequaquam preterire debemus. Hie autem Deo acceptus, iESericus nomine 5, bona sua velud apes prudentissima collegit et collecta ecclesiis dispersit et pauperibus. Exemplo autem suorum germanorum concitatus est atque beatissimam dominam suam jEdeldreSam tota mentis devotione venerari cupiebat et multa rerum munificentia decorari c "d StevechesworSe E. * Merth F. beatudinis F. Deo . . . provexerunt on erasure F, in the same hand as that of the text. * atque add. 0. ' absque impedimento add. EO. h '1 Escuwius E. Anglice descripto om. E. -modo . . . fratribus on erasure F. 1 Husband of Leoffleed, daughter of Ealdorman Brihtnoth (infra, ch. 88). His death was commemorated at Ely on 5 May (Dickins, op. cit., pp. 16-17, where he is identified with the Oswi who fell in battle against the Danes at Ring-mere, A.S.C., C, D, E, s.a. 1010), and Leofflaed's death2 on 12 October (Dickins, op. cit., p. 18). Stetchworth, March, Kirtling, Dullingham and Swaffham (Cambs.). See infra, App. D, P- 4233 Leicester had been the centre of the diocese of the Middle Angles until the kingdom of Mercia succumbed to Danish attack. By the time of .SJscwig its place had been taken by Dorchester-on-Thames. See F. M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England (2nd ed. 1947), p. 431. 4 The terminal dates of Oswi's will, 995 x 1001, are determined by the dates of Bishop iEthelstan (995-1001). iElfric was archbishop of Canterbury from 995 to 1002 and .Siscwig bishop of Dorchester from 975 x 79 to 1002. 5 The name is too common and occurs too frequently in the L.E. to identify him for certain with any one of the witnesses to transactions concerning Ely (e.g. supra, p. 88). Perhaps it was he who was granted land at Swaffham, where his brother held 1 virgate, for life by Abbot Brihtnoth (supra, p. no). It is probably his obit which was recorded at Ely under 24 September and that of his son on 22 July (Dickins, op. cit., p. 16).

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a

filiumque suum amatissimum ^ESelmerum illic in sancta religione tradidit et cum eo terrain calciatoriam, videlicet Ceaddeberi1, iure perpetuo adicere voluit, ut et ipse et uxor eius cum genere suo benedictionem a Domino mererentur. Hoc quoque Anglice in suo testamento scriptum est et penes nos in munimentum libertatis hucusque servatum, quod etiam inter alia in Latinum transferre b studuimus. 69. De e villa de Hoo. In diebus namque beatissimi martiris .ZEdwardi regis dominus ville de Hoo 2, cognomento Godwinus, morbo percussus est toto corpore tantumque inquietudinis depressus est magnitudine, ut spem vite haberet minime sanitatis recuperande. Sed iste de carnis infirmitate in spem meliorem confortatus optime, domnum Elsinum, Elyensem abbatem, accersivit, monachatum ab illo petiit et accepit, secumque pro mercede optulit in benedictionem sancte iESeldreSe scilicet memoratam possessionem de Hoo et sub cyrographi firmitate in multorum testimonio confirmavit 3, ut deinceps a nemine posterorum sive emptione seu commutatione ab usibus fratrum distrahi liceret, quod in redemptionem sue anime Deo et sanctis eius illic donaverat. Deinde non multo post tempore defunctus, sepelitur in cimiterio ecclesie. 70. De d Hecham. Deinde parvo evoluto tempore, frater iam dicti hominis, iElmerus nomine, quandam partem terre sui iuris, Hecham usitative nuncupatam 4, quam paterna 6 hereditate possederat, Deo sancteque iESeldreSe cum suis convirginibus largiendo gratanter optulit atque iESelstani, [fo. 67] Orientalium episcopi, ac plurimorum testimonio in cyrographo designavit, ut perpetim domnus Alsinus abbas fratresque ecclesie de Ely, quomodo suis necessitatibus utilius providerent, de hoc instituerent. 71. De f ^Ednodo pontifice. Sequitur iEdnodus B, vir in Christo famosus et monastice religionis cultor egre0 d

b amantissimum GO. trafferre F. ' This chapter is omitted in E. This chapter is omitted in E. ' paternana F. ' This chapter follows ch. 68 in E and ch. yt) in O. It is omitted in BG.

1 Chedburgh, Suffolk, where Ely held 2 carucates belonging to two freemen in demesne in 1066 2(Dd, ii, fo. 384b). In Suffolk. Ely held 3 carucates there in 1066 (Dd, ii, fo. 388). 3 This record cannot be correct as it stands. Even the traditional date of Abbot Brihtnoth's death (981) would not allow iElfsige to succeed during the reign of Edward the Martyr. Perhaps Godwin had made a bequest in favour of Ely in King Edward's time but was not admitted to the monastery until the time of Jilfsige. 4 Hitcham, Suffolk, where Ely held 11 carucates and 5 sokemen in 1066 (Dd, ii, fo. 384b), granted between 995 and 1001 during vEthelstan's pontificate. 5 Eadnoth, a monk at Worcester, was brought to Ramsey by Oswald, but according to the Ramsey tradition he was not made abbot until 992, when he was consecrated by Archbishop Mtfheah (Ramsey Chron., p. no). The L.E. here recalls the Ramsey record, not of Eadnoth's appointment, but of the dedication of the church at Ramsey (ibid., pp. 39, 90 ff.) and the honourable mention of ^Ethelwine recalls his reputation at Ramsey (' vir Domini Oswaldus et gloriosus dux Jsthelwynus ', ibid., p. 44) rather than that at Ely (supra, ch. 55). His accession to the

LIBER ELIENSIS 141 gius, qui a beato Oswaldo Eboracensi archiepiscopo et glorioso duce iEgelwino in Ramesiensem ecclesiam, quam ipsi construxerant °, de Wigornensi monachatu ad officium abbatis assumptus est. Ubi cum in omni honestate sub Christo floreret et gregem Domini fideli cura salubriter gubernaret, facta est cuidam fabro divina revelatio de corpore beati Yvonis et sociis eius simul cum ipso apud villam de Slepa quiescentibus 1. Apparens enim fabro in episcopi specie, beatus Yvo et se et socios suos in eadem villa ab antiquissimo tempore iacuisse indicavit et, ut Ednodo id indicaret, imperavit. At ille statim evigilans, viro Dei visionem revelavit et de oblata suo tempori gratia nimis eum letificavit. Qui tantam sanctorum gloriam non passus est diutius in ceno latitare, sed, convocato clero et populo, ad effodiendum celestem thesaurum cum ecclesiasticis apparatibus properavit et beatum Yvonem propriis manibus, ceteris ceteros ferentibus, ipse usque in Rameseiam portavit et postea in ipsa Slepa b ecclesiam in nomine eiusdem sancti edificavit. Nee multum postea defuncto Lincolniensi antistite, in episcopum promovetur, pro qua potestate nichil minuit de antiqua religione, sed quanto altior, tanto melior effectus", circa condendas d ecclesias et augendas congregationes assiduus insistebat. Quarum unam apud Chateriz ob amorem sancte Dei genetricis Marie et iElwenee, sororis sue, cognomento domine, ad ponendas ibi cum ipsa sanctimoniales construxit et rebus necessariis ampliavit. Ipse quoque corpus beati .ZElfegif martyris et archiepiscopi, apud Grenewicum a Danis lapidatum, pietate succensus et fide armatus collegit atque Londoniis sepelivit. Tandem vero martirii gloria pro gloriosa conversatione decorandus in bello, quod fuit inter iEdmundum regem et Canutum apud Assandun, dum missam cantaret, a Danis Canuti sociis, prius dextera propter anulum amputata, deinde toto corpore scisso interfectus est cum abbate Wlsio qui, secundum cronicam, {ad 2 adorandum g Deum pro milite bellum agente convenerant). Huius corpus cum ad hanc Elyensem ecclesiam [fo. 6jv\ a suis fuisset allatum, ut confestim hinc ad ° constituerant 0. ' iElfwenne EO.

h c d Flepa F. affectus O. credendas E. ' iElflegi F. « Corr. from ad orandum E; ad exorandum Florence.

bishopric of Dorchester is usually placed in 1006 but charter evidence does not support 1006 as a firm date. Eadnoth signs as abbot in 1007 (K., nos. 714, 1304), and as bishop not before 1012 [K., nos. 719, 1307). He was killed in 1016, and Chatteris must therefore have been founded between 1007 and 1016. This account of its foundation was copied later into the Chatteris cartulary, Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Julius A.i, fos. 73-74, with no further detail (cf. Monasticon, ii, 616; V.C.H., Cambs., ii, 220). It is difficult to tell to what extent the rest of the information given about Eadnoth is independent of other sources. The note on the death of Archbishop .SJlfheah in 1012 adds nothing which is not earlier recorded elsewhere (e.g. A.S.C., C, D, E, F and Florence, s.a. 1012; Osbern's Vita S. Dunstani, p. 127 and Vita S. Elphegi, printed Wharton, Anglia Sacra, ii, 112-42; Eadmer, Hist. Novorum, p. 4, which alone mentions Greenwich as the place of the martyrdom. Cf. Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 352, 658-63). The reference to chronica for Eadnoth's presence at Assandun is to Florence, i, 178, and a similar account of his death and removal to Ely is given in Ramsey Chron., pp. 118-19. The whole of this chapter is probably taken from a booklet on the Ely confessors, referred to supra, ch. 62, and it was taken as the basis for the chapter De Sancto Eadnodo in Nova Legenda Anglie, App. II, pp. 540-41. Eadnoth's death was commemorated at Ely on 18 October (Dickins, op. cit., p. 21). 1 This account of the translation of St Ive is not related to that given in Ramsey Chron., pp. 114-15, which has less detail. It seems to be an abstract from Goscelin's Vita S. Ivonis Episcopi (see Migne, Pat. Eat., CLV, pp. 85 ff.), which gives the date for the inventio as 1001. 2 ad . . . convenerant: from Florence, i, 178. Cf. infra, ch. 79.

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Remeseiam °, ubi abbas fuerat, deferretur, .ZElfgarus vir sanctus 1 , qui tune temporis relicto Helmanerisi episcopatu hie ex toto se dederat, corpus illud ad augendam loci huius dignitatem, inebriatis custodibus, in secreto loco sepelivit, turn quia ilium sanctas nostras valde dilexisse cognoverat, turn quia martyrem eum esse credebat. Qui et ipse de veteri sepultura inter alios translatus magno nobis honori habetur. Passus est autem b anno incarnationis millesimo vi t0 x, et fuit in diebus iESelredi et iEdmundi regum temporibus. 72. De ° ^Elfgaro confessore Domini. De predicto Algaro talis instat narratio, quod prius sacerdos et confessionarius beati Dunstani Cantuariensis archiepiscopi fuit. Cui ad laudem sue sanctitatis hoc sufficit, quod a tanto viro in tantum officium est assumptus. In quo ministerio constitutus, quale meritum habuerit apud Deum ex subsequenti visione datur intelligi. Sicut enim in vita sancti Dunstani legitur, anno quo idem sanctus migravit ad a Dominum, lucescente (aurora 2 Dominice ascensionis, que dies tertia precessit ipsius transitum, prefatus sacerdos dum sacris officiis in ecclesia Salvatoris pervigil insisteret mentemque celesti contemplatione suspenderet, raptus in suprema mirabili visione conspicit beatum Dunstanum in pontificali throno sedentem et clero iura ecclesiastica dictantem. Nee mora, videt irruentem per omnes ecclesie ianuas angelorum multitudinem, stolis candidis et coronis aureis rutilantem e, cherubin ac seraphin sese proclamantem, et quasi divina nuntia deferentem. Cumque per ordinem astarent pontifici, verba salutationis proferentes, ' Salve ', inquiunt, ' Dunstane noster, et, si paratus es ad nos venire, nostro consortio gratiosus adiungere.' Quibus f ille: ' Scitis ', inquid, ' o beati spiritus, hodie Christum celos ascendisse nosque tante diei hodiernum obsequium debere atque populum Dei officio nostro indigere, ut hac vice non possim vobiscum abire.' Tune illi:' Paratus igitur esto proximo die sabbati nobiscumg Romam transire et ante sanctum sanctorum h " sanctus " eternaliter cantare.' Quibus ' illo id libenter annuente, confestim qui apparuerant disparuerunt. At sacerdos, tantarum rerum contemplator, rei exitum tacitus expectabat, donee idem sanctus ipso ascensionis die missaram agens sollempnia post evangelium de tanta solempnitate [fo. 68] populum alloqueretur suamque presentiam mox illis rapiendam prenuntiaret. Tune ergo demum cognita visionis veritate, palam omnib " Rameseiam E. autem om. E. 'd This chapter is not in BG and follows oh. yi in O. ad . . . lucescente ore erasure F. ' rutilante F, with a final s added later. . ' inquid add. O. h ' abire lined through, add. E; Romam interlined. tu add. E. ' Quid 0. 1 iElfgar was bishop of Elmham from 1001-1020 (A.S.C., D, Florence, s.a. 1021. He is described as ' Beati [Dunstani] curialis presbyter ' in William of Malmesbury's Life of St Dunstan (Memorials of St Dunstan, p. 317). See infra, cc. 72 and 75, where it is suggested that iElfgar may 2have retired to Ely in or before 1016. For his account of iElfgar's vision the compiler of the L.E. has used Osbern's Life of St Dunstan (Memorials of St Dunstan, pp. 120-23). The correspondence of occasional words which are not in Osbern with the Lives by Eadmer and William of Malmesbury (noted infra, in the textual notes) are probably coincidental. The same is presumably true of echoes from the Life by Adelard, but it is interesting that supra, ch. 51, also seems to imply a knowledge of this Life.

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bus cum magno gemifu que viderat indicavit. Qui postea pro illustri vita factus Helmhamansis a episcopus), predecessoris sui ^ESelstani exemplo adeo specialem * devotionem Eliensi conventui, quamdiu vixit, impendit, ut episcopatum relinqueret et in hac congregatione reliquo vite sue tempore permaneret. Quern honore dignum estimantes, de antiquo sepulcro inter ceteros reverenter transtulimus. Vixit autem vir sanctus temporibus iESelredi, iEdmundi et Canuti, regum Anglorum, et defunctus est anno M°xxi ab incarnatione Dominix sub ipso rege Canuto c. 73. Quis a dedit villam de Wratinge. Longo igitur retroacto tempore fuit quidam miles divitiis habundans, nomine -ZElfelmus2, qui, ecclesiam sancte vESeldreSe cultu vere religionis florere signis quoque et virtutibus ad merita e illius admodum choruscare prospiciens f, in beneficiis eius et honore attentus et benivolus extitit, cuius limina frequenter visitans, diversis generibus exeniorum obsequens iura, negotia et causas illius fideliter patrocinans, tanquam debitum inde salarium recepturus. Audierat fortasse illud proverbium, ' Deum placat qui sanctos suos honorat'. Ingruente autem resolutionis sue tempore, suorumque saluti spiritualiter providens, orationibus beate virginis quadam obligatione se familiarius commendavit, dans illi in elemosynam villam de Waratinge 3 perpetuo » possidendam, exceptis duabus hidis, executor illius Dominice exortationis, ' Facite vobis amicos de mammona iniquitatis, ut, cum defeceritis, recipiant vos in eterna tabernacula ' 4. 74. Quod iste possessiones tradite sunt ecclesie cum Leofsino futuro abbate, scilicet Glemesford, Herdherst, Berchinges, Feltewelle *. Tune quippe temporis in monachatum educandus bone indolis puer susceptus est Leofsinus 5, abbas futurus, cum quo etiam parentes eius, iuxta seculi nobilitatem b " -ha- on erasure F, Helmhemansis E. sp'alem EF. c In 0 this chapter is followed by ch. 80. d e f In BG this chapter follows ch. 70. meritum BG. perspiciens F. ' -o on erasure F, inperpetuum E, perpetuo vel in perpetuum O. h et Sneillewelle lined through, add. E; erased, add. F; Selford et Sneylwelle add. 0; Scelford add. faintly in the margin of F in a later hand. 1 The A.D. is probably derived from Florence or A.S.C., D, where ^Elfgar's death is entered s.a. 1021. A.S.C., D, states, however, that he died on the morning of Christmas Day and this, by our reckoning, is 1020. His death was commemorated at Ely on 24 December (Dickins, op. cit., p. 22). See infra, ch. 75 for the suggestion that he retired to Ely in or before 1016. See also supra, cc. 62 (notes) and 72. 2 jElfelm Polga, who occurs in the Libellus (supra, p. 88). A copy of his will has survived (printed in Whitelock, Wills, no. xiii, pp. 30-34), in which this bequest is mentioned (p. 31). For a note on the date of the will (after 975 and before 1016) see ibid., p. 133, and pp. 133—34 for what is known of .lElfelm's life. 3 West Wratting, Cambs., where Ely held 4^ hides and 10 sokemen with 3 hides in 1066 (Dd, i, fo. 190b). Mliehn owned part of this estate by the gift of King Edgar (B.C.S., no. 1305). The 2 hides excepted from this bequest were left to ^Ethelric, probably the son of iElfelm's brother (Whitelock, Wills, pp. 134-35). 4 Luc, xvi, 9. 5 For Abbot Leofsige see infra, ch. 84.

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divitiarum copiis affluentes, honorifice postulationem fecerunt, sicque filium suum in monasterio offerentes amantissimum, licet a adhuc etate parvulum, Dei servitio mancipaverunt et certe non absque meritis; etenim ex bonis sibi prestitis dare voluerunt cum illo donationem pro raercede sua, videlicet Glemesford1, Hertherst, Berchinges *, Feeltewelle, Scelford, [fo. 68v\ et Sneillewellec, possessiones nominatas. 75. Cum iElfwino episcopo he possessiones in d ecclesia date sunt: Walepol, Wisebeche que est quarta pars e centuriatus insule, et Debeham ', Britewelle *, Oddebrigge. Eodem tempore iElfgaro, Helmamensi episcopo, cuius suprameminimus *, ad celestia regna translato, iElfwinus Elyensis ecclesie a puero monachus, vite sanctitate et gratia morum honestatus, successit in ministerium eiusdem episcopatus 2. Cum ipso enim in ecclesia oblato data est Walepol 3, Wisebeche, que est quarta pars centuriatus insule, cum suis appendiciis 4, et Debeham '5, Brithwelle, Oddebrigge, a generosis parentibus coram venerabilibus testibus et, licet tenere etatis adhuc fuisset, habitum monachatus suscipere promta voluntate parabatur, ut, quod iunior ad profectum anime institui inciperet *, iam senior factus diu inolitum abuti minime videretur. Unde fideliter completur in eo quod scriptum legitur in Ieremia l : ' Bonum est viro, cum portaverit iugum ab adolescentia sua' 6 . Cumque totam vite sue seriem cum summa prudentia et gravitatis modestia usque in virilem etatem perduxisset m, pro religionis sue fama, iubente rege prefato iESelredo 7, ad episcopale culmen sullimatus, matris sue Elyensis ecclesie oblivisci non potuit, sed bonis pro 0 6 c d

videlicet FBG. Berchinges om. BG; in G the word following Hertherst has been erased. Berchinches E. Sneillewelle lined through E, om. BG; in G the word following Scelford has been erased. in ecclesia om. O. " The last word of the heading in G. > Debe'ham E. ' Brithewelle E. h k supraminimus F. ' Debebam F. conciperet E. m ' Geremia F. produxisset 0. 1 For a comment on % See supra, ch. 72. 4

this grant see infra, App. D, p. 424.3

Walpole, Norfolk. Wisbech, Cambs., where Ely held 10 hides in 1066 (Dd, i, fo. 192). For a discussion of the ferding of Wisbech see Miller, Ely, p. 33. 5 All in Suffolk. In Debenham and Woodbridge Ely held small groups of sokemen in 1066 (Dd, ii, fos. 384, 388b), in Brightwell 2 carucates (Dd, ii, fo. 386). But for Woodbridge see also supra, ch. 38. 6 Thren., iii, 27. 7 If appointed at the command of King ^Ethelred, ^Elfwine must have become bishop of Elmham in or before 1016. But we are told at the beginning of this chapter that he succeeded vElfgar on his death and ^Elfgar died in 1020. The most plausible explanation is that ^Elfgar retired to Ely before 1016 (when he secured the body of Bishop Eadnoth for Ely (supra, ch. 71)) and that iElfwine did succeed him before iEthelred died. A.S.C., D, and Florence, assuming that iElfwine did not succeed before yElfgar's death, would have placed his accession in 1020, and the compiler of the L.E. may have erroneously combined the Florence entry with the more precise local tradition that ^Elfwine succeeded in the reign of iEthelred. Evidence from charters is not conclusive either way. K., no. 727 of 1018, witnessed by iElfgar, is of doubtful authenticity. The signature of a Bishop iElfwine in 1019 (K., no. 729), on the other hand, seems to advance TElfwine's accession at least to that year. The estates given with .ZElfwine show that he must not be identified with iElfwine, son of Oswi, mentioned supra, ch. 67.

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se puero primum eidem loco collatis iam episcopus factus plurima superaddere curavit, ut postea docetur 1. 76. Quod a iElsinus abbas intulit in Ely reliquias sancte WendreSe virginis et quod optinuit pretio a rege iEdelredo Cadenho et Strethle et duo Lintunum.

Predictus vero abbas iElfsinus, mentis liberalitate insignis, nee deerat ei vel nobilitas generis vel honestas secularis, unde apud memoratum regem non minus carus et honoratus extiterat, sed maxime circa Dei cultum assiduus intenderat. Quantum enimb ad utilitatem et sullimationem sue spiraret ecclesie°, discrete patet intelligence. Nam2 ipsum locum sublimius augere cupiens, etiam reliquias sacre virginis Wendrede a vico de Merch intulit in Ely et in scrinio ex auro et lapidibus decenter aptato imposuit et quidem super hec omnia regem convenit et, taxato pretio, has emit ab eo d possessiones, ut ex presenti innuitur carta. 77. Inde e hoc munimentum regis. Summo 3 et ineffabili rerum dispensatore f in eternum regnante, omnibus gradibus, qui in triquadro mundi cardine per theoricam vitam ad celestis ac indeficientis [fo. 6g] hbeatitudinis iocunditatem pervenirea satagunt, ultroneo devotionis affectu cum tota mentis alacritate illuc incunctanter adnitendum est, quod quidam sapiens sagaci mente considerans sic fida pbllicitatione ait: ' Meliorem autem ilium iudico et propinquiorem Deo qui voluntate bonus est quam ilium quern necessitas cogit'. Qua de re infima quasi peripsima quisquiliarium abiciens, superna adinstar pretiosorum monilium eligens, animum sempiternis * gaudiis figens, ad adipiscendam k melliflue dulcedinis misericordiam perfruendamque infinite letitie iocunditatem, ego ^ESelredus per omnipatrantis dexteram totius Brithtannie regni solio sublimatus,l quandam ruris particulam, videlicet xix cassatos in tribus locis que celebri Caddanno et Strethle m necnon et duo Lintunum n nuncupantur vocabulo, domino nostro Iesu Christo et sancto Petro, apostolorum principi, casteque virgini iESeldreSe ac sacris sororibus eius una cum ilia requiescentibus eterna largitus sum hereditate ad usus ° monachorum in Elyensi monasterio degentium. Sunt autem duo ex hisdem xix "6 This chapter is omitted in BG. enim on erasure F, ei E. " omni add. E. d ab eo om. 0. * This charter is omitted in BG and the only cartulary copies are in GM, with which it is collated. t disp'one G. ' pervenire interlined, in k a later hand F. h toto G. ' in add. M. ad adipiscendam on erasure F. 1 m Cad'danho E, Cadenho M, JEt Cadanno G. Stratleya M, JEt Stretle G. " et Lintona M, JEt twam Lintunum G. ° usu on erasure E. 1 2

See infra, ch. 86. St Wendred is the patron saint of March; apart from this nothing seems to be known about her [V.C.H., Cambs., iv, 119). 3 Date: 1008. Cadenho is Hadstock, Essex, where Ely held 2 hides in 1066 (Dd, ii, 19; Cadenhou). In Linton (Great and Little), Ely held no land in 1066 (see Farrer, Feudal Cambridgeshire, p. 65), and no estate there is mentioned in Edward the Confessor's charter (infra, ch. 92). For Strethle (Stretley Green, Strathall) see supra, ch. 58. Printed: K., no. 725.

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mansis in illo rure quod vocatur Cadenho , in Strethle x et in Lintune vii, pro quorum possessione prediorum abbas, nomine iElsinus, dedit regi prefato appensuram novem librarum purissimi auri iuxta magnum pondus Normannorum. Predicta equidem rura cum omnibus utensilibus, pratis videlicet, pascuis, molendinis et b silvis ab omni terrene servitutis iugo sint libera, tribus exceptis, rata videlicet expeditione, pontis arcisve restauratione. Siquis igitur hanc nostram donationem in aliud quam constituimus transferre voluerit, privatus consortio sancte Dei ecclesie eternis baratri incendiis lugubris iugiter cum Iuda Christi proditore eiusque complicibus puniatur, si non satisfactione emendaverit congrua quod contra nostrum deliquid decretum. Scripta c est hec cartula anno ab incarnatione Domini nostri Iesu Christi millesimo octavo, indictione d vi. 78. Quode ecclesia de Elyf locum administrandi in curia regis ex consuetudine optinet. Adiecit itaque gloriosus rex 9 gloria et honore Elyensem h decorare ecclesiam, sicut pollicitus fuerat quando eum illic cum matre et nobilibus ' regni sanctus iEdelwoldus adduxerat tempore fratris sui iEdwardi regis, ubi coram multitudine plebis ad sepulchrum beate virginis, cui affectu et multa dilectione deditus erat, se servum deinceps illius fore spopondit. Qui postea, suscepto regno, alterius regis se intelligens esse [fo. 6gv\ mancipium, sui regis precepta regaliter observabat et sponsam eius ecclesiam, tamquam matrem suam, donis et obsequiis sullimabat * et privilegiorum fune subligavit l . Sicque suum consummans propositum, eternam sibi propagavit memoriam, ut et finis esset sine fine et ad eum, qui fine caret, finem perveniret. Hinc igitur pius occulus suum ad sequentia transferat aspectum et digno intuitu rerum magis quam verborum perscrutans seriem, iocundo regi per hanc dispositissimam illius benivolentiam congaudeat. Statuit vero atque m concessit, quatenus ecclesia de Ely ex tune et semper in regis curia cancellarii" ageret dignitatem 1, 0 c

The names in G read as supra. * ac GM. Scriptum EFO. Scriptum to the end om.dG, adding His metis prephatum rus hinc inde giratur. in dedictione (de- expunged) F. f ' This chapter follows ch. 75 in BG. ecclesia Elyen' O. h " JEd (interlined) gla add. E. Elyensem om. O. k '1 -bus interlined E. sullimavit, -vit on erasure E. B wrote subligabat, -ba- expunged, -vi- interlined; -avit on erasure E. m atque . . . quatenus on erasure E. " cancellari E. 1 This claim that abbots of Ely, St Augustine's and Glastonbury from c. 970 to 1066 regularly performed a service which could be described as cancellarii dignitatem finds no confirmation elsewhere. There is no reference to such a privilege in the recorded tradition of St Augustine or Glastonbury and it is not likely to be confirmed by modern students of diplomatic. Yet the story is sufficiently detailed to warrant some kind of foundation. The last sentence of the chapter suggests that this may be the liberty, said to have been granted by Mt\ie\reA, when the abbey was trying to recover its customs after the conquest, and similarly referred to in Edward the Confessor's alleged charter of confirmation (infra, cc. 116, 92). It may be that Ely was, at least in the reign of ^Ethelred, associated with two of the most ancient English foundations in a right to have the custody of the royal sanctuary and that this privilege was referred to after the conquest by the then appropriate name of cancellarii dignitas. It is only once again mentioned explicitly in the L.E. (infra, ch. 85), in the reign of Cnut, and then in the less precise terms of

LIBER ELIENSIS 147 quod etiam aliis, Sancti videlicet Augustini et Glestonie, ecclesiis constituit, ut abbates istorum cenobiorum vicissim adsignatis succedendo temporibus annum tripharie dividerent, cum sanctuariis et ceteris ornatibus a altaris ministrando. Abbas quoque Elyensis cenobii semper in die purificationis sancte Marie ad administratorium opus procedebat in ipso Februarii mensis initio et sic ipse abbas, vel quern de fratribus destinaret, quantum temporis ei suppetebat per iiii menses, tertiam videlicet anni partem, cum summa diligentia illic officium reverenter supplevit, deinde alii, quos * diximus, residuum anni per adsignata sibi tempora explicabant. Hoc autem consuetudinis ab ipso renovationis sue tempore apud ecclesiam ad magnam loci provectionem et libertatem fuisse memoraturc nee ab aliunde impeti aut subici patiebatur, donee Anglia sub Normannorum iugo misere depressa ex omni pristino spoliatur honore, unde Elyensis ecclesia quondam famosissima, inter filias Ierusalem speciosa, que fuerat libera, calamitatis nunc oppressa amaritudine, et princeps provinciarum facta est sub tributo x. 79. Quomodo d reliquie alme virginis WendreSe ex hoc loco sublate sunt, et e quod regina Imma, sicut sub rege ^ESelredo hanc ecclesiam honoribus provexit, ita sub rege Canuto, secundo sponso eius, decore vestium adornavit.

Deinde cum rex iESelredus, licet inter frequentias bellorum, ut a se iram Domini f amoveret, quam per mortem fratris sui mitissimi regis vEdwardi incurrerat, et Dei misericordiam; optineret g, ecclesiis undique Anglorum bona gessisset h, {defunctus 2 est Lundonie post magnos labores et multas vite tribulationes, quas super eum venturas regalis k [fo. 70] consecrationis sue die post impositam coronam prophitico spiritu sanctus Dunstanus predixerat ei l . ' Quoniamm ', inquid, ' aspirasti ad regnum per mortem fratris tui, quem occidit mater tua, propter ea audi verbum Domini. Hec dicit Dominus: " Non deficiet gladius de domo tua, seviens in te omnibus diebus vite tue, interficiens de semine tuo, quousque regnum tuum transferatur " ornamentis E, followed by ornatibus lined through; ornamentis O. " Corr. from quod F; quod E. " memoratur on erasure F. d This chapter is omitted in BG. O begins: De obitu regis Ethelredi, de Edmundo filio suo, qui ei successit, et Canuto, qui successit iEdmundo, et quomodo . . . " E reads et quod; in F et and one letter, probably q, is erased; et quomodo 0. 1 A few letters erased after iEdwardi in F. " c' add. F later just beyond the normal beginning of a line. * A caret mark occurs here in the margin of G without any corresponding addition. It probably refers to the addition in 0 postquam xxxvii annos regnasset. ' defunctus est Lundonie om. O. k regalis . . . coronam om. O. ' ei interlined F, om. EO. m Quoniam . . . Corpus autem illius om. 0, adding defunctus est London et in ecclesia sancti Pauli sepultus quiescit anno Domini MXVI. Cui successit Edmundus . . . etc., see infra, p. 148, n. 1. ministerium in curia regis. Cf. V. H. Galbraith, Studies in the Public Records (1948), pp. 39-40, and for the evidence concerning ' chancery ' practice in the reign of Edgar cf. R. Drogereit in Archiv fur Urkundenforschung, vol. xiii (1935). 1 Thren., i, 1. 2 defunctus . . . sullimatus: derived from Florence, i, 172-73. The wording of Dunstan's prophecy is as found in Osbern's Vita Dunstani, pp. 114-15. ^Ethelred's death was commemorated at Ely on 23 April (Dickins, op. cit., p. 19).

148

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in regnum alienum, cuius ritum et linguam gens, cui presides, non novit. Nee expiabitur, nisi longa vindicta, peccatum tuum et peccatum matris tue et peccatum virorum qui interfuere consilio eius nequam ".' Corpus autem illius in ecclesia sancti Pauli honorifice est sepultum 1 . Post quem cives Lundonienses et pars nobilium, qui tune temporis considebant Lundonie, filium a eius iEdmundum, cognomento ferreumb latus, in regem levavere. Qui solii regalis culmine sullimatus), Dei fretus adiutorio, audacter contra exercitum Danorum occurrit {in 2 montem qui Assendun) nuncupatur, strenui militis et boni imperatoris omcium exequebatur; hostes simul {omnes proterreret, si perfldi ducis .SMrici non essent insidie. Totusque fere globus nobilitatis Anglorum^ illic cesus {est, qui nullo in bello maius unquam vulnus quam ibi acceperunt. Ubi iEdnodus Lincolliensis episcopusc, quondamd Ramesiensis prepositus, et Wlsius abbas, qui ad exorandum Deum pro milite bellum agente convenerant, interfecti sunt) et fratres de Ely, ut mos est ecclesie, qui cum re,liquiis ascenderante illuc, prostrati sunt et reliquie virginis alme WendreSe, quas secum attulerant, ablate nee usque nunc ecclesie sunt * restitute. Fertur enim quod g ab ipso rege * Canuto sublate sint et in Dorobernia reposite. Nee diu post 3 hec rex iEdmundus rediens Lundoniam, perimitur dolo predicti .ZEdrici veru ferreo in secreta nature transfixus, dum in secessu i sederet, et {sepultus est cum avo suo iEdgaro Glestonie), filiis eius et {fratribus nullam regni portionem) existimantibus, sed 0 filium . . . latus om. O. c episcopus . . . abbas on erasure d Ramesiensis quondam E. f sunt interlined E. h

rege interlined F, om. E.

F.

" ferreum on erasure F. e

accenderant E. ' quod on erasure F, tune add. E. ' cesessu F.

1 O here adds a note on the progeny of ^Ethelred adapted from iElred's Vita S. Edwardi, col. 741. The description of the accession of Edmund in 1016 is in the words of Florence, but omits his account, given at this point of the narrative, of the election of Cnut at Southampton. It is unlikely that the election of Cnut was also omitted in the version of Florence used by the compiler (which would bring it in line with the order of events as described in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (C and D, s.a. 1016), since he was acquainted with the version in Bodl. MS. 297 which —as other surviving MSS. of Florence—includes it. The compiler of the L.E. may have decided to retain the words of Florence while preferring the order of events in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. But it is more probable that he intended to extract from Florence primarily the account of the battle of Assandun and used the rest merely as a brief introduction to it, omitting everything not immediately relevant to his purpose. Cf. Introduction, supra, p. xxix. 2 This account of the battle of Assandun is derived from.Florence, i, 177, 175, 178, and common passages are shown within pointed brackets. Cf. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (C, D, E), s.a. 1016. The place at which this battle was fought is usually identified with Ashingdon, Essex (Essex Placenames, p. 177) and the obit of Bishop Eadnoth in the Ely kalendar fixes its date as 18 October (B. Dickins, op. cit., pp. 20, 21). Wulfsige was the second abbot of Ramsey and the Ramsey Chronicle (p. 118) accounts for his and Eadnoth's presence at the battle in words similar to those of the L.E., ' qui cum multis aliis religiosis personis, juxta morem Anglorum veterem, ibidem convenerant ..." 3 post . . . portionem: the passages shown within pointed brackets are from Florence, i, 179, but he does not record the manner of Edmund's death. The L.E. here gives a version of the legend found in Will. Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, i, 217-18 and Henry Hunt., Hist. Anglorum, p. 186, as well as in Walter Map, De Nugis Curialium, Dist. v, ch. 4 and Gaimar, Lestorie des Engles, 11. 4399-4428. The development of the legend is discussed by C. E. Wright, op. cit., pp. 198-205. Edmund's death was commemorated at Ely on 29 November (Dickins, op. cit., p. 19).

LIBER ELIENSIS

149

Canutus ab omni Anglorum populo in regnum levatur. Sicque ° infra duos annos tres reges Anglie prefuerunt, ut adimpleretur quod sanctus Dunstanus ad regem .ZESelredum locutus est in sermone Domini. Cuius reginam 1 iElgivam, alio b nomine Emmam, idem rex Canutus in coniugium accepit, que, sicut in alterius c tempore Elyensem ecclesiam honoribus decoravit et donis, ita et sub isto illam augmentare intendit. Insignem quoque purpuram, aurifriso undique cinctam, fecit d et per partes auro et gemmis pretiosis mirifico opere velud tabulatis adornavit illicque [fo. yov] optulit e , ut nulla alia in Anglorum regione talis operis et pretii inveniatur. Opus quippe illius materiam precellere videtur atque ceteris sanctis nostris pannum sericum unicuique, licet minoris pretii, auro et gemmis intextum, optulit, que penes nos hactenus reponuntur 2. Fecit etiam indumenta altaris, magnam pallam viridi f coloris insignem a cum laminis aureis, ut in faciem altaris per diem sollemnem Celsius appareret, et h desuper bissus sanguineo fulgore in longitudinem altaris et ad cornua eius attingens usque ad terram cum aurifriso, latitudinem habens pedis, spectaculum decoris magni pretii administrat. 80. De 1 transitu iElfsini abbatis, cui Leofwinus successit et ei Leofricus, ambo succedente tempore consecrati ab ^lfwino Elmanensi episcopo. Preterea ^Elsinus, supramemoratus Elyensis ecclesie abbas, gratia sanctitatis decoratus, obiit k in observantia mandatorum Dei post multam gloriam et possessiones ecclesie adquisitas. Complevit autem dies suos in senectute bona et positus l iuxta predecessorem suum, eiusdem ecclesie abbatem primum, in mausoleo est conditus. Decessit autem tempore regis ^ESelredi, a quo ipse abbas constitutus fuerat, ac plenus dierum locum pastore vacuum reliquid 3. Cui Oschitellus, alio nomine Leofwinus appellatus, successit in locum, sed morte preveniente modico prefuit tempore. Huius vero mentionem in scriptis nostris nusquam reperimus, nisi tantum in cronico Anglico legitur 4, quod ille, deiectus a suis, cum iEgelnoSo Dorbernensi archiepiscopo, petente pallium, Romam perrexit, ubi m in conspectu Benedicti pape de sibi obiectis se purgavit criminibus et sic in gratiam suorum recipi meruit. Post b ° Sicque interlined F, om. E. aliam F. "4 Corr. from illius F, illius EO. e cinctam fecit on erasure F. illicque optulit interlined E. f viridis 0. ' insigne F. *1 et om. E; et desuper bissus on erasure F. This chapter is omitted in BG and follows ch. 72 in 0. k obiit interlined E. 1 m et positus on erasure F, positus om. E. ubi add. in the margin E. 1 2 3

reginam . . . accepit: from Florence, i, 181, except for the second version of her name. Listed in the inventory of 1134, infra, Book III, ch. 50. The Ely tradition of the date of the death of Abbot iElfsige is confused. See infra, App.4D, p. 411. This reference must be to A.S.C., where the entry is found in E and F, s.a. 1022. It occurs elsewhere only in Henry Hunt., Hist. Anglorum, p. 187 and Waverley Annals, p. 178. Presumably the compiler used E or, like these others, a predecessor of it. For the suggestion that this entry in A.S.C., E, was written after the York clergy had been to Ely for the burial of Archbishop Wulfstan, see The Peterborough Chronicle (Early English Manuscripts in Facsimile, vol. iv, 1954), p. 30.

o

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quern ipsius loci prepositus Leofricus in regimen est assumptus, ambo diversis succedentes temporibus 1. Unde factum est, ut hos b iios ibi abbates benediceret iElwinus Elmanensisc episcopus, tam rege Canuto precipiente, quam toto conventu id petente. 81. De d Estre, Fanbrige e, et Thrirlinges '. In diebus Leofrici abbatis, regnante Canuto, quedam femina, Godiva nomine, cuiusdam comitis derelicta fuit, que post ipsius obitum bona sua ecclesiis divisit, ut ad meritorum suorum participes forent apud Deum 2. Ad sponsam domini Iesu jESeldreSam orationum excubias actitans, loci amenitate et fratrum devotione in maximum erga eos ascenditur9 amorem h, unde de suo iure aliqua rura, sed precipua, [fo. 71] beate virgini et Deo illic ministrantibus donavit et in testamento Anglice confirmavit, quorum hie nomina memorantur: iEstre 3, Fanbrege, Terlinges. 82. Privilegium > Canuti regis de mutatione villarum Chefle et Dittune. In * nomine Christi salvatoris mundi im perpetuum regnantis, cuius sunt dispositione universi ordines et potestates totius dignitatis et principatus ordinati, qui iure cunctis principatur et dominatur utpote creator omnium, ego Canutus k rex totius gentis Angligene eiusque ' amore provocatus et venerabilis Orientalis episcopi iElfwini et abbatis Leofrici monasterii Elyensis m et fratrum eorundem petitionibus incitatus ac pro remedio anime mee feci commutationem apud abbatem eiusdem monasterii, Leofricum scilicet, dando eis reciproca vicissitudine villam que n proprio notamine appellatur Dittune cum omnibus ad se iure attinentibus ° in longitudine et in latitudine, ut mihi in potestate stetit, accipiens quoque pro ea * villam silvosam, vocabulo Chefle q, cum omnibus que ad earn attingunt, in pratis, in pascuis, in silvis " Leofricus in regimen written on erasure in ac different hand, E. " os F. Corr. to Elmahensis F. d In BG this chapter follows ch. y8. " Fanbrege EG. h t Thirlingges EG. « accenditur BG. affectum BG. ' This charter is omitted in BG. It is here collated with copies in EO and in the cartularies CDM. CD have the heading: Bis is Dictunes boc pe was gehwyrfed wiS Ceaflea. * Cnut CDM. ' -que om. CDM. "> Elgensis CDM. "v villam que on erasure F. ° pertinentibus D. ea villam silvosam vo- on erasure F. " Ceaflea CD, Cheaflea M. 1 2

On the dates of Abbots Leofwine and Leofric see infra, App. D, p. 411. If the references to Abbot Leofric and Cnut are correct the bequest must have been made between c. 1022 and c. 1029 and this cannot be the famous Godgifu, the wife of Earl Leofric of Mercia, as he did not die before 1057, nor the Godgifu, wife of Earl Siward mentioned in K., no. 927. Cf. Miller, Ely, p. 22, n. 10; Hart, Essex Charters, no. 44, p. 23. 3 High Easter, Essex, which Esgar the Staller held pro manerio in 1066 and which Ely reclaimed from his successor Geoffrey de Mandeville (Dd, ii, fo. 60). See infra, ch. 96. South Fambridge, Essex, where Ely claimed 3J hides in 1086 (Dd, ii, fo. 97b). Terling, Essex, identified with an unnamed hide in Witham hundred which Ely claimed in 1086 (V.C.H., Essex, i, 429). Cf. Hart, op. cit., p. 23. 4 Date: 1022. Printed: K., no. 734; Monasticon, i, 475-76; Gale, Scnptores XV, pp. 522-23. For a comment on this charter see infra, App. D, p. 417.

LIBER ELIENSIS 151 et in quibuslibet negotiis. Facta est hec commutatio anno incarnationis Dominice millesimo vigesimo secundo. Indictione quinta ab. Epacte quindecim. Concurrentes septem. Die festivitatis sancte iESeldreSe regine et virginis, que sanctis suis meritise cum sororibus suis, videlicet Withburga,f Sexburga et filie" Sexburge d jErmenilda , illud monasterium patrocinatur et regit . Siquis hanc nostram placitamhvicissitudinem malo g molimine machinatur mutare absque voluntate servorum Dei monasterio illo inhabitantium, sit pars eius cum diabolo, participium sumens de omnibus penis eius eternaliter, nee contingat ei perpetualiter vicissitudo, cuius vicissitudine possit sibi gaudium aliquod in hoc seculo vel in futuro sperare K 83. De k Berechinge. Tune ' restat edicere, qualiter fidelis Domini Godiva 1 iElfricum episcopum et m Leofricum abbatem de Ely per scripta salutavit et quod de salute sua eis ostendere voluit. Sic quoque ait: ' O domini mei, ego infelix mulier, quamvis circa salutem anime mee minus provide intenderim et tempus exitus mei instat, cum adhuc licet operari, beatitudini vestre insinuo, quid ad dominam meam sacratissimam virginem iESeldreSam in Ely cqnstituo fieri de bonis meis atque concede Hoc est, terram de Berchinges, [fo. yiv\ que michi iuris est parentum hereditate, illic perpetualiter impertior, ut apud eos mei iugiter memoria sit. h °e quinta ep- on erasure F. ^EtheldrySe C. d Sic MSS., intended for filia. Sexburgis CM, Sexburhgis D. 1 " TErmenhilda C, Eormenild M. -it interlined F. h » mala E. in add. COM. > CDM continue: His astipulationibus fulcitur hec commutatio. Inprimis ego Cnut basileus totius Albionis gentis cum vivifico signo crucis corroboravi, eque perhenniter volo ut inviolabiliter ab omnibus fidelibus roboretur. Ego iElfgifu regina prescripti regis cum omni alacritate mentis hoc sancivi, ut perpetualiter inconcussum sit. Ego Wlfstanus archiepiscopus Eboracensis civitatis apostolica auctoritate confirmavi. Ego iE^elnoSus modernus archipresul Cantuariorum cum principalitate et decreto Petri principis apostolorum confirmavi. Ego Gerbrandus Roscylde parochie Danorum gente confirmavi. Ego Brihtwoldus episcopus confirmavi. Ego jElfsinus episcopus corroboravi. Ego iESericus episcopus consolidavi. Ego jElmerus episcopus consignavi. Ego Leofsinus episcopus affirmavi. Ego >5S8elwinus episcopus consensi. Ego Bryhtwinus episcopus stabilivi. Ego iElfwig episcopus sancivi. Ego Godwinus episcopus corroboravi. (The last witness in M.) Ego iElfwinus Orientalium Anglorum episcopus, qui hanc vicissitudinem petivi ut fieret cum consensu eiusdem regis Cnut, corroborando sancivi. Ego Bryhtwig abbas. Ego iElfsige abbas. Ego .ZEluere abbas. Ego jESelwinus abbas. Ego iElmerus abbas. Ego iElfwerdus abbas. Ego Leofwinus abbas. Ego iESelstanus abbas. Ego Yric comes assentiendo corroboravi. Ego Eglaf comes ratum duxi stabilire sapientum decretum. Ego Godwine comes quod dominus meus rex statuit confirmo. Ego Godricus m'. Ego M~6e\winus m'. Ego Durstanus m'. Ego Drymm m'. Ego Wulfricus m'. Ego ^Elfwinus satrapa. Ego iElfwig satrapa. Ego ^Elfricus satrapa (om. D.). Ego Godwinus satrapa. Ego iElfwerdus satrapa. l m * In BG this chapter follows ch. 8z. Nunc BGE. per altered to pro F. 1 Perhaps the same as the Godgifu of ch. 81. The bishop is probably ^Jlfric II of Elmham who succeeded sometime after 1022 and died in 1038 (Anglo-Saxon Chron. E and Florence, s.a.), and the outer limits for the date of this bequest are no more closely defined than by the probable dates of Leofric's tenure of the abbacy 1022 X 1029. For another grant of land at Barking (Suffolk) see supra, p. 144.

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84. A" quo benedicitur abbas Leofsinus Elyensis, et que bona illic gessit, et quod ex nutu regis Canuti annua firma ecclesie constituitur.

Ut autem rex Canutus imperium suscepisset, predecessorum suorum regum accensus b devotione erga beatissimam iESeldreSam et loci sancti ministros, Lefsinum quoque eiusdem ecclesie pastorem, qui Leofrico successerat et diu absque benedictione fuerat, apud Walewich ad se accersitum ab Egelnodo Dorbernensi archiepiscopo sacrari precepit1. Hie non suam, sed Domini, gloriam exposcens, summo studio locum provehere studuit et ut neminem in congregatione monachum susciperent, nisi electosc in scientia d et preclaros genere, quorum largitione ecclesia sullimius ditaretur, et fratrese solito deinceps victum et vestitum habundantius haberent; qui vero in mobilibus se suscipi in eorum consortium rogarent, ad numerum monachorum frustratim quicquid offerrent divideretur et iuxta panes cunctorum in refectorio sive aurum sive argentum quique partes ex oblato perciperent, et sic pari consilio, ad quodcumque opus erat, in commune locaretur. Taliter locus extrinsecus in possessionum affluentia accrevit et decore vestium intrinsecus adornatur. Prohibuit maxime nullum permitti de indigenis ministrare in loco, sed potius de externis, dicens ab eis cavendum esse, optans illos quemadmodum in evangelio Dominus suos premuniri voluit discipulos a fermento Phariseorum 2. Addidit quoque ornamenta insignia in decorem domus Dei, inter que albam preclaram cum amicto, cum superale / , cum stola et manipulo, ex auro et lapidibus contextis, atque infula rubea, mirando opere subtus et desuper »floribushretro extensa, et velud quodam tabulatu gemmis et auro ante munitur, cuius opus exponere non sufficimus 3. Vasa enim aurea fecit et argentea in ministerium Domini, que in seditione postea Normannorum exposita sunt 4. Supra gregem Domini pater iste instanter vigilias adibuit obsecrando, increpando, in mansuetudine miscens temporibus tempora, illud semper et potius affectans beati Benedicti: 'plus amari quam timeri'. Statuit etiam nutu et favore ipsius regis firmas consignando, que per annum ecclesie in cibum sufficerent 5 et potius electe de vicis et arvis j que abundantiore dulcedine et uberiori 0 c

b This chapter is omitted in BG. accensus on erasure F. d nisi electos on erasure E. scienscia F. ' -bi- interlined, -bus se sus- on erasure F. ' -ale on erasure E, followed by cum stola in the margin. h j ° et desuper on erasure F. opus interlined E. arvis on erasure F.

1 a 8 5

For the dates of Abbots Leofric and Leofsige see infra, App. D, p. 411. Cf. Matth., xvi, 6, 11; Marc, viii, 15; Luc, xii, 1. 4 Both gifts are listed in the inventory of 1134, infra, Book III, ch. 50. Infra, ch. i n . This system of farming the demesne manors at Ely is fully discussed by Miller, Ely, pp. 38-39. It must have been imposed before the death of Cnut in 1035. Most of the estates listed here have already been mentioned as acquired before the time of Abbot Leofsige. Of the others, Stetchworth and Balsham were left to Ely before the death of Cnut (infra, ch. 88); of Marham and Colne we do not know how or when they came to Ely. An estate at Nedging (Suffolk) was left to Bury St Edmunds by iElmaed, wife of Ealdorman Brihtnoth, but St Edmunds owned no land there in 1066 (Whitelock, Wills, pp. 38, 143) and it may have found its way to Ely. But if Brecheham is Barham (Suffolk), where Ely held 4 carucates in 1066 (Dd, ii, fo. 383b), some suspicion must attach to this version of Leofsige's allocation of farms, as Barham was not bought until the time of his successor Wulfric (infra, ch. 97). The inclusion of Wetheringsett also creates difficulties. It may have been bequeathed to Ely before the death of Cnut by Leofwaru, but

LIBER ELIENSIS 153 a cespite segetes creare noscuntur, quorum [fo. 72] hie nomina inferuntur : In primis Sceldford cduarum solvit nrmam ebdomadarum, Stapelford unius b, Litleberi duarum, Tripelaue duarum, Havechestune unius, et Neutune unius, Meldeburne duarum, Grantedene duarum, Thoftes unius, et Cotenham unius, et Wivelingeham unius, Dittune duarum, et d Horningeseie duarum, Stevecheworde duarum, Belesham duarum, Kadenho " quatuor dierum, Seufham dierum trium, Spaldewic duarum ebdomadarum, Sumeresham duarum, Bluntesham unius, et Colne unius, Herdherst unius, Drenchestune unius, Ratelesdene duarum / , Hecham duarum, Berechinge duarum, Necdingeg unius, Wederingesete unius, Brecheham duarum, Pulham duarum, Thorpe et Dirham duarum, Nordwolde duarum, Feltewelle duarum, Merham vero ad vehendum nrmam ecclesie de Nortfolche h, ad suscipiendum ingredientes et egredientes de monasterio. Et hec siquid minus statuto suis conferrent temporibus, insula ad hoc deputata ' reliquum suppleret. 85. Qua k dimcultate ad suam festivitatem rex Canutus in Ely pervenit et, de longe audiens monachos, cantilenam composuit. Quodam 1 igitur l tempore cum idem rex Canutus ad Ely navigio tenderet, comitante ilium regina sua Emma et optimatibus regni, volens illic iuxta morem purificationem sancte mMarie sollempniter agere, quando abbates Ely suo ordine incipientes ministerium in regis curia habere solent 2, et dum terre approximarent, rex in medio virorum erigens se, nautis innuit ad portum pusillum ocius tendere et tardius navem ineundo protrahere iubet; ipsen oculos in altum contra ecclesiam, que haut prope eminet, in ipso rupis vertice sitam , vocem undique dulcedinis resonare sensit et erectis auribus quo magis accedit amplius melodiam haurire cepit: percepit namque hoc esse monachos in cenobio psallentes et clare divinas horas modulantes: ceteros qui aderant in navibus per circuitum ad se venire et secum iubilando canere exortabatur; ipsemet ore proprio iocunditatem cordis exprimens, cantilenam his verbis Anglice composuit dicens, cuius exordium sic continetur: ' Merie sungen Se muneches binnen Ely inge a" J>aes [J>e bb] ic him geunnen cc hsebbe ad. God eow gehaeldeee. 95a. [fo. yyv] Item ff de eodem. Hanc quippe epistolam in Latinum duxi commutandum et sic in gg hystoriam l °c vel G. eius om. G. CDGM, 9822 continue: Fiat. Fiat. Placet? Placet. Laudatis ? Laudamus. Hoc sit stabile. Fiat. Fiat. Fiat. g822 adds Coll[ati]o est facta cum originali bulla xvii die Febr' A.D. 1388 apud Dodyngton per dominum J. episcopum Eliensem et fratrem Will' Pikworth. d This chapter is omitted in BG. 'f This writ is not in BG. It is here collated with copies in EO and the cartularies CDG. h kyng D. 'maelle E. biscopas F. > scyrepen EO. * than F. 1 }>aer F. land CFO. " liccat CF, liggat 0. » frendlice EO. * p CD, )>et E. « habe E. ' binnen E. ' toll CEO. * ferdwite E. " hamsochne E. * grij>bryce F, grif>brice EO. v w x wirce F. him om. MSS., emended Harmer, Writs, p. 225. ande F. * f>aere FO, f>ere E. fredwite F. ' In BG this chapter follows ch. go and is the last chapter of Book II. 1 mea F. « pretermitebant F. " regni corr. to regis F. 1 Miss Harmer suggests that the translator here ' fails to render the idiomatic sitte his man . . . wyrce, and substitutes a clause which is more commonplace ' (Writs, p. 224). Perhaps in his attempt to interpret the phrase he fell back on the wording of William I's confirmation at Kentford (infra, ch. 117). 2 For the acquisition of High Easter see supra, ch. 81. It descended to Geoffrey de Mandeville with Esgar's estates and became the site of his castle at Pleshey. Ely was to reclaim it in 1086, but without success (Dd, ii, fo. 60). Esgar, said to have been a grandson of Tofi the Proud, was a prominent landowner in several counties in addition to Essex. For a brief note on him see Harmer, Writs, p. 560, Robertson, Charters, p. 464, V.CH. Essex, i, 343. The outside limits3 for the date are set by the accession and death of Abbot Wulfric, ?IO44 x 1065. It is translated by the term constabularius below. He is elsewhere referred to in Latin as regis dapifer (K., no. 808), regiae procurator aulae (K., no. 813, spurious), or simply minister, but not as dux. On the meaning of the term ' staller ' see F. M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, 4 Isai., 6

xiv, 13, 14. Dei iudicio: part of the excerpt from the addition to Florence in Bodl. 297 as given infra,

ch.

101. p

166

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ELIENSIS

effectus, compulsus est pervenire. Quippe cordis sui ductus livore et avaritia, donationes fidelium, quas Deo promta voluntate pro sui et suorum redemptione adsignaverant, divertit et pro libito disponit, sed ecclesia ius suum continue reclamante et testamentum donantis et prescriptum regis privilegium 1 in ipsum publice ostendente. Unde [fo. yS] plurimum obiurgatus necnon a rege correptus, in se reversus prece nititur tandem ° optinere b quod iniqua manu rapere cunctatus non est. Mi vero hoc cognoscenf,es, ut filii Dei pacem cum omnibusc habentes, suis tune petitionibus annuunt, dimiserunt ei, quamvis ad sui incommodum, ita ut iureiurando post ipsius vitam ab omni suorum inquietudine libera d ad ecclesiam possessio rediret. Quod quidem factum est et scripto Anglici sermonis designatum, atque hoc, ut cetera, ex Anglico translatum in seriem adducimus, et hie textus eiusdem: Igitur abbas Wlfricus et conventus Elyensis ecclesie statuerunt cum Esgaro Stallere, quatenus idem Esgarus cum Dei benedictione et illorum permissione terram de Estre habeat in vita sua atque possideat et post diem illius cum omnibus que in ea fuerint libere ad ecclesiam revertatur. Huius enim concessionis predictus rex ^Edwardus et regina cum optimatibus regni testes existunt, sicut hactenus geste rei scriptum perhibet e . 97. Quomodo abbas Wlfricus quasdam' ecclesie possessiones, nesciente conventu, fratri suo concessit, et de ipsius obitu. Porro idem abbas gradum suum in honore primum servavit et sollicite locum rebus cumulare studuerat. Nam cum quodam comite, Elgaro nomine2, habuit conventionem et manerium de Bercam ' 3 ab eo emit pro viginti quinque marcis auri et in presignata regis carta, quam adquisierat, connrmari fecit 4. Et quamvis 0 tandem interlined E. 0 omnibus lined through d

add. F. libera . . . quidem on erasure F. ' peribet E. In BG Book II ends here. * quosdam EF, corr. to quasdam F.

b

optin'ere E.

' Bercham E.

1 This can refer only to King Edward's general charter of confirmation (supra, ch. 92) and, if the statement is founded on fact, would imply that the document from which ch. 92 has been adapted contained a list of the possessions of Ely. But it is impossible to say how much of the detail in this chapter is derived from the antiqua loci scripta and how much from the twelfth century writer's inference and objection to Abbot Wulfric's alienation of church lands. The reference to the charter may well have been added by him to strengthen his case that the agreement with Esgar had not been voluntarily made, and in this case may therefore be evidence only of the use made of King Edward's charter in its twelfth century form and not proof of its authenticity. Even if the chapter as a whole is derived from the antiqua loci scripta, these may not go back to a date earlier than the Norman conquest, since the details of this transaction with Esgar, as of that with Guthmund (ch. 97), may have been put into writing to substantiate the abbey's plea against Geoffrey de Mandeville and Hugh de Montford (ch. 97). 2 jElfgar, son of Earl Leofric of Mercia, and himself earl first of East Anglia (1051-52 and 1053-57), then of Mercia (1057-62). The date of his death is not known, except that he must have died before January 1066, the date of Edward the Confessor's death. For a brief note on his career see Harmer, Writs, pp. 546-47. Cf. supra, ch. 84, where Brecheham is listed among the food farms allocated by Abbot Leofsige. 3 Presumably Barham, Suffolk, where Ely had 4 carucates in 1066 (Dd, ii, fo. 383b). 4 This must refer to King Edward's general charter of confirmation, supra, ch. 92.

LIBER ELIENSIS 167 hoc commodum sue gessisset ecclesie, noluit intelligere ut in finem bene ageret, sed evanuit a cogitationibus suis, curis seculi se implicando, gloriam appetens humanam, unde in ignominiam et improperium corruit. Habuit enim fratrem, GuSmundum ° vocabulo, cui filiam prepotentis viri in matrimonium coniungi paraverat. Sed quoniam ille quadraginta hidarum terre dominium minime optineret, licet nobilis esset, inter proceres tune numerari non potuit, eum puella repudiavit*. Unde pudore nimium suffusus ad abbatem rediit, conquerens infortunium sibi illatum et, ut ei aliqua ecclesie rura pro fraternitate committeret, intentius exorat, ne nunc honoris nomine presertim optata matrimonii copula frustraretur. Abbas vero nimium carnaliter amans fratrem, absque titulo et subscriptionis testimonio hec subiuncta maneria illib sed tantum in presto dimisit, partem videlicet de Merham cum curia ville, Liveremere, Nachentune, Acholt, BerdenesteSe, Gerboldesham, et hoc non manifeste, ne monachis innotesceret, non previdens aut precavens quantum criminis et discriminis sit ad momentum etiam res sacras et bona Domino oblata laicorum [fo. j8v] manibus exponere, ut perfecta matrimonii celebratione absque controversia recipere deberet. Quod factum monachos diu non latuit, qui eum, ut decuit, pro tali transgressione probris et obiurgationibus proterve infestabant. Ipse vero multomagis factum expavit, ad unum quem c exposuerat secessit locum, Acolt vocitatum, merens coram omnibus in Deum et animam suam contra professionem sui ordinis peccatum, immo scelus, perpetrasse, distraens bona de loco sancto que pretium erant piorum in redemptionem animarum eorum. Ibi dum aliquamdiu moras ageret, ex animi confusione ac perturbatione in languorem decidit, sed remedium salutis exspectans, cum meliorari credidit, obiit et in Ely ad sepeliendum deportatur 2. Illic namque mori salubre existimavit d, ut per mortem suam claresceret ecclesiam debere conquirere quod negligenter et indigne consensum prebuit extulisse. Post cuius mortem frater eius supradictus GuSmundus nequaquam easdem terras reliquid, sed facta conventionee cum abbate Turstano, qui ipsi successerat, ut, quamdiu viveret, teneret, sed citius Normannis regnum obtinentibus 3 miles illorum quidam Hugo de Munford easdem terras invasit et hactenus ecclesie detinuit 4. " -trem GuS- on erasure F. c quod E. ' convetione F. 1

b d

illi interlined E. -ist- interlined F, estimavit E.

For Guthmund's dominium see infra, App. D, p. 424. For the date of his death see infra, App. D, p. 412. The same phrase is used in the account of Esgar the Staller (supra, ch. 96). 4 On Hugh de Montford, one of the chief despoilers of Ely, see Davis, Regesta, i, p. xxvi. He attests as late as 1092, but seems to have been succeeded by his son immediately after this. Therefore if this phrase is interpreted precisely, this chapter is based on an account written in the period immediately after the Norman conquest (cf. supra, ch. 96). But it is perhaps more probable that the compiler means only that these estates were never recovered. This is true of all the estates mentioned (with the possible exception of Marham, if the estate which Bishop Nigel retrieved there included Hugh's share as well as that of William of Warenne; cf. Miller, Ely, p. 169), and, taken in this sense, hactenus could apply to the latter end of the twelfth century when the L.E. itself was compiled. 2

3

168

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ELIENSIS

98. Quomodo abbatiam de Ely Stigandus archiepiscopus tenuit et quanta illic ornamenta tribuit.

Post discessum vero abbatis Wlfrici Stigandusa Dorobernie archiepiscopus abbatiam de Ely, sed et episcopatus atque abbatias sibi assumpsit plurimas et gratia utriusque domini sui, ^Edwardi scilicet et Haroldi regum, eas propriis pastoribus viduatas, quamdiu voluit, in sua manu tenuit et quibus voluit personis conferebat. Nam Wintoniensem, Clastoniensem, Sancti Albani et Sancti Augustini et Elyensem ante Turstanum abbatem 1 abbatias in manu sua receperat et, hvelud proprias, possidebat. Ipso quoque suggerente, Haroldus, qui regnum sceptri tenebat, ipsum Turstanum ab eodem Stigando benedici fecit. Etenim Stigandus, quamvis substituto illic abbate, causas ecclesie agebat, sed quasdam illius optimas 2possessiones, sicut liber terrarum insinuat, ad maximum loci dispendium retinuit . Deditque tamen e dona cenobiis affluenter, presertim hiis que in manu sua cognoscitur tenuisse. In Ely quippe vasa maiora et minora de auro et argento in ministerium sacri altaris contulit, que in deditionem Willelmi regis magni comminuta sunt et distructa "•3. Fecerat quoque illic crucem magnam deargentatam desuper totam cum imagine domini nostri Iesu Christi ad magnitudinem forme [fo. 78(0.)] illius atque similis operis imagines iuxta sancte Dei genitricis Marie et sancti Iohannis evangeliste ex ere fabrefactas,4 quas Nigellus episcopus ac plurima alia postmodum abstulit atque comminuit . Insuper albam fecit et cappam cantoris atque inestimabilis facture et pretii casulam, qua nulla in regno ditior aut pretiosior estimatur, que postea a predicto rege sublata hactenus recuperari non valuit. 99. De Osmundo episcopo. Nunc dicendum est de Osmundo pontifice 5, inter supradictos pridem honorifice translato, qui, de SueStheda regione, ubi episcopus extiterat, veniens in Angliam, Edwardo regi aliquandiu adherebat eiusque curiam cum magna ipsius regis gratia sequebatur. Erat autem vir grandevus et honorabilis cunctisque regni primatibus pro reverentia sui amabatur. Dum igitur versaretur in regali curia, fama Elyensis " Stigardus F. c tamen interlined E. 1 2 3 4

* sceptrum regni O. distracta E.

d

On the date of Thurstan's accession see infra, App. D, p. 412. On Stigand's relations with Ely see infra, App. D, p. 425. Infra, ch. 111. None of these gifts is mentioned among the treasures removed by Bishop Nigel (infra, Book III, cc. 78, 89) and only the cope is listed as Stigand's in the inventory of 1134 (Book III, ch. 50). 5 Osmund occurs c. 1050 as a bishop of Skara in Sweden under King Emund Slemme, but his reputation stood less high with Adam of Bremen than at Ely. Osmund is reproved in the Gesta Hamburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum (Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum), lib. iii, cap. xv, pp. 155-56, for improperly seeking episcopal consecration at Rome. Having failed there and succeeding only to have himself consecrated by the archbishop of Gnesen, he is then shown as boasting of consecration at the hands of the pope and of vaunting himself as archbishop, and, in spite of having been a pupil of the school of Bremen, he is accused of corrupting new converts by ' non sana fidei nostrae doctrina'. Presumably he fell from favour on the death of King Emund c.

1060.

LIBER ELIENSIS 169 religionis delectatus, locum ipsum visitare decrevit, volens ibi reliquum vite tempus transigere, si fratrum gratia cum sua voluntate concordaret. Quo perveniens, loci amenitate et fratrum devotione detinetur et, in plenam fraternitatem receptus, omnia episcopalia apud eos eorum petitione faciebat. Hoc enim soluma omnes episcopi hue se conferentes sibi retinuerunt, ut relicta cura episcopatuum solum episcopale officium exercerent1. Duravit autem piissimus vir iste apud hanc ecclesiam a temporibus Wlfrici abbatis, qui eum susceperat, usque ad tempora Turstani abbatis. Sub quo defunctus, episcopalia ornamenta hie, dum viveret, concessa nobis dereliquid et tandem de veteri sepultura a nobis translatus in pace requiescit. 100. De obitu regis .<Edwardi et quod Haraldus post eum regnum suscepit, qui Thurstanum in Ely abbatem constituit. {Anglorum 2 decus pacificus rex jEdwardus, quamvis curis secularibus multum esset occupatus, abiectis tamen plerumque noxiis honoribus, divinorum studiorum erat indagator fervidus. Unde rex regum multa ei archana revelavit et nonnulla de futuris, sicut seniorum relatione didicimus, insinuavity Interim cum omnem vitam Deo dicatam bin vera innocentia duceret, {morte 3 obiit Lundonie 4 et in crastino sepultus est regio more, ab omnibus qui tune affuere non sine lacrimis plangebatur amarissime. Quo tumulato, subregulus Haraldus, Godwini ducis filius, quem rex ante suam decessionem regni successorem elegerat.a totius Anglieprimatibus ad regale culmen electus, die eodem ab Aldredo Eboracensi archiepiscopo in regem honorifice consecratur c. Et mox) accepto regno, Turstanum in Ely, [fo. 78{a)v] mortuo nuper Wlfrico patre eiusdem monasterii, contulit d abbatem 5, virum probatee virtutis et abstinentie, Anglice et Latine sufficienter a puero ipso in loco eductum . h " episcopatum F. est om. Florence. " est honorifice consecratus Florence, quia Stigandus archiepiscopus Cantuar' ab Allexandro papa tanquam scismaticus suspensus erat added in the margin of E in a hand probably of the fifteenth century. The note is derived from Diceto, ii, ig?, which refers to the consecration of William I. d constituit E. ' edoctum E; edoctum vel eductum 0. 1

On the claim to this privilege see supra, ch. 65, and infra, App. C, p. 402. 2 Anglorum . . . insinuavit: from the version of Florence, with additions, as found in Bodl., 297. Florence, as represented by the MSS. underlying Thorpe's edition (i, 224), recorded King Edward's death in the words ' Anglorum decus, pacificus rex Eadwardus, iEgelredi regis filius, postquam xxiii annis, mensibus vi et xxvii diebus potestate regia praefuit Anglo-Saxonibus, indictione iv, Epiphaniae Domini vigilia, feria v, mortem obiit Lundoniae '. In Bodl., 297 this entry is preceded by King Edward's vision of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus and by his prophecy of imminent disasters, i.e. a passage beginning (p. 373), ' Quamvis Eaduuardus . . . insinuavit'. Bodl., 297 (p. 375) then inserts the passage ' Quid de Anglia dicam ? . . . exhereditati sunt', which the L.E. uses in the next chapter (infra, p. 171, n. 2). On the relationship between Bodl., 297 and the L.E. see Introduction, supra, p. xxviii. The death of King Edward was commemorated at Ely on 5 January (Dickins, op. cit., p. 19). 3 morte . . . mox: from Florence, as printed, i, 224. 4 O here gives the full dating clause as found in Florence (cited supra, n. 2), except the indiction, but adds ' sepultus est in ecclesia sancti Petri apud Westmonasterium quam ispe restauravit et possessionibus ditavit '. 6 Cf. infra, ch. 105 and App. D, p. 412.

170

LIBER ELIENSIS

ioi. Quod rex Haraldus post annum interemptus est ° a duce Normannorum Willelmo, qui ius regni bello optinuit. Rex igitur Haraldus (mox 1 ut regni gubernacula susceperat, leges 2 iniquas destruere, equas cepit condere, ecclesiarum ac monasteriorum patronus fieri, episcopos, abbates, monachos, clericos colere simul ac venerari, pium, humilem affabilemque se bonis omnibus exhibere, malefactores exosos habere * et pro patrie defensione ipsemet terra marique desudare), sed per modicum tempus in parva letitia et iocunditate tenens imperium, regnum 3 cum vita perdidit. Interea {nuntiatum 4 est ei Willelmum comitem gentis Normannice cum innumera multitudine fundibalariorum, sagittariorum, peditumque advenissec et in loco, qui Pefnese d dicitur, suam classem apulisse. Unde rex statim versus Lundoniam suum movit exercitum magna cum festinatione et, licet e mediam partem sui exercitus nondum congregaret / , quam citius tamen potuit * hostibus concurrere h non formidavit et j cum eis prelium commisit. Ab hora vero * diei tertia usque ad l noctis crepusculum m adversariis restitit fortissime et seipsum pungnando tarn fortiter defendit et tam strenue, ut vix ab hostili interimi posset agmine. At postquam ex his et illis quamplurimi corruere, heu ipsemet cecidit crepusculi tempore et" cum eo nobiliores totius Anglie ° 5 .) Deinde {comes6 Willelmus) victor exist ens, in {ipsa Dominice ° est interlined E. " nam ducibus, satrapis, vicecomitibus et suis in commune praecepit ministris, fures, raptores,0 regni disturbatores comprehendere add. Florence. utpote qui de tota Gallia sibi fortes auxiliarios conduxerat add. Florence. d e

-nese on erasure F, Pefnesea Florence.

de tota Anglia fortiores quosque in praeliis duobus bene sciret jam cecidisse mediamque

add. Florence. 1 convenisse Florence. ' in Suth-Saxonia suis add. Florence. * occurrere E, Florence. 1 Florence here gives the date and place and, after commisit, a fuller account of the battle. k l m tamen Florence. ad om. Florence. suis add. Florence.

"0 Comites etiam Gyrth et Leofwinus fratres illius cecidere et fere add. Florence. O adds: decem ii mensibus regnavit et die qua occubuit, hoc est ab Epiphania Domini usque ad diem sancti Kalixti in qua occisus fuit, continuing with an extract from Florence, i, 228-29, beginning Interea comes Willelmus Suthsaxoniam, which leads into the passage borrowed by E and F beginning Alredo . . . 1 mox . . . desudare: from Florence, as printed, i, 224—25, continuing the passage extracted in ch.2 101. The phrase leges • . . exosos habere is also used to describe the acts of Stephen after his accession. 3 See Book III, ch. 46. regnum . . . perdidit: this passage seems to be in the compiler's own words. But cf. the phrase in William of Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi, p. 2, describing the death of Cnut, ' cum vita regnum amisit', and the phrase in Florence, s.a. 1087 for the death of William I. 4 nuntiatum . . . Anglie: almost word for word from Florence, as printed, i, 227. In taking extracts from the annal for 1066 the L.E. has omitted the lengthy account of the return of Tosti and the invasion of Harold Hardrada which in Florence comes between the accession of Harold and the battle of Hastings. Differences between Florence and the L.E. are shown infra in the textual notes. 6 The dating clause added in O is not derived from Florence which gives the length of Harold's reign correctly as 9 months and 9 days and does not have the explanatory detail. Harold's death was commemorated at Ely on 14 October (Dickins, op. cit., p. 20). * comes . . . interdicere: abbreviated from Florence, i, 228-29. Only O includes the account, which in Florence follows the battle of Hastings, of the retreat of the Earls Edwin and Morcar

LIBER ELIENSIS 171 nativitatis festivitate a predicto Aldredo Eboracensium archiepiscopo in Westmonasterio consecratus est honorifice, prius, ut idem " barchipresul ab eo exigebat, ante altare sancti Petri apostoli coram clero et populo iureiurando promittens se velle sanctas Dei ecclesias ac rectores illarum defendere necnon et cunctum populum sibi subiectum iuste ac e regali providentia regere, rectam legem statuere et tenere, rapinas iniustaque iudicia penitus interdicere). Et x hie primus Normannorum in Anglia imperavit, eorum dico qui utroque parente Normanni et in Normannia sunt educati. Quod2 quidem non subito eventu aut incerto casu d, provido Dei iudicio ipsa rerum series indicat contigisse. Et nunc {de Anglia quid dicam? Quid posteris referam? Ve tibi est Anglia, que olim sancta prole fuisti angelica, sed nunc pro peccatis valde gemis anxia. Naturalem regem tuum perdidisti et alienigene bello cum ingenti tuorum sanguine fuso succubuisti. Filii tui miserabiliter in te occisi sunt et consiliarii principesque tui victi seu necati [fo. yg] vel exheredati sunt). {De ipso quidem prelio testantur adhuc Franci qui interfuerunt, quoniam, licet varius casus hinc inde extiterit, tamen tanta strages a fuga Normannorum fuit, ut victoria qua potiti sunt vere et absque dubio soli miraculo Dei ascribenda sit, qui puniendo per hanc iniquum periurii sceluse Haraldi, ostendit se non Deum esse volentem iniquitatem. Rex itaque factus Willelmus quid in principes Anglorum, qui tante cladi 0 idem om. O. 0 et Florence. d

sed add. O.

b

A contraction for ut or ubi add. F, at the beginning of a line. ' celus EF.

to London and of William's ravaging of Sussex, Kent and other counties, beginning ' Interea comes1 Willelmus " . . . Et . . . educati: probably derived from the addition to Florence found in Bodl., 297, p. 370, ' Gloriosus rex Willelmus qui primus ex Normannorum gente prudentia sua et fortitudine totam Angliam suo subiugavit imperio " . . . (printed in Memorials of St Edmund's Abbey, i, 344). 2 The L.E. here makes nonsense of the additions to Florence in Bodl., 297. After interdicere Bodl., 297 inserts a long passage from Eadmer, Hist. Novorum (pp. 5-9, beginning Regnante autem Edwardo . . .), describing the exile and return of Earl Godwin, Harold's visit to Duke William, his oath, succession to the kingship on Edward's death, and the battle of Hastings. It ends with the passage De ipso quidem praelio . . . omitto (infra). Bodl., 297 then continues with a passage not in Eadmer or Florence, Quid enim prodesset . . . incredibile, followed by a second excerpt from Eadmer (pp. 9-10), Usus ergo . . . poena constringeret, whereupon it reverts to the Florence annal for 1067. The L.E. extract follows Bodl., 297 from De ipso quidem proelio, breaking off before the end of the second excerpt from Eadmer at nutum spectabat. But by omitting the account of Harold's perjury and replacing it by the passage Et nunc de Anglia quid dicam ? . . . exhereditati sunt (another addition to Florence placed earlier in Bodl., 297; see supra, p. 169, n. 2) it loses the very point of the additions in Bodl., 297 and also of the phrase Quod quidem non subito eventu aut incerto casu, sed provido Dei iudicio ipsa rerum series indicat contigisse—the point being that Harold's failure in battle was the divine judgement for his perjury. O has restored the sense of the passage by including Eadmer's account of Harold's exploits, omitting Et nunc . . . exhereditati sunt and adding (infra, p. 172, n. 5) the reasons given by Henry of Huntingdon (Hist. Anglorum, p. 199) for William's anger (cf. Freeman, Norman Conquest, iii, 283-84) as well as a reference to the banner sent by the pope, which is probably derived from William of Malmesbury (Gesta Regum, ii, 299). The source of the phrase Quod quidem . . . series indicat contigisse has not been traced. It is used in the same context by Diceto, i, 198-99, but he could have found it in the L.E. (see Introduction, supra, p. lviii). On Eadmer's account see Freeman, op. cit., iii, 682-88.

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superesse poterant, fecerit dicere, cum nichil prosit, omitto. Quid x enim prodesset, si nee unum in toto regno de illis dicerem pristina potestate uti permissum, sed omnes aut in gravem paupertatis erumpnam detrusos aut exheredatos patria pulsos aut effossis oculis vel ceteris amputatis membris opprobrium hominum factos aut certe miserrime afflictos vita privatos? Simili modo utilitate carere existimo dicere quid in minorem populum, non solum ab eo, sed a suis, actum sit, cum id dictu sciamus difficile et ob immanem crudelitatem fortassis incredibile. Usus 2 ergo atque leges quas patres sui et ipse in Normannia habere solebat, in Anglia servari volens, de huiusmodi personis episcopos, abbates et alios principes per totam terram instituit, de quibus indignum iudicaretur, si per omnia suis legibus, postposita omni alia consideratione, non obedirent et si ullus eorum pro qua vis terreni honoris potentia caput contra eum levare auderet, scientibus cunctis, unde, qui, ad quid assumpti fuerint. Cuncta ergo divina simul et humana eius nutum spectabant). (Monasteria 3 quidem " totius Anglie perscrutari fecit * et pecuniam, quam ditiores Angli propter illius austeritatem et depopulationem in eis deposuerant, auferri et in erarium ° suum iussit deferre dy. Et concilio 4 statuto, (Stigandus Dorobernie archiepiscopus degradatur e 5 ) . Atque (eius 6 frater iEgelmarus Estanglorum episcopus similiter Wintonie est degradatus. Abbates etiam aliqui ibi degradati sunt, operam dante rege ut quamplures ex Anglis suo privarentur honore, in quorum locum sue gentis personas subrogaret f, ob confirmationem scilicet sui, quod noviter adquisierat, regni. Ideo 9 et nonnullos tarn episcopos quam abbates, quos nulla evidenti h causa nee concilia nee leges seculi dampnabant, suis honoribus privavit et' ad finem vite custodie mancipatos detenuit). Efferato properanter animo undique patriam devastare, homines trucidare et multa mala non cessabat agere, (suspicione, ut diximus, tantum inductus novi regni). b *0 quidem om. Florence. fecit om. Florence. d errarium E. deferri Florence. ' est degradatus Florence. 1 subrogavit Florence, subrogaret in the adaptation of Florence by Simeon, ii, igj. *h hie Florence. nullos evidentis F. ' Erasure after et in F; usque add. E, Florence.

1 2 3

Quid . . . incredibile: see supra, p. 171, n. 2. Usus . . . spectabant: see supra, p. 171, n. 2. The addition to Florence in Bodl., 297, p. 379, here continues the extract from Eadmer, Hist. Novorum, p. 10, on William's relations with the English church. The L.E. omits not only this but the annals for 1067-69 and rejoins Florence, as printed (ii, 5), with an extract from the annal4 for 1070, Monasteria . . . deferre. Abbreviating Florence, as printed (ii, 5), ' Concilium magnum in octavis Paschae Wintoniae celebratum est . . . In quo concilio Stigandus . . . " etc. as here. 6 O here adds the reasons for William's action. See supra, p. 171, n. 2. 6 eius . . . regni: derived from Florence, as printed (ii, 5). After degradatur Florence first gives the reasons for the deposition of Stigand, which E and F omit but O restores (tribus ex causis . . . suscepit), and then continues Eius quoque . . . novi regni, as given here (except for the passage Efferato . . . agere).

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102. Quod timore novi regis nobiles patrie ad Ely confugerunt et diu loci firmitate [fo. jgv] muniti contra ilium rebellavere, unde rex gravi indignatione commotus cuncta ecclesie bona ° diripere iussit. (Comites 1 vero b .ZEdwinus et Morgarus, quia rex Willelmus eos in custodiam ponere voluit, latenter e curia eius fugerunt et aliquandiu) in c Elyensi insula (contra ilium rebellaverunt. Verum ubi quod ceperunt sibi non prospere cessisse viderunt, Edwinus regem Scottorum Malcolmum adire decrevit, sed in ipso itinere a suis insidias perpessus occiditur. Morkarus d et Egelwinus Dunholmensis episcopus et Siwardus cognomento Barn et Herewardus vir strenuissimus cum multis aliis) iterum " (Ely insulam navigio petierunt f. Sed hoc audito, rex cum buchsecalis in orientali plaga insule omnem illis exitum obstruxit et pontem in occidentali duum miliarium 9 in h longum fieri iussit. At illi ubi se viderunt sic esse conclusos), levaverunt 2 munitionem de cespite 3 contra insidias exercitus regis et pungnaverunt dies multos 4. Et ut cognovit rex adesse Herewardum fortissimum bellatorem et cum eo viros validos, congregavit virtutem multam 5 nimis ad pugnandum contra eos 0

b que foris erant add. E in a hand of the fifteenth century. vero interlined E, om. Florence. d in . . . insula om. Florence. vero add. EO, Florence. ' iterum om. Florence. ' in ea hiemare volentes add. Florence. h ' miliariorum E, Florence. in om. E, Florence. c

1 Comites . . . conclusos: derived from Florence, s.a. 1071 (as printed), ii, 9, but by his addition of the words in Elyensis insula (supra, n. c) the compiler reconciles the information from Florence with the local tradition that Earl Edwin also sought refuge on the island of Ely. Similarly the insertion of iterum (supra, n. e) may be intended to transform Florence's account of a single siege in 1071 to two separate operations of 1069 (infra, p. 174) and 1071. After conclusos Florence tells of the capture of the rebels, with the exception of Hereward who escaped, and of the punishment meted out to them. The compiler of the L.E. on the other hand at this point brings together all information available to him on the siege itself. The resulting narrative account is far from reliable and the chronological order is confused. The sources used, as far as they have been identified, will be indicated in the footnotes. For a fuller discussion of this story of the siege of Ely see Introduction, supra, pp. liv-vii. Edwin and Morcar were the sons of jElfgar, earl of Mercia, to whose earldom Edwin had succeeded sometime between 1062 and 1066, while Morcar succeeded Tosti who was ejected from his earldom of Northumbria in November 1065. The account of their rebellion and death found in Florence is derived largely from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, with a few additional details, as e.g. William's intention to place the earls under guard and Edwin's plan to join King Malcolm, which are not found in the surviving versions of the Chronicle (DE). iEthelwine had been bishop of Durham since 1056 and outlawed in 1069 (A.S.C., E). For his further adventures see Simeon, ii, 189-90, and for his capture infra, p. 175. Siward Barn was identified by Round with a Warwickshire landowner (V.C.H., Warwick, i, 327, 283 and cf. Feilitzen, op. cit., pp. 362-63). But see infra. Book III, ch. 50, which records a gift from Siward de Maldune, socius Mrewardi. Siward of Maldon was a great landowner in Essex and Suffolk (V.C.H., Essex, i, 346; V.C.H., Suffolk, i, 400). 2 The rest of the chapter is taken up with a summary of William I's attack on the island of Ely, based on local tradition. This summary is modelled unusually closely, as shown by the italicised passages, on a single literary source, i.e. I and II Mac, which suggests that it existed as an opusculum independently of the L.E. and was incorporated as a whole by the compiler of the latter. See supra, Introduction, p. lv. a Cf. Gesta Herwardi, p. 377 (infra, p. 178), Fecerant enim eis quidam ex acervatione cespitum super ripam praedicti fluminis antemuralia et propugnacula . . . 4 Cf. I Mac, vi, 31; vi, 52. * I Mac, iii, 10, et congregavit . . . virtutem multam et magnam ad bellandum contra Israel.

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et cogitavit* malum adversus locum sanctum et disperdere eum, eo quod locus ille ex sui natura munitissimus in medio terre et inexpungnabilis consistit, sepe enim regnum fatigavit et nunc novo regi multas ferebat insidias, quoniam qui fugiebant a mails additi sunt ad eos et facti sunt Mis ad firmamentum2. Quibus ipse dux et princeps 3 factus est et ait ad eos: ' Nunc fratres ° emulate libertatem patrie et date animas vestras pro testamento patrum i, quoniam abiectio et opprobrium facti sumus omnibus vicinis regnis b et regionibus et melius est nobis mori in hello quam videre mala gentis et sanctorum 5 nostrorum.' Et admovit 6 rex castra adversus insulam iuxta torrentem Use 7, habens in comitatu c multitudinem equitum et peditum, exitus eorum undique obsedit, ut sue ditioni eos subiugaret. Factum est autem, cum diluculo ipsi in insula levassent oculos suos, et ecce populos, cuius non erat numerus, portantes d struem lignorum et arenam in saccis 8, quatenus alveum gurgitis pervium facerent et comprehenderent munitionem9. Et obsessa est insula anno millesimo sexagesimo nono ab incarnatione Domini, regni autem eiusdem regis Willelmi tertio 10, et exivit Herewardus obviam Mis cum paucis u et contriti sunt ab eo. Ceteri fugerunt, ut se liberarent. Ipse vero reversus est in Ely cum suis, habentibus spolia multa, et pervenit nomen eius ad u-[/o. #o]-niversos et de preliis eius narrabant in circuitu regni. Ut audivit rex sermones istos, iratus 12 iussit convenire de vicis et urbibus fortes et validos ad expugnandum eos. Et misit Herwardus speculari 13 excercitum et renuntiaverunt ei, dicentes, quia conven&raX" de cunctis regni locis exercitus multus nimis 14 comprehendere eos et sine misericordia neci tradere. Et timuerunt et clamabant ad eum qui secum fuerant: ' Quomodo poterimus nos "b mei add. E. regnis et om. E, interlined in a different hand F. c d commitatu EF. portates F. ' convenerant E. 1

1 Mac, vi, 19, ' Et cogitavit Iudas disperdere eos . . . '; cf. infra, p. 178, where the account of

W i l l i a m ' s a t t a c k b e g i n s w i t h t h e w o r d s ' Rex v e r o s e m p e r cogitavit disperdere 2 3 / Mac, i i , 4 3 . Cf. I Mac, x i v , 47. 4

eos . . . "

I Mac, ii, 50, Nunc ergo, 0 filii, aemulatores estate legis, et date animas vesiras pro testamento patrum vestrorum. 6 I Mac, iii, 59. 6 Cf. I Mac, v, 39, et castra posuerunt trans torrentem . . . 7 Cf. infra, p. 178, where the place of attack is given as Alrehede ubi ague insule minus late sunt, but the river Ouse is not mentioned. For a discussion of the site of William I's operations8 see supra, p. lvii. Cf. infra, p. 178. ' arbores multas et ligna non modica, pellibus ovium . . . arena repletis . . . tota multitudo supergressa est struem . . .'; also Gesta Herwardi, p. 377, ' structuris lignorum et lapidum et ex omni genere struis . . . " 9 I Mac, v. 30, Et factum est diluculo, cum elevassent oculos suos ecce populus multus, cuius non 10erat numerus, portantes scalas et machinas, ut comprehenderent munitionem . . . See Introduction, supra, p. lvi. 11 1 Mac, iii, 16. 12 7 Mac, iii, 26-27, Et pervenit ad regent nomen eius, et de praeliis Judae narrabant omnes gentes. Ut audivit autem rex Antiochus sermones istos, iratus est animo; et misit, et congregavit exercitum universi regni sui . . . 13 Cf. infra, ch. 106. 14 I Mac, v, 38, Et misit Judas . . . quia conveneiunt ad eum omnes gentes quae in circuitu nostro sunt, exercitus multus nimis . . .

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pauci iugiter pungnare contra invictam multitudinem ? Surgens ergo Herwardus ex adverso eos supervenit, quosdam occidit, quosdam in aquam necavit 2 sicque ilia die suos a timore eripuit et letati sunt in insula, benedicentes Dominum qui fecit magna in Israel et victoriam dedit tilts 3 , et siluemnt paucos dies 4 . Postea convenientes maiores domus a regis ad eum, dixerunt ei: ' Faciamus pacem cum hominibus istis, locus enim quern obsidemus munitus est5 et non prevalemus adversus eos. Propter testamenta b patrum suorum hec nobis intulerunt.' Et placuit sermo in conspectu regis et principum. Misit ad eos pacem facere 8 e t c acceperunt ilium et iuraverunt illis et destiterunt predam facere; tamen non credebant se illis, cognoscentes feritatem et intollerabile eorum dominium, neque vigilias suas circa aditus omittebant. Proceres d vero ruperunt fedus et pactum, quod illis spoponderant e , irritum fecerunt, et quoscumque comprehendere poterant oculos 1 eruebant, manus ac pedes truncabant. Insuper iEgelwinus9 Dunholmi episcopus, qui unus erat ex conclusis, dum illuc tenderet ab hominibus regis h capitur, quem rex apud Westmonasterium custodiendum misit, ubi nimio cordis dolore vita decessit7. Elyenses autem hoc audito nimium ingeminiscentes, simul consilio statuentes, Herewardum sibi in auxilium revocant in ipsius tirocinio valde subnixi 8 . Qui, collectis undique 0

domos FO. *d Corr. from testamentum F. " et acceperunt ilium et on erasure F. Proceres . . . ruperunt om. O. ' spoponderent E, -ant on erasure F. ' occulos F. " Emended from MSS reading iEgelwinum . . . episcopum. * hominibus regis on erasure F.

1 1 Mac, iii, 3 II Mac.,*., 6

2 17. Cf. infra, ch. 107. l 38. Cf. I Mac, vii, 50. I Mac, vi, 57-58. Cf. infra, ch. 106; also Gesta Herwardi, p. 383, Tamen cogitabat cum illis pacem facere, insulam natura . . . munitissimam sciens . . .; p. 382, . . . cum illis pacem facere . . . 6et nil penitus prevalere. / Mac, vi, 60. 7 Florence twice refers to the fate of Bishop .Sithelwine. In the annal for 1071, quoted verbatim by the L.E. above, he surrendered with the others, ' ubi se viderunt sic esse conclusos ', and was sent to Abingdon where he died. This accords with the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (E 1071, D 1072), from a version of which it is translated, as also with the Abingdon tradition (Abingdon Chron,, i, 485-86). But under 1070 he has the entry Mgelwinus Dunholmi episcopus ab hominibus regis Willelmi capitur, et in carcerem truditur: ubi dum ex nimio cordis dolore comedere nollet, fame et dolore moritur and under 1072 he enters the death of Bishop .SJthelric, quondam Dunholmensis episcopus, apud Westmonasterium, quo rex Willelmus ilium miserat custodiendum . . . The most likely explanation of the relationship between the L.E. and Florence is that the L.E. has borrowed from all three entries and failed to distinguish between the two bishops of Durham. The 1070 entry in Florence is probably the result of a similar mistake and should also be taken to apply to Athelric, not vEthelwine (Freeman, Norman Conquest, iv, 812-13; but cf. Plummer, Two Chronicles, ii, 267). 8 There is no indication in the fuller accounts of Hereward's adventures in the Gesta Herwardi or the L.E. that Hereward was ever called back to Ely after the rebels surrendered. This passage in fact recalls the words in the Gesta, not found in the corresponding section of the L.E., At vero Mi qui in Elyensi insula erant . . . tanti viri videlicet Herwardi reversionem audientes, pro eo statim miserunt (p. 374) and Concives vero patriae et sui cognati . . . ad eum confluebant . . . Igitur Herwardus dum se talium virorum praeceptorem conspiceret ac dominum, et quotidie ex effugatis et praejudicatis et ab exhaereditatis manum suam non minime crescere cerneret . . . (pp. 367—68). But in the Gesta these words are used to describe Hereward's first—and only—summons to Ely and the gathering of his supporters when he returned from Flanders and planned to avenge his

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consanguineis et ingenuis, quos rex exules et exheredes iudicaverat, non impiger occurrit a et confortata est manus illorum adversus hostes suos. Predas longe lateque et rapinas agens, cesis multotiens ab eis centenis et eo amplius, ad sua in insulam revertebantur, unde nonnulli confidenter sub ipsorum se patrocinio cum substantiis contulerunt. Sed neque aliquem in suo contubernio admittebant, nisi prius fidelitatem supra corpus sacratissime virginis iESeldreSe iureiurando animis et viribus secum agere b sponderent, quod non absque discrimine noverunt certissime eos posse fraudare. Nam rex ob causis instantibus illos tune oppugnare destitit ac incubuit ordinare de regno 1, barbaris undique ex vicinis regnis, scilicet de Scotia et Hibernia [fo. 8ov] de Valonia et Denemarchia terra et mari irruentibus, non valebat eque omnibusc resistere, tamen quecumque bona ac predia ecclesie foris erant, consilio Willelmi * Herefordensis episcopi aliorumque consiliatorum eius, de quibus psalmista ait: ' Qui hominibus placent confusi sunt' 2 nimium accensus in iram suis divisit militibus 3. 103. Quod Stigandus archiepiscopus fugiens a facie regis in Ely devenit, et quomodo sancti Albani reliquie illuc sunt delate. Stigandus interim, sepedictus archiepiscopus, per loca diffugiens vagus latitabat, nee erat ubi se tute vel sua reconderete, tandem cum summa thesaurorum eius in Ely transmigravit 4. Et ut cognovit grave sibi negotium imminere, occulte mandavit Egfridum, quern abbatem sancti Albani antea constituerat, ut cum thesauris ecclesie illius et cum reliquiis eiusdem sancti in Elyensem insulam velociter properaret, ibidem expectaturus donee, audito cause ipsius exitu, pro qualitate eventuum vel prorsus ibi remaneret vel domum rediret 5. At ille mandatum sibi opus constanter accelerans, sumptis secum duobus monachis, Semanno et iElrico, cum omnibus predictis insulam et abbatiam Elyensem devenit et in quadam, que tune parva ? erat, in nomine Christi, ecclesia feretrum sancti corporis collocavit; ibi fere dimidio anno permansit. Denique deposito ab archiepiscopatu Stigando et substituto ei Lanfranco necnon abbate Paulo in ecclesia Sancti Albani ordinato, ipse Egfridus, de recuperatione abbatie sue omnino iam desperatus et nimio dolore ac ira commotus, cepit moliri quomodo saltern ab illo celesti thesauro locum ilium iniuste sibi sublatum eterna privatione puniret, malens tarn sullime pignus secum retinere 0 c e 1

b adcurrit E. secum agere interlined F in a contemporary hand; om. E. d omnibus interlined E, Walteri add. in the margin of F in a later hand. ree'deret E; Stewart (p. 22 j) prints recederet. erat in nomine parva F, but with marks interlined to indicate a change of order.

brother. It is possible that the author of this summary of Hereward's adventures misinterpreted his source. But it is more likely that this passage originally was placed somewhere at the beginning of the summary as a prelude to the siege and that the compiler changed the order to account for Hereward's presence in the Isle in ch. 104. Revocant, like in Elyensi insula and iterum (supra, p. 173, n. 1), may have been interpolated by him for this purpose. Cf. Introduction, supra, pp. liv-vii. 1 Cf. I Mac, vi, 57-58. z 3 Ps., lii, 6. See Introduction, supra, pp. lvi-vii. 4 For Stigand's visit to Ely see infra, App. D, p. 425. • For the claim that Ely possessed the relics of St Alban see Introduction, supra, p. xxxvii.

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quam totum perdere. Post multam igitur mentis sue deliberationem tandem egit inde cum prefato Turstano, loci huius abbate, ut sub pretextu honoris de parva ilia ecclesia, convocato populo, corpus sacrum in maiorem ecclesiam iuxta corpus beate iESeldreSe sollempniter transferretur ° et postea oportuno tempore, quasi ipso nesciente, clam sociis suis extractum in perpetuam Eliensium custodiam poneretur et ipsemet in plenitudinem fraternitatis reciperetur. Letus igitur inde Turstanus abbas diem celeberrimum huius translationis iussit toti populo nuntiari, que multis convenientibus et affluentibus undique b populis cum omni ecclesiastico gaudio c consummatur. His ita gestis, {rex 1 in Normanniam festinavit, ducens secum archiepiscopum et multos alios de primatibus) regni, quos {usque 2 ad finem vite illorum in custodia tenuity 104. Quod rex Willelmus totam Angliam describi fecit, Anglis tributum importabile posuit, et de famis enormitate [fo. 81] qualis non fuit ab initio, et quod gens regis fraude Herewardi in flumine sit necata. Rex autem Willelmus, expletis negotiis et dispositis bene omnibus pro quibus mare transierat, collecta undique per girum bellatorum multitudine, Angliam repedare non distulit 3. Premisit enim mandans maioribus provinciarum atque custodibus suas munitiones contra impetum et ingenium Herewardi et eorum, qui in insulaa morabantur, firmiter tueri et illorum exitus prepedire4. Et veniens, {Anglis 5 inportabile tributum imposuit) totamque {Angliam 6 describi) eodem anno precepit, {quantum terre quisque baronum suorum possidebat, quot feudatos milites, quot carucas, quot villanos, quot animalia immo quantum vive pecunie quisque possidebat, in omni regno suo a maximo usque ad minimum, et quantum redditus queque possessio reddere poterat, et vexata est terra multis cladibus inde procedentibus). Et factus est timor et tribulatio omni anime qualis non fuit ab initio 7. 0

transferetur JF. ' undique populis interlined F in a contemporary hand; om. EO. " gaudio interlined F in a contemporary hand; om. EO. d et . . . insula on erasure F. 1 rex . . . primatibus: derived from Florence, ii, 1, s.a. 1067, ' Adveniente Quadragesima rex Willelmus Normanniam repetiit, ducens secum Dorubernensem archiepiscopum Stigandum . . . et m u l t o s a l i o s de p r i m a t i b u s A n g l i a e . . . " 2 usque . . . tenuit: probably derived from Florence, ii, 5, et usque ad finem vitae custodiae mancipatos detinuit, where the passage refers to the prelates condemned at the council of 1070. 3 This opening sentence is not borrowed verbatim, but the only one of William's recorded returns from Normandy to which it can refer is that of 1085 (Florence, ii, 18), when he brought over a large force prepared to meet an expected attack from the Danes. See supra, Introduction, p. Iv. 4 No writ or other evidence of such an order is elsewhere recorded. This sentence may well have been the original connecting link between the end of ch. 102, recording events of 1067 and early 1070, and the account of William's attack beginning in this chapter. The compiler may then have confused the chronological order by inserting extracts which he misguidedly considered appropriate. 6 Anglis . . . imposuit: from Florence, ii, 2, s.a. 1067. 6 Angliam describi, quantum . . . procedentibus: derived from Florence, ii, 18-19, sa. 1086, and not therefore eodem anno. It refers of course to the Domesday inquest. ' Cf. Matth., xxiv, 21.

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Omnis rerum natura illo die contristata est. Clades in hominibus, pestis in animalibus, lues ac fames grassabat in terra. Namque Nordhumbriam devastare 1 cum aliis provinciis Anglie precepit ° atque homines trucidare, nulli parcebat etati. Sicque Normannis incessanterb operam dantibus sue feritati, adeo fames secuta {prevaluit, ut homines equinam, caninam, catinam, et carnem commederent humanam). Rex vero semper cogitavit disperdere eos 2, qui in Ely se concluserant, et earn depredari, nee poterat. Unde {nimium 3 commotus, ad AlreheSe, ubi aque insule minus late sunt, per pontem quern pridie c paraverat suum iterum adplicuit exercitum, tamen ad spatium quattuor stadiorum earum illic extenditur latitudo 4. Iussit itaque omne genus materiarum et molis in flumen iactari, arbores multas et ligna non modica, pellibus 5 ovium versi pelle excoriatis et arena repletis connexa infundi fecit, ut onus supergradientium levius sustentaretur et pondus. Quo facto, tota multitudo irruens supergressa est struem illam, aurum sitibunda quod falso in insula credidit absconsum, sed cum ipsa mox via sibi valde inutili simul omnes in imo demersi miserabiliter interierunt, atque in testimonium huius d rei ex ipsis fundaminibus sepius arma extrahi cernimus. Et mirum in modum de tanta multitudine vix unus evadere potuit, regi amicus et miles fidelis. Qui mox ductus ad Herewardum, ne vita privetur, in conspectu bellatorum ilium suppliciter exorat et non [fa. 8iv] solum salvatus est, sed honorifice ab eo est e susceptus). {Nomen 6 illius inquirit, quern Dedam nominatum esse concipit}. {Quod rex considerans ex alto cordis dolore ingemuit, cum parvo superstante militum numero ad Brandunam 7 recessit, omni spe deposita ultra insulam debellare. Nee quidem custodias inde removit, facile prebens eis ad devastandum egressum). "b precepit interlined F in a contemporary hand, om. E. incenssanter F. d huius in the margin of F, om. EO.

c

pridem EO. ' est om. EO.

1 devastare . . . humanam: abbreviated from Florence, ii, 4, describing William's campaign in Yorkshire of 1069. 2 Cf. supra, ch. 102, where the account of William's siege begins with a similar phrase: ' et cogitavit malum ad versus locum sanctum et disperdere eum . . . " 3 The section of the L.E. from nimium to the end of ch. 107, with the exception of part of ch. 107, is derived, according to the compiler's own statement (infra, ch. 107), from a fuller account in a book de gestis Herewardi, composed by Richard, a monk of Ely, and is related to a work which has survived under that title. See Introduction, supra, pp. xxxiv-vi. This Richard must belong to an older generation than the Richard who dealt with the Stetchworth case, since the former must have been dead when L.E., Book II, was still being written, while the latter probably lived longer than that. See supra, p. xlvii. For a discussion of the sources and contents of the Hereward legend see H. W. C. Davis, England under the Normans and Angevins (13th edn., 1949), App. Ill, pp. 525-26; Freeman, Norman Conquest, iv, note 00, pp. 804-12, and Liebermann, Vber Ostenglische Geschichtsquellen, para. 21 ff. nimium . . . susceptus: cf. Gesta Herewardi, pp. 376-77. 4 The topographical details are not precise enough to permit William's line of approach to be reconstructed with any degree of certainty. See Introduction, supra, p. lvii. 6 pellibus . . . extrahi cernimus illustrates the relationship between the L.E. and the Gesta. See supra, Introduction, p. xxxv. 6 Nomen . . . concipit: cf. Gesta Herwardi, p. 378, beginning a new chapter. The next passage Quod7 . . . egressum corresponds to the closing passage of the old chapter in ibid., pp. 377-78. Usually identified as the Ely manor of Brandon, Suffolk, but perhaps the royal manor of Brampton, Hunts. See supra, Introduction, p. lvii.

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179

105. Quanto preconio miles, ab Herewardo dimissus, magnificentiam loci extulerit ante conspectum regis. {Miles x itaque, transvectus in insulam, non minus illic quam in aula regia deliciarum affluentia redundavit. Cumque diutius moras haberet, postulata demum et concessa ab eis licentia, ad dominum suum regem redire disposuit, sed prius fide cum iuramento data, ne aliter quam vidit aut compererat relationem de eis faceret. Et veniens a cunctis mirabatur et in conspectu regis que apud insulam sunt requisitus est detegere. Gaudent quique commilitonem salvum recepisse, quem cum innumeris in profundum laci gurgitis absorptum vehementer ingemiscebant. Tune quippe rex cum primatibus regni consilium tenuit, quomodo sibi rebelles devinceret seu in amicitiis consentiret. Ipse vero, quod quisque super hoc respondeat, tacite investigat et sic tandem ora ° resolvit 2 : ' S i iubet dominus meus rex, insinuo ego, servus tuus, quid penes illos, quos putas in insula reclusos, cognovi et comperi. Ad quodcumque volunt cotidie proficiscuntur et multitudinis occursum adire minime b timebunt. Caterve ibi plures sunt militum, animis et viribus roborate 3 . Horum princeps est ° vir florenti etate Herewardus, bello per omnia a iuventute strenuissimus, inter ingenuos nobilitate et divitiis minime inferior. Sunt cum eo nobiliores patrie, Edwinus comes, Morchere, Thosti et duo proceres Orgarus et Turchitellus, illustres viri *. Quibus s additur robustorum iuvenum tarn accolarum quam externorum manus, fortiter consistens ad pugnandum pro defensione et libertate patrie, malens potius, si contigat, occumbere quam ignotis deservire. Ab ipsis amici regis interierunt et fideles quique eorum gladiis corruerunt, ac cedes undique perpetrare et depredationes in regno non desistunt. Et quamdiu b " hora F. non add. EF, lined through F. e est om. EO, add. in the margin F. 1 2 3

For this chapter cf. ibid., pp. 377-78. ora resolvit: Virg., Georg., iv, 452. In the Gesta Herwardi (p. 379) Deda's report is more tersely rendered and in indirect speech, e.g. ' recensuit, et quomodo insignium militum catervis valde roborati sunt . . .' 4 The same list is given ibid., p. 379. Edwin may have been included because he and Morcar tend to be thought of as a pair (cf. Freeman, Norman Conquest, iv, 8io), but on the authority of the A.S.C. (E 1071, D 1072) and Florence, s.a. 1071 Edwin separated from Morcar before the latter took ship to Ely and was killed by his own companions while on his way to King Malcolm of Scotland. Even Orderic Vitalis, who makes Edwin survive Morcar (Hist. Eccl., ii, 216-17), does not count him among the rebels at Ely. Tosti at another point in the Gesta Herwardi (p. 373) is listed after Godricus de Corbi, nepos comitis de Warewic and called Tosti de Davenesse, cognatus comitis eiusdem cuius et nomen in baptismo suscepit (pp. 372-73), and ibid., p. 376, there occurs a Tosti comes who, in company with Edwin and Morcar, welcomes Hereward to Ely. Cf. Freeman, op. cit., iv, 811. It is impossible to identify Ordgar and Turkitel on the strength of the information here given. An Ordgar was sheriff of Cambridgeshire in the time of King Edward (Dd, i, fos. 197, 199) and, on the grounds that Siward Barn, another Ely rebel, may be identified with a Warwickshire landowner of that name, J. H. Round suggested that Turkitel may ' not impossibly ' be the well-known Turkitel of Warwick (V.C.H., Warwick, i, 277, 283). 5 Quibus to the beginning of William de Warenne's speech has no exact parallel in the Gesta Herwardi. But cf. Hereward's speech, supra, ch. 102, ' emulate libertatem patrie ' . . . etc. and Gesta Herwardi, p. 374, relating Hereward's summons to Ely, ' illi qui in Elyensi insula erant . . . pro eo statim miserunt, atque ei . . . exponunt, ut ad eos simul cum omnibus suis veniat, una cum eis in defensionem patriae et paternae libertatis consors effecturus . . .'

180

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cum illis pacem non fecerimus nos, deficimus cotidie et angustie coartant, maxime panis inedia, et quo effugiemus a manus ipsorum x? Locus ille, ut novit domini regis maiestas, ex Dei providentia naturaliter in se munitur 2,firmiorvalida munitione, opibus magnificus, reliquiis gloriosus, qui floret [Jo. 82] ac floruit sub Christo presule, presentia, beneficiis beatarum feminarum b, iESeldreSe videlicet, Withburge, Sexburge atque iErmenilde, quarum suffragiis confidenter nititur. Prepositus autem atque dispositor ipsius loci Turstanus nominatur, abbatis ministerium curans, summa veneratione dignus, cetum illuc monachorum regulariter degentem ad celestis vite beatitudinem pertingere et salubribus edocet institutis et sancte conversationis exemplo invitat. Ipse etiam ex Anglorum magnifica stirpe genitus apud villam, Wicheford nuncupata, que capud est duorum centuriatuum insule, in monasterio illic c monacus factus, laudabili conversatione vitam ab infantia hucusque servavit. Sed in hoc solum a bonitate videtur discordare, quod indigne tulit sibi aliquem preponi de nostra gente debere. Inde magis offensus et timidus erga regem et regnum quos secum habet sua industria regit et d continet.' Et cum diutius illos magnifice attolleret, comes Willelmus de Warenne, cuius fratrem Herewardus perendie interemit 3, gravi indignatione succensus, ilium munere deceptum et mendosum esse asseruit. Ceteri hortantur, suis delectati fabulationibus, ceptis insistere et, si paveant vel alimenta eis deficiant, ante regem pandere. Et ille: ' De obsidione ', ait, ' nostra in insula non sollicitant nee arator manum avertit ab aratro nee venator ibi venabula abicit nee auceps aves decipiendo quiescit4, sed suorum tirocinio tueri secure arbitrantur. Et quid amplius? Si optatis audire que novi et vidi, cuncta vobis retexam. Intrinsecus insula copiose ditatur, diverso germine repletur et ceteris Anglie locis uberiore 5 gleba 6 prestantior. Agrorum quoque et pascuorum amenitate gratissima, ferarum venatione insignis, pecoribus atque iumentis non mediocriter fertilis, silvis, vineise enim f eque laudabilis, aquis magnis et paludibus latis velud muro forti obsita. In qua domesticorum animalium habundantia est et ferarum multitudo, cervorum, dammularum, caperarum et leporum in nemoribus et secus easdem paludes. Insuper luterium, mustelarum g, erminarum et putesiarum satis copia est que nunc gravi hieme h 7 muscipulis, laqueis vel quolibet capiuntur ingenio. De genere vero 0 d

c fugiemus 0. * femnarum F. illic interlined F, in a contemporary hand; om. EO. et interlined F. ' veneis E. ' ? non eque. MSS. read n'. Cf. De situ, supra, p. 2. 9 mulstelarum F. * hieme add. in the magin F.

1 2

Cf. e.g. Jerem., xxxviii, 18, 23; Is., xx, 6. Cf. I Mac, vi, 57-58, ' Festinavit ire, et dicere ad regem et duces exercitus: Deficimus quotidie, et esca nobis modica est, et locus quem obsidemus est mwwitus, et incumbit nobis ordinare de regno . . . et faciamus cum illis pacem.' Cf. also supra, ch. 102, where the same passage is used for the truce which led to the surrender of the island. 3 Cf. Gesta Herwardi, p. 379, ' comes de Warenne, cuius fratrem, sicut superius explanavimus' (referring to an earlier chapter, p. 369) ' Herwardus dudum occiderat, prae ira commotus et gravi indignatione exstimulatus, intulit'. His accusation then follows, but in direct speech. *6 See Introduction, supra, p. xxxv. Cf. ibid., p. 382, ' semine etiam et germine uberxim&vn. . . .' The Gesta lacks the detailed list of animals and the common passages are arranged in a different order. •7 gleba . . . fertilis: derived from Abbo, Vita S. Edmundi, p. 7, and not in the Gesta Herwardi. Presumably the winter of 1070-71.

LIBER ELIENSIS 181 piscium volatilium atque natantium, que illic pullulant, quid dicam? Ad gurgites in girum aquarum multaruma innumerabiles anguille irretiuntur, bgrandes lupi aquatici et luceoli, percide, rocee, bur-[/o. 82v]-bntes et murenas, quas nos serpentes aquaticas vocamus. Aliquando vero isicii simul et regalis piscis rumbus a pluribus capi memoratur. De avibus namque, que ibidem et iuxta mansitant, e sicut de ceteris, nisi fastidio sit, exprimemus, anseres innumere, fiscedule, felice , merge, corve aquatice, ardei1 et anetes, quarum copia maxima est, brumali tempore vel cum aves apennas mutant per centum et tres centas captas vidi plus minusve. Non nunquam laqueis et retibus ac glutine capi solent. Constat autem insula per miliaria septem longa et per quattuor lata 2. Et quamdiu illuc mansi, cotidie cum monachis in refectorio suo habunde satis more Anglorum vescebar. Miles semper cum monacho ad prandium et ad cenam refecit et iuxta unumquemque clipei, lancee, parieti adherentes, pendebant, et in medio domus a capite usque deorsum super sedilia lorice, galee ac cetera arma que expediunt adponebantur, ut, si necessitas evenerit, vices belli expeditius peragere valeant. Ad superiorem vero tabulam senior ille devotissimus abbas cum tribus prelibatis comitibus recumbebat et illi duo preclari viri Herewardus et Thurchitellus" simul f cum illo, unus a dextris et unus a sinistris eius. Chorus autem monachorum illic, sub beati Benedicti magisterio regulariter degens, ferme omni tempore tarn dulciter laudes concinit" ut omnigenis vocibus odas Domino reboare putares}. Gloriam 3 quoque et loci dignitatem ac prediorum multitudinem longum est enarrare, que ad illud cenobium pertinere noscuntur, que non a cuiuslibet conditionis persona, sed apostolicorum, regum, archiepiscoporum, episcoporum et monachorum auctoritate, firmitate, libere et quiete conclamate, {quo nemo neque episcopus neque comes neque alicuius exactionis minister super res sancte presumat se h extrinsecus vel intrinsecus intromittere vel aliquo modo inquietare), multorum assertione scriptorum {sine aliqua exceptione secularis vel ecclesiastice iustitie) quicquam inde diminuat, ne omnipotentis Dei et sanctorum omnium maledictionem > incurrat. {Hec autem coram vobis, domine mi rex,l annuntio *, non ut eos debellare statuas vel desistas, utinam celerius tue ditioni subicias vel in amorem vestro imperio Concordes admittas). 106. Quomodo Herewardus figulum se fingens malum sibi parari advertit. {Et 4 dum iste vix suum compleverat sermonem, astitit unus ex his quos rex 0

6 illarum EO. -nas quas on erasure F. d felice . . . aquatice on erasure F. in add. EO. f ' Thurchitellus on erasure F, Tur- E. sumul F. g concinit omni- on erasure F, ut interlined. * se interlined F in a contemporary hand; om. EO. * maledictione F. * -nuntio . . . vel on erasure F, statuas vel om. EO. ' ditione F. 0

1

See Introduction, supra, p. xxxv. See supra, ch. 54. Gloriam . . . incurrat has no corresponding passage in the Gesta Herwardi. The reference is to Edward the Confessor's charter of confirmation (supra, ch. 92), from which the phrases shown within pointed brackets are derived. Cf. also supra, ch. 54. For the last sentence of the chapter cf. Gesta Herwardi, p. 382. 4 Et . . . palam fieret: Cf. ibid., pp. 382-84, where this action occupies a separate chapter. 2 3

Q

182

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ob custodiam apud fossam de Reche [fo. 83] antea posuerat, qui diceret: ' Num vobis hec vana et quasi deliramenta videntur? Hesterna enim a die aliquos de insula egressos septem tantum vidi in militari habitu, corpore sullimes, animo incomparabiles, et visis nobis transierunt, nee ullo percussi formidine ab incepto destiterunt, ad Burewelle x quendam viculum prope diverterunt ac, flammis iniectis, combusserunt. Quorum animositatem nos, cum plures essemus, indigne ferentes, regressum illorum prepedire illosque comprehendere temptavimus b. Illi autem videntes insidias esse, ad predictam fossam usque ad nos lento pede progrediuntur et", quod nunquam antea in tota Galliarum regione de tam paucis vidi, in sola Dei, ut credo, virtute confisi, cuneum nostrum invadunt sicque utrique ex punctis d lancearum invicem obviavimus. Et diutius e dimicantes, nostri omnes tandem subcubuerunt, et vix evasi ego solus, ut nuntiarem tibi 2 .' Sed his auditis, rex, velud alto vulnere sauciatus f, infremuit et dixit: ' Nunc fortissimi viri et consortes regni nostri, quid super hoc fecerimus? Non prevalemus adversus eosg nee prevenimus illorum insidias.' Cogitavit enim cum eis pacem facere, sed astantes, ne fieret, dissuadebant, qui res et bona eorum diripuerunt, veriti ne, si in fedus amicitie susciperentur, predia et redditus possessionum absque dubio in eorum merito redirent mancipationem 3. Unde vehementer animum illius contra ipsos desevire commovebant, dicentes: ' Si hos diutius inpune dimittatis, qui adversus regnum tuum infestant et dolos machinantur domino nostro nee humiliter conversi affectum pietatis implorant nee de reatu suo indulgentiam, ut decet, offensos a maiestate sullimitatis vestre suppliciter deprecantur, nonnulli insolentes, animositatis exemplo provocati, vestram excellentiam subsannare non formidabunt.' Et dum hec taliter conferrent, miles quidam Yvo 4, cognomento Taillebois h, indignatus ait: ' Diu novi vetulam quandam que, si adesset, sola arte sua virtutem illorum atque presidium in insula contereret et "6 enim om. EO, probably inserted later in F. teptavimus F. d " et om. EO, probably inserted later in F. puctis F. ' diutius interlined F, in a contemporary hand; diu EO. h f saciatus F, ' eos interlined E. Tailbois E, -lebois on erasure F. 1 2

Burwell, Cambs. Reach lies alongside the Devil's Dyke and now partly in Burwell and partly in Swaffham Prior. According to the Gesta only ten of the party at Reach went to intercept the raiders, whose names are given and include Hereward himself and ' Turstanus iuvenis, qui post praepositus cognominatus est '. Of these ten only one escaped with his life, Richard, ' nepos vicecomitis Osberti', but the main party at Reach then drove the raiders back to their boats. It is one of this party, not the sole survivor of the ten, who is made to tell the story in the Gesta. 3 Cf. ibid., p. 383, which reports William's reaction without resorting to direct speech and, with few exceptions, in different words. It also adds, as reasons for the projected truce, that William did not wish to leave so well-defended a stronghold in his rear ' cum iam contra exercitum Danorum ire deberent et post statim necessitate in Normanniam proficisci'. If this is intended to refer to 1070 or 1071, the Gesta could be interpreted as looking forward to William's campaigns in Normandy in 1072. But we should then expect to hear of an army of the Scots rather than the Danes (Simeon, ii, 190 ff.). If, on the other hand, the reference to the Danes is to be taken seriously, it would presumably apply to the Danish contribution to the rising in Northumbria which was put down in 1069/70. See Introduction, supra, p. lvi. 4 For Ivo's record as oppressor of English monasteries see Fulman, Rerutn Anglicarum Scriptorum Veterum, i (1648), Historia Ingulphi, pp. 71-73.

LIBER ELIENSIS 183 quoscumque tremebundos redderet, et, si rex adquiesceret, citius earn accessiri a faceret.' Laudant hoc astantes et non renitendum, sed potius amplectendum et muneribus pluribus esse donandum, siquis ingenio seu quolibet modo inimicos domini regis superatos reddat, commonent. Rex autem capud exagitans, quid faciat, hesitat; his demum suasionibus animum obtemperans, iussit anum predictam secrete adduci, ne palamb [fo. 83V] fieret1.y {Sed 2 dum circa talia contenderent, Herewardum et [eos] , qui cum illo erant, ista latuerunt, tamen mala sibi pararid animatverterunt. Unde habito " simul consilio, de suis aliquem exploratum extra insulam destinare intendunt. Et ad hoc non invenientes idoneum, ipsemet Herewardus negotium suscipiens iter arripuit, licet alii diutius renitentes, ne tale quid presumeret, obstabant, memorantes in solo ipso post Deum totam spem salutis sue pendere. Ille nimirum non adquiescens, sed accensa sua equa, que ob velocitatem ' arundo ' appellabatur, ad laborem sustinendum mirabilis, pro communi suorum tuitione periculo se obiecit, ut per ilium ceteri liberarentur aut solus ipse pro omnibus periclitaretur. Et egresso illo modicum de insula figulus ei" obvius factus est, ollas portans, quas suscipiens, ab eo tulit eas in umeris suis,fingenssefigulumesse, lurida ipsius indutus veste. Sicque, tonso f crine et barba, ad Brandunam, ubi rex contra insulam insidias tetenderat, devenit. Quo perveniens, in domum muliercule accepit hospitium, in qua anus ilia venifica simul hospitabatur, gque ad internicionem insule fuerat adducta, quam Herewardus plurimo noctis spatio audivit nescio quid secum musitare; existimaverat enim ilium rusticum esse et sue locutionis inscium, de eo 3 minime curavit. Que consurgens media nocte, ad fontes aquarum, que iuxta in parte orientali eiusdem domus h decurrunt, secessit, quam ille egressam clam sequebatur, sua carmina atemptare concepit. Audivit namque responsa nescio que inquirere a custode fontium, illi haut cognito; voluit earn perimere, sed inaudite ipsius interrogationes sui conaminis moras preveniunt. Mane autem facto, assumptis ' citius ollis, recessit inde, penes curiam regis more figulorum hue illucque vagando clamitabat: ' Olle, olle, bone olle et urne. Omnia vasa hec fictilia et optima' 4 . 0 accersiri c

b 0. eos om. MSS. d abito F. extra insulam interlined E. ' ei interlined in a contemporary hand, F; om. EO. ' Later altered to intonso F. « spatio interlined E. h eiusdem domus om. EO. ' assumtis F.

1 Cf. Gesta Herwardi, p. 384, which adds that William again collected a large force and set a watch on all the exits from the island to prevent news of the forthcoming attack from reaching the rebels. Hereward's reconnaissance is there left to a new chapter (pp. 384-88). 2 For the rest of the chapter cf. Gesta Herwardi, pp. 385-86. 3 Cf. ibid., p. 385, ad fontes aquarum in orientem afBuentes juxta hortum domus. 4 Cf. ibid., p. 386, omnia haec fictilia vasa peroptima. This cry has been translated back into Anglo-Saxon as follows: Greofan, greofan, gode greofan and croccan, Ealle J>as laemenan fatu J>a selestan (Paul, Grundriss der Germanischen Philologie, 2nd edn., ii, 1088), and it has been suggested that it preserves a reminiscence of one of the popular ballads sung about Hereward or, alternatively, that it is ' yet another instance of the use of verse for speech, where the narrative is in prose ' in Anglo-Saxon saga (C. E. Wright, Cultivation of Saga, p. 38).

184 LIBER ELIENSIS Deinde a ministris regis ducitur in coquinam, ut ollas emerent, ubi inter ceteros astitit quidam prepositus ex vicino veniens, testabatur se nunquam vidisse isti rustico et egeno* similiorem Herewardo facie. Quo dicto, accurmnt undique clientes et garciferi, aspicere optantes Herewardum virum validum vel ei consimilem, atque infra aulam inter tirones et proceres hie sermo innotuit. Et diligentius intuentes, talem deformem rusticum fore diffidebant Herewardum probum atque negabant2. Ille 3 stabat, velud [fo. 84] stupidus, ad nulla respondit que Gallice interrogabatur, cum optime id intelligeret. Interrogabant eum a, si ipsum aliquando nefandum vidit vel agnovit. Quibus demum Anglice sic dedit responsum: ' Utinam 4 ille vir belialb nunc adesset, in cunctis mihi infestus, bene vindicarer de illo. Nam vaccam mihi abstulit unam et quattuor oves, unde misere coactus sum mendicare et in tantam erumpnam devolutus, quod vix ex hoc iumento et ollis cum grandi dedecore et labore infaustam vitam actito.' Et hoc illis invicem altercantibus, extitit quilibet missus a conspectu regis, cibum regium6 accelerare iussit, unde iam dicta interim quieverunt. Nee diu coci et ganeones commedentes et bibentes plene inebriati sunt atque, aspicientesc Herewardum, stolidum eum existimant. Quem apprehensum, circumpositas ollas suas, velata facie eius, comminuere impellebant. Deinde extensum pungnis tundendo, pilos de mento illius crudeliter evellebant ac, sic d ludum agentes, coronam ei radere appetebant, sed haut secus quam speraverunt evenit, sine mora penas luituri. Ad hoc quoque reluctando cum maturius non obtemperaret, unus ex illis arrepto' hastile de foco, 6illi in caput dedit, sed resignato ictu vicem eidem impressit, unde exanimis ruit . Quod videntes socii omnes in eum cum furcis et tridentibus insurgunt, adversus quos se viriliter protexit, uno ipsorum neci deiecto, plurimis etiam ab eo vulneratis. Capitur, trahitur atque custodie mancipatur. hEt dum f custodia teneretur, quidam compedes afferens9 in una manu comminatus est eum ligare, in alia gladium tenens. Quem Herewardus de manu eius propellens arripuit, ipsum proprio armo celeriter extinxit, alios autem vulneravit. Sicque per sepes 7 in fugam elapsus, iumentum repperit et ascendit. Quem turba iuvenum fugientem insequi conabatur, sed ipse magis velox in silvam de Sumeresham 8 sese immersit atque lucescente luna in insulam noctu devenit, et precepit armatos undique esse locis oportunis, ne forte ab hostibus repente mali " eum om. EO, n. (abbr. for enim) lined through E, enim 0. 6 c d ipse add. EO. ad add. EO. si EO. ' arrepta E, signs of erasure in F. h f in add. EO. " afferrens F. commitatus F. 1

Cf. Gesta Herwardi, p 386, ' sicut egenus assimilari potest ingenuo et rusticus militi'. Cf. ibid., p. 386, ' alii dicebant hominem tarn mediocri staturae non esse tantae virtutis nee fortifudinis . . . " 3 Ille . . . intelligeret: there is no corresponding passage in the Gesta nor does it mention that Hereward replied in English. 4 Hereward's reply in the Gesta (p. 386) is similar, but not identical. 6 Cf. ibid., p. 386, garciones coquinae. 6 In the Gesta (p. 386) they unsuccessfully try to make Hereward drunk and, while the instrument with which he is struck is not specified, he defends himself arrepto de foco hastile. ' T h e Gesta Herwardi (p. 387) adds: ' per sepes et foveas extra clam ad inferiorem curiam domus descendit, ubi jumentum suum repperit . . .', and the pursuit is described in greater detail. 8 Somersham, Hunts.; see supra, p. lvii. 2

LIBER ELIENSIS 185 aliquid oriretur. Quod rex domum remeans cum ° percepisset, animositatem invictissimi Herewardi approbavitb x, precipiens attentius ut, si aliquando comprehenderetur, incolumis servari deberetur.} 107. Quomodo Herewardus caute superveniens, machinas regis subvertit atque combussit, et de plurimorum coniuratione adversus dominum suum regem. naves usquequaque [fo. 84V] et cum {Congregari2 enim tune preceperat rex c nautis ad adventum ipsius in Contingelade occurrere, ut collectam illic aggerationem lignorum et lapidum ad AlrehSe d transferrent". Iterum 3, si fieri posset, temptabat, licet in vanum, calle insolito in insulam transvadare. Adcurrunt undique piscatores cum scaphis, iussum regis implere parati. Inter quos Herewardus in lembo adventat artissimo, ut putabatur, opus iniunctum ceteris prestantius accelerare nitens. Sed sol illo ante non occubuit die, donee ille latenter accedens struem omnem igne succendit. Mox 4 veste qua fuerat indutus piscaria exuitur, succinxit se arma bellica, hortatur suos viriliter agere. Datoque signo, cum iuvenibus validis nostrum cuneos adgressus est, summo metu ac perturbatione castra replevitf 5, turres etiam ligneas, que fuerant adversus illos erecte, iniecto igne6 combussit, rebusque prospere gestis, Deum misericordem patria lingua laudabant . A terrore enim unius centum et a facie decem suorum mille hostium in {fugam' convertuntur. Alii raptis equis, " cum interlined E. " apro- MSS. d " Cotingelade E. AlreheSe E. " transferent F. 1 -vit turres on erasure F, replentes turres EO. 1 Cf. ibid., p. 388, ' admirantibus cunctis de Herwardo et rege etiam eum magnanimum contestante et praeclarissimum militem '. The king's command ' Herwardum produci ad se vivum et incolumem semper servave ' is included in the following chapter (p. 389). 2 For this chapter see Gesta Herwardi, pp. 388-90, which has important variants, e.g. the beginning: ' Rex autem, sicut disposuerat, et pro quo illuc suum iter direxerat, praeparatis instrumentis praeliandi, aggressus est praeficere, omnem suum exercitum conducens ad Alrehethe; fecit quoque illo etiam advehi multam struem lignorum et lapidum atque ex omni materia aggerationem, et omnes piscatores provinciae cum naviculis ad Cotingelade adesse jussit, ut illuc quae adduxerant transfretarent, unde globos et montanas cis Alrehethe facerent, super quos bellare deberent'. This version sounds much less like the description of a second attack on the island than like another aspect of the operation already described in ch. 104. In the Gesta, in fact, Hereward's successful attack on the boats is only one particular incident in William's preparations to enter the island which altogether take seven days to complete, and the battle in which the phitonissa is killed is not the consequence of any attack by Hereward, but is William's grand assault on the island. See Introduction, supra, p. lvi. 3 Iterum . . . transvadere: there is no corresponding passage in the Gesta to indicate that this is a second assault. * Mox . . . triumphus: cf. ibid., p. 388, which disposes of this action briefly in a sentence, ' imposito igne in eo, unde totum combustum est, et nonnulli etiam ab eo occisi et dimersi'. The longer account in the L.E. does not represent a fuller version of the legend, but has been filled out with borrowings from II Mac, x, 30-38, and from William of Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi. 5 Cf. II Mac, x, 30. 6 Cf. II Mac, x, 38, more fully cited at the corresponding point in the summary given supra, ch. 102. 7 fugam . . . terga: the phrases are adapted from William of Poitiers' description of the battle of Hastings (Gesta Guillelmi, pp. 200, 202), ' In fugam itaque conversi quantotius abicerunt, alii raptis equis, nonnulli pedites ; pars per vias, plerique per avia . . . Normanni licet ignari regionis

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nonnulli pedites, pars per vias, plerique per devia, illic in marissam precipites ruunt, quos Herewardus et sui non ignari regionis avide insequentes cedebant rea terga), sicque illo die feliciter cucurrit maturando triumphus. Predicta x quoque ilia venifica super cunctos in loco eminentiore, ut liberius suis incantationibus vacaret, constituta, a timore velud a turbine percussa, de alto lapsum dedit. Sicque fracta cervice prior hec, que ad aliorum internicionem venerat, exanimata ° interiit. Flamma etiam ignis, vento ex adverso surgente, procul adinstar duorum stadiorum in arundinetum distenditur, in quo discurrens monstrum horrende visionis illic Normannorum turmas vehementer terruit atque hinc stridor incendii, crepitantibus virgis salicum, undique insonans pene in amentiam verterat. Quod rex eminus considerans, inestimabiliter luxit, et b , semianimis effectus, manibus satellitum in tentorium delatus ad castrum Cantebrugie secessit, frendens et comminans locum perpetuo infligere dampno. lam enim deposuerat amplius eum debellare. Et ascitis quotquot suorum predia sancte iESeldreSe invaserant, in hereditatem iugiter habenda sancivit, prohibens ulterius cuiquam, nisi ab ipso summoniti inde respondeant. Quod apud cenobium in insula confestim innotuit, unde nimium perturbati Dei et beate iESeldreSe auxilium pro tanto discrimine suppliciter invocant) 2 . Comprimo magnifica gesta [fo. 84(0.)] Herewardi, que tenui 3 orationis figura scribere placet, ut res pulcherrimas c dilucide lecturi intelligant. Rex namque, sicut necessitudo monebat, agmina direxit, que loca propinqua insiderent ut si d ad dimicandum illos elicere aut facile intercipere possent predatum evagatos. Ipse ad negotium aliud invitabatur, colloquii scilicet gratia regis Francorum Philippi Normanniam properare 4, tamen legatis primum experiens, si monachorum adlectione aditus insule posset inrumpere. Interea Herewardus et nobiliores 0 e

b

examinata F. pulcherrima's F. insequeb&ntur,

caedentes

et interlined E. {conquerentes non posse obsequi domino semper immoderata nimia precipienti). Normannorum7 quoque adeo " auxsilium F. 8 societatem. Insuper on erasure F, insuper inserted in a different but contemporary hand; insuper om. EO. " alios interlined F in a contemporary hand; om. EO, Gesta Guittelmi. d -li in insula refle- on erasure F; in insula added to the end of a line in E; rlecti EO. e vel om. EO. ' arma Gesta Guittelmi. h ' pravis Gesta Guittelmi. tranctant F. ' pertinaciam F. 1 The source for these references to an alliance with Scots, Welsh and Danes has not been identified. These phrases may merely summarise events reported by Orderic Vitalis under the year 1069 (Hist. Eccl., ii, 185-93), which present a remote echo: ' Multotiens enim pecuniis Anglorum et obnixis precibus fuerat sollicitatus ', i.e. the king of the Danes); or, as Orderic was still using William of Poitiers at this point and as William of Poitiers is cited elsewhere among these extracts in the L.E., the phrases may be derived from the lost portion of the Gesta Guillelmi, which would deal with the years 1067-71. Cf. also Orderic's account of Edwin's quest for help ' a Scotis et Guallis vel Anglis ' after the capture of Morcar (Hist. Eccl., ii, 216) and see supra, Introduction, p. lvi. 2 Sed . . . habuit: a not uncommon phrase. It occurs in the Gesta Guillelmi, p. 72, relating to events in Normandy in 1054. 3 Quoniam . . . affliget: cf. ibid., p. 58, ' Rem vere gestam et quid prope gestum erat memorabimus . . . Exilio, carcere, item alia animadversione, quae vitam non adimeret, ulcisci malebat ' ; the passage refers to the rebellion of William of Arques and to William's humane policy in the treatment of prisoners. 4 Soli . . . bellica: the source has not been identified, but the phrase Sed rex noster . . . recalls William of Poitiers, who is fond of these comparisons, e.g. p. 256, ' Nullius unquam regis aut imperatoris largitatem . . . majorem comperimus '. 8 consurgere . . . nocendum: from William of Poitiers' account of the rule of Bishop Odo of Bayeux and William Fitz Osbern during William's absence in Normandy in 1067. 6 Andegavi . . . praecipienti: cf. the verbal parallels in Ord. Vit., Hist. Eccl., ii, 198, describing William's march to Chester in January 1070, ' Andegavi, Britones et Cenomanni servitiis . . . gravabantur, unde pertinaciter a rege missionem petentes conquerebantnr. Sui nimirum ad expurgationem depromebant non posse domino semper nova et immoderata audenti, nimiaqae praecipienti obsequi'. See supra, p. xxviii. 7 The L.E. here reverts to the sequence of the Gesta Herwardi (p. 390), which also inserts the account of Ralph Waher's rebellion of 1075 (A.S.C., E ; D, 1076; Florence, s.a. 1075) between the battle for Aldreth and the abbot's surrender, but differs in phrasing and detail. The Gesta also, wrongly, brings ' tres memorati comites et omnes majores natu qui in insula erant ' to the

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labefactata est fides et mota, ut adversum naturalem dominum suum prelium procinerent cum collectaneis et consanguineis, commonente comite Radulfo de Waher, ut ad conspirationem invicem contemptiose moverentur, accersito in id Herewardo, viro inclito et valido, aliisque prepotentibus Anglie, iEdwino scilicet, Morkaro, .ZESelino, Wandevo a, Siwardo et ^Edgaro, quorum obstinata studia patriam inquietaverunt seditionibus. Ad hoc quippe tune Herewardus, commissa in tuto insula, versus Estanglos 6 profectus est, cui adhesit iuvenum pars valida, et quacumque pergebant" in armis contra nemo resistere presumebat [fo. 84(a)v]. {Predam 1 habundantem inde contrahunt d securi, minime sibi e vim ullam noscere posse arbitrages). Hec quidem de pluribus historiis recindentes ac simul, sed breviter, coniungentes, ex multis et magnis pauca memoramus ac parva, ne prolixitas nimis procedat, neu fide maiora dicantur quamvis vera. In libro autem de ipsius gestis Herewardi, dudum a venerabili viro ac doctissimo fratre nostro beate memorie Ricardo edito, plenius descripta inveniuntur 2. 108. Quam f violenter locus de Enulfesbery abstractus sit Elyensi ecclesie. Inter hec namque tempestive commotionis incendia ius et debitum virginis Dei iESeldreSe diripiunt omnes, transeuntes viam, questumque pietatis estimant, gaudent et manu plaudunt, quotquot prevalent, inferre lesionem bonis illius multiplicand Ex quibus extitit unus ille Gilebertus de Clara, genere ac dignitate carnis preclarus, sed tota anima atque virtute sancte iESeldreSe dominatricis Elyensis ecclesie in cunctis adversarius, cui locum de Henulvesberi subripiens sibi vendicare presumpsit indeque nostros violenter eiectos recedere compulit3. Nonnullosa vero ex eis * iugi b "€ WalSeuo E. Anglos E, but a letter after versus has been erased. d progebant F. contrahant F, contrahunt from E. ' sibi Orderic; minime s't F, on erasure E; minime fieri 0. f The whole chapter is in the margin of E and the rubric is marked with the letter B presumably to indicate that it should follow, not precede, ch. 109, q.v. 9 Nonnulli F. * ex eis interlined F in a contemporary hand, om. EO.

assistance of Ralph, but leaves Hereward behind to guard Ely. The names of the earls (presumably Edwin, Morcar and Tosti) are not mentioned and we are given the additional detail that William laid waste the country from Norwich to Thetford and Sudbury. It is clearly impossible, as Freeman pointed out (Norman Conquest, iv, 811), for Edwin and Morcar to have been involved in Ralph's rebellion. The mistake may be due to the natural tendencies of the growth of legend, but it may also owe something to the confusion with the landing of the Danes which Ralph repulsed (10S9), and the compiler may be wrongly applying an extract belonging to the latter context (i.e. 1069) from Orderic Vitalis (Hist. Eccl., ii, 192) ' Jam Adelinus, Guallevus, Siguardus, aliique praepotentes Angli ad Danos contulerant se . . .' In the L.E. account the names Edgar and Mdelinus presumably both refer to the jEtheling Edgar, unless the latter is a corruption of the name iEthelwine. 1 Predam . . . arbitrantes: either abridged from Ord. Vit., Hist. Eccl., ii, 196 (describing events of 1069), ' praedam abundantem contraxemnt, securi agitabant, nullam sibi vim nocere posse putabant . . .', or derived by both from the lost portion of the Gesta Guillelmi. 2 On the authorship of these gesta see Introduction, supra, p. xxxvi. 3 In 1086 the manor of Eynesbury was in the hands of Rohais, wife of Richard Fitz Gilbert. The new community was probably established about 1079, ' endowed by Richard, his wife Rohais, and their dependants, and for several centuries supported from twelve to eighteen monks and a prior ' (M. Morgan, The English Lands of the Abbey of Bee, 1946, p. 11; cf. Poree, Histoire de

LIBER ELIENSIS 189 inedia maceratos et diu afflictione gravatos de loco nequivit pellere, tamen sic domare illorum constantiam postremo cogitans, iubet eos pertrahi foras et ultra mare apud Beccum perpetuo custodie mancipandos transmisit. Sicque monachis nostris a loco depulsis atque proscriptis, monachos inde adducens apud Henulvesberi contra rationis ordinem et iniuste pro nostris locavit, quod illi licet indebite, usque ad hanc diem pro voto optinent et nos super huius ° infestationis mollestia iudiciali disceptatione frustramur. 109. Quod b monachi Elyenses clementiam regis adierunt et de atrocitate itineris exercitus et equorum eius. Monachi igitur de Ely, cognoscentes mala que c din regno fiebant, et in ecclesiarum rebus pervasionemfieriet diminutionem ab externa gente graviter doluerunt, magnificentiam templi Domini reminiscentes et loci sancti, sibi tale discrimen imminere veriti sunt, flentes unanimitere, auxilium de celo et sue in eternum patrocinantis Christi sponse dilecte iESeldreSe presidium adesse poscebant. Et divina inspirante dementia salubre demum ineuntes consilium, ad regem mittere constituunt illius flagitare misericordiam et pacem. Invaluerat enim [fo. 85] fames, ut supra retulimus \ per totam2 regionem atque istic innumeris milibus hostilis collegii etiam horrea g servata ' Egipti tantam inopiam non supplerent . Reliquie ciborum in loco iamh 3 fuerant exauste, eo quod Septimus erat annus , ex quo seditionem adversus novum regem commoverunt. Frumenti copia sufficere nulla diu pot erat. Furto enim vel rap to vesci monachorum ordini minime licuit. Et convocatis ad se primoribus qui urbem et aquarum exitus muniunt, ipsos inde abigere atque Normannorum catervis fore tradendos, si consiliis eorum abnuant. His territi mox verbis, piguit eos gravissimi incepti. Eius felicem exitum nequaquam sperant, prelia existimantes levia, si his malis conferatur. {Urgebat4 eos fames valida, intus pavor angebat nimius nee 0 d h

b e huiusmodi 0. This rubric is marked with the letter A in E. qui F. extermina E. ' unamiter F. * sevata F. ' Nam add. EO. regem novum F, but with marks interlined to indicate a change of order.

VAbbaye du Bee, 1901, i, 453-54)- The expulsion of the Ely monks is not elsewhere recorded and Ely laid no claim, apart from the statement in this chapter, to the lands once allocated for their community at Eynesbury (see supra, ch. 29). The L.E. consistently uses the name Gilbert de Clare, when Richard Fitz Gilbert, the founder of the house of Clare, must be meant. 1 Supra, ch. 104; but the account of the famine is abridged from sources referring to the year 1069. The Gesta Herwardi (pp. 390-92) has a different version of the surrender of the island. Here Abbot Thurstan, on his return from Angerhale (in Bottisham, Cambs. Place-names, p. 131), was persuaded to come to terms by William's threat to confirm his followers in their title to the abbey lands outside the island. There is no mention of Warwick, and the chief point of the story is to relate how Hereward was warned of the truce when the king was already at Witchford and how he made good his escape towards Upwell. For another, and late, version of the surrender —the2 ' Story found in the Isle of Ely '—see infra, p. 217. Cf. Gen., xli, 47—56. 8 By no calculation can the seventh year ex quo seditionem adversus novum regem commoverunt be made to coincide with 1071, the accepted date for the surrender of Ely. See infra, App.4 D, p. 430, and / Mac, vi, 53. Urgebat . . . audebant: cf. Ord. Vit., Hist. Eccl., ii, 197, referring to the Danes during the winter of 1069-70, ' Urgebat eos non minus fames quam tempestas . . . Egredi ad comportandum rapinas non audebant'.

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ad comportandum rapinas egredi, nisi in manu valida, audebant}, enses Normannorum plus omni periculo metuentes. Et arrepto itinere, in Warewic vico famoso reverenter regem cum debita supplicatione monachi requirunt, se suaque omnia eius clementie commendantes. Stetit itaque abbas Elyensis Thurstanus cum suis monachis coram rege magno Willelmo, orans et deprecans per misericordiam Dei, ut averteret iram furoris sui ab eis et a civitate sua, spondens per omnia deinceps fidele obsequium. Et, consistente satraparum caterva, optimum reputavit, dicens, maiestatem illius tolerare supra se, cum ius regni a Deo sit illi concessum. Verum et si dignanter a eis attendat, finem laborum suorum haut dubitanter assequi posse et ingressum insule citius optinere proponit, si tantum pro Deo et sue anime salute predia et bona per suos de loco abstracta restitui faceret. Et spopondit rex. Audita sunt hec et prolata in medio baronum, et gavisi sunt. Dedit illi Deus gratiam in conspectu regis precepitque rex comiti Willelmo de Warenne et Gileberto venerabili de Clara 1 , ut promissi fideiussores existerent. Abbas vero, ut optavit, de possessionibus ecclesie congregandis necessarie cum ipso contulit ac post in propria remeans, prius eum instruens modum rebellationis nee deterreri, quamvis sit totiens ab inimica gente repulsus, consilio namque suo et auxilio b illis deesse, unde eorum virtutem labefactari citius agnosceret. Tune quippe (rex 2 secessus regni providentius perlustravit, communiens oportuna loca, quo c rebellium excursionem) a retundere et contumaciam facilius perdomare posset. Hoc tamen rumore percussus, gau-[/o. 55^]-dio insolito exultat, quasi de victoria iam securus triumphat. Congregatoque quantum poterat pedestri et equestri exercitu, promittit fautoribus honores ac dona, qua maiorem hostium esse noverat tendere disposuit, scilicet Ely. Accelerat, machinas parat. Locus, ut sepe iam dictum est, munitissimus erat. Ad expugnationem in dies laborat, etenim e expungnare quondam id munimentum ingeniosa Canutif fortitudo non valebat 3 . Deterruit plures per solum palustre armatos incedere, quod vix hominis aut cuiusque animalis vestigia sustineret, ac facile concussum de longe ad iactum sagitte velud caos in solidum titubans voraginem minare cerneres, ac brevissimo imbre resolutum rivis et amnibus influunt, iugiter periculosis gladioletis sunt velate, que solum palustre fovere solent. Coniectari potest ex his quam voraginosa sint earum ima 4, quasi in abissum precipita 9. Tactum vero serenitate aliquantula, ° dignat' F. " ausilio F. d 0 quorum FO. excursiones E, Orderic, excursores O. ' etenim . . . valebat add. in the margin E with caret. 1 Chanuti E. * praecipite MSS. 1 Richard Fitz Gilbert, founder of the house of Clare, must be meant. Both he and William of Warenne had connections with Ely (supra, ch. 108; infra, cc. i n , 119). During the king's absence in 1075 they are said to have acted as his deputies in England (Ord. Vit., Hist. Eccl., ii, 262). Cf. supra, ch. 108. *rex . . . excursionem: cf. Ord. Vit., Hist. Eccl., ii, 184. 3 Presumably in 1016 when he was raiding Bedfordshire and Huntingdonshire (A.S.C., s.a.), but no specific attempt on Ely is elsewhere recorded. 4 The rest of this chapter shares words and passages with Orderic's description of the march to Chester in January 1070, which have been independently adapted from the portion of William of Poitiers' Gesta Guillelmi which has not survived. Cf. Hist. Eccl., ii, 198, ' Indefessim itaque pergit via equiti nunquam ante experta, in qua sunt montes ardui et profundissimae valles, rivi et amnes periculosi, et voraginosa vallium ima . . .'

LIBER ELIENSIS 191 1 fissuris aperitur amplis atque profundis. Preter contraria hec (sepe nimio imbre vexantur equites, mixta interdum grandine}; unde fessi multotiens et prope abnuentes omnia advertunt (dura 2 passi, restare multo duriora in hoc " itinere). Comperta sunt nobis que recitamus eorum, qui toleraverant eadem, J&deli memoratu.3 Visum namque et vocem intercipiebant angustie transitus atque flexure. (Anxius quisque pro sua salute, domini parum aut amici meminit). Britones 4 iam et alii discesserant ob immanitatem laboris, quos repatriare volentes a navigio repulerat interdictio regis. Subsecuti sunt ultro suppliciter ad obsequium eius redeuntes. Pudore cogebantur ire cum (regem 6 ipsum b agiliter precedere} conspicerent. Pontis autem (usum * aliquando prestabant equi in paludibus enecti). (Rex 7 vere constantiam nabens, quara prestantissimus dux Iulius Cesar in ctali necessitudine finxisse putatur, neque nunc dignans suos multo retinere hortatu sive novis promissis velud inertes atque invalidos}, paucis tamen respondet: si precepto suo pareant, ad reliqua ipsis utile fore; contra, si deserant,dseque, quo cause necessarie vocant, perrecturum, nee timere eorum discessu impediri , quo minus impigree peragat inchoata. Equidem tranquil-8 litatis regno comparande queque dimcillima supervadere proponit. (Tandem exercitum) propius quam opinio cuiusquaque promisisset ad aquas Ely (usque perduxit incolumem). no. Quod abscedente Herewardo de insula rex tandem ingressus est. At tune germani duo iEdwinus [fo. 86} et Morcharus f, qui nunquam in regis iEdwardi» curia magis gratia et honore pollebant quam in liberi regis nostri Willelmi 9, 0

h in add. F. peditem add. E. "9 impederi F. ' impegre F, om. E. Hedwardi, corr. from Herewardi F.

1 2

' ortatu F. * Morkarus E.

Cf. ibid., ii, 198, ' saepe nimio vexabantvtr imbre, mixta interdum grandine . . .' Cf. ibid., ii, 198, ' Exercitus autem qui dura toleraverat, in hoc itinere multo duriora restare timebat'. 3 Cf. ibid., ii, 197, ' Anxius pro sua quisque salute extitit, dominique parum aut amici meminit'. 4 This reference to the withdrawal of the Bretons corresponds in general to the passage (ibid., ii, 198), ' Andegavi, Britones et Canomanni . . . conquerebantur ' which is echoed more clearly supra, ch. 107, but there is no close parallel. Perhaps William of Poitiers gave a fuller account, or, more probably, a local legend has been interpolated among these excerpts. 6 Cf. ibid., ii, 198, ' Ipse rex multoties pedes cunctos agiliter procedebat'. 6 Cf. ibid., ii, 198, ' Aliquando praestabant cunctis usum equi in paludibus enecti '. ' Cf. ibid., ii, 198, ' Rex autem constantiam Julii Caesaris in tali necessitate secutus est, nee eos multo precatu seu novis promissis retinere dignatus est. Audacter incoeptum iter init, fidasque sibi cohortes se sequi praecepit, desertores vero velut inertes pavidosque et invalidos, si discedant, parvipendit'. 8 Tandem . . . incolumem: cf. ibid., ii, 198, 'Tandem exercitum incolumem usque Cestram perduxit ..." 8 The phrase recalls the language and sentiment of William of Poitiers, but has no echo in Orderic Vitalis {cf. Hist. Eccl., ii, 215-16). The story which follows is yet another version of the siege of 1070-71, as already recorded in cc. 102, 104 and 107, but this time described from the Norman point of view. The opening phrase, and the closing sentences which are derived verbatim from William of Poitiers, suggest that it may owe something to him, but there is no evidence that the lost portion of the Gesta Guillelmi included the siege of Ely and, if it did, it is surprising that there are no passages in common with Orderic Vitalis. See Introduction, supra, pp. liv—v.

192

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cognito nunc illo debellatum ire ad Ely, inopinato ilium deseruere in ultionem sue gentis. Commune deliberant, non minus, quam si princeps et dux eorum Herewardus adesset, parati obsistere. Simul qui hactenus occultius in armis manserant, modo necessarios ac vicinos pudebat non sequi. Exeunt cotidie ratibus et per angustos calles, promiscue Anglos et Gallos trucidant, equos et arma per vicinia corripiunt, predis continuo cumulant rerum habundantiam repertarum in loco. Spe namque meliore roborati militum sue gentis circiter octo milia, que exulabant apud Danos, in proximo reditura cum Danis 1, ipsumque locum angulum ex omni terra Anglica commodissimum sciebant rebellibus et a quoquam posse expugnari non formidabant 2. Normanni vero lacum, Cotingelade dictum, iam transierant, expugnari tamen posse firmamenta ilia neutri opinabantur. Sed rex indicit a rem experiendam esse nee detractandum b bonis laborem qui tot malis finem studeant imponere, sanciendo exempla que timeant factionum cupidi, ac primum deinde fluviorum hostia classe occupavit, ne receptus in maritima pateret. Paludem vero iterum sterni pontibus precepit et qualiter aut de materia fierentc rex ipse predocuit. Sudor quoque ipsius assiduus intererat; fervidam instantiam eius pariter et militum plus incendit, quod supervenientes de insula plerosque interemerunt et operis partem reciderunt. Preter palustria obstabant lacus multi et torrentes, nee pigebat regem ipsum, ut confirmaret pavidos, per flumen aliquod preire, quo pene ad galee conum demergebatur. Pervenitur tandem in proxima insule ad stangnum horribile a visu infinite profunditatis, exuberans undique ad alvei sui fastigia. Hostes in margine adverso, cespitibus ad muniendum se coniestis, transitum saxis ac missilibus prohibere parant. Nimium proturbantur e Normanni ancipiti obstaculo. Rex incoata perurgens, naviculas per paludem attrahi fecit, miro ingenio, maximo labore simul erigi instrumenta bellica, quibus adversarios oppelleret. Motabatur humus infirma, minitans demersionem omnibus que sustinebat. Oppungnabant equites Galli mille loricati et galeati, qui ad eos transierant ', milia piratarum tria, plura militis Anglici, col-[fo. 86v]-lecti de regionibus mediterraneis, preterea vulgus insulanum. Cum deinde balistis Normanni omni telorum genere inpugnarent, cedunt miseri et in profugium * convertuntur. Consectari festinans, rex citissime invalido ac tremulo ponte exercitum traduxit, facto super naviculas perticis et crateribus h. Sed transgressis lacuum eluctatio restabat difficillima, per lacunas et gurgites luteos terram solidam vix demum arripiunt. Tune sonora victorie vox quam celerrime hostes de insula propulit. {Exars " videlicet F. detrectandum E. c fieret F and om. rex, the final t being altered from x. d orribile E, ombi-(end of line) -bile F. e Probably in error for perturbantur which Stewart prints (p. 244). * Corr. to transtulerant -F. ' profundum 0. * concrateribus F. 1

This detail is not found elsewhere. ipsumque . . .formidabant. This phrase recalls Orderic Vitalis, Hist. Eccl., ii, 196, describing William's activities at the end of 1069, ' Rursum comperit hostile collegium in angvio quodam regionis latitare, mari vel paludibus undique munito. Unicus aditus per solidum intromittit latitudine tantum viginti pedum patens '. In Orderic the phrase is followed by ' Praedam abundantem . . .', cited supra, ch. 107. This angulus seems to have been somewhere between York and the river Tees (cf. Freeman, Norman Conquest, iv, 302). 2

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*

193

dentes * Normanni et circumvenientes aliquot milia, momento deleverunt ea, ut vix pauci diffugerenty {Cor 2 amisit absque vulnere pars hostium non modica, prospiciens hunc admirandum ac terribilem militem a ) . {Egit 3 enim, quid eternandum est laude, cum legione quam duxit, irruens ac sternens magna cum audacia. Non est nostre facultatis nee promittit intentio nostra fortia illius facta universa narrare. Copia dicendi valentissimus, qui bellum illud suis oculis didicerat b , difficile singula queque prosequeretur). {Scriptor 4 Thebaidos vel Eneidos, qui libris in ipsis poetica lege de magnis magna canunt, ex actibus regis huius eque magnum, plus dignum, conderent opus vera canendo. Profecto si, quantum dignitas suppeditaret, carminibus edissererent condescentibus, inter divos ipsorum stili venustate transferrent eum. Nostra vero tenuis prosa titulando invictissime regnantis huius prelium, quo tam fortiter vicit, breviter excepit}. i n . Quam crudeliter rex suam iniuriam vindicavit de inimicis et quod monachi fedus cum eo firmum optinent, dantes non modicas pecunias, ad quod persolvendum aufertur de ecclesia omne precipuum in auro et argento. Itaque rex, ut insulam introierat, paludis anfractus itinere asperrimo circumivit atque turbam inimicam obsidione circumdat in loco super omnes difficultates, quas ante superaverat, terribili. Producuntur armati, primo principes, deinde numerus aliquantus fama preminentium vel dignitate aliqua. Quosdam carcerali pene, quosdam oculorum, manuum vel pedum privationi addixit, multitudinem vulgi dimisit impunitam. Equos autem enectos et queque incommoda huiusmodi multuplo recompensabat copia illic inventa. Capitur ^Edwinus et cum eo viri innumeri validi honoris et potentie nominati et artissime vincti. Con-[/o. #7]-dolet exercitus de effugio Morkardi, atque regis familiares cum querimonia, quod deditio repudiata fuit, succensenturc 5. Ipse et pauci vix evasere. Moxque rex turbam magnam ad cenobium 0

equitem Gesta Guillelmi.

h

didie'erat F.

c

sucen- F.

1 Exardentes . . . diffugerent: derived from William of Poitiers' description of the battle of Hastings (Gesta Guillelmi), p. 192, ' Exardentes Normanni et circumvenientes aliquot millia insecuta se, momento deleverunt ea, ut nequidem unus superesset '. 2 Cor . . . militem: ironiibid., p. 198. 3 Egit . . . prosequeretur: derived from ibid., p. 192, . . . ' egit quod (etc. as here) cum legione, quam in dextro cornu duxit, (etc. as here) nee permittit intentio nostra singulorum fertia facta 4pro merito narrare (etc. as here) oculis didicerit, difficillime (etc. as here) peisequeretur'. Scriptor . . . excepit: derived from ibid., p. 200, ' Scriptor (etc. as here) de magnis majora canunt ex actibus huius viri aeque magnum considerent ' (emended in the printed text to conficerent) ' opus (etc. as here) dignatas materiae suppeditaret carminibus ediscerent condecentibus (etc. as here) prosa, titulatura. ipsius humillime regnantibus pietatem in cultu veri Dei, qui solus ab aeterno in finem seculorum et ultra Deus est, praelium quo tam fortiter quam juste vicit, veraci termino breviqae concludat '. 6 This account of the final defeat of the rebels cannot be traced to any known source. It may be derived from a confused local tradition. The punishment recorded in general agrees with Florence, ii, 9, but there are no verbal parallels. There is no corroboration for the legend that Edwin was one of the besieged and was captured at Ely, and that Morcar escaped. See supra, ch. 105. Only in Orderic's version of the siege does Edwin survive this long, but here too it is Morcar who is captured, while Edwin, not included among those at Ely, plans to avenge his fate (Hist. Eccl., ii, 216-17).

194

*

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ELIENSIS

direxit fores et ecclesie hostia observare a, ne b , illuc oratum veniens, monachis requirendi eum aditus paterent, debita supplicandi facie occurrerent cum crucibus et sanctorum c reliquiis, si facultas non deesset, ut tali susceptus reverentia iure placari deberet et noxam offensionis dimitteret. Ad monasterium denique veniens, longe a sancto corpore virginis stans, marcham auri super altare proiecit, propius accedere non ausus; verebatur sibi a Deo iudicium inferri pro malis que sui in loco patrarunt. Ipse autem, presidio intra septa monachorum delocato, et, qui id opus conficerent, de Cantebrigie, Huntedonie et Bedefordie comitatu a constituit, et electis militibus, quos de Gallia traduxerat, commisit. Similiter castello de AldreheSee fidelibus Gallis munito, via regressus est qua intravit. Tanta illo die turbatio exstitit, ut celebratio misse ibi nulla fieret. Dies ilia erat sexto Kalendas Novembris x. Interea, recedente rege, hostia ecclesie reserantur et predictus Gilebertus de Clara ingressus est, ut videret officinas monachorum, ac circumiens f universas ad refectorium devenit. Quibus vescentibus sic ait: ' 0 miseri et vecordes, num alia vice prandere non liceret, dum rex apud vos est et in ecclesia consistit ? ' Quo dicto, relictis mensis ad ecclesiam omnes cucurrereg, sed regem non invenere. Unde nimium turbati, non habentes spem nisi in dominum Deum, eundem Gilebertum poscunt, ut, eo mediante, pacem stabilem obtinerent, quia pactum cum illis factum 2, memor iniuriarum, dissolvit rex n, malum proponens i addere malo. Hie, suscepto negotio, regem super hoc convenit et cum difficultate implevit, sic tamen ut monachi, coram eo venientes, prece vel pretio, quomodo possent, furorem eius mitigarent. Et introducti ad regem apud Wichefordiam, ubi tune hospitabatur, vix per ilium et per alios magnificos k in gratiam sunt recepti, promittentes ei pretium pecunie, septingentarum scilicet marcharum argenti. Tune quidem monachi pretiosa queque in ecclesia sumentes, cruces, altaria, scrinia, textus, calices, patenas, pelves, situlas, fistulas, cifos, scutellas aureas et argenteas, ut pretaxatum explerent pecunie numerum, [fo. 8jv\ ac die statuto apud Cantebrigie ipsam pecuniam regiis numerare debuerant ministris, sed, dolo nummulariorum dragma fraudata, minus recti ponderis examinata invenitur habuisse. Quod rex ut comperit, graviter indignans, spem eis omnem quietis et pacis ulterius negat. {Solito 3 enim acriores intromissum et securum furie ascendunt, ultionem sui, velud per iniurias diminuti, exacturum. Oritur toto ambitu multa miseria. Tumultus, prede, rapine seviunt, vastitatem minantes. Paci vel securitati nullus locus relinquitur). Exinde monachi dolore illato et iam renovato devincti, pactum denuo ineuntes cum eo novum, trescentas prioribus septingentis adicere marcas, videlicetl millenarium supplere, pollicent, ut gratia eius cum loci libertate ac bonorum redintegratione potirentur. Ob hoc totum quod in ecclesia ex "h sic MSS., perhaps obserare is intended. nee MSS.; Stewart prints ne which seems to make the best sense of an ill-constructed clause. c d et add. F. commitatu F. ' AlreheSe E. ' circuiens F. h ' cucurere F. rex interlined F in a contemporary hand, in the text of 0, om. E. ' proponet F. * viros add. E. ' videlicet as for n. h. 1 2 3

27 October. The year, in accordance with A.S.C. and Florence, must be 1071. See supra, ch. 109. Solito . . . relinquitur: derived from Gesta Guillelmi, p. 54, describing the rebellion of William of Arques, ' Solito mox acriores intromissum furiae incendunt, ultionem quoque sui (etc. as here) ambitu pagi vicini multa (etc. as here) minantes . . . Paci et otio locus nullus relinquitur '.

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195

auro et argento residuum fuit, insuper imaginem sancte Marie cum puero suo sedentem in throno mirabiliter fabrefactam, quam ifelfsinus abbas fecerat de auro et argento 1, comminutum est. Similiter imagines sanctarum virginum multo ornatu auri et argenti spoliate sunt, ut pretium pecunie exsolvi queat. Sed nichilominus sperate quietis fiducia caruerunt. 112. De transitu abbatis Thurstani. Eximius abbas Turstanus, qui cenobio preerat, scientie et bonitatis gloria decoratus, verens et amans Deum, dum inter sevas bellorum turbines et seditionum discrimina fluctuaret, a bone intentionis opere non est arreptus. Ipse etenim, mundanorum perfectus contemptor, ima sibi et tribulationes libenter sustinuit. Officium grande et honerosum non appeteret, si divine predestinationi et fratrum voto concordi liceret obsistere. Tamen prepeditus tali molestia, sed expedita iam mente in celis conversabatur. Ingenti etenim concutiebatur dolore, cernens debilitari res sancte ecclesie. Unde bonorum suorum raptores instanter arguere cepit, ut correptos " et conversos, uti obnoxios, sibi conciliaret. Pervicaces atque resistentes, post publicam admonitionem resipiscere nolentes, sed potius sanctuarium Dei per potentiam sibi in hereditatem vendicantes, anathematis iaculo ferire non distulit. Non solum autem hos, sed quoscumque de illis nascituros, simili rapina res loci detinentes, perpetua maledictione dampnandum instituit. Decrevit etiam contra eos inter sacrosancta misteria misse perpetualiter orationes fieri, psalmum ' Ad te levavi', Pater Noster, et orationem ' Ec-[/o. #5]-clesie tue [quesimus]b, Domine, preces placatus intende ', quod ad internicionem illorum contigisse a generatione in generationem nemo huius temporis ambigit. Complevit autem dies suos in senectute bona et adpositus est ad patres suos anno ab incarnatione Domini millesimo septuagesimo sexto et undecimo suscepti ordinis sui gradus anno, regnante sepedicto Willelmo 2. Hunc idem rex, in concilio evocatum 3, deponere disposuit, loco eius monachum quendam Gemescientem " 4 cupiens subrogare, sed prudentiam ipsius viteque insignem conversationem experiens, et licet de loco non amoverit d, gravissimis ilium semper lacessivit iniuriis. 113. Quomodo rex Theodwinum in Ely constituit abbatem, qui, nolens suscipere nisi totum illic restituisset ablatum, quo e ingressus post modicum ex hac luce subtractus est absque benedictione sui officii, locum sua presentia vacuum Godefrido viro illustri atque prudenti reliquid. Rex igitur citius cognito predicti abbatis decessu ad Ely misit et, quicquid optimum in ornamentis et variis rebus ibi fuisse didiscerat, in thesaurum suum iusserat 0 c 1 2

correctos E. Gemesciensem E.

b

d

q's EF, qua sumus O. amoveret O. • qui O.

Supra, ch. 60. Thurstan must have died before 1076, as his successor Theodwin attended the London council of 1075. See infra, App. D, p. 412. 3 Presumably the council of 1070, and this summons may have prompted Thurstan to side with 4the rebels in the island. Cf. supra, ch. 105. Theodwin, who succeeded him (infra, ch. 113).

196

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asportari. Similiter pondus argenti et auri multum, quod prope monasterium in loco vocabulo WintewrSe repertum erat, unde fratres vasa altaris demolita et dampna loci reparare cogitabant, vestemque insignem, quam bonorum executor Stigandus archiepiscopus in decorem domus Dei paraverat, qua nullo terrarum regno ditior casula haberi memoratur 1 , rex idem sancte iESeldreSe abstulit et in thesauris Wintonie reposuit, unde nunc usque ecclesia caruit. Deinde adcitum ad se monacum Theodwinum Gemesciensem, curiis Normannie satis cognitum, quem diu in Ely preficere cogitaverat, in regimen tune loci delegit. Hie abbas industria sua, priusquam abbatiam intraret, ad earn revocavit totum quod in auro et argento et lapidibus ante illius promotionem rex inde abstulerat, nolens earn ullo modo suscipere, nisi rex que iusserat auferri iuberet referri. Restitutis itaque spoliis ecclesiasticis, Elyensem abbatiam multum profuturus, sed parum victurus, accepit et, loco suscepto, cappam nivei candoris valde insignem parari fecit, sed et tabulam ex auro et argento admirandi operis, in cuius medio thronus cum imagine Domini et per girum imagines, ex argento penitus deaurate atque bine inde zone lapidibus preciosis [fo. 88w] exornate, super divitias regionis Anglie precipuum estimabatur, quam Nigellus ° postea episcopus comminuit et omne pretiosum de ecclesia 2. Multoque pretiosiora gessisset abbas predictus, si tempus proximum de vita ilium non demeret. Nam post duos annos et dimidium, quibus honeste et utiliter vixerat, sine abbatis consecratione defungitur 3, Godefridum monacum, qui individuus ei comes adheserat, tamquam vicarium, suo loco relinquens. Quo b defuncto, statim assunt regis satrape et que habebantur in thesauris templi Domini et beate iESeldreSe in palam eiciunt atque nutu regio, numeratim singula discutientes, sicut sequens declarat capitulum, describunt. 114. Post" obitum Theodwini abbatis que inventa sunt de thesauro ecclesie. Hec 4 sunt que invenit Eudo dapifer et Willelmus de Belfou et Angerus d in ecclesia sancte iESeldreSe secundum breve abbatis" sancti iEdmundi, Rodulfo f Taillebois, Picoto, Hardewino de Escalers g, Eiraldo, testibus: x cem et ixvem calices cum patenis et iiiior sine patenis; xii textus et aptamina ii orum textuum; x et ix magnas cruces et viii parvas, et ix filacteria; viii casulas, una illarum brusdata, alia alba cum aurifriso h; item alia rubea similiter, alia purpurea, similiter alia rubea ' cum aurifriso in antea et per girum cum duobus floribus, alia purpurea sanguinea cum aurifriso in antea "b Nigellus postea episcopus add. on erasure E and in a different hand. Quo . . . describunt om. E, which ends the chapter with Qui regis concessu eiusdem ecclesie vii fere annis . . . etc. as the end of ch. 115 in F (where variant readings from E are noted) and omits cc. 114 and 113. The reason for this difference between E and F is discussed supra, p. xliv. c This chapter follows ch. 117 in the margin of E and in the corresponding place in the text of the cartulary in G. d

Ansg' EG. " abbatis interlined F. "h Harduuino de Sealers G.

> Radulfo G.

Item on erasure F, at the beginning of a new column; om. EG which after aurifriso add in

antea et flore. 1 purpurea G. 1 3 4

2 Supra, ch. 98. Cf. infra, Book III, cc. 50, 89. For the date of his death see infra, App. D, p. 412. Date: See infra, p. 197, n. 1. Printed: Monasticon, i, 477.

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et per girum cum pluribus floribus, alia rubea, de qua abbas Tedwinus sumpsit aurifrisum quod in antea erat, alia, de qua sumpsit florem, alia parata; viii albas: una est de serico cum aurifriso et cum amictu, vi cum amictibus et aurifriso, una sine amictu; iii amictus cum aurifriso, iii dalmatice a cum aurifriso et ii sine aurifriso; iii tunicas cum aurifriso et iiii sine auro b; xv stolas cum manipulis cum auro 6 ; ii pendentia cum auro b; xliiii albas cum totidem amictibus cum auro b; xliii pallia pendentia, v pallia cum auro b et v sine auro, que superponuntur sanctis, vi pallia altaris cum auro 6 cum v velaminibus; xxxiii cappas, iiii earum cum auro 6 , alie sine auro 6 ; iii taisellos ad opus capparum; xiiiiclm casulas cum auro 6, xviii sine auro 6 ; vi sacerdotalia vestimenta et vii diaconalia; ii stolas cum argentifriso et vi manipulos cum argentifriso; iiii tapeta; iii altaria cum. argento; xiii feretra cum argento et auro; iii turribula argentea; ii candelabra [fo. 8g\ argentea; iii calamos argenteos; xxx cortinas; xx dorsalia lanea; 1 scamnalia; v ' baculos pastorales, viium d habuit e Rodbertus ' abbas de Cruce; ii tapetas ad altaria; ii capitalia et iiiior arcones et vi limbos cortinarum; ii capsas cum argento; unum manipulum brusdatum. Hec non erant in predicto breve 1 . Hoc est incrementum per testimonium ipsorum monachorum ex quo Godefridus suscepit abbatiam in custodiam: ii calices argenteos cum patenis et unum aureum cum patena; v cappas, ii cum aurifriso in antea et per girum, ii sine auro *, i cum taisello; ii taisellos ", ii stolas cum manip[ulis] cum auro; ii dalmat[icas]; i tunicam; i albam cum amictu et cum aurifriso. 115. De obitu abbatis Theodwini, et quod Godefridum procuratorem pro se dereliquid. Cum h vero iam dictus abbas Theodwinus breviter, sed valde utiliter, in Ely, ut prefinivimus, vixisset, rebus humanis exuit, Godefridum, monacum eiusdem loci et sibi per cuncta fidelissimum, procuratorem pro se dereliquit. Hie ' regis precepto et fratrum obtentu ipsius ecclesie vii fere annis fidelis procurator remansit, nichil minus, quam si abbas esset, eius inserviens utilitati 2 . Et ipse circa dicessus sui terminum, quo ad Malmesberiensis ecclesie regimen erat transferendus, non modicum ex pastoris absentia vexatam se doluit *, que lupis undique circumdatam se vidit, tamen subscriptam libertatem Elyensi ecclesie ex industria vendicavit, sed suo mox earn discessu contristavit. e » dalmatica E. " aurifriso G. vii E. d Probably E is right in reading vii baculos, supra, n. c, and F right here in reading vii um , i.e. septimum. f ' habuit . . . Cruce on erasure F. R. EG. " taisellos om. G. k Cum . . . dereliquit is paraphrased from ch. 113. ' Hie . . . contristavit comes at the end of ch. 113 in E, which reads Qui regis concessu eiusdem for Hie . . . ipsius. * doleret E. 1 The addition of this incrementum which was not in Abbot Baldwin's breve suggests that the breve abbatis Sancti Mdmundi was a return made after the death of Theodwin in 1075, while the inventory as given in this chapter was the result of an inspection by Eudo dapifer and the others made some time during Godfrey's time and perhaps at the end of his tenure of the custody of the abbey in 1081. 2 For the length of Godfrey's term of office see infra, App. D, p. 413.

R

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116. Sub ° quibus principibus res ecclesie iurate sunt. Anno x ab incamatione Domini millesimo octogesimo, indictione undecimab, epacte" xxvi, quarto Nonas Aprilis, facta est discussio libertatis abbatie Elyensis. Que regis Willelmi defensione quatuordecim annis neglecta, iniqua ministrorum eius exactione suffocata, penitus extingui formidabat oppressa. Godefrido autem monacho res sancte procurante, rex tandem respectu divine misericordie instinctus his intendere principibus circumpositis per Baiocensem episcopum 2 precepit hec discutere, adunato ad Kenteford d trium proximorum comitatuum examine. Cui disputationi multi sepe interfuerunt, de quibus aliquos subscripsimus", qui finem dissensionis rate conclusionis fide intulerunt: Quattuor abbates cum suis Francigenis et Anglis, Baldewinus iEdmundinensis 3, Wlfwoldus Certesiensis 4, Ulfchetel Crulandensis 5, Alfwoldus Holmensis 6 ; [fo. 8gv] legati regis, Ricardus filius comitis Gisleb[erti], Heimo dapifer 7, Thiel / de Heriun 8 ; vicecomites similiter cum suis, Picot, Eustachius, Radulfus°, Walterus pro Rogero h et Rodberto vicecom'; Harduuinus, Wido, Wimer, Wihumer, Odo, Godricus, Norman, Colsuein, Godwinus, ceterique plurimi milites probati Francigene et Angli' etiam de k iiiior comitatibus, Msex, Hereford l, Huntendune, Bedeford9. Est autem libertatis huius venerandam quietatio, ut sancta regina integerrime sua possedit ab initio et regum iEdgari et iESelredi et" " Collated with copies in EO and the cartularies CDG. c * undecim CD. Et pacte EG. " Keneteford CDEG. ' subscribimus CD. ' Tihel CD. • Randulfus CD. " Rodgero CDE. ' Angligene, -gene on erasure and -ge interlined, G. k m his add. CD. ' Herford G. honoranda CD. " et om. CDEG; add, in the margin, F. 1 Date: The indiction for 1080 should be the third, and the mistake may have arisen from a scribe's reading xi for Hi. This report must not be regarded as a formal document, but it may include extracts from authentic records embellished by the use of rhyming prose. See infra, App. D, p. 426. Printed: Hamilton, I.C.C., p. xvii, no. i; Bigelow, Placita, pp. 22—23. Cf. Davis, Regesta, i, 32, no. 122. ! Odo, bishop of Bayeux. For his part in these proceedings see Miller, Ely Land Pleas, P- 4433 Baldwin, abbot of Bury St Edmunds, 1065-1097 or 1098 (D. C. Douglas, Feudal Documents from 4the Abbey of Bury St Edmunds, pp. xlviii-ix). Wulfwold, abbot of Chertsey, probably appointed 1058, died 1084. See Harmer, Writs, p. 580. 6 Wulfcytel, abbot of Crowland, probably appointed in 1061 or 1062, deposed 1085-86. See Robertson, Charters, p. 468. • jElfwold, abbot of Holme, probably ruling already in 1066 and died 14 November 1089 (Stenton, Engl. Hist. Rev., xxxvii, 1922, pp. 228, 233). 7 He occurs in a charter of 1069, served as sheriff of Kent and died some time before 1100 (Davis, Regesta, i, xxiii). 8 The caput of the honor of Tihel de Helium lay in Essex. See J. H. Round, in V.C.H., Essex, i, 350, and in ' Helion of Helion Bumpstead ', Essex Arch. Trans, (n.s.), viii, 187-91. * The sheriffs belong to Cambs., Hunts., Essex, Suffolk and Norfolk; the knights named, where they can be identified, held lands in 1086 in Cambs., Suffolk, Norfolk, and Hunts, (if Odo is the tenant holding of Eustace the sheriff). If Godric is the dapifer of that name he farmed king's land in Essex as well as Norfolk and Suffolk (V.C.H., Norfolk, ii, 13) and the name Godwine occurs in Beds, and Herts, as well as in the above-named shires.

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1

^Edwardi comprobatur privileges , quod hec sanctorum et maxime restaurata sunt studio et ab omni secularium potestate copiose redempta commercio 2 et maligne renitentibus conscripta et conclamata dampnationis imprecatio. Hanc a validissimam discussionem et cautissimam institutionem ne qua posset inquietare calumpnia, provida et benivola se regis accinxit industria, preceptis earn roborans, edictis confirmans, beneficiis augens, cartis muniens, quarum unam presenti negotio adiacentem rerum series exposcit subscribi. 117. Carta b regis de libertate loci ac dignitate. Willelmus 3 Anglorum c rex omnibus fidelibus suis et vicecomitibus in quorum a vicecomitatibus abbatia de Ely terras habet salutem e . Precipio, ut a b b a t i a ' habeat omnes consuetudines suas, scilicet sacham g et socham h, tol > et team et infanganetheof *, hamsocna et grithbriche l, fithwite m et ferdwite, infra burgum et extra et omnes alias forisfacturas que emendabiles sunt in terra sua super suos homines. Has inquam habeat, sicut habuit * die qua rex Edwardus fuit vivus et mortuus et sicut mea iussione dirationate sunt apud Ceneteford ° per pluras v scires Q "6 Hanc . . . subscribi om. CD. Collated with copies in EO and the cartularies CDGM and Brit. Mus., MS. Add., gS22, fo. 15V, and with a copy in an inspeximus 0/1318, which survives in Ely, D. and C, Cart. no. 30 (printed Miller, Ely Land Pleas, p. 455). d " rex Anglorum D. and C, cart. et add. CD, expunged D. ' salutes CD. ' de Heli add. C; de Ely DO, 9822, D. and C, cart., interlined M. ' saccham CD, sacam G, D. and C, cart. h soccham D, socam D. and C, cart. ' toll CDE, et team toll et G. k infeanganf>eof D, infangentheof D. and C, cart. 1 m grithbrice CD. fihtwite EG. " habebat g822, D. and C, cart. ° Keneteford CDEG, Cheneteford D. and C, carl. " corr. to plures C, plures D. g822, D. and C, cart. ' scyres EGM, scyras CD, sciras 9822, D. and C, cart. 1 2 3

Cf. the preamble to King Edward's charter, supra, ch. 92. Cf. ibid., ' sine aliqua exceptione secularis vel ecclesiastice iustitie '. Date: 1080 x 87. To suit the dates of Abbot yEthelsige of Ramsey, who seems to have succeeded iElfwine in 1079/80 (Harmer, Writs, p. 551) and died in 1087 (Ramsey Cart., iii, 174), and of Abbot Wulfwold of Chertsey (supra, p. 198, n. 4), the plea referred to in this writ must have been heard between 1080 and 1084, and there are reasons for placing it early in 1081. See infra, App. D, p. 427. The writ itself may have been issued soon after this, but the reference in it to the Kentford settlement reads like an appeal to the authority of the latter made on some later occasion. Such an occasion may have arisen in 1086 or 1087 when Abbot Simeon complained to the king of the decline of the abbey's liberties (infra, ch. 134). The rights confirmed are those granted to Wulfric by Edward the Confessor in ch. 95, with the addition of sake and soke, which are mentioned in his charter of confirmation (ch. 92). Cf. Harmer, Writs, pp. 222-25. Printed: Hamilton, I.C.C., p. xviii (no. ii); Bentham, Ely, i, App., p. 9, no. v (1); Monasticon, i, 477, no. x; Bigelow, Placita, pp. 23-24. The writ has been the subject of frequent confirmations, noted in Davis, Regesta, i, 34, no. 129, and has been the model for charters of Henry I (infra, Book III, ch. 7), Henry II (Ely, D. and C, Cart. no. 10, printed Delisle-Berger, Recueil des Actes de Henri II, i, no. lx, and Cartae Antiquae Rolls 1-10, Pipe Roll Soc, 1939, no. 64), and John (Ely, D. and C., Cart. no. 16, printed Miller, Ely Land Pleas, p. 455).

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ante meos barones, videlicet Gaufridum a Constantiensemb episcopumc et Baldewinum abbatem et d abbatem Mihi et Wlwoldume abbatem et Ivonem f Taileboisg et Petrum de Valoniis L et Picotum vicecomitem et Tielum h de Heluin ' et Hugonem de Hosdeng et Gocelinum de Norwic * et plures alios. Teste Rogero Bigot l . Hec m Godefridi monachi acta temporibus non modicum firmamentum Elyensi ecclesie contulerunt. Qui quo ordine ad Elyense regimen pertigerit, breviter declaravimus n. 118. Quod rex Willelmus Godefridum ad Malmesberiam de Ely transtulerit illicque Simeonem pro eo instituit, qui contra morem et loci dignitatem et ipsius regis preceptum, nescientibus ecclesie filiis, [fo. go] benedictionem percepit ab episcopo Lincolliensi. Translato autem Godefrido ad abbatiam Malmesberie 2 Willelmi regis precepto venerabilis prior Wintoniensis ecclesie Simeon, frater Walchelini eiusdem ecclesie pontificis 3, Elyensi ecclesie abbas delegatur. Cuius 4 personam tune temporis commendabant senectus venerabilis, vite munditia, mentis benignitas, elemosinarum frequentia, famamque suam, que multorum aures attigerat, bonitas magnitudine superare studebat. Nactus ergo locum officii, preterita studia novis ampliavit operibus, novo scilicet ecclesiam Eliensem suscitans fundamento reliquasque ofneinas toto annisu coedificans, ut interiorem affectum exterior testaretur effectus et cum rerum copia non vicium sed virtus abundaret nee iam esset degeneris otii sed spiritualis negotii materia quicquid terrene substantie manus omnipotentis ei contulerat. Cumque vicinis et longius positis pium de se prestaret spectaculum et ad hoc specialiter sudaret eius intentio, ut regio et religio Elyensis ° suis reflorerent temporibus, primis "b Gausfridum CD, Goisfr' 9822, Goisfridum D. and C, cart. Costantiensem F, Constanciensem EM, D. and C, cart. " et Walch' episcopum add. 9822, Walchelinum D. and C, cart. d et abbatem yEilsi et Wlwoldum abbatem om. CD. ' Wlfwoldum EGM. > Ioh'em 9822. » Taillebois CDEGM. h Tehelun CD, Tehelum de Helionk 9822, D. and C, cart. 1 sic EFO, CDGM. Noruuicum CD. ' Bigod D. m Hec . . . declaravimus om. CD, 9822, D. and C, cart., but the cartularies GM retain Hec . . . contulerunt. " This chapter is followed in E by a rubric erased except for the opening word Quod, and its position corresponds to the additional rubric in the index Quod predictus abbas Godefridus que in thesauris etiam repererat ecclesie describi fecit. Then follows ch. 139 (q.v.) but with an introductory passage not found in F. For an attempt to explain this difference in order, see supra, pp. xliii-iv. In the bottom margin E (fo. 92V-93) adds ch. 114, but without a heading. GM omit Qui . . . declaravimus, and G continues with ch. 114. 0 Elyensi F. 1 The lands of the barons here named lay in the counties where Ely held its lands and rights —Cambs., Suffolk, Norfolk, Essex, Herts.—and also in Lines, (e.g. Dd, i, fos. 132, 140b, 201b; ii, 78,2 88, 187, 256, 278b, 337, 420b, 427b). For the date of Simeon's accession see infra, App. D, p. 413. 3 Bishop of Winchester 1070-95. 4 The style of this chapter resembles that of infra, Book III, cc. 44 and 45, which are known to be derived from the opuscula of the monk Richard. Note especially ' interiorem affectum exterior . . . effectus, degeneris otii sed spiritualis negotii, regio et religio', and ' portas offirmant . . . ' t o the end of the chapter.

LIBER ELIENSIS 201 annis sui regirainis factus est ° minus sollicitus de benedictione abbatis; a qua tamen aliquandiu ob hoc maxime dilatus est, quod 1 Remigius Lincolniensis episcopus eius benedictionem suo iuri contra ius deputaret , Jidwardo rege statuente et Victore papa confirmante abbates Elyenses sine subiectionis obedientia a quocumque mallent episcopo ordinandos 2, qua libertate precedentes abbates usque ad eius usi sunt tempora. Quorum seriem hie subscribi operis huius ratio videtur exigere. Sanctus igitur Dunstanus Dorwernensis et sanctus ^ESelwoldus Wintoniensis episcopus, qui, data quadam terra sua et auro non modico, predictum a rege iEdgaro emit cenobium, eodem rege iubente, primum abbatem b, nomine Brithnodum, benedixerunt 3. Quo defuncto, alium nomine JElfsinum predictus iESelwoldus, iubente rege iESelredo, in loco eius constituit et ipse benedixit 4. Eodem vero tempore quidam ^Elfwinus monacus erat, qui ad hoc usque virtutibus excrevit quo ad episcopium de Theodford regendum ab eodem ^ESelredo rege eligeretur, qui tamen in omni vita sua predicto cenobio amicus exstitit 5. Unde 6 factum est, ut duos ibi abbates benedixerit, Leofwinum et Leofricum, diversis succedentes temporibus, et hoc Cnut rege precipiente; post Leofricum Leofsinum Cnut rex abbatem dedit, quem apud Uulewic ab EgelnoSo Dorwernensi [fo. gov] archiepiscopo sacrari precepit7. Quo defuncto, rex iEdwardus Wlfricum abbatem ibidem statuit, quem apud Wintoniam 8sumpserat, ibique a Stigando, bis Dorwernensis urbis archiepiscopo, benedici fecit . Post cuius decessum, antequam rex Willelmus Angliam9 debellasset, Haraldus rex Thurstanum a Stigando in abbatem promoveri iussit . Cui consuetudini et libertati Remigius episcopus renitens, benedictionem abbatis Elyensis in Symeone studuit usurpare gravesque simultates inter se et ilium hac de causa excitavit. Cumque uterque sue cause diu inhereret talisque renisus utrobique pacem inquietaret, licet Willelmi regis littere preciperent veterem in abbatis ordinatione auctoritatem servari, Walchelini tamen episcopi fratris sui instantia coactus est Symeon a c Remigio benedictionem accipere. Videns enim frater eius nimia eum senectute gravari timensque ne sine 0

est om.F.

" abbate F.

" otn. E, a . . . diffinita dis- on erasure F. 1 For the bishop of Lincoln's rights over the abbey, see supra, ch. 65. The details given in this chapter may represent a late phase in the quarrel between Simeon and Bishop Remigius which led to William I's writ ordering Lanfranc to see whether the Ely charters allowed the king to determine by whom the abbots should be consecrated {infra, ch. 125). Cf. infra, App. D, pp. 429-32. 2 3 Supra, cc. 92, 93. Supra, cc. 57, 65. 4 Quo . . . benedixil: verbatim as supra, ch. 57. 5 Cf. supra, ch. 75. 6 Unde . . . precipiente: almost verbatim as supra, ch. 80, which shows clearly that the phrase et hoc Cnut rege precipiente belongs to this clause and does not begin a new sentence referring to the appointment of Leofsige (as interpreted by Stewart's edition, p. 197). 7 quem . . . precepit: almost verbatim as supra, ch. 84. 8 Quo . . . fecit: almost verbatim as supra, ch. 94, which among other slight differences omits the word bis. It is difficult to see why Stigand should be called twice archbishop of Canterbury. A possible explanation may be that the compiler is copying from a source which called Stigand twice bishop of Elmham, which would be correct as Stigand's tenure of the see of Elmham falls into two periods, 3 April 1043 to November 1043 and again 1044-47 (cf. Harmer, Writs, pp. 572-73)- Cf. supra, ch. 94. 9 Cf. supra, ch. 98.

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benedictione moreretur, diutina suasione vix tandem ei persuasit ad hoc prebere assensum, ut postposita maiorum auctoritate et ecclesie sue consuetudine, quoquo pacto a Remigio ° sacraretur; in qua tamen ordinatione hanc conditionem optinuit, u t b episcopus hoc ius non diffinita discussione contra sequentem abbatem vindicaret, sed esset ceterorum post eum tam plena renitendi libertas, ut unquam ante eum alicui liberior extitit. Itaque monachi Elyenses abbatem suum audientes cum iuris sui violatione reverti, portas ei offirmant, ostia claudunt, non ut patrem, non ut fratrem, non salutem ut hospitem suscipiunt, sed ut hostem repellunt. Fieretque plena ipsius deiectio", nisi, mediante Walchelino, fratre eius, episcopo, fratrum constantia in eius amorem se frangeret ac pro sua religione et loci emendatione et operum evidentia eum in patrem susciperet a. Susceptus igitur, loco et fratribus utiliter et honeste prefuit, loci et fratrum edificio et numero, possessioni et religioni, totum impendens exercitium, iamque per incrementa virtutum eo usque celestis Domini nactus est gratiam, ut eum sibi gratum divina revelatione ostenderet. 119. Quomodo" post mortem comes Willelmus Warennie sit damnatus in anima / . Comes * vero de Warenne Willelmus iam h quasdam villas > fratribus Elyensibus violenter detinuit, unde sepe ab abbate correptus nee correctus, miserabili morte diem clausit 1 . Cumque valde procul ab insula Elyensi hoc fieret abbasque noctu in dormitorio celestia meditans quietus iacerat, audivit subito animam comitis a demonicibus portari *, distincta et cognoscibili voce {Jo. gi] clamare: ' Domine miserere. Domine miserere l. Statimque in crastino capitulo omnibus fratribus, quid audisset et quod comes ille defunctus esset, narravit. Nee dum certe alios inde rumores audierat, sed post tertium aut quartum diem uxor eius, centum solidos pro anima ipsius Eliensi mittens ecclesie, ipsam fuisse mortis eius horam mandavit, quam abbas indicaverat. Centum vero solidos eius nee abbas nee aliquis fratrum dignatus aut ausus est suscipere, non putantes tutum esse dampnati pecuniam possidere m. Ceterum quas libertates abbas iste, dignitates, et possessiones, ecclesie sue a h

Remigii for a Remigio E. ut . . . discus (end of line) on erasure F ; the next line begins cussione. d " deiecto F. suciperet F. • This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Acta Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 4651 et de rebus quas ipse et alii abstulerunt ecclesie Elyensi iniuste add. O. ' His vero diebus comes de Warenne B begins. h iam om. BE, add. later on erasure F. 1 et terras add. B. l * demonibus portatam BE. miserere from BE, misere F. m In B the chapter has a different ending: possidere. Ceterum de suis nemo in posterum extitit dampnati parentis culpam timens vel precavens rapinis eius eo licentius estimat inherere, quo idem maleficus bona ecclesie rapta et sanctuarium Dei in hereditate possidet, ut cum scelesto patre penis eternalis lugeat qui ius Dei et sancte Etheldrede temporaliter vendicat et sibi detinet. 1 For what is known of the career of William I de Warenne see Early Yorkshire Charters (ed. C. T. Clay), viii, 2-7. According to the Chronica Monasterii de Hyda (Liber Monasterii de Hyda, ed. E. Edwards, R.S., 1866, p. 299) William died in 1088 at Lewes of wounds received at the siege of Pevensey.

LIBER ELIENSIS 203 adquisierit, quas calumpnias et iusta ratione et regio favore cassaverit, quas potestates evicerit, quotiens libertatem Eliensem publica disceptationea redemerit, ex cartis regiis, quas habet ecclesia, potest facillime comprehendi, que adhuc in eadem continentur ecclesia. 120. Carta * regis de restituendis ecclesie possessionibus ab invasoribus suis. x rex Anglorum Lanfranco archiepiscopo et Rogero c comiti Moritonii Willelmus d et Gaufrido Constantiensi» episcopo salutem. Mando vobis et precipio, ut iterum faciatis congregari omnes sciras f que interfuerunt placito habito de terris ecclesie de Ely antequam mea coniunx in Normanniam novissime veniret. Cum quibus etiam sint de baronibus meis qui competenter adesse poterunt et predicto placito interfuerunt et qui terras eiusdem ecclesie tenent. Quibus in unum congregatis, eligantur plures de illis Anglis qui sciunt quomodo terre iacebant prefate ecclesie die qua rex iEdwardus obiit, et quod inde dixerint ibidem iurando testentur. Quo facto, restituantur ecclesie terre que in dominio suo erant die obitus iEdwardi, exceptis hish quas homines clamabant « me sibi dedisse. Illas vero litteris mihi signate, que sint et qui' eas tenent, Qui autem tenent theinlandes, que proculdubio * debent teneri de ecclesia, faciant concordiam cum abbate quam meliorem poterint et, si noluerint, l terre remaneant ad ecclesiam. Hoc quoque de tenentibus socam et sacam fiat. Denique precipite, ut illi homines m faciant pontem de Ely qui meo precepto et dispositione hucusque ilium soliti sunt facere. 0 que . . . ecclesia om. E; que adhuc continentur in eadem ecclesia O, adding Predictus comes abstulit de rebus ecclesie Elyen' iniuste. Then follows in 0 the summary of abbey lands held by William de Warenne and others which is inserted in the version of the I.E., as found only in Trinity Coll. Camb., MS. 0.2.1 (printed by Hamilton, I.C.C., pp. 184—80,). This is followed under the heading Qualiter iussu regis determinatum fuit terras iniuste ab ecclesia illatas redire, quarum nomina hie ponuntur by a copy of the plea of 1071 x 1075, also preserved only in the same MS. (printed ibid., pp. zg2-gs). There are no important variants from the printed text. It is possible that these two documents were included in an older version of the L.E., but more probably this is an example of O's practice of adding documents to the twelfth-century version of the L.E. ' Collated with copies in EO and in the cartularies CDGM. A version may be preserved in Ely D. and C, charter no. 1, which is legible only in parts and useless for the purpose of collation. In CD this writ follows ch. 117, in G it follows ch. 114 (i.e. in the order cc. 116, 117, 114, 120). 0 d Rogerio C. Gausfrido CD. f ' Constantiesi F. scyras CDEM. h " clamab't C, clamabunt D. sunt M. k sunt et add. GM. '1 que EO, q' G. detenentibus CDE, denentibus G, detinentibus F. m qui debent facere pontem add. in margin of E, in a hand of the fourteenth century.

1 Date: 1080 x 1087. Cf. Miller (Ely Land Pleas, pp. 447-49) who argues that this writ may have set on foot the plea at Kentford referred to in ch. 117, in which case it could be placed in 1081. But if the placitum at which the shires were present, which are here commanded to be re-assembled, is that recorded in ch. 121, then ch. 120 cannot have been issued before Simeon's accession and probably not before Queen Matilda's return to Normandy some time in 1082. Cf. Davis, Regesta, i, 43, no. 155, where it is dated 1082, and see infra, App. D, p. 428. Printed: Monasticon, i, 478; Bentham, Ely, i, App., p. 10, no. v (2); Hamilton, I.C.C., p. xviii, no. iii; Bigelow, Placita, p. 24.

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121. Item" aliud preceptum de eodem. Willelmus 1 rex Anglorum Gosfrido b episcopo et Rodberto c comiti Moritonio salutem. Facite simul venire omnes illos qui terras tenent de dominico victu ecclesie de Ely, et volo ut ecclesia eas habeat, sicut habebat d die qua iEdwardus rex fuit vivus et mortuus. Et si aliquis [fo. giv] dixerit quod inde de meo dono aliquid habeat, mandate mihi magnitudinem terre et quomodo earn reclamat, et ego secundum quod audiero aut ei inde escambitionem reddam aut aliud faciam. Facite etiam ut abbas Symeon habeat omnes consuetudines que ad abbatiam de e Ely pertinent, sicut eas habebat antecessor eius tempore regis Edwardi. Preterea facite, ut abbas saisitus sit de illis theinlandis que ad abbatiam pertinebant die quo rex ^Edwardus f fuit mortuus, si illi qui eas habent secum concordare noluerint. Et ad istud g placitum submonete Willelmum de Guarenna h et Ricardum, filium comitis Gilebertij, et Hugonem de Monteforti et Gaufridum k de Mannavilla et Radulfum de Belfou l et Herveum Bituricensem et Hardwinum m de Escalersn et alios quos abbas vobis nominabit 2 . 122. Alia ° carta regis de restituendis ecclesie possessionibus. Willelmus 3 rex Anglorum Lanfranco archiepiscopo et Gosfrido Constantiensi episcopo salutem. Facite abbatem de Ely resaisiri v de istis terris quas isti tenent: Hugo de Monteforti unum manerium nomine Bercham « 4 Ricardus filius comitis " Collated with copies in EO and the cartularies CDGM. c d >> Godefrido D. et add. CD. habeat CD. * de . . . ad abbatiam om. EO; de . . . mortuus, si on erasure F, with illi noluerint add. in the margin, probably in the same hand as that of the text. G has the same omission as E, but the omitted passage is added in the margin. ' R.E. F, t.r.e. G. • istum D. h Guaregnna C. ' Gisleberti CD. k ! Gosfridum C. Belfo C, Bealfo D. m Hardewinum CD. " Escaliers D. 0 Collated with copies in EO and the cartularies CDG. v resaisiari, -sia- interlined F. " Bercheham CD. 1 Date: 1082 x 1087. Miller (Ely Land Pleas, p. 449) suggests soon after Simeon's accession ' at least by 1082 '. Cf. Davis, Regesta, i, 72, no. 276, dated 1082 x 1087. See infra, App. D, pp. 428, 431. Printed: Bentham, Ely, i, App., p. 10, no. v (3); Hamilton, I.C.C., p. xix, no. iv; Bigelow, Placita, pp. 25-26. 2 Those named are prominent among ' invaders ' of the abbey lands, as listed in the I.E. and the summaries included in it, as also in the plea of 1071 x 1075, all printed in Hamilton, I.C.C. 3 Date: 1082 x 87. It presumably belongs to Abbot Simeon's time. If Frodo's manor is Chedburgh (infra, p. 205, n. 6) the writ antedates the Domesday returns, since in 1086 he held it of the abbot (I.E., pp. 155, 181, 195; Dd, ii, fo. 384b). Cf. Miller, Ely Land Pleas, p. 451. Cf. also Davis, Regesta, \, 43, no. 156, dated 1082, and see infra, App. D, p. 431. Printed: Bentham, Ely, i, App., p. 10, no. v (4); Hamilton, I.C.C, p. xix, no. v; Bigelow, Placita, p. 26. 4 This must be Barham, Suffolk, but in Domesday the manor is listed among the lands of St Etheldreda and there is no reference to any usurpation (Dd, ii, fo. 406; V.C.H., Suffolk, i, 394)-

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b1

205 c2

Geleberti Brocheseued , Picot vicecomes Impintunam , Hugo de Bernerui iii hydas 3, Remigius episcopus i hydfam] 4, episcopus Baiocensis ii hydas 5, Frodo frater abbatis i manerium 6. Duo carpentarii i hydam et iii virgatas 7, si ipse abbas poterit ostendere supradictas terres esse de dominio sue ecclesie et si supradicti homines non poterint ostendere ut eas terras habuissent de dono meo. Facite etiam, quod a abbas predictus habeat sacam e et socam et alias consuetudines, sicut antecessor eius habuit die qua rex iEdwardus fuit vivus et mortuus. 123. Carta f regis de quinque hundredis in Suthfolc g. Willelmus8 rex Anglorum Lanfranco archiepiscopo, Gosfridoh Constantiensi episcopo et Rodberto j comite de Moritonio salutem. Facite Symeonem abbatem habere sacam * et socam suam, prout suus antecessor habuit tempore regis iEdwardi l , videlicet de quinque hundret m de Suthfolc n et ab omnibus viris qui terras tenent in illis hundrez. Videte ne abbas predictus quicquam iniuste perdat et facite ut omnia sua cum magno honore teneat. b » Gisleberti CD. Brochesheve CD, Brochesheved EG. c Epintonam CD. d e ut for quod C, ut predictus abbas D. suam add. CD. 1 Collated with copies in EO and the cartularies CDG. ' E adds in the margin in faded ink the names of the hundreds. h Gois' constantin' CD, -tin- on erasure C, Constantino EG. 1 k Roberto G. socam et sacam CD. 't.r.e. EFG. m hundrez CDEG. " Suthfulch CD.

1 In 1086 Ely held 3 hides at Broxted, Essex, of which, according to the entry under St Etheldreda's terra, 9 acres had been taken away and were held by Eudo Dapifer (Dd, ii, fo. 18b). These Richard Fitz Gilbert held of Eudo (Dd, ii, fo. 50). 2 Ely had claimed 3 demesne hides from Picot in the plea of 1071 x 1075, but there is no evidence that they had been restored by 1086 (Dd, i, fo. 201; I.E., p. 192; cf. Miller, Ely Land Pleas, p. 442). 3 Presumably part of the berewick of 5 hides at Strethall, Essex, which in 1086 Hugh now held of the abbot (Dd, ii, fos. i9-i9b). 4 In Histon, which had not been recovered by 1086 (Dd, i, fo. 190b). 8 Ely claimed 2 hides and 3 virgates at Hanningfield (South) against the bishop of Bayeux. These were not of the demesne, but held, according to the testimony of the hundred, by two men who were only commended to Ely (Dd, ii, fo. 25; I.E., p. 128). 6 Probably Chedburgh, which Ely had claimed against Frodo, brother of Abbot Baldwin of Bury in the plea of 1070 x 1075 (Hamilton, I.C.C., p. 195), and which in 1086 was held of the abbot (Dd, ii, fo. 384b; I.E., pp. 155, 181). 7 The only Ely lands elsewhere recorded to have been held by the carpenters are 3J hides at Landbeach, but these were not of the demesne, having been held by Oswi, the abbot's man, in 1066, and had not been recovered by 1086 (Dd, i, fo. 202; I.E., pp. 114, 177). "Date: 1082 x 1087. Miller suggests soon after Simeon's accession as for ch. 121 (Ely Land Pleas, p. 449). Cf. Davis, Regesta, i, 43, no. 157, under 1082, and infra, App. D, p. 431. Printed: Bentham, Ely, i, App., p. 10, no. v (5); Hamilton, I.C.C., p. xx, no. vi; Bigelow, Placita, p. 26.

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124. Prohibitum regis ne episcopus Lincolliensis aut secularis iusticia consuetudines intra insulam requirat. Willelmus x rex Anglorum Lanfranco archiepiscopo et Gois[frido] * episcopo et Rodberto c comiti de d Moritonio salutem. Defendite ne Remigius episcopus novas consuetudines requirat infra insulam de Ely. Nolo enim ut ibi habeat nisi illud quod antecessor eius habebat tempore regis Edwardi e , scilicet qua die [Jo. 92] ipse rex mortuus est. Et si Remigius episcopus inde placitare voluerit, placitet inde sicut fecisset tempore regis Eadwardi" et placitum istud s i t ' in vestra presentia. De custodia de Norewic g abbatem Symeonem quietum esse dimittite, sed ibi munitionem suam conduci faciat et custodiri. Facite remanere placitum de terris 2 quas calumpniantur Willelmus de Ou et Radulfus films Gualeranni et Rodbertus Gernun h, si inde placitare noluerint, sicut inde placitassent tempore regis Eadwardi e et, sicut in eodem tempore abbatia consuetudines suas habebat, volo ut eas omnino faciatis habere, sicut abbas per cartas J suas et per testes suos eas deplacitare poterit. 125. Quod ° rex Willelmus precepit abbatem de Ely ab archiepiscopo benedici usu veteri ecclesie, et quod possessiones loci minores et maiores describi iussit. Willelmus 3 rex Anglorum Lanfranco archiepiscopo salutem. Volo ut videas cartas abbatis de Ely et, si dicunt quod abbas eiusdem loci debeat benedici ubicumque rex illius terre precipiet, mando ut eum ipse * benedicas. Preterea fac, ut illi faciant pontem de Ely sine excusatione qui eum soliti sunt facere. Inquire per episcopum Constantiensem et per episcopum Walchelinum et per ceteros qui terras sancte .lESeldreSe scribi et iurari l fecerunt, quomodo iurate m fuerunt et qui eas iuraverunt, et qui iurationem audierunt et que sunt terre et quante et quot et quomodo vocate et qui eas tenent, his dictincte notatis et scriptis. Fac ut cito inde rei veritatem per breve ™ tuum sciam et cum eo veniat legatus abbatis. "c Collated with copies in EO and the cartularies CDG. " G. CD. d R. CD. de om. CD. ' t.r.e. EFG. t sit om. EG; F add. later and beyond the normalhend of the line, perhaps in a different hand. g Norguic C, Noreuuiz D, Norwic EG. Gernon CD. m ' cartes CEG. l * ipsi CD. iurare EFG. iurare F. " breve' C, tuum breve D. 1 Date: 1082 x 1087. Miller suggests 'before the departure of Robert of Mortain for Normandy in the early summer of 1082 ' (Ely Land Pleas, pp. 449-50). Cf. Davis, Regesta, i, 42, no. 154, under 1082; also infra, App. D, p. 429. Printed: Bentham, Ely, i, App., p. 10, no. v (6); Hamilton, I.C.C., p. xx, no. vii; Bigelow, Placita, p. 27. 2 Neither Domesday nor the Ely records throw any light on the subject of this plea. William of Eu, Ralph Fitz Waleran and Robert Gernon are not listed among the despoilers of Ely in 1071s x 1075 or in 1086, nor did they hold lands in any of the abbey's hundreds, as far as is known. Date: 1082 x 1087. According to Miller (Ely Land Pleas, pp. 450-51) this writ asks for a report of the findings of the Kentford inquest referred to in ch. 117 and would follow in 1082 or soon after; cf. Davis, Regesta, i, 42, no. 152, under 1082. Both reject the argument of J. H. Round (Feudal England, p. 133), who dates it 1086 or 1087, but for reasons which lend support to the later date see infra, App. D, pp. 428-32. Printed: Bentham, Ely, App., p. n , no. v (7); Hamilton, I.C.C., p. xxi, no. viii; Bigelow, Placita, p. 27; H. Hall, Formula Book of Legal Records, p. 24; J. H. Round, loc. cit.

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126. Preceptum" regis quod consuetudines pristine de libertate ecclesie illibate serventur. Willelmus 1 rex Anglorum Lanfranco b archiepiscopo et Gosf[rido] c Constantiarum episcopo atque Rodberto d comiti salutem. Mando vobis, ut abbatem de Ely sine dilatione habere faciatis benedictionem et terras suas atque omnes consuetudines, ut vobis sepe per brevia mea e mandavi. Et quicquid ipse per placitum de dominio atquisierit nil cuiquam inde tribuat, nisi mea licentia, et sede placitorum ei facite rectum, defendentes ut nullus eius incidat silvas. Munitionemque ' suam habeat in Norwico g et homines sui ibi h sint cum opus fuerit omniaque sua cum honore habeat. Teste Rogero > de Lureio. 127. Quod a rex subtiliter investigare studuit quanta locus firmitate subnititur. Willelmus 2 rex Anglorum Lanfranco k archiepiscopo l et Gosf[rido-] m salutem. Volo ut consecratio abbatis de Ely, quam Remigius episcopus requirit, remaneat, donee per litteras tuas cognoscam, si Remigius [fo. g2v] monstravit vel monstrare poterit, quod antecessores sui abbates de Ely consecrassent. Quod ad christianitatem pertinet in ilia abbatia fiat et consuetudines pro quibus Remigius vinum requirit ipse habeat, si monstrare poterit antecessores eius habuisse tempore regis Eadwardi n . Molendinum de Grantebruge quod Picotus fecit destruatur, si alteram ° disturbat. De dominicis terris sancte iESeldreSe sit abbas saisitus, sicut alia vice precepi. Qui alteras terras v tenent vel socam vel q sacam, de abbate recognoscant et deserviant aut eas dimittant r . 128. Carta s regis de Estona. Willelmus 3 rex Anglie W. episcopo et S. episcopo et R. capell' et iusticiaribus ' 0

Collated with copies in EO and the cartularies CDG. Lanf archiepiscopus F. ' G. CD, Goff G. * R. CD. f breves meos CD. que om. EGO, interlined F. ' Noruuic CD. h sint ibi CD. ' Ro' CD. * Lanf F. 1 m archiepiscopo on erasure F, ar'e E. et Gosf' om. CD. » t.r.e. EFG. ' altera CD. " terras om. CD. " et for vel CD. ' O here continues appropriately with Book III, ch. 38, excepting only the last sentence Hanc quoque terram . . . penitus caruit. 8 This writ is not in the Ely cartularies. It is omitted also in E and added in a later hand (probably that of 0) in the margin of F. It is printed as ch. 129 by Stewart, pp. 263-64 (following De quodam fratre . . ., which is here numbered ch. 129), but a caret and the position of the chapter in 0 show that it should be inserted at this point. * iustificatoribus O. b e

J D a t e : 1082 x 1087. Miller suggests soon after Simeon's accession, as for ch. 121 (q.v.). Cf. Davis, Regesta, i, 42, no. 153, under 1082, and infra, App. D, p. 429. Printed: Bentham, Ely, i, App., p. 11, no. v (8); Hamilton, I.C.C., p. xxi, no. ix; Bigelow, Placita, p. 28. 2 Date: 1082 x 1087. ' Issued upon or soon after the king's departure in 1082 ', according to Miller's suggestion (Ely Land Pleas, p. 450). Cf. Davis, Regesta, i, 42, no. 151, under 1082, and infra, App. D, p. 429. Printed: Bentham, Ely, i, App., p. 11, no. v (9); Hamilton, I.C.C., pp. xxi-xxii, no. x; Bigelow, Placita, pp. 28-29. 3 Date: 1096 x 1098, probably 1097. Davis (Regesta, i, 99, no. 389) identifies the addressees plausibly as Walkelin, bishop of Winchester (1070-98), Samson, bishop of Worcester (1096-1112),

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suis et Waltero vicecomiti Glocestrie et omnibus fidelibus suis Francis et Anglis a salutem. Sciatis me concessisse Herveo episcopo terram illam quam Harscuidus Musardus sibi concessu meo dedit, scilicet Estonam, et volo ut illam honorifice teneat. T . W. cane' et Ur. de Abetot. Apud insulam de Wyct b . 129. De c quodam fratre qui mentem excesserat sed meritis sancte ^ESeldreSe sanato. Ad hoc, fratres, Christus dominus operum suorum per sanctos suos totiens operatur insignia, ut fides audientium ex auditu proficiat et ardens affectus devota ora in laudes divinas resolvat. Unde nobis, quorum vitam et linguam suo Christus delegavit ministerio, presenter incumbit aut facta eius studio nostro in multorum transferre notitiam aut nostram apud eum vehementer accusare scientiam. Ut ergo nostram apud Deum commendemus memoriam, quid apud nos, qui in Elyensi versamur ecclesia, dignatus sit operari, referamus. Presidente siquidem nobis sancte recordationis abbate Simeone, cetus noster et locus moribus et muris non parum profecerunt. Erat enim pro d sequenti personarum mutatione et regiis angariis locus graviter inquietatus et, siquid regularis districtionis pro seculari violentia et rectoris absentia intepuerat, vir ille sanctus, pastoris nactus omcium, devota sollicitudine reformavit. Invenitque apud nos gregem bonum pastor bonus, cuius vocem audire, restituta sibi quiete, properavit. Cumque in pastorem suum gregis humillimi respiraret affectus et sacer ordo in suis refloreret cultoribus tante alacritati non defuit manus Domini, sed letissimis operariis mirandorum gestorum plausibus occurrit. Nam cum locus intus et extra duplici proficeret edificio iamque patris et filiorum intentio sub Marthe et Marie desudaret officio, ceperunt mira fieri coram civibus celi, quorum partem pater Symeon de Wintoniensi ecclesia adduxerat, partem apud Elyensem invenerat. Videns itaque hostis antiquus fratrum concordiam in se conspirasse et virtutum propugnacula cotidie adversus eum succrescere, muros morum multiplici cepit oppugnare versutia, nee facile inveniens, qua intraret, hanc tandem malitiam in Christi militiam exercuit, ut quendam adolescentem, yEdwinum nomine, tacita primum cogitatione stantem ad completorium coram abbate et reliquis [fo. 93] ad exeundum de choro suaderet, antequam hore illius officium compleretur. Quern statim cunctis stupentibus exeuntem crudeliter arripuit, totam illius mentem vertens in furorem in tantum, ut sequentem se magistrum suum Siwardum, arrepta tabula, percussisset, nisi provida viri strenuitas maiores ei vires obiecisset. Erat autem unus ibi de Wintoniensibus monachis, Godricus nomine, vir magne sanctitatis et pro sua "b* Ancis F. O here adds the last sentence of Book III, ch. 38 (see supra, p. 207, n. r). c This chapter is omitted in 0, but is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist A eta Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 461-62. d pro sequenti EFO, fre interlined over se-, F. and Ranulf Flambard (who was made bishop of Durham in 1099) and suggests that the writ was issued in 1097 when, according to the Winchester Annals, Rufus left the kingdom in the care of Bishop Walkelin and Ranulf Flambard. The manor is probably Aston Somervile, Gloucs. The Ely monks later claimed that it had been given to Ely, but this writ shows that Bishop Hervey had first received it ten years before he had any connection with the abbey. Cf. infra, Book III, ch. 38, and see Rudder, A New History of Gloucestershire (1779), p. 241.

LIBER ELIENSIS 209 veneratione monachis Elyensibus in exemplum religionis ab abbate adductus. Huic Deus spirituales oculos frequenter aperuit multisque revelationibus eum illustrem effecerat. Nee erat necesse ad quelibet dicta eius alium querere testem quam vitam eius, scientibus omnibus eum habere quasi hostem linguam mendacem. Hie igitur, ut postea retulit, vidit nigrum quendam, quasi puerum, cucullam adolescentis manu fortiter tenentem et eum post se violenter trahentem quem ° esse dampnatum spiritum rei exitus comprobavit. Nee mora, finita sinaxi, abbas et conventus exeuntes ad primum claustri ingressum vident iuvenem demoniacum contra omnes tumultuantem, seva minantem, cum vitiis insultantem et inter brachia se constringentium ictibus pedum et morsibus dentium aliquos ledere conantem. Abbas autem quosdam seniorum et saniorum nutu suo convocans, nocturnum silentium brevi rupit colloquio, ' Nescimus ', inquiens, ' quis ei melius subveniat quam ilia, cuius servus est, domina, cui presentatus velocem, ut credimus, recuperabit sanitatem. Ite ergo et, sub districta eum ducentes custodia, coram tumulo domine nostre diligenter excubate, suffragium postulate '. Fratres vero cum fratre, tanquam b ad matrem fugientes, nocte pene tota sub expectatione divine misericordie vigilarunt. Porro iuvenis, immo demon in iuvene, sacri corporis non ferens presentiam, maiori horrore aliquandiu se agebat, nunc damans, nunc tunicam dentibus scindens nee parum eos vexans quorum diligentia a malignis actibus arcebatur. Sicque versus diem duxit noctem, donee meritis sancte illis virginis parumper obdormiret, sensum reciperet et post paululum suum per fedos recessus vexatorem eiceret. Nam post sompnum iuvenis ad se reversus, nuntiavit custodibus suis se iam sanum sapere et de cetero penitus convaluisse, excepto quod ventris resolutio intestina torqueret et secreto exitu indigeret. Ductus ergo ad locum necessarium, tantam illico passus est effusionem ac si omnia viscera funderentur et post eiectum furorem mentis tantus [fo. g3v] eicitur fetor ventris, ut per omnes proximas ofneinas vix esset aer tolerabilis, corrupto flatu per omnes angulos se spargente, fumum eius vix aliquo cevandente. Nee minor erat ilia inmunditia, quam ante fuerat ilia vesania, sed par sibi factus est uterque impetus, alter in excessu mentis horribilis, alter in fluxu ventris mirabilis, quasi nequissimus ille spiritus aut totus verteretur in stercus aut ipsas latrinas secum ferret eiectus. Liberatus autem servus Domini per manum domine, talia sibi de se narrantibus, tanquam nescius quid egisset, obstupuit, docens exemplo sui, quanta sit sacri conventus reverentia, cuius presentiam subdolus temptator ad invadendum fratrem sit veritus, extra quam ovem inveniens, sic evaserit a lupus. Hec fratre illo vivente scripsissemus, nisi temptandi eum occasio maligno insidiatori dari timeretur putaretque sibi referri ad obprobrium, quod referendum est ad celeste preconium. Hunc itaque finem narrationis huius metitur series, ut apud sanas memorias sancte ^ESeldreSe potentia honoreture et communis oratio devotissime frequentetur nullusque monachus in legitimis horis extra conventum evagetur. Promtus enim ubique occurrit adversarius et, si quam ultra debitos limites errantem invenerit oviculam, violenter aggreditur vehementer gaudens in dampnis ecclesie, cuius ita est ei terribilis militia, ut castrorum acies ordinata. " F has the usual abbreviation for quam; q' libet B. * an'quam F. " paris factus B. d invaserit B. ' legittimis F.

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a

130. De duobus mutis. Huic miraculo successit aliud, quod auditum divina munera benignis mentibus gratiose debet infundere, hoc diverso modo sed pari gloria celebratum. Duos a nativitate mutos humana dampnavit loquela. Quorum alter Ulf appellatus, alter Ailredus, conceptos 6 intellectus lingue non poterant officio demonstrare, obstrusam habentes vocis armoniam suamque c rationalitatem non in vocis efficacia, sed in sola possidentes natura. Quod enim de talibus definit dialectica a, sola eis inerat aptitudo rationis, per quam ilia dicit quemlibet hominem aptum ad loquendum, etiam si nunquam loquendi facultas ei affuerit. Itaque ut aptitudini facultas accederet, uterque istorum diverso quidem tempore, sed pari mente, ad corpus sancte iESeldreSe accesserunt, affectibus magis quam vocibus pro vocis munere supplicantes. Nee defuit tante devotioni sponsa Domini, sed ad laudem Christi et suam Ulf plenam restituit facun-[/o. o^J-diam, Ailredo autem humanam voluit eruditionem proficere et, ut pueri sillabis ad plenam dictionem instruuntur, ita homo ille, verba humana paulatim edoctus, plenas deinde expressit rationes. In ambobus igitur ostensum est, quid sancta nostra valeret et quid vellet, dum in altero faceret quod in utroque posset, in altero signaret quantum servos suos diligeret, quorum operam ad complendum miraculum, tan quam cooperatricem eligeret. Posset enim summa levitate idem eodem modo utrique restituisse, nisi hanc potissimum consulendi viam alteri eorum delegasset. In quo et ipsum Deum salvatorem secuta est, qui, ceci oculos solo sermone curasse valens, mistica dispensatione maluit luto et sputo eos ad lucem reformare. Multa quoque alia in hunc modum se habent, que huic domine nostre in huius facti qualitate non * inpotentiam, sed similem dispensationem attribuant. 131. De / Picoto vicecomite, qui multa incommoda huic iessit ecclesie. Narrantes laudesg Domini et virtutes eius et mirabilia que fecit in sancta jESeldreSa, nobismet ipsis facti sumus miraculum, qui tantam materiam, rethorica declamatione aut angelica voce dignissimam, insipida elocutione audemus invadere. Sed nos in hac re consolatur apostolorum simplicitas, qui fidem Christi et salutem mundi contemptis oratoribus et philosophis predicare sunt instituti, quorum magisterio omnis disciplina subicitur, ne in sapientia verbi evacuetur crux Christi. Unde magis hie res quam verba fidelis auditor attendat, et sullime factum, quod simpliciter enarrabitur, tota mente et veneretur et revereatur. Et cum multa sint documenta, que ab h invadendis temere sanctorum terris quorumlibet potentum animos reprimere poterant, turn > maxime in huius insperato et inaudito interitu patenter discitur, quam salubriter ab unoquoque sua cuique et * reddantur et, proprio contentus, ne 0 This chapter is not in 0. It is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 462. * concept' EF, corr. to conceptos F. ' sci'amque E. " dialetica MSS. " non interlined. 1 This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 462-63. '1 lau- F, at the end of a line, om. -des. * ab om. BEO. tu' F, tn' (tamen) BO, turn changed later to temeri E. * et om. BEO.

LIBER ELIENSIS 211 1 transgrediatur terminos antiquos quos posuerunt patres sui . Huic igitur Picoto °, genere Normanno, animo Getulo, Cantebrigie 6 comitatus sorte obvenerat2. Nactus est tandem leo famelicus, lupus oberrans, vulpis subdola, sus lutulenta, canis impudens, cibum quern diu optaverat et, tanquam totus comitatusc unum esset cadaver, totum sibi vendicat, totum occupat et, tanquam totum in ventrem suum insatiabili belua transmissura, non admittit consortem in partem suam, non Deum, non angelum, non sanctorum quemlibet, non denique sanctissimam illam et nominatissimam jESeldreSam, que terras [fo. 94V] plurimas seu villas donatione et concessione anteriorum principum in ipso comitatu eatenus possederat. Convenitur aliquotiens a nonnullis, dicentibus non expedire ei mutilare partem virginis, libertatem eius minuere, mittere falcem suam in alienam d messem, contentum esse debere proprio, memorem canis Esopici et vulgaris proverbii, ne, dum totum sitit, totum perdat. Quibus ille respondit: ' Que est ilia JESeldreSa de qua dicitis, quod ego terras eius occupaverim ? Nescio iESeldreSame et terras non dimittam.' Audis hec, Domine, et taces ? Usque quo, Deus, improperabit inimicus ? Non nobis, Domine, non nobis, 3 sed inimicus improperavit tibi, Domino, et homo insipiens incitavit nomen f tuum. Respice 4 in testamentum tuum et ne 5 obliviscaris voces inimicorum tuorum qui 6 7 g dixerunt hereditate possideamus sanctuarium Dei. Dixit enim in corde suo: oblitus est h Deus, avertit 8 faciem suam, ne videat in finem. Audis hec, Domine, et taces ? Exurge itaque, Domine, et contere 9 brachium peccatoris et maligni. Queretur peccatum illius et non invenietur. Audite insule et attendite populi de longe, quid pro domina Elyensis insule fecerit sponsus eius dominus universe terre. ' Queretur ', inquid, ' peccatum illius et non invenietur.' A quo quesitum ? ab eo quem nil latet. A quo inveniendus non est ? a nullo prorsus homine, cum hodie ignoretur 10 quo devenerit, cur diffugerit vel qualiter interierit, utrum vel cum Dathan et Abiron in infernum vivus decenderit vel cum Nabugodonosor u bestia factus in interitum totus abierit vel alio quocumque modo dampnandus sine fine perierit '. Ipsi gloria qui dedit victoriam de inimico. 0

c Picoti FO. " Cantebr' EFO. commutatus MSS. alienem F. ' JEfSel (end of line) Sa F. h * inimicum t' F. « in om. B. est om. FO. 1 Sed unum pro certo scimus, quod in finibus nostris amplius non apparuerit (apparuerint MS.), sed in perpetuum totus disparuit add. B. d

1

Prov., xxii, 28. For Picot of Cambridge, sheriff and prominent landowner of Cambridgeshire, see W. Farrer, Feudal Cambridgeshire (1920), passim. Of the seven villages in which he held lands of the abbey at the time of the plea of 1071 x 1075, Impington, Milton, Cottenham and Westwick had not been recovered by 1086 (Dd, i, fos. 201, 201b; I.E., pp. 113-15; Miller, Ely Land Pleas, p. 442). The same is true of thegnlands and sokelands, e.g. in Oakington, Landbeach (Dd, i, fo. 201, 201b), while those at Harston, Rampton, Quy, Lolworth, Madingley, seem to have been retrieved at some stage during the Domesday inquest (I.E., pp. 102, 106, 112-14). 3 inimicus . . . nomen tuum: cf. Ps., lxxiii, 18. * Respice . . . tuum: ibid., 20. 6 6 ne . . . tuorum: ibid., 23. qui . . . Dei: Ps., lxxxii, 13. 8 ' Dixit . . . Deus: cf. Ps., lii, 1. avertit . . .finem: Ps. H.,s., 11. 9 contere . . . maligni. Queretur . . . peccatum illius et non invenietur: Ps. H., x, 15. 10 Cf. Eccli., xlv, 22. " Cf. Dan., iv, 28. 2

212

LIBER ELIENSIS

132. De ° Gervasio, qui hominibus sancte ^ESeldreSe valde infestabat et cruciabat.

Vir autem ille in populo nequissimus hereditatem Domini delere arbitratus, tanquam pulvis x quern proicit ventus, a facieb terre, ut preteximus, de medio sublatusc est, solum ilium imitabatur, qui cum toto suo nefando collegio de celo proiectus in tartarum corruit d 2. Habuit namque sequaces perverse exactionis ministros, dolorum auctores, sed Deus dispersite superbos mente cordis sui. Inter quos, malitia 3 repletus, boni nescius, Gervasius nomine , ire artifex, inventor sceleris, confundit fasque nefasque 4, cui dominus eius, iam dictus Picotus, tanquam ceteris fideliori, pro sua pravitate totius vicecomitatus negotia commiserat. Hie hominibus sancte ^ESeldreSe valde infestus erat et, tanquam speciale bellum contra earn suscepisset, omnem eius possessionem, quacumque potuit, gravedine impungnabat. Quisquis ergo, qualibet causa per eum gravatus, nomen sancte, ut parcius ageret, [fo. g$~\ ei proposuisset, hunc ligabat, hunc dampnabat, hunc frequenter in causam vocabat, hunc crudeliter attrectabat. Abbas vero cotidianas hominum suorum egre ferens querelas, precepit conventui septem psalmos coram sancte virginis tumulo ad inpetrandam ab ea misericordiam decantare. Nee mora, abbas ipse vocatur in causam et dies et locus faciende disceptationi constituitur. Fratribus itaque sollicitis ad orationem, abbas suscipit profectionem, iamque in itinere constitutus, audit rebellem causidicum miserabili morte vitam terminasse. Cuius rei series ita se habebat, ut ea nocte, cuius die sequente abbas illuc erat venturus, sancta iESeldreSa cum duabus sororibus suis instar abbatisse cum virga pastorali ei astaret irate simillima voceque terribili hoc eum modo increparet: ' Tune es ille, qui homines meos, quorum patrona sum ego, me conternpta totiens vexasti nee adhuc ab ecclesie mee inquietatione desistis ? Habebis igitur istud pro mercede, ut alii per te discant familiam Christi non vexare.' Tulitque baculum quern gerebat graviterque f aculeum eius loco cordis, tanquam eum perfossurus, inseruit. Deinde sorores eius sancta Withburga et sancta Sexburga, que 9 simul cum ipsa venerant, duris baculorum suorum stimulis eum pupugerunt. Ille vero gemitu terribili et clamore horribili totam conturbavit circumiacentem familiam, omnibus audientibus dicens: ' Domina miserere, domina miserere *.' Quo audito, accurrunt famuli, causam doloris inquirunt. Fit strepitus circa iacentem et ille illis,' Nonne videtis ', inquid,' sanctam iESeldreSam abeuntem, quomodo mihi transfixit pectus baculi sui aculeo, similia facientibus sanctis eius s'ororibus ? Et ecce iterum me fixura revertitur iamque moriar, cum denuo me fixerit.' Et, his dictis, expiravit. Quo ita consummato, itur abbati in obviam, res 0 This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 463h c affatie F. proiectus om. BEO, interlined F, in a contemporary hand. d cor- om. BEO, interlined F, in a contemporary hand. 1 ' disperdit E. que om. B. h ' que . . . venerant om. BEO, interlined F, in a contemporary hand. misere F. 2 Ps., i, 4. Cf. Is., xiv, 12. Perhaps he had died before 1086. His name does not occur among the Cambridgeshire tenants in Domesday Book, and he is unlikely to be the Gervase whose death was recorded under III Id. Februarii in the kalendar in E. 4 A hexameter, the source of which has not been traced. Confundit . . . nefasque is used also infra. Book III, ch. 37. 3

LIBER ELIENSIS 213 narratur, abbas revertitur et per totam patriam rumor dispergitur. Fit timor sancte per omnes vicinos multoque tempore nullus procerum, iudicum, ministrorum et cuiuscumque potestatis hominum quicquam audebat preripere a in Elyensem possessionem, sancta virgine res suas viriliter ubique protegente. In qua bparet, quam mirabilis sit Deus in sanctis suis, qui vivit et regnat per omnia secula seculorum. Amen. '33- Quod c dominus Deus, precibus sancte virginis ^ESeldreSe placatus, indignationem suam et iram de hoc loco averterit. Misericordias Domini in eternum cantare verbis admonemur propheticis, [fo. 95V] unde, ne ingrati beneficiorum Dei probemur, eum laudare perpetim et glorificare condecet, qui mortificat1 et vivificat, humiliat et sublevat, et in hac re, a quam, licet minus docte, corripimus , indignationem eius et gratiam, iudicium et veritatem incessanter attollamus. In predicti etenim temporee Simeonis gestum esse quod narramus piafideliumrelatio commendat. Hie contumeliose a monachis correptus, eo quod indebite benedictionem ab episcopo Lincolniensi contra morem loci, ut suprameminimus, susciperet, sed interim dissimulata ira non sopita, cum f e illic gregem pium et bonum , in divinis deditum studiis, conperisset, nichil egisse estimans nisi h officia loci externis aliunde adductis manciparet, cumque hoc rationabiliter nullatenus fieri valeret, apud regem optinuit, ut, ipsius auctoritate roboratus, numero decem monachos de Wintonia adduxit, quibus, ut cogitavit, tam interius quam exterius ' ministeria subegit, unde incommoda hucusque ecclesia graviter perpessa merens dolet, sicut ex sequentibus docetur. Unus autem ex his, nomine Godricus, religione ac pietate preditus, velud stella inter nebulas effulgens, curam ecclesie pro sua veneratione adeptus est, solus per omnia divine voluntati, non feritati sive dominationi, ut mos est extraneorum, studens, solum que Christi sunt sapiebat, vigiliis continue per noctes, psalmis ac meditationi per dies totus deservivit. Cuiusdam vero noctis hora post consuetas fratrum vigilias inter ipsa cordis suspiria et crebra orationum devote precamina, cum senilia membra a debita carnis quiete longius protrahendo fatigaret, viribus defecit ac potius sedendo quam iacendo dormivit, et ei sive in sompnis talis ostensa est visio, sive in excessu mentis effectus subito in celum se raptum esse conspicit. Revera quod narramus, tanquam ille frater qui viderat nunc superstes ediceret, nulli fidelium fiat ambiguum. Vidit itaque vir venerandus iocunda valde et digna memorie, omni plena gaudio, miserationes videlicet, quas fecit Dominus et ostendit nobis. Sed solet evenire, ut multa quelibet et magna apud homines, quam gravia sint, minus caute et non corrigenda estimentur; ante interni * iudicis oculos quanta animatversionis l subtilitate discutiantur, quod levia minime fuerunt, ut ex hac re colligitur, sed penitus displicuerunt, b " preripere om. BEO, interlined F, in a contemporary hand. secula twice F. " This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 463-65. d f et add. B. ' tempore interlined F. et add. B. h " se add. B. nisi om. B. ' tam exterius quam interius BEO. * sic EFO, interim B. ' ad- F. 1

1 Reg., ii, 6-7. S

214 LIBER ELIENSIS certis rerum indiciis etiam de celo aliquotiens revelatur. Sed equitas iudicii dum de nostra culpa provocatur ad {jo. g6] ultionem, eiusdem bonitas iudicis districtionem severitatis in mansuetudinem convertit lenitatis. Quod sancte memorie papa Gregorius insinuat dicens: ' Severitatem legis in mansuetudinem commutavit misericordia ° redemptoris 1. Nunc qualiter res sit audiamus. Vir quoque ille in summo celi solio ante tribunal glorie et magestatis Dei, ut sibi putabatur, assistitur, cui astabat regina claritate siderea, sed gemens et anxia, pro suis famulis et filiis tota precibus infusa, misericordiam tonantis b suppliciter exorabat. Porro eminus quandam conspicit personam, arcum habentem in manu cum sagitta extensumc, missam a Domino versus ecclesiam ad percutiendum. Sed, motus prece sue virginis dilecte, miserator Dominus et, quern ad ulciscendum ante direxerat, nunc revocari iussit statimque, ex astantibus revocatus, telum ab internicie deposuit. His visis, vehementissime per soporem turbatus ille d eevigilat, ordinem f visionis pertractans secum cum gemitu revolvit, ad disperdendum non nisi ad Ely , quern cernebat, intellexit esse transmissum g. Super hoc quippe cum lacrimis Deo supplicandum credidit, ut, qui Niniven misericorditer pepercit, et nunc h nobis veniam non deneget peccati. Eodem tempore plures de monasterio in mortis sompnum rapiebantur, nonnulli graviter ingemiscebantj, pars multa fratrum iacebat languida in domo innrmorum morti per corporis languorem iam proxima. Unde fit timor magnus in universis, cum collegam aut mortuum aut moribundum coram se aspiceret, ac, si quisquam eadem clade periclitaretur *, conscientiam emundare et alterna confessione peccati rubiginem abstergere l festinavit. Et factum est, dum sic expedire cuncti circa salutem vigilanter intenderent, sed de more iam dictus frater cum luctu etmlacrimis pro fratrum salute, pro loci munimine, apud Deum se prorsus afficeret , donee gratiam a Deo et beate iESeldreSe sufrragium optinerent, et dum pervigil orando sequenti nocte indefessus assisteret, talia in sompnis denuo perspicere meruit. Adiecit itaque Dominus iterum sua ei revelare magnalia. Et vidit et ecce circa maius altare, ubi corpora beatarum virginum dilitescunt n, attollens oculos, ibi tanquam hominum formas in specie muliebri de tumulis earum surrexerunt, sanctimoniali indute habitu, bacula gestantes in manibus, quas profecto estimavit sanctas esse dominas nostras, iESeldreSam, Withburgam, {jo. g6v] Sexburgam atque Ermenildam, inde procedentes per chorum in claustrum et sic usque ad domum innrmorum devenerunt. Quas lento pede subsecutus, illic moram per tres vel quattuor horas agere concepit °. Ilia vero domina et advocatrix nostra, post Deum et ipsius genitricem solamen et spes unica, sicut mater in filios, pia semper gestans viscera, per girum in domo "d in ecclesia/oc misericordia B. * notantis B. ' extentum BE. ille om. BEO; add. F at the end of a line, in a contemporary hand. ' dispergendum B. ' a d Ely on erasure F; replaced by hue BE. ' esse transmissum on erasure F, missum BE. * nunc om. BEO; add. F at the end of a line, in the same hand as that of the text. ' ingemis- on erasure F, invalescebant BEO. * periclita- on erasure F, perimeretur BEO. ' absterge F. m afficeret B, an abbr. mark over the letter t could be extended into afficerent or amceretur EFO. " percepit corr. to concepit E, percepit 0. " -it- on erasure F; diletescunt BE. 1 Cf. S. Gregorii Magni XL Homiliarum in Evangelia, Lib. ii, Homil. xxxiii, 1597, Migne, Pat. Lat., lxxvi, 1243.

LIBER ELIENSIS 215 a cuiusque lectum adiit, capud manu ad cervical suavius tetigit, hora clamidis sive manica, quicquid pulveris aut squaloris male depressit, tergendo abegit. Quibus iter * per idem revertentibus obviam assistere, licet timidus, paravit, sed, vultus ipsarum claritate turbatus, vix demum procedere ausus est et, quenam essent vel quid tune officinas girando eunctis in discrimine mortis laborantibus, ut edicant, suppliciter rogat. Quarum una, esterna satis visione cognita, precedens alias, velud dissimulando ad eum appropinquavit hisque eum cepit verbis alloqui: ' Me, quam cernis, ^ESeldreSa huius loci era sum c et dicor pro vestris apud Deum excessibus interventrix assidua, quam inter chorosdbeatorum maiestatem Dei exorare in transacte noctis medio contemplari meruisti, et nunc ad domum infirmorum sum progressa cum meis dilectis sororibus in hac mortis clade simul eis ferre salutis subsidia.' Quo dicto, a sompno ipse dissiluit ac visio celestis disparait. Et ecce contigit, ut omnes qui languerant ex diversis infirmitatibus repente convalescerente et, quorum languor extitit similis ad exitum, per sancte ^ESeldreSe meritum cunctos simul sanitas revocaret ad vitam. Mane autem facto, abbas et vix pauci discrimen illud evadentes, diluculo surgentes, ad invalitudinarium properant, ubi sorte funeris egroti periclitabantur, sed nunc omnes gratia Dei per atrium deambulando, glorificantes Deum pro sua sospitate atque salute, perspexit ac, de quibus sero nulla fuit fiducia respirandi, iam prorsus remedium absque diminutione virium melius quam prius adhibetur. Tune recordati sunt verbi, quod dictum est ad illos de fratre qui visionemf narraverat, mirantes super omnibus que acciderant. Adhuc contigit9 aliquid et huic mirandum valde miraculo. Abbas enim et fratres even turn rei ad munimentum castigationis, ut posteris innotesceret, describi summopere cupierunt. Intererat h tune monacus quidam, Gocelinus nomine 1, disertissimus, undique per Angliam vitas, miracula, et gesta sanctorum sanctarumque in historiis j, in prosis dictando [fo. g?] mutavit. Cum autem ille alius per voluntatem Dei, oculo cordis dilatato, secreta penetravit celestia, tune iste, non sompno pigritie indulgens, eodem momento et hora circa prosam sancte iESeldreSe, cuius initium est: ' Christo regi sit gloria ', fortuitu intendebat, in qua etiam infertur versus: ' Astat a dextris regina, interventrix alta. Hinc dat terris miracula.' Quod, divina inspirante voluntate, adhuc facti nescius, miraculum ita componendo figuraliter excepit. Et dum prob " suavim' B. iter om. BEO. c sum et om. EO; add. at the end of one line and the beginning of the next, F; sum loci huius era B, omitting dicor. d et om. B, added later in E. ' convalesc't MSS. > illam add. O. ' ob for ad, on erasure E; ob O. h intereat F. ' istoriis MSS. 1 Monk of St Bertin and later of St Augustine's, Canterbury. According to William of Malmesbury he was brought over to England by Bishop Herman of Salisbury: ' Is multos episcopatus et abbatias perlustrans tempore, praeclarae scientiae multis locis monumenta dedit, in laudibus sanctorum Angliae nulli post Bedam secundus, musicae porro palmam post Osbernum adeptus. Denique innumeras sanctorum vitas stylo extulit, veterum vel hostilitate amissas, vel informiter editas comptius renovavit' (Gesta Regum, ii, 389). Of the Lives ascribed to his authorship the most important are a Life and Translation of St Augustine of Canterbury, St Swithin, St Ive and St Werburg. His prosa of St Etheldreda does not seem to have survived. Cf. Hardy, Desc. Cat., I, i, nos. 515-19, 538-58, 948-54, 1017-18, 1078-89; Migne, Pat. Lat., vols. lxxx, cl, civ.

216 LIBER ELIENSIS duxit in publico, Deo gratias sancteque iESeldreSe cuncti dixerunt prosamque deinceps ob memoriam venerationis illius cantari a decreverunt. In hoc facto tria memoranda conspiciuntur: primo, ne Deus et dominus noster, irritatus aliquando malis nostris, punire cogatur; secundo, ut in misericordia eius sperantes non deficiamus nee in prosperis nee in adversis; tertio, ut glorificemus eum qui, ubi vult, cui vult et quantum vult, spirat. Ipsi gloria per seculorum secula. Amen. 134. Quod rex Willelmus iterum graviter ecclesiam vexavit, et de obitu ipsius b, ubi sepultus iacet. Nunc" vero temporis Scotia tota cum suis copiis bellatorum adversus regem nostrum Willelmum rebellare atque ilium •* expungnare nitebatur. Contra quos intrepidus (cum 1 navali et equestri occurrit exercitu eosque sub celeritate exacturus in deditionem reddet, qui ipsis iam fortiores, capite eorum deciso, triumphaverat. Interim rex Scotorum Malcolmus, ei e occurrens, homo suus devenit). Iusserat emm tam abbatibus quam episcopis totius Anglie debita militie obsequia transmitti, constituitque f ut ex tune regibus Anglorum iure perpetuo in expeditione militum ex ipsis presidia impendi et nemo, licet auctoritate plurimo subnixus, huic edicto presumat obsistere, quod Anglorum ecclesiam decore libertatis fundatam contrivit, ut inde, tanquam si possit earn extinguere, intollerabiliter vexare non cessat. Et dum talia Elyensi abbati innotuerunt, vehementissime doluit super diutissimam fatigationem domus sue, quid esset agendum non absque dolore cum fratribus consilium iniit, ut in tanto necessitatis infortunio, velud boni filii, consolentur eum et loci quietem intenta supplicatione apud pietatem sancte matris sue ^ESeldreSe tueantur nee, quod utilius iudicaverint9, palam edicere desistent. De quibus accepith in consilio, regiam festinanter adire maiestatem,k ipsi cum quanta preditum libertate acceperit ab illo ' [fo. gyv\ locum rememorare , auctoritate regum et apostolicorum 0

6 c decantari B. et add. EO. Tune EO. ilium om. EO; add. F, at the end of a line. f ' ei interlined E, eis O. que om. EO, interlined F. a Before iudicaverint two letters have been erased in E; Stewart (p. 274) prints praeiudicaverint. h ab ipso add. 0, add. interlined E. ' ab illo om. EO. k locum rememorare on erasure F, rememorari EO. d

1 cum . . . devenit: abridged from Florence, ii, 9, s.a. 1072 (following his account of the surrender of Ely), ' cum navali et equestri exercitu Scottiam profectus est, ut earn suae ditioni subiugaret; cui rex Scottorum Malcolmus, in loco qui dicitur Abernithici, occurrit, et homo suus devenit'. The compiler's chronology is confused. He is probably rendering correctly the tradition that the servitium debitum was exacted for the Scottish campaign of 1072 (cf. Round, Feudal England, p. 298; Hist. Mon. de Abingdon, ii, 3-4, 9-10; Matth. Paris, Hist. Anglorum, i, 13; also Miller, Ely, pp. 67-68, and H. M. Chew, English Ecclesiastical Tenants-in-Chief and Knight Service (1932), pp. 2-3, 114-15). But these events belong to the time of Abbot Thurstan. At what stage the chapter begins to treat of events in Simeon's time the compiler does not indicate, but it must be Simeon who reminded the king ' cum quanta preditum libertate acceperit ab illo locum '. The demand, therefore, for a service of forty knights must also have resulted from negotiations between Simeon and the king, which apparently took place shortly before William's last campaign in 1087. A possible explanation may be that the compiler has here conflated this account of Simeon's negotiations with a similar account of negotiations between the king and Abbot Thurstan (in 1072, and probably resulting in the plea of 1071 x 1075, cf. supra, ch. 109). See infra, App. D, p. 430.

LIBER ELIENSIS 217 eterne quieti donatum , non debere nee ° expedire nunc intollerabilibus et novis exactionibus deprimere, sed super omne periculum offensam virginis alme pertimescendum fore, cum non fuerit princeps aut rex, ex quo Dominus earn de corporeb exemit, locum eius dignitate vel rebus imminuens, qui probrosa morte non cito disperiit; quod etiam de suis satis c compertum habuit, sed propter Deum et anime sue salutem, aliorum potius correptus incomoditate, tanti criminis reatu constringi vitaret. Quod si maturius prestare non ut in translatione nunc novi regni locum iugo perpetue servitutis non deprimat, preces erga Dominum sponderet multiplices, insuper commodum pecunie, prout ipse petierit. At rex preces eius et munera sprevit, male statuta convelli non desinit, sed iugum agravare intendens, precipit illi ex nutu regio custodiam xl militum habere in insulam. Unde abbas tristis recedens, conduxit milites, clientes autem et ingenuos, qui sibi adherebant, plures precinxit armis, habuitque ex consuetudine secundum iussum regis pretaxatum militie numerum infra aulam ecclesie, victum cotidie de manu celerarii capientem atque stipendia, quod intolerabiliter et supra modum locum vex'are potuit 2. Ex hoc enim abbas, compulsus non ex industria aut favore divitum vel propinquorum affectu, quasdam terras sancte iESeldreSe invasoribus in feudum permisit tenere, sicuti Picoto vicecomiti, Hardwino 3de Escal', Rogfero] Bicot, Hereu[eo] Bituricu' et aliis, sicut liber terrarum prodit , nullam vero penitus de dominio, ut in omni expeditione regi observarent et ecclesia perpetim infatigata permaneret. Nee diu post hec fuit necessitas, qua rex Normanniam properaret. Deinde d {in 4 Franciam cum exercitu veniens, oppidum Matantum" et omnes in eo ecclesias duasque reclusas ' igneg succendit, sed in ipso reditu mox dolor viscerum apprehendit ilium, diemque mortis imminere cognovit, qua et mortuus est h. Prefuit autem genti Anglorum annis xx et vi mensibus sepultusque est' Cadomi). Cui successit filius eius Willelmus. 1

0

s c nee interlined F. scito F. factis O. e De in Fratiam F, Dein in E, Deinde in O. Mathantum E, Florence. g * duos reclusos Florence. igne om. EO, add. at the end of a line F; in the text of Florence. h Prefuit. . . Willelmus om. 0, adding anno regni suo XXIo sepultusque est Cadomi in ecclesia Sancti Petri quam ipse a fundamentis construxit; cui successit filius eius Willelmus cognomento Rufus. E does not share the omission, but after mortuus est has interlined va, and cat after Willelmus, and gives O's addition in the margin in a hand of the late thirteenth or fourteenth century. ' est om. E. d

1 The reference seems to be to the last sentence of the discussio libertatis (ch. 116), Est autem libertatis huius veneranda quietatio . . . etc. 2 The legend has also survived that when Godfrey had the custody of the abbey, at least up to the time of William's campaign of 1078 against his son Robert (see F. M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxou England, p. 600; Florence, s.a. 1077), the Ely garrison took their meals at the refectory table with the monks (as the rebels in the island were also said to have done, supra, ch. 105). See the ' Story found in the Isle of Ely ' in Brit. Mus., MS. Royal, 18. C. i, 3; Bentham, Ely, i, 104 and PI. xiii and App., pp. 3-9, no. iv. 3 For the knights' fees created in the lands ' invaded ' by Picot, Hardwin de Sealers, Roger Bigod, Hervey de Bourges and others (including Ralph de Savigny, Godric dapifer, Ralph de Belfou, Frodo, brother of Abbot Baldwin of St Edmund's, Eudo dapifer, Rainald balistarius and Hugh de Berners), see Miller, Ely, pp. 68-69. The liber terrarum is probably the I.E. which records the alienations. 1 in Franciam . . . Cadomi: abridged from Florence, ii, 20, s.a. 1087.

218

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135. Quod ° deficiente viribus Symeone abbate, veredarius eius quidam invasit terram de Wicham et nonnulli alias ecclesie possessiones. Willelmo igitur, cognomento Rufo, post patrem in regnum suscepto, sed mox inde {discordia 1 ingens inter primates regni exoritur, pars quedam nobilium, sed minima, regi, pars altera fratri eius Rodberto favebat, [fo. g8] consilio presertim episcoporum Gaufridi Constantiensis, Willelmi Dunholmensis, Odonis Baiocensis, qui regem b fratri suo Rodberto vivum tradere aut regno peremptum privare cupiebant). Cernens itaque rex grande sibi periculum imminere, debitum servitium, quod pater suus imposuerat, nunc" ab ecclesiis violenter exigit et, regno in seditionem d nunc" iterum commoto, ecclesia undique Anglorum / innumeris aggravatur incommodis. Abbatie vero de Ely absque minoratione quater viginti milites, scilicet quadraginta ex eis quos pater illius in insula 9 ob custodiam indixerat teneri, iste nunc ex debito sibi compellit in expeditione parari 2 . Hoc quippe abbas Simeon cognoscens super, quam dici potest, ingemuit, Deum invocans iudicem pro hiis que sibi egerant. lam enim senuerat, cum vix in abbatia septem complesset annos 3, ac h queque incommoda circa locum pullulabant, et ipse ad sua tuenda viribus destitutus foras egredi non suffecerat. Tune quidam perversi, non Deum, non homines verentes, sancte iESeldreSe possessiones invadere non timent, que auctoritate magni regis Willelmi bis antea fuerunt iurate, primo Thurstano res ecclesie procurante 4 ac denuo sub Simeone, eodem rege precipiente. Et quamvis, senio i ipse confectus, rerum suarum distractionem cotidie merens pateretur, ab operibus * incoatis minime destitit, quippe fratrum officinas competenter explevit, nova nunc iaciens fundamenta ecclesie, que post plurima lustra, impedientibus curis, sed potius loci superioribus curam segnius adhibentibus, imperfecta remansit. Sed ex tune abbas magis sui impotens effectus, cum labore per domos baculo sustentatus deambulabat, citius in lectum decidit5, nichil preter languorem in vita superstite per vii continuos annos intendere potuit. " De Willelmo Rufo et quod 0; E adds the same words in the margin in the same hand referred to in p. 2ij, n. h. h regem om. EO; interlined F, in a contemporary hand; fratrem Florence. c nunc om. EO; interlined F, in a contemporary hand. 1 seditione E. ' nunc iterum om. EO, add. F at the end of one line and the beginning of the next, in the same hand as that of the text. 1 nunc iterum add. O, add. interlined F. " insulam ad O, insulam E, abbr. for m erased F. *1 ac om. EO, interlined F in a contemporary hand. senio om. EO, interlined F in a contemporary hand. * operibus om. EO, interlined F in a contemporary hand. 1 1 s

discordia . . . cupiebant: abridged from Florence, ii, 21-22. On the later history of the knight service due from Ely see Miller, Ely, pp. 155 ff. The compiler's habit of calculating in terms of seven years makes it difficult to arrive at an exact chronology. But if the abbey was vacant for seven years until n 00 and Simeon died in 1093 and had ceased to be in effective control seven years before that (infra, ch. 137), this period of senility must date from 1087 at the latest, which brings us barely into his seventh year 4if we reckon from Godfrey's departure for Malmesbury in 1081. Perhaps a reference to the plea of 1071 x 1075. For this and the descriptio in Simeon's time see the comments in App. D, infra, pp. 429-32. 6

Cf. I M a c , v i , 8 , ' e t d e c i d i t i n l e c t u m , e t i n c i d i t i n l a n g u o r e m . . . "

LIBER ELIENSIS 219 Iccirco que Dei sunt tepescere interius ceperant nee minus exteriora, penitus convulsa, perditum minabantur. Mancipia vero abbatis et ceteri in quibus confidebat, capite debilitato, recesserunt in locum suum et relictus est solus languens atque tabescens; rarus extitit qui in finem cum illo perseveravit. Unus autem illorum exstitit Willelmus, ob innatam sibi astutiam Peregrinus appellatus \ quern antea de imo extulit abbas, ut causas villicorum de exterius ad ilium deportaret. Hie multiplici verborum astutia expertus, quorundam necessitates fovere, quorundam vero prepedire nitebatur. Cernens vero a dominum suum honeri esse cunctis atque b despectui , similiter ipse, beneficiorum inmemor, quodcumque de eo est parvipendit et quandam ruris partem in Wicham de hire ecclesie sibi usurpavit, [fo. g8v] quam timoratus Domini Osmundus 2 et films eius Agamandus, ad supradictum festinantes in Scotia bellum, Deo et alme virgini iESeldreSe pro eterna mercede donaverant et, ne quis illam extra manum et victum monachorum distraeret, abbas idem coram multitudine plebis anatematizavit. Rapiunt et alii pluria, quorum posteri usque in hanc diem attestantur se tenere de dono Symeonis abbatis, exestimantes omne gaudium de ablatis ecclesie sibi coacervare divitias. Tandem vero abbas secum excogitat suorum retundere superbiam, eo quod illi clamant i non responderunt, detestantes in senecta conspectum eius, convocavit ad se iudices regni, ut, quasi loco suo, res sancte protegerent adversum inimicos. Moxque ingressi thesauro inquirunt, contumeliis multos afficiunt, non seni, non vidue, pupillo vel egeno pro pecuniis parcunt. Tune procedens vir belial iEilwinus, cognomento ReSeresgut, id est venter pecudis °, de occultis accusat affines, et arflicta est insula contritione d magna. Prorupit etiam contra fratres huius ecclesie dolos parare, insuper dominum Thurstanum prepositum 3, cunctis honestate laudabilem, mendaciis lacessivit et in tantum Radulphum Passeflambart4 concitavit adversus eum, ut rem communem, e quam custodiebat, exigeret, confringens arcam violenter ecclesie, tulitque es multum f inde et vestes preclaras, quas ille amator veritatis congregaverat 5 in ministeriumg altaris et decorem templi Domini. Ad hec cor abbatis expavit nee male gesta valens emendare, quoniam iniquus predo insolenter agens, tantum nunc iunioris regis, quantum patris eius, cuius extitit capellanus, favorem invocat, pro libitu cuncta instituit vel destituit, tamen monachorum victui que hie inferuntur preberi censuit. 0

vero on erasure F, interlined E. " pecudum 0. ' que om. EO, add. F at the end of a line. 1 congregav' E, congregavit 0.

1

* de- in the margin F, interlined E. contra on erasure F, adversum EO.

d

' misterium F.

Probably the first holder of a fee in Littlebury (cf. Miller, Ely, p. 171, n. 4, and p. 224,

n. 1).

2

Perhaps to be identified with Osmund de Wicheham, one of the jurors for the Ely hundreds in 1086 (Hamilton, I.C.C., p. 100). 3 Thurstan was one of the monks who is said to have fought at Hereward's side in 1071-72 (Gesta Herwardi, p. 383). He was dead by 1134 when Bishop Nigel's inventory of the church treasures was compiled (infra, Book III, cc. 50, 92). 1 For an account of Ranulf Flambard, later made bishop of Durham (1099), see R. W. Southern, ' Ranulf Flambard and Early Anglo-Norman Administration ', Trans. R. Hist. Soc, 4th ser., xvi (1933), 95-128; also A. L. Poole, From Domesday Book to Magna Carta (1951), p. 170, 6 and infra, p. 220, n. 1. Cf. I Reg., xxviii, 5; Job, xxxvii, 1.

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6

136. Quod Ranulfus quidem iussu regis annonam monachis, sed brevem, constituit. Hec x igitur c sunt q u e a idem Randulfus• et Simeon abbas ex iussu regis Willelmi constituerunt unoquoque anno dari ad opus fratrum: Ad vestimenta eorum septuaginta libras. Ad coquinam eorum sexaginta libras et ad sagimen ducentos porcos et porcos qui in curia pascuntur et totum caseum et butirum, excepto hoc quod est in firma prepositorum, et unaquaque ebdomada septem treias frumenti et decem treias braisii ' . Ad luminaria monasterii presentem ecclesiam cum sepultura ville et totum, quicquid pertinet" ad sanctum Botulphum cum festivitate. Et si tantum fuerit de vino, semper habebunt in duodecim lectionibus h caritatem et in j sabbato, sin autem, medietatem medonis *. [jo. gg.] 137. Quomodo l abbas Symeon exuit hominem. Angustiis itaque constrictus, abbas cum eiulatu tandem ad monachos vociferavit, se reum esse in Deum et in eos graviter deliquisse et, ne patrem, pre senecta languentem, morti vicinum despiciant, misere efflagitavit m. Nam n confectus ° 2 senio, postquam gravis affuit etas, heu frustra alterius sepe rogabat opem. Licet enim in multis officiens p virtutibus ac religione perspicuus, tamen in tribus nimium excessisse cognoscitur, ex simplicitate, ut credimus, non ex industrial primum, de " Collated with copies in EO and the cartularies CDG where it follows ch. 12J. In CD the rubric reads Institutio Willelmi regis Anglorum primi et abbatis Symeonis et Rannulfi capellani. * -e' on erasure F, quidam EO. d "6 igitur om. CD. idem om. CD. capellanus regis Anglorum add. CD. > braisis CDEG. ' pertinet om. CDEGO, interlined F in a contemporary hand. h in lectionibus in duodecim E,k but with marks interlined to indicate a change of order. '1 in interlined F. habebunt add. CDEGO. m Quomodo abbas om. F. efflagitatur EO. ™ Nam . . . opem add. in the margin with caret E. 0 collectus EO. " proficiens E. 1 Date: It is impossible to decide for certain on which of three occasions this allocation was made. According to the oldest Ely tradition (the cartularies CD) it belongs to the reign of William I, and this bears out the compiler's opinion that it was part of a voluntary arrangement between Simeon and the king made necessary by Simeon's increasing incapacity in 1086-87. On this interpretation this annona represents an early attempt at dividing the monks' victus from the abbot's mensa, the latter being administered by the king's officials, and is to be compared with the first attempts of Bishops Hervey and Nigel to devise a similar arrangement (cf. infra, Book III, cc. 25, 54. and Introduction, supra, pp. 1-li). At this time Ranulf was already a king's chaplain (A. L. Poole, loc. cit.). On the other hand, this division is typical of a method devised by Ranulf apparently not before the reign of William Rufus, when he occupied a more prominent position. In this case it would fit the place assigned to it in the L.E., soon after the new king's accession, and could still belong to 1087, leaving Simeon roughly seven years to live until his death in 1093. Thirdly, as this method is typical also of the procedure employed by Ranulf for administering vacant abbeys in the king's custody, the arrangement may follow Simeon's death in 1093, lasting until the accession of Richard in 1100. Cf. D. Knowles, The Monastic Order in England, pp. 435-36, 612-13, where further references are given, and Miller, Ely, pp. 39-40.—Printed: Monasticon, i, 478. 2 confectus . . . opem: an elegiac couplet. If it is borrowed, the source has not been identified.

LIBER ELIENSIS 221 benedictione abbatis indebite ab episcopo Lincolniensi suscepta; secundo, quod extraneos contra morem totius ecclesie adduxit qui, tanquam advene non permansuri, de reliquiis, de ornamentis, in concedendo predia, locum valde colliserunt; tertium, quod veredarios regis in insula iudicia exercere admisit. Neque sic contristatus ingemuit, ut de loco vel de officiis externos abigeret, sed usque ad ipsius obitum non iam exterius, sed interius, cuncta ad a velle disponunt. Iamque plenus dierum abbas Symeon centesimum etatis transsiens annum, plenus virtutum, ad Dominum exercituum, ad exercitum sanctorum, ad regnum celorum,1 de regno vitiorum, de loco peccatorum, de die malorum die sancti iEdmundi , mundus de immundo mundo, migravit, locumque sui officii, sua et aliorum abbatum viduatum presentia, per vii annos post obitum suum dereliquid et contristavit. Quern loco veteris et 2 sancti illius Symeonis , servi Domini et baiuli Christi, Christum dominum spiritualibus 3 ulnis amplexantem , suscipi non diffidimus, ut ei iungatur premio, cui iunctus est vocabulo, et unum desiderium unum consociet meritum. Uterque enim similiter cupiebat videre Christum 4, uterque dissolvi et cum Christo esse 6, uterque clamare: ' Nunc dimittis in pace '. Utrique ergo contigit quod optavit, utrique patuit quod 6 pulsavit, uterque quod quisivit invenit, quod petivit accepit , ille in corpore semel sed sub specie, ambo post corpus in re non b temporum mutationemc, sed eternitate. Quorum anime iam videntes bona Domini in terra viventium, orent pro nobis adhuc viventibus in terra morientium. Obiit "• autem anno m. nonagesimo iii, cum xiiii annis rexisset ecclesiam d. 138. Quee dampna monachi extranei intulerunt Elyensi ecclesie. Sed f ipso de medio sublato, que mala contigerunt [fo. 8ggv] vel quid sui comiserunt in loco revelamus, ut iugiter innotescat in nationibus . Nimirum de abbatis obitu septem monachi adhuc superstites ex suis, quos illuc transvexerat, mesti, conturbati sunt, commoti * sunt, tremor apprehendit eos. Intenderant enim non b " pro for ad EO. in for non F. "d sic MSS. ; Stewart prints mutatione. De obitu Willelmi Rufi et coronacione Henrici fratris sui et quomodo add. E in the margin in a hand of the late thirteenth or fourteenth century. This refers to O's rubric for ch. 140 which follows here in 0. ' This chapter is not in E or 0 but is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist A eta Sanctorum (3rd edn.) funii, v, 473. ' Sed . . . sublato om. B beginning Symeone autem abbate viam universe carnis ingresso, que dampna ecclesie extranei intulerunt aut que mala etc. ' commoti sunt om. B.

1 a 3

20 November. The comparison is drawn with the passage on St Simeon in Luc, ii, 25-35. Cf. Luc, ii, 28-29, ' accepit in uln&s suas et benedixit Deum et dixit nunc dimittis servum tuum4 . . . " Cf. Luc, ii, 26, ' non visurum se mortem nisi prius videret Christum Domini . . .' 6 Philip., i, 23. 6 Cf. Matth., vii, 7-8; Luc, xi, 9-10. 7 For the dating of Simeon's death see infra, App. D, p. 413. *Ps., lxxviii, 10.

222

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a

illic tutum sibi commanendi fore ulterius, vel ad modicum suam prevalere industriam, neque ad nutum sui amodo cuncta vel consistere vel spectare; paraverunt iam Wintoniam celerius remeare. Ceterum, ne immunes et vacui redeant, pudoris argui timebant. Inde stimulis accensi invidie simul et cupiditatis estu inflammati, demoliri omnia et perdere avidius temptant, ubi nullatenus profuerunt aliquando saltern vel in minimis. Proponunt ergo simulatoria verba, intentant callida argumenta, dolum dolo accumulant et, quasi iustitie, operibus studeant. Iam collocato in ecclesia abbatis corpore, ipsi et velle et obnoxius orare pro illo debere se asserunt, monacos autem loci, pro pastore et abbate exequiis adcumbentes, nutibus ac procaciter signis recedere ab ecclesia et ad cibum ire compellunt, opseratis mox interim hostiis, se introrsus recondunt, ad bona queque et optima, ut amentes, prosiliunt, sibi rapiunt et assumunt, videlicet indumenta plurimum ornata, pannos sericos et cortinam valde pretiosam et nobilem, qua nulla pretiosior circumquaque estimari aut inveniri potuit—paratura enim ipsius auro intecta tota apparuit—verumptamen et philacteria cum sanctorum multorum reliquiis irreverenter de feretris extractis, insuper capud beatissimi confessoris domini Botulphi 1 simul et maiora ipsius ossa, capsa violenter effracta, penes se recondunt et detinent. Sicque sublatis his ac omnibus, quecumque rapere potuerunt, cum multo argento et auro refectis sarcinis parati recedere non differunt. Et factum est. Quarto etenim die gaudenter, ceu de prede magnitudine et cum victoria proflictis hostibus, veloci cursu ad Geldeford prospere devenerunt. Illic hospitio susceptis ac diutius epulis et hebrietati vacantibus, accenso grandi igne in medio, flammis subito erumpentibus, domus tota succendebatur. Quod illi convive cum aspicerent, fugerunt foras, nil auxiliib ferre valentes domui periture, sua introrsus omnia relinquentes, Dei iudicio in ultionem fraudis sue penitus combusta sunt universa nee secum Wintonie ex multa copia spoliarum vel prorsus aliquid deferrent, que, [fo. 100] ut infideles servi et inimici, nequam Domino et beatissime virgini iESeldreSe abstraxerant, sed igne cremantur et in cineres rediguntur. Cumque apud suos in monasterio quod gestum est in via quidve ipsis contigerit nuntiatum et deprehensum esset, afflicti pariter nimium gementes de facto redduntur, probris et correptionibus huius rei auctores ac nefandae transgressionis excessum ferire adgressi sunt et crudeli examinatione indebite presumptionis audaciam castigare nullatenus omiserunt. Hoc verbum illic et apud veteres nostros vulgatum est usque in hodiernum diem et credibili assertione narraverunt nobis, ut discant posteri semper fieri detrimentum bonorum in administratione externorum. " sibi om. B.

h

ausilii F.

1 According to the Vita Botulphi by Folcard of St Bertin, this would be the abbot who is recorded in Florence and A.S.C. to have begun building a minster at Icanho, s.a. 654 (perhaps Iken, Suffolk; see D. Whitelock, English Historical Documents, c. 500-1042, p. 152, n. 7), and whose relics are said to have been distributed at the command of King Edgar. The head only —no maiora ossa—went to Ely, with half of the remainder going to Thorney, while the rest were retained by the king (Brit. Mus., MS. Harl. 3097, fo. 66). But Peterborough and Bury St Edmunds are also mentioned as resting-places of a St Botulph and a twelfth-century charter of Bishop Nigel claimed that an Abbot Botulph was buried in their church at Hadstock (see infra, Book III, ch. 90).

LIBER ELIENSIS 223 139. Qualia Rannulfus invenit in thesauris sancte JEdeldretSe. Descriptio b autem rerum quas invenit Rannulfus 1 in thesauris sancte iESeldreSe post Symeonem abbatem iuxta estimationem totius conventus, septuaginta duorum videlicet monacorum, in quorum presentia hec omnia ostensa sunt atque descripta: Viginti et vii cruces parve et magne et sex imagines, de tribus fuit aliquid argenti furatum,—omnes vero cruces sunt auro et argento ornate et imagines similiter; xii feretra, auro et argento aptata, sive magna seu parva, et octo inornata; xiiii textus magni vel parvi, auro et argento ornati; tria altaria, auro et argento parata; due tabule altaris, auro et argento parate; iiiior frontales, ii magni et ii parvi, auro et argento parati; duo turribula auro et argento parata; octo filacteria, tria parata et v non parata; xx et vii c calices magni vel parvi, ex quibus est unus totus aureus et unus argenteus et alii auro et argento confecti, ex quibus carent iiiior patenis; tres calami argentei, auro parati; tres fiale argentee, quarum una est deaurata; tria turribula,—unum est totum argenteum sine auro, aliud argenteum deauratum, tertium ereum deauratum, et oromnes eorum catene sunt argentee; duo candelabra argentea, auro parata, et iiii erea, auro parata; unus urceolus argenteus, auro paratus, et pelvis una tota argentea; xx infule, sed vi auro et gemmis ornate et tres bene parate sunt orfrisio et alie parate sunt utcumque; super has vero sunt xxiiii casule absque [fo. ioov] ornamento; xlvi cappe, octo quarum bene sunt parate aurifriso et gemmis, cetere sunt utcumquee parate de aurifilo, de quibus sunt due perfecte tempore Simeonis abbatis; c et ii albe et a totidem amictus; ex his due sunt bene limbate pallio sursum et subtus de aurifilo, et novem alie parate subtus de pallio et sursum de aurifilo, et xliiii parate circa collum de aurifriso; cetere non sunt parate nee amictus earum. Duo sunt cinguli, unus totus de aurifilo, alter de pallio, cuius pendentia sunt bene ornata de aurifilo; xxxii stole cum totidem manipulis, xxi de his auro parate et iiii parate argento, cetere sine utroque; vi manipuli sunt sine stolis, de quibus" unus bene operatus f auro aliique arg[ento]; xv dalmatice, a

" This chapter is not in 0 nor in the cartulary G. In E it follows ch. ny and the rubric is erased, except the first word Quod. The erased rubric was probably that which occurs in the corresponding place in the index of chapter headings in E: Quod predictus abbas Godefridus que in thesauris etiam repererat ecclesie describi fecit. The scribe may have intended to replace it by the rubric which in the index follows ch. 113: Quod sua industria impetravit a rege quatenus totius abbatie possessiones iurari faceret et restitui indixit, which closely corresponds to the words of the opening sentence of the chapter in E. Cf. supra, ch. 114, and infra, App. D, p. 427. 6 In E the chapter begins: Et quomodo possessiones sua industria ad ius sancte vEdeldreSe pertinentes conscripte sunt et fidelium attestacione iuramenti designate, sicut non minus que in ornamentis thesaurorum reppererat annotare curavit, quod hie inter cetera scribendum estimavimus. Descriptio autem rerum huius modi erat: viginti etc. as here. c a f vi E. et interlined F. " est add. E. paratus E. 1 The document from which E or its source took their copy may not have ascribed this inventory to Ranulf Flambard as E omits his name, and it is impossible to say on what authority the name was added by the scribe of F. It is certain only that in many of the items which can be compared it represents an increase on the inventory said to have been taken by the monk Godfrey (supra, ch. 114). Even if it was compiled at Ranulf's command, the date is uncertain. Like the annona (supra, ch. 136), it may belong to the last year of William I's reign or to the year 1093 when Ranulf took over the custody of the abbey. The opening sentence in E seems to refer to a descriptio of the abbey lands, which the position occupied by the chapter in the index and the text of E would place in the time of the monk Godfrey. But see infra, App. D, p. 427.

224 LIBER ELIENSIS v aptate aurifilo; ix tunice, iiii aptate aurifilo; xv pallia altaris magna vel parva; de his sunt viii auro parata, vii sine ornamento; tole a xxiii, de quibus tres sunt de pallio aurifilo parate, et due de lino parateb aurifilo, et xvii linee, pallio parate; iiii tapeta; xxxiii dosseta lanea; li bancheta ; i tentorium; et vi candelabra ferrea et erea; i gittorium; et vi baculi qui portantur in festivitatibus, auro et argento ornati; et tria paria palvium" ad servitium ecclesie, et ccc d libri xiii minus; ex his xix missales sunt et viii lectionales et eii benedictionales, xxii psalteria et vii breviarii et ix antiphonarii et xii gradalia . 140. Quomodo * abbatia donatur Ricardo monaco Beccensi. Nonnullis {ea * tempestate regie voluntati magis quam iustitie obedientibus), ex i quibus supramemoratus {Rannulfus contra ius ecclesiasticum et sui gradus ordinem, presbiter enim erat, ad censum primitus abbatias 2, dehinc episcopatus, quorum patres a vita discesserant noviter, accepit a rege, et inde singulis annis illi persolvit non modicam summam pecunie), maxime ex abbatia de Ely quam plures annos tenuit. Ipsius enim {astutia 3 et calliditas tarn vehemens extitit et parvo tempore adeo excrevit, ut placitatorem ac totius regni exactorem rex ilium constitueret. Qui tanta potestate adepta, ubique locorum per Angliam ditiores ac locuplectiores quosdam rerum terrarumque ablatione multavit, pauperiores etiam gravi iniustoque tributo incessanter oppressit multisque modis et ante episcopatum et in episcopatu maiores [fo. 101] et minores communiter afflixit, et hoc usque ad regis eiusdem obitum. Nam eo die quo) idem rex {periit occisus, Dorubernensem archiepiscopatum, Wintoniensem et Searesberiensem presulatus in sua manu tenuit. Regnavit) autem iste Willelmus Rufus {xiii annis minus xxx et h viii diebus K Cui successit iunior frater suus Henricus et mox Nonis Augusti, die dominico, in4 Westmonasterio a Mauritio Lundoniensi episcopo in regem est consecratus), sed a 6 d

sic MSS.; Stewart prints totae. c xli. lined through, add. F ; xli cortine add. E. pelvium E. iii. F. ' In E this chapter is followed by ch. 118. f De obitu Willelmi Rufi et coronacione Henrici fratris sui, et quomodo O. In E this chapter follows ch. 13J. ' ex quibus om. EO; interlined F, in a contemporary hand. h et om. E. > et Wintonie in veteri monasterio in ecclesia sancti Petri est tumulatus anno Domini M°.C°. add. 0. E has the same addition as a marginal note in a hand of the late thirteenth or the fourteenth century. 1 ea . . . pecunie: derived almost verbatim from Florence, ii, 46, s.a. 1100, which reviews the main features of William II's reign. 2 In 1100 eleven abbeys and three bishoprics were in the king's hands (A. L. Poole, op. cit., p. 170). 3 astutia . . . consecratus: derived almost verbatim from Florence, ii, 46. 4 sed . . . coronatur: from an addition to Florence in Bodl., 297, p. 402. Freeman attached no importance to this passage, since Archbishop Thomas is not mentioned in this capacity in A.S.C. or Florence, occurring only in later and less reliable accounts, of which the most important are Will. Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum, p. 258, and Diceto, i, 233, and made the ' natural inference' that Thomas was too sick to come as he died soon afterwards. The passage in fact deserves more respect since Thomas attested a charter in favour of St Peter's, Bath, dated 14 September

LIBER ELIENSIS 225 1 a Thoma Eboracensi coronatur. {Qui consecrationis sue die sanctam Dei ecclesiam, que fratris sui tempore vendita et ad firmam posita erat, liberam fecit ac omnes malas consuetudines et iniustas a exactiones, quibus regnum Anglie iniuste opprimebatur, abstulit, pacem firmam in toto regno suo posuit et teneri precepit, leges regis iEdwardi omnibus in commune reddidit cum illis emendationibus, quibus pater suus illam emendavit.2 Sed forestas, quas ille constituit et habuit, in manu sua retinuity {Deditque ipso die consecrationis sue abbatiam sancti vEdmundi Rodberto, Hugonis Cestrensis comitis filio, et abbatiam Elyensem Ricardo, Ricardi filii Gileberti comitis filio). 141. Quod abbas Ricardus ab episcopo Lincolniensi benedictionem accipere rennuit et abbatiam studuit in episcopatum mutare. Quia vero de dompno Ricardo abbate Elyensi sua probitas rationem exposcit, lineam generationis eius attexentes,b parente utroque egregio, Ricardi scilicet Gileberti comitisfiliovenerabilique Rohesie natum, in fronte sermonis apponimus 3. Uterque vero parensc de regia stirpe descendens, regi regum illustrem sobolem sub veste monachica in Beccensi monasterio dedicarunt. Qui statim, adhuc puer, susceptam vitam morum gratia commendabat et, virtutum gradibus miro affectu insistens, liberalem animum semper altiore proposito instituit, ut iam etas ilia tam senibus quam iuvenibus et mirabilis esset et imitabilis. Sic ergo future dignitatis insignia insigni conversatione auspicatus, sub domestico exercitio xxx annorum spatium emensus est iamque publicam eatenus famam optinuerat, ut de gradibus morum ascenderet ad gradus honorum; vocatur scilicet ad Helyensis regimen ecclesie, Deo ilium destinante, Henrico rege promonente, clero et populo acclamante. Quem gradum nactus, in omni laudabili studio spiritum dupplicavit, [fo. IOIV] vitam scientia et scientiam vita grata illustrans vicissitudine, equa lance prope modum in se ponderaret et theologum et philosophum. Quicquid vero reprobum aut inhonestum a secularis scientia continebat, hinc resecans, 4hinc reservans, morem antiquorum patrum emulabatur. Sed quia liber proprius laudibus eius prolixius inscribitur, ceteris occurrentibus occurrat calamus, iamque dicatur quod sequitur et credatur quod dicitur; quia tantis videlicet titulis hostilis invidia deesse non potuit. Primo enim eum aggreditur Lincolniensis episcopus Rodbertus, dicens sui iuris esse, 0

b iustas F. Rohesia EO. " honestum FO, in- interlined add. E.

c

morachica EF.

at Westminster (Regesta, ii, 492), and in view of his presence at court so soon after Henry's accession it is more than likely that he would have asserted his position as the only archbishop then in office. See Freeman, The Reign of William Rufus (1882), ii, 680-82. But see N. F. Cantor, Church, Kingship and Investiture in England, 1089-1135 (1958), pp. 135 ff. 1 Qui . . . retinuit: from Florence, ii, 46-47. 2 Deditque . . .filio: from an addition to Florence, s.a. 1100, in Bodl., 297^.402 (cf. Memorials of St 3Edmund's Abbey, i, 353). Cf. Ord. Vit., Hist. Eccl., iv, 93-94. Abbot Richard, a monk of Bee, was, as is here correctly stated, the son of Richard ' Bienfait', son of Gilbert de Brionne, and of Rohaise, daughter of Walter Giffard. See J. H. Round, ' The4 Family of Clare ', Arch. Journ., lvi (1899), and in D.N.B.; also Ord. Vit., Hist. Eccl., iii, 344. Apparently a book devoted to the gesta of Abbot Richard, perhaps the booklet concerning the second translation of St Etheldreda. See Introduction, supra, p. xxxix.

226 LIBER ELIENSIS ut eum in abbatem benediceret, cui iuri" decessorem eius Symeonem decessori suo Remigio causatus est obedisse. Ricardus vero violentam in Symeone indebitamque illius benedictionem fuisse protestans, iure sue ecclesie et plurima auctoritate se ab illius benedictione defendit, timens ne maledictionem pro benedictione incurreret, si contra ius suum se benedici pateretur. Suspensa est itaque ista benedictio, nee in abbate Elyensi nee ab episcopo Lincolniensi nee ab aliquo prorsus alio postea facienda. Et ut ad rei eventum b alludamus causamque notemus, locus in episcopatum convertendus quoddam fortasse sue provectionis in suspensa benedictione gerebat auspicium, ne antiqua libertate donatus et nova donandus, aliquam" sui iuris partem temeratam haberet. His igitur quasi per digressionem interpositis, a diverticulo repetatur fabula 1, dicaturque paternus in eo fuisse affectus, quo toti gregi magis serviebat quam imperabat, locum et numerum fratrum divitibus ornamentis et utilibus personis insigniens seque cunctorum moribus mira benignitate confirmans d. Et si qua, ut assolet, a tanta generositate, casibus e concurrentibus, conciperetur severitas, velociter earn Christi humilitate temperabat nee patiebatur impetum animi sui sibi dominari, sed omnem illicitum fervorem potenti ratione frenabat. Iamque coronanda eius constantia crebra cepit vexatione fatigari, post episcopalem conflictum regali quoque eum ira infestante et usque ad depositionem impellente, sicut in loco congruo iuxta seriem temporis referemus 2. 142. Quomodo rex Henricus emulorum instinctu Ricardum de abbatia expulit, et ipse Romam perrexit. Eius f quippe depositionem sola tantum iniquorum operata est invidia, quorum 9 odium in se accendebat animi [fo. 102] et generis eius magnificentia, quod multiplex honore incederet, potestate precelleret, propinquorum frequentia et rerum copia violentam ab omnibus exigeret reverentiam, essetque illis timori, quibus esse non poterat amori. Denique cum regis adiret curiam, singulariter post regem timebatur, parentum undique grege vallatus, quorum familiam ex Ricardis et Gifardis constare tota Anglia et novit et sensit. Ricardi enim et Gifardi, duo scilicet ex propinquo venientes familie 3, virtutis fama et generis copia illustres effecerant natales suos et, quocumque nobilium conventus se ageret, illorum pompa terribili multitudine ferebatur nee iam tutum erat in eorum presentia quemlibet de magnatibus aut in hospitibus h accipiendis aut in causis tractandis eis resistere, quorum manibus crebre cedes fiebant in curia regiamque maiestatem frequenti terrore eoncusserant. Unde 6 " viri FO. ut rei ad, ad lined through F. d conformans E. ' causis EO. " a quam F. ' The initial H has been wrongly prefixed to -ius in F. ' perrexit lined through add. F. In E the line ends with quorum, and perrexit—the last word of theh rubric—follows, written in red ink. hospiciis EO. 1 3

2 Juvenal, Satires, xv, 72. Infra, ch. 142. The Ricardi were descended from Gilbert de Brionne (a few miles south of Rouen), and the caput of the Giffard fee was at Longueville-sur-Scie (L. C. Loyd, The Origins of Some AngloNorman Families, ed. C. T. Clay and D. C. Douglas, Harl. Soc. Publ., ciii, 1951, p. 45), a few miles north of Rouen.

LIBER ELIENSIS 227 a h et Ricardus abbas, utpote magna preditus facundia et genealogia, et regis odium inde incurrerat, quod et nimis pompatice veniret ad curias et quod ipsum regem accusaretur contempnere, nolens eius eatenus obedire preceptis, ut alii proceres obedire videbantur. Ipse vero rigore iustitie magis quam tumore superbie quedam regisx mandata non tenebat, discreta providentia que Cesaris sunt Cesari et que Dei Deo restituens. Sciebat quippe vir liberalis animi regem esse hominem, nee amplius ceteris eum habere mortalibus, nisi quod eis quadam dignitate preferretur, ideoque nolebat ad omnem eius nutum voluntatem inflectere nee arundinem vento agitatam 2 imitari, sed ad 3omnem flatum clipeum fidei obiecit, non super arenam sed supra petram fundatus 6, tanquam alter dupplicis spiritus Elyseus 4. Hinc ergo regius in eum furor exarsit et eum deponendi eausam accepit, quod sue per omnia voluntati non cederet, quod in sua generositate sic fideret, quod quendam mymum eius sibi conviciantem turpiter de domo sua eiceret6. Sicque depositus, clero regi favente, zelo Dei cessante, timore seculi perurgente, cuius famam nemo posset digne infamare, nemo vitam accusare vel personam reprobare. Quare opus eeelesie aliquandiu intermissum est, non dimissum. Putabat siquidem rex progeniem eius in ipsius depositione infirmari, sed non minor earn gloria attollebat, cuius timor plurimos [fo. I02V] procerum ipsumque regem non nunquam astrinxit. Depositus itaque non sine quodam sui provectu Ricardus, se violentiam passum factumque sibi preiudicium exclamabat, Romam appellabat iussusque reddere baculum, rege invito ilium non reddidit,c sed ad Elyensem ecclesiam per fratrum licentiam recessurus reposuit. Agebat occulta Dei dispensatio, ut et apud tantam sedem d eius probitas innotesceret et cum Romana auctoritate gloriosius remearet. 143. Quod " veniens Ricardus de Roma in locum suum restituitur et f novum opus eeelesie a suo predecessore inceptum edificavit.

Sicqueg abbas a rege pregravatus, Romam pergit et in presentia venerabilis pape Paschalis, qui Romane tune presidebat eeelesie, eausam sue neeessitatis exposuit. A h quo in gratiam susceptus et in magna veneratione habitus, impetrans quod petierat, apostolice auctoritatis contra infestantium invidiam et malitiam privilegiis munitus et in gratiam et benivolentiam regis receptus, Elyensi monasterio cum magna et suscipientium et suscepti iocunditate est restitutus. Qui in suis necessitatibus beatam iESeldreSam misericordissimam expertus, operis sui incepti minime est oblitus, sed, ut ad perficiendum idem opus studiosius insisteret, ut huic operi 0 e

b predictus F with c later linedd through. et om. EO. hoc add. EO. sed'e contracted as for sedere EF. ' This chapter occurs also in the introductory chapter of the tract De Secunda Translacione beate Etheldrede in B (fos. 33 jf.). See infra, ch. 144. ' et om. EO, interlined F. " Sicque . . . exposuit is paraphrased in B. h From A quo verbatim in B. 1 2 4 6

Cf. Matth., xxii, 21; Marc, xii, 17; Luc, xx, 25. 3 Cf. Matth., xi, 7; Luc, vii, 24. Cf. Matth., vii, 25-26. 6 Cf. IV Reg., ii, 9. Cf. Judith, v, 2. For a comment on Richard's deposition see infra, App. D, p. 413.

228 LIBER ELIENSIS solum vacaret, totum studium specialiter admovit, tamque decenti forma et quantitate, quantum potuit, quoad vixit, ecclesiam a predecessore suo inceptam edificavit, ut, si fama non invideat et merito et veritatis titulo, utpote mendax, veritatem non detrahat, in eodem regno cunctis ecclesiis vel antiquitus constructis vel nostro tema pore renovatis iure quodam compositionis et subtilis artificii privilegio et gratia ab intuentibus merito b videatur preferenda. 144. De secunda translatione corporis sacre virginis quam idem abbas fecit.

Summo * igitur desiderio desiderans et deliberans suo in tempore corpus sacratissimum sacratissime virginis JiSeldreSe" de veteri ecclesia in novam, de modica in maiorem et pulcriorem, transferre, memorans quia et Ioseph patris sui corpus ad maiorem reverentiam de Egypto in terram Chanaan transtulerit2, ne tam pre3 clara lampas et lucerna sub modio lateret , sed, quasi super candelabrum posita, sub pre-[/o. Joj]-sentia testium et frequentia populorum cunctis innotesceret et luceret, diem statuit, videlicet xvi4 Kal. dOctobris, quo et prima eius translatio tanquam una cum nova celebratur . Vir itaque magni et liberalis animi ad hanc sollempnitatem solenni et maxime pontificali auctoritate corroborandam, inprimis virum venerabilem et religiosissimum Anselmum, Cantuariensem metropolitanum ea, qua debuit et eum decuit, reverentia invitavit, ut pro sui debito officii, adiunctis 6 sibi ex suis quos religiosiores arbitraretur, quotquot vellet suffraganeis suam ipse presentiam dignaretur exhibere. Invitatis etiam quampluribus pontificalis dignitatis et ordinis viris et abbatibus et religiosis monachis aliisque personis f ecclesiasticis, < " compositis BF. b merito om. EO, interlined F in a contemporary hand; in the text of B. " yEdeldreSe om. BEO, interlined F. d The corresponding section in the Vita Wihtburge reads: Elegantissimus et liberalissimus pater Eligensis familie Ricardus novo monasterio a fronte consummato, hue precelsa luminaria sacrarum virginum de veteri ecclesia cum magna cleri populorumque solemnitate ardebat. Invitabat eruditorum ac pontificum principem Dorubernensis metropopolis summum rectorem Anselmum aliorumque presulum et abbatum optimatumque regni illustrem cetum. Sed venere statuto die quos divina movit dispensatio; reliquos prepediente suo vel regio negotio. Ergo ordinata processione, acceditur ad sancta sanctorum cum debita solennitate ac reverentia dominice choree cum celestis armonie modulatione. Primo primitive ac regie matris intemerateque virginis iESeldrySe efferendum assumitur mausoleum. Pario de marmore . . . periit. ' adiunctos BEO. * personis om. B. 1 There are two other accounts of this translation. The version in B (fos. 33 ff. printed in Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.), Junii, v, 456-58) forms a separate libellus and is, apart from a brief introduction summarising the early history of the abbey and Abbot Simeon's foundation of a new church, identical with that given in the L.E. from which it is probably derived. The other version is in the Vita S. Wihtburge (C.C.C., MS. 393), where it follows the story of Wihtburga's translation from Dereham (supra, ch. 53). See supra, Introduction, pp. xxxvi-vii, where it is suggested that the L.E. and this Vita are derived from an older Vita of Wihtburga which has not survived. The main similarities and divergences between those accounts are shown in the textual notes. 2 8 Cf. Gen., 1, 5-14. Cf. Matth., v, 15; Marc, iv, 21; Luc, xi, 33. 4 The correct form of the dating clause should be XVI Kal. Novembris to concur with the date of the first Translation. Supra, Book I, ch. 28.

LIBER ELIENSIS 229 pontificibus summis, etsi non dignitate, tamen meritis, non immerito coequandis, ne dicam preferendis, invitati ab ipso fuerunt et regni proceres et optimates, ut ad tam iocundam festivitatem accederent et congaudentibus et ipsi gauderent a. Quibusdam autem vel privatis vel publicis negotiis vel necessitatibusb occupatis, quidam a divina providentia destinati et tali ac tante rei perficiende idonei ac plurimum necessarii devotissime confluxerunt. Inter quos vir laudabilis Herbertus Norwicensis episcopus, iEldewinus Rameseiensis, Ricardus Sancti Albani abbas, Gunterius Thorneiensis, Wido Persoriensis abbas, Nicholaus Lincolniensis archidiaconus, Gaufridus Wintoniensis thesaurarius et alii innumeri magne honestatis et auctoritatis viri1 . c Ordinate igitur ordinata processione,d ad sancte ac reverende virginis iESeldreSe tumulum reverenter accedunt, pario de marmore candidissimum, uti decebat candorem virgineum. In hoc quondam angelicis obsequiis sibi preparato et divina gratia querentibus oblato, beatissima germana eius regina Sexburga post sexdecim annos sepulture inventam ipsius solidissimam glebam toto corpore et vestibus lacteam et intemeratam cum clamosa ammiratione et laudissona in celum benedictione recondidit. Unde nunc id illi ad maiorem gloriam accrescit, quod nemo ipsius tumbam pandere, [fo. 103V] nemo inspicere presumpsit. Aliquando enim paganis irruentibus in hunc locum, pro plaga foramen intulit unus, qui mox oculis et vita est privatus. Postea presbiter temerarius, quasi preses monasterii, in illud foramenfissamvirgam inpingens, torquendo in rugam, partem vestis extraxit maiorique vesania abscidit quam subito introiacentis manus cum vigili indignatione ad sese retraxit. Adhuc temptator affixam virge candelam immittere addidit, candela decidens super sacrum corpus tota exarsit et nichil rerum lesit; presumptor vero cum domo sua periit2. Hec e quoque in miraculis eiusdem plenius digesta, ad narrationem redeamus. Tandem cum ingenti devotione sacrosanctum corpus virginis assumuntf et in ecclesiam cum laudibus et canticis deferunt. Translata " est itaque in novum templum regia domina iESeldreSa, intentata et inconspecta et condigna psallentium laude post autenticum altare parato thalamo collocata. Habito tandem, ut decebat, ad populum de tanta et in tanta sollennitate sermone et venerabili episcopo Herberto, viro eloquentissimo, de vita et obitu et miraculis beate virginis sacrique corporis admirabili incorruptione populum exortante ad 0 c d

gaudent E. " proficiende FO. jESeldreSe om. BEO, interlined F. Pario . . . periit is, except for a few words, identical with the Vita Wihtburge. ' Hec . . . deferunt om. Vita Wihtburga. 'reverenter a veteri ecclesia exportantes de loco quo earn transtulerat et conlocaverat Sexburga beatissima, ubi et pater venerandus Edelwoldus, postea destructam ecclesiam restaurans et renovans, earn certissime intentatam, irremotam et inconspectam non sub terra delitescentem, sed desuper eminentem, sicut invenit, reliquid (cf. supra, ch. 52); unde nunc . . . add. E in the margin; in the text of B, omitting reverenter and reading ^Edelwoldus venerandus. ' Tanslata F; Translata . . . collocata follows after periit in Vita Wihtburge. The rest of the chapter is omitted. 1 In the Vita S. Wihtburge this list comes later and enumerates those who inspected Wihtburga's body. The compiler of the L.E. found it in the corresponding place in his source and moved it to the beginning of his account (cf. infra, ch. 147). 2 Cf. the miracles recorded supra, Book I, cc. 41-49. T

230 LIBER ELIENSIS summe iocunditatis et letitie indicium, que facte sunt in tabernaculis iustorum 1, raro quempiam cerneres in tanta multitudine, qui, gratia celesti perfusus, a lacrimis se vellet aut valeret cohibere. Hoc vero solum de pluribus que in translatione contigerunt sacratissime virginis regine ^ESeldreSe ad eternam referimus memoriam, quod fidelium innumeri adhuc superstites et patres nostri qui viderunt et adfuerunt narraverunt nobis, quorum relatio et auctoritas vite et honestas morum nos instruxit, ut de facto nemo dimdat. Tune quippe renovantur antiqua miracula que contigisse leguntur in inventione corporis beati Stephani martyris. Facta sunt enim tonitrua tempestatis ° et fulgura2 talia, ut omnes pene fenestre ecclesie horridis ictibus frangerentur et crebri ignes in pavimentum coram sanctis corporibus laberentur. Eratque mirabile, ignem labi sine effectu nature sue suamque inter ligna et stramina ceterasque arentes materias mutare qualitatem, ut, quicquid hums modi in ecclesiam ceciderit, innocuum extiterit. Hoc siquidem magnum miraculum, sancta ilia operante, sic contigit, ut iuxta quorundam opinionem celesti terrore ostenderet [fo. 104] sibi displicere tam publice se tractari 6 et, tamen in hac sua indignatione nullum lederet, ut nullum lateret ad nutum eius celi signa famulari. Rarus ergo fuit ibi, cuius cogitatio magnum aliquid ista non dictaret portendere, quorum horrorem hinc timebat videre, hinc gaudebat evadere. Anselmus quoque archiepiscopus longe in Cantia positus, videns celum tanto fragore concuti, ' Scio ', inquid, ' fratrem nostrum Ricardum abbatem Elyensem hodie sanctas suas transtulisse et irreverenter tractasse nee dubito hanc intemperiem dolendi auspiciic esse singnaculum. Nee eum fefellit sententia, quia rarus eorum, qui tune aderant et sanctam Withburgam facie ad faciem aspexerant, integrum annum exierunt3. Qua propter, fratres karissimi, a vobis, qui non momentanee, sed continue, tante virginis memoriam in conspectu presentie sacri corporis iuste et sancte recolitis, et orandum est et attentius exorandum, quatenus per vos sue et vos et nos dignetur gratie rore perfundere, qui populo sitienti aquam de petra Moyse percutiente in habundantiam fecit emanare 4. Cui sit laus, honor et gloria per omnia seculorum secula. 145. Quomodo alias sanctas invenit et qualiter transtulerit.

Decenter itaque collocata, tanquam primiceria, iESeldreSa virgine contra maius altare, dux tanti gregis Ricardus cum senioribus communicavit et a, ut eadem die " tempestates BEO. ' ausputii MSS. 1

" detractari B. et on erasure F, ecclesie BEO.

d

Cf. Prov., xiv, I I . Cf. Apoc, viii, 5. According to the Epistola Luciani, ' De Revelatione Corporis Stephani Martyris et aliorum ' (Migne, Pat. Lat., xli, coll. 807 ff.), when Stephen's body was found statim terre motus factus est. 3 If this means that scarcely one of them survived this translation for a whole year, the statement is true only of Abbot Richard who died on 17 June 1107 and perhaps Geoffrey, treasurer of Winchester. Of those who, according to the Vita Wihtburge, inspected the body, the first to die was Archdeacon Nicholas in 1110, followed by Abbots Aldwin of Ramsey and Gunter of Thorney in 1112, Bishop Herbert and Abbot Richard of St Albans in 1119, and Abbot Wido of Pershore, mentioned only in the L.E. version, survived to 1138. Anselm's prophecy is not mentioned in Eadmer's Hist. Novorum. * Cf. Exod., xvii, 3—6. 2

LIBER ELIENSIS 231 iam secundo, qua prima beate virginis iESeldreSe facta fuerat, sancta Sexburga presidente, translatio, translatio etiam fieret omnium a sanctarum ibidem quiescentium, aperientesque matris et filie sepulcra, que sanctus iESelwoldus plumbo ex utraque parte signaverat1, Sexburge scilicet regine sancte atque laudabilis et Celebris ^Ermenilde, tot preconiorum prerogativis, quarum glebas more conditionis humane reperiunt defluxisse et terre genetrici sua persolvisse tributa. In sericis namque et sindone munda corpus beate Sexburge seorsum ossa et seorsum pulverem invenit et utramque partem in singulis scriniis ex ligno conpactis lapideo in monumento, ut beatus reliquerat iESelwoldus, quam ad orientem versus pedes sancte iEdeldrede sollenniter reposuerunt. Reliquias vero sanctissimae iErmenilde in nudo sepulcri pavimento absque velamine binvenit, a beato sic iESelwoldo repositas, quas etiam colligens in mundissimo panno , pulverem per se involvens, in pristino reposuit mausoleo et [fo. 104V] ad austrum in dextris sancte iESeldreSe2 haut dissimili locavit diligentia et utrumque plumbo iterum resignavit mausoleum . 146. Quod ante sollempnitatem huius translationis, propter opus dilatandum, sanctarum sepulcra Sexburge atque Ermenilde de loco pristino, ubi eas collocaverat beatus ./Edelwoldus, removit, similiter alme Withburge tumbam dimovens, sed casu ministri inprudentes fregerunt. Annis vero iiiior ante translationem sanctarurn virginum celebrem de loco suo dimoverant beate Witburge virginis sepulturam et alibi in ecclesia collocaverant. Structura vero templi prodiens ulterius id necessario cogebat nee citra subsistere aliquatenus poterat. Et cum per descensus graduum distraheretur monumentum inprudentesque ministri minus ad hoc essent ydonei, confractus est lapis inferior quo quiescebat virgo egregia, cum maxima apparuit in tumulo fissura. Sed credo, quod hoc aliqua non egit inprovidentia, sed ut virtus Domini merita sancte virginis ostenderet et fracturam in vase novo miraculo solidaret. Precellentem namque reginam beatam iErmenildam similiter ammoverunt, materia procedentis ecclesie ad insigne negotium invitante. In turre vero regina iESeldreSa et Celebris virgo ad altare proprium ab" australi parte tumulata resplenduit et gloriosa soror eius Sexburga ab aquilone ibidem e regione sepulta sollenniter effulsit. Perseverant in statione sua he due misericordie celestis olive, que ad succendandam a mentium claritatem gratiosi liquoris infundunt pinguedinem, et a desidiosis cordibus exteriorem frequentius removent cecitatem. Remanent, inquam, he due domus Dei columpne, due superni regis margarite penitus immote usque ad tempus illud quod Deus presciverat, cum ad transferenda earum corpora suam fidelibus vokmtatem inspirat. " omnium om. B. ° ab in the margin of F, on erasure E. d sue- interlined F, accendendam EO.

b

et add. BEO.

1 iEthelwold's translation of Sexburga and .ZErmenilda is not elsewhere recorded. ch. 52, where a reference to it might have been expected. 2 For the verses added here in Stewart's edition see infra, ch. 150.

Cf. supra,

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147. Quomodo ° abbas novum mausoleum paravit, sed minus aut plus quantitate forme corporis Withburge habuit, et quod palam sacrum corpus illius ostendit et in sepulcro veteri divinitus sanato recondidit.

Prefulgide x autem Withburge ad certissimam mensuram veteris sarcofagi, quod iam dudum fuerat fractum, memoratus rector Eligensis aule Ricardus paraverat novum, quatinus in novo reposita incorrupta virgo incorruptum haberet hos-[/o. jo5]-pitium, sed superna providentia id consilii novo et insolito 6 miraculo evacuavit. Nam ubi nova tumba, que sacrum corpus exciperet, parata astitit, apposita prioris mensure virga, unius pedis quantitate brevior extitit. Quisquis iterare mensionem utriusque temptavit, non amplius invenit, semper nova a veteri prescripta brevitate defecit. Herebant omnes stupore et extasi, videntes suum propositum a parato locello productions corporis maiestate arceri. Interea cum auferretur operculum hiantis fissura mausolei, maiora omnes terruere miracula. Virginea quippe gleba, que putabatur post tot secula iam olim consumpta, quamvis eam ab antiqua experientia clara defenderet fama, tota et membris et vestibus apparuit integra, sicuti primitus erat inposita. Lignea etiam theca, ferreis tantum clavis exesis, cum qua fuerat in Ely delata, servata est illesa. Interea quidam putavere, quod, quasi immotus pulvis exhausti corporis tantum imaginem pretenderet integritatis, sed tactu patuit veritas perdurantis hactenus soliditatis. Nam quidam senior ex apostolico ovili Westmonasterii, Warnerus nomine, ut inter plures convenerat, mira fidei audacia accessit, virginea membra passim tangit, a vestigiis manibus et brachiis flexibiles artus reverenter attollit, exclamansque Dei mirabilia, plures spectabilium personarum ad videndum attraxit. Verumtamen tectum nivalibus operimentis decorem nullius irreverentia occulis attigit. Candet Domino rosatis genis facies, spiraculo vite inspirata, vernant sua integritate stantia ubera, florent paradisiaca amenitate innuba membra. Venit vir doctissimus prefatus Herbertus episcopus de Tedforda, tremens inspexit et gloriosum in sanctis suis Dominum benedixit. Aliique plures honestatis conspicue presentes astitere, quos suprameminimus", hec Dei mirabilia oculis conspexere. Sed his ignoscant auditorum fastidia, que in argumentum fidei retulimus testimonia. Tandem vero memorabilis episcopus Herebertus hec tarn mira tamque nova gaudia condensissimo populo exponit omnesque in laudem Dei et gratiarum libamina accendit d. Immo vero que absentibus videantur incredibilia, tanta hie de rore celi invaluit gratia, ut pene per omnes currerent lacrimarum flumina. Sed cum inter hec tripudia anxiarentur omnes, quid agerent, quia vetus tumba [fo. iofjv] ex fractura iniuriosa videbatur ad dignitatem virginis, nova vero divinituse contracta desierat esse suffragabilis, tandem pia adiutrix has fluctuationes demisit et, quod a priore requie mutari nollet, glorioso miraculo comprobavit. Nam ilia fissura, que cultello aut calamo ultro penetrabilis erat, ita subito resolidata b " Quod EO. minuto lined through add. F. ' The Vita Wihtburge here adds the names of those who ainspected the body. Cf. supra, ch. 144, p. 229, n. 1. accedit E. e demsit F, between m and s one letter erased. 1 This chapter occurs, with few exceptions, verbatim in the Vita Wihtburga, where it follows domo sua periit (supra, ch. 144, p. 229, n. d).

LIBER ELIENSIS 233 est ad integrum, ut nee ullum deinceps fracture appareret ibi vestigium. Hie etiam omnium conclusa est questio; intellexere enim tarn evidenti signo, quia virgo nollet transponi ab antiqui monumenti thoro. Inposito ergo operculo et clauso diligenter sarcofago, letissimo cum iubilo transferunt earn ad beatam sororem de veteri monas-b terio in novum, et componunt gratissime contra orientem ° ad latus suum. De huius quippe sacratissime virginis Withburge integritate taliter in cronicis Anglicis recitatur. Anno domini septingentesimo nonagesimo octavo corpus sancte Withburge sine corrumptione inventum est post annos fere quinquaginta quinque in Dyrham x. His septingentis nonaginta octo additis duobus et ducentis, completi sunt mille anni. or Quos alii centum et sex subsecuti, faciunt insimul trecentos et quinquaginta iiii annos a dormitione ipsius beate Withburge usque ad hunc nostri temporis diem, quo incorrupto ostensa est corpore. Similiter etiam, ut dictum est, beatam eiusc germanam Sexburgam et sacratissimam filiam ipsius iErmenildam dignas ad condignas amabiliter associant, ubi et pariter et singule superna beneficia supplicantibus prerogant. 148. Quo anno ista translatio facta est et quanto affectu abbas Ricardus almam virginem Withburgam venerari satagit. Pulcro itaque misterio hec quattuor luminaria Dominus accendens d nuptiali intulit ecclesie sue. Que illustrent intrantes ex quadro mundi latere, he et numero et merito secuntur ilia superna quattuor animalia alata, que in quattuor partes terre discreta iunctisque e pennis caritatis alterius ad alterum Christi tonantes preconia, vita angelica volant ad celestia. He etiam emulantes quattuor f flumina de uno paradisi fonte Christo dirivata, vitam unanimem irrigabant quadripartita evangeliorum doctrina et irrigare non desinunt sitienter " querentes divina remedia. He sunt, inquam, quattuor evangeliorum h pedisseque quatuor virtutum alumpne, quattuor quadrifide crucis Domini timpanistrie, timpanizantes quaternis vocibus diatessaron celeste, quattuor miserescentes advenientibus [fo. 106] facies terre, et post evangelicas Marias aromatice Christi ungentarie, cuius nomen unguentum effusum, cuius odor super omnem suavitatem aromatum. Translate sunt autem he dominice quadrige anno incarnati verbigene millesimo centesimo vi°, quo quondam beata ^ESeldreSa translata est die, condecentissima scilicet ordinatione, ut omnium una esset sollempnitas, que et facta est, quibus erat una fides, unus spiritus ' et una caritas *. Ab illo igitur die cepit domnus abbas sanctam Withburgam pro sua integritate 0 h

contra orientem om. Vita Wihtburga. De huius . . . ostensa est corpore is omitted here in the Vita Wihtburga, where it is the closing passage of the Vita, following . . . una caritas (infra, ch. 148, n. h). " eius om. EO, add. in the margin of F. d ascendens -F. " vinctis F. h ' quattuor flumina om. F. « sienter E, ci interlined F. evangeliorum . . . quatuor om. F. ' Christus/o^ spiritus B. k The Vita Wihtburge here adds De beate autem Wihtburge integritate taliter . . . ostensa est corpore (supra, ch. 147, n. b), and this passage ends the Vita. 1 This entry occurs s.a. 798 in A.S.C. (F only) and also in Florence, but as the passage in the L.E. is excerpted from a Life of Wihtburga it cannot be unreservedly used to help determine which version of the A.S.C. was used by the L.E.

234 LIBER ELIENSIS singulari devotione venerari °, thecamque argenteam ei fecisset, si diu vivere potuisset. Alie namque occupationes variis eum modis ab hoc opere retardabant, et maxime quod episcoporum Lincolliensium calumpnias, demutando in episcopatum Elyensi cenobio, cassare nitebatur. Ipse quidem primus hanc causam occulte penes regem agebat, cuius favorem consecutus, nuntios ad apostolicum eodem anno super hoc 6 direxit negotio. Denique in loca, quibus modo e cernuntur quiescere, corpora sanctarum collocavit tantamque deinceps gratiam Ricardus abbas a rege promeruit, ut inter alios regni proceres maximus eius haberetur consiliarius. Unde egit cum d eo, et ab episcopo Dunholmensi Randulfo Basseflamberd villam de Hadham , quam violenter ecclesie per clericos Lundonie abstulit1, iusta dimnitione coram rege abegit, ut subsequens carta regis probat. 149. Quod e idem abbas Haddam dirationavit.

Henricus 2 rex Anglorum Mauritio Lundoniensif episcopo et Hugoni de Bochelg [and] vicecomiti de Herefordsyra et omnibusfidelibussuis tam clericis quam laicis salutem. Sciatis Ricardum abbatem de Ely diratiocinasse adversus Rannulfum Dunholmensem h episcopum manerium de Haddam' in curia mea apud Rumesi * coram me et baronibus meis ad dominium sancti Petri et beate virginis Dei iESeldreSe l de Ely et fratrum monachorum ibidem Deo famulantium. Volo igitur et precipio, ut ipsa abbatia de Ely teneat et habeat in dominio illud predictum manerium de Haddam > quiete et absque omni calumpnia amodo et usque in sempiternum. Testibus subscriptis: Rad' m episcopo Line' et Will' Giffardo n episcopo Winton' et a B continues sed minime post hoc diu vixit in corpore. Nam morbo preventus decidit etc. as from ch. 150, n. c. 6 hoc om. F. ' modo . . . collocavit om. O, where it is replaced by dictus abbas corpora sanctorum collocavit, requieverunt donee Hugo de Northwold, viiiu" episcopus Elyensis, predictas Domini quadrigas in novum presbiterium, ab ipso a fundamentis constructum, transtulit glebas sanctarum virginum iEdeldrede et Withburge inconspectas. The same entry is added in the margin of E in a hand of thea late thirteenth or early fourteenth century. Haddam E. * Collated with Ely, D. and C, Cart. no. 2 and with copies in EO and the cartulary G. 1 Lond' Ely, D. and C, cart. ' Herefortsira Ely, D. and C, cart. h Dunelmensem Ely, D. and C, cart. * Haddham Ely, D. and C, cart. k Romesi Ely, D. and C, cart. ' Aldrede de Eli, Ely, D. and C, cart.; de om.F. m Rotberto Ely, D. and C, cart, correctly. " Giffart episcopo Wintonie Ely, D. and C, cart. 1 2

See infra, ch. 149. Date: Romsey, (February or March) 1105. The date is discussed by H. E. Salter, loc. cit. Cf. Regesta, ii, no. 684, and Farrer, Itinerary, no. 115. William Giffard should more correctly have been styled electo, as he was not consecrated before 1107 (Eadmer, Hist. Novorum, pp. 144, 187; cf. Farrer, loc. cit.). The place is (Little) Hadham, Herts. The bishop of London held land in the same vill, now Much Hadham. C. N. L. Brooke (' The Composition of the Chapter of St. Paul's, 1086-1163 ', Cambridge Hist. Journ., x, 1950-52, p. 131) suggests plausibly that the estate was seized during the vacancy at Ely from 1093 to 1100 and uses this writ to show that Ranulf Flambard held a position of authority at St. Paul's. See supra, ch. 64, and for a similar charter in favour of Bishop Hervey see infra, Book III, ch. 20. Printed: Bigelow, Placita, p. 124; Engl. Hist. Rev., xxvi, 487-89.

LIBER ELIENSIS 235 Iohanne episcopo Badue et Rad' episcopo Cicestrie et" alii plures quos enarrare longum est b . 150. Quomodo Ricardus abbas moriens vidit beatam Withburgam sibi assistere. Venerabilis abbas Elyensis Ricardus decidit ° in lectum iamque vocandus ad reddendam sui talenti rationem cetum fratrum ad se iussit convenire viteque viaticum post purissimam confessionem accipiens, cernit carissimam sibi d virginem sanctissimam Withburgam prope assistere, in quam statim defixis oculis, circumstantes magno clamore alloquitur: ' Cedite ', inquid, ' fratres, cedite. Ecce domina mea Withburga venit, ecce astat. Numquid earn non videtis? Numquid hie stare non aspicitis? 0 ', inquid, ' domina, miserere mei.' Atque post modicum ultimum emittens spiritum, e locum viduavit, filios contristavit corpusque mundo et animam Deo commendavit 1. Totus igitur illic f dies in fletibus et orationibus est exactus et, facto crastino, debito cum honore vir magnificus in monasterio est sepultus '. " The witness list is given in full in Ely, D. and C, cart, and has been printed by H. E. Salter in Engl. Hist. Rev., xxvi (1919), pp. 487-89. It ends with the date apud Romesi quinto anno coronationis Henrici regis. " 0 continues with a writ of Henry I dated V° anno coronacionis Henr' regis, quit-claiming Ely of consuetudinis et feudi which Picotus de Batuent used to require of the abbot (calendared in Regesta, i, 40, no. 685). Davis, e d See supra, ch. 148, p. 234, n. a. sibi . . . sanctissimam om. B. * ille B. ' Corr. to commendans E. ' B here ends its account of the second translation with the following verses which seem to have been written to describe pictures or sculptures illustrating scenes from the life of Etheldreda. The scenes here described correspond to the four subjects painted on the wooden retable found by Bentham in a cottage at Ely and now in possession of the Society of Antiquaries, i.e. the marriage of Etheldreda, the building of the monastery, Etheldreda's taking leave of her husband and returning to the convent, and her translation. But the date of B seems earlier than the late fourteenth or fifteenth century to which the painting is ascribed. See C. W. Stubbs, Historical Memorials of Ely Cathedral, pp. 84-86.

iEtheldretha ducem rogat hie pia virgo iugalem, Quo sponsam Christi sineret se iam vocitari. Rex hie pontifici pro coniuge munera spondet, Hanc sibi coniugio poterit si iungere sacro. Presul Edeldrede regis fert iussa beate; Hec ait: ' Ille mihi cedat Christo famulari'. Hoc regina ducem cum presule poscit herilem. Qui, licet invitus, consentit his quoque mestus. Regis ut edictum percepit virgo cupitum, Templum virgineis petit hoc comitata catervis. Hie regina Deo sacratur sponsa superno, Contempnens vanas regni cum coniuge pompas. Virgo beata venit populis comitantibus Elge, Abbatissa gregi post hec sacranda beato. Alma sacris pollens meritis et honore perhenni, yEdeldreda decens hanc templi struxerat arcem. Virginis intemerata caro nam sciscitur alme,

{continued on p. 236) 1

He died in 1107 (Florence, s.a.) on XVI Kal. Julii according to the kalendar in E.

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ELIENSIS

Nuntii autem, qui Romam adierant, audita domini sui morte, negotium dimiserunt. Sed nos per singula nequaquam ire valentes, textum secundi libri fine concludimus, existimantes pauca de multis experientie futurorum fore conspicua. Et qui hec legitis vel auditis precum ° vestrarurn prebete solamina, ut dignetur nobis Dominus auxilium b de celo ministrari et iubeat tarditati sensus nostri fontem intelligentie aperiri, dans vires universorum inbecillitati. Explicit liber ii. de hystoria Elyensis insule, constans de temporibus abbatum et c monachorum in Ely usque ad mutationem abbatie in episcopatum. Quater quaternos est ut tumulata per annos. Miratur medicus sanatum in guttere vulnus. Virginis ad templum fertur venerabile corpus. Mausoleum sacri retinent hec menia templi Virginis intacte, cui septem prefuit annis. Glorificat regem plebs hie miracula cernens. Laus et honor domino maneat per secula Christo. b ° precium E. ausilium F. c et . . . episcopatum om. EO, add, F in a hand of the late thirteenth or fourteenth century.

LIBER TERTIUS [fo.io6v] Incipit prologus libri III. de eodem, tempora et eventus episcoporum denuntians. lam nunc tractandum instat, quod exordium Elyensis episcopatus habuerit; qui locus ex quo primum monachos habere cepit usque ad nonum Henrici regis annum hos adinvicem sibi succedentes habuit abbates: Brihtnodum, JLlfsinum, Leofwinum, Leofricum, Leofsinum, Wlfricum, Thurstanum, Theodwinum, Symeonem, et Ricardum. Qui domus sue oppressionem non ferens, calumpnias emulorum iusta refellit oratione, regum et apostolicorum fultus auctoritate viriliter sua ex hostibus abegit, ostendens palam ecclesiam suam ex quo illic monasterium constructum est primum a sancto Augustino * Anglorum apostolo per beatum videlicet regem MQelbrithtum a, deinde sub beatissima iESeldreSa et ei succedentibus feminis sacris, et nunc b quoque tempore abbatum 2 libere constitit, nullius prepedita iugo subiectionis; sed quemcumque magis optabant vel diligebant archiepiscopum sive episcopum ad sua sacranda vocabant; episcopum vero Lincolliensem nichil iuris inde habere aut exhigere debere innotuit pluribusque asseruit privilegiorum testimoniis. Sed quoniam Ely sue parrochie confmis esse cernitur, arbitratur illam, sed falso, sibi assiduis nunc [fo. IOJ] molitur actionibus subicere, unde licet post multa contumeliose inlata ductor gregis Domini c abbas Ricardus prudenter secum tractavit locum ipsum in maiorem provehere dignitatem ac penitus malignantium versutias d hominum retundere et, ut in episcopatum commutaret, secreto a rege optinuit; tamen non ipse, sed qui successerat ei, negotium peregit, quod sequentia plenius designant. Textus e autem libri huius de duorum constat episcoporum tempore, Hervehi f scilicet ipsius loci, sicut novimus, episcopi primi, sed aliunde sacrati, et Nigelli secundi, sed primi illic consecrati. Explicit Prologus. "c iESelbrihtum E. dominus E. ' Textus . . . illic sacrati om. O.

h

nunc om. E, add. later in F. * ? versutians F, versuscias E. f Herevei E.

1 s

Cf. supra, Book I, ch. 15. The prologue must have been written in the time of the bishops. Nunc probably indicates the point which the account in the L.E. has reached in contrast to the earlier times of Augustine and Etheldreda.

237

[Ejo. 107]

Incipiunt capitula °.

1. Quomodo post mortem Ricardi abbatis Hereveius Bangornensis episcopus, de sua sede eiectus, ab Henrico rege dirigitur in Ely, ut inde procurationem haberet. Qui fratrum animos illic blanditiis et circumlocutionibus sibi allexit, ut ecclesiam ipsam de abbatia in episcopatum mutaret et ilium susciperent episcopum; ad quod confirmandum monachis ignorantibus Rome * destinatur ° a rege. 2. Quod Hereveus episcopus a domino papa obtinuit mandatum ad regem Henricumd Anglie de promovendo abbatiam de Ely in episcopatum, et de constituendo eum illic episcopum. 3. Quanto honore Hereveius suscipitur a domino papa ex ipsius mandato ad regem Henricum directoe amplius colligitur. 4. Mandatum domini pape ad archiepiscopum et episcopos Anglie constituendi' episcopatum in Ely. 5. Quod ex auctoritate apostolica episcopatus in Ely constituitur. 6. Carta regis Henrici, quomodo abbatiam de Ely in episcopatum transmutavit. 7. Carta regis de omni libertate ecclesie. 8 °. Carta regis quod monachi habeant equam portionem de rebus abbatie. 9. Quam viriliter Hereveius episcopus ecclesiam suam de Ely et res ipsius ab iniusta oppressione eripuit. 10. Carta regis Henrici de colligendo possessiones suas ad ecclesiam. 11. Alia carta regis contra invasores terrarum et bonorum sancte iESeldreSe. 12. Carta regis de adquietatione custodiarum oppidi de Nordwich et de libertate onerose servitutis, qua ecclesia de Ely misere laborabat. 13. Alia carta regis Henrici contra eos qui per potentiam possessiones et servitium ecclesie detinebant. 14 h. Aliud mandatum regis de libertate vi ue hundredorum. 15. Carta regis de relaxatione militum qui violenter ab ecclesia de Ely requirebantur. " As the index of chapter headings in F is incomplete, the text here follows E. In both manuscripts the indices were written and inserted after the completion of the text of Book III. The index of O does not help towards establishing the text of the twelfth-century version. It omits the headings for cc. 22, 27-31, 33-36, 38, 42-43, 46, 57-61, 93-94, 116-22, 130-32, 143. Cc. 137-38 follow ch. 142. Rubrics added by O are not here given in full, but will be briefly referred to in the notes. c d " sic MSS. destinantur F. cum F. ' derecto F. ' constitudi E. ' This heading is not in the index of E, but the chapter with heading is added in the margin at the corresponding place in the text. In the index of F the heading is inserted in the margin at this point, but the chapter follows at the corresponding place as part of the text. * Inserted in F below the heading for ch. 13. The heading is not in the index of E, but the chapter with heading is added in the margin at the corresponding place in the text. The chapter is copied into the text of F between cc. 13 and 15. 238

LIBER ELIENSIS 239 16. Item carta regis de condonatione pecunie que iniuste exigebatur ab ecclesia. 17. Quod episcopus Hereveus sua industria locum de Chaterich a optinuit, et Elyensi ecclesie iure perpetue possessionis ascriberet. [E, fo. loyv] 18. Carta regis de concessione abbatie de Chaterit * in Ely cum omnibus ad earn pertinentibus. 19. Alia carta regis de relaxatione pecunie ecclesiec de Chateriz 6 quam condonavit sancte ^ESeldreSe in * Ely. 20. Carta regis Henrici de adquietatione ville de Hadhame. 21. Carta regis quod monachi et ecclesia sancte ^JSeldreSe in Ely de theloneo sint quieti ubique per Angliam. 22. Item alia carta de eodem. 23. Carta regis de libertate hundredorum sancte iESeldreSe. 24. Alia carta regis quod sancta .ZESeldreSa ubique habeat libertatem super homines suos f. 25. Quod Hereveus episcopus victum monachorum divisit de rebus episcopalibus, constituens illis annonam, sed brevem et nullatenus sufficientem, obvians iuramento suo quod ecclesiam» id est conventum et res totius loci inconvulse teneret. 26. Carta episcopi Herevei de particulis rerum quas ad victum monachorum constituit. 27. Laus auctoris de miraculis sancte iESeldreSe que contigerunt temporibus Herevei episcopi. 28. Quod turris ad portam ecclesie sancte iESeldreSe ab igne fulguris erepta est. 29. De quodam contracto ad beatam iESeldreSam sanato. 30. De quodam ydropico qui opem salutis meruit ad beatam iESeldreSam. 31. De muliere contracta ad sanctam iESeldreSam sanata. 32 h. Quod revelatione per paludem fit via ad sanctam EtheldreSam. 33. De Brithstano compedito et a beata ^ESeldreSa soluto. 34. Quomodo quidam a dolore capitis liberatus ' est adiungens gene sue boias sancte ^ E S l d S « Charich F. " Cateriz F. " de ecclesie E. " de F. ' Haddam F. Headings to cc. 20, 21, 22 are numbered 20, 20b, 20c in F, but 20-22 in Holtzmann's index (Papsturkunden in England, ii, 79-93). Holtzmann's numbering therefore and that of this edition diverge from F for the rest of the index. In O two charters of Henry I follow, granting a market at Hadstock and a fair at Ely. 1 In 0 three charters of Henry I follow, also an agreement concerning Stretham church with Bishop Hervey's confirmation and two charters of Bishop Hervey. ' ecclesia id est conventu E. * This heading is inserted in the margin of both E and F before the heading of ch. 30. The corresponding chapter is also in the margin of E, but in the text of F as ch. 32. > libatus E.

240 LIBER ELIENSIS 35. De magistro Radulfo per invocationem nominis sancte iESeldreSe ab inflatione gutturis liberate. 36. Quod quidam omnibus membris destitutus, pristine restitutus est sanitati. 37. Quam maligne gestum sit erga ecclesiam sancte ^ESeldreSe. 38. Quomodo quidam nobilis tradidit se beate iESeldreSe ad monacatum. 39. Quantum laboravit Hereveus episcopus ut ecclesiam suam de Ely a iniuriatoribus suis eriperet. [E, fo. 108] 40. Carta regis Henrici quod homines sancte iESeldreSe sint quieti a scira et hundreda. 41. Quomodo Hereveus primus Elyensis episcopus vite modum fecit a. 42. Quod beata ^ESeldreSa cuidam infirmo apparuit, promittens ei salutis remedium. 43. Quomodo sancta ^ESeldreSa visa fuit in quadam ecclesia orare, in una manu psalterium b tenere, in altera vero cereum accensum. 44. Quomodo ex consensu regis Nigellus est electus in episcopum, et a quo sacratus fuit. 45. Quanto honore episcopus Nigellus susceptus est a monachorum conventu in Ely et a populo sibi occurrente. 46. Quomodo post decessum regis Henrici Stephanus nepos illius factus est rex, et quod Dei ecclesiam in Anglia toto annisu intenderat venerari. 47. Quod quidam maligni a latere episcopi monachis insidias machinabantur. 48. Quod domnus episcopus Nigellus preceperit res beate iESeldreSe describi, et que ad ecclesiam sua instantia revocaverit. 49. Carta regis Stephani de omni libertate ecclesie sancte ^ESeldreSe. 50. Quomodo episcopus iussit bona ecclesie interius describi, et que vel quanta illic invenit. 51. Quam violenter episcopus subripuit monachis res suas et magistro Ranulfo illorum adversario commisit, affligendo eos crudeliter, sed ipsi flagellum Domini sub expectatione venie prestulabantur. 52. Quomodo Ranulfus nefando preventus instinctuc ad subvertendum patriam complices sibi allexit, sed per sanctam ^ESeldreSam detectus proditionis conscius fugam iniit. 53. Quod episcopus ex Dei iuditio et sancte iESeldreSe perterritus, reddidit monachis bona sua, dolens quod male egerit contra illos. 54. Carta episcopi de rebus quas monachis mutavit. 55. Privilegium domini pape continens res totius episcopatus, in perpetuum eas confirmans. " 0 adds a rubric concerning the ornaments given by Bishop Hervey and the priors of Ely during his time. 6 spalterium E. ° instictu E.

LIBER ELIENSIS 241 56. Aliud privilegium domini pape de rebus quas Nigellus episcopus, sed parvas, monachis constituit. 57. Miraculum quomodo mulier ceca illuminata est ad sanctam .ZESeldreSam. 58. De quodam qui festum sancte iESeldreSe tenere noluit. 59. Quomodo eger quidam sanatus est per tunicam sancte iESeldreSe. [E,fo. io8v\ 60. De puella dextro oculo cecata sub corpore beate iESeldreSe illuminata. 61. De quodam monacho nostro usque ad mortem languente, sed a sancta JEtSeldreSa sanato. 62. Quomodo seditio in patria orta est, et quod timore regis episcopus Nigellus exivit de Ely. 63. Carta regis Stephani quod monachi de Ely res suas in pace habeant. 64. Quod rex Stephanus insulam de Ely custodiendam tradidit, et quomodo episcopus Nigellus in exilio commoratus est. 65. Mandatum domini pape ad episcopum Wintonensem, tune legatum Anglie, de restituendo Nigello episcopo in sedem suam. 66. Aliud mandatum domini pape ad regem Stephanum restituendi Nigellum episcopum in sedem suam. 67. Mandatum domini pape ad episcopum Nigellum quod benigne annuit suis petitionibus. 68. Item mandatum domini pape ad archiepiscopum et episcopos Anglie restituendi Nigellum in locum suum. 69. Quod homines episcopi in Ely clam ingredientes oppressi sunt a duce regis Gaufrido. 70. Preceptum regis Stephani quod monachi de Ely libere et in pace teneant res suas. 71 °. Item regis preceptum de hoc quod iusserit reddi monachis debitas firmas suas. 72. Quomodo rex Stephanus a suis proditus sit, et quod domina imperatrix totius patrie fere dominium optinuit. 73. Quomodo episcopus Nigellus auxiliis domine imperatricis sedem suam recepit. 74. Quomodo rex Stephanus de captione ereptus fuit. 75. Carta regis Stephani de eo quod episcopum Nigellum in pacem receperit. 76. Preceptum regis Stephani quod monachi de Ely habeant debitas firmas de suis terris. 77. Quomodo Nigellus episcopus appellatus est ad Romam. 78. Quas res ecclesie sue episcopus Nigellus perdidit, et quas iterum de ea sumpsit cum Romam perrexit. 79. Quale mandatum optinuit a domino papa Nigellus episcopus ad archiepiscopum et episcopos Anglie. " This heading is not in the index of E or F and is here supplied from the text.

242 LIBER ELIENSIS 80. Quid dominus papa mandaverit capitulo Elyensi per Nigellum episcopum. 81. Mandatum domini pape ad regem Stephanum pro episcopo Elyensi Nigello. 82. Quod Nigellus episcopus iterum offensam regis incurrit, et qualis tribulatio fuit in Anglia. 83. Mandatum domini pape ad archiepiscopum Anglie pro episcopo Nigello. 84. Aliud mandatum domini pape ad archiepiscopum Rotomagie et episcopos Normannie pro Elyensi episcopo. 85. Privilegium domini pape quod adquisivit episcopus Nigellus super rebus monachorum Elyensium, [E, fo. iog] quas illis parvas constituit. 86. Quod episcopus Nigellus offensam regis iterum incurrerat, et quomodo ei fuit reconciliatus. 87. Carta regis Stephani de eo quod pacem concesserit Nigello episcopo. 88. Alia carta regis quod res monachorum esse in pace preceperit °. 89. Quod episcopus bona ecclesie interius susceperit ad persolvendam pecuniam regi promissam. 90. Carta episcopi quomodo reddiderit monachis villam de Hadestoche. 91. Super eodem carta Theodbaldi archiepiscopi. 92. Qui fuerunt fideiussores pro episcopo de pecunia ab ecclesia ablata, et quam misere eis contigit. 93. Quam iocunda de beata iESeldreSa manifestata est visio. 94. De Ailgeto * agricolano sancte iESeldreSe. 95. Preceptum domini pape ad episcopum Elyensem Nigellum de revocandis possessionibus in ecclesiam sancte iESeldreSe. 96. Quod quidam per fraudem sibi usurpavit villam de StevecheswrSe. 97. Epistola ecclesie de Ely ad dominum papam de multa oppressione sibi illata. 98. Epistola Norwicensis episcopi ad dominum papam pro Elyensi ecclesia. 99. Item epistola archiepiscopi ad dominum papam pro ecclesia Ely e . 100. Rescriptum domini pape ad archiepiscopum pro tuitione Elyensis ecclesie. 101. Quam prudenter Rome et constanter Ricardus frater noster circa necessitates loci laboraverit. 102. Iterum preceptum domini pape de eo quod Elyenses monachi in pace possideant ecclesias de insula. 103. Item epistola conventus Elyensis ecclesie missa ad dominum papam. 104. Preceptum domini pape ad Herefordensem episcopum in auxilium Elyensis ecclesie. 0

Followed in 0 by three charters of Stephen. * Milgeto F. ' Ely om. F.

LIBER ELIENSIS 243 105. Aliud preceptum domini pape quod monachi Elyenses habeant in pace ecclesias de terris suis. 106. Carta Theodbaldi archiepiscopi super ecclesias monachorum de Ely. 107. Item carta eiusdem quod monachi Elyenses hire opteneant ecclesias insule. 108. Epistola Gileberti Herefordensis episcopi ad dominum papam pro nimia oppressione Elyensis ecclesie. 109. Preceptum domini pape quod monachi Elyenses in pace recipiant suam possessionem et libere possideant. n o °. Mandatum domini pape capitulo Elyensi quod libere suscipiant possessionem suam de StevechewrSa. i n . Carta Herefordensis episcopi de possessione Elyensibus monachis reddita. 112. Iterum carta eiusdem qualiter excluserit invasores de possessione monachorum de Ely. 113. Carta archiepiscopi Theodbaldi de manerio monachis Elyensibus reddito. 114. Carta regis Stephani quod Elyenses monachi libere habeant villam suam de StevecheswrSa. 115. Quod quidam debito constrictus erga monachos Elyenses periurii crimen incurrit". 116. Quam misericorditer Deus operatus est circa quendam infirmum per merita sancte ^ESeldreSe ad fontem eius sanatum. 117. Aliud miraculum de fonte sancte iESeldreSe. 118. Item miraculum de eodem fonte. 119. Quam districte Deus vindicavit iniurias dilecte" sue virginis iESeldreSe. 120. Iterum quomodo Deus ultionem fecerit de hostibus beate iESeldreSe. 121. De presbitero qui festa sanctarum nostrarum pronuntiare noluit. 122. De palla sancte ^ESeldreSe quam miserabiliter restituta sit Elyensi ecclesie. 123. Quod Nigellus episcopus ab apostolico suspensus fuit pro bonis sancte .ZESeldreSe dispersis. 124. Mandatum domini pape de eodem ad Elyense capitulum. [E, fo. iogv] 125. Item de eodem ad archiepiscopum de revocandis bonis sancte iESeldreSe in locum Ely. 126. Epistola exortatoria Cantuariensis archiepiscopi, revocandi bona dispersa ab ecclesia sancte E S l d S " This is the last chapter heading in the index of F. There is a note in the bottom margin: Huic indici desunt capitula 32 quae in Libro continentur. * 0 adds the rubric De obitu regis Stephani et coronacione regis Henrici filii imperatricis, et qualiter Nigellus episcopus emit thesaurariam Ricardo filio suo etc. (partly as infra, ch. 122), followed by ten charters of Henry II. ' delecte E.

244 LIBER ELIENSIS 127. Preceptum aliud domini pape archiepiscopo et episcopis Anglie de bonis revocandis in ecclesiam Elyensem. 128. Iterum mandatum pape ad regem Anglie de coercendis malefactoribus Elyensis ecclesie. 129. Quod Nigellus episcopus precepto apostolici a iuraverit reparare bona ecclesie sue et sic meruit relaxari a suspensione. 130. Miraculum de quodam puero monacho a sancta iESeldreSa sanato. 131. De monacho per beatam iESeldreSam liberate 132. De nautis in periculo maris per sanctam ^ESeldreSam salvatis. 133 b. Mandatum Nigelli episcopi pro terra de Baldreseya. 134. Carta Nigelli episcopi quod monachi de Ely libere et in pace teneant ecclesias suas. 135. Alia carta episcopi ne quis successorum eius monachos de Ely inquietet de suis tenuris. 136. Iterum alia carta episcopi de terra de ErneSern.c 137. Quomodo Nigellus episcopus infirmabatur et de ipsius obitu. 138. Quam districte Deus iniurias virginis sue ^ESeldreSe vindicaverit, et quomodo Rodbertus camerarius dedit Deneiam sancte iESeldreSe. 139. Carta Rodberti camerarii quod dederit sancte ^ESeldreSe Deneiam. 140. Carta comitis Brittanie de eodem. 141. Carta Albrici Picot quomodo Elyenses monachi emerunt partem suam de Deneia. 142. De eodem carta Nigelli episcopi quod monachi sui de Ely libere et in pace teneant Deneiam. 143. Passio sanctissimi Thome martyris Cantuariensis archiepiscopid. "6 corr. from -ico E. There is no chapter heading in E or F corresponding to this chapter. The chapter occurs in the margin of E, also without heading. It is not in F. The heading is printed from O. c O adds eighteen charters of Bishop Nigel, one royal confirmation and one from the bishop of London, four charters of the bishop of Norwich, one charter of the prior and convent, and an agreement between Nigel and the earl of Leicester ' de terra de marisco '. d This is followed in E by the following headings which are not part of Book III: Vita beate Sexburge. Vita sancte Ermenilde. Vita sancte ^Erchengote virginis. Vita beate jESelberge virginis. Vita alme virginis Withburge. O omits the rubric for ch. 143 and adds the rubrics of the continuation, ending with the instalment of William of Louth.

[F,fo.io9] Incipit liber tertius in historia Elyensis insule", constans de duorum" temporibus episcoporum, quid plus vel minus utile gesserint plene insinuans". i. Quomodo post mortem Ricardi abbatis episcopus Pangornensis Herveus de sua sede eiectus ab Henrico rege dirigitur in Ely, ut inde procurationem haberet. Qui fratrum animos blanditiis et circumlocutionibus sibi allexit, ut ipsam ecclesiam de abbatia in episcopatum mutaret et ipsum susciperent episcopum; ad quod confirmandum eisdem monachis ignorantibus Rome destinatur a rege. Post mortem igitur Ricardi abbatis mittitur a rege ad Eliense cenobium Herveus Pangornensis d episcopus a suo episcopatu per violentiam eiectus \ ut ibi de rebus ecclesie ad tempus sustentaretur, donee rex plenius deliberasset quid de eo esset facturus. Est autem Pancor 2 monasterium in Waliis tot habitatoribus plenum ut, sicut Beda refert, si in vii partes divideretur, non minus queque portio, quam ccc homines haberet. Hie cum episcopatu fungeretur Herveus, gentem efferam nimia austeritate tractabat, videns tantam in moribus eorum perversitatem, quam nemo facile posset tolerare. Unde quia episcopali timori nullam servabant reverentiam, gladium bis acutum ad eos domandos exeruit, nunc crebro anathemate, nunc propinquorum et aliorum hominum eos cohercens multitudine. Nee minor fuit eorum contra eum rebellio. Tanto periculo ei insistebant ut fratrem eius perimerent, simili eum modo punituri, si possent in eum manus inicere. Expavit episcopus ingruens infortunium, plurimisque suorum interfectis aut graviter vulneratis, videns quod anima sua quereretur nee congruos haberet defensores, ad regis Anglie confugit patrocinium, utile sibi consecutus exilium. Rex autem eius adventum ut famosi tune temporis et religiosi episcopi benigne suscipiens, ad Elyensem ecclesiam destinatum procurationem inde accipere eum constituit. Ipse vero illuc veniens, gratia, conversatione, et mirabili prudentia omnium pene monachorum sibi alligavit e affectum, ut, si fieri posset, eum sibi episcopum adoptarent 3 . Quam circa sic affectionem aspiciens, cepit paulatim quibusdam circumlocutionibus loci uti-[/o. j09i>]-litatem eis proponere, fratrum animos attemptare et multa iocunda promittere, si abbatiam in episcopatum promovere et seipsum vellent in episcopum suscipere; ad quod efficiendum suum quoque eis promisit auxilium, dum tamen suum illi preberent assensum. Ipsis autem facile ad eum conversis, ipse regem adiit. Rex petita concessit, b °c ecclesie O. duorum lined through in a different shade of ink F ; om. O. et de hiis que temporibus eorum ecclesie Elyensi contigerunt add. O. d Parcornensis F. ' allegavit E. 1 For Hervey's career as bishop of Bangor see J. Conway Davies, Episcopal Acts and Cognate Documents relating to Welsh Dioceses, 1066-I2y2 (1946), Hist. Soc. of the Church in Wales, i, 92 ff. 2 Pancor . . . haberet: derived from Bede, ii, 2, p. 84. 3 Hervey's attempts since 1102 to secure his translation to another bishopric, while supported by Henry I, had met the opposition of Archbishop Anselm. See J. Conway Davies, op. cit., i, 95-96. U 245

246 LIBER ELIENSIS 1 Robertum Lincolniensem episcopum ad colloquium invitavit, ut, quia ille locus in eius episcopatu a videbatur, sine eius conniventia non fieret ista mutatio, ne diocesis eius pateretur iniuriam, si inconsulto suo episcopo alius in eum induceretur episcopatus. Preterea oportuit ut futurus episcopatus aliquam haberet parrochiam, quam sibi impertiri de Lincolniensi ecclesia canonica iustitia cum equa compensatione postulabat. Datum est itaque manerium de Spaldwic 2 Lincolniensi ecclesie in ius perpetuum pro commutatione episcopalis cure super pagum Grantebregensem et, finite hoc inter regem et Robertum episcopum secreto negotio, monachis omnino inconsultis ecclesie filiis et ignorantibus, Herveus 3episcopus cum litteris regis adb confirmandum hunc propositum Romam destinatur . Quo veniens, inpetravit que petiit, ad regem et archiepiscopum et comprovinciales episcopos literas apostolici super causa sua quales optabat reportans. Quarum textum hie subscribi nee otiosum est nee onerosum. 2 ". Quod Herveus a domino papa mandatum obtinuit ad regem Henricum de promovendo abbatiam de Ely in episcopatum et de constituendo eum illic episcopum d. Paschalis4 episcopus servus servorum Dei dilecto in Christoe filio Henrico glorioso regi Anglorum salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Omnipotenti Deo gratias agimus, quod ' talem te nostris temporibus regema constituit, qui et terrenum regnum sapienter ad honorem Dei gubernas et eterni regis h sollicitudinem ante oculos mentis portas. Postulasti siquidem a nobis per litteras, ut in loco qui Ely dicitur novus ex apostolica auctoritate episcopatus constituatur, quia Lincolniensem episcopatum tante magnitudinis esse dixisti, ut ad peragenda ea que episcopalis sunt officii unus episcopus nullatenus sufficere possit. Pro quo et devotionem tue voluntatis laudamus et dispositioni assensum prebemus, ita tamen ut in celebri loco constituatur, ne nomen episcopi, quod absit, vilescat. Ad hoc enim episcopus constituitur, ut populum Dei et verbo doceat et vita informet et ad verum pastorem Deum [fo. no] commissarum sibi animarum lucra reportet. In aliis quoque j de quibus rogasti, licet quedam ibi inordinata videantur, tue tamen voluntati refragari * nequaquam valemus. Novit preterea gloria vestra domnum Herveum episcopum, quern vita et scientia commendat non modica, nimia barbarorum ferocia et persecutione de sede sua expulsum et multa fidelium fratrumque suorum cede fuisse fugatum. Cuius ut scientia fructum, qui non periit l , afferre et vita bonum valeat Dei populo exemplum prebere, volumus et rogamus, ut, si qua eum apud vos vacans " episcopatum MSS. ' quod E. " Collated with copies in AEO and the cartularies CDG. CDG here and generally use shorter rubrics which will not be noted. f ' in Christo om. D. qui AFG. " regem transposed before nostris A. * regni CD. ' aliisque G, hiis quoque A. * infragari CD. 1 perit CD.

d

1

Robert Bloet, bishop of Lincoln 1093-1123. 3 Spaldwick, Hunts. Cf. Eadmer, Hist. Novorum, p. 195. Date: 21 November n o 8 . Printed: Bentham, Ely, i, App., pp. 11-12, no. ii; Monasticon, i, 474, no. xix. Papsturkunden in England, i, 104. 2 4

Noted in

LIBER ELIENSIS 247 ecclesia vocaverit, ibi ex auctoritate apostolica constitufitur, ne p fructuoso diu silentio torpeat, qui vite celestis documenta in scientia et moribus ortat. Omnipotens Deus apostolorum suorum precibus et vos et prolem vestram custodiat et a celeste post terrenum vobis regnum concedat. Data XI. Kl. Decembris. Alias 6 quoque litteras misit papa eidem regi, quarum hie textus est. 3 c. Quanto honore Hereveus episcopus suscipitur a domino papa, ex hoc mandato ipsius ad regem Henricum directo amplius colligitur.

Paschalis 1 episcopus servus servorum Dei dilecto filio Henrico glorioso regi Anglorum salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Dulcissime a nobis dilectionis tue litteras recepimus, affectionis quam erga beatum Petrum et nos eius famulos geris dulcedinem ostendentes. De quibus satis gavisi sumus, quia in terreni regis corde patrie celestis amorem cognoscimus ideoque tanto tuis libentius et facilius petitionibus assensum prebemus, quanto te certius que celesti regi placeant expetere comperimus. Ad causam autem illam, quam secrete affectio vestra nobis intimare curavit, studium quantum poterimus adhibere curavimus. In omnibus etiam, in quibuscumque poterimus, ad honorem Dei et glorie tue excellentiam et exaltationem libenter querimus. De concambio preterea illo, de quo nos per fratres nostros Herveum episcopum et Petrum camerarium tua rogavit dilectio, si ad utilitatem ecclesie sicut mandasti fieri poterit, tuis petitionibuse assensum prebemus. Eundem fratrem Herveum episcopum, quern tibi dilectum cognovimus, glorie tue attentius commendamus. Hinc' patet laudabilem fuisse viri huius prudentiam, qui cum regio favore apostolicam quoque gratiam promeruit et Romanam auctoritatem de sua provectione advexit, quern plurimis scriptis, quasi pluribus roboratum testimoniis, etiam apud archiepiscopum presentes littere [fo. nov] commendabant. 4 g . Mandatum domini pape ad archiepiscopum et episcopos Anglie constituendi episcopatum in Ely.

Paschalis2 episcopus servus servorum Dei venerabili fratri Anselmo Cantuariensi archiepiscopo salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Novit fraternitas tua, quia, sicut ex apostolica h sententia perpenditur, omnis pontifex ex hominibusj assumptus pro hominibus in his que ad Deum sunt constituitur. Frater vester iste Hereveus, quem vita et scientia commendat, ob barbarorum immanitatem, quam in fratres eius et alios christianos crudeliter exercuerunt, in ecclesia in qua b «c postremum G. alias to the end om. CD. Collated with copies in EO and the cartularies CDG. d Dilectissime G. * petionibus F. f Hinc to the end om. CD. " Collated with copies in EO and the cartularies CDG. h apostoli CD. ' noster O.

'Date: 21 November 1108. Printed: Bentham, Ely, App., p. 12, no. iii. Noted in Papsturkunden in England, i, 104. 2 Date: 21 November, 1108. Printed: Bentham, Ely, i, App., p. 12, no. iv. Noted in Papsturkunden in England, i, 104.

248

LIBER

ELIENSIS

a

constitutus est episcopate officium adimplere non potuit. Ne igitur officium sibi iniunctum infructuosum remaneat, dilectioni tue mandamus, rogantes ut ei attentius provideas et, si qua apud vos vacans ecclesia eum vocaverit, ex apostolice sedis auctoritate in ea eum constituas, quatinus ibi Deo servire b et episcopale officium Domino largiente adimplere valeat, ne infructuoso silentio diu torpeat qui vite celestis documenta in scientia et moribus portat, interim autem in omnibus eum commendatum habeas. Satis enim strenue et fideliter se apud nos in causis vestris studiosum exhibuit. Fraternitatem tuam incolumem per multa tempora virtus divina custodiat. Data XI. Kl. Decembris. Efficacem c operam gratia d Dei ministrante vir iste sapiens in Romanis partibus exercuit, qui honoris prerogativam de ipso christianitatis capite suscipiens Petri manibus ad Elyensem ecclesiam cum tribus epistolis et uno privilegio, quasi triplici fune et una anchora, est alligatus. Ubi et trinitas et unitas a divino ministro predicanda innuitur vel, si in tribus et una quaternitas est notanda, solidus eius status in solido numero assignatur. Quo ergo sit quartum videamus. S e. Quod auctoritate apostolica episcopatus in Ely constituitur. Pascalis * episcopus servus servorum Dei venerabili fratri Anselmo Cantuariensi archiepiscopo et ceteris comprovincialibus episcopis salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Inter cetera regna terrarum ad apostolice sedis dilectionem atque obedientiam Anglorum regnumf specialiter pertinere apostolice sedis scripta et Anglicarum hystoriarum series manifestant. Que nimirum causa sollicitudinem nostram propensius impellit illius regni ecclesias familiarius confovere et earum dispositionibus sollicitius invigilare. Lincolniensem itaque episcopatum tantum tamque spatiosum ex filii nostri regis vestrisque litteris agnovimus, ut ad ea que episcopalis sunt officii peragenda unus nullatenus sufficere possit episcopus. Qua-[/o. 111] -propter ex voluntate Lincolniensis episcopi postulat a nobis idem karissimus films noster g et christianissimus rex Anglorum Henricus, quatinus in parte una episcopatus ipsius ex apostolice sedis permissione novus episcopatus constituatur, in loco videlicet qui Ely vocatur. Cuius nos petitionibus, quia religiose videbantur, assensum libenter prebuimus et episcopatum in loco prefato constituendi ex apostolica auctoritate licentiam damus, statuentes, ut sedes episcopalis in loco predicto constituta omni deinceps tempore perseveret, parrochiam quoque, quam vestra fraternitas cum predicto fratre Lincolniensi episcopo et regis providentia eidem episcopatui designaverit h, perpetuo possideat. Porro de monasterio, in quo sedes episcopalis constituitur, Anglicorum monasteriorum in quibus episcopi constituti sunt consuetudo servabitur. Huius constitutionis conservatores omnipotentis Dei et apostolorum suorum benedictione perpetuo perfruantur. Amen. "c est om. CD. " Deo deservire CDE. d Efficacem to the end om. CD. gratiam EF. ' Collated with copies in AEO and the cartularies CDGM. 1 h regnum . . . Anglicarum om. G. ' noster filius D. designet G. 1

104.

Date: 21 November 1108. Printed: Bentham, Ely, i, App., pp. 12—13, no. v. Noted in Papsturkunden in England, i,

LIBER ELIENSIS 249 His sue confirmationis Herveus susceptis epistolis Angliam cum apostolica benedictione properavit, regem et archiepiscopum adiit, litteras eis ostendit, assensum eorum obtinuit, et in sequenti anno totum negotium * consummavit, anno videlicet Dominice incarnationis millesimo1 centesimo octavo ", pontificatus autem domini Paschalis secundi pape anno decimo , quo etiam anno rex Henricus abbatiam Eliensem ad episcopalem mutavit sedem et eundem Herveum Pangornensem episcopum eidem ecclesie prefecit, confirmans eum sequentibus cartis. a

6 d. Carta regis Henrici quomodo abbatiam de Ely in episcopatum transmutavit. Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti. In 2 nomine Sancte et individue Trinitatis, e f Anno incarnationis Dominice M. C. Octavo , indictione . . . , anno vero pontificatus domni Paschalis 3 pape secundi decimo, regni quoque h mei similiter decimo, ego Henricus providente divina dementia rex Anglorum et Normannorum dux, Willelmi magni regis films, qui Edwardo regi hereditario iure successit in regnum, videns et ecclesie messem in regno meo multam esse et agricolas quidem paucos, et ob hoc plurimum laborantes in messe, et in ipsa ' Lincolniensem k ecclesiam multa plebe fecundam,l ex auctoritate et consilio predicti pape Paschalis et assensu simul et prece Rodberti Lincolniensis episcopi, qui tune ecclesie predicte presidebat, et totius " His to the end om. CDM, adding Ego Pascalis catholice ecclesie episcopus. Data apud Troiam per manum Leonis, Romane ecclesie diaconus cardinalis. XI.K.Decembris, indictione prima, anno Dominice incarnationis millesimo centesimo octavo, pontificatus autem domini Pascalis II pape anno X. c * suum add. O. M. cent. IX. 0. d Collated with Brit. Mus., Harley cart., 43 c. 11 and copies in AEO and the cartularies CDG. e nono Harley cart., CDM, correctly. ' indictione followed by a gap, Harley cart., CD. ' Paschalis om. F, add. in the margin 0. h quoque om. GM. > ipsam F. l * Lincoli- throughout Harley cart. Roberti Harley cart. 1

The date should be 1109. See infra, ch. 6. Date: Nottingham, 17 October 1109. ' Some dating inconsistencies ', as P. Chaplais has pointed out (' The Seals and Original Charters of Henry I ', Engl. Hist. Rev., lxxv (i960), p. 272), ' are explained by the fact that the diploma was drafted and written by a scribe of the beneficiary '. E.g. the dating clause combines with the A.D. 1109 the tenth year of Henry I, correctly, and the tenth year of Paschal II, incorrectly since the latter falls in 1108 and has presumably been copied from Paschal II's letter (ch. 5) without any indication that Paschal had in fact approved the creation of the new see in an earlier year than that in which the charter was issued. (Hence probably the confusion of the compiler of the L.E. who, recognising that 1109 was wrong for Paschal II's tenth year, wrongly altered the A.D. of the charter to 1108.) The reference to Robert, bishop of Lincoln, as qui tune ecclesie predicte presidebat, if taken literally, could imply that the charter was not written before Robert's death in 1123. This late date receives no support from the witness list (e.g. Mathildis sponsa regis Romanorum), and the phrase is probably to be explained with reference to Paschal II's letter to Anselm (ch. 5). This states that Henry I had requested the creation of a new see ex voluntate Lincolniensis episcopi without supplying the bishop's name. Perhaps the scribe of the charter, writing in 1109, merely added that this bishop, whose assent is referred to, qui tune ecclesie predicte presidebat (i.e. at the time of Paschal's letter in 1108), was Robert. See Hatton Book of Seals, p. xl, and Bentham, Ely, i, App., p. 14, no. viii. Printed: Bentham, Ely, i, App., p. 13, no. vii; Hatton Booh of Seals, no. 419; Monasticon, i, 483, no. xx; Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc, xxix, 249. Cf. Regesta, ii, no. 919, and Farrer, Itinerary, no. 230. 2

250 LIBER ELIENSIS capituli sui cum ipso, annuente domno Anselmo beate memorie Cantuariensia archiepiscopo et Thoma secundo venerabili Eboracensium archiepiscopo et universis episcopis et b abbatibus totius Anglie, sed et omnibus ducibus, comitibus et principibus [fo. IIIV] regni mei, Eliense monasterium, in quo quidem usque in tempora mea abbates prefuerantc, cum Cantebrigensi d provincia, quantum videlicet ad ius Lincolniensis ecclesie pertinebat, cum abbatiis duabus, Thorneia ' videlicet et Cateriht f, in episcopalem sedem, sicut et ceteros episcopatus regni mei, liberam et absolutam perenniter statuo et confirmo. Et pro subiectione et omnibus episcopalibus consuetudinibus ad supradictam Lincolniensem ecclesiam pertinentibus absolvendis consilio et assensu predicti pape Pascalis ' de beneficiis eiusdem monasterii villam nomine Spadwic h cum apendiciis suis, que in kterritorio Huntendonie ' sita est, cum omnibus consuetudinibus ad villam predictam pertinentibus supradicte Lincolniensi ecclesie et Rodberto l eiusdem sedis episcopo et successoribus suis, sicut earn unquamm Eliense monasterium liberius etp quietius tenuit ", iure perpetuo tradidi possidendam °. Primum siquidem Lundoniis apud Westmonasterium in solemnitate " Pentecostes de negotio isto in presentia mea coram felicis memorie Anselmo archiepiscopo et universis episcopis et abbatibus et proceribus regni mei tractatum est et eorum omnium communis assensus est favorabiliter consecutus r. Post mortem vero predicti pontificis Anselmi ex auctoritate domni pape Paschalis, sicut iam supradictums est, in concilio apud castrum Notingaham habito in die translationis beate iESeldreSe virginis sedis eiusdem feliciter per misericordiam Dei et terminatum est et definitum XVI'. Kl. Novembris «. 7 ". Carta regis de omni libertate ecclesie. Henricus 1 rex Anglorum archiepiscopis et episcopis et abbatibus et comitibus s " -ense Harley cart. et om. Harley cart. c d fuerant A EF, fuerunt GM. -brugensi Harley cart. ' Thorneio Harley cart. > Cetricht Harley cart., CD, Chateriht E. 3 h Paschalis Harley cart. Spalduic Harley cart., CD, Spaldwic E. ' Hunted- Harley carl. k predictam villain Harley cart.; also D, but indicating that the words should be transposed. 1 m Roberto Harley cart. umquam Harley cart. " tenuit om. D. ° possidenda AEFO. " Londoniis Harley cart. " soil- Harley cart. ' consecutus est GM. 1 Edeldryde Harley cart. ' V interlined EF, XI A. " Harley cart., CDM continue faventibus et subscribentibus iis quorum annotata sunt hie tam signa quam nomina. Ego Henricus rex Anglorum subscripsi. Ego Mathildis Anglorum regina subscripsi. Ego Mathildis sponsa regis Rom'. S. Hervei Eliensis episcopi primi. S. Rogerii episcopi Saresberiensis. S. Ran' cancellar'. S. Thome Eboracens' archiepiscopi. S. Ric' Baiocensis episcopi. S. Herberti Norwic' episcopi. S. Reinelm' Heref episcopi. S. Rad' R[offen]s' episcopi. S. Ric' Lond' episcopi. S. Roberti Cestrens' episcopi. S. Will' Exoniens' episcopi. S. Ran' Dunelm's episcopi. S. Roberti Line' episcopi. S. Roberti comitis de Mell'. S. (no name follows). S. Willelmi comitis de Warenn'. S. Sim' comitis. S. Stephani de Albamara. S. Rog' comitis Pictaviens'. S. Gisl' de Aquila. S. Willelmi de Albinni. S. Nig' de Albinni. * Collated with Brit. Mus., Cotton Cart., X.8, and with copies in EFO and the cartularies CDGM. 1 Date: Castle Holdgate (Salop), 1109 X 1116. Cf. Regesta, ii, no. 1048, and Farrer, Itinerary, no. 325, which place the charter tentatively in 1114. For comments on this charter see Miller,

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251

et baronibus et vicecomitibus et ministris et omnibus fidelibus suis Francis et Anglis totius Anglie salutem. Sciatis me concessisse Herveo episcopo episcopatum de Ely cum omnibus terris et possessionibus ad eundem episcopatum pertinentibus, et volo et precipio ut prefata ecclesia Eliensis habeat honorifi.ee et libere et quiete omnes consuetudines suas infra burgum et extra, in terra et in aqua et a in paludibus et in piano et in bosco, videlicet socam et sacam b et toll et theam et infanganateofc et hamsochene et grithbrige et fithwite et ferdwite, et omnes alias forisfacturas emendabiles, sicut melius habuit die qua Edwardus d rexfuit6 vivus et mortuus et sicut dirationatum f fuit in tempore patris mei apud Keneteford " coram baronibus patris mei Walchelino episcopo et Gaufrido h episcopo Constantiensi et Baldewino ' abbate Sancti Edmundi * et Yvone l Taillebois et Petro de Waloniis m et te-[/o. jJ2]-stimonio ^ w i u m scyrarum n. Et sciatis quia non sum guarant ° quod aliquis ponat calumpniam in his predictis consuetudinibus. Testibus p Rannulfo cancellario et Gileberto q de Aquila et Hamone dapifer r etWillelmo de Abbeneio s et Pagano * Pever' et Willelmo Pever' " de Dov[er]. Apud Castrum Helgoti in Scalopesyra v. 8 w. Carta regis quod monachi Elyenses equam portionem de rebus abbatie suscipiant. Henricus x rex Anglorum archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, comitibus,* vicecomitibus et omnibus fidelibus suis Francis et Anglis totius Anglie salutem. Sciatis quia volo et concedo et precipio, quod * monachi ecclesie de Hely habeant z de sua abbatia iustam portionem et equam divisionem secundum morem et ius ecclesiasticum in omnibus rebus, videlicet terris, possessionibus, dignitatibus, et bonis, que proprie usui eorum ac sustentationi fidelium largitione illis donate sunt atque concesse, cum sollempniter et integre ipsa abbatia fuerit in episcopatum commutata. Et nolo ut inde aliquam molestiam sive minorationem patiantur, sed equanimiter infangeneteof Ely, D. and C, cart. h feodum Ely, D. and C, cart. " omnibus om. D. k '1 predictis terris D. T' Rogero Saresberie Ely, D. and C, cart. m Rotberto Ely, D. and C, cart. Tancardivilla Ely, D. and C, cart. " Albin' Ely, D. and C, cart. ° Glint' Ely, D. and C, cart. " Collated with Ely, D. and C, Cart. no. 4 B (of which only the first three lines are preserved), and copies in EO and the cartularies GM. The chapter is added in the bottom margin of E. r " Sutfolc Ely, D. and C, cart. Herveius Ely, D. and C, cart. * scilicet om. FO. * sacam et socam Ely, D. and C, cart. " tern et infangeneteof Ely, D. and C, cart.; the rest is missing. " firdwite E, fichtwite G, fithwite et ferdwite M. x Date: Castle Holdgate, 1109 x 1116. Cf. Regesta, ii, no. 1049 and Farrer, Itinerary, no. 327, which place the charter tentatively in 1114. Printed: Bentham, Ely, i, App., p. 19, no. xvii; Landon, Cartae Antiquae Rolls, p. 30, no. 52. For the Kentford inquest see Miller, Ely Land Pleas, pp. 445 ff., and supra, pp. 198-99. 2 Bishop of Norwich, 1091-1119. 3 Sheriff of Norfolk (Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 373, n. 1). 4 Justice in Norfolk (ibid.; cf. D. C. Douglas, Feudal Documents from the Abbey of Bury St Edmunds, pp. 66, 67).

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fuit, et sicut diratiocinatum fuit in tempore patris mei apud Kenetheford testimonio plurium sirarum et coram baronibus patris mei, videlicet coram Goiffrido a episcopo Constantiensi et Walc[helino] Wintoniensi episcopo et Baldewino abbate de Sancto iEdmundo et Petro de Valoniis et aliis quam b pluribus. Et sciatis quia non sum Warant alicui neque de socha neque de sacha neque de aliqua alia consuetudine, quod ea habeat in predictis hundredis nisi per Helyensem episcopum. Test' c Rann[ulfo] Cancellario et Gilebertod de Aquila et Ham[one] Dap[ifero]. Apud Castrum Helgoti in Salopessyra. 15 ". Carta regis de relaxatione militum qui violenter ab ecclesia de Hely requirebantur. Henricus x rex Anglorum archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, comitibus, baronibus, vicecomitibus et omnibus fidelibus suis Francis et Anglis totius Anglie salutem. Sciatis me condonasse ecclesie sancte JEQeldreQe de Hely pro Dei amore et anima patris et matris mee et pro redemptione peccatorum meorum et petitione Hervei eiusdem ecclesie episcopi xl libras de illis centum libris, quas predicta ecclesia solebat dare de scutagio quando scutagium currebat / per terram meam Anglie, ita quod ecclesia amodo in perpetuum non dabit inde nisi sexaginta libras quando scutagium f per terram evenerit et ita in perpetuum sit de predictis xl libris ecclesia predicta quieta. Teste Rogero episcopo Saresberiensi, Gaufrido" cancellario meo et Rodberto de Sigillo et Willelmo de Tancarvilla et Willelmo de Albeneio * pincerna et Rad[ulfo] Basset et Gaufrido > de Clintune et Willelmo de Pondelarche *. Apud Eilinges l in transitu meo. 16 m. Item carta regis de condonatione pecunie que iniuste exigebatur ab ecclesia. Henricus 2 rex Anglorum archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, comitibus, vicecomitibus, baronibus n et omnibus fidelibus suis totius Anglie salutem. Sciatis me clamasse quietos amodo ° et " usque in sempiternum " Deo et sancte iESeldreSe r et ecclesie Helyensi et Herveo s episcopo et successoribus suis xl solidos qui quereban0

h Goisfrido M. compluribus M. d ° 1" F. Gisl' M. * Collated with copies in EO and the cartularies CDGM. '•••'currebat . . . scutagium om. EG; add. F in the margin in a different hand; currebat transposed after Anglie O. h '1 Gauf' F, Gausfrido CD. Alben' F. l Gauf de Clint' F. " Pondelarge C. Elingas C. m Collated with Ely, D. and C, Cart. no. 4, and copies in EO and the cartularies CDGM. " baronibus om. EFGMO. " amodo om. G. *5 et om. Ely, D. and C, cart., C. eternum Ely, D. and C, cart., CD, perpetuum G. r Etheldrithe Ely, D. and C, cart. ' Herveio Ely, D. and C, cart. x Date: Eling, ? 1127. Cf. Regesta, ii, no. 1499, and Farrer, Itinerary, no. 555. Printed: Bentham, Ely, i, App., p. 20, no. xxi. For the importance of this charter in tracing the history of scutage see Miller, Ely, pp. 160-62; J. H. Round, Feudal England, pp. 268 ff.; Stenton, op. cit., p. 179. Cf. also Pipe Roll 31 Henry I, p. 44, and Red Book of the Exchequer (R.S.,2 1896), ii, pp. clii-clvi. Date: Argentan, ? 1129. Cf. Regesta, ii, 1421, and Farrer, Itinerary, no. 581. Printed: Bentham, Ely, i, App., pp. 19-20, no. xx. For the contents see supra, ch. 15.

LIBER ELIENSIS 257 b tur ° de terra sua de wardpeni et de hominibus suis. c Et prohibeo ne amodo requirantur vel donentur, nee propter hoc aliquid de suo capiatur vel hominum suorum. Hoc autem concedo pro salute anime mee et statue regni mei et pro animabus patris d et matris mee et coniugis mee Matildis regine et Willelmi filii mei et predecessorum et f successorum meorum. Teste g Iohanne Luxoniense h episcopo et k l Rodberto > de Sigillo et Willelmo de Tancarvilla et Willelmo de Albeneio et Gauffrido de Clintona m et Pagano " filio Iohannis. Apud Argenton °. 17. Quod episcopus Herveus sua industria locum dea Chaterihc v optinuit et Elyensi [fo. 114] ecclesie iure perpetue possessionis ascivit . habitatio ut r Est 1 autem Chateriht circa insulam Helyensem sanctimonialium s monasterium sub nomine abbatie constitutum, quam diu manu regia versabatur, gravissimis angariis premebatur. Videns itaque vir discretissimus locum destructioni' proximum et pauperes Dei ancillas nimium inquietari nee posse ullo modo sine meliore patrocinio locum incolere, paterna pietate ductus episcopalem sollicitudinem ad liberandam Christi familiam apposuit et mira efficacia regium favorem ad sui desiderii modum aptavit. Tantoque pondere suscepto, negotio institit, ut locum ilium Helyensi ecclesie iure perpetue possessionis ascriberet et deinceps matres ibi statuendi et monachas imponendi principalem potestatem haberet ". Egit hoc utique misericors manus Domini, ut pater animarum pater esset et rerum et in omnibus necessitatibus suis, quibus manus feminea non sufficiebat, filie ad patrem recurrerent et congruum auxiliuminvenirent. Nemo igitur putet tantum episcopum rebus quidem terrenis multipliciter abundantem aliquam sinistram intentionem in hac causa fuisse secutum, qui non, ut * terreno commodo consuleret, sed, ut ancille Dei de crastino non cogitarent2, allaboravit. Quanto autem robore locum ilium sibi suisque successoribus vindicaverit, quanta utilitate locus ille illi cesserit, due sequentes carthe testantur, quas regia largitas Helyensi dedit ecclesie. Et hec huius modi sunt. 0

requirebantur Ely, D. and C, cart., CD. warpena Ely, D. and C, cart., wardpena CD. sua CDEGO; corr. from sua F; suo Ely, D. and C, cart.-, M. d mei et filii mei Willelmi add. Ely, D. and C, cart.; also add. in the margin of D. ' et . . . mei om. Ely, D. and C, cart., lined through D. 1 et successorum om. F. and add. in the margin in a later hand. h « T* Ely, D. and C, cart. Lexon' Ely, D. and C, cart. ' Roberto Ely, D. and C, cart. * Tancardivilla Ely, D. and C, cart. 1 Alben' F; Albinn' Ely, D. and C , cart. •» Clint' F, Glintona Ely, D. and C, cart., Clintune CD. » Iohanne EFGM. 0 Argentonium Ely, D. and C, cart. " Chaterich E. « ascrivit E, astituit A. ' ubi AE. ' sub add. 0. * destructionis E. " h'nt F. « in add. E. b c

1 This chapter has been copied into the Cronica fundationis monasterii seu abbatie de Chateriz, Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Julius A.i, fos. 75V fi. Cf. V.C.H., Cambs., ii, 220 ft., and supra, Book II, ch, 86. 2 Cf. Hier. in Tit., i, 7.

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18 °. Carta regis Henrici de concessione abbatie de Chaterihc in Ely cum b suis pertinentiis. Henricus x rex Anglorum archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, comitibus, vicecomitibus, baronibus et omnibus fidelibusc totius Anglie salutem d. Sciatis me dedisse et concessisse Deo et ecclesie Helyensi et Herveo episcopo in elemosinam abbatiam de Chaterhit cum terris et possessionibus et omnibus rebus eidem abbatie pertinentibus. Et volo et precipio firmiter, ut bene e et in pace / et quiete et honorifice teneat g cum sacha et socha et toll et theam et infanganetheof h et omnibus consuetudinibus et libertatibus, sicut melius et quietius et honorificentius tenet alias terras suas de episcopatu de Hely. Testibus Gaufrido j cancellario, Willelmo de Albeneio * pincerna, Gaufrido > de Clintune l, Pagano filio Iohannis. Apud sanctum Petrum de super Divam. 19 m. Alia carta regis de relaxatione pecuniarum B de ecclesia de Chaterihc, quam condonavit sancte jESeldreSe in Hely. Henricus 2 rex Anglorum archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, comitibus, baronibus, vicecomitibus et omnibus fidelibus suis Francis et Anglis totius Anglie salutem. Sciatis me condonasse ° ecclesie sancte Marie de Chateriht ", quam concessi et dedi in elemosinam ecclesie de Hely, pro Dei amore et anima patris mei" et matris mee et pro redemptione peccatorum meorum et petitione Hervei episcopi r eiusdem ecclesie primi vi solidos et vii tem s [fo. 1140] denarios de Warpeni, quos predicta ecclesia de Chateriht v unoquoque * anno dare solebat, ita quod amodo in perpetuum sit inde in pace et quiete. Teste " Rogero episcopo Saresberiensi et Gaufrido * cancellario et Roberto w de Sigillo et Willelmo de Tancarvilla * et Willelmo de Albeneio » pincerna "b Collated with copies in EO and the cartularies CDGM and MS. Cotton, Julius A.i, fo. j6. cum omnibus ad ea pertinentibus E. c d suis add. CD. salutem om. D. ' bene et om. G. h > teneat add. M. « teneatk om. M. infangentheof CD. 1 Gauf' F, Gausfrido CD. Alben' F. ' Clint' F. m Collated with Ely, D. andC, Cart. no. 5, and copies in EO and the cartularies CDGM and Cotton MS., Julius A.i, fos. 76 ff. "0 pecunie E. concessisse EG, lined through F, which adds condonasse in a different hand, v Catriz Ely, D. and C, cart., Chatriz CD. " mei om. Ely, D. and C, cart. ' episcopi om. Ely, D. and C, cart, and adds after primi. * viii Ely, D. and C, cart., octo M. ' uno om. Ely, D. and C, cart. " T' episcopo Rogero Ely, D. and C, cart. • Gauf JF, Gausfrido CD. " Rotberto Ely, D. and C, cart. x Tancardivilla Ely, D. and C, cart. " Alben' F, Albin' Ely, D. and C, cart., Albeneio CDEG. 1 Date: St-Pierre-sur-Dive,September 1127 x Julyii2g. Cf. Regesta, ii.no. 1542,andFarrer, Itinerary, no. 563, which place this charter tentatively in 1127 (August to September). Printed: Bentham, Ely, i, App., p. 20, no. xxii; Monasticon, ii, 617; Landon, Cartae Antiquae Rolls,2 no. 68. Cf. Pipe Roll 31 Henry I, p. 44. Date: Eling, ? 1127. Cf. Regesta, ii, no. 1501, and Farrer, Itinerary, no. 556, which place this charter tentatively c. August 1127. Printed: Monasticon, ii, 617. Cf. Pipe Roll 31 Henry I, p. 44. For a facsimile of Ely, D. and C, Cart. no. 5, see T. A. M. Bishop, Scriptores Regis (1961), Plate xv.

LIBER ELIENSIS et Rad[ulfo] Basset et Gaufrido Hellingas d in transitu meo.

a

b

259 c

de Clintune et Willelmo de Pontelargo .

Apud

20 e . Carta regis Henrici de adquietatione ville de Hadham. Henricus1 rex Anglorum Ricardo episcopo Lond[iniensi] 2 et Hugoni de Bochel[and]3 et omnibus baronibus et omnibus fidelibus suis Francis et Anglis de Herefordscyre f salutem. Sciatis me reddidisse domino Deo et sancto Petro et sancte iESeldreSe virgini et Herveo Helyensi episcopo manerium de Haddam in pace et in quietudine amodo et usque in sempiternum, sicuti melius abbatia de Hely tenuit tempore patris mei et tempore iEdwardi regis cum socha et sacha et toll et theam et infangenthef, infra burgum et extra. Quod manerium Rannulfus episcopus Dunholmensis iniuste tenebat. Teste Willelmo Wintoniensi episcopo et Rogero episcopo Sereb[eriensi]" et Roberto episcopo Lincol[niensi] et Willelmo episcopo Exonie et Roberto episcopo de Cestra et Iohanne episcopo de Bathe h et Rad[ulfo] episcopo de Rouec[estra] ' et Rannulfo cancellario et Rogero comite de Mellent et G[ilberto] de Aquila et W[illelmo] de Albeneio k et Hug[one] Dap[ifero] et Nigello de Albeneio l et Hasculfo de Sancto Iacobo et Alano filio Flaldi m et Hanalo de Bitun n. Apud Winderesores. In Pentecostem in anno quo filia regis data est imperatori °. 21 v. Carta regis quod monachi et ecclesia sancte JEtSeldreSe in Ely de theloneo sint quieti ubique per Angliam. Henricus 4 rex Anglie q vicecomitibus suis et ministris Anglie " salutem. Precipio ut, ubicumque monachi de Hely poterint invenire materiem et plumbum et ferrum et petram ad vendendum et cetera que opus sint ad operationem ecclesie, quieti sint ab omni theloneo et absque consuetudine. Teste Rogero Big[od]. Apud Saltredam. "Gauf F, Gausfrido CD. "0 Clint' F, Glint' Ely, D. and C, cart.; Clintun" C. Pontearc' Ely, D. and C, cart. tamen om. E. 1 2

The fall of the tower is recorded in the Winchester Annals (p. 44), s.a. n i l . Cf. Dan., iii, 19-100.

LIBER ELIENSIS 265 egritudine sua perurgente et spe invitante sacrum sancte adivit tumulum, fudit gemitus orationum, petivit suffragium, et invenit remedium. Miserante etenim domina cuius auxilium postulabat, statim solutus est cruris vinculum, nervi laxantur, pes extenditur, et ad solidum gressum roboratur. Intonat [fo. ny] ecclesia voce gaudentium. Laus Dei conclamatur. Sancta jESeldreSa predicatur. It rumor in longinquum. Afferuntur greges infirmorum, et fiunt virtutes sanitatum, que quidem pro sua multitudine et scriptorum vel penuria vel negligentia nostram ex multa parte evaserunt memoriam, preter paucas quas veraciter enarrare aggredimur. 30 °. De quodam ydropico, qui opem salutis meruit ad beatam

Quendam Baldewinum ydropis morbo inflatum aspeximus, cuius uterus utris instar tumore suo pretendebat, una surarum cum toto crure a summo unguine plantatenus ocree modo tumescente. Qua miserabiliter et diu afflictus angustia opem Dei et sancte .ZESeldreSe flagitabat. Nee diutius pietas sancte optatam distulit sanitatem, sed poscentis affectum secutus est salutis effectus, ut mirabiliter cute b illius sure circa tibiam divisa, quasi cyrurgice secta, tanta sanies efflueret, acsi in corpore preter humorem nichil contineretur. Et sic ab onere illo liberatus continuo plenam consequitur medicinam, gratias agens celesti medico, signa gerens celestis medele. 31". De muliere contracta ad sanctum ^ESeldreSam sanata.

Radulfus filius Colsaianix monacus noster, dum adhuc moraretur in seculo, habuit in domu sua apud Saham quandam famulam, que calcibus in posteriora retortis et una manu sub alterius partis ascellam immobiliter conserta per omnia inutilis reddebatur. Hec quodam festo sancte iESeldreSe cum luminari suo vehiculo se fecit advehi et, cum plebis. frequentia non solum earn ab altaris accessu sed etiam ab ecclesie ingressu arceret, in ipso constituta introitu sancte virginis invocavit auxilium. Nee mora sub oculis omnium tota ilia contractio dissolvitur, pedumque basibus solidatis libero incessu sacrum tumulum lumen portans petit, omniumque ora in Dei preconium clamoso tumultu solvit. Fit ergo multiplex festi illius celebritas, hinc monachis concinentibus, hinc populis acclamantibus, simul omnibus congaudentibus, omnibus Deum collaudantibus. Mulier vero curata velum accepit, continentiam perpetuam promisit, et quaque sexta feria de Saham pago sacrum corpus nudis pedibus requisivit. Hec acta sunt Hervei episcopi temporibus tam de ydropico quam de muliere. 32 d. Quod revelatione per paludem fit via ad sanctam ^ESeldreSam.

Neque e hoc tegendum est sub silentio, quod nota multorum probat relatio. b " This chapter is not in B (Book of Miracles). A Itered to cuti F. "6 This chapter is not in B (Book of Miracles). This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Acta Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 486, but under the inept rubric Quod quidam examinis (sic) vite reformatur. • Neque . . . relatio om. 0. 1 Ralph son of Colsuein held a batellum in mara de Saham of the monks in the time of Henry I (O, fo. 91).

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Tempore autem pontificis Hervei sanctus /Edmundus colono cuidam de villa iEsxeninge *• in visu apparuit atque suscitans his eum [fo. nyv] alloquitur verbis dicens: ' Vir bone, que dico diligenter attende a; que tibi iubentur efficaciter comple, et surgens ad episcopum de Hely properanter ascende eique meo nomine dices quatenus mihi paret viam qua dominam meam beatissimam vESeldreSam adire queam.' At ille mox in Hely, sicut iussum fuerat, ad episcopum festinavit b et mandatum quod acceperat illi denuntiavit. Qui ut talia audivit pre gaudio flevit et, si forte valeat hoc implere c, a pluribus inquisivit d. Et cum negotium multis commodum suscipere nemo presumeret, ipsius ecclesie monacus quidam Iohannes nomine accedens, natura, verbo, et vultu simplicissimus, coram episcopo optulit e se dicens opus hoc et velle f et cum Dei adiutorio posse perficere g. Nam postea iussus ab ipso episcopo a terra de Saham h cepit metiri atque arundinetum in viam sternere 2 ; alveos etiam fluminum ponticulis cinxit, sicque vir ille Deo dilectus in brevi proficiens opus celitus provisum explevit, per invia paludum usque in Hely viam Semite fecit, mirantibus cunctis ac Deum benedicentibus. 33 '. De Brithstano compedito et a beata /E8eldre5a soluto. Adhuc 3 in laudem beatissime virginis iEdeldrede immorantes rem noviter gestam, relatione dignam, non immerito audientibus suavem, retinentibus utilem, adhuc nescientibus fortasse profuturam, notificare volumus. Tempore Henrici regis Anglorum, ducis Normannorum, anno regni sui in Anglia xvi., comitatus in Normannia x., in provincia Helyensis ecclesie erat quidam homo in villa que vocatur Cateriht, nomine Bricstanus. Hie in mundanis turbinibus, ut mos est hominum, et adversitatibus natus et in eisdem puerilibus alimentis ac iuvenilibus ad perfectam usque etatem consuete educatus, mundi retibus flagitiosis magis ac magis tune cepit esse irretitus in tantum, ut ex usuris infelicibus adquisita nee omnino aliunde victui suo alimenta provenirent. In quibus flagitiis cum diutissime vita eius versaretur, decidit in tantam corporis sui egritudinem, ut ad ultimum fmitimus morti videretur 4. Cumque tam intollerabili infirmitate aliquandiu detineretur, divina gratia velud rei exitus probavit inspiratus, sese sub monachili habitu sancte virgini ^ESeldreSe mancipaturum in eius monasterio quantum sibi de superstite vita restabat fideliter promisit. Nee mora, collectis in unum et assumptis secum omnibus que habuit, promissum cupiens implere monasterium virginis devotissime adiit, domno Herveo " que audis indubitanter crede add.c B. " properavit B. Altered to impleri F, impleri O. d e s requisivit B. contulit B. suscipere add. B. h "1 asseruit interlined F, in text 0. Seham E. This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 465-67, and in the miracle book in C.C.C. 393. 1 2

Exning. For the cost of maintaining this causeway see Chapman, Sacrist Rolls of Ely, ii, 132, ' pro calceto de Saham straminand ', and also i, 112. 3 A slightly different version of this miracle appears in Orderic Vitalis, Hist. Eccl., iii, 122—33, where4 it is said to have been written up by Abbot Warinof St Evroult at Bishop Hervey's request. Orderic says nothing of his illness and poverty, but describes his trade. 'Vicinis suis indigentibus nummos non tamen ad usuram accomodabat, sed propter infidelitatem multorum a debitoribus vadimonia retinebat'.

LIBER ELIENSIS 267 [fo. 118] episcopo ipsius loco tune temporis pastoralem curam gubernante, a monachis misericordiam petiit, se suaque ditioni eorum tradens. Sed, proh dolor! ille iniquus, per cuius invidiam de paradiso Adam cecidit, illius posteritati usque ad novissimum qui venturus est invidere minime cessabit. Verum Deus qui misericorditer omnia suaviterque disponit semper velud omnipotens de malis bona, de bonis meliora facit. Audito ergo a multis rumore predicti viri religionis habitum arripere cupientis, quidam Henrici regis minister, specialiter autem diaboli servus, Robertas nomine dictus et Malarteis cognomine vocitatus, magistri sui doctrinam, qui semper mentitur ac decipit, secutus advenit et, ne vir ille religionis habitum indueret, ex regio nutu prohibuit, dicens eum furem esse, pecuniam regis in latrocinio habere, celare et, ut criminis hums iudicium et penam evaderet, non causa alterius salutis, monachatum querere 1. Quid plura? Sub fideiussoribus tandem missus ducitur ad iudicium, Radulfo Basso sedente pro tribunali, congregatis etiam provincialibus universis apud Huntedoniam, ut mos est in Anglia 2. Adfuit prenominatus domnus Herveus episcopus Helyensis cum abbatibus Reginaldo Rameseiensi et Rodberto Tornensi, nee non monachis et clericis pluribus. Et, ne longius protraham, accusatus ille presentatur; crimina sibi falso imposita renovantur. Ille non acta negabat; quod non a fecerat confiteri nequibat. Econtra demendatio arguitur, deridetur, cum vitiis afficitur. Post plurimas vero sibi illatas sine merito contumelias 3, velud Susannam b preiudicaverunt ipsum cum omni possessione sua ditioni regis tradendum. Deinde sub custodia ligatus ac Lundonie ductus, ubi in carcerem obscurum retruditur, ibique vinculis ferreis satisc ponderosis fortiter et contumeliose constrictus, famis et frigoris cruciatibus diurnis non modico tempore coartatur. Positus autem in tali miseria divinum auxilium pro posse suo et scientia, tarn gravi necessitate cogente, adesse sibi postulabat. Sed quia meritis suis, que permodica vel, ut verius dicam, nulla esse credebat, hoc per se impetrare diffidebat, sanctum Benedictum, cuius se preceptis, ut dictum est, subditurum devoverat, necnon sanctam iESeldreSam virginem, in cuius monasterio hoc idem se facturum providerat, corde lacrimabili et voce qua poterat incessanter advocabat. Hinc itaque oneratus ac constrictus ferro, hinc frigore cruciatus, illinc fatigatus ieiunio, miserabilem vitam, qui pro certo mori mallet quam sic d infeliciter vivere, integris quinque mensibus [fo. n8v\ lugens in tenebris sustinuit. Et videns nullum sibi humanum penitus adesse subsidium, sanctum Benedictum et sanctam .ZESeldreSam continuis gemitibus, suspiriis, singultibus, quandoque lacrimis, corde vel ore ruminando provocare non cessabat. Quid plura? Nocte quadam, cum signa per urbem ad nocturnas laudes pulsarentur et ille in carcere cum ceteris angustiis ab omni cibo triduum continuasset ieiuniis, iam pene deficiens et a corporis reparatione penitus desperans, nomina supradictorum sanctorum flebili voce repetebat. Sed Deus clemens et misericors qui fons totius bonitatis indeficiens permanet, qui nullum in necessitate positum spernit, neminem pro potentia vel "conviciis AB, C.C.C. 3g3. " diuturnis E. 1

d

h Altered from predicaverunt F. sic om. AE, add. in margin F, in text B.

Orderic adds a libel on Ralph's methods of doing justice. Cf. Regesta, ii, no. 1129, which dates this county court at Huntingdon before Ralph Basset, justiciar, between 28 September 1115 and 5 August 1116, and probably in Spring 1116. 3 Orderic gives a detailed and amusing account of Bricstan's interrogation. 2

268 LIBER ELIENSIS divitiis eligit, satis optatam et propter desiderii augmentationem et, ut adepta ° magis diligeretur, dilatam tandem poscenti misericordiam suam exhibuit. Adsunt enim clamanti sanctus Benedictus et sancta iESeldreSa cum sorore sua Sexburga. Ille vero previum lumen quod sanctos antecedebat insolitum adesse expavescens, manu sua oculos suos operuit. Venientibus autem sanctis cum ipso lumine, sancta iESeldreSa sic ei locuta est: ' Quid nos ', inquid, ' Bricstane, totiens lacrimis pulsas ? Quid nos tantis clamoribus commoves ? ' Ille quidem iam debilitatus ieiunio, cum se nominatim vocatum audisset, quasi in excessu mentis redditus et gaudio repletus pro tanto miraculo, nichil omnino respondere poterat. Tune sancta subiungens ait: 'Ego sum iESeldreSa quam tu totiens invocasti. Hie mecum sanctus adest Benedictus sub cuius habitu te Deo serviturum devovisti et a quo auxilium multotiens poposcisti. Vis liberari? ' Audita hac voce revixit spiritus eius et quasi de sompno evigilans ait: ' Domina mea, si aliquo modo vivere possem, ab isto execrabili carcere exire vellem. Sed iam me diversis angustiis sic afflictum video quod amissis viribus corporis omnibus evadendi spem nullam ulterius b habeo.' Cui sancta: ' Non sic ', inquid, ' ut ais, rationis expostulat ordo. Immo te vite donatum in ecclesia mea, ut proposuisti, volo in tota superstite vita mihi mancipaturum.' Tune sancta virgo conversa ad sanctum Benedictum, ' Eia ', inquid, ' dompne Benedicte, fac quod iussum est a Domino.' Ad hec verba vir venerabilis Benedictus homini compedibus vincto approprians, digitum in anulo ferreo inter duas compedes medio misit et, quasi levi conatu trahens, compedes illas iam Dei nutu fractas de pedibus vinculati, nichil illo sentiente, extraxit. Cum vero illas ab eo removisset, de manu quasi indignans proiecit trabemque maximam solarii tam fortiter percussit, ut de sonitu tante percussionis custodes, qui super solarium iacebant exterriti evigilati sunt. Qui timentes fugisse vinctos, accensis luminibus festinanter ad carcerem [fo. ng] cucurrerunt. Invenientes autem hostia penitus integra ac firmata, adhibitis clavibus intraverunt. Videntes vero ilium quern ligatum miserant solutum, magis mirati sunt. Et interrogantibus de tanto sonitu quem audierant, vel quis eum fecisset, qui etiam compeditum solvissent, alius quidam in carcere cum eo ligatus, illo tacente, respondit: ' Nescio ', inquid, ' que persone cum maximo lumine carcerem intraverunt et cum isto socio meo plura locuti sunt; sed quid ei dicerent vel facerent, ipsum, qui melius scit, interrogate.' Et conversi ad ilium dixerunt: ' Die nobis quid audisti vel vidisti.' Et ille: ' Sanctus', inquid, ' Benedictus cum sancta iESeldreSa et sorore sua Sexburga hie affuerunt, compedes de pedibus meis abstulerunt. Si vero non creditis mihi, vel oculis vestris credite.' Illi autem viso miraculo nee inde dubitantes, mane facto Matilde regine, que tune forte in eadem erat urbe, nuntiaverunt. Que confestim quendam ex curie capellanis Radulfum nomine1, quatenus audita utrum vera essent annon perquireret, ad carcerem misit. Qui veniens vidensque quomodo compedes ille fuerant fracte, audiens etiam per socium eius de personis tribus, que cum lumine carcerem intraverant, de verbis que locute fuerant, de sonitu quem fecerant, et animadvertens hec indubitanter divinitus contigisse, habundanter cepit flere. Et conversus ad Brichstanum ait: ' Frater, servus sum sancti Benedicti et sancte iESeldreSe; in eorum amore mecum loquere.' At ille respondit: ' Si servus " adepte ABE. 1

'interius AEF, C.C.C. 393.

Ralph Basset according to Orderic's version.

LIBER ELIENSIS 269 es sanctorum predictorum, bonus est adventus tuus. Ista vero que vides vel audis circa me patrata ° vera scias esse non magica.' Radulfus autem apprehendens ilium, ad presentiam regine et multorum qui aderant primatum terre gaudens et plorans duxit. Interim rumor ille ocior qualibet volucre totam urbem Lundonie pervolans, aures omnium pene civium attigit. Tune cives undique in celum clamorem attollunt. Omnis sexus et etas in commune Dominum benedicunt et ad curiam, ubi ductum eum esse audierant, currunt. Lacrimas letitie quamplurimi b fundunt. Ceteri mirantur qui" vident vel audiunt. Regina vero gaudio repleta pro tanti novitate miraculi, iubet per omnia civitatis monasteria signa pulsari et ab omni ecclesiastici ordinis conventu laudes Deo decantari. Cumque ille quam plures ecclesias civitatis devotas Deo gratias referens ex habundanti gaudio sue liberationis visitaret, turba multa per vicos eum sequebatur et precedebat et quasi novum hominem unusquisque videre cupiebat. Cum autem beati Petri basilicam, que Westmonasterium nuncupatur, devenisset, abbas eiusdem loci Gilebertus 1, vir litteris libera-[/o. jjou]-libus et divinis eruditus, cum omni grege monachorum obviam illi processionem extra monasterium duxit. Dicebat enim: ' Si hominis alicuius mortui reliquie in ecclesia festive recipi deberent, multo magis vivas reliquias, hunc hominem videlicet, honorifice suscipiamus. De mortuo namque, ubi sit spiritus eius, nos adhuc in fragili vita positi dubitamus; de isto vero, quod a Deo, qui nichil iniuste facit, in presentia nostra visitatus ac liberatus sit, non ignoramus.' His itaque d completis, regina boias sperabat in suo arbitrio easdem habere, sed ab illis separari nequaquam voluit, donee ad cenobium sancte iESeldreSe virginis et regine eas deferret per cuius inteventum se a vinculis cognosceret redemptum. Regina itaque ratione audita nullam ei intulit violentiam, sed iussit eum honorifice provehi ad locum supradictum. Quem de civitate exeuntese iuvenes stupebant et senes, virgines mirabantur et vidue, utriusque sexus innumerabiles prospiciebant populi, Deo gratias omnipotenti referentes. Nee minus dum ad memoratum pervenit cenobium, episcopus et omnes fratres obviam ei collaudantes Deum et sanctam iESeldreSam eorum interventricem cum processione procedebant. Ibi propositum suum fecit, monachicum suscipiens habitum. Boias autem quibus compeditus fuerat in eadem ecclesia ante altare suspensas quasi memoriale tanti miraculi ad populi spectaculum posuerunt2 ad laudem domini nostri Iesu Cristi, cui sit honor et gloria per seculorum secula . Amen. 34 f. Quod g quidam a dolore capitis liberatus est adiungens gene sue boias sancte Aliud etiam miraculum quod per eiusdem gloriose virginis merita, que virginum sponso mentis et corporis integritate complacuit, in predicta ecclesia gestum est b "peracta ABE. plurimum AE. ' que A, C.C.C. 393. •» ita BE, C.C.C. 393. ' exeuntem C.C.C. 393. f This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Acta Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 467, and in the miracle book in C.C.C. 393. « quomodo E. 1

Gilbert Crispin (d. 1117?). Orderic's version ends with a pious peroration. Chapman, Sacrist Rolls of Ely, i, 118-19; ii, 35. 2

For donations received ' de Boiis ' see

270 LIBER ELIENSIS pro sui magnitudine silentio pretereundum non est. Contigit itaque quendam prepositi eiusdem loci fratrem carnalem a Deo gravi et intollerabili dentium dolore torqueri, ut nee cibi refectio nee soporis ei prodesse valeret ulla perceptio. Huius igitur tormenti angustia obsessus, pene in insaniam pro nimio ardore versus, maxillam, unde dolor processerat, in aquam sepius mittebat, ut vel sic furoris illius inmanitas mitigaretur et ad momentum aliquantula requies possideretur. Sed licet hac industria illam inquietudinem minus moleste toleraret, ad nullum tamen ei ° exinde remedium pro venire poterat. His tandem et aliis b optinendam salutem incassum elaboratis, ad vicum Elyensem iter direxit, a fabro, qui ibidem commanebat et huius modi artis peritia callebat, dentem sibi extrahi expetiit. Qui instrumenta huic officio idonea arripiens [fo. 120], dentem doloris materiam tetigit; sed idem instrumentum fractum resiliit. Ira ergo pro instrumento confracto et omnis subventionis cassato studio vehementer accensus, ferrum de manibus in terram proiecit, egrum foras excedere precepit, donee ipse ferrum aptaret quod sui languoris materiam radicitus extirparet. Qui foras egressus, quid ageret, quo se verteret, anxius hesitabat. Salubri demum consilio tactus, ad divinam miserationis medicinam se contulit, sciens et fideliter credens se per hanc, si adesse dignaretur, ab omni egritudinis molestia posse salvari. Reducens igitur ad memoriam qualiter beata iESeldreSa paulo ante captivum quendam a compedibus liberavit, qualiter easdem compedes per eius merita gloriosa virtus divina confregerit, quam pia et quam potens in hoc negotio extiterit, ad eius ecclesiam celeri gradu properavit, plenus devotione compedibus ante altare ad eius reverentiam dependentibus non semel sed sepius oscula inflxit et sancte virginis pietatem pariter et potentiam sibi declarari in tanti doloris angustia et necessitate summopere postulavit. Ibi adimpletum et ostensum est quod vera et summa veritas ad corroborandas mentes fidelium predixerat: Petite et accipietis; pulsate et aperietur vobis*. Huic enim pulsanti divine miserationis aperta est ianua, ut in sequenti rei exitus declaravit. Postremo cum ingenti devotione compedibus sepius deosculatis, in quibus virtus divina meritumque gloriose virginis apparuit, anulum qui inter compedes erat maxille admovit, dentem exinde tetigit et, quod dictu mirabile est, post tactum tanta sudoris copia de eius corpore emanavit, ut eum aqua largissime perfusum c dubitares. Quid ex hoc facto animadvertendum est, nisi cum sudore etiam doloris molestiam per beate ^ESeldreSe merita et intercessiones simul abscessisse ? Ille vero Deo et gloriose virgini gratias agens, Deo operanti et virgini imploranti, cum sospitate et letitia reversus est ad propria, divine circa se pietatis circumquaque divulgans beneficia. 35 d. De magistro Radulfo per invocationem nominis sancte iESeldreSe ab inflatione gutturis liberate Benignis dominis et fratribus suis, cotidianis ministris virtuose virginis et prepotentis domine sancte iESeldreSe, Radulfuse miserabilisf peccator et Done0

c ei om. E. ' a d add. C.C.C. 393. minime add. B, C.C.C. 393. This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 46J-69, and the miracle book in C.C.C. 393. ' talpa add. C.C.C. 31)3 in a later hand. ' mirabilis F. d

1

Cf. Matth., vii, 7; LUG., xi, 9.

LIBER ELIENSIS 271 vivicene scole vocatus monitor vere salutis eternum gaudium. Cum pro pluribus beneficiis suis virgini Christo virginis matris filio virginique sancte simul iESeldreSe plures actiones gratiarum debeam, ecce mini quod visu mirabilius, quod iocundius, quodque recentius est, in manibus est. Sed et iussioni vestre [fo. I2ov\ humiliter obedire precipuum duxi et secundum capacitatem memorie meeb nichil a linea veri2 tatis aberrare adtestans omne quod est sacrum. Ille potens scelerum quo non eget indicec vindex. Intuitus cuius perlustrat opaca, remota, et secreta quelibet, angulares etiam cordium nostrorum latebras evidentissime penetrans, apud me, circa me, et intra me, ut reatus meos sermone breviem, sensu tamen ampliem, cunctam mali assuetudinem cunctamque boni desuetudinem. Nam quid attinet bonorum simulatio vel malorum dissimulatio, cum de neutra bonus fructus procedat 3 ? Quid etiam bona opera pro terreno lucro facta vel terrena gloria, cum propheta prohibeat virgines animo constupratas confidere in verbis mendacii, dum sepius iactant id esse templum Domini quod est lupanar tartari? Igitur qui creditur ab Argolicis panteforan d, a nobis omnium conspector, mee pusillitatis rebellionem despiciens et deiciens a dextere sue sustentatione ita ut manifeste sentirem me repente privavit, acsi ditioni tirannice confestim traditum. Nam qui modo membris omnibus sanus eram, modo fratribus meis vires meas minaciter pretendebam, modo pectorose gradiebar, modo contumaciter adversus proximos spirabam, sed hec mutatio dextere excelsi. Illico membris omnibus egrotavi, egrotans sensi nimiam mei debilitatem", debilitatus solum usque corrui, corruens vix non efflavi. Morbum quem vulgo fellone f nuncupant felle suo viroso mihi misero guttur occupavit, occupatum perflavit, ut tumor ille letalis undique porrigeretur, dextro et sinistro, humero, dorso, et pectori utris instar super emineret, ab humano mento quasi bovina palearia penderent. Veneni quidem vis intrinseca cutis " livore forinseco satis notabatur. Cumque foris ilia pestis nimis horribiliter turgeret, intus quoque periculose tumescens, heu quantus miserie cumulus fistulas, arterias gutturis et colli vias coartavit neque voci neque cibo meatum reliquit. Res recordationis lacrimose ! Virus ille pessimi generis in linguam correpsit, linguam tumefecit, ut palatum compleret, fauces hiantes 4 miserabiliter distenderet. Os, aures, oculi, nares, manus, pedes, ofnciis deserta suis ut humata h iacebant. Crura, femora, renes, latera, venter, viscera, singula suis anxietatibus graviter torquebantur. Intestinorum dolorem numquid diffitebatur sanguinei coloris et ignei fervoris urina ? Nocturna visio mea non tamen oculos claudentis non dormientis hec erat, longum [fo. 121] funem religari hinc lingue miserrime, inde trahi alte. Hanc aleam quatriduo lusi. Visitavit me mandatus et desideratissimus fratrum meorum Nicolaus. Visitaverunt me et alii. Sed me reperto sine voce, sine visu, sine auditu, sine omni sensu, sine membrorum motu a1

0 6 d

Donewinicensis B, Donewicene E, C.C.C. 393. c petens AEF. indexe F. Written in Greek characters, B.

'1 Emended from mei debilitatus solum F, and mei debilitatem debilitus solum BE. fellonem BE, susquynanciam interlined C.C.C. 393 in a later hand. h ' cuius F. humana BF. 1 3

Dunwich (?). Cf. Matth., iii, 10.

2 4

Ille . . . remota: intended as two hexameters. Officiis . . . iacebant scans as an hexameter.

272

LIBER

ELIENSIS

a

incogniti recesserunt, velut eisdem prodentibus postea didici. Dumque malis tantis quasi morte caro premeretur, mens tamen utcumque vivens molestias corporis ipsa sentiebat, ipsa angustiabatur, a conscientia sua ferociter accusabatur, Deo penitudinem b et satisfactionem promittebat, si tantum flagellum pie posset esse castigationis, et nondum iuste dampnationis. Intus igitur lamentans tam de offensione Dei quam de afHictione mei, licet mutus et elinguis anelo tamen et suspiranti corde per virtutem sancte crucis obsecravi Dominum de salutatione c mea, qui victor mortis tertia die resurrexit a mortuis, cuius vocem audiunt mortui. Obsecravi et potentissimam matrem Domini per compassionem mortis Dominice, cuius animam pertransivit gladius, que ab ipsis unguibus diaboli Theophilum archidiaconum eripuit d, restituto cyrographo; Archangelum quoque cum ceteris angelis, qui princeps militie celestis prepositus paradisi et victor draconis venit in adiutorio ' populo Dei. Obsecratus est et mihi Baptista ille qui evellit et dissipat et edificat et plantat x preparando viam Domini 2, apostolorumque princeps cum ceteris apostolis, adversus quern non prevalent porte inferi 3. Sed cum protomartire et pretioso domino nostro 4idmundo rege et ceteris martiribus beatus martir et episcopus urbis Sebastie Blasius, cui a Domino collata est potestas curandi quoslibet morbos gutturis. Apellata est et meis gemitibus virtus Turonici patris cum ceteris confessoribus, qui par est apostolis et trium mortuorum suscitator egregius. Nee pretermissa est ipsa cum reliquis virginibus, cui dimissa sunt peccata multa, quam dilexit multum, cuius lacrimosis precibus revixit alter quartiduanus 4. Sic et sic quesivi consolatores, et non erant liberatores, et ecce ingravescens tribulatio, videlicet qui offenso Domino pariter omnes offendissem. Omni interea spe destitutus et quam plurimo dolore conturbatus non habeam refugium, cum succurrit menti mee licet stupide pietas elegantissima sancte iESeldreSe, que iam recenti miraculo nocturnas tenebras carceris irradiavit, compeditum misericorditer et potenter expedivit, boias ferreas ea facultate qua cereas f dirupit, solutum liberum et gratias agentem cum gaudio et honore ad sanctum suum sepulcrum dimisit. Huius opem piam, citam prodigiosamque cum flagranter et confidenter opti-[/o. 12 Ji>]-tarem, similiter socia mea cui me sociavi per sacerdotem, quasi Sare Tobiam 5 per archangelum, pie salutatrici9 sancte iESeldreSe servitium meum vovit, cui sese iam prevoverat a confinio mortis ipsius sanctis meritis erepta, ego sojo mentis officio, ilia mentis et oris, ambo vovimus idem. Laudetur per omnia Deus et arnica Dei virtuosa sancta iESeldreSa, cuius meritis misertus est mei Dominus. Nam post preces et vota in anteriori fere parte dextorsum dirumpi cepit misera lingua, defluxit sanies venenosa. Iam que per illam lingue rimam quem ad modum per fontis hiatum virus illud undique amuens dirivabatur, quod ipsam linguam, fauces, guttur, et collum perflaverat, ut iam predictum recordamini, habundanter emanabat per languida labra ilia omnium salivarum sordidissima. Horresco fateri 0

vel de F. ° salvatione BE, C.C.C. 393. ' in iutorio F, ad iutorium C.C.C. 393. f ceras F. 1 8 4

Cf. Jer., i, 10. Cf. Matth., xvi, 18. Cf. Joh., xi, 39.

2

" penitudinem . . . posset om. F. * ei ripuit all MSS. « salvatrici BE, C.C.C. 393.

Cf. Is., xl, 3; Matth., iii, 3; Marc, i, 3; Luc, iii, 4. « Cf. Tdb., vi, 16 fi.

LIBER ELIENSIS 273 et vos fortassis audire, illam tabem serpentinam, qua nulla fedior, toto palato collectam cum fesse fauces expuere nequirent, qualiter alieni digiti eiectaverint, linguam extractam expresserint, raserint et laverint. Haut secus a macellariis pecudum tractabantur • omenta. Sed et hoc transcurrente dierum numero, expressa tamen peste receptisque sensibus, paulatim confirmato corpore, sensim confirmato corde, cum * iam surgendi rata spes foret et gradiendi, ecce malum duplex, irrita facta fuit. Peroblitis b enimc contractis" nervis cms ad femur miserabiliter reflectebatur, claudicationem meam dies plurimi continuaverunt. Ego miser ingratus et infidelis qualitatem cordis in corporis claudicatione notavi, nova vota, novas preces sic reiteravi: ' 0 maxime potestatis domina sancta iESeldreSa, que fecisti misericordiam quartiduano, fac, et claudo fac, oratorii tui sacrum limen gratias redditurus adire queam a et cetera sanctorum limina tam transmarina quam scismarina. Ad quod peragendum adiuvet me sanctitas ipsorum.' Reiteratis beneficiis, sanctissime domine reiterentur et laudes. Gaudens igitur sospitatem mihi rependie, Hely, ut decuit tetendi. Sed iam prope vicum Keneteford, cum iam spectabile se preberet arduum sacre domus edificium, nee / lateret nocturnas ignorantie mee tenebras, cuius virtute redierit mihi sanitas, ecce supernis in nubibus itineris mei comitibus plene lune splendida species apparuit. Hinc inde dispersis lucernis, et si non quantitatis formam, splendorem tamen illius imitantibus. Enituit quidem tam clara hec apparitio supra ubi est sanctum sepulcrum beate domine nostre et sanctarum sociarum eius circa horam diei primam xiimo Kl. Augusti, cum iam non esset terminus pleni lunii, sed fere synodi, nabateis in partibus sole relinquente lunam tertiam, nullis epactis regulatam. Novissimo autem tanquam obortivog visa est et mihi fulgide claritas ilia, stupefactis et monstrantibus sociis, nee tamen tanta [fo. 122] mihi, quanta et illis. Nam neque servando Benedicti visio tota claruit, si de toto mundo ad quasdam celestes lucernas, de sanctis dominis ad criminosos servos adaptari proportionem licet. Ast ego vehementer ammirans, ut de insolitis solet homo, et quod indignis celestia claruerint, de tanto signo beneficii gratias ampliores egi. Licet itineris insueto labore fessus, vesicatis ut eram pedibus nunc correpens, nunc sociorum manibus vel bacillo sustentatus, eodem die tamen Hely usque perveni. Sed simul ac insulam sacram contigi, quam scilicet sanctarum h presentia virginum consecrat, consolidatis ' plantis, universis artubus recreatis, quasi nichil lassitudinis nichil lesionis passus, et quasi alter vel a me ipso diversificatus, sine suffragio vel sociorum vel baculi, socios mirantes et ipse mirans precessi, monasterium adivi, sacrum limen lacrimis minus quam oportuit humi stratus humefeci, salvatrici mee pretiosissime sancte ^ESeldreSe me sui iuris eternum k servum presentavi gratias agens. Sed quia gratias agere est gratum servitium reddere, restat, o fratres dilectissimi, qui, domine vestre me fecisse deditionem videntes, me in fratrem adoptastis, restat ut impendatis mihi fraternam curam, ut me vestris orationibus adiuvetis, quatinus ipsa perfectas acceptura gratias, que sana mihi reddidit membra, sanam reddat et 0 c

tractantur BE, C.C.C. 393. • • •c contractis . . . meam om.F. > ne BE, C.C.C. 393. h scientia add. and expunged F. 1

6 publitis F, poblitis eE. quedam F. repedi F. « abortivo B, C.C.C. 393. k cum solidatis F. coeternum F, Co- expunged. d

i

Cum . . . facta fuit scans as an elegiac couplet.

274 LIBER ELIENSIS mentem. Quod utinam concedere velit, cui cum sanctis suis est salus, honor et imperium, in secula seculorum. Amen. 36 a. Quod quidam omnibus membris destitutus pristine restitutus est sanitati.

IUud quoque silentio tegere indignum est, quod quendam militem ineffabilis misericordia Dei per beatam iESeldreSam sanitati restituit. Hie b non longe a monas-l terio SancticiEdmundi in propria possessione degens in villa que dicitur Berningeham quibusdam occasionibus forsitan eidem incognitis in egritudinem decidit. Invalescente paulatim molestia, venit ad lectum. Qui cum a medicis eum curare non valentibus, immo de ipso desperantibus, relinqueretur, ut de ceteris membrorum molestiis taceam, visum et auditum necnon loquendi facultatem penitus amisit. Quem cum uxor sua et pignerum servorum familia tam inusitata et multis inaudita valitudine vidissent afflictum, qui iam dudum omne genus gaudii omiserant, tune ex superaffluenti mestitia d, non dico letitiam, verum eius memoriam execrantes, habitum, ut ita dicam, lugubriorem non tam corpore quam animo assumpserunt. Cumque in tali passione vel, ut melius dicam, in tali morte quindecim diebus totidemque noctibus absque ullo meliorationis indicio detineretur, toto tempore illo aliquem [fo. I22v] ex domibus Egyptiorum 2 quando primogenita perdiderunt qui videret esse putaret, nisi quod hie plus planctus et doloris aderat; quippe ab omnibus vicinis suis, diligebant enim eum, plangebatur. Sed cum cuncti familiares eius iam maiorem de sepultura sollicitudinum quam de sua reparatione spem haberent, aliis super egritudinis magnitudine mirantibus, aliis pro salute infirmi rogantibus, omnibusque laboranti compatiendo eius abcessionem dolentibus, Dominus qui sapienter cuncta providet, pie de illius disponit misericordia. Nocte enim quadam sanctissima virgo ^ESeldreSa in villa sancti iEdmundi cuidam matrone nee bene vigilanti nee omnino dormienti apparuit. Quam utrum dormiret dum percunctaretur, ilia modo se de sompno excitata vigilare dixit. Cui virgo: ' Cras', inquit, ' postquam sol terris representabitur et per forum venalium aliqua forte volens explere negotia deambulabis, aliquos conquerentes ad invicem de homine Lemmer 3 nomine audies, qui in villa que dicitur Berningeham egritudine gravi detinetur. Quorum cum querimoniam audieris, facta inquisitione e quis ille sit vel qua valitudine aggravetur, dices ad eos: " Ite lichinum facite et de eodem grabatum in qua iacet in circuitu, scilicet a capite per dexteram partem usque ad pedes, deinde a pedibus per levam usque ad caput, cingite et postea lichino ceram superponentes candelam facite. Ipse vero si tantum convaluerit, eandem candelam in insulam Hely ad ecclesiam virginis iESeldreSe deferat aut per aliquem nuntium fidelem mittat, quatenus per orationes eius ab hac infirmitate convalescat." ' Cogitante autem matrona quis esset, qui secum de re sibi ignota et nocte loquebatur, nolens illam in dubio relinquere cogitationibus " This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Acta Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 46g—jo, and in the miracle book in C.C.C. 31)3. c "HincBJEF. quibus EF, C.C.C. 393. d mestia F. ' inquisitionem EF. 1

2 Barningham. Cf. Exod., xii, 29-30. Perhaps the knight Leofmaer, father of Adam of Cockfield, a man of the abbot of St Edmunds (D. C. Douglas, Feudal Documents from the Abbey of Bury St Edmunds, pp. 110-11). 3

LIBER ELIENSIS 275 suis virgo respondit dicens: ' Ego sum iESeldreSa que in Hely requiesco, et nichil dubitans de his, que dico, fiducialiter age que tibi precipio.' Hec dicens disparuit. Mane autem facto mulier non inmemor secretorum, que sibi divinitus revelata fuerant, concite surrexit et volens probare, si vera fuerant que audierat, ad forum forsitan propter alia negotia sed pro illo precipue perrexit. Cumque per forum parumper venalia inspiciens deambularet, auribus diversorum vocibus expansis attendens utrum aliquid de predictis audiret, quosdam sibi non satis notos secum alterutrum ita loquentes audivit: ' Heu, heu, Lemmer, amicus noster moritur.' Quos approprians sciscitando ad eos dixit: ' Qui sunt hi sermones quos adinvicem confertis vel unde tantam in vultibus tristitiam pretenditis ? ' Qui diligenter mulieri omnia per ordinem [fo. 123] que viro sepe dicto contigerant, quasi compassure, narrantes, modum et tempus infirmitatis monstraverunt, rogantes, si aliquod in tali negotio sciret, utile consilium indicaret. b At ilia, quasi a bono magistro edocta, dixit: ' Sero ', inquit, ' cum post diurnum laborem, ut mos est laborantium, membra quieti dedissem, nobilis virgo iESeldreSa mihi non perfecte dormienti apparuit et ista que dicitis seriatim narravit addens, quod modo probatum est, cum ad forum hodie venirem vos de hac re colloquentes invenirem.' Et adiecit mulier: ' Ite quantocius ad domum egroti, lichinum facite, lectum eius illo cingite, candelamque facientes per eundem vel per alium ad ecclesiam predicte virginis mittite, ut per illius orationes possit propitiante Deo melius habere. Hec vobis non ego ex parte mea pronuntio sed ex beate virginis precepto.' Illi autem hinc anxietatem nimiam egroti cognoscentes, illinc iussionem virginis divinitus allatam per mulierem audientes, preceptionem quam acceperant, licet in dubio, expleturi ad domum iacentis sine mora revertuntur. Quid multa ? Vir, de quo loquimur, amissa omnium membrorum libertate, oculorum vel lingue necnon aurium privatus officio, iacebat. c Supradicti vero viri venientes, quod iussi fuerant implere cupientes, lichinum facere festinant, lectulum girando ligant. Mirum dictu rem stupendam et auditu incredibilem, nisi horum qui presentialiter viderunt relationem didicissem, dicturus sum. Nondum ex toto, licet satis festinarent, egroti sanitatem desiderantes grabbatum cinxerant, et ecce, qui lumine carebat, oculos aperiens in eos respexit, qui ante loqui non poterat, quid facerent lectum girando, interrogavit. At illi pre admiratione attoniti et pre gaudio, quasi de morte resuscitati, velud in exstasi stantes, diu, quasi ab illo privationem sermonis mutuassent, tacuerunt. Ad se autem reversi, de se enim exierant, quantum admirationis, cum plus gaudii haberent, lingua eorum nondum d in ea nullatenus explicare valuit. Illi namque cum verba promere incipere vellent, audires illos non loquentes sed iubilantes velle, non posse, loqui. Sed illo, qui nescio unde venerat, instante et interrogante quid agerent, tandem apparitionem virginis iESeldreSe et iussionem nee non mulieris, cui apparuerat, ad eos relationem, quod etiam idem preceptum expleturi modo lectum cingerent in eodem cingulo candelam composituri ad honorem sancte iESeldreSe, seriatim indicaverunt. Illee hec audiens et Deo pro posse suo sancteque virgini sue auxiliatrici devota mente gratias agens, [fo, 123V] dixit: ' Deus qui Ezechie regix augendo a

"respondi F. * nedum BE, C.C.C. 393. 1

Cf. IV Reg., xx.

b

diuturnum BE, C.C.C. 393. ° fecere F. ' vero add. BE, C.C.C. 393.

276 LIBER ELIENSIS vitam, ut penitentie tempus tribueret, infirmitatem abstulit, ipse me pietate sua et orationibus famule sue sanitati restituit. Quapropter facite candelam festinanter, quia ad ecclesiam virginis ^ESeldreSe desidero currere ° velociter.' Facta candela, vir recepta omnium membrorum sanitate de lecto surrexit et ad ecclesiam sancte virginis, candelam secum partans, letus et hilaris perrexit. Quo cum pervenisset,b super altare candelam posuit factaque oratione non modica lacrimis habundanter interim fluentibus, paululum respirans, servum se beate virginis iESeldreSe exc corde puro devovit, referens cunctis audire volentibus omnia que ei contigerant . 37. Quam maligne gestum sit erga ecclesiam sancte ^ESeldre8e. pandamus, quedam diu intermissa Ut a, que in seriem nostre congruunt, actioni opere pretium est ad memoriam revocare d. Cum ergo e disponente Domino Ely ad episcopatus de abbatia proveheretur dignitatem, archidiaconus, qui tune degebat, provincie Cantebrigie, Nicholaus nomine, recisa tantum portione que eum competebat / , reliquum autem, quicquid de officio archidiaconatus accepit, per manus sacriste ac precentoris in usus monachorum, sicut ex illorum victu commutatum fuerat, reportavit1. Qui deinde ab episcopo preiudicium passus, Romam appellat; dum illuc properabat * correptus egritudine obiit in itinere. Verum episcopus ut hoc cognovit, a rege Henrico mandatum obtinuit et monachis subito in Ely tanquam ab eo transmissum, hoc continens precepti, quatenus dispensatorem suum quendam Willelmum Britonem, cognatum episcopi2, in archidiaconium celeriter suscipiant. Illi quidem iussis non presumentes obsistere, sic tamen ipsum in hoc admittunt, ut quomodo suus predecessor annuum fideliter solveret pensum et nusquam suis rebus intrinsecus vel extrinsecus presertim manum in nullo protendere infra insulam usurparet, sed libertas nunc magis de episcopatu aucta non diminuta, libere et quiete regum et apostolicorum soliditate fundata, ut antiquitus iura loci consistant. Spondet ille promptius cuncta illibata servare, sed intromissus mox in officio, potestate atque favore episcopi sui consanguinei pactum disrupit, ad dolos se vertit, ius abnegat, debitum illis prorsum detinet, confundit fasque nefasque 3. Ex tune, heu, heu, locus sanctus Ely a statu boni decidit, in suis pressuris suspirando usque nunc gemens tacet; quisque earn conj:umeliis afficit, dampna irrogat, insidians circumvenit, bona ipsius diripit, et nemo est qui iudicet, non est qui consoletur earn ex omnibus caris4 suis. Sed numquid infinemmisericordiam suam abscidetB Dominus 0

* habunter F.

d

e

curre F. " End of the miracle book in C.C.C. 393. -..d U t . . . revocare om. O. 1 compedebat JF.

vero E. " properat EO.

1 Nicholas, father of Henry of Huntingdon, and archdeacon of Cambridgeshire, Huntingdonshire and Hertfordshire until his death in 1110. He was succeeded in the latter counties by his son Henry and in Cambridgeshire by William the Breton (Henry Hunt., Hist. Anglorum, p. 302). For a comment on the archdeacon's customs see infra, App. C, p. 402. 2 On William the Breton see infra, App. C, p. 403. 3 Confundit fasque nefasque: the source has not been identified, but cf. Ovid, Metamorphoses, vi, 586, fasque nefasque confusura. 4 6 Thren., i, 2. Ps., lxxvi, 9.

LIBER ELIENSIS 277 u.t non bene placitum sit ei super timentes eum et in eis qui sperant super misericordia eius21, ut reddat [fo. 124] ultionem hostibus suis ° et his qui oderunt eum retribuat * ? 38 ". Quomodo quidam nobilis tradidit se beate ^ESeldreSe ad monachatum. Erat tune vir bonus decurio Harscoitus cognomento Musard3 apud dominum suum regem valde honoratus, probitate laudabilis, ingenuis patrie, si non preferendus, merito coequandus, habens sub se milites, sed nequaquam vitiis, quibus solent huiusmodi implicari homines, tumori scilicet vel iactantie adhesit, verum honestati et libertati totus deditus, neminem concutiebat, nulli iniuriam fecit, in his solum, que salutis sunt, procuravit. Audierat sane opinionem beate iESeldreSe undique citra regionum fines cum meritorum preconio maxime propagari, ad sanctam Ely properavit, per sanctarum illic veneranda suffragia sperans suorum consequi posse remedia peccaminum. Ubi et venerando susceptus est obsequio et fratrum valde delectatus devotione, sed mox in brevi corripitur molestia corporis, mortem sibi imminere sensit, quibus potuit necessitatibus penitentie et elemosinarum, tamquam de hoc seculo migraturus, se munire non distulit. Accersivit enim fratres quosdam cum priore ecclesie, in ipsorum se velle consortium converti exposuit, orans illos et deprecans propter amorem advocatricis sue ^ESeldreSe, ut ipsum in monachatum suscipiant et, ne hoc segnius annuant, de suis facultatibus manerium de Estune secum dare promittit. Susceptus vero et monachus effectus, donum suum proprio sigillo signavit ecclesie in conspectu clericorum ac militum. Insuper eiusdem Harscoiti films astitit Rodbertus, donationem patris a se et suis heredibus in ius perd petuum Elyensi ecclesie quietam conclamavit . Hanc quoque terram ecclesia diu libere possedit cunctosquee inde reditus ad operationem fratres deputabant, donee predictus episcopus Herveus eandem abstraxit de loco possessionem ac cuidam suo consanguineo distribuit, unde nunc usque ea penitus caruit 4. 39. Quantum laboravit Herveus episcopus ut ecclesiam suam de Hely a iniuriatoribus suis eriperet. Igitur {non 5 facile poterit narrari miseria, quantam sustinuit diebus istis terra Anglorum propter exactiones regias). Nulli parcebant ordini, non dignitati, non 0

b meis FO. retribuam FO. In O this chapter follows Book II, ch. 129, which is the charter of William II confirming Harscoit's gift of this manor to Bishop Hervey. " F adds the faint marginal note usque hie. • custosque F. 0

1

2 Ps., cxlvi, 11. Deut., xxxii, 41. On the Musard family see Complete Peerage (new edn.), v, 574. For the grant of Estona (probably Aston Somervile, Gloucs). see supra, Book II, ch. 129. The manor seems to have been granted, originally at least, not to the convent, but to Bishop Hervey, before he had any connection with Ely. 4 If the identification with Aston Somervile is correct, the manor eventually returned to the Musard family (Rudder, A New History of Gloucestershire, p. 241). 6 non . . . regias: from Florence, s.a. 1104; cf. A.S.C., s.a. Y 3

278 LIBER ELIENSIS sanctorum vel sanctarum alicui, non ecclesie ulli, unde planctus et gemitus factus est in omni natione regni. Non episcopus, non abbas, non dignitas aliqua valebat resistere, sed quicumque protestaretur, se ex antiquo iure libere et quiete sua possidere debere, hie calumpniabatur a, impellebatur, iniuriis afficiebatur, dives et pauper angustiabatur. Quod vir discretissimus cernens Herveus episcopus, vehementer ingemuit et expavit, perpetuum esse dispendium atque discrimen, homines videlicet sancte iESeldreSe cotidie inquietari, iniuriari, rebus expoliari, non absque nimio cordis dolore [fo. 124V] perspicere potuit res sancte ita intollerabili vexatione deprimi. Et paterna succensus pietate omnem sollicitudinem, pauperes Christi liberare, adposuit, et arrepto itinere incunctanter senilia menbra fatigare ultra mare non dubitavit, et mira efficacia regium favorem ad sui desiderii modum aptavit tantoque pondere suscepto negotio institit, ut locus et res ecclesie in ius pristinum redigi posset et varia inpedimenta, quibus ecclesiam oppressam doluit, vivaciter absolvit, et b hoc regis scripto se suosque undique a pravorum inquietudine atque vexatione instanter eripuit atque munivitb. 40 c. Carta regis Henrici quod homines sancte iESeldreSe sint quieti a scira et hundreda. Henricus 1 rex Anglorum, archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, comitibus, vicecomitibus, baronibus et omnibus fidelibus suis Francis et Anglis totius Anglie salutem. Sciatis me concessisse et quietum clamasse episcopum Herveum de Ely et omnes successores suos episcopos ecclesie sancte iESeldreSe de Ely, quod nullus de dominio suo requirat vel vadat ad scyram vel ad hundredam, sed episcopus habeat omnes forisfacturas super homines suos libere et quiete nunc et in perpetuum, sicut melius habuit die qua rex ^Edwardus fuit vivus et mortuus, et prohibeo ne inde amodo requiratur vel donetur nee propter hoc aliquid de suo capiatur aut hominum suorum. Hoc autem concedo pro salute anime mee et statu regni mei et pro animabus patris mei et matris mee et predecessorum et successorum meorum. Teste Iohanne Luxoviense episcopo et Rodberto de Sigillo et Willelmo de Tancervilla et Willelmo de Albeneio d et Gaufrido de Clinton' et Iohanne e filio Iohannis. Apud Argenton. 41. Quomodo Herveus primus Helyensis episcopus vite modum fecit. Post hec itaque Herveus primus Elyensis episcopus finem vite instare sentiens, pro nimia senectute in languorem decidit gravatamque super se manum Domini modesta suscepit patientia et, sicut erat vir discreti ingenii, omnia voluit cum con0

calumpniabitur MSS.

»•••'. . . munivit om. O.

0 seems here to be working rom F, which adds va interlined over

et and cat over munivit. c

d

Collated with copies in EO and the cartulary G. Albeio F.

" ? Pagano; cf. ch. 16.

•Date: Argentan, ? 1129. Cf. Farrer, Itinerary, no. 581. But cf. also Regesta, ii, 1420, which places it in 1124. The outside limits are 1123 and 1129 (see ibid.), but if the compiler is right in placing the charter towards the end of Hervey's life, it probably belongs, with the other charters issued at Argentan, to 1129 (see supra, ch. 9). Printed: Bentham, Ely, i, App., p. 18, no. xiv.

LIBER ELIENSIS 279 1 b silio facere, ne post factum peniteret . Videbat itaque °, quia vita brevis est et substantia fragilis, timensque invillicationis sue questionem incidere proposuit de pecunia domini sui sibi facere amicos, qui in eterna eum susciperent tabernacula 2. Nee quisquam ad hoc consilium videbatur ei magis idoneus quam ille gloriosus Gilebertus 3, quern fama patrie universaliter in omni scientia efferebat, eratque illi sanguinis communione propinquus. Ad hunc ergo de hoc negotio consulendum genus et" affectus eum impulerunt ipsaque graviter instans necessitas festinum eius exigebat adventum. Denique vir invitatus velociter [fo. J25] advolat et de anime commodis, de salute mentis, de qualitate conversationis, de correctione voluntatis in secreto confessionis iam tractatur. Videres ibi de duabus abyssis nunc lacrimarum, nunc doctrine, flumina erumpere, cum vel ad deflendam humanam conditionem vel ad optandam supernam quietem abyssus invocare abyssum 4, non a in alia sententia quam in voce catharactarum Dei, ut cor eorum eructare verbum bonum 5 et facerent quod docerent. Hunc itaque limitem nactum est eorum colloquium, ut, contempta cura seculi, mundum ille penitus deberet exuere et reliquum temporis celesti conversationi monachus dedicare. Dehinc utrimque oratur, utrobique ploratur, ab utroque disceditur, iamque post illius discessum dompnus Herveus ad monachatum se preparat, cum ecce causis mediantibus rem tarn diu differre cogitur, donee morte superveniente defungitur, fratribus pro patre lugentibus, ovibus pro pastore dolentibus, cunctis simul orantibus, cunctis eum Deo commendantibus. Et ne quisquam de transitue eius modo sit dubius, sepe confessus et celesti viatico munitus iii. Kl. Septembris emigravit6, et ii. Kl. in ecclesia sepultus quievitf. Longum vero est singula numerare infortunia, que patris nostri secuta sunt obitum, cum possessiones ecclesie regia statim manus involverit et crudeles magistros nobis preposuerit. Sub quorum pot estate constituti, ad impetrandum utilem et honestum pastorem nos omnes Elyenses monachi privatis et publicis orationibus institimusB. " quidem add. E, erased F, om. AO. 6 c gravis F. et om. F. d si O and perhaps F. ' Sic MSS.; ? transitus. 1 0 adds coram cruce anno Domini M.C. XXXI. et regni regis Henrici primi XXXII. Prefuit enim ecclesie Elyensi xxii annis, exceptis vi septimanis, quinque diebus. Cui anno tercio post successit Nigellus dicti regis cancellarius, nepos Rogeri Saresbiriensis episcopi. ' O adds the following chapter: De ornamentis, que contulit ecclesie sue, et de prioribus tempore suo apud Ely existentibus. Predictus episcopus Herveus contulit ecclesie Elyensi unam albam de serico, cum paratura de aurifriso optimo; per girum consuitur cum collario uno. Item unum favonem, i casulam, que vocatur pascha florid', duo magna tapeta, et i baculum pastoralem in superiori parte deauratum. Item tempore suo fuerunt in Eli duo priores, scilicet Vincentius et Henricus. 1

Cf. Eccl., xxxii, 24. Cf. Luc, xvi, 2-9. Gilbert the Universal, bishop of London (1128-34). This meeting might belong to the year 1128 when Gilbert attended the dedication ceremony at Thorney church (Miller, Ely, p. 284). l 6 Ps., xli, 8. Ps., xliv, 2. 6 Cf. Farrer, Itinerary, p. 563, under 30 August 1131; also Henry Hunt., Hist. Anglorum, p. 252; Florence, ii, 93. 2

3

280 LIBER ELIENSIS 42 a. Quod beata iESeldreSa cuidam infirmo apparuit promittens ei salutis remedium. Mirabilis sancte .ZESeldreSe gloria, que de summo fonte sanctitatis emanavit, multis rivis in multas efHuxit provincias totamque Anglie insulam sua insula illustravit. Hec autem b insula Elyensis sancto corpori prestans hospitium c, omnibus Anglie partibus notissimam sui famam pro assiduis intulit virtutibus, que in exteras etiam translata regiones multos cotidie de locis remotissimis ad sui venerationem adduxit. Inter quos miles quidam Rodbertus de Altaripa 1, rebus quidem terrenis convenienter ditatus sueque probitatis notitia apud Arundelli provinciam pro magno habitus, hoc modo sancte nostre probavitd potentiam, quod gravi morbo divino percussus est iudicio. Cumque universus stratus eius ita versaretur in infirmitatem eius, ut diuturnitate languendi omnibus suis in fastidium et contemptum verteretur, rarus erat qui eius molestiam sustineret. Sola ergo e superstite memoria totus iacebat funus nee iam aliud expectabatur, nisi sola, que restabat, mortis consummatio. Tandem vero mulier quedam suasit ei votum luminis ad locum nostrum facere, narrans ei [fo. 1251)] de virtutibus sancte, quod facilem sanitatem per eius posset consequi misericordiam. Post discessum itaque mulieris tribus diebus emensis cepit secum graviter conqueri, turn quia nee moreretur nee convalesceret, turn quia eum sua familia sic contempneret. Deinde resolutus in lacrimas: ' 0 ', inquit, ' sanctissima virgo ^ESeldreSa, si vera sunt que de te narrantur, fac me tuum sentire suffragium, et ego de cetero statum vite mee in melius ordinabo tuaque limina cum honore tuo devotus requiram.' Erat autem domus, in qua iacebat, lapidea, latas et a terra procul distances habens fenestras. Cumque vir ille de salute sua cogitans, lassus ab orando taceret f, subito quedam persona, puellarem preferens habitudinem, per fenestram ingreditur, instar nivis candore vestium illustrata. Cuius subitus ingressus et insolita pulchritudo viri sensus non parum sollicitos effecerant, inferendo ei tacitas dubiasque cogitationes, quomodo sine scala et strepitu ilia de foris ad se pervenisset. Nee moratur virgo virum alloqui, multisque suspenso estimationibus: ' Ego sum,' inquit, ' ilia iESeldreSa cuius tibi putas profuturum auxilium, nee in hac causa tua falletur sententia, sed cito consequeris quod optasti. Noli ergo ultra de me varias tractare opiniones, sed verum sciens quod tibi dicitur vitam tuam ut proposuisti corrige g primumque ecclesiam meam Elyensem cum luminari require, deinde ad sanctum Jacobum Gallacie festina pergere, unde revertens de cetero, quid agas, sapienter attende.' His dictis virgo disparuit, et ille statim ab omni morbo se curatum sentiens, vehementi clamore et integerrima voce famulos convocat, calciamenta postulat, seque ad ecclesiam ire velle indicat. Illi putantes eum insanire propius non audent accedere, sed de longe stantes: ' Signa', inquunt, ' domine, signa pectus tuum crucis Christi signaculo, per quod citius ab hac vesania libereris. Quid enim tibi et calciamentis, qui tanto tempore languisti ? Ecce data sunt alibi calciamenta tua quod te eis fruiturum desperavimus. Verumtamen si sciremus " This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 4jo—yi. d ° hospium F. universis BE. "e enim BE. f igitur BE. iaceret B. « corrigere F. 1

For the Autrey family see Early Yorkshire Charters, iii, 283.

LIBER ELIENSIS 281 hanc tibi factam misericordiam ut calciamentis uti posses, cito haberes quod postulas. Subitus namque commeatus tuus sermonem tuum videri facit insanum, nisi quod sobrius gestus tuus quandam spem incredibilem sub aliquo metu videtur promittere.' Quibus ille: ' Nolite', inquit, 'Dei misericordiam estimare furorem, sed velociter afferentes quod peto, sustinete, donee ab ecclesia redierim et vobis narrem quod viderim.' Preparantur igitur calciamenta. Pergit oratum, refert sacerdoti visionem, confitetur peccata, sumit penitentiam, redit domum, narrat promissum. [fo. 126] Gaudent audientes, accurrunt amici. Deum et sanctam iESeldreSam collaudant universi. Deinde preparatur honesta profectio, tantaque alacritate iter arripuit ad Elyensem hanc ecclesiam, ut velocitatem euntis rarus famulorum suorum posset adequare. Tandemque istuc veniens, post orationem suam rei ordinem, ductus in capitulum, coram omnibus nobis enarravit, fraternitatem accepit, et cetera perfecturus a gaudens abiit. Hec quoque vir ille notissimus in provincia sua fecit notissima ad laudem et gloriam omnipotentis Dei cum quo sancta jESeldreSa vivit in celi palatio, que nos protegat in huius vite spatio, et sancto eius solatio nostra sit in celis conversatio, per omnia secula seculorum. Amen. 43 b. Quomodo sancta ^ESeldreSa visa fuit in quadam ecclesia orare, in una manu psalterium tenere in altera vero cereum accensum. Excellentissimi* senatus Elyensis ecclesie ingenuis patribus municipii Clarensis indigena consenator capitolii eorum Osebertus. Splendor beate et gloriose virginis iESeldreSe que per diversas partes orbis diversis fulgurat virtutibus et signis novam vobis spiritualis tripudii representat letitiam et gloriosam suam magnificat mundo declaratam sollempnitatem. Res est in propatulo relatu digna pretioso, quam mihi vir auctoritatis et gratie dompnus Osebertus retulit, prior Daventrensis ecclesie 2, cuius vita egregie virtutis forma preminet in domo Domini et religiosa conversatio examplar est fidelis ad celestia suspirandi. Monachus namque Cluniacensis idem est a c diebus antiquis et primo canonicus in Brommiensis campi fulsit ecclesia, in cuius confinio contigit hystorie sullimitas vestris conventibus memoriter retinenda. Diuturno preterea tempore elemosinam dividens in sancte virginis Myldburge sobria congregatione clericorum3, multitudinem ex fragmentis seniorum recreare consuevit, quorum pars quedam religiosa huius relationis testis existit. Consortes autem eorum facti sunt in itinere, quibus gloriam beate virginis dignatus est Dominus de supernis revelare. In provincia Merciorum lignea antiquitus fabricata est ecclesia que a beato Anna Orientalium Anglorum rege dicitur olim fuisse constructa. Hie carnalis *6 profecturus F. This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 471-72. " cum F. 1 This letter from Osbert of Clare, who had spent part of his exile from Westminster at Ely, is printed as No. 33 in the edition of his letters by E. W. Williamson (1929), pp. 116-19. 2 Osbert occurs as prior of Daventry in 1135-36. See the notes to this letter in Williamson's edition, pp. 219-20, n. 2. 8 St Milburga's house is Wenlock (Salop) (ibid., n. 4) and the Cluniac priory is Bromholm (Norfolk) (ibid., n. 3).

282

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ELIENSIS

genitor ^ESeldreSe gloriose virginis extitit predictamque in transitu basilicam fundavit 1. Fines enim regni sui quorundam desiderio excesserat amicorum, ut eo dulci cognationis affectu familiarius inviseret et sui presentia partes occiduas aliquanto tempore satiaret. In reditu vero construxit hanc edem celestibus postea miraculis redundantem, [fo. i26v] que in Britonum confinio et Anglorum posita nomen a beata virgine obtinuit iESeldreSa. Eius namque adhuc hodie a ecclesia dicitur et in eadem ad honorem Dei ipsa a fidelibus invocatur. Cum vero familia cuiusdam militis, Hereberti videlicet de Furcis 2, per huius loci diverteret campestria, ut de una mansione ad aliam deberet mansionem militis tendere, quadam matrona, que liberos eius educare consueverat, orandi gratia voluit introire. Consodalibus autem suis persuadere non potuit, ut quisquam ad orationis domum secum vellet procedere et sancte devotionis in ara mentis Domino vitulos immolare3. Ipsa tandem tacta b Spiritus Sancti gratia propriumque complere gestiens desiderium, ingreditur, ut totam se mactet holocaustum. Illapsa intra ostium femina repressit cito vestigium. Hinc enim terror illam percusserat mirabilis et inde comfortabat visio celestis. Considerat namque ante altare virginem orationi incumbere percellentem, cuius tam venusta erat species et tam decora pulcritudo, quod humano explicari non posset eloquio. Que manu altera preferebat psalterium c et cereum altera gestabat d accensum. Sic cum talibus instrumentis inseruit virgo rationibus sacris, cum mulier ad illam propius accedit et de nota vocabuli diligenter inquirit: ' Que es ', inquit, ' domina gloriosa ? Qualis es et unde, tanto splendore conspicua ? Edicito mihi pro Christo celebre nomen tuum, quem tam venustum et insignem conspicio vultum tuum.' Cui virgo splendida responsum reddidit eamque affabili dulcedine mulcere non tardavit: ' Quandoquidem mihi amorem Dei rememorari satagis et per eum nominis mei notitiam inquiris, iESeldreSa virgo sacra nomen meum dicitur, cuius virginitatis integritas celesti sponso copulatur. Quod vero tibi Deus dignatus est ostendere, nemini studeas revelare.' His dictis heros generosa conticuit et femina, quam diu voluit, oravit. Orabat virgo excubans ante aram in sacrario; orabat prostrata extra chorum mulier in pavimento. Sed sive pavimentum sit sive solum, devote sibi ministrabat orationis archanum. Quam diu in ecclesia mulier fuit celestem personam vidit; quando vero exiit earn interius dereliquit. Rediensque ad consortes, qui prestolabantur in itinere, quod erat vie reliquum hortatur maturare. Ascensis autem equis et succincte expeditis, audiunt repente ex ecclesia celestes resonare concentus in aere et supernum melos angelicis vocibus sollempniter insonare. ' Quid hoc ', inquunt, ' quod audivimus ? [fo. I2j] Que est tanta dulcedo quam auribus haurire non consuevimus ? Aliqua suavitas superne miscetur armonie quam Deus fortasse nostris dignatus est mentibus revelare.' Tune altrix militaris matrona prolis: ' O', inquit, ' miseri et infelices! O infausti et desides ! vos per incuriam vestram atque inertiam cernere noluistis mirabilia Domini que per eius gratiam contigit in ecclesiola paulo ante speculari. Vidi ° hodie follows ecclesia F. c psalterim F. 1 a 8

* tactus F. gestabant F.

d

Identified as Hyssington in Montgomeryshire or Shropshire (ibid., n. 5; also p. 10). Perhaps Herbert de Fourches who occurs c. 1160 (ibid., n. 6). A common phrase in the Vulgate, e.g. Exod., xxiv, 5; Levit., ix, 8.

LIBER ELIENSIS

283

nempe in ilia beatam iESeldreSam insignem virginem, celestibus radiis ineffabili pulcritudine radiantem. Cuius psalterium et ardentem cereum intuita, tante gloria contemplationis gratulor insignita. Eo autem celestium fistule reboant organorum, quo densa per eum redundare solet copia miraculorum.' Qui tristes et mesti supra modum effecti, ad edem redire deliberant predictam, si forte beate virginis faciem speculari liceat gloriosam. Ad basilicam vero gressu prepete procurrentes, celestis aditi non merueruntoraculam nee celestium haurire meruerunt dulcedinem angelorum. Ita sublatum est eis ex omni a parte quod cupierant, nee gloriam Dei intro conspicere nee ymnis ultra meruerunt angelicis interesse. Expeditis item b iumentis iter arripiunt et, cum longius aliquantulum progressi essent ab ecclesia, melos celeste continuo concipiunt in via. Eodem ° modo, quo prius, secundo redeunt et, quanto proprius ad ecclesiam erat accessio, tanto maior superni concentus sentiebatur diminutio. Suo autem frustrati revertuntur desiderio, cum paululum progressi celesti tertio refoventur dulcedine et mirantur exaudita vocis angelice suavitate. Redeuntesque properant ad locum quo melos resonabat in aere, amplioremque tonorum sperantes concordiam provinciam percipiunt nectarea dulcedine vacuatam. Intelligentes a vero Deum suo crudeliter exacerbatum esse peccato, deflent humiliter cordis amaritudinem, quia divinam miseri offenderant pietatem. Et quid amplius ? Usque ad densam pene noctem consumpserant diem, euntesque ac redeuntes organorum amittebant armoniam celestem, nee lumen eis infulsit diu desideratum. Pergunt itaque quo ' eos iter vocat ad ospitium et mirabilem sacre virginis JEtSeldreSe predicant apud Deum gratiam meritorum. Venerabilis Osbertus prior Daventrensis ecclesie cum adhuc elemosinam divideret pauperibus sancte Milburge virginis, hoc ex eorum ore veraciter didicit, quibus id Deus audire partim annuit, partimque negavit. Quorum testimonio fidem [fo. i2yv\ faciebant lacrime et longa suspiria, de profundo corde altius revocata. De eorum namque fide vir non diffidebat egregius, quos et cella paupertatis Christi frequentius ante refecerat, et de relatione veridica non dubitabat. 44. Quomodo ex consensu regis Nigellus est electus in episcopum et a quo sacratus fuit. Itaque cara et preclara Elyensis metropolis diu luxit et elanguit 1 suo orbata presidio ac iugi destituta solatio, mortem patris benedicti Hervei iure matris suis dolet filiis, et de more pro pastore in vigiliis, in ieiuniis, Deum exorabat precibus assiduis filiorum orbatorum subvenire lacrimis, ut dignetur domui sue idoneum providere pontificem. Et disponente Dei providentia, cepit monachorum Elyensium apud regem Henricum deprecatio exaudiri. Instabat enim tune quod festive transfretare deberet. Tandem illis petentibus concessit rex, sic tamen ut non alium sed quendam clericum Nigellum 2, suum thesaurarium, eligerent et assumerent, cuius honestas totam curiam illustrabat, potestas regebat, largitas extollebat, quern rex " onerum F. " eodemque BE. 1 2

6 d

intelligens F.

enim B. ' per for quo F.

Cf. Is., xxxiii, 9. For Nigel's career see F. Liebermann, Einleitung in den Dialogus de Scaccario (1875), pp 29 fi.; J. H. Round in D.N.B.; D. Knowles, The Episcopal Colleagues of Archbishop Thomas Becket (1951), pp. 9-12.

284

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ipse honorabat, clerus amabat et tota Anglia predicabat. Contigit enim ut rege adhuc in patria commorante atque id imperante et favente, apud Burnam quinto Kl. Iunii a 1 in episcopum datus est et deinde apud Lamhetam iuxta Londonias in Kl*. Octobrisc a Willelmo Cantuariensi archiepiscopo consecratus. Et veniens ad episcopatum suum, cum magna gloria suscipitur, intronizatur, et viriliter dominatur. Porro ne quis simplicem et mediocrem putet in eius susceptione fuisse letitiam, totus ille vicus, per quem erat transiturus, cortinis, tapetis, et ornatis sedilibus opsitus a erat, monachis, canonicis, et clericis processionaliter e astantibus, pastoribus diversi ordinis circumstantibus. Pretermitto plurima, que in opusculis fratris nostri Ricardi historiarum studiosissimi deserti et eloquentissimi viri plenius referuntur 2. 45. Quanto honore episcopus Nigellus susceptus est a monachorum conventu in Ely et a populo sibi occurrente. Statuto autem die et paratis omnibus venit domnus Nigellus episcopus ad sedem suam in Ely et honorifice susceptus est a monachis filiis in magnificentia et in gloria, turba obviam procedente, que convenerat ad diem festum ilium ex omni natione que sub celo est 3, sed, et tune affluente deliciarum omnium generum copia, cuncta elementa illi potius adventanti simul [fo. 128] arridere ac suum novo nunc domino ministerium exhibere putares. In crastinum vero ad fratres capitulum eorum ingressus exhortationis verba pretendit, consolationis monita subtiliter adiungit4, prepositum sui ordinis secundum institutionem sancti patris Benedicti equanimiter ferre commonuit f, se velle eos magis omnibus diligere devote spopondit, res sancte tueri, dispersa congregare et congregata illibataa servare fatetur. Quod revera fortuitu non segniter fecisset h, si verba sacerdotis ad momentum statere 5 reputari nullatenus possent. Hec quidem latius scriberem, sed quoniam in venerabilis iam dicti patris Ricardi opusculis plene inveniuntur ad alia festinamus 6. Instabat enim tune > pro causis regni imminentibus episcopum Lundonias ire ac citius interesse, quippe qui thesaurorum regis et rei publice custos extiterat, unde, licet invitus, tamen his sollicite attentus, cuidam Radulfo nomine totius episcopatus commisit curam. Interea rex Anglorum Henricus, qui nuper transfretaverat, obiit Normannie, cum regnum triginta sex annis et quattuor mensibus exactis tenuisset 7 ; sed corpus 0 c d f

Iulii FO. * iii. Kalend' AO. Octobris, anno Domini M.C.XXX.III. et dicti regis regno XXX.IIII. 0. opsiditus FO. ' circum add. AO. commovit FO. ' illaba F. * fecisse F0. ' semper A.

1 The correct version seems to be 5. Kal. June (28 May). In other sources the date of consecration only is given {e.g. Simeon, ii, 285), but Henry of Huntingdon dates the appointment ' post Pentecosten ', i.e. after 14th May (Hist. Anglorum, p. 253). 2 For the contribution of Richard of Ely to the L.E. see supra, pp. xlvii-ix. s

Cf. Deut., iv, 19. Exhortatio and consolatio are technical terms in rhetoric. Cf. Seneca, Epist., xciv, 2 1 ; also xcv, 34, ' his adiunxerimus praecepta consolationis, adhortationis . . . " Cf. also Cicero, De Orat., ii, 64. 6 Cf. Is., xl, 15. * See supra, p . 200, n. 4. ' Cf. Florence, s.a. 1135. Henry I died in December 1135 after a reign of thirty-jfoe years 4

and four months.

LIBER ELIENSIS 285 eius Angliam delatum sepultum est Radinges. Cui sororis eius filius successit Stephanus. 6. Quomodo post decessum regis Henrici Stephanus nepos illius factus est rex, et quod Dei ecclesiam in Anglia toto annisu intenderat venerari. Nunc * quomodo rex Stephanus ad regnum pervenerit exequemur. Nam dum ad mortem rex egrotaret Henricus, collecti sunt circa ilium satrape eius, potentum videlicet atque nobilium multitudo, exitum domini sui in gemitu et luctu prestolantes, et quid de se vel de regno tractando disponeret magis ac magis appetebant. Quibus tandem sic suum consummans a propositum, quid utilius tractaverit vel esse iudicaverit insinuans aperuit. ' Vos ', ait, ' magni atque prudentes, commilitonem Stephanum, comitem meum, amantissimum cognatum, virtute nobilem, sed fide in Deo valde devotum, produco vobis regem, pro me ut iure hereditario suscipiatis constituo et sic modis omnibus esse contestor.' Nee mora, rex extremum emisit spiritum. Sed negotio comes suscepto, collecta undique valida militum manu Angliam festinans, Lundonias adiit et, quia famosus et comes largus et probus et multum dilectus strenuusque miles extiterat et de regis stirpe descenderat, principibus ac civibus mercede et pro-[/o. j2#i/]-missione allectis cleroque timente ne repulsus patriam turbaret, susceperunt eum in regem Anglie. Ad quod tamen consequendum maxime iuvit eum, sicut rex avunculus illius preceperat, Hugonis Bigot iuramentum, quod tactis evangeliis coram clero fecit et populo se presentem fuisse regi morienti et audisse ilium concedentem regnum Stephano nepoti suo et ob hoc testificandum in Angliam properasse. Pro quo iuramento Rogerus episcopus Seresberiensis, ad cuius nutum pendebat 3totum b regni negotium 2, et ceteri primates eum susceperunt, et xiiii Kl. Ianuarii a Willelmo archipresule Dorobernie rex consecratus Lundonie apud Westmonasterium, nullo tamen comitum presente preter Henricum nlium David regis Scotie 4. Et mox provectus in regem, {leges 5 iniquas " consumas F.

* totum . . . negotium add. in the margin, E.

1 For the designation of Stephen cf. Henry Hunt., Hist. Anglorum, p. 270; John of Salisbury, Historia Pontificalis (ed. R. L. Poole, 1927), p. 86; Gesta Stephani, p. 7; also Will. Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, ii, 536, which records the views of those supporting the Empress. The account in the L.E. is probably the source for Diceto, i, 248, ' Hugo Bigod, senescallus regis, veniens in Angliam, coram archiepiscopo Cantuariensi Sacramento probavit, quod, dum rex Henricus ageret in extremis, ortis quibusdam inimicitiis inter ipsum et imperatricem, ipsam exhaeredavit, et Stephanum Boloniae comitem haeredem instituit'. See supra, p. lviii. 2 Cf. Orderic Vitalis, Hist. Eccl., v, 63; Will. Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, ii, 538. 3 19 December. The date is variously recorded by the chroniclers. Cf. e.g. Florence, ii, 95 (20 December); Will. Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, ii, 538 and Gervase, i, 94 (22 December); Orderic Vitalis, Hist. Eccl., v, 55-56 (15 December); Simeon, ii, 286 (1 January—perhaps by omitting the numeral before Kal. Jan. ?); A.S.C. (Midwinter Day). 4 His presence there, which does not seem to have been otherwise recorded, is unlikely. King David was not won over until Lent 1136, when Henry received the honor of Huntingdon. The L.E. may be confusing Stephen's coronation with the Easter court of 1136 which Henry is known to have attended. Cf. Henry Hunt., Hist. Anglorum, p. 259; Simeon, ii, 287; Will. Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, ii, 541; Richard of Hexham, p. 146. 6 leges . . . habere: derived from Florence, i, 224—25, which describes the accession of Harold. See supra, Book II, ch. 101.

286 LIBER ELIENSIS proposuit destruere, equas cepit condere, consuetudines patrie antiquas observare, ecclesiam Dei toto annisu venerari, episcopos, abbates, monachos, clericos colere simul atque tueri, pium, humilem affabilemque se bonis omnibus exhibere, malefactores omnino cepit exosos habere). Verum pro statu et ecclesie firmitate quantum bonum suis initiis bene incoaverit, ob illius magnificentiam non preterimus quod ad memoriam revocari oportet. Nam iuratam ecclesie libertatem in sua consecratione, ut promiserat, servare studuit atque concessit, in omni persona de suo conventu electo liberam videlicet electionem; quod boni principii in Ewardo " a conventu Radingensi electo x incoasse memoratur. 47 b. Quod quidam maligni a latere episcopi monachis insidias machinabantur. Tune c quippe Elyensis ecclesia sub honesto pastore honeste conversans, diabolica invidia carere non potuit, quin inter reliqua regni infortunia, que iam undique crebuerant, et ipsa partem tribulationis haberet. Nam et ab invidis et malignis quibusdam, qui res monachorum, monachis a sua potestate deiectis, dispensare cupiebant, crudelis parabatur delatio 2. Erat in eiusdem Elyensis episcopi comitatu et obsequio memoratus clericus Rannulfus, apostata et exmonachus, qui quondam relicto religionis monastice actu, ordine, habitu,3 quem Glestonie assumpserat, ut canis ad vomitum corpore et corde reversus est in Egyptum. Qui tandem rerum omnium ad episcopium pertinentium ut optaverat procurator effectus, non nunc sub domino vel vice dominum se estimat, sed ei per omnia consimilem et iam super ilium extulerat, non dispersa [fo. 129] congregare, sed congregata studuit dispergere. " Eadwardo A.

* This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), where it forms one chapter with cc. 57, 52 and $3, which begins with the preamble to ch. 52, Et divine virginis . . . irrogare vindictam. Cf. Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 4j6—j8. c

Nunc FO.

1 See Annales Radingenses (ed. F. Liebermann, Ungedruckte Anglo-Normannische Geschichtsquellen, p. 11) and Flares Historiarum (ed. H. R. Luard, R.S., 1890), ii, 58. 2 The Ely tradition, as recorded in cc. 47, 51-53, is suspect. It is quite likely that the island was fortified sometime between 1135 and 1137 with a view towards active opposition to the king. But it is unlikely that such an insurrection should have been directed against all the Normans, including Nigel himself, and that Nigel should have acted so resolutely on the king's behalf in 1137 as to suppress it. It is also surprising that, when the conspirators are said to have paid the extreme penalty, one of the chief plotters against the bishop's life, Henry Peregrinus, should have been restored to the bishop's familia by 1144 (infra, ch. 52). The problem is fully discussed in Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, xli, 318-27. Two alternative solutions are there suggested. Either this account represents a highly-coloured description and defamation of Bishop Nigel's known policy of increasing the number of knights' fees carved out of the Ely lands (Miller, Ely, pp. 167, 172-73), or the preparations made for a rising against Stephen were made on Nigel's authority and, when they had to be dropped on Stephen's sudden return in November 1137, Ranulf was made the scape-goat. Orderic has a similar version of an insurrection detected and put down by Nigel, which differs, however, in a few details. As Orderic had contact with the fenland monasteries (cf. supra, ch. 33 for his abbot's connection with Bishop Hervey. Orderic himself had spent some time at Crowland. See Knowles, The Monastic Order in England, p. 184), his story is probably derived from the same, erratic, local tradition, with additional information from other parts of the country. More certainly; the account in the L.E. is the source of a brief entry in Diceto, i, 252-53. 3 Cf. II Petr., ii, 22; Prov., xxvi, n .

LIBER ELIENSIS 287 Fuit ipse, et si non nomine, tamen rei probatione, nostri temporis Catilina * ex rusticano et ignobili genere 2; ab infantia et in ipsa infantia pronus in quelibet vitia, in maiore etate constitutus fit promtior ad crimina. Cumque sibi commissam ex toto gereret administrationem episcopatus, homo lubricus, levis et inconstantis animi, ut pote inefficax omnia incipiebat, nichil preter facinus ad effectum perducebat, honestorum declinans consortium, omniumflagitiorumcirca se tanquam stipatorum catervas habebat3. Et ut miseros Elyenses monachos prediorum et possessionum iura potestatemque usurparet, malignis susurrationibus episcopum sepius circumvenit et, nisi divina inpediretur miseratione, religionem et monachos, diu illic a sanctis patribus collocates, in exterminium conatus est adducere, ad quod sibi magna ex parte domini sui favorem optinuisse confidebat ac penitus consensum adhibuisse cognoscebatur. Unde nee poterant ei quicquam pacifice loqui, cum ex tune et deinceps indignationem et iram adversus illos moliretur. 48. Quod dompnus episcopus Nigellus preceperit res beate ^ESeldreSe describi et que ad ecclesiam sua instantia revocaverit.

Dederat autem dompnus episcopus preceptum in suis initiis, quatenus per manum memorati Ranuln cuncta describeretur ecclesie possessio, ut sciat quid habeat vel quid recipiat in dominio, in censu, aut in milite, ne ius sibi competens et a loco distracta alienetur, sed ab omni persona, cuiuscumque conditionis sit, regularis vel secularis, excutiat, ut que sua sunt secundum patrum decreta et institutiones conciliorum illibate recipiat atque possideat. Ad quod nichilominus consequendum utriusque regis veteris, scilicet bone memorie Henrici, ipsius maxime iudicio et iusticia que hie inferuntur a recepit possessiones, sicut novi nunc regis 4 Stephani mansueti auctoritatem in omnibus protendit . Infra insulam vero Coveneiam, Mepahala, extra SteuechewrSa, Wratingab, Strede, et RoSingas", Tripelawa, d Inpetuna, PampesworSa , Merham, Cotenham, Sneillewell, Grantendene, Thirintune, Deremodesdune, Thaderege, Chingestune. Hec quoque et alia episcopus de invadentibus possessiones sancte TESeldreSe potenter abegit 8et apud Wendelbirie presidentibus iudicibus Radulfo Basset et Alberico de Ver [fo. i2gv] coram novem " inseruntur 0. * Wartinga F. " et Rodingas add. in the margin in a different hand, F. d Pampi'wrSa F. ' Wendelberi E. 1 The description of the Ely insurrection is to some extent modelled on Sallust's Bellum Catilinae, and borrowed passages are shown in italics. Nowhere else in the L.E. is there a similarly sustained use of a classical source, and this suggests that the narrative of cc. 47, 51-53 existed as a separate opusculum before it was incorporated into the L.E. See supra, p. xxxix. 2 3 Cf. Bellum Cat., v, 1, nobili genere. Cf. ibid., xiv, 1. 4 The Wandlebury plea, the proceedings of which are described in this chapter, must have been heard between the accession of Nigel in 1133 and the death of Henry I at the end of 1135. The narrative states that the findings were implemented by the authority of Henry I, but not that they were confirmed by his charter. Certainly no such charter is known to have been issued. For Stephen's preceptum, presumably a writ, see the note to infra, ch. 49. Modern equivalents to the place names will be found in the index, and Bishop Nigel's policy of resuming alienated lands is discussed, with reference to this chapter, in Miller, Ely, pp. 167-74. 6 Ralph Basset and Aubrey de Vere I jointly accounted for the farm of Cambridgeshire in 1130 (Pipe Roll 31 Henry I, p. 43).

288

LIBER ELIENSIS

hundredis tarn veteris regis auctoritate antea quam nunc novi regis, ut diximus, precepto ecclesie sunt adiudicata et conclamata. Cuius cartam hie ob testimonium munimenti intendimus scribendum. 49 °. Carta regis Stephani de omni libertate ecclesie sancte iESeldreSe. Stephanus 1 rex Anglorumb et dux Normannorum archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, comitibus, baronibus, vicecomitibus, ministris et omnibus fidelibus suis Francis et Anglis totius Anglie salutem. Sciatis me concessisse ecclesie de Ely omnes terras et possessiones ad earn pertinentes, et volo et precipio, ut ipsa ecclesia Elyensis habeat honorifice et libere et quiete omnes consuetudines suas infra burgum et extra, in terra et in aqua et in paludibus et in piano et in bosco, videlicet etc sacham et socham et tol et team et infangenthefd et hamsocna et grithbrige et fithwite et ferdwite et omnes alias forisfacturas emendabiles, sicut melius habuit die qua TEdwardus rex f uite vivus et mortuus et sicut dirationatum fuit in tempore avi mei Willelmi magni apud Keneteford coram baronibus suis Walchelino episcopo et Gaufrido episcopo Constantiensi et Baldewino abbate Sancti Mdmundi et Yvo Taillebois et Petro de Valoniis et testimonio plurium scirarum. Et sciatis quod non sum guarand quod aliquis ponat calumpniam in his predictis consuetudinibus. Teste Philippo cancellario, Willelmo de Ypro, Willelmo Martel. Apud Cantebrige. 50. Quomodo episcopus iussit bona ecclesie interius describi, et que vel quanta illic invenit. Memoravimus supra que et quanta episcopus ad ecclesiam revocaverit, nunc que intrinsecus de thesauro invenit pretermittere non debemus 2. Peracto igitur magni diei festo et tandem a se dimissa, que convenerat, turba, v. videlicet die Ianuarii, fecit videre totum thesaurum sancte iESeldreSe Elyensis ecclesie in auro et argento, in palliis et libris et omni genere ornamentorum eidem ecclesie pertinentium, his subscriptis presentibus et testibus: Willelmo priore 3, Henrico olim " Collated with copies in EO and the cartularies GM. " Anglie G. d e " et om. EG. infangenthrel FO. fuit transposed after mortuus M. 1 Cambridge, late 1139 X 1140. If Roger le Poer continued as chancellor until about June 1139, this writ cannot have been issued until after that date. It cannot then be identified with the confirmation of the Ely liberties which is referred to in Innocent II's letter of 29 April 1139 (infra, ch. 66). This latter confirmation would then be nearer in time than ch. 49 to the Wandlebury plea and is presumably the preceptum in which Stephen is said in ch. 48 to have confirmed the Wandlebury findings. In this case, ch. 49 is not connected, as the compiler of the L.E. thought, with Wandlebury. It is in fact modelled on Henry I's Kentford writ (supra, ch. 7; common passages are shown in italics), and this also has nothing to do with the Wandlebury proceedings, having been issued as early as 1109 x 1116. After Nigel's defection Stephen is unlikely to have confirmed any Ely liberties before he captured the island during the winter of 1139/40. Ch. 49 thus probably belongs to the same occasion as ch. 63 and may represent Stephen's response to Innocent II's request in infra, ch. 66. 2 This is a copy of the inventory, as it existed, not on 5 January 1134 when it was first compiled,3 but some time after 1143 since Nigel's losses incurred at Wareham are recorded. William was appointed in the first year of Nigel's episcopate (infra, ch. 51) and deposed sometime between November 1135 and November 1137 (ibid.). His successor Thembert appears in 1144 or 1145 (infra, cc. 90, 92).

LIBER ELIENSIS

289

1

priore , Dionisio, Benedicto, Brismero, Rodberto de Drinchestune, Adam, Willelmo nepote Dionisii, Petro filio Gaufridi constabuli, Hereberto, et Radulfo sacrista 2, et Alstano subsacrista, et Alurico subcentore 3, qui hec omnia subscripta ostenderunt; et his clericis: Willelmo Archidiacono 4, Rannulfo de Salesb[eri], Ricardo de Sancto Paulo 6, Alexandro clerico [fo. 130] et Huberto clerico et Henrico de Ely laico. Ibi est unum feretrum sub quo clauditur vas marmoreum continens sancte iESeldreSe corpus virgineum, versus altare proprium, sicut precellens domina, tota integra, tota incorrupta, quiescit in tumulo, quod Dei iussione angelicis ei, ut credimus, parabatur manibus, sicut doctissimus Anglorum Beda in sue a gentis narrat historia 8 . Pars vero huius feretri que versa est ad altare est de argento cum imaginibus elevatis bene paratis auro. Circa maiestatemb sunt septem inter birillos et cristallos et duo onichini et duo alemandini lapides et xxvi perli, et in diademate huius maiestatis i ametistus et due corneline et vi perli et viii vitrini lapides. Et in iiii angulis iiii cristalli magni. Et in circuitu ix cristalli. Et in australi cornu huius partis i monile aureum affixum cum i topazio et iiibus smaragdis et iii sardinis. In diademate superioris ymaginis sunt lapides vii pretiosi et xi perli. Ibi unus pomellus sustinens i crucem de cupro bene deauratam cum xii cristallis. In sinistra parte huius feretri est totus paries de argento bene deauratus cum xvi ymaginibus elevatis cum quater xx et xiiii cristallis magnis et cum c et xlix minutis lapidibus cristallinis et vitrinis. Orientalis pars huius feretri est de argento cum deauratura c per loca cum imaginibus elevatis. Ibi duo leones cristallini cum xxxii cristallis et iii vitrinis lapidibus et viii esmaltis et vii modicis nuscis. Ibi i maiestas que pertinet ad frontalem altaris. In australi parte sunt xvi ymagines de argento sine deauratura et lista subterior de argento deaurata. In hac parte xxvi cristalli. Ibi quidam alius pomellus de cupro, sustinens quandam crucem de cupro bene deauratum cum xii cristallis. Ibi est i tabula ante altare de argento bene parata auro cum ymaginibus elevatis 1 quam Theodwinus abbas fecit de pecuniis que reperte fuerant apud WintheworSam tempore dilecti domini Thurstani abbatis 8. In hac sunt circa maiestatem ii calcedonii et x inter cristallos et berillos et iii esmalti et xlii perli, et deficiunt x esmalti et iii lapides et v perli. Et a dextris maiestatis sunt xii et a sinistris similiter xii inter cristallos et berillos. Et in circuitu ii curruum solis et lune sunt viii inter berillos et cristallos, et viii lapides deficiunt et xvi perli deficiunt, et circa 0

suis -FO.

6

mag- F.

c

deaurata F.

1 Henry was the second of two priors who held office during the time of Bishop Hervey and must2 have been replaced by William during the second half of 1133. Mentioned as an enemy of St Etheldreda and presumably a supporter of Nigel's policies (infra, ch. 92). 3 Presumably the later cantor who received a grant for the scriptorium from Nigel (Brit. Mus., MS. Add. 9822, fo. 61). 1 William the Breton. See infra, App. C, p. 403. 6 Richard and the remaining witnesses are members of Nigel's familia who occur as witnesses to his charters. E.g. Brit. Mus., MS. Egerton, fo. i8v, which belongs to the same period, and infra,6 cc. 134-35. Bede, iv, 17 (19), p. 245. Cf. supra, Book I, ch. 27. 7 Described supra, Book II, ch. 113. 8 Supra, Book II, ch. 113.

290 LIBER ELIENSIS maiestatem sunt ymagines iiiior angelorum [fo. 130V] de ebore, et a in extrinseco margine huius tabule argenteo sine deauratura deficiunt xxviii lapides a et in intrinseco margine deaurato deficiunt xxiiii lapides. Hanc quoque tabulam postea fregit Nigellus episcopus et feretrum sancte iESeldreSe instinctu iniquorum, pacem odientium, et omne aurum et argentum, quod in eis fuit, tulit atque comminuit1. Ad aquilonem vero huius sepulcri in levam precellentis virginis regine ^ESeldreSe soror eius Withburga virgo toto vernans corpore illuc e regione sepulta sollempniter refulget. Ad orientem vero, hoc est ad pedes eiusdem primicerie .ZESeldreSe, collocatur beata Sexburga altera ipsius germana, ubi virtutum suarum merita florere non desinunt. Ad austrum vero b, in dextris sponse Christi MQeldreQe pausat dulcis arnica Dei Ermenilda, cuius plura virtutum signa loquitur salutifera eius tumba. Illic desuper altare magnum, trabe altius ex adverso edis posita, tanquam effigies fit propitiatorii de lignis pulcre compactis atque depictis, ubi magna crux cum crucifixo de argento et ymagines similiter beate Marie et sancti Iohannis versus altare de argento cum deauratura per loca consistunt, quas Stigandus archiepiscopus fecit in magnificentiam templi Domini, sed has tulit episcopus Nigellus et alia plura, que suo loco plene inseremus 2. Ibi vii feretra circumquaque de argento deaurata et ii feretra ex tribus partibus argentea, et duo parvula feretra, unum paratum circumquaque argento et aliud in iii partibus paratum argento, et plena reliquiis sanctorum, apostolorum, martirum, confessorum atque virginum. Sed de vii istorum fratres ecclesie postea tulerunt aurum et argentum, ingruente famis tempore, et hactenus non sunt reformata. Ibi i buista de argento ad eucharistiam dependens per cathenam de cupro deauratam parata lapidibus. Ibi ii philacteria de ebore sculpta. Ibi i crux in anteriori parte tota de auro et cum iii ymaginibus aureis ° et cum lapidibus pretiosis et in aliis partibus circumquaque de argento deaurata, quam rex ^Edgarus in testimonium donorum suorum optulit sancte iESeldreSe. Pes vero huius crucis est in iii partibus de argento cum deauratura per loca. Et quinque cruces cum ymaginibus de ebore circumquaque de argento deaurate per loca, unde iiii sunt cum lapidibus pretiosis. Et ix alie cruces maiores et minores. v ex his cum ymaginibus de ebore circumquaque de argento deaurate per loca; unde iiii sunt cum lapidibus pretiosis, in una earum sunt duo leones cristallini, unde ii fecit Guthmundus sacrista et alias ii iElfwara dives domina [fo. 131] auro et argento valde decoravit 3; et alia crux circumquaque ex argento per loca deaurata, quam Leo prepositus dedit cum reliquiis sanctorum Vedasti et Amandi4, intus in ymaginibus; et has iii fregit Nigellus epis5 copus postea . Et ibi sunt iii cruces ante et utroque latere de argento deaurate per locum, ex quibus ii allate sunt cum corpore Brihtnothi ducis 6. Et ii cruces ad processiones ex argento deaurate; unam dedit Wlstanus archiepiscopus, aliam ^Edelstanus episcopus 7. Ibi i textus iiii Evangeliorum, quern rex iEdgarus dedit sancte iESeldreSe cum superiore cruce aurea, confirmans libertates ecclesie. Hie b

"•••" e t . . . lapides om. FO. c anceis F. 1

Infra, ch. 89. Supra, Book II, ch. 61. 6 Infra, ch. 89. ' Ibid., ch. 65. 3

2

.i. add. MSS.; for id est ?

Supra, Book II, ch. 98 and infra, ch. 89. * Ibid., ch. 54. 6 Supra, Book II, ch. 62.

LIBER ELIENSIS 291 cum maiestate et iiii angelis et xii apostolis argenteis habet totum campum aureum cum lapidibus pretiosis et esmaltis 1. Altera pars huius textus de argento cum ymaginibus virginum. Ibi i alter textus, cum crucifixo et ii ymaginibus fusilibus, de argento deauratus, et totus campus est de argento bene deaurato cum lapidibus esmaltis, quern Ricardus abbas fecit. Ibi tertius textus deargentatus in una parte et bene deauratus cum crucifixo et ymaginibus fusilibus cum lapidibus sculptis per totum, quern iElsius abbas fecit. Ibi quartus textus ex una parte deargentatus bene deauratus cum uno parvo crucifixo de ebore cum lapidibus, quern Toti monachus fecit. Ibi quintus textus ex i parte superargentatus cum maiestate eburnea, sedente in trono, cum christallis, quam Guthmundus sacrista fecit. Ibi sextus textus superargentatus cum crucifixo et ymaginibus fusilibus deauratus ", quem Alsinus abbas fecit. Ibi vii. textus superargentatus cum crucifixo parvo et cum ii angelis fusilibus bene deauratus, quem idem abbas fecit. Ibi viii. textus superargentatus cum crucifixo et imaginibus de ebore bene deauratus. Ibi ix. textus ornatus quodam tarsello cum lapidibus et innumerabilibus perlis, qui per furtum ablatus est. Ibi x. textus superargentatus cum ymaginibus sancte iESeldreSe deauratus per totum, quem iEluricus cantor fecit. Ibi xi. textus superargentatus partim deauratus cum crucifixo et ymaginibus planis cum lista sculpta in giro, quem iElsius abbas fecit. Ibi xii. textus superargentatus cum parvo crucifixo per loca deauratus campo piano. Ibi xiii. textus cum quadam cruce aurea sine imaginibus, deargentatus in circuitu listis aureis. Ibi xiiii. textus parvus superargentatus cum crucifixo et ymaginibus elevatis per totum deauratus de operibus iElsini 6 abbatis, quem episcopus perdidit apud Warham 2. Ibi xv. textus cum trono de esmalto ex una parte paratus bene auro, ex alia de argento, quem Siwardus de Maldune, socius ^Erewardic 3, dedit sancte jESeldreSe. Ibi adhuc alii ii parvuli textus superargentati [fo. 131V}. Ibi i calix totus de auro de iiii marcis et vii uncis, quem Wlstanus monacus fecit, sed Nigellus episcopus postea abstulit4. Ibi i magnus calix argenteus d cum ansis bene operatus et bene deauratus cum patena de xxii marcis et ii uncis, quem Wlfwinus huius ecclesie prepositus fecit. Et i magnus calix argenti" bene operatus et deauratus cum esmaltis de vii marcis et v uncis. Et i calix totus deauratus de iii marcis argenti. Et ibi xi calices argenti in parte deaurati cum i patena sine calice de xxi marcis argenti. Et episcopus habet i calicem in capella sua totum deauratum de xxiii solidis, quem perdidit apud Warham 5, et i calicem in capella sua de Dunham in parte deauratum de xxi solidis. Et ibi i magnus calix auri de vii * marcis et i unca, quem fecit Sithricus "c deaur' MSS. d

1 2 3 4

* vElfsini E.

JEdrewrdi F, with the first letter d later

arg' EF, argenteus 0.

expunged.

' arg' EF, argenti O.

f

vi E.

The gospels are not mentioned among Edgar's other gifts supra, Book II, ch. 50. Infra, ch. 78. Mentioned, supra, Book II, ch. 102. This is not specifically mentioned infra, in either ch. 78 or 89. It may be the same as the gold chalice removed by Goceline of Ely, stated to have been worth four and a half marks, but to have been made by the monk Wulfwine (infra, ch. 92). Confusion could easily have arisen between the gold chalice ' quem Wlstanus monachus fecit ' and the gilt chalice ' quem Wlfwinus huius ecclesie prepositus fecit'. 6 Infra, ch. 78.

292

LIBER

ELIENSIS

bone memorie prepositus, sed dolose amittitur per Gocelinum cognominatum de Ely 1. Et ibi est i turris argenti rotunde figure cum iii pedibus bene operata, de xxiii marcis argenti, quam JESida filia regis iESelstani dedit huic ecclesie, in qua fuit scriptum: ' Hoc vas eximium fieri sibi iusserat iESihS, quod in munere optulit sancte iESeldreSe '. Et i crux argenti cum crucifixo in summitate huius turris, bene operata et deaurata, de v uncis et xii denariis, quam Nigellus episcopus abstulit 2 . Et i turris argenti quadrate figure intus de fuste bene operata et deaurata, de iv marcis et v uncis; in summitate huius turris est quedam crux, duplicem figuram habens crucis, in qua de ligno Domini visibiliter incaptum et de sepulcro Domini et de sepulcro sancte Marie et de monte Calvarie et de presepe Domini et de nativitate Domini et de Gescemani, omnia hec dico sic inposita, quod videri possunt; crux vero ista iniecta igni ut ab antiquis didicimus exuri non potuit. Et i cathena argenti cum ansa, bene operata et deaurata de i marca et v uncis. Et a una cathenab argenti ad vinum in parte deaurata de v uncis a et dimidiac. Et episcopus habet ii cathenas d argenti in capella sua, unam totam deauratam et aliam sine deauratura de xv solidis. Et episcopus habet unam acerram argenti cum cocleari argenti de iii marcis. Episcopus etiam habet ii candelabra argenti sculpta sine deauratura de xii marcis, que postea episcopus abstulit 3 . Ibi unum turribulum argenti operatum et deauratum cum patella ferri insita de x marcis et una unca, et viii denariis, quod abbas Thurstanus fecit. Et i aliud turribulum argenti, operatum et deauratum, cum patella ferri de viii marcis, quod GuSmundus sacrista fecit. Et iii. turribulum de cupro superauratum cum cathenis argenteis et capitali argenti. Et i turribulum argenti cum patella ferri de iii' marcis. Et episcopus habet i turribulum argenti bene operatum [fo. 132] et deauratum de v marcis, quod Wlstanus fecit, et hoc perdidit episcopus apud Warham 4. Ibi i urceus argenti deauratus de v marcis et v uncis, quem Thurstanus abbas fecit. Ibi ii bachini argenti de iiii marcis et dimidia, quos episcopus fregit. Ibi i frontale bene paratum auro et argento, sed maiestas troni deest, quam venerabilis Ymma regina paravit in honorem sancte ^ESeldreSe. Et i de onichino paratum et / argento. Et iii baculi cum podiis argenti bene operatis et deauratis, quos fecit beate memorie iElfsinus abbas. Et ii baculi cum podiis cristallinis, quos fecit Radulfus sacrista. Et ii baculi cum podiis eburneis paratis argento g. Et i baculus cum podio eburneo sine paratura. Et ii crocee tote eburnee. Et ii alie crocee. Et iiii cum episcopo h. Et i crismatorium paratum argento g. Et ii magna candelabra de cupro sculpta et superaurata. Ibi ii scrinia, circumtecta osse, et plura parvula scrinia, auro et argento ornata, reliquiis sanctorum referta. Ibi i anulus aureus cum saphiro de i unca auri et iii denariis, quem dedit Hereveus •••••et. . . uncis om. F. canetas E. f et om. E. * Abbr. as epo MSS. d

1 2 3 4

e

b caneta E. viii F, with v expunged; viii O. « arg' MSS.

° dimidium F.

This is not mentioned infra, ch. 92, but cf. supra, p. 291, n. 4. Perhaps one of the three crosses mentioned infra, ch. 89. Mentioned infra, ch. 89, as worth eighteen marks. The only turribulum mentioned as lost at Wareham, infra, ch. 78, was one given by Abbot iElfsige.

LIBER ELIENSIS 293 episcopus, sed ipsum abstulit quidam sacrista postea, ductus cupiditate dominandi. Ibi ii calige de samite et sandalia de corio et mitra et iiii pallia cirotecarum. Ibi i rubea infula circumquaque bene brusdata, que fuit Leofsini abbatis. Et i infula de purpura bene brusdata, quam iEswius1 a episcopus dedit. Et i infula tota bene brusdata, facta de clamide iEdgari regis . Et i infula de purpura bene brusdata, quam fratres ecclesie emerunt ab iElboldo, burgensi Theodfordie. Et i infula rubea bene parata, quam GiSa domina, uxor Godwini comitis, mater b regine iEdgiSe, uxoris gloriose regis iEdwardi, dedit. Ibi i Candida infula bene brusdata, quam c iEdelswiSa domina fecit2. Et d i nigra infula bona, quam Nigellus episcopus d dedit . Et xxi infule cum levi paratura, ex quibus i Osmundi episcopi et i Wlstani archiepiscopi et i iESelstani episcopi. Et xxvi infule sine paratura. Et ibi ix stole pretiose cum favonibus suis, i Leofsini, i Alboldi, i Thurstani prepositi, i Theodwini, i Osmundi episcopi, et ii paria iElsini abbatis. Et xiiiicim stole cum favonibus suis de levi paratura, i iEdfredi, i iEswi episcopi, i Thurstani abbatis, i Toti monachi. Et xv stole cum favonibus suis levis pretii. Et v favones sine stolis, iii optime sancti iESelwoldi et i Hervei episcopi. Et ii balthei optime parati, i dee cingulo iEdgari regis et i Alboldi. Ibi iiii albe de serico optime parate de aurifrixo , i Leofsini abbatis, i Sithrici prepositi, i. Alboldi, i Thurstani prepositi. [fo. 132V] Et ii linee albe bene f eparate, i iElsini abbatis, i Ricardi abbatis. Et xi albe parate subterius aurifrixo leviter, i de caligis iEdgari regis, ii ex panno, in quo fuerat involutum corpus sancte iESeldreSe, i Wilfrici abbatis, ii Simeonisorabbatis, v sancti iESelwoldi. Et lxiiii albe parate pallio, xxiiii sancti iESelwoldi, iiii iElfrici cantoris, iiii Theinberti prioris 3, ii Liveve aurifrixatricis, iiii Goldwini burgensis huius ville et iiii Wlwini pistoris. Et ibi c et x albe sine subteriori paratura. Et v superhumeralia, id est amictus, i g Leofsini bone memorie abbatis, i Sithrici prepositi, i iElboldi ', i Godmundi sacriste, i Thurstani prepositi. Et quater xx et xiiii superhumeralia parata aurifrixo, xx et iiii sancti iESelwoldi ex piano aurifrixo, xxx cum lapidibus et operatura, viii iElsini abbatis, viii Thurstani prepositi, iiii Sithrici prepositi, iiii Radulfi sacriste. Ibi i cappa de nigra purpura, bene parata et per totum stellata, quam Wlstanus prius et postea Guthmundus operaverunt, sed Radulfus perfecit. Et i alia cappa de nigra purpura, parata aurifrixo per totum cum aureis circulis et floribus, quam Theinbertus prior quondam fecit, et multa bona in ornamentis et edificiis operatus est nobis. Et ibi iiii cappe, i de palla circulariter stellata bene parata, quam pie memorie Thurstanus prepositus fecit, et alia de sinoplico bene parata Ricardi abbatis. Et iii de nigra purpura bene parata Sithrici prepositi. Et iiii de Candida purpura cum floribus in giro, bene parata, Theodwini abbatis. Ibi i cappa sancti iESelwoldi vetusta mediocriter parata. Et xi cappe mediocriter parate, iiii Thurstani prepositi, ii Ricardi abbatis, ii Wlstani, ih Thoti monachi. • Et xiiii cappe cum levi paratura, ii sancti iESelwoldi, ii Ricardi abbatis, iii Thurstani 0

b c iEscwius E. matris FO, -is on erasure E. JidelwiSa FO. "•••d et . . . dedit om. F. ' aurifixo FO. 1 optime E. «• • •» i Leofsini . . . iElboldi om. FO. h i om. FO. 1 3

Supra, Book II, ch. 50. Prior of Ely c. 1144. Z

2

Ibid., ch. 88.

294 LIBER ELIENSIS prepositi, i Stigandi archiepiscopi, i Matildis regine, i episcopi Seresbiriensis, i Ingelmeri monachi, i Leofsini abbatis, ii Thurstani abbatis. Et ibi xxix cappe sine paratura, xii sancti iESelwoldi, ii Thurstani abbatis, ii Theinberti prioris, ii iElsini ° abbatis. Ibi ii pretiose dalmatice, i Alfwini episcopi, alia iESelswiSe B domine. Et xi dalmatice levis pretii; i fuit sancte iESeldreSe de Candida palla, quam habuit in vita vel unde corpus illius post mortem involutum erat, iiii sancti iESelwoldi, alie ab aliis date quorum non meminimus. Et sunt ibi xiiii tunice levis pretii, vii fuerunt sancti iESelwoldi, cetere a diversis donate. Sunt ibi vii [fo. 133] pallea cum aurifrig'; i de purpura circumquaque aurifriso et lapidibus optime parata quam Ymma regina dedit sancte iESeldreSe 1, que etiam unicuique de sanctis nostris fecit pallam atque singulis altaribus in decorem ecclesie purpuream largita est.c Et ibi vi magna pallea. Et lxii parva pallea, xxvi sancti iESelwoldi, alia de diversis data sunt. Et ibi xxxiiii bona dorsalia de lana, xvi sancti iESelwoldi et ii magna Lefwini filii iESelwulfi et ii Radulfi sacriste, iiii Alfware domine, iiii Imme regine, ii IngriSe aurifris'. Et iii dorsalia levis pretii, que fuerunt sancti iESelwoldi. Et iii magna tapeta, i Ricardi abbatis, ii Hervei episcopi. Et ii parva et veterata tapeta sancti iESelwoldi, ii Leofwini filii Alduln. Et liiii bancilia, xxiiii sancti iESelwoldi. Et xxxiiii cortine, ix sancti iESelwoldi. Et ii pulvinaria de panno serico. Et ix auricularia de panno serico, iii sancti iESelwoldi. Ibi vi mantilia serica ad oblationes faciendas, iii sancti iESelwoldi. Et panni serici subtilioresd xxvii et xxiiii mantilea linea ad altaria et alii panni linei plures. Ibi in interiori turri ix campane, iiii magne et v mediocres, vi sancti iESelwoldi, ii Alboldi. Et in turre ecclesie iiii mediocres campane et vi minores. Ibi pretiosissime boie quas sancta 2 iESeldreSa confregit pendentes ante altare . Hec et alia multa invenit episcopus Nigellus in ecclesia, sede et in armario numerum librorum valde, qui lectorem fastidiret si narrando suspenderetur. 51. Quamf violenter episcopus subripuit monachis res suas et magistro Ranulfo illorum adversario commisit, affligendo eos crudeliter, sed ipsi flagellum Domini sub expectatione venie prestolabantur. Interea causis regni urgentibus, que episcopum assidue inquietum reddebant, diu extra monasterium morari inpellebant, ut vix post multos dies ad domum rediret; et secute sunt eum turbe multe. Fecerat autem commeantibus convivium, quasi convivium regis, et sederunt manducare et bibere, et surrexerunt ludere 3. Inter ipsos nonnulli mali mixti cum bonis accumbebant speudo, ut ita dicam, collaterales, ipsum dominum susurronibus ac fraudibus assidue conveniunt, temptantes sollicite " ^Elfsini E. » JEdelwide FO. exteriori E. ' sed ora. FO. In B this chapter follows ch. 47 without a new rubric.

d f

c

a E.

1 If this is the palla which is mentioned infra, ch. 122, it is surprising that no reference is made here to its loss in 1145 and again c. 1159, after it had been restored at the request of Eugenius III, in 1158. It is possible, if unlikely, that this copy of the inventory was made before 1158, but it cannot have been made as early as 1145 when Book II had not yet been completed. Cf. supra, p. xlviii. 2 3 See supra, ch. 33. / Cor., x, 7.

LIBER ELIENSIS 295 ut adversus insontes monachos in iram et odium concitarent. Verumtamen [fo. 133V] super eos malignaverunt consilium, apud se non recte cogitantes. Asserere nitebantur domino episcopo non a necesse esse monachos in aliquo, nee eos in minsterio altaris vel dedicationi ecclesiarum debere sibi assistere, sicut filios ecclesie, sed neque causarum disceptationibus vel ad iura loci exequenda illos nequaquam interesse debere dicebant; cum maxime ad nutum illorum b recte et canonice cum spiritualic patre eorum maxima queque et minima pendent ac pertinent cuncta ecclesie iura, cum presertim iuxta leges atque decreta unumquemque stare licet d pro re publica, et ius nature unicuique quod suum est concedit, et nullo modo sive in dedicatione seu in sinodo episcopi sententia stare debet absque filiorum presentia proprie ecclesie, sicut ex vicesimo secundo capitulo Cartaginensis concilii probatur 1, quod irrita 2 erit sententia episcopi, nisi clericorum suorum consensu firmetur atque presentia, et

revera non ex quibuscumque clericis, sed qui de gremio proprie sedis sunt sive sint monachi sive canonici vel scolares, id est seculares e clerici; hoc enim generaliter nomine censentur, quotquot sunt infra sacros ordines constituti. Consuete autem Elyenses monachi apud suum episcopum et prestantius locum habere et ceteris locis episcopalibus more debito specialius accessum tenere noscuntur; eo quod ipsi profecto f non ab eo, sed ille potius versa vice de ipsis creatus et constitutus esse probatur; quod alias evenisse memorie non occurrit. Tamen admodum concitatus est, si tumultus non fieret in plebe 3; iam spiraverat eos penitus extra ius suum fieri. Sicque assiduis Ranulfi irritatus maliloquiis, res monachorum illi committit; non quidem presentem causam eorum discutiens, quos nee audientia dignos estimavit de facinoribus apud ilium infamavit. Agebat tune temporis in prioratu Elyensis ecclesie venerabilis monachus Willelmus, quem in primo anno episcopatus idem episcopus priorem constituerat, qui h° in ecclesiastico regimine et monastica probatus conversatione, intus et foris utilis et fidelis domino suo et fratribus probabiliter extiterat. Hunc ergo talem timens ille funestus Ranulfus se in domini sui gratia prevenire, rerum exteriorum gubernatione malefico privavit artificio, assumens in rebus fratrum tyrannidem nee Deum timens nee sanctas honorans, quarum obsequio fratres illi erant ascripti. Priore igitur et monachis sua potestate proscriptis, ipse statim diversas machinatur angarias, debitos eicit famulos, novos intrudit, non qui famularentur, sed insidiarentur. Mutat ofneia, tollit subsidia, minuit victualia, detinet redditus, [fo. 134] arcet exitus, vallis et sepibus et custodiis omnem intercludit semitam, ne de illata violentia possent ad publicam exire querimoniam. Itaque videntes illi se hoc modo incarceratos, flagellum Domini sub expectatione misericordie patienter sustinebant, orationibus et ieiuniis adeuntes sanctarum " non cesse ABF. *f liceat A. pro facto E.

c * ipsorum ABE. spirituale FO. "id est seculares interlined E. h ' quem MSS. utilis om. FO.

1 The fourth council, of 398. See C. J. Hefele, Histoire des Conciles, Vol. ii, Pt. i, pp. 114-15; also pp. 102-08. 2 Cf. Pseudo-Isidor, Pat. Lat., exxx, 346, ' Ut episcopus nullius causam audiat absque presentia clericorum suorum, alioquin irrita erit sententia episcopi, nisi clericorum praesentia confirmetur '. 3 Cf. Matth., xxvi, 5; Marc, xiv, 2.

296 LIBER ELIENSIS corpora, in quarum patrocinio confidebant. Eratque vigilia a sancti Leonardi confes1 soris , cum hec eis supervenerat afflictio. Sicque totus ille annus transiit; et monachis summam egestatem patientibus, magnam in sequenti anno iram Dei passurus de rebus eorum insolescebat ille Ranulfus. Et monachis Elyensibus per biennium misere afflictis, manus Domini iam parabat occurrere, ut ilium nefarium tyrannum, quern nulla frangebat misericordia, ultio preoccuparet divina. Cuius b rei modum sequens capitulum demonstrabit. 52. Quomodo Ranulfus nefando preventus instinctu ad subvertendum patriam complices sibi allexit, sed per sanctam ^ESeldreSam detectus proditionis conscius fugam inivit.

Ut divine virtutis et potentie operatio in omnibus ubique laudetur et in universis viis eius, que sunt misericordia et veritas, tam in parcendo quam in puniendo glorificetur, qui bonis et malis bene utitur, rem in Elyensi provincia gestam, posteris profuturam, inter miracula beate virginis /ESeldreSe, ut pote magnum et stupendum miraculum, huic opusculo inserere dignum duximus. In quo nimirum evidentissime datur intelligi, quam equa c lance iustitie, sicut penitentibus dare veniam, sic inpenitentibus consuevit irrogare vindictam. Ubi d autem predictus Ranulfus, impius et infidelis, et in plerisque ecclesie sacramentis et sententiis2 in occulto hereticus, licet non fuisset publice convictus, posuit in celum os suum et sanctorum festivitates merito venerandas celebrari prohibuit et contra pietatis officium et humanitatis debitum, vir crudelis et inhumanus, in suo tempore tempora antichristi sua malitia preveniens, mortuis sepe sepulturam negavit, nulli concessit, si non vendidit. In quem sic omnium iusto Dei iudicio confluxerat sentina 3 vitiorum, ut quidam frater suus, sibi non dissimilis, quadam sua pelice, quam aliis preferebat iuxta Herodis exemplum,e qui Philippi fratris sui uxorem abduxerat 4, tanquam licite et publice abuteretur , et facta sibi fronte meretricis tantum excessum et incestum in fratre proprio non redargueret. Et ipse in otio non de proprio, sed de alieno, magnifice 5 6 et mol-\Jo. I34v\-liter consuetus vivere, dum modum nescivit, modum excessit, incerta " vigila EFO. *c Cuius . . . demonstrabit om. B, continuing Vir autem predictus (infra, n. d). equa om. F. d Vir autem predictus B, continuing from the end of ch. 51. ' abverteretur BEO. 1 6 November. The year is 1135, as the discovery of the conspiracy precisely two years later (infra, ch. 52) was one of the reasons for Stephen's return from Normandy in Advent 1137 (Orderic Vitalis, Hist. Eccl., v, 91). The conventual lands were not confiscated until after December of that year, since the monks are said to have held them on the day when Henry I was alive and dead. See infra, ch. 70. 2 Cf. Ps. lxxii, 9. 3 Cf. Bellum Cat., xxxvii, 5, ' quos flagitium aut facinus domo expulerat . . . sicut in sentinam confluxerant'. 4 Cf. Marc, vi, 17. 6 Cf. Bell. Cat., xvii, 6, ' quibus in otio vel magnifice vel molliter vivere copia erat . . .' 6 Cf. ibid., xvii, 6, ' incerta pro certis, bellum quam paceva malebant'.

LIBER ELIENSIS 297 pro certis, bellum pro pace concupivit; quippe cuius animum desidia occupaverat, libido 1 evanuerat, superbia 2 invaserat, cibus alienus impinguaverat. Qui in tanta rerum copia ad suam, ut postea patuit, inopiam positus, omnia inconsulte et improvide disponebat omnibus, que episcopo fideliter famulantibus invidebat. Merito igitur in reprobum sensum datus, cepit se de die in diem supra se tumide erigere, et tanquam ad aquilonem cum illo primo ruine sue auctore sedem suam ponere et ad regnum Anglorum quoquo modo obtinendum aspirans, cum suis satellitibus conspirare. Occupaverat siquidem mentem eius maligna cogitatio primumque dampnationis sue iudicium ex cordis obstinatione suscepit, ut inaudita cecitas publicam eius ignominiam in omnium proferret notitiam. Divino itaque excecatus iudicio, accersitis duobus familiaribus suis, quorum alter quodam presagio Henricus Peregrinus 3 subauditur afide,alter dicebatur Radulfus Burgundio 4, ex ipsius cognominis 5 interpretatione, cum infidi sunt Allobroges , et ipse infidus, quod et quantum negotium mente tractaret eis aperuit, quantam gloriam, famam, dignitatem adipisci facile possent diutius perorando insinuavit. Laudarunt illi tantum propositum et socias ei vires in omnia promittunt et ad hoc detestabile consilium quosque pessimos occulte sibi alliciunt. Deinde quisquis patrimonium suum dilapidaverat alienamve hereditatem expilaverat aut es8 alienum grande conflaverat aut in iudicio fuerat convictus aut iudicium subterfugerat reus, eis proximus et familianssimus adherebat. Neminemque sua dignum arbitrabantur amicitia, nisi quern alicuius criminis nota respersisset aut infamia. Denique fit eorum conventus in7ecclesia Strathanensi " et, prestitis hinc inde contra patriam execrandis sacramentis et ad omnium Francigenarum interitum tarn clericis quam laicis pluribus inductis prece et conductis pretio, in villa Stratham arma visu horrenda diversi generis fabricari fecit, ut quod perverse conceperat perversius, si licuisset, adimpleret. Communicato b 8 etiam cum complicibus suis super hoc sepe consilio et sine spiritu consilii habito concilio, de fatuo insanus factus cepit regnum disponere, regem futurum designare, episcopatus et comitatus [fo. 135] ad libitum distinguere, libertatis ac pacis adversarius, quasi pro libertate ac pace, leges promulgare, que nee habebat nee ullatenus habere poterat, ut eos sic infatuaret, promittere 9. Inducit exemplum ex ystoriis antiquitatum, 0

1

Strathammensi ABE.

" communito FO.

Cf. Bell. Cat, v, 6, ' lubido maxima invaserat'. Cf. ibid., xii, 2, ' iuventutem luxuria atque avaritia cum superbia. invcisere '. One of Bishop Nigel's advisers. See infra, ch. 89. 4 A witness to charters of Bishop Hervey. See e.g. Miller, Ely, pp. 171, 283. 6 The exact source has not been traced, but of. Horace, Epod., xvi, 6, ' Novisque rebus infidelis Allobrox '. 6 Cf. Bell. Cat., xiv, 2-4, ' Nam quicumque impudicus . . . pene bona patria laceraverat, quique alienum ses grande conflaverat . . . praeterea omnes undique parricidae, sacrilegi convicts, iudiciis aut pro factis iudicium timentes, . . . ei Catilinae proxumi familiaresque erant. Quodsi quis etiam a culpa vacuus in amicitiam eius inciderat, cotidiano usu atque illecebris facile par similisque ceteris emciebatur '. ' Cf. the oath taken after Catiline's speech (ibid., xxii, 1-2). 8 Ibid., xviii, 5, ' consilio communicato '. 9 Cf. ibid., xxi, 2, ' Turn Catilina polliceri tabulas novas, proscriptionem locupletium, magistratus, sacerdotia, rapinas . . . " 2 3

298 LIBER ELIENSIS quam apauci quam sepe totam rem 1 publicam Romanorum occupaverint, •proturbaverint , quantas strages dederint et de maxima multitudine pauci sepe triumphaverint. Quorum quidam timore coacti, cquidam b amore illecti, quidam simplicitate seducti, quidam ambitione devicti, sese paratos ire in mortem et in carcerem ob eius amorem et gratiam prontentur. At ille glorie cupidus ad tante rei executionem adulatorum favore animatus, tanquam iam sedeat in regni solio 2 inaniter gloriatur. Ibat autem cotidie per villam et insulam Elyensem pompatice illosque, quos vel dedignabatur vel desperabat sue proditionis habere socios, frequenter causabatur, gravabat officiis, spoliabat pecuniis et multis afHigebat molestiis. Itaque homicida detestabilis, patrie proditor execrabilis, qui de alienis dampnis opes sibi cumulabat, de quibusque pessimis comitesd advocabat, ilium dominum suum, cuius gratia et benevolentia tarn diu abusus est, cum satellitum suorum manipulis interficere disponebat, qui eum3 egenum de pulvere et iacentem erexit de stercore et cum principibus fecit sedere , sepe secum in mensa de aureo et argenteo calice iuxta latus eius vinum bibit, cui crudeliter tanquam alter Iudas mortis parabat propinare venenum. Sed divina gratia tarn perverso eius proposito resistente, ille cecidit in foveam quam fecit 4 tandemque divina dispositio consilium iniquitatis detexit illeque a spe sue vanitatis decidit. Et ut pateat quam rationabili deliberatione Deus omnia provideat, eadem vigilia sancti Leonardi, qua ante duos annos Rannulfus ille se super res monachorum extulerat, nequissima proditio revelari cepit. Quidam enim occultus horror de tanti propositi immanitate eum invaserat et, quia de suorum fide non satis fidebat remque tantam inter tot conscios arbitrabatur non posse celari, nee videbat adhuc tempus talibus ceptis idoneum occurrisse, sumptis secum que poterat, fugam sibi consuluit et totam causam suis reliquit. Quod suorum unus Radulfus Burgundio comperiens, timens ne alius eum in scelerise revelatione preveniret simulque putans per hanc5 detectionem se domini episcopi gratiam membrorumque im-[/o. I35v\-punitatem nacturum, agente eum non fervore penitentie sed fetore culpe sue, subito in monasterium se ingessit et ad corpus sancte iESeldreSe confugit. Nee mora fertur rumor ad aures episcopi. Miratur, accurrit, audit causam, vertitur in stuporem; nee poterat amodo tantus rumor celari, qui tune contigerat ad salutem totius populi. Monachi ergo meritis sancte iESeldreSe domine et advocate sue patrocinio liberati a crudeli tyranno, magno exultant tripudio, Deum et almam eius virginem laudibus attollunt. Detecto demum et infatuato divinitus 6 Achitofel consilio , Rannulfus fuga elabitur et proditionis conscii divina revelatione capiuntur f, convincuntur. Laicorum quidam in patibulo suspenduntur, clerici perpetui dampnationem exilii patiuntur. 0 quam mira per beate .ZESeldreSe meritum " perturbaverint ABE. 0 sepe FO. ' celeris EFO. 1

' quidam . . . devicti om. 0. ad usus FO. et add. BE.

d f

Cf. Bell. Cat, xviii, 4, ' ad perter&andam rem publicam '. A common phrase in the Vulgate, e.g. Deut., xvii, 18. i Cf. I Reg., ii, 8; Ps., cxii, 7. Cf. Ps., vii, 16. 5 Cf. Bell. Cat., xxx, 7, where the Roman senate promises impunitatem to any freeman prepared to reveal Catiline's plans. 6 Cf. II Reg., xvii, 14. 2 3

LIBER ELIENSIS 299 divine operationis vindicta! Quern paulo ante omnes venerabantur ut dominum, metuebant ut tyrannum, trepidante conscientia vagus et profugus, tanquam alter Chaim perpetrato fraticidio, habitavit in terra, non semel moriturus, sed septem vindictas Chaim passurus, ut quicumque eum invenerit occidere videatur et, pena quasi a semper renascente, sine morte moriatur1. 53. Quod b episcopus ex Dei iudicio et sancte ^ESeldreSe perterritus, reddidit monachis bona sua, dolens c quod male egerit contra illos. In se tandem reversus episcopus, tantis infortuniis territus, quod manum in" debite erexerat contra monachos oves suas, intendens eos esse innocentes seque penitens fuisse adversus illos crudeliter exasperatum, priori et conventui rerum suarumd potestatem, sed minime plenam, restituit, retentis sibi nonnullis et melioribus eorum rebus quas volebat. Et cum diu lesor a ledendo cessare debuisset et errorem pristinum perfecta emendatione corrigere seque deinceps ab omni errore excludere, obliviosus factus divine ultionis in suis sueque evasionis a periculo et iniuste districtionis in grege subiecto, proposuit res eorum mutare in melius et ampliare, ut asseruit, resistentibus monachis et nullatenus ei assentientibus quas profecto deciderat ac minuerat, et nequaquam de possessionibus de bonis loci secundum statuta 2 ecclesie ac legum decreta vel equam divisionem vel eis iustam portionem concedere aut statuere 6 voluit. Undique enim crudelitas ipsius innotuerat, quam in miserandis monachis non iuste, non debite, exercuerat, timens [fo. 136] ne dampna sue sevitie pateretur, paratis responsalibus et ad hoc necessariis inventis, ut consuetas possessiones monachorum et sua, ut dixerat, donatione ampliatas Romano privilegio confirmari faceret, immo ut Romanis famam suam ingereret, notitiam plantaret, gratiam adquireret. 9 Tulerant' autem secum nuntii 3 ex precepto episcopi cartam eius ad confirmanda que in ea, monachis non consentientibus, ab episcopo fuerant mutata et eorum necessariis penitus4 exigua. Que quia prior est privilegio, ipsa primum, deinde ponetur privilegium . 54 h. Carta episcopi de rebus quas monachis mutavit. Nigellus 6 Dei gratia Elyensis ecclesie primus consecratus episcopus universis " quasi transposed after semper ABE. b In B ch. 53 follows without a new rubric, c q (expunged) dolens F, condolens 0. d eorum om. E, interlining ecclesie after rebus. " statue F. i Tulerant to the end om. B. ' confirmandam FO. h Collated with Brit. Mus., Harley Cart., 43.H.5 and with copies in AEO and the cartularies CDGM, Brit. Mus., MSS. Add. 9822, fo. 65V and Egerton 3047, fo. 36V. 1

2 Cf. Gen., iv, 14-16. Cf. Henry I's charter, supra, ch. 8. Cf. infra, ch. 65, for the delegation sent to Rome in 1139. 4 The phrase seems to refer to a cartulary, like C and D, which place ch. 54 after ch. 55. See supra, p. xl, and infra, ch. 55. 6 Date: 1133 X 1139. Certainly before Innocent II's confirmation (infra, ch. 56) of 27 April 1139 and, if the L.E. is to be trusted, after 5 November 1137. The Harley charter must be a scriptorium copy and the original has not survived. There is, however, no reason to suspect the contents which correspond closely with the genuine papal confirmation (ch. 56). Cf. supra, 3

300

LIBER

ELIENSIS

ecclesie filiis tarn presentibus quam futuris salutem. Cum divina disponente gratia Elyensis ecclesie regimen ingressus fuissem resque ecclesiasticas male in multis tractatas invenissem, presertim eas, que antea ad usum monachorum provise et separate a rebus episcopalibus minusque sufficienter ad necessaria monachorum a constitute fuerant, decrevi statim monachis utiliorem dispositionem rerum suarum statuere. Unde consilio cum amicis meis inito, hoc modo eis ea, que subscripta sunt, tarn in terrarum possessionibus et ecclesiarum ad easdem terras pertinentium, quam in cunctis aliis rebus, que ad opus illorum pertinent, ordinavi et in perpetuum sic perraanere concede Terrarum igitur nomina hec suntb. Infra insulam: Suttuna, Wichamc, Wicheforded, Winteworda", Tidbrichteseiaf, Witleseia, Stunteneia cum viginti tribus milibus anguillarum, que capiuntur in paludibus et aquis que adiacent manerio illi". Et omnes apportatus et oblationes altarium matris ecclesie ad sustentandas eiusdem ecclesie necessitates. Et ecclesiam h sancte Marie de Ely cum terris et decimis et omnibus rebus ad ipsam ecclesiam pertinentibus. Et nominatim tota decima de Bertona mea. Et vaccaria una in Dereforda 1. Et Bela. Et septem pensas salis in Tirinctuna '. Quin etiam ligna in Sumeresham et in Bluntesham, sicut k melius habuerunt tempore predecessorum meorum. Et super ripam l de Bluntesham k una mansura terre cum quinque acris terre m, ubi colligantur ligna, et cum octo acris prati, unde pascantur boves qui ligna attrahunt. Vinea etiam sua in Ely, sicut habuerunt antequam ad episcopatum venirem. Et sex piscatores ad piscandum in aquis, ubi solebant cum eorum mansionibus. Extra insulam: In Cantebrigescire n: Meldeburna, Melreda °, Hauechestuna v, Neutona Q, Wretinge r, Stiviceswrde s, Suafham. Et xiicim sceppe frumenii et brasii, quas debent * heredes [fo. 136V] Hardwini w de Scalariis. Et Stapelford ". In Suthfolc: Bergham w, Stoca x, Meltuna ", Suthburna z, Kinge" illorum Harley cart., CD, g822, Egerton. " nomina sunt hec A, hec nomina sunt G. " Wicheham Harley cart., Wicheam CD. d Wichefort Harley cart. " Wintewrda Harley cart. * Tithbrichteseia Harley cart. « illi manerio D. " ecclesia Harley cart., and all MSS. except FO. '1 Tirintuna Harley cart. *... * sicut . . . Bluntesham om. FO. m maris add. G. terre om. Harley cart., CDM, 9822, Egerton. " Cantebrigesyra Harley cart. ° Melreda Harley cart. " Hauechestune Harley cart. ' Nowetuna Harley cart. ' Stivichewrna F. ' Wrettinge Harley cart., Wrattinge M. * dant Harley cart.; debent later corr. to dant, C. " Hardawini Harley carl. " Stapalford Harley cart. "' Bercham Harley cart, and all MSS. except FO. * Stocha Harley cart. ' Meltune Harley cart. " Suthburne Harley cart. p. 1. The charter is modelled on Hervey's division charter {supra, ch. 26) and passages in common with it are shown in italics. Nigel did not re-grant Stretham, Shelford, Winston, Bawdsey and Brightwell, but added West Wratting, Stetchworth, Stapleford—all in Cambs.— and Kingston (Suffolk). Printed: Monasticon, i, 484, no. xxii; Hatton Book of Seals, no. 415. For comments on this charter see ibid., p. 284 and Miller, Ely, pp. 75-77. 1 But cf. supra, ch. 26, which grants ' una vaccaria in Biela ' and later ' quattuor quoque pensas casei in Dereforda '.

LIBER ELIENSIS 301 stuna , Socha et sacha cum omnibus regalibus consuetudinibus inc quinque hun1 a a

6

dredis et dimidio. Viginti solidos in Rescemere . Lachingehyhe , Undeleia , Scepeia. In Norfolche e : Fotestorp ad mandatum monachorumf. Et xxx milia allechium de Dunewico. Concedo eis etiam omnes servientes suos de omnibus ministeriis suis, ut eos cum suis mansuris libere possideant. Preterea g permitto ut habeant et libere possideant universa dona que eisdem ante tempus episcopatus mei sive tempore meo data sunt vel in posterum dabuntur, sive in ecclesiis h, sive in terris h, sive in decimis, sive in piscariis, sive in denariis, sive in quocumque redditu quern eis quilibet' fidelium hactenus contulerit sive post k modum collaturus sit. Omnia autem prescripta, insuper et curiam suam l, ipsis concedo cum universis libertatibus suis m et consuetudinibus, que in terris, que mei iuris sunt, servantur, nichil prorsus excipiens, ita ut aliquis posterorum meorum de ipsorum rebus nichil omnino se intromittat, nisi quod eosdem n cum omnibus possessionibus suis fideliter et indesinenter protegat et defendat et omnimodo manu ° teneat. Si quis vero malignitatis spiritu commotus hanc nostrum concessionem et donationem infringere, contempnere vel abicere voluerit, a Deo et ab omnibus sanctis eius sit condempnatus et a nobis in quantum licet excommunicatus et a consortio omnium fidelium separatus nisi resipiscat. Fiat. Fiat. AMEN v. 55 q . Privilegium domini pape, continens res totius episcopatus, in perpetuum eas confirmans. Innocentius 2 episcopus servus servorum Dei venerabili fratri Nigello Elyensi episcopo eiusque successoribus canonice promovendis in perpetuum r . Pie1 postulatio voluntatis effectu debet prosequente compleri, quatenus et devotionis sinceritas laudabiliter enitescat et utilitas postulata vires indubitanter assumat. Huius rei grati, venerabilis s frater Nigelle episcope, tuis petitionibus clementer annuimus et Elyensem ecclesiam, cui Deo auctore preesse dinosceris, presentis privilegii pagina b "e Kingestune Harley cart. sacha et socha Harley cart. Lachingahutha Harley cart., Lachingeheth C. d e Undaleia Harley cart. Norfolch Harley cart. * mandatorum EFG, corr. to monachorum in the margin, EF. " Permitto preterea Harley cart., CDM, 9822, Egerton. h ecclesiis and terris transposed, Harley cart.,k CDM, 9822, Egerton. 11 quislibet AEFGO. post modum om. AEFGMO. m meam F. suis om. Harley cart., CD, 9822, Egerton. " eosdem om. AEFGMO. ° manu om. E. " AMEN om. FO, adding another fiat. * Collated with copies in A EO and the cartularies CDGM. There is another copy in the Chatteris Chronicle, Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Julius A.i.fo. 182v. ' imperpetuum F. ' venabil'r F. 1 2

But cf. ibid., which grants ' Brihtwella cum Rixemera '. Date: 5 December 1138. Printed: Papsturkunden in England, ii, no. 17. The sequence of documents in C and D, where ch. 55 precedes ch. 54, is to be preferred to that of the L.E. Ch. 55 is a general confirmation of the liberties of the see and the convent, and there is nothing in it to suggest that it was a confirmation of Nigel's division charter, as the compiler of the L.E. inferred (supra, ch. 53). In C and D, on the other hand, Nigel's charter is appropriately followed by the privilege (ch. 56) confirming it.

302 LIBER ELIENSIS communimus, statuentes, ut quascumque possessiones, quecumque bona eadem ecclesia inpresentiarum canonice possidet aut in futurum concessione pontificum, largitione regum °, principum, oblatione fidelium seu aliis iustis modis Deo propitio poterit adipisci tibi tuisque successoribus firma et illibata permaneant. In quibus hec propriis nominibus duximus exprimenda, abbatiam [Jo. 137] scilicet sanctimonialium de Cateriz, quam nimirum cum omnibus suis pertinentiis, cellis *, terris, agris, pascuis, dpaludibus, silvis, venationibus, aquis, piscationibus, servitiis, decimis °, debitis, censu , capitationibus, legibus, consuetudinibus, causarum discussionibus, correctionibus, emendationibus, ecclesiasticis sive secularibus, necnon etiam scriptis vel testamentis vel aliis sibi pertinentibus consuetam et diu habitam libertatem e f optinere sancimus. Nulli ergo hominum liceat prefatam Elyensem ecclesiam temere perturbare aut eius g possessiones h auferre aut etiam alienare vel ablatas retinere, minuere seu quibuslibet molestiis fatigare. Sed omnia integra conserventur ' eorum, pro quorum gubernatione et sustentatione concessa sunt, usibus profutura. Tua itaque interest ita reparationi * eiusdem ecclesie insudare, ita l magis ac magis ad recuperationem eorum, que distracta vel alienata sunt, totis viribus laborare, ut omnipotens Dominus de m tuis actibus honoretur et ecclesia ipsa suorum dampnorum optata solatia consequatur. Si qua sane ecclesiastica secularisve persona huius nostre constitutionis paginam sciens contra earn temere venire temptaverit, secundo tertiove commonita, si non reatum suum congrua satisfactione correxerit, potestatis honorisque sui dignitate careat reamque se divino iudicio existere den perpetrata iniquitate cognoscat et a sacratissimo corpore ac sanguine Dei et domini redemptoris nostri Iesu Christi aliena fiat atque in extremo examine districte ultioni subiaceat. Cunctis autem eidem loco sua iura servantibus sit pax domini nostri Iesu Christi, quatinus et hie fructum bone actionis percipiant et apud supremum iudicem premia eterne pacis inveniant. Amen. Amen. Amen °. 56 p. Aliud privilegium domini pape de rebus quas Nigellus episcopus, sed parvas, monachis constituit. Innocentius 1 episcopus servus servorum Dei venerabili fratri Nigello Elyensi episcopo eiusque successoribus canonice substituendis in perpetuum. In eminenti " vel add. M, also add. in the margin of D and in a later hand in C. cellis twice F. ° debitis.decimis CDM. censis G. * omnino add. O. ' homini M. h » eius om. G. ei add. G. ' conservent ADEGO. * reparatione CEGO, D. corr. the final e to i. 1 m ut add. AEFGO. de om. D. » domini et Dei nostri G. 0 CDM continue with the subscriptions {printed in Papsturkunden, loc. cit.) and end: Nonis Decembris, indictione secunda, incarnationis Dominice anno millesimo centesimo tricesimo nono, pontificatus vero domini Innocentii pape II anno nono. 0 gives an abbreviated version of the date only. " Collated with copies in AEO and the cartularies CDGM, Egerton 3047, fo. 34. d

1 Date: 27 April 1139. Printed: Papsturkunden in England, ii, no. 21. This privilege is modelled on Nigel's charter (supra, ch. 54) and passages in common with it are shown in italics. Cf. also a similar privilege of Lucius II, infra, ch. 85.

LIBER ELIENSIS 303 apostolice sedis specula disponente Domino constituti, fratres nostros vicinos ac longe positos diligere et honorare nos convenit et ecclesiis sibi a Deo commissis suam iustitiam conservare. Proinde, venerabilis frater Nigelle episcope, tuis desideriis fraterna benignitate duximus annuendum et Elyensem ecclesiam, cui auctore Domino presides, apostolice sedis privilegio decoramus, [fo. I3jv] statuentes, ut quascumque possessiones, quecumque bona iuste et legitime possides aut in futurum largitione regum vel principum, oblatione fidelium seu aliis iustis modis Deo propitio eadem ecclesia poterit adipisci firma tibi tuisque successoribus et illibata permaneant. In quibus hec nominatim duximus annotanda. Quecumque scilicet rex Henricus recordationis egregie eidem ecclesie pro sua devotione tradidit et concessit, relaxationem scilicet servitii militum episcopatus Elyensis quod in castello de Norwicfiericonsuevit, remissionem quoque viginti quinque solidorum et quinque denariorum et a unius oboli, qui per singulos annos dabantur vigili ipsius castri, relaxationem insuper totius servitii et1 operationum, quas homines Eliensis ecclesie facere in predicto castello solebant , remissionem quoque quadraginta librarum de scutagio, prout ab eodem6 rege noscitur institutum et scripto firmatum 2. Preterea abbatiam de Chaterihc c cum omnibus suis pertinentiis Elyensi ecclesie nichilominus confirmamus3, ita d tamen quod sanctimoniales, que ibi sunt, ut in antea fuerint, iuxtae institutionem beati Benedicti regulariter vivant, remissionem quoque de wardpeni in terris eiusg dem f ecclesie et ecclesie de Caterhic *. Nee non restitutiones terrarum, libertatum ac dignitatum ab illustri viro rege Stephano 5 factas firmas et inconvulsas vobis in perpetuum servari precipimus. Simili etiam modo possessiones, libertates et dignitates a reliquis Anglorum regibus atque principibus ecclesie tue collatas et a predecessore nostro Victore papa 6 bone memorie confirmatas tibi tuisque successoribus et per vos eidem ecclesie confirmamus. Porro quecumque bona monachis ipsiush ecclesie conservande religionis et sectande hospitalitatis intuitu contulisti eisdem illibata manere sancimus, ita tamen ut de his, que habent idem monachi seu etiam que episcopalibus usibus reservasti, tibi vel successoribus tuis vel etiam eisdem monachis distraere aliqua vel militari officio deputare non liceat,J quin potius ea, que distracta sunt, recuperare et, que recuperata sunt, in iure ac ditione tua ecclesie retinere liberam habeas facultatem. Monachis autem ipsis terras suas alicui hereditario iure > tenendas concedere omnimodis prohibemus. Nomina vero terrarum et possessionum quas eisdem monachis concessisti sunt k hec. Infra insulam l: Suttuna, "c obolique unius G. * Cateriz E. suis transposed after pertinentiis G. d aut CDM. ' wardpena CDM. ' Elyensis add. CDM. ' restitutionis EGO, corr. to restitutiones CF. h eidem ACGO; s inserted later, DEF. '• • •' ac . . . iure om. EFGO; added in the margin of F in a modern hand. k hec sunt DM. 1 For a fuller list of variant readings of place names see Papsturkunden in England, ii, no. 21. 1 4 6

a 3 Supra, ch. 12. Supra, ch. 15. Supra, ch. 18. Supra, ch. 19. Probably referring to a lost charter of Stephen, confirming the findings of the Wandlebury plea, 6and not to supra, ch. 49 q.v. Supra, Book II, ch. 93.

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Wicheham, Wicheford, Wintewrda, Tidbrichteseia, Withleseiaa, Stunteneia cum xxiiibus milibus anguillarum, que capiuntur in paludibus et aquis, que adiacent manerio illi. Et omnes apportatus et oblationes altarium matris ec-[fo. ij8]-clesie ad sustentandas eiusdem ecclesie necessitates. Et b ecclesia sancte Marie de Ely cum terris c et decimis et omnibus suis pertinentibus d. Et nominatim totame decimam de Bertona tua f et" una vacaria in Dereforda et in h Bela. Septem pensas salts in Tyrintuna. Quinetiam ligna in Sumeresham ', sicut melius habuerunt tempore predecessorum tuorum *. Et super ripam de Bluntesham unam l mansuram terre cum quinque acris ubi colligantur ligna, et cum octo acris prati, ubi ™ pascantur boves qui ligna attrahunt. Vineam n etiam suam in Ely, sicut habuerunt priusquam episcopus, ° esses. Sex piscatores cum mansionibus suis ad piscandum in aquis, in quibus solebant. Extra insulam: Meldeburne, Melrede, Hauechestuna, Neutona, Wratinge, Stevechewrda, Suafham, Stapelford, Bercham, Stoche, Meltune, Suthburna, Kingestuna. Sacha et socha cum omnibus regalibus consuetudinibus in quinque hundredis et dimidio. Viginti solidos in Rissemere, Lachingahida, Undeleia, Scepeia, Fotestorp ad mandatum monachorum. Triginta milia allechium de Dunewic. Duodecim sceppe frumenti et brasii de heredibus Harduini de Scalariis. Et omnes servientes suos de omnibus ministeriis suis, ut monachi eos 1

cum mansuris suis libere possideant . Hac insuper libertate eisdem monachis a te indulta et confirmata, ut, tam " supradicta bona ipsis a tua devotione vel quorumlibet fidelium oblatione collata, quam etiam in posterum rationabiliter conferenda, ad sustentationem eorum q libera et ab omni conditione absoluta permaneant. Decernimus ergo ut nulli omnino r hominum liceat prefatam ecclesiam temere perturbare aut eius possessiones auferre vel ablatas retinere s, minuere seu aliquibus vexationibus fatigare. Sed omnia integra conserventur eorum, pro quorum gubernatione et sustentatione concessa sunt, usibus omnimodis profutura. Si qua igitur in posterum ecclesiastica secularisve persona huius nostre constitutionis paginam sciens contra earn venire temptaverit, secundo tertiove commonita, nisi reatum suum congrua satisfactione correxerit, honoris potestatisque periculum patiatur et a sacratissimo corpore et sanguine Dei et domini nostri Iesu Christi aliena fiat atque in extremo examine districte ultioni subiaceat et excommunicationis sententia feriatur. Cunctis autem eidem loco sua iura servantibus sit pax domini nostri Iesu Christi, quatinus

h ° Witleseia CE. et om. CDM. " et possessionibus add. G. d pertinentiis ACDEGM. • tota decima ACT). > mea G. h « et . . . Bela add. in the margin, E. in om. CDGM. ' et Bluntesham add. C in a hand of the fourteenth century, and the addition corresponds to the text of Nigel's charter (ch. 34) and the confirmation by Lucius II (ph. 85). k l meorum G. una mansura CDM; mansionem corr. to mansuram F. m unde CD. " vinea . . . sua CDM. " episcopus add. in the margin, D. »tam om. FO. " eorum om. CD; add. C in a hand of the fourteenth century, and perhaps in the margin of D, but obscured by the binding; eorum sustentacionem M. r omnino liceat hominum F, but with marks above liceat hominum to indicate a change of order; hominum om. G; omnino homini M. ' retine F. 1 Neither Innocent II's confirmation nor that of Lucius II (ch. 85) mention Nigel's grant of the monks' court (supra, ch. 54).

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et" fructum actionis [fo. 138V] bone percipiant et apud districtum iudicem premia eterne pacis acquirant. Amen. Amen. Amen b . 57 c. Miraculum quomodo mulier ceca illuminata est ad sanctam JE6e\dre8a.m. Tempore adhuc superstitis 1 domini nostri d Nigelli episcopi mulier quedam de Cotehame 2 cecitatem quadriennio passa est. Hec ad festum sancte iESeldreSe veniens, tota nocte usque in diem ante corpus eius excubavit. Facto igitur mane, cepit vehementius orationi insistere et post modicum gratias agens visum se aliquantulum recepisse clamavit. Cepitque paulatim privatio verti in habitum et, nocte expulsa, lux clarissima se ingessit. Quod ut abstantibus probaretur, proiecti sunt ei oboli et quadrantes diversi nummismatis, quorum caracteres ipsa certissime videntibus omnibus distinguebat. Notum est itaque earn sine dubio suos recepisse conspectus et post solennes gratiarum concentus, quas clerus et populus acclamabant, que cum duce venerat sine duce propria repetebat. 58 f. De quodam qui festum sancte ^ESeldreSe tenere noluit. Pauca valde sunt que narramus, nee expectet auditor omnis sancte huius gesta vel nostra posse retineri memoria vel colligi eloquentia. Nos enim, velut tenues et imbecilles, tanta materia onerati, suscepto iam cessissemus ponderi, nisi sancte virginis pietas gratiam suam ausibus nostris temperaret. Unde et in sequentibus, sicut in preteritis, lectoris benivolentia indigemus, ut reliquis que instant congruam possimus relationem attexere. Occurrit enim delectabilis mentio miraculi, quod pias aures gloriosag exultatione demulceret. Quidam namque sacerdos festum sancte iESeldreSe solempniter precepit observari. Cuius precepti quidam parrachianorum suorum contemptor existens, quippiam operis suscepit agendum. Nee moratur culpam divina punire vindicta, sed detestabilem ausum detestabile secutum est infortunium. Casus enim promptus ad casum causam ei inprovidi et precipitis transitus per quandam sepem ingerebat, in quam subito irruens sude acutissima infra vertebras transfixus est. Unde se violenter excutiens, fracta sude fragmen infra corpus gerens, vehementer lesus dicessit. Crevit ergo dolor in dies et supraducta h a b

hie add. CD. CDM continue with the subscriptions (printed in Papsturkunden, loc. cit.) and end: Data Laterani per manum Aimerici sancte Romane ecclesie diaconi cardinalis et cancellarii quinto Kl. Maii, indictione secunda, incarnationis Dominice anno millesimo centesimo tricesimo nono, pontificatus vero domni Innocentii pape secundi anno decimo. 0c gives an abbreviated version of the date only. This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 478. d e nostri erased E. Cotenham E. ' This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 4J8-J9, which has a wrong rubric. h " gratiosa BE. superducta B. 1 This chapter and the rest of the compilation must therefore have been written after Nigel's death2 in 1169. See supra, p. xlviii. Cottenham (Cambs.).

306 LIBER ELIENSIS cicatrice ceperat iam introrsus putrescere. Cum ecce nesciens, quid intra se esset, medicos convocat, et aliis succedentibus aliis, magis vexatur quam iuvatur. Sicque [fo. ijg] annum totum in maxima duxit miseria, donee redeunte sancte virginis festivitate suadetur a suis ad sancte, quam offenderat, tumulum apportari, si forte quod tam diu conceperat vel tune parere posset. Itaque illuc advehitur totaque nocte et die misericordiam postulat nee impetrat et deinde, iam sine spe effectus, domum parat repedare. Cumque in itinere grata planities occurrisset, cepit vir anxius hanc ecclesiam aflentibus oculis pie respicere paucisque verbis hanc orationem effudit: ' O beatissima domina, si velles in me misero virtutis tue largitatem ostendere, omni anno tuam festivitatem devotissime observarem. Remitte ergo mihi quod in te peccavi. Sufficiat tibi ad vindictam quod tuli, et miserere mei.' Quo dicto, statim sensit quandam mirabilem pruriginem in loco vulneris et tam diu scalpere ibi cepit quo usque rupta cute frustrum sudis cum multa sanie exiliret de corpore. Gaudens itaque et ammirans eiectam esse sue causam passionis, redit ilico ad ecclesiam, gratias agit sancte, refert eventum et postea in provinciam suam revertitur, ferens secum lignum tanti miraculi testimonium ad Dei et sancte .ZESeldreSe preconium. 59 b. Quomodo eger quidam sanatus est per tunicam sancte -iESeldreSe. Non putemus sanctam virginem in solo quietis sue loco sanitatis operatam esse miracula, que ubique se invocantibus misericorditer adesse dignatur. Cuius sanctitasc ut latius innotescat, etiam de vestibus eius iocunda prodiere magnalia. Habemus enim quandam veterem dalmaticam quam vel ipsa fecit, vel in qua corpus eius involutum fuit, vel que tunica eius extiterat dum adhuc regina in seculari habitu versaretur. Hec itaque tanquam conscia tante dignitatis quedam sanctitatis vestigia sequebatur et solo sui attactu d multis languentibus conferebat remedium. Unde et frustratim pene tota,fidelibuspartem aliquam inde petentibus, divisa est. Utque aliquod eius insigne narremus, frater noster Brithmarus e veniens in domum cuiusdam Willelmi cognomento Flandrensis, habuit eandem tunicam secum cum aliis reliquiis, eo quod pontis curam ageret et fidelium auxilia predicando postularet. Puer autem adhuc iacens in cunis, pene ad mortem ibi egrotabat hospitis filius. Cumque iam se movere non posset, mortuo simillimus patrem et matrem non parum contristabat. Accedens ergo frater ille noster, iussit corpus in tunicam illam involvi et, antequam tertio Dominicam orationem super [fo. I3gv] eum dixisset, primo unum, deinde alterum pedem puer ad se trahens, tandemque totum se movens, surrexit, comedit et tertio die plenissimam sanitatem recepit. Hec itaque et similia famam sancte longe lateque disperserunt. " benignissima BE. 6 This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, ». 479c hactenus F. d atractu F. " Brihmarus BE.

LIBER ELIENSIS 307 60 ". De puella dextro oculo cecata sub corpore beate vE8eldre8e illuminata. In secundo x consecrationis anno domini et patris nostri Nigelli sancte Elyensis ecclesie pontificis venerandi, octavo Idus Iunii hora advesperacente diei, cele berrimum satis innotuit miraculum ad beate virginis iESeldreSe sepulcrum. Virgo namque, formosa facie et natalibus generosa, ut perhibent qui noverunt, moribus conspicua et honestate laudabilis, oculo tantum sinistro videns ablato sibi penitus dextro, ad excubias sacre virginis illuminari meruit et colores rerum utrisque haurire luminibus. Quod sacra revelatione qualiter accident, vera relatione titulus explicabit. De provincia Merciorum in antiqua urbe, Cirecestria nomine, predicta puella parentibus inclitis orta resplenduit. Que patre citius orbata quam adulta, ad Occidentals Saxones matrem comitata transmeavit. Ibi genetrix sua sortita bigamiam, cuiusdem illustris viri, Rannulfi vocabulo, sociatur lateri in famoso Warengeforde oppido, celebri memoria beneficiorum virisfidelibusamplectendi, qui ex eo, quod corpulentior extitit, agnomen a grossitudine Grossus accepit2. Inter locupletes ceteris non inferior instituit virginem tanquam filiam pudicitie honestate splendescere et ad opulentos reditus morum venustantemque suspirare. Hec nocte aliqua dum lecto decubuit, visione perterrita egrotare graviter cepit. Vivido enim colore et perspicacibus oculis ei virago splendens apparuit, cuius inexhausti vigoris fortitudinem sensit. Astans cubiculo semivigilantem in facie acriter perculit, adeo ut de naribus undab profusior sanguinis exiliret et sua inundatione vestes contactas inficeret, atque dextrum latus eius magno conamine feriens, valde commota et torvis inflammata luminibus, in nullo earn alloquens reverenter abscessit. Et expergefacta somno pariter ac sompnio, virgo mox gravissimo languore decoquitur et tota familia de eius adversa valitudine perturbatur. Accedentes propius relatam intelligunt visionem, in sanguine veritatis conicientes ymaginem [fo. 140]. Et quia per Salomonem dicitur: ' Virga atque correctio tribuent sapientiam, puer autem qui c dimittur voluntati sue confundet matrem suam ' 3 , Deus earn fortasse erudire dignaa tus est huiusmodiflagello,ne virginitatis post hac subiaceret periculo. Ad humilitatis ergo custodiam hoc modo corporalia illata c sunt virgini detrimenta. Dies noctem eandem subsequens sexta feria extitit, qua Christus pro mundo cum Zabulo conflixit '. Tante infirmitatis accessit testimonium, si sibi suppeteret unde divideret, ut 9 sub celeritate faceret testamentum. Virgo per totam gravatur ebdomadam usque ad diem quam Iovis vocabulo apud gentiles ethnica insignivith consuetudo. In hac dum spiritus pene deficeret, ministros ecclesie diligenter exquirit et facta confessione sacramentisque Dominicis fideliter sumptis inter manus suorum confestim commutuit. Cum nocte iterum eadem que sequitur, que lucem, qua ' creatus est " This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 473-756 c d at qui MSS. fortassis BE. subicuere F. 0 ilta BE, ita F. * confixit F. « et BE. h exquiritur F. ' qua om. F. 35 For a Ralph Grossus, holding in Wallingford, see Book of Fees, Pt. i, 1198-1242, pp. n o , 114-15. 3 Cf. Prov., xxix, 15. 2

308 LIBER ELIENSIS homo, precedit, adest persona nobilis candidis amicta induviis, imperiose videlicet mulier auctoritatis. ' Heus tu ', inquit, ' Reinburgis, vigilias an dormis ? ' Cumque ilia prorsus elinguis nullius responsi modulos ageret, sed versa ad parietem tanquam in mortem resoluta iaceret, heros predicta rursus adiecit eamque proprio nomine secundo vocavit. ' Cur ', inquit, ' Reinburgis, responsa non tribuis ? Nullius in mundo filia cesaris, nullius consulis eminet progenies principantis, que meam vocem libere non exciperet et ad interrogata diligenter responderet.' Audivit hec omnia, sed respondere virgo non potuit. Tune ilia tertio: ' Expergiscere, Reinburgis ', ait, ' expergiscere. Video enim te mirabili oppressam stupore.' Reversaque insignis heros post modum ad se ipsam: ' Nimis ', inquit, ' nimis expecto; moras innecto nimias in loquendo.' Prolatoque flore, quern de sinu extulit, in os puelle citius inmisit. Vox ei et lingua protinus redditur et tamen a somno non excitatur. Et mulier: ' Agnoscisne', inquit, ' o Reinburgis, faciem tecum verba conserentis ? Scisne que sim, unde et quare venerim ? An sentire vales medela restituam hanc, quam circumfers, carnem egrotam ? ' Cui iuvencula: ' Sentio', inquit, ' domina, sentio, et te mediante Dei gratia convalesce' Turn femina nobilis heros et ipsa eque a laudabilis: ' Iuste per me', ait, ' consequeris remedium, cuius percussum dextra corpus gestas aggravatum. Lurida meis ictibus ora pallent macie et latus tibi lividum horrescit in dolore. Proinde misit me domina mea [fo. 140V] virgo et regina insignis iESeldreSa, que matris tue lacrimas ultra ferre non potuit, tibique antidotum pro remedio destinavit. E supero celorum cardine lapsa ab ilia tibi ad salutem per me transmittitur hec medela. Imperatque tuam sibi sisti presentiam, periculosis casibus deinceps eruendam.' Pulsaverat iugiter mater eius a prima die innrmitatis ad ianuam clementie iESeldreSe sacratissime virginis et earn singulariter solam pre ceteris sanctis precibus et lacrimis ad copiam flexerat pietatis. ' Gratias ago ', iunior intulit, ' quia nichil in corpore adversitatis resedit.' Abierunt morbi, redierunt vires, quique corpus occupaverat languor abcessit. ' Sarcinam ', inquitb, ' adhuc gravem et molestiam pateris, nee ita ut estimas omnino convalescis. Sed esto filia paulisper et sustine et omnino curaberis ab eodem languore.' Admovitque lateri suaviter manum et perforato sine dolore intorsit intrinsecus usque ad cubitum corque cleniter attractavit suorum summitate digitorum. Cum iuvencula virgo: ' Nichil pericli', inquit, ' est, o virago: ecce sum domina sospes et valida, tota adversa valitudine iam depulsa,' ' morbus ', ilia respondit, ' a te gravis exciditur necdumque perfecta incolumitas reparatur.' Retraxit ad se mulier dextram et denuo intrusit, ut allevaret illam. Opusque priori simile peregit et secundam vicem prime supputavit. ' Modo ', inquit Reinburgis, ' o domina, convalui, ex integro reddita sanitati.' Et ilia: ' Prope net', ait, ' ista curatio, tertio medicamine cumulate' Quod ergo bis prius egerat, in nomine sancte Trinitatis de cetero supplet, et manum a corde eius et ab interioribus brachium removet. Linitque unguento latus quod exciderat et pristine sanitati delibutum reformat. Admonet instantius iterum, ut sepulcrum beate virginis adeat nee in expediendo itinere moras innectat. Favet viragini virgo pro voto, quicquid imperantis sedet arbitrio. ' Presto sum ', fatetur, ' quod precipis exequi et beate regine sacris edibus presentari'. ' Vade ', inquit tertio persona, ' ne differas, quod tibi iniungitur ne dimittas. Reminiscere quanta " eque om. F.

h

infit MSS.

c

nichil om. F.

LIBER ELIENSIS 309 in regina precellit excellentia, cuius te bonitas saluti restituet ° et, cum ad illam veneris, perfecte reparabit.' Subiungit virgo verbum alacrius exhibitum seb sponte nullatenus frustrari quod promiserat, si tantum comes assit qui ei opem ferat. 'Cuius modi', inquit, ' o virgo, queris adiuvari presidio? ' Res-[/o. .z^jj-pondit: ' Puella sum impotens paterno destituta solatio, subiecta mee genetricis imperio, nee absque eius nutu consilio subici licet alieno.' Hec verba respondentis tacitus attentusque rapiebat, alloquentis autem vocem vel habitum audire vel videre non poterat, frater secus illam lecto assistens, germane casibus fortuneque misericorditer condescendens. Hanc itaque veritatis imaginem nequaquam falso sompniat animus, quam sine cunctatione ad virtutum operam celestis iudicii compellat effectus. Mulier autem ilia personam reddens auctoritate plenam huiusmodi verbis alloquitur virginem, ostendens vultum solito severiorem: ' Mandata ', inquit, ' profero, blanditiasque minasque propono, necessitates, quibus eruaris, allego. Imperavit regina; compleantur imperata. ^ESeldreSa virgo sanctissima, hec est hera mea, cuius monitio fit vice quamvis alterius edita voce. Nunc quia pretendis excusationem et opponis errorem neque ad illam c iter acceleras, cuius te gratia copiosa prevenit, qualis sit eius virtus et meritum, per hoc impressum cognosces tibi signum. Nee cito dedisces consuetudinem, cuiusdexpertam senties veritatem.' Verbis amaris increpat; vultu minaci corripit, dumque rem exhibet haud sibi difficilem, ex ostensa reddit iracundia cautiorem. Arreptaque palpebra, cui dextrum eminet supercilium, super pupillam traxit et huiusmodi verba minando subiunxit: ' Salutares admonitiones quoniam e negligis, et medicamentorum compositiones utilium quia subterfugis, obliqua f fide B dexter obliquabitur oculus, ut obtutu careat in humanis rebus. Nee prius lucis antique h reperies prerogativam, quam sanctam j Dei virginem adeas ^ESeldreSam.' His ita prelibatis, virago disparuit. Cum virgo evigilans lacrimas iunxit verecundie comites, veritatis visioni fidem facientes, nee dolore potuit amplius torqueri quam pudore. Hec autem predicanda miseratio gratie, non alea fortune, quamquam ad Dei laudem et gloriam lucem abstulerit puelle visibilem, integram conservavit animi libertatem. Sic in infortunii salo dum fluctuat, tanquam in solo sapientis utitur instrumentis. Temperavit ratio cecitatem, discretio miscuit spei bone nduciam, ut nee a virtutum bono decideret k nee earn desperatio fatigaret. Lippientis oculi quam honestius sufficit grave virgo incommodum per dies octo tegit. Cum quinta adves[fo. j^ji>]-perascente feria dies clauditur et a noctis confinio sexta lux inchoatur, l contubernales eius sese locant ad requiem et ipsa in cubiculo disponitur ad quietem, venit ergo m tertio que denuo venerat et proprio puellam vocabulo inclamat: ' Reinburgis ', inquit, ' personam iterum redii, en de te sollicita ad te rursus accessi.' Que ad hec verba confinis facta parieti matronam herilem collegit sessioni. Cum repente quedam stature mediocris, femineo sexui femineum preferens habitum, truci vultu truculentum condit edictum, repleta asperitatibus et plena minarum: ' Quid ', inquit, ' o detestanda iuventus, tantum ausa nefas, domine mee totiens intimatum supersedisti imperium ? Qualiter atrita fronte postponere non puduit, quod tibi tanta 0

restituit BE. " aliam F. 1 aliqua F. 1 sanctam om. BE. 1 in om. F. AA

b

" que om. F. " obnutu F. m

ergo om. F.

inopem F.

e h

quam F. antiqua F. * discederet F, descideret B.

310 LIBER ELIENSIS regina, ut faceres, imperavit ? Quomodo ad tantam devoluta es in stupore mentis insaniam, ut prevaricatrix existeres contra legem tibi specialiter assignatam ? Quod tibi beata virgo iESeldreSa facere precepit, prave mentis inertia complere cur tardavit ? Inconstantie autem et levitatis nevo notabilis quia rationis refugisti librari sententia, tue indiscretionis experieris argumenta. Exequar ergo condignam, domina mea imperante, vindictam et, que uberius meritis tuis respondeat facte indignationis, pertinges ad ruinam.' Turn virago que prior advenerat: ' Eia ', inquit, ' tante ministra virginis et nuntii baiula, misericordiam prepone iustitie tanteque ultionis flagellum suspende. Tolle virgam 1, ut sententiam sentiat immutatam.' ' Non possum ', inquit, ' differre quod supplicas nee audeo relinquere quod dimittendum rogas. Punire precepit virgo incorruptibilis pro transgressione neglegentiam, ut post hoc advertas iudicium districte severitatis et causam.' Ingemuit persona herilis hec audiens, secundo pro puella et tertio intercedens, cumque frustrata et inef&cax eius esset petitio nee flecti tantis posset precibus mulier forme minoris ad veniam, vindex culpe per capiUos mox assumpsit illam arreptoque mire longitudinis clavo ferreo, quod penes se habuerat ante reconditum, inter oculum in capite crudeliter et cerebrum fixit eamque intolerabili dolore perforavit. ' Iniunctum ', inquit, ' mandatum peregi, imperatricis mee obtemperans voluntati.' Hec dixit et disparuit. Tune ilia laudabilis heros salutiferi guttam liquoris clavo ve-[/o. j^2]-locius ferreo instillans, expulit omne tormentum a capite avulsumque longius resilivit a cervice. Factaque sospes iterum Reinburgis ab exitio, celesti salvatur medicamento. Res ista virtutum fulgore radians tota divino testimonio commendatur. Leniens autem illam sermonibus blandisque curatrix accesserat, puelle persona imperialis cum maxima auctoritate clamat: 'Preclara namque res est, cuius tibi facta sum prenuntia. Sepius iam tecum de tuo profectu et sospitate luctata, hilariter debueras prestitisse, quod a te cum tormentis extorquetur exacte, giatis colere potius quam timere. A beata mandatur iESeldreSa, ne ulterius differas, sed ad illam citius, prout potes, accedas nee hanc tue salutis experieris artificem, nisi a bona materia in te iuverit operantem. Visita locum ilium quern cum domina nostra pariter incolimus et corporum nostrorum presentia decoramus. Illic cum aderis inter gloriose virginis et regine mausoleum sepulchrumque ab aquiloni parte decenter locatum, accenso cereo excubans dulci sopore leniter obdormies et expergiscens a sompno visum recipies, quo tot diebus cares. Ne cuiusquam sicere liquorem ebibas tibi interdico, donee assistas loco frequenter memorato. Cura mihi de te grandis oborta, hesternum aque poculum ad hostium thalami quodam mortis offendiculo fecit evacuari. Si glutisses haustum, quern ore conceperas, et non evomuissent fauces quod hauserant, virus in vase mortis, quo latuit, ad eternam tibi patuisset ruinam. Pugno inter scapulas te quoque perculi et ab huiusmodi interitu liberavi. Fac ergo rem optimam tibique salubrem, ut ire celeriter perseveres ad virginem, cuius factam totiens audisti iussionem. Imago visionis firmiter hereat, unde rei memoria iocunde non recedat. Dies armate trahens vocabulum hoc in rure nequaquam te ducat ad vesperam, si salutem satagis consequi repromissam. Si vero perhendinao ubi F. 1

Common phrase in the Vulgate, e.g. Exod., vii, 9.

LIBER ELIENSIS 311 veris, non egrediens oppidum, nee flamma devotionis tendit ad incrementum, cum minus amor in te vehementior fuerit, in hac tepebit impetus que mandatum dedit. Nee ad meliora respirabis per illam nee ad salutem pertinges concupitam. Sed quod tibi gravius incumbit ut audias, pernicibus sibi brachiis mors inopina rapiet teque de hoc corpore arreptam elidet.' Species imaginis, his dictis, evanuit et expergefacta a sompno surrexit. Revelationem genitrici insinuat et, ut iter acceleret [fo. 142V], instantius orat. Cuncta que viderat ocius innotescunt, victricus et mater desiderata perficiunt. Occurrit etiam ex insperato germanus frater virginis votivo exceptus officio, qui provincie defuerat tempore diuturno. Apparat expensas et iter accelerat, a a quo die tempus sibi constituitur, ad Elyensem insulam citius penetratur. Notandumque celebriter quod sibi puella tulit accidisse, sub eadem luce qua ad sanctam iESeldreSam viam arripuit promotionis sue. Cuius ut fides fervebat in pectore, ita in corpore celeritas integre sospitatis advenit, excepto tantum quod sibi dexter oculus patere non potuit. In eo autem itinere nunquam ei somnus irrepsit, sed iugis vigilia exercitatos diu oculos fatigavit. Tandem perveniens ad sepulchrum sacratissime virginis et circa vespertina solennia devotis illi asistens excubiis, dum a plaga aquilonis, ut sibi iussum fuerat, accensa lampade virgo decumberet, factum est ut in b pavimento leniter obdormiret. Revelaverat paulo ante senioribus religiosis ecclesie sibi quod acciderat et cecitatem oculi cum timore, que earn deprimebat. Eratque pudori gravius illatum superna manu supplicium, cum degener sanguis illius natales non inficeret et rei familiaris angustia nobilitatis" nomen in suos non fuscaret. Cum igitur aliquantulam scilicet concepisset iuvencula d generosa quietem et sub sepulchro sacratissime virginis et regine insignis .ZESeldreSe collocasset cervicem, inopinato statim eventu e dextra nare cruor exiliit earn que a sompno citius excitari sic coegit. Que manica sindonis, qua induebatur, apposita, restinxit undas profluentes sanguinis, ne pavimentum supernuitas attingeret noxialis. Et cum maxima devotione Celsius exclamans: ' Gratias ', inquit, ' tibi, virgo prelucida, regina venerabilis et gloriosa, quia, sicut estimo, temporalia video, que clausa videndi hactenus fuerant instrumento.' Suppositoque, quern manu tenebat ad maceriam, cereo, sinistra sinistrum clausit oculum et dextra dextro quoddam ostendit signum. Per hoc instituens experiri certius quam probabilis esset sacre revelationis effectus. Stupuere fideles qui aderant, qui una circiter hora superius turbidum viderant sidus et tumidum [fo. 143} et nunc splendidum contemplantur totaque deformitate sedatum. Attollitur sanctorum clamor ad sidera, vox popularis letitia tripudiat infinita. Fama ad ecclesiam exire non desinit, quos amor regine et virginis e diversis regni partibus ad Dei laudem et gloriam illo congregavit. Sistitur ante sacram mensam Christi virgo splendida et decora iamque vultus alacritate et facie venustate subtilius mutata. Refert omnibus scire volentibus quid divina gratia in ipsa gestum sit et, quemadmodum rei predicte contexuimus, ordinem luculenter explicavit. Nos igitur, Iesu bone, in his et ceteris mirabilibus tuis te Deum laudamus et celi ac terre Dominum confitemur, qui beate sponse tue et integerrime virginis iESeldreSe longe lateque sice glorificas merita, ut cernentibus cunctis et audientibus appareant gratiosa. Hymnum autem quern prediximus solempniter precentor incepit ecclesie, tota congregatione alacriter cum spirituali gaudio et lacrimis Dei magnalia prosequente. " et for a F. c nobitatis F.

' i n om. F. d

iuvenculam F.

" sic om. BE.

312 LIBER ELIENSIS Sciendumque fideliter omnibus congruit, quod sicut relationes ei facte sunt tribus his diebus ad vesperum, que ab apellatione Iovis traxere vocabulum °, ita sub hac vespertine devotionis hora ad salutis pertingere meruit incrementum. Que fletus uberiores largius profundens, ad * sacrate virginis mausoleum orationibus insistens, accepta licentia remeavit ad propria, suos exhilarans de sospitatee sibi celitus reformata. Ex ilia lumine debilitata iuvencula emersit, que in ista tante gratiam curationis invenit. Fortassis autem sacra virgo Christi et regina Celebris iESeldreSa nostro in tempore alia occulte nobis exhibuit, sed in tam clara luce nullum tarn sollempne miraculum in serie moderni temporis ostendit. 61 d. De quodam monacho nostro usque ad mortem languente, sed a sancta JESeldreSa sanato.

Cum innumerabilia per sanctorum suorum merita insignia, quaquamversum per orbis climata, operetur Deus sua magnalia, plura sunt que modernorum scriptorum incuria memoriali pagine minime commendantur reiteranda. Cuius incurie illi precipue arguuntur, qui litteralis scientie officio delegantur. Ne igitur huiusmodi offense ab emulis accuser crimine, 1quoddam quod contigit miraculum in instanti tempore in me ipso, Thoma nomine , beate \Jo. 143V] iESeldreSe meritis et intercessione pro capacitate mea ad eius laudem et gloriam dignum duxi omnibus exponere. Dispensante igitur divina gratia que omnemfiliumquem diligit flagellat 2, intolerabilis valitudinis gravi torquebar angustia. Febrium enim acutarum continuo estuans ardore, destituebar totius corporis virium vigore. Hinc stimulis diversarum passionum agitantibus, hinc dolorum gemitibus vix me aspirare permittentibus, sepius ocitans pene mortis addictuse eram faucibus. Quid multa ? Hanc 3 ingratuitam miser, anxius accito vitam, ducens languores, stimulos, tormenta, dolores, positus itaque in ipso mortis exterminio angoris et supplicii fatigatus dispendio, desperabam prorsus de quoquam vite remedio. Fratres 4 conveniunt, timidi de funere fiunt. Plangunt languentem, varios morbos patientem. Invalescente igitur egritudine omnique sensu corporis languescente, quasi suffocatus vix potui perpauca verba formare. Et quoniam nulla fuit mini fiducia respirationis, eatenus me mundavi sollicitius lavacro sincere confessionis, corde contrito recipiens viaticum, ut securior firem f post huius vite transitum. Deinde alia que exhibenda sunt morituro, mihi supplicabam exhiberi continuo. Distulerunt autem fratres in crastino me confoventes alicuius convalitudinis solatio. Quorum ego salubri adquievi consilio, non 0 d

6 e miraculum B. et a for ad F. sospite F. This miracle is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 479—80. f ' adductus B. feriem F, firiem BE. 1 On the evidence of this phrase Thomas is accredited with the authorship of the L.E. He was clearly a scribe of the Ely scriptorium (litteralis scientie), but the sustained rhyming prose and the occasional hexameters employed in this chapter are not a characteristic feature of the rest of the L.E. and it is safer to infer only that Thomas was the author of a miracle collection which2 included this miracle. Cf. Hebr., xii, 6. 3 Hanc . . . dolores scans as two hexameters. 4 Fratres . . . patientem scans as two hexameters.

LIBER ELIENSIS 313 1 diffidens de dono Dei gratuito. In se credentes, spem qui non spernit habentes, qui refovet miseros, consulit, audit eos. Frustratus enim pene vitali spiraculo, spem totam confirmavi in Domino cuius largiflua pietatis miseratio desolatos protegit presidio. Hoc igitur solum hominis refugium, cucurri ad beate virginis iESeldreSe patrocinium, cuius ego lacrimans inploravi auxilium, pura devotione petens remedium, ut pro me interpellaret summum medicum, quo me pristine incolumitati redderet exhilaratum. Lamentans et suspirans innumeris gemitibus, quam affabar huiusmodi singultibus: ' O jESeldreSa nostra specialis domina, que vernas corpore integritatis prerogativa, omnibus prestans largitatis beneficia, qui te petunt intime devotionis fiducia, exaudi me peccatorem miserrimum, languedinis sarcina difficulter oppressum [fo. 144], ad tuum humiliter confugientem auxilium a, tuum specialiter postulantem solatium. Porrige mihi salutiferum medele subsidium, quo meorum releventur anxietates ulcerum, quibus fatigor usque ad vite tedium, malens mori quam ulterius hoc sustinere supplicium. Noli me mater clementissima desolatum deserere, sed clementer me digneris invisere, semivivum eripiens b de hoc lacrimabili funere, ut tua largiflua pietate de hac convalle doloris et miserie valeam respirare. Es enim meac post Deum et suam gloriosam genitricem patrocinatrix unica advocata singularis et domina. In te constat mea spes firma et continua, que subnixe efflagito nullatenus petitionis careat efficacia. Ecce constituo te mediatricem inter me et Deum, ut d tuo interventu mihi indulserit vivendi spatium, quod maleactam vitam in melius emendabo in posterum.' Nee mora, evoluto octo dierum circulo, ex quo ceperam languescere invaletudinario, raptus in extasi supremo " diei diluculo, videbar interesse cuiusdam processionis collegio, ubi resonabat dulcisona concentus modulatio, alternantibus ymnis cum vocis iubilo. Exhilaratus enim huius melodie armonia, continuo sensi mihi adesse propitia, beate advocate nostre ^ESeldreSe suffragia. Expleta ergo illius caterve processione, incipitur missa cum sollempni celebratione, quam audivi sedulus pura cordis intentione. Preterea inter evangelici nuntii preconium f ad consecrandum corpus Dominicum introspexi quoddam parii marmoris altarium radiantibus gemmis et auro perspicuum. Post missarum igitur celebrationem respiciens ad lectulum, vidi quandam matronam visu pulcherrimam, habentem sanctimonalis habitum, que nimia diligentia defecavit statum cum manica, extingens quisquilias et contagia pulverum, regirando pannos et coopertorium. Lecto 2 mun3 dato, disparuit ilia virago, quam agnovi certissime esse beatam ^ESeldreSam virginem, quoniam earn mihi attentius postulavi propitiatricem. Interea de somno expergefactus evigilans, quo fuissem vehementer admirans, advocavi quosdam fratres qui ibi aderant presentes, eis visionem, que mihi contigerat, seriatim referens. Qui talibus auditis pro mea [fo. 144V] exhilaratione gratulabunde Deo meeque liberatrique hgratias agentes meque incolumem firmiter asserentes, in hanc vocem proruperunt dicentes: ' Benedictus sis Deus in tuis mirabilibus qui beate E S l d S " asilum BE. d si BE. ' ilia om. B. 1 a

* exipiens F. " mea om. F. ' summo E, sumo B. ' preconum F. h prorumperunt MSS.

In . . . audit eos scans as an elegiac couplet. Lecto . . . virago: perhaps intended to scan as an hexameter.

314 LIBER ELIENSIS instinctu et precibus servis tuis misericorditer subvenire non renuis in te confidentibus.' Ex ilia enim hora cepi de die in diem convalescere, Deo omnipotent! sancteque sue virgini vota persolvere que sui gratia me ditavit huius vite lumine. Nullus ° igitur sancte derogans diffideatur hoc miraculum credere, quoniam hac pagina de me ipso illud curavi inserere, ut Deus magnificetur in sua gloriosa virgine. Laudemus ergo Dominum in factis mirabilem, venerantes tripudiis eius sponsam et virginem, signis et virtutibus per orbem predicabilem Exhibeamus, inquam, ei devote venerationis gloriam, ut eternam nostri in celis secum habeat memoriam. Quod concedat nobis agnus sponsus virginum, cui sit laus, honor et imperium per infinita secula seculorum. Amen. 62. Quomodo seditio in patria orta est, et quod timore regis episcopus Nigellus exivit de Ely.

Quinto autem presulatus Nigelli episcopi anno, qui est quartus regni Stephani regis 1, et etiam multo antea ubique locorum in Anglia et Normannia fiunt rapine et homicidia iamque ceperant mala fieri in terra latronibus grassantibus, baronibus domino suo regi fidem violantibus et ei rebellare parantibus et rebus undique dissidentibus. Non enim fidem invenit in terra 2, ut compleretur quod per quendam sapientem longe predictum fuerat de illo: Nocebit possidenti ex impiis pietas. Pius quippe ac mansuetus cum esset rex dives, corpore validus et tune temporis fortissimus virorum super omnes orientales probatur extitisse. Sed iam ad contextum hystorie revertamus. Primum igitur huius mali exordium cepit in Anglia Baldwinus de Riveris 3, et post episcopus Nigellus, malignorum instinctu, monachis obnixe dissuadentibus, contra regem munitionem b in Ely ex lapide et cemento statuerat firmissimum, quod virtute sancta iESeldreSe crebro dissolvebatur. Unde ad aquam prope machinas construxit, munitionem, de lignis factam, aggere cinxit et AlreheSe c [fo. 145] nichilominus reparatum custodie mancipavit d. Cognoscentes hoc potentes quidam patrie, habito sermone cum episcopo pactum stabiliunt per suum auxilium locum contra regemfirmissimetenere. Quo audito, rex exercitum misit ad expugnandum insulam, sed frustratis nisibus diu laboraverunt. Quibus rex descendens in auxilium, AlhereSe e applicuit. Illic congregatis navibus et innexis desuper crateribus, vadum equitibus transmeabilem fecit. Et mox, ut intelligunt adesse regem, abiectis armis milleni et milleni hostium territi ante faciem eius fugientes 4, absconderunt se per paludem in feno * et speluncis, cum pauci illorum si restitissent regem cum suis facile prosternerent". Episcopus vero nocte ante discesserat cum tribus . 104 k. Preceptum domini pape ad Herefordensem episcopum in auxilium Elyensis ecclesie. Eugenius3 episcopus servus servorum Deil Gileberto Herefordensi episcopo salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Causam , que inter Elyenses monachos et H[enricum] iam diu agitata est, propter iniuriarum atrocitatem m tota fere Anglia novit, et notitie tue incognitam esse non credimus. Predicti siquidem monachi post restitutionem ville de StevechewrSe, que ipsi Henrico in presentia venerabilium fratrum nostrorum Tedb[aldi] Cant[uariensis] archiepiscopi apostolice sedis legati et h "c conversitatis F. confusus G. monachum G; Holtzmann prints monachos. d Holtzmann prints vobis. f • exiens E. nos om. FO. * The words shown in italics are in common with the closing phrases of the letter from Bishop William of Norwich, supra, ch. 98. "k ecclesiam G. ' Deus G. Collated with copies in EO and the cartularies CDG. ' causa EFGO. m Emended from actitatam in EFGO; atrocitatam CD. 1 Stewart uses this passage to prove that Richard was not prior (Liber Eliensis, p. v). This is correct in as much as the prior, with whom Richard attended the council, must have been Alexander. But it is also misleading, since it is nowhere suggested that Richard was prior at this time. He is usually identified with the prior of that name who succeeded Salomon in n 77. See Introduction, supra, p. xlvii. 2 The London council held in Lent, 1151 (Papsturkunden in England, ii, 231). 3 Date: Segni, 15 June 1152. Printed: Papsturkunden in England, ii, no. 71. For the contents see infra, App. C.

LIBER ELIENSIS 353 Hylarii Cicestrensis episcopi facta est, eundem H[enricum] de litterarum nostrarum falsificatione ad nostram audientiam appellaverunt. Utraque vero parte ad nos veniente, cum in accusatione ipsius Henrici Elyenses monachi procedere minime possent, Henricus adversus eos nobis conquestus est quod, postquam veniendi ad nos iter arripuit, per homines ipsorum monachorum [fo. i6$v] in eadem villa rebus suis fuerit spoliatus. Quamobrem ad predictum fratrem nostrum Cantuariensem archiepiscopum causam ipsam remisimus cognoscendam. Cum autem causa restitutionis discuteretur a et H[enricus] per homines monachorum factam sibi spoliationem probare paratus esset *, monachi se gravari dicentes iterato eundem H[enricum] ad nostram audientiam appellarunt. Quibus ad nostram presentiam denuo redeuntibus, pro eo quod utraque pars venerat inparata, causa ipsa coram nobis finem debitum sortiri non potuit. Quo circa de tue honestatis integritate confidentes, eandem causam ad examen tuum dignum duximus remittendam et fine debito terminandam, e per presentia tibi scripta mandantes, quatinus congruo loco et tempore partibus ante d tuam presentiam evocatis, quicquid sepefatus H[enricus] ab hominibus eorundem monachorum vel ab aliis per ipsorum suggestionem post factam sibi predicte ville restitutionem legitime probare potuerit sibi fuisse e ablatum, ei facias cum integritate restitui. Quo facto, si Elyenses monachi de causa proprietatis agere voluerint, causam ipsam diligenter audias et ea, iustitia mediante, diffinias. Data Segne * XVII. Kl. Iulii. 105 g. Aliud preceptum domini pape quod monachi Elyenses habeant in pace ecclesias de terris suis. Eugenius1 episcopus servus servorum Dei venerabili fratri T[eodbaldo] Cant[uariensi] archiepiscopo et h apostolice sedis legato salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Quando ' his, qui sub habitu regulari divinis imminent, famulatibus iura l sua illicite subtrahuntur, tanto maior cura nobis debet * insistere, ut quod sui iuris est saltern iudicio interveniente recuperent m, quanto suo inhibente proposito minus possunt operam n contentionibus adhibere. Ex ° .parte filiorum nostrorum prioris et monachorum * Elyensis ecclesie nuper querelam accepimus, quod Will[elmus] archidiaconus a tenet * contra monachos q ecclesias de Hauekestuna et Neutuna, " In CD this letter breaks off in the middle of the word discuteretur. See supra, Introduction, p. xl. c a * sit G. presentiam G. ante om. G. 1 ' fuisse transposed after ablatum G. Segnie Holtzmann prints. ' Collated with copies in EO and the cartularies CDG. *1 et om. CD. quoniam his que DEFGO. Emended, as by Holtzmann, on the evidence of C, where quoniam has been corrected to quando and qui is written on erasure. " debet om. EFGO. ' que DEFGO. m recupet D, recuperent 0, recuperat corr. to recuperent C, recuperet EFG. v " et D, ex on erasure C. nostrorum add. G. " opera EFGO. " tenet and monachos om. CD. D later corr. contra to cantebr'. Hence Holtzmann prints archidiaconus Cantebrigie ecclesias. 1 Date: Segni, 5 February 1152. Printed: Papsturkunden in England, ii, no. 69. For the contents see infra, App. C. 2 In the reply to this letter (ch. 106, q.v.) the archdeacon is called William de Laventuna.

354 LIBER ELIENSIS a Wluuardus b clericus ecclesiam de Philippus de Meisi ecclesiam de Meldeburna, d Laking'ehide, que victui ° eorundem monachorum fuerant1 deputate,f Nicolaus capellanus * ecclesiam de Win-[/b. i66]-tewrda et Ioseph presbiter capellam de Stunteneia ad luminaria prefati monasterii deputatag sine ipsorum conniventia receperunt et detinere presumunt. Quoniam igitur quod contra canonicas sanctiones et iuris ordinem in ecclesiam * Dei presumitur ' vigore iustitie debet in irritum revocari, per presentia scripta fraternitati tue mandamus, quatinus, omnibus illis una cum parte predictorum fratrum ante tuam presentiam evocatis, causas ipsas diligenter audias et recognoscas *, cognitas autem ita concordia vel iudicio interveniente decindas l, ut sepefatim monachi iura sua " studio tuo recuperent et super his de cetero non cogantur pro iustitie defectu clamare. Data Seg[nie] Non' ° Februarii. 106 p. Carta Theodbaldi archiepiscopi super ecclesias monachorum de Ely.

Theodbaldus 2 Dei gratia * Cant[uariensis] archiepiscopus, Anglorum primas et apostolice sedis legatus, universis ecclesier sancte filiis salutem. Causam que nitebatur inters monachos Elyenses et Willelmum de Laventuna 3 archidiaconem super ecclesias de Hauechestuna et Neutona, interveniente transactione ', diffinitam, sicut carta monacorum earn diffinitam esse testatur, ratam habemus et confirmamus, salvo redditu annuo monachorum, quern idem archidiaconus eis solvet singulis annis, videlicet x solidos annuos. Causas quoque aliarum ecclesiarum, videlicet de Meldeburna, quam Philippus de Maisi tenet, qui annuatim eis marcam argenti solvet, de Lakingehyda et de Hundeleia, unde Wluuardus reddet annuatim v solidos, excepta tertia garba de Lakingehyda et duabus de Undeleia, quas monachi retinent in manu sua, interveniente compositione " diffinivimus, ita ut * predictiw in vita sua tenebunt "c Mersi G. " Wlfuuardus C. victu CD, the final i being added later in C.e capellanus om. CD. " eorum EFGO. f presbiter om. CD. « Sic MSS. k *1 ecclesia CD. ' presumuntur DEFGO. cognoscas CD. m decidas CD, descindas G. se prefati EFGO. " sua om. D. ° nonas EF. " Collated with copies in EO and the cartularies DGM. "T gratia om. E. ecclesie transposed after sancte DM. 8 ecclesiis DGO. ' transfactione EF, with the letter f expunged in F. K clerici add. DM. " compositionem D. " quod DM. 1 100).

2

Perhaps the Joseph who brought the forgery charge against the clerk Henry (supra, ch.

Date: Tenham, 1152. Printed: Saltman, Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, pp. 321-22, no. 100. For the date and 3contents see infra, App. C. Perhaps West Lavington (Wilts.). See Stephen's grant to Bishop Roger of Salisbury (c. 1136) of ' servitium et terram Willelmi filii Malgeri de Laventona ' (Charters and Documents illustrating the History of the Cathedral, City and Diocese of Salisbury, ed. W. D. Macray, R.S., 1891, p. 8), and cf. Pipe Roll, 2 Henry II for evidence that an Archdeacon William had interests in Wiltshire.

LIBER ELIENSIS

355

a

nomine monachorum et post eorum decessum redibunt in usus monachorum °. De capella etiam de Stunteneia reddet annuatim Ioseph xii solidos ad iiii terminos. Post discessumb ipsius Ioseph redibit supradicta capella ad luminaria ecclesie Elyensis. Hoc c namque ante nos similiter diffinitum est [fo. i66v]. Compositionem quoque factam inter ipsos monachos et Nicholaum capellanum d de e WinthewrSa, sicut carta fratris nostri Nig[elli] Elyensis episcopi earn factam esse testatur 1, ratam habemus et confirmamus. Test' Thoma de f Lund' et Philippus cancellarius et Willelm'9 de Ver et Petr' scrib' h. Valete. Apud Thenham K 107 k. Item carta eiusdem quod monachi Elyenses iure optineant ecclesias insule. Theodbaldus2 Dei gratia Cant[uariensis] archiepiscopus et apostolice sedis legatus et Anglorum primas venerabili fratri Nigfello] Elyensi episcopo et omnibus fidelibus salutem. Causa que nitebatur l inter Elyenses et Willelmum archidiaconum Cantebrigie, mutato nomine de Ely, ex archidiaconatu, ex mandatis domini pape Eugenii et interveniente transactione idem Willelmus tenebit et habebit consuetudines de ecclesiis insule, que ad matricem ecclesiam pertinere noscuntur, et nomine monachorum possidebit, reddendo eis annuum canonem decem solidos, et ex ecclesiis de Heuekestune et de Neuetune eodem modo faciet, annuam m pensionem eis tribuens, et post illius decessum omnia ad usus monachorum convertantur. Hec namque de ceteris ecclesiis suis, canonice susceptis, hoc modo nostra auctoritate censemus et iudicamus. Valete. * 108 n. Epistola Gileberti Herefordensis episcopi ad dominum papam pro nimia oppressione Elyensis ecclesie. Patri 3 suo venerabili et domino summo pontifici Eugenio frater Gilebertus Herefordensis ° ecclesie minister pie salutantis affectum et humiliter obsequentis officium. In causa H[enrici] et monachorum Elyensium, que nobis a munificentia vestra delegata est, acta p apud nos sullimitati" vestre, pater, presenti scripto notificamus. Litteris vestris nequaquam Henrici, sed sola monachorum presentatione, 6 e " • • •" et . . . monachorum om. G. vero add. DM. hec DEFGO. capellanum om. DM. ' ecclesia de add. DM. > de om. DM. « W. EFGM, Will'm D. * Petrum script' D, Petrus scriptor M. 1 Tenham DEGM. l " Collated with copies in EO and the cartulary G. vertebatur O. m an- F, at the end of a line; the rest is missing. " Collated with copies in EO and the cartulary G. 0 episcopus add. G. " acta om. FO. * Emended, as by Holtzmann, from the MS. reading sullimitatis. d

1

For a copy of this charter see Liber M, p. 154. Date: 22 December 1150 x early 1152. Printed: Saltman, op. cit., p. 323, no. 101, where it is dated 1152. This letter is the reply to ch. 102 and may refer to William the Breton before his deposition. See infra, App. C. 3 Date: December 1152. Printed: Papsturkunden in England, ii, no. 74. This letter supplies the key dates for the chronology of the Stetchworth case. See infra, App. C. 2

356 LIBER ELIENSIS susceptis, iuxta formam mandati partes evocavimus, opportunum, ut " sperabamus, locum Warewic, tempus vero IX. Kl. Octobris designantes. Quibus suam ipso die in eodem loco presentiam exhibentibus, quia necessitate prepedita adesse nequivimus in eis signi-[/b. j67]-ficato b die ipsis VII °. Idus Octob[ris] apud Sanctum Albanum, locum ipsis scilicet aditu facilem, nobis vero remotum, constituimus. Ubi enim * ipso die eis audientiam prebituri sedissemus, Henricus se nimis festinata utraque citatione nostra gravatum esse et ob hoc ad agendum minus paratum venisse ait. Unde ne preter rem nos contentio longa protraheret de loco et tempore, utriusque partis arbitrio cessimuse et, quia loc[us] statui NorShamtunam, tempus vero octav' beati Martini* utrimque postulatum est, ipso die nominato iam loco sedimus et ipsis se exhibentibus, hoc modo in cause cognitionem processimus. Littere vestre in presentia lecte ' sunt, hoc in mandato complectentes ut a, quicquid 2 H[enncus] ab hominibus monachorum vel ab aliis suggestions, ipsorum post factam sibi eius, de qua agitur, ville restitutionem legitime probare posset sibi fuisse ablatum, eifaceremus cum

integritate restitui. Quibus perlectis, ab Henrico in hunc modum actitatum est. ' Cum trecentas libras arg[enti] iuste possem petere, ut tamen modestius agam, ducentas mihi libras huius auctoritate mandati peto restitui, quia post factam mihi restitutionem tantum mihi ablatum esse horum xx testium assertione probare paratus sum.' Producti vero xx testes tantum dampni illatum sibi fuisse, ut in sequentibus dicetur, asserebant. Ad hec monachi: ' Restitutio, a qua pendet ablatorum tibi repetitio, per manum3 dompni Elyensis episcopi tibi facta est h iiiit0 die circa festivitatem sancti Pancratii , emensis iam duobus annis et paucis mensibus. Possessio ', de qua agitur, paucarum virium est, ita ut a nimia eius valentia cent[um] esse solidorum tu ipse in presentia dompni pape expresseris. Unde te iniustum * petitionem tempus breve tenuisque possessio manifestantl.' Ad hec Henricus: ' Tempore quidem, quo dicitis, mihi per manum dompni Elyensis episcopi restitutio facta est, sed et longe ante hoc, media scilicet XLma, auctoritate domini Cantuariensis archiepiscopi et dompni Cicestrensis episcopi eadem m mihi villa restituta est. Unde non solum post ultimam, sed et post [fo. i6yv\ primam, restitutionem ablata mihi peto restitui.' Sciscitantibus vero nobis ab Henrico, quantum dampni medio tempore incurrerit, ipsum medii temporis dampnum in L libras, testibus hoc assentientibus, estimavit. Exinde monachi: ' Dominus Papa in litteris suis earn tantum restitutionem, que " b ° vero for ut G. significatio F. c d VII . . . ipsis om. G. Holtzmann emends enim to cum. f * censsimus F. lecta G. h ' ubi G. esse G. * Possessionum MSS. Holtzmann convincingly emends to Possessio autem. * A word is missing from the text. Holtzmann suggests the emendation iniusta petere, but it seems more likely that a single word, perhaps iniustam, has been omitted, from an original reading te iniustum, iniustam petitionem, . . . 1 m manifestant corr. to manifestavit G. eadem transposed after mihi G. " que tibi om. G, adding ablata. 1

18 November. The passage shown in italics is modelled on Eugenius Ill's letter (ch. 104), to which this is the reply. 3 The feast falls on 12 May. 2

LIBER ELIENSIS 357 tibi in presentia domini Cant[uariensis] archiepiscopi et dompni Cicestrensis episcopi, non si qua ab eis, facta est, exprimit, que a quia ilia est quam tibi in eorum presentia dompnus Elyensis episcopus fecit. Huius auctoritate rescripti nulla, nisi post hanc restitutionem, ablata restitui tibi recte petis.' Ad hec H[enricus]: ' Dominus papa in litteris suis etsi iudicem instruendo in prelocutione restitutionem certam exprimat, mandatum tamen subnectendo nullam exprimit. Unde quia mandati clausula nullam excludit, ablata et post earn, quam dico, restitutionem * mihi restitui precipit. Item quo iure potuit et debuit dominus papa precipere, ut mihi ablata post hanc restitutionem ° redderentur d, eodeme iure precipere epotuit et debuit, ut mihi et post earn, quam dico, restitutionem ablata redderentur . Unde si horum petitio excluditur, procul dubio a dompni pape sententia longe receditur '. Ad hec monachi: ' Cum dominus papa in prelocutione exprimat, propter uniformem litterarum consequentiam expressio eadem et circa ' mandati clausula attendenda est, habet enim auctoritas, ut verbum semel positum, etsi in oratione non iteretur, frequenter tamen in sequentibus 9 intelligatur. Unde cum precedens expressio sequenti quoque mandato annectenda sit, tibi iam dicta L librarum petitio denegatur '. Instantibus itaque monachis ut secundum eos circa articulum hunc pronuntiaremus, turn quia favorabiliores sunt rei quam actores tumque favorabilis est ecclesia, quam in tante summe petitione gravari dicebant, nos tamen attendentes H[enrici] querimoniis restitutionis preceptum indultum esse et, quod ob alicuius favorem indultum est ad eiush lesionem retorquendum non esse, mandati vestri clausulam in nullo choortantes Henrico etiam predictarum L librarum petitionem [fo. 168], si eas et post factam sibi restitutionem ablatas sibi probare posset, scripti vestri auctoritate concessimus. Ad hoc monachi: ' Adhuc te >, Henrice, ab harum L librarum petitione repellimus, quia restitutionem, quam dicis, nunquam tibi factam fuisse plane dicimus.' Cum vero Henricus in huius rei evictionem * xx testes produceret, data eis audientia, omnes ordine in hunc modum, non addentes aut dementes aut mutantes aliquid, testificati sunt. ' Ego testificor quia post factam domino meo H[enrico] in media XL™8 restitutionem ville de Stevechewrde iam annis duobus preteritis et aliquot huius anni mensibus villa ilia ducentis libris deterior facta est consilio et facto monachorum Elyensium et hominum suorum.' Inquirentibus vero nobis, quomodo in l media XL Henrico restitutionem factam fuisse noverint, responderunt : ' Equidem si per archiepiscopum aut per aliquem iudicem restitutus fuit nescimus, unum vero scimus, quoniam eo tempore in villam ipsam se contulit et per dominum Cant[uariensem] archiepiscopum et dominum Cicestrensem episcopum restitutum esse nobis facile persuasit.' Ad hec monachi: ' Omnes testes tuos, H[enrice] repellimus. Primo, quia cuiusdam restitutionis tibi facte se testes exhibuerunt et post modum, an eandem unquam m tibi facta fuerit", se prorsus ignorare iam confessi sunt. Secundo, quia, licet servi non sint, eius tamen sunt conditionis, que proxima est servituti, asscripta ° scilicet glebe, qui cum gleba vendi v possunt et dari et tibi 0 d

e Holtzmann emends to sed quia. " restutionem F. ablata add. G. redderetur F. •... • eodem . . . redderentur add. in the margin, E. f carta 0. ' non add. FO; later expunged in O. * Holtzmann convincingly emends to coartantes. k '1 te om. F. eivictionem E, corr. from invectionem G. m in om. F. nunquam EG. " fuit G. 0 v asscripto FO. vendi sunt et dari possunt F. DD

358 LIBER ELIENSIS in tantum subditi, ut in quodcumque volueris possint ea, qua ipsis prees, potestate compelli. Tertio, ob qualitatem verborum et testimonii, quorum tanta identitas ° est, ut nee ad sillabam * differant, ut instructi magisdet subornati ad testificandum quam veritatis conscii" stare videantur. Quarto, qui , cum dampni tibi illati testes sint nee tibi pecunia numerata sublata sit, dampnum ipsum per certas species non distingunt, ut certam rei, de qua agitur, habere scientiam intelligantur. Quinto, quia, cum per nos et homines nostros dampnum tibi illatum asserunt, nullos tamen hominum nostrorum nominibus suis aut certis aliquibus designant indiciis. Quos [fo. i68v] si designarent, eorum utique circa obiecta innocentiam probaremus. Godardum vero, quern solum nominant, tempore illati dampni nobis in nullo subiectum fuisse probare parati sumus.' Ad hec Henricus: ' Testes meos repelli propter hec obiecta non convenit, cum, licet non distinguante dampna per species nee datores dampni designent ex nomine, iuxta formam tamen, litteris dompni pape expressam, plane testificantur.' Attendens vero Henricus testes suos circa ' restitutionem, quam maxime querebamus, vacillare quam plurimum, se id, in quo ipsi deficiebant testimonio, dompni Cant[uariensis] archiepiscopi et dompni Cicestrensis episcopi, data sibi die, probaturum promisit. Unde ne obscuritatem veritas pateretur et iustitiam H[enrici], si qua erat g , sententia preceps obrueret, diem h sibi octavas beati Andreex Lundonie, quo dompni legati et sufrraganeorum suorum futurus erat conventus, grave sustinentibus monachis, constituimus. Ipso vero die Lundonie sedentes, adhibito nobis domino episcopo Lundoniensi, nostri copiam fecimus et, quia Henricus eorum, quos promiseratj, neminem exhibebat, per dompnum Lundoniensem episcopum et per personas alias a domino legato, quid super* sepedicta restitutione fateretur, inquisivimus. Qui negotii penes se gesti non immemor, Henrico restitutionem, quam dicebat, se nunquam fecisse respondit. Deficiente itaque circa hunc articulum Henrico, monachos a sepedicta L librarum petitione absolvimus, quas post factam Henrico restitutionem sibi non fuisse ablatas H[enrici] dictis et ratione cognovimus. Monachis ! vero de petitione reliqui, C scilicet librarum, sibi sententiam dici postulantibus, cum ad pronuntiandum quod sentiebamus operam sapientum consilio preberemus, H[enricus], non expectans sententiam, ad audientiam vestram, diem Kl. Augusti nominans, appellavit. Monachi vero se in longum protrahi attendentes, audientiam vestram ad Quasimodo Geniti appellantes, iniuncte nobis imposuere. Incolumitatem vestram ecclesie sue diu profuturam in longo m tempora conservet [fo. i6g] omnipotens Deus in Christo, dilecte pater. 109 ". Preceptum domini pape quod monachi Elyenses in pace recipiant suam possessionem et libere possideant. Anastasius a episcopus servus servorum Dei venerabilibus fratribus Tedbaldo ° 0

6 idempditas F. sillam FO. ' concii F.F. f Holtzmann emends to quia. ' distinguent G. circa om. F. ' erit F. * dicit for diem FO. > premiserat MSB. ! m * super transposed after sepedicta F. monachi MSS. Sic MSS.; intended for longa ? " Collated with copies in EO and the cartulary G. " T. F, Tedbaldo from E. d

1

7 December. Date: 28 September 1153. Printed: Papsturkunden in England, ii, no. 80. 2

See infra, App. C.

LIBER ELIENSIS 359 Cantfuariensi] archiepiscopo et apostolice sedis legato et Gileberto Herefordensi episcopo salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Ex iniuncto nobis a Deo apostolatus officio cogiraur pro ecclesiarum statu satagere et quieti fratrum in eis domo ° militantium attentius providere. Inde siquidem est b quod controversiam, que inter monachos Elyenses et Henr[icum] clericum super quodam manerio longo tempore est agitata, discretioni vestre discutiendam terminandamque commisimus. Sane predecessor noster, sancte memorie Eugenius papa, tibi fratri nostro Gileberto, Herefordensi episcopo, causam ipsam" decidendam commisit. Que quoniam in tua presentia, interveniente appellatione, fine debito concludi non potuit, predicta causa est ad apostolice sedis examen denuo revocata et, quoniam predictus Henricus tergiversatione sua, sicut ex qualitate temporis appellationis et postfacto eiusdem apparet, iudicium tuum appellando * subterfugit et appellationem suam nullatenus prosecutus est, ne forte ulteriuse eadem licentia sibi reservata f videatur, ex communi fratrum nostrorum consilio Elyenses monachos in possessionem manerii, super qua diutina est inter eos agitata contentio, introducendos decrevimus. Sententiam tuam, qua Elyensem ecclesiam absolvisti a petitione L librarum, quas memoratus Henr[icus] ab ipsa ecclesia repetebat, confirmamus, et" eandem ecclesiam tam a petitione cartarum * quam C librarum, quas idem Henr[icus] ab eadem > nichilominus repetebat, absolvimus. Per presentia itaque scripta fraternitati vestre * mandamus, quatinus sepedictos monachos in possessionem maneriil de Stevechewrda auctoritate sedis apostolice introducatis; ita ut, si predictus H[enricus], infra annum veniens, cautionem in manus vestras prestiterit, quod post legitimam vocationem et necessariis indultis indutiis, si forte [fo. i6gv] adn alterutrum partes m fuerint postulate, iudicium intrare et eidem usque ad diffmitam sententiam stare et sententiam audire et audite absque remedio appellationis parere debeat, liceat ei secundum formam iuris eandem possessionem manerii, seu quam prius habebat detentionem, hoc pacto recipere ut, donee causa ipsa decisa * sit, nullatenus liceat * ei res eiusdem manerii alienare vel" aliquo modo distrahere. Quod si facere forte noluerit r, prefatum manerium, omni appellatione remota, sepedictis monachis in perpetuum possidendum auctoritate sedis apostolice restituatis. Ad hec predecessoris nostri Eugenii pape sancte memorie statuta servare volentes s, si predictum Henr[icum] in causa ipsa optinere * contingeret et post ipsius obitum iuxta eiusdem predecessoris nostri sententiam Elyensis ecclesia sepedictum manerium habeat et vos sententiam ipsam firmiter observari faciatis. "b dono EFO, eius domo G. est om. FGO. " ipsam om. F. d Emended, as by Holtzmann, from the MS. reading appellandum. f * est add. F. resevata E. ' Emended, as by Holtzmann, from the MS. reading ut. *1 Emended, as by Holtzmann, from the MS. reading cantarum. Holtzmann adds ecclesia. *1 tue G, 0 corr. tue to vestre. m manerio EFO. parte EF. " definitam G. 0 decia EF, O corr. to decisa. "9 liceat transposed after ei EG. aut G. ' voluerit F. ' nolentes F. ' Holtzmann suggests obire.

360

LIBER

ELIENSIS

Mandatum domini pape capitulo Elyensi quod libere suscipiant possessionem suam de StevechewrSa. IIO°.

Anastasius J episcopus servus servorum Dei dilectis filiis priori et fratribus Elyensis monasterii salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Quoniam universalis ecclesie curam, Deo prout ipsi placuit committente, suscepimus b, quotiens adversus aliquam ecclesiarum controversia ulla suboritur, summa diligentia nos oportet inspicere, ut nee neglectu nostro sui iuris detrimentum incurrant" nee adverse pacis d astutia longis iurgiorum debeat protractationibus fatigari. Inde est quod cause, que inter vos et Henricum clericum non sine multa fatigatione utriusque partis diutius dinoscitur agitata, finem congruum inponere cupientes, primo sententiam, que supra L libris, quas idem repetebat a vobis, a venerabili fratri nostro Herefordensi episcopo, quode ex mandato sancte recordationis Eugenii predecessoris nostri causam susceperat decidendam, noscitur promulgata, sed f apostolico iudicio confirmamus et iuxta ipsius sententiam ecclesiam vestram omni [fo. iyo\ tempore ab impetitione " illius in hac parte absolutam permanere sancimus. Deinde quoniam h, cum prefatus episcopus super reliquas centum ' libras, quas idem Henricus a vestra ecclesia repetebat, utriusque partis allegationibus sufficienter auditis et cognitis, paratus esset promulgare sententiam, sepefatus * Henricus plus causa diffugii quam alicuius gravaminis ad sedem apostolicam appellavit, vobis autem ad prefixum appellationis terminum venientibus ipse nee lvenit nee ullam prorsus excusationem obtendit, nos, ad quorum officium pertineret tergiversationibus partium finem imponere, allegationes eiusdem H[enrici] super eisdem libris ex scriptis supradicti fratris nostri, sub cuius fuerant examine ac discussione deposite, plenarie cognoscentes et intelligentes, Henricum circa probationem huius rei defecisse penitus et testes produxisse suspiciosos, ecclesiam vestram ab impetitione illius super CL libras absolvimus et absolutione istarum librarum liberam et quietam remanere de cetera iudicamus; id ipsum etiam statuentes de cartis quas sepedictus H[enricus] sibi a vobis restitui debere dicebat, ut videlicet eas repetendi ulteriusm nullam habeat actionem. Ad hec quoniam predictus H[enricus] vestram ecclesiam tergiversando diutius fatigavit et appellationem suam nullatenus est prosecutus, ne forte ulterius eadem licentia sibi servare videatur, vos introducendos in possessionem manerii de StevechewrS esse decrevimus, sic tamen ut, si causam infra annum intrare voluerit, prestita cautione in manus assignatorum iudicum, quod iudicio eorum usque ad difnnitivam sententiam stare debeat, possessionis restitutione letetur, ea quidem conditione retenta ut, si " Collated with copies in EO and the cartulary G.

"c suscipimus F. Holtzmann emends to incurrat. * Holtzmann emends to partis. • Holtzmann emends to qui. t Holtzmann emends convincingly, omitting sed. * quoniam om. FO; O add. et. '1 impetione F. Emended, as by Holtzmann, from the MS. reading centum L libras. k sepefactus FO. ' pertinet G. m utriusque F. 1 Date: Lateran, 28 September 1153. Printed: Papsturkunden in England, ii, no. 79. See infra, App. C.

LIBER ELIENSIS 361 forte iudicio eorum usque ad diffinitivam sententiam stare et ipsam audire appellatione remota noluerit, et eandem possessionem amittat et nullam habeat a repetendi ulterius facultatem. Data Lateranib IIII. Kl. Octobris. i n " . Carta Herefordensis episcopi de possessione a Elyensibus monachis reddita. [fo. iyov] Dilectis1 sibi in Domino universis sancte matris ecclesie filiis frater Gilebertus Herford[ensis] ecclesie minister gaudia pacis et salutis. Diffinitionem cause, que inter monachos Elyenses et clericum Henricum nomine super manerio de StevechewrSa diu agitata est et post modum a bone memorie Anastasio papa terminata, vestre presenti scripto intimare discretioni curavimus, ut antique litis germina veritatis attestatione prorsus eradicemus. Contentae itaque lite inter predictos monachos et iam dictum clericum, cum post multas appellationes et appellationum prosecutiones in multorum presentia iudicum suis usi / sufficienter g allegationibus causam pro libitoh ventillassent , omnibus per rescriptum predicto pape Anastasio declaratis, causa in mine modum ab ipso decisa est. Monachos in possessionem iam dicti manerii inducendos esse decrevit et, nisi infra annum predictus Henricus cautionem sistendi parendique iudicio super eandem' causam prestaret, idem manerium monachis et ipsorum ecclesie in perpetuum confirmandum esse adiudicavit huiusque ab ipso sic date sententie dompnum Teodbaldumk Cant[uariensem] archiepiscopum et nos executores constituit. Apostolico itaque parentes mandato, ipsos in possessionem induximus et, quia elapso iam anno nichil a parte Henrici super sibi designata cautione audivimus, predictum manerium Elyensi ecclesie in perpetuum apostolica auctoritate confirmamus et, ut ipsi manerium ipsum ab omni reclamatione Henrici et successorum eius quietum habeant, eadem auctoritate precipimus. 112 l. Iterum carta eiusdem, qualiter excluserit invasores de possessione"1 monachorum de Ely. Gilebertus 2 Dei gratia Herford[ensis] episcopus Henr[ico] clerico salutem. Sicut meminisse potes, cum in presentia nostra adversus fratres nostros monachos Elyenses ex mandato domini pape super manerio de StevechewrS stares, appellatione ad " Emended, as by Holtzmann, from the MS. reading, which omits habeat. 6 litteram F. c Collated with copies in EO and the cartularies GM. d de Stevecheswrd' add. EF in the margin and in a different hand from that of the text. ' contestata M. ' usi from M, usu EFGO. h ' vendicassent G. iam for causa F. ' eadem causa M. * Teodbaldum and archiepiscopum om. M. 1 Collated with copies in EO and the cartularies GM. m manerii de Stevecheswrd' add. in the margin ofF in a different hand, de Stevechewrde add. 0. 1 2

Date: 1154. After the time limit mentioned in ch. n o had expired. Date: After September 1154. See supra, ch. i n .

See infra, App. C.

362 LIBER ELIENSIS dominum papam inter-[/o. J7J]-posita iudicium subterfugisti. Quoniam autem appellationem tuam non es prosecutus, te a possessione predicti manerii auctoritate et mandato domini pape removemus et monachosa Elyenses in possessionem eandem inducimus. Quod si mandatis nostris temperare renueris, te anathematis sententia innodandum noveris. Vobis autem, Rad[ulfe] et Rog[ere] et Will[elm]e de Halstede, qui Henrici auctoritate eandem " possessionem ingressi estis, apostolica denuntiamus auctoritate *, ut absque dilatione abceadem possessione recedatis. Quod si non feceritis, eadem anathematis sententia innodabimini et ab ea nunquam nisi domini pape auctoritate absolvemini. Valete. 113 d. Carta archiepiscopi Teodbaldi de manerio e monachis Elyensibus reddito. Anglorum primas Theodbaldus11 Dei gratia Cant[uariensis] archiepiscopus apostolice sedis legatus H[enrico] clerico et Radulfo a et Rog[ero] et Will[elmo] de Halstede * salutem. Iuxta tenorem mandati domini pape, quod nuper accepimus, monachos Elyensis ecclesie manerio de Stevechewrda ' investimus et in eius possessionem introducimus et investimus et te, Henr[ice], auctoritate apostolice sedis ab illo manerio et eius pertinentiis removemus et alios prenominatos viros prohibemus, ne de illo manerio de cetero se intromittant nee aliquam molestiam illis fratribus inferre presumant, alioquin in personas vestras anathema proferemus et firmiter observari faciemus. Valete. 114 k. Carta regis Stephani quod Elyenses monachi libere habeant villam suam de StevechewrSe.

Stephanus 2 rex Rad[ulfo] de Halstede et Rogero et Will[elmo] fratribus suis et W.' filio Baldew[ini] salutem. Precipio vobis, quod permittatis esse in pace terrain monachorum de Ely de StevechewrSe nee amplius inde vos intromittatis ullo modo nee inde l quicquam capiatis et, nisi feceritis, iusticia mea Canteb[rige]scirem faciat fieri, ne super hoc inde clamorem audiam pro penuria iustitie. Test' Will[elmo] Mart [el]. " obtemperare G. »...» eandem . . . auctoritate om. F. " procul dubio add. M. d Collated with Ely, D. and C, Cart. no. 82, and copies in EO and the cartularies GM. " de Stevechewrde add. EFO in a different hand from that of the text. 1 Theodb' F. ' Rod1 EF, Rob'o O, Red' G. k Halsteda Ely, V. and C, cart. ' StivicheswrSa Ely, D. and C, cart. k Collated with copies in EO and the cartulary G. In G this writ has been copied twice, after ch. 88 and after ch. 113. Variants in the latter are shown by the letter Gl. m 'inde om. G1. teste in full G1. 1 Date: After September n54. See supra, ch. i n . Printed: Saltman, Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, pp. 323-24, no. 102, where it is dated ' end of 1153 '. 2 Date: n 5 4 .

LIBER ELIENSIS 363 115 . Quod quidam debito constrictus erga monachos Elyenses periurii crimen incurrit. Factum J est autem anno ab in-[/o. J7.n/]-carnatione Domini MCLIIIIto, ut Stephanus de Scalariis, qui per successionem patris bsui nomine Elyensium monachorum in villa de Scelford duas hidas et dim[idiam] et ix acras cum ecclesia una per annuam firmam vii sceppas tenebat, firmam suam prefatis monachis per biennium detinuisset. Et quoniam ingruente quidem necessitate maternum filiis auxilium deesse non debet, dompnus Nigellus, qui tune temporis Elyensis ecclesie episcopatum tenebat2, monachorum suorum querimonia audita et iniuria cognita, commemoratum hominem vinculo anathematis innodari decrevit, si non c in proxima Ad Ramos Palmarum dominica monachis satisfecisset. Prefato vero die Steph[anus] in Ely ante episcopi veniens presentiam, asseverabat se ad tantam tamque vehementer paupertatem descendisse, quod iam dictam firmam nullatenus de preterito reddere valebat. Firma autem, que reddi competebat, ad xl marcas in diebus illis appretiata fuit. Monachi etiam eo tempore terram suam sibi restituissent, si earn internoscere ipsi vel suorum aliqui potuissent. Sed quoniam mundum ipsum et, que mundi sunt, etas * consumit, propter temporis vetustatem, utpote certis limitibus confractis et terminis omnino extirpatise, prefata terra ipsius monachis omnino etiam fuitf incognita. Sibi vero et ecclesie sue in posterum previdere volentes, inito cum episcopo et fratribus consilio universum eius biennii debitum se ipsi Stephano dimissuros concesserunt, hac conditione interposita, quod terram suam eis facere manifestam et se ipsis monachis firmam suam annuatim redditurum terram eandem sub fideiussione constitueret. Annuit Stephanus, spopondit et iuravit. Iuravit equidem superposita manu dextera altari sancte crucis, apposito ipso Dominico corpore et multis sanctorum reliquiis 9, ut terram, quam ipse in Scelforda nomine monachorum possidebat, videlicet ii hydas " et dimidiam et ecclesiam cum ix acris, ipsis monachis per se et per homines suos quam certius posset manifestari et de annua firme redditione terram eandem subfideiussionestatuit. Si quid [fo. 172] a

* This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 488. b ix has the figure i erased in F (incorrectly, cf. Dd, i, fo. 191). d ' vero for non B. ipsa add. B. ' exorpatis EF. ' fuit om. F. h ' reliquis EF. idas F. 1 This account is derived from a document dated 1154. Stephen de Sealers owed a farm of 126 quarters of grain (Miller, Ely, p. 40). He and his uncle, Hugh de Sealers of Whaddon, had already been in difficulties over the payment of their farm in 1140 (see supra, cc. 71 and 76). This account helps roughly to corroborate the date of the completion of the L.E. (cf. Introduction, supra, p. xlviii). It must have been written after the death of Stephen de Sealers (1168) and of Bishop Nigel (1169), but before 1178 when Stephen's son, William, found himself in arrears and was persuaded only by an alarming disease to pay his due. This settlement is recorded in Liber M, p. 219 and, had it been available for comment at the time of writing, would undoubtedly have been mentioned in the L.E., since—like this chapter—it was dressed up as a miracle story and included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 489. The monks eventually exchanged their farm for a piece of land in Newton (Liber M, p. 605). See Miller, Ely, pp. 40, 178; Farrer, Feudal Cambridgeshire, p. 209. a I.e. written after Nigel's death.

364 LIBER ELIENSIS a etiam eidem terre fieret residuum, quod ipse nee homines sui internoscerent, ipse de militari feudo, quod in Sceldford sub episcopo possidebatI, apponeret et hoc equidem annuente episcopo. Ad hec Rodb[ertus] de Cunigtun' et Teodbaldus de Scalariis et Will[elmus] filius Rogeri, milites sepe nominati, Stephano fidei datione polliciti suntb se nullum domino suo daturos consilium ut ipse ab hac conventione retrocederet et, si necessarium fuerit, se cum monachis hoc dirationaturos adversus Stephanum. Sunt autem huius rei testes: Nig[ellus] episcopus, Will[elmus] de Lavantonia arch[idiaconus], David archid[iaconus] de Buchingeham, Ricardus de Sancto Paulo, Rogerusc capellanus, Ingeram capell[anus], iErnaldus de Lavantonia, Ioh[anne]s de Sancto Albano, Ricardus de Stunteneia, Magister Roger[us], Graelangus de Tenet, Gilebertus frater eius, Radulphus dapifer, Alexander pincerna, Alexander clericus, audiente populo Elyensis villec. Completa vero sollempnitate Paschali, Alexander prior et Will[elmus] archid[iaconus] a ad ecclesiam Omnium Sanctorum in Scelford conveniunt. Affuit et Stephanus cum hominibus suis in eadem villa manentibus. Ipso ergo Stephano hoc precipiente, iuraverunt Ricardus sacerdos et tota villatica Stephani se nullatenus de sepedicta terra celaturos veritatem quam predecessorum suorum relatu vel quoquo modo didicerant. Iuramento equidem isti testes interfuerunt, e Will[elmus] archid[iaconus], Nicholaus capellfanus] de Canteb[rige], Rodb[ertus] Trencehart, Ricardus de Stunteneia, Rogerus clericus prioris, Petrus et Osbertus clerici de Scelford, Rodbertus de Cunigetuna, Theodbaldus de Scalar[iis], Will[elmus] monachus, Nich[olaus] filius eius, Brand, et Gileb[ertus] de Scel[ford], HereveusfiliusVitalis de Canteb[rige], Roger[us] de Fossa de Meldeburna, Will[elmus] cognatus prioris, Serlo de Hauekestunae / et villatica de Neutuna et de Hauekestuna, .ZEluredus homo sacriste, Adam gener Serlonis. Quibus astantibus neque Stephanus neque iuratores eius, ut spoponderant, plene feudum ostenderunt, sed noxa periurii tenentur. Unde " monachi adhuc adversus h eum habent querelam. Nee mora ultio divina periurium quod idem Stephanus in cumulum sue dampnationis scienter [fo. ij2v~\ presumpserat secuta est. Nam in gravem et intolerabilem pedum languorem incidit et a nullo prorsus medicorum curari potuit sicque in eodem morbo infelici vita consenuit et clausit diem lucis extreme. 0

b eiusdem O. retroduceret F. "•••" Rogerus . . . ville om. B, adding et plures alii. *e et plerique monachorum add. B. Rodbertus . . . astantibus om. B, adding et plures alii. Hec est vero terra, quam asserebant Stephanus et iuratores esse de feodo monachorum, ecclesiam cum xxvii acris, Buntingestoft a cimiterio usque ad medium horreum Stephani et alie particule terrarum, quos enumerare longum est. Sed neque Stephanus neque iuratores eius, ut spoponderant, feodum ostenderunt, sed crimine periurii tenetur, unde monachi adhuc adversus eum calumpniam habent. Primo, quod nullum pratum descripte terre assignaverit, cum prefata villa optima prata habet. Secundo, quod xviii acras, in quibus crevit ecclesia, que prius ix tantum habebat, inter terras dominii computaverat. Tertio, quod x acras, in quibus sunt mansure, in terras colendas connumeraverat. Postremo, quod de regio feodo Hi acras apposuerit, quod iuramento eius obiurare liquido apparet. Nee mora1. . . etc. as above. gen MSS. ' Unde to the end is inserted in the margins, E. h adversus twice F. 1 Stephen held one and a half knights' fees of the bishop in Shelford. p. 208, 209.

See Farrer, op. cit.,

LIBER ELIENSIS 365 116 . Quam misericorditer Deus operatus est circa quendam infirmum per merita sancte /ESeldreSe ad fontem eius sanatum. Omnia* enim miracula et virtutum beneficia, que in Ely ex Iesu Christi domini gratia mentis illic sanctarum virginum suffragantibus evenisse noscuntur ad simplicium consolationem, ut, videntes opera bona ipsarum, glorificent patrem qui in bcelis est, de quibus nonnulla cedis inserta in volumen magnum protendi videntur , ut experta subsidiorum remedia non sint occultata in generatione altera, sed filii qui nascentur et exurgent, non c obliviscantur operum Domini et mandata eius inquirant2. Inde ergo sermo noster sumit exordium, nee fidelis quisque credere detrectet, unde non reflectet manus scribentis a veritatis semita, sed quid regina ^SeldreSa in miserationibus multis, annuente Dei dementia, patrare consuevit in generatione querentium earn, querentium faciem Dei Iacob, hoc unum de multis designare intendo. In provincia Nordhamtunensi vir quidam admodum d pauper, tamen meritorum bonitate illustris, degebat, qui infirmitate preventus luxit diu et elanguit 3. Virus enim in eo per omnia membra dissiliens ex inflatione ad instar utris extenderat, que in tantum ilium depresserat, ut nee stare vel incedere, iacere aut sedere potuit. Sed hec infirmitas, ut rei probavit eventus, non fuit ad mortem, sed ad patientiam ipsius comprobandam, ut gloria Dei et meritum alme virginis manifestaretur in illo. Et dum incessanter sic cruciatus vexaretur, per augmentum e ei molestia renovabatur et per assiduitatem vetus semper extitit. Cum que nocte quadam in lecto ad pausandum ' se post longa suspiria collocasset, ex more afflictorum, presertim flentium, difficile et cum gravitate sompnum cepit, de salute iam penitus desperare potuit, quippe* quemvis doloris inanem reddiderat, Christum solum flebilibus vocibus invocabat assiduis g. Sed Deus exaudi-[/o. J7j]-tor omnium non * sprevit neque despexit deprecationem ' pauperis 4, visitat infirmum, refovet anxium *, consolatur eum in tribulatione sua atque in visu per venerabilis cuiusdam femine personam ex infirmitate posse medelam recipere dignatus est ostendere. Que illi opem remedii et curationis taliter professa est dicens: ' O homo, in Ely, crede mihi, salus tua est et expulsio misere infirmitatis tue. Illuc properanter accelera l et citius optata salute gaudebis.' Surrexit homo ille statim percepta voce secum volvens visionem quam viderat, ne forte verum sit quod perceperat in sompnis. Addidit heros ilia prioribus adhuc talia, comfortans eum. Ait namque: ' Ibi gloriosa Dei sponsa ^ESeldreSa tota intemerata vernat corpore, signis continue et prodigiis mirabiliter effulgens, plebem illic affluentem de quolibet morbo languentem reddit sospitem.' a

0 This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 483-84. b videntur may be the main verb or the verb of the relative clause beginning de quibus. One verb is missing. d e " et for non F. ad domum pauperis B. agmentum MSS. *plausandam F, causandam B. a...a quippe . . . assiduis om. F. h non om. F. ' deprecatione F. * auxilium BF, auxium E. 1 acceleria B, ecclesia F. 1 Cf. supra, Book I, ch. 31, which refers forward to miracles which happened at St Etheldreda's spring. 2 3 Cf. Ps., Ixxvii, 6. Cf. Is., xxxiii, 9; also supra, ch. 44. 4 Cf. Ps., xxi, 25.

366 LIBER ELIENSIS Talibus vero exhilaratus hec sibi a Deo credidit ostendi ad spem meliorem, comfortatus cepit exultare, iterque iniunctum, licet membris languidis onerosum et gravem, confidenter arripuit. Contigit autem ad presignate ecclesie aulam tune a ipsum pervenisse hora, qua cotidiana alimenta fratres et refectionem corporis percipere invitarentur, quando maxime introitus et exitus obserari solent et custodiri. Tamen nichilominus in momento ad hostium invenit unum de custodibus cum festinatione illud claudere paratum, seris firmare instantem, ad quern ipse clamans singultum potius emittens quam vocem, rogat ilium, ut sinat ingredi paululum. Qui renuens miserum indignatur ut incultum, ut pigrum, insuper adgressus ira furibundus ei alapam dedit et abire precepit. Instat ipse precibus rogans et deprecans pro Deo et amore domine sue sancte iESeldreSe atque inportunius contestans, saltern ut ei liceat ad fontem alme virginis usque ascendere. Servus autem ille immitis atque crudelis de miseria pauperis in iram concitatus potius quam ad pietatem, tamen quia peregrinum offenderat [fo. iyjv], si ad aures dominorum suorum talia pervenissent, timuit sibi inde dampna gravius tolerare, dicens: ' Ecce patet hostium, sed hydria ad puteum non est nee, in quo haurias, habes et puteus altus est.' Ille autem perseverat in prece, ut saltern posset ad oratum ingredi et usque ad puteum venire. Tandem licet ab invitob dimissus intravit, undique prospexit et, quod mirabile fuit, sine indice, qui illo in loco nunquam fuerat antea ad orationem prius, tanquam notus, deinde ad fontem perrexit. Cui circumspectanti et situlam non habenti" vena fontis subito prorumpens obviam ad os putei ministerium famulo Dei prestitit et se, ut dicam verius, gustandum optulit, que superficiem atrii in girum suis irrigans aquis habilem et largam medicine exhibuit. Quam manu hauriens in totum corpus perfudit, sepe nomen sancte iESeldreSe et auxilium invocando dum gustasset et de membris omnibus ipsa conspersa deflueret, sensit levius statim ac meliorari cepit, et enim turgens inflatio tota detumuit. Gratias agit ille Deo et sue alme virgini iESeldrede. Sed ferus et nequam cliens hostium concutiendo regressum ipsius prestolans, in vociferatione coegit exire, interrogans utrum saturatus d fontis plenitudinem omnem bibisset. Sed que gesta fuerant audivit, audita credere renuit. Tandem cum pauper coram eo detulisset cifum aque, intellexit et credidit atque, ut certius experiret, ad fontem concurrit, quem in circuitu superhabundasse invenit, unde rei geste ipsemet efficitur testis. Bibit itaque homo ex aqua hac, ut ostendimus, lavit et venit iam letus et alacer ac supradicto mancipio ecclesie, que acciderant, nuntiavit et quomodo veniens nee situlam nee aliquod hauritorium ead fontem invenit. Abiit ergo foras et predicavit ubique gratiam Dei in se mirabiliter factam per suam salvatricem .ZESeldreSam semper piissimam. Illuc vero cum spe venientes experti sunt sepe dolorum remedia. Ydropici potum inde sumunt et curantur [fo. 174]. Ceci lavant et vident, sicut in sequente habetur capitulo ad laudem sacratissime virginis iESeldreSe. 117 / . Aliud miraculum de fonte sancte JE6el5re6e. Aqua vero hec fons vivus est et fluminis impetus assidue letificans civitatem 0 d

f

iter for tune BE. saturaturus F.

b

illo otn. F. ' miserabiliter F.

c

h'anti F.

This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 484.

LIBER ELIENSIS 367 b MtSeldreQe. Non Dei quam divina sacraverat repausatio alme glebe virginis enim primo illic, sed ubi nunc status episcopi factus est 1 , in medio suorum iuxta ordinem, quo transierat, in cimiterio in sinu terte profundius in archa lignea sepulta fuerat, ubi clarescentibus virtutibus, assistente beato Wilfrido ac medico Kenefrido necnon circumstante fratrum atque sororum corea, vestibus et corpore conspecta est tota intemerata, sicut Beda narrat in Anglorum Hystoria 2. Inde cum magno gaudio in ecclesiam beate semper virginis Marie, quam ipsa fundaverat, translata est a Sexburga sorore sua et iuxta altare posita, ubi per multa tempora reverenter collocata, scilicet per quadringentos triginta quinque annos, usque ad nonum decimum annum pacifici regis Anglorum Henrici, quo abbas Ricardus earn in novum monasterium transtulit ut dominam et primiceriam, eminentius post autentium altare parato thalamo collocatam. In predicto autem loco ubi, sicut diximus, diu requieverat Dei virgo, monachi foveam fecerunt in modum cisterne, aquas vivas ob illius merita iugiter manentem curationum scias et in nomine eius languidos curandi assiduas. Ad easdem vero vicini et amici mulierculam quandam adducunt, oculorum lumine diu cecatam. De misericordia sancte virginis innumeris prestita admonent nichil trepidare, spem firmam habere, ipsam ore et corde orare. Que dictis propinquorum fidem adhibens, intentius oravit et statim exaudita est oratio eius. Venit ergo ilia ductu alterius, accessit ad fontem clamans et invocans suffragium piissime iESeldrede, statim rigat faciem lacrimis, dehinc faciem simul et oculos lavit ex ipsius fontis aquis. Vidit clare et gavisa est valde. Reddit itaque gratias Deo [Jo. 1740] pro cunctis beneficiis suis et patrocinatrici sue iESeldreSe. Redit domum absque ductore, que ceca advenerat in luctu atque merore. a

118". Item miraculum de eodem fonte. Nuper in estivo tempore, dum fratres in choro hora diei prima divinum servitium agentes celebrarent, hoc accidit, quod narro, etiam ego huius rei testis existo. Ad prefatum igitur fontem cum turba adcurrentium venit quedam iuvencula haurire aquam. Sed obsistentes ei undique fortiter cubitis tundentes retro ire compulerunt. Tamen cum impetu se in medio collecti, licet deprimendo, iniecit, dum ceteros prevenire et non tardior, assumpta aqua, recedere temptat, vas, quod tenuerat, casu accidente de manu sua lapsum est et ipsa quoque postcadendo secuta est. Comperto hoc, circumstantes et ob hydriam ininvicem dissidentes d, a rixa desierunt procul fugientes, clamando: ' Sancta iESeldreSa adiuva', viderunt earn caput ad ima fontis intus deorsum, pedes autem illius sursum tendere. Ibi diutius per duas aut tres horas immersa extitit. Nemo, qui eriperet, interim advenit. Quod Stephanus et Ricardus, duo clerici prope sedentes ad librum, adcurrunt, illam dubitantes in aqua necatam fuisse, plangentes unanimiter, heu, heu, pedibus extraxerunt, non "c diutina BE. * replausatio F. This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 484. d dissitentes F. 1 Cf. S. J. A. Evans, Ely Chapter Ordinances and Visitation Records, 1241-1515, Camden Miscellany, xvii (1940), p. 13; F. R. Chapman, Sacrist Rolls of Ely, i, 117-18. 1 Hist. Eccl., iv, 17 (19), p. 245.

368 LIBER ELIENSIS solum de tanto spatio nichil mali in lacum iacuisse perpessam, immo per virtutem sancte ^ESeldreSe incolumem apparere. Sicque Dominus1 earn in profundo gurgitis servavit illesam, sicut Danielem quondam in lacu leonum , ne aque, a Christo sanctificate ad gloriam dilecte sue sponse, ex sanguinis effusione contaminentur obprobrii notamine, de quibus oriri solent multa beneficia. Venerandus locus ille per suffragia propitiatricis nostre iESeldreSe, varias ab egrotis fugans miserias, de plenitudine fontis sue per gustum vel aspersionem sanans 2corporum molestias. Magnificate ilium mecum sed potius, qui replebimur in bonis eius. Templum Dei est mirabile in equitate 3. Exclamemus ad Deum medullis cordis dicamusque salvatori: [fo. 175] ' Tu, Domine universorum, qui nullam habes indicentiam, conserva domum istam immaculatam in eternum, Domine. Amen.' 119 a. Quam districte Deus vindicavit iniurias delecte sue virginis Cum 4 diu gens barbarorum de Denemarchia veniens Angliam undique armis et incendiis vastaret, tandem, Dei providente dementia, viribus defecit et ad naturale * solum aliquando coacta est remeare et occupata relinquere, maxime diebus venerandi regis ^Edgari in tantum ut, si quis residuus inventus fuerat, aut gladiis truncabatur aut suppliciis opprimebatur. Huius autem precepto et auctoritate sanctus pontifex ^Edeluoldus Elyense cenobium in antiquam religionem reduxit et reformavit locumque possessionibus tarn emptione quam adquisitione locupletavit. Comparavit etiam villam de {Dunham 5 que dest villa fertilissimac et monasterio proxima. Primum pepigit per duabus hidis Leofsio et uxori eius Siflede quindecim libras apud Grantebrige) et per Leofwinum monachum ecclesie atque prepositum persolvit ante plures fideles. Interea {exuit hominem rex iEdgarus. Quo mortuo, predictus Leofsinus, Dei inimicus deceptorque hominum, et uxor eius omne pactum habitum cum episcopo irritum fecerunt et aliquando partem pecunie episcopo et abbati Brithnodo optulerunt, quam ab eo acceperant, aliquando * vero se ei aliquid debere omnino denegabant. Sic quoque existimabant se per dolum recuperaturos terram quam vendiderant, sed ecclesia in omnibus cum suis testibus semper eos convicit. Cum igitur ea tempestate qua rex, ut diximus, obierat, nos diu differrent et fatigarent, nemo eandem terram infra plurimum tempus nee aravit nee seminavit nee ullo modo coluit, sicque tota cultura perditum ibat. Videns ergo Deus, quantis iniuriis quantisque tribulationibus ille seductor servos suos afficiebat, labores eorum misertus est. 0 This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 460-61, where it follows a brief account of the restoration of the monastery. See infra, App. B. b d naturalem EF. " fortilissima F. idis F. e aliquando . . . iniuste amisit is derived from the Libellus chapter, corresponding to supra, Book II, ch. 11, but has slight variants which are not noted. 1 2 4

Cf. Dan., xiv, 33, 41. 3 Cf. Ps., lxiv, 5. Cf. LXX., lxiv, 6. The miracle stories in this chapter and ch. 120 are derived from the Libellus, and passages in common with it are shown within pointed brackets. The verbal parallels are close enough to show that it is the Latin version of the Libellus which was used, but the reference to the latter in ch. 120 strongly suggests that an Old English version of the Libellus, and not merely of isolated documents, had also once existed. See Introduction, supra, pp. li-iii. 6 Dunham . . . interiit: cf. supra, Book II, ch. 11.

LIBER ELIENSIS 369 Cuius misericordia sancta ecclesia de Ely recuperavit quod iniuste amisit). Nam, sicut in psalmo scriptum est, clamaverunt1 \Jo. 175V] iusti et Dominus exaudivit eos et ex omnibus tribulationibus liberavit eos . Dum hecfierentet sibi miser ille ablata sancte ecclesie et ius sancte iESeldreSe liberius atque securius retinere confidebat et {servos Dei afficere non cessaret, ultione divina fervente turpiter et miserabiliter interiit) in vindictam Christi virginis, et completur 2in eo, quod in Salomone legitur: ' Iusti letabuntur, impii autem corruent in malum ' . Hoc de libro terrarum, quern librum sancti iEdelwoldi nominant, cepimus, ut, qui a hec legerint vel audierint, res et bona sancte virginis iESeldreSe sive distraere vel minuere formident; iudicium enim habuit quisquis egit talia. 120 h. Iterum quomodo Deus ultionem fecerit de hostibus beate iESeldreSe. Aliud 3 sequitur miraculum et, si simili conditione, dissimili tamen discrimine, probatur accidisse. Fratres autem interfuerunt et rem certissime cognoverunt et in libro iam dicto sanctie iEdelwoldi Anglice c composuerunt a, sed nunc temporis in Latinum transmutatum ad cunctorum notitiam perducere desideramus et ad4 multorum cautelam, si intente auditum fuerit, credimus enarrandum. {Quodam vero tempore cum convenissent contionatores f Anglie ad Lundoniam, Withgarus quidam, rebus et possessionibus non mediocriter locupletatus, episcopo iEdelwoldo v hidas apud Brandune et Liveremere optulit venum 9. Quod cum audissent episcopus et abbas, dederunt ei pro terra viginti libras, xv tune coram multorum venerabilium testimonio, centum vero solidos miserunt ei postea per prefatum Leofwinum, ecclesie prepositum et Wine de Wicheforde virum probatissimum, qui dederunt ei eandem pecuniam apud Brandune coram testimonio totius hundreti, in hqua ilia terra iacet. Ea autem tempestate, qua rex ^Edgarus de hac vita discessit , quidam Ingulfus nomine vi et iniuste Deo sancteque ^ESeldreSe Brandune abstulit. ' O miser et infelix, non diu, ut estimas, quod rapis retinere valebis. Inde citius es gravissime penas luiturus.' Scriptum [fo. IJ6] Bquippe est:' Non est sapientia, non est prudentia, non est consilium contra Dominum ' . Nam ut manifestaretur virtus Dei et meritum beate i virginis, ex illo die, quo sic res ecclesie invasit, nichil edulii aut liquoris gustavit; rumpebatur enim sine dilatione cor eius. Sicque factum est, quod qui vivus, que Dei erant, iniuste arripueret, oppetens mortem retinere non potuit, sed se et illud simul cum vita perdidit *. Uxor quoque etfiliieius, eo l mortuo, invaserunt "b quod F. This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Acta Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 461. See supra, ch. 119. c d anglie F. exposuerunt E. f concinatores F. ' Corr. from transmutavit F, ' This sentence follows the version of the complete Libellus and not the abbreviated version in E. h discessit agrees more closely with the dicessit of the full versions of the Libellus, than with E reading decessit. * All Libellus MSS. except E add .ESeldreSe. * All Libellus MSS. except E read amisit. ' The Libellus version in E om. eo. 1 3 4

2 Cf. Ps., xxxiii, 18. Cf. Prov., xxiv, 16. This miracle story is derived from the Libellus. See supra, ch. 119. 5 Quodam . . . Alderman: cf. supra, Book II, ch. 35. Cf. Prov., xxi, 30.

37O

LIBER

ELIENSIS

eandem terram similiter, sed quemadmodum honorem Deo non dederunt nee beate iESeldreSe neque anime sue pepercerunt. Sic ultio divina exarsit super eos et infra unum annum omnes miserabiliter interierunt. Tune Siwardus frater Ingulfi de interitu eorum nimium ingemescens et sibi precavens °, iudicium Domini formidare cepit et, licet contra voluntatem plurimorumb et maxime contra voluntatemb Egeluuini cognomento Alderman), ipsam terram sancte iESeldreSe optulit et libere dimisit, ut bene de hiis adimpletur, quod in Sapientia legitur: ' Domus impiorum delebitur; tabernacula iustorum germinabunt' 1 . Delevit autem Dominus domum impii huius ut semen eius non permaneret in eternum in conspectu 2 ipsius, eo quod sanctam ecclesiam et beatissimam iESeldreSam gratis odisset 3. Sed Deus inspector et iudex omnium, qui suorum iniurias et beneficientias suas dicit, ostendit malos inde detrimenta suscipere, unde putabant commoda sibi provenire, ut in isto palam innotuit. Non solum autem iste, sed, ut verius dicam, et late omnibus patet, quod quisquis regionis Anglie sive princeps sive potens eundem locum dignitate vel rebus imminuit aut distraxit, ex quo virgo iESeldreSa ab ergastulo carnis assumpta est, dirissime cruciabantur in corpore et misero semper exitu vitam terminasse probati sunt. Stupenda sunt hec et nimium formidanda. Nullus enim ambigat vel irrideat, quod narramus, ut simile perpetrare intendat, sed potius aliorum pressuris multatus discat virginem Dei iniuriis non offendere, sed obsequiis complacere. 121e. De presbitero qui festa sanctarum nostrarum pronuntiare noluit. [fo. iy6v] Sicut ex prophetico docemur organo salus autem iustorum a Domino 4, sic econtra longe a peccatoribus salus, de quorum collegio et numero erat unus nomine Gervasius, qui multa optinuit adulatione officium presbiteratus Ad Crucem6, scilicet parochiam ville de Ely, ab yconomo Radulfo, innocenti et simplice d viro, sed non ut animas sibi commissorum procuret, immo ut lucrum exigat temporale et mammona iniquitatis. Nam prodiit quasi ex adipe iniquitas illius, transiit in affectum cordis, cogitavit et * locutus est nequitiam, iniquitatem in excelso loquebatur, posuit in celum ' os suum, et lingua ipsius transivit in terra 6. Propterea tradidit ilium Deus in reprobum sensum", ut non, que conveniant, faceret, sicut factorum suorum exitus comprobavit, quando annullare et demolirih adgressus est sollempnitates atque preconia sanctarum nostrarum, beate videlicet Withburge, Sexburge atque ^Ermenilde, ut non in eternum esset memoria earum, et usque in generationem et generationem non permaneret nomen ipsarum. Hie namque dextram dederat magistro Ranulfo ex-monacho 7 servos Dei et sancte iESeldreSe iniuriis afficere, contumeliis lacessere, " Cf. the Libellus version in E, reading timens ne sibi aliter eveniret. The other Libellus MSS. have no comparable phrase. '•••'plurimorum . . . voluntatem om. F. Cf. the Libellus version in E, which alone reads plurimorum: the rest read quam plurium. c This miracle is not included ine B (Book of Miracles). d simplicitati F. et om. F. * celo F. " sine non for sensum ut F. * demeliori F. 1 3 4 6

Cf. Prov., xiv, I I . Cf. e.g. Ps., xxxiv, 19; Ixviii, 5. Cf. Ps., xxxvi, 39. Cf. Ps., lxxii, 7-9.

2 B

Cf. Ps., lx, 8.

St Cross. ' See supra, ch. 47.

LIBER ELIENSIS 371 dampnis opprimere. Accidit enim aliquando in mense Iulio, et iamdictus presbiter festa beatarum Withburge atque Sexburge, cum simul in ebdomada adveniunt, populo ante in die dominico nullatenus pronuntiare voluit, sed neque mentionem facere. Nonnulli vero astantes et invicem admirantes, quare festa ipsarum minime proferret, innuebant illi murmurando dicentes, quod sollempnia dominarum suarum populo non annuntiaret. Ipse autem quasi non audiens, dissimulavit, cetera misse festinus prosequitur atque in his exasperatus potius dedignabatur. Sed Deus, in cuius con1 spectu nuda sunt omnia et aperta et qui glorificatur in consilio sanctorum, firmat manus et exaltat dexteram 2 ad faciendam vindictam sanctarum predictarum de hoste nefando, ut discant posted venerari glorificanda sollempnia et amplectenda preconia virginum in Ely quiescentium [fo. J77]. Nee diu post hec infra ebdomadam videlicet secundum duritiam et cor inpenitens thesaurizavit sibi malum in die ire 3, quia, invitatus ad convivium perrexit, comeditque multum et bibit cum iocunditate atque post tota nocte inpudicitie et ebrietati serviebat sicque in tota ebdomada gule et illecebris deditus vix illo die " palpando cibos adhuc indigestos ructavit. Iter rectum nesciens tenere risum omnibus concitavit; tamen ad altare intrepidus ascendit. Iudicium Domini neque formidavit nee vivificum misterium corporis Christi in secreto cordis diiudicavit, ut indigne accipere non presumeret. Accessit, vestes sacras induit, cetera hesitando, quasi amens, exegit, usque ad introitum misse in omni sacerdotali ornatu preparatus stetit, ubi ex Domini vindicta in ultione sanctarum eius ante conspectum totius populi digne, ut promeruit, eihcontigit stupor et obprobrium. Superius ex ore per nausiam nimis reuma eiectaverat , subterius" ampliore strepitu per secessum digestionem emittens in terrain rait. Qui vero astabant, illius miserie condolentes, in remotiorem a locum portantes exuerunt eum sacris vestibus, ulterius minime profuturis officio altaris, sicque miserabiliter vitam degens, modico tempore invitus tandem cognovit reatum et, quod non tantum noluerit sollempnia sanctarum illuc edicere, insuper quod fieri prohibuerit, professus est. Laudetur ergo Deus in sanctis suis, qui iudicaturi sunt populorum nationes. 122 e. De palla sancte iESeldreSe quam mirabiliter restituta sit Elyensi ecclesie. tempore rex piissimus Anglorum Stephanus cum per decem et In 4 hoc quippe novem annos fere f regnum, sed laboriosissime et cum multa difncultate, tenuisset, morbo dissenteriaco egrotavit, quo et mortuus est 9. Cui successit in regnum cognatus eius Henricus, quem post se heredem elegerat, natus domine Matildis, quondam imperatricis, veteris Henrici regis filie,Aa Gaufrido venerabili patre Andegavis comite genitus. Qui susceptus in regem et a Theodbaldo, archiepiscopo [fo. ijjv\ Cantie, b "0 die om. F. exeiectaverat F. d superius F. remotorem F. ' De obitu regis Stephani et coronacione regis Henrici, filii imperatricis, et qualiter Nigellus episcopus emit thesaurariam Ric' filio suo, et de palla etc. as above, O. * fere add. later in EF. h a om. E. ' O continues with an adaptation from Diceto, i, 298-gg and ii, 16—iy. 1

Cf. Hebr., iv, 13. * Cf. Ps., Ixxxviii, 8, 14. » Cf. Rom., ii, 5. * This account of the accession of Henry II adds nothing to the stock of information found in the major chronicles, but seems to be independent of them.

372 LIBER ELIENSIS consecratus, leges iniquas prohibuit, pacem diu ablatam reformavit, transgressoribus penam inducit, castella adulterina diruit, seditiosos de regno expulit. Nullus adversus eum prevaluit; sola tantum pars inimica Walensium adversa moliebatur. Collegit autem es multum, nimis aurum et argentum in expensas militum ad Tholosam civitatem Aquitannie inpugnandum 1; sue ditioni earn tune a addere cupiebat. Cernensb vero episcopus Nigellus dominum regem in tanto negotio pecuniis egere, condictum accepit ab eo, atque ministerium inter curiales, videlicet thesaurariam, emit quadringentis libris filio suo, Ricardo nomine, apud monasterium in Ely educato, magne calliditatis et prudentie iuveni, a quo et per quem domus ilia non parvis ledebatur adversis 2. Cumque non haberet unde redderet, vestes et vasa ac queque concupiscibilia de domo sancte JEQeldreSe sumpsit, dicens sibi semper sufficere que illic erant. Insuper pallam eximie parature auri et gemmarum, quam Ymma regina in velamentum sepulchri sacre virginis obtulerat, accepit atque monachis invitis episcopo Lincolniensi pro nummis exposuit, quam similiter altera vice, ut scriptum est supra, cum aliis bonis ecclesie transposuit, sed monachi ex suis inopiis, ne tantus 3 ornatus fraudaretur, a loco redimerunt . Contigit namque tune ipsum Lincolniensem pro causis sue c ecclesie Romam ire, presulatum agente domino papa Eugenio, cui ob gratiam illius captandam offerre voluit eandem pallam. Sed ut vidit domnus apostolicus et, ipsam diligentius intuens clara luce, pretium tanti vestimenti admiratus, intellexit de aliqua famosa et antiqua fuisse ecclesia, inquisivit unde ornamentum tale veniret et, cum deprehendisset de Ely fuisse, sub interminatione apostolica iussit illuc, remota omni occasione, suum reportare ornamentum. Expletis ergo necessariis ex quibus compulsus est episcopus Romanas adisse apices, Angliam rediit secum referens earn, quam detulerat, pallam. Aurum de ea cupiens demolire, " enim for tune E. Enim seems the better reading, and its contracted form may have been misread by the scribe of F as t'c. e " cum dictum F. sue om. E. 1 The siege of Toulouse of 1159. The fine, which is here mentioned as paid by Nigel, may have been connected with the arbitrary dona exacted from the ecclesiastical tenants-in-chief to help finance this campaign (cf. Round, Feudal England, pp. 275 ff.). The appointment of Richard as treasurer may not therefore have been directly purchased, but it must have been sufficiently close in time to the payment of the fine to allow the rumour to have gained ground. The suggestion by H. G. Richardson (Engl. Hist. Rev., xliii, 1928, pp. 163-66), that the account given in this chapter must be rejected because of a gross confusion of chronology, cannot be sustained. See Introduction, supra, p. lviii. 2 On the career of Richard Fitz Neal see H. G. Richardson, art. cit. The damage which the priory is said to have suffered may refer to nothing more sinister than Richard's exercise of the normal functions of an archdeacon of Ely—an office which he held from c. 1160 until his appointment to the see of London in 1189. The compiler also holds him to account for the king's action, on Bishop Nigel's death, of deposing the prior and taking the priory's possessions into his hands (infra, ch. 138). 8 For Queen Emma's gift see the inventory of 1134, supra, ch. 50. The first time when the palla was sold (or pawned) to the bishop of Lincoln (altera vice) must have been in 1144/45. Nigel's loans from the treasures of his church, negotiated at this time, are described supra, ch. 89, and it is to this chapter that the phrase ' ut scriptum est supra ' must refer, although the palla itself is not there mentioned. The bishop of Lincoln was Alexander who made a journey to Rome in 1145 (Henry Hunt., Hist. Anglorum, p. 278). The account of the recovery of the palla, which occupies the rest of the chapter, is concerned with that earlier occasion, and not with 1159, and the reference to Eugenius III is therefore chronologically sound.

LIBER ELIENSIS

373

invenit autem aurifices et aurifrisorias [fo. iyS] qui votum suum de opere explerent. At illi manus adponunt, forcipes adplicant, pretiosum aurifrisium scindere ° parant, sed, ut lapis aut es, contra acutissima ferramenta diriguit. Temptant iterum atque iterum, sed inanis fit conatus ipsorum. Dicimus enim atque confidimus ex voluntate sancte virginis fieri debuisse, nam monachi illic velum matris sue cum gemitu lamentabantur fuisse abstractum et, dato pretio, quod iniuste amiserant denuo receperunt, gratias agentes illi pro cunctis beneficiis eius 6. 123 c. Quod Nigellus episcopus ab apostolico suspensus fuit pro bonis sancte dispersis. Adrianus 1 episcopus servus servorum Dei venerabili fratri Nig[ello] Elyensi episcopo salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Ad hoc in apostolorum principis cathedra, licet indigni d, auctore Domino residemus, ut ea, que in ecclesiis Dei contra rationis ordinem commissa esse noscuntur, et nos oportet sollicite precavere. Si enim tempore nostro res ecclesie dilapidationem debeant sustinere, in periculum nostrum non est dubium redundare. Inde siquidem est quod, predecessoris nostri, pie memorie Eugenii pape, vestigia subsequentes 2, dilectioni tue, frater venerabilis, per apostolica scripta mandamus precipiendo, quatenus infra tres menses post susceptionem litterarum nostrarum possessiones ecclesie tue, quas contra promissionem in tua consecratione factam alienasse et distraxisse cognosceris, in eum statum, in quo fuerant cum ad Elyensis ecclesie regimen es assumptus, non differas ullatenus revocare. Si vero usque ad prescriptum terminum hoc distuleris effectui mancipare, ex tune ab episcopali officio te iubemus esse suspensume. Data Beneventi * VIII. Kl. Martii. 124 g. Mandatum domini pape de eodem ad Elyense capitulum. Adrianus 3 episcopus servus servorum Dei dilectis filiis universo capitulo Elyensi salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Ad hoc in apostolorum principis b " cindere EF. For charters which follow in O see supra, p. 243. ' Collated with copies in EO and the cartulary G, d et digni F. ' susceptum F. * Beneventum EFO, Benevent' G. ' Collated with copies in EO and the cartulary G.

1 Date: Benevento, 22 February 1156. Printed: Papsturkunden in England, ii, no. 92, and partly in Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (1st edn.) Junii, iv, 581 and Migne, Pat. hat., clxxxviii, 1452, no. 88. Cc. 123-29 concern Adrian IV's attempt to compel Bishop Nigel to restore the possessions alienated by him from his church, and in particular to resume certain knights' fees. They should be read together with five letters sent by Archbishop Theobald, which are included in the collection of the Letters of John of Salisbury, vol. i, as nos. 39-43. Apart from no. 40, which is an appeal against Nigel's suspension, these letters relate to a payment of 100 marks, due from Nigel in connection with his alienations. 2 See supra, ch. 95. 3 Date: Benevento, 22 February 1156. Printed: Papsturkunden in England, ii, no. 93. This letter is the companion piece to ch. 123, q.v.

374 LIBER ELIENSIS cathedra, licet indigni, auctore Domino residemus, ut ea, que in ecclesiis Dei contra rationis ordinem commissa esse noscuntur, et nos oportet sollicite precavere. Si enim tempore nostro res ecclesie dilapidationem [fo. IJ8V] debeant sustinere, in periculum nostrum non est dubium redundare. Inde siquidem est quod, predecessoris nostri, pie memorie Eugenii pape, vestigia subsequentes, venerabili fratri nostro Nig[ello] Elyensi episcopo per apostolica scripta mandamus precipiendo, quatenus infra III es menses post susceptionem litterarum nostrarum possessiones Elyensis ecclesie, quas contra promissionem in sua consecratione factam alienasse et distraxisse ° dinoscitur, in eum statum, in quo fuerant cum ad Elyensis ecclesie regimen est assumptus, non differat ullatenus revocare. Si vero usque ad prescriptum terminum hoc distulerit effectui mancipare, ex tune ab episcopali officio eum iubemus esse suspensum. Data Beneventi6 VIII. Kl. Martii. 135 "• Iterum de eodem ad archiepiscopum de revocandis bonis sancte ^8eldre5e in locum Ely.

Adrianusx episcopus servus servorum Dei venerabili fratri et amico Teodbaldo Cantfuariensi] archiepiscopo et apostolice sedis legato salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Venerabili fratri nostro Nig[ello] Elyensi episcopo in hoc anno dedimus in mandatis, ut ad recuperationem bonorum Elyensis ecclesiedque lapidata sunt ac distracta fuerant sub pena pontificalis officii laboraret. Nam quoniam se assent" absentiam karissimi filii nostri in Christo Henri[ici] regis Anglorum effectui mancipare non posse, ipsius precibus annuentes f, inclinati ei a proximo festo sancti Luce indutias ad hoc faciendum duximus indulgendum. Interim vero suspensionis sententiamfl, quam in eum promulgavimus, relaxamus. Quia igitur ad recuperationem distractarum rerum eiusdem filii nostri regis potentiam credimus admodum necessariam *, fraternitati vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus, quatenus eum instantia tue exortationis inducas et ipsum frequentibus persuasionibus prudentia tua studeat admonere, ut ad recuperationem et restaurationem earundem rerum pietatis intuitu et pro salute anime sue sic opem largiatur et auxilium, eumque ad hoc ipsum efficiendum >, quibuscumque modis poteris, enitaris. Data XVI. Kl. Aprilis apud Latranas. [fo. iyg\. b ° destruxisse F, distruxisse E. Beneventum MSS. "d Collated with copies in EO and the cartulary G. Holtzmann emends to nunc autem. • Holtzmann emends, adding id in and reading absentia. ' annuentis G, -is altered to -es E. * necessaria .E. '1 sententia F. faciendum E.

1 Date: Lateran, 17 March 1157. The date of the year is fixed by the absence of Henry II, who did not return until April 1157 (R. W. Eyton, Court, Household and Itinerary of King Henry II, p. 25). Printed: Papsturkunden in England, ii, no. 96. See supra, ch. 123.

LIBER ELIENSIS 375 126 °. Epistola exortatoria Cantuariensis archiepiscopi revocandi bona dispersa ab ecclesia sancte ^ESeldreSe. Theodbaldus 1 Dei gratia Cant[uariensis] archiepiscopus et totius Angl[ie] primas venerabili fratri Nig[ello] eadem gratia Elyensi episcopo salutem. Pervenit ad aures nostras, quod violenti quidam et pauperum oppressores ecclesiam, cui presides, exactionibus et rapinis infestare non cessant et, quod gravius ferimus, possessiones et villas quasdam beate ^ESeldreSe oppressionibus et aliis maleficiis a te violenter et contra quod licuit extorserunt. Sed quoniam, que vi vel timore facta sunt, pro infectis habentur et ita sacrorum canonum prescribit auctoritas, quod rerum ecclesiarum" venditiones, emptiones, donationes, commutationes facte sine assensu et conscriptionee cleri inutiles et nullius momenti sint, precipimus ecclesie tue bona sua restitui et omnia, que a te violenter et ab invito extorta sunt, ad prefatam ecclesiam revocari, et precipue Radenduna, Merham, Herdhest, que tue ecclesie ablata esse d audivimus. Si que vero munimenta vel cartas tuas vel capituli tui oppressorese ecclesie tue extorserunt, eas inutiles esse precipimus, quoniam, cum res ecclesie tibi alienare non liceat, multo minus, ne a raptoribus teneantur, in posterum licuit confirmare. Siquis vero super his secularem adeat iudicem, ut illius auctoritate prefate ecclesie bona possideat, licet ab ipso iudice in causam voceris, ne cuiusquam omnino secularium sistas iudicio, prohibemus, quoniam res ecclesie, que sunt redemptio peccatorum, oblationesfidelium,secularium ' iudicio non moventur, nisi sacrorum canonum negligatur auctoritas. De cetero ecclesie tue possessiones immobilium te volumus amodo conservare, quantacumque poteris vigilantia, ne distrahantur, quia iniustum est sustinere ilia dispergi, quorum te Christus preelegit collectorem atque custodem. Preterea si quis ecclesiam tuam in prediis, possessionibus , libertatibus, debitis imminuere presumpserit, postquam ipsius episcopo semel hoc demonstraveris, nisi tibi satisfaciat, in eum sententiam canonicam proferas, [fo. lygv] sive in episcopatu tuo fuerit sive Lundoniensi sive Norwic[ensi] sive Lincoll[iensi]. Fratribus autem nostris et coepiscopis precipimus, quatenus ecclesie tue malefactores, ex quo excommunicatos denuntiaveris eos, excommunicent et excommunicatos esse denuntient, nee a sententia posita relaxentur, donee condigne satisfaciant. Valete. " Collated with copies in EO and the cartulary G. c " ecclesiasticarum O. cum scriptione F. d esse om. F. ' tue altered to tibi G. 1 seculari G. 1 Date: ? 1157. Printed: Saltman, Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, pp. 324—25, no. 103, dated 1157. Of the particular estates mentioned in this letter Marham was in the hands of the earl of Warenne, to whom it was eventually conceded in 1200 (see Miller, Ely, pp. 169-70, 174; also Curia Regis Rolls of the reigns of Richard and John (1925), i, 93-94). But at some stage during this controversy Bishop Nigel gave it to the monks (Ely, D. and C, Cart. no. 53, 1; Liber M, p. 155). The earl of Clare had an interest in Hartest (Ely, D. and C, Cart. no. 53, 2; Liber M, p. 156; confirmed by Prior Alexander in Ely, D. and C, Cart. no. 53, 3. Cf. Miller, Ely, p. 250, n. 4). Rettendon was retrieved before the vacancy on Bishop Nigel's death (The Great Roll of the Pipe . . . 5, 16-20 Henry II, p. 116).

376

LIBER ELIENSIS a

127 . Preceptum aliud domini pape archiepiscopo et episcopis Anglie de bonis revocandis in ecclesiam Elyensem. Adrianus x episcopus servus servorum Dei T[heodbaldo] Cant[uariensi] archiepiscopo apostolice sedis legato, et R[ogero] archiepiscopo Eboracensi et universis episcopis per Angliam constitute salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Karissimi filii nostri H[enrici] illustris Anglorum regis b precibus et postulationibus inclinati, suspensionis sententiam, qua venerabilis frater noster Nig[ellus] episcopus Elyensis olim b obtenebatur astrictus, auctoritate apostolica duximus relaxandam et interventu tam eiusdem regis quam vestro in nostre plenitudinem gratie ipsum noveritis restitutum: ita quidem, ut in presentia tua, frater Cantuariensis archiepiscope, iure iurando promittat, quod ad recuperationem bonorum Elyensis ecclesie, que alienata sunt, unde etiam c meruit suspensionis sententiam sustinere, pro sua facultate et pro suis viribus studeat revocare d et quod aliquas eiusdem ecclesie possessiones infeudare vel aliquo titulo" alienare de cetero nulla ratione presumat. Ver[um] quoniam alienationem rerum Elyensis ' ecclesie irrequisitam pretermittere nee "possumus nee debemus, fraternitati vestre per apostolica scripta mandando " precipimus, quatinus infra iiiior menses post susceptionem presentium litterarum Will[elmum] comitem de Warenne 2, comitem de Clare, comitem Albricum, Gauf[ridum] Ma[r]t[el], Henr[icum] fil[ium] Gerold[i], Rob[ertum] fil[ium] Unf[r]i[di], Ioh[annem] de Port', bonorum prefate ecclesie detentores studeas diligentissime convenire, ut omnes possessiones Elyensis ecclesie, quas per violentiam et contra iustitiam, sicut dicitur, detinere presumunt, in integr[um], si ita est, postposita omni occasione et excusatione restituant. Quod si facere contempserint, eos ex tune, omni appellatione cessante, auctoritate nostra excommunicationis vinculo h astringatis et ipsos, tamquam membra diaboli, ab omnibus parochiis vestris usque ad condignam satisfactionem faciatis evitari'. Data Laterani * XVII. Kl. [fo. 180] Februarii. " Collated with copies in EO and the cartulary G. t>...b regis . . . olim om. EF, E adding it in the margin. c eram in the text, etiam in the margin, E. d revocare in the margin of E. ' vitulo EF. 1 Elyensis transposed after ecclesie G. " Altered from mandantes E, mandamus G. h Emended, as by Holtzmann, from the MS. reading vincula. ' Emended, as by Holtzmann, from the MS. reading evitare. * lit' F, lat' EG. 'Date: Lateran, 16 January 1158. Printed: Papsturkunden in England, ii, no. 100. This letter is the companion piece of cc. 128 and 129. 2 The reference to William of Warenne is presumably on account of Marham (supra, ch. 126), to the earl of Clare presumably on account of Hartest (ibid.) and to Aubrey de Vere perhaps on account of the two Rodings (see P. Morant, History and Antiquities of the County of Essex (1768), ii, 447; Miller, Ely, p. 173, n. 1). The holdings of the other tenants named have not been traced.

LIBER ELIENSIS 377 128 °. Iterum mandatum pape ad regem Anglie de coercendis malefactoribus Elyensis ecclesie. Adrianus1 episcopus6 servus servorum Dei Henr[ico] illustri Anglorum regi salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Quanto amplius excellentia tua sacrosancte Romane ecclesie fidelem esse cognoscimus ac devotum, et te ad honorem et exaltationem ipsius existere cernimus promtiorem, tanto magis nos, quodc in ea d, licet insufficientibus meritis, ministramus, preces et petitiones tuas admittere volumus et, quantum salva reverentia possumus, te tarn in tuis quam in amicorum et fidelium tuorum negotiis cupimus exaudire. Nos siquidem personam tuam, sicut christianissimi regis et catholici principis, vera in Domino caritate diligimus et, regiis postulationibus promto animo annuentes, celsitudinem tuam, quibus modis expedirie cognoscimus libentius honoramus. Inde utique fuit, quod, tuarum precum instantia et tua postulatione devicti, suspensionis sententiam, qua ' venerabilis frater noster Nig[ellus] episcopus Elyensis olim tenebatur astrictus, auctoritate apostolica duximus relaxand[am] et eum interventu tuo in ' nostre gratie plenitudinem esse volumus restitutum: ita quidem, ut in presentia fratris nostri Cant[uariensis] archiepiscopi, apostolice sedis legati, iureiurando protnittat, quod ad recuperationem bonorum Elyensis ecclesie, que alienata sunt, unde etiam ipse meruit suspensionis sententiam sustinere, pro sua facultate et pro suis viribus studeat revocare et quod aliquas eiusdem ecclesie possessiones infeudare vel aliquo titulo alienare de cetero nulla ratione presumat. Quia vero h eadem bona recuperanda in virtute tarn 3' serenitatis tue quam in ipsius iuramento confidimus *, magnincentiam tuam [monemus '] per apostolica scripta Romane ecclesie in Domino atque in remissionem tibi iniungimus delictorumm, ut Willelmum comitem de Warenna, comitem de Clare, comitem Albricum, Gauf[ridum] Mart[el], Henricum filium Gerold[i], Rob[ertum] fil[ium] Unfrid[i], Iohannem n de Port, bonorum prefate ecclesie detinentes °, quod * qui sub tuo dominio et ditione consistunt, quibus modis sublimitatem [fo. i8ov] tuam decet studeas cohercere, ut omnes possessiones ecclesie, quas per violentiam et contra iustitiam, sicut dicitur, detinere presumunt, in integrum q, postposita omni occasione et excusatione, restituant vel in presentia venerabilis fratris nostri Cant[uariensis] 0 Collated with copies in EO b episcopus om, F. c Holtzmann emends to qui. d

and the cartulary G.

Emended, as by Holtzmann, from eo. * Emended, as by Holtzmann, from EG, reading expe; ex spe FO. ' quam -FO. « in om. G. h Emended by Holtzmann, adding ad. ' Emended as by Holtzmann, from the MS. reading tocius. *! Emended, as by Holtzmann, from the MS. reading confidentes. monemus om. MSS.; the emendation is suggested plausibly by Holtzmann. m n peccatorum 0. Ioh's F. "detentores 0 (cf. cc. 12 J, I2g). " que G. « integ(er)ium F. J Date: 16 January 1158. Printed: Papsturkunden in England, ii, no. 99. This letter is the companion piece to cc. 127 and 129. See supra, ch. 123.

378 LIBER ELIENSIS archiepiscopi, apostolice sedis legati, plenam iustitiam exinde non ° differant exhibere. Tu verob predicto episcopo ad eadem bona sine diminutione recuperanda auxilium tribuas modis omnibus et favorem. Quod si malefactores episcopi bona, que detinent, contempserint restituere vel iustitiam facere, eos non differas, sicut iustum fuerit, regie severitatis ultione punire. Nos siquidem iuxta officii nostri debitum venerabili" fratri nostro Cant[uariensi] archiepiscopo apostolice sedis legato, Eboracens[i] archiepiscopo et universis episcopis per Angliam constitutis dederamus in mandatis, ut, nisi infra, iiiior menses post susceptionem litterarum nostrarum detenta omnia restituerint vel in presentia Cant[uariensis] archiepiscopi plenam super his iustitiam exhibuerint, eos auctoritate nostra omni appellatione cessante vinculo excommunicationisa astringant et ipsos tamquam membra diaboli faciant ab omnibus evitari. Quocirca celsitudini tue presentium significatione mandamus, ut eos, ex quo sententia fuerint excommunicationis astricti, tanquam rex christianissimus et in catholicefideiperfectione fundatus, omnibus [modise] evites et diligere eos caveas, ne, quod absit, communionis eorum debeas particeps inveniri. Dat'. T'. 129 f. Quod Nigellus episcopus precepto apostolici iuraverit reparare bona ecclesie sue et sic meruit relaxari a suspensione. Adrianus 1 episcopus servus " servorum Dei venerabili fratri Nig[ello] Elyensi episcopo salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Karissimi in Christo filii nostri, Henr[ici] illustris Anglorum regis, et tam archiepiscoporum quam episcoporum precibus et postulationibus inclinati, suspensionis sententiam, qua olim tenebaris astrictus, auctoritate apostolica duximus relaxandam et interventu eorum te in nostre gratie plenitudinem esse noveris restitutum: ita quidem, ut in presentia venerabilis fratris nostri T[heodbaldi] hCantfuariensis] archiepiscopi, apostolice sedis legati, iureiurando [fo. 181] promittas , quod ad recuperationem bonorum Elyensis ecclesie, que alienata sunt, unde etiam meruisti' suspensionis sententiam sustinere, pro tua * facultate et pro tuis l viribus studeas revocare m et " quod aliquas eiusdem ecclesie possessiones infeudare vel aliquo titulo alienare de cetero nulla ratione presumas. Et quoniam alienationem rerum ipsius ecclesie irreqiiisitam pretermittere nee ° possumus nee debemus, fraternitati tue per » apostolica scripta precipiendo mandamus et mandando precipimus, quatinus ad recuperandas possessiones ipsius ecclesie predicti filii nostri regis requisito auxilio et favore, quern super hoc diligentissime com"e non om. F. " tribas EFO. venerabilis fratris . . . etc. . . . legati EFG; O corr. to the dative case. d Emended, as by Holtzmann, from the MS. reading quod circa. e modis om. MSS. The emendation is plausibly suggested by Holtzmann, 1 Collated with copies in EO and the cartularyh G. ' servus om. G. permittas F. ! ' meruit EFO. * sua EFO. suis EFO. m revocare om. EFO. " et transposed after quod EFO. o non F. " per . . . scripta om. G. 'Date: Lateran, 16 January 1158. Printed: Papsturkunden in England, ii, no. 98, and partly in Bollandist Ada Sanctorum (1st edn.) Junii, iv, 581 and Wharton, Anglia Sacra, i, 627 ff. This letter is the companion piece to cc. 127 and 128, q.v.

LIBER ELIENSIS 379 monuimus, omnem operam et sollicitudinem studeas adhibere. Ita quod divina gratia preeunte, ope eiusdem regis adiutus, alienata omnia et distracta debeas ad ecclesiam revocare. Si vero Willelmus comes Guarenne, comes de Clare, comes Alb[ricus], Gauf[ridus] Ma[rtel], Henr[icus]fil[ius]Geroldi, Rob[ertus] filius Unf[ridi] et Iohannes de Port, bonorum prefate ecclesie detentores fuerint, eos studeas diligentissime convenire, ut omnes possessiones Elyensis ecclesie quas per violentiam et contra iustitiam, sicut dicitur, detinere presumunt, in integrum, si ita est, postposita omni occasione et excusatione, restituant. Quod si facere contempserint, eos ex tune, omni appellatione cessante, auctoritate nostra excommunicationis vinculo ° astringatis et ipsos, tanquam menbra diaboli, ab omnibus parochiis vestris usque ad condignam satisfactionem faciatisb evitari". Data Lateranid XVII. Kl. Februarii. 130 e. Miraculum de quodam puero monacho a sancta -£8eldre8a sanato. Parvus quidam monachus apud nos, vocabulo Iohannes, mire simplicitatis et innocentie puer, duodennis infirmabatur. Hie toto corpore percussus pessimo ulcere, quod per cuncta membra illius pruriginem scaturire faceret, officium ipsis auferret et motum, nee sibi valuit signum crucis imprimere, cibum vel potum per se nequivit capere, sed a consortium manibus atque servorum ei inferebatur edulium. Invocaverat enim iugi meditatione auxilium beate iESeldreSe [fo. I8IV] et misericordiam a Deo salutari suo. Qui vero circa ipsum aderant iam prorsus de illius salute desperaverant et, dum anxiaretur cor eius, hinc de afflictione carnis, hinc ex metu mortis, sompnum cepit iacens in domo infirmorum quadam die ad meridiem. Subito visa est ei femina, sanctitatis velamine tecta, astare, que se fatebatur esse dominam suam ^ESeldreSam, dicens: ' O miser, diu infirmitatis nodo graviter astrictus teneris nee adhuc convalescis. Poteris Dei auxilio de infirmitate pristinam recipere salutem, sed non hie ex integro. Ad sanctum iEdmundum ne tardas ire. Mox ibi curaberis in proximo.' Et appropinquans ad eum, hora clamidis sue quasi sudorem detergens et desuper ilium pulverem totum abiciens, ad * ecclesiam postea recessit. Quam curiose attendens, sequebatur a longe, donee veniens usque ad feretrum ibi oratum excubaret. Cumque, ut videbatur illi, caput ad supplicandum demitteret, omne virus, quo interius torquebatur, evomuit et, postea evigilans, sanus effectus, narravit per ordinem, que viderat, ad laudem Dei et alme virginis sue TESeldreSe. Nee diu post hec ad Sanctum jEdmundum veniens, ipsum Dei martyrem deprecatus est quatenus suis meritis ei revelatum impetraret remedium, qui illi etiam in visione apparuerat. 131 g. De demoniaco * per beatam JESeldreS liberate Rem mirabilem ad memoriam revocamus, quam plebs fidelis novit satis et • vincula EFO. * facias 0. • Emended, as by Holtzmann, from the MS. reading evitare. * lat' MSS. ' This miracle is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Acta Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, v, 480. 1 ab ecclesia F. « This chapter is included in B (Book of Miracles), Bollandist Acta Sanctorum (3rd edn.) Junii, h v, 480. demoniacho E, monacho F.

380 LIBER ELIENSIS meminit. In Ely commanebat iuvenis alienigena, Ricardus nomine. Mansuetudinis et patientie virtutem, ut estimabatur, preferebat in vultu, sed victum exigens mentibus, quod genus hominum vix aut nullatenus cavet flagitium. Hie per multam corporis molestiam incurrit vesaniam mentis, totus demoniacus effectus, vincula, compedes rupit, nullo ligamine teneri potuit. Cur autem vel quomodo illi hoc accident nescimus, sed Dei iudicio et iusto profitemur. Cumque diutius sic furoris sui miseria die noctuque homines turbaret circumquaque atque terreret, per rura per foveas latitans, hominum iam aspernatus consortium, et ecce in una nocte, dum amplius urgeretur stimulo sue vesanie vociferando in platea, [fo. 182] discurrendo cunctos undique a quiete noctis excitavit atque sic illi per tenebras noctis vaganti in via astitit obviam quedam sanctimonialis femina vultu candidissimo, cuius claritas tenebrose noctis obscuritatem lucis sue illustraverat splendore, dicens ad eum: ' Miser homo, quantum alios et te miserrima vexatione turbando extollis. Compatior nimium inbecillitati tue '. Ad hec a ille: ' Que es ', inquit, ' domina ? Mihi nomen tuum insinua et me in tanti discriminis exitio pro Christo adiuva.' Mirandis plus miranda succedunt. Ilia respondit: ' Ego sum yESeldreSa, huius loci hera b , quam diutinis precibus in auxilium postulasti.' Et adproprians, caput languidi involvit manica sua virginei vestimenti sanctimonialis habitus, quo utebatur, signans ilium signo" sancte crucis, et dixit: ' Vade et Deo gratias age, qui te liberavit ex hac infirmitate et ab inimici potestate,' et continuo disparuit ilia persona. At eger confidens de salute indulta, cucurrit ad ecclesiam, pervigil in orationibus reliquum noctis spatium transegit, populum illuc mane venturum cum gaudio expectavit, magnificans et laudans Deum. Narravit omnibus, quomodo ei obviam fuisset beata et d clementissima iESeldreSa et qualiter ereptuse sit de inimico ac mortis periculo. 132 ' . De nautis in periculo maris per sanctam ^ESeldreSam salvatis.

Accidit quoddam miraculum quod nequaquam taciturnitate supprimi, sed ad Dei et gloriose virginis iESeldreSe laudem in medium decet proferri. Quadamg igitur die mercatoribus quibusdam per mare navigantibus, tempestas seva oborta, que totum mare in cumulos convertens navem miserabiliter hue illucque iactabat, adeo ut, tarn ventis impellentibus quam fluctibus concutientibus, in ipsam navem circumquaque dissolutam aque influerent. Miseri itaque tot periculis expositi, cernentes se in mortis confinio constitui h, omnique humana industria evadendi destitui, ad divinum auxilium confugiunt ipsumque per merita clementissime virginis iESeldreSe quam sepius replicando invocant, sibi adiuvare > vocibus [fo. 1821/] flebilibus efflagitant. Statimque ventorum rabies concidit, maris tumor resedit, ipsaque navis dehiscens divinitus consolidatur, ut nullum deinceps intrandi aditum * aque preberet l . Fluctibus itaque sedatis et ventis m mediocriter spirantibus, naute respirant, cursuque directo navigantes litora optata quantocius tenent. Adplicantes autem b c "a hoc E. era MSS. signaculo B. e et om, BF. exceptus B. ' This chapter is not included in B (Book of Miracles). "h This sentence, as it stands, lacks a main verb. constituti F. ' advenire E. * adhitum JF. ' prebeberet F. » et add. F.

LIBER ELIENSIS 381 in Anglia, mox ecclesiam beate virginis adeunt, gratias multiplices Deo et sancte MiSeldreQe liberatrici sue referunt, ligna quoque °, que in navi sicut detulerant, ad eiusdem ecclesie ruinas reparandas in signum liberationis sue offerunt, et cum gaudio Deum laudantes et in sanctis glorificantes recedunt. 133 b. Mandatum Nigelli episcopi pro terra de Baldreseya. Nig[ellus]J Elyen[sis] episcopus H' de Glanvilla et R[anulpho]fil[io]eius salutem. Precipio vobis, sicut me diligitis et feodum quod de me tenetis, ut dimittatis monachis terrain suam de Baldreseia solutam et quietam et sine omni inquietationec, sicut ipsi saisiti fuerunt de ea anno et die quo rex H[enricus] fuit vivus et mortuus et quando dominus noster rex novissime transfretavit. Et si vos ius aliquid in ea clamatis, ego vobis libenter rectum inde tenebo. Valete. 134 d. Carta Nigelli episcopi quod monachi de Ely libere et in pace teneant ecclesias suas. Nig[ellus]2 Dei gratia Elyensis episcopus universis matris ecclesie filiis spiritu consilii et fortitudinis habundare e. Quicquid sacrosancte religioni per sanctissimos antistites divino intuitu impensum vel exhibitum fuerit, id a successoribus observari' et venerari oportet, ne vel funditus evellatur vel prava interpretatione minuatur. Sacrilegii etenim instar est venerabilis ecclesie privilegiis 9 derogare h. Quicumque vero pontificum ea, que a se vel decessoribus suis religiose concessa sunt, simulata ' quadam auctoritate, ad lse trahere conatur, cum beneficium * depravat, a caritate fit vacuus et sacrilegium non evitat. Nos ergo dilectorum filiorum nostrorum monachorum Elyensium volentes in perpetuum providere m3 quieti, presentis pagine auctoritate donationem " a nobis antiquitus conscriptam super ecclesiis °, que in terris eorundem fratrum sunt, renovamus v. Statuimus ergo et, quantum ad nos spectare dinoscitur, precipimus, ut eedem iam dicte ecclesie universe cum prediis, in quibus fundate sunt, ad ius et dominium iam dictorum filiorum nostrorum "J namquoque E. This chapter is not in F. It is added in the margin of E, without a rubric and written in a later hand.c It is here collated with copies in O (from which the rubric is taken) and the cartulary M. de add. MSS. d Collated with copies in EO and the cartularies DGM. ' Cf. infra, ch. 133, which has a similar form of address. t observare EGO. ' ecclesie privilegiis printed from DM; ecclesie Dei (the last word on fo. iy2) legiis (the first word of fo. 172V), E; ecclesie Dei privilegiis (privilegiis on erasure), F ; ecclesie Dei privilegiis 0; ecclesie legibus G. See supra, p. xli. * derogaret DE. ' si multa EF, corr. to simulata F. l m * beneficiis EFGO. sacrilegiis EGO. provideri F. " nostris add. G. * renovavimus G. " donationes EG. 1 2

Date: 1135 X 1169. For a comment on this writ see infra, App. C, p. 408. Date: ? 1162 x 1169. This letter may represent Nigel's action in response to a letter from Archbishop Thomas Becket (MS. Cotton, Titus A.i, fo. 53), which reproved him inter alia for allowing the customs of the convent's churches to be held by one of his clerks. 3 This refers to Nigel's charter (supra, ch. 54), which specifies the estates assigned to the monks and grants them in addition the churches belonging to the estates mentioned.

382 LIBER ELIENSIS semper pertineant et, quantum ad nostre sollicitudinis spectat officium, volumus ut ° cum universis beneficiis et obventionibus suis omni tempore in posterum pretaxatorum fratrum usibus sint * deputate et, ex quo vacantes fuerint, eorum commodis proficiant °, nisi siquid d honestis vel idoneis perso-[/o. j obsitum, ut levius isto pristine diei fuisse martyrium quivis iudicaret, et hostes maiores minoribus minus nocuisse}. {Ipsa 3 quoque eius femoralia interiora usque ad poplites cilicina reperta sunt, quod antea apud nostrates fuerat. In loco vero passionis eius et ubi ad altare maius pernoctavit humendus et ubi tandem sepultus est leprosi mundantur, ceci vident, surdi audiunt, mortui resurgunt, arrepti a demonio liberantur et a [fo. i88v] variis languoribus mundantur egroti, illo hec in ipso et perplura que referre longum est operante, qui solus est benedictus in secula) et triumphat in sanctis suis. °6 The other Passions continue independently. et . . . morte is shared by Passio Quarta and Quintal et . . . faciem by Robertson Passio X. " decorarent Passio Quarta. d Dei . . . Domini shared by Passio Quarta, Quinta and Grim Vita. ' septuagesimo om. EF. f canonici . . . habitu om. Passio Quarta and Quinta. «iam EF. h privatim Passio Quinta. ' bestiunculis Passio Quinta. 1 In . . . monachorum: is very close to Grim's Vita. The same passage occurs with slight changes in words and order in Passio Quarta and Quinta. 2 tarn . . . nocuisse: is most closely related to Passio Quarta and slightly less so to Passio Quinta, and the passage is derived from Grim's Vita which has a number of verbal parallels. 3 Ipsa . . . secula: derived from John of Salisbury's Vita (Robertson, Materials, ii, 321-22). Ipsa, femoralia . . . cilicina occurs also in Robertson Passio X.

APPENDIX A LIBELLUS QUORUNDAM INSIGNIUM OPERUM BEATI .EDELWOLDI EPISCOPI * [p. i] Incipit prologus quorundam insignium operum beati ^Edeluuoldi episcopi. Cum preteritarum notitia rerum ignorantie tenebris 2 queat involvi et, vicissitudine rerum interveniente, ab humana memoria facile poterit labi, opere pretium est, ut illud quod sic gestum est, quod dignum memoria sit, sedulo stili officio commendetur, quatenus sic memorie representetur quod, nisi scriptum fuerit, oblivioni tradetur3. {Cumque gentilium figmenta) sive {deliramenta cum omni studio videamus composita), coloribus hretoricis ornata et, quasi quodammodo depicta, cathegoricis syllogismis et argumentationibus circumfulta et corroborata, in gymnasiis et scolis (publice celebrata) et cum laude recitata, dignum duximus ut sanctorum dicta et facta describantur et descripta ad laudem et honorem Christi referantur, ut per illos et in illis ipse glorificetur et mirabilis predicetur, per quem ipsi gloriosi fiunt et mirabilia operantur. Sic enim ipse Dominus ait: ' Luceat lux vestra coram hominibus, ut videant opera vestra bona et glorificent patrem vestrum [p. 2] qui in celis est' 4. De quorum siquidem consortio beatus iEdeluuoldus electus Dei pontifex suis temporibus floruit, cuius vita virtutibus gloriosa et miraculis clara effulsit. De quo si minus claret et plenius scire desiderat, legat librum qui de ortu et de vita necnon de obitu eius contextus est et inveniet liquido quanti meriti quanteque sanctitatis fuerit. Quedam vero insignia eius, que gesserat in vita sua, {in illo libro non sunt contexta nee erant stilo exarata Latino. Que dum vir prudens et egregius Herveus, venerabilis Elyensis ecclesie episcopus, relatu digna comperibat, 1 In contrast to the rest of the Libellus, which has been incorporated into the L.E. entire, only brief extracts occur in the L.E. from the prologue and the first three chapters. These are printed here from Trinity College, Cambridge, MS. O.2.41 (C). Passages in common with the L.E. are shown within pointed brackets. There are verbal parallels (shown in italics) with the Vita Ethelwoldi by Wulfstan. As these occur also in phrases not found in the Life by JElixic, whereas parallels between the Libellus and .SJlfric's Life are confined to those passages which also occur in Wulfstan's, the Life of ^Ethelwold referred to in the prologue of the Libellus must be that by Wulfstan. On the relationship between the Lives by MMxic and Wulfstan see D. J. V. Fisher, ' The Early Biographers of St Ethelwold ', Engl. Hist. Rev., lxvii, pp. 381-91, and D. Whitelock, English Historical Documents c. 300-1042, p. 381 f. References to Wulfstan's Life are to the edition in Migne, Pat. Lat., exxxvii, coll. 81-108, and those to iElfric's Life are to Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon, ed. J. Stevenson (R.S., 1858), ii, Appendix I, pp. 255-66. 2 Cf. Wulfstan's preface, col. 81, " . . . caecas ignorantiae tenebras ab humanis cordibus effugarent ..." 8 For this and subsequent passages in italics in this prologue cf. ibid., coll. 81-82, ' Ex quorum collegio beatus Pater et electus Dei pontifex Adelwoldus, velut lucifer inter astra coruscans, suis temporibus apparuit, multorumque coenobiorum fundator et ecclesiasticorum dogmatum institutor, inter omnes Anglorum pontifices solus singulariter effulsit. De cuius ortu, gestis et obitu scire cupientibus, aliqua narrare dignum duximus, et ne tanti Patris memoria penitus oblivioni tradexetax, ea . . . perstrinximus . . .' *Matth., v, 16. 395

396 APPENDIX A rogatu quorundam fratrum mihi iniunxit, ut ea de Anglico idiomate in Latinum sermonem transferrem). Cuius precepto nullatenus contraire ausus, parui et iniunctum opus suscepi ac pro facultate mea ad unguem perducere curavi. Ubi siquid positum est quod Deo acceptum sit, non tumori arrogantie deputetur, sed obedientie bono commendetur. 1. Quomodo beatus /Edeluuoldus Elyense cenobium renovavit. Tempore quo rex iEdgarus gubernacula regni Anglorum sceptrigerando regebat, (beatus iEdeluuoldus egregius pontifex), vir eximie virtutis 1magneque sanctitatis, (ut lucerna ardens et lu-[p. j]-cens, in populo Dei fulgebat . Qui cum omnium ornamentis virtutum bonorumque exemplis operum preditus esset ac ecclesiam Dei regendam suscepisset, non solum rector strenuus, verum etiam cenobiorum plurimorum fundator nobilis extitit. Alia siquidem a fundamento cepit et ad unguem usque perduxit, alia vero, que destructa sive destituta erant, diligenter restaurando renovavit familiamque summi patris familias sub norma sancte conversationis in omnibus locavit), facultates terrarumque possessiones ac ea quibus opus habebant eis affluentissime administravit. (Inter que Elyense cenobium renovavit). Qui locus 2 multum erat famosus, reliquiis et miraculis celeberrimus. Sed (pagani) seva invasione (olim irruentes) eundem locum igni cremandum dederant et, sanctimonialium caterva quamplurium ibi crudeliter necata omnibusque bonis undeunde sublatis, locum cum reliquiis, quasi quoddam (exterminium), relinquentes abierunt. Sicque postea per destitutionem (regie) sorti sive (fiscdy idem locus additus erat. 2. Quomodo rex ^Edgarus quibusdam petentibus eundem locum dare denegavit. (Eo autem tempore) quo beatus ^Edeluuoldus, ut diximus, floruit, (duo de magnatibus [p. 4] regis), videlicet (Sygeduuoldus episcopus, natione Grecus, et Thurstanus, genere Dacus, petierunt a rege), ut eis idem locus daretur. (Cumque pari ambitione) ad hoc inhiantes anhelarent et uterque se hoc adipisci estimaret, lis et altercatio permaxima orta est inter eos, quis illorum voti compos efficeretur. Illis igitur altercantibus, unus (qui regi erat a secretis, nomine Wlstanus de Dalham), vir prudens, consilio pollens, celitus inspiratus, accessit ad regem et ait: ( ' Domine rex, cum tue saluti) tuoque imperio omnes (providere debemus, nemo nostrum) est qui consulere velit ut horum (petitioni) annuere debeas. Si enim scires, domine, quam celebre domicilium et quam care reliquie habentur in loco de quo contendunt, nullatenus eundem locum talibus committere velles hominibus '. Deinde (exposuit regi per ordinem de dignitate loci) et celebritate earundem (reliquiarum); nam 1 2

Cf. Wulfstan, col. 82, ' velut Lucifer inter astra . . . effulsit'. Cf. ibid., col. 92, ' Est enim quaedam regio/amosa in provincia orientalium Anglorum sita, paludibus et aquis in modum insulae circumdata, unde et a copia anguillarum quae in eisdem paludibus capiuntur, Elige nomen accepit. In qua regione locus omni veneratione dignus habetur, magnificatus nimirum reliquiis et miraculis sanctae Etheldridae reginae et perpetuae virginis ac sororum eius; sed in ipso tempore erat destitutus et regali fisco deditus '. Cf. also iElfric, pp. 261-62, ' Est igitur locus in regione quae vocatur Elig, nobilitatus nimium reliquiis et miraculis Sanctae iEldritae virgini ac sororum eius; sed erat tune destitutus et regali fisco deditus ' ; also Edgar's charter, infra, Book II, ch. 5, ' decoratumque reliquiis et miraculis . . . Locus denique predictus, deficiente servitio Dei, nostra etate regali fisco subditus . . . "

APPENDIX A 397 antea latebat regem. (Quod ut rex audivit, fervore divino accensus est et supradictis viris dare quod petierant non solum denegabat, verum etiam eundem locum se magnificaturum dicebat). 3. Quomodo ^Edeluuoldus in Elyensi monasterio [p. 5] monachos inthronizavit. Et factum est. Postquam illi, qui dixerunt: ' Hereditate possideamus sanctuarium Dei' 1 , confusi et fraudati sunt a desiderio suo, (gloriosus rex ^Edgarus, accito beato iEdelwoldo), consilium iniit (cum eo) et, ostensa illi (voluntate) sua, cepit rogare beatum virum, ut monachos, qui Deo servirent, in predicto loco adunare curaret, dicens se nolle ut tante reliquie sine cultore et absque (digna veneratione) diutius haberent. (Pollicitus est etiam se idem cenobium terris ac donis) locupletaturum (et eterne libertatis privilegidy confirmatmum 2. (Intellexit) protinus (vir Dei quod Spiritus Sanctus operabatur in rege, gratias egit Deo, in cuius manu corda sunt regum3, opusque bonum maturare non distulit), quod ut ageret rex ei iniunxerat ", memor scripture dicentis: ' Dum tempus habemus, operemur bonum ad omnes ' 4 et in alio loco, ' Semper nocuit differre parata ' 5 . Quid moror ? Beatus igitur iEdelwoldus, ut erat operibus sanctis semper insistens, (predictum cenobium) ex precepto regis, ut diximus, (diligenter) renovavit6, (monasterialibus edificiis situm loci insigniter decoravit), (monachos ibi inthronizavit et religiosum virum nomine Brithnodum eis abbatem ordinavity (regieque auctoritatis privilegio confirmatum Deo ac sancte ^ESeldrySe totum commendavity. In mundo vere tune aurea secla fuere, Tune ver eternum decus enituitque supernum. Tune et spinetum fuerat ceu suave rosetum. Lactea currebant, tune flumina mella fluebant. Tune et sponte dabat tellus quod quisque rogabat. Pura fides, pax, verus amor, tune emicuere. Fraus, tumor et livor, periuria tune latuere. Tune et libertas sedes habuit sibi certas. Tune et in ecclesia fulserunt Martha, Maria. Tune erat ordo bonus, cum floruit iste patronus. " The words appear in this order in C and A, but are presumably

intended for either quod

ageret ut or ut ageret quod. 1 Ps., 2

lxxxii, 13. Cf. Wulfstan, coll. 92-93, '. . .fiscodeditus. Hunc ergo locum famulus Christi pro dilectione tantarum virginum magnopere venerari coepit, datoque pretio non modicae pecuniae, emit eum rege Eadgaro, constituens in eo monachorum gregem non minimum. Quibus ordinavit abbatem Brithnodum praepositum suum, et ejusdem loci situm monasterialibus aedificiis decentissime renovavit, eumque terrarum possessionibus affluentissime locupletatnva. et aeternae libertatis privilegio confirmatum omnipotenti Domino commendavit.' Cf. also .#21fric, p. 262, '. . . fisco deditus, quern emebat Atheluuoldus a rege, constituens in eo monachos perplures, quibus praefecit patrem, Brinthothum nomine, discipulum suum, /ocumque affluentissime ditavit aedificiis et terris '. 8

Prov., xxi, 1. Lucan, i, 281. * See supra, n. 2. 6

4

Gal., vi, 10.

398

APPENDIX A Verses following L.E., Book II, chapter 4.

Institor o dives, felix per secula vives. Celica sumpsisti, dum tu terrena dedisti. Ecce tenes celum, quo nostrum dirige velum, Concives tecum, quo conregnemus in evum. Verses following L.E., Book II, chapter 7.

Pacem sanctorum sic rumpere sepe virorum, Sic solet antiquus turbare bonos inimicus. Sic armat mundum contra sanctos furibundum, Ut pars iustorum succumbat mole malorum, Ni domini pietas dignetur ponere metas, Nedum temptentur, nimium temptando graventur. Verses in the middle of L.E., Book II, chapter 10.

O quantus vir erat, quern gratia tanta replerat, Esset ut in mundo, vivens Christo sine mundo. Felix ille pater, quem nescit spiritus ater, Pectore sub cuius mundi vis nil habet huius. O decus ecclesie, vas nobile philosophic, Cuius ad exemplum Christi fies homo templum, Vir pie, sancte, bone pater, iEdeluuolde, patrone Inter opes secli sitiebas gaudia celi. Mundus vilescit, tibi dum dos celica crescit, Qua nos dotari felix dignare precari. Verses following L.E., Book II, chapter 10.

Omine felici condignum censeo dici, Qui servit Christo, mundo dum vivit in isto, Sicut iEdeluuoldus fecit presul venerandus. Ex utero matris se moribus exuit atris, Proposito salvo, dum matris vixit ab alvo, Instituit vitam divina lege peritam. Composuit mores, essent totidem quasi flores, Excoctus digne, dum purificatur in igne, Purior extractus, resplenduit illius actus, Dumque suum cursum direxit ad ethera sursum, Per vite portus eternos venit ad ortus. Verses in the middle of L.E.,

Book II, chapter 11.

Esse locum memorant quem mella liquentia rorant, Dunham dixerunt, qui nomen ei posuerunt. Deliciis plenus, locus uber, letus, amenus, Uber ager gratis sat confert fertilitatis.

APPENDIX A Piscosi fluvii iuxta noscuntur haberi. Stat viridis lucus, crebris venatibus aptus, Floribus est pictus, congesto cespite cinctus, Aggere terrarum claudit genus omne ferarum. Hie canit omnis avis, dum ventilat aura suavis, Pica loquax, murule, turdi, turtur, philomele Instar habent cythare, dum certant garrulitate, Regia splendescit, qua silva decora patescit, In cuius claustris loca perflat ventus ab austris, Copia qua residet, felix opulent ia ridet. Hie loca formosa, viridaria sunt speciosa Hiisque locis nempe vilescunt Tessala Tempe. Ortus ibi crescit, qui fructus quosque capescit, Ortus Athalantiadum describitur aureus esse Et satis Hesperidum reor aurea poma fuisse, Aurea poma quidem nasci dicuntur ibidem. Aut est translatus hue qui fuit aureus ortus Aut ita res agitur, quod hie illius instar habetur. Verses following L.E., Book II, chapter 24. Qui dispensator, qui fidus erat operator °, Qui cultor Christi, pater iESeluuolde, fuisti, Non decus argenti, speciem non excolis auri, Non fodis in terris, sed nosti condere celis, Divitias et opes ubi nil temptant male fures, Quo regnas tutus, thesauros ipse secutus, Quos premittebas, quos tam bene distribuebas. Interes eternis opibus gazisque supernis, Pace fruens Christi, quem prudens excoluisti, Quo nobis certus patronus adesto misertus. " operatur corr. to operator C.

399

APPENDIX B EXTRACTS FROM THE BOOK OF MIRACLES IN BRIT. MUS., MS. COTTON, DOMITIAN X V 1 Quomodo rex ^Edgarus divinitus inspiratus per sanctum pontificem iEthelwoldum Elyensem restauravit ecclesiam. 2 Restat nunc scribendum de reparatione Elyensis ecclesie quod eximium et excellens fuisse inter innumera signorum beneficia, que Dominus per venerabilem suam virginem Etheldredam operare dignatus est, quod regum Anglorum /Edgarus potentissimus, divino ammonitus oraculo, ecclesiam de Ely restauravit, muneribus adornavit, possessionibus ditavit, eterne libertati donavit, totum Deo commendavit 3. Cuius 4 frequens eversio paganis olim irruentibus locum sine cultu per centum annos uno minus occisis effecit cultoribus. Qui locus aquosus, piscosus, nemorosus et ferax, cum utile et quietum videtur preferre habitaculum, primam 5 meruit monastice discipline habere magistram sanctum et venerabilem gloriosamque virginem et reginam Mdeldredam, que monasterium ancillarum Dei constituens, alterum ibi locavit paradisum celumque terris et celo terras ingerens sic locum mutavit, ut alterum altero insigniret, dum alter alterius cives possideret. Cui successit in spirituale magisterium spiritualis mater soror eius sancta Sexburgh, uxor Erconberti regis Cantuariorum et mater sancte virginis Ercongote. Illique successit altera filia eius iErmenilda, uxor Wlferi regis Merciorum et mater sancte Werburge virginis. Ermenilda vero ad Christum de came assumpta, filia ipsius iam dicta Werburga in monasterium suscepit regendum, ut ex antiquitus scriptis collegisse memini 6 . Post cuius decessum beate' matres et femine, quarum nomina solius Dei novit scientia, nobis autem prorsus incognita, sub vite regularis observantia locum in honore et sanctificatione servaverunt usque ad Danorum. tempora. Qui inibi habitatricibus partim peremptis, partim fugatis, habitacula subruerunt. Cuius 8 loci desolatio antique religionis preferens exterminium de celesti libertate in humanam servitudinem transierat . . . regis Mdgari rego fisco serviebat. Verum 9 Deus, qui omni tempore et omni rei suam providet congruentiam nee locum sub cont'emptu nee sanctas passus est diutius esse 1 The opening chapter of B (Book of Miracles), here printed, was compiled, as is suggested supra, p. xxxiii, from a Life and Miracles of Etheldreda and from the Libellus, and was, in addition to extracts from the Libellus itself, used to make up L.E., Book II, cc. t-4. Verbal parallels with 2the L.E. are shown in italics. 3 Cf. Book II, ch. 1. Cf. Libellus, supra, p. 397. 4 Cf. Book II, ch. 1. 6 Cf. Book II, ch. 1, but the phrase fits more naturally into the context of the book of miracles. • This phrase would be pointless if taken to have been written after the composition of L.E., Book I, where these details appear. '8 Cf. Book I, ch. 37. Cf. Book II, ch. I. 9 Book II, ch. 1 here continues with a description of the works of ^Ethelwold derived verbatim from the Libellus.

400

APPENDIX B 401 sine cultu, sed gloria ibidem quiescentium supplicans per famam virtutem et regem tempori et episcopum regi et utrumque sue dispositioni aptissimum suscitavit. Ille ergo jEdgarus, Anglie rex pacificus, et iste iEthelwoldus, Wintonie pontifex eximius, diverso quidem officio sed pari voto in lege Dei ambulantes, non minus religioni quam dominationi totam patriam subiuga [verunt "], ille imperando, iste predicando. In quibus aptissime sibi respondebant et regnum et sacerdotium, dum quod alteri placeret alter roboraret et de omni statu rerum collato consilio neuter dissentiret, sed uterque consentiret. Hac ita regis sui gratia magnificus episcopus jEdelwoldus sullimatus totum spiritus sui robur ad variam sanctitatis operationem accinxit, nunc 1 nova incipiens et perficiens, nunc ab aliis cepta, sed non perfecta, consummans, nunc destructa diversis in locis cenobia reformans. Cuius in tempore Helyense cenobium miraculis famosum et reliquiis gloriosum regio sensui adiacebat neciam 2

ut cenobium sed ut publicum monasterium sine cultu et reverentia omni transeunti patebat. Duo de magnatibus regis, scilicet 3 Sigedwoldus episcopus natione Grecus et Thurstanus genere Dacus 4, visa loci habitudine magis eum cupiditate quam devotione a rege petierunt. Cumque pari ambitione decertarent et 5 Us inter eos de impetratione frequenter versaretur, ne alter de alterius vel contemptu insultaret vel obtentu invideret, medium se interiecit8 . . . Wlstanus . . . eatenus latuerant. Tantoque pondere

Spiritus Sanctus regis animum sapientis viri compunxit eloquio, ut cupite possessionis neuter cupidiorum possessor haberetur, sed unam eandemque repulsam pateretur et invida avaritia et avara invidia. Succisa8 7 igitur . . . sed predictum cenobium

diligenter innovavit, clericis expulsis monachos ibidem congregavit et Brithnodum eis abbatem ordinavit multasqne 9 terras, tarn per se emptas a rege quam ab ipso rege gratis datas, cum donis et ornamentis variis atque regie auctoritatis privilegio confirmatas, Deo et sancte Mdeldrede totum commendavit. Alias quoque terras quam plurimas ab aliis emens ecclesie adiecit, quas per singula numerare otiosi negotii est, cum proprio alibi contineantur volumine. Ceterum ut regis magnificentia legentibus innotescat, quid devotionis et liberalitatis erga Deum et sanctam eius ecclesiam Helyensem habuerit, subsequens 10 ipsius privilegium declarabit. Quid iccirco hie ponendum videtur, ut cunctis liqueat quanta firmitate domus Dei fundamento suo innitatur n . " subiugare' B. 1

nunc . . . adiacebat: cf. Libellus, supra, p. 396 and Book II, ch. 1. Cf. Book II, cc. 1 and 2. scilicet is in the Libellus, but omitted in Book II, ch. 2. 4 As in the Libellus, but Danus in Book II, ch. 2. 6 et . . . versaretur: cf. Libellus, supra, p. 396. 6 interiecit . . . latuerant: as in Book II, ch. 2. 7 Succisa . . . expulsis: as in Book II, ch. 3. 8 monachos . . . ordinavit: less full and less close to the Libellus than Book II, ch. 3. • multas . . . volumine: cf. Book II, ch. 3, but the phrase seems to belong originally to the version in the book of miracles. See supra, p. xxxiii. 10 Cf. Book II, ch. 4. 11 Followed by the heading: Carta regis Mdgari de institutione abbatie Elyensis et duplicatur. See supra, Book II, ch. 5. Edgar's charter is followed by two miracle stories derived from the Libellus which occur also as Book III, cc. 119 and 120. 2 3

APPENDIX C THE LITIGATION OF ELY CATHEDRAL PRIORY, 1150-69 Book III, cc. 96-114, give an account of the litigation over the manor of Stetchworth, the archdeacon's customs in the churches belonging to the priory, and kindred matters, which is derived from a historia written by the monk Richard, who represented the priory at the first hearing before the papal curia, and illustrated by most of the relevant documents. 1.

THE ARCHDEACON'S CUSTOMS

To what extent the abbey of Ely had enjoyed immunity from episcopal control before the Norman conquest is not clear. Between 1081 and 1087, in the early years of Simeon's abbacy, the monks accused the 1bishop of Lincoln of seeking novas consuetudines infra insulam de Ely (ch. 124 ), and in particular they claimed as an ancient liberty the right for their abbots to be consecrated by whichever bishop they chose sine subiectionis obedientia (ch. 118). But they failed to make their case. The course of the protracted controversy shows that the evidence, adduced by them, of Edward the Confessor's charter of confirmation (ch. 92) and Pope Victor II's privilege (ch. 93) was not accepted by the king as proof of their claim. Not even the reduced claim, argued from precedent (ch. 118), that it had been the practice for the king to nominate a bishop for the purpose (ch. 125), was conceded. Simeon eventually allowed himself to be blessed by the bishop of Lincoln, on condition that the case should not be prejudged thereby, and the issue was still alive when the abbey became the seat of a bishopric in 1109. Unfortunately for the historian this controversy has left its mark on the earlier chapters of L.E., Book II, which might have been expected to indicate the scope of the abbey's immunity in the Anglo-Saxon period. Such evidence as they provide must be suspected of having been tailored to support Simeon's claim. King Edward's charter and Victor II's privilege may well have been adjusted for this purpose 2. Phrases emphasising the abbey's liberty, especially in cc. 54 and 65, represent the views of 1081 and do not reveal contemporary concern for exemption from episcopal control. Accounts of the consecration of earlier abbots appear to be not derived from contemporary records, but verbal parallels 3 suggest that both these accounts and the summary of precedents in ch. 118 have been taken from the same source— probably a memorandum drafted in connection with the dispute of 1081-87. All that can be said on the testimony of the L.E. is that there is certainly no evidence that the abbey was ever subject to Dorchester. We should not of course expect any such evidence, had it existed, to have been preserved at Ely after 1081, but it is clear that after the conquest Bishop Remigius of Lincoln was unable to produce 1 2 3

The references given, unless otherwise stated, are to chapters in Book II. See the notes to cc. 92 and 93 infra, App. D, p. 418. See the text and notes of ch. 118. 402

APPENDIX C

403

any telling precedent in support of his claim to the right to exercise episcopal functions at Ely and the statement in ch. 65 may well be true that there was no record of any professions having ever been made before a bishop of Lincoln. Apart from Bishop Wilfrid in Etheldreda's time and Bishop iEthelwold, who enjoyed a special relationship with Ely, the bishops recorded to have performed episcopalia at Ely were jEthelstan (ch. 65), iElfgar (ch. 72), and ^Elfwine (cc. 75 and 86), all bishops of Elmham, the archbishops of Canterbury iEthelnoth (ch. 84) and Stigand (cc. 94 and 100), the last of whom may have derived his interest in Ely from his earlier tenure of the see of Elmham (ch. 98), and the Swedish bishop Osmund (ch. 99). Only the case of Osmund, who is alleged to have exercised omnia episcopalia during his retirement at Ely in the time of Abbots Wulfric and Thurstan, would, if correctly reported, confirm the abbey's freedom to choose their bishops. The nomination of iEthelnoth by Cnut (ch. 84) to consecrate Abbot Leofsige is not an example of the normal custom, but the result of an emergency, because Leofsige had long been without consecration. For the rest all that is shown is that the episcopalia at Ely before the Norman conquest were the preserve not of Lincoln, but of Elmham 1. The only evidence—in Book II, ch. 54—on the archdeacon's customs in the abbey's churches also comes from the Norman period. Ch. 54 probably records part of the settlement of the controversy between Simeon and Bishop Remigius (cc. 124, 127) and the subsequent practice until 1110, as confirmed in the letter from Henry of Huntingdon which is included in the chapter. According to this the sacrist performed the archdeacon's duties within the island and in particular drew the profits from the ordeal by fire and water. In Cambridgeshire, that is outside the island, the archdeacon administered his rights in person, but paid an annual pensum to the sacrist and precentor. With a bishopric established at Ely it was uncertain in what form this privilege would survive. Nicholas, archdeacon under Lincoln for Cambridgeshire, Huntingdonshire and Hertfordshire, seems to have continued to observe the old rule under the new regime until his death in 1110 2, but it was neglected by his successor. The succession of archdeacons after 1110 is not clear. To follow Nicholas in Cambridgeshire Bishop Hervey appointed William (the Breton), who was his nephew and a chaplain of Henry I 3 and held the manors of Pampisford, Little Thetford and probably Stetchworth 4. He is to be distinguished from another William (de Laventon) 5—a distinction not recognised until it was pointed out by Miller 6—who succeeded him. The date of his succession is difficult to establish. William de Laventon is first mentioned by his full name soon after February 1152 (Book III, ch. 106'). It is possible that the Breton had died as early as 1148 or 1149, when, not he, but his son Henry laid claim to the manor of Stetchworth (ch. 96). But 1 For the subject of exemption from episcopal control in England see further M. D. Lobel, Oxford Essays in Medieval History presented to H. E. Salter (1934), pp. 122 ff. and cf. Knowles, Monastic Order, p. 578. For a similar problem attending the claim of Bury St Edmunds see Harmer, Writs, pp. 140—45. a See Book III, ch. 37 and Henry of Huntingdon, Hist. Anglorum, p. 302. 3 See Pipe Roll 31 Henry I, p. 44 and Henry I's charter printed in Miller, Ely, p. 280. 1

5

Ibid.,-pp.

168 ff.

6 See Book III, ch. 106. Op. cit., p. 168, n. 3. ' References hereafter, unless otherwise stated, are to chapters in Book III.

404 APPENDIX C it is more likely that he was still in office during the hearing of the Stetchworth case and that he is to be identified with the incentor discordie whom Eugenius III ordered to be suspended and sent to Rome in a letter of 22 December 1150 (ch. 100). There is no evidence to suggest that de Laventon was ever suspended and the L.E., which rejoices in his eventual punishment visited upon him by St Etheldreda (ch. 138), would scarcely have omitted so congenial a fact. The Breton, on the other hand, is described in a summary of the Stetchworth case (ch. 96) as recently deposed and this deposition might well have followed from a suspension. By this reasoning de Laventon must have been appointed some time between 22 December 1150 and 5 February 1152. William the Breton resumed the archdeacon's customs in the abbey's churches in Cambridgeshire and his practice was not challenged until the priory became an independent unit of administration with its separate endowment. The monks' first complaint is ascribed to Bishop Hervey's time (ch. 37), but no action seems to have been brought until 1150 when they complained against an archdeacon William. Five chapters deal with these complaints. Apart from the narrative chapter 101, ch. 102 records the monk Richard's accusation regarding the customs within the island of Ely, the archdeacon's churches of Hauxton and Newton, and the misappropriation of the convent's churches in general. Ch. 107 records Archbishop Theobald's settlement of these three issues. Ch. 105 seems to have been the result of a second accusation, since on the one hand it says nothing of the archdeacon's customs while, on the other hand, referring to the churches of several other clerks in addition to those of the archdeacon. Only ch. 106, which reports Theobald's action in this second issue, gives the archdeacon's name in full—and as William de Laventon. It is possible that the first accusation was directed against him also and that the four letters all concern the same dispute. But it is more likely that the first charge was brought against William the Breton. We first hear of it, without details, in ch. 100, a letter about the Stetchworth case with which the Breton, as Henry's father was closely connected. It is in this letter that the archdeacon's suspension is ordered and the Breton is mentioned in ch. 97 in terms which imply that he was deposed about this time. Also ch. 37, which may have originally belonged to the Stetchworth historia, complains that the Breton did not respect the customs of the churches within the island. On the latter assumption the sequence of events would be as follows: Ch. 102: Richard complains against William the Breton. Ch. 107: William the Breton is to hold the customs and the churches of Hauxton and Newton against rent until his death, when all reverts to the monks. Ch. 105: After William the Breton's deposition the convent complains against William de Laventon, who has not resumed the customs, but has taken over the churches. Ch. 106: The complaint is settled in accordance with a charter held by the monks. Alternatively, if William de Laventon succeeded before December 1150 he was the defendant in both complaints. The documents would follow in the same order and Eugenius Ill's second letter (ch. 105) could have been provoked by Archbishop Theobald's failure to act promptly.

APPENDIX C

405

2. THE STETCHWORTH CASE, 1150-53 Stetchworth was claimed by the clerk Henry on the strength of a charter, alleged to have been issued by Bishop Hervey with the consent of Prior Vincent in favour of Henry's father, William the Breton. It is not clear whether Henry was making his claim after his father's death or whether, as the wording of ch. 96 implies, William was still alive at the time of writing. The monks' counter-claim, that this charter was a forgery, is most probably unsound, since a similar grant— of Pampisford—to William can be shown to be authentic by a charter of Henry I confirming it 1 . The monks could, however, claim that the manor had been improperly alienated, since both Pampisford and Stetchworth had been retrieved at the Wandlebury plea by Bishop Nigel for this very reason 2 and since Stetchworth had then been assigned to the convent's share of the lands 3. As not all the documents have survived and as many of the surviving ones are not adequately dated, the chronology of the action has to be reconstructed from a number of overlapping reports concerning the same events, but written at different times and from different points of view 4. (i) The dates of those papal letters which supply the main time references can be established from the itinerary of Eugenius III 6 . Cc. 100 and 102 must thus have been issued on 22 December 1150 and ch. 104 on 15 June 1152. (ii) This letter of 15 June 1152 refers the case to Gilbert Foliot, bishop of Hereford, who tried it that same year and—according to ch. 108, which gives day and month but not year—on 18 November. Two years and a few months before this trial Stetchworth had been formally restored to Henry by6 Bishop Nigel, about the time of the feast of St Pancras (12 May), i.e. c. May 1150 . Henry further claimed that there had been an earlier act of restitution by Archbishop Theobald and Bishop Hilary of Chichester in Lent 1150. (iii) After this alleged earlier restitution (i.e. Lent 1150) the monks appealed 7 to Rome . As they made only two appeals in all and as the second was after 11518, the appeal of 1150 must have been that said elsewhere to have been initiated by the monk Richard and lodged—according to ch. 97, which gives the day but not the year—on Rogation Day (8 May). (iv) Richard's appeal is referred to also in a letter (ch. 99) from Archbishop Theobald, which reports that he and Hilary of Chichester had heard the case according to papal instructions and that Richard had appealed from their decision. This letter must therefore have been written soon after 8 May 1150 and the papal instructions referred to in it must have been issued before that date. They cannot 1 2

Printed by Miller, Ely, p. 280. Cf. ibid., pp. 168-89. 3 See supra, Book III, ch. 48. Ibid., ch. 54. * Some of the missing dates and many valuable comments have been supplied by Holtzmann, Papsturkunden in England, ii, 222-31, 233-37, 238-39, 241-45, 251-54, and a summary of the case is given in Saltman, Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, pp. 146-48. Both authors differ in some details from this reconstruction. 6 See John of Salisbury, Historia Pontificalis, ed. R. L. Poole (1927), pp. xviii, xxiv. 6 Ch. 108. ' Ch. 104. 8 After the ' famous synod ' which can be identified, with that mentioned by Henry of Huntingdon under 1151 (Papsturkunden in England, ii, 231).

406 APPENDIX C therefore have been contained in a letter (ch. ioo) which, while addressed to Theobald and Hilary, is to be dated December 1150. The instructions in ch. 100 must xrefer to a later hearing before these two, concerning the damages due to Henry . (v) The pope's instructions leading to the first hearing before Theobald and Hilary are not extant. They may have been contained in a letter brought back by Henry after his second visit to Rome 2, (vi) The occasion of the first restitution, claimed by Henry and denied by the monks, was probably when he was acquitted of the charge of forging the documents on which his title depended. This acquittal must have seemed paramount to a confirmation of his lawful title and could have been regarded by Henry as an act of restitution. It must have been awarded some time before December 1150, since it is reported in a letter of that date (ch. 100), and this would suit the date, given by Henry for this restitution, i.e. Lent 1150. Within this framework the order of events can be reconstructed as follows: Before Lent 1150. Henry made his first journey to Rome, and the pope, on the evidence of Henry's charter, acknowledged his right to Stetchworth. Returning with a papal letter to this effect, Henry was accused of forgery, tried and imprisoned by Bishop Nigel, and released after an appeal to Archbishop Theobald 3. He made 4 a second journey to Rome and returned with instructions to Archbishop Theobald and Hilary of Chichester (i) to try the charge of forgery, brought against Henry by the priest Joseph, (ii) to examine Henry's claim to Stetchworth. charge 6 and Theobald and Hilary Lent 1150. Henry was acquitted on the forgery 6 advised Nigel to restore Stetchworth to him . Henry further lodged an appeal against Joseph for obstructing him in some way which, owing to the corrupt state of the surviving text of the relevant letter (ch. 100), is not specified 7. 8 May 1150. The monk Richard eventually succeeded in catching up with Theobald. The case concerning Stetchworth was heard8 and Richard appealed—the appeal to be heard in Lent (Letare Jerusalem) 1151 . c. 12 May 1150. Bishop Nigel formally restored Stetchworth to Henry9. May-December 1150. Henry went to Rome to prosecute his appeal against Joseph. Meanwhile Theobald ordered a local inquest, headed by Bishop William of Norwich and Abbot Ording of St Edmunds, to gather the facts about Stetchworth, and the findings favoured Ely. Richard, worried that Henry had preceded him to Rome, hurried after him 10. 1 Cf. cc. 103 and 104. The compiler's sequence is therefore to be preferred to the re-arrangement2 suggested by Holtzmann, who makes ch. 100 precede ch. 99 (op. cit., ii, 233-34). The second letter mentioned in ch. 97. 3 6 Ch. 97. « Ibid. Ch. 100. 6 According to Henry's claim reported in ch. 108. 7 Part of his complaint seems to have been that his charter had not been returned to him, and he later blamed the convent's representatives for its loss (ch. 103). 8 9 10 Ch. 97. Ch. 108. Ch. 97.

APPENDIX C 407 December 1150. Henry's acquittal on the forgery charge was confirmed by the pope 1 and the monks were ordered to return his charter. Richard's appeal must have been heard before the date set for it, presumably in connection with the forgery case, and the monks were unable to proceed 2. Theobald and Hilary were again appointed judges delegate to consider the controversy over Stetchworth 3. Lent 1151-June 1152. Theobald and Hilary held their second trial. Henry claimed damages, because in spite of the formal restitution of May 1150 possession of the manor was still being denied to him. The monks, however, claimed that his title still remained to be proved and lodged a second appeal4. June 1152. The second appeal was heard and the case delegated to Gilbert Foliot5. 18 November 1152. Henry's case for damages was tried 6before Gilbert Foliot at Northampton and, as it went against Henry, he appealed . Quasimodo Geniti, 1153. Henry did not attend to prosecute his appeal'. 28 September 1153. Anastasius IV determined the case in favour of the monks, unless Henry re-opened proceedings within a year, and after the year had elapsed Gilbert Foliot informed the monks that Stetchworth was irrevocably theirs 8. 3.

THE POSSESSIONS OF THE PRIORY DURING A VACANCY IN THE SEE

In 1169 the monks disputed the king's right to take the possessions of the convent into his hands during a vacancy in the see of Ely. After Bishop Hervey's death the distinction between the monastic and the episcopal share of the Ely lands had not been recognised and both had been taken into custody (ch. 41). During Nigel's pontificate Stephen had confirmed the monks in their possessions while the temporalia of the see were in his hands (cc. 63 and 70) and the monks' handling of the Stetchworth case had increased their sense of independence. On the other hand, Nigel's treatment of the priory's revenues (cc. 78 and 89) shows that he regarded himself as the successor of the abbots and that he retained the final authority over all the temporalia which had once belonged to the abbey for himself and his familia. This latter position was no doubt represented after his death in 1169 by his son and archdeacon, who may have hoped to gain the custody of the see for himself (ch. 138). The priory lands were duly taken into the king's hands, presumably9 on the intervention of Wimer, keeper of the abbey of Holm and the honor of Eye . Neither Wimer nor Richard Fitz Neal, however, seem ever to have administered the vacant see, which was accounted for by Geoffrey Ridel, archdeacon of Canterbury10 and later himself bishop of Ely. The compiler's phrase in ch. 138 should probably not be taken to mean that Prior Salomon was formally deposed, but merely that he was relieved of the direction of the temporal affairs 1 3

2 Ch. 100. As Eugenius III later explained (ch. 104). 6 Ch. 104. * Cc. 103-04. Ch. 104. 8 Cc. 109-11. "Ch. 108. 'Ch. 109. 9 Pipe Roll 16 Henry II, pp. 1, 3, 13-14. 10 Pipe Rolls 16 Henry II, p. 95; iy Henry II, pp. 115-17; 18 Henry II, pp. 115-17; ig Henry II, pp. 161-62.

408 APPENDIX C of the priory—and even that not for long. For the Pipe Roll of 16 Henry II, which absolves Nigel from a debt of 20 marks on account of his death, also records the payment of a fine accounted for by the prior and monks, and during the vacancy Prior Salomon was concerned in the election of Nigel's successor. Also, when Geoffrey Ridel accounted for the see there is no mention of his paying any allowance for the maintenance of the monks, who must therefore have drawn their revenues 1 directly from their estates throughout the vacancy , and the same impression is given by a writ of Henry I I 2 commanding ' quod monachi de Ely teneant omnes terras et tenuras suas ita bene et in pace et iuste et libere, sicut tenuerunt die qua rex Henricus avus meus fuit vivus et mortuus nee inde iniuste ponantur in placitum quia ipsi et omnes res sue sunt in mea manu et custodia . . .' After 1170 in normal circumstances the possessions of the priory were not affected by a vacancy in the see. But when see and priory fell vacant at the same time in 1229 and 1271 the priory had to fight to vindicate its claim, and its right was not formally recognised until the vacancy of 1298 3. 4. Book III, ch. 133. THE MONKS' CLAIM TO BAWDSEY The King Henry on whose dying day the monks were seized of Bawdsey must be Henry I. This agrees with the record that Bawdsey was among the lands allocated to the monks by Bishop Hervey (ch. 26). It disagrees with the compiler's statement (ch. 51) that the date when the monastic estates were taken into the bishop's hands—after which the monks could not strictly be said to have been seized of them—was 5 November [i.e. 1135), but the phrasing of the narrative at this point is not precise enough to refute the evidence of the writ in this chapter and of another, issued by Henry II, which describes the monastic lands as in the possession of the monks on the day that his grandfather was alive and dead4. Which king is meant by the phrase quando dominus noster rex novissime transfretavit is not made clear. If it is taken to refer to Henry II, this attempt to recover Bawdsey could coincide with Nigel's well-attested concern to establish order in his barony between 1154 and 1169 5, and such a date would suit the position of the writ in the L.E. But there is no evidence that the monks ever held Bawdsey after 1139 and that they could have been said to be seized of it at any time between 1154 and 1169. It is not included in Nigel's allocation to them nor in Innocent II's privilege of 1139 confirming it. It is not in Lucius Ill's confirmation of 1144 nor in the later confirmation of the convent's possessions by William Longchamp who succeeded to the see in 1189 6. The dominus noster rex must therefore be Stephen and the ' latest crossing' presumably his return from Normandy in Advent 1137. It cannot refer to his 1 Cf. C. R. Cheney, ' King John's Reaction to the Interdict in England ', Transactions of the Royal Hist. Soc, Fourth Series, xxxi, 129-50, especially p. 144. 2 Liber M, p. 84. 3 Cf. R. Graham, ' The Administration of the Diocese of Ely during the Vacancies of the See, 41298-9, 1302-3 ', Transactions of the Royal Hist. Soc, Fourth Series, xii, 49-74. Liber M, p. 84, quoted supra. 6 Miller, Ely, p. 173. 6 See cc. 54, 56, 85, and for Longchamp's charter Ely, D. and C, Cart. no. 57.

APPENDIX C 409 departure for Normandy earlier in the year, because from the winter of 1135 to November 1137 the convent's estates were in the bishop's hands and the monks could not be said to be seized of them. Nor can it refer to his first arrival in 1135, when the monks were presumably still in as full possession as on Henry I's death, since in this case—to permit the use of the word novissime—the writ would have had to be issued before his next crossing to Normandy early in 1137 when a writ ordering the release of Bawdsey to the monks would be inappropriate since their estates had not then been returned to them. It is most likely therefore that Bawdsey was restored to the monks with the rest of their estates just before Stephen's return in Advent 1137 an{ i t n a t it was granted away within the following year, when Nigel was engaging help to defend the island of Ely and before he made his formal allocation (confirmed by Innocent II in 1139) from which Bawdsey is excluded (ch. 54). A writ for the recovery of Bawdsey is not likely to have been issued while Nigel was involved in the war with Stephen. Its probable date is thus 1144 X 1154, and Nigel's attempt, which proved unsuccessful, of restering Bawdsey to the monks is probably part of his policy about 1144 of compensating them for the bishop's inroads into their treasures and revenues during the previous nine years (ch. 89).

APPENDIX D SOME COMMENTS ON BOOK II OF THE LIBER i.

ELIENSIS

THE DATES OF THE ABBOTS OF ELY

No reliable record of the dates of the abbots of Ely has come down to us. The Chronicon 1 lists ten abbots reigning in continuous succession from the accession of Brihtnoth to the death of the last abbot, Richard, except for the vacancies after the death of Abbots Wulfric, Theodwine, and Simeon, when the custody of the abbey was in the hands respectively of Archbishop Stigand, a monk Godfrey, and Ranulf Flambard. It gives for each abbot the duration of his rule and for many of them the year of accession or death 2. Several of these dates also occur in a chronicle, otherwise not obviously connected with Ely, in Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, A.vi. Another and less complete set of dates is included in a short chronicle compiled at Ely towards the end of the twelfth century. But this survives only in a manuscript of the late thirteenth or the fourteenth century (B) 3. This chronicle consists largely of extracts from Florence, interspersed with entries concerning Ely, from the birth of Christ to 1155. The selection from Florence differs from that in the L.E. and, while the phrasing of the entries concerning Ely resembles that of the L.E., there are differences which show that the L.E. cannot be their source. -The death of Brihtnoth, for instance, correctly placed in the reign of iEthelred in L.E., Book II, ch. 56, is in B inserted before the death of Edgar. The death of Thurstan, incorrectly dated 1076 in L.E., Book II, ch. 112, is inserted in B correctly before the election of Hildebrand to the papacy (in 1073). The invasion of the island of Ely by Geoffrey de Mandeville, placed before the battle of Lincoln in L.E., Book III, ch. 69, is placed after it in B. In B the annals were first copied without dates, but many of these were added later. Since up to 963 the dates correspond, not to the usual A.D., but to the era propounded by Marianus Scotus, which is twenty-two years ahead of the Dionysian era, they were clearly supplied from the appropriate column of a manuscript of Florence. This suggests that B is copied from a manuscript of Florence with additions in the text or margin relating to Ely and with a brief continuation to 1155. Of the dates relating to the accession of Ely abbots only those for the death of iElfsige and Simeon agree with the Chronicon. The L.E. dates only the accession of Wulfric, the death of Thurstan and of Simeon, and indirectly the appointment of Thurstan and Richard. But these dates cannot be reconciled with the Chronicon or B (Chronicle), except for the death of Simeon and Richard's accession. The L.E. also, in Book II, ch. 118, supplies the names of kings and bishops concerned in the appointment and consecration of each of the abbots, but again the information cannot in every case be reconciled with dates given elsewhere. 1 8

See Introduction, supra, p. xxvii. See Introduction, supra, p. xxv.

2

See Wharton, Anglia Sacra, i, 608 fi.

410

APPENDIX D

411

The traditional date (Chronicon) for Brihtnoth's death (981) must be wrong, since he attended the ' great council' at London of 989-90 r and witnessed K., no. 1292 of 996 2. This agrees with the information in L.E., Book II, ch. 65 which associates Brihtnoth with Bishop ^Ethelstan of Elmham (c. 995-1001). iElfsige must have succeeded by 999, when he signed K., no. 703 3. He is difficult to distinguish in the witness lists from Abbot iEthelsige of Newminster (d. 1007) and, from 1012 to 1023, from Abbot iElfsige of Peterborough. But he is presumably one of the two abbots ^Elfsige who witness K., no. 1295 (1002), no. 709 4 (1004), nos. 1303, 1304 (1007), 1305 (1008), and 719 (1012). The date given in B (Chronicle) for the death of Brihtnoth (1003) would therefore place the accession of jElfsige too late and must represent the year 981 according to the era of Marianus. The traditional date for the death of ^Elfsige (1019), given in the Chronicon and B (Chronicle), does not agree with the L.E. (Book II, ch. 80), according to which he died in the reign of ^Ethelred (i.e. in or before 1016). It cannot be checked by charter evidence, since the iElfsige who witnesses after 1012 may be the abbot of Peterborough. Nor do we know for certain when his successor was appointed. According to the Chronicon he was succeeded by Leofwine, who died, after ruling three years and was succeeded by Leofric who died in his seventh year, succeeded in his turn by Leofsige who died, after ruling for fifteen years, in 1044. By this calculation Leofsige succeeded at the end of 1029, Leofric in 1022 (some time after 29 June, since his death was according to the kalendar in E commemorated on that day and he did not complete his seventh year), and Leofwine in 1019. This agrees with the L.E., which mentions Leofwine's consecration by Bishop iElfwine of Elmham 6 at the command of Cnut (Book II, ch. 80) and quotes the A.S.C. (E) annal for 1022 that he then returned from Rome, cleared of some unspecified charge, dying shortly afterwards. It agrees further with Cnut's charter, dated 1022 (Book II, ch. 82), which mentions Abbot Leofric in the text as the recipient of the grant. Other charter evidence is inconclusive, since the Abbot Leofwine who witnesses K., no. 736 (dated 1021-23 by Kemble and certainly not later than 1023) and K., no. 1316 (1020) need not have been the abbot of Ely. But Leofwine may have survived to 1023, since, if the 1022 annal in A.S.C. (E), recording Leofwine's visit to Rome, was written after the York clergy had attended the burial of Archbishop Wulfstan in 1023, they had not at that time learnt that Leofwine was dead or that he had been superseded 6 . Perhaps Leofric was appointed during Leofwine's disgrace and replaced by Leofwine, on his return in 1022, for the brief remainder of the latter's life, after which he would return to office. This might be the meaning of the phrase used in Book II, ch. 80, ambo diversis succedentes temporibus. In this case, to allow iElfsige to die in ^Ethelred's reign 1 2

Robertson, Charters, p. 130. Cf. Liber Monasterii de Hyda (R.S.), pp. 242-53. It is dated 996 in Whitelock, English Historical Documents c. 500-1042, no. 120, pp. 531-34. 8 Cf. Robertson, Charters, p. 374. 4 Whitelock, op. cit., no. 127, p. 545. ' For the suggestion that ^Elfwine succeeded iElfgar as bishop of Elmham in 1016 see supra, Book6 II, ch. 75. See The Peterborough Chronicle, ed. D. Whitelock, p. 30.

412

APPENDIX D

we must assume a vacancy of at least three years before Leofwine's accession in 1019, and this seems the most likely explanation 1. The fifteen years assigned to the rule of Leofsige from 1029 place his death in 1044 (Chronicon) and, as his obit in the kalendar in E is recorded on the Nones of November, the date of Wulfric's accession might well have been 1045 (and the third year of King Edward), as L.E., Book II, ch. 94 states, rather than 1044 (and the second year of King Edward), as given in the Chronicon. The suggestion that the death of Leofsige has been antedated by ten years is based on a writ (K., no. 904 2) where Leofsige is associated with Abbot Leofric of Peterborough, probably appointed in 1052, on K., no. 956 of 1053-55 3, witnessed by two abbots Leofsige, and K., nos. 800 and 801, dated 1054 a n d 1055 respectively, witnessed by one Abbot Leofsige each. Also Wulfric, his successor, is said to have been consecrated by Stigand as archbishop of Canterbury, i.e. not before 1052. But the evidence of the three latter charters is inconclusive, since the name of the house is not mentioned; the writ is not authentic as it stands *, and Stigand could well have blessed Wulfric in his earlier capacity of bishop of Elmham 6. All sources agree that Thurstan was appointed after the accession of Harold (i.e. in 1066), after a vacancy in which Stigand administered the abbey. But either the vacancy was very short or the Chronicon ignored it in giving Wulfric a term of twenty-two years. B (Chronicle) gives the date for Thurstan's accession as 1064, but this must be an error as the entry is correctly placed after one recording Harold's accession. Thurstan cannot have died as early as 1071 and in his fifth year (Chronicon), since he is known to have attended the council of May 1072 6, and so late a date as 1076 in his eleventh year (Book II, ch. 112) does not allow enough time for his successors. This latter date is probably a mistake resulting from a miscalculation of the length of the siege of Ely 7 . The correct tradition is, for once, found in B (Chronicle) which places his death between an entry dated 1072 and the accession of Hildebrand to the papacy. It probably fell in 1072 on the Nones of July, under which day it is recorded in the kalendar in E 8 . The two and a half years accorded to his successor Theodwine in L.E., Book II, ch. 113 and the Chronicon can be accepted. But the date of his death given in the latter as 1074 is probably calculated from 1071 and must be wrong, as Theodwine attended the council of 1075 9. If he died on / / . Non. Decembris (according to an obit in Brit. Mus., MS. Cotton, Vespasian A.vi) it would be in 1075, if on the Ides of 1 B (Chronicle) seems to have confused the names taoiwine, Leofn'e, and Leoisige. g is succeeded by Leofnc, who dies in 1021 and is followed by heoiwine. Next comes the appointment of Wulfric, but he is made to take over on the death of LeofWc, which must be a mistake for Leoisige. It is pointless to speculate on the basis of the evident inaccuracies of B (Chronicle) except that it may be worth noting that, if Leofric were given a seven years' rule to 1021, he would have succeeded during iEthelred's reign. In this case the grant recorded in Cnut's charter of 1022 could have been made before Leofric's death and when the grant was confirmed by charter the Abbot Leofwine who is among its signatories3 could be the recently appointed abbot of Ely. 2 Harmer, Writs, no. 62. Robertson, Charters, p. 467. 4 Harmer, Writs, pp. 254-56 and 566; but cf.6 Robertson, Charters, p. 467. 6 See infra, App. D, p. 425. Davis, Regesta, i, 17, no. 64. 7 8 See infra, p. 430. Cf. Bentham, Ely, i, 105. 6 Wilkins, Concilia, i, 363-64.

APPENDIX D

413

January (according to an obit in the kalendar in E) it must be 1076 1. His death is entered in B (Chronicle) after the death of Queen Edith (i.e. after September 1075). This fits with the nearly seven years which Godfrey held the abbey before becoming abbot of Malmesbury in 1081. The record of the accession of Simeon, previously prior at Winchester, in the Winchester Annals, s.a. 1082 2 is no doubt to be trusted, but at Ely his term of office must have been calculated from 1081 to give him thirteen years (Chronicon) to his death in 1093, on XI. Kal. Decembris (according to the kalendar in E). The fourteen years of L.E., Book II, ch. 137 must be compounded of one term of seven years and another of nearly seven. Richard was appointed in 1100 (Chronicon and Florence, s.a.) after a seven years' vacancy (Book II, ch. 137). He was deposed at the Westminster council of 1102 3, not as some of the other abbots on a charge of simony but absque simonia. According to Florence, s.a. 1103, he accompanied Archbishop Anselm to Rome, but if, as the L.E. says (Book II, ch. 143), he won Paschal II's favour, the pope's opinion was soon reversed. In 1106 he wrote to Anselm: ' CaeterumEliensiabbati tuae communionis consortium subtrahes quamdiu abbatiam retinere praesumpsit, quam contempto nostri oris quod praesens audierat interdicto per repetitam investituram praesumpsit invadere ' 4 . Exactly when between 1103 and 1106 Richard resumed his abbacy and for a second time received investiture from the king is not recorded. But Diceto 5 has the statement, the source of which has not been identified, that at Rome, contrary to Anselm's expectations, Abbot Richard took the side of the king, ' cuius rei rumor adventum eius in Angliam praeveniens, regis gratiam plenissime ei restauravit'. This suggests that Richard was restored in or soon after 1103 and supports the L.E. in its view that Richard was quickly reinstated and also in attributing his deposition to the king's displeasure. Anselm was not authorised to recognise Richard's restitution until May 1107 6, and Richard died that same year 7 on XVI. Kal. Iulii, according to the kalendar in E 8 .

Brihtnoth .ZElfsige Leofwine Leofric Leofwine Leofric Leofsige Wulfric Thurstan Theodwine 1 3 6 8

Abbots of Ely acceded 970 ace. 996 x 999 : ace. 1019 ? deposed 1022 ? ace. 1022 ? re-instated 1022 ? re-instated 1023 ace. 1029 ace. 1044 or 1045 ace. 1066 ace. 1072 2

died 996 x 999. d. ? 1016.

d. d. d. d. d.

? 1023. 1029. 1044. 1066. 1072.

d. 1075 or 1076.

Cf. Bentham, Ely, i, 105. Annales Monastici, ii, 33. 4 6 Eadmer, Hist. Novorum, p. 142. Ibid., pp. 178-79. Diceto, i, 234. Eadmer, Hist. Novorum, p. 185. ' Florence, s.a. 1107. For these dates see Bentham, Ely, i, 79-118; Freeman, Norman Conquest, iv, 824-25; Miller, Ely Land Pleas, p. 440.

414

APPENDIX D Abbots of Ely (contd.)

Simeon Richard

ace. 1081 or 1082 ace. 1100 deposed 1102 re-instated ? 1103

:

d. 1093.

:

d. 1107.

Custodians during vacancies Archbishop Stigand during 1066. Godfrey 1075 or 1076 to 1081. Ranulf Flambard 1093 to 1100. Bishop Hervey ? 1107 to 1109. 2.

NOTES ON DOCUMENTS OF THE ANGLO-SAXON PERIOD

Book II, ch. 5. Edgar's privilege has aroused much suspicion, and rightly so, for it has many features, e.g. its proem, its regnal style, its anathema, and other formulae, which are unparalleled in Edgar's charters. Moreover, the words regali fisco subditus are surely based on the Life of Mthelwold, whether in iElfric's version or Wulfstan's, and so the privilege in its present form cannot be earlier than one of these texts K In at least one place the evidence of this privilege is at variance with the account of the transaction in question given in the Libellus. In a summary (printed supra, App. A and Book II, ch. 4), which is similar to other summaries of transactions where charters have survived (Book II, cc. 8 and 39), this gives the number of hides (not in the privilege) which the king had at Ely, Melbourn and Armingford. It refers to a grant of seven and a half (not two and five) hundreds and includes this grant as part of the exchange for Harting (to which are added—on iEthelwold's side—100 pounds and a gold cross. The summary also conflicts with the sequence of events given in the privilege and omits the grant of 10,000 eels and the fourth penny, which in the privilege is made at the same time as that of the hundreds. There is a further discrepancy with a reference to the Suffolk hundreds later in the Libellus (Book II, ch. 41). They are there described as six hundreds and as belonging to Sudbourne, and Sudbourne was given to Bishop iEthelwold by Edgar for translating the Rule of St Benedict (Book II, ch. 37). If the hundreds were included in the gift to iEthelwold, the latter could then have bestowed them on Ely—a bestowal for which the king, in confirming it in his privilege, could have taken the credit (cf. Book II, ch. 9, where a private gift is represented in Edgar's charter as a royal grant). But we should expect in that case some reference in the privilege to Sudbourne, since Sudbourne and its hundreds were still regarded as an entity when they were leased by iEthelwold and Abbot Brihtnoth to Ealdorman ^Ethelwine (ch. 41). For the same reason it seems unlikely that the hundreds were granted separately from the manor (to Ely) and the manor given without its hundreds (to ^Ethelwold), and the privilege must be open to the suspicion that only the grant of 1 On their comparative dates see D. J. V. Fisher, Engl. Hist. Rev., Ixvii, 389-91, contested by D. Whitelock, English Historical Documents c. 300-1042, p. 831 f.

APPENDIX D 415 the two hundreds intra paludes is reliably recorded. The oldest surviving form of this privilege is in the Stowe charter, which belongs to the second half of the eleventh century. The same Stowe manuscript also contains an Old English version (best edited by A. J. Robertson, Charters, no. XLVIII). Though to a great extent it seems to be a rather free translation of the Latin privilege, there are features which suggest that it is translated from a text which had many variations from this. Thus the phrase eall past dis igland him on innan hxfd does not render omnium circumcirca regionum of this privilege, but caeterarumque gentium triviatim intra ambitum Britanniae insulae degentium of a charter of 981 (K., no. 629); Eadgar cining . . . nu up arssred seems to be translating the common regni solio sublimatus or sublimatus ad culmina, etc., not in the Latin privilege; while a passage concerning the socn belonging to one day's food-rent, is, as Miss Robertson rightly points out, unparalleled in the privilege but found in another grant of Edgar to Ely (B.C.S., no. 1265), purporting to be the record of an exchange of Melbourn and Armingford for Harting, at Wulfamere in 970. (This deed can also not be authentic as it stands, though it may have been expanded from a genuine record, since it includes no fewer than three proems, none of them found on genuine charters, and it expands a normal anathema with interpolations found nowhere else.) While it is possible that the Old English translator is responsible for the variations from the Latin privilege, this may have been altered after the translation was made. Professor A. Mclntosh (Proc. Brit. Acad., xxxiv, p. 22) suggests that the translator was iElfric, but his parallels are unconvincing, and so skilled a translator would hardly have produced the clumsy rendering of the Latin proem found here. Nevertheless, the Old English reads more like the language of ^Elfric's time or later than that of 970. Book II, ch. 9. This charter has every appearance of being genuine. Its formulae are correct for the date. The proem is a common one in the time of Edgar and the early years of iEthelred, except that it usually begins with Cuncta. This charter seems to have been used when iEthelred's charter (Book II, ch. 58), which also begins with Universa, was drawn up. It is impossible to trace the development of this estate from Leofric's time to Domesday Book with any precision. In 970, according to this charter, 10 cassati were said to be at Linden—the name is preserved in Linden End, Cambs.—while the berewicks must have brought up the total to the 12 hides mentioned in the extract from the LibeUus (Book II, ch. 8). The Libellus records the purchase and sale of a few other, small parcels of land in Witcham (Book II, cc. 14, 17, 20), in Hill and Haddenham (Book II, cc. 15, 21) and Wilburton (Book II, ch. 17; cf. also ch. 12). But these transactions do not help to explain how in 1066 the estate at Linden had come to be assessed at only 5 hides with a berewick of 2 hides at Hill—the name is preserved in Hill Row—while Witcham (4 hides and 1 virgate) and Wilburton (5 hides) and Haddenham, which is not named in the Latin text of the charter but is included in the boundaries (3 hides), appear as separate estates 1. 1 For the organisation of berewicks with special reference to this estate see F. M. Stenton, Types of Manorial Structure in the Northern Danelaw (1910), p. 83.

4i6

APPENDIX D It is surprising that Ely should have possessed land in Worcestershire. But there are references to a charter, which has not survived, but was still preserved at Worcester in the seventeenth century, by which King Edgar in 970 granted 7 cassati at Besantune to Ely 1 . This must be Bishampton, which is listed among the lands of the church of Worcester in Domesday Book 2. This lost charter reflects the practice of the Linden charter in that it records the acquisition of Bishampton, which is described in the Libettus as a purchase from iEthelflsed, as a gift from the king. Book II, ch. 28. Eadred's charter granting Stapelford belongs to a group of alliterative charters, a type to which Eadred in particular was partial. It should be compared with B.C.S., nos 751, 876, 890; K., no. 1308. But it appears as if a genuine charter in favour of Wulfstan has been clumsily altered to make it appear as a direct gift to the abbey; for the type of phrase Hoc prevalet alacriter Wulfstanus prefati regis sequipedus patulo ore propalare de usurpatione, which is paralleled in the above texts, normally is used of the donee and seems out of place in a direct grant to the Church. This might also explain a discrepancy in the dating clause, which gives 956 as the ninth year of Eadred. Eadred succeeded Edmund in 946 {A.S.C., A, B, C, D). His ninth year thus falls in 954-55, and he died soon after the beginning of his tenth year in 955 (A.S.C.). The error could derive from careless copying. But it is also possible that when the charter was altered the A.D. was also altered to agree with the date, 948, given for Eadred's accession in A.S.C. (E). Clearly this charter cannot safely be used to prove that there was a community at Ely before ^Ethelwold's re-foundation. This comment is based on information from Professor D. Whitelock, whose conclusions will be published in her forthcoming edition of Eadred's charters. Book II, ch. 3g. Edgar's charter granting Stoke raises an interesting problem of diplomatic. Up to the mention of the name of the estate the wording is exactly that of Athelstan's charters, with the one significant difference that these always quote a different text, date et dabitur vobis (cf., e.g., B.C.S., no. 677, an original of 931), at the end of the proem. The rest of the charter is correctly couched in the phraseology of Edgar's time. What is interesting is that there is a Bath charter, dated 970 (B.C.S., no. 1257), which is almost a replica of the one in this chapter, replacing the usual biblical text with the one given here and choosing the same formulae for the rest of the charter. Except that it omits some names, it has the same witnesses, often in the same order. Unless one is to believe that there was collusion between Bath and Ely in producing forged documents, one can only conclude that the two charters were drawn up on the same occasion by a drafter who used a charter of Athelstan or an old-fashioned formulary. The place cannot be Stoke-by-Nayland, as has been suggested (B.C.S., no. 1269). Stoke occurs more than once as a place-name in Suffolk, but the estate given to Ely must have been, as fits the description here, the Stoke near Ipswich. This is where 1 2

H. P. R. Finberg, The Early Charters of the West Midlands (1961), pp. 115-16, no. 301. Bisantune, Dd, i, fo. 173.

APPENDIX D

417

Ely held land in 1066 according to Dd, ii, fo. 382b, and it is there listed under the half-hundred of Ipswich, while Stoke-by-Nayland lies in Babergh double hundred. Book II, ch. 58. jEthelred's charter granting Littlebury seems to be based on Edgar's charter granting Linden (Book II, ch. 9). Apart from an inserted sentence, it uses the same proem and, whereas other examples of this proem begin with Cuncta, this charter, like ch. 9, begins with Universa. Also the regnal style is the same in both, except that it has been expanded here in a way which brings it close to a favourite style of iEthelred, e.g. Anglorum ceterarumque gentium in circuitu triviatim persistentium basileus {K., no. 684). The estate was at Littlebury, Essex. In 1008 Ely received a further 10 cassati at Strethle, and in 1066 had an estate of 25 hides at Littlebury, with a berewick of 5 hides at Stretleie (in the version of I.E., pp. 168, 182) or Strathala (in the version of Dd, ii, fos. 19-19b). Evidently 5 of the 10 cassati at Strethle had been incorporated in Littlebury (Stretley Green) and 5 attached as a berewick (Strathall). This berewick seems to be included in the boundaries given here and these cannot in this case be contemporary with the charter 1. Book II, ch. 77 2Book II, ch. 82. There are too few surviving charters of Cnut to establish the authenticity of this charter, granting Ditton in exchange for Cheveley, by comparison with the phraseology found elsewhere. The phrase used for the attestation of Archbishop iEthelnoth and the place of his signature can be explained and the former has an authentic ring. . . . modernus archipresul Cantuariorum cum principalitate et decreto Petri principis apostolorum recalls iEthelnoth's recent accession and visit to Rome, and the former would also explain why Canterbury takes second place to York in the person of the venerable Archbishop Wulfstan. For a discussion of the reference to Abbot Leofric in the text of the charter see supra, App. D, p. 411, which also draws attention to the Abbot Leofwine among the signatories who could be the abbot of Ely of that name. An estate of what had once been 10 hides, but was then assessed at 1 hide only, was claimed by Ely at Woodditton, Cambs., in 1086, and the hundred could not explain how it had come into the possession of Archbishop Stigand—and thence passed to the king in whose terra it is listed in Dd, i, fo. 189b. At Cheveley, Cambs., King Edward had an estate of 8 hides and 40 acres in 1066. For the acquisition of land there by Ely see Book II, ch. 63 and for Stigand's tenure of abbey lands infra, p. 425. Book II,

ch.

410-11, 422. optimas Angliae, 80. See also Leofstan, son of. abbot of Peterborough, 411. bishop, ii3n., 15m. y did, 99. abbess of Chatteris, 141. minister, 78n.(2), 82n.(2), ii3n. grand-daughter of Ealdorman Brihtnoth, 157. son of Wulfsige, 92. JElgetus, agricolanus of Etheldreda, 42, 343-44. jElfstan, 104, 108. ^Ella, king of Northumbria, 54. abbot, 78n., 82n., H3n. iElle, king of Deira, 20. bishop, 78n., 82n., H3n. .ZElred, 210. bishop of London, 105. abbot of Rievaulx, Life of Edward the Conbrother of Leofsige and Wulfgar, 108. fessor. See Edward. brother of the priest Athelstan, 107-08. .ZEluere, abbot. See ^Elfweard, abbot of of Ely, 93. Evesham. of Fulbourn, 89. JErmeswerch, 44. son of, 96. JErningeford. See Armingford. son of King ^Ethelred II. See Athelstan. Mscendun, 54. subsacrist of Ely, 289. jEscwig: ^Elfswyth, wife of Wulfwine cocus, 80. abbot, 78n., 82n., ii3n. jElfthryth: bishop of Dorchester, 103, 109, 139, 293(2), abbess of Repton, ign. 420. matrona (? queen), 105(2), i l l f., H3n. ^Escwyn, widow, of Stonea, 94. queen of King Edgar, 78n., 111, H3n., 116, .<Ethelberg, xxiv, I2n., 13(2). 127-28. Life of, 13, 244. iElfwaru, widow, 132-33, 290, 294, 325. iEthelberht, king of Kent, 4, n , 237. iElfweard, 83. .Ssthelferth, father of Leofric of Brandon, 81, abbot, 15m. 82n. minister, 78n., 82n., H3n. iEthelnaed: satrapa, 15m. sister of Leofric (? of Brandon), 82 and n.(2), lfi 83(3)bishop, 15 m. wife of Ealdorman Athelstan, x, io8n., 136satrapa, 15 m. 37. 423jElfwine, 104. ? wife of King Edgar, 79. abbot of Ramsey, I99n. wife of Leofric of Brandon, 81, 82, 416. bishop of Elmham, xxxviii, livn., 144-45, wife of Wulfsige, 83. 150(2), 15m., 155, I56n., 201, 294, 403, iEthelfrith, father of King Oswi, 20. 411. ^Ethelgar, abbot, 78n., 82n., H3n. brother of King Ecgfrith, 41. iEthelgifu {Mbeliva, Mdeleve), 130-31. husband of Siflasd, 93. sister of Leofric, 83(3). minister, 78n.(2), 82n., H3n. wife of Ealdorman JEthelwine, I3on. monk of Ely, son of Oswi, I44n. ^Ethelhere, king of East Anglia, I2n., 18, 19(2), ReSeresgut, 219. 20. satrapa, 15m. JEtlelinus, 188. son of iElfwold of Merthamlege, 83. .(Ethelmaer: See also Leofsige, son of. bishop, son of, 95.

GENERAL INDEX iEthelmaer: (cont.) bishop of Elmham, 172. did, 80. ealdorman of Hants., 8on. minister, 13011.(2). monk of Ely, son of .Sstheric, 140. son of iElfwold de Merthamlege, 83-84. son of Leofwine, son of Athulf, 131-32. ^thelnoth: archbishop of Canterbury, 149, 15m., 152, 4°3. 4 r 7brother of Leofric, 104. son of Wigstan, xiii. iEthelred, king of Mercia, 35, 41(3), 42, 50. iEthelred I, king of Wessex, xxix, 53-54. iEthelred II, king, xiii, xvn.(2), xvin., xxix, xl(2), xliii and n., liii and n., liv, 86 and n., 94, 114(2), I26n., 127-28, 129, 129-30, 136(2) and n., 142, 143, 144, 146-47, 14748, 149(2) and n., 156, 158, 161, 198, 201(2), 410, 411. charters of, 129-30, 58; 145-46, 77; 415, 417. ^Ethelric: bishop of Durham, I75n. grand-father of King Oswi, 20. nephew of .lElfhelm Polga, I43n. son of Eni, I2n. See also Athene. iEthelsige: abbot of Newminster, 411. abbot of Ramsey, I99n.; (JEilsi) 200, 427. abbot of St Augustine's, Canterbury, 425. brother of Ealdorman .lEthelwine, 79n., 109. minister, H3n. prepositus of Bishop .lEthelwold, 116. JJthelstan. See Athelstan. JJthelswith, daughter of Ealdorman Brihtnoth, 157-58, 293, 294. ^Ethelweard, 89, 92. brother of Athelstan, 115(2) and n. minister, j8n., 82n., Ji3n. iEthelwine, 80. abbot, 15m. bishop, 15 in. bishop of Durham, 173 and n., 175 and n., i88n. dux, 78n., 82n., U3n. ealdorman of East Anglia, x, xii, xiii, xiv, xv(4), xvi, 79-80, 85-87, 90(3), 91, 97(4), 101(3) and n., 103, 104, 109-10, 114, 115, 116, 119, 126-27, 1400-, 141, 37°. 4*4, 419, 420, 422. minister, 15m. son of iEthelweard of Sussex, 109. ^thelwold: bishop of Winchester, ix, x, xii, xiii(2), xvi(2) andn.,xxxiii, xxxiv, li, liif., liiin., 6m.,

441

63, 64 and n., 72-78, 79, 80-81, 82n., 83-88, 92n., 93(2) and nn., 94n., 95, 96, 98-99, 100(2), 102-03, I O 5 . 106-08, 10911, 113-14, 114-15, 116-21, 123, 126 and n., 129, 134, 138, 146, 161, 162, 199, 201(2), 229n., 231(2), 293-94 passim, 325> 346, 368-69, 369-7O. 395-99, 4*4, 416, 419, 420 f., 422, 423. —, Libellus of, ix, xxxiv, 395-99. See also Libellus. —, Liber terrarum of, li, 126, 369(2). —, Life of, by Jilfric, xii, 395fi.,nn. —, —, by Wulfstan, xii, xxxiv, lii, 2n., 63, 75, 395 ff—, translation of the Rule of St Benedict by, x, i n , 414. brother of Ealdorman .Ssthelwine, 7gn. king of East Anglia, 13, 19, 20. kinsman of Wulfstan of Dalham, 86n. iEthelwulf, king of Wessex, 53, 56n. See also Athulf. iEtheric: bishop, 15m. brother of Oswi and Uvi, 139-40. son of. See .Ssthelmaer. MSfelda, 132. See Hatfield Regis. Agamund, son of Osmund, 219. Agatho, pope, 50, 51. privilege of, 37n. Agnes, wife of Gocelin of Ely, clerk, 33gn. Aidan, bishop, 18. Alan: constable of Conan, earl of Richmond, 389. de Bass' (? of Bassingbourn), 389. filius Flaldi, 259. Albert Anglicus, 335. Alderbrook Farm, lvii. Aldreth, Cambs., lvii, 3n., i87n. castle at, 435. See also Alrehede; Castles. Aldwine. See Ealdwine. Aldwulf, king of East Anglia, 12, 19 and n., 33,

4°, 5°-

Alexander: bishop of Lincoln, Iviii n., 254, 338, 372-73. clerk, 289, 334, 335, 337, 364. dapifer of Nigel, bishop of Ely, 325. pincerna of Nigel, bishop of Ely, 322, 364, 386. prior of Ely, xxxviii, xlviii n., I36n., 155, 316 and n., 352 and n., 353, 364, 375n., 385 —, letters of, 351, 103. —, letters to, 125, 54; 344, 95; 360, 110. —, Roger, clerk of, 364. Alfred: atheling, xxviii, xliv n., liv n., 158-60.

GENERAL INDEX 442 —, brothers of. See ^Elfstan; Bondo. Alfred: (cont.) —, kinsman of. See Herulf, priest. homo sacriste, 364. son of King ^Ethelred II, I3on. king of Wessex, 54, 56—57. Alfricus, abbot of St Albans, xxxviii i. See son of Mann, 91 and n., 107. also Ecgfrith. Athulf, 92. Alfridus, abbot of St Albans. See Alfricus; bishop, I3on. Ecgfrith. bishop of Hereford, 93n. minister, ii3n. Alftham. See Halton, West. Alhfrith, son of King Oswiu, 18, 21 and n. wife of. See Burgflaed. Almeric, cardinal deacon, 3o5n. Aubrey: Alrehede, lv(2), lvii(2), 3n., I74n., 178, 185. de Vere I, 287, 32on., 323n., 324, 433 ff. —, date of death of, 435. castle at, 194, 314(2), 315, 322, 328. de Vere II, earl of Oxford, 376, 377, 379. See also Aldreth. Picot, 387n. Altaripa, Robert of, 280. See also Autrey. —, charter of, 389-90, 141. Aluric, 419. —, family of, 389. Alwold, bishop. See ^Elfwold. —, father of. See Henry. Amberden, Essex, 162, 418. Augustine: Anastasius IV, pope, 361, 407. archbishop of Canterbury, 10, 121. letters of, 358-59, 109; 360-61, 110. —.church on Ely island built by, 4, 33, 237. Andelys, Les, monastery at, 13. monk of Ely, 384. Angerhale, i8gn. Autrey, family of, 28on. See also Altaripa. Angerus, 196. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, xi(2), xxviii, xxix, lvi, 37n., 233. Basgmund de Holande, 97-98. Anna, king of East Anglia, 12 ff., 17 ff., 21. Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, 228, 230 Bagseg, 53 and n., 54. andn., 245^,246, 247, 250 and n., 261, 413. Baldric, decanus, 388. Baldwin, 265. letters to, 247-48, 4; 248-49, 5. abbot of Bury St Edmunds, 196, 198, 200, Appe, xi. See also Oslac, son of. 25r, 256, 288, 427. Aquitaine, 372. Fitz Gilbert, 321. archipresbiter, at Ely, xxxii, 58. of Redvers, 314, 321. Argentan, France, dip. Orne, 252n., 257, 278. Armingford, Cambs. (Mrningeforde, Earn-), lii Bale, John, xlvii. Balsham, Cambs., 153, 157, 162, 423. and n., 76, 77, 117, 162, 414, 415. Bangor, see of, 245, 246, 247—48. See also Arundel, 280. Asgar, the Staller, liv n., I5on., 165-66. Hervey, bishop of Ely. Ashdon, Essex, 158. Bardfield, Cambs., io2n. Ashdown, battle of, 53n. Barham, Suffolk (Bercam, Bercham, Bergham, Ashingdon, battle of, I48n. Berham, Brecheham), I52n., 153, 162, 166Ashton, ix. 67, 204-05, 263, 300, 304, 331. Barking, Suffolk, 144, 151, 153, 162, 422, 424. Assendun, 141, 148-49, 156. Aston Somerville, Gloucs., 208, 277 nn. See also Berchinges. Barley (Berlea), Herts., xiii n., 109-10. Athelstan: Barningham, Suffolk, 274(2). abbot, 15m. Barnwell, priory of, 261. atheling, xvii n. bishop of Elmham, xxxviii, liv n., 137-38, Baro, cardinal subdeacon, 332n. 139, 140, 143, I56n., 290, 293, 403, 411. Bartholomew: clerk, 382, 383. brother of ^Ethelweard, 115 and n., 421. chusin, 107, 115 and n., 116, 421. monk, 389. —, kinsman of. See Wulfstan of Dalham. Barton Farm, Ely, 262, 300, 304, 331. dux, 78n., 82n. Bath: abbey of, 224n., 416. ealdorman, father of ^Ethelwine, xiv, xvii, 79n., 80. bishop of. See John. king, xii, xiii, 57, 76, 84, 106. Bawdsey, Suffolk, 263, 3oon., 381, 408 f. Bean Ditch, 3n. —, charters of, 416. Bebui. See Beeby. —, Laws of, xiii n. Bee, abbey of Le, 189, 225. priest, xii, xvi(2), 88n., 89, 106 ff., 421.

GENERAL INDEX Bede: De Temporutn Ratione, xxviii, 4011., 50-51. Hist. Eccl., xxxvin., liii, lx, 3, 6(2), 10-52 passim, 74, 77, 245, 367. Liber Sermonum, 23. Bedenestede (Berdenestede).

See

Sandon-in-

Benstead. Bedford, abbey of, 105. abbot of. See Thurcytel. Bedfordshire, 116, igon., 194, 198 and n.,

443

Brecheham. See Barham. Brian: brother of Conan, earl of Richmond, 389. Fitz Count, 254, 321. Bricstan, xxxixn., 266-69. Bridgham, Norfolk, 132-33, 162. Brige (Faremoutiers-en-Brie), monastery at, 13(2)-

Brightwell, Suffolk, 144, 162, 263, 3oon. Brihtferth, 92. 426. minister, j8n. Beeby, Leics., 96. of Ramsey, xvii. Beinewic. See Benwick. Brihtheah: Belsar's Hills, lvii n. abbot, 113. Benedict, monk of Ely, 289. bishop of Worcester, 156. Benedict II, pope, 37-38. Brihthelm, 87(3). privilege of, 38n. bishop, 78n., 82n. Benedict VIII, pope, 149. Brihtlaue, 95. Benedict, Saint. See St Benedict. Brihtmser: Benevento, 373, 374. Budde, 154. Bentham, James, xlvii n. monk of Ely, 289, 306. Berchinges, xliv n. See also Barking. Brihtnoth: Bergh Apton, Norfolk, 162, 418. abbot of Ely, xii, xxvi n., liii, 3n., 74 and n., Berlea. See Barley. 77, 78-127 passim, 127-28, 129, 137, Bernard, priest of Beche (? Waterbeach, I39n., i4on., 201, 237, 368, 369, 397, 401, Cambs.), 388. 414ffi.,420. Bernicia, xlvn., 18, 21. dux, j8n., 82n., ii3n. Bessingtune, See Bishampton. ealdorman of Essex, x, xi, xiii, xxxviii, 85n., Belrichesworde, liv, n n . , 18, 42, 155. See also 96n.,9gand n., 101(2), 108(2), 115, 119, Bury St Edmunds. 126, 133 ff., I52n., I56n., 157, 290, 421, Biela (Bela), 262, 300, 304, 331. 422 fl. Birinus, bishop of the West Saxons, 62. —, family of. See MliRded; ^Elfwyn; ^EthelsBishampton, Worcs., 81, 416. wyth; Leonard. Bishopsdelf, 3(2) and n., 124(2). son of Odda, xiii. Blanchard, 389. Brihtric: Blideburch, 18. minister, 78n., H3n. Bluntisham, Hunts., xi, 98-99, 153, 162, 262(2), thegn., n 6 n . Brihtwig, abbot, 15m. 300(2-), 304 and n., 331(2). Brihtwine, bishop, i j m . Blything Hundred, 383n. Boga of Hemingford, sons of, xi, 98-99. See Brihtwold, bishop, 15m. Brionne, 226n. also Tope. Bristol, 321. Bolland, Bollandists, xxvii and n. Brixius: Bonda. See Bondo. Leofsige, son of. See Leofsige. Bondo, xi, 88. son of iEthelgifu, 131. brother of Athelstan the priest, 88, 89, Bromholm, priory of, 281. 107-08. Broxted, Essex, 162, 205, 418. Borough Green, Cambs., 158, 423. Brunstan: Boston, monk of Bury St Edmunds, xlvii. homo of jElfric, son of Earl Hereric, 88, Bottisham, Cambs., i89n., 388n. 89n. Botulf, Saint. See St Botulf. of Soham, 88n., 89. Bradeford, 58. Buckinghamshire, archdeacon of, 364. Bradford Farm, Cambs., 58n. Burch, 3 and n., 84, 124. See also PeterBrampton, Hunts., lvii, 78n., 183. borough. Brand, 364. Brandon, Suffolk, xiv, lvii, 81, 82, 83n., 110-11, Burgflsed, wife of Athulf, 92. Burghelm, 95. 122, 162, 178, 183, 369-70. Burgred, king of Mercia, 54. Brandune. See Brampton; Brandon.

444

GENERAL INDEX

Burnatn, 284. Burwell, Cambs., io6n., 10911., 182. Bury St Edmunds, 320, 334, 347. abbey of, x, xi, xxviii, xxix, 15211., 22211., 274- 33°n., 343-44, 379, 40311. —, abbots of. See Baldwin; Ording; Robert; Uvi. —, foundation of, 155. Cadenho, 336n. See also Hadstock. Cadwaladr, 32on. Caen, France, dip. Calvados, 217. Cale [Chelles], monastery at, 13, 18. Cambridge, xi(4), xiv(2), xv(2), liin.,lvi, 43, 81, 83(3). 84, 88(2) and n., 90, 91, 95-96, 98, 99 and n., 107, 108, n o , 194, 207, 288, 315, 3i7n., 368, 433. archdeacon of. See Nicholas; Richard Fitz Neal; William; William Brito; William de Lavantonia. castle of, 186. courts at, xiii-xv, 90, 97, 100, 109. customs of, xiii, xvi, 100, 339. meliofes, maiores natu, of, 81, 90. quavtus numtnus of, 78, 162. Cambridgeshire, 3, 32, 99n., 105, io6n., 194, ig8n., 2oon., 21m., 2i2n., 246, 250, 262, 26311., 300. administration of, xiii, 88, n o . archdeacon of, 276, 345, 403-04. See also Cambridge, justice of, 114. sheriff of, xv n., I98n., 426. Camois, barony of, 424. Canterbury, 148, 3i9n. archbishops of. See jElfheah; iElfric; iEtiiemoth; Anselm; Augustine; Dunstan; Lanfranc; Oda; Stigand; Theobald; Theodore; Thomas; William, cathedral priory of, li n. See also St Augustine's, abbey of. Carpentarii, 205. Cartularies, li. See also Ely, abbey and cathedral priory of. Cassian, i6n. Castleguard, 252, 254, 303, 330. Castle Holdgate, 25on., 251 and n., 252 and n., 256. Castles: at Alrehede, 194, 314, 315, 322, 328, 435. at Cambridge, 186. at Ely, 194, 314, 328. at Huntingdon, 186. at Lincoln, 320. at Norwich. See Castleguard. Castor, ix. Catiline, 287. See also Sallust.

Ceadda, bishop of the Mercians, 22. Cedd, bishop of the East Saxons, 19. Cenwald, priest of Horningsea, xi, 106, 421. Wulfric, kinsman of, 106. Cenwalh, king of Wessex, 17, 18. Chancery, royal, 146-47, 153. Charters and writs: original, lviii. —, Brit. Mus., Cotton Charters, 250-51; Harley Charters, 1, 249-50, 262-63, 299-301. —, at Ely. See Ely, Dean and Chapter, private, 1. See also Conan, earl of Richmond; Ely, bishops of; Henry Picot; Robert, chamberlain of Earl Conan. royal, xxv, xxvii n., xxxix ff., 1-liii. See also iEthelred II; Athelstan; Cnut; Eadred; Edgar; Edward the Confessor; Henry I; Henry II; Stephen; William I; William II. Chatteris, Cambs., 3, 4111., 266. abbey of, 3, iO9n., 250, 257, 258(2), 261, 302, 303(2)..330. 33i—, foundation of, 141 and n. Chedburgh, Suffolk, 139-40, 2o5n., 418. Cherchewere (Chirche-), 3, 124.

Chertsey, abbey of, 418. Chester, 52, i87n. bishop of. See Robert. Cheveley, Cambs., 136, 150, 155, 417, 423. Chichester, bishops of. See Hilary; Ralph. Chillinge (CM-, Chyll-). See Kelling. Chippenham, Cambs., xv, lii n., 88-91. Chirograph, xvi, 87, 98 f., 100 f., 103, i n , 131, 138, 140(2). Chronicon abbatum et episcoporum Eliensium. See Ely. Cirencester, Gloucs., 307. Clac, xi. of Fulbourn, 108. Clare: earl of (? Roger), 375, 376, 377, 379. Gilbert de, 103, 225n., 226n. See also 188, 190, 194. Gilbert de, earl of Pembroke, 319, 322, 323, 334, 433Richard Fitz Gilbert de, 188, 190, 194, 198, 204(2), 225, 420. —, family of, 226. —, Richard, son of, abbot of Ely. See Richard, abbot of Ely. Clayhithe, Cambs., 84, 86, 421. Cliffe, King's, Northants., 252n., 26on., 261. Cnobheresburch, n . Cnut: king, xiii, xxxiii, xliii(2), 17, 141, 143(3), 148-49, 150(2), 152, 153-54, 155. 156, 157, 190, 201, 336n., 411, 417, 423.

GENERAL INDEX

445

Fenditton, io8n., 158, 421, 423. Woodditton, io8n., 150, 155, 417, 423, 425. —, charters of, xl; 150-51, 82; 154, 417. Doddington, Cambs., 3, 96, 423. —, Laws of, xv. Domesday inquest, liin., 177, 2O4n., 2i2n., minister, 7811. Cockfield, Adam of, 27411., 383. See also 253. 2 55, 430 ff. Dorchester, see of, io6n., 403. Leofmjer. bishops of. See iEscwig; Eadnoth; Oscytel. Coldeburcheshevet, 27. Coldingham, monastery of, 26, 28, 31, 34, 45. Dorobernia, 148. See also Canterbury. Downham, Cambs., liin., 84 ff., 368-69, 398Colne, Hunts., 153, 162. Colsuein, 198. See also Ralph, son of. 99Conan, earl of Richmond, 387(2) and n. capella at, 291. chamberlain of. See Robert. Drinkstone, Suffolk, 137, 153, 162. charter of, 389, 140. Drui, magister, 389. family of, 389. Dulham, 92n. Constantine IV, emperor, 50. Dullingham, Cambs., 95, 139, 423. Constantinople, council of, 50. Dunstan, archbishop of Canterbury, 57(3), 62, Cotingelade (Cont-), lv, 3 and n., 124, 185, 192. 78 and n., 82n., 118-19, 120, 121, 123(3), Cottenham, Cambs., 3n., 132, 138, 154, 162, 147-48, 149, 161, 162, 201, 346. 21m., 287, 305. Life of, by Adelard, xxix, 57n., I42n. Coveney, Cambs., 158, 287. —, by Eadmer, xxix, n8n., i23n., 142 andn. Cratendon, 3-4. —, by Osbern, xxix, n8n., I23n., 142. Crooked Drain, 3n.(2). —, by William of Malmesbury, i42n. Crowland, abbey of, g6n., 286n., 420. Dunwich, Suffolk, 263, 271 and n., 301, 304, abbots of. See Thurcytel; Wulfcytel. 383Croxton, Norfolk, 135, 422, 425. see of, 11, 17. Cynefrith, medicus, 28, 39, 45, 367. Durham: Cynegils, king of Wessex, 17, 62. bishops of. See iEthelric; ^Ethelwine; Cynelm.priestand kinsmanof Bishop Athulf, 92. Hugh; Ranulf Flambard; William, Cyneswith, queen, 18. cathedral priory of, 24. Cyneweard, abbot, 78n., 82n., H3n. Cynulf, abbot, I3on. Ead-. See also Ed-. Eadburg, abbess, daughter of King Aldwulf, 19Eadfrith, 293. Danelaw, xi(2), xiv and n., 88n., 9gn., i n n . Danes, Denmark, xi, xxiv, xxix, xxxii(2), 4 and son of King Edwin, 13. n., 17, 34, 36n., 53 ff., 102, I26n., 133 ff., Eadgifu, queen of Edward the Elder, 102, 105, 114(2). 141, 148-49, 176 and n., 187 and n., 192, Eadhelm, bishop, 78n., 82n., H3n. 368. Eadmer, Historia Novorum, 17m. See also Darmsden, Suffolk, 287. Dunstan, Life of; Wilfrid, bishop. Life of. David: Eadnoth, 104. archdeacon of Buckingham, 364. abbot of Ramsey and bishop of Dorchester, king of Scotland, 285n. See also Henry, xxxviii, liv, 140-42, I44n., 148 and n., son of. 1560., 422. Debenham, Suffolk, 144, 162. Eadred, king, xviin., xxxii, 56, 57(2) and n., Deda, knight of William I, xxxvn., 178 ff. 61, 75n., 114 and n. Deira, xlv n., 21 and n. charters of, xii, xl, 1, 73n., 75n.; 102, 28; 416. Delph Bridge, 3n. Denney, Cambs., island, church, and priory of, Eadric, 86, 88, 99, 108. dacus, 116. 387-91ealdorman of Mercia, 148(2). Dereham, Norfolk, 13, 114, 121, 153, 162, king's reeve, xiii n., 87n. 228n., 233. See also Hundreds. longus of Essex, 100-01. Deraford, Cambs., 102 and n., 262, 300, 304. —, brother of. See .Elfwold. Devon, xiv n., xvii, 80. minister, 78a., I3on. Diocletian, emperor, 29. Pape, 103. Dionisius, monk of Ely, 289. Ditton, Cambs., xiii, 108, 136, 137(2), 153, procer of Ealdorman ^Jthelwine, 87. rufus, 81. 162(2), 259, 260.

Cnut: (oont.)

446

GENERAL INDEX

Eadulf: abbot of Peterborough, ix. bishop of Elmham, 9311. dux, 7811. Eadwig: clito, 102. king, 57, 61. minister, 11311. Ealdred: abbot, 7811. archbishop of York, 169, 171. Ealdstan, 87. father of Wedwinus, 108. son of. See Wine. Ealdwine, abbot of Ramsey, 229, 23on. Ealhferth, 107. Eama, 93. Eanfled, 96(2). Eanulf, minister, 78n., 82n., H3n. East Anglia, East Angles, 3, 22, 32(2), 36, 53(2), 54. i°5 and n., 108, 188, 333n. administration of, xiii, 3, 17, 75 ff., 85, 90. bishops of. See Felix. See also Dunwich; Elmham. ealdormen of. See iEthelwine; Athelstan. kings of, xxviii, 10-13, X2n - See a^so iEthelhere; iEthelwold; Aldwulf; Anna; Ecgric; Edmund; Eorpwald; Peada; Redwald; Sigeberht. East Saxons, 10. king of. See Swithelm. Easter, High, Essex, 150, 162, 165-66. Eastrea, Cambs., 132. Ebba: abbess of Coldingham, 21, 26, 27, 28, 31, 44. abbess of Repton, ign. Ecgberht, king of Kent, 5m. Ecgburh, abbess, I9n. Ecgfrith: abbot of St Albans, xxxviii(4), 176-77. See also Alfricus. king of Northumbria, 18, 20-29, 37. 4 J ( 2 ) and n., 44(2), 50(2). Ecgric, king of East Anglia, 11, 18. Eddius Stephanus. See Wilfrid, bishop, Life of. Edgar: atheling, 188. king, ix, x, xii, xvi, xxiv, li, Hi n., liii n., 3n., 56-57, 61-62, 72-78, 79-81, 91, 98, 10001, 106(3), 109-29 passim, 134, 136, 138, I43n., 148, 161, 162, 198, 201(2), 222n., 290(2), 293(3), 338, 339, 346(2). 351, 368(2), 369, 396-97, 400-01, 410, 419, 420, 421. —, charters of, xxv, xxxiii, xl, 1, lii, liii and

n

-> 77; 76-78, 5; 81; 81-82, 9; 112; 11213, 39; 120, 401, 414 ff., 417. —, genealogy of, 56-57. Edith: daughter of iEthelgifu, 131. daughter of King Athelstan, 292. queen of Edmund, 57, 61. queen of Edward the Confessor, 293, 413. Edmund: Ironside, 141, 142, 148, 156. king of East Anglia, 53-54, 266. —, Life of, by Abbo of Fleury, xxix, in., 2n., 52n., 53n., i8on. king of Wessex, 57(2) and n., 114(2), 416. —, Eadwig, son of, 61. Edward: abbot of Reading, 286. the Confessor, king, xxxviii, liv, 13m., I33n., I45n., 146, 158 f., 160-65, 168(2), 169 and n., 199(2) and n., 201(2), 203, 204(3), 205(2), 206(3), 207, 225, 249, 251, 255. 259, 261, 278, 288, 412, 417. —, charters and writs of, 1, liii, 4 and n., I26n., 133, 145, 146; 161-63, 92; 164-65, 95, 96; 166(2) and n., 181, iggn., 402(2), 417 ff., 423, 424, 425, 429. —, Edith, wife of, 293. —, Life of, by iElred of Rievaulx, xxix, I48n., i6on. —, privilege of Pope Victor II addressed to, 163, 93. the Elder, king, xi, xvi, 57, 98 f. the Martyr, king, 116, I26n., 128, 136, 140, 146, 147. Edwin, 208. earl of Mercia, lvi n., 170, 173-76, 179, i87n., 188 and n., 191, 193. king of Northumbria, 10, 13(2) and n., 18. minister, 82n., ii3n. Eglaf, comes, 15m. Egypt, 16. Eiraldus, 196. Eling, Hants., 252n., 254n., 255, 256 and n., 258n., 259, 260 and n. Elmeney, Cambs., 387-88, 389-90, 390-91. Elmham, bishops of, liv, 403. See also iElfgar; jElfric; JElfwine; ^thelmaer; Athelstan; Eadulf; Stigand; Theodred. Ely: abbey and cathedral priory of, general history of, xxiv, xxv f., xxxiii, xxxiv, xxxvii, liii ff.; Archbishop Augustine builds church at, 4, 33, 237; Etheldreda's foundation, 3-5, and see Etheldreda; Danish raids, xxxii, 52—58, and see Danes; community of clerks before 970, xii, xxxii, 56, 57, 75n., 94n.,

GENERAL INDEX 97, 102, 396-97, 416; archipresbiter of, xxxii, 58; clerks expelled, xii, 62, 74-75, 119, 401; restoration by Bishop ^Ethelwold, xii, xxv, xxxiv, li f., 57, 72 ff., 120, 396-97, 400-01; siege of, by William I, xxviii, xxxv 1, liv ff., 173 ff-, 429 ff.; bishopric created at, see Ely, see of; delegation to Rome, 299, 316 ff.; 'anarchy' of Stephen's reign, 314-15, 319, 320, 328, 433-36; confessores buried at, xxiv, xxxviii, xlviii, 141, 155-57; relics of St Alban at, xxxvii f., and see St Alban. , abbots of, xxiv(2), xxv, 1, liii, 103, 403, 410 ff. See also jElfsige; Brihtnoth; Leofric; Leofsige; Leofwine; Richard; Simeon; Theodwine, Thurstan; Wulfric. For vacancies, see Godfrey, abbot of Malmesbury; Hervey, bishop of Bangor and Ely; Ranulf Flambard; Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury. , churches of, 5, 381-82, 402, 403 ff.; ad Crucem, Ely, 370; ad matricem ecclesiam pertinentes, 350, 353-55; in nomine Christi, 176; St Mary's, Ely, 262, 300, 3°4. 33i. 367, exemption of, from episcopal control, xlix, 1, liii, liv, 33, 37-38, 124-25, 137, 161-64, J 69, 181, 201-02, 206-07, 22526, 245-46, 276-77, 350-51, 402 ff., 418, 429 ff. , lands and revenues of, acquisition and alienation of, ix, xxxiv, xliv, xlix ff., liv and passim; farming of, 152-53, 220; effect of Norman conquest on, 186, 418; land-pleas, xxiv, 1, 190, 198-200, 203-07, 218, 255, 287-88, 426 ff., and see Kentford; knight-service, 216 f., 218-19, 28yn., 430, and see Ely, see of; divided between bishop and monks, xl, If., liii, 251-52, 261-63, 286-87, 295, 299-301; surveyed by Bishop Nigel, In., 287-88; administered by Bishop Nigel, 286-99, 328, 333n., 338-41, 408; alienated byBishop Nigel, xl, 344, 373 ff., 407; litigation over Stetchworth, 344 ff. , monastic buildings of, xxxvii, 120, 132, 200, 202, 218, 227-28, 259, 260; fall of tower, 264; portions S. Pauli, 343. , monks of, xxxv, 93, 95, 96, 101, 102 and n., 103, 104, 105, 197, 223, 261, 279, and passim; found cell at Denney, 387, and see Denney; at St Neots, 188; help found Bury St Edmunds, 155. See also Adam; iElfwine, bishop of Elmham; •flilfwine, son of Oswi; iEthelmaer, son of jEtheric; Alexander, prior of Ely;

447

Augustine; Benedict; Brihtmaer; Brismerus; Dionisius; Godard; Goding; Godwine of Hoo; Gregory; Harscoit Musard ; Herbert; Ingelmaer; John; Leofsige; Peter, son of Geoffrey constabulus; Ralph, son of Colsuein; Reginald; Richard; Robert, chamberlain of Conan, earl of Richmond; Robert of Drinkeston; Siward; Thomas; Thurstan, abbot of Ely; Thurstan, prepositus of Ely; Toti; William Dikworth; William of Shelford; William, nepos of Dionisius; Wulfstan; Wulfwine. —, obedientiaries of: cantor, 28gn., and see iElfric, Salomon; celerarius, 217; precentor, 276, 403; prepositus, xxxv, liii n., 339, and see Leo, Leofric, abbot of Ely, Leofwine, Sihtric, Thurstan, Wulfwine; prior, xlvii, 277, and see infra priors; sacrist, liv, 276, 289, 293, 403, and see Guthmund, Ralph, William; subcentor, xlvii, 289; subprior, xlvii, and see Richard; subsacrista, 289, and see iElfstan; offices in the hands of monks from Winchester, 208, 213. —, records of: annals and chronicles, xxv, liii, 74, 410 ff., 426 ff.; cartularies, xxv, xxxix-xlii; Chronicon, xxv-xxvii, 410 ff.; inventories, xliv; 196-97, 114; 223-24, 139; 288-94, 50. abbey, cathedral priory and bishopric of, franchise of, x, xl, xlix f., 3—5, 33, 75 ff., 9 1 , 93, 97, I 2 4 - 2 5 , 161-64, 181, 198-200, 213-16, 216-17, 250-51, 253-57, 26061, 262-63, 278, 287-88, 300-01, 303-05, 323. 33O-32. 333-34. 4 J 4. 4 l 8 . 419. 422, 426 ff., 433. cathedral priory of, letters of, 346-47, 97; 351-52, 103. —, papal letters to, 327, 80; 344, 95; 360, 110; 373-74. 124. —, priors of, 319. See also Alexander; Henry; Hugh; Richard; Salomon; Thembert; Vincent; William, dean and chapter of, charters of, i99-2oonn., 2O3n.; 234-35, 149; 254, 12; 254-55, 13; 255-56, 14; 256-57, 16; 258-59, 19; 260, 22; 315, 63; 334, 88; 337-38. 91; 362, 113; 382-83, 135; 39on. island2 of,r 1, 2, 3, 17, 32, 43, 75 ff., 121, 1235, 59. 162, 176, 179-81, 192, 206, 218, 276, 286n., 288n., 298, 300, 303, 311, 322, 324, 328, 329, 331. —, archdeacon's customs in, 404. See also Cambridgeshire, archdeacons of. —, as a unit of administration, 32, 75 ff.; provincia, 3n.; regio, 123. See also

448

GENERAL INDEX

Ely: (cont.) abbey, cathedral priory and bishopric of, franchise of; Hundreds. see of, 347, 375. —, archdeacon's customs in, 1, liv, 125-26, 261, 276, 333n., 350, 350-51, 353-55, 372n., 402, 403-04. See also abbey and cathedral priory, exemption from episcopal control; Henry of Huntingdon; Nicholas, Richard Fitz Neal; William, archdeacon of Cambridge; William Brito; William de Lavantonia. —, bishops of, xxiv, xxv(2), xxvi, 1. See also Eustace; Geoffrey Ridel; Hervey; Hugh of Balsham; Hugh of Northwold; John Alcock; John Fordham; John of Kirkby; John Morton; Nigel; Philip Morgan; Simon Langham; Thomas Arundel; Thomas Thirlby; William Longchamp; William of Louth. —, bishop's familia, 286-87, 300, 322, 325, 334-35. 338-41, 385-87—, creation of, xl, liii, 4, 226, 234, 237, 245 ff. —, knights' fees, 286-87, 316 and n., 335n., 344- 34O, 354. 373 ff-. 38i—, synod at Ely, 327. —, vacancy procedure, 279, 387, 407 f. Emma, queen of ^Ethelred II and Cnut, 149, 153. 159, 292, 294(3), 372. Emund Slemme, king of Sweden, i68n. Eni, father of King Anna, 11, I2n. Eorconberht, king of Kent, 13(2), 19,35,43,400. Eorcongota, Life of, xxiv, 244n., 400. Eormenburg, daughter of King Eormenred, 35. queen of King Ecgfrith, 28. Eormenild, abbess of Ely and saint, 4, 19, 32, 35. 36, 51—52, 58, 123, 151, 180, 214, 231 ff., 290, 370-71, 400. Life of, xxiv, xxxiv, 244. Eormenred, king, 35. Eorpwald, king of East Anglia, 10, n . Eowils, 53 and n., 57. Ernald: de Lavantonia, 364, 388. magister, 382, 383. Ernethern, Suffolk, 383. Ernulf, medicus. Esgar. See Asgar. Essex, 100, 101, 105, 198 and n., 2oon. ealdorman of. See Brihtnoth. sheriff of, ig8n., 426. Estchentune. See Ashdon. Estona. See Aston Somerville. Etheldreda, abbess of Ely and saint, passim. Birth, genealogy of, liiin., 4, 6, 11 ff.; marries Tondberht, liiin., 14 f.; receives Ely island, 4, 15; retires to Ely, 20; marries

Ecgfrith, king of Northumbria, 20-28; nun at Coldingham, 26; founds monastery at Ely, liii, 32 ff., 121, 400; consecrated abbess by Bishop Wilfrid, 34; sickness and death, 38-40. agricolanus of.

See JElgelus.

honour of St, 252. Life of, xxx ff., xlix, 6-7, 341; libellus on, 342; prosa by Gocelin on, 215 and n.; verses on, 235-36^ maior domus of. See Owine. minister of. See Ymma. miracles of, xxv, xxx, xxxiiff., xxxix n., xlvii, xlix, lviii n., 30, 36-37, 39-40, 41-42, 46-48, 55-56, 57-61, 120, 208-16, 229, 230, 263—76, 280—83, 286n., 294-99, 30514, 34!-44. 363-7O. 379-81, 385-87, 396, 400.

priest of. See Huna. shrine of, 290, 335, 340. translations of, xxv, xxvi n., xxvii, xxxvi f., 43-47. 120. 228-33. Eucaristus, 16. Eudo: dapifer, 196, 2O5n., 2i7n. Fitz Herbert, 420. Eugenius III, pope, lviii, 355, 359(2), 360, 372, 373. 374. 4°4(«)letters of, xl, 294n.; 344, 95; 346; 349-50, 100; 350; 350-51. 102; 352-53. 104; 35354, 105; 356 ff., 405. letters to, 346-47, 97; 348, 98; 348-49, 99; 351-52, 103; 355-58, 108. Eustace: bishop of Ely, xxx n. sheriff of Hunts., 198. Everard: de Beche, 388. de MiddeW (? Milton), 3gon. Exning, Suffolk, liii, 13, 266. Eye, Cambs., 106 ff., 420-21. honour of, 407. Eynesbury, Hunts., 102-04, 188-89, 420. Fambridge, Essex, 150, 162. Felix. See St Guthlac, Life of. Feltwell, Norfolk, 144, 153, 162, 424. Fenditton. See Ditton. Ferentino, 35on., 351. Finborough, Suffolk, 135, 4r8, 422. Fincham, Norfolk, 162, 418. Fingeham, Vinceham. See Fincham. Florence, monk of Worcester, Chronicon of, xxviii, xxix, lv, 10-40, 53-54, 57, 61-62, 74-75, 119-20, I26n., 141, 147-49, 155. 158-60, 169—73, I77~78, 216-18, 224-25, 277, 285-86, 320, 410.

GENERAL INDEX

449

Githa, wife of Godwine, earl of Wessex, 293. Glanville. See Hervey; Ranulf. Glastonbury, abbey of, 57, 121, 147, 148, 168, 286, 425. Glemsford, Suffolk, 132, 144, 161, 424. Glor, 89. Gloucester, 315(2), 32m. Gocelin: de Thirintona (? Terrington), 383. monk of St Bertin and St Augustine's, Canterbury, xxix, 215. of Ely, clerk, 138, 29m., 292, 322, 325, 334, 335. 337. 339 iof Norwich, 200. Goda, father of Leofsige, 87n., 88. Godere de Ely, 93, 97. Gale, Thomas, xxxvii, xlvi n. Godfrey, procurator of Ely abbey, and abbot of Gamlingay, Cambs., 103 and n., 420. Malmesbury, xlivf., 196—200, 2i7n., 218, Garboldisham, Norfolk, 167, 424. 223, 410, 413, 414, 426 ff. Geldedune, 127. Godgifu: Geldeford, 222. See also Guildford. relicta comitis, 150, 151. Gemelli, 389. wife of Leofric, earl of Mercia, ison. Geoffrey: wife of Siward, earl of Northumbria, I5on. bishop of Coutances, 200, 206, 218, 256, 288, Goding, 107. 426-27. of Gretton, 86, 100 and n. —, writs to, 203, 120; 204, 121; 204-05, 122; See also ^Elfnoth, son of. 205, 123; 206, 124; 207, 126, 127. Godric, 198. cancellarius, 253, 254, 255, 256, 258, 259. dapifer, -zi-jn. capellanus, 382, 383. de Corbi, nepos comitis de Warwick, I79n. count of Anjou, 371, 436. minister, 15m. de 2 Glinton (GHnton', Clint-), 253, 254, 255, monk of Winchester, 208. 56, 257, 258, 259, 278. son of Rafrid Brito, 388(2). de Mandeville. See Mandeville. Godwine, 198. Martel, 376, 377, 379. abbot, H3n. Ridel, bishop of Ely, xxv, xxxn., xxxiiin., bishop, 15m. xlin., xlviiin., 407, 408(2). comes, 15m. thesaurarius Wintoniensis, 229, 23on. earl of Wessex, 159, i6on., 17m. George, heir of Robert, chamberlain of Earl —, wife and daughter of, 293. minister, I3on. Conan, 388. of Hoo, monk of Ely, 140. Gerbrand, bishop of Roeskilde (Denmark), 15m. Germanus, abbot, I3on. —, brother of. See JEUmser. Germinus. See Jurminus. satrapa, 15m. Gervase, 212. Goldwine, burgensis of Ely, 293. Gora" Pinchard, 389. priest of Ad Crucem, Ely, 370. Gota, minister, 78n. Giflard, family of, 226. Grselangus de Tenet, 364. Gilbert: Gransden, Cambs., 115, 153, 162, 287. brother of Grselangus de Tenet, 364. Grantancester. See Cambridgeshire. capellanus, 335. Grantecester. See Cambridge. de Aquila, 250, 251, 252, 253, 256, 259. Greek bishop in England. See Sigedwoldus. de Clare. See Clare. Greenwich, 141. Foliot, bishop of Hereford, 360, 405, 407. —, letters of, 355-58, 108; 361, 111; 361-62, Gregory, monk of Ely, Life of Etheldreda by, XXX. 112. Gregory I, pope, 20. —, letters to, 352-53, 104; 358-59, 109. Gretton, Northants., 86, 87, 343. of Shelford, 364. Grim, xi, 88. the Universal, bishop of London, 279. son of Osulf, 104 and n., 108. Girdele. See Yardley Hall. Folbriht, abbot, 11311. Folcard, 92. monk of St Bertin, 22211. Fordham, Cambs., 90, 104-05, 328. Forne, minister, 7811. Fotestorp, Norfolk, 263, 301, 304. Freckenham, Suffolk, xv, 90. Frena, minister, 7811. Frene, comes, 54. Fretheric, abbot of St Albans, xxxviii. Frithegist, minister, 78. Frodo, brother of Baldwin, abbot of Bury St Edmunds, 204, 2i7n. Fulbourn, Cambs., 135, 162, 422. Fursey, monk, 11.

GENERAL INDEX

450

Grim (cont.) son of Wine, 93. Grimbald, 54. Guildford, Surrey, 159. See also Geldeford. Gunter, abbot of Thorney, 229, 23011. Gunulf, 96. Guthlac, Saint. See Saint. Guthmund: brother of Wulfric, abbot of Ely, n o n . , i66n., 167, 424-25. filius Stectani, 134. sacrist of Ely, 290, 291, 292, 293(2). Guthrum, 53 and n. Gyrwe, 3n.(2), 14, 21. See also Tondbert. Haddenham, Cambs., ix, 92-93, 415. Hadham, Herts., 137, 162, 234, 235, 253n., 259, 4 2 3Hadstock, Essex, 145-46, 153, 162, 222n., 325, 335-38. Haesten, 53 and n. Haimo dapifer, 198, 251, 252, 256. Halfden, 53 and n., 57. Halstede. See Ralph; Roger; William, of. Halton, West, Lines., 3on. Hampshire, ealdorman of, 8on. Hanalus de Bitun, 259. Hanbury, Staffs., 42 and n., 52. Hanningfield, South, Essex, 158, 2O5n., 423. Hardwick, Cambs., lin., ioon., 135, 162, 422. Hardwin de Sealers. See Sealers. Harefah. See Harold, king. Harold, comes, 54. Harold I, king, 159, 160. Harold II, son of Godwine, king, xxix n., i6on., 168(2), 169-72, 201, 412, 423n. Harrow, 347. Harscoit Musard, 208, 277. Robert, son of, 277. Harston, Cambs., 211. Hartest, Suffolk, 144, 153, 162, 375n., 376n., 424. Harthacnut, king, 160, 419. Harting, Sussex (Eartingan, Hertingeham, Hertingas, Heartingas), liin., 76, 77, 114, 4 r 4. 4*5Hasculf de S. Iacobo, 259. Hastings, battle of, xxviii, 170-72, I93n. Hatfield, Herts., xv, xvii, li n., 79-80, 83 and n., ioin., 117, 127, I32n., 162, 419. Hatfield Regis, Essex, I32n. Hauxton, Cambs., xvi, 10c—01, 153, 162, 263,

300, 304, 331. church of, 351, 353, 354, 355, 404. villatica of, 364. Haward, xi. kinsman of Oslac, 95.

Heanric, 78n 3 Hearne, T., xxvii. Helmstan, xvi. Hemingford: Abbots, Hunts., 80, 127, 419. Grey, 419. Hengeham. See Hingham. Henny Hill, Cambs., 23on., 331. Henry: archdeacon of Huntingdon, xlviii, 276n. — , letters of, 125, 54; 126, 403. bishop of Winchester, 322-23, 324. — , letter to, 316-17, 65. clerk, 382, 383, 388. — , son of William Brito, archdeacon, xlvii, 345 ff-. 4°3. 4°4. 4°5 3. — , — , letters to, 361-62, 112; 362, 113. Henry I, king, xxx and n., lvii, 22m., 224-25, 227, 237, 245 f., 248, 249, 261, 262, 265n., 266, 276, 279n., 283, 284, 285 and n., 287 and n., 2g6n., 299, 303, 317 and n., 319,330, 371, 381, 383, 408. chancellor of, 260(2), 261. charters and writs of, xl, 234-35, 149; 239(2); 249-50, 6; 250-51, 7; 251-52, 8; 253, 10; 253, 11; 254, 12; 254-55, 13; 255-56, 14; 256, 15; 256-57, 16; 258, 18; 258-59, 19; 259, 20, 21; 260, 22, 23; 260-61, 24; 261; 278, 40; 405, 408 f., 433. papal letters to, 246-47, 2; 247, 3. Henry II, king, xxx n., 333n., 371 f., 374, 376, 378 f., 381, 385, 387, 390, 391 fi., 406, 408. charters and writs of, xxv, 408(2). papal letter to, 377, 128. Henry III, king, xxx. Henry: Bertram, 389. de Ely, 289. de la camera, 389. de Tracy, 435n. de Waneting, 115. Fitz Gerold, 376, 377, 379. Peregrinus, 286n., 297, 325, 335, 386. Picot, 390. — , father of Aubrey, 389-00. prior of Ely, 279, 288. son of David, king of Scotland, 285. son of Hervey, 389. Henulvesberi. See Eynesbury. Herbert: bishop of Norwich, xxxvii, 229(2), 23on., 232(2), 25on. — , writ to, 255-56, 14. de Fourches, 282. de Midd' (? Milton), 39on. priest, 39on. Hereford, 319. See also Hertford.

GENERAL INDEX Hereford, li n. bishops of. See Athulf; Gilbert; Walter; William. Herefordshire, xiii. Hereric: earl, 8. —, sons of, xiv, 87 f. nepos of King Edwin, 13(2) and n. Heres. See Harrow. Hereswith, queen of Anna, liiin., I2n., 13(3). Hereward, xxxv; at siege of Ely, lv ff., 173-76, 179—88, 189J1., 192, 219, 291, 430. Gesta of, xxxiv(2), lv, 2n., I73n., 174, 175-76, 178-88, i8gn. Herman, bishop of Salisbury, 2i5n. Hertford, xv, 83, 319. Hertfordshire, 198 and n., 2oon., 259, 426. archdeacon of, 276n., 403. Hertingas, Hertingeham. See Harting. Herulf, priest of Horningsea, xii, xvi, 106 f., 421. Hervey: bishop of Bangor, 249. bishop of Bangor and Ely, xxiv, xxvi n., xxx and n., xxxiv, xxxvi, xxxix, xlvin., xlviii, xlix(2), 1—li, liv, 63, iO2n., 208, 220, 234, 237, 245, 246, 247, 247-48, 248, 25on., 251, 252, 253-62, 265, 266 ff., 276-79, 283, 286, 289, 292, 293, 294, 297n., 3oon., 339, 344, 383 and n., 395, 405, 407, 408, 414. —, archdeacon of, 404. —, charters of, xxv, 1; 262-63, 26; 346, 383. 4°5—, familia of, 1 n. —, kinsman of. See William Brito. de Bourges, 204, 217. de Glanville, writ to, 381, 133. —, Ranulf, son of, 381. son of Vitalis of Cambridge, 364. Hesberie, 135, 422.

Hexham, Northumberland, 21, 37n. Hilary, bishop of Chichester, xlvii, 345, 348n., 349, 353. 356 2-. 4°5letter to, 349, 100. Hild, abbess of Whitby, 13 and n., 18. Hildebrand, later Gregory VII, pope, 410. Hill, Cambs., ix, 80-82, 92-93, 96, 415. Hingham, Norfolk, I33n. Hinton, Cambs., xv, 90. Histon, Cambs., 2O5n., 388n. Hitcham, Suffolk, 140, 153, 162. Hlothhere, king of Kent, 40, 41, 51. Holborn, London, I32n. Holdgate Castle. See Castle Holdgate. Holland, Essex, 10m., 105(2). Holtzmann, W., lx.

Honey Hill, Cambs., 41 and n. Hoo, Suffolk, li, 140, 162. Horningsea, Cambs., 84, 89, 105 ff., 115, 116, 153, 162, 420-21. monastery at, xi-xii, xvi, 105, 421. Houghton Regis, Beds., 116-17. Hroold, minister, 78n. Hubert, clerk, 289, 325, 335, 382, 383(2). Hugh, 108. archbishop of Rouen, 316 and n., 3i8n. —, letter to, 329, 84. Bigod, lvii, 254, 285 and n. Candidus, 84-85^ dapifer, 259. de Berners, 205, 2i7n. de Bookland, sheriff of Herts., writs to, 234, 149; 259, 20. de Hosdeng, 200. de Montfort, io6n., 167 and n., 204(2). du Puiset, bishop of Durham, 333n. of Balsham, bishop of Ely, xxv. of Northwold, bishop of Ely, 234n. prior of Ely, xxiv. Hulme, abbey of, 155, 198, 407. abbots of. See iElfwold. Humber, 29. Huna, priest, 32(2), 40-41, 42. Hundreds, xiii, 84, 90, 92, 93, 97(3), 104, n o , i n , 116(4), 278, 287-88. meetings of, at Ely, x, xv, 91, 93; at Hinton, xv, 90—93; at Kentford, 198, and see Kentford; at Wansford, ix, xv; in australi parte of Cambridge, 109. of Armingford, 117. of Ely, two, lii, liii n., 3 and n., 75 ff., 86, 87 and n., 91, 93, 94, 124-25, 162. —, caput of, at Witchford, 180. —, of Witchford, 87n. —, quarta pars centuriatus insule, of Wisbech, 144. of Norfolk, one and a half of Dereham, 114, 125; of Mitford, liiin., ii4n., i25n. of Suffolk, five and a half, lii, liiin., 75 ff., 114, 125, 301, 304, 331, 414, 422; six, of Sudbourne, 114, and see Surbourne; Winstow, thredling of, 125. Huneia. See Honey Hill. Hungeva, widow, 96. Huntingdon, xi, 267n. castle at, lvi. honour of, 285n. Huntingdonshire, xi, xiii, 9111., 98 f., I9on., 198, 250. archdeacon of, 276n., 403. ealdorman of, ggn. sheriff of, ig8n., 426. Hyrauicstowe, Cambs., 87.

452

GENERAL INDEX

Kelshall, Herts., 137, 162, 423. Ken-. See also Cyn-. Kensworth, Beds., 116-17. Icanho, 22211., 33711. See also Iken. Kent, kings of. See jEthelberht; Ecgberht; Iken, Suffolk, 22211. Eorconberht; Hlothhere. Impington, Cambs., 135, 162, 205, 211, 287, Kentford, Suffolk, I25n., i65n., 198, 199 and 422. n., 2O3n., 206 and n., 251, 256, 273, 288 Ingeram, capellanus, 364. and n., 426 ff. Ingham, Norfolk, 13311. Kettering, Northants., xii, 84 f. IngriS, aurifrisatrix, 294. Kin-. See also Cyn-. Inguar, 5, 53 and n., 54, 57. Kingston, xivn., 116. Ingulf, xi. Suffolk, li n., 131, 162, 287, 3oon., 304, 331. brother of Siferth, 110(2), 369-70. Innocent II, pope, letters of, xl, xli n., 288n., Kirkby Fleetham, Yorks., 388. 299n.; 301—02, 55; 302-05, 56; 316-17, 65; Kirtling, Cambs., 139, 423. 317, 66; 317-18, 67; 318-19, 68; 33on., Knapwell, Cambs., 158, 423. Kola, xiv n. 331. 346, 35L 409, 433. Jnquisitio Eliensis, xxiv, xli n. Ipswich, Suffolk, xvi, 100, 3i9n., 323^, 333, Lakenheath, Suffolk, 131, 161, 263, 301, 304. church of, 354(2). 334. 434. 435Lambeth, London, 284. Ireland, lvi, 176. Landbeach, Cambs., 2O5n., 21m. Irish Traders, xvii, 107. Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, 176, 20m., Isleham, Cambs., 33on., 331. 427 ff. Ivo de Taillebois, 182, 200, 251, 288(2). writs to, 203, 120; 204, 122; 205, 123; 206, 124, 125; 207, 126, 127. Jews, of Cambridge, 339. Lateran, 3O5n., 3i6n.(2), 317 and n.(2), 318, John: 326n., 327(3) and n.(2), 329n., 330, 33m., Alcock, bishop of Ely, xxvi. 332, 344 and n., 36on., 361, 374 and n., bishop of Bath, 235, 259. 376 and n., 378n., 379. bishop of Lisieux, 257. Lavington, Wilts., 354n. de camera, 389. Leicester, see of, 139. de Port, 376, 377, 379. Leland, John, xxvii, xlvii. de S. Albano, 364. Lemmer. See Leofm£er. filius Iohannis. See Payn Fitz John. Leo: Fordham, bishop of Ely, xxvi, i64n. cardinal deacon, isffa.. king, xxx n. VI, pope, 56n. medicus, 382, 383(2). prepositus of Ely, liiin., 3n., 92n., 123-24, monk of Ely, 266. 290. See also Leofwine. Morton, bishop of Ely, xxvi. Leofa, minister, 78n., H3n. of Kirkby, bishop of Ely, xxv. Leofflaed: of Salisbury, 3i6n., 339n. wife of Leofric, 103. of Tynemouth, xxxvii. wife of Oswi, and daughter of Ealdorman V, pope, 37n. Brihtnoth, 139, 157-58, 423. son of Robert, 334. Leofgifu, domina of Eynesbury, 420. the Old Saxon, 54. Leofmser: Jonathan, priest of Cambridge, 390. Joseph, priest of Stuntney, 349, 354, 355, (Lemmer), father of Adam of Cockfield, 274. of Bygrave, 13m. 406(2). Leofric, 87. Julian, rhetor, teaching at Ely, 341 f. abbot of Ely, xxvi n., xliii and n., 150(3) and Jumieges, monks of. See Godfrey; Theodn., 151, 152, 201(2), 237, 336n., 411-12, wine. 417. Jurminus, son of King Anna, 12(2), 18. abbot of Peterborough, 412. Justinus, 134. brother of iEthelflaed, 83 and n. earl of Mercia, ison. Kalendar, written at Ely, xxiv, xxxviii, founder of St Neots, 103, 104. xlviii, 423. —, Leofflaed, wife of, 103. Kedington, Suffolk, 158. minister, 78n., H3n. Kelling, Norfolk, xiii, 116(2), 419. Hyssington, 282.

GENERAL INDEX Leofric (cont.) of Berle, 81, 86. of Brandon, son of iEthelferth, 81-83,no, 415. of Stretham, 83. priest, xxxv. Leofsige, 88. abbot, 412. abbot of Ely, xxvin., xliii, H4n.(2), H5n., 143-44, 152-53, 164, 201, 237, 26m., 293(4). 294. 336- 4O3(2), 411, 423, 424(2). brother of ^Elfstan and Wulfgar, 108. ealdorman of Essex, xiv n., 138 and n. kinsman of ^Elfhelm Polga, 88n. monk of Ely, 99, 130. of Freckenham, 89. optimas of Bishop iEthelwold, 116-17. priest, 108. son of iElfwine, 88. son of Brixius, xii, xv, 84-85, 368-69. See also Sifted, his widow, son of Gode, 87n. Leofstan: •minister, jSn.

priest, nepos of Wulfric prepositus, 107 f., 421. son of iElfwold, xiii. Leofwaru, wife of Lustwine, grand-daughter of Ealdorman Brihtnoth, I52n., 157-58, 423. Leofwine: abbot, ? of Ely, 15m. abbot of Ely, alio nomine Oscytel, xxvin., xxviii n., xliii n., 149 f., 201, 237, 336n., 411-12, 417. dux, I3on. minister, H3n. monk and prepositus of Ely, 84, 92 and n., I23n., 368, 369, and see Leo. son of Athulf, 109, 131-32, I38n., 294(2). son of Earl Hereric, 87. Leovingus, 88. Levingus of Trumpington, 86. Libellus, ix, xvii, xxvii, xxxiii f., xliii and n., xliv, li-liii, lviii(2), 63, 72-117, 368n., 39599, 400-0inn. Liber Eliensis, manuscripts of, xxiii-xxvii. Liber terrarum, 168, 217 and n., 369, 424. Lincoln: battle of, xxixn., lvii, 3ign., 320-21, 410, 434. bishops of, 1, 137, 234, 246, 402-03. See also Alexander; Remigius; Robert; and Dorchester. —, archdeacons of, 229, 403. see of, 137, 139, 207, 246 ff., 375(5). Linden, Cambs., lii, 80-82, 83, 87(2) and n., 92n., H2n., 415, 417. Linden End. See Linden. Linton, Cambs., 145 and n. Lisle, family of, 32511. KK

453

Littlebury, Essex, 129-30, 153, 162, 2i9n., 417. Littleport, Cambs., 3 and n., 124, I25n. Livermere, Suffolk, xiv, nof., 162, 167, 369. Liveva, aurifrisatrix, 293. Liviwa, widow, 419. Lolworth, Cambs., 21 in. London, xii, xv, 41, 85(2) and n., 132, 141, 147, 148(3), 159(2), 160, 169, 170, 250, 267, 284, 285(2), 3i6n., 332, 339, 369, 391. See also Abboteshai, Holborn. bishops of, 358(2), 423. See also .Sslfstan; Gilbert the Universal; Maurice; Richard Belmeis; Richard Fitz Neal; and St Paul's, clergy of. councils at, xii, xv, 85, n o , 324, 350, 352n., 358, 369. 4 " . 435see of, 375. Longueville-sur-Scie, France, dip. Seine-Maritime, 226n. Lucius II, pope, 3O2n., 304^(2), 3i6n., 3i8n., 326, 328. letters of, xl; 326-27, 79; 327, 80, 81; 329, 83; 329-30, 84; 330-32, 85; 346, 351, 408. Lustwine, 158(2), 423. Luttingus, founder of a monastery at Soham, 17. Lyfing, bishop, I3on. Mabillon, Acta Sanctorum, xxvii and n., xlvi n. Madingley, Cambs., 21m. Madog ap Maredudd, 32on. Maideneberge, Cambridge, 97. Malcolm: dux, 78n. king of Scotland, 173 and n., 216. Maldon, battle of, xxix, 99n., 133-36. Malger: de Laventona, 354n. magister, 382, 383, 388. Malmesbury, abbey of, 57n., 200. abbots of. See Godfrey. Mandeville: Geoffrey I de, 15011., i65n., i66n., 204. Geoffrey II de, 319, 322, 323(2), 328, 329, 332, 334, 410, 433 f. —, writs to, 319, 70; 320, 71. Mann. See Athelstan, son of. Manne, priest, 92. Manuscripts, relating to the Liber Eliensis, discussion of, xxiii-xxvii, xxx-xxxiv, xxxvii, xl-xlvi, lviii-lx. March, Cambs., 139, 145, 423. Mardleybury, Herts., 83n. Margaret, wife of Conan, earl of Richmond, 389. Marham, Norfolk, 153, 162, i67n., 287, 375 and n., 376n., 424. Maria, wife of Eucaristus, 16. Marianus Scotus, 410, 411.

454

GENERAL INDEX

Marsworth, Bucks., x, 116. Martian, emperor, 10. Martin: abbot, 7811. decanus de Bodech' (? Bottisham), 388. Matilda: empress, daughter of Henry I, 25on., 259, 285n., 315, 3i8n., 3i9n., 32m., 322 and n., 324, 371, 434. —, writs of, 434-36. queen, 294. queen of Henry I, 25on., 257, 268, 269. queen of Stephen, 322. queen of William I, 2O3n., 428. Matthew Paris, xlvii. Maurice, bishop of London, 224. writ to, 234, 149. Mawa, wife of Wulfsige, 92. Medeshamstede. See Peterborough. Melbourn, Cambs., Hi and n., 75-77, 153, 162, 263, 300, 304, 331, 414, 415. church of, 354(2). Meldreth, Cambs., 263, 300, 304, 331. Melton, Suffolk, 162, 263, 300, 304, 331, 418. Meon, Hants., 425. Mepal, Cambs., 287. Mercia, 18 f., 54(3), 281, 307. bishops of. See ^Escwig; Ceadda; Sexwulf. kings of. See jEthelred; Burgred; Merewald; Penda; Wulfhere. Merewald, king of Mercia, 35. Merewine, brother of St Mildburg, 35. Methwold, Norfolk, 162, 418, 425. Miles of Gloucester, 254. Milton, Cambs., 90 and n., 104 f., 162, 21m. Milton Ernest, Beds., 104. Mitford, Norfolk, one and a half hundreds of, liiin., H4n. See also Hundreds. Modic, Modich, ferding of, 125. Morcar, earl of Northumbria, lvin., Iviin., I7on., 173 ff., 179 and n., i87n., 188 and n., 191 f., 192. Morgan ap Owain, 32on. Morgarus, rex Waloniee, 32on., 321. Mudeke, I25n. Mundford, Norfolk, 133, 162. Nacton, Suffolk, 167, 424. Nedging, Suffolk, 153, 162. Nero, emperor, 29. New Forest, Hants., 127. Newton, Cambs., xvi, 100 f., 153, 162, 263, 300, 304. 33i, 363n. church of, 351, 353, 354, 355. villatica of, 364. Nicholas, 271.

archdeacon of Cambridgeshire, 125 and n., 229, 23on., 276, 403. capellanus, 354, 355. —, of Cambridge, 364. clerk, 339. de Multune, 389. —, son of William of Shelford, 364. priest, 390. Nigel: bishop of Ely, xxvi and n., xxx n., xxxvi n., xxxix(3), xl(2), xlin., xlvii, xlviii and n.(2), xlix(3), liv and n., lviii and n., io2n., 124, 133, 138, 155, 157, i67n., 168 and n., 196, 2i9n., 22on., 222n., 237, 27gn.; accession of, 283-84, 286-88; surveys Ely lands, 288 and n.(2); 290(3), 291(2), 292(8), 293, 294, 294-304 passim, 305, 307, 314-15; rebellion against Stephen and expulsion from Ely, 315— 19; return to Ely, 321-22; coins Ely dragma, 322; first truce with Stephen, 323; appealed to Rome, 324; captured at Wareham, 324-25, 326, 327; suspected of rebellion and second truce, 328, 329(2); 334-35, 338-41* 345. 35i. 2 352, 356 ff., 363-64, 372. 374( )> 376, 377; illness and death of, 384-87, 388(4), 389, 405(2), 407(2), 4081, 409; comments on history of, 433—36. —, charters and writs of, xxv, 1; 299-301, 54; 336-37, 90; 355; 375; 381. 133; 381-82, 134; 382-83, 135; 383, 136; 390-91, 142. —, familia of, xxix, 1, liv, 289, 322n., 325, 335, 338-4L 386. —, letters to, 301-02, 55; 302-05, 56; 31718, 67; 330-32, 85; 337-38, 91; 344, 95; 355,107; 373,123; 375,126; 378-79,129. de Albini, 25on., 259. son of Robert, chamberlain of Earl Conan, 388, 389. Norfolk, xiii, 153, I98n., 2oon., 301. sheriff of, I98n., 426. Norman, 198. Normandy, 159(2), 160, i82n., i87n., 196, 203 and n., 2o6n., 217, 284, 29611., 314. Northampton, xv, 85(3), 356, 407. Northamptonshire, xiii, 85, 365. Northumbria, xiv, 54, 178, i82n. kings of, xxviii. See also MUa.; Ecgfrith; Edwin; Osbriht; Oswald; Oswiu. Northwold, Norfolk, lii, 76-78, 114(2), 153, 162. Norwich, xvi, 100, i88n., 254. bishops of. See Herbert; William. castle of, 206, 207, 252, 303, 330. See also Castleguard. see of, 347, 375.

GENERAL INDEX Nottingham, 54, 250. Oakington, Cambs., 21m. Occold, Suffolk, 135, 162, 167(2), 422. Oda, archbishop of Canterbury, 7311., 102, io6n. Odda. See Brihtnoth, son of. Oddebrigge. See Woodbridge. Odiwaldus, son of King Oswald, 19. Odo, 198. bishop of Bayeux, i87n., 198, 205, 426. Ogga of Mildenhall, 94. Oinus, bishop of Evreux, 254. Old West River, 3n. Omundus, 107. father of Simundus, 108. One, xi. See also iElfnoth, son of. Oppele, 93. Ordbriht: abbot, 78n. bishop, I3on. Orderic Vitalis, Hist. Eccl., xxviiif., xxxixn., lv n., lvi n., 186-93, 266-69, 286n. Ordgar, 179. dux, 78n., 82n., H3n. Ordhelm, 95(2). Ording, abbot of Bury St Edmunds, 343 f., 347(2), 348, 406. Ordmaer, 79. Ordulf, minister, I3on. Osbern, xi. See Dunstan, Life of. of Soham, 89. Osbert: clerk, of Shelford, 364. comes, 54.

of Clare, letter of, 281-83. of Wattisham, 340. prior of Daventry, 281 and n., 283. Osbriht, king of Northumbria, 54. Oscy tel: bishop of Dorchester and archbishop of York, 78n., 96 and 11.(2), 106 and n. minister, 78n. of Beche, 84, 97. ? of Beche, 84, 97. son of Saxferth, 108. See also Leofwine, abbot of Ely. Osferth, minister, 78n., H3n. Osgar, abbot, 78n., 82n., H3n. Osgod, minister, 78n., ii3n. Osgot, ix. Oslac, xi, 95. comes, ? earl of Northumbria, father of Thored, xiv, 106 and n. dux, 7811., 82n., ii3n. filius Appen, 92. gener of Leofsige, 108(2). minister, 78n.

455

Osmund, xi. bishop of Skara (Sweden), xxxviii and n., I56n., 168-69, 293(2), 403. Hocere, 9on., 91(2). father of Agamund, 219. father of Wine of Ely, 90. See also Wine. Osthryth, queen of iEthelred, king of Mercia, 41. Osulf, 88, 107. bishop, 78n., 82n., ii3n. minister, 78n.(2), ii3n.(2). of Gretton, 84. See also Grim, son of. Oswald: bishop of Worcester and archbishop of York, 73n., 7811., 82n., ii3n., 118, 119, I26n., 141, 156, 162. — , Life of, xii. king of Northumbria, 18, 19, 20, 26. priest, 87. Oswaradale, in Lakenheath, Suffolk, 131. Osweard: abbot, ii3n. minister, 78n., ii3n. Oswi: brother of iEtheric and Uvi, 108, 139(2), 157, 423. See also iElfwine, son of; Leofflaed, wife of. brother of Ulf, 93. de Beche, 84, 97, 108. ? de Beche, 84, 88, 94. Oswiu, king of Northumbria, 18, 19, 20(2), 2in., 26. Othulf, xi. of Exning, 89. Oundle, Northants., xii, 84. Ouse, 174. Owine, monk, maior domus of Etheldreda, 22, 26, 42. cross of, 22n. Oxford, 322n., 324. Pampisford, Cambs., 135, 287, 403, 405, 418, 422. Papal curia, xxxviii and n., xl, liii, livn., 33 and n., 37 f., 56n., 149, 227 f., 276, 299 and n., 316 and n., 3i8n., 324, 325n., 329, 43362, 404, 405 fi., 411, 413, 433, 435. See

also Rome. Papal letters and privileges, xxv, xxvii, xl, livn., 345, 346 f., 348, 349. See also Popes. Papebroch, T>., xxvii, xlvi. Paschal II, pope, 227, 249 f., 262, 413. letters of, 246-47, 2; 247, 3; 247-48, 4; 24849. 5; 346, 351. Paul, abbot of St Albans, 176.

GENERAL INDEX

456

Payn: Fitz John, 253, 257, 258, 278. Peverel, 251, 252. Peada, king of the South Angles, 35. Penda, king of Mercia, 4, 11, 18 f., 33. See also Wulfhere, son of. Pentlow, Essex, 158, 423. Percy, barony of, 424. Peter: camerarius, 247. clerk, 335. —, of Shelford, 364. decanus of Histon, 388. de Valognes, 200, 251, 256, 288. magister, 382, 383(2). scriba, 355. Peterborough, Northants., xii. abbey of, ix, xiif., xvii, li, lii and n., lvi, lviin., 35, 37n., 74n., 84 1, 22211., 336n. —, abbots of. See iElfsige; Eadulf; Leofric; Sexwulf. dean and chapter of, xxxiv. Petrie, H., xxvii, xlvi n. Philip: chancellor, 355. —, of Stephen, 288, 315. de Maisi, Meisi, 354(2). king of France, 186 and n. Morgan, bishop of Ely, xxvi. Picot: de Batuent, 235n. family of, 38gn. sheriff of Cambs., xvn., 196, 198, 200, 205, 207,

210-12, 212,

217.

See also Aubrey; Henry. Plassiz. See Easter, High, and Pleshey. Pleshey, Essex, i6sn. Popes. See Adrian IV; Agatho; Anastasius IV; Benedict II; Benedict VIII; Eugenius III; Gregory I; Innocent II; John V; Leo VI; Lucius II; Paschal II; Sergius I; Victor II. Prosper Tiro, ion. Pulham, Norfolk, 114-15, 153, 162. Quy, Cambs., 21m. Rafrid Brito, Godric, son of, 388. Rainald, balistarius, ii'jxi. Ralph: Basset, 255, 256, 259, 267 and n., 268 and n., 287. bishop of Chichester, 235. bishop of Rochester, 25on., 259. Burgundio, 297, 298. de Belfou, 204, 2i7n. —, writ to, 255-56, 14.

decanus de Wadd' (? Whaddon), 388. de Halstede, 362. —, writs to, 362, 113, 114. Donewicense scholas monitor, 270 ff. Fitz Olaf, dapifer of Nigel, bishop of Ely, 322, 325, 334, 337 {camerarius), 339:1., 364, 386, 388. —, William, clerk of, 388. of Diceto, xxx, lviii n. Passelewe, writ to, 255-56, 14. sacrist of Ely, 289, 292, 293(2), 294, 340, ? 370, 386.

son of Alexander, 382, 383. son of Colsuein (Colsaianus), monkof Ely, 265. Taillebois, 196. Waher, earl of East Anglia, lvi, i86n., 18788, 430. See also Ranulf. Rampton, Cambs., 21111. Ramsey, abbey of, xn., lviin., 17, 79n., 86n.(2), 88n., 9m.(2), 96-97, 101, rogn., 126, 135, I4on., 141(2), 142, 328, 419, 422, 423- 436abbots of. See vElfwine; ^Jthelsige; Eadnoth; Ealdwine; Reginald; Wulfsige. chronicle of, li. Ramsey, Essex, 101 and n. Ranulf: chancellor of Henry I, 25on., 251, 252, 256, 259earl of Chester, 321. Flambard, bishop of Durham, xlivf., xlv, 219,220,223—24,224,234(2) andn., 25on., 259, 26m., 410, 414, 427. —, writ to, 207, 128. grossus, of Wallingford, 307 and n. of Salisbury, ex-monk and clerk of Nigel, bishop of Ely, xxxiii n., xxxix, 284, 286 f., 287, 289, 294-99, 370. Rattlesden, Suffolk, 133, 153, 162. Reach, Cambs., xxxv and n., 182. Reading, abbey of, 285. abbot of. See Edward. Redwald, king of East Anglia, 10. Reedham, Norfolk, church of, liv, 17. Reginald: abbot of Ramsey, 267. brother of Conan, earl of Richmond, 389. Reinburgis, 307-12. Reinelm, bishop of Hereford, 25on. Remigius, bishop of Lincoln, 201 f., 205, 206, 207(2), 213, 221, 226, 402, 403, 418, 429 ff. Rependune. See Repton. Repton, monastery at, 19. Repton-with-Wennington, Hunts., 419, 420. Rettendon, Essex, 135, 136, 162, 375 and n., 422.

GENERAL INDEX Richard, 380. abbot of Ely, xxvi n., xxxix, xlix, 4711., 12311., 225-34. 235-36. 237, 245, 25911., 293(5), 344, 367, 410, 413-14. abbot of St Albans, 229, 23011. Belmeis, bishop of London, 25on. — , writ to, 259, 20. bishop of Bayeux, 25on. clerk, 367. de S. Paulo, 289, 364, 386. duke of Normandy, 159. Fitz Gilbert. See Clare. Fitz Neal, bishop of London; xxxiiin., lvii, lviiin.(2), 325n., 33311.(2), 372 and n., 386n.(2), 387, 407. Fitz Urse, 321. I, king, xxx n. I, monk of Ely, xxiv, xxxvi, xlviin., I78n., 188. II, monk of Ely, xxxviii f., xlvii-xlix, I24n., I78n., 2oon., 284(2), 345 and n., 347, 348, 349. 35°. 35 1 . 3^5n., 402, 404 ff. See also Richard, prior, subprior, nepos vicecomitis Osberti, i82n. of Punchardon (Ponte Cardi), 333 and n. of Stuntney, 364. priest of All Saints', Shelford, 364. prior of Ely, xlviiff., 352n. See also Richard II, monk. subprior of Ely, xlvii. See also Richard II, monk. Ringulf, 115, 116(2). minister, 78n., 82n. Ripon, Yorks., 37n. Ripton-with-Wennington. See Repton. Rixemera (Rescetnere), Suffolk, 263, 301, 304. Robert: abbot of Bury St Edmunds, 225. abbot de Cruce, 197. abbot of Thorney, 267, 318, 337. — , letter to, 327, 80. bishop of Chester, 25on., 259. bishop of Lincoln, 2 2 5 1 , 234, 246, 249, 250(2) and n., 259. brother of Conan, earl of Richmond, 389. chamberlain of Conan, earl of Richmond, 387, 389 and n. — , charter of, 387-88, 139; confirmed by Earl Conan, 389, 140; by Nigel, bishop of Ely, 390-91, 142. Christian, magister, 382, 383, 388. count of Meulan, 25on., 253, 259. count of Mortain, 428 ff. —.writs to, 203, 120; 204, 121; 205, 123; 206, 124; 207, 126. de Altaripa. See Altaripa. de Cunigtun', 364(2). KK*

457

de Oilli, 324. de Sigillo, 255, 256, 257, 258, 278. de Vere, 334. earl of Gloucester, 254, 321(2), 435. Fitz Humphrey, 376, 377, 379. Fitz Ralph, 33911. Fitz Wimarc, 420. Gernon, 206. Malarteis, 267. of Swaffham, Register of, xxxiv. priest, 39on. prior of St Frideswide's, Oxford, 324. sheriff of Norfolk, 198. son of Harscoit Musard, 277. son of William I, 2i7n., 218, 426. Trencehart, 364. Rochester, ix, x, li n. bishop of. See Ralph. Rodings, The, Essex, 131, 162, 287, 376n. — , Ay thorp, 13m. — , High, 13m. — , Morel, 13m. Roger: archbishop of York, 378(2). — , letter to, 376, 127. Bigod, 200, 217, 259, 427. bishop of Salisbury, 25on., 254, 255, 256, 258, 259, 279n., 285, 354n. capellanus, 364. clericus prioris, 364. count of Poitou, 25on. de Fossa, of Melbourn, 364. de Halstede, 362. — , writs to, 362, 113, 114. de Insula, xlvii. le Poer, 288n., 433. magister, 364, 383(2). of Howden, xxx. priest, 39on. sheriff of Suffolk, 198. Rohais, wife of Richard Fitz Gilbert of Clare, i88n., 225. Rome, 227 f., 236, 246, 248, 325 f., 328, 329 n., 334 and n., 372(2), 4 " . 4*3. 433(2), 435See also Papal curia. Romsey, Hants., 235.

Scethryth, 13. Saint: ^thelburg. See ^thelburg. Alban, relics of, xxxvii—xxxviii, 176—77. Albans, abbey of, 168, 176, 356, 425. — , abbots of. See Alfricus; Alfridus; Ecgfrith; Fretheric; Paul; Richard. Augustine. See Augustine, archbishop of Canterbury.

GENERAL INDEX Sceppeia, Suffolk, 263, 301, 304. Saint: (cont.) Augustine's, abbey of, Canterbury, 147, 168, Scotland, Scots, lv, 176, i82n., 187, 216, 219. kings of. See David; Malcolm. 425Scule, earl, xi, xiv, 111(2). —, abbot of. See iEthelsige. Segni, 352n., 353 and n., 354. Benedict, 267 ff., 331. Semannus, monk of St Albans, 176. —, Rule of, 284, 303, 414; translated into Sergius I, pope, 5m. English, i n . Serlo of Hauxton, 364. Botulf, I2n., 220, 222, 336, 337—38. Sewara, 27, 29. Clement, 47 and n. Sewenna, 27, 29. Cuthbert, 24. abbess, queen and saint, 4, 12, 13, Edmund. See Edmund, king of East Anglia. Sexburga, !9, 32, 35, 36, 40 and n.; abbess of Ely, Eorcongota. See Eorcongota. 42-47, 51(2), 58, 120, 123, 151, 180, 212, Eormenild. See Eormenild. 214, 229, 231(2), 233, 268 f., 290, 367, Etheldreda. See Etheldreda. 370 f., 400. Guthlac, 19. Life of, xxiv, xxix, xxxiv and n., 36n., /)8n., —, Life of, by Felix, xxix, 19. 51(2) and n., 244n. Ivo, relics of, 141; Life of, by Gocelin, xxix, Sexferth, 84, 87. 14m. son of, 87. James, of Compostella, 280. Sexwulf, abbot of Peterborough and bishop of Mildburg, 35, 281, 283. the Mercians, 35 and n. —, Life of, xxix, 13 and n. Shelford, Cambs., 144, 153, 162, 263, 3oon., Mildred, 35. 363, 424Mildgyth, 35. church of, 363. Neot, 102, 420. church of All Saints' of, 364. Neots, priory of, 102-04, 188-89, 4 2 °—, priest of, 364. Paul's clergy, 4, 105, 147 n., 148, 234n., 423. Pierre-sur-Dive, France, dip. Calvados, Sheppey, monastery of, 51(2) and n. Shippea Hill, Cambs., 3n. 252n., 253 and n., 258 and n. Shire courts, xiii, 85, 88, 99, 109, 267, 278, Sexburg. See Sexburga. 426 ff. Wendred, relics of, 145, 148. Shropshire, 251, 252, 256. Werburg. See Werburga. Wihtburg, xxiv, xxxvii, 4, 12, 13, 120—23, Sidroc comes: 151, 180, 212, 214, 228, 231—34, 235, the elder, 54. the younger, 54. 290. 37°. 384—, Life of, xxiv, xxviii, xxxvi-xxxvii, 13, Siferth, xi. 18, 228 ff. abbot, 78n. Saints' Lives, xxiv, xxix, xxx-xxxiv, xxxvi f., brother of Ingulf, n o , 370. xxxvii f. minister, 78n.(2), H3n. (Sigeferth). Salisbury, bishops of, 294. See also Herman; of Downham, 86-87. Roger. —, Wulffted, wife of, 84, 87, 93n. Sallust, Bellum Catilinx, xxxix, 287, 296-97. —, daughter of, 87, 93. Salomon: vecors, 81. cantor of Ely, 351. See also prior, Siflaed, 95. prior of Ely, later abbot of Thorney, xlvii, wife of ^Elfwine, 93 and n. 3i6n., 35m., 352n., 385^, 387, 407 f., 437. wife of Leofsige, 84-86, 368-69. Samson, bishop of Worcester, writ to, 207, 128. Sigedwoldus, xvii, 73, 396, 401. Sandon, Essex, Benstead in, 167, 424. Sigisbert, king of East Anglia, liv, 11(2), 18. Sawtry, Hunts., 253n., 259, 260. Sihtric, prepositus of Ely, 291, 293(4). Saxferth, father of Oscytel, 108. Simeon: Sealers (de Scalariis): abbot of Ely, xxvin., xxxix, xlix, I99n., Hardwin de, 196, 198, 204, 217. 200-08 passim, 212—21 passim, 223, 226(2), 228n., 237, 253(2), 293, 336, 402-03, 410, —, heirs of, 263, 300, 304, 331. 413, 414, 418, 424, 428 ff. Hugh de, 320, 323, 363n., 433 ff. Stephen de, 364, 433 ff. of Durham, lv n. —, writs to, 320, 71; 323, 76. Simon: earl, 25on. Theobald de, 364(2). Langham, bishop of Ely, xxvi. William de, 6

GENERAL INDEX Simundus: son of Omundus, 108. Tucca, nepos of, 89. Siward: barn, 173 and n., I79n., 188. minister, I3on. monk of Ely, magister, 208. of Maldon, I73n., 291. Skara, see of. See Osmund. Slaughter, Gloucs., xiv n., 80 and n. Sleap (Slepa), 141. Slohthre. See Slaughter. Snailwell, Cambs., 108, 144, 162, 287, 424, 425Soham, Cambs., 135, 136, 154, 265(2), 266, 422. church of, liv, 17. Soham Tony, Norfolk, I7n. Somersham, Hunts., lvii, 135, 153, 162, 184, 262, 300, 304, 331, 422. Southampton, I48n. Spaldwick, Hunts., 99, 153, 162, 246, 250, 422. Sproughton, Suffolk, iom.(2). Sprow, iom., 105. Sprowintune. See Sproughton. Stanton, V. H., xxvii n. Stapleford, Cambs., 102, 153, 162, 300 and n., 3°4. 33i, 416. Starnea Dyke, I32n. Steapa, 115.

Stephen: clerk, 367. de Albamara, 25On. de Marisco, 383. de Sealers. See Sealers. king, xlviii, liii, liv, lvii, 155, I7on., 285; designation and accession, 285-86; 286n., 287-88, 296n., 303, 314-15, 315, 3i7n., 319(2); anarchy, 320; battle of Lincoln, 320-21; release from captivity, 322-23, 324 11and n., 328, 329, 331, 33233. 334. 354 -; death of, 371, 3850., 407, 408, 409, 433 ff., 434. —, charters and writs of, xl, xli, liv n.; 288, 49; 3O3n.; 315, 63; 317 and 76n.; 319, 70; 320, 71; 323, 75; 323-24, = 333-34. 87; 334, 88; 362, 114; 433 ff. —, letters to, 317, 66; 327, 81. Stetchworth, Cambs., xxxviiif., xlviiff., liii, 139, 153, 157-58, 162, 178, 287, 300 and n., 304, 331; litigation before papal curia and judges-delegate, 344-62, 402, 403, 404, 405 1, 407, 423. Steward, Robert, last prior and first dean of Ely, xxvi. Stewart, D. J., xxiii, xxvii, xlvi n., xlvii. Stigand, bishop of Elmham and archbishop of Canterbury, xxxviii, liv, 95n., 164, 168,

459

172 and n.(2), 176-77, 196, 201, 290, 294, 403, 410, 412, 414, 417, 418, 424, 425-26. Stoke (near Ipswich), Suffolk, xl, lii, 8in., 11213, 114, 162, 263, 300, 304, 331, 416-17, 421-22.

Stoke-by-Nayland, Suffolk, 416-17. Stonea, Cambs., 94, 97-98. Stow Bridge, 87n. Strathall. See Strethall. Strede, 287.

Strethall, Essex, I45n., 205, 417. Stretham, Cambs., xv, 3 and n., 82—84, 8711., 124, 262, 297, 3oon. church of, 297. Strethle. See Strethall; Stretley Green. Stretley Green, 145 and n., 162, 417. See also Strethall. Stuntney, Cambs., lvii, 58, 262, 300, 304, 331. capella of, 349n., 354, 355. Styrcyr, ix. Sudbourne, Suffolk, xiv, i n , 114, 162, 263, 300, 304, 331, 414, 421-22. Sudbury, Suffolk, i88n. Suffolk, I98n., 2oon., 255, 263, 300. sheriff of, ig8n., 426. See also Hundreds. Sumerlede, xi, 91(3). Sumerlida of Stoke, 9m. Sutton, Cambs., 92 and n., 262, 300, 304, 33iSwaffham, Cambs., x, 86n., 109-10, 139 and n., 153, 162, 433. —, Bulbeck, iogn. —, Prior, iogn., i82n., 263, 300, 304, 331. Sweyn, 419. king of Denmark, I26n. Swithhelm, king of Essex, 19. Tanner, J., xlvii. Tuntune. See Taunton. Taunton, Somerset, xiv, 98. Tees, ig2n. Templars, 387n. Tempsford, battle of, xi, 99. Tenham, 354n., 355. Terling, Essex, 150, 162. Terrington, Norfolk, 262, 287, 300, 304, 331. Tettenhall, battle of, 57n. Teversham, Cambs., 135, 163, 422. Thaderege, 287.

Thames, 99. Thaxted, Essex, 131-32. Thembert, prior of Ely, 288n., 293(2) (Thein-), 294, 3i6n., 335, 337, 339, 340, 386. Theobald: archbishop of Canterbury, xlvii, 324, 325a., 326, 336, 345, 347, 348, 352, 352 f..

460

GENERAL INDEX

177(2), 180, 190, 195, 201, 2i6n., 218, 237, 289, 292(2), 293, 294(2), 336, 403, 410-12, 428 ff. 44(3) () 4 5ff dacus or danus, 73, 396, 401. —, letters of, xl; 337-3^, 91; 348:348-49, 99; 354-55, 106; 355, 107; 362, 113; minister, 78n.(2), 15m. monk and prepositus of Ely, xxxv, i82n. 375, 126. 219, 293-94(6), 338, 339. —, letters to, 349-50, 100; 350-51, 102; son of Lustwine, I53n., 423. 353-54, 105; 358-59, 109; 374, 125; 376, Thurverth, xi. See also Thurferth. 127. Tidbrichteseie, -sege. See Turbutsey. de Sealers. See Sealers. Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, 50 and n., Tihel de Helium, 198, 200. Titilus, 10. 51 and n. Tofi the Proud, xiii, i65n. Theodred, bishop of Elmham, I37n. Theodwine, abbot of Ely, xxvi n., 195-97, 237, Toft, Cambs., 100, 153. Toglos, earl. See Toli. 289, 293(2), 336, 410, 412-13. Toli, earl, xi, xiv, 98 f. Therningefeld, 97. Tondbert, princeps of the Southern Gyrwe, Thetford, Cambs., 92n. liiin., 3n., 4, 14—16, 20, 21, 32. See also —, Little, 133, 33on., 331, 403. Etheldreda. Thetford, Norfolk, xvi, ? 54, 92 and n., 100, Tope, uncle of the sons of Boga, xi, 98(2), 99. i88n., 339. Tosti, 179, i88n. ^Elfbold, burgensis of, 293(5), 294. de Davenesse, i?9n. see of, 201. son of Godwine, I73n. Thiersville, 347n., 348. Toulouse, siege of, lviiin., 372. Thomas: II, archbishop of York, liv n., 225, 250 and Trastevere, 3i8n., 319. Trent, battle of, 41. n. Trentham, Staffs., 4211. Arundel, bishop of Ely, xxvi. Triplow, Cambs., 135, 153, 162, 287, 422. Becket, archbishop of Canterbury, xli. Troia, 24911. —, letters of, 322n., 33911., 38m. —, Life and Passio of, xxiv, xxix, xlvi, Trumpington, Cambs., 135, 162, 422. Tucca, nepos of Simundus, 89. xlviiin., 391-94, 437Tunna, priest, 41. de Lund, 355. Tunnacester, 41. monk of Ely, xlvi f., 312—14. Thirlby, bishop of Ely, xxvi. Turbutsey, Cambs., 123(2), 262, 300, 304, 331. Thored: Turgis de Abrincis, 319, 320, 334. son of Gunner, io6n. Tyd, Cambs., 3n., 124. son of Oslac, earl of Northumbria, 106(2). Thorney, abbey of, 2, 41 and n., 83n., 103, io5n., ii5n., i32n., 222n., 250, 261, 27gn., Ubba, 53-54. 336n., 420. Ulf, xi, 90 f., 104, 210. abbots of. See Gunter; Robert; Salomon. brother of Oswi, 93. Thorpe, Norfolk, 153, 162. eorles suna, xiv n. Thorth, xi. See also Thored. minister, ?8n. Threckingham, ? Lines., 42n. Ulfcytel. See Wulfcytel. Thrymm, 15m. Undley, Suffolk, 131, 263, 301, 304. Thunderfield, xiii. church of, 354. Thurchill, earl, 155, 156. Upstaue, 132. Thurcytel, 179, 181. Upwell, Cambs., i8gn. abbot, 78n. Upwere, Cambs., 3 and n., 87, 124. abbot of Bedford and Crowland, xii, 96 and Urse de Abetot, 208. Usk, Mon., 32on. n., 105 and n. Uva or Uvi, xi. minister, 78n.(z). Uvi, 84, 88(2), 108. Thurferth, 114-15. abbot of Bury St Edmunds, 155. minister, 78n., ii3n. Thurgod, minister, 78n. kinsman of Ogga of Mildenhall, xv, 94. of Willingham, brother of iEtheric and Oswi, Thurstan: 108, n o , 138, 139(2). abbot of Ely, xxvi n., lv-lvii, 167, 168-69,

Theobald : (cont.) 356 ft., 361, 371, 377 f., 378 f., 391,

GENERAL INDEX

461

Wendred. See Saint Wendred. Wendy, Cambs., 387^, 388, 391. church of, 388, 391. Wennington, Essex, 420. See also Reptonwith-Wennington. Wennington, Hunts., 80, 127, 419 f. See also Repton-with-Wennington. Wentworth, Cambs., 196, 262, 289, 300, 304, 331W., chancellor, 208. church of, 354, 355. W., son of Baldwin, writ to, 362, 114. Werburga, abbess and saint, 19, 32, 35, 42, Wacher of Swaffham, 88, 108. 52(2), 400. Weeremere, 96. Life of, xxiv, xxix, 52n. Waldgehist, 114-15. Werferth, abbot of Soham, 17. Wales, Welsh, Iv, Ivi, 176, 187, 245, 32on., 321, Werwell, nunnery of, 128. Wessex, West Saxons, 18. 372bishop of. See Birinus. Walewich, 152. kings of, xxxix, 57. See also .32thelred I; Walkelin, bishop of Winchester, 200 and n., iEthelwulf; Alfred; Cenwalh; Cynegils; 202, 206, 251, 256, 288, 427 ff. Eadred. writ to, 207, 128. Westfield, Norfolk, 162, 418. Wallingford, Berks., 307 and n. Westley Waterless, Cambs., 162, 418. Walmesford. See Wansford. Westminster, abbey of, x, i6gn., 171, 175(2), Walpole, Norfolk, 144, 162. 224, 250, 269, 285. Walter: Weston Colville, Cambs., 158, 423. bishop of Hereford, Ivi. Westwick, Cambs., 21m. filius Acari, 389. Wetheringsett, Suffolk, I52n., 153, 157, 162, of Coventry, Historical Collections of, xxx. 423Pilatus, 388. representing the sheriffs of Norfolk and Whaddon, Cambs., 388n. Suffolk, 198. Wharton, H., xxvi and n., xxvii, xlvi, xlvii. sheriff of Gloucs., writ to, 207, 128. Whitby, monastery of, 13. Waltheof, earl, 188. Whittlesea, Cambs., 131, 262, 300, 301, 331. Wambeford. See Wangford. pagus of, 3. Wandlebury, Cambs., 287 and n., 3O3n., 405, Whittlesford, Cambs., 109. Wicken, Cambs., 87n. 433Wicklow, five and a half hundreds of, 162, 255, Wangford, Suffolk, 101(2), 104, 127, 420. 422. See also Hundreds. Wansford, Northants., ix, xv, 85. Wido, 198. wardpeni, 252, 257, 258, 303, 331. abbot of Pershore, xxxvii, 229, 23on. Wareham, Dorset, 288n., 291(2), 292, 324-25. Wight, isle of, 208. Warenne, earls of: William I, xxxv(2), livn., i67n., I79n., 180, Wigstan. See Athelstan, son of. Wihtgar, kinsman of Wulfstan of Dalham, 190, 202-03, 20 4n o , i n , 369. William II, 25on., 254. Wihumer, 198. William III, 315, 323(2), 334. Wilbraham, Great, Cambs., 387, 388(2). William IV, 375n., 376, 377, 379. church of, 388(2). Waresley, Hunts., 103. Wilburton, Cambs., ix, 81, 86, 91 and n., 93, Warin, abbot of St Evroult, xxxix. 4* 5Warner, monk of Westminster, 232. Warwick (Warewic), lv, lvin., i8gn., 190, 356, Wilfrid, bishop, 21(2), 23-26, 28 f., 34(2), 37 f., 44 f., 162, 367, 403. 429, 430. Life of, by Eadmer, xxix, 6n.(2), 2in., 22-26, Waterbeach (Beche), Cambs., 387, 388, 390. 28-29. Wednesfield. See Tettenhall, battle of. —, by Eddius Stephanus, 21. Wedwinus, son of Aldstanus, 108. William: Weeting, Norfolk, 115, 133, 162. archbishop of Canterbury, 284, 285 and n. Wellen. See Upwell. archdeacon of Cambridge or Ely, 335, 337, Wellingborough, Northants., xiii n. 35(2). 353. Wendelbiri, See Wandlebury.

Vaughan, R., xxxviii. Vere. See Aubrey; Robert; William, de. Victor II, pope, privilege of, xxv, xxviin., 1, 33, I26n.; 163-64, 93; 201, 303, 317 and n., 33i(2). 346, 351, 402(2), 418. Vinceham. See Fincham. Vincent, prior of Ely, 2ygn., 346, 405. Vitalis, priest, 324, 327, 435.

GENERAL INDEX

462

William: (cont.) —, mutato nomine de Ely, 355. See also William Brito; William de Lavantonia, bishop of Durham, 218. bishop of Exeter, 25011., 259. bishop of Hereford [sic], lvi, 176. bishop of Norwich, 347, 352, 384 1, 406. —, letter of, 347; 348, 98. Brito, archdeacon of Cambridge, 1, 276-77, 289. 335, 337, 345 and n., 403 ff., 405. See also William, archdeacon. —, Henry, son of. See Henry. clerk of Ralph, dapifer, 388. cognatus prioris, 364. de Albini, 250, 251, 252, 254, 256, 257, 258, 259, 278. —, Brito, 254. —, pincerna, 255, 258. de Belfou, 196. de Halstede, 362. —, writs to, 362, 113, 114. de Lavantonia (Laventon, Laventuna), archdeacon of Ely, 333n., 335n., 352n., 354 and n., 364(3), 386n., 403 ff. —, clerk, 325, 334. de Pont del Arche, 254, 256, 259. de Sealers. See Sealers. de Tancarville, 255, 256, 257, 258, 278. de Vere, 355. de Ypres, 288. earl of Arundel, 323. earl of Hereford, lvi. Fitz Osbern, i86n., i87n. Flandrensis, 306. Giffard, bishop of Winchester, 234 and n., 259I, king, xxxv, xxxvii, liv, liv-lvii, 79, 12511., 132, 168(2), 170-88 passim, 190-94, 195, 195-96, 197, 198, 200, 201, 216-17, 218, 220, 223n., 253, 260, 261, 288, 425, 426. —, writs of, 1, 16511.; 199-200, 117; 201; 203, 120; 204, 121; 204-05, 122; 205, 123; 206, 124, 125; 207, 126, 127; 25m., 419, 425 ff-.;433II, Rufus, king, 216-18, 220, 224 and n., 260, 261, 429. —, writs of, 207-08, 128; 277n. Longchamp, bishop of Ely, xxx, 1 n., lviii n., 408.

Martel, 288, 315, 323, 334, 362. Monachus (Le Moyne), of Shelford, 325, 335, 340, 364, 386. See also Nicholas, son of. Muscat, 383. of Arques, i87n. of Beauchamp, 322n. of Eu, 206. of Louth, bishop of Ely, xxv, 244^

of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum, xxix, 2, 12, 17, 261. —, Gesta Regum, xxix, I26n. of Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi, xxviii f., xxxv n., xlii n., xliv, lv, 158-60, 185-94 passim. Peregrinus, 383. Peverel de Dover, 251. prior of Ely, 288, 295, 299, 339, 385^, 386n. sacrist of Ely, 339. son of Geoffrey, 39on. son of Henry I, 257. son of Malger de Lavantonia, 354n. son of Roger, 364. Willingham, Cambs., li n., lvii n., n o , 138, 153, 162, 39m. Wills and bequests, ix, x-xi, li, 86-87, 91 and n., 105, n o , u6n., 130, 131-32, 132-33, 13637. 138, 139, 139-4°. H3. 15°, 151. 157, 158, 423Wiltshire, 354n. Wimbish, Essex, 158, 423. Wimblington, Cambs., 96, 97. Wimer, 198. clerk, 387. son of Warner, 389. Winchester, xiii, 159, 164, 172, 201, 322, 425, 426, 434-

bishops of. See Mliheah; ^ithelwold; Henry; Walkelin; William Giffard. carta of, 253. carta of, de thesauro, 255. in thesauris of, 196. New Minster, 56n., 61. Old Minster, xii, li, 61, 168, 224, 425. —, monks of, at Ely, 208, 213, 221-22. —, prior of. See Simeon, abbot of Ely. Windsor, Berks., 252n., 254, 259. Wine, 89, 9m., 95, 96, 104. Grim, son of. See Grim. of Ely, son of Osmund, 90, 96. ? of Ely, 93. of Witchford, 83, 84, 93(2), 369. ? of Witchford, 93. son of Ealdstan, 87. Winston, Suffolk, li, 263, 3oon. Wintringham, Lines., 30. Wisbech, hundred of, 3n., I25n., 144. See also Hundreds. Witcham, Cambs., 81, 92(2) and n., 93, 95, 219, 262, 300, 304, 331, 415. Witchford, Cambs., 87n., 91(2) and n.(3), 105, 180, i8gn., 194, 262, 300, 304, 331. hundred of, 87n. See also Hundreds. Witham hundred, Essex, I5on. Wold, Cambs., 91(2) and n. Woodbridge, Suffolk, i n , 114; 144 (Oddege), 162, 421-22.

GENERAL INDEX Woodditton. See Ditton. Woolmer, Hants. {Wulfamere), 78, 415. Worcester: bishops of. See Brihteah; Oswald. church of, 8in. Wratting, West, Cambs., 143, 162, 287, 300 and n., 304. 331Wuffa, 10. Wulfagus de Colle (? of Hill), 92. Wulfamere. See Woolmer. Wulfcytel: abbot of Crowland, 198. minister, 78n., I3on. Wulfflsd: widow of Siferth of Downham, 84, 86 f., 93n. widow of Wulfstan prepositus, 73n., 109, 111. Wulfgar: abbot, i3on. brother of Leofsige and iElfstan, 108(2). Wulfgeat, minister, 78n., ii3n., I3on. Wulfhelm, 89. brother of Wulfwine, 89. Wulfhere, king of Mercia, 19, 35(2), 400. Wulfnoth, x, 88, 98-99. minister, j8n. of Stowe, 87, 108. Wulfric: abbot of Ely, xxvin., 164, 165-69 passim, I99n., 201, 237, 293, 336, 403, 410-12, 424. —, writ conferring abbacy to, 164, 95. bishop, 78n., H3n. minister, 15m. prepositus, kinsman of the priest Herulf, 107 f., 421. —, Leofstan, nepos of, 107. —, sons of, 107 f., 116, 421. Wulfsige, 83, 92. abbot of Ramsey, 135, 141, 148 and n., 422. iElfsige, son of, 92. bishop, y8n., ii3n. Mawa, wife of, 92.

463

Wulfstan, xvi, 73n., 114, 292. See also iEthelwold, bishop of Winchester, Life of, by. archbishop of York, xxxviii and n., liv, lviii, I3on., 13m., 132, I49n., 151, 290, 293, 417; death and burial of, I49n., 155-57,411. father of Wulfflasd, 84. minister, 78n., 82n., ii3n.(2). of Dalham, x, xiii, xvi, lii, 73 f., 80, 86n.(2), 93 f-, 97. 10911., n o . See also Wulfstan, prepositus; Wulfstan, sequipedus. —, Wihtgar, kinsman of, n o . ? of Dalham, xiii, 73, 102, 106-07, 416. See also Athelstan, chusin. prepositus, xiii f., 73n., 109 f. See also Wulfflsd, widow of. sequipedus of King Eadred, xiii, 73n., 102. Wulfweard, clerk, 354(2). Wulfwine: cocus, ix, 80. pistor, 293. prepositus of Ely, 291. Wulfwold, abbot of Chertsey, 198 and n., 200, 427. Wylmesforda. See Wansford. Wynsige, 88. bishop, 78n., ii3n. kinsman of Wulfric, 109 and n. minister, H3n. Yardley (Hall), Essex, 158. Yelling, Hunts., ix, 80, 127, 418. Ymma, minister of Etheldreda, 41-42. York, xlvn., 20, 28, 53, 54, 157, ig2n., 411. archbishops of. See Ealdred; Oscytel; Oswald; Roger; Thomas II; Wulfstan. clergy of, I49n. Yorkshire, xxviii, xxix. Yric, comes, 15m. Zolinus, prior of Eye, 324.