ACTA CONVENTUS NEO-LATINI CANTABRIGIENSIS
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ACTA CONVENTUS NEO-LATINI CANTABRIGIENSIS
Medievai.
Texts
and Renaissance and Volumes
Studies S 9
ACTA CONVENTUS NEO-LATINI CANTABRIGIENSIS
Proceedings of the Eleventh International Congress
of NeO' Latin Studies Cambridge 30 July-5 August 2000
general editor
Rhoda Schnur
edited by
Jean Louis Charlet, Lucia Gualda Rosa, Heinz Hofmann, Brenda Hosington, Elena Rodriguez Peregrina, and
Ronald Truman
Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
Tempe, Arizona 2003
A
generous grant from Pegasus Limited for the Promotion
of Neo-Latin Studies has helped meet pubUcation costs of this book.
©
Copyright 2003
Arizona Board of Regents for Arizona State University
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data International Congress of Neo-Latin Studies (11th 2000 Cambridge, England) Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Cantabrigiensis proceedings of the eleventh International Congress of Neo-Latin Studies, Cambridge, 30 July-5 August 2000 / general editor Rhoda Schnur edited by Jean Louis Charlet [et al.] (Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies v. 259) p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. :
:
:
—
.
;
(acid-free paper)
philology. Medieval and
Jean Louis.
III.
Title. IV.
—
—
modern History and criticism Congresses. modern Congresses. I. Schnur, Rhoda. II. Charlet,
Latin hterature, Medieval and
2. Latin
.
;
ISBN 0-86698-302-3 1.
.
Medieval
&
—
Renaissance Texts
&
Studies (Series)
PA8002.I57 2003 477-dc21
;
v.
259.
2003052335
© is made to last. Bembo, smythe-sewn and printed on acid-free paper
This book
It is set
in
to hbrary specifications.
Printed in the United States of America
International Association for Neo-Latin Studies Eleventh International Congress
Cambridge, 30 July - 5 August 2000
PROGRAMME
Res Publica Litterarum: Unity and Diversity Sponsors
The
British
Academy
Cambridge University Press Clare College, Cambridge Classics Faculty, University of Cambridge French Department, University of Cambridge French Embassy, London Girton College, Cambridge Jesus College,
Pembroke
Cambridge
College, Cambridge
Pegasus Ltd.
The Scandinavian Studies Fund, University of Cambridge The Tiarks Fund, Department of German, Cambridge Cambridge Cambridge
Trinity College, Trinity Hall,
Executive Committee Prof Gilbert Toumoy, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven Past President: Prof Brenda M. Hosington, Universite de Montreal First Vice President: Prof Stella Revard, St. Louis, Second Vice President: Dr. Philip Ford, University of Cambridge Treasurer: Prof Chris Heesakkers, Universiteit Leiden Secretary: Dr. Karl-August Neuhausen, Universitat Bonn Chair of Publications: Mrs. Rhoda Schnur, St. Gallen President:
MO
Advisory Board for the Eleventh International
lANLS
Chair: Professor Stella Revard,
Congress
USA
Professor Charles Bene, France
Professor Judith Rice Henderson,
Canada
Professor Jean-Claude Margolin, France
Professor Outi Merisalo, Finland Professor Colette Nativel, France Professor Fred Nichols,
USA
Professor Fiammetta Palladini, Italy/Germany
Professor Jerzy Stamawski, Poland
PROGRAMME Sunday, 30 July 18.30 Reception in Clare College
Monday,
31 July
08.30 Registration 09.15 Official Opening Ford (Chair of Organising Committee) Anne Lonsdale (Pro- Vice Chancellor, University of Cambridge) Philip
Gilbert
Toumoy
(President,
lANLS)
09.45 Plenary Session
JULIA GAISSER,
I
Allegorizing Apuleius: Fulgentius, Boccaccio,
Beroaldo, and the Chain of Receptions
10.45 Coffee
11.15-12.45 Papers Session
I
1
FRANZ ROMER,
Connubio
stabili:
ein Extremfall habsburgischer Heiratspolitik in
poe-
tischer Darstellung
UELI DILL,
Gilbertus Cognatus
als
Herausgeber und Kommentator von Janus Secundus'
Regina Pecuniae
FIDEL RADLE,
L. Geizkofler:
De
miseriis studiosorum declamatio
(1576)
Session 2
JORG ROBERT, Dichtung
Exults haec uox
ANGELA FRITSEN, The nelia
est:
(Velius, Celtis, Lotichius,
and Ovid's
Ovidische Selbstentwiirfe in der neulateinischen
Du
Bellay)
Renaissance Search for
Roman
Roots:
The Venetian ^e«5
Cor-
Fasti
KATHRYN McKINLEY,
Raphael Regius: The Editor
as
Reader of Ovid's Metamorphoses
Session 3
MONIQUE MUND-DOPCHIE, Traductions et commentaires latins des
Voyages desfrires
aux XVIe et XVlle siecles: tradition ou trahison? LAUREYS, The Unity of Christendom and the Diversity of Europe in Uberto Foglietta's Treatise on the Greatness of the Turkish Empire ROBERT W. CARRUBBA, The Preface of the Amoenitates exoticae
Zeno en
Septentrion (1558)
MARC
Session 4
STELLA RE YARD, Milton and Cambridge MARIO A. Dices ARE, George Herbert's
Latin Poetry and the
Quest
for a Liturgical
Notes FIAMMETTAPALLADINI, Pufendorf on Milton and Divorce Poetics: Introductory
Session 5
RICHARD
I. FRANK, Bude: Humanists and the Republic of Letters INGRID De SMET, The Fourth Man? J. -A. de Thou and the Republic of Letters JOHN CONSIDINE, Philology and Autobiography in Isaac Casaubon, Animadversionum
in
Athenaei Deipnosophistas Ubri XF'(1600)
PROGRAMME 13.00
Lunch
14.00-15.30 Papers Session
n
1
ARNOLD
L.
KERSON,
Fray Alonso de
Spanish Conquest of America
la
Veracruz's Views
Revealed
as
in his
De
on
the Legitimacy of the
dominio infidelium
et iusto
bello
(1553-54)
YASMIN HASKELL, Chocolate and Other Unsavoury Subjects: Jesuit Latin Georgic Poetry about the New World AVELINA CARRERA, ^Por que se prohibieron las Adnotationes de Philipp Melanchthon a
la
obra de Salustio en Mexico
a finales del siglo
XVI?
Session 2
ANNE
L.
SAUNDERS,
Reflections
on Marriage
in Early
Modem Europe:
Giovanni Ne-
vizzano's Sylva nuptialis
JOLANTA MALINOWSKA, The Epithalamium nandiftliae as a
Good Specimen of Petrus
Sigismundi Secundi Augusti
et
Elisabes Ferdi-
Royzius' Epic Poetry
Session 3
ALBERT R. BACA, Apuleius* Tale of Cupid and Psyche in Art and Myth JUDITH DEITCH, Prefacing Axiochus: The Renaissance Plato and the Res publica litteramm GEORGE HUGO TUCKER, Versions of a 'Picture': Giovanni Battista Pio di Bologna's Tabula Cebetis of 496 and Two Other Latin Versions of the Tabula Also Produced 1
-
either in the Circle
of Filippo Beroaldo or
for Isabella d'Este in
1495-97
Session 4
ZLATA BOJOVIC, Humanism in Boka Kotorska JAN OKON, Erasmo da Rotterdam e primo rinascimento il
15.30
in Polonia
Tea
16.00-17.30 Papers HI Session 1
JOSE el
MANUEL RODRIGUEZ PEREGRINA, El dialogo en el renacimiento portugues: Duarum
virginum colloquium de Luisa Sigea
JUAN JESUS VALVERDE ABRIL, sus Epistolarum
libri
VII,
El testamento literario de Juan Gines de Sepulveda:
Salamanca, 1557
JOAQUIN J. sAnCHEZ gAZQUEZ, veda and
his ItaHan
Erasmus'
De
libero arbitno in
the
Reading of Sepul-
Contemporaries
Session 2
ALISON FRAZIER, ments with
Advertising Virtue in the
res
publica litteramm:
Renaissance Experi-
vitae sanctorum
OLGA PUGLIESE,
The Role of
Latin in the Composition of Castiglione's
// libra
del
Cortegiano
MARYANNE CLINE HOROWITZ, vius Piccolomini
Semina virtutum in Early Education for Aeneas Syl-
and Desiderius Erasmus
Session 3
ADRIE VAN DER LAAN, Rudolph
Agricola and the Construction of Self-Image in his
Letters
JEANINE DE LANDTSHEER, Beer: Forty-four Parodies
JAN WASZINK.
Lipsius
In Praise of the Holy on Horace, Odes IV.3
and Cicero
Trinity, Justus Lipsius
and German
PROGRAMME Session 4
MINNA SKAFTE JENSEN,
Nationalism and Internationalism in Danish Latin Poetry of
the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries
VIBEKE ROGGEN,
Entertainment and Learning in Neo-Latin Rebuses by the Seven-
teenth-Century Norwegian Nils Thomasson
19.00 Dinner 20.15 Concert Emmanuel United Reformed Church, Trumpington
Street
Latin Sacred Songs and Elegies of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
Gooding and Ana-Maria Rincon, sopranos Timothy Roberts, organ and harpsichord
Invocation: Julia
Tuesday,
1
August
09.15-11.15 Papers
IV
Session 1
THOMAS LINDNER,
Leonardo Datis Trophaeum Anglaricum Die Rezeption von Vergils Heldenschau
ELISABETH KLECKER,
in der neulateinischen
Habsburg-Epik
lAsZLO SZORENYI,
La poesia epica
di Elias
Berger
Session 2
EVRARD DELBEY,
Pontano elegiaque: I'enonciation de
la
subjectivite dans la
Repub-
lique des lettres
ABBAS MIROUZE, Giovanni Pontano et le modele aristotelicien BEATRICE CHARLET-MESDJIAN, Tito Vespasiano Strozzi et commerce poetique au
Janus Pannonius: un
sein de la Res publico litterarum
Session 3
LUIS
PARRA GARCIA,
gena en tellae et
el
Las fuentes sobre
la
concepcion historica de Alfonso de Carta-
discurso Propositio super altercatione praeminentiae sedium inter oratores regum Cas-
Angliae
in concilia Basilensi
FERRAN GRAU CODINA, in the Sixteenth
Orationes concerning Letters in the University
of Valencia
Century
DANIEL LOPEZ CANETE,
La obra
latina
de Manuel Sousa Coutinho
Session 4
JANBLOEMENDAL, Senecan Drama: Unity and Diversity HOWARD NORLAND, Gager's Meleager. An Inventive Adaptation of Senecan Form VICENTE PICON GARCIA and ANGEL SIERRA DE COZAR, Nuevos textos del teatro jesuitico
JAMES
A.
en Espana
PARENTE,
Historical
Tragedy and the End of Christian Humanism: Nicolaus
Vemulaeus (1583-1649) 11.15 Coflfee
11.45-12.45 Plenary Session 11 L'Accademia Pontaniana e la sua ideologia in alcuni componimenti giovanili del Sannazaro
LUCIA GUALDO ROSA,
PROGRAMME 13.00
Lunch
14.00-15.30 Papers
V
Session 1
CLARE M. MURPHY, Thomas
More's De tristitia Christi as Theo-Drama N. McCUTCHEON, Laughter and Humanism: Unity and Diversity in Thomas More's Epigrammata THOMAS FINAN, Sir Thomas More's Translations and Use of Lucian
ELIZABETH
Session 2
SEBASTIANO VALERIO,
Paolo Palladino, militate e letterato
corte di Federico
alia
d'Aragona
ANTONIO lURILLI, Audor in re publica litteraria: Antonio Galateo e CARLO SANTINI, La versione latina dell'/lwrfc di Giuseppe Pasquali
i
suoi lettori
Mahnelli
Session 3
MARIANO MADRID CASTRO,
Sources for the Commentaries of Jodocus Badius As-
censius
MARIANNE FADE,
and Intention in the Latin Translations of Lapo da
Style
Castigli-
onchio the Younger
GINETTE VAGENHEIM, ca litterarum
du XVIIe
Marquard Gude (1635-1689), citoyen meconnu de en Europe
la res publi-
siecle
Session 4
PETER FISHER, What
is
a
Hippopotomus?
A
Problem
in Renaissance
Taxonomy and
Description
FABIO STOK, L'umanesimo
HANS HELANDER,
scandinavo di Olaus
Magnus
Latin as a Vehicle of Pro-Swedish Propaganda during the Thirty
War
Years'
15.30
Tea
16.00-17.30 Papers VI Session 1
DAVIDE CANFORA,
JOHN
B.
1496:
DILLON,
L'anonimo carme
pastorale intitolato Cinthias
Pontano, the Aqueduct, and the Neapoliun Graces of 1495 and
Towards an Occasion
STEPHEN MURPHY. The
for Eridanus, 2.23
Capilupi, Masters of the
Cento
Session 2
JOSE GONZALEZ-VASQUEZ and en
MANUEL LOPEZ-MUNOZ,
los tratados neolatinos espafioles
JOAQUIN PASCUAL,
El papel de
la
adio
de retorica
Particularidades y coincidencias en
la
obra latina y castellana de
Rodrigo Caro Session 3
MAIA WELLINGTON GAHTAN, A
Renaissance Treatise on Time: Lilio Gregorio Gi-
De annis et mensibus PHILLIPS SALMAN, Johannes Kepler on Geometry as Language MARIA BERGGREN, New Words for New Findings raldi's
.
.
.
Session 4
PETER
L.
SCHMIDT,
Huttens Loetze-Elegjen: ein humanistisches Gesellenstiick
PROGRAMME
WALTHER LUDWIG,
Der
und der Tyrann:
Ritter
die humanistischen Invektiven des
Ulrich von Hutten gegen Herzog Ulrich von Wiirttemberg
ECKHARD BERNSTEIN, Historical
Bartholomaeus Latomus' Fadio memorabilis ab Sicdngen and
its
Background 18.00 Reception Cambridge University Press
19.30 Dinner
Wednesday, 2 August 09.15-11.15 Papers
VH
Special Session
Autobiographical Self-Representation in the Res Publica Litterarutn
SIEGMAR WALTER DOPP, JAN PAPY,
loannes Fabricius Montanus:
The Two Autobiographies
Correspondence: From Draft Letter to Literary Monument, from Philologist to Philosopher Lipsius's
TOON VAN HOUDT, sions
Writing Letters, Rewriting the of Lipsius' Correspondence
Self:
Psychotherapeutic
Dimen-
Session 2
ZWEDER VON MARTELS,
Influences of Late Antiquity
on
the
Work
of Aeneas
Silvias
Piccolomini C. WOODS, Medieval Latin Rhetoric in a ROBERT GINSBERG, Philosophy and Pedagogy in the
MARJORIE De
JOHN
nostri temporis
R. C.
Neo-Latin Context Rhetoric of Giambattista Vico's
studiorum ratione (1709)
MARTYN, Memory
Training in Renaissance Education
Session 3 Paul MeHssus Schede's Poem to Sir Philip Sidney: A German Humanist at Court of Elizabeth STEPHEN RYLE, A Romano-British Epic: The Reliquiae Eboracenses (1743) of Heneage Dering JOHN BARRY, The Latinity of Richard Stanihurst AUGUST A. IMHOLTZ, Neo-Latin Nonsense: From Carroll's Alice to Nabokov's Lolita
LEE PIEPHO, the
Session 4
GERHARD HOLK, Petrus Martyr de Angleria (Pietro Martire d'Anghiera): A Remarkable Itahan Humanist and Historian of the New World GEOFFREY EATOUGH, Mission to Egypt: What Peter Martyr Saw with his Own Eyes DAG NIKOLAUS HASSE, Die humanistische Polemik gegen arabische Autoritaten
11.15 Coflfee
11.45-12.45 Plenary Session HI
ELENA RODRIGUEZ PEREGRINA, en
la
Espana de Carlos
Lutero y su influencia
V
PROGRAMME Lunch
13.00
14.00 Excursion to Hatfield
House
19.30 Dinner
Thursday, 3 August 09.15-10.45 Papers Session
Vm
1
BENJAMIN GARCIA HERNAnDEZ, ditationes
Los
reflejos plautinos
en
el latin
de Descartes
(Afe-
I— III)
CORINNA VERMEULEN, A
Latin Translation of Descartes
PIET STEENBAKKERS, Philosophy
in the
Republic of Letters: Jean Le Clerc
Session 2
PAUL GERHARD SCHMIDT, Erasmus von Rotterdam, Ratio seu methodus verae theologiae CARL SPRINGER, Arms and the Theologian: Martin Luther's Adversus armatum virum Cocleum
JENNIFER MORRISH-TUNBERG,
Samuel Gott's Nova Solyma and the Tradition of
the Neo-Latin Utopia
Session 3
AGNIESZKA DZIUBA, The
Renaissance Portrait of the Polish King: Sigismundus Bernard Wapowski's Chronica Polonorum
PIOTR URBANSKI, Jan Dantyszek (Joannes Dantiscus) and Italian Neo-Latin JERZY STARNAWSKI, Zamosc: die letzte Redoute der Renaissance in Polen
1
in
Poetry
10.45 Coffee
11.15 Business Meeting
13.00
Lunch
14.00-15.00 Plenary Session
JEAN-LOUIS CHARLET, Une la
IV
querelle au sein de
la
Res publica Utterarum:
question de PUne I'Ancien de 1469 au miHeu du
15.00
XVIe
siecle
Tea
15.30-17.30 Papers
EX
Special Session
Neo-Latin Literature in Cambridge and CRAIG KALLENDORF, Exorcism and the Interstices of Language: Ruggle's Ignoramus and the Demonization of Renaissance English Neo-Latin
HILAIRE
JOHN HALE, George Herbert's Oration before King James, Cambridge 1623 DAVID MONEY, Quantity or Quality? A Quick Look at 2000 Cambridge Latin JAMES BINNS,
Victorian Latin at Cambridge
Poets
PROGRAMME Session 2
JOHANN RAMMINGER,
Hermolao Barbaros Corollarium zu Dioskurides und am Ende des Quattrocento
die
hu-
manistische Kommentarliteratur
MICHAEL VERWEIJ, The Cranevelt Letten and Rome NIKOLAUS THURN, Die Disputationes Camaldulertses von
Cristoforo Landino
Session 3
MARIA AURELIA MASTRONARDI, ftcis
omamentis
ELLEN
S.
regie civitatis
urbis
e sistema delle
arti:
Ubellus de magni-
il
GINSBERG, Theory
and Practice of Genre(s) in the French Renaissance la Republique des lettres a la Republique des arts: de Montjosieu
COLETTE NATIVEL, Gallus
Imago
Padue
Romae
hospes
L'Apport de
le
Session 4
JUDITH RICE HENDERSON, Renaissance Epistolary Rhetoric: The Political Phase DIRK VAN MIERT, The Letters of Hadrianus Junius on the Anglican Church HENKJ. M. NELLEN, Hugo Grotius' Correspondence with his Brother Willem de Groot Session 5 C. MIRALLES
JOSE
MALDONADO,
PERRINE GALAND-HALLYN, Jean
Traductio
and
tmitatio in
Salmon Macrin:
Faemo's Neo-Latin Fables comme support d'un
I'ode latine
lyrisme familial dans les recueils de 1537
DIRK SACRE, Some
Technical Aspects of Neo-Latin Echo Poetry
19.00 Dinner 20.15 Performance
George Ruggle's Ignoramus
Friday, 4 August
09.15-10.45 Papers
X
Session 1
DONALD GILMAN, Familiares
and
Petrarch's Poetics:
A
Definition and Defense of Creativity in the
Seniles
JOHNN. GRANT, Domizio Calderini and his Commentary on Suetonius' Vitae Caesarum HANS-ERIK JOHANNESSON, Poetics and Ideology in Neo-Latin Poetry Session 2
RAPHAEL FALCO,
Rupture and Remythicization
in
Boccaccio's Genealogia deorum
gentilium
PHILIP FORD, Syncretism
FRANCOIS ROUGET, les
in the
lUustris
Teaching of Jean Dorat
Bkndelli comparatio Pindari
oeuvres d'Horace et de Pindare en France a
la fin
et Horatii: les
du XVIIe
commentaires sur
siecle
Session 3
ELIA BORZA, Etude de
quelques traductions latines de Sophocle au
JEAN-FREDERIC CHEVALIER, neo-latines jusqu'a Jep/jf/jei de
HEIDRUN FUHRER, ground
La 'victime tragique' depuis
les
XVIe
siecle
premieres tragedies
Buchanan
Jacob Balde's
_/ep/jfw5:
A
Christian
Drama on
a Classical
Back-
PROGRAMME Session 4
TERENCE TUNBERG, On the Italian Pronunciation of Latin KLARA PAJORIN, Funzione e importanza dei nomi antichizzanti degli umanisti MARIA PILAR GARCIA RUIZ, Posible influencia de las lenguas vemaculas en el uso
de
diminutivos en textos humanisticos
Session 5
B REND A
HOSINGTON, On
Agrippa's Declamatio de
PIETA
VAN BEEK,
the Glory of Women: English and French Translations of
nobilitate et praecellentia foeminei sexus
Rempublicam
'lus fasque esse in
(1530-1726)
litterariam foeminas adscribi':
Anna
Maria van Schurman (1607-1678) and her European Women's Republic of Letters JOSE MANUEL RUIZ VILA, Personajes femeninos en el De viris illustribus (1779) de Charles Francois
Lhomond 10.45 Coffee
V
11.15-12.15 Plenary Session Die neuen Leiden des jungen Aristaeus: Mythologische Kreativitat in neulateinischer Lehrdichtung
HEINZ HOFMANN,
Lunch
13.00
14.00-16.00 Papers
XI
Session 1
CARMEN
PERAITA,
NIELS W.
BRUUN,
Furio's Bononia:
On
Translating the Bible and the Art o{ Relegere
Soren Kierkegaard and
his Latin Translation
of the
New Testament
Session 2
BROWN, In Praise of the ^/w docta: Elizabeth Weston DONALD CHENEY, Elizabeth Jane Weston as Cultural Icon SYLVIA
JANE STEVENSON,
Martha Marchina
as
and the Female Line
Baroque Poet and Model of Style
ELISABET GORANSSON, The Making of a
Poetess
Session 3
MICHAEL J. HEATH, Confession and Concession: The Texts of Erasmus's TINEKE L. TER MEER, De pueris instituendis and the Apophthegmata: Two Erasmus Dedicated
ARI WESSELING,
Exomologesis
Writings of
William of Cleves The Rhetoric of Adages and Vernacular Proverbs in Erasmus to
Session 4
JUAN MARIA NUNEZ, De Gasparini Barzizii De compositione opusculo KARL AUGUST NEUHAUSEN, Lusus quidam Westmonasterienses ab
quaestiunculae
oblivione nunc
vindicandi
ISTVAN dAvID LAZAR, De
fontibus historiaque opens Antonii Bonfinii:
16.00 16.15 Meeting of the
Tea
Amici Thomae Mori
19.30 Banquet
De arMtedura
PROGRAMME Saturday, 5 August 9.00 Excursion Eton College and Windsor Castle
Organizing Committee Chair: Prof. Philip Ford Prof. Philip Hardie
Prof Yasmin Haskell Prof David Money
Executive Committee Prof Gilbert Toumoy, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven Past President: Prof Brenda M. Hosington, Universite de Montreal First Vice President: Prof Stella Revard, St. Louis, Second Vice President: Dr. Philip Ford, University of Cambridge Treasurer: Prof Chris Heesakkers, Universiteit Leiden Secretary: Dr. Karl-August Neuhausen, Universitat Bonn Chair of Pubhcations: Mrs. Rhoda Schnur, St. Gallen President:
MO
ACTA CONVENTUS NEO-LATINI CANTABRIGIENSIS GILBERT TOURNOY,
Presidential Address
1
PLENARY PAPERS JEAN-LOUIS CHARLET, la
Une
querelle au sein de la
Res publica
question de Pline I'Ancien de 1469 au milieu du
litterarum:
XVIeme
siecle
7
JULIA HAIG GAISSER, Allegorizing Apuleius: Fulgentius, Boccaccio, Beroaldo,
and the Chain of Receptions HEINZ HOFMANN, Die neuen Leiden
23 des
jungen
Aristaeus:
Mythologische
43
Kreativitat in neulateinischer Lehrdichtung
LUCIA GUALDO ROSA, L'Accademia Pontaniana
componimenti giovanili del Sannazaro ELENA RODRIGUEZ PEREGRINA, Lutero y Carlos
e la sua ideologia in alcuni
61 su influencia en la Espana de
V
83
COMMUNICA TIONS SYLVIA
BROWN,
In Praise of the Filia Docta: EUzabeth
Weston and the
Female Line
105
DAVIDE CANFORA, L'anonimo canne pastorale iutitolato Cinthias AVELINA CARRERA DE LA RED, ^Por que se prohibieron las Adnotationes de Philipp Melanchthon a la obra de Salustio en Mexico a finales del siglo XVI?
115
121
ROBERT W. CARRUBBA, The Preface to the Amoenitates Exoticae DONALD CHENEY, Elizabeth Jane Weston as Cultural Icon
139
JEAN-FREDERIC CHEVALIER, La victime tragique depuis tragedies neo-latines jusqu'a Jep/if/ies de G. Buchanan
145
JOHN CONSIDINE,
Animadversionum
res
premieres
Philology and Autobiography in Isaac Casaubon, in
Athenaei Deipnosophistas
JUDITH DEITCH, Prefacing E.
les
Axiochus:
libri
XV (1600)
The Renaissance
la
Repubhque
155
Plato and the
163
publica litterarum
DELBEY, Pontano elegiaque dans
131
:
I'enonciation de la subjectivite elegiaque
des Lettres
171
ACTA CONVENTUS NEO-LATINI CANTABRIGIENSIS SIEGMAR DOPP, loannes Fabricius Montanus: The Two Autobiographies AGNIESZKA DZIUBA, The Renaissance Portrait of the Pohsh King Sigismund I in Bernard Wapowski's Chronica Polonorum PETER FISHER, What is a Hippopotamus? A Problem in Renaissance
Taxonomy and Description RICHARD FRANK, Bude and the Repubhc of Letters MAIA WELLINGTON GAHTAN, A Renaissance Treatise on Time: Lilio Gregorio Giraldi's De annis et mensibus BENJAMIN GARCIA HERNANDEZ, Los reflejos plautinos en el latin de I.
Petrarch's Poetics:
A
229 (1709)
239
the University
of Valencia in the Sixteenth Century K.
207
Philosophy and Pedagogy in the Rhetoric of
Giambattista Vico's De nostri temporis studiorum ratione FERRAN GRAU CODINA, Orationes concerning Letters at
JOHN
193
201
Definition and Defense of
Creativity in the Familiares and Seniles
ROBERT GINSBERG,
187
217
Descartes (Med. 1-3)
DONALD GILMAN,
181
247
HALE, George Herbert's Oration before King James,
Cambridge 1623
253
MICHAEL J. HEATH, Confession and Concession: The Texts of 263
Erasmus's Exomologesis
GERHARD HOLK,
A
Remarkable
BRENDA
Petrus Martyr de Angleria (Pietro Martire d'Anghiera): Italian
Humanist and Historian of the
M. HOSINGTON,
On
New
World
Translations of Agrippa's Dedamatio de nobilitate
et praecellentia foeminei
279
sexus (1542-1726)
AUGUST
IMHOLTZ, Neo-Latin Nonsense in Nabokov HANS-ERIK JOHANNESSON, Poetics and Ideology in Neo-Latin Poetry HILAIRE KALLENDORF, Exorcism and the Interstices of Language: Ruggle's Ignoramus and the Demonization of Renaissance English Neo-Latin ARNOLD L. KERSON, Fray Alonso de la Veracruz's Views on the Legitimacy of the Spanish Conquest of America as Revealed in His
De
A.
dominio inftdelium
et iusto hello
(1553—1554)
THOMAS LINDNER, Bemerkungen zum
303
311
Soneto de Quevedo y un Epigrama
329 Fuentes para los Comentarios de Jodocus
Badius Ascensius
MARTYN, Memory Training in Renaissance Education ELIZABETH N. McCUTCHEON, Laughter and Humanism: Unity and Diversity in Thomas More's Epigramtnata DAVID MONEY, The PoUtics of Poetry: A Quick Look at Robert Walpole, R. C.
Two
297
321
Un
de Falco
MARIANO MADRID CASTRO,
and
287
Trophaeum Anglaricum von
Leonardo Dati
DANIEL LOPEZ-CANETE QUILES,
JOHN
271
the Glory of Women: English and French
Thousand Other Cambridge Latin Poets
CLARE M. MURPHY, Thomas More's De tristitia Christi as Theo-Drama STEPHEN MURPHY, The Metamorphoses of De vita monachorum
337 345 351 361 371 "ill
ACTA CONVENTUS NEO-LATINI CANTABRIGIENSIS H.
J.
M. NELLEN,
Hugo
Grotius's Correspondence with His Brother
Willem de Groot KARL AUGUST NEUHAUSEN, Lusus quidam Westmonasterienses ab obUvione nunc vindicandi: Appendix sive Contemporaneas res bina per saecula (1704—1905) orbe toto terrarum feUciter gestas quam lepide nonnuUi
395
poetae Londinienses Latinis versibus singulas usque depinxerint
HOWARD
NORLAND, Gager's Mekager: An Inventive Adaptation of Senecan Form JUAN M' NUNEZ GONZAleZ, In Gasparini Barzizzii De compositione B.
409
opusculum quaestiunculae
419
KLARA PAJORIN, La funzione e I'importanza dei nomi umanistici JOAQUIN PASCUAL BAREA, Coincidences and Differences between and the Spanish Poems,
Treatises,
and
Epistles
427 the Latin
of Rudericus Carus
435
(Rodrigo Caro)
VICENTE PICON GARCIA, Nuevos
textos del teatro jesuitico
en
Espaiia,
II:
Las comedias Techmitius y Triunfo de lafe
OLGA ZORZI
PUGLIESE,
Castighone's
II libro
The Role of Latin
443
in the
Composition of
449
del cortegiano
REVARD, Milton and Cambridge VIBEKE ROGGEN, Entertainment and Learning in the Neo-Latin Rebuses by the Seventeenth-Century Norwegian Nils Thomasson FRANCOIS ROUGET, Hlustris BlondelU Comparatio Pindari et Horatii: STELLA
P.
Les commentaires sur
XVIIe JOSE
Urbis
les
oeuvres de Pindare et d'Horace a la fin
Romae
455
463
du 473
siecle
MANUEL RUIZ
CARLO
385
a
VILA, Personajes femeninos en
el
De
viris iUustribus
Romulo ad Augustum (1779) de Charles Francois Lhomond
483
SANTINI, La versione latina deWRiade di Giuseppe Pasquali
493
Marinelli
PAUL GERHARD SCHMIDT, Erasmus von Rotterdam, "Ratio seu methodus verae 503
theologiae"
ANGEL SIERRA DE COZAR, Nuevos
textos del teatro jesuitico en Espaiia,
I:
509
Parenesia y Demophilus
JERZY STARNAWSKI, Zamosc: Das letzte Bollwerk der Renaissance FABIO STOK, L'Umanesimo scandinavo di Olaus Magnus LASZLO SZORENYI, L'epopea di Eha Berger suUa Santa Croce e la storia
in Polen
525
ungherese
NIKOLAUS THURN, Die Aeneis-Allegorese
517
535 in Cristoforo Landinos
545
Disputationes Camaldulenses
PIOTR URBANSKI, Joannes Dantiscus and ItaUan Neo-Latin Poetry SEBASTL\NO VALERIO, Paolo Paladino: mihtare e umanista alia corte
555 di
Federico d'Aragona
JUAN JESUS VALVERDE ABRIL, Juan Gines de
565 Sepulveda, Epistolarum
libri Septem, Salamanca, 1557: Testamento Literario de un Humanista DIRK VAN MIERT, The ReUgious BeUefs of Hadrianus Junius (1511-1575) MICHIEL VERWEIJ, The Cranevelt Letters and Rome
573 583 595
ACTA CONVENTUS NEO-LATINI CANTABRIGIENSIS
ZWEDER VON MARTELS, The
Central Position of the Authors of Late
Antiquity in Humanist Thought:
INDEX
The Case of Aeneas
Silvius
Piccolomini
603 611
ACTA CONVENTUS NEO-LATINI CANTABRIGIENSIS
Presidential Address at the
Opening Ceremony of the Eleventh International Congress for Neo-Latin Studies
GILBERT
Ladies
and gentlemen, dear friends and colleagues,
The theme chosen venity."
We are
Litteraria,"
all
is
common
free
Preface to the first issue
Amsterdam
is
of
"Res Publica Utterarum: Unity and Di-
term "Res PubUca Litterarum" or "Res Pubhca
agreement,
signifies a
and unbiased, exacdy
March
in
for this conference
familiar with the
which, by
communication at
TOURNOY
as
famous Nouvelles de
his
community of scholars where
was envisaged by Pierre Bayle in the la
Republique des
Lettres,
pubHshed
1684:'
Car nous declarons premierement, que nous ne pretendons prejuge ou pour, ou contre
les
Auteun
... Si
pas etablir
nous approuvons, ou
si
aucun
nous re-
futons quelque chose, ce sera sans consequence, nous n'aurons pour but que de
foumir aux S^avans de nouvelles occasions de perfectionner lique.
Nous
abandonnons nos sentimens ne
II
s'agit
point
ici
a la censure
de ReUgion:
il
de tout
s'agit
hommes en
seulement
ils
regarder Ils
le
dans
point dans lequel
la
RepubUque
comme
freres,
monde.
En
d'aussi
.
.
.
differentes factions, et considerer
se reunissent, qui est la
des Lettres.
ou comme
le
quaUte
d'Homme
ce sens-la tous les S
may be
proposed to the Indians
The Writings, 2:513. n. 95. " See Cerezo de Diego, Veracruz, 308.
with excessive mis-
beyond the hmits of
monarch may force conversion
ARNOLD Si
istis
L.
KERSON
317
barbaris insulanis sufficienter fuerit proposita fides ita ut ipsi credere
teneantur, a suo superiore compelli possunt bello ad fidem suscipiendam de
se,
nee retrocessio timeatur. (759) This contradicts
St.
Thomas, who
of the individual (ST
will
writes that the act of faith depends
possibly deprive of their rights the Indian rulers
ing the faith (809). Also,
which follows
a
The pope,
II-II q. 10, art. 8).*^
long tradition in medieval
human
an impediment to spread-
political thought,
sacrifice
fi-ee
could
an Indian king or ruler should exercise tyranny,
if
In addition, cannibaHsm and
who were
on the
says Fray Alonso,
would justify war
this,
(815).
provide a legitimate cause for a just war.
Says Fray Alonso:
comedebant cames humanas,
Si barbari
sacrificabant, Hcite bello si
non
innocentium, sive nocentium, quos
et
dominio suo legitimo ahas
privari
desisterent. (824)
Veracruz ally
sive
potuerunt subici
also states that if one native nation
is
at
war with another, Christians may
themselves with the injured party, thus waging war against their adversary (847).
community is without a king or leader, the said combecome subjects of the Spanish authorities. This is evident from natural law and from the law of nations (857). Also, if a commonwealth were ruled poorly by a legitimate but inept king, the Spaniards would have the right to replace that king by force (867). If some unbelieven should not allow Spaniards who meant no harm to move fireely among them, war might be justified (901). Veracruz According to him,
munity could
if a native
elect to
then maintains that the Spaniards have the right of
right of
travel,
on unowned
ploitation of precious minerals that are
communication. Granted that the Indians of the
to their rights as
men
commerce, and the ex-
No one can impede the New World were entitled
land.
of perfect republics, they then however become subject to the
obligations of the international
community. Veracruz
sees the right to travel in a
foreign territory as a natural right, or at least under the ius gentium, since poUtical animal, and travel
This derives from
St.
is
Augustine and
School of Salamanca. Should
man
is
a
consequence of the human condition (903).
a natural
Thomas, and
St.
peacefiilly
is
accepted by
all
those of the
travehng Spaniards be attacked by Indians,
they are justified in defending themselves (908). Cerezo de Diego sees Veracruz, regarding the right of communication,
which can be
called "proto-liberaUsmo
as
proposing a
new
theory of free markets,
economico intemacional,"
mercantile theories of the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries.'^ vors one's
own
as
opposed to the
The
old system fa-
country over another's, thus resulting in an unfavorable trade balance
for the latter.
As Veracruz comes
to the
end of the
rationale for the legitimate justification for
the conquest, he goes firom theory to reaUty, by saying that the conquest must be
'^
Cerezo de Diego,
Veracruz, 315.
" Cerezo de Diego,
Veracruz, 348.
VERACRUZ'S VIEWS ON THE SPANISH CONQUEST
318
accepted
cum
on
He
trade.
it
explains:
Indorum
rebus stantibus ut nunc sunt, et cognita conditione
et
eorum
in-
cum non posset Hispanorum natio manere pacifice, neque posset ha-
stabilitate,
bere incolatum, neque
alia
inquam, quod
sequitur,
would make
the unstable situation of the Indians
as a fait accompli, since
difficult to carry
Catholicum, quidquid
exercere negotia honesta
de iure
sit
si
nunc dominium videtur
iuste
et iustitia a principio;
dominarentur incolae,
apud imperatorem
esse
modo tamen non
Hcet
dubitare. (930)
However, he maintains
may not be deprived of their
that the legitimate native lords
legitimate dominion, nor are private individuals to be despoiled of their personal
property. In conclusion, unbelievers
New
may
not be warred against solely because they
nor may they be coerced
are unbelievers,
World must
to believe.
And
respect the basic tenets of the ius gentium,
of the conquered peoples must
As Cerezo de Diego
also
since the peoples of the
follows that the rights
it
be respected (945).
one compares the
rightly concludes, if
unjustifiable causes of
Veracruz in the De dominio with the illegitimate tides of Vitoria in is
an evident
fiable causes
parallel,
views of both
men
part of
De
De
iure belli
Indis,
is
hispanorum
appears at
just cause for war,
ever, there
titles
there
of Vitoria. This was logical, since the
first
all
his disciples.'''
in barbaros, relectio posterior,
the sequel or second
glance to be an abstract theory on what constitutes
with no direct reference to the American Indian problem.
the implication
as to
whether the conquest was
sion consists of three canones, or rules, as to
Indis,
derived from principles shared with the scholastic-Thomist doc-
introduced by Vitoria and accepted by
Vitoria's
De
of Veracruz, although he shows a certain degree of independent thought,
he coincides basically with the legitimate
trine
his
although not a complete correspondence. Regarding the justi-
which obviously apply
justified.
to the Indians as well
wars between Christian princes. Vitoria begins by deploring war
manitatis", that
is,
of the worst kind of savagery, to be avoided
to just cause, then the
aim of the
victors should
How-
The conclu-
as
"ultimae in-
if possible. If not,
due
be peace and not the destruction of
the enemy. Moderation and Christian humility must prevail.'* These sentiments definitely coincide
with those of Alonso de
la
Veracruz.
While Veracruz's De dominio lacks the concision, ground of Vitoria's De Indis, it affords an eyewitness,
precision,
and theological back-
direct study of the ethical
norms
of the colonial administration, something which the other members of the School of
Salamanca could not provide.
Robledo, Veracruz was
"el
Finally, to
World.'*" In effect, both Veracruz
Conquest
'^
as
quote the Mexican scholar Antonio
Gomez
primer catedratico del Derecho de gentes" in the
and
an irreversible historical
New
Vitoria, judicial speculation aside, see the
fact, to
which there
is
a positive side. In
view
Cerezo de Diego, Veraauz, 362.
'^
See Obras de
'*
"El problema de
Vitoria, title la
60, 857-858.
Conquista en Alonso de
la
Veracruz," Historia Mexicana 23 (1974): 407.
ARNOLD
KERSON
L.
319
would dominion over accrue to them, no one could sensibly suggest that Spain abandon it. What both men made the New World, even if a legal case could be made against of the
instability
of the Indians' situation,
as
well as the civilizing benefits that its
very clear
is
that the Indians
must be treated
fairly
and under Christian humanitarian
principles.
The European enemies of Spain were
responsible for the creation of the concept
of the "Black Legend" ("La leyenda negra") which,
among
other things, accused her
of destroying the great Indian civihzations. The respected historian Hubert Herring felt that
Spain did not topple the Indian peoples fi-om an Elysian
one
He
the "Black Legend" required a "necessary rebuttal."
of abysmal misery, despite the lyricists
who
dwell
state
upon
the
writes, in part:
of perfection to
communal hap-
piness of the Incas and the democratic joys of the Aztecs. Spain did not destroy great Indian popvdations: there never
Spain, in
eflfect,
were great populations."
was the only colonial power that sustained the "Great Debate" ("El
gran debate") concerning the legitimacy of the conquest. This debate produced such defenders of Indian rights 'other cruz.
as
Las Casas, Vasco de Quiroga (1470-1565), Vitoria, and
members of the School of Salamanca, which included Fray Alonso de Although not
regard
him
as
as
well
one of the
known
truly
as
the distinguished
eminent
men just
cited,
many
la
Vera-
scholars
figures of sixteenth-century Spanish America.
Trinity College, Hartford
" Hubert Herring.
A
History of Latin America
(New
Yoric. 1972), 152-153.
Bemerkungen
zum Trophaeum Anglaricum von Leonardo Dati
THOMAS LINDNER
Der
friihhumanistische italienische Dichter Leonardo Dati
gessenheit
und
literarhistorischer
MiBachtung
ist
nach lingerer Ver-
in letzter Zeit wieder etwas
mehr
in das Licht der Oflfentlichkeit geriickt, insbesondere durch die erst jiingst er-
folgte
Neuausgabe seiner Tragodie Hiensal}
Leben und Werk Leonardo Dati (bzw. Leonardus/Lionardus Dathus) wurde
in Florenz
um
1408
(bzw. nach den Angaben seines Epitaphs im Herbst 1407) geboren.^ Nach den
iib-
hchen Grammatik- und Rhetorikstudien wurde er zunachst Notar und nach 1435 "legum doctor." Durch Freundschaften und Kontakte zu den florentinischen Humanisten kam er auch in klerikale Kreise, wo er seine ersten Hterarischen Ambitionen pflegen konnte. In der Folge UeB Dati sich zum Priester weihen, ging nach Rom und wurde enger Vertrauter von Kardinal Giordano Orsini. Als die Kurie aber im Juni 1434 wegen der andauemden Kriege in Latium nach Florenz zog, kehrte auch Dati wieder in seine Heimatstadt zuriick. Nach Orsinis Tod im Mai 1438 kam er in die Dienste von Kardinal Francesco Condulmer und war auch bei den Vorbereitungen des KonzUs von Florenz im Jahr darauf beteiUgt. 1441 nahm er am beriihmten certame coronario teil, einem Dichterwettbewerb in volgare, der von Leon Battista Alberti organisiert wurde, und reiissierte mit seiner scena De amicitia. Doch er zerstritt sich oflfenkundig mit seinem Gonner Condulmer, was auch ein Zerwiirfiiis mit Papst Eugen IV. nach sich zog und ihn fiir etUche Jahre in MiBgunst von seiten der Kurie brachte. Doch Dati UeB sich nicht entmutigen und versuchte, sich auch weiterhin als
'
zudem an den humanistischen Vorbildem von
Correr. Vgl. die durchaus kontroversiellen Editionen
Albertino Mussato
von J. R. Berrigan {Humanistica
25 [1976]: 85-145) und A. Onorato (Messina. 2000). -
Dramas und und Gregorio
Hiensal (auch: Hiempsal, Hyempsal) steht in der Tradition des Senecaschen
orientiert sich
V^.
Ristori, in
DB/ 33
(1987). 44f. (Viu); 51f. (QueUenangaben).
Lovanietisia
BEMERKUNGEN VON LEONARDO DATI
322
Dichter zu profilieren. Er schrieb zu Beginn der vierziger Jahre des 15. Jahrhunderts
zwei vergilianisierende Eklogen
{Mirilta
und
und vor allem Durch dieses kam
Chirlo)
das es in der Folge geht, Trophaeum Anglarkum.
Protektor Kardinal Ludovico Scarampi naher, sohnte sich
das Gedicht,
um
neuen mit der Kurie aus und er seinem
wurde in den flinfziger Jahren papstlicher Sekretar, sodann, unter Paul II., prima segretario und 1467 schlieBlich Bischof von Massa Marittima in der Kirchenprovinz Siena. Eine Emennung zum Kardinal und Erzbischof von Florenz miBlang, was seine letzten Lebensjahre verbittern soUte; Leonardo Dati starb in den ersten Jannertagen 1472.^
Wertung Datis als Dichter ist durchaus ambivaund den Spateren infolge des renommierten certame coronario als guter Poet, der vor aUem durch seine Volgare-Gedichte ein breites Echo unter den Gebildeten hatte, w^urde er von der deutschen Humanismusforschung des 19. Jahrhunderts diskreditiert und von Georg Voigt etwa als armseliger DichterHng bezeichnet.* Eine Neubewertung hat gegen Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts Francesco Flamini versucht, indem er die Inedita, eben die Handschriften, miteinbezogen hatte und somit in seinem eingangs erwahnten Artikel zu einer ausgewogenen Einschatzung kommen konnte: zu einer im groBen und ganzen recht positiven Bewertung, indem er in Dati den groBten lateinischen Dichter der Toskana im 15. Jahrhundert sieht: "Le sue poesie sono tutte, come dicono, d'occasione; spesso anzi dettate a penna Die Einschatzung und
lent.
literarische
Gait er seinen Zeitgenossen
corrente (che Leonardo doveva essere facile verseggiatore) per gratificare a
sonaggi e per accattare favori principeschi
[.
.
.]
Leonardo Dati non ha
illustri
per-
scritto, ch'io
poemi d'argomento mitologico o biblico o storico; non crea, non innon favoleggia [. .] II Dati, in ogni modo, fu per la Toscana nella prima meta
sappia, vasti
venta,
.
del secolo del
Rinascimento quello che
nella
seconda
il
Poliziano:
il
mighore
de' suoi
und noch 1976 kann man Quattrocento von Contini lesen, daB Datis Prosa und
poeti latini."^ Dieses Urteil blieb allerdings eher isoliert, in der Literaturgeschichte des
Poesie "atte a interessare unicamente
gli
eruditi" seien.^
Nichtsdestoweniger bestatigt sich die Einschatzung von Flamini bei einer detaillierten Lektiire
und Analyse
Es handelt sich hierbei metern, in
um
welchem Dati
eines
Denkmal seines
^
'
von exakt 500 Hexa-
vom
29. Juni
1440
und dabei vor allem seinem Gonner Ludovico Sca-
siegreicher Feldherr eine maBgebliche Rolle spielte, ein literarisches
setzte.
Die
viel niichterneren geschichtlichen Ereignisse
und Neri Capponis
Fiir eine ausfuhrlichere
Darstellung
von
Ristori, "Dati,
Geschichte der Florentinischen Republik
konnen anhand
im
einzelnen rekon-
und literarischen Gesamtwerks sei auf die von Mehus (Florentiae, 1743) sowie vor allem auf
Darstellung seines Leben
Salvini in der Briefedition
die maBgebliche Studie
von
Hauptwerken, des Trophaeum Anglaricum.
Epos sowie vor allem durch die Schilderungen in Machiavellis Geschichte von
Florenz
alte
als
Datis
die Schlacht bei Anghiari (Anglaricum)
schildert, sie poetisch iiberhoht
rampi, der
von
ein heroisches Kurzepos (EpyUion)
von Flamini, "Leonardo
di Piero Dati,"
und den umfanglichen
Leonardo," verwiesen.
*
Zusammenfassend dazu Flamini, "Leonardo
^
Flamini, "Leonardo di Piero Dati," 81f
*
Contini, Letteratura
italiana,
118.
di Piero Dati," 81.
Artikel
THOMAS LINDNER
323
stmiert werden; es sei hier auf den historischen Beitrag battaglia d' Anghiari" verwiesen. In dieser
von Mansetti-Bencini "La
Auseinandenetzung ging
um die Vorherrschaft von Florenz iiber die Toskana,
es
hauptsachlich
von Mailand aus von Filippo Maria Visconti und seinem General Niccolo Piccinino den Florentinem streitig gemacht werden sollte. Zu dieser Zeit hielt sich auch, wie bereits festgestellt, Papst Eugen rV. in Florenz auf, und gemeinsam mit den papstlichen Milizen gelang es den Florentinem unter dem Oberbefehl von Kardinal Ludovico Scarampi, dem Patriarchen von Aquileia, in der entscheidenden Schlacht bei Anghiari in der Toskana nahe die
der umbrischen Grenze die Soldateska Piccininos verheerend zu schlagen, die
Medici zu
An-
Toskana zunichte zu machen und damit die Macht der
spriiche der Visconti auf die starken.
Das Trophaeum Anglaricum Dieses Kurzepos
ist
meines Wissen nur in einem einzigen Textzeugen iiberUefert,
von Datis poetischen Werken, dem Codex Riaardianus 47v—58r, der in einer zeittypischen italienischen Bastarda ge-
in einer Sammelhandschrift
1207 aus
dem
schrieben
15. Jh.,
f.
wurde/
Fiir die Erstpublikation
dort,
wo
1994 habe ich einen Lesetext des Trophaeum
und
erstellt
der iiberlieferte Text fur mich keinen Sinn ei^b, eigenstandig konjiziert;
haufig sind das einfache Emendationen, wie z.B. V. 415 tonaces -^ teruues "zah, aus-
dauemd"
485
tonantes Flamini), V.
(cj.
sepollit
(was Flamini mit einem Fragezeichen
valat
-^
sepellit
im Text
(immerhin mit
—>
stehen lieB)
-//-!),
V. 488
von
volat "eilt
dannen."
Die Interpunktion habe ich nach den Lesehilfen des Manuskripts eingerichtet, bin wo syntaktisch oder stiUstisch erforderHch, des ofteren davon abgewichen -
aber,
Interpunktion
ist
ja
immer schon
die Orthographie nach
einzelnen c;
th;
c,
ein Teil der Textinterpretation.
Sodann habe ich
Standard der klassischen Texte vereinheithcht, d.h.
wurden normaUsiert:
hyperkorrektes
^
dem
e,
a, c(c)h;
e caudata, ae, oe; u, v;
tt,
t
hyperkorrektes
sowie hyperkorrektes y
;
-ct-; xs,
im
x;
t,
Eine textkritische
i.
Manuskripttitel: Tropheum anglancum. Eine Beschreibung dieser Handschrift findet sich in S.
Morpurgo,
/ manoscritti della reale biblioteca di Firenze (Prato, 1900), s.v.; eine
tellers Iter italicum
von Flamini zur
brachte keine weiteren Manuskripte
Illustration
und
zum
Vertiefiing seiner Einschatzung
im genannten
habe 1994 eine voriaufige Edition mit deutscher Ubersetzung
selbst
Nachpriifung in Kris-
Vorschein. Etwa 185 Verse wurden Artikel ediert; ich
und plane nunmehr
erstellt
gemeinsam mit Kurt Smolak eine umfassende kritische Edition und korrigierte Ubersetzung mit Kommentar, was insofem schwierig ist, als die einzige bisher bekannte Handschrift, der zitierte Riccardianus, voller Fehler
ist
und manchmal ganz merkwiirdige Korruptelen
aufweist, die ich
bisher nicht emendieren bzw. konjizieren konnte. Dariiber verzweifelte auch Flamini, der ja nur
einen kleinen Teil leider mit etlichen Lesefehlem publizierte, indem er in einer FuBnote klagt:
"Ma
in piu luoghi e scorretto
(101).
[il
manoscritto], e
Ein weiterer wichtiger Punkt wird auch
schichte
im
15.
non
sein,
arrivo a
indoviname
la
lezione genuina"
einen Spezialisten fur toskanische Landesge-
Jahrhundert zu konsultieren, der die lokalen Gegebenheiten aus eigener Forschung
kennt; in der vorlaufigen Ubersetzung finden sich daher noch zahlreiche Liicken aufgrund
und Realien dieser Zeit und Gegend; Personen- und Ortsnamen.
gelnder Detailkenntnisse der Ereignisse fiir
noch nicht
identifizierte
dies gilt
manvomehmlich
BEMERKUNGEN VON LEONARDO DATI
324
machen oder
Edition wird diese Standardisierungen entweder wieder riickgangig
entsprechend kennzeichnen bzw. rechtfertigen.
Einzelprobleme
Im folgenden zuwenden und
will ich
mich ein paar sprachlichen und textuellen Schwierigkeiten
einige Problemfalle diskutieren. Trivial sind Hyperkorrektismen wie
etwa
-ct- fiir
bzw.
actoUere (V. 129) fiir attollere, die sich in alien italienischen
genuines
z.B. mictit (V. 33)
-tt-,
actonitum (V. 62) fur attonitum
fiir mittit,
Handschriften der
Zeit finden. Dies resultiert aus den bekannten italienischen Dubletten^Wo
Ebenso sehr haufig
tininextes facto. inclytus
sowie der Wechsel
tt
t,
:
ist
hyperkorrektes
etwa V. 455
littora
y,
~
rela-
etwa in tryumphus, tryumphat,
neben einfachem
litora etc.
In V. 22ff.
Pars desperat
Quinam
opem, tamquam
si
nesciat usque,
orbe cavendum
distineant hostem, pars intus in
Subtrepidat vitium, pars tunc in plebe
Censet ieiuna
(.
.
.)
Syntagma intus in orbe als ein Beispiel fiir schwer verGanze muB wohl heiBen (es handelt sich um die Schilderung der Note der Florentiner, als sie von Piccinino bedrangt wurden): "Die einen geben die Hoffnung auf Hilfe auf, gleichsam ohne zu wissen, wie sie den Feind aufhalten
findet sich das unscheinbare
standliche Realien; das
—
innen im Kreis wiederum meinten, man
konnten, die anderen Verrat), andere
Was genau
hungrigen Volk."
bedeutet
—
fiirchten ein vitium (Fehler, Schande,
miisse sich da hiiten
im
(bzw. vor dem)
intus in orbe? Ist das ein "Teil
der inneren
Fiihrungsschicht," also des inneren Kreises, der einen Fehler, d.h. einen Verrat flirchtet?
Man sollte
aber wohl doch mit Flamini intus
in urbe lesen (o/m- Wechsel sind
aus palaographischer Sicht ja nichts Ungewohnliches), was das Verstandnis insofem erleichtern wiirde,
als
eben nunmehr ein TeU
renz einen Aufstand fiirchtet
{scil.
des Senats) inmitten der Stadt Flo-
und somit im hungrigen Volk Vorsorge
treffen
muB.
In V. 32f.
Sforsa
comes proprias
acies
f etnutilat ac
se
Deserit et Venetos mittitque accurrere Flori:
findet sich ein lat;
vom
fiir
Sinn her
sich "emutiliert,"
mich noch nicht
muB
identifizierbares,
deutUch so geschriebenes
etnuti-
Herzog Sforza die eigenen Scharen und stationiert war, und sich anschickt, Trup-
die Stelle lauten, daB
Venezien
verlaBt,
wo
er
pen nach Florenz zum Entsatz zu entsenden.* Ein ahnliches Problem findet
*
Wenn man
Dehnung
in
hier commutilat
Kauf nehmen
liest,
sich in V. 163f.
"er splittete die
(mutilare klassisch
Truppen
mit kurzem
u).
auf, "
muB man
eine metrische
THOMAS LINDNER
325
opem stringique arta obsidione Tifemum, Ac regnum fexperie iamiam se offerre Senensi. Mittere
Das Wort
—
—
lesbar, ergibt aber fur mich zumindest keinen Sinn: werden geschildert, Furcht hatte sich in Florenz breitgemacht, die offene Schlacht wurde untersagt, nach Hilfe wiirde geschickt, Tifernum (das ist Citta di Castello) werde durch einen dichten Belagerungsring zermurbt und er, also
eindeudg
ist
Piccininos Kriegstaten
Piccinino, biete schon jetzt die Herrschaft der experie Senensi, den Sienesem also.
Aber was
experie? Ist hier vielleicht in imperio "der Obrigkeit"
ist
Manchmal kann man monstros anmutende Gebilde
zu emendieren?
recht einfach entscharfen. Das
grazisierende athicem in V. 265f.
(.
.
.)
Ille
fathicem
Et vincat nihilum
ist
wo hi
(.
.
Schlachtreihen
warum
hoste,
.)
adem. Piccinino feuert seine
Mannen
mustem und wird nicht
und
zur Schlacht an
Ludovicus, moge,
detrectator Ludovici: "Jener, d.h.
Vor;
nunc eminus
lustret
wenn
siegen." Acies
gibt sich dabei
der Feind noch fern
ist,
als
seine
kommt im Text freiUch sehr oft
gerade an dieser Stelle pseudograzisierendes athicem steht, bleibt immer-
hin merkwiirdig. In V. 463ff.
(.
.)
.
fragor undique crescit
Armorum, Ignarum
saevit
finis,
ferrum gaudetque cruore
cum fintemictio summa,
Cvunque hebetant
caede
vires fessis in
lacertis.
wird das Kriegsgetiimmel geschildert: "der WaflFenlarm wachst immer noch auf alien Seiten, die Schwerter wiiten
denken,
die Knifte
als (bis)
Vielleicht intemictio-
ist
intemictio
(fiir
und ergotzen
den durch
am
Blut,
ohne an ein Aufhoren zu
das Niedermetzeln
miiden Handen wichen."
sich
intemecio/intemicio)
Hiat eine Neuableitung auf
-tio,
mit
dem
um
metrisch aufialligen cum
die Kiirze
von
-necio / -nicio
\
|
zu
umgehen.
Im groBen und ganzen ist der Text aber metrisch einwandfi-ei und nach den klassiMustem gebaut. Trotzdem taucht auch eine zasurbedingte
schen, d.h. vergilischen productio
von auslautendem kurzen
(.
.
.)
Ille
De
libertate
autem
eine aufiaUige
und
neu
ast habeat,
fiir
85) auf:
caduca
83
timuit, latebras atque oppida
Intentat capere,
Uigeat,
e des Infinitivs capere (V.
circum
sese in faucibus ipsis
quotiens remearit, asylum,
das Trophaeum
ungewohnhche, nichtsdestoweniger aus dem
Mittellatein her durchaus iibliche Lizenz. Es geht hier wieder
das unbestandige Kriegsgliick fiirchtet
und
um Piccinino,
sich anschickt, Schlupfwinkel
der
um
und
die
BEMERKUNGEN VON LEONARDO DATI
326
um sich in
Stadte ringsum einzunehmen, nicht
den Engpassen aufzuhalten, sondem,
wenn notwendig, ein Riickzugsgebiet zu haben. Manchmal finden sich ganz merkwiirdige Neupragungen und Hapax legomena: In V. 328 etwa ein Verbum andrivorat 'Manner verschlingen', in V. 470 ein laterones fiir und nicht
die Flanken des Heeres,
selten
ist
die Syntax
und
Stihstik
dunkel und
verworren.
Aber
man doch der Kurzeinschatzung Rossis in II Quattrocento Werk sei "un carme eroico in cui descriveva con virgiliana eleganza immagini la battaglia d'Anghiari" (245). Dies gilt umso mehr, wenn man
grosso
modo kann
zustimmen, Datis di stile e di
schone Gleichnis zu Gemiite
sich das nachfolgende
fiihrt:
Ac veluti pastor, si forte ulularit et instet Pone lupus, caulas, ne iam sub nocte latenter
73
Impetat, obducit trepidus fidusque tuetur
Submissis canibus lucemque exspectat amicam; lUe fame et terrore simul stans haesitat anceps
Atque avet atque
timet;
dum tandem
opemque animumque
Pastor
postera lux
est.
capit furque exulat ultro,
Sic exsanguis erat toto Florentia vultu.
At soUers tamen,
et spe
pascebatur in horas.
Salzburg
Literatur (in Auswahl):
Vorlaufige Gesamtedition: Th. Lindner, "Leonardo Dati, Trophaeum Anglaricum (neulat. Renaissance-Epos): Textkritische Revision der Handschrift Cod. Riccard. 1207, f 47v-58r sowie deutsche Erstiibersetzung," in F. Piel, Leonardos Disegnio der Anghiarischlacht. Materialien
und Dokumente zur Tavola Doria (Falkenberg, 1994),
114-23.
R. Berrigan, "Leonardo
J.
Dati: Hiensal Tragoedia.
lation," Humanistica Lovaniensia 25 (1976): L. Bertolini, ed.,
G.
(di
De
vera amicitia. I
testi
del
A
Critical Edition
with Trans-
85—145.
primo Certame coronario (Ferrara, 1993).
Neri) Capponi, Geschichte der Florentinischen Republik {Storia
H. Diitschke), 2 Bde. (Leipzig, 1876). Chevalier, "Dati, Leonardo (1408-1472)," in Centuriae
della repubblica di
Firenze, iibers. J.-F.
Marie-Madeleine de
la
G. Contini, Letteratura F.
Garanderie (Genf, 2001;
italiana del Quattrocento (Firenze, 1976).
Flamini, "Leonardo di Piero Dati poeta latino del secolo letteratura italiana
Latinae: Festschrift fiir
im Druck).
XV," Giomale storico
delta
16 (1890): 1-107.
O. Kristeller, Iter Italicum, 6 Bde. (London/Leiden, 1963-1997). N. Machiavelli, Geschichte von Florenz (Istorieftorentine / Historiae Florentinae, P.
V. 1.
Reumont) (Wien,
iibers.
A.
delle biblioteche e degli archivi
18
1934).
Mansetti-Bencini, "La battaglia d'Anghiari," Rivista (1907): 106-27.
L.
Mehus,
ed., L.
Dathi Epistolae
XXXIII
(Florentiae, 1743).
THOMAS LINDNER S.
Morpurgo,
327
/ manoscritti delta reale biblioteca di Firenze (Prato, 1900).
A. Onorato, ed., Hyempsal,
Quademi
di filologia
medievale e umanistica 4 (Messina,
2000).
R.
Ristori, "Dati,
Leonardo," in Dizionario
biograjtco degli italiani
33 (Roma, 1987),
44-52. V. Rossi,
n
Quattrocento, 5. ed. (Milano, 1953).
G. Voigt, Die Wiederbelebung
Humanismus, 2 Bde.,
des classischen Alterthums oder das erste Jahrhundert des
3. ed. (Berlin,
1893; Nd. 1960).
Un
Soneto de Quevedo y
un Epigrama de Falco
DANIEL LOPEZ-CANETE QUILES
Hace del
sence
diez anos, en el
Mundo
una comunicacion
La comparacion de
I
Simposio Intemacional sobre
titulada
los dos
"Un al
segundo.
los
de
esta lejos
ser
dos campos de estudio,
pero
el
conocimiento de
Espafia, es siglo
XVI
epigrafe queria demostrar la huella
proposito era,
asi,
ampliar
la
nomina
y tambien ilustrar la influencia de la literatura neoproduccion poetica castellana de los Siglos de Oro. Esta
la
relacion entre ambas literaturas constituye
pero que
el
Mi
fiientes quevedescas,
Renacimiento en
latina del
y Pervivencia
epigrama de Falco y un soneto de Quevedo."'
poemas aludidos en
modeladora del primero respecto de lecturas y
Humanismo
Clasico, celebrado en Alcaniz, provincia espanola de Teruel, pre-
hoy una
realidad
que no admite dudas,-
conocida en toda su dimension. La intercomunicacion de neolatino y
el
el
romance,
es
ciertamente cada vez mayor,
la literatura latina renacentista, al
aim incompleto e
interino: toda via
menos de
en impresos antiguos que duermen, polvorientos,
latentes
producida en
la
hay muchos especimenes latinos del el
sueno de
los
y quien sabe cuantos de eUos pueden desmentir, si expuestos a la ciencia acla presimta originalidad de, supongamos, unos versos gongorinos. De ahi que los
justos, tual,
estudios de conjunto que abordan esta cuestion tienen por necesidad el caracter de
balances provisionales y de estimulo urgente para
la
Y a tal fin quiere
cuyo objeto y
contribuir
ticos al presentado
diadas,
y tambien
el trabajo
que
sigue,
aportacion de nuevos resultados.
hace diez anos; cambian, naturalmente,
orden de
el
analisis,
que
se
las
titulo
son
casi
iden-
composiciones estu-
ocupara en primer lugar del soneto de
Quevedo. Su texto dice
'
In
J.
asi:
M. Maestre
Maestre y J. Pascual Barea,
eds.,
Humanismo y
Pervivencia del
Mundo
Clasito
(Cadiz, 1993), 1:557-564. ^
eds..
Vease
La
J. F.
Alcina, "El latin hununistico y la cultura vemacula," in A.
Filologta Latina, hoy: Actualizadon
M. Aldama
y perspectivas (Madrid, 1999), 2:729-746.
et al.,
QUEVEDO Y FALCO
330
InscripciSn de la estatua augusta
Quinto en Aranjuez
del Cesar Carlos
Las selvas hizo navegar, y
el
viento
Al canamo en sus velas respetaba,
Cuando,
Con
la
coites, su anhelito tasaba
necesidad del movimiento.
Dilato su victoria
Por
Cayo La
vencimiento
el
Danubio
lava;
Africa ardiente; gimio esclava
en
falsa religion
Vio
el
que
las riberas
Roma
en
Si
no
Y
de Espafia
la
fin sangriento.
desorden de su gente,
piadosa, ardiente valentia, el
rumor sosego
ausente.
Retire a Soliman, temor de Hungria,
Y, por
ser retirada
Se retiro a
si
La primera cuestion que le
fue adjudicado por
es la "estatua
el
mas
mismo se
editor
el
valiente,
postrer
dia.-'
nos plantea tiene que ver con
el titulo
del
poema, que
postumo de Quevedo, Jusepe Gonzalez de
augusta" de Carlos
V a la que
sirve
de "inscripcion"
el
Salas.
Cual
presente soneto?
A esta pregunta respondio uno de los maximos especialistas de Quevedo, James Crosby. Estas fueron sus palabras textuales:
El epigrafe que coloco Gonzalez de Salas a este soneto nos dice que se trata de
una
estatua de Carlos
gusta.
V que estuvo en Aranjuez, y que se puede calificar de au-
Del texto del poema
se
desprende que
un aspecto
la estatua tendria
fuer-
pero cortes, y que en elk estarian representados algunos de los enemigos vencidos por el Emperador. Estos datos sugieren que se trata de una
temente
militar,
famosa estatua que
se titula
una traduccion
libre
domitus furor."
En
las
de
las
la
"Carlos
ocho cuadran
vencida, figura que en
dominando
el
Furor," lo que no es sino
el plinto:
"Caesaris uirtute
dos fotos que reproducimos, se observara no solamente
semejanzas ya mencionadas entre
versos siete y
V
inscripcion que se lee en
la
el
soneto y
la estatua,
sino tambien
muy bien con la representacion
primera mitad del
siglo
XVII
plastica
de
que
los
la figura
fue llamada por Cardu-
cho "La Herejia," y tambien, en uno de los inventarios de Palacio, "El turco prisionero" (Eduardo Barron, Museo Nacional de Pintura y Escultura: Catalogo de la
'
214.
Escultura [Madrid, 1908], 200,
num.
273).
Francisco de Quevedo, Ohra Poetica, ed. Jose
Por
otra parte,
sabemos que en
Manuel Blecua (Madrid,
el
1969), 1:418-419, n°
DANIEL l6pEZ-CAN1ETE QUILES mismo
siglo
XVII estuvo por algun tiempo en Aranjuez,
estatua es obra del escultor italiano
Pompeo, y
su hijo
flie
Leone Leoni,
terminada en
Jose Manuel Blecua, autor de
la
el
331
entre otros lugares. La
quien probablemente ayudo
a
ano 1564/
edicion canonica de
la
poesia quevedesca, cita
la
explicacion de Crosby dandole su asentimiento,^ tambien parecen mostrarse de
acuerdo Ignacio Arellano y Lia Schwarz en su edicion mas reciente del mismo poema/ Yo, sin embargo, encuentro problematica la propuesta de la estatua de Leoni como modelo inspirador de los versos analizados. Estos ensalzan la figura de Carlos V como conquistador y como caudillo militar, enumerando de manera mas o menos expUcita algunas de sus gestas belicas. Quevedo se demora en el primer cuarteto celebrando, de manera tan pomposa como abstracta, las empresas navegadoras organizadas por Carlos V, tal vez las que tuvieron como destino y objeto la ampliacion de los territories conquistados en el Nuevo Mundo; este habia sido, al fin
y
un argumento recurrente en
cabo,
al
heroica
V
de Carlos
durante
comparacion, favorable para Carlos Uego mas
en
alia
iconografia y
la
la
de
el
creacion y
la
siglo
la
propaganda de
XVI, ya que permitia
las
panegirica imperial.^ Desde
el
segundo cuarteto hasta la
alabanza anterior de
Elba contra los protestantes, culminadas en
aparecen en los la
w.
5—6; la expedicion triunfante contra
las
el final se las glorias
campanas en
la batalla
al
Saco de
Roma y
"valentia ardiente, es sugerida
ausente";
por
el
el
si
cautiverio del Papa
no piadosa";
la
Tunez de 1535, en
el v. 7;
9-10
Clemente VII en 1527, exhibicion de
sofocacion del levantamiento de
asordinado, casi eufemistico
12 apunta a
el
de Miihlberg
represion de la revuelta de los moriscos de 1525-1526 en los vv. 7-8; los vv.
aluden
una
emperador, entre sus navegaciones y las de Hercules: columnas del Alcida, y asi, plus ultra fue lema recurrente
navegadoras, escuetas menciones de glorias belicas especlficas: el
imagen
el
suceden, en llamativo contraste de extension con
Danubio y
la
establecer
v. 11:
la retirada del sultan
"y de Espaiia
las el
comunidades
rumor sosego
turco Soliman en Viena ante los
ejercitos imperiales el aiio 1535; los dos ultimos versos exaltan la abdicacion
de Carlos en favor de su hijo y su retirada a Yuste en 1556 como un acto de aun mayor valentia que, como tal, se alinea con las anteriores gestas y les sirve de culminacion.'
Que relacion existe entre, por un lado, el contenido de este poema y la presentacion de ese contenido, y por otro, el objeto referencial de la estatua de Leoni y la manera en que este se plasma? El conjunto escultorico' tiene dos figuras: una es la del emperador,
*
*
que aparece erguido y firme en atuendo guerrero, y
James O. Crosby, En tomo a
Quevedo, Obra
Poetica, ed.
la
poesia de
la otra, la del
Quevedo (Madrid, 1967), 67-68.
Blecua, 418-419.
' Francisco de Quevedo, Un HeracUto Cristiano: Canta sola a Lisi y otros poemas, ed. y estudio preliminar de Lia Schwarz e Ignacio Arellano (Madrid. 1998), 91-92, 715. ^
Vease Fernando Checa Cremades, Cartas
V y la
imagen del heroe
eti el
Renadmiento (Madrid,
1987), 196ss. '
La explicacion de
estos
w.
esta
en Quevedo, Un Heradito
Cristiano, ed.
Schwarz y Arellano,
91-92. 715. '
Una
fotografia frontal y posterior
puede verse en
la
obra y lugares ciudos de Crosby.
QUEVEDO Y FALCO
332
Furor, que yace en cadenas rendido a los pies de Carlos V. La obra de Leoni presenta, si,
poema de Quevedo: ambas exaltan el triunfo del emperami entender, sin embargo, las diferencias entre ambas obras
una coincidencia con
dor sobre
el
son mas llamativas que
las
enemigos particulares e
me
este es abstractor
Quevedo neto,
el
A
enemigo.
semejanzas.
historicos;
cuesta concebir que esa
enumeracion de todos
la
Quevedo conmemora
y abdicar:
cuestionado
es decir, el
— uno de
los
propio Carlos
la
que en
el siglo
con
escultura
V
que encontramos en su so-
— desde
seria
enemigos representado por
el
V
sobre
mismo
si
punto de
el
Furor, pero eso
al
vista aqui
me
parece
intenciones encomiasticas del poeta. Es
las
XVII, como recuerda Crosby,
la victoria
Furor, y
el
figura alegorica le inspirase a
los triunfos especificos
quiza poco decoroso y consonante con cierto
mera
ultimo de los cuales, no olvidemos, lo obtuvo Carlos
el
retirarse
na
diversas victorias sobre
Leoni nos presenta un solo enemigo,
en Tunez y que
una tradicion que
existe
relacio-
"no duda en traducir
esa tradicion
la
V
dominando el furor turco',"'" y la victoria sobre el turco en Tunez es aludida por Quevedo; como tambien es verdad que en el mismo siglo XVII se interpretaba, diversamente, esa figura del Furor como una alegoria de la herejia protestante, y este es otro enemigo cuya derrota celebra el soneto. Ahora bien, aun en el caso de que Quevedo conociese esas interpretaciones, la estatua reflejaria uno solo de los adversaries debelados por Carlos V, mientras que el soneto despliega a nueve de ellos. Por lo demas, si Quevedo se hubiera inspirado en la obra inscripcion del plinto por 'Carlos
de Leoni, esperariamos quiza en sus versos dente en
todo
lo
de
la
mencion
la escultura: esa palabra, sin
esta perspectiva, el titulo del
sirvio
si
poema
otro
modelo con
Me
circulo y, sobre todo, de
la
obra de
una obra poetica
poeta
cuadratura del
y diversa. Su
didactico y la epopeya; pero ante todo,
y la satira, asi como el quiza su produccion epigramatica
la lirica, la elegia, la egloga,
fiindamento principal de su reputacion
Asi Checa, Carlos V, 138ss.; vease 139, para
fiae
como
mas
recordemos que Baltasar
escritor:
interpretaciones sobre
de su produccion, vease E. Plon, Les
maitres Ualiens au service de la
Pompeo Leoni
el
proposito de
misma obra de
tatua y su posible inspiracion en Virgilio Eneida 1.291-296. Sobre la
sculpteur de Charles-Quint et
la
latina relativamente extensa
poema
y venusta cultivo
mode-
el
que presenta mas semejanzas y que no es de indole refiero a unos versos del poeta valenciano Jaime Juan
facil
en
si
el
pluma
citada
O
embargo, que
muerto en 1594, autor de un tratado sobre
Falco, nacido en 1522 y
ria
es central y evipor su ausencia en
parece inadecuado."
libertad. Sin descartar esa filiacion, creo, sin
escultorica sino literaria.
'"
que
brilla
de fiaente a Quevedo, hay que reconocer que Quevedo trato a su
con evidente
tuvo ante
el
del furor,
embargo,
soneto.
el
Desde Leoni
el titulo
la
es-
y la histoMaison d'Autriche: Leon Leoni
sculpteur de Philippe II (Paris,
arte
1887) (obra que conozco
de Checa).
el libro
" Para otros casos de inadecuacion en
los titulos
de Gonzalez de
Salas,
cf.
R. Alvarez
Hernandez, "Fuentes y originalidad de un soneto de Quevedo consagrado a Roma sepultada en si misma," Canente 6 (1989): 15-27 (sobre el titulo del soneto "A Roma sepultada en sus ruinas"); Francisca
Moya,
"Salas,
un humanista
al
trabajo," in J.
Humanismo y pervivencia 1997), 2:455-478, esp. 470 y n. 62.
Charlo Brea,
eds.,
del
mundo
M. Maestre
clasico II:
Maestre,
Homenaje
J.
Pascual Barea, y L.
al Profesor
Luis Gil (Cadiz,
DANIEL LOPEZ-CANETE QUILES Gracian lo celebrara en valenciano."
XVII otorgandole
el siglo
el
333
honorable
titulo
de "el Marcial
Y entre sus epigramas precisamente esta la composicion que nos interesa: VII
TVMVLVM CAROLI QVINTI IMPERATORIS
IN
nudos iam reddere montes,
Parcite, mortales, et
Carolo tantas aedificare pyras.
Sit labor artificum solas
ostendere palmas
Caesaris, et tumulus Caesare dignus erit.
Prima triumphato
stupefiat Gallia rege,
procumbat supplex Caesaris ante pedes.
Ad dextrum
Roma latus,
stet
Carthago sinistrum,
altera capta tuis, altera capta tibi.
Sint alibi Turcae uertentes signa retrorsum, et iam iam pereant, ni ferat Ister opem. Ante Deos iaceant exuti Saxones armis,
Caedeque Parte
alia
decolor Albis
terribili
Alcidem
sistat
eat.
sua meta, tibique
terra suos fines augeat,
unda
suos.
Vltima de seipso uictoria magna sequatur, sitque ahter
His
ita
Octauum El epigrama,
comio de una
magnus qui modo magnus
erat.
compositis, crescent miracula mundi:
Caroli nobile funus
como vemos,
serie parecida
tiene
como tema
erit.'^
central el
de triunfos de Carlos
V
en
mismo que la
que
el
soneto:
se incardina, a
el
en-
modo
mismo nivel, si no superior, que las victorias rruliun poeta a otro. En Falco, la enumeracion de las victorias es el contenido de sus instrucciones para un tumulo adecuado en honor del emperador: su poema es exhortativo. En el narrative Quevedo, por el contrario, no existen semejantes recomendaciones funerarias. Ahora bien, estas tampoco tienen de remate,
tares.
la
abdicacion, puesta
al
Cierto: la presentacion varia de
sentido cuando
el
madrileiio escribe,
tal
vez medio siglo despues de muerto Carlos V:
su omision, pues, estaba justificada. Es cierto tambien que, en apariencia, los hechos
celebrados pertenecen
de Carlos
V
triunfos imperiales
supremo.'-'
'-
al
acervo
comun de
la historia,
y que en
hallamos, igualmente, ejemplos que consisten en
No
coronado por
he encontrado,
sin
el
elogio de
la
la
panegirica anterior
el
despliegue de los
abdicacion, considerada
el
triunfo
embargo, ningun poema que concentre ese con-
Jaime Juan Falco, Obras Completas,
I:
Obra PoetUa, ed.
critica, trad.,
troductorio de Daniel Lopez-Canete Quiles (Leon, 1996), 1.7, p. 34. Vease
notas y estudio inla
introduccion para
aquellas y otras noticias sobre la vida y obra de Falco. '^
en
Cf., e.g., el
"Epigrama a
Varias Poesias. ed.
de L.
la
muerte del Emperador Carlos Quinto" de Hernando de Acuna,
F. Larios
(Madrid, 1982), 355:
QUEVEDO Y FALCO
334
un numero de
tenido en
de Falco (observese que 16], solo
versos parecido
de Quevedo,
al
este desgrana las gestas del
como
si
ocurre en
emperador en 12 versos
dos menos que los 14 del soneto). Por otra parte,
al
margen
las
de Falco, un poeta admirado por otros grandes genios espanoles de
latinas
caso
del caso pre-
de que Quevedo leyo con provecho para su obra
sente, existen indicios
el
[del 5 al
poesias
los Siglos
de Oro.
En
mencionado al comienzo de esta comunicacion trate de ilustrar esa comparando otro epigrama de Falco y otro soneto quevedesco, que pueden alli; he aqui mas textos convergentes de ambos autores cuyo parangon interesa. el trabajo
hipotesis leerse
Un
soneto
tumulo del Duque de Lerma
al
No
he de decirte
Que Toda Por su
parte,
Escorial dice
el
nombre de
lo sabes, parecerte
si
se
remata del
modo
siguiente:
su dueiio,
ha poca
aquesta grandeza a sus despojos.^*
un breve epigrama de
Falco sobre
el
monasterio de San Lorenzo de El
asi:
DE TEMPLO
O
DIVI LAVRENTII
tu qui palles hac uisa mole, uiator,
ingredere ulterius, plusque stupebis opus.
Autorem
taceo,
Y
hubo
al fin
Que
la
mas
Cuando
Gano
el
Comparense tambien y
letreros
tibi
dixero nomen,
senseris esse nihil.'*
otra vitoria
el
vencedor
su grandeza y valor, del
humano
Despreciando
historias
si
clara escurece
Pues fue solo
De
nam
rem tantam
iUico
el
estado,
summo
grado,
Imperio mayor.
estos
venos de
J.
C. Calvete de
Hie ubi uix Atropos potuit perscindere
Cum
Se pronus uincens,
N°
'*
1.16, ed.
filum,
prius in Belgis, nato tot regna Philippo,
cum
tot superauerit hostes,
Deponens etiam Imperium sponte '^
Estrella,
y epitaphios (Valladolid, 1570), 14:
219, ed. Blecua, 1:422^23.
Lopez-Canete, 46.
ipse dedisset.
El Tumulo Imperial, adomado de
DANIEL LOPEZ-CANETE QUILES Asimismo, en
de Quevedo leemos
los Sueiios
el
Y acogime donde me senalo, y tope muchos y
muchos
confesores y
para
la
tirosas
demonios en
poblacion del
Pregunte que por que
letrados.
camino, con palos
el .
.
.
muchos malos
los queria
echar del in-
un demonio porque eran de grandisimo provecho infiemo en el mundo: las damas, con sus caras y sus men-
a aquellos solos,
y dijo
hermosuras y buenos pareceres,
los letrados,
y
siguiente pasaje:
echando del infiemo muchas mujeres hermosas,
lanzas,
fiemo
335
con buenas
los confesores
y malos pareceres.
caras
con vendidas absoluciones
Y que asi los echaban porque
trujiesen gente.'*
Comparense
estas lineas
con
el
siguiente epigrama de Falco contra Lutero:
DE LVTHERO Ad
caeh portam fertur uenisse Lutherus, sed
Petrum
cemens de
hie
Per loca purgandi noxas
non tamen
fore uertit
iter.
uestigia fecit;
agnouit,
nam comes
error erat.
Venit ad infemas fauces, sed ianitor inquit:
"Aduena,
siste
pedem, non
Plus nobis lucri uiuus
tibi
quam mortuus
porta patet. affen.
Viue iterum ut ueniant miUia multa uirum."'' El parecido entre los pasajes comparados es evidente y no necesita mas comentario.
No
puedo afirmar con total certeza que los textos de Quevedo deriven de los de si no aceptamos este extreme, si estaremos obUgados a admitir la
Falco; pero incluso
afinidad existente entre los ingenios de
tuye un capitulo,
no voluminoso,
ambos
autores. Esta afinidad,
en
fin,
consti-
conexiones y puntos de comunion entre literatura latina y literatura vemacula en el Renacimiento, un vasto campo a cuyo estudio las paginas anteriores esperan haber aportado alguna contribusi
si
ilustrativo
de
las
cion y estimulo.
Universidad de Sevilla
'*
F.
de Quevedo, Los
suet'ws, ed.
137-138. '^
1.85, ed.
Lopez-Canete, 146.
de Ignacio Arellano (Madrid, 1991), "Sueno del Infiemo,*
Fuentes para
Comentarios de
los
Jodocus Badius Ascensius
MARIANO MADRID CASTRO de Badius (1462—1535) suponen un enorme volumen en Losde comentarios Constituyen mas importante despues de su obra.
cales.'
la
Tienen su origen en
y en Lyon
(antes
las
el total
sus trabajos gramati-
parte
explicaciones de clase, cuando enseno latin en Valence
de 1492—1499).- Continue escribiendolos durante toda su vida.'
Sus trabajos sobre Baptista Mantuano Entre
la larga lista
dedicado a
las
monografica de la
los
obra poetica del
manistas,
'
de obras que comenta Badius/ un capitulo importante
como Murrho
1462-1535
Renouard,
"
(1452-1494),* Brant (1458?-1521)7 o Bruchterius (primera
(Paris,
1908; repr.
o bien
et des
Hasta 1529, en que
como
compone
el
oannes dejosse Badius Ascensius, imprimeur
algunos datos cronologicos seguros
en Gante. Realize un viaje a
o despues de
ellos.
En 1492
se
la
ultima, a
Italia,
al
respecto:
que hay que
encontraba en Lyon
y,
profesor en Valence (Renouard, Bibliographie, 1:9).
ultimo, a
las Filtpicas
de Ciceron (Renouard,
1:143, 156; 2:322—324). Siguio editando Commentarii familiares hasta 1532,
de impresiones anteriores;
et
York, 1965), 1:140.
se hallaba
antes de los meses indicados
ya para esa epoca, habia ejercido ^
New
Bibliographie, 1:10, 140. Existen
en diciembre de 1488 y enero de 1489 situar
es el
1513^ edito en Paris una obra
poemas de Spagnuoli. En ella se encuentra recogida gran parte de Mantuano, a la que acompaiian comentarios suyos y de otros hu-
Ph. Renouard, Bibliographie des impressions
humaniste,
En
de Baptista de Mantua (1447-1516).
Aulo Geho (Renouard,
si
Bibliographie,
bien son revisiones
Bibliographie, 1:156; 2:468).
Las propias obras o sus autores se relacionan en Renouard, Bibliographie, 1:326: Terencio,
*
Boecio, Juvenal y Persio, Ciceron, Horacio, Ovidio, Virgilio, Expositiones Pierre
Bury o de Bur, Philippo Beroaldo,
F.
Otuvio,
al
uso de Salisbury,
Salustio, Navis StuUifera (Sebastian Brant),
Lucano, Valerio Maximo, Seneca, y Quintiliano. * Numero 232 del catalogo de E. Coccia, Le edizioni
delle opere del
Mantovano (Roma, 1960),
Die Matrikel
der Universitdt Basel (Basel,
55. *
Mor, Murr o Morer. Cf. Hans G. Wackemagel,
1951), 1:54. Cf. Renouard, Bibliographie, ^
1:
147:
ed..
Murr oder Morer.
La denominacion vemacub del nombre, Brant,
es
b
mas
usual. Inciuso persiste
cuando
se
LOS COMENTARIOS DE ASCENSIUS
338
De
mitad del siglo XVI).*
Mantuano,
en
se incluyen
ciento veintisiete titulos que Coccia atribuye'
los
los tres
volumenes de
esta
monografia un
total
al
de ochenta
y cuatro.
Segun en
las
investigacion llevada a cabo, existen en Espana tres bibliotecas piiblicas
la
que
se
conservan ejemplares de esta edicion: Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid,
En
Biblioteca Universitaria de Salamanca, y Biblioteca Universitaria de Valencia. '°
concreto,
hemos
Nacional y con
dificil
Biblioteca
la
comentarios de Badius incluidos en esta edicion nos revela multi-
los
tud de fuentes explicitas. Respecto a cundarias."
en
los dos ejemplares disponibles
de Salamanca.
el
La lectura de
con uno de
trabajado
Tambien
se
habria que diferenciar entre primarias y se-
ellas
encuentra informacion dispersa que apunta a fuentes de mas
determinacion y que requieren un estudio especifico.
£1 corpus analizado Se ha limitado a los comentarios correspondientes a
De
tuano: Contra poetas impudice loquentes y fuentes que se cita en ellos se acerca
nombre de
latiniza su
al
centenar.'^ Las
pila, e.g., Collecta Sebastiatii
aleman Das
navis (traduccion latina del original
las
siguientes obras del
numero
calamitatihus temporum. El
Brant
mas
Man-
total
de
nombradas por
recurridas,
opus Baptistae Mantuani (n. 14). Stultifera
in
Narrenschiff) es su
obra mas conocida, que
le
pro-
porciono fama internacional. Jean Brouchier. Los datos biograficos de
*
mas importante para determinar del
Mantuano Defortuna
los afios
Francisci
al., s.a.),
que recogen todas
como termino
la
referencia
comentario a
la
obra
En
los Archives biographiques frangaises (ed. S. Bradley,
XVII
obras biograficas francesas de los siglos
al
XX,
London
se establece
mencionada publicacion. Las ultimas obras de referencia son comenta-
ante quern la
Lucianus Scaphidius, Erasmo, y Simon de Colines en 1528. Esta informacion proviene de
rios a la
las
son escasos. Precisamente,
es la publicacion del
Gonzagae, editado por vez primera en Paris en 1512 (n° 210 del
catalogo de Coccia, Le edizioni, 52). et
este autor
en que vivio
obra de
Cf
'
J.
C. F. Hoefer, Nouvelk biographie generale, 46
vols. (Paris, 1855), 7:516.
Coccia, Le edizioni, 109-129.
Solo uno de los tres voliimenes y mutilado. " Entendiendo por ellas las que recibe a traves un autor intermediario. '°
En concreto, se han contabilizado un total de ochenta y ocho. El nombre empleado, asi el numero de veces que aparecen se indica a continuacion: Vergilius (209 veces), Ovidius Servius (49), Vulgata (41), Plinius (33), Horatius (32), luvenalis (21), Homerus (20), Lucanus
'^
como (57),
Augustinus
(14), Strabo (13), lustinus (12), Statins (11), (9),
Persius (9), Diodorus
Lucretius (4),
(6), Sallustius (6),
Festus (4),
Catullus
(3),
Curtius
Martianus Capella (1),
Aristarchus
Boethius (1), II
Plutarchus
Cato
(1),
(1),
(6),
(8),
Tibullus
Valerius
Macrobius
(4),
(3),
Lactantius
(3),
Propertius
(3),
Alexander (de Villedieu)
(1),
(Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini)
(1),
Probus
Q. Serenus (1),
Plato
Dioscorides
Pacuvius
(1), Ps.
(1), (1),
Acron
(3),
(3),
Apuleius
(2), Silius
(1),
Livius
(5),
Donatus
Mantuanus
(3),
Nonius Marcel-
(2),
losephus
(2),
Apollonius
(1),
Bergomensis chronographus
(1),
Ephorus
(1),
Sappho
(1),
(1),
Euphorion
Philostephanus
(1),
(9),
Itahcus (2), Varro (2),
Antipatros Sidonius
Badius Ascensius
(1),
Herodotus
Gellius (6), Hesiodus (6),
(6), Aristoteles (5),
Quintilianus
Avicenna
Dionysius Thrax
(10),
(7),
Medicus Tertius Ponticus
(3),
(1),
Manlius Theodorus
Cicero
Seneca
Maximus
(1),
(1),
(10),
(8),
Tortellius (4), Valla (4), Baptista
Martialis (2), Petrus Burrus (2),
(2),
Ausonius
Fabius Pictor
(4),
Ennius
Agathyrsides
(1),
(1),
(3),
Terentius
Solinus
Hieronymus
lus (3), Plautus (3),
Afranius
(8),
(1),
(1),
Pindarus
Simonides
(1),
Eusebius (1),
Pius
Siponti-
MARIANO MADRID CASTRO orden de frecuencia son Virgilio (209 veces), Ovidio
Horacio
(41), Plinio (33),'^
Juvenal (21),
(32),
(13), Justino (12), Estacio (11),
339
(57), Servio (49), la
Homero
(20),
Lucano
Agustin (10), Ciceron (10), Herodoto
(9),
Vulgata
Estrabon
(14),
Livio
(9),
y Persio (9). A partir de este autor, la frecuencia con que aparecen los demas es algo menor. Entre los no nombrados aqui (vease n. 12) se encuentran autores coetaneos,
como
propio Mantuano (en obras diferentes a
es el caso del
comentada, logica-
la
mente), o de Valla.
Badius y otros comentaristas La aludida edicion de 1513 incluye piezas del Mantuano comentadas por mas de
un humanista, pecialmente
que nos brinda
lo
poema
util el
la
posibUidad de cotejarlas. Para este
fin, resulta es-
Contra poetas impudice loquentes, que dispone de dos
comen-
de Badius y Murrho. Ello permite contrastar el uso de las fuentes en ambos. Respecto a De calamitatibus temporum, ha habido que recurrir a fragmentos con una tarios, los
como
extension suficiente
Algunos de
para posibilitar
la
obtencion de resultados
veniente de estar incompletes. Asi ocurre con
y
de Brant
el
De
al
libro
Han
1.
sido, pues, los
Su numero
Hace
zado.
De
muy
superior
al
incony
2'^
al libro
2
el
Theocritus
(1),
comentario
Contra poetas
al
(1),
un
autores'^ entre los
Theophiastus
(1),
el
otro comentario anali-
que ocupa un lugar pre-
Valerius Flaccus
referimos a C. Plinio Segundo,
Le sorprendio calamitatibus.
la
el
Leemos
(fol.
relinqui.
35v):
videbitur aut
Nee
el
comentario correspondiente
potuit Sebastianus et castigare.
Murrho primae
Quod
si,
ut
mienza propiamente
quod non aeque
el
y en
el
iba siguiendo
" Vid.
Mantuani quod Calamitatum
el
En
el fol.
al
quedan unas
32v). Igualmente,
(fol.
absolutum aut ter-
lineas
commentarii Sebastiani
de Murrho
el
el
Mur-
primer fragmento del
al final
del libro
48 y 52) compuestas, con toda seguridad, de forma anticipada
redactar
mor-
siguiente (36r) co-
siguiente encabezamiento: Collecta
inscribitur post
Antes de este encabezamiento, no obstante, ya se inseito
libro 2 (fols.
libro
est, in historiis, fabulis, [sic]
quadret, celeritati et indigesto labori vique dirae
comentario sustitutivo de Brant con
Sebastiani Brant in opus Baptistae
a]
Parthenices et Secundae
humanum
absque Murrhonis infamia candidi lectores tribuere dignentur."
trabajo de Brant
Vitru-
"Coegjt heu inexorabile fatum interpretationem banc
geographia, astronomia abstrusi sensus interpretationem erratum miniusve
rhonis defectum.
(1),
Viejo.
muerte cuando no habia concluido
commentariolos revidere, recognoscere
sum quiddam
Vegetius
(1),
(1).
abrumpi imperfectamque
tis
el
a los libros 1
comentarios de Badius y Brant
promedio que presenta en
referencia a cincuenta y
y Zoilus
" Nos '*
es
Suetonius
(1),
vius (1),
1
de Murrho'^
el
calamitatibus los elegidos para estudiar las relaciones entre ellos.
Fuentes citadas por Badius en
nus
satisfactorios.
comentarios a esta ultima obra que Badius adjunta presentan
los
al
1
(fol.
42v)
orden que
comentario.
el fol. 48, algo mas de una pagina en el fol. 52. En este nombre de Murrho, pero el fragmento presenta todas las trazas de pertenecer a este comentarista. En efecto, se repiten expUcaciones que se ban leido anteriormente en Badius. El comentario siguiente esta encabezado por el nombre de su autor: Brant. " Vergilius (44 veces), Ovidius (16). Servius (12), Horatius (11), Homerus (9), PUnius (6),
n. 14. Presenta
ultimo pasaje no
Strabo
(5),
esta
Terentius
7 lineas en
indicado
(5),
el
Cicero
(4),
luvenalis (4), Tibullus (4), Augustinus (3), Lucretius (3),
LOS COMENTARIOS DE ASCENSIUS
340
eminente
que
empleado cuarenta y cuatro veces. Es precise recordar al respecto de reducidas dimensiones.'' Otros autores citados tambien en gran
Virgilio,
obra
la
es
numero son Ovidio Estrabon
(5),
Homero
(16 veces), Servio (12), Horacio (11),
y Terencio
Plinio (6),
(9),
(5).
Fuentes citadas por Badius en el comentario al libro 2 De calamitatibus Su numero (29)'* esta en consonancia con el pro medio habitual que presentan
los
comentarios del celebre impresor. Es cierto que en algunos pasajes aporta abundancia
de fuentes, pero eUo no ocurre con regularidad. Normalmente, da gran cantidad de informacion de caracter didactico sin aludir a autores,'' lo que explica
extension
la
de sus trabajos.
Los autores a
que acude con mas frecuencia en
los
comentario
el
Horacio
Virgilio (22 veces), Plinio (11), Vulgata (10), Juvenal (6),
Lucano
(4),
y Servio
libro 2
son
Ovidio
(5),
al
(5),
(4).
Fuentes citadas por Murrho en el comentario al Contra poetas El panorama en este autor es bastante diferente. EUo se pone de manifiesto en el recuento, que arroja un resultado mas bajo que en Badius respecto a la misma obra comentada (39
autores).^"
Ademas,
preferencias son otras. Para confirmar esto
las
ultimo, basta con hacer recuento de los autores mas citados: Plinio (12 veces),
Nonius Marcellus
(3),
Ennius
Pompeius
(2),
Festus
(2),
Quintilianus
Avicenna
(1),
Manilas Theodoras (1),
Theocritus
" Veinte tuano y '*
el
(1),
Hesiodus
(2),
Varro
(2),
Donatus
(2),
Livius
Vulgata
(2),
Herodotus
(1),
Plaatas
Theophrastus
(1),
y Valerius Maximus
tamano octavo, incluyendo
la
Servius
(4),
Hieronymus
Diodorus
(3),
Livius
(1),
Petrus
Bumis
(2),
(1),
lenguaje poetico es ordo
mentarios). Vid.
fols.
Lactantius (1), Lucanus (1),
(1),
Suetonius
(1), Statias (1),
(1).
presentacion de
la
obra,
el
texto del
Man-
(3),
Augustinus
Apuleius
(2),
Cicero
(1),
Philostephanus
(1),
Horatius
(6),
Q. Curtius
Ovidius
(5),
Fabius Pictor
(1),
Seneca
(5),
Gellius (2), lusti-
(2),
Herodo-
(1),
Strabo
(1), Statius (1),
(1),
Nunca
est
el
orden usual de
La formula bajo
la
que
los
elementos de
la
al
que
(que en ocasiones se senala en los escolios impresos de los co-
es
lo utiliza Brant, al
oracion,
se explica este aspecto particu-
objeto de comparacion,
menos en
el
e.g.,
comentario a
en
el
del libro
los tres libros
De
1
De
Murrho
calamitatibus,
calamitatibus.
Plinius (12 veces), Strabo (11), Silius Italicus (9), Ovidius (7), Statius (7), Vergilius (7).
Pompeius
Catullus
(2),
(5),
Cicero
Martialis (5),
(2),
Homerus (1),
(1),
Nigidius
Rhodium
(1),
Hugucione da (1),
Diodorus Siculus
Gellius (2),
lus (2), Plautus (2), Propertius (2),
bius
Gellius (1),
(1),
42v, 48r, 48v, 49r et passim. Este recurso es utilizado alguna vez por
(en comentarios diferentes
(1),
Afranius
(1),
alterados tan frecuentemente por los poetas.
fol. 9v).
Propertius
(2), Martialis (2),
(1),
Solinus
(1), Sallustias (1),
y Tortellius (1). " E.g., continua es su preocupacion por mostrar
Festus
Josephus
(1),
(1),
hojas en
Acron
comentario de Badius.
(4),
Terentius
^
Macrobius
Pacavias
(1),
Persius (2), Solinus (2), Sallustius
(2),
tus (1),
lar del
(2),
(2), Ps.
Vergilius (22 veces), Plinius (11), Vulgata (10), luvenalis
Lucanus nus
Seneca
(2),
Cato
(1),
Persius (3), Plato (3), Valla (3), Aristoteles (2), Catullus (2), Diodorus (2),
Hieronymus
Vulgata
Pisa (1),
Persius (1), Plato
Servius (1), y Varro
(1).
(2),
(2),
luvenalis (4), Priscianus (3),
Horatius
Aristophanes
Hyginus
(1),
(4),
(1),
Plutarchus
(2),
(1),
Lactantius
Ptolemaeus
(1),
(1),
SoUnus
(3),
Nonius Marcel-
Diogenes Laertius
lohannes lanuensis (1),
(2),
(1),
Labeo
Hesiodus
(1),
Macro-
Scholia ad Apollonium
MARIANO MADRID CASTRO Estrabon (11), Marcial
(5),
Ovidio
Silio Italico (9),
(5),
Diodoro Siculo
(7),
Estacio
y Juvenal
(4),
(7),
341
Pompeyo
Virgilio (7), Festo
(4).
Fuentes citadas por Brant en el comentario al libro 2 De calamitatibus Son cincuenta y ocho en total. ^' El autor mas citado es Virgilio, que aparece el doble de veces que el segundo en frecuencia, Ovidio. A ellos hay que anadir como fuentes mas empleadas la Vulgata (31 veces), Servio (29), Plinio (21), Lucano (18), Estrabon (16), Justino (13), Solino (10), Diodoro (7), Livio (7), y Flavio Josefo (6).
tomo
Consideraciones en
a los comentarios de Badius y
Murrho
al
Contra poetas impudice loquentes
La nota mas llamativa de Badius firente a
ocupa
dius,
es la referencia
7 en Murrho. Ovidio, en cambio,
el
cuarto lugar en frecuencia en
el
continua a Virgilio: 44 veces,
segundo autor mas empleado por Ba-
el
comentario de Murrho. Los dos
uientes autores en Badius son Servio (que aparece doce veces; citado solo
Murrho) y Horacio Badius aporta
por su
Este,
el
(11 veces;
Consideraciones en
y
De
al libro 2
—
sobre todo,
En
bajos.
quince que no aparecen en
al
tomo
a los comentarios de Badius al Contra poetas
a
Badius consigo mismo, esto
Contra poetas y
la diferencia
el
comentario
De
al
numerica en
Lucanus
(21),
que
el
fuentes que emplea en sus co-
Gellius
(3),
explicitas
sigue: Vergilius (64 veces),
en
el
Ovidius
un
(2),
Plato
(2),
(1),
Aratus
(1),
Cornelius Celsus
lanua
(1),
y Tibullus
^ vius,
Sutius
Aristobulus (1),
(1), Martialis (1),
Prudentius (1),
(1),
(3),
Appianus
(2),
(1),
(2),
Valerius
(1),
Apuleius
Maximus
Athanasius
Eusebius
de cincuenta y un
Diodorus
Augustinus
(1),
(1), Sallustius (1),
Aeneas
(1),
(1),
(1),
(7),
(3),
Boccaccio
Piccolomini
Baptista
Mantuanus
Hesiodus
(1),
2 De
Livius (7), Josephus (6),
Homerus
Silvias
Philostephanus
Suetonius
libro
al
Vulgata (31), Servius (29), Plinius
(2), Aristoteles (2),
(2),
Fabius Pictor
Persius (1), Philelphus
Quintilianus
total
comentario de Brant
(33),
(18), Strabo (16), lustinus (13), Solinus (10),
Pomponius
atencion,
la
uso de fuentes y testimonios en ambos tra-
Festus (5), Herodotus (5), Horatius (4), Seneca (4), Cicero (3),
Lactandus
— llama
temporum 2
mas de 14 fohos en formato de octavo.^* Ello
La relacion compleu de fuentes
^'
es, las
calamitatibus
Contra poetas se encuentran
al
autores citados, recogidos en algo
calamitatibus es la
Murrho.^
comentario de Badius.^
el
calamitatibus
comparamos
Si
mentarios
en Murrho 2 veces).
testimonio de veinticuatro autores no empleados por
parte, presenta
sig-
una en
Tacitus
Hyginus
(I), (1),
Plautus
(1),
luvenalis (5), (2),
(1), (1),
(1),
(2),
Claudianus
Johannes de
(1),
Terentius
Florus
Ambrosius
Priscianus (1),
(1),
Thucydides
(1).
Afranius, Aristoteles, Gellius, Avicenna, Cato, Donatus, Ennius, Herodotus, Josephus, Li-
Lucanus, Lucretius, Manlius Theodorus, Pacuvius, Quintilianus,
Sallustius,
Seneca, Suetonius,
Maximus, y Valla. Pompeius, Gellius, Hieronymus, Hugucione da Pisa,
Terentius, Theocritus, Theophrastus, Tibullus, Valerius
" Aristophanes, Diogenes Laertius,
Festus
Hyginus, lohannes lanuensis, Labeo, Nigidius, Plutarchus, Priscianus, Ptolemaeus, Scholia ad
Apllonium RJiodium, y ^*
El texto poetico
Silius Italicus.
comentado ocupa unos
incluye dedicatoria, index rerum
et
tres folios. El
volumen
verborum, texto y comentario es de
20
total del
fols.
del
opusculo, que
tamano
referido.
LOS COMENTARIOS DE ASCENSIUS
342
frente a los veintinueve correspondientes
comentario
al
al
libro 2
De
calamitatibus
temporum, escrito en 10 folios aproximadamente,^^ tamano cuatemon, con lo que
vienen a resultar Si
casi el
doble de extensos.
hay coincidencia en relacion
a los auto res
son Virgilio (en Contra poetas 44 veces, en Ovidio, que ocupa ciende
Viejo
el
el
que ocupa
el
citados.
En ambos comentarios De calamitatibus 22);
analizado
segundo lugar en Contra poetas (16 veces mencionado), des-
sexto lugar en
al
mas
el libro
el
De
calamitatibus, libro 2.
segundo
En
este
comentario
es Plinio el
lugar.
Consideraciones en torno a los comentarios de Badius y Brant al libro 2 De calamitatibus No son de la misma extension: Badius ocupa algo menos de 13 folios,^^ Brant algo mas de 4. El primero recurre a un total de veintinueve autores, el segundo justamente al doble: cincuenta y nueve. Es, en cambio, curiosa la coincidencia de ambos en 64.
por delante de
citar a Virgilio
Ovidio y
las
mismo modo, Servio, Lucano, y ambos comentaristas. Badius Este,
fuentes. Badius lo
que no
se
hace referencia a treinta y
parte,
las
emplea 22 veces, Brant primeras fuentes." Del
ocho primeros en
Plinio se encuentran entre los
cita solo cuatro autores^*
por su
demas
Vulgata se encuentran tambien entre
la
encuentran entre tres
los
que aporta Brant.
que no aparecen en
el trabajo
de
Badius.29
Conclusiones Los datos que ciones. los
ofrecen estan, naturalmente, abiertos a multitud de interpreta-
se
Por nuestra
parte,
hemos
creido detectar algunos aspectos que se concretan en
puntos que siguen: 1)
A lo
largo del comentario, Badius aporta gran cantidad de informacion en dis-
tintos niveles: gramatical, historico, literario, religioso, etc. las
orienten
al
lector.
frente a treinta y
de Badius
^^
del
La utilizacion que hace de
fuentes tiene la finalidad de enriquecer la explicacion, aportando testimonios que
En
casi
Al abordar
el
Contra poetas hace cincuenta y
nueve que hace Murrho;
duplica a
esta edicion,
la
unos 4
sin
embargo,
la
un
alusiones a autores
extension del comentario
de Murrho. La inquietud principal de Badius parece ser
fols.
contienen
el
comentario de Brant y algo mas de
la
tres el texto
Mantuano. ^*
Por ambas
^ En
caras, se entiende.
Brant en segundo y tercero, con 33 y 31 veces respectivamente.
con 5 y 10 referencias respectivamente. Hieronymus, Petrus Burrus, Q. Curtius, y
En
Badius en sexto y
tercero, ^*
^'
Aeneas
Silvius Piccolomini, Valerius
Tortellius.
Maximus,
Tibullus, Thucydides, Tacitus, Suetonius,
Quintilianus, Prudentius, Priscianus, Pomponius, Plautus, Plato, Philelphus, Martialis, Lactantius,
Josephus, Johannes de lanua, Hygjnus, Homerus, Hesiodus, Florus, Festus, Eusebius, Cornelius Celsus, Claudianus, Boccaccio, Baptista Mantuanus, Athanasius, Aristoteles, Aristobulus, Aratus,
Appianus, y Ambrosius.
MARIANO MADRID CASTRO atencion
no dar muestras de
lector,
al
achacanele a Brant, que en ocasiones 2)
que
La eleccion de fuentes para
erudicion.-'" Este aspecto, cita autores
comentario no
el
Al menos no solamente. En
se explica.
como
rio del comentarista,
343
por contra,
si
puede
desmesuradamente." condicionada
esta
ello interviene
al
tipo de texto
de forma decisiva
el crite-
parece desprenderse del uso diverso de fuentes que hacen
Badius y Murrho cuando comentan la misma obra, el Contra poetas. Los autores que preferentemente maneja Badius se repiten en los dos comentarios
Vienen
analizados.
a ser Virgilio, Ovidio, Plinio el Viejo, Horacio,
muy empleados
primeros son
gorica de sus pasajes.
Con
comentarios.^^
A
en
y Servio. Los dos
comentarios medievales por la interpretacion ale-
los
Ciceron y su obra
los
nombra en cinco ocasiones en
los
dos
razon se podria decir que Badius no era propiamente un "cice-
roniano". Este dato no parece baladi, sobre todo cuando se considera su situacion en la controversia surgida entre
Erasmo y Bude
a raiz
de
la
publicacion en 1528 del
Ciceronianus, sive de optimo genere dicendi dialogus. 3) La disparidad de las fuentes presentadas por Badius y Murrho apoya la tesis del desconocimiento que cada autor tuvo del comentario del otro al Contra poetas, cues-
tion esta tratada en otro lugar.''
^ Hay que suponer que como alumnos
universitarios (vid.
Comenius,
los receptores
de ordinario,
se refieren
Hay en
con menos
general, pues,
Erasmo y Bude Scio
(vid.
Badium non
las
Bibliographic, l:26ss.).
esse prorsus ftfiouaov,
nostris hactenus probavit ut quoties
"escuela latina"
menos
ss.),
o gymnasium
de edades com-
fuentes citadas en los comentarios
creacion del topico respecto
la
recriminaciones que se
Renouard,
como
de lo que lo hacen Murrho y Brant. Este hecho
detalle
debe de haber influido de manera notable en
dado de simple, a juzgar por
comentarios de Badius no son tanto estudiantes
los
Lopez Peces [Madrid, 1986], 272
Didactica magna, trad. S.
prendidas entre los 14 y 17 anos. y,
de
ya avanzados de lo que se conocia
verum
le dirigen
Germain
una vez Brice,
al latin
abierta la
amigo de Bude,
qualis qualis est, talem se certe
de doctis sermo inter doctos
de Badius,
incidit,
til-
polemica entre escribe:
hominibus
de Badio plane
oii5el5 XCrfoc,.
Toussain, por su parte, le dedica este epigrama:
Desine mirari quare postponat Erasmus
Budaeum
Badio; plus favet
ille pari.
(En Renouard,
Tambien posteriores,
los propios
aunque
graphic, 1:140 ^'
E.g.,
Bibliographic, 1:27)
comentarios fiieron denostados por sabios y eruditos contemporaneos y con fines didacticos en multitud de ocasiones (Renouard, Biblio-
se plagiaron
ss.).
en
el fol.
53r de
la
edicion manejada
(Paris, 1513), se
viene a citar una media de un
autor por linea. ^"
Frente a
las
" M. Madrid
66 en que remite
a Virgilio
o
las
Castro, "Badius* and Murrho's
R. Schnur (Tempe. AZ, 2000), 397-402.
poetas impudicc loquentcs," in
et
al.,
eds..
21 a Ovidio.
Commentaries on Baptisu Mantuanus* Contra
Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Abulensis,
MRTS 207
LOS COMENTARIOS DE ASCENSIUS
344
se
4) Hay evidencias de que Brant utilize y completo desprende de que Brant repite practicamente todos
No
en vano,
el trabajo
de Badius
se
el
comentario de Badius,
los autores
publico siete aiios
antes.-''*
UNED
^
Brant manifiesta en su comentario
(fol.
48r): Astra indicant
primera edicion del comentario de Badius hay que suponerla en 1:146).
De
hecho, en
el
comentario de Brant
comentario de Badius a este mismo libro
1
al
(fol.
libro 40r).
1
De
como
que nombra Badius.
1
Motril
annum Domini MCCCCCVI. La 499 (cf. Renouard, Bibliographie,
calamitatihus aparece
como
fiiente el
Memory
Training in
Renaissance Education
JOHN
R. C.
MARTYN
modem education, students seem to be almost incapable of memorizing anyInthing, and Classics students now expect to be allowed to take in dictionaries and grammars for exams. By
day there were no dictionaries, no
contrast, in Cicero's
grammars, and almost no encyclopaedias, and the papyrus to read. Their capital letters ation.
Finding a particular passage in a
roll
all
the early Greeks, invented a system of mnemonics to
At
on,
many
slaves,
were
able to read the
remedy
this
brilliant
problem,
similar
tion struggled with the
and hnked with well-trained memories.
oral skills,
works appeared on
this topic, as
generation after genera-
problem of absorbing and remembering an ever-growing
body of knowledge. Mind you, today most eight-year-olds can obtain almost their knowledge as they surf the net. But what one does with it all, and the CD full
of encyclopaedias,
of
late in
that time, the transmission of Uterature, history, science,
music depended almost entirely on
From then
no punctu-
According to Cicero, Simonides, one of the most
facility.
the sixth century B.C.
virtually
of text must have been extremely time-
consuming. Only a few scholars, and the better educated roUs with any
were extremely hard
rolls
were unseparated, and there was
is
the
modem
all
of
racks
problem.
In the fourth century B.C., Diogenes of Sinope was captured by pirates and sold to a Corinthian, Xeniades, as a tutor for his sons.
Relying on
his
memory, the Cynic
many long passages of poetry and history, and aphorisms own works, and made them memorize these passages in order to train their
philosopher taught them
from
his
own
memories. Bear in mind that papyrus roUs containing the works of the Greek
authors
would have helped
a scholar
Uke him. By 167
Perseus of Macedonia had been brought over to to
Aemihus
B.C., the entire Ubrary
Rome,
of King
after the King's capitulation
Paullus at the battle of Pydna.
This influx of Greek texts had a dramatic
eflfect
on indigenous
Roman
culture,
bringing in a new, Greek system of education and Greek models for philosophy, pohtics, rehgion, drama, also,
and remained Greek
and
literature.
thereafter.
Science and medicine were Greek imports
Only law was
a
Roman preserve. The
so-called
MEMORY TRAINING
346
"Scipionic Circle" had
full
access to this library of PauUus
patron of the
lianus, a great
arts.
members of the
circle, like
Roman law.
who
shared with
In
philosophy to
Aemi-
Mucins Scaevola and
satire,
major part in codi-
Laelius, played a
This extraordinarily talented group was greatly admired by Cicero,
them
a passion for
one of Cicero's main
fact,
his son, Scipio
and the historian Polybius. Other
Lucilius, the dramatist Terence, the Stoic Panaetius,
fying
and
His friends included the inventor of Roman
culture.
was
his publisher, Atticus,
who
of Greek
his adaptation
new
works, for which he often had to coin
his Latin
with the assistance of
Greek
services to posterity
words,
at
times
was an expert in the Greek lan-
We know that Cicero covild quote from almost all the Greek and Latin works
guage.
and he was extremely accurate, except for an odd connective or
available in his day,
He
adjective.
quotes, for example, from the thirty books of Satires
composed by Lu-
written over a hundred years before, and although only forty verses appear,
cilius,
they cover most of the poems, and are used in eight of his works, including speeches
and
and are almost word-perfect.' Aulus
letters,
from memory
a six-line passage
about A.D. 160, quoted
Gellius, in
from book 8 of Ennius' Annals, with
just
one
slip.
knew over one hundred and fifty speeches of old Marcus Cato, delivered two centuries before his day. And Quintilian, the first professor of education in Rome, in Cicero
about A.D. 100, expected
and
his students to learn speeches
But he condemned other
scripts.
who
teachers
to
caned children
memorize
when
their
their
own
memories
them down.^ Another writer who knew the Satires of Lucilius well was Lactantius, the "Christian Cicero", who quoted from memory a six-line passage attacking superstition.
let
(One or two words and
is
still
differ
from the version
The
in Nonius.)
passage
relevant, with the popular love today of horoscopes,
is
quite striking
and of witchcraft.
Potter-style:^
man
This
trembles
at
Numa Pompiliuses, beHeve false
that
all
bronze
dreams are
true,
test
and believe that
and
real
a heart beats in
'
There
^
when ^
and
as
many
are four in in
De
so those fools think that
bronze
statues.
as
De
the sword replaces
same time
are
as
we
Oratore, four in
De
shall see.
Finibus,
Atticae, 20.10.1.
Others from
one each
us that
feat
and
reappeared in
classical
times with
in the Tusculan Disputations, in
Letters to Atticus (6.6.7, 13.21.3, 16.11.1).
Cicero, Pro Murena 14.30,
wisdom and violence
tells
to four secretaries,
seven secretaries simultaneously. This
Natura Deorum, and three in his
Aulus Gellius, Nodes
starts
Wit^ proeliis promulgatis,
takes over rational debate.
In Lactantius's great defense of Christianity, Divinae Institutiones, 1.22.13.
Lactantius
They
of memory was simultaneous dictation. The Elder Phny
medieval and Renaissance times,
Brutus,
men,
real, all fictitious.
Julius Caesar used to dictate four letters at the
sometimes used
baby boys
that they are all-important. Just as
statues are alive
nothing
painters' galleries,
Another
scarecrows and witches, established by our Fauns and
and he thinks
was professor of rhetoric under Diocletian and became a Christian
Bom
in Africa,
late in his life.
JOHN
MARTYN
R. C.
proverbial memories were Cyrus of Penia,
347
who was
believed to
know
the
name of
every soldier under him, Cineas, ambassador to Pyrrhus, and Marcus Cato himself,
who
on medicine, jurisprudence, and military scibooks on Roman history. All these works were stored in Cicero's memory-bank. In his old age, Cato exercised his mind by running over everything which he had said, heard, or done during the day; to him they were his "intellectual gymnastics," the "race-courses of his mind" rather Uke Kim's game today. Any child at school in ancient Greece or Rome had a slate, and very little else. Long hours of rote learning was the only means of acquiring a wide knowledge. And most teachers used a cane to prod the memory, even though Quintilian recommended little cakes and incentives.* In medieval times, httle had changed. There were small collections of manuscripts in the scriptoria of monasteries, and a few well-stocked hbraries, like the Pope's. But books were still very rare and costly, even when they replaced the papyrus rolls. In the third century A.D., with the growing demand for Bibles in particular, books (cowrote an encyclopaedia,
ence, plus a major
work on
treatises
agriculture and seven
—
began to appear, using foHos of vellum, or sheets of papyrus, or thin boards of
dices)
white acacia. But words were very slow to be separated, and Latin scribes used capitals until
case
the
fifth
Carohngian
century, and uncials until the eighth. script
appeared in the
late eighth
was only when the lower-
It
century that words were properly
separated and punctuated, and book-production was encouraged by the emperor.
This allowed the better-educated priests and lay people to read the holy
texts.*
With the great shortage of texts, certainly until about A.D. 900, erudite monks had to memorize any works which were available to them personally, or on loan to their monastery. To achieve this, various mnemonic devices were developed, adapted firom those of the Greco-Roman experts. Ironically, the increase in printed books led to an equal increase in works on memory training. This fact has been well documented by Mary Carruthers, in her important recent work on Memory in Medieval Culture. She rightly ai^es that no monastery had enough Bibles, or bibhcal commentaries or important classical texts, for ordinary monks or nuns to have more than a very small collection of their own. And so mnemonic techniques had to be used to help the monks memorize those many religious works which they were expected to know by heart.*
A well-known work in the field is the early eleventh-century treatise on memory by Hugh of Saint Victor, designed to
*
For Cato's words, see Cicero, De
tutio Oratoria,
train
Senectute,
memories
1 1
.38.
1.3.14—17, and 1.1.36: maxime necessaria
based on Cicero's
De
Oratore
and the
specifically to
understand and
For caning children, see Quintilian, Imti-
est oratori
Rhetorica ad Herennium,
is
memoria. His treatment of memory, in
1
1.2.1-51 (pmnis disciplina memo-
ria constat). *
Gregory the Great donated valuable manuscripts from
his library to
monasteries and nunneries, and to missionaries like Saint Augustine,
as
many newly-founded
can be seen in his Registmm
Epistolarum. *
1999)
Carruthers, The Book of Memory. A Study of Memory in Medieval Culture (Cambridge, which Elisabeth van Houts, Memory and Gender in Medieval Europe 900-1200 (Toronto,
Mary
1990), to is
very
much
indebted.
MEMORY TRAINING
348
interpret the Bible, without the aid of the text
gratitude the daily
by
alone,
exercises said to
John of Salisbury
itself.
be given to him and
Bernard of Chartres. But for great
their teacher,
memory
memorizing
no one could
surpass
feats
of creative writing from
Thomas Aquinas, whose
he too could dictate to three or four
recalled with
his fellow pupils
secretaries claimed that
Caesar had
secretaries at once, just like Julius
done.'
The invention of printing needed if
to be wealthy to
certainly
own
a lot
rich.
The
he or she was lucky or
productions were very pricey. In
were almost
as
in just five years,
Despite
this
And
monastic
yet
texts,
but only
libraries
one
of monks,
priests,
printed editions of Virgil's Georgics as
the finest and most
editions of the Georgics appeared clear that there
it
was a very
and the rich could afford them.
and scholars
still
A
really retentive
memory
remained
still
priest or scholar, or for that
the eminent Scottish humanist George
Ren-
on well-endowed and widen their theo-
relied
or on those of wealthy patrons, to establish
classical learning.
still
dozen or so
were extremely labor-intensive, and
first
no fewer than ten
quirement in the training of any
articles
the
half a
increased availability of reUgious and classical texts during the
libraries,
and
early presses fact,
between 1467 and 1472.* This made
new
aissance, the vast majority
logical
self-education far easier, but
A scholar might have
ornate in their lettering and illuminations
expensive manuscripts.
strong thirst for
made
of books.
Buchanan was found
a vital re-
matter lawyer.
guilty
When
of deviations on
of faith by the Inquisition in Lisbon, in July 1551, he was placed under house
arrest in the
monastery of Sao Bento. The prior claimed that
totally unsuitable for a guest like
Buchanan,
a scholar
his little
monastery was
and friend of the queen, but the
Scot was forced to spend seven uncomfortable months there in isolation, until he was
pardoned and literary
work,
expected to
left
for France.
While
his Latin paraphrases
know
all
Even when teaching
in his cell,
his
most all
successfiil
monks were
the Latin psalms by heart, and the same applied to Buchanan. in
Coimbra, he owned only
colampadius's Excerpts from Greek Literature,
six
or so books,
Stifelius's Arithmetic,
among them Oe-
and Cicero's Defense
two edited by Melanchthon, which could have proved dangerous. He few other speeches by Cicero. But he took none of these books with monastic ceU. And yet, while he was buried away there, his memory pro-
ofMilo, the also
owned
him
to his
last
a
vided the framework and substance for
were soon
Buchanan prepared
of the Psalms. In medieval times,
his paraphrases.
With some
revisions, these
to astound the literary and religious circles in Paris with the beauty
elegance of their poetry.
Over
a
hundred editions of these poems have been
and dis-
covered, and their early publishers were none other than Henri Estienne and Plantin.
Some of them were
set to
Buchanan was introduced
'
The
music.
Through
to the vivacious
year of John of Salisbury's birth
is
these poems, and friends in the Pleiade,
Mary, soon
uncertain, but if
1 1 1
to
5
is
be Queen of France and
accepted, Bernard could not
have taught him (he died in 1130). *
Andreas 1467, 1471; de Spira 1470. 1471; Mentelin 1470; Ahayes 1472; Bartol 1472; Fiviz-
zano 1472; Gering 1472; and Girardanus 1472.
JOHN foUowed her
Scotland, and he that's
another
More
R. C.
MARTYN
to the Highlands, to
349
become her
personal tutor. But
story.'
mnemonics is an episode in the life of Prince Edward of Andre de Resende, in 1541. When the prince was he showed great originality and writing abihty, and an amazing
interesting for
Portugal, described by his teacher, a teenager,
still
memory. The eminent Louvain
scholar Nicolas Clenardo was attracted by a princely
salary to the royal court to tutor
boy
the
fluent Latin oration. thereafter for
young Edward.
On
his arrival,
King John was
so impressed that he
university classes. Later on, the prince
all
Resende. They were reading the
his other tutor,
Clenardo addressed
was surprised to be welcomed by him with an equally
in fluent Latin, and
made
Latin compulsory
was studying
principia to the
dialectics
with
Ars Rhetorica of
Johannes Caesarius, printed in Louvain in 1539, and they then turned to
Aristotle, for
His elder brother and a future king, Prince Henry, visited the
light relief, presumably!
two of them one day during their siesta, and Resende suggested that Edward should show his elder brother how well he was progressing. The young Prince closed his book, and gave
his
brother a resume in Latin of Porphyry's
He
De
Praedicabilibus, Aris-
Henry was De Officiis with the young prince, and -they had just read chapter 7, De lustitia. Edward recited this chapter from memory, word for word, and then recited all the critical notes. He then started at the last word and
totle's Categories,
Plato's Parmenides.
did so with such fluency that
astounded. Resende was also studying Cicero's
of the chapter, and recited the text backwards, right to the very a pause.
According to Resende, he often did
been studying.
knew ly,
admired
Incidentally, Augustine
and could
also recite
ward was
their
Resende
and Resende proved
to
tinuity, as if dictating just
one
and so on,
letter,
his
secretaries simultaneously,
Edward dictated one and then jumped back to
his tutor,
He
a passionate
clause to
the
first,
maintained perfect con-
without stopping. As well
memory and fluency in Latin, Edward showed under
who
apposite-
be outstanding teachers, and Ed-
saw the grown-up prince dictating to four and Aquinas. According to
shirt
them most
student.'"
secretary, the next to another
rough hair
Simphcianus,
his fellow-student,
without a pause, and with every word in the right place.
a
word, without
books of Virgil's poems both forwards and backwards with
most briUiant
also
just like Caesar
first
with other texts which they had
the works of Cicero and Virgil off by heart, and could use
great accuracy. Clenardo
one
this
as
his
amazing
devotion to God, wearing
blouse and worshipping regularly in his private chapel.
His elder brother, Alphonso, died early in the year, and Edward was very hkely to
'
Philip
For a J.
reliable
biography of
this great
man, see
I.
D. McFarlane, Buchanan (1981). See
were many selections and translations, mostly into English. See McFarlane, They were published by Estienne and Plantin in 1556.
tions, there
247, 263. '"
also
Ford, George Buchanan: Prince of Poets (Aberdeen, 1982). For his psalms, besides the edi-
For the remarkable
Biographies of Prince
life
and death of Prince Edward, see
Edward and
Friar Pedro by
and Marcus Cato, mentioned above, were
Andre de Resende
all
my
Bttchanan,
edition and translation of the
(New York,
picked out by Resende in
1997). Cyrus, Cineas,
his
biography of Prince
Edward. For a nearly contemporary expert on mnemonics, with an equally prodigious memory, see
Rene Hoven,
Specimen
artis
memoriae
.
.
.
de Lambert-Thomas Schenckels (1978): 121-126.
MEMORY TRAINING
350
succeed John on the throne of Portugal, but he did not tion, like
Alphonso, just
six
months
last
long, dying of consump-
October 1540, when barely twenty-five
later, in
years old.
Memory er they
training played a major part in the preservation of oral traditions,
were
sagas built into the Iliad
ordinary families,
women
and Odyssey of Homer,
tales
especially, vital for the social history
wheth-
of monks and
of medieval and
Renaissance times, or explanations of the world around them, sung by Aboriginal ders.
The
great oral poets
and
story-tellers
countless phrases and tales plucked sagas
were the
basis
but kept alive in
his
of a boy's
from
five
of the
side
memories. For the Aboriginals, these
on the shifting sand, condemned as works of antiSome have now been preserved on tape, as
memory. Few of them
throughout the country. In
on one
their
initiation, illustrated
Christ by the early English missionaries.
have just four or
six
fact,
el-
could adapt and enrich a narrative with
still
on
trees or
survive,
hundred or so Aboriginal languages once spoken
when
the whites
first
arrived. Aboriginal tribes living
of Sydney Harbor could not understand those on the other, like the bel-
ligerent tribes
on opposite
sides
of the English Channel. Family
stories are
most
important for medieval and Renaissance history, but they are even more important for the preservation of more ancient cultures, like that of the Aboriginals.
most family tion,
histories,
was one of the
which explained cruellest results
their
own myths
as part
The
loss
of
of the world's crea-
of the 'stolen generation'. But
that's
another
story also.^'
University of Melbourne
" For living epics, see D. C. Rubin, Memory
in
Oral Traditions (Oxford, 1995).
Laughter and Humanism:
Unity and Diversity
in
Thomas Morels Epigrammata
ELIZABETH
Thomas More's Epigrammata Diversity" ism.
The
theme
McCUTCHEON
N.
of the "Unity and
a particularly telling instance
is
in the Res publica Utterarum of Northern Renaissance
Utopia and a collection of epigrams by Erasmus, and printed in a separate years later, in each instance
otherwise a disparate and
by the
difficult
and
Fewer than
sixty in the
a quarter
1518
(as
to
the humanists
would put
it)
because
so
it is
of the poems included in the collection (two hundred
two hundred and
editions,
epigrams from 1518 and adds eleven
sixty-nine in 1520,
new poems)
been written over a twenty-year or so period on that their tides often emphasize.' translate
volume two
Johann Froben.' The Epigrammata is describe. In some sense, indeed, it is a
press of
work
miscellany that deUghts and instructs varied.
human-
collection was twice printed in 1518, together with the third edition of the
are datable.' all
More's sources are
sorts
which omits two
But they seem to have
of occasions
also varied.
—
He was
occasions
the
first
to
and pubUsh many of the epigrams from the Planudean Anthology in Western
Europe, and over one hundred poems are translations of or variations upon epigrams
from the Greek material
text.*
But he
also adapts traditional jests
and Aesopic
fables,
reworks
from any number of classical writers (including Plutarch, Seneca, Cicero, Di-
ogenes Laertius, Plato, Aristode, Lucian, Plautus, and Martial), weaves in bibhcal
'
Thomas More,
Latin Poems, vol. 3, pt. 2 of the Complete Works of St.
Thomas More, ed.
Clarence H. Miller, Leicester Bradner, Charles A. Lynch, and Revilo P. Oliver 1984), 3-9. All ciutions of More's Latin ^ I
am
poems and English
using the count supplied by More, Latin Poems,
included at the end of
translations are 9,
11.
An
from
(New Haven, this edition.
additional ten
poems
are
this edition.
'
More, Latin Poems, 10-11.
*
More,
Latin Poems, 61, 12. See also Alan
Planudes (Oxford. 1993), 182-185.
Cameron, The Greek Anthology from Meleager
to
THOMAS MORE'S EPIGRAMMATA
352
two near contemporaneous English love lyrics.^ Even so, this summary over-emphasizes what More borrowed and blurs the freshness and originality of the collection as a whole. More was a pioneer; the epigram did not become a popular form in Britain until after 1540.^ and
texts,
translates
Formally and rhetorically, too, there
writing variations
upon
theme or motif
a
one blind and one lame,
gars,
variety
is
—
the collection includes an ode,
and verse epistles, for instance, in addition to epigrams, and
lyrics,
who
—
as in his
More
delights in
seven epigrams upon two beg-
are each other's support.
And
there
is
wide
a
range of addressees, including King Henry VIII, potential patrons, humanist friends,
More's children, the anonymous "Candidus," the French poet Brixius,
woman More
and sophisticated), and, in some
instances, himself, along
monologues. The topics are equally diverse
and
way
a
a fat priest, a
loved long ago, unidentified readers (almost invariably male, learned,
bad breath
to eliminate
— from
with dramatic dialogues and
foolish astrologers
after eating leeks (by eating onions,
and cuckolds and so on) to
upon kingship, government, and death. In mood, too, the epigrams and poems vary. There are jokes, slapstick comedy, scatology, satiric jabs, expres-
reflections
other
sions of friendship, encomia, ironic reflections, aphorisms,
and epitaphs; a
run of epigrams on a similar topic will be interrupted; and
jests
cluster or
and gnomic
treat-
ments of mortality can follow one another in rapid succession. The epigrams are not nailed in place, either
— indeed,
made many subsequent What, Carlson
if anything,
calls
tains that
historically,
they proved easily detachable, and have
appearances, which literary historians are
holds a miscellany like this together?
One
still
discovering.^
answer is what David
the self-promotion or "magnification" of Thomas More.^ So he main-
once "Each of these poems was
.
.
.
deracinated from
its
original context of
personal circulation and immediate occasion, and was reinscribed in the Epigrammata
monument to the poems' author," "the collecMore and his mental and verbal dexterity."^ This is 1959 H. A. Mason pointed out that the humanists "constituted
within an impersonal,
strictly
public
tion's ultimate subject
matter
is
not a
new
claim: in
a uast mutual-admiration society,"
^
J.
two English songs
from Greek
W.
self-
Binns, "Latin Translations
27 (1978): 128-159; idem,
Culture in Elizabethan and Jacobean England: The Latin Writings of the
"The Shorter
Latin
Poem
in
26 (1977): 101-131. See too Ann Baynes Coiro, Robert Tradition (Baltimore, 1988),
^
J.
in the English Renaissance," Humanistica Lovaniensia
2-6; and Lawrence Ryan,
later
was
startling.
Standard treatments of the Renaissance epigram include
lectual
activities
B. Trapp, Erasmus, Colet and More: The Early Tudor Humanists and Their Books (London,
1991), 42, finds More's use of these '
and that "one of their principal
45-77, which
situates
Age
Intel-
(Leeds, 1990), chaps.
Tudor England," Humanistica Herrick's "Hesperides"
More's epigrams between
Lovaniensia
and the Epigram Book classical
models and
English epigrammatists. In this connection see
744, and the
many
notes
"Appendix
D" by
Charles Clay Doyle in More, Latin Poems,
on sources and analogues
that
695-
have appeared in Moreana and other
journals. *
David R. Carlson,
English Humanist Books: Writers and Patrons, Manuscript and Print,
1475-
1525 (Toronto, 1993), 162. '
David R. Carlson, "Reputation and Duplicity: The Texts and Contexts of Thomas More's
Epigram on Bernard Andre,"
English Literary History 58 (1991):
261-281, here 265.
ELIZABETH But Carlson's
praise."'"
case
a very different answer.
Mary Thomas Crane
is
McCUTCHEON
N.
353
Another
closely, if selectively, argued.
Emphasizing the humanists'
argues that
More and
critic has
given
and teachen,
roles as advisors
other humanist epigrammatists set out to
"create a serious version of the epigram as a vehicle for humanist political and social
What
aims.""
and admonitory elements of
interests her, then, are the aphoristic
collection designed for authoritative moral instruction
—
a
primarily for More's su-
periors and inferiors.
The
self-praise
undeniably there, and the epigrams were, in part, intended to
is
although rarely
instruct,
as didactically as
Crane
But
posits.
either position overstates
much more nuanced and complex collection and seems to ignore the part that laughter or humor plays in a collection that is neither monumental, pace Carlson, aspects of a
nor the sober educational experience Crane describes.
I
see the Epigrammata rather as
often simultaneously serious and comic.
an open-ended, polyphonic collection that
is
What
often ambiguity, ambivalence, or equivo-
Carlson
cation
—
calls
dupUcity, then,
is
more
strategies that destabilize the epigrams,
comphcate attempts to derive
a
simple moral, and protect the author, while providing innumerable opportunities for joco-serious play and poUtical and social commentary. In any case, their cleverness
does not just demonstrate More's mental and verbal dexterity, but ftmctions rather -a principle of coherence that serves
chological purposes
— the more
many of these epigrams expressions
many,
albeit
complex,
so because the wit
social, poHtical,
and humor
as
and psy-
that characterize so
some extent, culturally determined: that is, they are of the code by which More and his fellow humanists operated in preare, to
Reformation Europe. Like other forms in
one
this collection,
is, itself,
an inherently social form,
tion was itself a cooperative venture:
were
all
and More often empha-
addressee by using a direct address or a vocative.'^ Moreover, this collec-
sizes the
More, Erasmus, Beatus Rhenanus, and Froben
meant to appeal to and in some community of humanists that could be defined, in part,
participants in the production of a collection
sense create an international
by
the epigram
that almost invariably requires an addressee or audience,
attitudes
and values
that evolved firom
ticipation in a reading experience that
and were sustained by
thanks to More's inimitable wit and humor.
UnUke many of the
tions of epigrams in the fifteenth century, then, or Erasmus's
votional collection, More's are the product of
'"
their
common
proved particularly appealing and
Harold Andrew Mason, Humanism and Poetry
someone who
forgettable collec-
more
sober, often de-
has rethought the na-
Early Tudor Period:
in the
par-
effective,
An
Essay (London,
1959). 28.
" Mary Thomas Crane, Framing Authority: Sayings, (Princeton, 1993), 146.
Compare and
sizes the political aspects
Self,
and Society
in
Sixteenth-Century England
contrast Coiro, Robert Herrick's "Hesperides,"
of More's epigrams by way of a
far
more nuanced
which empha-
reading.
'* In The Latin Epigrams of Thomas More, ed. and trans. Leicester Bradner and Charles Arthur Lynch (Chicago, 1953), xxiv-xxv, Bradner and Lynch note that this is More's "most frequent deviation from his Greek originals": xxiv.
THOMAS MORE'S EPIGRAMMATA
354
more
ture of the epigram and achieved something far
entertaining, aculeate,
and
memorable.'^ Beatus Rhenanus makes comparable points in his prefatory letter to WiUibald
whom
Pirckheimer, to
He
the collection of More's epigrams was dedicated.
by introducing the two men, speaking about that they shared as lawyers
who
and writers
begins
many things Greek as weU as
stressing the
are learned, adept in
honored by
Latin, heavily involved in public duties,
and
friendship,
their respective sovereigns, well-
to-do, generous, and able to appreciate the peculiar blend of wit, brevity, pleasure,
and point
learning,
that constitutes a learned epigram.'''
These same
could
attributes
characterize other readers of the epigrams as weD, and indirectly define the nature of
much of More's
how as
moved from law
they
Rhenanus
humor and
pure
jest,'
"'^
and study.
office to court
even more attention to the epigrams themselves, emphasizing
gives
their
claiming that
a claim that
it
would "be proper
1518 edition of the epigrams, which includes also returns to the
the epigrams.'^ cantly
to
more
Both More's
humor and
serious
title
the purposes
More
as
'He
is
every inch
page for the December
of a fool and
on
a satyr
pillars
deleted in the 1520 edition,
page that appeared in the
first
edition of signifi-
addition, Rhenanus's claim runs the risk of trivial-
deHcate balance of a collection that
of
is
title
and Western Europe's had changed
situation
it
More's blend of the jocular and the
earlier description
figures
Rhenanus's remark
between 1518 and 1520. In
izing More's
to say of More
echoed by the decorated
is
in the borders.'^ Interestingly,
which
They also illustrate just More and Pirckheimer were
reading public, a humanist coterie.
initial
multiple and complex the allegiances of men like
one
is
serves. It
does a disservice, in other words,
and misrepresents the dynamic and
serious,
so frequently joco-serious.
who
I
prefer Erasmus's
played the role of Democritus, the laughing
philosopher.'*
Rhenanus
is
these epigrams
hyperbolic, in any case; while laughter takes
— from
urbane wit, various
coarse and
ists.^"
was recognized
'^
And
many
as a
different
forms in
barbs to black comedy,
— not every poem
a psychologist has recently called "a universal
fundamental property of humankind by the human-
Ryan, "The Shorter Latin Poem," and Clarence H. Miller on "The Epi-
More and Erasmus"
in
Latin Poems, 38-56.
More,
More, Latin Poems, 73—75.
'^
More,
'^
This
o/Moreana
Latin Poems,
title
page
to the
is
320 (note
reproduced
Year 1750,
Thomas More:
A
for
St.
'*
See Desiderius Erasmus, The
Rhen. Pref §
in St. Tliomas More:
comp. R.
'^
W.
51).
A
Preliminary Bibliography of His
Gibson (New Haven, 1961),
Works and
11.
Preliminary Bibliography, 8, 77. Praise of Folly, trans.
Clarence H. Miller
(New Haven,
2.
" Robert R. Provine, "The Laughing Species," Natural History 109 (2000-2001): M. A. Screech, Laughter at the Foot of the Cross (London, 1997), 1.
^^
is
human
can be especially helpful in establishing a close relationship between an
See, for instance,
grams of '''
it
satiric
of irony, and the gentlest of smiles
sorts
humorous. But laughter, which signal,"*'
homely jokes and
72.
1979),
ELIZABETH
The group
author and his or her readers.^' were.
More
specifically, laughter
Beatus Rhenanus's
—
word
and people aUied in
ship
European
trans-national
a
minded
that
is
flexible
common
gaged in batde
(real
that laughs together stays together, as
enough
cause. This
— they were
able to create
whom
met
rarely
and
own
even
principles
it
to appropriate
crucial for the humanists. in person,
sustain a
but
A
—
group of like-
soUdarity was imperative as they en-
or imagined) with those they thought of
sought to promote their
—
both personal friend-
to include
was
community, they
and administrators for
scholars
355
can establish a bond of friendship
intellectual
thanks to the printing press
McCUTCHEON
N.
as
as barbarians,
and
they struggled to balance loyalties (to
God, king, profession, family, and self) that were not necessarily congruent. This means that laughter has programmatic, social, and psychological relevance, connecting
More with
community and
the larger humanist
vice versa, and reinforcing shared
perceptions at the same time that (for better and worse)
it
excludes those with a dif-
whom More
carried on a war of With this in mind, I should hke to turn to More's collected epigrams and consider some instances of the kinds of laughter that were generated and the many
ferent mind-set and opponents like Brixius, with
words.
diflferent
•
needs
shall start
I
it
met.
by mentioning a few of the epigrams
that
seem
to
be included largely
to entertain, and thus serve a purpose similar to the kind of banter and table-talk that
might occur
at a
dinner or in a garden or other setting where friends meet.
Among
these are four (116, 167, 235, and 245) that the Yale edition calls "sexually indeU-
which was based on the 1518
edi-
having a more pious audience and a different agenda in mind.^
The
cate" and that the Louvain edition of 1565-1566, tion, deleted,
two
that deal with rape unfortunately rely
of the lawyer,
also exposes the chicanery
ing the young
woman. But both
membership
new
in a
sexist notions,
at
More and
work, which
(and eHte)
although one of them
can defend the rapist only by humihat-
passed muster with
of a kind of sixteenth-century bonding aflSrm their
upon
who
his friends, indicative
male audience
let a clearly
RepubUc of Letters.
In other instances, however, More's jokes and entertainments have a different and
deeper resonance, and the er
"On
humor is conjoined with something more serious. ConsidMore translated from the Planudean
a Fool" (106), a traditional joke that
Anthology.
It is
an example of a popular form (the "noodle") that reappears in a later
humanist work, Robert Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, although not attributed there to More.^ The Yale translation renders More's version this way: "When the fleas bite
Morio, he puts out
preserving
with
^'
his
some
own
his light
part of More's
name.^* But
if
and
says,
word
See Audrey Bilger, Subversive Comedy
in
is
in Frances
of this function
More,
fleas will
not see
which connects the
More's version
(Detroit, 1998), for an acute analysis
^ More, Latin Poems, 9. ^ Doyle, "Appendix D,"
'These
play,
self-promoting,
me
now,' " nicely
fleas that it is
"mordent"
also self-depre-
Bumey, Maria Edgeworth, and jane Austen
in a later
group
setting.
Latin Poems, 697-744; Elizabeth
McCutcheon, "Robert
Burton/Democritus Junior and Thomas More," Moreana 35, no. 135-136 (1998): 55-74, here 60. " More, Latin Poems, 161, and the commentary to 106.3, 362.
THOMAS MORE'S EPIGRAMMATA
356 catory and thus even
more univenalizing than Burton's more
abstract, less dramatic
version of "that stupid fellow [who] put out the Candle, because the biting
fleas
should not fmde him."^^ Both versions, though, reflect major humanist preoccupations with folly
and the nature of perception and self-deception that Democritus
Junior's Preface to Burton's Anatomy, Erasmus's Moria, and
Here,
as
elsewhere.
More
relies
upon
his
More
share.
mastery of narrative and dialogue. In
connection, consider another popular epigram (133), about the guest
at a
this
banquet
from the wine-bowl before he drank and put them back afsome of you may like flies; but then, I do not know hke them."-^ A joke, yes, which surprises by the incongruity between speech and act, but one that also plays ambiguously with questions of taste, decorum, and the na-
who removed some
flies
terwards, explaining, "I
ture of court
one
who
is
—
do not
For who, or what,
life.
is
the butt of the joke: the speaker (seen
as
some-
which the speaker
is
quasi-
trying his best to be pohte), or the situation,
Where do we position ourselves when we laugh, in other words? number of More's epigrams, in particular those about kingship, are potentially even more subversive and often ambiguous, on account of More's choice of classical examples and his double-edged comments; as a result, the humor and the irony cut
poUtely mocking?
A
very deeply. More's version of the story about the peasant a case in point.
It
seems that a
rustic
who
sees the
king (201)
is
and very naive peasant came to town, and
as a huge crowd of people lined the street and shouted "The king is comBut the poor peasant cannot see the king, even though one of the bystanders points to a man "resplendent with gold" on a tall horse. "I think you are making fun of me," he says; "To me he looks Hke a man in fancy dress."" According to a jest-
watched ing."
version of this joke, printed circa 1532, the joke is on the peasant, for not being "well nourished up and virtuously endoctrined."^^ So interpreted, the epigram
book
reinforces the status quo.
Yet
insinuating that the king, too,
a subversive is
a
reading that deflates the royal presence by
man, however costumed, and/or that laughs
populace for being taken in by the king's appearance, seems more
likely,
the
at
given
atti-
tudes expressed elsewhere in this collection.
Consider, for instance, the Aesop-Hke fable (180) about the smooth-tongued lion
who
offers to heal a sick
do not
know
the
fox by Ucking him, ingenuously explaining politely demurs: "
power of my tongue." The fox
said the fox, 'has healing
neighbors.' "^^ This
is
powers; but the trouble
only one of
is
at least three
that such a
-*
Tudor monarchy, and More made
Robert Burton, The Anatomy of Melancholy,
and Rhonda
L. Blair, 3 vols.
ed.
"You just
'Your tongue,'
good tongue has bad
epigrams (compare 162 and 181)
that involve Hons. Traditionally considered the king of beasts, the associations with the
that:
Hon had heraldic King Henry
the link between
Thomas C.
Faulkner, Nicolas K. Kiessling,
(Oxford, 1989-1994), 1:56.
^^
More,
Latin Poems, 175.
^^
More,
Latin Poems, 233.
in More, Latin Poems, 392. Compare David Rundle, "A New Golden Age? More, Skelton and the Accession Verses of \5Q9," Journal of the Society for Renaissance Studies 9 ^*
Commentary
(1995): 58-76, here 58.
^ More,
Latin Poems, 215.
ELIZABETH N. McCUTCHEON
comment
VIII and the lion explicit in a
about the dangers of royal power, addresses a courtier
who
a
by exploiting
good king?
He
is
Here More's analogy becomes lical
a
is
three are
all
in 162,
whom
the bad king?
is
He
is
which
the epi-
even more aculeate in
a seemingly naive pattern
What
a very
of question
who by
the wolf.""
— one of po— while the compression and the bib-
powerful indictment of tyranny
themes that he makes pecuharly his"
echoes encourage a kind of black-comic
pohtical cartoon) that
think that
watchdog, guardian of the flock,
a
barking keeps the wolves from the sheep.
htical
I
becomes almost overt
And More
grammatist compares to a "tamed" Hon.-"
is
Cromwell.^
to
a point that
boasts about the fun he has with the king,
short epigram (115) that stings
and answer. "What
357
humor
several
(think of Babe in the City or a
makes the transformation from watch-dog
to
wolf particularly
horrifying.
More wrote many other satires,
like the epigram on the Frenchified courtier, Lalus which both Rhenanus and a later humanist, Julius Caesar Scaliger, singled out for special praise.^^ Here More seems to have touched a particularly responsive chord, and the epigram anticipates similar satiric thrusts by Shakespeare, John Donne, and Ben Jonson. Relying on description and the much repeated jingle of LaUus, Gal(95),
Ucus, and Gallus, the speaker
-everything French
— even
mocks
who
and fellow Englishman
a "friend"
affects
mistreating his servant, a Frenchman, as the French do
Once
but can only speak French with an EngUsh accent.
—
again More's epigram de-
puncturing the affectation and pride that he elsewhere locates in characten like
flates,
the
fat priest;
his
own
the astrologer
thought of
as
studies the stars but
sophisticated versions
is
blind to what
is
happening in
From one point of view, these could be of the man in a top hat who slips on a banana
though, the humor, which
peel. In these instances,
upon an
who
house; and the greedy miser.
actual
fall,
surdities or abuses
is
verbal, rather than
dependent
seems to extend beyond the individual case to adumbrate the abof social systems that are typified by the feminized courtier, the
cuckolded astrologer, or the ignorant or lazy
priest.
A very different kind of laughter or wit is at least as important in More's collection
— the wry smile of the leveler, so that the
worse off
ironist
king
is
no
who
claims, for example, that death
(40, 45, 46, 80, 107, 108, 110),
although these epigrams
them) could be read in a rather different way
*"
I
am
grateful to
Rhoda Schnur
for
reminding
see William Roper, The Ufe of Sir Thomas More, in
and Davis ^'
P.
More,
—
me
Two
as
a
some of
evidence of frustration,
if
not
of English heraldry. For More's remark,
Early Tudor Lives, ed. Richard S. Sylvester
Harding (New Haven. 1962). 228. Poems, 165.
introduction in Bradner and Lynch 's edition and in Latin
Robert Merrick's "Hesperides," and
Idiom," Parergpn:
the
commentary
Bulletin of the Australian
in
Poerrts,
Damian Grace, "Thomas More's Epigrammata: and
New
More,
see Coiro,
Political
Theory
Zealand Association for Medieval and
Renaissance Studies n.s. 3 (1985): 115-129.
^ See
(at least
is
may be
Latin Poems, 205.
" More, Latin " Besides the in Poetic
and/or sleep
better off than the beggar, Irus, and, in fact,
Latin Poems, 358, for 95.1-53.
THOMAS MORE'S EPIGRAMMATA
358
rage,
on the
So they may function
speaker's part.
peace of mind in
vival or
a
world where,
"Death Unassisted
for instance, 80,
"who have been
urges those
as a strategy for
men"
cruelly persecuted at the hands of unjust
down from man once so
cast
"The tables are turned: the / lam ridendus erit, qui metuendus
cludes, grimly, that
— attempts
that are often evidence
Form of Government"
the Best
whom
upon
And
ate?"^'' it
were
this
yourself, is
just the
a little treatise
and
stable,
you
populus")
by your
it
the same time that
it
actual results.
plays with a favorite
and complicates an old proverb. Normally In this case, though, the cat outwits
it
to the cat.
would have "died saved
—
it
lection.
some
and ironies
tions:
this
Mouse"
a
the trap,
and
as it in-
with a mouse and
httle
More
mouse
escapes
further compli-
took the mouse from a trap to begin
it
mouse
had not protected and
apparently slight epigram, then,
and laughter
that
his
is
a stance
hover over or behind the col-
Moria to
much
of
life as
More and compared him
we
experience
story seems to have
comment about both
it,
whether
we be
a
even deeper implica-
the equivocal nature of political
life
clever.
More, iMtin Poems, 145, 144.
More,
Latin Poems, 231. Latin Poems, 230. See the brilliant
commentary by Clarence H.
Poems, 50. ^*
and the
ordinarily destroys
More, or whoever. For the
could well be a
^ More, ^'
or of mys-
a disarmingly "simple,"
a cat first plays itself,
it
Cat and
unusually sensitive and responsive to the multiple absurdities
that characterize so
a cat, a
it
is
a
begs the question of the narrator's complicity and
part of the wit
and the dangers of being too
^^
what
Embodied in even an
More
and turns from
concludes with a reverberating irony: the
As Erasmus noted when he dedicated
to Democritus,
mouse,
But
a cat."^^
that generates
He
in the trap if
frustrated intentions.
is
"On
reaches a safe hiding place. But
cates this story; the speaker (a narrative "I")
with and gave
a
Morean metaphor,
eats
paw and
as if
more complex, unpun ("Est ne usquam
our attempts to control
resists
then
the cat's outstretched
people
king or a sen-
Hfe.'*'
verts
it.
a strong a
into something far
epigram added to the collection in 1520,
which
a
deflates the speaker's pretensions
between our intentions and the
equivocal, instance,
anywhere
impose either
More's Utopia by way of
Similar epigrams hint of a world that
(262), an
about the
a dialogue
of several questions that transform what began
first
theory to the ambiguities of pohtical
terious gaps
decision, can
upon good government
startling that alludes to at
were
The speaker makes
interrupts himself: "Is there
own
or pre-
life
of misplaced pride, metaphoric
(198), begins as if
But suddenly he
con-
erat].^^
advantages or disadvantages of a republic or a monarchy. case for the former.
it
fearsome deserves only
A particularly well-known epigram, "What
blindness, or an exaggerated sense of self Is
to "take
high place,
his
Related to these verses are those that ponder our attempts to control dict the future
Consider,
rules.
Tyrants" [Sola Mors Tyrannicida Est], which
Kills
hope." Insisting that the tyrant too will be
a laugh" [uicissim
psychological sur-
too frequently, power
all
More,
Latin Poems, 275;
compare commentary, 412.
Miller, in Latin
ELIZABETH N. McCUTCHEON
his
359
More ended his 1518 collection with an unusually personal poem that celebrates own marriage (or marriages), although it is not usually thought of as a marriage
poem, since it is the epitaph he wrote for his first wife's tomb, which was supposed to be his second wife's and his own, as well. It is uniquely Morean and almost metaphysical in its comic wit, which disturbs readers who expect a more conventional epitaph. In fact, the Louvain edition of 1565—1566 deleted it perhaps because it
—
was seen
as
theology.''
and
ate
More
"sexually indelicate"
On
firuitfiil
the other hand, relationship that
(as
read
I
it
his
how happily we Thus death
poem
celebrating both the intim-
wife experienced
daughters — and the
— which made
different,
his four children. Indeed,
which wife was
(or
is)
but no
More
the "charior," the
less
repre-
more
could have Uved aU three together," he concludes, "if
and reUgion permitted. But the grave
unite us too.
love
his first
second wife and
sents himself as unable to decide
beloved. "O,
as a
More and
the father of one son and three
happy relationship with
fate
the Yale edition posits) or because of its strange
will give
will unite us,
and
what Ufe could not" [At
I
pray that heaven will
societ tumulus, societ nos
non potuit quod dare uita, dabit.]*" So More celebrates bond that death normally severs, by imagining a menage h trots that will endure beyond death, both here on earth and, he prays, in heaven. obsecro coelum. / Sic mors,
marriage, a
-
Simultaneously personal and
most pervasive concerns
who
cared for his
them; for once, death for
life,
epitaph touches several of the collection's
with death, with
— even noting how most stepmothers
havior Alice,
social, the
— with
what More hopes
is
first
human
are very unlike
wife's children so well.
But
relationships
and be-
More's second wife,
teUingly,
it
also transforms
neither the terminus nor the leveler, but an unwitting agent
will
be an even more loving hfe together in heaven. Obviously
and remains, occasional:
was written for the family tomb. But
this
epigram
also
an open-ended and witty ending for an otherwise disparate collection that dar-
is,
it
ingly transforms a powerfiilly charged symbol in heaven, a Hfe that, in characteristically
— the marriage —
Morean
tie
it is
to imagine Ufe
terms, will be a societal one,
where
laughter will surely aboimd.**
University of Hawaii, Emerita
" More,
Latin Poems, 9.
*•
More, Utin Poems, 271-273; 272.
*'
M.
laugjiter
Rabelais.
A. Screech's Laughter
by way of
its
at the
Foot of the Cross provides a useful context for this sort of
treatment of laughter in two other Renaissance humanists, Erasmus and
-
The
A
Politics
Quick Look
at
of Poetry:
Robert Walpole, and
Two Thousand Other Cambridge
Latin Poets
DAVID MONEY
This paper considers genre
from
is
a
quite widely
a Uterary, as
few aspects of university conunemorative poetry. The known, but has rarely received very thorough attention
opposed to
more about Oxford The two universities
other universities in the British institutions
I
produced
its
from the
origins of the genre in
demise, for whatever reason,-' after 1763.
Isles participate
a vast mass
rather
here concentrate on Cambridge writers.
in fact follow a similar pattern,
the later sixteenth century until
tal
Having written
a bibHographical, perspective.'
verses in the past,
The
only sporadically, and while continen-
of Neo-Latin,
I
am not
aware of any comparable
continuous tradition of commemorative anthologies, appearing in a regular format
over a period of two centuries.^ The numbers involved are considerable, representing a large proportion of active Neo-Latin writers; there were certainly the round figure of two thousand. Yet they are
'
more than
D. K. Money, The English Horace: Anthony Alsop and
statistics:
more than
each single con-
the Tradition of British Latin Verse
(Ox-
ford and London, 1998), esp. chap. 9; also, most recently, idem, "Free Flattery or Servile Trib-
ute?" in 66.
J.
Both ^
Raven,
Cf D.
ed., Free Print
and Non- Commercial Publishing
on
further bibliography
list
the
H.
Forster,
"The Rise and
Cambridge Bibliographical Society ^
A number of reasons may be
ally for original
and academic *
I
1700 (Aldershot, 2000), 48-
K. Money, " 'A Diff rent-sounding Lyre': Oxford Commemorative Verse in English,"
Bodleian Library Record 16 (1997): 42-92; for especially
since
the topic.
Cambridge volumes, see Money,
English Horace,
and
of the Cambridge Muses (1603-1763)," Transactions of 8 (1982): 141-172. Fall
suggested: e.g., gradual decline in the primacy of Latin, especi-
composition; a paucity of things worth celebrating, after 1763; changing political
fashions.
would be very
interested to
be proved wrong on
this point,
or to learn
more of com-
parable traditions elsewhere; individual occasions throughout Europe, whether private or academic, regularly led to small collections.
Oxford and Cambridge attempted something
bigger.
TWO THOUSAND CAMBRIDGE
362
tribution,
in
however
Neo-Latin
alphabetical
small or unoriginal,
culture.
We
may
is
LATIN POETS
evidence of another person's participation
illustrate this
point by starting
at
the beginning of an
list.
Jonathan Acklom, of Clare Hall, wrote an accomplished Horatian ode, in fourteen
commencing
alcaic stanzas,
George
II's
"Veris sodales aequora temperant
from the
successful return
which he was,
as it
turned out, the
last
War
British
.
.",
.
celebrate
to
of the Austrian Succession (1748), in
monarch
to lead his troops into action.
Acklom became a lawyer, was appointed Sheriff of Nottinghamshire in 1754, and died in 1806. The next poet, William Acton, made a smaller contribution, eight lines of elegiacs, to the volume on the death of WilHam III and accession of Queen Anne (1702); he too attended Clare Hall, having
January 1700/1, a year before cance in public coast, in is
life,
elected
his short
Member
been admitted
poem; he too was
a
fellow-commoner of some
a person
of Parliament for Orford, a town on the Suffolk
1722 and 1729, and High Sheriff of Suffolk in 1739. (Orford,
itself a politically significant location.)
Adam of Trinity, who
The
third in our alphabetical
wrote forty Hnes of elegiacs for the
the manuscript presented to
Queen
Elizabeth
I
on her
first
visit
we
will see,
list is
Thomas
as
major verse collection,
in 1564.
Edward Adams
subsequently offered sixty-two hexameters on the Peace of Utrecht (1713)
as a
newly
graduated B.A. and fellow of King's; he died, insane, in college forty-two years
So
too,
no doubt,
at
The
all.
four poets of the previous paragraph share one
they only once ventured into print. Others were further
down, we meet John Adams
(father
man
(in exactly his son's later position),
with
a shorter piece, in 1713,
common
more adventurous.
of Edward); he wrote in 1683,
and then again alongside
feature:
Two as a
his son,
places
young though
by which time he was Provost of King's and Doctor of
Canon of Windsor,
Divinity; as a
later.
would you, if we continued with the full two is a whole minute of our attention; and many are
lector benevole,
thousand,^ though even the dullest
not dull
in
signifi-
royal chaplain to William III and to
Anne, and
among his contemporaries. His two poems come at times of personal significance: as a new graduate, and newly appointed head of his college. In each case, they may be gestures aimed at gaining atfriend of Swift, he was another figure of substance
tention and support in an unstable world, whether of academic
The purpose of these poems, like the authors' varied. Some probably stemmed from the pure emotion rather
at
this respect
Neo-Latin verse
pose by practical a
men
as
is
talents
a useful
I
suspect that fame, or
and future employability, was the spur. In
accomplishment, cultivated for a practical pur-
well as learned amateurs. University verse
Neo-Latin genre, with Enghsh
Hebrew, and occasionally more
as a
or pubhc poUtics.
pleasure of versifying, or genuine
the event being celebrated. For most, however,
modest recognition of one's
life
biographies, will undoubtedly have
is
overwhelmingly
minority language (and a small place for Greek,
learned, unreadable, tongues): the vernacular could
'
Biographical details fromj. andj. A. Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses (Cambridge, 1922); listing
fi-om
D. K. Money, Database of British Latin Poets: work in slow progress (with very much still to I have assembled a basic listing of Cambridge, and some Oxford, writers; a Bio-
be done, though graphical Register
should appear, in print or electronic form, in due course).
DAVID MONEY
363
of
form of
this
collective literary self-advertisement; but
and formal continuation suggests
regular, frequent,
We cannot, in general,
was rejected by the majority of writers.
usually be chosen, but
assess the effectiveness
that
both by the university authorities and by the students (of all
who composed the poems. What criteria are appropriate for
was
it
felt
its
to be of value,
social classes)
and college
fellows
torical significance
a whole.
Or we may
may have been
studying the genre?
We
may
consider the his-
of individual authors, of particular collections, or of the genre look for Uterary merit. Yet a
a poUtical success, helping to
Latin occasional poetry
—
in
much
poem
cement
way
the same
its
that
fails
Much Neo-
author's career.
as similar
as
in aesthetic terms
—
vernacular writing
is
open to the criticism of having httle to say, and saying it in duU and conventional ways (sometimes with pointless reworking of classical forms, for a Umited readership).
Two
thousand Cambridge poets would disagree.
well be appropriate, bearing in tions of time task
was not
mind
A
and subject-matter within which they were forced even for young
easy,
themes; in the circumstances,
men
Such
to operate.
with rigorous training in composition on
a
set
and elegance, rather than their for-
their variety
it is
may
sympathetic reassessment
the poets' original aims, and the severe Hmita-
mulaic quahties, that are surprising.
The
topics of
commemorative
verse
may seem
unexciting to a
pubHc, united voice predominates over private emotion. that the authors themselves
Why
modem
should
we
critic.
read
A
work how-
may not have cared much about? Their subjects, more than we may think, especially in the seven-
ever, probably did matter rather
teenth century.
A
royal marriage could spell
— but soon
ample, in the triumphant
life
tragic
or death for a
kingdom
for ex-
(as,
— union of 1613 between James
I's
daughter EUzabeth and the Elector Palatine); princely births and deaths could bhght
new monarch's pubHc pohcy would
or raise the poUtical hopes of thousands; a
affect
the rehgion of the nation, and thus the personal careers of virtually every academic poet,
whether in the church or secular
politics,
both
at a local level or, for
the
ambitious, in a wider sphere. External war and peace, even the risk of civil war,
on the events publicly commemorated by university Neo-Latin writers. Minor or occasional writers provide both a readership and a context ones, whatever criteria
we may
those surrounding lesser figures university poets
show
use to confer privilege
we
on
a
for
more hung major
chosen canon. Without
have a distorted view of the centre. Few,
if any,
the quaHty, originaUty, and reasonably prolific production of
"major" authors. Collectively, however, the university venes outweigh any "major" author for sheer quantity, and contain enough moments of skill to stand alongside the
more modest productions of While
it is
their
famous colleagues,
if
not their greater works.
the firmly "minor" poet, contributing just once or twice,
whelmingly
typical,
more
serious
commitment
who
is
over-
to the genre did regularly occur: take,
Beaumont, Master of Peterhouse, an active royahst, professor, EngUsh and Neo-Latin). Beaumont contributed regularly fi-om 1635 to
for example, Joseph
and poet
(in
1695, appearing in fifteen volumes. flourish in 1697.
Was he
too infirm
of Trinity College, the most separate volumes.
to his
life.
Another
prolific
He
died in 1699, missing the chance for a final
at last,
or sceptical of the cause? John Laughton
composer, sent in over a thousand
scholar's short
epigram might
still
lines, to
ten
have made a difference
TWO THOUSAND CAMBRIDGE
364
Many volumes
could
fruitfully
LATIN POETS
be chosen for examination, to
illustrate political at-
titudes or poetic responses to them. In the latter part of this paper,
I
will focus
on the
1697 volume, for the Peace of Ryswyck that ended the Nine Years War, the severe test of Britain's Revolution settlement. In 1697
we
genre, established for over a century, and with two-thirds of a century
For comparison,
we may
deserved commemoration. In 1623,
wed, from Spain: an event lic
some other
briefly consider
orator.^ Fifty-nine poets
years
was Prince Charles's
it
when
wrote for the
still
to run.
peaceful events
safe return, thankfully
by George Herbert,
also celebrated
as
initials
and
colleges.
Oliver Cromwell's victorious peace of 1654, after an external rather than a
war having somewhat last royalist
eased,
Oliver's olive-branch of peace (Oxford
eight poets contribute,
many with
past.
There
made
is
punning
the same point in Greek).
one
Duport
(a
Two
like the
stressing
At least forty-
substantial offering.
A
wanted
to
the loyalty of themselves and their colleges to the side that
fered by James
title,*
appear. Senior figures will have
favoured, whatever their private aspirations.
God
currently
pages of Latin hexameters are of-
major writer in Greek and Latin, especially of
paraphrase), and similarly long sets of hexameters
civil
Oxford), the tensions of civil
a nice
several pieces, or
number of well-known Cambridge names stress
(as also in
and the traumatic ejections of many academics,
volume, being well in the
un-
Cambridge's pub-
volume,^ one sending nineteen
official
poems. Unusually, the poets are identified only by war, could fittingly be praised in Cambridge
first
find a fully mature literary
by four
others.
biblical
Ralph Cudworth,
then Master of Clare Hall, has a page of scazontes (limping iambics). William Dilling-
ham
of Emmanuel,
King's
at
Neo-Latin poet and anthologist,^ sent
later a significant
alcaic ode, eight sapphic stanzas,
Cudworth. Several poets were
the Restoration six years later) precedes
inspired to long alcaic poems, of twenty stanzas or more: William
Wray of Trinity
Christopher Chalfont of King's; John stanzas,
one hundred and eight
of St John's managed ten (in a
a short
and hexameters. Benjamin Whichcot (ejected from
lines);
and
alcaic stanzas.
W. Croone
Bagge of Caius;
(the longest, at
twenty-seven
of Emmanuel. Jabez Bridecake
These, and other Horatian odes of the period
genuine Horatian form, rather than a pale vernacular imitation), may perhaps
provide some context for Marvell's justly celebrated "Horatian
Return from Ireland" of a few
Ode on Cromwel's
years previously.
And so to the Peace of 1697, coming like that of 1654 a few years after RevoluSome poetic loyalties had been confused, with a pre-Revolutionary volume of
tion.
1688 cancelled out by the opposite sentiments of 1689.'" Cambridge's phasises William's
Academiae Cantabrigiensis
* ^
title
page em-
achievement in restoring the peace of Europe: "GRATULATIO / /
De Reditu
See the paper by J. K. Hale in
this
/ Serenissimi
REGIS / GULIELMI
III. /
post
volume.
Gratulatio Academiae Cantabrigiensis de Serenissimi Principis Reditu ex Hispaniis exoptatissimo
(Cambridge, 1623). *
Oliva Pads ad illustrissimum celsissimum Oliverum
(Cambridge, 1654). ' •"
Money, English Horace, 39—42. Money, English Horace, 244-245.
.
.
.
De
Pace cum foederatis Belgis feliciter sancita
DAVID MONEY /
& Libertatem / EUROPAE
Pacem
/ Feliciter /
Cantabrigiae: Typis Academicis."" There
XIV's ambition. The
foiling of Louis
spirited, sarcastic, splenetic
bera". ter
Some
is
365
Restitutam
much
glee, as
./
John Laughton
prolific
Anno
N4DCXCVII. //
one might expect,
epode against Louis ("Lodoix"),
fills
Qui
Mas-
much the shortest oflfering from a head of house, a single Deum & Regent GULIELMUM affatur Ludovicus Magnus":
gram, entitled "Sic
the
entitled "Indignatio Li-
poets can give a distinctive twist to this theme. Gabriel Quadring,
of Magdalene, has
epi-
possunt, obstant ingentibus ausis,
soli
Tu Deus Omnipotens, The
at
four pages with a
and author's name and
et
Tu Rex Maxime Regum.
more words than the entire poem. weak or lazy eflfort. It is simple, with a striking conceit. The great Louis is forced to concede that only two greater powers can stand in his way: God, and the greatest of kings, WiUiam. The idea that Louis might actu-
Yet
title,
am
I
position, contain
not sure that Quadring's
ally say so
is
is
a
ludicrous; but Quadring's
compliment to William
is
apt, recognising the
magnitude of his achievement in stopping so great an adversary. Like most of the volumes, that of 1697 has an impressive variety of Uterary forms.
Robert Read of St John's eschews metre
poem
(or irregular inscription).'^
He
altogether, writing in the genre of the prose
begins by justifying this choice of form: joy
must not be restrained by the bounds of metre: "Fuge Musa, modis refraenare titiam
omnivagam,
quae /
et
(Si
quae unquam) nescia
est
/ Lae-
modi." Correct formal ap-
pearance, however, clearly exercised the minds of the volume's editors. Unusually,
they banish
all
the Greek
teresting explanation:
cum
superioribus
poems
to a separate section at the end,
alias
habitura, ideo
hue
exprimenda; quod Typi novi Academici, pervenerint."
match the
Owing
as
well
as
They
are led
could
excudendis
by the hugely dash
" In transcription,
poems
nondum
nitidis
ad nos
Greek type
to
the university can be proud in every respect, good-look-
learned. Despite the smaller type,
easily
Formis non aeque destinati,
of neatness override normal scholarly considerations. The
Greek (and one Hebrew)'^ poets
who
rejici placuit, iis
to the delayed deUvery of larger, suitably elegant
Latin, reasons
book must be one of which ing
preceded by an in-
"Pauca quae sequuntur Carmina, commodiorem quidem locum
off"
capitals
will
prolific,
a page of
and subordinate position, the seven
have been proud of their substantial pieces.
and equally eccentric. Professor Joshua Barnes,
Homeric hexameters
to Basileus Hermos before
used only for lai^r sizes of capital on original
title
page. Page
C2r (Quadring), Dl-2v (Laugjiton), Klv-2r (Bigot), M2v-Nlr (Read). Q2r (Walpole), Aa2v-Bblv (WyUys), Hh2v-Kk2r (Greek). '^ To be distinguished from the irregular variety of Pindaric ode, which retains (but mixes) references for
traditional metre.
MSS
discussed below:
sig.
For a vicious anti-Williamite prose poem, see Christ Church, Oxford,
Money, English Horace, " Hebrew by Thomas Bennett (orientalist; 18.
514 (quoted
death, 1694/5): D. K. the
at
Wake
206).
St John's; also wrote Hebrew on Queen Mary's Money and J. Olszowy, "Hebrew Commemorative Poetry," Transaaions of
Cambridge Bibliographical Society 10 (1995): 549-576. here 572.
TWO THOUSAND CAMBRIDGE
366
breakfast.^'*
more
Others, no doubt
LATIN POETS produced anacreontics, or more
laboriously,
hexameters, including an extended pastoral dialogue from Samuel Cobb, a Theocrit-
ean
idyll to
A typical
match the Latin eclogues
He
got, of Clare Hall.'^
ferring to dwell in
brought about by is
that regularly grace these volumes.
example of a sapphic ode is,
as
it
is
provided by the splendidly named Isaac Bi-
happens, one of the
"ille
Gallorum timor,
ille
not a highly original piece of poetry; but
magnae it is
bigoted contributors, pre-
less
charming Horatian fashion on the
rural blessings
/ Caesar
sapphic ode was written by Benjamin Wyllys, fellow of King's.
copying
and
his first line
Nonum
a half directly
his
King's College
would
A rather longer
borrows shamelessly so on.'^ After
surpass a Sabine farm. His
detail; naturally,
first
the high table
adonic, "Mitius uvis",
diflfer-
ent in sense, cleverly echoes the sound of "est hederae vis". Horace's original ode fairly risque,
young Telephus)
asking Phyllis (who unwisely lusts after
celebrating Maecenas's birthday. it,
more than doubling the
as
"Caesar", victorous at the
It is
not a poHtical
length, and introducing
Mitte
civiles
Urbe
super
to join
him
is
in
poem at all; but Wyllys can adapt much Augustan praise of WilHam
Boyne and Namur, or
of Orange supporting the tottering kingdom. In another direct Horatian borrowing to good
It
model, Wyllys allows some inter-
more
esting variation, praising his variety of wines in at
It
annum," and
superantis
from
as
well expressed, with attention to ele-
gance of phrase, and appropriate modernising of classical terminology.
from. Horace, starting "Est mihi
of peace,
Europae moderator."
the "Auriacus Atlas", the Prince
his
fourteenth stanza, Wyllys puts
effect:
curas,
Occidit fusum Mahumedis agmen. Ipse Sultanus fugit et Sabaudi
Signa Gradivi.
The
defeat of the Dacians, in Horace,''
the same general region. In that feated the Turks at
same
is
concern for the whole European
There may
also
be
a
C(.
situation to that of
to
William to compare
Augustus or Maecenas.'*
He makes much
reference to heavy drinking (a
toasts to
William, even to Louis), to Bacchic orgies ("Orgiis adsis", "Sanius
made
Most
bacchor")
'*
ally; it is flattering
shocking penonal element to Wyllys's poem, defensible only
by reference to Horatian convention. hundred
Eugene of Savoy had de-
Zenta. Thus William's (and later Marlborough's) colleague had
reduced a threat to the Empire, Britain's his
transferred to a highly topical victory in
year, 1697, Prince
Money,
Frandad, ed. D. K.
legitimate by William's victory.
English Horace, 94-98;
Money and R.
'^
Perhaps a Huguenot name?
'*
Horace, Carmine
4. 11
'^
Horace, Carmina
3. 8.
'*
William had a leading role
work on
A. Kennedy,
He
is
is
disgracefully, for a
Barnes's Latin epic
young
on the Black
col-
Prince, the
in progress.
something of a mystery, not
listed in
Venn's Alumni.
1-2.
.
17-18. in building coalitions; the
England's Troubles (Cambridge, 2000); 1995): detailed, but eccentric.
cf.
European angle
is
stressed in J. Scott,
B. Cox, King William's European Joint Venture (Assen,
DAVID MONEY
367
lege fellow and bachelor of arts (of course obliged by statute, like
lowships, to remain single), he has his praeter
omnes
Cara Belinda." Dear to
/
Cambridge's looser
Whether
own
ladies,
whom
of
Phyllis, "Belinda, /
all,
all
holders of fel-
Cara permultis, mihi
me: she sounds
especially to
like
one of
Wyllys's Provost will scarcely have approved.
some daring fun, under
she existed, or he merely imagined her, he can have
the cloak of patriotic celebration and classical respectability. Wyllys himself had been
King's since 1690,
at
an Eton scholar, and fellow (1693); he was ordained in
as
1698/9, became an usher (junior schoolmaster) in Maidstone, Kent (1701), then was for
many
years a vicar in Northamptonshire, until his death in 1748. This lively piece
of poetry seems the high point of an otherwise ordinary eighteenth-century career.
The most the 1697 politics
and
of the hundred and twenty-nine contributors to Robert Walpole, who was for many years to dominate British
historically interesting
volume
is
often called the
is
first
"prime minister". Like Wyllys, though a few years
younger, he came from Eton to King's, where he was a scholar from 1696 to 1698;
volume was his best chance to pubUsh Neo-Latin, and he took it. In on the death on his older brother, Edward, Robert Walpole became heir to his
thus the 1697
1698,
father's estate,
tion that
I
and withdrew unwillingly from college,
shall
x)f a scholar, possessed a learned library,
Bacon's works); the young Walpole was learning about
management and
politics
with Latin full
Cambridge had probably been the
of enthusiasm for study: nevertheless,
As (and it
far as
is
I
am
A promising academic carA memorable part of his years
took precedence.
sight
elegiac lines) in the university's presentation
Walpole, Coll. Regal.
(and almost aU Francis
classics
eer was interrupted and a political career was launched. at
"my father holding his resoluwho had a been something
not any more reside here."'^ His father,
of
his verses in print, a full
volume, with
his
name
page (forty
at its foot:
"Rob.
Alumn."
aware,
this early
Neo-Latin work of Walpole's has not been studied
generally ignored) by historians and English scholars.-"
also has implications for the discussion
of Walpole's
Of interest
in
itself,
later career, particularly his tur-
bulent relations with authors. During his long period of power, he was noted
as a
poor patron of letters in general, favouring those whose writing was politically useful.^' Many prominent poets attacked him, whether as Tories (or crypto-Jacobites) or members of the so-called "patriot opposition". ^^ tent patronage of King's
sons."^
"
He
clearly
men
remembered
Letter of resignation, 19
man (London,
and Etonians was
May
On
his early associations;
1698:
J.
H. Plumb,
the other hand, his "consis-
a source
of annoyance to many per-
and the culture of Eton and
Sir Robert Walpole:
1956), 88. Library: Plumb, Walpole, 82. Cf. B.
H.
The Making of a
States-
Hill, Sir Robert Walpole: "Sole
Prime Minister" (London, 1989), 18-24: "[a] seat in Parliament [was]
now
and
virtually his inheri-
tance", at twenty-four.
^ There
is
however
a vast
gest for this paper (as well as
secondary literature on Walpole, which
numerous MSS,
etc.);
apologies if
I
I
have not attempted to di-
have missed a discussion of the
poem. Standard biographies noted above do not seem aware of it. -'
^
B. A. Goldgar, Walpole and the Wits (Lincoln,
C. Gerrard, The
" Quoted
Patriot Opposition to
at Dictionary
NE, and London,
1976), 9-14.
Walpole (Oxford, 1994).
of National Biography 59 (London, 1899), 180.
TWO THOUSAND CAMBRIDGE
368
King's was a Neo-Latin one, where such poetry
LATIN POETS
own 1697 contribution was He may even have felt, as a
as his
highly esteemed, and considered of practical value.
former Neo-Latin poet himself, some scorn for the vernacular bards clamouring for state
handouts. Latin remained of real use to him: his son Horace wrote in 1742,
"You know
the Earl [by
now
he was ennobled,
as
Earl of Orford] don't speak a
word
of any language but English and Latin." As prime minister, he had no way of conversing with his employer, George
Walpole's
poem
fraud, savagery,
I,
"but very imperfectly in Latin. "^^
begins by stressing Europe's fears
and famous pride (an
at
French preparations: their
eflfective tricolon, in
the third line):
Viderat instructos Europa in praeUa Gallos,
tandem permetuisse sibi. quo nota superbia tendat, Cura, timor populis omnibus unus erat. (1-4) Coeperat
Quo
fraus,
quo
et
feritas,
Yet Britain herself had a treacherous leader (James II), who would not help to oppose Louis XIV; hke the wicked pastors of Milton's "Lycidas", he aims to betray his flock: Horruit ante omnes Britannia moesta, tueri
Quod quae deberet dextra negaret opem. Intremuit, cum (quo non infelicior alter) Ipse suas vellet prodere Pastor oves. (5-8)
Walpole then has
The
alliteration
"g" in
15),
but
a striking rhetorical flourish.
may seem heavy-handed young
reflects the
Quisnam
Who can save us from present danger?
prominent "p"s in hne
poet's forceful
9; also
"v" in 14,
enjoyment of the medium:
igitur praesens propiora pericula pellat?
Quem Quem?
(5
nisi,
vocet Heroum,
quem
vocet
ilia
Deum?
qui potuit toties fulcire ruentem,
Victrici et toties reppulit
WiLHELMUM.
.
.
.
arma manu,
(9-13)
Thus William saves Europe, and teaches Louis a lesson: a point made, in their different ways, by Quadring, and by Wyllys, from Walpole's own college. Walpole's sense of the urgency of the crisis; of Britain's catastrophic poUcy under James II, reversed by William's revolution; and of the nation's gratitude on the king's return, are all fitting for a future poUtician.
Jam
rediisti igitur,
Princeps Optate; tuorum
Spes exples, praesens gaudia nostra foves.
2*
Mrs. P. Toynbee,
ed., Letters of Horace Walpole
(Oxford, 1903), 1:258.
DAVID MONEY Semper
grata Dies, nostris
Quae ciun pace
The
classical
quae Te
369
attulit oris.
ferat, gratior ilia Dies.
(23—26)
language of a longed-for prince, ironically, echoes the terms regularly
used by Jacobite Latin poets, hoping for their Utical anniversaries
were
own
restoration.^*
day of peaceful return will
crucial; this
For both
rival that
sides,
po-
of Glorious
Revolution. Walpole, soon to be in ParUament, anticipates the pleasure of voting aimual subsidies:
Quam laete
As in Cromwell's case
"Quam laete
fiilgebit
Marte gravem Te excepimus olim.
vel
Annua
testantur
munera voce patrum. (27—28)
connection not exphcitly made, but possibly impHcit),
(a
Honos
et frontis
OHva"
from the
either cease complaints or abstain
(29).
Let opponents, "vos infesti" (33)
of WiUiam's peace. The
blessings
poem
ends with a promise of enthusiastic loyalty:
Ibimus, haud mora, confestim nos ibimus omnes,
Quocunque It is
no
typical
He
surprise,
ille
vocat,
quam jubet
viam. (39-40)
of course, to find loyalty in a loyal verse collection. Walpole's
poem; he too
is
Cambridge author, except
a typical
is
a
in his later prominence.
writes powerfully and effectively, with an eye to the chief purpose of the genre:
to attract favourable attention to the author.
found est
ille
a friend
naval victory in the
bite
Soon
after, as a
young
and patron in Edward Russell, Lord Orford, admiral
Nine Years War, the batde of La Hogue
poUtician, he
at Britain's great-
(1692),
when Jaco-
hopes of an early revenal of the Revolution had been shattered. ^^ (As Britain's
leading statesman,
bridge verses
was
it
this first patron's title
— whether or not
Russell read
he was to adopt.) Walpole's
them
— demonstrate
Cam-
exactly the quah-
would have approved. Neo-Latin could be highly poUtical, as Walacumen undentood. It also required some learning and skill; one hesitates to imagine more recent politicians attempting to foUow suit." As I hope these few poems of 1697 suggest, there is much of value in these university poets, even if two ties
the admiral
pole's early
thousand others from
his university
were not
as influential as
Walpole.
Wolfson College, Cambridge, and University of Sunderland
^ E.g., Latinitatis
Archibald Pitcaime: see
Money,
English Horace,
and edn. by J. MacQueen (Bibliotheca
Novae: forthcoining).
^ Plumb.
Walpole, 97; cf P. Aubrey.
The Defeat ofJames
Stuart's
Armada, 1692 (Leicester.
1979).
" One Oxford
—
gathers that
Tony
Blair,
perhaps the cultural,
if
prime minister
not
at the
time of writing, was in a pop band
intellectual, equivalent.
at
De
Thomas Morels
Christi
tristitia
Theo-Drama
as
CLARE M. MURPHY
Thomas More's randula,
first
which was
also the first
er-in-law John Rastell, in 1510.
chose to pubHsh a
life
work was his Life ofJohn Picus, Earl of Mibook to issue from the press of More's brothnot unusual that the greatest EngUsh humanist
printed English
It is
of the Renaissance proto-humanist, especially since Giovanni
nephew Gianfirancesco had some years earUer written the Latin vita which More now translated. That More may have to some extent identified with Pico I have shown elsewhere,' particularly as regards the similarities between what More wrote of Pico and what Erasmus was later to write of More in his letter of 23 July 1519 to Ulrich von Hutten (Allen, Letters, 999). And, the received wisdom tells us. More having definitively decided to embrace not the priesthood but rather a wife Pico's
— — sought
a lay model,^ a role
the age Pico was
when he
ble discomfort he
writing
may
which the
briUiant Florentine could perhaps
conversion. At the time of preparing this
least after his
felt at
died. Certain similarities
life.
between
Pico's sudden death at the age
help to explain why,
when More comes
More was their lives
More was
fulfil, at
not far from
and the possiat
the time of
to write of Pico's death,
he
lets
the great humanist's attachment to Girolamo Savonarola carry the emotion of his narrative.
The Solution The
Picus
tristitia tedio
London by
'
C.
in
pavore a
De
tristitia
was More's
man
first
pubUshed English work. What about
et oratione Christi
ante captionem eius
awaiting certain death.
M. Murphy, "Humanist
Values in
his final
work? De
was written in the Tower of
Now there was no other figure to carry the
Thomas More's
dola," in Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Bariensis, ed.
J.
Life
F. Alcina et
of Giovanni Pico al.,
MRTS
della
Miran-
184 (Tempe, AZ,
1998), 419-425. -
The Ufe of SIR
(London, 1726);
ed.
THOMAS MORE,
By His Great Grandson Kennedy (Athens, GA,
Knight
and modernized by J.
L.
CRESACRE MORE, 1941), 11.
Esq.
THOMAS MORE'S THEO-DRAMA
372
More
emotion.
stands like
journey for which there
O'Connor's short
Everyman
no traveUing companion,
is
at least
"A Temple of the Holy Ghost"
story
who must go on
in the medieval drama,
no
the
earthly one. Flannery
features a
half brat
little girl,
and half serious thinker: "She thought she could never be a
saint,
but she could be
was because of
their
former friendship
a
martyr
that
if
they killed her quick." Perhaps
Henry VIII had More
might be awaiting
it
More
killed "quick," but
he
that
hanging followed by drawing and quartering. Christ's "sad-
partial
and "fear" were More's own,
ness", "weariness",
Tower knew
in the
was
as
Christ's "prayer", his
Agony
in the Garden.
More
always had a sense of drama,-' from his days
Canterbury) Morton's household
and took
a part, until at the foot
coming down he could
cause
greatest drama, the Passion
when he chmbed upon
one
at least
page in Archbishop (of
the stage with the players
of the scaffold he asked for help going up, only be-
shift for
himself In the
and Resurrection of
Tower he turned
Christ. In
McCutcheon describes the three Mores who figure in he plays in De tristitia, the number of masks he wears, of us play
as a
role in the Passion of Christ.
My
Utopia.*
Dear
to history's
Elizabeth
Peter,
The number of roles
considerably larger, but
is
By
its
nature,
De
all
tristitia is
a
highly theological work.
Hans Urs von Balthasar (1905-1988) gy: "All theology
is
singles
an interpretation of divine revelation. Thus, in
only be hermeneutics." This hermeneutics
human
out the hermeneutic nature of theolo-
is
himself is the
and in
detail, his
hermeneutics. This
first
second hermeneutics,
his
first,
God
interprets himself
The
plan for the world."
however,
plan for the world
totality
it
can
played out in the Trinity and in the
being, for, in revealing himself in Christ,
gives "in broad outline
its
—
is
"for
and thus
revelation of
oriented and regulated by the
God
does not play the world
on his own; he makes room for man to join in the acting," and it is through the Holy Spirit that God's language becomes intelligible to the human being. All this von Balthasar calls Theo-drama, theological dramatic theory. But Theo-drama is not played upon a stage for an audience to watch. As More did in Archbishop drama
all
Morton's household, and
in the Elizabethan
drama
in
there
Sir
to
is
as he does for the play-within-a-play Thomas More, human beings must involve themselves
The Focus of De
tristitia
The work opens
at
See for example
hymn and went
Howard
B. Norland,
out to the
Drama
in
1485-1558
Early Tudor Britain:
(Lincoln,
1995), 111-127. Norland notes that More's father had served as Master of the Revels at
NE,
Lincoln's Inn in *
E.
*
1488-1489
McCutcheon,
gen, 1983), 17
in
(112).
My Dear Peter:
The "Ars Poetica" and Hermeneutics for More's "Utopia" (An-
ff.
Hans Urs von
Mensch tis
"When Jesus had said these Mount of Olives," and ends with
the conclusion of the Last Supper:
things, they recited the
^
God's drama "if
be an integrated interplay."*
Balthasar, Theodramatik, Zweiter Band:
Die Personen
Gott (Einsiedeln, 1976); Theo-Drama: Theological Dramatic Theory,
Personae:
Man
in
Cod,
trans.
Graham Harrison
des Spiels,
Volume
(San Francisco, 1990), 91.
II,
Teil
1,
Der
The Drama-
CLARE M. MURPHY "only then,
manus after
after
iniectas in
all,
373
on
these events, did they lay hands
all
demum primum
Jesus, turn
lesum."^ There was joy as well as anguish at the Last Supper.
meal among
a Passover
which Christ
friends, at
was,
It
and
instituted the Eucharist,
some views also the priesthood by the words "Do this in memory of me." Christ showed the necessity and beauty of service to others in the washing of the feet; Holy Thursday in Henry VIIl's court still included the Mandatum or "Maundy", i.e., the washing of beggan' feet. For these reasons, Holy Thursday liturgies tend to be joyful, and are often followed by parties. Yet More avoids all this to focus on Christ's agony and through it on his own. in
—
More
has a twofold imperative: to face the
could be, but most of
his death
strength to do.
the Eucharist, prayer.
Among all is
firom
me, yet not
Luke
22:42).
Agony
my
he
this hypostatic
prays,
More
to have the
are the Trinity,
tristitia
and the necessity of
faith,
in the
union may well be found in Christ's possible, let this
it is
but yours, be done" (Matthew 26:39; cf
prostrate
is
De
— divine and human —
in the Garden: "Father, if
will,
Here Christ
-14: 145), since
what he hoped
divine mercy, the quality of one's the union of the two natures
person of Christ. The crux of prayer during the
agony of fear of the possible torment
to find a reason for
the theological subjects treated in
firee will,
But above
all
cup
Mark
"not only in soul, but also in body"
says,
on the ground. (One
is
pass
14:36,
(CW
reminded of the ordinand, or
the rehgious at final profession, prostrate during the Litany of the Saints, symbolically
down
laying
their Uves to rise
have been ignorant of
their crosses.)
The Son of God could not as God could have Him by an immuta-
even though the Father
the cup of the Passion "if He had not imposed
him
spared
and take up
his Father's will,
on
it
own will "might not be granted, if something seemed better to His Father's will, which is absolutely best" (CW 14: 149). As God, Christ knows what will happen to him and for what cause. Why then does he
ble decree." Christ also asked that his else
pray that that
on
not happen? His purpose, according to More,
it
Fatherhood proceeds from the
all
earth
which
is
—
that
a sort
The human
God
but
God
the Father
is
so in a double sense: he
151-153).
father
who
begot us was in
heaven and
a virgin
"My
'
his Father, Christ
"my
trans.
ences to this
father"
(CW
14: 179).
14: 177). It
More
singles
it
also
"Our
As man, Christ can
will
be given
body of the
text as
CW
is
"my"
(as
clear that
the father of all
say "our"; as
14.
14:
drink-
Father," but only he can
Works of St. Thomas More, (New Haven and London, 1976), 3,
in the
makes
(CW
my
out the pronoun
denotes affection, but
Edition of die Complete
Clarence H. Miller
work
acknowledges
he had no other father on earth
cup cannot pass away without
but also by nature. Christ taught us to pray
The Yale
and
by God, explains More,
on
the father of Christ not only by creation, through which he
is
pray to
ed.
his turn created
mother, but without male seed, therefore firom nothing
father," says Christ, "if this
it, let your will be done" (CW Matthew) for its twofold effect.
things,
remind us
Father also by Creation,
signifies as well that
ing
God
instructive: to
is
creates firom nothing. In caUing twice
— bom of
is
Person of the Trinity, both in heaven and
of fatherhood (149).
his natural father in
in
first
vol. 14,
God, "my."
De
tristitia
Christi,
625. All subsequent refer-
THOMAS MORE'S THEO-DRAMA
374
When Christ asks
Father to
his
let
the cup pass, he shows the "certain, immutable,
unconstrained decision of His Father concerning His death" the only basis
on which Christ
(CW
14: 179a). This
something possible or impossible.
calls
is
saw
If Christ
himself as "ineluctably and necessarily destined to die," something determined by the or by
stars
then
fate,
would have been "completely
it
pointless" for
him
to
add
"let
your wiU be done." The addition shows that he did not consider the Father's decision to
be out of
his control
(CW
179a— 181).
14:
Two
matters then for consideration:
"humbly sub-
Christ "begged His Father to avert His death" and at the same time he
mitted everything to the will of His Father." While
More, "we must man,
also constantly
[Christ] said
man
mature
all
mind
that,
God, but
these things not as
young More once
181). If the
bear in
we
consider these two, writes
though
insofar as
He was both God and He was man" (CW 14:
identified himself with his literary subject Pico, the
waiting for death has found integrity of self and soul and pen in identifi-
cation with the
God who became man and
let
himself endure the sufferings
human
beings can face.
The analogy More is
uses to indicate the undivided nature of the hypostatic
that
we
heaven when they
other hand of the proud, 183).
who
are
that of willing
we mean
but
die,
still
Again the personal identification
reveals
itself.
it
to
whose
say that martyrs
We
why he
that his
may be
classed only
we need
less closely
familiar /mwm^
is
made
than His immortal soul was united to a body which could die.
Abraham came
"The Father
et
refused to praise the late king's worldly glories.'
Because he was divine Christ could say "before
man
only to look to the son of
In the omnipotent person of Christ humanity and divinity were joined and
one no
go
speak on the
(CW 14: A prominent theme of De tristitia
sermon Bishop John Fisher evoked the
funeral
union
points out
be in the former. As for the proud
(eventually to be) turned to ashes in his grave,
VII, in
we
only their souls.
and reluctant martyrdom. More fearing
umbra theme in explaining
He
one human being.
only "dust and ashes" in their graves
group while he would wish
in the latter
Henry
in
sometimes speak of the one rather than the other:
straight to
is
body
the favorite patristic one, that of soul and
to be,
I
am"
"I
and the Father are one" [John 10:30] and
[John 8:58]. Because he was
greater than I" [John 14:28] and
"A
little
while
I
human he could
am
say
with you" [John
7:33, 13:33] (185).
The Drama of the Hypostatic Union
Why is hypostasis question
is
[= the Person] so important to
inseparable
from
a second: for
More
at this
ultimate stage? This
what did More give
his life?
Clarence
Miller ponders this question. For the "integrity of the self? Yes. For "the irreducible
freedom of the individual conscience"? Yes. For papal supremacy
"as a sign
of the
supra-national unity of Western Christendom, past and present"? Yes. All these "are true as far as they go."
"But
any principle, or idea, or
^
The English Works ofJohn
269-270.
in the last analysis," he continues,
tradition, or
Fisher, coll.
"More
did not die for
even doctrine, but for a person, for Christ"
John E. B. Mayor, Part
1
(London, 1876;
repr. 1935),
CLARE M. MURPHY
(CW same
One
14: 775).
man who
Christ
is
might say
made
it
and
sadness, weariness,
that the
God who
fear as
is
man,
bearable. This
375
made the death exigent; penon Christ, experienced
Christ
this
More, prayed the same agonized prayer
the
the
More.
as
Von Balthasar writes of the hypostatic union: "When God says to a spiritual subject who that subject is for him, the eternally and abiding true God, when God says to it in the same breath why it exists thus bestowing on it its divinely attested
—
mission —
at that
point
can be said of a
it
took place once, archetypally
spiritual subject that
says the Swiss theologian,
nition" by his Father at his baptism by John: "This
well pleased" (Matthew 3:17,
knowledge of who Christ from
tian derives
that
is
Mark
1:11, cf
is
3:22).
penon."
a
after sitting a
—
turned out
—
said to his daughter Margaret's husband,
the field
won."' Perhaps
whom I am
son, in
There
is
thus precise
13 April 1534
this
is
while in
his
his final leave-taking
boat
of that
"Son Roper,
I
they
as
home
the Lord that
have been able to make that decision." In the
I
left
as it
thank our Lord
More's strongest statement of personhood:
"I
cannot sign the Oath of Succession. Whatever comes of that decision,
I
All this
and of his mission, and the personhood of every Chris-
of Christ.* More,
home on
that
it is
Christ was given "defi-
my beloved
Luke
their Chelsea
is
when
I
know thank
Tower More must
cling to that personhood, to that definition of self in a "divinely attested mission,"
by
'sustained
his
concentration on Christ's mission. In the very same paragraph
know what
himself confides that he did not
"conjectured afterwards, tually that
it
was
that the love
conquered aU carnal
it
his father-in-law
he had to
affections
[i.e.,
Roper
meant, but that he
God wrought in him so
effec-
worldly feelings and emotions]
utterly."
Where More's meditation concentrates on Christ's experience, von Balthasar deAgony in the Garden as the choice between two images of the Father, that of the all-powerful and good Father, who could let the cup pass from his son who is both God and man, and the image of the severe God of justice as seen
scribes the
through the heart and eyes of of
result
his sacrifice will
perform what
Father
is
is
is
demanded."'" In De
He
as a
concludes finally that the martyr's witness of whichever
in itself a cause for our gratitude
blood. "Only a conflict between
Von
who
Father in the defence of sin-
More's struggle with the will of the
tristitia
(CW
14:
Like More, von Balthasar discusses the singular
*
appearing to the Son,
this
perhaps best demonstrated in his anxious distinguishing between the willing
and the reluctant martyr. nature
now
is
agony, says Balthasar, Jesus experiences "the terrible fear of not being able
ners. In his
to
and
sinners,
be able to mediate with
God
Balthasar, Theodramatik II/2, 190,
von Balthasar
.
.
Kehl, SJ. and
.
Lesebuch (Freiburg
Werner
im
in
239 and elsewhere).
phenomenon of Christ's sweating
heaven and
206-209,
God
the representative of
repr. in In der Fiille des Claubens:
Hans Urs
Breisgau, 1980), and The Von Balthasar Reader, ed.
Losser, SJ., trans.
Robert
J.
Medard
Daly, SJ. and Fred Lawrence (Edinburgh,
1982), 132. '
ter
William Roper, The
Life of Sir Thomas More, in Tuv Early Tudor Lives, ed. Richard S. SylvesHarding (New Haven and London, 1962), 238. H. U. Von Balthasar, Der dreifache Kranz: Das Heil der Welt im Mariengebet (Einsiedeln,
and Davis '"
1977),
45^7;
P.
Reader, 147.
THOMAS MORE'S THEO-DRAMA
376
on earth" can explain
sinners
cause Christ
as
man
it.
The redemption, he
was accompUshed be-
writes,
freely chose to accept his Father's will that
he be "God the repre-
on earth,"" and, as Eucharistic Prayer II of the Roman Catholic liturgy states, "he was given up to death, a death he freely accepted." This death is freely accepted when Jesus allows "them" "to lay hands on him." sentative of sinners
And scholar
so
More
who
is
allows the same.
Von
Balthasar writes that, like Jesus, "the artist or
possessed by his or her mission
he or she can pursue
knows himself or
only
who
personally handled the Valencia holograph and thus saw More's
of
his
if
manuscript, shows
need to find
how
and
sustain others in that
own
More's revisions indicate that he subsumed
from emotional
relief
this
distress into the
later times
and to-
herself freely
most personal mission."'^ Clarence Miller,
tally
(CW
his
own
production of a text that would
748
14:
revisions
ff.).
More
as artist
could
know
himself "freely and totally" in pursuing "this most personal mission," identifying his
own agony
with
beginning the
Christ's,
Word
More loved not
and expressing
(John
The
is
present and
fledgling
who
is
Church More contemplates
around himself More
also finds
scathing: viciously sinful priests
who
church
made up of
constitute the mystical
cludes the betrayer Judas, toward
bishops
word, as Christ himself is
only the person Christ, but also Christ's church
tions Miller, "only insofar as the
Christ
by the
it
1:1).
whom
contemporary betrayers,
who
have betrayed Christ
(CW
in his long meditation is
— however, cau-
Christian persons in
body of Christ"
his disdain
from the
14:
whom
775—776).
on the Passion
(CW for whom his
scathing
in-
14: 277).
Yet
disdain
also
is
administer the Eucharist unworthily, somnolent as surely as
Judas did. Finally, in the fledgling
Church are the apostles, sleeping away as Christ implores his Father and asks them to stay awake with him (Matthew 26:40, Mark 14:37-38, Luke 22:45-46). '^ More writes particularly of Peter, a warning against presumption, protesting that he will
never deny Christ and then doing so three times in a row thasar says that the apostles,
sent the
Church
in
its
one day be martyrs of the same Christ
"faith
is
as
(CW
14: 217).
he probably would
More knew
be.
that the apostles
Whether wiUing or
Bal-
would
reluctant, they
average, supported into their complete witnessing
who
Von
not awake and prayerful enough, repre-
average condition."''' Yet
all,
would no longer be
whose
by the grace
had called them into "definition" and personhood.
Moreanum Universiti
"
Von
profundis,
Balthasar,
Der
dreijache
John Fisher admonishes
CathoUque de I'Ouest
Kranz, in Reader, 147. In his sermon on Psalm 129/130, the sinners to "... call
De
unto Jesus Christ our advocate in heaven
unto the father ..." (English Works, 1:218). '^
Von
'^
For a study of both the sleeping apostles and the somnolent bishops, see Brenda Hosington,
Balthasar, Theodramatik, in Reader, 133.
" ^Quid dormitisV: More's
Use of Sleep as a Motif in De Tristitia," in Miscellanea Moreana: Essays for M. Murphy, Henri Gibaud, and Mario A. Di Cesare, MRTS 61
Germain Marc'hadour, ed. Clare
(Binghamton, '*
Von
NY,
1989), 55-69.
Balthasar,
Der
dreijache
Kranz, in Reader, 148.
The Metamorphoses of
De
monachorum
vita
STEPHEN MURPHY
To
a considerable extent,
will not dwell
on the
pieces of a previous one; nor
on the
first
what follows
will develop the figure
definition of cento, a
new
of
reticentia.^ I
made from rearranged
text
on the long popularity of the Virgilian verse cento; nor where Proba and Ausonius are the let alone the theoretical and formal discussions, which
flourishing of cento in late antiquity,
most important practioners;
belong most prominently to Ausonius and Henri Estienne^ (not to mention cant contributions si
signifi-
from Giulio Roscio Hortino and Antonio Possevino) .' Non mihi
linguae centum, sint oraque centum.
More
important,
I
what? The traditional
end up begging the natural question: namely, so contempt for cento as an inevitably minor
will probably
(modem
critical)
genre and a sure sign of decadent
taste
is
not something to be attacked
directly.
But
the following discussion of the most notorious text by the poet considered by his
sixteenth-century contemporaries
as
the greatest
of the interest of the poem, and of the form. icality, in
then
my
the extremeness with
subject,
which
LeUo Capilupi's De
it
vita
modem
centonist
may
of cento
If the interest
give an idea
lies
in
pushes the intertextual relation to
monachorum and
its
its
rad-
limit,
textual fortune, holds a
its
privileged place. First, a
sketch of the editorial history of De
vita
monachorum.
It
may be
best to pro-
ceed, not simply chronologically, but by the type of publication. In the editio princeps
'
^
I
have profited firom suggestions by George
Ausonius, preface to Cento
nuptialis;
Hugo Tucker
and, especially, Helene Cazes.
H. Estienne, Centonum veterum &parodiarum
tUriusque lin-
guae exempla (Geneva: H. Estienne, 1575). ^
ex
Antonio Possevino, dedicatory
Virgilio
otti,
(Rome: Valerio Dorico,
letter to
1555),
A
1590), 155-157; Possevino, Bibliotheca
catius, 1603), 2: ch. 24;
tinus S.P.D."
Joachim
Du Bellay,
in
both Lelio Capilupi, Centones
3-4, and Capilupomm carmina selecta
de ratione studiomm
"Camillo ac Prospero Capilupis
(Capilupomm carmina, 389-394).
clariss.
[.
.
.]
(Rome: Giovanni
Gigli-
(Venice: Altobellus Sali-
adolescentibus Julius Roscius
Hor-
DE
378
(Venice, 1543),
The same is
De
vita
monachorum
paired with another cento by Capilupi, Gallus.
is
1550/ Otherwise, De
texts reappear together in
pubHshed only outside
MONACHORUM
VITA
monachorum by
vita
[Zurich, ] around the same date; Wittenberg, 1545; Edinburgh, 1565; and
Two
(= Geneva), 1575.^
Rome,
"Rome"
collective editions of Capilupi's centos appear,
The
in 1555 and 1590.
itself
Protestant territory: [Basel,] probably niid-1540s;
Italy, in
both in
Capiluporum carmina, comprises not
latter, entitled
only Lelio's centos, but also his non-cento Latin verse,
well
as
as
the centos and verse
of his nephew Giulio and the verse of his three brothers Ippolito, Alfonso, and Camillo. The last sort of publication in which De vita monachorum appears is anthologies or anthology-like works. The first of these that can be dated is the volume edited by Varia doctorum piorumque virorum de
Mathia Flacius lUyricus in Basel (1557), entided
an adequate idea of the ideological
corrupto ecclesiae statu poemata, a title that gives
About the same time the cento appears
slant.^
carminum
in nostri temporis corruptelas
De
entire text of
vita
[.
monachorum in
in a similar polemical anthology Sylva
.]? In 1575, Henri Estienne includes the
.
Centonum veterum
his
Meibom
exempla} In 1597 in Helmstadt, Heinrich
linguae
&
parodiarum utriusque
prints Lelio's cento along
with a number of others, including several by Giulio Capilupi.^ Finally, a volume of
Koln
Virgilio-Centones published in
including a version of
The other tions
De
"Venetiis, 1550."
late
it
had to be
Italian edi-
1557, "Laelii Capilupi Cento ex Virgilio"
index of forbidden books." In order for De
to appear again in Italy,
*
^'^
must be mentioned explains the absence of
between 1555 and 1590. In
Roman
1601 contains collected centos by Lelio,
monachorum.
vita
basic fact that
placed on the
in
revised.
And,
However, Dennis Rhodes claims
vita
in fact, the editor of the
was printed
that this edition
is
monachorum
in
Jean Pullon. See idem, "Lelio Capilupi and the 'Centones ex Virgilio'," The Library,
1590
Lyons by set. 6,
16
(1994): 208-218. '
For the identification of the Basel and Zurich
Aureliemis (Baden-Baden, rather than * ''
Rome De
355-370:
for the vita
1965-
),
prima
pars,
editions,
tomus
which
are both n.p.n.p.n.d., see Index
457. For the identification of
6:
Geneva
1575 edition, see Rhodes, "Lelio Capilupi," 214.
monachorum.
Sylva carminum in nostri tempore corruptelas, praesertim
diversis hinc inde autoribus collecta,
N.p.n.d., 112-127:
De
»
104-118.
'
Virgilio-Centones auctorum notae optimae antiquorum
religionis,
vita
&
quam
sane
falsa
& /estiva,
ex
monachorum.
recentium
[.
.
.]
(Helmstadt: Jacobus Lu-
cius, 1597). '"
P.
Virgilii
Maronis Opera
[.
.
.]
Quibus
Bernardus Gualtherius, 1601). Second Latin anthology of Giovanni Matteo
part:
adiecti
67-76:
sunt Virgilio-Centones variorum Auctorum (Koln:
De
Toscano {Carmina
aetate aurea illustrium
A. Gorbinus, 1577]) includes the contents of the 1555 Centones ex
minus De vita monachorum. " See G. Hugo Tucker, "Mantua's 'Second Fortune of Lelio Capilupi's Centones ex Neo-Latin Literature
264-291,
esp.
in
Virgilio
Honour ofjozef Ijsewijn,
284-289.
Virgil':
Du
Virgilio
Bellay,
(Romae, 1555),"
ed. Gilbert
& ferrea.
Toumoy
The important Neo-
poetarum Italorum, 2 vols.
in
[Paris:
and more (2:308-340),
Montaigne and the Curious Ut granum
sinapis: Essays
on
and Dirk Sacre (Leuven, 1997),
STEPHEN MURPHY
379
Capiluporum carmina says explicidy that revision was undertaken by Giulio Capilupi,
accommodate his uncle's centos to the different cHmate.'^ I would like to make three main points about the textual fortune of De vita monachorum (and, to varying degrees, about that of other centos by LeUo), although I make no pretense to an exhaustive treatment of any of them. First, the changes undergone to
by Leho's cento include important paratextual elements. Second, the most important textual revisions of De vita monachorum are those
made
1590 edition by GiuUo
for the
Capilupi, but those are not the only revisions of interest. Third, to call Giulio's re-
writing an expurgation related
poem, and one
Among
is
He has
insufl&cient.
created a diflferent, though an obviously
posed by cento.
that intensifies the intertextual relationship
paratextual changes figures
first
the order of poems.
centos originally printed separately, Callus and
De
vita
in the collected edition of 1555. In the section of the
become
ing Leho's centos, they
The two
notorious
monachorum, are the
first
two
1590 collected edition contain-
respectively the sixteenth
and the eighteenth (out of
nineteen).
There first
is
also the
matter of
titles.
Although Callus and De
only by a numeral. In 1590 both poems are again given has
vita
in 1555, they are the only ones of the thirteen centos to lack
become De cetate aurea etferrea. The next element is typographical
that
but
rather than paratextual.
De
The
text of
emphasize or images to elucidate for panegyric purposes.'^ In the 1555
They
monachorum
1555 and
italics.
chorum, capitals are used
from
being headed
vita
However, both editions also use small roman capitals words. In 1590, this occun mainly with proper names the poet wants to
of 1590 are both in
for certain
titles,
monachorum come
titles,
alert the
more
often
reader to the fact that a
that in Virgil: thus/rafr«
and
vita
mona-
word is being used in a much different sense mean friars and nuns, claustra means cloister.
sorores
This semantic use of typography occurs in Callus, where a reader
De
an aid to interpretation of corrmion nouns.
as
is
often clarified by marginal notes.
may be
One example
puzzled by the poet's use of the
name
Cacus,
before understanding from a marginal note that LeUo derives the Italian cazzo firom
Cacus
(naturally,
only in the 1555 edition).'* While marginalia are numerous in
both collected editions, the two "Itahan" editions of Callus and De (Venice, 1543 and "Venice" [Lyons], 1550) lack any glosses. tions of
De
vita
monachorum printed in Protestant
cities
poem
ricordia,
'^
stress
on the one hand on the other
mocked
{Matutini, Missae descriptio,
with an occasional cry of editorial indignation {Mise-
Proh pudor).
Capiluporum carmina, 154.
" For example, "Arduus "Insignes Regis Galliae, **
edi-
{Propositio, Invocatio, Narratio, etc.),
the elements of monastic routine and ritual being Transubstantiatio , Confessio, etc.),
monachorum
share a tradition of polemical
marginaha. Starting with the Basel edition, the marginal notes the ordered structure of the
vita
On the other hand,
Centones ex
&
insurgens
&
grandia LILIA quassans," ^ossed in the margin thus:
familiae Estensis," 232.
Virgilio, 7.
.
DE
380
A large,
MONACHORUM
VITA
particular kind of marginalia present in several editions, as is
the identification of Virgilian sources. Typically, to the
line
(when each hemistich comes from
the
title
is
the case from the
is
printed an abbreviation of
first
1597.
The
Virgilian
loci
estant countries.
et
vita
do not appear with the
text of
De
vita
monachorum in Henri
parodiarum exempla (1575), nor in the editions printed in Prot-
may be
It
that the identification of sources draws attention to the
and so
centonist's virtuosity
De vita monachorum, in poem in his anthology of
edition of Callus and
1543, through Heinrich Meibom's inclusion of the latter
Estienne's Centonum
for centos at
and right of each
and the number of the book (never the verse
(Aeneid, Georgics, Eclogues)
number). This
a different place)
it is
left
distracts
from the subversiveness of
De
a cento such as
monachorum. In contrast, the Protestant stripping away of references would be a
way of focusing
A
on the
attention
final paratextual
striking examples.
On
element the
title
is
satire in the text itself
the title-page illustration.
I
mention only two
will
page of the Basel and Zurich editions of
nachorum a horned centaur wears a papal
tiara
and holds
flaming manuscript (maybe a papal bull) in the other
a
sword
in
De
mo-
vita
one hand and a
he tramples upon books. The on the verso or by the polemic
as
reader will not be surprised by the anti-papal epigram marginalia.*^
Upon
opening the
Centones ex
Virgilio,
collected edition, the 1555
first
one
finds
no information about the
Roman
Lcelii
Capilupi
place, publisher, or date.
[.
.]
One
does find the image of an hourglass emerging from clouds and, more prominently, a bearlike or wolflike animal in the wilderness urinating and defecating. Since several
centos refer to the Capilupi family Lelio Capilupi.
At the very
ginning of a collection that
De
vita
genus luporum, the figure
starts
an image of
startling
may be an emblem of
impertinence
texts, the
whole volume, but on
My second point
is
at
the be-
with Lelio's most controversial centos. Callus and
monachorum. Surprisingly, in the 1590 Capiluporum carmina, with
up of troublesome the
as
least, it is
same image reappears. Here
a separate
it is
all its
not on the
title
tidying-
page of
page preceding the section with Lelio's centos.
De vita monachorum are not Hmited to the be reprinted in 1590.'^ This is too vast a topic
that the revisions to
extensive changes that allowed
it
to
to be covered adequately here; the following
example
will
have to serve.
A
line in-
which occupies troduces a new character Asylas, a minor monachorum. is given the name the first part of De vita He the entire Une interpres." In fact, as "hominum divumque in the Aeneid described character into the narrative of moral decline and strife
from the Aeneid (10.175)
vumque That
is
used here, starting in 1543: "Tertius
hominum
di-
interpres Asylas." is
the reading of
all
editions until that of 1555,
another Virgilian Une, beginning
'*
ille
In both editions, the
woodcut
"Ille
is
where we
find substituted
quidem," which makes the whole
line read:
accompanied by the same epigram, "In Pontificem vel
Minotaurum." The Wittenberg edition reproduces the venes but not the woodcut. '*
It
would be more
pear to be at least five
accurate to speak of different versions of the 1555 edition, since there ap-
diflferent printings
of the collection. See Rhodes, "Lelio Capilupi," 215-
217; Tucker, "Mantua's 'Second Virgil'," 278-284.
STEPHEN MURPHY "Ille
quidem
hominum divumque
ille
small change?
The answer appean
"Rome"
Zurich, Edinburgh, tertius
Papa."
The same
original
figures.
Une
is
(Basel,
glossed thus: "Paulus
Mei-
true of Mathias Flacius Illyricus's 1557 anthology.
is
but he makes the same identification,
glosses,
with references, in an endnote. Leho's use of the word (as
diflference lies in that
margin of the "Protestant" editions
where the
bom's 1597 anthology has no marginal the poem's narrative
What
interpres Asylas."
in the
[1575]),
381
we
will see); Asylas
is
Tertius has
an internal logic in
the third in a series of individuahzed
But the use of the number corresponding
to the
pope of the time (Paul
Ill's
long papacy lasted until 1549) must have seemed too good an opportunity to miss for the Protestant appropriators of LeUo's text.
As things stood
mid- 1550s,
in the
change must have been
a
Lelio, or the fiiends responsible for the
first
collective edition
felt
necessary. Either
of his centos (Antonio
Possevino and Fulvio Orsini), or the pubUsher Valerio Dorico made the accommodation. This comprises
new
of a
marginal
not only substitution of a vaguer
gloss. Asylas
of Asylas in LeUo's poem,
is
at first
now
quidem for
Ille
identified as Bernardino
presented favorably, then
condemned
as
Capuchin order and renowned preacher
was LeUo's.'^
that
On the
other hand, the flight
of "Ule Paris
cum semiviro
some of the contemporary condemnation of Paul
The 1590 as
comitatu," which
However, even
this officially
fits
easily
this
bne as a
III,
settle
Lelio's centos,
but in
De
vita
the polyse-
and so when in 1601 an
anthology of centos was pubUshed in Koln under Jesuit supervision
1590 venion of
with
approved insistence on Asylas
continued to refer to Paul
text. Protestants
accusa-
as
nepotism.'*
Ill's
condemnation of Bernardino Ochino was apparently not enough to of the
1542
in the
Capiluporum carmina has the same reading and the same gloss for
the 1555 edition.
my
and this
Gonzaga circle of Asylas modulates somewhat mur-
tions of heresy gathered about him, he caused a
kily into a representation
fled Italy in
commotion
flees
When
he
sows discord, could plausibly correspond to the great Sienese reformer. general of the
but also
Tertius,
Ochino. The figure
followed the
it
monachorum simply omitted the entire
Asylas episode.
My third point concerns GiuUo's rewriting of De vita monachorum. On the reading of the Une introducing Asylas the editions of 1555 and 1590 agree, but there
on which they do so. Perhaps the these two versions, or these two poems, else
versions of
De
half of the
first
is
way
to
show
the differences
'^
See
Gonzaga '*
A
series
poem
{fratres)
and addresses Cardinal IppoUto
follows a diachronic scheme.
of three figures plays key
Edmondo
di
The
et
al.,
2
vols.
(Rome,
Ochino secondo
senese di storia patria 15 (1908):
1983).
this subject in Pasquinate
i
d'Este.
Then
narrative begins with
roles in this process.
Solmi, "La fuga di Bernardino
Mantova," BuUettino
See the numerous epigrams on
Marucci
Uttle
to set out the structure of each. All earlier
primitive humanity, and traces the corruption that overtakes those
monks.
is
between
monachorum through 1555 proceed in the same way. The invoca-
vita
tion declares the subject matter
the
best
The
who become first is
documenti
dell'
a pri-
Archivio
23-98.
romane
del Cinquecento, ed.
Valerio
DE
382
who
mordial lawgiver
them. After the
Vana
superstitio,
above,
first
organizes humanity into monastic orders and thus civilizes
corruptions of leisure have set
an infernal plague that plunges
bemoaning again the
Asylas. After
is
poet appeals to
Italy in particular, the
Another invocation
new
MONACHORUM
VITA
all
in,
the second figure to appear
of Europe into
with
monks, but
crucial
its
moments
—
as
is
seen
and
Duke of Mantua.
time to Calliope, marks the beginning of a
at this point, this
their mores,
Third,
sad state of the contemporary world,
protector Ercole Gonzaga,
his
section. This part corresponds to a roughly synchronic
history of
strife.
what
their daily life
is
scheme: no longer the
Hence
Uke.
offertory, elevation, Eucharist
— then
a
matins, mass
sermon, then
monks' mealtime, presided over by their prior, followed by and outdoor games. There follow begging, funeral ceremonies, then the evening meal, followed by sleep and sex. In a concluding apostrophe, the poet contrasts the monks' happy otium with the grimness of contemporary wars. confession. Next, the exercises
Now,
we assume
if
what Giulio had
that
to
republication was eliminate the anti-monastic
impossible task. In the double sense of
what
it is
now
—
same way
in the
Virgil's
poem
poem
the
that
LeHo
words, so Giulio
seems
retains
do
make
its title
poem
the
acceptable for
might seem that he faced an
— what monastic
life
has been, and
of its subject from beginning to end.
full
And
yet,
nothing of the plots of Virgil's poems while using
able to avoid adding
is
to
satire, it
(and what he adds, of course,
much
that
not already in Lelio's
is
VirgiUan too), while coming up with some-
is
thing quite different.
Giulio retains the same invocation, and the same division into diachronic, the second synchronic. But in the
initial
two
changes the original "Fratres rerum dominos, gentemque togatam,
laborum" to "totiusque ex ordine gentis / virosque." In other words, the subject
is
Mores
parts,
et studia et
a story
is
of human
first
generalized from
monks
[.
.
.]
corda oblita
populos, matresque
Rath-
to humanity.
er than a narrative of the foundation and corruption of monastic orders,
larger
the
declaration of subject matter, he
GiuHo
offers
progress from barbarism to civilization to decadence. Naturally, the
view was already
latent in Lelio's account.
By
his
anthropological turn, Giulio
able to maintain the three figures introduced in this section (the primordial law-
giver,
Vana
ficity.
They become
superstitio,
and
Asylas).
But
less allegorical, or veiled, referents
After paying the same attention to cation sets in
motion the synchronic
displaces the subject,
and, a
more
little
in doing so he empties
from fortia facta
Italy's
them of their
speci-
and more mythical.
sad contemporary state, the second invo-
section, as in Lelio's cento.
But again Giulio
Patrum (where Patres= Fratres) to
concretely, iuvenes. In this
Ulustres
animos
way, Giulio preserves the narrative of
worldly pastimes, transformed into the amusements of lively youth: mealtime, exercise,
evening meal,
fortunatae gentes,"
war
rages
much
all
of the
sleep, sex. It
which
is
is
at this
Lelio's final
point that Giulio inserts the apostrophe
movement. Youth
is
enviable in
its
"O
quies as
around. But then comes the metamorphosis that enables Giulio to use liturgical section
from De
vita
monachorum. Inventus goes to church, not
to matins but morning mass. We find the same moments of the mass (although with an important revision of the elevation of the Eucharist), then the same sermon; confession leads finally to a prayer to Jesus Christ which ends the poem on a note both penitential
and apocalyptic.
STEPHEN MURPHY The
of the
different thrust
new poem
youth and humanity for monks, and in ironic praise of otium.
383
should be apparent in its
For Giulio, the temporal scheme
is
as
gentes
he mocks, and
them
satirical.
serious
he
such Virgihan phrases in a
sets
Giulio's context
and laudatory weight in
is
also
irony in GiuUo's text through a declaration of
dictum." Naturally, no such note
poem
is
makes
it
how much
Leho
new
calls
Fortunatae
context he makes
we
can see a sign of the absence of
presence.
Next
to the speech pre-
mealtime, a marginal note declares: "Ironice
exists in the
new
1555 edition because Lelio's entire
version, of
one limited and glaring
case
irony has been emptied out. finally
without irony,
it
because of the saving power of religious practice. This recuperation of Lelio's
hturgical section
is
doxy of the 1590
only one of the obvious signs of the Counter-Reformation ortho-
edition.
Even more than
the panegyrics to the powerful that
that edition, Giulio's accommodatio of his uncle's
aurea
cento
et ferrea
itself
opposition
a
poem
and the
also
flexibility
— between,
poem is
instructive.
It
makes De
cram cetate
about the salvation of Lelio's cento, about the power of I would like to avoid any High Renaissance textuality and a
of writing from writing.
for example, a playful
pressive post-Tridentine rappel I
its
humanity GiuHo represents can be praised
If the youthful is
at
ironic. This isolation, in the
clear
head.
its
new, but he returns to the phrases' original
Virgil. Ironically,
ceding the description of gluttony
stood on
between the two poems can be
the presence and absence of irony. Those as
is
anthropological, not religious. In the synchronic
section, the representation of mores, the difference
simply
of
Although both poems share the same division between dia-
chronic and synchronic sections, the sense of these perspectives
summed up
this substitution
conclusion with liturgy rather than an
(J
I'ordre;
or casting Lelio
have evoked questions not just of intertextuality and
as
Ariosto to Giulio
editorial ideology,
as
pat re-
Tasso.
but of the
nature of censorship and hterary compromise; questions that must be pursued else-
where. Non omnia possumus omnes.
Wake
Forest University
Hugo
Grotius's Correspondence with
His Brother Willem de Groot"^ H.
Over
dence with
bom, Hugo
his
Grotius (1583—1645) kept up a correspon-
When Willem
brother Willem de Groot (1597-1662).
It
was not long before Hugo became a prominent
scholar,
1621 in particular, enjoyed great fame because of his Neo-Latin poetry his juridical studies
mained
was
was already thirteen years old and a third-year law student at the Univer-
of Leiden.
sity
Hugo
of many years
a period
M. NELLEN
J.
as
who, well
after as for
and exegetical works. Willem de Groot, by contrast, was and re-
He
a secondary figure.'
wrote a couple of juridical
dabbled in the same disciphnes
studies,
brother was beyond his reach.
On
10 August 1611,
Hugo, and
as
but he always realised that the
when he was
status
also
of his elder
fourteen,
Willem
matriculated in the Faculty of Arts at Leiden University; later on, probably in Sep-
tember 1614, he began to study law.
On
pro gradu" in Leiden and five days
tatio
29 November 1616 he defended
later,
a "dispu-
on 3 December 1616, he took
his
doc-
torate in law.^ Willem also collaborated with Gerardus Joannes Vossius in order to
pubhsh a
large selection of the
Neo-Latin poetry written by
Hugo
in the Poemata
Collecta?
* at
I
my '
would
like to express
my
gratitude to Steven Surdel
and Gerard Huijing
for
having a look
text.
M. Ahsmann, "Willem de Groot (1597-1662) en
ven van
zijn
broer Hugo,"
"Willem de Groot," 2:198-199; H.
J.
zijn studie te
Tijdschrifi voor Rechtsgeschiedenis
Leiden in het
licht
van brie-
50 (1982): 371—401; R. Huybrecht,
in Biograjisch Woordenboek van Nederland, ed. J. Charite
M. NeUen, "Hoe Willem de Groot (1597-1662) een
(Amsterdam, 1985)
carriere in Delft misliep.
Dagboeknotities van een pensionaris in spe," Uas 25 (1998): 231-256. ^
Ahsmann, "Willem de Groot." 398-401.
^
Hugonis Grotii Poemata, coUecta
et
magttam partem nunc primum
edita
a Jratre Guilielmo Grotto
Willem de Groot, dated 1 SepDiermanse, Bibliographie des ecrits imprimis de Hugo Gro-
(Leiden, 1617) [= September 1616], with a dedication written by
tember 1616. See J. tius
ter
Meulen and
(The Hague, 1950)
after
ARA),
Eerste afd.,
(hereafter
P.
J-
J.
BG), no.
Aanw. 1911 XXIII
1; cf.
MS. The Hague, Algemeen
(Coll.
H. de Groot). no. 32,
W.
Rijksarchief (here-
de Groot to
M. C.
^
^
HUGO GROTIUS'S CORRESPONDENCE
386
May
In
ment
Hugo
1619
Grotius was sentenced to
in the politics of Grand Pensionary Johan
however, he managed to escape in
and soon
Castle,
make
tried to
after
imprisonment for
book-chest from the
a
after settled in Paris.
of the Swedish Crown,
Willem
life
state prison at
Here, from 1635, he served
enduring the bitter hardship of a long
a career for himself
He
his
involve-
van Oldenbarnevelt. In March 1621,
v/as
sworn
as
Loevestein
the ambassador
exile.
Meanwhile,
in as a lawyer in
October
1618* and underwent further training in legal practice, and was soon able to earn
keep
his
The Hague.
at
Hugo and Willem
de Groot usually wrote to each other in Latin. They discussed
of subjects, such
a variety
many
dren, and
as
Willem's law studies, the upbringing of Grotius's chil-
other problems he had to cope with during his exile, theological
debates in the churches of Holland and France, the reception of Grotius's works,
recent publications of his colleagues and other events in the world of learning, and,
but not
last
least,
contemporary
political
developments and the way in which these
affected the private lives of the brothers. Their correspondence, a mixture of personal
and general news, gradually grew in importance. In the loneliness of his
exile in Paris,
letter-writing offered Grotius a continuous stream of information
on events
What
home.*"
is
at
more, from the middle of 1637 our scholar managed to carry out a of
full-scale plan for the publication
works, including poetry, historical
his
treatises,
and commentaries on the Bible. This, however, had to be done in Holland, where he
felt
the political climate was
period, therefore, Willem's
more conducive
main
task
was
to
to such an enterprise.
Over
a
long
advance the publication of Grotius's
may be considered his literary agent. The earliest letters date from the spring of 1614, the last few from August 1645, the month in which Hugo Grotius, the driving spirit behind the correspondence, died. So Hugo and Willem wrote to each other for more than thirty years. At first works. In that sense he
they wrote irregularly, whenever
1621 they exchanged
letters
suited them, but after Grotius
it
more
frequently,
Santenus, 28 September 1616. See also A. C. G. dichterschap
M.
went
into exile in
and from 1639-1640 onwards, when
EyfBnger, Grotius poeta. Aspeden van Grotius's
(The Hague, 1981), 171-174.
Ahsmann, "WiUem de Groot," 374-375. Briefwisseling van Hugo Grotius, ed. P. C. Molhuysen, B. L. Meulenbroek, P. P. Witkam, H.J. M. Nellen, and C. M. RidderikhofF, 17 vols. (The Hague, 1928-2001) (hereafter BW), 17 iam Hagam addiscendae praxeos (Supplement), no. 599A, from W. de Groot, 2 April 1620: ". " Cf. MS. The Hague. ARA, Eerste afd., Aanw. 1911 XXIII, no. 32, Wilgratia commigravi •
See
^
.
lem de Groot to
moved
mon
to
cousin
his
The Hague:
".
.
.
De
Bye, 14 April 1620. In
je vous
fais
Willem
This applies also to the weekly correspondence between Grotius and
Nicolaes van Reigersberch, although
BW
printed
is
8,
no. 3135, to
concluded
rum meorum non
this letter
reports that he has
que j'ay entierement transporte depuis peu de jours
domicile a La Haye. ..."
'
'
sfavoir
.
perire."
esse
it
his
brother-in-law
was primarily focused on the exchange of political news.
Willem de Groot, 26 June 1637, where a list of works due to be "Horum omnium te non tantum fratrem, sed et fautorem studio-
as follows:
nescium nolui, ut videas etiam, quae negotiis publicis superfluunt, tempora mihi
H.
J.
M. NELLEN
387
the preparation of Grotius's works for the press called for a continuous exchange of information, even once a week.* Confidentiality
one of the most
is
period from 1618 to 1621,
on recent events
when
firom his family
of letten had to be organised after Grotius
ing as
at
in
striking features of this correspondence. In the
the incarcerated Grotius was receiving information
and
friends, this
was
Nor
did this change
escaped firom Loevestein: although our learned ex-prisoner was
hberty, he could not freely
communicate with
his family
and friends
the controversial content of his letters was hkely to threaten their safety.
lication in
exchange
clearly necessary: the
an atmosphere of strict secrecy.
now Uvat
home,
The pub-
1622 of the Verantwoordingh, the book in which Grotius defended the poli-
cy of Johan van Oldenbamevelt,^ put Willem de Groot in an awkward position.
was arrested when the judicial authorities in Holland managed to
which Grotius informed
letters in
his
seize
He
one of the
brother about the printing in Holland of
this
highly controversial work. Willem could not deny that he had been in the possession
of the manuscript of Grotius's Verantwoordingh; a "seditious libel" earned
him some
this
comphcity in the publication of
days of distress in a cell at the Gevangenpoort in
The Hague.'" I
will
now
-his brother's
dwell on one aspect of the services rendered by Willem de Groot. At
Willem kept
request
poetry. Every
now
a file
which contained
all
recent Latin and
Greek
and then Grotius sent poems he had composed on the occasion
of events which had touched him. These poems were meant to be published in a vol-
ume entitled Poemata Nova}^ One fine example of such
a poem, written in Greek, denounced the dismissal of Ludwig Camerarius, the Swedish ambassador in The Hague, from the diplomatic ser-
vice.'^ Grotius
very
much
regretted that, after a long dispute over areas of respon-
sibihty, his learned colleague
Camerarius, scion of a famous family of humanists, had
to cede his position to the upstart Petter Spiring SUvercrona, a rich entrepreneur
*
Even
of their
if
task.
they were short of matters to report, both correspondents acquitted themselves well
Cf
BW %,
no. 3393, from Willem de Groot, 21
scribenda occurrunt, officio tamen
quae
me
and
meo
December 1637:
deesse nolui, ut vicissim a te saepiuscule
"Etsi pauca litteras
iam
accipiam,
valde delectant."
The Verantwoordingh van de wettelijcke regieringh van Hollandt (Hoom, 1622) appeared in November 1622. Some months before, in August 1622, Grotius had published a Ladn translation, Apologeticus eorum qui Hollandiae praefuerunt (Paris, 1622) {BG nos. 872 and 880). '» BW 17 (Supplement), nos. 775A and 827A, diary notes by W. de Groot, 2 August 1622 '
.
.
and 18-21 April 1623. " 10, no. 4346, to
BW
poetry lae
is
lost.
quotquot
W.
.
.
.
de Groot, 22 October 1639. The original
Only the poems which Grotius happened
reperiri
.
potuerunt (Amsterdam, 1687;
BG
file
containing Grotius's
to cite in the letters printed in the Episto-
no. 1210) have been preserved.
finger. Inventory of the Poetry of Hugo Grotius (Assen, 1982), xliii—li.
A
Cf
A. Eyf-
survey of the poetry to be
published in the Poemata Nova: Eyffinger, Inventory, 54, 57-58; cf 221-233.
BW
'^ 12, nos. 5340 and 5375, to Willem de Groot, 31 August and [21] September 1641. On Ludwig Camerarius see O. Schutte, Repertorium der buitenlandse vertegenwoordigers, residerende in Nederland 1584-1810 (The Hague, 1983), 488-489, and F. H. Schubert, LuduHg Camerarius (1573-
1651). Eine Biographic (Kallmiinz, 1955), esp. 387-409.
HUGO GROTIUS'S CORRESPONDENCE
388
financier notorious for his arrogance and impetuousness,
who
took advantage of his
wealth to get ahead:
KXate Aarmoat!>vri Kajxep&piov eiaopdwoa, riAoDToq (3x1
e*
sr
St
^
ec^i
at
.
•
O M •^
§ " ^
[£4
g «> o o
jc
«»
%;
;S! -«^
sr
(D :^
X ^
> ^ crK 5 ;3
?«5
-o
^o
3
^ «
5;
-? UJ
r£
c
->
f '
f
xi
•'^
^ u c, ^
g :3 s r^ u ^ k. S;
-5
•?
NEO-LATIN REBUSES OF NILS THOMASS0N
472
Rule
The figure ought
7.
It is
not
use
fair to
ognized, because
to
be simple, not obscure [Figura
motifs objects
as
this will
make
sit facilis,
non obscura
.
.
.].
which can hardly be depicted, or hardly rec-
the reader's task too difficult and prolong
it.
The
author gives some examples of words which are almost impossible to solve.
Rule
Two
8.
constituere
.
words
may make one figure [Duo vocabula mutua ope possunt figuram
.].
.
Each
figure
word must have
text.
When
space between words
tion: if
the same spelling is
one figure word "participates"
to separate the
words and add
as
the actual part of the
word
in the
concerned, however, rule 8 allows an excepin
two words
in the
poem, the reader has
One example
a space himself
is
the figure Atlas in
sat lassus (stanza 4).
Rule
9.
The
Method.
method
ninth rule describes the author's
Rule 10. The figures should be of high
for
composing the rebus poem.
quality.
Surely this rule has been obeyed by Nils Thomasson: the figures are beautiful,
demonstrating the motifs in an
artistic
way.
Conclusion I
have tried to demonstrate that our rebus book
ture in Latin. is
also
We have
the author's
word
what makes excuses necessary
for this,
is
a piece
of entertainment
litera-
and the element of entertainment
in his eyes. His excuses are, primarily, that
all
people have to relax sometimes. Moreover, there are meaningful kinds of entertainment, like his book, which points the
onwards.
It
way
to
European Uterature from
does so through the rebuses themselves,
as
Homer
well as through the learned
commentaries.
The
rebus
to be solved;
To
Nils
is
seen historically
it is
as a playful
genre.
The entertainment
lies
in the task
entertaining to try one's brains, and try other persons' brains as well.
Thomasson,
and more challenges
this
—
was not enough:
strict
rebus rules represent
more
learning
to his readers and, not least, to himself
Oslo University
Blondelli Comparatio Pindari et Horatii.
Illustris
Les commentaires sur
et d' Horace
de Pindare
XVIIe
a la fin du
oeuvres
les
siecle
FRANgOIS ROUGET
On
sait
Siecle.
race,'
a consacre a
Ho-
I'instruction delivree au college et dans le
gout
Depuis I'ouvrage de reference que Jean Marmier
on connait son importance dans
litteraire
de I'epoque.
Pourtant, une figure interessante de
France a ete negligee jusqu' a present:
Ton
doit
Grand
quelle place les Anciens occupent dans le paysage culturel du
une Comparaison
il
la
transmission de
s'agit
et d' Horace
de Pindare
Barbin) et reeditee en 1686 (Amsterdam,
W.
en
la tradition classique
de Francois Blondel (1617—1686), a qui
pubUee en
fran^ais
en 1673
(Paris, CI.
Abraham), avant de connaitre une
diffu-
sion europeenne.^
Get ouvrage meriterait un long examen. Blondel y resume deux poetes
lyriques.
commente
II
leurs textes et enrichit ses
la vie et I'oeuvre
remarques par
mediaire de QuintiUen, Scaliger, Turnebe et Heinsius, entre autres. Pourtant,
du modele de
spire de ces critiques et
Rapin), Blondel
Dans
les
sait
comparaison (comme
la
pages suivantes, nous aimerions rappeler les
enjeux
et les limites
Horace. Enfin, nous voudrions resituer
fait
le
pour
rehabiliter Pindare et
paraitre la traduction
du
Horace en France au dix-septieme
Ed. anglaise (Londres, Bennet, 1696); latine
J.
Kritikon
[.
.
.],
siecle (Paris,
sive
le
contexte
et
litteraire et le
Gar au moment ou Blondel
promouvoir I'image d'Horace, Boileau,
Traite
'
Le Paulmier,
R.
parcours bio-bibliographique
Comparaison dans
sa
^
dans
s'in-
et
de son commentaire sur Pindare
climat intellectuel de son temps et montrer son impact.
de son cote,
s'il
G. Scaliger
depasser ses modeles et s'en ecarter.
de Blondel, puis indiquer
edite son parallele
J.
des
I'inter-
du sublime du pseudo-Longin, et VArt
1962). {Illustris
Blondelli comparatio Pindari et Horatii),
Pro Lucano Apologia (Lyon, 1704, 1707;
Amsterdam, 1709).
474
LES
ou
poetique
meme
COMMENTAIRES SUR PINDARE ET D'HORACE
prend
il
la
defense des Anciens. Les deux ecrivains frequentent alors le
salon, partagent la
recoupent, jusqu'a
meme
ferveur pour le lyrisme antique et leurs ceuvres se
de Blondel peu avant que n'eclate publiquement
la disparition
"Querelle des Anciens
et des
la
Modernes".
Fran9ois Blondel: sa vie et son ceuvre
Rappelons d'abord
les
grandes dates qui ont marque I'existence et
Francois-Nicolas Blondel, cet humaniste verse dans
la carriere
confondre avec son homonyme, Francois Blondel, medecin, avec lequel
gout de
la science.
Mais
seur de botanique, est
la
comparaison
connu pour
s'arrete
telisme a la Faculte et contre I'introduction il
de commentaires
est I'auteur
de
lui
et
la.
de
Boileau.
Ne a Ribemont en
maitre des requetes de techniques,
paux ports Mazarin,
il
il
la reine
de
et
semble avoir joue un role dans
la galere
le
"La Cardinale"
C'est a cette date que sa carriere prit
peen pendant pres de quatre
ans.
De
la
solde de
depen-
la
de I'expedition de Sicile
son retour,
il
fut charge
de
Provence (1650—1651).
un nouveau tournant. II devint d'abord celui-ci un grand tour euro-
entama avec
a Berlin (1657), et a Constantinople (1658),
s'accomplit fort bien de sa tache.
Des
lors, sa
reputation ira grandissant.
pont
et la porte
les fortifications
il
la ville
il
a 1668, le
fut directeur
et
de construire I'arsenal de Rochefort
nomme professeur de mathematiques au
de Paris (1672-1674), marechal de camp (1675),
Voyageur
Amsterdam
la
il
II
mourut
le
Blondel
commenfa
son
esprit d'inlassable
par composer des vers {La Solitude
Paru anonymement en 1671. Voir Boileau, (Euvres
A
de
meme ou
et d' Horace.
se distingue aussi par
Relation de voyage de Berlin h Constantinople (1658), des entretiens
1966), 325 et suiv.
College
et enfin professeur
21 Janvier 1686, I'annee
Comparaison de Pindare
infatigable, Francois
curiosite. Eclectique,
le
de I'Academie d'architecture, charge des ouvrages publics
mathematiques du Dauphin (1683). fut reeditee a
Roi en personne
leva les cartes marines des Antilles (1667-1669). Associe a
I'Academie des Sciences (1669), puis royal (1671),
De 1662
de Dunkerque, du Havre (1662), de restaurer
romaine de Saintes (1665),
(1666). Cartographe,
^
plan des princi-
exterieures de la France,
les affaires
A
aine d'un
sciences et
retour en France, Henri de Lomenie, secretaire
en mission diplomatique
chargea de renforcer
une
et
le
fils
les
revoke du Portugal contre
la
et se distingua lors
gouverneur de Louis-Henri de Brienne
de
moque
au contraire proche de
au Portugal. Espion habile, a
deuxieme due de Richelieu en 1647.
d'Etat, I'envoya
ici, est
marine, et charge de lever
la
en Espagne
dresser le plan des fortifications sur le littoral de
le
I'aristo-
Boileau se
mere, annobli en 1654. Verse dans
fut re^u ingenieur
et places militaires
commanda
menee par
il
latin.
1618, F. Blondel, sieur des Croisettes, est le
dance espagnole en 1640. Toujours implique dans
ou
reforme de
la
dans V Arrest burlesque.^
Francois-Nicolas Blondel, celui qui nous interesse
il
partage le
du quinquina. Conservateur convaincu, de medecine en
traites
il
de
ne pas
Le medecin (1609?-1682), profes-
joua contre
le role qu'il
A
les arts et les sciences.
completes, ed.
A.
Adam
noter que I'index de cette edition ne discrimine pas
les
royalle,
en
1653),
latin sur la
et F. Escal (Paris,
deux hommes.
FRANCOIS ROUGET physique de Galilee, deux
475
qui firent autorite {Rholution des quatre
traites d' architecture
principaux problemes d' architecture, 1673, et Cours d' architecture, 1675—1683),
du calendrier remain (1682), deux ouvrages de technique bombes,* Nouvelle maniere de fortifier
les places,
1
683) et
une
histoire
militaire (L'Art dejetter
(1683). Fin stratege et technicien competent, F. Blondel
les
Cours de mathematiques
le
partager son
fit
immense
erudition en prive, en tant que precepteur, mais aussi en public, lors des seances qui
beaux
reunissaient les Paris,
du temps chez
esprits
le
Guillaume de Lamoignon. C'est dans
chercher I'origine de
Comparaison de Pindare
la
Premier President du Parlement de
les
discussions de ce cercle qu'il faut
et d' Horace,
sur laquelle nous allons a
present nous pencher.
La Comparaison Dans
de Pindare et d 'Horace
rimprimeur
sa preface,
rappelle au lecteur les circonstances de presentation,
de redaction, puis de publication du parallele de Blondel. La frequentation assidue de
Lamoignon, puis
I'assemblee de savants, se reunissant une fois par semaine chez
"commandement" ordonne deux grands
des
comme
lyriques, furent le point
le precise
Blondel,
Reproduisant d'abord
le
par son president* de coucher par ecrit la comparaison
fiit
de depart de cet ouvrage. La comparaison,
retouchee plusieurs
les citations
fois
aux
de
fins
la publication.
de Pindare et d'Horace dans leur langue d'origine,
fiit amene finalement a les accompagner de traduction en fian^ais afin d'atun plus large lectorat. La vocation pedagogique apparaitra plus nettement encore a la mort de Blondel puisque la Comparaison sera associee aux Comparaisons de Rene Rapin et reUee dans le meme volume edite par Wolfgang Abraham. Rapin et Blondel appartenaient a I'entourage de Lamoignon et les deux hommes oeuvraient a
I'auteur
teindre
difiuser les Belles Lettres
en France
s'etaient raUies a I'enseignement
et
en langue vernaculaire, depuis que
en langue
vulgaire.*
Ceux-ci,
d'aillevu:^,
cepte de Quintilien, pla^aient dans I'etude des poetes anciens
Mais quelle dare,
si
etait la situation
les editions
qu'il s'agit
de Pindare
base de I'education.
la
d'Horace au XVIIe
et
siecle?
ne manquent pas jusqu'en 1623, on peut quand
de reeditions. C'est
a travers celles
de
F.
les Jesuites
selon le pre-
Pour Pin-
meme
Morel (1582, 1623),
et
preciser
de P. Es-
Huet et Racine decouvrent le poete thebain. Passe le premier du siecle, Pindare se fait plus discret dans la production editoriale. Pour Horace, il en va tout autrement, et Marmier a bien souUgne le role qu'Ho-
tienne (1599), que quart
race joue dans I'enseignement, en particulier chez les Jesuites,^ et la fortune de ses textes dans I'edition tout au
*
long du XVIIe
Public a Paris (1683 et 1699),
sente au
Roi
des 1675, de
meme
Amsterdam
que L'Art
siecle. Virgile
(1690), et La
de fortifier
les
Haye
places
mis a
part,
Horace
(1685), le manuscrit en
est le
flit
en 1673. La publication en
pre-
fut re-
tardee afin de preserver le secret des techniques militaires fi-anfaises. *
Cf
Comparaison de Pindare
et
d'Horace (Amsterdam, 1686), fol
A2
r,
et p. 5.
Toutes nos refer-
ences renvoient a cette edition. '
Voir Marmier, Horace en
^
Voir
aussi F.
M. Compere
France, 23.
de Dainville, L'Education
(Paris, 1978),
168-170.
des Jesuites
(XVIe-XVIIIe
siedes), textes
reunis par
M.-
476
LES
COMMENTAIRES SUR PINDARE ET D'HORACE commente.
principal poete latin etudie, traduit, et
theques, est inscrit a tous
les
reeditees. Jusqu'en 1670, les
programmes
II
figure dans toutes les biblio-
des colleges, et ses oeuvres sont sans cesse
commentaires de Turnebe
editions savantes de Muret, d'Estienne, ont encore
la
et
de Lambin dominent, et
faveur des
lettres.
les
Lorsque parait
Comparaison de Blondel en 1673, on peut done dire qu'eUe repond a un interet
la
constant pour le poete
parce qu'elle remet clipsee par ceUe
une ferveur generale. Mais
latin, a
elle se singularise
d'Homere.
Francois Blondel
sait alors fort
bien que
c'est la, sans
doute, que reside I'un des
attraits de son ouvrage. Mais avant d'en preciser le contenu, rappelons-en la
sition.
surtout
a I'honneur I'ceuvre de Pindare, generalement et largement e-
Apres un court prologue
compo-
une dedicace a Lamoignon, Blondel rappeUe
(5),
la
vie des deux lyriques (leurs origines, 5-7; leur pays, 7-9), et decrit leurs mceurs (leur
9—12; leur education, 12-14; leurs qualites morales et leur temperament, 14—29;
foi,
leurs amours, 30—31).
leur
epoque (36—39),
race).
Blondel souligne
aussi leur destin
et detaiUe leurs oeuvres
Et de conclure sur
le
exceptionnel (31—35), eclaire
genie respectif de chacun d'entre eux (76—78).
Cette breve analyse comparee du lyrisme antique se signale par erudition et
la
passion dont
Ho-
(40—64 pour Pindare; 64—76 pour
fait
paraison et tente de souHgner
preuve
les
la
precision de son
commentateur. Blondel procede par com-
le
merites et
defauts de
les
chacun d'entre eux.
Ses idees sur Pindare sont nourries de ses lectures nombreuses. Blondel s'appuie sur
Quintilien, Pausanias, Elien, sur
Horace
meme
qui avoue sa dette a I'egard du
bain {Odes, 4.2). Le portrait qu'il trace du poete
cerne les
sa
personne
et ses moeurs. Fils
est
d'un joueur de
peuples ont toujours passe pour grossiers"
(7),
oeuvres illustrent sa vertu et sa devotion aux dieux. paien! Blondel croit
Testament
meme
The-
nuance, mesure, en ce qui conflute, originaire
de Beotie "dont
Pindare fut pourtant pieux et
Ce
qui est deja tres bien pour
ses
un
percevoir dans son oeuvre des reminiscences de I'Ancien
poete
(15). Ainsi christianise, ce
est
rendu plus proche de nous, plus ac-
ceptable aussi. Face a I'adversite, Pindare adopte en outre une attitude toute chre-
tienne de comprehension et de pardon (22), et (22). Bref,
un
portrait elogieux
que
seul le
il
n'a "jamais
mal parle de personne"
gout demesure de I'argent semble nuancer
(26). Car Pindare etait cupide et il a vendu sa poesie au plus ofFrant. Autre exces, son penchant pour I'amour, en particulier "I'amour des Carbons" (Theoxene, 31), que
Blondel tente de comprendre d'apres
les
moeurs de I'Antiquite. Heureusement,
il
se
rachete par son oeuvre (malgre ses detracteurs) et sa gloire posthume.
Blondel
est fascine
et par I'etendue
par
temoignages de louanges qui sont parvenus jusqu'a
les
de son genie. L'examen de
ses oeuvres
lui
n'occupe pas moins de 25
pages d'un parallele qui en compte a peine 73. Blondel s'efForce de mettre en valeur
beaute des vers, leur musicalite, leur variete,
la
profite aussi
pour donner un bref aper9u de ce
la
grandeur de leur elevation.
qu'etait le lyrisme officiel
II
en
en Grece,
de son caractere national. Les quinze demieres pages de cet examen visent a souligner les
plus
beaux passages
seduit par la
et les reussites lyriques
douceur de
ses vers,
ebloui par
de I'Etna dans
la 1'"
la
de Pindare. Blondel
se sent
richesse des vocables (52).
description qu'il
II
renvoie a "mille autres beaux endroits" (55), savoure "I'austerite de
ses sentences,
de
ses figures
[.
.
.]" (56).
(51),
juge que
Pythique "a quelque chose de divin" (53).
la
fait
emu
II
Quand Blondel note
sa diction,
certains defauts,
il
ne
de fait
FRANCOIS ROUGET
comme
alon que reprendre des critiques generales
477
n'osait se dissocier totalement
s'il
du jugement commun. D'autant qu'il prend sa defense en avan^ant I'argument qu'il nous faut toujoun essayer de comprendre Pindare d'apres son epoque et non pas en fonction du gout de la notre.* A chaque reproche avance, celui-ci retorque et le rejugement ici toume a I'eloge a peine camoufle. Et Blondel se du pseudo-Longin pour faire valoir que les rares defauts releves
duit a neant.' Bref, le
range dans
le sillage
chez Pindare (de "petites taches", des "negligences", 62—63) ne font que rehausser
la
valeur de ses reussites.
L'examen d'Horace suit le meme cheminement. Mais soit parce qu'il est mieux connu du public, soit que son genie procede en partie de I'oeuvre de Pindare, Blondel lui accorde moins de place (12 pages). D'origine modeste, Horace est pourtant diflferent de moeurs et de caractere: impie, libertin, mais loyal et fidele a I'autorite
Horace
comme
du
Pindare furent "de treshonnestes gens eu egard aux moeurs et a
niere d'agir des temps
ou
ils
ont vecu" (14), mais
ils
amoureux
furent
pere.
ma-
la
et vaniteux.
Pourtant, Horace se singularise par sa liberte d'esprit, son independance a I'egard de ses protecteurs.
et
il
11
prone dans
ment
est
en a conscience
il
lascives, voluptueuses, detestables;
Son
(20).
Comme
comme
Pindare en ce qu'il "a eu a I'humeur oii
jugement qui
de choisir
la liberte
du
les tons,
de Quintilien,
il
reprend son
ses satires
touchent Blondel plus que
10.1.
[Instil, oral.
ses
odes adoptent
charment
plus eleve au plus melancolique. Ses epitres, au contraire,
ses satires et I'epitre
predecesseurs
au
de Juvenal, contre
celles
aux Pisons,
les raisons
qui ont
et
pu
en aide pour expliquer contre
pousser a decrier Plaute (73—75).
que Blondel veut pardormer a Horace:
Meme
s'il
Blondel attaque avec virulence
huy"
lui vient
il
le
jugement d'Horace au goust de son
vaises bouffonneries" (75).
et se
(69—70). Blondel n'a pas assez de mots pour louer
la Poetique
nom de I'histoire
attribuer ce
siecle,
les
"II faut
qui estoit
nie vouloir "deffendre
la
A
ses
nouveau,
bien plustot
ennemy
des
mau-
reputation d'Horace"
jugements des "s^avants critiques d'aujourd'-
(76).
Au
total,
Blondel tente de sauvegarder
lyriques, bien qu'il retablisse I'equilibre
plus surprenant qu'Horace, et tend
Cf.
"De
vouloir neanmoins tout
drop viste, et faire
comme
Voir 61-62, entre
autres.
le prestige
de chacun des deux poetes
en faveur de Pindare qui "a quelque chose de
pour
ainsi dire,
condamner
ceux qui n'estant jamais
aucun habillement etranger" '
d'Horace sur
propres a son genie et
d'Horace un poete moins sublime mais plus egal
demarquer de I'auteur de
rire
etait
il
eut des de-
de Scaliger. Sur ce point, Blondel va defendre Horace pour s'opposer
I'avis
'
il
la superiorite
les sujets les plus
se trouvoit" (65). Suivant I'autorite
il
fait
par leur humilite, et
(75),
Pindare,
lui aussi,
94—96). Son "style mediocre" (moyen) "a des charmes inimitables",
c'est
se corriger,
desinteresse-
mais sa gloire eut raison de leurs medisances.
Passons a l'examen de ses oeuvres (64—76). Blondel note
tous
de
et tente
ven une conduite morale irreprochable
admirable, sa generosite eclate partout (26—27).
anime de pensees tracteurs,
a certes des defauts mais
ses
au divin"
(76).
Mais Horace,
sur ce principe, ce seioit, ce sortis
(58); voir aussi 59.
de leur
Ville,
me
semble,
ne s^auroient
lui.
aller
souffiir sans
478
COMMENTAIRES SUR PINDARE ET D'HORACE
LES
"a bien plus d'etendue, de s^avoir et de connoissance que Pindare, plus d'egalite, plus
de douceur
d'enjouement
et
rejoindre le jugement
examen les
et
commun
beaucoup moins de qui prefere
On
defFauts".
poete
le
voit alors Blondel
au grec, mais au terme d'un
latin
des oeuvres qui rehabilite Pindare et la notion de sublime,
importante dans
si
debats de I'esthetique classique vers 1670.
Blondel montre aussi qu'il connait son histoire litteraire greco-latine et que son jugement pretend a I'independance. A partir des commentaires et des editions anterieurs,
il
batit
un examen
tarque,
Son
solide et personnel.
exercice rhetorique classique pour
le
du pseudo-Longin (que Boileau
traduit
pour
A
I'instar
en 1673), de Scaliger, mais
contemporains (G. de Balzac, R. Rapin, puis Ch. parallele
un
originalite consiste a reprendre
marquer de son empreinte.
pour
de
aussi
ses
Blondel emploie
Perrault),'"
analyser, juger, et prendre position. Mais,
de Plu-
premiere
la
fois,
il
le
re-
dige une comparaison en forme des deux grands lyriques antiques, ce qui manquait
chez
ses predecesseurs.
ne pouvait
aux coUegiens par
Blondel concretise done un projet
un ouvrage dont
I'ignorer, les
manuels de Jesuites,
tel la
Pindarum Horatio posthaberes ex
Virgilio,
presence insistante de Quintilien tion en 1686 a
la suite
doit
et
latent.
II
redige aussi, et
Ratio de 1586:
"Qua
Comparaison de 1673,
la
un exercice pedagogique,
beaucoup au pseudo-Longin'^
oratoire, dicte par le
La
sa reedi-
gout mondain.
(par I'intermediaire de Boileau?),
pourtant une certaine liberte de pensee qui I'amene parfois a s'ecarter de a contredire Scaliger (69, 72—75), a le depasser (35, 53, (65).
Homerum
in re
Scaligeri Critico et Hypercritico?""
de Scaliger dans
il
parmi ceux qui etaient proposes
des Comparaisons de Rapin, semblent conforter I'hypothese que
ce livre correspondait a S'il
le sujet figure
On voit ainsi que la
55)'-*,
et
il
revele
la tradition,
meme
a I'ignorer
un simple exercice rhetorique, concela pour tenter de definir I'esthetique
Comparaison, loin d'etre
du lyrisme antique,
tribue a reevaluer la place classique contemporaine.
'"
Voir respectivement
le parallele d'apres
comme
Parallelon,
les Paralleles
Plutarque:
".
.
.
il
se
Amyot, qui
definit ainsi
meit a escrire caste oeuvre excellente des Vies,
qu'il appella
ou Vies des hommes
illustres,
trad. J.
qui diroit d'accouplement ou assortissement pource qu'il accouple un Grec avec
un Romain, mettant
leurs vies I'une devant I'autre, et les conferant ensemble, selon qu'ilz se sent
trouvez avoir entre eux conformite de nature, de mcEurs et d'adventures, en examinant ce que I'un
eu de meilleur ou de
a
paraitre
pire,
de plus grand ou de plus
une nouvelle traduction en 1663-1665,
Voir J. C.
Scaliger, Poetices
lihri
septem, 1561, livre 5;
ions sur la poetique d'Aristote et sur les ouvrages des
Entretiens (1657), 31 .
.
.
,
ainsi
(Malherbe
et
petit,
que
I'autre ..."
que La Serre en 1681
L'abbe Tallemant et
R. Rapin, Comparaisons (1664-1671);
pokes anciens
et
fit
Dacier en 1694. Reflex-
modemes (1674); G. de Balzac, Les
Ronsard); Ch. Perrault, ParalUle des Anciens
et des
Modemes
1688-1694.
" Cite par de Dainville, L' Education des Jesuites, 177. '^
Voir
le
chap. 27 dans
la
traduction de Boileau, "Si
sublime qui a quelques defauts", dont
le titre
Ton
doit preferer le mediocre parfait au
resume bien I'enjeu esthetique qui separe Pindare
d'Horace. Pourtant, finalement, Blondel s'ecarte du pseudo-Longin pour preferer
au sublime. '^
Voir
Poetices libri septem, 5.7,
"Horatii et
Graecorum comparatio".
le
"mediocre"
FRAN
Hunc
sacri
longo comitantur in ordine
Quos
noscis; frustra nota referre
vates,
veUm. (427—430)
So, poets whom you know; it is vain to mention their names. Of course these names could be very interesting for us: perhaps among them there were not only classical authors.
In tiscus
fact,
there
himself
is
only one well
as his
Quodsi
'
forte licentia Catulli et
utimur MamlU,
See Jan Harhala, "Przedmowa tfiamacza" ["Translator's introduction"], in Dantyszek [DantisUtwory poetyckie [Poems], xii-xiv. Harhala argues that Dantiscus's imitation
in that he imitated only
themes and
possible to define their themes
141.
poet directly mentioned by Dan-
source. Let us quote:
Interdum vel
cus],
known Neo-Latin
and
literary
is
rather external,
form; but through a close reading of his
stylistic unity.
Cf
poems
it is
Skimina, Tworczo ^poetycka [Poetry], 140-
PIOTR URBANSKI
Fit,
cum
559
copia largior negatur
Intento gravibus subinde rebus.
Georgium Sabinum
(Hendecasyllabi ad
Dantiscus menrions Michael Marullus
(c.
[1539], 2.59—62)
1453-1500) for only one reason (besides
the marvellous rhyme). Marullus, like Catullus in antiquity, used to decasyllable and that
when
Dantiscus
as a
is
why
his
poems could be
bishop was involved in
a kind
affairs
employ the hen-
of useful pattern, especially
more important than poetic
inventio.
Also in the HendecasYllabi, Pietro
Bembo
(1470-1547)
is
mentioned,
of
as a friend
both Sabinus and Dantiscus. Obviously they knew each other personally:
Quod
porro quereris, gemis dolesque
Mortem coniugis optimique Bembi, Tecum condolui, piis utrisque, Orans, Manibus ut quies beata
Detur
cum
superis
[.
.
.]
(3.31—36)
In Dantiscus's poetry the relationship with Riccardo BartoHni tiated one.* It has
is
the best substan-
been recently described by Barbara Milewska-Wazbiiiska,^ so
it
be enough to summarize. In the course of the Congress of Vienna (1515) Dantiscus wrote three poems which involved BartoUni: De profectione Sigismundi, Ricardo will
BdrthoUno, and
Ad
lectorem Hodoeporici.
The
first is
a
kind of a poetic competition, a
response to BartoUni's Hodoeporicon, pubHshed together with contains an explanation of
both humanists.
And
some current moral and
the third
is
a eulogy
it
in Vienna.
The second
poUtical problems discussed
of Riccardo's poem.
The
praised for his very reahstic and detailed description of contemporary events.
poems
are
reflection
Bartolini's opinions
about the aim of poetry.
is
AH these
unique examples of the intimate humanistic dialogue which, here,
on Dantiscus's and
by
Itahan poet
It is
is
a
a real
dialogue of texts and ideas.
What we could
say about Dantiscus's personal knowledge of contemporary Italian poets and humanists? Was this knowledge on a literary level as well? think Petrus de Ravenna, a professor of law
I
the
first
Itahan Neo-Latin poet
whom Dantiscus
at
the University of Greifswald, was
met
in person.
However, Dantiscus
was a student in Greifswald for only a few months, so we do not know whether he had the chance to read Petrus's poems or to become famihar with his Uterary tastes.
*
See his biography in Dizionario
bibliografico degli italiani,
6 (Rome, 1964), 626-627,
s.v.
"Bartolini, Riccardo." '
B. Milewska-Wazbinska,
"The Poetry of Joannes Dantiscus
in the Diplomatic Service," in
Joannes Dantiscus (1485-1548): Polish Ambassador and Humanist, 109-1 14. See also Skimina, Tworczosc poetycka [Poetry],
33-37.
JOANNES DANTISCUS AND NEO-LATIN POETRY
560
(Unfortunately an edition of Petrus's Carmina, Liibeck 1499, has been unavailable to
me up met
to
now.) At any
has been proven by Skimina),
— whom Dantiscus probably
Paulus Crosnensis
rate, as
—
also
Cracow was Dantiscus's master as a poet (this would be interesting to attempt to confirm the same
in Greifswald, but surely did in it
role in the case of Petrus also.
In 1505, at the age of twenty, Dantiscus was in Italy for the
although he arrived there to study culture,
he stayed in
Italy
only for a very short time
pilgrimage to the Holy Land. So
come
On the
return journey from the
and Rome. In 1524 he and Bologna. her cultural haps only Italian
(at
However,
Venice) and then went on a
Of course,
later
Holy Land he stayed
Venice and Ban, and
visited
time.
very unlikely that he had any opportunity to be-
Neo-Latin poets then.
familiar with the Italian
several times.
it
first
the university and to refine his humanistic
at
he visited
Italy
in Sicily, Naples,
five years later
Genoa, Mantua,
We certainly know that he became familiar with Vittoria Colonna and
circle, as
well as with Lasarius
when he came
Bonamico and Francesco Bemi. But per-
to Spain did Dantiscus have the best opportunity to read
Neo-Latin poetry. The
fact
overlooked
is
that,
while staying in Spain and
performing the functions of an ambassador of the Polish King (1524—1530), Dantiscus
met two
Italian Latin poets, Baldassare Castiglione
performing similar
duties.
and, perhaps, literary masters.
between the
gies
and Andrea Navagero,
who were
We can be quite sure that they were Dantiscus's colleagues I
believe
it is
secular poetry written
necessary to try to analyze possible analo-
by Dantiscus and Castiglione,
as
well
as that
by Navagero.
At
this point, brief
mention should be made of some points proposed by previous
students of Dantiscus. In his
first
piece of poetry, the
De
Virtutis et
Fortunae
differentia
somnium, there are some similarities to Dante's Diuina Commedia and Petrarch's remediis utrius que fortunae. Unfortunately, these similarities
poem
described. Otherwise, this
has a prefatory verse
Greek Johannes SUvus Amatus who had taught Dantiscus
in
by the
Cracow
De
have not been sufficiently Italian professor
since 1504.
Amatus
of
praises
Tibullan poet,'" but the text has nothing to do with TibuUus.
as a
Next, in the description of Voluptas's Palace in the Carmen paraeneticum ad Con-
some
stantem Alliopagum (1539),
observed. (This
Unfortunately,
is
the
first
this has
similarities to Palingenius's Zodiacus vitae
alleged
have been
example of Polish famiUarity with Palingenius.)
not been explained in
detail,
but has only been given
as a
very general observation that does not offer any proof
Much
information about Dantiscus's relations with Italian humanists and poets
could be found in the huge collection of his
letters
kept in the Centre for Studies on
the Classical Tradition in Poland and East-Central Europe, at the University of Warsaw; however,
it is
not certain that one could find there records concerned with
of Dantiscus's colleagues.
To
PhiUppo Archinto. Though day,
we
'°
their correspondence has not survived
can be sure that they both were in close contact. There
Archinto's Christiana de Fide
The
text
is
et
all
give an example, one could mention the archbishop
Sacramentis explanatio
available in Skimina's edition
up is
to the present
no doubt
that
was published by Dantiscus and
of Dantiscus, Carmina, 306.
PIOTR URBANSKI
561
recommended in his pastoral letter as a catechism for the diocese of Warmia (Ermbook emerged from the trend of the Catholic Counter-Reformation, which led to the Council of Trent. Moreover, in the spirit of the programme of ministry being developed in Italy at that time, and, even more significant, on the
land). This
of cultural and hterary programmes prompted by the reformist trend, Dantiscus
basis
composed
Hymni
his
1548)."
aliquot ecclesiastici (printed in
In which poems might -we suspect that Dantiscus joined the contemporary discussion on poetry (that is to say, the problem of literary relationship at the level of literary genre)? I think that Hymni, the book mentioned above, could be the answer. A proposition suggested by Ann Moss should be the starting point for future investigation: This negation [of mythological
hymnody
expressed in the beginning of the
Hymni\ separates the hymns of Dantiscus from the
classicising
language of a
whole universe of Christian humanist poetry, elaborated with particular enthusiasm by the Italians (G. F. Pico, Sannazaro, Mantuan, and their hke). Dantiscus parodies the language of the Latin humanists in order to refiise their verbal style and, imphcitly, their
dated to pagan
taste.
He
compromising vision of
a Christianity
accommo-
parody recognisable to
also rejects, again in styHstic
the "hterary" reader, the cruder style of contemporary vernacular
hymn-
writers.'^
So
important to compare Hymni to some central example of Itahan Latin hu-
it is
manist hymnography. olivarum
I
think that a comparison of Hymni with Meditatio in hebdomada
by Lancino Corti and other poets minorum gentium, would be
Zaccaria Ferreri (1479-1524),
thor of the
Hymni
who was
his
aim
(his
in the Poetry
i
"HymNy Jana Dantyszka
(Kielce, 1996), chap.
1:
at Interpretation"].
Ann
'-
the
more
w poezji pobkiego
iaska
Moss, "Johannes Dantiscus,
amicis collegis disdpulis oblata, ed.
'^
be
so as replacing the old Breviary
X and approved by Clement VII).
baroku (okres potrydencki): Studia o tekstach
of the Polish Baroque (Post-Trent Period): Analysis of Literary Texts]
tiscus
— an Attempt
all
book was inspired by Pope Leo
" See Piotr Urbanski, Nature [Nature and Grace
entirely fruitfiol
nuncio in Poland (1520-1521) and the au-
novi ealesiastici iuxta ueram metri et Latinitatis normam,^* seems to
an especially interesting comparandus,'^
hymns was
a
— proba
Hymn-Writer,"
interpretacji"
in
Munera
["Hymni by Joannes Dan-
Philologica Geotgio
Krzysztof A. Kuczynski, Zbigniew J.
Stamawski ah
Nowak, and Hanna Tadeus-
iewicz (Lodz. 1992), 158.
"
Studies by
Ann
Moss: "The Counter-Reformation Latin
Latini Sanaandreani, ed. Ian gical
Hymns and
D. McFarlane,
their Early Printing History,
112-137; and "Latin Liturgical niensia
MRTS 38
Hymn,"
in
Ada
Conventus Neo-
(Binghamton, 1986), 371-378; "Latin Litur-
1470-1520," Humanistica Lovaniensia 36 (1987):
Hymns of the Reformation
Crisis
(1520-1568)," Humanistica Lova-
40 (1991): 73-111.
'*
Published: In aedibus L. Vincentius et A. Perusia,
'^
See Dizionario
biografico degli italiani,
Romae,
1525, 1549.
46 (Rome, 1996), 809-811,
s.v.
"Ferreri, Zaccaria."
JOANNES DANTISCUS AND NEO-LATIN POETRY
562
Marcantonio Flaminio rum
libellus
tiscus
was pubUshed
is
another important author. Although
a Httle later than Dantiscus's Hymtti,
became acquainted with
it
before
it
Carminum
sacro-
possible that
Dan-
his
it is
was printed.
Are there any poets whose literary method as well as choice of cultural attitude were similar and/or analogical to those ofDantiscus? This is the most complicated problem, and names only: lacobo Sadoleto and
his
so
would
I
like to give
programme of Christian humanism and
some
suggestions
participation in the
preparation for the Council of Trent.
who
Celio Calcagnini, the concept of
A
relationship Italian poets
was very close to Erasmus,
especially in the consideration
of
human freedom.
between Dantiscus's concept of Christian culture and the circle of and humanists that produced the Coryciana (Giano Vitale, Francesco
Franchini, and others).
Marcantonio Flaminio and Dantiscus: the
of their biographies and their
similarity
understanding of poetry. Both Flaminio's and Dantiscus's
were completely
these poets
Baptista Spagnoli called
different as far as
Mantuanus (1447-1516):
pared with Dantiscus's
De
Uves
literary
vided into two periods, secular and religious (hymnography)
.
On the
may be
di-
other hand,
Ciceronianism was concerned. his
De
calamitatibus
nostrorum temporum calamitatibus
temporum
com-
important to
silva. It is
note that Mantuanus was praised by Dantiscus's master Erasmus and called the
Mantuanus's poems were reprinted
Christianus Maro. In the sixteenth century
many
times
Christianity
all
over Europe. His presentation of a humanistic reformist type of
made him
especially popular
North of the
Alps.
possible that
It is
know Mantuanus's poems. In addition, Mantuanus belongs to a group of Neo-Latin poets well known for a long time after their death. For
Dantiscus did small
instance, in seventeenth-century
schools
(as
England he was
still
widely read in grammar
Sarbievius and sometimes Castiglione were).
This paper has been concerned with possible relationships ending,
I
De nostrorum temporum calamitatibus silva,
this
poem {Ad
expression of Dantiscus's consciousness about changes
was
his
really
poem
well
as influences.
printed in Bologna (1529—1530).
ing statement from the very beginning of
It
as
In
should like to quote two passages from one of Dantiscus's best poems, the
something
in Italy
Cum
new that
a
on the
cultural
and perhaps find an audience
there:
nova delectent, nova,
Sarmata vates
non
alia,
The follow-
evidence and
map
in his time.
poet from Sarmatia (read "Poland") should publish
lector,
nonne placent? placeant novitate, quod ante
Edidit in Latio carmina; Si re
lectorem) is
In Latio vates Sarmata rarus
erat.
(1-4)
PIOTR URBANSKI Later
we
563
read:
Hos modo
praecipites numeros ne speme, quod atrum Squalorem vultus temporis huius habent,
Samiata vel Latios quod perstrepit inter olores
Sub gelido
natus,
qua
Hie ubi Sarmaticum vagus Et tuta portum
cum
riget Ursa, polo,
Istula fertur in
aequor
statione beat. (509—514)
University of Szczecin
Paolo Paladino: militare e umanista alia corte di Federico
d'Aragona
SEBASTIANO VALERIO
La
figura e I'opera di Paolo Paladino, militare e letterato di origine dalmata, rap-
presentano un capitolo poco noto deUa storia civile e letteraria del
aragonese. Si e a lungo creduto che
mezzogiomo
Paladino fosse pugliese, originario deUa Lesina
il
garganica, mentre egli proveniva dall'isola di Lesina (poi detta Pharos), allora sotto
dominio di
di Venezia.'
questo autore,
A
generate I'equivoco fU colui che per primo segnalo
De Marinis,
che nella descrizione dell'unico codice manoscritto che
conserva I'opera del Paladino ipotizzo questa provenienza,^ lamentando
una grande
diflScolta di reperire notizie certe e affidabUi sul
conosceva,
De
Valencia,
un
Marinis lo apprendeva dal codice 60 della BibUoteca Universitaria di
NapoU,
due sezioni omogenee:
la
dicata a Federico, su cui si
comunque
suo conto. Tutto quanto
bell'esemplare, integro anche nella rilegatura, proveniente dalla Biblio-
teca Aragonese di
cui
il
la figura
altemano
di cui
aveva seguito
la dispersione.^
Risulta composto di
prima conserva un'orazione pronunciata dal Paladino e de-
mi
mentre
soflfermero,
distici elegiaci e sonetti volgari,
la
seconda una raccolta di hriche in
sempre dedicata all'Aragonese.
Sulla base del titolo attribuito a Federico d'Aragona, luogotenente generale del
regno, e stato facile datare
gennaio e
'
E
i
il
codice ad un periodo ragionevolmente compreso tra
il
primi di ottobre del 1496, lasso di tempo in cui Federico assunse questa
questa
la
nocizia hportata da
N.
De
Blasi e A. Varvaro,
Letteratura Italiana. Storia e Geograjia: 2. L'eta modenta, ed.
"Napoli e
I'ltalia
meridionale," in
A. Asor Rosa (Torino, 1993), 1:285:
"Alio stesso ambiente cortigiano prossimo a Federico va ricondotta anche I'opera del rimatore
Paolo Paladino da Lesina, che raccolse per latini
il
'suo illustrissimo principe' una serie di
componimenti
e volgari (questi ultimi una quindicina)."
•
Cfr. T.
^
M.
De
Marinis, La
biblioteca
Napoletana dei
Gutierrez del Cafio, Catalogo de
Vdenza (Valencia, 1930), 2:4-5
(§
las
re
d'Aragona (Milano, 1952), 2:120-121.
manusaiptos existentes en
1720-1721).
la Biblioteca universitaria
de
PAOLO PALADINO ALLA CORTE
566
prima
carica,
noto,
il
di diventare re alia
FEDERICO
PI
morte del nipote Ferrandino, sopraggiunta, come
e
7 ottobre di quell'anno.
che pur non numerose si occupano del Paladino, fanno emergere un giovane, colto e sensibile condottiero, distintosi in particolar modo come marinaio e morto prematuramente. Poco e noto invece della sua attivita di let-
Le
fonti erudite,
la figura di
terato,
mentre Agostino Fortunio ricorda
un "omnis
di
Universitaria di Spalato
XVIII, un'opera dal
si
titolo
De
la
Biblioteca
M 10, risalente
codice
finali del
al sec.
Nicolai Palladini Pharii equitis aurati Paulique eius
"historiola" possa corrispondere
al
caratteri del
i
padre di Paolo, Nicolo Paladino, autore
conserva nella carte
militiaeque memorabilibus gestis Historiola}
I'opera possiede tutti
il
commentariolum," rimasto inedito/ Presso
gestae rei
Non
so dire
con estrema certezza
"commentariolum" commentario
di cui scriveva Fortunio,
anche
e in tal senso
la
ftlii
se questa
ma
narrazione in
terza persona da parte dell'autore rientrerebbe nella topica del genere. L'opera e
interamente dedicata
con toni
partire dal cellens; la
alle figure dei
1474 fino
1499. Di Paolo
al
Aragonesi.
agli
che coniugata
lui
al
legge che fu
importanza per
pesantemente litani la
si
efacundia ex-
poi, dall'anno in
la
a dar
dote deWhumanitas,
sofFerma con compiaciuta attenzione sul comportamento
i
le sorti della guerra;
Veneti
la citta;
si
aveva
Paolo Paladino, secondo
I'historiola, preferi
sua parte del bottino, conquistandosi cosi
di difendere
impressione con quanta forza
fatto
fossero impossessati del porto pugliese, saccheggiando
rendere
ai
Monopo-
enorme riconoscenza.
In sostanza Paolo sembra avere vissuto, accanto
vita
1494 in
viene riconosciuta anzitutto
guerra condotta per mare dai Veneziani contro
gli
padre, le vicende salienti della
al
non mancando
invasori firancesi,
pericolo turco. Egli fu a seguito della flotta del Grimani
le coste dal
Cfr. A. Fortunio, Historiarum Camaldulensium Hbri
rumque
corporis praepotens
coraggio e all'intelligenza bellica ne faceva un esempio da lodare e
determinazione
•
e Paolo, e riporta spesso
Turchi avvenute nell'Adriatico, a
tenuto in occasione della conquista di Monopoli (1496). L'impresa fu di par-
ticolare
e
i
Antonio Grimani scendono nel mezzogiomo
A Paolo
seguire. Vhistoriola infatti
da
si
con
carriera militare del giovane Paladino e seguita dal
cui le truppe venete guidate da
manforte
due Paladino, Nicolo
enfatici episodi di battaglie navali
tres.
Ubi aliamm quoque religionum,
&
vera inserta est suis locis origo. In fine vera Ambrosii generalis,
interpretis
militia-
Graeci eximij habetur
(Camaldoli, 1575).
Cfr. P. O. KristeUer, mi ha gentilmente fornito ^
Iter Italiaim
la
5 (Leiden, 1990), 446. Ringrazio
riproduzione fotografica del manoscritto.
il
II
prof.
D. Novakovic che
codice contiene una rac-
colta di scritti vari sulla cultura dalmata: Oratio Fratris Vincentii Priboevii O.P. de origine successibusque
Slavorum, Venetiis sis in vigilias
MDXXXII
(fol. 1);
Encomium Thomae Nigra
Magistri Vincentii Priboevii O.P.
(fols.
alias episcopi Scradonensis et Tragurien-
lv-2). Priboevius, orazione ad Petrum Vitaleum
MDXXV (fol. 2v); Leonardus Ales, epigramma; Nicolai Dominei Arbensis carmen, Venetiis per Joannem Antonium et fratres de Salis MDXXXII; Dell' origine et successi de gli Slavi oratione di M. Vincenzo Pribevo da Lesena gia recitata da lui nella medesima citta et hora tradotta dalla lingua latina nell' italiana
da Bellisario Malaspalli da Spalato, datata Spalato
da Manuzio nel 1545, da cui sono
tratte le notizie biografiche sul
Priboevio, orazione a Pietro Vidali; rabilibus gestis historiola per Joannem
De
Nicolai Palladini Pharii
Perlotum
edita.
.
.
.
MDXCV
(e
il
testo, gia edito
Paladino riportate da Gliubich); Paulique eiusjilii militia ac
memo-
SEBASTIANO VALERIO anche in uno dei passaggi piu per tutto
trasse
1496.
il
vista diplomatico, I'assedio di
che a lungo
L'historiola,
che questa circostanza dimostro si
vuoi dal punto
delicati e complessi di quella spedizione,
vuoi dal punto di
di vista militare,
567
la lealta
si
Taranto, che
pro-
si
sofferma suU'awenimento, ricorda
nei confronti degU Aragonesi dei Veneti, che
rifiutavano di occupare Taranto, disposta a cedere a loro piuttosto che alle truppe
di Federico.
Fu dunque
nel corso di questo assedio che Paolo Paladino pronuncio
I'orazione conservata nel codice valenziano. La fama e I'importanza del giovane Pala-
dino nel firattempo crescevano, tanto che note
sul
a partire
Paladino nella seconda meta di quell'anno
confermato anche da
mente apprezzato per
le
che
flotta veneta,
ranto quando
si
si
affollano le
sue doti poUtiche e per di
come
allontano da Taranto assediata,
VHistoriola: qui
dice che fu particolar-
si
sua saggezza, tanto che divenne,
la
Bartolomeo Giorgio, proconsole
awalse del suo consigho proprio in occasione dell'assedio
della
di
Ta-
Paladino entro nel merito di questioni relative ad rempublicam bene
il
non
gerendam, che poi altro Vincipit e
si
quah
altre fonti, tra le
sempre in quel tempo, un fidato consigUere
il
proprio dal 1496
suo conto nei Diari del Sanudo. Grazie a questa fonte sappiamo che Paolo
e che
tema
il
dell'orazione.
dominato da un primo e immediato paragone
re persiano Artaserse, citato nei
Regum
et
tra
il
principe Federico e
imperatorum apophthgmata:
il
principe
avrebbe dovuto seguire I'esempio che Plutarco aveva gia portato a Traiano e accettare di
buon grado anche quel modestissimo dono che ora Paolo Paladino gli offriva. Si tratta di un vero e proprio panegirico, in cui I'opera di Federico viene esaltata
da molti punti di
vista, a
cominciare proprio dai numerosi paragoni con grandi re
Un
dell'antichita proposti in apertura.
massiccio dispiegamento di elementi eruditi
sommato breve, eccedendo la stessa topica della "falsa modestia", e creando, volutamente, un contrasto stridente tra raffermazione della modestia del dono offerto e il ricorso tanto ostentato a testi classici spesso rari e preziosi. Accanto a questo un altro topos caratterizza Vexordium: la contrapposizione tra lettere caratterizza questo esordio tutto
e armi, anche qui con una preziosa variante. riorita delle lettere
con successo
averle
non
significa
interrotto
mente
o
praticate entrambe,
comunque una
un impegno
gratificante
Non compare una discussione suUa supe-
oppure una rivendicazione da parte dell'autore
delle armi
ma piuttosto
classificazione di merito.
letterario
che altrimenti sarebbe
anche dal punto
tuum non
mansisse et circa
tuum domi
modo succinte tamen versandum est." Che cosa intenda Paolo Paladino per domi nasce ne per se ne per
difendere e mantenere
i
propri
il
cari; la
dominio
denuncia un'aperta
la
continuo e maggjor-
sic circa
mansisse e presto detto:
della propria dinastia sullo stato di
come
un principe non alia dinastia e a
deve essere
spesa.
quanto in esso aflfermato
nel mito pagano di Prometeo, Paolo Paladino accostava finemente
guendo
illo
duo haec tantum-
sua vita appartiene alio stato e
ambito cristiano e quello elaborato
di
che
Paolo Paladino quindi
sua trattazione: "Et nobis in
mansisse et
Citando indirettamente Genesi 1:26 e trovando conferma ni elaborato in
alterita
La guerra sembra pero avere stato piu
di vista dei risultati poetici.
enuncia apertamente I'o^etto attomo a cui vertera circa
si
il
mito delle origi-
nella mitologia pagana, e prose-
su questa strada di conciliazione tra classicita e cristianesimo, riconosceva
nell'animo
umano
spirasse
un
afflato divino,
dell'anima che poteva leggere in Agostino,
De
riportando civitate
la
dottrina neoplatonica
Dei 10.2. Anche Cicerone
PAOLO PALADINO ALLA CORTE
568
FEDERICO
PI
{Paradoxa 1.14.6) e chiamato in causa in questa discussione sulla natura dell'anima cui fine e distinguere tra principi che
che lasciano che
si
fanno guidare dagli
loro azioni siano mosse da quanto di piu nobile risiede nell'anima
le
umana: naturalmente Federico appartiene ha mostrato in passato
hominum
la
interesse,
perche
non mansisse ha consentito
il
modeUi
di stato,
di vita,
sullo stato ideale,
apprezzare per
tonio, "sit unus imperator,
testimonianza di
come un
Nerone
sit
ma
tratta dal Thyestes,
a cui
regnare,
il
sia
con
388 ("rex
Federico avrebbe potuto essere re
la tirannide, e cosi gli
exempla nega-
veniva attribuito
detto, riportato in Sve-
il
non
rendere piena
che
chiamato a svolgere questo ruolo.
I'esplicito
ma non
lo
II
.
.
.")
ha voluto e
un regno
servono a ricordare che se era gia cosa divina
era in potere della sorte, rinunciarvi era
di libero arbitrio.
Quindi Paladino, riprendendo
convergere verso
il
vero cuore del "panegirico",
capacita di mediazione di Federico e
vismo avevano dato
i
frutti
frutto di
quanto
il
i
le fila del discorso, la
la coltre
Non manca
ancora
in Paradoxis Tullius: 'tu
il
con
il
suo
la realta storica,
ricono ad una
cum
tibi sive
fittissima
Deus,
Reges
et
la
la
atti-
fino a
nave proveniente
erudizione anche in questo passo: "Inde et
sive natura (ut ita et
dicam) mater
deinde continual:
'sic te abiicies
2.204-205.
atque pro-
interesse nihil putes?', veluti serenissime Prin-
Monarchae plurimi non putaverunt de quibus ad difFerentiam ge-
circumcisius de plaerisque uterque tamen latissime dissertantur": 6v.
ita
omnium rerum
nerositatis tuae in libris Cosmographiae suae Strabo et in historiis Polybius, hie diffusius
Uiade,
atto
principe aragonese aveva seminato in gioventu e qui coglie
animum praestabilius nihil est aut divinius' tamquam inter hominem et quadrupedem
ceps, vulgarioris animi
un
dell'erudizione: la presenza delle truppe venete
I'occasione di ricordare che della flotta veneta faceva parte anche
Omero,
il
pare finalmente
guerra in atto, in cui proprio
rapporti politici da lui fondati
piu concreti. Pian piano, emerge
questo punto paludata dietro
' fol.
egli, vit-
sacrificio
richiamo zlT Hercules furens, Fafferma-
qui metuit nihil
est
a
e certo casuale
potere regnare e rifiutarlo lo era a maggior ragione, perche se avere
I'opportunita di governare
*
ad una
altro rispondere, in conclusione,
principe debba essere e
del "re iniquo" gradito a Giove,
ille
i
importante discussione
unus rex."* Proprio Seneca e chiamato
tima del potere dispotico di Nerone,
dederit
le straordinarie
principato proposti erano Giulio Cesare, che riteneva che regnandi causa fosse
lecito violare ogni regola, e
sternes
tanto di accu-
da un re "filosofo."
retta
Paolo Paladino rifiutava senza mezzi termini
*
non
conoscere e confi-ontare
di
nella quale pare di sentire tutti
cominciare da una breve
che qui sembra piu che
monarchia illuminata,
farsi
una lunga digressione
topoi degli specula principum, a
il
degens."
democrazie, oligarchie, aristocrazie e addirittura di avere
doti di umanita. Si apre qui
e
mondo,
il
aulis et auleis
principe aragonese
al
quanto piuttosto
avuto a che fare con tiranni, riuscendo ovunque a
zione
per
mollezze della
lode fin troppo manierata lascia spazio ad una considerazione di estremo
mulare una generica esperienza
tivi di
La capacita "po-
vidit et urbes,"^ rifiutando le
rinunziando a restare "ut coeteri regum pueri in
Qui pero
diversi
schiera.''
evincerebbe proprio dalla volonta che
si
di viaggiare, di conoscere, di farsi apprezzare
novello Ulisse, "qui mores vita di corte e
seconda
a questa
Federico, secondo I'oratore dalmata,
litica" di
il
animali e principi
istinti
fol.
5rv.
de aliquo,
SEBASTIANO VALERIO "ex pharia insula (quae nunc Lexina Paladino, coadiuvato dal giovane
Sembra che
cosi
si
Nicolo
era ancora
voglia sottolineare I'importanza del ruolo svolto "in obsidione
hanno coadiuvato
Paladino,
comando
dicitur),"' al cui
figlio.
tarentinorum"'" dalle truppe venete che
ista
569
non
solo in questa circostanza, ricorda
I'azione di Federico,
cui merito maggiore e proprio
il
com-
quello di avere coinvolto le truppe della Serenissima in questa guerra, azione
piuta proprio grazie alle sue peregrinationes, novello Bacco, Perseo, Ercole o Ulisse, eroi
un
o dei che conquistarono
perche costoro talvolta nita. L'esercizio di si
la
fama proprio visitando
ma con
terre e popoli diversi,
certo gusto per I'iperbole, Paolo Paladino riconosce la superiorita di Federico efferarunt,
hanno nei
e gia detto,
mentre
il
fatti
salvato
U regno e
come
poter parlare dell'invasione di Carlo VIII
liquidando
uma-
principe aragonese agi sempre con
queste virtu, I'esercizio di quella mitezza, di c^eWhumanitas, di cui la dinastia.
di
L'umanista dalmata
una vicenda
di cui
ormai
sa di
stavano
si
ultimi fastidiosi strascichi; perche se Federico, viaggiando ha assicurato
gli
quel reticolo di relazioni intemazionali che hanno permesso di congregare una forte
armata per Uberare
il
regno, bisogna rimarcare
capacita di rinunciare agU "strata
moUia"
all'aragonese anche la stima dei provinciales e quistato la stima
degU
contro
osteggiato
il
i
niva portata
ma
Nei
al
per
fatti la
di
E
sola azione
vincendo
gh invasori
aveva con-
con
cosi, anzitutto
la patria
alia
questione posta in capo all'ora-
tanto viaggiando, quanto
questo genere deve ancora indurre
cospetto di una
citta,
soggiomando
alia riflessione
Taranto, asserraghata
retorica celebrativa del panegjrico cela
non per
in essa.
perche essa ve-
respingere
i
Vene-
il
una situazione
giovane Paladino sembra preoccupato,
come
di
estrema delica-
molti del resto a
un un po'
coglie altresi tutto I'imbarazzo del mihtare "veneziano" in Puglia,
si
egli stesso invasore,
Federico
non
come dimostravano
piuttosto che di
modi
di agire e di i
botii
i
fatti di
Monopoli. La celebrazione
delle doti
ripercorre semplicemente una diffiisa topica comportamentale,
tratta,
destia e
la
e la battaglia, per certi versi piu
po' soldato dell'esercito di Ferrandino impegnato contro I'invasore fiiancese e
di
la
ha guadagnato
non cedere agU Aragonesi.
tezza pohtica di cui
quell'epoca.
— che proprio
nemici intemi della monarchia, quei baroni che da sempre avevano
zione, Federico ha servito
ziani,
dunque con una
potere regio. Cosicche, per tomare
Un'affermazione
sostiene Paladino
stranieri e quella dei sudditi,
raccolta di consenso, la battaglia contro difficile,
—
e alle "domesticae dehciae"
una pura "celebrazione",
govemare: combattere
mores era quanto di
la
di
un
guerra
ma
si
invito a predUigere determinati
piii
che con
maggiormente auspicabile
si
le armi,
con
la
mo-
potesse immaginare
nella situazione di fatto, nell'assedio di Taranto.
Per mesi
infatti la citta
aveva
resistito
merosissimi e sanguinosissimi scontri."
' "*
ad un durissimo assedio, costellato di nu-
Quando
i
Tarantini compresero di
non poter
fob. 9v-10r. fol.
lOr.
" Cf. G. C. Speziale,
primo comandante
Storia militare di Toronto (Bari, 1930),
delle truppe veneziane,
45-54.
Marco Cizeno (ma
Si narra
ad esempio che
il
Speziale erroneamente scrive
Zeno), fu duramente sconfitto dopo un maldestro tentativo di sbarco e che a seguito della scon£tta
PAOLO PALADINO ALLA CORTE
570
FEDERICO
PI
piu contare sull'apporto dei francesi, ormai in rotta, cercarono di evitare in ogni
modo la vendetta degli Aragonesi. mente
intensi
una
trattare
con
fecero
si
i
Nella seconda meta di quell'anno (1496) particolar-
rapporti diplomatici tra Taranto, Venezia e
resa indolore.
Sappiamo che a
partire da settembre
i
gli
Aragonesi, per
Tarantini chiesero
insistenza di potere cedere le armi ai Veneziani ed essere da loro amministrati,
come
gia altri porti pugliesi e che se la Serenissima
non
avesse accettato, avrebbero
Venezia in Puglia
preferito darsi ai Turchi.'^ Nelle note inviate da
I'imbarazzo dei Veneziani di fronte ad una proposta allettante reso ancora piu tesi
i
con
rapporti
gli
Taranto
due
a la
"imporre" a Federico
populo
di rispettare
coglie tutto
si
di certo
avrebbe
Aragonesi. La risoluzione che fu presa da Vene-
zia fu quella di rifiutare la richiesta di
fronti per "indure quel
ma che
ma
di
devution
impegnarsi diplomaticamente dil re
Taranto, concedendo
Federico"" e
sui
d'altro canto
alia citta ribelle
"immunita
et exemptione."''*
deW humanitas
L'esaltazione
un
risponde ad
Federico cosi piu che ad un atto di dovuta lode
di
consiglio estremamente pratico,
gia aveva fatto in altre circostanze
con
Sic advolutae civitates ante pedes tuos
constitutae
queUo
di risparmiare
Taranto,
come
altre citta ribelli:
tanquam divina quadam maiestate coram
veniam postulaverunt, utque ignosceres utque expectatus
occu-
eas
omnes umbra
patas reciperes, rogaverunt. Recepisti, ignovisti, pepercisti atque
tua invictissima protexisti.
Se I'orazione fu pronunciata del titolo di re,
dunque prima
pronunciamenti
ufficiali
cospetto di
al
un Federico che non si fregiava ancora quando ancora non vi erano stati
dell'ottobre 1496,
riguardo
alle richieste dei tarantini a
per chi assediava ormai da tempo
ancora prima che fosse ufficialmente posta. D'altro canto ceva, senza
mai
in maniera
non generica con
citare Taranto, su
derico divenuto
E
cosa in
la
cadde
ma fu
re,
efFetti
per
il
Venezia, e pur vero che,
la citta, quella situazione
come
regolare
i
la
rapporti
doveva
con
i
provinciales,
coincide
quella che poi Venezia avrebbe fatto ufficialmente a Fe-
tramite di Andrea Zancan, nel dicembre dello stesso anno.
fu poi messa in pratica quando, nel febbraio del 1497, Taranto
risparmiata dal saccheggio.
Ad
ogni
modo I'orazione dovrebbe
essere da-
come concordecomando della nave
ad un periodo precedente all'agosto 1496, perche in quella data,
tata
mente
riportato da piu fonti,
paterna, a segviito di
il
Paladino prese direttamente
una malattia che
costrinse
il
Nicolo a rientrare a Lesina, mentre
nell'orazione Paolo fa intendere di essere ancora in compagnia del padre.
fu costretto a rientrare in patria. Cfr. libri
ben nota
essere
proposta che Paladino fa-
octo '-
Cf.
Marin Sanuto,
tamente coinvolti nelle la
questa
antiquitate, et varia Tarentinorumfortuna,
(Napoli, 1589), 8.3: 128-133. I Diarii, ed. F. Stefani (Venezia, 1879), 1:704. Nell'ottobre del
mandanti delle truppe veneziane
mere
anche G. Giovane^ De
Dopo
questione.
'^
Diarii, 1:378.
'*
Diarii, 1:380.
trattative.
in Taranto,
1496
i
co-
Melchiorre Trevisan e Antonio Grimani, sono diret-
Quindi, verso
la fine dell'aiino
fu inviato
Antonio Zancan a
diri-
SEBASTIANO VALERIO
vicenda, nell'aprile 1499,
i
Diarii di
Sanudo ricordano Paolo accanto
ottantenne e malato e quindi tacciono VHistoriola
che
si
conclude con
trebbe rafforzare I'ipotesi che dino.
Non
la
571
altre notizie al
suo riguardo,'^
sia
padre, ormai
come
fa
anche
narrazione di vicende avvenute nel 1499. Cio po-
si tratti
proprio del commentario scritto da Nicolo Pala-
e dato di conoscere le circostanze in cui trovo la
probabile che
al
morte
il
Paladino,
ma
e
rimasto coinvolto nella rotta della flotta veneziana agli ordini di
Antonio Grimani, avvenuta
il
12 agosto 1499 per
mano
dei Turchi presso le isole
Sporadi nel mar Egeo.'*
University di Bari
'*
Diarii, 2:
venuto per
621
nome
di
(§ 246): "Item fo aldito la diferentia di
suo padre miser Nicolo,
el cavalier, stato
do
liesignani,
zoe
di
Polo Paladin,
7 volte soracomito, et per
la gratia
e exente et ha privilegjo fato per pregradi che ogni volta volesse andar soracomito per Liesna
potesse andare,
tamen
e vechio: per questo suo fiol diceva voler andar; a I'incontro
Barbichii over de Barbis electo
mandati
fiiora fo ditto
terminato per '*
Cfr. S.
la
al
presente soracomito, per
il
Michiel Nicolo Paladin haver anni 80, e sordo
et
non vol
signoria in favor di raltro."
Romanin,
Jacomo
consejo, diceva voler andar
Storia documentata di Venezia (Venezia, 1856), 5:138.
lui; et
andar; et fo
Juan Gines de Sepulveda, Epistolarum
Sep tern,
libri
Salamanca, 1557: Testamento Literario de
un Humanista
JUAN JESUS VALVERDE ABRIL
La
practica epistolar de Francesco Petrarca, condicionada,
mente, por
descubrimiento en 1345 de
el
las cartas
aunque no exclusiva-
de Ciceron a Atico, a Quin-
to, y a Bruto, dio una orientacion nueva a un genero literario, el epistolar, que estaba llamado a ser, en tanto que instrumento propagandistico de las corrientes ideologicas
y espirituales y receptaculo de los avances cientificos y de las novedades literarias, un elemento activo fundamental en el abandon© de fonnas de pensamiento tipicamente medievales y en
En
la
conformacion de una ideologia modema.'
efecto, el papel
evidente con
genero
el solo
literario.
fundamental que jugo
hecho de considerar
Pensemos, por ejemplo, en
ultimas decadas del siglo
tres
otros autores latinos griegos.-
como
XV, no Plinio
Pensemos tambien en
el
la epistola
las
'
entre otros:
Cf. C. H. Clough,
los siglos
Joven o Seneca,
d'Erasme
et I'epistolographie
naissance et de
las Elegantiolae
-
humaniste,
Cf. Clougji,
las
Travaux de
de algunos autores
e incluso
movimiento
Letters
and Letter Collections,"
modeme
R.
in
Giustiniani,
de revue,"
I'lnstitut Interuniversitaire
(Bruxelles, 1985), 109-133.
"The Cult of Antiquity," 43-44.
cultural imperante
de Agostino Dati (Colonia, 1470), los
des humanistes et Tarticle
I'Humanisme 8
este
de preceptiva teorica, que intentaban
los tratados
"The Cult of Antiquity:
les lettres
con
solo del epistolario de Ciceron, sino tambien de
Cultural Aspects of the Italian Renaissance (Manchester, 1976), 33-67; V.
munication erudite:
XV y XVI resulta
librera relacionada
numerosas ediciones aparecidas en
orientar dentro de los margenes eticos y esteticos del la practica epistolar,
en
produccion
la
in
La
idem, ed..
"La com-
correspondance
pour I'etude de
la
Re-
SEPULVEDA: TESTAMENTO DE
574
Rudimenta grammatices de Nicolo Perotti (1473),^ (Venecia, 1488), los
UN HUMANISTA
el
Ars epistolandi de Francesco Negri
de Konrad Celtis (Ingolstadt,
el Tractatus de condendis epistolis
1492),''
Commentaria epistolarum conficiendamm de HeinrichBebel (Tubingen, 1500), redacciones del tratado de Erasmo sobre
tintas
la
composicion de
epistolas,
las dis-
como
la
Breuissima maximeque compendiaria conficiendamm epistolarum formula (Erfurt, 1520, edi-
cion esta no reconocida por
el autor),^ el Libellus
de conscribendis epistolis (Cambridge,
1521, aparecido tambien en una edicion pirata), y finalmente
con
el titulo
de Opus de
en 1534),^ o para
Y pensemos,
conscribendis epistolis (Basilea,
finalizar el
por ultimo, en
De las
conscribendis epistolis
la
version autorizada
1522; luego revisada y corregida
de Luis Vives (Amberes, 1534)7
colecciones de cartas y miscelaneas, realizadas por los
propios autores o por sus allegados y discipulos, que fueron apareciendo por toda
como
geografia europea,
las
de Petrarca, Leonardo Bruni, Francesco
Silvio Piccolomini, Marsilio Ficino,
mas
formacion eminentemente
Cf. C. G. Alessio, "II
^
los italianos;^ o, sin ir
un humanista de
caso que aqui nos ocupa, el de Juan Gines de Sepiilveda,
el
la
Eneas
colecciones del propio Erasmo.^
lejos, las
En
Angelo Poliziano, entre
Filelfo,
De
italiana,
nos encontramos con una coleccion de cartas que
componendis
N.
epistolis di
Perotti e I'epistolografia umanistica," Res
Publica Litterarum 11 (1988): 9-18. ''
C{. F.
J.
Worstbrock, "Die Brieflehre des Konrad
als
mann
(Gottingen, 1987), 242-269.
et
al.
Textgeschichte und Autorschaft,"
Celtis:
Kulturmssenschaft: Festschrift fur Karl Stackmann
in Phihlogie
zum
65. Geburtstag, ed. L.
Grenz-
Cf. A. Jolidon, "Histoire d'un opuscule d'Erasme: La Brevissima maximeque compendiaria conft-
'
ciendarum epistolarum formula," in
MRTS *
I.
D. McFarlane,
ed.,
Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Sanctandreani,
38 (Binghamton, 1986), 229-243.
Cf
Erasmus,
De
Omnia (Amsterdam,
conscribendis epistolis, ed. J.-C.
1971), 1.2:581-709; A. Gerlo,
and the Tradition of the
ars epistolica," in
R. R. Bolgar,
A.D. 500-1500 (Cambridge, 1971), 103-114; Writing," in J.
J.
Murphy,
De
de conscribendis epistolis
R. Henderson, "Erasmus on the Art of Letter-
J.
ed., Renaissance Eloquence: Studies in the Theory
conscribendis epistolis,"
Composition of Erasmus' Opus
and
Practice
Res Publica Litterarum 10 (1987): 93-99;
de conscribendis
epistolis:
hamton, 1991), 147-154; H. Vredeveld, "Towards ^
Cf
of Renaissance
J.
R. Henderson, "The
Evidence for the Growth of a Mind," in A.
Dalzell, C. Fantazzi, R.J. Schoeck, eds., Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Torontonensis,
epistolis,"
of Erasmus
on European Culture,
ed., Classical Influences
331-355; H. Funke, "Epistolographie und Rhetorik: Beobachtungen zu
Rhetoric (Berkeley, 1981),
Erasmus'
Margolin, in Des. Erasmi Roterodami Opera
"The Opus
a Critical Edition
MRTS 86 (Bing-
of Erasmus's De
conscribendis
Humanistica Lovaniensia 48 (1999): 8-69. J.
L. Vives,
De
consaibendis
epistolis,
ed.
C. Fantazzi (Leiden, 1989);
"Defining the Genre of the Letter: Juan Luis Vives'
De
J.
R. Henderson,
conscribendis epistolis," Renaissance
and Refor-
mation 19 (1983): 89-105. *
cf D.
Cf Clough, "The Cult of Antiquity," 36-43. A proposito W. Bleznick, "Epistolography in Golden Age Spain," in
de S.
la epistola
Bowman
en suelo peninsular,
et
Honor of Gerald E. Wade (Madrid, 1979), 11-21;
J.
N. H. Lawrance, "Nuevos
apuntes y observaciones sobre
la
epistolografia en el primer
generos
literarios:
panol," in V. Garcia de
Academia '
Cf
la
Concha,
literaria renacentista 5
ed., Literatura en la epoca del Emperador,
al.,
eds., Studies in
lectores y
nuevos
Renacimiento
es-
Acta Salmanticensia:
(Salamanca, 1988), 81-99.
Des. Erasmi Roterodami Opus epistolamm, ed. P.
rod, 12 vols. (Oxford, 1906-1958), 1:593-602.
S. Allen,
H. M. Allen, y H.
W.
Gar-
JUAN JESUS VALVERDE ABRIL el
mismo
selecciono de entre
las
575
que formaban su correspondencia y que con
de su amigo Diego de Neila entrego
la
ayuda
a la imprenta.
La coleccion, compuesta por ciento tres documentos epistolares (ochenta y nueve de Sepulveda, y los catorce restantes remitidos a el por sus corresponsales), ha llegado hasta nosotros en tres ediciones distintas que enumeramos a continuacion:'" 1.
loannis Genesii Sepuluedae Cordubensis, artium et sacrae theologiae doctoris,
historici Caesarei Epistolarum
cum
septem, in quibus
libri
alia
multa quae legantur dig-
nissima traduntur, turn uarii loci grauiorum doctrinarum eruditissime et elegantissime
apud loannem Mariam da Terranova
tractantur (Salmanticae:
et
lacobum Archarium,
1557). 2.
roli
loannis Genesii Sepuluedae Cordubensis, sacrosanctae theologiae doctoris,
V imperatoris
historici
Opera quae
reperiri
studio in Hispania, Itaha et Gallia ad publicam utilitatem
lucem Uj,
Ca-
nunc primum singulari conquisita et iam simul in
potuerunt omnia,
Amoldi My-
edita (Coloniae Agrippinae: in oflScina Birckmannica, sumptibus
1602), 119-289. 3.
rante
loannis Genesii Sepuluedae Cordubensis Opera omnia cum edita tum inedita, accu-
Regia Historiae Academia, 4
vols. (Matriti:
ex typographia regia de
la
Gazeta,
1780), 3:72-389.
Claro que ademas de aislada,
ediciones algunas epistolas se han transmitido de forma
estas
unas veces en manuscritos origjnales o copias," otras veces en colecciones
impresas.'- Pero para entender esa decision de Sepulveda de epistolario,
creemos que
es
pubUcar parte de su
oportuno recordar, aunque sea someramente,
circuns-
las
que precedieron y que, al margen de cualquier moda, creemos que determinaron la pubHcacion de los Epistolarum libri septem.
tancias vitales
Cuando
encontraba en
se
cima de su carrera como traductor de
la
cuando por su trabajo como exegeta
mas influyentes de
demandaba
la
como
de 1536. Recien llegado de
con
ganado
admiracion de
Aristoteles,
los personajes
los
historiador imperial, y volvio a la patria alia por
el aiio
gozo del favor y del respeto de los nobles y prinque convivia alia donde la corte estuviera asentada. Pero SeItalia
pulveda no llego a adaptane por completo a
*"
la
corte pontificia, Sepulveda acudio a la llamada de Carlos V, que
sus servicios
cipes espanoles,
se habia
la
vida de la corte espaiiola. Eso se
Cf. A. Losada, Juan Gines de Sepiilueda a traves de su «Epistolario» y nuevos documentos (Madrid,
1949; repr. Madrid, 1973), 336-341, 371-374. Citaremos
aparecen en nuestro trabajo:
J. J.
las cartas
segun
la
numeracion con que
Valverde Abril, "lo. Genesii Sepuluedae Epistolarum
libri
septem,
Introduccion, edicion, traduccion, notas e indices" (Tesis doctoral, Universidad de Granada, 2001).
" El
original
cuentra en
la
se halla en
la
'"
la carta
enviada a Erasmo con fecha de 23 de
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,
MS.
El Escorial,
de
Biblioteka Uniwersytecka Wroclaw,
J-II-22,
fols.
MS.
MS. 3904,
R 254.69, fol.
Las Epistolae clarorum uirorum
libri
el
310r-v (hay copia en
(1.6) se
de
la
la
en-
carta 3.6
Biblioteca de
.
.
.
a loanne Michaele Bruto comprehetisae atque nunc
nueve
cartas
de
las
primum
que aparecen en
in
los
septem (1.9; 1.12; 2.12; 2.13; 2.14; 3.17; 3.18; 3.19; y 3.20). Otra recopilacion de
cartas, las Epistolae
Gymnicum,
65r-66v;
176v-178r).
lucem editae (Lugduni: haeredes Seb. Gryphi, 1561) recogen
Epistolan4m
mayo de 1534
fols.
Clarorum uirorum
1586), recoge
las
selectae de
quamphmmis optimae (Coloniae Agrippinae: loannem
cartas 1.12; 2.13;
y 2.14.
UN HUMANISTA
SEPULVEDA: TESTAMENTO DE
576
desprende del hecho de que prefiriese abandonarla por temporadas, que con
tiempo
del
van haciendo cada vez mas
se
llevar
una vida
aislada
el
paso
en su finca
largas, y y en su Pozoblanco natal. peor a partir de 1545, cuando intento publicar su Democrates
del Gallo, en Sierra Morena,^^
La situacion fue
a
secundus y se encontro
con
la
oposicion de algunos circulos de poder y de intelectua-
encabezados por fray Bartolome de
les,
las
Casas.
picada de polemicas, unas mas agrias que otras,
compensacion de
secundus o sobre la pasajes del
Nuevo Testament©.
los pecados,
Desde entonces su vida
como
en torno
esta
o sobre
se vio sal-
a su Democrates
interpretacion de algunos
la
Sus enemigos se valieron en dichas polemicas de todos
de que dispusieron y no dudaron en levantar contra el el rumor de que Inquisicion estaba estudiando sus escritos para acusarlo de hereje.''' A la vista de
los recursos la
estas circunstancias
no
es
de
su verdadera personalidad y atajar
contra
por tanto, que
extrafiar,
su correspondencia, su obra literaria
el.
Asi pues, Sepulveda solicit© permiso de impresion a
autoridades y lo obtuvo
las
con fecha de 30 de agosto de 1553.^^ EUo indica que entonces ya debia liber epistolarum;
la
de suponer, en atencion a
es
y
coleccion, que ese
liber
pueda datar con posterioridad
se
volumen, cuatro
definitiva del
otros dos libros
durante esos
Una
efecto,
en
a esa fecha. *^
aiios hasta
plan original de
al
cronologia de
la
las cartas
un
existir
incluidas en
constaba unicamente de cinco libros, los cinco primeros de
que luego aparecieron en prensa. En
los siete
que
de
se decidiese a publicar parte
mas personal; y asi, dar a conocer al gran publico las calumnias que sus enemigos habian lanzado
ellos
Pero
no hay ninguna en
el retraso
la
epistola
aparicion
1557, debio permitir a Sepulveda incluir
la obra, el
6 y
con
el 7,
cartas enviadas
o recibidas
afios.
vez concluida esta breve descripcion de
publicacion de los Epistolarum
libri
las
que rodearon
circunstancias
septem de Sepulveda, se
impone un
la
estudio intrin-
Con tal fin y dentro de los multiples detalles de un epistolario atencion del lector, nos limitaremos a dos aspectos que nos parecen
seco de los mismos.
que merecen
la
fundamentales para entender esta coleccion de creacion la
obra y tipologia epistolar; y segundo,
En
lo
que respecta
que incluyo en de
la
"
obra
(la
la
cartas
como
lo
que
primero, los criterios de seleccion aplicados en
literaria:
a los criterios
el
la
una obra de
es,
constitucion de
estUo epistolar de Sepulveda.
que Sepulveda siguio en
la seleccion
de
las cartas
coleccion, y, en definitiva, a la finalidad que presidio la publicacion
de ofrecer a
la
comunidad un
retrato fidedigno de
si
mismo como
Cf., e.g., las epistolas 4.10; 6.6.
•"
Cf.
'^
La cedula de impresion aparece en
"
A
las epistolas
6.11; 7.2. la
primera edicion de
los Epistolarum
libri
septem, fols.
2r-
3v.
proposito de
la
"Sepulvedae Epistolarum
cronologia de libri,"
las epistolas
LXX-LXXXVI.
que conforman
la
coleccion, cf Valverde Abril,
JUAN JESUS VALVERDE ABRIL individuo de sabiduria e integridad moral contrastadas
deben
estos
mismos que venian operando en
ser los
lecciones de epistolas formadas desde la
sentido
no
o
estilo
es
las
de extranar que scan
En
mas
las cartas
cion del modelo ciceroniano con toda
bonus dicendi peritus
vir
—
),
formacion de antologias y coAntigiiedad hasta el Renacimiento.'^ En ese
mas notables por su contenido
incluyan en una coleccion de este tipo.
—
577
A la
la
brillantes
desde
el
punto de
o doctrinal
historico, moral,
razones debe anadirse otra:
estas
vista del
que
las
se
emula-
la
diversidad de cartas que este ofrece.
principio estan ausentes de la coleccion de Sepulveda todos los prefacios de sus
obras publicadas hasta
que adoptaron, eran au-
epistolar
mismos.'" Asimismo Melchor Cano,'^ que Sepulveda consideraba como otra apologias que escribio con motivo de la defensa de su Democrates
faltan las cartas
mas de
forma
fecha, que, pese a la
la
con todos
tenticos prologos
las
que envio
elementos constitutivos de
los
los
a
secundus.'^
Entre
que
las cartas
tuvieron cabida en sus Epistolamm
si
caben destacar
libri
de
las
tono privado que envio a sus amigos y colegas a proposito de las vicisitudes (unas veces positivas, y otras bastante negativas) que le tocaron vivir. En este sentido
meramente
algunas cartas son
informativas,
como
que escribe
la epistola 1.10,
a
Gian
Matteo Giberti informandole de que ha sido nombrado historiador imperial; o como aquella otra (5.5)
que
relata los
debatio la pertinencia de
Siguiendo
como
el
la
acontecimientos de
la
Junta de Valladolid en
pubUcacion de su Democrates
ejemplo de Ciceron,
se incluyen
la
que
se
secundus.
tambien
de recomendacion,
cartas
Miquel Mai en favor de Juan Sora (3.3); cartas de felicitacion y agradecimiento, como la enviada a Rodolfo Pio (3.4); cartas de exhortacion a jovenes la dirigida a
como
para que se apUquen a sus estudios,
Guzman
Alfonso
la dirigida a
que nos informan de Mencia de Mendoza
que remitio
de
la
que envio
a Sebastian
proposito de su trabajo
como
Simon de CoUnes
pubUcacion de su traduccion de
de Leon (3.11), o coleccion a cartas
esta
como
actividades literarias de nuestro autor,
las
(3.1) a
a los impresores parisinos
(5.13; 5.14) acerca
la
Tambien da cabida en
(3.14).
la
que envio
historiador imperial; o
a
las
Michel de Vascosan
(3.10) y
la PoUtica
de Aristoteles.
En
breve recuento que estamos realizando no deberiamos olvidar aquellas epistolas
este
amigos por
escritas a
Mendoza
(2.3),
en
el
mero
que
la
placer de escribir,
relata
en ausencia del pontifice Clemente; o tria (6.6),
en
la
que pondera
Pero, sin duda,
epistolae disputatoriae.
" '*
las
Como
como
la epistola
el
Mayo, El prologo
en
el
citar algunas
The
Roma
las
de
que cabe denominar
las dirigidas a
Erasmo
(Tumhout, 1976), 60.
Rmadmiento
espaiiol
(Madrid, 1965); T. Janson, Latin
Prose Prefaces: Studies in Literary Conventions (Stockholm, 1964), 116;
Letter as a Genre:
enviada a liiigo de
remitida a Leopoldo de Aus-
grupo mas numeroso son
ejemplos podemos
Cf. G. Constable. Utters and Letter-Collectiotis Cf. A. Porqueras
la epistola
excelencias de su finca de Sierra Morena.
que forman
las
como
unos escabrosos acontecimientos ocurridos en
M.
Pade,
"The Dedicatory
Prefaces of Guarino Veronese's Translation of Plutarch," in Acta Conventus
Neo-Latini Torontonensis, 559—568.
"
Las cartas se conservan en
Aparecen editadas en
^ Cf
lo.
epistola 5.9.
la
Biblioteca Nacional de
Madrid (MS. 5785,
Genesii Sepulvedae Opera Omnia, 3:1-71.
fols.
291-308).
UN HUMANISTA
SEPULVEDA: TESTAMENTO DE
578
en
(aquellas
que
las
las epistolas a
Hernan Nunez,
das a
debate
se
la
interpretacion de algunos pasajes biblicos, 1.4 a 1.8);
Contarini acerca de el
reforma del calendario (2.13 a 2.15); o
la
Pinciano, en
las
que
se discuten
las
remiti-
algunos problemas de critica
textual concernientes a la obra de Plinio el Viejo, y otros asuntos relatives a la filosofia
natural (3.15 a 3.19).
en
tin Olivan,
gunos
en
la
imputaban de
le
que afronta
la
Tambien
que defiende
el
etica es
digna de mencion
es
estudio de
ser el origen
de
la epistola 5.2, dirigida a
griegas de la acusacion
las letras
O
la herejia luterana.^^
problema doctrinal de
como
Mar-
que
al-
la epistola 7.1,
salvacion de los paganos a traves del
la
y aplica esta teoria al caso particular de Aristoteles, a juicio de Sepulveda perfectamente compatible con la ideologia cris-
cumplimiento del derecho cuya
el
natural,
tiana y catolica.
Pero Sepulveda era consciente de que
modo que
la
edicion, siguiendo
el
libros.^^
ejemplo de
autem longiores de rebus
quis
Si
como
autor habia concebido
el
logo a
este tipo
de cartas contravenia en cierto
preceptiva teorica epistolar, que no consideraba propiamente cartas aqueUas
la
nominari contendat,
is
quibusdam Hieronymi
poterit
De
ello se
las cartas
excusa Sepulveda en
el
pro-
de san Jeronimo:
conunentationes epistolas inepte
literatis
equidem per me eosdem
libros epistolares, ut a
epistolae inscribuntur, appellare. {Praef. 21)
n Asi pues,
si
Sepulveda
desde
se
derivado de
cartas
patente
si
el
punto de
ve atenuado por
vista la
de
la
tipologia epistolar el "ciceronianismo" de
inclusion en los Epistolarum
consideramos
la fraseologia
y
el
libri
de cierto tipo de
"ciceronianismo" se hace
la practica epistolografica cristiana, ese
empleado por Sepulveda en
estilo
sus
epistolas.
Si
del
por algo
mismo de
se caracteriza el discurso literario epistolar es
ciertos topica epistolares
y que lo diferencian de otros discursos tan cercanos a
el
como
el
de
que pueden literarios
la oratoria.^^
recientes sobre epistolografia se preste
mos por
los topica
de
Esa
la
es la
el
por
la
de ideas
aparicion dentro
como de lengua
devenir historico resultaron
razon de que en los estudios mas a estos detalles.^''
Comence-
ideas.
concepcion teorica de
amigos ausentes. Sepulveda
^'
que en
mayor atencion
El primero y mas importante, porque delata basa
ser tanto
la epistola, es el
se dirige a
Cf. L. Gil Fernandez, Panorama
uno de
los
fundamentos en
de considerarla
Gasparo Contarini en
social del
Humanismo
espaiiol,
como un
los
que
se
dialogo entre
los siguientes terminos:
1500-1800,
2* ed. (Madrid,
1997), 210-211. ^^
Demetr.
Eloc.
231;
"The Cult of Antiquity,"
cf.
Henderson, "Erasmus on the Art of Letter-Writing," 344; Clough,
49.
^^
Cf. P. Cugusi, Evoluzione e forme
-*
Cf,
ham,
e.g.,
Salutatio Formulas in Latin Letters to
Mediavistik
dell' epistolografia latina
(Roma, 1983), 73-104.
K. Thraede, Grundziige griechisch-romischer Brieftopik (Miinchen, 1970); C. D. Lan-
1200: Syntax,
Style,
und Renaissance-Forschung 22 (Miinchen,
and Theory,
1975).
Munchener
Beitrage zur
JUAN JESUS VALVERDE ABRIL Mihi enim suauissimum
modi
Y
a
tecum
.
.
.
per
literas,
quando coram negatur huius-
conferre sermones. (2.12.11)
Mencia de Mendoza
Ex
est
579
Uteris quas
.
.
.
dice:
quando coram negatur, non ingratum
misisti intellexi tibi,
fore ut per literas colloqueremur. (3.1.2)
En numerosas repetida en
Sepulveda de
las
ocasiones se hace alusion a
preceptivas teoricas
se siente
que ha
la epistola
decimos son sendas las
que
en
la
obligacion de excusarse cuando entiende que
tan
la carta,
En
la practica. la
efecto,
extension
Ejemplos paradigmaticos de lo que
Martin de Olivan y a GuiUermo van Male, en
cartas, dirigidas a
escribe:
pluribus uerbis scripsi. (5.5.22) te pluribus fortasse
a sus interlocutores.
Nolim
A
respetada en
quam
oportuit
commemoraui.
otros tantos lugares pide nuestro autor excusas por el retraso
ponde
te
pretendida brevedad de
escrito supera ciertos limites.
Haec ad te Haec apud
En
la
como poco
.
.
.
ulla
mea
Dice
al
el
que
res-
mismo van Male:
uel obliuione
tui,
uel negHgentia factum fuisse putes ut ad
tam sero scriberem deque meis rebus certiorem facerem.
Gian Matteo Giberti
con
(7.9.12)
(7.9.1)
dirige estas palabras:
Quod tam longo
interuallo ad te scribam noli mea uel obliuione uel negligentia commissum existimare, sed quod diu mihi ad scribendum nullum satis idoneum argumentum in mentem uenit. (1.11.1)
Y
a Francesco Florido Sabino:
Accepi .
.
.
,
ad te darem
literas
Por
lo
supone,
nemo
que respecta
un
utilizacion de
como
la
quominus ante rescripserim non obUuio meae occupationes fuerunt in causa, partim quod
... ad quas
literas tuas
sed partim multae
Demetr.
Eloc.
a los topica
de lengua, esa misma preceptiva teorica impone
sermo cotidianus, con
las
epist.
9.21.1; Rhet. min. p.
juicio sobre el estilo epistolar de Sepulveda,
nismo en Espana y sobre
la
cf.
la
implicaciones lexicas y sintacticas que eso
de evitar periodos excesivamente largos o
229; Cic.
cui
erat. (2.9.1)
descuidado y desprovisto de ornatusr^ Asi se debe entender
-^
tui
la
de cultivar un
estilo
empleo de formas
589 (Halm); Vives
M. Menendez
influencia de Ciceron en
la el
Conscr. 71. Para
Pelayo, "Apuntes sobre
el
del
un
ciceronia-
prosa latina de los humanistas espanoles,"
.
como
imperativo
scito (1.1.5; 1.4.3;
1.10.3; 3.1.3; etc.); la aparicion de la expresion
o
crede mihi (1.3.4; 1.15.4; 3.4.1; 3.17.8; 3.19.1); la
UN HUMANISTA
SEPULVEPA: TESTAMENTO DE
580
lengua hablada
mismo
la
debemos
sentido
risticos,
como
de los que
de haheo
+
uso de construcciones propias de
el
participio: exploratum
habemus
(1.4.1).
interpretar el recurso a imprecaciones y expedientes
Francisco de Toledo (2.11) ofrece
la epistola dirigida a
En ese humo-
un buen
em-
ejemplo. Este personaje se habia burlado de que Sepulveda no hubiese querido
prender un viaje en barco por temor a un posible naufragio y le habia recordado el caso de Trebacio, del que Ciceron se burlaba por parecidas circunstancias. A eso re-
pone Sepulveda:
Quern
tu mihi
Trebatium
nificare uoluisti,
homo
narras?
uafer,
me
.
.
.
lUud
igitur
haud dubie (nee
nihilo magis in Ligustico mari .
Sin embargo,
empleado en
Por eso no
la
tematica en
es
de extranar que
como
distintos
la epistola
es
que
Epistolamm
al
tema y
al
libri
ofrezcan
de
las cartas
los destinatarios
punto de
vista
formal y lo exclusive
literario abierto
por unas formulas
y cerrado por otras de despedida (subscriptio) No este un aspecto carente de importancia, pues los cambios producidos en esas for-
Por
lo
que respecta
normal en
el
mas
genero
sencillos y escuetos al
nombre
la frase
Y
del remitente
el
posesivo suus en
en esto no hay
grandes personalidades. Nuestro autor saluda
en nominative
al
trato
que dedica
las
a Sebastian
siga
de afecto o
el
ti-
de preferencia para
las
sefial
principe Felipe (3.6) con unas palabras
Genesius Sepulueda Philippo, Hispaniarum principi, S.P.D.) que difieren
{lo.
las cartas
de inspiracion ciceroniana. Lo
en tercera persona: S[alutem] P[lurimam]
nombre pueden acompafiar
conio muestra de respeto.
epistolar.
complicados y farragosos saludos de
caso de Sepulveda es que
A dicho
tulus honoris
la historia del
mas
a otros
del destinatario en dativo,
D[icit].
.
a Sepulveda, los
medievales ceden paso
de
nivel lingiiistico
(inscriptio)
mulas marcan en cierta medida
el
el
de un discurso
se trata
estereotipadas de saludo es
los
talia
ellas tratada.
Pero, desde luego, lo mas definitorio desde
de
son
el
debe adaptarse
segiin el principio del decorum,
espectro estilistico tan variopinto
y diversa
.
admite y aconseja igualmente que
la tratadistica
las cartas,
destinatario de la carta. ^*'
un
.
sig-
nuper natare
quam iUum olim in oceano Britannico. Sed heus tu, dum memento etiam in iocis retinere aliquam aequitatem. (2.11.3—4)
uoluisse ludis,
me fallis)
de Leon (3.11), uno de sus secretaries
(lo.
muy poco
Genesius Se-
pulueda Sebastiano Leoni S.P.D.)
En
cuanto a
la
despedida Sepulveda sigue igualmente
sus dos variantes, la breve:
ama
(3.12.3).
Eso
si,
cuando
in Bibliograjia Hispanolatina ^*
Cic.
(Smolak).
epist.
15.21.4;
clasica,
lul.
el
procedimiento clasico en
Vale (passim); o la ampliada: Vale facilita la
ed. E.
Vict.
fecha de
la carta,
Sanchez Reyes, 10
rhet. p.
et
me, quod mutuo facts,
suele recurrir a giros pro-
vols. (Santander,
1950-1953), 3:262.
105 (Giomini-Celentano); Erasmus Conscr. pp. 36-38
JUAN JESUS VALVERDE ABRIL piamente
No
cristianos
como: anno
o sencillamente anno
(1.6.19),
581
anno a Christo nato
Christi nati (1.3.6; 1.4.19; etc.),
Christi (1.9.11; 1.11.10; etc.).
podemos
obstante y en contra de lo que pudiera parecer,
afirmar que dichas
formulas no resultan en absoluto acartonadas, sino que cobran nueva vida a manos de nuestro autor, que se vale de eUas, y de variantes de
mas para expresar valores
te
y
el respeto.
Del principe Felipe
se despide
Vale, princeps humanissime, cui
Y
las
mismas,
de
filofroneticos caracteristicos
omnia
como
como otro expediencomo la amistad
la carta,
sigue:
laeta feliciaque precor. (3.6.17)
de su amigo Juan de Toledo lo hace del siguiente modo:
Vale et primo quoque tempore uolente deo profecturis bene precaberis. (2.10.8)
Otro rasgo destacado de la
de Sepulveda, igual que de
las cartas
utUizacion del griego,-' que se puede entender
hablada de
la clase alta
romana
del siglo
como
obstante, ese caracter y se utUizo
cion del modelo. Tal veces lo emplea para
fenomenos
es el
I
a.C.
En
ciceronianas, es
mas de
naturales:
no
caso de Erasmo;'^ y tambien de nuestro autor, que unas
TKDYCOVto^
y Hesiodo; dichas
lengua
la
los autores posteriores perdio,
nombrar con su denominacion tecnica conceptos napf\Xio
