World Infopaedia. Vol. 8, Pakistan, Part II

PAKISTAN PART-TWO

Parmil Mittal

Pragun Publication

WORLD Infopaedia

PAKISTAN PART-TWO

Pragun Publication (D.K. Publishers Distributors Enterprise) 4224/1, Ansari Road, Daryaganj, New Delhi-110002 Ph: 91-11-41562573-77 Fax: 91-11-41562578 E-mail: [email protected] www.dkpd.com

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ISBN : 978-81-89-645-62-5

First Published 2007 ISBN 81-89-645-46-3 (Set) 81-89-645-54-4 (Book) 81-89-645-62-5 (Part-2)

© Publishers

Published in India and Printed at: liP Printers, New Delhi-110015 Mobile: 9810271526

Parmil Mittal (Publisher) M.H. Syed (Editorial Coordinator)

Board of Editors

A.K. Saxena

A.M. Bagulia

A.Z. Bukhari

Arif Ali Khan

Ashok Pachauri

B.O. Usmani

B.M. Lal

Gian Chand

Jagmohan Negi

Kamlesh Gupta

Kapil Oev

M.A. Khan

M.M. Sury

Madhurendra Kumar

Manohar Puri

Muhammad Ilyas

Naseem Ahmed

P.K. Joshi

S.K. Chaturvedi Seema Sharma

S.K. Sharma Sumit Sethi

Sundeep Sury

Usha Chaturvedi

Usha Puri

Vishal Sethi

"This page is Intentionally Left Blank"

Contents Preface

ix

Pakistan at a Glance

xi

PART-ONE 1. Introduction

3

History • Geography • People • Economy

2. Salient Features Physical Features • Population • Women • Handicrafts • Tourism • National Language • Religious Institutions

3. History Early History • Dawn of Islam • Mughal Period • Company Rule • British Raj • Forward Policy • Khilafat Movement • Simon Commission • Pakistan Resolution • Cripps Mission • Pakistan Movement • Cabinet Plan • Partition Scheme • Emergence of Pakistan • Beginning of Self-government • Two Nation Theory • Jinnah's Vision of Pakistan • Ulema and Pakistan Movement • Towards Partition • Independence • Problems at Independence • Constitutional Beginnings • First Islamic Republic • Making of the Constitution • Post-Liaquat Era ..• First Martial Law • Basic Democracies • Second Constitution • Rise of Bhutto • Second Martial Law • Bhutto Era • New Constitutional System • Military

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Rule • Zia ul-Haq and Military Domination • Third Martial Law • Pakistan during Zia Regime • Trial of Bhutto • New Political Order • Non-Party Elections • Constitutional Amendment • Legislation through Ordinance • Shariah Ordinance • Zia's Legacy • End of Military Rule • First Government of Benazir Bhutto • Caretaker Government of Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi • Government of Nawaz Sharif • President Ghulam Ishaq Khan as Power Broker • Year of Political Struggle • Caretaker Government of Moeen Qureshi • Benazir Bhutto's Return • Recent History • Musharraf's Achievements • Rise of Pervez Musharraf • History in Nutshell

4. Geography General Aspects • Topography • Forestry • Wildlife • Climate • Pollution

201

5. Society Cultural Groups • Population· People· Men and Women, Gender Relations • Eating Habits • Dress • Traditional Kinship • Caste Structure • Social Change

217

6. Religion Islam • Christianity • Hinduism • Buddhism • Sikhism • Status of Minorities • Religious Demography

293

7. Heritage and Culture

303

Strategic Culture • Fairs and Festivals • Tribal Culture

8. Art and Architecture Mongol Miniatures • Buddhi~t Art of Northwest • Art on Wheels.· Traditional Islamic Art • Recent Developments in Art • Contemporary Art • The Modernists • The Crafts • Architecture • Islamic Architecture

327

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PART-TWO

9. Education

371

Education System • Structure of the System • Primary Education • Secondary Education • Higher Secondary Education • University Education • Female Education • Reform Efforts • Public Expenditure on Education • Modern Tradition

10. Language and Literature

389

Early Era • Linguistics in Pakistan • Prescriptive Tradition in Urdu • Orientalist Philological Tradition • Language and Literature • Using Literature to Teach Language • linguistiC and Ethnic Groups • The Media

11. Economy

447

General Aspects • Structure of the Economy • Role of Government • Anance • Foreign Trade • Agriculture • Livestock • Ashing • Transportation • Industry • Labour • Energy • Mining • Development and Planning • Pursuit of Development • Decade of Development • Continuity in Change • New Prospects

12. Polity

523

Political Regions • Political System • Government and Politics • The Constitution • National Assembly • Government Structure • Legislative Procedure • President • Parliament and Federal Government • Provincial Governments • Judiciary • Civil Services • The Military • The Governance • Governance and Democracy • Foreign Policy • Political Parties

13. Science and Technology On High Priority Now • Science and Technical Education • Prioritising Science and Technology • Virtual Information Technology • Funding for Science and Technology • Islamic IT Capability • Training of Scientists and Engineers

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14. Sports Popular Games • Sports Policy • Sports Legends

613

15. Tourism Tourist Destinations • Historical and Archaeological Sites

671

Bibliography

707

Index

725

Pre face The world which we all live in came into existence some eighteen thousan d million years ago. As for the birth of this universe, there are various theories. Of them, theory of the Big Bang is regarded to be the most authentic one. According to it, a big single explosion took place, which produced condensed material, and that has been expanding continuously. This material is called galaxy/galaxies. Precisely, these galaxies are the huge congregation of stars, which are held together by the gravitational force. Of these stars, our Sun is one and our Earth is one of its nine planets. For the purpose of ease, the earth has been divided into several parts-e ither dry or wet. The dry ones are known as continents. These are seven in number. All but one (Antarctica) are inhabited and have charming flora and fauna. A continent consists of different countries. For instance, India lies in Asia, Egypt in Africa, France in Europe and US is in North America. Total number of countries, in the world, today oceans. five into divided nearly 200. Similarly, the waters have been The 20th century world witnessed a score of events; and some major events in the last century were determining factors for a number of people to let themselves off the fetters of slavery of centuries long colonialism and enable themselves to declare their status as free nations of the world. Colonial forces were shown doors by their inferior subjects in the third world. In the running up process of imperialist expansion and exploitation, the nations such as Germany, Italy and Japan were left bereft of what they actually deserved and demanded. These disgruntled nations steered the world to the two world wars, which took toll of crores of lives and properties worth billions. Hiroshima and Nagasaki tasted the wrath of atom bombs ever dropped in the world history. After the wars, a new world order emerged. Britain's importance in this new world order almost ceased to exist. The cold war between US and USSR reigned over the world, till the beginning of 1990s, when the Soviet Union finally got disintegrated.

{xl The collapse of Soviet Union as a nation resulted in the world coming under a unipolar world, with US ruling the roost. Earlier, wars were fought in Sout~ Asia, South East Asia and Middle Eastern Asia. United States proved to be a failure in its Vietnam ambitions. India and China are on the path to add up to other superpowers of the world. Most of the African countries remain to be in pathetic condition in respect of economic, political and social status. However, some Pacific and some Latin American countries are emerging as new econom ic powers. Today, the world has evolved a new economic and cultural order. The whole world has turned into a global village. Hence, every nation and every country has attained its own significance and importance. Each country has its own laws of governance and enjoys full autonomy. But, they have varying capacities in terms of econom y, defence, education, etc. That's why 'Conflicts over diverse issues keep surfacing day in and day out. Taking into consideration all these crucial points, some initiatives were taken in order to control any unjust and untoward situation on the basis of mutual cooperation. With this backdrop, a dire need for a comprehensive, authentic, research-based and informative work, covering the whole world, was seriously felt. This endeav our is meant to fill this vacuum 'Only. In this Encyclopaedia of a unique nature, all the important nations of the world are described about. The main themes characterising this Encycl opaedi a are; general inform ation and factual data. This Encyclopaedic work reflects the history, politics, and cultural affairs of all nations. All information is given in an interesting and intellige nt manner. Every volume is devoted to one nation. This volume, an independent book, in itself, is on: Pakistan. These introductory titbits apart, this vast World Infopa edia is a priceless gem in the series of its ilk. Comprehensively and exclusively tailored, this modest work would certainly prove to be a win-win venture . Certainly, this novel work can be made use of by scholars, students, teachers, journalists and general readers, barring all national boundaries. All genuine suggestions and enlightening remarks will be highly appreciated by the undersigned, who would solicit your sincere respons e and wise comments.

-Edito rs

PART-TWO

"This page is Intentionally Left Blank"

9 Education At independence, Pakistan had a poorly educated population and few schools or universities. Although, the education system has expanded greatly since then, debate continues about the curriculum, and, except in a few elite institutions, quality remained a crucial concern of educators in the early 1990s. Adult literacy is low, but improving. In 1992, more than 36 per cent of adults over fifteen were literate, compared with 21 per cent in 1970. The rate of improvement is highlighted by the 50 per cent literacy achieved among those aged fifteen to nineteen in 1990. School enrolment also increased, from 19 per cent of those aged six to twenty-three in 1980 to 24 per cent in 1990. However, by 1992 the population over twenty-five had a mean of only 1.9 years of schooling. This fact explains the minimal criteria for being considered literate: having the ability to both read and write (with understanding) a short, simple statement on everyday life. Relatively, limited resources have been allocated to education, although, there has been improvement in recent decades. In 1960, public expenditure on education was only 1.1 per cent of the gross national product (GNP); by 1990 the figure had risen to 3.4 per cent. This amount compared poorly with the 33.9 per cent being spent on defence in 1993. In 1990, Pakistan was tied for fourth place in the world in its ratio of military expenditures to health and education expenditures. Although the government enlisted the assistance of various international donors in the education efforts outlined in its

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Seventh Five-Year Plan (1988-93), the results did not measure up to expectations.

Education System There are four distinct tiers within the education system in Pakistan. The four levels of education are: primary (grades 1-5); secondary (grades 6-1O); higher secondary or intermediate (grades 11-12); and graduate and postgraduate or higher (grades 13-16).

Structure of the System Education is organised into five levels: primary (grades one through five); middle (grades six through eight); high (grades nine and ten, culminating in matriculation); intermediate (grades eleven and twelve, leading to an EA. diploma in arts or ESc.; and university programmes leading to undergraduate and advanced degrees. Preparatory classes (kachi, or nursery) were formally incorporated into the system in 1988 with the Seventh Five~ear Plan. Academic and technical education institutions are the responsibility of the federal Ministry of Education, which coordinates instruction through the intermediate level. Above that level, a designated university in each province is responsible for coordination of instruction and examinations. In certain cases, a different ministry may oversee specialised programmes. Universities enjoy limited autonomy; their finances are overseen by a University Grants Commission, as in Britain. Teacher-training workshops are overseen by the respective provincial education ministries in order to improve teaching skills. However, incentives are severely lacking, and, perhaps because of the shortage of financial support to education, few teachers participate. Rates of absenteeism among teachers are high in general, inducing support for community-coordinated efforts promoted in the Eighth Five-Year Plan (1993-98). In 1991, there were 87,545 primary schools, 189,200 primary school teachers, and 7,768,000 students enrolled at the primary level, with a student-to-teacher ratio of forty-one to one. Just over one-third of all children of primary school age were enrolled in a school in 1989. There were 11,978 secondary schools, 154,802 secondary school teachers, and 2,995,000 students enrolled at the secondary level, with a student-to-teacher ratio of nineteen to one.

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Primary school dropout rates remained fairly consistent in the 1970s and 1980s, at just over 50 per cent for boys and 60 per cent for girls. The middle school dropout rates for boys and girls rose from 22 per cent in 1976 to about 33 per cent in 1983. However, a noticeable shift occurred in the beginning of the 1980s regarding the post primary dropout rate: whereas boys and girls had relatively equal rates (14 per cent) in 1975, by 1979-just as Zia initiated his government's Islamisation programme-the dropout rate for boys was 25 per cent while for girls it was only 16 per cent. By 1993 this trend had dramatically reversed, and boys had a dropout rate of only 7 per cent compared with the girls' rate of 15 per cent. The Seventh Five Year Plan envisioned that every child five years and above would have access to either a primary school or a comparable, but less comprehensive, mosque school. However, because of financial constraints, this goal was not achieved. In drafting the Eighth Five Year Plan in 1992, the government therefore reiterated the need to mobilise a large share of national resources to finance education. To improve access to schools, especially at the primary level, the government sought to decentralise and democratise the design and implementation of its education strategy. To give parents a greater voice in running schools. it planned to transfer control of primary and secondary schools to NGOs. The government also intended to gradually make all high schools, colleges, and universities autonomous, although, no schedule was specified for achieving this' ambitious goal.

Primary Education Primary education in Pakistan ranges from grades 1-5. Under the current education policy 1998-2010, there is a big effort to universalise education at this level. It is envisioned that all children throughout the countrY aged 5-10 will receive at least a basic primary education. One effort in achieving this goal is through enforcing co-education, thereby alleviating some of the strain on the system. This is the only stage of education that males and females are educated together until university. The language of instruction is Urdu or the regional language of the area. There are some "English" schools but the5e are mostly in the private sector. The primary level curriculum is primarily uniform throughout the country. Promotion from one grade to the other depends on in-house annual examinations.

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Secondary Education Secondary schooling consists of two well-defined stages: middle school (grades 6-8) and high school (grades 9-10). The age group covered by this stage is 11-18-year-olds. There is a matriculation or Secondary School Certificate (SSC) exam at the end of the 10th grade. The medium of instruction is Urdu except in "English" schools. The curriculum at this stage begins to be specialised. Four compulsory subjects are taught at this level: Urdu, English, Pakistan Studies and Islamic Studies with an additional four subjects as chosen by the student. Two distinguishing features of the secondary school curriculum are: (1) there is a strong re-orientation towards the sciences; (2) there is a diversification of the programme so as to offer a large number of technical and vocational subjects. Higher Secondary Education Higher Secondary education comprises grades 11-12 and is also known as intermediate college level. This level leads to the intermediate exam or higher secondary certificate (H.S.C. formerly FNFSC), which is the prerequisite for entrance to university or an institution of higher education. English is the medium of instruction at this level, which has been problematic since most education to this point has either been conducted in Urdu or a regional language. This causes a great disparity between students coming from private English high schools and those coming from government schools. This disparity has solicited a change in most intermediate colleges, which now have switched to Urdu as the medium of instruction. The Board of Intermediate and Secondary Education at the end of grades 10 and 12 conduct public exams for the secondary school and higher secondary school certificates re~pectively. University Education Universities in Pakistan offer higher-level degrees in general and professional education. Undergraduate studies for Bachelors degrees in arts and sciences require two years of study for completion. An honours bachelor degree takes three years. This distinction makes the difference in the length of time it takes to complete a Masters programme. Model University Ordinance Enactment: The government's decision to finally promulgate the controversial Model University

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ordinance is baffling for especially since every day for the past few weeks there have been countrywide protests against its draft proposals. The first thing that comes to mind that what was the great hurry in enacting this law on November 13 when Parliament was about to convene anyway in a few days time. The immediate response, as expected, has been a hardening of the position taken by the opponents to this law. Their immediate response was that students and participating faculty members were told by leaders of various teachers associations to get ready for a long-term protest against the government's decision. The other important point that needs to be taken up with the decision to implement the ordinance is that it reflects a mindset on the part of policy-makers that ignores the interests of all (pardon the jargon here) stake-holders involved especially the teachers and the students. This is not to say at all that those who teach in our public sector institutions are angels who do their job efficiently and diligently but rather that this reality should not deflect from the argument that the government's action is quite one-sided and unilateral. In fact, the government and its education minister has repeatedly said in the press (including on this page) that the ordinance has been formulated keeping in mind the views and opinions of all the parties involved in education. They have also said that much of the criticism against the ordinance in unjustified because fees won't rise and education will not be privatised. However, one can easily respond to this by saying that had the government been more forthcoming about releasing the draft for public debate, prior to its enactment, perhaps their wouldn't be so many misunderstandings-as the ordinance's supporters insist there are. In addition to that, from what one can gauge by following the debate in the media and based on the statements of both sides, the issue has to deal with making higher education 'market-based'. Now, this is simply a euphemism for saying that our universities and colleges should teach those course for which there is a lot of demand according to market dictates. So, the critics say, and rightly so that courses like humanities and the arts are bound to suffer if this happens since the market. as we all know, doesn't seem to place too much of a premium on literature, painting or becoming a writer.

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The government then says that the manner in which the ordinance was drawn up was indeed consultative in that a committee was set up and it drew upon people from the education sector in important positions, and led by the President of Aga Khan University, Shams Qasim Lakha. To this, however, the teachers say that Mr. Lakha and others on the committee who helped formulate the proposals are not in any way representative of the education sector in Pakistan. In fact, if memory serves one correctly, one of the meetings that the committee had was with Pakistani expatriates in Boston in America. The opponents have also time and again accused the government of taking these reforms at the behest of the World Bank and the IMF. The reason, they say, is that these organisations want the government to reduce its subsidy on education. And going by the policy recommendations that international lending institutions have placed on Pakistan-asking it to gradually remove subsidies in the agriculture, power and gas sectors-it's quite likely that now they would be telling Islamabad to gradually phase out subsidies for higher education. The government has then responded by saying that its reforms are not IMF or World Bank driven but rather an attempt to improve higher education standards. Now, it doesn't mean that either of these points are necessarily mutually exclusive, i.e. that the government might be using the World Bank's assistance in trying to improve educational standards. Having said that, the critics of the government's approach seem to have a valid point. The very day that newspapers carried the report that the ordinance had been promulgated (the story was carried only by the state-run news wire, APp, and was a couple of paragraphs long), Dawn carried a report that the education minister had met two World Bank officials from its Technical Mission on Higher Education. The report said that the minister had detailed discussions with the Bank officials "about the changes and reforms required to be introduced in the higher education sector in Pakistan to improve educational standards and to make it internationally compatible and need-oriented" . It further said-and this seems quite a revelation: "It has been agreed between the HEC [Higher Education Commission, of which the education minister is the head] and the World Bank delegation that the report on higher education prepared by the Steering Committee

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headed by Dr. Shams Qasim Lakha will be used as a baseline by the bank to get guidelines while preparing its recommendations." This, as they would say in America, is the 'smoking gun', or damning indictment if you will, because it necessarily implies that the Lakha report is to be used by the World Bank is making its recommendations to the Pakistan government on higher education reform. And the Lakha report is also apparently the basis of the Model University ordinance that the government promulgated in such undue haste. So, the government's position that it has not taken any directions from the World Bank in formulating and enacting this new law is indefensible. Now, to the other side. Yes, there has always been a criticism against teachers and professors in our public sector universities. Much of it is justified and very valid because it comes from students themselves. Teachers don't teach well, they use notes sometimes half a century old, and in most cases they don't even bother showing up for class. In fact, several teachers actively involved in the protests at the University of Karachi have been accused by their students of not showing up for class. The head of the Karachi University Teachers' Society, Sarwar Nasim, was also asked in an interview he gave to Dawn whether all the teaching staff was against the agreement, since not all of them seemed to take part in the protests. His reply was that some of the teachers did not take part because they were not used to taking part in protests as such and any conclusion that the teaching community was divided in its opposition to the ordinance was wrong. However, this argument makes little sense for the simple reason that just like many students are more bothered about the damage being done to their academic year by the delays and the protests, many teachers too have other, more pressing worries (especially if they are doing a good job at teaching). In fact, the logical conclusion that one could draw-and this strikes at the heart of the argument of the protesters and is implicit in the government's standpoint-is that those who have the most to lose once the ordinance is implemented are in the forefront of the opposition. And why will they lose their jobs? Because they are inefficient and shouldn't be teaching in the first place. Hence, if the ordinance helps in purging our universities of these kinds of 'teachers' then the entire better.

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Taking all things into consideration, though, it would be safe to assume that the protests that we have been seeing happening every day in campus all across the country are not likely to die down, not at least in the foreseeable future. And that's why the government must take the blame because it simply does not make sense to enact a law in such a hurry in a matter as important-and in this case controversial too-as higher education reform.

Female Education Comparison of data for men and women reveals significant disparity in educational attainment. By 1992, among people older than fifteen years of age, 22 per cent of women were literate, compared with 49 per cent of men. The comparatively slow rate of improvement for women is reflected in the fact that between 1980 and 1989, among women aged fifteen to twenty-four, 25 per cent were literate. United Nations sources say that in 1990 for every 100 girls of primary school age there were only thirty in school; among girls of secondary school age, only thirteen out of 100 were in school; and among girls of the third level, grades nine and ten, only 1.5 out of 100 were in school. Slightly higher estimates by the National Education Council for 1990 stated that 2.5 per cent of students-3 per cent of men and 2 per cent of women between the ages of seventeen and twenty-one were enrolled at the degree level. Among all people over twenty-five in 1992, women averaged a mere 0.7 year of schooling compared with an average of 2.9 years for men. The discrepancy between rural and urban areas is even more marked. In 1981, only 7 per cent of women in rural areas were literate, compared with 35 per cent in urban areas. Among men, these rates were 27 and 57 per cent, respectively. Pakistan's low female literacy rates are particularly confounding because these rates are analogous to those of some of the poorest countries in the world. Pakistan has never had a systematic, nationally coordinated effort to improve female primary education, despite its poor standing. It was once assumed that the reasons behind low female school enrolments were cultural, but research conducted by the Ministry for Women's Development and a number of international donor agencies in the 1980s revealed tha~ danger to a woman's honour was parents' most crucial concern. hideed, reluctance to accept schooling for

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women turned to enthusiasm when parents in rural Punjab and rural Balochistan could be guaranteed their daughters' safety and, hence, their honour. Reform Efforts

Three initiatives characteri:;ed reform efforts in education in the late 1980s and early 1990s: privatisation of schools that had been nationalised in the 1970s; a return to English as the medium of instruction in the more elite of these privatised schools, reversing the imposition of Urdu in the 1970s; and continuing emphasis on Pakistan studies and Islamic studies in the curriculum. Until the late 1970s, a disproportionate amount of educational spending went to the middle and higher levels. Education in the colonial era had been geared to staffing the civil service and producing an educated elite that shared the values of and was loyal to the British. It was unabashedly elitist, and contemporary educationreforms and commissions on reform notwithstanding-has retained the same quality. This fact is evident in the glaring gap in educational attainment between the country's public schools and the private schools, which were nationalised in the late 1970s in a move intended to facilitate equal access. Whereas, students from lower-class backgrounds did gain increased access to these private schools in the 1980s and 1990s, teachers and school principals alike bemoaned the decline in the quality of education. Meanwhile, it appears that a greater proportion of children of the elites are travelling abroad not only for university education but also for their high school diplomas. The extension of literacy to greater numbers of people has spurred the working class to aspire to middle-class goals such as owning an automobile, taking summer vacations, and providing a daughter with a once-inconceivable dowry at the time of marriage. In the past, Pakistan was a country that the landlords owned, the army ruled, and the bureaucrats governed, and it drew most of its elite from these three groups. In the 1990s, however, the army and the civil service were drawing a greater proportion of educated members from poor backgrounds than ever before. One of the education reforms of the 1980s was an increase in the number of technical schools throughout the country. Those schools that were designated for females included hostels nearby to provide

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secure housing for female students. Increasing the number of technical schools was a response to the high rate of underemployment that had been evident since the early 1970s. The Seventh Five-Year Plan aimed to increase the share of students going to technical and vocational institutions to over 33 per cent by increasing the number of polytechnics, commercial colleges, and vocational training centres. Although, the numbers of such institutions did increase, a compelling need to expand vocational training further persisted in early 1994.

Public Expenditure on Education Based on the 2003-2004 Federal Government Budget, allocations for education was targeted at 9.6 Billion Rupees (US$ 193 million), which comprises only 1.4 per cent of the overall budget. It should be noted however that the Zakat Ordinance mandates that 2.5 per cent of all declared the Government at the beginning of the month of Ramadan extracts fixed financial assets. Zakat funds are distributed through local committees, which are used to fund (among various other social services) religious schools. Figures for education allocation from Zakat funds were not readily available for this report.

Modern Tradition The linguistics is not taught as an autonomous discipline in Pakistan. Among those who tried to establish it as a university subject is Anwar Oil, presently living in the United States. Oil could not establish either a department or an institute· of linguistics but he did manage to establish the Linguistic Research Group of Pakistan in 1961, which published a number of monographs containing scholarly articles, and papers read out at linguistic conferences in Pakistan. Some of the articles in the series are of a high standard but there are shoddy, ideologically inspired pieces too, which are most Pakistani publications. Such writings are published because there is neither anonymous reviewing nor,_indeed, the means to do good research. Moreover, most publications are supported by the state, which influences the ideological contents of the publications. Oil, who later settled down in America, contributed to the field of socio-linguistics by editing a large, and highly significant, collection of the works of distinguished scholars. He is active in editing, compiling, and generally trying to get linguistics recognised as an autonomous discipline in Pakistan. His wife Afia Oil, although, she is counted among Bangladeshi

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linguists, has contributed earlier to Pakistani linguistics too. Her book on the Muslim variety of Bengali is highly relevant for Pakistanis, who used to think that Bengali was only a 'Hindu' language (DiI 1993). The latest achievement of the wife-and-husband team is the monumental The Bengali Language Movement (2000) which is more about the history of the Bengali language movement-the movement by nationalist East Bengali people to make their language a national language of Pakistan in the 1950s-than about linguistics or even language policy. English Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics. In the seventies and eighties the British Council and the educational agencies of the United States started emphasising the teaching of English as a second or other language-TESOLlfESUELT were among the acronyms to describe the phenomenon. Up to this time the departments of English focused almost exclusively on English (which generally meant only British) literature upto T.S Eliot. However, when the University Grants Commission (now the Higher Education Commission) and the Allama Iqbal Open University started offering diploma courses in TESOL in 1985, a number of young lecturers with vested interest and knowledge of English language teaching formed a pressure group, which brought about changes in the English departments. Apart from the efforts of the British Council, etc., ELT also got a boost from the activities of the Society of Pakistani English Language Teachers (SPELT), which was established in 1984 by Zakia Sarwar (Interview 25 September 1994 and subsequent updating in 2003 April). SPELT holds lectures, workshops, and conferences on a regular basis-the last conference was held in Karachi, Lahore and Islamabad in October 2002-which increase awareness about the teaching of English. Although, SPELT and other ELT programmes do not focus on linguistics as such, they do contribute indirectly to the teaching of the rudiments of phonetics, varieties of language, and stylistics. However, their concern is the teaching of English and not theoretical analysis. Books produced by SPELT (such as Sarwar 1991) or by those involved in ELT are concerned with English, and that too with its teaching. A survey of English language teaching, for instance, has recently been produced by Farida Malik (Malik 1996).

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However, it is because of this increased concern with English as a language that some scholars have written about its role in Pakistan (Abbas 1993; Rahman 1990). There is, however, a Pakistani academic in the United States, who has written his doctoral thesis on the status of the non-native speakers of English as teachers of the language in America. (Mahb~ob 2003). People like Ahmar Mahboob question the exonerative ideology, i.e. that only native speakers can teach English. Ahmar is a product of the linguistic iconoclasm, which set in into the field of English language teaching as a consequence of the new ideas disseminated by the applied linguists who taught ELT. Even more significant is the questioning of the traditional prescriptive notion that only British Standard English and Pronunciation should be considered 'correct' and should be the pedagogical norm. The notion that there could be a non-native variety of English called Pakistani English was first introduced in Pakistan by Robert J. Baumgardner (1987) who later explored the grammatical and lexical features of Pakistani English (PE) in more detail 1993 ). The first detailed deSCription of PE-including its phonetic and phonological features and subvarieties, which Baumgardner had not touched upon-was published by the present author (Rahman 1990). The notion of 'Pakistani Urdu', advanced by the present author in a newspaper article, has still not been described in detail (Rabman 1995). In Pakistan, however, there is not much advance upon this earlier work while elsewhere in the world there is much debate about the concept and features of non-native varieties of a language. To this debate only one Pakistani linguist, Anjum Saleemi, has contributed (Saleemi 1995a: 311). Ahmar Mahboob tells the present author that he too is working in this field and will publish his results soon. But Ahmar Mahboob, like Saleemi, lives abroad and works in the mainstream tradition of sociolinguistics. Saleemi works in the Chomskyan theoretical linguistic tradition, which is hardly understood in Pakistan. That is why his study of language learnability (1992), which should have been discussed by linguists as well as English language teachers, has gone unnoticed. In the only review of the book in Pakistan, the present writer confessed his own ignorance of some of the theories used by Saleemi

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because research journals and books are not available in such a highly technical subject (Rahman 1996b). Perhaps, however, Dr. Raja Naseem Ahmad or may be Dr. Arif Shahbaz, both trained in syntax in British universities, may be able to understand this book fully. Unfortunately, the latter is now teaching English literature at the Punjab University though, the former is trying to keep up with his research. Similarly, the work of Ruqaiya Hasan, who collaborated with Halliday-and was married to him-in a well known book Cohesion in English (Halliday and Hasan 1976) is unknown in Pakistan. Indeed, discourse analysis and systemic grammar-the linguistic tradition associated with Halliday in which Raqaiya Hasan worked (Hasan 1964), is even less known in Pakistan than the Chomskyan one. Indeed, it is in the Chomskyan tradition that some studies on Urdu by Baber S. Khan (Khan 1987; 1989) and, once again, Saleemi (1994, 1995b) have been written. There are dissertations by Raja Naseem on Punjabi morphology and subsequent articles on the syntax and tones of Punjabi in this tradition (Raja 1992). However, a study of 'word form' in Urdu (Moisuddin 1989) and the phonology of the verbal phrase in Hindko are not in this tradition (Awan 1974). However, most of the works in modem linguistics were completed in Western universities and the authors confess that they find it difficult to be as productive in this field of research than they were when they were living abroad. As mentioned earlier, there is very little work on linguistics in Pakistani languages. There is not even a study of Urdu on modem lines in Pakistan though, there is one written in India in Urdu (Javed 1981). Only a few experts know this because the technical vocabulary used in it is not taught in Pakistan. It must, however, be mentioned that the students of FAST in Lahore, under the guidance of Dr. Sarmad Hussain, are producing work which has the potential of becoming the first linguistic study of Urdu along modem lines (Muqtadra 2002 and 2003). In India there are also studies of Sindhi (Khubchandani 1961; Rohra 1971); Punjabi (Bhatia 1993), and other languages in English. But, since the focus is on Pakistan, these works cannot be explored here. In Pakistan there are only a few recent works written in Pakistani languages, which show some awareness of contemporary terminology

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and concepts. Most of these works are written in Urdu and Sindhi. There is, for instance, GA Allana's (1967) book on the phonetics of Sindhi and his study of the dialects and spread of the language (Allana 1979). Also worth mentioning are Nabi Buksh Baloch's historical studies of Sindhi (Baloch 1962) and Hidayat Ullah Akhund's thesis on the same subject (Akhund 1994). NA Baloch is active even now having produced a book on Jatki (2003) as well as occasional papers. He is highly respected in Pakistan in general and Sind in particular. His contribution to the history of Sind is enormous. However, his methodology is historical and philological and not that which contemporary linguists use in the West. Qasim Bughio, however, is aware of contemporary methods and his study of the dialects of Sindhi is in the tradition of modern socio-linguists (Bughio 2001). In the M.A course in Sindhi some general linguistics, phonetics and the history of the Sindhi langua3e is taught. However, as Sindhi is taught at all levels in Sind there is much more linguistiC writing on Sindhi than on any Pakistani language except Urdu. In Urdu, apart from the work of the FAST students mentioned above, there are studies by Suhail Bukhari (1991) and Abdul Salam's Urdu book on general linguistics (Salam 1993). Although, of a rudimentary level, Abdul Salam provides technical terms in Urdu, which can help linguists, describe modern linguistic concepts. After Mohiuddin Qadri Zor's similar introductory work entitled Hindustani Usaniyat (1932), this is the most adequate attempt to provide an introductory book giving equivalents of the terminology of basic linguistics in Urdu. The FAST students, however, introduce us to the terminology of advanced phonetics and phonology. A brief study of Pushto where the terminology of linguistiCS is introduced in that language is by Khial Bukhari (1964-5). Bukhari touches upon dialectology and phonetics, which are generally ignored by Pakistani linguiSts. His grammar of Push to, also written in Pushto, is also worth mentioning though, it does not touch upon recent grammatical theories (Bukhari 1983) (There are such works in Afghanistan, of course, but they fall outside our purview). Indeed, for Pakistani linguists it is difficult not to ignore theoretical complexities, because the sources and the level of training available, is not conducive to study of the more technical aspects of contemporary phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, and semantics. What

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then is left for a Pakistani linguist is language planning and lexicology of which examples have been given earlier (Rahman 1999: Chapter 12) or some aspects of socio-Iinguistics. There are, for instance, studies of politeness in Shina (Shah 1994) and Urdu (Rahman 1999: Chapter 10) and so on. The former work describes verbal politeness patterns in Shina while the latter argues that the norms of verbal politeness in English speaking cultures-such as the use of the first name without honorifics irrespective of the age differentials of the interlocutors-are influencing English-using Pakistanis. Another kind of work is that of surveying the attitude of people towards different languages. This has been done in great detail by the authors of the Socio-Iinguistic Survey of Northern Pakistan (1992), which has already been mentioned. Even more relevant from the point of view of education is the survey of student's attitudes towards Urdu, English, and Punjabi by Sabiha Mansoor in Lahore (Mansoor 1993; 2002 and Rahman 2002). The point made in Sabiha Mansoor's survey is that students respond pragmatically to the apparent social prestige of a language and evaluate it positively if it increases chances of upward social mobility. Recently, in 2002, Sabiha Mansoor has also completed her doctoral thesis on the role of English in the education system of Pakistan and confirmed the finding that students and others do consider English necessary for social mobility. The present writer also found this in his survey but, along with this, he also found an aspiration for the use of the mother tongue in Sind, the Frontier and among madrasa students who were not positive towards English (Rahman 2002: Appendix 14). Sabiha Mansoor's thesis, like her previous work, is in the domain of language policy, especially as it pertains to education (Mansoor 2002). This brings one to the relationship between language and politics; the way language policy can make one language more pragmatically useful, and therefore of higher status, than another language. An example of this is the increase in the social status of English with the corresponding decrease in that of Persian because of British language policies (Rahman 2002: Chapter 4). Another aspect of this relationship is the way language becomes a symbol of ethnicity and may be used to mobilise people against the ruling elite. This has been investigated by the present author in a book-length study (Rahman, 1996a),

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which has chapters on the Hindi-Urdu controversy in which Urdu became an identity symbol of the Muslims of South Asia. This type of identity-formation went on after the creation of Pakistan. The ethnic movements based on Sindhi, Pushto, Bengali, BalochilBrahui, Siraiki and Hindko are described in this book. The present writer has recently written a book on the history of language teaching among the Muslims of Pakistan and North India. This book investigates the relationship between the power-distribution in a society with language policy. It also looks at the worldview, which language texts produce, and privilege (Rahman 2002). Other Pakistanis interested in linguistiC matters also focus on history. The investigations on the history of Urdu and other languages have been mentioned. Among the more scholarly works in other fields are the proto-historical works of A.H. Dani on the Kharoshthi script (1979), the languages of 'Sind and Sauvira' (1981: 35-42) and archaeological research shedding light on the undeciphered script of the Indus Valley Civilization (Dani 1971: 1-77). F.A. Durrani, for instance, suggests that the symbols on Kot Dijian artifacts may be the beginning of writing in the Indus Valley (Durrani 1981). But on this subject too Western scholars, with their immense resources, have written more detailed studies (Parpola 1994; Southworth 1984; Fairservis 1992) while Rashid Akhtar Nadwi, the only Pakistani writer who has written a book on this subject in Urdu (Nadwi 1995), shows neither any awareness of the state of contemporary research in the subject nor of modem techniques in this field of research. In short, then, most linguists working in Pakistan actually work on the peripheries of the field of linguistics. Since they do not find material on linguistic theory they wander off into history, political science, and sociology or stop producing research work altogether. Thus, there is very little theoretical (or micro) linguistic work going on in Pakistan. Some of the best linguists from Pakistan-such as Anjum Saleemi, Raqaiya Hasan and Miriam Butt (1993)-