The Impact of Scripture in Early Christianity (Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae)

T H E IMPACT OF SCRIPTURE IN EARLY C H R I S T I A N I T Y

SUPPLEMENTS TO

VIGILIAE CHRISTIANAE Formerly Philosophia Patrum T E X T S

A N D

S T U D I E S A N D

O F

E A R L Y

C H R I S T I A N

LIFE

L A N G U A G E

EDITORS J. D E N

BOEFT —

R. V A N

D E N

BROEK

D.T. R U N I A — J.C.M. V A N

V O L U M E XLIV

—

W.L.

W I N D E N

PETERSEN

THE IMPACT OF SCRIPTURE IN EARLY CHRISTIANITY EDITED BY

J. D E N

B O E F T

AND M.L.

V A N

P O L L - V A N

D E

L I S D O N K

' / 6 8 ‫' י‬

BRILL LEIDEN · B O S T O N · K Ö L N 1999

The editors gratefully acknowledge the financial support provided by the Dutch Foundation for Early Christian Studies. This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The impact of scripture in early Christianity / edited by Jan den Boeft and M.L. van Poll. p. cm. — (Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae ; v. 44) Includes index. ISBN 9004111433 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Bible—Influence. 2. Church history—Primitive and early church, ca. 30-600. I. Boeft, J. den II. Poll, M. L. van. III. Series. BS538.7.I56 1999 220'.09'015—dc21 98-51547 CIP Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufiaahme The impact of scripture in early Christianity / ed. by Jan den Boeft and M.L. van Poll. - Leiden ; Boston ; Köln : Brill, 1999 (Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae ; Vol. 44) ISBN 90-04-11143-3 [Vigiliae Christianae / Supplements] Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae : formerly Philosophia Patrum ; texts and studies of early Christian life and language. - Leiden ; Boston ; Köln : Brill. Früher Schriftenreihe ISSN 0920-623X Vol. 44. The impact of scripture in early Christianity. - 1999

ISSN 0920-623X ISBN 90 04 11143 3 © Copyright 1999 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permissionfromthe publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

TABLE O F C O N T E N T S

List of abbreviations

vii

Introduction

ix

A . HILHORST

1

Biblical Scholarship in the Early C h u r c h B . DEHANDSCHUTTER

20

Example a n d Discipleship S o m e C o m m e n t s on the Biblical Background of the Early Christian Theology of M a r t y r d o m G . BARTELINK

27

Die Rolle der Bibel in den asketischen Kreisen des vierten u n d fünften Jahrhunderts A.A.R.

BASTIAENSEN

39

Die Bibel in den Gebetsformeln der Lateinischen Kirche M . PARMENTIER

58

T h e Gifts of the Spirit in Early Christianity A . PROVOOST

79

Le caractère et l'évolution des images bibliques dans l'art chrétien primitif I . SPATHARAKIS

102

Early Christian Illustrated Gospel Books f r o m the East P.C.J. V a n D A E L

122

Biblical Cycles on C h u r c h Walls: Pro Lectione Pictura W . EVENEPOEL

133

Paulinus Nolanus, C a r m e n 26 T h e T h r e a t of W a r , St. Felix, a n d O l d T e s t a m e n t Examples of the Power of G o d a n d of his Saints G . PARTOENS

' D e u s agricolam confirmât'. L'élaboration de la parabole d u semeur dans les limes contre Symmaque de Prudence

161

VI

TABLE OF CONTENTS

A . DAVIDS

187

Cyril of Alexandria's First Episcopal Years P. V A N DEUN

Ε ύ χ ή distingué de προσευχή: U n essai de terminologique chez les pères Grecs et les Byzantins

202

précision écrivains

H . WELZEN

223

R e a d e r Response I . SLUITER

245

C o m m u n i c a t i o n , Eloquence a n d E n t e r t a i n m e n t in Augustine's De Doctnna Christiana Index of Biblical Passages Index of Christian authors Index of non-Christian authors

269 274 277

LIST O F ACO

ABBREVIATIONS

Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, ed. E. Schwartz, Berlin, 19141940; J. Straub, 1971 ANF The Ante-Nicene Fathers ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung, hrsg. von H. Temporini und W. Haase, Berlin-New York, 1972 sqq. BAGB Bulletin de Γ association Guillaume Budé BCT Bulletin voor Charismatische Theologie BETL Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium BZNW Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft CCSG Corpus Christianorum, Series Graeca, Turnhout-Leuven, 1977 sqq. CCSL Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina, Tumholti, 1953 sqq. CPG Clavis patrum Graecorum (I-IV), cura et studio M. Geerard, Turnhout, 1974-1983 CPL Clavis patrum Latinorum, hrsg. von E. Dekkers, A. Gaar, Steenbrugge, 19612 CSEL Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, Wien, 1866 sqq. CSLP Corpus scriptorum Latinorum Paravianum CUF Collection des universités de France Diekamp F. Diekamp, Doctrina patrum de incamatione Verbi. Ein griechisches Florilegium aus der Wende des siebenten und achten Jahrhunderts, Münster, 1907 ETL Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses, Louvain, 1924 sqq. FMS Frümittelalterliche Studien FZPT Freiburger Zeitschrift für Philosophie und Theologie GCS Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der erste drei Jahrhunderte, Leipzig, 1897 sqq. JbAC Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum, Münster, 1958 sqq. JTS The Journal of Theological Studies LCI Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie MBT Münsterische Beiträge zur Theologie MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica MGH AA Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auetores Antiquissimi, 1877-1919· MGH Epp. Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Epistulae, 1887 sqq. NPNF The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers NT Novum Testamentum. An international Quarterly for New Testament and Related Studies, Leiden, 1956 sqq. PG Patrologia Graeca, J.P. Migne, Paris, 1857-1866 PIR 1 / PIR‫ ־‬Prosopographia imperii Romani saec. I. II. III., Berlin, 1897-1898; 19332 sqq. PL Patrologia Latina, J.P. Migne, Paris, 1844-1864 PTS Patristische Texte und Studien, Berlin, 1964 sqq. RAC Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, hrsg. von Th. Klauser, Stuttgart, 1950 sqq. RbK Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst RE Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Neue Bearbeitung, besorgt von G. Wissowa, fortgeführt von W. Kroll und K. Mittelhaus, hrsg. von K. Ziegler, Stuttgart, München, 1893-1978

REAug RecAug ROC RSA SC TU

WUNT

Revue des études augusdniennes, Paris, 1955 sqq. Recherches augusdniennes Revue de Γ Orient chrétien, Paris, 1896 sqq. Rivista storica dell'Antichità Sources chrétiennes, ed. H. de Lubac, J. Daniélou, Paris 1941 sqq. Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der aJtchristlichen Literatur. Archiv für die griechisch-christlichen Schriftsteller der erste drei Jahrhunderte, Leipzig-Berlin, 1882 sqq. Wissenschafdiche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament

INTRODUCTION

Homo timens deum voluntatem eins in scripturis sanctis diligenter inqumt, 'a person w h o fears G o d earnestly seeks His will in Scripture' (Augustine, De doctnna Christiana III 1.1). It is hardly possible to think of a phrase wording the difference between early Christianity a n d G r a e c o - R o m a n polytheism m o r e succinctly. Greeks a n d R o m a n s were certainly eager to know the will of their gods, but they h a d to rely on signs a n d oracles which they held to be indispensable in the process of making correct decisions. It is true that in the course of time written texts began to exercise their influence: H o m e r , the books of O r p h i s m , Virgil, a n d the H e r m e t i c corpus spring to mind. However, in spite of their well-nigh sacred character such authoritative texts did not go beyond providing knowledge a n d insight into the structure of the cosmos a n d the h u m a n soul. Revealing divine will was a n o t h e r matter, a n d for all the undeniable similarities between the Bible a n d sacred pagan texts this basic difference cannot be overlooked. T h e a u t h o r of the Bible was G o d Himself, w h o m a d e use of h u m a n writers. In their various styles they served the same truth, a n n o u n c i n g G o d ' s will to everyone ready to take the necessary pains in order to grasp it. As is well known, in actual practice the authority of Scripture, to which all Christians implicitly or explicitly subscribed, neither resulted in their completely taking leave of pagan ideas n o r in shaping uniform rules of conduct. However, this detracts nothing f r o m the general conviction to which Augustine bears testim o n y in the quoted text. 111 M a r c h 1996 the D u t c h F o u n d a t i o n for Early Christian Studies celebrated its thirty-fifth anniversary with a conference on the forms in which the Bible put its stamp on the various aspects of Christian life in (late) Antiquity. Most of the contributions of Belgian a n d D u t c h scholars taking part in the conference have been gathered in this volume. It is not surprising that f r o m the beginning the biblical text was handled with m u c h respect a n d soon b e c a m e the object of scholarly attention. 111 his introductory contribution A. Hilhorst provides a survey of early Christian philological work on the text, of which O r i g e n ' s Hexapla is the most remarkable specimen as far as the original text is concerned. This great achievement was later overshad-

owed by J e r o m e ' s f a m o u s efforts as a translator. H e succeeded in p r o d u c i n g an authoritative Latin version of the holy texts. Indeed J e r o m e b e c a m e the Western biblical scholar p a r excellence a n d he also proved able to r e n d e r account of his principles in his 57th Letter. Translating a n d explaining Scripture was a d a u n t i n g task. Holiness was not merely a general quality assigned to it by the religious awe of its readers, but a p p e a r e d in its very words, which were regarded as deriving f r o m the W o r d itself. Small w o n d e r that precision in textual matters b e c a m e the hallmark of all kinds of ecclesiastical discussions. Scripture's authority m a d e itself felt in the various domains of early Christian life. B. D e h a n d s c h u t t e r shows that biblical inspiration is manifest in the d o c u m e n t s of m a r t y r d o m a n d that the reflections on this p h e n o m e n o n gradually developed into an explicit martyrological theology, in which the actualization of biblical texts about imitation a n d discipleship was p r o m i n e n t . Scripture h a d laid the foundation for m a r t y r d o m . Later, in the fourth century, the m o n k succeeded the martyr. T h e ascetes also strove to to put the words of Scripture into practice a n d the Gospels provided the basic texts for the various forms of monastic life. Indeed, G.J.M. Bartelink marshals ample evidence of the view that Scripture as such sufficed as a guidebook, with biblical heroes functioning as inspiring guides. Specifically, the Psalms were used as the source for meditations. K n o w i n g the Psalms by heart was essential for all monks. T h e Eucharist was at the centre of early Christian liturgy. T h e prayers within the different phases of its celebration were full of scriptural reminiscences, as A.A.R. Bastiaensen shows. Biblical texts can be present in their literal shape, but in m a n y cases a stylistic elaboration has taken place. T h i s does not preclude the biblical text being at the core of all liturgical prayers, as is evident f r o m their vocabulary. A m o r e difficult part of early Christian life consists in the 'gifts of the Spirit', as these are defined or described in the N e w T e s t a m e n t . M.F. Parmentier examines the continuity of certain clusters—or 'pairs', as he styles them, of biblical texts—in the tradition of these gifts. This tradition has its drawbacks. T h e gift of languages ('xenoglossy') tends to be confused with 'glossolalia', an entirely different p h e n o m e n o n , viz. spirit language, which is difficult or even impossible to understand for an outsider. T h e r e can therefore be n o d o u b t that f r o m the beginning Scripture was the decisive force in shaping both life a n d doctrine. It inspired all sorts of new texts, exegetical, paraenetical, practical etc.,

a n d b e c a m e a guide for faith a n d piety. However, the written word f o u n d its c o u n t e r p a r t in the image: after all, ut pictura poesis was a conviction firmly held by m a n y in antiquity. H e r e one should beware of a n y rectilinear iconographie interpretations of early Christian artistic products, as if the various O l d a n d N e w T e s t a m e n t scenes are simply the illustrations of central truths of Christian faith, specifically Christus salus mundi. A. Provoost considers it indispensable to study closely the development of scenes a n d motifs, for this will clarify the fact that in m a n y cases not so m u c h are biblical scenes depicted with a p a r a d i g m a t i c intention as biblical themes are hinted at in a symbolical m a n n e r . Even current p a g a n symbols could be used to this end, of course in a modified way. In the later stages of this development, the official doctrines of the C h u r c h gradually began to d o m i n a t e iconography. T h e early illustrated Gospel books are an interesting example. T h e y testify to the preferences of sixth centuryChristians w h o were in a position to have such books m a d e . But, as I. Spatharakis shows, they are also precious witnesses of both the earlier style of illustrating the text on p a p y r u s scrolls a n d the now often lost m o n u m e n t a l paintings in churches, which were evidently imitated in a n u m b e r of cases by the painters of miniatures. G e n e rally speaking, the biblical text provided the inspiration, either directly or indirectly, by way of the C h u r c h liturgy. T h e authority of Scripture's words poses a p r o b l e m with regard to those w h o could not read. O f course, they could listen to others reading a passage to t h e m , e.g. the lector during C h u r c h services, but, as Pope Gregory the G r e a t stressed, pictures could have a useful function as a substitute for texts: pro lectione pictura est. T h i s phrase is interesting in that the text remains the standard. P.C.J, van Dael studies the various ways in which ecclesiastical authorities rendered account of the usefulness of wall paintings: they refer to w h a t is already known a n d thus r e n d e r excellent service to the m e m o i y . Scripture thus provided a m p l e material for all kinds of artistic representations, but it functioned to n o less an extent as a source for poets a n d scholars. T h e fourth century poet Paulinus of Nola u n d e r took to p r o m o t e the cult of the local saint Felix in his poetry, which demonstrates his great familiarity with the Bible. Carmen 26 is a rem a r k a b l e example of this. H e r e Paulinus expresses his faith in Felix' protection against the m e n a c i n g a p p r o a c h of Alaric in 402. T h e times are trying, yet G o d ' s mighty deeds reported in the O l d Testam e n t are a g u a r a n t e e of His support in the present a n d Felix will

prove to be equal to the great saints of the past. His dies natalis can be celebrated in the usual way. By a wealth of references to the Bible the poet links Felix' feats to the mighty actions of the past, as Evenepoel shows. Vetusta saecla vidimus, A m b r o s e would have said. A clear e x a m pie of reworking a scriptural passage is presented by G . Partoens. H e deals with Prudentius, Contra Symmachum II 1020-1063, a passage which contains a most interesting poetical elaboration of the parable of the sower in Matthew 13. Prudentius introduces the classical concept of animi cultura, a m e t a p h o r derived f r o m agriculture, in his reading of the parable. H e christianized this concept by stressing m a n ' s n e e d of divine help a n d he also developed the idea that agricultural work has a spiritual sense. In fact, the contours of a new style of life b e c o m e clear in Prudentius' rich poetical transformation of the biblical text. In the h a n d s of the clergy the Bible could b e c o m e a formidable w e a p o n against heretical a n d o t h e r undesirable groups. Cyril of Alexa n d r i a is a case in point. A. Davids focuses o n the the beginnings of his episcopate in Alexandria a n d his first a n n u a l Festal Letters, in which the L a w a n d the Prophets are a m p l y used to attack the Jews. Rejecting Christ, they failed to appreciate the final renewal in the history of m a n k i n d . At present such a way of using the Bible makes a s o m e w h a t u n c o m f o r t a b l e impression, b u t in those times Cyril was by n o m e a n s an exception. Fortunately there are n u m e r o u s examples of a quite different handling of biblical material. P. van D e u n elucidates how Greek Fathers in general a n d M a x i m u s Confessor in particular developed a Christian terminology for prayer, with specific attention to ε ύ χ ή a n d π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή a n d the cognate verbs, which b o t h occur very often in the L X X a n d the N e w T e s t a m e n t . T h e latter t e r m b e c a m e the usual o n e for supplication; it denotes 'asking G o d ' s blessings'. T h e last two papers deal with 'hermeneutical' problems. After a succinct survey of m o d e m reader-oriented exegetical strategies a n d their advantages, H . Welzen studies in some detail the p a r t allotted to O l d T e s t a m e n t texts in Hebrews. T h e a u t h o r of this homily (with an a c c o m p a n y i n g letter) wants his readers to u n d e r s t a n d in a special way the texts he quotes or alludes to. T h i s implies certain transformations of these texts a n d ultimately a typological relationship between Psalm 94 a n d Hebrews ch. 7 clearly emerges. T h e most impressive treatise on the correct h a n d l i n g of Scripture is Augustine's De doctnna Christiana. I. Sluiter shows h o w this treatise belongs to a long tradition of thinking a b o u t language a n d texts, with prime attention

to the process of speech c o m m u n i c a t i o n , which makes it possible to transmit o u r thoughts to a n o t h e r mind. Augustine lays down the exegetical principles in the first three books a n d then turns to the need for effective c o m m u n i c a t i o n in book 4, in which he sketches the contours of Christian eloquence. J u s t like correct exegesis, this depends on divine enlightenment, a n d Augustine therefore advocates a new interpretation of the word orator, viz. ' m a n of prayer'. N o t m a n y early Christian scholars or thinkers would have been able to contrive the elegant a n d solid consistency of Augustine's thought. Yet both in their practical use of the Bible a n d in their reflections on its correct use they continually testify to a basic conviction that 'it is absolutely essential to hold on to the words of Scripture', verba scripturarum tenere maxime necessarium est. T h i s phrase of Augustine in De doctûna Christiana IV 5.8 concerns the wise ecclesiastical speaker, but the rule can be safely applied to all early Christian handling of the Bible. J . den Boeft M.L. van Poll-van de Lisdonk

December, 1998

B I B L I C A L S C H O L A R S H I P IN T H E E A R L Y C H U R C H A. Hilhorst

F r o m the outset, Christians have read Scripture for its spiritual content a n d not normally studied it as if it were just a n object of academie interest. Nevertheless, it is a text, a n d , in order for it to produce a beneficial effect, it has to be looked after just like any other text, especially if it is read in e n v i r o n m e n t s different f r o m the o n e in which it c a m e into being. So, not surprisingly, philological care of the biblical text set in at an early date. It is the purpose of this p a p e r to evoke some of the achievements the patristic period can boast of in this field. Before doing so, however, some remarks on the spread a n d availability of the biblical text a m o n g the early Christians should be made.

Spread of tfie Bible Jesus proclaimed his gospel by word of m o u t h a n d so did his immediate followers. But, in the fifties at the latest, Paul m a d e use of written messages a n d the communities of believers were not long in keeping a n d exchanging his letters. W e catch a glimpse of that in the N e w T e s t a m e n t . In the Letter to the Colossians (4.16), we read: And when this letter is read before you, have it read also in the church of the Laodiceans, and you yourselves read the one from Laodicea.'

As time went on, the communities must have possessed m a n y m o r e biblical texts, not only of the N e w but also of the O l d T e s t a m e n t . Even individuals collected manuscripts, a n d J e r o m e narrates an action of biblical p r o p a g a n d a which reminds us of that of the socalled Gideons of o u r own times. As he states in Aduersus Rufinum 1.9 ( C S E L 79.9.15-19), the presbyter Pamphilus in Caesarea, w h o died a m a r t y r in 309, was 1

Renderings of New Testament passages are taken from the New American Bible. Septuagint renderings are from the old translation by L.L. Brenton; verse numbering, however, follows Rahlfs. The Psalms are referred to by dieir Septuagint numbering.

ever ready to distribute copies of Sacred Scriptures not only for reading, but even for private keeping. N o t only to men, but even to the w o m e n w h o m he found to be interested in reading them. Thus he prepared many copies, so that he might present them as gifts, when the occasion arose, to those w h o wanted them, (trans. J.N. Hritzu)

T h i s is not to say that this referred to complete bibles. First of all, the c a n o n , in any case the N e w T e s t a m e n t c a n o n , was still in the making. Although the four gospels a n d the letters of St Paul h a d a regular place in it a b o u t A.D. 200, the Christian c a n o n was closed only in the fourth century. Moreover, there is an economic factor. Even if writing material, papyrus a n d also p a r c h m e n t , was not too expensive, 2 copying the whole O l d a n d N e w T e s t a m e n t s must have cost a fortune. T h e big biblical codices comprising the complete text of the Scriptures are a creation of the fourth century, after the persecutions h a d c o m e to an end. It must have been a privilege to have the text of the Bible in one's library. 3 Yet that was by n o m e a n s the sole access to G o d ' s word. T h e ancients, just like so m a n y o t h e r people outside the m o d e r n world, h a d a m e m o r y training we can only d r e a m of. 4 W e tend to shiver at the t h o u g h t of having to learn masses of texts by heart, a n d everything helps us to m a k e such an effort superfluous. C o n f i n i n g myself to biblical matter, complete bibles in a m a n a g e a b l e size can be bought for a song, a n d the computerized Bible text is available both in the original languages a n d in all sorts of translations. Access is f u r t h e r facilitated t h r o u g h the existence of concordances, synopses, dictionaries, m a n u a l s a n d encyclopaedias. All these aids spare us the necessity of m e m o r i z i n g the texts for ourselves. W e h o n o u r insight m u c h m o r e t h a n factual knowledge a n d we look u p w h a t we need. 2 The evidence of the prices of papyrus and especially parchment is scant, however. Cf. L. Koep, "Buch I", Reallexikon fur Antike und Christentum, II, 1954, cols. 664688, esp. cols. 672 and 678; C.H. Roberts, "The Codex", Proceedings of the British Academy 40, 1954, pp. 169-204, esp. p. 179; T.C. Skeat, "Was Papyrus Regarded as «cheap» or «expensive» in the Ancient World?", Aegyptus 75, 1995, pp. 75-93. 3 For information on Christian private libraries cf. H.Y. Gamble, Books and Readers

in the Early Church: A History of Early Christian Texts (New Haven and London, 1995),

pp. 174-176, 231-237. 4 Information on learning by heart is provided by Th. KJauser, "Auswendiglernen", Reallexikon fur Antike und Christentum, I, 1950, cols. 1030-1039; H.-I. Marrou, Histoire de l'éducation dans l'antiquité (Paris, 19656), pp. 251-252; F.A. Yates, The Art of Memory (Chicago and London, 1966), p. 16; H. Lausberg, Handbuch der literarischen Rhetorik, (Munich, 19722), I, pp. 525-527; II, p. 973; W.V. Harris, Ancient Literacy (Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, 1989), pp. 30-33, 91, 301.

W e distrust o u r memories a n d tend to suppose that quoting f r o m m e m o r y is b o u n d to lead to gross errors. O f course this d a n g e r is real. O n the other h a n d , a trained m e m o r y is able to store huge masses of text. In Antiquity, rhapsodes knew H o m e r by heart. Similar reports have been preserved of Jewish scholars. As Saul Lieberman writes, 'there is n o evidence that the R a b b i s prepared special lexica of the Bible; they h a d n o need of them. T h e entire rabbinic literature bears testimony to the fact that the Rabbis knew the Bible by heart. J e r o m e testifies that the Palestinian J e w s of the fourth century were able to recite the Pentateuch a n d the Prophets by heart.' 5 A m o n g the Christians, Didymus the Blind, J e r o m e ' s teacher, lost the light of his eyes at the age of five, which did not prevent him f r o m writing an impressive n u m b e r of biblical commentaries. 6 Even in m o d e r n times, such m n e m o n i c achievements have not died out. T h e Jewish scholar J u d a h L. Palache, who was appointed as a Professor of O l d Testam e n t studies at the University of A m s t e r d a m in 1924, did not need to take a copy of the Biblia H e b r a i c a with him when lecturing, since he knew the entire O l d T e s t a m e n t by heart. 7 T o return to the early Christians, not only the well-educated a m o n g them, but also the illiterate majority was able to gain a close acquaintance with the biblical texts, with which they were m a d e familiar in in catechesis a n d , still m o r e so, in worship, where it was usual to read Scripture in long segments. 8

‫נ‬ S. Lieberman, Hellenism in Jewish Palestine: Studies in the Literaiy Transmission, Beliefs and Manners of Palestine in the I Century B. C.E.—IV Century C.E. (Texts and Studies of the

Jewish Theological Seminary of America 18; New York, 5722—1962), p. 52 (with references). Cf. also B. Gerhardsson, Memory and Manuscript: Oral Tradition and Written Transmission in Rabbinic Judaism and Early Christianity (Acta Seminarii Neotestamenrici

Upsaliensis 22; Lund and Copenhagen, 1961), pp. 62-65, 95-96, 122-126. 6

See G.W. Marchai, Didymus de Blinde en zijn interpretatie van het boek Job, Diss.

Utrecht (Sneek, 1977), pp. 45-46. 7 M.A. Beek, "Levensbericht over de auteur", in J.L. Palache, Inleiding in de Talmoed (Volksuniversiteitsbibliotheek 2,51; Haarlem, 19542), pp. vii-xii, esp. p. χ; B. Dicou, "Het propaedeutisch onderwijs in het bijbels Hebreeuws aan de Gemeentelijke Universiteit van Amsterdam. Van de oprichring van de Universiteit tot de Tweede Wereldoorlog (1877-1940)", in K.A. Deurloo and F.J. Hoogewoud (eds.), Beginnen bij de letter Beth: Opstellen over het Bijbels Hebreeuws en de Hebreeuwse Bijbel voor Dr Aleida G. van Daalen, leesmoeder in Amsterdam (Kampen, 1985), pp. 17-26, esp. pp. 21, 22. 8

Cf. Gamble (n. 3) pp. 8, 141, 205, 333 n. 104.

Work on the text T h e patristic age witnessed a variety of efforts to keep the Bible text in its purity, to unravel its obscurities a n d to make it accessible to new groups. T h e topic deserves a book of its own. H e r e we can only present a n u m b e r of activities.

1. Textual criticism: the H e x a p l a Greek-speaking Christians read the Jewish Bible in its Greek translation, c o m m o n l y called the Septuagint, a n d their brethren in the West, at least in the first centuries, used a Latin translation of the Septuagint, a translation of a translation. T h i s was not felt to be a problem. T h e Septuagint was widely believed to be an inspired book, 9 a n d it was also used by the Jews, especially those living in the Diaspora. Nevertheless, difficulties might arise. T h e fact is, in discussions with Jewish scholars, the Christians would remonstrate over passages taken f r o m the Old T e s t a m e n t . This, however, was a tricky business. Since they h a d n o c o m m a n d of H e b r e w a n d consequently quoted f r o m the Septuagint, they might be accused of distorting the Bible a n d using fake passages. 10 Indeed, Septuagint renderings might be incorrect, but, in addition, the H e b r e w Bible text of the first Christian centuries differred seriously in certain places f r o m the H e brew text which h a d been the Vorlage used by the Septuagint translators. 1 ' 9

Cf. M. Harl, G. Dorival and O. Munnich, Bible grecque des Septante du judaïsme

hellénistique au christianisme ancien (Initiations au christianisme ancien; [Paris], 1988),

pp. 41, 46-47, 289, 294-295, and in particular C. Perrot, "L'inspiration des Septante et le pouvoir scripturaire", in G. Dorival and O. Munnich (eds.), Κατά τους ο'. Selon les Septante: Trente études sur la Bible grecque des Septante en hommage à Marguerite Harl (Paris,

1995), pp. 169-183, who also lists the earlier literature. 10

Cf. M. Simon, Verus Israel: Étude sur Us relations entre chrétiens et Juifs dans l'Empire

romain (135-425) (Paris, 19642), pp. 184-185; N.R.M. de Lange, Origen and the Jews: Studies in Jewish-Christian Relations in Third-Century Palestine (University of Cambridge

Oriental Publications 25; Cambridge etc., 1976), pass.; P. Nautin, Origène: Sa vie et son mane (Christianisme antique 1; Paris, 1977), p. 346; E. Würthwein, Der Text des Alten Testaments: Eine Einführung in die Biblia Hebraica (Stuttgart, 1988 5 ), p. 63; Harl—Dori-

val—Munnich (n. 9) pp. 122-125, 164-165, 290; H. Schreckenberg, Die christlichen Adversus-Judaeos-Texte und ihr literarisches und historisches Umfeld (1.-11.Jh..) (Europäische

Hochschulschriften 23.172; Frankfurt on the Main etc., 19953), p. 330. 11

See Ε. Τ ο ν , Textual Criticism of the Hebrew Bible (Minneapolis and A s s e n / M a a s tricht, 1992), p. 142; G. Veltri, Eine Tora fur den König Talmai: Untersuchungen zum Übersetzungsverständnis in der jüdisch-hellenistischen und rabbinischen Literatur (Texte und Stu-

dien zum Antiken Judentum 41; Tübingen, 1994), pp. 22-112.

T h i s p r o b l e m was tackled in a radical way by the great thirdcentury theologian Origen. Feeling the need of a direct comparison between the H e b r e w text a n d the Septuagint, he devised a tool that presented b o t h texts in a synoptic a r r a n g e m e n t ; for reasons that will presently b e c o m e clear, this work went down in history as the Hexapla, the Sixfold. H o w did he proceed? 1 2 H e divided his parchm e n t into six columns a n d filled t h e m in f r o m the left to the right as follows: in the first column he wrote the H e b r e w text current in his day, 1 3 in the second one the same text in Greek transliteration, in the third o n e a most literal Greek translation f r o m H e b r e w , m a d e c. A.D. 130 by Aquila, in the fourth o n e a still m o r e recent translation, in better Greek, by S y m m a c h u s . Aquila a n d S y m m a c h u s were Greekspeaking Jews. 1 4 T h e s e four columns collectively provided all the inf o r m a t i o n o n e needed: the H e b r e w text in H e b r e w a n d Greek characters a n d Greek translations, both literal a n d free, in o r d e r to reflect the f o r m as well as the tenor of the original. T h e r e were, however, still a fifth a n d a sixth c o l u m n . O f these, the fifth was filled by the Septuagint. As I remarked already, the Septuagint sometimes diverged f r o m the H e b r e w text of O r i g e n ' s time. T h i s was carefully m a r k e d . If a piece of text was absent f r o m the Septuagint, he filled the gap, putting an asterisk before it. T h e opposite case, a piece of 12

For the following, details may be found in Nautin (n. 10) 303-361; N. Fernández Marcos, Introducciôn a las versiones griegas de la Biblia (Textos y Estudios «Cardenal Cisneros» 23; Madrid, 1979), pp. 191-2Í1; Harl—Dorival—Munnich (n. 9) pp. 162168. There is an interesting survey on "Tabular presentation in antiquity and in nineteenth-century classical philology" in J. Mansfeld and D.T. Runia, Aëtiana: The Method and Intellectual Context of a Doxographer, I, The Sources (Philosophia Antiqua 73;

Leiden, New York and Cologne, 1997), pp. 111-120 (p. I l l on the Hexapla). 13 It is still a matter of dispute whether Origen made himself familiar with Hebrew or whether he relied for that language on Jewish assistants. Whereas G. Sgherri, "A proposito di Origene e la lingua ebraica", Augustinianum 14, 1974, pp. 223-257, argues for a serious knowledge of Hebrew on Origen's part, Nautin (n. 10) pp. 336337, D. Barthélémy, Études d'histoire du texte de l'Ancien Testament (Orbis Biblicus et

Orientalis 21; Fribourg and Göttingen, 1978), pp. 162-163, 210, followed by Harl— Dorival—Munnich (n. 9) p. 290, denies him any familiarity with it. N.R.M. de Lange (η. 10) pp. 21-23, 152-154, Fernández Marcos (η. 12) pp. 191-193 and Β. Neuschäfer, Chigenes als Philologe (Schweizerische Beiträge zur Altertumswissenschaft 18,1-2; Basel, 1987), pp. 95-96, are somewhere in between. 14 The problems related to the texts of Aquila and Symmachus as well as Theodotion presendy to be mentioned cannot be unfolded here. See E. Schürer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ (175 B.C.-A.D. 135): A New English Version Revised and Edited by G. Vermes, F. Millar, M. Goodman, III. 1 (Edinburgh, 1986),

pp. 493-504 (Aquila and Theodotion only); Harl—Dorival—Munnich (n. 9) pp. 142157; Τον (η. 11) pp. 145-147.

Septuagint text lacking in the H e b r e w , he m a r k e d with a n obelus. Finally, in the sixth c o l u m n , he placed the translation by T h e o d o t i o n , a Jewish translation f r o m the middle of the first century A.D. Actually, it is not so m u c h a n e w translation as a revision of the Septuagint text according to the H e b r e w . In this way O r i g e n established a magnificent d o c u m e n t a t i o n , which enabled Christian scholars to inform themselves a b o u t the omissions in a n d the additions to the Septuagint, a b o u t the H e b r e w text, in transliteration if desired, a n d a b o u t the exact content of that H e b r e w text b o t h in a literal reproduction a n d in a readable rendering. Given the fact that this work comprised six O l d T e s t a m e n t s written side by side a n d that the writing was d o n e in not too small characters a n d without abbreviations worthy of m e n t i o n , this Hexapla clearly filled m a n y codices; it has been calculated to have consisted of at least 6,500 pages. 1 5 C o n s e q u e n t l y it must have been a very expensive production, which was preserved in the library in C a e s a r e a a n d probably was never •copied in its entirety. 1 6 Partial transcriptions, however, were m a d e , a n d a large p a r t of the Psalms has been recovered. A century a n d a half later J e r o m e could still consult the Hexapla b u t afterwards the ravages of time caused its irretrievable loss. 17 T a k e n altogether, it was a philological achievement of a stature which reminds one of the great polyglot Bible editions of the sixteenth a n d seventeenth centuries.

2. Comparing the gospels: Eusebius‫ י‬synoptic system O n e of the basic tools we use in studying the differences a n d agreements between the gospels is the synopsis, which presents the texts in parallel columns. Christian Antiquity h a d to d o without this tool but did use a n o t h e r one, known as the c a n o n s of Eusebius. Its a u t h o r is the well-known C h u r c h historian a n d biblical scholar Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, w h o lived f r o m c. 260 to c. 340. His aim was to

15

H.B. Swete—R.R. Ottley, An Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek (Cambridge, 1914 = New York, 1968), p. 74. 16 Swete—Otdey (n. 15) pp. 74, 76. Cf. G. Cavallo, "Scuola, scriptorium, biblioteca a Cesarea" in id. (ed.), Le biblioteche nel mondo antico e medievale (Biblioteca Universale Laterza 250; Rome and Bari, 1988), pp. 65-78, esp. p. 71. 17

Cf. F. Field, Origenis Hexaplorum quae supersunt, I (Oxford, 1875 = Hildesheim,

1964), pp. xcviii-ci ("De fatis Hexaplorum post Origenis obitum"); Cavallo (n. 16) pp. 72-75.

devise a system indicating, for each section of a given gospel, which sections in the o t h e r gospels, if any, corresponded with it. 18 T o begin with, he d e m a r c a t e d a n d n u m b e r e d the sections. T h e r e are 335 sections in M a t t h e w , 236 in M a r k , 342 in Luke, a n d 232 in J o h n . H e wrote the n u m b e r s d o w n in the margins. T h e n he established a chart showing the correspondences between the sections of the different gospels. H e organized his material in ten lists of possible combinations (these are the 'canons of Eusebius'). T h e first c a n o n offers the sections occurring in all of the gospels. C a n o n s 2 to 4 list the sections shared by three gospels: c a n o n 2 M a t t h e w , M a r k a n d Luke, c a n o n 3 M a t t h e w , Luke a n d J o h n , a n d c a n o n 4 M a t t h e w , M a r k a n d J o h n . T h e fifth to ninth canons contain the sections occurring in two out of the f o u r gospels: 5 M a t t h e w — L u k e , 6 M a t t h e w — Mark, 7 Matthew—John, 8 Luke—Mark, and 9 Luke—John. T h e tenth a n d last c a n o n contains the sections occurring in only o n e of the gospels. 19 T h u s each section belongs to o n e a n d only one of the ten canons. T h e n u m b e r of this c a n o n is a p p e n d e d to the section n u m b e r s in the margins of the text. For instance, Luke 11.5-8, has 124 as its section n u m b e r ; it does not correspond to a section in a n y of the other gospels, so it belongs to c a n o n 10. T h i s is indicated: 124.10. Students of the gospels were thus spared the trouble of looking u p the tables to see if there were corresponding sections: section 10 contains the Sondergut. Conversely, Luke 20.1-8 is n u m b e r e d 240, which belongs to c a n o n 2 (Matthew, M a r k , Luke). A glance at the tables reveals that it corresponds to section 217 of M a t t h e w , which is M a t t . 21.23-27 in o u r m o d e m n u m b e r i n g , a n d section 127 of M a r k , which is M a r k 11.27-33. Eusebius' c a n o n s were to have a lasting success; they are a d d e d to countless gospel manuscripts b o t h in Greek, Syriac etc., a n d Latin.' 20 Even n o w they are regarded as being sufficiently useful to print t h e m in the leading N e w T e s t a m e n t edition by Nestle a n d Aland. 18 For the following, cf. Κ. and Β. Aland, The Text of the New Testament: An Introduction to the Critical Editions and to the Theory and Practice of Modem Textual Criticism (Grand

Rapids and Leiden, 1987), pp. 174, 247-248, 250-251; F.L. Cross and E.A. Livingstone (eds.), The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church (Oxford, 19973), p. 574; Mansfeld—Runia (n. 12) pp. 115-116. 19 In the canons of three gospels (2 to 4) and those of two gospels (5 to 9), one combination each is lacking: that of Mark, Luke and John and that of John and Mark, respectively, for the simple reason that these combinations do not occur in the New Testament. 20

B. Bischoff, Latin Palaeography: Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1990), pp.

188, 209.

3. Biblical

idiom: Hadrian's

Introduction

I n t h e first h a l f o f t h e fifth c e n t u r y , a n i m p o r t a n t r e f e r e n c e w o r k f o r b i b l i c a l l a n g u a g e a n d style s a w t h e light, t h e Ε ι σ α γ ω γ ή ε ι ς τ ά ς θ ε ί α ς γ ρ α φ ά ς b y t h e G r e e k m o n k H a d r i a n . 2 1 It is n o t w h a t w e w o u l d call a n ' I n t r o d u c t i o n to t h e Bible', b u t a well-organised survey of biblical w o r d s a n d t u r n s o f p h r a s e . It c o n t a i n s m a n y s t r i k i n g r e m a r k s

and

testifies t o t h e i n t i m a t e k n o w l e d g e C h r i s t i a n e x e g e t e s h a d o f t h e p e culiarities of biblical l a n g u a g e . T h u s H a d r i a n points o u t t h a t Scripture often has the v e r b in the f u t u r e w h e r e w e should expect a n aorist a n d v i c e v e r s a (§96), w h i c h is o n e o f t h e m o r e r e m a r k a b l e S e m i t i s m s of t h e Septuagint.22 T h e a u t h o r h a s also a subtle feeling for t h e senses a w o r d c a n h a v e . L e t u s t a k e h i s d i s c u s s i o n o f σ ά ρ ξ a s a n e x a m p l e (§ 92): Often the word 'flesh' is used. This may be meant in its physical sense, as in 'They have given the flesh of thy holy ones for the wild beasts of the earth' (Ps. 78.2), or to indicate wickedness, as in 'My Spirit shall certainly not remain a m o n g these men forever, because they are flesh' (Gen. 6.4), or to indicate mortality, as in 'And he remembered that they are flesh; a wind that passes away' (Ps. 77.39), and 'All flesh is grass' (Is. 40.6). Likewise the Apostle says 'Even if we once knew Christ according to the flesh' (2 Cor. 5.16), i.e. in his mortal form, and as in 'In the days when he was in the flesh' (Heb. 5.7) and 'Flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God' (1 Cor. 15.50) and 'Insofar as I now live in the flesh, I live by faith' (Gal. 2.20), or in the sense of kinship, as with Hosea 'My flesh is of them' (Hos. 9.12) and 'Behold, we are thy bone and thy flesh, yesterday and the third day' (2 Kings [= 2 Sam.] 5.1-2), and 'Ye are my brethren, ye are my bones and my flesh' (2 Kings [= 2 Sam.] 19.12) and, as is said to Amessai, 'Art thou not my bone and my flesh?'

21

See F. Goessling, Adrians Εισαγωγή εις τάς θείας γραφάς aus neu aufgefundenen

Handschriften herausgegeben, übersetzt und erläutert (Berlin, 1887), pp. 1-68; G. Mercati, "Pro Adriano", Revue Biblique Internationale 11, 1914, pp. 246-255 and in id., Opere

Minori III (Studi e Testi 78; Vatican City, 1937), pp. 383-392; C. Schäublin, Untersuchungen zu Methode und Herkunft der antiochenischen Exegese (Theophaneia 23; Cologne

and Bonn, 1974), p. 138 n. 222. 22

F.W. Mozley, The Psalter of the Church: The Septuagint Psalms Compared with the

Hebrew, with Various Notes (Cambridge, 1905), pp. xvi-xvii. This phenomenon also makes itself felt in the Latin Bible translations, cf. F. Kaulen, Sprachliches Handbuch zur biblischen Vulgata: Eine systematische Darstellung ihres lateinischen Sprachcharakters (Freiburg

im Breisgau, 19042 = Hildesheim and New York, 1973), pp. 226-227; A. Blaise, Manuel du latin chrétien (Strasbourg, 1955 = Turnhout, 1986), pp. 128-129, as Jerome more than once points out, cf. G.Q.A. Meershoek, Le latin biblique d'après saint Jérôme: Aspects linguistiques de la rencontre entre la Bible et le monde classique (Latinitas Christia-

norum Primaeva 20; Nijmegen and Utrecht, 1966), p. 24.

(2 Kings [= 2 S a m . ] 19.13) and 'In order to make m y race [litt, 'flesh'] jealous' (Rom. 11.14).

A m o d e r n lexicographer would not need to be a s h a m e d of such a survey. A m o n g the figures of speech, he discusses the hyperbole, illustrâting his exposition with, inter alia, the following texts (§121): 'It is easier for a camel to pass t h r o u g h the eye of a needle' (Matt. 19.24), 'If your right eye causes you to sin, tear it o u t ' (Matt. 5.29), ' N o t the smallest letter or the smallest part of a letter will pass f r o m the law' (Matt. 5.18). T h i s is good evidence for an exegetical practice of trying to u n d e r s t a n d w h a t a text has to say instead of explaining away seemingly strange statements by allegorising or o t h e r means.

4. Translation: the Vulgate In the Greek world, Christians could use the Bible translations m a d e by Jews; w h e n p r e p a r i n g his Hexapla, O r i g e n did not need to translate personally. 111 the Latin West, things were different. T h e r e m a y have been Jewish translations of the Bible into Latin; this is still a m a t t e r of dispute. 2 3 In a n y case, f r o m the second century onwards, Latin Christians have p r o d u c e d translations, b o t h of the O l d T e s t a m e n t , i.e. the Septuagint, a n d of the N e w T e s t a m e n t . T h e s e were partial ones, m a d e in different places a n d times by people u n k n o w n to us. T o g e t h e r they are called the ' O l d Latin Versions'. T h e y h a d different drawbacks: their stylistic level, their obscurities, the text f r o m which they were m a d e , their irritating m u t u a l differences. T o overcome these inconveniences, Pope D a m a s u s commissioned J e r o m e in c. 382 to revise the biblical text. 24 J e r o m e started work in 383 a n d corrected the O l d Latin text of the f o u r Gospels in a c c o r d a n c e with the Greek; he also revised a n u m b e r of O l d T e s t a m e n t books according to the 23

See V. Colorni, "L'uso del greco neUa liturgia del giudaismo ellenistico e la Novella 146 di Giusriniano", Annali di Storia del Dintlo 8, 1964, pp. 19-80, esp. pp. 7578; G. Quispel, "African Christianity before Minucius Felix and Tertullian", in J. den Boeft and A.H.M. Kessels (eds.), Actus: Studies in Honour of H.L. W. Nelson (Utrecht, 1982), pp. 257-335, esp. pp. 260-265; B. Kedar, "The Latin Translations", in M.J. Mulder (ed.), Mikra: Text, Translation, Reading and Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in

Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity (Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum 2,1; Assen/Maastricht and Philadelphia, 1988), pp. 299-338, esp. pp. 308-311, 337. 24 For details of Jerome's work, see Kedar (n. 23) pp. 313-338; D. Brown, Vir Trihnguis: A Study in the Biblical Exegesis of Saint Jerome (Kampen, 1992), pp. 87-120; C.

Brown Tkacz, "Labor tarn utilis: The Creation of the Vulgate", Vigiliae Christianae 50, 1996, pp. 42-72.

Septuagint. 2 5 In c. 390 h e c h a n g e d his tack, translating the O l d Test a m e n t directly f r o m the H e b r e w a n d in a m u c h freer style t h a n the O l d Latin h a d done. T h e j o b was finished in 405. It resulted in a text which eventually was called the Vulgate a n d was to remain the official text of the Catholic C h u r c h until April 27, 1979. 26 T h i s translation, the only ancient Bible version which is the work of o n e person, is a n achievement which measures u p to Origen's Hexapla. Unlike Origen, J e r o m e h a d to d o with not one foreign Ianguage, the H e b r e w , but two, Greek a n d H e b r e w . K n o w l e d g e of Greek was not too exceptional a m o n g educated Latin speaking Christians of the fourth a n d fifth centuries, although n o less a brain t h a n Augustine h a d his difficulties with it. H e b r e w , however, was a different matter. According to his own statements, J e r o m e familiarized himself with H e b r e w , helped by a Jewish teacher. 2 7 But can we trust his assertions? J e r o m e was able to consult the Hexapla a n d thus take cognizance of the H e b r e w text, the Septuagint (which did n o t always agree with the Hebrew) a n d three later Jewish versions, those by Aquila, S y m m a c h u s a n d T h e o d o t i o n , which h a d been a d d e d because, together, they gave a n exact impression of the H e b r e w text. If, however, Aquila, S y m m a c h u s a n d T h e o d o t i o n f o r m , so to speak, a replica of the H e b r e w text, w h y shouldn't o n e base the Latin translation u p o n this trio, thus sparing oneself the trouble of rendering f r o m H e b r e w , which, after all, is a n exotic a n d difficult language? Indeed, there are occasional indications of J e r o m e proceeding in this way. 2 8 Nevertheless, we m a y be certain that he did master H e b r e w . T h i s comes to light both f r o m a careful study of his translation a n d f r o m the m a n y philological remarks in his o t h e r writings. Indeed, J e r o m e expresses himself frequently on translation questions in his biblical c o m m e n t a r i e s a n d his letters, a n d we c a n n o t take o u r leave of him before pointing to the fact that he also gave his theoretical views on the art of translating. Particularly his 57th Letter, superscribed Liber de optimo genere interpretanda which is a treatise of ten 25

After Origen's Hexaplaric version. Little of it has been preserved, only Job and the Psalter, but the latter has become the official version of liturgy (the 'Gallican Psalter'). 26 W. Baars, "Exit Vulgata: Nabetrachting bij een Bijbelvertaling", Ned.erla.nds Theologisch Tijdschúfi 35, 1981, pp. 101-110, esp. p. 101. 27

Actually, a monk of Jewish origin; cf. Kedar (n. 23) p. 315.

28

Cf. C. Estin, Les Psautiers de Jérôme à la lumière des traductions juives antérieures (Col-

lectanea Biblica Latina 15; Rome, 1984), pp. 25, 29-30, 37 and my review in Journal for the Study of Judaism 17, 1986, pp. 245-248.

closely printed pages on the subject matter, is a n i m p o r t a n t a n d interesting contribution. In it, J e r o m e includes a discussion of the translation technique in classical literature. His overall aim is to advocate a certain f r e e d o m of rendering. 2 9

5. Exegesis: Origen on Matthew

27.45

It is impossible to do justice to the heart of patristic Bible studies, the explanation of the text, in the compass of a section of an article. T h e r e f o r e , an exposition of patristic doctrine of the multiple sense of Scripture, or a discussion of the Alexandrian a n d A n t i o c h e n e Schools, c a n n o t be undertaken here. Instead, I shall present a sample of exegetical activity by one of the masters in the field, Origen, namely, his treatment of M a t t h e w 27.45. 3 0 T h a t verse, part of the description of Jesus' d e a t h o n the cross, runs as follows: From noon onward, darkness came over the whole land until three in the afternoon. ' Α π ό δε της έκτης ώρας σκότος έγένετο έπι π ά σ α ν την γ ή ν εως ώρας ενάτης.

O r i g e n begins by stating that the enemies of the gospel have claimed that, if this miracle h a d h a p p e n e d , it would have been recorded in chronicles. In reality, they argue, the gospel text suggests a solar eclipse, but a n eclipse c a n n o t have h a p p e n e d the day of Jesus' d e a t h , because there was a full m o o n then a n d at full m o o n the m o o n is, seen f r o m earth, fully sunlit, which would be impossible at a solar eclipse, for then the m o o n is exactly between the sun a n d earth a n d is invisible f r o m the earth. S o m e Christians, O r i g e n remarks, try to reject this sort of criticism by denying that the event in question allows a natural explanation: according to t h e m , it is a miracle. H e 29

There is a text edition with a full commentary by G.J.M. Bartelink, Hieronymus,

Liber de optima genere interpretandi (Epistula 57): Ein Kommentar (Mnemosyne, Supple-

mentum 61; Leiden, 1980). 30 Edition: E. Klostermann, Origenes: Werke, XI.2, Die Matthäuserklärung: II. Teil: Die lateinische Übersetzung der Commentariorum series (Die Griechischen Christlichen Schrift-

steller 38; Leipzig, 1933), pp. 271-278. For a annotated German translation, see H.J. Vogt, Origenes: Der Kommentar zum Evangelium nach Mattäus, III, Die Commentariorum Series

(Bibliothek der griechischen Literatur 38; Stuttgart, 1993), pp. 333-338, 366-367. Earlier, Origen had given a different explanation, see G. Sgherri, "Eclissi di sole alia passione? Una nota sulTimpulsività origeniana e sulla cronologia di due opere", in H. Crouzel and A. Quacquarelli (eds.), Origeniana Secundo: Second colloque international des études origéniennes (Ban, 20-23 septembre 1977) (Quaderni di «Vetera Christianorum»

15; s.l., 1980), pp. 357-362.

himself prefers a different a p p r o a c h , well aware that the critics will not be impressed by the reference to a miracle. According to him, M a t t h e w a n d the parallel passage in M a r k 15.33 d o not speak at all of a solar eclipse, so there is n o need to suppose there was one. T h e same applies to the version with Luke, 23.44-45, which runs: It was n o w about n o o n and darkness c a m e over the whole land until three in the afternoon and the sun was darkened. Και ή ν ήδη ώσει ώ ρ α εκτη και σκότος έγένετο ε φ ' ολην την γ ή ν εως ώ ρ α ς ενάτης και έσκοτίσθη ό ήλιος.

Admittedly, this gospel has a variant: 'because of an eclipse of the sun', τ ο ύ ήλιου έκλιπόντος, instead of ' a n d the sun was darkened', κ α ι έσκοτίσθη ό ήλιος, b u t this variant, O r i g e n feels, m a y either have been introduced by a n innocent Christian w h o m e a n t to m a k e the text clearer or, m o r e probably, the attackers of Christ's C h u r c h have p e r p e t r a t e d it in o r d e r to m a k e fools of the Christians. 3 1 Personally, he takes the view that there was n o eclipse but a n extremely heavy cloud. Moreover, he adds, this darkness was p r o b a b l y restricted to J e r u s a l e m , just like the o t h e r signs occurring then: the tearing of the veil in the T e m p l e , the e a r t h q u a k e , the splitting of the rocks a n d the o p e n i n g of the tombs. T h i s refutes the o t h e r objection at the same time, n a m e l y that the darkness is not m e n t i o n e d by chroniclers, for it was only a local event. T h e darkness, O r i g e n continues, has a symbolic m e a n i n g . It indicates the obscuration of the Jews, w h o laid violent h a n d s on Jesus, the true light. It lasted three hours; the world r e m a i n e d ht, only the Jewish land was darkened. After the three hours, light again c a m e over the Jews. T h i s is w h a t is said in R o m a n s 11.25-26: A hardening has c o m e upon Israel in part, until the full number of the Gentiles c o m e s in, and thus all Israel will be saved, as it is written: T h e deliverer will c o m e out of Zion, he will turn away godlessness from Jacob.

Finally, O r i g e n answers the question why the darkness lasted three hours. T h i s is because the Jews, on account of their sins, are deprived 31

The reading και έσκοτίσθη ό ήλιος has good manuscript evidence; it is also the one of the Textus Receptus and the Vulgate. Nesde and Nesde-Aland prefer the other one, cf. the argument in favour of it as formulated by B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary on the Greek ‫״‬Afew Testament (Stuttgart, 19753), p. 182: 'The words και έσκοτίσθη ό ήλιος ("the sun was darkened") appear to be the easier reading, substitu ted by copyists for του ήλιου έκλιπόντος [or έκλείποντος], which may mean either "the sun's light failed" or "the sun was eclipsed".'

of the light of three hours: the light of G o d the Father, the radiation of Christ (cf. H e b . 1.3) a n d the illumination by the Holy Spirit. Several features of this exposition catch the eye. Origen does not content himself with execrating o p p o n e n t s , b u t rather tries to offer a reasoned interpretation. In doing so, he displays erudition, b o t h in the field of Jewish m a t t e r s — t h e observing of Passover at full m o o n — a n d of cosmology—the m u t u a l positions of sun, m o o n , a n d earth. H e shows himself well-versed in textual criticism, a n d he has the right exegetical feeling that the darkness at Jesus' death must have a m e a n ing, otherwise it would have been left u n m e n t i o n e d . As a true Alexandrian, he offers an allegorical explanation: the three hours refer to the Trinity, as well as a typological one: the spiritual darkening of the J e w s will c o m e to an end. Finally, he associates the passage u n d e r discussion with passages in o t h e r biblical books, of which the Letter to the R o m a n s is only the most conspicuous.

6. Relevance of the Mosaic Law: the Epistle of Ptolemy to Flora T h e Bible was also studied in Christian Gnostic circles, a n eloquent example of which is the Epistle of Ptolemy to Flora, transmitted in the work of Epiphanius, Panarion 33.3-8. 32 Gnosticism makes a radical separation between the heavenly world of light a n d this imperfect earthly world. T h e former, the pleroma, is the realm of the perfect s u p r e m e god, the latter is u n d e r the sway of the wicked D e m i u r g e or creator god. F o r Christian Gnostics, the perfect s u p r e m e god is the one Jesus has m a d e known to us (cf. J o h n 1.18), whereas the D e m i u r g e is the god of the O l d T e s t a m e n t . Between this view a n d the ordinary Christian vision in which the G o d of the O l d T e s t a m e n t is the one Jesus has m a d e k n o w n to us, Ptolemy takes u p a middle position. H e distinguishes three figures: the perfect all-good god, the imperfect b u t righteous creator god or D e m i u r g e , a n d the thoroughly wicked Devil. O n this basis, Ptolemy develops a vision of the O l d Testament. T h e L a w of Moses, he argues, is divisible into three m a i n parts, n a m e l y the law of god, the supplements by Moses, a n d the c o m m a n d m e n t s of the elders. T h e L a w of god c a n n o t c o m e f r o m the 32

Separate edition: G. Quispel, Ptolémée, Lettre à Flora: Analyse, ·texte critique, traduc-

tion, commentaire et index grec (SC 24 bis; Paris, 1966). Cf. also Β.A. Pearson, "Use,

Authority and Exegesis of Mikra in Gnostic literature", in Mulder (n. 23) pp. 635652, esp. pp. 644-645.

perfect all-good god, for the law is imperfect a n d the imperfect cannot c o m e f r o m the perfect. So it comes f r o m the creator god. In turn, it m a y be subdivided into three parts, firstly the Decalogue, which contains the p u r e law of god (that is to say, the imperfect b u t righteous god), secondly the p a r t that has to be taken only symbolically, for instance, circumcision as circumcision of the heart, a n d thirdly the p a r t linked with injustice, like the ius talionis, 'eye for eye, tooth for tooth'. T h e second m a i n part, the supplements by Moses, comprises such rules as the right of d r a w i n g u p a writ of dismissal, of which Jesus said that Moses wrote this c o m m a n d m e n t because the J e w s were so u n teachable (cf. M a r k 10.1-12). T h e third m a i n part, the c o m m a n d m e n t of the elders, refers to such traditions as the C o r b a n , which for religious reasons released one f r o m m a i n t a i n i n g one's parents. T h i s was also disputed by Jesus (cf. M a r k 7.8-13). Practically speaking, this evaluation of the O l d T e s t a m e n t legislation was generally accepted a m o n g Christians, not just Christian Gnostics. O n l y the theoretical f o u n d a t i o n is different; n o m a i n s t r e a m Christian would have conceded that the L a w comes f r o m a lower god a n d contains w r o n g elements. 3 3

7. Tricky questions: Pseudo-Caesarius'

Έρωταποκρίσεις

It was inevitable that Christians with a b a c k g r o u n d of Greek thinking should be struck by the contradictions a n d obscurities in the Bible. H o w did they tackle t h e m ? M u c h evidence of this m a y be f o u n d in the continuous c o m m e n t a r i e s on biblical books, but there are also works that concentrate on the separate questions; o n e of these is the f o u r books of ' Ερωταποκρίσεις, questions allegedly p u t to a n d answered by Caesarius, the b r o t h e r of Gregory of Nazianzus. In reality, the work seems to date f r o m the middle of the sixth century b u t it m a y incorporate m u c h older material. 3 4 Again, in o r d e r to give an impression of it, we have to confine ourselves to a specimen. In question 135, the disciple seems to h e a r a discrepancy between state33 Cf. W. Horbury, "Old Testament Interpretation in the Writings of the Church Fathers", in Mulder (n. 23) pp. 727-787, esp. pp. 758-761. 34 Edition: R. Riedinger, Pseudo-Kaisarios, Die Erotapokriseis (Die Griechischen Christlichen Schriftsteller; Berlin, 1989). Cf. id., Pseudo-Kaisarios: Überlieferungsgeschichte und Verfassefrage (Byzantinisches Archiv 12; Munich, 1969); W. Lackner, "Beobachtungen zum Wortschatz des Pseudo-Kaisarios", in W. Hörandner—E. Trapp (eds.),

Lexicographica Byzantina: Beiträge zum Symposion zur byzantinischen Lexikographie (Wien,

4.3.1989) (Byzantina Vindobonensia 20; Vienna, 1991), pp. 207-217.

1./

m e n t s of D a v i d o n t h e o n e h a n d a n d those of his son S o l o m o n o n t h e o t h e r . T h e q u e s t i o n r u n s as follows: David thinks meanly of man and disparages him by saying in the eighth Psalm: Lord, what is man, that thou art mindful of him? (Ps. 8.5), and in the thirty-eighth Psalm: N a y every man is in vain (Ps. 38.12), 35 and in the one-hundred-and-forty-third Psalm: Lord, what is man, that thou art made known to him? or the son of man, that thou takest account of him? M a n is like to vanity (Ps. 143.3-4). But his son, Solomon, magnifies man and exalts him by saying: M a n is valuable and precious (Prov. 20.6). If then he is at variance with his father, how shall the rest of the prophets be in harmony? W h i c h is a n s w e r e d a s f o l l o w s : Nothing of this is able to show that the words of these God-revealing men are at variance, provided they are discussed with zeal for knowledge and contemplated attentively without stupid judgement. For action is an entrance to contemplation. Well then, the one sets your nature before the mind, the other the dignity which we have received from the God of the universe to a greater degree than every other creature, since we are made by divine hands. O p e n the first volume of Moses and you will be instructed concerning both: God took dust of the earth and he formed the man and breathed upon his face the breath of life (Gen. 2.7). In 'he took' and 'he formed 1 , man's dignity may be known, since this is said on account of none of the creatures apart from man only. And in 'dust taken of the earth', we are instructed on the insignificance of our nature, since we are earth and dust, worthless matter that is easy to dissolve. T w o f e a t u r e s o f t h i s f r a g m e n t strike t h e m i n d . First o f all, t h e a p p r o a c h f o l l o w e d is a t o m i s t i c , so t o s p e a k . B o t h t h e q u e s t i o n a n d t h e a n s w e r c o n c e n t r a t e o n isolated passages, regardless of the i m m e d i a t e context. T h u s the

first

c i t a t i o n , P s a l m 8 . 5 , is f o l l o w e d b y

'Thou

m a d e s t h i m a little less t h a n a n g e l s , t h o u h a s t c r o w n e d h i m

with

g l o r y a n d h o n o u r ; a n d t h o u h a s t set h i m o v e r t h e w o r k s o f t h y h a n d s : t h o u h a s t p u t all t h i n g s u n d e r h i s f e e t ' (Ps. 8 . 6 - 7 ) , w h i c h , i n itself, suffices to take the e d g e off t h e objection.36 Similarly, t h e assertion t h a t G o d is s a i d t o h a v e ' t a k e n ' a n d ' f o r m e d ' w h e n c r e a t i n g

man

a l o n e is flatly c o n t r a d i c t e d i n G e n . 2 . 1 9 : ' A n d G o d f o r m e d y e t f a r t h e r o u t o f t h e e a r t h all t h e w i l d b e a s t s o f t h e field, a n d all t h e b i r d s o f t h e s k y . ' F u r t h e r m o r e t h e t e c h n i q u e o f r e f u t i n g is i n t e r e s t i n g ; w e 35

The text follows the reading of MSS. A and S, which omit ταράσσεται. This disregard for context appears already in the New Testament and the Dead Sea Scrolls, cf. the discussion in Gamble (n. 3) pp. 25-27. 36

recognise an artifice used also in later ages. If a n offensive passage c a n n o t be r e n d e r e d harmless by logical reasoning, the master m a y try to dispose of it by setting against it o n e or m o r e passages which d o contain the desired statement. As soon, however, as o n e sees t h r o u g h this, o n e realises that he is diverting attention f r o m the irritating passage r a t h e r t h a n explaining it in a satisfactory way. W h a t a b o u t the seriousness of the questions? O f course this should not be evaluated by using o u r criteria. T h e m o d e r n Bible r e a d e r will hardly b o t h e r a b o u t the question w h e t h e r Scripture declares m a n worthless or precious. O n the o t h e r h a n d , the discussion of biblical problems has n o d o u b t stimulated critical reflection, a n d , in fact, m a n y p r o b lems are b r o u g h t u p in Pseudo-Caesarius that still challenge the acum e n of exegetes.

8. Pagan readers: the Apocriticus of Macarius Magnes As we saw in the section on exegesis, O r i g e n h a d to p a r r y opinions of outsiders o n the darkness d u r i n g Christ's death o n the cross. Such uninvited c o m m e n t s must have been voiced m u c h m o r e often, a n d Christian exegetes h a d to cope with t h e m . T h e r e f o r e it is i m p o r t a n t to have a n idea of the n a t u r e of p a g a n responses to Scripture. N o writings of p a g a n authors on the Bible have c o m e d o w n to us in their original f o r m . U n d e r s t a n d a b l y , t h o u g h unfortunately, Christian A n tiquity hardly felt called to transcribe the writings of its attackers. T h e r e is one little exception: the u n k n o w n a u t h o r of the treatise On the Sublime (Περί, ύψους), w h o lived probably in the first half of the first century A.D. a n d w h o , as a n i n d e p e n d e n t spirit, was p r e p a r e d to include n o n - G r e e k writers such as Cicero in his discussion, has a citation f r o m G e n . 1.3. Nevertheless, the C h u r c h fathers quite frequently refer to p a g a n opinions on scriptural subjects. In his collection Bib lia Gentium, Giancarlo Rinaldi offers n o less t h a n 715 such statements. 3 7 O f course, these f r a g m e n t s m a y have been distorted for apologetic reasons. Yet this d a n g e r is not too serious. Since we can study the C h u r c h fathers' practice of citing because they regularly q u o t e f r o m p a g a n texts preserved to us, we know it was usually d o n e 37 G. Rinaldi, Biblia Gentium: Primo contribute per un indice delle citazioni, dei riferimenti e dette atlusioni alla Bibbia negli autori pagani, greci e latini, di eta imperiale. A First Contribution towards an Index of Biblical Quotations, References and Allusions Made by Greek and Latin Heathen Writers of the Roman Imperial Times (Rome, 1989). Cf. also Gamble (n. 3) pp.

103, 141-142.

w i t h r e a s o n a b l e c a r e ; a n d if a c i t a t i o n is f r e e , t h i s w a s n o t d o n e i n o r d e r to t o n e d o w n hostile sounds. O n t h e c o n t r a r y , the

patristic

a u t h o r s rather seem to e n j o y copying radically anti-Christian

pas-

s a g e s ; t h e p l e a s u r e o f r e f u t i n g t h e s e t r i u m p h a n t l y is all t h e g r e a t e r . I n t h e m e a n t i m e , this yields us a rich harvest of p a g a n s t a t e m e n t s o n biblical subjects. A s a n e x a m p l e , I p r e s e n t a q u o t a t i o n t r a n s m i t t e d in t h e

Apomticus,

a w o r k w r i t t e n c. 4 0 0 b y a n o t h e r w i s e u n k n o w n M a c a r i u s M a g n e s . 3 8 It c o n t a i n s a d i s p u t e o n t h e G o s p e l o f J o h n , 6 . 5 3 , w h i c h r e a d s : A m e n , amen, I say to you, unless you eat the flesh of the Son of M a n and drink his blood, you do not have life within you. T h i s v e r s e h a s n o c o u n t e r p a r t i n t h e s y n o p t i c g o s p e l s . It elicits t h e following burning c o m m e n t : Truly this saying is not merely beast-like and absurd, but is more absurd than any absurdity, and more beast-like than any fashion of a beast, that a man should taste human flesh, and drink the blood of members of the same tribe and race, and that by doing this he should have eternal life. For, tell me, if you do this, what excess of savagery do you introduce into life? .... R u m o u r does not record—I do not say, this action, but even the mention of this strange and novel deed of impiety. T h e phantoms of the Furies never revealed this to those w h o lived in strange ways, nor would the Potidaeans have accepted it unless they had been reduced by a savage hunger. O n c e the banquet of Thyestes became such, owing to a sister's grief, and the Thracian Tereus took his fill of such food unwillingly. Harpagus was deceived by Astyages when he feasted on the flesh of his dearest, and it was against their desire that all these underwent such a pollution. But no one living in a state of peace prepared such a table in his life; no one learnt from a teacher any knowledge so foul. If you look up Scythia in the records, and go through the Macrobian Ethiopians, and if you career through the ocean girdle round about, you will find men w h o eat, live, and devour roots; you will hear of men w h o eat reptiles and feed on mice, but they refrain altogether from human flesh. What then does this saying mean? [Even if there is a mystical meaning hidden in it, yet that does not pardon the outward significance, which places men lower than the beasts. M e n have made up strange tales, but nothing so pernicious as this, with which to gull the simple.] Wherefore it seems to me that neither Mark nor Luke nor even Matthew recorded this, because they regarded the saying as not a comely one, but strange and discordant, and far re38

Edition: C. Blondel, Μακαρίου Μάγνητος ' Αποκριτικός ή Μονογενής. Macam Magnetis quae supersunt, ex inedito codice edidit (Paris, 1876). There is an English translation by T.W. Crafer, The Apocriticus of Macanus Magnes (Translations of Christian Literature, Series I: Greek Texts; London and New York, 1919).

moved from civilised life. Even you yourself could scarcely be pleased at reading it, and far less any man w h o has had the advantage of a liberal education, (trans. T . W . Crafer; the square brackets are his, indicating a summary)

Interestingly, the o p p o n e n t has checked the synoptic gospels for parallels, a n d is p r e p a r e d to m a k e the saying acceptable by searching for a mystical m e a n i n g h i d d e n in it. F u r t h e r m o r e , f r o m the evidence of this a n d similar statements, we m a y safely conclude that Christian exegetes, w h e n working o n their c o m m e n t a r i e s , were a w a r e of such fierce p a g a n reactions to biblical passages.

Scholarly standard As I h o p e to have shown, the early Christians p e r f o r m e d m o n u m e n tal achievements in the field of transmitting, editing, translating a n d explaining the biblical writings. W h a t , however, a b o u t their attitude as critics of the text? H e r e a twofold answer is in order. T h e C h u r c h fathers h a d a n eye for the p r o b l e m s inherent in Scripture. T h e y did not sweep difficulties u n d e r the c a r p e t b u t discussed t h e m in a wellreasoned way. T h e y would n o t h a v e t h o u g h t of f o r b i d d i n g the simple faithful to read the Bible. M o r e o v e r , the suggestions offered by the patristic exegetes can still r e n d e r services, a n d m a n y a biblical scholar of o u r o w n times m a y find the solutions h e t h o u g h t n e w already present in J o h n C h r y s o s t o m , Augustine or, say, the V e n e r a b l e Bede. Nevertheless, here we r u n u p against the limitations of patristic Bible scholarship. T o the early Christians, Scripture was G o d ' s word, firstly the w o r d H e spoke to Israel, b u t at the s a m e time looking a h e a d to the n e w a n d lasting c o v e n a n t , a n d t h e n the w o r d spoken in the fullness of time, to the faithful, J e w s a n d also Gentiles. T h i s view of the Bible h a d two weighty consequences: firstly, as G o d ' s word, the Bible could n o t contain a n y contradictions, a n d secondly, the O l d T e s t a m e n t was to be read in the light of the N e w T e s t a m e n t . T h i s aprioristic opinion, the basis of which we can find in the N e w Testam e n t itself, was shared by all Christians, not only of the first centuries b u t also of later ages u p to the Age of E n l i g h t e n m e n t . O n l y t h e n were eyes o p e n e d to the peculiar c h a r a c t e r of t h e biblical texts, to the widely different literary genres to which they belonged a n d to their diverging historical b a c k g r o u n d s . O n l y then was attention directed to the d e v e l o p m e n t of ideas, a n d a n awareness arose that the biblical

a u t h o r s themselves did n o t k n o w the whole Bible. Alleged contradictions a n d absurdities, r e n d e r e d harmless by allegory in f o r m e r times, n o w b e c a m e explicable by placing t h e m in their particular contexts. T h u s the m o d e r n critical scholarship of the Bible c a m e into being. T h e patristic period was i n n o c e n t of it. 39

39 I am grateful for help received from Jan Bremmer, Alexandra Gaylord-Smith, F.J. Hoogewoud, Gerard Luttikhuizen and Jacques van Ruiten.

EXAMPLE AND

DISCIPLESHIP

S O M E C O M M E N T S O N T H E BIBLICAL OF T H E EARLY CHRISTIAN OF

BACKGROUND

THEOLOGY

MARTYRDOM

B. D e h a n d s c h u t t e r

T h e reflection on m a r t y r d o m occupied m o r e t h a n a marginal place i n t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l life o f t h e E a r l y C h u r c h . 1 I n p e r i o d s o f p e r s e c u t i o n a s w e l l a s t h o s e o f pax, t h e t h e m e o f s u f f e r i n g f o r t h e C h r i s t i a n f a i t h r e t a i n e d its a c t u a l i t y C h u r c h as such.

2

it b e c a m e a p a r t o f t h e r e f l e c t i o n o n

the

T h e r e is n o n e e d t o a r g u e t h a t t h e B i b l e p l a y e d a

central role in this early C h r i s t i a n reflection.3 T h e Bible c o u l d b e r e a d a n d w a s i n d e e d r e a d as a p r o p h e t i c o r prefigurative " b o o k " o n

' The concept of "Early Church" is concentrated in this contribution on the first three centuries. It is evident that reflection on persecution and martyrdom goes far beyond this limitation. For a survey of the earliest materials, see T. Baumeister, Genese und Entfaltung der altkirchlichen Theologie des Martyriums (Bern, 1991); comp. Id., Die

Anfange der Theologie des Martyriums (MBT 45, Münster, 1980); see also B. Dehandschutter, "Le Martyre de Polycarpe et le développement de la conception du martyre au deuxième siècle", in E.A. Livingstone (ed.), Studia Patristica XVII (Oxford—New YŪrk, 1982), pp. 659-668. 2 Cf. Pamela Bright, "Origenian Understanding of Martyrdom and its Biblical Framework", in C. Kannengiesser-W.L. Petersen (eds.), Origen ofAlexandria. His World and his Legagy (Notre Dame, 1988), pp. 180-199, p. 197: "The ecclesiological implications of martyrdom for the early church can hardly be exaggerated". 5 This can be said without denying non-biblical influences on the early Christian thought, be it from philosophical and/or hellenistic origin; cf. in general A.J. Droge and J . D . Tabor, A Noble Death. Suicide and Martyrdom among Christians and Jews in Antiq-

uity (San Francisco, 1992) or for specific themes such as the "crucified just" e.g. V. Saxer, "Le 'juste crucifié1 de Platon à Théodoret", Rivista di Storia e Letteratura Religiosa 19 (1983), pp. 189-215; Pères saints et culte chrétien dans l'Église des premiers siècles

('Variorum Collected Studies 1994). But it is not unimportant to realise that the early Christian view has been developed in confrontation with the common philosophical (stoic) understanding, see e.g. J.N. Sevenster, "Education or Conversion: Epictetus and the Gospels", in Placita Pleiadia. Papers presented to G. Sevenster, Novum Testamentum 8

(1966), pp. 247-262, p. 255: "Evidendy these Stoics consider the way the Christians die too emotional, too uncontrolled. Perhaps they knew something of those testimonies of faith which, according to the Martyria, were made by many Christians. A Stoic does not die like that". Comp. M. Spanneut, "Epiktet", RAC 5 (1962) cc. 559681, esp. cc. 631-632, and mainly C. Butterweck, 'Martyriumssucht' in der alten Kirche. %ur Darstellung und Deutung frühchristlicher Martyrien (Tübingen, 1995).

m a r t y r d o m . 4 H o w e v e r varied the early Christian martyrological d o c u m e n t a t i o n is 5 , biblical inspiration is clearly manifest. O n the o t h e r h a n d , the earliest interpretation of the Bible stressed the f u n d a m e n t a l martyrological aspects of the text. T h i s is very evident in the c o m m e n t a r y on the Book of Daniel by Hippolytus. 6 It is n o t o u r a i m to e x a m i n e every element of the biblical backg r o u n d of the early Christian theology of m a r t y r d o m . W e shall limit ourselves to s o m e c o m m e n t s on two aspects of its biblical f o u n d a t i o n , n a m e l y those of m o d e l a n d imitation, or of e x a m p l e a n d discipleship. F r o m the earliest times, the idea of e x a m p l e has been a n i m p o r tant source for the biblical b a c k g r o u n d of the Christian theology of m a r t y r d o m . Biblical "stories" such as 2 a n d 4 M a c c a b e e s , a n d Daniel in its Jewish-Hellenistic expansion, furnished "models' 5 for Christian b e h a v i o u r in suffering a n d persecution. 7 So also did the patriarchs, the persecuted prophets, the suffering J u s t (Job), a m a n like T o b i a s , although their function as a m o d e l is n o t always evident f r o m the biblical text as such. 8 But a n o t h e r aspect of their exemplary function, a n d , n o d o u b t , a n o less i m p o r t a n t one, is their presence in the literary tradition of exempta. Tertullian (Scorpiace) a n d C y p r i a n [Ad 4

It is beyond our scope to enter into the discussion about the concept or delimitation of the notion of "Bible" or its unity in the Early Church. But a case as 4 Maccabees and the Greek Daniel must make us aware of the problem, cf. in general: Le Canon des Écritures. Études historiques, exégétiques et systématiques (Lectio Divina 140, Paris,

1990); L.M. McDonald, The Formation of the Christian Biblical Canon (Peabody, 1995); J . T . Lienhard, The Bible, the Church and Authority: the Canon of the Christian Bible in History

and Theology (Collegeville, 1995). s See our remarks: "Hagiographie et histoire. A propos des Actes et Passions des Martyrs", in M. Lamberigts and P. Van Deun (eds.), Martyrium in Multidisciplinary Perspective. Mémorial Louis Reekmans (BETL 117, Louvain, 1995), pp. 295-301. 6 Cf. G. Bardy and M. Lefevre, Hippolyte. Commentaire sur Daniel SC 14 (Paris, 1947), pp. 28-39, p. 28: "Dans les jours troublés que traverse l'Église au début du Ille siècle, le livre de Daniel s'impose à l'attention... il donne plus encore des encouragements et des conseils pour le présent". 7 See J.W. van Henten, "Zum Einfluß jüdischer Martyrien auf die Literatur des frühen Christentums II. Die Apostolischen Väter", in W. Haase (ed.), Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II. Principal, Bd. 27,1 (Berlin-New York, 1993), pp. 700-

723; Id., "The Martyrs as Heroes of the Christian People. Some Remarks on the Continuity between Jewish and Christian Martyrology, with Pagan Analogies", in M. Lamberigts and P. Van Deun, Martyrium, pp. 303-322; S. Deléani, "Une typologie du martyre chrétien: la Passion des frères maccabées et de leur mère selon saint Cyprien", in Figures de l'Ancien Testament chez les Pères (Cahiers de Biblia Patristica 2) Paris,

1989, pp. 189-213. 8 For a summary on the study of the relation between Jewish and Christian martyrology, see our "Einleitung", in J.W. van Henten e.a. (ed.), Die Entstehung der jüdischen Martyrologie (Leyde, 1989), pp. 5-14.

Fortunatumf

s h o w t h a t c o l l e c t i o n s o f exempla

influenced

the

early

Christian view o n m a r t y r d o m f r o m the beginning. T h e origin of that p h e n o m e n o n is c l o s e a t h a n d , if o n e r e a d s t h e 1 8 t h a n d 2 1 st c h a p t e r of 4 Maccabees, a writing whose early Christian reception a n d even " c a n o n i c a l " s t a t u s is g e n e r a l l y However,

acknowledged.10

the function of those people

a s exempla

needs to

be

l o o k e d a t m o r e c l o s e l y . T h e i r e x e m p l a r y c h a r a c t e r is n o t o n l y r e l a t e d to the u n d e r s t a n d i n g of m a r t y r d o m in the sense that they persevered in persecution a n d suffering until death. T h e e x a m p l e of the

Old

T e s t a m e n t "precursors" implies at the s a m e time m o r e ethical qualit i e s . T h e y a r e m o d e l s o f perseverantia

i n t h e i r " d a i l y " lives, a p a r t f r o m

t h e specific situation of persecution. In o t h e r w o r d s , t h e y are m o d e l s o f t h e " m a r t y r e q u o t i d i e n " . Patientia of these "martyrs".

11

is a l s o a q u a l i t y o f t h e w h o l e life

T h i s idea was applied at a very early stage to

the Christian martyrs themselves. T h e story of Polycarp of S m y r n a ' s m a r t y r d o m contains the following remark:

9 Compare also Cyprian, Epistula 58,5-6; and see Christel Butterweck, 'Martyriumssucht', pp. 179-183; for Tertullian see again D. van Damme, "Gott und die Märtyrer. Überlegungen zu Tertullian, Scorpiace", F%FT 27 (1980), pp. 107-119; for Cyprian:

M.A. Fahey, Cyprian and the Bible. A Study in Third-century Exegesis (Tübingen, 1971), pp.

555-611: Cyprian's biblical figures. The exemplum-material has been studied by S. Deléani, "Les exempla bibliques du martyre", in Le monde latin ancien et la Bible (Paris, 1985), pp. 243-260; Ead., "L'utilisation des modèles bibliques du martyre par les écrivains du Ille siècle", ibid., pp. 315-338. 10 Its influence on early Christian martyrological texts has been stressed more than once, see e.g. O. Perler, "Das vierte Makkabäerbuch, Ignatius von Antiochien und die ältesten Märtyrerberichte", Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana 25 (1949), pp. 47-72 = Sapientia et Caritas. Gesammelte Aufsätze zum 90. Geburtstag (Fribourg, 1990), pp. 141-

166; S.E.Johnson, "Greek and Jewish Heroes: Fourth Maccabees and the Gospel of Mark", in Early Christian Literature and the Classical Intellectual Tradition in honorem R.M.

Grant (Théologie historique 53), Paris, 1979, pp. 155-175; we tried elsewhere to qualify this opinion, cf. Martyrium Polycarpi. Bijdrage tot de Studie van de martelaar in het vroege

Christendom, proefschrift Leuven, 1977, pp. 231-238; pp. 286-289; but see T. Baumeister, Anfänge, pp. 268-270; pp. 286-288; pp. 295-305, and our reaction in Bijdragen 45 (1984), pp. 441-442. 11 The notion of ύπομονη has been studied thoroughly by M. Spanneut, "Geduld", RAC 9 (1973) 243-294; on patientia see also Tertullian's De Patientia and Cyprian's De bono patientiae, and the introduction in J.C. Fredouille, Tertullien. De la patience, SC 310 (Paris, 1984), pp. 21-38. On "martyre quotidien" see S. Deléani, L'utilisation des modèles bibliques, pp. 327-330. This idea reappears in a different context in the spirituality of the later Fathers, such as Chrysostom, cf. our contribution: "Μηκέτι ύδροπότει. Some Notes on the Patristic Exegesis of 1 Timothy 5:23", in The Ministry of the Word. Essays in Honor of Prof. Dr. Raymond F. Collins, Louvain Studies 20

(1995), pp. 265-270, in which we refer to the example ofJob in its patristic reception.

For because of his perfect way of life he was honoured in everything, even before his death (Mart. Pol. 13,2).12 It could be a d d e d that the same ethical u n d e r s t a n d i n g a p p e a r s in several texts on imitation which belong to the f u n d a m e n t a l "struct u r e " of every concept of Christian m a r t y r d o m . T h e well-known saying of M a t t h e w 16,24 is an excellent example in this regard: If anyone wants to be a follower of mine, let him renounce himself and take up his cross and follow me (New Jerusalem Bible). As M . K o H a F o n g d e m o n s t r a t e d , the ethical interpretation of this saying is fully present in authors w h o we would expect to concentrate on the martyrological sense, such as O r i g e n a n d Cyprian. In her view, O r i g e n is even indebted to C l e m e n t of Alexandria since the latter stressed the unification of the idea of imitation (of Christ) with the stoic apatheiaP If this is correct, we must not forget that a m o r e ethical interpretation of the saying is already given with the L u c a n version itself, with the addition: Ά ρ ά τ ω τον σταυρόν α ύ τ ο ύ κ α θ ' ή μ έ ρ α ν (Luke 9,23). 14 T h e interpretation of this N e w T e s t a m e n t saying can lead us to a n o t h e r qualification. U p until now, we have referred to O l d Testam e n t exempla. It is striking indeed that at a first glance N e w T e s t a m e n t 12

We follow the reading προ της μαρτυρίας cf. B. Dehandschutter, Martyrium Polycarpi. Een literair-kritische Studie (BETL 52, Leuven, 1979), pp. 94-95. The English translation is ours. It is close to Lake's (The Apostolic Fathers II, 1913), and Goodspeed's (The Apostolic Fathers, 1950); but it can differ considerably, cf. W.R. Schoedel, The Apostolic Fathers 5 (London, 1966), p. 68: "for he was adorned with every (power) because of his goodly way of life even before his martyrdom". On the whole comp. G. Buschmann, Martyrium Polycarpi - eineformkritische Studie. Ein Beitrag zur Frage nach der

Entstehung der Gattung Märtyrerakte (BZNW 70, Berlin, 1994), pp. 259-260. Some Acts of the Martyrs focus on the comparison of the example with the contemporary martyrs and on the equality of the latter examples and of those who surround them, e.g. the Passio Montani et Lucii (16,3-6) where the faith of the mother of Flavian is compared with Abraham's faith and the following exclamation is added: "o matrem inter Vetera exempla numeranda! ο maccabaicam matrem!"; text in F. Dolbeau, "La Passion des saints Lucius et Montanus. Histoire et édition du texte", REAug 29 (1983), pp. 39-82. 13

Maria K o Ha Fong, Crucem tollendo Christum sequi. Untersuchung zum Verständnis

eines Logions Jesu in der alten Kirche (Münster, 1984), pp. 43-50; comp. E. Früchtel, Origenes. Das Gespräch mit Herakleides und dessen Bischofskollegen über Vater, Sohn und Seele -

Die Aufforderung zum Martyrium (Stuttgart, 1974), p. 120, n. 6; comp. A. van den Hoek, "Clement of Alexandria on Martyrdom", in E.A. Livingstone (ed.), Studia Patristica X X V I (Louvain, 1993), pp. 324-341. For the theme in Cyprian, cf. together with the reference in n. 9, S. Deléani, Christum sequi. Etude d'un thème dans l'enivre de Saint Cyprien

(Paris, 1979), pp. 67-111. 14 Cf. T. Baumeister, Anfange, p. 115; pp. 136-137.

"models" play less of a role. T h e literary tradition of exempla refers to the apostles quite generally, sometimes to the sufferings of Peter a n d / or Paul, a n d the case of S t e p h e n as a real example of martyrdom. 1 5 H o w e v e r , in the view of the early Christians, the m a i n example is Christ Himself. H e is the perfect m o d e l of every kind of m a r t y r d o m ; all models c o m e together in H i m . Moreover, S. Deléani has shown that, in the case of the O l d T e s t a m e n t examples, the christological interpretation not only allowed t h e m to function as models b u t gave t h e m the c h a r a c t e r of préfiguration. 1 6 F r o m Abel onwards, every exemplum is a préfiguration of Christ. As a consequence, early Christian hagiography will stress the imitatio Christi.7‫ י‬If Christ is the recapitulation of the examples of old, his passion is the suffering that contains the acts of the martyrs of all times, including the future ones. H e is the O n e w h o gave the good testimony before Pontius Pilate (1 T i m o t h y 6,13), a n d all witnesses = martyrs continue to participate in that testimony to truth. In some Acts of the Martyrs this testimony has developed again into complete discussions a b o u t the true faith. 1 8 T h e r e is n o d o u b t that the N e w T e s t a m e n t texts a b o u t imitation a n d discipleship 19 exercised considerable influence o n the views of m a r t y r d o m in the Early C h u r c h . W e are c o n f r o n t e d not only with a p h e n o m e n o n of typology or préfiguration b u t also of actualisation. 15 See S. Deléani, "Les exempla", p. 259; the testimonies on Peter are summarised by R.J. Bauckham, "The Martyrdom of Peter in Early Christian Literature", in ANRWII. Principal, Bd 26,1 (Berlin, 1992) 539-595; C. Grappe, "Du témoin pleutre de la Passion au martyr: images de Pierre aux deux premiers siècles", in Figures du Nouveau Testament chez les Pères (Strasbourg, 1991), pp. 53-106. On Paul: H.W. Tarja, The Martyrdom of St. Paul (VVUNT 2 R. 67, Tübingen, 1994), pp. 166-174. 16 Cf. S. Deléani, "L'utilisation des modèles bibliques", pp. 330-336; also M. Dulaey, "Joseph le patriarche, figure du Christ", in Figures de l'Ancien Testament chez les Pères (Strasbourg, 1989), pp. 83-105. 17 This imitation has been applied in martyria and passiones as divergent as Mar-

tyrium Jacobi (Eus. Η.Ε. II, 23,10-18; comp. IV,22,4), Martyrium Lugdunensium 1,10; 1,23; 1,30; 1,41; 2,2; Passio Perpetuae 18,9; Passio Montcuii et Luciv, cf. V . Saxer, Bible et hagiographie. Textes et thèmes bibliques dans les Actes des martyrs authentiques des premiers siècles

(Bern, 1986), pp. 220-231. It is impossible to elaborate here on the Ignatian theme of imitation, cf. T. Baumeister, Anfänge, pp. 277-282. 18 It is striking that these discussions often continue the confrontation with the problem of idolatry, as was already the case in texts such as the Books of the Maccabees and Daniel. Origen's Exhortation makes clear how important this question was for the Christian theology of martyrdom (cf. ch. 5-10). The same is true for Cyprian's Ad Fortunatum. It might indicate that the use of exempla is to be considered as dependent on a real threat of idolatry, cf. also V. Saxer, Bible et hagiographie, pp. 205-212. 19 See in general W. Horbury-B. McNeil, Suffering and Martyrdom in the New Testament. Studies presented to G.M. Styler (Cambridge, 1981).

T h i s b e c o m e s evident in the e x a m p l e of the Mission discourse of M a t t h e w 10. It was possible to read this text again a n d again in a n actualising way, focussing mainly on the passages on the fate of the disciples ( w . 16-25), the call for bold confession ( w . 26-33), a n d the verses on the d e m a n d i n g c h a r a c t e r of discipleship ( w . 34-39). 2 0 As the same t h e m e s r e a p p e a r in the synoptic apocalyptic discourses, it b e c a m e easy to u n d e r s t a n d the situation of persecution in one's own time as the fulfilment of the prediction of M a t t h e w 24,9: Then you will be handed over to be tortured and put to death; and you will be hated by all nations on account of my name (New Jerusalem Bible). T h e Early C h u r c h read these texts carefully. O r i g e n ' s Exhortation to Martyrdom ch. 34-39 seems to be a r u n n i n g c o m m e n t a r y o n M a t t h e w 10. T h e great Alexandrian c o m b i n e s M a t t h e w 10,17-23 with Luke 12,11-12 a n d 21,14-19, a n d c o m p a r e s M a r k 13,11-13, so t h a t the o n e text is read t h r o u g h the other. 2 1 O r i g e n brings t h e m together in the light of his o w n view a b o u t m a r t y r d o m . 2 2 T h e words are spoken to the apostles only, n o t to everyone. T h o s e w h o wish to arrive at the act of m a r t y r d o m have first to live the life of an apostle. N o t everyb o d y is able to d o so, a n d , as a c o n s e q u e n c e , not able to live the life of a m a r t y r . T h e ά γ ώ ν of Christian life has to be f o u g h t 2 3 , before the τελείωσις is possible. I n this way, the life of the m a r t y r is the life of a witness. T h e N e w T e s t a m e n t passages on witnessing are continously read together with those o n suffering. In the second book of the Commentary on John, O r i g e n summarises this as follows: Now everyone who testifies to the truth, whether he presents his testimony in words or deeds or in whatever way, would correctly be called a "witness" (μάρτυς). But it is already currently the custom of the brotherhood, since they have been amazed at the disposition of those who have ‫־‬ struggled to death for truth or courage, to give the name "witnesses" 20

Of course the question of the flight in persecution was much debated at the occasion of Matthew 10,23, cf. Tertullian, De Juga in persecutione\ and Martyrium Agapès 1,2. 21 Cf. Ε. Früchtel, Origenes, pp. 103-110; comp, however J.W. Trigg, Origen. Bible and Philosophy in the Third Century Church (London, 1985) w h o understands the Exhorta-

tion in the first place as a model of Christian Platonism (p. 164); comp, also J.A. McGuckin, "Martyr Devotion in the Alexandrian School: Origen to Athanasius", in D. Wood (ed.), Martyrs and Martyrologies (Oxford, 1993), pp. 35-45. 22 In general see P. Hartmann, "Origène et la théologie du martyre d'après le Protreptikos de 235", ETL 34 (1958), pp. 773-824; more recendy P. Bright, art.cit. (note 2); J.A. McGuckin, art.cit. 23

Cf. B. Dehandschutter, Martyrium Polycarpi. Bijdragen, pp. 226-238.

(μάρτυρας ώνόμασαν) in a special sense only to those who have borne witness to the mystery of godliness by the pouring out of their own blood, although the Saviour gives the name "witness" to every one who bears witness to the things proclaimed about himself (210).2+ O r i g e n never fails to stress the "cross-references" between the life of Christ a n d the life of the m a r t y r . H e therefore often connects the logion o n the b e a r i n g of the cross as imitation, M a t t h e w 16,24 with Galatians 2,20: not I live but Christ lives in me, a verse following o n the t h e m e of the συνσταυρούμαι with Christ. 2 5 A m b r o s e a n d Protoctetus, to w h o m the Exhortatio is devoted, are invited to m a k e u p w h a t is still lacking in the suffering of Christ (Col. 1,24, cf. Exhortatio 36). T h i s idea of participation in C h r i s e s passion t h r o u g h the m a r t y r ' s life is seemingly the basis of the f r e q u e n t t h e m e in the early Christian martyria of the presence of Christ in the martyr. 2 6

Conclusion M u c h could b e said a b o u t o t h e r t h e m e s that also have their own biblical origin, such as m a r t y r i u m as the eschatological struggle, as baptism a n d election, etc. 27 Nevertheless, o u r brief considerations allow a conclusion, which is n o t without i m p o r t a n c e for u n d e r s t a n d ing the early Christian concept of m a r t y r d o m as a whole: the biblical " p r e p a r a t i o n " of the theology of m a r t y r d o m in the f o r m of the exempla a n d of imitation in discipleship stresses the unity of life a n d d e a t h of the martyr. If m a r t y r d o m is the search for perfection, b o t h in a literal a n d a figurative sense, it c a n n o t be said that it was only f r o m the f o u r t h century o n w a r d s that Christian theology t r a n s f o r m e d the view on m a r t y r d o m into a view on spiritual life or άσκησις. T h a t theology was already present in the earliest testimonies c o n c e r n i n g m a r t y r d o m , a n d , as a m a t t e r of fact, developed before the " M o n k " b e c a m e the successor of the " M a r t y r " . 2 8 24

Translation by R.E. H e i n e , Origen. Commentary on the Gospel according to John, Books

1-10 (Washington, 1989), p. 151; comp. C. Blanc, Origine. Commentaire sur Saint Jean SC 120 (Paris, 1966), p. 350. See also Origen, Exhortatio 16; In Jeremiam XIV, 7, cf. P. Husson-P. Nautin, Origine. Homélies sur Jérémie SC 238 (Paris, 1977), pp. 80-81. 25 See Maria Ko Ha Fong, Crucem tollendo, pp. 58-60. 26

See my remarks in "Le martyre de Polycarpe", 644 and the texts referred to;

also V. Saxer, Bible et Hagiographie, pp. 220-223. 27 .Cf. V. Saxer, Bible et Hagiographù, pp. 212-214. 28

Cf. E.E. Malone, The Monk and the Martyr. The Monk as the Successor of the Martyr

(Washington, 1950).

D I E R O L L E D E R BIBEL I N D E N A S K E T I S C H E N K R E I S E N DES VIERTEN U N D F Ü N F T E N J A H R H U N D E R T S G . Bartelink

In d e r Frühzeit des M ö n c h t u m s w a r e n nicht n u r in d e n Klöstern Bibeltexte v o r h a n d e n , sondern auch allein w o h n e n d e Asketen verfügten oft ü b e r ein Psalterium o d e r ein Evangeliarium, das monastische V a d e m e c u m p a r excellence. Typisch d a f ü r ist eine ber ü h m t e E r z ä h l u n g ü b e r einen M ö n c h , welcher die A u f f o r d e r u n g , allem irdischen Besitz zu entsagen, auf so extreme Weise in die Praxis umsetzte, dass er sogar sein Evangeliarium zu Gelde m a c h t e , u m den Bedürftigen zu helfen. Die älteste F o r m findet sich im Practicus des Evagrius, w o der M ö n c h a n o n y m bleibt 1 : Ein Bruder besass nur ein Evangeliarium. Er verkaufte es und verwendete den Ertrag, um Hungrige zu ernähren. Dabei sprach er dieses denkwürdige Wort: 'Ich habe den Logos selbst (Logos ist hier das Büchlein, zu gleicher Zeit aber spielt die Bedeutung "der Herr" auf dem Hintergrund mit) verkauft, der mir sagte: Verkaufe was du besitzt und gib den Ertrag den Armen. 5 (Matth. 19,21). Die Pointe ist, dass es sein einziger u n d letzter Besitz ist u n d dass er jetzt so weit in der Askese fortgeschritten ist, dass er das u n e n t b e h r liehe Büchlein e n t b e h r e n k a n n . M a n hat glaubhaft zu m a c h e n gewusst, dass Evagrius f ü r diese Anekdote aus d e m Leben des Serapion Sindonites geschöpft hat, d e m Palladius Abschnitt 37 der Historia Lausiaca gewidmet hat. In der Historia Lausiaca findet sich übrigens eine derartige E r z ä h l u n g 2 , wobei ausserdem die Pointe darin liegt, dass der M ö n c h wie d u r c h eine Art Meisterstück beweist, dass er das asketische H a n d w e r k beherrscht. Ein a n o n y m e r M ö n c h aus Ancyra antwortete, n a c h d e m er ein ihm geschenktes Evangelienbuch verkauft hatte, denjenigen, die d a r ü b e r eine abschätzige B e m e r k u n g machten:

1

77; vgl. die Ausgabe von A. Guillaumont, SC 171, S. 704-705. Die Stelle bei Evagrius wird zitiert von Socrates, Hist. eccl. 4,23 (PG 67,517B). Man sehe auch C. Butler, The Lausiac History of Palladius I, Cambridge 1898, S. 98-99. 2 c. 68. Für den Verzicht auf Bücher siehe auch Apophthegmata Patrum, Theodorus von Pherme 1 (PG 65,188A) und Serapion 2 (ibid., 416C).

Wie kann ich meinen Meister davon überzeugen, dass ich mir seine Techne (Fertigkeiten) auf dem Gebiete der Entsagung zu eigen gemacht habe, wenn ich nicht ihn selbst verkaufe, um die Techne in die Praxis umzusetzen? In den Apophthegmata finden wir ebenfalls diese Geschichte, jetzt von d e m Eremiten Bessarion. A u c h in der langen Rezension der Historia Lausiaca will dieser M ö n c h n u r d e m W o r t des Evangeliums gehörchen 3 : Als er unterwegs einen armen Mann gesehen hatte, eilte er zum Marktplatz, wo er nach kurzer Zeit das Evangeliarium zu verkaufen wusste. Einige Tage später fragte ihn sein Schüler, Abba Doulas: 'Was ist mit dem Büchlein passiert, Abba?' Der alte Mönch antwortete, halb im Ernst, halb im Scherz: 'Sei nicht betrübt, Bruder. Um uns dort oben (näml. im Himmel) voller Zuversicht melden zu können, habe ich, aus Gehorsam, das Buch selbst verkauft, das mir immer sagte: Verkaufe was du besitzt und gib den Ertrag den Armen.' Die Asketen versuchen die W o r t e des Evangeliums soviel wie möglieh in die Praxis umzusetzen. So n e h m e n sie ernst, was eigentlich j e d e r Christ tun sollte. Die G r ü n d e r des M ö n c h t u m s e n t n e h m e n d e m Evangelium die Basistexte, von d e n e n das M ö n c h t u m ausgeht. E b e n in der Bibel finden sie ideale Modelle f ü r das monastische Leben. V o n A n f a n g an finden sie d a auch Gebets- u n d Meditationstexte, sowohl f ü r j e d e n einzelnen als f ü r die Gemeinschaft. Aus den Apophthegmata geht hervor, dass in der Skete-Wüste, w o G r u p p e n von Asketen zwar getrennt, a b e r d o c h ziemlich n a h e beie i n a n d e r lebten, Bibeltexte v o r h a n d e n waren. W i r lesen, dass A b b a Gelasius ü b e r einen Bibelkodex aus P e r g a m e n t verfügte, d e r das ganze Alte u n d N e u e T e s t a m e n t enthielt 4 . T h e o d o r u s von P h e r m e hatte in seiner Zelle drei schöne B ü c h e r 5 , die f ü r ihn u n d seine M i t b r ü d e r sehr heilsam w a r e n . Wahrscheinlich handelt es sich u m Bücher, die bei d e m wöchentlichen liturgischen Gottesdienst verwendet w u r d e n u n d als solche allgemeiner Besitz der gesamten G r u p p e der M ö n c h e w a r e n . Sie besassen d u r c h ihr Material u n d gepflegte Kalligraphie einen nicht geringen W e r t u n d w a r e n n a c h den Apophthegmata a u c h von D i e b e n begehrte Objekte 1 '.

3 4 5 6

c. 116 (PG 34,1220CD; vgl. PL 73,1198CD). PG 65,145CD (βιβλίον έν δέρμασιν). PG 65,188A (τρία βιβλία καλά). Vgl. Theodorus von Pherme 29 (PG 65,196AB); Ammoës 5 (PG 65,128AB).

A b b a A m m o ë s e r w ä h n t ebenfalls P e r g a m e n t b ü c h e r , welche von einigen M ö n c h e n in ihrer Zelle a u f g e h o b e n wurden 7 . Weiter kursierten Büchlein, welche einen Teil der Schrift, wie d e n Psalter oder die Paulusbriefe enthielten, wobei a n T e x t e f ü r den persönlichen Geb r a u c h zu denken ist 8 . W i e es u m die K u n s t des Lesens u n d Schreibens im f r ü h e n M ö n c h t u m bestellt war, ist nicht leicht einigermassen g e n a u festzustellen, a b e r von lesenden u n d schreibenden M ö n c h e n ist in unseren T e x t e n nicht selten die R e d e . D a s K o p i e r e n von T e x ten wird von Palladius in seiner Historia Lausiaca einige Male als eine F o r m asketischer Arbeit bezeichnet (άσκησις γραφική) 9 . F ü r einige w a r es ein Mittel, u m ihren U n t e r h a l t zu bestreiten 1 0 . Evagrius Ponticus w a r eine Zeitlang als Kalligraph tätig. In m a n c h e r E r z ä h l u n g w e r d e n beiläufig sich in Klöstern befindende Bibelbücher e r w ä h n t , wobei wahrscheinlich von den meistgelesen e n Teilen der Schrift f ü r die Bedürfnisse der Gemeinschaft oft m e h rere E x e m p l a r e zur V e r f ü g u n g standen. N a c h der Vita Danielis Stylitae 3 hatte m a n in einem syrischen Kloster in der Kapelle beim Altar Bücher hingelegt f ü r j e d e n , der sie einsehen möchte. Es waren gewiss grossenteils Bibelbücher, welche so a u c h u n m i t t e l b a r f ü r die Liturgiefeier v o r h a n d e n waren. Ein f ü n f j ä h r i g e r K n a b e w u r d e von seinen Eltern n a c h einem Kloster in der N ä h e von S a m o s a t a geführt. Als der Abt n a c h d e m N a m e n des K n a b e n fragte, n a n n t e n die Eltern den N a m e n , den sie ihm bei seiner G e b u r t gegeben hatten. D a r a u f sagte der Abt: " E r wird anders heissen u n d d e n N a m e n tragen, den der H e r r m i r o f f e n b a r t . " Er sagte d e m J u n g e n auf syrisch: " H o l e mir ein Buch v o m T i s c h . " Es ist in den K o e n o b i e n gebräuchlich, notiert der A u t o r hierzu, dass m a n beim Altare eine grosse Zahl verschieden e r Bücher hingelegt hat. Als der K n a b e mit d e m Buch Daniel zurückkam, beschloss der Abt: " E r wird Daniel heissen." In diesem T e x t verdient es Beachtung, dass das Bibelbuch als Orakel fungiert. Es ist eine V a r i a n t e der s o g e n a n n t e n sortes biblicae, auf gut Glück gezeigte Bibeltexte als Schicksalsbestimmungen, eine christianisierte Fortsetzung einer p r o f a n e n T r a d i t i o n " . In diesem Z u s a m m e n h a n g ist a u c h das Schwören auf die Bibel zu 7

PG 65,128AB. PG 65,413D-416C. 9 Palladius, Hist. Laus. 32,12; 38,10; 45,3. 10 Wahrscheinlich kopierten sie vor allem Bibeltexte: PG 65,132BC (Abraham), PG 65,295D-298A (Marcus, Schüler des Silvanus); F. Nau, ROC 18, S. 143. 11 Über die sortes: P. Courcelle, "L'enfant et les 'sorts bibliques'", Vigiliae Christianae 7 (1953), S. 194-220. 8

e r w ä h n e n . W i r lesen z u m Beispiel in der Historia Lausiaca12, dass der M ö n c h Cronius, u m die W a h r h e i t einer Mitteilung zu bekräftigen, auf ein Evangeliarium schwört, das zu diesem Zweck inmitten der versammelten Klostergemeinschaft hingelegt w o r d e n ist.

Die Schrift ist die Grundlage fiir das asketische Leben. Sie genügt allein In m a n c h e m T e x t heisst es, die Schrift sei die G r u n d l a g e f ü r das asketische Leben. Antonius b e g a n n seine A n s p r a c h e a n die M ö n c h e mit der Bemerkung, dass die Schrift genüge. In ihr k ö n n e m a n alles finden, was m a n brauche. Seine eigenen W o r t e seien eigentlich nicht m e h r als eine Z u g a b e . Dass die Schrift das ganze L e b e n eines M ö n ches b e s t i m m e n muss, lehrt uns a u c h ein d e m Antonius zugeschriebenes Apophthegma: "Sorge d a f ü r , dass d u f u r alles was d u hörst oder sagst ü b e r ein Zeugnis aus der heiligen Schrift verfügst" 1 3 . So fing a u c h oft der einem j u n g e n Schüler gegebene Unterricht an. Hypatius, der erste Abt des Klosters R u f i n i a n a e , ein geschätzter geistlicher F ü h r e r , m a c h t ebenfalls eine derartige, bereits traditionell gewordene Bemerkung: " W a s a u c h i m m e r ihr m i c h fragt, ihr könnt es in der von G o t t inspirierten Schrift finden"14. In seiner langen Rede 1 5 (ein bewusstes Gegenstück zu j e n e r des Antonius) bildet eine A n e i n a n d e r r e i h u n g von Bibelzitaten die feste G r u n d l a g e seiner Darlegung, die bisweilen zu einem Bibelzento wird. O b es sich u m die Notwendigkeit des Gebets o d e r u m die der D e m u t z u z u e r k e n n e n d e Priorität handelt, die Schrift hat f ü r Hypatius das letzte W o r t . Seit der Vita Antonii sind M a t t h . 19,21 u n d 16,24 Basistexte f ü r das M ö n c h t u m gewesen (daneben, z u m Beispiel bei Augustinus u n d Cassianus, a u c h Act. Ap. 4,32 u n d 34-35: die ideale älteste Christengemeinde in Jerusalem). Es b r a u c h t d a h e r a u c h nicht zu w u n d e r n , dass der monastische S p r a c h g e b r a u c h einen starken biblischen Einschlag aufweist, wie z u m Beispiel Lorié dargelegt hat 1 6 . Bisweilen 12 13 14 15 16

21,5. Antonius 3, Apophthegmata (PG 65,76C). Callinicus, Vita Hypatii, Prol. 13 (SC 177, S. 70). ibid., c. 24 (SC 177, S. 147ss.). L.Th. Lorié, Spiritual Terminology in the Latin Translations of the Vita Antonii. With

Reference to fourth and fifth Century monastic Literature (Latinitas Christianorum Primaeva 11), Nijmegen, 1955; vgl. Β. Steidle, "Homo Dei Antonius. Zum Bild des 'Mann Gottes' im alten Mönchtum", in: Studio Anselmiana 38 (Rom, 1956), S. 148-200.

verteidigt der Verfasser einer monastischen Schrift seine schlichte S p r a c h e mit einem Hinweis auf die Bibelsprache. Viele M ö n c h e w a r e n ungebildet. Ihr H o r i z o n t blieb n a h e z u ganz auf die Bibel beschränkt. In d e r anfangs grossenteils oralen K u l t u r des M ö n c h t u m s lernten sie schon in ihrer Lehrzeit Bibeltexte auswendig u n d h ö r t e n sie—wenn sie wenigstens in G r u p p e n z u s a m m e n w o h n t e n — B i b e l texte vorlesen u n d singen. Die Bibel w a r ihre tägliche N a h r u n g . Sie w a r e n ganz davon d u r c h d r u n g e n . Das auswendig K e n n e n von Schrifttexten f u h r t leicht ü b e r Wortassoziationen z u m Herstellen von Z u s a m m e n h ä n g e n mit a n d e r e n Schriften. Cassianus signalisierte bei den M ö n c h e n eine Art Meditation, wobei ein T e x t einen a n d e r e n suggeriert: "So rollt die Seele von Psalm zu Psalm, springt sie von d e m Evangelium hin zu Paulus u n d eilt sie weiter zu den P r o p h e t e n " [Coli. 10,13). M a n unterliess nicht, M ö n c h e , die in der p r o f a n e n Literatur ausgebildet w a r e n , d a r a u f hinzuweisen, dass von T e x t e n ausserhalb der Bibel G e f a h r e n d r o h e n konnten. Die p r o f a n e Literatur gehöre z u m Gebiete, das m a n bei d e r juga mundi hinter sich gelassen hatte. Die G r ü n d e r der Häresien seien nicht d u r c h die Bibel inspiriert, sondern d u r c h die heidnische Philosophie infiziert w o r d e n . So rief Cyrillus von Scythopolis in einer anti-origenistischen T i r a d e aus: Welche Hölle hat die Lehren (näml. der Origenisten) ausgespien? Nicht von ihm, der durch die Propheten und Apostel gesprochen hat, haben sie das gelernt. Das verhüte Gott. Nein, Pythagoras, Platon, Origenes, Evagrius und Didymus (d.h. den profanen Philosophen und den von diesen beeinflussten chrisdichen Autoren) haben sie diese abscheulichen gotteslästerlichen Lehren entnommen 17 .

Die biblischen Vorbilder In d e n Lebensbeschreibungen w e r d e n die asketischen Heiligen aus d e r Spätantike oft mit einem breiten S p e k t r u m von biblischen V o r bildern assoziiert. Nicht n u r gibt d e r Vergleich mit den grossen Gestalten des Alten u n d N e u e n T e s t a m e n t s d e m Dargestellten einen Heiligenschein, sondern er suggeriert ebenfalls die Kontinuität der geistlichen G a b e n , a u c h in d e r postbiblischen Zeit, u n d betont d u r c h den Hinweis auf biblische Analogien die Zuverlässigkeit der beschrieb e n e n ausserordentlichen Ereignisse. So will der a n o n y m e Verfasser 17

Vita Cynaa, Ausg. E. Schwartz, S. 230,10ff.

im Prolog der Historia monachorum in Aegypto zeigen, dass a u c h n o c h zu seiner Zeit (um 400) der H e i l a n d d u r c h die V ä t e r in der Wüste w i e d e r u m bewirkt, was er d u r c h die P r o p h e t e n u n d die Apostel bewirkte, " d e n n derselbe H e r r bewirkt jetzt u n d i m m e r alles bei den Menschen" 1 8 . Schon in seinem Leben des Antonius hat Athanasius i m m e r wieder d u r c h biblische Anspielungen Signale gegeben, wie wir die Gestalt des Antonius sehen müssen. Aus einem Mosaik von Einzelheiten wird somit eine Gestalt f ü r uns sichtbar, welche Aspekte einer prophetischen, evangelischen u n d apostolischen Lebensweise in sich zusammenfasst. D a s wird d u r c h bisweilen subtile Hinweise auf M o ses, vorbildlich als einen biblischen F ü h r e r in der Wüste, auf Elia, der sich auch in d e r W ü s t e aufhielt, u n d auf J o b , Zielscheibe der Versuc h u n g d u r c h Satan, suggeriert 1 9 . Selbstverständlich stand d a n e b e n die imitatio Christi im Mittelpunkt. Die biblischen H e r o e n fungieren als Wegweiser in der asketischen Welt. Dabei is der M ö n c h frei, seiner persönlichen Z u n e i g u n g zu folgen, wie das folgende Apophthegma illustriert 20 : Jemand fragte Abba Nisterus: 'Welches gute Werk soll ich tun?' Er antwortete mit der Gegenfrage: 'Sind nicht alle Handlungen gleich? Die Schrift sagt, dass Abraham gastfreundlich war21 und Gott war mit ihm. Elia suchte den inneren Frieden 22 und Gott war mit ihm. David war demütig 23 und Gott war mit ihm. Tue also, was du siehst, dass dein Herz verlangt in Gottes Geist und bewache dein Herz' 24 . Bibelzitate k ö n n e n als sigillum veri dienen. D a s asketische Leben wird d u r c h eine B e r u f u n g auf Schrifttexte legitimiert, u n d zwar von Anf a n g an. Seit der radikalen Bekehrung mittels als persönliche Orakel interpretierter Evangelientexte spielen Bibelzitate in der Vita Antonii eben in wesentlichen M o m e n t e n eine Rolle. Die wichtigsten Elemente des asketischen Lebens—wie G e b e t , Schriftmeditation, Beschäftig u n g mit H a n d w e r k — w e r d e n mit Bibeltexten legitimiert. Aus d e m selben G r u n d w e r d e n in den Apophthegmata wesentliche, an die W ü s t e n v ä t e r gestellte Fragen nicht selten mit Bibelzitaten o d e r An18

19

Hist, monach. in Aegypto, Prol. 13.

Man sehe hierfür: L'exemple des grandes figures de l'Ancien Testament, in: Athanase d'Alexandrie, Vie d'Antoine SC 400 (Paris, 1994), S. 49-52. 20 Nisterus 2 (PG 65,305D-308A); vgl. Palladius, Hist. Laus. 14,4. 21 Gen. 18. 22 1 Kön. 17,5. 23 1 Sam. 18,23. 24 Sprüche 4,23.

spielungen auf die Schrift beantwortet. A u c h in d e m u m 382 in R o m lebenden Kreis aristokratischer F r a u e n u m Paula u n d Marcella, dessen geistlicher F ü h r e r H i e r o n y m u s einige Zeit war, finden wir n e b e n der engen V e r b i n d u n g zwischen asketischem L e b e n u n d lectio divina, a u c h die Legitimierung des asketischen Lebens d u r c h die Schrift. So verwendete H i e r o n y m u s C a n t i c u m t e x t e als G r u n d l a g e für seine Bet r a c h t u n g e n ü b e r die Virginität u n d e n t n a h m er a u c h den Paulusbriefen d a f ü r Argumente 2 5 .

Die zentrale Stellung der Psalmen U n t e r den Bibeltexten n e h m e n die Psalmen als Gebets- u n d Meditationstext eine zentrale Stellung ein. V o n A n f a n g an w u r d e die K e n n t n i s der Psalmen als notwendig betrachtet f ü r j e d e n , der sich d e m vollkommenen L e b e n widmete. In seine Regel f ü r das m e h r strukturierte zönobitische L e b e n n a h m P a c h o m i u s bereits die Bestimm u n g auf, dass n i e m a n d im Kloster bleiben dürfte, der nicht zumindest den Psalter u n d das N e u e T e s t a m e n t auswendig kannte 2 6 . D a weitaus die meisten M ö n c h e in den p a c h o m i a n i s c h e n Klöstern n u r das Koptische beherrschten, muss es schon f r ü h eine koptische BibelÜbersetzung gegeben h a b e n . Forschungen h a b e n tatsächlich ausgewiesen, dass es bereits in der ersten Hälfte des vierten J a h r h u n d e r t s eine n a h e z u vollständige sahidisch-koptische Übersetzung der Bibel gab 2 7 . Die Psalmen w u r d e n nicht n u r g e m u r m e l t , sondern auch gesungen (Psalmodie). " W e n n zu bestimmten Zeiten in den Mönchssiedlungen in der Wüste die Psalmmelodien klingen", sagt Athanasius, "scheint die ideale Stadt hier auf E r d e n Wirklichkeit geworden zu sein" 28 . Ein ähnlicher G e d a n k e findet sich bei Palladius, der ü b e r die M ö n c h e in d e r nitrischen W ü s t e schreibt: Und tatsächlich, wenn jemand um die neunte Stunde (die Stunde der Mahlzeit) sich dort aufhält, kann er den göttlichen Psalmgesang hören, 25

Vgl. z. B. Hieronymus, Ep. 22 (ad Eustochium). Über die Zitate aus den Paulusbriefen: L.J. van der Lof, "L'apôtre Paul dans les lettres de saint Jérôme", jVT 19 (1977), S. 150ff. 26 Nach Palladius (Hist. Laus. 32,12) lernten die tabennisiodschen Mönche alle Bücher der Schrift auswendig. Vgl. R.T. Meyer, "Palladius and the Study of Scripture", in: Studio Patnstica 10 (Berlin, 1970), S. 384-385. 27 Cf. C. Buder, The Lausiac History II (Cambridge, 1904), S. 211, Anm. 58. 28 Athanasius, Vita Antonii 44,2-4 (SC 400, S. 254).

der aus jeder Zelle aufklingt und sich vorstellen, er sei hoch drüben im Paradies 29 . D e r G e s a n g der Psalmen verdrängte selbst die gebräuchlichen Arbeitslieder. H i e r o n y m u s e r w ä h n t singende M ö n c h e in der N ä h e von Bethlehem, die mit der Ernte beschäftigt sind u n d die üblichen Arbeitslieder gegen Psalmen u m g e t a u s c h t haben 3 0 . Ein M ö n c h soll den Psalter wortwörtlich auswendig kennen, sagt Hieronymus 3 1 . In seinem Elogium auf Paula, die u m 400 das F r a u e n kloster zu Bethlehem leitete, sagt er, dass sie selbst die Psalmen auswendig k a n n t e u n d nicht zuliess, dass eine ihrer Schwestern diese nicht k a n n t e u n d nicht j e d e n T a g eine Schriftstelle auswendig lernte 32 . D e r W ü s t e n v a t e r Antonius prägte sich alle Schriftworte, die er hörte, ein 33 . D e r syrische M ö n c h Julianus, der p r o W o c h e n u r eine frugale Mahlzeit mit ein wenig Salz u n d Wasser zu sich n a h m , erfreute sich n a c h T h e o d o r e t u s von Cyrus geistlicher N a h r u n g (der A u t o r verwendet hier das b e k a n n t e Wortspiel τροφή-τρυφή): Das Rezitieren der Psalmen von David und der ununterbrochene Kontakt mit Gott waren für ihn ein üppig gedeckter Tisch, an dem er sich fortwährend gütlich tat ohne gesättigt zu werden 34 . D a s auswendig K e n n e n der Schrift k o n n t e einen charismatischen C h a r a k t e r h a b e n . Ein P n e u m a t i k e r w a r bisweilen auf w u n d e r b a r e Weise, selbst o h n e lesen zu k ö n n e n u n d o h n e Lehrer, d u r c h göttliche Inspiration mit der Schrift vertraut. D a s w u n d e r b a r e Gedächtnis u n d

29

Palladius, Hist. Laus. 7,5; vgl. auch ibid. 43,2 (der Psalmen singende Mönch Adolius). Cf. A. Davril, La Psalmodie chez les pères du désert, Collectanea Cisterciensia 49 (1987), S. 132-139. 30

Hieronymus, Ep. 45,11 (ad Marcellam) Sudans messor psalmis se avocat et curva attondens vitem falce vinitor aliquid Davidicum canit. 51 Hieronymus, Ep. 125,11 (ad Rusticum) Discatur psaltmum ad verbum; Ep. 107,4 (ad Laetam: über ihre jugendliche Tochter) psalmis dulcibus imbuatur. 32 Ep. 108,20.36; vgl. Ep. 107,9; Cyrillus von Scythopolis, Vita Sabae 18 und 51. Cf.

D . Gorce, La lectio divina. I Saint Jérôme et la lecture sacrée dans le milieu ascétique romain

(Paris, 1926); Th. Klauser, Art. Auswendiglernen, RAC 1, Sp. 1030-1038; H. Dörries, "Die Bibel im ältesten Mönchtum", Theol. Ut. Ζ• 73 (1947), Sp. 215-222: auch in: Wort und Stunde I, Gesammelte Studien zur Kirchengeschichte des 4. Jhts. (Göttingen, 1966), S. 145ff.; R.T. Meyer, "Lectio divina in Palladius", in: Kuriakon, Festschrift Johannes Quasten II, ed. P. Granfield und J.A. Jungmann (Münster, 1970), S. 580-584. 33

Athanasius,

Vita Antonii 3 (SC 400, S. 138). Vgl. R. Reitzenstein,

Historia

monachorum und Historia Lausiaca. Eine Studie zur Geschichte des Mönchtums und der frühchristlichen Begriffe Gnostiker und Pneumatiker (Göttingen, 1916), S. 160-164. 34 Theodoretus van Cyrus, Hist, religiosa 2,2.

die w u n d e r b a r e n Kenntnisse w a r e n bei einigen Auserwählten mit e i n e m visionären I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s v e r m ö g e n v e r b u n d e n .

Schrifterklärung Palladius sagt, dass d e r M ö n c h P a p h n u t i u s das C h a r i s m a besass, das Alte u n d das N e u e T e s t a m e n t zu k e n n e n . E r interpretierte beide μή

άναγνούς γραφάς. Wie soll man hier γραφάς deuten? Ist es die Schrift o d e r sind es generell geschriebene T e x t e (Paphnutius ist j a ein ungebildeter M a n n ) ? O d e r h a n d e l t es sich hier u m exegetische T e x te? D a n n ist d e r Sinn der, dass er die Schrift erklärt, o h n e die exegetische T r a d i t i o n zu kennen 3 5 . In d e n Apophthegmata ist m e h r m a l s von charismatischer Bibelinterpretation die Rede 3 6 . Bisweilen offenb a r t ein Engel o d e r P r o p h e t , zu Hilfe gerufen o d e r nicht, einem M ö n c h d e n Sinn einer Bibelstelle 37 . Ein grosser Teil d e r M ö n c h e w a r im vierten u n d f ü n f t e n J a h r h u n dert ungebildet. Sie k a n n t e n die Bibel n u r in der Volkssprache. F ü r die E r k l ä r u n g der T e x t e w a r e n sie angewiesen auf dasjenige, was ältere Asketen in ihrer U m g e b u n g o d e r eigene B e t r a c h t u n g e n sie lehrten. W e n n sie in G r u p p e n lebten u n d i m s t a n d e w a r e n , regelmässig liturgischen Gottesdiensten b e i z u w o h n e n , d a n n w e r d e n H o m i l i e n , in d e n e n meistens biblische T h e m e n aus d e n vorgelesenen T e x t e n b e h a n d e l t w u r d e n , eine wichtige Quelle d e r Bibelkenntnisse gewesen sein. Ungebildete, einfache M ö n c h e w a r e n a m meisten geneigt, die Bibel wörtlich aufzufassen. W i r wissen, dass die a n t h r o p o morphistische Bibelerklärung, wobei die Beschreibungen d e r Gotteserscheinungen im Alten T e s t a m e n t wörtlich g e n o m m e n w u r d e n , u m 385-390 in g a n z Ägypten u n d , wie die T e x t e e r k e n n e n lassen, namentlich in d e n Zellen u n d Klöstern d e r Scete-Wüste stark vertreten war. In den Collatione.38‫ ז‬des Cassianus lesen wir, dass Bischof T h e o philus von Alexandrien in einem Osterbrief die inepta anthropomorphitarum haeresis abwies. Bei d e n M ö n c h e n j e d o c h , d e r e n Auffassungen Cassianus als simplicitatis error bezeichnete, f a n d er wenig G e h ö r . Dass 35

Palladius, Hist. Laus. 47,3.

36

Siehe Nau, ROC 18, S. 138, Apophth. Ν 360,362 und 363. Vgl. H. Dörries, in: Wort und Stunde 1, S. 271; G.E. Gould, A Note on the Apophthegmata, JTS 37 (1986), S. 133-138. 37 Siehe Ν 314 (Engel); Antonius 26 (PG 65,84C: Gott sendet Moses). Vgl. Hist. monach. in Aegypto 2,7. 3,1

Cassianus, Coli. 10,2.

G o t t eine menschliche Gestalt hatte, sagte die Schrift n a c h i h n e n deutlich aus: w a r d o c h A d a m n a c h Gottes Bild geschaffen (cum ad eius imaginem creatum Adam scriptum manifestissime testaretur). Selbst in der Scete-Wüste, w o n a c h Cassianus die M ö n c h e an V o l l k o m m e n h e i t u n d K e n n t n i s {peifectione ac scientia) alle a n d e r e n in d e n ägyptischen Klöstern ü b e r t r a f e n , wollte ausser P a p h n u t i u s keiner von j e n e n , welche die drei a n d e r e n K i r c h e n in dieser Regio betreuten, diesen Brief in d e r K i r c h e o d e r in d e n Klöstern vorlesen. S p ä t e r schwenkte T h e o philus u m u n d fing a n , eben die allegorische Exegese der Origen e s - A n h ä n g e r zu b e k ä m p f e n . D a m i t entstand eine tiefgreifende K o n traverse im f r ü h e n M ö n c h t u m 3 9 . In d e n Apophthegmata-Sammlungen herrscht die anti-origenistische 40 S t i m m u n g vor , die sich u m 4 0 0 allseits zu verbreiten b e g a n n , a b e r die allegorischen Schriftinterpretationen, die j a a u c h einen Bestandteil d e r kirchlichen T r a d i t i o n im allgemeinen bildeten, fehlen keineswegs. Bei d e n n a m e n t l i c h auf die Praxis eingestellten Asketen in der W ü s t e überwiegt j e d o c h die wörtliche Schrifterklärung. Es h a n d e l t e sich bei i h n e n u m eine u n m i t t e l b a r e Z u s p i t z u n g auf die eigenen moralischen u n d religiösen F r a g e n , u m eine bessere Erkenntnis, wie m a n Heil u n d Heiligkeit e r w e r b e n konnte. Die f o r t w ä h r e n d e Beschäftigung mit d e m Schrifttext, mit Lektüre, M e d i t a t i o n u n d Exegese w u r d e als eine Art G e b e t betrachtet. M e h r n o c h als Fasten u n d W a c h e n w a r es eine W a f f e im geistlichen K a m p f . D a b e i k o n n t e m a n , parallel z u m Fortschreiten im geistlichen L e b e n , sich in einer steigenden Linie bewegen, v o m auswendig K e n n e n des T e x t e s bis hin zu dessen Verständnis. W e n n m a n das Niveau der R e i n h e i t des H e r z e n erreicht hatte, w a r m a n besser imstande, d e n tieferen geistlichen Schriftsinn a u f z u n e h m e n .

Den Bibeltexten wird bisweilen apotropäische Kraft zugeschrieben Ein Sonderaspekt bei der V e r w e n d u n g von Bibeltexten in der Mönchswelt, w o f ü r es eine A n z a h l interessante Zeugnisse gibt, ist die 59

Siehe H. Crouzel, Origène, précurseur du monachisme, in: G. Lemaître, Théologic de la vie monastique. Emdes sur la tradition patristique (Paris, 1961), S. 15-37; vgl. auch Karen Torjesen, Hermeneutical Procedure and Theological Method in Origen's Exegesis

(Berlin-New York, 1986). 40 Vgl. z.B. Lot 1 (PG 65,253D-256). Für die Origenistische Frage bei den Mönchen: D.J. Chitty, The Desert a City (Oxford, 1966), S. 58.

apotropäische K r a f t , welche m a n i h n e n bisweilen zuschrieb. N e b e n Gebetsformeln verwendeten die M ö n c h e a u c h Bibeltexte als Abwehrmittel gegen D ä m o n e n . In der Praxis sind wir d a n n oft nicht weit von der Weise entfernt, in der in der heidnischen Welt der Spätantike magische Formeln, wie wir sie aus den Z a u b e r p a p y r i kenn e n , verwendet werden, u m böse M ä c h t e fernzuhalten. Hier ist z u m Beispiel auf einen T e x t aus d e n Apophthegmata hinzuweisen, wo ein a n o n y m e r A b b a sagt, dass es f ü r die W i r k u n g der ausgesprochenen Bibelworte nicht notwendig ist, ihre B e d e u t u n g zu kennen. Es genügt, sagte er, die Worte zu murmeln. Ich habe gehört, dass Abba Poemen und viele andere Väter sagten: 'Ein Magier versteht die Bedeutung der Worte nicht, die er ausspricht (Poemen meint, magische Laute seien meistens verunstaltet, oder bewusst unverständliche Laute), aber das wilde Tier, das sie hört, versteht sie und erfahrt die zwingende Macht der Worte.' So ist es auch um uns bestellt: selbst wenn wir die Bedeutung der ausgesprochenen Bibelworte nicht verstehen, fürchten die Dämonen sich. Wenn sie diese hören, verschwinden sie rasch 41 . Besonders das N e u e T e s t a m e n t , w o gesagt wird, dass die D ä m o n e n d u r c h den T o d Christi endgültig ü b e r w u n d e n sind, w u r d e von den D ä m o n e n so sehr als b e d r o h e n d erfahren, dass n u r das Aussprechen der W o r t e " D a s N e u e " genügte, u m sie in die Flucht zu schlagen 4 2 . In diesem l i c h t e w e r d e n wir a u c h einen T e x t aus der Vita Hypatii interpretieren müssen 4 3 . W e n n die M ö n c h e des Alexander, des Abtes der A k ö m e t e n (der Niemals-Schlafenden), aus K o n s t a n t i n o p e l vertrieben sind u n d von d e m Kloster R u f i n i a n a e aus weiter flüchten wollen, hofft j e d e r , so der Verfasser der Vita, wenigstens ein Büchlein (βιβλίον) als Eulogie f ü r die Reise m i t n e h m e n zu k ö n n e n . W a h r scheinlich handelt es sich hier u m ein Bibelbuch oder eine kleine S a m m l u n g Bibeltexte, wie Reisende sie bisweilen als T a l i s m a n f ü r unterwegs bei sich trugen 4 4 . ***

41

F. Nau, Histoire des solitaires égyptiens (MS Coislin 126, fol. 158f.), nos. 133-369, ROC 13 (1908), S. 271-272. 42 L. Regnault, Les sentences des pères du désert. Série des anonymes (Solesmes-Bellefontaine, 1985) (N. 632, S. 275). Vgl. id., Les sentences des pères du désert. Troisième

recueil (Sablé sur Sarthe-Solesmes, 1976), S. 107 (XXI 44): das Lesenhören der Schrift schreckt den Teufel ab. 43

Callinicus, Vita Hypatii 4 1 , 1 3 (SC 177, S. 244). Vgl. Vita Columbani 9 tibrum umeris ferens. Siehe D. Gorce, Les voyages, l'hospitalité et le port des lettres dans le monde chrétien des IVe et Ve siècles (Paris, 1925), S. 128-130. 44

Viele der monastischen Schriften aus d e r Frühzeit des M ö n c h t u m s sind von der Bibel gesättigt u n d spiegeln somit d e n ständigen K o n takt wider, d e n die asketischen Kreise mit der Bibel hatten. Bibeltexte, u n d ganz besonders aus einigen Bibelbüchern, finden sich a u c h oft in Anspielungen u n d o h n e n ä h e r e A n g a b e d e r Zitate. In dieser Hinsicht ist die V e r a r b e i t u n g des allesbestimmenden Buches mit der Weise vergleichbar, in der in der späteren griechisch-römischen Welt die p r o f a n e n Schriftsteller in d e n grossen klassischen A u t o r e n ihr Vorbild sahen. D e r Vergleich betrifft j e d o c h n u r d e n formalen Aspekt. Mit der Bibel sind wir inhaltlich in einer g a n z a n d e r e n Welt mit einer g a n z a n d e r e n Paideia. In einem Brief a n seinen F r e u n d G r e g o r von Nazianz, aus der Anfangszeit seines zurückgezogenen Lebens im Pontus, hat Basilius die B e d e u t u n g der Bibel f ü r d e n Asketen treffend z u m Ausdruck gebracht: Lektüre und Meditation der Schrift verschaffen unentbehrliche Hilfe. Diese Texte bieten ja Verhaltensregeln und Vorbilder grossen Kalibers. Wir müssen diese befolgen, wie ein Maler äusserst sorgfaltig ein Original kopiert 45 . So sprechen a u c h die Wüstenväter. " M a n soll praktizieren was geschrieben ist", wie A b b a G e r o n t i u s seinen Besuchern zu sagen pflegte 46 . In der asketischen Welt w a r die Bibel n e b e n Gebetstext a n erster Stelle Wegweiser z u m H i m m e l .

43 46

Basilius, Ep. 2,3 (ad Gregorium); Ausg. Y. Courtonne (Paris, 1957), S. 8-9. Gerontius 1 (PG 65,153AB).

D I E BIBEL IN D E N G E B E T S F O R M E L N DER LATEINISCHEN KIRCHE A A . R . Bastiaensen

Ü b e r die F o r m e n des Betens in der Frühzeit d e r K i r c h e ist nicht viel b e k a n n t . F ü r die neutestamentlichen u n d die ältesten christlichen Schriftsteller ist das ständig wiederholte persönliche u n d öffentliche G e b e t eine Selbstverständlichkeit, a b e r es fehlen g e n a u e r e Auskünfte, besonders in b e z u g auf Art u n d Weise des öffentlichen Gebets. Eines ist allerdings deutlich: von A n f a n g an hat, u n t e r d e n Z u s a m m e n k ü n f ten z u m G e b e t , die von Paulus im ersten K o r i n t h e r b r i e f (1 K o r . 11,20ff.) beschriebene cena dominica ihren eigenen Platz e i n g e n o m m e n . D a s h a t d a z u geführt, dass sich in d e r allmählichen G e s t a l t u n g des öffentlichen Gebets zwei scharf u n t e r s c h i e d e n e F o r m e n herausgeschält h a b e n : die Eucharistiefeier u n d das Stundengebet 1 . In beid e n spielt das W o r t der Bibel eine wichtige Rolle, a b e r zwischen beiden gibt es a u c h , gerade in dieser Beziehung, einen grossen U n t e r schied. D a s S t u n d e n g e b e t besteht fast vollständig aus wörtlich wied e r g e g e b e n e n T e x t e n d e r H . Schrift. D a s gilt in erster Linie f ü r d e n H a u p t i n h a l t , f ü r die biblische Lyrik der Psalmen u n d a n d e r e r biblischer G e s ä n g e wie Benedictus, Magnificat u n d Nunc dimittis, u.dgl., sowie f ü r die diesen Liedern e n t n o m m e n e n o d e r aufs engste mit i h n e n v e r b u n d e n e n A n t i p h o n e n u n d Responsorien. Des weiteren f ü r d e n anfänglich a u s g e d e h n t e n , später stark gekürzten Bestandteil der Bibellesung. Weil Lyrik u n d L e s u n g des S t u n d e n g e b e t s d e n T e x t der Bibel wörtlich u n d nicht in G e b e t s f o r m e l n umgesetzt, nicht 'euchologisch', a n f ü h r e n , hat eine linguistische o d e r stilistische U n t e r s u c h u n g hier keinen Zweck. D e r H y m n u s als Bestandteil des S t u n d e n gebets ist n a h e mit d e n Psalmen u n d a n d e r e n biblischen Liedern

1

Seit dem vierten Jahrhundert unterscheiden sich zwei Formen des Stundengebets, das Kathedraloffizium der kirchlichen Gemeinde und das monastische OfTizium der Klöster. Aber nach Gliederung und Inhalt ist zwischen den beiden kein wesendicher Unterschied: vgl. J. Jungmann, Der Gottesdienst der Kirche, auf dem Hintergrund seiner Geschichte kurz erläutert (Innsbruck-Wien-München, 1955), pp. 172-175 und

P. Salmon, "La prière des heures", A. Martimort éd., L'Église en prière. Introduction à la liturgie (Paris-Tournai-Rome-New York, 1961), pp. 787-876: s. pp. 801-805.

verwandt: er bleibt hier ausser Betracht, so wichtig er in sprachlicher Hinsicht a u c h sein mag 2 . U n s e r e Aufmerksamkeit richtet sich also auf die a n d e r e F o r m des christlichen Gottesdienstes, die Feier d e r Eucharistie. Bestand hier anfänglich eine grosse Freiheit in d e r F o r m u l i e r u n g d e r G e b e t e , so sehen wir seit d e m vierten J a h r h u n d e r t feste Strukturen entstehen, die die U m r a h m u n g f ü r die mit d e n Festen des kirchlichen K a l e n d e r s wechselnden G e b e t s f o r m e l n bilden. Eine auffallende Entwicklung f ü h r t e weiter n o c h d a z u , dass d e r eigentlichen Eucharistiefeier, d e r O p f e r m e s s e ' , normalerweise ein Wortgottesdienst, die 'Vormesse', voranging, in d e m , ausser d e n f u r unsere U n t e r s u c h u n g unwichtigen Lesungen mit Psalmen u n d A n t i p h o n e n , a u c h die n a c h d e m K a i e n d e r wechselnde Kollekte ihren Platz hat 3 . In d e n meisten F o r m u l a r e n des SacramentaHum Veronense, d e r ältesten römischen euchologischen S a m m l u n g , das d e r spezielle G e g e n s t a n d unserer U n t e r s u c h u n g sein wird, f i n d e n wir eine weitere variable O r a t i o n , die oratio super sindonem — a l s solche erhalten in d e r a m b r o s i a n i s c h e n (mailändischen) Liturgie—, die, a n i h r e m Platz n a c h d e r Lesung des Evangeliums, gleichsam d e n Ü b e r g a n g von V o r m e s s e zu O p f e r m e s s e markiert 4 . Die wechselnden G e b e t e n u n , mit d e n e n unsere U n t e r s u c h u n g sich beschäftigen wird, sind folgende: 1) aus der Vormesse die Kollekte; 2) aus d e m Ü b e r g a n g v o n Vormesse zu O p f e r m e s s e die oratio super sindonem, 'die zweite O r a t i o n ' , wie wir sie n e n n e n w e r d e n ; 3) aus der O p f e r m e s s e a) das G e b e t z u r D a r b r i n g u n g der G a b e n , das O p fergebet, super oblata o d e r secreta g e n a n n t , b) die Präfation, praefatio, die 2 Für Kontakte zwischen Psalmodie und Hymnodie s. J. Fontaine, Naissance de la poésie dans l'Occident chrétien (Paris, 1981), pp. 87-89. pp. 132-135; s. von derselben Hand "Introduction. Psalmodie et hymnodie", in Ambroise de Milan. Hymnes. Texte

établi, traduit et annoté sous la direction de J. Fontaine (Paris, 1992), pp. 28-41. 3 Das Stundengebet hat auch die Kollekte am Ende des Offiziums. In der heutigen Situation ist sie mit der Kollekte der Vormesse identisch. Wie diese ÜbereinStimmung zu erklären ist, ist mir nicht bekannt. Einen Sonderfall bilden die aus der Antike in mindestens drei Serien (einer afrikanischen, einer römischen und einer spanischen) überlieferten Psalmkollekten. Diese Kollekten, deren jede einzelne die einzelnen Psalmen des Stundengebets abschliesst, waren in Ost (Egeria und Cassian) und West (die Regula Magistri, nicht mehr in der Regula Benedicta) in Gebrauch: vgl. A.

Wilmart—L. Brou, The Psalter Collects from Vth— Vlth Century Sources (Henry Bradshaw

Society 83), London, 1949: s. "Introduction". In diesen Orationen (einige nichtliterarisch, andere gepflegt, z.B. mit cursus ausgestattet) ist der Psalmtext Hauptinhalt. Die erwünschte Untersuchung über Sprache und Stil steht noch aus. 4

s. A. Chavasse, Le sacramentaire gélasien (Vaticanus Reginensis 316) sacramentaire presbytéral en usage dans les titres romains au Vile siècle (Bibliothèque de Théologie IV, 1),

Paris-Tournai-New York-Rome, 1957, pp. 190-195.

einleitende F o r m e l des eucharistischen Hochgebetes, c) das G e b e t n a c h d e r K o m m u n i o n , die P o s t k o m m u n i o n , postcommunio\ 4) aus d e m Schlussteil die oratio super populum, das Segnungsgebet, mit d e m d e r Z e l e b r a n t d e n Segen, d e n er zur V e r a b s c h i e d u n g der A n w e s e n d e n aussprechen wird, einleitet. Diese sechs G e b e t e bilden z u s a m m e n den n o r m a l e n Inhalt eines Messformulars. H i n z u k o m m e n übrigens die S o n d e r f o r m e l n , die wir im Veronense, wie in allen S a k r a m e n t a r i e n , vorfinden, f ü r b e s t i m m t e Feierlichkeiten, f u r die S p e n d u n g der Sak r a m e n t e , f ü r die W e i h e z u m Bischof, Priester u n d Diakon, f ü r die zwei auf die F r a u a b g e s t i m m t e n Riten, d e r Eheschliessung (velatio nuptialis) u n d des feierlichen Eintritts in das monastische L e b e n , u n d f u r a n d e r e b e s o n d e r e Gelegenheiten. D a s ganze Gebiet überblickend stellen wir fest, dass, o b s c h o n viel T e x t m a t e r i a l verlorengegangen ist (von d e m d e r nordafrikanischen K i r c h e n a h e z u sämtliches), d e n n o c h aus d e m R e i c h t u m , d e n d e r lateinische Westen im L a u f des ersten Millenniums a u f g e b a u t hat, viele T a u s e n d e G e b e t e auf uns g e k o m m e n sind. I m R a h m e n dieser Studie ist es nicht möglich, f ü r all dieses Material d e m Einfluss der Bibel bei d e r Redaktionsarbeit n a c h z u g e h e n 5 . I m folgenden wird ein, allerdings n u r vorläufiger, V e r s u c h u n t e r n o m m e n , das älteste uns b e k a n n t e lateinische Material, die im Sacramentarium Veronensè5 a u f b e w a h r t e n euchologischen D o k u m e n t e der römischen K i r c h e aus d e m f ü n f t e n u n d sechsten J a h r h u n d e r t , auf biblischen Einfluss zu p r ü f e n : viele F o r m e l n aus dieser S a m m l u n g sind i m m e r h i n von d e n späteren westlichen, a u c h nichtrömischen, S a k r a m e n t a r i e n ü b e r n o m m e n worden. Z u n ä c h s t geben wir eine Beschreibung von der Präsenz d e r Bibel in d e n Präfationen, die als L o b g e b e t ihren eigenen Platz im K o r p u s d e r G e b e t e e i n n e h m e n ; anschliessend folgen die f ü n f a n d e 5

Auf diesem Gebiet steckt die wissenschaftliche Arbeit noch in den Kinderschuhen. In einer liturgiegeschichtlichen Übersicht erwähnt Saxer das fast völlige Fehlen von Ergebnissen betreffs der 'présence biblique' in den liturgischen Texten: V. Saxer, "Bible et liturgie", J. Fontaine—Ch. Piétri éd., Le monde latin antique et la Bible (Bible de tous les temps 2), Paris, 1985, pp. 157-183: s. Schlussbemerkungen. 6 Die kritische Ausgabe des in der Kapitelbibliothek von Verona aufgefundenen Dokuments ist von L.C. Mohlberg: Sacramentanum Veronense (Rerum Ecclesiasticarum Documenta. Series maior. Fontes 1), 2 Roma, 1956. Die frühere Benennung Sacramentarium Leonianum beruht auf der falschen Annahme, dass Papst Leo der Grosse um die Mitte des fünften Jahrhunderts dieses Material redigiert oder gesammelt hätte. Über das Veronense als Quelle euchologischen Materials findet man einiges in J. Hennig, "Studies in the Vocabulary of the Sacramentanum Veronense" in John J. O'Meara and Bernd N a u m a n n ed., Latin Script and Letters A.D. 400-900. Festschrift presented to Ludwig Bieler on the occasion of his 70th birthday (Leiden, 1976), pp. 101-112.

ren O r a t i o n e n des Messformulars, die, a u f g r u n d ihres g e m e i n s a m e n C h a r a k t e r s als Bittgebet, in der B e s p r e c h u n g z u s a m m e n g e n o m m e n werden.

Die älteste römische Präfation Die variable Präfation ist ein f ü r d e n lateinischen Westen kennzeichn e n d e s G e b e t . D e n griechischen Liturgien ist sie u n b e k a n n t , weil dort das eucharistische H o c h g e b e t ein festes G e f u g e von einer A n zahl die Einsetzungsworte u m r a h m e n d e r u n v e r ä n d e r l i c h e r G e b e t e bildet. In d e r lateinischen T r a d i t i o n finden wir zwei F o r m e n . In d e r gallikanischen Liturgie im gallischen R a u m u n d der m o z a r a b i s c h e n Liturgie in d e r Iberischen Halbinsel sind alle Bestandteile des H o c h gebetes, die Einsetzungsworte a u s g e n o m m e n , variabel, w ä h r e n d in d e r römischen u n d in d e r a m b r o s i a n i s c h e n (mailändischen) Liturgie n u r das feierliche einleitende G e b e t , die Präfation, veränderlich ist. Diese Präfation h a t die ausserordentlich wichtige Funktion, d e n Aspekt des Lobes u n d des Dankes, d e r d e n K e r n d e r Eucharistie a u s m a c h t , p r o n o n c i e r t h e r v o r z u h e b e n . Anschliessend a n die letzte F o r m e l des einleitenden Dialogs: Gratias agamus domino deo nostro— Dignum et iustum est, fängt sie d e n n a u c h i m m e r mit d e m fast lyrischen Ausruf an: Vere dignum et iustum est, aequum et salutare, nos tibi semper et ubique gratias agere. U n d es folgt d a n n d e r sehr logische Ü b e r g a n g zur Feier des T a g e s : (... Dir i m m e r zu danken), insonderheit heute, bei Gelegenheit des Weihnachtsfestes, des Festes d e r H i m m e l f a h r t Christi, des Festes der Apostelfursten Petrus u n d Paulus, des J a h r t a g s d e r Bischofsweihe, des A n f a n g s d e r Fastenzeit, usw. F ü r die H e r v o r h e b u n g u n d A u s a r b e i t u n g des Festthemas stellt sich d a n n die Bibel als die bevorzugte Quelle heraus. So ist W e i h n a c h t s p r ä f a t i o n 1245 des Sacramentarium Veronense eine A n e i n a n d e r r e i h u n g biblischer Aussagen ü b e r die magnalia des H e r r n : erfüllt ist jetzt, was die P r o p h e t e n vorhergesagt h a b e n (Luk. 1,70): die J u n g f r a u h a t e m p f a n g e n u n d d e n S o h n geboren, d e r E m m a n u e l heisst (Jes. 7,14; M a t t h . 1,23); das W o r t ist Fleisch g e w o r d e n u n d ist g e k o m m e n u m u n t e r uns zu w o h n e n (Joh. 1,14). D e r letzte Teil der Präfation zitiert ausführlich J e s a j a : ein K n a b e ist uns geboren; H e r r schaft r u h t auf seinen Schultern; sein N a m e wird sein d e r W u n d e r b a re, Engel des grossen Ratschlusses, starker G o t t , V a t e r der k o m m e n d e n Welt, Friedensfürst; a u s g e d e h n t wird seine H e r r s c h a f t sein, u n d

des Friedens ü b e r d e m T h r o n u n d d e m K ö n i g r e i c h Davids wird kein E n d e sein (Jes. 9,6-7). D e r Schluss schlägt w i e d e r u m eine lyrische T o n a r t an: deswegen j a u c h z t mit u n e i n g e s c h r ä n k t e r F r e u d e auf d e m g a n z e n Erdkreis die M e n s c h h e i t (unde profusis gaudiis totus in orbe terrarum mundus exsultat). U n d mit d e n Engeln u n d Erzengeln, mit d e n T h r o n e n u n d Gewalten, mit d e m g e s a m t e n himmlischen H e e r e singen wir z u m Lobe D e i n e r Herrlichkeit: Sanctus, sanctus, sanctus, dominus deus sabaoth. Die Präfation als G a n z e s erweist sich somit als eine geschlossene u n d sehr eindrucksvolle K o m p o s i t i o n . W e i h n a c h t s p r ä f a t i o n 1247 ist, gleichfalls mit wörtlichen Zitaten, A n p a s s u n g einer A n z a h l von Versen aus d e m Benedictus, d e m Lobgesang des Z a c h a r i a s ü b e r das Heil, das g e k o m m e n ist (Luk. 1,68-79). In 1250 w e r d e n alttestamentliche Figuren als heilsgeschichtliche V o r bilder des jetzt erschienenen Erlösers a u f g e f ü h r t : d e r gerechte Abel, das jüdische O s t e r l a m m , A b r a h a m , Melchisedech. Eine kurze Präfation f ü r Christi H i m m e l f a h r t (177) entlehnt aus d e m Psalm (Ps. 23[24],7-10) W o r t e ü b e r d e n K ö n i g der Herrlichkeit, d e n H e r r n d e r H i m m e l s m ä c h t e , der vor d e n b e w u n d e r n d e n Blicken der Engelsfürsten die Erstlinge d e r A u f e r s t e h u n g zur R e c h t e n Gottes sitzen heisst. Präfationen f ü r Märtyrerfeste h a b e n m a n c h m a l (11. 68. 166) als Leitgedanken d e n Glückwunsch des Paulus a n die Philipper (Phil. 1,29), dass es i h n e n geschenkt w u r d e , nicht n u r an Christus zu glauben, sondern a u c h f ü r ihn zu leiden. In d e n Präfationen f ü r M ä r t y r e r i n n e n (826. 839. 1180. 1185) steht die Geschichte d e r Genesis ü b e r d e n Sündenfall im Mittelpunkt: b e t o n t wird, dass der Teufel, d a m a l s d u r c h V e r s a g e n d e r F r a u Sieger, jetzt d u r c h T a p f e r k e i t d e r F r a u Erschlagener ist. Auffällig ist d e r A u f b a u einer Präfation f ü r d e n 27. D e z e m b e r , das Fest des Apostels u n d Evangelisten J o h a n n e s : es geziemt uns, Dich, G o t t , zu loben a m Fest des J o h a n n e s , des von D e i n e m S o h n G e r u f e n e n , d e r seinen irdischen V a t e r verliess (Matth. 4,22; Mk. 1,20; Luk. 5,11), u m einen himmlischen zu e r w e r b e n ; der die Netze d e r Welt wegwarf, u m in Freiheit leben zu k ö n n e n ; d e r aus einem auf d e n W o g e n t a n z e n d e n Schiff ausstieg, u m R u d e r g ä n g e r in D e i n e r K i r c h e zu w e r d e n ; d e r d e n Fischfang a u f g a b , u m mit der Angel der Heilslehre die M e n s c h e n aus d e n Strudeln d e r bösen Welt herauszuziehen; d e r das Eindringen in die Geheimnisse des Meeres mit d e m E i n d r i n gen in die göttlichen Geheimnisse vertauschte; d e n n diese G e h e i m nisse h a t er ergründet: bei d e r cena mystica, d e m letzten A b e n d m a h l , als er sich an die Brust J e s u legte (Joh. 13,23.25); u n t e r m K r e u z , als

Jesus ihn a n seiner Statt S o h n seiner j u n g f r ä u l i c h e n M u t t e r m a c h t e (Joh. 19,27); als d e r inspirierte Prediger, d e r a n d e n a n d e r e n J ü n g e r n vorbei die A u f g a b e erhielt, das W o r t Gottes zu v e r k ü n d e n , das im A n f a n g bei G o t t w a r (Joh. 1,1). Die Aussagen d e r Bibel ü b e r das A u f g e b e n d e r Arbeit in d e r Fischerei dienen hier als G e g e n s t a n d d e r Allegorisierung. Die Christen f a n d e n in d e n biblischen W o r t e n oft m e h r als dasjenige, was diese d e m Buchstaben n a c h sagten: a u c h in allegorischer D e u t u n g verherrlichten diese Aussagen die magnalia Gottes. Dass es dabei gelegentlich zu m e r k w ü r d i g e n I n t e r p r e t a t i o n e n k o m m e n konnte, beweist eine Präfation (1291) f ü r das Fest d e r U n schuldigen K i n d e r , a m 28. D e z e m b e r . Ausgangspunkt f ü r d e n Verfasser ist das Zitat in M a t t h ä u s 2,18, anlässlich des K i n d e r m o r d e s in Bethlehem, von J e r e m i a 31,15 ü b e r R a c h e l , die sich nicht wollte trösten lassen, weil ihre K i n d e r non sunt 'nicht m e h r d a sind'. E r versteht a b e r non sunt als: weil die K i n d e r , die die M ä r t y r e r k r o n e erhalten h a b e n , 'nicht ihre K i n d e r sind'. Als M ä r t y r e r gekrönt sind nämlich die K i n d e r Lias, d e r Rivalin R a c h e l s in d e r G u n s t des Patria r c h e n J a k o b (Gen. 29,14-30,24): aus Lia, d e r zweiten u n d viel f r u c h t b a r e r e n F r a u J a k o b s , s t a m m e n die Unschuldigen K i n d e r . M a n k a n n nicht u m h i n , hier eine Anspielung zu h ö r e n auf d e n Gegensatz zwischen d e m erstgeliebten, d e m j ü d i s c h e n Volk, das abgewiesen, u n d d e m Volk der zweiten Liebe, d e m Volk d e r Christen, das bereits in d e n Unschuldigen K i n d e r n auserwählt w u r d e . I n d e n P r ä f a t i o n e n zu E h r e n des S t e p h a n u s , des ersten Märtyrers, des Lieblings d e r K i r c h e in O s t u n d West, dessen Fest a m 26. D e z e m b e r b e g a n g e n w u r d e (673. 680. 686. 688. 694. 701), sind die Hinweise auf biblische Textstellen zahlreich: S t e p h a n u s hat die V e r sorgung d e r W i t w e n in d e r G e m e i n d e betreut; in d e n AuseinanderSetzungen mit j ü d i s c h e n G e g n e r n h a t er die O b e r h a n d g e w o n n e n ; die H i m m e l h a t er offen gesehen u n d d e n S o h n des M e n s c h e n zur R e c h t e n Gottes stehen sehen; f ü r seine Verfolger hat er gebetet (Apg. 6,1.11; 7,55.60). D e r R e d a k t o r h a t sich hier übrigens nicht mit d e n Mitteilungen seiner Quelle zufriedengegeben. In die E r w ä h n u n g der B e t r e u u n g d e r W i t w e n hat er, vielleicht n a c h 1 T i m . 4,12 o d e r 2 T i m . 3,6, die B e t e u e r u n g hineingeschmuggelt, dass dabei die E h r b a r keit keineswegs verletzt w u r d e (673. 680). W i r w u n d e m uns nicht d a r ü b e r , dass in d e n P r ä f a t i o n e n 6 7 3 u n d 6 8 8 auf d e n N a m e n des Märtyrers, S t e p h a n u s , griechisch f u r ' K r a n z ' , ' M ä r t y r e r k r a n z ' , angespielt wird. Gänzlich u n e r w a r t e t u n d einigermassen bestürzend ist

a b e r die V e r b i n d u n g d e r Steinigung des S t e p h a n u s (Apg. 7,58-59) mit d e m W o r t aus d e m ersten Brief des Petrus (1 Petr. 2,5) ü b e r die G l ä u b i g e n , die als lebendige Steine, lapides vivi, a u f g e b a u t w e r d e n : S t e p h a n u s ist ein 'lebendiger Stein heiligen Zeugnisses' (688). Mit e i n e m derartigen, ziemlich willkürlichen H e r a n z i e h e n von Textstellen wird die Bibel nicht gering b e m ü h t . In e i n e m g a n z a n d e ren Sinne ist das a u c h d e r Fall mit d e r Präfation aus einem LupercaliaF o r m u l a r (530), verwendet a m 5. M ä r z , d e m vierten Fastensonntag, im J a h r e 495. Die Affäre d e r Lupercalia h a t sich im Sacramentarium Veronense in einer A n z a h l m a r k a n t e r M e s s f o r m u l a r e niedergeschlagen, die v o n G . P o m a r è s mit h o h e r Wahrscheinlichkeit identifiziert u n d mit d e n g e n a u e n D a t e n versehen w o r d e n sind 7 . Papst Gelasius I., E n d e des f ü n f t e n J a h r h u n d e r t s , zog ins Feld gegen das Fortleben des von frühesten Zeiten ü b e r k o m m e n e n , heidnischen Lupercalia-Festes: das w u r d e i h m verübelt u n d er w u r d e Zielscheibe bitterer V e r l e u m d u n g u n d V e r d ä c h t i g u n g seitens seiner G e g n e r . Seine A n t w o r t in liturgischer F o r m w a r a u c h nicht gerade sanftmütig, wie aus d e r Präfation hervorgeht. Typisch ist, dass d e r Lob- u n d D a n k c h a r a k t e r zurücktritt, die Bibel a b e r nicht ausser F u n k t i o n gesetzt wird: sie wird b e n u t z t als Arsenal in d e r K a m p a g n e gegen die Feinde. Diese sind falsi ßatres (2 K o r . 11,26; Gal. 2,4), a n ihren F r ü c h t e n e r k e n n b a r (Zitat v o n M a t t h . 7,20), zur H o f f a r t getrieben, weil sie alles fleischlich verstehen (Kol. 2,18-19), n u r auf das Irdische b e d a c h t (Phil. 3,19), S a c h e n des Geistes als T o r h e i t e n b e t r a c h t e n d (1 K o r . 2,14), im G l a u b e n verwerflich (2 T i m . 3,8), nicht verstehend, was sie b e h a u p t e n (1 T i m . 1,7), trügerische Arbeiter (2 K o r . 11,13), E r k u n d e r d e r Freiheit der Christen (Gal. 2,4), sich in die H ä u s e r d r ä n g e n d u n d mit S ü n d e n b e l a d e n e W e i b e r zu ihrer Beute m a c h e n d (2 T i m . 3,6), mit K a l k bestrichene G r a b k a m m e r n , von aussen schön, i n n e n a b e r voll von G e b e i n e n u n d jeglichem U n r a t (Matth. 23,27), u n d desgleichen m e h r . A m E n d e folgt die W a r n u n g , d e r Christ m ö g e sich vor diesen u n o r d e n t l i c h w a n d e l n d e n B r ü d e r n h ü t e n (2 Thess. 3,6) u n d sich j e n e n W e r k e n w i d m e n , d e r e n t w e g e n die w a h r e n Gläubigen G o t t , von d e m j e d e s v o l l k o m m e n e G e s c h e n k (Jak. 1,17), des guten Gewissens u n d des guten L e u m u n d s , h e r k o m m t , preisen u n d verherrlichen (Matth. 5,16). N u r a m Schluss also k o m m t die Präfation auf ihr eigenes Gebiet.

7

G. Pomarès, Gélose 1er. Lettre contre les Lupereales et dix-huit messes du sacramentaire léonien. Introduction, texte critique, traduction et notes S C 65 (Paris, 1959).

H i n u n d wieder k o m m t sie a b e r nicht e i n m a l so weit. In einer Ferialtagspräfation (668) treffen wir in d e m a n G o t t gerichteten Gebet auf einen G e d a n k e n g a n g , d e r wie alltägliche Lebensweisheit anm u t e t : D e i n Wille ist es, dass das Menschengeschlecht eine G e m e i n schaft v o n Gleichberechtigten ist; d a r u m befiehlst D u uns, j e d e n Zwiespalt u n d alles, was R u h e u n d H a r m o n i e stört, abzuweisen; vor U n r e c h t sollen wir u n s h ü t e n , d a m i t wir alle gleicher G e s i n n u n g sind; was Dir nicht gefällt, sollen wir v e r m e i d e n , u n d suchen, was Dich g n ä d i g stimmt. Es ist d e r übliche Schlusssatz ' d u r c h Christus, unseren H e r r n , d u r c h d e n die Engel... nicht a u f h ö r e n zu singen: Sanctus, sanctus, sanctus', d e r u n s d a r a n erinnert, dass der T e x t eine Präfation ist. Eine a n d e r e Ferialtagspräfation (434) bietet in stark rhetorischer F o r m die régula aurea: 'was d u nicht willst, dass m a n dir tu', das f u g a u c h keinem a n d e r n zu'. Die G o l d e n e Regel ist natürlich a u c h biblisch (vgl. T o b . 4,16 u n d M a t t h . 7,12), a b e r der Verfasser der Präfation scheint den Schluss seiner Beweisführung e h e r aus stoischem als aus biblischem G e d a n k e n g u t entlehnt zu h a b e n . Er f o r m u liert: w e n n j e d e r m a n n seinen censors naturae, seinen d e r gleichen N a t u r teilhaftigen M i t m e n s c h e n , liebt, d a n n entsteht eine semet ipsam diligens mens una cunctorum, 'eine sich selbst liebende geistliche Einheit des g a n z e n Menschengeschlechts'. Eine Lupercalia-Präfation (422) verbindet a u c h Stoisches u n d Biblisches, i n d e m sie d e n consors naturaeG e d a n k e n mit einer E m p f e h l u n g des doppelten G e b o t e s d e r Liebe zu G o t t u n d zu d e m N ä c h s t e n verflicht (Matth. 22,37-41). Vieles k ö n n t e n o c h aus d e n zahlreichen P r ä f a t i o n e n des Veronense zitiert w e r d e n , a b e r es ist o h n e h i n deutlich, dass wir es mit einer Serie von Gebetstexten zu t u n h a b e n , die, trotz ihres ursprünglichen g e m e i n s a m e n C h a r a k t e r s als Lobpreis, in T h e m a t i k u n d A u f b a u eine grosse Variation aufweisen. M a n c h e spiegeln augenblickliche Bedürfnisse u n d Sorgen wider: so die P r ä f a t i o n e n f ü r Festtage, f ü r die Fastenzeit, f ü r d e n J a h r e s t a g der Bischofsweihe, u.dgl.; gleichfalls die mit P r o b l e m e n in der K i r c h e z u s a m m e n h ä n g e n d e n T e x t e , wie die Luperccdia-Vrài&ûontn o d e r die P r ä f a t i o n e n f ü r Kriegszeit, die die Angst vor T o d u n d V e r h e e r u n g widerspiegeln (446. 452, von C h a vasse mit grosser Wahrscheinlichkeit in die T a g e d e r Belagerung R o m s d u r c h die O s t g o t e n im J a h r e 537 datiert 8 ). A b e r d a n e b e n gibt es a u c h viele T e x t e allgemeineren Inhalts: m a n c h e ethischer o d e r 8

s. A. Chavasse, "Messes du pape Vigile (537-555) dans le sacramentaire léonien", Ephemerides hturgicae 64(1950), pp. 161-213; 66(1952), pp. 145-219.

katechetischer Art zur E r m u n t e r u n g o d e r B e l e h r u n g der G l ä u b i g e n , a n d e r e beschaulich mit sogar Platz f ü r nicht ausdrücklich christliche religiöse Lebensweisheit. Sorgfältige Inventarisation u n d g e n a u e Analyse d e r Vielzahl von P r ä f a t i o n e n des Veronense k ö n n t e unsere K e n n t n i s von d e n P r o b l e m e n , die das theologische u n d kulturelle L e b e n R o m s im f ü n f t e n u n d sechsten J a h r h u n d e r t beherrschten, vielleicht beträchtlich erweitern 9 . A b e r das hegt jetzt ausserhalb unseres Blickfelds. F ü r u n s ist die Feststellung wichtig, dass d e r Verfasser einer P r ä f a t i o n — w i r müssen a n n e h m e n , dass das der Papst o d e r sein Sekretär w a r — , a n erster Stelle zur Bibel griff, sei es, dass es galt, W o r t e u n d Ausdrücke zu finden, die in eigentlicher o d e r allegorischer V e r w e n d u n g das L o b Gottes singen u n d d e n Anlass zu diesem L o b beschreiben k ö n n t e n , sei es dass es galt, die Sorge der K i r c h e u m b e s t i m m t e P r o b l e m e o d e r pastorale E r w ä g u n g e n allerlei Art in W o r te zu fassen. Die Freiheit ist gross: im R a h m e n der festen F o r m e l n von L o b u n d D a n k a m A n f a n g u n d a m E n d e ist R a u m f ü r vielerlei, a u c h f ü r Ideen u n d W o r t e populärphilosophischer Weisheit, die m a n a n diesem H ö h e p u n k t d e r liturgischen Feier nicht erwarten w ü r d e . Die römische K i r c h e h a t übrigens selbst das G e f ü h l g e h a b t , dass Auswüchse d r o h t e n , in Q u a n t i t ä t wie in Qualität. I m Sacramentanum Gregonanum, einer im siebten J a h r h u n d e r t angelegten S a m m l u n g von G e b e t e n f ü r die päpstliche Liturgie, ist die Z a h l der Präfationen drastisch reduziert u n d d e r Inhalt auf das in religiöser Hinsicht W e s e n t liehe beschränkt. A m E n d e dieses Abschnitts bleibt u n s n o c h die Frage, wie in d e n E n t l e h n u n g e n der Präfationen mit d e m W o r t l a u t der Bibel verfahren wird. D e r redaktionelle R a u m , ü b e r d e n d e r Verfasser verfügt, veranlasst unterschiedliche F o r m e n d e r V e r a r b e i t u n g . I n m a n c h e n Fällen h a n d e l t es sich u m einen Hinweis auf ein biblisches Ereignis, o h n e dass d e r T e x t zitiert o d e r irgendwie verarbeitet wird: so in d e r o b e n e r w ä h n t e n Präfation des Apostels u n d Evangelisten J o h a n n e s (1276), d e r den V a t e r verlässt u n d d e n Fischfang aufgibt. 9

In diesem Zusammenhang muss vielleicht auf die Tatsache hingewiesen werden, dass der consors naturae-Gedanke, von dem oben die Rede war, sich auch in Werken des Ambrosius findet (De Nabuthe 2.40; De Helia 11 ; Exp. Ev. Luc. 6,42, usw.). Der Bischof von Mailand arbeitet diesen philosophischen Gedanken stoischer Prägung in seine biblisch-chrisdichen Anschauungen hinein. Die Übereinstimmung mit dem Verfahren der liturgischen Autoren ist augenfällig. Für die Auffassung des Ambrosius, s. M. Poirier, '"Consors naturae' chez saint Ambroise. Copropriété de la nature ou communauté de la nature?", Ambrosius Episcopus. Atti del Congresso intemazionale di studi ambrosiani vol. 2 (Studia patristica mediolanensia 7), Milano, 1976, pp. 325-335.

Meistens a b e r ist d e r Bibeltext gut e r k e n n b a r . M a n c h m a l gibt es in dieser zweiten G r u p p e wörtliche W i e d e r g a b e n , wie in d e n obengen a n n t e n W e i h n a c h t s p r ä f a t i o n e n (1245 u n d 1247), die eine Aneina n d e r r e i h u n g v o n Bibelzitaten sind. In d e n meisten Fällen j e d o c h ist das biblische T e x t m a t e r i a l einer stilistischen V e r a r b e i t u n g unterzogen. Ein wichtiges E l e m e n t dieser V e r a r b e i t u n g ist das Ausschmükken von Satz u n d K o l o n mit d e m s o g e n a n n t e n cursus, der künstlichen A n o r d n u n g d e r b e t o n t e n Schlusssilben. Die schon e r w ä h n t e Präfation f u r H i m m e l f a h r t (177), die Psalm 23[24],710‫ ־‬als wichtigste Quelle hat, ist ein sprechendes Beispiel: die Psalmverse w e r d e n in der Weise angepasst, dass ein kurzer, stilisierter T e x t entsteht, d e r a u c h n o c h f ü n f m a l einen der in d e n liturgischen T e x t e n üblichen cursus aufweist: qui mirantibus angelis angelorûmque princípibus, rex gloriae dominusque virtútum, resurrectionis beátae primítias, throno tuae maiestátis oblâtus, in tua secum déxtera c0110cávit: d e r R e i h e n a c h cursus tardus (Betonung d e r sechsten u n d dritten Silbe von hinten), cursus planus (Betonung d e r f ü n f t e n u n d zweiten), abermais cursus tardus u n d cursus planus, als Schluss cursus velox (Betonung d e r siebten u n d zweiten Silbe), eine mit grosser Sorgfalt a n g e b r a c h t e Textverzierung. In d e r auffallenden Lupercalia-Vräfation des Papstes Gelasius (530) sind die biblischen V e r u r t e i l u n g e n der G e g n e r m a n c h m a l wörtliche Zitate, m a n c h m a l mit einem cursus versehene Stilisier u n g e n : wörtliches Zitat ist ex fructibus eorum cognoscetis eos\ stilisierte u n d mit cursus geschmückte V e r a r b e i t u n g ist: domi forisque spurcitiam contrahéntes, non tarn referti sunt ôssibus mortuörum, quam magis ipsi sunt mortui: zweimal cursus velox, einmal cursus tardus. Die dritte u n d letzte K a t e g o r i e bilden die zahlreichen Passagen, die der Verfasser nicht a n h a n d eines b e s t i m m t e n Bibeltextes aufgeb a u t hat, die er aber, bewusst o d e r unbewusst, mit biblischen W ö r tern o d e r Ausdrücken ausgestattet hat. Auf diese biblische P r ä g u n g d e r liturgischen Diktion w e r d e n wir im jetzt folgenden Kapitel ü b e r die O r a t i o n e n z u r ü c k k o m m e n .

Die ältesten römischen Orationen Die F o r m e l n des Veronense bieten, wie o b e n angedeutet, n e b e n der

Präfation f ü n f O r a t i o n e n : Kollekte, zweite O r a t i o n , O p f e r g e b e t , P o s t k o m m u n i o n u n d Segnungsgebet. Im Z u s a m m e n h a n g mit ihrer B e s t i m m u n g weisen diese G e b e t e gegenseitig Unterschiede auf. Zwisehen d e m Segnungsgebet u n d d e n vier a n d e r e n O r a t i o n e n besteht ein struktureller Unterschied, weil in letzteren der Z e l e b r a n t Vorsteh e r ist u n d als S p r e c h e r des Volkes zu G o t t betet, w ä h r e n d er im Segnungsgebet sich selbständig a n G o t t richtet u n d I h n bittet, d e n Segen, d e n er ü b e r das Volk zu sprechen sich anschickt, zu bestätigen 1 0 . V o m g r a m m a t i s c h e n Blickpunt aus gesehen bedeutet dies, dass in d e n vier g e n a n n t e n O r a t i o n e n die erste Person Plural die n o r m a l e F o r m ist: 'wir bitten dich, H e r r ' , ' H e r r , e r b a r m e dich unser 5 , im Gegensatz z u m Segnungsgebet, das, als Bittgebet zugunsten a n d e r e r , die dritte Person verwendet: ' H e r r , e r b a r m e dich ihrer', ihrer, das heisst 'deines Volkes', ' d e r A n w e s e n d e n ' . Z u d e m ist das Segnungsgebet d u r c h eine bestimmte, mit d e m Inhalt z u s a m m e n h ä n g e n d e W o r t w a h l gekennzeichnet, mit T e r m i n i wie inclinare, prosterni, benedicere, intendere, visitare, protegere, respicere, u.dgl. Die " W i r - G e b e t e " weisen gegenseitig bloss einen funktionellen Unterschied auf. Die Eingangsgebete, die Kollekte u n d gewissermassen a u c h die zweite O r a t i o n , b e t o n e n die Idee von Z u s a m m e n k u n f t u n d Festlichkeit mit W ö r t e r n u n d A u s d r ü c k e n wie celebrare, concurrere, festum, sollemnitas, preces suseipere, preces exaudire o d e r in d e r Fastenzeit observantia, emendatio, u.dgl. Im O p f e r g e b e t erscheinen regelmässig hostia, hostia laudis, immolare, oblatio, saarificium, munera, dona. Die P o s t k o m m u n i o n h a t i m m e r wieder perdpere, reficere, vegetare, sumere, potus, gustus, partieipatio sacramenti, usw. Diese funktionellen Unterschiede, sowie a u c h d e r strukturelle U n t e r s c h i e d zwischen d e m Segnungsgebet u n d d e n a n d e r e n vier G e b e t e n , b e d e u t e n j e d o c h nicht, dass wir es bei den f ü n f mit gegenseitig g r u n d v e r s c h i e d e n e n W o r t v e r b i n d u n g e n o d e r Stilelementen zu t u n h a b e n . Ins Auge fällt vielmehr die Ü b e r e i n s t i m m u n g , mit der sie sich als G e s a m t h e i t v o m sechsten G e b e t des Messformulars, d e r Präfation, a b h e b e n . Die O r a t i o n e n unterscheiden sich von der Präfation d a d u r c h , dass ihre B e s t i m m u n g als Bittgebet a n d e r e K a t e g o r i e n von G e d a n k e n u n d A u s d r u c k s f o r m e n verlangt, als es f ü r das Lobgebet der Präfation der 10

Dies geht sehr deutlich aus Segnungsgebet 467 hervor: Tui sunt, domine, populi,

qui ministmum vocis nostrae expectant. Quaesumus clementiam tuam, ut salutaria eis poscentibus, quidquidfiducia non habet depraecantis, gratia tua quae bonorum nostrorum non indiget largiatur. es leuchtet ein, dass mintstenum vocis nostrae, quaesumus und fiducia depraecantis Worte des

Zelebranten sind, der beim Sprechen der Segensformel für das Volk beten wird.

Fall ist. In d e n O r a t i o n e n fehlt es zwar nicht a n E l e m e n t e n von L o b u n d D a n k , so wie a u c h einzelne Bestandteile einer Präfation m a n c h m a l als Bittgebet auftreten: es gibt sogar Fälle von U m a r b e i t u n g , w o d u r c h Präfation zu O r a t i o n , O r a t i o n zu Präfation g e w o r d e n i s t " . A b e r trotz einer gelegentlich a u f t r e t e n d e n gegenseitigen Beeinflussung stellen wir fest, dass Präfation u n d O r a t i o n e n , in G e d a n k e n f ì i h r u n g u n d Ausdrucksweise u n d besonders a u c h im A u f b a u des Textes, klar v o n e i n a n d e r u n t e r s c h i e d e n sind. Die Präfation, wie sich im v o r h e r g e h e n d e n herausgestellt hat, bietet d e m Verfasser R a u m : das H a u p t t h e m a v o n L o b u n d D a n k u n d die vielen h i n z u k o m m e n d e n T h e m e n k ö n n e n mit biblischem T e x t m a t e r i a l gleichsam in Breite u n d Fülle ausgearbeitet w e r d e n . In d e n O r a t i o n e n dagegen herrsehen Beschränkung, K ü r z e u n d Ausgewogenheit im Ausdruck vor, wie a u c h d e r z u r ü c k h a l t e n d e U m g a n g mit biblischem T e x t m a t e r i a l deutlich m a c h t . A n diesem Material fehlt es in d e n O r a t i o n e n übrigens nicht. M i n destens auf drei Weisen spielt es in d e n G e b e t s f o r m e l n eine Rolle. M a n c h m a l bildet der Bibeltext selbst d e n Inhalt des Gebets; a n vielen a n d e r e n Stellen dient er als Motivation u n d B e g r ü n d u n g d e r Bitte; schliesslich gibt es, verstreut ü b e r die F o r m e l n , die zahllosen T e r m i n i u n d W e n d u n g e n , die d e r Verfasser bei d e r Redaktionsarbeit aus d e m i h m zur V e r f ü g u n g s t e h e n d e n biblischen W o r t s c h a t z geschöpft hat.

1. Der Bibeltext als Bittgebet D e r Bibeltext k a n n selbst als Bittgebet verwendet w e r d e n , sei es in einer wörtlichen o d e r n a h e z u w ö r t h c h e n Zitierung, sei es in einer stilistischen V e r a r b e i t u n g , einer R e m i n i s z e n z o d e r irgendeinem vageren Hinweis. D e n als Bittgebet f u n g i e r e n d e n , fast w ö r t h c h e n Bibeltext finden wir, sogar mit E r w ä h n u n g des Verfassers, in einem Segnungsgebet f ü r das Fest d e r U n s c h u l d i g e n K i n d e r (1293): Tribue, domine, quaesumus, fidelibus tuis: ut, sicut ait apostolus, non efficiantur pueri sensibus, sed malitia innoxii repperiantur et parvuli: ut martyres festivitatis hodiernae, quos mentis aequare non possunt, mentis simplicitate sectentur (Paulus in 1 Kor. 14,20). W e i t e r bietet das Veronense eine kleine A n z a h l sehr kurzer O r a t i o n e n , d e r e n g a n z e r Inhalt o d e r d o c h ein beträchtlicher Teil d a v o n d e n Bibeltext, in angepasster o d e r nichtangepasster F o r m , wiedergibt. So " s. Ausgabe Mohlberg (Anmerkung 6), CIV.

in Ostende nobis, domine, misericordiam tuam, et salutaris tui dona concede (37), d e r zweiten O r a t i o n eines Messformulars f ü r Hilfe in Zeiten der P r ü f u n g 1 2 , tatsächlich Ü b e r n a h m e von Psalm 84[85],8: Ostende nobis, domine, misericordiam tuam, et salutare tuum da nobis, mit stilistischer A n passung d e r letzten W o r t e . Die Kollekte des selben F o r m u l a r s (36): Propitius esto, domine, plebi tuae, et auxilium nobis de sancto celerius fac adesse lässt auf einen T e x t , d e r a n Bibelstellen, in d e n e n u m Gottes Hilfe gefleht wird, e r i n n e r t — d i e Bitte, dass G o t t propitius sei, finden wir z.B. in D e u t . 21,8; Psalm 78[79],9, Luk. 18,13—eine stilistische U m gestaltung des Psalmwortes 19[20],3: Mittat tibi auxilium de sancto folgen: m a n a c h t e auf d e n cursus velox: celérius fac adésse{3. In einer Kollekte f ü r eine Fastenmesse (509): Parce, domine, parce populo tùo, ut dignis flagellatiônibus castígátus, in tua miseratiône respiret,

folgt eine stilisierte nichtbiblische zweite Hälfte auf ein wörtliches Zitat des P r o p h e t e n Joel (2,17), das G a n z e so formuliert, dass dreimal ein cursus erscheint {cursus planus, cursus velox, cursus planus). In Kollekte 576: N e despicias, domine, quaesumus, in adflictione clamantes, sed laborantibus celeri succurre placatus auxilio

ist d e r A n f a n g ne despicias die wörtliche W i e d e r g a b e , die zweite Hälfte die V e r a r b e i t u n g eines Psalmtextes: ne despicias ist Zitat von Psalm 137[138],8; 26[27],9; 54[55],2; f ü r sed laborantibus... vergleiche m a n Psalm 69[70] ,2: domine, ad adiuvandum me festina. D e r T e x t d e r zweiten O r a t i o n eines Lupercalia-Messformulars (1052):

12

Man könnte auch an ein Formular der Fastenzeit denken. Der Gebrauch des· Wortes praesidium in der Präfation bringt Hope zu der Annahme, dass es sich um ein Formular für Märtyrer handelt (D.M. Hope, The Leonine Sacramenlary. A Reassessment of its Nature and Purpose (Oxford, 1971), p. 103), aber praesidium kann im Veronense auch auf andere Unterstützung als durch die Fürsprache eines Märtyrers deuten (s. Index der Ausgabe Mohlberg, Anm. 6), und im Formular findet sich weiter keine Spur von einer Märtyrerfeier. 13 Der Wortlaut des Psalmtextes in den beiden hier zitierten Orationen ist mit d e m der Vulgata u n d d e m des psalterium romanum identisch: s. R. Weber, Le psautier romain et tes autres anciens psautiers lahns (Collectanea Biblica Latina 10), R o m a , 1953, pp. 38.210. W o der Tekst des psalterium gatlicanum (= d.h. der Vulgata) zu d e m des

psalterium romanum Unterschiede aufweist, folgen die Zitate im Veronense bald der einen, bald der anderen Fassung: aber meistens sind die beiden Fassungen identisch. Im allgemeinen gilt, dass das biblische Material des Veronense problemlos mit Hilfe der Vulgata analysiert werden kann.

N o n rétribuas nobis, quaesumus, domine, quae malis operibus promeremur; sed quos iure corripis a veritate digressos, protege tua miseratione correctos

ist Hinweis auf u n d stilistische A n p a s s u n g von Psalm 102[103], 10: Non secundum peccata nostra feat nobis, neque secundum iniquitates nostras retnbuit nobis. Eine b e s o n d e r e E r w ä h n u n g g e b ü h r t 483: Libera nos ab omni malo propitiusque concede, ut quae nobis poscimus relaxari, ipsi quoque proximis remittamus,

weil es ein im Veronense sonst nicht v o r k o m m e n d e r Embolismus, d.h. ein a n die letzten Bitten von d e m a m Schluss des eucharistischen H o c h g e b e t e s rezitierten Pater noster direkt anschliessendes G e b e t ist (im Libera nos d e r späteren römischen Liturgie lebt d e r Embolismus fort 14 ). D e r T e x t n i m m t zwei Bitten wieder auf: im ersten Teil fast wörtlich Sed libera nos ab malo, im zweiten in stilisierender U m a r b e i t u n g Dimitte nobis débita nostra, sicut et nos dimittimus debitoribus nostris.

2. Der Bibeltext als Unterstützung der Bitte In d e n zitierten G e b e t e n gehört der Bibeltext z u m K e r n der O r a t i o n : er ist das G e b e t selbst. I n a n d e r e n Fällen h a t er, d e m eigentlichen, nicht biblisch formulierten G e b e t v o r a n g e h e n d o d e r folgend, als Funktion, die an G o t t gerichtete Bitte zu b e g r ü n d e n o d e r zu erläutern. O f t g e n u g wird in d e n O r a t i o n e n , u m d e r Bitte grössere W i r kungskraft zu verleihen, auf Gottes G ü t e u n d M a c h t angespielt, o h n e dass d a f ü r eine Stelle aus d e r Bibel h e r a n g e z o g e n wird. M a n c h m a l aber, meistens in längeren O r a t i o n e n , wird ausdrücklich auf einen Bibeltext hingewiesen. So in Kollekte 707 eines M ä r t y r e r f o r m u l a r s : Omnipotens sempiterne deus, qui sanctìs tuis non solum credere in filium tuum, sed etiam pro ei pad posse donasti: nostrae quoque fragilitati divinum praetende subsidium, ut misericordiam sempiternam, pro qua illi felices animas exalarunt, nos saltim sincera confessione mereamur:

u m Gottes Hilfe wird gefleht u n t e r B e r u f u n g auf Phil. 1,29, ü b e r die 14

Ist der Embolismus hier ein ausnahmsweise bewahrtes Exemplar einer variabien Gebetsformel der römischen Liturgie? Die gallikanische Liturgie hat einen variablen

Embolismus, genannt collectio post orationem dominicam, wie aus d e m Missale

Gothkum hervorgeht: in der Ausgabe Mohlberg, Rerum Ecclesiasticarum Documenta. Series Maior. Fontes 5 (Roma, 1961), Nrn. 7. 21. 33, usw.; vgl. auch Missale Gallicanum Vetus: in der Ausgabe Mohlberg, Fontes 3 (Roma, 1958), Nrn. 10. 21. 49, usw.

Christen, d e n e n es nicht n u r geschenkt w u r d e , a n Christus zu glauben, sondern a u c h f ü r ihn zu leiden. Z u vergleichen ist Kollekte 1175 f ü r das Fest d e r hl. Cäcilia: Omnipotens sempiterne deus, qui elegis infirma mundi, ut fortia quaeque confundas: da nobis in festivitate sancte martyris Caeciliae congrua devotione gaudere; ut et potentiam tuam in eius passione laudemus, et proviso (provisum?) nobis percipiamus auxilium:

u m Gottes M a c h t zu e h r e n u n d seine Hilfe zu erflehen, wird 1 K o r . 1,27 a n g e f ü h r t , w o Paulus schreibt, dass G o t t das S c h w a c h e in der Welt erwählt hat, u m das Starke zu b e s c h ä m e n . Ein s p r e c h e n d e r T e x t ist a u c h Kollekte 134 (bei Lichte besehen nicht m e h r als eine ausführliche B e g r ü n d u n g a n h a n d von M a t t h . 8,2): Si vis, potens es mundare, domine, et quam vox iniquitatis nostrae non obtinet, tuorum nobis praecibus veniam donare sanctorum.

M a n vergleiche a u c h Kollekte 1111 mit d e r Zitierung von Apg. 17,28: Deus in quo vivimus movemur et sumus, pluviam nobis tribue congruentem, ut praesentibus subsidiis sufficienter adiuti, sempiterna fiducialius appetamus.

In Segnungsgebet 467: Tui sunt, domine, populi, qui ministerium nostrae vocis expectant. Quaesumus clementiam tuam, ut salutaria eius poscentibus, quidquid fiducia non habet depraecantis, gratia tua quae bonorum nostrorum non indiget largiatur

wird a m E n d e Psalm 15[16],2 a n g e f ü h r t u m Gott gleichsam a n seine uneigennützige G ü t e zu erinnern. So stützt Kollekte 437 sich auf J a k . 4,6 u n d 1 Petr. 5,5.

3. Der biblische Wortschatz in den Gebeten U n g e a c h t e t der e r w ä h n t e n Beispiele ist d o c h in d e n O r a t i o n e n zu wenig R a u m f ü r u n b e k ü m m e r t e s Zitieren. Gleichwohl fehlt es keineswegs a n biblischen E l e m e n t e n , die bei d e r R e d a k t i o n d e r Gebetsf o r m e i n ihre V e r w e n d u n g finden. In diesen G e b e t e n , wie a u c h in d e n in dieser Hinsicht d e n O r a t i o n e n gleichstehenden Präfationen, findet m a n auf Schritt u n d Tritt die biblischen T e r m i n i u n d Ausdrücke, die d e n Verfassern der liturgischen T e x t e a u f g r u n d ihrer B e h e r r s c h u n g des christlichen W o r t s c h a t z e s reichlich zur V e r f ü g u n g

standen. Die Schwierigkeit f ü r unsere U n t e r s u c h u n g ist die, dass, u . W . jedenfalls, keine tiefschürfende systematische Studie ü b e r das u m f a n g r e i c h e einschlägige Material v o r h a n d e n ist 15 . Ein kurzer H i n weis auf einige P u n k t e m ö g e d a h e r hier g e n ü g e n . D e r W o r t s c h a t z des Veronense als S a m m l u n g liturgischer G e b e t e ist von b e s o n d e r e r Art, mit zwei ins A u g e fallenden M e r k m a l e n . Einerseits ist das technische E l e m e n t wichtig, feste B e n e n n u n g e n u n d F a c h a u s d r ü c k e , b e s t i m m t e F o r m u l i e r u n g e n u n d R e d e n s a r t e n zur BeZeichnung d e r Charakteristika des christlichen Lebens, insonderheit des christlichen Gottesdienstes. Andererseits gibt es d e n euchologischen Aspekt, der d e n Verfasser öffentlich a u s z u s p r e c h e n d e r G e b e te d a z u veranlasst, sich einer hieratischen T e r m i n o l o g i e zu bedienen, mit W ö r t e r n u n d Ausdrücken b e s o n d e r e r Expressivität o d e r e r h a b e n e r W ü r d e . Eine n ä h e r e B e t r a c h t u n g lehrt, dass der biblische Beitrag zu diesen G e b e t e n sowohl technischer als euchologischer Art ist. Hinsichtlich des technischen Elements, d e r biblischen Äusserung als einfache A n d e u t u n g , k ö n n e n wir uns kurz fassen. Es h a n d e l t sich— in R e c h n u n g ziehend, dass die G r e n z e n zwischen technischer u n d euchologischer V e r w e n d u n g m a n c h m a l fliessend s i n d — u m eine ganze M e n g e der Bibel e n t n o m m e n e r , fast technischer B e n e n n u n g e n f ü r S a c h e n , Personen, Begriffe, u.dgl. d e r christlichen Lebensführung 1 6 . D a s Veronense enthält einen reichen Schatz an biblischen W ö r t e r n , die die vielen Aspekte des christlichen L e b e n s widerspiegeln: salvator, redemptor, aeclesia, testamentum, diabolus, gentes,ßdes, creare, creatio, confessio, conversatio, eruditio, pontifex, levita, sacerdos, princeps, proximus, Caritas, dilectio, gratia, concupiscentia, tribulatio, afflictio, propitiatio, propitius, miseratio; ambulare u n d currere in geistlichem Sinn, iusti als A n d e u t u n g der M ä r t y 15

Material in einigem Umfang bieten u.a. G. Manz, Ausdrucksformen der lateinischen Liturgiesprache bis ins 11. Jahrhundert (Beuron-Freiburg, 1941); Mary P. Ellebracht, Remarks on the Vocabulaiy of the Ancient Orations in the Missale Romanum (Latinitas Christia-

norum Primaeva 18), 2 Nijmegen, 1966; A. Blaise—A. Dumas, Le vocabulaire latin des principaux thèmes liturgiques (Turnhout, 1966); s. auch Hennig (Anm. 6). Zu erwähnen sind auch lexikologische Detailuntersuchungen und Angaben verschiedener Art in Studien liturgiegeschichtlichen Charakters: bibliografische Auskunft hierzu in G. Sanders / M. van Uytfanghe, Bibliographie signalétique du latin des chrétiens (Corpus

Chrisdanorum. Lingua Patrum 1), Turnhold, 1989, pp. 91-99; bibliografische Angaben alphabetisch geordnet nach Wörtern und Ausdrücken in H.J. Sieben, Voces. Eine Bibliographie zu

Wörtern und Begriffen aus der Patristik

(1918-1978)

(Bibliographia

Patristica. Supplementum 1), Berlin-New York, 1980, pp. 226-427. 16 U m den Text nicht allzusehr zu belasten, verweise ich für die jetzt folgenden, oft sehr zahlreichen, Belegstellen der zitierten Termini und Ausdrücke auf den Index der Ausgabe Mohlberg (Anm. 6), und für die biblische Herkunft des Materials auf eine Konkordanz der Vulgata.

rer, usw. Zahlreich sind a u c h die d e r Bibel e n t s t a m m e n d e n R e d e n s a r ‫־‬ ten wie regnum caelorum, magister gentium, spmtales nequitiae, laquei diaboli, aliéna delicta, mundum vincere, novissima tempora, mors pretiosa, abnegare semetipsum, crucem tollere, misericordiam consequi, sperare in deo, compere inquietos, multitudo peccatorum, consummatio saeculi, custodia mandatorum, oboedire praeceptis, terrena sapere, Spinae et tnbuh. Z u r A n d e u t u n g liturgischer Realien d i e n e n aus d e m Evangelium u n d n a m e n t l i c h a u c h aus den kultischen Abschnitten der alttestamentlichen B ü c h e r Exodus u n d Leviticus herr ü h r e n d e T e r m i n i u n d A u s d r ü c k e wie baptizare, benedicere, benedictio, consecrare, consecratio, sanctificare, sanctificatio, offene, oblatio, hostia, hostia placabilis, sacrificium, immolare, facere in commemorationem, accipere. Es w ä r e nicht schwer, mit Hilfe der v o r h a n d e n e n Kenntnisse ü b e r das 'Latein d e r C h r i s t e n ' ein langes Verzeichnis v o n 'biblischen' W ö r t e r n u n d A u s d r ü c k e n , die z u m gewöhnlichen V o k a b u l a r des Veronense g e h ö r e n , herzustellen, d o c h d ü r f t e n die hier a n g e f ü h r t e n Beispiele g e n ü g e n . Etwas länger w e r d e n wir uns mit d e m euchologischen E l e m e n t beschäftigen müssen 1 7 , weil hier sprachliche u n d stilistische Faktoren verschiedener Art zur W i r k u n g k o m m e n . I m Hinblick auf eine gen a u e B e t r a c h t u n g des biblischen Beitrags erscheint es u n s angeb r a c h t , a u c h d e n a n d e r e n , nicht spezifisch biblischen o d e r christlichen, E l e m e n t e n Aufmerksamkeit zu schenken. Einige von diesen seien hier kurz e r w ä h n t . Wichtig ist das E r b e des heidnischen Gottesdienstes, aus d e m die christliche Liturgiesprache Imperativi des Flehens wie adesto, adnue, oft unterstützt d u r c h das klassische quaesumus, ü b e r n o m m e n hat, sowie allerhand feierliche W ö r t e r wie libamen, supplex, tuen, usw. 18 . D e r religiöse K l a n g aus d e r V e r g a n g e n h e i t ist ein archaisierendes Elem e n t , das d e n feierlichen C h a r a k t e r der euchologischen Äusserung unterstreicht. Archaisierend mit derselben stilistischen Absicht ist a u c h der G e b r a u c h von allerlei poetischen u n d a n d e r e n nicht der U m g a n g s s p r a c h e angehörigen W ö r t e r n wie seges, alimonia, claùtudo, 17 In der Materialsammlung des Manz (Anm. 15) wird der euchologische Aspekt betont. 18 Für Materialien der heidnischen Kultsprache s. G. Appel, De Romanorum precationibus (Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten VII, 2), Glessen, 1909,

passim, und Frances V . Hickson, Roman Prayer Language. Livy and the Aeneid of Vergil

(Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 30), Stuttgart, 1993. Über den antik-heidnischen Einfluss auf den christlichen Gebetsstil s. A. Baumstark, "Antik-römischer Gebetsstil i m Messkanon", Miscellanea Liturgica in honorem L. Cuniberti Mohlberg I (Roma, 1948),

pp. 300-331 und Christine Mohrmann, "Quelques observations sur l'évolution stylistique du Canon de la Messe Romaine", Études sur le latin des chrétiens. III. Latin chrétien et liturgique (Roma, 1965), pp. 227-244.

fiindamen, munimen, absque, famulari, gratanter, u.dgl. V o n e i n e m Einfluss des Vergilius ist im Veronense wenig zu s p ü r e n , a b e r im Ausdruck spirìtum hevetare/hebetare von Präfation 890: ne spiritum nostrum obtunsis sensibus hevetemus v e r n e h m e n wir in hebetare wahrscheinlich ein E c h o d e r Aeneisw. W i r d ü r f e n weiter a n n e h m e n , dass a u c h die im späten Kaiserreich stark angeschwollene Höflichkeitsterminologie ihre S p u ren hinterlassen hat: m a n d e n k e a n T e r m i n i wie dignaú, dignanter, dignatio, militare (dem Kaiser d i e n e n , der V e r w a l t u n g a n g e h ö r e n > G o t t dienen, a n d e r Liturgie teilnehmen), obsequium, prosterni, o d e r a n R e d e n s a r t e n wie nostra humilitas, nostra servitus, clementer indulgere, u.dgl. W e i t e r b e k o m m t eine nicht u n b e t r ä c h t l i c h e A n z a h l v o n Gebetsf o r m e i n eine Art eigene W ü r d e u n d Eindringlichkeit d u r c h Entlehn u n g aus e i n e m philosophischen o d e r irgendwie auf Lebensweisheit a b g e s t i m m t e n W o r t s c h a t z , vielleicht mit e i n e m ähnlichen G e d a n k e n g a n g in V e r b i n d u n g zu bringen, d e m wir in b e s t i m m t e n Präfationen begegnet sind. So fällt d e r häufige G e b r a u c h von substantia auf, der, z u m a l in W e n d u n g e n wie humana substantia, corporalis substantia, substantia condicionis humanae, in terrena substantia constitutus, utraque substantia (1utraque deutet auf das Zusammengesetzt-sein aus Leib u n d Seele) u.dgl., m e h r philosophisch a n m u t e n d e als biblisch inspirierte Form e i n Z u s t a n d e k o m m e n lässt. W e n n d e r M e n s c h rationabilis aeatura g e n a n n t wird, d a n n ist rationabilis nicht das biblische rationabilis, λογικός: 'geistlich', 'religiös', s o n d e r n das philosophische: ' d e n k e n d ' , 'geistig', 'intellektuell'. Die Bibel h a t sporadisch proficere im Sinne von 'Fortschritte m a c h e n in geistlicher o d e r sittlicher Hinsicht', a b e r der Ausdruck ad divina proficere, d e n das Veronense in d e r B e d e u t u n g von 'Fortschritte m a c h e n auf d e m W e g z u m L e b e n bei G o t t , auf d e m W e g z u m H i m m e l ' verwendet, ist e h e r eine e r h a b e n klingende abstrakt-philosophische F o r m e l als eine R e m i n i s z e n z aus der Bibel. Die Kollekte eines Fastenmessformulars (193): Presta, quaesumus, omnipotens deus, ut dignitas condicionis humanae per inmoderantiam sauciata, medicinalis parsimoniae studiis reformetur

v e r d a n k t ihren feierlichen T o n nicht zuletzt d e m d e r W ü r d e des menschlichen Lebens e n t s p r e c h e n d e n , a b e r nichtbiblischen, W o r t gebrauch. D e n n o c h ist es schliesslich d o c h a u c h die Bibel, die, u n d zwar in nicht geringem Masse, zur hieratischen Gestaltung des Gebetstextes 19

Aeneis 6,731 sq. über die im Urständ durch leiblichen Kontakt befleckten See-

len: quantum non (semina)... terreni... hebetant artus.

beiträgt. N e h m e n wir beispielsweise die A n r e d e an G o t t bei Beginn des Gebets: zur Bezeichnung der Attribute Gottes dienen i m m e r wied e r bestimmte, d e n Psalmen u n d a n d e r e n Bibeltexten entlehnte Ausdrücke: misencors deus, miserator et misericors dominus, domine deus noster, deus salutaris noster, νirtutum deus, omnipotens deus, protector in te sperantium deus, pastor bone u.dgl.: so nachdrücklich an d e n A n f a n g gesetzt, m a c h e n diese W e n d u n g e n das G e b e t zu einer feierlichen, a n d e n Gott d e r Bibel gerichteten Bitte. E r h a b e n h e i t u n d W ü r d e klingen a u c h in d e n B e n e n n u n g e n d e r eucharistischen G a b e n a n , die die verschiedenen Aussagen des J o h a n n e s e v a n g e l i u m s ü b e r das Brot des Lebens, das Brot aus d e m H i m m e l , das Fleisch als Speise u n d das Blut als T r a n k w i e d e r g e b e n 2 0 : panis aetemus, panis supemus, spmtalia alimenta, vitalia alimenta, dona caelestia, cibus potusque caelestis, cibus sacer potusque salutaris, epulae aetemae salutis, u.dgl. M a n c h e der Bibel e n t l e h n t e n Ausdrücke, die ihren hebräischen U r s p r u n g verraten o d e r irgendwie mit e i n e m affektiven Inhalt beladen sind, wie spmtus veritatis, misencordia tua, abundantia pacis, lux aetema,fons vitae, gaudium et corona, dextera tuae maiestatis, oculi maiestatis, duritia cordis, duplici corde, hostia laudis, hostia spmtalis, pietatis sacramentum, novitas vitae, paenitentiae fiuctus, ieiunia et orationes, divinae naturae consortes, u.dgl., tragen ebenfalls zur S c h a f f u n g d e r d e m öffentlichen G e b e t eigenen A t m o s p h ä r e bei. Gleicherweise die sehr ausdrucksvollen H e b r a i s m e n , die die Bildungen mit fihi sind: filii adoptionis, filii promissionis, filii redemptionis, filii veritatis‫׳‬, v e r w a n d t d a m i t ist eine Redensart wie terra promissionis. Schliesslich, u m eine schon g e n a n n t e W e n d u n g n o c h m a l s a n z u f ü h r e n , rationabilis creatura verbindet ein philosophisches W o r t mit e i n e m biblischen u n d zeigt d a m i t , wie im hieratischen Gebetsstil E l e m e n t e verschiedener H e r k u n f t h a r m o n i s c h z u s a m m e n g e b r a c h t w e r d e n k ö n n e n . Eine e i n g e h e n d e Analyse der zahllosen Gebetstexte, a u c h aus a n d e r e n sacramentana, k ö n n t e n o c h zu ü b e r r a s c h e n d e n Ergebnissen f ü h r e n , u n d m a n k a n n n u r hoffen, dass dieses in seiner Art d o c h farbige sprachliche Material e i n m a l einer g r ü n d l i c h e n U n t e r s u c h u n g u n t e r z o g e n wird. Begnügen wir uns vorläufig mit d e r Schlussfolgerung, dass die Z a h l d e r O r a t i o n e n , die nicht einen irgendwie biblischen H i n t e r g r u n d h a b e n , nicht gross ist, dass es a b e r die stilistische V e r a r b e i t u n g dieses Materials ist, n a m e n t l i c h in d e n V e r b i n d u n g e n mit E l e m e n t e n a n d e r e r Art u n d H e r k u n f t , die d e m öffentlichen G e b e t d e r römisehen K i r c h e seine besondere Gestalt verliehen hat. 20

s. Evang. Joh. 6,48 ff.

T H E G I F T S O F T H E SPIRIT IN EARLY C H R I S T I A N I T Y M. Parmentier

F o r centuries, the question w h e t h e r the gifts of the Spirit, as Paul lists t h e m m o r e specifically in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12:8-10, exclusively belonged to the earliest period of c h u r c h history or that they are of every age, has attracted the attention of theologians. In this connection a distinction was often m a d e between o r d i n a r y a n d extraordinary, i n n e r a n d outer, n o r m a l a n d miraculous gifts of the Spirit. Everyday talents such as serving, teaching a n d being a leader (as in R o m a n s 12: 7-8) did n o t pose a n y problems, b u t 'special', miraculous, powers (as in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12: 8-10) did. H o w e v e r , Paul himself does not m a k e such a distinction a n y w h e r e a n d he would surely have rejected it. In o u r time, interest in the gifts of the Spirit has increased strongly, especially thanks to the growth of pentecostal churches a n d of the charismatic renewal in the historic churches. But often prejudices a n d in a n y case lack of clarity prevail w h e n the history of the operations of the Spirit in the c h u r c h is discussed. Revivalist circles for e x a m p l e often set out f r o m a theory of decline in the style of Gottfried Arnold a n d Adolf von H a r n a c k . T h i s theory involves the conviction that a period in which catholicism imposed itself, i.e. a period in which the institutional ministry killed the Spirit given to the people of G o d , followed the 'spiritual' a n d charismatic age of the early c h u r c h . A c c o r d i n g to the a d h e r e n t s to such theories of decline, this t r e n d c o n t i n u e d until the 19 th a n d 20 th centuries. But even authors with a m o r e positive appreciation of the tradition of the c h u r c h sometimes have a curiously pessimistic view of the operations of the Spirit t h r o u g h the ages. As a m a t t e r of fact, not very m u c h has been published o n the manifestations of the c h a r i s m a t a in c h u r c h history. T h e only two i m p o r t a n t recent studies which I k n o w of are the 'Habilitationsschrift' of A.M.Ritter 1 a n d the dossier Christian Initiation and Baptism in the Holy Spirit by Kilian M c D o n n e l l a n d G e o r g e M o n t a gue, w h o are R o m a n Catholic participants in the charismatic re-

1

A . M . Ritter, Charisma im Verständnis des Joannes Chrysostomos und seiner £eit (Got-

ringen, 1972).

newal. 2 T h e latter book was s u m m a r i s e d in the p a m p h l e t Fanning the Flame". W h a t this evidence makes a b u n d a n t l y clear, is that the c h u r c h fathers are evidently n o t of the opinion that all c h a r i s m a t a were limited to the missionary period of the c h u r c h a n d that even miracles, however p r o b l e m a t i c they m a y sometimes be, have never ceased. 4 Ritter reaches this conclusion in his well-documented study of T h e o d o r e of Mopsuestia, T h e o d o r e t of Cyrus, Cyril of Alexandria a n d especially Chrysostom. T h i s a u t h o r is especially interested in patristic ecclesiology a n d the reception of the Pauline concept of charisma. T h e dossier of M c D o n n e l l a n d M o n t a g u e has a wider scope a n d contains sayings of Greek, Latin a n d Syriac fathers. H o w ever, their interest in these m a t t e r s is d e t e r m i n e d exclusively by the present situation in the R o m a n Catholic C h u r c h . T h e y w a n t their quotations f r o m the fathers to d e m o n s t r a t e that in patristic times it was n o r m a l for the c h a r i s m a t a to follow immediately after baptism. In present d a y pentecostal a n d charismatic usage this is called the 'baptism in the Spirit', a n expression which in ancient times was only used in this sense by the eleventh c e n t u r y Byzantine a u t h o r S y m e o n the N e w T h e o l o g i a n 5 , b u t w h i c h h a s not b e c o m e established in theological language until the Methodists a n d the 19 th century holiness m o v e m e n t s . O n the basis of the fact that the 'baptism in the Spirit' was n o r m a l in ancient times a n d assumes the spiritual w e a k e n i n g of the c h u r c h in o u r own, M c D o n n e l l a n d M o n t a g u e argue that "the recovery of the baptism in the Spirit a n d the charisms is n e e d e d in all the institutions of the c h u r c h " . 6 T h e r e is o n e aspect of the c h u r c h historical interpretation of the c h a r i s m a t a which r e m a i n s u n d e r e x p o s e d by b o t h Ritter a n d M c D o n n e l l a n d M o n t a g u e . It is the question c o n c e r n i n g the backg r o u n d of the distinction (not i n t e n d e d by Paul, b u t m a d e by n u m e r ous c h u r c h fathers) between o r d i n a r y a n d e x t r a o r d i n a r y gifts of the 2

Collegeville, 1991, 2nd enlarged edition 1995. Collegeville, 1991. I made an annotated Dutch translation of this: Het vuur aanwakkeren (Boxtel-Brugge, 1992). 4 Concerning the concept of 'miracle' used in this article, cf. M. Parmentier, "Dy3

namische patronen in genezingswonderen", Bulletin voor Charismatische Theologie (=

BCT) nr.33, 1994, pp. 48-63. A revised and expanded version of this is "Zur Theologie der Thaumaturgie", Bijdragen, tijdschnft voor filosofie en theologie 55, 1994, pp. 296-

324 5

Catechesis XXIV,4; SC 113, p.42 etc. Fanning the Flame p.23. Cf. the contributions discussing this book at a conference organised at the Vrije Universiteit (Amsterdam) on 28 April 1993, printed in BCT 32, 1993. 6

Spirit a n d especially the definition of those e x t r a o r d i n a r y gifts of the Spirit which seem to c o r r e s p o n d with the p h e n o m e n o n which in o u r secularised world we usually call ' p a r a n o r m a l gifts'. In o u r t r e a t m e n t of this we shall start each time f r o m two Biblical texts, which can serve as a m o t t o illustrating a tension in patristic t h o u g h t .

Seven Spirits rest on the Messiah—one

Spirit gives gifts to all

T h e first pair is Isaiah 11:2-3 a n d 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12:11. Isaiah 11:2-3 is the passage a b o u t the spirits that shall rest o n the c o m i n g Messiah. T h e r e are, at least in the Septuagint a n d the Vulgate, seven of t h e m : the spirit of wisdom a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g , the spirit of counsel a n d strength, the spirit of knowledge a n d godliness, a n d the spirit of the fear of the Lord. 7 A p a r t f r o m the fact that the H o l y Spirit is o n e spirit a n d that the multiplicity of spirits 8 m e n t i o n e d by Isaiah should therefore be seen as operations or gifts of the o n e Spirit, we often m e e t the idea that w h a t is m e a n t here is a fullness of the Spirit which only belonged to J e s u s Christ, o n w h o m the Spirit rested at his baptism. T h e difference between Christ's a n d his saints' possession of the Spirit can also be expressed in terms of time. O r i g e n for e x a m p l e devotes a substantial passage to this in the context of his exegesis of N u m b e r s 11:25, w h e r e we h e a r of seventy prophesying elders on w h o m the Spirit rested temporarily. H e indicates that the Spirit was resting in a constant w a y o n the Messiah a n n o u n c e d in Isaiah 11 a n d concludes: Therefore the Holy Spirit was resting on all those w h o prophesied, and yet H e was resting on none of them in the same way as on the Saviour. 9

T h e "sevenfold Spirit w h o rests on C h r i s t " is also the very first item in the D e c r e t u m Gelasianum. 1 0 T h e fact that the n u m b e r seven was widely seen as a n u m b e r indicating fullness influenced this idea con7

There are six "spirits" in the Hebrew, the last one being repeated in Hebrew and translated in two different ways into Greek. Patristic exegesis of this text has been studied most extensively by K.Schlütz in Isaias 11,2 (die sieben Gaben des Hl. Geistes) in den ersten vier christlichen Jahrhunderten (Münster, 1932). 8

The expression "seven spirits" is used by e.g. Pseudo-Justin, Cohortatio ad Graecos

32,3, ed. M.Marcovich, Patristische Texte und Studien (= PTS) 32, 1990, p. 69, English translation (= ET): The Ante-Mcene Fathers (= A N F ) I, p. 287. 9 In Numeros Homilia VI,3; Griechische Christliche Schriftsteller (= G C S ) 30, p. 33,12-14. 10

Ed. E.von Dobschütz, Texte und Untersuchungen (= TU) 38,4 (Leipzig, 1912), p. 21.

siderably.11 M o r e o v e r , t h e resting of the Spirit o n J e s u s p r o v i d e d a w e l c o m e occasion for anti-Jewish polemics: n o w that the Spirit was r e s t i n g o n J e s u s , H e h a d left t h e J e w s . T h i s p o l e m i c is a l r e a d y c l e a r l y p r e s e n t i n J u s t i n ' s Dialogue with Tiypho.

T r y p h o asks h o w the M e s s i a h

c a n b e p r e - e x i s t e n t if h e h a s b e c o m e i n c a r n a t e , w a s b o r n

human

t h r o u g h t h e v i r g i n , a n d a c c o r d i n g t o I s a i a h 11 h a d t o b e filled w i t h t h e p o w e r s o f t h e H o l y S p i r i t , " a s if h e l a c k e d t h e m " . J u s t i n a n s w e r s : T h e W o r d says that these enumerated powers of the Spirit have not c o m e on him because he stood in need of them, but because they would rest on him, i.e., they would find their completion in him, so that there would be no more prophets in your nation according to the ancient c u s t o m — a n d this fact you plainly perceive. For after him no prophet has arisen a m o n g you. N o w let me convince you that your prophets, each receiving one or two powers from God, did and spoke the things which we also have learned from the Scriptures. For S o l o m o n possessed the spirit of wisdom, Daniel that of understanding and counsel, Moses that of might and godliness, Elijah that of fear and Isaiah that of knowledge. And so with the others: each possessed one power, or one joined alternately with another. Also Jeremiah and the twelve prophets and David and, in short, the rest which have been prophets a m o n g you. Accordingly the Spirit rested, i.e., ceased, when H e came after w h o m , in the times of this dispensation established by H i m a m o n g humans, the gifts of the Spirit had to cease from you. And having received their rest in H i m they would, as had been prophesied, b e c o m e gifts which, from the grace of his Spirit's power, H e imparts to those w h o put their trust in Him, as H e deems each person worthy thereof ... (88) N o w it is possible to see amongst us w o m e n and men w h o possess gifts of the Spirit of God. Therefore it was prophesied that the powers enumerated by Isaiah would c o m e upon Him, not because he needed power, but because these would not continue after H i m (i.e. with you, Jews!). 12 T h e fathers give divergent a n s w e r s to t h e q u e s t i o n h o w t h e M e s s i a h ' s c o m p l e t e p o s s e s s i o n o f t h e S p i r i t is r e l a t e d t o t h e c h a r i s m a t a o f t h e Christians. A c c o r d i n g to m a n y of t h e m , a large m e a s u r e of spiritual gifts in a p o s t o l i c t i m e s spilled o v e r f r o m t h e fullness of t h e resting o n the Messiah. As p a r t of a n e x h o r t a t o r y speech,

Spirit Origen

r e c o r d s a w e a k e n i n g of t h e faith e v e n d u r i n g his o w n lifetime, w i t h c o r r e s p o n d i n g results: " Sometimes the number seven provokes far-reaching cosmological speculations, e.g. in Irenaeus, Demonstration 9. 12 Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho 87,2-88,1, Goodspeed pp.200-201, ET: ANF I, p. 243; cf. Ο. Skarsaune, The ProoffromProphecy, Leiden, 1987, pp. 195-199, 237. For connections with other Biblical numbers seven, cf. Von Dobschütz T U 38,4, pp. 240-241; A. Mitterer, "Die Gaben des Hl.Geistes nach der Väterlehre", Zeitschrift fir Katholische Theologie 49,1925, pp. 529-566, esp. pp. 537-544.

In those days there were believers, w h e n genuine martyrdoms took place, when after accompanying the martyrs to their final rest we went from the cemeteries to the meetings and the whole congregation came together without any fear ... W e know that in those days unexpected and wondrous signs were seen. In those days there were few believers, but they were truly believers w h o travelled the narrow and hard way that leads to life ... 3 ‫י‬

But it seems t h a t O r i g e n also sees a difference between the intensity of the gifts of the Spirit in the time of the apostles a n d in his own time. H e repeatedly speaks of 'traces' of the apostolic gifts of the Spirit. W i t h this h e m e a n s to say that exorcisms, healings a n d p r o p h ecies still o c c u r in his own time b u t only b r o u g h t a b o u t by eminently holy people.' 4 H o w e v e r , O r i g e n is also a spiritual a u t h o r with a n ambivalent attitude towards physical p h e n o m e n a a n d therefore h e himself has a preference for 'gnostic charisms' as Ritter calls it. 15 After O r i g e n the a u t h o r s studied by Ritter completely idealize the operation of the Spirit in the time of the apostles. 16 In a nostalgic w a y they speak a b o u t the direct intercourse with G o d which people in apostolic times supposedly h a d . C h r y s o s t o m c o m p a r e s the Spirit-less c h u r c h of his own time with a w o m a n w h o has fallen from her former prosperous days, and in many respects retains the symbols only of that ancient prosperity; displaying indeed the repositories and caskets of her golden ornaments, but bereft of her wealth. 17

Justin is o n e of the fathers w h o m a k e a clear connection between the gifts of Christ a n d the c h a r i s m a t a of the Christians, as we have seen already. T h i s b e c o m e s even m o r e evident t h r o u g h a n o t h e r passage in the Dialogue with Trypho in which he is able to mix the gifts of Isaiah 11 with those of Paul's letters: Therefore, just as G o d did not inflict his anger on account of those seven thousand men (1 Kings 19:14,18), even so H e has n o w neither yet inflicted judgement, nor does inflict it, knowing that daily some are becoming disciples in the n a m e of Christ, and leaving the path of error; w h o are also receiving gifts each as he is worthy, illumined through the 13

Horn, m Jeremiah IV,3, S C 232, p. 2 6 4

14

Contra Celsum I, 46; SC 132, p. 196. 11,8; SC 132, p.300 (traces among the Christians, no more miracles among the Jews). VII, 8; SC 150, p. 34. 15 P.95 note 17. 16 Cf. p. 149. 17

Hom.36 on 1 Corinthians 14, P G 61, 312; ET: The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers (=

NPNF) 1" Series XII, pp. 219-220.

n a m e of Christ. For one receives the spirit of understanding, another of counsel, another of strength, another of healing, another of foreknowledge, another of teaching, and another of the fear of God. 1 8

O t h e r a u t h o r s a p p e a r to see the c o n n e c t i o n between the gifts of Isaiah a n d of Paul i n a s m u c h as they can identify the spirits of Isaiah 11 as charismata. T h u s a c a t e n a f r a g m e n t ascribed to D i d y m u s the Blind boldly speaks of " t h e seven charismata". 1 9 But it is only Tertullian w h o tries to m a k e 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12 a n d Isaiah 11 c o m p a t ible gift by gift. H e identifies Paul's w o r d of wisdom with Isaiah's spirit of wisdom; the w o r d of knowledge with the word (not the 'spirit' here!) of u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d counsel; faith with the "spirit of godliness a n d the fear of G o d " ; the gift of healings a n d of powers (miracles) with the spirit of strength; a n d finally p r o p h e c y , discernment of spirits, diverse kinds of tongues, the interpretation of tongues jointly as Isaiah's spirit of knowledge. As far as I can see there are n o o t h e r a u t h o r s after h i m w h o a t t e m p t to h a r m o n i s e the two texts so explicitly. 20 In the Middle Ages, at least in the West there is a b r o a d c u r r e n t which uses Isaiah 11 to u p h o l d the connection between Christ as the giver of the Spirit a n d the faithful as participating in that Spirit. 21 But in this period, the c h a r i s m a t a of 1 C o r i n t h i a n s n o longer are p h e n o m e n a , which o c c u r in the c h u r c h at large. T h e work of the Spirit is recognised especially in the i n n e r operations which the seven spirits of Isaiah 11 seem to reflect well. T h i s is already the case in M a x i m u s Confessor 2 2 a n d , as we p o i n t e d out, it b e c o m e s a n i m p o r t a n t t h e m e in the Latin West. T h e c o u n t e r p a r t of Isaiah 11 is 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12:11: "All these are inspired by o n e a n d the same Spirit, w h o a p p o r t i o n s to each individually as H e wills." T h e r e seem to be good reasons to assume t h a t a b r o a d spectrum of all kinds of m o r e or less miraculous gifts of the Spirit was characteristic for the early c h u r c h . T h i s impression is confinned by the first c h u r c h fathers. For example, Irenaeus brings as a concrete a r g u m e n t in his struggle with the Gnostics the fact that in o r d e r to prove that J e s u s is G o d , 18

Dialogue with Trypho 39,2, Goodspeed pp. 135-136.; ET ANF I, p.214. 1,2; PG 39, 1120C. Cf. also the Dissertatio contra Iudaeos X, 665 etc. by an anonymous author of the 9th- 10th century, CCSG 14, p. 228. 19

20

Adversus Marcionem V , 8, 8; Evans p. 558, E T p. 559. Cf. e.g. K.Boeckl, Die sieben Gaben des Heiligen Geistes in ihrer Bedeutung jur die Mystik nach der Theologie des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts (Freiburg, 1931 ). 22 Quaestiones ad Thalasnum 54, C C S G 7, p. 461. 21

those who are in truth his disciples, receiving grace from him, do in his name perform miracles, so as to further the well-being of other people, according to the gift which each one has received from him. For some do certainly and truly drive out devils, so that those who have been cleansed from evil spirits frequendy both believe and join the church. Others have foreknowledge of things to come: they see visions and utter prophecies. Others still, heal the sick by laying their hands upon them, and they are made whole. Indeed, as I have said, the dead even have been raised up, and remained among us for many years. And what more shall I say? Innumerable are the gifts which the church throughout the whole world has received from God, in the name of Jesus Christ, who was crucified under Pontius Pilate, and which she exercises day by day for the benefit of the gentiles, neither deceiving anyone, nor cheating them. For that which she has received freely from God, she hands out freely. In w h a t follows, Irenaeus contrasts p a g a n a n d Christian miracles: Neither does the church do anything by invoking spirits, or by incantations or any other wicked art, but, directing her prayers to the Lord who made all things, in a pure, sincere and straightforward spirit and calling upon the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, she has been accustomed to perform miracles for the advantage of humankind, and not to lead them into error. 23 T h e actuality of the charismatic dimension is also a constantly recurring t h e m e in Tertullian's work. F o r example, in o r d e r to outwit M a r c i o n , he says: So then let Marcion put in evidence any gifts there are of his god, any prophets, provided they have spoken not by human emotion but by God's spirit, who have foretold things to come, and also made manifest the secrets of the heart: let him produce some psalm, some vision, some prayer, so long as it is a spiritual one, in ecstasy, which means abeyance of mind, if there is added also an interpretation of the tongue: let him also prove to me that in his presence some woman has prophesied, some great speaker from among those more saintly females of his. If all such proofs are more readily put in evidence by me, and are in full concord with the rules and ordinances and regulations of the Creator, without doubt both Christ and the Spirit and the apostle will belong to my God. 4 ‫־‬ I n his Treatise on the Soul Tertullian describes a n ecstatic-charismatic gathering:

23

Adversus haereses II, 32, 4-5; cf. 31,2; S C 294, pp. 328-330; E T A N F I, p. 409.

24

Adversus Marcionem V,8,12; Evans pp. 560-562, E T pp. 561-563.

For since we acknowledge spiritual charismata, we too have merited to receive prophecy, although coming after John the Baptist. We presendy have amongst us a sister to whom charismata of revelations have been allotted, which she experiences in the Spirit by ecstasy amidst the solemnities of the Lord's day in the church. She converses with angels, sees and hears mysterious things, some people's hearts she understands, and to those who wish it she distributes remedies. Whether it was in the reading of the Scriptures, or in the singing of psalms, or in the preaching of sermons, or in the offering up of prayers, by all this materials for visions are given to her. 25 It is striking that Irenaeus a n d Tertullian use the occurrence of the c h a r i s m a t a as a n a r g u m e n t in the struggle for the truth. W e d o not n e e d m u c h fantasy to realise that a p p a r e n t l y c h a r i s m a t a could be a d a n g e r o u s w e a p o n in the struggle between o r t h o d o x y a n d heresy as these categories were developing. W e can imagine that the growing institutionalisation of the c h u r c h was in great need of checking if not restricting the charismata. Even so, later a u t h o r s can still speak quite nostalgically a b o u t w h a t they r e g a r d e d as a free charismatic life of the early c h u r c h . T h e r e are m a n y texts a b o u t it. For example, Eusebius in his Church History quotes Irenaeus as a witness of w h a t was still possible in the second century, but in his opinion n o longer so in the fourth century. 2 6 G r e g o r y of Nyssa lectures the fathers of the council of 381 because their rhetoric gets bogged d o w n a n d he draws their attention to Syrian ascetics w h o are u n a b l e to philosophise, b u t able to exorcise a n d heal. 2 7 A little later in Syria itself Philoxenus of M a b b u g complains bitterly a b o u t the s h a r p contrast between the time of the apostles a n d his own time. W e r e things after a few centuries really that b a d in the c h u r c h , or d o we r a t h e r have a 'topos' here? 2 8

Prophecy and divination Luke 11:23 a n d Mark 9:40. " H e w h o is n o t with m e is against m e " is c o m p l e m e n t a r y to " H e w h o is not against us is for us" of M a r k . H o w d o we know w h e t h e r we are dealing with G o d , the devil or ourselves? W h e r e are the limits of that which is acceptable? T h e s e questions are 25 26 27 28

De anima 9,3-4; CCSL 2, p. 792; ET ANF III, p. 188. Historia ecclesiastica V, 7; SC 41, p.33 etc.; ET NPNF 2,Kl Series I, pp. 221-222. De deitate adversus Evagrium, Gregorii Nysseni Opera I X , pp. 337-338. Letter to Patricius 119, Patrologia Orientalis X X X , p. 860.

at stake w h e n we a t t e m p t to distinguish true a n d false prophecy. In m o d e r n Spirit-movements, the gift of p r o p h e c y is seen as o n e of the m o r e e x t r a o r d i n a r y gifts of the Spirit. W h a t we have here is intuitive speech in G o d ' s n a m e , in o r d e r to interpret the present, b u t also to indicate the future. T h e fact t h a t the O l d T e s t a m e n t was interpreted as a prediction of Christ's c o m i n g a n d the fact that p a g a n oracles were held to be predicting the f u t u r e will n o d o u b t have stimulated the e n g a g e m e n t of Christian p r o p h e c y with the future. A n o t h e r question in the m a t t e r of p r o p h e c y is the p r o b l e m of ecstasy. A m o n g ecclesiastical authors, it is really only Tertullian w h o describes inspired speech as resulting f r o m ecstasy, as the passages q u o t e d above d o c u m e n t . GeneraUy speaking, however, there seems to be quite a n aversion against ecstatic p r o p h e c y , although this seems to have o c c u r r e d time a n d again since the M o n t a n i s t s a n d also with later enthusiasts. 2 9 As a rule h o w e v e r the Christian p r o p h e t speaks in sobriety; ecstatic p r o p h e c y is n o t regarded as Christian. T h e r e were different f o r m s of p r o p h e c y in the early c h u r c h . W e find i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t semi-official w a n d e r i n g p r o p h e t s in Didache0‫; י‬ H e r m a s teaches us that a f o r m of congregational p r o p h e c y m u s t have existed also, in which in principle every m e m b e r of the congregation could be called to prophesy. In his doctoral thesis J . Reiling has shown lucidly, h o w H e r m a s k n e w a full-scale process of discernment of spirits. 31 T h e true p r o p h e t is recognised as such because the congregation at prayer, which tests him, activates the H o l y Spirit in him. T h e false p r o p h e t however is exposed because the congregation at p r a y e r causes the earthly spirit that dwells in h i m to flee, with the result that he is u n a b l e to u t t e r a word. T h e only surviving written d o c u m e n t s a b o u t p r o p h e c y f r o m the ancient c h u r c h are 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12-14 a n d the S h e p h e r d of H e r m a s . Origen 3 2 still knows the two kinds of p r o p h e c y — a f t e r h i m this particular gift is passed over in silence. W h e n p r o p h e c y a n d inspired p r e a c h i n g h a d been identified, it was officially authorized. O n l y in monasticism this early Christian gift, which comprises a f o r m of clairvoyance 3 3 , continues. T h e n it receives a different n a m e : especially the concept of διόρασις, 29

Cf. R . K n o x , Enthusiasm. A Chapter in the History of Religion (Oxford, 1950).

30

Chapters 11 and 13; SC 248, p. 184 and 190 respectively.

31

Hermas and Christian Prophecy. A Study of the Eleventh Mandate (Leiden, 1973). Commentary on 1 Corinthians 12-14; ed. m Journal of Theological Studies 10, 1909, pp.

32

31-32. 33 Cf. e.g. Palladius, Historia Lausiaca XVII (Macarius of Egypt), ed. Buder p. 44, line 8.

"through-sight", as a c o m p r e h e n s i v e f o r m of spiritual insight, presents itself here. 3 4 T h e c o u n t e r p a r t of the Christian gift of p r o p h e c y is the u n d e n i a b l e possibility of p a g a n oracles to k n o w parts of the truth. A u t h o r s like M i n u c i u s Felix 3 5 , Cyril of Alexandria 3 6 a n d Augustine 3 7 go to considerable lengths to discredit a n d belittle these centres of p a g a n p o w e r . T h e issue is addressed succinctly in a collection of questions a n d answers which is sometimes ascribed to Justin a n d sometimes to T h e o d o r e t a n d which p r o b a b l y dates back to the fifth century. 3 8 T h e question which is being asked is: If prophets and apostles have predicted things which are about to happen, such as victories in wars, attacks of the plague and the demolition of temples, but the pagan oracles have also predicted things, how do we know that the former are better than the latter, since the future is predicted on both sides? T h e answer that is given is the following: Both the prediction in words and the outcome in facts originate from the same God, who announced through prophets and apostles what He was about to do. For as through Bileam the diviner He blessed Israel and cursed its enemies, doing both these things by predicting future events, and equally through divination He predicted the capture of Jerusalem to king Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon, as the prophet Ezekiel says: 'And the king of Babylon shall stand on the old way, at the head of the two ways, to use divination, to shuffle the rod, to enquire of the graven images and to examine the liver on his right side. And there was divination in Jerusalem ...‫ י‬etc. (Ez. 21:21-22), in the same way through pagan diviners He also predicted things which really came to pass. But there is a big difference between prophets and diviners. First, in that prophets and aposdes knew, believed in and worshipped the God in whose name they prophesied and because everything which the prophets predicted concerning the wiping out of the pagan gods and oracles and the situation of Christianity came to pass. Second, in that nothing 34

Cf. I. Hausherr, Direction spirituelle en orient autrefois, (Roma, 1955), p. 97 etc.

35

Octavius, ch.26-27; ed. G.Quispel (Leiden, 1949), p. 56 etc. De adoratione in Spiritu et veritate, Patrologia Graeca (= PG) 68, 432D-441B; Dutch

36

translation and discussion in: M.Parmentier, Goddelijke wezens uit de aarde. Griekse kerkvoders over de 'heks' van Endor (Kampen, 1989), pp. 104-109. 37 Cf. H.J.Geerlings, De antieke daemonologie en Augustinus geschrifi De Divinatione Dae-

monum, doctoral thesis Vrije Universiteit (Amsterdam, 1953); J. den Boeft, lemma 'Daemon(es)' in: Augustinus-Lexikon 2, pp. 213-222. 38 CPG 6285, chapter 2, ed. Otto III, 2 p. 4 etc. (Justin); alias chapter 17, ed. Papadopoulos-Kerameus p. 30 etc. (Theodoret). In our translation we follow the version by (Pseudo-)Theodoret.

which the diviners predicted, either against the truth of G o d and those w h o worship Him, or concerning the situation of paganism, has come to pass. A proof of this is the slaying of the Assyrians w h o were encouraged by their own divination to say: 'Is it without the Lord that I (= Sennacherib) have c o m e up against this land to lay it waste? T h e Lord said to me: G o up and lay it waste' (2 Kings 18:25). And he went up and in spite of the divination he got kiUed.

T h e idea is that w h e n a n oracle speaks the truth, it is like Balaam, w h o proclaims G o d ' s w o r d in spite of himself. But it can also h a p p e n that G o d uses a n oracle to mislead the enemies of his people, like S e n n a c h e r i b , in o r d e r to eliminate t h e m . Several c h u r c h fathers admit that the f u t u r e can also be predicted correctly by the pagans. T h e solution for this p r o b l e m is usually, t h a t by attentive observation of w h a t is visible to everyone, or by shameless theft of i n f o r m a t i o n , the devil has got hold of the truth. 3 9 T h u s there seemed to be a reasonably conclusive Christian theory to tell p r o p h e c y a n d divination a p a r t . I n practice, however, Christians will often have felt the same as the questioner in the q u o t e d text above: H o w d o we k n o w which side is better t h a n the o t h e r one, if b o t h predict the future? T h i s p r o b l e m was a n urgent one, since the p r o p h e t s a n d the apostles h a d died a n d Christian p r o p h e t s h a d been silenced after M o n t a n i s m , b u t p a g a n divination was still in existence, if only o n the private estates of pagans w h o were as obstinate as rich.

Tongues and languages Acts 2:6 a n d 1 Corinthians 14:14. 111 light of current m o d e m interpretarions of the gift of tongues or languages, expositions by the c h u r c h fathers a b o u t the Pentecostal gift of languages in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12‫־‬ 14, at least provide, a classic e x a m p l e of the w a y in which a w r o n g exegesis has obscured the view on the continuity of this spiritual gift. Cyril of Alexandria is of the opinion that this is the o n e early Christian spiritual gift which n o longer exists in his own time. 40 Chrysostom thinks that it is o n e of the early Christian charismata that n o longer exist. 41 Augustine equaUy does n o t k n o w a c o n t e m p o rary gift of tongues. 4 2 39

Cf. Reiling, Hermas, p. 68 etc., cf. the quotations in the notes on p. 69. Cf. also H.C.Weiland, Het oordeel der kerkvaders over het orakel, doctoral thesis (Utrecht, 1935). 40 In Sophon. 3, 9-10; Pusey II p. 228. Cf. Ritter p. 181 41 In Ep. I ad Cor., Hom.35; PG 61,301. Cf. Ritter p. 35. 42 Cf. note 48.

H o w e v e r , it should be n o t e d that practically every c h u r c h f a t h e r reads the affirmations a b o u t the tongues of 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12-14 f r o m the viewpoint of Acts 2. T h u s speaking in t o n g u e s / l a n g u a g e s becomes speaking in real a n d m e a n i n g f u l languages, even t h o u g h 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 13:1 makes it quite plausible to explain a language which n o b o d y u n d e r s t a n d s as a language not of h u m a n beings b u t of a n gels. In the case of Acts 2 'glossolalia' is 'xenoglossy' [or 'xenolalia'] a n d its p u r p o s e is that which is indicated in verse 11 : telling all the nations in their own languages the mighty works of G o d . T h i s speaking in foreign languages is therefore a missionary instrument to unite all nations in the worship of G o d . O n e of the best k n o w n examples of such a view is a passage in J o h n C h r y s o s t o m ' s homily o n 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12: This whole place is very obscure, but the obscurity is produced by our ignorance of the facts referred to and by their cessation, since these things used to occur but n o w no longer take place. And why do they not happen now? ... Well, what did happen then? Whoever was baptised immediately spoke in tongues (γλώσσαις ευθέως έλάλει), and not in tongues only, but many also prophesied, and some also performed many powerful works (πλείους δυνάμεις). For since on their c o m i n g over from idols, without any clear knowledge or training in the ancient books, they at once received the Spirit when they had been baptised, but did not see the Spirit because H e is invisible, therefore grace bestowed concrete proof of its working. And one immediately spoke the language of the Persians, another that of the Romans, another that of the Indians, another again another language. And this made manifest to those outside that the Spirit was in the speaker. Therefore Paul describes it as follows: 'To each is given the manifestation of the Spirit for the c o m m o n good', indicating the charismata with 'manifestation of the Spirit'. For as the apostles themselves had received this sign first, so also the faithful went on receiving it, I mean, the gift of tongues, and not only this one but also many others. For many used even to raise the dead and to cast out demons and to perform many other such miracles. And they did have charismata, some less and others more. But more abundant than all was the gift of tongues a m o n g them. 4 3

So Chrysostom interprets Pauline glossolalia as s p o n t a n e o u s xenoglossy, a n d says that this n o longer occurs in his own day. Earlier in the fourth century G r e g o r y of Nazianzus 4 4 already d o u b t s w h e t h e r the Pentecostal miracle of the tongues was a miracle of h e a r i n g o r o n e of speech a n d he d e e m s it possible that in fact the glossolalia at 43 44

In Ep.I ad Cor., Hom.29; PG 61,230; ET NPNF 1* Series XII, p. 168. Or.41, 15; SC 358, pp. 348-350.

Pentecost was a kind of xenoglossy, just as Origen45 before h i m c a m e to t h e conclusion t h a t Paul's glossolalia m u s t h a v e b e e n xenoglossy for missionary purposes. A r e t h e r e n o early C h r i s t i a n texts in w h i c h s p e a k i n g in t o n g u e s / l a n g u a g e s is n o t d i s s o l v e d i n t o m i s s i o n a r y x e n o g l o s s y ? I n d e e d , t h e r e are. A n e x a m p l e of i n c o m p r e h e n s i b l e Spirit language c a n for e x a m p i e b e f o u n d i n t h e t h i r d c e n t u r y g n o s t i c w r i t i n g Pistis Sophia.

It d e -

scribes h o w after his resurrection J e s u s walks o v e r t h e waters with his disciples a n d prays: 'Hear me, my Father, father of 2111 fatherhood, boundless light: aeêiouô iaô aôi ôia psinôther thernôps nôpsither zagourê pagourê nethmomaôth nepsiomaôth marachachtha thôbarrabau tharnachachan zorokothora ieou sabaôth.' And while Jesus said this, T h o m a s , Andrew, James and Simon the Canaanite were in the west with their faces turned towards the east, and Philip and Bartholomew were in the south turned towards the north, and the rest of the disciples and the women-disciples stood back of Jesus. But Jesus stood at the altar. And Jesus made invocation, turning himself towards the four corners of the world with his disciples, w h o were all clad in linen garments, and saying: 'iaô iaô iaô.' This is its interpretation: iôta, because the universe has gone forth; alpha, because it will turn itself back again; ômega, because the completion of all the completeness will take place. And when Jesus had said this, he said: 'iaphtha iaphtha mounaêr ermanouêr ermanouêr. ' T h a t is: Ό father of all fatherhood of the boundless spaces, hear m e for the sake of my disciples w h o m I have led before you, that they may have faith in all the words of your truth, and grant everything for which I shall invoke you; for I know the name of the father of the treasury of the light.' 46 E s p e c i a l l y t h e last s e c t i o n o f t h i s q u o t a t i o n r e m i n d s u s v e r y m u c h o f c h a r i s m a t i c m e e t i n g s in w h i c h s o m e o n e p r a y s loudly in t o n g u e s , w i t h repetitive sounds, after w h i c h a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n follows w h i c h

for

s o m e o b s c u r e r e a s o n is m u c h l o n g e r t h a n t h e u t t e r a n c e i n a t o n g u e itself. B u t t h i s k i n d o f g l o s s o l a l i a w a s n o p r i v i l e g e o f t h e

Gnostics.

I r e n a e u s f o r e x a m p l e says t h e f o l l o w i n g a b o u t t h e gift of t o n g u e s / languages: ... we hear of many brethren in the church possessing prophetic charismata and speaking all kinds of languages through the Spirit, usefully revealing the secrets of humans and explaining the mysteries of G o d ... 47

45

Comm. in Ep. ad Rom. I, 13; ed. with German translation Fontes Christiani 2/1, p. 128 etc. 46 Chapter 136; GCS 45, pp. 232-233; ET G.R.S.Mead 1896, pp. 295-296. 47

Adversus haereses V , 6, 1; S C 153, p. 74; E T A N F I, p. 531.

"All kinds of languages", "revealing ... secrets ... , ‫ י‬a n d "explaining ... mysteries ...": could this refer to b o t h c o m p r e h e n s i b l e languages a n d incomprehensible languages coupled with p r o p h e t i c interpretations? It m a y well be that the gifts of p r o p h e c y , of t o n g u e s / l a n g u a g e s a n d the w o r d s of knowledge a n d w i s d o m are linked together here. Evidently w h a t is hinted at is n o t specific xenoglossy, b u t "all kinds of languages", i.e. all kinds of m e a n s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n which have a p r o p h e t i c a n d a pastoral function, either by itself or as the result of a n interpretation. In the same w a y the passage f r o m Tertullian's Treatise on the Soul q u o t e d above speaks of a w o m a n with " c h a r i s m a t a of revelations" w h o speaks with angels. N o w we m u s t ask w h e t h e r the p h e n o m e n o n of wordless praise, which was k n o w n in congregational life d u r i n g the first two centuries, h a d b e c o m e so completely obsolete in later centuries that the c h u r c h fathers began to identify glossolalia a n d xenoglossy? Infact, the o p p o site was the case. Precisely because the c h u r c h fathers interpreted the glossolalia of 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12-14 as the xenoglossy of Acts 2 instead of the o t h e r w a y a r o u n d , the glossolalia w h i c h was still a b u n d a n t l y present in the c h u r c h , b u t which, as we shall see below, was called by a different n a m e , was n o longer recognised as such. T h e most telling e x a m p l e of b o t h the exegetical m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g that glossolalia is xenoglossy, a n d of the factual experience of glossolalia, is Augustine. Completely in line with his fellow c h u r c h fathers, on the o n e h a n d he dryly observes: The Holy Spirit is said to be given by the laying on of hands ... but the Holy Spirit is not only given by the laying on of hands with the testimony of temporal and perceivable miracles, as He was given in former days to recommend the first beginnings of a rudimentary faith and of the church which had to be extended. For who expects in these days that those on whom hands are laid in order that they may receive the Holy Spirit should immediately begin to speak in tongues? 48 O n the o t h e r h a n d , at the e n d of his life Augustine retracts his idea that the e x t r a o r d i n a r y c h a r i s m a t a were only m e a n t for the beginnings of the Christian era, in o r d e r to c o m b i n e deeds with the apostolic words. H e changes his opinion o n this point because of the miraculous healings that take place in his diocese. Miracles still oc-

48

De baptismo contra Donatistas II,XVI,21; CSEL 51, pp. 212-213; ET NPNF 1st Series IV, pp. 442-443.

cur, even n o w that the whole world has b e e n converted, as he notes in The City of God X X I I . 4 9 Augustine is also entirely familiar with t o n g u e speaking as wordless praise. It only has a different n a m e . Augustine, a n d m a n y mystical a u t h o r s a f t e r him, calls t o n g u e speaking jubilatio. In his Expositions on the Book of the Psalms, he writes the following: 'Sing to him in jubilation' 50 . That is singing well to God, chanting in jubilation. What is chanting in jubilation? That is to understand, to be unable to explain with words what the heart is singing. For when those who chant, whether in the harvest, or in the vineyard, or in some other fervent work, after having begun to exult for joy in the words of songs, are as it were filled with such a joy that they cannot express it with words, they turn away from the syllables of words and change to the sound of jubilation. Jubilation is a sound that signifies that the heart is pregnant with something that cannot be spoken. And to whom is this jubilation due than only to the ineffable God? For that one is ineffable whom you cannot describe with words. And if you cannot describe Him with words and you must not be silent about Him, what else remains than that you jubilate, so that the heart rejoices without words and that the immense latitude of joys is not limited by syllables? 'Sing well and in jubilation'. 51 So Augustine knows jubilation as a secular p h e n o m e n o n of people w h o spontaneously burst o u t in t o n g u e speech. T o n g u e speech is n o t necessarily a charisma. But Augustine finds the wordless jubilation exceptionally suitable for the praise of G o d , w h o is the ineffable O n e . After him a n entire mystical tradition in the W e s t e n ! c h u r c h knows of jubilation as wordless praise of God. 5 2 O n l y w h e n glossolalia a n d xenoglossy are identified can it be m a i n t a i n e d that the c h a r i s m a of tongues has died out. As such, the p h e n o m e n o n of xenoglossy does actually sometimes o c c u r today, b u t in Christianity it plays n o role, as the c h u r c h fathers demonstrate. 5 3 49 Cf. F.van der Meer, Augustinus de zielzorger (Utrecht/Brüssel, 1947), p. 463 etc. = Augustine the Bishop (London, 1961). 50 Ps. 32(33):3. 51

52

Enarrationes in Psalmos 32,8; C C S L 38, p. 254.

In the Roman Catholic charismatic movement, the link between jubilation and tongue speaking was first made by Paul Hinnebusch O.P, Praise a Way of Life (Ann Arbor, 1976). 53 Xenolalia has a particular history in the North American Pentecostal Movement. Charles Parham C who is associated with the doctrine that the gift of tongues forms the necessary initial evidence that someone is baptised in the Spirit—taught permanent xenolalia as the only proper manifestation of tongues-speech. His group still holds to this belief. Initially, Pentecostals sent missionaries to different parts of the world believing they had been given the language of a given nation(s). This was

But speaking in tongues as wordless praise, as a p r a y e r w h e n words to p r a y fail a n d as a n i n s t r u m e n t for silent intercession ' u n d e r one's b r e a t h ' is a c o n t i n u o u s p h e n o m e n o n in Christian tradition, f r o m the first Pentecost until now. 5 4

Outer and Inner Healing Mark 16:17-18 a n d Luke 17:21. T h e o u t w a r d signs that will follow the faithful contrast with the k i n g d o m of G o d that is "within you". T h e difference between o u t w a r d a n d inward, or e x t r a o r d i n a r y a n d ordin a r y gifts is most p o i g n a n t w h e r e the gift of physical healing is concerned. M o r e o v e r in this a r e a there always was the necessary c o m p e tition f r o m the n o n - C h r i s t i a n c a m p a n d therefore s o m e t h i n g that looked like a gift of the H o l y Spirit could relatively easily seduce to apostasy. H e a l i n g h a d been a n i m p o r t a n t i n s t r u m e n t in the ministry of Jesus a n d the apostles, b u t afterwards a n extensive manifestation of gifts of healing is n o longer m e n t i o n e d . W e have already seen that Irenaeus m e n t i o n s it as a gift occurring in congregations. Justin makes a close connection between healing a n d exorcism. 5 5 In his Apostolic Tradition, Hippolytus pleads for the recognition of m e m b e r s of the congregation with a healing ministry: If anyone says. '1 have received a gift of healing by a revelation', hands shall not be laid on him, for the facts themselves will show whether he has spoken the truth. 56 N o w it is striking h o w this text varies in its diverse adaptations, especially regarding the caution required for the c h u r c h to incorporate such a personal ministry. 5 7 But in the writings of the later c h u r c h predicted by 19th century figures, some Wesleyan and some not. No pentecostal reported success. When the Charismaric Movement arose in the United States, there was a like emphasis on xenolalia among Protestant Charismarics and Roman Catholie Charismarics. Although not expected in every service, many Pentecostal churches have many stories to tell of how (temporary) xenolalia was a key to deliverance... (Information kindly supplied by Dr. Harold D. Hunter, Oklahoma City). 54 Cf. M.Parmenrier, "Das Zungenreden bei den Kirchenvätern", Bijdragen, tijdschuft voorfilosojie en theologie 55, 1994, pp. 376-398. 55 Second Apology 6, ed. M . M a r c o v i c h p. 146; E T A N F I, 190. 56

Hs.14 (Dix 15); ed. B.Botte 1963, p.32; ET G.J.Cuming, Hippolytus: A Text for Students, Grove Books (Bramcote Notts. 1976), p. 15. 57 Cf. M.Parmenrier, "Wat is genezing? Gedachten naar aanleiding van een tekst van Hippolytus", BCT 14, 1984, pp. 5-17.

fathers physical healing, w h i c h c a n b e d e m o n s t r a t e d b y 'facts', h a r d l y p l a y s a r o l e . W h a t is v e r y i m p o r t a n t a n d m u c h d i s c u s s e d , is i n n e r h e a l i n g . I n m o n a s t i c a n d h a g i o g r a p h i e l i t e r a t u r e , h o w e v e r , all k i n d s of c h a r i s m a t a a n d also physical h e a l i n g are clearly present, a l t h o u g h w e find t h e n e c e s s a r y w a r n i n g s t h a t t h i s s p e c i a l g i f t c a n e a s i l y l e a d t o a p r i d e w h i c h c a n m a k e o n e swell. Q u i t e i l l u s t r a t i v e f o r t h i s a r e t h e a d m o n i t i o n s of J o h n C a s s i a n , w h i c h s e e m to b e a m a z i n g l y topical in view of certain d e v e l o p m e n t s in t h e m o d e r n c h a r i s m a t i c m o v e m e n t : T h e working of signs and wonders (opera ... signorum atque virtutum) is not always necessary, not g o o d for all, nor granted to all ... For he can perform all the miracles which Christ wrought, without danger of being puffed up, w h o follows the gende Lord not in the grandeur of his signs but in the virtues of patience and humility. But he w h o aims at commanding unclean spirits or rendering healing to the sick, or showing some wonderful sign to the people, even though in his ostentatious performance he invokes the n a m e of Christ, yet he is alien to Christ, because with his proud mind he does not follow the teacher of humility ... H e said ...: 'By this all will know that you are m y disciples, if you have love for one another' (John 13:35) ... H e says not: 'If you do signs and wonders in the same way', but: 'If you have love for one another', and this is a love which certainly only the humble and meek can keep .... A n d so if anyone does any of these things in our presence, he ought to be praiseworthy to us not from admiration of his signs, but from the beauty of his life (de omatu morum), nor should we enquire whether the demons are subject to him (cp. Luke 10:20), but whether he possesses the members of love (caritatis membra) which the apostie describes (cp. 1 Corinthians 13:4 etc.). 58 T h e s i g n i f y i n g c h a r a c t e r o f t h e g i f t o f h e a l i n g is a l w a y s e m p h a s i s e d strongly. M a n y e x a m p l e s c o u l d b e given of this. F o r e x a m p l e t h a t of t h e E g y p t i a n d e s e r t f a t h e r B e n j a m i n . I n h i s Lausiac

History

Palladius

reports h o w this holy m a n , after h a v i n g r e a c h e d t h e perfection of asceticism at t h e a g e of eighty, r e c e i v e d a gift of h e a l i n g , so that everyone on w h o m he laid his hands or to w h o m he gave oil after blessing it was cured of every ailment. N o w this m a n w h o was counted worthy of such a gift, eight months before his death developed dropsy, and his body swelled so greatly ... that another man's fingers could not get round one finger of his hand. W e turned our eyes away, being unable to look owing to the terrible nature of the affliction. T h e n that blessed Benjamin said to us: 'Pray, children, that my inner man m a y not b e c o m e dropsical. 59 For m y outer man neither benefited me 58 59

Conlationes XV, 7; SC 54 pp. 217-218; ET NPNF 2nd Series XI, p. 448. I.e. puffed up with pride.

w h e n it was well, nor harmed me when it was ill.' During these eight months a seat was arranged for him, very wide, in which he sat continually, being no longer able to lie down owing to the other requirements of his body. But while he was in this state of affliction he healed others ... W h e n he died, the lintels and door posts were removed, that his body might be carried out of the house, so great was the swelling. 60 I n a n e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t t i m e a n d p l a c e t h e s a m e is e x p r e s s e d i n t h e b i o g r a p h y of Ansgar, w h o was a r c h b i s h o p of B r e m e n in the n i n t h c e n t u r y . " I n n u m e r a b l e p e o p l e w e r e h e a l e d b y his p r a y e r a n d a n o i n t ing with sacred oil", writes A n s g a r ' s b i o g r a p h e r R i m b e r t , for many reported that sick people not only from his own diocese, but even from far away strove to c o m e and ask him for the medicine of salvation (medicinam salutis). H e himself, however, always preferred to hide all this rather than to make it known. Thus when someone in his presence once made a speech about these signs and wonders, he himself said to one of his servants: 'If I were worthy of it with my Lord, I would ask that he would allow m e one special sign, namely that by his grace H e would make a g o o d man out of me'. Moreover, although he led such a life, he laboured almost continuously by the infirmity of his own body. Indeed, almost his whole life was a martyrdom ...61 F r o m Syria to G a u l spiritual leaders also f e a r the possibility t h a t the d i s t r e s s o f p h y s i c a l illness will b r i n g p e o p l e t o d e n y t h e i r f a i t h , s e e k h e l p f r o m n o n - C h r i s t i a n h e a l e r s a n d lose t h e i r s a l v a t i o n . T h u s

the

f o u r t h c e n t u r y S y r i a c Book of Steps says: But concerning all temptations let us beseech the Lord as it is written 'The Lord heals every disease' (Ps. 103:3). A n d concerning 'the speech of the lips of evildoers' (Ps. 59:13), that is, of sorcerers, diviners, charmers, inscribers of amulets, enchanters and augurs: H e will judge them and c o n d e m n them. But if you want to be healed without sin, wait on the Lord, make supplication to H i m and H e wUl heal you from the many sicknesses, caused by human beings and by Satan. If you must be healed in this world, our Lord will heal you in this world. And if H e does not heal you in this world, this is the way in which you will receive help: in this world H e will give you rest, lift you up and make you joyful, because you wait for his salvation until your departure from this world. D o not tremble at the afflictions of your sickness so much, that you go and kill your soul for the sake of your body's health. Your body is either cured or it is not cured. It is better for you to bear some small temporal 60

Histona Lausiaca XII, ed. C.Buder pp. 35-36; ET W.K. Lowther Clarke 1918, pp. 66-67. 61 Vita Anskam auctore Rimberto '39-40, rec.G.Waitz, Hannover 1884, p. 74. Cf. M. Parmentier, "Wat mögen wij verwachten van de dienst der genezing?", Chartsmatische Informatie 13, 1995, p. 1.

affliction than to go to immeasurable affliction. Even if it were so that your body were cured by those impostors, do you not know that your soul becomes sick, with a sickness that wUl last until the D a y of Judgement and that you will be c o n d e m n e d there and then, because you have evaded the sicknesses and afflictions of a short time, and you will c o m e to an affliction from which you cannot run away, because you have transgressed the c o m m a n d m e n t of God? But when you are sick and there is a healer near you, ask him as follows: 'Are you not a sorcerer or an enchanter or one of those w h o occupy themselves with false and erroneous teaching? Let the Lord to whose judgement we shall go, testify against you if you bring m e any relief, except directly in the name of Jesus. And if not, stay away from me!' Let him assure you that he heals you in the name of Jesus and then let him c o m e to you. 6 2

T h e same f u n d a m e n t a l reservation is also expressed by Caesarius of Aries, w h o calls on people w h o are sick to c o m e to the c h u r c h in o r d e r to receive the Eucharist a n d the a n o i n t i n g of the sick a n d n o t to r u n to p a g a n healers. T h e opposite p a r t y will not p r o c u r e a real healing even w h e n this seems to be the case. W h e n they receive physical healing, the devil will kill their soul in a n y case. 63 G r e g o r y of T o u r s provides several examples of healers inside a n d outside the c h u r c h w h o go astray. 6 4 It is n o w h e r e clearer t h a n in the case of gifts of healing, that Christians must b o t h b e w a r e of p s e u d o - c h a r i s m a t a a n d also that c h a r i s m a t a c a n n o t be a n e n d in themselves, b u t always serve to edify the Body of Christ. In o t h e r words: again a n d again we c o m e across p a r a n o r m a l possibilities which can seduce the believers to a d o p t o t h e r systems of signification. H o w e v e r , it can also h a p p e n that c h a r i s m a t a begin to lead their own lives. T h e n they t h r e a t e n the Body of Christ f r o m within.

Gifts and virtues Matthew 5:48 a n d 1 Corinthians 12:7. T h e m o n a s t i c m o v e m e n t took u p 62

Liber Graduum VII, 14. Ed. M.Kmosko, Patrologia Syriaca I, 1, (Paris, 1926), pp.169173. 63 Sermo 50,1-2; CCSL 103, pp. 224-226. 52,5-6; CCSL 103, pp. 232-233. 184, 45; CCSL 104, pp. 750-751. Vgl. D.Harmening, Superstitio. Überliefertalgs- und theoriegeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur kirchlich-theologischen Aberglaubensliteratur des

Mittelalters

(Berlin, 1979), p.246. 64 Vitae Patrum 10; Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auetores Antiquissimi (= M G H I), II p. 2 5 5 e.V.; 15, M G H I, II p. 2 7 0 etc. De virtutibus S. Iuliani 46a, M G H I, II, pp. 131-

132. Historiae IX, 6, MGH I, I pp.417-420; X, 25, MGH I, I pp. 517-519. Cf. M.Parmentier, "Genezing, in wiens naam?" BCT 36, 1995, pp. 25-36.

t h e d e m a n d to be perfect f r o m the Gospel of M a t t h e w . Even so the c h a r i s m a t a are given w i t h o u t respect of persons. T h e y are gratiae gratis datae, a c c o r d i n g to a n expression w h i c h a c c o r d i n g to P o p e Benedict X I V , w h o in t h e eighteenth c e n t u r y extensively occupied himself with the c h a r i s m a t a 6 5 , stems f r o m A l e x a n d e r of Hales. 6 6 Christianity f r o m the b e g i n n i n g p a i d m u c h attention to the life style of h e r m e m bers, b u t m o n a s t i c tradition laid specific e m p h a s i s o n the requirem e n t to be holy. H e r e c h a r i s m a t a a n d virtues are closely j o i n e d together. 6 7 C h a r i s m a t a w i t h o u t a c o r r e s p o n d i n g growth in holiness are a d a n g e r o u s possession. O n m a n y occasions the c h u r c h fathers stress the necessity for spiritual gifts a n d g r o w t h in holiness to go together, because otherwise accidents m a y h a p p e n . Being gifted is in itself n o s t a n d a r d for m e a s u r i n g the religious orientation of the gifted person. F o r in fact e a c h c h a r i s m a h a s its parallel outside the life d e v o t e d to the G o d of A b r a h a m , Isaac a n d J a c o b , the F a t h e r of J e s u s Christ. T h e w i s d o m of the philosophers c o r r e s p o n d s with t h e charism a t i c spirit of w i s d o m a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g . T h e sayings of the oracles c o r r e s p o n d with Christian p r o p h e c y . T h e gift of tongues as a lang u a g e of angels is a gift w h i c h occurs in all religions, a n d usually in a n ecstatic f o r m . P a g a n healers c o m p e t e with the Christian ministry of healing. T h e r e f o r e t h e r e is o n e gift, w h i c h m u s t o c c u p y a central place in charismatic life: the gift of distinguishing the spirits. In Christian tradition, this gift initially discerns g o o d a n d b a d spirits, angels a n d d e m o n s . In monasticism this gift is i n t e r p r e t e d psychologically (but n o t exclusively). T h e διακρίσεις τ ώ ν πνευμάτων, the " d i s c e r n m e n t s of spirits" of 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12:10 b e c o m e a διάκρισις, a single spiritual d i s c e r n m e n t . J o h n C l i m a c u s devotes t h e 26 th step of his " L a d d e r " to the gift of d i s c e r n m e n t . F o r beginners, d i s c e r n m e n t is "real selfknowledge". F o r the a d v a n c e d , "it is a spiritual capacity to distinguish unfailingly b e t w e e n w h a t is truly g o o d a n d w h a t in n a t u r e is o p p o s e d to g o o d " . F o r the perfect, "it is a knowledge resulting f r o m divine illumination, which with its l a m p c a n light u p w h a t is d a r k in others". In short, C l i m a c u s says, d i s c e r n m e n t is " a solid u n d e r s t a n d 65

Heroic Virtue: A Portion of the Treatise of Benedict XIV on the Beatification and Canonization

of the Servants of God, Vol.III (London, 1852), p. 88. 66 The Reformers later used the expression gratia gratis data to emphasise the free and unmerited character of divine grace. 67 This is also a point of special interest to Ritter: cf. p.31, 55, 56, 132, 134·, 139, 158, 195 of his book.

ing of the will of G o d in all times, in all places, in all things". A n d : "it is f o u n d only a m o n g those w h o are p u r e in h e a r t , in b o d y , a n d in speech 5 ', people w h o h a v e " a n u n c o r r u p t e d conscience" a n d a " p u r e perception 5 5 . 6 8 J o h n Cassian, w h o also knows p o w e r f u l charismatic works f r o m his o w n experience, shows clearly h o w miracles in t h e m selves m e a n n o t h i n g , because S a t a n c a n w o r k t h e m also. W h a t m a t ters is love. T h e imitation of Christ does n o t consist in the imitation of his signs, b u t in the imitation of his p a t i e n c e a n d his humility. R e f e r r i n g to t h e sayings of A b b a Nesteros, Cassian distinguishes three reasons w h y people a r e given the gift of healing: 1. Because of holiness: w h e n t h e grace of signs a c c o m p a n i e s certain elect a n d righteous m e n . T h i s w a s t h e case with t h e apostles a n d m a n y of t h e saints. 2. F o r the edification of the c h u r c h o r o n a c c o u n t of t h e faith of those w h o b r i n g their sick, o r of those w h o are to b e c u r e d : t h e n even sinners a n d people u n w o r t h y of it c a n be used as i n s t r u m e n t s of healing. H o w e v e r , in this case it m a y h a p p e n t h a t if those w h o b r i n g their sick o r w h o w a n t to b e c u r e d themselves h a v e insufficient faith, the healing m a y n o t be realized. 3. By t h e deceit a n d contrivance of d e m o n s w h o imitate real healing: w h e n a n evident sinner is r e g a r d e d as a saint o u t of a d m i r a t i o n for his miracles. S u c h 'healers 5 are n o t only u n w o r t h y , they are criminal a n d p r o u d characters. T h e y b e l o n g to t h e categories of false christs a n d false p r o p h e t s , w h o by their deceptive miracles try to seduce p e o p l e to follow strange gods. 6 9 T h u s it seems t h a t t h e e x t r a o r d i n a r y gifts w h i c h c o r r e s p o n d with t h e p h e n o m e n o n w h i c h in o u r (post-) m o d e r n world is usually design a t e d as ' p a r a n o r m a l gifts 5 was w h o l e h e a r t e d l y a c c e p t e d in t h e early c h u r c h if they w e r e used in holiness a n d if they led those w h o allowed themselves to be influenced b y t h e m to G o d in the c h u r c h . H o w e v e r , as soon as these gifts c a m e into conflict with t h e b e h a v i o u r a l code, the doctrine a n d the representatives of the Christian c h u r c h , a n d s e e m e d to seduce those w h o allowed themselves to b e influenced b y t h e m a n d to a d o p t o t h e r systems of signification, they were r e g a r d e d as pernicious a n d d e m o n i c . In a n y case it was clear t h a t n o single e x t r a o r d i n a r y gift could be trusted at face value: a process of careful d i s c e r n m e n t within the Body of Christ inspired b y the H o l y Spirit always r e m a i n e d the first r e q u i r e m e n t .

68 69

PG 88, 1013AB: ET C. Luibheid and N. Russell (London, 1982), p. 229. Conlationes XV, 1; SC 54 pp. 210-211; ET NPNF 2nd Series XI, pp. 445-446.

LE C A R A C T E R E ET L ' E V O L U T I O N DES IMAGES BIBLIQUES DANS L'ART C H R E T I E N PRIMITIF A. Provoost

Il paraît facile de d o n n e r u n exposé c o n c e r n a n t les images bibliques d a n s l'art chrétien primitif. N o u s disposons en effet d ' u n g r a n d n o m bre d ' é t u d e s générales et n o u s p o u v o n s de plus consulter des encyclopédies, des m a n u e l s et des articles qui traitent, parfois m ê m e de m a n i è r e exhaustive, des divers symboles, p e r s o n n a g e s et récits bibliques (et cela m ê m e d u point de vue iconologique). 1 Et p o u r t a n t , il y a u n p r o b l è m e . E n général, o n ne tient p a s s u f f i s a m m e n t c o m p t e d a n s l'évaluation globale de l ' i m p o r t a n c e quantitative d ' u n sujet. M a i s les défauts les plus graves se situent a u niveau qualificatif: o n se limite souvent a u x d o n n é e s a n e c d o t i q u e s de la n a r r a t i o n ou d u p e r s o n n a g e . O n se noie ainsi presque t o u j o u r s d a n s u n e multitude de récits et de symboles, en oubliant q u ' u n e a p p r o c h e anthropologico-sociologico-psychologique p e u t les réduire à u n n o m b r e limité de t h è m e s f o n d a m e n t a u x qui c o r r e s p o n d e n t eux, a u véritable c o n t e n u de la Bible, p a r c e q u e spirituel. Il faut aussi n o t e r q u e la p l u p a r t des études c o n c e r n a n t les images bibliques s'appuient sur la m é t h o d e de l'histoire de l'art. L'iconographie des premiers chrétiens est ainsi considérée c o m m e 'paléochrétienne', c'est-à-dire c o m m e u n langage iconique i m m a t u r e , qui devait a t t e n d r e l'apogée d e l'art byzantin ou médiéval p o u r devenir c o m p r é h e n s i b l e . Les archéologues p a r contre considèrent la culture matérielle des premiers chrétiens (et d o n c aussi leur langage iconique) c o m m e u n e p h a s e a u t o n o m e , c o m m e u n e période d ' i n c u b a t i o n d a n s le vrai sens d u m o t . E n outre, l'histoire de l'art, l'histoire ecclésiastique et la théologie inclinent à traiter l'iconographie biblique c o m m e l'illustration p a r images d ' u n exposé essentiellement historiq u e ou d o g m a t i q u e . L ' a r g u m e n t a t i o n n e s'appuie q u e partiellement sur le langage iconique. Mais d a n s l'archéologie m o d e r n e , o n se rend de plus en plus c o m p t e q u e les représentations f o r m e n t u n e manifestation spécifique d u c o m p o r t e m e n t h u m a i n d a n s le passé. 1

On trouvera les publications les plus importantes, parfois citées en abrégé, pp. 100-101.

D a n s cet article, n o u s fixerons d ' a b o r d n o t r e attention sur les résultats de la recherche traditionnelle c o n c e r n a n t les images bibliques: nous présenterons la théorie des p a r a d i g m e s , et ensuite l'évolution d u langage biblique d ' a p r è s cette vision traditionnelle. Puis, nous essaierons de faire u n e esquisse alternative (à savoir plus archéologique) de l'évolution d u langage biblique. Q u e l q u e s applications serviront de p r e u v e p o u r légitimer la vision alternative. E n fin d'exposé, nous récapitulerons les d o n n é e s principales d a n s quelques conclusions.

1. Caractère des images bibliques d'après la théorie des paradigmes

1.1. Point de départ de la théorie des paradigmes Erich Dinkier a repris la théorie des p a r a d i g m e s à l'occasion de l'exposition prestigieuse Age of spirituality (New York, M e t r o p o l i t a n M u seum of Art, n o v e m b r e 1977-février 1978). 2 T o u t e s les scènes paléo-chretiennes seraient, sous u n e f o r m e directe ou indirecte, des représentations bibliques abrégées, illustrant l'histoire d u salut.

1.1.1. Parallélisme avec les prières de salut et les lectionnaires Le langage iconique paléochrétien s'appuierait e n t i è r e m e n t sur les prières de salut. C e t e r m e vise les prières liturgiques partiellement conservées j u s q u ' à nos jours. Il s'agit avant tout de la commendatio animae ('La r e c o m m a n d a t i o n de l ' â m e ' , lors d u d é p a r t vers l'éternité), q u ' o n retrouve t o u j o u r s d a n s les prières p o u r les défunts. D a n s ces prières, o n d e m a n d e i n s t a m m e n t q u e l ' â m e d u d é f u n t soit libérée, en se référant a u x exemples vétérotestamentaires de salut et de libération. Plus explicites encore sont quelques autres prières, p a r exemple celles attribuées à saint Cyprien. D a n s quelques publications, o n m e n t i o n n e aussi les lectionnaires: u n e sélection de lectures bibliques destinées a u x c a t e c h u m è n e s p e n d a n t les q u a r a n t e j o u r s de leur p r é p a r a t i o n a u x sacrements d'initiation: b a p t ê m e , c o n f i r m a t i o n et eucharistie (avec la vigile pascale c o m m e c o u r o n n e m e n t ) . Il s'agirait des récits vétéro- et n é o t e s t a m e n taires suivants: l'arche de N o é ; le sacrifice d'Isaac; le miracle d u 2

Voir: K. Weitzmann, Age of spirituality. Late antique and early Christian art, third to

seventh centuiy, catalogue d'exposition (New York, 1977-1978).

r o c h e r (Moïse ou Pierre); J o n a s ; Daniel; les trois j e u n e s gens d a n s la fournaise; S u z a n n e ; le Bon Pasteur; la S a m a r i t a i n e ; la guérison d u lépreux, d u paralytique et de l'aveugle; la résurrection d e L a z a r e ; la multiplication des pains. 3

1.1.2. La concordance typologique L a base de cette i n t e r p r é t a t i o n est la c o n c o r d a n c e typologique: o n veut i n c u l q u e r u n e idée a u x chrétiens en r e c o u r a n t à u n é v é n e m e n t de l'Ancien T e s t a m e n t , qui p e u t être considéré c o m m e le p r o t o t y p e de cette idée. O n est allé e n c o r e plus loin a u m o y e n âge. Les p r o t o types vétérotestamentaires furent confrontés aux antitypes néotestamentaires. L ' A n c i e n T e s t a m e n t était vu c o m m e la préfiguration d u N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t . Le résultat final d e ce processus se voit d a n s la Concordia Veteris et Novi Testamenti d u m o y e n âge ( ' C o n c o r d a n c e entre l'Ancien et le N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t ' ) . L a Biblia Pauperum ('Bible des pauvres') de la fin d u m o y e n âge a r e n d u cette m a n i è r e d e voir p o p u l a i r e à l'intention des prêtres et des laïcs pieux qui n ' a v a i e n t p a s le t e m p s ou l'intérêt p o u r étudier la Bible de m a n i è r e a p p r o f o n d i e o u qui étaient t r o p p a u v r e s p o u r a c q u é r i r u n e Bible complète. 4 U n e 'Bible des p a u v r e s ' était u n e sorte d e b r o c h u r e (en général u n e impression xylographique, c o m p o r t a n t n o n seulement des illustrations mais aussi des textes) c o n c e r n a n t les p r i n c i p a u x é v é n e m e n t s de l'histoire d u salut. D a n s u n e espèce de p a l m a r è s , q u a r a n t e à c i n q u a n t e illustrations étaient p o u r v u e s de textes, qui expliquaient la c o h é r e n c e i n t i m e e n t r e l'Ancien et le N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t . O n voit p a r e x e m p l e d a n s u n e 'Bible des p a u v r e s ' originaire d e H a a r l e m [fig. 1), u n e impression xylographique d a t a n t de 1430 environ, où la la Résurrection d u Christ est associée avec S a m s o n qui s u p p o r t e les portes de la ville d e G a z a (Juges 16,3) et avec J o n a s é m e r g e a n t de la gueule d u m o n s tre m a r i n (Jonas 2,11); d e m ê m e les f e m m e s près d u t o m b e a u vide, sont mises en relation avec R u b e n r e g a r d a n t fixement le puits d ' o ù J o s e p h a disparu (Genèse 2,11) et avec la f e m m e s u n a m i t e p l e u r a n t son fils d é c é d é (2 Rois 4,18 ss.)

3

Voir par exemple: P. Post, "Reis en kijk: op zoek naar de doop in de vroeg-

christelijke kunst", Werkmap voor liturgie 17,2-3,

mei 1984: De doop van de volwassenen 3-

83, G en S 13 33 038, 1983, pp. 91-92. 4

Voir par exemple: H. Cornell, Biblia pauperum (Stockholm, 1925); H.Th. Mus-

per, Die Urausgaben der holländischen Apokalypse und Biblia Pauperum ( M ü n c h e n , 1961 ).

Fig. 1. Deux pages de la Bible des pauvres de Haarlem, datant d , environ 1430. Cf. Grote Winkler Prias 3, 1967, p. 741: fig. 1.1.3.

Les paradigmes du salut

E. Dinkier soutient q u e d a n s les prières citées (dont il reconnaît q u e les plus a n c i e n n e s n e d a t e n t q u e d u V e siècle) 5 , mais aussi d a n s les représentations des c a t a c o m b e s et des sarcophages, o n i n v o q u e D i e u en se référant à des exemples d'actes de salut (lesdits p a r a d i g m e s d u salut): J o n a s d a n s le ventre d u m o n s t r e m a r i n , D a n i e l d a n s la fosse a u x lions, S u z a n n e guettée p a r les vieillards, le miracle de C a n a , la guérison p a r le Christ d e l'aveugle, d u m u e t , d u paralytique et d'autres. E. Dinkier est p e r s u a d é q u e dès le d é b u t d u III‫ "׳‬siècle il y avait des formules de prière qui é v o q u a i e n t les miracles opérés p a r Dieu, et qu'elles r e m o n t a i e n t en fin de c o m p t e à des prières juives. L a c o u p e de P o d g o r i t z a (fig. 2) conservée a u M u s é e de l ' E r m i t a g e (Saint-Pétersbourg) et d a t a n t p r o b a b l e m e n t d u I V e siècle, a j o u é u n g r a n d rôle d a n s la mise a u p o i n t d e la théorie des p a r a d i g m e s . O n a m ê m e a v a n c é explicitement q u e les représentations de la c o u p e m o n trent u n e sorte d e c o m p e n d i u m d u répertoire i c o n i q u e paléochrétien. 6 Le médaillon central fait voir A b r a h a m lors d u sacrifice d'Isaac. Les scènes qui e n t o u r e n t ce médaillon p r é s e n t e n t d ' a b o r d 5

Voir aussi: P. Post, o.e., pp. 97-98. Les lecti0narìa les plus anciennes sont probablement encore plus récentes. 6 Voir par exemple: P. Post, o.e., pp. 88-90; H. Beck—P.C. Bol (eds.), o.e., p. 325.

Fig. 2. Coupe de Podgoritza, conservée au Musée de l'Ermitage (Saint Petersbourg). Probablement I V siècle. Cf. H. Beck—P.C. Bol (eds.), o.e., p. 325: fig. 142.

J o n a s j e t é à la m e r , puis J o n a s avalé p a r le m o n s t r e m a r i n et enfin J o n a s c o u c h é à l ' o m b r e de l'arbre. Les autres tableaux se r a p p o r t e n t à A d a m et Eve, à la résurrection d e Lazare, a u miracle d u rocher, à Daniel d a n s la fosse a u x lions, a u x j e u n e s gens d a n s la fournaise et à S u z a n n e . Les inscriptions, rédigées en latin populaire et alternativem e n t en capitale et en minuscules, ne laissent pas de d o u t e q u a n t à l'interprétation: ' D I V N A N DE VENTRE Q U E T I (= ceti) L I B E R A T U S E S T ' ('Jonas est sauvé d u ventre d u m o n s t r e ' — p r è s d u cycle de Jonas); ' A B R A M E T E E V A M ' ( ' A b r a h a m et E v e ' — p r è s d ' A d a m et Eve); ' D O M I N V S L A Z A R V M resuscitat' ('Le Seigneur ressuscite L a z a r e ' — p r è s de Lazare): 'Petrus virga p e r q u o d s e t (= percutit) / fontes ciperunt q u o r e r e (= currere)' ('Pierre bat avec sa baguette, la source c o m m e n c e à c o u l e r ' — p r è s d u miracle d u rocher); ' D A N I E L D E L A C O L E O N I S ' ('Daniel [sauvé] de la fosse a u l i o n ' — p r è s de la fosse a u x lions); ' T R I S P V E R I D E I G N E C A M I (= camini)' ('Les trois j e u n e s [sauvés] d u feu de la f o u r n a i s e ' — p r è s de la

fournaise); ' S V S A N N A D E FA L S Ο C R I M I N E ' ('Suzanne [sauvée] de l'accusation fausse'—près de Suzanne).

1.2. Explicitation de la théorie des paradigmes J e vais m a i n t e n a n t expliciter brièvement ces théories traditionnelles. 7 Le répertoire i c o n o g r a p h i q u e paléochrétien se serait développé en p a r t a n t de la foi d a n s la r é d e m p t i o n p a r le Christ (Christus salus mundi—'le Christ, salut d u m o n d e ' ) . C e t t e idée centrale serait présentée de diverses manières, et éclairée sous des aspects variés: a. P a r des scènes qui m o n t r e n t la p r é p a r a t i o n de la r é d e m p t i o n : les sauvetages miraculeux d u peuple juif d a n s l'Ancien T e s t a m e n t , qui sont a u t a n t d'interventions de Dieu p o u r son peuple en détresse. b. P a r des tableaux qui font voir la réalisation de cette r é d e m p t i o n , c'est-à-dire scènes d u N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t , surtout les miracles d u Christ. c. P a r des représentations qui m o n t r e n t la c o m m u n i c a t i o n de cette r é d e m p t i o n : représentations d u b a p t ê m e , de l'imposition des mains, de l'eucharistie, scènes d ' e n s e i g n e m e n t (traditio legis—remise de la loi). d. P a r des scènes qui m o n t r e n t le c o u r o n n e m e n t de la r é d e m p t i o n : le Bon Pasteur, tableaux paradisiaques (y compris les divers éléments bucoliques), Christ en gloire. C e t t e m a n i è r e de considérer les choses p e u t être qualifiée de bibliq u e (directement ou indirectement) et p e r m e t u n système symbolique qui o r d o n n e l'ensemble de l'iconographie chrétienne. N o u s en décrivons les traits principaux: a. U n e p r e m i è r e série de représentations a u n caractère allusif, suggér a n t les divers aspects de l'histoire d u salut. Ces scènes ne sont p a r c o n s é q u e n t pas exclusivement narratives, et c e r t a i n e m e n t pas voulues exclusivement c o m m e des représentations historiques ( c o m m e P. Styger l'a prétendu). Elles sont conçues c o m m e des préfigurations, des allusions, des références à des aspects de la r é d e m p t i o n . Les représentations de J o n a s p a r exemple illustrent de m a n i è r e clairem e n t symbolique la situation pénible de l ' h o m m e et le fait qu'il a été

7 Voir par exemple: L. Reekmans, Vroegchristelijke en laatantieke archeologie en kunst (Leuven, 1978), pp. 125-129; P. Testini, Le catacombe romane e gli antichi cimiten cristiana

in Roma (Roma cristiana 2) (Bologna, 1966), pp. 265-278: "il linguaggio simbolico"; F.

van der Meer, o.e. pp. 199-235; J. van Laarhoven, o.e. pp. 14-30.

sauvé p a r l'intervention miraculeuse de D i e u (la m ê m e signification v a u t d'ailleurs aussi p o u r les miracles). L ' i n t e r p r é t a t i o n de la p l u p a r t des autres cycles va d a n s le m ê m e sens: N o é d a n s l'arche; Isaac m e n a c é p a r le c o u t e a u sacrificiel d ' A b r a h a m ; les trois j e u n e s gens d a n s la fournaise; S u z a n n e m e n a c é e p a r les vieillards; Daniel d a n s la fosse a u x lions; T o b i e et le poisson; le passage d e la M e r R o u g e . T o u s ces t a b l e a u x r e n d e n t de m a n i è r e symbolique l'idée de la r é d e m p t i o n . b. A côté d e ces représentations à caractère symbolique général, il y a aussi toute u n e série d e figures et motifs qui p e u v e n t être appelés des symboles spécifiquement chrétiens. 1°. Motifs d'origine p a ï e n n e qui o n t reçu u n e signification c h r é t i e n n e : - Le Bon Pasteur: C e symbole, qui a u n e longue préhistoire d a n s l'iconographie p a ï e n n e 8 , est d e v e n u très vite u n motif chrétien (et m ê m e le plus ancien), p r é s u m a n t u n e relation avec le Bon Pasteur de la Bible. Situé d a n s u n paysage bucolique, la scène suggerérait u n e situation paradisiaque. - Orphée: Le Christ est considéré c o m m e le véritable O r p h é e , p a r c e q u e lui aussi est d e s c e n d u d a n s les enfers ('la descente a u x enfers' des chrétiens), n o n p o u r sauver u n seul h o m m e , mais p o u r libérer u n e multit u d e d e gens. Et c o m m e O r p h é e a séduit h o m m e s et a n i m a u x avec son c h a n t et m u s i q u e , le Christ attire lui aussi les h o m m e s p a r son message. - A m o u r et Psyché: L ' i n t e r p r é t a t i o n c h r é t i e n n e d e ces symboles de l ' a m o u r et de l ' â m e est mise en d o u t e p a r b e a u c o u p d e savants. - Les saisons: C e symbole d u r e n o u v e a u c o n t i n u de la n a t u r e c o r r e s p o n d à l'idée de la résurrection. - Le p h é n i x : P o u r cet oiseau m y t h i q u e , qui serait brûlé tous les c i n q u e cents a n s et serait ressuscité d e ses p r o p r e s cendres, l'interprétation c o m m e symbole d e la résurrection est évidente.

8

Voir par exemple: Klauser, "Studien".

- Le p a o n : S y m b o l e d'éternité, p a r c e q u e la chair d u p a o n (l'animal qui était l'attribut de J u n o n ) était considérée c o m m e impérissable. - L a g r a p p e d e raisins et les ceps de vigne: Ils r e p r é s e n t e n t l'eucharistie, o u e n c o r e l'Eglise (voir l'Evangile de J e a n : 'Je suis la vigne, et vous, les sarments'). - La palme: L a p a l m e est u n symbole de t r i o m p h e (et n o n u n symbole d u m a r tyre, c o m m e o n a pensé d ' a b o r d ) . 2°. D e s symboles explicitement chrétiens: - L a croix sous ses diverses f o r m e s - Le chrisme et les m o n o g r a m m e s d u Christ: L a f o r m e de base est constituée p a r les d e u x p r e m i è r e s l e t t r e s — X et Ρ — d u n o m grec d u Christ. Parfois le chrisme est c o m b i n é avec l ' a l p h a et l ' o m é g a , la p r e m i è r e et la d e r n i è r e lettre d e l ' a l p h a b e t grec. D a n s le m o n o g r a m m e d u Christ, la lettre Ρ est p o u r v u e d ' u n e traverse. D a n s u n e a u t r e f o r m e , o n c o m b i n e les lettres I et X (de Iesous et de Christos). - Le poisson: C e symbole, déjà r é p a n d u d a n s l'Antiquité, f u t interprété c o m m e celui d u Christ, p a r c e q u e le m o t grec Ichthus était f o r m é des p r e m i è res lettres de Iesous Christos Theou Huios Sôter (= J é s u s Christ, Fils de D i e u et Sauveur). C e t t e i n t e r p r é t a t i o n est c o n f i r m é e p a r des témoignages littéraires, c o m m e la stèle d'Abercius (datant de 216) et des p r o p o s d e Tertullien (environ 160-220). - L'agneau: Le symbole de l ' a g n e a u est m a n i f e s t e m e n t polyvalent: le Christ c o m m e A g n e a u de Dieu; les A p ô t r e s disposés a u t o u r d u Christ c o m m e d o u z e a g n e a u x (voir l'apside d e S. Apollinare in Classe à R a v e n n e ) ; l ' a g n e a u entre d e u x loups, c o m m e la chaste S u z a n n e m e n a c é e p a r les vieillards. - L'orante: C e t t e figure symbolique, q u i c o m m e le Bon Pasteur a u n e longue préhistoire, aurait été p o u r les chrétiens l ' â m e des défunts, a d o r a n t et r e m e r c i a n t D i e u et p r i a n t p o u r les vivants. - L a c o l o m b e (éventuellement avec u n r a m e a u ) : P o u r certains, la c o l o m b e représenterait l ' â m e des défunts. D ' a u t r e s voient d a n s la c o l o m b e avec u n r a m e a u l'équivalent figuratif de la

f o r m u l e I N P A C E ('en paix'), si caractéristique des inscriptions f u n é raires. - L'ancre: O n trouve déjà l'ancre c o m m e symbole sur les plus anciennes inscriptions funéraires. La signification semble être double: symbole de la croix et symbole de l'espérance (du paradis).

1.3. Quelques considérations sur cette manière de voir traditionnelle D u point de vue de l'iconographie c h r é t i e n n e médiévale et m o d e r n e , cette vision traditionnelle semble très fondée. 9 Il est clair q u e la plup a r t de ces interprétations étaient universellement r é p a n d u e s a u plus t a r d dès le d é b u t d u m o y e n âge, et peut-être déjà au milieu d u IV e siècle. La m o i n d r e des choses qu'il faut reconnaître c'est qu'il s'agit de significations potentielles, p o u r lesquelles on retrouve d a n s les représentations des a r g u m e n t s solides. M a i s le p r o b l è m e est qu'il ne suffit pas de connaître les significarions potentielles des représentations paléochrétiennes. Il faudrait être sûr q u e ces significations étaient actualisées, qu'elles étaient perçues c o m m e telles. P o u r le dire d ' u n e m a n i è r e plus concrète, il f a u t c h e r c h e r des a r g u m e n t s d a n s les témoignages littéraires, le contexte i c o n o g r a p h i q u e et le contexte matériel en général p o u r savoir si les p a r a d i g m e s bibliques o n t v r a i m e n t j o u é u n rôle p r é p o n d é r a n t d a n s la genèse et l'évolution d u langage iconique paléochrétien. Parlons d ' a b o r d de quelques témoignages littéraires qui traitent d i r e c t e m e n t des représentations. M ê m e a u I V 7 V C siècle, o n n e trouve q u e p e u d'indices p o u r la validité de la théorie des p a r a d i g mes. A ce propos, o n cite t o u j o u r s l'homélie d'Asterius d ' A m a s é e 1 0 et les lettres de Paulin de N o i e " . M a i s ce q u ' o n oublie toujours, c'est q u e ces témoignages reflètent surtout la vision de ces b i e n f a i t e u r s / bâtisseurs d'églises, et p a s nécessairement des chrétiens m o y e n s qui o n t visité les églises en question. Il est significatif q u ' o n n e trouve j a m a i s des reflets de ces interprétations élevées d a n s les simples graffiti, les inscriptions funéraires ou les inscriptions sur les objets usuels. P a r contre, o n dispose d ' u n t é m o i g n a g e d'environ 200 qui présuppose u n e tout autre conception à p r o p o s des représentations des 9 Voir par exemple: J.J.M. Timmers, o.e. et d'autres précis à caractère de répertoire, cités p. 101. 10 Voir par exemple: F. van der Meer, o.e., pp. 27-28. " Voir par exemple: F. van der Meer, o.e., pp. 258-259.

premiers chrétiens. Il s , agit de la r e c o m m a n d a t i o n de C l é m e n t d'Alexandrie d a n s son Pédagogue (3,59,2). C l é m e n t d e m a n d e d ' a b o r d a u x fidèles d o n t il a la charge d e ne plus utiliser, p o u r décorer leurs g e m m e s , de signes cryptiques constitués de lettres, d ' i d é o g r a m m e s et de p i c t o g r a m m e s , p a r c e q u e ceux-ci o n t u n caractère obscur et m ê m e idolâtre. Ceci implique q u e j u s q u ' à ce m o m e n t il n'était pas question de scènes bibliques, m ê m e p a s sous u n e f o r m e abrégée, mais tout a u plus de signes bibliques à caractère allusif. Mais l'iconographie biblique est aussi absente des représentations q u e C l é m e n t préfere. J e le cite littéralement: Les représentations sur nos sceaux doivent être une colombe, ou un poisson, ou un bâteau toutes voiles dehors, ou une lyre (l'instrument qu'a utilisé Polycrate), ou une ancre de navire (comme Séleucus a fait graver sur son sceau). O u si un pêcheur y est gravé, on peut penser à l'Apôtre [Pierre] et aux enfants qui sortent de l'eau baptismale. Q u ' o n évite les représentations d'idoles: on ne peut pas m ê m e les regarder.

C l é m e n t ne veut d o n c p a s q u ' o n r e m p l a c e les signes obscurs p a r des scènes—personnes, événements, idées sacrés—qui illustrent l'histoire d u salut, c o m m e le p r é t e n d la théorie des p a r a d i g m e s . Il veut p a r contre des symboles issus d u répertoire ' p r o f a n e ' c o u r a n t , mais susceptibles d ' é v o q u e r , p o u r les chrétiens, u n e signification plus prof o n d e . Il est évident q u e la signification plus p r o f o n d e d o n t parle C l é m e n t pouvait avoir, d a n s la p l u p a r t des cas, u n e c o n n o t a t i o n biblique (mais alors seulement d a n s le sens d ' u n ' t h è m e ' biblique, et pas d ' u n e 'illustration' concrète d ' u n passage biblique (personnes et événements). Le contexte iconique et le contexte matériel en général d o n n e n t des indications qui vont d a n s le m ê m e sens. Les scènes bibliques se trouvent p r e s q u e exclusivement sur les t o m b e s et les objets usuels des h o m m e s cultivés, mais sont très rares sur les objets qui étaient c o m m u n s a u x lettrés et a u x illettrés, à savoir les simples dalles funéraires et les lampes 1 2 . Il est i m p e n s a b l e q u e les p a r a d i g m e s bibliques aient j o u i d ' u n e popularité universelle d a n s les prières et la liturgie de tous les chrétiens, tandis q u e d a n s l'iconographie elles a u r a i e n t été réservées a u x gens cultivés. Cela d o n n e à penser q u e les scènes bibliques étaient choisies a u m o i n s partiellement p o u r leur caractère idyllicobucolique, qui les rendait très a d a p t é e s à la décoration des c h a m b r e s funéraires et des verres dorés des riches. 12

Voir: Provoost, "Das Zeugnis", passim.

2. L'évolution du langage iconique paléochrétien, et particulièrement du langage biblique d'après la vision traditionnelle A la m a n i è r e de voir traditionnelle c o n c e r n a n t le caractère des images bibliques en correspond u n e a u t r e c o n c e r n a n t l'évolution d u langage iconique biblique 1 3 . P o u r la subdivision en d e u x périodes, il faut n o t e r q u ' o n suppose q u e les représentations chrétiennes les plus anciennes d a t e n t d u d é b u t d u III‫ '׳‬siècle.

2A. Jusqu'au début de la Tétrachie (285) D a n s cette p r e m i è r e période, l'iconographie chrétienne est de n a t u r e très symbolique, avec des représentations c o m m e le Bon Pasteur, des scènes pastorales, Forante (qui p r e n d souvent les traits d u défunt), le p ê c h e u r , l'ancre. T o u t c o m m e sur les sarcophages païens, on trouve aussi souvent sur les sarcophages chrétiens des scènes d ' e n s e i g n e m e n t : les d é f u n t s discutent avec u n philosophe sur le sens de la vie et de la m o r t . D u point de vue chrétien, ces représentations visent la vraie doctrine. Les scènes explicitement bibliques sont p e u n o m b r e u s e s . Q u a n d elles sont présentes, elles sont e m p r u n t é e s plutôt à l'Ancien q u ' a u N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t . Les plus f r é q u e n t e s sont les représentations de J o n a s . Elles e x p r i m e n t l'idée de la r é d e m p t i o n et f o r m e n t u n cycle: J o n a s j e t é à la m e r , J o n a s vomi p a r le m o n s t r e m a r i n et rejeté sur le rivage, J o n a s couché à l ' o m b r e de l'arbre. D ' a u t r e s scènes fréquentes sont: N o é d a n s l'arche; les trois j e u n e s gens d a n s la fournaise; A d a m et Eve. Les scènes néotestamentaires sont, entre autres, le b a p t ê m e — parfois celui d u Christ (dans ce cas, o n y voit u n e colombe), parfois d ' u n simple fidèle—; la multiplication des pains; la résurrection d e . Lazare; le miracle d u r o c h e r (avec Pierre); l'arrestation de Pierre. Les d e u x dernières scènes sont plutôt exceptionnelles. Les motifs païens et p r o f a n e s n e font pas d u tout défaut. O n trouve p a r exemple souvent des têtes de lions a u x angles d ' u n sarcophage. Ces lions dévorent parfois u n chevreuil (symbole de la mort). Il y a ensuite aussi des génies avec u n e torche renversée, O r p h é e , la porta aeterna (la porte vers la vie éternelle) entrouverte. O n trouve aussi b e a u c o u p de scènes de b a n q u e t s . L e u r signification est fort contestée: b a n q u e t funéraire? repas eucharistique? illustration de l'idée d u 13

Voir par exemple: L. Reekmans, o.e., pp. 129-132.

rejrigenum (situation intermédiaire entre la vie et la mort)? ou encore allusion à la multiplication des pains? L a signification symbolique des saisons a déjà été m e n t i o n n é e . Les motifs païens et p r o f a n e s sont encore plus f r é q u e n t s sur les couvercles des sarcophages: monstres m a r i n s et d a u p h i n s , génies a u repos, scènes pastorales, scènes de chasse et de b a n q u e t . Mais ils cèdent progressivement la place à des motifs plus chrétiens. C o m m e motif central le buste des d é f u n t s est assez recherché; ce motif était également populaire sur les sarcophages païens. S u r les couvercles des sarcophages, ces portraits sont sur f o n d d ' u n parapétasma (draperie) t e n u p a r d e u x génies. L a représentation la plus a n c i e n n e de la Sainte Vierge (vers 200 ou d a n s les premières décennies d u III e siècle) se trouverait d a n s la c a t a c o m b e de Priscille. Elle est assise c o m m e u n e m a t r o n e r o m a i n e , avec l'enfant sur les genoux. A côté d'elle, u n h o m m e , peut-être le p r o p h è t e Balaam, tend la m a i n vers u n e étoile au-dessus de sa tête (allusion a u passage biblique: "Voici, q u ' u n e étoile s'élève au-dessus de J a c o b " N u m . 24,17).

2.2. Pendant la Tétrarchie et le règne de Constantin

(285-335)

Les motifs païens et p r o f a n e s d i s p a r u r e n t tout à fait à cette période. Mais o n trouve t o u j o u r s sur les couvercles des sarcophages des représentations pastorales, des scènes de b a n q u e t s , des génies et des tableaux de chasse. Q u e l q u e s - u n s des motifs symboliques d'autrefois se m a i n t i e n n e n t , mais avec u n e f r é q u e n c e d i m i n u é e : le Bon Pasteur (qui deviendra rare après la période constantinienne); le p ê c h e u r (presque disparu à cette période); l'orant ou l ' o r a n t e ( m a i n t e n a n t c o m b i n é s avec des scènes bibliques, ou mis entre d e u x apôtres); des scènes d'enseignem e n t (moins n o m b r e u s e s p e n d a n t la T é t r a r c h i e , elles disparaissent p e n d a n t la période constantinienne). O n constate p a r contre u n e progression des scènes bibliques, surtout de celles relatives a u N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t . Q u e l q u e s représentations vétérotestamentaires restent n é a n m o i n s populaires: Isaac sauvé d u couteau d ' A b r a h a m ; les trois j e u n e s gens refusant d ' a d o r e r la statue de N a b u c h o d o n o s o r ; les j e u n e s gens d a n s la fournaise; la vision des os d'Ezéchiel (symbole de la résurrection); T o b i e avec le poisson; S u z a n n e m e n a c é e p a r les vieillards; J o b sur son fumier; le passage de la M e r R o u g e ; Daniel entre les lions; l'ascension d'Elie; la

création de l ' h o m m e . P a r m i les représentations néotestamentaires, les suivantes sont les préférées: la résurrection de Lazare; la multiplication des pains; le miracle de C a n a et d ' a u t r e s miracles d u Christ, c o m m e la guérison de l'aveugle, d u paralytique, de l'hémorroïsse, la résurrection d e la fille de J a ï r e ; d ' a u t r e s scènes de l'enfance ou de la vie d u Christ, c o m m e la naissance, l'adoration des mages, la m e n a c e de lapidation à N a z a r e t h , l'entrée à J é r u s a l e m ; et enfin des scènes de la vie de saint Pierre, c o m m e le miracle d u rocher, le r e n i e m e n t de Pierre, son arrestation. U n motif f r a p p a n t est la représentation, d a n s u n clipeus central, de la dextrarum iunctio (expression symbolique d u mariage).

3. Manière de voir alternative concernant l'évolution du langage iconique paléochrétien, et particulièrement des représentations bibliques Les défauts de la théorie des p a r a d i g m e s p e u v e n t être évités si on refuse de considérer le langage iconique paléochrétien c o m m e u n ensemble p r e s q u e monolithique, et si on y voit l'interaction de divers c h a m p s !coniques 1 4 . Ces c h a m p s iconiques n e se sont pas développés tous en m ê m e t e m p s ni avec la m ê m e i n t e n s i t é — c o m m e le suppose la théorie des paradigmes. D e cette m a n i è r e , il est possible de définir l ' i m p o r t a n c e relative d ' u n e représentation (universelle, plutôt fréq u e n t e , plutôt rare, p r e s q u e u n i q u e etc.). C e t t e a p p r o c h e profite—et c'est plus i m p o r t a n t e n c o r e — d e s acquis de l'anthropologie culturelle, en classifiant le matériel iconique p a r contextes archéologico-anthropologiques. Les critères d ' u n e telle classification sont: d é t e r m i n a t i o n des utilisateurs et le caractère de l'emploi; la fonction de la représentation; le caractère d u p o r t e u r (objet usuel, objet de luxe, partie de la décoration d ' u n e maison ou d ' u n e t o m b e , p a r u r e d ' u n édifice cultuel etc.); la diversité régionale et c h r o n o l o g i q u e (le fait q u ' u n e telle classification reflète la diffusion chronologique et g é o g r a p h i q u e n'est pas u n b u t en soi, mais en est u n e des conséquences intéressantes). J e crois p o u v o i r discerner trois contextes p o u r la période pré- et p r o t o c o n s t a n t i n i e n n e , et d e u x autres p o u r les a n n é e s qui suivent 1 5 . 14 Voir par exemple: Provoost, "Vroeg-christelijke tafereien"; Provoost, "Das Zeugnis"; Provoost, "Embleem". 15 Voir: A. Provoost, "Les représentations de martyrs à la fin de l'Antiquité", in:

M . Lamberigts—P. van D e u n (eds.), Martyrium. Martyrdom in Pluridisciplinaiy Perspective (.Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum L0vaniensium CXVTI) (1994), pp. 236-240.

3.1. Contexte 1 (environ 30-150)—naissance personalia à caractère biblique

des signes bibliques et des

Approche anthropologique: T e m p s d ' i n c u b a t i o n de la chrétienté; des m e n e u r s charismatiques créent des c o m m u n a u t é s locales d a n s b e a u c o u p de régions; p a r les contacts réciproques se réalise u n o r g a n i s m e s p o n t a n é de coordination (= période apostolique) C u l t u r e matérielle: Les vestiges matériels des chrétiens n e diffèrent pas des archaeologica juifs et païens, p a r m a n q u e d ' u n e culture matérielle spécifiquement chrétienne. L a n g a g e iconique: O n n e trouve q u e des m o n o g r a m m e s , i d é o g r a m m e s et c r y p t o g r a m mes (peut-être surtout chez les chretiens d'origine juive), et peut-être aussi quelques personalia/realia. Les signes bibliques et les personalia à caractère biblique apparaissent.

3.2. Contexte 2 (environ 180-250)—naissance

des emblèmes bibliques

Approche anthropologique: Premières f o r m e s de dispositions c o m m u n e s : présence d'écrits, églises-maisons c o m m e celle de D o u r a - E u r o p o s , secteurs chrétiens d a n s les cimetières existantes (ce qui présuppose des corporations funéraires chrétiennes), création des premières écoles et bibliothèques. C u l t u r e matérielle: O n utilise les dispositions existantes, p o u r v u qu'elles conviennent; on les r e n d éventuellement plus utilisables p a r des a d a p t i o n s légères (voir l'église-maison de D o u r a - E u r o p o s ) . L a n g a g e iconique: Naissance des e m b l è m e s idyllico-bucoliques et progression universelle des signes et des personalia/realia. D é b u t des scènes bibliques à caractère e m b l é m a t i q u e . 3.3. Contexte 3 (environ 250-325)—naissance

des idylles bibliques

Approche anthropologique: Les chrétiens o n t c o n n u p e u après le milieu et j u s q u ' à la fin d u I I P

siècle u n e période de paix relativement longue entre d e u x persécutions sévères; d é v e l o p p e m e n t ultérieur des dispositions c o m m u n e s , p r o b a b l e m e n t suivant u n e stratégie c o o r d o n n é e p a r les autorités ecclésiastiques (voir le rôle des é v ê q u e s / p r ê t r e s d a n s la liturgie et des diacres c o n c e r n a n t les e n t e r r e m e n t s et l'assistance a u x pauvres; évergétisme des riches; premiers ermites et d é b u t des ermitages et monastères; expansion des écoles et des bibliothèques). C u l t u r e matérielle: O n installe des églises d a n s les maisons des riches, mais o n c o m m e n c e aussi à bâtir des constructions nouvelles; les riches à tout le m o i n s disposent d'objets usuels m a r q u é s p a r le christianisme et de cimétières propres. L a n g a g e iconique: La p l u p a r t des scènes, d a n s les c h a m b r e s funéraires et sur les sarcophages, p r e n n e n t u n caractère explicitement idyllico-bucolique et reflètent ainsi les circonstances de vie des riches; la présence d ' o r a n t e s et des scènes intellectuelles i n d i q u e n t q u e ces riches se voulaient lettrès. Les e m b l è m e s bibliques se t r a n s f o r m e n t souvent en de vraies idylles.

3.4. Contexte 4 (environ 325-375)—naissance bibliques à caractère spontané

des allégories et des histoires

Approche anthropologique: Le christianisme devient u n e religion permise, et reçoit grâce a u x e m p e r e u r s et fonctionnaires bénévoles plus de m o y e n s et de possibilités; l'évergétisme devient partiellement u n e affaire d'état. C u l t u r e matérielle: O n bâtit o u v e r t e m e n t des basiliques, baptistères et églises funéraires. L a n g a g e iconique: Interaction entre le langage f u n é r a i r e et le langage cultuel; l'iconographie des riches est f o r t e m e n t associée a u x usages de la cour, et p r e n d u n caractère h a u t e m e n t allégorique ou narratif. Les e m b l è m e s bibliques historiés deviennent des véritables scènes historiques, celles plus symboliques des allégories, mais g a r d e n t u n e certaine spontanéité et liberté.

3.5. Contexte 5 (après 375)—naissance

des characteres et historiae

Approche anthropologique: Le christianisme devient la religion officielle de l'état; les administrations p r o f a n e s et religieuses se c o n f o n d e n t d e plus en plus; l'Eglise assume en g r a n d e partie les fonctions de l'état. C u l t u r e matérielle: D é b u t d u vrai d é v e l o p p e m e n t de la culture matérielle chrétienne; christianisation de la t o p o g r a p h i e , d ' a b o r d d a n s les quartiers résidentiels, et plus t a r d aussi d a n s les centres officiels; culte o m n i p r é s e n t des m a r t y r s et des saints. L a n g a g e iconique: Les portraits deviennent de plus en plus des characteres (et ensuite des icônes), les scènes narratives des historiae, certains e m b l è m e s des allégories compliquées, et d ' a u t r e s des attributs; les traits essentiels de toutes ces représentations se fixent de plus en plus; la doctrine officielle et le culte de l'Eglise d o m i n e n t progressivement le langage iconique.

4. Quelques applications de la cette manière de voir alternative du langage iconique biblique Après tout ce qui a été dit, il n'est pas difficile de préciser quelles représentations bibliques o n trouve a u x diverses périodes, et d'indiq u e r si certaines représentations étaient préférées. J e m e limite à la présentation et à u n c o m m e n t a i r e s o m m a i r e de q u a t r e tableaux de f r é q u e n c e . Ces tableaux n e m e n t i o n n e n t pas seulement les scènes qui o n t u n r a p p o r t direct avec l'Ancien ou le N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t , mais tiennent aussi c o m p t e des symboles q u ' o n qualifie g é n é r a l e m e n t de bibliques (quoique q u e j e sois p e r s u a d é q u e la p l u p a r t d ' e u x sont en p r e m i e r heu idyllico-bucoliques). P o u r des raisons pratiques, j e classe toutes les scènes de b a n q u e t p a r m i les représentations d u N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t , q u o i q u e j e les considère p r e s q u e toutes c o m m e idyllicobucoliques ou c o m m e de simples realia.

4.1. Fréquence des scènes bibliques par comparaison avec l'ensemble du langage iconique paléochrétien

4.1.1. Fréquence des scènes bibliques dans les catacombes romaines V o i r le tableau 1, qui est basé sur l'index de A. Nestori, Répertoria topografico delle catacombe romane (Roma sottenanea cristiana 5) (Città del V a t i c a n o - R o m a , 1975) pp. 181-218. Il faut n é a n m o i n s tenir c o m p t e d ' u n e objection f o n d a m e n t a l e adressée a u x identifications de Nestori: il voit, c o m m e J . Wilpert d a n s son c o r p u s de 1903 1 6 , d a n s c h a q u e berger le Bon Pasteur des Ecritures, d a n s c h a q u e j a r d i n le Paradis terrestre, d a n s c h a q u e f e m m e avec u n e n f a n t la Vierge et l ' E n f a n t Jésus, d a n s c h a q u e scène de repas la figuration de l'Eucharistie etc. D e telles H i n e i n i n t e r p r e t i e r u n g e n sont inadmissibles a u j o u r d ' h u i 1 7 . FREQUENCE DES SCENES BIBLIQUES DANS LES CATACOMBES ROMAINES SYMBOLES

AT+NT

185 Animaux 86 147 Feston 75 27 138 Motif floral 88 Vase 2 15 Corbeille 15 Monogramme du Clirist 14 Croix 12 Guirlande 10 Etoile 9 Vigne 7 Coquille 4 Croix monogrammatique 4 Fruit 3 Pêcheur 3 Candélabre 3 Fontaine 3 Bateau 2 Couronne de fleurs 2 Phénix 2 Table/autel 2 Roue 1 Arbre 1 Corne 1 Palme 1 Epis de blé

Bon Pasteur (criophore) Miracle du rocher Pasteur Anges

AT

NT

67 Jonas 54 Daniel 46 Noé 26 Adam et Eve 22 Jeunes gens clans la fournaise 15 Moïse 13 Abraham (sacrifice) 13 J o b

65 Résurrection de I-azarr 57 I>c Christ (par exemple enseignant) 37 Multiplication des pains 26 Banquet 26 Guérison du paralytique 17 Adoration des mages 13 Apôtres (groupe) 13 Pierre e t / o u Paul 1 1 Baptême 8 Miracle de Cana 8 Guérison de l'aveugle 8 I-a Samaritaine 6 Guérison de l'hémoroïsse 4 Agnus Dei 3 Scènes de jugement 2 Annonciation 2 Discours sur la montagne 2 St. Jean l'Evangéliste 2 Isajè auprès de la Vierge 2 Guérison du lépreux 2 Reniement de Pierre 2 Crèche 2 Vierges sages 1 Apparition à Pierre 1 Couronnement d'épines 1 Crucifixion 1 Guérison du lépreux 1 Philippe et l'eunuque 1 LafdledeJaïre 1 Imposition des mains I I‫״‬avement des pieds 1 Les Mages avec l'étoile 1 Guérison du possédé I Guérison de la femme estropiée 1 Remise des clefs 1 Tunique de Jésus I Visitation de la Vierge

8 IsaK·

7 Balaam 7 Suzanne 4 Tobie 3 Samson 2 Colonne de feu 2 Elic 2 Nabuchodonosor 2 Manne 2 Passage de la Mer Rouge 1 Abel et Cairi 1 Aaron 1 Banquet d'Isaac 1 Création de l'homme 1 David 1 Absalon 1 Déluge 1 Ephraim et Manasse 1 J u d a rencontre T a m a r 1 Joseph 1 Lot 1 Prophète 1 Miellée 1 Miracle des cailles 1 Vision de Mambré

Tableau 1 16

17

J. Wilpert, Die Malereien der Katakomben Roms (Freiburg i. Br., 1903).

Pour d'autres exemples, voir: A. Provoost, recension de: A. Nestori, Répertoria

topografico delle catacombe romane (Roma sottenanea cristiana S) (Città del V a r i c a n o - R o m a , 1975) dans: Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 74, 1979, pp. 3 7 7 - 3 8 2 .

O n voit d a n s le tableau 1 (qui d o n n e la f r é q u e n c e des scènes bibliques d a n s les c a t a c o m b e s romaines) q u e les scènes m e n t i o n n é e s d a n s les prières p o u r les m o r t s et les lectionaùa sont bien présentes: 86 Bon Pasteur 75 Miracle du rocher 67 Jonas 65 Résurrection de I^azare 54 Daniel 46 Noé 37 Multiplication des pains 26 Guérison du paralytique 22 Les jeunes gens dans la fournaise 13 Sacrifice d'Isaac 8 La Samaritaine 8 Guérison de l'aveugle 7 Suzanne 2 Guérison du lépreux

Mais il est tout aussi clair q u e toutes les scènes qui, d ' a p r è s la théorie des p a r a d i g m e s , a u r a i e n t d o m i n é le langage iconique paléochrétien, n ' o n t pas j o u i d ' u n e popularité c o m p a r a b l e . Le tableau 4 m o n t r e r a en outre q u e cette popularité a différé selon les différentes périodes, et q u e p r e s q u e toutes ces scènes étaient recherchées dès avant 250, et d o n c bien avant le d é v e l o p p e m e n t des prières de libération et des lectionaria (dont on a supposé qu'elles a u r a i e n t été à l'origine d e la p l u p a r t de ces scènes). Il faut également signaler q u e différentes scènés qui n e j o u e n t q u ' u n rôle secondaire d a n s la théorie des paradigmes, sont présentes avec u n e f r é q u e n c e significative, p a r exemple A d a m et Eve, les scènes de b a n q u e t , l'adoration des Mages, Moïse qui se déchausse et reçoit la Loi.

4.1.2. Fréquence des scènes bibliques dans le cimetière 'ad duas lauros'. V o i r tableau 2, basé sur: Provoost, " D a s Zeugnis" (cf. n. 1). FREQUENCE DES SCENES BIBLIQUES DANS LA C A T A C O M B E AD DUAS SYMBOLES 39 Motif central 38 Guirlande 19 Oiseaux 18 Vase 13 Colombe 9 Animal de troupeau 8 Paon 7 Gazelle 4 Arbuste 3 Oiseau avec rameau 2 Dauphin

AT+NT

LAUROS

AT 19J0nas au repos 19 Noé 16 Daniel 15 Miracle du rocher 14 Jonas rejeté par le monstre 12 Jonas jeté à la mer 7 Abraham (sacrifice) 6 Jonas afflige 5 Adam et Eve 5 Job 3 Balaam

m 17 Banquet 17 Résurrection de !.azare 12 Multiplication des pains 12 Guérison du paralytique 7 Guérison de l'aveugle 5 Baptême du Christ 5 Guérison de l'hémorroisse 5 Miracle de Gana 5 Adoration des Mages 3 La Samaritaine 1 Les Mages avec l'étoile

2 Candélabre 2 Canard 2 Tête de bélier 2 Soleil 1 Etoiles 1 Lune 1 Coquille I Panier 1 Clirisme

2 Suzanne 1 Jeunes gens dans la fournaise

I Crèche 1 Guérison de la femme estropiée

Tableau 2. Fréquence des scènes bibliques dans le cimetière de Pierre et Marcellin

Le g r a n d a v a n t a g e d u cimetière de Pierre et Marcellin (ou ad duas lauros) est q u ' o n peut être sûr d u caractère chrétien et de la datation p r é c o n s t a n t i n i e n n e des représentations. Le tableau 2 c o n f i r m e les d o n n é e s d u tableau 1: les scènes de salut sont présentes de m a n i è r e p r é d o m i n a n t e , mais c e r t a i n e m e n t pas exclusive. Mais ce qui f r a p p e surtout, c'est la p r é d o m i n a n c e des symboles à caractère bucolique et des idylles bibliques c o m m e J o n a s et N o é (voir contexte 3). 4.1.3. Fréquence des scènes bibliques narratives: comparaison entre les fresques, les coupes à fond doré, les dalles funéraires et les lampes. V o i r tableau 3, basé sur: Provoost, " D a s Zeugnis". FREQUENCE DES SCENES BIBLIQUES NARRATIVES SUR LES FRESQUES, LES VERRES DORES, LES DALLES FUNERAIRES ET LES LAMPES FRESQUES

VERRES D O R E S

AT

AT

19 Jonas au repos 19 Noé 16 Daniel 15 Miracle du rocher 14 Jonas rejeté par le monstre 12 Jonas jeté à la mer 7 Abraham (sacrifice) 6Jonas affligé 5 Adam et Eve 5Job 3 Balaam 2 Suzanne

7 Adam et Eve 4 Jeunes gens dans la foumaise 3 Miracle du rocher 2 Jonas au repos 1 Abraham (sacrifice) I Noé

DALLES FUNERAIRES

IAMPES

I Jonas au repos I Noé

I Jeunes gens dans la fournaise

1 Le buisson ardent I Explorateurs avec grappe I Tobie

1 Jeunes gens dans la fournaise NT

NT

39 Pierre et/ou Paul 13 Le Christ 6 Résurrection de I^zare 5 Multiplication des pains 2 Miracle du rocher (Pierre)

1 Résurrection de !,azare

NT 17 Banquet 17 Résurrection de Lazare 12 Multiplication des pains 12 Guérison du paralytique 7 Guérison de l'aveugle

5 Baptême du Christ 2 Guérison du paralytique 5 Guérison de l'hémorToisse 2 Miracle de Cana ‫ צ‬Miracle de Cana 1 Crucifixion ‫ צ‬Adoration des Mages 3 La Samaritaine I Mages avec l'étoile 1 Crèche I Guérison de la femme estropiée 1 Agnus Dei

Tableau 3

Cette c o m p a r a i s o n des fréquences est tout à fait é t o n n a n t e . Les scènés bibliques semblent se limiter p r e s q u e exclusivement a u milieu des riches et des gens cultivés (cf. les fresques et les verres dorés), et m a n q u e r sur les objets utilisés p a r les chrétiens m o i n s fortunés (dalles funéraires, lampes). Les scènes bibliques n ' a p p a r t i e n n e n t d o n c q u e partiellement à la koinè, a u langage iconique universel. Puisqu'il est impensable q u e les prières p o u r les m o u r a n t s et les leçons liturgiques n ' a i e n t été destinées q u ' a u x gens cultivés, il faut en conclure q u e les représentations bibliques n e sont pas tributaires de ces prières ( c o m m e le suppose la théorie des paradigmes).

4.2. Continuité ou évolution? V o i r le tableau 4, basé sur: A. Provoost, Iconologisch onderzoek van de laatantieke herdersvoorstellingen, dissertation doctorale K . U . Leuven, 1976, n o n publiée FREQUENCE DES SCENES BIBLIQUES DANS LE CONTEXTE DES SCENES PASTORALES Avant 250

250-320

320-350

Après 350

Symboles

Symboles

Symboles

Symboles

27 Oiseaux 15 Motif floral 15 Poissons 10 Ancre 7 Vigne 7 Etoiles 6 Oiseau avec rameau 6 Croix/monogramme 5 Paon 5 Dauphin 5 Pain 4 Jardin 4 Pêcheur à la ligne 4 Soleil 3 Animaux de troupeau 3 Animal bondissant 2 Vie rurale

88 Motif floral 77 Oiseaux 53 Vigne 38 Jardin 18 Paon 17 Vie rurale 16 Oiseau avec rameau 13 Animaux de troupeau 12 Lion 11 Dauphin 9 Poissons 9 Pêcheur à la ligne 8 Animaux domestiques 6 Croix /monogramme 6 Etoiles 6 Animal bondissant 5 Ancre

45 Motif floral 31 Oiseaux 19 Jardin 11 Vigne 11 Paon 8 Animaux de troupeau 7 Animal bondissant 6 Vie rurale 5 Oiseau avec rameau 5 Croix/monogramme 4 Bassin/fontaine 3 Dauphin 3 Animaux domestiques 3 Source 2 Poissons 2 Soleil I Etoiles

39 Motif floral 17 Oiseaux 16 Vigne 16 Jardin 12 Croix/monogramme 10 Paon 9 Vie rurale 5 Oiseau avec rameau 5 Animaux de troupeau 5 Animaux domestiques 5 Source 3 Poissons 2 Dauphin 2 Pêcheur à la ligne 2 Etoiles 2 Lion 2 Bassin/fontaine

2 Bassin/fontaine 1 Animaux domestiques

5 4 3 2

Pain Source Soleil Bassin/fontaine

1 Lion 1 Pain

1 Pain 1 Soleil

AT

AT

AT

AT

10 Jonas au repos 7 Jonas rejeté par le monstre 5 Jonas jeté à la mer 4 Daniel 4 Noé 2 Miracle du rocher 2 Abraham (sacrifice) 1 Adam et Eve

47 Jonas au repos 36 Jonas jeté à la mer 33 Jonas rejeté par le monstre 24 Daniel 21 Miracle du rocher 19 Noé 9 Adam et Eve 9 Jeunes gens dans la fournaise 9 Jonas afiligé 7 Adoration des Mages 6 Abraham (sacrifice) 2Job

18 Jonas au repos 12 Jonas jeté à la mer 21 Miracle du rocher 12 Noé 10 Daniel 7 Job 6 Jonas rejeté par le monstre 5 Adam et Eve 5 Jeunes gens dans la fournaise 5 Jonas afiligé 4 Abraham (sacrifice)

15 Miracle du rocher 16 Daniel 12 Jonas au repos 11 Abraham (sacrifice) 9 Jonas jeté à la mer 8 Noé 8 Adam et Eve 6 Jonas rejeté 4 Jeunes gens dans la fournaise 3 Jonas afiligé 2Job

ΚΓ

ΚΓ

NT

NT

6 5 4 3 2

78 Scènes d'enseignement 21 Résurrection de Lazare 14 Banquet 13 Multiplication des pains 12 Guérison du paralytique

24 Scènes d'enseignement 13 Résurrection de Lazare 5 Multiplication des pains 7 Baptême 3 Banquet 3 Guérison du paralytique 2 Adoration des Mages 1 Baptême

21 Scènes d'enseignement 11 Résurrection de Lazare 5 Multiplication des pains 4 Guérison du paralytique 4 Adoration des Mages 1 Banquet 1 Baptême

Scènes d'enseignement Résurrection de Lazare Banquet Baptême Guérison du paralytique

Tableau 4

O n p e u t espérer q u e ce tableau 4 soit plus ou m o i n s représentatif de l'ensemble d u langage iconique paléochrétien, puisque le c h a m p icon i q u e des représentations idyllico-buciliques est p r e s q u e o m n i p r é s e n t (fresques: 9 6 % ; dalles funéraires: 6 7 % ; lampes: 4 7 % ; verres dorés: 64%) 1 8 . Le tableau p r o u v e q u e les sujets bibliques—qu'ils aient eu u n caractère symbolique ou n a r r a t i f — s o n t a p p a r u s dès le début. Il n'est pas question q u e les représentations de l'Ancien T e s t a m e n t aient d û céder progressivement devant celles d u N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t , c o m m e o n le dit d a n s l'optique traditionnelle. L'équilibre entre les scènes vétéro- et néotestamentaires reste à p e u près constant.

5. Quelques conclusions La théorie des p a r a d i g m e s ne semble pas tenable, ni p o u r d u langage iconique paléochrétien en général, ni p o u r bibliques en particulier. Il y a é v i d e m m e n t b e a u c o u p de tions bibliques qui é v o q u e n t ou m o n t r e n t l'histoire d u elles n e sont pas d u tout exclusives. 18

Voir: Provoost, "Das Zeugnis" passim.

l'ensemble les scènes représentasalut, mais

Il faut plutôt accepter que les sujets bibliques se sont transformés en même temps que le contexte anthropologique: d'abord des signes bibliques et des personalia à caractère biblique; puis des emblèmes et idylles bibliques; et finalement des allégories et des histoires bibliques, premièrement avec caractère spontané, plus tard comme characteres et historiae.

C. Andresen, Einführung in die christliche Archäologie (Die Kirche in ihrer Geschichte Ι,Β,Ι) (Göttingen, 1971). H . Aurenhammer, Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie 2 vols. (Wien, 1967). H. B e c k — P . C . Bol (eds.), Spätantike und frühes Christentum. Ausstellung im Liebieghaus Museum alter Plastik, Frankfurt am Main, 16. Dezember 1983 bis 11. März 1984 (Frankfurt a m Main, 1983). F. C a b r o l — H . Leclercq, Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie 15 vols. (Paris, 1907-1953). J. Daniélou, Les symboles chrétiens primitifs (Paris, 1961). E. Dassmann, Sündenvergebung durch Taufe, Busse und Märtyrerfürbitte in den Zeugnissen frühchristlicher Frömmigkeit und Kunst (Münsterische Beiträge zur Theologie 36) (Münster Westfalen, 1973). D . D e Chapeaurouge, Einführung in die Geschichte der christlichen Symbole (Die Kunstwissenschaft) (Darmstadt, 1984). F.W. D e i c h m a n n , Einfuhrung in die Christliche Archäologie (Die Kunstwissenschaft) (DarmStadt, 1983). C. Delvoye, "De l'iconographie païenne à l'iconographie chrétienne", dans : IXe Congrès International d'Archéologie Classique. Damas 11-20 octobre 1969 = Annales archéologiques arabes syriennes 21, 1971, pp. 329-346. G. Duchet-Suchaux, G . — M . Pastoureau, La Bible et les saints. Guide iconographique (Tout l'art. Encyclopédie) nouvelle édition augmentée (Paris, 1994). W . Elliger, ZUT Entstehung und Frühentwicklung der altchristlichen Bildkunst (Leipzig, 1934). J. Fink, Les grands thèmes de l'iconographie chrétienne des premiers siècles (Paroisse et liturgie 77) (Brugge, 1966). F. Gerke, Spätantike und frühes Christentum (Kunst der Welt) (Baden-Baden, 1967). L. Goosen, Van Andreas tot Zflcheüs. Thema's uit het Meuwe Testament en de apocriefe literatuur in religie en kunsten (Nijmegen, 1992). L. G o o s e n , Van Abraham tot Zachana. Thema's uit het Oude Testament in religie, beeidende kunst, literatuur, muziek en theater, 2 è m e édition corrigée (Nijmegen, 1993). A. Grabar, "Recherches sur les sources juives de l'art paléochrétien", Cahiers archéologiques 11, 1960, pp. 41-71; 12, 1962, pp. 115-152; 14, 1964, pp. 49-57. A. Grabar, Christian iconography. A study of its origins (The A. W. Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts 1961) (London 1969). A. Grabar, Les voies de la création en iconographie chrétienne (Coll. Idées et recherches) (Paris, 1979). G.J. Hoogewerff, Ikonografie en ikonologie van de oude christelijke kunst ('s Gravenhage, 1950); The index of Christian art at Princeton University. Cf. : H. Woodruff, The index of Christian art at Princeton University. A handbook (Princeton, 1942). J . H . Jongkees, "Het begin van de beeidende kunst in de Christelijke Kerk", Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis n.r. 48, 1967, pp. 20-38. M . J o r d a n - R u w e — U . Real, Bild- und Formensprache der spätantiken Kunst, Hugo Brandenburg zum 65. Geburtstag (= Boreas 17), 1994.

C.M. Kaufmann, Handbuch der christlichen Archäologie 3ème édition (Paderborn, 1922).

J. Kirsch, "Sull'origine dei motivi cristiani della pittura cimiteriale di Roma", Rivista di archeologia cristiana 4, 1927, pp. 269-287.

Ε. Kirschbaum, Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie 5 vol. (Freiburg i. Br., 1968-1973). T. Klauser, "Studien zur Entstehungsgeschichte der christlichen Kunst", Jahrbuch fiir Antike und Christentum 1, 1958, pp. 20-51; 3, 1960, pp. 112-138; 7, 1964, pp. 67-

76; 8-9, 1965-1966, pp. 126-170; 9, 1967, pp. 82-120 (= Klauser, "Studien"). T. Klauser, "Erwägungen zur Entstehung der altchristlichen Kunst1', Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte 1, 1965, pp. 1-11.

F. Kunsde, Ikonographie der christlichen Kunst 2 vols. (Freiburg i. Br., 1926-1928). J.van Laarhoven, De beeldtaal van de christelijke kunst. Geschiedenis van de iconografie 2 è m e

impression (Nijmegen, 1993). H. Leclercq, Manuel d'archéologie chrétienne 2 vols (Paris, 1907). Lexikon fiir Theologie und Kirche, 2ème édition, 10 vols, avec registre (Freiburg i. Br.,

1957-1965). F.van der M e e r , Christus' oudste gewaad. Over de oorspronkelijkheid van• de oudchristelijke kunst

2ème impression (Baarn, 1989). C. Murray, [Sister], Rebirth and afterlife. A study of the transmutation of some pagan imagery in Early Christian funerary art (BAR International Series 100) (Oxford, 1981). A. Ossewaarde, Op het tweede gewicht. Bijbelse beeiden en hun betekenis ('s-Gravenhage,

1985). A. Provoost, "De beeldtaal van de eerste christenen", Kleio. Tijdschrift voor Oude talen en Antieke cultuur n.s. 9, 1979, pp. 149-184.

A. Provoost, "Vroeg-christelijke taferelen van geluk en vrede", Onze Alma Mater 38,

1984, pp. 13-30 (= Provoost, "Vroeg-christelijke taferelen"). A. Provoost, "Das Zeugnis der Fresken und Grabplatten in der Katakombe S. Pietro e Marcellino im Vergleich mit dem Zeugnis der Lampen und Gläser aus Rom", Boreas 9, 1986, pp. 152-172 (= Provoost, "Das Zeugnis").

A. Provoost, "Christianisering van profane motieven op vroeg-christelijke voorstellingen", Hermeneus 58, 1986, pp. 144-152.

Α. Provoost, "Van embleem tot icoon", Lampas 23,3, juli 1990, pp. 309-325 (= Provoost, "Embleem"). A. Provoost, De vroegchristelijke beeldtaal (Leuven, 1994). A. Provoost—J. Vaes—-J. Pelsmaekers (eds.), De materiele cultuur van de eerste christenen

(Leuven, 1983). Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, 16 vis. apparus (Stuttgart, 1950-). L. Réau, Iconographie de l'art chrétien 6 vols. (Paris, 1955-1959). Ε. Sauser, Frühchristliche Kunst. Sinnbild und Glaubensaussage (Innsbrück-Wien-München,

1966). A. Stuiber, Refiigerium interim. Die Vorstellungen vom Zwischenzustand und die frühchristliche

Grabeskunst (Bonn, 1957). P. Styger, Die altchristliche Grabeskunst (Berlin, 1927) E.H. Swift, Roman sources of Christian art ( N e w York, 1951)

E. Testa, II simbolismo dei Giudeo-Cristiani (Jérusalem, 1962). P. Testini, Archeologia cristiana. Nozioni

generali dalle origini alla fine del sec.

VI.

Propedeutica—topografia cimiteriale—epigrafta—edifici di culto, 3ème édition, avec ad-

dition d'un index et d'une bibliographie (Bari, 1980). J.J.M. Timmers, Christelijke symboliek en iconografie 3ème impression (Haarlem, 1978). K. Weitzmann (ed.), Age of spirituality. A symposium (New York, 1980).

EARLY CHRISTIAN ILLUSTRATED GOSPEL BOOKS FROM THE EAST I. Spatharakis Most of the early illustrated Gospel books from the East date from the sixth century. Although their number is small, the amount of information they supply is large.1 They teach us to which subjects preference was given for illustrating and the luxury of their execution, by which the status of the donor is revealed. The miniatures in a manuscript tell us the purpose for which a book was used (liturgy or private use) and betray the influence of the liturgy on the book illustration. They inform us whether an artist invented a scene especially for a Gospel book or copied it from elsewhere. We also learn much about the physical characteristics of the Early Christian manuscripts and especially about the development of the illustrations in them from the so-called papyrus style, consisting of several, small scenes mainly in horizontal zones between a text column, to the full-page miniature. They help us to reconstruct lost illustrated Tetraevangelia, which were, as we shall see, decorated with a large number of scenes. They enrich our knowledge about lost monumental painting in early churches, not only as regards the subjects, but also the part of the church in which these subjects were painted. Concerning iconography, on one hand the scenes in these manuscripts form the basis for the further evolution of a subject, and on the other hand include compositions and details which remained unique.

Codex Sinopensis

Codex Sinopensis, Par. Suppl. gr. 1286, contains fragments from the Gospel of Matthew, written in golden uncial on purple folios.2 These 1

My sincere thanks are due to drs. Gale Bartholf of The Hague for help with the English. For a survey on these books see: K. Weitzmann, Late Antique and Eady Christian Book Illumination (London, 1977), with colour reproductions and bibliography (hereafter: Weitzmann, Late Antique). 2 Parchment, IT. 43, 30 χ 25 cm. It derives its name from the city of Sinope in Pontus, where the captain Jean de la Taille bought it in a 1899 from an elderly lady

fragments are illustrated with five miniatures, painted on the lower part of the page. The material used and the miniatures themselves contribute to a luxurious edition of this Gospel book and evidence a wealthy donor. The miniatures represent the Feast of Herod on fol. 10vo (Matthew, 14: 1-12), the first and the second Miraculous Feeding of the Multitude on fols. 1 lro and 15ro (14: 13-21 and 15: 29-39), the Healing of Two Blind Men on fol. 29ro (20: 29-34) and the Barren Fig Tree on fol. 30vo (21: 18-22). The scenes are flanked by two prophets holding unfurled scrolls, on which typological texts are written. The first three scenes are flanked by David and Moses, the fourth by David and Isaiah and the fifth by David and Habakkuk. On the upper part of the pages is recorded on which feast the lections written underneath are read. This Gospel book was, thus, used as a Lectionary. The texts written on the scrolls of the Prophets were sung in the liturgy of the feasts which the miniatures show. The Prophets are thereby added to the miniatures under the influence of the liturgy; their presence in the Sinopensis is an early visual example of this influence. The scene of the Feast of Herod on fol. 10vo (Fig. 1) shows a strong correlation with the corresponding text. A servant hands the head of St. John the Baptist to Salome, as we read in Matthew, 14: 11 : "And his head was brought in a charger, and given to the damsel; and she brought it to her mother.5' We see, thus, no dancing Salome with the head of St. John, as we find her in later representations of the subject. On the right, we see the prison with the headless body of St. John the Baptist and two of his disciples, in accordance with the text of the Gospel: "And he (Herod) sent, and beheaded John in the prison" (Matthew, 14: 10) and a little further on, "And his disciples came, and took up the body, and buried it, and went and told Jesus" (14: 12). The scene of the Feast of Herod is the earliest scene that has survived from the cycle of the life of St. John the Baptist, whereas the iconography of the prison scene is unique.3 The style of the miniand sold it next year to the Bibliothèque Nationale. A. Grabar, Les peintures de l'Evangéliaire de Sinope (Paris, 1948). Catalogue of the exhibition Byzance et la France médiévale. Manuscrits à peintures de Ile au XVIe siècle, Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris,

1958), no. 1, pl. A: fol. 1 Ovo in colour (hereafter: Byzance et la France médiévale). P. Sevrugian, Der Rossano-Codex und die Sinope-Fragmente: Miniaturen und Theologie (Worms,

1990) (hereafter: Sevrugian, Rossano-Codex). 3

On the iconography of the cycle of the life of St. John the Baptist see: E.

Sdrakas, Johannes der Täufer in der Kunst des christlichen Ostens (Munich, 1943). Α.

Masseron, Saint-Jean-Baptiste dans l'art (Grenoble, 1957). F.-A. von Metzsch, Johannes

Fig. 1. The Feast of Herod, Codex Sinopensis, Par. Suppl. gr. 1286, fol. 10vo, 6th century.

atures in the Sinopensis is provincial with a great degree of expression, especially perceivable here in one of the disciples of St. John, who raises his hands in consternation. The bloody, headless body of St. John is rendered realistically. The presence in this codex of scenes, e.g., the Barren Fig Tree, which are less important than scenes like the Nativity or Baptism of Christ, suggests the existence of earlier, lost, illustrated Gospel books, decorated with a great number of miniatures, from which the artist of the Sinopensis could copy selectively. The disposition of the miniatures in the presumed model was not similar to that which we see in the Sinopensis, i.e., one miniature on the lower part of the page, but followed the so-called papyrus style, a style which gives the opportunity to the artist to paint a great number of miniatures within the text

der Täufer. Seine Geschichte und seine Darstellung in der Kunst (München, 1989). Ε. Weis, in Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, 7, cc. 164-190, esp. 175-189, s.v. Johannes der Täufer

(hereafter: LCI) Κ. Wessel, in Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst, III, cc. 616-647, esp. 631-646, s.v. Johannes Baptistes (hereafter: RbK).

columns.4 We find it in the papyrus Book of the Dead in Ancient Egypt. Although Christian scrolls from the early period decorated in this style have not survived, a few fragments containing profane texts have indeed done so. Examples of the latter are the so-called Romance Papyrus, a second-century fragment in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Suppl. gr. 1294, containing an unidentified text5 (Fig. 2) and the Heracles Papyrus, a third-century fragment in London, the Egypt Exploration Society, found in Oxyrhynchos (Pap. 2331), containing a poem about Heracles, decorated with three consecutive scenes from the story of Hercules and the Nemean lion6 (Fig. 3). How the early Gospel books decorated in the papyrus style must have looked, we see in copies of a later date. An example is the Tetraevangelion Par. gr. 74, painted with hundreds of miniatures in the middle of the eleventh century.7 The often more than one miniature on a page and more than one scene in a miniature illustrate in cinematographical manner the text of the Gospels, naturally not only the most important, but also the less important scenes from Christ's life.

Codex Rossanensis

Codex Rossanensis, kept in the Archiépiscopal Museum of Rossano in Calabria, is written in silver uncial on purple parchment.8 We deal, thus, once more with a luxurious edition of the Gospels. The 4

The origin and methods of text illustration has been studied by K. Weitzmann,

Illustrations in Roll and Codex: A Study of the Origin and Method of Text Illustration (Princeton,

1947), reprinted with addenda in 1970; for the papyrus style see p. 47 if. (hereafter: W e i t z m a n n , Roll and Codex). 5

Catalogue of the exhibition Byzance et la France médiévale, no. 2, pl. I. Weitzmann,

Roll and Codex, p. 51, fig. 40. K. W e i t z m a n n ,

Greek Mythology

in Byzantine

Art

(Princeton, 1951), p. 197. K. Weitzmann, Ancient Book Illumination (Cambridge, Mass., 1959), p. 100, pi. LI, fig. 107 (hereafter: Weitzmann, Ancient Book). 6 235 χ 106 mm. K. Weitzmann, in The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, vol. XXII, 1954, p. 85 ff., no. 2331, pl. XI. Weitzmann, Ancient Book, p. 53, pl. X X V I , fig. 59. Idem, Roll and Codex, p. 239, fig. 40a. 7 H . O m o n t , Évangiles avec peintures byzantines du Xle siècle. Reproductions du manuscrit

grec de la Bibliothèque Nationale, 2 vols. (Paris, 1908). 8

Parchment, ff. 188, ca. 307 χ 260 mm. The codex is mentioned for the first time in 1845 by a journalist from Naples. On this codex see mainly: A. Munoz, II codice purpurea di Rossano (Rome, 1907). Weitzmann, Late Antique, pp. 88-96, pis. 29-33. Codex purpureus Rossanensis. Museo dell'Archivescovado, Rossano Calabro, Facsimile edition with

commentary in Italian and English by G. Cavallo, J. Gribomont, W.C. Loerke (Codices select! phototypice impressi, Vol. 81*), (Rome, Graz, 1985-1987). Sevrugian, Rossano Codex.

Fig. 2. Romance Papyrus, Par. Suppl. gr. 1294, 2nd century A.D.

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