Presbyterians in Ireland Today: Identity in the Twenty-First Century

Presbyterians in Ireland Also by Sandra M. Baillie EVANGELICAL WOMEN IN BELFAST: Imprisoned or Empowered? Presbyter...

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Presbyterians in Ireland

Also by Sandra M. Baillie EVANGELICAL WOMEN IN BELFAST: Imprisoned or Empowered?

Presbyterians in Ireland Identity in the Twenty-First Century Sandra M. Baillie The Queen’s University of Belfast

© Sandra M. Baillie

2008

All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted her right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2008 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries, Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European Union and other countries. ISBN-13: 978-1-4039-1244-2 ISBN-10: 1-4039-1244-0 This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental regulations of the country of origin. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. 10 17

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Printed and bound in Great Britain by CPI Antony Rowe, Chippenham and Eastbourne

To my father, who kept his promise

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Contents Acknowledgements

viii

1

Introduction

1

2

Concepts of Identity

6

3

Personal Identity

17

4

Presbyterian Identity: Structure, Form and Morality

31

5

Presbyterians and Politics in Northern Ireland

46

6

Presbyterians and Politics in Southern Ireland

81

7

National Identity

102

8

Education and Social Integration

135

9

The Ministry and College

169

10

The Future

201

11

Conclusions

215

Appendix 1: Organizational Structure of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland

221

Appendix 2: Wider Work at Home and Overseas – The Presbyterian Church in Ireland

222

Bibliography

225

Index

236

vii

Acknowledgements This book has taken seven years to write and it has been a very difficult experience. However, I undertook this project because of my passionate interest in Presbyterian identity. This was recognized by the Rowntree Charitable Trust, which helped to fund it, and without whose support this study would not have been possible. I would like to thank them for the financial assistance they have provided. I would also like to acknowledge the following individuals: Mr Mike Tomlinson, Head of the School of Sociology Department at Queen’s University, Belfast, who provided an office and a parking space both of which greatly assisted me in the writing process. Dr Charles Hickson, of the School of Management at Queen’s University, Belfast, who challenged and encouraged me during the writing process. He was invaluable in helping me clarify my ideas. Mr Stephen Gregory, librarian at Union Theological College, Belfast, and to his staff for their assistance in helping to locate material for the book. My husband Peter deserves thanks for his tolerance and his constant belief that the book was important and should be written. I also thank him for his technical expertise and assistance. Mr Nigel Killops, whose friendship I have valued during the later stages of completing the book. I am also very grateful to all respondents who agreed to be interviewed, and particularly those who are named in the book. The Presbyterian Church in Ireland for reproduction of the diagram and appendices showing church structures. The Ulster Unionist Party for giving permission for the reproduction of part of the Party History. I would like to pay tribute to Keith Povey and his team of editors for meticulous editing. My hope is that this book will promote awareness of and discussion on Presbyterian identity in Ireland. Presbyterians have a rich heritage and are a living, changing, community of which I am a part. SANDRA M. BAILLIE viii

1 Introduction

This book is about Presbyterians and identity in contemporary Ireland. Topics explored include politics and culture; the influence of life history and geographical location; educational issues and inter-Church relations; the Orange Order; the ministry; social and moral issues; roles of women; and the future for the Church and for Ireland. I approach this study as a Presbyterian, a sociologist and a feminist. I was brought up as a Presbyterian until the age of fifteen; I then left to join another Church. I started the study as a member of a charismatic house church, but during the course of the work my family and I returned to the Presbyterian Church and became communicant members of a congregation in Belfast. The book is based on some 120 in-depth interviews with ministers and individuals from twenty-five different congregations across Ireland, both North and South of the border. Ministers were selected, and then up to five members of certain congregations were interviewed and questioned about the same issues, to facilitate a comparative analysis. Some individuals were interviewed without the minister being in the sample; and some ministers were interviewed without members of their congregation being included. Interviews took place in a wide range of urban and rural settings, in both the North and South. People were interviewed in all of the six Northern counties: Antrim, Armagh, Down, Fermanagh, Tyrone and Londonderry; and in the South, congregations are described in broad groupings of border, Donegal, and Dublin and Munster. The names of the people involved have been changed and any obvious identifiers have altered or removed to protect their identities. The names of most ministers have not been changed, where they have given their consent. A few ministers chose to withdraw from the study altogether. Some ministers asked to remain anonymous, and in those cases, and where 1

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comments from them or others may be sensitive, I have provided a rough description of the area of the country they are in, to enable the reader to understand the context while not identifying the individuals concerned. The purpose of the study is to promote understanding of Presbyterians today in the North and South of Ireland, and to give voice to the views of ordinary members. It is also to explore Presbyterian identity, and whether that identity can transcend political boundaries and allegiances. Presbyterians are part of a majority in the North, but constitute only a small minority in the South. The range of issues studied relate to the social, political and cultural identity of Irish Presbyterians. The study seeks to explore the impact of Presbyterianism on a person’s life and world view. Questions posed include what it means to belong to the Presbyterian Church in Ireland (PCI) at the start of the twenty-first century: is there a belief system associated with the denomination; what are the cultural values associated with the Church; how does nationality operate within a united denomination but a politically divided island; how are moral issues dealt with in different areas; are there differences between the North and South; how do Presbyterians see their relationships within the denomination and with the Roman Catholic community; is there a place for integrated education; what are attitudes to inter-Church marriages and inter-Church services? The role of ministers within the Church and views on their involvement in the political realm is also addressed specifically, as is the question of whether a minister should be an Orangeman or a Freemason. Finally, we look at hopes and aspirations for Ireland and the Presbyterian Church in the future. The membership of the Presbyterian Church in 2005 stood at 270,753, representing almost one in five of the population of Northern Ireland. In the Republic of Ireland there were 12,909 Presbyterians, around one in every 300 of the population. Presbyterians are to be found mainly in the border counties of Cavan, Monaghan and Donegal, but with some notable exceptions further south. Throughout the twentieth century there has been a steady numerical decline in numbers of Presbyterians in the Republic. In 1939, the Presbyterian Church in Ireland had thirty-three Presbyteries, nine of them in Southern Ireland, and Derry Presbytery had many churches in the Republic. The total number of families in the Republic claiming connection with the church was 7,518. By contrast, in 1999, the Church had only three Presbyteries in the South, and Derry Presbytery had fewer churches in the Republic. The total number of families claiming a connection was 4,658. In the North, the majority of Presbyterians live in Belfast or its surrounding area; indeed, almost half of the total Church membership lives

Introduction

3

within fifteen miles of the centre of Belfast. The uneven spread of Presbyterians is a result of the Ulster Plantation, the British governmentsponsored emigration of settlers from England, and particularly from Scotland. In this study, a number of border churches were selected in order to gain a clearer perspective on the lives of Southern Presbyterians. Although the number of families claiming connection with the Church in Northern Ireland increased by 23 per cent between 1939 and 1999, church attendance has fallen during this period. However, there has been a marked reduction in the number of families claiming a connection with the Church between 1990 and 2005. In 1990 there were 106,669 families in the Presbyterian Church in Ireland, and thirteen years later there were 92,233, a fall of 13.53 per cent, or about 1 per cent per year. The Church has 550 congregations grouped into twenty-one districts called Presbyteries. There are five synods which are under the chief court of the Church, the General Assembly. Synods are being phased out. The General Assembly meets once a year and is attended by ministers – an elder from each congregation and a few others – and makes decisions by democratic vote. There are three Presbyteries in the city of Belfast, with seventy-five congregations and almost 30 per cent of the total membership of the Church. There are three Presbyteries in the Republic, with 104 congregations, representing 5 per cent of the overall membership. In the largest congregations there are around 4,000 people, but most have between 300 and 600 people. There are about 390 ministers in congregations, and thirty assistants. There are forty other ministers in special ministries, such as professors or administrators, and about 137 retired from active duty. Around twenty women serve as ministers in congregations, around 5 per cent of the total for active ministers, some assisting and others in training. There are around 7,000 ruling elders who serve in a spiritual capacity on the Kirk Session (elected governing council) of each congregation. On Sunday mornings, around 100,000 people attend worship, while around 15,000 attend evening services. Churches hold a host of other midweek activities for children, young people, and older members, as well as women’s groups, prayer meetings and Bible studies. Identity is a key concept in this study. Identity means standing out: being different and through that difference unique – so the search for identity can only act to divide and separate people (Bauman, 2001; p. 16). The study explores what makes Presbyterians different and unique. Chapter 2 briefly describes the theoretical context of the study in postmodernity and addresses some questions related to the role of sociological analysis. Readers who are not interested in the theoretical base of the study may wish to omit this chapter and proceed with the rest of the book.

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Chapter 3 explores the life histories of a selection of the ministers and some of the people, in relation both to the Church and to their personal life. Biography is an important element in this study, as it places respondents’ views in a personal, social and historical context. It also addresses their identity in terms of their perception of evangelical or liberal outlooks on Christianity. It addresses their perceptions of Presbyterian identity in relation to themselves and others, and its meaning to the individual. It starts with a contrasting interview from the point of view of the ‘other’, with an interview with a Sinn Fein counsellor, Eoin O’Broin. It then goes on to describe biography in relation to personal history as exemplified by Hugo Hamilton. Because of sensitivities in political and religious matters, only a few biographical sketches have been included in the book. Chapter 4 deals with aspects of identity, with particular attention being paid to values and ideals, and moral attitudes. Values and ideals are explored via portraits of John Calvin and John Knox, the founding fathers of Presbyterianism. A brief history of Irish Presbyterianism since partition is included. A description of Church structures, boards and government, and attitudes to minister’s dress and types of worship within the Church is then covered. The views of ministers and individual worshippers on premarital sex, gambling and abortion are also briefly reviewed. Chapters 5 and 6 deal with a brief twentieth-century history of Irish politics, with particular emphasis on the role of Presbyterians, and some views on relations between the Catholic Church and the Irish state, and how these were perceived by Presbyterians. In these chapters we examine the relationship between Presbyterians and politics in Ireland, North and South, in a historical context, the attitudes of Presbyterians to the Orange Order, the use of flags in church services, and the statements of the Church on the Northern Ireland situation and Presbyterian perceptions of prejudice. In Chapter 7, concepts of nationality, culture and identity are explored. Presbyterians are asked about their perceived nationalities and concepts of Britishness and Irishness, and indeed a European identity. We look at debates on language and literature, notably Presbyterians and the Irish language, Ulster-Scots, and preferences in music and dance. The aim of this chapter is to give a comprehensive picture of the political and cultural identities of Presbyterians both North and South of the border. Chapter 8 deals with inter-Church marriage, integrated education and inter-Church services. Views of ministers and people are reviewed, together with some of the main issues and debates surrounding community relations and related ecumenical matters.

Introduction

5

Chapter 9 looks into a variety of ministry issues: views on training for the ministry at Union College, Belfast; conflict between the academic and the practical; the adaptation of the ministry to the modern world; and the qualities of a good minister. I also examine views on whether ministers ought to be Masons or Orangemen; Church policy on women ministers; the views of respondents on women ministers and a discussion on the perception of women’s roles within the church; and the role and function of the Moderator, the leader selected for a year by the nomination of Presbyteries, is discussed, including questions of power and media representation. Chapter 10 outlines respondents’ views on the future of Ireland, and the future of the denomination is discussed, while Chapter 11 summarizes and concludes the study. The aim of the book is to give a comprehensive view of Presbyterian people in Ireland today. It sets people’s values and politics in the context of their family histories, political developments, economic developments and attitudes to the Roman Catholic Church. Modern Ireland has come a long way from the time of partition, and today is becoming much more secular, and traditional communities are changing. Since the completion of the interviews, devolved government has returned to Northern Ireland, and the views expressed on the political situation predate this remarkable step forward. Presbyterians face challenges as change occurs, but it also presents new opportunities. The Presbyterian Church in Ireland’s motto is Ardens sed Virens, which translates from the Latin as ‘Burning but Living’. This study seeks to let the people speak about what is important to them at the start of the twenty-first century.

2 Concepts of Identity

This chapter provides a brief discussion of identity, focusing on the ideas of theorists such as Alberto Melucci, Zygmunt Bauman and Christian sociologists in the context of some aspects of postmodernity. Ideals and values that are oppositional or challenging to the Church are identified and discussed with reference to post-modernity or liquid modernity. There is a short description of the importance of sociology to this study.

Identity and postmodernity In defining identity, Melucci (1996) recognizes both changes to our world that affect the stability of our identity and the distinctive social conditions that threaten its cohesion. He starts with the neediness of human beings. Basic human functions respond to a cultural code, and language is used to communicate this, as every need is both interpersonal and part of a social construct. Needs can be reduced to their basic form in biology, but there are also social needs, and these needs are no longer simple as we now live in a world flooded with images and information. As Melucci (1996, p. 2) says: We live on a planet that has become a global society, a society totally interconnected by its capacity of intervening on its environment and on social life itself, and yet still dependent on its natural home the planet Earth. The twofold relation to the Earth, as the global field for social action and its physical boundary, defines the ‘planetary society’ in which personal life takes place. The accelerated pace of change, the multiplicity of roles assumed by the individual, the deluge of messages that wash over us expand our cognitive and affective experience to an extent that is unprecedented in human history. The points of 6


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reference used by individuals and groups in the past to plot their life courses are disappearing. Answering the basic question ‘Who am I?’ becomes progressively more difficult; as we continue to need fixed anchor points in our lives but even our personal biographies begin to fail us as we hardly recognize ourselves in our memories. The search for a safe haven for the self becomes an increasingly critical undertaking, and the individual must build and continuously rebuild her/his ‘home’ in the face of the surging flux of events and relations. This is a description of the world that the Church and individuals now inhabit. In the face of ‘this surging flux of events and relations’, what is the strategy of the Church in maintaining its identity and Christian witness? what kind of rootedness is religion able to offer? Identity is a contested concept; it is both a simple and a complex idea. In this chapter, ideas and theories about identity are discussed. Identity is in a state of flux and instability. Both individual and collective identity are interdependent and interrelated. The pressures human beings face today include a deluge of information, the demands that are put upon them, so many more choices and possibilities than previous generations faced, relationship breakdowns at unprecedented levels, the growth of travel, and the possibilities and pressures of the global village culture in which personal relationships are defined in new and different ways. For example, I may have more in common with people in the same occupation or who have similar pastimes to me than I have with my neighbour living next door. The world is filled with choices and possibilities that we lack the resources to handle. Melucci (1996, p. 23) puts it like this: No other culture of the past has possessed the ability to decide on its own limits in a comparable manner for the simple reason alone that no previous society has developed a capacity to destroy itself. No society of the past generated a power over itself that would have enabled it to envisage its own self destruction. Melucci (1996, p. 28) says that identity is generally recognized when examining either a person or a group as referring to three things: ‘namely continuity of the subject over and beyond variations in time and its adaptations to the environment; the delineation of this subject with respect to others; and the ability to recognize and be recognized’. There have been theoretical debates in the human sciences as to what constitutes identity, but at present there appears to be the view that the relational and social are embedded in the biological. Both sociology and psychology contend

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that there is a process whereby identity is gained in a combination of events, including recognizing and being recognized in infancy. The subject and the environment interact with each other, by being both enabled and constrained. Put simply, this means that individual identity is produced and maintained by our membership of a group, and our healthy perceptions of ourselves within that context. It is not possible to construct an identity independent of recognition by another. Our identities are formed in our childhood but are constantly being worked upon in a variety of ways. The subject becomes conscious in relation to others. Identity is relationally dependent. Melucci (1996, p. 29) sees it as: Identity thus defines our capacity to speak and act autonomously – the differentiation defines our selves from those of others while continuing to be the same person. However, self-identification must still gain intersubjective recognition if it is to provide the basis for identity. Our ability to distinguish ourselves from others must be acknowledged by those very same ‘others’. Therefore our personal unity, which is produced and maintained by self-identification, rests on our membership in a group and on our ability to locate ourselves within a system of relations. No one can construct her/his identity independently of its recognition by others. Identity is a relational process. It is also a learning process. As we pass through the stages of life we learn to cope with our environments and reformulate our identities in the process of our life history. It is in crisis that our weaknesses are revealed. Conflicts test our identity and may damage it. We can respond to this by re-orientating our action, or we can cope by compartmentalizing life (Melucci, 1996, p. 30): Identity is therefore above all the autonomous ability to produce and to recognize the self. Such a definition, however, is paradoxical, for it implies that we both perceive ourselves as similar to others (and are therefore able to recognize ourselves and be recognized at the same time) and also affirm our differences as individuals. The paradox of identity is that difference, in order to be affirmed and experienced as such, predisposes a degree of equality and reciprocity. Identity can also be collective. If this identity is fostered and promoted it can give a permanence and continued tradition to the group to which we are loyally affiliated. Group identity is established over time, and forms


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a social and cultural environment that includes rules of membership for the group, and practices and beliefs that identify members. In the past this was related largely to religion, but in the postmodern context there is a kind of ‘cult of self’, in which self-reflection and individuality is as important as inherited characteristics, and the collective sense of identity is weakened. Identity is not just about being self-reflective in an environmental or biological way: we are agents who are able to act and produce particular actions and results in the world, for which we are responsible. Identity is constructed in the context of an interaction between ourselves and others. Melucci (1996, p. 32) puts it this way: ‘Identity entails a gap between self-identification and identification by others.’ I have demonstrated this in practice by including in Chapter 3 an interview with Eoin O’Broin, a Sinn Fein councillar who here represents a polar opposite in terms of the identities of most Presbyterians. It is often suggested that Protestant identity in Northern Ireland needs an ‘other’ against which to define itself. However, it is clear that all identities define themselves in the context of ‘others’. Identity attempts to secure a reciprocity of recognition in what we see as being similar or different in the other. Inequality makes reciprocity problematic, leading to competition for scarce resources. Melucci, again, describes this conflict in the identities of two subjects: (Melucci, 1996, p. 32) Beyond the concrete or symbolic objects at stake in a conflict, what a people struggle for is always the possibility to recognize themselves and to be recognized as subjects of their own action. We enter a conflict to affirm the identity that our opponent has denied us, to re-appropriate something which belongs to us because we are able to recognize it as our own. When we seek group solidarity in a conflict we share a bond, because this helps us to make sense of what we are doing. Collective action in social movements is motivated by a human need to secure our identities. Identity is hard to define as a concrete thing; rather, it is a complex system of relations in which we seek to distinguish ourselves from others, but in addition seek an ‘affirmation’ of that difference. Our identity is formed by complex strata of forms of relations and decisions, and when we identify our difference and others fail to do so, the identity is said to be segregated. Examples of this include teenage rebellion, preoccupation with self, and unhealthy withdrawal of self, or it can be manifested in an unhealthy desire to please, with a cost to the development of mature

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autonomy in the individual. Social labelling can also stunt the growth of healthy identity formation. Conflicts are inevitable, given the opposing poles of the way we define ourselves and the way others define us. Such conflict can be positive rather than negative, as it is this negotiated interaction with others that helps us to come to a balanced view of ourselves. In a rapidly changing society, there is an increased likelihood of conflict between genders, generations and cultures. Melucci (1996) addresses the problems of identity in a postmodern society in his analysis of movements and collective action. He describes issues such as political conflict and change, feminism, identity politics, and power and inequality as ‘prophetic’. The debate on collective action focuses on the issue of power relationships. Movements are systems of action, and networks; we live not in isolation but on a global planet. Culture is increasingly important. Humankind has developed sophisticated technologies and a global media system, and there is a conflict of cultural and national differences on a world scale. Never before have there been such pressures in production and consumption. The central theme Melucci is putting forward is the importance of social action. There needs to be an awareness of the issues raised by collective action, and a space for accepting and negotiating difference. The question of collective identity is relevant to this study and we now explore the questions that are pertaining to this concept. Melucci (1996, p. 70) defines it thus: (i) Collective identity as a process involves cognitive definitions concerning the ends, means, and fields of action. The different elements or axes of collective action are defined within a language that is shared by a portion or the whole of society, or within one that is specific to a group; they are incorporated in a given set of rituals, practices, cultural artifacts; they are framed in different ways but they always allow some kind of calculation between means and ends, investments and rewards. (ii) Collective identity as a process refers thus to a network of active relationships between actors who interact, communicate, influence each other, negotiate, and make decisions. Forms of organization and models of leadership, communicative channels and technologies of communication are constitutive parts of this network relationship. (iii) Finally a certain degree of emotional investment is required in the definition of a collective identity, which enables individuals to feel themselves part of a common unity. Collective identity is never entirely negotiable because participation in collective


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action is endowed with meaning which cannot be reduced to a cost benefit calculation and mobilizes emotions as well. Passions and feelings, love and hate, faith and fear are all part of a body acting collectively, particularly in those areas of social life that are less institutionalised such as social movements. Collective identity enables people to act and to recognize their actions, they act as collective bodies because they possess a self reflexive capacity. The collective action is not simply a reaction to societal trends but the production of meanings and results that those involved recognize. This identity has also a time dimension in which the relation between events and time, namely the past and future are connected. Collective identity has inherent difficulties in the identity it gives itself and the perception of the recognition given by the rest of society. In crisis situations as described above it can either restructure or fragment. Today an important part of identity is retaining and reconstructing our history and our past, because of the rise of big organizations, the speed of change and the change in our relationship with time. Identity becomes itself ‘situated’; the question asked and the position of the observer is of great importance. Many sociologists are preoccupied with the ambiguous nature of contemporary society, including the push for increased individualization. In addition the state equips certain individuals with increased capacity for self realization that in the political arena manifests itself in an emphasis on rights and citizenship. Individuals think they are able to construct their own identity but these are still contained within elitism because of the resources needed to appropriate them which are only available to those at the upper end of society. Cultural deprivation is problematic as the mass media feed new lifestyles and consumptions. In this environment community and belonging take on even greater importance.

Community and postmodernity Bauman’s central sociological theory is that it is the actors, meaning the people themselves, who are responsible for the human condition. He characterizes postmodern communities as being liquid, fluid and changeable. They stay alive as long as people are committed to them; otherwise they vanish. Authority is being taken away from Churches and governments, and people are being left alone to grapple with their decisions.

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He characterizes community as a warm, cosy, comfortable place. Bauman (2001, p. 2) describes it: Community should be a place where we can count on each other’s good will. If we stumble and fall others will help us on our feet again. No-one will poke fun at us, no one will ridicule our clumsiness or rejoice in our misfortune. If we do take the wrong step, we can confess, explain, apologize and repent if necessary, no one will hold a grudge forever. And we will always have someone to hold our hands in moments of sadness. This is a highly idealized image, he says, and while community offers security it also limits freedom, which is problematic in a world that puts a high value on both independence and individualism. Sociologically speaking, the emergence of community as an ideal is to be expected, given that in modern life there is an imbalance between individual freedom and security. People are looking for relationships that last, and will guide and support them through stormy seas; unemployment and old age are two major worries that occupy people, two issues that the Church tries to work with in terms of social witness. Hobsbawm (1996, p. 40), cited in Bauman (2001), identifies that community as a reality has become hard to find, just as the word has been fashionably bandied about. ‘Men and women look for groups to which they can belong, certainly and forever. In a world in which all else is moving and shifting in which nothing else is certain.’ It is claimed by Young (1999) that ‘just as community collapses identity is invented’. Nationalism and the story of the nation-state has been a certain type of community, and ethnic homogeneity could be said to have community status. The nation-state has suppressed and attempted to eliminate local customs, ethnicities and regional languages. Here we encounter the debate between patriotism and nationalism. Bauman (2000, p. 174) quotes Leszek Kotakowski (1999), who suggests that: While the nationalist, who wants to assert the tribal existence through aggression and hatred of others, believes that all the mishaps of his own nation are the outcome of a stranger’s plot and holds a grudge against all other nations for failing to admire properly and otherwise give its due to his own tribe, the patriot is marked by ‘benevolent tolerance of cultural variety and particularly of ethnic and religious minorities’, as well as by his readiness to tell his own nation things it would not savour or enjoy hearing.


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Bauman adds that in fact patriotism is not a problem in societies that are secure enough in their republican citizenship. Patriotism is, he says, unfinished: it views humans as reformable, and joining is a matter of choice; on the other hand, nationalism is a belonging through fate and is not a chosen destiny. Many Presbyterians have been born into the in group, but in a diverse island more people are now belonging from very different ethnic backgrounds, and who would not want to own the political and nationality issues normally associated with the denomination. Another feature of the postmodern community is its sameness rather than difference. The Presbyterian Church is often criticized by its members because of its factionalism and disunity. However, the Church is in its own way liberal enough to retain distinctive and heartfelt beliefs while still allowing for difference. This is a constant source of tension within the denomination, which will be made clear in the following chapters.

Presbyterians and postmodernity Postmodernity is defined in the Presbyterian Herald by Livingstone (2004) as: The basic idea is that old familiar certainties of science and reason that characterized the ‘modern’ world have gone and the traditional forms of scientific and social authority have crumbled. In their place we have relativism that denies ultimate truth about how things are, fragmentation instead of coherence, and opinion instead of certainty.’ Livingstone goes on to mention the important features of postmodernity. He names the culture of self and individualism, and by implication bodily preoccupations, and says that for many the mirror is their only daily shrine. Transience is a pervasive feature of postmodern life; shopping and consumerism are idols in themselves. Livingstone then asks how the Church should respond to the culture. He suggests it should hang on to traditions but without the traditionalism that he defines as ‘the perpetuation of a fossilized set of cultural forms whose content is no longer the bearer of life’. He advocates excavating our culture for its riches, and looks to a sense of biblical tradition. Next, he moves to the concept of authority and considers it perilous to abandon it. He fears that self-awareness may become self-worship. Lastly, he identifies New Age spirituality as an industry, selling the religions of the mysterious, such as astrology, goddess worship and pantheism. He recommends, for Christians, the rediscovery of the mystery

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of the Christian faith. He sees postmodernity as a danger we should resist, and that the challenge to Irish Presbyterians is radically to recover our roots. The real question is whether a collective group such as Presbyterians should, like ostriches, place their heads in the sand and attempt to resist the global onslaught of postmodernity, or whether Presbyterians should, like the principles of the Reformers, reform themselves and adapt their identity to the age in which they live. In the next section, the relationship between the sociology of religion and postmodernity is discussed, and then the role of reflexivity in sociology and its importance in this book.

The sociology of religion and postmodernity According to modern sociological theorizing, Christianity is in decline as a result of secularization and New Age spiritualities. However, worldwide, there is a rebirth of religious fundamentalism. Giddens (1991) tells us that religion is far from disappearing: it is resurfacing and undergoing a resurgence. Lyon (1999, p. 16) reports that, after attempts at mass secularization, religion is making a comeback; indeed, it is now fashionable for social theorists to think of the role of religion. In the past it was viewed as a social function; Marxist accounts claimed it prevented human beings from taking responsibility for their own fate, while Max Weber and Georg Simmel saw it as a way of making sense of the world. These were all rooted in modernity. It became acceptable to view religion in a functional way. Martin (1978) argues that secularization is about religious institutions, and not Christianity itself. Lyon (1999, p. 22) tells us that ‘Such discourses of self, the body and human rights are still informed by religious ideas which may thus continue to play a part in creating the individual “private” subjects who must collude with the overall patterns of domination of today’s society.’ Bauman (1992) explains that Lyon sees religion’s attraction in its claims to have expertise in moral values. Giddens interprets the rise of fundamentalism as a reaction against nihilism, although religion is multi-faceted. Evangelical Christianity has been remarkably adaptable. In fact, religion could be both a set of resources on which people draw, and provide a base for sociological analysis. Lyon considers that a clear acknowledgement of faith orientation would make for more open and honest scholarship. Postmodernity offers new prospects for the sociology of religion. Lyon concludes, ‘This entails a new reflexivity regarding the religious roots of different forms of theory and method and thus an awareness that differences are inevitable between alternative faith perspectives. This seems far better than a bland and specious tolerance that keeps its head


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firmly in the sand.’ Thus in the sociology of religion, and in society, faith has not disappeared but has simply reappeared in new forms.

Sociology and reflexivity ‘For in order to do sociology, we need to feel sufficiently confident about our own places in the world and sufficiently detached to view the familiar as though it were exotic, or at least contingent’ states Beilharz (2001, p. 2). And Bauman comments again in Bauman (2001, p. 28) on the current role of sociology: ‘Sociology offers an informed, wise, enlightened commentary on current experience – a commentary which is fed back into this experience and therefore makes it richer while widening horizons.’ Bauman recounts the origins of sociology in modernity, which dealt in the themes of obedience and conformity; to date the focus is on self-awareness, understanding and responsibility. Sociology is there to diagnose societies’ illnesses and to question. Bauman says, on writing sociology (2000, p. 215): Doing sociology and writing sociology is aimed at disclosing the possibility of living together differently, with less misery or no misery: the possibility daily withheld, overlooked or unbelieved. Not-seeking and thereby suppressing this possibility is itself part of human misery and a major factor in its perpetuation … There is no choice between ‘engaged’ and neutral ways of doing sociology. A non-committal sociology is an impossibility. Seeking a morally neutral stance among the many brands of sociology practised today, brands stretching all the way from the outspokenly libertarian to the staunchly communitarian, would be a vain effort. Sociologists may deny or forget the ‘world-view’ effects of their work, and the impact of that view on human singular or joint actions, only at the expense of forfeiting that responsibility of choice which every other human being faces daily. The job of sociology is to see that the choices are genuinely free, and that they remain increasingly so for the duration of humanity. In this chapter we have reviewed concepts of identity in a postmodern environment, in which the identity of the individual is defined by interaction with others, as the person is faced with a society that is changing constantly and in which a search for identity and a sense of collective belonging becomes increasingly important. We live in a ‘global village’, but the realities of birth, illness and death are still with us, and people continue to search for meaning and belonging. Presbyterians in Ireland are part of a global society in which the search for identity, community,

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meaning and belonging exist alongside the development of a biblical faith that is culturally engaged. Within the discipline of sociology, debates have taken place in the context of postmodernity that have resulted in a reassessment and rediscovery of the role and value of religion in the theoretical debate. The concept of reflexivity has helped to make it possible for researchers to be honest about their own religious standpoints. This leaves the reader with a biography and a philosophical position in which to locate and analyse the account set before them. In the next chapter we take as a starting point the biographies of Presbyterian ministers in the study, and their ‘oppositional other’.

3 Personal Identity

Identity means standing out: being different, and through that difference unique – and so the search for identity cannot but divide and separate (Bauman, 2001, p. 16). This chapter explores the life history of a selection of ministers, in relation to the Church and to their personal life. Biography is an important element in this study, as it places respondents’ views in a personal, social and historical context. It also addresses their identities in terms of their perception of evangelical or liberal outlooks on Christianity. Other aspects described include perceptions of Presbyterian identity by themselves and others, and its meaning to the individual. It starts with a contrasting interview, from the point of view of the ‘other’, with an interview with Sinn Fein councillor, Eoin O’Broin. This is included as a kind of oppositional identity, representing a polar experience contrasting with the lives of my respondents. The chapter then goes on to describe biography in relation to personal history, as exemplified by Hugo Hamilton. Finally, it describes the views of some of the individual Presbyterians who took part in this study on popular perceptions of Presbyterians.

Eoin O’ Broin What are your views on flags in Church? My nephew was christened in St Joseph’s Church in Dublin. It was my first time in a Protestant church. Anglican churches are like Catholic churches. I was surprised to see flags and commemorative plaques to the war dead. There is no political iconography in Catholic churches. First and Second World War commemoration is part of their Protestant identity. 17

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Church buildings are the property of the institution. There are three Protestant churches in my constituency. If those had Union Jacks displayed on the exterior of the church here there might be a problem. There would be a problem with ecumenical services. There was been a recent debate in the Irish Times about the representativeness of the tricolour: Should Ireland have a new national flag? There is what the flag represents, and it does represent nationalists and unionists coming together. It was a revolutionary flag, like the French flag. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the Presbyterians were revolutionaries. The flag is meant to be about reconciliation. I don’t see a legitimate argument for change. What are your views on the Orange Order? The Orange Order has developed and changed. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the Orange Order takes on a more sectarian and overt role. At the foundation of the Northern State it was institutionalized. The Orange Order was an informal network for facilitating power and patronage. The Orange Order acted like bricks and mortar, it bound classes, the upper, middle and working class, and urban and rural. It gave a sense of belonging. The membership is on the decrease; now and control is in the hands of negative unionism. Do you think the Twelfth of July should be turned into a community festival? It could be a cultural festival. There are those who want to remove the sectarian element; that is a good thing. Protestantism is a broad church. Protestants on the island may want an organization that can bring them together in a cultural/ communitarian sense. It should be separate from state politics, like the Hibernians (they do their thing and no one bothers much; maybe it will eventually become like that). I can imagine parades happening when it is not contentious. It will be a long time. There are 2,500 parades, and the percentage of marches that are contentious are less than 5 per cent. The feeder parades are the most contentious. The Apprentice Boys have settled the problem in Derry. I could not see nationalists attending for a long time. Do you think Protestants/Presbyterians get a fair deal in the North? Absolutely. Protestants aren’t a minority. I am not saying that there are those who are not getting a good deal: ethnic minorities, women,

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working classes, lesbians, gay men. The people of the Shankhill have problems. The problems are from the Protestant middle classes. Do you think Protestants/Presbyterians get a fair deal in the South? I don’t believe that there is institutional discrimination. Politicians have deliberately promoted this for political expediency. Catholic men are 2.5 times more likely to be unemployed in the North. What are your views on the Irish language? I am a poor speaker, I don’t use it. Do you think Irish should be required for government and educational jobs and for the Gardai? In my personal view it was a mistake that the Irish state used it in a symbolic way rather than as a living language. It could have been developed in ways that are more meaningful. What is your view on Ulster Scots? The Ulster Scots movement tries to present it as a language. Newton Emerson writes as a Protestant in the Portadown News. He wanted no part of it. It imposes a narrow identity. If people speak it I believe it should be funded. The size of community ought to determine the funding. There are 11,000 Irish-speaking people in the City of Belfast. What do you understand to be Protestant objections to a United Ireland? How, to Republicans, remain Irish yet respect our ideal of Britishness? There are many Unionists who deeply fear cultural equality. It challenges something for them: it challenges the supremacy of their British identity. They have to share a piece of the world. It represents material realities. What are your views on premarital sex? My own view; I am not married and I have no ethical objection. You shouldn’t judge others. What I dislike about religion in a general sense is that – groups judging others by your own standards. Churches and religious groups give spurious reasons to exclude lesbians and gay men.

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What are your views on abortion? I am pro-choice. Positively pro-choice; that is a personal view. Did you engage in an anti-abortion campaign in the South? No, the Party position is abortion when there is a threat to the life or health of the mother. There should be no restriction on the right to travel or the right to information. In the Party there is a small prochoice lobby and a small anti-choice lobby; the rest are somewhere in between. How many people do you have in your PR department? There are two in Belfast and four or five in Dublin. Some more do part-time for press releases, so in total about ten or fifteen, including both full- and part-time. What are your views on gambling? I don’t gamble. I have no ethical concerns. I have social concerns. It is addictive, and preys on the most vulnerable. It exploits children and the working class community. Do you see Presbyterians as unionist? I know some who are apolitical and some socialist, but most are unionist. Presbyterians have a strongly radical tradition. There is a degree of democracy. However, Irish unionists have supported some of the most anti-democratic institutional forms. Presbyterians become attached to the monarchy. What do you think of the Presbyterian Church’s stance on the political situation? I have a natural disinclination to listen to religious leaders. There is a lack of manoeuvrability with religious leaders and their congregations. There is a good relationship with political parties. Protestants behaved disgracefully regarding Holy Cross. The Catholic Church behaved badly too. Have the United Irishmen been idealized? Can Presbyterianism and Republicanism go together?

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In a book on Republicanism in Ireland and Britain by Chris Hill, The World Turned Upside Down, this is discussed. Presbyterianism was radical. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Presbyterianism and unionism became inextricably linked. What are your views on integrated education? We should have a new integrated state system. There are divisions of gender and class. The biggest division is class. There should be a shared syllabus. Religion should be outside hours. Religious groups should not control schools. Martin McGuinness accepted the school system but wanted a system of evolution, and radical change. What are your views on our European identity? There is no European identity. It is a political identity. It is a veneer for integration. There is the broad sweep ‘Christian ethos’ in most European identities. What does being Irish mean to you? I am Irish. Irish is anyone born on the island of Ireland or who chooses to live there. Identities are always plural and complex. Irish identity was different in the nineteenth century from what it is now. How do you see Britishness? I do not feel British in any way. There is no British identity. There are English, Scots and Welsh identities, and there are Black and Asian British identities. Before partition there was no distinction in being Irish and supporting the Queen. Arthur Aughey says there is no British cultural identity. There is uncertainty. It is very difficult to have a cultural identity that is solid. Unionism had to have an ‘other’ to stabilize its identity against. How do you see the future of Ireland? The Agreement will open opportunities and create trust. We will work together just like we all do now.

Hugo Hamilton biography Place is of particular importance within Ireland and this study, will be discussed where appropriate, and is included in the life histories.

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Hugo Hamilton, a writer with a German mother and an Irish father, discusses the problems of identity in his novel The Speckled People (Hamilton, 2003, p.18). He says: When you are small you can inherit a secret without even knowing what it is. You can be trapped in the same film as your mother, because certain things are passed on to you that you are not even aware of, not just a smile or a voice, but unspoken things, too, that you can’t understand until later when you grow up. Maybe it’s there in my eyes for all to see, the same as it is in my mother’s eyes. Maybe it’s hidden in my voice, or in the shape of my hands. Maybe it’s something you carry with you like a precious object you’re told not to lose. ‘That film is still running when we grow up,’ he says. In relation to his father, Hamilton (2003, p. 37) says: There are things you inherit from your father, too, not just a forehead or a smile or a limp, but other things like sadness and hunger and hurt. You can inherit memories you would rather forget. Things that can be passed on to you as a child, like helpless anger. It’s all there in your voice, like it is in your father’s voice, as if you were born with a stone in your hand. When I grow up I’ll run away from my story too. I have things I want to forget, so I’ll change my name and never come back. Hamilton (2003, p. 282) eventually comes to terms with his rich identity telling us that his uncle, a priest, says you need to identify with the underdog: He said you have to be on the side of the losers. The people with the bad lungs. You have to be with those who are homesick and can’t breathe very well in Ireland. He said it makes no sense to hold a stone in your hand. A lot more people would be homeless if you speak the killer language. He said Ireland has more than one story. We are the German–Irish story. We are the English Irish story too. My Father has one soft foot and one hard foot, one good ear and one bad ear, and we have one Irish foot and one German foot and a right arm in English. We are the brack children. Brack, homemade Irish bread with German raisins. We are the brack people and we don’t have just one briefcase. We don’t just have one language and one history. We sleep in German and we dream in Irish. We laugh in Irish and we cry in German. We are silent in German and speak in English. We are the speckled people.

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Hamilton (2003, p. 295) concludes: When you are small you know nothing … I can hear the bells and I’m not afraid any more of being German or Irish, or anywhere in between. Maybe your country is only a place you make up in your own mind. Something you dream about and sing about. Maybe it’s not a place on the map at all, but just a story full of people you meet and places you visit, full of books and films you’ve been to. I am not afraid of being homesick and having no language to live in. I don’t have to be like anyone else. I’m walking along the wall and no-one can stop me. Many Presbyterians inherit an identity from their forebears and are left to choose whether to accept or reject that identity. In recent decades, the religious tradition of the Free Presbyterian Church has been an issue, as a number of Presbyterians left their Church to join this one (them). This problem of identity and belonging was addressed by a Presbyterian minister. On Sunday 29 August 1976, Rev Alistair Kennedy published a sermon entitled: ‘Why I have never left the Presbyterian Church in Ireland.’ Kennedy (1976) begins by explaining that he is speaking on this subject because of the anti-Presbyterian propaganda that is abroad in the Province. He makes five points: Firstly, the Church to which I belong is founded on and is agreeable to the word of God. Secondly, the Scriptures teach me that no Church on earth is absolutely pure. Thirdly, the Presbyterian Church has always been big enough to say that we are not the only Christians, and that we believe it is our duty to give fellowship to all our fellow believers. Fourthly, is that it is a free church, and within it I am free. Fifthly, do people who leave their own church and join separatist groups become either better Christians or finer people to know? In conclusion he says that there are many faults in the church but there are many people dedicated to Christ and who are living genuine Christianity and ‘A Church, as I understand the New Testament, is to be a fellowship where men and women will grow in grace, in love, and in all Christian truth – not grow bitterer, harder, narrower, more suspicious of everyone, and more up-tight about everything. Rev Miller, in the Christian Irishman, explains ‘Why Am I a Presbyterian?’: Because although we should live in unity with others, the members of a denomination should, believe in it, love it, work for it. Many are Presbyterian because of early influences and this is good as it bears

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witness to the faithfulness of those who have gone before. Doctrinally we believe in the centrality of Scripture, the existence of God, the unity of God, the Trinity, the plan of God the doctrine of creation, of divine providence, of the fall of sin and its punishment, of the freedom of the human will, of the person of Christ, of the personality of the Holy Ghost, of salvation through a divine Redeemer, of the resurrection of the dead, of the judgment, and of the supremacy of the word of God as the only inspired and infallible rule of faith. We are Calvinists because of our form of Church government and the centrality of the sovereignty of God. Presbyterian Church government is consistent with the early principles of Christianity. It truly is democratic and represents the people.

Brief portraits of other interviewees This section offers brief portraits of a selection of the people I interviewed. Rev Dr Trevor Morrow is a minister in his forties based in the Dublin surburb of Lucan. He has served for a year as Moderator of the Church. Trevor had a classic evangelical upbringing. He says: My parents were devoted Christians. I had involvement with other Christians. We belonged to the same sub-culture. My life had the pattern of hyperactivity. There was Sunday school in the afternoon. My mother taught. It was Methodist. There was the inter-denominational post-church meeting. We belonged to the conservative wing of the Presbyterian Church. Lisburn was increasingly conservative. It was anti-Catholic and anti-ecumenist. This was true of the social as well as theological perspective. I went to Friends school in Lisburn. I had a purely ‘memorial understanding of communion’, although I was a communicant member. In later years at school I was chairman of the school debating society. That was when I began to see that God had given me gifts and I wanted to use them in the ministry. It was natural to go to the Presbyterian college. I attended Magee College and had a rediscovery of identity. He describes himself as very orthodox, into the whole package of reformed theology, but there was a broadening of his views when he met Carys, a Welsh Presbyterian from Cardiff, whom he subsequently married: I went to Trinity, Dublin. Scotland was the next stage. There I saw Gaelic-speaking nationalists who were Calvinist, and there I also

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developed a strong social awareness. I went to America’s Westminster Seminary. I did some doctoral research. During my studies I had a crisis of faith, but I realized that theology is a means to an end, not an end in itself. I appreciated the incomprehensibility of God. God became more wonderful than everything I could express. Trevor ministers in the South. Perhaps he felt ill-prepared? He explains: I was never taught Irish history. Since ministry in Dublin, Irishness has become part of my life. As for the characteristics of Presbyterians in the Republic, we were at times seen as anti-Catholic, Orange, followers of Ian Paisley. Some people think we represent ‘everything that is against them’. Others rightly saw three groups; namely, Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter. There is also a fourth category, the business community; they think of the work ethic and fiscal integrity, such as the Ulster Bank. There is the memory of a radical dissenting tradition. Trevor describes what the denomination means to him: To be Presbyterian is to be part of the movement for reform. We are the children of the Reformation. The Reformers wanted to reform the Church. The movement is an integral unit. We must not separate ourselves from Patrick. Presbyterians are reformed Catholics. The Reformation of the whole Church is the aim. In Lucan, the minority are Presbyterians in background. Our members are in a leadership struggle with the package. They are not part of the Ulster Scots plantation, they are Celts. They grapple with what it means to be a reformed Catholic. Rev John Woodside, aged 59, has ministered for many years in the South. He describes his background: After a career in teaching and agricultural research, I ministered for eighteen years in Kilkenny and after a short ministry of eighteen months in Portrush returned to the Republic in 2002 to minister in Drogheda. Brought up in Larne; influenced by the faith of my parents and Christian leaders in church and university, came to Christian commitment while a student at QUB Belfast. After assistantship in Belfast, called to small Home mission congregation in Kilkenny in 1984 at a

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time when many small churches in the South were on their last legs. Ireland was undergoing a major economic and spiritual change in the wake of Vatican II and the emergence of the charismatic movement. The congregation had a small but enthusiastic nucleus, most of whom came from non-Presbyterian backgrounds. I was joined a year later by an Irish Mission worker, Billy Patterson. The church began to draw people from different backgrounds, mainly Roman Catholic. In 1992, a new church building was constructed to accommodate the growing congregation. As for his theological position: I share a bond of fellowship with evangelicals; that is, those committed to the Gospel message over and above denominational allegiance. I am comfortable with the Presbyterian form of church life, and grateful for its form of church government and commitment to the centrality of scripture. He outlines Presbyterian identity in the South: The experience in Kilkenny reflects the fact that Presbyterians in the South are no longer an Ulster Scots remnant but local people drawn from many cultural and religious backgrounds who choose to worship in a Presbyterian church because of its commitment to the Gospel. This is more evident at the present time [2005] as foreign nationals from many nations settle in Ireland. In the Presbyterian church in Drogheda, people of more than fifteen nationalities worship together; the only common bond is the Gospel. They include people from Buddhist, Muslim and Communist backgrounds as well as many Christian denominations. Seymour Crawford TD (Member of Irish Parliament) told me he was a Presbyterian because ‘I was born into it’. As to its meaning, he states it is: ‘The importance of living the Christian life based on the Presbyterian tradition.’ In discussing Presbyterian characteristics, he says: ‘Simple form of worship, strong adherence to church attendance and non-participation in Sunday activities unless where absolutely essential.’ Emma Lockett is 45 years old and from a border county in the North. Emma explains: People do perceive Presbyterian characteristics. Ian Paisley is an unfortunate thing. You have to make the distinction. Some see very

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little difference. It is one reason why Presbyterian numbers have gone down. Everyone knows someone who went there. There is an overtone of Orangeism, especially near Drumcree. It is not so much the Presbyterian bit as Protestantism in general that has a difficulty there. They are confused in the minds of the Catholic community. I would put the Christian element of it to the fore. Mrs Victoria Patterson is a 70-year-old retired primary school teacher from the South. She says: ‘Being Presbyterian means a lot to me. It means a lot, it is your faith. I do not think that you could live without it.’ Ron Semple is 48 years old. He is a tradesman and attends a church in County Antrim. Ron says: ‘I think Presbyterians are seen as dour and sour, solid and stoic. But being Presbyterian means the world to me. I came to faith in the Presbyterian Church. If it was not for the elders I would not be here. The Holy Spirit has a lot to do with it too.’ Samuel Bonnar is a 70-year-old entrepreneur, who is very forthright in his opinions. He is a member of the same County Antrim church as Ron Semple. He says: As for Presbyterian characteristics, I would say politically quite liberal. Both Catholics and Presbyterians had a problem with the established Church. They have taken communion in our church. There are mixed marriages and some conversions. As for me, I agree with the Presbyterian form of government, it is biblically based. Younger people are very footloose. My son would go to Pastor McConnell’s [Metropolitan church in Belfast]. The older eldership does not recognize what is going on. They don’t worry about the drink and drugs. Susan McBriar works in education. She is very involved in her County Antrim church: As for the characteristics of Presbyterians people see us as being safe, middle-of-the-road Unionist. The Baptists are more fundamentalist and evangelical. The Brethren are seen as really way out. The Methodists have a cloggy theology. Presbyterianism is a safe denomination. People would not be very ashamed. Two years ago I fellowshipped in a Catholic charismatic fellowship. We were frowned on by certain members. Something happened in the meeting, and we did not go back. Someone said to me ‘Before I knew you I thought that your church was scum.’ I invited him to Prayers for Healing. I was scared walking in, but I was wrong, I would like to be there more. This is bridge-building. People

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in bridge-building with the Roman Catholic faith. I still have good friends there. In our town you do not go down that road. We tried to hold Alpha but it was blocked by some. What does being Presbyterian mean to me? I don’t know if it means anything. If I am asked, I say Christian. If I moved to Belfast I would go where God put me. I am not dyed in the wool; although a relative is a Presbyterian minister and I have a lot of Presbyterian heritage. Mr Pollock is a 60-year-old retired civil servant who belongs to a County Down congregation: To me, being Presbyterian means it is all I have ever been. I have never thought of being anything else. I am an elder. There are no perfect churches. There are some things that I do not agree with. There is a broad umbrella. Yes, to me it has the value of being a consistent ministry, generally speaking. Heather Lindsay is 34 years old. She works and is also a Mother. She has been a member of her County Down congregation since childhood: I would say I am a good Presbyterian girl, straight-laced. In the nineteenth century Presbyterians were interesting people; they were connoisseurs of malt whiskey. I don’t think of us like that. We are moderates. Democracy is important, we have committees to help in doing things right. Our Church system is very democratic. The gospel is important in the Presbyterian Church. The Gospel and evangelicalism are important, and knowing the Bible. I am both evangelical and liberal. A bit of both. Evangelical in that as Presbyterians we preach the Gospel, and are quite up-front about it, I believe in that. I am liberal, because I am not comfortable with evangelical displays. To me, being Presbyterian means having stability with my faith. It affects the way I worship. I have tried all sorts of other things and I do not feel that comfortable. I am not into an emotional display. My church is a family – the fellowship is like an extended family. Caroline Burns is a 34-year-old single mum who works part time: I see Presbyterians as being linked with the whole Orange Order thing. We are very set in our ways. I am against them. It is linked with political church in traditions and all that. For me being Presbyterian

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does not mean a lot. The traditions are not appealing. It should not be so rigid so that it clouds out what the Church is meant to be about. Church is meant to be about Gospel being preached and fellowship. I would be evangelical. The Gospel is for everyone, not tied to the denomination or culture. It needs to be presented as the Bible has put it. Andrea Spencer is in her twenties. She lives in the South. She comments: There is a perception that ‘with Presbyterians – you don’t hear coins, they are silent collectors. They have loads of money’. My friend is Pentecostal. There is not a whole pile of difference. We don’t worship Mary. Catholics are confused by denominational differences. To me, being Presbyterian means belonging to the Church. You feel part of a family. It is an identity. I would be quicker to choose it than any other. Free Presbyterians are very political. Presbyterians are seen as people in shirts and ties. They are very up in the world. They are not easygoing, very rigid. I am open, not a fundamentalist. I believe the only way to heaven is Christianity, not being good or going to church. You must ask God into your life. You have to live out your faith. There is a long life in growing. Neil Hardy is a 39-year-old professional who belongs to a Belfast congregation: I think Presbyterians are seen as serious, reverent, and compared to Catholics there are no pictures. Very basic and dour. To me, being Presbyterian means that the minister and the elders run the church. That is a good thing. The people and the congregation have a say on various committees. Although the style of worship is changing, with instruments now being used. Praise is important. I like the contrast; we are still very reserved. Dan Maynard is 46, has his own business, and is an elder in Dublin and Munster: ‘As for being Presbyterian, there is a big cringe factor. This is probably a misunderstanding. Presbyterian is minute here.’ Alison Morrison is a 17-year-old, grammar school student. She belongs to a rural County Down congregation. She perceives a negative identity: Presbyterians are seen as stern and strict, and very conservative. To me, being Presbyterian is something that I have never really thought about.

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It is a sense of identity. I belong to something. I would be more liberal than evangelical. For me, I think the whole idea of religion is that I think everybody is equal in the eyes of God. We should treat each other in the same way. It is the person that you are, the qualities of the way you live your life if you are essentially a good person. Mary Scott is a 46-year-old clerk who belongs to a Belfast congregation: I think of Presbyterian characteristics as strict, democratic and loyal. I would not really be a diehard. I would not look down on anyone who went anywhere else. I like the atmosphere and the way that things are done. Some Presbyterian churches I would not be happy with. I like the outlook of my own church. As for theology, I would not really be liberal, not really traditional, I would be evangelical. Charles Perry is a friendly man in his early sixties: To me, being Presbyterian means a form of Church government. There is the form of worship – which I like – it appeals to us. The Church is concerned with everyday matters. As for theology, I am liberal, not evangelical – that is very narrow. The problem I see in our Presbyterian church in the South is that we tend to get narrow ministers from Northern Ireland. There is something wrong with the quality of person. They are lacking in basic manners. In conclusion, identity and belonging are part of a rich tapestry of being born into a particular place and community. The biographies possess both similarities and differences regarding the views of the ‘other’, as presented here by the interview with Eoin O’Broin. The image of Presbyterians is not always positive, but is realistic and balanced in evaluating the denomination and their place in it. In some cases, being Presbyterian is seen being as of fundamental importance, but in others of little importance. The portraits outlined in this chapter paint a broad picture of the background and theology of Presbyterians in this study. The biographical material is included to provide a rich backdrop to the political, social, ethical and religious questions, and to set them in context.

4 Presbyterian Identity: Structure, Form and Morality

In this chapter, aspects of identity are explored through portraits of John Calvin and John Knox, the founding fathers of Presbyterianism, with particular attention being paid to their values and ideals. A short historical examination of Irish Presbyterianism, with an emphasis on history since partition, is outlined. I include a description of Church structures, boards and government, and attitudes to minister’s dress and types of worship within the churches themselves. Finally, I briefly review attitudes to moral issues.

Presbyterianism, the founding fathers John Calvin (1509–64) is recognized as a founding father of Presbyterianism and has numerous biographers. Cottret (2000) manages to create a balanced portrait of him. McGrath (1990) focuses on the impact of his theology in relation to work, human rights, capitalism and culture. Personally, I recommend Bouwsma (1988), who paints a very human and sympathetic portrait of the man. This discussion is limited to a brief overview. Calvin was educated in Paris, studied law and was influenced deeply by humanistic thinking. Calvin has no central recognizable dogma, and this has led to some denying that he was a systematic theologian at all (Gerrish, 2000, p. 91). Key images are God and the fountain of good, and God the loving Father. The execution of Servetus has added support to a negative view of him, as Calvin was responsible for this: Servetus had denied the orthodox teaching on the Trinity, although the putting to death of heretics was common at that time. Calvin did not say anything new about election or predestination. In the classical Reformed tradition, Calvin and the model of his Church in Geneva are the strongest influences on worship. Calvin was a strong 31

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advocate of a weekly communion, but he was not supported in this. Calvin saw the Eucharist as a sign of the mystery of God’s grace. Calvin sets out his understanding of ‘the sacred Supper of Christ’ and what it brings to us in Calvin’s Institutes (2001), Book IV, pp. 17–19. He emphasized the corporate sharing in the Lord’s Supper and the importance of preparation for it. This was distinctively different from views of other Protestants. He names the two sacraments of the Reformed Church as Baptism and the Lord’s Supper. One common way of describing the basic doctrines of the Church is that Calvinist doctrine is commonly remembered by the use of the acronym TULIP, which stands for: T ⫽ Total depravity; U⫽ Unconditional election; L ⫽ Limited atonement; I ⫽ Irresistible Grace; and P ⫽ Perseverance of the saints. In his foreword to Steele et al. (1963), Roger Nicole states that while this scheme has been convenient, it has led to some misunderstandings. He suggests an alternative list might be useful in clearing up these points, as follows: • • • • •

Radical and pervasive depravity; Sovereign, divine election; Definite atonement (or particular redemption); Effectual, saving Grace; and Perseverance of God with the saints.

This list does not provide an acronym, but Nicole argues that it is really a way of describing Grace. Central Presbyterian beliefs are summarized by McKim (2003) under the headings of a revelation, trinity, creation, providence, humanity, sin, Christology, the Holy Spirit, election and predestination, salvation by Grace, the Church, the Christian life and the future Life. The doctrine of predestination is still a live debate in theology. The doctrine of Justification is also a live debate, as evidenced at the 2004 General Assembly. The Doctrine Committee has recently prepared documents on this subject. Calvin was convinced that the Word of God should be central in public worship. He abandoned the selected lectionary and followed the lectio continua system, McKee (2003, p. 17). Calvin emphasized, above all, the Word of God and the sacraments. The sacraments should be corporate.


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There are differences in emphasis in reformed worship varying according to geographical location. For example, the Korean Presbyterian Church has adapted to many challenges, both social and political. It has evolved a ‘minjung’ theology, meaning a ‘people who are politically oppressed’. This led to a movement to make worship relevant to the times and the context of the people; as Park (2003, p. 201) says, ‘Worship, like a mirror, reflects the faith and identity of the church.’ Calvin himself proclaimed this ideal. Christ did not prescribe how services should be conducted. Calvin (1960) says: Lastly because he taught nothing specifically, and because these things are not necessary to salvation, and for the upbuilding of the church ought to be variously accommodated to the customs of each nation and age, it will be fitting (as the advantage of the church will require) to change and abrogate traditional practices and establish new ones. Emotion is another issue, as Calvin would have been wary of feelings and concentrated more on the intellect. The Koreans have been able to integrate this into their worship more than Westerners as they put a greater value on feeling. Some Presbyterian churches in Ireland would be open to the gifts of the Spirit and have a charismatic influence in services. In a visual age, the use of images and art in worship is also under review. Wheeler (2003, p. 349) says that discussions held by the International Reformed Center John Knox in 1994 addressed this question. Calvin was against the misuse of images in worship and the visual representation of God, but he was not against art per se. The danger he saw was in worshipping the Created rather than the Creator. In the spirit of the Reformers, art should not be there as an end in itself but rather to direct the thoughts and attention of the worshipper to the worship of God, as the author of grace, beauty and truth. We now look at the life of John Knox who, via the Scottish Church, was a strong influence on Irish Presbyterians. John Knox (1513–72) was a Scottish reformer. He is famous for popularizing reformed ideas in Scotland. He gained notoriety by publishing in 1558 The First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstrous Regiment of Women, against Mary Tudor and Mary of Guise; it did not gain him popularity with Elizabeth I. He believed that subjects could resist their rulers, and that rulers had no right to impose their position on their subjects. He was seen as a political radical and promoted resistance against Catholic tyranny. According to Wormald (1987, p. 380), Knox was ordained as a priest in 1536. He preached his first sermon at St Andrews, containing a ferocious attack on the Papacy and the Pope, both of which he described as the

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anti-Christ. The French captured the castle where he was staying and he was imprisoned by them for two years in the Loire Valley. On his release, he returned to England and became a royal chaplain. By 1559 he was back in Scotland preaching in Perth. He was one of the author’s of The First Book of Discipline and was the minister of St Giles Church, Edinburgh. He was a fiery and convincing preacher. He wrote letters, pamphlets and sermons, and the impassioned History of the Reformation shows both his humanity and his lively and bold faith. Knox is now quite an unfashionable figure, and Mason (1998, p. 1) tells us: It is well over twenty years since the last substantial scholarly biography of Knox appeared and in so far as he retains any iconic status in the popular imagination of late twentieth century Scots, it is as a Puritan killjoy whose contribution to Scottish history was to confine its culture within a Calvinist strait-jacket from which it is now only beginning to escape. Irish Presbyterianism owes its origins to Scottish Presbyterians. Union College in Belfast has a sculpture of Knox above the front entrance.

A short summary of Presbyterian history – mainly from the twentieth century The Presbyterian Church was formed by ministers who came from Scotland to gain a greater religious freedom in Ireland, and came under the care of the Church of Ireland. The first Presbytery was formed on 10 June 1642 at Carrickfergus, by the Scottish Army, which came to put down the 1641 Rebellion. In the 1640s, Presbyterian principles were in the ascendancy. The Westminster divines were drawing up The Westminster Confession of Faith (Edinburgh 1647), which became the basic secondary document of Scottish and Irish Presbyterianism. Brooke (1994) tells the history of Irish Presbyterianism in the period 1610–1970. He argues that religion is a crucial element in the formation of identity. He concentrates on Presbyterians from the mid-seventeenth to mid-nineteenth centuries when he says (1994, p. 8): ‘they constituted almost a nation in their own right’. Interestingly, in his preface to the second edition (1994, p. 9) he says ‘when I wrote Ulster Presbyterianism, my interest was mainly political. Were I to re-write the book the order would be reversed. I now consider the problem of our relations with God to be immeasurably more interesting and more important for the future than any problem of politics.’ This book focuses on the present day, and primarily on the religious, political and cultural experience of Presbyterians


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today. Brooke hoped that, in reading his book, people would come to realize what a truly remarkable, and in many respects delightful, people the Ulster Presbyterians are’ (1994, p. 8). The nineteenth century could be characterized by saying that Presbyterians were still in the forefront of agitation for social and political change. Holmes (1985) has called the twentieth century one of challenge and change. The early 1900s saw the Ne Timere Decree (1908), in which the Protestant partner of a mixed marriage was required to promise to bring up any children of that marriage in the Catholic faith. Another significant event was the signing of the Ulster Covenant, pledging them to defend their rights to remain part of the United Kingdom. This was a reaction to fears of domination of the minority by a Catholic state. The First World War was, understandably, a major blow to the population, and many ministers served as chaplains in the war. There is a Book of Remembrance in Church House where the names of Presbyterians who died in the war are recorded. Partition was another political preoccupation of the Presbyterians, and there was a great loss in Southern membership at this time. On the partition question, the Church was not particularly in favour of it, but saw it as the lesser of two evils. The Presbyterians in the South were urged to give themselves loyally to their new country. Holmes (1985, p. 145) comments: With the situation there arose IRA violence, and sectarian problems together with major social and economic deprivation due to the post war depression. Catholic bishops were not keen to support the new Northern state were perceived of as wanting to destabilise the North. Monaghan Presbyterian Ernest Blythe finally persuaded the Southern government to be more supportive of the Southern minority. The new Northern state has been criticized widely as a ‘Protestant state’, although it was the part of the United Kingdom least suited to having a separate Parliament, recounts Brooke (1994, p. 165), because of the large minority. In fact, Brooke suggests it was not a ‘nation’ but rather a religious community. In fact, education became a key issue in the battle of religion and identity within the newly established Northern Ireland. The education system in Northern Ireland is a complicated one. The Ministry of Education divided schools into three classes, the first class being those funded by the state and fully controlled by local authorities. The second class comprised those who had half their costs paid by the state yet maintained a management committee made up of four representatives of the sponsoring body, one of whom was a Church representative, plus

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two state representatives. The third category was not aided by the state in provision capital or administration but these schools were allowed costs of heating and lighting. The state paid all teachers’ salaries. Lord Londonderry, the Minister for Education, wanted a secular system, seeing this as the solution to religious controversy. All religion was banned from the curriculum, and the Churches were not allowed to be represented on school committees. Presbyterian Rev Dr William Corkey led the opposition to this policy. The committee led by Corkey met in 1925, and in March of that year a meeting in the Assembly Hall was well attended. Such was the vehemence of the campaign that Craig gave in and the Bill was amended so that in future clergy could advise on the appointment of teachers, take a candidate’s religion into account and give ‘simple Bible instruction’ (Barton, 1992, p. 502). Roman Catholics were unhappy because, according to their canon law, biblical instruction should be assisted by the authoritive teaching of the Church. Holmes (1985, p. 150) adds that Corkey did not intend to discriminate, but these religious differences intensified feelings of grievance. In this period the Presbyterian Church grappled, as it has always done, with opposing theological factions within its ranks. This can be characterized by disputes between the fundamentalists and those of a more ‘liberal’ theological approach. This reached a climax with the trial of a theology professor for heresy. In the twentieth century, one of the most difficult periods was in the 1920s, when Professor Davy was tried before a Church court for heresy because of the alleged liberal theology inherent in his books and in his teaching at Union Theological College. Davy was tried in 1927 and acquitted. His accuser, Rev James Hunter of Knock, chose to leave the Presbyterian Church and formed the Irish Evangelical Church, later renamed the Presbyterian Evangelical Church. Ian Paisley, says Holmes (2000, p. 131), used this case as a reason for setting up the Free Presbyterian Church in 1951, which is outlined later in this book. Presbyterians signed the Ulster Covenant in 1912. In the 1920s, the Church had to face the issue of Partition, realized in the Government of Ireland Act of 1920. In the 1920s the numbers of Southern Presbyterians were reduced considerably by the war and the withdrawal of landlords. Some were forced to leave and others murdered, reports Holmes (1985, p. 146). Further: The successful campaign of Presbyterian and other Protestant churchmen for what they regarded as basic Christian education in Northern Ireland Schools – simple Bible instruction – made the schools unacceptable to Roman Catholic churchman. Men like William Corkey can be


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absolved of any intention to discriminate against Roman Catholics but they were clearly less sensitive to Roman Catholic convictions and feelings of grievance which intensified their hostility to partition (Holmes, 1985, p. 130) The 1940s saw the world at war, and a complete social upheaval. The War Damage Advisory Committee in 1942 reported that: The material damage to property of our Presbyterian Church resulting from the air raids of April and May, 1941, can now be summarized as seven Churches and seven Halls demolished; four Churches and five Halls very severely damaged; fourteen Churches and five Halls damaged but usable: thirteen manses demolished or damaged and a number of sextons’ houses – estimated in all by the Commission at approximately £200,000, to which requires to be added loss or damage to contents unascertained, but estimated at a further £50,000. War changed the Belfast landscape, and had traumatic and tragic outcomes for many. For some, however, it brought a sense of community and purpose that was never again to be felt so sharply. In 1941, if one walked from Castle Junction via Clifton Street up the Antrim Road via York Street or Duncairn Gardens, there would have been many Presbyterian churches. After the bombing, only Berry Street, Saint Enoch’s and Duncairn remained on, in the original sites. Although there was suffering and displacement caused by the war, the Church did its best to amalgamate congregations and move to new sites, which was better for the outreach of the Church as a whole. For many ministers, the stresses and strains of war and additional pressures took a toll on their health, but at the same time brought them close to their congregations, while others served as chaplains. The 1950s were characterized by readjustment after the war, and the rebuilding process. There was a greater materialism and a decline in attendance at Sunday services, particularly in the evening. After the war, Anderson (1965, p. 105) records the building of new churches in a Presbyterian population that was becoming increasingly urban. These included new churches such as Stormont, Ballyholme and Rosemary, and West Church, Bangor. The Presbyterian Church employed a chaplain at Queen’s in 1947, and opened a community centre in 1962. In the 1960s, the Troubles come to the fore with the emergence of the civil rights movement. In the social sphere, the Church showed its witness in provision for the elderly in opening Adelaide House (in 1950) and Corkey House (in 1964). Mission work had changed irreversibly after the war. The Church withdrew from Manchuria in 1949 and handed the

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Jewish Mission in Hamburg over to the Lutherans in 1961, although the work with Jews had effectively finished before the war. New missions were opened in Africa and Asia. The first woman minister, Rev Ruth Patterson, was ordained in 1976. Ecumenical debates were also prominent, the Church becoming unhappy with the ‘political’ aspects of liberation theology, suspended membership of the World Council of Churches in 1978, and withdrew from it in 1980. The 1970s and 1980s were periods of rapid change. The Church endeavoured to support peace initiatives throughout these decades, aiming to promote peace and dialogue but condemning and discouraging violence. The Assembly urged Presbyterians to work towards peace and reconciliation by legitimate political means, encouraged by the 1973 Assembly and the Sunningdale Agreement, and lamented the failure of the latter. The majority of Presbyterians wish to remain part of the United Kingdom, and the Anglo-Irish Agreement was debated. The Church was also supportive of the Belfast Agreement, although the response of rankand-file members has been divided; this will be illustrated in other parts of this book. The Church has continued to modernize, appointing various full-time staff to administrative and managerial roles in Church House, including the roles of clerk, deputy clerk and public relations officer. The Church has also embarked on other programmes such as ‘youth for peace’, the promotion of peace agents and youth ‘year teams’. In 1990, the Church held a special Assembly at Coleraine called ‘2020 Vision’, and called again for unity of purpose in peacemaking. In 2004, the Presbyterian Church in Ireland had more than 550 congregations. A conference was held in Summer 2004 entitled ‘Get a Life’ to envision and inspire Presbyterians for ministry in the twenty-first century. Issues at the forefront of postmodern Church life include continuing secularization, increased levels of stress on ministers and people, multiculturalism, racism, feminism and environmental issues. Presbyterians aim to witness to Christ within their own distinct tradition, yet also address the complex spiritual and ethical issues that confront people in Ireland today. The strong democratic tradition of the denomination is a factor that makes it attractive and adaptable in a pluralistic society. We explore in the next section the ideals of Church structure and government that have been important parts of the Presbyterian way.

A description of Church structures, boards and government The Church is governed by the General Assembly, which meets annually. Every minister is a member, and each congregation sends a ruling


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elder. In addition, there are women’s and youth representatives who may debate but have no vote. About two-thirds of the theoretical 1,300 delegates attend in June each year in Belfast. The Assembly is the decision- and policy-making body of the Church. Resolutions are presented to the Assembly by the Boards, who then vote on them. The Moderator acts as a chairperson, keeping order and presiding over correct procedure, assisted by the clerk and deputy clerk. The work of the Church is divided into various working parties known as Boards and Agencies, which are directed by and answerable to the General Assembly. The Boards have full-time administrative staff, ministers and lay representatives. A full description can be obtained from Church House in Belfast (see Appendix 2 on page 222). Presbyterian is a term that describes the form of Church government. In New Testament Greek, the word presbuteros is used, which translates to ‘presbyter’ or elder. The Presbyterian form of government follows the teachings of the first Christians. Every congregation has a Kirk Session, which is voted in by Church members, and the minister is the ‘teaching elder’. The Session deals with spiritual matters, and the congregational committee deals with practical ones. The next court of the church is the Presbytery. A Presbytery is usually about twenty congregations and each is represented by one minister and one elder. A synod is a group of four or five presbyteries. These synods are now being phased out. The final governing body is the General Assembly. As noted in the Introduction, the symbol of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland is the burning bush, with the Latin motto Ardens sed Virens meaning ‘burning but living.’ This story is told in the Scriptures in Exodus 3.2 when God spoke to Moses from a bush that was burning but it remained alive. The Presbyterian Church is to be on fire for God in matters of faith. The motto of the Church of Scotland is similar, but with a slightly different emphasis Nec tamen consumebatur, which translates as ‘burning but not consumed’.

Presbyterian worship and ministers’ dress Worship is defined in the Westminister Dictionary of Theological Terms as: ‘From the Old English weorth-scipe (worth-ship). The service of praise, adoration, thanksgiving, and petition directed toward God through actions and attitudes. Christian worship is Trinitarian in form as praise is offered to God through Jesus Christ by the power of the Holy Spirit.’ In Calvin’s ordering of worship, the character of reformed liturgy could be summarized as preaching, prayers, Eucharist and offering, according

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to Hillerbrand (1996, p. 222). Reformed worship is given for the glory of God, and emphasizes the sovereignty of God. God has acted on our behalf and we respond to His goodness. It is ‘objective’, in contrast to a transactional sacrifice (ibid. p. 220). Medieval worship had become an office to secure God’s mercy, not an awareness of religious experience. Instead, this is a response of praise and thanksgiving. The minister is responsible for the service, but members of the congregation may be asked to take part. The service has three parts: Approach to God Call to worship Praise and prayer of Adoration and Confession Word of God Readings from Old and New Testament Sermon Response to the Word Praise Prayer of Intercession Offering Prayer of Thanksgiving. A typical service would proceed as follows: Call to worship: Scripture sentences Psalm or hymn of Adoration, prayer of Adoration and Confession Old Testament reading Hymn Prayer of Intercession which may include the Lord’s Prayer Anthem Offering Prayer of Thanksgiving Hymn Sermon Benediction: Dismissal with God’s Blessing. Rice and Huffstutler (2001, p. 6) give six characteristics of Reformed worship. Firstly, there is a focus on community. People in the Reformed tradition are covenanted together, and are responsible to one another in worship. Second, the involvement of the people: the people are to enter into the worship by singing and responses, and people would also take notes during the sermon. Third, simplicity in worship, in that Reformed


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worship is focused on the Word. Fourth, the combination of Word and Sacrament; the Word is the focus rather than ornate and distracting ornamentation. Many Reformed churches are simple and plain in design, to prevent the distraction of the mind from worship. John Knox began the practice of reading both an Old and a New Testament passage, which is a common practice among Scottish Presbyterians. The Presbyterian minister is the minister of Word and Sacrament, thus showing their importance. Restoring the balance of Word and Sacrament is important (ibid., p. 7). Fifth, there is the importance of the Psalms. Early Reformed Protestants made this an essential part of every service. Psalms may be used in both private and public worship; many people know the Psalms by heart and are able to draw upon them in times of trouble. Sixth, there is the principle of adaptability: the motto of the Reformers being Ecclesia reformata semper reformanda. The tradition has prove itself to be adaptable to many different cultures and to social change. Crawley (2001) identifies worship as one of the most contentious areas of church life. He says worship should be at the centre of church life, as should the outworking of faith in love. The two core values of worship and love are intertwined; those who worship are able to give. Worship is worthy only to the extent that the community is able to practise authentic ‘sacrificial love’. In the contemporary situation, Presbyterian services are commonly called hymn–prayer sandwiches. In Presbyterian churches today there are often debates within congregations about styles and choices of music in worship. Hamilton and Welch (2000, p. 22) observe: Other research seems to suggest that ‘cultural relevance’ does not necessarily dictate a particular (lively or informal) style of worship. Of those respondents who left the church after the age of 20, almost as many did so complaining that the worship was ‘too informal’ as did so complaining that the worship was too formal. Of more significance in terms of worship was the authenticity of worship experience – that is the sense of reality and meeting with God. One in four respondents over the age of 20 attributed their church leaving to the experience that there was too little sense of God in the worship. Hamilton and Welch go on to say that cultural relevance was in fact more related to teaching: 40 per cent of their respondents had left because the church failed to connect with the rest of their life. Irish Presbyterians are generally not liturgically minded. In 1923, a Book for Public Worship was published without the authority of the Assembly; in 1942 there was an Official Book of Public Worship issued, and in 1965 a

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more widely used Book of Public Worship issued by a Committee convened by John Barkley. As Holmes (1985, p. 155) adds, it was not without criticism and controversy. There have been letters in the Presbyterian Herald complaining about the lack of metrical Psalms, and their relevance in worship. There have always been controversies concerning styles of worship: in the 1860s people were debating whether it was right to have instrumental music, as Tosh (1990, p. 140) discusses. The Irish Presbyterian hymn book was launched in September 2004 at the Waterfront Hall. The Presbyterian Herald (October 2004, p. 24) reported: Within its plum coloured covers The Irish Presbyterian Hymn Book contains the 150 psalms and 66 Paraphrases of the Irish Psalter and 669 hymns and songs, including such loved hymns as ‘What a friend we have in Jesus’ and ‘O worship the king, All glorious above’ through to new and widely sung hymns like ‘In Christ alone my hope’ is found. The Hymnal Committee faced the tensions of the dilemmas of traditional music versus the contemporary. They appeared to have got the balance right and there were many positive comments about the hymn book. The Belfast Newsletter on 27 November 2004 reports that the new hymn book has been a great success. The original order was sold out within a few weeks, and to date forty congregations have decided to use the new book. The General Assembly has no official policy on minister’s dress; it is left to the discretion of the individual. If the minister chooses to wear clerical dress, this will be vestments that were simplified at the time of the Reformation. The minister wore a preaching gown as a greater emphasis grew on preaching and teaching than on the person. The minister wore a cassock – a black ankle-length tunic; a gown – black and ankle-length, known as a Geneva gown; an academic hood from the university where he studied; a clerical collar band with two white strips from the clerical collar symbolizing the gift of preaching, and a cincture – a belt – which some clergy wear round the cassock. On ministers’ dress, many people and ministers continue to see some value in ministers wearing robes for ceremonial functions at least, such as weddings and funerals. Others feel that ministerial dress is outdated and they would prefer less formality. On issues of morality, Presbyterians are viewed as being conservative. This study included questions on attitudes to premarital sex, gambling and abortion.


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Presbyterians and Premarital sex Bamford and McCullough (1990, p. 54) records that over 80 per cent agree or strongly agree that it is wrong to have sex before marriage, and there would appear to be an age factor, with older people being more disapproving. In the essays in response to these findings, Brackenridge (1994, p. 32) tells us that: We are told that 94% of Presbyterians believe that regular church activities and church life helps prepare children for adult life, 24% more than the rest of the population … In 1990 28.7% of live births in Northern Ireland were registered outside marriage (and the average for the European Union was 17.1% in 1989). The overall marriage ages are rising, divorce is on the increase as is co-habitation. The Family Policies Studies at the end of 1990 indicated that 50% of teenage girls have had sexual intercourse before the age of 16. Presbyterians generally believe that sex before marriage is wrong, that sex should be special, and that the Church has a responsibility to teach the Commandments and support family values. Ministers have to grapple with these issues in their pastoral ministries, as many couples now live together before marriage. Should they just marry them? Or ask them to separate for a time before marrying? These are typical questions that ministers face. They struggle with questions of adherence to a Christian morality in a postmodern environment of relative values. While setting up marriage as an ideal, part of a Christian lifestyle, many wish to set values of faithfulness, commitment and forgiveness, and a restorative wholeness within a Christlike model of hating the sin but loving the person.

Presbyterians and gambling In the Presbyterian Code, Section II, 37 under the title ‘Duties and Rights of the Kirk Session’, gambling issues are discussed. ‘The Kirk Session shall (e) refuse to sanction the holding of a bazaar, sale of work, or any kind for the purpose of raising funds for religious or philanthropic objects until the promoters have undertaken that no money shall be raised by means of balloting, raffling or lottery tickets.’ Bamford and McCullough (1990, p. 63) found that about 80 per cent of Presbyterians believe that it is wrong to gamble. Catholics were found to be much more tolerant, finding it difficult to support the statement that Christians should not gamble. Perhaps many Presbyterians would agree

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with a well-known statement by Albert Einstein, quoted to me by an economist: ‘God does not play dice with the universe.’ McKay (1997), a Reformed Presbyterian, has written an anti-gambling leaflet citing biblical reasons for prohibiting gambling in all its forms, including the National Lottery. First, he states that God should be at the centre of a person’s life, and that God is Sovereign, in that everything works out in accordance with His will, there is no room for chance with God. He gives two scenarios for the Christian gambler: first that a belief in chance is rejecting a vital part of God’s character, namely His Sovereignty; or, second, that God is in control (as in casting lots in Proverbs 16.33) and is cashing in on this for personal advantage. This is not Christian behaviour. McKay then moves to the topic of possessions. People are meant to work for their living (Genesis 2.5), and gambling is a shortcut. Gambling can been seen as a form of stealing, as it is an attempt to gain something at another’s expense. Gambling can be fed by a desire to get more, namely a covetous spirit. Giving is meant to be channelled though tithing, not the Lottery. Only small proportion of the money spent on the lottery reaches those in real need. Our view of others is central to Christian witness, and gambling uses the other as a means of self-enrichment. The Lottery tends to appeal to those who can least afford it. Christians are meant to uphold the cause of the poor and oppressed. McKay says that Christians, should expose the harmful affects of gambling and oppose the provision of more outlets for gambling, such as more frequent lottery draws and scratch cards. Blaszczynski (1998), in his introduction to a self-help book, states that gambling can lead to many social and psychological problems including depression, anxiety, and drug and alcohol abuse; interfere with the ability to do work or hold down a job; lead to marital friction or impel the gambler to carry out crimes to support his/her habit. The craving to gamble is as strong as the craving of an alcoholic or drug addict. These topics of motivation, the nature of gambling and the morality of gambling are mentioned by both people and ministers, and the views of people and ministers are similar. Presbyterians in general are actively opposed to gambling.

Presbyterians and abortion Bamford and Mc Cullough (1990, p. 60) ask the question whether abortion should only be available under very exceptional circumstances – for example in cases of rape or profound handicap, for example. The majority of both groups (Presbyterians and others) are in favour of this, with


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around 75 per cent of Presbyterians and 65 per cent of others being in favour. Interestingly, Presbyterian women were more likely to agree. In Northern Ireland there is a strong pro-life group in both Catholic and Protestant religious traditions. Presbyterians are generally opposed to abortion on principle; however, many were not judgemental and attempted to think through how they would react if they or their loved ones found themselves in a vulnerable position. People were sympathetic towards those who had been raped or were expecting a baby with a handicap. A number of respondents have careers in, or are retired from, medical practice. There appear to be no North/South divisions of opinion, nor is there an urban/rural one. Worship remains very important to Presbyterians, and while there has been much change in recent times, there have also been conflicts between the wishes of older traditionalists and younger people’s needs. John Knox was inspired by the life and ministry of John Calvin, and their views on worship took root in Ireland when Scottish Presbyterians settled in the North. Presbyterians have sometimes been seen as having a ‘precarious belonging’, with their different approach to Church government and worship being a part of the differences with others. Repentance and peace-making have been placed centrally on the Church’s agenda, and the Church and Government Committee’s statements have sought to promote these principles in political life in Northern Ireland. On the question of forms of worship and ministers’ dress, the Church wishes to allow for individual freedom and social change, and yet maintain the spirit and reforming fervour of the founding fathers of the denomination. On the question of premarital sex, both people and ministers are generally against this, but a minority said they had been in this position themselves, or had close relatives who were cohabiting. Ministers face this issue increasingly in their pastoral ministries. Some take a hard-line approach and ask couples to separate before ministers agree to marry them, but most are keen to just marry them. Gambling is generally frowned upon by Presbyterians in both the North and the South, and the majority of ministers agree with and adhere to the guidelines of the Church. In general, the majority of people were not judgemental in their attitudes and genuinely tried to put themselves in the position of the other person. This was particularly true in the case of abortion. Presbyterians were by and large opposed to it, but were understanding and not dogmatic with regard to handicap and rape. Presbyterian morality would appear to be conservative in general, with ministers and individuals, from both North and South, showing uniformity with regard to morality.

5 Presbyterians and Politics in Northern Ireland

Presbyterianism has been aptly described by Erskine (1998, p. 63) in this way: Presbyterianism though radical in its origins and many of its structures – and once perceived to be a social and political threat, with its dangerous ideas of democracy, accountability and egalitarianism – is often considered today to be both socially and politically conservative. Indeed it may well be the experience of the twentieth century in Northern Ireland has developed attitudes which are defensive and in marked contrast to those of previous centuries. In this chapter we examine the relationship between Presbyterians and politics in Ireland in a historical context, the attitudes of Presbyterians to the Orange Order, the use of flags in church services, the Statements of the Church on the Northern Ireland situation, and Presbyterian perceptions of prejudice.

Presbyterians and political identity Boal et al. (1996) confirmed the perception common at that time, that Presbyterians are mainly Unionist – 55 per cent Ulster Unionist, 30 percent Alliance, plus a small percentage of DUP supporters. Denomination makes little difference to national identity and constitutional preference. Morrow (2004) found that three-quarters of the people he questioned would describe themselves as Unionist, and about 20 per cent as neither. The Church has been involved in political matters from its earliest days. Presbyterians hold dear the values of democracy, freedom and moral rectitude. Presbyterians suffered from the restrictive and debilitating Penal Laws as much as did the Catholic population. Dunlop (1995, p. 136) 46


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quotes Peter Berger and Richard Neuhaus (1995 [1977], p. 30), who maintain that the Church is a primary agent for transmitting values, and in its absence it is not that society is left without values but rather that the state has an unchallenged monopoly on the generation and maintenance of values. Presbyterian values have been adapted to the various challenges they have met in their development as a distinctive ethno-religious tradition in Ireland.

Presbyterians and politics: a brief selective historical overview Duncan Morrow (1991, p. 121) states that ‘Churches are crucial markers of identity in Northern Ireland.’ Ulster Protestants often suffer from a confused sense of identity, and there is much in the Presbyterian tradition that has identified with the downtrodden and the underdog. The United Irish Rebellion is illustrative to many that Presbyterians were not always Unionists and at one time possessed a radical cutting edge. As Stewart (1995, p. 9) describes the problems Presbyterians encountered with the imposition of the Penal laws, we are able to empathize with their position and understand the unfolding of later events: The steady operation of the Penal laws, though they were much modified as the century progressed, had deprived most of the Catholic aristocracy of their land, but irrespective of what property they might own, Catholics, Presbyterians and all other Nonconformists, were automatically excluded from all representation in the Irish parliament. History had cast the Catholics and Presbyterians as enemies, mistrustful of each other’s political aims, but the socio-economic changes of these years had created a Catholic middle class in towns in the south and west of Ireland, and a Presbyterian one in the rapidly developing port of Belfast. In time these two groups began to discern an identity of economic and political interest. In the eighteenth century, Presbyterians were a distinct people in Ulster society, holding on to radical enlightenment ideals in philosophy and politics, and were even advocates of Catholic emancipation. The rebels at the beginning wanted reform rather than radical republicanism, they pressed for these democratic aims even more so after 1795. Their aims were to strive for full brotherhood among Irishmen of every religious persuasion, together with a representative Parliament, but this changed as reforms were not forthcoming. Viscount Castlereagh, a government minister of Presbyterian background, implemented a policy to link Presbyterian ministers more

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strongly to the Establishment. After 1798, the Church became increasingly conservative. A sense of threat led many Presbyterians to throw in their lot with the Orange Order, and they were also wooed by British government reforms, which gave them more rights. This was further reinforced by a forerunner to Ian Paisley, Dr Henry Cooke, who was politically pro-Union and theologically conservative. Today some discredit the United Irishmen, pointing to their Unitarian theology. Miller (1978) assesses the mix as in fact 50/50, between ‘orthodox’(conservative) and new light (more liberal) ministers. The French and American revolutions fed ideals of democracy and religious liberty. In defending the United Irishmen to a friend who was sceptical, William Drennan (1754–1820), the founder of the movement, wrote, ‘If the Protestants are much more enlightened in regard to civil and religious liberty they will by this mental discourse most rapidly give light to the more opaque body … ignorance will become knowledge, bigotry liberality, and civil freedom must necessarily terminate in the pure principles of Protestantism’ (Proni Drennon Bruce Papers D553/72). McBride (1993, p. 61) calls the enterprise ‘the Presbyterian cultivation of the Catholic mind’. Theobold Wolfe Tone (1763–1798) was also concerned with some negative aspects of Irish Catholicism, but he believed that loyalty to the Pope would wither in a republican environment, the example of the French Revolution served as an encouragement to this line of thinking. The Presbyterians at this point in history were labelled Dissenters. Presbyterians valued self-reliance and were suspicious of arbitrary authority in Church and state. Francis Hutcheson, an Ulster-born philosopher, Presbyterian minister and Glasgow professor, was extremely influential. Tesch (1993, p. 38) quotes from Hutcheson’s Introduction to Moral Philosophy: ‘When the common rights of the community are trampled upon … then the governor is plainly perfidious to his trust, he has forfeited all the power committed. In every sort of government the people have the right of defending themselves against the use of power.’ They were influenced by revolutions in France and America and by radical ideals of the Enlightment which included democratic values. Power and disempowerment are themes that still predominate today. Presbyterians took up arms in defence of their independence and civil liberty. The United Irishmen also encouraged a cultural dualism, with a Belfast Harp Festival in 1792. They wanted to move beyond the labels ‘colonial’ and ‘native’, used Gaelic tunes for their political ballads and encouraged the following of Turlough Carolan as a musician. Hume (1998, p. 37) says: The majority of those who rebelled in the North, largely counties Antrim and Down, were Presbyterians presents today’s Ulster


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Protestants with something of a dilemma. They have essentially two options. They can ignore the events of 1798 in Ulster and try to sweep the role of Presbyterians under the carpet. Alternatively they have the option to consider why the Presbyterian weavers, farmers and merchants did in fact rebel. In the past the former seemed the safest way out. Yet it is important for history and for understanding, to analyse and clarify why the Presbyterians were the first republicans in Ireland. Many of these Presbyterians were anti-authoritarian. Was the Rebellion fuelled by anger underpinned by religious ideals founded on values such as freedom, democracy and self-determination? Or was it merely self-interest when the government gave Presbyterians greater privilege? Unionism then became the support for religion, and indeed a replacement for it. Hume (1998, p. 46) concludes by stating that Presbyterians did play a prominent role, and he contends that many sacrificed their lives for a laudable ideal ‘to right some things they thought wrong, a tradition whose flames were put out but were not forever extinguished’. But the Presbyterian radical tradition was largely extinguished. The last Presbyterian in the public eye to display any kind of republican/nationalist sentiment was a slightly alternative minister, Rev J. B. Armour, who was a minister in Ballymoney. While he was in reality a lone voice, he did show that the dissenting tradition was not entirely dead within Presbyterianism.

Presbyterians, Unionism and Orangeism Another Presbyterian was to have a decisive influence on Ulster politics – the Rt. Hon. Thomas Sinclair (1838–1914). Sinclair was from a wealthy and influential Presbyterian family, and espoused liberal values in that he believed in the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland, land reform and non-denominational education. Sinclair was a supporter of William Gladstone until it became clear that the latter wanted to endorse Home Rule. Sinclair was vehemently opposed to this measure and organised the Ulster Unionist Convention. The Unionist Party was born around the time of the first and second Home Rule bills (1886 and 1893). The emergence of the Land League aroused both hopes and fears in the various sectional interests of the population that there could be another United Irish Alliance. The mild reformism of the Whigs appealed to many Presbyterians. Presbyterians were not a political monolith, as shown by Walker (1989, p. 63). In the 1868 election, a substantial number of Presbyterians voted for the Liberal

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candidate Richard Dowse QC, although the majority did vote for the Conservative candidate Lord Hamilton. In the 1870s, many Presbyterian farmers were more concerned about Land Reform than Home Rule. Gladstone’s Land Act of 1881 helped by giving security of tenure and fair rents, but the violence of some alarmed many Presbyterians, as did calls for the nationalization of the land. The Home Rule bill was introduced in 1886. Thomson (2000) outlines the path that led to Presbyterian opposition to the bill, paying particular attention to Thomas Sinclair, who was opposed to the establishment of religion that could be ruled by the state, and thus feared that Home Rule would establish a Catholic Parliament. Holmes (1990, p. 174) informs us of the election results of 1886. The elected were sixteen Nationalists, fifteen Conservative Unionist and two Liberal Unionists: The Liberal Unionists who were Liberals like Thomas Sinclair, were opposed to Home Rule and they formed an Ulster Liberal Unionist Association with Sinclair as chairman. There was inexorable pressure, however for all who opposed Home Rule to unite under the umbrella of what became known as the Ulster Unionist Party in alliance with the Conservative party, which had decided that, since Gladstone had opted for Home Rule, they must play the Orange card. Walker (1989) concludes that the Unionist Party alone can claim to trace its roots back to 1886; however, the other parties, with the exception of the Alliance Party, can also trace their present-day roots to this time. The Unionist party was conservative and composed of upper-class interests. It also had as a central part of its identity an ‘Orange’ element. This contrasts with the liberal Presbyterian tradition, which was more open to listen to nationalist grievances. Long (1970, p. 2) says that: The Orange Institution has never tried to hide its involvement with the Ulster Unionist Party which it brought to birth in the early days of the Home Rule controversy. That association must be seen in perspective. The Institution does not manipulate the party, which is a self governing organization with Orange Institution representation at constituency association, Unionist Council, and standing Committee levels. The Orange participation is variable by areas and regulated by local political conditions from no interest to great interest. It is never enough by itself to compel acceptance of Orange Institution viewpoints which may differ from the membership as a whole. The Orange Institution


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influence on the Unionist party is much less open to abuse than the vote of the trade Unions and miner lodges in the British Labour Party. At the time of writing (2006), the Orange Order has dissociated itself formally from the Unionist party. By 1893 and the second attempt to pass the Home Rule bill, the antiHome-Rule resolution was carried by 293 votes, but there were 341 abstentions. In 1898, a Presbyterian Unionist Voters’ Association was formed, to serve a promotional function for a fairer representation of Presbyterians in public life, but this failed to become a significant political force. In 1908, there was the controversy of the ‘Ne Timere’ Decree, the decree that required the children of mixed marriages to be brought up as Roman Catholics, which further heightened the fears of Protestants. This will be discussed further in Chapter 8. Presbyterians feared that their status in a Catholic-dominated state would be rendered powerless.

The formation of the Ulster Unionist Party The Ulster Unionist Party was officially formed in 1905 by Sir Edward Carson. The Ulster Unionist Council was constituted on 3 March 1905. According to the Party’s history, ‘the Council itself consisted of not more than 200 members, of which 100 were nominated by local Unionist Associations, 50 were nominated by the Orange Order, and not more than 50 were co-opted as “distinguished Unionists”’ (Hunter, 1993, p. 8). A standing committee was established, with a third of its membership of thirty nominated initially by Colonel Sanderson MP, the first leader of the Ulster Unionist Parliamentary Party at Westminister, the rest being elected by delegates to the Council. This body included the Duke of Abercorn, Lord Londonderry, the Earl of Ranfurly, G. Wolff MP; the eminent liberals, Thomas Sinclair and Thomas Andrews; the leading Orangemen Colonel R. H. Wallace, W. H. H. Lyons and Sir James Stronge; and Colonel SharmanCrawford, E. M. Archdale, R. H. Reade, Sir William Ewart and W. J. Allen, leaders of industry and commerce. This body directed the policy of Ulster Unionism during the next fifteen years, through the Home Rule crisis and the foundation of the State of Northern Ireland. The Ulster Covenant of 1912 was initiated by Sinclair. This showed the strong resolve of Presbyterians and Unionists to resist Home Rule. He organised a convention of Presbyterian Unionists in 1912, asserting the belief in the Catholic threat based on racist notions, and the ‘ethnicity’ of the ‘Ulster Scot’. Walker (1996) contends that this was a hijacking of the Unionist tradition by a single tradition. Presbyterians of Scottish descent

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stamped their cultural imprint on the Unionist cause as a result of ‘greater social coherence and intellectual and religious purposefulness’. Unionists, both conservative and liberal, considered themselves British and wanted to remain within the system of British constitutional government. From 1905 to date there have been twelve leaders of the Ulster Unionist Party. Six have been prime ministers of Northern Ireland, among them a number of Presbyterians and Orangemen. Rev Martin Smyth’s view is that the history of the Unionist Party and the Presbyterian Church are inextricably linked. A significant number of my respondents belonged to the Ulster Unionist Council. The Church is sometimes perceived as ‘the Unionist Party at prayer’. The outbreak of the First World War was to lead to a delay of the Home Rule bill and the death of many men on both sides. Those in Ulster were in particular to feel the loss of the 36th Ulster Division on the Somme. The Story of Partition and subsequent history is dealt with more fully in the second half of this chapter.

Analysis of Unionism McGarry and O’Leary (2001, pp. 106–11) have analysed the situation and concluded that Unionism has within it a deep-seated prejudice in that it rejected systematically any nationalist concerns or interests. Mitchel (2003; p. 102) reiterates the stance that Unionists have refused to acknowledge – how its mythology of domination and celebration of Catholic defeat have further exacerbated the situation with triumphalist attitudes. Mitchel (2003, p. 101) says that Unionism has evaded responsibility for its role in the conflict. Unionist apologists have denied the reality of the discrimination Catholics lived under with the Stormont regime. Unionists also failed to acknowledge any part of the blame and evaded responsibility for the problem. A Unionist analysis of the Troubles would blame the republican terrorist, the Irish republican government, with its ‘illegal claim’ to Northern Ireland (Articles 2 and 3), now repealed weak British security measures and the ambivalent attitude of the nationalist community towards violence. Unionists fear the unquenchable thirst for power of the Irish nationalists. They, the Unionist community, have now become the ‘victims’ in the conflict. Presbyterians live with both a ‘positive’ and a ‘negative’ identity. Mitchel (2003, pp. 315–16) contends that: While Presbyterianism did not completely enter the emotional vortex of nationalist mythology, it became subsumed into the comfortable


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assumptions of British Unionist identity. Although since the late 1960s attempts have been made to create distance from this claustrophobic relationship, the PCI ... continues to be reluctant publicly to debate its relationship with Orangeism and Unionism. As a result, the Church’s success in establishing distance remains largely abstract in nature. Mitchel goes on to say that the Church needs to be determined to implement the suggestions of the Church and Government Committee, and repent of its complacent past attitudes. He admits that this has already begun, but the Church needs wisdom and courage to bring it to fruition (2003, p. 316): In particular the PCI has yet to follow through on its rejection of any politically captive or power based religious ideology. To be consistent, the Church needs not only to initiate a process of disengagement with the Orange Institutions but also with any other flags or symbols, or traditions that suggest that the Church is spiritually endorsing the cause of Unionism. This need not entail Presbyterians losing their Unionist identity, but it would remove the trappings of one national identity from the realm of the sacred and create a space for a Catholic cultural identity in Christ. Arthur Aughey (1989, pp. 33–7) says 1989 Mitchel represents a ‘new unionism’. He sees unionism as having matured from an ethno-religious nationalism to become a ‘mature’, modern civic version expressed by constitutional patriotism of equal citizenship, which should also appeal to Catholics and Protestants. McKay (2000) is more sceptical about the security of Protestants in her book Northern Protestants: An Unsettled People. She states that the state of the Union did not emerge strongly as a theme in her interviews, but rather the politics of ‘no surrender’. This was not a strong theme in my interviews, because, in fact, for the majority, Unionism appears to be a secondary issue. Religious identity appears to be a stronger agenda for my respondents. Unionism is rather a tradition they have inherited, more like a way of life that needs to be reinterpreted in the context of changing political realities. Most respondents were in tune with the views and statements of the Church and Government Committee, which has had in recent years, says Holmes (1990, p. 181) a pro-Union stance. Presbyterians are committed to the maintenance of partition as long as it remains the wish of the majority of the people, while actively supporting an agenda of peace and justice. We now turn to examine the role of Ian Paisley and the Free Presbyterian Church in Northern Ireland politics.

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A brief discussion of Ian Paisley and the Free Presbyterian Church Many people think Ian Paisley is a Presbyterian, and the leader of the Presbyterian Church. He has in fact never been a member. He was originally an independent Baptist, but established a church called the Free Presbyterian Church in 1951. He frequently turned up at the General Assembly to protest, his most recent appearance being at the 2004 Assembly to protest against the invitation of Archbishop Brady as Rev Dr Ken Newell’s personal guest. He is the leader of the Democratic Unionist Party and also has considerable political influence on both the Ulster Unionist Party and the Orange Order. He believes himself to be a guardian of the Reformation, who defends Protestant principles in both religion and government while believing the Roman Catholic Church is not a Christian Church. Paisley is particularly keen on attacking the World Council of Churches (WCC). The Presbyterian Church left the WCC in 1980 after a campaign involving the ministers and elders of the Presbyterian Church. They were heavily influenced by Ian Paisley who is anti-ecumenical (Dunlop, 1995; p. 16). For Paisley, politics and religion are inseparable, and his beliefs and politics are extreme, as Cooke (1996, p. 223) concludes: One can only anticipate what the future may hold. The past, however, is a matter of history. We have witnessed in this century in Ireland a strange phenomenon. We have seen a form of anti-Catholicism which went beyond anything which we previously experienced. Paisley’s denial of the Roman Catholic Church as a Christian Church was not true of the Reformers, the evangelical tradition, the Unionist founders of the State of Northern Ireland, or their successors. His accusations of apostasy throughout Protestantism were also unique. The trust which many Unionist voters placed in the leadership of a man who combined his personal religious crusade with traditional Unionist principles was also unparalleled … Paisleyism existed because people supported it. Its future existence, personified in Ian Paisley or in the dynasty which he wishes to establish, depends on the nourishment of that same support. Paisley sees himself in the mode of the Reformers, and takes John Knox as a particular model. He believes he is upholding the ‘Truth’ of Protestantism against Roman Catholicism. He is the sole Moderator of the Free Presbyterian Church, but he is not elected, as is the practice each year of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland. He believes that he is a Guardian of Truth and Righteousness. The Free Presbyterian Church


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remains fairly small, with fifty-nine congregations, and around 12,363 members. Paisley’s political identity was manifested in his leadership of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) in 1971. It has been alleged that he has frequently had questionable links with Protestant paramilitaries, however Bruce (2004, p. 42) maintains that evangelicalism is not particularly associated with violence. I asked the Rev Martin Smyth how Paisley had affected the Presbyterian Church in Ireland (PCI), the Orange Order and the Unionist Party: ‘He has taken a fair number from PCI, though some people have been converted through his ministry. Others were taken away. In Crossgar people felt let down when Gibson left. The independent fellowships gained.’ As for his influence on the Unionist Party: Until recently we had a leader who thought he was wiser than the others. The people who gathered round him led him up the garden path. One woman Ulster Unionist felt betrayed. We are in a minority position with Paisley’s connivance. As for Jeffery Donaldson he could not accept the party whip on everything. David Trimble could have tried to tone it down. Don’t give an Ulsterman an ultimatum. Paisley was in the Orange Order, explains Rev Smyth, but ‘Paisley had a disagreement with Warren Porter and transferred and resigned. He thought he could use the institution for his own purposes.’ It would appear that Dr Paisley is not popular among mainstream members of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) nor with members of the PCI. Unhappiness with David Trimble’s attempts to secure complete Irish Republican Army (IRA) disarmament would appear to be the force that drives some Unionists to vote DUP rather than a positive desire to have a full DUP agenda. As the ethnic unionist politics have failed, evangelicals have stressed their religious over their political identity. At the time of writing, the DUP has overtaken the UUP in terms of popular support. It would appear that the IRA’s failure to disarm, as discussed by many of my respondents, has lead to an increase in Dr Paisley’s electoral popularity. We now examine another powerful influence on the Protestant psyche, the Orange Order.

Presbyterians and the Orange Order Presbyterians are by nature contractual people. The Orange Order is certainly contractual. The Order will pledge to defend the king and his heirs as long as they support the Protestant Ascendancy and the constitution of those laws.

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Holmes (1996) traces the history of the Order and its connections to Presbyterians. The founder of the Orange Order, James Wilson, was a Presbyterian. The Order was formed for the defence of Protestants against the Catholic Defenders. Many Presbyterians in Antrim and Down became United Irishmen, but those west of the Bann became Orangemen. At the beginning there were Presbyterians as rank-and-file members, but very few ministers or prominent dissenters. Henry Cooke used the Order to his political advantage although he was never an Orangeman. He united Evangelicalism and Orangeism, which incorporated an opposition to the granting of rights to Catholics. At the beginning of the movement for land reform, Presbyterians and Catholic priests united, and it was feared there might be a new alliance of ‘United Irishmen’. During the 1859 Revival, sociologist Peter Gibbon argues, according to Holmes (1996, p. 6), radical politics and theology in Irish Presbyterianism waned. In the 1870s, churchmen continued a liberal/conservative battle with the candidates they supported in elections. However, it was a combination of Home Rule, Fenians and the Land League that drove threatened Presbyterians to embrace the ideals of the Orange Order more enthusiastically. Presbyterian fears of ‘Home Rule meaning Rome Rule’ drove Presbyterians further in the direction of the Orange Order and Unionist politics. In the 1920s, the Orange Order and the Church joined forces to oppose the secularization of education and to maintain a biblical element and Church representation on committees. In more recent years, ecumenism has been a live issue. In 1966 one of the Grand Lodges, of the Order in Twelfth of July resolutions expressed concern about the Church’s Protestant witness. The General Board, says Holmes (1996, p. 9), repudiated any suggestion of a departure from the Reformed and Protestant faith. Fawcett (2000) says that religion is emotive symbolism utilized to promote Protestant power. The troubles have tended to draw Presbyterians closer to the Order again (Holmes, 1996, p. 10) quotes Morrow (1991, p. 21). In a 1991 survey carried out by the University of Ulster they found that ‘while more clergy of the Church of Ireland participate ex officio than Presbyterian ministers, 28.6% as compared with 18.9%, more Presbyterian ministers (13.5%) than Church of Ireland clergy (12.2%) are “members of the order” ’. Storey (2002, p. 126) advocates the disengagement of the Church of Ireland from Orangeism. He also recommends a separation of Orangeism and Unionism. He says the cause of Unionism has become politically incorrect in liberal circles. Unionism should, he argues, stand on its own merits, the politics should stand without the religious element, and that the church should stick to its remit of bearing witness to the Gospel.


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The question of the Orange Order has never officially been addressed by the Church. John Dunlop (1995) declares that there is no formal link between the Church and the Orange Order. The decision to have Orange services or not is up to the local minister. Dunlop illuminates the view of the ‘other’. He states that Orange celebrations are seen as triumphalist for those who have a history of dispossession and humiliation. How can you love your neighbour and yet celebrate their defeat? Long (1970, p. 1) interestingly calls Orangeism ‘a philosophy of life’: It is a way of life, a way of looking at religion, politics, morality and charity. It is not just Protestantism or Unionism or a bit of both. It is the conviction that Reformed Christianity is the Faith by which to live and that theological motivation should regulate the thoughts, words and actions of everyone who subscribes to it. Anyone who sees Orangeism as anything other than or less than this has failed to understand what it is about. Rev Martin Smyth, Presbyterian minister and former Grand Master of the Orange Order, spoke to me on 16 August 2004, outlining his involvement in the Church, Unionist politics and the Order: My mother was baptised Church of Ireland. My father was Presbyterian. My mother and father were married in Malone. I was born off the Donegal Road, my father was a plumber. We went to Great Victoria Street. My twin brother went to Richview Congregation Sabbath School with me. We went to Lifeboys. In the war we were evacuated to Fermanagh. We went to the Methodists and had connections with Anglicanism through the public elementary school. I returned to Belfast and I won a city scholarship, and went to Methody in 1944. I was converted mainly through Sunday School in Great Victoria Street. I then went to Magee and Trinity. I express my Protestant identity. I do not buttonhole people but I do speak out. On one occasion when I was in Ballykinler there was a Roman Catholic and a Jew at my table and I would speak about my faith. The Orange is part of my identity too. On the question of whether ministers should be masons or Orangemen, he says: I disagree with secret societies, or skullduggery. People help people they know. ‘Do good unto all men especially those of the household of faith’ … There is a place for ministers in the Order. It is a Christian organization. It is older than the ecumenical movement. It helps

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denominations learn about one another. Some people are ashamed to be Protestant. What is their problem? Do they prefer to be shot by the IRA? Did they side with those who should feel ashamed? The Church needs to have more time for troubled young folk. Should these people wash their hands? The Church has washed its hands. Too many of our ministers are not pastors. On the Presbyterian Church’s involvement in politics, he states: Presbyterians are sectarian, they seek to protect their own interest. The Roman Catholic Church is the biggest sectarian organization in the world. This is the pot calling the kettle black. The Church is involved in politics. There is a degree of rank hypocrisy. I have been reading about the persecution of Armenian Christians in Turkey. The American Foreign Mission Board asked Woodrow Wilson (a Presbyterian) not to intervene so the missionaries could continue their work. There are Presbyterians who are nationalists and there always have been … The Orange Order was there before the Unionist Party. The Orange Order has members in Canada, the USA and Togo, and they are not Ulster Unionist … The Orange Order, aware of the political struggle ahead, called into being the Unionist Party. There are diverse Unionist groups in the regional Assembly. The Council is made up of separate constituencies. It was linked to the Council, but the Council is now looking for more central control. They rarely listen to the Orange. Some joined for political gain and should never have been accepted. Some joined and used the Institution. Some bishops were glad to be members and then quietly slipped away. Church people use organizations. The Orange Order is part of the Unionist family. They have the right to have a delegate. The Unionist party may be vanishing. Rome does not accept the sole authority of the Scripture. The Black are more explicit on the Trinity. The order is the most democratic organization I know. They are so democratic they do stupid things. Ian Paisley got out even though he said it was on ecumenical matters, in about 1961. He made a personal attack on Warren Porter. They were in the same lodge. Turning to issues of gender equality, an Orangeman is a gentleman, he defends the sanctity of women. I contended this might be seen as an outmoded concept, he responds with the reply: A gentleman is a gentleman in any age. Opening doors is an act of civility. Do that for some of the Labour women MPs in Westminster


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and they swear at you. There should be a level of civility and treating people properly. In the 1982 election a RC woman recognised me and stopped me on the road and said she would be voting for me, another RC man told me he was a Unionist. Women have their own Association. They get permission from their own women’s lodge to march. The English situation is different. There are mixed lodges in New Zealand, Williamson (1995, p. 41). In terms of the future Orange Order in a postmodern age, Rev Smyth believes: The postmodern age will have a circle too. The pendulum swings back and forward. The lessening impact of the Orange Order shows the lack of spirituality in our own congregations. It is harder in the City of Belfast to have the Twelfth as a festival. In Belfast, nationalists block roads. In the ‘Holy Land’ No. 10 District are having problems. We do not want to get too connected to the government. The Orange Order was formed in 1795 after the Battle of the Diamond and is primarily an organization that operates in Northern Ireland. The Orange Order also has international branches in the USA and Canada. Canada became a stronghold of the Order and had more local lodges than Ireland itself. Orangeism was a force to be reckoned with. The Order faced opposition from those who feared the divisiveness of an organization that was so determinedly Protestant and pro-British. In the early days of the movement, Ogle Robert Gowan, the founder of the Canadian Order, had a close association with the Roman Catholic Bishop Macdonell, and they campaigned together on issues of social concern. There then emerged a dispute that highlights some of the debates that continue to this day. As Ernest Long (1970), an Orange Order historian, puts it: Unfortunately, external pressures were joined with internal disputes in which the Institution for a few years had two Grand Lodges those who supported Gowan and the other and smaller number who allied themselves to George Benjamin, who had succeeded Gowan as Grand Master in 1846. The dispute was on the philosophy and purpose of Orangeism. The Benjamites regarded the Institution as religious, in defence of and for the propagation of the Protestant religion, and non-political while the Gowanites saw it as religio-political. This dispute highlights the political and religious tensions within the order.

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Brown (2003) is highly critical of Presbyterians in the Order. He gives us the Enlightenment reasoning of Francis Hutcheson, whose maxim was ‘the greatest good for the greatest number’. He believed if the rights of people were not upheld by those in power, then they had the right to take action. Brown (2003, p. 178) gives five reasons why Orangeism’s socioreligious politics are not in accord with good religion and Christianity. These are: The matter may be summarised by stating that Orangeism’s rules, standards and general practices are not typically Reformed or evangelical for the following reasons: First, by their exclusive and sectarian Protestant ascendancy ethos; secondly, by their paucity of biblical and doctrinal content, as demonstrated by the Order’s lack of involvement in evangelical outreach; thirdly by their recognition of Non-Subscribing Presbyterianism which countenances links of fellowship with heterodox Unitarianism; fourthly by their total reprobation of Roman Catholicism despite the Roman Church’s historical adherence to the fundamental doctrines of Christ – as was and still is recognised by the mainstream Reformed churches; fifthly, by their permitting in private ceremonies the practice of oath bound, occult inspired neo-masonic ritualism that lies at the heart of its arcane mentality, and which in origin and content is alien both to the Reformation and to Christianity. The question of the involvement of Church members in the Orange Order is dealt with sympathetically by Ruth Dudley Edwards in her 1999 book The Faithful Tribe. She describes the nostalgic element of church teas and religious speeches, and solid, respectable mid-Ulster countrymen. Fawcett (2000) estimates that out of 300 members who belong to the Grand Lodge of Ireland, thirty-five are Presbyterian ministers. Interestingly, in a postal survey, Fawcett found that three-quarters of the ministers surveyed allowed their churches to be used for lodge services, 72 per cent said that they preached at these services. This was often on an occasional basis and did not mean they necessarily agreed with the Order. This would be confirmed by my qualitative data. The Order has been criticized heavily by Bryan (2000). He uses a power critique to state that the rituals include class interests, and the parades draw together a variety of denominational, political and economic interests. He also questions the ‘respectable’ element of the Order, as what is deemed respectable is deemed that by the powerful. Boal et al. (1996, p. 97) show


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that Presbyterians are predominantly from the middle class, while membership of the Orange Order is predominantly working-class.

People and ministers’ views on the Orange Order in Northern Ireland In County Armagh, Robert Riley is sympathetic: ‘I would have connections. I resisted joining, but I joined through friends. They have been hijacked. They should be doing good for these folk. Drumcree has done a lot of harm. Our band would have gone up and down the Shambles and IRA men asked for the marches to stop.’ Emma Lockett is opposed: I have no time for them. I would not watch them. I see them as negative, insulting, derogatory. Before Drumcree everyone would have stood out, those days are gone. Some think they have the right to hold everyone and force people to your way of thinking. There are some sincere individuals. My uncle was an Orangeman for forty-five years. He was appalled by Drumcree, the blatant prejudice and intolerance. Rev Russell Birney of Ballymena has taken a stance on the issue, and has paid a price for following his own conscience: ‘We had a severe difference of opinion with the local District of the Orange Order which ended in them deciding not to accede to our conditions for holding a service in High Kirk. This was a very stressful time for our family and I was quite prepared to leave had I not received the backing of my Kirk Session.’ Derek Holmes is adamant: ‘I don’t think that there should be any link between the Presbyterian Church and the Orange Order. I have never been and never will be a member of it. I think that before Drumcree, in the early years of the Troubles they took too polarized a view. I think that it contributes nothing.’ Samuel Bonnar is a loyal member: I have been a member since I was seventeen. My son is a member too. The Orange Order is in the Reformed tradition. It has a right to demonstrate its view. I was in a situation. We were refused permission to march a few hundred yards. A band playing hymn tunes, what about our human rights? I have the right to witness to my religion. I have never heard politics mentioned much. The Belfast face of the Order is poorer, there are the Protestant paramilitaries.

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Edward Walker is positive: ‘My brother is a very staunch Orangeman. He is quite high up. I have never had any occasion to join. It never appealed. My tendencies would be towards them. I don’t like the backlash. I don’t see anything wrong. It hasn’t done anyone any harm. It is the hangers-on who cause problems.’ Claire Semple sees their dual message: ‘They would serve God and Ulster. It gets carried away. They are not for God and Ulster at all. I don’t bother a lot. I disagree with having them in the Church. There are a lot of hangers-on. I am not one for bashing and shouting like the Revd Paisley – I don’t like shouting and disagreeing.’ In County Londonderry, Mr Eddington, despite negative media representation, is able to see some positives: ‘The media has trailed it into the gutter. They could not drag themselves into the twentieth century. The Foyle hospice is built on land owned by the Orange Lodge. There was a beautiful coming together. Prime land, death and dignity could show opposite of confrontation sold at good price.’ County Tyrone minister Rev David Cupples comments on what it has to offer: ‘While I appreciate its cultural importance, I personally cannot see the contribution it makes to the advancement of God’s kingdom in our society today.’ Mark Clarke believes: ‘It is too political an organization. It may have Christian ideals but it is largely anti-Catholic. My forebears were not members.’ Simon Rice laughs: ‘I would not allow a minister to be a member of it. To me it is a very political organization. There are religious origins. Its actions at Drumcree, I disagree with.’ Belfast member Barbara Hancock says: I am used to it, with my husband in it. I do not see that they have done any harm. There are always black sheep. Like everything else, they do not stand for the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church. We both prefer the Black; the Black is a much stricter organization. There is an element that set in with the Troubles, that is the hangers-on. Bands bring wee hussies; it affects their image. The Orange Order is an elderly gentlemen’s organization. The men are in their fifties and sixties. My husband always wears a shirt and a tie. Neil Hardy was approached: I was asked to join the Orange Order and I refused. I don’t agree with the demonstrations and marching. Some people have used it to rub peoples noses in it; for example, the Ormeau Road. Some of them are hurling insults. I know Orangemen, two or three are in the church.


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I have nothing against standing up for the Protestant faith. If the aim of the Orange Order is to turn people away from Catholicism it is not informing people. In County Down, Rev Dr W. Patterson says: There are a lot of decent, ordinary people. It is a like a man’s country club. Revd William Bingham tried to give leadership. I have no time for the attitude that we must march here because we have always marched here. I have no time for ‘we are here to defend every inch of our territory’. I facilitated a service, but I also I facilitated a week of unity service. If I was asked to preach then I would preach. No such thing as an Orange service. I simply preached a service. In County Down, Marjorie Rowe describes her change of heart and mind: It was different when I was in it. My grandfather and father were both in it. Now I would be against it. I feel today my views have changed. Some of the Orange has got out of hand. In Portadown we had three parades every year. They were good parades. We were remembering our traditions. Now I feel ashamed of a lot of things in it. Too many parades are not necessary. I would not want to lose the Orange tradition. Sometimes I think there should never have been orange and green. A lot of them are trying to upset the other side. I do not agree with that. One County Antrim minister is adamant that the organization is political: Political organizations – we should have no Orange services. I regard it as subversive. We have created a civil religion. I don’t think the political is separate. If you have Orange services, you are connected. Some people believe in double predestination – we are the chosen, we can do what we like. We are the Holy remnant. It is misapplied. The Catholics are not the great pagan unwashed. We have failed to look at how we are complicit in not examining our theology. Thomas Gill from County Antrim is an Orange veteran: I am a member. I have been for over fifty years I don’t agree with the Garvaghy Road protest. The Order is not living up to its principles. A lot of people in our congregation are in favour of the Agreement. The Lodges are nearly all independent. There isn’t a strong leadership.

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In South Down, in an Orange heartland, another minister sets the scene: ‘This area is strongly Orange. I have a good relationship with local Lodges. I am not a member and never have any desire to be. I am prepared to take people as they come.’ Jennifer Marsh has family connections: ‘There are the thugs. My husband has been an Orangeman all this life. My son of seventeen joined. The majority of them are law-abiding. What is the point of getting down a road? Now you don’t know whether you will get out of the country. There is a ladies Orange Lodge in Newry. I don’t feel that it is a place for a woman. It is supposed to be based on the Bible. It is a very secretive thing.’ Lynn Hickson says: ‘If the Orange Order would behave itself this time, I have no problem with its ethos. I have a problem with those who are hard-line and hangers-on. Father and mother were not in it. I have an uncle who was a Grand Master. It says you should be on good terms with Catholic neighbours. You are not a Protestant if you don’t go to church. There are too many who are no longer Protestant who bring the order down.’ In County Tyrone, a minister expresses his vision: Its ideals are Christian. The values of Orangeism are those every Christian could aspire to. When Orangeism goes down a more political route it can sometimes lose sight of its core values. It needs to get back its basics – needs to reform and choose its leaders prayerfully and carefully. Some have a self-destructive, narrow experience of life. They think the whole world revolves around Ulster. We see ourselves as the jigsaw rather than just a piece. Our Order was always strong. Orangeism in rural and urban areas are different. Rural areas have committed Church people, there is still a Christian influence. In the country it is very Christian. In Belfast, the perception of many is that they are more at home in the pub than the Church, though I understand there are many fine Christians in the Order in Belfast. In a County Tyrone Youth Group, all except one were in the Orange Order. Joseph is against it. The women are in it too. The female order is called the Daughters of Zion. It is agreed in the group that Drumcree is bad for the Orange Order’s image, and that Southerners are anti-Orange. Politician Esmond Birnie asserts: I express my strong unionist political convictions by membership of the UUP and my strong Christian (Reformed) theological beliefs by membership of the Presbyterian Church. For me personally I cannot


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see the added value of membership of a third organization. Those who are members of the Loyal Orders have a right to express their cultural/political/religious views. And they have a right to parade, but should sometimes talk with residents groups. On the Orange etc. I tend to hold to the Covenanter position; that is, for all its virtues, the Williamite settlement of 1688–89 was flawed. It failed to uphold fully Reformed established Churches. The dilemma for Orangeism is that it seems to put equal stress on supporting a Crown and Church when that Crown (that is, the monarchy plus the UK state) is becoming less and less Protestant or, indeed, Christian, in any sense. Evangelical Christians may represent about 10–15 per cent of the local population. Conservative Catholics may represent a similar proportion. While the two groups do have deep differences over all the Reformation theological questions why can’t we (as these groups do in the USA today or did in nineteenth-century Holland (Abraham Kuyper)) work together (co-belligerence) on issues ranging from the Third World, to prostitution, to retaining a Christian world view in our schools? Rev Ray Davey, minister and peace campaigner, says: ‘Do not demonize it. It has not had great leadership. Drumcree could have been handled very differently.’ In County Tyrone Desmond Nesbitt thinks: Basically the Orange Order has lost its way somewhat. Its Christian principles have been dominated by its politics, and political views have taken over the honest, reasonable person who is in it (like myself). They desire to put it against itself. Something is happening. Unionist politics are being fractured. The Order has been trying to be more social, more of a festival; beetle drives, for example. They are attempting to be a more reasonable organization. It is not right that they should be allied to the Unionist party. If they do not get back to religion it will die. Rev Alistair Bill, on the Sainfield Road, Belfast, calls it: ‘A religious anachronism. Yet there are good people in the Order. We need to remember that the Orange Order is diverse. The Orange Order in Monaghan is not triumphalist, and its celebrations are very orderly.’ In summary, the issue of the Orange Order is controversial in Northern Ireland. The majority of people are appalled by Drumcree. Place is important; some areas in Northern Ireland are very supportive of the Order, particularly in Armagh and Tyrone. Those who support it think the Presbyterian Church is more open to ecumenical overtures than serving

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those in their own community. They believe the Order has many decent people; it is the hangers-on who are the problem. Most respondents have no problem with the religious aspects of the Order, but see little evidence of its Christian credentials. Criticisms include its political nature, its ceremonial similarity to the Masonic, and its tendency to look backwards in time rather than forward. There is a strong view that there should be no link between it and the PCI. Most ministers try to tread a very careful path. Many are negative but do not want to cause offence, and are very cautions about speaking out. Orange services are used as an opportunity to preach the Gospel. The views of Southern Presbyterians would be generally more negative.

Flags and political identity Danny Morrison (2001) declares: The icon that has always summed up the Union for me is the Union Jack, a foreign flag that usually caused a shudder of fear, unease or alienation. Of course, the Union cannot be summed up as easily as that, as if a flag were all it was. The fact is that the link with Britain has been detrimental for nationalists and, I would argue, has not generally made the unionist people happy or any more secure. Rev Martin Smyth is representative of the views of an Orangeman and a Unionist: ‘I can’t understand why the flag of the country is an offence. Was Saint Paul wrong when he claimed Roman citizenship?’ Flags have caused many political disputes. In the 1980s, the Tricolour was removed on a number of occasions from Whiterock Leisure Centre in West Belfast by George Seawright, and then replaced by local residents. Queen’s University had its own disputes in relation to the singing of the National Anthem at graduation services. The question the Presbyterian Church in the North has to face is whether these symbols are detrimental to the effective communication of the Gospel in a postmodern age? Flags have been a divisive issue in churches too, when Boys’ Brigade (BB), Girls’ Brigade (GB) and Guides and Scouts enrolment services often have the National Anthem sung. This is also an issue at Remembrance services. Many Presbyterians do not have a problem with the national Anthem at a Remembrance service, but are more inclined to opt not to have it at Guides and GB services. The Irish Girl Guide Association say their policy on flags is that the girls carry the Irish Girl Guide flag, which is green with a trefoil and the letters ‘BP’ to represent the motto ‘Be prepared’


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and the Unit name. The Irish Guides never carry a flag to church, but would have a flag for those representing the organization at international camps. Girl-guiding Ulster have stated that flags and parades do not have to go together. Guides can parade with no flag. The headquarters of Guides UK state that units can fly their own unit flag and can fly it alone or together with the Union Jack or the flag of the country or the papal flag. The National Anthem does not have to be sung. The BB have stated that the policy of flags is entirely up to the church in which the unit operates. Oldpark Presbyterian Church encountered some problems over this issue. The Belfast Newsletter reports: A goodwill gesture to avoid offending nationalists by not flying the Union flag has threatened the future of a Girls’ Brigade Company in North Belfast. The company has ceased to function after the GB captain was told to remove the flag from the annual enrolment service … The Kirk Session, the ruling body of the church, decided to be without a colour party as a gesture to their nationalist neighbours and the Roman Catholic parents attending the service. The company had eleven girls in it, most of whom were Roman Catholic. The minister of the church, Rev Ken McConnell, said the church was not betraying the country’s tradition, but rather trying to ‘win over’ both Protestant and Catholic communities. He added that Oldpark was a sensitive area and he wished to build good community relations. He emphasized that it was a community decision rather than a sectarian one. The Kirk Session had thought for several years about removing the flag. The GB captain resigned because she did not want Oldpark’s Service to be different from any other in Northern Ireland. She also believed that it was GB House’s policy to fly the Union flag at the service. However, the GB indicated to me that they have no hard-and-fast rules on flags and emblems. In County Armagh, Robert Riley can also see the flag issue as being problematic: ‘This is another aspect of Drumcree. In our church there are two sets of regimental colours. I can see that it has become an issue. When I go down South I stand for the Soldier’s Song.’ In County Antrim, Susan McBriar is against flags: ‘All flags and anthems should be banned except for a Jesus banner. We sing the God Save the Queen and I never sing it.’ Rev Alistair Kennedy in County Down is: ‘Very uneasy about flags. The National Anthem is sung after the benediction.’ Audrey McAllister states: ‘I don’t see any necessity for a flag in a church. The church is not the place for a flag. At GB and BB enrolments they bring in the flags. I don’t

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see why they play the God Save the Queen, Christ is the King. The GB don’t have it. They have no promise. It is nothing to do with the country.’ County Antrim member, Lorraine Foy, is a nationalist Presbyterian: ‘I don’t mind. In this political climate maybe it is unnecessary. Guides are open to Catholic and Protestant. I am not a Unionist; I am for a United Ireland. I am more SDLP. Down with Martin Smyth. Trimble has vision. He is everything a politician should be.’ Mark Clarke, of County Tyrone, is aware of the controversy: ‘We have flags up permanently. The Union Jack goes with the organization flag. The Union flag is seen as a Protestant Unionist emblem. Now, they are seen with a political stance. We tried to take them down but Orangemen make a fuss. Now with more Catholics visiting, it is seen as a Unionist emblem. The Session and minister don’t have the stomach for a big row.’ Barbara Hancock, in Belfast, sees no issue: ‘If you are in GB, Scouts, etc. I do not mind. It is the flag of your country.’ Neil Hardy agrees: ‘I don’t have a problem with having a Union Jack in the church. It is the flag of our land. I would have a problem with a Tricolour. If someone was offended by Union Jack, I would not have a problem if it was removed.’ In contrast, Rev W. Patterson of Killinchy disagrees: ‘I do not like it. The Boys’ Brigade and the Girls’ Brigade have company colours. They would bring them into the church. I am used to having their colours. I would prefer no political signs in the church. It would mean making a stand. That is not worth dying for.’ A County Antrim minister says: ‘I hate the flags. There is nothing wrong with a national identity. It is part of the Presbyterian ethos. We should never have taken King William’s money. I do not like that national anthem. Some churches fly flags but look what happens if you dare put up a cross.’ Sarah Barrett, in his congregation, is concerned about political misuse: ‘I would dearly love the Union Jack to be respected. Loyalist paramilitaries have demeaned the flag and alienated others. We have Roman Catholic boys in our BB. Some are from mixed marriages. I do wonder how their parents feel. The flag of our country has been used for the political.’ A south Down minister in an Orange heartland says: Colours and flags are presented. I don’t have the flag outside my church. It has not become an issue. If I was to say we don’t have flags it would be more of a problem. If we are serious to opening the church to all sections of the community, local Catholics would be present. Flags are not prominently displayed. In one church, there is a war memorial at the front. The Catholics made a big issue of it. We want to be sensitive.


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Deborah Whitten, in Belfast, believes in tolerance: I have no problem with it [the Union Jack]. It is what every Guide company does. When it is pushed down people’s throats, it is wrong. There is no national anthem. When it is done in Ireland they sing the Soldier’s Song. You stand out of respect for your country. If it is done in the right way it is OK. We can’t have anything hanging. No memorials or anything. It is in our deeds. Rev Bill Addley, college professor, informs us: ‘When you have the Queen’s colour you have to sing the national anthem. Protestantism is presented with a political viewpoint. It is better to have no flags.’ A Tyrone minister is comfortable enough: ‘I have no problem with that. It is a tradition of our organizations. Too much is made of flags and emblems.’ In conclusion, many ministers would appear not to be keen on flags in church services, but they do not wish to cause unnecessary offence. If organizations march with a flag, the national anthem is usually sung. A minority in some congregations refuse to sing this. Many Presbyterians do not see this as a problem, as in their mind they are respecting the state and government, and this is part of our duty as good citizens. It is evident, however, that a majority prefer not to have flags or anthems in church. We now examine the position of the Presbyterian Church on political issues.

Perceptions of ministers and people on the Church and politics This section deals with the questions of whether the Church and its people are perceived as Unionist, and whether they agree with the Statements of the Church and Government Committee. In County Armagh, Emma Lockett notes a common perception: Yes, it is generally acknowledged that the Church is the Unionist Party at prayer. The Church and government statements are purely political. Countless people lost their lives, we should have a comment on that. It speaks from a Christian perspective, not party political. They condemned loss of life in both communities. I very much agree with the Coleraine Declaration (peace). Peace and reconciliation should be higher up the agenda. Official statements – generally … I agree with John Dunlop. It does not always have mainstream support. The Church should speak out on political matters. Yes, on

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Christian grounds, a Christian perspective for the good of society. I mean, not from a partisan point of view; not trying to cover up things in their own community. Alice Gardner, of County Antrim, speaks for her geographical location: Around here, it is seen as part of the Unionist Party. I would not hold strong Unionist views – nor would our minister. Where you are going to watch the 12th from is a great preoccupation around here. It is changing its off-putting thing. Our congregation has people from all kinds of backgrounds. Sometimes they end up in Elim or the local praise centre because they feel more accepted, it is not necessarily political. I agree with the Church and Government Committee Statements. On the Good Friday Agreement – Ian Paisley told them to vote ‘no’. God does not want us to shoot our brains out. It is good that in the Presbyterian Church there is a breadth of political views. One female respondent agrees that Presbyterians are seen as Unionist: Very much so, you don’t say you have a green heart. I would agree with Trevor Morrow and the Church and Government Committee. I was invited to the Waterfront, a United service, everything was excellent, but I was really grieved to see John Dunlop representing our Moderator. I wrote a long letter to Lockington. It was a very moving and healing service. The whole thing was excellent. I got a terse letter back from Dr Lockington. He had looked at the service; he said it was in error and so he could not stand there on behalf of the Presbyterian Church. The Church has to have a mandate to speak on political matters. I don’t think the Church should speak out unless it is a Presbyterian thing. They should not tell me how to vote. A County Antrim man is of the opposite opinion; he says: The PCI’s political stance is very queer. I would not say they are Unionist. I was against the Belfast Agreement. It was fostered by fear and sold by fraud; that is against what we have in Presbyterianism. Someone who carries a gun should not be involved in the government. You can’t have them in government, allowing prisoners to be freed, and the rule of law negotiated. They should have been voicing what the community thinks. The Church and Government Committee have a United Irishmen stance. A lot of people don’t have much empathy with the Church and


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Government Committee. The Truth Commission, for example – they voted against it. White Cross, Enniskillen, La Mon – who was behind them? The present Minister of Education, he was in the IRA in Derry. They are very muted on things of morality and justice. Thou shalt not kill. Should the Church speak? Yes, on moral matters, do not lose sight of the Ten Commandments. Have we given up the basis of civilized society for political expediency? They need to repent and regret their actions. Truth, Repentance. Reconciliation – Bishop Megaghey talks about this. The news media is amoral. They are part of the problem. Alan Thompson is of a different persuasion: No, it would not align itself with any political party. The Church is mainstream. There are no extremes to it. Our laws were based on Christianity – originally that’s all. TV has the Moderator’s views and the press. It is quite divorced from reality. It is never someone you know. The Church and Government Committee has to speak out. It is very awkward at times. It is very reactionary as soon as someone says something, someone else is against it; at times you have to ruffle feathers. The Church is about Jesus and the people being saved, not about politics. Edward Walker says simply: ‘The Church should stay away from politics. No, I don’t think it has a Unionist stance. I don’t see anything wrong with that.’ However, Audrey McAllister had a contrary opinion: I get the feeling different areas have different answers. It is Unionist. It shouldn’t be that. We could get more of an Alliance area. There is diverse political opinion. They are less seen. The Church and Government Committee, I think they have spoken well. There are prayers said for the good of the country. The TV puts out want they want to put out. Churches could give a view on homosexuality. There could be pressure groups in schools. They are not heard on moral issues enough. It is because the media are not reporting it. We are put into society by a group of people who are out. Our Church needs to be salt and light. You have to interpret. To apply the principles some things are always the same. I don’t hear it. Lorraine Foy does see the Church as Unionist: I would say it leans in a Unionist way. There is an element that tends to be more tolerant, the Alliance Party type. Most people would be

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Unionist. Most Protestants are Unionist. They are moderate Unionists rather than DUP. There are excellent people on the Church and Government Committee. Trevor Morrow is the new Moderator. I strongly dislike Moderators who would not talk to Roman Catholics. I strongly disagree with that. Yes, they should speak out provided they don’t take a party line. The Church and Government Committee are speaking good and effective common sense. It was great. Our minister would have read those out. On the parades they were very good. Caroline Burns is wary of stereotypes: The Church is widely seen as Unionist. There are a wide range of views within it. To people outside we seem Unionist. We assume that Catholics have a Nationalist view. A lot of them don’t. On the Church and Government Committee sometimes you have to listen very carefully to see what is being said and apply them to the situation they are talking about. Mostly the Church side of it would be very balanced. Not every word I would agree with, but on the whole it is balanced. Yes, the Church should speak out on political matters. Harry and Maud Reid say: We think that it should not be involved in politics. It was not that way, not this last year. Sometimes the Church is too much involved in giving too much advice. They should keep out of it. It is all right to give a moral point of view. Regarding political parties, they should not be involved. The Unionist party is split here. Everyone here has taken sides, a lot left and went to the Free Presbyterians. They left in the 1970s over the controversy about the World Council of Churches. In County Londonderry, Rev M. Cathcart thinks: It would have been perceived by others as having Unionist politics. There is a Unionist connection. Unfortunately, yes, the views of certain individuals have not softened, some of these young men have very strong political views. On the subject of women in the ministry they hold extreme positions. I believe the Church must speak out on certain political matters in order to act with integrity. There are individual issues such as whether the Church should give a judgement on the Belfast Agreement. If the Church decides to engage in political issues we must be cautious in doing so. As ministers we must not compromise our position by using the pulpit to impose our views.


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Simon Rice’s view is: As for the Church and Government Committee reports, I would not see many of them. Occasionally, our minister would photocopy the announcements. I am happy enough with anything I have seen. In as much as has I have seen them. If it speaks with Christian principles – not denominational cultural – historical baggage – then the Church should speak out on political matters. On the view of the Presbyterian Church as the Unionist party at prayer, I draw the line there. There was a guy at Drumcree who gave off about denominations. That is too political – not policies that I am comfortable with. In Belfast, Bill Evans thinks: ‘It should not have. No, officially no. In our church, some people are high up in the Orange Order, then also on the selection committee. I have no objection to the Orange meeting in it, and would let them have a meeting, but would not preach at it. Some Orangemen left. I am basically a socialist. I think that the Church should say their concerns. I think too often that they are too silent. They should be speaking out more on moral issues such as cloning, etc. World issues are left to the Presbyterian Women’s Association (PWA). In County Down, Rev Dr Patterson admits: It would be a Unionist stance. There is quite good leadership from the Assembly. They have made statements and pleaded with people to talk. Church and the Government Committee of the Assembly speak. Yes, I think that it should speak in a non-political not a party line, on violence, hospitals, education, not party political. Marjorie Rowe declares: At times the Church has to speak out. It can be very difficult speaking to a congregation. One is not on one’s own at the other end. I feel our Church needs to state what they feel rather than say nothing. All the leaders, Church of Ireland, Catholics and Methodist all get together and talk. An Antrim minister is positive: On the Church and Government Committee, a lot of it is very good. They spend a lot of time getting it right. There is a need to have the

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precision of words. It is important that the Church has things to say. We have missed some ethical and moral issues. We should move in that direction. When there are no cameras at our General Assembly it will be harder for us to have a voice. We need to look beyond old chestnuts. The Church should speak out on the affairs of the state, marriage, family. It should not become apolitical but encourage engagement. In South Down, another minister agrees with this statement: Politics, yes undoubtedly we are seen as Unionists at prayer. The General Assembly is seen as representative of majority. John Dunlop speaks with authority, recognized authority. We do cover a large spectrum. A majority of our ministers would be Trimble Unionist rather than Willie Ross Unionist. There is a dynamic between ministers/ruling elders etc. at Presbyterian level. Elders have held more sway. As regards Roman Catholic relations, the minister has kept quiet. All my congregations are quite liberal but staunch Unionists. I have done things some of my predecessors could have done. I have spoken out and have not had bad reactions. Some of my farmers said if Dublin had been looking after us we would be better off. On constitutional issues in Northern Ireland, should the Church speak? In the broader context, Jesus was political. What is political and what is social? Some say that we should have social contact, and not get involved in theology – where do social contract and theology end and begin? The Church cannot avoid speaking politically. The Church and Government Committee is composed of a wide range of people. It is gloriously Presbyterian. You can see John Dunlop’s hand. They are classical Presbyterian documents. Alison Morrison, the youngest respondent, gives the views of some of her peers: I would say that a few would think it is Unionist. I don’t pay much attention, nor do most of my friends. Everyone is exasperated. Most young people see politics is futile. The Church should not speak. No, the way the media could interpret it could do more harm. Martin White is negative regarding church involvement: The Church can get into politics. I am very much against [this]. Brady and the Roman Catholic Church could not support the police. I voted


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‘no’. I could not agree with prisoners getting out. We were encouraged to vote ‘yes’ by our Church. I did not leave – I would rather fight. On political matters, stay out of Northern Ireland politics. I was in the minority. I don’t like David Dunseath. A lot of people would vote ‘no’ today. When you vote ‘yes’ you say life means nothing. In Belfast, Lynn Hickson sees the political as divisive: Politics again leads to divisions. At one end there are the very liberal and at the other one very conservative. Then there is Martin McGuinness and Barbara de Bruin. I am not bigoted, but Sinn Fein in our government makes my skin creep. It is difficult to listen to the Presbyterian Church. They still do not condemn it. They are not standing up for the values of Christianity. They try to be politically correct, and are so forgiving and tolerant. There are the forgotten victims in small communities giving a stronger lead. They are so tolerant. People should be told that they are sinners. Yes, they should be involved in politics, not to tell us how to vote. If something is wrong they should tell us, either believe the Bible or not. There is the homosexual issue in the Church of Ireland. I can’t understand a gay Christian group. Rev Ray Davey, founder of Corrymeela Community, says: ‘The Church must be politically aware, but they should leave people’s political views to themselves. The trouble with our Church is that it is deeply divided. We went on civil rights marches, but that was in a different political context. I admire William Rutherford.’ Unionist politician, Esmond Birnie, states that: It would be perceived as so. Available evidence would say [that] most vote for pro-Union parties. The PCI’s own Church and Government Committee has more mixed views, some of these being problematic. It is difficult for PCI and its spokespersons. I would not expect them to endorse an Ulster Unionist Party position. They need to speak prophetically and avoid being allied to one party. I think some prominent Presbyterian churchmen and churchwomen have gone too far and more or less implied that not only must some perceived historic alliance between Unionism and Presbyterianism be ditched but now ‘good evangelical Christians’ should cease to feel British in any sense and embrace ‘Irishness’, whatever that means. The Church should say that there are moral principles. Yes, the Church should speak out on political matters (I would like to hear the

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Churches say more about, say, the future of education in Northern Ireland, the impact of the European farming policy on Africa or the growth of the sex industry, together with people trafficking in these islands). The Church cannot allow society and laws to be divorced from moral principles. The Churches cannot be poodles of any party or, indeed, the London–Dublin consensus. They have to do their homework. In England and Scotland, Churches make particular statements on economics (for example, taxation, the Third World) but often show a lack of understanding of such matters; sometimes making unreflective, socialist-type assumptions that all government interventions are good and all markets economics necessarily greedy and malign. One Tyrone minister says he shreds Church and Government Committee documents. In Belfast, Rev Alistair Bill has ministered in both the North and South. He perceives that: The Church and Government Committee has worked hard to look at the different viewpoints, not DUP, Unionist or Fianna Fail or Fine Gael. Some people want it to be a more overtly supportive Church and Government Committee. They should not and cannot afford to be involved party-politically. They need to speak God’s word into the situation, sometime prophetically. Individual contexts involve different things. Mary Scott puts it like this: Unionist, not really, I would like peace with justice. A lot of people are classed as Unionist. I do not agree with unrepentant terrorists in government. I do not see any evidence of that. I did not vote for the agreement. I was called a rejectionist. One Presbyterian minister spoke to Sinn Fein. Dunlop has a good understanding. The Churches should have united prayer and more consensus about small differences. In County Tyrone, another minister says: We are seen as Unionist. I do not feel that the Church ought to be. The Church and Government Committee tends to be reasonable. I would like to feel I could be a Christian in the South. Too many live within Unionism, one minister is too politically involved. On my mother’s side, eight of her family came north. It is territory that is not


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Christian. Get out and leave them to it. The Church has a part to play in the well-being of society. There is an educational process – what is their responsibility? For God and Ulster? It is an impossible situation that I cannot equate. Ulster is only temporary. In conclusion, the majority of respondents believed the Presbyterian Church should speak out on political matters, but also that it should be balanced. There is a turning away from the Orange Order, and many admit to the labels of Unionist and Presbyterian going hand in hand. Presbyterians have always been proud of their dissenting tradition, and many maintain that the picture is more nuanced than might appear; there are Presbyterian Northern nationalists in the sample. This will be further explored in Chapter 7. The Church walks a fine line between declaring the word of God in its reformed expression that is relevant and challenging, and yet is pastorally aware of the harsh realities of the Northern Ireland situation. The American Presbyterian Church split for over a hundred years on the issue of slavery. The Church is wary of the spectre of schism. The PCI is mindful of representing the word of God in a way that is relevant and sensitive. There is a clear call for the Church to speak with an authoritative voice on matters that pertain to such wider topics as Christian values and morality. How far should a minister go in leading a congregation into change in line with Christian values, and how far do people need affirmation and to avoid falling into the trap of Protestant victimhood, as described by Jordan (2001, p. 113). In the survey by Boal et al., 1993, p. 104, there were high levels of support for sermons with greater social and political content. Among Alliance supporters, 87 per cent were in favour of such sermons; plus 62 per cent of Unionists, and 54 per cent of DUP supporters. This would suggest that churchgoers are keen for their Churches to give guidance in matters of morality and religion.

Prejudice and presbyterians To conclude this section, Presbyterians were asked if they had experienced any prejudice towards them as Presbyterians. Morrow (2004), using figures from 2001, suggests that Presbyterians in Northern Ireland believe that few groups are discriminated against in the area: While 21% of Presbyterians conceded that disabled and elderly people were generally treated unfairly and 13% believe there is discrimination against Travellers, Presbyterians in general conceded almost no

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discrimination on grounds of gender or ethnicity or sexual orientation. Perhaps most interestingly, 20% of Presbyterians asserted that Protestants were generally treated unfairly, whereas only 2% perceived any unfairness to Catholics. At the very least, this suggests that there is no active Presbyterian support for an equality agenda which foresees massive improvements in the relative position of Catholics and little significant political support for other groups. More importantly, a considerable number of people believed the equality laws to be currently more biased against Protestants than against Catholics. Even more telling were the questions on confidence in cultural traditions: While 28% of Presbyterians believed that their cultural tradition was protected, over 44% believed the opposite. For as long as this is the case, large numbers of Presbyterians will continue to be suspicious of the protection of Britishness under the Agreement and remain sceptical of those who argue in the Agreement’s favour. Similarly 36% of Presbyterians believed that their cultural tradition is the established underdog in modern Northern Ireland as opposed to 28% who do not believe this to be the case. While 29% remain to be convinced, these results confirm that a battle for the future of Ulster is being fought within Presbyterianism. I asked all respondents if they had experienced prejudice as Presbyterians. There were only a few negative responses to this question, which are detailed below. Emma Lockett says, on a personal level: ‘No, I would not say there was. I would have huge interfaces with Catholics. There is some from the other Protestant denominations. Some think their Christianity is better.’ Mr Pollock, from County Down, sees prejudice in that ‘A minister would not preach to an Orangeman.’ In County Londonderry, Rev Cathcart says he has not experienced prejudice. In County Down, Peter Newton is uncertain: ‘I cannot really say. Some people have prejudice because you are a Christian. Being a Protestant, in certain places you would face prejudice. Presbyterians are more Reformed than Catholics. It is plain and simple.’ In South Down, Martin White again mentions the Free Presbyterians: ‘You would have to explain about being a Presbyterian, you are not from Ian Paisley. I would agree with the things he stands for but he goes about it the wrong way.’


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Politician Esmond Birnie said: I have experienced prejudice as an evangelical Christian, especially in the media. We are in a very politically correct culture. We have a post9/11 phenomenon added to a ‘post-1969–95’ one – that is, there are plenty of secularists out there in places of authority in Northern Ireland who want to exploit the argument that ‘religion caused the Troubles’ and hence the road to peace is to shift the Province to a postChristian era. Fundamentalist or conservative Christians (Protestant or Catholic) are denigrated. I find that irksome, but it is not yet persecution, though this may be coming, particularly given our politically incorrect views. Post-1998 government policy has especially highlighted ‘equality’ – it is striking that when the NIO [Nineteen Ireland Office] makes exceptions to equality (for example, 50:50 police recruiting, exemption of teaching from fair employment, removal of the Protestant Church representatives from Stranmillis, the new system of domestic rate) these work against Protestants! In terms of equality and discrimination, religion does not have the effect it once had on a person’s social position. Russell (2004, p. 47) found that ‘there are still areas where Catholics, particularly males, are underrepresented (security, district councils and the private sector) and evidence of Protestant under-representation in health and education’. Miller (2004, p. 64) says that Fair Employment legislation seems to have done its job in equalizing chances in the employment market, but men still have a greater chance of upward mobility than women. Prejudice is interpreted in this section in a number of different ways. Presbyterians are at times misunderstood. The Presbyterian Church in Ireland and Ian Paisley’s Free Presbyterian Church are two very different and opposing entities, and I was frequently told, both North and South of the border, that this was offensive to members of the PCI, who do not wish to be associated with the Free Presbyterian mindset. There also appeared to be small differences between Presbyterians and the Church of Ireland. Prejudice against women is, in some churches, still a major issue, this will be discussed in Chapter 9. The Orange Order is again controversial. There are those who regard it as so subversive that the Presbyterian Church should have nothing do to with it, and a very small number who believe Presbyterians are prejudiced in taking such an approach. The media is also criticized by Dr Esmond Birnie, who believes it is at times unsympathetic to Christianity. The media also at times take Robin Eames’ views as being representative of the Protestant community, when, numerically,

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Presbyterians are stronger. The yearly election of the Presbyterian Moderator is seen as a disadvantage in a media age, although this happens because of the Presbyterian ethos of democratic government and a distrust of centralized power.

Conclusions The majority of Presbyterians have rejected an Orange identity, and in the past Presbyterians were radical nationalists as United Irishmen. Other Presbyterians in the same historical time frame were Orangemen. Presbyterianism still had some radical individuals in public life until the Home Rule issue became a dominant issue, and Sinclair laid the foundations of the Ulster Unionist Party. This was further galvanized in the Ulster Covenant. Although Presbyterians are mainly Unionist, there are still some with Nationalist politics. Many do not wish to be identified with Ian Paisley’s politics, nor his Church. Orangeism is today unpopular amongst Presbyterians as a result of the bad publicity emanating from Drumcree. Ministers are not keen on the Orange Order, but do not want to cause splits and dissention within congregations, especially those in rural areas. The issue of flags is in a state of flux. Flags are another symbol of identity, and colours, including the Union flag, are presented as part of several church organizations’ traditions. It is the responsibility of ministers and sessions to make informed policy decisions. Generally, people believe that the Church should give Christian guidelines on political matters but should not tell people how to vote. The Church and Government Committee appears to have struck the right note in their policy-making, one that resonates with the majority of churchgoing Presbyterians. Although the Presbyterian Church of the past and present is seen as Unionist it is by no means the only vision people have for the future.

6 Presbyterians and Politics in Southern Ireland

This chapter will deal with relations between the Catholic Church and the Irish state, and how these were perceived by Presbyterians. A brief twentieth-century history of Irish politics will be presented, with particular emphasis on the role of Presbyterians. As with the North, we discuss Southern Presbyterian attitudes to flags, political identity and the Orange Order. I have also asked questions about prejudice and perceptions of prejudice.

The Catholic Church and the Irish state in the twentieth century In the North it was common to speak of a ‘Protestant Parliament for a Protestant people’, and in the South the common parlance was that of a ‘Catholic nation’. Issues that brought this to the fore were censorship, contraception and divorce. The rights of the Church were protected and enshrined in Article 44 of the 1937 Constitution. Censorship was established in 1929. As late as 1967, Brian Lenihan limited the ban to twelve years and thus released a huge backlog of banned books. Contraception and divorce were also important issues. In the Catholic state, the subject of contraception was taboo. Contraceptives were banned in 1925, under Section 17 of the Criminal Law Amendment Act. Divorce was not permitted in Irish law. In 1925, Cosgrove’s government set in motion proceedings that would bring the state view on divorce into line with that of the Catholic Church. Further to this was the law that those who had divorced in another jurisdiction and had remarried were now considered to be bigamists! The Catholic Church and the Church of Ireland will not remarry a divorcee. In the 1970s, feminists challenged these measures, Hill (2003, p. 155) tells of women making the headlines by travelling North 81

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to buy contraceptives because they were banned in the Republic. Divorce is now legal in certain circumstances under the fifteenth Amendment enacted in June 1996. This is discussed at length later in the chapter.

Presbyterians and the Southern state in the twentieth century Presbyterians are for the most part concentrated in Northern Ireland. In the 1901 Census there were 4.5 million people in Ireland, three-quarters being Roman Catholics and the rest Protestants. Just under half of these were Presbyterians (443,276), though most of their distribution was concentrated in the north-east. Megahey (2000, p. 12) explains that, of the thirty-six Presbyteries into which churches were organized in 1900, just eleven were outside the counties of the north-east, and these contained only 14 per cent of the population. In fact the Witness, a Presbyterian newspaper, declared that ‘We are not to be styled the Presbyterian Church of Ulster’, a phrase often used by contemporary Southern respondents. The respect due to the Moderator became an issue in the twentieth century. Newspapers report that precedence was denied to him at the Vice-regal Lodge or Dublin Castle. After a year, the issue was resolved and he was given precedence along with the Anglican archbishops. Another thorny issue, that of university education, also caused a problem. Trinity College remained a bastion of Anglican privilege, and Presbyterians maintained that there was religious discrimination against both Presbyterians and Catholics. The Catholics already had their own college in Stephen’s Green. They objected to the position of Trinity and the promise of the government to Catholics of their own university. Presbyterians too wanted their own educational institution under denominational influence. Public opinion favoured the nationalization of Trinity, as did many Presbyterians. In the end, the scheme of a new university of Ireland open to all consisting of Trinity, the Catholic College and the Queen’s Colleges of Cork and Belfast became law. Presbyterians were involved in the Land League struggle, and in the nineteenth century there were prominent Presbyterians in the Irish Nationalist movement. This changed with the advent of the Home Rule bill, and at the 1892 Assembly in Dublin, Northerners and Southerners united in their opposition to the bill. This position remained largely static until 1914. Unionists and Presbyterians feared Home Rule, and in general were vehemently opposed to it. The First World War brought many changes, and many men and chaplains died in the war. At the time of the Easter Rising, Presbyterians were horrified, as were the majority of


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Dubliners, and did not give it their support. The Somme was a major event for Ulster; some contrasted the two events as the difference between loyalty and treachery. However partition was to occur with the setting in motion of the Government of Ireland Act in 1920. As O’Neill (1990) points out, until the Partition most Presbyterians had an ‘Empire mentality’. Dunlop (1995) says that, according to Barkley (1995, p. 65), Presbyterian numbers dropped very sharply at the time of the civil war. Barkley states: By March 31 1922, by murder, burnings-out and terrorism, Presbyterian numbers had been reduced in the presbytery of Athlone by 30 per cent, of Connaught by 36 per cent, of Cork by 45 per cent, of Dublin by 16 per cent and of Munster by 44 per cent – not to mention their dead, and the destruction in the nine counties of Ulster. In 1923, when the Church operated in two jurisdictions, the Assembly outlined a vision for the denomination : ‘Whatever the political future of Ireland there is one point in which we must take our stand as Presbyterians – there must be no partition in our Church … We are all members of one Church, the Presbyterian Church in Ireland.’ Indeed, in the minutes of the 1923 (1923, p. 3) Assembly are these words: A widespread spirit of revolt against law and order was manifest throughout the year, with the result that crimes of every description were committed with impunity. Not only was terrible injury done to public and private property that will take years to repair, but many lives were lost in the sanguinary struggle, and a very large number of Protestants were compelled to leave the country, in some cases nothing being left to them but their lives and the smoking ruins of their homes. More terrible, however, than the material destruction done to property has been the widespread demoralization amongst thousands of the young people in our land as evidenced by the callous deeds of vandalism and murder which have been committed and by the statements made in the Lenten pastorals of the Roman Catholic bishops. In 1926, the Moderator, Dr R. K. Hanna, commented on the vast exodus that there was no Presbyterian congregation that had not halved, and while he was not aware of religious disabilities, the increased importance of the Irish language on the agenda of the new state was proving to be an inconvenience. In the period up to the Second World War other grievances voiced were state censorship, bans on contraception,

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sectarianism and discrimination. At this time it was common for jobs to be advertised with a religious preference stated, White (1975, p. 158). Presbyterians who stayed gradually accepted their position as a tiny minority. In 1937, the Constitution of the state was drawn up, influenced strongly by the Catholic ethos that prevailed at that time. However, despite a further fall in the numerical strength of Presbyterians, O’ Neill (1990; p. 87) records the views of a Southern elder, Ebenezer Bain, who ‘assured all that the rights of Presbyterians were amply secured and that there was respect and consideration for them by those in authority and their fellow countrymen’. In 1939, the Presbyterian Church in Ireland had thirty-three Presbyteries, nine of these in the South of Ireland, and Derry had many churches in the Republic. The total number of families claiming a connection with the church was 7,518. By contrast, in 1999, the church had three Presbyteries in the South, and Derry Presbytery had a few churches in the Republic. The total number of families claiming a connection was 4,658. The Witness on 8 September 1939 recorded this speech regarding Northern relations with the South: Although Eire seems to bind the moral obliquity of Germany and her anti-God companion Russia, that is no reason why Ulster should remain idle. We have never been a part and parcel of Southern Ireland, but we have watched her activities for many years and we are not surprised that she sympathises with Germany rather than with Poland. Like Belgium, Poland is predominantly Roman Catholic but that fact bears no weight with those who govern the South of Ireland. Last time they gave active help to Germany: this time they say they will do nothing. We can only say their attitude will call forth the contempt of all liberty loving men. If Britain only closed her ports to Eire she would be bankrupt in a few months. We in the North are only doing our duty to Great Britain with whom we are determined to stand or fall. In the 1951 Reports (Synod of Dublin, 1972) we see: ‘There is an anxiety in the Twenty-six counties about our people absorbing a religious culture and way of life which is not ours, and there is a growing dread of the erection of a papal state ruled by the Roman Canon Law. There are increasing signs of impatience with minority views.’ White (1975, p. 16) tells us that in 1961 Presbyterians numbered 18,953–0.67 per cent of the population. In 1971, Presbyterians numbered 16,054 – that is, 0.55 per cent of the population. In 1972, the


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Church and Government Committee sent out 170 questionnaires; of these, 52 were returned – 17 from Donegal and Monaghan and 18 from Dublin. Questions asked covered economic issues, including employment, the Constitution and identity. On the employment issue, in Monaghan, employment was good, but the better-educated had more trouble getting employment. In Dublin, not many Presbyterians were unemployed, but it was a community problem. The Synod is also concerned about the report of a case of a woman being refused an operation to prevent further childbearing. There was concern about the Constitution, although many felt the changes would have little real effect as most did not feel any disability. Some argued that the Catholic Church should not have a special position, as the religious composition of the population already gave it an advantage. The greatest dissention was not on divorce and contraception, but on the position of the Irish language and the claim for sovereignty over the whole island. Some felt that the changes in the Constitution were to satisfy Protestants, and that it would have little real impact, but that it should ensure civil rights for all. One minister declared that the laws on divorce and contraception were an attempt of ‘Roman Catholics to establish an ecclesiocracy’. Some felt Article 8 on the Irish language should go. On the identity question, there were a variety of answers, some felt a great affinity with Unionists in the North and a rejection of the South, and others wanted an identity that was protestant Irish rather than Scoto-British. Some thought that more Protestants should join the civil service and the Gardai, and others feared this as it might promote more intermarriage. In Dublin, separationist/integration arguments were put forward. Some thought integration possible in a pluralistic society, while others said they had nothing to fear if they could stick to their own values and might even attract Roman Catholics. If not, they will become more like a dying caste than a living Church. Monaghan people raised the issue of the problematic Ne Timere decree, and asserted that when mixed marriages failed it was stacked against the Protestant partner. Class was also a factor, with many Protestants withdrawn from community life. Many felt that the Synod might speak out and convey that many Protestant fears were groundless. There was, and still is, a perception that Presbyterians are Northern Unionists. After the events in Derry on 28 January 1971 there were people who were threatened, and Protestant people, due to threatening phone calls, became fearful of an anti-British and anti-Protestant feeling. For the most part, people in Donegal thought internment was wrong but understandable. In fact, 99 per cent of the population of Catholics were against it: ‘Terrorism was

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an evil thing, effective short term measures against terrorism were bound to be evil also’ (Synod of Dublin, 1972, p. 21). In Monaghan, it was seen to be wrong but justified in the ‘war’ situation. In Dublin again most were against it, and said it increased anti- British/Protestant sentiment. In 1937, there was a clause in the Constitution which recognized the special position of the Catholic Church. This was removed from the Constitution on 5 January 1973. The Articles on religion now guarantee freedom of conscience, and the free profession and practice of religion, subject to public order. The state guarantees not to endow any religion and not to discriminate on grounds of religious belief or status. In 1993, there were 13,277 Presbyterians in the Republic. In 2005, the General Assembly minutes record 12,909 Presbyterians claiming membership in the South. Recently there has been an attempt on the part of the Church to encourage church planting, a congregation has now been set up in Maynooth, Co. Dublin, and another church plant in Mullingar.

Recent developments in relation to Presbyterians in the South of Ireland In 1997, the Church and Government Committee outlined the traditional view of the Republic as traditional, nationalist, a people and a state dominated by the Roman Catholic Church, and with the lack of a work ethic demonstrated by a poor economy. The report outlines various changes, notably the benefits of membership of the EU, urbanization, a postNationalist mentality, economic co-operation with the North, modern transport and infrastructure, increasing secularization, and changes in the perception of and regard for the Catholic Church since revelations of sexual and other abusive practices have been addressed and discussed in the media. The Presbyterian Church sees an increased opportunity for Christian witness. The Church admits that at times it has seemed as though the Presbyterian Church is primarily concerned with Northern Ireland and has been perceived as being Unionist. This is precisely the question I put to my respondents, both Northern and Southern. The committee concludes that now is the time to pay attention to these changes and to build lasting relationships, instead of giving in to reactions of ‘anxiety and fear which cause the Church to become reactive, insular, and conservative’. Rev John Woodside describes his perspective: The experience in Kilkenny reflects the fact that Presbyterians in the South are no longer an Ulster Scots remnant but local people drawn


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from many cultural and religious backgrounds who choose to worship in a Presbyterian church because of its commitment to the Gospel. This is more evident at the present time [2005] as foreign nationals from many nations settle in Ireland. In the Presbyterian church in Drogheda, people of more than fifteen nationalities worship together; the only common bond is the Gospel. They include people from Buddhist, Muslim and Communist party backgrounds as well as many Christian denominations. Mitchel (1998) also describes changes to Ireland’s identity in a postmodern world. In the past, the Catholic Church was a cohesive, unifiying force. Eamon de Valéra’s State had all the appeal of modern monolithic nationalism. This led to a homogeneous identity. This has all been challenged and contested in postmodern Ireland. Irish society is more fragmented, multi-culturalism is an issue, and the authority of the Catholic Church has been discredited by a series of revelations involving serious sexual misconduct. This has undermined a taken-for-granted attitude to authority figures that prevailed in the past. On the positive side, history is being interpreted in more creative and inclusive ways.

War commemoration and Orange parades in the South There have been shifts in commemoration in both North and South. Walker (2000) describes the social and political nuances that effect the celebration of particular events. He tells us that the first Armistice Day brought both sides of the community in both parts of Ireland together. However, increasingly, Armistice Day became linked with Unionism as an integral part of a ‘Protestant identity’. The commemoration services were part of the composition of Protestant identity. In the North, Walker (2000, p. 99) says ‘a majority of those Irishmen who died came from the Catholic community throughtout Ireland. This includes not only the First World War when all of Ireland was part of the United Kingdom but also the Second World War when volunteers from the South as well as Irish in Great Britain served in Crown forces. After the Second World War, Armistice Day became known as Remembrance Day. Nationalists tended not to support these events, but instead marked the Easter Rising of 1916, and St Patrick’s Day was widely celebrated. Leonard (1996) discusses the history of Remembrance Sunday in Dublin since 1919 and present-day developments. After the Enniskillen bombing of 8 November 1987 of a Remembrance Day service, attitudes have softened and changed. There has been a greater interest in the Republic in those Irishmen who

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served in both wars. The play, Observe the Sons of Ulster Marching towards the Somme by Frank McGuinness was presented in Dublin in September 2004 to sympathetic audiences. The commemoration of the war dead is less contentious now, and more inclusive. President McAleese represented Ireland and laid a wreath in the company of Queen Elizabeth II at a recent war commemoration service. As for Orange parades in the South, these were restricted to Cavan, Monaghan and Donegal. There were some large parades in the 1920s, but by 1931 parades had stopped in Cavan and Monaghan. In 1931, there was trouble in Cootehill, with the IRA blowing up the railway line. There were government assurances to the Orangemen that their parades would be protected, but the Grand Lodge cancelled the demonstrations. Marches in the future were restricted to church services. In Donegal, Rossnowlagh has become a central demonstration point in the South, and those from Cavan and Monaghan gather there. In addition, some Southerners attend Northern parades, and as this meeting is on the Saturday before ‘the Twelfth’, some Northerners travel across the border to support them. We now look at the attitudes of ministers and individuals towards the Orange Order.

Southern Attitudes to the Orange Order The Orange Order is an institution that is perceived to be predominantly Northern and Protestant. In this section we explore the views of Southern Presbyterians to this controversial institution. Seymour Crawford TD offers this view: There are some very good people involved in that order, as there are in different other organizations such as the Ancient Order of Hibernians on the Catholic side, but unfortunately the Orange Order has been dragged into or allowed themselves to get involved in some activities over the last thirty years which did not do their ethos or organization any credit. Sarah Moorehead, from Dublin and Munster, sees the Order as subversive: I do not like the Orange Order. I have no use for it. It is far too political. It is sheltering their missionary code. They are so bitter. We need to understand Roman Catholics. So much that we know is superficial. ‘Maryology’ is less and less, you can now talk on a Christian level and you do not notice the difference.


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Edward Snodden explains his family connection: ‘My father was an Orangeman, not a very effective one, the same as my uncles. It was sort of nominal. They got on well with Catholic neighbours. Portadown has done tremendous damage; there is a bad element in it. My father was brought up in Monaghan. We had holidays there.’ Darren Smyth says: ‘William of Orange was politically and factually paid by a Pope to come to Ireland.’ On the border, David Mitchell maintains: I do not know enough about it. The organizations are very secretive. All that has happened on the Garvaghy Road … I do not agree with rioting. There are some dedicated Christians. The Orange Order has got a neo-Nazi element. They have tattoos and shaven heads. They are the hooligans within Orangeism. I do not agree with Ian Paisley. He is a pulpit-basher. On the border, one minister is fairly positive: They have changed. An uncle of my father’s was very loyal to the very end. I would have seen them in a negative light until I moved here. William Bingham is pro-British and anti-ecumenical. The Orange Order is a key player in shaping circumstances socially. If it does that positively I would understand its role. Thomas Young used to be a member: In Derry, there was an incident – old men tried to walk across – they were abusive. My brother and others are still in it. My brother’s children are in it. In East Donegal – my father said we were sold down the river. He was very convinced that Donegal was left out. I would have no problem if they were not so militant and be prepared to talk. It is very contradictory that you can march and have a good relationship with Roman Catholics. Then there was stopping Catholic neighbours going to church in Ballymena. On the border, another minister is aware of sectarianism: It is Orange stuff, the culture is not about the Gospel. It is political with a veneer of religion: Satan masquerading as an angel of light. It is idolatry of British identity and the border (partition settlement).

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I had to stop being sectarian as a Christian. Is God only God of the six counties? Charles McDowell was personally involved: ‘I would not be in favour. I was an Orangeman, I thought that they were a religious organization, but it used religion.’ Andrea Spencer was also involved: ‘I played in a band. Dad and my brother are still in a band. Both sides are involved. I do not take strong sides. Dad is not political’. Philip Cleith is less sympathetic to the residents of the Garvaghy Road. He says: The other people are not listened to. I have Roman Catholic cousins. They used to go up in 1967–8. They would have watched it; it was a day out. I see the Orange Order as protecting democracy. It gets very bad press down here. Presbyterian is seen as [being] to do with Ian Paisley. The majority of the RUC is Presbyterian. In County Donegal, Rev Stephen Rea explains: I have huge problems with the Orange Order. Unlike the Masons, it claims to be Christian. But is there any better example of people who put politics before Jesus? They had to choose between God and Ulster and they chose Ulster! They showed that at Drumcree. They must repent. If we take up Jesus’s Cross, He comes first. Philip McKeown has mixed views: ‘What they stand for contradicts the impression – what they should stand for. They are too forceful at marches. They should not march where they are not wanted. They are misunderstood a lot. They could show more leadership, and stick with high moral ground.’ Cedrick Wilson says: ‘My gut reaction, I would tend to support them. They are a bit bigoted.’ In County Donegal, Roberta Jackson is puzzled by their presence: ‘I do not see the reason, apart from historical, why it should be in the Republic at all. We have no dealing with it. A lot of their agenda seems to be political.’ Matthew McDonald found the order to be:

More of a social outing and gathering, it brings Protestants together, they are the only organization that has done that. The leadership has


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not done its job. Our organization in county Donegal have been able to keep politics out of it. We would have people who support Drumcree, [but] they are a minority. Most say that that is not our road. They try and emphasize the religious role. In Dublin and Munster, Rev John Woodside views are: The Orange Order seeks to identify the Evangelical faith with Unionism, and in so doing distorts the message and promotes a ‘false Gospel’. While it has a democratic right to promote the link with Great Britain, it should have no place in Christian churches which celebrate Christ’s victory on the Cross (not the Battle of the Boyne), the kingship of Christ (not William III) and promote the kingdom of God (not the United Kingdom). Church statements on Drumcree have tended to call on Orange Order members to behave in a better way, as though the problem was a few bad men in a fundamentally good order. The real problem is too many good men in a fundamentally flawed Order. It is a nettle Churches will have to grasp if they are to have any credibility outside Unionist communities. Gary Donnellan thinks: The Orange Order is sad. Some of the loyalist people are caught up in it. Their head rules their heart. They misunderstand the name given to them. A name tagged on to them. They were trying to express what they wanted to believe. If you are Christian then you are a Christian, you accept salvation freely. Believe in the Gospel. One Southern minister believes there is: No need for the Orange Order. While it claims to be Christian, the issue is that while we have rights we also have responsibilities to fulfil our Christian duties. In relation to marching, Jesus would not have gone where he was not wanted, just read the Gospels, and the Old Testament narrative where Israel were not permitted always to march where they wanted. Jesus gave up his rights in order that we might have a right to enter His Kingdom, because he fulfilled His duty. The Reformed Presbyterians (Covenanters) have it right, where one is not to be a member of the Orange. Dan Maynard, from Dublin and Munster, describes it as: ‘Remote from here. It is not part of the culture. People do associate [the] Presbyterian

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Church unfortunately. We have Orange services at home. It gets very bad press here. They are a bunch of bigots.’ Carrie Green says: ‘The Orange Order is part of our heritage. I was loyal to it until Portadown, now I would not want to be connected.’ Finally, Monaghan politician Seymour Crawford admits: I enjoyed the music and the harmless picnics in my younger days. My own family are not involved. It was a picnic affair until the Troubles. Now it has become political. Now people are demanding the right to march from April to November. I remember the parade in June–July. The next area’s ended by 12th August. There is an element in the Order that is highly political but there are a lot of good people in it. I have other ways to express my identity. No one is in doubt where my principles are. In summary, many people in the South believe the Orange Order is too political; Christ and Caesar are a bad combination. Other labels for Orangemen are very negative, as they are seen as bigots and at worst neo-Nazis. Some people are able to see some merit in their community and social role. However, most see even this negatively; it is about culture, not the Gospel, and is considered to be anti-Catholic, in both ideology and practice. A minority support the order in Donegal, where there are still Lodges. The majority of people in the South do not support them, even fewer after Drumcree, as in the North. Some ministers are of the opinion that their presence is detrimental to the ministry of the Presbyterian Church in the Republic. They add that the Presbyterian Church is connected with the Orange Order in the minds of many people. The majority of ministers in the South see it as an organization that is detrimental to their work.

Flags In August 2004, the Irish Times correspondence page there was a debate about the meaning of the Irish flag, and whether it was perceived as sectarian. Irish Girl Guides are a separate organization from Girlguiding Ulster, and would never march with the national flag. The rare exception to this would possibly be on St Patrick’s Day, when the Irish Girl Guide flag is flown. Marching with the Union Jack is a tradition in many, but not all, congregations who have Guides/Scouts and GB and BB in Northern Ireland. Flags are also displayed in some churches as part of a war memorial. I asked respondents for their views on flags in church, and whether the presence of a flag might feel alienating to a Catholic visitor.


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Dublin and Munster member, Peter Knox, has a variety of views about flags: The problem that I have with flags … In Coleraine there is a Union flag flying outside. What we get from that [is] this church is for Unionists only. It is the same in Portstewart; that makes me feel if you are a Nationalist and Presbyterian you could not go. The Church is there for the people. We only have the company colour down here. In St Patrick’s Cathedral they fly the Tricolour. Darren Smyth sees the situation as problematic: As far as it goes, I have no problem with the Guides’ flag. I do have a problem with the Union Jack flag – that is the flag of the country not of the Guides. I would not want a Tricolour in my church – that is the country, nothing to do with Christ. The Guides are a section of the Church. Rev David Nesbitt of Ballybay is definitely opposed: ‘I do not like it. We have not got uniformed organizations. We have town organizations. They meet in the church hall. They are not my organizations. The leaders are largely Protestants.’ Ian Martin of the same area takes a majority approach: ‘I have no problem with flags within reason. It is up to every individual. If the majority want to provide them then let them have it. If there are Catholics it is better to have no flags. The flags of organizations are OK.’ Ex-Orangeman, Thomas Young, cannot see what all the controversy is about: ‘To me, I have no difficulty with that in Northern Ireland. I cannot see that Catholics are offended; people have to look beyond the symbols. The Union Jack or Tricolour never threatened me. The flag is there and should be there. I do not see that it should be a problem’. But Charles McDowell is against flags: ‘I would not be for flags in churches. Dad’s cousin died near Enniskillen. There was a Union Jack, he was buried on the 3rd of July. I feel the same about the idea of the Tricolour. The chapels don’t have flags.’ One minister says: ‘The BB wanted to come to this town and parade with the Union Jack. I have no problem with carrying the Tricolour. The BB and GB obey the law of the land. As for national identity – teach our children to respect the government.’ Southern politician Seymour Crawford says: ‘I do not have a hang-up in the Northern Ireland situation. I have not seen anywhere else within Ireland that there are flags

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(near the same extent).’ With regard to flags in church, he says: ‘It certainly should not be there on a continuous basis. I believe in that context the Church and politics should not be as one.’ In summary, Southerners generally believe that church is not really a suitable place for flags. Religion and political identity should be kept separate. Ministers in particular are keen not to alienate anyone who might be visiting the church. We shall now review the opinions of ministers and individuals on the role of the Church and Government Committee in politics.

Views on the Church and Government Committee Dublin and Munster member, Peter Knox, says he reads about Church policy: Only in [the] Herald, I do not get too much, or in the Irish Times. They try to balance statements out. They try to be fair, not dogmatic – not lean on one side, they are on the helpful middle ground. The vast majority is on Northern Ireland. We are seen as being Unionist. It is very secular now here. Forty years ago the Catholic Church had a pull in politics; that has totally changed. It is not all for the better. There is no great leadership, what with Tribunals and offshore accounts. Mrs Sarah Moorehead comments: Sometimes I agree with them. On the Police Bill, that is what I would expect. The Presbyterian Church moved on in the past seven years. Yes, I do think it is 99 per cent Unionist. I have always followed Henry Joy McCracken of 1798. I am a Republican. I have always been Republican. Father’s people were Unionist. I objected to Roman Catholics being second-class citizens. We should speak out on political matters. We should stand for the Dail and have more people at the Bar. We should have Presbyterians on the Bench. Our people should take a full stand. Darren Smyth is eloquent on this topic: In Northern Ireland, the Presbyterian Church is very biased in certain areas and could do with a good clean out. They should start looking at the planks in our [sic] own eyes. The Moderator (present, Trevor Morrow) has said some good things. I feel the Presbyterian Church


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could be an awful lot stronger on saying where their side, being the Protestant side, have been wrong, not just the Roman Catholic side. Do Presbyterians in the North realize that since Mr Clinton has come more people have taken in more of the North? Have they realized Ireland is considered outside as a country where Christians are killing Christians? Ian Martin comments on the North’s political problems: Ian Paisley was a great orator on the Anglo-Irish agreement. There is the Free Presbyterian Church at Drum. They are 50 per cent Protestant. They are stuck in the mould. Sinn Fein TDs are very parcelled up. They have 5,000 jobs in the PR. Sinn Fein were involved in the abortion campaign – abortion and the right to life. Seymour Crawford was alienated a lot by Free Presbyterians. His father was not elected as an elder so he moved to Newbliss [alleged]. I do not necessarily agree with William Bingham. I would learn to agree. There should be a political answer to the releases. A Sinn Fein councillor informed me that there are two PR people in Belfast, and in Dublin four or five. Some work part-time on press releases, so in total about ten or fifteen, including full and part-time. Rev David Nesbitt is conscious of a Northern bias, although there may now be a better balance: Traditionally, allied with Unionism uncritical of it leadership and direction to the political process. There are Presbyterians on this side of the border. As a whole, the Presbyterian Church is Northern. Seymour is from the South there, he is in the Dail. The previous generation with late 1960s looked to Belfast. People are generally happy citizens in the Republic. While what is now the Church and Society Committee (formerly the Church and Government Committee) is still fairly Northern in its thinking (which represents the large majority of the membership of the Church) there may now be a better balance. It should speak on issues which concern justice and morality. In a border church, Thomas Young agrees that it has been seen as that: ‘The Moderator speaks, that is a good idea, but I don’t always agree. Yes the Church should speak out.’

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A Southern minister says: The Church is perceived as having Unionist politics. There have been intervening centuries, but their politics are based on the sixteenthcentury English revolution. When people say politics and Christ, I do not know what Bible they are reading. The Church should not have a domineering voice. It has to try to be balanced. The Statements tend to be bland. In Cork, Rev John Faris thinks: ‘It tends to be Unionist, expressed by the Statements of General Board etc. I do not always agree; it depends on the Convener of the Church and Government Committee, so at the moment I do agree a lot! The Church should speak, yes, but not in a partisan, self-serving way.’ Charles McDowell states that the Church is Unionist: From a Roman Catholic point of view, it is. Yes, it is in the North, but not all would see it that way. The Church and Government Committee are geared for the North: that is where the biggest population are. There is good in everything. We should have an open mind. No, the Church should not speak on political matters. The Church is about men and God. There are different people in the Church with different political views. Some people canvas for a Presbyterian TD. Rev Dr Trevor Morrow often speaks on religious and political issues: Yes the PCI does have a Unionist stance simply because the majority are Unionists. The Church has values, set in the doctrine of the Sovereignty of God and the depravity of men. We appreciate the need for government that is accountable and the need for strong moral principles and ethics. The Church has a political stance but not a party political stance. The church reflects the values of the Kingdom of God. Nationalism (whether Unionist or Nationalist) is counter-productive, we need to reflect the diversity of the people. The Church and Government Committee, which speaks for the Church, are a very diverse group. Even in their diversity there is an aim to be faithful to the Scriptures. Enniscorthy minister Rev Sam Ankatell is aware of North/South differences: It is perceived as having a Unionist one, yes. I estimate 95 per cent of my people would be Nationalist in this area. There is a strong 1798


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centre. Folk here feel it should not be a Unionist church. I have a Sinn Fein voter. I was invited to attend a dinner of leaders. There were pictures of Gerry Adams – I felt uncomfortable but I went. Donald Logan is eloquent on this subject: The Moderator came to our town. The whole room was packed – 90 per cent were the Church of Ireland. I would read the statements of the Church and Government Committee. There are those for and against. A lot are followers of Paisley. People with intelligence know that the Presbyterian Church is not allied to Paisley. The brother of the mayor of Wexford is Fine Gael. I think the less that they have to do with politics the better. I am not politically minded. My brother is. Philip McKeown disputes the political link in this jurisdiction: Not in the Republic. Property is associated with a lot of Unionist members. On the whole they are very important. On the Church and Government Committee the majority of people would not know about it. It is discussed at committees and session. I think I would agree. The Church should have an opinion and give some guidance to Presbyterians and take part in the community. They should give advice rather than tell people what to do. Natalie Parsons comments on the politics of the Church: ‘Unionism not nationalism. It is expressed in Remembrance services, connection to Church House, and they sometimes sit on the fence in the middle of the road. It is better not to be controversial and drive people away. The Church should not speak out on political matters. No, it should keep out of Northern Ireland matters.’ On the border, Valerie Newman says: People think that it would be pro-Unionist. Years ago, Roman Catholics thought that the Devil lived in the Protestant Church – they would have to go to confession. It is different nowadays. The Church should speak out if it affects them – for example, intermarriage – the Ne Timere. It is more difficult for the Presbyterian partner. A lot of people were not in agreement with Dr Weir, who went to talk to the IRA. He was a man of vision, having lived in church for so long. He could see things from a different perspective. The Herald is a magazine for Northern Ireland Presbyterians. I have a high regard for

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Dr John Dunlop. After the Treaty, people went to Scotland or Northern Ireland. Ivan Yeats is a TD in Wexford; Protestants are more inclined towards Fine Gael. In County Donegal, Matthew McDonald talks about his local area: ‘In Donegal it does not have a political stance, but I would say it is Unionist. We do not have a pro-agreement group – no, that would be encouraged but they sometimes go overboard.’ Maureen and Gary McKee agree; Gary says: ‘There is no doubt about it. We would be regarded as Unionist. Unless it is on the news – other than that we have no contact with the Church and Government Committee. Most statements I would agree with. On the Moderator’s statements it depends on the Moderator. It should speak out politically.’ Charles Perry differentiates on territory: ‘No not here. In Northern Ireland it is Unionist. Religion and politics are not tied in the same way here. Fine Gael moved from 1922, the situation moved. On Church and Government we appreciated the statement on the Belfast agreement. It gives guidance.’ Roberta Jackson comments: From this side of the border, the Presbyterian Church of Ireland is seen as a family of Unionists. The Church and Government, Committee make an effort to support both governments. They come across as Northern-Ireland-orientated. The Church as a whole is moving towards the right (fundamentalist end). It is very depressing. We don’t feel that we have a raw deal. We are not misplaced Unionists. Generations in the past felt cut off. Enough generations have passed to make that a thing of the past. Many think of themselves as Irish. They relate to Dublin. Seymour Crawford, Presbyterian politician, gives his perspective: ‘The Church and Government Committee work is mostly quite good, on issues to do with Drumcree. The Church should speak on Third World aid; that would be helpful.’ On the Church having a political stance: ‘Yes. It has been very actively involved in the Peace structure. It has open views on different issues such as divorce, etc., and strong views on the need for [the] moderate use of alcohol’. He comments that it is expressed officially through ‘the Church and Government Committee that is actively involved both North and South, and meets with the senior politicians on a regular basis’. He believes that ‘The Church should speak out on political matters such as the poverty and starvation in different parts of


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the world, and how we should deal with such matters.’ He thinks there are differences between Northern and Southern Presbyterians: ‘Very definitely, yes. It is easy to be critical of what happens in Northern Ireland unless you live there and understand it, but there is clearly a mixing of cultures South of the border and people talk more freely between the different religious backgrounds.’ In summary, most people do see Presbyterians as Unionists in the North, and Northern Presbyterians have been called the Ulster Scots Club, or the family of Unionists. Southerners are swift to point out that they are not misplaced Unionists. The Church and Government Committee is obviously geared to the North, but this is logical, given the number of Presbyterians in the South. As in the case of Northerners, they prefer the Church to give general guidelines rather than become too involved in politics. People are generally happy with their position in the Irish State, and are not sympathetic to organizations such as the Orange Order, which they believe to be anti-Catholic, bigoted and sectarian.

Prejudice and Presbyterians MacGreil (1996), in his study of prejudice, found that the most marginalized groups were alcoholics, drug addicts and people with AIDS. Other ‘out groups’ included travellers, and there were anti-Jewish and anti-Arab feelings. In his report, Catholics and Protestants are perceived to have more in common with each other within the North and within the Republic than with co-religionists across the border. Furthermore, Irish attitudes towards the feminist movement are very positive, with nearly two-thirds of the sample believing that feminism is very necessary in Ireland. When asked if they had ever personally experienced prejudice, respondents replied as below. Dublin and Munster member, Peter Knox, recalls a time when he did face prejudice: Yes, years ago. My best friend is Roman Catholic. There would be times, coming home from Boys Brigade, that I would get chased or stoned at the Mission Hall. There was prejudice – Roman Catholics would not go into a Protestant Church. The Catholic Church had a sway over government, especially on morality. There was a certain amount of prejudice, in that Catholics were not allowed to go to Trinity College. There are now very few Protestants in the South, perhaps 3 per cent. At the foundation of the state, the figure was 20 per cent. It was the Ne Timere decree. Then people there began to acknowledge this was all wrong.

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Roberta Ingram is not impressed by those who think she is a Free Presbyterian: ‘No, but the odd person thought I belonged to Ian Paisley. I do not like those who push religion; it should be by example.’ Southerner David Mitchell says prejudice would not be personal, but there are wider issues. One respondent relates his experience: ‘I played Gaelic football. I was called a Black Presbyterian. I have no problem confronting them. I applied for jobs in a government department. I got the job.’ But Betty McGrath has a different view: ‘Prejudice? Definitely no, not round here, we all went to our own religion classes but that was about it.’ Rev David Nesbitt is enthusiastic about community relations: ‘Personally, I cannot say that I have experienced prejudice. Ballybay is remarkably freely and open. Regarding the hunger strikes period, people said “We must not let this come between us.” You do hear about it, but it is not affecting me personally – relations with the clergy are very good.’ Border member, Thomas Young says: ‘There was a bit in the workplace but nothing serious. It was when I was an Orangeman, a bit of jibing.’ In Cork, Rev John Faris comments: ‘Yes, marginalizing, stereotyping as a Paisleyite.’ On the border, Charles McDowell has evidence to the contrary: ‘No – I would have to say ‘no’. I know a young vet in a Catholics’ practice. Now he is very high up, he is a Presbyterian. You need Irish for Gardai and the civil service.’ In Enniscorthy, Rev Sam Ankatell does find misunderstanding in the community: ‘Prejudice through ignorance. There are people assuming I belong to Paisley’s church, or that I must be an Orangeman – young fellows – feeling smart, in ignorance. The Roman Catholic bishop and priest would go the second mile to make me feel welcome.’ County Monaghan man, Derek Williams, in answer to the question, replies, ‘No quite the opposite.’ One Southerner said: ‘Yes, I was not able to go into a club. I was rejected because I became a Christian and I left the Catholic Church. Some talk behind your back but I get terrific respect from others.’ Valerie Newman is practical on this matter: ‘Not really from the point of view of appointments – a Presbyterian never will be appointed in a Catholic school – also happens in the Church of Ireland.’ In Donegal, one respondent has mixed feelings: ‘No, not personally, I have had a good experience. There have been one or two minor incidents. There was a photo of me in the Orange Order, but it was more of a joke. I have always been respected.’ Charles Perry points out some common perceptions: ‘No, not personally. There is the perception but … not as a Presbyterian in the Republic. Some felt there was no point applying


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for a job. There was just a feeling Protestants groups would not get grants. The 1922 Catholic state for a Catholic people had a stronghold that has now been broken.’ Politician Seymour Crawford says: ‘There is some. There is a little in the political system. “Why vote for a (non-) Presbyterian when you can vote for me”. I am one of five TDs; I went to a Collegiate school. I went with Protestants – one of my best friends is a Covenanter who is teaching in a Gaelic school in Dublin. Most prejudice is from hard-line Protestants.’ He adds, in terms of experiencing prejudice as a Presbyterian: ‘Very little, but mostly from within the hard-line Protestant activists who feel aggrieved at my openness and involvement, first in Southern farming politics and now in national politics.’ In general, most Presbyterians were happy with their place within the Irish state. Some indicated a degree of religious prejudice, which could be a reminder of past animosities, but for most this was a minor undercurrent, mainly more about a lack of understanding than anything else, although there did appear to be a small amount of anti-Protestant feeling. As in the North, many Presbyterians are unhappy to be labelled as part of Rev Ian Paisley’s Free Presbyterian Church, with which the Presbyterian Church in Ireland has no connections. A large number of respondents said they had not experienced prejudice.

Conclusions The social and political landscape of the South has changed vastly since the beginning of the twentieth century. The Republic of Ireland is a wealthy, cosmopolitan, secular nation no longer influenced strongly by the Catholic Church. Presbyterians in the South are a tiny minority, and they do not look to Britain as their forefathers did. They appear to have some difficulty in understanding the perceived Northern Unionist psyche, and are in many cases Nationalist, if not Republican in their politics. Southern Presbyterians do not see flags and parading as an integral part of their identity, although Remembrance Day commemoration has become much more acceptable. There is virtually no support for the Orange Order except perhaps in some pockets of east Donegal. Neither people nor ministers think that the Church should be allied too closely with political causes. The promotion of the Gospel is an important part of their identity, and this is perhaps stronger in people who do not live their Christian lives in a Presbyterian Church with an Ulster Scots cultural background.

7 National Identity

In this chapter, concepts of nationality, culture and identity are explored. Presbyterians were asked about their perceived nationalities, and concepts of Britishness and Irishness. We focus on debates on language and literature, notably on Presbyterians and the Irish language, and preferences in music and dance. Presbyterians and their reaction to the emergence of the Ulster Scots movement is also discussed. Ideas regarding European identity are also mentioned briefly. The aim of this chapter is to give a comprehensive picture of the political and cultural identities of Presbyterians both North and South of the border.

Discussion of Christianity and nationality Within Evangelical Protestantism there is a debate regarding the legitimacy of the Unionist political position. Unionism largely represents the politics of those who would claim British nationality. Birnie (1998) makes several points in relation to this: as an economist he points to evidence that union with Britain is financially advantageous to Northern Ireland, and argues that Christians and Churches should not carry an unjustifiable burden for their intransigence. He argues against transgenerational guilt. Unionists of today should not feel responsible for the discriminatory practices of their forefathers. He does agree that Churches have been guilty in the part of cultural idolatry. However, Montgomery (1998, p. 12) points out that Birnie does not deal with powerlessness and cultural supremacy. Birnie says that a number of Churches, including the Presbyterian Church, have implied that there is something rotten in the state of Northern Irish Protestantism, and that this is because of links with political Unionism. Birnie mentions specifically that one allegation is that Protestants made themselves cultural cripples because they 102

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denied their Irish identity. He says any political stance will be judged by God’s standards, but at times it seems that the apparently unforgivable sin is to be a Unionist. The Presbyterian Church did state in 1993 that the Presbyterian community shares the guilt for tolerating the practice of discrimination in jobs, housing and voting rights. He ends by stating that in the critique of Unionism and Protestantism there fails to be an emphasis on public theology and the role of the British government. He concludes by reflecting on the need for economists, statisticians and others to re-examine the Bible when dealing with the subject of justice. In that vein, the views of theologians on the subject of nationality will now be considered.

Theology and nationality Storrar (1996) argues that nations are ambiguous cultural creations and are part of a common humanity that exists under God’s sovereignty. This is seen in Acts 17.26–27; ‘From one man he made every nation of men, that they should inhabit the whole earth; and he determined the times set for them and the exact places where they should live. God did this so that men would seek him and perhaps reach out for him and find him, though he is not far from each one of us.’ Like any other community, national and ethnic groupings are marred by sin. Nations are cultural products that rise out of human history. God is not against difference. In the Bible, cultural differences are recognized but they are secondary to our loyalty to Christ and the injunction to love one’s neighbour. Nationalism starts with rights such as statehood and self-determination. Certain Nationalists are more interested in securing language and cultural continuity than political independence. Storrar quotes Smith (1996, p. 5) regarding the power of the nationalistic force in the modern age ‘to provide a strong “community of history and destiny” to save people from personal oblivion and restore collective faith’. The building of the Tower of Babel was an attempt to unify the nations and create a unified language, but the motivation was to replace God. On the one hand, nationalism can be idolatrous or, on the other, a legitimate outworking of Christian freedom, according to the context. Premodern nationalism was bound up with the idea of the ‘Christian state’. Modern nationalism was born out of the Enlightenment, German Romanticism and the ideals of the French Revolution, which were inherently humanistic and antireligious. Postmodern nationalism is identified more by the features of cultural pluralism and a view of citizenship rights for all, ideally rather than ethnic superiority. Postmodern nationalism emphasizes citizenship.

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Storrar continues his case by stating that we are fundamentally persons in community with God and others. Our nationhood should be measured against God’s image. Patriotism is the love for one’s country. However, Christians are meant to put no one before Christ in their affections. A true patriotism will acknowledge good and evil within a nation and be willing to expose the wrongs, as well as being willing to appreciate the good in other cultures. Storrar (1996) offers us four models of nations in the divine economy. First, the Christian identity model. Within this we explore the attitudes of Christ to His culture: He identified with it, transformed it and was ultimately faithful to the Kingdom beyond this world. Identification with a nation is acceptable in the ways that it affirms our common humanity, but unacceptable when nationalism is used as a tool of idolatry and oppression. Nations are objects of God’s love and mercy, but loyalty to Christ is of foremost importance. Second, in the Christian liberation model, theologies of identity and liberation are outlined. Theologies of identity affirm and realize the distinctive features of our own culture. Liberation theology exposes conflicts and injustices in the culture and measures them against a Gospel of liberation. God is a God of justice; He punishes the oppressor and upholds the cause of the weak. The Gospel is here to liberate and bring justice without violence. Christ himself on the Cross was suffering and oppressed. Third, the Christian Democratic model is based on Continental political parties who espouse the view that God’s commands and revelation are of decisive significance for all of life, including politics and government. The meaning of the Gospel should be worked out in political action. In Storrar (1996, p. 8) the model’s fundamental principles are described thus: Dutch Christian Democrats have offered a model for understanding nations based on their gospel-based principles of justice, subsidiarity and solidarity. This Christian Democratic model defines a nation as ‘a group of human beings with a common history, a shared value system, usually a distinct language and a conscious awareness of this community’. Nations are to be distinguished from the state, which is entrusted with enduring for all people under its jurisdiction the equal rule of law according to the norm of public justice. This model raises questions about relationships between nations and states within the sphere of politics and religion. And fourth, we look at the kingdom ecology model. This might be best described as value-based. Drawing on Bellah et al. (1985) and Sacks (1991), we observe that societies

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imbibe certain morals and social values. It is the mission of the Christian community to safeguard and reinforce Biblical standards and practices, thus transforming the life of the nation. Eden (1996) comments on Storrar. He agrees with Barth (1961) in that, just because there are nations, this does not entail or necessitate obedience. His comments centre on the vital question: when is national loyalty a virtue, and when does it become a vice? Nationalism is, according to Wolterstoff (1983), a nation’s preoccupation with its own nationhood. He affirms the positive aspects of national identity such as culture and language, and the grounding influence it gives in terms of stability in an increasingly rootless world. Also, when considering biblical examples, Simon the Zealot was a follower of Jesus. In that environment, Christ would have witnessed nationalism at close quarters and yet it was something he chose not to ally himself with – He spoke of a kingdom ‘not of this world’. In particular, Eden (1996) dwells on the merits of the Social Democratic model, which he sees as a useful model to build upon in postmodern society. He says it could be applied to Wales and Scotland as nations within a multi-nation state but that it also has implications for Northern Ireland. It seeks to be ‘British’, but with a democratic diversity allowing the voices of representative communities to be heard. This would be founded on biblical theology but evidenced in praxis.

Presbyterians and British identity In the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, Morrow (2004) tells us that, even before the Home Rule crises, Presbyterians in Ulster were overwhelmingly Unionist. PCI members in Northern Ireland are predominantly Unionist. In terms of British, Irish and Northern Irish labels on nationality, there have been changes since the Belfast Agreement, with a swing back towards a British identity being preferred. A very small percentage of Northern Presbyterians consider themselves to be Irish. More than 77 per cent see themselves as British. Between 10 per cent and 20 per cent of the population would call themselves Ulster or Northern Irish. Trew (1998) looks at the label ‘Northern Irish’ and reports that, in 1995, 14 per cent of Protestants describe themselves as such. It has been suggested that this is, a ‘weak’ identity, and in part, say some commentators, an artificial construct to emphasize moderate politics. These respondents are likely to be younger, better-educated and from a non-manual background. However, these people still wished Northern Ireland to remain British. Trew concludes that one in twenty of the population describes his or her nationality in this way.

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Anthony Smith, a theorist of nationality and ethnicity, makes a distinction between ethnic category and ethnic community. In Smith (1999, p. 13), Protestants in Northern Ireland would broadly fit this definition as a named human population with myths of common ancestry, shared historical memories and one or more common elements of culture, including an association with a homeland, and some degree of solidarity, at least among the elites. Within these ethnic communities, some groups believe themselves to be chosen people. They have ethno-histories, the shared memories and beliefs of members of these groups, and the cultural activity of the elite groups. Groups have myths, symbols and traditions in popular consciousness. These groups survive if successive generations identity with their symbols. The Union flag and loyalty to the Queen are for many people symbols of their national identity. The question is, how compatible or otherwise is this identity with a Christian commitment? I would argue that Britishness, religion and politics have a long history of being bound together, but this is being eroded in a secular age in today’s Britain.

Varieties of Britishness Linda Colley is a distinguished historian who has written on the subject of British identity (Colley, 1992). She says that Britishness is inherently bound up with Protestantism, and identifies three main factors in the emergence of Britishness: the threat of war, the consolidation of regional difference in defence against the threat of the French, and the war of Protestants against a Catholic power (1992, p. 7). The development of these were effected by Protestantism, the changing face and meaning of monarchy, and the ideas of citizenship, made palatable with a prosperity payback. Bradley (2002), who explores spiritual dimensions of the monarchy in relation to British identity in the modern world, also places religion at its centre. Colley (1992) says identities are fluid and serve for a time. Britain was a nation heavily dependent on its Protestant culture. Protestantism is now part of a residue culture in a European Union dominated by Catholic nations. There has been a loss of broader British identity in recent years. While England treated Ireland as a colonial appendage, Ireland’s attitude to England was always ambivalent. Protestantism was also an integrating factor for the Welsh, who were less warlike than the Scots. In fact, the majority of lowland Scots and a minority of Welsh were Norse and Anglo-Saxon, not Celtic. The English, Scots and Welsh were drawn together in their common commitment to the Protestant religion. ‘God Save the King’ was first sung in 1745, and in the 1880s it became the National Anthem, thus linking monarchy and Faith. Protestant monarchy

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abandoned the Divine Right of Kings and stood on the principles of Divine providence and the people’s will. The people’s allegiance was conditional on the king abiding by the constitution. War was important in forging identity. Britons believed themselves to be the Protestant Israel. Colley (1992, p. 53) states powerfully that: Protestantism meant much more in this society than just bombast, intolerance and chauvinism. It gave the majority of men and women a sense of their place in history and a sense of worth. It allowed them to feel pride in such advantages as they did genuinely enjoy, it helped them endure when hardship and danger threatened. It gave them identity. England, Scotland and Wales might be three separate nations under God, but Protestantism was the foundation that made Great Britain possible.

Ulster Presbyterians and British identity D. W. Miller, in his book The Queen’s Rebels (1978), emphasizes the conditional loyalty of Protestants in Northern Ireland, just as the Scottish covenanters tried to force the king to keep his side of the bargain. Bruce (1986) categorizes Irish Catholics and Ulster Protestants differently; the latter are an ethnic group, whereas the Catholics have national status. Evangelicalism is the power people cling to as a defence against their threatened identity. Mitchel (2003, p. 36) sees Irish Nationalism and Unionism as two aspects of the same phenomenon. The ideologies of both groups arose in relation to power deprivation. He goes on to assert that Unionists are a community incorporated into neither nation; rather, they respond to threat and insecurity. National identity helps people to be aware of a value beyond themselves. The myth of national identity has emotional importance. In Northern Ireland, Unionism is a politicized form of ethnicity. The question again facing Presbyterians is the management of national identity in a Christian context.

European identity An article in the February 2004 edition of the Presbyterian Herald looks at the role of the PCI with regard to Europe, and is concerned about the neglect of the European Judeo-Christian heritage vis-à-vis the draft European Constitution and the secularist influence of France. The Church representative, Dr Samuel Hutchinson, voiced concern about the status of Churches and non-confessional Churches under Article 1-51 and Article 1-51 (3) regarding the European Union’s aim to have open and

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transparent dialogue with Churches. Concerns included the selection of Churches that would be involved, and the nature of the mechanism for involvement. Dr Hutchinson also noted the implications of voting systems and the possibility of this becoming two-tier, whereas countries such as Spain and Poland want to keep the weighted system as it already exists, and France and Germany want a system based on population size. The role of Christian principles in the arena of the European Union is one that will engage much future debate. Europe is one strand of identity in this study. Language and culture is another differentiating marker, and is more politically and ethnically diverse than might first appear.

The Irish language Presbyterians have had a long association with the Irish language. Blaney (1996) admirably outlines the story of Presbyterians and the language, drawing on the biographies of individuals and ministers who promoted its use. Presbyterians were writers and preservers of the language at times when less favourable conditions threatened its existence. The Irish language was originally used without the political baggage it is perceived as having today. Most Presbyterians trace their descent from Scottish settlers whose native language was Gaelic. In the Highlands and Islands, services were conducted in Gaelic in their entirety. Blaney (1996, p. 3) reports that the language was at its strongest just before the Famine and has never regained that ground. The Presbyterian population grew from 10,000 in the early seventeenth century to around 420,000 in the late twentieth century. At the beginning of the migration it is thought that at least half of all the early Presbyterians were Gaelic speakers. In the eighteenth century, the position was consolidated by missionary activity. There is evidence that a substantial number of ministers were able to preach in Irish, and some did so on alternate Sundays. The first book printed in Irish was Presbyterian: John Carswell’s translation of John Knox’s Book of Common Order, in 1567. In 1710, there were Irish translations of the Bible, the Confession of Faith and the Catechism. Presbyterians engaged fully in the cultural revival of the Irish language and Irish music in the late eighteenth century. Irish was not in any way political, and none of the prominent United Irishmen were personally involved. However, the Northern Star, the political publication of the United Irishmen produced Bolg an Tsolair, the first Irish-language magazine. In the nineteenth century there were two main threads – the need for the Bible to be available to Irish speakers, and the founding of the Ulster Gaelic Society, a forerunner of the Gaelic League. The editor of the Belfast

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News Letter did much to promote the Irish language. Other efforts were connected with mission, but also contained an educational element in the foundation of Irish schools, and this laid them open to accusations by priests of using Irish for proselytism. Henry McManus was ordained in the Dublin Presbytery in February 1841; he was the first missionary of the General Assembly in Irish to the Irish. The official policy of the Church given (Blaney, 1996, p. 5) in 1965 is: It has always been the policy of the Irish Mission to provide the Scriptures for people in Gaelic where they are required. Colporteurs are provided with these in Gaelic. The Mission has always endeavoured to have on the staff at least one versed in the Irish language. The Presbyterian Church co-operates with the governments of Northern and Southern Ireland in anything which will preserve the art, culture and literature of the country, and will instill in people a pride in, and a love for their land. In the twentieth century, the Gaelic League was established in many places, including Belfast, and the president was Dr John St Clair Boyd, a Protestant and Unionist, until 1915, when the Ard Fheis (AGM) passed a resolution declaring the aim of Irish independence. Before this, Irish was not dichotomized in terms of politics and religion. Rev Dr R. Buick (1841–1904), a Moderator of the Church, was a vice-president of the Gaelic League. The Gaelic Society at Queen’s was formed in 1906 by William McArthur (1884–1964), who stated that the aim of the society was to preserve Irish and aid its re-establishment as the language of the country, as Welsh is in Wales. He stated that the society was to be nonsectarian, and that anyone contravening this rule would cease to be a member. Rev Thomas Hamilton, a Unionist and a Presbyterian, was president and he did not see any incompatibility in this. Rose Young (1865–1947) from Ballymena was from an influential Unionist family. She is remembered for her three-volume set of Irish poetry and she endeavoured to save Ulster Irish songs and poems when the language was still spoken in the Antrim Glens. More recently, Blaney (1996, p. 218) tells us: The most recent census, published in 1993, revealed that 1,614 Presbyterians in Northern Ireland had some knowledge of Irish and that about half of these, 757, were fluent, i.e. could speak, read and write in the language. Although constituting only 0.5 per cent of all

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Presbyterians aged three years and over, this group was 29.1 per cent of those Irish speakers who belonged to a named denomination. There are still those who see Irish as part of their identity, such as Ian Adamson, who was a Unionist Member of the Local Assembly (MLA). The Rev Trevor McCaughey is a Presbyterian minister. He is also a senior lecturer in Irish in the School of Irish and Celtic Studies in Trinity College Dublin. During the time of Partition, some Presbyteries feared the imposition of Irish as a discriminatory measure. This was not so prevalent a view in the Gaeltacht, where many were not threatened as they were already bilingual. In 1978, the Synod of Dublin, referring to Article 8, stating that the Irish language is the first official language of the land, said that they had no hostility to Irish but thought that Irish and English should have equal status. In Northern Ireland, the ULTACH Trust was set up in 1989 specifically to promote Irish without a political agenda. Some people see Irish as political, and necessarily Republican. Efforts are being made to make the language more user-friendly for Protestants. There are services in Irish in Fitzroy Presbyterian Church, Belfast every month.

Definitions of Irish identity Megahey (2000, p. 185) sums up Irish identity at the present time, with all the ingredients of its historic complexity: Northern Ireland, as George Boyce has pointed out, stands not as a place apart, but rather at a confluence of various, and at times competing influences and cultures. Many of these strands are religious: historic Presbyterian radicalism, historic Anglican Orangeism, high contemporary rates of churchgoing, a conservative moralism, a streak of religious fundamentalism. These blend with an attachment to the land… They blend too with a neighbourliness, and indeed an ‘Irishness’ exemplified in the ‘craic’, the gossip and chat, beguiling to visitors even in war torn Belfast. But would the new world of the internet, along with television and cheap foreign travel, change all that by exposing the Irish to more and more outside influences? But even if northerners and southerners, Protestants and Catholics, shared a certain ‘Irishness’, as the twentieth century ended, it looked unlikely as ever that they would share a common political system, even though they had a common and increasingly deep involvement in the European Community, and in the world.

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He quotes Wheatcroft (1998), who says that the politics of aerial photography would make Spain and Portugal one, also Norway and Sweden. It would not account for real people with their sense of political and national identity. In a recent collection of interviews of those who are Irish or of Irish descent, there was a multiplicity of interpretations of what it means to be Irish. With these shifts in Irish society towards a more secular, prosperous and open-minded state than that viewed by previous generations, we now examine the national labels chosen by individuals, and the reasoning behind their choices.

Presbyterians describe their political identities In this section there are descriptions that individuals and ministers give to their own nationality, starting in the North and moving to the South. People were asked if they felt British, Irish or European, and why. In County Armagh, Rob Riley declared: ‘I am British, and Irish – yes. I love Irish tunes. I like the people and the Irish rugby team. European I am a bit, like Germans. Irish … we had a lot to do with keeping it alive. It is not something that I would worry about.’ In County Antrim, Alice Gardner is British: I have a British passport. I live in a British jurisdiction. I do feel Irish – I wanted to write ‘NI’ [Northern Irish] on my UCCA [universities admission] form. There are a lot of aspects of Irish culture that I enjoy. I do feel European, yes, but not with a huge E. There is the island mentality. I was at a conference in Austria. Those that came from the mainland felt they were European much more strongly. There is the anti-Catholic thing; it is Unionist here. Ian Paisley activates that. Ron Semple sees it as dualistic: ‘I am British Irish – I am an Irishman but also British. A Welshman and Scot are British in the same way I am Irish. I have no problem with that. Not European, I suppose not much – quite far removed from the centre of power.’ For Derek Holmes, the issue is situational: It depends where I am. In Dublin I am Irish. I have a UK passport. I don’t like the term British. I am Northern Irish, I am a citizen of the UK. Northern Ireland is not part of Great Britain. Irish, yes, when we were in Canada. I would have no problem living in a united Ireland. As for European, no. I am happier with the term Irish. I don’t feel an affinity with continental Europe. I holidayed on the Continent for years, so it was part of my identity for years.

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A Northern minister says he is: ‘British, Irish. When I was at Edinburgh I was seen as Irish. I am British/Irish. I do not feel European, no.’ Susan McBriar is clear: I am Irish. I am Northern Irish. I have had the British identity schooling – everything that way. I have always had a tendency to see the Irish things 95 per cent. Catholics like diddle-de-dee music. Catholics are good craic. The average Ulster Prod can’t let themselves go. I have a British passport. I am getting an Irish one. My husband would feel that he is a life citizen – if the chips were down he is Irish. European, I am not by choice, but I am. You have to be realistic. No, I don’t feel European. Samuel Bonnar says he has: A British passport. I was born here. Irish? I am not at all, no. It is alien, an alien culture to me. Reaction to the pressure can get up your nose. I do supply to Dublin in my business. European? I go for the free market. We deal with Sweden, the Dutch and America, we deal worldwide. We have lots of international visitors. It has gone too far – social engineering. It is becoming a superstate. My son thinks the Common Market will burst. He can’t see how they can deal with ten different currencies. In County Down, Heather Lindsay makes several distinctions: ‘I am a British citizen. I have a British passport. I am Ulster Scots but I am Irish. I have more in common with the Republic people than with Scotland.’ Rev Alistair Kennedy is both ‘Irish and British. Irish takes precedence. I feel Irish. Most Irish people whether they realize it or not have a strong British element. The two nations are very intertwined. There is no religious dimension to this. Yes I am very pro-Europe. I am not pro a European superstate.’ Caroline Burns, in County Tyrone, is: British; I was born in Northern Ireland. I don’t have a passport. I support Britain in the Olympics and I like to see Scotland win. I do not feel Irish. I think of being Irish as speaking Irish and of Southern things. It is just from being in the North. As for European, I haven’t thought about it that much. I don’t agree with a lot of European influence, for example the Human rights court. In their view you can do anything you want or like.

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Margaret Ferguson says she is ‘British; I would not be saying Irish. I was brought up to belong to the UK. I don’t feel Irish – it is just culture, and living in this part of the country. I feel sad that Protestant people had to leave the South. There was no work for them.’ For Amanda and Stanley Woodville, there is a slight difference of views. Amanda says: ‘I am British – Ulster Irish’, but Stanley sees himself as ‘Irish – I live in Ireland, but on any form I say I am British. Am I European? No. It is a big question and getting more so. We are being conditioned to a European way of life. The state is losing a lot of power. In the South they see themselves as European more than Roman Catholic.’ Tom Wilson is dualistic: Irish and British, claiming both nationalities – I feel both. Derry is a border city. As for European, yes, purely economically. If Derry had remained Unionist in its outlook, no way would it have remained as prosperous. John Hume brought a lot of good business such as Dupont. That was impressive in the days of the 1960s. Ballymena is the heartland of Protestant faith. We envied people in Ballymena leaving the depression of Derry, but in the year 2001 Derry has said, ‘Yes please, and more’ and Ballymena has said ‘No, no, no.’ In County Fermanagh, Mark Clarke has a chameleon-like attitude: It depends where I am. Abroad I am an Irishman. I have an Irish passport. If you have an Irish passport there is no fuss going to America. I am living in Ireland. I am happy to be called Irish. I am British too, I suppose, knowing I am a citizen of the UK. I read an English newspaper and listen to the BBC, but I do get the Irish Times. Some friends get the Irish Independent – and watch RTE. As for being European, I have not thought about it. It would come if we got a common currency. Both passports are European Community. In Belfast, Bill Evans is pleased to be ‘British’: Britain is a country that, if I was to be wrongly jailed, I would like to be in the British system. There is the fairness of British democracy. People have a regard for British justice. I feel comfortable with the Scots (Glasgow) rather than a man from Cork. Some Irish politicians are a lot of hoboes. I would say I was European but I am not too happy about the French.

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Rev Dr Ian Hart gives us a percentage: I am 50 per cent British and 50 per cent Irish. British is a modern construct. I am mainly British. I have an Anglo-Saxon English language and culture. Irish is not that different – Swift and Yeats. Irishness is fading in terms of being different. The Catholic Church has a lot to do. Irishness is fading in influence. RCP is the Royal College of Physicians. The ‘Royal’ does not bother them. Yes, I am very pro-European. We lived for a year in Germany. I love all things French and all things German. I did French and German at university. In County Antrim, a minister is: Confused … not British. I feel more Irish than British. I have a British passport. My citizenship is in Heaven. I know I am Irish when my American friend had to get me to define myself. These things remind me of my Irishness. I went to France – put Northern Ireland rather than IRL. Someone stuck GB over IRL stickers. The Church of Scotland is less tied down. James Torrance had a dogmatic starting point – that was marvellous. I am a Nationalist. I vote SDLP [Social Democratic and Labour Party] or Alliance. I do feel European – I love France, love skiing. County Down sixth-former, Alison Morrison, is: British – I was born in the British Isles. Yes, I suppose I do feel Irish. It is more of a cultural thing than anything else. Maybe heritage? We did a debate at school on the Irish British thing. No, not really European. I don’t think that Northern Ireland is broad-minded. It does not see the bigger picture. Northern Irish people’s concern is with what is going on at home. We have so many political problems. We are a selfish country and very distrustful people. There is no tourism. The Northern Irish are not very adaptable or openminded. In Belfast, Lynn Hickson defines her Britishness: I am British, but I am more Northern Irish. The ones in the Southern government have not got a clue. The Irish government does not do anything for me. I object to being bullied. I tend to look to Britain. No, I don’t feel European. To be a European is a nothing.

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Deborah Whitten makes a sporting distinction: I am British – except in Rugby; then I am Irish. I was born British. I don’t see it as a barrier. ‘British Irish keep out.’ English people make that assumption – you are from Belfast, you are Irish, but actually, no, I am not that. I would not be offended to be called Irish. There are a lot of things about Ireland I enjoy. I am not bigoted. I am not really European. In Belfast, Mary Scott is British: ‘I used to say Irish. I feel more for Ireland. European, no: I do not like the EEC [European Economic Community]. It is an evil organization.’ One minister says: ‘I am British, British and Irish and Ulster. One is never sure what British means. There is a separate Northern Irish identity. It is not religious especially. If I was in America I would not talk about being European, I would talk about being Irish as they would not understand that.’ On nationality, Rev Martin Smyth says: ‘I am an Ulsterman. I am British. I dislike the ignorant Nationalists, whoever they might be, who think British means English.’ Do you consider yourself Irish? ‘Not Irish.’ Dr Esmond Birnie says: ‘I carry a British passport. I value European culture, French and German but I don’t want to be part of a United States of Europe superstate. Even the Republic is now less naïvely “European.” ’ Northerners have a variety of views. Many see themselves as British because of the place they were born or the passports they hold. However, this identity does not exclude elements of Irishness. A substantial minority do see themselves as primarily Irish, and quite a number wish to distinguish between Irish and Northern Irish. People are more ready to identify themselves as Irish when abroad. Irish identity is accepted by quite a number of Presbyterians. There are mixed feelings about European identity. Only a few people are ready to own it as part of their identity, and some are very suspicious of it. The responses of Northern Presbyterians shows a spectrum of identifications with varieties of Britishness and Irishness. Southern views on nationality will now be examined. In Dublin and Munster, Peter Knox starts with sport: ‘I do cheer for Ireland if [they are] playing Scotland. I still own British feelings. Some people are anti-English and anti-British government. European, I think I would be. Yes maybe, if it is going to lead to something I do not agree with taking away your own freedom – it is more liberal. I do not necessarily like that, but you cannot go back.’ Sarah Moorehead is ‘Irish. I was born in England – but lived in Ireland all my life. At one time I felt anti-British, but not any more. There is no

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British in streets, the map is not the way it was looking back to a pink map that covered the world. There was inferiority.’ Roberta Ingram says she is: Irish, and very happy to be Irish. I have been ashamed of the Irish – killing and bombing. I would not be IRA. I am not British. My mother was British; I am Irish. There goes with it good and bad qualities. I do feel European. Yes, not as much as I should. Everything is in euros. I am not sure if it is great value. I am not looking forward to the change. We will lose out. Edward Snodden declares: This is the $64,000 question, I am British and Irish; that is not contradictory. I was born in Ireland in 1920. I was brought up in the British tradition. I have a British passport. Yes, I am European. We are differentiated from other continents. I feel an affinity with America, and the whole English-speaking world. On the border, David Mitchell is assured in his national identity: I am Irish; I have never been British. Some friends insist on calling Derry ‘Londonderry’. I was born an Irish citizen. I do not see that being a Presbyterian should change that. I live by Irish laws. I am a European, yes. We are European; we have gone into the European Community together. We are European: we have taken the money. Ian Martin sees himself as having a dual identity: I was British. I lived here in the Republic and was born here. I am Anglo-Irish and British. I feel both. I would call myself an Ulster Irishman. I support Manchester United. I feel a certain affinity. In the 60s, families went to England. There was a lot of emigration to America and Australia. The ones that stayed had large families. European? Yes, I would be. I feel European. I get a lot of money from Brussels: 50 per cent of our income came from Brussels. Betty McGrath, again, is: Irish, not British. I feel Irish, as I am part of the Irish Republic. My father would have been an Orangeman but still Irish. My mother felt more British. There was a Protestant school and we would have had

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to walk the extra mile. Our ones go. It is in Monaghan. The Pentecostals have a youth club. There are socials in Protestant halls and that. European? I suppose yes. We are part of the European community. We would be because of agricultural links. On the border, Thomas Young tells of generational differences: I am Irish – I was born in Ireland. My father is closer to Britain. European, yes; there would be no change in Northern Ireland if it hadn’t been for European influence. There is a rapid convergence. I don’t see that as the best way to go. It is more important to do rather than say. One border minister perceives the complexities of identity and identities: I am British. The modern world is inherently pluralistic. Louis MacNeice talks about things being various British – for all of the legacy of empire and racism there are more examples of openness. Ireland is very xenophobic. People are emerging from that. The Catholic Church is in crisis. Yes, European identity: that has been important for the Republic of Ireland. Charles McDowell explains generational differences: I am Irish. I was born, bred and lived here. My parents felt Irish – they were born in the Free State in 1922. My father looked more to England. The Irish are good at promoting their own country. We have millions of descendants in America. The Presbyterians in 1798 in Cootehill were all Republicans. Yes, I am European. I don’t believe in one little country or one people. The world is too big for everyone to be standing alone. Catherine Boyd also mentions a generational difference: she is Irish and her father was an Orangeman. In Dublin and Munster, Caroline Semple is Scottish. She says: I have a British passport. If I watched a match I was all for Scotland. I have a Scottish background. I qualified after working in Wales. My youngest grandchild goes to an Irish-speaking school. Am I Irish? I am, kind of – I have been so long here. We will have to get used to the money. Donald Logan considers himself to be ‘Irish. I have nothing against the British. Irish – could not consider myself anything else. Europe?

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I never thought about it. I would not object to being European.’ Cedrick Wilson likes both: ‘I am Irish. My sister was born in the English colonies. She is a citizen of Great Britain. I would have a tendency to be British. There are lots of things that I like.’ For Rev Sam Ankatell it is easy to define his nationality: I am Irish. I was born and brought up in Eire. I am very into Irish things. I like the Irish language and culture, and feel at home in it. Am I British at all? Not really. I would have been Unionist in that I am accepting if they want to be united to the UK or if they want a United Ireland, yes. Many people have fears that are unfounded. We have a very fair-minded bishop. The Bishop in Dublin is different. In the Roman Catholic community a lot depends on the bishop. I am European, a bit, but not really. We are linked to the euro. Philip McKeown is both Irish and European: ‘I am Irish – born in Ireland. My parents felt Irish too. European, yes, I think so. We are ruled from Brussels. All decisions made from there; I do feel European.’ Anne Johnston is ‘Irish, my father was in the Orange Order, he is now too old. He is Irish with British sympathy. I feel European because of working in business. There are lots of rules from Europe. Farming is the same.’ In Dublin and Munster, Gary Donnellan and Louise Woods are both Irish-born and bred in Ireland, not European. Rev John Woodside defines his terms: I feel myself to be Northern Irish. In sporting terms I am delighted on the odd occasions that Northern Ireland’s football team wins a match, and feel a sense of national pride when Ulster people excel: Mary Peters, George Best, Darren Clarke, David Humphreys etc. I live in Southern Irish society but feel no emotional attachment to its anthem, flag or political structure though I am glad when the Irish football team is successful. On the border, Valerie Newman easily defines herself: ‘I am Irish. I speak Gaelic: that would not be a prejudice. I like the Irish language. I have no sense of Britishness. Yes, I would like to think that I am European. I enjoy going to Europe.’ One minister says he feels British: I do not really feel Irish, I cannot speak Irish, and I was not brought up here. To be Irish you have to change your nationality. Irishness in the

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past is very much bound up with the Catholic Church, so therefore herein lies a problem, and yet one can be more Irish than Catholic: for example, Ken McGuinness argues that he is more Irish than Gerry Adams. Dan Maynard is proud of his nationality: Irish. I think Ireland is a brilliant place. I like the people and the culture. Europe has done miracles for Ireland. It will change the culture in Ireland, opening up to [the] European situation. For Irish music and folklore it may be detrimental. We have a lot of Germans and Belgians [visitors]. In County Donegal, Matthew McDonald describes himself as: Irish-ish and I would feel British. To some extent I am European. It is part of this wider world. My daughter has gone to work in Europe. I am looking forward to the euro currency. Once we have the money it would unite us all; at present we don’t have very much in common. Charles Perry is in no doubt about his loyalties: I am strongly Irish. I have no leanings towards Britain; that is partly my home upbringing. I went to school in Sligo. There was no indication I was anything else. Ireland has a single rugby team. I support the Irish rugby team. We need a song. The Republic’s national anthem is divisive. As for Europe, there are more problems with being European. In the 1960s we were asked to vote for European Union. There is a good living to be made from smuggling. Petrol is cheaper here. Fred Bain is Irish-born, was brought up there and has a very slight sense of Britishness, but on reflection says no, he is not really British. He identifies more with Belfast than with Cork and has some affinity with the North. He is not European: ‘We are members of the European Union. I feel Irish – don’t stretch much beyond that. I feel I am from Donegal. I receive more than 30 per cent of my income from Europe – farm income from subsidies.’ Seymour Crawford TD is: Irish and proud of it. Mother went to a mixed school where Protestants went together. I was born in Drumkeen and went there and to Clones

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Secondary School. I am European, very much so, and am deeply involved in the European Community. We are a nation because of Europe. Bertie Ahern does a good job. I have chaired meetings in Europe. In conclusion, although in the South there was anti-British feeling, the majority of people are happy with their Irish nationality. People’s birthplaces schooling and family all influence their identity, although there are aspects of identity that are chosen as well as inherited. Quite substantial number of Presbyterians had fathers in the Orange Order, but they themselves were happy to be citizens of the Irish Republic. Most Northern ministers who minister in the south maintain a British identity, although some develop a dual identity in that they appropriate both the labels British and Irish. Those who live on the border are faced with choices and dilemmas involved with the practicalities of dual citizenship. There is now a shift away from stereotyping people and a greater openness to the benefits of for those who wish to accept one or other nationality, or even to claim the best from each tradition. Southerners recognize the benefits of being European but wish to retain a distinct Irishness, of which they are unquestionably proud.

What is Ulster-Scots? The Ulster-Scots Language Society describes the language as a variant of the Scots language descended from Anglo-Saxon like its ‘sister language of modern English: as such it is part of the Germanic branch of the IndoEuropean language family’. Languages that have influenced Ulster-Scots include, (besides English and Scots) French, Flemish, Scottish and Irish Gaelic, and Danish. There is a literary tradition dating back to the plantation settlements of the seventeenth century. Ulster-Scots is spoken in rural communities such as East Down, Antrim, North Londonderry and East Donegal. The Ulster-Scots Language Revival began in 1992 in Greba (Greyabbey) when the Ulster-Scotch Leid Societie (USLS) was founded by five Ulster Scots language enthusiasts. The United Kingdom government formally accepted Ulster-Scots as a language in January 2002, when it signed the Council of Europe Charter for regional and minority languages. Brown (2003, p. 67) tells of Thomas Sinclair, an early pioneer of Ulster-Scots identity. He had a distrust of Catholics as a collective and displayed hegemonic attitudes, and while he was a fine individual personally, he refused to work with Catholics within a Home Rule parliament. The USLS is a non-political and non-sectarian organization by constitution.

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Philip Robinson is a prominent member of the Language Society and author of an Ulster-Scots grammar. He spoke to me about the aims and ideals of the movement: A minority group is unsettled until they realize respect and recognition for their identity. Welshness is very homogeneous. There are Welshspeaking Presbyterians. Presbyterianism and Welshness are quite strongly connected. The Scots have Scots Gaelic in the Highlands and Lowland Scots, but again both are predominantly Presbyterian. In Ireland, the religious dimension between Irish and Ulster-Scots have been seen as competing languages and identities. More so, there is a political edge. Besides Ulster-Scots is from a distinctive community. In the new cross-border ‘Boord o Leid’ established to promote Irish and Ulster Scots in the island of Ireland, the ratio of funding is approximately 10:1. There was provision for Irish and Ulster-Scots Hansard in the Assembly. In relation to the 1798 rebellion, which was an Ulster-Scots Presbyterian revolt, the American precedent was important. For Ulster Presbyterian ministers in America there was a time to pray and a time to fight. In the American War of Independence, there were two Presbyterian ministers in Tennessee who believed in the right to rebel. There is a Scottish–Irish urge to dissent and oppose authority. The debate was a religious one for Presbyterians. Was it right to physically oppose an established authority – even when all agreed that the government was ‘wrong’. In the American experience, the ScotchIrish won the war of Independence, so their Ulster-Scots cousins in Antrim and Down took this as the answer to the question. At the Ulster-Scots Heritage Council (Ulster-Scotch Heirskip Cooncil) I spoke to William Humphrey and Diane Hoy about the Council and its aims and objectives. They told me that: A McCann Ericsson Ulster Marketing Survey in February 2000 found that 22 per cent of people surveyed regarded their Ulster-Scots identity as either very important or fairly important to them. Like many European minority languages, the Ulster-Scots language has been drummed out of, or even beaten out of, youngsters by the educational system. In 1960 Professor Gregg estimated there were something like 100,000 Ulster-Scots speakers. There is no census data to tell us one way or another. Those people are concentrated in the Ards peninsula, North Down, County Antrim, County Londonderry and the Laggan area in east Donegal. Today, there may be as few as 30,000 people who

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speak Ulster-Scots. Not all Ulster-Scots are descendants of the 30,000 to 40,000 Scots who came from Scotland in the early seventeenthcentury plantation of Ulster; Scots had settled in Ulster long before the plantation. Nor are all these people Protestants or Presbyterians. In the absence of any hard information we cannot be absolutely sure, but possibly as many as 20 per cent of Ulster-Scots speakers could be of a Roman Catholic or nationalist tradition. Cardinal Daly, brought up in Loughguile in rural north Antrim, absorbed the Ulster-Scots of the region as a young boy. Like so many others at school, he had it beaten out of him. The broadcaster Gerry Anderson also has a keen and sympathetic interest in Ulster-Scots. There is a sense in which, although in many respects the culture is more popular than the language, the language actually reaches across the religio-political divide rather better perhaps than the culture. Eagle’s Wing, the stage show, played to full houses of 16,000 people in May 2004. In North Down and the Ards there are currently eight classes exploring cultural awareness, language and literature. There are a further twelve courses concentrating purely on the language. The Ulster-Scots Academy was announced after the Hillsborough agreement. The Academy Implementation Group was established in June 2006 with a membership drawn from across the Ulster Scots community. The Ulster-Scots have exercised an influence in the world completely disproportionate to the numbers. Because of their restlessness, Ulster-Scots have settled in the USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa. Their influence in the USA, not least in the American Revolution, was far-reaching, as indeed was their impact on politics, religion, education and the armed forces in subsequent centuries. There are a number of bodies promoting Ulster-Scots language and culture. The Ulster-Scots Language Society was founded in 1992. In 1995 the Ulster-Scots Heritage Council was formed, as an umbrella organization for groups engaged in a variety of Ulster-Scots groups in both Northern Ireland and the border counties of the Republic. The Ulster-Scots Agency is part of North–South Language Body set up under the terms of the Belfast Agreement of 10 April 1998. Its remit is to promote the language and its attendant culture. The Ulster-Scots Agency also produces a newsletter publicizing events and educational pamphlets, including history, such as Ulster-Scots and the Presbyterian Church, Ulster-Scots and Presidents of the United States; Great Ulster-Scots, as varied as Henry Joy McCracken and Thomas Sinclair, and Everything You Need to Know to Run a Burn’s Night, including

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advice on haggis suppliers and vegetarian haggis, as well as instructions on formal or informal celebrations. Another interesting development is the interest that the Unionist community has in celebrating St Patrick’s Day. According to a poll (2001) of Unionist community groups, cultural groups, ministers of religion, councilors and political parties, 86 per cent of people believed that the Unionist community should celebrate St Patrick, of which 37 per cent thought that a religious act of worship was most appropriate. McCall (2002, p. 197) sees Ulster-Scots as a reinvention rather than a revival: It is variously, a myth of origin, a language and culture, a communal consciousness, a reaction against Irish nationalist cultural assertiveness in Northern Ireland, an embryonic nationalism, and a component part of the British identity. Ultimately, the reinvention of the UlsterScots narrative appears designed to offset advances made by the Irish Nationalists in the assertion of their culture in Northern Ireland. UlsterScots has also been reinvented in an attempt to provide the Ulster Unionist identity with a cultural booster required to deliver security and continuity to an identity experiencing chronic insecurity and doubt during a period of political transformation. However the ability of Ulster-Scots to deliver on these aims is questionable. In summary, McCall argues that Ulster-Scots is a reaction against Irish, it is an alternative to Orange identity; the Unionist ideals have been weakened by the Belfast Agreement and it is offered as a salve. It is perceived as a political tool by many. There is the Cruithin ‘myth’, which Adamson (1982) outlines as the history of the Ulster-Scots, who were originally settlers in Ulster but were driven back by the Gaels, hence the plantation of Ulster was actually a replantation. This story has not been taken very seriously by academics or the general public. Politically, this could be used to legitimize the right of Protestant people to remain on their own land, expelling the Republican interpretation that the Ulster-Scots stole the land from the native Irish. The cultural icons of Orangeism, the Apprentice Boys and the Somme are more recognizable as mainstream Protestant history. Newell says intellectuals have politicized Ulster-Scots for their own ends. The language appeals more to the middle classes, and the music and dance has more appeal among the working classes. However, McCall (2002) concludes that most politicians and people are sceptical about Ulster-Scots as a language, except to cartoonists and

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comedians, and it is no threat to Unionist Ulster British identity. If it is a cultural counter-balance to Irish nationalism then it will have served its purpose in the Unionist community. There are concerns, says Hughes (2001), for Protestants on the status of Protestant culture, and the idea that the Irish language and culture is given greater prominence than Ulster-Scots. The Belfast Agreement clause giving a position to both languages and traditions may have caused Protestants to see this issue as being of lessening significance.

Northern and Southern views on Ulster-Scots Ulster-Scots would appear to have a severe image problem. Most people believe it is a complete waste of money which could be better spent on public services. Emma Lockett speaks positively about both Irish and Ulster-Scots: I would be an expert I know all those words. I would claim to be bilingual. Ulster-Scots is there to counteract Irish. It is a dialect that is still there. You fall into it. You could not understand me at my mother’s. People say that we can all speak English so it is ridiculous. Derek Holmes from County Antrim retorts: ‘Ulster-Scots is a complete load of rubbish, it is getting its own back on Barbara de Bruin.’ Alice Gardner, of the same congregation, also sees it as politicized, as her opinion of Irish is: ‘No, I don’t think the Church should be involved in Irish. I think live and let live. I don’t want to see Ulster-Scots. The DUP had to get their thing in. So much of NI politics is tit-for-tat.’ John Cullen has more time for the cultural aspect: Ulster-Scots, it is a waste of time and I am an Ulster-Scot. It is absolutely scandalous, both it and the Irish language. I have no problem with Ulster-Scots culture. It is there – bred in you it is, and it is of no relevance to the present day. For Susan McBriar, it brings to mind cultural stereotypes: ‘Dead on part of the old heritage – a stiff, white collar, jaw set, face like flint, puritanical’. In County Down, Heather Lindsay says ‘Ulster-Scots Is even more ridiculous [than Irish]. They have got plenty to do with that. Ulster Scots is a dialect, not a language.’

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Lorraine Foy, in County Antrim, says: ‘Ulster-Scots is a ridiculous thing. It is deliberate tit-for-tat. However, I love the sound of the Ulster-Scots dialect – Where are you frae? – Where are you from?’ County Londonderry man, Mr Eddington, speaks for many when says: ‘It is a dialect not a language, an attempt to balance the thing. There is a problem for the Ulster-Scots crowd. It does not have a cultural identity, it is a bit of a joke.’ In County Antrim, Sarah Barrett has her own personal memories of it: My grandfather spoke Ulster-Scots. Whenever I hear it spoken there is a stirring in me. For me it has memories of me sitting on his knee telling stories. Written down it looks ridiculous. I am in favour of Ulster-Scots as a cultural thing. Ballycarry has a heritage thing. Alison Morrison, from County Down, is interested in languages: ‘It was something that I didn’t know existed before the political controversy. It is a bit of a farce. It was used as a political tool as well’. But Rev Martin Smyth is supportive: ‘Ulster-Scots, I like it. I like the language and I do see a place for it. Irish, I have no problem. I regret they are not using Scots Gaelic instead of Irish. Scots Gaelic was spoken in the glens.’ Ministers in particular were quite adamant in their views. Some ministers are unhappy with its perceived political agenda. One Northern minister discusses it colourfully: ‘Ulster-Scots is a carry on. It is a fantastic cultural curiosity. It is held up for ridicule. Is it a language or dialect? It is hard to take seriously.’ A County Tyrone minister says it is a joke. Rev Cupples, in Fermanagh, says: ‘I think many people have difficulties acknowledging Ulster-Scots as a bona fide language, or seeing an equivalent culture on the loyalist side to the Gaelic, Irish culture.’ In the South of Ireland, similarly, there is not much sympathy for it as a serious language. Some people believe it is a waste of money, a nonsense, and a ‘joke’. Here, we review a selection of views. In Dublin and Munster, Darren Smyth is conscious of an ethnic link: ‘Considering the Scots and Ulster people are of the same ilk. I have no objection.’ Victoria Patterson, on the border, classes it as a dialect; and in Dublin and Munster Philip Cleith understands it to be ‘a Celtic language. It is Celtic words mixed up with English’. In County Donegal, Thomas Young, an ex-Orangeman, is ‘Very happy about Ulster-Scots.’ He has a leaving Certificate with Honours in Irish. Also in Donegal, Anne Johnston is positive: ‘I quite like it. It is quite nice. There are signs in it towards Comber.’ Similarly, Philip McKeown

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says it does not bother him, but ‘Ramelton has a big interest in it’ (Ramelton was the home of Francis Makemie, considered to be the founder of Presbyterianism in the USA). Maureen McKee laughs when the subject is mentioned: ‘I would like someone to define the culture. It is not a language, it is a brogue; if people are happy, fine.’ One border minister sees nationalism as at the core of the issue: ‘It was seen as a good thing for nineteenth-century nationalism to promote [the] Irish language in a way that is exclusionary. Ulster-Scots was a reaction to it. I am happy to shed both of them.’ Rev John Woodside also sees it like this: ‘Ulster-Scots is a dialect, not a language, Ulster-Scots is not a language but a dialect. It is close to how my uncles and many people from East Antrim spoke normally.’ Politician Seymour Crawford is positive: ‘Ulster-Scots – I would encourage it. Scots, Welsh and Irish have so much in common – we are involved at [the] farming level’.

Presbyterians and the Irish language Views on the Irish language (North and South) The Irish language question brought out a variety of views, and some results that were quite surprising. Respondents were asked about their views on the Irish language, and whether the Presbyterian Church should support it. In the North, one Belfast respondent refused to take part in the study as he said he knew my politics (on the basis of his view of the questions on Irish language and culture) and therefore would not co-operate. This incident was not repeated, but revealed the attitude of one individual. Many Presbyterians were very positive about the language. Several Northerners said they wanted to learn it, even those with quite Unionist political outlooks. Many, however, did see it as politicized. In the South there were those in favour and those against, and a vast majority who thought it should be better taught and optional rather than compulsory. In Northern Ireland, in County Armagh, Emma Lockett believes: ‘that is something desirable, it is part of everybody’s heritage. It could be enriching. I don’t know any. Should the Church promote it? Do not discourage it nor block it.’ Samuel Bonnar sees the language in a negative light, together with Ulster-Scots: It is just as ridiculous as Ulster-Scots. I don’t believe in promoting it. English is the language that is spoken. I have no objection to the language itself but I don’t want people to have Irish pushed down their throat. Ulster-Scots is a bit of a joke. There are still a lot of terms used.’

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Susan McBriar sees benefits: ‘I did Irish language. I would like to speak Irish. Trevor spoke Irish “Jesus Christ is Lord”. The culchies [country people] have the monopoly of the Irish language.’ Audrey McAllister struggles with the compulsory nature of Irish in the Republic: I don’t see the necessity to have to learn Irish. Teachers are only allowed to teach at primary level without Irish for five years. It is not a universal language. They speak in Irish in Europe. It is simultaneously translated. I don’t see the Churches’ role in that. Lorraine Foy in County Antrim is concerned about political perceptions: ‘Languages can be divisive and cause a lot of problems. If it is creating more problems, no the Church should not support it. But if the congregation spoke Irish I would have a different view.’ In County Tyrone, Stephen McDowell states: I have never learnt Irish [and] I am not going to start now. We can get by without it. If they want to, then that would be OK as long as it is not intimidating like Gerry Adams doing verses in Irish, or being provocative. Maybe in Donegal, it is not in me to provoke. Amanda and Stanley Woodville, in County Tyrone, trace its association with Protestants: ‘The Church of Ireland is going to include hymns in Irish. In 1850–60 it was a credit and you had to have it in the Church of Ireland ministry. Protestants kept it alive.’ Simon Rice says: Ministers kept Irish alive. It is sad that it has become very politicized. It is nice to see more Irish spoken. There are Orangemen here claiming rights on the Irish language. Should the Church promote it? I would nearly say yes. If there was a demand for it. Whether Church House should go bilingual, I don’t know. In County Down, Peter Newton brings in the political again: ‘I hate to see the Gaelic language used as a political thing. Why it has been rammed down our throats? It should be as much for Protestants as for Catholics, but I see no need for the Church to promote it.’ Lynn Hickson in Belfast thinks similarly: ‘The Presbyterian Church saved it. I have no objection – same as Welsh. I don’t see any point in it. Sinn Feiners talk in Irish. They don’t speak

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Irish in the Pale. I object to it being politicized. I would have liked to have spoken it’. Also in Belfast, Neil Hardy has several views: ‘I don’t like it shoved in my face by Nationalists. I would have a problem with the Church promoting it. At one stage I thought that I might like to learn Gaelic. I felt excluded at Coffee Bar at [the] University of Ulster because they were speaking in Gaelic. They speak it in Iona (in Scotland). County Antrim minister, Rev Russell Birney, says: ‘I have difficulties with the Irish language. In the present climate I see it as unnecessarily divisive, since it is perceived by many Protestants as a Republican “thing”. It therefore has the effect of separating rather than uniting people, which is a bad thing.’ One County Tyrone minister is not a fan: ‘It is a dead language, let it die and bury it. Why waste money on it?’ Rev Hart, Belfast minister, is concerned: I do not like the way that it is being used, even on notepaper. The Irish language is a political concession, to oppose a particular point of view, a pure concession. Language should be allowed to die or live on its own. No, the Church should not promote it. Some friends who are ministers would go to Irish classes – do not let it become a Catholic thing. In the South, Irish is compulsory in schools and is not entirely popular. Many schoolchildren hate it, and a number of people commented on inadequate teaching provision. Some believed it would be more useful to learn another European language. Peter Knox, in Dublin and Munster, sees it as a Northern issue: Up North it is an issue. I do not know too much about it. It might be nice to learn it as a language. The civil service have an Irish exam, and the police. Most forms have an Irish version. For the Nationalist community in the North, it is a big thing. Here it is not greatly important. It is not a language that is used but you will not get a job without French in the EU. I do not see why the Church should promote it. Philip Cleith, in Dublin and Munster, is positive: ‘Yes I think the Church should promote it. When Presbyterians had gone away Irish was turned into a language of murderers. It does not make sense when the rest of the world speaks English, but it should be preserved.’ Catherine Boyd, on the border, has children who study it: ‘I don’t think that it is necessary for the Church to promote it. It used to be that if you didn’t pass

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Irish you didn’t pass, but not now. It is very hard to learn and a waste of time. The boys hate it. It should be there as a choice, your own choice.’ For Julie Carrington, in Dublin and Munster, the teaching of it is key: ‘It is not a thing for the Church. I can barely speak it. It is more sad than anything. I would like to be able to speak it. I had the same teacher for eight and a half years. It is taught better in Catholic schools.’ Anne Johnston in Donegal likes the language: ‘I quite like Irish. I would have to be able to speak it fluently but it should not be high up in its priority list. I cannot see our minister preaching in Irish even if he could speak it. In the service I was at last week, the guy did speak a little in Irish – it was nice.’ Donegal ex-Orangeman, Thomas Young, says: ‘I enjoy the Irish language but most of my classmates didn’t. I got honours in leaving certificate. It is useful in the workplace. I have not really used it. I have a good understanding. Should the Church promote it? No.’ Donegal people appear to have a special love of the language Fred Bain replies: ‘We are missing out part of our Irishness by not promoting it. It is no more difficult than French. Protestants and Presbyterians turned their backs. Presbyterians saved it.’ Aaron Chambers adds: Terence McCaughtry preached here once – in the Synod. I learnt Irish at school. One congregation of the Church of Ireland has Irish-speaking people. If they had a minister speaking in Irish they would use it. My relative, an uncle, was Church of Ireland and would have preached one sermon in Irish. In Lucan, there is a French service. If there is a need for it, that’s OK for the Church to use it? Politician Seymour Crawford recalls: You had to get 40 per cent in Irish and I got 40.5 per cent. The teacher handed us the dictionary. Some Presbyterians are fluent Irish speakers. Girls I knew in the Presbyterian Church all went to Irish School in Dublin. They were very committed to [the] Irish language. Mother was reared in Cregagh Road. Irish is not much use to us in Europe. [He adds] Yes, it is very important that we should retain a national identity, but it should be voluntary and not compulsory. One Southern minister has some creative suggestions: ‘Irish is compulsory and almost everyone hates it. If the Unionists want to destroy it, then make it compulsory. It is popular only in the Gaeltacht or Falls Road.’ Northerner Rev Stephen Rea in Donegal says: ‘I have changed my mind on this. I now think that those of us in the South should make more of an effort to learn it, or at least not be hostile. Otherwise we put

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up a barrier to the Gospel.’ In Kilkenny, Rev John Woodside is politically aware: The Irish language should not be part of a political agenda. It should be as much the property and interest of the Protestant and Unionist community as the Catholic and Nationalist people. In practice, the method of teaching it in schools is counter-productive and does not lead to the majority of students liking it or being able to speak it. I think that is a pity. My three boys have all been taught Irish at school but I doubt if they will ever be able to speak it.

Views on cultural identity, Irish music and dance In this section, the musical and cultural preferences of individuals and ministers are described. People were asked if they thought Celtic music and dance was an important part of their culture. Responses varied according to individual preferences and regional variations. In County Armagh, Robert Riley hears it as: ‘Diddle de dee. Gaelforce had a band over with Glynn Williams – he is Welsh. It does not belong to anyone – music is music. I am fairly easy to please – classical, brass band, folk tunes.’ In County Antrim, Alice Gardner is becoming more open: ‘I was not brought up to it. I enjoy Celtic music more than I used to.’ John Cullen does not particularly like it. He does like Scottish music and Lambeg drums, but his wife loves Irish music – she would have gone to the Irish music pubs and feis. He would go to concerts, has no time for classical but likes country and western.’ Samuel Bonnar doesn’t mind Celtic music and enjoys good Scottish pipes. Edward Walker likes ‘Scottish and [is] more inclined towards it.’ Claire Semple sees it as a Southern thing: ‘The young ones don’t. They do it down South more. I do like that dancing. I like it. I like Scottish music and dance. I used to take my Mum to Scotland.’ Lorraine Foy would define herself as Irish, but is culturally diverse, ‘Yes, I like Celtic music and Irish dancing, yes. I am not so keen on Irish music. I am very Scottish.’ In County Tyrone, Heather McDowell (but not her husband) is fond of it: I would not knock it off. I also like Classic FM and country and western.’ Margaret Ferguson appreciates some aspects of the culture: ‘I would not think so. I like to see Irish dance but Irish music is not my scene. ‘Danny Boy’ is lovely.’ In Londonderry, Rev Cathcart thinks the community is alienated from Celtic culture: ‘I would like it to be accepted – sadly it is not. We have given up our culture. We have allowed the Celtic to go.

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I am not over the moon about Iona – Celtic Christianity. We have given that up. We have said that is for Catholics.’ Tom Wilson recalls his own experience: ‘Yes, at my daughter’s wedding we had a ceilidh band. Gaelic culture is more acceptable in Scotland, it is not common in Presbyterian circles.’ Barbara Hancock says: I sent my daughter to Irish dancing. There are two kinds of Irish dancing, there is the Catholic’s one, their pumps are crossed. Someone sent their daughter to the wrong ones. Catholics have more embroidery too. Someone sent a letter about the Irish dancing movement. One did not like her child to mix. Scottish dancing classes? If that is our heritage then yes. We need to have both. Irish if it is done of free will. There is social pressure. Celtic includes Scots culture, so yes.’ Rev Patterson, in County Down, does not identify directly with it, but sees some benefits in the cultural heritage: ‘No, but not in a hard-line way. I am not into it. My older girl went to Irish dancing in Castlederg. Catholic people have a culture that we lack, I am rather envious of that.’ Peter Newton feels no personal affinity. Roger Dailey reflects on the question: ‘I probably did not think that it was, but it is part of Irishness. It is not the only part. Riverdance is a modern idea. Irishness has lots of other bits.’ A County Antrim minister would be more involved: ‘I love Irish music. I used to go and listen and played the bodrhan. Drums do not have a religious attraction. It is poorer for it. I used to go to Scottish ceilidhs. I played songs by Colum Sands.’ Co. Antrim man, Thomas Gill, again highlights the political: ‘I like all sorts of folk music, Irish, English and Scots. I like classical music as well. We allowed that to be hijacked. Downtown radio has been hijacked by nationalists. Protestant culture, what is it?’ Sarah Barrett feels Scottish and likes Andy Stewart. In County Down, Alison Morrison would not identify with that culture: ‘No, it is more of a Southern thing. I think that it should be. It is not widely accepted here – not brought up round here to it. I like rap and rock.’ For Martin White, music itself is an issue: ‘No – I do like music but I am not musical. I would listen to anything. Scots music? Yes. I don’t like fluting. Classical music? No.’ Jennifer Marsh likes country and western and gospel music. Belfast member Mary Scott is ‘Not that fussed. My daughter did Irish dancing. I am not fussed. I like country and western.’ In Tyrone, one minister says simply: ‘Not really. I like good music, classical and some of the Irish, like Enya. I am not into flute bands. I like contemporary.’

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In Dublin and Munster, Peter Knox contemplates the question: I suppose it is, but not as a teenager: I liked rock and roll. I do like Celtic spiritual music. It became more worldwide, it is not something done in the corner – you had to be Catholic to be Irish. When I am in Scotland at the Tattoo in Edinburgh, something happens inside when I hear Scottish pipe bands. Sarah Moorehead is proud of her culture: ‘Oh yes, quite definitely. Have you seen Riverdance? It is great. There is a good new music centre. I like classical. I do not like pop – not usually.’ Roberta Ingram has a different view: ‘Not really. Irish music does nothing for me. I do not like diddley diddley. I like classical and some pop.’ On the border, Thomas Young identifies political aims with cultural identity in his area: ‘I love Irish and Scots music, a lot is very similar. A lot of people have misconceptions.’ A border minister regards music as a part of everyone’s cultural heritage. Philip Cleith, in Dublin and Munster, remembers Presbyterian history: There is a harping festival in Belfast. In 1783 it was organized by Presbyterians. The Roman Catholic Church told people not to dance. The Church put a stop to dancing. Riverdance goes back to the original. America revived true Irish dancing. ‘Danny Boy’ was written by Presbyterians. Presbyterian Celts are traced back through Scotland. On the border, Charles McDowell has family participation: ‘Yeah, I like it. I couldn’t dance. My daughter does it. I see no sin in it. I am not a musical person. I like country and western. My daughter is taking lessons.’ Andrea Spencer is aware of the influence of upbringing: ‘No. I was brought up in a southern village. Irish dancing was not promoted. You wouldn’t do it. You would be looked at oddly if you did. Soccer is Protestant. Gaelic football is Catholic. I like chart music.’ One border minister has no real preference, but thinks that for him it is ‘diddle de dee’ music. Caroline Semple likes Scottish music and dance. Donald Logan sees it as a positive in Irish identity: ‘Yes, I like it if it is done well. Riverdance has done a lot for Ireland; that is a good thing. It is the form of dancing you like.’ A Southern minister does not like dance, but likes the Ulean pipes and classical. Natalie Parsons likes it, but says it is not part of Presbyterian culture. They would do it in school. In Dublin and Munster, musical Louise

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Woods says: ‘Yes, I love folk music. I would listen to folk music. I have been to a few ceilidhs. I like classical music and pop. Folk is my favourite. I play the guitar.’ County Donegal member Valerie Newman has experience: ‘Yes, I did Irish dance at college. Irish dance formation and stepdancing is very good for people, such as Riverdance, etc.’ She also talks about Remembrance Day as a cultural identity that was rejected: ‘The poppy is not worn here. They removed the poppy. As a child I would have collected. It was frowned upon, very much so.’ Albert Smyth would not identify with it: ‘No, it is not my preference. Small doses for most Presbyterians here – no. My preference is country and western, like Daniel O’Donnell. There is a lot of country and western here.’ In County Donegal, Matthew McDonald answers in the affirmative, but ‘None of us are involved in Irish dancing. My children are Scottish pipers.’ Gary McKee says, ‘I enjoy Irish music but I don’t know if it is part of my culture, and my wife’s taste is more in country than Celtic.’ Charles Perry likes Scottish too: ‘Very much so, Scottish Highlands. Scottish Gaelic is connected to the Irish language and the culture that goes with it. Irish and Scottish dance can merge into one another.’ To summarize, in the North, some Presbyterians are open to the culture of Irish music and dance. However, a substantial number have an affinity with Scottish dance and culture. Quite a few see it as politicized or part of Catholic culture rather than their own. In the South, Riverdance has been a great success. Interestingly, some Southern Presbyterians see Scottish Celtic culture as something they can relate to better. Country and western is popular in rural areas and in Donegal. Classical is popular too, particularly with middle-class people. It is clear that Scottish culture in music and dance has a much greater popular appeal than the Ulster Scots language.

Conclusions National identity is an important issue for people all over the world. Presbyterians are an ethnic group who are predominantly Unionist in politics and British in terms of nationality. However, many are willing to say they are partly Irish. In the South, Presbyterians have no difficulty with their loyalty to the Irish state and are proud of it. The Irish language has a rich history and connection with Presbyterianism. Many people were positive but wished it to be a part of a culture that belonged to all the people who live in Ireland, regardless of their political allegiance. Ulster Scots has a severe image problem among respondents, but there is

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a warmer and more enthusiastic response to cultural events. Scottish music and dance is popular with Presbyterians throughout the island. Presbyterians are a distinctive ethnic group, with their own cultural history and customs. This is maintained by history and tradition but is constantly evolving, allowing different aspects to emerge, as with any living community. Presbyterians have not forgotten their Scottish roots.

8 Education and Social Integration

In this chapter, issues discussed include inter-Church marriage, integrated education, and inter-Church services. Views of ministers and people are reviewed, together with a summary of some of the main issues and debates surrounding community relations and, by implication, ecumenical matters in this context.

A discussion of inter-Church marriage All these issues are sensitive subjects in the Irish context. Bamford and McCullough in Burning Issues (1990, p. 78) inform us that, given the statement, ‘People should only marry those from a similar religious background’, 63 per cent of Presbyterians either agree or strongly agree with the statement, compared to around 28 per cent of the rest. However, around 65 per cent support some kind of mixed education system. Presbyterians appear to have liberal views on integrated education yet be suspicious of and opposed to mixed marriages. Boal et al. (1996, p. 67) found that, apart from those in the Church of Ireland, Protestant churchgoers are more willing to accept inter-racial marriage than Protestant/Catholic marriage. O’Leary (1999, p. 119) has studied several aspects of intermarriage in Southern Ireland, he hypothesizes that there have been changes in patterns of intermarriage post-Vatican II. In particular, this seems to have made an impact both on types of wedding ceremony and on conversions. Other observations include the very low rate of intermarriage, and denominational switching is very low. However, the rate of intermarriage has increased and continues to increase over time (ibid., p. 126), and there is a fall in the number of conversions. The majority of these marriages (57 per cent) took place in a Catholic church and 25 per cent took place in a Protestant church. These changes have taken place because of a 135

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relaxation of the rules on intermarriage by the Catholic Church. It was required in canon law for most of the century that the Catholic partner should work towards the conversion of the non-Catholic partner. In the 1950s and 1960s it would have been more common for one party to convert to Catholicism. In 1966, the Matrimonnii Sacramentum dropped this stipulation, and conversion figures for adults dropped to a sustained level of around 100 adults per year. The Papal letter, Motu Proprio Matrimonii Mixta allowed the local bishop to grant a dispensation from the canonical form, thus allowing the marriage to have validity even though it took place in another Church. O’Leary (1999) comments that, by the 1970s, couples were not so bound by Ne Timere, and would take the option to have their marriage ceremony in a Protestant church. The importance of status is another sociological factor in inter-Church marriages. O’Leary found in his study of intermarriage in Dublin (O’Leary, 2000) that Protestants have a status in Irish society that favours Protestant women of low education marrying a husband of higher education or social class. The Protestant female brings cultural capital to the marriage. Status differences can cause problems in a marriage, but this may be offset by Protestant wives who marry Catholic husbands with a higher educational level or profession being positive about those attributes. At the end of his paper, O’Leary comments that, as society becomes more liberal and women pursue their own careers this type of social exchange may become less common. The study of modernization, religion and marriage in the Irish Republic by O’Leary (2001) tests the hypothesis that those most exposed to modernization are more likely to marry someone from a different religious background. Factors contributing to this include higher education, a nonfarming background, and being an urban dweller. White (1975) and Bowen (1983) describe the problems and hurts caused by inter-Church marriage and the resentments felt by Protestants in their diminished numbers, in part a result of intermarriage. Farmers in particular are resistant to intermarriage, probably because of the issues involved in land inheritance (O’Leary, 2001, p. 663); and they are also more regular and committed in their church attendance. The survey did not find education to be a significant variable. In fact, tertiary-level education may increase the possibility that they will marry within their own group. It was discovered, however, that Protestants in Ulster were markedly different: One distinctive feature of the region is that more of the Protestants in these counties are Presbyterian. Presbyterians have traditionally been the most outspoken in their theological disagreements with Catholics.


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For their part Catholics have indicated greater social distance between themselves and Presbyterians than with members of the Church of Ireland. (MacGreil, 1996) Bruce (1994, p. 26) describes the two religions as antithetical: The Reformation was anti-Catholic and the counter-Reformation was antiProtestant. The settlers and natures encountered each other at a time when people look religion seriously and when support for competing religions created an obstacle to inter marriage and integration. O’Leary concludes that the influence of modernization in the reduction of farming as an occupation appears to be a key factor. The Journal of Interchurch Families in a review of ‘Marriage Across the Frontiers’ – a conference held in Northern Ireland in 1992 – highlighted aspects of ‘nationality, ethnicity and religion’. ‘Mixed’ marriages can bring out identity issues and threaten the security of the group as well as of the Churches. The couple involved may experience pressure to conform, and experience social isolation and exclusion from their community. While there is no evidence that cross-frontier marriages are more prone to breakdown, the absence of a shared history, culture and religion may cause misunderstandings and poor communication. This can also be a strength if dealt with effectively, as it may enhance understanding and openness, and lead to the development of negotiation skills in the individuals. The report (p. 3) points out that ‘all religious bodies and denominations have a pastoral responsibility here to assist couples’. Commenting on identity issues, inter-Church couples have reported a strengthening of their own faith because it had to be explored and explained to the other partners. Many are interested in ecumenical questions and long for a primary ‘Christian identity’ that overrides denominational difference. In the context of the postmodern world, there are now mixed marriages, meaning those of different religion. Rabbi Jonathan Romain explained that a mixed marriage for him used to refer to an Orthodox Jew marrying a Reformed Jew. Today, it has come to mean a marriage between Jews and non-Jews. Ireland is becoming a more multicultural society. Inter-faith marriages will be more common between the Presbyterian Church and the Catholic Church in the twenty-first century. People are now seeking to bring up the children of inter-Church marriages in both traditions. The place where the child is brought up can be decisive in the choices they make. Inter-Church marriage confronts the Churches with a challenge to manage the complexities of difference with their own identity, yet open to discuss and explore in a spirit of Christian love. The specific policies and statements of the Presbyterian Church are explored in the next section.

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The Presbyterian Church and inter-Church marriage In Chapter v, ‘the Minister’, section 85 of the Presbyterian Code, guidance is given to ministers regarding marriage. Section 5 deals with the subject of intermarriage: A minister should not join in marriage a member of the Church with one holding beliefs or having a Church membership incompatible with the Christian witness of the Reformation, until careful instruction has been given in the doctrines and obligations of our evangelical faith or until other conditions have been met by the General Assembly’s Committee on Marriage and the Family have been observed. In 1976, the Church issued a report to the General Assembly on interChurch marriage. The Presbyterian Church has also published a guide for members and ministers specifically for Presbyterian and Roman Catholic inter-Church marriages. This statement was issued as a response to the directory of Mixed Marriages and Preparing for a Mixed Marriage by Veritas Publications. The Presbyterian Church prefers to use the term inter-Church marriage rather than ‘mixed marriage’, because it considers that each of these couples has ‘some sense of inheriting and experiencing faith in God through Jesus Christ within their respective churches’. In the documents there is an effort to be fair to other Christians, consistent with Vatican II. However the Roman Catholic Code of Canon Law reveals a quite different attitude. There is within it an implication that Presbyterians are not equal as Christians. It is stated that: Catholics believe that the Catholic Church as distinct from other Churches, has been endowed with the fullness of the means of salvation. This fullness implies more than simply a greater total of truths and means of grace. It means that Christ’s presence to his followers and Christ’s saving work in the world find their focal point and their most complete historical expression in the order, faith and worship of the Catholic Church. The Presbyterian party is then at a disadvantage compared to the Catholic party, as the latter is urged that it is Divine Law or the will of God that the Catholic party should give either in writing or orally a


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promise, in order to receive permission to marry lawfully in the eyes of and with the validity of their Church. The promise is as follows: I declare that I am resolved, as God’s Law demands, to preserve my Catholic faith, and to avoid all dangers of falling away from it. Moreover, I sincerely undertake and I will, as God’s law requires, do everything possible, so far as it in me lies, to have all the children of our marriage baptised and brought up in the Catholic Church. Many Presbyterians prefer the view that it is the responsibility of both partners to work together in these sensitive and contentious issues. At the Ballymascanlon Conference in 1975 it was agreed: Full recognition should be given to the basic principle that in a mixed marriage husband and wife alike have a Christian duty to contribute spiritually to the marriage, to the children’s upbringing and to the general life of the home. The obligations in conscience towards God and in relation to church membership are essentially of the same nature, whether explicitly declared or not. Each party must respect the inviolability of the conscientious convictions of the other and seek to resolve conflicts with the fullest regard for Christian truth and love. The Presbyterian partner should share their faith and beliefs, but with due regard to the beliefs and practices of the other. In respect to the minister’s role, many will accept and support the decision of each to remain in their own Church, while others will have objections. There should not be a pressure applied by the minister to force the Catholic party to become a Presbyterian. This should only happen out of conviction, and such behaviour is wrong and likely to turn people against the Church. The Presbyterian Church maintains that a marriage service carried out according to the form and discipline set out is legal, although the Catholic party would need a dispensation for it to be recognized by the Catholic Church. There are two types of dispensation. There is a dispensation from the impediment of mixed religion; this is needed even if the marriage takes place in a Catholic church and is conducted by the priest. The second dispensation is from the canonical form, and permits the marriage to take place in a Presbyterian church, with or without the priest. It is granted if the first dispensation has been granted and there are other serious difficulties that prevent the usual canonical form being used. These difficulties are not specified, but PCI suggest perhaps this might apply to the family of a minister or elder or other church official.

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The Presbyterian Church expects the marriage to take place in the bride’s church. If he is invited, the priest may attend and take part in the service so long as there is no celebration of the Lord’s Supper. The priest is not taking a service according to different rites, but brings greetings, prayers and blessings at the close of the ceremony. Neither side would permit a double marriage service. There is a problem for Presbyterians in that if the dispensations have not been obtained, then no marriage has taken place according to the Roman Catholic Church. This is a contentious issue. The whole subject of inter-Communion is a sensitive issue and is a separating act in the marriage, as Presbyterians issue an invitation to ‘all who love the Lord’. However, for the Roman Catholic there are four requirements. First, the person must have a faith in the Eucharist, which is doctrinally the same as the Church; second, they should have a serious spiritual need; third, they must over a prolonged period be unable to have had ministry from a minister of their own Church; and finally, they must receive the sacrament of their own initiative and be of Christian character and disposition. The Catholic Church does not generally recognize divorce, but it may be possible to apply to have the original marriage annulled. The Presbyterian Church accepts that divorces do happen and will remarry individuals according to their circumstances and the decision of the Marriage and Family Committee. The Presbyterian guidelines hope that the ministers involved will co-operate with the intermarried couples as much as possible, and will follow this up with pastoral care. Co-operation is not a denial of Presbyterian principles. The couple are primarily in a marriage in which vows are given before God. Finally, the Church recommends the material of the Association of Inter Church Families and the Northern Ireland Mixed Marriage Association. The views of ministers and individuals are outlined in the following sections. There are two other matters: namely, the issues of baptism, and education. With regard to children, both churches recognize each other’s baptism into the Church of Christ by the pouring of water in the name of the Trinity. It is also the reception into the worshipping community. In Northern Ireland, the baptism often takes place when children are registered for schooling, which brings us to the segrated nature of the education system. Integrated education may be especially attractive to couples in this position. There is a special certificate of baptism recognized by all Churches. In the past there has been a concelebration of baptism, but in general Church authorities reject this practice and it is no longer officially permitted. Neither Church is keen on the practice of registering the baptism in both


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Churches. Some couples have opted to have their male children baptised in one church and to have the female children baptised in another.

Ministers’ views on inter-Church marriage County Antrim minister, Rev Russell Birney, is not keen: ‘I am a realist. I have a great difficulty with the idea of a Christian marrying a nonChristian. I would have a real problem with a Christian marrying a Roman Catholic if the latter is not a Christian. If mixed marriages happen, they happen, but I would not actively promote them.’ In Bangor, Rev Alistair Kennedy has changed: ‘I am very eclectic. Everyone is an individual. I am not happy marrying someone who has a vastly different experience of God, but I do not see why not. Heart and practice are in two different directions. As for taking part in services previously no, but now I would.’ Rev Cathcart is aware of problems: I have great sympathy with people in this situation. It is very difficult in the Northern Ireland context. It can work, but it takes hard work. I have several couples who are in mixed marriages in the congregation. Typically, the pattern would be that the female goes to Church or Mass and the male does not go anywhere. Spiritual harmony is more important than denomination. Revd Ian Hart has a positive attitude: ‘Broadly, I would welcome mixed marriages. Christians should marry Christians, a Christian to a Catholic or a Christian to a Protestant. Yes, I would invite the priest. If invited to the Catholic Church, I would go.’ In Killinchy, Rev Patterson thinks it is a: Good idea, yes. I have been involved and do it. I could not take the Westminster Confession out of its context. The Pope at the time was very imperial. There are few Roman Catholics in the area. If I go to a meeting you find that we believe 99 per cent of the same things as priests. There are as many heresies among Presbyterians as among the Catholics. There was a baby baptised in our Church [from a mixed marriage.] It will be Protestant and the father still goes to his own Church. In County Antrim, one minister regards geography as important: It is more of an issue here. Some people don’t regard the Catholic Church as Christian. There is no trouble taken to ask what the Catholic

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believes. I am doing one next week Saturday. Do you want nice pictures or a faith statement? It is not an issue elsewhere. It is time we grew up. I have no problem with priest or me to go there. In County Down, a minister says: ‘Yes, when I was an assistant in Belfast we had quite a few. There was a wedding in February, a girl from Newry, and we shared the services. There is not a big difference really; we would usually not have the Eucharist. They come to our regular services. They are guests.’ A County Tyrone minister is opposed: ‘No. I bring them in and explain why I cannot do it. After the marriage I encourage them to come but I would not marry them.’ Rev Alistair Bill is familiar with the issue: ‘I do not have a problem and I would have participated in a number of inter-Church weddings, all the time seeking to uphold the Reformed position.’ In County Tyrone, a minister emphasizes the sharing element in marriage: I believe the important thing is that the two people are Christians. If they are not then it makes little difference. One of my members married to a Catholic. If a marriage is to succeed then you must have a united faith not one going to one and another going to another. Biblically, it will not work in strengthening the faith of either. Faith is vital – if I cannot share my faith then the marriage is incomplete. You cannot have a ‘pick and mix’. No to blessing, etc. – one or the other. Ballybay minister, Rev David Nesbitt, believes: It is up to people and their families themselves. There are not a lot of inter-Church marriages here. I have tried to be supportive. There are difficulties with parents. Very often locally the partner who is more committed goes. In our congregation the majority of children are Presbyterian with the values from both sides. The wife and children were Presbyterian the husband came sometimes. It is now much less the case of their child being brought up Catholic. I would go to the Catholic Church. I would perform such marriages. Kilkenny minister, Rev John Woodside, faces a minority environment: The Christian position is that a believer should marry a fellow believer, regardless of their religous background. Most marriage services in which I have been involved have included at least one partner from


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a Roman Catholic background. In practice, Catholic marriage laws are subversive of Protestant communities in the Republic. I find it difficult to take part in a marriage ceremony where there is a promise to bring up the children as Roman Catholics, though there have been times I have wanted to support the family or families involved. Rev Stephen Rea says: ‘I don’t have any particular problem with them. I have done them and taken part in joint weddings in Catholic churches. However, I won’t take part if there is a Mass.’ Rev Trevor Morrow agrees that it is a: ‘Reality that we have to deal with. Mass is no longer appropriate at such weddings.’ Ministers are aware of the difficulties of intermarriage. ‘A Christian should marry a Christian’ is a common view. Although the theology of this position is not spelt out explicitly, I would suggest this means a belief in Jesus Christ as Saviour. There is the contentious issue of the religious upbringing of the children, which in the past has been weighted against the Presbyterian party. Other issues that emerge are the legitimacy of the Presbyterian Church and the fundamental misgivings of all ministers on the place of the Mass within a marriage service.

Inter-Church marriages: views of individuals (North) In Armagh, Robert Riley maintains: ‘As long as people love each other, are good to each other and love their children. If my kids did it I might have a fit. We have one couple and they take turns in going to both. They seem to do well.’ Emma Lockett has changed: I do not have a problem. There was a time it was difficult. It is easier now. We would have a family in our church and one partner is still a Catholic. In other congregations they would not feel as welcome. It adds another pressure but it is not something that could not be overcome. Yes, it should take place in a Presbyterian church. In County Antrim, Alice Gardner has an open view: I don’t have too big a problem. There are huge difficulties from the point of view of the children. The labels don’t mean too much. Some children are being brought up in both traditions. I could not have done it. I would like to see people come to Christ. In a Presbyterian church – yes. I don’t have a problem and I don’t have a problem with a priest. Presbyterian minister going to Catholic church? Well it depends on the minister.

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Derek Holmes is more cautious: ‘The Bible says we should not be unequally yoked, Christian and non-Christian.’ Susan McBriar is concerned about the personal faith element: I would not be against it if both were Christians. There is a Christian girl in our church in that position. He is a Catholic and goes to ours occasionally. I personally could not. For baptism, it is required that one of the parents is a born-again Christian. Using the Presbyterian church for a mixed marriage? Yes. As for the priest in the service, I would not have a problem but a lot of people would. As for our minister going to a Catholic church – no. In County Down, Heather Lindsay’s views have some similarity: It is difficult. Marriage is difficult enough. If you fall in love it has additional problems. Thomas was excommunicated because he married a prod by Bishop Walsh. Yes the marriage should be in the Presbyterian Church. A priest should take part yes if that is important to the couple. The minister should go to the Catholic Church. Claire Semple, in County Antrim, says: I wonder that they could ever work it. My sister has a mixed marriage. I wouldn’t be happy. It would work if both became Christians, if both are the same religion. People need Christ in their lives. It is becoming more common here. Our minister has done it. He is a very good minister. Caroline Burns adds: It depends if it is a Christian, if not, I would have to advise against it because of how it would compromise the faith. The Bible would warn against a Christian and a non-Christian. In a Presbyterian church? No, unless, again, it was from a Christian point of view, then yes. My sister is married to a Catholic. They go nowhere. Harry and Maud Reid recognize it as: ‘Always a problem marriage. It is happening especially in local towns. The problem is that the Protestant is usually compromising. Mixed marriages end up more Catholic. As for it taking place in a Presbyterian church, it would not be allowed.’ Mr Eddington, in County Londonderry, repeats the view: People get hyped up. A Christian should marry a Christian. There are issues here to be worked through. If there is a fundamental faith it


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can be worked through. It would be my preference for my daughter being married in Presbyterian Church. In the case of the Priest participating, I am happy with a prayer. I am uncomfortable with their Communion. County Fermanagh member Mark Clarke tells us: I think it is inevitable that it is increasing. There needs to be a lot of give and take. Couples are more active. They don’t have to bring the children up Catholic. I always said we would rather see our kids with a good Catholic than a Protestant who would not make a good husband or wife. A Christian should marry a Christian. Some Catholics have a genuine personal faith. In church, if the girl is Presbyterian and a priest should participate in the service, yes. A lot of our folk would object. Davina Watt voices conditional acceptance: I would not have any objections to my daughter marrying a Catholic. Ideally, would not like the children to be brought up Catholic. I would want them to be brought up in our Church. The Catholics would give it all the view on their side of the coin. I do not see why not, if it is going to keep everyone happy. This country of ours is unique. My cousin was married in a Catholic church, I was the bridesmaid. He became a Protestant. I feel sorry for people here with mixed marriages. There are areas of Protestants and Catholics. I went to school with a girl who lives in the Falls. I do not think that even her children know. You were afraid of children in the street. It took her dad a long time to accept. She was only seventeen. Barbara Hancock explains that there is inter-Church marriage in her family: ‘We have one in his side. If it is what you want, then yes. I do not like the children having to be brought up Catholic. When you get married, the Church should not tell you what you should do you should be able to decide. A lot get married and then go nowhere.’ In East Antrim, Thomas Gill says: If possible, avoid. If not possible, you have got to be sympathetic. They were encouraged to get Protestant husbands way back. The Law is still there. Catholics now come into our church [for] weddings and funerals. Father’s brother’s uncle married a Roman Catholic; they

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married in our church. If they are prepared to agree, it is okay. We have a lot of weddings of mixed marriages – three or four we have had. Some are not that committed. The priest coming? I have not thought about it. The local priest came to something. It depends on minister or area. In County Down, Alison Morrison says: I have no problem with that at all. The Presbyterian Church should have a service, yes. I don’t see why not, unless it would cause problems with the couples themselves. Ideally, the best way is to let the children experience both. The priest participate? I don’t know. The Presbyterian minister in a Roman Catholic church? Yes, I would involve the two. If it is marriage, then it is a union. One of my cousins is in an interChurch marriage. Trevor Porter has firmly-held views: ‘When my daughter was getting married I asked, first thing, if he was a Protestant. I would rather they did not come into the family. The Presbyterian Church depends on the minister. You can get as much good in the Catholic.’ Jennifer Marsh observes: Since integrated schools have come they work better. There are enough problems in marriage. It is better if you could stick to your own. Mixed marriages taking place in a Presbyterian church? It is better in the Registry office. If they were married in the Presbyterian church I could come to it. It is a bad thing to turn people away. As for the priest in [the] service – yes, in a Presbyterian church if he is willing to come, certainly. I would not mind, but I am sure it would cause a lot of problems. Lynn Hickson from Belfast has this view: I am glad my daughter is living in Scotland. I have mixed views. My daughter’s friends are nearly all Catholic. Priests are giving out penances. I would be very hurt if she had gone to the chapel. The problems come with the children. A friend brought hers up as Catholic. She had a nervous breakdown. She says I wanted my Presbyterian bit to come out and tried to keep it in a balance. She wants to go back to her own church. My foreign son-in-law has gone to church with us.


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Views on mixed marriage in the South In Dublin and Munster, Peter Knox expresses his understanding of the issue: A mixed marriage in the Presbyterian? In the Presbyterian Church it has to be a Presbyterian service. There is a problem with a shared service. It is hard for Roman Catholics who are more open. Mary McAleese took Communion and that caused a controversy. My brother is married to a Roman Catholic. Sarah Moorehead says: ‘I think probably it is still easier to have one denomination. My cousin is married to a Catholic. It is not a disaster, but one I know of was. I have no problem with the service in the Presbyterian Church, and no problem with [the] priest or minister.’ On the border, David Mitchell says: ‘I would not have a problem. Children may be brought up Protestant in mixed marriages in the Presbyterian Church. My own minister would be liberal. He gets on with the whole community. As for the priest participating, it is up to the couple themselves. I do not know if they would be allowed.’ For Ian Martin, a number of issues emerge: There should be no Hell Fire at a wedding. Make it accessible to Steve in the United shirt. It is very much for the two people involved, parents and ministers. Mixed marriages have a lot of complications. They need to have a very strong relationship. In the Irish context it has caused a lot of friction. It depends on your future plans. I do not agree with not being baptised, that is almost fundamentalist. Yes, let the priest take part provided he has manners. Do not let the priest bully you, ‘Marry a Roman Catholic’, that is leading you with a rope up the aisle. Encourage and persuade. My big criticism of [the] Presbyterian Church is child abuse. The Church buried their head in the sand. They do not take it seriously. The Church of Ireland has better measures in place. In the Christian brothers there was abuse, there needs to be openness. Thomas Young in Donegal has mixed feelings: I have reservations about them still. I would be more content if my daughter marries a good person who is a Catholic than a bad Protestant. The culture is mine. I prefer the Presbyterian Church. I would not get involved. It can have the opposite affect. I have no difficulty with the

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priest or Presbyterian minister taking part. The Catholic going to the church should be helped in worship creeds and form of service. I have met a few priests: they are nice people. Philip Cleith in Cork admits: I would not like to see my grandchildren brought up Roman Catholic. In other families, the children are all liberal. Garrett Fitzgerald’s mother was a Presbyterian from Northern Ireland. They were involved at the GPO in 1916. He was responsible for Sunningdale. Haughey brought it down. Reynolds claims the new peace process. Catherine Boyd considers it: A hard one. It is a lifelong problem. I prefer to stick with my own, marriage has enough problems. It depends on the people themselves. Education – more open and more respect towards others. Each goes to their own. The family is a bit of a problem. You have to be liberalminded. There is more of it. Marriages in Presbyterian Church of Ireland, I can’t see any bother. There should be a representation of both. Andrea Spencer is against: No, I don’t think so. Do not be unequally yoked. A non-Christian should not marry a Christian. There is the fable that if you are standing it is easier for them to pull you down. The marriage taking place in the Presbyterian church? No, it makes a mockery and a joke. There have to be rules and regulations. In the Roman Catholic church? No, and no to the priest coming or the minister going there. In Dublin and Munster, Caroline Semple offers positive comments: ‘I had two in my own family. They worked out well. The children were christened in [a] Catholic Church.’ On the border, this issue has affected Natalie Parsons’ family: ‘I don’t agree with a mixed marriage. It should take place in Presbyterian church – yes, that is better. No, a priest should not participate in the service. If it is in a Roman Catholic church the Presbyterian minister should not be present.’ Carrie Green has some experience: ‘It is better to marry in your own religion if possible. Mixed marriages should take place in a Presbyterian church – yes. The priest should participate in the service – no problem. I stopped my older son from going with a Catholic, but I could accept it.’ In Dublin and Munster,


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Julie Carrington says: ‘My brother married a Catholic. They were both Christian therefore there was no problem. When a Christian marries a non-Christian there is a problem. Should there be a priest at the service? It would not bother me, a priest at the service. He should only be there if the PCI minister goes.’ In County Donegal, Valerie Newman says: We have several in our church. They have worked out extremely well. If I was advising it would be very hard. In the long run, the people involved have to decide; it is usually the person with the strongest faith. It is important that someone has. There was a Roman Catholic girl, a teacher, engaged to a Presbyterian and as soon as it was known she lost her job. There was an act of equality brought in so that woman could be equal to men. If we didn’t have the Church of Ireland we would be lost. There is one Protestant training college. Dublin and Munster member, Rebecca Parkinson, is convinced: If they love each other and believe in Jesus, then why not? If taking place in the Presbyterian Church is a matter for the bride and the groom. I have no objection. My son’s partner is Catholic and my daughter’s is Church of Ireland. As for a priest in the service, it is up to the couple. I have no objection. Again, if the Presbyterian member would like their minister there, then why not? Donegal people such as Matthew McDonald have their view: There can be difficulties there. In the past I was strongly against. Now it is something you have to accept. If the people can live happily and resolve their religious issues. People should go together to church, not girls one way and boys another way. Some have a loose relationship with no commitment. Legally they have problems and down the road there will be problems. Young people are exposed. There are problems with the home setting. Sex and morals are a big problem here. A lot of parents are not capable. Roberta Jackson sees ‘No problem – the more the better. Let’s get the communities together. A lot of mixed marriages have come to the Presbyterian Church. Yes, have the priest, yes. Both partners should have their clergy present.’ In summary, in both North and South people believe that the Christian faith of their marriage partner is extremely important. Most prefer a person

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to be of their own denomination, and if their partner was Catholic they would actively endeavour to bring up any children in the Presbyterian tradition.

A discussion of views on integrated education Most education in Northern Ireland is segregated, with Protestants attending state schools and Catholics attending schools that are run with an impact regarding personnel and curriculum reflecting a Catholic ethos. Smith (2001) describes this as the Catholic schools are called maintained and the Protestant controlled. In a survey carried out on behalf of the Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education (NICIE) (2003, p. 8), 81 per cent of the parents and grandparents surveyed consider integrated education to be important to peace and reconciliation. McGlynn (2003) considers it to be a positive contribution to the reconciliation process, and her study of two cohorts (n ⫽ 159) shows ‘an increased respect for diversity, a new integrated identity and a greater number of mixed friends due to attendance at an integrated school’. Getting older and family were more important social factors than integrated education, but the experience helped the cohorts to feel more secure in a mixed environment – 93 per cent stated this, together with it generating a respect for diversity. The research also showed that this extended to personal relationships, as more than half had a partner from a different background. With regard to social identity, 63 per cent remained unchanged but more open, and 33 per cent had changed in that they had more respect for others. Their religious identity seemed not to be affected, as many did not have strong beliefs before attending. Many considered themselves to have a new identity – an integrated one. McGlynn (2003) talks about the fluidity of identity and the advantages of adopting a multiplicity of affiliations of identity in a postmodern society. She calls for a critically multicultural approach, which is a challenge in an increasingly multicultural society. Coombs (2002) suggests that integrated schools may be better at nurturing Catholic attitudes to religion rather than Protestant ones. This may account for its unpopularity among some sections of the Protestant community. Integrated education has grown since the 1980s in Northern Ireland. This is defined (NICIE, 2004, p. 1) in this way: Integrated education can best be described as the bringing together in one school of pupils, staff and governors, in roughly equal numbers from both Protestant and Catholic traditions. It is about cultivating the individuals’ self respect and therefore the respect of other peoples


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and cultures. Integrated education means bringing children up to live as adults in a pluralist society, recognizing what they hold in common as well as what separates them, and accepting both. In September 2004, there were fifty-seven integrated schools in Northern Ireland, attended by 17,000 pupils – 6 per cent of the school population. There is an innovative curriculum, with an anti-bias philosophy that is about understanding and valuing difference. Teachers work with children on similarities and differences, including culture, religion, gender, disability and race. The programme aims to create a holistic approach to education, and to inform positive and create unbiased attitudes to people. The support of parents in developing this is vital. Sectarianism is most likely to be passed on in the home. Boal et al. (1996, p. 65) describes how the majority of Protestant denominations prefer children to be educated in a school with predominantly Protestant values. This is true for 57 per cent of Presbyterians as opposed to 48 per cent of Church of Ireland members and 92 per cent for ‘other Presbyterians’. On the question of support for schools with shared Catholic and Protestant values, 39 per cent of Presbyterians agreed, in contrast to 47 per cent of Methodists and 22 per cent of Baptist groupings. One concern of the detractors from these ideals would be the provision of religious education. Integrated schools are Christian in ethos, but children of all faiths (and none) are accepted. It is asserted (NICIE, 2004, p. 16) that: ‘Each child is nurtured in the values of their own ethnic and religious background in such a way that they develop at the same time a respect for the different values of other pupils.’ The school follows the Northern Ireland curriculum on religion, as agreed by the four main churches. Roman Catholic children are prepared for Holy Communion and Confirmation. All parents have the right to withdraw their children from religion classes. Amongst other ideas these are some principles included in the NICIE Statement of Principles (2004, p. 23). In a manner appropriate to their age; and ability pupils shall be introduced to the ideas beliefs and practices of other major world religions and humanist philosophies. In worship in assemblies, NICIE assert that there should be care taken in giving prominence to the two major traditions and a fair representation of other groups of significant size within the school community (2004, p. 23). Where there are significant differences between the two major communities (making the sign of the cross is one example) children should be encouraged to continue in their normal practice. The All Party Parliamentary Group, in their integrated education manifesto (n/d, p. 4) calls on the government to: ‘Actively pursue the inclusion of churches and other

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social partners in the promotion of integrated education.’ The next section will review the thoughts and opinions of ministers and individuals on this issue.

Ministers’ views on integrated education Rev Russell Birney is positive: ‘I have many contacts with people involved in integrated education and I support the concept practically whenever possible. Having said that, none of my three daughters was educated at an integrated school.’ Bangor minister Rev Alistair Kennedy is involved with education in the community: ‘I am a school governor and involved in the transfer system. I am ambivalent. I am in favour of Christian education. I am not totally at ease with integrated schools here. It should all be integrated. I am against community selection.’ In Londonderry, Rev Cathcart is: All for it. Having said that, on Board of Governors in the controlled sector integrated is a pressure group. The Catholic community is more keen on it. I prefer the mix, and there are very few children from Protestant backgrounds. I believe all should be educated together, that is not available. Rev Cupples has issues concerning the secular nature of the educational system: Our children will not be going to an integrated school. This is not a Catholic/Protestant thing. I have found that there is an underlying ethos of relativism in the views of people supportive of integrated education in this area. While this is not true everywhere, I believe in general there is a kind of intellectual liberalism in integrated education with which I am in profound disagreement. Rev Ian Hart agrees with integrated education and cites Methodist College, Belfast, as an example of a diverse school population. ‘Methody’ is not ‘integrated’ in the usual sense. A County Antrim minister believes: It is a good idea. The Churches have meddled too much in education. The separation of Church and state is a good idea. My children do not attend. In County Down, a minister makes a number of points: ‘It is not affecting the academic pre-high school. They needed it for the numbers. The enthusiastic make out the existing schools are sectarian, but the cause comes more from the home. Some sent their kids because it is


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convenient. Integrated schools are not the answer but are certainly an option. I had an experience of integrated education. Inst [Belfast Royal Academical Institution] and Methodist College are integrated schools. It has a place. It is not just about Catholics and Protestants – it is a comprehensive approach. In County Tyrone, another minister is eloquent on this subject: I wish it were back the way it was forty years ago when the local schools were integrated. It does not work. It creates more problems and reduces the numbers in smaller schools. In this area, the kids went to the nearest school whether it was Catholic or Protestant. There was continued gerrymandering, there were so many of each sort. In the local town it was an integrated secondary school. Some kids opt for it if they do not get in [to grammar school]. The local high school is in danger. In the South, Rev David Nesbitt in Ballybay is ecumenically open: I would encourage it. Views in the North and South are different. Protestants here want to maintain their Protestant identity. In principle, there is a good mix. A small minority would have sent their child to a Catholic school. Some go to the Convent school. Revd Sam Ankatell says: ‘I would be in favour of it. My son was in the Hospital School; someone said: ‘You are the only Protestant that I have ever met’. Many Protestants send their children to boarding school. It is 50:50, with both traditions catered for. We lose them from the community at twelve. There is a drain – they only stay if they have a family business or a farm. There are not great opportunities despite the Celtic Tiger. One minister has some family experience: ‘A close relative taught in an integrated school. It is good as long as there is mutual respect.’ Rev William McCully in Letterkenny has reservations: Catholic and Protestant schools know what they believe – integrated ones are just not sure what to believe on the issue of Religious Education. The uniqueness of Christianity, I believe, can be lost in Religious Education in a culture that is increasingly multi-faith. The uniqueness of Christ is non-negotiable. In conclusion, this is a controversial issue. Some ministers are sympathetic to the ideals of integrated education, but at the same time a

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substantial number are unhappy and question both the financial funding of the ideal and are concerned about the values that are underlying the movement in their compatibility to the ideal of Christian education. In the case of individuals’ views outlined below, we again observe divided opinion and funding concerns. Southerners also face these issues in a different context in that many of them send their children to Protestant schools. However, as they are a minority in the community generally there would naturally be more social contact with their Catholic neighbours.

Individuals’ views on integrated education In County Armagh, Robert Riley has this to say: ‘If it was all integrated it would be fine. There should be no assembly in school. It does more harm than good and they spend lots of time preparing for it.’ Emma Lockett states: ‘I am pro integrated education. The younger boy goes to Dungannon integrated college. It does not solve everything. It has a major role in breaking down ignorance.’ Alice Gardner thinks: ‘It is a very good idea. I would love to see it develop more and more because of not knowing Catholics.’ On the other hand, John Cullen calls it: ‘A waste of public funds. It deprives other schools of funds. I don’t think it warrants it, as the sectarianism is in them long before they go to school.’ In County Down, for Alan Thompson it is a clear issue: ‘It is great. I am in an integrated school. It is mixing everyone in. Get to the next generation people who do not see the boundary and there is less tension. Integrated education has been going on for years.’ Edward Walker agrees conditionally: ‘Yes, as long as there is no priest. I like to keep the flock together.’ Audrey McAllister has several thoughts: ‘I am not too sure. If there was just one system … but there are three systems. That is the problem. Everyone should be educated together from the start. We all used to be together. They used language like “in God’s name”. Protestants wouldn’t do that.’ In County Tyrone, Caroline Burns is positive: ‘It is a good idea. There is not a lot of difference apart from maybe their worship. The boys have grown up with Catholic children, and they would still come here.’ Harry and Maud Reid report on their own locale: ‘We have no experience of that round here. There is state and Catholic. I think that it is a good thing.’ In Londonderry, Mr Eddington has thought it through: As an ideal it is good, but it is not integrating the children who need to be integrated. It is a middle-class movement, the uptake is in leafy districts, not kids from housing estates. Sectarianism is a divide in


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housing estates. They are as far from achieving their goal because the Catholic church is anti. In Belfast, Bill Evans is all for it, and Neil Hardy is too: There should be more of it. A lot of the problems come about with people not integrating. My best mates were John and Padraig. We used to play football until hard men threatened me. I came back from abroad. I cried when I came home. I did not understand. To me it comes from the two traditions not mixing in education. Terms don’t mean much to me. Davina Watt shares her personal feelings: Both of my girls go to grammar school. I have Catholic friends. I think integrated education was good. I did not meet a Catholic until I was sixteen and a half. I thought that they had two heads. The children of today need to be brought up to see the divide being knocked down, but I think that is a long way in the future. We are two couples who get on and our children get on: they have the holy water; I have the Scripture picture. Alison Morrison in South Down says: I think it is a very good idea. I know personally my friends and my school because there is such a balance. Most of my friends are not interested in conflict – they are more accepting. At school we have an ethos to respect each other’s differences and backgrounds. That is essential. The integrated education of young people, it will be our generation or the generation that follows. It is a good way of trying to change attitudes. In Belfast, Lynn Hickson disagrees: ‘There is too much talk about it. My son goes to Methody and 25 per cent are Catholic. There is to my mind too much talk. The Catholic school remains.’ Howard Palmer says simply: ‘It is a good idea as long as the Catholic Church keep out of it.’ In Belfast, Mary Scott thinks: ‘All education should be integrated. Everyone should go to the primary school in their area. I do not agree with integrated schools.’ Darren Smyth says that multicultural awareness is essential today: ‘Some like Christians being educated with Christians. I consider it better if you get to know the different faiths. I would like to see more education of faith. It is difficult to decide on [the] Christian faith without knowledge of other faiths.’

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Turning to Southern views, in Donegal Thomas Young believes in choice: ‘I do not have a problem with it. It is a good thing to be encouraged but not put down people’s throats. If the numbers increased that would be best. There is a school in Donegal, a Protestant school. Rev Patricia McBride is the chaplain at the school.’ In Dublin and Munster, Philip Cleith describes a religious battle: ‘Half of these Protestants are in Middletown in the Protestant schools. Cardinal Daly would not allow integrated education. They see us as very dangerous. Democracy is dangerous to a dictatorship.’ In County Monaghan, Catherine Boyd gives her view: ‘I can’t see any harm in it. It should not have an influence on the religion you were brought up with, we should be mixing anyhow.’ Andrea Spencer brings her personal experience: I have been in integrated education. I think it is a great advantage. My boss is a Christian. All my colleagues are Catholic. I understand. I can tell them why I am different; they ask me. The world is not made up just of Presbyterians. They are strong in their faith, even if they are wrong. They know they should not sin and they try hard. Do I try as hard? Philip McKeown from County Donegal gives a reason for his support: ‘I would agree with that. In secondary school I got to know people from the other side.’ Anne Johnston has ‘No problem with that. The local schools, even the national school, had a mix of Roman Catholic and Presbyterian and at my school.’ On the border, Derek Williams says: ‘I am very in favour. My children go to a mixed school.’ Julie Carrington thinks: ‘It could work, but what happens in R.E. classes? Down here it works only in community schools. The school is headed by the Church or has no religion at all.’ County Donegal member Valerie Newman says: ‘Anyone I know gets on well. We have a different, more comprehensive, system.’ Albert Smyth offers a local report: ‘You have integrated in Raphoe [that there] is a Protestant school. And a number of Roman Catholics go to them. At Ballyreach there is the Catholic school.’ Matthew McDonald considers it as a conditional consideration: ‘If it is going to be fair. It does not seem to be fair. There is extra funding for integrated education. I don’t agree. It is the way forward with [the] political scene. People will make contact. We are integrated all of the time.’ Politician Seymour Crawford believes: ‘It has a lot to offer. It has worked very well in Cootehill and Balliebrough.’ Overall, there is divided opinion on the issue of schooling. Funding is a major consideration. People look more favourably on integration at the primary level. Education in the Republic seems to have similar issues with


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regard to the Protestant/Catholic divide. Many wish their children to be brought up with Protestant values, but a substantial number are open to the idea of integration. Religious education is still a sensitive area in terms of a ‘negative’ in the minds of many who are against the idea. They wish to maintain the identity of the Presbyterian or Protestant tradition. Inter-Church services are another source of difficulty in understanding the Catholic Church and in exploring social and theological boundaries. These issues are complex and ongoing. Some of the main considerations are outlined briefly below.

Inter-Church services With regard to joint services, Boal et al. (1996, p. 103) found that a majority of Alliance and Unionist voters were the most likely to be in favour of ecumenical services. Many of these respondents would be Presbyterian, as evidenced by the discussion of religion and political identity explored in previous chapters. Ecumenism is regarded by ‘liberals’ in the PCI as an exploration of beliefs, but is opposed by a more conservative group as a dangerous attempt to work towards Church unity. Ecumenism is an extremely contentious issue within the Presbyterian Church. In 1989, the General Assembly of the Church voted against the resolution for the Church to join the Council of Churches in Britain and Ireland – with 289 votes for and 453 against. Two attempts at amendments were also defeated. In 1999, the issue of joining Churches Together in Britain and Ireland was again debated. When the British Council of Churches was established in 1942, the Methodists, Presbyterians and Church of Ireland were founder members. An inter-Church process was established in Britain in the 1980s with the Roman Catholic Church being involved. It was replaced by the Council for Churches in Britain and Ireland, renamed ‘The Churches Together in Britain and Ireland’. The Catholic Episcopal Conference in England, Wales and Scotland are members, and the Episcopal Conference in Ireland is an associate member. This time, the motion for the Presbyterian Church to join was declared lost, with 144 votes for and 244 against. A considerable number (approximately 90) of ministers and elders recorded dissent. The Presbyterian Church is a member of the Conference of European Churches, and was a member of the World Council of Churches but withdrew in 1980 by 448 votes to 388, as a result of controversy relating to politics and liberation theology; see Holmes (1985, p. 175) and Barkley (1993, p. 147).

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Other Presbyterians have been involved in organizations set up to promote peace, and mutual respect and understanding. Corrymeela is one such venture, set up by Rev Ray Davey, a Presbyterian minister who was a German prisoner of war in Tobruk and was able to put to practical use some of the harrowing experiences of war. He had a vision of creating a sharing Christian community where people could come together, tell their stories and aid those who were scarred from the Troubles. There is also a Presbyterian involvement in the Irish School of Ecumenics, which was opened in 1970 with the intention of expanding the academic study of ecumenics. However, this is a divisive issue within the Church. McCafferty (2004) writing in the Irish Times places an emphasis on similarities and common faith rather than differences. He says that the Holy Spirit is active within Protestant Churches and while the Dominus Iesus refers to some Christian Churches as not Churches in the proper sense, this is because the term ‘church’ in Catholic teaching includes the recognition of the Pope, the ecclesiastical structures of the Church in relation to Church government, and a particular view of the sacraments. He states that this should not be viewed in isolation as the Catholic Church ‘fully acknowledges those Christian Churches not in full communion with the See of Peter as, nevertheless, part of the body of Christ’. There is a growing movement of people calling themselves ‘born again’ or Evangelical Catholics. A considerable number of Presbyterians might be described as anti-Catholic. Brewer (1992) describes it thus: The determination of actions, attitudes and practices by negative beliefs about individual Catholics, the Catholic Church as an institution or Catholic doctrine, which results in negative beliefs being invoked as an ethnic boundary marker, which can be used, in some settings, to represent social stratification and conflict. Brewer (1998) argues that anti-Catholicism is a central part of the Protestant identity. He calls for an apology from Protestant Churches for their attitudes, though he acknowledges the 1966 General Assembly Resolution encouraging repentance in relation to Catholics. The Coleraine Declaration is a further development of this. Brewer describes both the Ulster Covenant and two anti-Catholic articles in the Westminster Confession as divisive and as issues that should be addressed (ibid., p. 227). These are not related documents, except that he deems them both ‘antiCatholic’. One was a response to a historical political crisis in a situation where the Catholic Church had considerable power in relating to the state.


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The Westminster Confession is a subordinate (secondary) standard written by English Divines in the 1640s. The General Assembly allows freedom of conscience in accepting or declining the interpretation of the Pope as the anti-Christ, says Thompson (2001, p. 8) and this is outlined in the General Assembly Minutes (1988, p. 54). Brewer characterizes particular modes of anti-Catholicism and he creates a model with three modes. One is designated secular and the other two have religious/ theological foundations. Although he states that the modes are interchangeable (Brewer, 1998, p. 133), the two modes of most relevance to the present discussion are the Pharisaic and covenantal modes. The covenantal mode would be based on an idea of a chosen people, with Roman Catholics connected with evil and anti-biblical practices. This appeals to fundamentalists and they would have no relationship with Catholics. The Pharisaic mode, Brewer maintains, is based on biblical truth and Catholic doctrinal error. It is critical of Catholic doctrine and practice, and believes it to be a Christian Church in error. This would appeal to Evangelicals and other Protestants, and, I might add, a good number of Presbyterians in general. In this mode, dialogue takes place with Catholics is in order to evangelize them. Brewer also argues that the Roman Catholic Church needs to publicize what has changed with their Church. Brewer (1998, p. 229) states that: the Roman Catholic position on mixed marriages has changed to the effect that the Church no longer insists that the children of a mixed marriage be raised Catholic: the regulations surrounding the Eucharist with non-Catholics have been relaxed; perhaps most importantly, the Church no longer considers itself to be the ‘only true Christian church. However, Brewer does not take into account the fact that the Catholic Church’s canon law still requires the promise of the Catholic parties to do all in their power to bring their children up as Catholics within the unity of the marriage. The non-Catholic partner would be required to believe in transubstantiation in order to take the Eucharist. The Catholic Church recognizes other Christians, but under the Catholic definition of ‘Church’ the Presbyterian Church could not be defined as such. Williams (2000) deals in his theological critique with the Pharisaic mode, by observing that theological interpretation would describe Pharisaic Judaism in a different way. Brewer criticizes those who believe Roman Catholic doctrines to be in error, and also indicates that a correct doctrine of salvation is necessary in order to be ‘saved’, and that the Reformed Church has it right and Catholics have it wrong. I agree with Williams in his assertion that sincere disagreement does not necessarily

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mean that one is against the other point of view, in fact (ibid., p. 230): ‘Convinced Catholics who believe Protestantism is theologically erroneous should not be called “anti Protestant”; no more does the label “anti-Catholic” fit the opposite case.’ ECONI (Evangelical Contribution on Northern Ireland), an organization endorsed by many Evangelical Presbyterians, would not subscribe to Catholic doctrine, but would not generally be considered to be anti-Catholic, but rather as a group of those who wish to contribute to peacemaking. Brewer admits this himself, and Mitchel (2003) also sees the role of ECONI as being positive. Williams (2000) sub-divides Brewers confusion on post-Vatican II theology into three categories: namely, what certain Catholic theologians teach; what the Catholic Church teaches; and what Catholics believe. A sociologist might add ‘and what Catholics actually do’. This is changing as a result of a more secular climate in general within Ireland, and a relaxation in some of the regulations described in the intermarriage section. Doctrine is very important to Presbyterians, and Williams (2000) points out that one can still have firmly-held theological doctrinal positions without sacrificing integrity, as evidenced in our relationship to those in other faith communities. Self-criticism and reflection are human attributes that are relevant in both in our Christianity and sociological research. In sociology we are taught to be critical and reflexive about our own positions. My own position is similar to that of many of my respondents in that I am a member of the Presbyterian Church and I subscribe to its standards, both in the centrality of the Scripture and in the Westminster Confession as a subordinate standard. I am, however, open to dialogue and friendship with those of different faiths and perspectives. Williams (1998) argues that the Confession is open to revision in terms of interpretation; the Church learns new things as time passes. Our Reformed agenda tends to emphasize our doctrinal distinctiveness, but ethics and Christian love should be part of the theological mix. We are ‘ecclesia reformata semper reformanda’: a Church reformed and always reforming. Flanagan (2000) is also critical of Brewer, seeing Brewer’s approach as a reductionist one with an inchoate theology. He points (p. 235) to the use of sociology in recasting theology. The reading Brewer has of postVatican II is unpersuasive and fails to take into account a general trend towards a more conservative agenda. Flanagan (2000) is critical of reconciliation based on a liberal agenda which weakens denominational affiliation and identity. The nub of Flanagan’s argument is (p. 238): ‘Unfortunately the theological forms of commonsense that Brewer uses to deconstruct anti-Catholicism also represent so many instruments for the emasculation of any legitimate difference.’ Barkley (1990, p. 199)


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states that, post-Vatican II some Protestants have been recognized as Christians. The document prepared by the Doctrine Committee of the General Assembly, Agreements and Disagreements of Irish Presbyterianism and Roman Catholicism, asserts that the Catholic Church is still making exclusivist and unacceptable claims for its structures, teaching and life. The Catholic Church is ‘the unique Church of Christ which we avow as one only, catholic and apostolic subsists in the Catholic Church which is governed by the successor of Peter and by bishops in union with that successor’. There have been public controversies between Presbyterians on this inter-Church contact. In the Belfast Telegraph on 17 July 2004 an interview appeared with a former Presbyterian minister whose ecumenical activity caused a major crisis at the time. In the 1980s Rev David Armstrong was the Presbyterian minister in Limavady, where he and the Catholic curate in the town exchanged Christmas greetings. The first year this happened, some of his elders expressed their disapproval. However, when the act was repeated the following year there was much more open criticism and even death threats from certain people. Some people were supportive, but eventually the minister left the Presbyterian Church and went to England, where he joined the Anglicans. He is now the Rector of Carrigaline in County Cork as a Church of Ireland minister. He believes fundamentalism is a major problem for both Catholic and Protestant Churches in Northern Ireland, and that the Churches could have done more in regard to the Troubles. Other overtures of goodwill have been made as Rev Ken Newell invited Dr Brady, the Catholic Primate, to be his guest at the opening of the June 2004 General Assembly. Rev Tony Davidson, writing in the Irish News on 29th July 2004 indicates that theological differences do not preclude friendship. He says that the challenge for the twenty-first century is to keep Jesus in the centre of the Church. He says that many define their Presbyterianism in opposing Catholicism, relegating Presbyterianism to being a shadow behind a bigger Church. Although born out of a struggle with the Catholic Church, he states it struggles with other problems in the twenty-first century such as poverty, AIDS, and living as a minority in a Muslim fundamentalist state. He advocates instead a renewed focus on Jesus. There are major sources of division between the Catholic and Presbyterian Churches, but there are also changes in the way the interChurch marriage issue is approached. Because of past negative experiences, a substantial number of Presbyterians would be hesitant about marrying someone with a different set of doctrinal beliefs. There has been progress

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made, but neither group wants to give up their firmly and dearly-held beliefs. Brewer (1998) sees having a particular Protestant agenda as being anti-Catholic, but others see it simply as a strong religious conviction that is in need of more mutual love and understanding, which does not necessitate abandoning one’s convictions. In the inter-Church marriage context, attitudes appear to be more open on all sides, although people generally prefer to marry within their own religious groups. On the issue of integrated education, there is a divided sample. Some see it as a positive, peacemaking venture, but others are suspicious of the pluralistic ethos and value system. Inter-Church involvement is an issue that splits the Church into two camps. One side is still concerned about Catholic doctrine and hierarchy, while the other wishes to put this aside in pursuit of a relationship and the quest for greater understanding. Both ministers and individuals are struggling with these issues in the changing society of a more secular postmodern Ireland. The future on these issues is by no means clear cut.

Minister’s views on inter-Church services. In Ballymena, Rev Russell Birney comments: ‘I would agree with crosscommunity efforts; I am involved in them.’ In Derry, Rev Cathcart does not have inter-Church services but says he agrees with more community co-operation. In County Fermanagh, Rev Cupples says: I think joint worship is more meaningful and acceptable if it involves individuals acting in a private capacity rather than the local Churches coming together. In Enniskillen there have been services at Christmas and Easter in the Library for individual Christians led by the various clergy. We can have co-operation in matters on common social issues and I am wholeheartedly supportive of that. Rev Dr Ian Hart has situational issues: ‘As for inter-Church services, there is no Catholic Church near us. We had a service of re-opening and the clergy fellowship attended. As for cross-community work, the Boys’ Brigade combined with St John’s on the Falls Road.’ In County Down, a minister says: ‘Never had one here. It would be in the town. It would create problems if we were to have a joint service in the village.’ A County Tyrone minister recounts some of his experience: Most of [the] Protestants who meet with Catholics belong to me. I would go to Catholic wakes. It is a complex community. Behind those who want to feed animosity are the bully boys. On one occasion a


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Catholic curate called. The priest drank himself out and there is a new young priest. I have met him since. I have no inclination towards ecumenism. No kind of ecumenical activity. In County Tyrone, a minister identifies different obstacles: ‘No, very much so to cross-community services, and our town has no community.’ In the South, Rev David Nesbitt would be active in promoting it: ‘We are involved in services and in a lot of areas of the community.’ A border minister sees geography as a factor: ‘One congregation is, and the other less so. They are some miles apart but the ethos is completely different.’ Cork minister, Rev John Faris, agrees: ‘Yes. We worked together. It is natural. Yes, so long as the service is a Scripturally-based service.’ Another Southern minister reports: ‘One of my congregations would be keen on cross-community.’ Rev Stephen Rea in County Donegal says: Such contacts are limited. In my area the priests tend to keep to themselves. There are carol services and occasionally public blessings of some building, even a ferry! But we try hard for good community relations. In Kerrykeel we run an annual vintage rally and the organizing committee is over 50 per cent Catholic. Our BB and GB are at least 50 per cent Catholic. Rev John Woodside is of the view that: I take part in community events such as Remembrance Day services, openings of buildings etc., where I am happy to represent my Church community as long as the content of the service is in keeping with my Christian convictions. On a few occasions I have asked for wording to be changed and that has not been a problem. I have preached on a number of occasions in Roman Catholic churches and have taken greetings from my own Church community. I could not with integrity invite anyone to preach in my own congregation who did not stand under the sole authority of [the] Scripture. My involvement in ecumenical events has strengthened the conviction that Roman Catholic and Reformed churches have a fundamentally different understanding of the Gospel and the Church.

Views of individuals on inter-Church services County Armagh man, Robert Riley, says: They would not be easy in the present climate. Steer away from the Communion. Catholics believe it is God. There are common areas. If

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I go to a wedding or funeral we go to the Church of Ireland or Methodist. One Presbyterian church would not mix. The Church of Ireland do not recognize Presbyterian ministers. Oh yes, definitely, there should be social interaction. Emma Lockett is positive: ‘I would be keen. Some on the Kirk session would not. As for the social … Well, yes, to an extent people are. There is work for cancer organisations etc., Barnardos, etc. The Catholic community do that. We tend to do more things within the church. We raise money for our own causes.’ In County Antrim, John Cullen thinks in terms of Evangelism: ‘Lots of Catholics come to our church and the Youth club. There is Evangelism in the community in the houses in the estate. We have opened the doors to everyone irrespective of class, creed or whatever. The Catholic needs Jesus, as does the next person.’ Derek Holmes declares: We have had evenings of prayer. We welcome Catholics as a group, who have gone to chapel. I have no problem being involved in [a] joint act of worship as long as it does not involve the Mass (theologically unacceptable). As for the social, I am very much for it. We have two things, youth club – 85 per cent came from no church background, and the mothers and toddlers group. We are very keen to facilitate. Samuel Bonnar has strength of conviction: The Westminster Confession is clear. How can he stand in the pulpit of the anti-Christ? It is 80 per cent Protestant and 20 per cent Catholic here in our town. No, there is a problem with theology for some. Socially, I have no problem. I wanted to go bowling with Roman Catholics. Our church would not. In County Down, Mr Pollock isn’t keen: ‘If it involved the Eucharist, no. Cross-community work – yes.’ Audrey McAllister declares: I don’t know. I am happier with the social events than with the services. There are doctrinal differences. We should have discussions on other religions, Mormons, Jehovah’s Witnesses. We don’t know about these other religions. I would like to know about Evangelical Catholics, the Mass and sacrifice, and Maryology. Discussions outside church premises would be helpful.


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In County Antrim, Lorraine Foy says: ‘Inter-Church services? Yes.’ However, John Reaney disagrees: ‘No, and again for the social … It would be a good thing but it would not be practical. You need leadership for that to take place.’ In County Tyrone, Heather McDowell calls it a: Dicey one, that. It depends on what fruit there is. Some ministers feel they want to curry favour with [the] Catholic Church. If it bears fruit – as long as it does not water down your side of it. On the whole, I prefer not. I am happy with carols outside. As for cross-community, it would be developing. I work in education. I don’t mind quizzes and football. In County Londonderry, Mr Eddington is uncomfortable: ‘No, I would not be comfortable. I have no problem with the social.’ Tom Wilson has no problem with either. In County Fermanagh, Mark Clarke observes: They are not up to the minister. They are looking over their shoulder in the congregation. There was a cross-community group organization. They organized something, but the ministers did not support it. Where we live, socially the population is slightly more Catholic. The Community association is 95 per cent Catholic. I was willing to be involved. The Catholics set it up. This is part of our problem. When it comes to the issue of cross community services, Simon Rice is uncertain: ‘Not yet. I don’t know. I am trying to get the Dominus Iesus. Their hierarchy says they are the only Church. I am not happy with church services or working with official teaching on Mary, etc. I would like to see more talks on differences and similarities. On the social I am positive, very much so.’ In Belfast, Bill Evans believes: ‘Yes, we should keep in contact. Yes, May Street do it. Fitzroy, yes. Socially, yes. We did Gateway Club in a Catholic area.’ Another respondent has a contrary view: ‘Not inter-Church services. Cross-community work is okay and socially but not for worship.’ Similarly, Barbara Hancock voices her view: No to services, cross-community work, yes. OK for nursery. We went to their nursery. They came to us. No, not that keen if I do not think that it is the church. It is like an art gallery. Thou shalt not take unto you any graven images. There are all the statues and saints. I do not think that the minister should, but in changing times you have to go with the flow but as a one-off.

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In East Antrim, Thomas Gill is uncertain: I am not sure. With things that happened here people are very bitter. I am not sure the time is right. Last year, the community association organized a pilgrimage around the churches. There was singing and a few words of prayer [at the] Church of Ireland – then us, the Roman Catholic chapel, and Unitarian church, then they had supper. We think of our church hall as a community hall. Some use it for birthday parties. Some Roman Catholics would love it. In South Down, Alison Morrison is positive: ‘Yes, I don’t see why not. Yes, I think that is a good idea, anything that promotes more acceptance than good. Being a Christian is acceptance and trying to sort our differences.’ Trevor Porter responds with: ‘I don’t know about services; socially, yes for that. People on your own side would criticize. Yes for Catholic (funeral-going).’ Jennifer Marsh does not agree: ‘No. There are too many Orangemen in the congregation. No, I would not like it. We are involved socially. There is a cross-community thing – plants and trees.’ In Belfast, Lynn Hickson says: ‘No to the services; and yes I have no objection to social things.’ Deborah Whitten says: ‘Yes if it is not offensive. I would not be offended nor would the majority, no. Socially, yes. I have been [on the] peacemaking committee.’ For Mary Scott in Belfast, ‘it depends; no to Communion evening services – hymns, short sermon; yes to socials and outreach. A lot of Catholic children came to CSSM (beach mission).’ In County Tyrone, Desmond Nesbitt says: ‘No, because of the theological difference; the social I have no problem with it.’ In the South, in Dublin and Munster, Peter Knox ‘would not disagree – I used to be involved with them. I would not go as often now. In January we have the week of Christian unity. The Bishop is coming to speak. To me it is a Catholic service, not full service without Mass.’ Ian Martin emphasizes: ‘It is important to be able to talk. There are a lot of hard-line congregations and the inter-Church meeting saying no. You have got to be open.’ Betty McGrath describes contact in her area: ‘We do have [it] during Bible week. There was a Pentecostal one in [the] Catholic Church. John Dunlop spoke. We would be quite ecumenical. Yes, to social contact.’ East Donegal member, Thomas Young, is cautious: I still have reservations. Is it the right way to be going? In my heart it would be difficult. There has to be a lot of give and take. For example, carol services in an open space. The attempts have not worked. There


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is too much opposition. We have no cross-community view. We are here every day and are mixing. Dublin and Munster man, Philip Cleith, sees it as: ‘an opportunity to explain our position, sing our hymns, and read the Bible. It is now more open. We didn’t have the freedom to speak. There was a priest in the Congo excommunicated because he questioned the Virgin birth. The Dutch bishops give the most trouble.’ In the South, Charles McDowell is keen in the case of select events: ‘Yes, at odd times, special occasions and harvest.’ Catherine Boyd voices her generally negative view, but feels that on special occasions it is nice to have a joint service. Andrea Spencer is not keen: ‘No; how can you mix the two? They are different. Services should not be in the Church, but OK as an outreach. You can’t keep your faith just for Protestants.’ In Dublin and Munster, Caroline Semple reveals that there are some inter-Church services. In County Donegal, Philip McKeown believes: ‘It depends, really. Carol services – OK, no problem with that. Social interaction is different here.’ Anne Johnston, on the contrary, admits: ‘Carol services, I am not that keen. I expect Roman Catholics to come to Girl’s Brigade enrolment. I have no problem at a funeral or wedding. There is very limited contact. The Catholic Church does not bother. At the carol services, we do it at the YMCA (Young Men’s Christian Association) set up. The Boys’ Brigade and Girls’ Brigade are 50 per cent Catholic.’ On the border, Louise Woods observes that there is inter-Church involvement in the Women’s World Day of Prayer: ‘I would rather see more social things, friends and neighbours, join classes and vocational training.’ Julie Carrington also mentions: Christian unity week. There is one then and the Woman’s World Day of Prayer. Both were poorly attended, but I would go. As for community mixing, it is a school-related thing. We meet Church of Ireland but stay in own church groups. We need to mix more. The opportunities are there even at harvest; it would be good. We mix with the Methodists. We need to get out there. If it is in the Bible, then I believe it. If not, then I have to think about it. In County Donegal, Valerie Newman explains: We have been before. There are carol services. We have one in town, Roman Catholics would be there. There is an inter-Church bereavement service for those who have experienced stillbirth or miscarriage. Our

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minister spoke very well. We were organized for the Woman’s World Day of Prayer with the Baptists, Roman Catholics and Church of Ireland. Albert Smyth gives his view: ‘A minority would say yes, but the majority, no. It is personally divisive, Christian unity with the Church of Ireland and Roman Catholics.’ In County Donegal, Matthew McDonald considers the question: ‘We are not really into that; occasionally a carol service’. Maureen and Gary McKee wish to clarify the question: ‘What do you mean? There is nothing wrong with a carol service, [but] regularly involved, no.’ Fred Bain talks about involvement: ‘We are not. I have no objection. If there were a church service in chapel there would not be a great turnout. Ask our Catholic neighbours.’ Roberta Jackson agrees with specific instances: ‘Yes, but only the Woman’s World Day of Prayer, not Christian unity. As for the social, there is one community here, we happen to have it.’ Politician Seymour Crawford recognizes ‘the issue of the Eucharist. We encourage get-togethers. I have no problem with [the] Church of Ireland. In one, Rev David Nesbitt conducted the service and Rev David Moore did the sermon. I want to see the Gospel preached.’ In summary, Presbyterians and their clergy are strongly opposed to inter-Church services held inside Presbyterian churches. They will accept Catholics coming to a service in a Presbyterian church provided the priest does not preach. For many, it is best to have the occasional service such as a carol service either outside or at a neutral venue. Many are worried that it is a very divisive issue. On the other hand, quite a few are prepared to join together for the week of Christian unity or the Women’s World Day of Prayer. Social interactions are generally not an issue, and in parts of the South are a given. However, it would seem that not many congregations have actively organized cross-community social engagements. While there is an increasing openness to inter-Church marriage, and to the idea of integrated education, theological differences and hurt from the Troubles remain at the root of opposition to inter-Church services, and inter-Church involvement.

9 The Ministry and College

In this chapter, the following issues will be addressed; the College and the conflict between the academic and the practical; the adaptation of the ministry to the modern world; the qualities of a good minister; and views on the College. I also examine views on the ministry; whether ministers should be Masons or Orangemen; Church policy on women ministers; the views of respondents on women ministers and a discussion on the perception of women’s roles within the church; and, lastly, the role and function of the Moderator is discussed, including questions of power and media representation.

The College The Union Theological College in Botanic Avenue (Belfast) is the centre for the training of ministers in the Presbyterian Church. It was built in 1853. Before this, many students for the ministry would have travelled to Glasgow. Until 1978, the College was called Assemblies College. In 1978, the Union College was established by an Act of Parliament, when Magee College and Assemblies College combined. The College motto is ‘buy the Truth and sell it not’. We are to search hard for the truth and hold on to it. (Campbell, 2001, p. 25). As Wider World points out, Paul, the apostle in the New Testament, was well educated, and the Presbyterian Church believes it is important for its ministers to be well educated. However, the College is not perceived as providing a practical enough education. In the following sections, I shall examine the attitudes of ministers and people towards the College. Most people have very little knowledge of the College. Rev David Nesbitt says: The College has changed a lot. It is supposed to have got more open. Women were given no common courtesy when [they] first went, but 169

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times have improved. I am supportive of the programme for students to go out of the country and interact with other students. It has been going through changes for nearly twenty years. I think that they do need a College training. It would have been helpful if people did another job such as teaching or in business. Assistantship needs to be part of it. Rev Rusell Birney, in County Antrim, says, ‘Not a whole lot. They should start again on a greenfield site. There isn’t adequate training for the ministry. Issues such as anger, depression and sexuality are not dealt with. Fifteen per cent of people have serious sexual problems.’ Rev Sam Ankatell remembers: I don’t know much. I know there was a weakness in pastoral theology. It is improving. There were students going out with Greek and theology but had no idea how to relate to people. To me, the pastoral theology is the most important position in the College. There should be an introduction to pastoral problems, including marriage. I say this because, in my dealings with people, depression and stress-related problems are a growing problem in the Church. More of my time is spent on this than on anything else. An anonymous Southern minister has a controversial view: ‘The College should be abandoned. Sell the building, and buy something smaller. It would help if they did something academic. They are not very academic. Union is a ministerial training college. They do need a College training – yes.’ Rev Ian Hart in Belfast maintains: ‘It has improved, broadly yes, they should be well educated. Are you shutting out some people because they are not intellectual?’ Rev John Woodside in Dublin and Munster discusses his view of training: I do not believe that an academic theological degree awarded by a secular body is the best way to train candidates for ministry. As a Church we are committed to the final authority of [the] Scripture. Our training should reflect that commitment and enable ministers to more effectively and relevantly teach the Gospel message to a modern generation. Academic theology provides little help for the practical side of ministry: for example, managing people, leadership, counselling people with problems, handling conflict, understanding changing trends in society, etc. One minister has some controversial things to say: ‘I loved the university, I attended lectures, I enjoyed teachers and friends. Union was


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like a school, I was treated as a little boy. They should sell the building to the University. It would be cheaper. It costs £68,000 to educate a student. The Magee fund is a waste of money. The Library did not have the books.’ Rev Alistair Bill in Belfast recognizes that there are more non-ministry students, who dominate most of the classes. In County Tyrone, one minister had a son at the College: Yes, my son was through it. I am not sure about the College, the number of students. There were only four in his year. The time has come to work at it. There should be an amalgamation of the Bible College and the Baptist College. There should be one College. It is the best way forward. The training should be academic and practical. It is still not right in regard to the practical. They have allowed men in because of paper qualifications. They do not have people skills. They are trying to address that with placements. It needs to be a full-time thing. Preparing sermons is all theory. I am still keen on academic training but I did Hebrew – I do not see the value in that. Seymour Crawford says: My own brother is a Presbyterian minister, so I know [at] first-hand some of the difficulties and problems. There is possibly too much emphasis on languages such as Greek that is seldom used, and too little on interpersonal activities. Do they need College training? Yes. They have to deal with many people who are much better educated than themselves. The last major criticism of the College, apart from those who see Greek and Hebrew as a waste of time, would be regarding the treatment of women. Roberta Jackson of Donegal says: ‘The student population is very anti-women. They need to tighten up in their recruitment. They could do more joint ventures with other Protestant colleges.’ To summarize, the College training has changed considerably since these interviews were conducted, and I think some more recent students would be more positive about the College. There have been some changes in courses and personnel. In some cases, weaknesses have been rectified. Professor Addley says that Rev Heather Morris deals with pastoral issues such as anger, depression and sexuality. This course is compulsory. In the introduction to Pastoral theology, topics such as death and dying, Church and community, and liturgy and worship are on the curriculum. This includes practical work including visiting the Hospice. Reflective

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methods are used such as journal keeping, reflection on Scripture and one’s past and present experience. There is now more of a practical element in the courses, including assessed placements in churches. The placement is also meant to help with people skills. Professor Addley admits that there are problems with ministers failing to understand rural congregations and in cross-border situations. The Board of Studies is seeking to address this problem. There is a little teaching about team ministry, but not a great deal of it. Similarly, David Stevens does teach a couple of sessions on cross-community relations. Doug Baker, from Mediation Network, takes some classes on conflict resolution. However, these are very minor parts of the course. Some respondents and ministers thought that Greek and Hebrew were of marginal importance, and there is an ongoing debate within the College on this matter. Time spent on languages eats into time spent on more practical subjects. The College aims to give a wide number of theological views in its discussions, ranging from Charismatic through Reformed to Catholic. Union College is largely a male domain women still make up only a tiny minority of Presbyterian ministers – a number of ministers do not agree with women being in the ministry at all. This will be discussed in subsequent sections. Personnel are of the utmost importance in any organization. I asked both individuals and ministers what they think the qualities are that make a ‘good minister’. There were no real differences between the views of the ministers and individuals, nor North and South, nor rural versus urban divisions. Certain themes did emerge, however, such as the importance of good preaching, communication and integrity. Many people emphasized the ministers’ personal relationship with God, a Christian with unshakeable faith, together with social skills, such as the ability to listen to people, to understand them, to care and be alongside them. Others saw the minister as someone who should empower others and help them to find their gifts. Approachability and confidentiality were also reported as desirable qualities. Personal qualities included faithfulness, setting a good example in one’s own life, being non-judgemental, having humility, and a sense of humour! Other qualities mentioned were having personality, being outward-looking and socially aware, as well as being able to relate to both young and old. The Church of Scotland, on its website, list the roles and responsibilities of a minister. According to this, minister is a social worker, chaplain, master of ceremonies, magazine editor, member of committees, visitor of the sick, funeral director, marriage counsellor, diplomat, Boy Scout leader, financial overseer, co-ordinator of volunteers, and general organizer … All these are seen as being the tasks of a minister at some time or another.


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Such responsibilities, along with many others, make up the roles, functions and challenges that face anyone who is called to the ‘ministry of Word and sacrament’ within the Church of Scotland. Most ministers are recognized for their distinctive roles within the Church: the celebration of the sacraments – the Lord’s Supper (or Holy Communion) and baptism; preaching; chairing the meetings of the Kirk Session, which has responsibility for the spiritual issues within a congregation and guiding the session in its discussions; conducting funerals and offering pastoral support to those who are dying, and to those who have been bereaved; conducting weddings and helping people to prepare for marriage. Many ministers see themselves mainly as givers of pastoral care, supporting people who are in need, distressed, alone, or affected by tragedy or crisis. Ministers also have an ‘enabling’ role in the Church, encouraging and developing a congregation or parish – or an institution ministry, such as an industrial or armed forces chaplaincy – through their leadership and vision. We examine, first, the views of ministers in the PCI, and, second, the views of individuals. A County Tyrone minister says: ‘There are things that I would like to see: personal holiness, greater awareness of our sin, thankfulness at what Christ has done, and know Jesus better than any earthly friend. They should have a love for people.’ Ms Sarah Moorehead sees the priorities as: ‘Having a good spiritual understanding, a good teacher, preacher and counsellor. He should try to visit his people. A good close relationship with Session is good, and being outgoing and a sense of humour helps. He should be a man of integrity and have leadership qualities.’ Roberta Ingram has a slightly different perspective, and identifies: Warmth, and [a] good way that people can relate to them, and them to the people; genuine sincerity. The weekly service is important. They should be careful to communicate the Gospel in a simple way that is relevant in modern society. That has failed and it is a terrible pity. We have to be attractive to attract new members. The Church should be as modern and attractive as what is on TV. Visual communication is important. Edward Snodden says: ‘He should be a good man, be able to preach, communicate with people and concerned with the everyday world without being partisan. He needs to be a good mixer. It is a very difficult job indeed.’ Unemployed member, Darren Smyth, prioritizes: ‘The ability to think of the Church outside the immediate congregation, to be able to mix with children; to give sermons which the whole congregation can understand – not deeply theological. He should be prepared to think more of the congregation than of committees outside the congregation.’

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In the border areas, Rev David Nesbitt sees ministers as needing ‘A genuine faith, a concern for the people. People matter more than things; that is fundamental to my ministry.’ Farmer Ian Martin similarly starts with caring: I know the ones I like. How can I describe them? Caring, someone has to be. They have dignity and get the message across. Be good with the old and the young. He must be a man of his word and a man of God. The ability to listen, ability to be supportive but not interfering, ability to retain our views is important. Be the minister but be part of the people. He must appeal to the youth, especially 14–21-year-olds. In County Antrim, Rev Russell Birney says: ‘A heart for Jesus – a passion for Jesus, a heart for people – to make Him known, to lift Him high, stickability and a sense of humour.’ Samuel Bonnar, an entrepreneur businessman, emphasizes communication: ‘Good communicator with language that people understand. For me, call a spade a spade.’ In County Down, Mrs Audrey McAllister, a retired teacher, thinks: ‘They should have compassion, be good listeners, have leadership qualities and a pastoral heart. They should be good at teaching and have the gifts of the spirit. Not too many have all these qualities.’ Retired civil servant, Mr Pollock, says: ‘Christian principles, patience, the ability to listen to people, and the ability to please people who are diametrically opposed. They should not be seen to surround themselves with a small group who run the church.’ In County Fermanagh, Rev Cupples is impressed by personal conviction: Someone who has a profound grasp of the Gospel and is experiencing its power in their own life. Their own Christian life is being renewed with an encounter with the Gospel, a person of integrity and love, servanthood, someone who is continually aware of their own weaknesses and someone who is able to develop life-giving relationships with other people. Retired professional, Colin McGibbon, thinks that: ‘A minister should be a good teacher and a good pastor. Very few can major on both aspects. There are some who are excellent teachers – but when it comes to the pastoral are not gifted or able. Some are good at visiting, but not much depth to their sermons.’ Donegal people agree that a feel for the congregation is important. Roberta Jackson is looking for a minister who puts the people first: ‘Valuing


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people, listening, empowering people, be there to bring out the talents that people have.’ Fred Bain, a farmer, again emphasizes the relational: ‘The ability to get on with a vast majority of the congregation, friendly, a good preacher with something worth saying, worth listening to. They should have the ability to conduct the various services, baptisms, marriages and [funerals]. These are very important times. To people, things need to be well done.’ Accountant Neil Hardy rates ‘A down-to-earth type, approachable, friendly and outgoing, lively. There is nothing as bad as a dour minister.’ One Southern minister puts it succinctly: ‘They should have a clear Christian faith, integrity, confidentiality and a servant heart, someone who is committed to teaching God’s word and prayer.’ Catherine Boyd, a homemaker from Monaghan, says: ‘Someone with whom people feel comfortable. Able to communicate with young people and not be too strait-laced, to mix with them.’ Rev John Faris, in Dublin and Munster, thinks: ‘It is important to have a love for God, love for people, humility, listening to God from His word, listening to people, understanding the times.’ Mr Eddington, in County Londonderry, lists: ‘A good communicator, good material, well prepared, definite leadership skills. He needs to be a good listener and to realize that he is fallible, In I Peter it says leaders should not seek to be lording it over God’s flock. They should be gracious and humble and not a hard political Prod.’ Rev Sam Ankatell, of Dublin and Munster, prioritizes: ‘A listening ear is important. We are tempted to feel that we have all the answers. Trust should be there, the Minister is someone [who] they can open up and keep their confidence; approachable and confidential.’ A County Antrim minister thinks: ‘They should be spiritual themselves, led by the Holy Spirit and open to what God is saying with listening ability and openness. They should listen to the community, double listen to the Word of God and minister pastorally, dealing with people one-to-one, communicating to [a] larger group.’ Thomas Gill, a clerical worker, says it is important ‘To get alongside people, be able to project their own commitment. They need to be all-rounders, diplomatic in Session, and in management. They have to get on with young and old, and not hurt or neglect people. It is good to have a sense of humour, and the ability to preach on topical subjects.’ Rev McCully of Letterkenny says: One’s relationship, and one’s walk with the Lord Jesus is essential, and who is called to the Ministry. Without such calling one has no authority to minister. Being able to connect with the people and

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preach apologetically with the Cross of Christ absolutely central. The Gospel must be clearly presented without compromise on the fundamentals of the faith, like the atonement, etc., is essential. There must be majoring on the majors, and a minoring on the minors. If [one does] not preach the Gospel, they are unqualified to be a minister. Alison Morrison, school student and youngest respondent, thinks: They should be enthusiastic. If they are not enthusiastic about the Church and their job, I don’t see how we can be. They should be someone that you feel comfortable with. In the past you would have seen the minister as a stern person. They need to be quite down-to-earth. They can have an effect and make you think- not just someone you go and listen to for an hour every week. They should not just preach at you. Southern politician, Seymour Crawford, lists the following as ideals: They must have a good appreciation of people’s needs, because if they cannot deal with people’s everyday issues it is very difficult for them to have easy access on religious issues. They must be prepared to listen and understand the problems that exist within families and communities, and be able to mix with other groups and organizations to the benefit of all to their calling as Christian ministers. Rev Bill Addley, professor of pastoral theology, names: ‘Faithfulness, humility, a sense of call and a sense of humour, love of people, and love of the Lord. Communications structure in church. Attention to Missions, Worship, evangelism.’ In 1973, the Doctrine Committee of the Church explored the use of the term ‘Diakonia’ as meaning the Church’s recognized ministry of Christian service. Diakonia is a service of committed love. For Calvin, the ministry is the gift of God, not for the rank it enjoys, but for the service of God and His word in the Church. Calvin developed a doctrine of the public office of ministry. Pastors are ordained not to dominate but to serve. The Committee also recognizes the importance of other leaders, namely Sunday school teachers, organist/choir leaders, officials of organizations, and agents charged specially with matters of finance, administration, promotion and information. It is suggested that there be some form of a ‘Council of Leaders’ closely related to Kirk Session and Congregational Committee, which, within larger congregations at least, could promote a clearer definition of jobs being done, recruitment and training for them, and more articulation of the aims and objectives of the Church.


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The subject of an ‘all-member ministry’ equipping members to think in a Christian way in their work sphere, was a subject for discussion for the Doctrine Committee in the Assembly in June 2004. In summary, people expect their ministers to be realistic and down-toearth, good pastorally, listening to them and genuinely caring. A real faith is also emphasized, together with an effective and appropriate way of communicating that to the congregation. People were not looking for a stereotype, but rather someone with a real living faith. Having been a candidate for the ministry myself in a congregation, I met many people who were ill and wondered if some basic education on common illnesses might be useful. For ministers, a personal faith is foremost, together with good communication skills and care for the people.

Presbyterians and women in the ministry In 1973, the General Assembly investigated the Scriptural evidence in relation to the ordination of women. The Westminster Confession was used as a reference in addition to Scripture. The Confession is of a subordinate standard to Presbyterians when interpreting Scripture. The Confession acknowledges two approaches to hermeneutics; namely that ‘the inward illumination of the Spirit of God to be necessary for the saving understanding of Scripture, and alternately that Scripture is to be interpreted by Scripture’. In the New Testament, the doctrine of ministry is not fully spelt out or developed. There are various Church traditions with regard to this matter. The interpretation of Scripture on this issue is one that has divided opinion. Some scholars adhere rigidly to literalist interpretations: for example Ortland (1991, p. 95) argues that, at the Fall, Eve usurped Adam’s headship and led the whole world into sin. Van Leeuwen (1990, p. 47) states the biblical feminist position that man and women were created equal, but the Fall meant that women have become more dependent than they were meant to be, and men have become more dominant. Evangelical men were found to be the most resistant to women in the ministry (Baillie, 2002, p. 86). Particular passages were examined by the Assembly: I Corinthians 11. 2–16; I Timothy 2.8–15, Galatians 3.28, and evidence of a variety of interpretations were taken into account. In conclusions and comparisons, there are three ways to interpret the evidence: first, in the support of the ordination of women; second, in repudiation of it; and third, considering it an open question. The Doctrine Committee was divided on the matter. In 1973, the majority of the Reformed Churches ordained women, especially in Western Europe, though less so in Africa and Asia,

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where women are less educated. The Church also interprets Scripture in a way that allows the ordination of women elders. The resolution to ordain women was passed after a heated debate. A female Presbyterian was quoted, after the decision to ordain women, by Porter (2002, p. 54), saying ‘The passing of a resolution and the living it out and the working of it out are two very different things’. Porter (2002, p. 82) also quotes a Presbyterian male view: I think within the denomination, our denomination, there is quite a widespread antagonism towards women in ministry, and even many places in the eldership. Another man commented: ‘I think that women who are involved in [denominational structures] have found significant difficulties. I think it is particularly bad for ministers who are female, and whilst I think the situation will change, I think it will change only very slowly. Theoretically speaking, many men identify the priesthood as male. Graham (1995, p. 37) describes male attributes which, in the priesthood, ‘expresses fundamental truths about the nature of God the creator that are essentially “male”: initiative, action, domination and in the words of Thomas Aquinas “eminence”. Women are held to be tied to other qualities – passivity, reception and nurture – by virtue of their role in procreation, and therefore unsuited for leadership or priesthood.’ Women are seen as being different, equal but different; the most they can hope for is motherhood as an equivalent vocation. Women are also perceived as being more sexual. Edwards (1989, p. 190) argues: For the qualities needed by a Christian minister are not strong physique, high intelligence or any particular set of psychological traits, but rather spiritual and personal gifts – which can be found in women no less than men. Whether one stresses the differences between the sexes, or the overlap of their gifts and talents, on either view it is appropriate that both should be represented in the Church’s leadership. Dowell and Williams, quoted in Ashton (1990), are of the opinion that there should be no talk of someone’s natural fittingness: ‘Nobody is born a priest; priests are made by a mixture of God’s calling and human need.’ We now examine the views of ministers and individuals in my study.


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Women ministers In feminist theory, one of the foremost tasks is to make the liberation of women central to the theological task. We can see from the debate in the Assembly that women have been recognized as ministers only very recently. There is a hidden history of women who have been forgotten in the struggle. While researching this chapter, I found this record in the 1929 General Assembly Reports: The Presbytery of Newry reports that they have on their books Mrs Edith Sinclair Martin, MSc. whom they received subject to any decision at which the Assembly may see fit to arrive when her reception is reported by the Presbytery to the Assembly. The motion is moved by Rev Dr Macmillan seconded by Prof. Haire. That without coming to a decision upon the eligibility of women for the ministry of the church, the Assembly permits Mrs E. S. Martin to continue her course as a student under the presbytery of Newry. The motion was by leave of the house withdrawn and the Assembly decided to take no action in relation to the matter. Women are marginalized in different measures. McClintock Fulkerson (2003, p. 116) describes this: Poor white Pentecostal women are positioned differently than white, middle class Presbyterian women or progressive academic feminists. Pressures from economic marginalization and anti-institutional, performance-centered religious traditions combine such that even the complementary gendering that Pentecostals share with middle class Presbyterian women produces a different subject position. Women are situated in different social locations and this will affect their ways of looking at God and theorizing in theology. French feminists explore the postmodern notion of the ‘other’ that is repressed. Massey (1989; p. 165) comments that feminism is the greatest challenge ever to confront the Church. Women may, in theory, be free to become ministers but it takes years to break down attitudes and beliefs. Noren (1992, p. 26) writes: ‘A woman entering the ministry must not only understand and fulfil the written requirements, but also hear the regional accent of the denomination deciding about his or her candidacy. Institutional guidelines are often broad and general, this allows for flexibility but also makes them more vulnerable to manipulation.’

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Robert Riley has: ‘No problem, and likes Rev Anne Kennedy. Absolutely why not, but they should wear tights during weddings and funerals.’ Emma Lockett says: I am very much in agreement, for a lot of the things have not been easy, the lack of support from males makes it a hard path for a lot of them. The men have a problem they need to sort out. I don’t know why they are not accepted. They should be told – the PCI recognizes and promotes women – if they say something men need to be told, you would need to look for other denominations. Rev David Nesbitt of Ballybay is very supportive: ‘We have three in this Presbytery.’ (One has since retired.) David Mitchell says: ‘No objection whatsoever. We have two or three, Rev Nancy Cubitt and Rev Jean Mackarel. The Pope never allowed woman priests – one day maybe there will be.’ Ian Martin promotes women: ‘I would like to see more women in the Church. Our minister’s wife is excellent. Rev Jean Mackarel is very outgoing and holds her viewpoint without getting agitated.’ Victoria Patterson is a dissenting voice on this issue: ‘I prefer a man. I think that it is a man’s job, but some women do great work. Maybe I am old-fashioned. I might have considered being a missionary. A man is much better, that is his calling in life. A woman cannot take on a lot of things. It would be hard to accept a woman.’ Rev Russell Birney says: ‘I don’t have them. Is leadership male? We are influenced by culture. I prefer male ministers but would sit happily under a woman. People identify with the preacher.’ John Cullen has ‘No problem with them. Happy enough to have one. Yes.’ The deaconess work of the church began in 1909. Indeed, one of the first deaconesses was Miss Mary B. Stevenson, who was appointed to Ballymena in 1910. The very first deaconess was Miss Barklay who served in Duncairn and Woodvale. The deaconesses wore a distinctive brown uniform, and engaged in activities such as hospital visiting and evangelistic work, as well as relief for the poor; but preaching would not normally be a part of a deaconess’s work. It has, however, undoubtedly been a way for women to serve God in the Presbyterian Church in a recognized role. In 1997 there were thirty deaconesses supported by the Presbyterian Women’s Association (PWA), and in June 2004 there were twenty-two serving deaconesses, three probationers and two deaconesses in training at Union College with one year to complete. The Reformed Church in Hungary has both male and female deacons. It was thought that a suitable role for women’s talents would be for women to concentrate their


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efforts in the women’s organizations of the Church. The PWA was formed around 1971. It aims to unite the women of the Church in the dedication of their lives to Jesus Christ and his service in the home, the workplace, the community and the Church, to share in the mission of the Church and to provide a link with women in other Churches. Although the PWA does a tremendous job in supporting deaconesses and providing finance and prayer support for missionaries, it has an image problem. The membership is predominantly elderly and is known throughout the Church as being good for making tray bakes and delicious church teas. This is a cultural world apart for women who live and work in the twenty-first century. Continuing on the issue of women and the ministry, Derek Holmes says: In terms of theological positions, I am in favour. Practically, there are difficulties. It is hard for single women to find what they need. For a married woman minister, if she has a family it is very difficult. There are not many women called to be ministers. Some are much better than many men who have never felt the call. Samuel Bonnar, in County Antrim, is more of a traditionalist: ‘I have difficulty. Any there have been have not been successful. My wife would be horrified, she does not like them. We have a woman who looks after pastoral workers. She is great. I think a woman has a difficulty putting it over.’ Rev Alistair Kennedy in County Down believes in women in the ministry, but thinks they should not lose their femininity. Heather Lindsay feels: A bit confused. In the Bible they were all men. There are no women in teaching roles in the Bible. Women were important to Jesus. It is more appropriate now. When society changed women got equal status in a lot of ways. Physically, people have so many tasks. There is now recognition that we can do something. Mr Pollock has the perception that: Younger ministers are not anti-woman ministers but most are antiwomen in the ministry. Some of the women do not do their own cause a great deal of good. One woman minister referred to God as ‘our Mother’. That hits at the heart of what I believe. My wife is an elder – I have to accept that.

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Stephen McDowell says: ‘We have no strong feelings. According to Scripture it is not recommended, maybe if they are a good preacher. We don’t have any here. We haven’t any woman elders.’ Caroline Burns summarizes the current culture of her congregation: I have not met any, again we would have had this debate. In the Church, if a woman applied it did not go down well. We are used to men in the pulpit, but deaconesses have an important role to play. We have no woman elders – we can’t even get women on the committee. Our Church is very old-fashioned in that sense. Margaret Ferguson is strong in her opposition, but has seen a positive model of a woman minister: ‘I would not be voting for one. I was in hospital, there was a woman minister. She prayed with the lady next door. The minister asked me where our Presbyterian [Church] was. She was from another town. She made a prayer. It was excellent. She was a very kind to the lady, and visited her faithfully. She impressed me.’ The Presbyterian Church in Ireland agreed to the ordination of women as ruling elders in 1926, but few women took this up until after the Second World War. In the 2005 Minutes of the Church (based on 2004 figures) there are some twenty women ministers out of 597 ministers (including retired) – approximately 4 per cent. Rev John Faris of Cork says: I accept them; Scripture affirms women gifted in leadership. Our Presbyterian understanding is that leadership is collective. This protects against abuse by a domineering woman or a man. I think Paul’s strictures against a woman exercising authority over a man in I Timothy 2 are in the context primarily of the marriage relationship and of the dangers of cult prophetesses in places like Ephesus. Philip Cleith’s adds: ‘I have no problem whatsoever. Roman Catholics are afraid of them.’ Amanda Gray from Cork is positive: ‘Having met Rev Mary Hunter, I think they are great. They have a great deal to offer. I can see why people want a male. We need a female ministry.’ Rev Cathcart of Derry says that it is the law of the Church: Women are eligible to become ministers of Word and Sacrament according to Church law. I would like them to be dressed as female. It would be helpful if they would find some suitable dress. You don’t have to be in a man’s suit to do the job. It is an issue but I think it is a matter of conscience. I do not fit into any pressure group in our Church.


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Tom Wilson is supportive: ‘I am comfortable with a male minister – probably theological. I have a great respect for a lot of work done by women. Gender should not be a barrier to the exposition of God.’ Mark Clarke of Enniskillen says: ‘Can’t see why not, I would agree with them. There is one in my daughter’s church. Rev Joan Scott has gone to Jamaica. She seems to do well. We have one woman elder. We have a mindset – elders are male; ladies get very few votes.’ Charles Perry of Donegal is positive: ‘The women that I have known have been excellent. They outshine most men that I know. A great role to play has been denied. Men think that they own the Church.’ Dr Ian Hart of Belfast has problems with biblical interpretation: ‘The New Testament rules out woman ministers. Every argument I ever heard sounded like it was trying to get round it. Women are as practically able, but I am bound by scriptural teaching.’ Rev John Woodside is cautious: My main problem in this regard is our present understanding of ordination. We have a one-dimensional system of Church leadership; lay and ordained, clergy and non-clergy, as though they were separate castes. This division is accentuated by the wearing of clerical dress and use of terms such as Reverend, which I believe are neither Scriptural nor helpful. I would rather see a system that developed ministries of different kinds within the Church so that men and women can use their gifts … Nevertheless, the Scriptural norm seems to be that the teaching leadership of a Church was specifically given to men. Louise Woods, of Dublin and Munster, has some reservations, but says: ‘They are grand if they are stable. At certain times of month they can be a bit ropey. Monaghan Presbyterian does a great job.’ Peter Newton in County Down has had a positive role model: ‘I do not have a problem with them. Rev Margaret Johnston preaches really well. I know there is a Scriptural thing. Who am I to judge? Women are witnessing and doing things in other fields.’ Roger Dailey sees differences in attitude between North and South: This question is very important in future for the Church. Women should be a part of human existence in the twenty-first century. We were both elders in a Co. Dublin Church. There was an election of elders in our current church. I was elected and my wife was not, and she put more into the church.

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In County Antrim, a minister thinks they are: ‘Great, I have no difficulty with women. There was Junias in Romans 16. There was a woman who was an apostle. Prof. John Thompson says that there is an absence of dialogue and a fear of diversity.’ Thomas Gill, of his congregation says: I have no objections. We have one on the list nearby. It is the same as woman elders. Yes, provided they can cope. They are put under tremendous pressure. Some have to take time out. It is the pressure. Our hospital in Antrim, for example, it takes more than twenty minutes to get to, and there may be someone else in the Royal. One Southern minister believes: ‘Headship doctrine creates serious difficulty for the eligibility of a woman for the Office of the Ministry.’ Albert Smyth says: ‘There are people in the South who would not have it. It is the law of the Church. I can live with it. I would prefer not to have one. I accept it, I would not like one – why not? They can bring something. Traditionally the word of God is preached by men.’ Rev Trevor Morrow strongly supports women in the exercise of their gifts: ‘In the New Testament, there were women disciples, prophets, deacons, and at least one apostle – Junias.’ Politician Seymour Crawford is: ‘Positive. We have some excellent individuals.’ One County Tyrone minister would theologically be at the more conservative end of the Church: In my understanding of the Scriptures, the role of [ordained minister] is not a role for a woman. There is a distinction between ordination and other roles. I go with the principle of leadership being male. Female leaders are not for me, although I realize there is Deborah. There is a specific situation where God has raised up woman to be a leader like Deborah. I hope that it does not sound chauvinistic. Some women went to the College. Some of them are every good, they work hard but I cannot reconcile it with the teaching of the Scriptures.’ A county Tyrone Youth Group have a variety of views: ‘There is no place for them. Is it wrong? What does the Westminster Confession say? Men should be ministers; in the Bible, man is above woman. Woman ministers are all right.’ Rev Alistair Bill in Belfast is cautious. Gender, he exclaims: ‘Take three steps back. Ministry is never a single-person ministry without context. I am less comfortable with single woman ministers. That is a practical and ecclesiastical matter, not theological. I would follow Bible teaching


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on leadership. Home needs male leadership.’ Rev Stephen Rea has mixed feelings: My guiding principle is that we must ask what we are in Jesus Christ? On men and women, the answer must be we are one in Christ. Equality is the goal. But the Lord did not insist on it being imposed at once. He did not appoint women apostles. It would have been a stumbling block in the ancient world. I used to feel it was still but I’ve changed my mind on this. I think we’ve reached the stage it need not be a big issue. Anne Johnston admits: ‘I am a bit old-fashioned. I am not overly keen. You have to leave something for the men to do.’ Massey (1989, p. 183) also contends: ‘Women may in theory be free to become ministers but it takes years to break down attitudes and beliefs.’ Massey (1989, p. 143) states: The United Presbyterian Church also voted to ordain women in 1956. But this was also after a long debate … Today there are more than a thousand women in clerical positions in that church, including executive presbytery, although many churches were reluctant to follow through. The World Alliance of Reformed churches (WARC) has 120 member churches worldwide, including Presbyterian, United and Reformed churches, of which 92 member churches are now ordaining women. In summary, most of the congregations were fairly positive towards the role of women in the ministry. Some ministers were more negative than were individuals. There was a North/South divide, with the Southern congregations being generally more positive; however, this may not be true of the ministers. In Evangelical Women in Belfast Churches (Baillie, 2002), I found ‘evangelical’ status relating to attitudes to women in ministry to be a decisive factor. Evangelicals are less supportive than nonevangelicals. Male evangelicals are the group who are most opposed to women in the ministry. The denomination as whole has mixed views on the role of women in the Church. There is evidence of a backlash against women. In May 2000, there were sixteen women in the ordained ministry out of 423 ministers in Ireland. In May 2004, there were twenty women in the ordained ministry out of 597 (including retired) ministers. In 1926, women were first ordained as elders in the Presbyterian Church. In this respect, the Church was ahead of its time. In contrast, in the Church of Scotland, women were first ordained as elders as late as

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1966. In 1973, the PCI General assembly voted to ordain women. The first woman to be ordained was Revd Ruth Patterson, in 1976.

The ministry and membership of the Masonic and Orange Orders The ministry of the Church is a role of trust and respect within a community. In this section, the perceived judgements of the respondents are recorded on the suitability of ministers being a Mason or an Orangeman. In 1992, the Doctrine Committee of the Church investigated this subject. The Church passed the resolution: ‘The General Assembly, in the light of the Doctrine Committee’s report on the beliefs and practices of Irish freemasonary, disapprove of members of the church being involved in freemasonary.’ The majority of respondents think that a minister should be neither. Many Southerners are pro-Masonic and anti-Orange. Northerners are more likely to be pro-Orange and anti-Masonic, as they would see the Orange Order as a ‘Christian’ organization. People at the liberal end of the theological spectrum are more likely to be pro-Masonic than are evangelicals. We now examine the views of ministers on this subject. Rev Russell Birney in County Antrim thinks: ‘The Orange Order have become highly politicized. We had a dry run of that here. I would have the Masonic. Should a minister be one? Definitely not.’ One border minister is understanding of the role of the Orange Order. Rev Cathcart in County Londonderry leaves it to private judgement but has no time for secret organizations. Rev Stephen Rea is clear in his assessment: ‘No. I am opposed to Freemasonry. Most Masons don’t realize it came out of the Enlightenment and is essentially Unitarian. The core belief is the oneness of all religions. Masonry has to play down the Incarnation and the Cross. Whenever Masonry is strong the Gospel is weak.’ One Southern minister comments: One reason why converted Roman Catholics do not come into our Church here is because they assume we are affiliated with the ‘Orange’. Such perceptions colour one’s judgements. This is heart-breaking. We talk about building bridges into the community – but it’s hopeless building bridges until we pull down barriers. The only barrier for anyone coming to Christ for redemption should actually be the Gospel itself – nothing else. If the Orange is required, then separate it from the Church. A minister should not be in the Masonic, nor should any Christian. The


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Masonic is Unitarian in ethos as well as secret. This militates against the Christian Gospel, and therefore will hinder blessing in a church. A County Down minister is open to discussing the subject: ‘I am neither. I don’t know. I know folk who are Masons. I may swing a bit in the Mason one. The jury would be out. I am happy to accept those who say it has contradiction. People think there is Utopia with no Orange order or Masonic order.’ One minister, although he is very involved in the Orange Order, disapproves of the Masonic: ‘It is not an organization I feel I would want to be in.’ Rev Alistair Bill in Belfast says: ‘For a minister to be a Mason it raises some fundamental questions. In the present climate it would be extremely unhelpful for a minister to be an Orangeman.’ Rev Trevor Morrow, in Dublin and Munster, says: ‘Many of my colleagues express their identity through Freemasonry. I find it very difficult. I am very uncomfortable with it. We cannot justify a brotherhood within a brotherhood. The same applies to Orangeism as well.’ Seymour Crawford says: ‘I would prefer not, as it certainly aligns that person with a particular ethos and might inhibit that person in their outreach to young people.’ A County Tyrone minister has had experience of this issue: I am not a Mason. I have not time or inclination. Orangeism and the Masonic are men’s clubs. I get my fellowship in the Church. I do not see the need. I would not condemn Orangeism. The principles of Orangeism are Christian. The masons asked for the use of the church halls and I said I was not happy. I feel they are a religious but not a Christian organization. The minister has no vote on Session. They voted to let them use the hall, so they got permission. They were typical Presbyterians they did not hold it against me. They were glad to see me. On the question of whether ministers should be Masons or Orangemen, Rev Martin Smyth says: I disagree with secret societies, or skullduggery. People help people they know. ‘Do good unto all men especially those of the household of faith’ … There is a place for ministers in the Order. It is a Christian organization. It is older than the ecumenical movement. It helps denominations learn about one another. Some people are ashamed to be Protestant. What is their problem? Do they prefer to be shot by the IRA? Did they side with those who should feel ashamed? The Church needs to have more time for troubled young folk. Should these people

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wash their hands? The Church has washed its hands. Too many of our ministers are not pastors. I shall now examine the attitudes of individuals in congregations. In Dublin and Munster, Roberta Ingram agrees with her minister: No, neither. My father was one. What they stand for is OK. I am not in the Orange Order; think of all the trouble they have caused. I think anything that is offensive is wrong. I do not agree with the Hibernians either. Older members say there is a bad element. It used to be a day out. Darren Smyth was an insider: I have been a Mason. I have no objections with the Masonic. There is a lot of false belief about what goes on. It is not a secret society. It is a society with secrets. I left because the members were too old. I still keep up the subscription. An Orangeman, no. A minister should not be one, because an Orangeman has specific distinctive political ideas. One congregation is mainly anti-Masonic but divided on the Orange Order. Derek Holmes exemplifies this: ‘Definitely not a Mason. In some parts of NI he can be an Orangeman, but I prefer them not to be, because of the way that it is perceived of by other community. A Mason is submitting to authority outside the Authority of Christ.’ Samuel Bonnar believes it is up to his conscience: ‘The Orange is different. I don’t know about the Masonic. Should a minister vote?’ Two County Down members have differing views. Heather Lindsay says: No, it is the same as nationality. Masonic, the Masons put the Masonic above everything. It is satanic at worst. Some people do not believe in the Orange Order. It is anti-Catholic and exclusive. You should ‘Love your neighbour as yourself’. We love not just our friends. We should not put the Orange Order or Masonic before Christ. In contrast, Edward Walker thinks: ‘If he wanted to be I don’t see anything wrong with that. It is up to himself. There are Orange services in our church. A lot of people in the Orange Order don’t go across the church door. The Orange Order church service is a good thing, as they then hear the Gospel.’ In County Tyrone, Caroline Burns would be more outspoken than others in her congregation: I would not have seen a problem with Orangemen – until the present day. It shouldn’t cause a problem if he sticks to Christian principles,


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but it could be a problem for the others. A Mason is much more secretive. A minister has to have his Christian principles before being an Orangeman. Southern border congregations are diverse in their opinions of both organizations. Andrea Spencer says, ‘Not a Mason. No, I don’t like that. I prefer them not to be an Orangeman. But if they keep it to themselves and it has a low profile. … The Orange Order is meant to be a godly organization. It is more political now; it should go back to being more religious. I go to the Twelfth of July.’ In Dublin and Munster, there are slightly more favourable views, although there is again the view that it is best if a minister is neither Orangeman nor Mason. Cedrick Wilson was once an insider: ‘I was a Mason myself, but I would rather be sailing a boat. I retired from it. The Masonic, I did not like it. I was in it for three or four years. I know nothing about the Orange. They would be more extreme.’ Donegal people had a variety of answers. Fred Bain explains: ‘Orangeism has negative overtones at the minute. At different times I would have no objection. Now certain sections of the community look on you in [a] less favourable light.’ Charles Perry says: ‘In the Republic now it is definitely not Orange. The Masonic Lodge, I don’t know.’ County Down would be more tolerant of the Orange Order; a minister should be in a reputable lodge. The people in one Antrim congregation were keen that the minister be involved in the community, such as Rotary activities, rather than a Masonic or Orange lodge. Also in County Down, Martin White says: ‘This is Orange country. I am not sure what a Mason is so I can’t voice my opinion there. The Orange – not should be but could be. I would object if our minister criticized them.’ A Belfast congregation also has mixed views and is anti-Masonic rather than anti-Orange. One person admired Rev William Bingham for speaking out after the murder of Catholic children during the Twelfth of July celebrations. Some are less supportive of the Orange Order because it appears to have become bigoted. A County Tyrone youth group say it is up to the minister. They have problems with the Masonic Lodge because of their theology. It is seen as spiritualist and therefore invites suspicion. Desmond Nesbitt, in County Tyrone, gives a popular Presbyterian view: I do not think that he should be an Orangeman. I prefer my minister not to be. Ministers should be there to promote the Gospel. Masons do not recognize the existence of Christ. They accept the existence of

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God as the Supreme being. They do not accept the Christian Gospel. The Orange Order does accept the headship of Christ, in its rules and explanations. Meredith and Kennaway (1993) discuss the similarities and differences between Orangeism and Freemasonry. There are similarities in that both have lodges, and there is decorum and ceremony in both. However, the Orange Order claims to promote the advancement of pure biblical Christianity, whereas the Masonic God is chosen by individual Masons. The Bible is used in most lodges, but it could equally be the Koran or the Vedas. The membership of a Masonic lodge is narrower. W. J. McCormick (1993) states there is no place for the maimed, young, poor, illiterate or down-and-out, and no women are admitted. The Masonic lodge puts more emphasis on the ritualistic. In the Orange Order there is little that is not in the public domain. In summary, older liberals are more likely to express their identity through Freemasonry. Border areas are likely to have a variety of views. Southern congregations are more open to Freemasonry and are more likely to be anti-Orange. Most people agree that a minister should be singleminded about his or her commitment to the Gospel, and it is best that Ministers are not encumbered by other commitments.

The Masonic Order – objections discussed Stephen Knight (1985), in his bestselling book The Brotherhood, describes the problems that surround Freemasonry and its relationship to Christianity. Knight decided to investigate the question: ‘Is Freemasonry compatible with Christianity?’ ‘This then would be my approach as a neutral investigator holding no brief for Christianity and no automatic aversion to devil worship.’ He approached the project holding no belief for Christianity. The Church of England has been a stronghold of Freemasonry for more than 200 years; Catholics are forbidden to join. The Presbyterian Church in Wales had its own share of Masonic controversy in May 1981. Rev William Colin Davies of Whitchurch, Cardiff, claimed before an industrial tribunal that the Church had dismissed him because he preached against Freemasonry. Davies had preaching duties in his own church, and was also required to cover churches with no regular minister. Knight (1985, p. 262) writes. In August 1979 Davies wrote to the Church’s rota secretary stating that he did not wish to be helping the teachings of Freemasonry,


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which he believed to be seen to be ‘a challenge to the discipleship of Jesus Christ’. He enclosed a cheque for £108 to cover his absence from certain churches where he felt his presence had been both unexpected and unwanted because of his views on Freemasonry. In 1982 Davies said that the Presbyterian Church in Wales was very strongly influenced by the Brotherhood amongst its own members and administration. He undertook his own research into Freemasonry and found it to be incompatible with a faith in Jesus Christ. There were other complaints submitted to the Presbytery at this time about Davies’s ministry. Davies believed some of the charges had been trumped up because of his opposition to Freemasonry, and says he was not allowed to answer the charges. He was dismissed from the pastorate, but not from the ministry. He appealed to the highest body of the Church, who attempted to seek a reconciliation between the parties, but this was not able to be reached. Davies won his appeal, but it was not implemented because his local church would not accept it. He was dismissed and forced to leave his house within six weeks. The case then went to an industrial tribunal, which ruled that Davies had not been an employee of the Church, but self-employed, and as such was ineligible to claim unfair dismissal. At the time of Knight’s interview, he had set up his own independent Church in Whitchurch. The Church of Scotland, in their Doctrine Committee Report 1990, gives advice to ministers. Ministers may be asked to conduct a service at which a Lodge is present, or may be involved with a funeral service where a Masonic rite is performed. The Church offers simple guidelines. As a matter of courtesy, the Lodge will request permission to attend, and this need not be referred to the Kirk Session as worship is open to all to attend. The Masonic chaplain may wish to conduct the service, but the minister is responsible for the order and elements of any service. The wearing of regalia is the choice of the individual, and the approval of the Church should not be inferred. The minister should not let this or her personal feelings about the organization interfere with pastoral care for those inside the Lodge. The Report ends by suggesting that Freemasonry fulfils some basic human needs that the Church is failing to meet: 1 The need for companionship and a sense of belonging. Is the Church faithfully living as the communion of men and women of every race and age, gathered into Christ? 2 The value and respect of office and role. Does the Church adequately recognize the personal ministry given by Christ to each baptised,

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so that the body is built up, each member depending upon the other? 3 The importance of ritual and symbolism. Is sufficient care given to the rehearsal of God’s mighty acts of salvation in Jesus Christ through the tradition and liturgy of the Church? Indeed the Committee point out that there is something amiss if men find these needs met in the Lodge and perceive them to be lacking in the Church. John Lawrence (1987) wrote Freemasonry – a religion?. As a Christian examination of the movement, he considers it is a given that beliefs do not have to be put into final doctrinal statements. Freemasonry is composed of a high level of ritual containing supposed knowledge about a Supreme Being. Craft rituals lead those who are Masons to believe they are setting out on a progressive path of enlightenment leading them to God. They approach God through special knowledge, good conduct and Masonic ritual. Freemasonry is of British origin. By the late seventeenth century, the famous handshake was in evidence. The Catholic Church has long disapproved of Masonic lodges. Catholics who join the Freemasons commit a serious sin irreconcilable with the Church’s doctrine. Lawrence places a series of question marks over the ritual practices of the Brotherhood, and believes they are not compatible with Christian belief. Lawrence has two main problems: namely, the secrecy of the movement and the question of heart commitment. Lawrence (1987, p. 9) says: From the very beginning of my research I have seen that any mason who wishes to follow Christ and receive the blessings of eternal life must live a life of compromise. My overwhelming desire in being involved in this is to help me discover the fullness of the true God. He regards Freemasonry as a religion in terms of a religion being that which takes precedence in a person’s life. He expresses concern about the Holy Royal Arch and higher degrees. Only about 40 per cent of Masons go any further than the first three degrees. The Royal Arch is described as the climax of Freemasonry, inspires its members with the most exalted ideas of God, and leads to the exercise of the purest and most devout piety. In this degree of Freemasonry the candidate discovers ritual light and salvation. Christ alone is meant to be our Saviour. Lynn Brunet, in her (2003) doctoral thesis, examines the ritualistic and initiation ceremonies. She also observes that membership in Australia was very high after the Second World War. She theorizes that the ritual environment was one in which this was acknowledged and accommodated.


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Our own society has been one of civil conflict, and a high number of Masons are in particular occupations such as the police and the army. Many aspects of Masonic symbolism demonstrate an understanding of brain processes similar to those outlined in contemporary trauma theory. Brunet reports anthropologists’ observations of tribal initiations. This involves three stages: separation, the liminal state, and incorporation. Brunet (2003, p. 2) explains: The experience of profound shock or terror, that is the confrontation with death, is the hallmark of all initiation rituals. The initiate is taken from his familiar environment and exposed to a series of shocks which place him into the liminal state, a psychological state marked by confusion, dissociation, a sense of the surreal, or a void. This state is marked by a lack of narrative and is therefore often unavailable to the conscious memory. Turner describes the liminal state as the domain of chaos and disorder, identified with death or the spirit world. The initiation often involves some kind of cruel trickery by the elders. The final process of the initiation reincorporates the initiate into the group where tricks are revealed and the initiate is warmly accepted by the older men. For a Christian, these initiation traumas are not the healing and wholeness that comes through the freedom and restoration in the person of Christ and the community of the Christian Church.

Presbyterians and Freemasonry The Doctrine Committee of the Church investigated the beliefs and practices of Freemasonry in Ireland in 1990, and reported its findings to the General Assembly of 1992. The Committee acknowledges the influence of other Churches, such as the Methodist and Church of England Reports. They recognize the worthy charitable work done by the organization, and that the Irish Masonic Lodges regularly offer prayers in the name of Jesus. They are appreciative of the assistance given to them in their investigations by those in the Masonic Order. It is stated that Freemasonry is not meant to promote business interests or form a fraternity which promotes the interests of fellow Masons. They endeavour to live up to the great principles of ‘Brotherly Love, Relief (charity) and Truth’. The Report outlines some matters of concern. The Committee emphasizes its obligation to maintain obedience to the Gospel truth incarnate in Christ our Saviour and Lord. The Masons believe in a ‘Supreme Being’. This is not necessarily a belief in Christ, though for the majority of

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Irish Masons it is. Prayer as a Christian is not the same as prayer in Islam or Judaism. In addition, Masons claim that they do not have a ‘composite deity.’ However, they put Christianity and other religions side by side in a ‘way which gives the impression of a recognition of other faiths inconsistent with the uniqueness of the person and claims of Jesus Christ’. The place of Scripture also gave cause for concern. The references used are almost exclusively restricted to parts of Kings and the Gospel of John. Other sacred books may be set alongside the Bible on a Lodge’s ‘altar’, which puts a symbolic question mark over the authority of the Bible. There are specific Irish orders, a specifically Christian craft, the Grand Priory of Ireland, and the Religious order of the Knights Templar. Some of the ritual of Irish Freemasonry is oral and therefore difficult to evaluate. The main statement of belief is that we are all part of the Brotherhood of Man under the Fatherhood of God, which can truly be achieved in Christian community. The Committee goes on to state that it does not judge those who find no incompatibility between their beliefs and Freemasonry; each person must act according to his own conscience. In Appendix 1 of the Doctrine Committee Report, some prominent Presbyterian Masons defend their position and emphasize the co-operation given to them during the investigation. They claim that Masonry is not a way to salvation. Masonic chaplains were addressing God, and saw the order as a fraternal society promoting morality and charity. Appendix 2 describes the meeting of the Committee with leading figures in Irish Freemasonry. No Christian is required to accept the authority of any other book than the Bible. A Moslem mason will regard the Koran as his volume of ‘Sacred law’. ‘All masons are required to believe in a Supreme Being but each mason brings his own faith with him and is not required to accept the particular faith of any other mason, only his sincerity.’ In Ireland it was an institution in which Protestants and Roman Catholics could meet and share fellowship. The word Jabulon as a word for God was repudiated. It was a simply a password that was a common recognition device in the days before paper qualifications. After some debate, the following resolution was passed: That the General Assembly in the light of the Doctrine Committee’s report on the beliefs Doctrines and practices of Irish Freemasonry disapprove of members of the Church being involved in Freemasonry. I was informed in the course of my research that there was once a lodge made up specifically of Presbyterian ministers, called the Westminster Lodge.


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I interviewed the Rev Dr Warren Porter in regard to his involvement in the Masonic Order. He maintained that the Masonic Brotherhood was in a general sense ‘religious’, but that it had no underlying systematic theology such as is characterized the Christian Church in all its branches and denominations. Nor had Masonry any soteriology. Religion and politics are never discussed in Masonic meetings; a specific rule prohibits this, as it would probably prove divisive. Morality is referred to in Lodges, as Masonry claims to be a system of morality, but there is no deep discussion of the subject, since there are no conflicting ‘schools of thought’ on the question of morality within Masonry. Rev Dr Porter claimed that in over forty years of membership he had never heard anyone advancing any theory that would in any way have been contradictory of the tenets of Christian morality. Irish Craft Masonry has three basic strands, referred to as the Three Degrees. Architectural terms are used to illustrate the moral aims that should guide all men of goodwill, and in particular Freemasons. All the ‘secrets’ of Masonry are merely modes of identification. The objection which some would have to the Masonic would be able to use of the term ‘Great Architect’ as referring to God. John Calvin, the great reformer, could happily use the term ‘Supreme Being’ as a reverent manner of speaking of the Creator of all, because He is the High and Holy One. Dr Porter could see no reason not to follow Calvin’s example while recognizing (as no doubt Calvin also did), that it does not cover all that is meant by the word ‘God’. He also refuted the suggestion that the Order could be accused of being ‘sexist’ because of its exclusively male membership. He argued that, if this amounted to ‘sexism’, church-based exclusively female organizations such as the PWA could also be accused of this. For him there had been absolutely no crisis of conscience in belonging to the Masonic Order. It had enriched his life. Were there to be any question of his membership involving a conflict with his loyalty to the Lord Jesus Christ he would without hesitation resign his membership, but this was hardly likely, since the principal reason for Freemasonry’s existence is to do charitable work, often of a nature that would lie outside the Church’s normal programmes. Masonry also gave him and many other ministers a wonderful opportunity to spend time alongside men who would not be regular churchgoers, and to be able to remind them that in so far as they take their Masonry seriously, it would encourage them to be serious and regular supporters of whatever branch of the Church they belong to.

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The Moderatorship, length of time in office and role The Moderator of the Presbyterian Church is officially the Moderator of the General Assembly. The Moderator is elected by the Presbyteries around March each year and begins his/her year of office during the second week in June. The Church of Scotland sets out the role and duties of the Moderator on their website. He or she is required to lead daily worship, keep order, and sign documents on behalf of the Assembly. The Moderator spends time visiting as a representative of the Church, and in an ambassadorial capacity overseas. The Moderator in 2004 was Dr Alison Elliot, who is an elder, not an ordained minister. Once the nomination has been accepted on the opening day of the Assembly, the person concerned is elected Moderator of the general assembly. If he or she is a minister, the form of address is ‘Right Reverend’ until his or her year ends with the election of a successor. A former Moderator is referred to as the ‘Very Reverend’. In Ireland, election tends to alternate between those of a more conservative theology one year and a ‘liberal’ the next. First, we look at the views of ministers regarding the duration and functioning of this role; and then those of individuals. The Moderator does quite a bit of travelling throughout the year and is a figurehead representing the Church. He or she may be asked by the media to comment on social and political events. Lockington (1982, p. 11) suggests that the Moderator in the media age is placed in an awkward position. The Church, in choosing a Moderator, has to assess ‘whether he will submit his own conscience to Church pronouncements; how he will project himself through the media and other “relevant criteria for office”.’ Lockington goes on to suggest that the Moderator should simply preside over the Assembly for the week and then go back to his normal work. He suggests that other roles could be performed by the Moderators of the five Synods. Hutchinson (1990, p. 80) says: It would be unfortunate if Moderators became a presidential figures, chosen by and identified with a dominant faction, or if the right of nomination were to fall into the hands of a small caucus in a selection committee. Irish Presbyterianism with its strongly democratic character and deeply ingrained folk memories of ecclesiastical tyranny (both pre and post Reformation) has shown a marked aversion to such an arrangement, and a corresponding reluctance to withdraw any powers or privileges from Presbyteries. The fact that the Moderator of the Assembly is in practice chosen by the Presbyteries is not only a convenient administrative arrangement for early selection, but an illustration


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of how power in the Church is shared between the Supreme courts and the regional courts. The Moderator is primus inter pares: ‘first among equals’. ‘There is,’ said one former Moderator, ‘no one more “out” than last year’s Moderator.’ Rev David Nesbitt, replies: ‘More power? Not really. There is something to be said for that one year. The system would have to change. They would have be more a chairperson, he is too much a slave of the denomination, not a servant of the Church.’ Rev Alistair Kennedy believes: ‘There is too much control from the top. Christianity is essentially a lay movement with God-given leadership, not a top-down Church.’ A border minister compares the system with another Reformed church: ‘No. In the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan, it is never two years.’ Rev Sam Ankatell thinks: ‘Possibly, but not more than two. It is good for it to go round. A year is too short. It depends on the Moderator. Two years is a maximum. As far as relating with other Churches, they are only getting to know them and then they are away.’ Rev Ian Hart says, ‘I think that he should be in office for more than a year. I am opposed to hierarchy. The Moderator is primus inter pares. I alternate between dim pessimism and optimism.’ Rev John Woodside reflects: ‘Our present system is ineffective in producing a public spokesman for the Church in that the Moderator has only learnt the ropes of handling the media, etc. when his year of office is coming to an end.’ Rev Trevor Morrow, who was himself a very prominent Moderator, reminds us: ‘I do not think they should be in office for more than a year. A Moderator is not an Archbishop.’ Seymour Crawford TD emphasizes more power in terms of: ‘Only if the person is allowed a longer term in office to make it meaningful.’ Rev Bill Addley exclaims: More power? No! The Church and Government Committee is better composed. Everything is a balance. You can end up with a benevolent autocrat. Presbyterianism has the most relational-complete democracy. The system is stable. Every church sends an elder to the Assembly. The grassroots representation is very strong. One County Tyrone minister has clear views on the subject: ‘No, The Moderator should moderate the Assembly. No, he should be in office for the week of the General Assembly. The Church needs a voice, but the Boards can be the voice. The Assembly supported the Belfast Agreement. You can be a Christian and vote “yes” and a Christian and vote “no”.’ Turning to people’s views, in Dublin and Munster, Peter Knox, looked on the Moderator as ‘being the leader of the Church, but in fact he is not.

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He should be free to be himself in any way, going to Roman Catholic Church or not. There is a controversy if someone decides not to go.’ Marjorie Clarke says: ‘No, I do not think so, you can be stuck with a fundamentalist. Elders should not be ordained for life. They should consider a rest period. Ministers should have more training and sabbaticals.’ Darren Smyth agrees: ‘He is kind of a public relations officer. It’s about right; it’s good to have a change after a year.’ In County Armagh, Robert Riley says: ‘No more than two years – Dr Lundy did it for two years.’ Emma Lockett says: ‘There are advantages. Archbishop Eames [the Anglican Primate] is known. A year is not enough. Only at the end of the year you know what you are about.’ On the border, David Mitchell sees the office as having a Northern bias: ‘No – I do not agree with one person having so much power. You very seldom see a Moderator from the South. In my lifetime, one or two have come [from the] South.’ In County Antrim, Alice Gardner thinks: ‘I can see an advantage in more than one year. You see Archbishop Brady has a self-sufficiency, and Robin Eames is more comfortable with the media. But the moderator does do a good job in a year.’ Clare Vincent thinks a longer term would be good: ‘Yes, a Moderator in office for more than one year; say, for five years or three years.’ Lorraine Foy, of County Antrim, says: ‘More power? No. It is good that he is a figurehead for the year. There is no Pope, that is a good thing.’ John Reaney says: ‘I am happy with his situation. More than a year? Do you want to kill him? It might not be bad to have two years. It is refreshing to get some difference. He did his best to work for the Presbyterian Church.’ Lockington (1982, p. 11) would concur with this: Most Moderators presumably have looked upon their call to this office as a great honour conferred by the Church, as in theory it is. If practice continues to follow the present directions, however, it will become an almost unbearable burden, causing immense physical and mental strain. Have we any right to impose such on any person, especially when it is done under the guise of honouring them. Margaret Ferguson sees that ‘There is annoyance when there is a more liberal Moderator.’ Harry and Maud Reid say: ‘I don’t know. He should not have any more power. He is really first among equals, one year is long enough.’ Maud thinks it is nice to have a change: ‘It is a big strain. George Whin died in office, as did Rupert Gibson.’ In County Londonderry, Tom Wilson thinks: ‘We need a demagogue concept. The Free Presbyterians have no democracy titular; more than a year, but perhaps biennial rather than annual.’ In Dublin and Munster, Caroline Semple shares a commonlyheld opinion: ‘It depends on his views. We are only getting to know him


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the first year.’ Louise Woods agrees with a longer term: ‘If you have a good Moderator. In my memory, they have all been good.’ On the border, Derek Williams is keen on the present system: No, it allows a different person to be involved.’ In Belfast, Bill Evans describes the role as: ‘Not authoritarian. Yes, he should be in office for more than that with media.’ In County Down, Alison Morrison, our youngest respondent, says: ‘I don’t know. There is no consistency. To have an influence in a year is a short time.’ Trevor Porter says: ‘We are more democratic than the Church of Ireland. I think that the length of time should stay the way it is.’ Rev Norman Harrison, of First Hollywood, has this to say: When a person is appointed, the process of trying to resign from his charge should start. The Moderator should be the pastor pastorum. He should have two to three years in the chair, at which point he continues in the service of the wider Church as a Very Reverend. The responsibilities of this would be as a pastor pastorum over a number of presbyteries in the Church. He could be part of a team who are there to pastor the Assembly. Their wisdom is then put to good use if there is a Church problem or someone with an illness – you would need someone to walk with them through that. One or two Moderators have been placed overseas to pastor missionaries in the field. Most people rise to the chair in their early fifties or sixties. There should be between a dozen or fifteen of these. They could cover two or three presbyteries per person, and a field post overseas. There could be two or three overseas field posts, Moderators are then committed to that kind of work. This is not an apostolic bishopric; they will raise the standards and assist other ministers. It is thus based on a biblical principle of ministering to the Assembly; that is not about hierarchy, but ministering to the Assembly. They should be paid centrally. They should be paid by a levy from each congregation. To summarize, there are a variety of views on the role of the Moderator. Most people are happy with the present system, but think a year is too short, and that perhaps two or three years would be better. Traditionally, it was a reward for good service but now the role is more of a spokesperson for the Church. There are political elements in the consideration of the position; some would not be happy with a very conservative Moderator and vice versa. There is an advantage to having a more sustained period of office as people then are able to see more. Perhaps in our confused age we need to promote the character and gifts of those in this most public of offices. In the entrance hall of the General Assembly there are tributes to past ministers and former Moderators. These also extol the qualities a

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good minister might have. The personality of the person and the necessary gifts of minister and Moderator are for me summed up in these tributes: In Grateful Remembrance of the Rev William Park M.A. D.D. L.L.D. (1844–1925) A man of many pre-eminent gifts and graces of varied and accurate scholarship of wide outlook and untiring industry. A gracious personality, modest, courteous, wise, tolerant. An inspiring preacher, a convincing speaker, a diligent pastor, a successful administrator who excelled in every department of ministerial activity. For many years the greatest personal force in the church. For sixteen years convenor of the foreign mission. Moderator of the General Assembly 1890. President of the Council of the General Presbyterian Alliance 1913–1921. Another noteworthy churchman was the Rev William James Lowe (1853–1931): Clerk of Assembly 1895–1931 General Secretary 1909–1931 Moderator of Assembly 1921 A great Presbyterian churchman, a consummate interpreter of church law, a master of Assemblies. A sage counsellor of his brethren, a worthy representative of his church in public affairs, An accurate scholar and impressive preacher, A man of a truly religious spirit. For thirty-six years he served the Assembly as an acknowledged leader, by his wisdom, his powerful personality, his pungent speech, his gracious humour, above all by his indefatigable kindliness of heart. ‘A brother beloved.’ Philemon 1–16. There are reports on the Memorial record each year recording the service and attributes of ministers of the Church, which are read publicly at the opening night of the Assembly. They show the character and the continuing witness of God’s spirit in those who are ministers in the Presbyterian Church. In this chapter, the issues of ministry have been examined in a broad way: the issue of ministers’ education, their personal qualities, the role of women and the possibilities of them being in an Orange or Masonic lodge, concluding with the role and function of Moderator. This has enabled us to gain a varied picture of ministry today from the perspective of both ministers and individuals.

10 The Future

In this chapter, respondents’ views on the future of Ireland and of the denomination are discussed. Morrow (2004) reports that when Presbyterians were asked about their expectations for the future there was a three-way division: 27 per cent were confident or optimistic; 20 per cent highlighted concerns; and 50 per cent failed to be convinced either way. McCartney (2004) tells the readership of the Presbyterian Herald of the loss of membership in the Church. In 1990, there were 106,669 families in the Presbyterian Church in Ireland, and thirteen years later there were 92,233 – a fall of 13.53 per cent or about 1 per cent per year. McCartney estimates that between 1990 and 2003 the average congregation fell from 192 to 168 families. Of the tiny congregations near the border (estimated number 114), with up to fifty families there has been a maintenance of numbers, and even a growth in statistical terms in Fermoy, Co. Cork. Over half of the Presbyterian Church’s congregations outside Belfast average between 50 and 350 families. In this category, there has been an average loss of around 5 per cent; many stayed the same, but these gained or lost members. Again, about a quarter of Presbyterians were in large (over 350 families) congregations outside Belfast, averaging a loss of 14.5 per cent. Not all large congregations are losing numbers, however, but those with numbers of over 350 families are likely to be losing people at the rate of some of 100 families over thirteen years, as noted above. About half of PCI members belonged to Belfast churches. The largest drop was here with, on average, the decline working out at 30 per cent over thirteen years. In the City of Belfast there was no contrast between larger and smaller churches. No large Belfast church grew, and in the worst cases they lost around 200 families. This, explains McCartney, could be related to a population shift. Working from Census figures, there has been a drop in the Presbyterian population of 4.2 per cent in ten years but 201

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the Church membership loss is around 30 per cent over thirteen years, and calculated as being 23 per cent over ten years. The Church faces a declining membership in Belfast congregations and in large congregations generally. McCartney (2004) urges that these issues be addressed by Presbyteries and members. She mentions the Hamilton and Welch (2000) report, which identifies the concept of belonging as an important issue for the 20–45 age range. In fact this report (ibid., 2000, p. 6) tells us: ‘in the majority of congregations the proportion of the congregation attending on a Sunday morning aged 25–44 has declined in relative and absolute terms between 1997 and 2000. This is most evident in the 25–34 age group declining by 1.5%’. The report also points out (ibid., 2000, p. 10) that there is decline in the numbers of children attending Sunday school and Bible classes: ‘In June 2000 the Presbyterian Church in Ireland recorded a 3.5% drop from the previous year in the numbers on the rolls of Sunday Schools and Bible Classes. The year before that saw a 3.8% drop.’ The report concludes that a sense of belonging is very important in today’s world, and this may be perceived to be more important than believing. Acceptance is a major issue for the Church, in that it is perceived as a club for ‘good people’. Other points of interest include the view that the Church is irrelevant. Outreach should be geared to involving people and in reaching out to the whole family, not just to the children. The teenage years and early twenties are crucial points, as that is when many may leave the Church. The question of the membership of the young is a point that is discussed by my respondents. Politically speaking, Dunlop (1999, p. 49) has a vision of belonging to a Christian culture as described by Volf (1996) which embraces ‘double identity’. He sees a vision of God as the father of two children representing both Unionism and Nationalism. He says that accepting one does not exclude the other, and we need to proceed into the next millennium with a different model and way of proceeding. Megahey (2000, p. 183) states that the Church of Ireland bishop, Rev Harold Miller, has made a general observation that the growth in general of secularism, consumerism and general scepticism is a potential aid in redrawing the sectarian map. This may be more evident over the next fifty years. A fault line may be redrawn between those who have faith and those who do not. A Church of Ireland minister, Rev Timothy Kinahan (1995), similarly calls for respect and listening with regard to the politics and religion of Ireland’s Roman Catholic neighbours. He identifies fear among the Gaelic people of the Church, and of the dispossessed as a block to the work of the Holy Spirit in establishing Shalom. He states that religion has been an uncritical servant of Unionism when it should have been a biblically conditioned

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interpretation of the Spirit of God with an optimistic view of the future. We now review the vision that ministers and individuals have for the future of Ireland and the future of the denomination.

Ministers’ views on the future of Ireland and the Presbyterian Church Rev Russell Birney thinks: Ireland will one day be united. There will be unity, maybe something federal. The future could be good. What I don’t want to see is the North being dragged into the South screaming. If it is not prepared to change it will have little contribution. If it is prepared to lead it will have a big part to play. Rev Cupples, from County Fermanagh, says: In the immediate future, the Church will decline in numbers. There will be diversity with denominations. I am more interested in evolution than revolution. Humanly speaking, the future looks bleak. Society is now totally shaped by anti-Christian thinking and teaching. There are fewer Christians, but if Christians are prepared to pay the price they can still make a difference. Belfast minister, Rev Ian Hart is pessimistic: It will be downhill all the way. How small the Presbyterian Church will become I do not know. To some extent it is not a bad thing. Churchgoing here is a respectable thing to do. People come that are not Christians, it became a habit. Those things have gone. Society has changed. There are vast numbers of non-Christians who do not come. I hope we can be the salt of the earth, with kindness, goodness and uprightness. I hope that kindness can shape society. A County Antrim minister gives his analysis: The Church sees secular Ireland. There is a decline in traditional Ireland. People are there more because they want to be. We need to offer worship, services that are seeker-sensitive, like Willow Creek. We are seen as boring and irrelevant. The Church is living off its fat. There are massive closures in [the] Church of Scotland.

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A County Tyrone minister concludes: I do not know. I have not got that long to go. John Hume said that Europe would bring peace and [it has] not. I do not see any immediate end to the British and Irish situation. Violence is the other thing; there will always be dissidents. The Presbyterian Church in Ireland will continue. A Southern minister envisages: ‘Increasing secularization and the breakdown of traditional family life; ignorance and opposition to the Gospel; increasing wealth; decreasing Christian commitment. Our Church will continue to seek to play a role. As Christians, we are meant to be salt and light.’ Rev Sam Ankatell believes: ‘There will be a United Ireland but it is difficult to put a time on that. It is not something the Presbyterian Church of Ireland should fear. I am excited about working here – there are endless opportunities. There is an openness among the Roman Catholic community that there wasn’t.’ Rev Stephen Rea airs his fears: There will be a United Ireland. I fear that it will be arrived at in the worst way possible. The fact that Trimble has been ditched is a bad sign. My big fear is that the Unionists are now like the South African Boers before the end of Apartheid. They’re trying to circle the wagons to shoot the Indians. We need to ditch this mentality and rediscover the Cross of Christ. If we take up Jesus’s Cross then nationality is no longer important, in fact it shouldn’t even matter! Rev John Woodside is clear: As for the role of the Presbyterian Church in modern Ireland, I believe that its commitment to Scripture, strong doctrinal foundations and democratic structures equip it to have an important role in the spread of the Gospel on this island if it is humble enough to be open to the leading of the Holy Spirit. I believe that if it is to be effective it must: (a) Have the courage to disentangle itself from any associations with political religion (for example, Orangeism) and see itself as a servant of the Gospel to all the peoples of this island. If it refuses to do so, it does not deserve to be taken seriously as a Gospel Church.

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(b) Make every effort to reach out in love, generosity and humility to its neighbours of other traditions and cultures. We are not called to be chaplains to the Ulster Scots tradition. (c) Be flexible and adaptable in its structures and forms of training as the needs of society change. Rev Dr Trevor Morrow is an optimist: ‘The consequence of peace-making in the North is a commitment to a North and South, East and West relationship which transforms the concept of Irishness. This ought to transform how we do church and engage in mission in this generation.’ Ministers’ concerns centre round the issues of increasing secularization and materialism, together with falling numbers in the Church in terms of attendance. There are optimistic and pessimistic views among ministers on the political way ahead, although many view the Belfast Agreement and the changes in the South as positives in terms of the potential for the effectiveness of the Church. The Church is still there to witness to the Gospel in whatever situation it finds itself in. The Church must face the challenge of relevance in the twenty-first century, and draw in the young in order to maintain a Christian presence and ensure the presence of the Presbyterian tradition on this island.

People’s views on the future of Ireland and the Presbyterian Church (North) In County Armagh, Robert Riley has political concerns: We have we been sold down the river. I would say there will be a United Ireland of sorts. That could be all right if people treat each other right; a lack of respect for others is not on. Didn’t the Presbyterians want a United Ireland in the past? The Church of Ireland would not let us worship. Now we can worship. Our Church has got to speak to people. Speak to terrorists in an open forum. Let’s be open – I believe what you have done is wrong. The Church has to have a role. There has to be a place for God. [People] have not to be afraid to say that this is what [they] believe. A United Ireland will come about and I will be quite happy provided there is no fear. Emma Lockett explains: I don’t think I will live to see it. There will be a political reformation. We will have to live peacefully on this ground we share. As Europe

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expands it will become less important. The six counties will become meaningless. There is no border as such. I would see the Church having a role in shaping a new society. It can be an influence for good, promoting Christian principles such as love and respect for one’s fellow man. No particular denomination should have a position in the state, not like [the] Roman Catholic Church had in early days in the South; that does not exist now. PCI has a future in conjunction with other Christian denominations. I would like to see closer denominational relationships. It must be grievious to God that we have been so divided in the past. There are differences but you can still be civil. More unites us than divides us. In County Antrim, Alice Gardner envisions: We are moving towards a situation less Unionist, more Nationalist. There will be a United Ireland. I don’t think the Presbyterian Church has grasped that. It is the Presbyterian Church of Northern Ireland. Trevor and John Woodside went down south. In the future we will be a minority Church in a hostile Ireland; that is a Catholic issue as well. The Church at every level is seen as less relevant. How you minister will be different. John Cullen sees Ireland though the eyes of progressive change: If we have to get ourselves geared up to evangelize the South from becoming pagan, if that means a United Ireland, then so be it. The Protestant population is increasing. Catholics have discovered the Bill. I think it would go down social lines – Labour and Conservative. The Church is becoming more irrelevant but it should have relevance. It is time to bury the hatchet with our Catholic neighbours. I say this as a Protestant Unionist and Orangeman. Susan McBriar is hopeful: I would be optimistic because I choose to be optimistic. We had an experience with Drumcree. I went to Ballycastle and we wondered if we would be OK. In the future, [the] PCI should grasp the nettle because it is a settled and respectable Church; it has potential. The foundations are there in place. It needs to open its door and mind. They should open their doors to Catholic encounters. We are the people, safe and reliable, to be trusted.

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Samuel Bonnar says: Trevor Morrow said they built a new chapel which housed five hundred [people]. Some day God will intervene in the South of Ireland. A lot of our ministers are not aware of the different problems in society. In the Revival in 1848 the Spirit moved. In the future you change the men and then you change society (or the women). A United Ireland would not be not a United Celtic Ireland. We have some commonality, Irish Times and BSE. If Fine Gael and Unionists united Fine Fail would never have a majority. County Down member Heather Lindsay believes: Within my lifetime there will be a United Ireland. The European framework is important. It will not be a particular problem. I do not think that we will be discriminated against. Lessons have been learnt. There is a Court of Human Rights and fair employment legislation. I am hopeful that the Church will have a growing role. I feel that we have failed in some way. I do not believe that it is really a religious problem. We have work to do in building bridges. Alan Thompson thinks it is ‘Rocky. The Church is getting smaller until it will become so small that it will have to be united. Roman Catholics – personally I have no problem with them. It is too big a step to begin with but we will get there. Cross-community work? It is difficult starting up a whole new sort of outreach, but that’s what we need to do.’ Audrey McAllister observes: At the moment there is a decline in numbers in church attendance. This is in our own Church and in other denominations. How do you reverse that? It is through the work of the Spirit, prayer and revival. How do we reach the lost? It is not all our fault? Some of it is. We have such a traditional outlook. The Pentecostal and Baptist Churches are increasing. I would like our Church to have more of the Holy Spirit. Our programmes are so planned. The fellowship group is not the same for teaching. The Word and the Spirit together is dynamite. Not one or the other. The Holy Spirit is not given enough space. It is so buttoned up. In County Tyrone, Stephen McDowell’s view of the future of Ireland, North and South, is: I would have felt pessimistic up until recently since Drumcree, but we are getting peace now. There is more co-operation cross-border – I hope

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we don’t slide back. There are too many people chipping away. David Trimble is very courageous, but some think that he has gone too far. We need peace – he could achieve it. We have lived with bombs and killings – there is no future in that. We have to learn to live together. There is a chance. Heather Lindsay adds: ‘I think we will have a United Ireland. Southern Churches are very well accepted. Down in Monaghan there are good relationships. A lot of young men now are more evangelical’. Margaret Ferguson recalls: ‘The Irish mission statement used to be “Ireland for Christ”. Will we be driven into a United Ireland economically?’ Amanda and Stanley Woodville state: I would like to see the Church strong, even though it is down in numbers. The foundations are good. Strength does not always come by numbers: look at Gideon’s Army. There will always be an Ireland – there will always be trouble. Unless there is divine intervention we will never see it settled. God is sovereign, and it will not be the Ireland that we want, but the Ireland as God ordains. Mr Eddington in County Londonderry sees the situation as being very unstable: Northern Ireland is on a political knife-edge. Trevor Morrow said unless there are guns on the table, the position will become untenable. DUP will sweep the elections. Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness are in a very difficult position. Although they say they can deliver, I believe that they are not able to deliver. Tom Wilson says: I see it positively. I don’t know that the Celtic Tiger will move to the North. The political arena has now moved. In Ballymena all they can say is ‘no, no, no’. Derry has gone through the refiner’s fire. In the future, the Church will have a social and spiritual witness. A United Ireland? I see it happening in fifty years, I would not be opposed. Simon Rice sees Ireland as: Probably United. Personally, I don’t have any worries. My sister in Dublin is happy. If it was forced there could be more trouble. Ulster will

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squabble over land. The Kingdom of God is more important than the United Kingdom or the Republic of Ireland. Flags/boundaries are not important; the Christian bond is more important than the political bond. National identity is second to spiritual identity. County Down member Peter Newton admits: I would like to think that the Church would have a role in changing society. I would not want the Church to dominate but it should be heard. You hope we do get peace. If they have employment in the South, Northern Ireland would lose a lot of youth. Travel and stuff now lets them see us as insular and small. A lot of people still have a strong affiliation to the Crown. I think that in twenty years there will be a United Ireland. There was the influence of [the] Catholic Church but that has weakened with contraception, divorce and everything. Roger Dailey admits: ‘I do see the Church having a role. The Church needs to help people live their lives in the twenty-first century not the sixteenth century.’ In South Down, Alison Morrison admits: I really can’t see things changing. I would love something to be sorted out. Young people are more open-minded. Do I think that there will be a United Ireland? Yes – that would not disturb me too much. Something needs to change; I don’t know what that is. The Church? It is in all honesty probably going to have less influence. It’s about getting young people. Without the Church and moral code I think society’s morals will go downhill. Trevor Porter is convinced that: ‘Eventually there will be a United Ireland. There will be a lot of trouble before that. I am not sure it would be a bad thing in the end. The farmers would be better off. Prior to 1979 it was a poor living. There are dwindling Church congregations.’ In County Tyrone, Desmond Nesbitt says: ‘Papists are going to take over, and bring constitutional change. It gets greener all the time, they are trying to change us. I do think the Church has a role. I have no doubts about that, an increasing role.’ Dr Esmond Birnie says: I don’t like making predictions. We will muddle through the political processes, not to say that there won’t be some more violence. As for

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political unification, it is very far from inevitable. Yes, the Southern economy has greatly grown, but this hardly removes [the] Unionists’ sense of Britishness. As for the future of the Church, it is to press upon the state and society that they must remain close to Christian principles. The Church will have a strong future it if it stays faithful to its God-given calling. I am an optimist. There are big social problems that have spiritual moral roots. God willing, we will eventually see a UKwide religious revival (like the eighteenth-century Wesleyian or nineteenth–century. Victorian evangelical) when this linkage from decaying religious belief to social decline is recognized. Rev Martin Smyth says: I don’t have a great deal of confidence in those involved in leadership of the Unionist Party. People are disillusioned. Ireland is beginning to be more secular; there are more foreigners. It is a different society. I am not too sure of the Sinn Fein agenda. They want a socialist philosophy to the fore. There will be trouble internationally and in Europe. Ireland may face financial problems when they become a net contributor to Europe. On the future of the Presbyterian Church I am not as pessimistic as Trevor Morrow. Some ministers have said they would not be at church if they weren’t paid. [Ministers were attending the PCI ‘Get a Life Conference – reported on Sunday Sequence, Sunday 15 August 2004]. I would fire them. In Dublin and Munster, Peter Knox gives a Southern view: I would love to see it all sorted, a United Ireland provided everyone is happy. I am envisaging a Unionist block having a big say. If there was proportional representation think of the number of TDs there could be with 1 million people who are Unionist. In the 1920s to 1950s that went on. In the 50s lots of people emigrated. I would never say that I want a United Ireland. I would like to see Ireland united. Most Protestants vote Fine Gael. I used to vote Labour, I would not vote Fianna Fail. Republican for me means death and destruction. It is difficult enough with Nationalists. The flag is debased in the North, lying across IRA coffins. I would like to see identity keeping your culture and a place for everyone. The Church should always have a role. The Presbyterian Church in Brazil set themselves goals in the power of the spirit. They are opening churches every week. They have a message for the people of Brazil. The answer is Christ – I believe that it is the same here.

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Sarah Moorehead thinks: ‘Politically and religiously, the country will mature and settle down. The greatest problem is growing materialism. Alcoholism has increased. I think the Church will be smaller but more established. Presbyterians are not lumped in with Robin Eames or bishops. The Church should have an influence.’ Darren Smyth affirms: I do think that there will be a United Ireland. It will not come for a long time, at that stage it will be a good thing. Yes, the Church will have a role, much more morally. I can see the Church bringing the foreign people and natives of Ireland much more together. There will be a huge conversion of Roman Catholics of all sides because of it [being] forward looking and outward. On the border, David Mitchell is aspirational: ‘I would like to see Ireland uniting. If there were peace I would not care about the structure. I would like to respect others. There is the problem with violence. I would like to think we are in a process. I do not like Ian Paisley but he is entitled to his own opinion. If they are promoting Christianity, I do not see an objection.’ In Dublin and Munster, one member is optimistic: We have a bright future as Irish Presbyterians. People are becoming more honest and open to the Bible. It is very important to have a Presbyterian presence. Jehovah’s Witnesses do it and no one fires at them. The Church should release statements if they see something wrong. After 1798 they went to court until they got rights. I think the same will happen. De Valera forgot about violence. Gerry Adams will see that peace is the way. The arguments against a United Ireland are getting less all the time. The authority of the Catholic Church is getting less. On the border, Charles McDowell maintains: ‘Ireland will be united in time to come. It is too small a place to be divided. Hopefully it will be peaceful if everyone steadies their nerves and looks at it from the other person’s point of view.’ Catherine Boyd has a negative view: ‘There is poverty. I can’t see progress. A United Ireland would be an advantage. It will take a long time – it’s hard to know, twenty years or so. It will come eventually. For the Church it will be more difficult. The Pub will be the future church – it is heading that way.’ In Dublin and Munster, Caroline Semple adds: ‘I hope we will get peace. A United Ireland? There could be. I would like to see it. I do not think that people in the North would like it – they would lose their social welfare.

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Hopefully we are getting more people into the Church. The Nigerians are new. They are well respected. Our minister is doing a good job.’ Donald Logan exclaims: Gee whiz I don’t know what way things will go. I hope they will work out for the best, for all our sakes. Arms dumps, it is sad. Put no label on it, just call it Ireland. I am not political. I hate to see all these bombs. Omagh was terrible, all those young people. I would agree that the Church should have a role. I would not want them to be running the show. Anne Johnston has economic concerns: I wonder how long the Celtic Tiger can go on. The standard of living increase in last five years is colossal. It maybe short-sighted, a lot of Ireland is in the world market. As for Christian things, the more they get, the less time they have for God. They feel everything is in their own control. Many have two cars, a mortgage and a holiday home. I pray they will turn back to God. People think that the Church is out of date. Having said that you can not change the Gospel. Keep it relevant – be there and reach out in love when people do need you. In County Monaghan, Derek Williams believes: ‘If it becomes more youth-orientated then it will grow like Kilkenny. I see the Church having a role [in] shaping society if we can attract the youth.’ In Dublin and Munster, Gary Donnellan has forebodings: Bleak. I see absolute disaster come when the Celtic Tiger bursts. It will come to earth; Europe will call in their loan. Richer and poorer – we will not be better off. It will be very sad. Peace? It depends on what you mean by peace. Unionists and Nationalists will work something out. There will always be a tit-for-tat. There will always be bashings and beatings. I do not think that you will see a United Ireland. The Church has a role in shaping society, even if it is only morally. Again in Dublin and Munster, Rebecca Parkinson aspires to hope: I would hope for a continuing of peace. The Peace process goes on and gets better. There are foreign people coming into Ireland, we should accept them. There is a slight fear of Muslim extremists. They are antiChristian and there is fear of them attacking Christians here as we reach

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out in the community in sharing God’s love. We can help change our environment. From our own Church there are hopeful signs. There are Churches that are alive and have the spirit of God – Lucan and Kilkenny are drawing people. They are open, warm and accepting. In County Donegal, Matthew McDonald is positive: I would hope that we would have a bright future. I don’t know when things will be resolved. I am disappointed by the lawlessness in the [both] North and the South. Terrorists get the upper hand. There should be respect for law and order. We need to show we have something to offer. We could die or disappear. Numbers are dropping. Maureen and Gary McKee say: That is a difficult one. Up to three weeks ago I would have said [the] Presbyterian Church in Ireland is dying out but other families have increased in our church. There are three mixed marriages. One comes with a family but without the partner. Young people are not coming to communion, then marriage, then baptism, that is sad. The church is used in births, marriages and deaths. There has to be something to integrate the younger generation. Will the North will come into the free state? Fred Bain says: I would imagine that Ireland would be united. In the meantime it will be difficult for things to be peaceful. It will be better when we do join up. Ireland will be part of Europe. As for the Church, they can try. Their role is peripheral, not mainstream. They are a force for good; the more of a role that they have the better for the society. Roberta Jackson is concerned with diversity: I think as a whole North and South Ireland need to learn how to host diversity and value difference. This will lead to closer co-operation. Looking at what is going on in the world, the idea of the state is starting to pass away. In the future, Ireland North and South will move forward to a peaceful outward-looking, relaxed situation. Ecumenical issues will affect everything. The Church should not separate itself from those issues.

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Southern politician Seymour Crawford gives this view: I see the future as very positive in economic terms but yet very difficult in health and social issues. We are among the highest level of young male suicides, which clearly indicates that there are serious underlying problems that must be dealt with. The Church, I would hope that it would have an influence. The Presbyterian Church has the examples in Lucan and Kilkenny as to how we can outreach. There are more problems in border areas. It needs to change. We exported 40,000 young people in 1987 to America, Australia, the UK and Europe. Travellers are a major problem. I would hope the North would join through time working together. Unionists have rights. The Presbyterian Church in Ireland suffered a material decline in numbers in the second half of the twentieth century, and this decline appears to have been accelerating since the 1980s. There is much concern at the lack of involvement of young people. Politically, with the peace process moving forward, the general trend appears to be that many people believe there will be a United Ireland, and if this is God’s plan it will be acceptable. Some would see this as an unwelcome development, but would accept it as God’s will if it happened. A positive view is of a different United Ireland with an influential Unionist/Fine Gael political presence. Some Northerners object to the perceived linkage of Protestantism and Presbyterianism with the Orange Order. They believe this creates a negative view, which is detrimental to ministry in the South. The presence of European structures and the economic prosperity Ireland has experienced are seen as something the North could benefit from too, and something that has helped to loosen the grip of the Catholic Church on the Irish state, which could make a United Ireland more acceptable. However the negative side of this is an increasing materialism and secularization, which is more evident in the South but which is also beginning to be a phenomenon in the North. In the postmodern religious environment there is now a great diversity of religious choice in terms of a plurality of religions and denominations. Many believe that the Church has lost its appeal to the young, as a café and pub culture is a more comfortable environment for them, and that the Church needs to minister to them there. There are others who hope for a religious revival to reignite religious participation. The majority see the Church as having an important moral role in the future despite having a lesser authority and respect in terms of the view of society. Ultimately, the Church must endeavour to preach a spiritually-charged social Gospel, rooted in a hope for the future.

11 Conclusions

In a world of increasingly swift change and mobility a secure distinctive identity is of value and importance in a pluralistic and multicultural society. Knowing who you are and where you come from is something vital in identity-formation in a global society. The Presbyterian Church is a distinctive historical entity and a Church which is situated in a world which increasingly is questioning old certainties. The Church faces the challenge to be culturally sensitive and yet faithful to its founding principles, such as the centrality of the Word of God in a relativistic postmodern environment. The Presbyterian Church emerges as an institution which seeks to remain faithful to the truth of the Gospel yet, at the same time, to give its members freedom of conscience on a variety of issues from politics to morality. Worship remains very important to Presbyterians, and whilst there has been much change in recent times, there have been conflicts between the wishes of older traditionalists and the needs of younger people. John Knox was inspired by the life and ministry of John Calvin, and their views on worship took root in Ireland when Scottish Presbyterians settled in the North of Ireland. Presbyterians have sometimes been seen as having a ‘precarious belonging’, on account of their different approach to Church government and worship. Repentance and peacemaking have been placed as central to the Church agenda, and the Church and Government Committee’s statements have sought to promote these principles in the political life of Northern Ireland. On the question of forms of worship and minister’s dress the Church wishes to allow for individual freedom and social change and yet maintain the spirit and reforming fervour of the founding fathers of the denomination. Both people and ministers are generally against, premarital sex though a minority have said they had been in this position themselves or had close relatives who were cohabiting. 215

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Gambling is generally frowned upon by Presbyterians both North and South, and the majority of ministers would agree with and adhere to the guidelines of the Church set out in the Code. Presbyterians were by and large opposed to abortion, but were understanding and not dogmatic when handicap and rape were involved. Presbyterian morality would appear to be conservative in general with uniform views held by both ministers and people, North and South. The social and political landscape of the South has changed vastly over the last hundred years. The Republic of Ireland today is a wealthy, cosmopolitan, secular nation no longer strongly influenced by the Catholic Church. Presbyterians in the South are a tiny minority who do not look to Britain as their forefathers did. They appear to have some difficulty understanding the perceived Northern unionist psyche and are in many cases nationalist if not republican in their politics. Southern Presbyterians do not see flags and parading as an integral part of their identity, although Remembrance Day commemoration has become much more acceptable. There is virtually no support for the Orange Order except perhaps in some pockets of east Donegal. Neither people nor ministers think that the Church should be too closely allied with political causes. The promotion of the Gospel is an important part of their identity. This is perhaps stronger in people who do not live their Christian lives in a Presbyterian Church with an Ulster-Scots cultural background. A majority of Presbyterians have rejected an Orange identity and in the past were radical nationalists: United Irishmen. Other Presbyterians in the same historical timeframe have been Orangemen. Presbyterianism still had some radical individuals in public life up until the Home Rule issue became dominant and Sinclair laid the foundations of the Ulster Unionist Party. This was further galvanized in the Ulster Covenant. Although Presbyterians are mostly Unionist there are still some with nationalist politics. Many do not wish to be identified with Ian Paisley’s politics nor his Church. Orangeism is today unpopular amongst Presbyterians due to the bad publicity emanating from Drumcree. Ministers are not keen on the Orange Order but do not want to cause splits and dissention within congregations, especially those in rural areas. The issue of flags is in a state of flux. Flags are another symbol of identity, and colours, including the Union flag, are presented as part of an organization’s tradition. It is the responsibility of ministers and sessions to make informed policy decisions. Generally people believe that the Church should give Christian guidelines on political matters but should not tell people how to vote. The Church and Government Committee appears to have struck the right

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note in their policymaking, one that resonates with the majority of churchgoing Presbyterians. Although the Presbyterian Church of the past and present is seen as Unionist it is by no means the only vision that people have for the future. National identity is an important issue for people all over the world. Presbyterians are an ethnic group who are predominantly Unionist in politics and British in terms of nationality, however, many are willing to say they are partly Irish. In the South Presbyterians have no difficulty with their loyalty to the Irish state and are proud of it. The Irish language has a rich history and connection with Presbyterianism, a fact about which many people are positive while wishing Presbyterianism to be a part of a culture which belongs to all the people who live in Ireland, regardless of their political allegiance. Ulster-Scots has a severe image problem amongst respondents, though there is a warmer and more enthusiastic response to their cultural events. Scottish music and dance is popular with Presbyterians throughout the island. Presbyterians are a distinctive ethnic group with their own cultural history and customs which are constantly evolving, allowing different spectrums to emerge, as with any living community. Presbyterians have not forgotten their Scottish roots. Presbyterians and their clergy are strongly opposed to inter-Church services held inside their churches. They will accept Catholics coming to a service provided the priest does not preach. For many it is best to have the occasional service such as a carol service either outside or at a neutral venue. Many are worried that it is a very divisive issue. On the other hand, quite a few are prepared to join together for the week of Christian unity or the women’s world day of prayer. Social interactions are generally not an issue, and in parts of the South are a given. However, it would seem that not many congregations have active organized cross-community social engagements. While there is an increasing openness to inter-Church marriage, and to the idea of integrated education, theological differences and hurt from the Troubles remain at the root of opposition to inter-Church services and inter-Church involvement. Personnel is of utmost importance in any organization. I asked both people and ministers what they thought were the qualities that make a ‘good minister’. There were no real differences between the views of the ministers and people, between the North and South, nor between the rural and the urban. Certain themes did emerge such as the importance of good preaching, communication and integrity. Many people emphasized the minister’s personal relationship with God, a Christian with unshakeable faith, and who possesses social skills, such as the ability to listen to people, to understand them and to care and get alongside them. Others

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saw the minister as someone who should empower others and help them to find their gifts. Approachability and confidentiality were also reported as desirable qualities. Personal qualities included faithfulness, setting a good example by one’s own life, being non-judgmental, having humility and a sense of humour. Other qualities mentioned were having personality, being outward looking and socially aware, as well as being able to relate to both young and old. In general, people expect their ministers to be realistic and down to earth, good pastorally, and genuinely caring. A real faith is also emphasized together with an effective and appropriate way of communicating that message. People were not looking for a stereotype, but someone with a real living faith. A significant number of the congregations were fairly positive towards the role of women in ministry. Some ministers, however, were more negative than the people. There was a North/South divide on this issue, with the Southern congregations being generally more positive, though this may not be true of the ministers. In Evangelical Women in Belfast Churches I found evangelical status to be a decisive factor in determining attitudes. Evangelicals are less supportive than non-evangelicals. Male evangelicals are the group who are most opposed to women in ministry. The denomination as a whole has mixed views on the role of women in the Church. There is evidence of a backlash against women, but a number are coming forward as candidates for the ministry. The majority of respondents think that a minister should be neither an Orangeman nor a mason. Many Southerners are pro-Masonic and antiOrange because they see the latter as political. Northerners are more likely to be pro-Orange and anti-Masonic as they see the Orange Order as a ‘Christian’ organization. People at the liberal end of the theological spectrum are more likely to be pro-Masonic than evangelicals. Older liberals are more likely to express their identity through freemasonry. Border areas are likely to have a variety of views. Most people agree that a minister should be single minded about having a commitment to the Gospel, and that it is best that this is not encumbered by other commitments. There are a variety of views on the role of the Moderator. Most people are happy with the present system but think a year is too short, maybe two or three years would be better. Traditionally the post of Moderator was a reward for good service but now it is the role of a spokesperson. There are political elements in the consideration of the position: some would not be happy with a very conservative Moderator but others would. There is a perceived advantage to a more sustained period of office as this gives a Moderator more time to bring about change. Perhaps in our confused age we need to promote the character and gifts of those in this most public of offices.

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The Presbyterian Church in Ireland has suffered a material decline in numbers in the second half of the twentieth century, and this decline appears to have been accelerating over the last two decades. There is much concern at the lack of involvement of young people. Politically, with the peace process moving forward, the general trend appears to be that many people believe there will be a United Ireland. Some would see this as an unwelcome development, but would accept it as God’s will if it happened. A positive view is of a different United Ireland with an influential Unionist/Fine Gael political presence. Some Northerners object to the perceived linkage of Protestantism and Presbyterianism with the Orange Order. They believe this creates a negative view which is detrimental to ministry in the South. The presence of European structures and the economic prosperity which Ireland has experienced are seen as something the North could benefit from too, and something which has helped to loosen the grip of the Catholic Church on the Irish State, and which could make a United Ireland more acceptable. However, the negative side of this is an increasing materialism and secularization, which is more evident in the South but which is also beginning to be a phenomenon in the North. In the postmodern religious environment there is now a great diversity of religious choice in terms of a plurality of religions and denominations. Many believe that the Church has lost its appeal to the young – that a cafe or pub culture would be a more comfortable environment for them – and that the Church needs to minister to them there. There are others who hope for a religious revival to re-ignite religious participation. The majority see the Church as having an important moral role in the future despite having a lesser authority and respect in terms of the views of society. Ultimately the Church must endeavour to preach a spiritually charged social Gospel, rooted in a hope for the future based on the Sovereignty of God. The Church is a flawed institution which can only be as effective as the people it chooses to represent it. In every age the Church leaves its witness but at times it falters and fails. To use Martin’s analogy the church is like a basket of mixed fruit (1997, p. 244): I see the Church from its very beginnings at Pentecost as a kind of underground explosion of the spirit on the far, unconsidered edge of the civilised world. Or to use Gospel imagery it is a prodigal basket of all kinds of seeds, full of signs – many signs of new life. Sometimes these seeds lie dormant for centuries, sometimes they achieve a distorted growth, sometimes in periods of turmoil they are hurled in every direction so that those who pick them up do not know their point of

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origin or recognise their Christian name. The new signs of life are infinite in their variety: a visionary city for the healing of the nations; settled companies of friends peaceably sharing meat and drink; a wandering fraternity; an exalted handmaid, an isolated victim, and a resplendent victor. Think also of signs for wholeness of body and mind, signs for departing like pilgrims for destinations to discover a place of promise, signs for an attentive stillness awaiting a Deity within. Think of all the varied sorts and conditions of men and women who have received and nourished such signs of life. The church is a carrier of the faith and it is not the only carrier, but it is a witness in which we trace connectedness to each other and to God. The witness of the Presbyterian Church remains a seed which may wither and die or prosper and flourish. It is the combination of divine action and human agency and which determines the shape of the future witness of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland today and in the future.

Appendix 1: Organizational Structure of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY (approx. 1,300 ministers, rep. elders and women’s representatives)

Schools

Sunday school Congregations for fostering Christian faith worship, and life and work in each locality

Youth organizations

Mission in Ireland

Finance and Personnel

United Appeal

SYNODS

21 DISTRICTS

PRESBYTERIES

(ministers rep. elders)

(inc. women’s representatives)

Ordinations, etc.

General supervision

KIRK SESSION (minister and elders)

552 CONGREGATIONS of ‘families’ and communicants

Recreation clubs

Hospitals

Committee (Finances)

Choir

PWA

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PWA Overseas

Trustees

PWA Home

Representative elder

Overseas

5 REGIONAL

Rep. elder

Synods and Presbyteries for regional and district co-operation and supervision in Church responsibilities

Other Churches

Union Comm.

Minister

General Business Nominations Board Detailed working under Commissions, Boards and Committees Social Judicial Communications appointed by witness Comm. the Assembly with Presbytery (and/or Synod) Studies representatives Youth and and Education Children’s Christian Ministry Training

Women’s representatives

Public authorities

Minister

The General Assembly decides on Church policy government, etc.

Appendix 2: Wider Work at Home and Overseas – The Presbyterian Church in Ireland The corporate work of the Presbyterian Church is undertaken by its various boards and agencies, all of which are directed by and answer to the General Assembly. The membership of boards is representative of the whole Church, and most also have full-time administrative and executive staff.

2.1

Board of Education

Considerable attention is given to the Church’s place and partnership in the whole field of education. The Board of Education represents and guides the opinions of the Church with regard to state education. While the Presbyterian Church has no schools of its own, it has representation on many schools management boards, and the four main churches in Ireland (Methodist, Presbyterian, Church of Ireland (Anglican) and Roman Catholic) have agreed a common Religious Education syllabus that is taught in all schools. The Board also has responsibility for the practice of Christian education in our congregations through Sunday schools and Bible classes, and gives training to teachers and leaders. The Church maintains full-time and part-time chaplains or student-pastors in the various universities and colleges in Ireland.

2.2

Board of Mission in Ireland

The Board of Mission in Ireland, through its staff, including the Director of Evangelism, aims to help people to better understand their beliefs, to confront the issues of today, and to share their faith in relevant ways. It administers the Irish Mission supporting twelve Irish Mission workers while also helping small congregations and developing new and experimental ministries. The Board, through its Church Extension Committee, helps to establish centres for worship and Christian activities in new housing areas, and supports a minister in the initial stages until the local cause can be self-supporting. Over forty new Presbyterian churches have been established since the end of the 1939–1945 war. Through the Board, the Presbyterian Women’s Association supports twentythree deaconesses and women’s workers. These are women trained to assist in normal congregational and parish work, though some do help as hospital chaplains, or with marriage problems and local community projects.

2.3

Board of Social Witness

The Board of Social Witness is committed to expressing God’s love by reaching out to people in difficult and disadvantaged situations with physical and spiritual help. It promotes awareness of social issues in churches and provides accommodation 222

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for elderly and disabled people. It runs residential programmes to rehabilitate those affected by alcohol and drug addictions, operates a hostel for ex-offenders trying to re-establish themselves in the community, and offers services to help unemployed people to find work. It has also pioneered a ministry to the deaf community and runs the only purpose-built church for deaf people in Ireland. The Board also publishes biblical comment on social issues, and provides opportunities for volunteering.

2.4

Board of Youth and Children’s Ministry

This Board specializes in ministry to young people and their leaders. Three youth centres are run, at Lucan, Rostrevor and Guysmere. Numerous event are organized for young people, while leaders are resourced through published material and trained by specialists at seminars and workshops.

2.5

Board of Studies and Christian Training

The Board of Studies and Christian Training is responsible for students of the Presbyterian ministry, equipping them for effective ministry in today’s world as well as the provision of training for serving ministers and leaders of congregations. Much of this training and education is based at the Presbyterian Church’s own college, Union Theological College, in Belfast. Here, a range of full-time and parttime courses are run for a wide range of students, including those who are training for full-time ministry and those serving in leadership positions, including youth workers, Sunday school and Bible class leaders, and elders, and in-service training for ministers.

2.6

Board of Communications

The Board of Communications supervises the Church’s communication in the widest sense. Church Architecture and Public Worship are added to the more obvious responsibilities of design and print, media relations, video production and internet hosting. All means and methods of communication including the Church’s own monthly magazine The Presbyterian Herald, can be facilitated by the Board and its full-time staff, who work towards promoting a well-informed membership and general public.

2.7

Overseas Board

The Overseas Board proclaims the Gospel in word and action by sharing personnel and resources with over twenty-five partner Churches around the world. For many years, the Presbyterian Church’s work overseas was concentrated in the West of India and North-East China, but now it also has major involvement in Nepal, Indonesia, Jamaica, Lebanon, Malawi, Kenya, Brazil and Eastern Europe. What began when the first General Assembly meeting in 1840 commissioned two missionaries to work in India has grown to over ninety overseas staff working in partnership with churches in sixteen countries, and with twenty-five partner Churches.

2.8

Church relations

The Presbyterian Church in Ireland is a founder member of the World Alliance of Reformed Churches. The seed thoughts for the formation of the present-day

224

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worldwide family of Churches of Congregational and Presbyterian traditions were sown by the Belfast Presbytery, whose overture was adopted by the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in 1873. In 1875 the World Alliance was formed, and has held two General Council meetings in Belfast, in 1884 and 1933. The Presbyterian Church in Ireland was in the vanguard in co-operating with other Churches in Ireland. In 1906 the Presbyterian and Methodist Churches had a joint committee for united effort. In 1910, the General Assembly invited other Churches to set up similar joint committees. The Church of Ireland accepted, and by 1911 the joint committee of these two Churches was active. It was in 1922 that these joint committees developed into the United Council of Christian Churches and Religious Communions in Ireland. In 1926, the United Council changed its name to the Irish Council of Churches. The Presbyterian Church was also to the fore in establishing the Inter-Church Meeting, which provides a forum for dialogue between the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland and its Protestant counterparts.

2.9

Church and Society Committee

The role of this Committee is to ‘represent the General Assembly in matters between the Church and Government authorities and in other matters of public interest’. Consequently, during the last thirty years of violence and political upheaval in Northern Ireland, this committee has had to provide Christian opinion, insight and guidance for Presbyterians and others to help them cope with violence and terrorism, and consider how they might respond to the various initiatives that have shaped the future government of the country.

2.10

Peace and peace-making

This has originated out of the story of Northern Ireland’s troubled past and the desire of the Presbyterian Church to be at the forefront of peace and reconciliation. It has promoted various Church-wide initiatives including the adoption by the General Assembly in 1994 of the Peace Vocation, and the appointment in many congregations of peace agents to promote the work of reconciliation throughout the denomination.

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Index Abercorn, Duke of 51 abortion 44–5, 95 Southern views 20 Adams, Gerry 97, 127, 208, 211 Adamson, Ian 110, 123 Adaptability 41 Addley, Rev Bill 69, 171, 172, 176, 197 Agencies 39 Ahern, Bertie 120 Allen, W.J. 51 Alliance Party 46 America and Irish dancing 132 and Irish identity 113, 116, 117 revolution 48 American Presbyterian Church 77 Anderson, A.C. 37 Anderson, Gerry 122 Andrews, Thomas 51 Anglo-Irish Agreement 38 Ankatell, Rev Sam 96–7, 100, 170, 175 on future 204 on identity 118 on Moderator 197 Anti-abortion campaign 20 Anti-Catholicism 158, 159–60 covenantal mode 159 Pharisaic mode 159–60 Apprentice Boys 18, 123 Aquinas, Thomas 178 Archdale, E.M. 51 Armistice Day celebrations 87 Armour, Rev J.B. 49 Armstrong, Rev David 161 Art in worship 33 Ashton, Helen 178 Aughey, Arthur 21, 53 Authority and postmodern culture 13

Bain, Ebenezer 84 Bain, Fred 119, 129, 168, 175 on future 213 on Orange Order 189 Bamford, David 43, 44, 135 Baptism and mixed marriages 140–1, 144, 147 Barklay, Miss 180 Barkley, John 42, 83, 157, 160 Barrett, Sarah 68, 125, 131 Barth, Karl 105 Barton, Jonathan 36 Bauman, Z. 3, 6, 11–13, 14, 15 on identity 17 Beilharz, Peter 15 Belfast Agreement 38, 70, 72, 98 and British identity 105 and future 205 and languages 123 Bellah, Robert 104 Benjamin, George 59 Berger, Peter 47 Bill, Rev Alistair 65, 76, 142, 171 on Masons 187 on women in ministry 184–5 Bingham, Rev William 63, 89, 95, 189 Birney, Rev Russell 61, 128, 141, 152, 162, 170, 174 on future 203 on Orange Order 186 on women in ministry 180 Birnie, Esmond 64–5, 75–6, 79, 102–3, 115 on future 209–10 Black Preceptory, Royal 58 support for 62 Blaney, Roger 108, 109–10 Blaszczynski, Alex 44 Blythe, Ernest 35 Boal, F.W. 46, 60, 77, 135, 151, 157 Board of Communications 223 236

Index Board of Education 222 Board of Mission in Ireland 222 Board of Social Witness 222–3 Board of Studies and Christian Training 223 Board of Youth and Children’s Ministry 223 Boards 39, 222–3 Bonnar, Samuel 27, 61, 112, 130, 164, 174 on future 207 on Irish language 126 on Orange Order 188 on women in ministry 181 Bouwsma, William J. 31 Bowen, K. 136 Boy Scouts 66 Boyd, Catherine 117, 128–9, 148, 156, 167, 175 on future 211 Boys’ Brigade Catholic membership 167 and flags 66, 92 ‘Brack people’ 22 Brackenridge, John 43 Bradley, Ian 106 Brady, Dr 54, 74, 161, 198 Brazil, Church in 210 Brewer, John 158, 159, 160, 162 British identity 21, 105–6, 133 individual views 111–13, 114–20 protection of 78 and Protestantism 106–7 and secularization 106 and Ulster Presbyterians 107 varieties of 106–7 Brooke, Peter 34–5 Brown, William 60, 120 Bruce, Steve 55, 107, 137 Bruin, Barbara de 75 Brunet, Lynn 192–3 Bryan, Dominic 60 Buick, Rev Dr 109 Burns, Caroline 28–9, 72, 112, 144, 154 on Orange Order 188–9 on women in ministry 182 business community 25

237

Calvin, John 4, 39, 45, 195, 215 biography 31–3 on ministry 176 Campbell, Adrianne 169 Carol services, inter-church 163, 165, 167, 168, 217 Carrington, Julie 129, 149, 156, 167 Carson, Edward 51 Carswell, John 108 Castlereagh, Viscount 48 Cathcart, Rev M. 72, 78, 130–1, 141, 152, 162, 186 on women in ministry 182 Catholic Church beliefs on gambling 43 effect of sexual misconduct 86, 87 on inter-Church marriage 138–9, 140 membership 82 in Southern Ireland 81–2 Celtic culture 130–1, 132, 133 Censorship 83 Southern Ireland 81 Chambers, Aaron 129 Children child abuse 147 decline in attendance 202 and mixed marriage 139, 143 see also integrated education Christian Democratic model of nations 104, 105 Christian identity model of nations 104 Christian liberation model of nations 104 Church government 24, 30 Church and Government Committee 69, 75 and Belfast Agreement 98 lack of support for 76 and political issues 70–1 pro-Union stance 53 Southern views on 86, 94–9 support for 72, 73, 76, 80, 216–17 Church relations 223–4

238

Index

Church of Scotland on freemasonry 191–2 on Moderator 196 role of minister 172–3 Church and Society Committee 224 ‘Churches Together in Britain and Ireland’ 157 Citizenship 103 Civil rights movement 37 Civil war 83 and Southern Presbyterians 36 Clarke, Marjorie 198 Clarke, Mark 62, 68, 113, 145, 165 on women in ministry 183 Cleith, Philip 90, 128, 132, 148, 156, 167 on women in ministry 182 Coleraine Declaration 69, 158 Collective action 9, 10, 11 Collective identity 8–9 in crisis situations 11 defined 10–11 and emotional investment 10–19 College, Union Theological 169–72 and pastoral training 170, 171–2 and women 169–70, 171, 172 Colley, Linda 106, 107 Committees 29 Community characteristics of 12 and identity 12, 15 and postmodernity 11–13 Community co-operation 162, 163, 164, 165, 217 future 207 Southern views 100 Conference of European Churches 157 Congregations 3, 221 size of 3 Constitution of Republic 85 on religious freedom 86 Consumerism 202 Contraception 81, 83, 85

Cooke, Dennis 54 Cooke, Dr Henry 48, 56 Coombs, A. 150 Corkey, Rev Dr William 36 Corrymeela 158 Cottret, Bernard 31 Crawford, Seymour 26, 95, 98–9, 101, 156, 168, 171, 176 on flags 93–4 on Freemasonry 187 on future 214 on identity 119–20 on language 126, 129 on Moderator 197 on Orange Order 88, 92 on prejudice 100 on women in ministry 184 Crawley, William 41 Cruithin myth 123 Cullen, John 124, 130, 154, 164, 180, 206 Culture/cultural 10 identity 130–3 pluralism 103 relevance of services 41 Cupples, Rev David 62, 125, 152, 162, 174 on future 203 Dailey, Roger 131, 183, 209 Daly, Cardinal 122, 156 Dance and identity 130–1, 132, 133, 217 Davey, Rev Ray 65, 75, 158 Davidson, Rev Tony 161 Davies, Rev William Colin 190 Davy, Professor 36 De Valera, Eamon 211 Deaconesses 180–1 Decline in Church membership 2–3 Democracy of Church 28 effect of 18th century revolutions 48 Democratic Unionist Party 46, 55 Diakonia 176 Discrimination 77–8, 103 inter-war period 84

Index out groups 99 religious 82, 84, 99, 101 and Trinity College 82 Dissenters 48 Dissenting tradition 25, 49, 77, 121 Divorce 85, 98, 140 Southern Ireland 81, 82 Doctrine Calvinist 32 importance of 160 Doctrine Committee 32 on freemasonry 186, 193–4 Donaldson, Jeffrey 55 Donnellan, Gary 91, 118, 212 Dowse, Richard 50 Drennan, William 48 Drumcree, effects of 61, 62, 64, 65, 206, 216 flags 67 and views of Orange Order 80 views in South 90, 91, 92 Dunlop, John 69, 70, 74, 76, 83, 98, 166 on future 202 on Orange Order 57 on Paisley 54 on values 47 Dunseath, David 75 Eagle’s Wing 122 Eames, Robin 79 Easter Rising 82 commemoration 87 ECONI (Evangelical Contribution on Northern Ireland) 160 Ecumenical issues 38, 158 Church’s role 213 views on 157, 163 see also inter-Church services Eddington, Mr 62, 125, 144–5, 154–5, 165, 175 on future 208 Eden, Martyn 105 Education Board of 222 historically 35–6 and mixed marriages 140 see also integrated education

239

Edwards, R. 60, 178 Einstein, Albert 44 Elderly, church homes for 37 Elders 198 women as 178, 182, 183, 185–6 Elliot, Dr Alison 196 Emerson, Newton 19 Emotion and worship 33 Employment and discrimination 79 legislation 79, 207 in Republic 85 Enniskillen bombing 87 Environmental issues 38 Equality laws 78, 79 Erskine, John 46 Ethnic community and ethnic category 106 and Presbyterians 134, 217 European identity 21, 107–8, 111–12, 113, 114, 115, 117–20 European Union membership 86 and future of Ireland 205–6, 207, 210, 219 Evangelical Catholics 158 Evangelicalism 28 and identity 107 Evans, Bill 73, 113, 155, 165 on Moderator 199 Ewart, William 51 Faris, Rev John 96, 100, 163, 175 on women in ministry 182 Fawcett, Liz 56, 60 Feeder parades 18 Feminism 38, 99, 179 and contraceptives 81–2 and ministry 180–6 Ferguson, Margaret 113, 130, 198, 208 on women in ministry 182 Fine Gael 98, 210, 219 First World War 82, 87 Fitzgerald, Garrett 148 Flags 80, 210, 216 in church 17–18, 92, 94

240

Index

Flags (contd.) disputes 66 and political identity 66–9 political misuse 68 Southern views on 92–4, 101 tricolour 18, 66, 93 views on 67–8 Flanagan, Kieran 160 Founding fathers 31–4 Foy, Lorraine 68, 71–2, 125, 127, 130, 165 on Moderator 198 Free Presbyterian Church 23, 54–5 formation of 36 support for 72 Free Presbyterians 78, 79, 95 Freemasonry see Masonic Order French Revolution 48, 103 Fundamentalism 14, 98, 161 Future of Ireland and Church 201, 219–20 and Catholic Church 211 ministers’ views 203–5 and morality 209, 212, 214, 219 Northern views 205–12 optimistic 205, 206, 207–8 pessimistic views 203 political 208, 210, 214 role of Church 204–5, 219 Southern views 21, 212–14 United Ireland 204, 205, 208–9, 211, 213, 214 Gaelic League 108, 109 Gambling 20, 45, 216 beliefs on 43–4 Catholic beliefs 43 Gardner, Alice 70, 111, 124, 130, 143, 154 on future 206 on Moderator 198 Garvaghy Road protest 63, 89, 90 Gender equality and Orange Order 58–9 General Assembly 3, 38–9, 221 German–Irish identity 22–3

Gerrish, B.A. 31 ‘Get a Life’ conference 38 Gibbon, Peter 56 Giddens, Anthony 14 Gill, Thomas 63, 131, 145–6, 166, 175, 184 Girl Guides and flags 66–7, 69, 93 Irish 66–7, 92 religious membership 68 Girls’ Brigade Catholic membership 167 and flags 66, 67, 92 Gladstone, W.E. 49, 50 Global society 15 and identity 6–7 Good Friday Agreement 70 Government of church 38–9, 221 Government of Ireland Act (1920) 36, 83 Gowan, Ogle Robert 59 Graham, Elaine 178 Gray, Amanda 182 Green, Carrie 92, 148 Gregg, Professor 121 Group identity 8–9 Guidance from Church see speaking out Hamilton, Hugo 4, 17, 21–3 biography 21–3 Hamilton, J.C. 50 Hamilton, Rev Norman 41, 202 Hamilton, Rev Thomas 109 Hancock, Barbara 62, 68, 131, 145, 165 Hanna, Dr R.K. 83 Hardy, Neil 29, 62–3, 68, 128, 155, 175 Harrison, Rev Norman 199 Hart, Rev Ian 114, 128, 141, 152, 162, 170 on future 203 on Moderator 197 on women in ministry 183 Haughey, Charles 148 Hickson, Lynn 64, 75, 114, 127–8, 146, 155, 166

Index Hill, Christopher 21 Hill, Myrtle 81 Hillerbrand, Hans J. 40 History of Presbyterianism 34–8 18th-century 47–8 19th-century 35 Hobsbawm, Eric 12 Holmes, Derek 61, 111, 124, 144, 164 on Freemasonry 188 on women in ministry 181 Holmes, R. Finlay. G. 35, 36–7, 42, 50, 53, 56, 157 Home Rule bills 49, 50, 51, 52, 82 Homosexuality and Church involvement 71, 75 Hoy, Diane 121 Huffstutler, James C. 40 Hughes, J. 124 Hume, David 48–9 Hume, John 113, 204 Humphrey, William 121 Hunter, James 36 Hunter, John 51 Hunter, Rev Mary 182 Hutchinson, Samuel 107–8, 196–7 Hutcheson, Francis 48, 60 hymnbook 42 Identity 4, 7, 217 British 105–6, 107, 133 collective 8–9, 10–11 concepts of 6–16 and contemporary pressures 6–7, 10 defining 6, 7–8 dual 111, 112, 116, 120 European 107–8, 111–12, 113, 114, 115, 117–20 formation 9–10 and future 209 individual views 111–20 Irish 110–12, 113, 114, 115–20 meaning of 3, 17 need for ‘other’ 9 and postmodernity 6–11

241

Presbyterian 23, 30 as relationally dependent 8, 15 and religion 34, 53 segregated 9–10 Southern views 115–20 Ulster-Scots 120 see also British identity; Irish identity Images in worship 33 Individualism 13 and community 12 Ingram, Roberta 100, 116, 132, 173 on Orange Order 188 Integrated education 21, 140, 150–7, 162, 168, 217 defined 150–1 funding issues 156 and identity 150 ministers’ views 152–4 Northern views 154–6 and religious education 151, 153, 156, 157 Southern views 156–7 support for 151 Inter-Church contact goodwill 161 public disputes 161 see also community Inter-Church marriage 85, 135–50, 161–2, 168 Catholic Church on 138–9, 140 Catholic dispensation 139 Catholic requirements 136, 159 changes post-Vatican II 135 children of marriage 139, 143 identity issues 137 and inter-Communion 140 ministers’ views 141–3 and modernization 136, 137 Northern views 143–6 and Presbyterian Church 136–7, 138–41 presence of other clergy 141, 142, 144, 146, 148–9 raising children 145, 146, 150 rates of 135 Southern views 147–50 status 136

242

Index

Inter-Church Meeting 224 Inter-Church services 157–68, 217 individuals’ views 163–8 ministers’ views 162–3 see also ecumenical Internment 85 Interviews, selection process 1 IRA 35 disarmament 55 Irish identity 21, 110–12, 113, 114, 115 Southern views 115–20 Irish language 19, 83, 85, 118, 133, 217 18th-century revival 108 negative views 126 number of speakers 109–10 as politicized 126, 127, 130 Southern views 128–30 Jackson, Roberta 90, 98, 149, 168, 171, 174–5 on diversity 213 Johnston, Anne 118, 125, 129, 156, 167 on future 212 on women in ministry 185 Johnston, Rev Margaret 183 Jordan, Glenn 77 Justification 32 Kennaway, Brian 190 Kennedy, Rev Alistair 23, 67, 112, 141, 152, 197 on women in ministry 181 Kennedy, Rev Anne 180 Kinahan, Rev Timothy 202 Kingdom ecology model of nations 104–5 Kirk Session 3, 39, 221 and flags 67 on gambling 43 Knight, Stephen 190–1 Knox, John 4, 31, 41, 45, 54, 108, 215 biography 33–4 Knox, Peter 93, 94, 99, 115, 128, 132, 147, 166

on future 210 on Moderator 197 Korean Presbyterian Church Kotakowski, Leszek 12 Kuyper, Abraham 65

33

Land Act (1881) 50 Land League 49, 82 Land Reform 50 Language 6 Irish 19, 83, 85, 108–10, 118, 126–30, 133, 217 Ulster-Scots 120–4 see also Irish language Lawrence, John 192 Lenihan, Brian 81 Leonard, J. 87 liberal theologians and education 36 liberation theology 104 Lindsay, Heather 28, 112, 124, 144 on future 207, 208 on Masons and Orange Order 188 on women in ministry 181 Livingstone, David 13 Location of Presbyterians 2–3 Lockett, Emma 26–7, 61, 69–70, 78, 143, 154, 164 on future 205–6 on language 124, 126 on Moderator 198 on women in ministry 180 Lockington, John 70, 196, 198 Logan, Donald 97, 117–18, 132, 212 Londonderry, Lord 36, 51 Long, Ernest 59 Long, S.E. 50, 57 Lowe, Rev William James 200 Lyon, David 14 Lyons, W.H.H. 51 McAleese, Mary 88, 147 McAllister, Audrey 67–8, 71, 127, 154, 164, 174 on future 207

Index McArthur, William 109 McBriar, Susan 27–8, 67, 112, 124, 127, 144, 206 McBride, Ian 48 McBride, Rev Patricia 156 McCafferty, Fr Patrick 158 McCall, Cahal 123 McCartney, Hilary 201–2 McCaughey, Rev Trevor 110 McCaughtry, Terence 129 McClintock Fulkerson, Mary 179 McConnell, Rev Ken 67 McCormick, W.J. 190 McCracken, Henry Joy 94, 122 McCullough, Billy 43, 44, 135 McCully, Rev William 153, 175–6 McDonald, Matthew 90–1, 98, 119, 133, 149, 156, 168, 213 McDowell, Charles 90, 93, 96, 100, 117, 132, 167 on future 211 McDowell, Heather 130, 165 McDowell, Stephen 127 on future 207–8 on women in ministry 182 McGarry, J. 52 McGibbon, Colin 174 McGlynn, Claire 150 McGrath, Alister E. 31 McGrath, Betty 100, 116–17, 166 MacGreil, Michael 99, 137 McGuinness, Frank 88 McGuinness, Ken 119 McGuinness, Martin 21, 75, 208 Mackarel, Rev Jean 180 McKay, David 44 McKay, Susan 53 McKee, E. 32 McKee, Gary and Maureen 98, 126, 133, 168, 213 McKeown, Philip 90, 97, 118, 125–6, 156, 167 McKim, Donald 32 McManus, Henry 109 MacNeice, Louis 117 Makemie, Francis 126

243

Marching 18, 61 negative views 62, 63 Southern views of 89, 90, 91 Marriage see inter-Church marriage Marsh, Jennifer 64, 131, 146, 166 Martin, David 14, 219–20 Martin, Edith Sinclair 179 Martin, Ian 93, 95, 116, 147, 166, 174 on women in ministry 180 Marxism on religion 14 Mason, Roger A. 34 Masonic Order and Christianity 190–3 initiation 193 ministers in 57, 186–95 and morality 195 as religion 192, 195 ritual in 192–3 theology 189–90, 193–4 views of individuals 188–90, 218 views of ministers 186–8 Massey, L.F. 179, 185 Maynard, Dan 29, 91–2, 119 Media 74 and collective identity 11 and Moderator 196, 198 and Orange Order 62 as problem 71 relations 223 as unsympathetic 79–80 Megaghey, Bishop 71 Megahey, Alan 82, 110, 202 Melucci, Alberto 6–8, 9, 10–11 Membership of Catholic Church 82 Membership of Presbyterian Church 2, 82 decline in 2–3, 201–2, 214, 219; views on 203, 205, 207, 209 Northern Ireland 2 in Republic 2 Meredith, Ian 190 Methodists and integrated education 151 theology 27

244

Index

Miller, Bob 79 Miller, D.W. 48, 107 Miller, Rev Harold 202 Miller, Rev J.R. 23–4 Ministers communication skills 173, 174, 175, 177, 217, 218 dress 42, 45, 215 pastoral care skills 173, 174, 176, 177, 217–18 personal faith 172, 174, 175, 177, 217, 218 qualities required 172–7, 217–18 roles and responsibilities 172–3 social skills 172, 217 Ministry all-member 177 women in 177–86 Mission work 37–8 Mitchel, Patrick 52–3, 87, 107, 160 Mitchell, David 89, 100, 116, 147 on future 211 on Moderator 198 on women in ministry 180 Mixed marriages see inter-Church marriage Moderator 95, 96–7 annual election and media 80 Northern bias 198 power of 197, 198–9 qualities 200 respect in Republic 82 role and duties 39, 196, 199, 218 Southern views on 94 speaking out 98 term of office 196–9, 218 views on 197–9 Modernization process 38 Monarchy and British identity 106 Montgomery, David 102 Moore, Rev David 168 Moorehead, Sarah 88, 94, 115–16, 132, 147, 173 on future 211

Morality 42, 219 Church involvement 71 conservative 45 desire for Church guidance 73–4, 76, 77, 80, 95 and Masonic Order 195 views on future 209, 212, 214 Morris, Rev Heather 171 Morrison, Alison 29–30, 74, 114, 125, 146, 155, 166, 176 on future 209 on Moderator 199 Morrison, Danny 66 Morrow, Duncan 46, 47, 77, 105 on future 201 Morrow, Rev Trevor 70, 72, 94, 96, 143, 207 biography 24–5 on future 205, 208, 210 on Masons 187 on Moderator 197 on women in ministry 184 Motto 5, 39 Multiculturalism 38, 215 and education 150, 155 in South 87 Music 217 and identity 111, 112, 119, 130, 131–3 in worship 41 Muslim fundamentalists 161, 212 Nation-state 12 National Anthem 66, 69 first use of 106 National Lottery 44 Nationalism 105 and patriotism 12–13 postmodern 103, 105 premodern and modern 103 Nationality British 102 and theology 103–5 Nations, four models of 104–5 Ne Timere Decree 35, 51, 85, 97, 99, 136

Index Nesbitt, Desmond 65, 166 on future 209 on Masons and Orange Order 189–90 Nesbitt, Rev David 95, 100, 153, 163, 168, 174 on college 169–70 on flags 93 inter-Church marriage 142 on Moderator 197 on women in ministry 180 Neuhaus, Richard 47 New Age spirituality 13, 14 Newell, Rev Ken 54, 161 Newman, Valerie 97–8, 100, 118, 133, 149, 156, 167–8 Newton, Peter 78, 127, 131 on future 209 on women in ministry 183 Nicole, Roger 32 Noren, Carol 179 Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education 150–1 Northern Irish identity 105, 114, 115 O’Broin, Eoin 4, 9, 17–21, 30 O’Carolan, Tartough 48 O’Leary, B. 52 O’Leary, Richard 135–6, 137 Omagh bombing 212 O’Neill, W. 83, 84 Orange Order 55–8, 59–61, 218, 219 changing views of 63, 64 critiques of 60–1 as democratic 58 doctrine 57 early connections 48, 50–1 foundation of 59 future of 59 geographical spread of 58, 59 location of support 65 membership 61 ministers in 186–90 negative views of 61, 62–3, 88–9, 91 perceived links with 28, 186 political nature of 64, 65, 66

245

positive views of 62, 218 and prejudice 79 reasons for support 56 in South 88 Southern views on 18, 88–92, 99, 101 tensions within 59 unpopularity of 80, 216 views of ministers 186–8 Organizational structure of Church 221 Ormeau Road 62 Ortland, R.C. 177 Outreach 202, 207, 214 Overseas Board 223 Paisley, Ian 70, 111 beliefs 54 and Free Presbyterians 36, 53–5, 78, 79, 95 on Good Friday Agreement 70 influence of 54, 55 negative views of 62, 89, 211 and Orange Order 58 Presbyterian identification with 25, 26, 80, 90, 97, 100, 101, 216 Palmer, Howard 155 Parades 18, 216 in South 88, 101 Park, Rev William 200 Park, Seong-Won 33 Parkinson, Rebecca 149, 212–13 Parsons, Natalie 97, 132, 148 Partition 35, 36, 83 support for 53 patriotism 104 and nationalism 12–13 Patterson, Rev Dr W. 63, 68, 73, 131, 141 Patterson, Rev Ruth 38, 186 Patterson, Victoria 27, 125, 180 Peace issues 45 initiatives 38, 224 role of Church 69, 215 Peace Vocation 24 Penal Laws 46–7

246

Index

Perry, Charles 30, 98, 100–1, 119, 133 on Masons and Orange Order 189 on women in ministry 183 Pharisaic mode 159–60 Political identity 46–7 and flags 66–9 Politics and Church involvement 46, 69–70, 80, 96 as divisive 75 historical overview 47–9 support for 73–4, 75–6, 77, 98–9 views on 58, 69–77; negative 74–5, 97, 101 Pollock, Mr 28, 78, 164, 174 on women in ministry 181 Porter, Dr Warren 55, 58, 178, 195 Porter, Trevor 146, 166 on future 209 on Moderator 199 Post-war rebuilding 37 Postmodernity and community 11–13 defined 13 and identity 6–11; collective 9 nationalism 103, 105 and Presbyterians 13–14 role of Church 215 Poverty 98–9, 161 Predestination 32 Prejudice 77–9 from Protestants 101 and religion 78–80 Southern views on 99–101 Premarital sex 45, 215 percentages 43 Southern views 19 Presbyterian Church allowing for difference 13 child abuse 147 doctrine 24, 32 formation of 34 future role 210, 211, 212, 213 government of 26 links with Orange Order 53 links with Unionism 53

meaning to respondents 25, 27, 28, 29 and politics 69–77 and postmodern culture 13–14 and traditions 13 as Unionist Party 51–2, 69, 73 see also speaking out Presbyterian Women’s Association 73, 180–1, 221 Presbyterians anti-Catholicism 158, 159–60 effect of civil war 83 as ethnic group 134, 217 identity 105–6 image of 27, 30 negative perception of 29–30 in North 18–19 North and South differences 99 perceived characteristics 26–7, 29 reasons for being 23–4 in Republic 2, 19, 25, 82–7 Scottish roots 134, 217 as Unionists at prayer 20–1, 69, 70, 71–2, 74, 80, 85, 86, 96 Presbyteries 39, 221 decline in Republic 84 first 34 number and location 2, 3, 82 Pro-life campaign 45, 95 Pronouncements see speaking out Psalms 41, 42 Racism 38 Ranfurly, Earl of 51 Rea, Rev Stephen 90, 129–30, 143, 163 on future 204 on Masons 186 on women in ministry 185 Reade, R.H. 51 Reaney, John 165, 198 Rebellion (1798) 49 Reflexivity in sociology 14, 15, 16 Reformation 25

Index Reformed theology 24 Reid, Harry and Maud 72, 144, 154 on Moderator 198 Religion and prejudice 78–80 sociology of 14–15, 16 Religious discrimination 82, 84, 99, 101 Religious identity 53 Remembrance Day commemorations 87–8, 97, 101, 133 joint 163 National Anthem 66 in South 216 Republic of Ireland Catholic Church 81–2 decline in membership 2 Presbyterians in 2, 25, 82–7; as local people 86–7 Research methodology 1–2 purpose 2 topics addressed 4–5 use of biography 17 Rice, L. 40 Rice, Simon 62, 73, 127, 165, 208–9 Riley, Robert 61, 67, 111, 130, 143, 154, 163–4, 180 on future 205 on Moderator 198 Robinson, Philip 121 Role of Church see speaking out Romain, Rabbi Jonathan 137 Rowe, Marjorie 63, 73 Russell, Raymond 79 Rutherford, William 75 Sacks, Jonathan 104 Sacrament 32, 41 St Clair Boyd, Dr John 109 St Patrick’s Day 87 Unionists’ celebration 123 Sanderson, Colonel 51 Scots and Protestantism 106

247

Scott, Mary 30, 76, 115, 131, 155, 166 Scottish identity 117 Scottish music 130, 134 Scottish Presbyterians and Unionism 51–2 Scripture centrality of 24, 26, 160 on women 177, 178, 182, 183, 184 Second World War 87 post-war readjustment 37 Sectarianism 35 inter-war period 84 learnt at home 151, 154 and Orange Order 89–90 Penal Laws 46–7 Secularization 5, 14, 202, 219 and Britishness 106 as church issue 38 future 203, 204, 205, 214 in South 86 Semple, Caroline 117, 132, 148, 167 on future 211–12 on Moderator 198–9 Semple, Claire 62, 144 Semple, Ron 27, 111 Services, components of 40 Simmel, Georg 14 Sinclair, Thomas 49, 50, 51, 80, 120, 122 and Ulster Unionist Party 216 Sinn Fein 17 and PR jobs 20, 95 views on 75, 76, 210 Smith, Anthony 103, 106, 150 Smyth, Albert 133, 156, 168, 184 Smyth, Darren 89, 93, 94–5, 125, 155, 173, 198 on Freemasonry 188 on future 211 Smyth, Rev Martin 52, 55, 57–9, 66, 68, 115, 125 on Freemasonry 187–8 on future 210 Snodden, Edward 89, 116, 173

248

Index

Social needs 6 Sociology and reflexivity 14, 15, 16 of religion 14, 16; and postmodernity 14–15, 16 and theology 160 Soldier’s Song 67, 69 Somme 83, 123 Sovereignty issues 85 Speaking out by Church, desired 216 on moral issues 71, 73–4, 76, 77, 80, 95 on political issues 69, 98–9, 205 Spencer, Andrea 29, 90, 132, 148, 156, 167 on Masons and Orange Order 189 sports and identity 111, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119 Steele, David N. 32 Stereotyping of Presbyterians 100, 101 Stevenson, Mary B. 180 Stewart, A.T.Q. 47 Storey, Earl 56 Storrar, William 103–4 Stress on ministers 38 Stronge, James 51 synods 3, 39, 221 Taiwan 197 Terrorists 76, 213 and internment 85–6 role of Church 205 Tesch, Peter 48 Theology 25, 26 evangelical 28, 30 liberal 30 Methodist 27 and nationality 103–5 post-Vatican II Catholic 160, 161 and sociology 160 Third World poverty 98–9 Thompson, Alan 71, 154, 207 Thompson, John 159, 184

Thomson, Alwyn 50 Tone, Theobold Wolfe 48 Torrance, James 114 Tosh, R.S. 42 Travellers 77, 99, 214 Trew, Karen 105 Tricolour 18, 93 disputes 66 Trimble, David 55, 68, 204, 208 Trinity College 82, 99 Troubles 37 desire for Church involvement 161 and inter-Church services 168, 217 and Orange Order 56, 62, 92 Unionist view 52 Truth Commission 71 TULIP doctrine 32 Twelfth of July 59, 70 as community festival 18 Ulster Covenant 35, 36, 51, 158 Ulster Plantation 3, 122 Ulster Unionist Party 50, 55 formation of 51–2 Presbyterian support 46 Ulster-Scots 120–4, 133–4, 217 acceptance as language 120 American precedent 121 geographical influence 122 identity 120 Northern views 124–5 number of speakers 121–2 as political tool 123, 125 Southern views 19, 125–6 Ulster-Scots Academy 122 Ulster-Scots Agency 122–3 Ulster-Scotch Leid Societie 120–1 ULTACH Trust 110 Union flag 66, 92, 216 in church 68 Southern views on 93 symbol of national identity 106 Unionism analysis 52–3 and British nationality 102

Index current links 53 economic advantages 102 as politicized ethnicity 107 role of British government 103 Unionist, Church seen as 69, 70, 71–2, 74, 80, 85, 86, 96 United Ireland 19 views on future 204, 205, 208–9, 211, 213, 214 United Irish Rebellion 47 United Irishmen 20–1, 48–9, 70, 216 University education 82 Values 47 Van Leeuwen, M. 177 Vatican II, post- 26, 135, 160 Vincent, Clare 198 Volf, Miroslav 202 Wales 106 freemasonry in 191 Walker, Brian M. 49–50, 87 Walker, Edward 62, 71, 130, 154 on Orange Order 188 Walker, Graham 51 Wallace, R.H. 51 War commemoration 87–8 and flags 92 Watt, Davina 145, 155 Weber, Max 14 Weir, Dr 97 Welch, Danielle 41, 202 Westminster Confession 158–9, 160, 164, 177 origin 34 on women 184 Wheatcroft, G. 111 Wheeler, Geraldine 33 White, John 84, 136 White, Martin 74–5, 78, 131 on Orange Order 189 Whitten, Deborah 69, 115, 166 Williams, Derek 100, 156 on future 212 on Moderator 199 Williams, Stephen N. 159–60 Williamson, Doreen 59

249

Wilson, Cedrick 90, 118, 189 Wilson, James 56 Wilson, Tom 113, 131, 165, 198 on future 208 on women in ministry 183 Wilson, Woodrow 58 Wolff, G. 51 Wolterstoff, N. 105 Women and College 169–70, 171, 172 deaconesses 180–1 and discrimination 79 as elders 178, 182, 183, 185–6 first minister 38 in ministry 72, 177–86, 218; historically 38, 179; number of 3 and Orange Order 58–9, 64 Scripture on 177, 178, 182, 183, 184 Women’s World Day of Prayer 167, 168, 217 Woods, Louise 118, 132–3, 167 on Moderator 199 on women in ministry 183 Woodside, Rev John 86–7, 91, 126, 130, 142–3, 163, 170 biography 25–6 on future 204 theological position 26 on women in ministry 183 Woodville, Amanda and Stanley 113, 127 on future 208 Word of God 41 centrality of 215 World Alliance of Reformed Churches 223–4 World Council of Churches 72 Paisley and 54 withdrawal from 38, 157 Wormald, Jenny 33 Worship 215 Books for 41–2 Calvin’s ordering 39–40 centrality of 45 characteristics of 40–1

250

Index

Worship (contd.) defined 39 hymnbook 42 styles of 42 Young, Jock 12 Young, Rose 109 Young, Thomas 95, 147–8, 156, 166–7 on flags 93

on identity 117, 132 on language 125, 129 on Orange Order 89 on prejudice 100 Youth 215 attracting 212, 213, 214 Board of 223 membership issues 202 programmes 38

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