On the ancient contacts between Hamito-Semitic and north Caucasian

Folia Linguistica Historica XVIl-2 pp. 37-46 © Societas Linguistica Europaea

ON THE ANCIENT CONTACTS BETWEEN HAMITO-SEMITIC AND NORTH CAUCASIAN VLADIMIR OREL

The present state of research in the field of the Proto-Hamito-Semitic vocabulary and, in particular, the work on the new Hamito-Semitic Etymological Dictionary (see Orel — Stolbova in press) create new and better conditions for the analysis of ancient contacts of Hamito-Semitic with neighbouring linguistic families and phyla. At the same time another major problem, that of genetic relationship between Hamito-Semitic and other phyla, may be now formulated in a more or less accurate way (see Star ostin 1989; Orel in press a). The writer's purpose in the present paper is to adduce lexical material that may attest the fact of linguistic contacts between Hamito-Semitic and North Caucasian (äs represented in a number of recent and forthcoming publications, see, e.g. Diakonoff, Starostin 1988; Nikolaev — Starostin 1995; Starostin 1985; Starostin 1988). The isoglosses uniting Hamito-Semitic and North Caucasian belong to the vocabulary of material and, occasionally, spiritual culture. They seem to reflect intensive contacts between two phyla on the level of proto-languages. I do not discuss here the problem of the direction of influence: it seems to me that some of the examples adduced below demonstrate the direction from North Caucasian to Hamito-Semitic phonetically (e.g. NC *-m- HS *-/·-) but the material is inconclusive. FLORA HS *baray-l*buray- "palm tree" ~ ND *A"0rF"tree" HS *#aray-/*#M/wy- "palm tree" (with ablaut *a ~ *u in the first syllable) is one of the words of great importance äs far äs the problem of the Hamito-Semitic Urheimat is concerned. The reflexes of HS *üaray- l*lsurayare known in Sem * harVy- "palm sprout" (Akk # 2), CCh *yuray- "Deleb palm" (Msg fyurai, borai) and Rift *buray- "Borassus palm" (Irq fyuray). The linguogeographic implications of this word are even more stressed by the fact that it may well have a North Caucasian parallel in ND *X"örV "kind of tree" (Gunz rlXu "poplar", Darg Xur "linden", Rut Xld id., Udin Xod "tree"), see Nikolaev 1985: 61 (erroneously treats Hitt harüu- "poplar" äs a loanword from Nakho-Daghestan or Proto-North-Caucasian).

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HS *cem- "odorous grass" ~ EC *sl A kind of odorous grass was originally denoted by HS *cem-: reduplicated Sem *sim~sim- "sesame" (Arab simsim-), Eg sm.w "cabbage (?)" (pyr), CCh *cyam- "grass" (Bata tame\ ECh *cyam- "hay" (Mkk pl. seemi), cf. also GS *soyam- "kind of plant" (Or sooyama). This word may represent a correspondence of EC *sFImHV "odorous grass" (Diakonoff — Starostin 1988: 174 including also Hurr jr/w-ri "fern"): Lak san, gen. sam-ul "ramsons", Inkh z id., Cez zu id., Av saran "mint", Bac sfim "kind of grass", Chech stim-urXa id. FAUNA HS *ra#-, *rafcU- "sheep, goat" ~ NC *nXU "sheep" One of the Hamito-Semitic terms for "sheep" is reconstructed s *rahil-. It is attested in Sem *rahil- id. (Akk lahru, Aram Jud rahl-, Arab n'/?/-, raftil·, cf. also Hbr r - h el functioning s a proper namc and Soq rehl-oh "lamb") and Eg rhny "Amon's lamb" (NK) reflecting an earlier form *rhtiy with the anlaut -y reflecting a front vowel of the second syllable (see Orel — Stolbova 1989). The word *rahil- may be segmented s *ra ft-il- if compared with the following Cushitic forms: SA *reH- "she-goat" (Afar ree-ta) and GS *reH-/ *riH- id. (Som riA, Or ree, Rnd riyyo). Although the Cushitic material does not allow us to determine the laryngeals in the auslaut, it may be HS *-Λ- (colouring the preceding vowel HS *a *e). If so, we might think of HS *rah- "sheep, goat". The latter is to be compared with NC *rzXU "sheep" (see Starostin 1985: 77) preserved in And *riXa id. (Botl riXa, Tind riXa), Cez *Xor "ram" (Gunz Xor, Bezht Xor\ AA *X»9 "sheep" (Adyg Λ™«?-, Kbr Xw^)9 or, less probably, with NC *rV%wA "cattle" (see Starostin 1985: 75): ND *rVx\vV id. (Αν ινχβά), AA *ra%w9 id. (Abkh a-raXw,Bz a-ra%w, Abaz raXw9). HS *par-l*pur- "equid" ~ NC *farn E "horse, m re" HS *par-/*pur' "equid", a cultural term of outstanding importance, is widespread in various branches of Hamito-Semitic: Sem *para9- "onager" (Akk/w/τί, Ugp/τ, Hbrpere9, Arabfara*-, SAr/r9), WCh *piir- "horse": Grk/?a/7, OBpuri, CCh *pur- id. (Mwu/7wro), ECh *pur- id. (Mkkpuro), SA *farar- id. (Saho farar, Afar farar), GS *faraw- "zebra" (Som faraw, Arb faraw), Omot */#/·- "horse" (Ome faraa). The Hamito-Semitic word finds a close correspondence in NC *fam E "horse, m re" (Starostin 1985: 77-78) preserved in ND *fame (Avjf»ani), Lezgh *X*ar (Tab X"ar, Agul Xwar, Lezgh X"ar, Rut A^ f/·) and AA *xwara "horse of pure breed" (Ad

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fära, Kbr xwara). As far äs the correspondence HS *-/·- — NC *-/n- is concerned, it may be quite regulär, cf. HS *ciwar- "flock". HS *ciwar- "herd of cows" ~ NC *c(w)ärnV "cow" HS *ciwar- seems to dcnote, originally, a herd of wild or not fully domesticated cows äs in Sem *siwar- "flock (of wild cows)" (Arab siwär-). At the same time, in Berber it Stands for any herd or flock of wild animals, cf. Berb *cVrVw- "flock (of wild animals)" (with metathesis): Tba asera, pl. i-serä-ten. It seems interesting to compare this word with NC *c(w)ämV "cow" (Starostin 1985: 76) attested in ND *c(w)ämV (And zimi, Tind zfrii), Cez zija, Lezgh *cär (Rut zär, Kryz jcrr), AA *zwd (Üb m2-zw-Rz, Abkh a-zw, Bz a-zw, Abazz*'«?)· For HS V- - NC *-m- see HS *par-/*pur"equid". HS *k(ik'/*kok- "kind of bird" - NC *qeqV(bV) "partridge" HS *kak-l*kok- "kind of bird" with its irregulär root vocalism may well be an onomatopoeia. Its reflexes are found in Sem *ka kVy- "kind of bird" (Akk qaqü\ Egkk "cuckoo" (NE), WCh *kiikway- "rooster" (Fyer kukwe\ CCh *kwak- "hen" (Gul kwaku), ECh *kVkay- "bird" (Bid keeke). Note that it is also possible to reconstruct a Hamito-Semitic derivative * kakay-l*k[o]kay- "kind of bird". Yet, it may be tempting to compare the above Hamito-Semitic forms with NC *qeqV ~ *qeqVbV "partridge" (Nikolaev 1985: 62) reflected in ND *qeqV(bV) (AndRobRo, TmdRaRa, Av RaRy Lak qaqnu, Darg g a g- ba). A striking feature of the North Caucasian word is the optional suffix *-fe- that is fairly close to the wellknown Hamito-Semitic suffix *-(a)b- appearing in the words (harming) animals and birds (see Diakonoff 1986: 47-48; Orel in press b). HS ^abin-l^abun- "guinea fowl" - NC Wap'wzIntV'duck, goose" HS ^abin-l^abwi- "guinea fowl" is reflected in Sem **abun- "kind of bird" (Akk abbunnu) and ECh *W/i- *HVbin- "guinea fowl" (Kbl bina). The reconstruction might be somewhat altered if we could prove that HS *ü yielded to *M after a labial in Semitic: then the word would be reconstructed äs *9abün~. In any case, it seems to have a counterpart in North Caucasian, cf. ND *täp'w9lnt'V "duck, goose" (Nikolaev 1985: 67) reflected in Cez mad, Lezgh p'at', Chech bad, ßac bW, Lak -bat\ Darg halt. Such a comparison is possible if we presume that the word in question was borrowed from North Caucasian to Hamito-Semitic where NC *-nt9- was rendered äs HS *-/i-.

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HUMAN BEINGS For some reason, two words for "woman" happen to display striking similarity in Hamito-Semitic and Sino-Caucasian. In both cases, it should be kept in mind that the adduced correspondences may belong to the oldest layer of isoglosses explained not by borrowing but by genetic affinity. HS *süt- '^vornan" ~ Nakh * wf '- "female" HS *süt- is one of the terms for an "adult woman" or a "woman of high social Status". It is represented by the following cognates: Sem *sit(t)"lady, dame" (Arab sitt-), Berb *sut- "women", pl. (Kby sur\ CCh *sut"girl" (Mwu suti). We find a similar term in North Caucasian from where I would quote Nakh *jHf'- "female" (Diakonoff - Starostin 1988: 176): Chech zuda "woman, wife", Chech zud "bitch", Ing zud id. Hurr sid-uri, sid-ori "girl" ( Akk sidori) goes back to the same source. HS *nüs- "woman"- EC *nw,yK"bride, daughter-in-law" HS *nüs- "woman" is the generic word for "female". It is observed in the following branches of Hamito-Semitic: Sem *ni$(V)w- "woman" (Aram neS s e, Arab nisw-at-), Eg nswyjt "queen" (NK), WCh *nus- "woman, female (adj.)" (Fyer nusi, Sha / ), CCh *nus- "woman" (Tera nusu, Glv nusa, Gvo nusa), GS ^a-nVs- "sister" (Gel anso). It forms a fairly exact correspondence to EC *nusV "bride, daughter-in-law" (Diakonoff — Starostin 1988: 180): Hin c'i-nas, Av nus, Tind /inje, Kar nusa, And nusa, Bac nus, Chech nus, Ing nus and to AA *nzsa id. AKTS AND CRAFTS HS *£

- "box, basket" ~ NC *qqwap'wa "kind of vessel"

Among the variety of Hamito-Semitic terms for vessels and Containers, HS *kop- "box, basket" is of special interest for us. It is well preserved in Sem *kup(p)- id. (Akk quppu "box", Arab quff-at- "basket", cf. also Akk qappatu "basket" with different vocalism) and appears also in CCh *Wp- "calabash" (Bch kpa\ ECh *kwap- "box" (Mkk koop) and GS * £w/- "basket" (Som quffo). It may be compared with NC *qqwap'wa "kind of vessel" (see Starostin 1985: 87) äs reflected in ND *qqwäp'wa "pot, jug" (Av qaba\ And (Bagv qapa "pot"), Lezgh *X»ap "sack" (Rut JP"ab, KiyzXäb), Nakh *qäp'a "clay vessel" (Chech q äba, Ing qäba). A similar term * fcapV "vessel" is reconstructed in Nostratic (Illich-Svitych 1967: 366).

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HS *(ucar- "container" ~ *tVruc- "ladle" HS *lucar- "container" is somewhat vague semantically. While in Semitic it is reflected äs *{uYar- "bag" (Akk tusaru), its Egyptian trace dsrjt (pyr) denotes a kind of vessel. From the phonological point of view, however, these forms correspond to our reconstruction perfectly. It is not impossible that HS *(ucar- would correspond (with a metathesis not infrequently occurring in Hamito-Semitic äs well äs in North Caucasian) to EC *VVruc"ladle" (see Diakonoff - Starostin 1988: 176 adducing also Ur t'irusi "measure of liquids") represented in Rut Cure, t'urls. HS *nVhur- "cloth" - NC *-imXwVr "knit, tie" Some of the Hamito-Semitic words for cloth and/or clothes are obvious deverbatives (see, e.g., our notes on HS *k[o]c-). However, there are some terms of this kind that cannot be explained within the Hamito-Semitic. An example of the latter is found in HS *nVhiir- "cloth, kind of dress" preserved only in two branches: Eg nhr.w "kind of dress" (gr) and CCh *nur- *nVHur- "cloth" (Glv nura). It is quite probable that this term may be compared with NC *-imXwVr "knit, tie" (Starostin 1985: 86) represented in ND *-imXwVr "tie" (Tind - - , Charn iXn- ), Lezgh ^iX^ar "knit" (Tab u-v-R-us, Rut -XurX-as, Cakh ho-OXar-as), AA *X"a "knit" (Abkh a-d'a-hwa-ra, Abaz c'a-hwa-ra). The comparison is valid if we presume that a verb was originally borrowed from North Caucasian into Hamito-Semitic. HS ^erib-l^orib· "sew" ~ NC *WrpE id. A wide-spread term for sewing is represented by a Hamito-Semitic verb ^erib-l^orib- "sew" with a typical ablaut *e ~ *o in the first syllable (see Orel in press passim). The verb is reflected by Sem *9VrVb- "knot, link" (v.) (Arab ^rrb "knot", Tgr ^arräbä "join, link"), WCh */tö- **>Vrib(Zaar ri:p\ CCh **>warVb- "sew)> (Brg 9orbi, cf. also TUm znb "untie") and GS ^erVb- "sew" (Or erba). It should be noted that the same root produced a nominal derivative on the Hamito-Semitic level that may be reconstructed äs **>ur- Vb-, cf. Sem *9urVb- "knot" (n.) (Arab *>urb-at-) and Eg wob "cord" (sarc). The Hamito-Semitic verb forms a tentative isogloss with NC **>IirpE "sew" (Starostin 1985: 87) reflected by ND *9///pKid. (Darg ib-es), Lezgh (Ud elb "sewn"), Nakh ^ab- "sew" (Bac ab-ar), AA *bV - *dwV id. (Adyg da-n, Kbr da-n, Abkh a-ja-X-ra etc.). HS *k[o]c- "clothes" ~ NC *k'öw dUiu. Among the terms of clothing some have a more or less obvious deri-

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vational history. A good example is found in HS *k[o]c- "clothes" preserved in Sem *kus- "kind of clothes" (Akk kusltu, Ug ks-t) and Eg kos "kind of clothes" (t). While the vowel of Sem *kus- may go back either to HS *o, or to HS *w, the Egyptian form with -3- seems to indicate HS *o äs more probable. The Hamito-Semitic noun is apparently derived from a verbal stem the traces of which may be found only in Chadic, namely, in WCh *kic- "plait" (Hs % e) and ECh *kwas- "spin" (Turn foj j). At the same time, HS *k[o]c- "clothes" may be compared with NC *k'öw£U "kind of clothes" (Starostin 1985: 87) reflected in ND *k'öwcV "sheepskin coat" (Avar k'a c, Chech koc "shirt", Ing ko c id.), AA *k'ac'w "coat, shirt" (Kbr cto", Abkh a-k'ac'\ HS *fa(-/*fuwat- "loin-cloth" - NC *pwatV "clothes" HS *fat-/*fuwat- is one of general Hamito-Semitic terms for cloth. However, its Chadic reflexes may indicate that its original meaning was not only cloth but also a kind of clothes, namely, loin-cloth. HS *fa(-/*fiiwa (- is reconstructed on the basis of the following forms: Sem *fiiwat- "tablecloth" (Arab fa (-at-, pl. fiiwat-) and WCh *fa(-/*JVwa f- "(loin)cloth" (Sura/ivfff "cloth", DE f ata9 u id., Angflvet "loin-cloth", Mpnfwät id.). The Hamito-Semitic root represents an interesting parallel to NC *pwatV "kind of clothes, trousers" (Starostin 1985: 88) äs reflected in ND *pwatV "trousers, old clothes" (Tind bata, Lakpatta, Archpaltela, Rut badu etc.) and AA *padz "stocking" (Adyg %a-pad, Kbr %apad). INSTRUMENTS AND WEAPONS HS *dara(t- "(leather) shield" ~ ND *derVgwVarc" HS *darak- "(leather) shield" belongs to the vast stock of military terms in Hamito-Semitic. 1t has been preserved in Sem *darak- "leather shield" (Arab daraq-at-) and ECh *darak- "shield" (Mubi daragd). This term may be equated to a similar military term in North Caucasian where, however, the corresponding word denotes "bow" or "bow and arrows". Some of the meanings found in the reflexes of ND *derVg»V (Nikolaev 1985: 72) may indicate a more general meaning äs a source of later semantics and to imply a semantic reconstruction of *"something tightly stretched or tightly covered", "arc", "arch", "rim, felloe": Arch gerti "bow, arc", Tab derku id., Agul dirka id., Darg derga "bow", Kayt dereka id., Lak kurta "arc, rim, felloe", Kar tirka-c "bow and arrows". HS *cakin- "knife" ~ NC * ftnVk VK"scythe" Among numerous Hamito-Semitic words for "knife" there are a few that seem to form isoglosses with corresponding North Caucasian terms. One

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of them is HS *cakin- present in two branches of Hamito-SemiticiSem *sakin- "knife" (Hbr sakkln) and WCh *cank- id. (Krf songe, Glm fonga) with a metathesis in Chadic. Its North Caucasian counterpart belongs to a slightly different semantic group and appears to denote an agricultural instrument (see our note on HS *cabür-/*cü- bar-\). The North Caucasian form is reconstructed äs *cinVk'wV "scythe" (Starostin 1985: 81). It is preserved in the following groups of North Caucasian: ND *ttnVk'wV (And einik\ Av t'inik*), Cez i'inik9 (Gunz crmik\ Bezht cY/tflt1), Lak c'inik', Chir e\nak\ Lezgh +C'inaK» (Arch t'inikw, Rut i'\nak\ AA *Z(w)VmVgV (Adyg Samaj, Kbr Samaj, Abkh a-ibaga, Abaz tfteg, Üb iamagf). HS *cabür-l*$übar- "sharp instrument" ~ NC *bVruccE "wooden plough, ploughshare" HS *£abür-/*£übar- is a term used in different branches of Hamito-Semitic in order to denote various kinds of sharp Instruments. Thus, this root is represented by Sem *sibar- "sharp pin" (Akk sib äru), WCh *cubur*cabur- "knife" (Buli s^b^r, Say subur, Paa szmb, Dwot surup) and ECh *sabur- "sword" (Mkk saabur). Taking into account our comparison suggested for HS *cakin- "knife", it is tempting to treat HS *cabür-/*cübaras a correspondence (with a metathesis) of NC *bVruccE "wooden plough, ploughshare" (Starostin 1985: 82) reflected in ND *bVruccV (Av purucc), And *birVccV (Kar bercce, Cham bijaca), Cez *to/Mj (Cez birus, Gunz bzrus), Lezgh (Ud penecc\ AA *b(9)^a (Üb -täa m a compound). BELIEFS WCh **amsi- "sky, god" ~ NC **-amsVia. WCh **