Manuel II Palaeologus Funeral Oration on His Brother Theodore

MANUEL PALAEOLOGUS FUNERAL ORATION CORPUS FONTIUM HISTORI-AE BYZANTINAE CONSILIO SOCIETATIS INTERNATIONAL IS STUD lIS...

Author: J. Chrisostomides (ed.)

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MANUEL PALAEOLOGUS FUNERAL ORATION

CORPUS FONTIUM HISTORI-AE BYZANTINAE CONSILIO SOCIETATIS INTERNATIONAL IS STUD lIS BYZANTINIS PROVEHENDIS DESTINATAE EDITUM

VOLUMEN XXVI

MANUEL 11 PALAEOLOGUS FUNERAL ORATION ON HIS BROTHER THEODORE

EDIDIT, ANGLlCE VERTlT ET ADNOTAVIT

JULIANA CHRYSOSTOMIDES

SERIES THESSALONICENSIS EDlDIT IOHANNES

KARAYANNOPULOS

APUD SOCIETATEM STUDIORUM BYZANTINORUM THESSALONICAE MCMLXXXV

MANUEL 11 PALAEOLOGUS FUNERAL ORATION ON HIS BROTHER THEODORE

INTRODUCTION, TEXT, TRANSLATION AND NOTES BY

J. CHRYSOSTOMIDES

ASSOCIATION FOR BYZANTINE RESEARCH THESSALONlKE 1985

l:TOIXEI00El:IA - EKTynnl:H 0ANAl:Hl: AATIN�ZHl:, E0N. AMYNHl: 38, THA. 221.529, 0El:l:AAONIKH

ElL ANAMNHLIN

n.

Raymond-J. Loenertz a.p.

NIKOAdov dJeJ..rpov Kai l1'7rpOC;

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Abbreviations ........................................... List of Signs ................................................. List of Illustrations ............................................ Foreword .................................

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Introduction ..........

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I. The Author ...............................................

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n. Historical Introduction .....................................

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'nl. Text and Manuscripts .....................................

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A. Text ..................................................

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ix-xii xiii xiv 3-4 5-62 5-13 15-25 27-62 27-31

B. Manuscripts .............................................

32-42 .

C. Relationship of the Manuscripts .........................

43-53

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D. Editions and Translations ...............................

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E. The Present Edition .................................... Plan of the Funeral Oration ..............

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Preface by Gemistos Plethon ...................................

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Style of the Funeral Oration by Joasaph .......................

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55-59 61-62 63-64 67-69 70

Epigrams by Manuel n, Matthew Chrysocephalus and Demetrius Magistrus ..............................................

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Funeral Oration. Translation and Notes .........................

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Text

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Appendix .....................................................

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71-72 74ff. 75ff. 261-85

Bibliography ..................................................

287-93

Indices........................................................

295-310

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I. Index Graecitatis ..........................................

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n. Sources and Parallel Passages ..............................

Ill. General ................................................... Plates and Map ...............................................

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297 302 304 311

LIST OF' ABBREVIATIONS

AFP Archivum Fratrum Praeditatorum. AOM Archives of the Order of St. John, Royal Malta Library. ASV Archivio di Stato di Venezia. B Byzantion BARKER, Manuel II J. W. BARKER, Manuel ITPalaeologus (1391-1425). A Study in Late Byzantine Statesmanship (New Brunswick, N. J. 1969). BECh Bib/iotheque de I'Ecole des Chartes. BELGRANO, 'Documenti' L. T. BELGRANO, 'Studi e documenti su la colonia geno vese di Pera (prima serie)" Alii della Societa /igure di Storia Patria, 13 (1877), 97-317. ' A. BON, La Moree franque. Recherches historiques, topogra BON, La Moree franque phiques et archeologiques sur la principaute d'Achaie (1205-1430), vol. 1 (Paris, 1969). BSOAS Bulletin .of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. BZ Byzantinische Zeitschrift. CBB Chronica Byzantina Breviora (Die byzantinischen Kleinchroniken), ed. P. Sch reiner, 3 vols. CFHB, XII (Vienna, 1975-79). CESSI, 'Amedeo di Acaia' R. CESSI, 'Amedeo di Acaia e la rivendicazione dei do mini Sabaudi in Oriente', NAV, n.s. 37 (1919), 5-64. CESSI, 'Venezia e l'acquisto di Nauplia' R CESSI, 'Venezia e l'acquisto di Nauplia ed Argo', NAV, n. s. 30 (1915), 147-73. ' CFHB Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae. CHALCOCANDYLES (B) LAONICUS CHALCOCANDYLES, Historiarum demonstrationes, ed. I. Bekker (Bonn, 1843); (D) ed. E. Dark6, 2 vols. (Budapest, 1922-27). CHINAZZO DANIELE DI CHINAZZO, Cronica de la guerra da Veneciani a Zenovesi, ed. V. Lazzarini (Monumenti Storici, Deputazione di Storia Patria per le Venezie, n.s., XI) (Venice, 1958). Chion. br. 162 'Chronicon breve de graecorum imperatoribus ab anno 1341 ad an num 1453 e codice Vaticano graeco 162', ed. R-J. Loenertz, EEBE, 28(1958), 204-15. Chron. Mor. R. J. LOENERTZ, 'La chronique breve moreote de 1423. Texte, tradu ction et commentaire', ST, 232 (1964), 399-439. CHRYSOSTOMIDES, 'Corinth' J. CHRYSOSTOMIDES, 'Corinth 1394-1397: some new facts', Byzantina, 7 (1975), 83-110. CHRYSOSTOMIDES, "Studies on Caroldo' J. CHRYSOSTOMIDES, 'Studies on the Ch ronicle of Caroldo, with special reference to the history of Byzantium from 1370 to 1377', OCP, 35 (1969), 123-82. =

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x

Abbreviations =

Commemoriali Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Commemoriali. CYDONES DEMETRIUS CYDONES, Correspondence, ed. R.-J. Loenertz, 2 vols. ST, 186, 208 (Vatican City, 1956-60). CYDONES 'Prooemien' DEMETRIUS CYDONES, 'Prooemien zu Chrysobullen von =

=

Demetrios Cydones', ed. K.E. Zacharia von Ligenthal Sitzungsberichte der k. preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1888, 2, 1409-22. DELAVILLE LE ROULX J. DELAVILLE LE ROULX, Les Hospitaliers a Rhodes jusqu'a la mort de Philibert de Nail/ac, 1310-1421 (Paris, 1913). DENNIS, The reign G. T. DENNIS, The reign of Manuel II Palaeologus in Thessaloni ca, 1382-1387 ( OCA. 159) (Rome, 1960). G. T. DENNIS, 'Three reports from Crete on ·the situation DENNIS, 'Three reports' in Romania, 1401-1402', Studi Veneziani. 12 (1970), 243�65. , DOC Diplomatari de [ Orient Catala (1301-1409), ed. A. Rubi6 i L1uch (Barcelona, 1947). =

=

=

=

=

DOP

=

Dumbarton Oaks Papers.

DOS Dumbarton Oaks Studies. DUCAS (B) DUCAS, Historia Byzantina, ed. I. Bekker (Bonn, 1834); (G) ed. V. Grecu (Bucharest, 1958). EEBE 'Enerytpie; rfje; 'Emlpeiae; Bv(avnvoJv Enovf5oJv. GERLAND, Neue Quellen E. GERLAND, Neue Quellen zur Geschichte des lateinischen Erzbistums Patras (Leipzig, 1903). GREGOROVIUS, 'Briefe' F. GREGOROVIUS, 'Briefe aus der Corrispondenza Acciajoli in der Laurenziana zu Florenz', Sitzungsb. bayer. Ak. d. Wiss., Phil-hist. Klasse, 1890, pp. 285-311. GREGOROVIUS-LAMPROS F. GREGOROVIUS, 'Iuropia rfje; nOA.eWe; 'A8ytvo)v Karu rove; /leUOve; aloJvae; . .. tr. by S. Lampros, vo!. 2 (Athens, 1904). IGNACE OF SMOLENSK (K) IGNACE OF SMOLENSK, Itineraires russes en Orient, tr. by S. F. Khitrovo (Geneva, 1889), pp. 129-57. (S) IGNACE OF SMOLENSK, tr. R. SOLOMON, Beitriige zur =

=

=

=

=

=

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=

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russischen Geschichte. Theodor Schiemann zur 60 Geburstage von Freunden und Schii/ern, dargebracht und herausgegeben von Hotzsch (Berlin, 1907), pp. ISIDORE ISIDORE OF KIEV, IIavytyvplKOe;, PP Ill, pp. 132-99. JOCHALA..S, 'Uber die Einwanderung der Albaner' T. JOCHALAS, 'Uber die Ein wanderung der Albaner in Griechenland (Ein zusammenfassende Betra chtung)', Dissertationes Albanicae in honorem Josephi Valentini et Ernesti Koliqi (Miinchen, 1971), pp. 89-106. LAMPROS, "Eyyparpa S. LAMPROS, "Eyyparpa avarpepO/leva de; r�v /leUal(JJVlK�V iuro piav TOJV 'A8ytvOJV (Athens, 1906), as v. 3 to F. Gregorovius, Icrtopta . . . v. supra. LAURENT, 'Le trisepiscopat' V. LAURENT, 'Le trisepiscopat du patriarche Matthieu ler (1397-1410). Un grand prod�s canonique a Byzance au debut du Xve . siec1e', REB, 30 (1972), 5-166. Le livre des faicts Le livre des faicts du bon messire Jean le Maingre dit Boucicaut, ed. Th. Godefroy (Paris, 1620). Lettere di Rettori Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Lettere di Rettori (busta unica). =

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C

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Abbreviations

XI

Where applicable, all articles cited here refer to the author's BF-G R.-J. LOENERTZ collection. LOENERTZ, 'Ath"{!nes et Neopatras' R.-J. LOENERTZ, 'Athenes et Neopatras I. Rege stes et notices pour servir a I'histoire des duches catalans (1311-1394)" AFP, 25 (1955), 100-212, 428-431; rep. BF-G, 11, 183-303. LOENERTZ, BF-G R-J. LOENERTZ, Byzantina et Franco-Graeca, 2 vols. (Rome, 1970, 1978). LOENERTZ, 'Les dominicains byzantins' R-J. LOENERTZ, 'Les dominicains byzan tins Theodore et Andre Chrysoberges et les negociations pour l'union des eglises grecque et latine de 1415 a 1430', AFP, 9 (1939), 5-61; rep. BF G, 11, 77-130. LOENERTZ, 'L'exil de Manuel 11' R-J. LOENERTZ, 'L'exil de Manuel 11 Paleologue a Lemnos 1387-1389', OCP, 38 (1972), 116-40. LOENERTZ, 'Hospitaliers' R-J. LOENERTZ, 'Hospitaliers et Navarrais en Grece (1376-1383). Regestes et documents', OCP, 22 (1956), 319-360; rep. BF-G, I, 329-69. LOENERTZ, 'Jean V' R-J. LOENERTZ, 'Jean V Paleologue a Venice 13 70-137 1', REB, 16 (1958), 217-32. LOENERTZ, 'Pour I'histoire' R-J. LOENERTZ, 'Pour I'histoire du PeIoponese au XIve siecle (1382-1404)" REB, 1 (1943), 152-96; rep. BF-G, I, 227-65. LOENERTZ, 'Res Gestae' 'Res Gestae Theodori Ioann. f. Palaeogi. Titulus metricus A.D. 1389', ed. R-J. Loenertz, EEBE, 25 (1955), 207-10. LOENERTZ, 'Une erreur' R-J. LOENER'fZ, 'Une erreur singuliere de Laonic Chalco candyle: le pretendu second marriage de Jean V Paleologue', REB, 15 (1957), 176-84; rep. BF-G, I, 383-92. LOENERTZ, 'Une page de Jerome Zurita' R-J. LOENERTZ, 'Une page de Jerome Zu rita relative aux duches catalans de Grece (1386)" REB, 14 (1956), 158-68; rep. BF-G, I, 371-81. MANUEL PALAELOGUS, Dialogues MANUEL 11 PALAEOLOGUS, Dialoge mU einem 'Perser', ed. E. Trapp, Wiener Byzantinistische Studien, 11 (Vienna, 1968). MANUEL PALAEOLOGUS, Letters MANUEL 11 PALAEOLOGUS, The letters of Manuel Palaeologus, ed. G. T. Dennis, CFHB, VIII (Washington, D. C. , 1977). MERCATI, Scritti d'Isidoro G. MERCATI, Scritti d'Isidoro iI cardinale Ruteno, ST, ( 1926). Misti Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Senato, Misti. MM Acta et diplomata graeca medii aevi sacra et profana, ed. F. Miklosich and J. Muller, 6 vols. (Vienna, 1860-90). Monumenta spectantia historiam slavorum meridionalium, ed. S. Ljubic, vo!. MSSM IV (Zagreb, 1874). NAV Nuovo A-rchivio Veneto. NE' Neoc; 'E)).. l'JvoJ-lV�J-l(J)v. D.M. NICOL, The Byzantine family NICOL, The Byzantine family of Kantakouzenos of Kantakouzenos (Cantacuzenus),ca. 1/00-1460, DOS, XI (Washington, D.C. , 1968). OCA Orientalia Christiana Analecta. ' OCP Orientalia Christiana Periodica. Pacta Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Libri Pactorum. =

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XII PG

Abbreviations

Patrologia Graeca, ed. 1. P. Migne (Paris, 1857-66). ed. S. LAMPROS, IIaAalOAoyew Kai IIeA07wvv1]maKa, 4 vols. (Athens, 1912-30). PREDELLI R. PREDELLI, Regesti dei Commemoriali, 8 vols. (Venice, 1876-1914). REB Revue des Etudes Byzantines. Regestes F. THIRIET, Regestes des deliberations du Senat de Venice concernant la Romanie, 3 vols. (Paris, 1958-61). Religieux de Saint-Denys Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys, contenant le regne de Charles VI de 1380 a 1422, ed. with French translation by L. Bellaguet, 6 vols. (Collection de documents inedits sur l'histoire de France) (Paris, 1839-52). RIS Rerum Italicarum Scriptores. ROL Revue de I'Orient Latin. SATHAS ed. C. SATHAS, Documents inedits relatifs a l'histoire de la Grece au moyen age (Mv1]/lefa rr,c; 'EAA1]VIKr,C; 'Iaropiac;), 9 vols. (Paris-Venice, 1880-90). SBN Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici. Secreta E Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Senato, Secreta Consilii Rogatorum, registro pp

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E.

Secreti

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Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Senato, Secreti.

SPHRANTZES (PG) 80. (G)

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GEORGIUS SP.HRANTZES, Chronicon Minus (PG, 156) colI. 1025GEORGIOS SPHRANTZES, Memorii, 1401-1477, ed. V. Grecu (Bucharest, 1966).

ST Studi e Testi. SYMEON SYMEON, Archbishop of Thessalonica, Politico-historical works of Symeon Archbishop of Thessalonica (1416/17 to 1429), ed. D. Balfour, Wiener By zantinistische Studien, XIII (Vienna, 1979). SYROPOULOS SYLVESTRE SYROPOULOS, Les Memoires du grand ecc/esiarque de ' I' Eglise de Constantinople, Sylvestre Syropoulos, sur le concile de Florence, ed. V. Laurent (Rome, 1971). ZACHARIADOU, 'Manuel 11 Palaeologus' E. A. ZACHARIADOU, 'Manuel 11 Palaeo logus on the strife between Bayezid I and Kadi Burhan aI-Din Ahmad', BSOAS, 43 (1980), 471-81. ZAKYTHINOS, Le Despotat D. A. ZAKYTHINOS, Le Despotat grec de Moree, rev. by C. Maltezou, 2 vols. (Variorum London, 1975). =

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LIST OF SIGNS

MANUSCRIPTS E

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Ea

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P

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V

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Va

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Ve

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W

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cod. Scorial. gr.

243 (cf. pp. 41-2). 14 (cf. pp. 32-4). cod. Paris. suppl. gr. 309 (cr. pp. 34- 7).

cod. Scorial. gr. pi

=

text copied from X archetype of the revised version.

p2

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first revision

PJ

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p4

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second revision third revision

p5

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fourth revision

pi

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fifth revision

p7

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sixth and final revision resulting in P.

cod.

Vat. gr.

cod.

Vat. gr.

1450 (cf. pp. 37-8). 632 (cf. pp. 40-1). (cf. pp. 39-40). cod. Vat. gr. 16 Vel

=

text copied from X archetype of the revised version.

Ve2

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first revision

( P2) resulting in Ve. 98 (cf. p. 39). =

cod. Osterr. Nationalb. Phi!. gr.

EDITIONS C C-M

=

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L

=

M

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edition by Combefis (cf. pp. 55-6). Combefis text as found in the Migne edition (cf. pp. 55-6). edition by Lampros (cf. pp. 56-7). edition by Migne (cf. pp. 55-6).

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

PI. I.

Frontispiece: Manuel 11 Palaeologus Cod. Paris. suppl. gr.

PI. VI.

309, f. VI 14, f. 257 Cod. Paris. suppl. gr. 309, f. Cod. Paris. suppl. gr. 309, f. 15 Cod. Vat. gr. 1450, f. 3 Vind. Phi!. gr. 98, f 128

PI. VII.

Cod.

Vat. gr.

PI. VIII. Cod.

Vat. gr.

PI. 11. PI. Ill. PI. IV. PI. V.

Cod. Scorial. gr.

914, f. 59 94, f. III

Map Central and Southern Greece

Manuel 11 Palaeologus Funeral Oration

FOREWORD During my stay in Venice in 1963-4 as Virginia Gildersleeve Fellow, working on the revision of my thesis on Manuel II Palaeologus for publication, I met Fr. Raymond J. Loenertz O. P., who suggested that instead I prepare a new edition with translation of the Emperor's Funeral Oration on his brother Theodore. In his second visit to Venice that year, realizing that I was going over the same material and transcribing documents that he bad himself already copied, in order to save me time, he generously offered me the transcriptions he so far had made of the Misti and Secreti. He also suggested that some of these documents might appear as an appendix to . the edition of the Funeral Oration. I have since added new material with the result that the nl;lmber of these documents, so essential for the history of medieval Greece, is now too large to appear in an appendix and too important to be left out altogether. To avoid therefore overburdening the present edition, either with a detailed historical introduction or with appended. illustrative material, these documents will now be published separately together with a more extensive historical analysis. The preparation of the edition of the Funeral Oration for various reasons was delayed, so that Father Loenertz never saw aoy of the work, with the exception of my findings on the relationship of the manuscripts which I communicated to him in my letters. Had he been able to see the -

present edition he would have saved it from errors that it might contain. Of the friends who gave me help I would like to thank particularly Dr. Elizabeth Zachariadou who read the whole manuscript and made some . important corrections, Mrs. Alison Brown, Dr. Athanasios Angelou, Dr. Anthony T. Luttrell and Fr. George T. Dennis. Above all, I would like to thank Professor J. M. Hussey whom I owe ·a particular debt. It was my privilege to work with her, first as a postgraduate student and later as a colleague, and I have always profited from her teaching and knowledge which she gave unstintingly. Professor Hussey read the whole manuscript, made useful suggestions and corrected the English of the translation twice. Whatever stylistic merit the translation possesses is entirely due to her. I am responsible for any error of interpretation that it might contain. I would like to express my particular thanks to Monsignor P. Canart, Mr. Ch. Astruc, the State Archive in Venice, the Bibliotheque Nationale, the

4

Foreword

Vatican Library, the Biblioteca Marciana, the Library of Escorial, the Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek and the British Library. I would also like to thank Mme P. Katsone of the Association for By zantine Research of Thessalonike, for her painstaking and skilled help in seeing the book through the press. I am indebted to the International Federation of University Women for a year's research in the Archives of Venice in 1963-4 when most of the . corroborative material was collected. I would also like to thank the University of London Central Research Fund and The Twenty-Four I Foundation Awards for grants towards the completion of this work. The publication of this edition would have been impossible without the generous grants from the following: The Association for Byzantine Re search of Thessalonike; the Late Miss Isobel Thornley's Bequest to the University of London; the British Academy; and the Marc Fitch Fund. To the Councils of these bodies, I am deeply grateful.

Royal Holloway College University of London 1985

J. CHRYSOSTOMIDES

INTRODUCTION

I. THE AUTHOR The Emperor Manuel 11 Palaeologus, the second son of John V and Helena Cantacuzene, was born in Constantinople on 1 7 June 13501• He is first heard of in diplomatic negotiations in 1355 when his father wrote to Pope Innocent VI to ask for military help aga�nst the Ottomans. In return for help he promised to accept the absolute authority of the Papal See and convert his family and his people within six months, offering as a pledge to send Manuel to Rome to be adopted by the Pope and brought up as a Catholic2• At the age of sixteen Manuel accompanied his father in the winter of 1366 on a personal embassy to Buda to plead for assistance. This proved an utter failure, for King Louis of Hungary treated the Emperor with insulting distrust and even insisted on Manuel being left behind as a hostage3• After his return from Buda, Manuel was appointed governor of Thessaloni ca, and though very little is known of his activities there, he seems to have already by then initiated his project of consolidating the Empire. As a first step he aimed at freeing the Byzantine possessions which had fallen under the Serbian occupation. Sometime in November 137 1, taking advantage of the Serbian defeat at the battle of Marica by the Ottomans, he took possession of some territories, including Serres. His success did not last long. By the following year these areas were conquered by the Turks. For the crashing defeat of the" Serbs enabled the Ottomans to infiltrate into Macedonia, Thessaly, Albania and reduce both Bulgaria and Byzantium to the position of vassal states4• The external political pressures on Byzantium brought about by the Ottoman advance into the Balkans were further increased by the dynastic

I. Loenertz, Une erreur», pp. 389-91. 2. ed. A. Theiner & F. Miklosich, Monumenta spectantia ad unionem Ecclesiarum " graecae et romanae (Vienna, 1872), no. 8, pp. 29-37. 3. Cydones "Prooemien», p. 1419.4. Prototaton MS no. 21, ed. P. N. Papageorgiou, BZ, 3 (1894), 316 n. 2; Cydones, "Prooemien», p. 1421-22; G. Ostrogorski, "Byzance, etat tributaire de I'empire Turc Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta, 5 (1958), 49-58. «

•• ,

6

Introduction

conflicts which were to shake the Empire for the following two decades. In 1373 Manuel succeeded his brother Andronicus IV after the latter's revolt against his father and he reigned as co-emperor until 1376. In that year Andronicus staged his second revolt, instigated by the Genoese of Pera in order to prevent the strategically important island of Tenedos being ceded by John V to the Venetians. With Turkish help he succeeded in overthrowing his father and brother and incarcerating them in the Tower of Anemas. Three years later, in the summer of 1379, they escaped from imprisonment and with Turkish and Venetian assistance recaptured the City5. Probably under pressure from the Genoese and perhaps also the Venetians a reconciliation between John V and Andronicus IV was seemingly effected in 138 1/2 which barred Manuel from the throne6• Whether out of disappoint ment or for other reasons he decided, against his father's wishes, to return secretly to Thessalonica. There he attempted to pursue an independent course of action, and in opposition ·to his father's policy of appeasement towards the Ottomans he opened hostilities against them. After some initial victories the Turks besieged the city for four years ending with its capture in 1387 and Manuel's submission to Murad P. For this disastrous adventure which cost the Empire the loss of Thessalonica he was exiled by his father to the island of LemnosK• But by the summer of 1389 he was reconciled with him and was once more recognized as heir apparent, since the agreement of 138 112 regulating the order of succession had been rendered null and void by Andronicus IV's third rebellion in 1385 and subsequent death9• This new agreement however excluded the Emperor's grandson John VII, the son of Andronicus, from the throne. This was unacceptable to John and with Genoese and Turkish help he seized the City in 1390. With enormous energy Manuel enlisted the help of the Hospitallers and was able to oust John from the capitallo. On his father's death a few months later on 16 February 139 1 Manuel succeeded to the

5. CBB I, 9 §§ 24-6, 31-2; Chinazzo, pp. 17-8, 214-6; Dueas (B) 43-6 (G) 71-3; Chron. br., 162 §§ I I, 13-4 (=CBB, I, 22 §§ 15-17); Cydones 167, pp. 38-9; 222, pp. 106-7; 224, p. 115; CBB I, 7 § 19; Chrysostomides, «Studies on Caroldo», p. 153ff. 6. MM 11, no. 344, pp. 25-7; Belgrano, Documenti, no. 26, pp. 133-40. 7. Cydones 203, 243, 244, 247, 259, 312, 332, pp. 80-1, 146-8, 150-1, 163-66, 238; Dennis, The reign, pp. 57ff; Acres d'Esphigmenou, ed. J. Lefort (Paris, 1973), doe. no. 30, p. 175,3-5. 8. Loenertz, « L' exil de Manuel II», p. 116ff. 9. R. Cessi, «Amedeo di Aeaia», pp. 18-9; Cydones 308, p. 320; CBB I, 7 §, 20. 10. CBB I, 7 §§ 21-22; Ignaee of Smolensk (K), pp. 140-2 = (S), pp. 256-8; Loenertz, «Jean V», pp. 231-2. See also below p. 140n. 62. =

I The Author

7

thronell. These early years were undoubtedly the most humiliating period of his life, as his letters and Dialogues indicate. As a vassal to the Turks he had to participate with his contingent in the two campaigns Bayezid led in Asia Minor in 1390 and 139 112. He was forced to wit�ess atrocities, suffer hardships and indignities. But what he found unbearable was, as he wrote, the thought that he 'had to fight along with those and on behalf of those whose every increase in strength lessens our own strength' 13. For the next thirty-four years he governed the Empire indefatigably, trying to strengthen the central authority, enhance the unity of the Churchl4 and consolidate Byzantine rule in the scattered enclaves by bringing them under the direct authority of Constantinople. At the same time he adroitly managed to keep his independence despite his vassalage to the Turks. In 1393/4 however Sultan Bayezid adopted a more aggressive policy than his predecessor Murad I and tried to impose stricter control on his vassalsls. This new move forced Manuel to break with Bayezid and face the long Ottoman siege of Constantinople. During these desperate years the Emperor sought to arouse the conscience of the West against the Turks. His appeal found a response in King Sigismund for at the time Hungary's independence was also threatened by the Ottomans. At Sigismund's request Pope Boniface IX preached a Holy Warlfl. The outcome of this was the minor crusade, mainly a Franco-Hungarian effort, which ended in disaster at Nicopolis in 1396. Despite this debacle Manuel persevered and his ambassadors roamed the western courts for help. As a result of his direct appeal to Charles VI of France, a small French force under Marechal Boucicaut arrived in autumn 1399 bringing some relief to the hard-pressed capital. It was at the suggestion of Boucicaut that Manuel decided to travel to Italy, France and England personally to solicit military assistance 17. His expectations were never

11. CBB I, 7 § 23. 12. Zachariadou, «Manuel 11 Paleaologus», p. 471ff. 13. Letters 19,8-10; 14,23-29; 15,37-39; 16,7-14. 64 75; Dialogues p. 5,9-11; X, pp. 120,23-121,5; V, p. 50,1-7; XV, p. 190,8-11. 14. This is clearly reflected in the controversy concerning Patriarch Matthew I, though the Emperor was accused by his opponents of governing the Church with an iron rod (Laurent, «Le trisepiscopat», pp. 5-166, particularly pp. 30, 52-3, 93-6, 132, 169-173. -

15. This is clearly reflected in Manuel's narrative, Funeral Oration p. 137. 16. Ducas (B) 50 (G) 79' O. Raynaldi, Annales Ecclesiastici. ed. J. D. Mansi (Luca, 1752), XXVI, pp. 584-6. Cr. J. Delaville Le Roulx, La France en Orient au XlVI! siecle (Paris, 1886), v.l., p. 228. 17. Le Religieux de Saint-Denys, Chronique. ed. & tr. L. Bellaguet (Paris, 1839), v. 2, =

8

Introduction

realized, for despite the most extravagant promises and sinc�re compassion shown to him he achieved nothing. Aid came in more or less accidental way from a different quarter - from the Mongols under Timur, who defeated Bayezid at the battle of Ankara ( 1402) and brought about the fragmentation of the Turkish state. The hereditary rulers in Asia Minor recovered their independence while the sons of Bayezid competed for the rema-ining Turkish possessions. Manuel did his best to turn this struggle for supremacy in the Ottoman Empire to his favour by playing one pretender against the other. In this he had some success, and until 14 19 the Empire enjoyed relative peace ' which enabled the Emperor to embark on a policy of reconstruction. His first move towards political and economic improvement was aimed at strengthen ing the central government. After Theodore's death in 1407 Manuel governed the Byzantine province in the Peloponnese through his sons and was entirely responsible for the policy pursued in this area. His drastic measures to curb the centrifugal tendencies of magnates and his attempts to expand at the expense of the foreign principalities can all be seen as part of this policy. In his dealings with the West military assistance for the rescue of the Empire and the union of the two Churches remained his main pre occupationlK• Manuel seems to have been in favour of union not simply as a device against the Turks, but also because he genuinely desired reconcilia tion. He undoubtedly bore a genuine admiration for the West as his description of the Hospitallers extolling their aspirations, energy, dedication and military prowess amply demonstrates. Alive to the idea that his country and the West were bound together by their common faith in Christianity he seems to have regarded their religious differences far from irreconcilablel9• Yet, he was fully aware of the difficulties involved. For as long as his people demanded union with Rome on their own terms, no agreement could have a Bk. 18, ch. 8, Bk. 20, ch. 3, pp. 558-62, 690-92; Le livre des faicts, Bk. I, chs. 30-34, pp. 117134; Jean Juvenal des Ursins, Histoire de Charles VI, edd. Michaud et Poujoulat, (Nouvelle collection des memoires pour servir a [,histoire de France. le serie, t. 11, Paris, 1836), p. 412b. For his stay in the West, see Barker, Manuel II. p. 122ff.; for a revised chronology see below p. 162 n. 88 ; D. M. Nicol, ((A Byzantine Emperor in England, Manuelll 's visit to London in 1400-14.01», University of Birmingham Historical Journal, 12 (1971), 204-25. 18. O. Halecki, ((Rome et Byzance au temps du grand schisme d'Occident», Collectanea Theologica, (Lw6w) 18 (1937), 476-532; Cirac Estopafian, La union, Manuel II Paleologo y sus recuerdos en Espaiia (Barcelona, 1952); Loenertz, ((Les dominicains byzantins», pp. 77-130; Cf. J. Gill, The Council of Florence (Cambridge, 1959), p. 16ff.; H. G. Beck, ((Byzanz und der Westen im Zeitalter des Konziliarismus», Die Welt zur Zeit des Konstanzer Konzils (Konstanzer Arbeitskreis fur millelalterliche Geschichte. Vortriige und Forschungen 9. Stuttgart, 1965), pp. 135-48; Barker, Manuel Il, pp.

19. Funeral Oration, pp. 167-77; Letters 37,/3-/5, p. 101.

I 23ff., 320ff.

I The Author

9

lasting effect. And reunion with Rome without the support of his people, he feared, could only strengthen the schism, bring about the total political isolation of Byzantium and thus expose it further to Turkish aggression. In his assessment of the situation, one assumes, the Union of Lyons and its repercussions could not have been very far from his mind. That is why, in the conversation reported by Sphrantzes, he advised his son to proceed on this matter with caution20• And not, as has been often maintained, because Manuel wished to keep the negotiations alive as a deterrent against the Turks without however having the slightest intention of ever arriving at any conclusion. Such an interpretation fails to appreciate both the subtleties of the reported conversation and the complexities of the issue. That Manuel was sincere in his efforts seems to be confirmed by his choice of ambassadors he sent to the West to negotiate union. Among these were Nicholas Eudai'mo noiannes, Theodore Chrysoberges and above all Manuel Chrysoloras, all three ardent unionist; the last two disciples of Cydones and like him converts to the Roman faith. Moreover taking into consideration the profound friendship and respect the Emperor had for both Cydones and Chrysoloras, it is unlikely that his attitude to Roman Catholicism would have been a hostile one, or that he would ever have exploited his friends for political considerations. His belief in Church union is further corroborated by the conversation Manuel had with Demetrius Chrysoloras over prophesies concerning the timing of Church union and its effects on the Christians. On this occasion, though the Emperor expressed doubts over the suggestion that this might take place during his reign, he emphatically rejected the view that such an event would be disastrous for the Christians2 1• It is therefore reasonable to assume that John VIII was not distorting his father's views ,when, in his address to the Greek clerics in Florence sometime in May 1439, 20. Sphrantzes (PG) 10460-1047A (G) 58, ch. 23 § 6: ... to m:pt tfje; OUVObOU �.u:AJ:ta J.1EV auto Kat c:ivaK(ltOVE, Kat J.1IlAlo9' omv EXUe; xpEiav 't'lva q>o�fjoat toUe; c:ioE�Eie;' to bE va 1tOlllOUe; autllv, J.111bEV E1tlXElplo9fje; auto, bUJrI oiJbBv p)'brw rove; =

((

r,).i£repOVe; on eiaiv apJ.lOblOl npoe; ro eupefv nva rponov tvwaewe; Kai eip1v'1e; Kai oJ.lovofae;. aAA.· on Vtl rove; emarpe'llovv de; ro Vtl /;aJ.lBv we; apxii(Jev' rovrov be at5vvarov ovroe; axeb6v.

Kat ibOU c:i1tEOKE1tIl0911J.1EV de; wue; c:ioE�Eie;». With few exceptions the majority of scholars have tended to emphasize those parts of the conversation which shed an adverse light on Manuel, while neglecting those which we have underlined above and which are �ssential for an accurate and fair interpretation of the Emperor's attitude to Church union. Despite Sphrantzes' bias on the subject it is possible to read between the lines. 21. Syropoulos, pp. 104,23-106,9; 108,4-/0; 606,/7-3/; 172,/5-174,/0. Manuel's treatise on the Holy Spirit (Codd. Vat. gr. 1107; Barberinus gr. 219) which he composed in Paris has often been regarded as an example of his being «irascibly stubborn in his beliefs» rpoPOVJ.lal J.lr, Kai xefpov axfaJ.la yev'1ral'

IQ

Introduction

he reminded his audience that this '8E i ov EPYOV ... -cTlOV t;yEia8al q>EPEW'. An edition of this work is now being prepared by Dr. A. Angelou. -

I The Author

13

This makes itself felt in his treatment of the cession of the Byzantine Peloponnese to the Hospitallers and in particular in his advocacy for flexibility when making political choices35. Yet, it was perhaps his concern with the Platonic conception of ruling and his attempt to put into practice the beliefs which he held about the functions of a ruler that won him the name of the «oe; �ucrlAEUe;» who made those who came into contact with him keenly aware of his moral qualiHes «tOtUUtU 7tUpa tOU tiie; '1lUxiie; KlAoooq>iav Kat pamAdav.

11. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION

The theme of the Funeral Oration is Theodore Palaeologus Porphyro genitus, Despot at Mistra, and his deeds which he performed as ruler of the

Despotate between the years 1382 and 1407*.

Theodore was the youngest child of John V and Heleri a Cantacuzene and though the exact date of his birth is not known he was probably born in the middle or late 50sl. According to his brother, he was a precocious boy with a quick and receptive mind, affectionate, courageous and loyal. His loyalty to his family, and particularly to his brother Manuel 11, was clearly demonstrated during the events which followed the second revolt of his brother Andronicus IV in 1376. At the tim� Theodore could have escaped to Thessalonica, whose governor he had been designated earlier in that year, yet he chose to stay behind to nurse his brother Manuel who had been wounded during Andronicus' attack on the palace. Taken prisoner he was held with his father and brother in the tower of Anemas until June 1379 when the three succeeded in escaping and returning to power2. After John V's restoration he may have been instrumental in bringing about a reconciliation between his father and elder brother since he seems to have been the only male member of the family for whom Andronicus still felt affection). This might explain why Theodore refused to leave Constantinople to take up his new appointment as governor of Mistra, to which office he had been designated shortly before the death on 10 April 1380 of his maternal

•

For the use of the term Despotate see R-J. Loenertz, B, 43(1973), 361

n.

3

.

I. His parents were married in 1347; their first son Andronicus was born on 4 April

1348, followed by a daughter Irene sometime in 1349 and Manuel on 17 June 1350 (Loenertz, ((Une erreUT», pp. 183-3); then came Michael and Theodore. Theodore therefore could not have been born at the earliest before the first months of 1352. 2. Funeral Oration pp. 101-9; CBB 1,7 § 19,9 § 31,22 §§ 15-17,11,pp. 311-3,316-7; Cydones, Letter 167, 13-/7, p. 38; 222, 58-92, pp. 105-06; Chalcocandyles (B) 60-63 = (D) 55-57; Ducas (B) 45 = (G) 73; Chinazzo 17-8. For Theodore's appointment as governor of Thessalonica see V. Laurent, ((Vne nouvelle fondation monastique des Choumnos: la Nea Mpni de Thessalonique», REB, 13 (1955), 109-32; R-J. Loenertz, ((Vn prostagma perdu de Theodore I Paleologue regardant Thessalonique (1380/821»>, EEBE, 25 (1955), 170-72. 3. Funeral Oration p. 105, 13-18.

Introduction

16

uncle Manuel Cantacuzenus4• Theodore insisted on remaining in the capital . until the two parties were reconciled and his mother, her sisters and her father John VI Cantacuzenus, detained by the Genoese, were released from their confinement in Pera5• He did not finally leave for the Peloponnese until sometime in autumn 1382, shortly before or after the ,treaty of 2 November which brought some stability to the political situation in Constantinople, for according to Manuel his brother refused to leave the capital before his father had regained his former positiont>. By then it had become imperative for him to take up his duties at Mistra, for the province was once more in the grips of a fresh civil war led by his cousin Cantacuzenus, the son of the former Emperor Matthew Cantacuzenus who had assumed the interim government after his brother's death. Matthew found himself incapable of suppressing his ' son's rebellion, though in the later part of his rule he was assisted by his father John VI who had joined him soon after his release from Pera. The situation certainly demanded the energy and 'courage of a younger man, and John Cantacuzenus and his son insisted that Theodore should assume his office immediately7. The situation Theodore faced on his arrival in the Peloponnese was difficult and complex. The Despotate, at the time, consisted of a compact area whose borders ran northwest from Leutron (to the east of Kalamata) as far as Leontarion then veered westwards to Zourtsa enclosing Veligosti and Karytaina. The frontier then

p roceeded

northward to Akova, Tripotamo as

far as Kernitsa, turned southward in a winding line taking in Mouchli and Astros and commanding the coastline from Astros via C. Malea and C. Matapan as fas as L eutron. Its western and eastern borders were studded with fortresses that controlled the passes into the plains of Messenia, Elis, Achaia, Corinthia and the Argolisl!. This was an advantageous position which under an effective ruler might have enabled this Byzantine outpost to extend its conquests in the Peloponnese. Its territory had remained fixed since the Syzantine reconquest of J 320, for Mapuel Cantacuzenus who ruled the area from 1349 to 138 0 had limited himself to consolidating. t� e

4. Loenertz, Chron. Mor. § 11, pp. 417-8 ( = CBB I, 33 § 11). 5. Funeral Oration p. 111,14-/6; Cydones, Letter 241,42-45, p. 145; Loenertz, ((Pour l'histoire», pp. 232-33. 6. Funeral Oration p. 111,/2-/4; Loenertz, Chron. Mor. § 13, p. 418-19 (= CBB I, 33 §13, 11, pp. 324-5); Dennis, The reign, pp. 57-9. 7. Cydones, Letter 241, 42-45, p. 145; Loenertz, ((Pour l'histoire •• p. 231. 8. Bon, La Moree franque, p. 220-21.

II Historical Introduction

17

reconquered lands and establishing friendly· relations with his neighbours9• A few years before his death however the arrival of the mercenary Navarrese Company in Greece disturbed the status quo. About 1379/8 0 they established themselves in Achaia as the permanent centre of authoritylO, giving the principality stability and a new scope for expansion. Wh,en Cantacuzenus's revolt broke out they were quick to lend him and his rebel archons their support against the central authority of the Palaeologi. The Navarrese move inevitably determined Theodore's internal and external policy, for he was forced to direct all his energies to crushing the rebels and putting an end to the Navarrese incursions. With this aim in mind, he soon entered into an alliance with Neri Acciaiuoli, the lord of Corinth, and this was further strengthened by his marriage to Neri's eldest daughter Bartolomea, sometime in the spring of 1384. Thus began a close relationship which was to last almost a decade and whose moving force was undoubtedly Neri. Guided by an ambition to unif� parts of the Peloponnese, Boeotia, Attica and extend further Florentine suzerainty over an enlarged territory, this newly formed alliance with the imperial house of the Palaeologi appeared to Neri to bring his plans nearer to- fruition11. Theodore certainly shared Neri's

ambitions.

Resourceful and determined, he energetically pursued his own policies in conjunction with those of his father-in-law, though somewhat overshadowed by him until Neri's death when he came into his own and emerged as a force to be reckoned with in the Peloponnese. ,The first signs of a concerted policy are seen in the attempts both made between 138 3 and 138 4 to draw Venice into an alliancel2, since in this area of conflicting interests and ambitions the Republic held the balance of power. Her domains in the Peloponnese were limited to Coron and Modon, but as her influence was felt in the entire peninsula it was imperative to secure ' Venice's, goodwill, in any impending struggle with the Navarrese. Both attempts however failed. The Venetians were not prepared to run the risk of ' alienating the Navarrese from whom they were anxious to' secure the strategically important port and fortress of Zonclon by involvi�g themse�ves in the affairs of Theodore and Neri. In the ensuing war Theodore's position

9. Cantacuzenus Ill, pp. 85-6,88-9; Loenertz, Chron. Mor §§ 6, 8,pp. 404,4 14- 15; cf. Zakythinos, Le Despotat I, p. 106ff. 10. Loenertz, «Hospitaliers», no. 14, p. 342ff. 11. J. Chrysostomides, ((An unpublished letter of Nerio Acciaiuoli (30 October 1384»), Byzantina, 7 (1975), 120-3. 12. 1383.11.20, Misti 38, f. 10; 1384.111.29, Misti 38, f. 107 v ( = Regestes I, 639,668, pp. 156, 162).

18

Introduction

vis a vis the Navarrese remained precarious until 1387, when he recognized Murad 1's suzerainty and received help from the Ottomans, enabling him to break the opposition of the rebel archons and consolidate his rule, by recovering towns and fortresses from the Navarresel3• These successes however had a detrimental effect on his relations with the Venetians who were now driven into closer alignment with Achaia in the hope of strengthening their own position vis a vis Theodore and Neri and securing the much coveted port of Zonclon for themselves. Venice more deeply committed to Achaia when in

�ecame

139 8 Theodore with Neri's

connivance, snatched from her the cities of Argos and Nauplion which the Republic had shortly before secured from Marie d'Enghien. The confl.ict which broke out over this affair not only weakened the warring factions but at the same time destroyed any hope for a conc erted defensive action against the Turks, whose armies by 1389 had swept into Serbia, forced Bulgaria into submission and threatened to engulf major cities on the Dalmatian coast. Theodore's policy howev�r did not alter until after Murad's death in 1389 and more specifically during the meeting with the Sultan Bayezid at Serres in the winter of accompany

1393. Detained by Bayezid Theodore was compelled to

him in his

march

into Thessaly

and

Phocis

sometime in

January/February 139414; while at the same time he was forced to surrender part of his territories, including Argos and Monemvasia, to the Turks. With enormous courage and dexterity Theodore managed to extricate himself from this difficult situation and escaping from the Sultan's camp reached his territories. There in co-operation with Neri mounted the defence of the Peloponnese and succeeded in barring the Isthmus to the Turksls: The sudden change of Ottoman policy brought home to Theodore the urgent need to free himself from the precarious status of a vassal to the Turks and to combine with other rulers, particularly Venice, to present a united front against them. In this he had Neri's full support. Indeed it was the Florentine who finally persuaded him to return Argos to the Republic and conclude ·peaceI6• In exchange, the Venetians extended military support to Neri and at Theodore's request sent a galley to patrol the coast of

13. Letter of Jacopo, bp. of Argos, ed.. Gregorovius, ((Briefe», p. 299 (also in Gregorovius-Lampros, 11, p. 642; DOC 574, p. 612); Loenertz, ((Res Gestae», p. 209, 5456; Ibid. Chron. Mor. § 14 pp. 405, 420-21, ( CBB I, 33 § 14, 11, p. 335); Ibid., ((Pour I'histoire)) , pp. 236-7. 14. Loenertz, ((Pour I'histoire)) , pp. 245-6. 15. Funeral Oration, pp. 137-53. 16. 1394.V.27, Lampros, "Eyyparpa. pp. 374-85, 114, 388. =

19

II Historical Introduction

Monemvasia, thus cutting off all lines of communication and starving the' Turkish garrison into surrender. The Turkish counter offensive which aimed at breaking Theodore's siege of Monemvasia did not succeed in its mission and had to beat a retreatI7• • The Ottoman, campaigns in Greece however failed to unite all the Ch17istian rulers in the area. In the face of Venetian change of policy and the impending Ottoman attack on Athens and tne Despotate, the' Navarrese, who had probably made overtures to the Sultan as early as February/March

1394, sided with the Turks and henceforth were to rely heavily on their help against Theodore. Co-operation between Venice, Theodore and Neri was of short duration. With. the death of Neri in September 1394 hostilities over the bequest of his estates broke out between Theodore and his brother-in-law, Carlo Tocco, duke of Cephalonia. ' In the ensuing conflict Tocco sided with the Navarrese and called in the Turks. Although a contingent under Evrenos bey crossed into the Peloponnese and routed Theodore's army before Corinth, it failed to neutralise him for Turkish military activities in the area were apparently curtailed by Bayezid's campaign against Mircea of Wallachiall!. Once the Turkish pressure had been lifted, Theodore redoubled his efforts and was able to consolidate his hold on the lands he had seized in the castellany of Corinth, the city itself eluding him. This still remained in Tocco's handsl9. His position was further strengthened when on 4 June 1395 he defeated the Navarrese army and captured t� eir Vicar General, Pierre de Saint Superan� and a' great number of his barons. To obtain Saint Supet;an's release required Venice's mediation and probably the payment of a large ransom 20. Thus Theodore emerged as a dominant force in the Peloponnese. Venice's intervention was entirely due to her fears that the principality, at the time in the throes of a civil war, might fall an easy prey to the Despot or to the Turks. Either alternative had to be avoided at all costs, rSince Venetian policy

sought

to keep the status quo,

namely,

a fragmented

pe.ninsula where she held the balance of power. Reluctant herself to embark on a territorial expansion which would have strained her resources, already heavily committed to the defence of the Adriatic, Venice was not prepared to

17. 24.VII.1394, Misti 43, f. 18 ( = Regestes I, p. 203, no. 858); Funeral Oration p. 159, 8-/8; Locncrtz, «Pour I'histoirc», p. 252 rf.

18. G. Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine State, tr., by J. M. flussey (Oxford, 1968), p. 55( n. I; CBB 11, p. 357 and n. 43. 19. Chrysostomides, "Corinth», p. 86ff. 20. Loenertz, Chr. Mor. § 18, pp. 405-6, 423� (CBB 1, 33, § 18); Funeral Oration pp.

20

Introduction

allow any other power to do so, whether Greeks or Turks, since this would have threatened her hold on the coastal towns of Coron, Modon and Nauplion, so essential to her commercial activities. The Venetians failed however to grasp that ultimately, with conflicting interests at play, no concerted effort could ever be made against the Ottomans unless one of the rulers

succeeded

in imposing his

authority over the whole

area.

That

Theodore entertained such a possibility is clearly seen by his atte�pts to try and extend his suzerainty over the north-eastern section of the Peloponnese. But although he succeeded in occupying lands belonging to the castellany of Corinth and act1,lally buying the city and castle from Carlo Tocco, sometime between September 1395 and January 1396, he failed to muster adequate funds to rebuild the wall of Hexamilion which, in conjunction with Corinth, would have formed a. defence system of some importance against Turkish incursions into the Peloponnese. Nor did he succeed in securing Venice's co operation in his' project concerning Hexamilion even though in March 1397 he was prepared to sell her the city of Corinth21. These inherent weaknesses in the political structure of the Peloponnese became once more apparent in 1397 when the Turks, after their victory at Nikopolis, invaded the peninsula under Yakub pa�a, devastated the city of Argos and toof; 1 1 7,24 aYEVr,e;; 127,1 8 �la�l1ta1; 1 37,8 cl1tEiP11To; 1 4 7,14 Otu<pov; 149,26 aYEvVEOtEpav; 1 79,14-15 cl1tEUKtairov; 21 3,13 I111AElrova; 227,19 U1tOOtaV; 251 ,15 iOXUP1�0J.1EVOUe;.

The evidence contained in ' the surviving eight leaves in Ve is not sufficient for aQ,y definite conclusions to be drawn. The existing evidence at times seems to point in opposite directions.. 'There are two instances that may suggest that P derived from Ye: i) 75,8-10 EIlE tt yap cl<provia Ka�EoXEv U1tO tiie; IlEyiot11e; taut110i OUIl<popfie; Ullfie; tE tOUt ' oloa 1ta90vtae;, oue; 6 VUV 9P11VOuIlEVOe; olaYEyovEV EU 1t01roV. This sentence was introduced in the revised

Relationship of the Manuscripts

ii)

49

version of the F.Or. and therefore it is not found in Ea. In Ve it is appended in the margin, while in P is incorporated in the text. 81,26 the word OUK in Ve is inserted above the line, perhaps by a

different hand, while in P it is incorporated in the text. Yet neither of these two instances by themselves entitle us to assume that P was copied from Ye, as these may be a scribe's inadvertent omissions. Moreover the erroneous reading of AOY01 , ρρ. 231 -3; Dennis, The reign ρρ. 47, 58-9). See also above ρ. 16. •

.

1 14

Funeral Oration his childhood days until he stood an adult at your side. With these pniyers he left his country and put ou� to sea; with these prayers he set sail while his relatives at the same time wept and bade him farewell; with the help of such prayers he hop ed to win God's aid. He did nothing without prayer, whether it was thought or actio.n, and that is why he achieved everything ίη difficult and fearful situations which automatically changed as it were, ίη his favour. We must certainly relate everything and ιη detail, all the evί1s which the cities here suffered from the neighbouring Latins and the Turks when they attacked either by land with cavalry or by sea with pirate vessels34. In this way the land of Pelops was being destroyed. This happened when my mother's · brother, the ruler of this land of Pelops, a man of noble character who knew how to govern well, died without an heir and was succeeded ίη government by his brother15• Although he was an exceedingly kind man, of higher rank 3 6 and older than h�s deceased brother, he was hindered ίη performing his task - for the truth must be told - by his audacious SOn37 and this is why everything was continually falling into ruin. Why do Ι need to tear open your wounds by using my narrative as if it were claws? Beside� it would be pointIess to relate all thi1;l . to you who are · well acquainted with these events. Therefore let us take for granted those early events and set out ίη correct sequence as our main theme those which refer to the period after his arrival ίη the Peloponnese.

When he disembarked from · οη board, he was gladly received by . . all, and as he set about his task he retained their love for him - which is something rare, for usually people?s .ιοve diminishes - and he continued to shine over all and be of service to all. And everybody felt

34. For the Turkish expansion ίη the Aegean ίη .the first half of the. fourteenth century see D. Jacoby, «Catalans, Turcs et Venitiens en Romanie ( 1 305- 1 332): υη nouveau temoignage de Marino Sanudo Torsello», Studi Medievali, ser. 3, 15 ( 1974), 246ff. ; Ε. Α. Zachariadou, «The Catalans of Athens and the beginning of the, Turkish expansion ίη the Aegean area», Studi Medievali, ser. 3, 2 1 ( 1 980), 821 -38. 35. Αι the death of Manuel Cantacuzenus οη 1 0 Apτίl 1 380 his eldest brother Matthew assumed power υηιίΙ Theodore arrived ίη Mistra. See above ρ. 1 5. 36. Matthew was acclaimed emperor by his father John ΥΙ Cantacuzenus. See NicoI, The Byzantine lami/y ΟΙ Kantakouzenos, ρ. I l 3ff. 37. Most probably the Despot John Cantacuzenus who made a bid for the Despotate. G. Gerola; « L'effige del Despota Giovanni Cantacuzeno)), Β, 6 ( 1 93 1 ), 379-387; Dennis, The reign, ρ. 1 1 6 η. 40. Manuel, as Gemistos Plethon remarks ίη

Μανουηλ Παλαιολόγου Λ όγος

5

10

15

f. 1 1 ν

20

2S

115

άπαλων άχρι και τοϋ μεθ ύμων εΙναι. Ταύταις ανηγετο ταίς ευχαίς άφεις έκ , της πατρίδος είς πέλαγος, ταύταις άπέπλει, των συγγενων δακρυόντων άμα και προπεμπόντων, ταύταις και την άπό τοϋ θεοϋ συμμαχίαν ήλπιζε σχήσειν. ουδεν 11 έλογίζετο 11 τό παράπαν είργάζετο τούτων άνευ' διό και παν ήνυε των τε δυσκόλων και φοβερων ώσπερ αυτομάτων είς τουναντίον μετενηνεγμένων. Πάντα μεν ουν και εκαστα φράζειν, όσα τε ύπό των γειτονούντων Λατίνων αί ένταυθοί πόλεις, όσα τε ύπό των Τούρκων ύφίσταντο κακά, έπιόντων μεν ,ϊ πποις έκ της ήπείρου, έπιόντων δε ναυσι λτιστρικαίς άπό τοϋ πελάγους, και τίσιν ή τοϋ Πέλοπος κατετρίβετο τρόποις, τοϋ μεν της μητρός ήμων άδελφοϋ, τοϋ και ταυτησι της τοϋ Πέλοπος άρχοντος, άρίρτου μεν δντος την φύσιν, καλως δε άρχειν είδότος, ήδη τόν βίον άπολιπόντος .ουκ έπι παιδί τινι, τοϋ δε άδελφοϋ έκείνου την άρχην διαδεξαμένου, δντος μεν πάνυ χρηστοϋ και τό σχημα ύπερτέρου και τόν χρόνον γεραιτέρου, ύπό δε παιδός θρασέος - δεί γαρ τάληθες είπείν - κωλυομένου ποιείν τα δέοντα και δια τοϋτο π�ντων όμοϋ φθειρομένων, αυλητοϋ, φασίν, ' Αρ ραβίου. Τί δε δεί και άναξαίνειν ύμίν τα τραύματα ώσπερ δνυξι χρωμένους τοίς διηγήμασιν; "Αλλως τε και περιέργως αν ύμίν λέγοιτο, τοίς έν πείρ� των πραγμάτων γεγονόσι Ι και δια τοϋτο ταϋτα καλως είδόσιν. ' Εκείνα τοίνυν έν μέρει κείσθω· τα δε μ ετα την ένταϋθα έπιδημίαν τοϋ εαυτόν ή μίν ύπόθεσιν τοϋ παρόντος άγωνος προτεθεικότος εξης αν εϊη Ρητέα. , ' Εκείνος της νεως άποβας και μάλα άσμένως ύποδεχθεις ύπό των άπάντων, ου προϊων ήμαύρωσε τόν είς αυτόν ερωτα (τοϋτο δη τό σύνηθες οΙμαι ώς τα, πολλα πανταχοϋ γίνεσθαι), άλλ ' ήν λαμπρύνων άχρι ·παντός, άπαντας ποιων ευ, και πάντες ήσαν έν εορταίς άνευ 1 7. Corp. Paroemiogr. Gr. Ι, 42; 11, 1 47. 6. μετενηνεΥμένων PVW: μετενενηνεγμένων Va Ι 1 0 . ή του (του ί η ras.) Ρ: W: του deest ,ίη VVa Ι 1 1 -12. prirna vers. άδελφου, άρίστου μεν όντος την φύσιν, καλώς δε άρχειν εΙδότος, του κα! ταυτησ! της του Πέλqπος αρχοντος PVVa: sec. vers. per s.s. α ' β ' γ ' Ρ: sec. vers. adopt. W ,I 2 Ι -23. rng. στάσις αη codd.

his Protheoria (ρ. 67,20-22), is careful Ιο rnoderate his criticisrns, though undoubtedly he regarded Matthew's grants Ιο his son as contrary Ιο the wishes and ' policies of the palaeologi.

1 16

Funeral Oration ίη festive mood, except of course our enemies and those leading utterly stupid and wicked lives, thinking that they had you ίη a drag net designed . Ιο prevent those inside from escaping. Such people knew nothing except Ιο take delίght ίη the misfortunes of others, for they were extremely malicious as well as stupid, and they were themselves caught ίη this kind of situation later οη and were deceived ίη their hopes38• It would have been more to the ροίηι if they had rather feared for their own safety, but those who escape from the big enemies , swallow their smaller opponents, as happens with fish which are caught alίve. Such fish when trapped ίη nets often ignore, as ίι were, their own safety and being bigger can eat the smaller fry, and ίη turn are themselves eaten by bigger ones still. lη this way they regard the net as a wind-fall, so Ιο speak, ίη that they fill their belly with food ίη an easier way ihan ίη the open sea. And so the situation of all our enemies changed and instead of inspiring others with fear they themselves were terrified and those ψeΙΙ-versed ίη harming others went into hiding. Good men rejoiced that was now possible Ιο pursue without · fear the pursuits enriching cities enjoying profound peace - for certainly without question peace is better than wealth. But then the nephew, whom we have just mentioned, attack�d my brother by various means, allying himself with Turks and Latins. Suddenly he spread confusion everywhere, springing like a hurrican out of calm seas, for the situation had not yet sufficiently consolidated its turn for the better. His threats' were terrifying ,but his actions ηο less so, inasmuch as he had a mercenary army and was supported by a considerable number of local people. He also possessed fortresses which had been given to him by his father. Ιη a word, though his courage may have been misplaced and he fought for an unjust cause, ίη other respe,cts he was not ignoble and he had a subtle and infinitely resourceful mind. Ιη despair everybody advised Theodore to return, since it would be impossible Ιο stand against such an accumulation of evils. But he was ready to die rather than do what did not befit his rank and life, nor would he take any action that would conspicuously dishonour his parents and all his family and above all those who admired his virtue and his character. He believed that with the help of God, the prayers of his parents and by reason of his own ability he would be able to defend himself justly

38. Cf. Cydones 25 1 , 6-14,

ρ.

1 56.

1 17


μέντοι των εχθρων και των άβελτη ρί� τε και KαKoηθεί� πoλλίi συζώντων, εκείνων μεν ατε δοκούντων εϊσω σαγήνης ύμας εχειν μηδεν των ενδον εώσης φεύγειν, εΙτα τής ελπίδος διαμαρτόντων, τούτων δε μηδεν είδότων 11 ταΙς των αλλων συμφοραίς εντρυφαν, 5 οντων και αυτων εν ταίς ϊσαις, δπερ και λίαν κακόηθες και ουδεν ήττον εϋηθες χρεων γαρ ον ύπερ εαυτων τρέμειν. Οί δε τους ήττους ησθιον, δσοι τους μείζους διέφυγον, κατα τους εζωγρημένους ίχθυς, οϊ πολλάκις εϊσω κύρτων κατειλημμένοι, τό κατ ' αυτούς, ώς εοικεν, άγνοουσι και το υς βραχυτέρους οί μείζους εσθίοντες και αυθις 1 0· τούτους οί μαλλον μείζους ερμαιΌν, ώς είπείν, ήγουνται τό θή ρατ ρον, ώς pq.Ov εν αυτφ τας γαστέρας εμπιπλωντες τροφής ηπερ επ ' αυτου πελάγους. των μεν ουν εχθρων άπάντων άπό του φοβείν επι τό φρίττειν μεταβαλόντων, των δε κακουργείν είδότων είς χη ραμους καταδύντων και των άγαθων σκιρτώντων, ώς μετα πολλής άδείας εξόν 15 εκείνα ποιείν, δι ' :ών αν ευ.πορώτεραι γένοιντο πόλεις είρήνης βαθείας άπολαύουσαι, η δη κρείττων άτεχνως και ευπορίας άπάσης, ό άνεψιός αυτφ, ου μικρφ πρόσθεν εμνήσθημεν, πολλοίς επέθετο τρόποις, Τούρκοις και · Λατίνοις εαυτόν μίξας. Ευθυς ουν πάντα συνέχεεν άπό γαλήνης αίγις φανείς, οϋπω των . πραγμά:τ. ων επι τα 20 κρείττω παγέντων. Ην δε ταίς άπειλαίς φοβερός και τοίς εργοις f. 12 ουδεν ήττων, ατε ξένην εχων στρατιαν Ι και των επιχωρίων πολλους και κατέχων φρούρια ύπό του πατρός αύτφ δεδομένα 'καί, συνελόντα είπείν, πλην του παρα λόγον θρασύνεσθαι και άδίK� ς μάχης ύπάρξαι, τ&λλ ' ουκ άγενης ων ουδ ' άμέτοχος μηχανημάτων και ποικιλίας. 25 Πάντων ουν άπεγνωκότων και συμβουλευόντων αυτφ φεύγειν ώς ου δοκουν δυνατόν πρός τοσαύτην σύρροιαν άνθίστασθαι κακων, ό δε τεθνάναι πρόθυμος ήν πρό του ποιήσαι δ μη προσήκε τφ τε εάυτοϊ>. σχήματι και τφ βίφ και ταύττι γε περιφανως καταισχυναι τούς τε γονέας και παν τό γένος και προσέτι τους την άρετην θαυμάζοντας 30 και φύσιν την εκείνου. Έπεποίθει δε τφ θεφ και ταίς των φυσάντων ευχαίς και τοίς εαυτου 'τρόποις, τφ τε άδίκως του επιόντος την άρχην ι

τ

1 9-20. cf. Demosthenem, Phίlipp. Ι, 8(42). 2. ύμας PVW: ήμας Va Ι 1 3. χη ραμους W: χειραμους PVVa. Ι 2 1 . ήττον sed ω s.s. PVW: ήττον Va Ι 24 s.s. άγενης (ex άγενvης) Ρ: Va: άγενης sed sec. v s.s. V: άγεννης W. 3 1 τοϋ επιόντος ίη ras. PV: W: τον επιόντα Va Ι

1 18

Funera/ Orat;on against an aggressor seeking unjustly to take over his realm. Ιη all other matters his opponents had the advantage over him. While things were balanced οη a razor's edge, as the saying is, t�e divine wisdom governing this universe and regulating what is expedient for each of us, removed this young man from life, thus not permitting him to do what he had ίη mind, or, one might say,. to do what was against his όwΙ) best interest. Thus Providence established your Despot as the Despot of the whole Peloponnese, a title which his deeds confirmed. His actions and thoughts were all such as would generally befit a ruler. And when this became known those who were ignorant of his ability to rule were forced to come to their senses and practically . all changed round and now did what was pleasing to him and might be said to be equally pleasing to GodJ9• Then the rumour spread everywhere that the admirable so-and-so had ac·complished this and that good deed for all, not seeking his own interests but the interests of others, for the deeds of the greatest cannot be hidden. Many peoples from far and near f10cked together towards him. For virtue is desirable and surpasses the magnet ίη its capacity to attract good men. And by land and sea they came to stay and it was good to watch what was happening then40• The newcomers settled ίη the uninhabited lands, the forests were cut down and the whole country was cleared and many wild places which were useful to ηο one except robbers were reclaimed and under the expert hands of husbandmen were cultivated with trees and every kind of plant. Moreover about 1 0,000 Illyrians left their homes together with. their children, women, property and cattle and occupied the Isthmus, pitching their tents there and laying down their bedding, acting as their own messengers, so _

39. This passage (ρρ. I I I - 19) deals with Theodore's struggle against the rebel archons. According Ιο the inscription of Parori ίι lasted for five years (c. 1 3821 387) . Although his cousin ι the leader of this rebellion, died sometime during this . period, his followers continued Ιο fight. Ιη 1 387, however, Theodore with Turkish assistance succeeded ίη crushing the rebels and confiscating their laηds (Loenertz, «Res Gestae)', ρρ. ,208- 1 0; «Pour I'histoire , ρρ. 228-9; Chron. Mor. § 1 4, ρρ. 420Ι ). These successes are reflected ίη Cydones's letter of 1 39 1 (442, 59-69, ρ. 408). 40. The word εθνη was used by the Byzantines with reference Ιο foreign nations. Immediately after this passage Manuel becomes more specific by naming the Albanians. Symeon (Ρ. 43, 13-14) mentions, though without specifying destination, that there was an exodus of Byzantines from the Turkish occupied Thessalonica ίη this period. Whether some of these people sought refuge ίη the Despotate ' we cannot tell. ••

1 19


σφετεριζομένου αυτόν δικαίως άμύνεσθαι. ' Εν γαρ τοίς αλλοις απασιν οί πολεμουντες έπλεονέκτουν. , Αλλ ' έν τούτοις ίσταμένων των πραγμάτων ώς έπι ξυρου, φασίν, ή καλως ίθύνουσα σοφία τόδε τό παν και πρυτανεύουσα τό συμφέρον S εκάστφ τόν μεν νεανίαν έκείνον των τΌδε μεταστήσασα ουκ εϊασε πράττειν τα κατα νουν, αλλος δ ' αν εΙπε τα καθ ' αύτου, τόν δε δεσπότη ν ύμίν δεσπότη ν πάσης εδειξε τής Πελοποννήσου, εργοις βεβαιουντα την κλήσιν. O�δεν γαρ .όλως πράττων ήν η διανοούμενος, δ μη προσήκεν έπιεικως αρχοντι. τουτο δε δήλον γεγονός σωφρονείν , ήνάγκαζε και τους ουκ είδότας, και πολλου αν πάντες ήλλάξαντο τό 10 ποιείν τό τούτφ κεχαρισμέΥον, ταυτό δ ' είπείν και θεφ. Διαδραμούσης ουν πανταχόσε τής .φήμης, ώς ό δείνα θαυμαστός τα και τα είργάσατο πασιν άγαθά, ου ζητων τό εαυτου άλλα τό των ετέρων (τα γαρ των μεγίστων ου κρύπτεται), συνέρ ρεον ώς αυτόν εθνη πολλα των τε έγγυτέρω και πορρωτάτω . Η γαρ άρετη ποθεινόν IS και , παρελαύΥει μαγνήτιν λίθον έφελκομένη τους άγαθούς. ' Εκόμιζε δη και ήπειρος και θάλασσα τους έπιδημουντας και ήν ήδύ τι θεάσασθαι τό κατ ' έκείνο καιρου πραττόμενον. "QKOUV οί νεήλυδες f. 1 2V τας άοικήτους και αλση κατετέμνετο Ι και έκαθαίρετο χωρος άπας 20 πολλά τε α� των άνημέρ'ων χωρίων, άπερ' ουδέσιν ύπή ρχε χρήσιμα πλην λτισταίς, ήμερουτο και έδέχετο φυτόν και πανταδαπόν σπέρμα, εϊκοντα χερσι γη πόνων άρουν είδότων. ' Αλλα και ' Ιλλυριοι περι μυριάδα άθρόοι μετοική σαντες άμα παισί τε και γυναιξι και ταίς ουσίαις και θρέμμασι τόν ' Ισθμόν κατέλαβον' αυτου δε πηξάμενοι τας 2S σκηνας και τας κλισίας έκτέίναντες �ύτoι των καθ ' αύτους ήσαν άγγελοι' οϋτως έξαίφνης παρεγένοντο. ΕΙτα, μηδόλως μελλήσαντες, .

3.

Homerus, lIias 1 0. 1 73: cf. Corp. Paroemiogr. Gr. 11, 28 .

. 1 . σφεΤέριζομένσυ ult. sex lίtt. ίη ras. PV: W: σφετερίζεσθαι Va Ι αύτσν PVW: και αύτσν Va. 1 4- 1 5 . prima νers. συνέρρεον εθνη πολλα, ώς αύτσν των τε έγγυτέρω και πορρωτάτω Ρ: συνέρρεον ώς αύτσν των τε έγγυτέρω και πορρωτάτω εθνη πολλα V: sec. νers. per s.s. α ' β ' γ ' PV: sec. νers. adopt. WVa . 1 1 5- 1 6 . γνωμικσν mg. codd. Ι μαγνητιν (ex μαγνίτιν) W: μαγΎίτιν PVVa. 23. μετοικήσαντες Iitt. η ίη ras. Ρ: Va: μετοικίσαντες VW. '

.

120

Funeral Oralion sudden was their arriva14 1 • Then without delay they sent a magnificent embassy to the man they had come to, ίη order to find out what his intention towards them was and they hinted that they wished to receive his consent to their entry that they might settle and obey his wishes42• And he received tlIeir ambassadors gladly and through these ambassadors he then summoned their leaders to his presence. When they came he welcomed them most kindly and having given them a taste of the sweetness of his nature he won them over to his side. He did not take any hostages, he did not demand guaraήtees, but simply contented himself with their oaths, although most of his entourage were apprehensive of their numbers and suspected that the different customs of their life might lead to trouble. Therefore they not unreasonably advised him against allowing them into the country. But he trusted them , for he was by nature trustful, for what a man has he gives and he judges others according to himself, and he put forward irrefutable arguments" namely, that even if the Illyrians wished to do them harm they would never succeed ίη this and therefore they would never try, and so he persuaded himself and the rest of them43• Events turned out as he had thought and insisted. This incident confirms that by his faith, by his , confidence and by his sound assessment he possessed three qualities: trust, courage and judgment. He thus acquired a large army which was experienced ίη hardships and excelled ίη warfare, and ίη so doing he had used οηlΥ three qualities: i,ncisive judgment, a persuasive tongue, and a kind nature - each of these an inexhaustible treasure. Well then, to have the Illyrians, ίη addition to the forces of the Peloponnese which ίη themselves 'were not small, was of the greatest assistance. He arranged all this according to his own plan and far

4 1 . The exact date of this event is not known. The text seems to imply that Theodore was ίη the vicinity of the Isthmus when the Albanians arrived. If so, this would suggest a date between 25 November 1 394 and 4 June 1 395, that is , some time between Neri Acciaiuoli's death, when Theodore occupied the lands belonging to the castellany of Corinth, and the capture of Saint Superan by Theodore's general, Demetrius Raoul, with the help of his Byzantine and Albanian troops. For Manuel makes it quite clear (ρρ. 1 23-25) that the Albanian presence ίη the Despot's army was the consequence of the immigration. The more recent article of Jochalas, " ϋ ber die Einwanderung der Albaner», ρ. 100 simply foIlows Zakythinos, Le Despotat 11, ρ. 32. 42. This is the first piece .of evidence we have about the settlement of the Albanians ίη the Despotate, though they had been used as mercenaries by Manuel Cantacuzenus ίη his campaigns c. 1 350 (John Cantacuzenus, Historiae, ed. L.


121

πρεσβείαν πάνυ λαμπραν πρός ο ν άφικνουντο πέμψαντες έπυνθάνον το τί ποτ ' αν εϊη τό δοκουν έκείνφ περι αύτών, και παρεδήλουν ώς βούλονται τούνδόσιμον λαβόντες παρ ' αύτου και είσιέναι και μείναι και απερ αν δδε γνοίη πράττειν '·αύτούς. Ό δε και δέχεται τούς 5 πρέσβεις ασμένως και καλεί παρ ' εαυτόν δια τών πρέσβεων τουτωνι τούς έξηγουμένους τών άλλων. Και φιλοφρονησάμενος αύτούς παραγεγονότας δεξιώς άγαν και τής έμφύτου γεύσας γλυκύτητος, έπισπαται τας αύτών γνώμας μήτε δ ' δμη ρα . λαβών, μήτε έγγύας αίτήσας , δρκοις ήρκέσθη τοίς παρ ' αύτών, καίτοι περ οί πλείους 10 παρΎjνoυν - ούδεν αλόγιστον λέγοντες - μηδαμώς αύτούς δέξασ θαι, τό τε πλήθος δεδιότες και τό εθεσιν ετέροις έκείνους ζην ύποπτεύον τες αϊτιον σ κανδάλου γενήσεσθαι. Έκείνος δε πι στεύει μέν, οϊκοθεν εχων τό πιστός εΙναι (ο γάρ τις εχει δίδω σ ι, και δ έστι λογίζεται και τούς λοιπούς εΙναι), πείθει δε και εαυτόν και τούς άλλους, λογισμούς προτείνων άναντιρρήτους, ώς , καν βουληθείεν έκείνοι κακόν τι 15 δράσαι, ούκ άν ποτε δυνηθείεν , και δια τουτο ούδε βουλήσονται . . Εξέβη δ ' ώ σπερ αύτός ένόμιζέ τε και ί(Jχυρίζετο. Κα! τουτο τρία ταυτι προσμαρτυρήσειεν αν αύτφ, αξιοπιστίαν, ανδρίαν, φρόνησιν, τφ πιστευσαι, τφ θαρρήσαι, τφ καλώς στοχάσ ασθαι. κταται τοιγα 20 ρουν στρατιαν τοσαύτην, ούκ άπειρόν μεν τραυμάτων, αγαθην δε τα f. 1 3 πολέμια, μηδεν προσΙ αναλώσαι; η τρία ταϋτα, γνώμης όξύτητα, γλώττης δεινότητα, τρόπων χρηστότητα · εκαστον χρή μα ακένωτον. 'Έχων γε τοίνυν αύτούς πρός τΌ τής Πελοποννήσου δυνάμει, ού σμΙKΡ� και καθ ' αύτην OϋσΊJ, προσθήκην δ τι μεγίστην, ρ�oν ή τις 25 ' αν ένόμισεν , ευ τα κατα νουν διέθετο πάντα. Εί γαρ δη και μικρά τις

8. μήτε PVWVa: μητ' W Ι

1 3- 1 4 .

γνωμικον ' mg. codd.

Schopen, Βοnn Ι 832, v. J, ρ. 88). Judiciously Zakythinos (Le Despotat 11, ρ. 3 Ι n. 6)' abandoned his earIier view (Ι, ρ. I O I ff.) according to which ManueI Cantacuzenus was the first to settle the AIbanians ίn the Morea (unfortunately repeated by Βοn, La Moree jranque, ρ. 227). ManueI's description of the reaction of Tlτeodore's entourage would suggest that the estabIishment of the AIbanians ίn the Despotate was a new experience for the Byzantines. See aIso below ρ. 1 52 n. 76. 43. Manuel tries here to vindicate his brother's poIicy towards the Albanians. The reported argument may be tendentious but Theodore's handling of the problem was shrewd and realistic.

,

1 22

FuneraI Oration surpassed the expectation of others. For if a small addίtίοήal assistance helps Ιο Ιίρ the scales, what could ηοΙ be achieved by a substantial force which was also experienced ίη warfare? And although they themselves were enthusiastic and good soldiers he continued' Ιο improve them. Moreover by telling them and showing them. what they had Ιο do he added Ιο their prosperity and indeed their affection for him increased . . Although Ι would . ηοΙ attribute every achievement Ιο them , what he did with their help bears witness Ιο .this. Was this ηοΙ so? Did he ηοΙ seize the cities of his enemies, some by siege and blockade, others at the first shout of war, but did ηοΙ the greater number of them anticipate the attack of his army and surrender Ιο ίιΊ44 Did he ηοΙ put fear ίηΙο the hearts of those who hitherto themselves inspired fear? Before all these achievements did ηοΙ his enemies, over confident with the victories they had won before his arrival, cower and feel ' ashamed, seeing that their audacity and the circumstances of their presumption had suffered a reversal? Did they ηοΙ supplicate? Did they ηοΙ prostrate themselves? Did they ηοΙ restore all the places they ' had snatched away and more? Ιη addition did they ηοΙ pay tribute, something so unexpected that even ίη a dream ίι would have struck them as impossible and would have made them rise up from their beds? Did they ηοΙ consider ίι preferable Ιο be free from danger rather than Ιο seize possessions as they had previously done? Did they ηοΙ use their weapons Ιο serve people who thought ίι was a recreation Ιο plunder our undefended land?45 As for the prince's extreme arrogance which was exposed by these very· events Ι will keep silent46• Was he ηοΙ · strutting about ίη a haughty manner? Did he ηοΙ soar above the clouds? Did he ηοΙ reach the limits of extreme boastfulness? This man who appeared great by reason of his logical faculty, his speech and h earing, whom many thought Ιο be a high-minded man, was ίη a short space of time proved otherwise by his own deeds. For οη one occasion he met a small contingent of our people some of whom were mounted

44. This seems to refer to the second rebel1ion of the Greek archons that broke out ίη 1 393/4 when Bayezid Ι switched his support to them against Theodore. It ended with their defeat ίη the summer of 1 395; see below ρ. 1 24 η.48. 45. ί.e. the Nava iTese and the Turks. 46. Pierre Lebourd de Saint Superan was one of the leaders of the Navarrese company. He was made captain of the principality of Achaia by Jacques de Baux ( 1 38 1-3) prince of Achaia and the last Latin emperor of Constantinople, while Mahiot de Coquerel became its vicar general. At the death of Mahiot he succeeded


1 23

επιθήκη το παν ίσχύει πολλάκις, ή τοσαύτη μεν τφ πλήθει, καλη δε και τΌ τών πολεμικων εμπειρί�, τί ουκ αν εδρα; ου γάρ, καίτοι καθ ' αύτους προθύμους τε και άγαθους στρατιώτας δντας, ου π ροσέθετο ποιησαι τούτους βελτίους άλλ ' επηύξησεν αυτοίς, ωσπερ ουν το 5 προς αυτον φίλτρον, ούτω δε και τα χρηστότερα πάντα, λέγων και ύποδεικνυς τα π ρακτέα. Και δηλοί τα δι ' αυτών εκείνφ πεπραγμένα, εί και μη το παν αυτοίς άνατίθημι. Πώς γάρ; ου γαρ δυσμενων εΙλε πόλεις, τας μεν πολιορκήσας τε και παραστησάμενος, τας δ ' αυτοβοε ι τφ πολέμφ, τας πλείους δε και φθασάσας την της στρατιας 10 εφοδον και\ πριν τοσ ταύτην εγγυς γενέσθαι παραδοθείσας; ου , δεδιότας εδειξε τους δε δι ττομένους; ου πάντα ταυτ ' εποίει τους δυσμενείς θρασυνομένΟ,υς ταίς . π ρο της αυτου παρουσίας ν�Kαις . κατεπτηχότας φαίνεσθαι και καΤIJ ?,χυμμένους, ατε δη του θράσους αυτοίς και των εφ ' οΙς μέγα εφρόνουν προς τουναντίον τραπέντων; ου παρ τι τουντο; ου προσεκύνουν; ουκ άπεδίδοσαν απαντα μετα προσθή15 κης τα ή ρπαγμένα; ου φόρους προσεδίδοσαν, οϊ και δναρ τουτ ' . ίδόντες άπεπήδων αν Τ.η ς κλίνης τφ άπροσδοκήτφ βληθέντες; ου τουτο ή δ ιον αυτοίς ώς κινδύνων άπαλλάττον 11 το είληφέναι πρόσθεν; ουκ εδούλευον μεθ ' δπλων οΙς γε το λη'fζεσθαι την ήμετέραν και άνευ δπλων πανήγυρίς τις εδόκει; Και σιωπώ την πρίγκιπος ύπερηφανίαν 20 την πολλήν, αυτοίς τοίς πράγμασιν ' ελεγχθείσαν . . ου γαρ ήν άκρο βατών; ουχ ύπερνεφών; ουκ είς το ϋσχατον άφίκτο άλαζονείας f. 1 3V άπάσης; . Αλλ ' ό τοιουτος μεν τοίς λογισμοίς και τοίς λόγοις, Ι τοι ουτος δε τοίς σχήμασι και πασιν οΙς αν ,φαίνοιτο μέγα φρονών 25 άνθρωπος τοίς εργοις αλλος δέδεικται, οί>δε πολλου του μεταξυ . γεγονό.τος. Όλίγοις γαρ εντυχών, .ών τινες εφ ' ίππαρίων πονη ρών,

Ι . έπιβολη et mg. γρ. έπιθή κη Ρ (V ν. supra ρ. 6-7): έπιθήκη Va: έπιβολή W Ι 5. λέγων PVW: λέγων τε Va Ι 6. αύτών PWVa: αύτσν V J 13 . KαΤΊJσχυμμένσυς sec. Ιίιι μ ίη ras. Ρ: W: KαΤΊJσχυμένσυς VVa Ι 20. πρίγκιπσς VW: πρίγγιπσς PVa.

him (Loenertz, ccHospitaliers», §§ Ι Ο , 1 4, 38, ρρ. 34 1 , 342, 350). He was invested with the title of prince of Achaia by Ladislas of Naples sometime between 23 July 1 395 (Misti 43, ff. 74-74V Regestes Ι, ρ. 208, ησ. 882) and Ι March 1 396 (Ietter of attorney issued by Saint Superan ση that date bearing title (Commemoriali 9, f. 1 5v , ed. L. de Mas-Latrie, BECh, 58 ( 1 897), 1 04 - for ccindictione» 'jncerta' read " quarta» and for year MCCCLXXXV read MCCCLXXXXV). =

1 24

Funeral Orat;on οη wtetched and useless horses and who Ι think first drew their swords against the enemy. Then he, the rash, the haughty, the mighty, attacked them with a great number of horsemen, surrounded and protected by many heavy-armed infantry and encouraged by the multitude of his men and his iron-clad contingent, and he did not even think of engaging ίη close fighting but was, Ι assume, the first Ιο flee before the struggle, thinking that it was high time to make full use of spurs and whip rather than spear and sword. Therefore he pulled his reins and . turned his horse ίη the opposite direction and fled before those who might seek to pursue him and he was ίη full flight until someone caught him, not with the heIp of a spear but with his bare hands. Who was this man? Α general? ΝόΙ at all. Had the Ρrίηce of Achaia used his hands as he should have used his weapons Ι do not think he could have been caught by anyone else except the general of the army who was an excellent and a courageous man. He was the good Raoul who is still with me and when he was here everyone noted that he was the best of m�D47. Meanwhile as the prince lacked wings he had ηο time ιο lose, so he fled without turning round. At this stage it would not have been wise f�r the general to pursue him further, for he had left his army behind. I?id he then become prisoner to one of our nobles or to any of our valliant m�n? Νοι at all. Nor was it by anyone having any claim to courage. But οη hearing the bugIe give the signal to the army to attack he shamefully surrendered pleading οηlΥ for his life48. But what is worse certain noblemen who against all decency were against us were found among the prisoners - an occurrence which created astonishment. For various reasons it should have been the reverse. What were these reasons? They were related to us by blood; they had received benefits from us without giving anything ίη return; they had enjoyed ηο small honours, and they had taken οη oath of their own free will - even a peasant when he swears binds himself

47. Demetrius RaouI. See S. Fassoulakis, The Byzantine lamily ΟΙ Raoul - Ral(/)es, Athens 1 973, ρρ. 60- 1 . 48. Pierre de Saint Superan with a large contingent of men was captured a t the battle of Leontarion by Byzantine and Albanian troops under Demetrius Raoul οη 4 June 1 395 (Chron. Mor. § 1 8 , ρρ. 405-6, 423-4). Among the captiνes were the sons of Asen Zaccaria, the grand-constable of Achaia ( 1 395,. νπ. 23[et 24], Misti 43, f.74v). Anxious lest this defeat might lead to the destruction of the principality of Achaia and put at risk her own possessions ίη the Morea, Venice interνened to secure Saint Superant's release ( 1 395. νπ. 1 3, Misti 43, f.72 Regestes Ι, ρ. 207, no. 879; 1 396. νπ. 6, Misti 43, f .l 39v). See also aboνe, Introduction ΙΙ, ρ. 1 9 Ω. 20. =

1 25


και τότε πρώτως, οίμαι, γυμνώσαντες έπι τους έχθρους τό ξίφος , ό θρασύς, ό γαυρος , ό πολύς, ό μετ α πολλων ίππέων έπιων και πολλοίς όπλίταις περικυκλούμενός τε και περιστοιχιζόμενος και θαρρών πoλυχειρί� και σιδη ρ� φάλαγγι ούδε γουν συμπλακήναι τότε ύπέστη , 5 άλλ ' , οίμαι, και των αλλων πρωτος έτράπετο πρό τής συμπλοκής, ωραν είναι οί νομίσας άντι δόρατος και ξίφους κέντροις τε και μάστιγι καταχρήσασθαι. Και τοίνυν ές τούπίσω ταίς ήνίαις τόν ίππον στρέψας, δους τα νώτα τοίς διώκειν βουλομένοις, ό δε εφευγεν εως είλε τουτόν τις ταίν χεΡQίν, άλλ ' ούκ αίχμΌ. Ούτος δε τίς; ό 10 στρατηγός; ούδαμώς ε ί γαρ έχρήτο ταίν χεροίν, ωσπερ έχρήν, και τοίς δπλοις, ό τής ' Αχαίας τότ ' αρχων; μη αν αύτόν οίμαι έλείν μηδένα ετερον των άπάντων πρό του τής στρατιας ήγεμόνος. Τ Ην γαρ πάντα άγαθός και άνδρείος . Ραουλ γαρ ήν ό χρηστός, δς και παρ ' έμοι μένων ετι και ένταυθοί παραγεγονως ούδένα λέλ ηθε βέλτιστος ων. Έπει δ ' έκείνος πτερών έδείτο άμεταστρεπτι φεύγων, ούκ έξήν 15 τφ στρατηγφ μακραν ποιείσθαι ,την δίωξιν καταλιπόντι την τάξιν. ' Αλλ ' αίχμάλωτος έκείνος γεγονώς, τινι των παρ ' ήμίν εύγενών η των άνδρείων δλως έγένετο; Ούμενουν ούδενι ούτι;: τών τοιούτων ούτε τών δλως μετεχόντων φρονήματος, άλλα τφ τΌ σάλπιγγι · 'tij στρατι� 20 τα πρακτέα σημαίνοντι αίσχρώς αύτόν εδωκεν ίκετεύων ύπερ τής ζωής μόνης. Ού μην άλλα και εύγενείς τιγες ανδρες παρα τό προσή κον απαν δντες τότε καθ ' ήμων, έάλωσαν' δ δη και παρείχε θαυμάζειν' τούναντίον γαρ έχρήν πολλών ενεκα. Τίνων; Προσή κοντες ήσαν 25 ήμίν καθ ' αίμα' ευ πεπόνθασι παρ ' ήμων μηδεν προεισενεγκόντες . τιμής άπέλαυσαν ού . σμικρας δρκους έκουσίους παρέσχον, οϋς καν f. 1 4 άνη ρ άγροίκος όμωμοκως ύ/ δέσθη τε δια παντός και διετή ρησεν

25. μηδεν PVVa: μηδενι W PVW: άγρσίκσς άνiι ρ Va.

Ι

26. σμιιφας PVW: μικρας Va

Ι

27. άνηρ άγρσίκσς

1 26

Funeral Orarion for ever and strictly keeps to his oath - but they took offence without having been wronged ίη any way whatsoever. lηstead of their being punished, which was ίη our power to do, they again received help from us - they who had been attacked by the very prince with whom they soon after joined forces against us --:- a base and impious act. They ought to have spurned their own life for our sake when need arose. But . it ·would seem that they never thought of their duty, but regarded everything as of ηο importance, while a wise man would have realised that even the smallest thing must' not οη any account be overlooked. Yet ίη addition to his many and greater and finer monuments the fact that he treated them nobly and humf1,nely and al10wed them to return home, without any hope of the gratitude that was his due, also stands as a spIendid memorial to him . And though future events might be clearly deduced from past experience yet this man 's inherent goodness led him to do good to his enemies. �o though the past presaged the futur� he was concerned οηΙΥ with what was good and was anxious that he should always act ίη accordance with the dictates of duty. He feared litt1e those who had ηο wish to be virtuous but he pitied them great1y. For nature has a dynamic quality which makes it difficult to resist her pull. His nature urged him towards the good and also ' he habitually strove after the good. Thus both worked together tp foster his desire to do entireIy what was right. What can one say about those who had deserted to the enemy, joining the wolves, as one might say, desirous of devouring their kinsmen 's flesh, though ίη fact they were οηΙΥ devouring their own? It would take too long to detail their actions and it is better to omit what would οηΙΥ plunge into gloom those who are aIready suffering. lη short, as it was not right for our enemies to p�rpetrate such evil, so it is ηο doubt improper for me to speak against people. But Ι wil1 just say what persuaded them grow insolent towards us, though they had ηο complaint against us, except that they did not wish to be ruled by the man who had the right to govern them. You know of course of that Turk, Ι mean Bayezid49, the ruler of Asia, the master of Europe, an unbearable man, who could not tolerate

49. Bayezid Ι, surnamed Yildirim (Lightning), succeeded his father Murad Ι ίη 1 389. Cf. Manuel's description of him ίη his Dia/ogues. ρρ. 1 7, 30-31 ; 50, 1- 7 ; 94,

10-4.

Μανουήλ Παλαιολόγου Λ όγος

5

ΙΟ

15

20

25

30

1 27

άκριβώς προσκέκρούκασιν ηδικημένοι μηδ ' ότιουν' άντι του δίκην δουναι παρόν, οί δε και βοηθείας αυθις ετύγχανον παρ ' ήμών ύπ ' εκείνου πολεμούμενοι, φ γε μικρόν, ϋστερον καθ ' ήμών συνεμάχουν αισχρόν τι και άνόσιον μάλα δρώντες. 'Έδει μεν γαρ και της ζωής ύπερ ήμών αυ Ύ- ους άλογήσαι, τούτου δεήσαν. Οί δε μηδέν, ώς εοικε , προσή κον ενθυμήθέντες ουδεν η λή ρον πάντ'α ενόμισαν, ών και τό σμικρότατον ουκ αν ύπεροπτέον εδόκει ουδ ' ότφουν νουν εχοντι. , Αλλ ' φ κα! τουτο τό λαμπρόν εστη τρόπαιον πρός πολλοίς και μείζοσι και καλλίοσιν έτέροις, ευγενώς και φιλανθρώπως αυτοίς χρησάμενος οϊκαδε τούτους εϊασεν άπελθείν, καίτοι μηδεν ελπίζων παρ ' αυτών εϋγνωμον άπολή ψεσθαι. Ει γαρ και τό μέλλον σαφες ύπή ρχε τοίς ήδη πεπραγμένοις, άλλ ' ό πεφυκως άγαθός εΙναι ουκ ηγάπα ει μη και τους εχθρους ευ ποιήσειε. Κα! δια τουτο τών προλαβόντων σαφώς δηλούντων δπως εσται τα μετ ' έκείνα, έκείνός γε πρός μόνον ε βλεπε τό καλόν κα! τ ί αν πράξας μη παρεξέλθοι τυ γε καθήκοντος τούς τε ουκ έθέλοντας άγαθο ύς εΙναι έδεδίει μεν ώς ήκιστα, ηλέει δε ώς μάλιστα. Β ίαιον γάρ τι τό πεφυκός κάν εκείνο πρός τι βιάζηται, ου δύναταί τις ρ�δίως άνθίστασθαι. Έκείνον δε τό πεφυκός εις άγαθόν εΙλκε και προσήν ή του βελτίονος εξις. 'Άμφω δε ταυτ! συνδεδραμη κότα κατείχεν άκριβώς εν τφ ευ ποιείν πάντας βούλεσθαι. Περ! δε τών αυτομολησάντων εις τους εχθρους κα! μετα τών λύκων, ώς ειπείν, γενομένων και έπιθυμούντω Υ μεν έσθίειν τας τών όμοφύλων σάρκας, εσθιόντων δε τας ιδίας, τί άν τις λέγοι; Μακρόν τάκείνων διεξελθείν και βέλτιον ταυτα παραδραμείν ήπερ επιτίθεσθαι μελαγχολίαν νοσήσασιν άνθρώποις. 'Όλως δέ, εϊπερ ου καλόν ήν εκείνοις τα κάκιστα δεδρακέναι, ου δε εμο! δήπου φέρεσθαι κατα των άνθρώπων. ' Ερω δε τί τό πείσαν αυτους καθ ' ήμων θρασύνεσθαι μηδεν εγκαλείν εχοντας η τό μη θέλειν άρχεσθαι ύφ ' ου γε δίκαιον ήν. 'Ίστε που τόν Πέρσην εκείνον, τόν Παγιαζίτην λέγω, τόν ' Ασίας άρχοντα, τόν Ευρώπης κύριον, δς άφόρητός τις ων ουδε φορητόν 2. αύθις έτύγχανον PWVa: έτύγχανον αUΘις V Ι 7. ούδ ' ότωοί>ν om. Va. Ι Ι . παρ' αύτων ' " άπολήψεσθαι PVW: άπολήψεσθαι παρ ' αύτων Va Ι 1 7- 1 8. γνωμικον mg. codd. Ι 1 8 . KαθέλKΊJ et m� . γρ. βιάζηται Ρ: KαθέλKΊJ VWVa.

1 28

Funeral OraIion calling a Christian a ruIer. Ιι was Bayezid who was the cause of their insolence, for ίι was by reIying οη his strength and οη the hostility of neίghbοuήng Latins that they menaced our possessions. Yet, encouraged by both partjes, this most hostile monster attacked our possessions and according Ιο the habit of swine when they sharpen their fangs, he goaded them οη and was ίη turn urged οη by them50• Enough. Ι wish Ιο speak of things ίη general rather than of particular individuals. Ι say that the Christians who deserted Ιο our enemies, the infidels, are clearly mad, rather they behave worse than those who are diseased ίη mind5 1 • For even if su,ch madmen were Ιο thrust a sword ίηΙο their bodies they would ηοΙ harm their souls nor would they arouse hatred ίη others, but οη the contrary they would call forth compassion from onlookers. Βυι any rational man ought Ιο feel great hatred towards these men because they wil1ingly defile their souls with the aid of their full senses. They seek for that which originally spurred them οη Ιο join the enemies of our faith; Ι speak of wealth and glory and whatever are considered Ιο be the pleasures of life. It would have been . hard . for them Ιο achieve this had they ηοΙ appeared acceptable Ιο our enemjes Ιο whom they had deserted. And ίι would certainIy have been impossible for them Ιο appear acceptable Ιο them unless they first took part ίη those things ίη which our enemies delight. This means that they have Ιο live according Ιο barbarian customs and must willingIy defile their souls by unlawful deeqs. Α worse fate wiil befall these people than that of madmen, for they will be judged deserving ηοΙ of compassion but of great hatred, for they have delίberateIy given themselves υρ Ιο wickedness, damaging their souls rather than their bodies. ΒυΙ the most abominable thing of all is the fact that they considered ίι necessaJ:'Y Ιο betray their souls, insult their honour and indeed that of the whole nation against which they have been persuaded Ιο act, otherwise from the outset their actions would have profitted them nothing nor would their reward have lasted long. Thus lίke a bubble which is quickly inflated Ιο bursting ροίηι those who thought that they would succeed ίη getting a well defended city from our enemies had their vain aspirations very rapidly pricked without

50. The period of co-operation between Theodore and the Turks, initiated under Murad ίπ 1 387, came to an end ίπ 1 393 when the new Sultan Bayezid Ι switched his support to the Naνarrese and to the Despot's rebel archons. 5 Ι . For an example of Byzantine deserters to the Turks at this period, see Ν.


1 29

f. 1 4V ήγείτο αρχοντά τινα χριστιανόν Ι όνομάζεσθαι. Ούτος ήν ή τούτων

θρασύτης τούτου τύ δυνάμει θαρρουντες κ:αι πρός γε ετι τύ δυσμενεί� των γειτονούντων ήμίν Λατίν ων τοίς κ:αθ ' ήμων επιχεί ρουν. ' Αλλα μην κ:αι ο ύτος αύτός ό δυσμενέστατος θή ρ, αμφοτέροις 5 θαρρων τοίς ήμων επέθετο πράγμασι κ:αι θατέρφ θάτερον μέρος κ:αι ή κ:ονατο κ:αι παρωξύνετο κ:ατα τους των χοίρων όδόντας. ΕΙεν. Βούλομαι δε κ:αθόλου λόγον είπείν τόν δείνα κ: αι τόν δείνα παραδραμών' φημι δή, τους αύτομολουντας χριστιανους τουτοισι τοίς κ:αθ ' ήμων ασεβέσι π εριφανως μαίνεσθαι, μαλλον δε κ:αι χείρω 10 ποιείν των βεβλαμμένων τας φρένας. ' Ε κ:είνοι μεν γαρ εαν κ:αι ξίφος ω σωσι κ:αθ ' αύτων, ο ϋτε τας αύτων ψυχας εβλαψαν, κ:αι μίσομ ς μεν ούδαμως, ελέους δε πα·ρα των όρώντων τύχοιεν αν' τούτους δε πολλη ανάγ κ:η μίσος εχειν εν σωφρονο υσιν, εθελοντι τας εαυτων μολύνον τας ψυχας δια πασων των αίσθήσεων. ' Επιθυμουσι γαρ εύρείν ών 15 ενεχ ' ήκ: ον τ ό κ:ατ ' αρχας εις τους της πίστεως εχθρούς .- πλουτόν τε λέγω κ:αι δόξαν κ:αι δσα γε τφ τύδε βίφ τερπνά - αμήχανον δε τούτων' τυχείν μη ήδείς φαινομένους εκ:είνοις, πρός οϋς γε η ύτομό λησαν' ήδείς δε τούτοις φαίνεσθαι ού των ενδεχομένων εστί, μη πρότερον απαντα διαπραττομένους οίς εκ:είνοι χαίρουσι ' τουτο δέ 20 εστι πάντως βαρβαρικ:ως τε ζην κ:αι . αθεμίτοις πράξεσιν ε κ: οντι τας εαυτων μολύνει ν ψυχάς. τα τούτοις αρα συμβαίνοντα τα τοίς μαινομένοις ύπερη κ:όντισε, κ:αι μίσους μεν δ τι πολλου , ελέους δε ούδενός αξιοι πασι κ:ριθήσονται τφ τε γν ιί)μΌ τοίς κ: α κ:οίς εαυτους εκ:διδόναι, τφ τε την ψυχην αντι του σώματος βλάπτειν. Τό δε πάντων 25 σχετλιώτατον, δτι το μεν τα ψυχας προδιδόναι κ:αι την αύτων τιμην κ:αθνβρίσαι κ:αι παν τό γένος πασα ανάγ κ:η , ανθ ' ών δε ταυτα πράττειν προάγονται η ούδε η Ί ν πρώτην αύτοίς παραγίγνεται η ού κ: επι μακ: ρφ παραμένει όπόταν κ:αι παραγένηται. 'Όθεν κ: αι δί κ:ην f. 1 5 πομφόλυγος όξέως αγαν ύπερφυσώμενοι - λέγω δε τούς γε Ι δο κ:ουντας 30 παρα τοίς ασεβέσι χώραν εύρηκ:έναι κ:αλλίστην - όξέως αγαν κ:αι διαρρήγνυνται κ:αι είς ούδεν αύτοίς τελευτι} τό κ:ενόν φρόνημα. 6. παρωξύνετο PWVa: παροξύνετο V Ι 1 2. τoύ�oυς (ex τούτοις) PV:W: . τούτοις Va Ι 1 3- 1 4. μολύνοντας PVW: μολύνουσι Va Ι 1 6 . γε .om. Va.

BeIdic�anu and Ι BeIdiceanu':'Steinherr, Serres», Β, 4 1 ( 197 1 ), 7-9, 1 2.

((υπ

PaIeoIogue inconnu de Ia region de

1 30

Funeral Oration having achieved anything. With good reason. Had they been slow ίη falling ίη with the enemy's wishes they would have been suspected by them and they would have been iinmediately despised οη the pretext that they were out of line with them, and you can imagine how they would have been swept aside. If however they had easily complied with whatever the barbarians desired, for they would have wanted them to adopt their customs and laws and ίη all respects to corrupt their race, they would be justly hated for their savageness towards their own people. As for changing their customs and altering their way of life, they failed to obtain the approval of the Turks since they seem too ready to comply with their wishes. Because of this the enemy distrust the constancy of their newly acquired beliefs. And .they are right. For how is it possible for a ι:nan ίο observe strictly what he h as adopted οη th e spur of the moment when he so easily tramples down his life-l� ng customs. Moreover to harm one's nation is to harm oneself, since the whole contains the part. And how can the man who harms himself do good to othersr Moreov�r, if we were to consider this more carefully, such a man becomes loathsome even to his own conscience and how much more to everyone else? But why do Ι say this 'when Ι can make a more telling point? It was impossible for them to preserve their confession and faith ίη Christ inviolate . Why? Because ίη their union with Christ they promised absolute loyalty to him and enmity against the demons and yet afterwards they did the opposite. Rather, we should speak out more clearly and point out the enormity of the sin, for those who wish to live with the follow�rs of Muhammad and side wit h the enemies of the faith against 'us are fighting against Christ, the source of our faith, and openly waging war against Him. Something else also follows which is to be deplored, or rather, is exceedingly wicked. As a result of their intrigues they proclaim Muhammad a prophet. For that abominable man had promised victory against us to the peoples he deceived and enslaved. So when these renegates assist Muhammad's followers ίη their victory, they provide a pretext for them to believe ίη this lie. Therefore, as Ι have already said, .those who desert to the infidel are obviously insane and behave worse than madmen and ίη fact as they thrust the sword, as it were, through themselves they are fighting their own souls rather than us.

131


Εύλόγως ε ι μεν γαρ νωθροί τινες εΙεΥ πρός τ ο κείνων θέλημα, ϋποπτοι γενόμενοι εύθύς καταπεφρόνηνται, ώς μη συμβαίνοντες αύτοίς, και παρορώνται, πώς οίει, ει δε Ρq.δίως προστρέχοντες οΙς αν οί βάρ βαροι βούλοιντο (βούλοιντο δ ' αν και εθεσι και ν αυτφ ώς διδόναι πανταχου κρατείν βουλομένφ ευμενες τό θείον εχοντι. Έπει δε' απαντα μεν διαπραξαμένοις τοίς κακοδαίμοσιν είς ουδεν έχώρει τα καθ ' ύμών, έδόκει δε ή έν τΏ Ευρώπτι βαρβαρικη δύναμις, 15 πολλα κύκλωθεν πράγματα εχουσα, μη δύνασθαι ρ�δίως είσιέναι τόν Ίσθμόν και συνεχως τουτο ποιείν και τοίς του σατράπου βουλεύμασιν ίJπ ή ρετείν, άμηχανί� κατασχεθέντες είσηγουνται τούτφ διαβηναι τόν . Ελλήσποντον έξ . Ασίας έπι ΘΡ�Kην και ταυτηνι παρελθόντα ές Μακεδονίαν έπιδημησαι, κάκείθεν μεταπέμψασθαι δια πρεσβείας τόν 20 έμόν άδελφόν ώς αυτόν έλθείν, άπειλησαί τε δεινα ύπούλφ τρόπφ διά f. 1 6 τινων, αν μη παραγένηται ύπακούσας φανερως δε οί πολλα και Ι με γάλα ύποσχέσθαι, τα μεν δια των πρέσβεων, τα δε μακραίς ταίς έπιστολαίς εΙναι δε και ταυτ ' έν ταίς ύποσχέσεσιν, άνιάσειν μεν ώς η κιστα, τιμήσειν δε ώς μάλιστα και παραπέμψειν αύτόν ώς τ άχιστα 25 και μηδαμώς μηκέτι. διενοχλήσειν αύτφ περ! μηδενός των άπάντων. Ταυτα μεν ούν έκείνοι πρός τόν σατράπην' ό δε έπείσθη , και πάντα πράττει κακοηθέστερον ήπερ αύτφ συνε βούλευον. Εί γαρ

2. άλλήλους προς τα κακα ίη ras. PV: W: άλλήλοις εν τοίς κακοίς Va Ι 5. υμων (ex ήμων) Ρ: W: ήμων VVa Ι 8. υμας (ex ήμας) Ρ: W: ήμας VVa Ι 1 8 . ες PWVa: είς V.

53. That is νία Callipolίs which had been ίη Turkish hands, for the second , time, since 1 376/77 when Andronicus ιν handed it over to them ίη return for their . support against his father (Cydones 1 67, 15-22, ρ . 38).

1 34

Funeral Oration advised. If σne invites an evi1 man Ισ dσ evil σr a gσσd man Ισ dσ gσσd, this is called 'inviting a Lydian ίηΙσ a plain'54. Summσned Ισ dσ evil against the Rσmans and against the human race this man Bayezid actually hastened Ισ ρΙσΙ this treachery with viciσus malignity. And what σther cσurse was open Ισ him? He wσuld have fl σwn had he been able Ισ grσw wings, that agent σf Satan whσ has ησ σther σccupatiσn than Ισ weave designs against the faithful. Indeed by nature this man Bayezid was a schemer σf deceit, but ίη the end he was punished fσr the injuries he had inflicted ση the children σf the faithful55. Mσreσver dσnning the skin σf a Ιίση σr σf a fσx and frequently exchanging the σne fσr the σther he thσught he �σuld be able Ισ cσnceal his σWD aims. But these were quite σbviσus: Ισ capture the ruler and take σver his cities by fσrce and Ισ destrσy the sσuls and bσdies σf the inhabitants. His plan hσwever did ησΙ escape my brσther. Hσw cσuld ίι? But fearful lest my brσther might seem mσre fσnd σf his life than σf his peσple σr his hσnσur, he faced danger fσr the sake σf his peσple. Nσr was ίι the first σr th� last time that he fσund himself ίη this situatiσn. When hσnσur, family, and indeed the welfare σf the whσle cσmmunity was at stake he cared little, sσ Ισ speak, fσr his σwn life, fQr h� knew well that a ruler's gσσd cannσt be separated frσm the gσσd σf his subjects. And sσ he regarded their happiness as if ίι were his σWD and he always came Ισ their assistance sσ that things shσuld gσ well with all. Thus he cσnsidered their σWD interests as if they were his σwn and his actiσns benefited σthers while he bσre the suffering and readily . endured thσse dangers which bring glσry. He was pσssessed σf pσwers σf reasσning which wσuld have befitted men like Platσ σr Alexander, he was a father Ισ yσu, a friend, a teacher, a prσvider, a guardian, a ruler, σne whό while he lived both ίη actiσn and ίη name admirably acted as physician, shepherd, steersman ' and ίη many σther rσles which succσur men and, ίη shσrt, lacked ησ virtue . And sσ, neglecting his σwn safety fσr the safety σf his σWD peσple and indeed fσr the safety of mσst σ�her peσple, he arrived at the . Sultan's cσurt. Earlier ση he had given him ησ hσpe that he wσuld cσme, but ση the cσntrary had abandσned every intentiσn σf gσing, sσ

54. ί.e. asking somebody to do what he does naturally and with alacrity. 55. He is alluding to Bayezid's capture at the batt1e of Arikara οη 26 July 1 402 and his subsequent death ίη captivity. For detaίls see Μ. Μ. Alexandrescu-Dersca, La campagne de Tίmur en Anatolie (1402), Bucarest 1 942; Variorum Reprints 1 977.


1 35

φαυλον επι φαυλα καλέσει τις η και χρηστον επ ' άγαθά, Λυδον εΙς πεδίον φασί. Και δη και ούτος επι κακφ των ' Ρωμαίων η και κοινΌ των άνθρώπων προκεκλημένος ετρεχε, πολλΌ KαKoηθεί� ράψας τον δόλον. Και πως γαρ ούκ εμελλεν ούχ όπως τρέχειν, άλλα . και 5 πέτεσθαι, είπερ ενην φυσαι πτε ρα ό τφ Σαταν ύπη ρετούμενος, φτινι τούργον ούδεν ετερον η το μηχανας κατα των πιστων πλέκέιν; Καίτοι και ούτος οίκοθεν ούδεν η δόλους ώδινεν, εως εδεδώκει δίκην ών εΙς τους των εύσεβων εξύβρισε παίδας. Και τοίνυν και την λεοντην και την άλωπεκην ύποδυς και συχνως αύτας ύπαλλάττων κρύπτειν ιο ενόμιζε τον αύτου σκοπόν. Ό δε και λίαν σαφης ήν, ίνα γαρ ελτι τον άρχοντα κα! τας εκείνου παραστήσηται πόλεις κα! ψυχας όμου κα! σώματα διαφθείρτι. Ταυτα μεν ουν τον άδελφον ού διέλαθε' πως γάρ ; δέει μέντοι του μη δόξαι μαλλον φιλόζωος η φιλάνθρωπος και φιλότιμος είναι δέχεται τον κίνδυνον ύπερ των πολλων' δς ού τουτον πρώτιστον 15 ωσπερ ούδ ' ϋστατον ύπέστη . ΑΙε! γαρ της αύτου ζωης όλίγον εμελλεν αύτφ ύπερ δόξης κα! του γένους και άπλως του γιγνομένου παντός, εΙδως κα! τουτ ' άκριβως, ώς το των άρχόντων συμφέ ρον εν τφ των άρχομένων άντικρυς κείται. 'Όθεν την εκείνων εύδαιμονίαν Ιδίαν είναι νομίζων τοίς πασι πάντα εγίνετο, ίνα πάντες εύ πράξαιεν. 20 f. 1 6v Οϋτω τα ύπερ αύτων ωσπερ τα ύπερ αύτου ενόμιζέ τε κα! επραττεν Ι ευ ποιων κα! τα άλγύνοντα εφερε κα! τους μετα δόξης κινδύνους ρ�δίως ύφίστατο. 'Όλος ούν γέμων λογισμων, ών καν Πλάτωνες καν ' Αλέξανδροι, ό πατη ρ ύμίν, ό φίλος, ό παιδευτής, ό φροντιστής, ό κηδεμών, ό 25 δεσπότης, ό τον τόπον άκριβως διασφζων, ήνίκα συν ύμίν ήν, των τε ιατρων, των τε ποιμένων, των τε κυβερνητων, των τε σωτη ρίων εξης άπάντων κα! πραγμάτων κα! προσρήσεων καί, ίνα το παν είποιμι, φ μηδεν των άγαθων ού παρην, · άφειδήσας εαυτου ενεκα των εαυτου, 30 κα! δη κα! πλείστων ετέρων, ερχεται προς τον σατράπην μη δους . αύτφ πρότερον θαρρείν ώς άφίξεται, άλλα τούναντίον άπαγορεύσας

1 -2. Libanius, Epistl. 6 1 7,2; 1 1 83, 1 ; ΙΙ:J26,6: Corp. Paroemiogr. Gr. Π, 509. 3-4. cf. Homerum, Odyssea 3 . 1 1 8 . 6. cf.Euripidem, Andromache 66. 8-9. Plutarchus, Vita Lysandri 7; Moralia 1 90Ε; Corp. Paroemiogr. Gr. Π, 2 1 6.

3 . προκεκλημένος PVVa: προσκεκλημένος W Ι 10. αύτοϋ PVW: εαυτοϋ Va Ι 1 6. 1 7 . όλίγον εμελλεν αύτφ ίπ ras. Ρ: VWVa. Ι 26. ύμίν (ex ήμίν) Ρ: W: ήμίν VVa.

1 36

Funeral Oration that being unexpected he might be more welcome, while the υη expectedness of the arrival would prove more gratifying to the Sultan. Besides he would show him that he came of his own free will and that he had not been taken ίη either by flattery or by . threats. Wel1 then, he found him at SeI'fes and ίη the Sultan's company he met us who had already arrived there56• For Ι had got there five days earlier, driven by compel1ing necessity which Ι had to obey for the sake of saving our subjects from disaster. Yet this was strictly against my ruling, namely that both of us should never be simultaneously at the Sultan's court. For our sojourn there was ηοΙ considered safe since ίη the past he had unjustly plotted to murder us57• But nevertheless the thing so greatly feared happened. For Ι thought that he had stayed at home, while he too thought the same about me , so as though at a given signal ,. we set out from our respectiνe homes, if Ι remember correctly, οη the same ( day, or if you like at the same ho·ur. But then something by far worse happened. For the Turk had with him those who ίη some capacity or other were leaders of the Christians, Ι mean those . who were accustomed to appear before him58• For he had careful1y gathered them together wishing utterly to destroy them al1; while they thought that they ought to go and face the danger rather than do so later οη as a resu1t of disobeying his orders. They had indeed good reason for thinking that it was dangeτous to be ίη his presence, especially together at the same time. For they were quite aware of the nature of this man " and of his intentions concerning them, but οη the other hand to refuse to obey his command was considered to be an even worse hazard. For he was not a man to suffer the insult of their disobedience, nor would he be content Ιο hold his peace but he would desire their destruction and. wοιιld certainly be able to accomplish this at wil1. And it was for this reason that they entrusted their fate to God and ίη sure confidence they chose this particular evil rather than the other and they set off οη their way.

56. The date of this meeting is placed some time between autumn of 1 393 and winter of 1 394: Loenertz, ccPour l'histoire», ρρ. 234-9. . 57. This may allude to the story given by Ducas «Β)48-49 (0)77), according to which Bayezid planned to have Manuel murdered at- the end of his Asia Minor campaigns of Ι 390- Ι ίη which the emperor had participated as a vassal. The Sultan's hatred of Manuel is also attested by Symeon, ρ. 45, 18-9. 58. Chalcocandyles names two other rulers who were present at Serres, Constantine Dejanovic and Stephen Lazarevic «Β)80 (D)74). =

=


1 37

ως ελπιζ 9μενο ς, και ηΊν ελευσ ιν, ϊ ν ' Ίj και πλέον ήδυς φανεις μηδόλ ηται, δείξτι δε χαρίσ λον. τφ απροσ δοκήτ φ του πράγμ ατος έκείνφ μαλ ταίς θωπεί αις αυτου και και γνώμτι πρός αυτόν παραγεγονως και ου ν εν ταίς Φερραίς ταίς απειλαίς έξαπατηθείς. Εύρίσ κει τοίνυ ν τουτο ήμεν έλθόν τες, γαρ ταίοι Πεμπ 5 και ήμας έκείνον φθάσαντας συν αυτφ. νων τους ύφ ' κινδύ ανάγκης δή τινος ίσχυρ ας ύπερ του ρυσθή ναι παντελως ήμίν ι τουτο ήμας, έκείσέ με τότε παραπ εμψάσης , καίτο ον άμα παραγενέσ θαι . απείρ ητο, λέγω δη τό αμφο τέρου ς πρός εκείν ήμετέ ραν έπιδη μίαν . Εδόκ ει γαρ ουκ ασφαλες ταύττι γενέσ θαι την . Συνέβ η δ ' όμως φόνον ντα ΙΟ παρα τόν πάλαι καθ ' ήμών αδικο ν ωδίνο ετι νομίζ οντος , κάκεί νου τό φοβε ρόν, εμο υ μεν οίκοι μένει ν εκείνον ωσπε ρ έκ συνθή ματος δ ' αυ πάλιν περι έμου τα ίσα λογιζομ ένου, και καλώ ς, ηΊν αυτήν , εί βόύλ ει οίκοθ εν ' εξελθ όντω ν ήμέρ αν, εί μέμνη μαι ν' εΙναι γαρ αμφι τόν χείρο δέ γε, και ωραν. Συν � πεσε δέ τι και Χ ριστι ανών , λέγω δε τους Πέρσ ην τους και όπωσ ουν έξηγο υμένο υς 15 τε γαρ αυτου ς έπιμε λώς είωθότας . ώς αυτόν αφικν είσθα ι. . Εκείν ός , αυτοίς τε δείν έδό κει ηθρο ιζεν αρδη ν άφαν ίσαι πάντας βουλό μενος δέξασ θαι κίνδυ Ι νον η τόν εκ f. Ι 7 παραγ ενέσθ αι και τόν από τουδε . μαλλ ον γαρ κινδύ νου μεστό ν και του παρα κουσ αι του έπιτά ττοντ ος. ΕΙναι μεν ευλόγ ως ενόμι ζον. ουδε 20 τό πρός αυτόν άμα παρα γεγον έναι πάντες ν εκείν ου διάνο ιαν, τό δε γαρ ήγνQ ουν τόν ανδρα και την περι αυτώ χαλεπωτέρο υ κινδύ νου' μη τοίς τούτο υ προσ τάγμα σιν είκειν πολλ φ έκ της παρακοης ϋβριν , μήτ ' ουκ μήτε γα ρ οίσει ν αυτόν την μεν αυτου ς διαφθ είραι , ανασχόμενον ήσυχ άσειν , άλλα θελήσ ειν α κακο υ κακό ν προελόμενο ι 25 θελήσ αντα δε δυνήσ εσθαι . κ ι δια ταυτα , ες και συν έλπίσιν ηπτον το της όδου, θεφ τό κατ ' αυτου ς έπιτρ έποντ όδεύο ντες.

8. άπείρητο (ex άπή ρητο) Ρ: άπή ρητο VWVa Ι 10. φόνον PVVa: φθόνον W.

Funeral Oration

1 38

And yet they belieνed that οη this occasion Ι and my .brother would not both come into the presence of this most fierce monster. For they felt sure that this would not happen by chance but it would be determined by us. This 'c onνiction dispelled most of their fears and warding off any justified suspicion it encouraged them to go. For they knew that the man whose jaws gaped lίke Hades, who desired to swallow us all up ίη them, would natural1y beware of behaνing . imprudent1y towards some of us as long as he did not haνe all of us ίη his hands, lest he might defeat his own ends . But when they arriνed and saw my brother with me at the Turk's court they realized that what they had not expected had happened and they were struck speechless for a long time and did not utter a word to each other. When at length . they had recoνered themselνes and were just able to say something, all , they could do was to cry aloud 'We are lost'. We had already assembled there (how indeed did eνerything conspire to raise our fears, as one might say, to the utmost) when the emperor, my nephew, newly arriνed from Selymbria59• This threw us into such confusion that we utterly lost heart and felt that we must draw up ? ur wills a-nd testaments as is necessary for men who haνe ηο hope of life at. all. Ιη the words of our Saνiour when he spoke to the disciples we were 'sheep ίη the midst of wolνes'60 and though we trod upon the heads of our enemies, who took the place of the serpents and scorpions, we were ίη ηο way harmed61 but we walked with faith ίη Him who has the power to saνe. That monster then receiνed· my brother neither gladly (for he 'nursed his wrath ίη his breast until he had accomplished the deed') 6I A nor, so it seems, unpleasantly. For he ; felt ashamed, if not οη account of his promises to my brother, at least of those to me , and also of being unable to contain his venom within him eνen for a while but of haνing to throw it up immediately. Therefore being so disposed he accepted a piece of adνice - Ι will not say from whom; let it be from the deνil whom he bore ίη his soιil namely, to put both of us and all our house to death and to kill the ,

59. John νπ inherited Selymbria together with Daneion, Herakleia, Rhaide stos and Panidos from his father Andronicus IV, given him as an apanage by John V after their reconciliation ίπ 1 38 1 /2 (Ducas (Β)46 (G)73) Manuel's feelings to�ards his nephew at the time are reflected ίπ his Dialogue (Paris. gr. 304 1 , f. 99): δ . εχθιστος, η άδελφιδοϋς έμός, κ:ακ:ίστη μεν μοίρα 'Ρωμαίων, κ:ακ:ίστη δε αύτοϋ, =

..

πράττει μεν δι ' ών αν δήθεν αρξειν νομίζει, πράττει δ ' άληθώς δι ' ών αν δουλεϋσαι

1 39


Ού μην άλλα και το πιστεύειν εκείνους περι εμοϋ και τοϋ άδελφοϋ, ώς ούχ αμα τηνικαϋτα άφιξόμεθα προς τον δεινότατον θη ρα (ού γαρ το συμβαν κατα τύχη ν άλλα την κεκυρωμένην ήμίν . ήπίσταντο γνώμην), το πολυ τοϋ φό βου διεσκέδαζε και παρεκάλει παραγενέσθαι δικαίαν ύποψίαν άποκρουόμενον. "l;.Ιδεσαν γαρ ώς ό 5 δίκην "�δoυ κεχηνως καταπιείν τους πάντας εφιέμενος, δεδιως εΙκότως εσται μη προς τούναντίον αύτφ το βούλημα περισταίη , αν κατα πάντων άναισχυντήσ ιl. ούκ εν ταίν χεροίν ήμας εχων . . Αλλ ' ελθόντες και τον άδελφόν συν εμοι παρα τφ Πέρστι θεασάμενοι, 10 γνόντες το πραγμα εκβεβηκος παρα την εκείνων δόξαν, άφωνί� συσχεθέντες επι μακρφ ούδέν τι προς άλλήλους εφθέγγοντο Ως δ ' άνενεγκόντες άψε και μόλις ,ρηξαι φωνην εδυνήθησαν, ταύτην δη πρώτην άφέντες Διαπεφωνήκαμεν, εβόησαν απαντες. Τούτων δη συναθροισθέντων τηνικαϋτα μεθ ' ήμών (ω πώς πάντα συνέρ ρει και προς αύτήν, ώς άν τις εϊποι, την κορυφην της άκμης 15 άνεβίβασε τους φόβους), νέηλυς εκ Σηλυβρίας παραγίγνεται και βασιλευς ό άδελφιδοϋς. Τοϋτο δε αυ ήμας επι τοσοϋτον συνέχεεν δσον και άπειρηκέναι παντάπασι και δεηθηναι διαθηκών, Ο ποιείν άνάγκη πασα τους την ελπίδα της ζωης άποβεβληκότας. Και ήμεν 20 άρνες εν μέσφ λύκων, τοϋτο δη το τφ Σωτη ρι χρηματισθεν προς: τους f. 1 7V μαθητάς, πατοϋντες μέντοι Ι τας των εχθρων κεφαλάς, όφε�ν τε και σκορπίων άντικρυς τόπον διασφζόντων και μηδεμίαν παρ ' αύτών ύπομένοντες βλάβη ν, πίστει πορευόμενοι τοϋ δύναμιν εχοvτος σφζειν. Ύποδέχεται δή μοι ΤΟΥ άδελφον ό θη ρ έκείνος οϋτ ' άσμένως, εΙχε γαρ μετόπισθε κότον όφρα τελέστι έν στήθεσιν έοίσιν, 25 οϋτ ' άηδως τό γε δοκείν' Ίjσχύνετo γάρ, εί και μη τας προς τον άδελφον ύποσχέσεις, άλλ ' ήμας τε και το δόξαι μηδε γοϋν προς ωραν ίσχϋσαι τον ίον ενδον κατασχείν, ά�λ ' αύτίκα -τοϋτον έμέσαι. Οϋτω 'τοιγαροϋν διακείμενος βούλευμα δέχεται (ούκ έρω γε ύπο τίνων, εστω 30 δε ύπο τοϋ δαίμονος, ον έπι της αύτοϋ ψυχής εφερεν) άποκτείναι μεν ήμας και την ήμετέραν πασαν οίκίαν, άποκτείναι δε τους των .

•

1 3 . LXX Ezechiel 37. 1 1 . 1 9-20. Lucas 10.3. 20-23. Id. 1 0. 1 9. 25. Homerus, I/ias 1 .82-83. 1 5 . είποι PWVa: είΠΊJ V VVa. 60. Luke 10:36. 6 1 . Luke 1 0: 1 9. 6 1 Α. Homer, I/iad 1 ,82-83

1 6 . παραγίγνεται (ex παραγίνεται) Ρ:

W:

παραγίνεται

1 40

Funeral Oration

leaders of the Christians62• He had entertained this thought for a long time but it was now that he considered it essential to carry out this accursed deed so that, as he alleged, once he had cleared the ground of " thorns (meaning us of course) it would. be . possible for his children to dance triumphantly οη the land of the Christians without hurting their feet. He for his part was planning such things; but to the true Lord who is not a hireling this design concerning His sheep did not seem good. The Sultan ordered his general, a eunuch6J, to kill ιis at night and to act ίη ηο other way, otherwise he threatened to reward him with death. But God commanded him that he should by �o means do this . And Ι think what happened resembled what once occurred ίη the case of Sarah64• As soon as the murderer knew, instead of punishing his di�obe�ient 'gen � ral he · even ac � nowledged h is gratitude for having . wisely deferred the deed, alleging ·that as soon as he had uttered the words he bitterly repented of having done so, a feeling which must certainly have emanated from none other than God. So it was; and' the monster was unable to wash the blac"kness from his sou�; but. first he disgo�ged his wrath by committing outrages agaίή st our men: he gouged out the eyes of our sailors, cutting off their hands and bringing into disgrace some of the officials65• And when he had vented his irrational passion ίη thi s way, he then very naively tried . to win me over (me whom he had wronged and dishonoured with a , thousand injustices) by greeting me with gifts and sending me home just as . people soothe children by giving them sweets when they cry after they have been punished. His reasoning was obvious. He did this so that he might afterwards detain my brother, for he did not consider it safe. to lay hands οη both of us, which indeed he could have done. ι

62. According to Chalcocandyles «Β)80 (Ο)75) it was John ΥΙΙ who incited Bayezid against Manuel 11. This is confirmed by the Emperor ίη his Dialogue on marriage (Paris. gr. 3041, f 102V Loenertz, «Une erreur», ρρ. 384,39 1 -2). He also mentions (1.99) the existence of an agreement between the Sultan and John, ίη accordance with which Bayezid was to hand the City over to j ohn. Letters containing this agreement were seized by Manuel's soldiers when they stormed John's camp. This incident most probably refers to the 1 390 event.s. (D)75) gives the name of the. general. He was Αlί 63. Chalcocandyles « Β)8 1 son of Hayreddin. (See also F. Taeschner & Ρ. Wittek, «Die Vezirfamilie der Gandarlyzade», Der Islam, 18 ( 1 929), 92- 1 00. Presumably the entry ίη the messaria of Pera οη 1 6 January 1 392 (Ν. Jorga, ROL, 4 ( 1 896), 77) about a gift to «Monuco (ί.e. eunuch) Turco domini Jhalabi, capitaneo Grecie» must refer to him. Ι would Iike to thank Dr. Ε. Zachariadou [or drawing my attention to this document: =

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141

εύσεβών αρχοντας. τουτο γαρ βουλόμενος πόρρωθεν, τότε δείν φήθη διαπράξασθαι τό αγος, ίν ' , ώς . εφασκε, τόν χώρον αύτου καθάραντος εκ τών άκανθών, ήμας δη λέγων, εξή τοίς τουδε παισι μη τους πόδας αύτών αίμάττειν εν τφ τών Χ ριστιανών κατορχείσθαι. ' Αλλ · ' εκείνος μεν τοιαυτα ε βουλεύετο, τφ δ ' άληθινφ δερπόττι και 5 ού μισθωτφ ποιμένι ού ταύτα περι τών προ βάτων εδόκει. ' Εκείνος μεν γαρ τφ στρατηγφ -..:... εύνουχος δ ' ούτος ήν - προσέταττεν ήμας άνελείν νύκτωρ και μηδαμώς αλλως πραξαι, ει δε μή , ήπείλησεν αύτφ θανάτου τιμήσειν. ' Αλλ ' ό θεός επέταττεν αύτφ μηδαμώς τ ουτο 10 πραξαι. Και γέγονεν, οΙμαι, παραπλήσιον τ φ ποτ ε ύπερ τής Σάρρας γεγενημένφ' Ο δη μαθων ό φονεύς, άντι του κακώς ποιήσαι τόν παρή κοον, ό δε αύτφ και χάριτας ώμολόγει τής άγαθής μελλήσεως, φάσκων ώς εύθυς ε ι πων σφοδρφ τινι βάλοιτο μεταμέλφ, ός γε ούχ έτέρωθεν ήν η παρα θεου πάντ ω ς. Τ Ην ταυτί' και ό Α ι θίοψ την ψυχην ούκ εδύνατο την μελανίαν 15 άπονίψασθαι, άλλα πρ ώτον εξεμέσας την όργην δι ' ών εις του ς ήμετέρους εξύβρισεν, εκκόψας μεν όφθαλμους εκ του ναυτικου, f. Ι 8 άποκόψας δε χείρας και πολλά τισι τών εν τέλει επαγαγων Ι εις αισχύνη ν και ταύττι τόν ούκ εύλογον θυμόν άναπαύσας, επειτά με . 20 λίαν εύήθως, ον ή δίκει και καηjσχυνε μυρίοις άδικήμασιν, επειρατο διαλλάττε τν δώροις δεξιούμενός τε και πέμπων οίκαδε, ώσπερ οί τα παιδία τ ρωγαλίοις ήμερουντες μετα τας πληγας κλάοντα. Ό δε λογισμός φανερός ίνα γαρ μετέπειτα δήστι τόν άδελφόν. Ού γαρ άσφαλές, ώς εοικεν, ενόμιζεν εΙναι τό κατ ' άμφοίν εκτείναι τας 25 χείρας, όπερ εδύνατο μέν, θεόθεν δε τυφλούμενος ήγνόει τουτο .

10. Genesis 20. Ι Ι .

.

1 5 . Corp. Paroemiogr. Gr. Ι, 348.

5. έ βουλεύετο PWVa: έβούλετο V Ι · 1 3. βάλοιτο PWVa: βάλοιτο V.

64. Genesis 20. 65. The reference to sailors and officials would suggest that Manuel did not travel to Serres by land but went part of the way by sea, putting ίη either ίη Thessalonica or ίη Christopolis. Where the actual mutilation took place is impossible to say, since a number of the Greek crew may have escorted the emperor to Serres. We know of the existence of an imperial galley which used to saίl between Thessalonica and Constantinople « κάτεργον τό βασιλικόν τό ΘεσσαλoνΙKαίoν�� about 1 404/5 (ΟΟ. V. Laurent, REB, 30 ( 1"972), ρ. 1 57, 1 6). Whether this line was ίη existence during the T\lrkish occupation of Thessalonica and whether Manuel sailed, if at all, οη this line we do not know.

1 42

Funeral Orat;on

But being blinded by God he did not see that he could have done this , just as he did Iι ot also perceive that he would ηο 10nger have my friendship. But he believed that he would deceive me with words of the outmost fatuity, even though he had committed outrages οη our people and while he was still holding my brother ίη his hands he had demanded from him the more important cities as though they were his heritage and had issued commands which ηο man ίη his right senses would have given even to the meanest slave. Ιη this frame of mind he went through Macedonia and Thessaly and reached Central Greece where he pitched camp66. He wished to spend sometime here for he saw that the region was rich pasture land and excellent for hunting, besides being capable of providing the army with pleJItiful provisions. Then (Ι am not sure how 10ng after) he almost completely revealed his true . nature and ίη future more than ever gave full play to this, ίη ηο way restraining it, so that it was entirely laid bare. He then sent one of his executioners, a man named Omur67 who far excelled others ίη brutality and cruelty, to demand from my brother the surrender of Argos68 and a nunιber of other places. For Monemvasia69 was already occupied, having been given as vain raήsοm to the Sultan, together with the neighbouring villages of considerable number and importance. �Όr he had promised to release

66. Οη the way he captured the county of Salona (Amphissa) ruled by the widow of the last count ' don Luis Fadrique de Aragon .. She was Helena the daughter of Matthew Cantacuzenus and grand-daughter of the Emperor John νι She and her daughter Maria were �ent to the Sultan's harem. Neri Acciaiuoli reported the event to his brother Donato οη ' 20 February 1 394 (Gregorovius Lampros 11, ρ. 652, ηο. 6; Cfialcocandyles (Β)67-9 (D)6 1 -63; Loenertz, « Pour I'histoire», ρρ. 245-6); /bid., « Une page de Jerome Zurita», ρρ. 37 Iff.). For Helena . �n_d Maria ίη general see Nicol, The Byzantine lami/y οι Kantakouzenos, ρρ. 1 60-3. 67. Ι have been unable to trace this Turkish official. 68. The city had been ίη Theodore's possession since December 1 388. He had captured it at the time when the Venetians were about, or had already purchased it ' from Marie dΈηghίeη to prevent it from being occupied either by Theodore or Neri ( l 388.ΧΙ Ι I 2, Secreta Ε, f.46v ( Regestes Ι, ρ. 1 79, ησ. 744); Co� memoriali 8, f. 1 34, ed. Dip/om. Ven-Lev. 11, ρρ. 2 1 1 - 1 3, ησ. 1 26. Despite the diplomatic and economic pressure Venice brought to bear ση him and Neri, Theodore retained Argos until I I June 1 394 ( 1 389.11. 1 8 , Misti 40, ff. 1 57- 1 58; 1 3 89.ν.3 I , Misti 4 1 , f.6v;. 1 389.νΙ22, Misti 4 1 , ff. 1 6v- 1 7, ( Regestes Ι, Ρρ. 1 80-2, nos. 748, 753, 757);. Lampros, 'Έγγραφα, ρ. 1 14, . ησ: 7, .374-8�, ρρ. , 387-89, nos. 1 0, 1 2). 69. The city of Monemva.si� once formed part of t he estates of the Mamonas =

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1 43


5

. 10

15

δυνάμενος, ωσπερ ουδε τοϋτο συνη κεν, ώς ουχ εξει την εμην ετι φιλίαν . . Αλλ ' ενόμιζέ με εξαπατήσειν λόγοις εσχάτης άβελτη ρίας, τoσα�τα μεν είς 'τους ήμετέρους ύβρίσας, τόν δε άδελφόν κατέχων εν χεροίν ετι, πόλεις τε αυτοϋ τας μείζους ωσπερ τινας πατρφας άπαιτών και προσεπιτάττων α ουκ άν τις ευ φρονών δορυαλώτοις άνδράσιν. Οϋτω τοίνυν διαθέσεως εχων διέρχεται μεν Μακεδονίαν, διέρχε ται , δε Θετταλίαν, καταλαμβάνει δε την . Ελλάδα. Αυτοϋ δε αυ στρατοπεδευσάμενος και διατρίψαι βεβουλευμένος, ατε τόν χώρον εϋβοτον θεασάμενος και πρός θή ραν άγαθόν, τα δ ' επιτήδεια τφ στρατφ παρέχειν άφθόνως δυνάμεν·ον, επειθ ' ήμέραν ουκ οΙδα πόστην, γυμνοί την φύσιν επιεικώς, και χρηται ταύΤΌ λοιπόν άνέδην ηπερ προτοϋ' ουδε γαρ ουδ ' ότφοϋν περικαλύμματι ταύτη ν ετι κρύπτειν έδύνατο. Πέμψας ουν ενα δήμιον πολυ παρενεγκόντα τους άλλους θη ριωδί� τε και ώ μότητι - . Ομούρης δνομα αυτφ - αίτεί τό 'Άργος παρ ' αυτοϋ συν αμα πλείοσιν άλλοις. Μονεμβασία γαρ ηδη εϊληπτο λύτρον μάταιο ν δοθείσα πρός τοίς πέριξ πολιχνίοις ουτ ' όλίγοις οϋτε φαύλη ν δύναμιν . εχουσιν . . Υπισχνείτο μεν γαρ άπολύ3. Cf suum dialogum de matrimonio (Par. gr. 3041. f. 98 v-99: όπως δε τοίς ύποσπόνδοις έχρήσατο, όσον δε λύττα φόνιον τι πνέων και τους όδόντας βρύχων κατ ' έμοϋ. 1 1 . άνέδην: άναίδην codd.

Ι

14- 1 5 . mg.

c η < μείωσαι >

Va.

family. LΠ 1 384 Theodore, presumably as a retaliation against Mamonas, one of the rebel archons, offered the city to the · former Venetian baiulus of Constantinople . Pier Grimani for services rendered to his family during the civil war of 1 376-9. At the same tlme unαοubίt:dlΥ Theodore had hoped by this move to secure Venice's co operation against the rebel aichons and the Navarrese. Οπ 29 March the Republic gave Grimani permission to accept the Despot's gift (Misti 38, f. Ι07v ( Rege.stes Ι, ρ. 1 62, πο. 668), ed. G. Gerola, Β. 6 ( 1 93 1 ), 385 n. 2 and Denn�s, The reign. ρ. Ι 1 7 π. 45). Grimani however never acquired the city, ·presumably because Mamonas refused to hand it over. It was finally annexed by Theodore ίπ 1 39 1 12 (CBB Ι, 32 § 28, ρ. 233; 11, ρρ. 346-7) at the height of his power. During the meeting of Serres Mamonas appealed to Bayezid against Theodore (Chalcocandyles (Β)80- 1 (D)745). Taking advaritage of the situation the Sultan resolved to appropriate the city and the surrounding strongholds to himself. Just before a Turkish garrison took over the city, the inhabitants appealed to Venice through the regimen ίn Negrepont . offering to place themselves under her protection. The Republic, afraid that this . would lead to a direct confrontation with the· Turks, declined the offer ( 1 394.111.5, Misti 42, f. 1 55 ( Regestes Ι, ρ. 200, πο. 844; Loenertz, ((Pour I'histoire» , ρρ. 240-5, 249-5 1 ). =

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1 44

Funeral OraIion

my brother as soon as he had receiνed these places but once he had got them he . renewed his demands. He did this repeateqly wishing Ιο turn him ίηΙο 'Nobody' , 'deνouring him last'70, for truly ίη his heart he was a Cyclop with impiety instead of blindness, shamelessness instead of a caνe. Indeed the Sultan Ιοο was a shepherd, but ηοΙ of sheep like those of the Cyclop but of men who did not dίffer from beasts. What could my brother do? Call him an impostor and a liar? Argue? Refuse? Spit οη his face? Spare ηο abuse? What would he haνe . gained by doing this? Besides he had ηοΙ lost hope Ιο the extent of challenging him outright. But was he prepared Ιο contradict him ιίΙΙ the νery end? He certainly did this as long as he possibly could. But was he prepared Ιο refuse Ιο giνe ίη despite what might happen? But it woίlld haνe been sheer madriess to continue Ιο disobey whίle a drawn sword was being brandished at him. This would haνe been nothing less than suicide. But to obey the enemy's demands �nd betray eνerything he possessed just Ιο saνe himself? Ιη the first place, as the saying is, 'there is ηο soundness ίη this' and he would neνer haνe been able to do it, for aboνe all he νalued integrity of action and he would haνe gladly exchanged a long and inglorious life for a short and honourable one. Secondly, it appeared that the murderer's intention was certainly not to depriνe him of eνerything and then keep quiet� but οη ,the contrary to take all and then Ιο destroy the giνer. And so ίη this situation Central Greece was · something like the straits of Messina οη the one hand was the Sultan's fury, and οη the other the executioner's so-called adνice blended with threats, a nd they became more menacing than the horror-striking names of Charybdis and Scylla7 ι . -

But this new Odysseus, the eνer-good and inν� Dtiνe man had . experienced many and νarious wanderings, or rather he willingly tasted misfortune for the sake of those who were akin to him both' ίη status and root whose issue he was. And so he escaped from the caνe, from the straits and the thronging clouds showering down terrible difficulties - and to carry the simile further - he sailed past unhurt escapi�g

70. Homer, Odyssey 9, 369-70. 7 1 . Homer, Odyssey 1 2 , 20 1 -259.


1 45

f. 1 8V σειν μετα τό λαβείν, λαμβάνων δε αύθις Ότει : Ι κα! τουτο συνεχώς επραττεν, Ούτίν γε αυτόν αποφήναι θέλων πύματον έδόμενος ό την ψυχην ώς άληθώς Κύκλωψ ων, εχων την ιiσέβειαν τύφλωσιν κα! την αναίδειαν άντρον, έπεί τοι κα! ποιμην ούτος ή ν, εί μη προβάτων ωσπερ έκείνος, αλλ ' ανθρώπων 'μηδεν διαφερόντων θη ρίων. 5 Τί ούν έχρήν τόν αδελφόν διαπράξασθαι; απατεώνα καΙ ψεύστην τουτον αποκαλείν; έξελέγχειν; απωθείσθαι; διαπτύειν; μηδέν τι προπηλακισμου παραλιπείν εΙδος; κα! τί αν ήν έκείνον κερδ άναι ταύττι Π(;Ηουντα; "Αλλως τε ουδε απέγνω ωστε κα! όμόσε χωρήσαι. 10 ' Αλλ ' αντιλέγειν γ ε άχρι τέλους; τουτο δ η κα! γέγονεν εως έξήν. ' Αλλα μηδαμώς ύπενδουναι καν ό τι γένοιτο; ' Αλλ ' ουκ ήν νουν εχοντος απειθείν δια παντός, έπισειομένου γυμνου του ξίφους ήν γαρ αν ατεχνώς ωσας τουτο καθ ' έαυτου. ' Αλλα πρ άξαι τα δοκουντα τοίς έχθροίς κα! τα έ αυτου πάντα προέσθαι ύπερ μόνου του σωθήναι; ' Αλλα πρώτον με.ν τουτο ουδεν ύγιές φασι, κα! ουκ αν ήξίωσέ ποτ ε 15 πράττειν ός γε του παντός έτίμα τό μηδέν τι τών αίσχρών ποτ ε πράξειν, κα! χαίρων αν ήλλάξατο του ζήσαι μήκιστον χρόνον . ου μετα δόξης βίον μετ ' ευκλείας βραχύτατον. 'Έπειτα και τφ φονεί ουκ άρα τουτ ' ήν ό λογισμός, λαβείν τα πάντα κα! ή ρεμείν, αλλα μετα τό 20 λαβείν τόν δεδωκότα ανελείν. 'Ώστε πορθμός Σικελικός ή Έλλάς πως πέφηνε τηνικαυτα, και ή του σατράπου μανία και ή του δημίου . δήθεν παραίνεσις απειλη συγκεκραμένη χαλεπώτεραι πεφήνασι Χαρύβδεώς τε κα! Σκύλλης, ών κα! τοίς . όνόμασι φρίκη κέκραται. ' Αλλ ' ό νέος ' Οδυσσευς ούτοσίν, ό .καλός σοι . πάντα κα! 25 ευμήχανος, πολλών μεν πλά:vων πεπείραται και παντοδαπών, μ ά λλον δε έκων πεπείραται τών δεινών ' ύπερ τών προσηκόντων αύτου τφ f. 19 σχήματι κα! τΌ ρίζτι, ής γε έξέφυ. Πάνl των δε απαλλαγείς, και σπηλαίου καί πορt:Jμου καί πολλών πολλα υοντων νεφών τινων δίκην τα δυσχερή τε και φοβερα (και γαρ έ κτέον ετι του παραδείγματος)

1 -2. Homerus, Odyssea 9.365-370 1 5 . Plato, Phaed� 69b, 89c; Gorgias 524e. etc . . 23. Homerus, Odyssea 1 2.20 1 -259.

1 3 ; ώσαι PVW et mg. γρ. ώσας PV: ώσας Va Ι 1 5. ούκ αν ήξίωσε πστε PVW: σύκ αν ' πστε ήξίωσε Va Ι 20. σικελικός PVVa: Σικελίας W Ι 22. συγ,κεκραμένη (ex -μμ-) Ρ: W: συγκεκραμμένη Va: συγεκραμένη V Ι 23. Σκύλλης: Σκίλλης codd. Ι 28-29. pr. vers. δίκην τα φοβερά τε καί δυσχερή καΙ et per s.s. α ' β ' γ ' δ ' sec. vers. Ρ: sec. vers. adopt. VWVa ...

1 46

Funeral Oration

every hazard and at length returned home to find Penelope - the Peloponnese - unblemished having preserved herself strictly for him, not by undoing her web and raising tht:! hope of those trying to possess her72, �ut by openly repudiating them. Such behaviour is infinitely preferable and surpasses that of Penelope to such an extent that it gίves ηο cause whatsoever for suspecting that chastity had been sullied, something that you will look for ίη vain ίη the case of . Penelope. It appears then that unwavering prudence ' accomplishes everything, for reason is superior tρ all. Υ our good· Despot was not exasperated, though ' the demands were as unjust as the man who made them and dropped as thick as snowflakes from a wintry cloud, nor did he fear the threats. which, mark you, as time went οη continually increased ίη wickedness ' and ferociiy. He said nothing harsh, nothing savage or repellent, nor οη the other hand was he at all servile or cowardly, nor did he show or say anything which would betr�y, weakness. lη short, he acted ίη a manner . befitting the circumstances and showed up the Sultan as being more . naive than a mere child when ίη a childish way he shamelessly tried to make fun of my brother. He thus showed his prudence ίη this way: to the very end he neither entirely disobeyed' the Sultan, as anyone might have done out of sheer desperation, ήοr did he immediately give way to him. This was because ίη the first case if he had shown marked opposition he rnight have provoked his fίerce and rampant wrath, while ίη the second case by surrendering t()O easily he wO,uld have made the enemy suspect that he was making full use of an easy submission to further whatever scheme was ίη his mind by saying one thing and " th inking another.

72. Homer, Odyssey 2, 1 05. 1 09. 203-207.


147

άσινης παρέπλευσέ τε και παρελή λυθε πάσας κη ρας, και γεγονώς ποτ ε οϊκο\ εύρε Πηνελόπην, την Πελοπόννησον, αμωμον αύτην αύτφ διατη ρήσασαν άκριβώς, ούκ εξαναλύουσαν τον ίστον και διδουσαν τους πειρώντας ελπίζειν, άλλα φανερώς αύτους άποτρέπουσαΥο δ δη του προτέρου πολλφ προ'έχει και τοσούτφ γε ύπερή λασεν δσφ μηδε 5 λόγφ την σωφΡOσύν ΊJ ν δόξαι μολυναι, δ γε ζητήσας εν τφ προτέρφ ούκ αν εϋροις. ' Ως γαρ εοικεν, ή φρόνησις ούκ άπαγορεύσασα άπαντα ρ�δίως άνύσει' πάντων γάρ εστιν ό λόγος επικρατέστερος . . Ο τοίνυν άγαθός σοι' δεσπότης μήτε τ ραχυνθεις προς τας ΙΟ άπαιτήσεις, οϋσας γ ε τοσουτον άδικωτάτας δσον ό ταύτας άπαιτών άδικώτατος (ύε δε ταύτας πυκνας ' και εφκεσαν νιφάσι χειμερινου τινος ώς εκ νέφους), μήτε προς τας .άπειλας φοβηθεις (ήσαν δε αίεί τοι χείρους και άγριώτεραι αί νεώτεραί τε κ'αι δεύτεραι τών πρεσ βυτέρων τε και προτέρων), μηδέν γουν στύφον, μηδε τραχύ, , 'μηδ ' άντίτυπον, 15 μηδ ' αύθις άνελεύθερον, μηδε μαλακόν, μηδέ εκλυτον 11 όπωσουν ενδειξάμε Vος 11 τ δ παράπαν φθεγξάμενος καΙ συλλή βδην γε είπείν μηδέν) άπ�δoν του καιρου, άλλα μετ ' αύτου πάντα πράξας και αύτών ' παιδαρίων άφελέστερον άπέδειξε τον ϊσα και παιδι σμικρφ εξ ' άναιδείας είς αύτον παίζοντα. χρηται δέ ώδε τΌ φρονήσει' οϋτε 20 παντελώς άπειθεί μέχρι τέλους, δ πας τις , αν επαθεν επιεικώς άπογνούς, οϋτ ' αύ ύπενδίδωσι την ταχίστην, ώς μήτε τΌ ύπερ βο'λΌ της ενστάσεως το ό ργών τε και φλεγμ άίνον προσπαροξύνι ι μήτε τφ f. 1 9V ρ�δίως οϋτως ύφείναι παράσχτι Ι δικαίως ύπονοε.ίν τον . έχθρόν, ώς αρα τι προκείμενον �χων ταίς εύκολίαις κατακέχρηται, ετερα μεν 2 5 ' λέγων, ετερα δ ' ενι φ ρεσι κεύθων.

Ι . cf. Homerum, Odyssea ιι . 1 1 ο, I1ias 1 2 .326. 1 1 - 1 2 . cf. I1ias 3.222. 24-25. I1ias 9.3 1 3 .

3-4.

cf.

Odyssea 2. 104- 1 Ο; 203-

207 . ,

pr. vers. λόγφ όόξαι την σωφροσύνην μολυναι e t per s.s. α ' β Ύ ' sec. vers. Ρ: sec. νers. adopt. VWVa Ι 7 . γνωμιιcόν mg. PVW: om. Va Ι 1 2. τοι PV: τι. WVa Ι 1 4. στύφον (υ in ras.) Ρ: στίφον VWVa Ι 22. όργών PVW: όργόν Va.

6,

1 48

Funeral Oration

Ιη this way he showed his shrewdness and Ι dOUDt if any other man could have made better use of the. occasion ίη order to avoid both harshness and its opposite, namely, weakness: For those afflicted by misfortune tend to go to one or to the other extreme , while he most wisely walked the middle path and sailing οη an even keel he tamed the dragon for a time, although t�e �onster was unable to show mildness for long. When my brother had won over the Sultan's guards, as . it were, he thought that the moment had come for him either to die or to escape. He succeeded ίη doing the second, as my oration will soon show. Obeying Bayezid's commands, he sent letters to his people enpowering the Sultan's emissari�s to take ovet the citadels and the city which once belonged to Αgamemηόη 7J. With the emίssaήes he also sent certain of his men whom the Turks thought were to hand over the strongholds to them. These men marched slowly - for such were their instructions - and Ι think that they had not yet reached Corinth 74 when they saw their courageous Despot. This was ' something quite outside their expectation. ΟηΙΥ my mother and Ι were not taken by surprise, for we knew the man's courage, his love of honour and his adventurous spirit, and besides the whole thing had not takeή place without my consent. But we w�re kept ίη suspense, thinking either to hear horrible news or · to witness what nobody believed could happen. Time has shown that many men have given' their gaolers the slip and their inventive skill has defeated shackles, chains and prisons. Some men have been so strongly guarded that they even seem to outdo miracle makers ίη their mode of escape. But if one were to compare my brother's contrivance with those of the past he would discover that it was by ηο means ignoble, if one takes into consideration the exceeding wickedness of his gaoler, t1,ie manner of his imprisonment and the way , ίη which the prisoner showed its futility. It happened ίη this way. At the tyrant's command his tent was pitched at a certain spot οη the river bank. The river, which was Spercheios, flows with a strong current and throughout this region its bank is very high so that here the bank is so encircled by the rushing current that it seems almost like an island. The strong contingent of the night watch surrounded the tent shoulder to

73. The city of Argos, see above ρ. 1 42, n. 68. 74. At nle time ruled by Th�odore's father-in-law Neri Acciaiuolί.

ι

Μανουηλ ΠάλαlOλόγου Λ όγος

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Οϋτ ω τ φ νφ χρησάμενος, ώς ουκ αν ήν κάλλιον, οΙμαι, ουδ ' αν τις αλλος έκέχρητο τ ών άπάντ ων, διαφυγων έπίσης σκλη ρό τ η τά τ ε Kai τ ουναντ ίον μαλακότητα (ών πoτ � μεν θάτε ρον, - ποτε δε αυ τ ό λοιπόν �ς τ α πολλα τ οίς άδικουμένοις φιλεί συμβαίνειν) χωρεί τ 11ν μέσην λίαν σοφ ώς, Kai τ αύ τ ην όμαλφς πορευόμενος ήμεροί τ όν δράκοντα τ έως, εί Kai μη trci πολυ τό π ραον έπιδείξαι οlός τ ε έγεγόνει. τους ουν αυτ όν φυλάττοντας ωσπερ χειροήθεις τ Ώδε ποιήσας δ είν φήθη καιρόν εΙναι 11 τ εθνάναι 11 άποδραναι. Τυγχάνει δε τ ου δευτ έ ρου, ώς ό , λόγος προϊων δείξει. Πέμπει γαρ έπιστ ολας οίκαδε, οίας οί προστάττ οντ ες έβούλον το· τοίς δε πάρα του σατράπου πεμφθείσιν, ω�τε τ α φ ρούριά λαβείν Kai τ ην . Αγαμέμνονός ποτ ε πόλιν, συνεκπέμπει τους αυτ οίς έγχειριουντ ας" ώς φον τό γε, τ ας άκροπόλεις. Οί δε σχολΏ βαδίζοντ ες (οϋ τ ω γαρ ήν αυτ οίς έπιτ ετα γμένον) ουκ εφθησαν ίδόντ ες, οΙμαι, τ ην Κόρινθον, Kai όρώσι τ όν γενναίον παρα τ ας τ ων πάντων έλπίδας, ου μην παρα τ ας τής μη τ ρός Kai τ ας ήμετ έρας. Οϋτ ε γαρ την του άνδρός γενναιότητα Kai τό φιλότιμόν τ ε Kai φιλοκίνδύνον ήγνοουμεν, και' τ ό π ραγμα ουκ εξω ' τής έμής έγένετο γνώμης. 'Ώσ πε ρ ουν με τ έωρον τ ην άκοην είχομεν 11 άπευκταίαν άγγελίαν άκούσεσθαι 11 τό μηδενi πιστευόμενον rcpiv 11 γενέσθαι Kai θεαθήναι.

Πολλους μεν ουν ό χρόνος τ ας χείρας των κατ εχόντ ων διολι σθήσαντ ας εδειξε Kai πέδας Kai άλύσεις Kai δεσμωτ ή ρια ουδεν σντα πρό ς τ ην έκείνων ευμηχανίαν, τ ινες δε διαδράντ ες Kai τ ους θαυματ ο f.20 π οιους παρενεγκείν εδοξαψ Ι οϋτ ως Ισχυρώς έφρουρουντ ο. . Αλλ ' εί 2S τ ις τ ην παρουσαν μηχανην παραβάλοι τ αίς τ ων προτ έρων, ουδαμως άγεννεστ έραν εύρήσει, θεωρήσας άκριβώς τ όν τ ε κατ έχοντ α δστις ήν έπι " πoνη ρί�, τ όν τ ε τ ρόπον φ κατ είχε Kai δπως τ ου τον εωλον ό κατ εχόμενος εδειξεν. 'Έσχε δε ώδί. Σκηνή τ ις ήν αυτ φ π επηγυία π ερί τ ινα τ ου ποτ αμου σχθην κατ ' έπιτ α,γην τ ου τυράννου. Ό δε ποταμός Σπ ε ρχειός βαθύν τ ινα τ όν ρουν αυτ ου δια παντός ποιούμενος ή σχθη 30 δε πρός ϋψος ή ρμένη δια παντός τ ου χωρίου, δ τ φ κεκυκλωσθαι ροθίφ όλίγου άποδέον ήν τ ου νήσφ έοικέναι· ή δε νύκτ ωρ φυλακή ,

20. cf. Manuelem Palaeologum, Dia/ogus ΧΧ, 242,2-3. 26. άγεννεστέραν sec. ν s.s. Ρ: άγενεστέραν VWVa Ι 27. Φ (ex ον) PV: W: ον Va Ι 30. ούτος- έστΙν ό νϋν καλούμενος Έλλας mg. codd. Ι 32. όλίγου PV: όλίγον WVa.

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shoulder and securely . held that strip of land. They Ιίι fi:res and sang songs throughout the night. For they did ηοΙ have set periods of duty but at the Sultan's comΠiand they watched all through the night. Το cut a long story short, the rest of the set-up ran along the same lines so that both collectively and individually the watch was efficient 75. Yet one's man's valour showed al1 �his Ιο have been useless, although our enemies, though th inking ίι probable that he would try Ιο escape, were ηοΙ afraid that he would actual1y succeed ίη doing so, since the obstacles were so great, while our own party did ηοΙ even consider that he would ever attempt Ιο get away. One could indeed rightly marvel at this escape for ίι was ηο less valiant than any of the deeds he had previously achieved. For although he could often have escaped either alone or with a smal1 retinue he was not willing Ιο do this, but chose either Ιο return home with al1 those he had with him or else Ιο die with them. It was clear Ιο al1 that he certainly engineered the escape as ηο other man could have done, leaving ηοΙ a single one of his retinue behind, ηοΙ even a baggage-carrier or an old man who could hardly walk, and fleeing as though οη wings he caught up with his men who left before he did. Having accpmplished this he demonstrated Ιο his pursuers · that their pursuit was useless and, as ίι were, he poured . the s.tale dregs of their hostile machinations over their heads. It is impossible Ιο describe ·ίη a panegyric the ways and means by which he escaped, showing, as he was bound Ιο do, how much the Sultan deserved Ιο be spat on, telling of al1 his inventiveness, his wisdom and ' courage, his sagacity and skill. Αι al1 events ίι is sufficient, and above al1 ffiir, Ιο say that ίι must be obvious Ιο al1 that this deed so rightly conceived, happily put ίηΙο practice and most successful1y accomplished, could οηlΥ have been achieved with divine aid. Νο hι,ιman power nor any accidental or fortuitous chance could have merged together so

75. Manuel had fίrst hand experience of the Sultan's camp since he had pa.rticipated ίη Bayezid's two separate campaigns ίη Asia Minor, the first ίη 1 390 and the second ίη the summer/winter of 1 39 1 (For details of these campaigns see Zachariadou, «ManueI 11 PalaeoIogus», ρ. 47 1 ff.). Cf. aIso Dialogues. ρ. Ι 2 Ι , 1-5 for Manuel's impressions of the Turkish camp.


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ήν δ ε φάλαγξ πολυάνθρωπος , στ οιχηδόν περικυκλο υντ ες τ ην σκηνην . και τ όν ο λίγον ίσθμόν εκείνον διακατέχοντ ες άκριβώς , πυρ ί τ ε χρώμενοι και φ δαίς , ούδε γουν πρός ωραν εκάθευδον. Ού γαρ φυλακας η γρύπνουν άλλα την νύχθ ' δλην' ούτω δοκουν τ φ σατ ράΠΊJ . Και ϊνα μη μακρό Υ . άπο τ είνω λ όγον , και τάλλα πάντα τ ού τ οις ήν άκριβ ω ς εφάμιλλα , δσα ενομ.ίζετ ο . πρός φυλακην εξαρκέσειν , ούχ δπως άμα συντ ε τ αγμένα άλλα και δ ΙΊJ ρημένα καθέκαστ ον. 'Ά δη πάντα μάταια ένός άνδρός άπέφηνεν άρετή , καίτοι οϋ τ ε τ οίς εχθροίς τ ό εΙκός λογιζομένοις φο βη τ έον εΙναι εδόκει τ ό δυνηθήναι τ ου τ ονί ποτ ε διαδρ άναι , τ οσούτων ο ν των τ ων κωλυμάτων , οϋτε αύ τ οίς ήμετέροις εγχ ε ιρητέος ό δρασμός τ ό παράπαν ενομ ίζετο. Θαυμά σειε δ ' άν τ ις κάκείνο μάλα δικαίως (ούδενός γαρ ε λαττον ε χει τ ων αύ τ φ διαπεπραγμένων)' πολλάκις γαρ δυνάμενος μόνος η και μετ ' ο λίγων διαφυγείν , ούκ η νέσχετ ο, άλλ ' εϊ λετο η μεθ ' ών εξήλθεν έπανιέναι Ι

η συ ν εκείνο ις άποθανείν.

'Ότι μεν ουν είργάσατο τ όν δρασμόν ώς ούκ αν ετ ερος , μηδένα μή τ ε τών έπι τ φ σκευοφορείν έπομ ένων άποβαλών , μή τ ε γέροντά τ ινα , φ τ α γόνατ ' αν ηπιστείτο πρός άναγκαίαν βάδισιν , και διαδρας ώσπερ ύπόπτε ρος ε φθασε τ ους . προαπελθόντας , και τ ου τ ο πράξας άπέφηνε τ ους διώκοντας αύ τ όν είκΌ τ ο ν δρόμον πεποιημένους και ' τ ας τ ών έχθρων μηχανας ωσπε ρ έωλοκρασίαν κατέχεε τής αύτ ών κορυφής , απασι δήλον. Δ ιηγήσ �σθαι δε τ ην μη χανην τ ου δ ρασμου και τ όν τ ρόπον , δι ' ου κατ άπτυσ τον ε δειξεν ον έχρήν , και ώ � επίνοιά τ ε π άσα και πρ άξις ή περί - τ αυτ α πλή ρης μεν σοφίας , πλή ρης δε άνδρίας γέμουσά τ ε συνέσεως 'και δεξιό τη τος δ τι πλείστης , ενεστι μέν , ού συγχωρεί δε τ ό σχήμα τ ου λόγου. ' Εκείνο δε πάντως είπείν και άποχρών και δίκαιον πάντων ενεκα. τουτ ο τ ό ε ργον κα λ ώς μεν κατ ' άρχας διανοηθέν , κάλλιον δε πραχθεν και πέρας είλ ηφός δ τ ι κάλλιστο ν , δήλόν έστιν απασιν ώς ουκ άνευ θείας ρ οπής γέγονε. το. 2 1 -22. Demosthenes De Corona 50(242); Lucianus, Symposium 3; Corp. Paroemiogr. Gr. ΙΙ, 743 . 29. V. supra Ι Ι 1 , 18.

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Funeral Oration

many factors Ιο achieve a single splendid end. His escape set free the whole of the' Peloponnese from impending bondage; ίι liberated Thebes, Athens, Megara and other Greek cities whose leader was Neri, the Despot's father-in-law, a man of good sense; ίι liberated the Illyrians and a great number of barbarian nations76• It is obvious that as long as he (Ι mean the Turkish tyrant) held my brother ίη his hands he could swear and obstinately and arrogantly maintain that he (Bayezid) would ηοΙ return home υηιίΙ he had conquered and destroyed everything. He boasted that this was ηοι , something exceedingly great or difficult but οη the contrary quite easy. Later after the blow (for indeed my brother's escape was a blow Ιο him) he stooped Ιο the ground and ηο longer listened with pleasure Ιο those who told him similar things Ιο please him, for he clearly recognised such words as fulsome flattery. Your Despot became illustrious by reason of many great deeds. He chose Ιο die for the honour of his imperial rank, for Ιο present himself Ιο the murderous barbarian Ιο preserve his own people an4 those of the other leaders really amounted Ιο death . He escaped from the barbarian even though he was caught and held ίη a net from which ίι was believed Ιο be impossible Ιο escape. When all thought that the gaping beast was about Ιο devour everybody and could ηοΙ be halted, he showed υρ the beast's failure and its empty beBy: While he' was himself ίη danger nations and many cities clearly perceived their own danger, but when' he came ουΙ of the barbarian gullet, from whose .

76. It is not clear which branch of the Alban,ians Manuel is referring to, but ' most probably to those sett1ed south of Levadia, since the county of Salona ίη . Phocis and Neopatras ίη Phthiotis were captured by the Turks οη that occasion. The presence of Albanians ίη the duchy of Athens and Neopatras was cited ίη 1 380's. They were stationed ίη Phocis, acting ίη a military capacity as vassals to the King of Aragon (Loenertz, « Athenes et Neopatras» , nos. 1 64, 1 89, 1 9 1 , ρρ. 235, 242; cf. Jochalas, « ϋber die Einwanderung der Albaner», 96ff.). But how far and to ' what ex tent these sett1ements had at this stage penetrated ίηΙο Attica and Corinthia is difficu1t to tell. Albanians were certainly used as mercenaries by Neri Acciaiuoli and were responsible fbr the attack οη the Navarrese possessions after the Turkish withdrawal ίη the early summer of 1 394 (Lampros, 'Έγγραφα, ρ. 1 1 5). There were also a large numbel' of Albanian mercenaries ίη Achaia ίη ' 1 39 1 (Secreta Ε, f.69, 1 39 I .VII.24: in illis partibus haberi possent cum parva pecunie quantitate mu/ti A /banenses). Οη the other hand the very fact that Manuel specifically refers Ιο them would indicate that their numbers were, most probably, worthy of notice.


1 53

γαρ δη πολλα συνδεδραμη κέναι προς εν τι τέλος θαυμάσιον, ουτ άνθρωπίνης δυνάμεως οϋτε μήν τι σύμπτωμα εκ ταύτομάτου και τύχης . . τουτο το εργον ελευθεροί μεν πασαν την Πελοπόννησον τής προφαινομένης δουλείας, ελευθεροί δε Θή βας, Άθήνας, Μέγαρα, 5 πόλεις ελληνίδας ετέρας, ών ό τφ δεσπόΤ ΊJ κηδεστης αρχων ήν - . Ρανέρης σνομα αύτφ - νουνεχης άνή ρ , ελευθεροί δε παν όμου το Ίλλυρικον και {ίλλα γε πολλα τό?ν βαρ βάρων εθνη . Δήλον δέ, δς γαρ δη τον άόελφον εν χει ροίν εχων - τον τύραννόν φημι Πέρσην - ή μην επώμνυ και Ισχυρίζετο μετ α πολλου του φρονήματος μηδαμως 10 επανελθείν οϊκαδε πριν η χειρώσασθαι πάντα και διαφθείραι· και ήν [ 2 1 ούδεν ύπέροl γκον ούδε χαλεπον άλαζονευόμενος, άλλ ' δ γε ρ � διoν ήν αύτφ- ύστερον κύπτων είς ' γήν μετα την πληγήν - πληγη γαρ {ίντικρυς αύτφ ή άδελφου του εμου φυγή - ούδε των προς χάριν τα τοιαυτα λεγόντων ήδέως ετ ' ηκουεν, είδώς γε κολακείας εσχάτης 15 σαφως τα ρήματα. Τοιγαρουν λαμπρος ύμίν ό δεσπότης πολλων και μεγάλων ενεκα· του προελέσθαι τεθνάναι δια το σχήμα (τουτο γαρ ήν άτεχναις το προς φονωντα βάρ βαρον παραγεγονέναι σωτηρίας ενεκα των τε . εαυτου και ών ούκ ήν εξηγούμενος)· του διαπεφευγέναι τας τούτο υ χείρας, έπείπερ η λω και ήν εν δικτύοις πιστευομένοις άφύκτοις εΙναι· 20 του τον �εχηνότα θή ρα καταπιείν απαντας και το κωλυσον εΙναι μηδεν λογιζόμενον, απραKΤ� παντάπασιν άποφήΎαι και κενην την τουδε γαστέρα· του κινδυνεύοντος μεν αύτου προφανή κίνδυνον βλέπειν εθνη τε και πόλεις δ τι πολλάς, επει δ ' εξήλθε του λαιμου του βαρ βαρικου, είς δν, ούδείς πω καταδυς επανήκε σαφους 25

Ι . γνωμικον mg. Ρ: deest ίή VWVa Ι 2. έξ αύτσμάτσυ PVW: et mg. γρ. έκ ταύτσμάτσυ PV: Va Ι 1 1 . ύπέρσγκσν PVW: ύπέρσγγσν Va.

Manuel's second reference to the (,barbarian nations » may well refer Ισ the Slavs of Maina whose existence is attested by epigraphical evidence (Α. Ahrweίler, . (,Une inscription meconnue sur les Melingues du Taygete», Bulletin de Correspon dence Hellenique, 86 ( 1 962), Ι Ι Ο; Α. Α vramea, ,( Ο 'τζάσις των Μεληγγων'. Νέα άνάγνωσις έπιγραφων έξ Οίτύλσυ», Παρ νασσός, 1 6 ( 1 974), 288-300). For a later period, evidence is found ίπ the deliberation of the Venetian Senate ( / 389.11. 1 8 , Misti 40, f. 1 57 v : Sclavis de Mayna). Manuel also may be referring t o the Latins ίπ the area (cf. below 1 69,7-8; Cydones 2 1 ,18 ; 36,20 ; 222,94 ; 328 ,9- / 0 ; 435 , 15. 47-8). -

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depth ηο man has ever emerged. they also were freed from certain slavery. Those who were saνed by him at that time (Ι do not speak of his own men) ίη ηο way contributed to his success, though he had always cared for them, nor did they giνe him any aid at all ίη his struggle to put an end to the danger. Thus it was at his own expense that he delivered them, for they neither felt any sense of gratitude nor did they contribute anything towards this. Indeed of his own free will he became a martyr and surrendered himself for the sake of the many, and endangered himself and went through painful experiences and suffered ignominy and other things . which gnawed the heart and which would have crushed any serious minded man� The facts clearly show that his surviνal and happiness was at the same time the salνation and happiness of a multitude of men, not οηlΥ his own subjects but the subjects of others as well. He was outstandingly splendid, so essential to a number of people, �ital as breath to his friends, invincible to his enemies and able to ward off their attacks. The truth of this is proved by the fact that he� frightened and turned away that mighty man by simply reaching his own land. For as soon as that arrogant man learnt of this, he was ίη despair as to what he should do and he put a�ay his inf1ated pride and ίη a most sordid manner he cast off that arrogance which had been fed by the many trophies set υρ by νarious gιeat nations ίη his and ίη his father's honour. He forgot the oaths which he had sworn, craning forth his neck, swaying his head ίη an unbecoming . manner and shouting louder than a town crier. He was a . tamed creature then, haνing changed from a wild beast into a bleating lamb. He who preνiously howled fiercer than the wolves now looked like a subdued wild beast. He who ίη his saνagery had roared at human beings was thus reduced to such a state. Realizing . then that he could not achieνe any of his desires, he strove to disentangle himself as soon as possible. He was ashamed of this sudden change lest he should appear weak-minded and absurd since he feared those f1eeing from him and was himself ίη night with nobody ίη


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αίχμαλωσίας ρυσθηναι, καίτοι ούτε εύτυχουντι συνελάμβανον ύπερ άπάντων αει σπουδάζοντι οί σεσωσμένοι παρ ' αύτου τηνικαυτα - ού λέγω δε περι των ίδίων - ούτε ύπερ τούτων κινδυνεύοντι τό τυχόν αύτφ συνηγωνίσαντο ύπερ της απαλλαγης των δεινωγ, ϊν ' τι τό 5 τούτους σεσωσθαι προίκα παρ ' αύτου δεδομένον μηδεμιας αύτων ύπαρξάντ ων χάριτος ή τι τό παράπαν είσενηνοχότων είς τουτο. , _ Ού μην αλλα και μάρτυς ούτος τΏ προαιρέσει ανθ ' ών και προύδωκεν αύτόν ύπερ τών πολλων και των κινδύνων έγγυς έγένετο και λυπη ρων πεπείραται και αδοξίαν ύπέστη και ετε ρ ' άττα δάκνοντα 10 την ψυχην και κατενεγκείν οlά τ ε τους μ η των παρόντων καταγελων τας . . Εκ δη πάντων πρόδηλον ώς τό περιε ίναι τουΤQν και εύ εχειν ην δήπουθεν και σφζεσθαι και εύ εΙναι πληθος ανθρώπων, ού μόνον γε των ύπ ' αύτου δεσποζομένων άπάντων αλλα δη και των ύφ ' f. 2 I V έτέροις Ι ταττομένων. Οϋτως ην έκε ίνος θαυμασιώτατος, οϋτω πολ15 λοίς ωφέλιμος, ϊσα και πνοΏ το ίς φίλοις αναγκαιότατος, τοίς δε έχθροίς αχείρωτος και τας έκείνων αποτρέπων έφόδους. Και δηλοί τό τόν πολυν έκείνον αποσοβησαι και αποτρέψαι μόνφ τφ καταλαβείν ' την αύτου. Εύθυς γαρ τουτο μαθων έκε ίνος ό σοβαρός, απογνους του πραξαί τι, κατα'βάλλει μεν όφρυΥ πόρρωθεν ή ρμένην αύτφ πολλαχό20 θεν, ρίπτει δε φρόνημα αγεννως αγαν, σπερ έκείνφ συνεφορήθη συχνοίς τροπαίοις, απερ� αύτφ τε και το ίς φύσασιν εστη κεν από πολλών τε και μεγάλων έθνων . . Αμνημονε ί δε σρκων έκείνων οϋς γε ανατείνων αύχένα και κινών την κεφαλην ού συν κόσμφ, βοών ύπερ τους κή ρυκας, ώμνυ. Και ην τις ημερος τότε μεταβαλων έξ αγρίου και μονονου βληχώμενος' ό πρότερον ύπερ τους λύκους . δεινόν κεχηνώς, 25 και έφκει χειροήθεσι θη ρίοις, είς τουτ ' έξαίφνης έλθων ό βλέπων τε βλοσυρόν και κατ ' ανθρώπων β ρυχ ιί? μενος. Και έπεθύμει μεν ταχέως απαλλαγηναι, είδως ανύσων ούδέν' ΤΙσχύνετο δε την ταχίστην μεταβολην και εί δόξει εύριπος και αλλόκοτος άνθρωπος, όρρωδων τους απ ' αύτου τότε φεύγοντας, και φεύγων ύπ ' ούδενός διωκόμενος, 30

1 9. cf. Euripidem, Cyc/ops 1 67 , sed. hic ίη sensu « superbiam dimittere». Paroemiogr. Gr. Ι, 222.

29. Corp.

6. είσενηνοχότων PVW: et mg. γρ. είσηχότων PV:Va Ι 25. βληχώμενος (ex βληχόμενος) Ρ: W'; βληχόμενος VVa.

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pursuit, thus demonstrating that his deeds and words conflicted then with his former words and deeds. Ιη short, nothing he thought or said or did earlier bore any relation 10 his later performance. At this point he invented a plausible excuse to conceal his shame . He pretended that he had received letters from the east asking him to come to the help of the Sultan who was being attacked by the Mongol Timur77• This Timur was the same man at whose hands he shortly afterwards suffered punishment with interest for the injustices he had committed, as was ihdeed οηlΥ fair78• But since the Sultan's letters were a mere pretext and a deception, he pretended that he had to hurry across the Hellespont but ίη reality he did not mean to do so. Thus marching slowly he wasted a lot of time and, if you please, ίη secret flight he lingered ίη Thrace collecting' as best as he could an army capable of destroying you. He sent th.is army to plunder all my brother's possessions for ηο other crime than for having. refused to give himself up and delight ίη the blood of his own men. He gave orders to his general (his name was Evrenos - you know his tactics and his unrivalled hatred towards the faithful) to spare nothing79• His seething anger hrid reached such a . P itch. There was another reason which compelled him to collect and ' immediately despatch a strong army. For it was impossible to maintain the fortresses and the cities which he th� n held ίη this area unless they got help at once80• For they needed all sorts of aid as they were being besieged by you and were suffering hardship through food shortage. The preparations were formidable, the general cruel, the army large and wel1 equipped both ίη arms and cavalry. Ιη contrast, for a number

77. Som�time late ίη 1 393 or early 1 394 Timur had ca.p tured fortresses ίη Mesopotamia and Syria. This led the Sultan of Egypt to move his forces against Timur during the spring of 1 394. The Mongol military movements were also directed against the Turkish possessions ίη Asia Minor (Υ. Yίicel, « XIV-XV yίizyillar arastirmalar 11», Belleten, 37 ( 1 973), 1 66-69). It is therefore possible that ίη , response to these military movements of the Mongols Bayezid hastened to Thrace to raise an army. Cf. Loenertz, « Pour I'histoire», ρρ. 247-48. 7Μ. See above ρ. 1 34, η. '5. 79. Evrenos bey was originally one of the independent ,and powerful emirs of Thrace who since t�e beginI1ing of Murad I's reign had recognized Ottoman suzerainty (Ι: Beldiceanu-Steinherr, Recherches sur les actes des regnes des Sultans Osman, Orkhan et Murad Ι, Munich 1 967, ρρ. 48, 233). 80. These were ίη the vicinity of Monemvasia, including the fortress . itself which had been handed over to Bayezid's emissaries. See above ρ. 1 42, η. 69,


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κ: α ι τοίς πρ ό τοϋ κ: αι λόγοις κ:αι π ράγμασιν έναντίως τα . τότε π ράγματα κ:αι τους λόγους άπο δει κ:νύς. Και εί δε ί συλλή βδην τ ό πάν είπείν , ούδ εν διανοούμενος η λ έ γων η έ ργαζόμενος έοι κ:ό ς τοίς . εμπροσθεν, ύστερον ούτος έφαίνετο. Πλάττει δη πρό φασιν εύπρεπή ωστε συσ κ: ιάσαι τ ό . αΙσχος κ: αι τ ό πλάσ μα ' ε φα.σ κ:εν έπιστολας δεδέ χθαι σ ουλτανικ: ας π ροσ κ:αλουμ ένας αύτ όν ές ε ω, ωστε βοηθείν έ κ: είνφ ύπό τοϋ Σ κ:ύθου Τεμήρη πολεμουμέ νφ, δς ήν φ μι κ: ρ όν ϋστερον αύτ ός έ δεδώ κ:ει δίκ: ην ών η σεβή κ:ει, κ: αι ταύτην γε συν ' τό κ:φ μάλα δ ι κ:αίφ. ' Αλλ ' έπείπερ σ κ:ή ψ1 ς ήν κ: αι σ κ:ηνη τα τοϋ σουλτάνου γράμΙ ματα, τ ό διαβήναι σπεύ δειν τ ό ν Έλλήσποντον ε λεγε μ έ ν, ού κ: έβούλετο δέ . ' Αναλίσ κ:ει δη χρόνον ού σμι κ: ρ όν βάδην πορευ όμενος, εί δε βούλει, φεύγων ούτωσι λάθρα ' διατρίβει δε έν Θρ �κ:ίl , συνάγει δε στραι ιαν όθεν τε κ:αι όπως ήν δυνατόν αύτφ, νομιζομ έ νην πάντα π οιήσαι τα κ:αθ ' ύμων οϊ αν τε εΙναι. Π έ μπει δη ταύτη ν λη ισομ έ νην πάσαν την γήν τοϋ μη δε ν ε τερον η δ ι κ:η κ:ότος αύτ ό ν η τ ό μη τούτφ π αρεσχη κ:έναι τφ θανάτφ κ:αι τοίς αϊ}1 ασιν έντρυφ η σαι τοίς αύτοϋ, κ: αι παρ αγγέ λλει τφ στρατη γ φ - Β ραν έ ζης σνομα αύτφ - ϊστε δ ε τ όν , τοϋδε τρόπον κ:αι την κ:ατα των πιστων εχθραν ώς εστιν άπαράμιλλος μη δεν ός φείδεσθαι ' ούτως ήν έ κ:είνφ ζ έ ων ό θυμός. Ού μην άλλ ' ήν τι κ:αι άναγκ:άζον άθροίσαί τε κ:αι π έμψαι ' π ολλήν τινα στρατιαν μάλα αύτίκ:α ' ού γαρ ήν "αι τα φ ρούρια σφζεσθαι κ:αι ας κ:ατείχεν ένταυθοί τότε πόλεις, μη την ταχίστην βοηθείας τυχόντα ' έδέ οντο γαρ έπι κ:ουρίας παντοδαπής ύφ ' ύμων π ολιορ κ:ούμενα κ:αι τΌ των άναγ κ:αίων ένδεί� ταλαι π ωρούμενα. Αί μ εν ούν π αρασ κ:ευαι δειναί, ό δε στρατ ηγς, ς ώ μός, ή δε στρατια πολλ η κ:α Ι εϋοπλος ούχ ήττον η εϋιππος τα δ ε π ράγματ� ήμίν έξίτηλα

Ι . πρό τοϋ ΡΥ: προτοϋ WVa Ι Ι J . σμικρόν PVW: μικρόν Va Ι 1 4 . ύμων PVW: ήμων Va Ι 1 7. δε PWVa: δη V Ι 23 . ύμων PWVa: ήμων V.

1 58

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of reasons · our own resources were weak. Moreover many of the local people called οη our enemies so that they should have them as their . overlords; besought them - you cannot think how - and stirred them up against us, or more right1y, against themselves. Το add to this there was a further calamity. The people who invited the Turks to enter the Isthmus promised to supply them with abundant food. This was no insignificant factor; οη the contrary it was capable of rousing high hopes ίη the man who was about to attack with his army, while instilling with despair those awaiting the assault. The situation was as Ι . have described. The undertaking however did not materialise according to the Sultan's set purpose. Why do Ι say according to his set purpose when everything dashed his hopes? For the Turkish army was unable to enter the Isthmus since you had alteady occupied the passes where the road is narrow and . rocky, steep and impassable. The fact that the army returned empty-handed meant that all the cities occupied by the Turks were handed back to their lawful and rightful master who had possessed them ίη the past and would have them ίη future8 1 • But most wonderful . of all, he received these cities with interest. Ι call 'interest' those captured guards who formed ηο mean portion of the enemy. These are the facts and they are known ίη many corners of the world. B� t the great success of the infidels (or rather the misfortunes of the faithful wI:ιo have offended against God) has made the ill-starred enemy the ruler of many whose slave he should by rights have been . . This meant that from t�e point of view of numbers and strength his army was much better than it had previously been, although even then it had been considerable, brave and experienced ίη warfare. It had been trained gradually over a long period of time to bear the hardships and pains which afflict the body and to remain ίη a hostile land when others would not have remained even ίη a friendly country producing all good things82• This army had been left to him by his father, who

8 Ι. The defence of the Peloponnese lasted throughout the summer of 1 394. Durίήg this time Theodore, at the instigation of · Neri Acciaiuoli, resolνed his differences with Venice oνer Argos by signing a treaty οη 27 May 1 394 (Lampros, 'Έγγραφα, ρρ. 1 14, 374-85). Ιη return the Republic gaνe him naνal support and thus helped him ιο recapture Monemνasia by hindering the Turkish ships from landing fresh forces and supplies ( l 394.VII.24, Misti 43, f. 1 8 ( RegesIes Ι, ρ. 203, ηο. 858); Loenertz, "Pour I'histoire» , ρρ. 252-3, η. Ι ). 82. Manuel's comments οη and assessment of the training of the Turkish army deri�es from first hand experience. Compare his obserνations οη the conditions . =

Μανουηλ Παλαιολόγου Λ ργος

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πολλαχόθεν, και προσην το τους εχθρους ήγεμόνας ϊσχειν πολλους των άπο της χώρας παρακα λουντας, πως οϊει, κα Ι παροξύνοντας είς τα καθ ' ήμων η, τό γε αληθέστερον είπείν, είς τα καθ ' αύτων. Ού μην αλλ ' ούδε εκείνο το δεινότατον απην' ήσαν γαρ οϊ προσεκαλουντο τούτους είσιέναι τον ' Ισθ μ.όν, ύπισχνούμενοι χορηγήσειν αύτοίς αφθονα τα επιτήδεια . Τούτων δε ού σμικρον εκαστ ον αλλ ' ίκανον τφ πέμπ οντι μεν την στρατιαν χρηστας παρασχείν ελπίδας, τοίς δε προσδοκωσι την ταύτης εφοδον απόγνωσιν εμποιησαι . ... Ην μεν ουν ταυτα καθάπερ εφην' ούκ αποβεβήκει δε κατα γνώμην τάνδρ Ι τούγχείρημα. Και τί λέγω κατα γνώμη ν, δτε και προς τούναντίον αύτφ τα

10 f. 22V των ελπίδων αντέστραπτο; Ι Οϋτε γαρ είσιjεσαν ή στρατιά, προειλημ μένων ύφ ' ύμων των χώρων εκείνων, ου στενή τις ήν όδός και λιθώδης και ανάντη ς και δλιQς δύσβατος τό τε κενην αύτη ν ύποστρέψαι αποδεδώκει πάσας τας πόλεις τας ύπο των Τούρκων 15 κατεσχημένας τφ δικαίως και καλως και κεκτημένφ ταύτας προτ ου και κτησαμένφ μετέπειτα. ΤΟ δε πάντων 'Κάλλιστ ον, δτι και συν τόκφ ταύτας απείληφε ' λέγω δε τόκον νυν τους δορυαλώτους φρουρους · έκείνους, ο ύ φαύλην σντας μοίραν των πολεμίων. 20

25

'Έστι τβυτα καί βοαται πολλαχου γης. ' Αλλα το πολυ τη"ς εύτ υχίας των ασεβων, μαλλον δε το των εύσεβων δυστυχές έκ του τφ θεφ προσκρ ούειν, τον κακοδαίμονα δυσμενη πολλων δεσπότη ν άπέφηνεν, ών αν ήν δ ουλος πάνυ δικαίως. Τοϋτο ' την αύτου στρατιαν , τφ τε πλήθει τύ τε δυνάμει πολυ βελτίω πεποίη κεν, ουσάν γε καΙ πρότερον ο ύ σ μικράν, ούδέ αγεννη , ο ύδέ των πo � εμ Ι Kων απειρον, η ρέμα πως γυμνασθείσαν τφ μακρφ χρόνφ και πόνφ φέρειν τα λυπουντα το' σωμα καί διαμένειν εν άλλστρί� ώς ούκ αν ετε ροι εν φιλί� φυ ούσΏ παν αγαθόν. Ταύτην την στρατιαν πατη ρ μέν αύτφ 27· ών ίο ras. P:VW: οίς Va Ι δοί>λος πάνυ δικαίως ίο ras. PV: W: δικαίως άνδράποδον Va.

encountered duriog the two Turkish campaigns of 1 390 and 1 39 1 ίη Asia Mioor when he followed Bayezid �s a vassal: Letters 1 9, 4-8, 28-31, Ρ'Ρ. 57-9; 1 8, 21ff , ρ . 55; 1 6, 64-6, ρ. 47; Dia/ogues, ρρ. 50, 1-12 ; 94, 10 ; 1 20, 23-121, Ι ; 30 1 , 8-10. For details concerning these campaigns see Zachariadou, ((Manuel ΙΙ Palaeologus», ρ.

47 1 ff.

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had receiνed it from his own father, who had ίη turn receiνed it from his father, as he too had receiνed it from his father whose name was Ertugru183• ΑΙΙ of them up to that time had increased its strength by their complete dedication and endurance of hardsl)ip and danger, though - to speak frankly - not by reason of their more outstanding or more perfect νirtue. And this is what makes us hope tOOt one day good fortune may change and desert them, siding with us, as it did ίη the days of our forefathers. Virtue preνails oνer eνerything and since it is within o\Jr power to liνe according to νirtue it is therefore οηlΥ just that we, who haνe shurined wickedness and admired the νirtue of our fore-fathers and all their noble deeds, should hope. to conquer those who now hold sway oνer us. Moreoνer while his (Ι mean Bayezid's) fortunes waxed, ours waned, so that not without reason eνe,rybody despaired. Fόr an enemy's progress is proportionately equal to the diminution of his opponent's and νice νersa. Ι 'will now tell you something worthy of tears. There were a number of indiνiduals not all of whom belonged to the common people or were considere'd to be of low . rank who joined, the enemy84. At first they di� so secretly as so far as this was possible, for Ι think they felt ashamed, but later they acted openly. For usual1y with the lapse of time people are inc1ined to boast about things they haνe done ίη secret. They became for us an incurable calamity. Ι do not know what you would call them: Romans and Christians οη account of their race and baptism, or the opposite because of their choice and actions? Enemies for their perνerted and mad behaνiour towards their country? Or friends for having been the cause of your glory, although this happened without their support? For, ίη contrast to their wickedness towards you, your goodness shone. But perhaps we should omit the things whi�h concern them and proceed with our story. The situation was growing desperate and the barbarian, being bent

83. Historical eνidence for the early Ottomans is lackίηg. Ertu grul, the father of Osman, ·is the οηlΥ one mentioned ίη the oldest chronicles and whose existence is attested by numismatic eνidence (Ι. Artuk, « Osmanli beyliginin kurucusu Osman Gazi'ye ait sikke», Papers presented Ιο the First In'ternational Congress on the social and economic history of Turkey, Hacettepe Uniνersity 1 977" Ankara 1980, ρρ. 27-33. The others were Osman ( 1 299- 1 326); Orhan {Ι 326-62); Murad Ι {Ι 362-89); Bayezid I ( 1 389- 1 402). 84. For an example of Byzantine coHaborators see aboνe ρ. 1 28, η. 5 Ι , though

we do ηοΙ know whether the famίly ίη question belonged Ιο the imperial family or had any connections with the Peloponnese.


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καταλέ λοιπε, δεξάμενος έ κ του πατρός του πρός πατρός αύτη ν διαδεξαμένου, ώς κάκείνος αύ έκ του φύσαντος - Έρτογρσύλης αύτφ τοϋνομα. Πάντες δε έπηύξησαν ιϊχρι του δε σπουδ'Ώ μεν πάντως και πόνοις και κινδύνοις εαυτων, δεί γαρ τάληθές είπείν, ού μήν γε κρείττοσιν άρεταίς και τελεωτέραις, δ δη και θαρρείν ήμας δίδωσι μεταπεσείσθαί ποτε την άγαθην τύχην και μεθ ' ήμων έκείνην αύθις τετάξεσθαι αύτους έρήμους άφείσαν, ώς κάπί των ήμετέρων προγό νων ύπ ή ρχε τα πράγματα . Έπειδη γαρ άρετη πανταχου τό κ ρατουν έστιν, οντος γε των έφ ' ήμίν του μετα τής άρετής ζήσαι, εϊη αν πάνυ δικαίως έν τοίς μάλιστα έλπιζομένοις Ι των νυν κρατούντων ή μας κρατήσειν, τη ν μεν κακίαν μισήσαντας, φίλους δε τής των φυσάντων άρετής γεγονότας και έραστας των άγαθων εργων. Πλην έκείνφ των πραγμάτων έπιδιδόντων - τφ ΠαγιαζίΤΌ λέγω - τα ήμέτερα πρός μείωσιν άφίκτο, πάντων άπαγο ρευόντων ούκ απο λόγου . Αί γαρ των πολεμίων έπιδόσεις ϊσην πως δύναμιν εχουσι ταίς των άντιπάλων μειώσεσιν, ωσπερ και τό εμπαλιν. 'Ήκω δε λέξων ήδη δακρύων ιϊξιον Οντως . 'Ένιοι γαρ ούκέτι των τελούντων είς δήμον ούδε των φαύλων εΙναι δ Ο ΚQύντων, τοίς πολεμίοις προστιθέμενοι την μεν άρχην ώς σΙόν τε λάθ ρα (1j σχύνον το γάρ, οΙμαι), επειτα άνέδην περι τα τελευταία (φιλεί γαρ τα γιγνόμενα κρύφα χρόνου περιτρέχοντος παρρησιάζaσθαι) δυσίατόν τι πάθος ήμίν έγένοντο' οϋς ούκ -οlδ ' . δ τι καλέσετε, . Ρωμαίους και Χριστιανους ' δια τό γένος και τό βάπτισμα η τάναντία δια την προαίρεσιν και τας πράξεις, έχθρους δια τό πρός τη ν πατρίδα διεστ ραμμένον και μανικόν η προσφιλείς ώς αίτίους γενομένους ύμίν . εύκλείας, ει δη και άκόντων έκείνων τοστο συμβέβηκε' τοίς γαρ καθ ' ύμων αυτων άσεβή μασι τό ύμέτερον έξήστραψεν άγαθόν ώς έν παραθέσει . ΆΑλλα τα μεν περι τούτων παραλιπείν ϊσως ιϊμεινον' έχώμεθα δε των εξής έντευθεν. Ηϋξανε τό δεινόν και σπονδας ό βάρ βαρος ούκ έδέχετο, άλλ ' ην

ι . τα πρόσωπα: ' Ερτογρούλης, . Οτμάνης, . Ορχάνις, Μωράτης, Βαγιαζί της αύτός mg. PVW : Μωράτης om. Va 1 4. απο codd. Ι 1 4- 1 5. γνωμικόν mg. codd. Ι 20. άνέδην: άναίδην codd. Ι 20-2 1 . γνωμικόν mg. codd. 30. Στάσις βu mg. codd.

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οη destroying us, refused to accept a truce85• There was ηο one either to restrain him or to give help to my brother. He had confidence ίη me alone, and Ι too was confronted with various troubles86• ΒΥ reason of the length of the war our power had decreased to such an extent that it seemed as if our disasters had reached their peak �nd ίη so far as human reasoning was concerned , ηο hope whatsoever remained. We both of us had a double fear: each for himself and both for each other. And as ίη the case of the swiftest runners, the approaching difficulties all but removed from everybody any hope of salvation. It therefore seemed good to me and to my entourage and to the wiser of our allies that Ι should sail to Italy and indee<j go to transalpine France and to Britain87• For it seemed reasonable that Ι should bring personal persuasion .to bear οη those who were ίη a position to help us and hope to draw οη their resources without the delay or postponment to which they are prone . Ι at once communicated my plan to the highest officials ίη the government and to the al1ies who later transmitted the news to the appropriate authorities, and when all had approved it, the decision was put into effect. 'ι shall not speak any more - about myself, nor shall Ι draw out my speech by lingering οη details and events which took place ίη that long absence abroad88• Ι did not leave the ship of state to

85. Bayezid's intransigence is a1so attested by Symeon, ρρ. 45, 1 7-19, 46, 7-8. 86. Α reference Ιο the siege of Constantinople, which lasted for eight yehrs from the spring of 1 394 υηιίΙ 1 402 (Symeon, ρ. 43, 28-30). During the first months the City came almost ιο the brink of surrender ( l 394.V.2 1 , Misti 43, ff. 5v-6 ( Regestes ι, ρ. 202, ηο. 85 1 ). The pressure was somewhat eased when Bayezid was once more threatened by Timur ίη that summer ( 1 394.VII.24. Secreta Ε, f.93v : partes Basaiti molestantur ad presens ab imperatore Tartarorum. Text published by S. Ljubic, Monumenta spectantia historiam SIavorum MeridionaIium IV, Zagreb 1 874, ρρ. 332-34, ηο. 473). Βυι the Sultan resumed the siege with varying activity υηιil his defc:;at by the Mongols ίη July 1 402. 87. The advice came from Marechal Boucicaut, see above ρ. 7. Cf. Isidore, ρ. 1 62, 1-2. 88. His stay abroad lasted four years. He travelled ιο Italy, France and Britain. Οη the way he visited Venice, Padua, Pavia, Milan, probably Florence and most likely Rome. Concerning his visit Ιο Rome the existing evidence, though sparse, is sιifficiently strong ιο allow one ιο make such an assumption. The evidence for this comes from different sources. The Le Iivre des Jaicts (Bk. Ι, ch.' 36, ρ. 1 39) mentions a � meeting with the Pope, though without specifying whether Boniface ΙΧ or the anti-pope at Avignon was the person ίη question. Οη the other hand the Greek anonymous orator categorically states that the Emperor visited Rome. Though the =

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άκ:άθε κ:τος είς τα κ:αθ ' ήμων, κ:αι οϋτε τουτον ην ό έπισχήσων, οϋθ ' ό βοηθήσων τφ άδελφφ. Έμοι γαρ είχε μόνφ θαρρείν, φ πολλαχώς ένόσει τα πράγματα, κ:αι οϋτω πέπτω κ: εν ή ίσχυς τ φ_ μακ:ρφ του πολέμου χ ρόνφ, ώς είς αυτό δο κ:είν ηκ:ειν τό εσχατον τών δεινών κ: αι 5 μηδ ' ήνΤΙΥουν έλπί� α ύπολελείφθαι κ: εχρη μένφ λογισμοίς άνθρωπίνοις . . Υπή ρχε γουν έμοί τε κ:ά κ:είνφ διττός ό φόβος, έ κ:ατέρφ τε ύπ έ ρ αύτου και άμφοίν ύπ έ ρ άλλήλων. Κατα γαρ τους άγαθους τών [. 23 ν δ ρ ομέων προϊόν τό δυσχερ έ ς παl σαν σωτη ρίας έλπίδα · μονονου παντάπασιν άφτι ρή κ:ει . ' Αλλ ' έμοι μ έν δέδο κ:ται κ:αι τοίς ήμετέροις, )() προσέτι δ έ κ:αι τοίς φρονιμωτέροις των συμμαχούνΤ
5. νωθείαν (ex νσθείαν) Ρ: WVa: νοθείαν V Ι 10. εύθυς PVW: αύ:τοίς Va Ι 1 1 γνωμικ:ον mg. codd. Ι 22. παρηβηκ:ος PVVa: (ex παραβεβηκ:ος) W Ι 28. άπεβά λοντο PVW: άπεβάλλοντο Va Ι 29. τφ PVVa: το W

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duty. And indeed they accomplished such things by opposing what was their duty, so that they too inspired their Despot with courage and ίη the event of Bayezid refusing to· make a truce they were prep'ared either ιο prove ιο the Sultan that he had been cheated of his hopes or ιο die gloriously οη the battlefield. This ίη fact was what your Despot had always wished, this was the goal towards which his actions and preparations were directed. The old war, so ιο speak, took a new turn when my brother and all the others auspiciously. swore to do their duty. The news spread everywhere and the deed won admiration while he who had initiated ίι and brought ίι ιο a successful end was especially honoured ίη h.ymns. So then he returned from Monemvasia ιο Sparta and persuaded the Romans and the Hospitallers, who held a number of cities ίη the peloponnese, to desist from fighting each other any 10nger1 24• He knew that the cessation of hostilities would bring about a happy ending as indeed ίι did l 25. As ,soon as truce had been concluded between the two sides he went οη with his preparations for the war against the Turks l 26, hoping to receive help from God and at the same time being prepared to die willingly for the deliverance of his people and for immortal glory. 'Those who fight that they may die shall live for eνer'. This was the message that once the Spartans sent to their own soldiers. He kept this belief alive within him and praised ίι and by his action proved ίι to be

124. Theodore had moved his headquarters Ιο Monemvasia as part of the agreement (see above ρ. 183,16-17). Chalcocandyles reports that the negotiations with the people of Mistra for Theodore's return were first conducted through his representatives. Οη his return to Mistra he had Ιο take an oath that he would abstain from similar actions ίη future (Β)98 (D)9 1-92.. 125. These events seem Ιο have occurred ίη the autumn of 1400 for οη 7 November the graηd-mι,ιster Philibert de NaiIIac authorised Raymond de Lescure and EIIie de Fossa.,t Ιο negotiate for the retrocession of the Despotate and Ιο demand the restitution of moneys, jewels and aII other objects which had been deposited with the Despot. They were also to ask for the disbursement of expenses incurred by the Order over the transaction (ΑΟΜ MS 330, f. 125v- 126). DelavίHe Le Roux assumed that this document showed that the original deal, namely the purchase of the Despotate by the Order, had ηοΙ been ratified by then and that NaiIIac as well as Theodore possibly had second thoughts (Hospitaliers. ρ. 280). Such an interpretation however goes counter Ιο Manuel's insistence that the transaction was completed within a short time (see above ρρ. 183,/(j-185,3). 126. Though, at the news of Timur's attack οη eastern Asia Minor, Bayezid was =-

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τοιαυτα είργάσαντο τόυ Kαθήι�oντ:o ς τουτον θαρρείν, ώς εί μη ό Παγιαζίτης διαλλαγείη, αυτους 11 δείξειν ' τουτον τής κατ' αυτον έλ πίδος διαμαρτάνοντα 11 μετ ' ευκλείας τεθνήξεσθαι μαχομένους δπερ, ουτος θέλων ήν και άει προς τουτο 5 βλέπων -πάντα κατεσκεύαζέ τε και επραττεν. 'Άλλην ουν νέαν άρχην είληφότος του γεγη ρακότος, ώς αν τις εϊποι, πολέμου, του τε άδελφου και πάντων όμωμοκότων άγαθΌ τύχτι f. 3 4v απε ρ έχρήν όμωμοκέναι τών δεΙ όντων ενεκα, τό τε ε ργον έθαυμάζετο, πάνταχόσε διαδραμούσης τής φήμης, δ τε έξ άρχής έργασάμενος και ΙΟ δια πάντων καλώς πε ράνας διαφερόντως ύμνείτο. Είς Σπάρτην ουν έπανιων έκ Μονεμβασίας, πείθει . Ρωμαίους τε και . Ροδίους τους έν τΌ Πελοποννήσφ κατέχοντάς τινας πόλεις μη προς άλλή λους διαμάχεσθαι τέως. "υδει γαρ τουτο λήξον προς άγαθον αυτφ τέλος ώσπερ ουν και γέγονε πάντως. 15 Και τοίνυν άνακωχής δεδομένης τφ μεταξυ τΌύτων πολέμφ, αυτος δη π ράττει τα του πολέμου του προς τους Πέρσας, την μεν άπό του θεου συμμαχίαν έλπίζων, δεχόμενος δε και το θανείν ασμενος ώς σωτη ρίαν ψυχών και δόξης αϊτιον άθανάτου. Μαχέσθων ώς τεθναξό μενοι και ου τεθνάξονται' επέστειλάν ποτε τοίς αύτών οί τής 20 �πάρτης. τουτ ' εκείνος ενηχον εχων το δόγμα και έπαινών ε ργφ

18-19. locum ποπ inveni; cf. Id., PG 156, πο. 87, ρ. 376; Theophylactum Achridensem (ed. Ρ. Gautier, CFHB, Thessalonica 1980), ρ. 16 1, 27.

3. αύτσν PVW: αύτων Va, Ι 9. πανταχόσε (-οσε ίπ ras.) PV:W: πανταΧΌ Va.

forced to interrupt his campaign against the Morea ίπ the autumn of 1400 and hurry back to meet his opponent, the Turkish incursions into the Peloponnese continued. Nauplion, Coron and Modon were attacked with serious losses (A.S.V. Miscellanea Gregolin Β.6 cited by Dennis, cc Three reports», ρρ. 262-3 (Ι have been unable to examine this document as it is ηο loπger extant under this classification); ' Chalcocandyles (B) 145 ρ. 1 3).

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true. For he had hardly reached Sparta when the Sultan's ambassadors hurriedly arrived ίη Lacedaemon aήd 'made peace . They made a number of promises but demanded nothing ίη return except that the Hospitallers should go back to their own territory l 2 7 . So a lasting peace was signed (if one can call 1asting an agreement concluded with barbarians) and he brought the war to an end to yout considerable glory l 28 . And what was dead a short time before began to come to life again, and what had been withered to 'sprout again, and what had shed its foliage to bloom anew. Within a short time the fields of the Peloponnese were waving with corn and the trees were laden with fruit. And so the 'man who ' w ith God's help performed such deeds was ίη ηο way to be blamed but οη the contrary deserved to be praised for his power of discernment by men of sound judgment and also by the chorus of angels and by God by whose aid these things haq been accomplished. For his success ίη planning these things and .putting them iflto practice from beginning to end and bringing them to a successful conclusion would have been impossible had he not been blessed with help from heaven. It is true that at first the difficulties came upon him suddenly and often with violence but this is a further proof of God's favour towards him. For God did not wish, virtue to remain unrewarded and unknown since theι:e is nothing more praiseworthy than virtue. Οη the contrary, since it was possible for Theodore to bea,t intensity and progress, and He bestowed a cοurageόus spirit οη the com� atant so that he won a victory and a crown. For this champion, your Despot, with whom you fought, he as

127. The date of this eνent is ηοΙ known. Earlier ίη the text (ρ. 187) Manuel had said th;it Bayezid's embassy Ιο his brother was sent from Asia. Ιι is perhaps reasonable Ιο assume that the embassy came mQre specifically from Brusa, the Ottoman capital. If so, this eνent could be placed ίη the early months of 1401 when Bayezid had returned Ιο Brusa from his Armenian campaign and before he had left for Hadrianople (Ducas (Β)58-59 (0)89). Alternatiνely the embassy's arriνal ίη Mistra could be placed ίη the winter o,f more ίη Brusa preparing for his final assault οη Constantinople when he was forced ιο abandon ίι at the news of Timur's capture of Erzincan and Seνasteia. He disbanded his saίlors ίη Callipolis and set out ιο meet Timur ,sometime ίη March (ASV Notai di Candia, Atti di Francesco Aνonal, 1400.111.3, ed. Dennis, «Three reports», 'ρ. 247). Ιι is more l ikely that the embassy Ιο Theodore was sent at this stage when Bayezid thought ίι politically expedient to improνe his relations with his =


207

άληθες εδειξεν. ουκ εφθη γαρ ηΊν Σπάρτην καταλαβών, και η του σατράπου πρεσβεία σπoυδΊJ �ην ΛαKεδ�ίμoνα καταλαμβάνουσι και ποιουσι την ειρήνην, πολλα μεν ύπισχνούμενοι , μη δεν δε άπαιτήσαν τες η τό τους Φρερίους επαναστρέψαι πρός την αύτών. Και δη σπονδών γενομένων ισχυροτάτων (δ σα γε τα μετα τών 5 βαρ βάρων ισχυρότατα λέγειν εξεστι), μετα δόξης ου σμικράς τα κατα τόν πόλεμον εκείνον ύμίν ετελεύτη σε, και άναβιουν πως η ρξατο τα μικρου νεκρα γεγονότα και τα πριν μεμαρασμένα άναθάλλειν και τα κατερ ρυηκότα άνθείν ες αύθις και πολλοίς εκόμα τοίς καλοίς και ΙΟ εβριθέ γε πάσα ή Πελοπόννη σος ου μετα πολύν τινα χρόνον. 'Ώστ ' ουχ δπως άνεμέσητος ό μετα �ής του θεου βοηθείας ταυτα πράξας, άλλα 'και λίαν επαινετός τή ς τοιαύτης διαγνώσεως άνθρώποις τε νουν εχουσι και χοροίς άγγέλων και θεφ, ού και τΊJ ρoπΊJ ταυτ ' επράττετο. f. 3 5 Τό γαρ τοιαυτα τουτον βουλεύΙ σασθαι, και δια τέλους καλώς 15 ε ργάσασθαι και δυνηθήναι περάVαι, πολλή ς τινος πάντως ήν ευμοι ρουντος ουρανόθεν επικουρίας. Ει δε και πρώτον επήλθε τα δυσχερή συχνόν τινα χρόνον μετα .σφοδ ρότητος, τής του θεου και τουτο ευμενείας τής πρός τόν άνδ ρα τεκμή ριον' ουδε γαρ μένειν ηθέλη σε την άρετην άγέραστόν τε και άνεπίδεικτον, φ μη δεν αυτής τιμιώτερον, άλλα παρόν ευθυς άποκρούσασθαι πάν δεινόν, ό δε και μάλλον 20 εϊασεν επιταtJηναι και επιδουναι ' παρέσχετο δε άνδ ρίαν τφ άθλητΊJ, ωστε περιγεγονέναι τε και εστεφανώσθαι . . ο γουν άθλητη ς ούτος, φ γε και ύμείς συνη θλείτε, καθάπερ

7. ηρξατο PVW: ηρξαντο Va Ι 11. του PWVa: om. V Ι 18. εύνοίας PVVa: al. man . s.s. εύμενείας Ρ: W Ι 19. αύτης PVVa: αύτοίς W.

former enemies to safeguard his western possessions. His fears seem ιο have bef?n justified. for another report ίπ Avonal speaks of Mircea of WaIIachia, the Hungarians and the Tartars qf western WaIlachia making themselves ready to move ίπιο Turkish territory (lbid. , ρ. 248). Prima facie winter of Ι 40Ι12 may seem ιοο late a date when we consider Manuel's statement that Theodore «had hardly reached Sparta when the Sultan's ambassadors hurriedly arrived ίπ Laced, a emon and made peace ». But we have πο evidence as to how long the tripartite negotiations among the people of Mistra, Theodore and the HospitaIIers lasted. Given that the Despot had to restore part of the money and given the serious burdens the war had imposed οπ him, his return to Mistra may weII have taken some months to materialize. (See aIso below ρ. 2 Ι Ο, n. Ι 3 Ι ). 128. This treaty .is not mentioned by other sources.

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head, you as limb s 129, succeeded ίή two things, though he would haνe . been content had either one or the other had been successful, for both were excellent. The results bear witness. First, our enemy, the Sultan, put aside his ferocity and tried to appear as a mild man (he put οη a sheepskin though he was a downright wolf). Then the Peloponnese threw oνer her shoulder like , a splendid cloak an extraordinary glory which was deserνed not οηΙΥ because of her preνious achieνements but also for the effort and determination shown ίη the war against Ά the Turks whose strength was then at its highest peak. Surely eνerybody would admire the head and the limbs (Ι mean him and you) for all their achieνements, [rom beginning to end, to put it briefly. So far so good. It was absoluteIy essential to bring safely under Roman rule the cities which were still occupied by the Hospitallers and this was achieνed and the whole affair was arranged honourably so that their friendship towards us was not impaired 1 30 and they agreed that we should ta� oνer the cities and later they willingly handed the

1 29. See above ρ. 1 2, η. 33. 1 30. Theodore entered ίηιο negotiations with the Hospitallers for the retroces sion of the Despotate ίη the spring of 1 402, but withdrew when he faίled Ιο muster the necessary funds (ΑΟΜ MS 332, f. 1 62V- 1 63; MS 333, f. 1 1 5-,1 1 5V). Relations between the two parties were further complicated when Sϋleyman Ι granted the county �f Salona (most probably claimed by the Palaeologi as heirs Ιο the possessions of the last countess of Salona, their cousin He,lena Cantacuzene) Ιο the Hospitallers early ίη 1 403 ( Pacta 6, f. 1 28v alias 1 30V, ed. G. Τ. Dennis, O CP, 33( 1 967), 80 § 29). It is ' possible however that Byzantine troops actually took possession of some of these arears. Α similar situation arose with the Venetians when Manuel's troops took over localities opposite Negrepont c'e ded Ιο them by Sϋleyman (Sathas 11, ρ. 1 2 1 , ηο. 340). ΒΥ Aprίl 1 430 relations between Theodore and the Order seemed Ιο have become so strained that ίι was rumoured ίη Rhodes that the Knights were about Ιο take punitive action against the Despot for having contravened the treaty (Cod. Marc. ' Lat. Cl. l O, ηο.299, co11. 35 1 2, f. 1 66v.). ΒΥ the . following year however all misunderstal1C1Ings had been resolved and negotiations were resumed. Οη 5 April 1 404 Dominic de Alamania was empowered by the Grand-master Ιο negotiate, at Theodore's indication, with Manuel 11 for the retrocession of the Despotate (ΑΟΜ MS 333, f. 1 1 5- 1 1 5v).These negotiations aimed also at acquiring territories pertaining Ιο the county of Salona and Zeitouni, the latter place having been ceded Ιο the Byzantines by Sϋleyma� Ι (ΑΟΜ MS 333, ff. 1 1 7v- 1 1 8; 1 20V; Chalcocandyles (Β) 1 74 (D) 1 63). Ιη the acquisition of these arears the Hospitallers proved unsuccessful. See also above ρ. 23. _

=

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ηγάπη σεν' Kεφαλιj μέλη , δυοίν αμα τετύχ ηκεν, ών καν θατέρ ου τυχων γαρ εχθρό ς .εκάτε ρον γαρ λαμπρ όν. Και δη λοί τα πράγματα' δ τε δεικνύ ναι το επειρα ν εαυτό σατ ράπης τό θη ριωδε ς εν μέρει θεις πραον σος πόννη Πελο τε (ενέδυ γαρ ηΊν μη λωτήν , λύκος αντικ ρυς ων), η ου το, ανε βάλον πασα ύπε ρφυα τινα δόξαν ωσπε ρ χιτων α λαμπρ όν της ά ρμης και μόνον γε των προλα βόντω ν άπάντ ων αλλα και μόνης οίς τα της ου, πολέμ ας Πέρσ της πρ � θέσεω ς ενεκα του πρός τους τήν τε σαιεν θαυμά δυνάμ εως σφόδρ α η κμαζε . Πάντε ς ουν είκότω ς των ενεκα ν κεφ αλή ν, τά τε μέλη - ύμας τε λέγω κακεί νον - πάντω δή . απ' αρχης αχρι τέλου ς, εί δεί συντό μως είπείν . Είεν Ροδίω ν των ύπό ς ομένα κατεχ , Επει δε πάντω ς εχρην και τας ετι εν, γέγον και δη τουτο πόλει ς επανα σωθη ναι τύ των Ρωμα ίων αΡΧύ , φιλίαν την οϋτως ύγιώς κατασ κευασ θέντο ς του πράγματος, ώς μήτε ς ή μίν πόλει τας και θαι γενέσ τέραν εκείνων την π ρός ήμας αμβλυ όλεις ακροπ Ι τας � �oυτo μετα και εκείνους συγχω ρείν ε αναλα μβάνε ιν ί δια την τ.ύχην πραγμάτων (και γαρ αντέστραπται παντελώς και τα μεν ήμέτερα ηνθει� τα δ' εκείνων κατερρύηκε), χρεων ήν δήπου κακείνους μεταβαλλόντας συμφέρεσθαι τούτοι-ς. πριν εκείνοις εκ τών προ τουδε' και ήγον ταύτην έορτην την ήμέραν εν 1j τις παρ' εκείνου πρός αύτους ήκε βραχύ τι γράμμα κομίζων. Ει δε και επήγγελλέ τι '(οϋτω δ' εξ ύπεροχης , ώς μαλλόν γε προστάττειν 11 επαγγέλλειν), επήδων οί δεχόμενοι την επιστολήν, τεκμη ριον ήγούμενοι ειρή�ης τό πραχθέν, ην ούκ ήγάπων δι'· τφ. δε μη διαφθαρηναι ταύτης απούσης , ' δπερ εναντίως πρόσθεν ενόμιζον. Οϋτως αρετη κρείττων τύχης, ής ενεκα οί δυσμενείς αλαζονευόμενοι επειτα τών ελπίδων ψευσθέντες τΊj του ανδρός αρετΊj , γέλωτα προσώφλησαν ού σμικρόν. Ταυτα γενΙK�τατα ήμίν εϊρηται και νομίζομεν καλώς αποδεδείχθαι την τουδε φύσιν ώς ήν αξία πολλών επαίνων. Ει δε προσδεί και μερικωτέρων, λέξων ερχομαι κατ' επιτομην δσον οίόν τε. Τό γαρ δη λέγειν εκτάδην τα ειργασμένα τφ μακαρίΤΊ], τοΙς εργον εχουσιν ίστορείν αμεινον αν γένοιτο πράττειν. Ού' μην αλλ' 'ούδε πάντα καταλέξομεν, δσαπερ εκείνφ διεπράττετο δια την αύτην ταύτην αΙτίαν. ' Ώσπερ γαρ τό μέγεθος τών αύτφ πεπραγμένων εϊργει πρός

16.

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εκαστον επεκτείνεσθαι, οϋτω και το πλήθος ου συγχωρεί διαζωγρα φείν έξής απαντα' ου γαρ ευαρίθμητα πάντως. ουκουν εκ τών πρλλων τε και καλών και μεγάλων ατινα πάντως εκείνφ σύνιστε πεπραγμένα, δς προ μικρου μεθ' ήμών ην, νυνι δε γέγονε, φευ, τφνδε τών θρήνων ύπόθεσις, όλίγα λέξομεν ηδη, τοιαυτα μέντοι γε π�ντως οίά περ δείξει τον εργασάμενον άληθή καρπον οντα τίί κοινίί ταύττι φύσει καί τινα φιλοτιμίαν εξαίρετον. Οίμαι δε τουτο ύμίν μη αν είναι προς γνώμην, λέγω το μη τάκείνου πάντ� λέξειν έξής. 'Επιθυμείτε γαρ ύμείς, ευ οίδα τουτο και πάνυ πέπεισμαι, δείξαι Ι ωσπερ εν πίνακι μορφην τινος γεγραμμένην τον βίον τουδε τάνδρος ώς σλον οντα θαύματος αξιον. Δόξομεν δ' ϊσως και άδικείν τον' τών εργων άρχιτέκτονα, ει μη το παν εξείποιμεν σσον εκείνφ κατείργαστο. Έγω δ' ύμίν συμφωνών σσα γε προς μόνον το θέλειν, είτα παραιτήσομαι δια το του πράγματος πρόσαντες, ει μη δυναίμην άκολουθων ττί θελήσει. NΙK� γαρ δήπουθεν άτεχνώς το παρον εγχείρημα την ήμετέραν ισχυν ουσάν γε και οϊκοθεν άδρανή και πλέον γινομένην εξίτηλον και αυτφ τφ πράγματι και τφ του λόγου σχήματι. ου μέντοι δια τουτο νομιστέον ήμίν αν εϊη τον ανδρα τουτον ελαττον σχήσειν εις ευδοξίαν. Το γαρ περιον εκείνου τής άρετής το ήμέτερον ενδέον άναπληρώσει. 'Αρκέσει γαρ το παν εξεργάσασθαι και εκαστον των εργων τών αυτοϋ, ώς μηδεν ον τών αυτφ πεπραγμένων δ μη μεγίστων ευφημιών αξιον, ει μή τις μειρακιωδώς εχων επιπολής τι θεάσαιτο. [99] Κάκείνο δ' αν εϊποιμι, στι πολλάκις κάκ τών καιρών και άπλουστέ ρων είναι δοκούντων, εϊ γέ εστι καίρια, ουχ ηττον φύσις γνωρίζεται η εκ τών πολλών και παντοδαπών εργων ούτωσι στοιχηδον λεγομένων. Λέγω δε καίρια είναι σσαπέρ έστι δηλωτικα φυσικών ιδιωμάτων, δι' α τις εχει ψυχην είδέναι ερώσαν άγαθην είναι. 'Όθεν άνθέξομαι τής [259,22] βουλής μη πραγμάτων πέλαγος μετρείν πειρώμενος ταίς κοτύλαις, άλλ' εκ ποταμου μεγίστου δους ύμίν γεύσασθαι, ώς αν το πότιμον εκείνου και διειδες άπο του μέρους γένοιτο δήλον. Έκείνος τοίνυν, ω ανδρες, ό πασαν γλώτταν πειρωμένην αυτον [99,8] επαινείν εϊσω πίπτουσαν άποφαίνων και περιων ετι και νυν μεταστάς, παίς ων άρίστφ βασιλεί πολύ τι τοίς υίέσι δεικνύντι φίλτρον ωσπερ άμιλλώμενος ην αυτφ μηδαμώς εις το φιλείν κατόπιν αυτου λειφθήναι. 'Όθεν θαυμάζων και φιλών εϊπερ τις αλλος , Αλέξανδρον, πάντα μεν ήδέως τάκείνου και άκούων ην και λέγων όπότ' εξήν, το δε του πατρος Φιλίππου προς αυτόν ποτε ειρηκότος «φιλώ σε σφόδρα, ω παί» τον 'Αλέξανδρον ειπείν «κάγω φιλήσω τον εμαυτου, πάτερ». τουτο δε εκείνον φάναι τοιουτον οντα ουδ' όπωστιουν ήξίου, ουδέ ρqδίως εφερεν, άλλ' Ίjσχύνετo δια την προς τον ανδρα φιλίαν' ου γαρ

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παραιτήσεται τον ' Αλέξανδρον το την αλήθειαν ειρηκέναι, ωσπερ , ούκ ένον αληθεύοντα, «καγώ σε, πάτερ» ειπείν «φιλώ καίφιλήσω γε αείκαίού παραχωρήσω σοι ρι;χδίως τών πρωτείων έν τφ φιλείν, δίκαια πράττειν έθέλων, τουτο μεν το είναι εχων παρα σου, τουτο δε τφ σφόδρα φιλείσθαι, τουτο δε τφ πεπαιδευσθαι καίμεγάλων αγαθών ' απολελαυκέναι καίηλπικέναι λήψεσθαι μείζω μηδενος π νου παρ' έμου». Είχε μεν οϋτως αύτφ τα προς τον πατερα ' είχε δε όμοίως τα προς την μητέρα. "Ων γαρ προς πάντα μέτριος και μηδαμου δύσερις, εις το έραv καίευ ποιείν καίάποδιδόναι, κρατείν άπάντων έφιλονείκει καί ΡQ.στα αν άφηκε και το ζην, δπως το φίλτρον ένδείξηται. Πολλών δε δντων καίμεγάλων, δι' ών αν εχοιμι τάληθες φανερουν, δυοίν γε μόνον μνησθεις αύτίκα το παν επιδείξο μαι , καίτοι και ταυτα συνεσταλμένως ερώ πολλών ενεκα, επει καί αλλως γε ήμίν ού προς άγvοουντας ό λόγος. 'rHv εν ακμα τα κακα καί τα της δυστυχίας ημιν ες ακρον [101] εληλακότα. Καίτοίνυν του μεν αστεος ηδη κατειλημμένου, της δε άκ1'οπόλεως μονονουχίπροκαλουμένης τους ληψομένους, της στρατιας της περσικης προσπελασάσης τφ τείχει, όμνύντος μεν του στρατηγου, όμνύντων δε τών εκκρίτων εκείνον σών εις την αύτου παραπέμψειν άρχην -ην δε ή μητρόπολις Μακεδονίας καίπόλεις αλλαι- δ τε πατήρ, η τε μήτηρ κάγω καίοίς εμέλησε περίεκείνου βουλεύσασθάι, συνευδοκουμεν τΏ πράξει, δντος δε εν χεροίν του εργου, επειτα μετάμελος ηκε τφ πατρί' ην δε αϊτιος εγώ μηδαμώς βουλόμενος είναι. Συνέβη δε ώδί. Τετρωμένον με την κεφαλην και τω πόδε είχεν άνακείμενον επι τών γονάτων και διέμενεν άτρέμας, μηδαμώς κινών το σώμα, οϊκτφ τφ προς τούμόν' εγνω γαρ ώς κινηθεις όδύνην προξενήσει με ταίς πληγαίς. "Ων δε δυσαπόσπαστος δια το φιλείν, εμενεν επιμελόμενός μου δακρύων. Ού γαρ ρι;χδίως εφερε τον εμον χωρισμον του τον εκείνου φέροντος. Καίγαρ εκείνος μετα τών νεκρών ηδη κέκρυπται, ήμείς δ' εν ζώσιν ετι φαινόμεθα και τουτονι τδν ηλιον όραν άνεχόμεθα, εκείνου δύντος ύπο την γην, δς ην ήδίων εμοι ταυτησι της λαμπρας άκτίνος. ' Εν δη τφ μέλλειν εκείνον τΏδε ηκέ τις άγγέλλων προς εμέ, ώς ό πατηρ μεταμέλοιτο δεδιως περι το ζην, αν ό δρασμος ύποπτευθη γεγενησθαι τΏ 'κείνου γνώμΊJ. Και δς μαθων ύπ' εμου, μήτε του πείσοντος δεηθείς, μήτε παρακλήτορας άναμείνας η τους άξιώσοντας ύπερ της μονης της εις [103] παν δεινον άπαγούσης, ούδε γουν την ήμετέραν βουλην εΙς τουτο μόνον ζητήσας η την της μητρος φωνήν, Ι πάντων ουσαν ισχυροτέραν υίέσιν α δεί πράττουσι, το του πατρος βούλημα της Ιδίας ζωης' π'ροϋθηκεν. 'Εκάθητο δη κατα χθονος δμματα πήξας καί τινα


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άπάνθρωπον δήμιον φανταζόμενος, και ταυ τ' έποίει κύριος ων πάσης προσδοκίας άπαλλαγήναι , ην ό δυστυχης έκείνος χρόνος ήμίν έπέσειε πολλαχόθεν , άγαθών δε τεύξεσθαι και ήμάς έλευθερώσειν έλπίζων, εϊ γε εξω γένοιτο δεσμών. 'Όδ' εϊλετο συγκαθειρχθήναι 5 μάλλον ήμίν ειρκτήν, και καθ' αύτην ούσαν θάνατον τοίς έν αύτΌ διαμένουσιν έπι πολυ και τόν άπό του ξίφους προσαπειλουσαν. 'Ώστε γνώμα τέθνηκε δια την πατρός ύποψίαν, πρός ην αν εΙχε μυρία λέγειν , εϊ γε έβούλετο παραιτείσθαι, έπει και ήσαν οί τάναντία τφ βασιλεί λέγοντες, ο{ς γε και αύτός συνεστοίχουν. 'Όντα γαρ αύτόν 10 έκτός τί ουκ αν ύπερ ήμών πράξαι; 'Έξουσι μεν γαρ αί νύκτες έναγρυπνουντα ταίς βουλαίς, αίς αν ήμάς ρύσαιτο, εξουσι δε ορθροι έπιχειρουντα απασι τοίς δόξασι νύκτωρ, φροντιουντά τε τό δέον και δπως τέλος σχοίη τό δόξαν , πάντα ποιουντα , ύπισχνούμενον, έγγυώμενον, όμνύντα πρός τους δυναμένους άμύνειν, μηδεν έώντα 15 τών συνοισόντων. την δε δη βοήθειαν, η προσήν αν πάντως ήμίν έκ του τα δεινόταΤβ άπειλείν, εϊ �ις τών σωμάτων ήμίν αψαιτο, που τις αν θείη; ΤΗ που γε ούδεν αν ήν αύτΌ παραπλήσιον εις τό την ζωην ήμίν συντηρήσαι; Ει γουν ύπερ ύποψίας τοιαύτης προϋλαβε και νευμα πατρός , και τό κατ' αυτόν έτεθνήκει, πόσους αν θανάτους ούχ 20 ύπήνεγκεν, ωστε προφανους αύτόν ρύσασθαι; Ού ζηλωτης Ίσαάκ , ού του Σωτήρος αύτου; ου γαρ τολμηρόν είπείν. Τύπος γαρ ήμΊV έκείνος , και ύπογραμμός πρόκειται, και 'εϊη αν χάριεν τφ , κείνου Πατρί, εϊ τις ζηλώσειε τόν γίόν. "Ων δε περι τους γονέας τοιουτος , αλλος πρός ήμάς άνεφάνη; Ούδαμώς. Και γαρ οικουσι την φρουραν δυσιν ετεσι 25 και πρός, πολλα νοσήμαθ' ήμίν έπέσκηψε και έκώμαζε πικρόν αχρι βάθους είσδυόμενα. Έπει δ' έλπίζειν ούκ ήν λυθήσεσθαι δσα γε είς λογισμους ηκει, κατηνάγκαζε τό �ράγμα και αύτην μισείν την ζωήν , οϋτω λυπηραν ούσαν. , Αλλ' έν τοίς τοιούτοις ούσιν ήκέ τις παραμυθία πρός θεo�' ηδ' 30 ήν - τόν δε τρόπον σιωπώ, παρέλκον ον γε ρηθήναι - αύτόν έξελθείν έκείθεν μετα συνθηκών τινων βεβαιου'μένων δόλφ μεν ύπερ ήμών μηδέν τι τό παράπαν έπιχειρήσαι, έξείναι δε f.262 αύτφ , καταλλαγής ενεκα, αδεώς ανενεγκείν τφ βασιλεί τε Ι και άδελφφ πάν δ τι βούλοιτο. τουτό γε εύθυς άκουσθεν έμοι έποίει fJQ.ov διακείσθαι την ψυχην και μη τοσουτον αχθεσθαι τφ μόνον καταλει 35 φθήναι , δσον τής λύπης κουφίζεσθαι τφ , κείνον αναβιώναι, λέγω δη τφ τής φρουράς έξιέναι. Και έλογιζόμην αύτόν (τρέχει γαρ ή

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φαντασία εφ' α τις λίαν επιθυμεί) εν τοίς ειωθόσιν είναι και τα νέοις πρέποντα μετα των ήλίκων δραν εν δπλων γυμνασίαις, εν θήραις, εν άγωσι χορηγουσι τοίς άσκουσι σώμασι ρώμην και ύγίειαν και τφ μετα δόξης βιωναι. Ταυτα και τα τοιαυτα όνειροπολων εχαιρον και 5 εδόκουν βλέπειν αύτόν αθλά τε δεχόμενον και κεφαλην στεφανούμενον και νικηnΊν κηρυττόμενον και γαρ πολυ τό συγκεχωρηκός ην αύτφ παρα των τότε νέων' και τό κρατείν εν απασι, τουτο οί συνεκεκλήρωτο. Ταυτι μεν ουν τα εύφρόσυνα ενθυμούμενος έπελαν- [107] θανόμην ώς οίόν τε των άνιαρων, εκείνφ δε κλάειν εποίει την εμην ού φέροντι μόνωσιν. 'Άλλως τε κάκείνο προσήγχεν' οϋτε γ�ρ ενόν ην 10 αυτφ, εντεθραμμένφ τφ πρός τόν θεόν φόβφ, ύπεριδόντι τους δρκους μετα δόλου βοηθείν. Πόθεν; φ μηδεν άπατηλόν μηδε παλινάγρετον δ τι κεν κεφαλΌ κατένευσε και τό δλως άμελείν δόξαι, ών και την αύτου ψυχην ουδεν ηγε βελτίω, οϋμενουν ύπέμενε τό παράπαν. Ην γαρ τοσουτον εν αυτφ τό φιλότιμον, δσον ευλαβείτο και τους ου 15 δικαίαν εξοίσοντας ψήφον. ' Εναντίας τοίνυν οϋσης ήμίν τής θελήσεως, όψε και μόγις αυτόν άνέπεισα, τα μεν δεικνυς ώς βέλτιον αν γένοιτο και εμοι και τφ πατρί, ουκ οντι μεθ' ήμων τηνικαυτα, τοσουτον οντα μέλος ήμων εϋνοις τε και δυσμενέσιν συνείναι και 20 πρός εκατέρους διαπράττεσθαι τα εικότα εις την ήμων βοήθειαν άφορωντα, τα δε όμνυς ώς εμαυτου πως αισθάνομαι πειρασομένου δεινων άνηκέστων, ην τηνάλως εαυτόν εκείνος προδω άπειθήσας παραινουντι. Οϋτως εκείνος ου κατεδέχετο ουδε γουν ψευδή τινα δ?ξαν των ου καλών προστριβήναι, άλλ' εδεδίει ψήφον άπq.δουσαν τής αύτου και φύσεως και γνώμης και παιδείας. Οϋτω δε πρός ήμας 25 άδελφικως είχεν, ώς βέλτιον αγειν συνείναί μοι του μεθ' ετέρων τρυφαν εξείναι' και ην αυτφ δεσμωτήριον των βασιλείων λαμπρότε ρον και σκότος ποθεινότερον τής άκτίνος και άπλως πάντα ήδίω τα f.262v μετ' εμου, καν εϊη δεινά, των γε ήδέων εκείνων ιδν Ι ουκ αν μετείχ�ν αυτός. ' Αλλ' οϋτω πάλιν τοίς εμοίς επείθετο δόγμασιν, ώς άρκουν 30 είναι και νευσαι, και δείκνυσιν εκείνο, δ γαρ δη και του τεθνάναι χαλεπώτερον ενόμιζε, λέγω δη τό κεχωρίσθαι μου τόνδε τόν τρόπον, εαυτόν άνέπειθε φέρειν εμην χάριν και είπε πράξειν δ θέλοιμι ουκ ανευ του δακρύειν πικρόν. Έγω δ' ει και παράδοξον εκείνου κλάοντος ευθυμείν, δμως εχαιρον, πως οϊει, δι' αυτόν τόν κλάοντα, 35 παραμυθίαν τε εσεσθαι νομίζων τφ βασιλεί και πατρί, και ελπίδα άγαθην την του παιδός, ώς ειπείν, άναβίωσιν. ' Αλλ' ουκ εις τέλος ηλθε τό πραγμα, του θεου περι ήμων κρείττον τι προβλεψαμένου, . ύπαλλάξω δε ενταυθα τό ρητόν, ϊνα μη χωρις ήμων και του πατρός, . τ

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' την βουλήν, αυτό δη τουτο έκείνος έξέλθΌ. Τό γαρ ταύτη ν άνακόψαν γέγονεν ήμίν αϊτιον του της ειρκτης άποδρασαι πάντας όμου, δπερ ακριβώς φράζειν οϋτε προκείμενον ήμίν ην οϋτ' αν εϊη λεχθηναι συν τφ καιρφ, αλλως θ' δτι και περίεργον ειδόσιν απαντα λέγειν , δ δη και πριν εϊρηΤαι. 'Όστις μεν ούν ουτος ην πρός τε γονέας K�Ι ήμας και πρός την συγγένειαν έξης &πασαν δυοίν γε τοίνδε τοίν ειρημένοιν άποδεδεί χθαί μοι φαίνεται, ώς έκ του κρασπέδου τό ϋφασμα. Μετιτέον δε τόν λόγον έπι τα πρόσω, παραδραμούμενον μεν τα πολλα τών εργων, ολίγων δ' αυ άψόμενον, τοιούτων μέντοι ωστε την έκείνου δύνασθαι άρετην απασι φανερουν. Είεν γαρ αν ου συμπτωμάτων, ου τύχης, ου καιρών έπιθεμένων τοίς έναντίοις (ταυτα δη τα Νέρωνα και Σαρδανά παλον βασιλεύσαντα), αλλα κατορθώματα άνδρός άρετΌ συμβιουντος. Μείζω γαρ 'έμοι ταυτα φαίνεται τών άπό της τύχης, όπόταν τι και πάνυ σμικρά, έκείνα δε πάνυ λαμπρά, όπόσον αν τις ένθυμηθείη. Τό γαρ ευγενη τινα είναι και ευπατρίδην και περιφανείζΙ πολλΌ συζην και άνδραπόδων σχλοις κομαν και πολλφ περιρρέεσθαι πλούτφ και δ.λως έν έκείνοις ευδοκιμείν, δι' ών τε τρόπαια άπό τών έχθρών ϊσταται και οΙς αν προσκυνοίντο οί μετέχοντες έκ τών πανταχου της οικουμένης περάτων, ταυτα τοίνυν απαντα και άνθρώποις άλλοκότοις εστιν, δτε παραγίνεται, άλόγιστα περαίνουσι τόν αύτών βίον. ' Αλλ' έκείνος γε, ώ ανδρες, ό πρός τόν θεόν μεν άπιών, ήμών δε αύθις έπιμελούμενος, τό ειωθός αυτφ ποιών δπου και μαλλον εξεστι, τών μεν άπηριθμημένων έξης άπάντων Ι κατεφρόνει τε λαμπρώς και ουδεν αυτα μέγα ένόμιζεν ουδ' ηξίου γε πτοείσθαι πρός ουδεν δ μη καλόν οϊκοθεν, εϊχετο δε έπιμελώς τών δσα βελτίω ποιήσειεν ανδρα καλόν τε και dγαθόν και έξ άγαθών και καλών φύντα. Οϋτω γαρ πεπαίδευτο και μεμάθηκεν ευθυς τεχθείς, ώς ειπείν. ' Επαναληπτέον δη τό προκείμενον. Είχε τα πράγματα κακώς τΌ Πελοποννήσφ και έδόκει δείν αυτόν ιέναι παρ' αυτήν- λύσαι γαρ αν τα δεινα ωσπερ άκτις όμίχλην- και τό δόγμα κυρωθεν τΌ φήμΌ μόνΌ διέδραμε και τοσουτον βεβοήθηκε τοίς πράγμασιν δσον ουκ αν τις, οίμαι, ΡζΙδίως έπιδημήσας. Αυτός δε ταυτα νομίζων οϋτως έκβήσεσθαι, επειτα δε και μαθων κατα την δόξαν έκβεβηκότα τα πράγματα, κέκρικεν ετι προσπαραμείναι εως αν πάντα γεγονως και διαπραξάμενος ϊδοι μεν τόν βασιλέα και πατέρα

13. κατωρθώματα: κατορθώματα

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εν τοίς είωθόσιν δντα, πραγμάτων μεν απαλλαγέντα τελείως, γαλήνης δε λευκής απολαύοντα, ϊδοι δε .και τΊιν μητέρα συν τφ εαυτής πατρι και ταίν αδελφαίν οϊκαδε επανελθουσαν εκ τής φρουράς εν 1j κατείχοντο παρα των Λατίνων, πόρρω δικαίου. ουδε γαρ ερω γε πλατύτερον' πολλων ενεκα. Ταυτι μεν ουν εξέβη κατα σκοπόν και πέρας ελαβεν δ προσήκε μετα τό πολλην μεν αυτόν ανδρείαν και γενναιότητα, πολλην δ' εγρήγορσιν και σπουδήν, πολλην δε φρόνησιν επιδείξασθαι εν εκείνφ τφ πολέμφ ύπερ τής πατρίδος και του γένους και των φυσάντων. Μηδεν ουν ολως παραλιπων των οσοις αν εΙχεν ανηρ αγαθός, αυτό γε τουτ' ανηρ αγαθός φανήναι, εσχεν ό μέγας τήν τε Πελοπόννησον, ου μάλλον κλήρον δή τινα και μερίδα προσήκουσαν 'η γέρας δικαιότατον τής τε πρός γονέας ευγνωμοσύνης και τής ανδρείας ης επεδείξατο και συλλήβδην τής λοιπής αρετής. ΟΙμαι γαρ ενταυθοί και συνδεδραμηκέναι οσαπερ αν τινι φίλον λέγειν, δι' ών αν εχειν δεΙKνύ�αι ταύτην δεδοσθαι τφδε τανδρι μετα πολλου του δικαίου. 'Έσχεν ουν εκείνος τήνδε, ούτε του πατρός τύ προθυμίQ. ξυμβαίνουσαν, ούτε μην τύ του παιδός αρετύ, αλλα τύ παρούστι τύχτι [113,/] και τύ των πραγμάτων στενότητι. Οϋτως εκείνος εσχε την Πελοπόννησον, μάλλον δέ, εί δεί τ' αληθες είπείν, εκείνον εσχεν ή ' πελοπόνν1Jσος, βοηθείν μη δυναμένη αλλα βοηθείας αυτη χρΤΙζουσα, καίτοι κακείνος τοιουτος ην τηνικαυτα ωστε βοηθείας δεισθαι, ψιλός μεν Ι τής φρουράς εξελθών, μηδεν δε δυνηθεις δια τόν καιρόν κτήσασθαι. Λέγω δε κτησιν την από των οπλων ίσχυν και αρκουντα χρήματα καλως αναλισκόμενα ε.ίς τα των στρατιωτων επιτήδεια και ολως ΟΠΤΙ συνοίσει' πλo�τoν γαρ ο τι πολυν και βαλάντιον άδρόν και χρυσίον και αργύριον αθροιζόμενα κακως και χείρον φυλαττόμενα, ταυτα δε εί ερρεεν, ου προσέθετο καρδίαν τφ Δαβιδ πειθόμενος. Ούτος ευχαίς ταίς του πατρός, ωσπερ ουν και τής μητρός και �αίς των άπάντων, αριστα και πεφραγμένος και ώπλισμένος προεπέμπετο, αΙς και ανετρέφετο και πρός τα βελτίω προυχώρει εξ ονύχων άπαλων αχρι και του μεθ' ύμων εΙναι. Ταύταις ανήγετο, ταύταις [115,/] απέπλει, αφεις ευθυς είς τό πέλαγος, ταύταις και την από θεου συμμαχίαν ηλπιζε σχήσειν. ουδεν η ελογίζετο η τό παράπαν είργάζετο τούτων ανευ' διό και πάν ηνυεν, ωσπερ αυτομάτων τινων δυσκόλων είς τουναντίον μετενηνεγμένων. Πάντα μεν ούν και εκαστα φράζειν, οσα τε ύπό των γειτονούντων Λατίνων αί πόλεις αύται, οσα τε ύπό των Τούρκων ύφίσταντο κακά, επιόντων μεν θύραθεν ϊπποις, επιόντων δε ναυσι ληστρικαίς από του πελάγους, Kα� τισιν ή του Πέλοπος κατετρίβετο τρόποις, του μεν τής


5

10

15

f.264

20

25

30

35

40

273

μητρός ήμίν άδελφου, άρίστου μεν αντος την φύσιν, καλώς δε αρχειν ' ειδότος, ηδη τόν βίον άπολιπόντος ούκ επι παιδί τινι, του δε άδελφου εκείνου την άρχην διαδεξαμένόυ, αντος, μεν πάνυ χρηστου και τό σχήμα ύπερτέρου και τόν χρόνον γεραιτέρου, ύπό δε παιδός θρασέος -δεί γαρ τ' άληθες ειπείν- κωλυομένου ποιείν τα δέοντα και δια τουτο πάντων όμου φθειρομένων, αύλητου, φασίν, . Αραβίου. Τί δε δεί και άναξαίνειν ύμίν τα τραύματα ώσπερ ανυξι χρωμένοις τοίς δ,ιηγήμασιν;"Αλλως τε και περιέργως αν λέγοιντο τα πολλά, οί γαρ πεπονθότες ύμείς αμεινον τών άκουσάντων ήμών ϊστε. Πλήν, ούκ [113,/3] ανευ θείας νεύσεως καΙ ροπής, άξιώσει μεν του πάππου, άξιώσει δε του θείου, άξιώσει δε ύμετέρα ήκεν εις ύμάς ό ποθούμενος, γνώμΌ μεν τΏ του πατρός, γνώμΌ δε τΏ τής μητρός, γνώμΌ δε ήμετέρα, καίτοι ού ρ�δίως άπέσπαστο τών' χειρών τών πατρικών τε κα! μητρικών, προσθήσω δ' δτι 'και τών εμών, ού δια τό φίλτρον μόνον ήλίκον αν, άλλα και δια τό δείξαι τοίς φθάσασιν οίος ην εκείνος βοηθείν έν Ι χαλεπωτάτοις καιροίς κα! πράγμασιν. . Αλλ' επει τό κρείττον εδει νικήσαι, ηδη και νενίκηκε κα! επέλαμψεν ύμίν άγαθΏ τύΧΌ, βί� τών φιλούντων έκραγεις ύμών ενεκα. τα δε μεταξυ σιώπώ τό τοίς [115,24] διηγήμασι συνεκτείνεσθαι φεύγων. , Κα! μην αύτίκα άποβας κα! μάλα άσμενέστατα ύποδεχθεις ύπό τών άπάντων, ού προϊων ήμαύρωσε ,τόν ε ις αυτόν ερωτα (του το δη τό σ,ύνηθες οίμαι πανταχου γίγνεσθαι), άλλ' ην λαμπρύνων αχρι παντός, απαντας ποιών ευ . Είχε μεν ουν οϋτώ ταυτα [111] και πάντες ήσαν έν εορταίς ανευ μέντοι τών έχθρών και τών άβελτέρων, έκείνων μεν ατε δοκούντων εϊσω σαγήνης ύμάς εχειν, μηδεν τών ενδον έώσης φεύγειν, τούτων δε μηδεν πλέον ειδότων τι ταίς �ων αλλων,συμφοραίς εντρυφάν, αντων κα! αύτών εν ταίς ϊσαις, δπερ λίαν εϋηθες χρεων γαρ δν' ύπερ εαυτών τρέμειν. ΟΙ δε τους ηττους ησθιον, δσοι τους μείζους διέφυγον, κατα τους εζωγρημένους ιχθυς, οϊ πολλάκις εϊσω κύρτων κατειλημμένοι, τό κατ' αύτούς, ώς εοικεν, άγνοουσι και τους βραχυτέρους οί μείζους εσθίοντες και αυθις τούτους οί μάλλον μείζους ερμαιον ήγουνται το θήρατρον, ώς ρ�oν εν αύτφ τας γαστέρας εμπιπλώντες τροφής ηπερ επ' αύτου πελάγους. Τών μεν ουν εχθρών άπάντων άπό του φοβείν επι τό φρίττειν μεταβαλλόντων, τών δε κακουργείν ειδότων εις χειραμους καταδύντων κα! τών άγαθών σκιρτώντων, ώς μετα πολλής αδείας εξόν εκείνα ποιείν, δι' ών αν εύπορώτερόι γένοιντο πάντες ειρήνης σταθεράς άπολαύοντες, η δη κρείττων ατεχνώς κα! εύπορίας άπάσης, ό ανεψιός αύτφ, ουτινος έμνήσθημεν εναγχος, πολλοίς επέθετο τρόποις, Τούρκοις κα! Λατίνοις εαυτόν μίξας. Εύθυςουν πάντα

Appendix Ι

274

συνέχεεν από γαλήνης αιγις φανείς, οϋπω των πραγμάτων επι τα κρείττω παγιωθέντων. Ην δε ταίς απειλαίς φοβερός και τοίς ερ:γοις ουδεν ήττον, ατε ξένην εχων στρατιαν και των έντοπίων πολλους και κατέχων φρούρια ύπό του πατρός αυτφ δεδομένα και πλην του παρα λόγον θρασύνεσθαι και αδίκως έγχειρείν, τ' αλλ' ουκ_ αγενης ων ουδ' αμέτοχος μηχανημάτων και ποικιλίας. Πάντων ουν απεγνωκό των και συμβουλευόντων αυτφ φεύγειν ώς ου δοκουν δυνατόν πρός τοσαύτην σύρροιαν ανθίστασθαι κακων, ό δε τεθνάναι πρόθυμος ήν πρό του ποιησαι δ μη προσηκε τφ τε εαυτου σχήματι και τφ βίφ και ταύΤ1] γε Ι περιφανως καταισχυναι τούς τε γονέας και παν τό γένος και προσέτι τους την αύτου θαυμάζοντqς αρετην και φύσιν. Έπεποί θει δε θεφ και ταίς των φυσάντων ευχαίς και τοίς εαυτου τρόποις τφ τε αδίκως ύπάρξαι μάχης τους έπιόντας και αυτόν δικαίως αμύνεσθαι. [119] Έν γαρ τοίς αλλοις απασιν οί πολεμουντες έπλεονέκτουν. Άλλ' έν τούτοις ίσταμένων των πραγμάτων ώς έπι ξυρου, φασίν, ή καλως ιθύνουσα σοφία τόδε τό παν και πρυτανεύουσα τό συμφέρον εκάστφ τόν μεν νεανίαν έκείνον των τηδε μεταστήσασα ουκ εϊασε πράττειν τα κατα νουν, αλλος δ' αν είπε τα κατ' αυτου, τόν δε δεσπότην ύμίν δεσπότην πμσης εδειξε της Πελοποννήσου, εργοις τοϋνομα δεικνύντα και μηδεν η πράττοντα, η διανοούμενον, δ μη προσηκεν έπιεικως αρχοντι. τουτο δε δηλον γεγονός σωφρονείν ήνάγκαζε και τους ουκ ειδότας, και πολλου αν πάντες ήλλάξαντο τό ποιείν τό τούτφ χάριεν, ταυτό δ' ειπείν και θεφ. Διαδραμούσης ουν πανταχου της φήμης, ώς ό δείνα θαυμαστός τα και τα ειργάσατο πασιν αγαθά, ου ζητων τό εαυτου αλλα τό των ετέρων (τα γαρ των μεγίστων ου κρύπτεται), συνέρρεον εθνη πολλα ώς αυτόν έρχόμενα των τε έγγυτέρω και πορρωτάτω. 'Η γαρ αρετη ποθεινόν και παρελαύνει μαγνητιν λίθον έφελκομένη τους αγαθους ανδρας. 'Εκόμιζε δη και ηπειρος και θάλασσα τους έπιδημουντας, και ην ήδύ τι θεάσασθαι τό κατ' έκείνο καιρου γοιόμενον.' Ώκουν αί αοίκητοι και αλση κατετέμνετο, ϋλαι τε έκαθαίροντο και πολλα των ανημέρων χωρίων, απερ ουδέσιν ύπηρχε χρήσιμα πλην λησταίς, ήμερουτο και έδέχετο φυτόν και παντοδαπόν σπέρμα, εϊκοντα χερσι γηπόνων αρουν εΙδότων. Άλλα και "Ιλλυριοι περι μυριάδα αθρόοι μετοικίσαντες αμα παισί τε και γυναιξι και ταίς ουσίαις και θρέμμασι τόν 'Ισθμόν κατέλαβον' αυτου δε πήξαντες τας σκηνας και τας '
223,/6 < 'Ανδρόνικος Δ' Παλαιολόγος> 105,/7-/8;. 269,33-34,

άνεψιός v. < Καντακουζηνός, ('Ιω άννης;) > < 'Άννα Παλαιολογίνα (Ioanna " Sabauda) > 223,/6 'Αντήνωρ 211,/0; 215,/2 άξ(ωσις 187,9 cf. 273,// απιστος 171,24 'Άργος 143,/5; 149,//-/2; 282,6; 283,33

'Αρράβιος (αύλητής) 115,/7; (- ρα- ) 273,6

άρχιτεκτονική έπιστήμη 95,7; 266, 6

άσεβείς

129,9.30; 131,30; 133,5;

159, 20; 175,25; 183,/;" 195,23; 277,36; 278,/9; 279,9.

/6;

Υ.

απιστος 'Ασία 127,3/; 133,/8; 187,8; 277, 27; 279,26

αύτάδελφος 75,3; 26l,3; Υ. < Θεό δωρος Α' ΠαλαΙΟ λόγος >. , αύτομολουντες Χριστιανοί 127,22; 129,8; 133,3; 277,/9. 35; 279,/4. 'Αχιλλεύς 213,3/; 217,/; 239,22. Βαγιαζίτης Υ. Παγιαζίτης. βαρβαρικός (δύναμις) 133,/4; 279, 25 . (λαιμός) 153,24-25 ( χείρ )173,9. βαρβάρικως ζην 129,20; 278,//. βάρβαροι 153,7 (Troiani) 215,5; 219,/6 (Turci)

1'31,4; 153,/8; 161,30;

171, 9; 173,/2./3; 207,6; 278,23.

βάρβαρος ν. l1αγιαζίτης " βασιλεύουσα (πόλις) 83,/3 ν. Κωνσταντινούτωλις. " Β ρανέζης (Evrenos) 157,/7. Βρεττανία 163,//.

Γαλάται 175,28; 195,2. Γαλλία 163,//. γιγνόμενον (iustum, debitum, legί-

ΙΝΟΕΧ GRAECITATIS

298

t1,lm) 135,17; 233,7. γονείς (πατέρες, φύσαντες) 79,8; 81,8 passim; 83,31; 85J. 23; 87,7; 95,14; 105,4; 109,4; 111,21; 117, 29-30; 223,16; 263 passim; 269, 23; 271,6; 272,10; 274,10.

Δαβίδ 113,13; 272,28. δεσπότης (Despota Romanorum: Θεόδωρος Α' Παλαιολόγος) 75,

Έρτογρούλ ης 161,2 et var. lect. . Εσπέριος 175,28; 195,2: εύνουχος 141,7. Εύρώπη 127J2; 133,14; 277,28; 279,25.

εύσεβείς 135,8; 141,1; 159,20; 183, 8; v. πιστοί. εωλοκρασία 151,21; 284,38. Ήρακλής 219,13; 221,20.26.

4; 119,7; 147,9; 153,5.16; 177,22; 185,11; 187,10� 199,31; 201,18; 203,22. 27; 237,18; 261,4; 274,19; 283,8.

(gubernatόr) 85,16; 119,7; 135, 26; 159,21; 274,19.

(Deus) 141,5; 241,24; 281,14. Διομήδης (f. Tydeos) 215,8. δoρυάλιq.τoς 143,5; 159,17; 282,1.

εθνη 83,17; 119,15; 153,24; 177,1; 185,29; 274,26.

εκκριτοι 101,5; 268,19. έκτομίας 281,16. 'Έκτωρ 215,11. < Έλένη Παλαιολογίνα Καντα κουζηνή> "99,26; 10 Ι ,7; 103,3; 111,14. 21. 24; 113,15; 113,24; 115,11; 149,15; 167,19;,� 223,12.;

Θεόδωρος Α' Παλαιολόγος 75,4 passim. < Θεόδωρος Β' Παλαιολόγος > 223,21.

θεόληπτος 83,27. θείον (τό) 133,12; 165,4; 257,28; 279,23.

Ματθαίος θείος (avunculus) ν. Καντακουζηνός. θείος (άρετή) 85,14. (κεφαλή) 255,2 �. (κίνησις) 83,24. (νευμα) 113,14. (νευσις) 273,10. (ροπή) 83,24; 111,18; 113,14; 151,29; 201,21; 207,13; 273,10.

(χάρις) 181,9. Θεός 83,22.27.28; 107,5.29; 109,20;

241,30; 247,11; 268,8.21.38; 272,

115,3; 117JO; 119,1/; 137,26;

2.29; 273,1.12.13; 284,1.

141,14.25; 159,2/; 205,17; 207,11.

. Ελλάς 143,7; 145,20; 282,3.25. Έλλάς (ποταμός) 149,30 var. lect.; 284,11.

'Έλλην 153,5; 215,6; 219,16. Έλλήσποντος 133,18; 157,10; 279, 26.

εvτoρνoς 91,27; 265,12. έξηγούμενος 137,15; 153,19; 280, 30.

13.17; 241,1/; 243,2; 245,21; 247, 9.17; 253,15; 255,14; 257,19. 23. 26; 259,8; 269,29; 270,11.38; 271, 22; 272,33; 274,12.23; 281,23.32.

Θεσσαλονικαίον 141

n.

65.

< Θεσσαλονίκη> 101,6; 268,20.

Θετταλία 143,7; 282,3. Θήβαι 153,4. θήρ v. Παγιαζίτης.

ΙΝΟΕΧ GRΑΕCΠΑΤΙS

ΘΡ�Kη 133,18; 157,12; 279,26.

299

< Κωνσταντινούπολις> 81..5: pas- . sim; 10 Ι ,2; 262,35.

'Ίλιον 201,27; 213,17. 'Ιλλυρικόν (τό) 153,7.

Λακεδαίμων 207,2

, Ιλλύριος 119,22; 193J3; 274,34.

Λατίνοι

ν.

Σπάρτ . η.

(Genuenses)

111,16.20:

'Ιόλαος 221,25.

272.4.

'Ισαάκ 105,1; 269,20.

(Navarenses) 115,8; 117,18;

, Ισθμός

< Κορίνθου> 119,24;

133,16; 159,5; 175,2; 274,36.

129;; 272J8; 273,40; 277, 30.

Ίσπανοί 175,28.

(Occidenta/es) 175,29; 191,

'Ισραήλ 219,29.

24.

'Ιταλία 163,10.

Υ.

< 'Ιωάννης ΣΤ' Καντακουζηνός>

Φρέριοι

Λυδός 135,1; 279,40.

111,14; 113,15; 223,12; 272,2;

λιμήν (Theodorus η 95,16; 266,13.

273,10.

λύκος 91,9; 139,20; 155,25; 181,2;

< 'Ιωάννης Ε' Παλαιολόγος>

264,37; 281,3.

99,10. 26; 101,7.19; 103,2 passim; 107,12 passim; pasim;

111,12; 113,15

223,13; 241JO; 247,10;

267,33; 268,7 passim; 269,7 pas

μαγνήτις 119,16; 274,28. . 33,/9; 143,6; Μακεδονία 101,6; 1 268,20; 279,27.

sim; 270,18 passim; 271,36; 272,

Μανουήλ Β' Παλαιολόγος 75,2

29; 273,12.13.

< 101,7 passim; lO7'passim; 113,16.

< 'Ιωάννης Ζ'

Παλαιολόγος>

139,17; 165,3; 281,2. < 'Ιωάννης Η' Παλαιολόγος> 165,2. 'Ιώβ 225·,5.

18; 137,5 passim; 139,1; 141,19; 143,1-2; 149,16; 149,18; 163,2.9; 165,2; 167,19; 171,28>; 261,2; 268,21 passim; 269 passim; 270 passim;

271,6; 273,14; 280,24.

passim; 281,28; 284,1. Καλλίπολις 100 n.18. < Καντακουζηνός ('Ιωάννης, δε σπότης;)> 115,15; 117,17 pas sim; 119,5; 273,4-274,18. κάτεργον 141 n.65.

< Μανουήλ Καντακουζηνός> 115, 11-14; 273,1. < Ματθαίος Καντακουζηνός> 113, 14; 115,13';'14; 117,22; 273,2. 11; 274,4.

Κέλτης 195,2.

Μέγαρα 153,4.

Κόρινθος 149,14; 167,18; 173,2. 15;

Μονεμβασία 143,15; 205,11; 282,7.

175,1; 177,13; 283,35. Κύκλωψ 145,3; 282,11.

μελαγχολία 127,26; 277,23. μέτρον 93,21; 265,33.

κυρος 219,30.

μηδέν αγαν 93,21; 265,33.

Κωνσταντίνος, Μέγας 81,6; 83,19;

Μυσσί (Βu/ga,ί) 193,33.'

262,35.

Μωάμεθ 131,20.25; 279,1.6.

JN[)EX GRAI.:TITATlS

300

10; 151,4;

Μωράτης 161 var. lect.

185,19;

199,20;

207,2; 209,3; 277,31; 279,13. ναυτικόν 141,17; 2S Ι ,26.

37; 280,38; 282,26; 283,32;

Νείλος flumen 91,13; 264,40.

284,17.

Νέρων 109,10; 271,12.

(σοβαρός) 155,18.

Νέστωρ 211,9; 215,6; 217,1-2.

(τύραννος) 149,29; 153,8 (φονεύς) 145,18; 281 ,20.

Νικόπολις 195,1. νόμος πολέμου Ι S9,18.

Ι1αίονες 195,2.

νωθεία 203,5 ..

πατριώτης 277,20. Παυλος (ApOS10/US) 253,14. 16; 255,

ξυρόν (τό) 119,3; 274,15.

20. Πελοποννήσιος 111,10.

Όδυσσεύς 201,36; 211,10; 215,6;

Πελοπόννησος 111,4.23; 113,4-5;

283,6 145,24; 2S2,30 (Theodorus Ι

115,10.12.; 119,7; 121,23; 147,2;

Pα/αe% gus). 'Όμηρος 77,10; 213,14. 21; 262,2. Όμούρης 143,14; 282,5.

153,3; 169,5; 175,3 pαssim; 177, 16; 179,12-13; 183,15-16; 185,20

pαssim; 193,22, 201,6. 24; 203,5.

όμόφυλος 127,24.

24; 205,12; 207,10; 209,4; 211,15;

ονυξ 113,26; 115,18; 272,31; 273,7.

213,3; 237,17; 271,30; 272,12 pαs

,

Ορχάνις 161 vαr. /ect.

Ότμάνης 161 vαr. /ect. ουτις 145,2; 282,10.

sim; 274,19; 275,23; 282,36. Πέλοψ 115,10.12; 201,6; 237,17; 272,40

Πελοπόννησος.

Υ.

όφρυς 91,2 cf 199,26; 264,31.

Πέρσαι

Παγιαζίτης 127,31; 161,13 et vαr.

πέτρας σπείρω 193,8.

Υ.

Πέρσης

/ect.; 193,17; 205,2.

Υ.

Π ηλείδης

τουρκοι. Παγιαζί της. Υ.

' Αχιλλεύς.

(άθεος) 193,17.

Πηλείων 213,13.

(Αιθίοψ) 141,15; 281,24.

Π ηνελόπη 283,7;

(άνθρωπος) 191,29.

(Pe/oponnesus)

147,2; 282,35.

(βάρβαρος) 161,30; 199,25.

πιστοί 135,6.

(δράκων) 149,6.

Πλάτων 135,24; 211,11; 247,23;

(εχθρός) 199,10. 12.

280,13.

(θήρ) 129,4; 139,2. 24; 153,

πλους δεύτερος 191,24; 239,15.

21; 199,22; 201,5; 281,6.

πορφυρογέννητος (Θεό δωρος Α'

(κα κοδαίμων) 159,21. (οφις) 187,2. (Πέρσης) 127,31; 137,15; 139, 9; 153,8; 277,27; 280,29.

Παλαιολόγος) 75,4; 261,4 . Πρίγκιψ , Αχα'ί'ας (Petrus Burdus de Sancto Superano) 123,20 pas sim; 125,11 passim; 276,8 passim.

(πολύς, ό) 155,17.

πρύτανις 85,9; 95,17; 266,14.

(σατράπης) 133,2 pαssim; 149,

Πρωτεσίλεως 215,3.

ΙΝΟΕΧ GRAECITATlS

301

Τευκρος 215,9.

Πρωτεύς 89,14. Πυθαγόρας, 211,11.

Τήλεφος 239,23.

πυρ ξαίνων 193,8.

τουρκοι 100 n. 18; 115,8; 117,/8;

πυρρος, ό

'

Ηπειρώτης 219,30.

159,/4; 167,23; 195,30; 272,38; 273,40. (βάρβαροι) 133,/4; 153,25;

'Ρανέρης (Ranerius/Nerius Accia

171,9 passim; 279,25.

iuoli) 53; 153,6.

(έχθροί) 151,8; 284,22.

'Ραούλ, Δημήτριος Παλαιολόγος 125,13; 276,26. 'Ρόδιοι

ν.

(πολέμιοι) 161,19.

Φρέριοι.

τραυμα 115,/8; 273,7.

'Ρόδος 167,14; 175,/4. 'Ρωμαίοι

(Πέρσαι) 205,16; 209,7.

135,2; 161,22; 169,16;

205,11; 209,12; 223,21.

Τριβαλλοί (Servii) 193,33. Τροιζήνη (53 ). Τρώες 215,11.

'Ρώμη 221,3.

Τυδεύς

Σαρδανάπαλος 109,10; 271,12,

ν.

Διομήδης.

τύχη 89,6.17; 109,12; 161,6; 264,17. 24; 271,14.

Σάρρα 141,10; 281,19. Σατάν 135,5; (-α-) 279,38. σατράπης

ν.

Παγιαζίτης.

'Ύδρα 221,24.

Σηλυβρία 139,16; 281,2. σιδηρα φάλαγξ 125,4; 276,17.

Φανάριον 53.

Σικελικός (πορθμός) 145,20; 282,

Φειδίας 211,14. Φερραί (Σέρραι) 137,4; 280,24.

25.

φιλανθρωπία (-ος) 91,24; 135,14;

Σκύθαι 91,25; 265,11. Σκύθης

ν.

265,10; 280,4.

Τεμήρης.

Σκύλλα 145,23; 282,28.

Φίλιππος 99,14; 267,37.

σολομώντειος δόξα 169,20.

φιλόζωος 135,14; 280,4.

Σουλτάνος (Barkuk Sultanus Ae-

Φρέριοι (FF. Hospitalis S. Iohan nis Iherosolimitani) 171,22; 173,

gypti) 157,6.9. σοφία (πρυτανεύουσα,

ιθύνουσα)

119,4; 274,16.

22. 26; 175,16.27; 177,5; 181,21; 183,3; 185,28; 191,23; 193,12 pas

Σπάρτη 187,8; 205,10.20; 207,1.

sim; 195,32; 199,24. 29; 201,23;

Σπερχειός 149,30.

203,26; 207,4.

σύναιμος < Θεόδωρος Α' Παλαι ολόγος> 219,10. Σωτήρ 105,1; 131,22; 167,15; 181,6; 269,21; 279,3. Τεμήρης 157,7.

(Λατίνοι) 185,20; 199,35. (' Ρόδιοι)

167,14; 175,25;

183,1 Ο; 193,6; 203,25; 205, 11; 209,11. Χάρυβδις 145,23; 282,28.

302 Xpt<JTluvoi

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Manuel II Palaeologus Funeral Oration on His Brother Theodore

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