Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions (Volume 8, Number 1, 2008)

CONTENTS Articles Daniel Schwemer – The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies: Part II ...... O iyi > e/i). The usage of the sign e needs further study. D. Charpin (and others) still prefer to assume a contraction i+a > ê (Zimrêddu etc.), see most recently RA 98 (2004) 156 ad x 9. p. 44: Add possibly the PN Bu-ul-li-†á-di (Labarna letter rev. 25, see M. Salvini, The ›abiru Prism of King Tunip-tessup of Tikunani, DA 3, Roma 1996, pp. 107ff.). p. 56 fn. 299: J. Quack draws my attention to another late attestation of the name Adad overlooked by me at the time: Proclus,

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In Parmenidem VII p. 58.30-60.9: “the demiurgic intellect of the world, which they call ‘Adad, worthy of all praise’” (see Proclus’ Commentary on Plato’s Parmenides, ed. G.R. Morrow—J.M. Dillon, Princeton 1987, 594, cf. also H.D. Saffrey, Recherches sur le néoplatonisme après Plotin, Paris 1990, 77f.). p. 57: Add the following syllabic spelling of Adad (Addu) in Assyrian SB manuscripts: dad-di (unpubl. 81-2-4, 311 l. col. 9'), dad-du (S.M. Maul, MDOG 133 [2001] 19: VAT 10916 obv. 14', now also in: A.R. George, The Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic, Oxford 2003, vol. 2, pl. 31), da-da-a (KAR 237 obv. 20), dad-de-e-a ka-ßir erpèti(dungu.mes) (Ass. Ph. 4198d = Ass. 13956fs = A 2731 obv.? 1, excavation and Istanbul museum number courtesy S.M. Maul). p. 84: dad-gi is attested as (corrupt?) variant of dad-gi4-gi4 in CT 24, 32: 97b (An—Anum III 167). The latter is usually understood as divine counselor and dad-gi4-ma¢ would then be the supreme counsellor (see B. Alster, “Incantation to Utu”, ASJ 13 [1991] 52: 95 and the pertinent note ibid., 84, cf. also PSD A III 18-19). Whether the god Adgi qualified as min (= diSKUR) su-u¢ki is the same Adgi remains questionable. Note that Sum. ad-gi4-gi4 is also translated as rigma apàlu “to resonate” (see OBGT XVII 7, see MSL 4, 127) which might provide a more fitting etymology for a stormgod called Adgi. p. 86: The spelling dba-hu-ú-lu for expected *ba-ah-lu (Baalu) was explained as a ‘phonetic’ rendering of West-Semitic a. W.R. Mayer suggests that the form could be explained as a qattùl-form which is used for affectionate names in Aramaic, Hebrew and Arabic (see F. Praetorius, “Über einige Arten hebräischer Eigennamen”, ZDMG 57 [1903] 773-776 [with further literature], M. Noth, Die israelitischen Personennamen, Stuttgart 1928, 38): “Entsprechend könnte man vorschlagen, baaaùl (ba-hu-ú-lu) für so einen Kosenamen des Gottes Baal zu halten” (letter, 8th May 2007). While this interpretation provides an elegant explanation of the aberrant spelling, it seems unlikely that a list like K 2100 would include a rare by-form of the god’s name rather than its normal form. p. 103: On pa4-sis see now Th. Krispijn, “pa4-ses ‘Ältester’ ”, in: Von Sumer nach Ebla und zurück. Fs. G. Pettinato, ed. H. Waetzoldt, Heidelberg 2004, 105-112. p. 107: On ki:lamx see now also M.G. Biga, “Marginal Considerations on the Hittite KI.LAM-Festival”, in: Anatolia antica. Studi F. Imparati, ed. St. de Martino e.a., Eothen 11, Firenze 2002, vol. I, 101-108. p. 109 fn. 752: S. 105f. (not “150f.”).

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p. 111 fn. 772: 75.2507 (not “75.207”). p. 134: For kt j/k 97 cf. now also K. Hecker, TUAT. Ergänzungslieferung, ed. O. Kaiser, Gütersloh 2001, 58-60 and J.G. Dercksen, JEOL 39 (2006) 107-29. p. 135f.: For the year name mu eres-dingir-diskur mas-e (ba-) pàda see also D.R. Frayne, RIME 3/2, p. 18 (with the additional reference L 39705). He assigns the date to Urnamma and argues that it probably refers to the temple in Karkar (but cf. for an eresdingir of Iskur in Lagas Wettergottgestalten, 140). p. 144 and passim: On the element ur in names like Ur-Iskur see A. Cavigneaux—F.N.H. Al-Rawi, Gilgames et la mort. Textes de Tell Haddad VI, CM 19, Groningen 2000, 48-52. p. 168: For Iskur as Enki’s twin cf. also M.W. Green, Eridu in Sumerian Literature, Diss. Chicago 1975, 91. p. 175 fn. 1236: Add a reference to S.M. Maul, “Eine neubabylonische Kultordnung für den Klagesänger (kalû)”, in: Kulturgeschichten. Fs. V. Haas, ed. Th. Richter e.a., Saarbrücken 2001, 255-265 (gu4ma¢ pa-è-a). p. 176 fn. 1238: Add Å.W. Sjöberg, “Miscellaneous Sumerian Texts, II”, JCS 29 (1977) 20 rev. I 2. p. 176 fn. 1239: Add CTN 4, 107 rev. 6; cf. also A. Cavigneaux, “Fragments littéraires susien”, in: Literatur, Politik und Recht in Mesopotamien. Fs. C. Wilcke, ed. W. Sallaberger e.a., 61, Sb 12630: 6 (Adad provides an unnamed monster with its thundering roar). In HS 1885 obv. 6'-7' read: 6'[a]-¢saÜ-as-si-ma ki-i diSKUR ú-pa-a a-sakan 7'a-na um-ma-an sa-am-su-di-ta-na ¢u†Ü-†a-a u4-ma “I roar and like Adad I create a cloud darkening the day for Samsuditana’s army” (coll., M. Krebernik had the kindness to give me his transliteration of the whole fragment). p. 181 fn. 1263: ABRT 1, 60: 16-17 reads according to W.R. Mayer’s collation (letter, 29th June 2004): 16i-mur-su-ma dAdad(iSKUR) qú-ra-du ina kip-pat erßeti(ki-ti) ú-sá-õazÕ-na-an-nu im-ma 17e-lam-ma di-isum i-ra-ás †u¢-du es-se-ba mu-des-su bùli(mÁS.ANSE) “As soon as Adad, the hero, has seen it, he makes rain fall upon the entire earth, the spring growth shoots up rejoicing, abundance flourishes, which provides plenty of livestock.” p. 190: Ur-Ninurta’s hymn to Iskur (VS 17, 40, see ETCSL 2.5.5.6, and correct my transliteration in obv. 1 and 8 accordingly) is entered in the Old Babylonian catalogue UET 6/2, 196, see A. Shaffer, “A New Look at Some Old Catalogues”, in: Wisdom, Gods and Literature. Studies W.G. Lambert, ed. A.R. George—I.L. Finkel, Winona Lake 2000, 432f.

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p. 201 fn. 1381: Add MDP 27, 286 II 7: dwe-e[r] (god-list, Wèr after ›uwawa). p. 207 fn. 1437: Delete the “Korrekturnachtrag” (read werru, not Wèr). p. 208: For Bèr cf. also the Neo-Assyrian ‘god-list’ KAV 72 obv. 10' and 11' (deities of Kàr-Tukultì-Ninurta?). For the possibility of Tell Afis = ›atarikka (“Óazrak”) see E. Lipi…ski, The Aramaeans. Their Ancient History Culture, Religion, OLA 100, Leuven 2000, 255-257. p. 212: For A. 1314 obv. 16-18 cf. now M. Krebernik— M. Streck, “summan là qabihàt ana balà†im—Wärest du nicht zum Leben berufen. . . . Der Irrealis im Altbabylonischen”, in: Sachverhalt und Zeitbezug. Fs. A. Denz, ed. R. Bartelmus—N. Nebes, Wiesbaden 2001, 60. p. 238: For the legend on the cylinder seal kt e/t 180 see M.T. Larsen, The Old-Assyrian City-State and its Colonies, Mesopotamia 4, Copenhagen 1976, 115 fn. 23 (reading sanga! su d!iSKUR in l. 4). p. 245 fn. 1717: For ¢amru “wine” in Emar cf. also A. Tsukimoto, “A Medical Text from the Middle Euphrates Region”, in: Priests and Officials in the Ancient Near East, ed. K. Watanabe, Heidelberg 1999, 192: 7. p. 254: VBoT 13: 9': read IS-õTUÕ (not IS-õTÚÕ). p. 255 fn. 1776: For dingir ¢a-ma-ri see J.G. Westenholz, “Emar— the City and its God”, in: Languages and Cultures in Contact. Proceedings of the 42th RAI (OLA 96), ed. K. van Lerberghe—G. Voet, Leuven 1999, 145-67. p. 302: For ARM 7, 219 see now M. Guichard, ARM 31, 133 (cf. also 132 = ARM 7, 119). p. 302 fn. 2224: Add te-es-su-ba-as ku-mu-ni in VS 17, 6 obv. 12. p. 321 fn. 2474: The year date in De Meyer, Tell ed-Dèr 2, 165 no 27 rev. 11f. should probably be read: mu sa us!(e)-si sa é diSKUR A-mi-sú-um i-du “Year in which A. laid the foundations of the Adad temple” (I owe this reading to F. van Koppen). This provides us with the building date of the Old Babylonian Adad temple of Sippar. p. 393f.: D. Charpin, JAOS 121 (2001) 686 argues that the oath by “Adad, their god” in an Old Babylonian document from Susa shows that Adad was the city-god of the family’s Babylonian home-town. p. 411 fn. 3446: S. 137 mit Anm. 953 (not “S. 136 mit Anm. 946”). p. 413ff.: On ›anis cf. now also M. Stol, “Das Heiligtum einer Familie”, in: Literatur, Politik und Recht in Mesopotamien. Fs. C. Wilcke, ed. W. Sallaberger e.a., 293-300.

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p. 426 fn. 3528: sá é-sag-gíl may well be part of the original inscription; the seal then would have belonged to the Adad worshipped in Babylon’s main sanctuary (cf. p. 638f.). p. 446 fn. 3709: For Ea-sarru cf. also H.D. Galter, Der Gott Ea/Enki in der akkadischen Überlieferung, Graz 1983, 14-16, and S.M. Maul, “Neue Textvertreter der elften Tafel des Gilgamesch-Epos”, MDOG 133 (2001) 46f. p. 447, 1.22: Despite the copy the traditional reading na-as (not MUSEN-as ) is probably preferable. p. 448, 1.31: For this line see now H.A. Hoffner, Die Sprache 43 (2002-3) 80, 84f. p. 457 fn. 3774: KUB 36, 7a + 17, 7+ (instead of “KUB XXXVI 7a+ || VII 7+). p. 458 fn. 3779: In light of the cult inventory KUB 38, 12, I would still argue that the cities of Kumme (Kummiya) and Kumma (in the region of ›urma?) should be kept separate. It must be admitted, however, that the sequence of deities in KUB 45, 77: 10' = ChS 1/9, 104 (storm-god of Kumma, sun-goddess of Arinna, ›èbat) suggests that Kumma is also used as a by-form of Kumme (Kummiya). Otherwise the evidence is inconclusive: The storm-god of Kumma is named beside the storm-god of ›alab in the oracle-text IBoT 1, 33 (obv. 42) and might be mentioned in IBoT 2, 70 rev. 1', a fragmentary list of storm-gods, before the storm-god of ›alab and the storm-god of invocation (¢alziyawas ), who belongs to the circle of the Aleppine storm-god. The storm-god of Kumma figures prominently in KUB 3, 87, an Akkadian fragment that appears to be part of a letter, probably sent by an important prince or official in the region of Mittani, maybe in Alze, to Suppiluliuma. The text deals with oracle messages of the storm-gods of Iptalaim (sic?) and Kumma within the context of Suppiluliuma’s Syrian campaign. The text mentions Antaratli, who is well known from the historical introduction of the Sattiwaza-treaty. This suggests that the letter was written sometime shortly before, during or after Suppiluliuma’s one-year campaign, when Suppiluliuma installed Antaratli as king of Alze. The message of the storm-god of Kumma reminds one of the oracles of the stormgod of ›alab quoted in the famous letters of Zimrì-Lìm’s Aleppocorrespondence. I offer a tentative transliteration and translation of the fragment (cf. also A. Hagenbuchner, Die Korrespondenz der Hethiter, THeth 16, Heidelberg 1989, II 459f. text 349; for a photograph see S. Kosak, Konkordanz der hethitischen Keilschrifttafeln, Online-Datenbank, Version 1.1: http://www.hethport.uni-wuerzburg.de/hetkonk/):

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[x x x (x)] x x [ [dumu.kin-r]a(?) su-u[p-ra-as-su-mi(?) [x x x (x)]-ra ù ¢anÜ [ [x x i-d]i(?)-in-su ù x [ [d10(?) i]s-ti-su sa-nu-ti-su a[s-ta-al-ma(?)] [iq-ta-bi(?)] Isu-up-pí-lu-li-u-ma ÌR k[é-nu] [dumu.kin(?)]-ra su-up-ra-as-su-mi ù l[úsanga d10(?)] [a-na m]u¢-¢i-ia el-tap-ra ki-i dumu.kin-r[a-su(?)] [ik-su]-du ù Ian-tar-at-li a-na mu-u¢-¢i-[ia el-tap-ra] [SÀ(?)] ¢dÜISKUR ir-ta-hu-ub-ma Ian-tar-at-li x [x x] [i-n]a-an-na d10 urukum-ma i-na sa-lu-u[l-ti] a-na lúsanga-su i-na su-ut-ti-su iq-t[a-bi] I su-up-pí-lu-li-u-ma ÌR ké-nu dumu.kin-ri [su-up-ra-as-su] ù lúsanga sa d10 uruip-ta-la-i[m (. . .)] a-na mu¢-¢i-ia il-tap-ra ki-i dumu.[kin-su(?)] i-na kur urual-zi-ia ik-su-du [ù d10(?)] [uruip]-ta-la-im a-na mu¢-¢i-ia dumu.[kin il-tap-ra(?)] ¢ùÜ dumumes.kin-ri sa d10 a-kán-na i[q-ta-bu-u(?)] [d]¢10Ü(?) urukum-ma †e4-e-ma a-kán-na [is-ta-pa-ar(?)] ———————————————————— [a-n]a(?) Isu-up-pí-lu-li-u-ma ÌR ké-n[u aq-ta-bi(?)] [ma-a(?)] a-na qar-ra-du-ut-ti-ka4 a-na-ku dis[kur urukum-ma(?)] gis tukul.›I.A qar-ra-du-ti ad-d[i-in-kum lúKÚR.MES-ka(?)] sa-pal GÌR.MES-ka a-na-ku ¢úÜ-[sa-ak-ni-is x-x(-x)-ka(?)] a-na-ku-me ù d10 urukum-m[a [lu]gal(?)-ia el-li-ku x [ [x (x)] x lúKÚR [ [x x x] ¢aÜ-na dumu.[kin [. . .] . . . “[. . .] se[nd a messeng]er [to him]! [. . .] and [. . . gi]ve him!” And . . . [. . .]. [I asked the storm-god o]nce (and) a second time, [and he said:] “Suppiluliuma is a lo[yal] servant, send [a messenger] to him!” And the p[riest of the storm-god] sent (a message) [t]o me. When [his] messenger [arri]ved, Antaratli too [sent (a message)] to [me]. The storm-god[’s heart] was angry so that Antaratli [was . . .]. [N]ow the storm-god of Kumma has spo[ken] for a third time to his priest in his dream (saying): “Suppiluliuma is a loyal servant, [send] messengers [to him]!” And the priest of the storm-god of Iptalai[m (. . .)]sent (a message) to me. When [his] mess[enger] arrived in the land of Alziya, [the storm-god of Ip]talaim (possibly a mistake for

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Kumma?) too [sent] a messe[nger] to me. And the messengers of the storm-god s[poke] thus: [the st]orm-god of Kumma [has sent] a message (saying) thus: “[T]o Suppiluliuma, the loy[al] servant, [I have said]: For your valor, I, the storm-[god of Kumma], ga[ve you] weapons of valor. [Your enemies] I [made bow down] at your feet. [Your . . .] I am!” And the storm-god of Kumm[a . . . Unfortunately the fragmentary text contains no information on the location of Kumma. The storm-god of Iptalaim is unknown otherwise; the mere fact that the storm-god of Kumma is referred as the god who gave Suppiluliuma his weapons can hardly prove that it is the famous Tessub of Kumme whose oracle is consulted. If the author of our letter was in the region of Alze at the time and if Kumma is to be sought not too far from ›urma, it could well be the storm-god of South-Anatolian Kumma who is referred to here, not his famous counterpart residing far away on the Eastern ›abur. p. 479: For KUB 7, 60 // see now G. Del Monte, “The Hittite Óerem”, Babel und Bibel 2 (2005) 21-45. p. 459 fn. 4054: Note that KBo 21, 26 and 34, 203 are listed as indirect joins by S. Kosak and classified as “jh.”. p. 499 fn. 4085: For d10 ti-bi cf. now also V. Haas, OrNS 67 (1998) 138. p. 509: For the reading of the personal names in the Tell Taaanakh texts see the new edition of the texts in W. Horowitz—T. Oshima, Cuneiform in Canaan. Cuneiform Sources from the Land of Israel in Ancient Times, Jerusalem 2006, 127ff. p. 515 fn. 4185: For RS 17.116 obv. 2'f. see now S. Lackenbacher, Textes akkadiens d’Ugarit, LAPO 20, Paris 2002, 120 fn. 365. p. 517: “kinnàru-Leier” (not “kinnàru-Laute”). p. 554: For RPAE 6/3, 42 see now also M.R. Adamthwaite, Late Hittite Emar, Leuven 2001, 262ff. p. 555: In RPAE 6/3, 202 obv. 13 read probably sa é IdiSkur-bari (I owe this reading to An de Vos, for the name Adad-bàrû see Wettergottgestalten, 587, 653, fn. 4743). p. 556: Note that Msk 731042 and 74286a actually join (see W. Sallaberger, ZA 86 [1996] 140-147). p. 570: For the reading of the logogram ir see now J.D. Hawkins, in: S. Herbordt, Die Prinzen- und Beamtensiegel der hethitischen Großreichszeit auf Tonbullen aus dem Ni{antepe-Archiv in Hattusa, Mainz 2005, 296f.

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p. 573 and passim: Read zèràsu (not “zèrsu”). p. 575f.: For ICC 73 cf. also B.R. Foster, Before the Muses, 32005, 292. p. 580: For the two Kùbu’s of the Anu-Adad temple see now also MARV 6, 35 rev. 38f. p. 601f.: For rites in Assur’s Anu-Adad-temple in the Neo-Assyrian period cf. now also S.M. Maul, “Die Frühjahrsfeierlichkeiten in Assur”, in: Wisdom, Gods and Literature. Studies W.G. Lambert, ed. A.R. George—I.L. Finkel, Winona Lake 2000, 407, 410, 420. p. 603: For qersu cf. now D. Fleming’s comment in ZA 93 (2003) 288. p. 665f. fn. 5520: For VAT 10018 // 14226 see now M.J. Geller, “Akkadian Evil Eye Incantations from Assur”, ZA 94 (2004) 52-58. p. 668: Translation l. 37: “mirsu-Speise mit Sirup und Butterschmalz”. p. 683: K 3794 obv. 5: For a better translation of the phrase ina amàtìya . . . ina tamìt akarrabu kittu libsi see now W.R. Mayer, “Das Gebet des Eingeweideschauers an Ninurta”, OrNS 74 (2005) 55f. p. 683 fn. 5612: L. 6' read gub-su (tuszàssu), 9': ninda.ì.dé.a.

PHILOLOGICAL CONTRIBUTIONS TO HATTIAN-HITTITE RELIGION (I)* O®GUZ SOYSAL In memoriam Machteld J. Mellink

Abstract In the first part of the present study the frequent Hittite cult phrase d(GN) aku- / eku- “to drink a deity” is discussed as to whether it should be understood in the accusative or dative sense. The drinking act devoted to divine honor is accompanied chiefly by the accusative case of the deity name. There are also some exceptional cases in which the divine proper name is used in the dative case. In the light of a list of Hattian deities in KBo 21.85+ I 12'-25' it is proposed here that the divine name in the expression d(GN) aku- / eku- with ending -n may have been originally constructed in the dative case under influence of Hattian. Since the Hattian dative marker -n is formally the same as the Hittite ending -n for the singular accusative, it is possible that the Hittites had adopted this cult expression in their language in a manner where the divine proper name would function as accusative. This use may have been transformed later into the real “Hittite” accusative in -n. The second part deals with the cult object GIS¢alm/puti- (with other cognate designations) and with its possible connection to GISkalmus-. Materially, these tools appear not to have the same functions, but on the philological level, both words may stem from the same Hattian root ¢alwuutti-.

1. A new look at the Hittite cult term “to drink a deity” in a special consideration of Hattian language The Hittite religion was enriched not only by the existence of its “thousand gods” borrowed from various Ancient Near Eastern cultures in and outside of Anatolia, and by many festivals, ceremonies

* The manuscript was completed in September 2006. An early Turkish version of the first part “A new look at the Hittite cult term ‘to drink a deity’” appeared in Fs Belkıs and Ali Dinçol (2007) 731-737. The bibliographic and Hittitological abbreviations follow mainly those used in CHD (Chicago 1980 ff.) and HW2 (Heidelberg 1975 ff.). © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2008 Also available online – www.brill.nl

JANER 8.1

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and rituals, but also by numerous cult terms and expressions whose meanings remain sometimes obscure. One of these is the subject of this study. Despite its rich attestation in the Hittite religious texts, the frequent cult phrase d(GN) aku- / eku- “to drink a deity” still cannot be explained satisfactorily. To date it has been widely discussed in numerous studies with different approaches to the subject, how a deity would have been honored by this drinking act performed usually by the Hittite royal couple and occasionally also by a prince or a functionary in the cult rites: is it meant, with this “literal” expression, that the deity is actually to be drunk in the form of a liquid, since the name of the deity appears mostly in the accusative case as the direct object of the sentence? Or, is there rather a “figurative” idiom, whereby the deity is honored by the consumption of a cult beverage? The first view may be proceeding on the assumption that the soul of the deity is imbibed by the king’s drinking of a cult beverage symbolizing a particular deity, and denotes the king’s mystical participation in the essence of that divinity. Although there are indeed mystical conceptions in the Hittite cult life like “drinking someone’s soul”1 and “unification of the god’s and king’s souls,”2 the available written sources clearly show that the persons whose souls are drunk in the funerary rituals are just deceased human beings, and the expression “drinking someone’s soul” does not concern the gods at all. Therefore, the first interpretation seems to be difficult to prove.3 The second view, that presumes a kind of divine honoring by drinking a cult beverage, has more support in the secondary literature.4 The starting point for this is a striking syntactical feature of the phrase “deitydrinking” in which the name of the honored deity occasionally appears in the dative case instead of the accusative. Accordingly, the expression in question is transformed with this dative nuance into the meaning “to drink to / for a deity,” shorthand for “drinking

1 A. Archi apud A. Kammenhuber, Materialien Lfg. 5 and 6 (1977) Nr. 5, 204-206, 238, 252-253; H. G. Güterbock, in: CRRAI 34 (1998) 121-122, 124. On the other hand, it should be kept in mind that beside ZI-an eku- “to drink the soul” there is also dative phrase ZI-ni eku- “to drink to / for the soul” which is interchangeable with that accusative construction; cf. O. Carruba, StBoT 2 (1966) 41 and later H. G. Güterbock, ibid. 122. 2 Cf. A. Archi, in: FsOtten2 (1988) 15 n. 38. 3 Though, advocated again by H. G. Güterbock, in: CRRAI 34, 129. 4 Most recently J. Tischler, in: Die Indogermanistik und ihre Anrainer (2004) 330-331 and G. Beckman, in: A Companion (2005) 350.

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to the honor of the deity.” This can be phrased within an accusative sense roughly as “to honor the deity by cult drinking,” comparable to the English to toast somebody. Another attempt to explain the formula d(GN) aku- / eku- is the translation “to give a deity to drink.” This idea basically goes back to the usage of German causative verb tränken “to let drink, to give to drink” which requires the accusative case of the object. Considering the function of the Hittite verb aku- / eku- “to drink,” however, there are serious grammatical difficulties in accepting this interpretation, and it was given up quite some time ago.5 On our subject, several prominent authorities of Hittitology, including A. Kammenhuber,6 A. Archi7 and H. G. Güterbock8 released essential studies with a special focus on both the philological and religious details, and compiled the relevant bibliography. J. Puhvel9 and H. C. Melchert10 on the other hand, have dealt with “to drink a deity” rather in semantic or syntactic respects.11 Therefore, I would like to discuss the subject following a different approach, in which we may detect the possible linguistic origin of the nominal case of the object of the cult phrase in question, and its semantic metamorphosis over the centuries. In this respect, the Hattian language and pantheon should be taken into consideration as having a significant influence on Hittite religion. We may briefly categorize hundred of occurrences of the cult phrase “to drink a deity” as listed below. In order to avoid redundancies, in most cases the Hittite sentences are shortened and simplified so that only the divine names and the predicates of the act “to drink” either in singular or plural 3rd person are present here.

5

H. G. Güterbock, in: CRRAI 34, 121. SMEA 14 (1971) 143-159 and in: FsRichter (1991) 221-226. 7 Apud A. Kammenhuber, Materialien Lfg. 4 (1976), Lfg. 5 and 6 (1977) Nr. 5, 118-237, 239-243, 253-256, 263-264. 8 In: CRRAI 34, 121-129. 9 MIO 5 (1957) 31-33 and HS 116 (2003) 54-57. 10 JIES 9 (1981) 245-254. 11 Additionally, the following studies are worthy of note which deal with the expression “to drink a deity” with other linguistic and cult aspects: O. Carruba, StBoT 2, 40-41 (on the rare variations of this expression phrased with Akkadian dative ANA); H. Eichner, in: IE Numerals (1992) 47-50, 65 (on the numerals 2-e and 3-e within this expression); D. Yoshida, in: Priests and Officials (1999) 239-252 and M. Schuol, Hethitische Kultmusik (2004) 193-194, 196-197 (on the cult music accompanying this expression); H.-S. Schuster, HHB II (2002) 457-464 (on the Hattian divine pairs or groups appearing in this and other similar cult expressions). 6

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I) Divine name is written phonetically and has accusative ending -n: 1) dKarma¢ilin akuanzi (KUB 11.34 V 51'-52' [NS]) 2a) dZintu¢esun ekuz[i] (KBo 45.64 II 9' [NS]) 2b) [dZ]intu¢iyan akuw[anzi] (KBo 45.63 I 27' [NS]) Remarks: This writing of the divine name seems to present the Hittitized use of dZintu¢esun in example 2a, which sounds rather like a genuine Hattian form. 3) dZuliyan akuanzi (KBo 20.5 obv.? 9' [OS]) 4) 3 akuwanzi URUKartapa¢as dWàa¢isin URUSalampas dKà[tta¢¢]an URU Kà[tap]as? dWaa¢isin (KUB 28.104 IV 15'-18' [NS]) 5) 3-SU ekuzi dKata¢¢an dUTU dLAMMA LUGAL (IBoT 1.29 obv. 27 [MS?]) 6) dU É-TI d›asamilin d›ilassin . . . ekuzi (KUB 11.35 VI 9'-11' [NS]) 7) 4 ekuzi dAstanu!n d[W]aaputet dKuzzanisun dTa¢pilanun (KBo 23.79 III 5'-7' [LNS]) Remarks: The divine name dWaaputet with final consonant -t shows no ending -n as would have been expected; see also under category VIII a nr. 3. 8) 7 ekuzi d[. . .] dTaparwaasun dTappinùn dKamama[n?] d›ullan d Telipinun dGAL.Z[U(-) . . .?] (KBo 25.178 I 16-18 [NS]) II) Divine name is written logographically and has accusative ending -n: 1a) 1b) 2) 3)

d

UTU-un ekuzi (KUB 33.79 IV? 12' [NS]) UTU-un . . . akuwanzi (KBo 2.14 III 10-11 [NS]) taknas dUTU-un ekuzi (KUB 30.23 III? 19 [NS]) d DAG-in . . . NAG-anzi (KUB 55.60 iv? 7'-8' [LNS] // KUB 58.31 rev. 20'-21' [NS]) d

III) Philological elements in support of the accusative sense of the expression in Hittite: 1) apùùn DINGIR-LUM . . . ekuzi “drinks that deity” (KUB 10.72 V 18-19 [NS]) 2) ANA LUGAL kuis DINGIR-LIM àssus nu apùùn ekuzi “which deity is pleasant to the king, he drinks that one” (KUB 11.22 V 12'-13' [NS]) 3) apùùs DINGIR.MES-uss ekuzi “drinks those deities” (VS 28.10 I 20' [MS])

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4) kuiès DINGIR.MES ANA LUGAL àssawes nu apùùs akuskizzi “which deities are pleasant to the king, he drinks those ones” (KBo 43.123 rev. 1-3 [NS]) 5) dUTU dU dLAMMA taknas dUTU-un kuinna ar¢ayan . . . ekuzi “drinks the Sun deity, the Storm god, the protective deity (and) the Sun goddess of the earth each one separately” (KUB 30.24 II 19-20 [LNS], KUB 39.33 III 7'-9' [LNS]) 6) àssun UD-an . . . ekuz[i] “drink[s] the good day” (KBo 21.95 I 7' [NS]) 7) n=uss DINGIR.MES ¢arpanduss [a]kkuskizzi “[d]rinks the deities in groups” (KUB 27.16 IV 26-27 [NS]) 8) DINGIR-LAM [akku]skizzi “keeps [drinking] the deity” (KUB 27.16 IV 28-29 [NS]) 9) dUD-AM akuwanzi “they drink the divine day” (KUB 39.64:6' [OS?]) IV) Divine name is written phonetically with or without the accusative ending -n: 1a) dKarmà¢ili . . . akuwanzi (KUB 10.89 II 2'-3'[LNS]) 1b) dKarma¢ilin akuanzi (KUB 11.34 V 51'-52') [NS] 2) dMezzulla (// [d]Mezzullan) ekuzi (KBo 24.87 rev. 9' [MS] // KBo 21.80 IV 10' [MS]) 3) dTelipinun (// dTelipinu) akuwanzi (KUB 2.5 IV 12 [LNS] // KUB 25.1 V 1-2 [NS]) V) Divine name is written logographically and has no accusative ending -n: 1) dGAL.ZU eukz[i] (KUB 20.53 V 10' [LNS]) 2) dISKUR dISKUR URUZippalada . . . ekuzi (KUB 1.17 II 31-34 [NS]) 3) dUD.SIG5 ekuzi (KUB 30.23 III? 5 [NS]) VI) Divine name is obviously in accusative case, but employs no ending -n, instead occasionally a (long) vowel: 1) 2) 3) 4) 5)

d

Wuurunkatte akuanzi (KUB 11.34 IV 19'-20' [NS]) ›àtauri ekuzi (KUB 10.7:6' [LNS]) d Istanu dPalatappinu akuanzi (KBo 20.67 I 19' [MS]) d Tàru d›asgalà . . . ekuz[i] (KUB 55.18 II 2'-3' [NS]) 5 ekuzi dZindu¢isù dWaa¢isi dU.GUR d›aratsì dSisuma¢i (KBo 8.112 VI 9'-12' [NS]) d

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6) 2-e [e]kuzi [d]Taparwaasù dWaasez!zasù (KBo 2.29 rev. 5'-8' [NS]) 7) d›almassuitti ekuzi (AnAr 10311 rev. 6' [—]) Remarks: In the name of goddess d›almassuitti either the ending -n is omitted (instead of correct accusative dDAG-in as seen in II nr. 3 and VII nr. 3), or, less probably, this is the dative form of d›almassuitta. VII) Divine names in long lists including all aforementioned features: EN.ZU Ù dKuzanisun ekuzi [d]›ullan ekuzi . . . dTelipinun ekuzi (. . .) dISKUR Ù dWaasezzili ekuzi (KBo 20.33 obv.17-18, rev. 6' [OS]) 2) [. . . eku]zi d UTU d Me[zzu]lla [ d Tel]ipinù n d GAL.ZU [dTa]¢pill[a]nù [d?GUN]NI-an dSusuma¢in (KUB 2.6 I 2-5 [NS]) 3) d › alkin d Telipinun d UTU d UTU URU TÚL-na d U d U URU Ziplan[da] dLAMMA d›apandali dDAG-in dZABA 4BA 4 d GAL.ZU dU É-TIM dKandiwuuitten dKattanan dU KI.LAM d Wàasezzallin ekuzi (KUB 41.50 III 7'-12' [NS]) 1)

d

VIII a) Divine name ends in a consonant other than accusative ending -n: 1) 12-SU ekuzi . . . [dZipl]antel . . . [d . . .]kunuil (IBoT 1.29 obv. 62-66 [MS?]) 2a) Taurèt ekuzi (KBo 20.33 upper edge 1 [OS]) 2b) dTaurit ekuzi (KBo 25.184 II 17 [NS]) 3) 4 ekuzi . . . [dW]aaputet . . . (KBo 23.79 III 6' [LNS]) VIII b) Final consonant of the divine name is omitted: 1a) dTauri ekuzi (IBoT 2.74 obv. 5' [NS]) 1b) dTaurì ekuzi (KBo 4.13 V 23 [LNS]) 1c) dTaurì (// dTaurit) akuwanzi (KBo 4.9 VI 30 [LNS] // KUB 10.12 III 8' [NS]) 1d) dTauriya ekuzi (KBo 23.64 II 7' [MS]) Remarks: This form with ending -(y)a should be regarded as being in dative case; see also under category X nr. 3. IX) Divine name is phrased as dative: 1) ANA dISKUR ekuzi (KUB 34.77 obv?. 8' [NS]) 2) dUTU SAMÈ ekuz[i ] . . . AN[A dI]SKUR ekuzi . . . AN[A d LAMM]A ekuzi (KBo 15.25 rev. 15-17 [MS])

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3) ANA dU ekuzzi (KBo 21.36 r. col. 7' [MS]) 4) ANA dUTU ekuzzi (KBo 21.36 r. col. 4' [MS]) X) Unusual usages: 1) dKata¢zipuris . . . ekuzi (Bo 4846:10' [—]; see H. Klengel, in: FsPugliese Carratelli [1988] 106 n. 21) Remarks: This form with ending -s is incorrectly in nominative case. 2) 3 akuwanzi [URU . . . dK]atta¢¢as [URU . . .] dKatta¢¢as [URU . . . d W]àa¢isis (IBoT 2.78 I 6'-9' [NS]) Remarks: These divine names with ending -s are incorrectly in nominative case. For the correct usages for these see under category I nrs. 4, 5. 3) dTauriya ekuzi (KBo 23.64 II 7' [MS]) Remarks: This form with ending -(y)a should be regarded more likely as dative. 4) dPirwan dAskasipan dMUNUS.LUGAL-ri dMaliyan . . . akuwanzi (KBo 4.13 VI 9-11 [LNS]) Remarks: The unusual usage dMUNUS.LUGAL-ri (Hittite *¢assussari) “to / for the Queen” refers to the dative case. For the common form dKata¢¢an of this goddess associated with expression “to drink a deity” see under category I nrs. 4, 5. 5a) dUTU-as . . . ekuzi (KUB 27.66 II 19' [LNS]) 5b) dUTU-as dMezzullan ekuzi (KUB 30.41 V 2 [NS]) 5c) dUTU-as dMezzu[lla]nn=a ekuzi (KUB 30.41 V 13 [NS]) Remarks: The phonetic value underlying dUTU-as is claimed by A. Kassian—I. Yakubovich, in: GsForrer (2004) 399 ff. and 405 ff., to be the Akkadian dSamas. 6) MUNUSTawananas . . . akuwanzi (KUB 56.54 rev. 27 [NS]) Remarks: This form appears to be in nominative case. Compare, however, the phrase [nu?] dLAMMA LUGAL dDAGin MUNUSTawannannan (// dTawa[nnannan]) . . . NAG-anzi (KUB 55.60 iv? 7'-8' [LNS] // KUB 58.31 rev. 20'-21' [NS]), where it is unclear with MUNUS/dTawannanna, if a divinity or a deified queen is being worshiped; cf. O. Soysal, Anatolica 31 (2005) 197 n. 34. XI) Divine names from Luwian milieu (including Istanuwan texts): (On the relevant written material see A. Archi apud A. Kammenhuber, Materialien Lfg. 5 and 6, Nr. 5, 188, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 201, 234-236; D. Yoshida, THeth 22 [1996] 244-251).

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›ùwassanna . . . ekuzi (KUB 27.66 II 23' [LNS]) ›uwassannan ekuzi (KBo 20.72 II? 31' [MS]) d Auwattan dKupillan . . . akuanzi (KUB 27.49 III 5 [NS]) d Lalariyan ›UR.SAGSarpan . . . ekuzi (KUB 27.66 II 24' [LNS]) d Mùlin ekuzi (KUB 27.65 I 11' [NS]) d LAMMA sarlaimen dZABA4BA4 . . . ekuzi (KUB 27.66 II 22' [LNS]) 6) dU pi¢assas(s)in ekuzi / akuwanzi (KUB 11.13 III 7'-8', IV 10'11' [LNS]) 7) dAMAR.UTU dIr¢àndus d›issallandus=a ekuzi (KUB 43.56 II 20'-21' [NS])

1a) 1b) 2) 3) 4) 5)

d d

XII) Divine names from Hurrian milieu: (On the relevant written material see A. Archi apud A. Kammenhuber, Materialien Lfg. 5 and 6, Nr. 5, 173-194, 195-196, 233, 234, 237). 1) d›epat ekuzi (KBo 15.37 II 13 [NS]) 2a) d›epaddun ekuzi (KUB 54.72 IV? 18' [NS]) 2b) 3-SU ekuzi . . . d›epatun (KUB 45.5 II? 13'-14' [MS]) Remarks: On the rare u-thematization of the divine name ›epat see J. J. S. Weitenberg, U-Stämme (1984) 260. 3a) dIS[TAR] URU›attarina dNinatta d[Ku]l[i]tta . . . e[kuzi] (IBoT 3.115 obv. 9-11 + KUB 47.69 obv?. 6'-7' [MS]) 3b) dNinattan dKulittan akuwanzi (KBo 19.142 III 21 [NS]) 4) dSàlus dKumarpi . . . ekuzi (KBo 15.37 II 17 [NS]) 5) [dIST]AR URU›attarina dNinatta [ . . .] dAya dUTU-ki . . . ekuzi (KUB 45.36 II? 5'-8' [MS]) d 6a) Serrin d›ur[rin] . . . ekuzi (KUB 20.42 V 14'-15' [NS]) 6b) GUDSerin GUD›urrin . . . ekuzi (KUB 11.22 V 15'-16' [NS]) 7) [d]É.A dGullan d›epat . . . ekuzzi (KBo 13.114 III 12 [NS]) XIII) Miscellaneous examples (divine names from various pantheons and their odd nominal cases contrary to Hittite grammar and syntax): 1) d L A M M A U R U T a u r i s A M A d K a l i m m a n d › a s a m e l e n TÚL Kuwannaniyan dÀssiyaza dU GISTIR ÍDZuliya dLAMMA ÍD GIS KÁ.GAL DINGIR.MES Ta!lawanis . . . ekuzi (KUB 2.8 V 18'-30' [LNS]) Remarks: dÀssiya(n)za displays either the Hittite singular nominative, or the Luwian plural accusative / dative form. DINGIR.MES Talawanis exhibits the plural nominative form, having

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3a)

3b)

4)

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also a misspelling for regular DINGIR.MES Salawanis. Here one would usually expect a plural accusative DINGIR.MES Salawan(i)us. For the correct writing dZuliyan for ÍDZuliya here see under category I nr. 3. 15 ekuzi dGulsus dMA›.MES-us dKuzanasu dU.GUR Ù dU.GUR URU ›ayasa dSÎN MUL ispanza d›asmaiùn dKata¢¢i d›aristassin d ›ilassin . . . (KBo 4.13 VI 31-36 + KUB 10.82:3'-8' [LNS]) Remarks: In this text passage, beside plural accusative forms d Gulsus and dMA›.MES-us, one observes also divine names in singular accusative case with regular ending -n like d›asmaiùn (if not Hattian dative! see below), d›aristassin and d›ilassin. Ispanza, however, is expressed in nominative case, and in the name of goddess dKatta¢¢i either the ending -n is omitted (instead of correct accusative dKatta¢¢in), or, this is the dative form of dKatta¢¢a. . . . dGulsus dKuduilis [dKud]usa¢ilis dDàrawa[s dAnzil]is dZukkis GUNNI [dZ]ilipùris dEN.ZU M[UL (-) . . . GE6-a]nza d›asammilis É.SÀ-as MUNUS.LUGAL [d›]aristassis d›ilass[is] . . . annarin tarpin . . . [ekuz]i (KUB 32.87 rev. 10'-14' + KBo 23.72 rev. 21'-25' [MS]) . . . dGulses dKuduilis dKudusa¢ilis d[Dàrawas dAnzil]is dZukkis GUNNI dZilipùris [dEN.ZU MUL(-) . . . GE6-a]nza d›asammelis É.SÀ MUNUS.LUGAL-as d›aristassi[s d›ilassis] . . . annarin tarpin . . . ekuzi (KUB 32.87 rev. 21'-25'+ KBo 23.72 rev. 31'-33' [MS]) Remarks: Except for two accusative forms annarin tarpin (a pair of entities which were deified by the Hittites) all divine names are apparently in nominative case. The accusative forms of d ›aristassi and d ›ilassi are listed above sub nr. 2. d ›asamme/ilis exhibits the Hittitized form against d›asmaiu(n) in nr. 2 above which is associated with the Hattian origin of this god name. 15 DINGIR.MES ekuzzi (// ekuzi) dMA› dGulsas GUNNI (// d GUNNI) dU.GUR Ù dU.GUR URU›àyasa dEN.ZU MUL-i GE6-anza d›asammilis dMUNUS.LUGAL d›arestassis d›ilassis . . . (KBo 19.128 VI 17'-22' [NS] // IBoT 3.15 I 5'-7' [NS]) Remarks: All divine names here are obviously merged into the nominative case. The only exception is—if it is to be regarded as Hittite—MUL-i “to / for the star” in dative case.

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As we may observe in most of the examples above, the drinking act devoted to divine honor is accompanied chiefly by the accusative case of the deity name. There are also some exceptional cases in which the divine proper name is used in the dative and even in nominative case; the latter, however, must be considered as simply a mistake and may have no morphological consequences. An interesting feature of some occurrences used with the accusative case has not drawn as much attention of scholars as it may deserve, where the final n-sound disappears. This issue may not be clarified by a simple acceptance of “stem form” or “Akkadianized use” of the divine names since in several cases they appear with a final long vowel replacing the ending -n. If one bears in mind that Hittite, being a typical “nominative-accusative” language, is careful and conservative with the proper use of the accusative case, this morphological problem needs an explanation. First of all, we can state that the plene-written vowel instead of final n-sound is unusual in Hittite word spelling. Secondly, taking the phonological facts into account, we are witnesses of another Ancient Anatolian language where a dropped final consonant like liquids -l and -r, nasals -m and -n or aspirate -¢ is often replaced by the plene-written form of the preceding vowel. This fact is expressed in O. Soysal, HWHT (2004) 76, by quoting the Hattian alternative lemmas is-pu-du-u¢ and apocopated is-pu-du-ú, ma-ƒa-as-ka-am and ma-a-ƒa-as-ga-a-a, ôaaas-¢a-ôuú-un and ôaa-a-as-¢a-ôuú-ú respectively. It has been determined recently that the nominal n-suffix in Hattian serves as the dative indicator.12 A long time ago, H.-S. Schuster, HHB I (1974) 123, 140, had pointed out the fact that this consonantal suffix can be replaced by a long vowel. An illuminating case for this assumption is the usage of kattè “to / for the king” instead of its full form *katten13 which is relevant also to the divine names compiled above

12 See O. Soysal, HWHT 185, 232 (with previous bibl.) and Anatolica 31 (2005) 196 with note 31. 13 A conclusive textual proof for this is the Hattian sentence with its translation into Hittite: [(pal )]a a=s=iya dWaasul / [(t)]a-ba-ar-na-an ka-a-at-te-e (= Hitt. nu pier iyata / tameta laba[rnai] LUGAL-i) “and they (= the gods) gave abundance (and) plenty to the tabarna / labarna king;” (KBo 21.110 obv. 10'-11' // KUB 2.2 + KUB 48.1 III 27-29) see H.-S. Schuster, HHB I 123 f.; O. Soysal, HWHT 185. The existence of a real “inflected” form of the Hattian designation for “king” kaat-te-en which is modified by the ending -n is revealed now from KBo 37.155 rev.? 8' composed in Old Hittite ductus.

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in the categories VI-VII.14 The deities who are honored “by drinking,” without Hittite accusative ending -n, but showing a final long vowel instead, are to be classified exclusively as of Hattian origin. If we combine all these facts together with an early statement of A. Kammenhuber, SMEA 14, 152, that the phrase “to drink a deity” may have been a reflection of the Hattian cult tradition, then we can presume that the divine name in the expression may have been originally constructed in the dative case. Since the Hattian dative marker -n is formally the same as the Hittite ending -n for the singular accusative, it is possible that the Hittites had adopted this cult expression in their language in a manner where the divine proper name would function as accusative. The omission of the case marker -n on the divine name in a Hittite context might indicate a serious grammatical mistake due to its important morphological function as marker of the singular accusative case, therefore it is hardly to be expected. Such an irregularity, however, would be tolerated, at least by the Hittites, if it indicated another nominal function (dative) within a foreign language like Hattian. As many occurrences do show, the usage “to drink a deity” with accusative notion was firmly established in Hittite, as is also supported by the grammatical features shown in category III above. On the other hand, some rare examples accompanied by the Akkadian word ANA referring to a dative notion in the same cult phrase reveal that the Hittites also tended to express it in a different way which is actually closer to the Hattian and therefore appears to be more accurate. To sum up, the linguistic-historical development of the ending -n in divine names as part of the cult expression “to drink a deity” may have occurred in the following stages: real “Hattian” dative ending -n → first transferred into Hittite as formal / fictive “Hittite” accusative in -n covering native Hattian deities → later transformed into real “Hittite” accusative in -n encompassing all deities which is also grammatically established in this language.15 14 See also the divine list KBo 21.85 I 12'-25' + KBo 8.109 I 7'-15' discussed in the main text. 15 On the syntactical level, similar usages are observed in the formulary of the other common cult rite d . . . ir¢ai- “to honor the god(s) by worshiping-round(s):” IBoT 1.29 obv. 28, 31-32, 47; KBo 10.9 rev?. 7'; KBo 22.169:2'-7'; KBo 25.12 I 5'-9'; KBo 25.87:6'; KBo 25.178 IV 17'-19'; KUB 10.5 VI 5'-6'; KUB 11.30 III 23'-25' + IBoT 4.197 obv. 4"-6"; KUB 12.8 II 5'-6'; KUB 20.18 VI? 7'-8'; KUB 20.19 III 4-5; KUB 20.96 III 14'-15', IV 17-18; KUB 25.8 II 15'-17'; KUB 30.41 IV 21-22; KUB 53.11 III 7-11; KUB 56.50 III 8; KUB 58.6 VI 6'-7'; KUB 58.40

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Although not closely related to the phrase “to drink a deity,” a unique attestation of another common cult term “to sacrifice to a deity” in KBo 21.85+ I 12': 1 UDU ANA dAstanun “one sheep to the Sun deity Astanu” depicts another strong proof for the Hittite uncertainty in using some cult terms. The lines KBo 21.85 I 10'25' + KBo 8.109 I 7'-15' include a long list of deities who receive animal offerings at the hand of the king:16 10' . . . LUGAL-us=kan UDU.›I.A-un kèdas DINGIR.MES-as sipanti 11' . . . “The king offers sheep to these deities: . . .” 12' 13' 14' 15' 16'

1 UDU ANA dAstanun 1 UDU dTaparwaasun 1 UDU d Tappìnùn 1 UDU d›ullàn [1] UDU dZiplantì 1 MÁS.GAL dKammammàn [1 MÁ]S.[GA]L d›awaantalì 1 UDU dNèràk 1 [UDU d]Kappùn 1 UDU d Waas¢ulilin 1 [MÁS.GA]L dKattellikamamma

17' 18' 19' 20' 21' 22'

1 UDU dTelipinun 1 UDU dWalzà 1 UDU dWuurukattè 1 UDU dIya¢sul dIstaràzzil 1 MÁS.GAL d Zizzasùn 1 UDU ÍDZùliyàn [1] UDU d Kà¢ùppùt 1 UDU dTà¢angullàn 1 UDU d ›almassùiddùn 1 UDU dKatta¢¢i[n] [dZuwu]urùn 1 UDU dWalpisùn

V 8'-9'. Noteworthy are especially the context of KBo 37.157: (8') [. . .] ir¢àizzi d Tùwas[a . . .] (9') [d . . .]in dTelipinu dZa[ . . .] (10') [d . . .]dù dSiwuurù d[ . . .] (11') [d . . .]dun dIstanu[n], and of KBo 39.88 II: (10') 2-e ir¢àizzi dTaparwaasu (11') d Waasizzasù, since the nominal structures of the deities here are associated with those listed under the categories IV and VI in the main text (see below). All of these deities are of Hattian provenance; some of them end in regular accusative marker -n in Hittite, while others omit this ending, or substitute it with long vowel. Another listing of the “honored” Hattian deities in KUB 53.13 II 1'-6' is of interest as well, although no pertinent verb (aku- / eku- or ir¢ai-) is preserved in the text passage in question. Beside the proper names with final long -ù like ¢dÜTeli-pí-nu-ú (II 2'), d›a-li-pí-nu-ú (II 4') and dÚ-ri-ia-du-ú (II 5') there also occurs d DAG-ti-ú (II 3'). This very unique form renders the throne goddess d›anwaasuit which is usually Hittitizied with various final vowels as d›almassuitta/i/u (B. H. L. van Gessel, Onomasticon I [1998] 77 f.). The spelling dDAG-ti-ú (= *d›almassuittiu), however, does not match any of those regular forms and makes no sense in a possible Hittite nominal case. This may again be a reduced spelling for Hattian oblique (i.e. dative) form *dDAG-ti=un. 16 These deities are discussed by E. Laroche, RHA 31 (1973) 83-89.

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23' [1 UDU d]Zalipurùn 1 UDU dWàa¢isìn 1 UDU [d . . .] 24' [1 UDU d›as]ammeiùn 1 UDU d›attusantewaas¢[ap] 25' [1 UDU] dWaaskurunàn 1 UDU d›ànikkù[n] 26' [mà]n? LUGAL-us UDU.›I.A-un sipanduwanzi [zinnai? / zinizzi?] “[Whe]n the king [finishes] sacrificing the sheep” The unusual philological content of this religious text, written in Middle Hittite script, had already come to the attention of Weitenberg, U-Stämme, 259. As the Akkadian word ANA indicates, the following deity Astanu, to whom the offering is made (sipant- KBo 21.85+ I 10' and 26'), must be in dative case. Surprisingly, however, to this divine name is attached a final -n, hence it appears to have the accusative case. Since the direct object of the sentence is a sacrificial animal, the accusative construction of the divine name does not make any sense here, thus this syntactical problem would be solved only with the interpretation of Astanun as being a “Hattian” dative. The assumption, that in the relevant passages of KBo 21.85+ a Hattian cult milieu is present, is supported by the use of the original Hattian spelling of the Sun deity Astan(u) instead of its later Hittite form Istanu. Moreover, all of the gods listed in KBo 21.85 I 12'-25' + KBo 8.109 I 7'-15' as recipients of animal offerings are to be classified as being of Hattian origin. Among these, some exhibit consonantal stems like Nèràk, Iya¢sul, dKà¢ùppùt or ending in (long) vowels like Ziplantì, Walzà, Wuurukattè; many others, however, possess a final -n like Taparwaasun, ›ullàn and Waas¢ulilin. This document, with its variety of divine names, is a valuable piece of evidence that the Hattian deities in religious texts with such spellings should be primarily regarded as being in the dative case. Weitenberg, U-Stämme, 259-260, had correctly realized that both the singular usage (ANA) dAstanun here and the other divine proper names ending in -un or alternatively in long vowel -ù elsewhere in association with cult expressions “to give / sacrifice / offer” cannot be explained by Hittite accusative, but rather should be understood within Hattian language or cult conception. Now we may add to his valuable conclusion some new philological determinations, that in Hattian there is no such suffix -un, but rather a simple -n which can be extended by other preceding vowels a, e/i as well, and its precise function is denoting the dative case in this language. In this respect, I hope that the remarks made here would improve Weitenberg’s suggestion in a better understanding of these cult phrases.

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One of the points of our investigation, also focusing on Hattian cult and language, is approval for the earlier assumption of J. Puhvel, MIO 5, 31 ff., a scholar of Indo-European languages, that the Hittite expression of honoring a deity by cult drink is to be understood in a dative sense. Strong linguistic support for his idea comes, surprisingly, from Hattian, a language which has nothing in common with Indo-European Hittite. However, the Hattian written sources, which may bring a definitive solution to the subject remain silent.17 Finally, an important, but yet unanswered question is whether the cult phrase “to drink to / for a deity” with its Hittite interpretation in accusative sense should be ascribed directly to the Hittite writing tradition only, or to have been orally carried out in the Hittite cult life as well. In this respect it is a striking point that four rare occurrences phrased in dative by ANA under category IX do not go back to the festival descriptions, but belong rather to a different text genre, the Middle Hittite rituals “Magie Anatolienne” CTH 396 and 470. Therefore one may assume that all phrases of “to drink a deity” in formal / fictive accusative case in those monotonous festival descriptions are rather anchored stereotype formulas under the influence of earlier Hattian cult traditions which are kept alive in the Hittite mind, hence they might have little to do with “spoken” language. The textual evidence of category IX, however, is not yet sufficient enough to draw general and decisive conclusions for this issue. 2. From Hattian ¢alwuutti- to Hittite GIS¢alm/puti- and GI>Skalmus-: the possible metamorphosis of a cult object and of its designation ¢alm/puti- appears exclusively in the religious documents as a wooden cult object.18 It is generally regarded that the other designations GIS

17 For instance, so far there is no single monolingual Hattian document known that mentions such words like (waa=)sa¢ap=un “to / for the god(s)” and *lin “to drink” (O. Soysal, HWHT 293) in an immediate context in which one may roughly recognize a phrase like “to drink for the god(s).” 18 GIS¢alm/puti- is interpreted by E. Laroche, NH (1966) 248: “nom d’arbre ou d’objet en bois;” idem, apud A. Kammenhuber in: HbOr (Altkleinasiatische Sprachen [1969]) 462: “hatt. Holz- oder Baumbezeichnung;” V. Haas, KN (1970) 307: “Schrein;” (based merely on an incorrect interpretation of the verb ¢as¢as-;) O. Carruba, Pal. (1972) 23: “ein Holzgegenstand;” M. Popko, Kultobjekte (1978) 131: “ein Teil des Tempels oder ein Kultgegenstand;” E. Neu, StBoT 26 (1983) 46:

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¢alputili- / GIS¢alputel and d›alm/putili- in Hittite cult are cognates of GIS¢alm/puti-.19 The fact that these words chiefly occur in texts with a Hattian background, and the existence of some similar sounding Hattian lemmata, e.g., ka = ¢alputti, ¢alwu u ttel and ka = ¢alwuuzzel, strongly suggest a Hattian origin for this word.20 Since GIS ¢alm/puti- is mentioned in the relevant passages in close relationship to the verba dicendi ¢u(e)k- “to conjure” and malt- “to recite” it is obvious that the object was considered by the Hittites to have a certain cultic importance: GIS

1) KUB 57.84 III 6'-8' // VBoT 130:3': kuitman GIS¢alpùtius / ¢as¢askanzi apùs=a=san / ¢ukkiskanzi “While they shape / plane the ¢alpùti-objects, they also conjure over them.” 2) KBo 25.112 II 14'-15': LUGAL-us=za suppiࢢati ANA [¢al]pùti màn¢and[a] / màldi kè=a QÀTAMMA “The king purifies himself. A[s] he recites to the [¢al]pùti-object, so also (he repeats) these in the same way;” cf. the parallel text KUB 28.75 II 24: ¢AÜNA GIS ¢al ¢pÜùti màn¢anda õmàÕ[ldi . . .]. 3) KUB 51.54 rev.? 11'-13': [m]àn GIS¢alputin [. . .] / [. . .] GIS¢alputi dài [. . .] / [nu? ki]san maldi “[W]hen he [. . .s] the ¢alputiobject (acc.), he places [. . . for] the ¢alputi-object. He recites [as fo]llows.” The verb ¢as¢as- “to shape, plane, polish” in regard to this object and mentioned in the occurrence 1 is noticed again, along with the profession LÚNAGAR “carpenter,” also in the following texts:

“Gegenstand aus Holz;” M. Forlanini, ZA 74 (1984) 255 (n. 40): “Fußschemel = GIS GÌR.GUB;” O. Soysal, JANER 4 (2004) 92 f.: “a deified wooden object in cult = Hitt. GISkalmus- ‘lituus.’” See furthermore the dictionary entries of GIS¢alm/putiin J. Tischler, HEG I (1983) 135; J. Puhvel, HED 3 (1991) 44; J. Friedrich— A. Kammenhuber, HW2 Lfg. 12 (1994) 79 f. 19 E. Laroche, RA 41 (1947) 77-78 (wrongly considers a connection with URU ›alpa;) idem, Rech. (1947) 73; idem, NH, 248; H. Klengel, JCS 19 (1965) 88, 92; A. Archi, SMEA 1 (1966) 115-117; H. Kronasser, EHS 1 (1966) 238, 324, 359; A. Kammenhuber in: HbOr (Altkleinasiatische Sprachen) 462; V. Haas, KN, 307 (w. n. 2); idem, ZA 78 (1988) 291 (n. 35); O. Carruba, Pal., 23-24; E. von Weiher, in: RlA 4 (1972-75) 63; M. Popko, Kultobjekte, 131, 134 (n. 8); E. Neu, StBoT 26, 46 (w. n. 232); M. Forlanini, ZA 74, 255 (w. n. 40); M. Nakamura, Nuntarriyas¢a (2002) 129; O. Soysal, JANER 4, 92-93 (w. n. 27); idem, HWHT, 143-144, 182, 277, 438, 520-521. 20 As generally regarded in the secondary literature cited in footnotes 18 and 19.

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4) 2076/g obv.17' [. . . URUZi¢n]uwas GIS¢alpùtin ¢as¢assanz[i] “They shape / plane the ¢alpùti-object of [the city Zi¢n]uwa.” (cited by M. Forlanini, ZA 74, 255 n. 40) 5) KUB 54.64 obv. 26'-27': [ . . . ¢as¢]assanzi LÚNAGAR.MES kuiès GIS ¢alputin / [. . .] “They [sha]pe / [pla]ne [. . .]. The carpenters who the ¢alputi-object [. . .].” On the phonetic level it is noteworthy that in this word a p ~ m interchange is taking place which is proper to Hattian,21 as we observe it between the variations GIS¢almuti in KBo 27.38:6' and GIS ¢alputi in the duplicate KUB 25.31 obv. 19. The spellings GIS¢almu-di-o and GIS¢al-mu-ti-o appear also in the newly edited fragments KBo 44.156:4' and KBo 53.209:4', 8' respectively. Another cult designation which can be clearly classified as a derivation (or extended form) of GIS¢alm/puti- is GIS¢alputili-. The relevant occurrences are cited here: 1) KUB 20.88 VI? 8'-10': (A list of sacrificial meats) GIS¢alpùtili / piran tìyanzi “They place in front of the ¢alpùtili-object.” 2) KUB 20.88 VI? 14'-15': n=at GIS¢alpùtili piran katta / ¢uisuwa=ssan UZU suppayas ser dài “In front of the ¢alpùtili-object he places them (= aforementioned bread loaves topped with liver) down on the top of raw meat.” 3) K U B 2 0 . 8 8 V I ? 1 6 ' - 1 7 ' : L Ú S A G I - a s D U G K U K Ù B K A S DUMU.LUGAL pài DUMU.LUGAL / GIS¢alpùtili piran 3-SU sippanti “The cupbearer gives a beer-pitcher (to) the prince. The prince performs libations in front of the ¢alpùtili-object three times.” 4) KUB 44.32:18'-19': n=an=kan GIS¢alput[ili piran? . . .] / anda is¢iyanz[i] “They bin[d] it (= a sacrificial animal?; cf. GU4.MA›.›I.A ibid. 20') [in front of ?] the ¢alput[ili]-object on [ a . . .].” 5) KUB 54.64 obv. 20'-21': (The men of Nerik shout for joy) [. . .] LÚ.MES aras LÚ.MESari GIS¢alputel ¢alzi ¢yÜan ¢zÜi “Colleagues call each other ‘¢alputel !’” According to the examples 1-3 GIS¢alputili- denotes an object in front of which various offerings of meat and bread are situated and libations with cult beverages take place; all these fully confirm the sacred status of GIS¢alputili-, but do not prove if it is a direct receiver 21

O. Carruba, Pal., 23, 24.

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of those offerings. Example 5 provides additional information that this designation is spoken perhaps as a salutation between colleagues in certain cult ceremonies. The same word appears also in the hypostatic character as d ›alm/putili- whose attestations are compiled by B. H. L. van Gessel, Onomasticon I 79 f.: 1) KUB 12.4 IV 7: màn=kan d›alputilis suppai sarà paizz[i] “When (the cult image of) ›alputili travel[s] up to the holy .” 2) KUB 55.5 rev.? IV 4', KUB 25.27 III 9 and IBoT 2.8 IV? 4': lukkatti=ma=kan d›alputilis paizzi “On the next day (the cult image of) ›alputili travels.” (more on this text see below) 3) KBo 20.101 rev.? 9'-10': d›àsgalàn d›alpùtilin TUS-as / ISTU GAL ekuzi “He, seated, honors ›àsgalà and ›alpùtili by cult drinking from a cup.” 4) IBoT 2.82 I ? 9'-10': [. . . ¢upp]aran ? PÀNI d›alputili / [. . . LÚ.M ES ] NAR aku¢wÜanzi “They [place? a ¢upp]ara-[vessel] before ›alputili, [and the] singers drink [that cult beverage?].” 5) In broken and inconclusive context KUB 56.51 II 6-7: ANA d ›almutil¢i=kan xÜ [. . .] / EZEN.ITU UL [. . .] (deity name appears here with -m-spelling). As for as the word formation is concerned, GIS/d›alputili- is clearly not a Hittite adjective in -ili in the sense of “(one) pertaining to GIS ¢alm/puti-,” but rather displays the Hittitized form of Hattian ¢alwuuttel and (ka=)¢alwuuzzel (compare the Hittite spelling GIS¢alputel ) which are marked with masculine gender in -l. In Hattian, with the addition of the suffix -l the noun is possibly transformed from the inanimate class into the animate one. The Hittite word, on the other hand, additionally has the theme vowel -i conditioned by the nominal inflexion in this language. Outside of the festival descriptions mentioned above, the HattianHittite bilingual composition KBo 37.9+ (// KUB 28.1) is the only other document where d›alputili- is attested. The text has been extensively studied in JANER 4, 75-98. Accordingly, d›alputili- may possess another designation in Hattian, and the deity itself stands in close relationship with the throne goddess ›anwaasuit. The latter fact is an essential point for understanding the character and role of d›alputili-. The relevant consecutive sentences with their variations in the duplicate text read thus:

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¢anwaasuit [k]àtta¢ / nidu¢il [kà]tte (KBo 37.9+ obv. 11'-12') [d(›anwaasuit) k(à)]tta¢ dNidu¢el katti (KUB 28.1 IV 28"). The Hattian phrase is translated into Hittite as [d›almassuit22 MUNUS.LUGAL-as d›alp]utilis=ma LUGAL-us (KUB 28.1 IV 30"). Both nominal sentences are to be understood simply “›anwaasuit is the queen, Nidu¢el (Hitt. = ›alputili) is the king.” In JANER 4, 92 f., in regard to the divine beings in the passages above I have posited the following suggestions: ›alputili- may have been presented here in the hypostatic character and as an acting deity23 (. . .) Its counterpart in the Hattian passages appears as d Nidu¢el and Nidu¢il which is not attested anywhere else, and seems to be an isolated Hattian divine designation.24 It is striking that Nidu¢il / ›alputili in both languages of our composition, bears the title “king” (katti and LUGAL-us ) and accompanies the deified throne dais ›anwaasuit with the title katta¢ “queen” in the Hattian passage. The different sex of the divine characters becomes apparent in the suffixes of their Hattian designations as well: ›anwaasuit (with feminine suffix -t) against dNidu¢el / Nidu¢il (with masculine suffix -l ). I would like to assume that this divine pair represents together the royal symbols “throne” and “king’s crook, lituus” (Hitt. = GIS kalmus-). The previously mentioned divine pair the [Sun goddess?] “queen” [Estan?] and the Storm god [“king”] Taru could have some contextual link with the description here. Perhaps we may associate in these passages the conceptions of the divine rulership in heaven represented by the pair of [Estan]—Taru, and of the royal monarch on earth symbolized by the pair of ›anwasuit—Nidu¢el (= ›alputili). d

Although such a form (GIS)kalmus- has hitherto not been detected in the Hattian vocabulary, the occurrence of kal-mu-se-e[l?(-) . . .] in a Hattian context (KUB 34.93 obv.? 3')25 provides possible evidence for the origin of (GIS)kalmus-.26 If kalmuse[l] renders a complete word

22 Alternatively, the Hittitized form d›almassuiz or, due to space reasons, a shorter spelling like dDAG-iz is possible for a restoration. 23 As he gives orders together with his female partner ›anwa suit in regard to a their appointed priest in KUB 28.1 IV 28"-34" // KBo 37.9(+) obv. 11'-14'; see O. Soysal, JANER 4, 85, 96. 24 This can be a secondary name, or rather an epithet of ›alputili, as the Hattian Storm god Taru occasionally bears the designation dTaparwaasu “thousand plenty” instead of his real name; see O. Soysal, Anatolica 31 (2005) 196 w. n. 27. Indeed, the deified (Ka)¢alwuuzzel itself, the Hattian form of ›alputili, applies in some Hattian invocation passages various attributes like ¢aliyanna and kastut[. . .] (or kastuw[a . . .]); HWHT 277, 286, 433, 537. 25 HWHT 527. 26 For GISkalmus without any Hittite connection or Indo-European etymology, except for an unconvincing attempt by E. Laroche, in: FsBittel2 I (1983) 309, see:

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in this form, it could very well be the phonetic variation of the masculine formations ¢alwuuttel and (ka=)¢alwuuzzel (see above). This assumption would, of course, require a long orthographic transition covering the phonetic interchanges ¢ ~ k, m ~ wx and s ~ t ~ z, but all these phenomena are peculiar to Hattian.27 On the other hand, one may possibly consider kalmuse[l] also a Hittitized form since the word occurs not in a monolingual Hattian context, but in a cult song performed by the zintu¢i-women in Hittite times. There are plenty of text passages available where the royal insignia GIS kalmus “lituus” and GISDAG “throne” are attested together. The best-known phase for their co-appearance is compiled from numerous sources of festival descriptions with some slight textual variations:28 (DUMU.É.GAL) GADA-an (SA GISSUKUR.GUSKIN) LUGALi pài GISkalmus=ma=kan (// GISkalmus=ma=ssan katta) GISDAG-ti (ZAGaz / LUGAL-i ZAG-naz) dài “(The palace attendant) gives the cloth (of the golden spear) to the king, and he places the lituus (down) at the throne (to the right of the king).” Additionally, a rather obscure attestation [. . . GI]SDAG-ti ITTI GIS kalmusi dài in KBo 38.6 I 19' should be mentioned here. It is to be observed, however, that in these cases both objects seem not to be deified since there is no divine determinative applied to them. In support for the position in JANER 4, 93, that GISkalmus and GIS/d ›alputili are substantially or functionally related, we may refer also to the co-appearance of d›alputili and GIS/dDAG (= ›almasuit(ti)) “throne (dais)” in a festival description29 like the aforementioned case of GISkalmus and GISDAG:

H. Kronasser, EHS 1, 328; J. Tischler, HEG I 469; J. Puhvel, HED 4 (1997) 28-30. Additionally, cf. E. Neu, StBoT 18 (1974) 36; J. Siegelová, Annals of the Náprstek Museum 12 (1984) 142; G. Beckman, in: FsOtten2 (1988) 42-43 (w. n. 65); E. Rieken, StBoT 44 (1999) 211-212; H. A. Hoffner, JAOS 120 (2000) 70-71. The similar sounding bird designation kalmusi- in Hittite may possibly go back to GIS kalmus (thus, E. Laroche, ibid.), perhaps inspired by a remarkable, e.g. curved?, body shape of the animal. 27 HWHT 165, 166. 28 KBo 4.9 III 27, 29-31, KBo 27.42 I 4, 8-10, KBo 30.76 l. col. 6'-8', KBo 45.8 II 3'-5', KUB 10.3 I 23, 25-26, KUB 10.21 I 17, 18-20, KUB 20.69:4', 6'-7', KUB 25.16 I 7, 9-10, KUB 58.22 II 17', 19'-20', IBoT 3.59:2', 7'-9'. 29 Cf. A. Archi, SMEA 1, 115 and 116; J. Friedrich—A. Kammenhuber, HW2 Lfg. 12, 79; M. Nakamura, Nuntarriyas¢a, 51 f., 77.

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lukkatti=ma=kan d›alputilis paizzi / INA É.DINGIR-LIM=ma suppa warpùwar / LÚ.MESsalas¢us=ma=za GISDAG-tin / ISTU É-SUNU iyanzi “On the next day (the cult image of) ›alputili travels. In the temple (there) is sacred bathing. The salas¢a-men worship ›almasuitti (with offerings) from their house” (KUB 55.5 rev.? IV 4'-7' and IBoT 2.8 IV? 4'-5'), and similarly in: lukkatti=ma=kan d›alputilis paizzi / LÚ.MES salas¢i<s>=ma=za dDAG iyanzi (KUB 25.27 III 9-10). It is to be noticed here that both objects are deified by adding the divine determinative. Taking all above information in account, the following comparative observations on GIS kalmus, GIS ¢alm/puti-, GIS ¢alputili- and d ›alm/putili- can be stated: GIS

kalmus “(king’s) crook, lituus” appears in the cult ceremonies as an object mainly associated with the presence of the Hittite king, where it is being used or manipulated various ways. Thus, it is a mobile implement: it is carried, placed somewhere, held in the hand, and gets handed over to the king. GIS 2) ¢alm/puti- seems to be some sort of wooden icon or idol. We are told that it is shaped or planed by the carpenters, but there is no textual indication about its use in cult ceremonies unlikely as GISkalmus. In contrast to GISkalmus it is also an addressee of conjurations and recitations. In KUB 28.75 II 1 (Hittite passage) it is mentioned first GIS¢alpùti (sg. d.-l.), but in the following lines II 3, 4 (Hattian passage) the divinity (Ka)¢alwuuzzel is being praised. Nevertheless, this case does not mean the exact identity of both sacred individuals since a deity can be spoken to, or called upon by means of its cultic symbol, and the wooden object GIS¢alputi- is obviously serving this function here. 3) The name of GIS¢alputili- is chiefly involved in offering and libation scenes which is not the case with GIS¢alm/puti-. d 4) ›alm/putili- is personified as a masculine deity who is acting by himself (see above and n. 23) as he also travels up to the holy place. With this “travel” one should understand, of course, that the image or symbol of the god is in reality being carried by the cult personnel. Finally, d›alm/putili- appears to be subject of “cult drinking,” thus he is honored as a regular god like others in the Hittite pantheon. 1)

The combination of these cult elements and their designations with the related Hattian forms may yield the following conclusions:

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1) Hattian feminine and also inanimate? (ka=)¢alputti → Hittitized as GIS¢alm/puti- “icon of lituus” → and further also as GISkalmus “crook, lituus (as tool).” 2a) Hattian masculine and also animate? ¢alwuutte(l), (ka=)¢alwuuzzel → Hittitized as GIS¢alputel, GIS¢alm/putili- → and also as kalmusel → 2b) further personified and deified as ›alwuutt/zzel30 → Hittitized as d›alm/putili “deified lituus (or its divinity)” who is the male partner of d›almassuit “deified throne (or its divinity)” as presented in KBo 37.9+ // KUB 28.1. Summarizing, a precise differentiation between these cult designations can be made: Hittite GISkalmus should stand closer to GIS¢alputithan to masculine GIS¢alputili- and deified d›alputili (Hatt. ¢alwuuttel and (ka=)¢alwuuzzel for which we possibly have the Hittitized? form kalmusel ). On the philological level there is no difficulty for the acceptance of GIS¢alm/puti- and GISkalmus as words stemming from the same Hattian root; but semantically they do neither alternate nor replace each other in Hittite documents, and materially they appear not to have the same functions. Thus, one may see in GIS kalmus a certain “Hittitization” not only for designation of the tool GIS¢alm/puti- in a narrow sense and on the phonetic level, but also for its cult functions as it may have changed during the centuries due to Hittite religious traditions and ceremonial customs. Additional Abbreviations Used A Companion: A Companion to the Ancient Near East. Edited by D. C. Snell (Oxford [2005]). Die Indogermanistik und ihre Anrainer: Die Indogermanistik und ihre Anrainer. Dritte Tagung der Vergleichenden Sprachwissenschaftler der Neuen Länder. Stattgehabt an der Ernst-Moritz-Arndt-Universität zu Greifswald in Pommern am 19. und 20. Mai 2000. Herausgegeben von T. Poschenrieder (Innsbruck [2004]). Fs Belkıs and Ali Dinçol: Vita. Belkıs Dinçol ve Ali Dinçol’a Arma