Gaulish personal names: a study of some Continental Celtic formations

Oxford University Press, Ely House, London W. ι GLASGOW CAPE TOWN BOMBAY

N E W YORK

TORONTO

SALISBURY

IBADAN

CALCUTTA

MADRAS

K U A L A LUMPUR

MELBOURNE

NAIROBI KARACHI

H O N G KONG

WELLINGTON

LUSAKA

ADDIS ABABA

LAHORE TOKYO

DACCA

GAULISH PERSONAL NAMES A Study of some Continental Celtic Formations

BY

D. ELLIS EVANS

OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 1967

Oxford University Press ig6y

A

P R I N T E D IN GREAT BRITAIN AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, OXFORD BY VIVIAN RIDLER P R I N T E R TO THE UNIVERSITY

CYFLWYNIR Y G W A I T H HWN I'R

ATHRO IDRIS FOSTER A'R

A T H R O HENRY LEWIS

PREFACE T H I S study was first prepared as a doctoral dissertation which was submitted to the Board of the Faculty of Medieval and Modern Languages of the University of Oxford for examination in May 1962. It has since then been largely recast and re­ written. In the process some fresh material has been gathered in from both primary and secondary sources. The beck went to press in November 1964. For that reason only occasional reference could be made to sources which have become avail­ able since that date and some recent material could not be referred to at all. In preparing the work for publication I have incurred many debts which it is a pleasure now to be able to acknowledge. I offer my thanks to the Trustees of the Rhys Fund (Univer­ sity of Oxford) for awarding me a grant towards expenses incurred during a visit to various French museums to copy some of the Celtic inscriptions of Ancient Gaul. I am also greatly indebted to the Council of the University College of Swansea for making generous and repeated grants to me when I have been reading in Oxford libraries, the Library of the British Museum, and the Bibliotheque Nationale. To the Librarian and his staff in my own College at Swansea I owe a special word of sincere thanks for taking so many pains in meeting my frequent demands. I also wish to thank the authorities of the following libraries for supplying microfilm copies of Caesar manuscripts and for permission to publish variant readings from them in this book: Universiteits Bibliotheek, Amsterdam; Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenziana, Florence; Biblioteca Riccardiana, Florence; the British Museum; Biblioteca Nazionale, Naples; the Bibliotheque Nationale; Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican City; the Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna. Further, the Institut de recherche et d'histoire des textes of Paris kindly allowed me an extended loan of microfilm copies and photographic enlargements of certain Caesar manu­ scripts. A number of scholars gave me valuable advice and informa­ tion and I have faithfully acknowledged their help in footnotes.

Vlll

PREFACE

Here I should like to mention the following names: M. L. Balsan, Rodez; M. F. Benoit, Marseilles; Professor Κ. Η. Schmidt, Munster/Westf.; Mr. R. J . Thomas, Aberystwyth; Professor J . Untermann, Cologne; the late Professor J. Whatmough, Harvard University; Professor Caerwyn Williams, Aberystwyth. The progress of the work also owes much to the interest and con­ sideration of Professors T. J . Morgan and Stephen J. Williams of Swansea. For all their help I am most grateful. The adviser to the Clarendon Press made several important and con­ structive suggestions concerning the layout of the book. I have adopted all these and wish to thank him for his good advice. I gratefully acknowledge my deep obligation both to the Delegates of the Clarendon Press for their generosity in under­ taking the publication of this book and to the staff of the Press for all the patience and care and accuracy which they have given to its production. It was Professor Henry Lewis of Swansea who with his great learning and boundless enthusiasm first attracted me to this field of study. I wish to express to him my sincere thanks not only for this but also for the great encouragement he has always given me in my researches. My debt to Professor Idris Foster of Jesus College, Oxford, is immense. I only wish I could now describe how patiently he directed my studies. With great diligence he supervised and encouraged me at every stage in the preparation of this work. His advice was generous, his help constructive. But I value even more than all this the exceedingly sympathetic and kind way in which he guided and inspired me when for various reasons progress became slow and difficult. For my wife's unfailing support no adequate acknowledgement is possible. Her care and encouragement sustained me amid many trials and distractions. D. Ε. Ε. August ig66

CONTENTS L I S T OF A B B R E V I A T I O N S

xi

I. I N T R O D U C T I O N A. Scope and Plan of the Inquiry

ι

B. A Survey of Previous Work on Gaulish Anthroponymy

ι

C. T h e Nature of the Sources i. The Celtic Inscriptions of Gaul ii. The Commentaries on the Gallic War R E M A R K . O n the Text of the Commentaries on the Gallic War iii. La Graufesenque Graffiti BIBLIOGRAPHY

II. T H E M A T E R I A L : AN SURVEY A.

15 16 21 23 31 34

ETYMOLOGICAL

i. Compounded Names ii. Etymological Survey of the Elements of Com­ pounded Names R E M A R K . Classification of Name Elements with regard to meaning

B. Uncompounded Names

III. P H O N O L O G Y A N D M O R P H O L O G Y A. Phonology i. Vocalism ii. Consonantism

38 40 127 290 296

390 390 391 397

R E M A R K . O n Gaulish D, DD, £), £>£), Θ, ΘΘ, etc.

410

Note on 'Tau Gallicum'

420

B. Morphology i. Nominal Inflexion ii. Nominal Composition

420 420 428

CONTENTS

iii. Adjectives: Comparison

428

iv. Numerals

428

A P P E N D I X . D O U B T F U L NAMES

430

INDEXES

481

L I S T OF ABBREVIATIONS A.-A.

(also Albenque-Aymard) A. Albenque, 'Nouveaux graffites de La Graufesenque. Γ, REA 53, 1951, 71-81; A. Aymard, 'Nouveaux graffites de La Graufesenque', REA 54, 1952, 93-101; 55, 1953, 126-31. AB Annates de Bretagne. AC Annates Cambriae, ed. E. Phillimore, Cy. 9, 1888, 141 ff. ACL W. Stokes and K. Meyer, edd., Archiv fur celtische Lexicographie (Halle ; 1900-7). AcS A. Holder, Alt-celtischer Sprachschatz, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1891-1913). Addit. J. Rhys, 'The Celtic Inscriptions of Gaul. Additions and Correc­ tions', Proceedings of the British Academy, 5, 1911-12, 261-360. 1 AE VAnnie epigraphique. AGI Archivio Glottologico Italiano. AHVN Annalen des historischen Vereinsfur den Niederrhein. AI (also IA) 'Itinerarium Provinciarum Antonini Augusti', in Itineraria Romana, vol. i, ed. O. Cuntz (Leipzig, 1929). AJPh American Journal of Philology. AKV W. Meid, Die indogermanischen Grundlagen der altirischen absoluten und konjunkten Verbalflexion (Wiesbaden, 1963). Albenque-Aymard see Α.-A. Alpenworter J. Hubschmid, Alpenworter romanischen und vorromanischen Ursprungs (Bern, 1951). ALSP A. Tovar, The Ancient Languages of Spain and Portugal (New York, 1961). Altillyr. PN. H. Krahe, Lexikon altillyrischer Personennamen (Heidelberg, 1929). AP. I. Williams, Armes Prydein (Caerdydd, 1955). Arch. Anz. Archaologischer Anzeiger, in Jahrbuch des [kaiserlichen] deutschen archaologischen Instituts. Arch. Camb. Archaeologia Cambrensis. ASA Anzeiger fur schweizerische Altertumskunde. ASNP Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa. ASS Acta Sanctorum. BA Bulletin arche'ologique. Bagendon E. M. Clifford, Bagendon: a Belgic Oppidum. A Record of the Excavations of 1954-56 (Cambridge, 1961). BaudiS J. Baudis, Grammar of Early Welsh. Part I, Phonology (Oxford, 1924). BB Beitrage zur Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen. BBC J. G. Evans, The Black Book of Carmarthen (Pwllheli, 1906). BBCS The Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies. BE Bulletin epigraphique. 1 The reprints of Rhys's lectures to the British Academy are cited by pages as numbered in the separate issues.

LIST OF

xii

ABBREVIATIONS

Bechtel

F. Bechtel, Die historischen Personennamen des Griechisclien bis zur Kaiserzeit (Halle, 1917). Benoist-Dosson Jules Cesar. Commentaires sur la Guerre des Gaules. Texte latin . . . par M. E. Benoist et M. S. Dosson (Paris, 1893). BEP Bulletin des e'tudes portugaises et de V Institut frangais au Portugal. BGN Q,· Esser, Beitrdge zur gallo-keltischen Namenkunde, I. Heft (Malmedy, 1884). BIEA Boletin del Institute de Estudios Asturianos. ΒJ Bonner Jahrbiicher. Blanchet (also Blanchet, Trait/, or Trait/) A. Blanchet, Traite des monnaies gauloises (Paris, 1905).

Blanchet, Manuel (also Manuel) A. Blanchet et A. Dieudonne, Manuel de numismatique frangaise, vol. 1 (Paris, 1912). Bodm. The Bodmin Gospels or Bodmin Manumissions, ed. M. Forster, in A Grammatical Miscellany offered to Otto Jespersen (Copenhagen and London, 1930), pp. 77 ff. Boisacq E. Boisacq, Dictionnaire itymologique de la langue grecque3 (Paris and Heidelberg, 1938). Bord C. Jullian, Archives municipales de Bordeaux. Inscriptions romaines de Bordeaux, 2 vols. (Bordeaux, 1887-90). BRAH Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia. BRh M. Richards, Breudwyt Ronabwy allan oyr Llyfr Coch 0 Hergest (Gaerdydd, 1948). BSAF Bulletin de la soci/te des antiquaires de France. BSL Bulletin de la sociiti de linguistique de Paris. BSRC I. A. Richmond and O. G. S. Crawford, The British Section of the Ravenna Cosmography (Oxford, 1949). BSV Boletin de la Real Sociedad Vascongada de los Amigos del Pais. BT J. G. Evans, Facsimile and Text of the Book of Taliesin (Llanbedrog, 1910).

Btr. z> Λ". CA

Beitrdge zur Namenforschung. Carte archeologique de la Gaule romaine dressee sous la direction d'Adrien Blanchet et Albert Grenier et A. Piganiol (Institut de France, Academie des inscriptions et belles-lettres et Centre national de recherche scientifique, Forma Orbis Romani) (Paris, 1931-). Cal. J. Rhys, 'Notes on the Coligny Calendar', Proceedings of the British Academy 4, 1909-10, 207-318. CAn. I. Williams, Canu Aneirin (Caerdydd, 1938). Cart. Red. A. de Courson, Cartulaire de Vabbaye de Redon en Bretagne (Paris, 1863). Cat. Besangon J.-B. Colbert de Beaulieu, Catalogue des collections archeOlogiques de Besangon IV. Les Monnaies gauloises (Annales UtUraires de I9 Univ. de Besangon, vol. 25 (Archeologie 7)) (Paris, 1959). Cat. Jura J.-B. Colbert de Beaulieu and M. Dayet, Catalogue des monnaies gauloises du Jura (Annales littiraires de VUniv. de Besangon, vol. 44 (Archeologie 12)) (Paris, 1962).

Cat. Month/Hard J.-B. Colbert de Beaulieu, Catalogue des collections arche'obgiques de Montb/liard. Les Monnaies gauloises (Annales UtUraires de VUniv. de Besangon, vol. 34 (Archeologie 10)) (Paris, 1962).

LIST OF

ABBREVIATIONS

xiii

Celtae and Galli J. Rhys, 'Celtae and Galli', Proceedings of tlie British Academy 2, 1905-6, 71-134·

Celtiberica

M. Lejeune, Celtiberica {Acta Salmanticensia, Filosofia y Letras, Tomo vii, num. 4) (Universidad de Salamanca, 1955). CG (also CG2) T. Rice Holmes, Caesar's Conquest of Gaul2 (Oxford, 1931). CGH M. A. O'Brien, Corpus Genealogiarum Hiberniae, vol. 1 (Dublin, 1962). CGL Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum (Lipsiae, 1888-1923). CGP J· A. Stanfield and Grace Simpson, Central Gaulish Potters (London, 1958). Chr. bret. J. Loth, Chrestomathie breionne (Paris, 1890). CIA Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum. CIG Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. CIIC R. A. S. Macalister, Corpus Inscriptionum Insularum Celticarum, 2 vols. (Dublin, 1945-9)· CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. CIR Corpus Inscriptionum Rhenanarum. Cis. J. Rhys, 'The Celtic Inscriptions of Cisalpine Gaul', Proceedings of the British Academy 6, 1913-14, 23-112. CL Catdlogo Monumental de Espana. Leon. CLIH I. Williams, Canu Llywarch Hen (Caerdydd, 1935). Constans Cisar, Guerre des Gaulesy Tomes 1-2. Texte etabli et traduit par L.-A. Constans, 5 e ed. (Collection Guillaume Budi) (Paris, 1955). CPh. Classical Philology. Cd Classical Quarterly. CR The Classical Review. CRAI Comptes-rendus de Vacademie des inscriptions et belles-lettres. CSt. A. Klotz, Cdsarstudien nebst einer Analyse der Strabonischen Beschreibung von Gallien und Britannien (Leipzig, 1910). Cy. TCymmrodor. The Magazine of the Honourable Society of Gymmrodorion. Catdlogo Monumental de Espana. Zamora. CZ D. (also JD) J. Davies, Antiquae Linguae Britannicae,. . . et Linguae Laiinae, Dictionarium Duplex. Prius, Britannico-Latinum, . . . Posterius, LatinoBritannicum (Londini, 1632). J. Whatmough, The Dialects of Ancient Gaul, published in five parts on DAG microfilm by University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1949-51. DEB Gildae de Excidio Britanniae, ed. H. Williams, 2 vols. (Gymmrodorion Record Series, no. 3) (London, 1899-1901). DG P.-M. Duval, Les Dieux de la Gaule (Paris, 1957). L. Fleuriot, Dictionnaire des Gloses en vieux breton (Paris, 1964). DGVB DictRIA. (also RIADict.) Dictionary of the Irish Language based mainly on Old and Middle Irish Materials. Published by the Royal Irish Academy (Dublin, 1913-).

Dinneen DN

P. S. Dinneen, Focloir Gaedhilge agus Βέαήα. An Irish-English Dic­ tionary2 (Dublin, 1927). divine name.

XIV

DNN Dorminger

LIST OF

ABBREVIATIONS

divine names. C. Julius Caesar, Der gallische Krieg, lateinisch-deutsch, ed. Georg Dorminger (Tusculum-Biicherei) (Munchen, 1962). Dottin G. Dottin, La Langue gauloise (Paris, 1920). du Pontet C. luli Caesaris Commentariorum. Pars prior qua continentur libri V I I de Bello Gallico cum A. Hirti Supplemento. Recensuit . . . Renatus du Pontet (Oxonii, 1900). ΕA AH A J. Untermann, Elementos de un Atlas antroponimico de la Hispania antigua (Madrid, 1965). EANC R. J. Thomas., Enwau Afonydd a Nentydd Cymru, Υ Gyfrol Gyntaf (Caerdydd, 1938). EC Etudes celtiques. ECMW V. E. Nash-Williams, The Early Christian Monuments of Wales (Cardiff, 1950). ECNE C. Fox and B. Dickins, edd., The Early Cultures of North-West Europe (Cambridge, 1950). EE Ephemeris Epigraphica, Corporis inscriptionum Latinarum Supplementum (Berlin, 1872-1912). EIHM T. F. O'Rahilly, Early Irish History and Mythology (Dublin, 1946). ELH Enciclopedia Linguistica Hispdnica I (Madrid, i960). ELI I. Williams, Enwau Lleoedd (Lerpwl, 1945). ELISG J. Lloyd-Jones, Enwau Lleoedd Sir Gaernarfon (Caerdydd, 1928). E.-M. A. Ernout and A. Meillet, Dictionnaire etymologique de la langue latine3 (Paris, 1951). EN ethnic name. ENN ethnic names. £riu £riu. The Journal of the Irish School of Learning, Dublin. ES Cesar Moran Bardon, Epigrafia Salmantina (Salamanca, 1922). Estudios A. Tovar, Estudios sobre las primitivas lenguas hispdnicas (Univ. de Buenos Aires, Fac. de Filos. y Letras, Instituto de FiloL: Seccion Clasica, Serie B, vol. iv) (Buenos Aires, 1949). Ethnog. gaul. D. F. L. Roget de Belloguet, Ethnogenie gauloise, vol. 1, Glossaire gaulois avec des tableaux ge'ne'raux de la langue gauloise2 (Paris, 1872). Fachtagung Innsbruck II. Fachtagung fur indogermanische und allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft. Innsbruck, 10-15 Oktober 1961, Vortrage und Veranstaltungen (Innsbrucker Beitrage zur Kulturwissenschafl, Sonderheft 15) (Innsbruck, 1962). Feist S. Feist, Vergleichendes Worterbuch der gotischen Sprachez (Leiden, 1939). FEW W. von Wartburg, Franzosisches etymologisches Worterbuch. Eine Darstellung des gallo-romanischen Sprachschatzes (Bonn u. Leipzig, 1922-). FGH F. Jacoby, Fragmente der gnechischen Historiker2 (Tubingen u. Basel, 1948-). FHRC J. Zwicker, 'Fontes Historiae Religionis Celticae', in Fontes historiae religionum ex auctoribus graecis et latinis collectos . . . v. i (Berlin, 1934), ii-iii (Bonn, 1935- 6 )· Finke H. Finke, 'Neue Inschriften', iy. Bericht der romisch-germanischen Kommission, 1927 [1929], i * - i 0 7 (Nachtrage 198-214, Register 215-33).

L I S T OF

ABBREVIATIONS

XV

Forrer

R. Forrer, Keltische Numismatik der Rhein- mid Donaulande (StraBburg, 1908). Forstemann E. Forstemann, Altdentsches Namenbuch, I. Personennamen2 (Bonn, 1900). fRI J. Whatmough, The Foundations of Roman Italy (London, 1937). FT M. Forster, Der Flufiname Themse und seine Sippe, Studien zur Anglisierung keltischer Eigennamen und zur Lautchronologie des Altbritischen (Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akad. d. Wissenschafien, Phil.-hist. Abteilung, Jahrgang 1941, Bd. I) (Munchen, 1941 [1942]). Fuchs C. Iulius Caesar: Commentarii Belli Gallici cum A. Hirtii Supplemento, ed. Harald Fuchs (Editiones Helveticae, Ser. Lat. I) (Frauenfeld, 1944)· G. J. Lloyd-Jones, Geirfa Barddoniaeth Gynnar Gymraeg (Caerdydd, 1931L. Weisgerber, 'Galatische Sprachreste', Natalicium Johannes Geffcken (Heidelberg, 1931), 151-75. Gamillscheg E. Gamillscheg, Etymologisches Worterbuch der franzosischen Sprache (Heidelberg, 1928). GC1 I. G. Zeuss, Grammatica Celtica, 2 vols. (Lipsiae, 1853). GC (also GC2) I. G. Zeuss, Grammatica Celtica, Editio altera curavit H. Ebel (Berolini, 1871). Gen The Old-Welsh Genealogies, ed. E. Phillimore, Cy. 9, 1888, 141 ff. GEW H. Frisk, Griechisches etymologisches Worterbuch (Heidelberg, 1954-). Gleanings J. Rhys, 'Gleanings in the Italian Field of Celtic Epigraphy', Proceedings of the British Academy 6, 1913-14, 315^69. GMB E. Ernault, Glossaire moyen-breton2, 2 parties (Iitudes grammatical sur les langues celtiques par H. d'Arbois de Jubainville et par fimile Ernault, Tome II) (Paris, 1895-6). GOI R. Thurneysen, Grammar of Old Irish, revised and enlarged edition trans.. . . by D . A. Binchy and Osborn Bergin (Dublin, 1946). GPC Geiriadur Prifysgol Cymru. A Dictionary of the Welsh Language, gol. R. J. Thomas (Caerdydd, 1950-). gr. Albenque-Aymard La Graufesenque graffito, edited by Albenque and Aymard. See A.-A. GrDAG J. Whatmough, The Dialects of Ancient Gaul. Grammar, Part I (Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1963). gr. Hermet La Graufesenque graffito, edited by Hermet. See Hermet. gr. Loth La Graufesenque graffito, edited by J. Loth in RC 41, 1924, 1-64. gr. Oxe La Graufesenque graffito, edited by A. Oxe in ΒJ 130, 1925, 38-99. Gutenbrunner S. Gutenbrunner, Die germanischen Gotternamen der antiken Inschrifien (Rheinische Beitrage und Hilfsbiicher z. germ. PhiloL u. Volkskunde, 24) (Halle, 1936). HAE Hispania antiqua epigraphica (Supplemento anual de Archivo espanol de arqueologia) (Madrid, 1950-). Hamlin F. R. Hamlin, Le Suffixe -acum dans la toponymie de VHerault. Contribu­ tion a VStude des noms de lieux du Languedoc. These soumise pour le grade de Ph.D. a l'Univ. de Birmingham . . ., octobre 1959. HB The Historia Brittonum of 'Nennius', ed. Th. Mommsen in Chronica Minora saeculi iv. v. vi. vii., pt. 3. 111 ff. (in vol. 13 of Monumenta Germaniae Historica, ser. 4, Auctores Antiquissimi (Berlin, 1894-8)). Gal. Spr.

xvi Hdb. Hemon

LIST OF

ABBREVIATIONS

R· Thurneysen, Handbuch des Altirischen (Heidelberg, 1909). R· Hemon, Geriadur Istorel ar Brezhoneg. Dictionnaire historique du breton, vol. 1: A ([Brest], 1958), Rann 1: B-bividik, etc. ([Paris], 1959-)· Henry V. Henry, Lexique itymologique des termes les plus usuels du breton moderne (Rennes, 1900). Hering W. Hering, Die Recensio der Caesarhandschriften (Berlin, 1963). Hermet F. Hermet, La Graufesenque (Condatomago), /. Vases sigilUs.—//. Grqffites, 2 vols. (Paris, 1934). Hermet Grqffites F. Hermet, Les Grqffites de La Graufesenque pres Millau (Aveyron) (Rodez, 1923). Hessen Hessen's Irish Lexicon. A Concise Dictionary of Early Irish . . . by Seamus Caomhanach, Rudolf Hertz, Vernam E. Hull, and Gustav Lehmacher S.J., . . . (Halle, 1933-40). rjQ C. Jullian, Histoire de la Gaule, 8 vols. (Paris, 1908-26). Holder (Text) C. Iuli Caesaris Belli Gallici libri VII, A. Hirti liber octavus, recensuit Alfred Holder (Freiburg i. B. und Tubingen, 1882). Homm. Gren. Hommages a Albert Grenier, ed. M. Renard, 3 vols. (Collection Latomus, 58) (Bruxelles, 1962). xj _g V. Hoffiller and B. Saria, Antike Inschriften aus Jugoslavien (Zagreb, 1938). HSCP Harvard Studies in Classical Philology. jA See AL IASB S. S. Frere, ed., Problems of the Iron Age in Southern Britain (Univ. of London Inst, of Arch., Occasional Paper N o . 11) (London, n.d.). IBCh E. Hiibner, Inscriptions Britanniae Christianae (Berlin, 1876). IED Ή . Birnbaum and J. Puhvel, edd., Ancient Indo-European Dialects (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966). IEW J· Pok orn y> Indogermanisches etymologisches Worterbuch, Bd. I (Bern, 1949-59)· jp Indogermanische Forschungen. IFAnz· Anzeiger fur indogermanische Sprach- und Altertumskunde. Beiblatt zu den Indogermanische Forschungen. JQ Inscriptions Graecae. JTQ E. Esperandieu, Inscriptions latines de Gaule (Narbonnaise), 2 vols, (Paris, 1929). ILTG P· Wuilleumier, Inscriptions latines des trots Gaules ( X V I I e Supplement a Gallia) (Paris, 1963). Insc. J· Rhys> 'The Celtic Inscriptions of France and Italy', Proceedings of the British Academy 2, 1905-6, 273-373. Insc. Lang» E· Barry and E. Germer-Durand, Recueil des inscriptions antiques de la province de Languedoc (Histoire ginirale de Languedoc, vol. 15, publ. A. Lebegue, F. Germer-Durand and A. Allmer) (Toulouse, 1892). Insc. Par. P.-M. Duval, Les Inscriptions antiques de Paris, 2 vols. (Paris, i960). JB Jahresberichte des philologischen Vereins zu Berlin. JCS The Journal of Celtic Studies, jj) see D. JRS The Journal of Roman Studies.

LIST OF Keltologie

ABBREVIATIONS

XVU

J. Pokorny, 'Keltologie', in Wissenschaftliche Forschungsberichte, Geisteswissenschaftliche Reihe, hrsg. v. Professor Dr. Karl Honn, Bd. 2 (Bern, 1953). Keltorom. R. Thurneysen, Keltoromanisches (Halle, 1884). Kelt. Wortgut M. Forster, 'Keltisches Wortgut im Englischen', in Texte und Forschungen zur englischen Kulturgeschichte, Festgabe fir Felix Liebermann (Halle, 1921) 119-242. Kelt, Wtk. K. Meyer, 'Zur keltischen Wortkunde', in Sitzungsberichte der koniglich preufiischen Akademie der Wissenschafien 1912-19. KGP K. H. Schmidt, 'Die Komposition in gallischen Personennamen', ZCP26, 1957,33-301· Klotz (also Klotz 4 ) C. Iuli Caesaris Commentarii edidit Alfredus Klotz, vol. 1, Commeniarii Belli Gallici, editio quarta (Lipsiae, I952). 1 KMTB V. Ondrouch, Keltski Mince Typu Biatec (Bratislava, 1958). ΚΝ G. W. Gliick, Die bei Caius Julius Caesar vorkommenden keltischen Ν amen in ihrer Echtheit festgestellt und erlautert (Munchen, 1857). KR J- de Vries, Keltische Religion (Stuttgart, 1961). Kraner-Dittenberger C. lulii Caesaris Commentarii de Bello Gallico erklart von Fr. Kraner und W. Dittenberger, Siebzehnte, vollstandig umgearbeitete Auflage von H. Meusel, 3 Bande (Berlin, 1913-20). 2 KSB Beitrage zur vergleichende Sprachforschung, hrsg. v. A. Kuhn und A. Schleicher. KZ Zeitsckrifi fir vergleichende Sprachforschung, hrsg. v. A. Kuhn usw. LBS S. Baring-Gould and J. Fisher, The Lives of the British Saints, 4 vols. (London, 1907-13). LEIA J. Vendryes, Lexique itymologique de Virlandais ancien (Dublin and Paris, 1959-). LEN local and/or ethnic name. LENN local and/or ethnic names. Lex. Caes. H . Meusel, Lexicon Caesarianum (Berlin, 1887-93). Lixico A. Tovar, *Lexico de las inscripciones ibericas (celtiberico e iberico)', Estudios dedicados a Menindez Pidal ii (Madrid, 1951), 273-323. Lg. Language. Journal of the Linguistic Society of America. LHEB K. H. Jackson, Language and History in Early Britain (Edinburgh, 1953)· LL J. G. Evans and J. Rhys, The Text of the Book of Lion Ddv (Liber Landavensis) (Oxford, 1893). LLe R. I. Best, O. Bergin, and M. A. O'Brien, The Book of Leinster (Dublin, 1954-). LIH Llawysgrif Hendregadredd. Copiwyd gan Rhiannon Morris-Jones. Golygwyd gan John Morris-Jones a T. H . Parry-Williams (Gaerdydd, 1933). 1 edition I have used in this book. It was republished in 1957 in the L N This is thelocal name. Teubner series with addenda and corrigenda by W. Trillitsch. 2 This work has been reissued, in three volumes, with 'Nachwort und bibliographische Nachtrage' by Hans Oppermann (Berlin, Weidmannsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1960-1). 811930 b

xviii

LIST OF

ABBREVIATIONS

LNN LP

local names. H. Lewis and H. Pedersen, A Concise Comparative Celtic Grammar (Gottingen, 1937).1 LSJ A Greek-English Lexicon compiled by H. G. Liddell and R. Scott. New edition revised and augmented by Sir Henry Stuart Jones with the assistance of Roderick McKenzie and with the co-operation of many scholars, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1925-40). LWPh1 J. Rhys, Lectures on Welsh Philology1 (London, 1877). LWPh (also LWPh2) J. Rhys, Lectures on Wehh Philology1 (London, 1879). MA The Myvyrian Archaiology of Wales (Denbigh, 1870). Mack R. P. Mack, The Coinage of Ancient Britain (London, 1953).2 Manuel see Blanchet, Manuel, Meyer K. Meyer, Contributions to Irish Lexicography (Halle, 1906). MG R. Egger, Die Stadt auf dem Magdalensberg—ein Grqfihandelsplatz (Osterreichische Akad. der Wissenschaften, phil.-hist. Kl. Denkschriften, 79 Bd.) (Wien, 1961). MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Misc. M. Gomez-Moreno, Misceldneas. Historia-Arte-Arqueologia. Primera serie: la Antiguedad (Madrid, 1949). MLI E. Hubner, Monumenta Linguae Ibericae (Berlin, 1893). MM Madrider Mitteilungen. Mnl. G. Dottin, Manuel pour servir a Vitude de VantiquiU celtique2 (Paris, 1915)·

Mots latins MS MSAF MSL MSS Mur.-Chab. ND Nesselhauf

NG jV.-L. NTS OCV

1 2

J. Loth, Les Mots latins dans les langues brittoniques (Paris, 1892). O. Haas, Messapische Studien (Heidelberg, 1962). Mimoires de la societe des antiquaires de France. Mimoires de la soaiti de linguistique de Paris. Munchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft. E. Muret et A. Chabouillet, Catalogue des monnaies gauloises de la Bibliotheque nationale (Paris, 1889). Notitia Dignitatum, ed. O. Seeck (Berlin, 1876). N. Nesselhauf, 'Neue Inschriften aus dem romischen Germanien und den angrenzenden Gebieten', 27, Bericht der romisch-germanischen Kommission 1937 [1939], δ 1 - ^ · H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, Les Noms gaulois chez Cisar et Hirtius De Bello Gallico, Premiere Serie, Les composes dont RIX est le dernier terme (Paris, 1891). N. Nesselhauf and H. Lieb, * Inschriften aus den germanischen Provinzen und dem Treverergebiet', 40. Bericht der romisch-germanischen Kommission 1959 [i960], 120-229. Norsk Tidsskrifi for Sprogvidenskap. E. van Tassel Graves, The Old Cornish Vocabulary, a Columbia Uni­ versity dissertation (1962), published by University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan.

This work was reissued in 1961 with a Supplement by Professor Lewis. This is the edition I have used in this book. A second edition appeared in 1964.

L I S T OF

ABBREVIATIONS

XIX

Og. Ogam. Tradition celtique. Onom. Goed. E. Hogan, Onomasticon Goedelicum locorum et tribuum Hiberniae ez Scotiae (Dublin and London, 1910). Ο PL M. Palomar Lapesa, La Onomdstica personal pre-Latina de la antigua Lusitania. Estudio linguistico {Theses et Studia Philologica Salmanticensia — X ) (Salamanca, 1957). Oppermann see note s. Kraner-Dittenberger. Oswald (also Oswald, Index) F. Oswald, Index of Potters' Stamps on Terra Sigillata (Margidunum, 1931). Owen Pemb. (also Pemb.) H. Owen, ed., The Description of Penbrokshire, by George Owen of Henllys, 4 parts (Gymmrodorion Record Series, No. 1) (London, 1892-1936). Paulsen R. Paulsen, Die Munzprdgungen der Boier (Leipzig u. VVien, 1933). PBB Beitrage zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur, hrsg. v. Paul und Braune. Pemb. see Owen Pemb. Petrucci A. Petrucci, 'Per la storia della scrittura romana: i graffiti di Condatomagos', Bullettino deWArchivio paleografico italiano, Terza Serie, 1, 1962, 85-132. PID R. S. Conway, J. Whatmough, and S. E. Johnson, The Prae-Italic Dialects of Italy, 3 vols. (London, 1933). PKM I. Williams, Pedeir Keincy Mabinogi (Gaerdydd, 1930). PMHF P. Lebel, Principes et me'thodes d'hydronymie frangaise (Publications de V Univ. de Dijon, 13) (Paris, 1956). PMLA Publications of the Modern Language Association of America. PN personal name. PN. Lex. H. Krahe, Lexikon altillyrischen Personennamen (Heidelberg, 1929). PNN personal names. Porzig W. Porzig, Die Gliederung des indogermanischen Sprachgebiets (Heidel­ berg, 1954). Praeromanica J. Hubschmid, Praeromanica. Studien zum vorromanischen Wortschatz der Romania mit besonderer Beriicksichtigung der franko-provenzalischen und provenzalischen Mundarten der Westalpen (Romanica Helvetica, 30) (Bern, 1949)· PRIA Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. Pughe W. Owen[-Pughe], A Welsh and English Dictionary (London, 17931803). P.-W. Paulys Real-Encyklopadie der klassischen Alter tumswissenschaft, hrsg. v. G. Wissowa u. W. Kroll (Stuttgart, 1894-). Pyrenaenworter J. Hubschmid, Pyrendenworter vorromanischen Ursprungs und das vorromanische Substrat der Alpen (Acta Salmanticensia, Filosofia y Letras, Tomovii, num. 2) (Salamanca, 1954). R (also Richards) Antiquae Linguae Britannicae Thesaurus: being a British, or WelshEnglish Dictionary by Thomas Richards (Bristol, 1753). RA Revue archiologique. RAE Revue archiologique de VEst et du Centre-Est. Rav. 'Ravennatis Anonymi GosmograpmV, in Itineraria Romana, vol. 2, ed. J. Schnetz (Leipzig, 1940).

XX

L I S T OF

ABBREVIATIONS

RC RE REA Recherches

Revue celtique. Revue ipigraphique du Midi de la France. Revue des etudes anciennes. H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, Recherches sur Vorigine de la propriite fonciere et des noms de lieux habites en France {periode celtique et periode romaine) (Paris, 1890). Redin M. Redin, Studies on Uncompounded Personal Names in Old English (Uppsala, 1919). REL Revue des itudes latines. Rel. Celt. J. Vendryes, 'La religion des Celtes', in Les religions de VEurope ancienne iii {'Mana\ Intro, a Vhistoire des religions 2) (Paris, 1948). REPL L.-F. Flutre, Recherches sur les Elements pre'gaulois dans la toponymie de la Lozere {Annates de I1 Univ. de Lyon, 3 e ser., Lettres, fasc. 30) (Paris, 1957)· REW W. Meyer-Lubke, Romanisches etymologisches Worterbuch? (Heidelberg, 1935)· Rh. Mus. Rheinisches Museum fur Philologie. RHR Revue de Vhistoire des religions. Rh. V. Rheinische Vierteljahrsblatter. RIAContr. Contributions to a Dictionary of the Irish Language. Published by the Royal Irish Academy (Dublin, 1939-). RIADict. see DictRIA. Rice Holmes (Text) C. Iuli Caesaris Commentarii rerum in Gallia gestarum VII, A. Hirti Commentarius VIII, ed. T. Rice Holmes (Oxford, 1914). Richards see R. Richter E. Richter, Beitrage zur Geschichte der Romamsmen, i; Chronologische Phonetik des Franzosischen bis zum Ende des 8. Jahrhunderts (Beihefte zur Zeitschrifl fur romanische Philologie, 82) (Halle, 1934). Riese

A. Riese, Das rheinische Germanien in den antiken Inschrifien (Leipzig and Berlin, 1914). RIGI Rivista indo-greco-italica di Filologia, Lingua, Antichita. RIO Revue Internationale oVonomastique. RLR Revue de linguistique romane. RM J. G. Evans and J. Rhys, The Text of the Mabinogion and other Welsh Tales from the Red Book of Hergest (Oxford, 1887). RN E. Ekwall, English River Names (Oxford, 1928). Rom Romania. RP J. G. Evans, The Poetry in the Red Book of Hergest (Llanbedrog, 1911). RPh. Romance Philology. RPH J. M . Blazquez Martinez, Religiones pmnitivas de Hispania i. Fuentes literarias y epigraficas {Biblioteca de la escuela espanola de historia y arqueologia en Roma, 14) (Gonsejo superior de investigaciones cientificas, Delegacion de Roma, 1962). Sardische Studien J. Hubschmid, Sardische Studien. Das mediterrane Substrat des Sardischen, seine Beziehungen zum Berberischen und Baskischen, sowie zum eurafrikanischen und hispano-kaukasischen Substrat der romanischen Sprachen (Romanica Helvetica, 41) (Bern, 1953).

LIST SBIA

OF

ABBREVIATIONS

xxi

Map of Southern Britain in the Iron Age. Made and published by the Director General of the Ordnance Survey (Chessington, Surrey, 1962). ScGSt Scottish Gaelic Studies. Scherer A. Scherer, 'Die keltisch-germanischen Namengleichungen', in Corolla Linguistica. Festschrift F. Sommer (Wiesbaden, 1955), 199-210. Schonfeld M. Schonfeld, Worterbuch der altgermanischen Personen- und Volkernamen (Heidelberg, 1911). Schuermans H. Schuermans, Sigles figulins (ipoque romaine) (Bruxelles, 1867). Schulze W. Schulze, Zur Geschichte lateinischer Eigennamen (Berlin, 1904). Seel C. Iulii Caesaris Commentarii rerum gestarum, edidit Otto Seel, vol. 1, Bellum Gallicum (Lipsiae, 1961). SIHK (also SVIHK) U . Schmoll, Die Sprachen der vorkeltischen Indogermanen Hispaniens und das Keltiberische (Wiesbaden, 1959). Sitz> Berl. Akad. Sitzungsberichte der koniglich preufiischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. SM O. Parlangeli, Studi Messapici (Milan, i960). Solmsen F. Solmsen, Indogermanische Eigennamen als Spiegel der Kulturgeschichte, hrsg. u. bearb. v. Ernst Fraenkel (Heidelberg, 1922). Spr. alt. Illyr. A. Mayer, Die Sprache der alten Illyrier, 2 vols. (Wien, 1957-9). Spr. Aufgl. H. Krahe, Sprachliche Aufgliederung und Sprachbewegungen in Alteuropa {Akad. d. Wissenschaften u. d. Literatur [in Mainz]. Abhandlungen d. Geistes- u. Sozialwissenschafilichen Kl., Jhg. 1959, Nr. 1). SprFK L. Weisgerber, 'Die Sprache der Festlandkelten', 20. Bericht der rbmisch-germanischen Kommission 1930 [1931], 147-226. Spr. Illyr. H. Krahe, Die Sprache der Illyrier. Erster Teil: Die Quellen (Wies­ baden, 1955). SSVH J. Untermann, Sprachraume und Sprachbewegungen im vorromischen Hispanien (Weisbaden, 1961). Strom H. Strom, Old English Personal Names in BeaVs History (Lund Studies in English, 8) (Lund, 1939). Strukt. alteur. Hydr. H. Krahe, Die Struktur der alteuropaischen Hydronymie (Akad. d. Wissenschaften u. d. Literatur [in Mainz]. Abhandlungen d. Geistes- u. Sozialwissenschafilichen Kl., Jhg. 1962, Nr. 5). Studies R. A. S. Macalister, Studies in Irish Epigraphy (London, 1897-1907). SVIHK see SIHK. Tab. Coniect. H. MeusePs 'Tabula Coniecturarum* in Lex. Caes. ΤΑΡΑ Transactions of the American Philological Association. TB (also Top. bret.) W. B. S. Smith, De la toponymie bretonne. Supplement to Lg. 16/2, April-June 1940 (Language Monograph No. 20). TBC E. Windisch, ed., Die altirische Heldensage Tain bo Cualnge (Leipzig, 1905)· TBDD E. Knott, ed., Togail Bruidne Da Derga (Mediaeval and Modern Irish Series, vol. 8) (Dublin, 1936). Thes. (also TLL) Thesaurus Linguae Latinae (Lipsiae, 1900-). Thes. Onom. Thesaurus Linguae Latinae, Onomasticon. Thes. Pal. W. Stokes and J. Strachan, Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus, 2 vols. (Cam­ bridge, 1901-3). Thes. Praerom. J. Hubschmid, Thesaurus Praeromanicus (Bern, 1963-).

xxii

LIST

OF

ABBREVIATIONS

Thr. Spr. D. Detschew, Die thrakischen Sprachreste (Wien, 1957). TLL see Thes. TLL Onom. see Thes. Onom. Top. bret. see TB. TP Itineraria Romana, romische Reisewege an der Hand der Tabxda Peutingeriana, ed. K. Miller (Stuttgart, 1916) (reprint, Roma, 1964). TPhS Transactions of the Philological Society. Traiti see Blanchet. Trans.Cymmr. Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion. Troude A. E. Troude, Nouveau dictionnaire pratique breton-francais (Brest, 1876). Tr.Z Trierer Zeitschrift. TTP R. Bromwich, Trioedd Tnys Prydein. The Welsh Triads (Cardiff, 1901). UAF H. Krahe, Unsere altesten Flufinamen (Wiesbaden, 1964). Uf&· J· Pokorny, Zur Urgeschichte der Kelten und Illyrier (Halle, 1939). 1 Urk. Spr. W. Stokes, Urkeltischer Sprachschatz, ubersetzt, uberarbeitet und herausgegeben v. A. Bezzenberger (second part of the fourth edition of August Fick's Vergleichendes Worterbuch der indogermanischen Sprachen) (Gottingen, 1894). Vallee F. Vallee, Grand dictionnaire francais-breton, 2 vols. (Rennes, 1931), with Supplement (La Baule, 1948). VB L. Fleuriot, Le Vieux breton. Elements d9une grammaire (Paris, 1964). VKG H. Pedersen, Vergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen, 2 vols. (Gottingen, 1909-13). Voc. Corn. *Vocabularium Gornicum', edited in GC 1065-81. Vollmer F. Vollmer, ed. Inscriptions Baivariae Romanae sive inscriptiones provinciae Raetiae adiectis aliquot Noricis Italicisque (Monaci, 1915). VP J. Untermann, Die venetischen Personennamen (Wiesbaden, 1961). VR (also VRom) Vox Romanica. Annales Helvetici explorandis Unguis Romanicis destinati. VSB A. W. Wade-Evans, Vitae Sanctorum Britanniae et Genealogiae (Cardiff, 1944)· VVB J. Loth, Vocabulaire vieux-breton (Paris, 1884). Wagner F. Wagner, 'Neue Inschriften aus Raetien', 37-38. Bericht der romischgermanischen Kommission 1956-7 [1958], 215-64. Walde A. Walde, Lateinisches etymologisches Worterbuch* (Heidelberg, 1910). Wb. Jhb. Wurzburger Jahrbiicher. Westd. Korrbl. Korrespondenzblatt der Westdeutschen Zutochnfi fur Geschichte und Kunst. WG J. Morris-Jones, A Welsh Grammar, Historical and Comparative (Oxford, 1913)· W.-H. A. Walde, Lateinisches etymologisches Worterbuch, 3., neubearbeitete Aufl. v . J . B. Hofmann, 3 vols. (Heidelberg, 1938-56). WienStud Wiener Studien. Windisch E. Windisch, Irische Texte mit Worterbuch (Leipzig, 1880). 1 Reprinted from Z^P 20/2, 1935, 315-52; 20/3, 1936, 489-522; 21/1, 1938, 55-204. I cite from the reprint.

L I S T OF A B B R E V I A T I O N S WM WML Woulfe W.-P, WuS ZAW ZCP Zgusta ZONF ZRPh

xxiii

J. G. Evans, The While Book Mabinogion (Pwllheli, 1907). A. W. Wade-Evans, Welsh Mediaeval Law (Oxford, 1909). P. Woulfe, Sloinnte Gaedheal is Gall, Irish Names and Surnames (Dublin, 1923)· A. Walde and J. Pokorny, Vergleichendes Worterbiich der indogermanischen Sprachen, 3 vols. (Berlin and Leipzig, 1928-32). Worter und Sachen. JZeitschrifi fur Altertumswissenschaft, Zutschrifi fi*r celtische Philologie. L. Zgusta, Kleinasiatische Personennamen (Prag, 1964). Zetochrift fur Ortsnamenforschung, Zritohrift fur romanische Philologie,

I INTRODUCTION A. S C O P E A N D P L A N OF T H E

IN0UIRY

THE object of this investigation is to list the Celtic personal names which occur in the Celtic inscriptions of Ancient Gaul, in the Com­ mentaries on the Gallic War, and in the graffiti of La Graufesenque and to make a contribution towards the elucidation of some of the etymo­ logical, phonological, and morphological problems raised by those names. The Introductory Chapter contains information about pre­ vious work on Gaulish anthroponymy and about the nature of the sources. Chapter II is devoted to listing the relevant material, with details concerning readings where this is necessary. An attempt is also made to furnish an etymological survey of this material under the headings (A) Compounded Names and (B) Uncompounded Names. The name elements attested in compounded names are discussed separately. Doubtful names are relegated to an Appendix. Chapter III is concerned with an analysis of some of the principal phonologi­ cal and morphological features presented by the material. B. A SURVEY OF PREVIOUS WORK ON GAULISH ANTHROPONYMY

This survey is intended to be a guide to some only of the most impor­ tant work of the last hundred years which has a more or less direct bearing on the study of Continental Celtic personal names. It is a brief survey and does not claim to be exhaustive. A complete bibliography of pertinent literature, including work that is intrinsically worthless as well as serious contributions to the study of the subject, both early and recent work, both the briefest of notes and more comprehensive studies—all this would have been impossible within the range of this book. However, it is hoped that the information here given presents a fairly full picture of what has hitherto been attempted in this field and that the survey includes references to works where further details may be obtained. The arrangement is in the main a chronological one. No attempt is made to list all references to discussion of individual 811930

Β

2

INTRODUCTION 1

inscriptions, coin-legends, 2 names on terra-sigillata 3 and in classical texts, 4 etc., or even to all collections of texts.5 I have also had to refrain from including a mass of references to work on local and ethnic names and on divine names, although these are often important for the study of personal names. Details concerning work on neo-Celtic personal names and personal names in cognate languages such as Ligurian, Illyrian, Venetic, or Messapic, and concerning well-known works of reference on grammar, etymology, inscriptions, etc. (works such as VKG, GO I, W.-P., W.-H., IEW, and AE)9 are, as a rule, omitted. Details concerning all such work would fill volumes. There are, of course, very many references to secondary sources of this kind in other parts of this work. This section does not, therefore, list all the relevant sources of information that have been examined. Indeed, many of these were not worth examining, much less worth mention­ ing, for my immediate purpose. I should add, finally, that only most exceptionally do I refer to sources which I have not myself seen. The earliest extensive and important work devoted to a linguistic study of Gaulish names, local, ethnic, and divine, as well as personal, is Christian Wilhelm Gliick's Die bei Caius Julius Caesar vorkommenden keltischen Namen (Munchen, 1857). Many Gaulish names had been discussed in J . C. Zeuss's Grammatica Celtica (Leipzig, 1853).6 But 1 Therefore, references to articles such as that of L. H. Gray, 'L'Inscription gauloise d'Orgon', Rev. des itudes indo-europiennes 1, 1939, 298-300, or of P. Lebel, 'Texte de l'inscription gauloise des sources de la Seine', RAE 6, 1955, 155-8, do not appear in this survey. 2 Thus all the writings of scholars such as F. de Saulcy, A. Blanchet, R.Forrer, A. Vives, J.-B. Colbert de Beaulieu, K. Pink, and K. Christ (see especially his 'Ergebnisse und Probleme der keltischen Numismatik und Geldgeschichte (Bericht 1935-55)' in Historia 6/2, 1957, 215-53), and these writings are very many, are not included. 3 For the graffiti of La Graufesenque see section (C) below. 4 Concerning Caesar's Commentaries on the Gallic War see section (C) below. 5 Thus relevant volumes of CIL must be supplemented by reference to other collections of inscriptions such as the following: Ephemeris epigraphical CIL supplementum, ed. H. Dessau and others, 9 vols. (Berlin, 1872—1913); P. C£sar Moran, Epigrafia salmantina (Salamanca, 1922) ; E. Esperandieu, Inscriptions latines de Gaule {Narbonaise) (Paris, 1929); H. Finke, 'Neue Inschriften', 17. Bericht der romischgermanischen Kommission 1927 (1929), 1*—107 (Nachtrage 198-214, Register 215-33); H. Nesselhauf, 'Neue Inschriften aus dem romischen Germanien und den angrenzenden Gebieten', 27. Bericht. . . 1937 (1939), 51-134; V. Hoffiller and B. Saria, Antike Inschriften aus Jugoslavien (Zagreb, 1938); H. Rolland, 'Inscriptions antiques de Glanum (Saint-R6my-de-Provence). Revision et complement du CIL', Gallia 2, 1944, *67-233; F. Wagner, 'Neue Inschriften aus Raetien', 37-38. Bericht . . . 1956-7 (1958), 2 1 5 - 6 4 ; H. Nesselhauf and H. Lieb, 'Inschriften aus den germanischen Provinzen und dem Treverergebiet', 40. Bericht . . . 1959 (i960), 120229; P.-M. Duval, Les Inscriptions antiques de Paris (Paris, i 9 6 0 ) ; P. Wuilleumier, Inscriptions faines des trots Gaules (Paris, 1963). 6 Second edition, edited by H. Ebel, Berlin, 1871. A useful index of the Gaulish

INTRODUCTION

3

Gliick dealt in detail with a selection of names from Caesar's Com" mentaries. His etymological survey includes a discussion of many other Celtic names, both Insular and Continental. The work is still useful and, considering its date, surprisingly reliable. T h e introduction to it reveals how poor in comparison had been some earlier work in the same field. Roget de Belloguet's Glossaire gaulois, which is the first part of his Ethnogenie gauloise,1 is a critical survey of considerable value, covering many forms recorded by ancient authors and in inscriptions and on coins. It includes a comprehensive discussion of elements attested in proper names. Unfortunately, the author's judgement in linguistic matters is frequently unsound. A. Pictet's Essai sur quelques inscriptions en langue gauloise (Geneve, 1859), in which an attempt is made to interpret seven of the Celtic inscriptions of Ancient Gaul, is still worth consulting. But more useful and more extensive is his 'Nouvel Essai sur les inscriptions gauloises', published in five parts in RA 15, 1867, 276-89, 313-29, 385-402; 16, 1867, 1-20, 123-40, in which thirteen Gaulish inscriptions are dis­ cussed and also the inscriptions of Briona (PZD, no. 337) and Todi (PID, no. 339), together with some remarks on morphology at the end. W. Stokes published a study of nine inscriptions in KSB 2, 1861, 100-12, and this was followed by his 'Celtic Declension', published in BB 11, 1886, 64-175, with a section devoted to the study of twentyeight Old-Celtic Inscriptions' (pp. 112 ff.). Although he tended to rely uncritically on the readings of others, and although his inter­ pretations are sometimes a little too ingenious, his work is still impor­ tant for those who study the remains of Gaulish. T h e same is true of the Celtic etymological dictionary entitled Urkeltischer Sprachschatz, which he produced, with the collaboration of A. Bezzenberger, as the second volume of the fourth edition of A. Fick's Vergleichendes Worterbuch der indogermanischen Sprachen (Gottingen, 1894). 2 The publication of successive volumes of the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, with supplements and indexes, commencing in 1862, made available vast collections of material. The Corpus has been a mine of information for the student of Celtic names. J . Becker published in KSB 3, 1863, 162-215, 326-59, 405-43; 4, forms mentioned in this edition was compiled by Tourneur and published in ACL 3, 1907, 109-37. 1 1st ed., Paris, 1858; 2nd ed., Paris, 1872. 2 See also the Addenda and Corrigenda published by Stokes in BB 21, 1896, 122-37; 23> 1&9Ί> 4I_655 3 2 1 anc * the remarks of Prellwitz, BB 22, 1896, 80 if., of Loth, RC17,1896,434-43; ϊδ, 1897,89-99; 20, 1899, 344~55> and of Thurneysen, IFAnz. 6, 1896, 193-6. For other reviews see Stern, Kritischer Jahresbericht iiber die Fortschntte der romanischen Philologie... hrsg. von Karl Vollmoller 4,1898-1900, i. 50.

INTRODUCTION 4 1865, 129-70 an edition of eighteen inscriptions 1 followed by a long commentary which includes a section dealing with proper names. An interesting article, O n Gaulish Names', published in TPhS 1865, 97-139, the work of D. W. Nash, is well worth consulting. A. de Barthelemy published lists of Gaulish coin-legends in RC 1, 1870-2, 291-8 2 and 9, 1888, 26-35. There soon followed more com­ prehensive and more ambitious work on Gaulish coins. I here list together for convenience of reference the titles of some of the more important works concerning the coins of Ancient Gaul. These are: A. de Barthelemy, 'Etude sur des monnaies trouvees en Poitou et en Saintogne', Memoires de la societe des antiquaires de VOuest 37, 1873 [1874], 493~53 2 ? E. Muret and A. Chabouillet, Catalogue des monnaies gauloises de la Bibliotheque nationale (Paris, 1889); H. de la Tour, Atlas de monnaies gauloises (Paris, 1892); A. Blanchet, Traite des monnaies gauloises (Paris, 1905) ; 3 A. Blanchet and A. Dieudonne, Manuel de numismatique frangaise (Paris, 1912); R. Forrer, Keltische Numumatik der Rhein- und Donaulande (StraBburg, 1908); id., Les Monnaies gauloises ou celtiques trouvees en Alsace (Mulhouse, 1925); R. Paulsen, Die Miinzpragungen der Boier (Leipzig u. Wien, 1933); K. Pink, Einfuhrung in die keltischeMiinzkundein Archaeologia Austriaca 6, Wien, 1950 (2. verbesserte Auf 1. in Archaeologia Austriaca Beiheft 4, Wien, 1960); K. Christ, op. cit., p. 2 n. 2 above. Of the very many writings of Colbert deBeaulieu I note only his 'Chronique de numismatique celtique', EC 8, 1958-9,434-55; 10, 1962-3, 186-209, Catalogue des collections archeologiques de Besangon iv. Les Monnaies gauloises (AnnaL litt. de V Univ. de Besangon, vol. 25 (Arche'ologie 7), Paris, 1959), Catalogue des collections archeologiques de Montbeliard. Les Monnaies gaidoises (AnnaL litt. de VUniv. de Besangon, vol. 34 (Archeologie 10), Paris, i960) and (with M . Dayet) Catalogue des monnaies gauloises du Jura (AnnaL litt. de Γ Univ. de Besangon, vol. 44 (Archeologie 12), Paris, 1962).

Creuly compiled a 'Liste des noms supposes gaulois tires des inscrip­ tions' in RC 3, 1876-8, 153-67, 297-312, and Thedenat prepared a supplementary list in RC 8, 1887, 378-87; 12, 1891, 131-41, 254-69, 354-68; 13, 1892, 301-33; 14, 1893, 163-87. H. d'Arbois de Jubainville published much on Gaulish names. If we were to gather in references to all the works in which he touched on 1 These include the inscriptions of Todi and Briona, a Latin inscription of Bitburg (CIL 13. 4130), and two inscriptions of Este which are probably not Celtic at all. * C f . / 2 C 2 , 1873-5, 94 ff. 3 Supplemented by Blanchet's 'Chronique de numismatique celtique', RC 28, 1907, 73-78; 29, 1908, 7 2 - 7 9 ; 3°> 1909, 189-97; 3 i , ΐ9 χ ο> 49-59J 32, i g n , 39&406; 34, 1913, 397-405; 39, 1922, 338-47; 48, 193^ 149-62; EC 1, 1936, 134-48; 5, I950-I, 347-51·

INTRODUCTION

5

them we should have to list the greater part of all his publications. We should refer first to his Etudes grammaticales sur les langues celtiques, ι ere pt. (Paris, 1881), in which he discusses inter alia Gaulish Magalus, *maros, and the suffix -acos.1 In 1891 appeared his Les Noms gaulois chez Cesar et Hirtius De Bello Gallico. Premiere Serie, Les Composes dpnt RIX est le dernier terme (Paris, Bouillon). This work was inspired by Gluck's earlier treatment of the same subject. This was the first part, and unfortunately the only part published, of a projected series of monographs based on material which de Jubainville, Ernault, and Dottin had collected for the production of a Gaulish Dictionary. 2 An article entitled 'Les Noms hypocoristiques d'hommes et de lieux en celtique', MSL 9, 1896, 189-91, is important. Gaulish personal names are frequently considered in his Recherches sur Vorigine de la propriete fonciere et des noms de lieux habites en France {periode celtique et periode romaine) (Paris, 1890), a bulky volume produced with the assistance of Dottin. Of the volumes which de Jubainville produced himself in the series Cours de litterature celtique the most important for our purpose is the sixth, entitled La Civilisation des Celtes et celle de Vepopee homerique (Paris, 1899). Quirin Esser's Beitrage zur gallo-keltiscfien Namenkunde, I. Heft (Malmedy, Im Selbstverlage des Verfassers, 1884), deserves mention. It includes a discussion of the name elements caleto-, recto-, vroico-, dubo-, epo-, samo-, tanco-, canto-, and *-gilum. Of Joseph Loth's many publications perhaps we should single out only the following as having a direct bearing on the study of Gaulish personal names: Chrestomathie bretonne (Paris, 1890), pp. 3-32, listing examples of Celtic inscriptions and some morphological and lexical features of Gaulish; 'Les Noms d'homme en -a long en celtique', BSL 24, 1923-4, 214-18. The publication of Alfred Holder's Alt-celtischer Sprachschatz (Leip­ zig, 1891-1913) in three volumes (vol. 3. 465-1280 is an addendum and corrigendum to vol. 1. 1-1115) brought together a great mass of testimonia concerning proper names and items in ancient authors and in glossaries—everything which Holder thought deserved considera­ tion as Old-Celtic'. His achievement was tremendous, notwithstanding the fact that the conventional alphabetical arrangement he adopted was not very illurninating and that in his eagerness not to omit any­ thing which might be 'alt-celtisch' he let in too many forms the interpretation of which was quite uncertain, with the result that his Dictionary tended to become a medley of forms of multiple linguistic origin. Compare the criticisms of Stern in Kritischer Jahresbericht iiber 1

An excellent index may be found in GMB 749-70. See the notice by J. Loth in Kritischer Jahresbericht iiber die Fortschritte der romanischen Philologie . . . hrsg. von Karl Vollmoller 4, 1898-1900, i. 39-41. 2

β

INTRODUCTION

die Fortschritte der romanischen Philologie . . . hrsg. v. Karl Vollmoller 4, an( I8Q8-IQOO, i. 48 i ^ reviews cited there, to which add Revue critique d'histoire et de litterature, nouvelle serie 77, 1914, 147 f. (Dottin), Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift 35, 1915, 1509-11 (Meyer-Lubke). Emil Hubner collected the linguistic material of Ancient Spain and Portugal in his famous Monumenta linguae Ibericae (Berlin, 1893). Al­ though he clung to the view that all the remains belonged to the same language and although his method of reading was erroneous, his work is in general valuable and reliable. It was largely corrected and supplemented by Manuel Gomez-Moreno's Misceldneas. Historia-ArteArqueologia. Primera serie: la Antiguedad (Madrid, 1949), where many of the inscriptions found subsequently are gathered. Of Sir John Rhys's publications the most important for our purpose is the series of lectures he delivered to the British Academy and

207-318 · 'The Celtic Inscriptions of Gaul. Additions and Corrections', ^ i q i i - 1 2 , 261-360; 'The Celtic Inscriptions of Cisalpine Gaul', 6, iQiQ-14 23-112; 3 'Gleanings in the Italian Field of Celtic Epigraphy', 6 ιοΐ3-ΐ4> 315—69· Much information may be gleaned from other volumes notably from Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as illustrated by Celtic Heathendom (The Hibbert Lectures 1886), London and Edinburgh, 1888, and Studies in the Arthurian Legend, Oxford, 1891. His work on the Celtic inscriptions of Ancient Gaul and Italy has great value because as a rule he took the trouble to inspect the inscrip­ tions for himself. Later work has shown that his readings are, on the whole remarkably accurate. However, his attempts at interpreting them are, by and large, bedevilled by his inclination to wrest a mean­ ing from an inscription however fragmentary it may be and however flimsy the evidence in favour of a particular interpretation. 4 Of Georges Dottin's work the following important contributions to the study of Gaulish must be cited: chap. 2, entitled 'La Langue' in Manuel pour servir a Vetude de Vantiquite celtique (Paris, 1906) pp. 52—109 (2me edit., Paris, 1915? PP· 60-139); La Langue gauloise. Grammaire, textes et dossaire (Collection pour Γ etude des antiquites nationales ii, Paris, IQ20) * 'La Langue gauloise dans les graffites de la Graufesenque', REA 26 1924, 73"~77J 'Sur les noms d'animaux dans Ponomastique 1 cf. E. Zupitza, 'Kelten und Gallien', Z^P 4> *903> *-22. 2 cf! de Jubainville, RC 28, 1907, 209; Thurneysen, £CP 6, 1908, 557 f. 3 Cf. Loth, RC 35, I9*4> 37°~5 5 Dottin, Rev. critique d hist, et de litterature, nouv. se>. 78, 1914» n 4 · , , . , . . , . , , , 4 ^ v e r y g 0 od example of this is his bold reconstruction and interpretation, complete with a free rendering into English, of the fragmentary inscription of Lapipe-S6n£ on Mont-Auxois {DAG 165). See Addit. 40-51.

INTRODUCTION

7

gauloise', Melanges bretons et celtiques qfferts a M. J. Loth (Rennes, 1927), 92-98. Dottin is the only scholar who has attempted to write a comprehensive handbook of Gaulish. His La Langue gauloise is written in three parts. The first deals briefly with the history of scholarship in connexion with the Gauls and with Gaulish, describes the nature of the sources, and deals with orthographical, phonological, and mor­ phological features. The second lists the texts, sixty-four inscriptions from Ancient Gaul, including the Calendar of Coligny, together with extracts from the Endlicher Glossary and the Formularies of Marcellus of Bordeaux. He relies for the readings on the work of earlier workers, chiefly that of Rhys. Each item is accompanied by a good bibliography of relevant literature. The third section is a glossary, arranged in alphabetical order, of Gaulish forms (both reconstructed forms and forms attested in ancient sources). The work, like most handbooks dealing with complex subjects, got a mixed reception. 1 In his 'filaments celtiques dans les noms de personnes des inscrip­ tions d'Espagne', published in Le Museon. £tudes philologiques, historiques et religieuses, nouv. ser. 8, 1907, 1-40, A. Carnoy discussed a large number of personal names according to their lexical characteristics, dealing with names of animals, colours, physical characteristics, lauda­ tory and warlike epithets, etc. See also A. Carnoy, 'Les Noms de personnes en Espagne empruntes a des animaux 5 (resume in La Mouvelle Clio 5, 1953, 227 f.) and 'Symbolisme et mysticisme animal dans les noms celtiberiques et latins de l'ancienne Espagne' (resume in Boletin de Dialectologia Espanola 32, 1953, 47). Leo Weisgerber's contribution to the study of Continental Celtic is most valuable. His study of the linguistic remains of the Celts in Asia Minor, entitled 'Galatische Sprachreste 5 and published in Natalicium Joliannes Geffcken (Heidelberg, 1931), 151-75, is the standard work on the subject. His 'Die Sprache der Festlandkelten', which appeared in 20. Bericht der rdmisch-germanischen Kommission igjo (1931), 147-226, is a masterly review of the whole field of Continental Celtic. He deals successively with (a) evidence concerning the Celts and the remains of Celtic in the Hispanic peninsula, in Britain and Ireland, in the middle Danube area and the Eastern Alps, in the Balkans, in Italy and in Alpine regions, in France and in Germany; (i) the evidence con­ cerning the persistence of Celtic on the Continent in historical times; (c) the problem of distinguishing Celtic from non-Celtic elements; (d) dialectal differences in Continental Celtic; (e) the comparison of Continental Celtic with Insular Celtic. Moreover, a number of lexical, 1 See the criticism passed upon the book by the following scholars: Vendryes in RC 38, 1920-1, 179-85; Loth in RA 5 e s6r. 13, 1921, 108-19 (cf. RC 39, 1922, 387 f.); Jud in Archivum Romanicum 6, 1922, 188-211; Terracini in Rivista di filologia e d'istruzione classica 49, 1921, 401-30; Weisgerber in SprFK 150 f.

8

INTRODUCTION

phonological, morphological, and syntactical features are discussed, and there is a valuable analysis of a wealth of literature listed in the bibliography at the end. 1 Weisgerber emphasized the importance of detailed investigations into the remains of Continental Celtic, based on their distribution in particular regions and especially in particular tribal areas. He himself has published an important series of articles concentrating on the study of the proper names, especially the personal names, of the Rhineland, namely (in order of date of publica­ tion) : 'Sprachwissenschaftliche Beitrage zur fruhrheinischen Siedlungs- und Kulturgeschichte. Γ, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 289-359 (this article deals with the names of the Treveri); 'Die Sprachliche Schichtung der Mediomatrikernamen', Rh. V. 18, 1953, 249-76; 'Das romerzeitliche Namengut des Xantener Siedlungsraumes', Β J 154, 1954, 94-136; 'Zum Namengut der Germani cisrhenani', Annalen des historischen Vereins fur den Niederrhein 155-6, 1954, 35-61; c Das Namen­ gut der Bonner Legion', Rh. V. 20, 1955, 192-214; 'Romerzeitliche Namenschicht am Niederrhein', Verh. Arbeitsgemeinsch. f. westdt. Landesund Volksforsch. Kleve, Oktober 1956 (Bonn, 1957) 8-13 ; 2 'Erlauterungen zur Karte der romerzeitlich bezeugten rheinischen Namen', Rh. V. 23, 1958, 1-49; 'Die sprachliche Schichtung der fruhrheinischen Personennamen', VI. Internationaler Kongrefi fur Namenforschung, Miinchen: 24-28 August 1938, Kongrefberichte, Bd. I, hrsg. v. G. Rohlfs (Studia Onomastica Monacensia, Bd. II) (Miinchen, i960), 94-104. See also the following articles: 'Zur Inschrift von Nickenich', Germania 17, 1933, 14-22, 95-104; 'Zur Sprachenkarte Mitteleuropas im fruhen Mittelalter', Rh. V. 9, 1939, 23-51; 'Altkeltische Flexionsformen bei Varro?', Z^P 23, 1943. 349-64; 'Nux Gallica', IF 62, 1956, 33-61. Joshua Whatmough has over the last thirty years made a major contribution to the study of the non-Latin or non-Italic dialects of Ancient Italy and Ancient Gaul. He took the lion's share of the work of editing the Prae-Italic Dialects of Italy, 3 vols. (London, 1933). H e edited Part I I I of the work which includes a survey of the remains of the so-called 'Lepontic' texts, found mainly in the neighbourhood of the Italian lakes, the Ligurian glosses, the three Gaulish inscriptions of Italy, and the Gaulish glosses. The local, divine, and personal names of North Italy were tabulated in Part II by Mrs. S. E.Johnson. Com­ plete indexes are given in vol. 3. The texts have been edited in PID with meticulous care, with all the commentary which the state of knowledge at the time of publication allowed. The same remark is true of Whatmough's later monumental study of the Dialects of Ancient Gaul (published in five parts on microfilm by University 1 Compare the reviews by Vendryes in RC 51, 1934, 120-2 and by Bonfante in Emirita 3, 1935, i84f. 2 Known to me only from the notice in Onoma, vol. 8/1, 1958-9 (i960), 62.

INTRODUCTION

9

Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1949-51 (also available in paper enlargements)), reviewed, somewhat unusually, by the author him­ self in £CP 24, 1954, 154-6. In this work Whatmough has compiled a huge corpus of ancient testimony concerning the non-Latin dialects of the Alpine Regions (Alpes Maritimae, Regnum Gottii, Alpes Graiae, Vallis Poenina), of Gaul Proper (Narbonensis, Aquitania, Lugdunensis, Belgica, Germania Inferior, Germania Superior), and of the Middle Rhine and Upper Danube (Agri Decumates and Vindelici). The remains are put into their proper geographical location in order to 'make clear . . . the differences that existed in the non-Latin dialects of different parts of Ancient Gaul' (DAG, p. 1). The more im­ portant inscriptions and graffiti are treated as separate items. Most of these Whatmough had copied after inspection of the originals in 1929. Items of alien or uncertain provenance are given in the Appendixes. The first part of the Grammar of DAG appeared in 1963 (Ann Arbor, Michigan, Edwards Bros.). Unfortunately it was not received by me until well after this book went to press. Before this Whatmough published articles on the grammar of the ancient Alpine dialects between Italy and Gaul, 'Alpes Populique Inalpini', HSCP 60, 1951, 175-85, and on the pre-Roman linguistic situation in the Agri Decumates with the Upper Rhine and Danube regions, Onomastics and Linguistics', VI. Internationaler Kongrefi fur Namenforschung . . . Kongrefberichte, Bd. I. 68-79. 1 His important Pro­ legomena to DAG were published separately in HSCP 55, 1944, 1-85.2 For the student of Celtic personal names a thorough study of all this work is essential. There are a number of other articles and reviews which deal specifically or incidentally with Continental Celtic, the most important of which for the study of Celtic names are the fol­ lowing : Review of Hans Krahe's PJV. Lex. in AJPh 50, 1929, 205-8; 'New Keltic inscriptions of Gaul', HSCP 44, 1933, 227-31; reviews of W.-H. in CP/i., from vol. 35, 1940 onwards; 'The Lower Rhine— Language and Archaeology', Archaeology 2, 1949, 91-94; 'Πάρ€ργα\ Die Sprache 1 (Havers Festschrift), 1949, 123-9; 'Gentes variae Unguis', Word 5, 1949, 106-15; 'Gaulish tuddos, auot, ieuru\ JCS 1, 1949-50, 7-10; 'Gaulish vimpV, Lg. 25, 1949, 388-91; reviews of Pokorny's IEW in Lg. from vol. 25, 1949 onwards; review of Hubschmid's Praeromanica in Lg. 26, 1950, 298 f. and of his Alpenworter in Lg. 28, 1952, 268 f. (also in RPh. 9, 1956, 398); 'On an inscription of Nimes', 1 The phonemics of the Celtic dialect of Narbonensis were discussed by Calvert Watkins in Lg. 31, 1955, 9-19. Audrey R. Duckert has dealt with 'The Dialect of Germania Inferior: Phonology' in a doctoral dissertation presented to the Depart­ ment of Linguistics of RadclifFe College, Cambridge, Massachusetts (March 1959) 2 (seen by me). For another reference see p. 407, n. 2 below.

INTRODUCTION

ΙΟ χ

20

ΚΖ 69, Ι95 5 7 f· \ review of Tovar's Estudios in Lg. 27, 1951, 571-5; Ή ΐ omnes lingua inter se difFerunt', Orbis 1, 1952, 428-41; 'Some lexical variants in the dialects of Ancient Gaul' in Studies presented to David M. Robinson, vol. 2 (Saint Louis, 1953), 477-82; 'Epigraphical L g- 29> χ953> 297-300; 'Genius cucuUatus5, Ogam 5, 1953, 65 f.; 'Gaulish F?\ Celtica 3 (Zeuss Memorial Volume), 1956, 249-55; reviews of Frisk's GEW in CPh. from vol. 50, 1955 onwards; 'Lugdunum and Lugdunensis', Ogam 7, 1955, 353-6; review of Schmidt's KGP in Lg. 33, 1957, 591-5· Of Pokorny's many writings the most important for the study of names, in spite of its defects,1 is undoubtedly his Zur Urgeschichte der Kelten und Illyrier (mit einem Beitrage von R. Pittioni) (Halle, 1938), re­ printed from ZCP 20/2, 1935, 3 χ 5 - 5 2 ; 20/3, 1936, 489-522; 2 i / i , 1938, 55-204. In this work, by the manipulation of the evidence to be had from nomenclature and archaeological work, he identified the Lausitz-culture characterized by urnfields with people who spoke Illyrian, and a western people who from their type of graves are called the tumulus builders with Italo-Celts. He assumed that the Celts of history were evolved from an admixture of Lausitz-people who moved westwards and southwards. His various hypotheses require us to see Illyrian names over a very wide area ranging from Poland to Spain and from the Balkans to Ireland. This Pan-Illyrianism has rightly been criticized in scathing terms. But Pokorny insisted on defending his theories in later publications. See 'firiu and the Coming of the Goidels', Essays and Studies presented to Professor Eoin MacNeill, ed. Rev. J o h n Ryan (Dublin, 1940), 237-43; 'Zur keltischen Namenkunde und Etymologie', Vox Romanica 10, 1948-9, 220-67; 'Probleme der keltischen Urgeschichte', Congres international des sciences prehistoriques et protohistoriques, Actes de la 5* session (Zurich, 1950 (1953)), 281-4; 'Recent Developments in Celtic Study', The Welsh Anvil 3, 1951, 80-871 Keltologie (Bern, 1953), 103 if. Substantially he maintains these theories still. See now, however, 'Zur irischen Namenbildung und Urgeschichte', Miinchener Studien zur Spraclwvissenschaft, Heft 7, χ 955> 56-67; 'Keltische Urgeschichte und Sprachwissenschaft', Die Sprache^, 1959, 152-64; 'The Pre-Celtic Inhabitans of Ireland', Celtica 5, i960, 229-40; 'Die Orts- und FluBnamen der Urnenfeldkultur', VIth International Congress of Onomastic Sciences, Miinchen 24-28 August igj8. Reports. . . hrsg. von Karl Puchner, Bd. 3 {Stadia Onomastica Monacensia, Bd. 4) (Munchen, 1961), 604-7. 1 See the following reviews: Menges, Rocznik Slawistyczny 13, 1937, 134; O'Rahilly, Irish Historical Studies 1, 1938-9, 3 0 6 - 9 ; Sjoestedt-Jonval, BSL 40, 3, !939> 105-11J Lejeune, REA 41, 1939, 9 3 - 9 5 ; Jackson, Antiquity 15, 1941, 96-100; Childe, ibid. 100-2; Pisani, AGI 34, 1942, 124-7.

INTRODUCTION

I I

In EC 2, 1937, 246-53 A. Blanchet discussed some examples of the persistence of Celtic names in Narbonensis. The most important of Joseph Vendryes's writings for our purpose 1 are the following: 'La Position linguistique du celtique' (The Sir John Rhys Memorial Lecture), Proceedings of the British Academy 23, 1937, 333-71; 'Teutomatos'j CRAI 1939, 466-80; T)eux nouvelles inscriptions gallo-romains', EC 5, 1950-1, 237-47 (see also CRAI 1948, 220-2); 'Note sur la toponymie celtique', Recueil de travaux offert a M. Clovis Brunei, vol. ii (Paris, 1955), 641—50; cLes Inscriptions gauloises de Banassac—La Canourgue', CRAI 1956, 169-86; 'La Route de l'etain en Gaule', CRAI 1957, 204-9. 2 F. L. Alonso-Cuevillas's 'Sobre el onomastico personal prerromano de galecos y astures' in Boletin del Museo Arqueologico Provincial de Orense 2, 1946, 27-33 deals briefly with a small selection of names with reference to their local distribution. See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 18, ELH350. Margit Falkner wrote on 'Die norischen Personennamen auf -u und ihre kulturgeschichtliche Bedeutung' in Friihgeschichte und Sprachwissenschaft (Arbeiten aus dem Institut fur allgemeine und vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft hrsg. von W. Brandenstein) (Wien, 1948) 39-54. See Pokorny, Keltologie 136. Antonio Tovar has added a great deal to our understanding of the ancient dialects of Spain and Portugal in a long list of studies published during the last twenty years. It is difficult to select from his many publications even for our particular purpose, but the following appear to me to be the most important: Estudios sobre las primitwas lenguas hispdnicas (Univ. de Buenos Aires, Fac. de Filos. y Letras, Instituto de Filol.: Seccion Clasica, Serie B, Vol. IV, Buenos Aires, 1949), a collec­ tion of studies previously published (excepting chap, iv), with a few corrigenda and addenda; 3 'Les Noms de personnes de l'Hispania pre-romaine', Actes et Mem. du 3* Congres d'onomastique tenu a Bruxelles en juillet ig4g, vol. 1. 74 f., 3. 787-93; 'Lexico de las inscripciones ibericas (celtiberico e iberico)', Estudios dedicados a Menendez Pidal ii (Madrid, 1951), 273-323 (Celtiberian forms listed on pp. 275-86); 1 For a bibliography of Vendryes's publications concerning onomastics see P. Gardette, Onoma 8. 2, 1958-9 (1961), 444-5. 2 Cf. Duval, 'Les Inscriptions gallo-grecques trouv£es en France', Actes du Collogue sur les influences helUniques en Gaule, Dijon les 2g~30 αυήΙ-ιβτ mai, J957 (Publications de I'University de Dijon 16) (Dijon, 1958) 63-69. 3 Reviews: BSL 47. 2, 1951, 78-^80 (Lejeune); Lg. 27, 1951, 571-5 (Whatmough); Boletim de Filologia 12, 1951, 214-23 (Louro); Paideia 7, 1952, 152 ff. (Pisani); Studi Etruschi 22, 1952, 481 ff. (Pallottino); Rev. beige de philol. et d'histoire 30, 1952, 883-6 (Horrent); Emirita 20, 1952, 545 ff. (Michelena); REA 54, 1952, 198-9 and Bulletin hispanique 54, 1952, 165 ff. (Lafon); Revue de philologie 28, 1954, 131-2 (Ernout); Anales del Instituto de Lingiiistica de la Univ. Nac. de Cuyo 6, 1957, 445-9 (Hubschmid).

INTRODUCTION

12

'Nuevas gentilidades y respuesta sobre el tenia de los indoeuropeas de Hispania', Anales de Filol. Clasica, Buenos Aires, 4, 1947-9, 353~6; 'Investigaciones sobre la onomastica de la Hispania pre-romana', Onoma 2, 1951, 36 f.; c La Sonorisation et la chute des intervocaliques: phenomene latin occidental', REL 29, 1951, 102-20; 4Le substrat pre-latin de la peninsule iberique', Actes du ier Congres de la Federation Internationale des associations d'etudes classiques (Paris, 1951) 49-60; T a r a un suplemento al Idg. Etymol. W b . de J . Pokorny', Anales de Filol. Clasica 5, 1952, 151-3; 'Sobre la cronologia de la sonorizacion y caida de intervocalicas en la Romania occidental 5 , Homenaje a Fritz Kriiger I (Mendoza, 1952) 9 - 1 5 ; Έ1 sufijo -ko- indoeuropeo y circumindoeuropeo 5 , AGI (Fest. Bertoldi) 39, 1954, 56 fF.; 'Numerates indoeuropeos en Hispania', £ephyrus 5, 1954, 17-22; 'Sustratos hispanicos, y la in­ flexion romanica en relacion con la infeccion celtica', Actes et Mem. du VIP Congres Internat. de linguistique romane (Barcelona, 1953 (1955)), 387-99; Cantabria prerromana 0 lo que la linguistica nos ensena sobre los antiquos cdntabros (Publ. Univ. Intern. Menendez Pelayo, 2, Madrid, 1955) ;* 'Los ilirios, de nuevo', £ephyrus 6, 1955, 194-7; 'Metodologia sobre onomastica celtica', op. cit. 197 f.; 'La inscripcion grande de Penalba de Villastar y la lengua celtiberica', Ampurias 17-18, 1955-6, 159-71; 'Las invasiones indoeuropeos, problema estratigrafico', ^ephyrus 8, 1957, 77-83; 'Indo-European Layers in the Hispanic Peninsula'^ Reports for the Eighth International Congress of Linguists (Oslo, 1957), 1. 168 ff. (also Proceedings of the VIIIth International Congress of Linguists (Oslo, 1958), 705-21); 'Las lenguas primitivas de la peninsula hispanica', Cuadernos de historia mundial 4, 1958, 291-309; 'Das Keltiberische, ein neuer Zweig des Festlandkeltischen', Kratylos 3, 1958, 1-14; 'Las inscripciones celtibericas de Penalba de Villastar', Emerita 2 7> J 959J 349~65 5 'Testimonios antiguos' (The evidence of the ancient Indo-European languages of the Hispanic peninsula), Enciclopedia Linguistica Hispdnica, tomo i (Madrid, 1959), 101-26; The Ancient Languages of Spain and Portugal (New York, 1961) ; 2 'Les Traces linguistiques celtiques dans la Peninsule Hispanique', Celticum VI (Supple­ ment a Ogam no. 86, 1963) 381-403. The most important of Michel Lejeune's publications dealing with Continental Celtic is undoubtedly his monograph Celtiberica {Acta Salmanticensia, Filosofia y Letras, tomo vii, num. 4, Universidad de Salamanca, 1955). 3 It is devoted to the study of the remains of 1

Reviewed by Palomar Lapesa in EmJrita 24, 1956, 236-8. Reviews: BSL 57, 1962. 65-68 (Lejeune); IF 68, 1963, 317-25 (Untermann). Reviews: BSL 52, 1956, 124-32 (Lafon); Bol. Real Soc. Vascong. Amigosdel Pais 12, 1956, 233-5 (Michelena); EC 7, 1955-6, 439-41 (Vendryes); Paideia 11, 1956, 316-17 (Pisani); Zephynu 7,1956, 104-5 (Palomar Lapesa); Kratylos 3, 1958, 74-75 (Redard); Rev. beige de philologie et dhistoire 36, 1958, 630-1 (Maniet); Celtica 6, 1963, 287-9 (O Cleirigh). See also E. P. Hamp, JCS 2, 1958, 147 ff. 2

3

INTRODUCTION

13

Celtiberian as found in inscriptions (on bronze, stone, and rock) and in coin legends. Mention must be made also of the following articles which deal inter alia with a number of Celtic PNN and with subjects that have a more or less direct bearing on the interpretation of such names: 'L'Isoglosse -7?ζ/-π dans l'occident indo-europeen', REL 29, 1951, 8 6 9 5 ; C L'Inscription gauloise de Briona', Hommages M. Niedermann (Collection Latomus X X I I I , Bruxelles, 1956), 206-15; 'Indications generates sur l'alphabet lepontique', Tyrrhenica. Saggi di Studi Etruschi alia memoria di Bartolomeo Nogara (Milano, 1957), 173-81; (with Roland Martin), 'Stele inscrite des sources de la Seine', RE A 58, 1956, 71-82. In a short article entitled 'Die Personennamen vom Magdalens­ berg' published in Fest.f. Rudolf Egger (Btr. z. alteren europaischen Kulturgeschichte) (Klagenfurt, 1954), 32-45, Hermann Vetters studies the PNN in the funerary inscriptions of Magdalensberg to try to show how they indicate the intensity of Romanization in the settle­ ment at the end of the first century B.C. and the beginning of the first century A.D. A. Scherer's study of 'Die keltisch-germanischen Namengleichungen' in Festschrift F. Sommer (Wiesbaden, 1955) 199-210 deals mainly with Celto-Germanic correspondences in PNN. Giulia Petracco Sicardi's article entitled 'L'onomastica personale preromana della Valle del Rodaho' in Riuista di Studi Liguri 23, 1957, 223-46 is interesting, although the arguments presented are in general somewhat specious. Three areas are distinguished, viz. the Lower Rhone, the Middle Rhone, and the Upper Rhone. T h e author deals, for example, with the local distribution of patronymics in -ios and -cnos, with the relative frequency of compounded and uncompounded names, with compounded names (a) in -ri#, (b) in -maros, and (c) with a second element other than -rix or -maros. Derivative names are also discussed and an attempt is made to distinguish southern types with a Ligurian or Proto-Celtic (!) origin from northern types of Gaulish or Belgic origin. For Schmidt's important monograph 'Die Komposition in gallischen Personennamen', £CP 26, 1957, 33-301, see the Introduction to section A (i) in Chapter I I . It consists in the main part of an alphabetical index and an analysis of names and of their constituent elements. The introductory section deals not only with matters of description and theory concerning compounding but also with a few phonological and morphological features. Manuel Palomar Lapesa's La Onomdstica personal pre-Latina de la

14

INTRODUCTION

antigua Lusitania (Theses et Studia Philologica Sahnanticensia X) (Salamanca, 1957) is the first part of a projected systematic study of all the ancient names of the Hispanic peninsula. The main part of the work is an alphabetical list of names with a wealth of references to sources and to comparable forms. A few remarks are added concerning com­ position and inflection, and more extensive sections deal with deriva­ tion and phonology. As an index of ancient forms the work is invaluable. On the linguistic side it tends to rely too much on too few authorities such as Pedersen in VKG (also LP), Pokorny in IEW, and Tovar. 1 See also now Palomar Lapesa's contribution on 'Antroponimia prerromana' in the first volume of Enciclopedia Linguistica Hispanica (Madrid, 1959), 347-88, dealing with both Indo-European and non-Indo-European personal names of the Hispanic peninsula. Of Maria Lourdes Albertos's publications to date, the following deal specifically with personal names: ^ Indoeuropeos ο Iberos en Baleares?', Emerita 26, 1958, 235-40; 'La antroponimia hispanica y " L a composicion en los nombres persohales galos", segun Κ. Η . Schmidt', ibid. 28, i960, 285-308 (an important review of KGP); 'L'indo-europeen et l'anthroponymie iberique', VIth International Con­ gress o/Onomastic Sciences. Miinchen 24-28 August 1958. Reports . . . hrsg. von Karl Puchner, Bd. 2 {Studia Onomastica Monacensia, Bd. 3) (Munchen, 1961), 82-87. A recent publication which has great value for our study is Ulrich Schmoll's Die Sprachen der vorkeltischen Indogermanen Hispaniens und das Keltiberische (Wiesbaden, 1959). After an introduction on the problem of the Ligures of Spain and other general ethnographical questions, Schmoll lists together all the epigraphic testimonia, both inscriptions and coin legends, which contain or may contain Indo-European forms. He then deals with morphology and phonology and ends with an ambitious but short section entitled 'Herkunft und Schicksale des hispanischen Indogermanisch'. 2 Tadeusz Milewski has written on the theme of pride and arrogance in Celtic personal names in an article entitled 'Dumne imiona Celtow' published in Filomata 130, 1959, 19-32. 3 See also his review of KGP in Lingua Posnaniensis 7, 1959, 286-94. Of Jurgen Untermann's publications the most important for the 1 Reviews: Gnomon 31, 1959, 571-3 (Untermann); Revue de linguistique romane 23, I959> ί62 (Gardette); Revue beige de philol. et d'histoire 37, 1959, 858-9 (Lejeune); BSV 15, 1959, 89-93 (Michelena); Estudios Cldsicos 5, i960, 264-6 (Albertos). 2 Reviews: Kratylos 5, 1960, 181-6 (Schmidt); Btr. ζ. Ν. 11, i960, 204-8 (Untermann); BSL 55,1960,170-2· (Lejeune); £/£ΡΛ 77,1961,345-74 (Corominas); IF 67, 1962, 303-8 (Hubschmid); Die Sprache 9, 1963, 210-17 (Solta). See also A. Tovar 'Revision del tema de las lenguas indigenas de Espafia y Portugal' in Misceldnea de Estudios a Joaquim de Carvalho, no. 8, 1962, 784-94. 3 For a German summary see Bibliotheca Classica Orientalis 6, 1961, 114 k

INTRODUCTION

15

study of Celtic names, in addition to the reviews mentioned above, 1 are the following: 'Namenlandschaften im alten Oberitalien', Btr. z. jV. 10, 1959, 74-108, 1 2 1 - 5 9 ; 11, i960, 2 7 3 - 3 1 8 ; 12, 1961, 1-30;

Sprachrdume und Sprachbewegungen im vorromischen Hispanien (Wiesbaden, 1961), which includes a study of the local distribution in ancient Spain of the PNN Ambatus, Boutins, Camalus, Do{v)idena, Do(v)iderus, Medugenus (Madii-) and abbreviated forms, Talavus and Talocus, and PNN in am-famm-, clout-\clot-jclut-, pent-jpint-, and tong- {tonget-)\tonc- (toncet-) ; 2 Tersonennamen als Sprachquelle in vorromischen Hispanien', Innsbrucker Beitrdge z. Kidturwissenschqft, Sonderheft 15 [ = II. Fachtagung f. Indogerm. und allgem. Sprachwissenschaft, Innsbruck, 10—15 Oktober 1961, Vortrage und Veranstaltungen] (Innsbruck, Sprachwiss. Inst. d. Leopold-Franzens-Universitat 1962), 63-93. Full bibliographical details about publications concerning Onomastics, classified strictly on a geographical basis with sections in each geographical group devoted to toponymy and anthroponymy, are given in Onoma, Bibliographical and Information Bulletin, published by the International Committee of Onomastic Sciences at the Inter­ national Centre of Onomastics, Louvain (Belgium), vol. 1- (1950- ). For matters concerning Ancient Gaul, including work on the linguistic remains, Duval's 'Chronique gallo-romaine' published annually in Revue des etudes anciennes is particularly important. For other 'chroniques' see Duval, op. cit. 60, 1958, 349 f.; 63, 1961, 365; 64, 1962, 326 f. C. THE N A T U R E OF THE SOURCES In this section are described some of the characteristics of the primary sources that have been selected for special consideration in this book. When I embarked on the project of discussing a selection of Celtic personal names from Ancient Gaul, I had perforce to decide whether to select, on the one hand, all the Celtic names attested within a cer­ tain tribal area or group of tribal areas, or some other comparatively small geographical division; or, on the other hand, Celtic names in particular sources, names the local distribution of which would be far more extensive, and for that reason names that would be compara­ tively difficult to manage—and perhaps less likely to produce quickly valuable results in research. I decided, with considerable misgiving, to follow the latter course because it gave an opportunity to select a wealth of forms which were fairly certainly Celtic and to select forms from a variety of sources. The personal names in the so-called 'Gaulish' inscriptions, found 1

p. 14 nn. 1 and 2. Reviews: IF 67, 1962, 309-12 (Schmidt); Btr. ζ. Ν. 13, 1962, 295-6 and Kratylos 7, 1962, 195-8 (Schmoll). 2

ι6

INTRODUCTION

all over Gaul but most frequently by far in Narbonensis, seemed to be an obvious choice. These texts, mostly funerary or votive, cpntain the names of high and low folk alike. Secondly, names in the Commentaries on the Gallic War of Caesar and Hirtius were chosen for special discus­ sion as instances of the names of the native ruling classes or nobility of Ancient Gaul. Most of them have been discussed before, but these discussions need revision now in the light of recent discoveries and research. Thirdly, the Celtic potters' names in La Graufesenque graffiti in Aquitania were included as instances of a collection of names of workers in a terra sigillata factory in a Gallo-Roman site, the names of a craftsman class, a class very different from that whose names figure so prominently in the Commentaries on the Gallic War. Throughout the discussion I have been particularly worried by one problem, namely that of the identification of Celtic in Ancient Gaul, of deciding whether a particular proper name is Celtic or not. I t is an old problem which most serious workers in this field have found extremely troublesome. See, for example, the remarks of Weisgerber in SprFK 179 η0., Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 2946°., and Rk. V. 18, 1953, 272 f., Hubschmid in Praeromanica 1, Lejeune in RPh. 8, 1955, 283, Vendryes in Recueil de travaux offert a M. Clovis Brunei par ses amis, collegues et e'leves, vol. ii (Paris, 1955), 643 if., esp. 649 f., and Schmidt in KG? 54. (i) The Celtic inscriptions of Gaul A few remarks are necessary, to begin with, by way of definition. I should first stress that I accept the view carefully expressed by Whatmough in his Prolegomena to The Dialects of Ancient Gaul (pub­ lished in HSCP 55, 1944, 1 if.) in the following words: Any enquiry . . . into the linguistic situation in ancient Gaul, must take into account any other ancient dialects that may have existed there in addition to the three which Caesar specifies [in BG 1. 1,2] ('Belgic, Celtic, Aquitanian'); and also, granted that one (or more than one) of such dialects (taken all together) belonged to that subdivision of the Indo-European languages which modern philologists, using the ancient name, call Keltic, must take some account, by way of comparison, of related dialects spoken outside of the boundaries of Gaul, as for example in the adjacent territories of Germany, Switzerland, and Italy—not to mention the ancient Keltic dialect of Galatia (pp. 13 f.). Gaul, for my purpose, includes not only the Three Gauls (Aquitania, 1 1 See DAG, pp. 236 ff. See also L. Michelena, 'De onomastica Aquitana', Pirineos, Afio 10, num. 33-34, julio-dicembre 1954, pp. 409-55 (BSL 53. 2, 1957-8, 153-8), and R. Lafon, 'Additions et corrections a la liste des noms aquitains de divinites et de personnes', VIth International Congress of Onomastic Sciences, Miinchen 24-28 August 1958. Reports of Congress . . . (Miinchen, 1961), 484-9.

INTRODUCTION

17

2

Celtica/ and Belgica) and the old Republican Province (Narbonensis),3 but also the two Germanies (Germania Inferior 4 and Germania Superior) 5 and frontier districts in Alpine regions (the three military districts, Alpes Maritimae, Regnum Cottii, and Alpes Graiae, and also the Vallis Poenina) 6 as well as the Agri Decumates and adjoining regions. 7 In other words it is the whole area between the Mediter­ ranean and the Pyrenees on the south, the Atlantic on the west, the English Channel on the north, and the Rhine and the Alps on the east (including areas on the border with Germany, Raetia, and Italy in which there were people who were Celtic in language or extrac­ tion). The inscriptions from which names have here been selected for special study are in the main lapidary. 8 The majority of these are funerary or votive in character. Some inscriptions on instrumenta or portable objects9 are included, e.g. inscriptions on rings of Reims (DAG 185, 186), of Thiaucourt (DAG 188), and of Alzey (DAG, note 1, pp. 987 f.), on a silver cantharus of Alise-Sainte-Reine (DAG, note xxxii (b), p. 510), on the handle of a bronze pan of Couchey (DAG 161), and on a bronze cooking pot found in the Rhine at Mainz (DAG 225). I have also included Celtic inscriptions on figurines or statuettes such as the figurines of Venus found at Caudebec-les-Elbeuf, Fegreac, Saint-Jean-Trolimon, etc. (DAG 175), the statue of Mercury found at Lezoux (DAG 135), and the female statuette of Mont Ventoux (DAG, note xii, p. 118). Names in a few interesting graffiti have been in­ cluded, e.g. the graffito on an amphora of Les Baux, Bouches-duRhone (DAG 32), a graffito on a saucer of Saint-Remy-de-Provence (B. du-Rh.) (DAG 42), the famous graffiti of Montans (DAG 88) and Blickweiler (DAG 229), which so clearly resemble those of La Graufesenque. But potters' names, even potters' names with auot,10 and tile-stamps 11 are as a rule omitted. Coin legends also are ignored except, of course, for purposes of comparison and for interpreting the forms selected for special study. Thousands of the Celtic personal names of Ancient Gaul have been preserved in non-Celtic inscriptions. 1 2 DAG, pp. 482 ff. DAG, pp. 662 ff. 3 DAG, pp. 59 ff. ♦ DAG, pp. 844 ff. * DAG, pp. 985 ff. 6 See Whatmough, DAG, pp. 29 ff., id., HSCP 60, 1951, 175 ff. 7 See Whatmough, DAG, pp. 1154 ff, id. VIth International Congress of Onomastic Sciences, Munchen 24-28 August 1958, Reports, ed. G. Rohlfs, Bd. I (Studia Onomastica Monacensia, Bd. II, Munchen, i960), 68 ff. 8 An inscription of Alise-Sainte-Reine {DAG 167, also 168) is on a lead plate and the inscription of Vieil-fivreux {DAG 174) is on bronze. 9 With all portable objects it has to be remembered that the place of their dis­ covery and the conjectured time when they were brought or deposited there need not coincide w^ith the place and time of their inscription. 10 See, for example, DAG, notes xi, xix, xxxvi, xxxix, xlix, liv, lx. 11 See, for example, DAG, items 205, 217, and 231.

811930

C

ι8

INTRODUCTION

Most of these inscriptions, as one would expect, are Latin. Careful u se has been made of this part of the record too in the sections dealing with the interpretation of individual names. However, it was often difficult to decide whether a particular text should be counted Celtic or non-Celtic. No hard-and-fast rule can be laid down. An inscription can certainly be treated as a Celtic one if the different segments into which it can reasonably be divided agree in their morphological and syntactical as well as their phonological features with what is known about Celtic. Some inscriptions written without word division (e.g. uedzuidiuuognauixuuioni DAG 185, adia | ntun I neni | exue | rtin | inap | piset | u«« DAG 188, auo | mio | toe j n a i I ixu I tio | udr | uto DAG, note lv) may be divided into different parts, some, if not all, of which resemble forms which can be counted Celtic. Although this is not a particularly good criterion, as homonymy can be accidental, I have given such texts the benefit of the doubt and treated them as Celtic. If they show beside clearly Celtic forms a num­ ber of others which are not Celtic, particularly verbal forms, they must be counted non-Celtic. For example, I should be inclined to class as Latin the interesting text discovered in 1931 at Nickenich (near Mayen) which reads: contuinda esucconis f | siluano ategnissa f | h(eres) ex tes(tamento) f(ecit) (see Nesselhauf, no. 136, DAG, note li). But some inscriptions, e.g. that of Sazeirat, near Marsac (Creuse), read as sacer peroco | ieuru duori|co . u.s.Lm (DAG 142), have a mixed Gallo-Latin appearance which may be misleading. At Sazeirat the tag u.s.l.m. may have been added later to what may have been originally a purely Gaulish text. Inscriptions with only the merest trace of Latin I have usually counted Celtic. Note, for example, the inscription of Beaumont: subroni | sumelj. | uoreto(u) | uirius-f (DAG, note ix); the inscription of Dijon: moni | minto | cacud | iasua | dugeni | ceni (CIL 13. 5502); the inscription of Arpajon: monimentum | nertomari | namantobogi (AE 1949, no. 75); an in­ scription at Gueret (provenance unknown): bodocenus file · brot[ (DAG 143). There are some short or fragmentary inscriptions of which it is impossible to decide whether they are Celtic at all, let alone whether they contain a personal name. Note, for instance, the inscription of Redessan (Gard) (DAG 60), read as Kpeire, or the two fragments of Alise-Sainte-Reine in the Greek alphabet (DAG 167, 168) read as ]καρομαρο[ and ]outypa[. Forms from a few texts such as this have been included because they may be Celtic P N N ; but when I come to discuss these forms in Chapter I I they are as a rule in­ cluded in an appendix of 'doubtful' forms. There are other inscriptions which have been badly damaged but are well enough preserved to show their indubitable Celtic character. See, for example, the frag­ mentary Celtic inscriptions of Lapipe-Sene on Mont-Auxois (DAG

INTRODUCTION

ig

165) and of Vieil-£vreux (DAG 174). In these it is possible to re­ cognize, albeit uncertainly, a few forms which are probably Celtic personal names. Some inscriptions which are almost certainly Celtic, e.g. an inscription of Nimes on a mosaic fragment discovered in 1742 (DAG 74) and two inscriptions of Beaucaire (Gard) on capitals dis­ covered in 1809 (DAG 61 and 62), are known to us only from the accounts of people who were not specialists in copying inscriptions of this kind. They have, therefore, been preserved in a more or less garbled form, a fate which not infrequently attends the early dis­ covery of inscriptions in little-known languages. 1 There are very many texts which are too fragmentary or mutilated or too uncertainly read or too uncertainly interpreted for us to decide whether they are Celtic and whether they contain personal names which deserve consideration here. Note, for example, the following examples: ]tialniarduinn[? DAG, note iv bis; ]a[ ~]v[ ]pei£ ? DAG 36; ]ov οουοπδι,ουι· βρατουτ[ DAG 39 (cf. Rolland, Gallia 2, 1944, 169 f.) ; (a) su (b) σμερ\_ DAG 4 1 ; ]ου€λρου[ ]ηκικ[ DAG 5 5 ; ]ov*p[ DAG 59; (α) μ.στιλλ[ (b) .ινουσώ[ DAG 75; ]ruoni:u[ DAG 146. I have included only a few fragmentary names. Thus the inscriptions on the plaque of lead discovered at Eyguieres in 1899 (DAG, note v), which are very uncertainly read, seem to contain the familiar Celtic name elements -ριξ and σμ€ρ-; but no forms from this text have been selected for special study here. Inscriptions discovered after the publication of DAG2 or just before its publication have been considered in the selection of material. These include the following: an inscription on a stone taken from a wall of the chateau of Bouy in the commune of Champetieres (Puyde-Dome), described by Vendryes, EC 5, 1950-1, 242 if. (see also Fournier and Vendryes, CRAI1951, 131 ff., whence AE 1952, no. 37, ILTG 207); an inscription on a limestone slab discovered in 1947 at Arpajon (Seine-et-Oise), described by Vendryes in CRAI 1948, 220 ff. (whence AE 1949, no. 75) and EC 5, 1950-1, 237 if. (ILTG 335); an inscription on a funerary stele discovered on the old road from Glanum to Cabellio (Cavaillon) referred to by Benoit, Gallia 8, 1950, 124, and Rolland, CRAI 1955, 9 1 ; an inscription on a Vasque de pierre' discovered at Calissane (Bouches-du-Rhone) in the course of excavations south of the Fosse Merueil in 1949, described by Benoit, Gallia 11, 1953, 112 and Gourvest, Ogam 6, 1954, 259 ff. (pll. χ and xi) (see Duval, RE A 57, 1955, 328); an inscription on a vase 1

See Whatmough, KZ 69, 1951, 208. A new Recueil des inscriptions gauloises is being produced by Lejeune and Duval. Colbert de Beaulieu is re-editing the coin legends and M. Pouilloux is studying the script of the Gallo-Greek inscriptions to try to establish their chronology. See Duval, EC 9/1, i960, 20 ff. 2

20

INTRODUCTION

discovered at fitrechy (Cher) in 1949 in the course of excavations in a Gallo-Roman cemetery, reported by Cravayat in Memoires de V Union des societes savantes de Bourges 2, 1949-50, 7-14 (see also BSAF 1950-1, 30 f.) and Louis in Gallia 8, 1950, 172 ff. (figs. 6, ja, yb) whence AE 1952, 77, ILTG 170; graffiti on pieces of pottery dis­ covered at Banassac (Lozere) in 1953, described by Vendryes in CRAI1956, 169 ff.; two inscriptions on a limestone stele discovered in 1953 in the course of excavations at the source of the Seine (Coted'Or), described fully by Lejeune and Martin in RE A 58, 1956, 71 ff., plates vii and viii (see also Lerat, Gallia 12, 1954, 475 f., Lebel, RAE 6, 1955, 155 ff, 311, Martin, Memoires de la Commission des antiquites de la Cote-d'Or 23, 1956, 149 ff.).1 By far the largest number of our dialect inscriptions come from Gallia Graeca in the southern half of Narbonensis to the east and west of the lower Rhone, in the area now included within the boun­ daries of the departements of Herault, Gard, Vaucluse, and Bouches-duRhone. Moreover, with hardly an exception, 2 these dialect inscriptions are written in the Greek alphabet. Concerning the distribution of these Gallo-Greek inscriptions and others from Ancient Gaul out­ side Narbonensis 3 see Duval, 'Les Inscriptions gallo-grecques trouvees en France', Actes du colloque sur les influences helleniques en Gaule. Dijon les 29-30 avril-ier mai, IQSJ (Publications de V Universite de Dijon 16, Dijon, 1958), 63-69 (with a valuable map, fig. 1, showing the dis­ tribution) and Vendryes, 'La Route de retain en Gaule', CRAI 1957, 204-9. In the transcription of inscriptions I have adopted the system of signs used by Whatmough in DAG. Square brackets are used for conjectural restorations. Ligatures are indicated by ^ beneath the conjoint letters. . . . denote spaces in the inscriptions where letters once stood or may have stood, and each dot as a rule denotes room for one letter. ] or [ indicates places at the beginning or end of lines 1 The two inscriptions on small votive altars of limestone discovered at Glanum and described by Henri Rolland in CRAI 1955, 91-99 and in Homm. Gren. 1345 do not appear to contain any Celtic personal names, but they are both undoubtedly Celtic. News of the discovery of the interesting Gallo-Greek inscriptions of SaintGilles (Gard) and of Sernhac (Gard) (see Duval, BSAF 1961, 148 f., REA 65, 1963, 365, Gallet de Santerre, Gallia 20, 19612, 636 f. (with figs. 21 and 22)), also of Beaucaire (Gard) (see Duval, BSAF 1962, 114 fT., REA 66, 1964, 355, Gallet de Santerre, Gallia 22, 1964, 498), came too late for inclusion in this work. 2 The only certain exceptions are the inscription of Beaumont, nr. Vaison, in Vaucluse, names on the arc of Orange and the defixio of Am61ie-les-Bains (Pyrenees Orientales). See DAG, notes ix, xi, and xv. 3 Note the inscriptions of Alise-Sainte-Reine, DAG 165-8, two of the four inscriptions on the trilingual menhir of Genouilly {DAG 145), and the recently dis­ covered second inscription on the limestone stele of the source of the Seine (REA 58, 1956, 71 ff.).

INTRODUCTION

21

where letters are or may be missing. | marks the end of a line in the original. 11 marks the end of every fifth line. A dot beneath a letter indicates that it is damaged or otherwise imperfect or uncertain. Interpuncts are noted as they occur in the original, single ·, double : , or other forms », .·., etc. I have seen the following originals and made my own copies from them: DAG 46, 48, 60, 63-71, 74 bis, 170-3, Note xiii. (ii) The Commentaries on the Gallic War T h e Celtic personal names which are attested in the Commentanes on the Gallic War are. without exception, the names of people from the higher classes of the community, people who had power, wealth, and authority, an aristocratic and military caste—tribal leaders or kings, people of noble descent, and people who held high office or who were friends of Rome or of Caesar. These are the very people whose names one would expect to find in a work which purports to give an account of the conquest of Gaul by Caesar. The names of tribal and military leaders are bound to figure prominently in such an account. Opinion concerning the soundness of the manuscript tradition 1 of the Commentanes2 in which these names are preserved varies a great deal, ranging at its most extreme from that of Heinrich Meusel, who thought that it is incredibly bad, to that of Alfred Klotz, who thought that it is in general very reliable. Be that as it may, there can be no denying the fact that even where all the manuscripts agree on the reading of a particular name, we cannot be certain that this was the form originally recorded by Caesar or Hirtius or someone on their staff. Celtic proper names could also quite easily have been incor­ rectly written down in the original dispatches and annual reports to the senate—the official dispatches or reports which were most 1 Some problems connected with the history of the text of the Commentaries are discussed separately in a Remark below. We cannot enter here into all the prob­ lems and theories connected with topics such as the composition and publication of the Commentaries (for recent opinion see M. Rambaud, Assoc. Guillaume Bude. Congres de Lyon 8-IJ septembre 1958. Actes du Congres (Paris, i960), 210 ff., Seel xlv-lii), the veracity or credibility of Caesar's narrative (see especially G. E. Stevens, Latomus 11, 1952, 3-18, 165-79, G. Walser, £tudes suisses d'histoire gfnerale 11, 1953, 5-26, M. Rambaud, VArt de diformation historique dans les Commentaires de Cesar, Annates de I9Univ. de Lyon, Lettres, III. 23 (Paris, 1953) (see Duval, Journal des savants 1954, 19-31, 71-84), id., Assoc. Guillaume Bude. . . 216 ff., Seel, Jahrbuck f. frankische Landesforschung 20 ( = Fest. Ernst Schwarz I) i960, 54 if., Oppermann 1. 474 if., 534, id., Gymnasium 68, 1961, 258-69), or interpolation in the text and its dependence on earlier ethnographical literature (see, for example, Klotz 4 χ if., xlviii, Seel lii-lxv, id., Jahrbuch f. frankische Landesforschung 20, i960, 52 if., J. J. Tierney, PRIA 60 c, no. 5, March i960, 189-275, esp. 211 if.). 2 For the significance of the tide see Seel xliii-xliv (with refs.) and cxiv if. See also the literature quoted in Oppermann 1. 469 if.

22

INTRODUCTION

probably speedily worked into Commentaries in 52-51 B.C.1 I t is precisely these forms that would be likely to suffer most corruption in the manuscript tradition of the text. They could become corrupt, for example, through misinterpretation, through the substitution of a name that occurs comparatively often for one that occurs but once, through the incorporation of incorrect forms in the text alongside correct ones, and through confusion of letters and the other multi­ farious ways in which the written word can be corrupted when it is transmitted from one manuscript (or more than one) to another. Note the confusion which has arisen in the transmission of personal names such as Andecumborius, Correus, Cotuatus, Diviciacus, Donnotaurus, Lucterius, Mandubracius, Sedulius, Tasgetius, Valetiacus, Vertiscus, and Verucloutius. In Chapter I I I have listed full details about textual variants, conjectures, and emendations. 2 I have also listed particulars concern­ ing the forms of these names from BG as attested in other sources, e.g. in other authors such as Cicero, Orosius, Florus, Livy, Plutarch, and Dio Cassius, and in inscriptions and coin legends. These details are further discussed, and an attempt is made to justify the adopting of particular forms as the ones which are most probably correct. These are not necessarily the true Celtic forms.3 Thus, for example, the coin legend Adietuanus, beside Adiatunnus (vv.ll. Adiat(t)onnus, Adca(n)tuannus> Adsatuannus) in BG, and Vercingetorixs, etc., beside Vercingetorix in BG may represent the Celtic forms more truly than the forms which, I think, must be accepted as correct for BG. In some cases, e.g. with PN Andocumborins, where the manuscripts show variants all of which are acceptable as good Celtic forms although they are not attested elsewhere, one is able to decide in favour of one of them in view of the strong manuscript evidence for it. But with Olloviconis (gen.) in the α class of manuscripts at BG 7. 31. 5 beside Al{l)oviconis in the β class, both good Celtic forms but not attested elsewhere, with the evidence of α evenly balanced against that of /?, no firm decision is possible.4 For previous work on Celtic names in BG see especially Gluck's Die bei Caius Julius Caesar vorkommenden keltischen Namen in ihrer Echtheit festgestellt und erlautert and d'Arbois de Jubainville's Les Noms gaulois chez Cesar et Hirtius De Bello Gallico. Premiere Se'rie, Les Composes dont 1 See p. 21 η. ι above. For the view that the Commentaries represent a succession of official bulletins or reports, see J. Harmand, REA 63, 1961, 31-44 (esp. 43 f.). 2 I have included the names Carvilius, Cassiuellaunus, Cingetorix (attested also in Gaul), ?Inianuvetitius, Lugotorix, Mandubractus, Segovax, and Taximagulus, notwith­ standing the fact that they are the names of persons from south-east Britain. 3 See C. Iulii Caesaris Commentarii. . . ex recensione Bernardi Kubleri, vol. i (Lipsiae, 1893)» p · c x x · 4 For a sensible inclination now to withstand the temptation to make general statements concerning the comparative value of the α and β classes of manuscripts see Seel xxxvii-xxxviii and Oppermann 1. 487.

INTRODUCTION

23

RIX est le dernier lerme (Paris, 1891), both of which are mentioned above in section (B). Gluck's work prompted H . J . Heller to comment on some names in an article entitled cDe nominibus celticis in G. Iulii Caesaris commentariis traditis' published in Philologies 17, 1861, 27087. Holder's edition οϊΒΟ, published in 1882,1 is, as one would expect, particularly important for our purpose, fimile Ernault supplied brief comments on the etymology and meaning of Celtic proper names in BG in an edition by Benoist and Dosson published in 1893, viz. Jules Cesar. Commentaires sur la Guerre des Gaules, Texte latin publie . . . par M. E. Benoist et M. S. Dosson (Paris, 1893). See also T . Rice Holmes, CG 839 ff. For coin legends containing the names of leaders men­ tioned in BG see F. de Saulcy, c Numismatique des chefs gaulois mentionnes dans les Commentaires de Cesar', Annuaire de la societe frangaise de numismatique et d'archeologie, Deuxieme Annee 1867, 1-32. This is an important study, but it is now far from being reliable. As a partial corrective one should read A. Blanchet, Traite des monnaies gauloises (Paris, 1905), 81-85, and M . A. Changarnier, 'Les Erreurs de M . de Saulcy dans sa Numismatique des chefs gaulois mentionnes dans les Commentaires de Cesar', Memoires de Vacademie de Dijon, Annees 1925-6, 265-78. The whole subject has now been reviewed by Dr. Col­ bert de Beaulieu in an authoritative and painstaking study entitled 'Les Monnaies gauloises au nom des chefs mentionnes dans les Commentaires de Cesar'. 2 REMARK

On the Text of the Commentaries on the Gallic War. Caesar's Commentaries on the Gallic and Civil Wars were combined with accounts of the Alexandrine, African, and Spanish Wars to form the so-called Corpus Caesarianum. The history of the text presents some notable features. These are dealt with here with special reference to the Commentaries on the Gallic War. T h e extant manuscripts of the Commentaries on the Gallic War are very numerous. 3 This abundance shows that the Commentaries must have attained great popularity in the Middle Ages and at the time of the Renaissance. But it was not always so. For Orosius thought that they were the work of Suetonius. 4 The same mistake is found in the work 1 C. Juli Caesaris Belli Gallici libri VII, accessit A. Hirti liber octavtiSj recensuit Alfred Holder (Freiburg i. B. und Tubingen, 1882). 2 Homm. Gren. 419-46, plates xcviii-xcix. 3 See Constans, p. xx. 4 hanc historian Suetonius Tranquillus plenissime explicuit, cuius nos competentes por~ tiunculas decerpsimus, Oros. 6. 7. 2.

INTRODUCTION

24 1

of Sidonius Apollinaris, and a trace of it is preserved in some of the manuscripts. 2 One source of confusion in the attempt to establish a satisfactory stemma to illustrate the history of the text is the subscription found in α manuscripts 3 at the end of the second book of the Commentaries on the Gallic War, namely Flavins Licerius Firmimis Lupicinus legi. The α manuscripts 4 also contain at the end of each book of the Commentaries the subscription Iulius Celsus Constantinus -vc- (sometimes vir clarissimus) legi. to which is added at the end of the eighth book tantu feliciter.5 Therefore, it is likely that a recension made by Celsus took place before the revision of the second book by Lupicinus. Moreover, it appears that this Celsus recension or edition was confined to the Commentaries on the Gallic War. Lupicinus may have been a nephew of Ennodius, Bishop of Pavia, who died in 521. 6 As for Celsus, Bucheler assigned him to the fourth century. 7 Arator states that he read the work of Caesar at Ravenna with Parthenius, a second-nephew of Ennodius. 8 His work is also mentioned by Servatus Lupus of Ferrieres in a letter to St. Jerome 9 informing him that Caesar had really written only the Commentaries on the Gallic War, a copy of which would be sent to him as soon as possible, and noting that the continuation was the work of Caesar's secretary, Hirtius. Charles Beeson, writing in 1940, commented that 'the manuscript problem [of the Corpus Caesarianum] still, after nearly a century of 1

Ep. 9. 14. 7; see Klotz, p. vi. Cf. Seel cxii n. 2. See Constans, loc. cit., n. 3. In ABMSLN. But in L and (partly) in Ν this has been cancelled. 4 The entry is cancelled completely in L in Books I-VI and in Ν in Book III. The cancellation is only partial in Ν in Books I and II. At the end of Book II Q, has Iulii Celsi Constantini viri clanssimi only. The Celsus subscription does not appear at all in S at the end of Book V and in Ν at the end of Book VII. It occurs in the ρ branch of the β family at the end of the seventh book (Iulius Celsus Con­ stantinus · · relegi) and has been added by the corrector of U at the end of the eighth book (Iulius Celsus Constantinus ·ΰϊ· relegi tantum). See further C. H. Beeson, CPh. 35, 1940, 119 f., Seel xxvii, cxvi fF. 5 In A and Μ (in a later hand). In L tantum only is added. For the entry in U see n. 4 above. In QBSN the Celsus subscription does not occur at all here. 6 See Ennodius, Diet. 8 (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auctorum Antiquissimorum, torn, vii, Berolini, 1885, P· 7^» 1. 26), Ep. 2. 15 and 23 (Mon. Germ. Hist., vol. cit., p. 68,1. 28 and p. 73,1. 25). This fact was first noted by Sirmond in the *Notae ad Ennodium' (p. 78) of his edition of the works of Ennodius, Magni Felicis Ennodii episcopi Ticinensis opera. lac. Sirmondus . . . emendavit, ac Notis illustravit (Paris, 2

3

1611). 7

Anhang 3 (p. 118) to L. Friedlander's, Juvenal i (Leipzig, 1895), 118. See also Seel xxv f. 8 Epistola ad Parthenium 39-40 (see Migne, Patrologia Latina 68. 250, Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum, vol. 72, 1951, 151). 9 Ep. 37.

INTRODUCTION

25 1

study, awaits an entirely satisfactory solution'. But there is sub­ stantial agreement both as to which are the most important of the extant manuscripts and as to their interrelationship. 2 The chief manuscripts now used to establish the text of the Com­ mentaries on the Gallic War are the following:3 A : Amsterdam 73, gth/ioth cent. (Bongarsianus/Amstelodamensis) . 4 Q : Paris 5056, 12th cent. (Moysiacensis).5 B : Paris 5763, 10th cent. (Parisinus). 6 M : Vatican 3864, 10th cent. (Romanus/Vaticanus). 7 S: Florence, Ashburnham R. 33, 10th cent. (Ashburnhamianus/ Δ CjV» I-V7 1 **v» V» o tnr\ .οι-»

1

8

CPh. 35, 1940, 114. However, there is still disagreement in regard to the sigla of the manuscripts. I have adopted those of Klotz and Seel. (For Hering's important revision of the whole problem of the interrelationship of the manuscripts see pp. 30 f. below.) 3 I read and copied L in the library of the British Museum and the Paris manu­ scripts, QBT, in the Bibliotheque Nationale. A M S N V U R (and QBLT as well) I copied from microfilms and G from photographs. For the classification of some secondary manuscripts see the writings of Meusel referred to below (esp. JB 11, 1885, 173 ff.) and Constans, p. xxix. (Hering now gives pride of place as primary manuscripts to AB and T U only, see pp. 30 f. below.) 4 See M. B. Mendes da Costa, Bibliotheek der Universiteit van Amsterdam. Catalogus der Handschriften II, De Handschriften der Stedelijke Bibliotheek met de latere aanwinsten (Amstelodami, 1902), 16. Concerning the loss of this manuscript in the first part of the nineteenth century and its return in 1 8 5 4 t o m e Universiteits-Bibliotheek, see Wochenschriftfirklassische Philologie 16, 1899, 991 f. See further Seelxix, Hering 31 f. 5 See Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum bibliothecae regiae, pars tertia, tomus quadratus (Parisiis, 1744), 35. For a facsimile see fimile Chatelain, PaUographie des classiques latins, Collection de facsimiles, 4 e livraison (Paris, 1886), PI. xlvii. See also now Hering 25 fT. 6 Tenth century according to Holder, Klotz and Seel, ninth to tenth centuries Meusel and Constans, ninth century Beeson. See Catalogus codicum manuscnptorum bibliothecae regiae, vol. cit. 154. Where folia of Β are wanting, Codex Vossianus Leidensis 53, eleventh century, apparently a copy of Β (cf. Seel xx, and see Hering 35» 37> 8°)> 1S used. It is referred to as C. Sections missing in Β are i. 7. 3 pnncipum to i. 20. 5 haec cum, v. 44. 10 convertit to v. 48. 7 Gallus, and vi. 11. 4 antiquitus to vi. 13. 10 parent. Concerning the corrector of Β see Seel, loc. cit. For a facsimile see Chatelain, op. cit., pi. xlvi. See further Hering 32 fF. (Taf. i-iii). 7 Ninth to tenth centuries Beeson. See Dedefsen, Philologus 17, 1861, 649 if., Hauler, Wiener Studien 17, 1895, 122 ff., Ullmann, Philological Quarterly 1, 1922, 17 ff., Hering 10 f. (Taf. iv). For a facsimile see Chatelain, op. cit., pi. liv. 8 Tenth or eleventh centuries according to P. Fabre, Cesar, La guerre civile*, tome i (Paris, 1954), xliv, and A. Bouvet, Cesar, La guerre d'Afrique (Paris, 1949), xli. See Indict e Cataloghi, VIII, I codici Ashburnhamiani delta R. Biblioteca MediceoLaurenziana di Firenze, vol. i, fasc. 1 (Romae, 1887) 7 f. For a facsimile see Chatelain, op. cit., pi. 1. It lacks BG i. 1-29. For some work on the collating of the manuscript see Stangl, Philologus 45, 1886, 216-18, Kubler and Rostagno, Wochenschrift fur klassische Philologie 12, 1895, 1240 ff. SLNj3 contain not only the eight books of the Commentaries on the Gallic War but also the Bellum Civile, the Bellum Alexandnnum, the Bellum Africanum, and the Bellum Hispaniense. See further K. Jax, 'Die Stellung 2

26

INTRODUCTION

L: N: T: V: U: R:

London BM Add 10084, l I t n cent. (Louaniensis). 1 Naples IV. C. 11, I2th/i3th cent. (Neapolitanus). 2 Paris 5764, i o t h / u t h cent. (Thuaneus). 3 Vienna 95, 12th cent. (Vindobonensis) . 4 Vatican 3324, n t h cent. (Ursinianus). 5 Florence Riccardianus 541, n t h / 1 2 t h cent. (Riccardianus). 6

Various groups of related manuscripts are referred to by other sigla. On the one hand there is the α class (AQBMSLN), with the sub-classes χ (AQ) and φ (Β Μ, SLN) ; 7 on the other hand der Kandschriften S und L in der Casariiberlieferung', Wiener Studien 52, 1934, 95-115; Fabre, op. cit. xlvi fF.; J. Andrieu, Cesar, Guerre d'Alexandrie (Paris, 1954), lxvii ff.; F. Cupaiuolo, Osservazioni su tre manoscritti del Bellum Civile', in In Memoriam Achillis Beltrami Miscellanea Philologica (Istituto di Filologia classica Universita di Genova, Facolta di Lettere 1954), 59-67; Seel xxi; Hering 12 ff., 45 ff., 80 ff. (Taf. v-vii). 1 See List of Additions to the Manuscripts in the British Museum in the years MDCCCXXXVI-MDCCCXL (London, 1843) 10. BG i. 1-6, 3 bono animo has been supplied by a later hand. Collation by T. Rice Holmes, CQ, 5, 1911, 137 ff. Its value has been estimated by Meusel in JB 38, 1912, 15-18. See also Constans, Observations sur deux manuscrits de Cesar', Revue de Philologie, N.S. 50, 1926, 34-37; Jax, Fabre, Andrieu, Cupaiuolo, locc. citt.; Seel xxi f.; Hering 8 f., 45 ff., J. Mogenet, *Le "C£sar" de Tournai et la tradition manuscrite du "Bellum Gallicum" ', VAntiquite classique 20, 1951, 305-14, discusses a destroyed twelfthcentury manuscript of Tournai which contained a version of the second book of BG closely related to that of L. 2 Twelfth century Bassi, Constans, Beeson, twelfth to thirteenth centuries Bouvet, Andrieu, Seel. P. Fabre, in Memorial des etudes latines . . . offert . . . ά J. Marouzeau (Paris, 1943) 219, is inclined to the view that it belongs to the thirteenth century. See also id., Ce'sar, La guerre civile, tome i, xlv. Further, see Catalogus Bibliothecae Latinae vetens et classicae manuscriptae quae in Regio Neapolitano museo Borbonico adservatur descriptus a Cataldo Iannellio (Neapoli, 1827) &l f· The manu­ script was described and first used for establishing the text of BG by Bassi. See C. Iulii Caesaris Commentarii de bello Gallico adfidem praecipue codicis Neapolitani nunc primum excussi edidit. . . Domenicus Bassi (In Aedibus lo. Bapt. Paraviae et Sociorum 1921) ( = Corpus Scriptorum latinorum Paravianum, no. 28). Note also Constans, Andrieu, Cupaiuolo, Seel, locc. citt., Fabre, op. cit. xlvi ff, Hering 8 f., 45 ff. 3 Tenth century Beeson, eleventh century Meusel, Klotz, Constans et alii. See Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum bibliothecae regiae, vol. cit. 154 f. For a facsimile see Chatelain, op. cit., pi. xlviii. See also now Hering 38 ff. (Taf. viii). 4 See Catalogus codicum philologicorum latinorum bibliothecae Palatinae Vindobonensis digessit Stephanus Endlicher (Vindobonae, 1836) 32 f. For a facsimile see Chatelain, op. cit., pi. 1. See also Hering 25 f. (Taf. ix). 5 Eleventh century Meusel, Klotz, Constans, Beeson, Andrieu, eleventh to twelfth centuries Fabre, Bouvet, Seel, twelfth century Holder. Concerning U and R see the letters of Meusel and Ramorino in Rivista di Filologia e d'istruzione classica 19, 1891, 127-33. See now Hering 40 ff. (Taf. x). 6 See F. Ramorino, Ί1 Cesare Riccardiano 541', Rivista di Filologia e d'istruzione classica 18, 1890, 250-85 (also the letters of Meusel and Ramorino referred to in n. 5 above), Hering 20 ff. 7 SLN, which contain the Bellum Civile, the Bellum Alexandrinum, the Bellum

INTRODUCTION

27

there is the β class (TVUR) with the sub-classes π (TV) and ρ (UR).' C. Nipperdey, in his famous edition of 1847, recognized that the manuscripts fall into these two classes. The former (a) he called 'integros ve! optimos', the latter (β) 'interpolati'. 2 This evaluation of the manuscripts was challenged by I. Heller 3 in i860 and later by H. Meusel. 4 Meusel traced the pedigree of the manuscripts as follows: X

«

β

X A

Φ Q

3

Μ

* S

Τ

Ρ V

ϋ

R

Africanum, and the Bellum Hispaniense (unlike χ and BM), are grouped together and referred to as σ. See now Hering 45 ff. 1 See, for example, the stemmas of Seel xxv, xxviii. For suggestions concerning some of the places from which some of these manuscripts may have come see Beeson, op. cit. 116, n. 15. 2 C. Iulii Caesaris Commentarii cum supplementis A. Hirtii et aliorum Caesaris Hirtiique fragmenta Carolus Nipperdeius recensuit . . . (Lipsiae, 1847), Praef. xxxvii. It is difficult to tell exactly when the division into two families took place. Priscian (GL 2. 352. 6) seems to have an α reading of BG 5. 1.2. See C. Iulii Caesaris Commentarii . . . ex recensione Bernardi Kubleri, vol. i (Lipsiae, 1893), vif. (cf. Seel xxvi). Orosius, in his account of the Gallic War (Hist. 6. 7. 2 - 1 1 , 30), agrees with α against β, with β against a, and sometimes differs from both families. It may be, therefore, that in his time the text of BG was corrupt and contained a mixture of α and β readings. But see Seel xli, η. ι (beside xxv). Moreover, if Celsus belongs to the fourth century, the division must have taken place previously. See R. Schneider, JB 11, 1885, 154; H. Meusel, ibid. 20, 1894, 216; A. Klotz, CSt. 215 and his fourth Teubner edition of BG (Lipsiae, 1952), Praef. iv-vi; T. Rice Holmes, CG 201, n. 1; Beeson, op. cit. 115; Seel xxiv ff. M. Boas, discussing Livy's version of BG 1. 43. 4 (Rh. Mus. 80, 1931, 357-67), suggested that the division of the manu­ scripts into two families may be as old as Livy's day. Klotz (in Mnemosyne 9, 1941, 219 and in his fourth Teubner edition of BG) rightly rejected this assumption. See further E. Kalinka, Jahresbericht iiber die Fortschritte der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft,Jhg. 1939. Lateinische Autoren, Bd. 264. 181, and Beeson, op. cit. 115, n. 12. P. Fabre (Char, La guerre civile*, tome i (Paris, 1954), xliii, n. 1) suggested that Boas exaggerated a little the role played by Celsus and Lupicinus. On this point see also Seel xxxix f. See further Hering 88 ff. 3 Philologus 17, 1861, 492 f. 4 A series of valuable contributions by Meusel appeared in JB. See JB 11, 1885, 173-204; 12, 1886, 262-93; 20, 1894, 214-398; 36,1910, 20-75. He gave practical application to his theory in his edition of BG, which appeared in 1894: C. Iulii Caesaris Belli Gallici libri VII, A. Hirti liber VIII recensuit, apparatu critico instruxit Henricus Meusel (Berolini, W. Weber 1894), accompanied by a school edition C. Iulii Caesans Belli Gallici libri VII, A. Hirtii liber VIII, fur Schulgebrauch hrsg. von H. Meusel (Berlin, W. Weber 1894). Meusel also revised the 17th edition of Kraner and Dittenberger's text and commentary: C. Iulii Caesaris Commentarii de Bello Gallico erklart von Fr. Kraner und W. Dittenberger, Siebzehnte, vollstandig umgearbeitete Auflage von H. Meusel, 3 Bande (Berlin, Weidmannsche Buchhandlung 1913-20). This work has now been reissued in a reprint, with 'Nachwort und bibliographische Nachtrage' by Hans Oppermann, in 3 volumes (Berlin,

28

INTRODUCTION

R. Schneider 1 showed not only that β represented an independent tradition but also that it contained many readings superior to those of α. Β. Kiibler, in a Teubner edition of 1893,2 adopted this view also but failed, in constructing his text, to show the preference for β that one would accordingly expect. Succeeding editors differ only in the extent to which they adopt the readings of the two families. The tendency has been, however, to emphasize the value of β to the detriment of a. R. du Pontet 3 virtually sided with Nipperdey, although he adopted many β readings. A. Klotz 4 even maintained that α was derived from β, and in his text the preference for β reached its climax. He assumed that the α family descended from a β codex into which readings from the ancient Celsus-Lupicinus recension had been introduced. 5 His Weidmannsche Verlagsbuchhandlung 1960-1). MeusePs monumental Lexicon Caesarianum (Berolini, W. Weber 1887-93), 2 volumes in 3 parts, was near perfect, but is not now always reliable because the collation of all the best manuscripts was not complete when it was published. It also has now appeared in a second edition 'ex editione anni M D C C G X C I I I lucis ope expressa' (Berolini, apud Weidmannos, 1958), again 2 volumes in 3 parts. His edition of BG in 1894 was the first to have a satisfactory apparatus cnticus. On Meusel's exaggerations see E. Bolaffi, 'Note al testo de i° libro dei Commentarii belli gallici de Cesare', Riv. di Filol. e d'Istr. Class. 1934, 370-85. See also T. Rice Holmes, 'The text of the Bellum Gallicum and the work of H. MeuseP, CQ8, 1914, 156-65. 1 JB 11, 1885, 151-73. 2 C. Iulii Caesaris commentarii cum A. Hirti aliommque supplements ex recensione Bernardi Kubleri, vol. i (Lipsiae, 1893), pp. iii fF. 3 C. Iulii Caesaris Commentariorum pars prior qua continentur libri VII de Bello Gallico cum A. Hirti supplemento recensuit brevique adnotatione critica instruxit Renatus du Pontet (Oxonii, 1900). See T . Rice Holmes, CR 15, 1901, 174ΓΓ.; id., CQ,8, 1914, 158, where it is claimed that du Pontet adopts the readings of β manuscripts 153 times. 4 'Die Caesariiberlieferung', Rh. Mus. 64, 1909, 224-34; Casarstudien nebst einer Analyse der Strabonischen Beschreibung von Gallien und Britannien (Leipzig, 1910); 'Geographic und Ethnographie in Caesars Bellum Gallicum', Rh. Mus. 83, 1934, 66-96. Klotz prepared a Teubner edition of BG, published in 1921. A second edition appeared in 1927, a third in 1938, and a fourth in 1952 (the Preface to this edition is dated November 1948). For reviews of this fourth edition see REL 30, 1952, 461-2 (Marouzeau), Latomus 11, 1952, 499-500 (Fabre), Rev. de Philol. 27, 1953, 192-202 (Ernout), UAntiquite classique 22, 1953, 188 f. (Preaux), CPh. 48, !953> 267-9 (Basset), RE A 55,1953,451 f. (Bouvet), CAN.S. 4 , 1 9 5 4 , 2 6 2 - 4 (Simon), Museum 59, 1954, 48-49 (Enk), Anzeiger fur die Altertumswissenschaft 8, 1955, 109 (Jax). A fifth edition ('editio stereotypa correctior editionis quartae'), with addenda and corrigenda by W. Trillitsch (pp. 261-3), appeared in 1957. Meusel (see JB 38, 1912, 18-21) admits that the pedigree constructed by Klotz may be the right one. For further discussion of his theory see especially E. Kalinka, Jahresbericht uber die Fortschritte der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, Supplementband, Bd. 224, 1929, 34 fF., Beeson, op. cit. 118 if., Seel xviii, Hering 28, n. 1, 89 fF. 5 He seems to have modified this view slightly in the Teubner edition of BG. See Beeson, op. cit. 120, n. 25. But in Philologische Wochenschrift 47, 1927, 936 and Mnemosyne 9, 1941, 218-22 he again insists on the importance of j3.

INTRODUCTION

29

interpretation of the manuscript tradition is illustrated by the following stemma:

T. Rice Holmes, 1 like Meusel, preferred in many places the reading of β, but tends to follow α when the two families are at variance and no clear case for preferring one to the other can be made out. Constans 2 in theory gives 'aux deux classes une autorite sensiblement egale', but in practice, perhaps under the influence of editors who have preceded him, accepts far more readings from α than from β. He showed 3 that the archetype of all Caesar's manuscripts was written in columns the lines of which contained twenty letters and that each column con­ tained fifteen or sixteen lines. He assumed that the β family drew some of its good readings from a source other than that of the immediate archetype of a, and illustrated his analysis of the history of the text by the following stemma : 4 Υ

AQ

BMSLN

TV

UR

Beeson fairly points out that β may have '. . . got its good readings from variants in X, its archetype, for we know that it had variants'. 5 But there may have been more than one line of descent in the text history as represented by the symbols y' and the parallel y" in 1 CR 15, 1901, 175; Caesar's Conquest of Gaul2 (Oxford, 1931), 202. Rice Holmes edited BG in the volume C lull Caesaris Commentarii rerum in Gallia gestarum VII, A. Hirti Commentarius VIII (Oxford, 1914), see especially pp. xi-xv. 2 Ce'sar, Guerre des Gaules, Texte £tabli et traduit par L.-A. Constans, 2 vols. (Collection . . . de Γ association Guillaume Bud£) (Paris, 1926), unfavourably reviewed by Klotz, Philol. Woch. 47, 1927, 933-40. The fifth edition was published in 1955· 3 *Recherches sur le texte et sur les manuscrits de Cesar, Bellum Gallicum', REA 27, 1925, 279-96. Cf. id., Revue de philologie 48, 1924, 131-9. 4 I have substituted Klotz's sigla for those of Constans where this was necessary, s CPh. 35, 1940, 120.

30

INTRODUCTION

Constans's stemma. For Beeson,1 inspired by suggestions made by Holder 2 and Klotz 3 concerning the Insular character of the archetype of the surviving manuscripts, examined manuscripts Β and T, repre­ senting the two families, and found convincing evidence of the Insular background of those codices. Confusion of letters and symbols, Insu­ lar orthography, and errors attributable to Insular symbols in both families led him to conclude that 'there can be no doubt, therefore, as to Insular activity in the transmission of the text of the Corpus Caesarianum, whether by one line of descent or two. T h e palaeographical evidence is not sufficient to settle the dispute in regard to the stemma. On the whole, it rather tends to support Klotz's theory.' Otto Seel, in his Preface to the new and conservative Teubner edition of the Commentaries* and in two lengthy articles devoted to the study of Caesar's text and style,5 expresses the opinion that the manu­ script tradition is in general painstakingly accurate and authentic. He rejects6 the view that α is demonstrably superior to β and points out that there was contact between the two classes at an early date. On the one hand, ρ of the β class has the Celsus subscription. O n the other hand, SLN of the α class, like the β manuscripts, contain the whole of the Corpus Caesarianum. Moreover, S, often in BG vii, almost always in BG viii, agrees with β.7 Seel also rejects the concept of a single archetypal codex to which all the chief manuscripts now used to illustrate the text history of the Commentaries may be traced, 8 and is inclined to minimize the importance of the so-called Celsus 'recen­ sion'. 9 Wolfgang Hering's Die Recensio der Caesarhandschriften {Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschqften zu Berlin, Schriften der Sektionfur Altertumswissenschqft 41, Berlin, 1963) appeared after this work was ready for printing. It is the result of painstaking research on the manuscript problem. Hering has sought to show that, of the eleven manuscripts 1

*Text History of the Corpus Caesarianum', CPh. 35, 1940, 113-25. Op. cit. (on p. 123). 3 Rh. Mus. 64, 1909, 226; fourth Teubner edition, Praef., p. xiv. 4 C. Iulii Caesaris Commentarii rerum gestarum edidit Otto Seel. Vol. I Bellum Gallicum (Lipsiae, 1961). See Hering's important review in Helikon 2, 1962, 345-55, also the reviews of Rambaud in REL 39, 1961, 341-3 and Gnomon 34, 1962, 781-7. 5 'Zur Kritik des Textes von Caesars Bellum Gallicum' in Studi in onore di Luigi Castiglioni (G. C. Sansoni—Editore, Firenze, i960) 897-968; 'Ambiorix. Beobachtungen zu Text und Stil in Caesars Bellum Gallicum' in Jahrbuch f. frankische Landesforschung 20 ( = Fest. Ernst Schwarz I), i960, 49-89. 6 See p. xxvii beside xxxvii f. of his Teubner text. 7 L and Ν also frequently and arbitrarily depart from the readings of the rest of the α class of manuscripts to agree with j3. 8 See pp. xxxi f. beside xli f. Cf. Hering 110 f. 9 See pp. xxxix f. and now Hering 88 if., 99 fF., 111. 2

INTRODUCTION

31

usually used to establish a text of BG, five, viz. MLN, S, and R, are secondary, being copies (direct or indirect) of the four chief manu­ scripts (AB and T U ) . Q,and V are still important, especially for filling a few gaps in A and Τ respectively. For Hering's views concerning the archetype see pp. 85 if. (summarized pp. n o f . ) . The monograph is an invaluable (though not always convincing) contribution to the study of the text history of BG and of the Corpus Caesarianum as a whole. In this Remark and elsewhere I have unfortunately been able to add only a few references to Hering's revolutionary work. My Remark on the text of BG is necessarily brief. For that reason I add a short list of works where may be found full bibliographical references to recent work concerning the manuscript tradition and the editing of the Commentaries: H. J . Heller, 'Jahresbericht uber C. Julius Caesar und seine Fortsetzer, 1893-94', m Johresbericht uber die Fortschritte der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, 89. Band, 24. Jahrgang, 1896, Zweite Abteilung, Lateinische Klassiker 86-119; id., 'Bericht uber C. Julius Casar und seine Fortsetzer, 1895-97', in Jahresbericht... 97. Band, 26. Jahrgang, 1898, Zweite Abteilung, Lateinische Klassiker 220-6; E. Kalinka, 'Casars und seiner Fortsetzer Schriften (1898-1928)', Jahresbericht. . . Supplementband, Bd. 224, 1929, 1-256; id., 'Casar und die Fort­ setzer seiner Werke. Bericht uber das Schriftturn der J a h r e 1929-1936', Jahresbericht . . . Jhg. 1939, Lateinische Autoren, Bd. 264, 169-256; P. Fabre, 'Vingt annees d'etudes sur Cesar', Memorial des etudes latines offert a J. Marouzeau (Paris, 1943) 215-31; P. Lambrechts, 'Cesar dans l'histoire contemporaine', U Antiquite classique 23, 1954, 126-43; M. Rambaud, 'Cesar', in Association Guillaume Bude. Congres de Lyon 8-10 septembre 1958. Actes du Congres (Paris, i960), 205-38; H. Oppermann's 'Nachwort und bibliographische Nachtrage', in C. Iulii Caesaris Commentarii de Bello Gallico erklart von Fr. Kraner und W. Dittenberger . . ., 3 vols. (Berlin, 1960-1). See also S. Lambrino, Bibliographie deV antiquite classique 1896-1914, premiere partie, Auteurs et textes (Paris, 1951), 91-97; J · Marouzeau, Dix annees de bibliographie classique. Bibliographie critique et analytique de V antiquite greco-htine pour la periode 1914-1924 (Paris, 1927), 61-66; J . Marouzeau, ed., UAnnee philologique. Bibliographie critique et analytique de Γantiquite greco-latine (Paris, 1928- ), s.n. Julius Caesar. (iii) La Graufesenque graffiti At La Graufesenque, a small plain about one kilometre square on the left bank of the River Tarn opposite Millau in the Cevennes (just below the confluence of the Tarn and the Dourbie), there was in the first and second centuries A.D. a great terra sigillata factory. It was

32

INTRODUCTION

part of the Gallo-Roman settlement, the Condatomago of the Peutinger table, thirty leagues from Rodez (Segodunum) and twenty-three from Lodeve (Luteva). There are other known sites at which potters worked in Aquitania, e.g. at Montans, Banassac, and Lezoux. But for the study of the dialects of Ancient Gaul La Graufesenque is undoubtedly the most important site. For here have been unearthed (including the discoveries of 1950-2) about sixty texts on fragmentary 'plats' or 'assiettes' of terra-cotta covered with a red varnish. Discarded sherds were used by the potters to keep records of the totals of the lots of pottery they deposited with a kiln-master for firing in a common kiln. 1 These graffiti are scratched in the cursive Latin alphabet of the time. The excavations of Frederic Hermet that brought these graffiti to light began in 1901 and ended in 1906.2 They have been read and edited in full by Hermet himself, by Joseph Loth, by August Oxe, and by Joshua Whatmough. They have aroused great interest, and the bibliography concerning them (see below) is now quite extensive. Excavation work in 1950-2 uncovered at the site nineteen new graffiti, apparently belonging to a different series.3 Yet another came to light in 1953.4 Hermet dated the graffiti discovered earlier to the period A.D. 40-60 (see Hermet, pp. 351 ff.). But Albenque (REA 53, 1951, 80 f., RA 37, 1951, 185 if.) believed that those discovered in 1950 are considerably later. He insisted that the factory cannot have fallen into decadence as early as the time of Trajan, as was once supposed, but was still active at least as late as the middle of the second century A.D. This accords well with the fact that in these recently discovered graffiti the progress of latinization is reflected by the preponderance of Latin words and Latin terminations. Texts similar to the graffiti of La Graufesenque are known from Montans (DAG 88), Rheinzabern (DAG 229, 230), Colmars (DAG 20, 1 This view was first propounded by August Oxe. For Duval's subtle refinement of this interpretation see EC 7, 1955-6, 251 ff. 2 Six short and incomplete graffiti had been discovered previously by Γ abbe" C£res in excavations of 1882-3. 3 This number includes the 'poingon-matrices' (graffiti Albenque-Aymard nos. 10, 11, and 16) inscribed before firing. Names occurring in these (notably Crucuro, ? Fronci or ? Fronici, and Litugenus) are not listed as separate items in Chapter II. They are, of course, mentioned in conjunction with other names. Concerning new 'po^on-matrices' at La Graufesenque see L. Balsan, RA 41, 1953, 137 ff., id., Proc.-verb. des seances de la socie'te des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 37, 1954-8 (1959), 11 f., id., Revue archiologique du Centre 2, 1963, 29 ff. 4 See L. Balsan, Proc.-verb. des sdances de la socie'te' des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron, vol. cit., p. 12. Monsieur Balsan has very kindly informed me in a letter of 23 October 1962 that he has a further graffito of La Graufesenque, the text of which as yet has not been published. It contains several names which were hitherto unknown at the site, e.g. Crescens and Urbanos and the incomplete ]gilliu, ]nillis9 and ]lenos.

INTRODUCTION

33

Remark (e)), Bavay, Montenach, Chemery, and Holdoorn (DAG,. pp. 280 f.). In the various potters' records of La Graufesenque there are the following three elements: (a) a heading consisting of a brief formula— usually Gaulish fa0(0)o.f+an ordinal number (often in its Gaulish form and sometimes abbreviated); instead of the numeral or in addi­ tion to it there occasionally stands the word luxtos,1 and in perhaps four graffiti (DAG 90, 92, 94, 102) a form which may be a Gaulish official title, cas{s)idan(n)o{s) ;2 (b) the body of the text listing row by row, under four heads, 3 details concerning (i) the name of a potter or the names of two or more potters possibly working together, (ii) the name of the type of vase produced, (iii) an indication of the size of the vase, (iv) the number of vases deposited; (c) a summation (not absolutely correct in every case) of the number of vases deposited for firing as listed in the graffito (insixgraffitionly,ZL4G95,97,100,106,115,124). The mixed character of the language of the graffiti is shown clearly by the potters' names, with which we are primarily concerned here. Those that are Celtic and those that may be Celtic are listed below in Chapter I I and in the Appendix. Some are certainly Latin, e.g. Felix, Fuscus, Macer, Masclos, Primigen., Primo(s), Privates, Secundos (-us), Vitali(s). Some few may well be Greek. See Chapter II (B) s.nn. Coros and Stamulos, Appendix s.nn. [C]elados, Polos, and Sum{m)aco(s), -us. [M]irtilos in gr. Hermet 19, if the restoration is correct, is probably Greek. See Loth, i?C4i, 1924, 52 ff.; Hermet, pp. 313 ff., 317; Whatmough, DAG, pp. 288 ff. I have omitted from the lists both fragmentary forms such as com[ DAG 126, 1. 2 (cor[ Oxe) and lie. .a gr. AlbenqueAymard 1, 1. 3 (see Albenque, REA 53, 1951, 76) and, on the other hand, puzzling forms such as moes DAG n o I (c), 1. 17 (read as Mo[d]es[tus] by Oxe and as (?)PN Moes by Hermet), perauc[ or peraug[ gr. Albenque-Aymard 2, 1. 4 (?Pera Aug[ustalis], see Albenque, REA 53> ^ ΰ 1 ? 73> 76) and sioxti DAG 114 (c), 1. 1 (see Loth, RC 4.1, 1924, 33; Thurneysen, J?CP 16, 1927, 302 f.; Marstrander, NTS 1, 1928, 113; Weisgerber, SprFK 209; Vendryes, RC 51, 1934, 122; Whatmough, DAG, pp. 289 f.). 1

See Chapter II (B) s.n. Lucterius. Following the heading in DAG 90 and 93, preceding it in DAG 103 and 109, and in the margin in DAG 114, there are certain forms (le[gi]tum[ 90, legit[umg^9 legitum[ 103, autagis · cintux xxx 109, sioxti · albanos · panna · extratud · ccc 114) which Oxe (BJ 130, 1925, 75, 77), Hermet (pp. 310 f.), and Whatmough [DAG, pp. 282 f.) regard as a postscript. In fact, the exact significance of these forms is obscure. 3 The arrangement of the details varies. The potter's name, for example, may come second (after the name of the vase) or last (after the number of the vases); it may be omitted altogether if he deposits more than one type of vase for firing; where no name occurs for several lines it may be that the kiln-master himself was the owner or manufacturer of the vases there listed. 2

811930

D

34

INTRODUCTION

Some of the problems presented by names from terra sigillata have been noted by Whatmough (DAG 88, Remark, p. 271). 1 He men­ tioned the difficulty presented by bad writing or a hard script or by both, and the extreme difficulty of determining for certain the place where some potters worked. There are other problems too. The close dating of the periods of activity of particular potters is difficult.2 It is also difficult to establish whether a particular name is that of a firm of potters flaunted for advertising purposes, or of an independent crafts­ man working on his own account, or of a specialist employed by a large concern. 3 BIBLIOGRAPHY Here I have listed details concerning works dealing with the pottery of La Graufesenque in general and especially with the graffiti. A. ALBENQUE, Inventaire de VarcheOlogie gallo-romaine du departement de VAveyron (Rodez, 1947), esp. pp. 83 ff. Les Rutenes. Etudes d'histoire, d? archeologie et de toponymie gallo-romaines (Rodez, 1948). 'Nouveaux Graffites de La Graufesenque I.', REA 53, 1951, 71-81. 'Nouvelles Fouilles a La Graufesenque', RA 37, 1951, 175-90. *Les Nouvelles Fouilles de La Graufesenque (Gampagne de 1950)', Procesverbaux des seances de la societe des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 36, 1949-53 (1954), 141-59· D. ATKINSON, Ά Hoard of Samian Ware from Pompeii', JRS 4, 1914, 27-64. A. AYMARD, *La Coramique gallo-romaine de La Graufesenque (Aveyron)', Etudes rigionales pour V enseignement, fasc. 3, 1952, 150-60. 'Nouveaux Graffites de La Graufesenque', REA 54, 1952, 9 3 - 1 0 1 ; 55, 1953, 126-31. L. BALSAN, 'Reprise de fouilles a La Graufesenque (Gondatomagos). Campagne 1950', Gallia 8, 1950 (1952), 1-13. 'Nouveaux Ροίηςοη-matrices de La Graufesenque', RA 41, 1953, 137-47. 1 For a bibliography concerning terra sigillata see F. Oswald and T. Davies Pryce, An Introduction to the Study of Terra Sigillata (London, 1920) 2 4 5 - 7 2 ; F. Oswald, Index of Figure-Types on Terra Sigillata, suppl. to Liverpool Annals of Arch, and Anthrop. 13-24, 1936-7; Hermet, pp. xix fF. (with particular ref. to La Graufesen­ que); H. Comfort, 'Terra Sigillata', P.-W.} Supplementband V I I (1940), 12951352. See also P. de Schaetzen, Index des terminaisons des marques de potters galloromains sur terra sigillata, Collection Latomus, vol. 24 (Bruxelles, 1956), and J. A. Stanfield and Grace Simpson, Central Gaulish Potters (London, 1958). An excellent bibliography of recent work is the section entitled 'Chronique de ceramologie' in Duval's 'Chronique gallo-romaine' in REA 56, 1954, 4 1 8 - 2 1 ; 57, 1955, 335~8; 58» x 956, 3 0 3 - 7 ; 59» i957> 361-4; 60, 1958, 376-80; 61, 1959, 3 8 6 - 9 ; 62, i960, 411-16; 63, 1961, 4 0 1 - 9 ; 64, 1962, 3 4 9 - 5 4 ; 65, 1963» 373-7; 66, 1964, 372-6. 2 F. Oswald, Index of Potters' Stamps on Terra Sigillata, 'Samian Ware9 (Margidunum, 1931) (republished in 1964 by the Gregg Press Limited, London), is here a helpful but by no means infallible guide. 3 See E. Birley, Latomus 15, 1956, 219.

INTRODUCTION

35

'Les Fouilles de La Graufesenque (Gampagne 1951)', Proces-verbaux des stances de la soc. des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 36, 1949-53 ( J 9 5 4 ) J 198-200. 'Les Fouilles de 1952 a La Graufesenque', op. cit. 248-53. 'Les Fouilles de La Graufesenque (Gampagne 1953)', Procis-verbaux des seances de la soc. des lettres, sciences et arts de ly Aveyron 37, 1954-8 (1959), 6-15. 'Les Fouilles de La Graufesenque. Campagne 1954', op. cit. 65-70. 'Ceramiques inedites de La Graufesenque', Ogam 12, i960, i74f. 'Au sujet de deux poincons de La Graufesenque', Revue archeologique du Centre 2, 1963, 29-34. A. DE BARTHELEMY, 'Rapport sur les fouilles de M. l'abbe Ceres dans la plaine de La Graufesenque', Bull. arch, du ComiU des travaux historiques et scientifiques 1886, 324 f.; 1887. 212 f. A. BERTRAND, Bulletin de giographie historique et descriptive du ComiU des travaux his­ toriques et scientifiques 1888, 37-39 (an account of the excavations of Cores). H. DE VILLEFOSSE, BSAF 1882, 297-9 ( o n graffiti found by Cores 'a la GrauFezen'). O. BOHN, 'VierunddreiBig neue Topferlisten aus La Graufesenque', Germania 8, 1924, 19-27 (v. RC 41, 1924, 493 f.). E. BONNET, Carte et texte complet du departement de VAveyron {Carte archeologique de la Gaule romaine, fasc. x) (Paris, 1944), no. 40, pp. 9-11. P. F. CERES, Proc.-verb des seances de la socidti des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 13, 1880-4, 2 3 * (concerning a request made to Ceres to report on discoveries at the site and to excavate it). BSAF 1882, 297-9 a n c * 1884, 83-86 (see here s.nn. A. Bertrand and H. de Villefosse). Proc.-verb. des seances de la societe des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 14, 1884-7, 62 f. (an account of excavations at La Graufesenque). Memoires de la sociSte des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 14, 1887-93, 22-30 (the same). 'Note sur les poteries celtiques, gauloises et romaines du departement de l'Aveyron et des parties voisines de l'Aveyron et des parties voisines du departe­ ment de la Lozere', op. cit. 448-58. G. CHENET, 'Die Erforschung der galloromischen Topfereien in den Argonnen seit dem Anfang des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts', Germania 14, 1930, 64-73 (v- RE A 34> 1932, 58). L. CONSTANS, ΒA 1893, xxxv (concerning Gallo-Roman pottery of Aveyron with particular reference to that of La Graufesenque). J. DEGHELETTE, 'La Fabrique de La Graufesenque (Aveyron)', REA 5, 1903, 37-78. 'Les Graffites de La Graufesenque', RA 4 e s£r., 3, 1904, 200-4. Les Vases ceramiques ornis de la Gaule romaine, vol. i (Paris, 1904), pp. 85-92 (with figs. 61-62), pis. xiii-xiv. G. DoTTiN, 'La Langue gauloise dans les graffites de La Graufesenque', REA 26, 1924» 73-77 (ϋ· Glotta 15, 1927, 248). F. DREXEL, 'Romische Sigillataservices', Germania 11, 1928, 51-53 (on the names of vases, etc.). A. ERNOUT, 'Acetabulum' in Classical and Mediaeval Studies in Honor of Edward Kennard Rand . . ., ed. Leslie Webber Jones (New York, 1938), 101-3.

36

INTRODUCTION

P. F. FOURNIER, Gallia 9, 1951, 108 f. (on excavations of 1951), 12, 1954, 193-5 ( o n excavations of 1952-3), 13, 1955, 182 f. (on excavations of 1954). J. FRASER, 'The graffiti of La Graufesenque', RC 42, 1925, 93-96 (v. Glotta 16, 1928, 223). A. GRENIER, in T. Frank, An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome, vol. iii (Baltimore, I937)> 540-62. 'Sur la "coutume ouvriere" des potiers gallo-romains , J in Fest. f. August Oxi zum 75. Geburtstag . . . (Darmstadt, 1938), 84-89. J. GRIGOURT, 'Les "marques chiffroes intra-docoratives" de La Graufesenque' in Hommages a Albert Grenier, ed. M. Renard (Collection Latomus 58) (Bruxelles, 1962), 763-70. H. GUMMERUS, 'Die sudgallische Terra-sigillata-Industrie nach den Graffiti aus La Graufesenque', in Commentationes Humanarum Litterarum (Societas Scientiarum Fennica) iii/3 (Helsingfors, 1932), 1-21 (v. REA 34, 1932, 58). F. HERMET, Proc.-verb. des stances de la sociiti des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 19, 1900-3, 133-6, 188-90; 21, 1906-7, 56-57 (accounts of excavations at La Graufesenque). 'Les Graffites de La Graufesenque', RA 4 e ser., 3, 1904, 74-91. Assoc, frangaise pour Vavancement des sciences. Compte rendu de la 41™ Session (Nimes igi2) (Paris, 1912), 163 f. (notice of a communication on the pottery and graffiti of La Graufesenque). Les Graffites de la Graufesenque pris Millau (Aveyron) (Rodez, 1923) (v. RA 1923, 180 f.). La Graufesenque (Condatomago) I. Vases sigilUs.-II. Graffites, 2 vols. (Paris, 1934), reviewed by Davies Pryce, JRS 24, 1934, 231-4; de Weerd, VAntiquiU classique 3» ^34» 543-7; Oxe, ΒJ 140-1, 1936, 325-94; Lantier, RA 1937, 121. C. JULLIAN, 'Inscription indigene de La Graufesenque', REA 24, 1922, 250 f. R. KNORR, 'Verzierte Terra sigillata des ersten Jahrhunderts', Germania 21, 1937, 240-7 (v. REA 41, 1939, 35). R. LANTIER, CRAI1950, 420-2 (on new excavations). J. LOTH, 'Les Graffites gaulois de la Graufesenque', RC 41, 1924, 1-64, 493, also 42, 1925, 221 f. (v. Glotta 15, 1927, 248). A. MEILLET, 'Des noms de nombre ordinaux en indo-europeen', BSL 29, 1929, 29-37· A. NICOLAI, Les Officines de potiers gallo-romaines et les graffites de La Graufesenque . . . (Paris, 1927) {v. Hermet, pp. 349 f., Weisgerber, SprFK 151). A. O X E , Die 'Topferrechnungen von der Graufesenque', ΒJ 130, 1925, 38-99 (v RC 43, 1926, 4 4 J ~ 4 ; REA 32, 1930, 261). 'La Graufesenque', BJ 140-1, 1936, 325-94. A. PETRUCCI, 'Per la storia della scrittura romana: i graffiti di Condatomagos', Bullettino delVArchivio paleografico italiano, Terza Serie, 1, 1962, 85-132. R. THURNEYSEN, 'Gallisches', £CP 15, 1925, 379-83 (#C 44, 1927, 249 f.); *Zu den Graffiti von La Graufesenque', Z^P J 6 , 1927, 285-304 (RC 45, 1928, 415); 'Gall, uxsedios "rudis" ', ZCP 20, 1936, 368. J. VENDRYES, 'Remarques sur les graffites de La Graufesenque', BSL 25,1924,34-43. CRAI 1950, 419 f. (on new excavations). L. VIALETTES, 'Sigles figulins relev£s sur les poteries trouv£es dans PAveyron et a Banassac (Lozere)', Memoires de la sociiti des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 15, 1894-9» lSG-

INTRODUCTION

37

Η. DE VILLEFOSSE, see s.n. A. Bertrand above. BSAF 1884, 83-86 (on two graffiti discovered by Ceres 'a la Gros-fesenque'). J. WHATMOUGH, JCS i, 1950, 7-9 (on tuOdos).

DAG, items 90-132 (pp. 274-323).

II THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y I N this chapter are listed and discussed the forms which I think should be considered in a study of Celtic personal names in the sources here selected for special consideration. Owing to the nature of the Celtic inscriptions of Gaul 1 it is inevitable that some names of doubtful Celticity are included, some forms which are fragmentary or forms the reading of which is uncertain, and even some forms which may not be personal names at all. References to the sources are kept to the barest minimum. Thus, if an inscription is recorded in The Dialects of Ancient Gaul, reference is not necessarily made to any other sources such as Dottin or GIL· I have, however, included, for the sake of convenience, lists of the relevant item num­ bers from DAG accompanied by the corresponding numbers from Dottin. 2 Names from the Commentaries on the Gallic War are listed with brief biographical notes on their bearers. Details are given concerning textual variants, conjectures, and emendations, and concerning the forms of these personal names as attested in other sources in antiquity. In listing the forms from the graffiti of La Graufesenque which deserve consideration I quote Whatmough's account of the material in DAG, and refer to other accounts, such as those of Hermet and Oxe, only where they differ from that of Whatmough. Graffiti dis­ covered during excavations at La Graufesenque in 1950-2, described by Albenque and Aymard, are referred to as A-A. 1, A.-A. 2, etc. For a discussion of some of the peculiar problems presented by these graffiti and by names on terra sigillata, and for a bibliography con­ cerning the material, see Chapter I (c) (iii). I have appended an index of item numbers from Whatmough's DAG, Hermet's La Graufesenque, and Oxe's Die Topferrechnungen von der Graufesenque* An attempt is also made to interpret the names thus listed. Where necessary the interpretation of a name is preceded by a discussion of the reading. The forms are arranged in groups of Compounded Names (section (A) (i)) and Uncompounded Names (section (B)). T h e 1

See Chapter I (c) (i).

2

See pp. 481-3.

3

See pp. 485-7.

T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y

39

entries within each section succeed each other in strict alphabetical order, but a great number of cross-references have been given. In section (A) (ii) the elements of compounded names have been dealt with in separate articles. Doubtful names are all discussed together in the Appendix. To make a strict distinction between these doubtful names and those the interpretation of which is fairly certain is not always easy, as will be seen in several cases. It is often not clear in which section a particular name should be placed. See the introduc­ tion to the Appendix. The Gaulish names, local, ethnic, and divine as Λνεΐΐ as personal, which are adduced as parallels to illustrate the incidence of various names or name elements are taken in the main from The Dialects of Ancient Gaul and Altceltischer Sprachschatz. I have also relied a great deal on other corpora of relevant material such as GIL and PID or less extensive collections such as Tovar's Lexico and Palomar Lapesa's OPL. Moreover, I have, of course, tried to gather in pertinent items in other sources, some of which have come to light since Holder and Whatmough published their collections of material. The criteria used for establishing the etymology of the names fall into several categories. Of considerable importance are the phonetic criteria. The value of phonological observations and of orthographical peculiarities is self-evident. Historical criteria are invaluable, especially with names from BG, although one has always to recognize that the local or ethnic associations of its bearer can never be taken as an absolute proof of the language of any name. Moreover, the local distribution of names has sometimes a direct bearing on the question of their origin, as Weisgerber and Whatmough have stressed and abun­ dantly illustrated in their published work. Finally, chronological considerations are occasionally (alas too infrequently) of decisive im­ portance, although the chronology of the Celtic inscriptions of Ancient Gaul is still in general uncertain. It goes without saying that many of the etymological suggestions offered in this chapter are tentative and of questionable value. Our knowledge of Continental Celtic personal nomenclature is still very imperfect. A systematic investigation of more Insular Celtic sources is bound to bring much fresh material to light and cause the conclusions reached concerning Continental forms to be revised and modified. On the other hand, one always has to bear in mind that the absence of a clear cognate in the modern Celtic languages is no proof that a particular name is non-Celtic. But it is as a rule dangerous to invent a more or less unconvincing Celtic etymology in these circumstances rather than admit that the etymology is unknown. This is why I have in some cases entirely avoided giving any etymology. Even among those given I fear that some few will appear too far-fetched to be

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THE M A T E R I A L ! AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L

SURVEY

accepted as correct. As Whatmough put it in his Prolegomena to the Dialects of Ancient Gaul (HSCP 55, 1944, 39), c. . . the interpretation of ancient names is usually a matter of questionable etymology, and their evidence often open to more than one seemingly defensible reading'. 1 A certain amount of tentative guesswork is absolutely inevitable. Indeed, the longer one studies the Celtic personal names of Ancient Gaul, and Continental Celtic proper names in general, the more sceptical one feels before the vast material that so frequently defies all attempts at a satisfactory interpretation. But that is not to admit that no reasonable and well-disciplined attempt should be made to inter­ pret, if not to translate, such names, especially as they form such a very high proportion of the earliest records of Celtic speech that have been preserved for us today. A (i)

COMPOUNDED

NAMES

What little work had been done previously concerning Gaulish com­ pounded personal names 2 has now been superseded by Karl Horst Schmidt's important monograph entitled 'Die Komposition in gallischen Personennamen' published in J?CP 26, 1957, 33-301. For reviews of his work, mostly favourable, see the following: Language 33, 1957, 591-5 (J. Whatmough); Anglia 76, 1958, 430-4 (A. Scherer); Kratylos 3, 1958, 170-4 (J. Pokorny); Lingua Posnaniensis 7> x959i 286-94 (T. Milewski); Emerita 28, i960, 285-309 (M. L. Albertos); J^pravodaj Mistopisne Komise CSAV 1, i960, 229-32 (M. Frydrich). His contribution to the study of Celtic personal names is extremely valuable, and his treatment of his special subject is distinguished both for its soundness and for its clarity. However, I feel that Scherer's main criticism, namely that he has exaggerated the number of meaningful names and thereby suggested highly improbable meanings for some names, is quite justified. In a number of cases this is due to the repeti­ tion of comparison of quite doubtful or 'ghost' cognates from Insular Celtic sources. It will be seen from my discussion of individual examples of compounding in Celtic personal names that I have relied a great deal on his work. I have carefully acknowledged this in 1

I cannot agree with him in his later insistence, in a review of KGP (Lg. 33, 1957, 593), that 'there is in fact far less uncertainty about the etymology of Gaulish personal names than is commonly realized by those who are not familiar with the material, and with Keltic as a whole'. 2 See, for example, Zeuss, GCl 819 ff., GC2 853 ff.; Becker, KSB 3, 1863, 426 ff.; Holder, AcSpassim; Pedersen, VKG 2. 1 if.; Dottin, Mnl.1 83 ff.; Mnl2 103 ff.; id., La Langue gauloise 105 ff., 358.

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frequent references to KGP. For a systematic analysis of compounding Schmidt's work, particularly the section entitled 'Kompositionslehre' (pp. 55-90), must be consulted. Where I differ from him in matters of interpretation I have indicated my own view below in the discussion of individual names or name elements. It used to be commonly supposed that the Indo-European personal name was characteristically compounded with variously formed simple or hypocoristic derivations. See, for example, A. Ficfc, Die griechischen Personennamen (Gottingen, 1874) lxviff.; A. Hilka, Die altindischen Personennamen [Indische Forschungen 3] (Breslau, 1910), 153 fF.; M . Redin, Studies on uncompounded personal names in Old English (Uppsala, 1919), xxiiff. ;l T. Milewski, Ό pochodzeniu slowianskich imion zlozonych', in / Mi$dzynarodowa Slawistyczna Konferencja Onomastyczna w Krakowie w dniach 22-24 pazdziernika 1959. Ksigga Referatow pod redakcja Witolda Taszyckiego (Wroclaw-Warszawa-Krakow, 1961), 233-47 (v. RIO 14, 1962, 235). But Ernst Pulgram, in an article entitled 'Indo-European Personal Names' (published in Language 23, 1947, 189-206), has now convincingly shown that this supposition is based on faulty and incomplete evidence. His study led him to the following conclusions: (1) The fashion of naming which appears in several Indo-European idioms is not necessarily proved to have been inherited from the parent speech. (2) In accordance with universal traits of nomenclature and in view of the serious gaps in the evidence we possess, we must suppose that the oldest form of name in Indo-European was a simple appellative and not a compound. (3) The prevalence of compounds in available records for some areas is not necessarily typical for any speech-area as a whole, and even less for an entire linguistic family, in view of the socially and historically conditioned partiality of the tradition, which favours the upper classes. See also now Pulgram, 'New Evidence on Indo-European Names', Language 36, i960, 198-202. However, Pokorny has rightly main­ tained in a review of KGP2 that both the compounded and the originally uncompounded types were doubtless common in the parent language. Some statistical work has been done concerning the incidence of dithematic names as opposed to monothematic names in Continental Celtic, and it is still worth referring to this work. But we must re­ member Pulgram's warning that statistics of this kind, based on re­ cords that are so fragmentary, are bound to be misleading because they can tell us so very little about the frequency-ratio of each individual name. Weisgerber (Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 314 ff., see especially 1 Cf. Olof von Feilitzen, The Pre-Conquest Personal Names of Domesday Book (Uppsala, 1937), n f., Hilmer Strom, Old English Personal Names in Bede's History (Lund, 1939), xlii. 2 Kratylosfr 1958, 171 f.

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his remarks on pp. 329 f.) counted 28 compounded Celtic names (with 31 instances) among the Treveri beside 20 (with 27 instances) abbreviated names and 115 (with 132 instances) originally uncompounded names. He counted 23 compounded forms among 238 in­ stances of Celtic names among the Mediomatrici (Rh. V. 18,1953,267). Schmidt (KGP 39 fF.) claimed that there were in the Commentaries on the Gallic War 32 compounded personal names (the names of 34 per­ sons), 3 abbreviated names, and 21 originally uncompounded names. 1 According to my calculation there are 34 compounded names in BG (the names of 37 persons), 2 3 abbreviated names, 3 and 21 originally uncompounded names. 4 In BG Celtic personal names are in the main those of tribal leaders and such like, members of a wealthy aristocracy, as the brief biographical details concerning their bearers clearly show. In contrast to this the potters' names in La Graufesenque graffiti are mostly those of the humbler strata of society. Of those names in the graffiti that are probably Celtic only one, Deprosagilos, can be cer­ tainly classed as compounded, while 23 are uncompounded. 5 In the Celtic inscriptions of Gaul, the vast majority of which are funerary or votive and in which I think we should expect to find as many of the names of the common people as of their more distinguished and power­ ful leaders, the balance of compounded and uncompounded names is fairly even. In this source I counted 57 compounded as opposed to 55 uncompounded names. 6 Α Δ Γ Ε Ν Ν Ο Ρ Ι Γ . DAG49 (inscriptionofL'Isle-sur-Sorgue, Vaucluse) Rochetin (RE 2, 1884-9, 3 9 ~ 4 ° J n o · 4^3) pointed out that it was uncertain whether a letter was missing at the end of this form and whether the name should be read as Ahyevvopiy (nom., fern.?), Ahy 12-13; Schmidt, MSS, Heft 12, 1958, 57, n. 45. 4 See Insc. 21 f., Addit. 3. Dottin (no. 9) here read μαρζ[ ]υι and Whatmough (DAG 49) restored μα[τ]ρ€[βο]υι[. 5 Cf. D N N Taranucnus DAG 236, 243, Taranuco (dat.) CIL 3. 2804, (or PN) Taranu.n[ Gallia 18, i960, 195 ff. (ECQ. 55, REA 63. 377, 393 f.) and P N Taranutius DAG 182 beside D N TaranisDAG 181, P N Taranis CIL 3. 7437 ( = 6150 = 12346), LN Taranis AcS 2, 1728, 42 (see Nicolaisen, Btr. ζ. Ν. 8, 1957, 261), and see Duval, DG 23 i.y EC 89 1958-9, 54 fF.;F. Le Roux, Og. 10, 1958,30-39; 11, 1959, 307-24; de Vries, KR 63 f. 6 Mazauric (op. cit. 16) suggested that it is an o-stem dative. 2

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of the doubtful reading, the uncertainty concerning the value of the symbols in line 2 (if they have been properly read as oov), and the brevity of the inscription which Rhys (AddiL, loc. cit.) perhaps rightly regarded as 'the outcome of a mason's practising his hand or merely amusing himself by ignorantly imitating inscriptions which he had seen'. For aSyev- v. s. PN ASyewopiy. above. ADIANTUNNENI Meurthe-et-Moselle)

DAG

188

(inscription

of

Thiaucourt,

H. d'Arbois de Jubainville (apudC. Robert, CRAI13, 1885, 35) and Stokes {BB 11, 1886, 139) treated this form as an 0-stem dative. This was accepted by Holder {AcS 1. 41). Rhys (Insc. 58 f.) thought that it is a ζα-stem dative, and Schmidt {KGP 113) commented 'wohl Dat. f.'. If it is a woman's name 1 it may be an tf-stem, or, less probably, a zVz-stem, dative in -i. O n the other hand, if it is a man's name it may be an 0-stem genitive in -£. It is noteworthy that exuertini, the second word in the inscription according to Stokes's interpretation, also ends in -i. Moreover, as stressed by Bohn {ASA 26, 1924, 87), the meaning of the inscription as a whole is uncertain. Stokes's rendering ('Nappisetu (gave this) to Adiantunnena (daughter) of Exvertinios'), although it is better than that of Rhys ('The gift of Exuertinos to Adiantunnenia'), may be well wide of the mark. See also PNN Exvertini and Nappisetu. At any rate, the form appears to be a deriva­ tive in -eno- or -en(i)a of a name *Adiantunnos or the like, compounded of ad- and iant- with an -nn- suffix. See section (A) (ii) s.w. AD- and IANT- and, for adiant~> PN Adiatunnus below. A D I A T U N N U S Leader of the Sotiates BG 3. 22. 1 adiatunnus ^BST 0 , adiatonnus GMLN, adcaiuannus I W , (? a correction of adsatuannus) R, adsatuannus (corrected to adcaiuannus) U ; 22. 4 adiatunnus ^B^-MS, adiattonnus L, adiatonnus CBCN, adcatuannus 7rU, adcantuannus R. The name occurs in a fragment of Nicolaus of Damascus preserved by Athenaeus. It reads Άδιάτομον τον των Σωτιατών βασιλέα.2 It is also attested in coin legends of the Sotiates, invariably as adietuanus, the 1 It has been assumed, e.g. by Robert (CRAI 13, 1885, 33) and Whatmough (DAG 188), that the small size of the ring is an indication that it was intended for a lady's finger. However, Bohn (ASA 26, 1924, 87, n. 1), comparing the inscrip­ tion on a silver ring found inside the Roman camp at Vindonissa (DAG, Note lv), claimed that it was more probably a boy's ring. For masculine 0-stems see section (A) (i) s.n. Adepicca. 2 See F. Jacoby, Die Fragments der griechischen Historiker, vol. ii, A (Berlin, 1926), P. 379·

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same person as the one named by Caesar, as Dr. Colbert de Beaulieu has now confirmed beyond all doubt. 1 Editors have varied greatly in their choice of form for Caesar's text. Ciacconius suggested reading Adiatomus.2 Becker favoured Adiatunus.3 Nipperdey, Gliick,4 and Rice Holmes 5 accepted the reading Adiatunnus found in the majority of α manuscripts. Meusel, on the other hand, 6 thought that the coin legends were important. He sup­ posed that Caesar wrote Adiatuanus (with adiat-, rather than adietas in the coin legends, on account of the manuscript readings and Nicolaus of Damascus's graecized Άδι,άτομος). Recent edi­ tors, 7 following Meusel, read Adiatuanus. Hirschfeld alone 8 has argued in favour of the exact form found in the coin legends. Whatmough, in DAG, it. 87, gives the two forms Adiatunnus and Άδιάτοννος [sic].9 The evidence of the manuscripts is too confusing to press for a firm decision concerning the correct form here. All β manuscripts in both instances show a form in adcat- (adsat- is perhaps corrected to adcatonce or twice and adcant- occurs once). This must surely be erroneous. 10 Of the forms in α manuscripts the best attested is adiatunnus. T h e suffix -unnus is a familiar one in Gaulish proper names. 11 Familiar also is the suffix -onnus found only in C M L N in the first instance and in BCCLN in the second. O n the other hand, it must be conceded that -annus (with -nn-) found in all β manuscripts in both instances of the name beside -anus (with -n-) in the coin legends weighs against a form in -unnus or -onnus and lends strong support to Meusel's view that the text should be emended to read Adiatuanus. Less attractive is the emendation Adietuan{n)us (with adiet-), for which there is no manu­ script support. For the form which is most probably correct for Caesar's text, i.e. the form which originally occurred in the Latin text, is not necessarily the good Celtic form of the coin legends. The form on the coins (with -iet- beside -iat- in the manuscripts) is not in the least 1 The full legend is rex adietuanusffj sotiota. See Colbert de Beaulieu's account in Homm. Gren. 425-7 (with bibliography 426, n. 1). 2 At BG 3. 22. 4 he would delete cum his adiatunnus.

3 £ 4 W I 8 5 I , 454 f. 5

4

ΚΝι-η.

CG849, text p. 122. 6 JB 1894, 218 f., Kraner-Dittenberger 1. 428. But in his 1894 t e x t ^ e has re­ tained Adiatunnus. So also Holder (see AcS 1. 41, 3. 507). 7 e.g. du Pontet, Klotz, Constans, Fuchs, Dorminger. 8 Sitz. Bed. Akad. 1896, 431, n. 1. 9 Comparing the coin legends he commented that 'the v.l. at BG 3. 22. 2 [sic] is doubtless wrong'. 10 I know of no other examples of names in adcat- or even in accat- in Ancient Gaul with the sole exception of PN Accaten\_ DAG 87, concerning which see Michelena, Pirineos, Afio 10, nos. 33-34, julio-diciembre 1954, 417, 422. 11 Compare especially PN Adiantunneni DAG 188 discussed above.

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surprising in view of the PNN Adietumarus CIL 3. 10867, lentius CIL 13· 33 I ( V Ientumarus CIL 3. 4731, and Ientinns CIL 2. 4589. The name is a compound of prefix+verb stem (or substantive) with an adjectival suffix. If the name element -iat- is in fact cognate with O l r . it 'emulation, jealousy', etc., then Gluck's rendering of the name as 'cupidus' may still be valid. Perhaps it means 'emulous' rather than 'jealous'. Moreover, ad- may here function as an intensive prefix, a function which Schmidt 2 has properly suggested may be explained by recognizing the influence of similar compounds in at(e)-. See section (A) (ii) s.w. AD- and IANT-. ΑΔΡΕΣΣΙΚΝΟΣ Nimes)

DAG

71

(inscription

of Saint-Gosme,

nr.

The inscription is on a fragment of marble which is broken on the left3 and is read by Whatmough as ~\αδρ€σσίκνοσ\]υίβρατουδ€κα.* J . Guillemaud, who suggested that the text is votive,5 pointed out that line 1 probably contained the name of the person who made the dedication to a god or goddess whose name is lost (except for the ending perhaps at what is now the beginning of line 2). T h e name, an 0-stem nominative, is a patronymic in -/cvo-, i.e. 'son of (?)*Adressos\ See section (A) (ii) s.v. -CJV0-. Rhys (Insc. 39) sug­ gested that it belonged to other names such as Reso, Ressius, Ressimaros, and Redsomaros. Schmidt (KGP 63) explained it as 'Sohn des Angreifers', a patronymic formed from a nominal derivative of the Gaulish cognate of Ir. ad-reith 'attacks'. 6 αδρεσσ- may well be a com­ pound of a prefix ad~-\-3. verb stem ret- with a i-suffix. See section (A) (ii) s.w. AD- and RET(T)- and compare PNN Adreticia, -ius> Adretilis, Adretonius, Adrettio, Adrotus (all listed s.v. RET(T)-). We can also refer here to M1W. forms such as the following: aerawt 'gathering, host' ;7 kyuaeret 'to make for, approach'; 8 daerawd 'a giving, a putting by, deposit, tribute, tax', etc., daered 'legal due, tax, tribute, impost', etc., daeredu 'to come, arrive, reach, happen', etc.; 9 dychyfaerawt BT 1

This is de Villefosse's interpretation. * KGP 57, 61, 136, n. 4. 3 Whatmough suggested that this fragment and another inscribed abacus of a capital of white marble discovered in Nimes {DAG 67) may have belonged to the same structure. 4 In July 1953 I read the traces of the first letter in line 2 as ο rather than v. s RA 8, 1886, 360-3. See also Allmer, RE 2, 1887, 258 f., 283 f., Insc. Lang. no. 1786, Rhys, Insc. 39, Dottin, no. 27 (also p. 39). Hardly divide line 1 to give ]α Δρ^σσικνος, a possibility that occurred to Guillemaud. 6 See VKG 2. 598, LP 389, RIAContr. A. i, 67. 7 < *ad-rdt-, unless a derivative of aer 'war, battle'. See G. 13, GPC 37. 8 < *kom-ad-ret·. See G. 199, GPC 675. ' < *do-ad-retlrdt·. See Lloyd-Jones, BBCS 2, 1923-5, 1 if., G. 287 f., GPC 877 f.

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46. 5, 9; 1 gwaered 'a slope, incline, descent'. 2 For -ρεσσ- compare especially PNN Atressa, -us, Ressatu, Ressatus, ]resse, Ressicus, Ressil(l)a, Ressimari, Ressius (listed again s.v. RET( 7*)-). Most of these occur in the Agri Decumates and the Upper Rhine and Danube regions. For the incidence of -1- after -peua- compare PNN Adreticia, -ins, Adretilis, and names in res(s)i- and reti-, Schmidt suggested (KGP 258) that -i- here has replaced -0-, and that this is due to Latin influence. It is more probable, I think, that res(s)i- represents *ret-ti- as suggested by Scherer (Anglia 76, 1958, 432). It seems unlikely that -t- is a spelling for a slurred pronunciation of a vowel such as -0- or -u-, A M B I O R I X Joint leader with Catuvolcus of the Eburones BG 5. 24. 4 gen. ambiorigis (ambioregis S); 26. 1 abl. ambiorige (ambiorite Q J ; 27. 1; 27. 2 nom. ambiorix (ambioris S ) ; 27. 11; 29. 5 ; 3 1 · 6 ; 3 34· 3 ; 3 6 · 1; 3 6 · 3 ; 37· i ; 37· 2 ; 3 8 · I ; 4 1 · 2 ; 4 1 . 4 ; 6 · 2 . 2 ; 5. 1 gen. ambiorigis (amborigis AB); 5. 3 ; 5. 4 dat. ambiorigi (-rigis V ) ; 6. 3 ; 9. 3 ; 29. 4 ; 30. 1; 31. 1; 31. 5 (bis); 32. 1 dat. ambiorigi (ambiorige B 1 , om. V ) ; 33. 3 ; 42. 3 (bis); 43. 4 ; 8. 24. 4 (bis); 25. 1. The name is attested elsewhere as follows: Orosius 6. 10. 1 nom. (v.l. ambior ex), 10. 2 nom. (v.l. ambior ex), 10. 17 ace. (w.U. ambioregem, ambiorixem), 11. 15 gen. (w.U. abiorigis, ambianorum regis)', Livy, per. 106, 107; Frontinus, stmt. 3. 17. 6 abl. ambiorige (w.U. ambiore ge, am buorege); Notae Tironianae 115. 16; Plutarch, Caes. 24. 1 gen. άβρι,όρηγος (v.l. αβριόριγος) whence Suidas (v. Lexicographi Graeci, vol. i, pars i (Lipsiae, 1928), p. 12) άβρώρηξ; Dio Cassius 40. 5, 6, 7, 3 1 ; 32. Compare the foUowing P N N : ?[A]mbiorig[ CIL 13. 2891 (cin via Romana inter AvaUon et Auxerre, prope Sermizelles'); ?[A]mbio[r]i[g.. CIL 13. 2927 (Auxerre); ?Am[bi]ori[g]i (dat.) CIL 13. 1120 (Les Rocheforts on the isle of Oleron, Charente Inferieure); Ambiorix Riese, no. 4611 (whence DAG 244) . 4 The name is compounded, Ambio-rix, probably a tatpurusa com­ pound of substantive+substantive. But the exact meaning of the 1 Explained by Lloyd-Jones (G. 408) as a 3 sg. pret. from *dychyfaeret 'come, approach'. See also GPC 1118. 2 < *uo-ad-ret-, according to Lloyd-Jones (G. 602), against Morris Jones (WG 438). Cf. W. anwaered, anwared (G. 32, GPC 162). 3 Del. Tittler (v. Jhb.f. Philologie und Pddagogik 81, i860, 506; cf. Vielhaber, £tt. / . die osterreichischen Gymnasien 17, 1866, 235), Prammer, Holder, Meusel (v. JB 1910, 62), Rice Holmes, Klotz, Fuchs, Dorminger. Cf. Seel ad loc. 4 A coin legend from Pannonia may belong here, viz. Amiorix Mur.-Chab. 10155, 10156. But Blanchet (p. 98) read this as AIIIIO and XIR and Kenner {apud R. Forrer, Keltische Numismatik der Rhein- und Donaulande (StraBburg, 1908) 128) as Ainorix (whence DAG 239, KGP 120 q.v.). Compare also perhaps Amior. CIL 13. 10010. 2983*. But there is very litde trustworthy evidence of the sound-change -mb> -m(m)- in Gaulish. See section (B) s.n. Commius and Chapter III (A) (ii) (/).

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name elements here is not certain. See section (A) (ii) s.w. AMBIand REG-.* A N D E C A M U L O S Z > . 4 G i 6 3 (inscription of Nevers, Nievre) Holder (AcS 3. 611) quoted beside this form the potter's stamp And(e)cam(ulos) (RE 1900, avr.-juin, no. 1344, v. RC 21, 1900, 346) and compared another potter's stamp Andocaulo CIL 13. 10010. 122 (v. AcS 3. 618 f., DAG 202). Compare also EN Andecamulenses DAG 148.2 This name is compounded of prefix+substantive. See section (A) (ii) s.w. AJVDE- and CAMUL-, Holder (AcS 1. 140 s.n.) explained it as 'ser [anlich] " d e m Camulus" '. Schmidt (KGP 68) listed it with other bahuvrihi compounds and translated it as 'in dem der Camulus 1st'.3 Hertz suggested to him comparison with Gk. Ζνθος. If Gaul. Camulus is related to Ir. cam perhaps this name means 'a great fighter'. But the etymology of forms in camul-, carnal-, is uncertain. A N D O C U M B O R I U S One of two legates of the Remi, leading men of their tribe, sent to Caesar early in 57 B.C. BG 2. 3. 1 ace. andocumborium xB 1 C 1 MSLN I P R , andecumborium T 2 , andebrogium T V B c U m C m . A number of editors, including Schneider, Nipperdey, Frigell, Diibner, Dinter, and Constans, accept the reading andocumborium. Gluck 4 concluded that andecumborium, with ande- rather than ando-} is preferable, and this is the reading now favoured by Dorminger and Seel. Meusel, 5 Rice Holmes, and Fuchs alone accept the less well attested andebrogium. Holder, quoting coin legends showing the forms andecom and andecombo,6 suggested emending Caesar's text to read andecombogium.7 This form was accepted by Klotz. 8 In his revision of 1 Schmidt compared (KGP 124, 157), for the meaning (he suggested 'der groB ist im Bezirk (oder "groB an Land"?)' KGP 67), P N N Brogimarus CIL 3. 4580, 15151, and Brogimara 3594, 4596, 5101. Compare also PNN Andebrocirix (f.) DAG 83 and Βρογορις CIG 4118 (v. AcS 1. 621, Gal. Spr. 154, 174). Sir Ifor Williams (AP, p. 29, see also GPC, p. 323) would derive W. bre{h)yr 'nobleman, chieftain, lord, baron' from *brogo~rix 'brenin bro\ 2 See Holder, AcS 1. 140, 3. 611, dejubainville, RC 11, 1890, 223; 26, 1905, 198. 3 Cf. Guyonuarc'h Og. 15, 1963, n o and see LEI A A-70. 4 JTJV 31. Gluck thought that this form 'ist . . . unbedenklich vorzuziehen'. s See J-B20, 1894, 218. 6 See AcS 1. 143 f., 3. 613 f., Rhys, Cis. 49, DAG 177 and compare andecob DAG 203, andeco 203 Rem (also 228 (vii)). 7 In the text quoted by him in AcS the name appears as Andocombogium. In his edition of BG he has AndecQmbogium. Schmidt (KGP 127, after Dottin, ]D. 55) gives Andebrogius beside Andocombogius and Andocumbonus as if they were all three manu­ script variants. 8 See Philologische Wochenschrift 1927, 939.

811930

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Kraner and Dittenberger's edition of the Commentaries1 Meusel hesi­ tated between Holder's emendation and the reading andebrogium. I n the text the manuscript form is retained. Now Blanchet 2 rejected the equation of the person whose name appears in the coin legends and the one named by Caesar. This rejec­ tion is now supported and commended by Colbert de Beaulieu. 3 Holder's emendation, therefore, need not detain us at all. If any of the manuscript variants is to be preferred it is the form Andocumborius, the form which is so well attested in all the α manuscripts and the ρ branch of β and (with ande-Ί) by the seainda maniis of T, a third β manuscript. Meusel assumed 4 that Andocumborius could not be ex­ plained as a Celtic name, whereas Andebrogius, less well attested, was of course perfectly acceptable as a good Celtic form.5 But this is a dangerous argument for favouring a particular reading. In any case Andocumborius has the appearance of a Celtic name. The form of the prefix ando- is not a serious difficulty, and need not be interpreted as a slip for ande- as suggested by Gluck. 6 The Gaulish intensive prefix ande-7 does appear as ando- in a few forms as in the personal names Andolatius,s Andocaulo,9 and Andoblatio.10 Gluck11 interpreted the name as 'vallis contrariae incola' (thinking that it contained Gaulish cumb'valley' 7 and wrongly assuming that ande- was cognate with Gk. άντι-). I should prefer to analyse the name as Ando-cum-borius. -cummay be a latinization of Gaulish -com·.7 In fact Gluck lists Andecomborius (with -com-) as a reading attested in one manuscript, and this is the form admitted in Caesar's text by du Pontet. -bonus perhaps con­ tains a Gaulish name element bor-.7 The name may have been originally a patronymic in -io-, 'son of *Ando-com-boros\ *Ando-comboros could be interpreted as a bahuvrihi compound of prefix+ substantive12 meaning perhaps 'he in whom there is honour (/dignity/ 1

i. 384. In DAG, it. 214, Whatmough put a question-mark beside the form Andebrogius but listed Andecombogius, for which there is no manuscript authority, without the same indication of uncertainty. 2 3 See Blanchet, Traiti 83. See Homm. Gren. 421, n. 2. 4 JB 20, 1894, 2 I 8 , Kraner-Dittenberger 1. 384. 5 It could be explained as a compounded form Ande-brog-ius, originally perhaps a patronymic in -to-. The substantival element -brog- would here be governed by the prefix ande-, and the name in this form could mean 'one who is within the boundary (/territory), a native (?)'. Cf. W. Cymro 'one from the same country (/territory)'. 6 T 2 does appear to show a form in ande-, the form favoured by Gluck himself 7 and now by Dorminger and Seel. See section (A) (ii) s.v. 8 9 CIL 12. 3093 (Nimes). CIL 13. 10010. 122 (Trier, Weisenau). 10 CIL 5. 5832 (Milan), whence PID xiic. 11 See KN 26 ff., also Holder, AcS 1. 1190 s.n. Cumbae, 2. 878 s.v. -orio-, and Dottin, p. 249 s.v. cumborio-. 12 It appears to be a compound of the pattern a-f (b + c), the second and third elements being taken closely together.

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pride/arrogance)' or the like. It is clear that this suggestion is a tenta­ tive guess of questionable value. The form as a whole may have no meaning at all. In any case it is certainly not permissible here to plump for the less well attested variant, the variant which is more easily explained as a good Celtic form, rather than the far better attested but more baffling variant. A N E U N I C N O and A N E U N O DAG 145 (i), A N E 0 Y H 0 1 DAG 145 (c) (inscriptions of Genouilly, Cher) 1 Inscription (c) on the menhir of Genouilly was read by Whatmough as ]αγ€ουνοσ \ enoei with the comment that av and ο were 'all but illegible'. It is clearly an example of subject+verb, Aveowos being an 0-stem nominative in -ος. Whatmough read inscription (d) as fol­ lows: eluontiu | ieuru · aneuno | oclino · luguri | aneunicno . There has been some disagreement concerning the interpretation of this inscription. C. de Laugardiere, who first edited the inscription (Bull. arch, du Comite des travaux kistoriques 1894, 127-37, pi. ix, Mem. de la soc. des antiquaires du Centre 20, 1893-4 i1895)5 I _ I 6 ) i treated Aneuno and Aneunicno as datives: 'Elvontiu a fait a Aneunos fils d'Oclos, a Lugur fils d'Aneunos.' See also the remarks of d'Arbois de Jubainville in RC 15, 1894, 236 f. (also apud Plateau, Bull soc. arch., hist, et scient. de Soissons 3 m e ser., 4, 1894 (1897), 61 f.) and Rhys in Insc. 54. However, Thurneysen (Z^P 6, 1908, 558) rendered the inscription as 'Elvontio fecit Aneunus Ocli filius Lugurix Aneuni filius', taking Aneuno and Aneunicno as 0-stem nominatives showing the loss of -s. This explanation is preferable to de Laugardiere's. The latter requires us to assume that -0 has been preserved in Aneuno, Aneunicno, and Oclicno,2 if these forms are datives, whereas it has developed to -w in Eluontiu. It is true that -s is preserved in inscriptions (a), (b), and (c), but (d) is the work of a different mason according to Whatmough and it may have been added at a later date to include the name Luguri Aneunicno. For the loss of -s see Chapter III (A) (ii) (a). Aneunicno is clearly a patronymic, 'son of Aneunos'. See section (A) (ii) s.v. -CJVO-. With these names de Laugardiere compared the personal names 1 The inscriptions seem to refer to members of one and the same family, al­ though this does not necessarily mean that they were added at the same date. Whatmough suggested that the second and third inscriptions, both of which are in the Greek alphabet (υ. Vendryes, CRAI 1957, 207), form one continuous text although the second is separated from the third by a wider space than it is from the first. 2 D'Arbois de Jubainville (locc. citt.) tried to get round the difficulty by arguing that -0 in these three forms is due to latinization of Gaulish -w.

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Otuaneuni gen. (CIL 13. 1036 ii, Saintes) and Anuni gen. (AcS 1. 163, 3. 638, DAG 156, Remark B). He suggested that Aneuno was a com­ pounded form and drew attention to PN Eunus on an altar of Bourges. 1 Rhys (Addit. 54) also compared PN Otuaneuni and suggested that Aneuno should be analysed as An-euno 'where an- is presumably the intensive particle'. 2 He further analysed -euno as -eu-no, referring to PNN Eunus and Eunius* with a root *#- which he related to an earlier esu- as in DN Esus.* Accordingly he explained Aneuno as 'partaking greatly of the nature of Esus, very like Esus'. Cf. PN Andecamulos dis­ cussed above. But all this is mere conjecture; the name is obscure. However, we may perhaps compare also PNN Anonanus DAG 237 and ? ]anuni DAG 214 and D N Anoniredi (dat.) DAG 82. Scherer (Anglia 76, 1958, 434) quoted beside Aneuno and Aneunicno at Genouilly the divine name Ouniorigi (dat.) DAG 213 s and PNN ?Ουνιγατος AcS i· ιΦ9) 54 (whence KGP 282) and Ounicco CIL 3. 11399 (whence DAG 214).6 Aneuno \ Ανζουνος may, therefore, be a compounded name as suggested by de Laugardiere and Rhys ; but while the name lacks a satisfactory etymology its Celticity must remain questionable. A P E T E M A R I DAG 59, Remark (inscription of Buoux, 4 km. south of Apt, Vaucluse) According to Allmer (Bull, de la Drome 1876, 78) the stone, found in 1827, now lost, bore the following inscription: uerbron| ara apetemari f. This was repeated by Hirschfeld (CIL 12. 1148) with the comment 'nota nomina Geltica, scilicet si titulus recte descriptus est'. Holder (AcS 1. 165) listed the name Apetemarus and compared this form s.v. Atepomarus (AcS 1. 257-8). J . Sautel (CA 7. 17. 31) commented 'La pierre, inscrite a t o r t , . . . est maintenant consideree comme douteuse. 5 Whatmough (DAG 59, Remark, also item 83) regarded the inscrip­ tion as 'certainly genuine'. H e assumed that 'it was beyond the power of a forger to fabricate such genuine Keltic names in 1827' a n d s u g " gested that the text was mis-copied and that it should be read as uebromara Atepomarif. Schmidt also seems to take the form as genuine (v. KGP 132). It is fairly certain that the name (an o-stem genitive in -i) should be identified with the Gaulish PN/DN Atepomarus, with weakening of the stem vowel -0- (atepe- for atepo-) and with either metathesis or an error 1

CIL 13. 1190. See also n. 3 below. See section (A) (ii) s.v. ANDE- and (B) s.n. Anailos. 3 For Eunus see DAG 87, 151, 237, 244 and for Eunius see AcS 1. 1483. Note also PNN Eunandus DAG 182, ? euno 239 and Euntius 217. Cf. PNN Euentius DAG 214 and Euenus 83. ♦ See section (A) (ii) s.n. s cf. PN Onniorix DAG 228 (iv). 6 This form was listed as a Celtic personal name by Weisgerber, Rh. V, 18, I953>266. 2

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1

in inscribing resulting in apete-. I have noted the following examples of names in atepomar- and atpomar-: PNN Atepomari (gen.) CIL 12. 5216; 2 [Ate]pomari (gen.) CIL 13. 3067 ;3 Atep[om]aro, Atepomaro, Atepo­ mar CIL 13. 10010. 187 ; 4 ?[Atepo]mar(i) CIL 13. 324s; 5 Atpomarus CIL 3. 4580 ; 6 Άτζ-πόμαρος (Γάλλων βασιλεύς) Aristides Milesius ap. Plut. vit. parall. 30, p. 313A; Άτ^πόμαρος (one of the founders of Lyon) ps.Plut. defiuviis 6. 4 ; Atepomarius CIL 13. 2o66 a ; 3 At[ep]umarae (?dat.) CIL 13. 11477 ; 7 ON Atepomari (Apol[l]inis) (gen.) CIL 3. 1318.8 At-epo-marus is compounded of three elements, for which (and for other forms in atep- and atp-) see section (A) (ii) s.w. ATE-, EPO-, and MARO-. However, the exact interpretation is uncertain. Esser (Btr. z* gallo-keltischen Namenkunde, Heft I (Malmedy, 1884), 43) explained names such as Atepo and Atepilos as abbreviations of names such as Atepomarus and Ateporix and gave *atepos an adjectival mean­ ing ' "sehr stark" (ultra equum scl. validus)'. D'Arbois de Jubainville (NG 120 f.) translated Atepomarus as 'tres grand par son cheval ou ses chevaux'. Ernault (teste Holder, AcS 1. 257. 37 f.)9 interpreted it as a sort of superlative of *Epomaros 'grand cavalier', meaning Valde equis (equo) magnus' and compared for the meaning, DN Amarcolitanos.loDottm (p. 95) translated Atepomarus as 'grand cavalier'. Schmidt (KGP 72) treated it as a compounded name of the pattern a + (b-fc) and again interpreted forms such as Atepo as 'Kurznamen' for names such as Atepomarus and Ateporix. I also think that the second and third elements should be taken closely together rather than the first and second, in spite of the fact that no example of Gaulish *Epomaros is attested. A form *Epomaros would be either a tatpurusa compound, (?)'he who is great by reason of his horse(s)', or an inverted bahuvrihi compound 11 of substantive+adjective, (?) 'he who has a great horse (/great horses)'. In Atepomarus the prefix ate- may have little or no force, unless it is intensive giving the name a meaning 'he who is very great by reason of his horse (s)', 'he who has a very great horse (/very great horses)' or the like. 1 See Schmidt, KGP 91, 93, 132. I have found no other examples of names in apet- in Gaul. 2 3 Whence Atepomarus DAG 83. Whence Atepomarius DAG 182. 4 Cf. Atepomarus DAG 136 and 151. See also Oswald 25, 352. 5 Whence Atepomarus DAG 182. 6 Cf. Add., p. 1045. See also Egger, MG, nos. 133 and 335. 7 Whence At[ ]umara DAG 244. 8 See J.-A. Hild, RC 17, 1896, 34-40. 9 See also Hild loc. cit., O'Rahilly, EIHM 290 ff., Guyonuarc'h, Og. 14, 1962, 460. 10 See AcS 3. 717. 36, DAG 181. Ernault gave this name the meaning 'valde equis amplus'. Cf. Weisgerber, SprFK 192, Fr. Le Roux, Og. 11, 1959, 218, Guyonuarc'h, Og. 12, i960, 200. 11 For this type see Schmidt, KGP 80 if.

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A R I O V I S T U S King of the Suebi who invaded Gaul c. 71 B.C. at the invitation of the Sequani and defeated the Aedui. At Magetobriga he defeated a combined Gallic attempt to eject him. In 58 B.C. the Gauls appealed to Caesar for aid against him· Caesar picked a quarrel with him and after a difficult campaign gained a decisive victory over him BG 1. 31. 10; 31. 12 ace. ariouistum (ariouistus MLN V U ) ; 31. 15; 31. 16; 32. 4 ; 32. 5 ; 33. 1; 33. 2; 33. 5 ; 34. 1; 34. 2; 36. 1; 37. 2 ; 37-4;3 t 7-5;3 8 · l ; 39· 6 ; 40· 2; 40· 8; 4*· 5^ 42. 1; 42. 4 ; 43. 2 {bis, in second instance omitted V R ) ; 43. 3 ; 44. 1; 45. 1; 46. 1; 46. 4 ; 47. 1; 47· 4; 47· 5 ; 47· 6; 48. 3 ; 48. 4 ; 49· 3 ; 50· 2; 50. 3 ; 5 0 . 4 ; 53· 3 ; 53· 4 ; 4. 16. 7 abl. ariouisto QBCL/?, ariouixto AI^M^S, ariouisti M C N; 5. 29. 3 gen. ariouisti MCLN/?, ariouixti xBM x S; 55. 2 ariouisti AQ,2SLNj8, anouisti Q}, ariouisto BM 1 , ariouistico M 0 ; 1 6. 12. 2 ace. ariouistum QM C SLN VU, ariouixtum A, ariobixtum CM 1 , ariobistum T, orio uistum R. This name is attested elsewhere as follows: Frontinus, strat. 1. 11. 3 ace. ariouistum (v.l. ariovixtum), 2. 1. 16, 4. 5. 11; Tac. hist. 4. 7 3 ; Florus 1. 45. 11 gen. ariouisti (w.ll. tario bisti, atio uisti, aristonici); Plut. Caes. 19. 1 ace. άριόβιστον (w.ll. άριόβντον, αριόβυστον), ig. 6 gen. άριοβίστου (w.ll. αριόβυστον, άριβύστου), ig. 12 άριόβιστος (w.ll. άριόβυστος, άριοϋστος); Appian, Celt. I. 3 gen. αριοβίστου, 16 άριόβιστο?, 17; Dio Cassius 38 tit. dat. άριοουίστω (v.l. άριουιστίτωι), 38. 34, 38. 35, 38. 42, 38. 47 ace. αριόουιστον (v.l. οριόουιστον), 38. 48, 38. 50; Livy, per. 104; Julian 320 D αριόβιστον (w.ll. αριόξβιτον, άριώβιξτον, αριόβιξτον); Orosius 6. 7. 6 ace. ariouistum (v.l. ariobistum), 7. 7 (for). The name is clearly compounded, Ario-vistus, but whether it is Celtic or Germanic or Celto-Germanic it is difficult to tell. It is attested not only as the name of the king of the Suebi, a Germanic people, but also as that of the leader of the Gaulish Insubres (ariouisto abl. (w.ll. ario bisto, ariouito, ariouico) Florus 1. 20. 4 ; ariobistonis gen. lord. Rom. 179)2 and of a person who was apparently a doctor men­ tioned four times in a Latin inscription of Kenchester, Herefordshire (CIL 7. 1320 = 13. 10021. 195). Much (PBB 17, 1893, 166, WuS 6, 1914-15, 219) and Scherer (p. 203), against Forstemann (p. 784) and Schonfeld (p. 28), thought that it was, therefore, a Celtic name. However, this argument, based on very limited information concern­ ing the local distribution of the name, carries little weight. For the first element, which may be either Celtic or Germanic, see 1

J. Lange (Progr. Neumark 1896, 20 f.) would delete ariouisti . . . transitu in BG 5. 55. 2. See also Meusel, JB 1910, 37, Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 507; Rice Holmes 225; Klotz 132; Seel 170. 2 The Ariouistus of Florus 1. 20. 4 should probably not be identified with the Άνηρόςστος, -της of Polybius (2. 22. 2; 26. 5; 26. 7; 31. 1). See Holder, AcS 1. 152 f., 3. 622, 686; Dottin, p. 227; Whatmough, DAG 19, 244; Schmidt, KGP 131.

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1

section (A) (ii) s.v. ARIO-. The second element, which is not other­ wise attested as a name element at all, has not been convincingly explained. See, however, Forstemann (p. 1625) a n d Scherer (pp. 203, 207). Scherer would relate it to ONorse visir 'Keim, Sprofi', AS. wise 'Sprofi, Stengel', ModGerm. Wiese 'meadow', Lith. veisti 'sich durch Fortplanzung vermehren' (: IE. *wm- 'spriefien, wachsen' W.-P. 1. 242, IEW 1133, apparently not attested in Celtic). He interpreted Ariovistus as a compound of adjective+verbal participle meaning 'edelgeboren'. 2 A B E P I C C A DAG 186 (inscription of Reims) L. Demaison, who first published the inscription, remarked (BSAF 1907, 228) that oxidization made the reading of some of the letters difficult. Only the beginning and the end were practically certain. Demaison has the following reading: ABEPICCADEF(?)AC(?)NVAVMAYM(?)VIXIO He commented that the second letter appeared to be barred D. This inscription defies all attempts at a satisfactory interpretation. But it appears to contain a personal name Adepicca which may be followed by another Deuacnua.3 The exact relationship of these names to each other and to the rest of the inscription is uncertain. With Adepicca compare especially PN Atepiccus in an inscription of Reculver, Kent (CIL 7. 1325). For other names in atep- and for the interpretation of them see s.n. Apetemari above. Adepicca may be an abbreviation of a compounded name such as Atepomariis or Ateporix with the suffix -icca substituted for the last element. 4 Barred d (see Chapter I I I (A), Remark) may here represent a dialectal pronunciation or some mutation of the unvoiced dental stop.5 Compare perhaps forms in 1 Hardly compare Gallo-Bret. areanos (ace. pi.) Amm. Marc. 28. 3. 8 which has been connected with Ir. airid 'watches, heeds, considers' and airne '(night-)watch'. See Stokes, Urk. Spr. 17; Loth, RC 35, 1914, 113; 47, 1930, 384; Vendryes, LEIA A-81 f. Cf. Pokorny, IEW 818. 2 Compare PN Cintugnatus 'first-born'. For this type see Schmidt, KGP 69. Concerning Ariovistus see further Pokorny, IEW 67; G. Walser, Caesar und die Germanen (Historia, Einzelschriften, Heft 1) (Wiesbaden, 1956) 49 with η. ι ; Schmidt, KGP 134; Menzel, Btr. ζ. Ν. 11, i960, 84, n. 27. 3 See Appendix s.n. It is altogether doubtful whether uixio, which is the reading given for the end of the inscription, should be taken as a separate form and as a personal name as suggested by Whatmough {DAG 186), comparing Vixuuioni (DAG 185). 4 In AcS 3. 716 Holder explained Atepiccus as a compound of *Epiccos3 which he compared (AcS 1. 1444) with Gk. ιππικός. 5 Owing to the similarity between Adepicca and Atepiccus it is tempting to suggest that Demaison misread d for / or that the engraver committed an error here. But there can be no justification for accepting either of these suggestions in the mere fact that it gets rid of the difficulty presented by -if-.

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atha-, athe-, and athu- listed in section (A) (ii) s.v. ATE-. Demaison (loc. cit.) assumed that the name is that of a woman (presumably an tf-stem nom. in -a). It may, however, be a masculine α-stem.1 A O O E D O M A R I AE 1952, no. 37 (inscription of the Chateau du Bouy, Champetieres, Puy-de-Dome) The name is attested elsewhere as follows: Assedomari (gen.) CIL 3. 5291 (St. Nicolai, nr. Oplotnitz); Addedomaros on British coins AcS 1. 39, 3. 504. 2 It is an o-stem genitive in -i. It is compounded AdOedomari with the stem vowel -0- retained in the composition joint. The pattern of composition is ( a + b ) + c , i.e. addedo- ( < ad-sedo-)-\—mart. For the name elements attested here see section (A) (ii) s.w. AD-, MARO-, and SED-. With addedo-, in addition to the names quoted above, we may compare the forms in adsed-, assed-, ased-> and a0e8(-77-?) or aOed- listed s.v. AD-. D'Arbois de Jubainville 3 assumed that forms in assed-, added-, a6ed-, and adsed- all contained the prefix ad- and sedo- 'siege, demeure, residence'. This is doubtless correct. For the orthographical variation of ds, ss, s, 0, 00, and dd see Chapter I I I , Remark. He explained *ad-sedo-s as 'celui qui a sa residence aupres de', 'le voisin', 'qui assidet\ and Assedo-marus as 'grand voisin, grand habitant'. Vendryes 4 remarked that adOedo- rather meant Tassise, le fait d'etre installe sur le sol' and compared Lat. ad-siduus 'etabli, domicilie, permanent'. With ad-sedo- (prefix-(-verb stem) compare also the Irish causative ad-su{x)di 'stops, fixes, etc.'. 5 However, the precise 1 For masculinefl-stemsin Celtic see the following: d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 23, 1902, 142, iliments de la grammaire celtique (Paris, 1903) 12 f.; Holder, AcS 1. 4, 3. 468 f.; Dottin, p. 114; Vendryes, RC 38, 1920-1, 184; Loth, BSL 24, 1924, 214-18, RC 41, 1924, 52; Weisgerber, SprFK 217 f.; Fokorny, Urg. 43 f., 81 f.; Whatmough, DAG, pp. 574, 737; Schmidt, KGP 232, n. 1, 263, n. 1; Schmoll, SVIHK 42. On Latin masculine forms in -a see Schulze, 63 ff.; E. Fasel, Das grammatische Geschlecht in Etruskischen (Gottingen, 1922) 7, 15 f., 113 if.; F. Solmsen (ed. E. Fraenkel), Indogermanische Eigennamen als Spiegel der Kulturgeschichte (Heidel­ berg, 1922) 138; A. Nehring, Glotta 17, 1929, n8ff. For masculines with the ending -ua in Raetic see Whatmough, PID, vol. 2, pp. 548, 583, id., HSCP 48, 1937» !92, Must, HSCP 62, 1957, 56. 2 See also G. G. Brooke, Antiquity 7, 1933, 288 f., map xii; D. Allen, Archaeologia 90, 1944, 15-17 (esp. 16, n. 1), map iv, pi. ii, 33-38; Whatmough, DAG 206, Rem.; R. P. Mack, The Coinage of Ancient Britain (London, 1953) 79 f., 82-84, map xiii; D. F. Allen in Ordnance Survey Map of Southern Britain in the Iron Age (1962), p. 21, map 4; id., Problems of the Iron Age in Southern Britain, ed. S. S. Frere (Publ. as Occasional Paper No. 11 at the Univ. of London Inst, of Arch., n.d.),

217 f. 3 See Etudes grammaticales sur les langues celtiques, ie Partie (Paris, 1881) 34*, NG 192. He properly rejected {NG 191) a theory proposed by Rh^s concerning adiedoin Celtic Britain (London, 1882) 273 f. (whence AcS 1. 38. 50 if., 39. 1 f.). * EC 5, 1950-1, 247. See also Guyonuarc'h, Og. 14, 1962, 460 f. 5 See RIAContr. A. fasc. i, 72 f. See also Fleuriot, DGVB 75 s.v. assedam.

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meaning of Assedomarus is not at all certain. It may be a tatpurusa compound meaning 'great in steadfastness', 'great in his holding fast to (/his settlement on) his territory(?)' or the like, or else an inverted bahuvrihi compound meaning 'he whose steadfastness is great'. 1 It is probable that some names in as(s)ed-, etc., such as Adsedus, Adsedilus, Asedia, are abbreviations of compounded names such as Assedomarus. ΒΑΛΑΥΔΟΥΙ DAG 50 (inscription of Cavaillon, Vaucluse) Like Rhys 2 and Gray 3 I take BaXavSovt to be an 0-stem dative form in -ovi representing the old dat. sg. of o-stems in Indo-European. The form is probably a personal name, and may be Celtic, but the analysis and interpretation of it are not at ail clear. If it is a personal name it is quite impossible to say whether it is compounded or uncompounded. As for βαλ-, its precise significance, if it is meaningful at all, is unknown. For Celtic bal(l)- 'white', etc., see section (A) (ii) s.v. BAL-. Moreover, there is no means of deciding whether the function of -αυδ- here is merely suffixal or whether it is an instance of a Celtic name element meaning 'rich, fortunate, blessed, happy' or the like. See section (A) (ii) s.v. AUD-. We can only conjecture, therefore, with very little confidence indeed in the soundness of our conjecture, that BaXavhovi may be a Celtic personal name compounded perhaps of adjective+ adjective. B I L I C E D O N I DAG 134, Remark (ii) (inscription of Lezoux, Puy-de-Dome) One of two inscriptions4 on a vase of Lezoux has been read as follows: uutlobili | cedoni. It probably contains a form of the name Bilicedo which is well known on pottery. But what are we to make of uutlo? Plicque (teste de Villefosse, BSAF 1883, 208) thought that it represented the name of the vase (that, futile). On the other hand, Bohn (CIL 13. 10016. 14) thought that Vutlobilicedoni should be treated as a single form. Both Holder (AcS 3. 458) and Schmidt (KGP 301) listed Vutlobilicedo as a personal name. With de Villefosse (loc. cit.) I take Bilicedoni to be a form apart from the obscure uutlo which precedes it. I t is an η-stem dative of a name Bilicedo which is also attested in CIL 3. 12014. 161 (Bregenz) and 13. 10010. 298 (Riegel).5 For bill- ? 'lucky, good, agreeable' see section 1

If the function of -marus in this form is suffixal, which I think is unlikely (see section (A) (ii) s.v. MARO-), then the name means simply 'he who is steadfast', 'he who holds fast to (/is setded on) his territory' or the like. 2 3 Addit. 5. See also Holder, AcS 3. 794, Dottin, p. 40. TPhS 1951, 160. 4 There may be in the other inscription under one of the handles a personal name Magiononu (dat.?) as suggested by de Villefosse (BSAF 1883, 207 f.), whence Magiononos AcS 2. 378, Magiononus DAG 151, Remark B. 5 For names in bil(l)iced- and others in bil(l)ic- see section (A) (ii) s.v. BIL-.

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(A) (ii) s.v. BIL-. With -cedo, for which I admit I can suggest no reasonable etymology, l compare apart from other instances of names in bil(l) iced- the following forms: PNN Ced[ DAG 176; Cedoni DAG 136, CIL 13. 1551, 2 Cedonius CIL 9. 162; LN Cedonia in Moesia Inf. AcS 1. 883, 3. 1177.3 However, the name should perhaps be analysed as Bili-c-edo with -c-edo in that case functioning as a suffix4 (? -ic(o)-+ -edon-).5

B I L L I C O T A S CRAI 1956, 181 f., fig. 5 (inscription of Banassac, Lozere) Vendryes (CRAI, loc. cit.), supported by MarichaPs decipherment, gave the following reading of this text: billicotas rebellias | tioinuoru siluanos.6 Billicotas is probably a personal name as suggested by Vendryes. The ending -as, however, is difficult7 and may point rather to an ethnic or local termination. But similarity to other personal names in bil(l)ic-, notably to Bilicatus of La Graufesenque, 8 suggests that the inscription begins with a personal name. Vendryes thought that Billicotas might be a modified form oi*Billicatos and remarked Ί1 est permis de soupgonner une deformation plaisante, pour un motif de familiarite ou de denigrement.' I think that this special explanation is admissible. *Billicatos ( > Billicotas) could be interpreted as a com­ pounded name, i.e. billi-9+-catos,10 adjective (?)+substantive (?), per­ haps a determinative noun compound meaning 'lucky in battle' or the like. Of course it may rather be a derivative name *Billic-ato-s. If Billicotas, on the other hand, is a name distinct from Bil(l)icatus, it could be interpreted either as a compounded name, i.e. Billi-cotas,11 or as a derivative, i.e. Billic~otas.lz ΒΛΑΝΔΟΟΥΙΚΟΥΝΙΑΙ DAG 46 (inscription of Gargas, Vaucluse) This reading is certain. However, when I saw the inscription in 1

2 See also Schmidt, KGP 301. Whence PN Cedonius DAG 151. Compare also perhaps Cedattoqa CIIC 206, for which see Macalister Studies, pt. 2, 97 f. Cf. MacNeill, PRIA 27, Sect. C (1908-9) 348. 4 So Holder, AcS 1. 420, 1407, 3. 864. 5 For -ico- see AcS 2. 21 f. and for -edon- op. cit. 1. 1407. 6 There is some uncertainty concerning tioinuoru. 7 See also section (B) s.nn. Αλισο . . ας and Nettas and the Appendix s.nn. ?27ιμιασ[ and Sullias. 8 See Hermet, p. 202, no. 18, Oxe, BJ 140-1, 1936, 381, no. 28, Whatmough, DAG 132. Bilicatus was also perhaps a potter of Montans. See Oswald, p. 4 (whence DAG 89). Cf. CRAI 1956, 171. See also AcS 1. 420, 3. 863 f. s.nn. Bilicatus and Billicatus. For other names in bil(l)ic- see section (A) (ii) s.v. BIL-. I0 9 See section (A) (ii) s.v. BIL·. See section (A) (ii) s.v. CATU-. 11 For Gaulish cot- see section (A) (ii) s.v. 12 Compare perhaps, for the suffix, PN Moiota DAG 244 and see section (B) s.n. ?Βιρακο. 3

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July 1953 I found, as Whatmough had found before me, that κ and (at the end) ai in this form were chipped. The readings βλαοουι- given by Mowat (CRAI1880, p. 260, BSAF 1880, pp. 245-6) after Vallentin and βαλοουι- given by \^allentin (Remie epigraphique 1. 1880, pp. 175-6, no. 209) after Garcin are incorrect. The name is a ζα-stem dative in -tat agreeing with the preceding name Εσκβγγαι,. It is probably patronymic, and the father's name accordingly appears to have been *Βλανδοονικοννος. The first element βλανδο-, in which the stem vowel -o- has been preserved in the com­ position joint, is, I think, Latin rather than Celtic. See Rhys, Insc. 21, Schmidt, KG? 151. Ernout and Meillet (E.-M. 128) pointed out that PN Blandus occurred frequently in conjunction with Gaulish names and claimed that the derivatives Blandius and Blandinus were likely to be Celtic. 1 Moreover, Palomar Lapesa (OPL 48) noted that the root supposed to underlie Lat. blandus2 is well represented by Celtic forms. He claimed also that the suffix -and- is attested in a number of forms which may be Celtic. 3 The second element appears to be a derivative in -unia-* of a root vie-, for which see section (A) (ii). If this root here means fito fight' the meaning of the name may be something like 'a bland fighter, a courteous warrior' as suggested by Rhys (loc. cit.). I am not happy with this interpretation, but cannot confidently sug­ gest a different one. 5 B O D O C E N U S DAG 143 (inscription of unknown provenance, now at Gueret, Creuse) The inscription is fragmentary. But it is certain that the first word in it is a personal name Bodocenus, an 0-stem nominative showing the latinized termination -us. The name is compounded Bodo-cenus. We can compare the following PNN: Bodocnous DAG 182; Bodogenes CIL 6. 9602 c. 19; Boduogenus CIL 7. 1292; Boduognatus in BG (see below). Bodo- here represents either earlier boud-o- 'victory, excellence' or the like6 or Gaul, boduo- 'a (royston-)crow'. 7 The second element -cenus probably points to Gaul, cen- 'to be born of, to descend from'.8 It could, on the other hand, be taken as the equivalent of Gaul, -genus with 1 I here list some examples of PNN in bland- from Ancient Gaul: Blanda DAG 83, 237; Blandus 83, 87, 156, 182, 224, 237, 244; Blandinia 182; Blandina 182, -us 83, 237; Blandius 83, 182 ; Blandola 83; Blandula 237. See also Thes. s.n. Blandus and AcS 1. 445 if., 3. 884 f. Compare D N Blanda DAG 181 and blandonia, bladon(n)a 'mullein' DAG 246 (see also W.-H. 1. 108 and J. Andre, Lexique des termes de botanique 2 en latin (Paris, 1956), 54). See W.-H. 1. 108, JEW 718. 3 See AcS 1. 149, 152, 3. 6 2 1 ; VKG 2. 29; OPL 122. 4 For the suffix compare perhaps (?)PN Αιουνιαι discussed in the Appendix. s Are there two forms here, βλανΒοουι. and κουνι,αι (both dative)? See GrDag 6 55, 60, 85. See section (A) (ii) s.v. BOUD-. 7 8 See section (A) (ii) s.v. BODUO-. See section (A) (ii) s.v. CEN-.

6o

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a similar meaning. The name means perhaps 'born of (/descendant of) the (royston-)crow' or 'born of (/descendant of) the (war-)goddess Bodua' 2 or, less probably, 'son of victory' (with bod- representing earlier boud-)? B O D U O G N A T U S Leader of the Nervii in Belgica BG 2. 23. 4 The name is compounded Boduo-gnatus. For boduo- see section (A) (ii) s.v. and for -gnatus see ibid. s.v. GNATO-. Similar names are listed above s.n. Bodocenus. It is a tatpurusa compound of sub­ stantive +participial form. Like Bodocenus it probably means 'born of (/descendant of) the (royston-)crow' or 'born of (/descendant of) the goddess Bodua'. 4 D'Arbois de Jubainville 5 compared the Greek PN Θίόγνωτος.6

C A M U L O G E N U S A leader of the Aulerci in Lugdunensis BG 7. 57- 3 dat. camulogeno α π ϋ , camulo geneulco R ; 59. 5 nom. camulogenus aTcp, camelogenus T X V; 62. 5 ; 62. 8. The name is also attested in a Latin inscription of Hastings, Camulogeni (gen.) EE 9, 1913, 1310. PN Camulo[ CIL 3. 1465 (Clermont) has been restored as Camuh[geno]. The name may occur in an abbreviated form in a coin legend of the Arverni, namely camulo Mur.-Chab. Q727.7 Note also potters' stamps of Lezoux Camulo and Camuloge (Gallia 19, 1961, 68). The name is compounded Camulo-genus with the stem vowel -0preserved in the composition joint. For the elements in this name see section (A) (ii) s.w. CAMUL- and GEN-. It is a personal name in -genus with a divine name as its first element meaning 'son (/descen­ dant of) the god Camulus'. Compare PNN such as Dwogen\icL\>

1 See section (A) (ii) s.v. GEN-. See d'Arbois de Jubainville, La Civilisation des Celtes et celle de Ve'pope'e homirique (Paris, 1899), 198 f. Cf. id., RC 10, 1889, l&7 s.n. Boduogenos. For Gaulish forms in -cenus, -genus, -gena, etc., with an animal name as first element note PNN such as Matucenos, Matugenus (-10, -ius), Urogenius (-ία), and Urogenonertus, LN Branogenium and EN Cabruagenigorum (all listed in section (A) (ii) s.w. CEN- and GEN-). Note also the Welsh PN Arthen (OW. Arthgen), for which see Lloyd-Jones, G. 43, Thomas, EANC 110, 187. Names such as these suggest that the Celts were fond of representing a child's father as a deified animal. See Duval, DG 10. 3 Compare the OBret. PN BudgenjBudienjBudian. See VB 390 f. ^ See Vendryes, ReL Celt. 283, Schmidt, KGP 68, 152. I prefer the meaning *von der Schlachtkrahe geboren' proposed by Schmidt in KGP locc. citt. to the alternative one, 'mit der Schlacht[krahe] bekannt', mentioned in KGP 68. Holder (AcS 1. 461. 34) equates Boduognatus with a Welsh form Bodnod, presumably a personal name. I know of no example of such a form in Welsh and Holder here more suo does not quote his source. Even if the form is genuine it can hardly corre­ spond exactly to the Gaulish personal name. s La Civilisation des Celtes et celle de Vepopie hominque (Paris, 1899) 199. 7 6 See Bechtel n o . See also AcS 1. 727, 3. 1068, DAG 157. 2

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Esugenus, and Totatigen[u]s listed s.v. GEN-. Gluck (KN 49, 102) re­ garded the name as the equivalent of Latin Martigena, presumably because the Gaulish DN Camulus was equated with the Roman Mars. See also the following: De Jubainville, RC 8, 1887, 182; 10, 1889, 167; 17, 1896, 309; 19, 1898, 229, La Civilisation des Celtes et celle de Vepopee homerique 172 f.; le Nestour, RC 2i 3 1900, 102; Dottin, Mnl. 120, La Langue gauloise 94; Vendryes, Rel. Celt. 263; Schmidt, KGP 160; de Vries, KR 58. Compare PN Camulognaia DAG 182.1 Reine, Cote-d'Or) The inscription is on a piece of lead found at Mont-Auxois in 1909 (see Rhys, Addit. 51 f., pi. vi) and probably formed part of a longer text. Rhys commented that 'the end of the lead is very jagged, and there is nothing left to show whether or not the name had a final C The form is probably complete on the left, but the final letter or letters of the name may have been lost on the right.2 The following are other instances of the name: Caromarus CIL 3. 12014. 185 (Westerndorf); Caromarus, Caromarusf(ecit) CIL 13. 10010. 46i a ~ d (Osterburken, Mainz, Kapersburg, ad Mosellam).3 The name is compounded Kapoμαρο[ with the stem vowel of the first element preserved in the composi­ tion joint. For the second element see section (A) (ii) s.v. MARO-. The first should probably be related to Celtic caro- 'to love', for which see ibid. s.v. Here it may have a verbal meaning4 and the name may accordingly be compounded of verb stem+adjective with the mean­ ing 'he who loves greatly'.5 For this type of name compare PNN such 1

D'Arbois de Jubainville (RC 8, 1887, 182) rendered this name as 'celle qui fait du dieu Camulos Pobjet de son culte habituel'. Schmidt suggested 'die durch Mars Geborene' or 'mit Kampf vertraut' (KGP 68) and 'die im Gotte Camulos Geborene (op. cit. 160). 2 The form may well be a mere fragment of a longer text. Thus it is impossible to be certain concerning the case. Perhaps it is an incomplete o-stem nom. Kapoμαρο[ς~\ or dat. Καρομαρο[υ] or -μαρο[υι\. It is hardly to be divided as ]κάρο μαρο[. 3 See also Oswald 62. The name is listed by Whatmough in DAG 228 (iv) (Names of Potters of Rheinzabern) and 250 (Alien PNN). 4 See Schmidt, KGP 163, n. 2. 5 It is unlikely that the function of 'mams here is merely suffixal. I agree with Schmidt (KGP loc. cit.) that the meaning suggested by Rhys (Addit. 52) is not acceptable. But it is hardly necessary to accept Schmidt's assumption that the name is either a meaningless compound or that caro- is here a form of Celtic carro'waggon' (see below s.n. Καρθι,λιτανιος). In this name and possibly in others caromay rather have an adjectival meaning 'dear, beloved'. According to Schmidt's interpretation of this type of compound (KGP 59, 69) the name would mean 'great in love' or the like. The possibility that caro- in this name is for car(i)ato- or caranto» should not be overlooked.

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as Ecretumaras, Miletumanis, Retimarus andRetom[arus] listed s.v. MARO-. Other names in caro- with an adjective as a second element are per­ haps PNN (?) Carominius DAG 2501 and Carosenus DAG 83. 2 ΚΑΡΘΙΛΙΤΑΝΙΟΣ DAG 27 (inscription of Alleins, Bouches-duRhone) The name is a ώ-stem nominative in -ιος and a clear instance of the patronymic use of the suffix -zo-. The inscription means 6Κογγ€ννολιτανος son of

Καρθιλιτανος\

For the second element -λιτανιος 'broad, wide' see section (A) (ii) s.v. LITANO-. The first element is more problematic. I think that we should retain the reading καρθι- in spite of the doubt expressed by Whatmough {DAG, loc. cit.) concerning the Very faint' cross-bar of the fourth letter. Rhys {Addit. 29-30) suggested that θ here may represent 'a lisped s' and that καρθι- should be connected with earnin names such as Carsius and Carsidius (for forms in cars- see below). However, he preferred to regard it as representing an unvoiced dental spirant \θ\ and claimed that as in Brittonic the change /rt/ > /r0/ occurred also in Gaulish. H e claimed that it should be connected with cart- in forms such as carti in the inscription of Rom and in names such as Cartimandua (see section (A) (ii) s.v. CART-),* and conjec­ tured that Καρθιλιτανιος meant cone who is powerful or active far and wide'. L. H. Gray (Lg. 20, 1944, 225, EC 6, 1953-4, 63) gave θ the phonetic value [Θ] and claimed that it arose from earlier [t] through lenition.* C. Watkins {Lg. 31, 1955, 17) also suggested that θ here corresponds to t in a form such as Carti{s)mandaa and that it originated along with other similar modifications in ca tendency toward weaker articulation of single stops in medial position'. Here of course this has occurred between a liquid consonant and a vowel. 5 Schmidt, on the other hand {KGP 102, n. 2, 164), rejected the view that θ in this form resulted from lenition of earlier t. He preferred to include it in a series of variants καρθι-, car six-, carti- showing the alternation Q\st\t. I should add the variant cars- (? > can-, see below) in this series. For the alternation of the symbols Q\st\t\s, etc., in Gaulish forms pointing to a dental affricate or dental fricative or sibilant see Chapter III, Remark. I think that Schmidt's suggestion concerning καρθι- is preferable to 1

For -minius see KGP 243. Whatmough did not quote his source for this form in DAG and I have not seen it quoted elsewhere. 3 See also AcS 1. 817. 4 For the etymology proposed by Gray for καρθι- υ. s. CART-, See also now Campanile, Studi e saggi linguistici 1, 1961, 41 f. (not convincing). s For the development of -rt- in Insular Celtic see LP 47, LHEB 401, 570 fF. For Breton see also R. Hemon, %CP 25, 1956, 59 ff.3 L. Fleuriot VB 101. 2

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that of Rhys, 1 Gray and Watkins. But this does not mean that we can determine the precise meaning of this name element. Perhaps it is related to carsti- and cart- (?< carst-) found in a number of forms in some of which there is probably a cognate of W. carthu 'clean, purge, cleanse', Br. karza, Ir. cartaim (see section (A) (ii) s.v. CART-).2 Καρθιλιτανιος may, therefore, be compounded of a verb stem-f-an adjective with the meaning 'he who cleanses (/scours/ousts) far and wide' (?) or the like.3 On the other hand, if καρθι- should be related to Gk. κάρτος, etc., as was suggested by Gray (Lg. 20, 1944, 225), it may be a tatpurusa compound of substantive+adjective meaning 'he whose strength (/vigour) is great (/extensive)'. 4 It is noteworthy that Καρθίληανιος contains the same second element as Κογγεννολιτανος in the same inscription. We have here an instance of denoting family connexion by variation, i.e. by giving the child a name of which one element is the same as one in the name of his father. ΡΚΑΣΣΙΜΟΤΟΥΛΟΥ DAG 74 (inscription of Nimes, Gard) An inscription on a mosaic fragment said to have been discovered 1

Rhys did see the possibility of connexion with forms in cars-. Compare the following examples of forms in cars-, some of which may belong here: PNN Carsaro DAG 176, Carsia 83, PID xvc, -ius DAG 83; ?Carsiaudia 8 3 ; Carsicios 206 (see Blanchet, 109, 345, fig. 299 AcS 3. 1125); Καρσιχαο[ς?] AcS I. 816; Carsidius DAG 250; Καρσιγνάτου (gen.) Pol. 24. 8 but Cassignatus Liv. 42. 57. 7, 9 (see SprFK 187, Gal. Spr. 155, 171 f.); LEN Carsia, ICharsitanus Cassis DAG 80. However, beside forms in cars- account should also be taken of forms in can-. Note, for example, the following forms: PNN Carrarius DAG 214; Carronis (gen.) CIL 2. 4970. 122; Carrotala DAG 237, Car{r)otalus DAG 198, Carrotalus DAG 196, 237 (see Oswald 6 2 ; cf. Carotalns? DAG 132); Carrucalus DAG 136; ??Ca(n)meatus (-g-) DAG 132, 139; Carrunius DAG 244; Carrus CIL 7. 1336. 248; L E N N : Καρράκα Ptol. 3. 1. 28 (see AcS 1. 808); Carrodunum (v.l. -no-) Ptol. DAG 241 (the name is attested in Germania Magna, ap. Vindelici, ap. Sarmatae, and in Pannonia Superior, see AcS 1. 810, Spr. alt. Illyr. 2. 59, RA 1962/2, 162, Celticum ix, 335); ?Carronenses DAG 179; D N N : ?Carrenio (G-?), v.l. Carrnio, Carpnto DAG 8 6 ; (Mars) Carrus Cicinus DAG 23. For Gallo-Latin carrus 'carriage, waggon' see DAG 240 s.v. (with refs.), where Whatmough has listed a large number of derivatives. He pointed out that carruca is used of a wheeled plough See also DAG 240 s.v. carrago 'saepes carrorum'. M1W. car(r), ModW. car 'vehicle, car', OBret. can gl. vehiculis (DGVB 97), ModBret. karr, Ir. can are cognate with carrus (unless they have been borrowed via Latin) and are related to IE. *kers- 'run', *krso-s 'waggon' (see Urk. Spr. 72, VKG 1. 44. 533, W.-H. 1. 174, 315 if., IEW583 f., Porzig, Die Gliederung des indogermanischen Sprachgebiets (Heidelberg, 1954), 102). Some of the names in can- and possibly some of those in cars- also contain a cognate form. Cano- 'waggon' should be distinguished from *karri- or *kar(r)a 'stone, crag, rock' referred to in section (A) (ii) s.v. CARO-. 3 For this type of compound see above s.n. Καρομαρο[. 4 It is less probable that καρθι- is for καρσί- or καρσο- which should be related to Gaul, cano- ( < *carso-) 'waggon'. Compare Schmidt's interpretation of PN Καρομαρο[ discussed above. 2

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at the Fontaine at Nimes in 1742 may, if genuine, be Celtic rather than Greek. The following text was given in Insc. Lang., p. 779, no. 560: μςθθιλοσ

κασ

| σιμοτουλονσ^γο

\

μανικοσ-κεκονίακζ

This is based on a copy made by the architect Dardailhon and in­ corporated in the notes of Seguier (1703-84). * Holder referred to this inscription (AcS 2. 494, 1447, 3. 1136) as Verdachtig', and it did not appear in Dottin's list of texts. But Whatmough included it in DAG.2 He was confident that it was genuine and stressed that if it is not Greek it may be Celtic. However, there have been several attempts to inter­ pret it as Greek.3 A warning that it has often been regarded as a text of doubtful authenticity was given in CA 8, p. 106, no. 85. Assuming that the inscription is genuine, and that it is Celtic, this form should probably be interpreted as a personal name. But the text as it stands is barely intelligible.4 If we here accept the conventional transcription Κασσιμοτουλου, we are tempted to explain the name as a Gaulish ostein dative in ου, presumably the name of the person for whom Μβθθιλος did something referred to in the (?) verb κεκονιακε, the last word in the inscription.5 If the text is Greek the form is naturally explained as an 0-stem genitive.6 Fr. Germer-Durand in Insc. Lang., loc. cit., did interpret it as a genitive meaning 'Cassimotuli filius'. It must be conceded that if Σ€γομανικος (see below) refers to the same person as Μ^θθιλος (see section (B) s.n.) it is difficult 1

In MS. 13802 I 10 in the Bibliotheque Seguier at Nimes. See item 74. Cf. id., O n an inscription of Nimes*, A"^6g, 1951, 207 f. See the following in addition to references given above: M. Menard, Histoire civile, eccUsiastique, et UtUraire de la ville de Nismes, vol. 7 (Paris, 1758), 195 (M£nard gave τ as the thirteenth letter in line 2 ) ; F. Artaud, Histoire abrdgee de la peinture en mosdique suivie de la description des mosaiques de Lyon et du midi de la France (Lyon, 1835), 14; M . Raoul-Rochette, Peintures antiques inidites pricidies die recherches sur Vemploi de la peinture dans la decoration des idifices sacris et publics, chez les grecs et chez les romains faisant suite aux monuments inidits (Paris, 1836), p . 420, n. 3 ; H . Brunn, Geschichte der griechischen Kiinstler, vol. 2 (Stuttgart, 1889) 210; A. Pelet, Les Mosaiques de Nimes (1522-1864) (Nimes, 1876), pp. 12 ff., no. iv; P. Gauckler, MSAF, s£r. 7, vol. 3, 1902 (1904), 192; G. Lafaye, Inventaire des mosaiques de la Gaule 1, 1909, no. 285. 4 In KZ 69, 1951» 207 f. Whatmough boldly reconstructed the text as μζθθιλος κασσιμοτουλος σ€γομονι and supposed that the rest, of the inscription contained navreva and that 'ScSe may lurk elsewhere'. However, in DAG 74 he rejected these conjectures. 5 This form looks like a Greek perfect and has been rendered as 'a fait cette mosa'ique' or 'tessellavit' (see, for example, Menard and Artaud, locc. citt., Holder, AcS 2. 1447). Whatmough remarked that it was given this meaning 'presumably on the ground that the inscription was associated by its discoverer with a mosaic'. If K€KOVLCLK€ points to Gk. κονιάω (see LSJ 977) it probably means 'plastered' not 'paved'. 6 See section (B) s.n. Καρνομου. 2

3

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to avoid the conclusion that Κασσιμοτουλου which intervenes also refers to him and expresses filiation. The form is compounded Κασσι-μοτουλου. For the elements in the name see section (A) (ii) s.w. CASSI- and MOT-, Their precise significance in this particular form is quite uncertain. As will be readily seen from the discussion of the name elements, several inter­ pretations are here possible. I refer to only one, namely that Κασσι­ μοτουλου may be a bahuvrihi compound of adjective+substantive meaning 'he whose voice is pleasant' or the like. Compare PNN Dumnomotus ?'he whose voice is deep' DAG 1561 and ?Dacomot[ ?'he whose voice is good' DAG 224,2 -μοτονλον may be a derivative of an w-stem. Compare forms such as Couertomotul, Motaacus, Motuidiaca, and the doubtful Tutomotuhis listed s.v. MOT-. Κ Α Σ Σ Ι Τ Α Λ Ο Σ DAG 68 (inscription of Nimes, Gard) The name is compounded Κασσι-τάλος, an 0-stem nominative in -0?. Compare the fragmentary form Cassita[9 restored as Cassita[lt] (gen.) in an inscription of Langres (CIL 13. 5789). 3 For the elements in the name see section (A) (ii) s.w. CASSI- and TALO-. D'Arbois de Jubainville rendered it as 'qui a un beau front' 4 and as 'au front elegant'. 5 Rhys (Insc. 37) remarked that 'the meaning of cassi- is not at all clear'. Schmidt (KGP 165) interpreted it as a bahuvrihi com­ pound meaning 'eine gewundene Stirn habend(?)' [sic]. The meaning of the second element is almost certainly 'brow, forehead'; that of the first element is a matter for conjecture. However, it probably indicates some agreeable quality of the second element. Perhaps it means 'holy, pure' or else 'pleasant, pleasing' or the like6 or, less probably 'curly'. It can hardly mean 'hateful' or 'hated'. The pattern of composition is that of a bahuvrihi compound of adjective+substantive. C A S S I V E L L A U N U S Leader of the Britons on the occasion of Caesar's second invasion (54 B.G) b BG 5. 11. 8 dat. cassiuellauno j8, casi- Q}, cassiuellauno A, casuuellauno b Q 2 ; 18. 1 gen. cassiuellauni T/o, casi- Q 1 ^, casiuellauni A, casuuellauni 1

See KGP 199. Beside ?Dacomol[ note PN Sumotus DAG 244. 3 Whence PN Cassitalus DAG 237. 4 Rev. des sociites savantes, 6 e ser., 4, 1876 (1877), 266, whence Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 126, Loth, Chr. bret. 10. 5 NG 188, whence Holder, AcS 1. 828. 6 Compare perhaps for the meaning the Welsh PN Talies(s)in9 the name of a sixth-century poet (see Bromwich, TTP 509 ff.)> and the OBret. PN Taliesin (see Chr. bret. 231, VB 127). See Forster, FT851. 2

811930

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b Q 2 ; 19. 1 cassiuellaunus p, casi- QMLN77·, casuuellaunus BS, casuuellaunus A; 20. 1 abl. cassiuellauno QBMS, casi- LN77-, cassibellauno p} b cassiuellauno A; 20. 2 gen. cassiuellauni QBMSTTU, casi- LN, cassibellauni

b R, cassiuellauni A ; 21. 2 gen. cassiuellauni QBMSTp, cast- LNV, b * cassiuellauni A ; 22. 1 cassiuellaunus S T U , c&rc- Q B M L N V , casiuellaunus b A ; 22. 3 cassiuellaunus 0 2 S T p , owi- Q ^ B M L N V , cassiuellaunus A ; 22. 5 ~~ b dat. cassiuellauno Q?Tp, casi- Q^MLNV, cassiuellauno A, casuuellauno B, cassuuellauno S.

The name is attested elsewhere as follows: Florus 1. 45. 18 ace. casuellaunum Rossbach (casuella, cauelianis codd.); Orosius 6. 9. 6 abl. cassouellauno (v.l. -bellauno), 9. 9 gen. cassouellauni (v.l. -bellauni), whence Bede, HE 1.2 Cassobellaunus; Polyaenus, Strat. 8 . 2 3 . 5 KacoeXXavvos (v.l. Κασόλαυνος); D i o Cassius 40. 2 ace. KaaoveXXavov (v.l. καΐ σουζλλανόν).

Caesar's editors rightly accept the well-attested form Cassiuellaunus, with -ss- as in Vercassivellaunus (q.v.) and many other Gaulish names in cassi-.1 For the elements in this name see section (A) (ii) s.w. CASSI-. and VELLAUNO-. An account of Cassivellaunus' campaign against Caesar was related by Geoffrey of Monmouth, 2 and in the Bruts Geoffrey's Cassibella(u)nus is rendered as Kas(s)wallawn (C-). In Welsh tradition Kaswallawn figures as the legendary son of Beli Mawr.3 Concerning O W . -guallaun, M1W. and ModW.

-{^wallawn\-{g)wallon,

etc., in PNN see section (A) (ii) s.w. VAL- and VELLAUNO-A D'Arbois de Jubainville, 5 in accordance with the etymology he pro­ posed for the elements in the name, rendered Cassivellaunus as 'elegamment bon', 'superieurement bon'. In view of the doubt concerning the exact interpretation of both elements in this name it would be unwise to attempt to suggest any meaning for it. 1

Schneider (see Gluck, KN 174) accepted the form Casivellaunus, with -j-, which occurs less frequently and is found most often (consistently only in LN) in manuscripts of the α group. 2 See The Historiae Regum Britanniae of Geoffrey of Monmouth, ed. Anton Griscom (London, 1929), 3. 20, 4. 1-11. 3 See Ifor Williams, PKM 217; id. Trans. Cymmr. 1946-7, 41-43; Lloyd-Jones, G. 116; R. Bromwich, BBCS 12, 1948, 14, Studies in Early British History, ed. N. K. Chadwick (Cambridge, 1954), no, n. 2, 132 f., TTi^oof.; P. MacCana, Branwen Daughter of Llyr (Cardiff, 1958), i n if.; E. I. Rowlands, Lien Cymru 5, 1958-0» 55, n. n . 4 In Τ Geninen 44, 1926, 9 Lloyd-Jones rendered Caswallon as *a reola ei gas, ei etymon* or '[a reola] mewn cas' as if -wallon derived from a root *ual- 'to be strong*. Sir Ifor Williams, on the other hand, remarked (AP. 12) that there is no agreement concerning the meaning of cas- in Welsh PNN such as Caswallawn. s NG 186 f., whence Holder, AcS 1. 833.

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C A T A M A N T A L O E D I S Father of Casticus. H e held royal authority among the Sequani for many years and the Roman Senate bestowed upon him the title amicus BG i. 3. 4 gen. catamantaloedis BMN UR C , cantamanta loedis T, catamantalohedis χ, catamante loedis VR 1 , tatamenta ledis L. Caesar's editors accept the form Catamantaloedis. The difficulty con­ cerning the reading and interpretation of the ending -(o)edis (or -(o)kedis)1 of the genitive cannot be resolved. The variant readings suggest that the name was corrupted here at an early stage. The name is apparently compounded Cata-mantaloedis. T h e first element was equated by Gluck {KNφ)ζ with W. cyd- (see GPC 658). There are obvious phonological difficulties here. It has also been compared with Ir. cet- 'with', OW. cant, M1W. can, gan, ModW. gan, OCorn. cans, MlCorn. gans, Br. gant: Gk. κατά, etc., 3 as if Gaulish cata- were a by-form of Celtic *kanta- 'along, with', for which there is clear evidence in Insular Celtic but none in Continental forms. We can compare the following forms in cata-: PNN Catasextus DAG 136; 4 Catamocus CIL 3. 6480 = 10954 (also Catomocus ibid.); 5 Catamanus ECMW 13 (beside Catumandus DAG 83); EN Catalauni (Cate-), Catu{u)ellauni (Chalons-sur-Marne) DAG 212.4 In all these and in Caesar's Catamantaloedis it is probable that we have -0- in the com­ position joint in cata- representing earlier -w-. We have to deal, there­ fore, with Gaul, catu- 'battle', cognate with Ir. cath, W. cad, etc. (see section (A) (ii) s.v. CM 777-). This had long been proposed for Catamanus6 and was suggested for Catamantaloedis by Vendryes (BSL 38, 1937, 113 if., EC 1, 1936, 336 f.) in his discussion of Gaulish mantalo(see below). Schmidt pointed out (KGP 166) that in Catamantabedis, Catamanus, and Catalauni -a- occurred in three successive syllables, and that the middle one might have developed through vowel assimilation. The second element -mantal(o)- has been compared with a similar form in the following L E N N : Mantala DAG 80; Mantalomagensis 1 Commenting on the reading of χ Schwyzer (ZCP 22, 1941, 329) wrote as follows: 'Ich sehe nicht ein, weshalb man diese Form nicht als lectio difficilior gelten laBt. Allerdings scheint mit -(o)hed- so wenig etwas anzufangen zu sein wie mit ~oed-.* I know of no other derivatives in -oed(i)- (?-o-ed·). See Zeuss, GCZ 790. 2 See also Holder, AcS 1. 838, Dottin 106, 243, Zeuss, GC2 903. 3 See VKG 1. 138, LP 48, GOI 501, IEW 612 f., J. E. C. Williams, BBCS 13, 1950, 20 f. Direct relationship with Gaulish cata- in a name such as Catamantaloedis is suggested by Holder, AcS 1. 837, 3. 1145, Dottin, locc. citt., Schwyzer, %CP 22, 1941, 325 fF. (condemned as 'irrig' by Pokorny, IEW 613; see also Keltologie 4 160 f.), and Pinault Og. 15, 1963, 390. See section (A) (ii) s.v. CATU-. s See also DAG 244, KGP 168, 243. • 6 See, for example, Rhys, LWPh1 384; Holder, AcS 1. 838; Ifor Williams, An Inventory of the Ancient Monuments in Anglesey (London, 1937), cxv, id., CAn. 315; Thomas, Ε A NC xxii; Bromwich, TYP 290; Fleuriot VB 391·

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uicus, Mantalomaus Manthelan DAG 148; Petromantalum I A beside Petrum.uiaco TP not far from Paris DAG 179. It was related to OW. menntaul gl. bilance (VVB 184), ModW. mantol 'balance, scale', OBret. montol gl· trutina and libra {DGVB 259), ModBret. mantol. Gluck accordingly compared W. cydfantawl 'aeqiiilibrium' (a ghost word) and rendered Catamantaloedis as 'aequalitas, aequabilitas 5 (see KM φ f., also GC2 766, AcS 1. 838, 2. 410 f., Dottin 269 with n. 1, Schwyzer, loc. cit., Whatmough, DAG, p. 608 s.n. Petromantalum and p. 1362, id., Orbis 1, i952> 437 £)· C. Jullian, on the other hand (REA 19, 1917, no f Vi saw in the variant Petrum.uiaco of the Table of Peutinger beside Petromantalum in the Antonine Itinerary a form meaning 'carrefour, les quatre-chemins'. He therefore suggested that mantalo- meant 'a path' or 'way'. Vendryes (locc. citt.) took Jullian's suggestion a stage further. After insisting that the equation of mantalo- with W. mantol, etc. is unacceptable, he related it to a Celtic root *mantr- 'to tread underfoot, to trample' seen in W. mathru cto trample' and Bret. mantra (see Urk. % . 208, GMB 392, VKG 1. 139, W.-P. 2. 263), compared with Gk. /χατβ'ω as in ματβΐ · 7τατ€Γ Hesychius and /ζάτβισαι Sappho.2 The meaning 'a path' or 'way' suggested for mantalo- may derive from that of a 'voie frayee' (Lat. trlta uia). Vendryes accord­ ingly suggested the following choice of meanings for catamantalo-: 'qui se fraie une voie au combat', 'qui se tient ferme au combat', 'qui foule aux pieds (l'ennemi) dans le combat', 'qui marche au combat', 'qui foule le sol du combat'. Schmidt {KGP 167) suggested comparing Gaul, mantalo- with Lat. mantisa 'make-weight, a worthless addition' (an Etruscan word teste Paul, ex Fest. 132. 10 f.; but Walde (p. 463, see also Weisgerber, SprFK 204, W-H. 2. 33) claimed a Gaulish origin), and with O l r . meit f. 'greatness, size' and W. maint (see AcS 2. 411, VKG 1. 292 f., 2. 48, GOI 186, IEW 704, DGVB 254). He also compared the com­ pounded PNN Caramantius CIL 5. 1642 (whence PID viii c, Ven.) and Venimantii (gen.) CIL 3. 3302 (see also KGP 290). 3 H e rendered Catamantaloedis as 'der, dessen Grofie in der Schlacht liegt'. 1 See also A. Grenier, Revue des cours et confirences 32, 1930-1, 713 f., id., ArcheOlogie gallo-romaine, 2 e partie, Uarcheologie da sol (Paris, 1934), 257. 2 See LSJ 10&4 s . w . *μό.ττ\μι (A) and ^μάτημι (Β), and compare Whatmough's remarks in Orbis 1, 1952, 437. The etymology proposed by Vendryes for Gaul. mantalo- was accepted by Pokorny, IEW 726 s.v. 2. men- 'treten, zertreten, zusammendrucken\ See also Fleuriot DGVB 251. 3 Compare also uncompounded P N N in mant- such as the following: Manta OPL 83 (also PID viii c Ven., CIL 3. 7330); Mantai (gen.) OPL, loc. cit.; Mantau OPL 84; Mantia DAG, note xlv (G) (also PID XVB Lig.); Mantidia DAG 214; Mantius DAG 83, 228 (ix) (see also for Mantia, -ius AcS 2. 411 f.); Mantro DAG 8 3 ; Mantua OPL, loc. cit.; Mantus DAG 6 (pp. 42, 480); Mantusa DAG 156. See also D. Detschew, Die thrakischen Sprachreste (Wien, 1957) 286 f. s.nn. Mavra, Manta, etc.

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Perhaps the following Welsh and Irish forms should also be con­ sidered : W. mant 'mouth, lip', 1 Mllr. medal, metal, Modlr. meadal f. 'maw, paunch, belly, tripe 5 (see RIAContr. M. 117, Hessen 2. 104, 116, Dinneen 722): Lat. mentum 'chin' and/or Lat. mando Ί chew' (see Urk. Spr. 200, Zupitza, BB 25, 1899, 94, n. 3, Pedersen, VKG 1. 24, Marstrander, £CP 7, 1910, 363 f., 0 Briain, £CP 14, 1923, 318 f., V/.-P. 2. 263, 270, W.-H. 2. 24, 72 f., IEW 726, 732, LEIA M-17, 44, Meid, ZF67, 1962, 118).2 Cata- in the name Catamantaloedis does probably represent Gaulish catu- 'battle'. As for the second element, the etymology proposed by Vendryes still seems to be the most convincing. 3 The local name Petrum.uiaco beside Petromantalum tells in favour of interpreting ~mantalum as a form meaning 'track, path, way', notwithstanding Whatmough's objections {Orbis, loc. cit.). Catamantaloedis may accordingly mean 'he who treads (/tracks down) [the enemy] in battle'. Κ Α Τ Ο ΥΑΛΟ Σ DAG 72 (inscription of the Guirand vineyard at Nimes, Gard) Lebegue's emendation Κατου[λ]λος in IG 14. 25074 should be rejected. The name is an astern nominative in -os. Rhys suggested (Insc. 41) that 'very possibly we have to pronounce the name as Cattialos\ i.e. with -ου-5 a consonantal or non-syllabic /u/ and with a penultimate accent. He compared the form Catuallauna in an inscription of South Shields (EE 4, p. 212, no. 718 s ). Compare also the local and ethnic names Catual[iensis or -inus?] pagus and Catualiam (see DAG 221 and 1 Ir. man{n)t m. (0-stem) 'the gums, jaw' (see RIAContr. M. 57, Hessen 2. 98, Dinneen 707) may be a loan from Welsh. Note also Ir. mantach 'gap-toothed, toothless, etc.' {RIAContr. M. loc. cit., Dinneen 708) beside W. mantach 'toothless' ('edentulus' teste D.; see also D. s.v. edentulns; for W. mant Davies gives the meaning 'maxilla*), Ir. man(n)ta(i)n 'a toothless person, one who has lost some teeth* (see Hessen 2. 99, Dinneen, loc. cit.). Other derivatives of Ir. man(n)t are listed by Dinneen 708. 2 It seems unlikely that Gaulish PNN in mant- can be explained by reference to mantum, -us (-us) 'breue amictum' and mantellum 'mantle', although these forms may ultimately be of Celtic origin (see Whatmough, DAG 158, 178; id., Studies presented to David M. Robinson, vol. 2 (Saint Louis, 1953), 480). 3 Nevertheless one is tempted to urge that the second element is cognate with W. mant, etc., and that the name is a bahuvrihi compound meaning 'battle-mouth' or the like. But this is extremely uncertain. I should add, to complete the record, that Jullian wildly suggested (HG 2. 401, n. 3) that Catamantaloedis 'qui ressemble assez mal aux noms propres personnels' is a nomen gentilicium. 4 See AcS 3. 1155. i4f. Whatmough has listed PN Κατουλλοσ IG 14. 250 [sic] in DAG 83. 5 For another example of the division of -ου- (? syllabic /u/) between two lines, with ο at the end of one and υ at the beginning of the next, compare the form βρατο\υ[8€\ in the Gaulish inscription of Gollias (Gard) DAG 63, 11. 7-8.

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section (A) (ii) s.v. CATU-). Rhys interpreted the form as a com­ pounded name representing earlier *Catu-ualos and as the Gaulish counterpart of the Irish PN Cathal and the Welsh PN CadwaL Professor Watkins has drawn attention (Lg. 31, 1955, 11) to the fluctuation between noting and not noting the semivowel after syllabic /u/ in the sequence cons.+w+vowel in Narbonensis, and has con­ cluded that in this position it was non-phonemic. But there is no means of proving from the Gaulish material whether -ου- between a consonant and vowel in a name such as the one in question here represents [uw] or simply [w] (with syncope of the stem vowel -w- in the composition joint). The view that Κατουαλος is a compounded name pointing to Celtic *Catu-uaios is undoubtedly correct. Many similar compounded PNN with their second element related to a root val- 'to be strong, e t c ' are attested in both Continental and Insular Celtic (see section (A) (ii) s.v. VAL-). It is unlikely that the second -a- in Κατουαλος is long and that -ουαλος can be connected with W. gwawl and Ir. fdl (see ibid.). The first element in the name is the familiar Gaulish form catu- 'battle' (see section (A) (ii) s.v.). I t is a tatpurusa compound of substantive+adjective meaning 'he who is strong/mighty in battle' or of substantive+substantive meaning 'battleleader' or 'battle-ruler' or the like (with -ουαλος cognate with M1W. gwal and gwaladyr). As Rhys pointed out (see also Stokes, Urk. Spr. 67, Holder, AcS 1. 848, Schmidt, KGP 168) the name is cognate with W. Cadwal (e.g. OW. Catgual LL 140, M1W. Kadwal RP 578. 30 [cf. LloydJones, G. 92]) and Ir. Cathal (see, for example, Woulfe 174, O'Brien, CGH 535 f.). C A T U V O L C U S Joint leader with Ambiorix of the Eburones BG 5. 24. 4 gen. catuolci ω; 26. i abl. catuulco A, catu uulgo Q,, catuuulco φ, patuulco Vp, patulco Τ ; 6. 31. 5 catuuolcus xBM c S, catauolcus LN, catouolcus j8, catuulcus M 1 . Catuolci in the first instance was emended by Gudius to Catuvolci. It is not uncommon for one u to be lost in the manuscripts where two should occur together. 1 In the second instance initial/?- for initial c- is clearly an error. In -wZa?, -uulco, uulgo at the end there is -a- for -0following the semi-vowel. In the third instance (excepting M 1 which has catuulcus) there is discrepancy only in the stem vowel of the first element. The form Catuvolcus has been rightly accepted as the correct one from Schneider and Nipperdey onwards. The name, which is compounded Catu-volcus, has been variously 1

See Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 469. Concerning the orthography of syllabic [u]-f a semi-vowel [w] in the sequence consonant+[uw]+vowel see above s.n. Κατουαλος.

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interpreted. I quote only a summary of opinion concerning the form. Gliick1 treated it as a Celtic name meaning 'alacer ad pugnandum', relating the first element to Celtic catu- 'battle' and the second to Ir. folg 'celer, velox, agilis, alacer, promptus, expeditus'. But this Irish form is a dictionary word only. 2 In any case there are obvious diffi­ culties in the way of relating it to Celtic *uolc-, Stokes3 rejected Gliick's interpretation of -volcus and suggested comparison with Lith. wilkti and OChSl. vlesti. But he failed to adduce any Celtic cognates. Much 4 claimed that Catuvolcus was a Germanic name *Hapuwalhaz which had been Celticized by Caesar.5 He maintained that -volcus had no counter­ part in Gaulish names, whereas Germanic names in walk- were Kelte'. Schonfeld6 rejected Much's view and asserted that both elements in the name were Celtic. Dottin 7 suggested that it might contain in its second element a cognate of Latin lupus, presumably showing a Gaulish (Pdialectal) development of the labio-velar to a velar. This attractive interpretation is a little unsatisfactory, as it is doubtful whether any Celtic cognates of lupus have in fact been pre­ served. 8 There are certainly no clear Insular Celtic cognates. But one should always bear in mind that the absence of a clear cognate in the modern Celtic languages is no proof that particular forms did not occur in Continental Celtic. Weisgerber 9 again asserted that Catuvolcus (i.e. *Hathuwalhaz or *Kathuwalhaz) was a Germanic name. He com­ pared O H G . Kaduualah and other OHG. names in walh- and would, like Much, render it as 'der kriegerische Volke' or 'Kampf-Kelte'. 1 AW 47 ff. His explanation was repeated by de Jubainville, NG 23 and Ernault in Benoist-Dosson 664. See also AcS 1. 865, 3. 436, Dottin 300. 2 See J. O'Brien, Focaloir GaoidhilgeSax-Bhearla: or, an Irish-English Dictionary (Paris, 1768), and E. O'Reilly, Sanas Gaoidhilge-Sagsbhearla: an Irish-English Dic­ tionary (Dublin, 1817) s.v. 3 UrL Spr. 286. 4 PBB 17, 1893, 167; WuS 6, 1914-15, 222 f.; Sitzungsberichte der kais. Akad. der Wissenschaften, philosoph.-historische Klasse, Bd. 195, 2. Abhandlung (Wien, 1920), 26 f.; apud J. Hoops, Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde 4 (StraBburg, 1918-19), 423-5· s See also Forstemann 797 s.n. Hathuwal; Holder, AcS 1. 865 s.n. Catuvolcus; G. Neckel, Germanen und Kelten (Heidelberg, 1929), 115; C. S. Elston, The Earliest Relations between Celts and Germans (London, 1934), 99 f., 108 ff. (RC 51, 1934, 306 M.-L. Sjoesdedt). Whatmough remarked in DAG 224 that Catuvolcus is 'usually explained as *Hapu-wulfaz'. 6 p. 62. 7 Melanges bretons et celtiques qfferts a M. J . Loth (Rennes, 1927), 94. 8 See W.-P. 1. 316 f.; W.-H. 1. 836 f.; IEW i i 7 8 f . ; Pokorny, MSS, Heft 7, 1955, 56 f.; Weisgerber, Β J 150, 1950, 186 f., also Hertz, ibid. 189 f. 9 Walhisk, Die geschichtliche Leistung des Wortes 'welsd? (Bonn, 1948) (Sonderdruck aus Rh. V. 13, 1948), 10, 51 f.; id., Der Sinn des Wortes 'deutsch' (Gottingen, 1949), 84 f., 104, 164; id., Deutsch als Volksname (Darmstadt, 1953), 172 f.

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1

Scherer conceded that it could be a Celticized form of a Germanic name. At the same time, however, he objected that the compounding of a form meaning 'battle' with a form related to an ethnic name (Volcae) is best explained as a Celtic construction, not a Germanic one. 2 Finally, Schmidt 3 seems to accept the view that the name was in the first place Germanic. But he suggested that the Celtic soundsubstitution which resulted in Caesar's Catuvolcus may have been assisted by the fact that there was in Gaulish a word which would correspond in form to that which would be substituted for the element in the Germanic name. He thought that the name would come to be associated by a sort of folk-etymology with Celtic uolc- which underlies Olr. file- and W. golch- {v. IEW 1145). Thus the name might be understood in Gaulish to mean c der sich im Kampfe badet'. There is no way of showing conclusively whether it is a celticized form of Germanic * Hapu-walhaz (or *Kapu-walhaz), as claimed by Much, Weisgerber, and others, or a Celtic or Celto-Germanic name, as suggested by Schonfeld and Scherer. Beside -volcus in this name and the ethnic name Volcae* usually related to Germanic *Walhaz (pi. *Walkoz), account must be taken also of certain PNN in vole-. These are Volcius in an inscription of Heidelberg, 5 Volcenius, -ia in Pannonia Superior, 6 Volcinius in Germania Inferior 7 and Volcacius Hospes (com­ mander of a cohort of Gauls) in an inscription of Busbridge Park, Godalming. 8 There are also the names Valci (gen.) at Aix-enProvence, 9 the incomplete Valc[ at Bonn 10 and the dubious Valci at Bowden, nr. Totnes (Devonshire). 11 I should like to mention the possibility that the second element in 1

pp. 204 f. Cf. Neckel, op. cit. 115, Elston, op. cit. n o . 3 KGP 52, 168 f. Cf. Pokorny, Kratylos 3, 1958, 174. 4 For sources see Holder, AcS 3. 436-9, Whatmough, DAG 80 and 241 (also 78, 239, Cat, Month eliard nos. 8 f. for coin legends). For discussion of Volcae and possible Germanic congeners see Weisgerber, Deutsch u. Welsch. Die Anfange des Volksbewufitseins in Westeuropa (Antrittsvorlesung Bonn) (Bonn, [1944]); id., Walhisk. Die geschichtliche Leistung des Wortes 'welsch? (Bonn, 1948) (Sonderdruck aus Rh. V. 13, 1948); id., Deutsch als Volksname (Darmstadt, 1953). Schmidt {KGP 169) thought that the name could perhaps be explained as Celtic, cognate with Ir. folcaid 'washes', etc., and meaning 'die sich Badenden'! For other forms labelled as Illyrian and explained as cognates of Ir. folcaid see Pokorny, IEW 1145, Krahe, Spr. Illyr. 93, 100, Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 2. 120 (to the references concerning ούολκαΐα-Ζλη Dio Cass. 55. 32. 3 add Whatmough, DAG 240). Note also EN Volciani Liv. 21. 19. 8 and 19. 11 and perhaps D N Volcanus (-&-) DAG 82, 181,213, 223, 243, ILTG 65 (see further AcS 3. 440 f.). ?Compare LN Vulchalo DAG 80. 5 6 CIL 13. 6410. DAG 244. 8 7 DAG 224. JRS 16, 1926, 240, no. 1. 9 CIL 12. 526. Hirschfeld ci. Valgi. 10 CIL 13. 10017. 867 (whence DAG 224). 11 IBCh no. 30, whence Rhys, LWPhz 401. 2

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Caesar's Catuvolcus is the Gaulish counterpart of W. gwalch 'hawk'. 1 There are numerous examples of this form in early Welsh poetry with the meaning 'a fine soldier, a brave fighter, a nobleman'. It occurs frequently in composition and is found in both personal and local names. 2 Welsh cadwalch {cad-{-gwalch) occurs with the meaning 'a hero, a champion, warrior'. 3 Although I have not found an instance of the form as a personal name, cadwalch may be an exact equivalent of Catuvolcus. The latter may be a Celtic name, a tatpurusa compound of substantive -f- substantive meaning 'battle-hawk, hero, champion' or the like. The suggestion is, however, bedevilled by some uncertainty concerning the etymology of gwalch. Connexion with Latin falco, itself a problematic form, has been both advocated and denied by Celtic scholars. 4 ( i ) C I N G E T O R I X A chief of the Treveri and rival of his fatherin-law Indutiomarus for supremacy. O n the death of Indutiomarus he was appointed chief magistrate of the Treveri BG

5· 3· 2 ; 3· 51 4· 3 d a t · cingetorigi (cingetorii Α) ω; 56. 3 ; 57. 2 ; 6. 8. 9 . The name is also attested in Notae Tironianae 115. 86. (2) C I N G E T O R I X One of four kings of Kent in Britain who attacked Caesar's naval camp BG 5. 22. 1 This name is compounded Cinget-o-rix. For the /-stem cinget-, fol­ lowed here by the composition vowel -o-,s see section (A) (ii) s.v. 1

I find that Meven Mordiern (i.e. Reno Le Roux) has hinted at this possibility in his Notennou diwar-benn ar Gelted koz (Brest, 1944), 19, n. 6. 2 Compare the OBret. PN Uualcmoel Cart. Red. 25, 60. See Loth, Chr. bret. 171. For W. Gwalchmei see J. Rhys, Studies in the Arthurian Legend (Oxford, 1891), 13. Cf. Jackson, LHEB 449, n. 1. See further Bromwich, TTP 369 ff., and Jackson's remarks in The Welsh History Review, Special Number, 1963: 'The Welsh Laws', p. 85. See also now Rowlands, Lien Cymru 6, 1960-1 (1964), 241 if. 3 See G. 89, GPC 380. 4 L. Diefenbach in Origines Europeae (Frankfurt, 1861) 341-, suggested that W. gwalch reflects the influence of AS. wealhhafoc 'walscher-Habicht'. His suggestion received the commendation of Thurneysen in Keltorom. 59. But Loth (AB 7, 1891-2, 76 f.) thought that this was unlikely. He claimed gwalch as a native form and sug­ gested that it had nothing to do with Lat. falco. *Je ne serais pas tres eloigne* de supposer que le wealh anglo-saxon ne soit plutot une fausse interprotation du gwalch gallois, qui se pronongait avant le ix e siecle walch. II est fort possible, en outre, que le gallois gwaWh [sic] ait designo une variete d'oiseaux. et falco une autre, et qu'une certaine ressemblance de sons ait amene la confusion.' Is it possible that there is here a form to be related to a root in IE. with an initial labio-velar guh, say *guhel- 'to be bent' seen in Gk. φάλος 'horn (of a helmet)' and φήλος 'deceitful', Lat. fallo, etc. (v. IEW 489 f.) ? Cf. Paul. Fest. 88: falcones dicuntur, quorum digiti pollices inpedibus intro sunt curvati, a similitudinefalcis. For Bret, fale'h and faWhun and OCom.falbun (leg.falhun) see AB 7, 1891-2, 355, OCV 226 f. s See Pedersen, VKG 2. 2.

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CINGO-. Compare PNN Cinges, Cingetissa, Cingetius, and Vercingetorix there listed. For -rix see section (A) (ii) s.v. REG-, It is a tatpurusa compound of substantive+substantive meaning 'king (/leader) of heroes (/warriors)'. 1 C O N C O N N E T O D U M N U S Leader with Cotuatus of a band of Carnutes who rushed into Cenabum in 52 B.C., massacred Roman citizens who were settled there, and plundered their stores BG 7. 3. 1 abl. conconnetodnmno BM, conconetodumno ^S, conconetodumo LN, conetodumno β. Gluck (KN63, also 189 f.)2 preferred the reading Conconnetodumnus. He was followed by Holder and Meusel in their editions of BG, and this is the reading favoured by all recent editors. D'Arbois de Jubainville {NG 52 ff.) preferred the form Congonnetodumnus, comparing PNN Congonnetodubnus (see below) and Congonnetiacus (attested as the name of the son of Bituitus, king of the Arverni, and in an inscription of Bordeaux, see AcS 1. 1100, 3. 1271 f.) beside PNN Congonia CIL 5. 2413, Congonnus 5. 7243, and Congonna 5. 7181. Holder likewise (AcS 1. uoof., 3. 1272) listed this name from BG s.n. Congonnetodubnus, bringing it and PNN Congon[neto]dubni (gen.) CIL 13. 1040 and Congonnetodubni (gen.) CIL 13. 1042-5 of Saintes3 together. See also Dottin, p. 63, Schmidt, KGP 181. Whatmough lists the name in DAG 182 as Conconnetodumnus (-gon-). Perhaps the reading of BM (with ~nn-) is preferable to that of #S because of the form Congonnetodubni.4 However, in view of the potter's name Conetodu[bnus] CIL 13. 10010. 634 s the reading of jS manuscripts should not be overlooked, although of course this form may well have arisen through haplology from Concon(n)etodumnus. Gluck (KN 63 ff.) interpreted the form as a compounded name meaning Valde concors'. He related -conneto· to Ir. conn 'sense, reason' 6 and assumed that con-connet- meant 'consentiens, concors'. 7 D'Arbois de Jubainville (NG 53, n. 3) supposed that Caesar's Conconnetodumnus was the same name as Congonnetodubni at Saintes, and suggested that -gonneto- was related to Ir. gonaid (see section (A) (ii) s.v. GON(N)-).* 1 See de Jubainville, NG 41, Holder, AcS 1. 1018, 3. 1220, Dottin 93, Schmidt, KGP 66, 74, 172, Pokorny, MSS, Heft 7, 1955, 56. Cf. Gluck, KN 75, n. 2. 2 For forms preferred before the publicntion of Gluck's work see KN 63 and 190. 3 See also CIL 13. 1037. 4 Compare, however, PNN such as Congonetiacus and Congonetus (with -n-) listed in section (A) (ii) s.v. GON(N)-. s See section (A) (ii) s.v. DUBNO-. 6 See further section (B) s.n. KovBiXXeos and Appendix s.n. ~\KOWOV. 7 He compared (KN 82 f.) an Irish verb noun conconnid 'consensio' (: conconnim *consentio') ??, and this comparison was repeated by Dottin p. 247 s.v. conconneto-. 8 For the meaning compare the name element ORGETO-.

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He claimed that the name might, therefore, mean 'celui qui tue beaucoup accompagne d'autres guerriers5, 'par [sic] grand collabora­ t e s aux meurtres'. Schmidt (KGP 219) included Caesar's Conconnetodumnus and the potter's name Conetodu\bnus] in his list of instances of a name element gon(n)o-, gon(n)eto-, which he would explain as forms pointing to an o-grade of IE. *gen- 'to beget'. There can, however, be no completely satisfactory interpretation of this name. There is in fact no reason for supposing that the leader of the Carnutes mentioned by Caesar is the same person as the Congonnetodubnus mentioned in the inscriptions of Saintes. Moreover, there is no need to reject the reading Concon{n)etodumnus which has such good manuscript support. 1 Though I do not think there is enough evidence to be certain, it is probable that -c- in -conneto- is an instance of representing [g] as heard by speakers of Latin. 2 For the elements in the name see section (A) (ii) s.w. COM-, GON(N)-> and DUBNO-. In view of the incidence of a number of PNN in con-gon(n)- it is likely that the first two elements are to be taken together. For forms in -e-to- compare PNN Cingetorix, Orgetorix, and Vercingetorix, all from BG, and see KGP 100 f. If we accept the etymology proposed by de Jubainville for -gon(n)eto-, then Conconnetodumnus may mean 'he who pierces (/wounds) deeply'. 3 For this type of name see above s.n. Καρομαρο[. This gives a better mean­ ing than any I can propose by assuming that -gon(ri)eto- should be related to IE. *gen- 'to beget', although that is clearly no reason for rejecting this particular etymology. One could suggest a meaning such as 'one who possesses a great number of kinsfolk'.4 But it would be idle guesswork. The fact remains that the meaning of con-gon(n)etois unknown. Κ Ο Γ Γ Ε Ν Ν Ο Λ Ι Τ Α Ν Ο Σ D A G 2 7 (inscriptionof Alleins,Bouches-duRhone) This name, an o-stem nominative in -ος, is compounded of three elements, κογ-^/βννο-λίτανος. See section (A) (ii) s.w. COM-, GEN-, and LITANO-. The stem vowel of the second element has been pre­ served. Again the pattern of composition is ( a + b ) + c , with the first two elements to be taken closely together. For other instances of names in con-gen(ri)o- υ. s. GEN-.S The nasal /n/ is probably [η] before 1 Beside the instances of forms in con-gon(n)- listed s.v. GON(N)- compare PN Con-connus CIL 3. 4900. Hardly compare PN C[o]nconius CIL 8. 19099. 2 See Chapter III (A) (ii) (c) for the alternation of c and g. If the suggestion made here is correct then there is no need to suppose that con(n)eto- should be kept apart from gon(n)eto- and to pursue further the etymology proposed by Gliick. 3 If con- here denotes connexion or relationship rather than affirmation or emphasis, then the meaning suggested by de Jubainville may be the correct one. 4 Compare PN Κογγ€νρολπανος below. 5 Holder (AcS 1. 1091), Dottin (p. 247), and Whatmough (DAG 27) compared

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the following stop /g/. Here it is denoted by gamma, and this is the regular orthography for the nasal in this position in forms written in the Greek alphabet. Compare, for example, PNN ?Εκσιγγος, Εσκςγγαι, Εσκβγγορ.ονι,

Εξκιγγορ€ΐξ,

Σκιγγοριου,

and L N *Εξκιγγόμαγος,

all

listed in section (A) (ii) s.v. CINGO-. See VKG i. 149, Dottin 48, LP 51, Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 14. But what is the meaning ofcon-gen(n)o-? The etymology proposed by Rhys (Addit. 29) is unacceptable, and the meaning suggested by Schmidt for con-geno- ('der mit dem Genus ist') 1 is questionable (v. s. GEAr-). L. H. Gray (EC 6, 1953-4, 63) compared the name element -yevvo- with Greek yiwa f. 'descent, birth, origin; offspring, race, family, creation, creature' (v. LSJ 344, cf. Frisk GEW 296 f.) and proposed for Κογγεννολιτανος the meaning 'celui qui possede une vaste parente'. This, I think, is the most satisfactory interpretation of the name, 2 although perhaps one could object that *gen(n)os (?) 'race, family, generation, offspring' (see p . 205 below) is not certainly attested here. Compare PN Conconnetodumnas above. See also s.n. Καρθιλιτανιος. C O N T E X T O S DAG 162 (inscription of Autun, Saone-et-Loire) This is an 0-stem nominative in -os. It is not clear whether Licnos (the name which immediately precedes this form, see section (B) s.n.) and Contextos are the names of one and the same person or the names of two persons, both subjects of the verb ieum which follows.3 The name seems to be a participial form in -to-, an exact cognate of Latin contectus 'covered, protected'. 4 For the two elements in the name see section (A) (ii) s.w. COM- and TECTO-. Stokes's claim (BB 11, 1886, 130) that it 'probably had the active meaning of "protector" ' is surely wrong. The element -textos shows the Common Celtic development of [kt] to \χί]. For the history of Celtic [kt] see the following: Thurneysen, Keltorom. 15; Holder, AcS 1. 1180, 3. 4 6 1 ; de Jubainville, RC 20, 1899, 116; Pedersen, VKG 1. 120 (LP 40); Dottin, pp. 48, 64; Meyer-Lubke, ,£7£PA 45, 1925, 641 ff.; Richter 122 ff.; Pokorny, Urg. 40; Gray, Lg. 20, 1944, 229; Thurneysen, GOI 135; Jackson, LHEB 404; Lejeune, Celtiberica 132; Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 16; F. H . Jungemann, La Teoria del sustrato y los dialectos hispano-romances y Κογγεννολιτανος with P N Κογκολίτανος (DAG 19, also 244). For the latter, how­ ever, see Scherer 209, Schmidt, KGP 67, 80, 182. 1 See KGP 57. He suggested for KoyyewoXiravos the meaning 'der machtig (lit. breit) ist unter denen, die zum genus gehoren* (op. cit. 180). 2 One could suggest an alternative meaning such as *he who is mighty (/influen­ tial) (lit. broad) by reason of his birth (/race / family)'. 3 Stokes (BB 11, 1886, 130) rendered the inscription as 'Licnos Contechtos made for Anvalonnacos a golden chair'. See also Rhys, Insc. 12. 4 The etymology proposed by L. H. Gray (EC 6, 1953-4, 68) is not convincing.

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gascones, tr. E. Alarcos Llorach (Madrid, 1956), 2058*.; Schmidt, KGP 98 f.; Lapesa, OPL 144; Tovar, Kratylos 3, 1958, 5 ; SchmoU, SVIHK 96; Lazzeroni, ASNP 30, 1961, 289-98. C O N V I C T O L I T A V I S A young man whose appointment as vergobret of the Aedui in 52 B.C. was confirmed by Caesar. He intrigued against Caesar at the time of the rebellion of Vercingetorix, and in the end declared for the rebel BG 7. 32. 4 ace. conuictolitaaem ^BMS/3, -litauen LN, -litauim π ; 33. 4 ace. conuictolitaaem χΒΜ U, -lictauem S, -litauen LN, -litauim T, conuicta labim lictauicum V, cumuictolitauem R : 37. 1 nom, conuictolitauis aT, cohuictolabis V, conuictolitabis p; 39. 2 abl. conuictolitaui χΒ1ρ, -litauo B 2 CM, -lictauo S, -litaue LN, -litaio T, -littauico V ; 42. 4 nom. conuictoli­ tauis xB 1 M c LN T 2 , -litauus B c , -litauius CIVPS, -litabis T1/), -litaius T c , -littauicus V ; 55. 4 ace. conuictolitauem AcL7rU, -litabim A 1 QB 1 MS, -litauum B c , -litauim C, -licctauem R, conuiccolictauem N ; 67. 7 abl. conuictolitabi A 1 QBMS, conuictolaui A c Lp, conuictolitaue N, conuicto labi T 1 , conuicto litaio T 2 , conuicto ball V. The editors of 5G accept the form Convictolitavis. At Z?G 7. 39. 2 and 67. 7 the ablative form favoured by Meusel, 1 Rice Holmes, and Fuchs is Convictolitave, but other editors, including Holder, Klotz, Constans, and Seel, admit the reading Convictolitavi. For the elements in this name see section (A) (ii) s.w. COM-, VIC-, and LIT AVI-. The pattern of composition is ( a + b ) + c with the first two elements taken closely together. Compare PN Conuictus CIL 3. i666 b and perhaps the OW. personal name Congueithen LL 188.2 Gluck, in his discussion of the name (KN 84 ff.), compared convictowith W. cyweithi 'association, intercourse, alliance' 3 and cyweithas (subst.) 'society, company, fellowship', (adj.) 'sociable, gentle, kindly', 3 and cognate Cornish forms. All these point to Brittonic *kouekt(: IE. *uegh- IEW 1118 ff.). He complained that the meaning of the name was not clear, but hinted at the possibility that it meant 'societate, comitatu amplus'. Zeuss-Ebel, GC 856, suggested the mean­ ing 'sodalitate amplus'. Ernault, in Benoist-Dosson 671, gave the meaning as 'qui a uri grand cortege, une nombreuse suite?' Schmidt, on the other hand {KGP 64), rendered con-uicto- as 'Mitkampfer', relating -uicto- to Ir. fichid 'fights'. If we accept Thurneysen's inter­ pretation of the element -litaui-* the name may mean 'one who fights (/? is fought) far and wide' or the like. If convicto- (? for *con-vecto-) is cognate with W. cywaith, cyweithas, cyweithydd, etc., then the name may 1

See Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 590, 626. Cf. Lex. Caes. 1. 730. 3 Cf. Congueithe LL 199. See GPC s.v. Holder suggested (AcS 3. 1278. 36) that -lit-av-is in this name should be related to W. Hid 'wrath'. 2

4

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c

mean something like he who is mighty by reason of his retinue (/followers /company) 5 or 'he whose retinue is powerful (/whose followers are many)' ? But this again is guesswork. The precise mean­ ing of the name, if it was meaningful, cannot now be satisfactorily established. C R I T O G N A T U S An Arvernian nobleman who proposed that the Gauls besieged in Alesia in 52 B.C. and confronted by famine should have recourse to cannibalism BG 7. 77. 2 gen. critognati Αζ^φπ, crigtognati Q}, ecritognati p;1 78. 1 gen. critognati QLV 5 egritognati ABCS, ecritognati ΜΝΤ0. 2 The editors read critognati in both instances. However, Schmidt suggested {KGP 185, see also 71, 203) that the variant ecritognati gives a better meaning than critognati. Both Critognatus and Ecritognatus have considerable manuscript support, and both can be explained as Celtic names. All but three manuscripts at BG 7. 78. 1 show a form with initial *-;3 but the text is less reliable 4 than it is at BG 7. 77. 2 where the better attested form is critognati. For the second element -gnatus see section (A) (ii) s.v. GNATO-. With crito- compare the following P N N : Kritasiros Paulsen, p. 4, Κριτασίρω (dat.) Str. 7. 3. II, p. 304, 5. 2, p. 3135s Criticus DAG 237; Crito DAG 156, 216, Remark (p. 871) ; 6 Critobulus DAG 203; Critosomis CIL 11. 2965. This element may be cognate with Ir. crith 'trembling, shaking, shivering' (Meyer 520 f., also Dinneen 265), W. cryi 'trem­ bling, fig. dread, fear; ague, fever; disease' (GPC 620): Lat. criso, OHG. (h)riddn (see W.-P. 2. 571, W.-H. 1. 292, IEW937, DGVB 123). See Ernault apudHolder, AcSi. 1405 s.v. E-krit, Dottin, p . 249 (whence KGP 185). Critognatus may accordingly be a tatpurusa compound meaning c he who was born in trembling (/fear)' or 'he who is ac­ customed to fear (/trembling)' or the like. 7 With ecrito- compare the forms Aegritomari (with Aeg- for Ec-?), Ecretumarus, Ecrito, Ekrito, Ecritunius, Ecritus, Ecritusiri, and Inecriturix listed in section (A) (ii) s.v. RET(T)-. Ernault (loc. cit.) suggested 1

Cf. Lex. Caes. 1. 756, AcS 1. 1169. 48 f. Cf. Lex. Caes. loc. cit., AcS 1. 1169. 53 f. 3 The reading of MNTp is doubtless preferable to that of ABCS in view of the variants found at BG 7. 77. 2 and of the incidence of a number of other names in ecrit-. 4 ab . .. sententia discedant aV and ab . . . sententia descidant Tp have been emended to read ad . . . sententiam descendant. s See H. Krahe, ZF 56, 1938, 135 (also Wb.Jhb. i, 1946, 178, ZF 59, 1949, 185, Spr. Ulyr. 57) comparing Messap. kritaboa PID> it. 456, and kridonas PID, it. 518 (see O. Parlangeli, Studi Messapici (Milan, i960), 326 f.), and Gk. Κριτόφυλος (see Bechtel 264). See also Whatmough, DAG 239, 244, Schmidt, KGP 185, 269. 6 See also Holder, AcS 1. 1169. 7 Cf. *von einer Zitternden geboren' or 'mit Zittern vertraut' (Schmidt, KGP 185). 2

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that the initial e- in these forms was for earlier ep- with which he compared Lat. ob. This is not convincing. Neither is Blanchet's sug­ gestion (RC 28, 1907, 78) that e- is a prosthetic vowel. The most satisfactory interpretation of these forms in ecrit-jecret- is, I think, that which was first hinted at by Thurneysen in £CP 14, 1923, 9.1 H e analysed Inecriturix as In-ec-ritu-rix and gave it the meaning 'Konig der Einfalle, der AngrifTe'. Ec- is probably a variant form of the prefix ex(see section (A) (ii) s.v.) and -rito-l-ritu-j-retu- to be related to the weak grade of IE. *ret(h)- 'run' (v. s. RET(T)-). Thus Ecritognatus may mean 'he who is accustomed to raiding (/attacking)' or 'he who was born of a raider (/an attacker)'. 2 Δ Α Γ Ο Λ Ι Τ Ο Υ Σ REA 58, 1956, 71-82 (inscription of the source of the Seine, Cote-d'Or) Beneath the Celtic inscription in the Latin alphabet 3 on the triangu­ lar pediment of the stele discovered in 1953 in the course of excavations at the source of the Seine, there is another in the Greek alphabet on the mould at the base (the final letter is on the right-hand moulding). Martin (REA 58, 1956, 76) suggested that it was probably added later, because the stone was not polished to take it as it was for the inscription on the tympan. It is read as follows: δαγολιτονσαουωντ

Δαγολίτους is an w-stem nominative in -ους, with ov for [u] which is normal in Gaulish inscriptions in the Greek alphabet. It is the subject of the verb αονωυτ (? for ανουωτ). The form is compounded Δαγολιτονς with the stem vowel -o- preserved in the composition joint. For the elements in the name see section (A) (ii) s.w. DAGO- and LITU-. It seems to be a bahuvrihi compound of adjective+substantive. Once again, however, we cannot be certain concerning the precise meaning. It may be 'he whose wrath (/ardour /passion) is noble (/virtuous)' or 'he whose augury (/solemnity /ceremony) is virtuous (/pious? /agreeable?)' or the like. In any case I fail to see how in a name compounded of adjective+substantive we can assume with Guyonuarc'h (Ogam 11, 1959, 284 f.)4 that 8αγο- here has the same intensive meaning as Ir. dag- (deg-) in forms compounded of adjective +adjective. Compare the OBret. PN Dalitoc (see Fleuriot, VB 51). D A N N O T A L I DAG 169 (inscription of Alise-Sainte-Reine, Coted'Or) The name is an 0-stem genitive in -i and an instance of the use of the 1 2 3 4

Whence Weisgerber, SprFK 200, Schmidt, KGP 202 f. Cf. *Sohn eines Angreifers ( = Kampfers),J Schmidt, KGP 185. See section (B) s.n. Areos. Guyonuarc'h suggested a meaning 'tres [adonno] aux rites, pieux'.

8o

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genitive in a Gaulish inscription to express filiation. Compare the nomen gentilicium Tanotaliknos (beside Tanotalos) in the inscription of Briona (PID, it. 337). Tanotaliknos was probably at first a patrony­ mic, i.e. 'Dannotali films'.τ Compare also PN Danotala DAG 83.2 For the elements in Dannotali see section (A) (ii) s.w. DANNO- and TALO-. The stem vowel of the first element has been preserved. T h e name is a bahuvrihi compound of substantive+substantive, meaning perhaps 'he who has the brow of a judge'. 3 D E P R O S A G I , D E P R O S A G I L O S La Graufesenque graffiti ]gsagi DAG 92 (b), 1. 14, sc. depr]osagi[los (0 is damaged); deprosagi DAG 94 (b), 1. 15; depra DAG 94 (b), 1. 16 (depra(sagilos) O x e ) ; de]prosagilos DAG 97 (b), 1. 15; deprosagi DAG 99 (b), 1. 10; DAG 104 (6), 1. 11; deprosagilos DAG 106 (b), 1. 11 (deprosagilos Hermet, Loth, Oxe); deprosagi DAG 109 (c), 1. 11; de]prosagi DAG 111 (b), 1. 3 (pr broken at top); deprosagi DAG i n (6),1. 4 and 1. 5 ; DAG 113 (£), 1. 12; deprosaga DAG 114 (ό), 1. 7 (with the comment 'an -acaV), Hermet, gr. 22, 1. 7 (but deprosagi Hermet, Grqffites, Loth, O x e ) ; deprosagi DAG 114 (£), 1. 15. The name is attested in full in one graffito only (DAG 106), but the ending -ihs is attested in a second graffito (DAG 97). Deprosagi (also ~\osagi, ]prosagi), which occurs eight times in all, 4 is probably an ab­ breviated form of Deprosagilos. Such abbreviations are common in the graffiti. Compare Depra DAG 94, which also appears to be an abbrevia­ tion of the same name. Hermet, Loth, Oxe, and Thurneysen all claimed Deprosagi(los) as a potter's name. Whatmough alone (DAG, pp. 289 f.) suggested that it was probably not such. Loth (RC 41, 1924, 55) interpreted it as a compounded Celtic name. He related depro- to OBret. diprim gl. essum (DGVB I44) s and the second element to a Celtic root sag- seen 1 See PID, vol. 3, p. 43. M. Lejeune in Hommages a Max Niedermann (Collection Latomus 23) (Bruxelles, 1956), 209 favours the earlier reading Tanotaliknoi (? nom. pi.)· Compare also Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 116 ff. 2 P. Lejay {Inscriptions antiques de la Cote-d'Or (Paris, 1889), no. 3, p. 19) claimed that forms such as this, with single -w-, are mere graphic variants. This view is probably correct (v. s. DANNO-). 3 Schmidt (KGP 188) rendered it simply as 'die Stirn eines Dannos habend'. See also KGP, pp. 66, 275. It is unlikely that de Jubainville's suggestion (RC 11, 1890, 489, AcS 1. 1223) that the name is a compound of adj.+substantive meaning 'front hardi' is correct. 4 This includes deprosaga DAG 114, also read as deprosagi. Hermet's plate (no. 22) does show a clear a at the end. This may be an error for i. See Οχέ, Β J 130, 1925, 61. 5 Note also MlBret. dibry, dibri, dybri 'to eat' (see GMB 163), ModBrct. debri, dibri (Troude 104, 117, Vallee 445, Hemon 276 f.), MICorn. debry, dib(b)ry, dyb(b)ry (R. Williams, Lexicon Cornu-Britannicum (Llandovery, 1865), 103). Pedersen

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also in Ir. saigid 'approaches, seeks out': Lat. sagire, etc. (see section (A) (ii) s.v. SAG-). He suggested that Deprosagilos was a slave's name meaning 'avide de manger'. This was accepted by Thurneysen in ZCP 1.6, 1927, 296, η. 2.1 See also Weisgerber, SprFK 198; Ogam, vol. 5, no. 27 (mars-avril 1953) 32; Schmidt, KGP 191: Fleuriot, DGVB loc. cit. I see no reason for rejecting the view that Deprosagilos is a potter's name. Moreover, it is difficult to better Loth's very attractive inter­ pretation of it as a compound meaning 'glutton'. But the equation of depro- with OBret. diprim, etc., 2 in view of the uncertainty concerning the etymology of the latter, is suspect. If Loth's suggestion is correct then compare especially PN Curmisagius DAG 244 (Gaul, κούρμι, curmi 'beer' for which see section (B) s.n. Cervesa). ( i ) D I V I C I A C U S A pro-Roman leader of the Aedui, brother of Dumnorix. He begged the Roman Senate in 61 B.C. to interfere on his behalf against Ariovistus at a time when his own influence among the Aedui had been eclipsed by that of his brother. Caesar restored him to power in 58 B.C. Cicero {de div. 1. 41. 90) stated that he was a famous druid BG 1. 3. 5 gen. diuiciaci χ, diuitiaci BMN/?, diuiciati L; 16. 5 abl. diuiciaco xCM c , deniciaco M 1 , diuitiaco LN TCVRC, deuitiaco 'PRMJ; 18. ι gen. diuiciaci χΟΜ, diuitiaci LN/?; 18. 8 diuiciacus xCV, diuitiacus M L N T p ; 19. 2 gen. diuiciaci χ Μ , diuitiaci LNj8 (bis); 19. 3 ace. diuiciacum χΟΜ, diuitiacum LNj8; 20. 1 diuiciacus χΜΝ, diuitiacus CL/J; 20. 6 dat. diuiciaco χΒ°Μ°Ν, deuiciaco B1M1, diuitiaco Lj8; 31. 3 deuiciacus AB 1 ^! 1 , diuiciacus QM C N, diuitiacus BCSL/?; 32. 1 abl. diuiciaco BCMCL, deuiciaco χΒ^-Μ1, diuitiaco SNTp, om. V ; 32. 3 diuiciacus BCML, deuiciacus χΒ 1 , deuitiacus S, diuitiacus N/?; 41. 4 ace. diuiciacum χΒ1ΜΧ., diuitiacum BCSN/?; 2. 5. 2 ace. diuiciacumxBxMN, diuitiacumBcSLTp, diuiaticumV; 10. 5 ace. diuiciacum QB 1 MSNV, diuitiacum AB c LTp; 14. 1 diuiciacus Q M N , diuitiacus ABSL/?; 15. 1 gen. diuiciaci χΒ χ ΜΝ, diuitiaci BcSLj3; 6. 12. 5 diuiciacus QfMSLN, deuiciacus AQ 1 , diuitiacus β; J. 39. 1 abl. diuiciaco QBMN, diuitiaco ASLU, deuitiaco TR, deuicico V. (VKG 1. i n ) compared the Bret, forms with Gk. hetnvov, %€ΐπν€ω (: *de(i)quafter Brugmann, Gnmdrifi, Bd. I 2 (StraBburg, 1897), p. 609). But the etymology of Gk. het-rrvov itself b quite uncertain (see W.-H. 1. 324, Frisk, GEW 358 *ohne Etymologic'). Loth, on the other hand (loc. cit.), claimed that Gaul, depro- and OBret. diprim pointed to a form with a prefix di-, de-, or perhaps do-. See now Pinault, Ogam 16, 1964, 211-18, Whatmough GrDAG 116. 1 'schon von Loth . . . richtig als "der dem Essen nachgeht", "FreBsack" gedeutet.' 2 Beside Bret, debri, dibri, etc., note Bret, dibr m. *a saddle' (see Hemon 337) and OCorn. diber gl. sella (Voc. Corn., see GC 1081, OCV 412). 811930

G

β2

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This name is also attested in Cicero, de div. i. 41. go: ace. diuiciacum fvv.U. diuitiacum, diuiaticum). (2) D I V I C I A C U S A powerful king of the Suessiones1 BG 2. 4. 7 ace. deuiciacum ^B X MLN 3 diuiiiacum BcSTc/)3 deuitiacum T 1 , diuidam (-clam?) V. This name may also be attested in coin legends of the Suessiones: Seiov

Seiovigua,

deiuicac,

BeLomguagoa,

e t c . Mur.-Chab.

7 7 1 7 ff.,

AcS

1. 1262. 14-34^ Blanchet 115, 377 f., DAG 206. 2 But it is doubtful whether the person named on the coins and Caesar's Diuiciacus were one and the same person. See now Colbert de Beaulieu, Homm. Gren. 420, 423> η · ι· Gluck (KJV 4 f.) quoted the form Divitiacus only. But in general Caesar's editors prefer the form Diviciacus for both the name of the Aeduan and that of the king of the Suessiones. See especially Meusel, JB 1.2, 1886, 26gf., 20, 1894, 220 f., Lex. Caes. 1. 937 f., KranerDittenberger 1. 385, Rice Holmes, CG 843, Holder, AcS 1. 1260 ff.,3 Dottin, p. 59? Whatmough, DAG 214. Diviciacus is probably the correct form. Instances of the name in inscriptions of Lyon (CIL 13. 2081 Diviciac[us]) and Mainz (Finke 216 Diviciaci gen.), 4 other names in dime-, and the coin legends suggest that we have to deal with a form in dime- (with -c-) rather than in divit- (with -f-). s There is good manuscript support for such a form in the manuscripts of Caesar and Cicero. Moreover, the weight of manuscript evidence is balanced in favour of reading divic- (with di-) rather than devic- (with de·). In any case, as stressed by Meusel (JB 20, i8g4, 221), we can hardly assume with Holder that the form occurred in the Commentaries now as Divicia­ cus and now as Deviciacus. T h e coin legends seem to point to a form in deivic-. This variant orthography may, however, be due to false archaism, and may reflect the influence of Greek and Latin ortho­ graphy, -ei- being a variant of -i- (or -e~) and probably representing [i:]. SeeForrer iog, Thurneysen, # £ 5 9 , ig32, 15, Schmidt, KGP 53, 190, 260, n. 1.

Thurneysen (ap. Weisgerber, SprFK igg, also KZ, loc. cit., whence Schmidt, KGP 65, ig4) rightly related Gaulish forms in di-vic- (see 1 See Rice Holmes, CG 518 f., Text, p. 69. 2 Perhaps the coin legends eiuici, eiuiciac, eiuiciacos, euiciac, etc., listed by Holder, AcS 1. 1262. 35-44 (whence \d~\eiuiciacos? DAG 177) also belong here. 3 Holder admitted some forms in devic-, e.g. at BG 1. 20. 6, 31. 3, 32. 1, 32. 4, 2.4. 7> 6 · Ι 2 · 5 > 7 · 39· ι4 Whatmough also listed P N Diviciaco in DAG 156, referring to CIL 13. 1048 add. where this form does not occur. 5 I know of no names in diuit- (or deuit-) from Ancient Gaul with the exception of PN Diuitiosa DAG 237 and LENN Diuitia, -tensis, etc., DAG 221 (also 241). These are probably Latin rather than Celtic.

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section (A) (ii) s.w. DI- and VIC-) to Ir. di-Jich- 'punish, avenge'. 1 Diviciacus is a derivative in -acus of a name Divicius (attested in CIL 12. 2028). Compare PN Divico, also attested in the Commentaries (see below). I think that this interpretation is preferable to that previously favoured by de Jubainville (NG 32), 2 who related forms in divico-, etc., to Gaul, devo-, dlvo- 'god5 (see section (A) (ii) s.v. DEVO-). D I V I C O A leader of the Helvetii who commanded the army which defeated L. Cassius Longinus in 107 B.C. and who acted as the principal envoy of the Helvetii in their attempt to negotiate with Caesar in 58 B.C. BG 1. 13. 2 and 14. 7. The name is an η-stem. For this type see Bertoldi, EC 5, 1950-1, 344. For names in divic- see above s.n. Diviciacus* D I U U O G N A DAG 185 (inscription of Reims) The inscription is on one of three rings, formerly in the museum at Reims, which appear to be the work of one and the same craftsman and which were thought to have been found in the vicinity. In CIL 13. 10024. 291 the reading given is VE^ZVIDIWOGNAVIXVVIONI Bohn remarked 'Nomina celtica (fortasse vocabulis Celticis inmixtis) videntur. . . .' L. Demaison, who saw the inscription, commented as follows: II n'y aurait guere de doute que pour les io e , I5 e et I9 e lettres qui ont Paspect d*Υ plutot que de V, et pour la 12e, ou Ton pourrait voir u n G a u lieu d'un G, bien que cette derniere lecon merite, je crois, la preference* (BSAF 1907, 227). Whatmough was doubtless right (DAG 214) in recognizing a name Diuuogna in this inscription. Compare PN ?Deuacnua on one of the other rings of Reims (DAG 186, see Appendix s.n.). 4 The form is probably a personal name, although its exact relationship to the other 1

See VKG 2. 521 {LP 364), RIAContr. dodinta - duus 264 f. See also Ernault ap. Benoist-Dosson 674, Holder, AcS 1. 1260, 1289, Guyonuarc'h, Ogam 12, i960, 312, Fr. Le Roux, Les Druides (Paris, 1961), 4. Cf. Gluck, A*JV*4f. 3 The name is not a hypocoristic formed from a compounded name such as Devogena or Devogenos, as suggested by de Jubainville (RC 20, 1899, 93; see also Holder, AcS 1. 11290). Cf. Bertoldi, loc. cit. 4 It has been claimed that the rings bearing the inscriptions in which are attested the forms Diuuogna and ?Deuacnua are the work of one and the same craftsman. But it does not necessarily follow that the inscriptions contain the same names. The similarity between Diuuogna and ?Deuacnua may be merely accidental. Note also, however ?Vixio DAG 186 beside Vixuuioni DAG 185. 2

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names in the inscription, Vedzui and Vixuvioni (see section (B) and Appendix s.nn.) is not clear. It is an