From guest workers into Muslims: the transformation of Turkish immigrant associations in Germany

From Guest Workers into Muslims: The Transformation of Turkish Immigrant Associations in Germany

By

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Ethno-National Associations and the Rise of Citizenship Rights Discourse

73

The current political tendency of the TBB remains social democratic, but members emphasize equality for immigrants, specifically Turkish immigrants. Spokeswoman Eren Dnsal describes their goals and their clientele in the following way: The political aim of the TBB is the thesis that immigrants do not have equal rights [with Germans]. Our aim is to ensure that they have equal rights. And we organize our campaigns according to this aim. [Our campaigns are] not only directed to Turks; they are directed to everyone who is not German. The TBB appeals more to Turks. Turkish people feel sympathetic to us and become our members. But our campaigns and projects are directed to all people who are not European, who are not German. (Onsal 2002)

In a general sense, Eren Dnsal is right about the aims and clientele. However, TBB's,aim is not solely to defend immigrants' rights; rather, it seeks to mobilize politically against all sorts of discrimination against immigrants and foreigners in Germany (Antidiskriminierungsnetzwerk Berlin des Ti.irkischen Bundes in Berlin-Brandenburg 2003). In this sense, the TBB is revising its previous stance when, as the BETB, it attempted to defend Turkish immigrants' rights. In terms of clientele, the TBB appeals to associations with a social democratic tendency, such as the Tiirkischer Elternverein (Turkish Parents' Association). It has 19 member associations (Figure 5.2) and some individual members who are in politically powerful positions, such as Mehmet Ek~i, a politically active teacher and researcher in the Aziz Nesin Europiiische Schule (Aziz Nesin European School), 1 and Mustafa Yeni, Chair of the Foreigners' Commission in one of the most powerful unions in Germany, IGMetall (as described in the preceding chapter). The clientele of the Cemaat are mostly conservative Turkish immigrants with strong ties to Turkish nationalist and TurkishMuslim identity (Figure 5.3), even though the president of the Cemaat denies this: 1 Aziz Nesin

Europiiische Schule introduced bilingual education in Turkish and in German.

74

Chapter Five

Some people want to see the Cemaat as a religious association, but this is not the case. The Cemaat is labelled as such, because it represents associations such as DITIB and the Islam Cultural Centres. Of course, we are Muslims, our religion is Islam. If one wants then one can pray [namazzm kzlar] or not This is everyone's individual problem. But everyone can be our member, except the extremes. Milli Goru~ cannot be our member. PKK supporters ·cannot be our member. Extreme right and extreme left wing supporters cannot be our members. We are closed to all of them. (Yatkm 2003a)

Yatlan denies that the Cemaat is a Turkish nationalist and religious association, but the links are obvious in his discourse and his personal background? When he describes the philosophy of the Cemaat, he often uses. the following words and phrases: our religion, our language, our flag and our state; people who support these principles can work with us. By saying "our religion," he obviously refers to Islam, and the following words refer to the Turkish language, the Turkish flag, and the Turkish state. According to Yatlan, only those who support the presence and protection of the Turkish state and Islam can be members of the Cemaat. The C.emaat is unique in its unification of different kinds of Turkish nationalist and Islamic associations under its umbrella. For example, it is quite unusual to represent the Diyanet i§leri, the Islamic organisation of the Turkish state, as well as the Siileymancz (also known as Islam Cultural Centres in Germany), an Islamic order forbidden to hold practices in Turkey (Jonker 2004). However, these associations do not want to form separate groups; rather, by working together, they hope to create a stronger lobby vis-a-vis the German state authorities. The Cemaat creates a political concept for all these associations, which would otherwise not be recognised by the German authorities because of their Islamic or extreme Turkish nationalist affiliations. And the

Yatkm was a member of Ataturk ve Turk Gem;lik Te~kilatz (Ataturk and Turkish Youth Organisation) in 1985 and founder of the Aydmlar Birligi (Union of Intellectuals) in 1989. 2

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75

executive committee of the Cemaat enJoys representing and mobilising a large group of members. Broadly stated, in their policies, the Cemaat emphasizes Turkishness and the Sunnite Islamic religion as the glue holding Turkish immigrants together. The TBB also emphasizes Turkishness, but with a different conceptual understanding. For the Cemaat, Turkishness is a nationality, and Turks should not give up their passports in exchange for a German passport. But for the TBB, Turkishness is an ethnicity, and therefore, Turks should become German citizens. I discuss this difference in the following section. Figure 5.3. Selected Sub-organizations of the Cemaat DITffi- Diyanet I~leri Turk Islam Birligi (Directorate of Religious j\.ffairs T1J~k~sh Islam Uni~n)

Oii!Ici~. F., Christiane. 2004. Wir Kinder vom Bahnhof Zoo. 1978. Reprint, Stem-Verlag. Fanon, Frantz. 1967. Black Skin, White Masks. New York: Grove Press.

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INDEX

A AB, Chair IGMetall Foreigners' Commission, 55, 58-61 (passim) Abadan-Unat, Nermin, 1, II Abendroth, Elizabeth, 80 Abitur, 63 Ackermann, Bruce A., 18 Aegean, immigrants from, 27, 29, 33 Agenda 2010, 55 Akgtin, Lale, 14 Akkord system, 29 Ak~in, Sina, 34 Al-fraktion, 37 Allievi, Stefano, 13 Alpbek, Berrin, 85 am Orde, Sabine, 39 Amiraux, Valerie, 1 Antidiskriminierungsnetzwerk Berlin des Tilrkischen Bundes in Berlin-Brandenburg, 73 Anwerbung und Vermittlung ausliindischer Arbeitnehmer (Recruitment and Procurement of Foreign Workers), 25, 26 Arbeitsamt, 30 Arbeitsgemeinschaft Migration, 84 Army, Biilent, 104-5 Article 116, 55 assimilation, 2-3, 7, 13, 18, 68, 76, 78-9,81,84,86,91,93 new, 9 asylum seekers, 23-4, 34-6, 53, 54 Atatiirk, Kemal, 108 Ausliinderbeauftragte (see Foreigners' Commissioner) Aussiedler (German ancestry), 112 Auswiirtiges Amt, 42 Avgan, Hiiseyin, 50, 51, 53-4, 63-4

Aziz Nesin Europiiische Schute, 73 B Bahaddznlzlar Dernegi (Bahaddins' Association), 32, 71 Barbieri, William, 17, 18, 41 Basch, Linda, 9, 19 Baubock, Rainer, 10, l1, 12, 12n2, 15, 16, 110, 112nl Beauftragte der Bundesregierung fiir Migration Flilchtlinge und Integration, 42 Beck, Marieluise, 16, 81 Beck-Gernsheim, Elisabeth, xiii-xvi, 15, 16 Benarieh Ruffer, Galya, 11 Benhabib, Seyla, 109 Berger, John, 11, 26 Berlin, 1-116 (passim) Berlin Aktilel, 79 Berlin Wall, fall of, 23-4, 36-9, 57, 61, 65, 66, 76, 79, 111 Berliner Morgenpost, 37, 40, 79, 80, 98 Be~ikyi, Ismail, 52n7 Betriebsrat (union representative), 58,59,60,61 Bielefeld, 49 Bild Zeitung, 37 Bloemraad, Irene, 10, 13, 20, 46 Bodemann, Michal Y., 77,92 Boratav, Korkut, 34 Bosch, 28 Brubaker, Rogers, 9, 10, 41, 78 Bund der Einwanderer Innen aus der Tilrkei in Berlin (Federation of Immigrants from Turkey in Berlin, BETB), 69, 73 Bundesagentur fiir Arbeit, 17, 67

142 Bundesverfassungsgericht, 44-5 Bundesverfassungsschutz (Secret Service), 52, 91, 98, 101, 105, 106 Bundesversicherungsanstalt fiir Angestellte (Istitute of Federal Insurance for Employees, BfA), 25, 31, Biindnis 90, 5 Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labour, 97nl3 Burkay, Kemal, SinS

c