Working Women': Female Professionals on Classical Attic Gravestones

'Working Women': Female Professionals on Classical Attic Gravestones Author(s): Angeliki Kosmopoulou Source: The Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 96 (2001), pp. 281-319 Published by: British School at Athens Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30073281 . Accessed: 24/01/2011 12:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=bsa. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

British School at Athens is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Annual of the British School at Athens.

http://www.jstor.org

'WORKING WOMEN': FEMALE PROFESSIONALS ON CLASSICAL ATTIC GRAVESTONES' THE

GRAVESTONES

the fourth century BC is dominated by iconographic themes drawn from the private sphere and emphasizing the relation of the dead with their familial

ATHENIAN funerary sculpture of

SThis article was written during a Centenary Bursary Fellowship granted by the British School at Athens in the autumn of 1999. I wish to thank the Director and the Fellowship Committee of the British School for giving me the opportunity to continue my research on this topic in the stimulating environment of the Institute of Classical Studies, as well as Dr Elizabeth Waywell, for facilitating greatly my work while in England. I further wish to thank ProfessorB. S. Ridgway and the anonymous BSA reviewer for making helpful suggestionsfor the improvementof this paper. In addition to standard BSA abbreviations, the following will be used: Bergemann 1997 = J. Bergemann, Demos und Thanatos. derPolis im Spiegelder attischen zum Wertsystem Untersuchungen Grabreliefsdes viertenJahrhundertsv. Chr.und zur Funktionder Grabbauten (Munich, 1997). gleichzeitigen Berger 1970 = E. Berger,Das BaslerArztrelief(Basel,1970). Blundell 1995 = S. Blundell, Womenin Ancient Greece (London, 1995). andEpigram: Clairmont 1970 = C. W Clairmont, Gravestone theArchaicandClassical Greek Memorialsfrom period(Mainz, 1970). Clairmont 1993 = C. W Clairmont, ClassicalAtticTombstones (Kilchberg,1993). Conze = A. Conze, Die attischen Grabreliefs (Berlin,1893-1922). Daux 1972 = G. Daux, 'Stles fun6raireset bpigrammes', BCH 96 (1972),503-66. Ehrenberg 1951 = V Ehrenberg, The Peopleof Aristophanes (Oxford, 1951).

Fantham 1994 = E. Fantham et al., Womenin the Classical World: ImageandText(Oxford, 1994). Fragiadakis 1988 = Ch. Fragiadakis, 'Die attischen Sklavennamen von der spatarchaischen Epoche bis in die r6mische Kaiserzeit' (Ph.D. diss., Mannheim, 1988). Freyer-Schauenburg1989 = B. Freyer-Schauenburg,'Zum Grabrelief der Priesterin Choirine', in N. Baggelen and M. Lugal (eds),FestschrftfirJale Inan(Istanbul,1989),59-65. Garland 1984 = R. S. G. Garland, 'Religious authority in Archaic and ClassicalAthens', BSA79 (1984),75-123. Garland 1990 = R. Garland, 'Priestsand power in Classical Athens', in M. Beard andJ. North (eds), PaganPriests:Religion andPowerin theAncientWorld(London, 1990),73-91. Gould 1980 = J. P. Gould, 'Law,custom and myth: aspects of the social position of women in Classical Athens',JHS ioo (1980), 38-59; repr. in id., Myth,Ritual,Memory,andExchange: Literature andCulture (Oxford, 2001), 112-57. Essaysin Greek Herzog-Hauser 1937 = G. Herzog-Hauser, 'Nutrix', RE xvii (1937),1491-1500. Just 1989 = R. Just, Womenin Athenian Law and Life (London, 1989).

Karouzou 1957 = S. Karouzou, g tctt r'qX T'TOTr "Ent0Lr0 15 (1i957),311-23. or6 'EOvLK6MovaLo', E 'qAvxcd, Leader 1997 = R. E. Leader, 'In death not divided: gender, family and state on Classical Athenian grave stelae', AJA ioi (1997),683-99. Lefkowitz and Fant 1992 = M. R. Lefkowitz and M. B. andRome(2nd edn; Baltimore,1992). Fant, Women's Lifein Greece w Mantis 1990 = A. G. Mantis, IHpofi03Xata rg EiKovoypaiag rowev spEV KratTowvLEpewvorrv apXaia (Athens, 1990). EXi.vtVK?1 UrgEXVn M6bius 1966 = H. Mobius, 'Eigenartige attische Grabreliefs,'AM 8i (1966), 136-60. Papastavrou1976 = E. G. Papastavrou,'EnLTV'ptac o-r'lXi .ng Aptocray6pcag',Arch.Eph. 1976, 141-7. L GrabPeek 1955 = W Peek, GriechischeVers-Inschriften epigramme (Berlin, 1955). alter Pfisterer-Haas 1989 = S. Pfisterer-Haas,Darstellungen Kunst(Frankfurt,1989). Frauenin dergriechischen Pircher 1979 = J. Pircher,Das Lob derFrauim vorchristlichen derGriechen (Innsbruck,1979). Grabepigramm Raffeiner 1977 = H. Raffeiner, Sklavenund Freigelassene (Innsbruck,1977). Reeder 1995 = E. Reeder (ed.), Pandora:Womenin Classical Greece (Baltimore,1995). = Rutihfel1988 H. Rtihfel, 'Ammen und Kinderfrauen im klassischenAthen', Ant. W 19 (1988),43-58. Schaps 1979 = D. M. Schaps, EconomicRightsof Womenin AncientGreece (Edinburgh,1979). desvierten Scholl 1996 = A. Scholl, Die attischen Bildfeldstelen Jahrhunderts (AMBeiheft17, 1996). Simon 1963 = E. Simon, 'Ein Anthesterien-Skyphos des Polygnotos',AK6 (1963),6-22. Sourvinou-Inwood 1995 = C. Sourvinou-Inwood, 'Male and female, public and private, ancient and modern,' in Reeder 1995, 111-20. Stears 1995 = K. Stears, 'Dead women's society: constructing female gender in Classical Athenian funerary sculpture', in N. Spencer (ed.), Time, Traditionand Societyin Greek (London and New York,1995), o109-31. Archaeology Turner 1983 = J. A. Turner, 'Hiereiai. Acquisition of Feminine Priesthoods in Ancient Greece' (Ph.D. diss., University of California Santa Barbara, 1983). Vierneisel-Schl6rb1968 = B. Vierneisel-SchlOrb,'Drei neue Grabreliefsaus der Heiligen StraBe',AM 83 (1968),89-11o0. Vierneisel-SchlOrb1988 = B. Vierneisel-SchlOrb,Glyptothek Miinchen.Katalogder Skulpturen und 3. KlassischeGrabdenkmiiler Votivreliefs (Munich, 1988). Zimmermann1980= K. Zimmermann,'TatowierteThrakerinnen auf griechischenVasenbildern',Jd195(1980), 163--96.

282

ANGELIKI

KOSMOPOULOU

milieu.2This artistic trend, which begins after the PeloponnesianWar,has been associated by scholars with the growing importance of the oikos and the concomitant decline of the significance of the polis at that time.3 The predominance of a set imagery and the rare occurrence of alternative iconographic themes are linked with the intrinsic nature of gravestones. A funerary monument comprises a form of self-representation to the public, therefore gravestones portray the dead and preserve their memory through the use of visual codes related to the polis.4 Sepulchral commemoration follows largely the shared attitudes of the community and mirrors the values and preoccupations of a society at a given time.5 For these reasons, funerary imagery reproduces standard and recognizable iconographic types6 that define the social role of the dead and leave no space for the expression of individual characteristics, such as the life of specific persons, their way of death,7 or their profession. Within this framework, the existence of a small group of Classical gravestones for female professionalscomes as a real surprise. The monuments under consideration are figured gravestones commemorating women as professionals, by means of an appropriate image or, indeed, a combination of visual and epigraphic elements. Gravestonesof this group, which honour the dead by emphasizing their occupation and professional accomplishments, differ significantly in aim from memorials on which female professionals, mostly attendants of servile status, are shown as subordinate figures accompanying the dead. The latter treat workingwomen almost as 'attributes'alluding to the elevated social status of the principal deceased; while on the former it is the professional rather than the familial or social persona of the deceased that characterizesthem in the eyes of their contemporariesand preservestheir memory in posterity. The occurrence of such a group of memorials is conspicuous for several reasons, related both to the overall principles of funerary commemoration and to the social framework of Athens at the time. To begin with, the defiance of the common 'regimes' of funerary commemoration in favour of individualizedrepresentationsand the setting of the personages honoured by such monuments outside the norms of society is atypical and thus intriguing. Moreover,the honouring of individualsby means of carved gravestones communicating their profession and celebrating their achievements in that realm is rather surprising if viewed in the light of the Greeks' attitude towards work. In ancient Greece, labour was ascribed negative connotations and was considered unfitting for free men.8 Certain professions,such as were held in very low esteem and were frequently the various crafts, or TEXVcatFPLVUOLKcLL,9

2 S. C. Humphreys, The Family, Womenand Death: Studies(London, 1983), 58-88, 120; Bergemann Comparative 1997, 86-7, 123. 3 See e.g. M. M. Austin and P. Vidal-Naquet, Economic and An Introduction SocialHistoryof AncientGreece: (Berkeley,1977), B. Schmaltz, Griechische 144; Humphreys (n. 2), 65-9, o104-7; Grabreliefs (Darmstadt, 1983), 213-15; J. P. Vernant: Mortals Collected andImmortals: Essays,ed. E Zeitlin (Princeton, 1991), 324; L. C. Nevett, Houseand Societyin theAncientGreekWorld (Cambridge, 1996), 7-8. Evidence for the growing importance of the oikos at this time comes from a variety of sources and is thus hard to dispute. 4Sourvinou-Inwood 1995, 279-94; Scholl 1996, 89, 172. 5Scholl 1996, 172; Bergemann 1997, 86. 6 On types in funerary imagery, see Berger 1970, 145, Vasen(Berlin, 160-2; H. Lohmann, Grabmdler aufunteritalischen (Berlin, 1979), 102-3; G. Zimmer, RomischeBerufsdarstellungen

1982),76, 79; Scholl 1996, 90. 7An exception is formed by gravestones of men who died in the battlefield and women who died in childbirth. On such scenes, see U. Vedder, 'Frauentod-Kriegertod im Spiegel der attischen Grabkunst des vierten Jahrhunderts v. Chr.',AM 103 (1988), 161-91; Scholl 1996, 159-64. 8 For a general account of work-relatedideologies in ancient Greece, see C. Moss&, The AncientWorldat Work(London, 1969), 25-30. Arist. Pol. I329a 1-2 recommends that citizens strive for leisure, which is necessary for their growth in arete and the pursuit of political activity. Cultivating the land was the only type of work consideredworthyof a free man, besides activities like war and politics; cf. Xen. Oec.4. 15; Arist. Pol. in GreekandRomanSociety 1318b.See also A. Burford, Craftsmen (London, 1972), 29; C. Moss6, 'The Economist', in J. P. Vernant (ed.), TheGreeks (Chicago, 1995),23-52, esp. 24. 9Xen. Oec.4. 2.3.

FEMALE PROFESSIONALS ON CLASSICAL ATTIC GRAVESTONES

283

practised, along with trade, by foreigners. One's profession was not an important means of self-identification, as it is in most modern societies. This mentality influenced individuals against having their profession recorded on their memorials,'oeven when they excelled in it, while the cost of large-scale gravestones probably also prevented the majority of ordinary artisans and craftsmen from erecting them altogether." The realization that within this ideological setting certain individuals had their professional status recorded on their memorials, conspicuous in itself, becomes even more striking in the case of female professionals, prompting a reevaluation of the social and economic position of women in ancient Greek society.'2 Ancient literary sources indicate clearly that women were excluded from political rights, separated from the public scene, and restricted within their home, where they occupied themselves with the raising of children and the management of the oikos.'3 The sources leave no doubt that the ancient Greeks valued the exclusion of women from the public sphere and restricted their mobility.14Nevertheless, despite its idealization, female seclusion within the oikos was attainable only in households of some means.'5 Besides leaving the house to perform tasks necessary for the household, such as to fetch water from the communal well or to attend religious rites and family gatherings, women sometimes had to work in order to supplement the family income.'6 Women participated in agricultural work, both on the family property and as hired help,'7 and also worked in a variety of other occupations, mainly in small-scale trade'8 and in professions exploiting commercially the skills they had acquired at home, such as woolworking,'9food production,20laundry2' and childcare.22 Some women helped their husbands in their workshops.23 In addition to literary and epigraphic sources, evidence for working women also comes from Classical vase-painting.24 The social status of working women is often difficult to determine. Many female professionals in Athens were the wives of metics,25 although epigraphic and oRepresentationsof professionalson funerarymonuments were rare until Hellenistic times, for male and female dead alike; cf. Zimmer (n. 6), 79. Gravestones honouring professionals were introduced in the 6th c. BC and commemorated primarily poets, musicians, and doctors; cf. Berger1970,145-9, 155-8. In the Classicalperiod, the portrayal of the deceased as professionalsretainedits marginalcharacter, remainingrarein comparisonto othericonographictypes. " Zimmer (n. 6), 79. 12Bibliography on the position of women in antiquity is extensive. Among the most interesting publications on the subject are S. Pomeroy, Goddesses,Wives, Whoresand Slaves (New York, 1975); Schaps 1979;Just 1989; Fantham 1994; Blundell 1995;Stears 1995. I1Xen. Oec.7-10. Women were probably also responsible for managing the finances of the household, cf. Pl. Leg.805 E; Ar. Lys.492-7. '4 P1. Leg. 781 C; Xen. Oec. 7. 30. Indicative of the popularity of this ideal is the belief that the mere naming of women in public could cause disgrace to the family; cf. Thuc. ii. 45; D. Schaps, 'The woman least mentioned: etiquette and women's names,' CQn.s. 27 (1977),323-30. '5 Arist. Pol. I3ooa. Fantham 1994, io6; S. Walker,'Women and housing in Classical Greece: the archaeological evidence,' in A. Cameron and A. Kuhrt (eds), Images of Womenin Antiquity(2nd edn; London, 1993), 81-91, esp. 81;

Just 1989, 13; Blundell 1995, 138. 6 Gould 1980, esp. 48 = 133-4.

7 Dem. 57. 45; Fantham 1994, 109.

18 W. K. Lacey, The Family in Classical Greece(London,

1968), 171; Schaps 1979, 61. Women's right to conduct transactions was limited to markets where small sums of money were involved; female involvement in large-scale commerce was extremely rare. I9 Cf. pp. 3ooff. 20 P. Herfst, La Travailde la femme dans la Griceancienne (Utrecht, 1922), 24-32.

Lefkowitzand Fant 1992, 219 nos. 322-3. Blundell 1995, 145. 23 See e.g. an Athenian curse tablet mentioning a female gilder who decorated the helmets that her husband made; cf. SI3 1177,Schaps 1979, 20o,61. 24See e.g. the red-figurehydria Milan, Collection Torno C 278, which shows a woman in a potter's workshop,painting a large pot next to a group of men; cf. ARP 571.73; C. Bron and FELissarague, 'Le vase A voir', in J. P. Vernant (ed.), La Citi desimages(Paris, 1984), 7-17, esp. 7; fig. i; Blundell 1995, 145; or the red-figure pelike, Bernisches Historisches Museum 12227,which represents a female perfume-seller of humble status, as suggested by her short, cap-like hair; cf. Fantham 1994, i1; fig. 3. 24. 25 See Blundell 1995, 146. 21

22

284

ANGELIKI

KOSMOPOULOU

contextual evidence suggests that &ordca,namely women of citizen status, occasionally worked as well.26 The work of women outside the home was not a normal part of the female role. Literary sources make it clear that only economic necessity ever made a woman work for a living.27 Women worked to escape poverty and support their families, not to become wealthy.28 Demosthenes refers to a period when citizen women were forced by the misfortunesof the city to seek employment outside the household.29Indeed, it is likely that the economic troubles that Athens faced as a result of the Peloponnesian war and the loss of her Empire led to an increase in the number of women seeking employment, some of whom were probably well born.30This is illuminated by the case of Euxitheos' mother, who was driven by necessity to work as a nurse and ribbon-seller, and was later suspected of not being a citizen.3' Other references also point to work as a necessary but unwanted reality. A poor widow in states that for her living she depends upon her income from Aristophanes' Thesmophoriazousai There wreaths.32 is also the case of Aristarchos,a member of the upper class, plaiting myrtle a for to who, having provide large number of female relativeswho moved into his home after a political crisis,was forced to use their woolworkingskillsin order to support his oikos.33 Necessity and destitution did not lessen the social disdain attached to women who were forced to work outside their home. In the late fifth as well as in the fourth century, there was definitely a stigma attached to this practice.34Speaking in support of his mother, who was compelled to perform a variety of jobs, Euxitheos explains that she found herself in an abnormal state of affairs and expresses his distress for what he saw as a 'slavish' situation.35 The disgrace associatedwith work is also illustratedin Aristophaniccomedy by the unpleasant comments, whether true or fictitious, directed towards poor tradeswomen who had to earn their living in the marketplace.36 Although faced with a crisis, Aristarchos, too, had to overcome a considerable social inhibition in order to use the skills of his female relatives for commercial advantage.37In his case, it was not the work that was shameful but rather the compulsion, which might have been less pronounced in the case of a poorer citizen.38 The unmistakable lack of esteem attached to working women renders their occasional commemoration on gravestones as professionals rather surprising. The existence of such memorials challenges the notion that women were completely separatedfrom the public scene and restrictedwithin their homes, and fosters a novel exploration of their position in Classical Athens. Thus the present study treats gravestones for female professionals as an alternative type of primary evidence regardingthe position of women in the Classical period.39It aims to

26

Occasionally, the use of a patronymic identifies such women working outside the home. In other instances it is the context that points to working women as being &oaMl. For instance, the garland-seller in Ar. Thesm.446-8, who had to support her family after her husband's death, is certainly an &oTil. Lysistrata's married companions, who are designated as vendors in Ar. Lys. 456-8, are also of citizen status. On the term &cn]T,which denotes women of citizen status, see Gould 1980, 46 = 128-9 nn. 57-8; Blundell1995, 128. 27 Schaps 1979, 19-20. 28 Xen. Mem.ii. 7. 6. 29 Dem. 57. 4530oBlundell 1995, 145. 3' Dem. 57- 45.

32 Ar. Thesm.446-9.

33Xen. Mem.ii. 7. 1-12. 34Blundell 1995, 138. 35Dem. 57. 4536 Schaps 1979, 62. In his plays, Aristophanes directs repeated insulting references to Euripides, alleging that his mother was a greengrocer; cf. Ar. Ach.478; Thesm.387, 456; Ran. 840-2. Although one does not know whether this was true or not, it was definitely intended as an insult. 37See n. 33. 38 See Lacey (n. 18), 170-I; Schaps 1979, 19;Just 1989, 289 n. 12. 39 On the different, often mutually exclusive types of evidence that have been used in the study of women in antiquity,see Gould 1980, 39 = 115,42 =121.

FEMALE PROFESSIONALS

ON CLASSICAL

ATTIC GRAVESTONES

285

identify the categories of female professionalswho received figured gravestones, discuss the content of their memorials, and pinpoint the motives behind their erection. It should be noted at this point that the identification of female professionalson Attic gravestones is not always easy, as each professional category had its own modes of representationand followed distinct epigraphic formulae-a practice that necessitates a class-by-classexamination of the relevant material. The occasional subtlety of the referencesto the deceased'sprofessionmay hinder the attribution of certain gravestones to this group of memorials altogether; thus this study will limit itself to secure representationsof workingwomen. 1. NURSES

The largest number of memorials for female professionals commemorate nurses. In the Archaic period, Greek women as a rule nourished and reared their children themselves.From the beginning of the Classical period, however, children were frequently fed and raised by nurses.40Useful and trustworthy,nurses often became distinguishedmembers of the oikos. Several terms are used to characterize nurses and wet-nurses,TITOr, and Tpo~6g TL0O'iv%, the commonest.4' The exact of each term the distinction between and them being meaning are not entirely clear.42The term Tpo#6g certainly signifies companions and governesses of infants who were nursed by their own mothers,43although it may occasionallyhave referredto wet-nurses as well. TTOr and TLO#lv1 are characterizationsused particularlyfor wet-nurses.44 Nevertheless, literary sources suggest that a T'TOrIcould also serve as a tpoM after the weaning of the infant,45while these terms may have been used interchangeablyto indicate both the wet-nurse and the care-takerof an infant that was breast-fedby its mother.46 A number of literary sources, dating mainly from the Hellenistic period,47 provide information on the tasks performed by such professionals,the criteria for their selection,48the conditions of their employment,49and even tips for ensuring their health.50From such sources we learn that wet-nurses were generally used when the mother did not have enough milk to nurse her baby herself, when she was weak and needed to be taken care of, or when she died in childbirth, although comfort and even beauty considerations could also dictate the employment of a wet-nurse.5'Wet-nursescertainlyhad children of their own, as childbirthwas a biological prerequisite for breast-feeding.52Nurses, on the other hand, were assigned a number of practical tasks, such as washing the diapers, taking the baby out in the fresh air and

4o On nurses and wet-nurses, see Herzog-Hauser, 1937; Riuhfel 1988, 43-57; Der Neue Pauly, i. 595, s.v. Ammen (J. Wieseh6fer). 41 See Herzog-Hauser, 1937, 1491; Rtihfel 1988, 43; Fragiadakis1988, 135n. 2. 42 On the problems with terminology, cf. Eust., in II. 650o. 21-5. 43The term is used for Eurykleia,Odysseus' loyal nurse, as well as for other mythical attendants (cf. Hom. Od. ii. 361, ixx. 21). The inscription Opok6g characterizes Ariadne's nurse on the neck of the Kleitias crater, Florence Museo Archeologico 4209; ABV 76.1; Para. 29-30; Addenda7-8 no. 76. i; Rtihfel 1988, 43 fig. i. 44See e.g. P1.Resp.373 C. 45Fragiadakis1988, 135. 46 Eust., in II. 650. 20-1; Ruthfel1988, 43. 47For a list of such texts, see Riuhfel1988, 44 nn. 23-4.

48 According to the sources, the ideal wet-nurse was between the ages of 20 and 40, had given birth more than once, had a full, robust body, and was preferably Greek. Among the qualities a nurse should possess were frugality,a pleasant personality,gentleness, and cleanliness; cf. HerzogHauser 1937, 1494. 49 See Herzog-Hauser 1937, 1494; Riuhfel1988, 44 n. 23; Lefkowitz and Fant 1992, 270-2 no. 381. 5oRifhfel 1988, 44 n. 25. 5' Herzog-Hauser 1937, 1494;Rtilhfel1988, 44. 52 Literary sources generally do not refer to the nurses' own children. One may think that when their mothers took on the task of breast-feeding they had been weaned, had died or, simply,were not important enough to be mentioned in the texts, cf. Riuhfel1988, 44. An exception is the mother of Euxitheos, who had two small children of her own; cf. Dem. 57. 42.

286

ANGELIKI

KOSMOPOULOU

lulling.53Their role often went well beyond serving the child's practical needs. Greek literature enumerates several cases where the bond between nurses and the children they raised became very close and nurses accompanied their charges through their adult life, serving as their advisersand confidantes.54 Nurses and wet-nurseswere usually slaves and foreigners.55Like other slaves, they could be selected at the slave markets,56or be appropriatedas war booty.57Several female captives of wealthy origin were forced to work as educators and nurses for children. Literary and epigraphic sources refer to nurses from Phrygia, Cilicia, Corinth, Macedonia, the Peloponnese, and elsewhere. In Classical Athens, Spartans and Thracians were singled out among foreign nurses. Spartan nurses were considered to be exceptionally healthy and strong, while their method of raising children was believed to harden the children'sbodies and souls were also sought after in Athens at that at an early age.58Thracian nurses and mtcc&yoyo, familiar with the Greek language and were and were as considered industrious6o time,59 they customs through their relationshipwith Greeksliving in Thrace.61 Ancient authors considered this profession very low.62Nonetheless, literary evidence suggests that in Athens there were also free or freed women, some of them of citizen status, who were forced to work as nurses by necessity.63The story narrated by Demosthenes in shows that when a poor citizen woman was employed as a nurse, her citizen AgainstEuboulides rights were challenged.64 Despite the occasional criticism,65nurses as a rule enjoyed respect in the oikos and were often praised by their masters for their conduct. The sources refer to several nurses who were granted their freedom on account of their loyalty and good conduct.66A greater honour was reserved for the nurse in Demosthenes' AgainstEuergus,who was freed by her pupil and, after becoming widowed and impoverished at an old age, was taken back into the care of her former master.67 In Greek art, wet-nursesand nurses are shown variouslyand in a variety of contexts. Vasepaintingsusuallyshow them on duty,receivinginfantsin their lap,68getting ready to feed them,69

53 On the various tasks performed by nurses and child attendants, see Herzog-Hauser 1937, 1493-4; Rtihfel 1988, 48-54. 54 One need only think of Eurykleia and the nurses of Medea, Phaedra and Alcestis. On the importance of nurses andher in Greek literature,cf. H. Pournara-Karydas,Eurykleia Successors: FemaleFiguresof Authorityin GreekPoetics(Lanham, 1998). 55 See e.g. Pl. Leg. 790 A; Anth. Pal. vii. 458. See also

Herzog-Hauser 1937, 1495; Fragiadakis 1988, 139; Rtihfel 1988, 45. 56 This was the case with Eurykleia in the Odyssey; cf. Hom. Od.i. 430. 57Ehrenberg 1951, 169; Y Garlan, Slaveryin AncientGreece (Ithaca and London, 1988),47-8. 58 See e.g. Lampito in Ar. Lys. 8o-8; and Amykla, the nurse of Alkibiades (Plut. Lyc.16; Alc. i). The preference for Laconian nurses may be linked with the widespread AaKwvopavia noticeable in Athenian aristocratic circles in

the 5th c.; cf. Ar. Av. 1280; Herzog-Hauser

1937, 1495.

Plut. Alc. i; C. M. Danov, Alt-Thrakien (Berlin and New York, 1976),165;Rithfel 1988, 45. 59

60 Hdt. v. 13. 6j

P1.Leg.805 D-E; Danov (n. 59), 17.

62

Plut. Lyc. 16; Dem. 57. 45: KcaL yp

..

1

Et0MLvov a noXkkc bovtKa ekEvO6povg 11 unrvC og pJtpacrY ... t6E tact nOLELV (dg ydp Ey70y'aKoI't0, tnoXacli i yty6vao MtOat, KaKL EpLtOOLKctLTpVyiUTPLcL

o

Tv

ig

7'kco g... Ovytopcv... 63 Ps.-Plut. De tib.ed. 3 C;Dem. 57. 35, 45. See also HerzogHauser 1937, 1495. 64Dem. 57. 43. 65 See e.g. Ath. vi. 226 D; Arist. Hist. An. vii. Ii; Ar. Eq. 716-8; P1.Resp.373 c. 66 See e.g. the case of Chrysis in Men. Sam.22-3. 67 Dem. xlvii. 55 9, 67-8. 68 Cf. the Attic red-figure hydria, Cambridge, Mass., Fogg Art Museum 1960.342 (formerly Baltimore, Robinson Collection); CVABaltimore 2,111, J 31, pl. 43; Rutihfel1988, 46; fig. 369 See e.g. the fragmentary Apulian crater, British Museum E 509.1; Zimmermann 1980, 192, no. 32; fig. 26; Ruhfel 1988, 46; fig. 2.

FEMALE PROFESSIONALS

ON CLASSICAL

ATTIC GRAVESTONES

287

of their grown nurslings;70some of these breast-feeding, or even mourning at the KXLV1i on Classical motifs recur gravestoneshonouringmothers who died in childbirth.7' iconographic In vase-painting,nursesare, as a rule, shown in multi-figuredscenes, assuminga subordinaterole indicativeof theirprofessionalobligationsand servilestatus.Their secondaryplace is occasionally retained on gravestoneserected to honour their former charges,where nurses are not shown in action but, rather,in silent mourning,emphasizingthe tragic realityof the separationat death.72 On the other hand, nurses are the protagonistson a large number of fourth-centuryterracotta statuettes,which representthem holdinginfantson theirlap or childrenby the hand.73 The portrayal of nurses on their own gravestones differs considerably from their representationsin vase-painting, figurines, and even funerary monuments depicting them as subordinatefigures. To begin with, nurses are never shown on their gravestonesin true action scenes reflecting their duties. A number of memorials portray the dead nurses alone in an emblematic mode (Ni, N3?, N4), in a fashion typical of gravestones for professionals,male and female alike.74The nurses sit on an elaborate stool, often covered by a coverlet or a pillow, with their feet resting on a footstool. Such monuments reproduce the stereotypicalimagery of a large number of contemporaryAttic memorialsrepresentingAthenian &orac'. Exceptional among the gravestones of single nurses is the stele of Pyraichme (Ni). Seated on an elaborate stool similar to those of Athenian ladies, Pyraichme is clad in a long-sleeved chiton, the typical mark of slaves of foreign origin, and a mantle. The nurse holds a large chous on her lap, while a second vase, a jug, rests by her feet. The depiction of the vessels, rare on gravestones, carries a particular iconographic symbolism,distant from everydayrealities.75Karouzou and Simon have persuasivelyassociated this scene with the Anthesteria, one of the most importantAttic festivals.76The second day of the Anthesteria was called Choes after the chous, a drinking vessel, as drinking was the highlight of the festival.On that day each participantin the festivalbrought along his own wine supply and took part in a drinkingcompetition. This festival was of particularimportance for slaves, as they were allowed to participate in it along with the free citizens.77 If this interpretationis correct, it is very touching that the dead Pyraichme is immortalizedas taking part in the festival, carrying the keepsakesof a special day in her life.T8Since the Anthesteria was also the time when the souls in the Underworldvisited the upper world and ate with the living,79this image may also hint at such a hope or, alternatively,at Thracian ideas regarding afterlife,as in that area the consumptionof wine is linked with pleasureand happiness.8o

70 See e.g. the moving mourning scene on the red-figure loutrophoros,Athens NationalMuseum 1170o;ARP 512.13; Para. 382; Zimmermann 1980, 193-4 no. 34; fig. 28; E. Simon, Die Vasen(2nd edn. Munich, 1981),125-6;pl. 174;Ritihfel griechischen 1988,46; fig.4; or the mourningThraciannurseon the fragment of the red-figureloutrophoros,Athens NationalMuseum 17420; ARP 519.22; Zimmermann1980,194no. 35;fig.29. 71 On such scenes, see Vedder (n. 7). 72 Cf. the fragmentary stelai: Athens, National Museum 1135, Conze i. 67 no. 298; S. Karusu, 'Der Grabnaiskosdes Alexos', AM 96 (1981),179-2oo00, esp. 194-200; fig. 2 a; pl. 59. 1-4; Pfisterer-Haas 1989, 31 no. II 27; fig. 32. 3; Clairmont 1993, iii. 393 no. 3. 459; Athens, National Museum 901, Clairmont 1993, ii. 641 no. 2. 590; and Athens, National Museum 2885, Pfisterer-Haas 1989, 3o no. II 28; figs. 34-5; Clairmont 1993, iii. 381-3 no. 3. 453.

73On such statuettes,cf. Pfisterer-Haas1989, 36-46.

74Cf. Clairmont1993, i. 22o. 75 It is unlikely that the skyphos represented on the stele

was used to feed the baby in the nurse's care, as has been suggested by Karouzou 1957, 314; and Pfisterer-Haas 1989, 36. If the artist wanted to show such a vase, he would have opted for a typical feeding-bottle;cf. Ruhfel 1988, 48 n. 87. 76 Karouzou 1957;Simon 1963. On the Anthesteria, see E. Simon, FestivalsofAttica(Madison, 1983), 92-9; R. Hamilton, Choesand Anthesteria:AthenianIconographyand Ritual (Ann Arbor,1992), 5-62. 77 Simon 1963, 9; see also L. Deubner, Attische Feste(Berlin, 1932), 94-5; Callim. Aet.fr. 178. 78 Simon 1963, 10. 79Karouzou 1957,315;Simon 1963, 10. 8o Ruhfel 1988, 48.

288

ANGELIKI

KOSMOPOULOU

Of interest is also the stele Ni2, which portraysa woman identified as a ttTro sitting at the a reclining elderly man. It belongs to a group of Classical gravestones depicting reclining banqueters and drawing inspiration from contemporary votive 'Totenmahlreliefs' with heroic undertones.8' Such images constitute either representations of a funerary rite, namely the offering of food to the dead,82 or idealized reflections of the life of Athenian citizens, where the symposion forms the chief form of male conviviality.83On the stele in question, it is interesting that the reclining banqueter,who is certainly dead, is not identified by means of an inscription, whereas his female companion is. One wonders whether both figures are dead, or only the old man, whose name was either not inscribed, or rendered in paint. The relation of the two figures is hard to determine. In any case, iconography associates this stele with gravestones for citizens, whereas the use of the term XpYpJOT for the nurse KXL'V1of

points to her servile status.84

Other gravestones show the nurses in multi-figured scenes drawing from the typical contemporary funerary repertoire. Four memorials depict dexiosis scenes. On N2, the seated Synete shakes hands with a standing bearded man. Very similar is the image on N6. On the basis of the figures' ages it is possible that in both cases we are dealing with couples separated at death, the surviving men bidding farewell to their dead wives. On N3, Theoxene is represented shaking hands with a warrior in the presence of a female figure who stands in the background, not involved in the action. The unusual juxtaposition of the nurse with a warrior does not permit us to identify the figures' identity and relationship. Given the lingering 'heroic' connotations of warriors in Athenian funerary art of the time, it is more likely that the warrior is the nurse's former charge rather than a member of her own family.85 On N8, the seated Choirine shakes hands with a female figure standing before her, in the presence of an elderly man shown in the background between them. The couple portrayed with the nurse has been identified as her owners, who mourn her loss by commemorating her in this exceptional fashion.86It is worth noting that the attire of the nurse, with the mantle drawn over her head as a veil, is identical with that of her supposed mistress, and that no attempt has been made to indicate a differencein status. Other gravestones depict the nurses with young children, apparently their charges.87On N7, Melitta is shown with her pupil Hippostrate, whose name is provided in the accompanying epigram. The nurse offers the young girl a now unidentifiableobject, while the child reciprocates,presenting her own gift to the beloved attendant. Similarly,on the crude N9 the seated nurse is shown with her protegee, who may well be offering something to her. 81 On such scenes in funerary imagery, see Scholl 1996, 149-59. 82 R. Th6nges-Stringaris, 'Das griechische Totenmahl', AM 8o (1965), 1-99, esp. 64-5; Vierneisel-Schl6rb 1988, 153 n. 9. 83 Scholl 1996, 155. The interpretation of such scenes as 'idealized', not actual reflections of the symposion, is supported by the fact that the women sitting by the reclining men are not the hetairai one would encounter at the symposion but instead the respectable wives of the dead men; cf. Scholl 1996, 158. 84 Cf. p. 290. 85 The juxtaposition of a nurse with a warrior recurs on the now lost funerary lekythos of Moschion, dated to the 4th

c. BC. On that lekythos, an elderly nurse characterized is shown shaking hands with the warrior simply as ivOrOi Moschion in the presence of his squire. Moschion's taller stature singles him out as the most important person and indicates that he was the primary deceased. On the lekythos, see D. M. Robinson, 'New Greek inscriptions from Attica, Achaia, Lydia', AJP 31 (1910), 377-403, esp. 393-4 no. 51; Fragiadakis1988, 137 no. 26; Clairmont 1993, ii. 808-9 no. 2.936. 86 Clairmont 1970, 86 n. 50; Clairmont 1993, iii. 351 no. 3.429 a. 87 Interestingly,grave reliefs and vases depict nurses with their grown charges, whereas terracotta statuettes usually show them with infants and very young children.

FEMALE PROFESSIONALS

ON CLASSICAL

ATTIC GRAVESTONES

289

Finally, on the relief trapeza Nixx, Phanion is represented in the company of two girls, possibly her pupils. The nurse may have been presenting something to the girl standing near her; the girl at the far right holds a box that she is about to open. Gravestones of this type, usually works of limited artistic merit, are reminiscent of mother-and-child iconography and may well belong to the mass-produced reliefs with 'mother-and-child' compositions, fitting a different context through the addition of a suitable epigram.88 Such images do not reflect the daily actuality of the relationship of nurses and their pupils, but rather commemorate their love, appreciation, and respect in a generic fashion. In contrast to the variety exhibited by their representations on other media, the appearance of nurses on their own gravestones is consistent. With one exception (Nx), they are clad in chiton and mantle. This costume, occasionally also worn by nurses on other monuments,89 characterizes female figures of various backgrounds on a large number of memorials, among them respectable ladies of citizen status, and thus does not hint at their profession or social status. This consistency in attire differs from nurses' representations on other media, where their costume varies greatly, ranging from the long-sleeved chiton worn by Pyraichme (Nx), an indoor garment characterizing attendants,90 to other, more unusual garments, like a long thin undergarment with many folds and a hip-long garment with long sleeves and patterned fabric, worn by the Thracian nurse on an Attic hydria in the Fogg Art Museum,9' the combination of a peplos with long overfold, an apron and a mantle thrown over the shoulders sported by the attendant on the stele of Selino,92 or the coarse peplos worn by the elderly nurse mourning at the KXLVqof her prot6gee on an early Classical loutrophoros.93 Overall, the variation in the nurses' costumes corroborates literary sources mentioning that in Athens slaves were not forced to wear any characteristic garments.94 With respect to their age, nurses are depicted on their memorials as either youthful or matronly. The pronounced features of old age that characterize them in other media95 are completely absent, as are certain caricature elements witnessed in depictions of nurses in vasepainting96 and terracotta statuettes,97 like the pronounced buttocks, large breasts, and ugly facial features. The nurses' hair, short, wavy, and tied with a band, does not indicate their professional status either. The cropped hairstyle typical of slaves, which is frequently portrayed on other monuments and is occasionally paired in vase-painting with light-coloured or red hair suggesting Thracian origin,98 does not occur on their gravestones. Equally absent from

88 Clairmont 1970, 96.

89 See e.g. the striking old nurse standing behind the protagonistson the fragmentarygrave stele Athens, National Museum 2885 (n. 72); as well as the numerous nurses on non-grotesque terracotta statuettes, cf. Pfisterer-Haas 1989, 32. 90 This costume, belted at the waist, is also worn by the elderly nurse accompanying the dead on the fragmentary stele of Alexos, Athens, National Museum 1135(n. 72). 91 Cf. n. 68. The non-Greek character of her costume suggests that the nurse is a barbarian, while the ornate pattern of the fabric points to Thrace; indeed, Thracian nurses were singled out in iconography by their patterned garments and the adornment of their bodies with tattoos. On the appearance of Thracian nurses, see J. Wiesner, Die Thraker(Stuttgart, 1963), 38-40; Riihfel 1988, 46-7. On tattoos as a mark of Thracians, cf. Zimmermann 1980.

92 Athens, National Museum 9goi(n. 72). 93 Ibid. 1170 (n. 70). 94W L. Westermann,'Sklaverei'(RE Suppl. vi (1935),923); Ehrenberg 1951, 185; N. Brockmeyer, Antike Sklaverei (Darmstadt, 1979),129. 95See Pfisterer-Haas1989, 37-8. 96 Cf. Herakles' nurse Geropso, shown on a red-figure skyphos by the Pistoxenos Painter as a tattooed old woman with hooked nose and no teeth, her mantle thrown over her back to keep her warm. On the vase, Schwerin, Staatliche Mus. 708, cf. ARP 562. 30; Simon (n. 70), 128-9; p1s. 180--i; Zimmermann 1980, 191-2 no. 31; fig. 27. 97 On such statuettes,see n. 89. 98 See e.g. the nurse on the loutrophoros,Athens National

Museum 1170 (n. 70). On red hair as a mark of Thracians,

see e.g. Wiesner (n. 91), 38-9.

290

ANGELIKI

KOSMOPOULOU

the gravestones under consideration is the short curly hair that characterizes attendants on other memorials and late fourth-centurystatuettes.99 With the exception of the vessels on NI, nurses are regularly shown on their gravestones without attributes,while their gestures provide no clue as to their identity. Some figures (N5, Nio) are shown pulling their mantle away from their body at shoulder level; this gesture of vaOK cXULg has been variously interpreted and is commonly performed by &crcc on contemporarygravestones.'oo Turning to the accompanying inscriptions,most gravestonesof this group simply record the deceased's name and profession. The standard professional characterization is TiitO. The unique reference to the nurse as TltrTl on Ni may be the barbarianversion of the word T'T6ri or a pet name used by her young protegee.'o' Only two inscriptionsrecord the origin of the deceased. From them we learn that Malicha (N4) came from the island of Kythera, while Phanion (N xI)was a Corinthian. Their foreign origin suggests that both nurses were probably slaves. The name Malicha is PhoenicianIo2and makes one wonder how the nurse found herself in Kythera.'03As noted in her epigram, Melitta (N7) was the daughter of an kootekXg,one of the privileged non-citizens who enjoyed a status between metics and slaves.'04The status of her father indicates that Melitta was not a free citizen herself.'05 The question of social status becomes problematic in the case of other nurses, whose name is neither followed by their origin nor by a reference to social class. The problem is intensified by the fact that the imagery of the gravestonesprovides no help in this respect. Evidence for the social standing of nurses is provided in some cases by personal names. Certain names, like Choirine (N8), Synete (N2), or Paideusis (Nio), are definitely imposed and reflect the role or qualities of the nurses, confirming their servile status.Io6 The name Pyraichme (Ni) suggests that the nurse was a redhead; this feature, combined with the unusual iconography of the stele, indicates her servile status and implies her Thracian origin.'07 Significant for the characterization of nurses as slaves is the use of the epithet XploqTfl, which forms their commonest praise designation (Ni, N2, N3, N7, N9, Nio, NI2). The term incorporates all good qualities possessed by a woman who takes care of children, namely efficiency, reliability, loyalty, and honesty,'io8and indicates eloquently the devotion and gratefulnessof the protegees towards their nurses. A prevalent characterization of slaves on

99 See e.g. the old woman on the grave stele National Museum 2885 (n. 72). On this coiffure, see Pfisterer-Haas 1989, 31 and nos. 2. 46-63, 86-93. D. Burr-Thompson, 'The origin of Tanagras', AJA 70 (1966), 51-63, esp. 56, considers this coiffure typical of slaves, identifying it with the KqJ3xogof the sources. On this gesture, see e.g. Clairmont 1993 introductory 00oo volume, 86; Scholl 1996, 168-70. ,o, Karouzou 1957, 315 compares it with the term rtrrtiov used instead of rtrOiovin Ar. Thesm.1i185. o102 Raffeiner 1977,13;Fragiadakis1988, 137. o03 Clairmont 1970, 85, notes that Kythera changed hands several times in the fourth century and that early in the century it was under Athenian occupation. It is possible that Malicha was hired by Diogeites in these years and that she served in the same family for a long time. 104 On see G. Thalheim, 'Isoteleis',RE ix (1912), iOZoRXEig,

2231-3; D. Whitehead, The Ideologyof the AthenianMetic (Cambridge, 1977),11-3; Scholl 1996, 174-5. Pircher 1979, 43. o105 ,o6Mobius 1966, 156; Fragiadakis1988, 138. Among other made-up names known for slaves, cf. Epimeleia, IG iij 9148; Eubosia, IG ii2 11632; Storge, IG ii2 12653;and Kosmia, IG ii2 11894. On the practice of giving new names to slaves, cf. Ehrenberg 1951, 171,173;Garlan (n. 57), 22-3. I7 Karouzou 1957, 315; Simon 1963, 9. This is one of several names characterizing women with red hair, like and Hupplxm,probably slaves in their 1I6ppa, IHvppccXL majority. Fragiadakis 1988, 138 argues that the name Pyraichme is reported in Athens for both free citizens and slaves, and that the dead nurse on the stele in question may be identified as a slave primarilyon the basis of her attire. o8 Riuhfel1988, 48.

FEMALE PROFESSIONALS

ON CLASSICAL

ATTIC GRAVESTONES

291

Attic funerary inscriptions,'09the term Xpq~ortl occurs rarely on gravestones for non-slaves, a and character retaining class-specific facilitating the identification of the deceased's social position. Although direct references are virtually absent, the overview of epigraphic elements suggests that the majority of nurses on gravestones belonged to the class of slaves. This corroboratesthe widespreadbelief that nurseswere usually slaves,mostly foreigners."0 There are also nurses (N5, N6, N9, N12) whose professional characterization, namely has their personal name."' Some scholars have suggested that in these cases t0lrO, replaced the word r'TOlis not a professionaldesignation, but rather a personal name, unrelated to the profession."'2Nevertheless, this is rather difficult to determine, since the appearance of the figures on those stelai does not distinguishthem from nurses characterizedby name, whereas i on N12 points to her servile status. the term Xprlcp As is the case with non-sculpted memorials for nurses,"3 monuments of this group typically carry simple inscriptions providing the name and professional characterization of the dead, occasionally coupled with a standard praise epithet. Nevertheless, two gravestones of this group bear metrical or quasi-metrical epigrams composed specifically for the dead nurses. The epigram of Malicha (N4), probably the earliest known grave epigram for a slave,"4 is plain and makes use of commonly used formulae."5 The nurse is said to be trustworthy, reliable, and well-disposed toward both her superiors and the children. The content of this epigram suggests that the relationship of the nurse with her pupils continued much longer than the brief period of actual nursing, corroborating what we know about such relationships from the literary tradition. Exceptional is the characterizationof the dead nurse as r, a term that goes well beyond the stereotypical designation of nurses as 6LKcLOT'to is one of the virtues for the Classical

XpT0Tr

L."6 ALKQLOcuVo 1

highest

Greeks, its

importance being attested by several inscriptions."7Nevertheless, the term here is not to be understood in its literal meaning of justice and fairness, but must be reduced to an indication of proper conduct, ethical behavior and the fulfilment of the duties toward mortals and immortals,"8qualities that even a nurse ought to possess. Even so, this form of praise should not be underestimated, as it is an exceptional honour for a non-free individual. Though composed of common formulae, the epigram of Melitta (N7) forms a rather touching expression of the pupil's love and liking for her nurse. Hippostrate does not simply call her nurse XpqPor, but goes on to manifest her sadness over the nurse's death, to affirm her love and appreciation in spite of separation, and to express the hope that the nurse will continue to enjoy the appropriate respect even in the Underworld. The expression of the child's longing hints at the long-lastingrole of the nurse in the Athenian family.

o109 Raffeiner 1977, 26-8; Scholl 1996, 177-9.

"5 Raffeiner 1977,13.

Cf. Fragiadakis1988, 135. SForadditional examples, see ibid. 137nos. 21-8. ' See e.g. Conze i. 17no. 42; 41no. 166; M6bius 1966, 167. "3 Among examples of non-sculpted, inscribed memorials for nurses, recording their personal name, profession, and, occasionally, a typical praise, cf. the gravestones of Philyra, IG ii2. 12996; Neara, IG ii2. 12242; Biote, IG ii.2 5592; Noumenis, IG112.12330 and Synete, IG ii2. 12681/2. o

"4 Pircher

1979, 41. Epigrams for slaves became

more common in the Roman period.

much

16 The characterization of a nurse as tLKcCLtoTld'is unique, cf. Pircher 1979, 41. For the use of the epithet in other epigrams, not all funerary,see Peek 1955, 18 no. 46; 131 no. 54o; Solon fr. 12.2d; Mimnermus fr. 8.2; Thgn. 314; IG 1ii.12034. "~7Raffeiner 1977, 13. 118 See Pircher 1977, 41; Raffeiner 1979, 3; G. Pfohl, 'Untersuchungen tiber die attischen Grabinschriften'(Ph.D. diss., Erlangen, 1953),22.

292

ANGELIKI

KOSMOPOULOU

The predominant type of memorial honouring nurses is a grave stele with recessed relief panel (Nx, N4, N5, N7, N8, Nxo). An inscribed trapeza (Ni i) and a funerary lekythos (N3) were also used for nurses, as is ascertainedby their inscriptions.Other, simpler gravestonesfor and plain stelai, have also come to light,"9 but lie outside the nurses, like inscribed columellae focus of this paper, as they do not carry relief decoration. The quality of the carving varies greatly.The preservedexamples range from very crude ones, like the incised stele N9 from the Athenian Agora, to memorials with beautiful crowns (Ni, N8) and competent relief decoration (Nx2). Gravestones of this group are in their majority mediocre pieces of work, carved by second-class sculptors. On the basis of their iconography, it is likely that many of them were ready-bought memorials that were made specific by the addition of a suitable inscription. A notable exception is the stele of Pyraichme (Nx), which depicts an original image and was apparentlycommissioned. One presumes that it was the masters of the nurses, either their grown charges or the parents of younger ones, who erected such gravestones.In one case (Nx2), the iconography of the stele makes one consider the possibility of it being erected by a member of the nurse's family.In Classical Athens, it was customary for slaves to be buried in the grave plot of their master and to receive a plain gravestone with their name inscribed on it.12o According to Athenian law, the proper burial of a slave was one of the master'sduties.'' Carved gravestones like those in question suggest that occasionally,when the masters were particularly satisfied with their slaves, they rewarded their devotion and value by erecting more elaborate memorials in their honour. This was a mark of great respect and honour, as many citizens had to be content with uninscribed gravestones and the quality of many other carved stelai was lower than that of some for nurses. 2. PRIESTESSES

The second substantial group of memorials commemorating female professionals is that of priestesses.'22The importance of religion in Greek life attracted several women to participate in religious offices at various levels and afforded them the opportunityto attain high positions in the religious sphere. Priestessesenjoyed particular respect, which stemmed from their role as intermediariesbetween mortals and the divinity. In contrast to the norm in other areas of the ancient world, Greece's priests and priestesses were not a true professional caste and seldom devoted their entire life to religious activity. Serving a cult was regularlya part-time occupation, taken on either for life or for a fixed term. In line with the nature of Greek religion and the absence of an organized 'church,'"23 eligibility The to a priesthood did not necessitate a special religious background or formal training.124 criteria for the selection of the religious personnel varied among different cults and depended

"9 See e.g. the plain marble stele of Artemisia, Athens, Epigraphical Museum 9324, IG ii2 1o843;the stele of Neara, ibid. 9414, IG ii2. 12242; or the columella for the rpo406g Pyrriche,IG iij. 12563. 120o Cf. Westermann(n. 94), 923; Dem. 48. 58. 121 Dem. 48. 58; Vierneisel-Schl6rb 1988, 21 n. 16. 122 On priests and priestesses in ancient Greece, cf. J. Martha, Les Sacerdoces Athlniens(Paris, 1882); D. D. Feaver, 'Historical development in the priesthoods of Athens', YCS 15 (1957),123-58; Turner 1983; Garland 1984; Mantis 1990; Garland 1990.

123See e.g. E. R. Dodds, 'The religion of the ordinary man in Classical Greece,' in id. (ed.), TheAncientConcept of Progress and OtherEssays on GreekLiteratureand Belief (Oxford, 1973), 140-55, esp. 142;J. P. Vernant, MythandSocietyinAncientGreece (London, 1980), 88; M. Veggetti, 'The Greeks and their gods,' in J. P. Vernant (ed.), The Greeks(Chicago, 1995), 254-84, esp. 255-8. 124 Garland 1990, 77, rightly states that priests and priestesses probably received some instruction from their predecessors.

FEMALE PROFESSIONALS

ON CLASSICAL

ATTIC GRAVESTONES

293

largely on the special character of each divinity. Such qualifications were largely associated with physical health and ancestry,rather than spiritualor intellectual qualities.I25 The means of acquiring priestly office varied greatly and changed with time, in response to the overall political and social conditions. Inheriting a priesthood was the earliest and most esteemed way.126 Several Greek priestesses were heiresses of priesthoods 'owned' by aristocratic yevyr that claimed their origin back to a divinity or hero and reserved for themselves the right to serve them exclusively.127 Other methods included the selection by and even lot,~8 election,129appointment,I30 purchase.'13 The duties of priestesseswere liturgical and administrativeand included the adherence to correct cultic procedures and performances, the participation in ritual purifications, the offering of prayerson behalf of the city's well-being, the overseeing of visitors to the sanctuary, the protection of the religious space and the care of the cult statue.'32 The importance of religion in Greece and its close association with civic life prompted the granting of priestly offices mostly to individuals of citizen status. Metics,'33and even more so slaves, were not suited for such important positions, linked with the totality of civic affairs.In most cases, holding a sacerdotal office was an indication of a noble family background.'34 Some priesthoods were burdened by financial obligations and were restricted to families wealthy enough to afford them. In any case, the possession of a priestly office brought about social prestige,which was reflected on the family as a whole.'135 Priestly office was accompanied by various perquisites,either material, such as the payment of salaries or fees for specific performances, the receipt of gold crowns, and the offer of housing at certain sanctuaries,or purely honorary,such as the public recognition by means of decrees and dedications, the erection of portrait statues, and the reservationof special seats at the theatre.'36For women in particular, acquiring a priestly office marked a considerable departurefrom ordinarylife and permitted the enjoyment of enhanced social and legal status, administrative power, great respect, and a degree of independence unknown to other women. '37

Representationsof priestessesappeared sporadicallyin Greek art of the Archaic period, but from the Classical period onward became more frequent, following set iconographic types.'38 The honouring of priestessesby means of figured gravestonesbegan at the turn into the fourth century BC. 125 Among the commonest prerequisitesfor serving a cult were family background, marital status, virginity, and age; see Turner 1983, 2, 232; Garland 1984, 84, 119. 126 Turner 1983, 15-51; Garland 1984, 83-4. 127 Originally a prerogative of the aristocracy, hereditary priesthoods continued after the democratic reforms of Solon and Kleisthenes, as tampering with conservative religious traditions was considered unwise. See [Arist.]Ath.Pol. 21. 6; Turner 1983, 30; Garland 1984, 78. ,128 Turner 1983, 52-119; Garland 1984, 84. This method was, according to the Greeks, closest to the gods' will; cf. P1. Leg.iii. 690 C. 129 Turner 1983, 120-8. 13oIbid. 129-40. '3' Ibid. 141-6. This practice,which is not attestedin Attica, originated from economic necessity and gave the opportunity to the new rich to move upwardson the social ladder. 132Feaver(n. 122), 123;Garland1984,76-8; Garland1990,78.

'33 Cult restrictions were among the principal datyat of the metic status. Metics could not observe the polis cults, but could participate in certain ceremonies of their deme of residence. Nevertheless, despite their exclusion from the cults of the polis, metics participated in non-Greek cults that operated outside the frameworkof the deme and the city; cf. Whitehead (n. 104), 86-9; J. D. Mikalson, AthenianPopular Religion(Chapel Hill, 1983),86, 97. 134Turner 1983, 236. '35 Ibid. Conversely,the exclusion from priestly office was considered an insult to the whole family, cf. Feaver (n. 122), 134. This is illustratedby the incident with Harmodios' sister, who was rejected as a Kiav?7opog at the Panathenaia; cf. Turner 1983, 327. 136 On the various perquisitesof priestesses,cf. ibid. 384-7; Garland 1984, 85-6. '37 Turner 1983, 401-11.

138Mantis 1990, 19.

294

ANGELIKI

KOSMOPOULOU

The survivinggravestonesfor priestessesindicate the lack of a single iconographic scheme, despite the recurrence of certain common elements. Priestessesare shown either alone, as is common in representations of professionals in funerary art,'39or in conjunction with other figures, in scenes typical of the Attic funerary repertoire. Seated or standing, they hold attributesthat reflect their priestlyoffice and, occasionally,even the particularcult they served. The absence, with one notable exception (P7), of detailed epigraphic referencesnecessitates reliance on iconographic elements for the identification of priestesses on gravestones. The primary identifying attribute is the temple key, the symbol of priestly office par excellence. Well attested from literary and epigraphic sources, the temple key was so important for priestessesthat the term KFLbo00Xog,or key-bearer,became a synonym for the priestly office and an adequate professionalcharacterizationin itself.'40Its importance as a religious symbol is indicated by the fact that it is also held by divinities themselves.'41 The use of the key as a priestly attribute,which began in the late sixth century BC, is not restricted to funerary imagery, but is also known from Attic votive reliefs of the fourth The key is held century,142as well as from a fragmentarydocument relief of the same period.143 in on mode is more their hands or carried their shoulders. The latter lowered by priestesses common and its recurrence made some scholars postulate the existence of a sculptural prototype in the round that spurred the appearance of this iconographic type in relief by Pheidias and Euphranor;I45 sculpture.144 Literary sources refer to statues of KXEL8~OlrOL however, the lack of specific evidence regarding their appearance does not permit the assessmentof their possible influence on funeraryart. The earliestknown image of a priestessin ClassicalAttic funeraryart, the stele of Polystrate from the Kerameikos(PI), shows the standing figure holding in her lowered right hand a large temple key that reaches about one-third of her height and is bent at a right angle. The key and has belongs to the so-called Homeric type, the type most often attested iconographically,146 at bottom a knob, suggesting that its handle was lined with ivory or wood.147On this particular

stele, the symbolism of the key is enhanced by the unusual addition of Doric capitals to the antaeborderingthe relief panel-an element that apparentlyforms an abbreviatedreferenceto a temple as the setting of the scene and as the dead priestess'domain in life.148The priestess Choirine (P4) also holds the key in her lowered right hand.149Conversely,the priestesseson P2 and P5 support their large keys on their shoulders,probably in order to relieve themselves of the considerable weight. On the marble lekythos P5, the temple key is not of the typical Homeric type but recallsactual keys as well as types illustratedin South Italianvase-painting.150o 139Seen. 74-. 14OMantis 1990, 28. The key is such a characteristic attribute of priestly office that on some grave monuments it stands alone as a signifier of the professional status of the of Abryllis, IG ii2 3477, as well deceased. See e.g. the columella as other examples listed in Mantis 1990, 44-5. '41Ibid. 32-9. Among the goddesses shown as KkELtoigotL are Hera, Persephone,Athena, Artemis, and Kybele. 142See Mantis 1990, 40; Scholl 1996, 138. 143Staatliche Museen zu Berlin-Preufischer Kulturbesitz, Antikensammlung K 104; see C. Blimel, Die klassisch der StaatlichenMuseenzu Berlin(Berlin, griechischen Skulpturen 1966), 79 no. 92; fig. 126; Mantis 1990, 41; pls. 12 a-b; C. L. Lawton, AtticDocument Reliefs:Art and Politicsin AncientAthens (Oxford, 1995),151-2, no. 164;pl. 86. 144See e.g. Scholl 1996, 138.

45P1.HNxxxiv. 54, 77. On the two statues, see O. Palagia, Euphranor (Leiden, 1980),40-1; Mantis 1990, 74-5. 146 On keys of Homeric type, see Mantis 1990, 29-30; pls. 49-53; Scholl 1996, 137. 147Mantis 1990, 41 n. 138. Similar is the treatment of the key on the stele P2 from Rhamnous. 148 Vierneisel-Schl6rb1968, 102; Scholl 1996, 137. 149Whereason the stele of Polystratethe weight of the key is suggestedby the slightbending of her carryingarm, on that of Choirine it is indicated by the flexed muscles of her extended forearm.This is paralleledon the Boeotian stele of the priestess Polyxena, who apparently held a large bronze key in her pierced right hand (StaatlicheMuseen zu Berlin-PreuBlischer Kulturbesitz, Antikensammlung K 26), see Blaimel (n. 143), 17-8 no. 6; fig. 12; Mantis 1990,45, 67; pl. 28 a. 150oMantis 1990, 42-3.

FEMALE PROFESSIONALS

ON CLASSICAL

ATTIC GRAVESTONES

295

The stele of Aristagora(P9) introduces an issue related to the characterizationof priestesses on gravestones. Although her attire and the tainia binding her hair recall secure representationsof priestesses,'5Ithe absence of a plastically indicated key does not allow her definite identification as such.'52Nevertheless, the lowering of her right arm and the position of the fingers, in addition to her strong overall similarityto Polystrate,make it likely that she once held a key rendered in paint. In addition to holding the temple key, Polystrate(PI) and Choirine (P4) have their left hand clenched in a fist and apparently holding an object. A slight projection on her left hand indicates that Polystrate may have held an attribute emerging from her fist, while Choirine held something inside it. Similarly,Aristagora(P9) has three fingers of her left hand curved, as if they encircled a conical object the upper part of which, originally rendered in paint, overlapped her extended thumb and index. One wonders what were the unidentified additional attributesof these priestesses-most probably objects associatedwith cult ritual.'153 As we have seen, three of the key-bearers (PI, P2, P4) are depicted alone, in an emblematic mode that suits their solemn role. Conversely,the priestess on the lekythos P5 is instead part of a multi-figured composition including two standing young women and a seated elderly man. This monument is of particular interest, as priests and priestesses are usually shown alone or with one other figure, and are rarely depicted in multi-figured compositions.154The large number of personages represented on the marble vase in question hinders the identification of the dead and the understanding of the figures' relations. Mantis identified the elderly man as the deceased, probably on the basis of his seated position.'55 Clairmont, on the other hand, took the young priestess to be the dead, arguing convincingly that the mourning gestures of the young women at the left of the panel would make little sense if they were directed toward the seated figure's back.I56To his argument I would add that it seems unfit for someone other than the dead to carry attributesof a religious nature at a family gathering. Besides generic images of key-bearers,Attic funerary art presents a unique gravestone of a identifiable as a servant of a particular cult. Chairestrate (P7) is securely KkFLo8OVXog identified as a priestess of Kybele on the basis of both her attributesand her epitaph. Seated on a stool, she holds in her left hand the temple key,which is supportedon her shoulder but is indicated plasticallyonly above her seat.'57Before her stands a young girl in servant attire who holds out a tympanon, an additional reference to the priestly office of her mistress and an unmistakable attribute of the goddess she served.'58The identity of the girl is questionable. Her attire points to an attendant,159 neverthelessClairmont tentativelyidentified her as one of Chairestrate's grandchildren mentioned in the epigram, 6o shown here as an attendant because she is preparingto succeed her grandmotherin her priestly office.

5' Cf. pp. 296-7. See e.g. Papastavrou 1976, 146; Freyer-Schauenburg 1989, 6o. The only scholar who positively identifies her as a priestess is Scholl 1996, 138. '53Freyer-Schauenburg1989, 59, 6o. 154Exceptional are two funerary Panathenaic amphorae from Marathon, Marathon Museum BE 30 and BE 31, which show priests in multi-figured scenes; cf. Mantis 1990, 87 nos. 16-17; Clairmont 1993, iv. 144-5 nos 4- 781-2. '55Mantis 1990, 40. i56Clairmont 1993, iv.70. 152

'57This object, first identified as a key by G. Despinis in a personal communication recorded by Clairmont 1970, 98 n. 82, had previously been interpreted as a torch; cf. Mantis 1990, 47. 158 Mantis 1990, 48. On the importance of the tympanon in the iconography of Kybele, see E Naumann, Die derKybelein derphrygischen unddergriechischen Kunst Ikonographie (Ist.Mitt., Beiheft28, 1983), 136. 59Scholl 1996, 140. Clairmont 1970, 98. This plausible interpretation has ,6o been accepted by Mantis 1990, 48. On the epigram, cf. p. 298.

296

ANGELIKI

KOSMOPOULOU

The representation of the tympanon on the stele of Chairestrate prompted scholars to identify other female figures with tympana on contemporary gravestones as priestesses of Kybele. Such is the case of Nikomache (P6), who is shown in a dexiosis with a female figure standing before her. The seated Nikomache'6' holds a large tympanon that has prompted her association with the cult of Kybele,'62 despite the absence of other distinctive features. Two more memorials represent female figures with tympana who are usually taken to be priestesses of Kybele. The first, a relief trapeza at Oxford (P3), shows a woman seated on a diphros, shaking hands with a bearded man opposite her and holding a large tympanon. A small lion rests underneath her seat. Tympanon and lion promote her identification as a priestess of Kybele.'63 The lion in particular differentiates this from all other gravestones with secure or presumed representations of priestesses, constituting an iconographic element that stands out from the attributes of everyday life commonly depicted on gravestones.i64 Further support for such an interpretation may come from the naiskos shape of the trapeza, which recalls votive dedications to the goddess.'65 Very similar to the Oxford trapeza is a relief base in Athens (P8), which portrays a seated young woman holding on her lap a large tympanon, her sole identifying attribute. The tympanon, which accompanies Kybele on all her representations, is the most important attribute of the goddess and therefore a fitting accessory for her priestesses. Nevertheless, one has to keep in mind that the same object is also shown in conjunction with other figures, divine or not, and may not always point by itself to the cult of that goddess.'66 Literary sources and vase-paintings indicate the existence of other iconographic types of priestesses, such as xoanon-bearers,'67 which are not reproduced in Athenian funerary art. Generally, the identification of figures who are shown neither with the temple key nor with the typical attributes of a particular divinity as priestesses is tenuous. This becomes clear in the case of the female figure on Pio, who holds a hydria and makes a praying gesture that has prompted her occasional identification as a priestess.'68 The hydria is, indeed, a unique attribute on gravestones and must have carried special religious significance. Nevertheless, the iconographic 'isolation' of this monument makes its inclusion within the gravestones of priestesses questionable.' 69The woman may be a priestess, but may also be a secondary member of the religious personnel. Regardless of the iconographic type they follow, priestesses on gravestones share a common attire. The typical priestly costume is the sleeved chiton with a mantle draped over it.170 The combination of chiton and mantle is known from representations of mythical priestesses, such

i6i Without spelling out his reasoning, Clairmont 1993, ii. 377 no. 2.362 identifies the standing figure as the deceased, whom he takes to be a priestess of Kybele, and the seated woman as the deceased's mother, who in his view was a priestess of Kybele herself and was given the tympanon by her daughter. This interpretation is, in my opinion, unfounded. There is nothing to identify the standing woman as the deceased, while, on the contrary,there is a tendency in modern scholarship to associate the seated position with death. The tympanon, which is the sole attribute here, is too characteristicto have been held by someone other than the principal deceased. On the use of attributes to identify the zu den attischen deceased, see B. Schmaltz, Untersuchungen Marmorlekythen (Berlin, 1970),ioo-I; Bergemann 1997,42. 162Mantis 1990, 55; Scholl 1996, 140.

I63Mantis 1990, 49; Scholl 1996, 140. 164 Scholl 1996, 140.

165J. Boardman, 'Recent acquisitions by the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford',JHS 81 (1961),AR 1960/61, 59. 166See e.g. Mantis 1990, 49-50, who does not consider the tympanon-holders as priestesses but rather as associates of the goddess, possibly members of a religious thiasos. 167On the type of the xoanon-bearer, cf. Mantis 1990, 66-9. The best example of this type is the Boeotian grave stele of Polyxena, now in Berlin (n. 149). 68 G. Neumann, Gesten Kunst undGebiirden in dergriechischen (Berlin, 1965),181 n. 161;Clairmont 1993, i. 320. ,69 The identification of the figure as a priestess is questioned by Mantis 1990, 51-2. 170Ibid. 40.

FEMALE PROFESSIONALS

ON CLASSICAL

ATTIC GRAVESTONES

297

as Theano, Iphigeneia, and Pythia, in South Italian vase-painting.'7'In some cases it is clear that the priestesses wear a second garment over the chiton, which has been identified as a peplos or a sleeveless chiton. This costume is often taken to be the typical garb of priestesses,'72 though in reality it is less common than the standard chiton and mantle combination. Several priestesses,like Polystrate(Pi), Choirine (P4), and Aristagora(Pg), also wear smooth soleless shoes. This type of footwear, usually sported on gravestones by attendants, could not withstand heavy use and was meant to be worn indoors;'73in this context it could be an allusion to the religious space as the priestesses''home'. All priestesses have short wavy hair, arranged either in a roll around the forehead or as a bun at the back of the neck, and always tied with a narrow tainia. The tainia is a typical attributeof priests and priestesses,although it may also be worn by other individuals.'74 The association of priestesses on gravestoneswith specific cults is tenuous. Exceptions are the stele of Chairestrate(P7), who is securely identified as a priestess of Kybele through the accompanying inscription, as well as memorials representingfigures with tympana-a subtle allusion to the same cult. Despite the lack of specific characterization,the provenience of P2 from Rhamnous implies that the key-bearer on it was probably a servant of Nemesis.'75 Similarly,the priestess Choirine (P4) was possibly associated with the cult of Demeter; this is suggested both by the stele's provenience from Eleusis and by the deceased's personal name, which evokes the Greek word for the piglet, the commonest sacrificial victim at the Mysteries.'76It is truly strikingthat the extant gravestonesfor priestessesdo not depict servants of some of the most important civic cults, like Athena Polias and Athena Nike. The majority of priestessesare commemorated by means of stelai with sunken relief panels (PI, P2, P4, P6, P7, P9), although a marble lekythos (P5), a plain stele (Pio), a relief base (P8) and a relief trapeza (P3) are also used for that purpose. On present evidence, images of priestessesare completely absent from the truly monumental naiskos stelai'77-a fact explained by the nature of Attic priesthoodsas secondary duties.'78 The quality of the gravestones varies greatly, ranging from mediocre to well-executed pieces. The best example is the stele of Polystrate(Pi), where the good quality of the carving is enhanced greatly by the exceptional carved crown. Competent works are also the carved trapeza P3 and the relief base P8, which apparentlyformed part of grander memorials. The stele P2 from Rhamnous is a mediocre piece, with the relief figure cramped in a very narrow relief panel and the drapery folds practically incised on her body. Its importance notwithstanding,the stele of Chairestrate(P7) is a work of little artisticmerit, while the stele of Aristagora (P9), if indeed it represents a priestess, is of relativelylow quality when compared to other gravestones of this group. The lekythos P5 is also characterized by crude workmanship. Putting the uneven quality of such memorials aside, it is important to note that they were certainly made to order, as is indicated by their iconography. Although their overall layout often lacks originality, drawing from the typical Attic funerary repertoire of the time, the

See e.g. Mantis 1990, 52, with bibliography. On this costume, see Palagia (n. 145),41. 73 On such shoes, see K. D. Morrow, Greek Footwear andthe Datingof Sculpture (Madison, 1985), 64, 86. 74 On tainiai worn by priests and priestesses,see A. Krug, 'Binden in der griechischen Kunst' (Ph.D. diss., Mainz, 1968), 124-5; M. Blech, Studienzum Kranz bei den Griechen '7'

172

(Berlinand New York, 1982),309. '75Mantis 1990, 41. 176 Freyer-Schauenburg 1989, 62. The name Choirine is also known from other Attic inscriptionsof that time. 77Schmaltz (n. i6i), 104 and n. 184; Scholl 1996, 139. 178Scholl 1996, 139.

ANGELIKI

298

KOSMOPOULOU

depiction of characteristicattributes, such as the key or the tympanon, separates them from the vast number of truly mass-producedmemorials. With a single exception (P7), monuments of this group are not accompanied by metrical epigrams, simply providing the name of the deceased. The personal name is usually recorded in itself, without additional prosopographiccharacterization.In two cases the dead priestesses seem to have been given names reflecting their specific properties or characteristics. As already mentioned, the name of the priestess Choirine (P4) possibly alludes to the XoTpogor and may have been piglet, the typical sacrificialvictim at Eleusis where she probably served,179 granted to her during her office. The name Aristagora (Pg), more common in its male version,'8o derives from the word agoraand alludes to the public sphere, a realm that priestessesentered in contrast to other women. The brevity of inscriptions on monuments of this group increases the importance of the gravestone of Chairestrate (P7), who is the only priestess identified as such epigraphically. Chairestrate'srole becomes clear from the first line of her epigram, with the term Tp6noxkog. This word, which literally signifies the person who leads the way and may originate in the leading position held by priestesses during religious processions,'8' is commonly used to The second line provides more designate a priest or priestess who serves in a sanctuary.182 as a servant of the 'Mother of All Things', Chairestrate specific information, identifying namely Kybele. Besides the reference to her profession, the epigram contains information associatedwith Chairestrate'sprivate life. From the third line on, it describes the sentiments of her mourning husband, demonstrating his love for his dead wife, as well as his consolation that she died at an old age, having seen her children's children. Apart from the formulaic two significant the reference to the continuing love of those left behind,I83 epigram provides details. First, it indicates that Chairestratewas married,verifyingthat priestesses,at least some of them, had the right to marry and have a family. Second, it presents Chairestrate'sage as a positive element, on the grounds that she lived long enough to have grandchildren-a formula common in funeraryepigrams from the fourth century onwards and serving as a mark of good fortune'84-and, perhaps, that she had the privilege of serving the divinity for a long period of time.'85 Surprisingly, the epigraphic reference to Chairestrate's old age is supplemented by iconography. A peculiar feature of her stele is the rendering of features of old age on the priestess's finely carved face. This is apparently the sole case in Greek funerary art where the female deceased is intentionally represented with the characteristics of old age. As a rule, Greek gravestones never show the deceased woman, regardless of her social class, as elderly.'86The conspicuous omission of features of old age in Greek iconography, even in the case of older women,'87 and the common representation of women as 'eternally beautiful' suggest that the depiction of old age was considered inappropriate in a society where female beauty was valued. On their gravestones, in particular, women were shown

179See n. 176. 18o For

other occurrences of this name, see Papastavrou

1976, 146 n. 2. 18I

Mantis 1990, 47.

182Cf. LSJ,s.v.

xp6dokog.

83 On this formula, see Pircher 1979, 37.

On such examples, see ibid. 85Literary sources often speak in praise of priestesseswho

184

became old while in the service of the goddess, and South Italian vases occasionally depict priestesses as elderly women; cf. Mantis 1990, 47-8. 186 See e.g. Scholl 1996, 139. 187 See e.g. the representation of Hekabe in vase-painting, who is shown as a young woman although she has given birth to nineteen children; cf. Pfisterer-Haas 1989, 7; figs. 1-2.

FEMALE PROFESSIONALS

ON CLASSICAL

ATTIC GRAVESTONES

299

as ageless creatures, although their survivors and mourners often displayed the characteristics of old age.'88 3. MIDWIVES

In ancient Greece, the sphere of birth was associated with strong religious customs and set practices, and, as in many cultures, midwifery remained a strictly female occupation.'89 Literary sources occasionally refer to the mothers of women in labour who acted as midwives'90 as well as to friends and neighbours who also offered their assistance.'91'In addition to them, there were also professionalmidwives, or acIcLt,192 who assisted women in labour and were knowledgeable in the different issues and complications of childbirth. The duties of a midwife are delineated by Socrates when describing his own method to Theainetos.193According to him, this professionwas exercisedby women of a certain age, who had given birth themselvesbut were no longer of child-bearingage. Medical treatises and other related documents indicate that from the Hellenistic period onward the word tcalc0denoted a trainedmidwifewith a specializedsphere of action, analogous In the second centuryAD, Soranos of Ephesos, one of the greatest to a modern-daymidwife.194 in physicians antiquity,wrote severaltreatiseson gynaecologywith sectionsaddressedspecifically to midwives,offeringthem theoreticalinstructionand practicaladvice for their art.195 Carved in the same years, the grave stele of the doctor (LatpFeLtv1) Mousa portraysher holding a papyrusan allusion to her proper training.'96On the basis of the availableevidence, however,it seems that Greek of the Classicalperiod were little more than practicalhelpers at labour,who 1 owed their knowledge to personalexperienceand informationhanded down by word of mouth. The stele of Phanostrate (Mx), which shows a dexiosis of two women surroundedby four young children, offers the only secure representationof a talcL in Greek art. The gravestone would not have been identifiedproperlywithout the aid of the accompanyingepigram;were it not for the epigram, one would have considered it an ordinary family scene, perhaps being struckby the unusuallylarge number of children. On gravestonesillustratingchildbirthscenes, the dead woman is helped and supported by another female figure, presumably someone closely associated with her.'97In most cases it is not clear whether the female assistant is a relative of the dead or a professional midwife.'98The female helper on the funerary marble lekythos of Killaron, now in the Louvre, is dressed in servant attire and has cropped hair. Although her appearanceprohibitsher identificationas a relativeof the deceased,'99the lack of specific attributesand the absence of an inscriptiondo not allow her secure interpretationas a as opposed to an ordinaryattendant. In any case, the appearanceof this woman differs ga[tML, from that of Phanostrate,who is depicted in a characteristiclady-likepose and attire. greatly

88 Pfisterer-Haas 1989, Io, 14. Illuminating is the case of Ampharete, who is represented on her stele as a young woman although, according to her epigram, she holds her grandchild on her lap. On the stele, Athens, Kerameikos Museum P 695, I 221, cf. Clairmont 1970, 91-2 no. 23; pl. 1I; Clairmont 1993, i. 404-6 no. 1.66o. 189Blundell 1995, 110. 190Eur. Alc. 318. 19'Ar. Thesm.526-34. 192 Ar. Lys. 746; Pl. Tht. 149-50o;AnthPal.vii. i68. 3. On paiat, see A. Krug, HeilkunstundHeilkult:Medizinin derAntike (Munich, 1993), 196-7. On additional meanings of the term

pala, see Pircher 1979,44. 193 P1. Theait.149 A-I51 c. 194L. Robert in N. Firatli, Les Stilesfunirairesde Byzance grico-romaine (Paris,1964),175-8. 195On such treatises, see e.g. S. Reinach, 'Medicus', DA 3 Medicine(London, 1973),113, (1904), 1683;E. D. Phillips, Greek 165-6. 196 Krug (n. 192), 196; fig. 87. '97On such scenes, see Vedder (n. 7). 198

Ibid. 176.

Ibid. pl. 21. I. On this marble vase, Paris, Louvre Museum 3115, cf. Clairmont 1993, 111iii. 244-5, no. 3.375. 199

ANGELIKI

300

KOSMOPOULOU

The epigram of Phanostrate begins by providing factual information, characterizing her The association of the two terms is conspicuous. The latter, jointly as a cala and pa'p6g. recorded in its masculine form, indicates that she was not simply a midwife but was also knowledgeable and trained in medicine.200The differentiation of the two terms, however, was perceived in its restricted sense, suggests that in this period the characterization McMc a midwife with limited and duties, as opposed to an kmtpog,a denoting knowledge relatively trained professionalwho could also be a gynaecologist.20'Apparently,Phanostratewas both a midwife and a medical doctor.202The large number of children on the stele led some scholars to identify her as a paediatrician shown with her patients.203However, she was probably a gynaecologist, and the children are the offspring of Antiphile,204whom she helped to give birth. Unlike other gravestones, where children interact with the adults and are part of the composition, the children here serve as 'attributes' connoting the domain of Phanostrate's expertise.205 The second line of the epigram conventionally praises the deceased's character.No direct reference is made to excellence in her profession, as is the case with other epigrams for midwives and doctors.206However, the general statements that Phanostrate did not harm anyone and was missed by everyone after her death may be considered as allusions both to her characterand to her professionalability. The social status of aLactin Greece remains unclear, nevertheless the fact that Socrates' mother, Phainarete,was a [aict, suggeststhat this professionwas certainly exercised by citizen women.207The specificity in the iconography of this stele, with what seems to be a 'realistic' portrayalof a family,renders the erection of the gravestone by Antiphile, a wealthy patroness, a likely possibility.208This, however, is not conclusive in itself with respect to the social standing of the dead. Although the gravestonewas certainly made to order,it is a mediocre piece of sculpture.Its primary importance lies in providing direct evidence for the existence of a little-knownfemale professional occupation. As is the case with other professionals,the deceased is not shown in action or characterizedby special attributes,but is rather depicted in the manner and attire employed for the commemoration of respectedAthenian ladies. 4. WOOLWORKERS

Within the corpus of memorials for female professionals, a small number of gravestones representingwomen occupied with textile production appear to be rather problematic in their interpretation. Literary sources indicate that women of all social classes were engaged in woolworking,the As was the case in other areas of the ancient world, Athenian quintessentialfemale activity.209

200oo

Krug (n. 192), 196. The two terms were later combined in the term iarpoyata, cf. Robert in Firatli (n. 194), 176. 202 Pircher 1979,44. 203 Clairmont 1970, 131;Berger 1970, 162. 201I

204

Daux 1972, 554.

R. Norton, 'Greek grave reliefs', HSCP 8 (1897),41-o102, esp. 86; Scholl 1996, 124. 2o6 See e.g. the 2nd c. BC epigram for the midwife loulia, Peek 1955, 6oo no. 1940; or that of the doctor Aineas, Peek 205

1955, 22 no. 57.

207 P1. Theait. 149 A. C. Dallas, 'The Significance of Costume on Classical Attic Grave Stelai: A Statistical Analysis' (D.Phil. diss., Oxford, 1987), 124 suggested that Phanostratewas a metic and that her gravestone was erected in the plot of her host family. 2o8Clairmont 1970, 131. 209 Hom. II. vi. 490-3; Xen. Oec. 7. 6; Fantham 1994, 103; L. Larsson Lov6n, Blundell 1995, 141; Reeder 1995, 2oo00; 'Lanamfecit: woolworking and female virtue', in L. Larsson Loven and A. Stromberg (eds), Aspectsof Womenin Antiquity (Jonsered,1998), 85-95.

FEMALE PROFESSIONALS

ON CLASSICAL

ATTIC GRAVESTONES

301

women took up the various stages of wool preparation at home, producing clothes for their families and textiles for home use.210Although the wealthier women had slaves who did the bulk of the work, the mistressesthemselves oversaw and helped them in woolworking.Besides being a vital contribution to the economy of the household, spinning and textile production also signified a woman's skill, industriousnessand worth and became literary symbols of the dedicated housewife, alluding to mythologicalpersonages like the Homeric Penelope.21' Woolworkingskills,which were acquired and developed at home and shared by all women, could be exploited commerciallyby females who had to make a living for themselvesand their families. Thus, in addition to being a domestic task for respectable ladies, woolworkingwas also a low but honourable professional occupation of poor women, performed outside the home for a small earning.'2 Professionalwoolworkersor taxcCotoipyoL apparentlymade up a large percentage of working women and spanned various social groups, like foreigners, slaves and women who were not properly married.213 The survivingmanumission inscriptionslist 57 women with their occupations, of whom 44 were engaged in woolworking.2'4Additionally, literary sources suggest that Athenian hetairai were also making small textiles in their spare time, in order to supplementtheir income.215 The importance of weaving in the life of women is corroborated by the frequent representationof relevant scenes in Athenian iconography of the Classical period. Images of spinning women appear frequently on vases illustratinglife in the female quarters2l6and, as a token of women's dedication to housework, are suitable to commemorate their marriage and death.217Woolworkers on vases, dressed in chiton and mantle and often adorned with jewellery, are usually shown while carding the wool, preparing the yarn and examining the woven articles.2,8 Wool baskets and spinning implements are among the various attributesthat characterize women on Classical Attic gravestones. Such attributes are considered an allusion to the domestic sphere and the daily occupations of women,219just like pyxides, jewellery, and children. Additionally, Classical Attic gravestones occasionally show women during the various stages of woolworking. On some grave stelai, women engaged in woolworking are accompanied by other female figures, probably their attendants, as well as by children.220On these memorials, the presence

210 The procedure of textile making is described in Ar. Lys. 565-8. On the stages of woolworking,see also Ar. Eccl.88-9, 215-18; Lys. 519-20. 211 Stears 1995, 123; Reeder 1995, 201. 212 Ar. Ran. 1346-9; Plut. Alc. i; P1.Lys. 208 D; Resp.v. 455 c. See also Herfst (n. 20o),103. 213 E. W Work:TheFirst20,000 Years(New Barber, Women's Yorkand London, 278. 1995), 214 A. W Gomme, ThePopulation of Athensin the5th and4th Centuries Bc. (Oxford, 1933),41-2; Barber (n. 213), 278; Schaps 1979, 19. Several zaAaonovpyot are also mentioned on a manumission inscription from the Athenian Agora, see D. M. Lewis, 'Dedications of phialai at Athens', Hesp.37 (1968), 368-80, esp. 369-74; pl. 110iio. 215Barber (n. 213), 278. 216 On such scenes in vase-painting, see H. Killet, Zur derFrauauf attischenVasenarchaischer undklassischer Ikonographie Zeit(Berlin, 1994), 115-24. 217 One has to be cautious when interpreting such scenes,

as not all spinning women are respectable; cf. D. Williams, 'Women on Athenian vases: problems of interpretation,' in A. Cameron and A. Kuhrt (eds), Imagesof Womenin Antiquity (Detroit, 1983),92-1o6, esp. 94-6; Nevett (n. 3), 16. 218 Killet (n. 216), 117. 219 Cf. Vierneisel-Schlorb 1988, 15-6; Scholl 1996, 95; Bergemann 1997, 83. J. Thimme, 'Die Stele der Hegeso als Zeugnis des attischen Grabkults', AK 7 (1964), 16-29; id., 'Bilder, Inschriften und Opfer an attischen Grabern', AA 1967, 199-213, esp. 206-7 interpreted these attributes as references to funerary ritual and grave goods, but his theory was not well received. "o See e.g. the stele Staatliche Museen zu BerlinPreu83ischer Kulturbesitz, Antikensammlung K 61, Clairmont 1996, i. 489 no. 1.894; Scholl 1996, 319 no. 358; pl. 28.4; or a stele in the Peiraeus Museum, unknown inventory number, cf. G. Despinis, 'Ein Grabrelief aus N Himmelmann Oropos', in H. U. Cain et al. (eds), Festschriftfir (Mainz, 1989), 179-82; pl. 32. 4.

ANGELIKI

302

KOSMOPOULOU

of an attendant identifies the woolworker as a woman of high status, who is commemorated through a celebratedfemale occupation as a worthy wife and manager of her oikos. More important for our purposes is a small group of gravestonesrepresentingsingle women involved in woolworking (WI-5). The women are invariably shown seated, with a kalathos placed beside or underneath their seat. One of them is shown carding wool (W4), another spinning (W2), a third passing woollen yarn through her hands (W3). The attire of these women, namely the combination of chiton and mantle (W2-4) and, in one case, the peplos with a mantle over it (Wx),is worn by women of all social classes and does not provide enough characterizationin itself. The unspecificityof their garb prompts the search for other criteria that may indicate the women's social background.As an attributethat characterizesfemales of all social classes on various media, the kalathos cannot serve as an indication of status either.22' Epigraphic evidence is equally silent in this respect, as the inscriptions on these stelai do not go beyond providing the name of the deceased. With the exception of Kypria (W3), whose name suggests that she comes from the island of Cyprus and is probably a metic, the determination of the social status of these women is hard. In theory they could belong to the class of Athenian &coracL, as well as to that of foreigners, or even slaves. The lack of reference to a male KpPLOgon their name inscriptions has been interpreted by some scholars as an indication that these women lacked citizen status.22 Nevertheless, this element is not conclusive, as even oaTclwere occasionally characterized on their gravestones by their own name only, not followed by their patronymicor demotic.223 In conclusion, the interpretation of single woolworkers offers several possibilities.224The women may be wealthy citizens reproducing an iconographic type that asserts their female virtue by pointing to their worthiness in the domestic sphere; low-class women who exploited their woolworking skills commercially in order to make a living; metics who intentionally or even slaves. reproducediconographic types that customarilycharacterizedAthenian &cGrcL; The absence of a direct epigraphic reference to the activity performed does not exclude the possibility of their being professionals, as is shown by priestesses, who are characterized on Thus on present evidence we are their gravestonesby means of attributes,not inscriptions..225 whether of unable to determine with certainty gravestones single woolworkers are idealistic portraits of women in their oikos or portrayalsof working women celebrating the means for earning their life. THE

ROLE

OF WOMEN

IN CLASSICAL

GRAVESTONES

FOR

ATHENS

AND

THE

EVIDENCE

OF

PROFESSIONALS

Recent scholarshipon the position of Athenian women in Classical times has shown that their role in Athenian family and society should not be oversimplified,as it has been in the past. When exploring the reality of their lives, one should keep in mind that Athenian women were not a homogeneous group but rather a mixed crowd that included foreigners, metics, &eoral, prostitutes, and other categories.226Despite the overall exclusion of women from the civic M. Salta, 'Attische Grabstelen mit Inschriften' (Ph.D. diss., Ttibingen, 1991), 192 has argued that kalathoi on women. characterize non-Athenian gravestones Nevertheless, the variety of contexts in which a kalathos is shown warns us against the interpetation of status on the basis of this criterion alone. 221

222

Cf. Blumel (t. 143),24 no. 16. Scholl 1996, 174. 224 See Clairmont 1993 introductory volume, 91-2; Scholl 1996, 96. 225 Cf. p. 294. 226 Pomeroy (n. 12), 6o;Just 1989, 112. 223

FEMALE PROFESSIONALS

ON CLASSICAL

ATTIC GRAVESTONES

303

sphere and the dominance of female seclusion as an ideal, there was probably a distinction between Athenian &oraL and women belonging to other social groups, like foreigners and slaves, which was also observed in differences in conduct. As already seen, the fact that poor women were sometimes forced to work outside the home does not contradict the value of the separationof women, but suggests that this was a rhetoricalidea that was not always enforced in reality.227 The multiplicity of variables indicates that the collective definition of the role of Athenian women in general and absolute terms is unwise, given both the wide variety of our evidence and the diversity of the women's social, economic, and ethnic backgrounds.For this reason, this study will limit itself to the exploration of funerary commemoration as an alternative source of informationregardingthe perception of the female position at the time. Let us begin by admitting the extraordinarynature of the funerary monument as a genre that spanned the public with the private sphere."' According to our perception, a memorial was designed to honour a particular individual and to commemorate his or her most characteristic properties. Nevertheless, besides its specific connection with a particular personage, the funerary monument also operated in the public sphere, as it preserved one's memory in the community,was often set up in a public cemetery that was under the control of the polis, and made a public statement about the social persona of the deceased.229The facet that was chosen for commemoration depended in part on the individual'sparticularqualities and achievements,though it was largely affected by the prevalent social circumstancesand the norms and values they forged for the totality of the community. In ClassicalAthens, women were often commemorated after their death by means of plain, carved, and inscribed funerary monuments. The iconographic repertoire of Classical gravestones indicates the existence of two main types used to define the social persona of women: the matron, namely the wife and mother, and the maiden. Gravestones of women generally depicted them within the household, with their attendants and during typical activities. The definition of female identity through a domestic context sustained the popular ideal of secluded Athenian women and reflected the contemporary male conception of the immaculate female. In essence, the gravestonesdefined and commemorated women within a recognizable social frameworkfor the city at the time. Next to the standard funerary commemoration of women through types celebrating their ideal role in Greek society and praising their virtues in the domestic sphere, the gravestones for female professionalsexamined here present alternativefemale 'models' that extend beyond the private and into the public sphere. As already seen, these memorials, which make up a small percentage of the totality of gravestones for women, span different professionalgroups and social classes and are prompted by differentmotives. The funerary commemoration of priestesses may be understood as an extension of the bestowal of honours on sacred officials, a practice well documented in literary sources.230 Priestly offices and the honours and titles stemming from them distinguishedcitizens in their public and private lives,23' and brought about social prestige that was worth commemorating 227 Cf. Just 1989, 118; D. Cohen, Law, Sexualityand Society: TheEnforcement of Moralsin ClassicalAthens(Cambridge, 1991), 148-63. 228 Leader 1997, 688. 229 Sourvinou-Inwood 1995, 116;Stears 1995, iio; Leader 1997, 684-6.

230 Turner 1983, 390-401; Mantis 1990, 46;

H. McClees, A Study of Women in Attic Inscriptions' (Ph.D. diss., New York, 1920), 5-16. 231 Turner 1983, I, 397-403; W Burkert, Greek Religion, ArchaicandClassical(Oxford, 1995),97.

304

ANGELIKI

KOSMOPOULOU

after death.232As a privilege restricted to citizens, a priestly office was an indication of freedom and status. Newly naturalizedcitizens lacked the knowledge of the rituals of Athenian cults necessary to acquire a priesthood, whereas metics and slaveswere anyway excluded from some aspects of the religious life of the city.233Although priestly functions were of limited importance for wealthy male Athenian citizens, as they provided limited opportunitiesfor the establishment and growth of political influence,234to men of lower strata and, even more, to women, they offered a unique opportunity to participate in public life, brought distinction and, therefore,were worthy of posthumous commemoration.235 Their role in the realm of religion indicates that despite the conventional definition of their social persona through their position within the oikos, women were not entirely excluded from the public sphere.236Priestesseswere intermediaries between the community and the divine, responsible, to a certain extent, for the community'swell-being and prosperity through their proper action. They sacrificed in public on behalf of the polis,237and even exerted political influence on occasion.238 The 'equation' of men and women in the sphere of religion seems a paradox, granted the overall position of women in ancient Greece. The continuous existence of female priesthoods despite its strong opposition to the accepted public role of women may be explained by means of the religious conservatismof the Greeks,which did not permit or encourage changes in the realm of cult.239In any case, the exceptional place of women in religion, which in addition to its purely spiritual role also defined the majority of civic activities, was an area of extraordinary female authority worth embracing in funerary commemoration. Given the extraordinary status associated with priestly office, the relative paucity of tombstones for Athenian women known from other evidence to have served as priestesses is conspicuous, particularly since we know that some of these priestesses were honoured by means of dedications and statues.240 The erection of gravestones for women of humbler professions was stimulated by entirely different motives. Such monuments apparently memorialized the means through which women of low status earned their living and were largely commissioned by their former masters. The imagery of nurses on their gravestonescontradictswhat is conventionally expected for slaves and low-class citizens. Their representationdoes not distinguishthem from higher-class 6cral on contemporarymemorials,while, with a single exception (Ni), their attire and lack of attributes do not provide any visual evidence regarding their identity. The nurses' garb on their own gravestones differs not only from that known from vase-paintings, but also from what is customary for them when portrayed as subordinate figures on contemporary memorials. Moreover, the grotesque element often encountered in depictions of nurses in other media is completely absent from their gravestones.241

Stears 1995, 124. Cf. n. 133. 234Feaver(n. 122), 123; Scholl 1996, 147. 235 Turner 1983, 383-4; 403, 407, 411-12. 232

233

236 Sourvinou-Inwood

1995, 11 I2. 237 Paradoxically,although women

sacrificed in public on behalf of the polis, they did not sacrifice in the oikos, as they could not representit; cf. Sourvinou-Inwood 1995, 114. 238 Cf. an incident with the priestess of Athena Polias, the

city's patron divinity, described in Hdt. viii. 41; Blundell 1995, 161. 239Gould 1980, 50o-1= 39-41 nn. 92-9; Turner 1983, 17; W. Schuller, Frauenin dergriechischenGeschichte(Konstanz, 1985),25; Sourvinou-Inwood 1995, 112; Scholl 1996, 147. 24o Cf. the case of the priestess Lysimache; CEG ii. 757; Fantham 1994, 93-5; Sourvinou-Inwood1995, 117n. 55. 241 Cf. p. 289.

FEMALE PROFESSIONALS

ON CLASSICAL

ATTIC GRAVESTONES

305

The evident differentiation in the depiction of nurses as subordinate figures and as the primary dead on Classical gravestones suggests that on their memorials nurses were given a place they did not actually enjoy in life, renouncing all degrading elements, like the short hair, barbaric physiognomic traits, servant attire and age characterization, and assuming the appearance of doTai.242Analogous is the content of the accompanying epigrams, where the respect shown for the nurses and the praises and loving referencesdirected to them seem very distant from what we know about the position of slaves and low-paid professionalsin ancient Greece. Even the commemoration by means of an epigram is an extraordinaryhonour not every citizen was destined to enjoy.243 One wonders what prompted the conscious representation of dead nurses in such an honourable way. Logical as it is, the explanation that stelai erected for nurses were often ready-bought and thus not designed to indicate characteristic properties of the individual deceased or suggest their profession does not minimize the importance of the fact that it was acceptable for nurses to be publicly represented as daora after their death. The depiction of nurses in a manner contrastingsharply to what would be expected for them not only points to a good relationshipbetween specific nurses and their masters, but also indicates the existence of a widespread attitude that permitted the bestowal of exceptional honours for such dead.244 It has rightlybeen argued that the privilege of commemorationby means of a carved stele and epitaph is not granted to all slaves but is reserved for special groups, particularlythose who were in a position to maintain deeper ties with their masters and to display their positive qualities through their professional specialization.245In addition, the erection of gravestones for nurses and the mode selected for their depiction reflect their particular importance as members of the oikos at a time when familial relationships are strengthened and their representationlies at the heart of funerary commemoration. The particularrespect shown for nurses, which stems from their involvement in children's education, is substantiated at this time by their increasing mention in literary texts as well as by a noticeable change in their representation on terracotta figurines.246In any case, the picture emerging from the nurses' gravestonesand epigrams may not correspondexactly to their place in Athenian life, or reflect the actual attitude of masters towards them, but may be somewhat idealized, spurredby their masters' favourableopinion as well as by a tendency of humankind to view death as an agent that unites and levels all human beings, regardlessof origin, age, and status.247 The midwife Phanostrate (Mx), probably a free woman,248has a social persona different from that of most other women. Phanostrate, who performed the most elevated profession recorded for a woman, occupied a place in the public scene in a realm that was not religious, and was commemorated in a wider circle than averagefemale professionals. Overall, gravestones for female professionalsdo not comprise a true self-representationof the 'working class'-this does not exist before the Hellenistic period249-but rather an 242 The sole example of a nurse shown on her memorial as an attendant is a stele from Mytilene dating from the first century BC;see E. Pfuhl and H. Mobius, Die ostgriechischen Grabreliefs (Mainz am Rhein), i. 136 no. 404; pl. 67. 243Raffeiner 1977,86. 244The respect shown for nurses on gravestones of this period is paralleled by a change in their representation on contemporary terracotta statuettes, where they turn from ugly creatures with negative physiognomic traits into beautiful, lady-likefigures;see Pfisterer-Haas1989, 40-2.

245 Raffeiner 1977,88-9.

246Pfisterer-Haas1989, 32. 247Raffeiner 1977, 96-7, considers the picture emerging from slave epigrams to be idealized and distant from reality. In his review, H. W Pleket, CR 29 (1979),176 argues that the exceptional honouring of certain slaves does not suggest idealization but is, rather,a realisticportrayalof the situation of a very small portion of the slave population. 248 Herfst (n. 20), 52-3, 78-9. 249Zimmer (n. 6), 79.

ANGELIKI KOSMOPOULOU

306

idealistic portrait of working women. Regardless of their occupation, the dead women are never shown in action on their gravestones. Instead, they are dressed in attire no different from that worn by ordinary people and some even lack the typical attributes of their profession, necessitating the help of inscriptions for their correct identification. Memorials of this category, limited in number and distribution, span different professional categories and social strata. Irrespective of their specific intent, the gravestones of female professionals illustrate an aspect of women's life that touches upon the public sphere more than average gravestones do and deviates from the standard paths of funerary commemoration. Whether made for respectable citizens, metics who conformed to conventional citizen imagery celebrating the means through which they acquired their social position, or slaves who raised above their class, gravestones of this group register a 'public persona' for the women they commemorate, illustrating the complexities of the role of women in ancient Greek society.

American Schoolof ClassicalStudies, Athens APPENDIX:

CATALOGUE

ANGELIKI

OF GRAVESTONES PROFESSIONALS

HONOURING

KOSMOPOULOU FEMALE

I. NURSES Ni. Athens, National Museum 3935 (FIG.I) Stele with sunken relief panel, crowned by a pediment decorated with a carved anthemion. H. 0.73 m; m. W. 0.31 Athens, Kato Petralona. Date: first quarter of the fourth century. The nurse Pyraichme sits in left profile on a stool with coverlet, her feet resting on a footstool. She wears a long-sleeved chiton and over it a mantle that covers her back and lower body. The nurse holds a skyphos on her lap, graspingits handle with her right hand and supportingits bottom with the left. A large chous rests by her feet. The nurse'sshort hair is tied with a band. The inscription is engraved in one line at the top of the shaft, below the pediment:

H

XpflrTfl T0lT

SEG 21 (1965) 325 no. io65; Karouzou Bibliography: 1957,pls. 6-7; Simon 1963, 9-10; pl. 3. 2; Rihfel 1988, 48; fig. 7; Fragiadakis1988, 136. 13;Clairmont 1993, i. 347 no. 1.376;Scholl 1996, 284 no. 236; pl. 43. 2. N2. Athens, EpigraphicMuseum 4983 Stele missing its upper part. pr. H. 0.42 m; W. 0.23 m. Unknown provenience. Date: c. 360 BC. The stele depicts a dexiosis between the seated nurse Synete and a standing man. At left, the bearded man stands in a three-quarterpose to the right, his head in

profile. A mantle is draped over his left shoulder, left arm, back, and lower body. His left hand holds the folds of the mantle before his chest. The right arm is extended in a dexiosis with the nurse, who sits opposite him on a chair with coverlet, her feet on a low footstool. Synete wears a sleeved chiton and a mantle that covers her left shoulder, left arm, back and lower body. Her left hand rests on her lap. The back of the chair is not fully carved. The inscription is engraved in two lines at the top of the slab:

rL'()TXp'qoril

IG ii2 12559;Fragiadakis1988, 136 no. 17; Bibliography: Clairmont 1993, ii. 370 no. 2.359 d. N3. Athens, National Museum 1845 Fragmentarymarble lekythos, missing the upper part of the neck. pr. H. 0.40 m. From the Mesogeia. Date: c. 350 BC. The lekythos depicts a dexiosis between the seated Theoxene and a bearded man, in the presence of another female figure. At left, the nurse, clad in chiton and mantle, sits on a stool in right profile, her feet resting on a footstool. Her right arm is extended, shaking the hand of the bearded man opposite her; her left arm rests on her lap. Her short hair is tied with a band. The man opposite her stands in a three-

FEMALE PROFESSIONALS

ON CLASSICAL

ATTIC GRAVESTONES

307

FIG.I. Grave stele of the nurse Pyraichme.Athens, National Museum 3935.

quarter pose to the left. He wears a cuirass and a helmet and has a large shield resting by his left side. His right arm is extended, clasping the hand of the nurse. In the background, between the principal figures, another female figure stands frontally, her upper body thrust forward. Her bent right arm is held before her abdomen; her left arm is raised, with the

hand touching the head in a mourning gesture. The inscription is carved above the figures:

eOo

TLT'flXXplorT]

Bibliography:IG ii2 11647; Praktika,1893, 104; Fragiadakis 1988, 136. 6; Clairmont 1993, i. iio no. 306.

ANGELIKI KOSMOPOULOU

308

N4. Athens, EpigraphicalMuseum 8844 Fragmentarystele with sunken relief panel. The shaft is crowned by a pediment missing its central acroterion but preservingparts of the side acroteria. pr. H. 0.25 m; W. 0.28 m. Said to be from the Peiraieus. Date: c. 350 BC. The stele preserves part of the head of the nurse Malicha, who is shown in a three-quarterview to the right, with her head strongly inclined. Her wavy hair forms a roll around her head. The width of the relief panel suggests that the nurse was portrayed by herself.250 The epigram is carved in three lines between the relief panel and the pediment, followed by the name of the deceased in a separate line. The carving of 113 and 4 is more careful, with larger and more widelyspaced letters.