Migrant Women Professionals in the European Union

Migrant Women Professionals in the European Union Monika Zulauf Consultant Editor: Jo Campling Migrant Women Professio...

Author: Monika Zulauf

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Migrant Women Professionals in the European Union Monika Zulauf Consultant Editor: Jo Campling

Migrant Women Professionals in the European Union

Migrant Women Professionals in the European Union Monika Zulauf Senior Research Fellow Social Science Research Centre Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences South Bank University, London

Consultant Editor: Jo Campling

© Monika Zulauf 2001 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted her right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2001 by PALGRAVE Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE is the new global academic imprint of St. Martin’s Press LLC Scholarly and Reference Division and Palgrave Publishers Ltd (formerly Macmillan Press Ltd). ISBN 0–333–76039–5 This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Zulauf, Monika, 1955– Migrant women professionals in the European Union / Monika Zulauf. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0–333–76039–5 (cloth) 1. Women in the professions—European Union countries. 2. Labor mobility—European Union countries. 3. Migrant labor– –European Union countries. 4. Nurses—Employment– –European Union countries. 5. Women bankers—European Union countries. I. Title. HD6054.2.E85 Z85 2001 331.4’086’24—dc21 2001035436 10 10

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Printed and bound in Great Britain by Antony Rowe Ltd, Chippenham, Wiltshire

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In memory of my grandmother, Paula Volp (née Keil)

Contents List of Tables

viii

Abbreviations

ix

Acknowledgements

x

1

Introduction

2

Labour Mobility in the European Union

11

3

Migrant Women Professionals in European Labour Markets

28

Part I

1

Access to Employment

51

4

The Nursing Profession

53

5

The Banking Profession

73

Part II

Adjustment and Integration

91

6


94

7


123

Part III

Career Progression

153

8


155

9


173

Towards a European Labour Market

197

10

Appendices 1

Interview Schedule and Background Characteristics of Migrants

213

2

Interview Schedule with Individuals and Groups other than Migrants

215

Grading Structures

218

3

Bibliography

222

Index

243 vii

List of Tables I.1 Occupational mobility pre-migration versus post-migration – self-perception

52

II.1 Employment status – nursing

92

II.2

93

Employment status – banking

viii

Abbreviations ACIB ATB BAT

Associateship of the Chartered Institute of Bankers Accelerated Training Programme Bundesangestelltentarif (German public service tariff agreement) CCOO Comisiones Obreras (Spanish Trade Union Confederation of Workers’ Commissions) CIB Chartered Institute of Bankers ENB English National Board for Nursing, Midwifery & Health Visiting EU European Union NCVQ National Council for Vocational Qualifications NHS National Health Service NVQ National Vocational Qualifications ÖTV Gewerkschaft Öffentliche Dienste, Transport & Verkehr (German public sector trade union) PREP Post-Registration Education and Practice RCN Royal College of Nursing SEM Single European Market UGT Unión General de Trabajadores (Spanish General Workers’ Confederation) UKCC United Kingdom Central Council for Nursing, Midwifery and Health Visiting

ix

Acknowledgements I wish to thank the Economic and Social Research Council (grant number R00429124310) and the Central Research Fund of the University of London for providing financial support for the original research. My particular thanks go to all the interviewees for giving their time to this work. Many colleagues and friends have helped me complete this book. I am particularly grateful to Dr Simon Duncan of the University of Bradford for reading the manuscript and making helpful comments, and for his invaluable advice and encouragement throughout the project period. Special thanks must also go to Dr Gregory Andrusz of Middlesex University for many insightful conversations, and his never fading support throughout my academic career. I would also like to thank Professor Linda Hantrais of Loughborough University, and Dr Mark Kleinman and Dr Kathleen Kiernan of the London School of Economics for their critical comments on an earlier version of this work. Dr Steen Mangan of the LSE and my colleagues in the Social Science Research Centre at South Bank University provided invaluable encouragement in the final stages of this book. I have had valuable help from a network of friends. I am most grateful to Dr Soraya Cortes for many insightful conversations on the work. Special thanks must go to Amparo Restrepo and Regina Sonet Mancho for helping translate the questionnaires into Spanish, Elsa Sanchez for transcribing the Spanish interview tapes, and Andrea Höfling for some of the German tapes. Thanks also to Wendy Lewsey, Hildegard Nagele and Claudia Stendel-King for proof-reading an earlier manuscript. I am also grateful to friends and others who provided me with contacts to find interviewees. Melita Wenzel and Regina Sonet Mancho made my stay in Frankfurt and Madrid not only a working period. The daily conversations with Regina’s mother Dori were particularly useful in preparing myself for the Spanish interviews. Last, but not least, I would like to thank my mother for taking care of me during most of the writingup stage of this work, and Ruth Willats (Palgrave) for ensuring this book is presentable and complete.

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1 Introduction

One central objective of the founding Treaty of what was to become the European Union, the Treaty of Rome, signed as long ago as 1957, was the creation of an integrated European labour market. Greater harmonization between countries was to be achieved by gradually removing barriers to the free movement of capital, goods, services and labour. In the decades following the foundation of the Community, European Union (EU) policies focused on the removal of barriers to achieve the goal of a true common market. The free movement of workers is one of the basic provisions of the Treaty of Rome, and is an integral part of the European integration project. In the early years of the Community, the emphasis of EU policies was on adopting regulations and directives to eradicate national laws which discriminated against workers from different EU countries. However, the movement towards a more integrated European labour market slowed significantly with the recessions of 1974–75 and 1979–81. The collapse of Fordism, the subsequent restructuring and internationalization of economies, characterized by an expansion of new technological methods and producer services and increased international competition, put the European Community at a competitive disadvantage compared to Japan and the United States. This required, among other things, the creation of a Single European Market (SEM). The elimination of all remaining barriers between member states was seen to be of utmost importance to halt a further decline in competitiveness. The removal of the remaining technical, physical and fiscal barriers to achieve greater economic efficiency, and the removal of formal restrictions on labour mobility to achieve a more efficient allocation of labour, are thus further steps towards an integrated European labour market (Rajan 1990; Read 1991; Tsoukalis 1991; Commission of the European Communities 1993). 1

2

Migrant Women Professionals in the EU

Freedom of movement, established in the Treaty of Rome, and in force since 1968, enabled EU workers to seek and take up work in another member state. However, it did not abolish all barriers to facilitate free movement (Read 1991; Hantrais 1995). One objective of the SEM, therefore, was to abolish the remaining barriers to the free movement of labour within the EU. This book examines cross-national mobility of skilled and highly skilled migrant women workers in two particularly illustrative occupations – nursing and banking – in three case-type countries – Britain, Germany and Spain. The book shows the variations of experiences for EU migrant women in a regulated (nursing) and an unregulated (banking) profession. It shows the differences in policies, practices and attitudes between two distinct employment sectors in relation to training systems, professional culture and organization of work, and career development systems. The book highlights that ‘genuine freedom of movement’ needs measures that go beyond the mutual recognition of qualifications. It requires greater Europeanization of employment systems and conditions across member states.

Freedom of movement and Europe’s professional workers The nature of intra-EU labour migration has been changing over time. In the early period of the Common Market, unskilled and semi-skilled workers made up the bulk of labour migration. They were in search of work and met labour shortages in some member states. Subsequent to the world-wide recessions of the 1970s, demand for such labour slumped. By the 1980s, intra-EU migration of such workers had almost halted. Since then, it has been students, professionals, skilled workers and pensioners who have made up the majority of those moving between member states (Tsoukalis 1991). In this book I will be concerned with skilled and highly skilled workers who migrated to another EU country (excluding corporate transferees). Relatively few skilled and highly skilled workers have actually been moving freely around Europe (see chapter 2). The mobility and experiences of such labour is, therefore, a relatively new and under-researched phenomenon, having received little attention either at political or academic levels (Ackers 1998). In recent years, this phenomenon has been studied in more depth, particularly from a legal perspective (for example, Schermers 1993; Yakkes-Schröder and Opolka 1993; Handoll 1995; Martin and Guild 1996). Much of the social science literature on freedom of movement speculates on the restrictions migrants could face in host countries. While it is widely recognized that different training

Introduction 3

systems may provide barriers to the recognition of qualifications, studies tend to assume obstacles without empirical substantiation from those who have made use of EU provisions for freedom of movement (for example, Teague 1991; Hantrais 1995; Ludvigsen and Roberts 1996). A small number of authors have gone beyond a theoretical approach. Hurwitz (1990), for example, researched the migration of physicians to, and their integration in, different member states, and Ness et al. (1993) studied the mobility of British nurses elsewhere in the EU. Werner and Walwei (1992) examined the situation of skilled and qualified workers in five private employment sectors in five EU countries. Ackers (1998) researched the effects of migration on the rights and lives of women workers, while Blumenthal et al. (1996) explored academic mobility world-wide. However, except for Ness et al. and Ackers, the empirical data are based on the views of policy-makers, key personnel from international and national agencies and regulatory bodies and employers rather than the migrants themselves. Little therefore is known about the actual employment experiences of migrants, and whether they gain access to jobs commensurate with their qualifications and skills. Strategies at the grand European level have focused on the removal of formal legal barriers to freedom of movement. Mutual recognition of qualifications plays the key role in the drive to abolish such barriers for potential intra-EU migrant workers. This book will focus on the ‘informal’ barriers. These can be defined as organizational, practical, cultural and attitudinal restrictions which operate at national and workplace levels. Within a European context, these are informal barriers, though within a national context, these may be formal and informal barriers. Institutional, organizational and social practices, as well as attitudes and perceptions of professional associations, employers, unions and workers of the host country to changes required by the SEM, to incoming EU migrants with different training, skills and work experiences, all provide obstacles which cannot be overcome simply by removing the formal legal barriers to the recognition of qualifications. With the exception of Hurwitz (1990) and Ludvigsen and Roberts (1996), who touch on the subject of professional practices and the impact on mobility, the body of social science literature neglects the integration processes in EU labour markets. This book goes beyond existing studies on freedom of movement by exploring mobility not only in relation to the recognition of qualifications. It also investigates the role of professional culture and practices, work organization and career development systems as integral components in the interpretation of mobility

4


between European economies. By exploring the lived experiences of EU skilled and highly skilled workers in EU labour markets at all stages of the employment process – access to employment, adjustment and integration in the work environment, and career progression – the book provides an insight into the wider obstacles to intra-EU professional mobility. By examining the impact of migration on employment situations and careers, the book may offer guidance to migrants who wish to move to and work in another member state. It may help policy-makers and human resource managers develop strategies to assist migrants, and so contribute to their successful integration. Women have been active participants in contemporary European labour migration. They constitute about half of the migration flow within the EU. Yet, research continues to focus largely on men, and ignores the fact that migration and occupational integration processes may be different for women (Ackers 1998). Past and present literature on migrant women concentrates on the migration, settlement and employment experiences of unskilled and semi-skilled women from the developing countries, and more recently from the newly industrializing countries, to developed countries. Earlier studies saw emigration as a means of achieving the social and economic mobility that these women would have been denied at home (for example, Hofmann-Nowotny 1978). More recent literature focuses on how race, ethnicity, class and gender shape social relations and work experiences (for example, Buijs 1993; Chow et al. 1996; Higginbotham and Romero 1997). But there are few recent studies of skilled and highly skilled women who have moved between advanced economies, still less within Europe, or on their employment and career experiences. Some dated literature exists on the situation of professional migrant women in Canada, Israel and the US (Boyd 1984, 1986; Kats 1982; Hartman and Hartman 1983). More recently, Ackers (1998) includes skilled women in her study of EU migrant women, and provides some valuable findings on this group. However, her emphasis is on the impact of migration as a whole, on family, career, identity and social and political rights. She does not explore the employment and career situation, and the employment experiences of migrant women professionals, in specific occupational groups. There have been a number of studies following the Cecchini Report of 1988 on the impact of the SEM on non-migrant female workers within EU countries, but these fail to look at EU female migrant workers (for example, Van Hemeldonck 1988; Jackson 1990; Von Prondzynski 1990; Jortay et al. 1991; Lindley 1992). Certain barriers to the occupational integration are likely to overlap, but EU female

Introduction 5

migrant workers may experience barriers over and above those of native female workers. The double pressure of gender and foreigner status, or a cumulation of disadvantages, may make their situation different from that of native women workers (Dumon 1981; Kats 1982; Prondzynski 1989). For example, the study by Kats on Russian migrants in Israel found that both male and female migrants experienced a certain status decline post-migration, with the decline being somewhat higher for female migrants. Status decline varied between occupations, but female migrants at higher academic levels in particular experienced a greater relative decline than female and male migrants with secondary education. Female migrants at higher academic level also had the lowest labour force participation rate amongst female workers with higher education. Prondzynski argues that migrant women from within and outside the EU experience difficulties in access to employment and training, and particularly to highly qualified and better paid jobs. For example, access to training is difficult, amongst other reasons, because migrants do not possess the specific qualifications expected in given national environments. The question of the free movement of labour in the EU can be examined in relation to widely different factors. For example, mobility between member states may be influenced by the mutual recognition of qualifications, by employment law, taxation, social protection rights, housing and living conditions, among other things. Investigating all these issues in one study, despite their significance, would result in the loss of in-depth information on the subject. For this reason, I will concentrate on the specific area of training, employment and careers. The objectives of the book are therefore to ●

●

●

identify the organizational, practical, cultural and attitudinal barriers faced by EU migrant women when seeking and taking up work in other member states; investigate the extent to which these restrictions affected migrants’ access to jobs commensurate with their qualifications and skills obtained prior to migration, their integration into the work environment and their access to career progression in host countries; and establish the implications for cross-national mobility of skilled and highly skilled workers in the EU.

Research methodology and approach In this book I focus on migrant women in the nursing and banking professions in Britain, Germany and Spain, who were single and

6


childless at the time of migration. I selected these particular occupational groups and countries for a number of reasons. Literature on the Single European Market points to a concentration of employment growth in the private services sector, particularly financial services (Cecchini 1989; Commission of the European Communities 1988a, 1989b). Greater labour demand was also anticipated in health, education and social services (Kottis 1991). Women workers were assumed to benefit particularly from these developments. The majority of employees in the health and financial sectors are female. By including the public services sector and by choosing to investigate women, this book therefore fills an important gap in existing research. Single childless migrant women tend to be more mobile than married women and/or mothers, and they cannot usually rely on a partner’s income. The likelihood of seeking to maintain their employment status is, therefore, higher than for migrant women accompanying their partners. By investigating single childless migrant women, this book therefore contributes to knowledge about the position of a social group in EU labour markets which is both under-researched and particularly diagnostic. If intra-EU mobility does not exist for this group, it is hardly likely for other groups of women. Cross-national comparison of occupations and occupational levels is difficult and requires close matching of the phenomena under investigation (Crompton and Le Feuvre 1992). The book, therefore, examines one occupational category in the health and financial employment sectors – nursing and banking – to limit the range of possible qualifications. Such a focus is particularly important in the measurement of the effects of migration on employment status and in the comparison of employment progression between countries. Finally, I focus on Germany, Britain and Spain. There are a number of reasons for selecting these three countries. They joined the EU at different periods of the integration process since the Treaty of Rome: 1957, 1973 and 1986 respectively. Moreover, these countries display different attitudes towards European integration (see chapter 10). Most importantly, in a number of respects, the three countries differ in training and employment systems, the organization of work, and supply and demand factors between the two professions. Such variations are likely to influence the migrants’ experiences in member states. By choosing two different occupational groups in countries with diverse employment systems, the book identifies a range of obstacles to EU migrants in host countries, and ultimately policy requirements for achieving genuine freedom of movement within the EU.

Introduction 7

The book applies a qualitative research approach because of the virtual absence of statistical and empirical data on the mobility and barriers to skilled and highly skilled migrants in the EU, in specific professions. Neither EU nor national employment statistics specify the proportion of EU migrants in particular employment sub-sectors. This limits the possibility of undertaking extensive quantitative studies in the field. However, there are also more positive reasons for choosing a qualitative approach. First and foremost, qualitative research is a particularly valuable approach in providing explanations and theories of social behaviour (Ritchie and Spencer 1994). In this book, I am interested in explaining the social processes affecting the experiences of migrants, rather than just describe overall patterns and outcomes. I therefore need to address contextual questions, such as the nature of migrants’ experiences, which can be best achieved through qualitative research. Furthermore, the book in part aims to identify barriers that derive from attitudes, perceptions and behaviour. This requires attention to diagnostic questions, such as the reasons underlying particular attitudes, perceptions and behaviours, and this sort of information is not readily available from quantitative material. Finally, the book aims to examine existing policies and practices, and to contribute to the development of actions still required for achieving genuine freedom of movement. This requires the inclusion of evaluative questions, such as the effect of policies and practices on migrants’ experiences and behaviour. For a variety of reasons, therefore, qualitative research can approach questions that are not answerable by quantitative research methods. In addressing the research questions, the understanding of processes is more important than obtaining a representative sample of the EU migrant population. I therefore used a case study design. This design allows multiple sources of data to be included in the collection and analysis. The techniques employed to collect the data were the investigation of secondary and primary documents and statistics, observation and in-depth interviews. The empirical aim was to collect data on objective and subjective barriers to the occupational integration of EU migrants in European labour markets. To meet this aim, I conducted interviews with all the groups involved in the employment process. First, in-depth interviews were conducted with 59 migrants. Their background characteristics are summarized in appendix 1. These interviews were complemented by a series of guided interviews and group discussions with regulatory bodies, employers and native workers (see appendix 2). The total number of interviews undertaken was fairly

8


equally distributed between the three countries. The fieldwork was carried out between January 1993 and February 1994. I used a clustered design to compile the main sample. This approach uses more than one stage of selection and is intended to reduce time and cost (Arber 1993). I gave particular consideration to sampling equivalence. I aimed to interview migrants in private commercial banks and in public hospitals in one city in each country – Frankfurt, London and Madrid. This strategy reduces the number of exogenous variables, such as variation in local labour or housing markets, and, not least, the cost and time in undertaking the fieldwork. I obtained more than half of the migrant sample via systematic selection of employing institutions. However, due to access problems, the remaining numbers were obtained via the snowball method. This method involves the personal recommendation of a contact. Sample members are found by asking people whether they know anyone with the required characteristics (Arber 1993). I obtained members of the target group through phoning banks and hospitals in the chosen cities, visiting cultural centres and language schools, which offered to advertise the study on notice boards and in classes, and from recommendations from research participants already acquired. The use of this method meant that the migrant group, the sampling institutions and geographical areas all had to be extended in each country. I included a small number of nationalities from countries other than those under investigation. Cross-national comparison is particularly difficult if the group studied comes from a variety of countries. For example, it can be difficult to obtain information on the background, systems of training and employment, and work organization of many different countries. The majority of the migrant sample had, in fact, moved between the three countries selected. Migrants from other countries remain on the margins of the analysis, though their experiences are being used to substantiate some of the arguments. For the banking study, the institutions in Britain were all in London, those in Germany in Frankfurt (except for one in Dortmund and one in Munich) and those in Spain in Madrid and locations on the coast. All migrants were employed in the private sector, except a few in Germany who worked in public banks. For the nursing study, all migrants to Germany and to Britain were employed in public hospitals (except for one in Britain who worked in a private nursing home), and all those to Spain worked in private hospitals/clinics. The hospitals in Germany were in Frankfurt, Giessen and Heidelberg, those in Britain in London (except for a nursing home), and those in Spain largely on the

Introduction 9

coast. The change in the sampling method and expansion of the sampling institutions and geographical areas obviously added to the complexity of the analysis because of the differences between local labour market features and situations within countries. Interviews with migrants were semi-structured, using a questionnaire with closed and open questions. Each section of the questionnaire started with closed questions, which were pre-coded and ended with open questions. To overcome some of the difficulty of closed questions, such as forcing respondents to be restricted to given answers, an ‘other’ category was included. The open questions in each section allowed me to develop further questions, to give prompts and the interviewees to develop their replies. For the other groups interviewed, I used thematic guides with open-ended questions. Achieving linguistic, functional and conceptual equivalence is one of the most difficult tasks in cross-national research (Mangen 1999). The questionnaires and interview guides in Spanish were, therefore, prepared with the help of a native speaker to ensure that the best possible equivalence was being used (the author is fluent in English and German, but has only an advanced knowledge of Spanish). All the questions and possible answers were put on cards and given to the interviewees. I made this choice for a number of reasons, most importantly, it was an aid to the migrants who did not have an advanced knowledge of the language of the host country. Qualitative methods were also used in analysing the empirical data. Analytical categories and factors were identified through the analysis of both aggregate data and interview information. The cross-national analysis was undertaken with a guide developed from the results of the above processes. The results of this study are based on the experiences of a small number of migrants in two occupational groups in three countries. The findings and conclusions drawn may not resemble the experiences of EU migrants in these professions in other countries. Experiences and outcomes may vary for migrants in other occupations and countries, due to the different institutional and organizational arrangements of labour markets and employment sectors, as well as varying degrees of restructuring of labour markets and work organization. Experiences and outcomes may also vary because of different attitudes towards foreign credentials, and European integration more generally, in specific sectors and countries. However, the empirical research on two occupational groups in three countries provides a good picture of the extent and kinds of obstacles to EU migrants when seeking and taking up employment elsewhere in the Community. The results are beneficial in

10 Migrant Women Professionals in the EU

addressing and developing focused measures that could contribute to the eradication of many barriers to intra-EU mobility of skilled and highly skilled workers.

Structure of the book Chapter 2 documents legislation and policy initiatives on freedom of movement from the Treaty of Rome to the 1990s. It reviews past patterns of migratory movement and existing accounts of obstacles to skilled labour mobility between member states. Chapter 3 reviews accounts of migrant women and their roles in labour markets. The position of EU migrant women workers is discussed by examining the situation of skilled and highly skilled women in European labour markets and migrant women professionals in other developed economies, and by examining European legislation on gender equality. The chapter identifies the importance of the role of professional culture and practices, work organization and career development systems in cross-national professional mobility. The findings of my research on migrant women in nursing and banking are discussed in chapters 4–9. The results are presented by theme and by case. Part I (chapters 4 and 5) examines migrant women’s experience with regard to access to employment. Part II (chapters 6 and 7) investigates their adjustment to, and integration into, work environments. Part III (chapters 8 and 9) examines migrants’ career paths. Each chapter provides background contextual information, an account of the migrants’ experiences, and an analysis of these within the context of labour market structures and organization, the women’s employment situation, and the social characteristics of the migrants. Each part introduces the theme by identifying quantitative findings on both professions, and concludes with a discussion of similarities and differences within and between the two occupational groups and countries, focusing on the areas that contribute to a better understanding of cross-national migration of skilled and highly skilled women. This method allows for more detailed discussion of actual barriers experienced by particular occupations in specific countries. The final chapter draws together the various themes and discusses policy implications for cross-national mobility of professionals in general. The chapter concludes by proposing practical policies, based on interviewees’ ideas and advice, which could be valuable to other women and men who contemplate migration to other member states of the EU.

2 Labour Mobility in the European Union

One of the basic principles underlying European integration is the free movement of labour within the EU. Formal restrictions on labour mobility have been removed, and the principles that govern the conditions for access to employment for EU workers in member states have been gradually developed. Legislation on freedom of movement gives EU workers, with some exceptions, the right to take up employment and receive treatment as if they were nationals of that country. In this chapter I am concerned with the process of intra-EU mobility. The chapter begins by documenting the Union’s legislative and policy framework on freedom of movement since its introduction. It is not the aim to cover all EU efforts in the area, but rather to present an overview of the European Union’s commitment to facilitate mobility. A review of past and current patterns of labour migration between member states follows to assess the significance of intra-EU labour migration. The final section of the chapter identifies the specific obstacles to skilled labour mobility within the EU in the context of mainstream theories about migration behaviour and literature that considers the potential barriers to mobility.

The implementation of the principle of freedom of movement The right to move freely within the EU has been a long-term concern of the Union. Free movement of persons in the European Union was established in the Treaty of Rome (1957) and came into force in 1968. The free movement of workers and freedom of establishment were part of the wider project of establishing a barrier-free Europe. The aim was 11


to achieve four freedoms: capital, goods, services and labour (Commission of the European Communities 1977a). The principle of freedom of movement of persons was conceived of originally as mainly an economic phenomenon, though legislation addressed the social protection of workers (Employment in Europe 1989: 156). Thus: ●

●

freedom of movement of workers shall entail the abolition of any discrimination based on nationality between workers of the member states as regards employment, remuneration and other conditions of work and employment (article 48(2)). It includes the right to accept offers of employment, to move freely within the Community for this purpose, to stay in a member state for the purposes of employment and to remain in a member state after having been employed here (article 48(3)(a)(b)(c)). Article 51 provides that the necessary coordination measures shall be taken in the field of social security; freedom of establishment shall include the right to take up and pursue activities as self-employed persons and to set up and manage firms (article 52).

Exceptions to the basic principle of freedom of movement were defined for employment in the public service and for the right of establishment in activities connected with the exercise of official authority. Additional restrictions were included on grounds of public policy, public security or public health. A number of legal provisions and regulations have been adopted since 1968 to redefine and strengthen original legislation to guarantee workers and their families geographical and occupational mobility and social integration in the host countries. For example, EU regulation 1612/68 and directive 360/68/EEC lay down rules as regards the free movement of employed persons, and regulations 1408/71 and 574/72 as regards the social security of migrant workers (Commission of the European Communities 1989c). Despite such early provision, unequal treatment of EU citizens living and working in other member states occurred in the past (see Commission of the European Communities 1988a: 25–6). Many of these earlier disparities in treatment were explained by the lack of conformity between national and EU law, and the failure to take into account EU restrictions in the formulation of new national laws and regulations (Teague 1989; High Level Panel 1997). The principle of freedom of movement has been seen by the European Commission to be beneficial for both the economy and the people of the Union. In the Commission’s view, freedom of movement

Labour Mobility in the European Union 13

contributes to the Union’s economic development and competitiveness, reduces disparities between the different regions and member states, improves the balance between labour supply and demand and encourages mutual understanding between the people living in the Union (Papahatzi 1999). With these assumptions in mind, the Commission passed a number of initiatives and programmes during the 1970s and 1980s that aimed to promote labour mobility between member states. These include a European system for the international clearing of vacancies and applications for employment (SEDOC) which promotes the exchange of information about vacancies and applications in member states in the early 1970s; a series of directives on specific professions (for example, general nursing care, midwives) defining minimum training requirements in the late 1970s and early 1980s; the ERASMUS programme to encourage the mobility of students, the LINGUA programme on language training; and many other initiatives in the field of education and training in the 1980s. The 1980s also saw the establishment of the European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training (CEDEFOP), which was given the task of devising a system of comparability for lower-level vocational training qualifications. The Centre produced a large number of comparative tables on different types and levels of vocational qualifications in a number of occupational categories. These tables were meant to facilitate the harmonization of vocational training qualifications between member states (Teague 1989). Despite this increased focus on the promotion of mobility, until the passing of the 1986 Single European Act and the majority acceptance of provisions in the Community Charter of Fundamental Social Rights of Workers in 1989, progress towards achieving freedom of movement was very slow (Commission of the European Communities 1991b). The difficulty of achieving mutually recognizable qualifications was reflected in CEDEFOP’s long process of producing comparative descriptions for qualifications. Although it had managed to write descriptions for 209 occupations in 16 occupational categories, the process had taken seven years. Difficulties were also apparent with the sectoral directives for specific professions, such as nurses, doctors and architects. For example, amendments and supplementary legislation had made the system highly complex. Loopholes in the legislation had been used by professional associations, and sometimes also by member states, to disregard the recognition of qualifications from other EU countries (Field 1998). Differing job responsibilities of professionals between member states had created practical difficulties with regard to


transferability (Bertrand 1991; Ludvigsen and Roberts 1996). One important outcome of these experiences was the decision to abandon the aim of harmonizing vocational training qualifications and, instead, to pass additional legislation on the mutual recognition of qualifications. In its aim to expand the system for the mutual recognition of educational and vocational qualifications, the Commission agreed a general systems approach in 1988. A directive (89/48/EEC) came into effect in 1991 for the recognition of higher education qualifications in regulated professions requiring at least three years of professional education and training. A second general directive (92/51/EEC) for the recognition of qualifications in regulated professions requiring at least one year of post-secondary education and training, or a probationary or professional practice period, or vocational training which allows access to a regulated profession, came into force in 1994. These general directives aimed at making access possible to all the occupations not covered by sectoral directives (Papahatzi 1998, 1999). Earlier legislation enabled EU workers to seek and take up work in another member state, but it did not abolish all barriers to facilitate free movement. One objective of the SEM therefore was to remove the formal legal barriers to the free movement of labour within the EU. The strategy to achieve this aim was set out in the Commission’s 1989 Action Programme and was ratified at the Maastricht Summit in December 1991. Under the Single European Act, the Union acquired clearer powers to issue legislation on the mutual recognition of qualifications between member states. Freedom of movement and equal treatment of EU citizens with regard to access to employment, working conditions and social protection in host countries received high priority in the Community Charter and the Maastricht Treaty. In addition, the Third Action Programme (1991–95) on equal opportunities for men and women identified the development of the legal framework to remove the formal barriers to mobility and the promotion of the occupational integration of women as priority areas (Commission of the European Communities 1989c, 1991a). Despite these efforts, few EU citizens have made use of legislative provisions on freedom of movement. Between 1991 and 1994, only 10,000 people obtained equivalence certificates under the general system, and since the mid-1990s, only about 5000 each year have their qualifications recognized under the sectoral directives (Bean et al. 1998). The Maastricht Treaty strengthened legislation on, and removed formal barriers to, freedom of movement. Subsequently, additional measures have been introduced to facilitate mobility between member states,


in particular for qualified workers. Thus, the European employment service network (EURES) was set up in 1994 to inform and place job seekers across member states, and to exchange ideas and experiences, for instance, on training initiatives and good practice in the field of employment. It acts as a partnership between the Commission, the public employment services in 17 countries and other interested institutions such as employers’ associations, trade unions and universities. According to the Commission, the network of 400 trained advisers has assisted more than one million people in 1996–7 to find work in other member states (European Commission 1998c). In 1996, the ‘Citizens First’ initiative, a joint venture between the Commission and the European Parliament, came into force. Its role is to inform EU citizens on Community law and national law. Also in 1996, the SLIM initiative was introduced with the aim to simplify legislation in the internal market. One of its aims is to address the potential of developing one system for recognizing qualifications between member states as the existence of sectoral directives for specific professions and general directives for all other qualifications is seen by some as unnecessarily complex and bureaucratic (EuroForum 1996). Further initiatives have been introduced in 1998, for example, a web page ‘Europe Direct’ to offer advice on people’s rights, a jobs database, e-mail response for individual queries, a ‘signposting service’ for further contacts, and a ‘Europass’ to record work-related training undertaken in another member state. ‘Europe Direct’ is aimed at strengthening the Commission’s free information service. The ‘Europass’ is meant to improve the recognition of vocational training and the mobility of workers between EU countries (European Commission 1998b,e). Additional measures have been proposed, but not yet been implemented, to reduce the remaining obstacles. EU jobseekers are to have an automatic right of residence in another member state for six months for the purpose of seeking work or undertaking training, or longer if they can provide evidence that they actively seek, and have a reasonable chance of finding, employment. Residence rights would be improved for people who have held a number of fixed or short-term contracts, amounting to 12 months within an 18-month period. Other initiatives propose clarification of legislation to guarantee EU nationals based in other member states the same treatment as home nationals on work-related conditions (European Commission 1998d; Papahatzi 1998). Thus, while freedom of movement and the benefits to the economy have played an important role since the Treaty of Rome, EU citizens’ rights to mobility within the EU have been given growing


significance in amendments to the original Treaty. Supplementary measures have increasingly been added to legislation to achieve the long-term goal of European labour mobility.

Patterns of intra-EU labour migration The EU has set the preconditions for freedom of movement and has made considerable efforts to enhance labour mobility. In seeking to assess the significance of intra-EU labour migration, this section briefly reviews migration trends since freedom of movement came into force in 1968. Migration flows between EU countries have been monitored annually by the Community Labour Force Survey only since the mid-1980s. A number of different sources are therefore used to examine the trends. By the time freedom of movement provisions came into effect in 1968, about 830,000 EU migrants worked within the six EU countries. The introduction of freedom of movement had different effects on the pattern of EU migration. Belgium in particular became the main country for EU migration. Other popular destinations for migrants were the Netherlands and Germany. The period between 1968 and the first enlargement in 1973, when Denmark, Ireland and the UK joined the EU, showed a change in the composition of nationalities who were migrating within EU countries. For instance, the number of Italians, who until 1973 had dominated EU migration, stabilized and the number of other nationalities increased. However, freedom of movement did not result in an increase in the actual level of EU migration. On the contrary, EU migrant workers as a proportion of all migrant workers in the six EU countries decreased from 32 per cent in 1968 to about 20 per cent in 1974. This occurred largely because labour markets, except for Italy, were still highly protected (Molle and Van Mourik 1988; Penninx and Muus 1989; Straubhaar 1988). The first enlargement of the EU coincided with the world recession of 1973–74. Until then, migration had occurred largely as part of an organized, demand-led process (Molle and Van Mourik 1988). The recession led to a halt in the active recruitment of migrant workers in most EU countries and a substantial return migration. Since the mid-1970s, the number of Italians in particular declined sharply in all EU countries. The only countries experiencing an increase in EU migrants until the early 1980s were Germany and the Netherlands. Development in the economies of labour-exporting and labour-importing countries influenced this change in migration patterns. Expanding


industrialization and service sector employment increased employment opportunities in southern European countries, and declining economic developments in northern European countries decreased the demand for unskilled labour (Penninx 1986; Penninx and Muus 1989). The completion of the SEM and freedom of movement for southern European workers was generally expected to encourage migration from the South to the North because of better employment conditions. Mainly to counteract any large-scale migration to northern EU countries, transitional periods (January 1988 and 1993) for the freedom of movement were negotiated for Greece, which joined in 1981, and Spain and Portugal, which joined in 1986. However, the fear of migration from the South to the North was exaggerated. The share of migrant workers from Greece, Spain and Portugal of all foreign workers in EU countries increased only from about 13 per cent to about 22 per cent between 1958 and 1984, despite active recruitment for the first half of this period. In fact, since the mid-1980s, EU labour migration has increased to Greece, Spain and Portugal, with Germans, British, French and Italian nationals accounting for most of the increase (Straubhaar 1988; Molle and Van Mourik 1988; Penninx and Muus 1989). Increased migration to southern European countries may have been encouraged by improved economic and technological developments. Domestic supply may have been insufficient to meet the increased demand for highly skilled labour (Ardittis 1990). The limited migration flows in the EU are reflected in the relatively small numbers of people living and working in member states other than their country of origin. In 1995, about 5 per cent of the EU population was of foreign origin. Of these only about one third were nationals of other EU countries (5.5 million). As regards the working-age population, on average, non-nationals in member states accounted for almost 7 per cent, of which one third were from other Western European countries, including EU member states, and two-thirds from countries outside Western Europe (European Commission 1997, 1998a). In practice, therefore, the scale of labour movement between member states is very small. Cross-border commuting is a phenomenon on the increase in the EU. Despite rising figures in the 1990s, the numbers are, however, still small. Around 0.5 per cent of employees in the EU (630,000) lived in one country and worked in another in 1996. This group comprises workers who commute daily and workers who work for a period of time in a member state, but keep their place of residence in another, such as workers temporarily seconded to a foreign subsidiary. However,


the majority commute relatively short distances between neighbouring regions of two countries (European Commission 1997). Migration has a gender dimension. Women make up about 50 per cent of EU migrants. Proportions vary between member states. For example, women comprised 50.8 per cent of EU citizens in the UK, 51.8 per cent in Germany, and 49.5 per cent in Spain in 1995 (Instituto Nacional de Estadística 1997; Eurostat 1999). As regards the working population, over the period 1987–91, EU citizens working in another member state comprised, on average, about 60 per cent men and 40 per cent women. Here, too, figures indicate variations between countries. For instance, EU female migrant workers comprised 42.2 per cent of EU workers in Spain, but 48.6 per cent in Britain in 1993 (Commission of the European Communities 1993; Eurostat 1995). However, more recent data on foreign nationals entering Britain for work suggest that women are a growing phenomenon in labour migration. Although national origins are not identified, women made up 54 per cent compared to 46 per cent men in 1993–94 and 1995–96 (Salt and Clarke 1998). Migration patterns in Mediterranean countries show similar results. Thus, in 1992, 56 per cent of EU migrants in Greece and 57 per cent in Italy were women (Ackers 1998). Data supplied to Ackers (1998) by Eurostat show that the majority of EU nationals migrating between member states are married. Figures show similar patterns for both women and men. Thus, in 1992, married women comprised 54 per cent and men 56 per cent of all EU migrants. However, as with other data, variations between countries exist. Whereas 52 per cent of EU migrant women in Portugal were single, they made up only 25 per cent in Britain. Ackers own survey on EU migrant women in five member states found that 65 per cent of respondents were single at the time of migration, but less than 40 per cent fell into this category at the time of the interview. Single migrant women who were single at the time of migration were specifically chosen for collecting evidence for this book. By the time of interviewing, almost 60 per cent were still single. Figures can thus vary significantly, depending, for example, on the response rates to surveys and the sampling methods chosen. Migration declines with age, since the benefits of a better post versus the costs of the move have to be discounted over fewer years (Adnett 1996). The migrant population tends on average to be significantly younger than the national population, and a disproportionate number are in their twenties or thirties. In 1995, non-nationals comprised about 7 per cent of the EU working population, but people in their


twenties comprised 8.5 per cent, and those in their thirties accounted for 8 per cent. Less than 2 per cent of those of 65 years or older were non-nationals (European Commission 1997, 1998a). However, such figures are likely to differ, especially in the case of some Mediterranean countries, which receive a high proportion of people of retirement age. National data on Spain, for example, show that EU migrants in the age group 65 and above made up 2.5 per cent of foreign immigrants, but almost 9 per cent of EU migrants in 1995 (Instituto Nacional de Estadística 1997). A study undertaken by Prognos AG (1990) of the effects of the SEM on EU labour markets up to the year 2000 suggests a decline in demand for unskilled workers and an increase in demand for skilled and highly skilled labour. Moreover, based on a number of factors such as demographic changes, economic and employment development in the individual EU countries, the study predicts limited migration between member states and no major flow from Spain and Portugal. Data collected by the Commission of the European Communities (1993) for the period 1987–91 support such predictions. Indeed, intra-EU migration among managerial and professional EU migrant workers has so far been highly limited (Hantrais 1995). They make up only 0.02 per cent of employees within member states. Skilled, qualified and more experienced workers are generally not as mobile as other workers, as the potential costs of migration for their employment position are likely to be higher than the benefits (Field 1998). However, more recent figures on Britain suggest an increase in skilled migration and a decline in semi-skilled and unskilled migration. Thus, in 1996–97, a higher proportion of foreign nationals (30 per cent) was in the category professionals, managers and employers compared to the working population as a whole (24 per cent). This trend is suggested to continue for foreign nationals, but not for UK citizens. In contrast, foreign nationals are less likely to be in manual jobs (33 per cent) compared to the working population as a whole (41 per cent). As regards EU workers, figures seem to be less conclusive, though they indicate a North/South divide. For example, French and German citizens are more likely to enter highly skilled and other non-manual occupations, and citizens from Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain manual employment (Salt and Clarke 1998). National data on the foreign working population in Germany show similar trends. The proportion of the foreign working population in the skilled category increased by 1.6 per cent between 1995 and 1997 (Institut für Arbeitsmarkt- und Berufsforschung der Bundesanstalt für Arbeit 1999).


Thus, the pattern and the extent of intra-EU mobility have changed over the years. In the early period of European integration, migration occurred predominantly among the unskilled and semi-skilled from southern to northern European countries. Since the 1980s, new migration patterns show greater mobility among the skilled and highly skilled, with southern Europe becoming an increasingly popular destination. Overall, however, a striking feature is that mobility between member states appears to have stabilized at relatively low levels.

Obstacles to intra-EU labour mobility Statistics show that EU migrants make up a small proportion of all employees in EU countries. Why has employment take-up by EU migrants remained limited? One major shortcoming of existing migration theories is that they tend to look either at internal or international migration. In the context of the completion of the SEM and of the resulting liberalization of internal borders, EU migration, however, falls in between the two types of migration. Formal obstacles to the movement of persons, goods and services have been abolished. National borders have lost their relevance so that migration could be seen as internal migration. At the same time, the EU consists of a number of member states, and many informal obstacles are likely to remain similar to international migration. Thus in the context of the EU, internal and international migration becomes blurred (Salt and Kitching 1992). A second major shortcoming of migration models is the neglect of female migration in their analyses. Until recently, studies on migration motives focused on the experiences of men, and data were examined without reference to women (Morokvasic 1983; Boyd 1986). Attempts to look at female migrant workers largely saw women as dependants (for example, Beshers 1967) or as part of an emancipated group (for example, Hoffmann-Nowotny 1978). Women were thus rendered as invisible and stereotyped (Boyd 1986). World-wide more women than men migrate, and the role of women in migration has received greater attention in women and gender research. However, the focus has been on married women (Ackers 1998), and attempts so far have not adequately theorized the gender component of migration processes (Pedraza 1991; Sutton 1992; Schöttes and Treibel 1997; Lutz and HuthHildebrand 1998). Existing models are, therefore, of limited value to an analysis of female migration, particularly single migrant women. The potential obstacles to intra-EU female labour mobility will, therefore, be identified by presenting a brief overview of mainstream theoretical


models on migration motives and by reviewing a number of studies on labour migration. Existing migration models can be placed into two broad schools of thought – behaviourist and historical–structural. Behaviourist approaches include the human capital model (Sjaastad 1962) and job search models (Maier 1990) in neoclassical economics and push–pull analyses in sociology (Jackson 1986) and social-psychology (Grubel and Scott 1967). One common feature of these models is that they see migration as the outcome of rational decision-making processes by individuals in search of better economic opportunities. In general, these analyses assume that individuals have perfect knowledge about the destination area and opportunities available, and that a decision is made on the basis of a cost-benefit analysis. For the basic neoclassical economic model, individuals migrate if the monetary benefits exceed the cost of migration (Sjaastad 1962). Developments of the basic model consider additional variables such as the rate and risk of unemployment in the potential destination area (Molho 1986), labour turnover, quality of life (Milne 1991), family ties (Clark 1986) and search costs (Maier 1990). Sociological and social-psychological models take on the basic arguments of neoclassical models, but are more concerned with the selectivity in the migratory movement, i.e. the differences in the social and psychological attributes of individuals at the place of origin and integration at the place of destination. Historical-structural approaches include general theories based on a systems approach in sociology (Hoffmann-Nowotny 1981) and institutional models in geography (Salt 1987). The focus of these analyses is on the nature of interaction between political, economic and socialstructural factors in both home and destination societies, and the role these factors play in conditioning the pattern of labour migration. General theories assume that the structural framework of society conditions the behavioural patterns of individuals. Migration occurs in response to structural tensions and society uses migration to manage and reduce tensions. Migration in turn leads to new patterns and structures. Institutional models emphasize the historical development of institutions and focus on the institutional processes in world economics in their explanatory framework. The emphasis of the behaviourist school is on the individual and rational choice. Perspectives within this school of thought have been criticized for giving insufficient consideration to the structural determinants imposed upon social groups. Nor do they explain the direction of migratory flows. They thus have an oversimplified viewpoint of the


migration process (Molho 1986; Straubhaar 1988). Historical-structural models address macro-economic and political factors at both end of the migration process. However, their emphasis on universal and general explanations has led to the neglect of cultural aspects (FernándezKelly 1983; Kearney 1986) and individual-psychological factors (Foner 1986; Kearney 1986), and has meant that they operate at high levels of abstraction (Öncü 1990). Moreover, they do not differentiate migrants by gender and are therefore of little value in analysing the specific problems of this social group (Hofmann-Nowotny 1978). Thus, intraEU migration experience is limited and migration theories are diverse and gender-blind. To account for these limitations, the analysis of potential obstacles below considers both behavioural and structural aspects. Studies on EU labour migration generally split migrants into two categories of unskilled and semi-skilled as well as qualified and skilled workers. Migration among the unskilled and semi-skilled is explained mainly on the basis of low earnings and lack of job opportunities in the country of origin and demand for such labour in EU countries (Straubhaar 1988; Penninx and Muus 1989; Teague 1989; Ardittis 1990; Marsden 1994). The economic recession in the mid-1970s led to a drop in the demand for unskilled and semi-skilled labour as well as a changing attitude to migrant labour, which consequently resulted in a ban on active recruitment and in the introduction of return migration schemes. The economic situation in potential destination countries, and economic growth and higher incomes in the country of origin, too, may have reduced the incentive to migrate (Molle and Van Mourik 1988; Straubhaar 1988). Explanations for the lack of mobility amongst skilled and highly skilled workers, the target groups of this book, are more varied than for the unskilled and semi-skilled. Workers may not have migrated because their skills were difficult to transfer to a foreign labour market due to non-recognition of national qualifications or differences in the organization of individual national labour markets (Teague 1989; Marsden 1994). For example, the training systems of member states are institutionally diverse. Within the EU, training systems vary in the general provision, financial responsibility and employers’ involvement (Commission of the European Communities 1989b, 1990; Rainbird 1991). In countries where voluntary training provision by employers is minimal, where training is inadequately supplemented by the state, or where training lags behind in the general provision, workers may not have received the standard of training expected in some other countries. Professional and managerial


workers in particular acquire a high level of local and context-bound knowledge that may not have the same value abroad (Salt and Kitching 1990; Field 1998). Changing labour markets will further increase skill expectations. Knowledge of languages and the economic, political and cultural environments in member states is particularly important for skilled workers (Lieber and Lieber 1992). Inadequate skills may have deterred workers from taking advantage of freedom of movement provisions. Skilled and highly skilled workers may not have migrated because they had reached their career expectations, and therefore did not want to jeopardize their position in the home country (Marsden 1994). Studies have shown that migrant women tend to enter the lowest and less popular positions, and their upward mobility is significantly lower then for foreigners generally (Karsten 1992; Schöttes and Treibel 1997). Shifting to a new and unknown labour market may result in a loss that cannot be retrieved. Given that career opportunities for women are generally hampered with difficulties, migration may be seen to add to such obstacles. Recruitment and employment practices differ between countries. Diverse approaches to assessing competence, skills and abilities, different expectations about extra-curricular activities and work experience of fairly new entrants to the labour market, and varying styles and conventions in the interviewing process may influence access to jobs in host countries (Raban 1991; Hantrais 1995). Foreign language proficiency is likely to influence recruitment. Knowledge of and expectations about language proficiency may vary between occupations and member states. The level of language proficiency for posts that require regular communication with the host countries’ general public will be higher than for positions that deal almost exclusively with paperwork. Some languages, such as English, German, French and Spanish, are more widely taught than others spoken in the EU, thus giving migrants from certain countries advantages over others (McKee et al. 1996). Understanding cultural differences, applying different working methods and behaving in a way that is according to the host countries’ norm may influence access to and integration of EU migrants in other member states (Hantrais 1995). In the past, a significant proportion of EU migration has occurred near borders. Behaviourist models identify distance as an important impediment for migration because social ties cannot be maintained when migrating to areas over 100 miles away (Lewis 1982). Ravenstein noted as early as 1885 that women migrate shorter distances and, to some extent, his migration laws may still be applicable to women


today, even though distances have increased (Schöttes and Treibel 1997). Frontier migration offers easy and regular return to the place of origin and therefore social and family ties may be maintained, a factor particularly important for women. Women tend to want employment and a private life, and more than men, do not want to sacrifice one for the other (Beck-Gernsheim 1995). Neither does frontier migration involve major transport costs, a factor important to low income earners, of whom many are women. The EU defines frontier migrants as persons working in one member state, but residing in another to which the worker returns at least once a week (Papahatzi 1999). Legislation on freedom of movement also applies to frontier workers. However, their situation, especially in regard to social security and taxation, has been a long-term concern within the EU as relevant legislation varies significantly between member states. A recent resolution by the European Parliament has urged the Commission to develop initiatives to achieve greater coherence between tax and social security legislation. It has also proposed a European Convention to avoid double taxation on income and capital within the EU as well as other initiatives such as accessible call centres in member states that would provide advice on tax and social security (Papahatzi 1999). Taxation and social security issues, especially with regard to pensions, health care and unemployment benefits, can act as mobility barriers to women in particular because of their often broken and interrupted employment biographies (Karsten 1992). Legal and bureaucratic problems may not be worth the benefits they might gain by taking up a better-paid job in a neighbouring, perhaps richer country. Freedom of movement does not apply to all public sector employment. Certain employment protecting the interests of the state, such as the army, police, judiciary and diplomatic services, as well as architects and senior personnel in public administration, was excluded from the benefits of the mobility provisions. This exemption clause has been used by a number of countries to prevent EU migrants from entering public sector positions, even for employment where the national interest is not of particular importance. For example, teachers, many of whom are women, have had difficulties entering public sector positions in countries that classify them as civil servants (Le Métais 1991; Hantrais 1995). Due to a number of cases brought before the European Court of Justice, a clearer definition has been given to posts that can fall under the rule of ‘employment in the public service’. These posts now require ‘both direct and indirect participation in the exercise of power conferred by public law and the safeguarding of the general interests of the State or of other


public authorities’ (Papahatzi 1999: 61). Public sector employment is significantly influenced by government policies. State policies in the 1980s and 1990s towards public services vary in emphasis between European countries (Mohan 1988; Marschall and Jäger 1990). Despite variations, they are similar in as far as restructuring puts greater emphasis on rationalization and efficiency (Jacquemin and Wright 1993). Migration among public sector employees may thus be highly dependent on supply and demand and government policies rather than the actual economic development of countries. The demand for nursing and caring staff, for example, is high in most EU countries. The ageing of the population implies a further increase in nursing and caring requirements. Potential growing demand thus points to greater employment opportunities for EU migrants. It could stimulate migration particularly among women because they predominate in these occupations. Demand may also lead to developments that aim to reduce obstacles to newcomers onto labour markets. Job search theories take into account search costs and the costs of the provision of information in migration decision processes (Maier 1990). Insufficient and unreliable information about vacancies in member states has been cited as one important obstacle to intra-EU mobility. The acquisition of relevant labour market information may prove to be too costly for skilled migrants who do not fall within the higher income group (Adnett 1996). The European System for the International Clearing of Vacancies and Applications for Employment (SEDOC), in effect from 1973 to 1992, and the subsequent computerized system under EURES from 1994 aim to help job seekers find employment in member states. The SEDOC system was not widely known and used (Raban 1991). The computerized system under EURES may be more effective. Such clearing systems can produce information on vacancies, and may reduce search and information costs. However, there are other costs that may play an additional role in the decisionmaking processes. Skilled and highly skilled workers tend to be accustomed to certain living and housing conditions. Housing systems and tenure provision vary between member states. The costs of acquiring information on housing provision, searching for accommodation and location of settlement can be significant. Family factors may also be of importance. Skilled workers with settled living conditions are less likely to want to become mobile. A recent study has shown that 63 per cent of women and 49 per cent of men in the EU are not willing to migrate because they do not want to change their domicile (Tessaring 1998). Women in particular may put emphasis on quality of life aspects, for


example, cultural and infrastructural environments. Discrepancies in the provision and costs of public caring services, especially childcare and care for the elderly and infirm, for example, may significantly influence women’s freedom of movement or their decision-making processes with regard to potential migration (Duncan 1996). The age factor may influence the migration motives of skilled workers. Behaviourist migration models argue that younger age groups tend to be the most mobile, both geographically and occupationally. Recent figures show that 54 per cent of the age groups under the age of 30 would be willing to work in another member state compared to 45 per cent in the age group 30–49 and 30 per cent of persons older than 50 years (Tessaring 1998). Other studies point to younger people being the preferred group for education and training investment (Commission of the European Communities 1989; Marsden 1994). Age represents a major barrier in the access to career jobs, both in public and private sectors. Age requirements vary within and between occupations, employment sectors and countries, but they are common criteria in recruitment (Evetts 1994). Age requirements not only exclude many women from highly qualified labour markets, they are also counterproductive to new labour market requirements. For example, young people are in decline in almost all EU countries, and the SEM and economic and technological developments in general require increased flexibility and adaptation in skills and work pattern, and ultimately a retrained workforce (Martin et al. 1990; Lieber and Lieber 1992). However, the knowledge of adverse effects on the career path may inhibit some potential female migrants. In addition, the ageing of the population and the general trend towards family and community care in member states has increased care responsibilities. Living and working in another member state could result in substantial psychological and social costs, particularly for women as they are the main providers of family care (Karsten 1992). Thus, economic, social and personal costs of moving may be greater for skilled/qualified than for unskilled/semi-skilled workers and may have influenced the limited take-up of ‘freedom of movement’ by this group. It has generally been anticipated that once the formal mobility barriers have been removed, the foundations will have been laid for an increase in intra-EU labour mobility (Read 1991). Past EU experience does not appear to support these expectations. Freedom of movement and a number of initiatives set up to achieve mutual recognition of qualifications have not prompted increased take-up of employment in other EU countries (Straubhaar 1988; Commission of the European


Communities 1989b; High Level Panel 1997). Limited mobility seems to suggest that informal barriers may be proving major impediments for EU skilled migrants working in other member states.

Conclusion This chapter has summarized the efforts made to encourage intra-EU labour migration, the scale of, and the common barriers to such migration. Mutual recognition of qualifications and skills plays the key role in the drive to abolish formal obstacles for potential intra-EU migrant workers. However, institutional, organizational and social practices as well as attitudes and perceptions of professional associations, employers, unions and workers of the host country to changes required by the SEM as regards employment, to incoming EU migrants with different training and skills, all provide additional obstacles. Past studies on migration have shown that different criteria are being applied to native and migrant workers in the occupational integration in national labour markets, and that preferential treatment of native workers in access to employment and career progression is a wide phenomenon. This may be an outcome of migration, despite differences in the role and position between EU and non-EU migrants (Karsten 1992). There are, therefore, two main questions that have to be addressed in an analysis of the barriers to the mobility of EU migrants. What is the employment position of EU migrant women in EU labour markets? How do professional culture and practices, work organization and career development systems influence migrant women’s employment experiences? The next chapter looks at these questions in the light of a selection of theories of employment and work organization, and studies of migrant women and their roles in labour markets.

3 Migrant Women Professionals in European Labour Markets

An explanatory framework for the free movement of skilled and highly skilled migrant women requires a discussion of the role of, and obstacles to, migrant women in EU labour markets. What are the barriers for EU migrant women in the access to jobs? What are the obstacles to adjustment to, and integration in, EU labour markets, and in career progression? How do such difficulties influence migrant women’s employment position and experience? Establishing the consequences of migration on employment position and integration into foreign labour markets requires an analysis of a number of factors, both before and after migration. These factors include migrants’ marital status and obligations, type of location, cultural context, reasons for migration, length of stay, preparation for migration, employment aspirations, training and qualifications, organization of work, and personnel policies and practices (Tienda and Booth 1991). Thus, the factors that influence the employment position and integration experiences of migrants in the host country are highly diverse. This chapter looks at the potential outcomes of migration on women’s employment situations and careers. It first considers theoretical perspectives on employment and work organization. This is followed by a discussion of literature on women’s position in labour markets and developments in personnel policies and practices. Assumptions on the obstacles facing EU migrants in the labour markets of member states are based on women’s situation in the labour market generally. Conclusions are also drawn from studies on skilled and highly skilled migrant women in advanced economies outside Europe. This approach is necessary and useful for the comparative analysis of migrants’ occupational integration abroad because existing literature on skilled and highly skilled migrant women working in European countries is very scarce. 28

Migrant Women Professionals in European Labour Markets 29

Theoretical perspectives Employment theories A number of competing employment theories claim to shed light on the position of various groups in the labour market. For the purpose of this book, three schools of thought are of particular relevance: neoclassical, structural and dual systems theories. Neoclassical models include, among others, the human capital theory (Mincer and Polacheck 1974; Polacheck 1979; Smith 1979) and the statistical discrimination theory (Arrow 1973; Aigner and Cain 1977). A common feature of these models is that they explain differences in labour market status by human capital variables. The basic assumption is that, in a perfectly competitive labour market, individuals with equal productivity receive equal wages and status. According to this model, occupational and wage differentials emerge because of differential productivity among groups. Workers’ productivity, that is, their value to employers, depends on the level of education, training and experience. Human capital theorists argue that women’s position in the family precludes them from acquiring the same amount of qualifications and experience as men. Consequently, women have less human capital to sell to employers than men. The theory emphasizes freedom of choice in individuals’ decisions to invest in human capital. Individuals make rational choices about their intellectual abilities, employment and earning opportunities, and invest in their education accordingly. Differentials in the labour market are the result of these rational choices rather than discrimination against certain groups. The statistical discrimination model claims that recruitment decisions of employers are based on perceptions about the group to which applicants belong. Since strategies to establish job commitment of applicants are expensive, profitmaximizing employers reserve jobs with high replacement costs for groups with greater expected productivity. Even if applicants have equal abilities, risk-averse employers will discriminate against certain groups on the basis of their perceptions. However, the model suggests that employers’ beliefs will not survive in the long-term because of labour market competition. An alternative to neoclassical models is provided by structural theories. Their focus is on the structural operation of the labour market and its impact on the occupational division of labour. According to these models, boundaries are set by institutional rules rather than by individual preferences. These models include theories that propose a dual structure of primary and secondary labour markets (Doeringer and


Piore 1971; Piore 1977) and theories that divide labour markets into several segments (Sengenberger 1987). The dual labour market approach suggests a division into a primary and a secondary sector. The primary market consists of firms with high market power. Employees enjoy permanent and secure jobs. Workforce stability is encouraged by good working conditions, by high wages and opportunities for advancement. The secondary sector generally consists of small peripheral firms with a low degree of market power. Therefore job security, working conditions, pay and opportunities for promotion and training are the contrary to those for workers in the primary sector. In an analysis more relevant to the theme of this book, Piore (1979) employs the dual market formulation to explain migrants’ position in the labour market. He argues that the existence of migrant workers gives native workers, who are interested in long-term and stable jobs with career prospects, the opportunity to escape the secondary market. Jobs in the secondary market are considered only by native marginal workers. Migrant workers are recruited because of a lack of supply of marginal native workers and their geographical immobility. Immigrant workers are undeterred by the lack of job advancement or by instability because wages are still higher than those in their country of origin. Thus, the demand for low-cost, temporary and adaptable labour in the secondary sector, and the attractiveness of such jobs to immigrants, is to the benefit of all the parties involved. According to this model, the existence of the dual structure and personal and behavioural characteristics, for example race and accent, exclude many migrant women from the primary sector. The dual labour market theory provides the basis for the segmented labour market model. Sengenberger (1987), writing on the German labour market, distinguishes between unstructured (no specific qualifications), structured (certified specific qualifications) and corporationinternal (corporation-specific qualifications) sub-markets within the labour market. Sengenberger believes that segmentation arises from the interest which companies have in generating and using labour in the most profitable way. By confining skilled workers to specific sub-markets within corporations, employers guarantee both a high degree of job stability and dependability of these workers. According to this model, union policies are divided. Their aim is to preserve general and occupational qualifications as the basis of workers’ bargaining power. Therefore, they prefer internal labour markets to develop only to the extent that they do not threaten the marketability of occupational qualifications. At the same time, unions see the advantage of internal markets for


achieving better conditions of pay and job security. They might thus be in a dilemma of agreeing to short-term gains at the expense of their long-term interest of autonomy. For Sengenberger, the position of women, ethnic, racial and national minorities is due to the historical patriarchal traditions in the education system. In his view, education has been a major instrument for attaining and maintaining higher positions and occupational status. Although gender inequalities in access to school education have been reduced significantly, there are still considerable inequalities in access to occupational training. The dual systems theory suggests an analysis of capitalism and patriarchy for the evaluation of women’s position in the labour (Walby 1986, 1990). In Walby’s view, the constant conflict over the use of female labour is the inevitable outcome of competing interests within the systems of capitalism and patriarchy over female labour. She argues that the nineteenth and twentieth centuries saw a shift from private to public patriarchy1 and that state controls over women’s terms and conditions of employment have played a major part in shaping these trends. As a result, women today are no longer confined to the private domestic sphere and controlled within in it, but are segregated within the public sphere of paid employment, for example through occupational segregation and inferior part-time work. Walby argues that exclusionary policies of men, particularly through unions, have maintained job segregation. She distinguishes six interrelated, but relatively autonomous structures of patriarchal domination which have an impact on gendered employment: the patriarchal mode of production in households, patriarchal relations in paid work, the patriarchal state, male violence, patriarchal relations in sexuality and patriarchal relations in cultural institutions. According to Walby, it is the way in which these elements interact that explains why women’s position in the labour market differs over time and between countries. Management theories Various theories of employment have been presented to provide a framework for an analysis of the position of skilled and highly skilled EU migrant women in EU labour markets. Migrants’ integration process will also be influenced by forms of work organization and 1. The term ‘patriarchy’ is taken to refer to forms of power relations built into the structures and processes that result in differential treatment of men and women. The term is being used both for structural and indirect and personal and direct forms of dominance.


practices. A leading explanation of traditional work organization is provided by the Taylorist model (Sofer 1972). Under Taylorism, the planning and the execution of work are strictly separated. Management gives detailed instructions to workers on the tasks to be performed, the methods to be adopted and the time to be allocated for the execution of tasks. Workers obey and execute the tasks. Thus management has direct control over workers. Under Taylorism, tasks of both managers and workers are divided into smaller units, methods are simplified and standardized. This organization of work is believed to increase efficiency in the work process as each task will be performed by the appropriate person. According to this model, all workers have relatively secure contracts. Workers’ commitment to work is solely seen in relation to the level of wages. Unless workers receive large and regular wage increases as well as bonuses, they will not be motivated to do their jobs thoroughly and efficiently. The Taylorist model is generally taken as the benchmark against which change is measured (Wood 1989). For the more recent changes in work organization and practices, a number of theories have been developed. Amongst these, the models by Atkinson and Meager (1986) and Handy (1989) are of relevance for this book. Atkinson and Meager suggest the development of a core and a peripheral labour force. The core or career labour force enjoys long-term contracts, high wages and career opportunities. Their functions are loosely and flexibly defined, allowing for greater diversity, expansion and autonomy in their occupational role. The supply of training and retraining by employers is likely to increase, in particular in the provision of organization-specific skills. This method is expected to lead to the multi-skilling of staff who can then be given tasks according to the needs of the organization. The core group is expected to show flexibility, initiative and commitment to the aims of the organization. The peripheral labour force has short-term and insecure contracts and low wages. Part-time and temporary contracts as well as subcontracting and overtime are common features within this group. These atypical work arrangements allow the organization to vary the input of workers who do not have organization-specific skills. The functions of this group are rigidly defined, monitored and controlled. According to Atkinson and Meager, recruitment to the peripheral group will increasingly be geared towards workers with low career aspirations. The supply of training for this group will be substantially reduced. They claim that the numerical balance between the core and the peripheral labour force will change, with the latter likely to experience an expansion.


The so-called shamrock model, developed by Handy (1989), adds a third category of worker, the ‘contractual fringe’ to the core and peripheral labour force. The characteristics of the core and the flexible (peripheral) group are similar to those identified by Atkinson and Meager (1986). The core group comprises well-qualified professionals who expect opportunities of career progression and recognition as partners and not employees. Organizations, on the other hand, expect of the core a high level of commitment, long working hours and flexibility in return for high wages. Promotion occurs quickly and therefore loses its significance as a reward. As a consequence, organizations increasingly introduce performance-related pay and reduce the core to counteract rising labour costs. The flexible (peripheral) labour force comprises a fast-growing group of part-time and temporary skilled staff, many of whom are women. This group expects reasonable employment conditions and pay, but does not aim for a career. For organizations to keep such staff, they increasingly have to be prepared to invest in this group, offering training, some status and privileges because the commitment of this group is to the job rather than to the organization. The contractual fringe comprises self-employed professionals and organizations and receives fees for completed services. The control of this group is restricted to the specifications on work results. With the view to receiving good results, organizations have to pay good fees.

Skilled migrant women in labour markets Having identified major theoretical perspectives found in employment and work organization research, this section reviews studies informed by these theories to discuss the potential barriers to skilled and highly skilled migrant women in EU labour markets. As has been shown above, migrant women’s employment position abroad will be influenced by the institutional arrangements of labour markets and the organization of employment sectors in member states. In broad terms, skilled and highly skilled workers can be placed into occupational and internal labour markets (Ryan 1984; Sengenberger 1987). Institutional rules, defined by government, employers’ associations, trade unions, organizations’ personnel policies and informal understanding among employers, determine access to both markets. Qualifications and skills in occupational markets are acquired via a professional training or apprenticeship system, and skills tend to be transferable amongst a range of employers. Skills acquired in internal markets are generally for


a specific employer and training may not be certified. Acquired skills, therefore, tend to be less transferable and employees greatly rely on opportunities available within the employing organization. Access to both markets – occupational and internal – is regulated, and the importance of each of these markets in providing access to jobs varies between EU countries. EU migrant women may find it difficult to gain access to either market, despite provisions made for the mutual recognition of vocational qualifications. Broadly speaking, skilled migrant women may be excluded from an occupational market because nationally standardized training schemes are not the norm in the migrants’ country of origin. Thus, unlike Germany, Britain and Spain do not have a nationally standardized bank clerk apprenticeship. The German vocational training system provides workers with transferable qualifications and skills whereas training in Britain, for example, tends to be for one job and employer-specific (Allmendinger and Hinz 1998). Knowledge about the training systems of all EU countries is still likely to be limited. Studies on Germany, for instance, show that qualifications acquired in the vocational training system are highly consequential for entry opportunities into the various segments of the labour market and subsequent occupational careers (Keller 1985; Blossfeld and Mayer 1988; Widmaier 1989; Figge and Quack 1991; Allmendinger and Hinz 1998). This training system has been in existence for almost a century. As foreigners, migrant women may have difficulty in gaining access to jobs requiring intermediate vocational qualifications because of the pride employers attach to this particular training system. Or they may have difficulties because of doubts about the different methods of assessing competence, skills and abilities between countries (Hantrais 1995). As women, their difficulties in access to jobs requiring higher qualifications may be exacerbated by the patriarchal traditions in particular industries and occupations (López 1989; Callender 1993; Schlüter 1993). Walby (1986, 1990) argues that exclusionary policies of men, particularly through unions, have maintained job segregation in Britain. In a crosscountry study, account must be taken of different institutional arrangements and employment systems. Such factors may influence EU migrant women’s position in labour markets differently. Thus, in Britain, access to professional employment has been controlled by male-dominated professional associations and trade unions (Lane 1993). Moreover, the regulation of employment by craft unions has contributed to a system of informal collective bargaining (Rainbird 1991). Such a system is more amenable to exclusionary practices against women (Hantrais et al. 1992; Lane 1993). In contrast, professional employment in Germany and


Spain has been accredited by the state. Moreover, employment policies in corporatist systems have provided workers with high standards of protection. A system of industry-wide collective bargaining results in greater homogeneity in pay, status and career prospects within industrial or occupational categories (Böhning 1984; Crompton et al. 1990). Formal state accreditation and employment protection, thus, provide for greater inclusion of women (Crompton et al. 1990; Lane 1993). Moreover, Walby’s model identifies conflicts between men over the utilization of female labour. In applying this model to female migrant workers, Segura (1989) argues, it is essential also to address the conflicts between native female workers and superiors on the one hand, and female migrant workers on the other. In internal markets, migrant women may be employed in lowerskilled, lower-status and lower-paid jobs because higher-skilled positions are usually accessible via a system of promotion based on length of service and unbroken careers (Rees 1998; Allmendinger and Hinz 1998). Moreover, employers’ room to manoeuvre is dependent on the relations between the social partners in a given country (Allmendinger and Hinz 1998). Some employers may be able to escape formal practices, perhaps because they are small in size and fall outside union regulations. However, employers might face opposition from within the workforce if employing EU migrants when native workers can provide the required skills. For example, this aspect could be a source of conflict if employers chose highly qualified migrants as against native workers without higher education, though with the skills acquired through work experience. For neoclassical theoretical models, the main explanatory variables in the access to jobs are educational investment and freedom of choice. According to this perspective, women are in lower-paid and lowerstatus jobs because they invest less in human capital than men due to their commitment to domestic responsibilities. Inequality in the labour market is seen to be due to unequal contribution and not discrimination (Arestis and Paliginis 1995). The implication of neoclassical models is that a certificate recognizing equal value of education, training and skills will provide EU migrant women with equal access to jobs. Total exclusion or exclusion from better paid and higher status jobs will be due to a ‘taste’ for discrimination by employers, co-workers and consumers (Becker 1957). Thus, neoclassical models address the important aspects of attitudes and preferences of employers and co-workers in access and integration, and emphasize the connection between education and occupational status. However, they fail to explain the


existence of such attitudes, for example in trade unions, governments, political parties, all of whom claim an interest in and participate in the formulation of policies and legislation in the field of industrial relations and employment (Sengenberger 1987; Heidenheimer et al. 1990). Tastes or preferences can be interpreted as an outcome of socialization, for example, in career advice centres and workplaces, and have a major influence on people’s attitude (Beck-Gernsheim and Ostner 1978; Segura 1984; Bradley 1989; Garratt 1998). Such factors might provide a better understanding of why both migrant men and women are concentrated in certain occupations, and migrant women in even fewer occupations (Pedraza 1991). Of more relevance to EU migrant women may be the statistical discrimination model which explains discrimination in recruitment on the basis of employers’ perceptions about a group to which applicants belong and imperfect information about a group’s productivity (Arrow 1973; Aigner and Cain 1977). For example, the work by Boyd (1984) on Canada suggests a preference for American and British women compared to other nationalities. Distrust in certain EU countries of the competence of training and standards in certain other countries, particularly Southern EU countries, is rather high (Hurwitz 1990). Stereotype images of a nationality can be transferred onto individuals and may impede their access to jobs. Employers might be prejudiced against a person’s nationality, region of origin, accent or religion. One of the most important barriers in access to foreign labour markets is probably lack of language skills and ability. The European Convention on Human Rights prohibits discrimination on various grounds, including language and national origin. The legal definition of the language ability required for particular jobs is, however, vague and has resulted in differing interpretations among member states (Hurwitz 1990: 20). Both neoclassical and structural theories on the division of labour also note the importance of behavioural factors that exclude many migrant workers from jobs and upward mobility on the basis of ethnicity and accent. The existence of discrimination on the basis of language and nationality, therefore, may be a factor that influences migrants’ position in EU labour markets. However, discrimination on the basis of language has to be seen in relation to certain requirements. The level required is likely to vary within and between occupational groups. For example, nurses are likely to require a higher level of language ability than bank clerks. Many of the new jobs that have emerged in the services sector also require communication skills. Recruitment may be influenced by the


level and prestige of the position. Moreover, proficiency in the language and an understanding of the national culture are important in meetings and in the integration process at work, particularly for the highly qualified (Sullivan 1984; Hantrais 1995). EU employers may, therefore, give priority to native workers because of doubts about migrants’ linguistic abilities and their adaptation to different norms. Access may differ between EU nationalities. English, German and French are the most widely taught languages in EU countries and usually form part of a national curriculum. EU migrant women who migrate to and from these countries may find access to jobs easier, partly because their language competence may be more advanced, and partly because their studies may have made them more familiar with cultural and institutional aspects of the host country. Studies on skilled and highly skilled migrant women outside Europe confirm the decisiveness of language proficiency in access and integration (Kats 1982; Hartman and Hartman 1983; Segura 1984). Yet, these studies also show that language could not account for all occupational differences between native and migrant women. For example, after ten years in English-speaking Canada, differences in occupational status still existed between natives and migrants from English-speaking and non-English speaking countries. Other factors such as education, age and country of origin could only partially explain differences (Hartman and Hartman 1983). Furthermore, research on immigrant physicians in America found that more women than men entered the peripheral specialities of American medicine, and that gender was a major contributory factor (Pedraza 1991). Even though legislation on freedom of movement and equal treatment has different meanings for EU and non-EU migrants, history has shown that, except in the higher ranks of employment, migrants and indigenous workers do not compete on equal terms in national labour markets, employment sectors and sub-sectors. Preferential treatment of indigenous workers is widespread (Karsten 1992). The above studies suggest that barriers for EU migrant women may be greater than for women of the host country, even if migrants are better educated and trained. They may experience the double disadvantage of gender and foreigner status. This disadvantage may vary between the different EU nationalities, depending, for example, on the level of distrust towards certain EU nationalities and the qualifications from certain countries. They may also vary between occupational groups and countries, depending on various factors such as the expectations of employers on migrant workers. The characteristics, boundaries and position of occupations in the division of labour vary between countries. Broadly speaking, occupations


will be structured by the particular histories of countries, their surrounding organizations and status groups (Collins 1990; Jarausch 1990). The institutional structure, patterns of government, professional associations and professional relationships, and political and economic circumstances all influence the role of occupational groups, their autonomy and power within a national context (Freidson 1986, 1994; Rodríguez and de Miguel 1990). One major obstacle is that the terms ‘professional’ or ‘skilled’ workers are not universal concepts within EU countries. Thus, in Britain, amongst other characteristics, professional status typically requires the occupational group to have its own self-regulated organization. This organization has the licensing monopoly. It controls admission to practise and working conditions. In most mainland EU countries, with singular exceptions, the most important characteristic required for professional status is academic credentials. These are acquired through state examination and certification (Collins 1990). The absence of universal concepts and subsequently direct equivalence between occupational groups across EU countries poses a problem for the mutual recognition of qualifications. A skilled or professional worker in one member state might not have the same status in another. Migrant women may thus experience a decline or improvement in their professional status. They may also face the dilemma of having to pass an aptitude test or undertake an adaptation period, a clause incorporated into the general directives, despite equivalent education and qualifications. The existence of this clause can easily be used to discriminate against EU migrants. Current restructuring trends in labour markets change skill requirements and developments. According to the core–periphery and shamrock models, the transformation will lead both to deskilling and multi-skilling processes. From a cross-country perspective, such processes may vary. The structuring of organizations will be influenced by national institutional differences. Restructuring within organizations will then depend on the power structure and relations in and around organizations (Kern and Schumann 1987; Clegg 1990). New forms of work patterns may, therefore, be utilized in different ways. Institutional aspects, for example vocational education and training, their historical structural developments and the social values and attitudes attached to them influence capitalist strategies, job redesign and labour force response (Lane 1987; Littek and Heisig 1991). For a comparative evaluation, Lane (1987) contrasts the impact of technological developments and vocational training systems on work organization and skill developments in the German and British financial sectors. She shows that in Germany occupational boundaries and new


work methods are negotiated within the corporatist framework, that is, employers rely on the collaboration with labour. In contrast, in Britain decisions are made at workplace level and these tend to be monopolized by the interests of employers. Lane’s study shows significantly different outcomes. In a more recent analysis, she provides further evidence of the distinctiveness in these patterns between Germany and Britain (Lane 1995). She argues that employers’ egotism is much more likely to become an established feature in Britain than in Germany because of the intensification of decentralised bargaining, and the lack of coordination of workplace bargaining in Britain. In Spain, a strong tendency to centralize power promotes lack of innovation (Boisot 1993). Trade unions have been reluctant to give their support to new strategies because they have not been given any powers of control in the organization of work. The absence of collaboration has meant that changes to work organization have remained limited (Herranz González 1989). Thus, organizations may be subject to quite divergent pressures and no uniform response may occur. Within the given national institutional framework, local factors, cultural aspects and the power of external regulatory bodies will influence the response of organizations within societies (Clegg 1990). Restructuring trends have had differing impacts on the powers of the unions and the utilization of the labour force. In Britain, enhanced flexibilization is largely determined by the interests of employers, fuelled by the increases in unemployment and reductions in union strength. In Germany, the law on co-determination has meant that flexibility has focused on large-scale training, multi-skilling and qualifications, emphasizing flexibility in the work process rather than labour market flexibility. Although concessions have been made by German employers and unions concerning working hours, deregulation strategies have remained strictly defined by the law on co-determination. In Spain, the increased use of non-standard employment contracts by employers since the mid-1980s has been significantly influenced by changes in the legislative framework on such contracts in 1984 (Bentolila et al. 1991; Pollert 1991; McGregor and Sproull 1991). The core–periphery and shamrock models argue that the transformation of work organization leads to diversity, expansion and autonomy of the occupational role of core workers. Many writers agree that new technology has resulted in skill enhancement, but the level of job enrichment may vary between countries and employment sectors. For example, Lane (1995) suggests that lack of training provision and formation of work groups have led to only moderate gains for workers in Britain. In contrast, the introduction of new training courses and


changes to existing courses, offering broader skill training, as well as the development of semi-autonomous work groups point to greater gains for workers in Germany. Littek and Heisig (1991) indeed found that new jobs give German workers greater autonomy and job responsibility because routinized tasks have been eliminated and the remaining tasks combined, comprising discretion, creativity and decision-making. In Spain, measures introduced by some employers suggest more extensive use of workers’ skills. Some have introduced job enrichment and workers’ autonomy, especially in respect to work pace and the quality of products, but overall, changes have remained limited (Herranz González 1989). Technological change and the impact on the organization of work and workers’ autonomy may have a further dimension in the public sector. The 1980s and 1990s have seen significant deregulation within the public sector. European countries generally push for greater rationalization and competition within their individual health systems due to budgetary pressures and changing government ideology. Management control in the health sector and the scope for changing control are subject to much greater bargaining and local particularism than in the private sector. The distance of national management from the individual units means that management control is essentially a political matter within organizations (Coombs and Green 1989). Managerial control is influenced by the state and by professional and bureaucratic control systems within a given country, but is exercised by administrators and doctors (Coombs and Green 1989; Jacobs 1992a). This implies that nurses, for example, have to adapt to new work practices imposed by professionals rather than by organizations (Coombs and Green 1989). Thus the level of change in work organization and practices may vary within and between countries. The training system, the system of industrial relations, the strength of unions and the strategies towards flexibility of the unions themselves all influence skill developments and workers’ autonomy in a given employment sector and country. Such patterns, in turn, may influence work atmosphere and relations. These differences may have an influence on the incorporation of migrant women in EU labour markets. A large number of writers have also shown that there is a connection between new technology, skills and gender in the restructuring process (Game and Pringle 1983; Lane 1987; Jenson 1989; Steinberg 1990; McDowell 1991; Wajcman 1991; Arestis and Paliginis 1995). For example, technological change has led to a revaluation of jobs and skills in the financial sector (Lane 1987). In contrast, whilst technology has


played an increasingly important role in nursing training, it has not resulted in a revaluation of jobs. Because it is women who predominantly work in the profession, the emphasis has largely remained on the caring aspect (Game and Pringle 1983). Experience has thus shown that skills are ideologically constructed, resulting in some competences being defined as skills and others not (Arestis and Paliginis 1995). Deskilling and multi-skilling may have diverse effects on women in the occupational structure. This, in turn, may influence the incorporation of migrants in labour markets. Thus, exclusionary strategies by men have disproportionately prevented women from entering higher positions by providing men privileged access to skills, knowledge, credentials or technical competence, thereby reinforcing women’s secondary position in the labour market (Walby 1986, 1990; Wajcman 1991; Arestis and Paliginis 1995). Many new jobs in the private services sector, however, involve technical training, knowledge and ability. Women at the lower level of the clerical hierarchy may therefore continue to lose their jobs, and skilled women in middle-level jobs may benefit from the expansion of multi-skilled work. Skilled jobs are likely to remain predominantly ‘female’ jobs and more women may enter employment. Lower-level professional and technical jobs, which to date have provided upward mobility for many women, however, may be downgraded or eliminated. For large numbers of skilled women, opportunities for advancement to middle management may therefore be few due to the absence of many such jobs. Highly skilled jobs are likely to experience a growing intake of women. However, technological and organizational changes may reduce the number of such jobs and may re-segregate the lower categories as ‘female’ jobs, possibly leading to a downward reclassification of such posts (Barran and Teegarden 1987; Kuhn and Bluestone; Handy 1989). For Witz (1992) excluded groups may respond in two ways. Some may seek inclusion within the given structure. Others may resist, but still aim to secure a certain position. They achieve this by adopting exclusionary practices themselves. Witz’s argument may have relevance for EU migrant women. Reduced opportunities are likely to increase competition between women. Thus as women, migrants may be demarcated by native women who have managed to enter male-dominated occupations, such as management positions in banking. As migrants, they may face additional barriers on the basis of exclusionary practices adopted by native women who want to consolidate their own position. Reduced opportunities create barriers for migrant women, in particular as native women see their chances for upward mobility further reduced.


The position of skilled migrant women in the labour markets of host countries has been explained with the double negative concept (Kats 1982; Hartman and Hartman 1983; Boyd 1984). As women, the concept suggests, they enter a sex-segregated labour market, and as foreigners they experience disadvantages over and above those of native women. For example, Kats, writing on Soviet migrants in Israel in the 1970s, found that migrant women with higher education in particular were affected by the double pressures of both migrant and female status. Their occupational status was below that of native women despite their often better education and training. The Hartman and Hartman study on skilled and highly skilled female migrant workers in Canada, the US and Israel in the 1970s shows similar results. Migrant women on the whole, though in varying degrees, had a lower occupational status than native women. The differences did not disappear even after several years in the country, and not even between natives and migrants whose first language was English. Differences in upward mobility have also been found to exist between foreign women and foreign men, with women experiencing significantly less upward mobility in the host country (Schöttes and Treibel 1997). The double disadvantage does not seem to have the same effect on all nationalities, however, as the data collected by Boyd (1984) suggests. Her research on migrant women in Canada indicates that the occupational status of women from Britain and the United States was not affected to the same level as those of women coming from the rest of Europe and other countries. The above studies suggest that barriers to upward mobility may be far greater for EU female migrants than for native female workers, even if better educated and trained. These obstacles may vary between the different nationalities, depending, for example, on the level of distrust towards certain EU nationalities on the part of employers. They may vary within and between occupational groups and countries, depending on factors such as the gender composition of the workforce and the impact of restructuring on women’s opportunities. The period of immigration, too, can be an important factor in determining the position migrants are able to obtain. The study by Sabatello (1994), for example, found that the experiences of professionals from the Soviet Union to Israel in the 1990s differed significantly from those who had entered the country in the 1970s. Unlike those in the 1970s, many of those who entered the country in the 1990s could not find employment or positions close to those prior to migration. Thus, access and integration in ‘foreign’ labour markets will in part depend on the comparability of migrants’ qualification and skill levels, their language ability, their preparation for migration, and attitudes


and perception of employers towards foreign qualifications and foreign workers. But, in part, it will also depend on the classification of jobs within a member state. Skills are acquired and labelled within a cultural context. The classification of jobs may, therefore, vary between countries. Institutional and patriarchal traditions, change in work organization and practices, the gender and ethnic composition of the workforce all influence the design of jobs. This process subsequently has different consequences in terms of skill requirements and the division of labour.

Personnel policies and practices and equality of opportunity The focus so far has been on qualifications and skills, change in work organization, patriarchal processes and their impact on access to jobs and integration in labour markets. The experiences of migrant women will also be influenced by the personnel policies of individual employers. Formal, direct discrimination in personnel policies has gradually declined as a result of anti-discriminatory legislation. In the context of the EU, the Treaty of Rome of 1957 (Art. 119) enshrined the principle of gender equality. It was, however, not before the mid-1970s that Council directives on the approximation of the laws of the member states relating to the application of the principle of equal pay (75/117/EEC), and the implementation of the principle of equal treatment for men and women as regards access to employment, vocational training, promotion and working conditions (76/207/EEC), were issued by the EU. Amendment laws to national legislation were gradually passed by national governments in response to EU directives (Commission of the European Communities 1975, 1976). The European Commission, in addition to the legal basis of article 119 and the directives, has adopted a number of action programmes and recommendations on equality of opportunity for men and women. One major objective of the Third Action Programme (1991–95) was the promotion of the occupational integration of women.2 With the view to achieving its objective, the programme developed positive action 2. Occupational integration is to be achieved by promoting women’s full participation in, and revaluing their contribution to economic and social life. Actions proposed seek to increase the participation of women in the labour market, improve the quality of women’s employment by maximizing their potential, reduce barriers to women’s access to and participation in employment (Commission of the European Communities 1991a).


initiatives at workplaces to ensure equal opportunities. The Fourth Community Action Programme (1996–2000) aimed to intensify actions already undertaken, and to integrate equal opportunities into the formulation, implementation and enforcement of policy. The concept of mainstreaming equal opportunities into all areas of policy, meaning that policy formulation at EU level is subject to gender assessment, was formalized in the Amsterdam Treaty of 1997. This commitment was later incorporated into the Commission’s Communication on ‘Incorporating equal opportunities for women and men into all Commission policies and activities’ and its Social Action Programme 1998–2000 (European Commission 1991a, 1999a). In spite of legislation and policies in existence for many years, disparities between men and women remain substantial within the EU. While access to training for professional jobs has been facilitated by equal opportunities legislation, and equal opportunities initiatives and qualifications-based entry criteria have helped some women to move into professional and executive positions, the majority continue to hold lower level, less secure and low paid jobs. Women continue to be concentrated in female-dominated occupations and in the public sector where pay lags behind the private sector (Hantrais 1995; Webb 1997; Rees 1998). In fact, research suggests that women’s employment position has worsened compared to men’s, and is expected to deteriorate further under the impact of the SEM (Duncan 1996). A mix of exclusionary mechanisms hinders women from moving into senior positions in the workplace, and into professional associations that develop and control admission and progression requirements (Rees 1998). Positive discrimination as a potential policy instrument to achieve equality was a popular demand in many countries in the 1970s. Positive discrimination generally involves quotas, discriminating in favour of women, and therefore has lost much of its popularity, and in many countries positive discrimination is contrary to employment law ( Jackson 1984; ER Consultants 1990). In the 1980s, it became widely recognized that legislation on equal treatment was insufficient to achieve equality between men and women in the employment sphere. In response, the Council of the European Communities passed a recommendation on the promotion of positive action for women (84/635/EEC), with the aim to encourage management and employees of organizations to develop measures that contribute to the removal of inequalities in practice (Commission of the European Communities 1988b). Positive action recognizes that women enter the labour market


from a different starting position from men and are therefore disadvantaged in the distribution of employment positions (Rees 1998). Positive action programmes have now become a more widespread development to address inequality at the workplace, but their application varies considerably within and between sectors and countries (see Cameron 1990, Woods 1990 on the British banking and finance industry; Sensi 1992 on various sectors in eight EU countries, including Britain and Spain; Bundesministerium für Jugend, Familie, Frauen und Gesundheit 1990 on various sectors in Germany). A conclusive picture on the progress between policy and action in the individual countries is therefore difficult to draw. However, positive action has been criticized for failing to address the structural status quo reinforcing forms of disadvantage. Positive action helps women already in employment, and particularly those few higher up in the job hierarchy (Outshoorn 1991; Rees 1998). Employers have generally implemented legal requirements, but many have not carried out a systematic examination of their practices as regards appointment, training and promotion, and the application of equal treatment policies and their performance is often not monitored. Thereby employers have effectively made few changes to established structures, practices and attitudes. As a result, male career patterns, and thus barriers to women, have remained, either for convenience and tradition, or indirectly and unintentionally because of a lack of awareness among managers of what constitutes discrimination, and lack of knowledge about the difference between positive action and positive discrimination. Additional reasons may be lack of analysis of the causes of segregation, and lack of willingness to introduce measures beyond the removal of sex biases from human resource management practices (ER Consultants 1990; Rees 1998). Moreover, the equality directives offer a level of flexibility that gives employers significant discretion in the level of standards to be achieved, and new initiatives in the form of legally non-binding recommendations and opinions show a scalingdown rather than scaling-up in equal opportunities (Duncan 1996). Effective change would, therefore, require targets at all levels of the employment process and performance monitoring against those targets (Rees 1998). For offending employers, financial sanctions have been suggested, since the imposition of an obligation on employers to implement and promote equal opportunities has proved insufficient ( Jackson 1984; Pfarr and Eitel 1984; Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund 1990). Developments to this effect are becoming apparent. For example, in addition to provisions in the Spanish constitution, the Statute


of Workers defines penalities and sanctions for discrimination, thereby providing additional guarantees for workers (Gutierrez López 1993). However, equal opportunities legislation complemented by positive action, monitoring procedures, and penalties or sanctions may still not be sufficient to achieve gender equality. What is required is commitment and resources at senior level to changing the existing gender order, and achieving a more egalitarian work organization and increased inclusion of women as well as an increase in women’s participation in decision-making (Duncan 1996; Webb 1997). Certain practices in personnel procedures may impact on migrant women’s advancement. For example, German employers increasingly have visiting representatives at universities to recruit staff for higher level positions. This practice not only reduces the chances of advancement from below (Littek and Heising 1991; Steinle et al. 1992). It is also likely to work against migrant women in particular. Migrant women will not generally be in these educational institutions in the host country and therefore cannot participate in this recruitment strategy. Careers advice has important implications for migrant women’s career and promotion. The occupational situation in terms of supply and demand may influence the advice given to EU migrant women. Moreover, they may be guided into typically ‘female’ and migrant ‘crowded’ jobs. Even if women have chosen a traditionally maledominated profession, advice on continuous training and career prospects in Britain, for example, is often of poor quality. Women tend to be encouraged to move into the less competitive and feminized sections within particular professions (Allen 1988, 1990; Crompton and Sanderson 1990). In Spain, career consulting agencies are not favourably inclined towards women who aim for executive posts. Consequently, women tend to acquire higher positions by means of internal promotion (Vázquez Fernández 1993). At interviews, migrant women may face questions about their length of stay in the host country and their personal circumstances. Personal questions can be more pronounced in ‘conservative’ professions which are very reluctant to change, for example in bank management (Allen 1988, 1990). Women are often excluded from social events and informal networks in the workplace. This may be because such groups are male-dominated and women feel uncomfortable, or events are in places and at times unsuitable for women. Exclusion reduces women’s chances of meeting influential staff members. Such factors may have an influence on promotion opportunities, especially because there is still a tendency to promote people to higher-level jobs by informal recommendations rather


than advertising (Cockburn 1991; Filella 1993; Quack and Hancké 1997). Social relations at work are important to the upward mobility of migrant women, especially when working in female-dominated workplaces. Any special mode of entry and their foreigner status may produce a high level of conflict between migrant women, their superiors and native co-workers (Segura 1989). Research has found that migrants experience much higher stress levels than native workers, and migrant women higher levels than migrant men. Relations with colleagues and social networks are therefore important in the coping process (Pedraza 1991; Hortmuth 1998). Rejection or acceptance from co-workers and superiors, thus, could influence migrant women’s coping styles and their integration into work-related networks and social activities, which are often important for advancement. Access to further and continuous training programmes may have an impact on migrant women’s opportunities of advancement abroad. Access may be influenced by employers’ commitment to continuous and further training generally. Comparable data at EU level on continuous training are still incomplete (Tessaring 1998). Moreover, the distinction between further and continuous training is sometimes blurred between countries. Data on provision may therefore be misleading (Auer 1992). This makes it difficult to establish a pattern of existing provision. However, employers’ commitment to further and continuous training is influenced by the national systems for initial training (Tessaring 1998). Within the EU, initial training systems vary in the general provision, financial responsibility and employers’ involvement (Commission of the European Communities 1989b, 1990; Rainbird 1991). In some countries, initial training systems are formalized and standardized at national level. In others, no nation-wide system of initial training for particular occupations exists and most provision is organization- and job-specific. Broadly speaking, in some countries, for example Britain, employers see provision as a very costly short-term measure. In others, for instance Germany, employers see provision as a long-term investment and resource (Auer 1992; Quack et al. 1995). In Spain, a resolution in 1986 stipulates that training should be geared to achieve the long-term and stable employment of participants. However, the large increase in fixed-term contracts, brought about by changes in legislation in the mid-1980s, severely discourages the provision of training. Although provision in Spain has increased for all categories of workers, much of it is in the form of short-term in-house training, and as many as 50 per cent of Spanish firms spent less than one per cent of the salaries on training (Pérez Amorós and Rojo 1991; Filella 1993).


Some countries, particularly those that attach particular importance to initial vocational training, for example Germany, have a strong dividing line between initial and continuous training. In others, for instance Britain and Spain, continuous training very often covers all forms of training, including initial training (Tessaring 1998). Voluntary continuous and further training provision by employers may also be influenced by the general philosophy on training provision within an employment sector and organization. The level of provision may depend on the rights of trade unions in the regulation of further training in particular sectors and countries. It may also depend on the shift from Taylorist to post-Taylorist work organization. The greater the move towards new forms of work organization, the greater the need for a competent technical and managerial workforce (Mahnkopf 1991). In most EU member states, including Germany and Spain, employees have a legal right of access to continuous training. There is no legal provision in Britain. The forms of financing is fixed by national agreement in Spain and within collective agreements in Germany (Tessaring 1998). Further and continuous training is given a high priority across Europe, and expenditure has increased. But most organizations give a low number of days per year, many spend less than two per cent of their salary budgets on training, and the conditions of access have deteriorated due to a reduction of public funds (Holden and Livian 1993; Tessaring 1998). However, employers, at varying levels, contribute to further training costs. This may be in the form of time-release and/or direct subsidy. Employers’ support, amongst other factors such as diplomas, age and personality, has often been dependent on the length of service (Sensi 1992). EU migrant women might not qualify or be denied access because they have not yet worked within the organization long enough. The reason may also be their potentially temporary stay in the host country. This may provide a barrier particularly in countries where employers’ commitment to further training is minimal or half-hearted, or provision is inadequately supplemented by the state. Employers may prefer to invest in native workers rather than EU workers who may return to their home country within a certain period of time. The gender and ethnic composition of the workforce, socialization processes at the workplace and patriarchal relations may influence access to further training. A selection procedure for further and continuous training is often non-existent, and participation is decided by the head of department. Such processes tend to exclude women from further internal training programmes (Sensi 1992). Migrant women are likely to be similarly affected by such processes. Furthermore, they may


face additional barriers in gaining access to higher level jobs because they are discriminated against with regard to access to training courses outside the workplace (De Troy 1987). They may lack the particular certificates required for entry or be refused access due to attitudes held by admission officers who believe that foreign qualifications do not live up to national admission criteria, and/or that the candidates’ language skills are insufficient to cope with the course. Thus, upward mobility in the host country has to be seen in the context of a number of factors, such as the role and importance of qualifications and work experience, change in work organization, personnel policies, patriarchal processes and social relations in the employment sector and employing organization. Certain occupational positions may be accessible through work experience and subsequent promotion, others may require further training. Access to further and continuous training courses may vary according to the training culture and ethos of the employment sector and the employing organization concerned. Training provision may be fragmented rather than coordinated. Upward mobility may also be influenced by employers’ commitment towards equality of opportunity. Employers may not have an equal opportunities policy, let alone positive action programmes. Patriarchal structures and processes may exclude migrant women as equal participants. In view of the technological progress, training has become an important, but also expensive issue for organizations (Auer 1992). Therefore, migrant women’s aspirations might be neglected or compromised on unless personnel rules and practices are examined, impediments and bias removed, and new criteria introduced to assess the suitability of candidates for particular employment positions. The focus so far has been on institutional and organizational factors in the advancement of migrant women in host countries. The employment aspirations of migrant women themselves, obviously, will also play a decisive role in upward mobility. Some migrants might have settled for their existing occupational status, others may be looking for career enhancement and actively seeking opportunities. Upward mobility thus has to be seen in relation to institutional and organizational structures and processes as well as migrant women’s perception about career goals in the host country.

Conclusion This chapter has attempted to draw out a number of issues concerning the integration processes of skilled and highly skilled migrant women


in ‘foreign’ labour markets. The chapter has illustrated the difficulty of drawing conclusions about the occupational integration of EU migrant women in member states, as most research does not focus on skilled and highly skilled women migrating between developed economies. The review highlights, however, that the integration process is unlikely to follow a uniform pattern. Institutional arrangements, employment systems, patriarchal traditions, the restructuring of work organization and practices, the level of commitment towards equality of opportunity by the employing organization, employment sector and the wider society differ between EU countries. Each of these factors will influence migrant women’s position and experience in labour markets differently. Importantly, the consequences of migration on employment position, integration and career progression in the host country will also be influenced by migrant women’s personal characteristics. The literature suggests that EU migrant women may experience the double disadvantage of gender and foreigner status. The manner in which such a disadvantage manifests itself, however, may vary within and between countries and occupational groups. Experiences may also vary between the various nationalities. The following chapters explore the lived experiences of skilled and highly skilled EU migrant women working elsewhere in the Union.

Part I Access to Employment

Part I examines migrant women’s experiences in access to employment in host countries. The employment position of migrant women will be influenced by the culture of the labour market. This includes training and recruitment procedures. Such regulations and practices vary between countries because of differences in the institutional arrangements of labour markets and the organization of employment sectors. Furthermore, variations may occur due to the location of the chosen professions in relation to national labour markets. Chapters 4 and 5 examine the experiences of migrants with the procedures involved in having their qualifications and skills recognized in other member states. The results clarify the extent to which regulatory bodies and employers are ready to deal with EU applications. The aim is to identify obstacles to migrants in gaining access to jobs in host countries commensurate with their qualifications and skills. Two indicators could provide straightforward answers to the question of whether migrants have been able to obtain a comparable position in the host country. These would be the migrants’ own perception of their occupational status pre-migration, compared to post-migration, and the level of recognition of their previous work experience in the grading of their first job post-migration. Table I.1 shows the effects of migration on migrants’ occupational status. Almost half the nursing sample (14 migrants) felt that migration had meant a small or significant downgrading in their occupational status. Non-recognition of previous work experience in the grading of their first jobs was experienced by 15 migrants, and partial recognition by an additional two migrants. This amounted to over half (56.7 per cent) of the total nursing sample. The profile for banking migrants looks rather different. The numbers who felt downgraded is small with just four 51

52 Migrant Women Professionals in the EU Table I.1 Occupational mobility pre-migration versus post-migration – self-perception (numbers) Mobility

Nursing

Banking

Significant upgrading Small upgrading Much the same Small downgrading Significant downgrading N/A – in education/training N/A – outside the profession

3 2 7 5 9 4 0

2 3 5 2 2 12 3

Total

30

29

migrants. Similarly low are the numbers who had their previous work experience not recognized (one migrant) or only partially recognized (three migrants) in the grading of their first posts. These figures suggest that the migration effects were minimal for banking workers. However, one aspect is likely to have had an impact on this finding. More than half of the sample (15 migrants, or 51.7 per cent) had either been in education or training or had worked outside the profession prior to migration. The findings from such an approach provide information about formal outcomes. They do not give a means of assessing the level of obstacles for EU migrants in the access to comparable jobs. The verification process was taken as a measurement for such barriers. What is required of migrants to obtain recognition of equivalence or registration? What problems are there with the process? Are problems due to structural or attitudinal factors, or are they self-imposed? The answers to these questions have been established by examining the views expressed by migrants, native professionals, employers and representatives of regulatory bodies. Chapters 4 and 5 examine the various factors influencing migrants’ access to employment in Britain, Germany and Spain. Each chapter starts with a description of training systems in the three case-study countries to provide the contextual background and to identify some areas where EU migrants might expect obstacles. A brief introduction is then given to the mutual recognition of qualifications specific to the professions and the recognition procedure involved. This is followed by a discussion of migrants’ actual experiences. The chapters conclude with an explanation of cross-national commonality and diversity. The final section of chapter 5 summarizes the findings on both occupational groups and discusses the impact of different institutional and personal characteristics on access to employment for EU migrants.

4 The Nursing Profession

Nurses have to undergo a formal verification process to be able to practise in their profession. This verification process provides a way of assessing obstacles in access to employment positions commensurable with migrants’ qualifications and skills. This chapter is divided into three sections. The first provides an overview of nursing training systems and qualifications in Britain, Germany and Spain. The second section charts the relevant EU directives regarding the mutual recognition of qualifications and skills and the recognition procedures put in place for the nursing profession in the three case-study countries. Sections one and two are useful for situating migrants’ experiences and for analysing the findings within a societal context. Section three examines the lived experiences of migrants. Finally, section four discusses the implications of the findings within the context of national training systems, policies and labour market situations.

Training, organization and regulatory process Each country has authoritative bodies that regulate training and registration procedures. In Britain, training is the responsibility of the National Boards (England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland) for Nursing, Midwifery and Health Visiting. The United Kingdom Central Council for Nursing, Midwifery and Health Visiting (UKCC) administers the professional register for each qualification. It regulates four ‘basic’ nursing qualifications of registered general nurse, mental nurse, mentally handicapped nurse and sick children’s nurse. These ‘old’ forms of nurse education have been gradually phased out with the introduction of ‘Project 2000’ diploma courses in 1989. Under this scheme, training still takes three years, but the content has changed 53


and nurses gain a diploma of higher education. Training consists of a common foundation programme (for registered general nurses) followed by a choice of four specialization programmes: care of adults, care of children, care of people with learning disabilities or mental health (RCN 1992b). The previous training system provided for a second-level qualification as an enrolled nurse after a two-year course. These courses are now phased out and a new lesser-qualified nurse helper, the Health Care Assistant, has been introduced. Health care assistants undergo work-based training of varying lengths and often hold National Vocational Qualifications (NVQs, levels 2 and 3), but have no professional qualifications.1 The average training for level 2 takes 6–12 months and for level 3 9–18 months. To practise legally, nurses must be registered with the UKCC. In 1994, the UKCC published standards for education and practice following initial registration (PREP). These regulations require nurses to undergo a minimum of five days’ training every three years, and to keep a record of reflection on learning in a personal professional profile, to remain on the register. The system was gradually phased in and was fully established by the year 2000. Post-basic training courses are run by the Royal College of Nursing, and other further education institutions approved by the individual national boards. A record of all courses undertaken must be kept in the personal professional profile which is subject to verification by the UKCC (RCN 1992c). In Germany, the Ministry of Health presides over the nursing schools that are eligible to provide training. Federal law regulates four basic nursing qualifications: general nurse, children’s nurse, midwife and nursing assistant. The training for the former two qualifications takes three years, for midwives two years and for nursing assistants one year. Because of Germany’s federal structure, the details of education programmes and regulations vary between the federal states. Post-basic training and qualifications are not regulated by federal law. Each regional government has its own ministerial decrees on the regulation of such training (Bundesanstalt für Arbeit 1991). The German Hospital Association provides guidelines and lists of recognized further training institutions which regional governments may or may not adopt. For example, the regional government of Hessen has regulated three 1. The job titles and the length of training for non-registered nursing staff vary significantly within and between the three countries, and they are not the focus of this study. The generic term ‘nursing assistant’ is therefore used to address this diverse group throughout the book.

The Nursing Profession 55

post-basic qualifications: psychiatric nurse, intensive care nurse and theatre nurse. The length of training for any of these qualifications has been fixed at two years full-time by a ministerial decree in 1990 (Robert Bosch Stiftung 1992). Other opportunities for specialization, management and teaching exist but are not regulated at either federal or regional level. In the absence of federal or regional regulations, applicants apply to the German Hospital Association for recognition of their qualification. However, there is no guarantee that certificates are recognized throughout Germany (Dietrich 1995). To be able to practise, nurses have to register with the regional governmental body (Regierungspräsidium) responsible for registration in the area of their workplace. In Spain, training has been incorporated into the university system since 1978. The Ministry for Science and Education presides over the universities which run courses. Basic training is regulated for general nursing only, and takes three years. Nursing assistants undergo two years’ non-university based training in vocational colleges. Most specializations were only approved in 1987 (Universidad Católica de Lovaina, 1993). These have been gradually developed in the 1990s. For example, the midwife qualification began to be taught in 1994. Post-basic training courses are offered by teaching units in universities’ nursing schools and in health care institutions. The Ministry of Science and Education approves such institutions and issues the post-graduate certificates. No special training exists for teaching. Participation in teaching methodology courses, teaching assistance experience and publication of research work provides access to the nurses’ teaching board. To be able to practise, nurses have to register with the professional college for nurses (Colegio Profesional) in the province of their workplace (Ministerio de Sanidad y Consumo 1989). Individual provincial colleges are presided by the General Nursing Council (Asociación General de Enfermería). Thus the organization and regulatory process for nurse registration varies between the three countries. Whereas Britain has one central regulatory body, processes in Germany and Spain are highly decentralized and therefore very complex. Such systems are often subject to misunderstandings and misinterpretations. Migrants to Germany and Spain should therefore experience greater barriers when trying to register their foreign qualifications than their counterparts to Britain.

EU qualifications and recognition procedures The need for a mechanism ensuring the mutual recognition of qualifications between member states was one of the early recognitions of


the European Union. The development of the legislative and policy framework facilitating the free movement of workers has been mapped out in chapter 2. It was noted that the emphasis in the early years was on issuing individual directives for particular occupations to remove the restrictions on intra-EU mobility. Between 1964 and 1986 about 60 sectoral directives were adopted. The nursing profession was one of the first professions to benefit from sectoral directives. Directives 77/452/EEC and 77/453/EEC for general nursing qualifications and directives 80/154/EEC and 80/155/EEC for midwives were implemented in 1979 and 1983 respectively to govern the recognition process within the Community (Commission of the European Communities 1977b; 1977c; 1980a; 1980b). Directive 77/452/EEC governs general nursing training completed or in progress on 29 June 1979, and directive 77/453/EEC training which commenced after that date. General nurses and midwives who are nationals of member states and who hold a qualification listed in the directives can register in other EU countries. Specialized nurses and nursing assistants are not covered by these sectoral directives. Until the implementation of the General Directives in 1991 and 1994, these nurses fell back on the general provisions made in the Treaty of Rome. The negotiations to reach agreement on detailed comparabilities and equivalents for individual occupational fields proved complicated and lengthy. These difficulties progressively gave way to a new approach, which establishes equivalence of training and qualifications on the basis of time needed to acquire a particular diploma. Thus, in 1988, the Commission adopted a general systems approach to govern qualifications not covered by sectoral directives to speed up the process of recognition. Directive 89/48/EEC, which came into force in 1991, covers regulated qualifications that require three or more years of full-time (or equivalent) higher education training. A second general directive (92/51/EEC), which complements Directive 89/48/EEC, came into force in 1994 to cover all those qualifications that require less than three years of post-secondary school training. In countries where an occupation for the second general directive is not regulated, two years experience on the job are required for recognition in another member state (Commission of the European Communities 1989a; 1992b). The mutual recognition of qualifications and diplomas has removed an important formal obstacle to intra-EU mobility. Holding qualifications covered by the sectoral and general directives should guarantee EU workers recognition and the ability to practise elsewhere in the Union.


Each country has nominated so-called ‘competent authorities’ to deal with applications from EU migrants. These vary between countries and professions. For the nursing profession, Britain has a central body, the professional association UKCC. In Germany, registration is carried out by government bodies and in Spain by professional colleges of nursing. Registration in both countries occurs at regional and local levels. To obtain recognition in another member state, migrants in regulated professions need to present a certified copy of their right to practise from the authoritative body in the country in which they obtained their qualification, a translation of same and to pay a registration fee. Individual countries may require additional documentation: for example, proof of good character or repute, that they have not been declared bankrupt, are not guilty of serious professional misconduct or a criminal offence, or that they are of good mental or physical health. It is for the competent authorities to decide whether applicants meet all requirements. If there are any deficiencies in education, training and experience, the directives provide for procedures to make up deficiencies. In such cases, migrants are given a choice between passing an aptitude test or undergoing an adaptation period of supervised practice, the content and length of which are defined by the ‘competent authority’ in the country concerned. In the worst instance, migrants who fall under the general directives can be asked to re-qualify. The directives also include certain procedural guarantees for migrants in terms of the time period in which competent authorities should process their application and case. Directives stipulate that the process should be completed within three months (nursing directives) and four months (general directives). Having provided the general background, I now turn to examine some of the specific experiences of the participating migrant nurses with the verification process, including language ability, registration of qualifications, the time period for the registration procedure and employment status. My aim is to explore the extent to which lived experiences coincide with or differ from the formal provisions on freedom of movement.

Verification of migrants’ qualifications and skills Language ability Assessment of language ability is a valuable indicator of informal barriers in the recognition of qualifications. The Treaty of Rome states that


a language test at the point of entry into a regulated profession in another EU country cannot be required of migrants, as such an examination would signify discrimination on the basis of language. Nurses can, therefore, register their qualifications without speaking the language of the host country (Gray and Phillips 1993). The nursing directives say that ‘member states shall see to it that, where appropriate, the persons concerned acquire, in their own interest and in that of their patients, the linguistic knowledge necessary for the exercise of their profession in the host member state’ (Commission of the European Communities 1977b, art. 15). In the general directives any reference to language has been excluded. Contradictory and vague provisions thus make it very unclear as to how far regulatory bodies can and do demand evidence of language competence. Judging by the interviews undertaken in the three countries under investigation, regulatory bodies appear to abide by the provision made in the Treaty of Rome and do not require evidence of language ability at the point of registration. It was pointed out that it would be difficult to establish language knowledge at this stage because most applications were in writing. Previous research has shown that such statements may not always coincide with practice (Hurwitz 1990). However, a test or formal documentary evidence of language competence did not seem to be an obstacle at the point of registration. Only one nurse in Britain was asked to provide evidence of language ability. However, as a specialized nurse she did not fall under the sectoral directive and had entered Britain prior to the implementation of the general directives. Proving language proficiency was thus not a common requirement. Establishing language competence appears to be the responsibility of employers at the interview level. The extent to which their judgement is taken into account by the nursing registration body may vary. But the processes themselves allow employers’ judgements to be taken into consideration. According to interviews undertaken with employers’ representatives in Germany, for example, migrants must have started employment before a recognition certificate will be issued, even if migrants applied to the competent authority from abroad. Their applications are accepted in principle, subject to their taking up employment. An application to the competent authority, including a notification by the employer that language knowledge is adequate, is then made as soon as the applicant has started the job. However, this procedure may vary across Germany because of decentralized registration. In Britain, migrants may be asked to undergo a period of adaptation. It is up to migrants to find an employer, or a nursing college,


willing to provide this service. Employers or colleges then notify the registration body once the period specified has been fulfilled and assessed. It is not clear whether language ability is included informally in the assessment. However, adaptation periods usually last about 3–6 months. Employers or colleges can therefore assess a person’s language ability and pass this information on to the registration body. In looking at language proficiency, clear deficiencies are apparent among the sample. More than half entered the host country with no knowledge (9 migrants) or only basic knowledge of the host language (8 migrants). Others specified intermediate (5 migrants) or advanced/ fluent (8 migrants) ability on arrival. Differences could be identified between countries. Whereas most migrants to Britain specified an intermediate and advanced/fluent standard, a major shortcoming in language ability was apparent for migrants to Spain, and even more to Germany. Two-thirds of migrant interviewees in Spain and almost all those in Germany had either no or only basic knowledge of the host country’s language on arrival. In fact, the majority of the migrants to Spain and Germany did not think their language ability was sufficient to take up an employment position comparable to the one premigration. Some expressed surprise about their ability to have obtained employment: If someone German had come to Britain on to my ward with the same language level, I would not have allowed them to work on my ward. But we can get enough people in Britain. There aren’t enough jobs there … (British general nurse in Germany) Poor language ability did not debar migrants from gaining access to jobs in either Germany or Spain. In part, this may have been possible because of a high tolerance towards language inadequacy. Employers’ representatives of two participating hospitals in Germany stressed that the criteria used for EU migrants were much more lenient than those for other migrants, partly because of a fear of acting against EU directives. Moreover, most of the participating German hospitals still adopted a functional care system, which is a task-oriented approach. The level of language ability needed in undertaking tasks is likely to be lower than under holistic care approaches, which give nurses greater responsibility and autonomy for patient care (Robert Bosch Stiftung 1992) (for details see chapter 6). However, such an explanation is unsatisfactory for Spain, as it has largely adopted holistic care. Surprisingly, responses suggest that language ability may not be very important in a


nursing role. Some migrants did not think that language inadequacy was a particular hindrance in taking up employment: There are other means of communicating, try and use your hands, or just trying to communicate with them in other ways … a lot of hand actions … I had three dictionaries with me constantly … Normally, in an emergency situation, one person talks to the patient anyway, usually it is the doctor … with the amount of experience I have, you can assess somebody without having to talk to them. If it’s an emergency situation, you just do the practical things that need to be done without having to converse. Once you put on a uniform, any personal difficulties you might have with either language or the new country that you are living in, because you are professional, you know what you are doing, you can cope. (British general nurse in Spain) Additionally, the location of work in Spain may provide a partial answer. Almost 90 per cent of migrant interviewees in Spain worked in coastal areas with a high population of foreign expatriates and tourists. Although patients, according to migrants, were largely Spanish, hospital staff may be more accustomed to foreign language speakers in such areas. An increased demand for nursing staff during holiday seasons may be an additional explanatory factor (Gonzalez Cabanes et al. 1993). Foreign nurses may be particularly sought after during such periods. Arguably, such locations may therefore display greater tolerance towards language inadequacy. In contrast to Germany and Spain, migrant interviewees in Britain, except for one, declared they had intermediate to advanced and fluent language ability. Higher language proficiency amongst the sample in Britain broadly coincides with the expectations of British employers. Employers’ representatives tended to emphasize that migrants would find it very difficult not to be debarred from a job if language was an impediment at the interview. This had been the case with a number of Spanish and Italian migrants in one of the participating hospitals. The head of the strategic unit explained that language inadequacy meant stress to all concerned and therefore language ability had to be very good. Such expectations are by no means restricted to Britain. The High Level Panel (1997) found that some countries required applicants to have a very sound knowledge of the host country’s language. It argues that the outcome of high linguistic requirements could lead to a systematic rejection of EU migrants. The fact that English is the most


important international language, and British citizens are accustomed to others speaking their language, is likely to have had an influence on the level of expectation regarding language proficiency by employers and others. Directives do not specify that proof of language ability requires particular certificates or levels of language proficiency. Migrants are therefore dependent on the criteria defined by individual employers, which may lead to prejudice and rejection (High Level Panel 1997; Ackers 1998).

Registration of qualifications A useful indicator of informal barriers in the verification process is the registration of qualifications. As mentioned earlier, for the nursing profession specific rules, regulations, procedures and professional ethics govern training and credentials. Nursing migrants cannot take up employment without registering their qualifications with the competent authority in the destination country. In the case of substantial differences in the content of education, the directives stipulate that migrants can compensate for deficiencies by choosing to undertake an aptitude test or undergo an assessed supervised adaptation period. For general nurses and midwives, minimum requirements in length and content of training have been harmonized and registration arrangements have been in existence for more than a decade. Nurses in these two categories therefore should not normally be required to undertake aptitude tests or adaptation periods, unless they had completed their training prior to the implementation of the syllabus required by the 1979 and 1980 directives. These dates vary among member states because of delays in the implementation process (Germany in 1985) or later admission to the European Union (Spain in 1986). Unlike the sectoral directives, the general directives are not based on harmonization. Due to the absence of the level of guidelines as provided under the sectoral directives, specialized nurses may face greater barriers with the registration of their qualifications than general nurses. It was ascertained through the interviewing process that none of the migrant interviewees in Germany and Spain had to undergo any of the two options provided for in the directive. In Britain, however, adaptation periods still played a significant role, not only for specialized, but for all participating migrant nurses. Almost half of the focus group in Britain underwent a supervised formal adaptation period, despite claims by the regulatory body, the UKCC, that those nurses who had been trained in accordance with the syllabus required by the sectoral


directives would be accepted immediately. It also appears that the migrants’ right to choose between an aptitude test and an adaptation period, as outlined in the directives, exists in theory only. Migrants were not given that choice, but were told that EU nurses wanting to work in Britain had to undergo adaptation periods. The timing or type of training pre-migration did not seem to be taken into account. Do these results signal that Germany and Spain adhere more strictly to EU regulations? Or is it that migrants to Britain did have real deficiencies in their training and experience? Only one of the migrants agreed with the decision taken by the UKCC as her training had commenced pre-1979. Another nurse could do little about it. As a specialized nurse she fell outside the sectoral directives. In Britain, according to the UKCC representative, these EU nurses have to register through the ‘overseas nurse channel’, which includes a compulsory adaptation period. Other nurses, however, felt that decisions were most likely due to Britain’s protectionist attitude. The health sector, among others, has indeed been criticized for displaying a ‘Britain knows best’ attitude in European developments on training and professional preparation (Ludvigsen and Roberts 1996). A similar view was taken by some of the native nurses who said that there was very little willingness to recognize the skills foreign nurses brought in. As one British nurse said: They [migrants] are being patronized and told to learn our skills. Not asking what skills did you come with. There is an utter frustration amongst foreign nurses. It’s quite difficult for them to adapt to that … I think you need something as a foreign nurse, but perhaps a probationary period so that the foreign nurse has some special input … I would prefer it to be two-way rather than one-way … (British general nurse in Britain) It became clear from interviewing different levels in European nursing that Britain’s nursing training does indeed have a high reputation. A response may be a different attitude towards requirements. For example, the High Level Panel (1997) has revealed a lack of willingness of some competent authorities to apply the mutual trust, as expected under the general directives, to the recognition process. Native nurses interviewed in Britain felt that an adaptation period should not be required of EU migrants. The fact that everything was done in pairs would eliminate the chances of foreign nurses making mistakes. Whilst they would need some induction as foreign nurses, this should be on the basis of a probationary or introductory period as for any other


newcomer to a hospital. Migrants were not generally opposed to undergoing adaptation periods, but criticized its format: An adaptation period is necessary, but I would criticize the format of it. I felt very badly prepared for work on the ward. We were supposed to receive two weeks of teaching in a school, but were sent to wards after three to four days. Nurses on the wards did not know anything, what courses I was doing, what I was supposed to do. For me, it was frustrating. Another problem was that we were in the same course with returning nurses. The theoretical teaching was geared towards that group. Often teachers did not know there were foreign nurses in the group, that we were in the course for different reasons. Many things you just had to learn later on the ward … To a certain extent, these adaptation periods are useless. (German general nurse in Britain; author’s translation) The findings suggest that Germany and Spain may not question EU qualifications. Looking at employment contracts, it becomes evident that a third of migrant interviewees in Germany were on ‘foreign’ (British and Irish) agency contracts, and some migrants in Spain were initially without contracts. It could well be that migrants to these two countries were informally assessed during these working periods, and formally assessed adaptation periods were no longer necessary at a later stage. However, migrants to both Germany and Spain were able to obtain jobs without ‘equivalence certificates’ from the competent authorities in the host countries. While on foreign agency contracts in Germany, which is legally possible for up to one year, and during waiting periods to obtain registration in Spain, which in some cases took up to three years, the respondents were able to work as fully qualified nurses. Their qualification and registration certificates from their country of qualification and/or previous residence were sufficient. This possibility was ruled out completely by the UKCC, the Royal College of Nursing and employers’ representatives interviewed in Britain. The possibility of working as fully qualified nurses in Germany and Spain without an ‘equivalence certificate’ from the competent authority of the host country does raise some questions about the legal protection of migrant nurses. Some employers’ representatives interviewed claimed that these migrants were bound by the regulations of the country where they had obtained their qualifications. From the literature reviewed on the role of nurses, employment may also have been possible because formal provisions give limited autonomy to nurses in


Spain, and in particular in Germany. Accountability to doctors in these countries is greater than in Britain. Most migrants who worked without an ‘equivalence certificate’ were surprised about the possibility of being able to work as qualified nurses. Some said that they were cautious about doing certain tasks, such as giving injections, without prior checking with the medical profession. Otherwise, they decided to abide by the regulations as defined by the regulatory body of their country of qualification. However, one migrant interviewee in Spain felt apprehensive about not possessing the ‘equivalence certificate’ and made a conscious effort to protect herself: I have no way of judging what the standards should be because of not having formal training … The general reaction is what am I worrying about … I should just carry on … I have started nursing records … I write everything in English, because from a legal point of view, if I am not fully coherent with the language and I am doing something that is wrong, or I am sued, if the language is the problem, then the onus is on me, and not the college … So, I have my own records as well, which are not required from the hospital, but I keep them. I suppose that really has affected me considerably because I go through a lot of trouble to make sure that my practice is in line with the regulations in Britain. It might not be in line with the college in Spain, but I don’t know that because they have not registered me, they have not given me any guidelines … So, I apply my standards from England, and my rules and regulations, until I know what the Spanish college wants. They don’t think it’s a big issue, they really don’t think it’s major … (British general nurse in Spain) The results of the interviews show that the provision of directives does not guarantee problem-free registration of qualifications. The procedures adopted vary between the countries. Despite the long-term existence of sectoral directives for general nurses, difficulties with the registration of qualifications barriers existed for general and specialized nurses alike. Time period for the registration procedure An additional indicator for establishing informal barriers is the time period during which competent authorities should process applications and notify applicants. The directives specify procedural guarantees of three months for the sectoral nursing directives and four months for general directives. Individual member states may also require


additional documentation, for example, proof of good character or good repute, or of good physical and mental health. The vagueness of provisions has been said to encourage delaying tactics by competent authorities to prevent time from running out (Minor 1992: 12). An official of the British Department of Health pointed out that there was still considerable misunderstanding or misinterpretation on the part of competent authorities as to how the system of registering was supposed to work. Therefore, ignorance may result in unclear or wrong information being given to migrants or to one’s own nationals who wish to migrate to another member state. Competent authorities on the whole did not see the time period as a problem, saying that applications were generally processed within 6–8 weeks. Information collected on the time period of the registration process suggests otherwise. The sectoral directive for general nurses applied to most of the sample. Although almost half of the migrants had their applications processed within the three months period, as defined in the sectoral directive, for almost another quarter it took up to 12 months. For some, the registration period was well beyond the defined time period and took between 12 and 36 months. The registration process was fastest in Germany. For a third it took between two days and four weeks. It was slowest in Spain. Those in the 12–36 months category were migrant interviewees in Spain. These findings may be reinforced with evidence collected by the High Level Panel (1997). Waiting periods up to a year for receiving any response from the competent authorities does appear to be common for a significant number of applicants. Reasons given for the delays to the respondents were highly diverse. Requirements varied not only between countries, but also between migrants within countries. For example, the provision of a marriage and a divorce certificate in one case was holding up registration in Germany. Aspects such as these are unlikely to be amongst the requirements envisaged by the EU regulation when it made allowances for each member state to include additional requirements for registration. In another case, in Britain, registration was delayed because the migrant was asked to provide certificates from the registration body of the district in which the qualification was obtained as well as from the registration body responsible for the area in which the last workplace was located. According to the directive, an additional certificate from the registration body of the last workplace may only be required if evidence of formal qualifications does not satisfy all the minimum training requirements (Commission of the European Communities 1977b, art. 4).


However, these are two individual cases in Germany and Britain and cannot confirm delaying tactics or the existence of widespread misunderstandings or misinterpretations. Two main trends emerge from the interviews in the three countries. Migrants who had applied from abroad usually got their applications processed faster than those who had already entered the destination country. Several reasons could explain this outcome. When making written enquiries about documentary requirements, migrants were sent detailed information by the competent authorities as to what was required in terms of documentary evidence from the country of training and experience as well as the destination country. Surprisingly, a vast number of migrant interviewees in all three countries, for various reasons, had not tried to obtain information on the procedures of registration prior to migration. The High Level Panel (1997) notes that EU citizens moving to other member states without being part of particular programmes still face considerable obstacles. Spontaneous moves, such as those by some of the respondents, are likely to result in additional difficulties to overcome. Failure to obtain information therefore represents a self-imposed barrier. However, many migrant interviewees complained that they had received contradictory information wherever they had inquired, or were refused information, and then decided to take things up locally: I wrote to the [German] nursing association for information about working in EU countries, what’s needed, etc. They replied that I had to become a member before I could receive any information. What a cheek! One would also expect more information in nursing journals, for example, that there are nursing agencies in Britain. A lot more information is needed, how things are supposed to be done, what the labour market situation is … You are sent from one place to another, but in the end, you are on your own. (German general nurse in Britain, author’s translation) Part of the delay post-migration may have been due to poor language ability. The majority of migrants, apart from those to Britain, had either no or little knowledge of the language spoken on arrival. Although some interviewees were accompanied to the registration bodies by native speakers, others may have misunderstood documentary requirements. Enquiries post-migration also meant that some migrants did not have all the necessary papers, and thus had to write to official bodies in their country of origin or previous residence to obtain them. Some delays can be explained by sheer bureaucracy. The competent authorities in Spain did not provide full information on the documents


required on a first visit. With every visit made and submission of papers on the basis of previous information given, migrants were asked to return and provide further documentary evidence. One was told that papers got destroyed in a fire and all papers needed to be resubmitted. The experience of an Irish migrant quoted below reflects the experiences of several migrants in Spain: I worked in Germany before coming to Spain. There, no problems whatsoever. Here I have had weeks, days crying with frustration and helplessness. Two trips to Ireland, one trip to Gibraltar, paying a lawyer, which cost me 175,000 pts, looking for more papers, more papers. Every time you have something, there is another paper missing. You have to go back to Ireland, you have to get this. They don’t recognize that paper and you have to get another. First of all, you have to have your paper that you have worked three out of the last five years, which is EC regulation, then the different letters from the registration bodies, which was a problem because I had worked in Germany as well, but trained in Ireland. There is no grey area, everything is black and white. And then you have to get the official seal. I had to get everything translated and certified, and then some of the authentications I got they did not recognize. Then I had to go to Gibraltar and it would start again. It was around in a circle, there was no solution. (Irish general nurse in Spain) Registration was most efficient in Germany and delays were most evident in Spain. Both countries have highly decentralized registration systems, which may lead to additional difficulties. Problems in Spain could be seen to provide evidence for delaying tactics as identified by Minor (1992). However, the fact that migrants were able to work on the basis of their ‘foreign’ certificates and registration during the waiting period cannot support such a claim. Rather, examples may provide some evidence for the claim that competent authorities are still unclear as to what is required to register EU migrants. Particularly long delays in Spain may also have been due to a managerial culture that is prone to over-centralization and a low degree of decision-making rationality, resulting in inefficiency and slowness (Boisot 1993). However, the findings also show the existence of self-imposed barriers by migrants. Employment status The employment status during the verification process can be another indicator of the existence of informal barriers. There was little coherence between countries as to how they classified EU nurses during the


waiting period of their registration certificate. However, within countries trends can be established. In Germany, migrants on ‘foreign’ agency contracts worked as fully qualified nurses on their ‘foreign’ registration. Migrants who were on contracts with employers were graded as nursing assistants. On receipt of the formal certificate from the German competent authority, their employment status and pay were then backdated to the start of their job, except for one hospital, which changed status with the date of the verification certificate. In Britain, migrants who had applied for certificates post-migration were classified as student/observant nurses on adaptation periods, without being given responsibilities. Their employment status and pay changed with the date of the verification certificate and was not backdated. In Spain, a greater variety existed. Some worked as fully qualified nurses, even supervisory nurses, but without employment contracts. Others worked in a self-employed capacity or in a foreign-owned hospital. All migrants in Spain were able to work on the basis of their ‘foreign’ registration as long as the application form had been submitted to the registration body. The variety of options used by employers may not only be confusing to migrants themselves. It may also create confusion amongst other staff and patients. For example, nurses are generally identified on the basis of their uniform. As one migrant nurse in Britain puts it: Nobody knew the level I was at. I was a fully qualified nurse, but was on the pay scale for assistants. Although the UKCC had stated in their letter that I should work as a nurse to adapt to different circumstances, I was only allowed to observe, not even allowed to take a patient to the operating theatre by myself. Some said I should wear the nursing assistant’s uniform, others wanted me to wear a staff nurse’s uniform. Yet others asked for a student nurse’s uniform. On the one hand, they wanted to be fair towards me as a fully qualified nurse. On the other hand, they wanted to be fair towards other staff, including medical staff, who might have asked me things I couldn’t answer or do. Even patients were very confused and often asked who and what I was. Yet, once the registration came through, from one moment to another I was asked to change roles with an enrolled nurse who had been in charge the previous night and who now was asked to work under me. (German specialist nurse in Britain; author’s translation) The variations in the classification of EU migrant nurses by European employers provide an interesting example of the lack of guarantees for


migrants when provisions in EU directives are vague or non-existent. Migrants can be expected to do too little or too much too soon. In Britain, they were students/observers, their training was invalidated and their status was severely undermined. In Spain, they were put in charge of wards, working without ‘equivalence certificates’ and employment contracts for up to three years. Having told the story in the perspective of what actually occurred, the aim of the next section is to explain the main findings within the context of national training systems, policies and labour market situations.

Explaining cross-national commonality and diversity The findings on the obstacles to EU migrant nurses in having their qualifications and skills recognized in other member states demonstrate similar and diverse experiences. The results are largely based on discussions with general nurses. There were only five specialized nurses in the total sample, four of whom did not register their specialism, but only their general nursing qualification (see Table I.1). In Spain this can be explained by the absence of specialized nursing qualifications. These have only begun to be taught in the mid-1990s (Universidad Católica de Lovaina, 1993). However, for Britain and Germany this explanation would not be satisfactory. Both countries have long-established specialized nursing qualifications. Specialized nursing qualifications fall under the general directives. These directives are fairly recent introductions, they are less specific, and recognition is based on the mutual trust between member states (Hantrais 1995). Information on specialized qualifications may be insufficient or imperfect. Such skills are therefore less transferable and appear to be subject to exclusion from the EU labour market. Difficulties with the recognition of credentials and access to employment varied between the countries. Evidence from the data reveals trust in foreign qualifications in Germany and Spain, but scepticism in Britain. The labour market situation in the German nursing sector could be taken as one explanatory factor for non-problematic recognition of foreign qualifications. Hospitals in Germany faced a shortage of nurses during the interviewing period. The shortage was increasingly met by actively recruiting lesser-qualified assistant personnel as well as foreign nurses and unqualified staff (Jacobs 1992a; Becker 1996). Employers and registration bodies may therefore have been prepared to make greater allowances for deficiencies.


However, this explanation would not be applicable to Spain. The country has had a balanced labour market for a number of years, with only some temporary imbalances mainly during the summer months in some areas (Consejo General de Enfermería 1990; Gonzalez Cabanes et al. 1993). Almost all migrant interviewees worked in the private sector and in areas with a high population of foreign expatriates and tourists. It may be here that a partial explanation may be found. The private sector is unpopular among Spanish nurses because of poorer working conditions compared to the public sector. Therefore, Spanish nurses tend to be found in the public sector, whereas private sector institutions favour foreign nurses (Sims 1990; Deutscher Berufsverband für Pflegeberufe 1999). Demand in such areas is likely to be higher during the summer months because of the influx of tourists. Moreover, the diversity of nationalities represented may require a similar diversity in nursing cover to accommodate the foreign population. An additional explanatory factor for the absence of obstacles in Germany could be the relatively high proportion of British nurses in the sample. Employers’ representatives interviewed generally emphasized the value of British nursing training. Their knowledge about British nursing was one of the main reasons why active recruitment had been largely organized via British and Irish nursing agencies. Other nationalities could well experience more problems with the recognition of their qualifications. None the less, the length and content of training for general nurses have been standardized at EU level, and these have been in force for many years. Subsequently, differences in training standards cannot be of any significance, and nurses should not experience difficulties in any EU country. So why the problems with the recognition of qualifications in Britain? Sellin (1991) argues that differing interpretations of the term ‘recognition’ play a significant role in the process. Thus, at EU level, ‘recognition’ refers to the right to non-discriminatory access to a profession and to employment conditions. For educational specialists, ‘recognition’ has the additional meaning of ‘academic equivalence’ with a right to further education. Moreover, the term may be subject to further interpretations in social or labour market policies. Countries will interpret ‘recognition’ differently and attach higher or lower requirements according to their own interests. During the interviewing period, Britain experienced a growing rate of unemployment amongst nursing staff due to restructuring. The registration body may have requested migrants to undergo adaptation periods because it had an interest in making ‘recognition’ as difficult as


possible to delay or deter some applicants from joining the labour market. The work by Ness et al. (1993), for example, found that a significant number of their sample had difficulties obtaining verification because of UKCC delay. Ludvigsen and Roberts (1996) argue that the British employment market is particularly vulnerable because foreign professionals with the qualifications, skills and language fluency can enter the British labour market. Yet, other European labour markets are effectively closed to British professionals because of their lack of language skills. Poorer language skills and smaller numbers of people speaking any foreign language amongst the British population compared to other Europeans have been consistently revealed by studies, particularly of language use in business (Pinder 1992; Goffee and Jones 1992; Holden and Livian 1993). For example, Holden and Livian (1993) show that British organizations invest less than other European countries in language training. They point to a number of surveys that suggest very little improvement in the future. In the field of nursing, Ludvigsen (1997) claims that few health care organizations and nurse educators have acknowledged the need and value of promoting foreign language competence in nursing training. Attitude and vulnerability may thus have played a role in the experiences of migrants. The fact that migrants lacking high language ability were debarred from the labour market may reinforce such an explanation. It finds further support by the findings of Werner and Walwei (1992). Their survey of employers’ expectations on EU migrants in five employment sectors in a number of countries shows that migrants would find it very difficult to be employed in Britain without excellent language skills. An additional explanation may be found in the shift of nursing education into the higher education sector with Project 2000, and in the introduction of a formal continuing professional development system with the Code of Professional Conduct of 1992. Arguably, these developments have meant that the nurses’ professional role and status in Britain have been enhanced (Walby et al. 1994; Hurst 1997; Francis and Humphries 1999). This may have increased reservations and mistrust towards foreign qualifications. A study on four EU countries undertaken by a French institution, for example, found that the recognition of European diplomas proved a problem in Britain (Valeurs and Performance 1992). British attitudes have often been seen as narrow and unresponsive to European cultural norms (Pinder 1992). While other European countries may not be free of attitudes of insularity, they are particularly noticeable in British society, and are frequently reinforced by the media’s negative attitude towards the EU (Ludvigsen


and Roberts 1996: 115). Wider political scepticism towards European integration may be reflected in the handling of EU applications by professional bodies and employers. However, a couple of documents in the nursing sector indicate a changing attitude. The ENB’s document ‘Creating Lifelong Learners: Partnerships for Care’ of 1994 encourage the teaching of a European and international dimension. The UKCC’s ‘Standards for Educational Experience Outside the United Kingdom for Students Undertaking National Board Approved Programmes Leading to Registration or Recording on the Council’s Register’ of 1995 suggests the inclusion of exchange periods with other EU countries into training programmes (Ludvigsen and Roberts 1996; Ludvigsen 1997). The evidence from the participating nursing migrants suggests that national and local norms and expectations in respect of recruitment differ from European policies and expectations. Moreover, national labour market situations significantly influence migrants’ experiences. Difficulties in having qualifications and skills recognized resulted in occupational downward mobility and loss of employment status for about half of the migrant nurses. The consequences of migration, with variations between the case-study countries, were therefore quite serious for this occupational group. However, nursing is a highly regulated profession. An examination of migrants in an unregulated profession could add to the stock of lessons learnt so far. Chapter 5 addresses the experiences of banking workers who have ventured abroad.

5 The Banking Profession

Unlike nurses, banking workers do not have to have their qualifications formally verified to be able to take up employment abroad. Acceptance of qualifications and skills is largely left to the individual employers. This chapter is divided into four sections. The first section presents an overview of banking training systems and qualifications in Britain, Germany and Spain. The second section briefly refers to the recognition procedures of qualifications in policy and practice. These two sections provide valuable contextual background for placing and analysing the migrants’ experiences. Section three investigates the experiences of migrant banking workers with the acceptance of their qualifications and skills, and access to appropriate employment positions in the host countries. The third section discusses the findings within the context of national training systems, policies and labour market situations. In the final section, I highlight important findings on both occupational groups – nursing and banking – and come to some conclusions on access to employment for EU migrants in member states.

Training and organization Access to the banking profession does not require specific banking qualifications in any of the three countries. Qualifications in related areas are a common feature in Germany, and on-the-job training plays an important role in both Britain and Spain. Each country has basic and higher banking qualifications, with the latter being offered through banking associations or universities. In Britain, the qualifications in Financial Services (Banking) Level 2 and in Business Administration (Financial) Level 2 of the National 73


Council for Vocational Qualifications (NCVQ) provide the standard needed for a clerical position (Commission of the European Communities 1992a). The Chartered Institute of Bankers (CIB) awards a qualification of similar level – the Banking Certificate. Training for basic qualifications takes between two and three years, depending on the candidate’s previous education. Higher banking qualifications offered by banking associations are not regulated. For example, the CIB offers two additional qualifications for career bankers. The Associateship Examination (ACIB) is open to university graduates or candidates who have taken a one-year foundation course. It is a recommended qualification for career bankers. A postgraduate qualification is offered through an MBA scheme. The programme is designed for those who want to reach senior management positions. German federal law regulates basic training under its dual education system. The bank/financial services clerk qualification can be awarded by the Chamber of Commerce, German Saving Banks School and the District Council of the former German Democratic Republic (Commission of the European Communities 1992a). Higher banking qualifications are not regulated at federal level. Recognized institutions of the private, cooperative and savings bank associations offer their own qualifications. Each offers two post-basic qualifications. Access to the first post-basic qualification of each of the associations (Bankfachwirt, Bankbetriebliche Hauptseminars’ Prüfung, Sparkassenbetriebswirt) requires the bank clerk certificate plus at least one year’s work experience, or at least five years’ work experience. The second post-basic qualification of each of the associations is a managerial training programme (Bankbetriebswirt, Bankführungsseminars’ Prüfung, Diplomierter Sparkassenbetriebswirt). These courses are open to those with the abovementioned qualifications and about five years’ work experience (Figge and Quack 1991). In Spain, the Education Act of 1990 provides a choice of two routes of post-secondary education – a two-year academic course (bachillerato) or a two-year intermediate level of vocational training (técnico). The intermediate vocational route requires ongoing practical training in the chosen employment field. Following these education stages, students from the academic route can choose the higher level vocational training, or enter selective university entry examinations or the labour market. Students from the vocational route can take a test to show equivalent knowledge to the bachillerato and the vocational skills required for a particular occupational field before entering higher level vocational training or enter the labour market. The higher level

The Banking Profession 75

vocational training programme (técnico superior) entitles entry to the university schools related to the particular vocational training programme followed (Lawlor and Rigby 1998). Training offered in university schools (escuelas universitarias) takes three years’ full-time for business studies and related areas, and leads to a first-stage diploma (diplomado) (López Quero et al. 1994). Access to banking jobs is also possible via a three-year theoretical course offered by the private college CUNED. Basic qualifications and skills are recognized at EU level. Obstacles are likely to be greater for those who have undergone on-the-job training with little post-training work experience. Acquired skills tend to be organization- or job-specific and workers do not receive credentials. Such skills may be more difficult to transfer and be accepted between countries (Leat 1998). This barrier may be particularly acute in the access to jobs in Germany where the majority of bank clerks, unlike in Britain and Spain, have undergone a formalized initial training (Marsden 1982; Lane 1987; Quack et al. 1995). Further training is not nationally regulated in any of the three countries and falls outside EU regulations. Prerequisites for access to such training are defined by individual institutions or by workplaces. Moreover, one qualification is usually dependent on having obtained another. This structure restricts workers’ mobility between the various banking sub-sectors even within a country, for example in Germany (Figge and Quack 1991). It is therefore likely to provide barriers between countries because migrants will not have the necessary entry certificates.

Qualifications and recognition procedures The recognition of qualifications in banking falls under the general directives 89/48/EEC and 92/51/EEC. I have outlined the development of the legislative and policy framework facilitating the free movement of workers in chapter 2. Further details on the general directives have also been presented in chapter 4. To avoid repetition, here I make only brief reference to the diverse recognition practices adopted in the three case-study countries. The competent authorities dealing with applications from EU migrants vary widely for the banking profession. Academic recognition, with a few exceptions, takes place in higher education institutions. Professional and vocational recognition can be by central or local state institutions, or by private industry. For example, the lead government department for the first general directive in Britain is the Department of Trade and Industry, for the second general


directive the Department of Education and Employment. In Spain it is the Ministry of Education and Science, and in Germany the Chamber of Industry and Trade in the individual regions (Bundesländer). However, because the banking profession is not a regulated profession, verification of qualifications by the competent authority is optional. On checking with the British Department of Trade and Industry, over a two-year period (1991–92) they had received only one application for Scotland by a German banker. The interview with the British Chartered Institute of Bankers (CIB), the professional body responsible for the banking profession, and information from the German Chamber of Industry and Trade confirmed that formal recognition was not of any significance for banking migrants. Accreditation under the general systems directives does not appear to be taken up to any great extent. Figures for the period 1991–94 show that only 10,000 EU nationals had their qualifications recognized (Bean et al. 1998). Most verification is therefore left to individual employers. Having provided the contextual background, I now turn to investigate the experiences of the participating migrants. This includes an examination of the verification process concerning the migrants’ qualifications and skills and language ability. My aim is to explore the kind of difficulties migrants in an unregulated profession may face in gaining access to employment in other member states.

Verification of migrants’ qualifications and skills As mentioned earlier, formal recognition of qualifications is not of any significance for banking professionals. Indeed, the majority of migrants interviewed did not go through the formal channels. Few of the interviewees had basic qualifications and work experience; none had medium-level qualifications. In fact, many migrants did not have bank-specific qualifications, but mainly business-related first degrees plus, in some cases, postgraduate degrees and/or had undergone a graduate training programme pre-migration (see table 1.2, appendix 1). For many banking migrants, it was therefore academic recognition rather than professional and vocational recognition when they applied for jobs abroad. While they could have aimed at having their degrees recognized by higher education institutions, only two migrant interviewees in Germany took this route. This raises the question as to how employers establish equivalence. In theory, mutual recognition of basic qualifications and degrees is guaranteed at EU level, even though in practice this recognition gives


employers little information about the content of training. For applicants with work experience, employers usually want additional references. Such systems vary between countries. For example, in Britain, applicants name referees themselves and prospective employers obtain references, usually for short-listed candidates only. In Germany, employees receive references, written on the basis of a code, on leaving a job. In Spain, employers tend to recruit staff through personnel advisers. Subject to the agreement of applicants, employers contact these advisors for references (Schwitt 1993). References for EU migrants may not therefore be available in the desired format. What were the criteria used by the employers? An interview with a British personnel manager established that basic and intermediate banking qualifications from EU countries would be difficult to accept. It was argued that such training programmes would probably not be relevant for British banking because the working of banks was very different between countries. Any recruitment at European level was geared towards highly qualified graduates and these would generally be recruited for management training. This particular bank selected EU migrants by looking at the institutions where degrees had been taken, and took account of different values given to specific degrees within these countries. Its interest was in generalists and not specialist bankers. Most German and Spanish managers also considered opportunities for EU migrants with basic and intermediate qualifications to be minimal. Contrary to Britain, none of the German and Spanish employers interviewed tried to obtain information about the institution, nor on content, quality and equivalence of foreign degree qualifications via educational institutions, official bodies or foreign contacts. They used the interview to obtain additional information. In contrast to Britain, both German and Spanish employers emphasized the value of specialized degrees and work experience. The kind of problems migrants experienced in gaining access to employment opportunities varied. The focus group in Britain generally felt that personnel departments were badly prepared and ignorant of what their degrees were about: Personnel departments didn’t know what my degree course was about. The system is so different. They don’t understand the level a qualification has. When the recession came, so many people looked for jobs. They can’t be bothered to find out. I think any such application probably went straight to the bin. Many of my applications had probably not even been looked at, although I had added


information. People don’t take the time. It’s causing problem when going outside France. It can be frustrating. Here you always have to prove yourself, prove yourself more. (French professional in Britain, junior management) Or: They don’t recognize there are other qualifications that are valuable. They should realize that other countries’ qualifications are as good as British ones. (Spanish professional in Britain, junior management) A similar view was taken by some British native professionals who believed that EU migrants would have more difficulty with the recruitment process because of the unknown value of different foreign degrees. Whereas continental employers would know of outstanding universities such as Oxford and Cambridge, UK employers would not know of equivalent universities abroad. The opinion that graduates from elite universities do have privileged opportunities in the labour market can be said to be a culturally determined assumption. At the same time, this view seems to point to the relative importance given to the reputation of the institution which awarded the degree in the selection of migrants, as mentioned by one of the personnel managers interviewed. Although graduates from non-elite universities have increasingly been recruited, especially since the 1980s boom, and more by clearing banks than merchant banks, public school and Oxbridge education is still a highly influential factor in the recruitment process in the City (Bowen 1992). Moreover, British-trained professionals emphasized the importance given to the ACIB qualification of the British Institute of Bankers by clearing banks, and the ‘old boy network’ by merchant banks. Continental European employers may, however, not use such measurements, nor give it the importance expected by British nationals. As one Oxford-trained migrant in Germany says: I was devastated by the difficulties I had finding a job here. I received many negative replies, apparently because my education wasn’t job-specific enough. In the UK, I had many opportunities with my degree from Oxford. I was very frustrated that in Germany this education was not recognized. (British professional in Germany, higher management) This comment, among others, seems to confirm the emphasis given to the value of specialized degrees and/or relevant work experience by


German employers. The award-giving institution or the value of qualifications within foreign countries does not appear to be of importance. Importance is given to the final grade of the degree, and the country does not have a ‘fast-track’ path for candidates from the right institutions (Easterby-Smith 1992). The work by Quack et al. (1995) shows that the focus of German banks has been to recruit graduates with business-related or law degrees, who often also possess the vocational training certificate for bank clerks. Graduates are either recruited for direct entry into specific positions or for managerial training programmes. ‘Training on the job’ is emphasized for direct entry positions. Managerial training programmes have tended to offer specialized and rounded training. In recent years, however, the focus has been increasingly on specialized training only, in combination with ‘training on the job’ (UNI 1993). Representatives of two major Spanish trade unions, the UGT and CCOO, stated that the policy of Spanish banks has been to recruit graduates with bachelor’s degrees from any discipline. Graduates are placed in administrative functions for one or two years in a number of departments before they are offered positions of responsibility. The preparation for managerial positions has been largely unregulated. Some banks have training schedules, specifying the rotation and type of departments that are part of the training. Others offer a one-year theoretical programme, comprising a period of seminars and courses and a period of practical training in departments. In recent years, however, growing emphasis has been given to the recruitment of graduates with MBAs or other specialized master’s degrees, such as economics, business studies and law (Interview with a director of training; Fernández and Müller 1996). A couple of migrants interviewed in Spain said that they had difficulties in finding jobs. However, they mentioned obstacles not related to the recognition of qualifications and skills: It was not easy. I applied from abroad, which makes it difficult. People had never heard of me, didn’t know much about me. It was quite difficult. People don’t fly you down to Spain for an interview. I did the first interviews at my own cost, and taking days off here and there without letting my employers know. So it was actually extremely complicated. Plus at the time, the area in which I am specialized was very doubtful in Spain. It was extremely small. Nobody really knew how it was going to develop. Plus the recession was hitting. (British professional in Spain, middle management)


Largely unproblematic access to employment by the respondents in Spain may have been influenced by the fact that, with one exception, the focus group had specialized degrees and/or MBAs. They therefore fitted the new recruitment strategy. Moreover, almost all migrant interviewees in Spain had previous work experience, which may have been beneficial in assessing their value to the Spanish market. In contrast, the policy of British banks has generally been to recruit graduates from a wide range of disciplines and to train them for general banking functions. Recent trends show a shift from a general to a more specialized training of graduates, and recruitment of graduates directly into specialist roles. Moreover, banks increasingly recruit professionals from a wide variety of backgrounds in mid-career (Storey 1995). Traditional policies are gradually being phased out, and employees are trained for narrow rather than broad roles. However, compared to Germany and Spain, which give significant importance to graduates with specialized degrees in their recruitment, British banks appear to remain flexible in this respect. For example, a survey of graduate opportunities, based on 53 merchant banks and security houses, shows that only about one-fifth of institutions specified a preference for graduates with business-related degrees (Careers Advisory Service 1995). Significant changes have taken place in recruitment strategies, but these are fairly recent, and therefore make it difficult to claim that a pattern of new practices has developed in British banking. There are still doubts as to whether training should be highly specialized or prepare for a wider range of roles (Storey 1995). These cultural differences in the preparation of banking professionals may be taken as one major explanation for the difficulties some migrant interviewees from Britain had in access to employment abroad. Their perception that opportunities with a general degree would have been better in the home market than, for instance, in Germany is likely to be a justifiable claim. The different values given to degree qualifications between European countries is further reflected by the focus group in Britain registering for the ACIB examination of the CIB. Even though this examination is increasingly receiving less emphasis by employers because of changes in recruitment strategies, banking professionals in managerial positions in Britain have long been urged to take the ACIB examination (Storey 1995). Graduates are given a maximum of six exemptions, out of eight subjects to be taken for the final examination. People with business studies degrees are usually exempt from two to four subjects, those with MBAs from four to five subjects. If in doubt about coverage, the


Institute insists on a qualifying test or period, according to the Director of Studies. The majority of migrant interviewees in Britain did register for the ACIB examination, but none thought they had been given a sufficient number of exemptions: They [CIB] are not very open to recognize your qualification. You need a lot of documents and information to be able to get exemptions from exams … I got one exemption. I went to talk to them … They said, ‘We don’t think you have the knowledge of the English banking system or the financial system, or how the Bank of England works’. (Spanish professional in Britain, junior management) Whether these interviewees were given fewer exemptions than British graduates is difficult to establish without seeing statistical evidence. Those who had entered the ACIB programme all had degrees or postgraduate degrees in business studies, sometimes combined with languages. On the basis of their educational background, migrants should have been well prepared for the ACIB programme. However, the CIB is a British institution, and their requirements are likely to be tailored to accommodate graduates from British universities. Moreover, a general complaint by both native professionals and migrant interviewees was that the CIB was very traditional and very sluggish in responding to change. The syllabus was considered irrelevant, even for British banking, and out-of-date. Scepticism may have also played a role in the recognition of qualifications: They [CIB] are very defiant of foreigners. Definitely, they don’t like them. You have to go through exams with them … to have equivalences for economics, for example. … They were very snooty when I asked them for exemptions. The line was: ‘We can’t give away our certificate to all these foreign people who just come along and want it’ … I haven’t applied for any exemptions in the end. (Italian professional in Britain, junior management) One might expect training institutions to introduce more flexible requirements, not only because of differences in degree/syllabuses between EU countries, but also to accommodate the differences in banking training in member states and the growing internationalization of the banking sector. The results seem to suggest, however, that initiatives


at the European level do not necessarily lead to changes at national and local levels. This may be reinforced by findings of the High Level Panel (1997: 29) that some authorities compare, subject by subject, the course followed by applicants with the course in the host country. Language ability on arrival may be taken as a further indicator of the level of difficulty experienced by migrants in access to employment. Differences existed between employers about the expectation on language ability. German and Spanish employers’ representatives expected basic to reasonable language ability of EU professionals. Higher ability was expected only for lower-level positions. British managers had high expectations of all categories of workers. The number of migrants with either no, basic or intermediate level knowledge was equal between Britain and Germany, accounting for about a third of the sample. Half of the focus groups in Spain fell into these categories. Low language ability did not, however, debar migrants from entering clerical or managerial jobs in German and Spanish banking. As one migrant, who specified basic Spanish on arrival and obtained a middle management position in Spain, says: At first my Spanish was not very good, and I had tremendous difficulty understanding people because of the speed with which they speak in Spain and also because of my lack of vocabulary … It was very difficult for everybody concerned because I couldn’t really express what I wanted to say … If you can demonstrate your personal knowledge, and your intelligence, and your capabilities, you earn their respect … I was basically concentrating on foreign clients, where obviously my language ability was stronger. Now I talk much more to the domestic clients as well, but I tended to avoid talking to them too much. (British professional in Spain, middle management) A number of the migrant interviewees in Spain worked in coastal resorts and dealt almost exclusively with foreign clients. Moreover, some offered specialisms in short supply in the Spanish labour market, for example sales of derivative products. Such factors are likely to explain the higher proportion of migrants who experienced nonproblematic access, despite low language ability. However, about half the respondents in Britain, including those with advanced-level certificates or fluency in the language, were formally assessed or were unable to obtain their first job in the British banking sector. A number of the migrant interviewees in Britain worked initially in a foreign banking


institution or in bank-related areas. The problems faced by migrants regarding language proficiency when seeking work in another member state have also been commented on in the report by the High Level Panel (1997). The report emphasizes that ‘it is disproportionate to require, except perhaps for certain specific posts, a virtually perfect knowledge of the language. Similarly, it is disproportionate to require systematically of a non-national candidate that he should provide a national certificate stating that he knows the language of the host country or that he should sit a language test’ (p. 37). The type of departments migrant interviewees worked in were similar across the three countries, for example foreign exchange and investment, international customer service, corporate finance, credit/treasury/capital market and stock market. Consequently, requirements might be expected to be fairly similar. A partial explanation for the absence of difficulties in Germany and Spain may lie in the fact that the main language of communication in international banking is English. Migrant interviewees in Germany and Spain may not have needed a very good knowledge of the host country’s language: No problems. German and English are the main languages in my job. I am responsible for international customers. I speak these languages for 80 per cent of the day. The paperwork is in Spanish. With some colleagues I speak in all three languages; with others in two languages. It is only with a few that I speak in Spanish only. (German professional in Spain, junior management; author’s translation) Part of the difference in requirements may be due to cultural variations in recruitment practices. Management training in Britain focuses on communication, interpersonal and presentation skills, and gives far less attention to operational matters. Germany and Spain place emphasis on specialist, functional knowledge and expertise (Storey 1992; Interviews with UGT and CCOO). Spain, additionally, expects executives to undergo courses in computer studies and foreign languages (Vázquez Fernández 1993; Fernández and Müller 1996). A crossnational survey of managers found that 89 per cent of British respondents considered communication and interpersonal skills as the most significant factors determining career success. In contrast, 54 per cent of German managers identified technical competence and functional expertise (Schneider and Barsoux 1997). Thus, communication skills are particularly important features of British human resource management. This may have influenced employers’ level of expectations on


migrants’ language ability. Formal assessment to establish migrants’ language competence by some employers seems to support such an explanation. Having explored some of the difficulties of migrant banking workers in gaining access to employment in the three case-study countries, the next section aims to explain the main findings within the context of national training systems, policies and labour market situations.

Explaining cross-national similarities and differences The experiences of the respondents in the banking sector demonstrate that there may be little guarantee that migrants will have their qualifications recognized in practice, despite formal EU provisions. Employers and training institutions have considerable discretionary powers to put their own rating on a person’s training and qualificational background, particularly when the profession is not regulated, which will then determine access to the level of entry to the profession. In many ways, access depends on the extent to which employers are willing to make allowances for different credentials in their selection criteria. A study of EU personnel managers in a variety of sectors and countries found that German managers were least prepared to alter recruitment requirements for EU migrants (Schwitt 1993). My findings suggest that British employers and regulatory bodies were least prepared to make allowances. Access proved more difficult in Britain than in Germany, and more difficult in Germany than in Spain. Migrants with basic and intermediate level qualifications were poorly represented in the sample. Part of the reason for this virtual absence may be due to the use of the snowball method in obtaining the sample. However, other reasons may have been of importance. In both Britain and Spain, the majority of workers in these categories have no formal qualifications because of the absence of a standardized training system. Most have received on-the-job training, which provides inadequate transferable skills (Fernández and Müller 1996; Müller and Dickmann 1996; Leat 1998). Virtually every representative of regulatory bodies and employers interviewed for this book pointed to the difficulty of transferring basic and intermediate-level skills between countries, and the lack of demand for these skills in the restructuring of the banking sector. Technological developments, restructuring of work organization and internationalization of the financial sector have resulted in changes to skill requirements (Lane 1987; Littek and


Heising 1991). Although these vary between countries because of national institutional differences, it has meant that recruitment efforts have increasingly been geared towards highly educated and specialized workers (Quack et al. 1995). Another factor may be that the content of training for lower-level banking qualifications is less well known than degree qualifications. Moreover, arrangements in collective agreements for these groups vary between countries, and employment outside such agreements is not usually possible for these groups (Sellin 1991). Basic and medium-level skills and qualifications are therefore less in demand and less transferable between countries. The effect may be exclusion from the EU labour market. Limited knowledge about the content and value of degree qualifications did not halt cross-national recruitment. Rather, it may have been the labour market situation and the education and training culture of the countries determining access to jobs for highly qualified migrants. As mentioned earlier, the transformation of the banking sector has increased the demand for specific and higher skills in all three countries. However, there are likely to be country-specific influences on migrants’ experiences. Relatively easy access in Spain may have been due to a number of factors. Job losses have been less significant than in Germany and in particular Britain (Lawlor and Rigby 1998). Moreover, there is a very large gap between the educational system and the needs of commerce and industry and a great deficiency in professional training (Resco 1988; Colao 1989; Filella 1992). Although training has been given a high priority, and has been increasing since the late 1980s, relatively few have undergone higher education or possess vocational qualifications (Holden and Livian 1993; Fernández and Müller 1996). Employers may have been pressed to recruit skills from outside the domestic labour market. Moreover, the recognition of qualifications plays a particularly important role in the selection criteria when applicants do not have previous work experience (Werner and Walwei 1992). Unlike the focus groups in Britain and Germany, almost all migrant interviewees in Spain had earlier work experience. This may have made it easier to establish their potential. Specialist knowledge tends to be more important for foreign than for domestic appointments because of the need to pass on knowledge and to assess the transferability of working methods onto another environment (Reisach 1996). Finally, about a third of the respondents in Spain worked in coastal resorts with high levels of expatriates and tourists. Foreignspeaking rather than Spanish-speaking staff may therefore have been required to deal with foreign business.


The possession of non-vocational degrees among some migrant interviewees in Germany is one highly likely factor in explaining difficulties in the access to jobs. In Germany the dual vocational training system has not only maintained, but expanded its position in all employment sectors. This in part explains the hesitant acceptance of ‘academic’ education (Windolf 1982). Furthermore, until recently, Germany has had very few business schools, MBAs and other management courses (Easterby-Smith 1992; Lawrence 1992). Even though the banking sector has increased its proportion of university graduates from four per cent in 1978 to 10 per cent in 1992, university education plays a less significant role than in some other European countries (Hussain and Segalla 1996). Moreover, graduates in economics and law and those with additional bank clerk training have clear advantages in the access to managerial jobs (UNI 1993; Krebsbach-Gnath and Berthoin Antal 1993). Migrant interviewees with business or law degree backgrounds did not highlight particular access problems. Problems in access by some British interviewees with non-vocational degrees may have been exacerbated by the fact that British bachelor degrees tend not to be regarded as completed higher education by continental European standards. Furthermore, the repertoire of the award-giving institution does not appear to play a role in recruitment and careers (Easterby-Smith 1992; Giles 1996). In contrast, public schooling and the reputation of degree-awarding institutions are of great importance in Britain’s selection criteria, particularly in the City and specifically in merchant banking (McDowell and Court 1994). Such credentials are very important in being selected via the ‘old boy network’. EU migrants do not usually possess these credentials, which may in part explain the obstacles in the access to jobs and to the management training programme of the CIB. This explanation may find confirmation in a survey of European employers in a variety of sectors in five EU countries by Werner and Walwei (1991). They found that recruitment via contacts with ‘well-known’ universities and business schools was a particular recruitment strategy of the British banking sector, but not of any other employment sector or country they investigated. In addition, their survey found that employment in Britain required excellent language ability. This study provides support for these findings. The recession in British banking may also account for some of the difficulties experienced by migrant interviewees. During the 1980s, banking employment expanded and tiered recruitment policies with accelerated training programmes for graduates became a popular


feature. In the 1990s, recruitment virtually stopped, except for some graduates to fill specialized positions (Quack et al. 1995). Most of the migrant interviewees in Britain did not have previous work experience. The lack of knowledge about their potential and their commitment to the British labour market, at a time when jobs and training budgets were being reduced, may have contributed to employers’ reluctance to recruit migrants, both for accelerated training programmes or direct entry into specialized positions. Some influence could also be attributed to the technological influence on employment opportunities. These developments have led to more part-time vacancies (Müller and Dickmann 1996). The participating migrants were single and were looking for full-time positions.

Conclusion Chapters 4 and 5 have examined the experiences of migrants in the nursing and banking professions in access to employment in other member states. It has been shown how different institutional arrangements and employment systems can result in different outcomes, despite EU directives on cross-national recognition of qualifications and skills. Migrant interviewees in both occupational groups experienced difficulties with the verification of their qualifications and skills, and in access to jobs. Migrant nurses faced problems in obtaining positions commensurate with their qualifications and experience obtained prior to migration. Banking migrants experienced difficulties in gaining access to jobs because of the absence of specific degree qualifications. For both occupational groups, obstacles were largely due to different values and attitudes attached to qualifications and skills both within and between countries. The data on perceived occupational downward mobility post-migration, compared to the migrants’ position pre-migration, especially in the case of nursing, may be taken as one indication of the effects of these barriers. The results seem to demonstrate an added disadvantage for migrant women compared to native women. A common feature between the countries was a highly cautious attitude towards basic and intermediate level banking qualifications and specialized nursing qualifications, and a small representation of such migrants in the sample. Part of the reason for this virtual absence may be the use of the snowball method in obtaining the sample. However, perceptions of employers about applicants may influence recruitment decisions and risk-averse employers may not consider employment of a


group on whom they have imperfect or insufficient information. Such attitudes may lead to discrimination and this, in turn, leads to exclusion (Arrow 1973; Aigner and Cain 1977). The paths towards degrees and general nursing qualifications are more widely known than basic and intermediate level banking and specialized nursing qualifications. This is because recruitment of foreign graduates, particularly through international recruitment fairs, and links with European business colleges have already been an established feature for some time (Rolfe and Byre 1995). Moreover, a long period of time has elapsed since the implementation of the sectoral directive for general nursing in the EU. The empirical findings seem to indicate that migrants who fall under the general directives may be more prone to exclusion from the ‘European labour market’. Another explanation may be provided by the situation of the labour market. The banking sectors in the three countries have not been expanding at the lower levels of employment for a number of years. Employers may therefore be bound by union influence on the level and composition of labour supply (Sengenberger 1987). Limits on recruitment may lead to a preference for employing staff who has followed the training system of the country concerned. However, this argument cannot be applied to specialized nurses. Although Spain and Britain did not face a labour shortage, according to a number of employers’ representatives interviewed, all three countries had shortages in certain specialities. This would imply greater acceptance of EU nurses with specialized qualifications. Thus, the fairly consistent finding of exclusion, in part, shows commonality within and between certain levels of the two occupational groups and between countries. The experiences of highly qualified banking migrants, the largest group in the sample, show greater diversity. Access to jobs was also influenced by labour market needs, but obstacles were concentrated in the education and training cultures of the individual countries. There were also variations between nationalities within countries. Barriers were due to differences in education and training cultures of the countries pre- and post-migration, and the attitudes attached to these in terms of expectations by regulatory bodies, employers and migrants themselves. In contrast, general nurses had a fairly consistent pattern of common experiences within countries and between nationalities, but different experiences between countries. In line with the experiences of highly qualified banking workers, access was also influenced by labour market needs, and obstacles were concentrated in the education and training culture of the countries concerned.


Thus, the difficulties for the participating migrants in both occupational groups were largely due to differences in the education and training cultures of the various countries and the expectations and ‘pride’ attached to them. These training cultures have historical traditions and are the outcome of political, social and patriarchal structures and relations in society (Sengenberger 1987; Walby 1990). The different development of such structures and relations has resulted in different outcomes between countries. Despite these differences, literature on training systems and culture show that inequalities in the access to training by gender, broadly speaking, do not significantly differ between the three countries. Different and similar factors have resulted in similar outcomes for women in labour markets (for details see chapters 6 and 7). The additional obstacles to EU migrant women – as identified through the examination of the verification process, the difficulties in gaining access to employment, and the data on perceived occupational downward mobility post-migration – may be indicative of a dual disadvantage of gender and foreigner status in access to employment in host countries.

Part II Adjustment and Integration

Part II investigates migrants’ adjustment to, and integration into, the work environment in the host countries. Migrants’ experiences will be influenced by the organization and by the culture of employment sectors. This includes work organization and practices and sets of social norms and behaviour which impact on the level to which women are excluded and included in a profession and work environment. Variations will exist between countries because of differences in the institutional arrangements of labour markets and the organization of employment sectors. Chapters 6 and 7 examine the experiences of migrants with the professional culture of the nursing and banking sectors in the three case-study countries. One crude measurement of migrants’ adjustment to a foreign work environment would be simply to compare their employment status pre-migration with that post-migration as well as that at the time of the interview, and establish any deterioration or improvement. Tables II.1 and II.2 provide information to this effect. Table II.1 shows that the decline in employment status was most significant for nurses with additional responsibilities pre-migration. Six of the migrants in this category experienced a decline in their status postmigration. By the time of interviewing, there was a further increase in this proportion. The increase of three migrants in the category ‘assistant nurses’ post-migration was due to a number of nurses who had accepted nursing assistant positions because of difficulties with the verification of their qualifications. The increase in the number of first level nurses post-migration can be partly offset by migrants who were in training pre-migration. Moreover, by the time of interviewing, some of the nurses with first level qualifications, who had initially accepted nursing assistant positions, had managed to obtain positions in line 91

92 Migrant Women Professionals in the EU Table II.1 Employment status – nursing (numbers) Status

Pre-migration

Post-migration

Interview time

In training Assistant First level Additional responsibility In charge of a unit Self-employed

3 1 14 8 3 1

0 4 19 2 3 2

0 1 20 1 6 2

Note: ‘Post-migration’ refers to first job post-verification of qualifications.

with their formal qualifications. It is important to note, however, that for the large majority these were not positions in line with their years of work experience. The effects of migration on employment status are somewhat different for banking migrants. Table II.2 shows that for banking migrants, a status decline is not as easily identifiable as for migrant nurses. This is due to the high proportion of banking migrants who were in education or training pre-migration. The increase in the proportion of migrants in clerical positions, in positions with training components, and in executive/junior management positions can be largely accounted for by those who were not in employment prior to migration. The increase in the proportion of various status categories cannot therefore be seen as a status decline. A status decline can be identified for one migrant only who had worked in a position of higher management premigration. A comparison of employment status post-migration versus interview time shows an increase of nine migrants for all other categories. On the basis of these quantitative data, the migration effect on banking migrants appears to have been neither positive nor negative. The above account gives some idea of migrants’ formal adjustment to the labour markets of the host countries. However, it does not provide evidence about the informal barriers in the integration process. ‘Professional culture’ was therefore used to measure such obstacles. This includes ‘professional status, role and work relations’ and ‘regulations and daily practices’ for both occupational groups, and the additional indicator ‘systems of care’ for the nursing profession. Each of the following two chapters start with an overview of the forms of work organization and practices in the three case study countries to provide the contextual background to migrants’ experiences. The issues discussed in the empirical sections derive from a number of open-ended questions posed to migrants, their colleagues of the host

The Nursing Profession 93 Table II.2 Employment status – banking (numbers) Status

Pre-migration

Post-migration

Interview time

In education In training Clerical Executive/junior management Executive with training component Middle management Higher management

8 4 6 9

0 0 9 10

0 0 3 9

0 1 1

7 3 0

5 9 3

country, and management. The focus on countries varies under each indicator due to the varying intensity of obstacles experienced by migrants. The chapters conclude with an explanation of cross-national commonality and diversity. In the concluding section of chapter 7, I summarize the main findings on both occupational groups and draw conclusions on the integration of EU migrants in work environments elsewhere in the Union.


The organization and culture of the nursing sector are regulated and traditional. Restructuring of work organization and practices, and changes to gender relations, have occurred, but only slowly. The scale of regulation, tradition and change in nursing today varies between countries. These differences affect nurses’ professional status, role and autonomy. They may influence migrants’ integration experiences abroad. This chapter is divided into three sections. The first section charts the development paths of training systems and forms of work organization and practices in Britain, Germany and Spain. This is valuable for contextualizing migrants’ experiences and for interpreting the findings. Section two examines the integration experiences of migrants in the work environment. Reference is made to the systems of care; professional status, role and work relations; and regulations and daily practices. In the final section, I discuss the results within the context of professional cultures, work organization, labour market situations, women’s roles and migrants’ work backgrounds.

Work organization and practices The status and role of occupations are influenced, among other factors, by the historical development of training systems and by forms of work organization and practices. Such developments differ between countries and thus may result in different outcomes. These differences may affect the skills, level of competence and responsibilities assigned to nurses, either formally or informally. For example, British nursing has undergone three main developments since the mid-nineteenth century. The first nursing model was based on the ideas of Florence Nightingale who defined nurses as 94


womanly, decent and obedient handmaidens of doctors. During this period, a task-based organization of nurses’ work, headed by the matron, developed within hospital wards. The emphasis was on basic care, hygiene and housekeeping (Carpenter 1993; Walby et al. 1994). A change in the role of nurses emerged with the Bedford Fenwick movement around the time of the First World War. Hygiene and housekeeping remained important tasks, but technical and medical knowledge and tasks were added to the definition of nursing skills. The movement promoted state registration in order to create an exclusive occupation, with autonomy from both hospitals and nursing management. However, the movement did not attempt to change nurses’ subordinate role to doctors. The task-based organization of work was kept. This ensured doctors’ control over the diagnostic and treatment process and at the same time, allowed doctors to hand down some tasks to nurses. A grading system emerged in the 1960s which created divisions between untrained nursing assistants, enrolled nurses with two years training and registered nurses with three years training. The grade system resulted in a new distribution of work within nursing. Registered nurses were assigned predominantly to curing responsibilities and untrained and enrolled nurses to caring responsibilities (Carpenter 1993). A third change in the role of nurses began in the early 1970s, with the aim finally to achieve professionalization, to develop more scientific and philosophical concepts of care and to implement a new practice of professionalism through changes in training and in the organization of work. In 1989, with ‘Project 2000’, nurse education has been incorporated into the higher education system. Training has become more theoretical, and student nurses have been given full student status. New care systems have been developed which aim to make nursing more independent of the medical and other health care professions. Increasingly, basic care, so far provided by untrained, student or enrolled nurses, is carried out by NVQ-trained health care assistants. Moreover, the UKCC code of practice of 1992 abandons ‘certificates for tasks’ in favour of ‘principles for practice’ which allows for more independent judgement in nursing practices Thus, new processes and care systems all aim for an autonomous professional status and role for nurses (Carpenter 1993; Walby et al. 1994). There are major debates as to whether British nursing can claim ‘full’ professional status. Nursing fulfils a major requirement within the British system – it has its self-regulated professional association. But it does not fulfil other requirements, such as professional autonomy from


other groups in the occupational division of labour (Freidson 1986). The introduction of primary nursing, which provides for greater autonomy in nurses’ decision-making power, and the incorporation of training into the university system has meant major changes (Walby et al. 1994). However, the level of success of this change is difficult to establish, partly because changes are fairly recent. For example, Davies (1992) and Hurst (1997) argue that although traditional boundaries have been breaking down and more work has been shifted from doctors to nurses, nineteenth century ideas on the role of nurse as handmaid to the doctor have remained. Carpenter (1993: 124) considers the new phase less of a challenge to medical control but ‘a renegotiation of traditional patterns of subordination and a claim for greater responsible autonomy within it’. Even others believe that nurses will have to make significant contributions to patient recovery or health promotion to gain legitimate independence (Walby et al. 1994). In Germany, the medical profession of the nineteenth century successfully promoted the development of a national training system for nurses and their role as ‘handmaidens, faithful collaborators and assistants to doctors’ (Robert Bosch Stiftung 1992: 59). Training was carried out by doctors, with some small functions left to be taught by matrons. The development of the role of nurses was further influenced by the ideas of Protestant and Catholic churches as well as the Red Cross who aimed at attracting women from religious backgrounds, from the middle and aristocratic classes. A task-based organization of nurses’ work, supervised by the matron, developed (Oberinnenprinzip). The influence of the role of religious orders in nursing provision (Ordenspflege) was an important one, in that it promoted basic care as a largely separate area in the provision of care. Medical and technical care have gradually become part of the role of nurses, but these developments have ensured that basic care and medical care are seen to be of equal importance. Developments have also ensured that nursing continues to be seen as an ‘assisting’ occupation. The principles of care, the structures and organization of nursing as well as the religious influence on work ethics, as developed and promoted by these organizations, largely explain today’s structures of nursing. It also explains the continuous importance of an internal labour market in the provision of training because these providers have adopted a sceptical attitude towards modern developments in work organization and practices (Brenner 1992; Robert Bosch Stiftung 1992). The German constitution, the Basic Law, aided the historical structure and organization of nursing by defining all occupations in the health


sector as occupations assisting the medical profession. Nursing care legislation passed in 1985 and 1986 updated training requirements, but not the nurse’s role. A definition and delimitation of their role was seen to be inconsistent with the principle of care (DBfK 1990). No clear definition of nurses’ role therefore exists. In practice, nurses have been delegated many tasks which legally fall under the responsibilities of doctors. This delegation of tasks has led to a growing conflict between doctors and nurses because of the exclusive position given to the medical profession in the Basic Law (Meifort 1990; Jacobs 1992b). Nursing training has not been incorporated into the university system, which is the most important requirement for professional status in Germany. The absence of such credentials alone has meant that nurses in Germany have not even come close to acquiring professional status. The maintenance of gender-specific roles combined with an ideology which continues to define nurses as charitable, serving and dutiful hinders the development and recognition of an independent professional status for nurses, despite the debate and demands made over the years (Meifort 1990). A change in attitude by professional associations and trade unions towards new practices of professionalism and an autonomous professional status and role for nurses has become apparent only in the late 1980s (Schaeffer et al. 1994). Moreover, with unification in 1990, university programmes for nurse teachers, established in the former East Germany in the 1970s, were maintained, even though all other aspects of the East German nursing system and nursing education were abolished (Wagner 1996). Both these developments signal a new phase for the nursing profession. In Spain, regulations on the training and functions of nurses were approved in the mid-nineteenth century, though legitimacy was not established until 1904 with the Instrucción General de Sanidad Pública. The objectives of the first colleges of nursing on the role of nurses coincided with those of Florence Nightingale. Their role was to be subordinated to and dependent on the medical profession. The training of nurses was directed and largely carried out by doctors. The outcome was a largely technical training, even though it was meant to be practical (Dominguez-Alcón et al. 1983). No significant changes were made to the functions of nurses until 1973. The document Estatutos del Personal Sanitario Titulado y Auxiliar de Clinica de la Seguridad Social defined nurses as being assistants of doctors who fulfil instructions in relation to a service to be provided. This ‘compromise’ expansion in the role of nurses was implemented because the advancements in medicine required the professionalization of nurses for some specific functions. At the same time, other functions


still required their subordination to doctors because they could not be left in the hands of untrained staff (Dominguez-Alcón et al. 1983; Francisco del Rey 1990). The actual development to a more professional role for nurses occurred in the late 1970s when the nurse’s role was made more specific and less dependent on doctors. The document Anteproyecto de Estatuto Jurídico del Personal Sanitario Titulado del Grado Medio de la Seguridad Social provided for a more autonomous professional practice for nurses. And nursing rather than medical models were emphasized in the changes to professional practices (Francisco del Rey 1990; Gonzales Gabanes et al. 1993). Moreover, a significant transformation took place in that many hospitals started to develop job profiles for nurses in which the nurse’s role was defined less restrictively (Dominguez-Alcón et al. 1983). In 1977, the education of nurses was incorporated into the university system which changed some aspects in nursing training. Study plans put less emphasis on technical matters and medicine and introduced more nursing care. By 1980, only about half the universities’ nursing colleges were run by doctors. Thirty per cent were run by other professionals and 5 per cent by nurses (Dominguez-Alcón et al. 1983; Universidad Católica de Lovaina, 1993). Despite this change, the training programme was still medically focused. Subjects taught were introductions or syntheses of subjects studied by the medical profession. Medical tasks and health technology have remained strong components in nursing training, at the expense of nursing care. Nurses themselves consider delegated medical functions and technical tasks to have a higher status than direct nursing care, so that the latter tends to be delegated to other groups (Gonzales Gabanes et al. 1993). Spanish nurses fulfil the continental European requirement for professional status, which is academic credentials. However, academic credentials have not given nurses the professional status envisaged with the implementation of this policy. The training programme has been compared with a second-class university course (Mazarrasa Alvear 1990). According to the national classification of occupations, published in 1980, nurses continue to exercise assisting functions and follow doctors’ instructions. These aspects show the continuing subjugation of the nursing career to the interests of the medical profession (DominguezAlcón et al. 1983). Since the early 1980s, trade unions and professional associations have encouraged more specific functions and a new role for nurses. However, a major difficulty is the discrepancy between the limited professional activity which nurses are legally permitted to


perform and the actual demand on them. The level of competence and independent skills assigned to nurses therefore varies from one hospital to another (Universidad Católica de Lovaina, 1993). A study by the Consejo General de Enfermería (1990) found that more than 40 per cent of nurses had little autonomy in their work. Eighty-two per cent said their main function was assisting. Thus the scale to which the role of nurses has developed differs between the three countries because of differing historical developments. The role of nurses in Britain and Spain has undergone three main developments, whereas Germany is still in the second phase. The nurses’ role has expanded in all three countries, but their claim to an autonomous professional status is most advanced in Britain. Spain initiated a more professional role in the late 1970s. However, legal definitions do not correspond with practical changes brought about by a changing system of training. German nursing trails behind the other two countries. Although in practice the role of nurses has expanded, legally it has remained traditional and restricted. Adjustment to the German system is therefore likely to provide greatest difficulty, especially for migrants who come from systems where they have been able to work more autonomously, where they have been granted a higher status at work and in the wider society. In the light of a long fight for professional status, the German system is likely to be considered a step in the wrong direction. Varying historical developments in the nursing culture have had an impact on the systems of care adopted by countries. Broadly speaking, care delivery systems may be largely holistic or largely task-oriented. Britain adopts a largely holistic approach, which was promoted particularly with the publication of The Scope of Professional Practice in 1992 (Garratt 1999). Various care systems have been implemented over the few past years, the main ones being patient allocation, primary nursing and team nursing. Under the system of patient allocation, each nurse has a number of patients. The nurse is in charge of these patients usually for a shift or several days or even until patients are discharged. Under primary nursing, a nurse is also assigned a group of patients. However, under this system she assumes 24-hour accountability from admission to discharge. In team nursing, care is supervised by a team leader who assigns a number of nurses with different skill levels to the provision of care. Skill levels of nurses are chosen according to the patients’ needs. Team nursing therefore represents a more hierarchical system, but is said to be beneficial for junior staff to acquire skills and confidence in a supportive team


environment. Patient allocation and primary nursing on the other hand ensure a higher degree of individualised care, with primary nursing offering highest autonomy and accountability to patients. Such patientfocused care systems have been claimed to empower nurses and to simplify hospital processes (Higgins and Dixon 1992; Hurst 1997). Traditionally, Germany has operated largely with systems of functional care, which is a more task-oriented approach. Today’s care delivery systems vary within and between regions because of the decentralized structure of the system, but functional care is still widely applied (ÖTV 1992a). Interviews with two nursing directors established that a change to a patient allocation system has been in the process of being implemented by an increasing number of German hospitals over the past few years. However, a survey among nursing staff found that the adoption of holistic care was not as widespread in general hospitals (54 per cent) and university hospitals (47 per cent) as in other institutions, such as specialized hospitals (60 per cent) and old people’s homes (82 per cent) (Dietrich 1995). The participating hospitals largely adopted functional care. Under the system of functional care, nurses do not have the responsibility for a group of patients. The ward nurse allocates tasks to staff on a kind of rota basis. For example, a nurse having been allocated the task of giving out medicine has to do so for all the patients on a ward. Functional care has been criticized on two levels. It fails to meet changing care needs and quality in the provision of care. And it prevents nurses from fulfilling their potential. Functional care is therefore increasingly rejected by the nursing profession (Robert Bosch Stiftung 1992; UKCC 1992). In Spain, a more holistic approach developed with the changes in the late 1970s, though practices still vary from one hospital to another (Universidad Católica de Lovaina 1993). Hospitals seem to adopt a mixture of holistic and task-oriented approaches. For example, it was common practice amongst the participating hospitals of this study that the nurse of the morning shift took 24-hour responsibility for a group of patients. Each shift was usually the responsibility of only one qualified nurse, supported by a group of nursing assistants. Qualified nurses delegated tasks to assistants and were responsible for the jobs done by assistants. Thus care systems vary within and between countries. Functional care is still adopted in Germany, though ‘patient allocation’ has become more widespread. Britain and, at varying levels, Spain have adopted an holistic approach to care for quite a number of years.


A wide range of care systems has been implemented and tried out, particularly in Britain. Adjustment to any system may be problematic for migrants. The holistic care approach is said to provide greater job satisfaction than functional care. The emphasis on individualized care in hospitals that adopt more holistic care approaches implies that nurses may spend more time with patients than under task-based systems. Moreover, greater knowledge about patients gives nurses better opportunities to meet the needs of individual patients. This, in turn, contributes to improved nurse–patient relations. Moreover, the approach gives nurses greater autonomy in their work role than under functional care (Taubert 1994). However, a shift to a holistic approach could create uncertainties, and ultimately a lack of confidence in performing the job, particularly in combination with language impediments. In contrast, a transfer to a task-oriented system may be seen as a degradation. It may therefore create resentment by migrants and result in conflicts between newcomers and existing staff. Occupations or professions have to adhere to certain regulations, which may affect migrants’ integration experience. Rules are laid down by regulatory bodies, in collective agreements and workplaces. Such regulations vary between countries because of differing employment models. Regulations may refer to professional conduct as well as employment and workplace procedures and organization. In Britain, nurses are very rule-bound (Walby et al. 1994). A head of a strategic unit and a manager explained that even tiny aspects of conduct and procedures are laid down in manuals. This was partly because practices are increasingly based on research, and partly because of a fear of losing professional registration. In Germany and Spain, regulations and expectations are broadly defined in legislation and agreements, but it is left largely to individual workplaces to interpret them (Universidad Católica de Lovaina 1993; Interviews with native professionals). Workplace organization such as administrative procedures, the organization of wards, shifts and breaks vary between but also within countries. For example, in Britain, strictly timed shifts and fairly regular working hours form the basic employment model (Walby et al. 1994). In Germany, shifts and working hours are fixed, but breaks, and sometimes even shifts, tend to be based on the completion of tasks rather than the hours worked (Betzemeier 1990). In Spain, one in four nurses work double shifts and the same proportion work extra hours, despite fixed shifts and working hours (Consejo General de Enfermería 1990). Differing staffing levels within and between countries and workplaces may have an influence on migrants’ integration processes.


For example, in any country, an intensive care ward is likely to have a higher nurse: patient ratio than a dermatology ward. It is, however, the difference between countries which may create problems for EU migrants. Lower staffing cover than in the home country may lead to additional stress and ultimately tension between native and foreign workers. For example, until very recently, the nursing staff–patient ratio in Germany was still based on a formula established in 1969 despite an increase in patients with higher care needs (Meifort 1990; Schmidbauer 1992a). On the basis of updated norms, it was estimated that Germany was short of about 100,000 nurses in the early 1990s, which amounted to 15.5 per cent of the 647,000 nurses and midwives (ÖTV 1992b). Vacancies have declined since 1993, but the situation has by no means eased. In fact, the shortage is expected to worsen because of a further increase in care needs and because of the decline of young people who opt for the profession (Dietrich 1995; Becker 1996). New legislation came into force in January 1993. It fixed a temporary national formula and granted funding for an additional 13,000 nursing staff and additional midwives (Reiners 1993). However, the regulation has been criticized for being insufficient to meet needs, predicting a decline in the quality of care and in employment conditions for nurses (ÖTV 1992c). Indeed, responses to this legislation and the nursing care insurance, introduced in the mid-1990s, have led increasingly to the recruitment of assistant staff and the provision of inadequate training programmes (Becker 1996). Britain and Spain do not have national norms on the nurse–patient ratio. Employers have their own guidelines (Interview with the RCN; Universidad Católica de Lovaina 1993). However, OECD (1995) statistics show considerable differences in the average ratio. The number of nurses per available bed is 0.4 in Germany, 0.7 in Britain and 0.6 in Spain. However, such figures may be misleading without mentioning additional factors. The ratio of doctors per 1,000 inhabitants is 3.1 in Germany, 1.4 in Britain and 3.8 in Spain. Germany and Spain thus have a much larger supply of doctors than Britain. Doctors in these countries do some of the tasks that are done by nurses in Britain. However, Germany has a significantly higher number of beds than either Britain or Spain. The number of beds per 1,000 inhabitants in 1990 was 10.4 in Germany, 5.9 in Britain and 4.3 in Spain (OECD 1995). While the ratios will differ between wards, depending on factors such as care category and needs, the average ratios of the individual countries are likely to have an influence on the supply of nursing personnel on wards, and ultimately on nurses’ workload.


Stress caused by low staff levels may be exacerbated by high staff turnover. The number of nurses leaving the profession, job changes and the use of temporary contracts may give an indication of stability and satisfaction at the workplace. A national survey of 6,000 nurses in the British National Health Service (NHS) found that 5 per cent had left the NHS in 1994–5, 20 per cent had left their jobs in the previous year, and 63 per cent had been in their current job for five years or less (Seccombe and Patch 1995). Figures from the Royal College of Nursing suggest that each year an estimated 30,000 nurses leave the NHS (RCN 1992a). The 1990s also experienced an increase in the use of temporary contracts. One in five respondents who had qualified since 1993 were on such contracts. However, almost half the job changes occurred because of career progression. Dissatisfaction and the ending of a temporary contract played a less important role, though still amounted to almost a third of the reasons for job changes. This profile is in contrast to the situation in Germany. An analysis undertaken of national employment statistics in 1990 shows that 10 per cent of qualified nurses change occupation and 38 per cent leave the profession, either permanently or temporarily (Dietrich 1995). Local research found that 33 per cent of newly qualified nurses had left the profession within a short period to change occupation. Temporary contracts have played an insignificant role for job changes in German nursing. Dissatisfaction has been the single most important factor. In the local study, lack of time available for patients and lack of personnel made up almost 90 per cent of the reasons given for disillusionment (Betzemaier 1990; Prinzl-Wimmer and Bauer 1992). Increased pay scales and fringe benefits and the provision of some university programmes in nursing studies have improved the status of nurses in recent years (Wagner 1996). However, little appears to have been done to increase the number of qualified nurses to accommodate the main factors of dissatisfaction. Nurses appear to be somewhat more satisfied in Spain. The nursing profession has experienced continued growth in the past two decades, and training provision has been expanded. Even though turnover is quite high, and about 6.5 per cent leave the profession each year, the outflow occurs primarily after 10–15 years in work (Consejo General de Enfermería 1990; Rodríguez et al. 1999). This brief review illustrates that the organization and culture of the nursing sector vary considerably between the three countries. The culture of the sector and workplace are conditioned by the historical developments of social relations in each of the countries. While some


outcomes show similarities between countries, for example the low proportion of women in nursing management, many aspects show significant differences. This is especially pronounced in nurses’ status and role as well as in work regulations. Inevitably, obstacles in the occupational integration of EU migrants will partly be determined by the degree of difference between the workplace culture of the countries pre- and post-migration. Having provided the contextual background, I now turn to examine migrants’ experiences. My aim is to explore the extent to which work environments may present obstacles to migrants in the adjustment and integration processes. This includes a discussion of findings relating to systems of care; professional status, role and work relations; and regulations and daily practices.

The process of adjustment and integration Systems of care The system of nursing care provides a valuable indicator to measure adjustment to a foreign professional culture. Care systems can be broadly divided into holistic care and functional care. According to interviews undertaken with nursing directors in Germany, nurses from systems with functional care have been trained in the aspects of holistic care. It forms part of their training programme. Differences lie mainly in the distribution of work. None of the systems are said to be fully holistic or functional (Robert Bosch Stiftung 1992). A British head of a strategic unit saw no adjustment problems for EU migrants coming to Britain, arguing that migrants, especially those coming from functional care systems, would consider it an advantage to work in Britain. Interviews with the focus group in Britain to a certain extent confirmed this view. However, some migrants, particularly those from Germany, and therefore largely from a functional care system, found it difficult to accept and adjust not to the actual holistic care system but to the content of nursing care. German migrants criticized the focus on technical rather than nursing care and stressed that there was too much emphasis on therapeutic instead of preventive care.1 1. Therapeutic care refers to all steps undertaken that lead to the cure of an illness. This may include, amongst others, medical care and physiotherapy. A programme of steps of care is developed according to particular needs. Preventative care aims to recognize risk factors and avoid complications. This may refer to illnesses that have already set in or would be likely to do so (Interview with a migrant nurse).


The quote below reflects the view of several migrant interviewees: Nursing care here is terrible. You can’t call this care. There is lots of therapeutic care but no preventive care. … It is a huge change. Initially, I could not accept it, I still can’t. If I wanted to stay here permanently, I would have to give up what I have learnt over three years. I would have to change profession because I couldn’t square it with my conscience. In Germany they say Britain is very advanced in nursing. Technically, that is true, but not in terms of actual care. (German general nurse in Britain; author’s translation) Despite a shift towards holistic care approaches, German hospitals still widely adopt a functional care system. Migrants interviewed in Germany worked largely in hospitals that still operated on the basis of functional care, were in the process of implementing or had just recently implemented patient care. What were the experiences of migrants to Germany? Two-thirds of the migrants interviewed came from Britain and Ireland, partly due to a special recruitment drive by hospitals to solve the shortage problem. The nurses had therefore worked with holistic care prior to migration. The hospitals chose nurses from these countries partly because the nurses were available on the labour market due to institutional changes in the British health sector. Moreover, a reason often cited in Germany, among both management and native workers, was that they were chosen because of the high reputation of British nursing training, which they considered more advanced than that of Germany. Once managers had accustomed themselves with the recruitment process through British and Irish agencies, they did not want to expand recruitment to other countries. The process of acquiring the knowledge had been very time-consuming, and a larger diversity of nationalities was felt to complicate the integration process. However, some of the tasks done by nurses in Britain are tasks for doctors in Germany. For example, administering IV drugs can be a task for British nurses with extended role qualifications or proven competence (Garrat 1999). In Germany, such tasks, at least officially, cannot be delegated to nurses, even though in practice it does occur (Jacobs 1992b). Other tasks done by nurses in Germany are tasks for care assistants in Britain, such as distributing food. The restrictions on nurses’ responsibilities was widely criticized or questioned by migrants to Germany: We do a lot more in the UK, giving IV drugs, for example. Doctors do it here. They don’t give blood here … Generally, I feel degraded.


The job is not professional here, not seen like it either. It’s not just because of one thing, the whole job, everything. (British general nurse in Germany) In general, migrant interviewees criticized German nursing for being very antiquated, but it was the aspect of ‘basic care’ which caused most tension in the work environment. As mentioned earlier, medical and basic care is considered of equal importance in the German system. The provision of basic care, for example washing patients, serving meals, making beds, is a function for all nurses, from the lowest level and, in some hospitals, even up to the level of a ward sister (Taubert 1994). Migrants from Britain, Ireland and France admitted that they felt degraded by having to do such tasks. Some accepted these differences and, despite feeling frustrated, thought that one had to respect the host country’s practice. Some British nurses admitted that they refused to do certain tasks. Both management and native workers in two of the participating hospitals revealed that tension had arisen due to British nurses refusing or avoiding tasks to do with basic care. This response by migrant nurses raises two main questions. Were they not aware of different practices prior to migration? Or were they left to do these jobs more often than other nurses? Answers to the latter question are likely to differ between the groups interviewed. Some migrant interviewees felt they were left more often than others to answer the bell or to take patients to the toilet. In discussions with two groups of ward nurses it was stressed that not all migrants could make major contributions to the working of a ward because of poor language ability. The majority of migrant interviewees in Germany in fact specified that between 6 and 24 months were needed to acquire a language proficiency that allowed them to take up a position comparable to the one pre-migration. By the time of interviewing, two-thirds of the respondents had been in Germany for less than two years. Doubts about migrants’ abilities therefore may have influenced the type of tasks they were asked to do. Moreover, language inadequacy may have given native workers a reason to escape the more unpopular tasks. However, the question of awareness about differences in systems of care may give a more reliable explanation and may explain in part the tensions that had arisen. Most migrants had come via British and Irish agencies, although by the time of interviewing some were already on direct contracts with the hospitals. Nursing directors had instructed agencies to inform nurses of the differences in the care systems. Some


migrants said, however, that the information they had received had been very general and vague. There would, of course, be the possibility of informing migrant nurses soon after arrival. Surprisingly, not all hospitals handed out a written document on the care system and nurses’ role, nor did they provide an extensive induction in any of the three countries. EU nurses participated in the general induction to the hospital and gradually learnt about differences in practices on the wards. According to a group of German managers, functional care is often adopted when a shortage of staff is particularly acute. It takes less time than patient care. The focus group in Germany generally had good relations with patients, in many ways, they thought, because they gave patients more time than German nurses. In a couple of hospitals the time issue caused some tension in the work environment. Migrant interviewees came largely from Britain, and therefore from a patient care system which offers extensive individualized care: We as British nurses take a lot more time to actually sit down and talk with patients, whereas nurses here don’t do that, don’t sit for 10 minutes to discuss patients’ investigation they will be having the next day. (British general nurse in Germany) A group of native nurses explained that the time migrants took to care for one patient was the normal time given for patients of a whole wing within a ward. In so doing, migrants were liked by patients who, not being used to such attention, apparently often specifically asked for the British nurses. However, their German colleagues saw them to be avoiding other tasks, as slow and inefficient. Most British respondents and a French nurse indeed criticized the German approach to work as being too hectic, stressful and inhumane: Here, I have the feeling we are machines. Everything has to be done quickly … There is no time to think. It is hectic. (French specialist nurse in Germany) With the exception of one migrant, German and French respondents said the complete opposite about working in British hospitals. They found work in Britain relaxing and compared their stay with a working holiday. As one migrant said: When I see how many staff they have here … On the ward I am working now, there are three nurses for 20 to 28 patients at night. In the hospital I worked in Germany, one nurse was responsible for 40


patients at night … Working here is a holiday for us … But British nurses here come onto the ward and moan ‘it’s so busy, so busy …’ I can’t see where it is busy. (German general nurse in Britain, author’s translation) This quote seems to provide an explanation for the problem some of the migrant nurses faced in Germany. Low nurse–patient and other ratios on German wards, lack of personnel and high staff turnover were identified earlier and are likely causes. Work overload and stress may have an effect on behavioural patterns and can lead to tension between colleagues. An additional explanation may be found in the integration methods adopted. One participating hospital in Britain, for example, allocated migrants to ‘slow wards’. German directors said that this was not always possible due to shortages. Because of the large number of foreign nurses in German hospitals, recruited to meet the shortage, their emphasis was on distributing migrants as widely as possible between wards to reduce the burden for native nurses. This was seen to be necessary by directors because poor language among migrants required native nurses to act as mentors as well as language teachers. In one German hospital, British nurses’ work background and experience gave them opportunities to play a key role in introducing patient care. It also gave them opportunities for promotion, which will be discussed in chapter 8. Their influential role led to tension in the work environment. Apparently, some native nurses had been opposed to the changes introduced and had responded by being off sick. Nursing management and doctors, however, had given their full support to migrant nurses and the switch from functional to patient care. Despite these tensions, migrant interviewees in Germany on the whole felt that nursing management and native workers were very open to new ideas and willing to experiment and introduce new methods. This is in contrast to Britain, where migrant respondents of whatever nationality often criticized the inflexibility and unwillingness of management and staff to accept anything else but their practices. Professional status, role and work relations The status of nurses and responsibilities at work may be used as another indicator to identify obstacles in the adjustment process. Most directors and managers interviewed in Germany identified the hierarchical gap between doctors and nurses as a problem area for EU migrants – partly, they said, because the gap between these two occupational groups is much more pronounced in Germany, and partly


because the social status of nurses in Germany is lower than in many other EU countries (see also Döhler 1997). The actual gap between the two professions may vary between hospitals. In one university hospital, for example, the nursing director did not accept this viewpoint, arguing that because many doctors had done their practical training in the hospital during their studies, they had established an informal relationship with nurses during this time. She claimed that it was often EU migrants, in particular Spanish nurses, who were more subservient in their behaviour towards the medical profession. However, most employers’ representatives identified the doctor–nurse relationship as a problem area, but felt that EU migrant nurses were slightly better off than German nurses because of their temporary status, which gave them more power and allowed them to distance themselves from the daily frustration. Native nurses shared this view, saying that it was initially displeasing for them to see how EU nurses, in particular British nurses, approached the medical profession. To the surprise of native staff, doctors accepted and responded positively, a response they would not have expected had it been German nurses. Migrants themselves said that the hierarchical gap between doctors and nurses in Germany needed some adjusting to. Particularly the politeness and accommodation professors expected were, as a Dutch nurse said, ‘rather special’, whereas British nurses found it ‘quite amusing’. From the interviews with the focus groups in Britain and Germany one clear trend emerges. Colleagues of the medical profession were reported to be very protective and helpful towards migrants. They showed interest and curiosity, gave them time and made efforts to integrate them into the teams. Some migrant interviewees felt they received better treatment than native nurses because of their foreigner status: Female colleagues tell me to watch it, not to be bothered if they [doctors] don’t treat me nicely … I didn’t have this experience at all with doctors. On the contrary, they seem to have a protective attitude towards me. Perhaps because I am new. I think doctors treat me better than British nurses, simply because I am new and a foreigner. They give me free rein. (German general nurse in Britain; author’s translation) French nurses in Germany even thought it was not their foreigner status but rather their nationality and country of origin which were liked so much by Germans: Male doctors, I’m surprised, are curious, why I am here, what I do, why I came. They want to speak French as soon as they get to know


me. I am surprised. It’s very pleasant to work with them. They treat me better than German nurses, not because I am foreign but because I am French … (French nursing assistant in Germany; author’s translation) The work by Adler (1994) shows similar results, though for female migrants in the business field. Forty-two per cent of her sample thought that being female was more of an advantage than disadvantage. Among other reasons, migrant women believed they benefited from the combination of treatment as a professional and as a woman, and from a greater interest among men to meet foreign women because the majority had no experience of working with foreign female colleagues. What reaction did the ‘special treatment’ provoke from native nurses? A group of German managers and a director said that German nurses felt insecure and sometimes even angry about the self-confidence of British nurses in dealing with the medical profession and in defending their professional status. This had resulted in tension. A group of German nurses felt that migrants with a high level of self-confidence could defend their position more easily, but at the same time, their poor language ability and their lack of interest in learning the German language did not help the integration process. Even doctors, they said, showed little acceptance if migrants had communication problems. However, this view about the response by doctors could not be confirmed. Migrant interviewees on the whole claimed to have very good relations with doctors. The focus group in Britain did not identify problems related to the hierarchical gap between doctors and nurses. Instead, they severely criticized the hierarchical distribution of work, being allocated responsibilities not only by professional grade, but also by years of experience in the hospital within a grade: Here, it’s very hierarchical – sister, senior staff nurse, staff nurse with two years’ experience, staff nurse with one year’s experience, etc. Responsibilities are allocated accordingly. In Germany, such a hierarchy doesn’t exist. One person takes responsibility, but the ward sister does the same work as other nurses … (German general nurse in Britain; author’s translation) There was general agreement among the migrant interviewees in Britain that the distribution of responsibilities was very rigid and hierarchical. French nurses thought there was definite ground for improvement. German nurses considered the practice very inhibiting


and discouraging. Coming from the German system it seems almost inevitable that nurses felt this way. Germany does not have a clear job profile for nurses ( Jacobs 1992b; Taubert 1994). Moreover, many German hospitals still operate a functional care system. Tasks are distributed on a rota basis rather than by professional grades. There is no clear task division between a ward sister and a first level qualified nurse. Although one nurse will be in charge of a particular shift, it can be a nurse who has just qualified, as one nursing director explained. German nurses are therefore not used to a clear division of labour within the various grades (Döhler 1997). Consequently, German migrants in Britain found the hierarchical distribution of responsibility difficult to accept. In contrast, the focus group in Germany found the German system very unstructured, but many commented that it was thereby more open, welcoming and relaxing. However, one British nurse in Germany tried to implement a more hierarchical system, but had difficulty in doing so: There is not really an order. I tried to implement here – the order – a fully qualified nurse, an assistant nurse and helpers, and each person has her responsibilities. Some people said, ‘I can’t be bothered doing that, I’ll let you do it because you like doing it …’ They let the assistant nurse do their job because they don’t really want to do it themselves. I don’t agree with that, and I have tried to change that, and slowly, we are getting there. (British general nurse in Germany) Migrant interviewees in the three countries generally thought work allocation to be fairly equal amongst nurses of equal status and of whatever country of origin. There were some signs that female nurses in Spain showed their superiority in relation to certain technical tasks. These are part of Spanish nurses’ training and responsibilities (Gonzalez Cabanes et al. 1993). But overall, colleagues and superiors were said to be very cooperative and supportive. In Britain, in some cases, male nurses who had been in the hospital for longer than migrants had clearly shown their frustration when migrants were put on a higher grade or in a position with some additional responsibilities: Shortly after my arrival, they needed a nurse to cover for maternity leave, to be in charge of nursing matters in the operating theatre. They offered me an E-grade … He couldn’t quite cope with that … He had


been there for many years, and I had to ask him many things. This made it even more difficult, but the nursing director gave me lots of support. (German general nurse in Britain, author’s translation) Most native nurses interviewed complained, too, that male nurses were generally very pushy in obtaining promotion and management positions. Men were said to try whenever possible to take on managerial responsibilities and patronize women. They thought that foreign nurses would be particularly vulnerable to such treatment. Other research has identifed such tensions in male–female working relationships in nursing (Walby et al. 1994; Halford et al. 1997). Both studies show that male mobility to the upper ranks of nursing has been particularly fast, taking on average only eight years for men to reach the nursing officer grade after initial qualification, compared to 18 years for women. Twenty per cent of the male nurses in Halford et al.’s (1997) sample, in fact, thought they received more encouragement than women to aspire to a managerial career. Men’s rapid progress up the career ladder inevitably affects the working relationships between male and female nurses. Giving preference to female migrant nurses, who had been on the ward for a fairly short period, may have increased such tensions. In Germany and Spain, migrant interviewees reported good experiences with their male colleagues. Contrary to Britain, male nurses in Germany, for example, had been taking on the ‘heavy’ jobs. Migrants, particularly British nurses, were favourably surprised about this ‘gentlemanly treatment’ from male colleagues. They stressed that one would no longer come across this kind of attitude in British hospitals: If there is anything very heavy or awkward, then the men push you to the side and say. ‘I’ll do that’. If we lift a patient on to a trolley, the men take the bulk of the body, which is fine. Whereas at home [Britain], it doesn’t matter, we do both. They are more gentlemanly here. I think they think we can’t lift them. They think we are more delicate, the weaker sex in some ways. (British general nurse in Germany) The general opinion of migrant interviewees in both Germany and Britain was that native female colleagues were less friendly, interested and supportive than male colleagues. A number of migrant nurses were on agency contracts in the two countries. Such staff does not tend to be integrated very easily because they are often employed on a short-term basis to meet particular needs. However, some of the


migrants to Britain said that female colleagues had displayed bitchiness because of factors related to migrants’ status: They [female colleagues] gave me very little support to get into the routine. Nor did they show me how to manage the ward. A Thai nurse who came onto the ward then took me under her wing. She was the only one who could understand the problems I had because she was a foreigner, too. RCN [registered children’s nurse] is a higher qualification than RGN [registered general nurse]. I got more pay but didn’t have to take ward management responsibility straight away. Colleagues were put out and jealous and started to talk behind my back, and formed cliques. They were against me as a foreign nurse because I got more pay, but had less responsibility initially. In the meantime, they respect me because there are only two nurses left who have been here longer than me. (German specialist nurse in Britain; author’s translation) Similar conflicts had arisen with enrolled nurses (second level registration). These nurses receive only a certain status and pay because of their limited training but, a head of a strategic unit explains, they often have greater responsibilities than newly qualified general nurses. As newcomers to the country and hospital, this was a point that had caused some tension between migrants and their female colleagues. In Germany, some migrant interviewees felt that younger native nurses were patronizing and domineering towards them: The older nurses on my ward I have no problems with, but some of the younger ones. I don’t know whether they feel threatened. They tend to have a bit of a domineering attitude and try to tell me what to do, and I find this hard because I am a nurse, too … In Britain, I would never dream of telling another staff nurse ‘do this, do that’. I would think she would have the brains – and she’s been trained – to do these things. And you have to organize yourself. But here, they tend to want to organize you all the time, and I find that worse from the younger people than from anybody else. (British general nurse in Germany) One migrant interviewee said that she had had problems with native nurses due to her foreigner status: At first, the nurses, when I came to the ward, they didn’t like that I was a foreigner and in charge of the ward. They were scared because they couldn’t speak my language and felt they had to.


If I didn’t understand, they would get frustrated with me and say ‘Forget it, it’s not working.’ I replied, ‘Speak slowly, we’ll get there, it just takes time.’ That was in my second year. Even then, some didn’t like that I was in charge. But we got there, we are a good team now. (British general nurse in Germany) ‘Bitchy’ behaviour is often associated with competition, though very few migrant interviewees in either Britain or Germany actually thought that they were considered competitors by native nurses. They explained this largely by the fact that they were not staying as permanently as other foreigner nurses. The number of migrants on temporary contracts in Britain and Germany, four in each country, may lend support to such an explanation. ‘Bitchy’ and ‘patronizing’ behaviour can of course be part of a person’s personality. However, other research has identified rivalries between female nurses. For example, the female nurses in Halford et al.’s (1997: 235) study describe female work groups as ‘emotional, intense and even bitchy, with a certain amount of backbiting’. Schmidbauer (1992a) claims that female nurses show little solidarity with each other in hospitals because they are seeking acceptance from disparate groups – doctors, management and patients. For this reason, the nurse wants to be seen as the most competent to fulfil the job. In the case of this study, however, other factors may have played a role. For example, in Germany, the management of one participating hospital said that poor language ability had meant that only about 50 per cent of British migrants had been able to contribute to the working of a ward. Another hospital had regularly received nurses through an Irish agency. Over a two-year period, the hospital had had some disturbing experiences. Eight nurses who had arrived through this particular agency had had alcohol problems, some had often failed to turn up for their regular shifts, and others had left without giving notice or paying the rent in nurses’ residences. The hospital had stopped using that particular agency, but experiences with other foreign agencies were mixed, the nursing director noted. High turnover and lack of reliance on migrants over a longer period of time are likely to alienate native workers. Such aspects are bound to affect native workers’ attitude towards migrants generally, and ultimately their efforts in helping to integrate foreign nurses. Regulations and daily practices Regulations may be used as another indicator for migrants’ adaptation to the foreign work environment. Management and native workers on


the whole believed that regulations and procedures would not present major obstacles for EU migrants. Interviews with migrants showed a slightly different picture. One main criticism by migrant interviewees in Britain was the stifling effect of rigid and inflexible regulations. An aspect heavily criticized in Britain was the fact that everything had to be approved and signed several times. When an appropriate person was not available, the time before a nurse could relieve the patient of her or his pain was extremely long. Migrant interviewees thought the approach was so rigid, including simple regulations like break times, that it slowed down and hindered the whole process of work immensely. The view below reflects the frustration many in Britain felt: Controlled drugs, for example, are given in pairs, from opening the packet to throwing away the empty ampoules, as well as getting all the signatures. You sometimes go blue in the face before you find someone who wants to go through this whole procedure with you … All the time it takes. … Even taking breaks … At home [Germany] you would take a break only if you had time, but you definitely would not insist on anyone taking a break. Here you are told when you arrive in the morning that you go at 9.30 am. At 9.25 am you are not allowed to start another task. I find that terribly frustrating. It is never my priority to take a break, but it is a threat. You cannot take a break at any other time. It would reduce the whole ward to chaos … (German general nurse in Britain, author’s translation) In contrast, the focus groups in Germany and Spain complained about the lack of regulations, and slack and unclear procedures: We don’t have a book of regulations on the ward, on procedures. Nothing to look back at which says this is a nurse’s job and this is how it should be done. With the European mixtures of all the different cultures working here, I find this very unclear. (British general nurse in Germany) The actual documentation is a lot slacker … You wouldn’t know what mistakes were made, nobody is reprimanded for them … There is no continuity. You find that people don’t report to each other, what’s to do or where people are, or what drugs they are on … and you look a fool when patients ask you what they are taking … (British general nurse in Germany)


There don’t seem to be many regulations. It’s very much self-regulatory. There are no regulations really. It is just your own standards, and I suppose this has pluses and minuses. (British general nurse in Spain) Legal protection is not made clear. I have to ask all the time. I hope that the hospital accepts responsibility if problems emerge. I wasn’t given a document on nursing practice. I don’t know whether one exists. (German general nurse in Spain, author’s translation) Adaptation problems extended to other areas. There was agreement by virtually all migrant respondents working in Britain that there was too much emphasis on a dress code. It was a particular issue for Germans working in Britain and a criticism to the contrary by several migrants in Germany. The quote below from a German migrant in Britain reflects this view: They [British] are crazy about uniforms. As soon as I arrived I was criticized for not wearing a belt … Then it has to be a particular colour. They lay a lot of emphasis on appearances, that you look smart, that you wear black tights and shoes. Whether the shoes are good for the feet doesn’t count. Initially I wore boots with coloured laces. I very quickly got comments from the matron. ‘Oh, what smart boots and socks you’re wearing’, and later was asked to buy myself new shoes. Socks are frowned on as well … Here everything is uniform. In Germany, it doesn’t matter. You can bring out your individual personality more. I am just grateful that we don’t have to wear caps here, otherwise I don’t think I would have come to the UK. What is also very important are badges. Everything here reminds me of the army … (German general nurse in Britain, author’s translation) The contrary for migrants in Germany is reflected in the quote below: Clothing is totally relaxed here. Everything on the wards is far more relaxed here. Some things I agree with, the type of uniform you wear, trousers and tunic. They are better for lifting and you have all the pockets where you want them. With a dress it is more difficult to be modest. Here, you have comfortable shoes on, comfortable clothes. It doesn’t really matter … I don’t have to worry about laddering my


tights, knocking my cap off, or if my belt is too tight … Others things I don’t agree with, you can have your hair down, wear jewellery … (British general nurse in Germany) In Italy, clothing had to be tip-top. Your hair had to be tied back, you couldn’t wear jewellery. Here they sometimes walk around, well, I don’t know. It’s less strict here than in Italy. Here, I sometimes ask myself whether it is a patient or a nurse. Let’s put it this way, it’s not what I’m used to. (Italian general nurse in Germany, author’s translation) By examining the main obstacles to migrant nurses in the process of adjustment to, and integration into, foreign work environments, I have demonstrated how professional culture and its various components can affect migrants’ experiences. The aim of the next section is to explain the main results within the societal context of the three case-study countries.

Explaining cross-national commonality and diversity Empirical findings show some considerable difficulties for migrants in adjusting to the foreign work environment. The degree of difference between the countries of origin and destination in the systems of care, professional status and role as well as regulations and daily practices had profound impacts on migrants’ experiences. A variety of factors on the country of origin and destination have to be considered to provide an understanding of the integration process. Migrants coming from a functional care system did have problems accepting the content of the holistic care system. This was the case in both Britain and Spain. Such findings seem to call into question the claim that holistic care systems provide greater job satisfaction for nurses (see Robert Bosch Stiftung 1992). However, empirical findings point to far greater barriers for migrants to adapt to a functional care system. It is important to note, though, that evidence rests primarily on difficulties experienced by young British nurses in Germany. Other nationalities and age groups did not seem to be affected to the same degree. Part of this concentration may be explained by the fact that young British nurses represented the largest proportion of the sample to Germany. Many of them had been in the country for less than a year and had little work experience pre-migration. Britain fully incorporated the holistic care system into nursing training with the


implementation of Project 2000 in the late 1980s (Philbert-Hasucha 1993). With the new training schemes based in higher education and the old enrolled nurse status being phased out, the nursing profession aimed at becoming more elite and gaining a more comparable status to other non-medical health care professions (Francis and Humphreys 1999). Young British nurses, therefore, did not have any experience of working within a functional care system nor under a system that viewed them as assistants rather than professionals. Moreover, the drive towards professionalization in Britain has involved the development of a strong scientific philosophical basis to nursing care (Walby et al. 1994). In this process, ‘new nursing’ has critically distanced itself from many traditional nursing approaches to care (Carpenter 1993). Recently qualified respondents may have felt resentful in applying a nursing approach that is considered outdated by many, an approach that moved them back towards the Nightingale model. Most other migrants had longer work experience pre-migration and had been living in Germany for longer. ‘Older’ migrants therefore had some experiences of the functional care approach in the past. This may have aided their smoother integration compared to ‘younger’ migrants. Job design and nurses’ work roles are less autonomous in Germany compared to Britain (Döhler 1997) and, to some extent, Spain. Migrant interviewees in Germany had few problems adapting to the organization of work, though there is some evidence that British nurses had difficulty coping with the workload. One major explanation may be the lower nurse–patient and other ratios on German hospital wards compared to Britain, and the lack of personnel and high staff turnover (Betzemeier 1990; Dietrich 1995). The poor language ability of some British nurses may have increased the feeling of stress, as communication problems are likely to affect the work process (see Hofstede 1994). However, on the whole, migrant interviewees in Germany and Spain found the distribution of work less hierarchical than in Britain and therefore less difficult to adapt to. The focus group in Britain had difficulties with the rigid and hierarchical allocation of work by professional grade. This can largely be explained by the fact that migrants in Britain came from Germany and France and therefore from systems where jobs and the organization of work are not so rigidly defined. Furthermore, a clearly structured hierarchy for non-medical health professionals as in Britain does not exist, for example, in Germany (DBfK 1990; Döhler 1997). Interpersonal relationships at the workplace may determine migrants’ employment experience, their success and failure abroad.


There are, of course, many aspects that can influence work relations. Some may be due to social and cultural factors, such as professional philosophy and status, gender, ethnic and age compositions of the workforce, language competence and their impact on interpersonal communication. Others lie outside the control of staff, for example, financial resources and their impact on staffing levels and stability. What comes across in Germany, but also to a certain extent in Britain, is that migrant nurses in general had developed a particularly good rapport with the medical profession. Doctors were said to be appreciative of their capabilities, were very supportive, interested in migrants’ work and gave them more attention than nurses are generally accustomed to. Thereby the usual division between the two groups, brought about by conflicts mainly over areas of responsibility, had somewhat narrowed (see Walby et al. 1994 on Britain; Jacobs 1992b on Germany; Dominguez-Alcón et al. 1983 on Spain). To some extent, such special attention and support may have been given for reasons of self-interest. Doctors generally wanted to communicate in the migrant’s language. They may have wanted to practise their foreign languages. However, doctors’ support and attention aided migrants’ adjustment to and integration in the foreign working environment. Concerning relations with nursing colleagues, results are not as straightforward. In Spain, relations with male or female colleagues were virtually conflict-free. The majority of migrant interviewees had been in Spain for four or more years and spoke the language fluently. A partial explanation may perhaps also be found in the absence of a grading structure. Competition is virtually non-existent in a system devoid of a career structure (Sims 1990). In such a system, the potential for conflict is thereby considerably reduced. This may also provide an explanation for good relations with superiors. An additional answer may lie in a high level of tolerance and open-mindedness towards foreign language speakers and West European foreigners in the Spanish culture. This was an aspect widely emphasized by migrants. The presence of EU professionals may be seen as a sign of the country playing an active and progressive role in promoting European integration (see also Schneider and Barsoux 1997). German female nurses, apart from being less friendly and supportive than male colleagues, were said by a number of migrants to be patronizing. Schöttes and Treibel (1997) claim that the passive role often assigned to female migrants in theory and practice has led to the belief among many native women that migrants need care and guidance. Such ingrained belief, they argue, could lead to native women


feeling and adopting an attitude of superiority. However, such behaviour may also arise more easily in a hectic environment. Staffing levels on wards in Germany are low (Betzemaier 1990). Due to staff shortages, managers in Germany were not always able to place migrants in ‘slow’ wards, as done in Britain, or in areas where they had worked premigration, as done in Spain. Migrants in Germany who complained about patronizing behaviour had poor language ability and had been in the country for a year or less. Communication problems inhibit the development of trust and contribute to misunderstandings (Schneider and Barsoux 1997). Such problems are likely to make the induction to the job even more difficult, especially when there is work overload. Both parties may have felt over-stretched (see also Hofstede 1994). ‘Basic care’ takes no inferior role in German nursing, and role demarcation is seen to be against the principles of care and therefore discouraged (DBfK 1990; Robert Bosch Stiftung 1992). Some migrant interviewees had refused to do tasks related to basic care and had made no effort to learn the language. This attitude, together with the special treatment migrants had received from the medical profession, as well as some negative experiences with the recruitment of foreign nurses, is likely to have resulted in resentment among some native workers. Good relations with male colleagues are more difficult to explain. Generally there are fewer men on the wards. The opportunities for conflict to arise are therefore considerably reduced. The ‘gentlemanly’ attitude on the part of male nurses is likely to be due to women’s status in German society as a whole. State policy and ideology have been directed towards maintaining traditional sex roles (Lane 1993). Women are often still seen to be ‘in need of protection’. The migrants’ foreigner status, in addition to their gender status, may have further enhanced such ‘gentlemanly’ behaviour on the wards. German managers are obviously highly dependent on foreign nurses. Establishing good relations with foreign nurses was very important because managers wanted them to stay for a reasonable length of time to offset recruitment costs. A generally high respect for British nursing training and an open mind towards European labour mobility are likely to have contributed to good relations. In Britain, strained relations may have been due to professional norms. Nursing jobs are rigidly defined by grade in professional profiles by the regulatory body and in job descriptions by employers (Nursing and Midwifery Negotiating Council’s Staff Side 1988; interviews with native professionals). This system encourages staff to be highly strata-conscious and inflexible in allowing variations in jobs.


The fact that migrants were on qualified grades but were gradually introduced to the expectations of jobs may have led to a defensive attitude by native workers in regard to professional profiles. ‘Bitchy’ behaviour may be the result of constant work overload and stress (Davies 1992). Moreover, such behaviour may have been a response to developments in nursing. Many nurses were being made redundant at the time of interviewing due to restructuring. Native workers may not have seen the need for the recruitment of foreign staff. Scepticism towards foreign qualifications and skills, and differences in mentality, may have added to strained relations. Rules and work regulations differ between the countries. Migrant interviewees in Germany and Spain found the lack of written regulations on job design and procedures confusing, but generally thought the systems allowed for significant flexibility in the work process and on the part of the individual. Migrant respondents in Britain, however, had some considerable problems adapting to rigid and highly defined regulations, not only in respect of the work process but also concerning workers’ individuality, such as the strict requirement of a dress code. These findings seem almost inevitable. British nursing is very rule-bound (Walby et al. 1994). In contrast, Spanish regulations define minimum requirements (Universidad Católica de Lovaina, 1993); and German nursing has no written procedures ( Jacobs 1992a). Ultimately, there were more regulations to observe and to follow in Britain than there were in Germany and Spain. The more regulations, the less flexibility a system may allow. Even though a patient care system is said to give nurses significant autonomy in the provision of care, tight regulations limit the autonomy of nurses (Taubert 1994; Walby et al. 1994). Strict monitoring of their work and rigid expectations regarding time management and clothing on wards thus led to resentment among migrant interviewees in Britain. Thus, reasons for the obstacles experienced by migrants varied, but findings indicate that differing care delivery systems, legal and bureaucratic requirements concerning the role of nurses, and staffing levels were major causes. The availability of time for patients under a taskoriented approach is significantly less than under more holistic care systems. The shortage of staff in Germany most likely intensified the pressure on time allocation. Tight rules regarding professional conduct and a highly regulated system of ward management led to frustration among migrants in Britain. One major reason for non-problematic adjustment in Spain may largely be due to the fact that the participating hospitals in Spain adopted a mixture of holistic and task-oriented


approaches. The combination of approaches meant that migrants coming from either system could still apply part of the practices they were accustomed to. The focus group in Spain comprised a number of migrants from Britain. The psychotherapeutic role is an important function within the Spanish health care system (Rodríguez et al. 1999), and therapeutic care also plays an important role in British nursing (Walby et al. 1994). The shift to the Spanish working environment had therefore less dramatic effects on the role of migrant nurses. Having highlighted some of the obstacles of working in a foreign work environment for an occupational group which operates within strong traditions of regulation, it will be interesting to learn from the experiences of a group in a non-regulated sector. Chapter 7 examines the experiences of migrant banking workers.


The banking sector has traditionally been conservative and maledominated, and has been associated with a strong internal labour market and rigid employment structures. The structure and functioning of the sector have had an impact on the incorporation of women in banking. Opportunities have traditionally been limited. In recent decades, the European banking sector has undergone considerable changes. Increased competition, European integration, deregulation and the introduction of new technology have led to the restructuring of work organization and practices. Changing demands and the growing emphasis on equal opportunities policies have increased women’s share of employment in banking. However, training systems, labour market developments and strategies adopted in response to changes vary between countries. Country-specific factors have had different impacts on skill developments and the role of occupations within countries, which, in turn, influences women’s position in the sector. This chapter is organized into four sections. The first describes changing employment patterns and work practices in Britain, Germany and Spain to provide the relevant contextual background for migrants’ experiences. Section two examines migrants’ adjustment and integration experiences in the workplace. The issues discussed derive from open-ended questions posed to migrants. In section three, I discuss the findings within the context of professional cultures, work practices, labour market situations, women’s role and migrants’ background characteristics. In the final section, I pull together the various experiences of the two occupational groups, and come to some conclusions on how the organization and culture of employment sectors affect migrants’ integration processes abroad. 123


Employment patterns and work practices Training systems have an impact on the position of women in the employment structure of individual sectors and countries. In Britain, women and men have traditionally been recruited on leaving school at 16 and advanced through the internal career structure. There has been no systematic system of vocational training for clerical-administrative staff. Workers commonly received organization- or job-specific initial training, without obtaining credentials, supplemented by short training courses. Skills acquired have been narrow and therefore difficult to transfer within and between sectors (Lane 1987). It was commonly assumed that women would leave once they had their first child whereas men would take the professional examinations and move into managerial positions. Because of this assumption, very few women moved beyond the basic clerical level. This employment pattern has been consistent across banks and over time (Egan 1982; Crompton and Le Feuvre 1992). A nationally recognized qualification for bank clerks was introduced within the NVQ framework in the early 1990s. The effect of this training on the employment position of women is difficult to assess at this stage because of its fairly recent innovation. However, its introduction arguably provides workers with transferable skills and may improve their prospects of career mobility and flexibility (Geb 1997). Technological changes have resulted in a considerable increase in job routinization and in the division of labour. This trend has led to a polarization of office workers into a large group of deskilled workers, often on part-time contracts, and a very small group of highly skilled professionals (Quack et al. 1995; Müller and Dickmann 1996; Halford et al. 1997). The growth of specialist functions at head office level meant that banks increasingly relied on the recruitment of trained professionals from outside. These changes resulted in the growing popularity of tiered recruitment in the 1980s (Humphries et al. 1992; Storey 1995). The 1980s also saw an increased emphasis on equal opportunities policies. Changing demands and recruitment practices improved women’s progress and led to an increase of women in the higher clerical grades. On the whole, however, women have remained predominantly in the lower clerical grades (Crompton and Le Feuvre 1992; Halford et al. 1997). The proportion of managerial staff as a proportion of all employees in British banks, with some variations between banks, increased from about 10 per cent in the early 1980s to about 25 per cent in recent years. However, the survey undertaken by Halford et al.


found that only 10 per cent of women compared to 73 per cent of men over 40 years of age were in managerial positions, and no women were in senior management. In London merchant banks in the early 1990s, for example, over 17 per cent of men were strategic or operational managers or directors, though only 3 per cent of women were in such positions (McDowell and Court 1994). In a more recent study of an international investment bank, there were only two women in a department of 100 corporate investment bankers (Vitali et al. 1998). Research has also shown that few of the women in management in European banking are in anything but junior management, despite changing trends in the 1990s (Quack 1998). Moreover, labour market changes have reduced the opportunities of existing employees to progress up to management level (Rubery 1995; Vitali et al. 1998). For women to move into managerial jobs, the main channels are through university education and the ATPs. Changes therefore benefit the younger, more recent and above-average educated female entrants. Discriminatory practices are still deeply rooted in the hierarchical and gender structures. They thus continue to keep women out of the upper end of the hierarchy and of certain functions, even if they possess the particular set of credentials required to gain access to high status jobs (Humphries et al. 1992; Crompton and Le Feuvre 1992). The German dual system of vocational training in the services sector has been in operation since the early twentieth century. This initial training is standardized and provides access to a given occupation throughout Germany. The training offers breadth and depth of knowledge and is the main entry qualification for bank employment. Even a considerable number of graduate employees hold this certificate. By the early 1990s, about 80 per cent of workers had bank-specific training. Between the late 1970s and the mid-1990s the proportion of women in the initial bank training has been above 50 per cent. This system of training has ensured that German female bank employees’ chances of promotion into the middle-range grades of the hierarchy are good (Lane 1987; Kreyenschmidt 1995; Quack et al. 1995). The dual system of training prepares workers for a comprehensive set of tasks which has been beneficial in the changing labour market. As a result of technological change, routine tasks were completely automated and remaining tasks integrated in new ways. Thereby skill levels were retained and workers simply had to adapt to new tasks or a change in job emphasis (Lane 1987). This process had an impact on the grading structure of staff. It resulted in a decline in staff in the lower grades TG1–4 and an increase in the grades TG5–9 between 1973


and 1983. The change in the grading structure was achieved partly by the activities of the unions, who pushed for the regrading of jobs according to new skill requirements. However, about two-thirds of the upgrading was due to higher qualifications of staff (Bauer and Lindenthal 1986). A regional study of banks in Hessen shows 52 per cent of female bank employees in the middle range grades TG5–7 in the private banking sector in 1985. The majority of men were in grades TG7–9 (Bauer and Lindenthal 1986). The low participation rates of women in further training programmes explains some of this difference. Between 1978 and 1987 women made up only about a third of those with further training qualifications (Tienari et al. 1998). Their participation in further training programmes has been increasing. For example, in a more recent study of savings banks, 71 per cent of women were in the middle range grades V–IVa in 1996. However, the majority of men (50.9 per cent) were still in the higher grades IVa–Ib (Kreyenschmidt 1995; Backhaus et al. 1997). Employment opportunities expanded throughout the 1980s and, to a lesser extent, in the 1990s. Expansion led to an increase in the recruitment of university graduates and an increase of school leavers with A-levels (Abitur) for the traditional bank clerk training. Amongst banking employees with degrees, women made up about half in 1996. However, only 20.2 per cent of women had managerial functions, and a mere 4.1 per cent were in top management in 1995 (Quack 1998; Tienari et al. 1998). The Spanish banking sector is still predominantly male. Women began to enter administrative areas at the beginning of the 1960s. They received short, job-specific training for assistant positions. The opening of the administrative area to women occured partly because of a major expansion of savings banks and the larger banks, and partly because of a change in attitude towards the greater integration of women into the labour market. However, their proportion of the total workforce has remained small. Access to jobs has been most likely in foreign and public banks (Homs Ferret et al. 1989; Carresquer et al. 1996). Labour market changes in the 1970s and 1980s brought about a decline in lower administrative work and an increase in the demand for more highly skilled workers. For example, in private banks the category ‘jefe’ increased from 29.7 per cent in 1980 to 49.1 per cent in 1992 and in savings banks from 14.3 per cent to 21.3 per cent respectively. These changes brought about some mobility for women. Until the 1980s women’s opportunities were largely restricted to administrative assistant


levels. A study of six institutions in 1994 shows that between 64 per cent and 86 per cent were graded as administrators, though only between 8 per cent and 33 per cent as supervisors and managers. Women are most likely to reach professional status in the savings bank sector (Gómez-Fontecha 1988; Carresquer et al. 1996). Women are largely absent from business areas, with most of them working in data processing and central services. In private banking, women comprise less than 20 per cent of the workforce. Moreover, employment in this sector declined by almost 14 per cent in the 1980s due to deregulation and technological changes. This trend has continued into the 1990s (Cataño Collad et al. 1990; Fernández and Müller 1996). The changes have affected women in particular. Whereas less qualified and older men have been retrained for higher-level permanent jobs, higher qualified women have been confined to the lower grades and temporary jobs. Most women are employed on temporary contracts or by subcontracting firms and therefore do not acquire seniority increments. Although women have increased their participation in clerical and professional jobs, they cannot, therefore, acquire the credentials necessary to move up the career ladder (Rubery 1995). Thus women in the banking sector make up a higher proportion than men in both Britain and Germany. In Spain, they represent a small proportion of the workforce. In all three countries, women are under-represented in commercial and leading functions. They are concentrated at the lower end of the grading structures, and their representation declines with every grade up the hierarchy. However, whereas in Germany the majority are in the middle grades, in Britain and Spain most women work at basic clerical or assistant levels. In all three countries, the main channels into managerial jobs are through university education and internal management training or through internal further training programmes. Among women, the former is more popular than the latter. Although women’s representation in management is increasing in all three countries, those who have reached managerial positions are mainly in junior management, less in middle management and virtually absent from senior management in Britain and Germany. There are even fewer women in managerial positions in Spain. The training systems and the impact of technological change on skill developments vary between countries. Such differences influence the role of occupations within a country. On a broader level, however, the position of women within the occupational structures of the individual countries is fairly similar between countries. The low representation of women in the Spanish banking sector suggests a highly patriarchal


work environment. Women will have had less influence on the redefinition of social norms, behaviour and practices than in Britain and Germany. This will be exacerbated at managerial level. Adjustment and integration may therefore be a particular problem in Spain. In Britain, public school and Oxbridge education still dominates the City. This is particularly pronounced in merchant banking. Such credentials are very important in being selected via the ‘old boy network’. Migrants will not have these credentials. Moreover, merchant banking is still predominantly a male sector. The absence of the ‘right’ credentials and their gender status in addition to their foreigner status may provide additional barriers for migrants in British merchant banking. Hours and conditions of work affect women’s employment position. Long hours tend to be common, especially in career banking. Differences exist between private banks and public banks, and between clearing banks and merchant banks, with public and clearing banks usually providing better opportunities for combining career and other interests (Schwaab and Schuler 1991; Quack 1998). Working hours vary between the three case-study countries and economic sectors. Legislation determines the standard working week at 48 hours in Germany and 40 hours in Spain. No legislative provision exists in Britain. Deviations from the legislative or standard working week are negotiated between the social partners of the various employment sectors in the collective bargaining process (European Trade Union Institute 1991). Since the mid-1970s, a reduction in the standard working week has been part of the shift towards more flexible working-time patterns, brought about by the international recession and growing international competitiveness (Hinrichs et al. 1991). With technological change, the increase in service sector employment and female labour market participation, working-time innovations gained in prominence and working hours were reduced (Hantrais 1995). In looking at the average working week in the financial sector in 1997 by gender, in Britain men had the longest hours per week (42.2), followed by Spain (40.6) and Germany (40.0). In all three countries, women work on average fewer hours than men. The difference is greatest in Britain (5.3), lowest in Spain (1.2), with Germany in between (1.7). However, the proportion of employees working 46 or more hours per week is much higher in Britain (23.3 per cent) compared to Germany (6.9 per cent) and Spain (6.1 per cent). This difference also applies to women: Britain 10.5 per cent, Germany 2.2 per cent and Spain 0 per cent (Eurostat 1998).


In Britain, high expectations in terms of working hours are a wellestablished feature in merchant banking. This expectation makes it particularly difficult for women to stay in merchant banking. Equal opportunities policies became important in the 1980s, though the level of initiatives has been diverse, both within and between banking sub-sectors (Halford et al. 1997; Quack 1998). During the period of employment expansion in the 1980s, major efforts were made by British clearing banks to develop policies and practices that encouraged women to return after a period of maternity leave, and offered career opportunities. These efforts included an increase in part-time jobs and career-break schemes for managerial staff, which provided for workbreaks of up to five years or a return on a part-time basis (Quack et al. 1995). However, equal opportunities policies appear to have suffered in the reorganization processes. For example, a study of three organizations, which classified themselves as ‘equal opportunities employers’, showed that changes to the personnel data systems had not been made on time to identify the gender-specific effects of organizational restructuring (Quack 1998). In Germany, public savings banks have the image of providing the best and the large private (universal) banks the least good opportunities for combining work and other activities (Schwaab and Schuler 1991). Savings and co-operative banks are predominantly locallyoriented and do not have foreign business. Workers who are geographically immobile are most likely to choose the savings or co-operative bank sectors (Schwaab and Schuler 1991; UNI 1993). In contrast, mobility, including international mobility, is considered a precondition for management positions by large private banks (Weiss 1993). Such mobility requirements may provide a disincentive for women to choose the private sector and are likely to influence their promotion prospects. In general, private banks are conceived of as conservative and traditional, and are thus less likely to have improved gender-specific roles (Schwaab and Schuler 1991). Indeed, bank employers do not consider gender-specific personnel structures as a disadvantage or a planned process. Women are still assumed to have less interest than their male counterparts in a career. Consequently, from the employers’ viewpoint, a change in working hours and conditions would improve opportunities but these would not necessarily be taken up by women (Czech 1990; Quack 1997). German employment law requires employers to keep posts open for three and a half years after the birth of a child for parents who have


been with the employer for at least five years. Yet, workplace crèches or reintegration of returnees have been a very low priority. The banking sector in particular does not offer a ‘women-friendly’ work environment. Part-time employment has remained low compared to the overall economy, and employment breaks tend to result in positions at lower-skill levels (Figge and Quack 1991; Tienari et al. 1998). As a result, the majority of women in banking are single and the average stay of women is no more than 7–8 years. A survey of female managers in banking by Quack (1997) showed, for example, that only 8 per cent of interviewees had children. The low proportion of women in the Spanish banking sector may be an indicator of a particularly women-unfriendly sector. Overtime in this sector is very high (Ya 1993) and the working day is long. Extended lunch breaks are a cultural feature of the country and are likely to have an impact on the length of the working day. However, such breaks are not very helpful for women. A journey home may not pay off in terms of time, and shops tend to be closed in the afternoons. Women cannot therefore use this time for domestic tasks. A survey of female executives in the labour market, undertaken by the Women’s Institute, found that women in both the public and the private sector considered the system of rigid timetables at work and availability highly inefficient. They identified these expectations as the most serious obstacles for women to participate in professional life and career advancement (Vázquez Fernández 1993). Professional jobs in both private and public banking require flexible and high availability in terms of time. The private banking sector, particularly the larger institutions, additionally often expect professionals to be geographically mobile, and promotion prospects tend to be tied to such mobility. However, discretionary arrangements appear to be increasing, and few women in positions of responsibility are required to be geographically mobile (Carresquer et al. 1996). None the less, domestic and family responsibilities still tend to rest almost exclusively with women so that few are able to combine their personal and professional life. Legislative provisions for parental leave were improved in 1989, allowing up to one year’s leave, during which time employers have to keep posts open. However, child-care facilities, a reorganization of the working day and the introduction of flexible timetables have remained limited (Vázquez Fernández 1993; Cousins 1999). As a result, many professional women with families obtain paid help or help from children and other family members, or they may compromise on one of their roles (Carresquer et al. 1996).


Thus, existing regulations and practices in banking demand excessive dedication. In all three countries, they serve the traditional male career banker. Public and clearing banks offer more gender-friendly working conditions. Private banks are more traditional and conservative. They have shown little interest in meeting the needs of female career bankers. Barriers may be greatest in Spain, partly because the sector is still very male-dominated, and partly because equal opportunities policies and positive action programmes are more recent innovations than in Britain and in Germany. These may not have filtered through to the same extent as in the other countries. Barriers may also vary between sub-sectors within countries, with merchant banking in Britain perhaps providing greater barriers than others. Having provided the general background, I now turn to investigate the experiences of migrant banking workers. My aim is to explore the type of difficulties migrants in a non-regulated profession may face in the adjustment to, and integration into, work environments abroad. The discussion focuses on professional cultures, including professional status, role and work relations; and regulations and daily practices.

The process of adjustment and integration Professional status, role and work relations Employers’ representatives interviewed in the three countries did not expect differences in professional cultures to pose a problem to EU migrants. Native professionals did not share this opinion. For example, a number of British professionals thought it would be a huge cultural shock to come to work in a British bank, both in terms of the different ways of working and the culture of the organization. They themselves found the hierarchical system difficult to cope with and considered it to be an even greater barrier for EU migrants. Migrant interviewees in Britain generally found the hierarchy more conservative and rigid than the German and the Spanish systems, and argued that the general atmosphere was much more strata-conscious. In their view, the British system offered very little opportunity to individuals to prove themselves at their particular level. However, some migrant respondents in Britain worked in specialized fields and had their own workloads. Thereby they could escape the rigid structures and tight control to a certain extent, except when they were seconded to smaller branches. A number of migrants to Britain had worked in branch banking, though at the time of interviewing had returned to head offices. They


complained about having to carry out unpopular tasks or tasks unrelated to their professional status: I had a boss who asked me to get his coffee. After a while I told him that there were others on the same level who didn’t have to do it. He stopped asking then … Certain secretarial tasks were pushed onto me. You have to say something otherwise nothing changes … (French professional in Britain, junior management) Or: Being a foreigner, you can get the really dirty jobs. Maybe they don’t see it. It is the jobs that are not nice to do. It is easier to delegate them and you are to do this … I have made comments about it, but I had to do it. My comments didn’t get anywhere. (Spanish professional in Britain, junior management) Migrants found it difficult to pinpoint treatment on the basis of gender and/or foreigner status because there could be an overlap of both, or treatment based on one or the other reasons. While there is the possibility for one or the other element to have played a role, an explanation may, perhaps, largely be found in migrants’ gender status. Assumptions that women are better than men at secretarial tasks are still prevalent among male managers (Ashburner 1988). Similar findings have been documented elsewhere. For example, Crompton and LeFeuvre (1996) report on female banking managers’ experiences of being treated as high-level personal assistants. Men are more likely to question ‘demeaning’ tasks and so don’t get asked to do them (Collinson 1987). Migrant interviewees tended to work in male-dominated departments where assumptions regarding gender-specific roles are likely to be a strong part of the work culture. Migrants were thereby required to undertake certain tasks that reduced their employment status perhaps in relation to that of men, but not necessarily to that of native women. British female professionals identified the distribution of tasks as a conflict area. They argued that certain jobs were pushed onto women, partly because of the male-dominated environment, and partly because women were more accommodating in doing others’ work. They believed that an incoming migrant would find the head office environment easier than the branches because the latter had very strict procedures and structures. In head offices professionals often had very distinct roles. This meant that no one had to conform to an expected


norm and could carve her or his own role. Two German directors of personnel also mentioned that working in the branches would not be a good option for migrants because staff and clients were not used to professionals coming from abroad. However, migrant interviewees in German branch banking did not experience the difficulties of their counterparts in Britain. An obstacle for a number of migrant respondents in Britain was how to overcome a rather suspicious and offhand attitude towards them in smaller branches. They felt that they were not taken seriously and not given sufficient responsibility because of their gender, temporary status and, to a certain extent, foreigner status: He went on at great length. He said I wasn’t British, so I wouldn’t understand, and that I was female. Therefore, I was probably more interested in marketing and personnel than financial analysis, and he did end up by saying that most probably the bank knows why they recruited you. So what I answered to that was, ‘No, I was actually planning on doing a career in financial analysis. Yes, the bank knows why they’ve recruited me. If they wanted a UK male banker, they would have gone out and got one of the 200,000 unemployed ones.’ And he went very red, and never spoke to me again. He added on my appraisal that I reacted badly to criticism. So, you can’t really win. (Italian professional in Britain, junior management) Criticisms were raised more frequently by migrants who were on management training programmes and had worked temporarily in branches. These interviewees therefore did not stay on a long-term basis, which may have been one reason for not giving them tasks of responsibility. Managers may have tried to protect the interests of native staff. They may have preferred to give the more popular and complex tasks to long-term staff to keep them happy. The allocation of limited responsibility may have been largely due to migrants’ gender status. Savage (1992), for example, found that women’s increasing access to managerial positions has been to fields such as operation management, and therefore administrative-oriented positions, but not into management which gives organizational authority. A number of studies have identified the use of informal exclusionary practices by male managers to discourage women from acquiring greater responsibility (for example, Ashburner 1988; Collinson 1987; Crompton and Le Feuvre 1992, 1996). Among such practices are the failure to encourage women to take the ACIB examination, to give them work on the


basis of assumptions that women are not suited for certain types of work, or customers would not accept women in specific roles, or women want jobs rather than careers. Women are thereby kept in areas of management which are junior and reflect women’s responsibility for ‘domestic’ affairs within branches which are not so ‘risky’ or ‘challenging’ (Halford and Savage 1995: 110). In part, the allocation of limited responsibility may also have been due to migrants’ foreigner status and/or temporary status: You have the problem of being a foreigner. They always think that you are going to be here for a very short period, and there is the danger that they are not going to give you as much work. They don’t know exactly what you are here for. They won’t give you as much responsibility because they think that you are going to go back. So they give you the more routine jobs. (Spanish professional in Britain, junior management) An additional reason for such treatment may have been a lack of communication between head office personnel and branches. Migrant interviewees complained, for example, that they had often turned up at branches, and neither staff nor superiors knew why they were there. However, such an explanation should not be given too much weight as information could easily be obtained by contacting the head office. Perhaps branch staff could not see the value of temporary foreign staff to branch work. Branches or regional offices do not generally have much international business, and these seem to be the main areas where migrants normally work. In fact, migrants themselves preferred working in head offices: Regional office atmosphere didn’t suit me too much. It wasn’t interesting from my perspective. They were not interested in me. Things changed a lot when I came back to London and worked in a more international team. I don’t mean foreign colleagues, but our business is international, the market is Europe. There, people take the view that foreign people can contribute. They give you a chance and good opportunities. In the branches, I was not involved in the organization. They made some allowances. Because I was a foreigner, they didn’t expect the same as from a British person. (Italian professional in Britain, junior management) To some extent, attitudes at branch level could also have been due to envy. All migrant interviewees who worked at branch level were


graduates, with the prospect of a fairly secure career progression in specialized areas of banking. Branch staff may have seen their own progression curtailed, especially in the changing climate within the sector which rationalized branch networks and thus offered less career opportunities (Storey 1995). As one migrant said: Some of them didn’t really want to give me too much responsibility because they felt threatened. It had taken them a long time to reach their position. … One went very red when I asked him if I could go with him to see clients just because to him I was being much too forward and aggressive … mainly because I was young, new in the bank, a woman and possibly a foreign woman. (Italian professional in Britain, junior management) The focus groups in Germany and Spain did not have to face the same level of problems of their counterparts in Britain. One migrant in each country complained about the distribution of work responsibilities. The migrant in Germany felt she had been given smaller assignments and held back because of her gender and foreigner status: My employer has not offered any career planning. I applied for the power of proxy three weeks ago, after three years in the bank, but I was asked to wait until next year. He said that I had to prove myself and show more commitment to overtime. I’ve also asked for larger cases and more involvement. I had to ask, they didn’t offer. You have to push constantly. As a foreigner, you have to push even more. The foreigner aspect does have some importance here. (French professional in Germany, middle management, author’s translation) The migrant in Spain believed she may have been given less responsibility because the branch had no experience of employing female employees: When I arrived, they didn’t have women working in the bank here … If you asked for something to do, you were given menial, secretarial-type jobs. And you literally had to say, I have worked in a bank for 15 years and I know about banking … Over a period of maybe six months it got an awful lot easier … There’s an awful lot of women who now work for them in comparison … First of all, they didn’t know what to do. They were very much ‘if you’re going to work, then you won’t be able to do very much, we’ll look after you’ sort of


attitude. And then, as quickly as the amount of women changed, so did men’s attitude. (British professional in Spain, junior management) Migrants in Spain had a fairly uniform experience in that they had virtually no problems with their superiors. There were some criticisms at head office level about organizational politics and superiors’ preference to listen and subsequently promote men. However, this did not affect the work allocated to migrants. The quote below by a British migrant gives an indication of migrants’ experiences in Spain in general. The quote may also support the claims in Britain: They [male superiors] are not macho in an antagonistic way as UK management. In the UK, they were like a closed shop. They kept you out and made life very, very difficult. Here not at all. (British professional in Spain, junior management) Other migrant interviewees, especially in the branches, claimed to have more responsibility and more independence than in the country prior to migration. Even at head office level and in the larger branches, the respondents experienced more independence and responsibility than in either Germany or Britain. Part of the reason may be that the network of branches in Spain is high and has been growing in the 1990s. Unlike in some other European countries, job losses have therefore been limited (Lawlor and Rigby 1998). An additional reason may be that Spanish banks appear to be run with a smaller number of staff per office than migrants were used to from Britain, for example. This meant that migrants worked under more pressure, but it also gave them greater opportunities to develop their own workload and responsibilities. Migrants did not feel that they had tasks unrelated to their profession pushed onto them. This may be due in part to a different organization of work. The average branch is very small (Lawlor and Rigby 1998). Interviews established that Spanish branches do not often have an administrative level. Support staff, such as typists and telephone operators, are few and far between. Staff, including managers, was said to be self-supporting and in complete control of their workload. Such a system can be helpful to women because it reduces the likelihood of women being misused in ‘certain’ tasks. Fewer problems with regard to the allocation of work in Germany and Spain may in part be due to the more formal relations between superiors and staff and, additionally, in the higher independence of the


focus groups in defining their jobs in the two countries. Compared to continental management, Britain gives top management greater freedom with regard to their workers (Calori et al. 1995). Migrant interviewees in Britain worked more closely with their superiors than their counterparts in the other two countries, partly due to the fact that most in Britain were in junior management positions. These specificities may have encouraged the undermining behaviour vis-à-vis the migrants. In Spain, in addition, there may be no need for senior management to be like a ‘closed shop’. Women have moved up swiftly into managerial positions in recent years (Carrasquer et al. 1996). However, their representation in banking as a whole is considerably lower than in Britain and Germany. The management may not yet have developed ‘exclusionary’ attitudes towards women to the same extent as elsewhere. In Germany, the proportion of women in banking and in managerial positions is virtually identical with that of Britain. A partial explanation may be found in migrants’ fields of work. This may also provide an additional explanation for Spain. Migrant interviewees in Germany and Spain worked in very international and highly specialized fields, and the management was more dependent on recruiting and keeping English-speaking staff. Their ‘special status’ may have allowed migrant interviewees to escape the otherwise more common practices of ‘excluding’ women. British professionals said that men, particularly those in junior and middle management, constantly questioned women’s roles. Migrant women would be particularly vulnerable to such questioning due to their lack of knowledge about the system. A number of migrants were indeed confronted with problems of acceptance. Migrant interviewees generally acknowledged that a shy personality could not survive this work environment: I arrived in this office, huge dealing room with 200 people. I found it difficult to start with, very difficult. It took me six months to get used to. Some of them were very rude to start with. They were quite rude because I didn’t know how it worked here. They were just annoyed by my reactions … One day I resigned, after three months. I was so fed up. I had one colleague, I didn’t get on with at all, a male. He was patronizing me a bit … I consulted management about it. I had their full support. (French professional in Britain, junior management) Migrants said that one had to be very assertive, not only to deal with confrontations related to the job, but also to cope with chauvinistic


and stereotypical comments about women and certain nationalities: Obviously, when you are French and a women, you have a drawback … They have the idea of a French woman. French women have a bad reputation, of being a bit light, etc. You have in mind a stereotype. Once they know you, the impression changes. (French professional in Britain, junior management) Or: It’s always on a joking level … Maybe being Spanish or being Mediterranean, they do it more than if you are German. No dirty jokes, just silly jokes about being hot-blooded and passionate, and all that kind of thing. I just ignore it and don’t make a big issue of it, but I don’t like the jokes really. I know German girls working here. They don’t say it to them. A colleague of mine said, they wouldn’t dare say that. (Spanish professional in Britain, junior management) One problem most migrant interviewees had was that initially they did not understand the subtlety of many of these comments. Even when they understood or realized how nasty they were, they chose to ignore them or laugh them off rather than confront colleagues. They thought that showing their anger could be fuel for more such situations. In Germany, some men were said to assume that foreign women used their ‘charm’ to get where they were: There are those who believe that foreign women have more chances, but these are men without university degrees. They believe foreign women use their charm … Men treat German women more as an equal competitor, but with foreign women, it’s different. They think foreign women can twist their superiors round their little finger because we are different. Perhaps we are more charming, not more charming than German women, but perhaps we use a different sort of charm. (Spanish professional in Germany, higher management, author’s translation) Acceptance problems occurred with male colleagues below the migrant’s occupational status rather than with colleagues of equal status, which meant in most cases junior to middle management. These conflicts were present in Germany and Britain. The opposite is


true for Spain. In Spain, there was some evidence of competition with male colleagues of equal status in head offices, but not with male colleagues below the migrant’s status. Migrant interviewees in Britain and Germany felt that strained relations with men below their status were largely due to the fact that these men had often been working for the bank for years, and had no possibility of moving to a more senior job because of their training background. The absence of such problems with male colleagues in this category in Spain may partly lie in the organization of work. The possibility of competition between workers in Spain is greatly reduced by the fact that jobs, including managerial jobs, appear to be largely self-supporting, especially at branch level. Moreover, men in Spain so far have had little to fear from their female colleagues. In Spain, but also Germany, a number of migrants identified a soft, gentlemanly approach by male colleagues. This was not seen as a direct barrier, but some migrants thought it revealed a less professional attitude towards women in managerial roles, and may work against them in terms of career development. Men may, of course, use chivalry as a shield. A gentlemanly approach may also be a continuation of their paternalistic role. For example, interviewees for the research by Halford and Savage (1995: 107) referred to managers in their forties as ‘real gentlemen’ who treated their workforce ‘like fathers’. Given the absence of tensions with men of equal status in Britain and Germany, it could be assumed that men in this category do not feel threatened by migrant women and women in general. The experience in Spain does not, however, support such an assumption. Here a problem appeared to be intense internal politics, especially in head offices, with men manipulating the system to promote themselves to senior management. One answer may be found in the respondents’ status in Spanish head offices. Migrants in head offices were in middle and higher management positions. Most migrant interviewees in Britain were in junior management. However, such an explanation cannot be applied to Germany as more than half the focus group were in middle and higher management positions. One important explanation for Germany may be that the respondents generally worked in very distinct and specialized areas. These migrants were recruited to cover special products, often to do with their own country or with countries whose language they spoke. Many native workers with equal training or status may not have been in a position to do their jobs due to the lack of language and knowledge about the foreign labour market. At the same time, migrants did not necessarily need a high


language competence to work in the host country, nor knowledge about the local labour market. They therefore did not compete for the same jobs. Migrant interviewees in Spain were recruited for similar reasons. However, here, other factors may have contributed to tensions. In the 1980s, employment in private banking declined (Cataño Collad et al. 1990). Over the past few years, university graduates who enter banking employment tend to have to work for two to three years, instead of the previously one to two years, in low-grade posts until an opportunity to move to a higher level of employment occurs. Moreover, access to positions of responsibility has increasingly been restricted to graduates with Master’s degrees, preferably in economics or law, with additional knowledge of languages and computing (interviews with the CCOO and UGT; Fernández and Müller 1996). Competition for higher positions is therefore likely to have become more intense. The decline in opportunities, combined with the fact that migrant interviewees were in positions characterized by the virtual absence of women, may have led to tensions. Regulations and daily practices Regulations and daily practices may provide a further indication of obstacles in the adjustment to a foreign work environment. An aspect difficult for migrant interviewees to adjust to in both Spain and British merchant banking was peer pressure. Although commented on by most migrants, this was a particular problem for Germans or migrants who had worked in Germany pre-migration. Migrants in Spain complained about extremely long working hours, both in smaller branches and in head offices. This was said to be partly due to the lack of coordination and organization, and partly due to people getting involved in issues even if they did not affect them personally. But another reason, migrants stressed, was simply peer pressure. As one British respondent who had worked in Germany prior to migration said: It’s very difficult to work shorter hours, even though you may have finished what you feel is sufficient for one day or what you have to do on that particular day … If you disappear at six o’clock and everybody else is there until eight o’clock, although they may not be working, it’s very difficult. I don’t like it at all. That was also true in Germany to a certain extent, although in Germany people left much earlier and achieved exactly the same amount if not more, in a given amount of hours. (British professional in Spain, higher management)


A German respondent in British merchant banking criticized the aspect of peer pressure on similar lines: It is sometimes terrible what they expect here … If you come here as a German and you want to work here, it has to be clear to you that you have to make adjustments, that you will have to live by certain rules … Under normal circumstances I leave the office at 7 pm. But there is the belief here that the longer you stay in the office, the more you work. Nobody seems to think whether this might have something to do with efficiency. I can work very efficiently and leave at 6 pm, but can also shift papers around and make unnecessary phone calls and stay until 10 pm. There is strong peer pressure. If I went home at 6 pm for several days, my boss would ask me whether I had enough work to do. So the working time is postponed by two hours. Peer pressure is a very important point. Nobody dares to go against it. (German professional in Britain, junior management) In an earlier section, the working hours in Spain and in British merchant banking were discussed. These have been widely identified as a particular barrier to women’s ability to follow professional careers, especially when family obligations are involved. For example, the survey by Quack and Hancké (1997) established that male corporate values were seen as obstacles to women’s access to management position by an average of 61 per cent of personnel managers and 57 per cent of female bank managers. Both groups identified the factor as a particular barrier affecting the move into middle and higher management. Women and men in their twenties have been said to be more willing to accommodate their private lives to the organization’s expectations regarding working hours than ‘older’ women (McDowell and Court 1994). However, a more accepting attitude towards such a commitment by ‘older’ migrant interviewees could not be identified. A number of migrant respondents in their twenties and older criticized the long working day. These experiences of the interviewees can thus be explained by the general situation and expectations in banking. The results indicate, however, that they may be more profound in Spain and British merchant banking. Adjustment problems extended into other areas. In regard to clothing, migrant interviewees in British merchant banking had similar experiences to those of nursing migrants. Although an issue identified by all nationalities, it was more strongly criticized by German nationals.


The following quote reflects migrants’ frustration: They have a certain dress code for women here: no trousers. On my first day, it was pure luck, I wore a suit. On my second day a trouser suit and on my third day trousers and blazer. It was not that I was wearing jeans. I was called in by my boss, also German, who had been asked to tell me that there was a dress code for ladies. I was furious. He tried to calm me down and said he would talk to them again. For several days nothing happened. I then went to talk to senior management myself. I was told very rigorously that there could be no discussion about it, I had to appear in skirts … One argument was that clients wanted to see women in skirts. All this really shocked me. It doesn’t matter what type of skirt. It can be a bad cut, of poor quality, as long as it is a skirt. I made a suggestion to wear skirts when clients visit. But the response was that there could be unexpected client visits. There could be no compromise. As regards clothing it is much more relaxed in Germany. (German professional in Britain, junior management) Other studies substantiate the importance of a dress code in banking and also other sectors. Cockburn (1991: 150) found that women in a business environment were required to dress in feminine clothes, specified as ‘skirt or dress with a high or medium-heeled shoe, blouse, jersey or jacket’. The explanation for the requirement was almost identical to those given to the migrant interviewees. Halford et al. (1997: 252–3) observe that female managers know they have to fit into a male-defined female culture. Unlike the reaction it caused among some migrant interviewees, women participating in their study responded by taking advantage of the expectation and chose suits which made them more visible and memorable. Having explored some of the difficulties of migrant banking workers in adjusting to, and integrating into, work environments abroad, the next section seeks to explain migrants’ different experiences within a societal context.

Explaining cross-national commonality and diversity The findings show that migrants were confronted with a diversity of obstacles in the adaptation to the foreign work environment. Concerning the areas of work, most migrants worked in highly maledominated areas, such as investment banking, equities and foreign


operations. In these areas, women generally account for a very small proportion in the three countries (Jortay et al. 1991). This suggests that migration may allow women to move into areas which are usually ‘reserved’ for men. In Germany and Spain, migrant interviewees on the whole worked in highly specialized areas and in very distinct jobs in international banking. Many native workers would not have had the language ability and/or knowledge of the foreign labour market to do migrants’ jobs. The respondents did not generally work closely with colleagues or superiors of the host countries. Moreover, most migrant interviewees in Germany and in Spanish head offices worked in middle management and in some cases in higher management. They had their own secretaries which gave them a certain status and allowed them to work independently. In Spanish branches, native professionals explained, staff including managers are commonly self-supporting and are in complete control of their workload. As mentioned earlier, this system can be beneficial to women at all levels because it reduces the danger for women of being misused in menial tasks or tasks that fall outside their professional role. This system even allowed migrants of clerical or junior managerial level to work with a high level of independence. In contrast, in Britain most migrant interviewees worked in executive/junior management positions. Some had a management training programme attached to their posts, and worked more closely with their superiors. They therefore did not have the level of independence of many of their counterparts in Germany and Spain. One major explanation for migrants’ experiences may be found in the level of managerial control in British banking. Changes brought about with new technology have reduced workers’ autonomy in the work process, and have placed control of the process at top management level (Lane 1987). Moreover, the British management style gives greater freedom for top management in relation to their workers than in some other European countries, for example Germany (Calori et al. 1995). And the majority of banking staff in Britain generally undertake more segmented, less complex and demanding tasks than, for instance, in Germany (Müller and Dickmann 1996). The conceptions of work organization and hiearchical lines can therefore differ significantly between countries. Migrants’ experiences have to be seen against the background of restructuring and greater job instability in the banking sector in Britain. Organizational and employment restructuring has led to branch closures and reduced career opportunities since the 1980s. This has altered recruitment, training and promotion practices. The sector


has moved away from secure career paths towards specialist career streaming (Storey 1995; Walsh 1997). Reorganization and the increased deployment of computerized technologies have resulted in a reduction in the workforce particularly since the early 1990s and an increase in part-time employment. Moreover, the growth of specialist functions at head office level has led to the increasing recruitment of professionals from outside (Humphries et al. 1994; Müller and Dickmann 1996). Restructuring has reduced the number of managerial positions in British banking in general, but management areas in which women dominate, such as personnel, administration and public relations, have been particularly affected by the delayering processes within organizations (Quack 1998). Some of the conflicts concerning the distribution of work may have arisen because of a lack of communication and coordination between head offices and branches as to the role of migrants in branch offices. In part, they may have been due to migrants’ temporary status. The introduction of computerized technologies has resulted in a large pool of routine tasks (Lane 1987; Walsh 1997). There is a general tendency to utilize temporary staff for such work. However, a major reason may lie in the fact that branch banking has been reduced significantly. British branch staff has often been with the bank for a long time. They have generally progressed without higher education or special management training programmes. Restructuring has led to many redundancies, a freeze in recruitment, less job security, fewer opportunities to progress through the traditional career ladder and managerial positions. These developments have affected working relationships (Storey 1995; Müller and Dickmann 1996; Walsh 1997). Branch staff may have seen their opportunities reduced and reacted defensively to the presence of migrant workers who had the qualifications required for a fairly secure career progression. Native workers’ response may not have been any different with regard to the presence of native graduate women. However, such feelings are likely to be stronger if those who progress are foreign women. At branch level, these feelings may be exacerbated because it is more difficult to justify the presence of foreigners in the absence of international work. Fewer opportunities may have led to an intensification of exclusionary practices, particularly in branch banking. Women’s opportunities in higher management levels tend to suffer during reorganization processes (Quack 1998). Giving induction to foreign women who neither knew the local labour market nor spoke the language fluently might have seemed anomalous to both male and female native workers. In small branches people are less likely to be used to working


with professionals coming from abroad. They may have certain preconceptions about the migrants’ country of origin. Migrants may have had to justify their presence not only as women, but also as foreigners. However, the type of tasks that were allocated to migrants seem to point to another important explanation, that of protecting the male domain of management by keeping women in subordinate roles through the assignment of menial tasks. Deep-seated scepticism amongst male bank managers about women’s managerial abilities have been consistently revealed (see Collinson 1987; Cromption and LeFeuvre 1992). In Germany, some tension was apparent with men below the migrants’ status. The existence of conflicts may in part be explained by similar reasons as for Britain. A growing proportion of new recruits has degree backgrounds (UNI 1993). Men without higher education may have seen their opportunities reduced by changing trends in recruitment practices. Women’s growing move into middle and higher management is a fairly recent phenomenon (see Quack 1998; Tienari et al. 1998). The fact that difficulties were experienced to a lesser degree in Germany than in Britain may be because the German banking sector has not laid off staff as a result of restructuring, but has redefined jobs and retrained existing staff according to changed needs. Although a small reduction of personnel was on the agenda since the early 1990s, a more definite announcement to this effect was made by just two of the large universal commercial banks for 1994. Banks in general envisaged a reduction in lower skilled jobs, but planned to retrain existing staff to meet the different needs of the sector (UNI 1993; Quack et al. 1995). Between 1994 and 1997, the reduction in staff amounted to only 2.4 per cent in the private banking sector. No reduction in managerial staff has occurred. In fact, the numbers have increased by 10.9 per cent during the same period (Quack 1998). Moreover, migrants worked in highly distinct fields and in highly male-dominated areas. Competition between native male/female staff and migrants was thereby reduced. A striking aspect is the virtual absence of difficulties in Spain. A partial explanation may lie in labour market developments. Deregulation and the increased introduction of technology resulted in a reduction of staff of almost 14 per cent in the 1980s. Although the trend continued into the 1990s, it slowed significantly. Staff numbers remained fairly stable between 1993 and 1994 and increased thereafter. Moreover, reductions in the 1980s and 1990s have been achieved through retirements and non-prolongation of temporary contracts, and not redundancies (Müller and Dickmann 1996).


The absence of problems in regard to work organization, regulations and daily practices in Germany may be explained by a strong industrial relations system and the high standard of protection German workers have achieved compared to many other European countries (Lane 1993). It was noted in an earlier section that working hours in the German financial sector were the lowest between the three countries, and overtime was very low compared to Britain, and almost equal with Spain (Eurostat 1998). German workers are perhaps more used to shorter, regular and flexible working hours than their counterparts elsewhere in Europe. An early start is generally expected to be rewarded by an early finish of the working day. While overtime is not ruled out, it tends to be restricted to occasions when it is absolutely necessary. Results from other studies show that work in Germany is intensive, but the working day not so long as, for example, in Spain (Valeurs and Performance 1992). Moreover, in contrast to Britain, the transformation of work organization has led to greater autonomy and job responsibility for white-collar workers in Germany. Changes therefore allow for greater flexibility both in job design and for individuals (Littek and Heisig 1991). Peer pressure provided a problem in Spain and in British merchant banking. Criticisms were more strongly expressed by German nationals or migrants who had worked in Germany prior to migration. This may be explained by differences in cultural practice and managerial styles. Working long hours is a practice that is still viewed positively by Spanish men and seen as a sign of loyalty by management (Cameron and Woods 1993; Mateos Villegas 1993). Long working hours have begun to receive some opposition from younger men in British merchant banking (McDowell and Court 1994). However, the findings show that it is still an important feature and may be considered a practice aimed at upholding a male-dominated work environment. The dress code in British merchant banking fits into this overall image of a highly traditional sector unwilling to adjust to modern life. The requirement reflects research findings on other employment sectors in Britain (for example Cockburn 1991 on the retail trade; Adkins 1992 on the tourist trade). According to Cockburn (1991), the strict operation of a dress code is to ensure that women have an overall feminine, though not sexual, appearance. Adkins (1992) argues that this requirement is a main determining factor as to whether women gain access to, and remain in, employment. Given the more relaxed and flexible system in Germany, these difficulties were almost inevitable for migrants from German work backgrounds. Conflicts arose because


migrants were expected to accommodate themselves to a very traditional male culture, to a degree they were not accustomed to.

Conclusion Chapters 7 and 8 have examined some of the difficulties migrants may face in the adjustment to and integration in the nursing and banking sectors in the three countries. There are two main conclusions that can be drawn from the findings. First, there is evidence that migrants’ experiences were closely linked to the experiences of women generally, professional cultures and norms, and work relations in the individual countries, labour markets and employment sectors. Studies of women’s experiences in the two employment sectors in the individual countries are extensive and have been discussed in the contextual background of the two chapters. Second, there is evidence that migrants’ experiences were linked to the situation of ‘national’ labour markets and employment systems as well as to native professionals’ attitudes towards foreign credentials. Empirical material demonstrates that complex processes influenced the migrants’ experiences. Workers’ position in the individual labour markets, changes in the division of labour and work organization, concepts such as ‘professions’ and ‘skills’ as well as attitudes towards European integration all played a part in the integration process. Arrow (1973) and Aigner and Cain (1977) acknowledge difficulties in the integration of certain groups on the basis of perceptions held by employers and colleagues. The findings on the distribution of work and work relations show obstacles deriving from people’s attitudes towards foreign skills. For example, banking migrants were given menial tasks and tasks unrelated to their professional status. They experienced hostility from colleagues. Information needed to do their jobs was withheld and some migrants received stereotypical comments as regards their nationalities. Another explanation may be found in the organization and in the situation of the labour market in banking. According to Sengenberger (1987), qualified workers can be placed into occupational and internal markets. Access to both markets is fairly regulated and protected by unions. Employers may try to escape formal practices, but such a decision may lead to opposition from within the workforce if existing staff are qualified to do the jobs. The decision to place migrants in bank branches led to such opposition, perhaps because it was felt that branch work could be done more effectively by native staff, and demand could be met by existing supply. This put


migrants in a weak position as regards task assignments and working relations. Obstacles may have been exacerbated by the dramatic change in banking from the employment expansion in the 1980s to the employment crisis in the early 1990s (Halford and Savage 1995; Storey 1995). The lack of cooperation between banks, a relatively informal collective bargaining system, and the lack of state involvement in training have meant that changes in the labour market have resulted in radical policies of recruitment and redundancies. This approach has resulted in low morale and is likely to have contributed to growing friction among staff (Quack et al. 1995). Growing competition for jobs, therefore, had ‘direct’ effects on the integration of the focus group in Britain. In corporatist systems there is greater cooperation between the various groups in the labour market (Crompton et al. 1990; Lane 1993, 1994). In Germany, for example, collective and cooperative relations between banks and the important role of the state in training provision have ensured that labour market restructuring has maintained jobs by retraining existing staff (Quack et al. 1995). This approach may have helped to maintain staff morale and avoid friction between staff, and ultimately aided a smoother integration of EU migrants. Walby (1986, 1990) emphasizes the importance of patriarchal structures and practices in an analysis of women’s employment position. She argues that formal equality of status for women is inadequate to counter the effects of patriarchal structures and conflicts in the workplace. The discrepancy between formal policies and actual practices in relation to women’s employment experiences in European countries has been covered in a wide range of studies (for example, Crompton et al. 1990; Lane 1993; Rubery 1995; Dienel 1996). My findings show similar outcomes for female migrants. The empirical findings demonstrate that formal equality of access for migrants, as provided under legislation on freedom of movement, does not guarantee equality of practice in access or in employment conditions in other member states. The results show that different institutional arrangements and employment systems have meant differences in migrant women’s experiences. The findings suggest that the German and Spanish systems do not seem to lead to the same level of exclusionary practices as in Britain. In Germany and Spain, state policies and ideology are geared towards upholding traditional gender roles, and ultimately aim to curtail women’s participation in the labour market (Lane 1993; Cousins 1994, 1999). However, once in the labour market, women benefit from the corporatist framework. A wide range of legal and institutional rules protect aspects of employment, and a collective bargaining system by


industry contributes to significant homogeneity of employment conditions within an employment sector (Lane 1993, 1994). In contrast, in Britain, state policy towards women’s labour market participation is more ambiguous. State policies discourage intervention and leave matters to the market. Collective bargaining is more informal than in corporatist systems, resulting in greater diversity in policies between banks. Such a system appears to be more prone to exclusionary practices (Rainbird 1991). For example, the governments of all three countries have introduced policies and legislation in the 1980s to promote ‘non-standard’ forms of employment. Compared to ‘standard’ employment, many forms of ‘non-standard’ work are disadvantaged by a lower degree of employment protection. However, in Germany and Spain, the promotion of such employment has been accompanied by a relatively high degree of legal regulation, whereas Britain has selectively removed employment rights for workers on these contracts (Büchtemann and Quack 1989; Cousins 1994, 1999). A large majority of workers on such contracts are women, even though the gender distribution differs between the various types of ‘non-standard’ employment and between countries (Meulders and Plasman 1989; Maier 1991; Cousins 1999). From a cross-national perspective, however, the greater lack of protection of such contracts in Britain is likely to work to the disadvantage of British women compared to their counterparts in Germany and Spain. The specific barriers to nursing migrants in Germany may find explanations in the organization of work and the concepts of ‘professions’ and ‘skills’. Many nursing migrant interviewees in Germany came from Britain where nurses are defined as highly skilled and core staff. Advances made in the development of various care systems, such as primary nursing, have led to greater autonomy in the role of nurses and thus a step away from the traditional Taylorist organization of work (Walby et al. 1994). Training has been incorporated into the university system and, by having their own professional association, nurses have acquired professional status. In contrast, the organization of work in German nursing is widely described as still reflecting a traditional patriarchal family with its ‘natural’ distribution of work (Bauer and Gröning 1992; Taubert 1994). Nursing is considered one of the most unpopular occupations, lacking status and autonomy (Jacobs 1992b; Herbst 1995). Developments of new systems of care in Germany are highly underdeveloped in comparison to other countries (PhilbertHasucha 1993). Functional care continues to operate in many hospitals, a system under which work is highly fragmented and routinized. New management methods and improvements to the organization of


work have not been introduced (Jacobs 1992a). This system proved a major obstacle, particularly to ‘younger’ British nursing migrants who were accustomed to greater autonomy and status. They may never have been confronted with a functional care system as perhaps other ‘older’ migrants in their past work experiences. The particular difficulties for banking migrants in Britain may also support arguments on changes to work organization. Migrants criticized the lack of autonomy given to individuals in their jobs. Both the core–periphery (Atkinson and Meager 1986) and the shamrock models (Handy 1989) argue that the transformation of work organization will lead to expansion and autonomy of the occupational role of core workers. My findings suggest that this has not occurred in the British banking sector to the same level as in Germany and Spain. Lane (1987) argues that in British banking, technological change has introduced greater managerial control of the work process and work results. The autonomy of workers below top management has thereby been reduced. In contrast, such a process does not appear to have occurred in the German financial sector. Changes have given workers greater autonomy, responsibility and decision-making powers (Thomas 1989; Littek and Heising 1991). The structure in Britain is said to be changing and workers are being given greater autonomy and responsibility (O’Reilly 1992). However, changes may not have filtered through to the same extent as in Germany. Evidence from another comparative study suggests a polarization of skills in Britain compared to the development of a wider range of skills in Germany (Quack et al. 1995). In Spain, the introduction of formalized procedures has remained limited. Spanish organizations do not usually have detailed job descriptions. Organizations generally lack any formalized definitions and descriptions of tasks as well as a formalized system for the work process and evaluation. Informality dominates the work process and relations between managers and employers (Herranz González 1989; Rigby and Lawlor 1998). The absence of formalized methods may give workers significant autonomy in their day-to-day work. Restructuring processes have thus started from a different base in the three countries. Most migrant interviewees in Britain were employed at junior management levels. Control in British banking appears to be quite strongly located at top management (Lane 1987; Quack 1998). This may have influenced the fact that migrants were not able to work as independently as their counterparts in Germany and Spain. However, the picture that emerges from the two chapters is one of commonality of experiences among migrants in the broader sense, but


one of difference in the narrower sense. Commonality existed in as far as their gender and foreigner status had led to obstacles in the integration process. The combination of gender and foreigner status had an impact on their employment position and on the integration in ‘foreign’ work environments. However, differences in migrants’ experiences existed within and between countries. This was due to variations in training and employment systems, shaped by differing developments of political, social, economic and patriarchal structures and relations. Differences in migrants’ experiences were also due to varying responses to changes in the labour market, such as work organization and personnel recruitment. Variations in the level of commitment towards European integration between employment sectors and countries, perhaps, operated as an additional factor in migrants’ experiences.

Part III Career Progression

Part III examines migrants’ career paths in the host countries. Upward mobility may be influenced by both institutional and personal factors. Career progression may occur through experience and/or the acquisition of further training and qualifications. Advancement procedures may be formalized and standardized as, for example, in nursing. They may be more informal and organization-specific, such as in banking. Career development systems and structures vary within and between employment sectors and countries. Such variations may influence the career trajectories of migrants. Personnel policies and requirements as well as work relations may influence any person’s progression. Yet, several specific questions arise in relation to migrants. Do personnel policies and requirements have a particular effect on migrants because of the potentially temporary nature of their stay in the foreign country? Do superiors fail to encourage migrants because of their potentially temporary stay? Do migrants face additional obstacles because of tension with native professionals who aim for higher positions? Or is it largely personal factors that influence the migrants’ upward mobility? Chapters 8 and 9 examine the career paths of the interviewees from the first post after their arrival in the host country to their position at the time of the interview. My aim is to shed light on the extent to which migrants’ career progression may be influenced by institutional requirements, work relations or personal aspirations. The number of applications and acceptances in access to promotion and further training courses may be used to identify obstacles to career progression. Information collected to this effect shows that few migrants had applied for promotion. Three applications for promotion had been made by nursing migrants, and these had all been accepted. These migrants had been in the host country for more than five years 153


when they were promoted to higher positions. An additional three migrants had been offered promotion. These offers were made to migrants who had been in the country for less then two years. The picture looks only slightly different for banking migrants. Seven of the interviewees had made one or more applications for promotion. Five had been successful. The successful applicants had been in Britain and Germany for more than four years and in Spain for more than two years. Two migrants had their applications rejected. A slightly higher proportion of migrants, seven nurses and nine banking workers, had applied for further training.1 Five nurses had been successful, one was awaiting a reply, and one had been rejected. Eight banking workers had been successful and one was awaiting a reply. The quantitative results on access to promotion and further training thus do not indicate particular obstacles for migrants in the access to career progression. However, such data give formal outcomes. The reasons for not applying and not having been accepted were considered better indicators to identify informal barriers. Chapters 8 and 9 examine the various factors influencing migrants’ career paths. Each chapter starts with a profile of the workforce, and a description of grading structures, promotion and career development procedures to provide the background to the empirical material. This is followed by a discussion of migrants’ actual experiences in relation to promotion and further training. An interpretation of the results is provided at the end of each chapter. In the concluding section of chapter 9, I summarize the findings on both occupational groups, and draw conclusions on the career opportunities for migrants in other member states.

1. The term further training and continuous training is used synonymously throughout the text.


Migrants’ career advancement will be influenced by institutional characteristics and by personal aspirations. Institutional factors include career development systems and the culture of the work environment. The nursing profession has highly structured career routes and progression ladders. Advancement is formalized and standardized, either nation-wide or by collective agreement. Women predominate in the profession. Despite this female work environment, women do not have an easy time moving up the career ladder. This chapter is divided into four sections. Section one provides information on the gender–ethnic composition of the workforce. Section two outlines the career structures and systems in Britain, Germany and Spain. Sections one and two are useful for situating migrants’ experiences and for analysing the final results within a societal context. Section three examines the experiences of migrant interviewees in respect of promotion and further training. In the final section, I discuss the findings within the context of career systems and policies, labour market situations, women’s position and migrants’ personal characteristics.

Profile of the workforce Migrants’ career paths will be influenced by the gender–ethnic composition of the workforce. Women are in a vast numerical majority in the nursing profession in all three countries. Men comprise only about 12 per cent in Britain, 15 per cent in Germany and 20 per cent in Spain.1 1 The figure on Britain refers to nursing, midwifery and health visiting staff in NHS hospital and community health services in England for 1997 (Department of Health, Health and Personal Social Services Statistics for England, 1998, Government Statistical Office, London). The figure on 155


A common feature among these countries is that the percentage of men increases with the seniority of posts. In Spain, for example, a nursing director specified that about 80 per cent of directors were male. On the basis of an interview undertaken with a group of managers, a similar profile can be drawn up for Germany. A national survey of senior nurses in the British NHS reports that men are almost three times as likely as women to be in senior nursing positions (IHMS Consultants 1995a). Differences between the countries are more pronounced in the EU/non-EU composition of nursing staff. For example, in 1992, almost half of first- and second-level nurses in Spain were non-EU professionals, that is 90,617 compared to 111,624 Spanish and EU nurses (Universidad Católica de Lovaina 1993). Accurate information on the overseas composition of the nursing workforce in Britain has not been available until 1997 because a system for ethnic monitoring had not been in place (Buchan et al. 1998). However, figures collected by the Department of Health (1998) show that nurses from ethnic minority groups in NHS hospitals and community health services made up less than 9 per cent in 1997. Compared to Spain, the proportion seems low. However, the Spanish figure includes second-level nurses, and all overseas nurses fell into this category. The data are therefore somewhat misleading. Exact data on overseas nurses in Germany are not available. However, local figures for Frankfurt (Hessen) show estimates of 25 per cent (Wilhelm and Wippermann 1992).

Grading structures, promotion and career development procedures The grading structures and career advancement procedures of the individual countries will influence migrants’ occupational position abroad. In Britain, the NHS grades posts. Each post is graded according to the skills and qualifications required and responsibilities involved. Clinical grades range from A to I. Grade C requires second-level registration (enrolled nursing qualification). Grade D is the minimum level for nurses with first-level registration but with no additional responsibilities. Nurses with greater seniority and responsibility receive the higher cont. Germany refers to nursing and midwifery staff in 1997 (Statistisches Bundesamt, 1998, Statistisches Jahrbuch, Wiesbaden). The figure on Spain refers to nursing and nursing assistants in 1995 (Instituto Nacional de Estadística, 1998, Anuario Estadístico 1997, Madrid).


alphabetic grades (for details see appendix 3). However, apart from newly qualified staff nurses, relatively few with first-level registration should have their jobs graded on scale D (Nursing and Midwifery Staffs Negotiating Council, Staff Side 1988). Promotion to a higher grade is only possible when a vacancy occurs. The Nursing and Midwifery Staffs Negotiating Council, Staff Side (1988) does not specify the length of work experience required to be able to apply for the next grade up. However, interviews with employers’ representatives established that 18–24 months seem to be the common requirement. Work experience does not have to be acquired within the hospital, though it appears to be a common expectation that an applicant has worked with the employer for at least 6–12 months before applying for another post. Figures from a large-scale survey, undertaken for the Department of Health, show that 21 per cent of female respondents and 11 per cent of male respondents have additional nursing qualifications beyond registration (Finlayson and Nazroo 1997). With the implementation of ‘Project 2000’ and ‘Post-Registration Education and Practice (PREP)’, a minimum of five study days over three years, and a record of reflection on learning in a personal professional profile are obligatory for all nursing staff to maintain their registration and right to practice. Currently, compliance with the requirement relies on individuals’ declarations. A formal audit system by the UKCC was planned to be in place after March 2001. Two higher levels of professional practice, expected to be at Master’s level, have been defined by the UKCC. These programmes are approved by the National Boards, and lead to qualifications of specialist and advanced practice (RCN 1992c; Castle et al. 1998). Outside the minimum requirement, the amount of further education nurses undertake is likely to depend on both individual and the hospital’s needs. A head of equal opportunities interviewed for this book pointed out that the budgets of wards were not based solely on the ward’s needs. Some consideration was also given to the career development needs of individuals. Any application required the support of the ward manager. However, while most NHS employers provide for some continuing professional development, their commitment is unlikely to go beyond the minimum provision, as no extra resources have been made available (Castle et al. 1998). The conditions attached to receiving financial support vary between hospitals because of the absence of legal provisions. For example, one participating teaching hospital offered nurses up to five study days per year. The hospital arranged verbally with people to stay for at least six


months after the course. This arrangement was later abandoned because the hospital could no longer guarantee a job at the end of the course. Another specialized hospital expected nurses to contribute 25 per cent or more to the cost of courses. Nurses who left within a year of completing the course had to sign an agreement to refund a proportion of the cost. None of the hospitals guaranteed a higher graded job at the end of a course. In general, hospitals have had a strong commitment to further training, as one manager noted, but changes in the sector may lead to a policy where hospitals will be supporting only the formal requirements of five days’ study leave every three years. Provision and support for further training is therefore likely to vary. For example, a survey of 50 trusts in 1994–95 found that more than half had funded 50–100 per cent of continuous training undertaken by nurses, but that others had provided little support, neither in terms of funding nor time off (Castle et al. 1998). In Germany, the public sector grades posts and individuals. Each post is graded according to the skills and qualifications required, the responsibilities involved as well as the experience of individuals. Grades range from KrII to XIII. Nursing assistants are placed into grades KrII–IV, general and children’s nurses into Kr IV–VI, psychiatric nurses into grade VI and nurses with additional responsibilities into grades V–XIII (for details see appendix 3). The collective agreement provides three opportunities for promotion. Nurses are upgraded after two years of working in the profession following the completion of their training (Berufstätigkeit). Some of the nursing posts require two years of experience in a particular grade (Tätigkeit). These two type of promotions occur automatically, unless management has serious reservations, a nursing director explained. The third opportunity is not automatic and requires 3–5 years in a particular function and grade in which nurses have to prove their capability in doing the job (Bewährung). However, a group of managers I interviewed stressed that the general shortage of nursing staff and changes in the demands of service provision had meant a decline in the number of people wanting positions with additional responsibilities. As a result, nurses may move into higher positions without the generally required length of experience. Germany does not have an obligatory system for nurses to update their skills to remain on the professional register. Twenty-seven per cent of German nurses have additional qualifications. Government statistics show that about half the nurses of a large-scale survey undertaken on the nursing market had participated in continuous and further training


in the years 1990–93. Most training had been on updating skills. Only a minority had undertaken training for further specialization or promotion, possibly because further education programmes are unstructured and very expensive (Dietrich 1995; Becker 1996). Nurses may receive funding for further training through the government’s department of employment or receive support from their employers. Collective agreements define the terms under which employers are obliged to fund training. Collective agreements vary between regions. The agreement for Hessen states that employers must provide funding for nurses with completed probationary periods if they have a demand for staff with the qualification and skills obtained through the course. It is recommended that local authorities define demand in relation to all hospitals within the area (Gewerkschaft Öffentliche Dienste, Transport und Verkehr 1992). Nurses with permanent employment contracts have access to further training courses following a six-month probationary period. Applications for postgraduate courses leading to recognized qualifications require two years’ work experience. One of the nursing directors interviewed further specified that in public sector hospitals, decisions about applications were made by nursing management, sometimes in conjunction with the nurse responsible for the ward, on the basis of an annual budget. For other hospitals, the final decision was made by the provider on the recommendation from the hospital’s nursing management. According to the collective agreement of the public sector, nurses who receive funding from their employers have to stay with the hospital between one and three years after the completion of a course, depending on the length and cost of the course. Should an employment contract end before the specified period, the nurse is required to repay fees on the basis of a sliding scale fixed at one third per year. A group of managers I interviewed noted that subsequent employers may pay the outstanding amount, but this was an exception rather than a rule. Moreover, reimbursement agreements did not apply to short-term internal or external training courses. However, the commitment attached to receiving financial support means that nurses often fund their own career development (Betzemaier 1990). Spain has no graded career structure. It has nursing assistants, qualified nurses, supervisors of units and heads of departments without additional divisions within these positions (for details see appendix 3). A nursing director explained that a supervisory post required no additional qualification; remunerative differentials between the various levels of nursing were minimal. Salary variations exist both within and


between public and private providers. Those between public and private sector providers are most significant, with the latter offering about 250,000 pesetas per year less for a qualified nurse (Universidad Católica de Lovaina, 1993). About 40 per cent of Spanish nurses have an additional qualification of specialization and 15 per cent have two or more. However, most work as staff nurses without any recognition of their specialist qualifications (Gonzalez Cabanes 1993). Because of the absence of a grading structure, and recognition of specialist qualifications, opportunities for promotion are virtually non-existent. Updating skills through further education courses is a voluntary option for nurses (Sastre Domingo 1990). Expectations vary between settings. For example, the University School of Nursing of the Community of Madrid expects nurses to maintain and develop their professional performance through continuous learning and research (Anton 1998). Collective agreements on continuous training in the public and private sectors define the objectives and conditions under which further training should be provided by employers. For example, trade unions and employers’ organizations of the private sector have established a shared training trust to adapt workers’ skills to labour market needs. Nurses can apply for individual paid leave of up to 150 hours per year. However, demand for subsidies exceeds supply (Universidad Católica de Lovaina, 1993). A head of further training and a manager of a department pointed out that budgets had been reduced considerably because of the economic crisis in the sector. Provision and access therefore vary from one hospital to another. Prior to the economic recession, hospitals funded 50–60 per cent of the cost of internal training courses. However, at the time of interviewing, financial grants for courses were very difficult to obtain. In fact, a study on the situation of nurses found that in the five years preceeding the survey less than a quarter of nurses had participated in any further education course and a third had not participated in a congress or seminar (Consejo General de Enfermería 1990). The amount and type of further training nurses can undertake is dependent exclusively on the needs of the hospital, according to a head of further training interviewed. Nurses on temporary contracts are also eligible to participate and receive support for internal training courses, amongst other reasons, because temporary contracts are with hospitals and not with agencies. The contracts tend to be renewed, either with the same or with another hospital, but by the same provider. Collective agreements do not require any commitment from nurses to remain with their employer for a specified period after the


completion of courses. Although one of the participating hospitals had made such an arrangement in the past, none of them had such a requirement in the year of interviewing. Thus compared to Spain, Britain and Germany have very structured and hierarchical grading systems. The Spanish system is virtually devoid of any opportunities for upward mobility. The potential for competition and conflict with colleagues is therefore considerably reduced. The German system, in contrast, offers three opportunities for promotion of which two are automatic. Moreover, the shortage of nursing personnel provides additional opportunities. The British further training system aims to meet hospital but also individual needs. In contrast, provision in Germany and Spain is based solely on employers’ needs. All three countries experienced a growing budgetary crisis in the 1990s so that provision and financial support had become increasingly difficult to obtain. However, the nature of the British system appears to offer the best opportunities for continuous or further training. Having provided the contextual background, I now turn to examine the career paths of the participating migrants. My aim is to explore the obstacles to career advancement when moving to another member state. I will first discuss migrants’ experiences with promotion and then move on to further training.

The career experiences of migrants Promotion The quantitative data provided in the introduction to Part III suggest fairly unproblematic access to career progression for migrant nurses. However, very few migrants had applied for promotion. The reasons for not applying were therefore obtained from migrants to identify any informal obstacles to progression. Twenty-four migrants had not applied or been offered promotion. Eleven of these migrants specified that they were satisfied with their existing positions. The motivating factors for migration may explain some of this outcome. Similar to the findings by Ness et al. (1993) and Ackers (1998), multiple reasons were given for the move. The following data therefore relate to the number of times particular reasons were given, and each figure has to be seen in relation to the total number of nursing migrants (30). Only four migrants from the total sample mentioned job progression as one of their reasons. A similarly low number was identified by Ness et al. (1993). Other factors were mentioned more often by migrants, such as travel/adventure (17 migrants), learning a


language and getting to know another culture (9 migrants), work experience (9 migrants) and personal reasons (9 migrants). These data suggest that many wanted to broaden their experiences, both professionally and personally, rather than develop a career abroad. Behaviourist theoretical approaches in neoclassical economics (for example, Sjaastad 1962; Maier 1990), push–pull analyses in sociology (for example, Jackson 1985) and in social-psychology (for example, Grubel and Scott 1967) see migration as the outcome of rational decision-making processes by individuals in search of better economic opportunities. Economic factors have also been claimed to be the predominant causes for voluntary migration within the EU (Werner 1995). The findings of this research reveal that decisions were not made on the basis of attractive employment and earnings prospects. The collected data reinforce the critiques of the dominant migration analyses. These have focused on men or, at most, on married migrant women (see Morokvasic 1983; Boyd 1986; Ackers 1998). Mainstream migration studies thus fail to distinguish between the different types of migrant women workers, and ultimately fail to acknowledge different behavioural patterns among skilled and highly skilled migrant women who move between advanced economies. A variety of reasons was given by migrant interviewees for their satisfaction with the position occupied. Some of them saw their stay abroad as a way to escape the pressures in the home country: I would most definitely have better prospects at home [Britain], but I want to forget about them for a while. So many things are expected of you. In England, there is a path that you follow, and you can’t escape that path. You have to follow it one way or another, and I think that is not always for the best. You are competing all the time and I think you lose. Well, I personally need to stand back for a while and examine what I’m doing, why I’m doing it, and not just because there is a ladder there and you feel obliged, and you are pushed to go on that ladder, either for financial gain or for better status, or different colour of the uniform or bigger hat, or whatever. They are not important, they are really not important, but I think they are perceived as being important. (British general nurse in Spain) Other studies have noted that women often see migration as a liberating or freeing process (Pedraza 1991; Tienda and Booth 1991), as a means of finding greater personal fulfilment (Schöttes and Treibel 1997) and starting a new life (Ackers 1998). Migration thus provides new options for women in a new labour market and society.


The ambitions of some other migrant interviewees changed with changing circumstances: When I came to Spain as a staff nurse, I thought, ‘why not come here for a few months, and then carry on with my career’. But then, everything changed. I met my husband, the man of my life, and I started a family, and they are number one, and career opportunities don’t interest me anymore. (Irish general nurse in Spain) The participating women migrated as single women, but at the time of interviewing almost half of the sample were married or cohabiting, of whom some had children (see appendix 1). The study by Ackers (1998) shows that migrant women in this category tend to re-evaluate their length of stay and their careers in the host country. As for all women, these interviewees’ careers suffered as a result of marriage and family formation. Migrants were asked whether they were satisfied with their achievements in the host country as another means of establishing informal obstacles in career experiences. More than a third of the total sample said that they were only reasonably satisfied. Most of these specified that they had set themselves lower targets than for the home country. The main reasons for lower targets set were language inadequacy, being foreign and therefore not having the opportunities as in the home country, and not having undergone the training of the host country. Poor language ability and its effect on the level of confidence, and foreigner status influenced migrants’ aspirations to aim for progression. It was a reason given by almost a third of the interviewees: I always thought, before I even came out, there would be no chance of promotion for me, and I still think that because basically, I am foreign, and I can’t speak fluent German. I will never have the opportunities here that I would have in Britain. (British general nurse in Germany) Contrary to the findings by Segura (1989), action and attitude of coworkers and superiors played an insignificant role in migrant nurses’ progression. Only one migrant nurse in Britain declined to apply, despite an invitation to do so, partly because of the problems she had had with colleagues: I was encouraged to apply for a senior staff nurse position. The ward sister wanted to support my application. I had been on this ward for


only one year. I didn’t want to change wards, partly because I had had difficulties as a foreigner on that ward in the past. I decided to stay here because I knew the character of the nurses who had applied for the vacant positions. I would have felt under pressure, not being able to get through. I was afraid that I would be oppressed, even though I was to have more responsibility. (German specialist nurse in Britain, author’s translation) Almost a third of the total sample specified that they were not yet satisfied, and hoped they could improve their positions in the near or intermediate future. A number of others claimed to have had high expectations regarding career progression in the host country before and shortly after their arrival. The reasons given thus indicate that these migrants would have liked to develop their careers, but were not taking full advantage of opportunities because of uncertainty related to their language abilities or the value of their credentials. For the remaining 13 migrants who had not applied other reasons were given. Many gave more than one explanation. Most specified that the length of service requirement with the employer debarred them from applying. Strict rules for career and professional development have been identified as obstacles for migrants, particularly in public sector professions, by the High Level Panel (1997). The findings support such claims. Some respondents gave a variety of additional personal reasons for not having applied. They did not see their stay as long term and expected to leave the host country within two years of the interview. They did not want a career in the host country. Thus, of those migrants who had not applied, or been offered promotion, in total 24 migrants, almost a third were debarred from opportunities because of specific personnel requirements. Only one migrant refrained from applying because of potential conflicts with colleagues. Others were either satisfied with their positions and/or gave a variety of personal reasons. Further training Access to professional development courses can be used as another measurement to examine obstacles in career progression. Upward mobility is often dependent on the participation in further or continuous training courses. Professional development training may be acquired via short-term or long-term courses either within organizations or in external institutions. Some courses lead to recognizable qualifications and are usually undertaken to meet individual needs.


Others develop particular skills and may be undertaken to meet both individual and employer’ needs. For the latter, employers usually have budgetary provision. They are more likely to provide support for such training. It is therefore the area where EU migrants are most likely to face barriers in access. Budgetary provisions for further training have generally experienced a decline over the past years, and employers increasingly restrict training provision to meet their particular needs in all three countries (see Castle et al. 1998 on Britain; Dietrich 1995 on Germany; Universidad Católica de Lovaina, 1993 on Spain). Such developments point to increased competition between workers in gaining access to further training. Reduced opportunities may place migrants into a weak position compared to native workers. As mentioned in the introduction to Part III, seven migrant nurses had applied for further training, which is about a quarter of the total sample. One applicant was unsuccessful and another was awaiting an answer. Language inadequacy was the reason given for the rejection: There were further training programmes and meetings on primary nursing. At first, I was supposed to go, but then someone else went. They said, ‘You can’t do it yet, we don’t think your English is good enough.’ The technical terms might have been a bit difficult, but I would have understood everything. That was after more than six months here. That was a clear case of discrimination. It was very painful at the time, to hear, you are a foreigner, you are not good enough. Now they have put me in a primary nurse position. There are study days for primary nursing, but now the ward sister says, ‘You have been here since it all started, you have done everything in practice. Others will do the courses.’ (German specialist nurse in Britain, author’s translation) The reason given for the rejection by the employer did not coincide with that of the migrant. She referred to the short period of time she had been with the employer. The rejected applicant had been with the employer for less than a year. Access to further training within such a short period of time with an employer is probably unlikely in any employment sector. The experiences of the 23 migrants who had not applied for further training may provide more evidence of obstacles to migrants in access to further training. A couple of German directors expected the commitment to stay with employers for fixed periods in return for financial support for further


training to be a particular deterrent for EU migrants as they may not want to stay for the required length of time in Germany. Contrary to such opinion, only one migrant refrained from applying in Germany for such a reason: After I have been here three years, the equivalent in Britain, I would have done at least two or three courses, and would have moved up more than once. I wouldn’t be in the same position after three years. I would have probably learnt an awful lot more and achieved a lot more. But I am not unhappy with what I have done here. It’s easier in Britain to move up the scale, to get access to courses. Here, it’s very, very difficult. You don’t hear about what courses are available, unless you ask, and then, if the hospital is willing to send you on a course, it costs money and time after work as well. You have to spend so many years afterwards in this position. It is so expensive here as well if you want to do it privately. (British general nurse in Germany) Some migrant interviewees in Germany feared that any training undertaken in Germany would not be recognized in their home country: If I went back to the UK with a German course, Britain doesn’t recognize that, I have been told by the Royal College of Nursing. I was told not to do any courses in Germany. They don’t like them, and don’t recognize certain of them … but certainly, British employers look down on them. (British general nurse in Germany) Or: I don’t always want to work in Germany. Why do further training and then stay in a position I already had in Paris? The German system doesn’t give me the motivation ... A course in Germany might not be recognized in France. Perhaps I would have to do the training in France again. (French nursing assistant in Germany, author’s translation) Some therefore did not apply because of possible non-recognition of acquired foreign qualifications after their return to the home country. Such concerns among migrants have also been identified by Ness et al. (1993) and by Ackers (1998). Indeed, studies of return migration within Europe and elsewhere have found that migrants are reluctant to


acquire additional skills while working abroad, and are seldom in a position to apply such skills in the home country (Kearney 1986). For example, nurses returning from a period abroad to the UK have found it difficult to obtain employment in the NHS. Almost half of a sample of 251 nurses who had been abroad worked in non-NHS nursing after their return. Moreover, recruitment agency representatives claim that migrant returnees experience discrimination on the waiting lists for ENB courses because EU experience is not recognized (Ness et al. 1993; Buchan et al. 1998). Some migrant interviewees in Germany had been with the employer for less than six months or were on agency contracts, which debarred them from applying for further training. They therefore had a clearly defined and temporary role to play in the organization and nursing market more generally. Only two migrants refrained from applying because of lack of confidence in the foreign language or not wanting to stay in Germany for any length of time. Others said that they wanted to consolidate their existing positions, or lacked time or interest. One migrant interviewee in Spain had not applied because she had not found any attractive courses to apply for. Others specified that they were satisfied with their positions and did not aim to acquire further training: I didn’t come here for great achievements, for further training. I wanted to be near my parents and the sea. I earn less here than in Germany, my standard of living is lower. I have to make sacrifices, but I don’t mind. (German general nurse in Spain, author’s translation) Similarly, in Britain, only one migrant specified ‘lack of confidence’ for not applying for further training. Others were satisfied with their jobs. Thus, less than one third of the participating migrants had applied for further training, of which one application had been unsuccessful. Most respondents had not made an application for further training. Institutional factors provided an obstacle for more than a quarter of these interviewees. Others had a variety of personal reasons for not applying. The willingness of migrants to participate in further training courses in the host country was thus minimal. Findings by other researchers in this field are mixed. Ness et al. (1993) found that most of their respondents, who did not obtain further training, specified that such training was not available in the host country. Dumon (1981) reports on Portuguese women in France who had no intention to participate in courses, either because of lack of information, interest or


obstacles in doing so. Migrant women in Sweden, however, had taken up opportunities as much as Swedish nationals. Having told migrants’ actual experiences, the aim of the next section is to provide some explanations for migrants’ career situations and opportunities in the three case-study countries. Account will be taken of institutional factors and migrants’ personal characteristics.

Explaining cross-national commonality and differences The experiences of nursing migrants suggest that there is no single reason for the lack of upward mobility that applies to a larger group within the sample. Among the migrants who abstained from applying, almost one third experienced obstacles in access to promotion and more than a quarter in access to further training. These obstacles were concentrated on one aspect – requirements on the length of service with the employer. An identical explanation for the obstacles in access to promotion can be given for both Britain and Germany. Except for one interviewee who had her work experience prior to migration partially recognized in Britain, seven migrants in each country found their previous experience invalidated. They entered the profession on grades for newly qualified staff. This confirms data collected by Ness et al. (1993) and the High Level Panel (1997). The Panel notes that ‘community workers often encounter difficulties as a result of non-recognition, in particular when determining the level at which they start their career (professional and salary classification), of factors acquired in their home member state. The most serious problem is the failure to take account of experience acquired in another Member State’ (p. 39). Other migrant interviewees had either been in training prior to migration or had been on hourly pay post-migration. Thus, a high proportion of migrant respondents in the two countries started their career abroad at the bottom of the scale. This ultimately affected opportunities for progression because of requirements to have worked in a position for specified periods to qualify for higher graded posts. Although the majority of the interviewees did not specify this factor in open-ended questions posed to them, the affected proportion is significant. Almost two thirds of the migrant interviewees in Britain and Germany had one or more years of work experience pre-migration and a number of these had between three and six or more years of experience (see appendix A). The restart at the bottom of the scale may have influenced migrants’ career aspirations. Moreover, many who


claimed to be satisfied with their position also said that they had set themselves lower targets for the foreign country. When adding these migrants to those who had applied for promotion, and those who were only temporarily in the country, it can be suggested that the existence of low aspirations for upward mobility was due to institutional rather than personal factors. Furthermore, the high number of respondents who had had high expectations as regards career progression provides further support for the existence of obstacles due to institutional requirements in Britain and in Germany. A small number of the respondents who had not applied had been offered promotion. Offers were made within the first two years of the migrants’ stay. However, this cannot be taken as an indication for openness towards foreign work experience. As already mentioned, nursing managers in Germany referred to the declining number of nurses wanting positions with greater responsibilities, partly because of increased demands on staff due to higher care requirements, and partly because of the lack of experienced personnel. Therefore, higher positions are sometimes offered or occupied by nurses who may not have the required length of experience. An explanation may also be found in the general shortage and high turnover of nurses in Germany (ÖTV 1992b; Prinzl-Wimmer and Bauer 1992). In fact, career progression may be offered to attract and retain nurses in order for health systems to help them with the increased demand due to the ageing of the population (Carpenter 1993). On the whole, it can be argued that there was very little difference in migrants’ experiences between Britain and Germany. Opportunities for promotion are virtually non-existent for Spain because of the absence of a grading structure for qualified nurses (Consejo General de Enfermería 1990; Sims 1990; Gonzalez Cabanes 1993). However, some of the respondents in Spain either worked or had worked as supervisors of units. Those who had returned to qualified nursing positions had done so voluntarily because of significant extra responsibilities for supervisors in return for only a small financial reward. Unlike in Britain and Germany, most migrant interviewees in Spain had their years of work experience pre-migration acknowledged in the pay scale. Only two migrants failed to have their experience either fully or partially recognized. Neither competition, action or attitude of co-workers, nor lack of encouragement by superiors significantly influenced migrants’ decision not to apply for promotion. Some migrants in Britain and Germany were on temporary agency contracts. Moreover, a number of the


respondents in Germany had been in the country for less than one year and had poor language ability. There was also a high demand for foreign staff, due to reasons mentioned. In Spain, all migrant interviewees worked in the private sector who like to employ foreign nurses with language abilities (DBfK 1999). Private health care institutions are generally less well staffed than public institutions, and nurses are in demand (Rodríguez et al. 1999). A significant number of the respondents in all three countries did not aim for progression abroad. For a combination of reasons, therefore, migrants were not competing with the permanent staff in any of the countries. Difficulties in the access to further training were minimal. In Germany, length of service and temporary agency contracts stopped or debarred a small number of interviewees from applying. In Britain, one migrant felt she had her application rejected on the basis of her short duration with the employer, though the employer specified language inadequacy. In both Germany and Britain, the migrants who experienced problems because of the length of service had been with employers for one year or less. In both countries, these migrant interviewees were in their first posts. Those in Germany had no work experience, and the migrant in Britain had one year of work experience prior to migration. Nurses on agency contracts do not usually receive support for further training. Exceptions may be very short continuous training, such as one- or two-day conferences, a German nursing director notes. This factor cannot therefore be taken as an obstacle particularly affecting migrants. It provides a barrier for everyone on such contracts. The findings do not therefore provide much evidence of obstacles on the basis of migrants’ temporary status or foreigner status. In Britain, the revised clinical grading structure introduced in 1988/9, the subsequent managerial reorganization and cost-containment have reduced career opportunities (Buchan et al. 1998). Moreover, resources for continuing professional development have not been increased, despite the growing expectation on nurses to improve and develop their professional competence (Castle et al. 1998). A large-scale survey of more than 14,000 nurses, undertaken in 1994, shows that more than 40 per cent of registered nurses were encouraged to take post-basic training courses, but that about half of all nurses were not satisfied with their training opportunities. About 60 per cent of the respondents expected difficulties in getting financial support for course fees and about 50 per cent for paid study leave (Finlayson and Nazroo 1997). In Germany, further training programmes are expensive and financial support is generally limited Most nurses pay for their own development because of the


commitment attached to employers’ support (Betzemaier 1990; Meifort 1990; Becker 1996). The Spanish system does not encourage individuals to acquire further training because opportunities for upward mobility are very limited. A survey on the nursing profession in Spain found that more than 80 per cent of the respondents considered training opportunities for the improvement of skills as scarce. Only around 6 per cent thought they were good, but 35 per cent that they had shortcomings. Although more than 75 per cent of the respondents had participated on such courses, less than 25 per cent had undertaken continuous training courses in the five years preceding the survey (Consejo General de Enfermería 1990; Sims 1990). Lack of opportunities subsequent to the completion of further training may therefore affect the incentive of nurses, whether native or foreign, to participate in further training courses. Moreover, about half the respondents in Germany and several in Spain had been in the country for less than one year and had poor language ability. They aimed at consolidating their positions rather than aiming for more responsibility. An additional explanation may be found in that almost half the participating migrants had no desire to obtain further training. Forty per cent of the respondents were married or cohabiting by the time of interview, which was a reason for some of the migrants to scale down their aspirations. However, only four migrants had children. Most did not therefore have to combine career and family life. Most said they were satisfied with their achievements, though for many this was because they had set themselves lower targets for the host country. More than half the total sample believed they had greater and wider opportunities as regards professional development in the country premigration, either because of greater provision and value of courses, more time or not being a foreigner. Most had migrated to broaden their experiences and did not plan on staying in the host country on a very long-term basis. Nurses have been identified in previous studies as making less permanent moves (WHO 1979). Motivating factors for migration are likely to have some influence on migrants’ decisions whether or not to participate in further training courses in the host country. At the same time, such factors may lose their importance due to changing circumstances. Migrants are unlikely to decide on a fixed period of stay. However, plans on leaving in the near or intermediate future, even if these are repeatedly revised, may influence their aspirations as regards career progression in the host country. The evidence from the nursing profession suggests that nonrecognition of work experience acquired in another member state


affected the career advancement of a significant number of nursing migrants. Findings also suggest that, for a variety of reasons, many did not aim for career progression in the host country. Additional valuable lessons may be learnt by examining the career paths of migrants in a less regulated employment sector, but where women’s advancement tends to be more strongly affected by the male culture of organizations, competiveness and male communication networks. Chapter 9 investigates the experiences of migrant women in the banking sector.


The banking profession has fairly structured career routes. Career ladders may be defined in collective agreements or can be organizationspecific. Advancement may be formalized, though this usually applies to the lower levels of the occupation only. At managerial level, promotion operates more informally, and selection tends to be based on the discretion of senior management. Women predominate in the banking sector in Britain and Germany, but not in Spain. Despite these differences, career progression in banking is clearly differentiated by gender in all three countries. Women have found it particularly hard to progress within the traditionally male-dominated culture and organizational structure of this sector. European Union equal opportunities legislation influences some aspects of employment, such as recruitment policies and working hours. However, practice has shown that involvement by employers is often more of a lip-service than a true commitment. Although growing importance has been attributed to training in equal opportunities and codes of good practice, their effectiveness still has to be demonstrated, particularly in private sectors. In aspects such as attitudes and behaviour, changes are very difficult to introduce. This chapter is organized into five sections. Section one provides an overview of the gender–ethnic composition of the workforce. Section two outlines the career structures and systems in Britain, Germany and Spain. These two sections are valuable in providing relevant contextual material for migrants’ experiences and the final analysis. Section three examines migrants’ experiences in regard to promotion and further training. In section four, I discuss the results within the context of career development systems and procedures, labour market situations, women’s position and the personal characteristics of migrants. In the final section, I pull together the various experiences of migrants in the 173


two occupational groups, and come to some conclusions on the opportunities and obstacles to migrants in achieving upward job mobility in another member state.

Profile of the workforce Migrants’ career path will be influenced by the culture of the work environment. Female employment in the banking sector exceeds that of men in both Britain and Germany. The Spanish sector is still predominantly male. Women account for 65.9 per cent in Britain, 57.4 per cent in Germany, but for only 29 per cent in Spain.1 However, there are differences between the various banking sub-sectors within countries. Public banks and clearing banks are more feminized than private banks. For example, the survey by McDowell and Court found that the proportion of women in British merchant banking was just 41 per cent in mid-1990s.2 In Spain, female employees comprised 24.3 per cent in the savings bank sector and 18.5 per cent in the private sector, but 36.6 per cent in foreign banks in 1992 (Carresquer et al. 1996). The share of the foreign population is very small in all three countries. They are concentrated in foreign banks or in the international departments of private banks. For example, the percentage of foreigners in the German financial sector was only 1.2 per cent in 1997. About 37 per cent of foreigners come from EU countries, and the proportion of women amongst foreigners is also above that of men (Figge and Quack 1991). Broadly speaking, women in European banking are concentrated in a small number of functions and in the lower grades, being mainly in assistance and operative tasks and virtually absent in leading or commercial functions such as stock exchange, securities, foreign operations ( Jortay et al. 1991; Quack and Hancké 1997). A changing trend has

1. The figure on British banking refers to staff employed by banks that are members of the Major British Banking Group (MBBG) in 1998 (British Bankers Association, 1999, Annual Abstracts of Banking Statistics, Vol. 16, London). The German figure refers to staff employed by credit institutions in 1997 (Statistisches Bundesamt, 1998, Statistisches Jahrbuch 1998, Wiesbaden). The Spanish figure refers to staff in the financial sector in 1998 (1995 (Instituto Nacional de Estadística, 1999, Boletín Mensual de Estadística, No. 92/93, Madrid). 2. Employment in merchant banks makes up a small proportion of total banking employment. Figures of the British Bankers Association (1998) show that out of a total of 444,800 employees in 1998, the numbers employed by merchant banks was only 7,100 compared to 354,200 by retail banks.


been identified in the 1990s. Quack (1997) found that women’s representation in the various levels of management has increased and the majority interviewed for the study envisaged further upward mobility in the near future. For example, the proportion of women in lower management increased from 24.7 per cent to 27.2 per cent, in middle management from 13.1 per cent to 18.2 per cent and in higher management from 5.9 per cent to 8.2 per cent between 1990 and 1995. Despite this positive trend, women still represented only 16 per cent of the managerial workforce in 1995, and their representation decreased as management levels increased. Moreover, Tienari et al. (1998) identify that the area that facilitates women’s upward mobility is still mostly in the less prestigious fields, such as private customer services. Only 19 per cent of those interviewed for the study worked in investment banking or corporate and institutional customer services.

Grading structures, promotion and career development procedures The grading structures and career advancement procedures will influence migrants’ occupational position abroad. In Britain, the grading of staff in clearing banks is broadly divided into clerical grades and managerial grades. Banks have typically six clerical grades and 7–10 managerial grades. Senior management generally falls outside the grading structure (for details see appendix 3). New entrants usually start in clerical grade 1. However, graduates and non-graduates with at least two A-levels and high potential increasingly enter through ‘Accelerated Training Programmes (ATP)’. This so-called tiering system grades new recruits and employees into categories on the basis of their potential over a number of years, and largely determines the level employees can reach on the career ladder (Humphries et al. 1992; Storey 1995). Merchant banks divide staff into the categories of clerks, executives and trainees, managers, assistant and associate directors and full directors (for details see appendix 3). Recruitment is based on qualifications and a particular set of credentials, such as public school and Oxbridge education, and personal attributes that tend to be associated with masculinity (McDowell and Court 1994). Traditionally, promotion in clearing banks occurred largely through participation in internal training programmes or the professional qualification, the ACIB. The basic banking qualification had become increasingly important for clerical staff to move ahead, and without the ACIB examination, it was extremely difficult to gain managerial


positions (Sellars 1987; Palfreman 1988). In the 1990s, this model has undergone changes, and less emphasis is being given to traditional training and examinations. Graduate recruitment for fast-track opportunities to managerial positions has increased. Graduates now account for about five per cent in the banking sector. Simultaneously, more emphasis has been given to the recruitment of graduates into highly specialist roles and of people from diverse backgrounds in mid-career (Storey 1995; Quack et al. 1995; Vitali et al. 1998). Moreover, there has been a growing intake of part-time staff, mostly women, at lower grades. These posts lack virtually any progression opportunities (Halford et al. 1997; Walsh 1997). Mobility from clerical to managerial grades has become rare. The system of tiering recruitment limits promotion largely to the opportunities given within a particular recruitment channel (Storey 1995). Women have generally been recruited at 16 with O-levels or GCSEs and men at 18 with A-levels (Collinson 1987; Crompton 1989). This ultimately affects women’s career progression because tiered recruitment restricts opportunities beyond those within the particular entry channel. Even if women enter with identical qualifications to those of men, differences persist. For example, 1992 figures of one of the participating banks show that 72 per cent of men with 11–12 years’ service achieved grade 5+, but only 20 per cent of women achieved the same. The group analysed all joined the bank with 5+ O-levels or A-levels. Halford et al. (1997) argue that women now move up the clerical career ladder as quickly as men, but the opportunity diminishes as soon as women have children. The proportion of women taking the ACIB examination and their direct recruitment into higher-level career track management positions has increased. This development signals a change in the traditional gender order (Crompton 1989). Despite their apparent rise into management, more recent research shows that women have moved into highly specialized positions which seldom offer opportunities to exercise control and/or authority (Crompton and LeFeuvre 1996). The research by Halford et al. (1997) suggests that younger women move into lending positions, and older women into areas such as branch management that offer little opportunities to move into middle and senior management. Banks generally have annual appraisal schemes that offer both staff and managers the opportunity to discuss promotion prospects and career development. However, these procedures have been criticized for being based on subjective assessments and preconceived expectations about an employee’s career prospects. In the past, vacancies were not


always advertised, and appointment by invitation to a post rather than application was a common practice (Egan 1982; Ashburner 1988). More recent research by Halford and Savage (1997) suggests, however, that this is no longer the norm and managers are also expected to apply for jobs. Accelerated management training programmes offer staff on-the-job training and work experience in preparation for senior management positions. Study leave entitlements are part of such programmes. For other staff, banks may provide financial assistance with fees and study materials. However, the provision of study leave varies greatly between banks and has been declining because technological and organizational change have reduced career opportunities (Sellars 1987; Collinson 1987; Walsh 1997). Changing recruitment practices and the move towards a performance culture have reduced employers’ commitment to provide banking-specific training. More emphasis is given to selling, marketing and business development as well as communication and social skills. There is also a higher expectation that employees take responsibility for their own skill development (Storey 1995; Walsh 1997; Vitali et al. 1998). Thus, an existing employee’s career path is, to a large extent, dependent on the discretion of the manager, and that of new employees on the recruitment team. Merchant banking is still largely male-dominated. The emphasis has been traditionally on external recruitment rather than on the provision of skill development of existing staff. Career progression occurs between investment banks in the City and not simply within one bank (Vitali et al. 1998). Advancement is closely related to age and gender. The study by McDowell and Court (1994) found that almost half of the 40 age-group were full directors whereas more than two-thirds of those under 25 were executives or trainees. In each of the five-year age bands above 25 a higher proportion of women were in the lower grades than men. Male-dominated norms, behaviour and work practices were particularly strong mechanisms in slowing down women’s career progression. In Germany, the collective agreement of the private banking sector places staff into nine grades: TG1-9 (Gewerkschaft Handel, Banken and Versicherungen 1992). Staff without formal qualifications is placed into the assistant grades TG1-4. Qualified candidates start in grade TG5. A branch manager is placed into the highest grade TG9. Each grade has additional scales for years of work experience. Department managers and those above fall outside the collective agreement. The savings bank sector places staff into the seventeen grades of the public services


sector, I being the highest and X the lowest. A newly qualified bank clerk starts on grade VIII. Entrants with university degrees or equivalent qualifications usually enter at grade IIa, as managers explained (for details see appendix 3). About 80 per cent of German bank employees possess the basic banking qualification and a large minority other commercial qualifications. These training schemes are standardized nationally by statute, have a high market value and thus do not tie employees to the employing organization. Employers therefore have to offer good promotion prospects even to non-career entrants (Lane 1987; Quack et al. 1995). Up to a certain grade within the hierarchy, employees with degrees compete with those in possession of the basic banking qualification because of the value attached to the initial training and the longer work experience of such staff (UNI 1993). Jobs are advertised internally and externally, according to directors of personnel interviewed, and selection is by competition and decided by departmental managers and the personnel department. Since the 1960s, further education programmes have expanded and become increasingly important for career advancement (Figge and Quack 1991; Tienari et al. 1998). Access to middle and higher managerial positions is possible through three channels: a degree and participation in an internal management training programme; through employment and participation in a part-time degree offered by a private banking academy; or via the further training programmes offered by the individual banking associations. A prerequisite for the latter two channels is the basic banking qualification. A small number of employees are selected annually and given paid study leave for these courses. Directors of personnel explained that the line manager recommended an employee to the departmental manager, and both made a joint recommendation to the personnel department and training department. However, as selection for these courses is primarily based on the discretion of managers, it is prone to subjective decisions (Czech 1990). A gender dimension in the selection process has been identified by several authors (Lane 1987; Thomas 1989; Czech 1990; Figge and Quack 1991). While women predominate in the initial banking training (54.2 per cent), far fewer have received post-basic training. Only about 30 per cent of those who complete the managerial course (Betriebswirt) are women. Even in the more gender-friendly public savings bank sector, women are similarly underrepresented on such programmes. The lack of participation in further training by women is reflected in their lower representation in the higher tariff grades, and


in senior managerial positions in particular (Backhaus et al. 1997; Tienari et al. 1998). Neither the management training programme for degree entrants nor the further training programmes guarantees an appropriate position after completion. They simply improve candidates’ opportunities. Promotion to managerial positions, such as branch management, typically requires the initial training qualification, work experience in diverse positions, and a further training degree (Figge and Quack 1991; Tienari et al. 1998). According to personnel managers and native professionals interviewed, employees are expected to sign an agreement to stay with the employer for three years in return for paid study leave. But, it is common practice for new employers to take over outstanding amounts in case of job change. In recent years, opportunities to obtain university qualifications have been increased by offering staff career breaks and temporary employment during semester breaks as a means to keep employees (Rubery 1995). The Spanish collective agreement for the private banking sector places staff into five categories and 22 grades (Asociación Española de Banca Privada 1990). There is one grade for general assistants (subalternos/ayudantes), one administrative assistant grade (auxiliar), two administrative grades (oficial de segunda and oficial de primera), and 17 managerial grades ( jefes de sexta A and B to jefes de primera A, B and C). Senior management falls outside the agreement (for details see appendix 3). Priority in recruitment is increasingly given to university graduates for all levels of appointment (Carrasquer et al. 1996). Apart from general assistants, all start as administrative assistants, irrespective of entry qualification and progress to the higher administrative level (oficial primera), according to interviews undertaken with a head of a branch and native professionals. Staff are selected on the basis of a written knowledge test, a psychological test and a series of interviews. Staff for managerial positions are appointed by existing senior managers. These employees are placed on specific training programmes. It is common practice to appoint internally, and for professional and managerial positions, additionally, to rely on personal contacts (Filella 1993; Carrasquer et al. 1996). The promotion of administrators is part of the collective agreement. In order to obtain promotion, staff can take tests offered on an annual basis. This procedure is meant to save people time in showing their knowledge without going through years of work experience, additional training or having to compete to obtain a higher function (Cataño


Collad et al. 1990; Carrasquer et al. 1996). However, a head of training interviewed mentioned that this practice was becoming increasingly unpopular, especially amongst private banks, and has been abandoned by some. Rationalization and reduction of labour costs have reduced such advancement opportunities for existing staff since the second half of the 1980s. Promotion has become much more discretionary, and external recruitment of staff for specialist roles has increased (Carrasquer et al. 1996). Executive and managerial staff is promoted by appointment. Posts are not advertised, and promotion tends to be by invitation rather than application. For this level, banks may have annual appraisals, but do not generally have written criteria for promotion and access to internal training courses. Promotion usually corresponds to the age of the person and length of service within the organization. Line managers make a recommendation to the personnel department that makes the final decision (Cataño Collad et al. 1990). However, in recent years, banks have increasingly negotiated more individualized contracts with young entrants with university or diploma education. These reach a certain level of responsibility within a relatively short time, independent from the professional grade they had at the time of recruitment (Carrasquer et al. 1996). The growing emphasis on individual agreements in appointment and promotion increasingly leads to the individualization of labour relations for some employees (Filella 1993). The discretion of management in the selection process is prone to subjective and mixed criteria. High level of discretion has meant discrimination especially against women in access to promotion (Homs Ferret et al. 1989). In the past, only a small minority of women reached executive or managerial positions. Among the more recent graduate appointments, there is more equal distribution between men and women, and employers, female and male staff as well as trade unions expect female representation in the sector to normalize, at least numerically (Carrasquer et al. 1996). However, the research by Quack and Hancké (1997) suggests that informal promotion practices or placement into specialized management tracks do not usually lead to higher management positions and, therefore, implicitly disadvantage women. Development and training needs tend to be identified in appraisals by line or departmental managers in conjunction with the candidate in all three countries. Decisions may be reassessed by personnel management, though this varies between organizations and countries. Much of further training in the banking sector is provided in-house and training costs are met through departmental budgets. The societal institutional


framework, especially the vocational training systems, influences the provision of further training (Holden and Livian 1993). Past provision of training and development by British employers has been characterized as short-term and by low investment (Blyton and Martínez Lucio 1995). The recession in the British banking sector has meant that provision has been further reduced and shortened. Employees have been increasingly encouraged to take responsibility for their own professional development. In contrast, the German banking sector maintains a strong commitment to continuous and further training to produce the required competence among their staff (Quack et al. 1995). The training ethos in Spain is similar to that in Britain. Although banks have been focusing on training and development to adapt to technological and organizational changes, low budgets in general put responsibility mainly with employees. Bureaucratic structures and rigid training schemes, in addition to under-funding, negatively influence training provision (Filella 1992; Blyton and Martínez Lucio 1995). Thus each country has between four and six clerical grades. Candidates in Britain and Spain usually start at the bottom of the structure because the majority enter without a formal vocational qualification. In contrast, the majority of candidates in Germany enter grades in the middle of the structure because of the possession of a nationally standardized vocational qualification. Promotion within clerical grades is largely based on the number of years of work experience. In Spain, workers have the additional opportunity of obtaining a higher function by taking a test, though this practice is in decline. Recruitment of university graduates for executive and managerial posts is given growing emphasis, particularly in Britain and Spain. In Germany, further training by banking associations continues to play a strong role. Promotion and further training at professional and managerial levels tend to occur by invitation rather than by application in all three countries, though this seems to be changing in Britain. There is less evidence of such a shift in Germany and Spain. Annual appraisal schemes are increasingly adopted. However, it appears to be a common feature between the countries that decisions are still based significantly on the discretion of senior management, and is even increasing in Spain. Having provided the contextual background, in the next section I investigate the career trajectories of migrant women. My aim is to explore the career advancement opportunities and obstacles to migrants in other member states. I will begin with a discussion of their experiences of promotion, followed by further training.


Career experiences of migrants Promotion Less than a third of the respondents (seven migrants) had made one or more applications for promotion. Two applicants were unsuccessful. They had been declined promotion on the basis of lack of work experience, insufficient time to prove capability and lack of commitment to overtime. References to such requirements may have been used as a rationale to deny promotion. Previous research on women’s employment has suggested that formal bureaucratic rules as well as informal requirements may be used to indirectly discriminate against women (see Crompton and LeFeuvre 1992 on Britain, Czech 1990 on Germany, Vázquez Fernández 1993 on Spain). One of the rejected applicants had been with the employer for two and the other for three years. Contrary to the reasons given by employers, the interviewees believed their applications had been unsuccessful because promotions were generally pre-arranged for a particular person, or because of the attitude of male superiors, and their foreigner and gender status: My superiors have tried to hold me back. They give me the smaller cases. My foreigner status plays a role here. They declined my application for promotion. I should wait until next year, I should prove my ability, even though I have been with them for three years. I should also be more willing to do overtime … You have to push all the time. If you don’t, they forget you, nothing happens. As a foreigner, you have to push even harder … I don’t think I have the same chances as German women, but I don’t think superiors give German women preferential treatment to avoid conflicts. (French professional in Germany, middle management, author’s translation) However, two unsuccessful applications provide little evidence of particular difficulties for migrants in access to promotion. Twenty-two migrant interviewees had made no attempt to apply. Their reasons were evaluated to identify informal obstacles in career progression. Some migrants were in positions with training components attached and therefore did not qualify for promotion. Temporary stay in the host country was an explanation given by some others: I am only here on a temporary basis. My boyfriend has a job here until next year. We both want to stay in Frankfurt, but if he can’t


find a good position, then we will go to France. (French professional in Germany, junior management, author’s translation) Or: I am only here for a while. I am aiming for promotion in my home country, after my return. (British professional in Spain, junior management) A small number of migrants, therefore, saw their stay as temporary. Such migration often takes place with clearly set limits as regards career objectives. In fact, only three respondents had migrated with career progression in mind, and none specified economic opportunities in the host country. Most gave other reasons and usually could not identify one particular motive for the move to another country. Migration as a means to gain work experience abroad was mentioned by more than a third of the total sample. Similar to the findings by Ackers (1998), more significant were non-work-related motives. Improving language competence, getting to know another culture, and travelling and adventure were mentioned most frequently, by 55 per cent of the respondents. Moreover, about a third had met a male friend at previous work-related occasions or on holiday. Although for many these contacts did not develop into more permanent relationships, and were not seen as a primary motive for migration, it had some influence on their initial decision, in particular on their choice of country. Almost half of the interviewees who refrained from applying specified that they were satisfied with their existing position. Information collected on migrants’ level of satisfaction, however, showed that twelve interviewees were only reasonably satisfied with their achievements in the host country. The numbers who specified that they had set themselves lower targets than for the previous residence country was low. Only two migrants made such a claim. Reasons for lower targets set were language inadequacy, lack of market knowledge in the host country, and university degree not having the equivalent value as in the home country: I don’t feel I have completely met my employment expectations … I don’t have my own department, whereas I did in Germany … I set my sights somewhat low, which is something I would normally not do, simply because the challenge of a new country, of a new language, and of a new market was sufficiently great that I was happy


to accept … Had I looked in Germany further, I would have expected a higher position … So, I am not quite in the position that I would have hoped to have been in. (British professional in Spain, middle management) The proportion that had lowered their expectations for the host country was therefore small. Others said that they were not yet satisfied with what they had achieved. In addition, more than two-thirds claimed to have had high expectations regarding career progression before and shortly after their arrival. Low aspiration cannot therefore have played a significant role in migrants’ decision not to apply for promotion. Language inadequacy was not a reason specified by any of the respondents, though it did have an effect on migrants’ confidence. Many pointed out that the language factor was a disadvantage in meetings with senior management, both generally and specifically in regard to career progression. The quote below by a migrant who had lived in Germany for eight years reflects this view: In the first one to two years I didn’t dare say much in meetings with clients because I felt insecure. An elegant use of language, that is not so clumsy, is important in the sale of a product. Even now when I have meetings with my superior or colleagues who are decisive in my career development, the fact that I have to express myself in a foreign language is a disadvantage. I still think, write down what I want to say in the meeting beforehand because I make mistakes more easily when I am nervous. No doubt, I would have more negotiating power if I could speak in English. (British professional in Germany, higher management) The importance of language in business negotiations has been highlighted in a number of studies. Schneider and Barsoux (1997: 195), for example, suggest that differences in the ability to speak a language ‘creates an unequal playing field’. Tayeb (1997) refers to a number of studies that have shown a correlation between foreign language competence and successful business performance, particularly in trade activities. At the very least, Schneider and Barsoux (1997: 195) advise, ‘care must be taken to establish a process which addresses any imbalance created by language fluency’, such as paraphrasing and summarizing, among others. However, many native speakers are likely to underestimate the limitations imposed on migrants by speaking a foreign language because the majority have not lived and worked abroad. The fine


distinction between language knowledge and linguistic competence may not be fully recognized. Studies on the career potential of management trainees have shown that trainers tended to overestimate trainees whose native language was the course language and underestimate those of other languages (Hofstede 1994: 212). Why, then, did migrants not apply? Some thought they would not stand a chance because of a general expectation to have been with the employer for a number of years before promotion may be possible: They promote people who have been with them for a long time. And often, performance is hardly taken into account. (British professional in Germany, junior management, author’s translation) In addition to the interviewees who had been rejected for promotion on similar grounds, length of service therefore presented an obstacle for almost a third of all participating migrants. All those who fell into this category had been with the employer for three years or less. Most native professionals interviewed indeed stressed that a potentially temporary stay in the foreign country was a disadvantage for migrants, and it would slow down promotion. This was because native workers would be assumed to stay longer with the institution. They pointed out that promotion processes were generally very slow in banking, which was a disadvantage for foreign workers who planned to stay for no more than two to three years. Long-term commitment before promotion may be offered thus is a common expectation in the banking sector, especially in Britain and in Germany. It may therefore be a constraint to all staff, native or foreign, in career progression. However, migrants’ potentially temporary stay may have been an added element to establish their commitment. A number of migrants complained that they were regularly asked during interviews how long they intended to stay in the host country: Whenever I had an interview, I was asked how long I intended to stay in Britain, whether I was married and such things, or why I had come. Of course, I didn’t want to emphasize my personal reasons. I told them ‘professional development, improving my English, and that I had always wanted to work in Britain.’ But then, of course, the question ‘how long do you intend to stay?’ … It’s very difficult to give the right answers. (German professional in Britain, junior management, author’s translation)


Although many criticized male behaviour in day-to-day working life, it did not intimidate migrant interviewees to a level whereby they refrained from applying for promotion. Only one migrant in Spain decided not to apply because of potential conflicts with male workers interested in promotion. Thus, two applications for promotion had been rejected. Of the 22 migrants who had not applied, more than a third experienced difficulties in access. Obstacles were largely due to specific personnel requirements as regards the length of service with employers. Action and attitude of native male workers played a very minor role. Further training Access to further training may be used as another means of establishing obstacles to career progression. About a third of the respondents (nine migrants) had applied for further training. Most applicants had been successful, with only one outstanding result. Similar to promotion, these data suggest that migrants do not experience difficulties in access to further training. However, 20 migrants had made no attempts to apply. Their reasons for not putting through an application may provide better insight into possible informal obstacles for migrants. A small number of interviewees in Germany expected to have little chance of success because of their short duration of service with the employer. They had been with the employer and in the country for only six months. Given this short period, it is unlikely that any employee would apply or have access to further training, unless there was an immediate need for the employer. The respondents had one or two years’ experience prior to migration. Some migrant interviewees in Germany and Spain specified that there were no relevant or attractive courses in the field that would help progression: I find my present qualification adequate for my needs. I wouldn’t know what courses I could do in my area. There is nothing on offer in Germany, at least nothing that gives you a qualification, that may help you with your career. (British professional in Germany, middle management, author’s translation) These migrants had degrees plus MBAs or a doctorate. They worked in middle or higher management, in highly specialized areas, and were heading departments or sub-departments. Moreover, they were in posts


where the skills required were very scarce in the host country. Rather than them receiving training, they provided training to co-workers: Spain has introduced these new markets (derivative products), modelling those of UK, France, Germany and the US. It’s a very complicated area. It’s very mathematical, and many Spanish bankers who may be beyond the age of 35 will not have learnt this type of product in university. It’s all very much a new thing for them, and it requires training … I find that colleagues turn to me, and I explain things to them. (British professional in Spain, middle management) Specialist recruitment has been a growing feature in European banking. The value given to specialist know-how, the emphasis on external recruitment or preparation of existing staff for specialist positions, and the need to meet specialist skill demands varies between organizations (Schneider and Barsoux 1997; Vitali et al. 1998). Research has also shown that women are more likely to be on career paths in specialized banking fields. Specialist recruitment reduces the need for investment in skill formation. These migrant interviewees were therefore in positions where training provision was lacking. Moreover, they worked at a level, where further upward mobility is relatively limited (Halford et al. 1997; Quack 1998). Some migrant interviewees wanted to leave the profession. They were looking for new opportunities outside the host countries: With my credentials, three languages and university education, my chances for progression in Spain are very good – better than they would be in Germany. Since I started my career in 1990, I have achieved what I set out to do. I am satisfied with what I have achieved. Now, I am looking for new experiences, not here, but in another country. (German professional in Spain, middle management, author’s translation) Some others, in British merchant banking, considered the sector to be incompatible with their future plans concerning family formation: Combining career and family in this sector is absolutely impossible. I don’t want to stay in this profession when I’m planning a family. I will work, but elsewhere. That is probably why so few women are in professional positions, and if they are, they are at my level. They work a few years, but when they have children, they don’t return.


They say to themselves ‘I am not stupid …’ It is difficult because you have studied, you have the experience, everything is going quite well, and then you have to give it up. You only reach a certain level. My present job is interesting enough to keep me here, I am quite satisfied. I don’t know whether I want to move up any further, simply because of the reasons mentioned. (German professional in Britain, junior management, author’s translation) The high level of commitment expected in merchant banking has been reported on by McDowell and Court (1994). More recent research by Quack (1998) suggests that time expectations in British merchant banking have further increased, with the result that women either choose less demanding back office functions or leave the City. More than half the respondents who had not applied specified that they were satisfied with their positions, and did not aim to participate in further training. They wanted to consolidate their positions. Some said they were interested in short-term seminars, but not in longerterm training leading to qualifications. In line with findings on access to promotion, action and attitude of native workers did not influence migrants’ decision-making processes in any of the three countries. The overriding factor for not applying for further training was, therefore, satisfaction with existing positions. Of the 20 migrants who refrained from applying for further training, institutional obstacles applied to a quarter of the interviewees. For others, it was personal factors that influenced their decision not to apply. Having explored the career experiences of migrants, the next section aims to provide some explanations for migrants’ career situations and opportunities in Britain, Germany and Spain. The discussion will take account of institutional factors and migrants’ personal characteristics.

Explaining cross-national commonality and diversity The experiences of migrants demonstrate that the majority, for various personal reasons, did not aim for career advancement. Slightly more than one third experienced institutional obstacles in access to promotion. Difficulties were concentrated in the length of service requirement with employers. Most migrant interviewees in Spain had worked in banking prior to migration, whereas many of their counterparts in Britain and in Germany had entered the two countries with no previous work experience. Migrants who identified ‘length of service’ as an


obstacle had been with their respective employers for two years or less. With the exception of one respondent in Spain, they all had two years or less previous work experience. Length of service has traditionally been an important pre-requisite for progression in the banking sector (see Ashburner 1988 on Britain; Czech 1990 on Germany; Homs Ferret et al. 1989 on Spain). Any progression, native professionals explained, usually requires at least 3–4 years’ service. Recent research suggests that this is no longer the norm as banks are moving away from internal promotion towards external recruitment of staff with higher qualifications and two to three years of experience (Vitali et al. 1998). My findings show that such developments cannot be generalized and that traditional requirements may still apply. Those who were promoted had been in Spain for two years or less and in Britain and Germany for more than four years. Long qualifying periods for eligibility for promotion may be part of a strategy to discourage those who do not want to adapt themselves to the male profile of the banking career (Ashburner 1988). Women and foreign women are likely to belong to this group. This requirement may have been largely an obstacle on the basis of migrants’ gender status. However, a number of respondents were frequently asked in interviews about their longer-term intentions in the host country. The requirement thus may have been applied to establish migrants’ commitment to a career in the organization and in the host country. It was an obstacle for a small, but significant proportion of the interviewees, given the numbers who were not participating in the labour market prior to migration. Action and attitude of co-workers played a minor role. Limited conflicts in the three countries may be explained by one important factor. Migrant interviewees worked in highly specialized areas, and, similar to the findings by Ackers (1998), often in jobs that required their native language. They were therefore not working closely with native workers, either male or female. This allowed them to work with a significant amount of independence. By the nature of their fields of work, they were in different positions to native women in regard to relations with male colleagues and superiors. The career obstacles often experienced by women generally, and in managerial positions particularly by way of male attitudes and behaviour were therefore not as apparent (see Crompton and LeFeuvre 1992 on Britain; Tienari et al. 1998 on Germany; Carrasquer et al. on Spain). Migrant interviewees worked in highly male-dominated fields of work. Professional or managerial native female staff was few and far between. Competition with native women, as identified by Roy (1997) in the case of US professional


and managerial workers in Canada, for example, were not very significant for the participating migrants. Due to their special status and role, the interviewees may not have represented a threat to either male or female colleagues of the host country. Some conflicts with superiors on the basis of migrants’ gender and foreigner status were apparent, as the reasons for rejected applications, and the respondents who revealed such conflicts, suggest. One explanation may apply to all three case-study countries. Promotion depends very much on line managers, and thus can be very subjective (see Ashburner 1988 on Britain; Czech 1990 on Germany; Homs Ferret et al. 1989 on Spain). The growing trend towards individualized contracts and employment outside collective agreements, particularly in Spain, but also in Germany, suggest more discretionary powers to managers (Carrasquer et al. 1996; Quack 1998). Such practices are likely to work against all women, native or foreign, because of the highly patriarchal structure of the banking sector in general, and of management in particular. Although women’s career opportunities have generally improved, especially in the 1990s, exclusionary mechanisms against them have in fact worsened, according to a survey of European banks and female managers and other research (Lawlor and Rigby 1998; Quack 1998). Male domination was particularly pronounced in the departments where the migrant interviewees found employment. Promotion may thus depend very much on male line managers’ stance towards equal opportunities and positive actions for women. A significant proportion of the migrant interviewees did not aim for progression. Low aspiration played an insignificant role. Language inadequacy affected migrants’ confidence, but did not stop them from applying. A variety of explanations may of course apply. One explanation may be found in the areas and level of work. A number of authors have identified the limits on career advancement in specialized management paths into which women tend to be directed, and the more severe barriers for women to move into middle and higher management (Carrasquer et al. 1996; Halford et al. 1997; Quack and Hancké 1997). Moreover, jobs at higher levels often require geographical mobility as well as a highly flexible and extended time commitment. The requirement to be geographically mobile has been identified as a method used to discriminate against women (Crompton and Le Feuvre 1992; Carrasquer et al. 1996; Quack 1997). Geographical mobility is a particular issue in German universal commercical banks and may explain why a number of married respondents in Germany worked in


public banks. This sector makes it easier to combine career and other activities (Schwaab and Schuler 1991; Weiss 1993). Time commitment was repeatedly criticized in British merchant banks and in Spanish banks. In fact, a number of migrant interviewees in these sectors and countries saw their career in banking as a temporary commitment, saying that they would change employment sectors once they wanted children. This finding coincides with those of other research (for example McDowell and Court 1994; Carrasquer et al. 1996; Tienari et al. 1998). Combining career and family life would be very difficult in higher-level jobs. Formal and informal rules and practices may thus be used to exclude female migrants from higher positions. However, such requirements are not specific barriers for migrants, but for all women. They may be taken as obstacles due to migrants’ gender status. Findings on further training show similar results to promotion. Most migrant interviewees had either been successful with their applications or, for various personal reasons, did not want to participate in further training. About a fifth experienced institutional obstacles in access to career development courses. None of the respondents identified competition with native co-workers or a discouraging attitude of superiors as factors influencing their decisions. Absence of competition may be partly explained by the very low proportion of migrants who were interested in further training. Moreover, most migrant interviewees worked in highly specialized areas with few native colleagues working in the field. Migrants may not therefore have been applying for the same courses as native female or male workers. More than half the respondents had no desire to obtain further training. In fact, the number of those who had had high expectations about progression before entering the host country corresponds to the number who had actually applied. Notably most specified that they were ‘satisfied’ to ‘reasonably satisfied’ with their professional achievements in the host country. It could be assumed, then, that these migrants had no further career aspirations. However, when they were asked about their expectations for the future, more than half of the total sample expected to be in more senior positions within two years of the interview. This finding suggests that most migrant interviewees aimed at progression through promotion or changing jobs rather than additional training. It may give support to claims made by a number of employers’ representatives that work experience was seen to be more important than qualifications in banking. It may also support other research in the field. For example, the study by Quack (1997) on female managers in European banking found that 78 per cent had


worked in other banks or institutions within other employment sectors, and only about a fifth of the respondents had obtained their position through internal promotion with the current employer. An additional explanation may be found in the fact that most migrant interviewees had higher education and managerial qualifications, or the required professional training and qualifications for their specialized fields. This was the case particularly for the respondents in Germany and Spain. A higher proportion of the migrant interviewees in these two countries worked in middle and higher management compared to the respondents in Britain. They also worked in more specialized areas than in Britain. The scope for further progression within their chosen fields was therefore limited, partly because of a lack of certified further training courses in their fields (Quack 1998). This aspect was mentioned by a small number of migrants. In fact, some of those who refrained from applying said that they were interested in short-term seminars only. Off-the-job seminars are a common form of training available for banking staff with higher or managerial qualifications (Müller and Dickmann 1996). In general, training provision for professional and managerial staff is limited, irrespective of employment sectors. For example, the survey by Holden and Livian (1993) on 10 countries found that only 10 per cent of organizations provided training of 10 days or more per year. The exception was Spain, where almost 30 per cent of organizations allocated this amount of time for the training of such staff. This is explained by the training needs in a labour market short of particular occupational categories and increased responsibilities of management. Another, and perhaps more important reason, may have been the knowledge that advancement beyond middle management is extremely limited for women in all three countries (see Quack 1997, 1998). Acquiring further training would not necessarily have resulted in upward mobility to higher management or to more powerful positions. More than half those who did not aim for further training specified that they were satisfied with their positions. Reasons for satisfaction were concentrated among the respondents in Germany, followed by Spain and lastly Britain. Most migrants who had applied for courses were, in fact, among the British focus group. The majority of migrant interviewees in Britain were in executive/lower management positions (66.7 per cent). This may explain the higher proportion that had applied for further training in Britain compared to Germany and Spain. The migrant interviewees in Britain were thus largely at the beginning of their careers so that there was still more scope for upward mobility,


despite the apparent reduction of middle management jobs (Vitali et al. 1998). It may also explain the lower proportion among the British focus group that was satisfied with their existing positions. Moreover, those who specified ‘satisfaction’ were married. A high proportion of the focus group in Germany was satisfied with their position and did not aim for further training. Two-thirds of these migrants were in middle or higher management. They were also married, some of whom had children. As mentioned earlier, the likelihood to move above middle management positions is very limited for women. In line with explanations for promotion, one reason may be the migrants’ marital status. Participation in further training is usually done with the view to progress professionally. Higher positions in European banking, however, make it very difficult to combine career and family life, as some of the migrant interviewees suggested. They may not have seen a need for investment in training for short-term gains. Germany in particular has been identified as the worst example in European banking. For example, in the survey by Quack (1997), more than half of the German respondents was married, but only eight per cent of these women had children. In comparison, 64 per cent of interviewees in Anglo-Saxon banks (Britain, Ireland) were married and 36 per cent of these had children. Female bank managers appear to be better of in Southern European countries (including Spain) compared to both Germany and Britain. Seventy-five per cent were married and 80 per cent had children. The age of the respondents had no bearing on the variations between countries. Migrants’ marital status cannot provide an explanation for the respondents in Spain. Most of those who specified ‘satisfaction’ were single. One explanation could be the poor availability of further training courses. Spanish organizations have increased training provision throughout the 1990s and allocate more days to training than many other European countries, including Britain and Germany. However, much of it is internally provided, and, the banking sector in particular lacks further training offering recognized qualifications (Holden and Livian 1993; Filella 1993; Fernández and Müller 1996). Native professionals, in fact, suggested that foreign qualifications and experience were given higher value than the Spanish equivalent. This would provide foreign women with a natural advantage over Spanish workers, particularly women. However, an important explanation may perhaps be found in the longer-term aspirations of migrant interviewees. Some aimed at leaving the employment sector, and others expected to return to their home country or move to another EU country within two


years of the interview. These migrants, therefore, had no long-term commitment to either the banking sector or the host country. They aimed at consolidating their existing positions.

Conclusion Chapters 8 and 9 have examined the experiences of EU migrants in access to career advancement in EU labour markets. Results have shown how different institutional arrangements and employment systems have resulted in similar outcomes. A number of conclusions can be drawn from the findings. First, there is evidence that a significant number of migrants did not aim for progression, but for the experience of working in another country. Second, there is clear evidence that migrants’ experiences were closely linked to the experiences of women generally with regard to career progression. Studies on women’s difficulties in progressing in the two employment sectors have been discussed within the two chapters. For example, some of the migrants in the banking sector had lowered their expectations because they saw their commitment to the profession as short-term. This was due to the lack of possibilities to combine career and family life and/or other activities. It is a sector whose structure and organization of work are still strongly based on male values (see Quack 1997; Quack and Hancké 1997). The areas of migrants’ work may have had an added influence on their short-term commitment to the profession. Most migrants worked in highly competitive and male-dominated fields, such as corporate finance and the stock market. Such areas especially encourage a form of ‘competitive masculinity’, emphasizing ‘virtues of performance, hard work and competitiveness’ (Halford and Savage 1995: 109–10). While the migrant respondents were prepared to sacrifice their personal life in favour of an international banking career for a period of time, several clearly stated that there was a limit to their commitment on a longer-term basis. Third, the findings also demonstrate that migrants’ experiences were linked to the situation in ‘national’ labour markets and employment systems. For example, access to promotion in German nursing is dependent on specified years of experience in a particular function and grade. Access to further education programmes in German banking is dependent on specific qualifications and specified years of work experience. Such requirements have an impact on women generally, because by the time of eligibility women are at an age when they plan a family


(Figge and Quack 1991). Artificial bureaucratic rules have been claimed to indirectly discriminate against women (Collinson 1987; Crompton and LeFeuvre 1992). There is evidence from my findings that such rules had a particular effect on migrants. The requirements debarred all those migrants from applying who were on agency contracts, and may have stopped those from applying who saw their stay in the country as long-term, but not necessarily permanent. Moreover, while it is a personal choice not to want to remain in the host country, the years of work experience pre-migration not taken into account in the grading of their first job had knock-on effects on personnel requirements for progression, particularly for nursing migrants. Finally, the findings suggest that once migrants had moved on from their first employers, or had been in their jobs for at least four years (somewhat shorter for Spain), their foreigner status no longer seemed to play a role in their experiences. This is in stark contrast to migrants’ experiences in the access to jobs, and in the adjustment to, and integration into, EU labour markets. Career progression among the migrant interviewees was minimal. Neoclassical economists, such as Mincer and Polacheck (1974) and Smith (1979), would argue that limited career progression was due to the migrants’ failure to apply for promotion or further training. It is therefore their personal choice to experience occupational stagnation rather than progression in the foreign labour market. About a third of the respondents had indeed decided to see migration as one experience on a path they aimed to continue in another country. However, for others, career progression was restricted by institutional processes and requirements and practices, some of which applied to women generally and some to migrants specifically. Sengenberger (1987) and Marsden (1994) note that migrants may be employed for lower-skilled and lower-status jobs in the internal segment of the labour market because upward mobility is usually via a seniority system. Particularly the experiences of nursing migrants in Britain and in Germany showed that many entered the labour markets on grades for newly qualified nurses, despite several years of work experience or higher positions prior to migration. This downward occupational mobility then excluded them from achieving the required seniority to apply for promotion or further training. Sengenberger (1987) claims that employers may escape formal requirements and practices, perhaps because they are small in size or fall outside unions’ regulations. The experiences of banking migrants, especially in British branches, indicate the potential problems of such


a move. Employers had recruited migrants and had seconded some to branches. Management and colleagues felt native workers were ‘better qualified’ for the local labour market and made working life difficult for some migrants. Although migrants were seconded to branches for no more than a year, any permanent placement on a level above those of native workers, which was possible on the basis of their higher and special education, would have been difficult. In fact, in two cases migrants were returned to the head office before the end of their placement because of such difficulties. For Walby (1986, 1990), women’s occupational status is affected by the patriarchal structures and practices in British society. She claims that the consistent application of exclusionary policies of men has maintained job segregation. Similarly, Sengenberger (1987) suggests that the occupational position of women in German society is due to historical patriarchal traditions in the education system. The traditional gender profile is sustained by a state policy that emphasizes women’s role as housewives and mothers rather than workers (Lane 1993). The survival of patriarchal ideologies and traditional sexual division of labour in the home also continue to affect women’s position in the Spanish labour market. The late shift to a democracy and to an industrial society has meant that the conservative and religious ideology of the past still has a strong influence on perceptions of women’s role (Cousins 1994). These studies do not incorporate migrant women in their analyses, but my findings show that many difficulties faced by migrant women in access to career progression were identical to those of native women. Patriarchal structures and values provided obstacles to migrant women’s progression in all three countries, especially in banking. Earlier chapters noted that patriarchal practices were somewhat more pronounced and had resulted in more difficulties for migrants in Britain than in Germany and Spain. However, in regard to career progression, patriarchal structures and male values resulted in similar experiences for the migrant interviewees between the three case-study countries.

10 Towards a European Labour Market

The objective of this book has been to explore questions about informal barriers to the occupational integration of EU female migrants in EU labour markets. Informal obstacles have been taken to mean organizational, practical, cultural and attitudinal barriers at national and workplace levels. Within a European context, these are informal obstacles, though within a national context, these may be formal and informal barriers. Foregoing chapters have identified the type and level of obstacles that may be faced by EU migrants when seeking and taking up work in other member states. The chapters have covered a discussion of the extent to which these restrictions influenced migrants’ employment experiences in a regulated and unregulated profession – nursing and banking – in Britain, Germany and Spain. In investigating the barriers to the occupational integration of EU migrant women, similarities and differences were found within and between countries, occupational groups and nationalities. Both gender and foreigner status had an impact on the experiences of EU migrants of this sample in the access to jobs, in the adjustment to and integration in work environments and, to a lesser extent, in career progression. Migrants’ foreigner status lost significance only once they had moved on from their first employers or had been in the host country for more than four years, though somewhat shorter for Spain. This finding seems to indicate that after four years, migrants were competing on more equal terms with native workers in relation to language, culture and experience. The book has shown that migrant women in both occupational groups faced difficulties at all levels of the integration process. However, it has also shown that obstacles could be largely linked to the 197


situation of national labour markets, systems of employment and work organization within the employment sub-sectors, and women’s situation within these structures. The results reveal a significant interplay of country-specific systems and practices, gender and migrant status in the experiences of migrants. However, the outcomes highlight that ‘genuine’ freedom of movement needs measures that go beyond the mutual recognition of qualifications and skills. It requires greater Europeanization of employment systems and conditions across member states. The organizational, practical, cultural and attitudinal barriers appeared particularly acute in Britain. Migrants experienced few obstacles in Spain. Experiences in Germany fell between the two other countries. Incidentally, the level of barriers experienced by migrants of this sample in the individual labour markets resembles the attitude and level of controversy over European integration more generally in the three countries. Briefly, in Spain, a broad consensus between political parties, political and business groups as well as the general public on the country’s participation in Europe has meant widespread and near-unanimous support for deeper European integration (Bideleux 1996b). In Germany, a broad political consensus on an integrated Europe and the commitment to promote a closer union has existed since the 1960s. The Christian Democratic-Liberal governments of the 1980s and 1990s in particular were among the driving forces to promote a closer economic, political and social union. However, since the early 1980s, the general consensus on further European integration has weakened (Bideleux 1996a). Support has been declining, especially amongst the far-right sections of the Christian Democratic Parties and those of the general public. Critical voices have further intensified since German unification and the collapse of the Soviet bloc (Pritchard 1996). In Britain, a broad consensus on EU membership and on further European integration has never been apparent. From the beginning, the country’s participation in Europe has been characterized by deep divisions and controversy. The emphasis on the economic union in the 1970s facilitated a fairly accommodating approach to EU developments. However, new aims of an ever closer union by other member states since the early 1980s have made it increasingly difficult to maintain the accommodating approach. Ever since the Maastricht Treaty, policies towards progressing European integration have been subject to intense political controversy (Bradbury 1996). Positive attitudes amongst the general public towards Europe are lowest amongst all member states (Commission of the European Communities 1992c). The broader attitude towards Europe in Britain, Germany and Spain appears to have found reflection in the way EU

Towards a European Labour Market 199

migrants participating in the research for this book were received and integrated at the more grassroots levels.

Facilitating intra-EU mobility of skilled workers One of the aims of the study has been to identify policy requirements for the cross-national mobility of skilled and highly skilled workers within the EU. By taking each theme of the book in turn, this section discusses the policy implications of the main findings for the mobility of skilled and highly skilled workers in general – not specific to women. Chapters 4 and 5 demonstrate that formal legislation on the mutual recognition of qualifications and skills does not guarantee access to jobs in host countries commensurate with migrants’ credentials obtained prior to migration, nor does it guarantee smooth access. Empirical material shows that decades of legislation and policies on freedom of movement have achieved minimal progress in the recognition of EU labour markets as a common market, particularly in Britain. EU migrants appear to be considered more of a threat than an opportunity in Britain and vice versa in Germany and Spain. In part, it may be that British employers and the workforce are becoming apprehensive of the impact of legislative and cultural change. In part, it may be that they are becoming aware of their lack of professional and technical skills, in particular foreign language skills, to participate on an equal footing with other countries in the European market (Pinder 1990; Ludvigsen 1997). By failing to recognize the essentiality of such skills for professional and personal success in the European market, caution and scepticism have remained high towards qualifications and skills acquired elsewhere, and towards Europe more generally (Ludvigsen and Roberts 1996). This comes across particularly in nursing. This is not to imply that Britain is the only country to be in need of a more accepting attitude towards different historical and cultural traditions in training systems. The emphasis on specialized training strongly attuned to the needs of the labour market in Germany provides the opposite extreme. This was evident in the experiences of some banking migrants. Such a training system is not without criticism, though it may obtain wider support in the ever more competitive European labour market. It has been shown that knowledge about qualifications other than the broad basics, and about recognition procedures was minimal amongst all the parties involved. This meant that migrants, in particular nurses,


entered the labour markets of the host countries with inadequate information about requirements. Lack of preparedness led to delays and frustration on arrival. These problems were exacerbated by the lack of knowledge and unclear information about procedures being passed on to migrants by the relevant authorities, both in the home and host countries. Subsequent to the interviews undertaken for this book, a number of initiatives, such as the ‘Citizens First’ campaign, have been developed to raise awareness and to provide information to individuals on their rights and opportunities deriving from the Single Market and other Community policies. In 1997, a High Level Panel, set up by the Commission, made recommendations on the removal of practical barriers. Subsequently, the Commission developed an action plan, proposing, for example, to make the labour market more transparent by promoting collaboration between national employment services and strengthening the EURES network. It suggests the creation of administrative structures in member states aimed at assisting migrants by creating, for instance, ‘Europe Direct’ – a group of multilingual experts that guides individuals to a body at EU, national or local level. Moreover, the action plan proposes to improve information and raise awareness on the right to freedom of movement through existing information activities. The ‘Europe Direct’ initiative has dealt with over 20,000 queries between August 1996 and August 1998, and the ‘Citizens First’ campaign is said to have had a major impact on people’s awareness of their rights in the EU (Euro-Op News 1998; European Commission 1999). The overall effectiveness of these services, however, is difficult to establish at this stage, as their implementation is fairly recent. None the less, such initiatives are likely to contribute to the wider distribution of knowledge about qualifications and procedures, which is crucial in the aim to promote labour mobility across the EU and to create a single European labour market. The findings suggest that national training systems have not yet been adequately adapted to the needs of the European labour market. EU regulations specify the length of training and knowledge required, for example, for basic qualifications, and the Commission has steadily increased its commitment to, and funding of, vocational training through the development of various programmes, e.g. PETRA, Employment NOW, EUROTECNET (Field 1998). Particularly under the Commission’s programme ‘Leonardo da Vinci’ (1995–99), transnational placements for initial and continuing vocational training, the recognition of such training periods towards final qualifications, and the development of the European dimension of national vocational


training concepts have advanced (Cedefop 1998, 1999a, 1999b). However, projects funded by the EU tend to be pilot projects. The results are meant to provide a basis for developments in member states rather than a permanent commitment on the Commission’s part (Field 1998). The impact of such short-term initiatives, therefore, can at best be ad hoc. Nevertheless, positive developments towards the Europeanization of training, independent of EU-funded programmes, are becoming apparent and more widespread. For example, the UKCC in their 1995 ‘Standards for Educational Experience Outside the United Kingdom for Students Undertaking National Board Approved Programmes Leading to Registration or Recording on the Council’s Register’, and the ENB in its 1994 document ‘Creating Lifelong Learners – Partnerships for Care’, have highlighted the importance of the teaching of a European and international dimension in nursing training (Ludvigsen 1997). Individual countries have agreed exchange programmes that offer trainees the possibility to work for a period of time in organizations in the partner countries. For example, the German Ministry of Education and the British Department of Education and Employment have launched the ‘Training Bridge’ programme, offering more than 100 participants each year the chance of acquiring work experience in both countries. Similar programmes have been agreed between other countries (see Cedefop 1999c, d, e). Competence in the foreign language was insufficient on the part of many migrants of this sample, particularly amongst migrant nurses in Germany and Spain. The European Commission has encouraged the acquisition of language skills through its education and training programmes, but otherwise has no influence on the language policies in member states (Hantrais 1995). The ‘Leonardo da Vinci’ programme, for instance, provided financial support for the creation of a multimedia language pack in four languages for the nursing profession (Ludvigsen 1997). Such projects may improve a professional’s language competence and terminology and add to an understanding of cultural differences in training approaches, thereby facilitating mobility between member states. However, only a small minority can benefit. Access to language training facilities and support by employers is widely available in Spain, but is particularly rare in Britain (Holden and Livian 1993). Lack of proficiency in foreign languages inhibits extensive interchanges between member states. The problems arising from lack of language competence and understanding of cultural diversity in training approaches and work practices have received increased attention in private employment sectors, such as the financial sector.


This shift has come about with the growing internationalization of business activities (see Goffee and Jones 1995; Tayeb 1996; Schneider and Barsoux 1997). The concept of ‘European qualifications’ still lacks consensus, but it is widely accepted that for the development of an international workforce, interpersonal skills are as important as technical and organization-specific skills (Schneider and Barsoux 1997; Scheerer 1998). Many suggestions with regard to the acquisition of the ‘new’ skills have been made. Most importantly, the development of the European dimension has to be incorporated into all areas of education from an early age. Moreover, the skills could be acquired through an exchange year for trainees or the intensification of foreign language teaching in vocational schools. Depending on the occupation, this may extend to three foreign languages (Scheerer 1998). Attributes such as tolerance, patience, respect, cultural empathy, amongst others, have been cited as crucial for working cross-culturally (Schneider and Barsoux 1997). For example, institutions, through their education and training policies, could improve people’s understanding of cultural diversity by teaching the similarities and incompatibilities between foreign practices and local social and cultural characteristics (Tayeb 1996; Ludvigsen 1997). Early exposure to cultural diversity is considered important by the above authors in the development of cultural awareness and sensitivity. While language training is part of the secondary education system in member states, differences in training systems and cultures and language training have not yet been sufficiently incorporated into the national curricula of vocational training. Such an addition would be beneficial in preparing potentially interested workers for employment in other EU countries. Lack of recognition of credentials, such as the length of work experience obtained prior to migration, proved a handicap for migrants of this sample, particularly in the British and German nursing sectors. This practice has wider implications for the career paths of migrants. They may face the same dilemma when moving to another member state or returning home. In their country of origin, their experience acquired in an earlier period may be considered outdated. The migrant may, therefore, never move much beyond the basic level of the grading structure. The European labour market requires acceptance of these credentials, otherwise migration may largely remain an option for the newly qualified. For those with several years of experience, such nonrecognition may deter some from contemplating migration. The importance of the acceptance of work experience may not be of immediate concern to some migrants. Indeed, less than half of the nursing


(43.3 per cent) and banking sample (44.8 per cent) named employment opportunities as one of the determining factors for migration. Personal reasons, such as improving a language, getting to know a new culture, adventure or living closer to a friend, combined, played a more important role. However, with changing circumstances, such as remaining in the host country on a longer, or perhaps on a permanent basis, a move to another country, or a return to the home country later than initially planned, work-related factors may become of more importance. By then, it may be too late, because previously acquired credentials are likely to have been invalidated. The high levels of deskilling in a migration context and the particular difficulties of regaining the original occupational status have been shown in earlier studies (Ackers 1998; Hillmann and Rudolph 1998). Career paths change over time. For example, British nursing has made a number of fundamental changes to the career ladders in recent years (Halford et al. 1997). Moreover, the durability of skills is getting shorter (Tayeb 1996), as indicated by the growing emphasis on life-long learning in European societies and by the Commission’s financial support to this cause. Thus, the loss of acceptance of certain credentials may become evident to migrants when it can no longer be reversed. Cases of non-recognition of work experience acquired in another member state have begun to be taken to the Court of Justice of the European Communities. For example, in the case of a doctor in Germany, the Court decided that such nonrecognition was discriminatory and against article 48(4) of the Treaty and Regulation 1612/68 (Case C-15/96 Kalliope SchöningKougebetopoulou). Moreover, the Court ruled that such a clause in collective agreements was invalid (Dreyer-Mälzer and Svenningsen 1998). A European law to facilitate the recognition of professional experience between member states, as suggested by the High Level Panel (1997), is essential both in the creation of EU citizenship and a common market for professional workers. Difficulties in gaining access to jobs commensurable with migrants’ credentials were particularly pronounced in nursing. For nursing to achieve equal recognition in status, the findings suggest that an integrated university training for initial qualifications in all EU countries may be the only option available to policy-makers. Spain, Portugal and, more recently, Britain are the only countries where university training is obligatory. In a small number of other countries university training is optional (Canalejas Pérez 1992). In even others, for example Germany, the debate has not yet received a high profile (Schaeffer et al. 1994; Wagner 1996). Currently, the possibilities for specialized nursing


training also vary considerably between EU countries. Some specializations are offered as initial training in some countries and as post-basic training in others. Possibilities for post-basic qualifications may even vary within countries because of the absence of national regulations, for example in Germany (Wagner 1996). To achieve greater equality in nursing education between EU countries, it may be best to limit basic nursing qualifications to general nursing, and to integrate such training into the university system in all EU countries. All specializations could be offered as post-basic training programmes. However, any such policy would require collaboration through an international programme of education (Butterworth 1991). It could therefore take a while for this to happen. In the more intermediate future, the incorporation of the teaching of varying EU training systems and professional cultures as well as at least one foreign language into the national curricula, as discussed earlier, may be appropriate steps towards such an aim. Training courses could also include exchange programmes with at least one EU country. For banking migrants, access to jobs comparable with their credentials proved less problematic. This was largely because the majority of migrants had higher education backgrounds and no previous work experience. However, some problems were apparent. Currently, degree programmes vary in content and length between countries, and managerial training programmes are based on national norms (Easterby-Smith 1992; Lawrence 1992). As a result of the growing internationalization of the banking sector, managerial staff will increasingly have to deal with international business and an international workforce. Foreign assignments to prepare managerial staff for this change have been used for some time, though international training has received little attention (Atkinson 1989). A European MBA or diploma was one suggestion in the debate about the implementation of the Single European Market (Thurley and Wirdenius 1989). Developments in this direction are becoming apparent. For example, the European Business School (EAP) in Paris requires students to study in three European countries, in each one year. Such training provides students with the most advanced transferable international qualification (Easterby-Smith 1992). However, a ‘European qualification’ could lead to the exclusion of all those with other qualificational backgrounds. The internationalization of existing managerial training programmes, similar to what is in place for some business degree programmes (see Easterby-Smith 1992; Blumenthal et al. 1996), and the internationalization of in-house continuous training, may be more beneficial in the


cross-national recognition of qualifications. Such developments may aid the development of staff able to operate in a foreign work environment without major adaptation problems. Empirical findings on the recognition of credentials in the access to jobs suggest three main requirements. First, there is a need to broaden the knowledge about qualifications and set out clearer procedures for competent authorities, for migrants and those potentially interested in working in other EU countries. Second, there is a need to develop an understanding both amongst employers and workers not only of EU qualifications and skills, but of the different routes that have led to such skills. Third, there is a need for employers and workers to become more flexible and open towards others’ credentials, and to promote and develop cross-cultural skills. Chapters 6 and 7 on the integration process in work environments demonstrate that the heterogeneity of EU labour markets and employment systems result in different employment conditions, ultimately leading to diverse integration experiences for migrants. The institutions and practices that regulate employment systems currently vary considerably between EU countries (Jones and Cressey 1995). Harmonization of all aspects would, therefore, be difficult. Whilst the earlier aim of the internal market was extensive harmonization, country-specific differences in the provisions regulating social and employment conditions have meant that the social chapter of the Maastricht Treaty did not concern itself with measures outside those related to ‘basic’ labour rights (Streeck 1995). The concepts of subsidiarity and proportionality were introduced to ensure that the capacities and powers of the Community would not go beyond those of the member states, and Community action would not do more than meeting its objectives. The retreat of EU competences in the social dimension was made even more explicit with the Amsterdam Treaty, which defined that ‘Community action is only justified when its objective is both achievable by the Community and not achievable by the Member States acting alone’ (European Commission 1997: 7). It was found that knowledge about employment conditions in specific employment sectors is virtually non-existent between countries. National and local Commission offices keep information, but these tend to be on the broader labour market of EU countries. Very few migrants of this sample had in fact tried to contact these offices. A small number had approached the embassies or the professional bodies, though had found that information available was generally on training and qualifications and not on the specifics of the profession


and employment sector. Most migrants had picked up some information, usually by word of mouth, but on the whole knew very little about the labour market, the employment conditions, the culture of the profession and work relations prior to migration. This was largely because of the absence of relevant information in the most obvious places, such as professional bodies in the country of origin. Consequently, reality took many by surprise. Moreover, very few migrants received any induction to the job and the workplace on arrival. Nor did they receive information on professional associations, trade union representation and aspects such as residence requirements and taxation. Access to information has in the meantime been improved with the introduction of a number of initiatives following the High Level Panel report of 1997 (see chapter 2). ‘Europe Direct’ in particular is likely to offer access to information on the particularities of employment, and contact points for any problems arising in member states. Wider access to information, induction and help with bureaucratic expectations may reduce the obstacles in the initial adjustment to the ‘foreign’ labour market. The findings suggest that the lack of knowledge about professional and workplace cultures of other countries, and the refusal of some migrants to adopt practices of the host country contributed towards intolerant, patronizing and bitchy behaviour between native and migrant workers. This was exacerbated by the lack of language ability on the part of some, particularly nursing, migrants in Germany. The integration process was further inhibited by an inflexible and sceptical attitude towards ‘foreign’ skills and outdated practices and expectations, for example a dress code, amongst British employers. It has been recognized for some time, particularly among the business sector, that the integration of national markets in the EU requires knowledge about labour markets, employment systems and human resource management in other European countries (Storey 1992; Goffee and Jones 1995; Schneider and Barsoux 1997). However, as discussed earlier, the teaching of foreign professional and workplace cultures in training programmes is still at an infant stage, particularly in the public sector, such as nursing. The findings of this book show that it is vital to expand existing training contents by including languages and cultural practices applied elsewhere into the curricula of vocational training. As Hofstede (1994: 212–14) emphasizes ‘without knowing the language one misses a lot of the subleties of a culture and is forced to remain a relative outsider’, and ‘establishing true integration among members of culturally different groups requires environments in which these


people can meet and mix as equals’. This suggests that additional policies are required at the workplace level. Promoting the idea among all levels of staff that foreign practices do not replace but can complement local practices, may reduce resentment, frustration and the feeling of insecurity. People with different cultural backgrounds can make work relations complex and, therefore, more prone to conflicts and communication problems (Tayeb 1996; Schneider and Barsoux 1997). Raising awareness that values, attitudes, patterns of behaviour and communication are acquired through the socialization processes experienced initially in the family and later in institutions such as schools and work places, and consequently differ between cultures and subgroups, could minimize misunderstandings (Hofstede 1994; Tayeb 1996). It may lead to greater tolerance between people and acceptance of other countries’ professional cultures and standards. It may also lead to greater willingness to learn from others’ experiences. All of this may prove beneficial in the absorption of migrants at the workplace and could limit obstacles in the integration processes for all concerned. Empirical findings on the adjustment to and integration in work environments imply the need for measures to lessen the impact of different systems and practices on the integration of EU migrants. The findings suggest the need for greater flexibility amongst those who utilize freedom of movement, and the need for greater acceptance of European diversity in professional roles amongst others. Harmonization of all aspects of employment is accepted by many as not being feasible. However, there may be ways of bridging the gap and achieving greater convergence between systems and employment practices. There may also be ways of transmitting multi-culturalism at the workplace. Some suggestions to this effect will be made in a later section. Chapters 8 and 9 on career progression demonstrate that differences in labour markets and employment systems can result in very similar outcomes. This book, and other research, shows that formal EU legislation on equal opportunities has done little to eliminate gender inequality in EU labour markets (Cockburn 1991; Rees 1998; Cousins 1999). Although women have increasingly entered higher-level jobs in Britain, Germany and Spain, they have also increased their share of lower-level work (Cousins 1999). The works by Halford et al. (1997) on British banking and nursing, and by Quack (1997) on European banking show that women continue to be severely disadvantaged in the access to linear careers in the two employment sectors. In general, the public sector has been pioneering change by implementing legislation and policies in European countries. However, even in this sector,


change has been slow and uncertain (Webb 1997). Positive action programmes to address inequalities in the workplace have received growing acknowledgement by European employers (Sensi 1992). However, developments have been largely to the benefit of female workers in lower and intermediate level occupations. For women in higher positions, changes are less significant. For example, the availability of part-time employment in German and British banking continues to be largely restricted to the lower occupational levels which offer poor career opportunities (Figge and Quack 1991; Humphries et al. 1991; Halford et al. 1997). In Spain, marital status still seems to be a major determining factor in acquiring a professional career, with more openings for single women (Vázquez Fernández 1993). Reasons for the continuation of problems encountered by women are varied, but the results from this book reinforce earlier findings reported, for example, by Glucklich (1984), ER Consultants (1990), Halford et al. (1997) and Quack (1997). A major obstacle to achieving change appears to be the fact that established structures, practices and attitudes, in short a male career pattern, have remained largely unaltered by legislation and policies. The level of change in the labour market varies within and between organizations, employment sectors and countries (Cousins 1999). It was found that the male working culture was particularly pronounced in British banking. It was least obvious in German banking, though this may have been influenced by the fact that one third of the German sample worked in public banks. This sub-sector is generally known to be more gender-friendly than the private sector (Schwaab and Schuler 1991). The findings suggest that major changes in (migrant) women’s position and careers are unlikely if the causes of women’s under-utilization, under-representation and unfavourable distribution in professional and managerial work fail to be tackled. Solutions suggested for improvements vary depending on the authors’ perspectives, but strategies comprising multiple levels of change may be most successful (Izraeli and Adler 1994). Important steps towards the elimination of structural impediments to women in the labour market could be a change to the traditional work patterns, under which employment positions and promotion are largely based on continuous full-time employment, and higher grade positions additionally on long-term commitment and long working hours. Moreover, there has to be a recognition by men, particularly those in senior management, that women’s skills maximize the effectiveness of an organization’s human resources. Important, too, is target-setting and ongoing evaluation (McRae 1990; Outshoorn 1991; Vázquez


Fernández 1993; Izraeli and Adler 1994; Rubery 1995; Green and Cassell 1996). But most importantly, ‘equal opportunity development requires an attitude of commitment rather than compliance’ (Woodall et al. 1997: 8). Empirical findings show the existence of additional barriers for migrants in career progression due to organizational requirements relating to the length of service. This factor, together with the knock-on effects of the non-recognition of the length of work experience obtained pre-migration, as discussed earlier, provided an obstacle for a significant number of migrants. Non-recognition of the length of work experience obtained prior to migration applied to 15, and partial recognition to two nursing migrants, that is 56.7 per cent of the total nursing sample. With the exception of one non-recognition and one partial recognition in Spain, this barrier applied almost equally to migrants in Britain and Germany. For banking migrants, this aspect was of less significance. Only four migrants of the total sample (13.8 per cent) failed to have their experiences either fully or partially recognized. This outcome may have been influenced by the fact that almost half of the banking migrants had no previous work experience. However, non-recognition applied to one migrant in Britain and partial recognition to three migrants, one in each country. These findings indicate that organizational requirements have not been adjusted to the changing needs of a European labour market. Such aspects have to be improved to make freedom of movement a viable option for skilled and highly skilled workers. The findings on career progression imply the need for two main measures. First, it requires policies, and possibly legislation, to enforce changes to some of the above-mentioned points on male career patterns. Second, it requires the recognition of individual EU labour markets as a common or a home market, rather than a foreign market. The former will be more difficult to achieve in the short term, given the time it has taken to implement, for example, equal opportunities legislation and positive action programmes, and the uncertain outcomes of equal opportunities programmes. There can be some more hope for the latter to change positively in the nearer future, at least amongst those countries that are committed to European integration at all levels.

Minimizing cross-national differences What could be done to bridge the gap and achieve greater convergence in training and employment practices between EU countries? The


following strategies have been compiled largely from specific suggestions made by the research participants. They are practical rather than far-reaching policy recommendations. However, they could be implemented in the shorter term and without major cross-national collaboration. Research findings suggest that knowledge of other countries’ systems and available information were inadequate. Such shortcomings could be improved by a variety of measures. For example, a booklet on the most important aspects of the profession could be made available at training institutions, professional associations, trade unions and embassies. Such booklets should cover aspects such as the historical development of the profession, training system, professional status, culture, hierarchy, regulations and practices and work relations. They could include the role of professional associations and trade unions, and relevant contact addresses. Additionally, training institutions and professional associations could encourage the development of social networks. Such events would give migrants a chance to meet others in a similar situation, and could develop into a mutual support network amongst migrants. An address list of social networks could be kept by these institutions. The list would allow newcomers to make contact outside the workplace. Professional associations ought to ensure access to information they have on working abroad in the profession. This was an issue raised by a number of German nurses who had inquired at the German nursing association for information on Britain, but they were refused information on the basis that they had not joined the association. The difficulties in obtaining information from the nursing association were also raised by a nursing director. Information on developments of the profession and employment sector abroad could also be held in communal areas at workplaces, for example in the form of magazines. Such information appears to be fairly widely available in British hospitals, but this was not the case in Germany and Spain. What could employers do to reduce the obstacles for EU migrants working abroad? The findings suggest that migrants could benefit from a more open-minded attitude amongst managers towards other countries’ credentials and work practices. A change in attitude amongst managers could have an impact on migrants’ employment experiences. At the most basic level, it might lead to the recognition of the length of work experience acquired prior to migration in the grading of migrants’ first jobs in the host country. Subsequently, such a policy change could positively influence migrants’ opportunities for career


progression. Greater openness and flexibility could perhaps be achieved by placing more emphasis on international exchange programmes for personnel staff and heads of departments. Much of the frustration for migrants in the initial period with regards to bureaucratic requirements could be reduced if personnel departments produced a file on the type of papers and information required for employment in the host country. Such a file should include information on the registration procedure for qualifications, taxation, residence and other bureaucratic requirements, contact addresses and their opening times. Moreover, these files ought to contain information, for example, on employers’ contributions to savings bonds and other bonuses available to employees. Migrants of this sample were not made aware of such perks in the individual countries. Migrants were often placed in departments without induction to the workplace, the job or other personnel. Any newcomer, but especially a foreign newcomer, is likely to feel highly alienated by such an impersonal start at a workplace. Induction courses may not always be justified because of the small number of migrants involved. However, it may be an expectation of employers who employ larger numbers of EU migrants, such as some of the German hospitals who participated in the research for this book. Moreover, integration could be promoted by informing and consulting existing staff on the employment of migrants before their arrival. Such a policy was successfully adopted by a couple of German hospitals. A social event in the initial period for migrants and other colleagues to meet informally may contribute to a smoother integration process. Some German hospital units felt overstretched by having a large number of migrants working on the wards. The diverse nature of migrants’ training and work experience backgrounds, as well as language impediments suggest that the number of migrants to be absorbed within a department ought to be kept to a minimum at any one time. Such a policy may improve work relations, and ultimately may promote the smoother integration of migrants. Support with language training may have to form part of an integration programme. One German hospital paid full salaries and the fees for a six-week fulltime language course for EU migrants. Other German hospitals gave 11–2 hours off work on a daily basis for up to three months. This extensive provision was part of the arrangement with foreign agencies, and was influenced by the shortage of staff. Such extensive provision is unlikely to receive much support from employers. However, the payment of fees for courses outside working hours for a few months


may be a justifiable expectation of employers in the move towards a European labour market. What could migrants do to improve their experiences abroad? Similar to the findings by Ackers (1998), a significant proportion of migrants had emigrated without adequate knowledge of the language, the procedures required to have their qualifications verified, and the employment systems and conditions in the ‘foreign’ country. There was little migrants could have done on the latter aspect because of a lack of easily accessible and adequate information in their country of origin. As mentioned earlier, such information ought to be one of the most urgent provisions to be developed and made available by regulatory bodies. As regards language and qualifications, there was scope for reducing self-imposed barriers. More appropriate language acquisition prior to migration, but also greater willingness to improve language ability after the arrival in the host country, seem the most obvious preparation for employment abroad and do not need much further elaboration. Appropriate language skills could have been beneficial in dealing with the bureaucratic requirements of employment take-up in the host country, as well as in the integration process in the workplace. For example, it was found that nursing migrants who had inquired and who had registered their qualifications from abroad had generally experienced fewer obstacles than those migrants who had migrated unprepared. Acquiring information on the registration procedure for qualifications, even if not available in the country of origin, would have required no more than research into the address of the relevant professional registration body of the potential host country. Many measures to improve intra-EU labour mobility will require lengthy consultation, coordination, negotiation and compromise between the responsible groups in the various countries. Any outcome will therefore be difficult to achieve in the near future. Suggestions made in this section, however, could be implemented in the near future and may ease some of the barriers to migrants who wish to work in another EU country.

Appendix 1 Interview Schedule and Background Characteristics of Migrants Nursing migrants Britain

Germany

Spain

Age 18–29 30–39 40

6 2 1

7 2 3

2 2 5

Marital status interview month Single Single, children Married/cohabiting, no children Married, children

6 0 2 1

7 0 5 0

3 1 3 2

Qualifications pre-migration Assistant First level – general nurse First level – specialist nurse General nursepost-basic specialism

0 1 1 1

1 10 0 1

0 3 2 4

Years of post-training work experience pre-migration None Less than 1 year 1–3 years 3–6 years 6 years

1 2 4 1 1

1 4 4 1 2

1 0 3 2 3

Years in host country Less than 1 year 1–4 years 4–8 years 8 years

3 4 1 1

4 6 0 2

2 1 3 3

213

214 Appendices

Banking migrants Britain

Germany

Spain

Age 18–29 30–39 40

8 1 0

7 4 0

5 4 0

Marital status interview time Single Single, children Married/cohabiting, no children Married, children

6 0 3 0

3 1 5 2

6 1 2 0

1 2 2

1 8 2

4 2 1

3 1

0 0

2 0

Years of post-training work experience pre-migration None Less than 1 year 1–3 years 3–6 years 6 years

7 2 0 0 0

7 1 2 1 0

2 2 2 2 1

Years in host country Less than 1 year 1–4 years 4–8 years 8 years

0 6 2 1

2 3 5 1

4 2 2 1

Qualifications pre-migration First level banking/commercial Graduate degree Graduate degree managerial training programme Postgraduate degree Postgraduate degree managerial training programme

Appendix 2 Interview Schedule with Individuals and Groups other than Migrants Nursing sector Britain Regulatory bodies International Relations Unit, Department of Health, 11.3.1993 Registration Department, United Kingdom Central Council for Nursing, Midwifery and Health Visiting (UKCC), 6.5.1993 International Division, Royal College of Nursing (RCN), 22.1.1993 Labour Relations Department, RCN, 25.3.1993 (Telephone Interview) Confederation of Health Services Employees, 21.1.1993

Employers’ representatives Head of Strategic Unit, Teaching Hospital, 1.12.1993 Nursing Manager of a Unit, Teaching Hospital, 17.11.1993 Head of Equal Opportunities, Public Specialized Hospital, 22.11.1993 Acute Services Manager, Public Specialized Hospital, 22.11.1993

Nursing staff Group of 2 nurses (D grades), Teaching Hospital, 11.11.1993 Nurse (E grade), Public Specialized Hospital, 18.11.1993 Nurse (D grade), Public Specialized Hospital, 15.11.1993 Nurse (D grade), Public General Hospital, 13.11.1993

Germany Regulatory bodies Deutscher Berufsverband für Pflegeberufe (German Nursing Association), 12.2.1993 Group of 4 Representatives: Gewerkschaft Öffentliche/Dienste, Transport & Verkehr (Public Sector & Transport Union); Multi-Cultural Centre Frankfurt; Personnel Director & Nursing Director of a University/Teaching Hospital, 11.2.1993

Employers’ representatives Group of 3 Representatives: Deputy Nursing Director and 2 Nursing Managers of Departments, University/Teaching Hospital, 14.7.1993 Nursing Manager of Department, University/Teaching Hospital, 9.7.1993 Nursing Director, University/Teaching Hospital, 4.1.1994 Nursing Director, Specialized Hospital, 12.1.1994 215

216 Appendices

Nursing staff Group of 4 ward nurses, University/Teaching Hospital, 8.7.1993 Group of 3 ward nurses, University/Teaching Hospital, 15.7.1993

Spain Regulatory bodies Sección Enfermería, Comisiones Obreras C.C.O.O. (Trade Union Confederation of Workers’ Commissions), 14.9.1993 Sección Enfermería, Unión General de Trabajadores UGT (General Workers’ Confederation), 15.9.1993

Employers’ representatives Nursing Director, Public Teaching Hospital, 20.9.1993 Nursing Manager of Department, Autonomous Community Teaching Hospital, 21.9.1993 Head of Further Training, Autonomous Community Teaching Hospital, 21.9.1993

Nursing staff General General General General

Nurse, Nurse, Nurse, Nurse,

Autonomous Community Teaching Hospital, 7.9.1993 Private Hospital, 9.9.1993 Private Hospital, 9.9.1993 Private Hospital, 10.9.1993

Banking sector Britain Regulatory bodies Department of External Affairs, National Council for Vocational Qualifications, 29.1.1993 Director of Studies, Chartered Institute of Bankers, 25.1.1993 International Banks Section, Banking, Insurance and Finance Union, 8.2.1993 European Division, Department of Trade & Industry, 19.4.1993 (Telephone Interview)

Employers’ representatives Personnel Manager, Clearing Bank, 13.5.1993 Personnel Manager, Clearing Bank, 15.10.1993

Banking staff Assistant Assistant Assistant Assistant

Manager, Manager, Manager, Manager,

Clearing Bank, 25.10.1993 Clearing Bank, 25.10.1993 Clearing Bank, 25.10.1993 Merchant Bank, 23.11.1993

Appendices 217

Germany Regulatory bodies Gewerkschaft Handel, Banken & Versicherungen (Trade, Banking & Insurance Union), 11.2.1993 Group of 2 Works Council Representatives, Deutsche Angestellten Gewerkschaft (White-Collar Workers’ Union), 17.2.1993

Employers’ representatives Director of Personnel, Universal Bank, 19.2.1993 Director of International Affairs, Universal Bank, 23.2.1993 Personnel Manager, Regional Public Bank, 23.2.1993 Director of Personnal, Public Savings Bank, 12.7.1993

Banking staff Executive, Universal Bank, 13.7.1993 Executive, Public Savings Bank, 21.7.1993 Executive, Private Specialized Bank, 31.7.1993 Group of 2 Managers, Public Savings Bank, 1.8.1993

Spain Regulatory bodies Sección Banca, Comisiones Obreras C.C.O.O. (Trade Union Confederation of Workers’ Commissions), 14.9.1993 Sección Banca, Unión General de Trabajadores UGT (General Workers’ Confederation), 16.9.1993

Employers’ representatives Head of a Branch, Private Bank, 13.9.1993 Head of Training, Private Bank, 4.10.1993 Director of Personnel, Public Bank, 5.10.1993

Banking staff Executive, Private Bank, 16.9.1993 Assistant Manager, Private Bank, 17.9.1993 Executive, Private Bank, 20.9.1993

Appendix 3 Grading Structures

Nursing sector Britain A B C D E

}

Assistants – no statutory qualifications required Assistants with second level registration Minimum grade for fully qualified nurses – first-level registration Nurse with additional expertise or regularly in charge of ward or equivalent sphere of nursing Nurse with continuing responsibility for the management of a ward or equivalent – minimum grade for a sister/ charge nurse in overall charge of a ward or department Nurse with continuing responsibility for the management of a ward which either has basic or post-basic students, or is one where extensive nursing/midwifery intervention is required, or both Nurse with continuing overall responsibility for the management of more than one ward or equivalent sphere of nursing – postholder is normally required to hold a clinical teaching qualification Responsibilities as under H. In addition, the postholder is identified as a clinical specialist within the employing authority

F

G

H

I

Source: Summarized from ‘A Guide to the Clinical Grading Structure’. Nursing and Midwifery Staffs Negotiating Council Staff Side, April 1988.

Germany KR KR KR KR

I KRII III IV V

KR Va

KR VI

Assistants – no statutory qualification required Assistants with at least 1 year’s training and examination Minimum grade for fully qualified nurse Nurse with 2 years’ work experience or with additional responsibilities in specific units Nurse with 4 years’ proven capability in grade V in specific units or at least 6 years’ work experience; minimum grade for a nurse with continuous responsibility for one ward or a group of patients Nurse with at least 6 years proven capability in grade V or 3–5 years in group Va, or with continuous responsibility for several wards, group of patients or specific areas of nursing with at least 12 nursing staff; minimum grade for nurses with post-basic qualifications or in a teaching capacity 218

Appendices 219 KR VII

KR VIII

KR IX–KR XIII

Nurse with 5–7 years’ proven capability in grade VI, or with continuous responsibility for several units with at least 24 nursing staff, or with a teaching qualification Nurse with at least 5 years’ proven capability in grade VII, or with continuous responsibility for several units with at least 48 nursing staff, or nurses who spend at least half their time teaching in nursing schools; minimum grade for nursing managers Each grade requires 5 years’ proven capability in the previous grade; responsibilities for the numbers of nursing staff doubles with each grade

Source: Summarized from DAG (1991).

Spain Auxiliar Enfermera Supervisora de Unidad Jefa de Departamento Directora de Enfermería del Hospital

Nursing Assistant Fully Qualified Nurse Supervisor of an Unit/Service Head of a Department Nursing Director of the Hospital

Source: Interviews with Nursing Directors, September 1993.

Banking sector Britain Clearing Banks 1 Lowest clerical grade 2 3 4 5 6 Highest clerical grade Managerial grades vary between clearing banks. The following gives two examples: Example 1 7 Assistant managers 8 9 10 11 Managers 12 13 14 15 Senior managers 16

Example 2 7 Assistant managers 6 5 4 3 Managers 2 1 Senior managers

220 Appendices

Merchant bank (example) Clerical Executives Newly appointed managers Managers Assistant directors Directors Managing directors

} } }

Junior management Middle management Senior management

Source: Compiled from information given by personnel managers and professionals, 1993.

Germany Public banks

Private banks

X IX VIII VII VI V IVb

2 3 4 5

Clerical assistants – no qualifications required

6 7

Restricted decision-making competence; usually with post-basic qualification (e.g. Fachwirt) or university degree; junior management Decision-making competence; usually with managerial training or qualification (e.g. Betriebswirt); middle management

IVa III IIb IIa Ib Ia I

8 9

Clerks – newly qualified Clerks with work experience and/or additional training

Senior management

Source: Compiled from Gewerkschaft Handel, Banken und Versicherungen (1992); Bauer, G. and Lindenthal, P. (1986); Interviews with bank professionals, July/August 1993.

Spain Auxiliar

Assistants

Oficial 2

Administrators

Oficial 1 Jefe de sexta

B A

Jefe de quinta

C B A

Jefe de cuarta

C B A

Supervisory capacity

Assistant managers Staff with university degree (p/t employment)

Appendices 221 Jefe de tercera

C B A

Managers

Jefe de segunda

C B A

Assistant directors

Jefe de primera

C B A

Directors

Alta Dirección

Staff with university degree (f/t employment)

Managing director

Source: Compiled from Asociación Española de Banca Privada (1990); Interviews with professionals, September 1993.

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Index Action programmes (1989, 1991–95, 1996–2000), 14, 43–4 Age and mobility/recruitment, 18, 26 Amsterdam Treaty, 44 Anti-discrimination legislation, 1, 12, 43 Statute of Workers (Spain), 46 see also EU sectoral directives; Single European Act; Treaty of Rome Apprenticeships, 33 Banking, chapters 5, 7 and 9 passim accelerated training programme, 86–7, 175, 177 acceptance in, 137–9 access to, 73 ACIB examination (Britain), 74, 80, 81, 133, 175 adjustment, 131–42 appraisal schemes, 176, 180 assertiveness in, 137 Banking Certificate (Britain), 74 branches, migrant’s acceptance in, 131–2, 134–8 career breaks, 129 career progression, 173, 174, 175–82 career streaming, 144 chauvinism within, 137–8 competent authorities, 75–6 competition, between employees, 139–40, 148 culture, 137, 174 dress code, 141–2, 146 division of labour, 124 elite universities, recruitment from, 78, 128 employment patterns, 124–31 English as lingua franca in, 83 equal opportunities, 124–5, 129 exclusionary practices, 133–4, 144, 191 further education, 178 243

further training, 186–8 grading, 126, 175, 177–8, 219–21 graduate recruitment, 79, 80, 145, 176, 179 hierarchical structure (Britain), 131 integration, 131–42 job satisfaction, 188, 193 job security, 144 language competence/proficiency, 82–3, 140, 183–4, 190 male-dominated, 123, 132, 190 male : female working relations, 139, 145 management training programmes, 83, 133, 178, 179 migrants’ career paths, 182–8 migrants’ marital status, 193 new technology, technological change, 124, 143 part-time working, 129, 176 peer pressure, 141, 146 percentage of women in, 124–5, 174 performance culture, 177 professional status, 131–40 promotion, 182–6, 190 informal, 180 internal, 180 qualifications British, 73–4, 124 recognition of, 75–6 verification, 76–84 recruitment specialist, 187 strategies, 79–80, 189 redundancies, 144 regulations, 140–2 restructuring, 85, 127, 143–4 skills, 124 development, 127 requirements, 84 verification, 76–84 specialist knowledge, 85

244 Index Banking – continued temporary contracts, 127, 144 tiering, 176 training, 73–5, 192 internal, 175 on the job, 73, 79, 84, 177 post-basic, 178 schemes (Germany), 178 verification, 76–84 vocational (Germany), 125 and women, 178 women in (Spain), 126–7, 130 work relations, 131–42 working hours, 128–9, 130, 140, 146, 191 working practices, 124–31 Barriers to migration informal, 3; and see exclusionary practices removal of, 1; and see Action Programmes; Treaty of Rome Behaviourist model, 21–2, 23, 26 Bureaucracy, delays caused by, 66–7, 211 Careers advice, 46 consulting agencies (Spain), 46 development, 3, 153–4 expectation, 23 male, 45 paths, 153 and see under banking; nursing Citizens First initiative, 15, 200 Co-determination (Germany), 39 Collective bargaining, 34, 35, 45, 149 Communication skills, 36, 83; and see under nursing; see also language ability/proficiency/skills Community Charter of the Fundamental Social Rights of Workers, 13, 14 Community Labour Force Survey, 16 Competition international, 1 between women, 41 and see under banking; nursing Continuous training, 47–8 Contracts

fixed-term, 32, 47 non-standard (Spain), 39 part-time, 32 and see under nursing; see also nursing agencies Contractual fringe, 33 Core–periphery model, 38, 39, 150 Credentials, recognition of, 205 Cross-border commuting, 17–18 Cultural difference, diversity, 23, 202 Decentralized bargaining (Britain), 39 Deskilling, 38, 41 and see restructuring Discrimination legislative removal of, 1, 12 sanctions against, 45–6 see also Action programmes; EU sectoral directives Distance, as impediment to migration, 23 Double disadvantage of migrant women, 42 Dual labour market theory, 29–30 Dual systems theory, 31 Education gender inequality in, 31 investment in, 35 see also banking: further education; nursing: further education Employment harmonization, 207 Employment law, 5 Employment practices, 23 Employment protection, 35 Employment status, 67–9, 92–3 Employment theories, 29–31 Equal opportunities, 14 penalties for non-compliance, 45–6 Equality directives, 45 Equivalence certificates, 14, 63–4 EU regulations, 12 EU sectoral directives, 13; and see under nursing EURES, 15, 25, 200 Europass, 15 Europe Direct, 200, 205 web page, 15 European Business School, 204

Index 245 European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training, 13 European Convention on Human Rights, 36 European Court of Justice, 24 European employment service network, 15 European integration, national attitudes to, 198–9 Exclusion; exclusionary practices, 31, 35 effect on career promotion, 46 and job segregation, 34 native women, 41 and see under banking; see also banking: competition between employees; nurses: migrant : native nurse relationship Family ties, 24 Flexibility, 26, 32, 39 Foreign status advantage of, 109–10 disadvantages of, 197–8 Free movement of labour, 1–5, 11–13 promotion, 13 exemptions, 24–5 Frontier migration, 24 Gender equality, 43 Gender inequality, 31 German Hospital Association, 54–5 Germany as destination for labour migration, 16 dual vocational training, 34, 86, 125 maternity leave in, 129 training systems, 34 workplace crèches, 130 Health care assistants, 54, 95 High Level Panel, 60, 62 Historical-structural model, 21–2 Human capital investment in, 35 theory, 29 variables, 29

Informal barriers, 3, 64–5 Informal networks, exclusion from, 46 Initial training systems, 47–8 Integrated European labour market, 1 Interpersonal skills, 83 Job search theories, 25 Job security and stability, 30; see also under banking; cf. temporary contracts; redundancies Job segregation, 31 Britain, 34 Labour, demand for, 2, 6 part-time, 32 peripheral, 32 skilled, 2, 19 unskilled, 2, 19, 22 Labour market information, 25 internal, 30 sex-segregated, 42 Labour migration and age, 18 female, 18 intra-EU, 2 16–20 and marital status, 18 skilled, 22 unskilled, 2 Labour mobility, obstacles to, 20–7 Labour turnover, 21 Language ability/proficiency/skills, 23, 36, 206, 212 assessment, 57–8 inadequacy, tolerance of, 59 training, 13, 71, 201 and see under banking; nursing Leonardo da Vinci programme, 200, 201 Life-long learning, 203 LINGUA programme, 13 Maastricht Treaty, 14, 198, 205 Management theories, 31–3 Management training, 83; and see under banking Marital status, 208

246 Index Merchant banking, 78, 175, 187–8 elite recruitment, 86 male-dominated, 177 old boy network, 78, 86 Migrant women double disadvantage of, 5 marital status, 6, 18 percentage of, 4, 18 outside the EU, 4, 5, 16, 42 Migrants information, access to, 200, 210 marital status, 18 preparedness, 200 Migration and age, 18–19 costs of, 19, 25, 26 cross-border, 17–18 and distance, 23 frontier, 24 models, 21–7 professional, 2 reasons for, 203 as social mobility, 4 Multi-skilling, 32, 38, 41 National culture, 37 National vocational qualifications, 54 Native women, exclusionary practices of, 41 New technology, 1, 39, 40–1, 150; see also restructuring Nurses Nursing, nurses, chapters 4, 6, 8 passim accountability, 64 adaptation period, 58–9, 61, 62, 63, 70 adjustment process, 104–17 agencies, 70, 106 agency contracts, 63, 112, 167, 169–70 ambitions of, 163 aptitude tests, 62 authoritative/competent bodies, 53, 57, 62, 64–5 autonomy, 96, 101, 121 basic care, 96, 106, 120 Bedford Fenwick movement, 95 in Britain, 53–4

British, reputation of, 62, 70, 105, 110 bureaucracy, 66–7, 195 care systems, 99–102, 104–8 career progression, 155, 156–61, 169 career structure, 159 communication, problems with, 120 competition between, 113, 114 continuous learning, 158, 160 contracts, 63, 112, 167, 169 culture, 25 demand for, 25 dress code, 116–17 effect of marriage on career, 163 employment contract, 63 employment status, 67–9, 92 enrolled, 113 equivalence certificate, 63–4 EU sectoral directives, 56, 61–2 extended role (Britain), 105–6 female : female working relationship, 112–13 female-dominated, 155–6 flexibility, 121 functional care, 59, 100, 105, 107, 117 further education, 157–60 further training, 158–9, 164–8, 170–1 in Germany, 54, 97 legislation governing, 96–7 grades, grading structures, 120–1, 156–61, 170, 218–19 health care assistants, 54, 95 hierarchy, 110 holistic care, 59, 100, 101, 104–5, 115, 117–18 integration process, 104–17, 211 job design, 118, 121 job profile, 111 job satisfaction, 10, 101, 103, 162, 163–4 labour turnover, 103 language skills, 57–61, 71, 106, 118, 165, 170 male, 111–12, 156 male : female working relations, 112, 120

Index 247 Nursing – continued models (Britain), 94–5 migrant : native nurse relationship, 113–14, 119–20 nurse : bed ratios, 102 nurse : doctor hierarchy and relationship, 98, 109 nurse : patient ratios, 102, 107–8 nurse–patient relationship, 101 patient allocation, 99, 100 post-basic training, 55 PREP (Britain), 157 primary, 96, 99, 100 probation, 62 professional autonomy, 95–6 professional conduct, 121 professional practice, 98, 157 professional status, 108–14 professionalization, 95, 97–8, 118 Project 2000 (Britain), 53, 71, 95, 118, 157 promotion, 157, 158, 161–4, 169–70 qualifications, 53 recognition of, 55–7 registration of, 61–7 specialized, 69 registration delaying tactics, 65 procedure, time for, 64–7 regulations, 101, 114–17, 121 restructuring, 70, 94, 121 role, 108–14 self-confidence, 167 sex roles, 120 shift system, 101 shortage of (Germany), 102, 108, 120 skills, 95 in Spain, 97–8 staff turnover, 103 staffing levels, 101–2 state registration, 95 stress, 60, 103, 107, 108, 118 team nursing, 99–100 temporary contracts, 103, 160 training access to, 157, 159, 165 British, reputation of, 62, 70, 105 costs of, 158, 160

German, 54, 96, 158–9 post-basic, 54, 55, 170 satisfaction with, 170 Spain, 55, 98 UKCC, 53, 54, 57, 201 upward mobility, 164 verification, 53, 57–69 work allocation, 111 work opportunities, 168 work organization and practices, 94–104 work overload, 108 workforce profile, 155–6 working hours, 101 Occupational market, access to, 33–4 Occupational mobility, 52 Occupational status pre- and post-migration, 51 Organization-specific skills, 32, 34 Overtime, 32 Part-time work, 31; and see under banking Patriarchy, 31 patriarchal domination, 31 patriarchal structures, 49 Performance-related pay, 33 Peripheral labour force, 32 Personnel policy, 43 Positive action initiatives, 43–4, 44–5, 208 Positive discrimination, 44–5 Preferential treatment, 37 Prejudice, 36; see also exclusion Primary and secondary labour markets, 29–30 Professional associations, 34, 210 Professional culture, 3, 92 Professional practice, 3 Professional status, 38; see also under banking; nursing Professional training, 33 Promotion internal, 46 opportunities, 30, 153–4 Public sector closure to migrants, 24–5 deregulation, 40

248 Index Qualifications comparability, 42 mutual recognition, 14 recognition of, 3, 5 see also under banking; nursing Quality of life, 21, 25–6 Rational choice theory, 21 Recession, economic, 1, 16 effect on banking, 86 Recruitment practices, 23 Research methodology, 8–10 Restructuring, 38–9; see also under banking; nursing Return migration schemes, 22 Right of residence, 15 Search costs, 21 SEDOC, 13, 25 Segmented labour market model, 30 Self-employed, 33 Service sector employment, 17 Shamrock model, 33, 38, 39, 150 Single European Act, 13 Single European Market, 1, 2, 4, 14, 44, 204 Skills development, 40 enhancement, 39 expectations, 23 organization-specific, 32 transferable, 33–4 see also under banking; nursing Skilled labour demand for, 2, 19 in labour market, 33–43 lack of mobility, 22 SLIM initiative, 15 Social Action Programme 1998–2000, 44 Social events, exclusion from, 46 Social protection, 5, 12 Social relations, 4 and upward mobility, 47 Social security, harmonization, 24 Southern Europe, migration flows, 17 State accreditation, 35 Statistical discrimination model, 29, 35

Status, decline post-migration, 5 Stress, 47 and labour turnover, 103 and language proficiency, 60 and see under nursing Structural theories, 29–30 Subcontracting, 32 Taxation, 5 double taxation, 24 harmonization, 24 Taylorism, 32 Technological change, 40 Temporary contracts, 32; and see under banking; nursing Trade unions, 34; see also unionism Training, 39–40 access to, 5, 47 Europeanization of, 201 funding for, 48 internationalization, 204 and length of service, 48 systems, 3, 22 voluntary, 22 and see under banking; nursing Training Bridge programme, 201 Transferability, 14 Treaty of Rome, 1, 2, 11, 43, 57–8 Unemployment, risk of, 21, 39 Unionism, 30–1, 34, 39 Unskilled labour demand for, 2, 19, 22 reasons for migration, 22 Upward mobility, 23, 41, 42, 48–9, 153 Vacancy clearing systems, 13, 25 Vocational qualifications, recognition of, 34 Vocational training, 48 comparability, 13 EU, 200 Germany, 34, 86, 125 harmonization, 14 Spain, 74–5 Women marginalization of, 31, 208

Index 249 Women – continued migrants see passim marital status, 6, 18, 20, 208 work experience, non-recognition of, 51 Work organization, 3

Workers, free movement of, see free movement of labour workers’ autonomy, 40, 150 Working conditions, 30 Working culture, male, 208 Working patterns, 38

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