Well Satisfied with My Position: The Civil War Journal of Spencer Bonsall

Flannery and Oomens

(Continued from front flap)

michael a. flannery, associate professor and associate director for historical collections at the University of Alabama at Birmingham, is the author of John Uri Lloyd: The Great American Eclectic, published by Southern Illinois University Press; Civil War Pharmacy: A History of Drugs, Drug Supply and Provision, and Therapeutics for the Union and Confederacy; and coauthor of America’s Botanico-Medical Movements: Vox Populi and Pharmaceutical Education in the Queen City: 150 Years of Service. katherine h. oomens, formerly library associate for the Reynolds Historical Library at the University of Alabama at Birmingham, is a graduate of Cornell University and holds master’s degrees in museum studies and library science.

Printed in the United States of America

“W

e soon become familiarized with death in all its ghastly forms and lie down at night rolled in our blankets, with the shells bursting around us, and sleep as soundly as though in our peaceful beds at home. And this is war, ‘grim visaged war,’ brother arrayed against brother and father against son, each seeking the lifeblood of the other for an imagined wrong. No one who has not been engaged in it can for a moment form a conception of its horrors, and yet, here we laugh, dance, sing, and are merry over the discomfiture of our foes, not knowing but that moment may be our last.” —From the journal of Spencer Bonsall Cover photo: Cumberland Landing, Virginia, Federal encampment on Pamunkey River. Library of Congress.

southern illinois university press 1915 university press drive mail code 6806 carbondale, il 62901 www.siu.edu/~siupress $27.95 usd isbn 0-8093-2770-8 isbn 978-0-8093-2770-6

Well Satisfied with My Position: The Civil War Journal of Spencer Bonsall

Virginia, in which the Union suffered a staggering 10,200 casualties and the 81st Pennsylvania lost more than half its men. He vividly describes the bloody aftermath. Bonsall’s horse was shot out from underneath him at the Battle of Gettysburg, injuring him seriously and ending his military career. Although he was listed as “sick in hospital” on the regiment’s muster rolls, he was labeled a deserter in the U.S. Army records. Indeed, after recovery from his injuries, Bonsall walked away from the army to resume life in Philadelphia with his wife and child. Published for the first time, Bonsall’s journal offers an unusually personal glimpse into the circumstances and motives of a man physically ruined by the war. Seventeen illustrations, including some drawn by Bonsall himself, help bring this narrative to life.

Southern Illinois University Press

Well Satisfied with My Position The Civil War Journal of Spencer Bonsall

Edited by Michael A. Flannery and Katherine H. Oomens

Well Satisfied with My Position offers a firstperson account of army life during the Civil War’s Peninsula Campaign and Battle of Fredericksburg. Spencer Bonsall, who joined the 81st Pennsylvania Infantry as a hospital steward, kept a journal from March 1862 until March 1863, when he abruptly ceased writing. Editors Michael A. Flannery and Katherine H. Oomens place his experiences in the context of the field of Civil War medicine and continue his story in an epilogue. Trained as a druggist when he was in his early twenties, Bonsall traveled the world, spent eight years on a tea plantation in India, and settled in Philadelphia, where he worked in the city surveyor’s office. But in March 1862, when he was in his mid-forties, the lure of serving his country on the battlefield led Bonsall to join the 81st Pennsylvania Infantry. Bonsall enjoyed his life with the Union army at first, comparing bivouacking in the woods to merely picnicking on a grand scale. “We are about as jolly a set of old bachelors as can be found in Virginia,” Bonsall wrote. But his first taste of the aftermath of battle at Fair Oaks and the Seven Days’ Battles in Virginia changed his mind about the joys of soldiering—though he never lost his zeal for the Union cause. Bonsall details the camp life of a soldier from firsthand experience, outlines the engagements of the 81st, and traces the Battle of Fredericksburg and the Peninsula Campaign. He records facts not available elsewhere about camp conditions, attitudes toward Union generals and Confederate soldiers, and troop movements. From the end of June to late October 1862, illness kept Bonsall from writing in his journal. He picked up the record again in December 1862, just before the Battle of Fredericksburg, (Continued on back flap)

Well Satisfied with My Position



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Well Satisfied with My Position The Civil War Journal of Spencer Bonsall Edited by Michael A. Flannery and Katherine H. Oomens  Southern Illinois University Press Carbondale

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Copyright © 2007 by the Board of Trustees, Southern Illinois University All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America 10 09 08 07

4 3 2 1

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Bonsall, Spencer, 1816–1888. Well satisfied with my position : the Civil War journal of Spencer Bonsall / edited by Michael A. Flannery and Katherine H. Oomens. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-8093-2770-6 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-8093-2770-8 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Bonsall, Spencer, 1816–1888—Diaries. 2. Hospitals—United States— Employees—Diaries. 3. United States—History—Civil War, 1861–1865— Hospitals. 4. Soldiers—Health and hygiene—United States—History—19th century. 5. United States. Army—Military life—History—19th century. 6. Pennsylvania—History—Civil War, 1861–1865—Personal narratives. 7. United States—History—Civil War, 1861–1865—Personal narratives. 8. United States. Army. Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment, 81st (1861–1865) 9. Pennsylvania—History—Civil War, 1861–1865—Regimental histories. 10. United States—History—Civil War, 1861–1865—Regimental histories. I. Flannery, Michael A., 1953– II. Oomens, Katherine H., 1972– III. Title. E621.B66 2007 973.7'76092—dc22

2007003963

Printed on recycled paper. The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ansi z39.48-1992. '

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For Tom and Marek

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Contents

List of Illustrations

ix

Preface xi Introduction: Spencer Bonsall’s Life and Times to 1863

1

the journal Peninsula Campaign: May 6 through June 22, 1862 19 Editors’ Note on the Interlude of June to December 1862 61 Fredericksburg: December 5 to December 16, 1862 62 Windmill Point and Falmouth: January 6 to March 26, 1863 Editors’ Postscript on March 1863 through War’s End Epilogue Notes

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106

108 117

Bibliography Index

72

133

137

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Illustr ations

1. Sample of journal letterhead 3 2. Hospital steward chevrons and quinine medicine bottle 6 3. Map of Virginia, 1862 18 4. Pennsylvania infantry in parade formation

20

5. Bonsall’s transcription of the Botetourt monument 27 6. Bonsall’s drawing of Virginia houses and barns 7. Federal troops at St. Peter’s Church

36

8. George B. McClellan and his wife

40

9. Supply ships at White House Landing 10. Union battery near Fair Oaks

28

44

46

11. Hospital at Fair Oaks 48 12. View of Fredericksburg 67 13. U.S. Sanitary Commission depot near Alexandria, Virginia 78 14. Bonsall’s map of Falmouth and Windmill Point 15. Ambrose Burnside

80

84

16. Joseph Hooker 99 17. Winfield Scott Hancock

102

ix

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Preface

Spencer Bonsall’s wartime journal, which he sent home to his wife in batches, is filled with anecdotes about camp life and battle experiences. Yet at times it reads more like the travelogue of someone on holiday rather than an account of war. He clearly had an itch to roam and spent much of his spare time wandering the Virginia environs in which he found himself, taking detailed notes on the landscape and people he met along the way. Indeed there is often a light and even humorous tone to his journal that is only occasionally interrupted by the realities of war. Hence the use of a phrase used by Bonsall himself, “Well satisfied with my position,” as the title of this book. Satisfied or not, Bonsall is constantly aware of his home audience; indeed, he is quick to clarify anything that might be unappreciated or misunderstood, and has a tendency to grandstand. Yet, while Bonsall’s worldview may not always be to our liking and can offend modern sensibilities, accounts like his are what give a human—sometimes all too human—face to the Civil War. We learn about the intimate details of camp life, the simple pleasures of a warm tent, the near reverence for the “Idol of the Army of the Potomac,” (George B. McClellan), the importance of the U.S. Sanitary Commission in providing for the men in the field, hospital arrangements, and much more. Yet even these useful and interesting first-hand observations are of little value unless we know more about the man and the war in which he fought. Therefore, we have endeavored to give context to the Bonsall narrative by conveying to the reader as much of his life as can be gleaned from the extant record and (where appropriate) more about the battles in which he participated. Here it will be seen how life prior to the war often informed one’s activities in service xi

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preface

and moreover how America’s crucible left a lasting impact upon its participants long after that service had concluded. By recounting the impact of this bloodiest of American conflicts upon the life of Spencer Bonsall with an eye toward the larger historical landscape, we may look sympathetically upon the thousands more who were likewise affected in similar ways. While this is but one voice among many, it echoes the experiences and attitudes of many more. The editors extend their thanks to Jack Gumbrecht, archivist for the Pennsylvania Historical Society, for ferreting out valuable information on Spencer Bonsall in the Society minute books and other materials in their rich historical collections. We also thank Dr. Gregory Higby and the American Institute of the History of Pharmacy for permission to use portions of Michael Flannery’s “The Life of a Hospital Steward: The Civil War Journal of Spencer Bonsall,” Pharmacy in History 42.3–4 (2000): 87–98. Housed in the Arnold G. Diethelm American Civil War Medicine Collection at the Reynolds Historical Library, University of Alabama at Birmingham, Spencer Bonsall’s journal is sixty pages long and is on a variety of stationary papers, the smallest measuring 20cm x 25cm, the largest 20.3cm x 33.3cm. To the delight of the transcriber, Bonsall’s script is neat and almost artfully done, as are his drawings of Virginia houses and the Fredericksburg area, both of which have been included for the reader. To preserve the true essence of Spencer Bonsall’s voice, the following transcription is as literal as consistency and readability will allow. Word emphases have been retained and grammatical errors have been left intact. However, at times punctuation has been normalized and modernized to enhance clarity and flow. Also, words of sufficient importance that Bonsall mistakenly left out have been added and are nestled within square brackets. In cases of obvious spelling mistakes, odd phonetic liberties, or dated conventions, corrections were made (e.g., mooving becomes moving; holliday becomes holiday; segars changes to cigars; York Town becomes Yorktown; earth works becomes earthworks; no body becomes nobody; frequent use of & and &c has been removed; abbreviations have been extended into full words, etc.). xii

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Well Satisfied with My Position



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Introduction: Spencer Bonsall’s Life and Times to 1863

Early Life

The Civil War was America’s most devastating conflict, but, fortunately for historians, it took place at a time of increasing literacy. It has been estimated that 90 percent of all whites in the North were literate at the time of the war, a rate equaled only in Sweden and Denmark.1 So among the richest primary resources available today regarding the war are the thousands of letters left by men writing home to friends, families, wives, and sweethearts. Here we have one interesting example, interesting because it chronicles the Peninsula Campaign and Battle of Fredericksburg in an intimate and personal way through the journal of an educated and articulate hospital steward. The author, Spencer Bonsall, was born in the bustling and cosmopolitan city of Philadelphia on November 30, 1816, to Edward H. and Lydia Bonsall.2 By every measure, Spencer’s parents were prosperous members of their community. His father was a successful businessman, president of the Germantown and Norristown railroads, who engaged in a number of philanthropic civic pursuits.3 His maternal family, the McIlvains, hailed from Northern Ireland; they too were apparently well-to-do landholders. Spencer apprenticed as a druggist under Samuel C. Sheppard, with whom he maintained a relationship until 1840.4 Then, looking for adventure, twenty-four- year-old Bonsall found it in a journey around the world. He must have found India fascinating, for he left his traveling companions to serve as superintendent on a tea plantation at Assam, where he stayed for eight years. Returning to 1

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Philadelphia in 1850, he worked at various jobs before securing appointment as the principal city surveyor in 1853, a position he held until the sectional troubles that had been plaguing the nation broke out in secession and war in April of 1861. The Journal and Wartime Service Five feet eight inches tall with brown hair and a dark complexion, Spencer mustered into service as a hospital steward on March 1, 1862, at Camp California, Virginia, becoming a member of Company F, of the 81st Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment.5 While a member of the regiment he compiled the journal, offered here for the first time to the reading public. Bonsall’s journal has been part of the Reynolds Historical Library at the University of Alabama at Birmingham ever since it was purchased by the library’s namesake, Dr. Lawrence Reynolds, in August of 1957 from the prominent antiquarian book dealer Henry Schuman.6 The total journal consists of sixty handwritten pages, some of it on the stationary of “John B. Hall, wholesale and retail dealer in drugs, medicines, chemicals, dyes, paints, oils, window glass, and perfumery.” This stationery is typical of the period and shows the varied commercial and professional activities of an American druggist during the mid-nineteenth century. The journal in its entirety is divided into three parts and covers May 6 through June 22 of 1862; December 5 through 16, 1862; and January 6 through March 26, 1863.7 The historically significant portions of the documents refer at length to activities around and during the battles of Fair Oaks and Fredericksburg. But before launching into a discussion of these campaigns, it is worth asking, what exactly did a hospital steward do? Unfortunately Bonsall’s journal does not yield much in the way of the day-to-day practice of his job, though it does capture the general outlines of his responsibilities. Joseph Janvier Woodward’s Hospital Steward’s Manual (1862), however, is very clear as to the steward’s duties. Aside from extensive responsibilities for the discipline and general supervision of the military hospital, the steward needed also to “have 2

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1. Sample of Bonsall’s letterhead, from the John B. Hall Apothecary in Fredericksburg. Courtesy of the Reynolds Historical Library, University of Alabama at Birmingham.



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sufficient practical knowledge of pharmacy to take exclusive charge of the dispensary.”8 It is obvious that, like all hospital stewards, Bonsall spent considerable time maintaining the medical stores, including the Standard Supply Table, which included the pharmaceutical substances used by the Union army surgeons. The nature of that materia medica from 1862 to early 1863 comprised familiar nineteenth century remedies: among them, cinchona, powdered and tinctured opium, morphine, at least eight different forms of mercury (including the beloved calomel), and antimony (in a controversial move, antimony and calomel were removed from the Standard Supply Table by Surgeon General William A. Hammond’s “infamous” Circular no. 6, issued on May 4, 1863).9 Besides this, the steward’s responsibilities also included the general administration of the hospital, maintenance of stores, keeping records, and even dressing minor wounds and rendering similar assistance to the surgeon. There is some indication that the stewards performed autopsies: at war’s end and immediately thereafter it was noted that two hospital stewards “were frequently sent to the Freedman’s Hospital for the purpose of making autopsies. A considerable number of specimens illustrative of the diseases of the freedmen were thus obtained.”10 But the hospital steward was intended to be more than a mere surgeon’s functionary, a fact that is most clear in his role as a pharmacist. The Manual plainly states that no one should be allowed behind the dispensing counter except the steward and his assistant, “whose duty it shall be to clean the pestles and mortars, pill-tiles, spatulas, &c., &c., keep the shelves and room clean and make himself generally useful.”11 The steward had considerable responsibility for a substantial portion of the military stores; as head of the dispensary, he supervised at least one assistant; and as hospital administrator, he supervised many more. George Worthington Adams has gone so far as to write, “Aside from the surgeons, the stewards were the only men skilled in their work and permanently attached to the staff.”12 The Manual stated that, like all pharmacists of the period, “upon the steward in charge of the drugstore devolves the responsibility 4

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of compounding the prescriptions of the medical officers.”13 The Manual was no duffer’s guide to pharmacy. In fact, Woodward simply refused to enumerate the various prescription symbols, stating that, “as it is directed in army regulations that no person shall be enlisted a hospital steward unless he is sufficiently skilled in pharmacy for the proper performance of his duties, it is presumed that such a list would be unnecessary here.”14 So at least according to the official army manual on the subject, the hospital steward had some rank, standing, and skill within the medical corps, and even had a designated official hospital uniform. A diagonal green band bordered in yellow with a yellow caduceus on each coat sleeve distinguished hospital stewards from enlisted men and other medical personnel.15 Nevertheless, the hospital steward was not a commissioned officer, but rather ranked with an ordnance sergeant and was “next above the first sergeant of the company.”16 This should not be a complete surprise. Pharmacy during the Civil War period was only beginning to emerge as an independent profession. The American Pharmaceutical Association had been formed less than ten years earlier in 1852, and the military itself would not recognize the full professional status of pharmacy in its ranks until after World War II. Be that as it may, the hospital steward’s pay, compared to that of others in the military, was quite good. Hospital stewards were paid $30.00 per month, orderly sergeants $20.00, privates and corporals $13.00.17 Of course, civilian pay was another matter. Some selected monthly civilian wages during roughly the same period were as follows: shoemakers $50.00, carpenters $38.00, unskilled laborers $36.00, teachers $30.00. Farm hands earned $75.00 for the season (generally for work performed from April to November) plus board.18 As to the general numbers of stewards in the service, the Manual indicates that “in post hospitals and in general hospitals of moderate size, but one steward is generally allowed.”19 The Manual did add, however, that the duties of hospital stewards were so extensive “that during the present war it has been found expedient to authorize 5

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2. Shown here with a bottle of quinine sulphate are the distinctive green and yellow chevrons that hospital stewards wore on their sleeves. Note the caduceus—a staff with two entwined snakes and wings on top— traditionally symbolizing someone in the medical profession. Photo from Illinois hospital steward Joseph Beneulyn Johnson’s Muskets and Medicine or Army Life in the Sixties (1917) and courtesy of the Reynolds Historical Library, University of Alabama at Birmingham.

 more than one steward in general hospitals of a hundred and fifty patients or upwards. . . . As a general rule,” it continued, “three hospital stewards will be found quite sufficient for hospitals of five hundred patients.” Field hospitals had one hospital steward from each regiment.20 Total numbers of hospital stewards in the Union medical service are hard to estimate. They varied considerably from month to month and year to year, but the medical director of the Army of the Potomac, Thomas A. McParlin, gave the number in the Ambulance Corps in July of 1864 as forty-two; this did not include the more numerous regimental hospital stewards.21 With some extrapolations from other known figures, it is safe to say that at the height of the war there were probably more than seven hundred stewards serving in general hospitals alone, and many more stationed in the field.22 Given their responsibilities, their pay, rank, and even their sheer numbers seem low. But Spencer Bonsall never grumbled about poor pay, poor status, 6

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or insufficient help, although he admitted at times to being burdened with a variety of chores. He seemed genuinely to enjoy his work and felt generally privileged to serve his country in this capacity. This sanguine attitude is reflected also in the letters of another hospital steward that have come down to us. John N. Henry, hospital steward of the 49th New York Infantry, anxiously awaited his pending promotion from nurse to steward and wrote several lines to his wife about being able to send more money home. When he was finally promoted, he wrote elatedly back home, “My position is the best for me of any in the Reg.. My whole duty is one of assistance to sickly, feeble & suffering men. In many respects my position is more independent than that of a line officer.”23 Both men obviously regarded their lot as relatively fortunate. Was Bonsall a typical representative of his military rank and order? Probably. Despite the fact that many learned the apothecary art on the job and that some appointments were more the product of expediency than skill, most hospital stewards were competent and a few, such as James Vernor of Detroit and Joseph Lyon Lemberger of Lebanon, Pennsylvania, rose to pharmaceutical prominence.24 Bonsall was neither the greatest nor the worst of the hospital stewards, and for that reason his story may be considered important by the very fact that it is typical. Part of the Journal: The Peninsula Campaign, May  to June

,  What exactly does Spencer Bonsall’s journal tell us? It tells us a lot about how soldiers lived and what many of their mundane chores were in the course of the day. These are not descriptions of valor on the field, of brave charges, or even dramatic defeats; they are images of the everyday sort (drudgery undoubtedly to some), yet they represent the important but uneventful duties of keeping a large body of men fed, clothed, and cared for, usually under primitive conditions. Bonsall’s journal thus offers the reader a rare, intimate glimpse of camp life and military operations from the perspective of what appears to be a dedicated but otherwise ordinary hospital steward. 7

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Bonsall’s enthusiasm for camp life was quite evident early on. Writing on Thursday, May 15, 1862, he nearly gushes with excitement over his circumstances, and purporting to speak for his entire company, declares, “It is singular how soon men accommodate themselves to this kind of life. They cook, eat and sleep, in the rain and mud as though they had been accustomed to it all their lives, and had never seen the inside of a house. Bivouacing [sic] in the woods is merely Picknicking, on a gigantic scale, and differs from ordinary Picknicks at home only in a few particulars. In the first place it costs us nothing, we get paid for doing it. In the next place, we can manage to get along and enjoy ourselves without a lot of ladies in white sunbonnets who are considered absolutely indispensable to all common Picknicks. We have better music and more of it. We do our own cooking, washing, ironing and mending and we are about as jolly a set of old bachelors as can be found in Virginia.” Then, realizing that he is writing to his wife, he attempts to moderate his exuberance: “I do not wish to be understood as intimating that the [fairer] ‘sex’ are not all very well in their ‘sphere’ as the strong minded ones have it. They are very pleasant, agreeable and useful companions and the world would not be worth living without them but I must say they have no business in the army.” Even more than 140 years later, it is hard to read these lines and not smile at the efforts of a husband trying awkwardly to extricate himself from his apparent delight at life away from home. Although many soldiers undoubtedly suffered from home sickness and depression, Bonsall’s happier expressions point out perhaps a more pervasive and ultimately more important aspect of the military’s social dynamic: camp life encouraged esprit de corps as men were thrown together in harsh, shared conditions. But the realities of the situation were about to be driven home hard. The battle of Fair Oaks was not far off, signaling that the party (or “picknick” as Bonsall called it) was over. Bonsall, like some one hundred thousand others, found himself on April 4, 1862, part of a huge army lumbering awkwardly on its way to attack the Confederate capital of Richmond, Virginia. The behemoth in blue was led by George B. 8

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McClellan, a general who could inspire the devotion of his men but who was slow to engage the enemy and timid in combat. McClellan’s procrastinations and worried wires back to Washington did little to inspire the confidence of his commander in chief. Indeed, disgusted with McClellan’s constant requests for more men, Abraham Lincoln once commented acerbically that, “Sending men to that army is like shoveling fleas across a barnyard—half of them never get there.”25 By April of 1862, however, it must have appeared to everyone but McClellan that indeed all the “fleas” had gotten there; the Army of the Potomac was concentrated into a narrow and muddy strip of land between the York and James Rivers. Because of its geographic limitations the entire unsuccessful drive toward Richmond has come down to us in history as the Peninsula Campaign.26 The campaign had three phases. The first was marked by stiff Confederate resistance behind entrenchments situated across the peninsula from Yorktown. This phase ended with a two-day indecisive battle at Fair Oaks on May 31–June 1. The battle’s most noteworthy outcome was the wounding of Confederate commander Joseph E. Johnston and his replacement by Robert E. Lee. The second phase consisted of a three-week lull distinguished chiefly for J.E.B. Stuart’s embarrassing and bold cavalry raid around the Union Army. Lee initiated the third phase by attacking Union forces at Mechanicsville, thus sparking the Seven Days’ battles at Gaines’ Mill, Allen’s Farm, Savage’s Station, Frayser’s Farm (Glendale), and Malvern Hill. Understandably, Bonsall’s journal during this period is chiefly concerned with the business of a hospital steward—checking hospital stores and provisions, organizing the supply table, and compounding. Curiously, Bonsall’s perception of his army’s activities is one of unbridled and unqualified praise and optimism. Referring to the rebels as “a dirty looking set of scoundrels,” Bonsall sees the conflict in pure black and white: the Confederates can do no right; the Union can do no wrong. Despite Bonsall’s adulation of the Union war effort, the fact is that Fair Oaks epitomized McClellan’s special talent for overestimating the enemy’s strength and his constant efforts to reach his own “ideal completeness of preparation.”27 The 9

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engagement was marked by Johnston’s poorly coordinated attacks and McClellan’s inability to take command in the field. Neither side could claim clear victory and each had suffered similar losses.28 The reader never gets this impression from Bonsall’s journal. Bonsall was not on the front lines of Fair Oaks or the Seven Days’ Battles, and it could be that reports of battle activities became somewhat rosier as they filtered back to the army’s base at White House Landing. But no amount of optimism could conceal the fact that Bonsall was kept busy caring for some of the forty-four hundred casualties created by McClellan’s poor generalship, and Bonsall’s rose-colored glasses darkened considerably under the specter of death and dying that confronted him. “We soon become familiar with death in all its ghastly forms,” he wrote, “and lie down at night rolled up in our blankets with the shells bursting around us and sleep as soundly as though in our peaceful beds at home.” The picnic was over—hearth and home must have seemed like a distant dream. Bonsall’s dismal confrontation with the realities of war was undoubtedly sharpened by the addition of serious camp diseases spawned by the humid rainy season of the Chickahominy swamps during May and June.29 Dysentery, typhoid, malaria, and influenza depleted McClellan’s army faster than the Confederate fire. The campaign ended with the Union forces withdrawing to Harrison’s Landing. And in July, newly appointed general in chief Henry Wager Halleck determined that the army should be withdrawn from the peninsula. What would motivate men like Bonsall to endure the hardships of war? James M. McPherson, the reigning dean of Civil War historians, has suggested that, “The themes of liberty and republicanism formed the ideological core of the cause for which Civil War soldiers fought, Confederate as well as Union. . . . The profound irony of the Civil War was that Confederate and Union soldiers, like Davis and Lincoln, interpreted the heritage of 1776 in opposite ways. Confederates fought for liberty and independence from what they regarded as a tyrannical government; Unionists fought to preserve the nation created by the founding fathers from dismemberment and destruction.”30 There certainly are strains of this in Bonsall’s 10

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journal, and there is no doubt that preserving the Union was an important principle for him at least when he chose to think about it. One thing that Bonsall was not fighting for was an end to slavery; he never mentions it even in passing, and when he does make one lone reference to African Americans it is uncomplimentary. If there is a different motivator for Bonsall than either republicanism or slavery, it is the sense of mutual support and camaraderie that the war itself engendered, something that was heightened by the intimacy of camp life. Looking at Bonsall’s journal, it is hard to disagree with military historian Samuel L. A. Marshall’s conclusion that “a man fights to help the man next to him. . . . Men do not fight for a cause but because they do not want to let their comrades down.”31 Throughout the journal this was Bonsall’s overriding concern and the great animating spirit of his personal war effort. If James McPherson is correct—that the “themes of liberty and republicanism formed the ideological core of the cause for which Civil War soldiers fought”—we must conclude that at least in this journal they were less forcefully expressed. Neither an idealist nor an abolitionist, Bonsall appreciated the Union for which he fought, but his overriding motivator seemed to be the esprit de corps engendered by military life and concern for his fellow soldiers. It is not surprising to find Bonsall satisfied in his role. As hospital steward he functioned as a key member of the medical team, operating in hospitals that were crowded and often chaotic, facing always the difficulty of keeping stores well stocked and medicines compounded for a constant stream of sick and wounded. At least according to his journal account, however, Bonsall seems to have kept a clear head; there is never a hint of panic or of being overwhelmed. On June 22, 1862, Bonsall makes his last entry in this first section of his journal. Apparently things had quieted down significantly, because he ends with, “[it] remained very quiet during the day and it appeared more like Sunday than it has for a long time past.” After that there is a big gap in the record, and Bonsall does not pick up the journal again until December 4, 1862, just nine days before the Battle of Fredericksburg. 11

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The Five-Month Gap The absence of any entry for nearly six months is interesting and begs for an explanation. Now this may simply represent an incomplete record for which the remaining materials have been lost, destroyed, or otherwise separated. It is known that these documents were not purchased all together or at the same time.32 But a more likely answer is provided in the extant regimental service records at the U. S. Archives. From June 30, just eight days after his last entry, the muster roll indicates that he was “Absent sick in Genl. Hospital.”33 He apparently remained in the hospital through October and finally in the following months returned to his unit. The specific nature of his illness is not identified, but it might well have been an obstinate case of the so-called “Tennessee trots” or in this case the ubiquitous “Virginia quick step.” The Peninsula Campaign alone witnessed nearly forty-nine thousand cases of diarrhea and dysentery.34 Thus, the most probable explanation for the gap in the journal is simply that Spencer was too sick to keep it up. By the time he returned to his unit, catching up with his duties and perhaps even the lingering effects of his illness kept him silent through November. But by December Bonsall and his unit faced a major confrontation with Johnny Reb, and fortunately he picks up his pen once again to resume his narrative. Part of the Journal: December  to ,  , Including the Battle of Fredericksburg The story is next taken up in early December of 1862 just prior to the battle of Fredericksburg, which broke out on December 13, 1862. Like the failed Peninsula Campaign, Fredericksburg faltered under bungled command—this time on the part of General Ambrose Burnside.35 Crossing the Rappahannock at the Virginia city of Fredericksburg, Burnside hurled his 122,000-strong force against a Confederate army commanded by Robert E. Lee entrenched at Marye’s Heights. In a series of costly and ill-considered charges, the Union attack resulted in 6,300 casualties before nightfall. All totaled the Union lost 10,200 in killed compared to the South’s 12

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5,200, a devastating loss of two to one. Fredericksburg highlighted in bloody detail a stark fact of the Civil War: in an infantry battle, the attacker usually lost more men than the defender. 36 For the Union, Fredericksburg meant casualties in excess of 10 percent.37 When wounded are factored in, this marked Lee’s most sweeping tactical victory, in which he inflicted three times the casualties on his Northern foe as he himself suffered.38 Bonsall must have been kept very busy tending to the results of this conflict, and the tragic consequences of the battle hit particularly close to home for Bonsall. The following day he wrote: “Our loss is frightful; the 81st is done for as a regiment. Our whole effective force that went into battle was about 250, the regiment having been so much reduced by previous battles and sickness and now we have lost more than one half of those.” Despite the devastation wrought upon the Army of the Potomac by ill-considered charges and antiquated tactics, historians consider the battle a turning point in military medical care. In a now classic article by Gordon W. Jones, Jonathan Letterman, the medical director of the Army of the Potomac, and a graduate of Philadelphia’s Jefferson Medical College, has been singled out as the individual chiefly responsible for making the difference in caring for the injured at Fredericksburg.39 To appreciate the significance of Letterman’s achievement, we have to understand what had preceded him. Prior to Letterman’s energetic and thoughtful reorganization of the Medical Corps, the provision of medical care in the Union ranks was haphazard, inadequate, and confused. At the battles of Bull Run, for example, wounded soldiers lay on the field well into the night and even into the following day before being picked up by medical personnel. When brought safely behind the lines, poorly supplied and untrained incompetents operating in a general state of confusion and disarray greeted the injured. Under Letterman’s leadership all this changed. Letterman’s first major test was the Battle of Antietam, on September 17, 1862. At this battle the new medical director showed himself to be an able administrator who devoted his attention to orga13

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nizing the ambulance service, improving supplies, and streamlining the evacuation of the wounded from the field. Although Letterman was convinced that division hospitals were of tremendous value, he lacked the time and personnel to establish them at Antietam.40 At Fredericksburg, however, he was able to do so. In part, Letterman’s success was due to the fact that he had assembled an able and conscientious staff as committed to reform as he was. Gordon W. Jones bestows high praise on the medical team at Fredericksburg: “Supplies for the battle were adequate. The ambulance service worked well. Thousands of wounded received definitive treatment with dispatch. Evacuation over the potential bottlenecks at the pontoon bridges was uneventful. A similar success was not soon repeated.”41 The emphasis Gordon places on Letterman’s reorganization of the medical supply lines is interesting, for if anyone knew the supply lines in an intimate and practical way it was the hospital steward who was (as discussed earlier) responsible for much of the supply. Part  of the Journal: Windmill Point and Falmouth, January  to March ,  There is a slight break in the journal after December 16 until Bonsall again picks up his pen on January 6, heading this third and last section, “Windmill Point and Falmouth.” This section provides at least a partial picture of supply from the vantage point of Aquia Landing on the Potomac. Located only a few miles by rail from Burnside’s main camp at Falmouth, and convenient to Washington, this seemed an ideal focal point of supply, and Letterman tried to establish this as his reserve of medicines and hospital supplies. However, establishing the Aquia Landing supply depot was not one of Letterman’s more shining moments. Bonsall comments: “This morning Dr. Burchfield went up to the Creek [see Bonsall’s map, fig. 14] for our supply of medicines, etc. and returned about 4 p.m. bringing with him six boxes. In the space between our encampment and the shore, there are about thirty-five hundred head of cattle belonging to the U.S.

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They are intended for the army, to be manufactured into fresh beef, and are to us a great nuisance, as they keep the whole place in a perfect quagmire and interfere with our passage from the camp to the landing. In unloading cattle today from the boat, which on account of the tide could not approach the shore, 52 head were drowned by their being made to jump overboard and swim.” The fact that this was written on Thursday, January 22, over one month after the Battle of Fredericksburg, shows not only that Aquia Landing was ineffective as a supply center during the conflict, but that conditions had not improved long after it. The difficulties of too many supplies in too small an area were exacerbated by chaotic conditions, the result of personnel who appeared to be both unhelpful and incompetent. “This place, Aquia Landing,” complained Bonsall, “is immediately at the mouth of the Creek, which is here about half a mile in width. The landing is made ground, that is, the marsh has been filled up for the distance of about half a mile in length from the high ground in the rear and is not over 100 yards in width. The outer end, not over 4 or 5 acres is now crowded with frame buildings of one and two stories in height and others are still in the course of erection. All the buildings that formerly stood here had been burned. The quarter master, Provost Marshall’s, Sanitary Commission’s and other offices are here, also Sutlers, Bakers, etc. and a large eating house where 50 cents is charged for a dinner of salt pork and hard tack. The people employed about the landing, officers included, are the dumbest set of jackasses I ever saw. They either cannot or will not, give any information whatever, and it is necessary for any one who wishes to transact business here, to visit one office after the other, until he finds the place he is in search of. There is no use of asking questions.” So we have here an image of overcrowding in hastily constructed buildings with about thirty-five hundred head of cattle on fill dirt. Letterman’s reputation regarding improvements in medical supply clearly does not rest upon his efforts at Aquia Landing. Rather it rests upon his ability to supply the hospitals at Falmouth where so many of the sick and wounded had been brought during the Fred-

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ericksburg campaign. Letterman had fulfilled his hopes—providing an extensive and effective hospital system for the Union troops—but the new procedures were not flawless, and only time would reveal the wisdom of his sweeping reforms. Jones says only of Aquia in his history of medical care at Fredericksburg, “Letterman evidently tried to handle too many details personally. He had no commissary of supply. There may have been some order in his depot, but there were also confusion and error.”42 Bonsall provides the details. Bonsall’s last journal entry is dated March 26, 1863, and consists of an anticlimactic reference to a new assistant surgeon joining the regiment. Yet there is every indication that this was a relaxed time for the hospital steward, for on March 21 he wrote, “Received letters and newspapers from home, and from this time until Wednesday 25th. Alternate rain and shine, wind and calm. Received several letters, to all of which I replied. Everything going on pleasantly.” So what can be said of this record left by an otherwise ordinary steward? It would not be until 1902 that hospital stewards would finally be called pharmacists,43 but men like Spencer Bonsall remind us that they were there long before that in fact if not in title. Unfortunately the journal provides no picture of his actual pharmacy practice—what he compounded, how he compounded, and for what ailments and injuries. We may not know what or what for, but we know that he did compound. His entry for Friday, February 6, 1862, for example, reads “I have been busy all day getting our books, etc. all up, compounding prescriptions, making pills, powders and potions, and attending to various other matters.” But despite the lack of pharmaceutical details, the journal provides a valuable image of military life during the Civil War—an image that is simply not available through secondary accounts. Everything might have been “going on pleasantly” in March, but in less than four months Bonsall and the 81st Pennsylvania were caught up in one of the war’s fiercest struggles—the Battle of Gettysburg. Just as the Confederate defeat at Gettysburg helped secure the future of the republic, so too would it change the lives of thou-

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sands of individuals, Spencer Bonsall among them. But for now let us enter the world of this hospital steward of the 81st Pennsylvania Volunteers, leaving his fate at Gettysburg and the story of the remainder of his life to the epilogue.

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3. Map of Virginia as Bonsall would have known it. Courtesy of the Alabama Department of Archives and History, Montgomery, Alabama.



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Peninsula Campaign: May 6 through June 22, 1862

Spencer Bonsall was a member of the 81st Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, recruited under James Miller in October of 1861. Six companies were from Philadelphia and four from Carbon and Luzerne counties. From early May to mid-June 1862 the 81st saw significant action, slowly advancing toward Richmond up the peninsula formed by the York and James rivers. Much of the time was spent by the 81st building corduroy roads and bridges, though the regiment skirmished with the enemy after crossing the Chickahominy River. On May 30 Bonsall’s regiment was attacked by Confederate forces near Fair Oaks. The following morning Colonel Miller, mistaking an advancing regiment for Union troops, was shot through the heart. In this engagement the regiment suffered a total of ninety-one casualties (killed, injured, and missing). After the battle the regiment took up position beyond Fair Oaks, and on June 15 companies D, H, and K were attacked while on picket duty. Then, in a series of engagements at Savage’s Station and White Oak Swamp the 81st suffered thirty more casualties: Captain Samuel Sherlock was killed, and Colonel Charles F. Johnson and Captains William J. Conner and Thomas C. Harkness were wounded.1 May 6th, 1862. Yorktown, Va. After a very uncomfortable night trying to sleep in a sitting position in the very front of the wagon, the rain constantly beating in wetting me to the skin, and with cold feet and a bad headache, I 19

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4. Pennsylvania infantry in parade formation. It is nearly impossible to follow Bonsall’s story without some appreciation for the organization of the armies during the Civil War. Both Union and Confederate armies were organized in the following descending order: armies (composed of a number of corps; commanded by a major general for the Union, a lieutenant general for the Confederacy); corps (composed of two or more divisions; commanded by a brigadier general or major general for the Union, a major general for the Confederacy); divisions (composed of two or more brigades; commanded by brigadier generals for the Union, and major generals for the Confederacy); brigades (generally composed of two to six regiments; commanded by brigadier generals or colonels for the Union, brigadier generals for the Confederacy); regiments nominally composed of ten companies of one hundred men each (commanded for both Union and Confederacy by colonels). Cavalry and artillery were considered adjuncts to the infantry early in the war. Additional recruitment often put as many as fifteen hundred to two thousand men on Union regimental rolls by April 1865. In reality, however, disease

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and injury reduced the effective fighting power of most regiments to around five hundred men, and often less. Union regimental organization was plagued by politicians who, eager for patronage opportunities to bestow high rank on cronies and relatives, were more interested in creating new regiments than sending men into existing units. Such activities served to keep existing regimental strength deflated. Courtesy of the Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division.

 turned out at daylight and visited the fortifications. Inside were a number of log huts and tents. The latter were made in Richmond, Va., and differ from ours in form. They are something like our A tents, but with round ends and opening in the side, instead of the end as ours do. Plenty of provisions were laying about: salt pork, bacon, wheat flour and cornmeal, broken boxes, trunks, valises, etc., and quantities of clothing, blankets, quilts and beds, cooking utensils, etc. The clothing is of every description, except military; very little of the latter to be seen. I, however, secured a jacket and trousers as a specimen of the rebel uniform. The guns on the ramparts have been spiked by driving rat-tail files into the touchholes2 and breaking them off short, so as to render them entirely useless until new ones are drilled. Near the guns lay large quantities of round-shot, shell, canister, and grape. The remains of the fortifications made by the British in 1781 are inside the new works, with which in extent they are quite insignificant. The town is a very small collection of old-fashioned houses. The river in front is filled with steamers and vessels of all classes. I would have explored the place more thoroughly, but when I came to look over the ramparts, I found that our wagons had left and that it was necessary for me to trudge after them, which I did, through deep mud and very bad roads, overtaking them in about an hour. I passed a place that had been occupied as a quartermaster and commissary storehouse. It had been entirely destroyed by fire, together with provisions, stores, etc. Owing to the bad roads and long trains of wagons, some of which were continually sticking fast in the mud, we succeeded in getting only about 4 miles beyond Yorktown by 5 o’clock in the afternoon, having started about 7 in the morning. We here received orders to remain during the night and return to Yorktown in the morning. 21

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The regiment is about two miles ahead of us. The weather today has been quite pleasant. Received a copy of yesterday’s Philadelphia Inquirer, May 5th, containing notice of the death of Dr. Casper Singer Widdifield at Fortress Monroe, Va., April 27th, 1862, in his 33d year. He was the Assistant Surgeon of our regiment. May 7th (Wednesday). Started back for Yorktown about 8 a.m., and not withstanding several stoppages, arrived at the bluff above the town about 11 a.m., where we remained all day. The whole of our (General Richardson’s) division is bivouacked here in very close order, so that we have but little room to move in. The river is full of vessels of all classes constantly arriving and departing with troops, horses, ammunition stores, etc. New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore newspapers are sold here the next morning after they are published. The Herald and the Inquirer readily command 10 cents each and the Baltimore Clipper 5 cents. The Inquirer is in great request and is the only Philadelphia paper to be seen. The Press was sold to a limited extent in Camp California near Alexandria, but we have not seen it, since very few persons in the army care anything about it. The Inquirer not only contains twice the amount of reading matter, but is in every respect more reliable in regard to its correspondence, as we have ample opportunities of testing. The maps and plans published in it are also very useful and give a good idea of our position. May 8th, Thursday. The doctor and I this afternoon took a stroll through Yorktown and the rebel fortifications. The town consists of about a dozen old houses standing in good preservation and the ruins of perhaps the same number. It is a place about the size of Marcus Hook, on the Delaware below Chester. The town is built upon a high bluff of ground commanding a fine view of the river (both above and below), which is here about half a mile in width, being the narrowest part between its mouth and West Point (a distance of over 40 miles), made so by the projection of Gloucester Point. 22

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The river is deep and navigable for vessels of the largest size. It is celebrated for its fine oysters. Between the town and the river are several broad and deep gullies leading down to the water’s edge. The fortifications are very strong and extensive, enclosing the town and a large space of land on the outside of it on three sides, whilst the fourth, or river side, is commanded by heavy guns on the bluff and batteries at the foot near the water’s edge. Several magazines are erected in the gullies and covered deeply with earth, rendering them bomb proof. Others are also made under the fortifications. Three very large cannon have been burst to pieces. One of them torn from breech to muzzle, the solid metal over a foot in thickness, showing what a terrific force must have been exerted to have caused it. It is reported to have killed three rebels and wounded fifteen others. Another has the breech torn entirely off, and the third about two-thirds of its length from the muzzle, the breech and carriage having been thrown entirely over backward. These were all rifled cannon of large size. All kinds and shapes of shot and shell are laying about in profusion near the ramparts, and pieces of shells thrown by us are quite plentiful. One of our large shot passed through the roof of a building, tearing the chimney to pieces and making its exit on the opposite side through the roof and side of the house, leaving a hole large enough for a man to enter. Weather very warm and sultry. May 9th. This afternoon took another stroll through the place. The tents have nearly all been removed, and the old clothing boxes, etc. thoroughly overhauled in search of rebel buttons and other curiosities. On returning to camp about 5 p.m., found the regiment moving off, the wagons loaded, and the division under marching orders. Marched about a mile up the river and bivouacked in a peach orchard of young trees covering about 100 acres. A very pleasant location for an encampment, high and dry, the ground undulating. The dwelling house of the proprietor is occupied by General Richardson3 as his headquarters. 23

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May 10th. This morning pitched our hospital tents and made arrangements to remain here some time. In the afternoon the doctor went down to Camp Winfield Scott [in the vicinity of Yorktown, Virginia] and returned in the evening, bringing with him 21 of our men from the hospital there, convalescent, leaving 28 men still there. Weather very warm. May 11th, Sunday. The army having recently been paid off, the place is crowded with speculators of all kinds, and the soldiers, not being satisfied with the rations furnished them by the government, although of excellent quality and sufficient quantity, are spending their money as though they were millionaires. Small loaves of fresh bread sell at 25 cents each or 6 for a dollar, butter 50 cents per pound, cheese $1.00 per pound, eggs 50 cents per dozen. Oranges 2 or 3 for 25 cents, according to size. Whisky and Brandy from $2.50 to $5.00 per bottle, and other things at about the same rates, except oysters, which may be had of prime quality at from 25 to 50 cents per bushel. About 9 a.m., notwithstanding our predictions to the contrary, yesterday we received orders to strike our tents and prepare to move. The regiment to go by water and the wagons by land to West Point, about 30 miles above Yorktown. I chose the latter route on many accounts, principally as I would have a better opportunity of seeing the country, and started with the wagons about noon. We found the roads in much [better] order than they had been previously, owing to the fine weather of the last few days. The underbrush in the woods is on fire in several directions and for some distance along the road, filling the air with smoke. About 5 p.m. passed through the battlefield of Williamsburg.4 The trees near the road are cut by the balls in every direction. I noticed a large pine tree with a hole through the center made by a rebel cannon ball. It was more than 20 feet above the ground and could have done very little damage to any of our men. The branches and bodies of the trees, however, were cut by balls of all sizes much nearer the ground, any one of which might have killed a man. The road was strewn with clothing, 24

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knapsacks, etc., and squads of men were engaged collecting them together under tents, preparatory to removal. We also met several trains of ambulances loaded with sick and wounded soldiers, both union and rebel, going in the direction of Yorktown. The rebels were a dirty looking set of scoundrels in every variety of dress, and received but little sympathy from our soldiers, although well taken care of by our surgeons. There are quite a number of fortifications erected on the battlefield by the rebels, so situated as to command the approaches in every direction. They appear to be of great strength and could have been abandoned only through sheer cowardice or want of discipline. About a mile beyond is the ancient city of Williamsburg, where we arrived about 6 o’clock p.m. Williamsburg, May 12th, 1862, Monday. We remained during the night at the west end of the town near the William and Mary College, which is now used as a hospital for sick and wounded soldiers. I visited the building, which is a fine old brick structure with two square brick towers at the ends; midway between them is suspended the American flag by a rope attached to each. The flag can be seen from all parts of the town, as the college occupies what otherwise would have been the center of the street. In fact, the town consists of but one principal street running east and west, along which the buildings are arranged for about a mile in length, with a few small cross and back streets. The whole number of buildings is about 400. They are well built either of brick or frame, of good size, and detached from each other by small yards and gardens. There are a number of stores and places of business, also churches and public buildings. “Williamsburg is a city of Virginia and was at one time the capital of the state. It is now the capital of the County of James City. It is situated about ten miles from Yorktown, sixty miles from Richmond in a southeast direction, and about sixty-eight miles northwest of Norfolk, on a level plain between the James and York rivers and at an equal distance of six miles from each. It is the oldest incorporated town in the state and was and still is interesting in its historic as25

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sociations. It was the seat of the royal government previous to the Revolution and was afterwards the capital of the state until 1799. William and Mary College, founded at this place in 1692, is the oldest literary institution in North America, excepting Harvard University, and was, previous to the rebellion, in a very flourishing condition. The library contained about 5,000 volumes and the students in attendance generally numbered from 100 to 150. Williamsburg is also the seat of the Eastern Lunatic Asylum, which at one time stood deservedly high for its neatness, order, and comfortable accommodations. It had in 1860 about two hundred patients and a handsome edifice with all the modern improvements in arrangement. The town contains three churches—Episcopalian, Baptist and Methodist. This place was the scene of several of the Revolutionary contests. Two minor actions were fought here, but all these will be forgotten in view of the present events of which it is the theater. It was first settled in 1632, and the estimated population before the rebellion was about fifteen hundred.”5 Most of the inhabitants appear to have remained here, and ladies may be seen walking about the streets, as unconcerned as though no rebellion had ever taken place. Yesterday being Sunday, large numbers of darkies were airing themselves in holiday attire. A number of rebel prisoners are still here, and a couple of their lieutenants in uniform were walking about, being on parole. At the college I met Assistant Surgeon McFadden of Philadelphia; 6 we soon became intimate, as, on comparing notes, we found that many of our friends were mutual acquaintances. He kindly offered me a bed for the night, but I preferred sleeping in the ambulance, as we were to start very early in the morning. I also found two men of our regiment in the hospital. In the yard in front of the William and Mary College stands a full length marble statue, much defaced by time and black with mold. It was sculptured by “Richard Hayward London MDCCLXXIII” (1773). It is supported by a square marble pedestal, on which is the following inscription that I had barely time to copy before the wagons started and I was obliged to run after them. 26

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peninsula campaign On the front or east side: The Right Honourable Norborne Berkeley Baron De Botetourt His Majesty’s Late Lieutenant and Governor General of the Colony and Dominion of Virginia. On the west side are the figures, in basso-relievo, of two females standing holding olive branches over an altar with flame; on the front of the altar is an oval shield containing the word “Concordia” thus: On the north side: America behold your friend who leaving his native country, declined those additional honours, which were there in store for him, that he might heal your wounds, and restore tranquility and happiness to this extensive continent. With what zeal and anxiety he pursued these glorious objects, Virginia thus bears her grateful testimony.

On the south side is this inscription: Deeply impressed with the warmest sense of gratitude for his excellency, the Right Honble Lord Botetourts prudent and wise administration, and that the remembrance of those many public and social virtues, which so eminently adorn his illustrious character, might be transmitted to latest posterity The General Assembly of Virginia of the XX day Iuly Ann: Dom MDCCLXXI resolved with one united voice to erect this statue to his Lordship’s memory Let wisdom and justice preside in any country the people will rejoice and must be happy.

5. Monument description and Concordia seal reproduced from Bonsall’s original journal. Courtesy of the Reynolds Historical Library, University of Alabama at Birmingham.

 The whole affair is about twelve feet high and is surrounded by a plain wooden railing. After leaving Williamsburg about 6 a.m., we passed through several large farms with neat dwellings and outhouses. A majority of the farmhouses are frames painted white with huge brick chimneys on the outside of the building. A few large old-fashioned brick buildings are also seen, but the huts used for the slaves and poorer classes of whites are almost invariably built of logs, with log, stone, or mud chimneys on the outside, and sometimes, though rarely, white washed, giving them rather a neat appearance from a distance, but on close examination they will be found to be very uncomfortable and unclean, generally consisting of but one room and, perhaps, a small loft above. Blacks and whites in a state of semi-nudity are all 27

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6. Drawing of Virginia houses and barns reproduced from Bonsall’s original journal. Courtesy of the Reynolds Historical Library, University of Alabama at Birmingham.

 huddled together like so many pigs and I do not think are one step in advance of the denizens of Baker St., Philadelphia.7 The same peculiarity with regard to the roofs of barns that I have previously mentioned also exists here and no doubt is common throughout the state. What the object can be in pitching them thus, I cannot imagine, as it certainly adds nothing either to their beauty or strength. We also passed several school and meeting houses on the road and large fields of oats, wheat, and rye, on some of which camps were pitched, utterly ruining the crops for this season. Potatoes and corn are well forward and peas about a foot high. After the battle of Williamsburg, the rebels must have retreated in a perfect panic, as the road is strewn in many places with gun carriages, caissons, wagons, and vehicles of every description, some of them buried above their hubs in mud, others turned upside down, whilst some had their tongues and spokes of the wheels cut off with axes or had been set on fire to prevent them falling into our hands. Quantities of boxes, barrels, and articles of clothing of every description are scattered in profusion, and in some places it appears as though the rebels had used their muskets to repair the roads by throwing them into the mud holes, as some of them could be seen sticking out. About noon we passed through a small village, called, I believe, “Bamville” (Barhamsville), and in about an hour afterwards, passed a very large encampment of our troops on the south side of [the] York River opposite West Point. Continuing on, we arrived [at] a place on the Pamunkey River called “Eltham,” near which our regiment is encamped. This place is about 3 miles northwest of West Point. The weather has been very warm and the roads in good order, for Virginia. 28

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May 13th, Tuesday. Went on board the James S. Green,8 medical purveyor’s boat, for stores, etc. This is the same vessel that was at Cheeseman’s Landing, near Ship Point, previous to the evacuation of Yorktown. She is fitted up expressly with medicines and hospital stores for the Army of the Potomac and is under [the] charge of Dr. Alexander, medical purveyor.9 Quite a number of vessels are at the landing here and proceeding up and down from Cumberland, a small town on this river. The Pamunkey is quite a large river, although very crooked, and is navigable for vessels of good size. It is a tributary of [the] York River, which it enters near West Point. I procured a copy of yesterday’s Inquirer and New York Herald at 10 cents each, at which price they were eagerly purchased, but the supply was not equal to the demand as I heard men offering 15 cents each for them. It is a singular fact, but a fact nevertheless, thanks to the electric telegraph that we get all the information of what we, ourselves, are doing from those newspapers. Here we are, within sound of the guns, and can see the flashes of the pieces, yet do not know the result until the Inquirer or Herald come to hand. It is for this reason principally that I do not care to write about skirmishes or battles, as more is known at home about them than we know here. Weather warm and pleasant. May 14th, Wednesday. The regiment is encamped in a very large wheat field, which is just about used up as the whole field is covered with regiments of infantry and artillery. A rather unfortunate thing for the owner, but as he, no doubt, is a rebel, it does not trouble us much. Visited the James S. Green again twice today and received most of the articles required by us. Saw several men on the road with much heavier loads than they could conveniently carry. Some of them with cans of preserved fruit, stewed chickens, oysters, etc., which they appeared to be very fond of, as they punched holes through one end with a nail and thus got at the contents. I thought it must be some very singular kind of stew or preserve and made an examination. It proved to be whisky at $2.50 per can, containing perhaps a pint. In 29

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the evening received orders to pack up and prepare to move. Day pleasant, but in the evening commenced raining. May 15th, Thursday. Reveille at 2 a.m., turned out, and were ready to march at daylight. I started with the wagons about 6 a.m. At first starting, the roads were in tolerable good order, but owing to the continued rain last night and today, with heavy artillery and baggage wagons passing over it, it soon became bad, and we were detained frequently. We passed a small place called Slatersville and, by mistake, took the wrong road and arrived at “New Kent Courthouse” about 3 p.m. We then took another road to the northeast and arrived where our regiment was bivouacked in the woods about 4 p.m. The weather is very bad, constant rain and everything soaking wet. This is the case almost invariably whenever the regiment moves, and we should be rather astonished if it should prove otherwise. It is singular how soon men accommodate themselves to this kind of life. They cook, eat, and sleep in the rain and mud as though they had been accustomed to it all their lives and had never seen the inside of a house. Bivouacking in the woods is merely picnicking on a gigantic scale and differs from ordinary picnics at home only in a few particulars. In the first place, it costs us nothing; we get paid for doing it. In the next place, we can manage to get along and enjoy ourselves without a lot of ladies in white sunbonnets who are considered absolutely indispensable to all common picnics. We have better music and more of it. We do our own cooking, washing, ironing, and mending, and are about as jolly a set of old bachelors as can be found in Virginia. I do not wish to be understood as intimating that the “sex” are not all very well in their “sphere,” as the strong minded ones have it. They are very pleasant, agreeable, and useful companions, and the world would not be worth living in without them, but, I must say, they have no business in the army. I have seen poor Irish and Dutch women trudging along through deep mud on a long march, carrying children not two years old in their arms or else loaded with the knapsacks or blankets of their rascally husbands, who ought to receive a good trouncing for 30

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permitting it. I have not seen an American woman in the army since we first left our winter quarters near Alexandria and took up our line of march for the battlefields, and I am proud of it. I, today, received a letter from my wife dated Philadelphia, May 11th, and was rather disappointed that it did not mention the receipt of my last letter home. May 16th, Friday. Started after breakfast with Jake Bartholomew, an attaché of the hospital,10 on a visit to the town of Cumberland. By mistaking the directions, we also mistook the road and went in precisely the contrary direction from that we should have gone. After walking about two miles and a half through deep mud, we arrived at New Kent Courthouse, where we had been yesterday. There are no buildings here of any consequence, but there is a large open space of several hundred acres entirely covered with bivouacs and encampments of our troops. After remaining here a short time, we returned to our regiment by a short cut through the woods, and found the distance to be not much over a mile. We then took dinner and started again; going by the right road this time, we soon emerged from the woods into a large open space of several thousand acres with encampments scattered all over it, being the largest clearing we have seen since leaving the plains of Manassas. There is a splendid view from this place, the ground being very high, and the Pamunkey River, winding about for miles among the trees, could be traced by the masts of vessels towering high above them. We here saw several of the “Coffee Mill rifles”11 mounted on their carriages, neat little affairs to be drawn by one horse, but they are death dealing implements of the most formidable character, as two of them would be equal to a whole company of soldiers and can be managed by from two to four men. They can be turned easily in any direction, throwing a shower of balls about the size of the old-fashioned musket balls. A shield is placed in front to protect the gunners and the cartridges are put into a brass hopper above. By turning a crank, the cartridges are thrown into the chamber of the gun and fired at the rate of from 31

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sixty to one hundred per minute, killing at 1,200 yards. There are a few small buildings near the river, three I believe, which constitute the town of Cumberland, and about half a dozen others scattered over the hills and plains at the distance of from a quarter to half a mile from each other, composing what may be termed the environs of this great commercial port. This place is about 2 ½ miles by road from New Kent Courthouse in a northeasterly direction. We went on board a schooner from Baltimore freighted with sutler’s stores, and after procuring a few articles, returned to the regiment. The weather has been rather close and warm, with some threats of rain. May 17th, Saturday. Nothing remarkable to record, except that snakes and lizards are quite plentiful all through the country from Ship Point to this place. Black snakes and moccasins of large size are constantly met with, and occasionally copperheads, but I have not yet seen a rattlesnake. Striped lizards of from six to eight inches in length are common everywhere and make a singular kind of chirping or clicking noise at night. They run about our tents and over the men while sleeping, but are, I believe, perfectly harmless. Our Hibernian friends are much afraid of them and wish, no doubt, that St. Patrick had been sent in advance of the Army of the Potomac, that all such reptiles might have been banished [from] the land, or at least such portions of it as we may wish to occupy. Received orders to pack up and prepare to move. May 18th, 1862, Sunday. Division moved at 8 a.m. Took the road towards Cumberland, and on arriving at the brow of the hill overlooking the place, turned to the left or west, and proceeding on about two miles, halted in “Cedar Hill” near Tunstall Station on the Richmond and York River Railroad. The plantation belongs to Dr. John Mayo and is 32 miles from Williamsburg. The whole division bivouacked here in a field of oats covering many acres of ground, and Sumner’s Corps D’Armie12 of 40,000 men is encamped around in a space of a few 32

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miles. Horses and mules were turned loose to graze, and the owner will have to procure his supply of feed somewhere else, if he should ever be allowed to resume possession of the plantation. He is the brother-in-law of General Winfield Scott13 and is now an aid to the traitor Governor Letcher of Virginia.14 From the top of the hill, near the house, a most beautiful and extensive view of the surrounding country may be obtained, diversified by hills and dales. A few clearings with white buildings and log huts, pointing out the position of plantations from which the owners have fled, leaving everything behind in charge of their darkies. The masts of vessels may be seen at various points, and large steamers in the distance, winding about among the islands. The river is very serpentine. May 19th, 1862. The whole of General Sumner’s corps moved this morning a distance of about four miles in a westerly direction and bivouacked near St. Peter’s Church on Marl Hill, New Kent County, Virginia. Soon after starting, we made a halt of about an hour, and while waiting, a troop of horsemen passed towards the front bearing a flag of truce. They had in charge two rebel officers well dressed in gray uniforms and wearing their swords. They were both closely blindfolded, and unless their ears were also closed by the same means, must have arrived at the conclusion, from the constant hum of voices and loud talking of the men who were seated by the roadside for a great distance, that we had a considerable lot of Yankees ready for them at any time they might see proper to dispute our onward march to the core of rebeldom. It commenced raining soon after we started. This continued until we arrived at our camping ground and then ceased. The roads were soon cut up, and our Hospital wagon did not get in until after 9 o’clock at night, having stuck fast, requiring six mules to pull it out. We, that is the hospital corps, six of us at present, were waiting anxiously for its arrival as our cook and all our grub was on board, and it is rather unpleasant after a fatiguing march of some hours over bad roads to go to bed without either dinner or supper, particularly to such beds as we have. 33

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May 20th, 1862. Weather today very pleasant. Engaged [in] writing, sketching, and copying portions of my journal, ready to send home whenever I may have an opportunity. Late in the afternoon I started in the ambulance for the “White House,” distant from our camp in a northeast direction about three miles by road or two miles in a straight line. This place is noted as having been the property of Major Custis.15 It now belongs to General Lee of the rebel army and owner of Arlington, on the Potomac opposite Washington.16 The old residence has been replaced by a very neat modern building of frame, cottage style. It is surrounded by a neat fence and shaded by fine old forest trees. The river Pamunkey, deep and broad, runs in front, whilst around are some hundreds of acres of cleared land, a part of which is in a high state of cultivation. The land is low, but well drained and apparently very fertile. Through it are several good roads shaded by large trees, making pleasant drives of a summer’s afternoon. The Richmond and York River Railroad crosses the Pamunkey at this place. The bridge had a draw in the middle of it, but the whole structure has been burned by the rebels. The supports, however, are still standing with merely the tops of them burned off, and it will not be a very difficult matter to reconstruct it. The railroad track has not been torn up, and the government is now landing cars and locomotives to run upon it towards Richmond. Steamboats, schooners, sloops, and canal boats from our northern rivers and creeks and with names familiar at home line the southern bank of the river for the distance of two miles. Most of them are government transports; the balance are freighted by sutlers and private speculators. A great number of tents are pitched along the river front, some of them with painted signs marked “Adams Express Office,” “Post Office,” “News Depot,” etc., and the whole place wears more of a business air than any I have seen for a long time. Nearby are pitched nearly two hundred double hospital tents, and I am sorry to say they appear to be nearly all occupied by sick and wounded soldiers. Several hundred head of cattle were grazing in a field of oats, trying to fatten themselves for the purpose again of fattening the Army of the Potomac. Opposite, in another field, were 34

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more than a hundred acres of wagons, horses, and mules ready for service whenever required. I visited the James S. Green for the purpose of procuring some additional supplies, but not being successful I returned to camp, arriving about 8 a.m., where I found the regiment was under orders to march at 6 o’clock tomorrow morning. For two or three days we have heard heavy firing in the direction of Richmond, no doubt from our gun boats on the James River and Chickahominy. Day pleasant, but this evening a slight sprinkle of rain. May 21st, 1862. During the night, several very heavy showers of rain, and this morning still raining a little. The regiment moved at 6 a.m., and after they were all off, I went over to St. Peter’s Church and made a hurried sketch of it, as it is the building in which George Washington was married to Martha Custis. It was founded in 1716 and is built of brick of large size. The building is old-fashioned looking, but in a very good state of preservation. I had not time to examine the interior, but I understand it has been modernized, leaving only the old baptismal font of the Church of England that originally stood in it. A tower at the west end covers a stairway leading to the body of the church [and] also to the room above. The building is surrounded by a grove of trees and is situated on the summit of a small hill on the plantation called “Marl Hill,” the property of John D. Christian, Clerk of the County of New Kent. The distance of this place from Richmond is about 25 miles. After a fatiguing march of about 10 miles through very muddy roads and by a circuitous route, we bivouacked on the north side of the railroad on the plantation of Mrs. Savage. On our march we passed several large encampments of our troops and are now far in advance. Weather pleasant. May 22d, 1862. This morning about 9 o’clock started back in the ambulance for the “White House” for the balance of our requisition for medicines, etc. On our way there, a distance of about twelve miles, found the roads in tolerable good order; shortly before our arrival, it com35

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7. Federal troops at St. Peter’s Church, near White House Landing. Courtesy of the Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division.

 menced raining in torrents, the drops covering a space the size of a quarter of a dollar. This was accompanied by a shower of hail, many of the stones as large as marbles. Visited the James S. Green, procured our articles, and started on the return to camp at about 4 p.m. The roads, on account of the rain and the heavy trains of wagons constantly passing, were in a terrible condition. We managed, however, to get along tolerably well until after dark, and then our troubles commenced: out of one mud hole into another, over stumps and logs of wood, sometimes requiring the assistance of straggling soldiers to extricate us from our difficulties, until at last, down came the ambulance with a sockdolager17 into a mud hole, from which it was impossible for us to move. After several fervent blessings for Virginia 36

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roads, the rebels, spavined horses, and the man that invented the rascally one horse ambulances,18 the driver mounted the horse and proceeded to camp, distant about two miles. I remained and tried to sleep in the machine, the hubs under the mud and water, and myself about six inches above it. What added much to the romance of my position was the indisputable fact that a most decidedly defunct horse was located in the immediate vicinity, diffusing an odour much more powerful than agreeable. I, however, managed tolerably well until midnight, at which time a train of wagons passed, some of them sticking fast in a hole adjacent to that I was in; the drivers became rather eloquent on the subject, which slightly disturbed my “balmy slumbers.” Knats or sand flies were also abundant, but as all things have an end, daylight came at last, and soon after the driver and Jake Bartholomew came to my rescue. But with all their exertions, they could not get the ambulance on terra firma until about a dozen soldiers came along, who, with the assistance of a bottle of “medicine” that was fortunately at hand, removed us from the “Slough of Despond,” and we returned to camp. May 23d, Friday. Regiment marched about 10 a.m. I was obliged, as usual, to “wait for the wagon,” but as it did not come, [we] put our things on board three other wagons, and about dusk in the evening, proceeded on our “winding way,” and arrived about 9 p.m. on the place of Mr. Joseph M. White on the west side of the Hanover Road, about 2 miles northwest of Despatch Station and near the banks of the Chickahominy. On account of the darkness, could not see much, but noticed the fact that the largest white flags generally show the residences of the greatest rebels. These flags, large and small, are common all through the country, and the few men that can be seen express very strong union sentiments now that we have them under our feet, but we have no confidence in them; they are all traitors at heart. The women are more consistent; they speak their minds very freely and talk largely of what their soldiers intend doing to us when we give them an opportunity. Unfortunately, however, their soldiers will not allow us to 37

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accommodate them. They give us a great deal of trouble by obliging us to wade after them through their filthy bogs and swamps, instead of standing up like men and taking a good thrashing, which we intend to give them with a will, provided they hold still long enough. May 24th, Saturday. Regiment bivouacked in a ploughed field and swamp. Heavy rain all day. Consequence: mud of the blackest kind in abundance. This place is called “Goodly Hole Swamp” and a goodly hole it is. May 25th, Sunday. It has not rained today, but the ground is saturated with water, and being so low, cannot well be drained. Take it all together, it is about the worst place we have bivouacked in for a long time. The people living near here, and in fact almost everywhere we go, are very hard up, even for the common necessaries of life. No money but rags, no coffee, no sugar, no salt, no clothes, no paper, no books, no medicine; nothing but niggers, hoecakes, and bacon. A little milk can sometimes be had at about 25 cents per quart, but eggs and poultry are among the departed luxuries of the land. That they have once existed is evident from the shells and feathers that we sometimes see in the deserted rebel camps. The rebels, however, have not all lived on such delicacies as there is unmistakable evidence that some of them have been fed on raw corn right off the cob, as I could see the marks of their teeth, but whether these were darkies or only poor “white trash” it is difficult to determine. May 26th, Monday. The regiment engaged building a bridge over the Chickahominy a short distance from here, leaving us of the Medical Department, a few of the sick and some others to guard the camp. The weather cool, damp, and disagreeable. All kinds of ridiculous camp rumors afloat, one of them to the effect that “General McClellan has been entirely cut to pieces and is retreating on Richmond as fast as possible,” showing on the face of it that there is not a word of truth in 38

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it, and yet some of the men are jackasses enough to believe it. This affords great delight to the originators, who thereupon immediately commence the manufacture of some of the most outrageous stories it is possible to imagine. These are eagerly listened to by the gaping crowd, who in turn scatter themselves through the camp and retail their valuable information with many additions, until at last some literary individual writes an account to the newspapers at home, where it is published as gospel. All the stories about men being found in the woods, hanging up by their heels with their throats cut, are not believed by any sensible man. They are no doubt written by some would-be-hero to his sympathizing sweetheart, wife, or mother to show them what hair-breadth escapes he has had and what terrible dangers he has passed through in defense of the Union. Also, I have reason to believe that many of the extracts that “we have been kindly permitted to publish from an officer (or private) now serving in the Union Army to his wife in this city” are false in every particular, and [that] some of the men who have been sent home from the hospitals here as sick are reported in the newspapers as having been wounded at the battle of Williamsburg or West Point, when I know positively that they were not within twenty or thirty miles of either battlefield at the time of the action and did not even hear a gun fired on those occasions. With regard to the letters of the regular correspondents, it is entirely different; they may be relied on as the writers are well known, and it would not do for them to give false information intentionally or their occupation would soon be gone. In the evening, commenced raining. May 27th, Tuesday. Rain fell all night, very heavily, and this morning we were nearly drowned out, obliging us to shift our hospital tents to higher ground. Cleared off about noon. Afternoon and evening beautifully clear. Very heavy firing on our right, and this evening news came in of a glorious victory over the rebels by our troops under General FitzJohn Porter19. The consequence was an immense amount of cheering and a spontaneous illumination of the most brilliant character. 39

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8. George B. McClellan and his wife, Ellen Mary Marcy. George B. McClellan was born in Philadelphia on December, 3, 1826. He developed an interest in the military early in life, attended the University of Pennsylvania for two years, but transferred to West Point. Having graduated second in the class of 1846, he served in the Mexican-American war under General Winfield Scott.

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Family prominence and a bent for politics boosted McClellan’s fortunes, and Ohio governor William Dennison appointed him major general in charge of volunteers in December 1861. After a successful campaign in what would become West Virginia, he received formal recognition from Congress in July for his accomplishments on behalf of the Union. At that time President Lincoln asked him to restore order and morale to the forces in and around Washington. Establishing the Army of the Potomac, he won the admiration of the soldiers under his charge by constant drill and instilling military discipline. Once in the field, however, McClellan’s fortunes changed. Lacking nerve and resolve in the field, his Peninsula Campaign from March to July 1862 was a failure, and he was eventually relieved of high command and placed in support of John Pope’s forces. Pope’s failure at Second Bull Run prompted Lincoln to turn reluctantly to his former commander. The battle of Antietam appeared at least a nominal victory for Union forces, but McClellan’s relations with Lincoln remained strained. The President’s Emancipation Proclamation further alienated the conservative general. McClellan’s constant demand for more men, and his almost pathological penchant for over estimating enemy strength, robbed the Union of any appreciable victories under his command. On November 5, 1862, a thoroughly frustrated Lincoln relieved him in favor of General Ambrose Burnside. Ironically, his dismissal brought forth tearful and emotional farewells from the rank and file. McClellan remained a political opponent of Lincoln, and memories of his devoted soldiers emboldened him to challenge the president’s re-election in 1864. McClellan undoubtedly hoped to garner substantial support from his former comrades in the field. Fortunately for the war effort, a series of stunning Union victories short-circuited his bid for the White House. McClellan was only able to garner 21 of 233 electoral votes. McClellan was elected governor of New Jersey in 1878 and is generally regarded as having headed an able administration. But McClellan remained haunted by his performance during the war. His memoirs, McClellan’s Own Story, published posthumously, did not help and appeared to many as an exercise in excuse and special pleading. McClellan died in Orange, New Jersey, on October 29, 1885. For more information see Stephen W. Sears, George B. McClellan: The Young Napoleon (New York: Tickner and Fields, 1989). Courtesy of the Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division.

 It was the most beautiful I ever saw—our position being on low ground at the foot [of] a natural amphitheater of hills, every one of which was covered with thousands of lights from candles, campfires, empty boxes and barrels, and everything from which a light could be made. Many lights were suspended from high poles or the top most branches of tall trees, altogether forming such a scene as few have looked upon. Unfortunately, no music has been allowed for 41

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several days on account of our proximity to the enemy, as General McClellan does not wish them to know our position. But the reflection of the lights on the sky and the tremendous cheering from tens of thousands of throats must have been seen or heard for miles, making many a rebel quake in his boots. May 28th, Wednesday. Soon after 9 o’clock last evening the regiment was under arms, prepared to march at a moment’s notice. After waiting for some time, the men were ordered to sleep on their arms for the remainder of the night, and about 10 o’clock this morning they marched towards Richmond with two days rations and sixty rounds of ammunition. They were going on reconnaissance with a corps of topographical engineers to make an examination of the roads and ascertain the position of the enemy. After crossing the Chickahominy, they proceeded on rapidly until within about six miles of Richmond near Garnet’s House, when they were fired on by a strong force of the enemy posted nearby by both artillery and musketry. One of our men by the name of George Dukes, Company E, received a musket ball through the leg below the knee, making a flesh wound not at all dangerous; a ball also passed through the coat sleeve, grazing the arm and slightly raising the skin. No one else was hurt, and the regiment returned to camp about 6 p.m., having gained some valuable information with regard to the topography of the country. Day pleasant, but in the afternoon a shower of rain. May 29th, Thursday. A beautiful morning. About 10 a.m. a lot of rebel prisoners, numbering three hundred and ninety-three, were marched along the Hanover Road, close to our encampment and under a strong guard. Such a dirty filthy looking set of rascals could not be found in any almshouse in the north, and if all the rag-pickers of Philadelphia could be taken from the gutters and placed in line, they could not present a worse appearance. Scarcely any two were dressed alike. The prevailing colors were gray and dirt color. A majority of them 42

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wore slouch hats of no particular shape, a few had caps, and some of them had their heads tied up with dirty handkerchiefs. Most of them were young men, but there were a few old gray haired sinners among them. Our soldiers, as spectators, lined both sides of the road for a great distance, and their remarks must have been quite edifying to the rebels. One of the men, seeing a countryman of his among them, called out, “There goes an Irishman be jabers. Ain’t you ashamed of yourself, ye dirty spalpeen,20 to be seen among them there blag-yards.” The poor fellow looked up with a faint smile, and making a remark sotto voce, immediately hung down his head, as though he felt the reproof, and marched on. Some of our boys called out, “Where are you going old fellows? Are you going to see Uncle Abe?” “How is Jeff Davis?” And so on. They were bound for the Richmond and York River Railroad, distant from us about two miles. The cars have been running on it since last Saturday, and we hear the whistle of the locomotive very frequently. About 6 p.m. another gang of rebel prisoners, numbering about a hundred, passed down the road; what their final destination is we do not know, but suppose they will be sent by railroad to White House Landing and from thence by steamers to some safe place for keeping. It seems mortifying that the government must go to such vast expense and give us all so much trouble to hunt such ignoble game. It is a pity that we cannot at one fell swoop rid the land forever of the vermin, instead of catching and being obliged to feed and clothe them. No wonder the darkies speak of “poor white trash.”21 I never rightly understood the meaning of the term before I saw these fellows. I was forcibly reminded of a story I once read of a soldier who had passed through many a hard fought battle and had several times been severely wounded, but had never uttered a single word of complaint, until at last he was unfortunately run over by a vehicle in the street, breaking his leg, at which he uttered loud cries and even shed tears, much to the astonishment of his comrades, who had set him up as a model for heroism and contempt of pain. Ridiculing him for making such an outcry about so small a matter, he replied that he would not have cared had his leg been taken off by a cannonball or even if 43

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9. Supply ships at White House Landing. Courtesy of the Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division.

 he had been run over by a gentleman’s carriage, but after all he had passed through, to at last have his leg broken by a dirty slop cart was too much and he would complain. I also think it would be too much to be shot by one of these dirty rebels. I should much prefer that the operation should be performed by a gentleman. May 30th, Friday. This afternoon a horse and mule race over hurdles took place in a field near us. A regular stand for the judges, etc. had been erected, and some hundreds of spectators from the various regiments were present. The race went off with great éclat, and during the whole time heavy firing from artillery was going on, on our right. Few 44

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could have imagined while looking at the race and listening to the shouts of the spectators that a battle was raging within a few miles of us, but such was the case. Soon after this a tremendous thunderstorm came on with torrents of rain, literally flooding the field where our regiment is bivouacked and necessitating the removal of many of the men to higher ground. May 31st, Saturday. The rain continued almost without cessation during the entire night, with vivid flashes of lightning and loud crashing of thunder, almost defying sleep. I was ensconced in the ambulance, where I have been in the habit of sleeping for some time past, and felt tolerably secure, as the rain could not well get at me from above or at the sides, as they are of oil cloth, and I had not much fear of floating away, as I have already had some experience in that line. Today has been cloudy, but without rain, and the ground, being sand, soon absorbed all that fell last night, making good walking without mud. In the afternoon very heavy firing of artillery, which gradually approached nearer and nearer, until at last sharp and rapid volleys of musketry at a short distance from us caused every man to start to his feet. The whole division was soon under arms and marched towards the scene of conflict. The doctor accompanied the regiment. I remained in charge of the sick and wounded by order of Colonel Miller. Soon after the division left camp, the sounds of battle receded, showing that the rebels had been driven back, and early in the evening they ceased altogether, but at last accounts to be renewed tomorrow with redoubled fury. June 1st, 1862, Sunday. During the night a great number of cavalry passed along the road towards Richmond, and soon after daylight the firing again commenced. About 10 o’clock a.m. some of our men came in wounded and reported the death of our colonel. During the day the camp was rife with rumors of dire calamities, of the regiment having been cut to pieces, etc. etc. These, however, were brought by three or four poltroons whose legs saved their carcasses from the fate they justly 45

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10. Union battery near Fair Oaks. In the spring of 1862, Major General George B. McClellan was under pressure to move against the enemy. His plan was to gather his troops at Fortress Monroe, Virginia, which lies at the tip of a peninsula formed by the James and York Rivers, and from there push northwest into Richmond. The ill-fated Peninsula Campaign, which comprised three stages, began in April and lasted through early July. Taking place on May 31 and June 1, the Battle of Fair Oaks, also known as the Battle of Seven Pines, marked the end of the first stage. A disorganized Confederate attack, complicated by wet weather and muddy terrain, the two day engagement yielded no advantage for either side, though the Union suffered about a thousand fewer casualties. One of the Confederate wounded was commanding officer General Joseph E. Johnston. Thus, more than a colossal exercise in mud wrestling, this was a conflict that determined the future of the Confederate high command—the dubious leadership of Johnston was replaced by that of the Old Dominion patriarch, Robert E. Lee. For more information see Stephen W. Sears, To the Gates of Richmond, pp. 117–45. Courtesy of the Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division.



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merited, and accordingly, no dependence was placed upon them. About 5 o’clock p.m. the body of Colonel James Miller was brought in. It was most horribly disfigured, nearly half of the left side of the head having been blown away. He could not have felt a moment’s pain. He was a true soldier, every inch of him. He fought through the Mexican war and was severely wounded at the storming of Chepultapec, and at last has fallen in battle, bravely fighting for the flag of the Union. Requiescat in pace. June 2d, Monday. This morning the body of Colonel Miller was forwarded to New York via the White House and Fortress Monroe. According to authentic accounts, the regiment acted bravely, scarcely a man leaving the ranks, except the wounded and the three of four dastards above mentioned, who were sent back to the regiment today. Captain Robert M. Lee, Jr., Company F,22 was wounded in the leg not dangerously. His brother, First Lieutenant Horace M. Lee, was mortally wounded by a ball passing through his body. They are both brave officers and sons of Robert M. Lee, late Recorder of the city of Philadelphia. Lieutenant Bieber was shot through the leg. Seven privates and noncommissioned officers were killed, and many wounded; others are missing. Our Brigadier General O. O. Howard 23 lost an arm; his brother, Lieutenant Howard, was badly wounded. The 61st and 64th New York and the 5th New Hampshire regiments belonging to our brigade also lost very heavily. The battle took place near Fair Oaks Station on the railroad. The hospitals are full of sick and wounded, and the weather is exceedingly warm. In the afternoon the 2d Delaware Regiment arrived from Baltimore and bivouacked near us. It is composed principally of Philadelphians, with many of whom I am acquainted. June 3rd, Tuesday. The Chickahominy has risen to a great height, overflowing the swamps in every direction. It is almost impossible to get food or forage to our troops. The rebels must have broken the dams above or heavy rains have fallen. Some of the bridges have floated away, 47

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11. House used as a Union hospital at the battle of Fair Oaks. Courtesy of the National Library of Medicine, History of Medicine Division.

 and the stream is full of driftwood. The weather is clear and very warm. Very little firing to be heard and that quite distant. Large bodies of cavalry passing and repassing on the Hanover Road. Towards evening a thunderstorm, and after dark the fields and woods were illuminated by myriads of fireflies. June 4th, Wednesday. During almost the entire night the rain fell “and great was the fall thereof.” My tent, which I have been obliged to occupy since the ambulance left with the regiment, leaks like a sieve, or perhaps I should say like a colander as the holes are large and round. One drop fell directly into my right eye. I turned over and then it fell into my ear. I shifted my position several times, but all to no purpose as I could not find a place where I could even stand upright without getting wet, so I pulled the blanket over my head and commenced moralizing on the mutability of human affairs and particularly as relates to the life of a soldier. I soon arrived at the conclusion that I 48

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was exceedingly comfortable and had first rate quarters, as there are thousands of our men in the advance who have neither blankets or shelter of any kind, not even a change of clothing, being obliged to leave everything behind temporarily when they moved. The country on both sides of the Chickahominy near here is a swamp. The Hanover Road and the low grounds opposite to us appear like a lake, the water being several feet in depth, making it impossible to get the wagon trains through, except by a circuitous route through the fields. Lieutenant Horace M. Lee has died from the wounds received in the battle on Sunday; his body has been embalmed 24 at the White House and forwarded to Philadelphia, accompanied by his brother the captain, who was also wounded. Heavy showers of rain at intervals during the day and evening. June 5th, Thursday. Very heavy and constant firing of artillery on our right during the entire morning. The sound gradually receding shows the success of our forces. Received orders from headquarters (General McClellan’s) to send all of our sick and wounded from camp to a general hospital which has been established about a mile from here at “Turner’s house,” a beautiful place belonging to a notorious traitor said to be the adjutant general of the rebel army. It is fortunate for us that a few decent houses can sometimes be found in this vile place fit for the temporary residence of a Northern “mudsill.”25 June 6th, Friday. Today all has been quiet along the lines; we have not heard a single gun. Large reinforcements of troops constantly arriving and moving to the front. Nothing of interest has transpired. June 7th, Saturday. The same as yesterday, no firing, very monotonous. Weather clear and warm, until the afternoon when a heavy thunderstorm passed over, accompanied by rain. After this the balloon26 was sent up from headquarters, and the rebels commenced firing. The balloon from 49

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some cause descended very rapidly, and the firing was continued at intervals, apparently from both sides. The lower classes of white people in Virginia, wherever I have visited, are utterly devoid of education. Many of the men and women can neither read nor write, and yet, they are Americans!!! A couple of boys residing, or perhaps I should say existing, near here visit our tent almost everyday. One of them, a particularly bright and intelligent little fellow about eleven years of age, in reply to some questions I put to him, said that he did not know his letters, there was no one to teach him, his mother could not read, and there were no school teachers anywhere. His father lived down at Squire Jones’ and his mother lived over yah, pointing to a hovel in a field nearby. To the question why his parents did not live together, he replied, “Because they was never married.” Perhaps ten years hence this same boy, then grown to man’s estate, may be seen strutting down Chestnut Street with long hair over his shoulders and flourishing a big stick in his hand, boasting that he is a descendent of the F.F.V.s,27 the southern chivalry. June 8th, Sunday. The weather this morning is quite cool. A number of pontoons have been taken up the road, no doubt for the purpose of constructing another bridge over the Chickahominy. Very little firing today. Sent the wagons out to the regiment with a portion of our things. June 9th, 1862, Monday. The wagons returned this morning, and loading up with the balance of our baggage, we started at 11 a.m. to join the regiment. Traveling in a northwest direction for about two miles, we crossed the Chickahominy by “Grapevine Bridge,” and on ascending the hill to the left, halted the wagons to allow the horses and mules to graze. A bridge below this, which has since been swept away by the floods, was named “Miller’s Bridge” by General Sumner in compliment to our late colonel, as it was mainly constructed by our regiment. The bridge we crossed is nearly a quarter of a mile in length and built of trunks of trees, corduroy style. It is about as crooked 50

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and rough an affair as it is possible to imagine, and in consequence, I suppose, is known as “Grapevine Bridge.” The ground from the top of the hill to Richmond is generally high; there are, however, a few swampy places in which the wagons stuck, causing considerable delay in getting to the place where our regiment is bivouacked near Fair Oaks Station on the railroad. There is a frame building to the right used as a hospital for the wounded. I arrived here about 6 p.m. The enemy were then throwing shells, and our regiment and others were drawn up in line of battle. Some of the rebel shells fell within two hundred yards of the hospital. June 10th, Tuesday. During the night it commenced raining, which continued almost without intermission during the entire day. The battle of Fair Oaks, in which Colonel Miller was killed, was fought at this place. The peach trees in the orchard near the house are almost cut to pieces by musket and rifle balls. There is scarcely a branch left that does not show the marks of the terrible storm of leaden hail from both sides that passed through it. Some of the killed of our regiment and others are buried in separate graves with headboards, on which their names are distinctly marked to enable their friends to find them. But many of the poor fellows have no mark to designate their last resting place; they are laid side by side, four deep, in trenches dug for the purpose. They were buried in their clothes, just as found, without coffins. Nearby is another trench in which the rebels are laid in the same manner, one end of it being left open for another batch of them. On the opposite side of the railroad is another trench containing about 500 rebels buried in the same manner. This afternoon I received a letter from my wife dated June 2nd. June 11th, Wednesday. It did not rain during the night, and today has been quite pleasant. I have been engaged, among many other things, in making out a correct list of the killed and wounded of our regiment. They amount to seven killed and thirty-four wounded. Two of the latter 51

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have since died, and perhaps more, but as they were all sent away from here as soon as possible, we cannot know with certainty. The whole loss of our brigade, consisting of four regiments, or rather parts of regiments as there were not much over two thousand men in all, was 96 killed and 384 wounded. Total 480, or nearly onefourth the whole number. The rebels frequently throw shells in the direction of our troops, and every day some of the Union soldiers are brought in dead or wounded. About fifty feet from our tent there are two persons constantly engaged in embalming the bodies of officers and others for the purpose of sending them to their friends at home. We soon become familiarized with death in all its ghastly forms and lie down at night rolled in our blankets, with the shells bursting around us, and sleep as soundly as though in our peaceful beds at home. And this is war, “grim visaged war,” brother arrayed against brother and father against son, each seeking the lifeblood of the other for an imagined wrong. No one who has not been engaged in it can for a moment form a conception of its horrors, and yet, here we laugh, dance, sing, and are merry over the discomfiture of our foes, not knowing but that moment may be our last. It is my private opinion, however, that we have got to whip the rebels; we came here on purpose to do it, and as this is a descent from the sublime to the ridiculous, it is time to quit moralizing and go to bed. June 12th, Thursday. The weather today has been exceedingly fine, but rather warmer than necessary for comfort. Large reinforcements continue to arrive, and when the grand battle does take place it will be something to be remembered by the survivors. Last night many of us were aroused by sharp and rapid volleys of musketry close at hand. It proved to be the 7th Regiment New York Volunteers (who have just arrived and are consequently verdant) firing into a Massachusetts regiment. They fortunately, however, wounded only one Dutchman. The 7th New York has been attached to our brigade, and consequently, it is to be hoped, will soon make good soldiers. This is not the same 7th Regiment that made such an inglorious retreat from Washing52

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ton a year ago after having performed unheard of feats of valor and being obliged to live for the space of an entire month on ice cream and sugar plums, fed to them by their anxious mamas. The state of New York has two sets of soldiers in the field, one of them called “New York State Militia” and the other “New York Volunteers.” This causes considerable confusion at times as the regimental numbers are duplicated. For instance, the 69th New York, now serving in the “Irish Brigade” under General Meagher and attached to our division, is not the 69th New York [of] Colonel Corcoran that fought so splendidly at Bull Run. The latter, however, is still in existence, but I believe in not anywhere this side of Washington City. Nothing of particular interest has occurred today. June 13th, Friday. Soon after sunrise this morning the camp was enlivened by the rapid firing of a rebel battery. About one hundred and twenty shells were fired, evidently intended to rout General Sumner from his quarters in a house about 300 yards from the hospital, but they did not succeed. Some of the shells were thrown into the woods and other directions, and it was interesting to watch the “bombs bursting in air,” leaving little clouds of white smoke, which were rapidly carried away by the wind. As many as three or four following each other in succession. The only harm done as far as I have learned was the loss of a finger of one man and the carrying away of the top of another man’s head, who was in a log house used as a hospital. Our batteries did not reply. It is easy to tell the direction in which shells are fired by the lapse of time between the reports of the piece and the explosion of the shell. If the reports occur almost simultaneously, they are fired in our direction, as the shell travels almost as rapidly as sound and a single second may not pass between the two. Should two or three seconds elapse we know they are thrown in a different direction; we can also in that case hear the loud rushing noise made by the shell in passing through the air. When our own batteries are fired, the report of the piece dies away entirely, and it is several seconds before that of the shell has time to return to us. 53

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General McClellan and staff today passed through many of the regiments and was loudly cheered by the men. While passing ours he was told by General Richardson, our division general who accompanied him, that this was the 81st Pennsylvania Regiment that acted so bravely at the battle of Fair Oaks and lost their colonel, one of the best officers in the service. McClellan bowed, smiled, and took off his cap, which was responded to by the men in the usual manner. He had nothing to say to any of the regiments, but was evidently making his calculations as to the materials he had to depend upon in the grand battle. June 14th, Saturday. Today has been remarkably quiet and the weather very warm. About 9 o’clock a.m. packed up our hospital things and joined the regiment, pitching one of our tents, in which I am located, about 200 feet north of the railroad, back of the Fair Oaks Station house. The woods here are composed of several varieties of oak trees; very few pines or any other kind of trees to be seen. About 200 yards from us are earthworks on which our regiment is now engaged. A large number of field pieces, rifled cannon, are in position, ready for the enemy until the siege guns are brought up and mounted, and our pickets are about half a mile in advance of this. I am now sitting in my tent alone, nearly everyone else being fast asleep, except the guards. I can hear the rebel drums beating distinctly at this moment and have heard them frequently, not only here, but at Yorktown. Our drums have been silent for a long time, and music of all kinds is strictly tabooed, much to the disgust of our bands. We have sufficient employment for the latter, however, in time of battle. They are attached to the hospital and under the orders of the surgeons. It is their duty to bring in the wounded as fast as possible on litters (or stretchers, as they are called in the army) and to collect the dead, not the most pleasant or least dangerous employment imaginable, but a very useful and necessary one. June 15th, Sunday. Soon after breakfast this morning I started for the “Turner House” 54

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hospital to look after our sick and wounded. The distance from this place, Fair Oaks, is about 8 miles. I was in hopes that I would be in time to go down by the cars, but as they have no regular time for starting, being entirely subject to military control and intended only for the conveyance of troops and munitions of war, the conductors start and stop when ordered. I was obliged to walk about four miles down the road to Savage’s Station. The sun was very hot and not a particle of shade, although the railroad passes through dense woods and swamps nearly the whole distance. Very few clearances or plantations near it. As I was walking almost due east, the sun shone directly in my face, and a military cap is not much protection from the heat. At Savage’s Station I found a train of platform and baggage cars. I climbed into one of the latter and took a seat on the floor among several officers and soldiers, and in about an hour we started, and crossing the Chickahominy by a very long bridge over the swamp and river, stopped at “Forage Station,” a new one established by the government. I then left the cars, and turning to the left, walked for about a mile through the woods to an Episcopal church, a neat frame building painted white. It is now used as a hospital and contains a number of patients principally under charge of William B. Whitecar of our regiment, who was acting hospital steward during my absence at home. I stopped here a short time, and then proceeding on for about half a mile farther, came to Turner house, where there are about 500 sick and wounded. The house is of frame, neat, and commodious, with numerous outbuildings and a well of excellent water. It is surrounded by fine oak trees, under the shade of which a large number of hospital tents are pitched. The wounded of our regiment have been sent away, but most of the sick remain. I found them in one of the tents; they were delighted to see me and rose on their elbows with a cheerful smile to give the military salute or shake hands, after which they told me all their troubles: not enough to eat, no attention paid to them, and they were all anxious to join the regiment and fight the rebels. I fear, however, that some of them will never have that satisfaction. A thunderstorm coming up. I was obliged to hasten away, and by the time I had returned as far as the church, the rain fell heavily, 55

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keeping me within doors for an hour. I arrived at Forage Station about 5 p.m., where I remained until long after dark, the rain still continuing. Hearing the whistle of a locomotive at Despatch Station half a mile below, I went there and got on the top of the wood in the tender, soaking wet. The train was a very long one, heavily laden with corn, oats, hay, and provisions, and perhaps about 200 officers and soldiers anxious to join their regiments in the advance, not knowing at what moment an engagement might take place and their services be required. But no, it was necessary that everything and everybody should wait here until a locomotive with one car could pass up to near Fair Oaks Station and return with Senator Harris and lady. 28 If the government would occasionally send a special train with medicines and bandages for the sick and wounded soldiers, it would be hailed with much more pleasure than would be a visit from all the Senators and Congressmen of the United States. About 9 p.m. we started, and moving slowly, stopped several times to leave cars at places on the road to be unloaded by the time the engine returned. About 10 p.m. stopped at Meadow Station, from which I was obliged to walk on the track a distance of about three miles to Fair Oaks. The night was dark and rainy, the moon only making its appearance about the time I arrived at home. The crossties of the road were at unequal distances, and as I could scarcely see them, I had a high time generally, sometimes stepping on the ties, at others between them, making the (sacred soil) mud fly right and left. I was stopped by the guard; had no countersign, but after explanation was allowed to proceed. I passed through the battlefield at the witching hour, and although some of the half buried rebels were wasting their sweetness on the midnight air, I was not troubled by their apparitions. I arrived at my quarters after midnight and turned into my bed with much satisfaction. June 16th, Monday. Yesterday Captain Shurlock of Company D, our regiment, was shot by the enemy whilst out with his company on picket. The ball passed through the hat of a man in front, grazed his head, and 56

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struck the captain in the face, killing him instantly. The body was embalmed and sent home. Captain Shurlock was one of our best officers, a brave man who had fought side by side with our late colonel in Mexico. The pickets have lively times everyday, and many are killed and wounded on both sides. June 20th, Friday. I have been so much engaged for a few days past that I have not had time to keep a consecutive journal of events. A night or two ago one of our men, William Punch of Company B, our regiment, was shot through the leg by a musket ball from the enemy’s pickets, and today another, William Quigley, Company H, was struck in the side by a fragment of a rebel shell, bruising him rather severely and raising a lump on his side the size of an orange, but fortunately without other damage. On Wednesday afternoon the firing on both sides was very brisk for half an hour, until General Sumner thought it was time for the ball to stop. He opened on the rebels from a redoubt about two hundred yards to our right with a few brass howitzers, throwing showers of grape and canister into the ranks of the chivalry, mowing them down like grass. Our regiment is close to the earthworks, which are about five feet high with a ditch on the outside. Our hospital tents are about two hundred yards in the rear and in a much more dangerous position than we would be close to them. A morning or two ago a shell passed over the top of my tent while I was asleep and exploded in a field in the rear, and this afternoon the rebels amused themselves by throwing shells right into our camp, and frequently the musket balls whistle in rather close proximity to our heads, but as “every bullet has its billet,” there is no use in dodging. In fact, it cannot be done; there is no use of attempting it. It was all very well with the old-fashioned shells thrown from mortars and with a long fuse that would burn a minute or two. But the present style of percussion shell, or one with a three or four second fuse fired from a rifled cannon, arrives at its destination and explodes before a man has time to wink or think of such a thing as dodging, and just as likely as not, if he attempted the experiment, 57

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he would run his head against the ball. A band of guerillas has been creating some excitement in our rear by firing into a railroad train, by which the quartermaster of our regiment was wounded, several balls passing through one of his legs. Some were killed and many wounded. A considerable amount of damage was done by the party in many places, but I believe measures have been adopted to prevent the recurrence of such an event. No doubt many of the so called farmers and their sons, who have been displaying white flags from their houses and had their property protected by us on the plea that they were good Union men, have been giving information to the rebels or assisting in these raids, and I hope, if they are caught and proved to be guilty, they will be hung up in place of their white flags, as they will in that position prove quite ornamental to their shabby hovels. This morning one of the men killed a rebel black snake about four feet long in my tent. The perfect type of a Southern traitor. I was sitting on the side of my bed writing, and the snake glided up close to my feet before I saw him. At the first movement I made, he tried to escape, but not finding any place of exit, he coiled himself up at the side of the tent. I called one of the men, who served him as his brother rebels should be served. June 21st, 1862. The weather today and for a few days past has been delightful, and the roads are drying up finely, which will enable us to get up all our heavy guns and to complete arrangements for walking into Richmond. About 9 o’clock this morning the rebels threw a few shells into our camp, not more than one third of which exploded, and there was “nobody hurt.” Our guns opened on them, and a few rounds from three or four Parrott guns29 stopped the noise of the rebels and “caused silence to reign supreme.” An occasional shot from the sharpshooters of both sides was heard at intervals and sometimes volleys from the pickets. But this is an everyday amusement and does not excite particular attention unless the volleys become very rapid or appear to be approaching our lines, in which case all officers and men who may be wandering about the fields or woods immediately 58

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run as fast as possible to fall in with their respective regiments. A line of earthworks crosses the railroad here and extends for a long distance north and south; it is about five feet in height with a ditch on the outside and is very irregular in form. Every few hundred yards are redoubts, or small forts in which rifled cannon or heavy guns are mounted, and on each side of the redoubts are sally ports, or open spaces to allow our troops to pass through when necessary. This evening about 6 o’clock the enemy made their appearance in considerable force to the left of the railroad and drove in our pickets. Tremendous volleys of musketry were fired by both sides, and as the rebels cleared the woods and were rushing up with loud cheers, a couple of our redoubts opened on them with brass howitzers and rifled cannon, throwing in showers of grape and canister, which changed their shouts of exultation to groans of mortal agony and howls of terror as the iron hail poured through their ranks, sweeping them from the face of the earth forever. But four of our men were wounded, whilst the enemy lost a great number in killed and wounded. Old Richardson, our division general, stood on the rampart between two of the guns in the most exposed condition possible and called out, “Give to em boys,” “A little higher,” “A little lower,” and as the last of the scoundrels who were able to run disappeared among the trees, Old Richardson said, “Now, Colonel, suppose we give them three cheers to help them on their way;” no sooner said than done, the boys gave them three rousers and a tiger, which no doubt assisted their rebel legs, and it is not probable that any of them will make another attempt to break through the lines at Fair Oaks. On the railroad are two rifled cannon mounted in embrasures and ready to sweep the track. I stood here and could see the rebels about a mile ahead, where they also have earthworks. When the crowd was sufficiently large our guns let fly among them, scattering them like chaff and tearing their earthworks to pieces. The troops about a quarter of a mile in our rear were under arms and marched to the front, where they stood in line of battle, ready for action, but were not required. The fun being all on our side. 59

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June 22d, Sunday. Continuous firing of musketry during the night,30 which was caused by the attempts of the rebels to carry off their killed and wounded. Whenever they made their appearance, our pickets and reserves fired upon them, and when our men attempted to go to the assistance of the wounded rebels, they were fired upon in return. This was caused by neither party carrying flags of truce, which is a matter of the utmost importance. I was told by some of our men who returned from picket this evening that nearly all day long they could hear the wounded calling for water, but that no one dared go to their assistance for fear of being shot down. When I first turned out this morning, I found a large force of our troops drawn up in line of battle in our rear, anticipating a general engagement. About 8 o’clock, as all was quiet, they were ordered to fall back and get their breakfasts, but to remain under arms, prepared to advance at a moment’s notice. The rebels, however, remained very quiet during the day, and it appeared more like Sunday than it has for a long time past. This journal will be continued when I get time to make a copy of the balance of it— For the benefit of my friends who will take the trouble to write to me, I give my address in full: Spencer Bonsall Hospital Steward 81st Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers Colonel Charles F. Johnson Caldwell’s Brigade Richardson’s Division Sumner’s Corps Army of the Potomac31 It is, however, unnecessary to give anything more than the name, with that of the regiment, and address it to Washington D.C.

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Editors’ Note on the Interlude of June to December 1862

The gap in the journal record is likely explained by the fact that from June 30 through the end of October, Bonsall is listed as “Absent. Sick in Genl. Hospital.”1 While the nature of his illness is not stated, he is reported back with his regiment by November, though his subsequent departure for Washington from Philadelphia suggests that he was granted leave for at least some of that month. Bonsall missed quite a bit during his hospitalization. After repeated skirmishes at or near Chickahominy Creek, the Confederates attempted to thwart an attack upon Richmond by launching the Seven Days’ Campaign, causing McClellan considerable fear for the safety of his troops. The regiment moved by transports to Aquia Creek and continued to march toward Falmouth, where it again proceeded by transport to Alexandria and on to Arlington Heights, arriving there on August 29. It was ordered to the field of the Second Battle of Bull Run, but arrived only in time for Union general John Pope’s hasty retreat after Confederate general Longstreet’s crushing blow to his left flank. On September 14, Richardson’s division (of which Bonsall’s regiment was a part), was in reserve at South Mountain. On the 15th the division took the advance and became actively engaged in the Antietam Campaign. In pitched battle Richardson’s direct attack drove the Confederates back, though with heavy losses to the 81st. After Antietam the regiment moved to Harper’s Ferry and set out on an uneventful reconnaissance to Charlestown. The regiment’s movements appear insignificant through November. Bonsall arrived back on the scene just in time for the Battle of Fredericksburg.2 61

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Fredericksburg: December 5 to December 16, 1862

The 81st Pennsylvania Infantry was in winter quarters until December 11, when it was ordered to march on Fredericksburg. On the 12th it crossed the Rappahannock River, where it remained wharf-side for the next twenty-four hours. The next morning it moved up Front Street and at ten o’clock moved into action. Reaching Sophia Street under heavy artillery fire, the regiment moved into direct fire from the Confederate rifle trenches. Two of five thousand men in the division fell; the 81st lost 17.6 percent of its men engaged, eighteen of whom were officers. It was Sumner’s Corps, of which the 81st was a part, that suffered 5,444 of the Union’s 12,653 casualties as they repeatedly charged General James Longstreet’s well entrenched troops at Marye’s Heights. Fortunately for Bonsall, his duties as hospital steward kept him away from the front lines. [December 5th, 1862.] I left Philadelphia at 11 o’clock p.m., December 4th, for Washington D.C. At starting, the weather was beautifully clear with a bright moon, making the frost on the fields and fences glisten like silver. I tried to sleep, making use for the first time of my india rubber pillow, but on account of the motion of the cars and inconvenient position in which I was obliged to sit, the cars being very much crowded, I had not much satisfaction in my naps. The weather changed materially as we approached Washington, and by the time of our arrival about 7 a.m. it was quite damp and foggy. I went to the Simpson House at the southwest corner of 10th Street and Pennsylvania Avenue and got 62

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my breakfast, after which I went to the office of Brigadier General J. H. Martindale, military governor of the District of Washington, and procured a pass permitting me to remain in Washington during the day and pass me on a government mail boat to Aquia Creek1 the next day. I then went to the Patent Office, saw Isaac Newton 2 of the Agricultural Department, and remained there about two hours. When I left it was raining fast. I visited the Capitol, saw Leutze’s great painting of Westward the Course of Empire Takes Its Way; it is a splendid affair and cost the government $22,000. Also, Power’s statue [of] Franklin, costing $20,000. Took a look in the House of Representatives, and then went to the hotel for dinner. It was raining fast and soon after snow commenced, falling rapidly. I remained within doors for the balance of the day, and retired to bed early to make up for the night before. Saturday, December 6th. After an early breakfast I took the horse cars to the foot of 6th Street for the government boat; arrived about 15 minutes too late. Left my valise at a restaurant and returned to the city. Tried to procure a list of graduates of the U.S. Military Academy for John; as I was informed in the bookstore that no edition has been published since 1850, I did not get it. I then went down to the boat again, which should have started at 1 p.m., but on account of head winds on the river, it did not arrive till late. It was about 3 p.m. when we got off. The weather was very cold, but we managed to keep tolerably comfortable in the cabin. I got dinner and supper on board at 50 cents each meal and fortunately secured a stateroom for the night, for which I paid one dollar. It had two berths in it, and I invited a friend with whom I became acquainted (an officer of the 154th Pennsylvania Volunteers) to occupy one of them, as the boat did not arrive at the landing until near 9 p.m. and was to remain until 8 a.m. the next day. I forgot to mention that while waiting on the wharf at Washington, after the boat arrived, several rebel prisoners were brought ashore; some boys shouted after them and called them “sea sassenges[?]” Such woebegone looking rascals I have not seen for 63

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a long time. They were very poorly clothed and appeared to be half frozen; one old fellow had only a thin pair of pants, a roundabout, shoes, and an old straw hat. They had dirt enough about them to answer the place of overcoats. Sunday, December 7th. Went ashore about 8 a.m., and at 9 o’clock got into a baggage car for Falmouth. There are quite a number of vessels in the Potomac at the mouth of Aquia Creek and a few tents and small wooden houses on shore, erected by the government. The weather is very cold, and the ice near the shore is thick enough to bear the weight of several men who are sliding upon it. Encampments are scattered all along the road. The men are occupying small shelter tents, many of the officers ditto. Very few wall or Sibley tents to be seen. The whole country is covered with ice and snow, and everything looks dreary enough. Groups of soldiers may be seen standing around large fires and shivering as though they all had the ague.3 We arrived near Falmouth about 11 a.m. Fredericksburg is close before us, and the rebel campfires cover the hills, the valleys, and the woods. Our regiment lies about 2 miles above, where I arrived about 1 p.m. and received a kind welcome from all. Monday, December 8th. We occupy a hospital tent and fly and have a small stove in it. I found my blanket and old overcoat, which had been taken good care of during my absence, and with an india rubber cloth spread upon the ground, I rolled myself in my blanket, and spreading two overcoats over me, I slept soundly and comfortably, although the thermometer (my new one) stood at 22° last night and at 20° this morning in the tent. Several men have frozen to death in their tents during the last two nights, and nearly all hands suffer very much, for although they are generally well clothed, many of them are badly off for shoes. The shelter tents are poor things for cold weather, and the men may be seen sitting around large fires at all hours of the night trying to get a little warmth, as they cannot keep warm 64

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in their tents. There is one consolation, however—the rebels suffer much more than we do. There are two women here with a little child about 1 year old who have followed their husbands from near Harper’s Ferry, not having money to pay their passage home, but as the paymaster is now on the ground, it is to be hoped they will leave immediately, as this is no place for women. Tuesday, December 9th. Last night at bed time (8 o’clock) thermometer 29°. This morning 27°. Nearly all the regiments have been engaged for some days in erecting log cabins and small huts for the purpose of making themselves as comfortable as possible, although we do not expect to remain here long. The work, however, serves to keep the men warm, and even if they have only one or two nights shelter from the cold, it will be much better than to suffer from exposure. The paymaster has been busy for some days paying off the various regiments, and this afternoon and evening ours was paid for 4 months, from the 30th June to the 1st November. This will be a great relief to many of the poor families of the soldiers, who are no doubt suffering exceedingly for the want of money. Immediately after receiving their pay, the men commenced settling their accounts with each other, as they frequently have to borrow when they [are] so long without pay, as they have been this time. The next thing is to write letters and send as much as they can spare to their families. There are many exceptions, however, as the sutlers manage to get hold of a good deal of it. The weather has been quite hazy today, the thermometer in the tent getting as high as 54°. Yesterday it was 45°. Wednesday, December 10th. This morning thermometer 28°; at 9 last evening 34°. I have a glorious cold in the head from sleeping on the ground, and I can now sing “Beet Be By Boodlight Alobe”4 without any difficulty. There is not a single board or anything to make a bedstead of, and the ground is hard frozen. Consequently, the warmth of our bodies causes the surface to thaw, making it very damp. 65

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Thursday, December 11th. We were awakened before daylight by a couple of heavy guns. Soon after the firing became very heavy with occasional volley of musketry. About 6 a.m. our regiment and nearly the whole army was in motion. We marched about four miles in [and] halted in a valley in the rear of General Sumner’s quarters, which is on a hill about 1 mile back from the river and overlooking Fredericksburg. I then, with one of our officers, started over the hill to see the fight, but on account of the smoke and haze could not see much. We returned to the regiment, and in about half an hour I started back to our late camp. On my way there I could see many of the buildings in the town on fire. The firing on our side was very heavy and continuous until dark, when it ceased on both sides. Friday, December 12th, 1862. Last night was quiet, not a gun was fired until about 7 o’clock this morning. Soon after this I started for our regiment; about 10 a.m. I crossed the river on a pontoon bridge supported on 18 to 20 boats. There are three bridges of this kind crossing into Fredericksburg. I walked through the whole town, which is a much larger place than I supposed it to be. It is about two miles in length on the river from north to south and half a mile in width from east to west. It is lighted with gas and contains many large and fine stores, churches, and public buildings, and is very compactly built. There is scarcely a building that has not been riddled by our shot and shell. The streets are full of our troops with their arms stacked, many of the men sitting in arm chairs with their feet on the tops of tables or lolling on sofas in the street, some of them with women’s bonnets and all kinds of female finery about their persons, some of them had tables laid with white cloths, china plates, cups, and saucers, and all hands enjoying themselves to their hearts content. It was a ridiculous, but sad spectacle to look upon. At one place I saw a lot of dead rebels, one of them with his whole head blown off, except his lower jaw. There was also a boy about 18 years of age looking so natural and lifelike that I felt an inclination to speak to him. His 66

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12. Union army’s view of Fredericksburg from across the Rappahannock River. In mid-December, 1862, the Union Army of the Potomac suffered a terrible defeat at the battle of Fredericksburg, the first stop on what the North hoped would be a successful drive to Richmond. Organization of the offensive had proceeded slowly, and this played into the hands of the Confederates. By the time Union general Ambrose E. Burnside was ready to launch the attack from the eastern bank of the Rappahannock, General Robert E. Lee had established a strong defensive position across the river on the heights west of the town. While federal soldiers were able to capture the town itself, poor Union tactics in the face of the Confederate army’s superior position and generalship prevented any further forward movement, caused enormous loss, and resulted in a Union withdrawal back across the river. There were over 12,500 federal casualties, more than three times the Confederate total. Nevertheless, for the Army of the Potomac’s medical department, the battle of Fredericksburg was in many ways a significant turning point. In 1861 and early 1862 public outrage had grown over the inadequate handling and care of wounded troops by the army’s outdated and poorly organized medical department. To spearhead reform, the army appointed a new medical director, Jonathan Letterman (1824–1872). Among his most important innovations were streamlining the overall structure of the medical department, establishing an effective ambulance service, improving supply lines, and developing a system

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of first aid stations and field hospitals to manage the wounded. Fredericksburg was the first battle at which Letterman was able fully to try out his reforms, proving their worth and marking an important and permanent shift in military medicine. For more information see George Rable, Fredericksburg! Fredericksburg! (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002). Courtesy of the Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division.

 eyes were open and clear, but he was cold and stiff with a bullet through his heart. A very few of the inhabitants, principally women and children, have remained or are beginning to return to their desolate homes. Dr. Houston,5 one of our assistant surgeons, and myself, with some others, made our quarters for the night in an old warehouse. We might easily have selected a better place, but it was necessary for us to remain near the regiment, which was bivouacked close by on the banks of the Rappahannock. Saturday, December 13th. After breakfast I took a stroll through the streets and into several stores. I cannot describe the destruction that has taken place and is still going on; almost every building has been ransacked—fireproofs broken open, drawers rummaged, immense quantities of books and furniture thrown about. The men have supplied themselves with tobacco, pipes, and cigars in abundance. Liquor stores have been broken open and the men are carrying wine, brandy, and whisky along the streets in everything that will hold it: watering pots, buckets, coffee pots, stone jars,—utensils, etc. etc. This is the first sacked town that I have yet seen, and I trust sincerely that I may never see one of our Northern towns in the same condition. Had the whole city been destroyed by fire the destruction would not have appeared so great, as we could not then see what had been lost. But to see splendid furniture thrown about or broken to pieces [and] books, clothing, and costly articles for use or ornament scattered over the floors or thrown into the street is a sorrowful sight, and I can fully appreciate the feeling of the inhabitants when they return to mourn over their loss. Soon after 12 [p.]m. the firing became heavy on both sides. The battle raged fiercely until after dark. It was terrible. Dr. 68

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Houston and all of us were busy all the afternoon with the wounded of our regiment. Our hospital is in the office of Dr. A. S. Mason, a very convenient place in the upper part of town near the field of battle. As fast as we dress the wounds of the men, we send them to a large dwelling house around the corner. We have not had a moment to spare to get either dinner or supper, nothing but blood all around; the groans of the wounded and dying are awful. There are very few of our officers and men that have not been killed or wounded. Several shells struck the hospital while we were at work and many men were killed in the streets. The enemy’s batteries were placed so as to sweep the cross streets, and there was no part of the town that was free from danger. The firing continued until long after dark. We received orders not to show any lights towards the west side of the town, as the enemy fired on all they could see. Sunday, December 14th. I slept last night in a large parlor of one of the finest private residences in the city. There are two handsome rosewood pianos in the room, one of them made by Stodart of London, the other by Andrea Stein of Vienna. I slept on the top of the latter, using the piano cover as a bed; it was not very soft, but the bedstead was magnificent, and I can recommend those who cannot afford common bedsteads to use pianos—they are equally convenient. The house belongs to the Reverend Alfred Randolph, Episcopal clergyman who is a rebel, as one of his darkies who came to the house while we occupied it told us that he refused to pray for the President of the U.S. in church, as all good Episcopalians are expected to do. The sofas and floor of the room were covered with our wounded, and from midnight till daylight everything was quiet and all slept soundly, but at the first dawn of day firing again commenced, and I made a couple of narrow escapes. A rebel shell passed so close to me that I could see its shape distinctly and feel the motion of the air; it dashed through a fence not two feet off, thence through another, and striking the sidewalk, plowed a deep furrow, and bounding off, exploded in the air, scattering the pieces all around. Another one struck an ailanthus 69

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tree a few feet above my head, tearing it to pieces, and then, bursting, hurled its iron fragments all about me. Many others; also solid shot and grape whistled by within a few feet, but fortunately I did not receive a scratch. I have been engaged this morning hunting up our wounded, many of whom were taken to the hospitals of other regiments. Our loss is frightful; the 81st is done for as a regiment. Our whole effective force that went into battle was about 250, the regiment having been so much reduced by previous battles and sickness, and now we have lost more than half of those.6 There has been no regular engagement today, but volleys of musketry and heavy guns are heard at intervals, and occasionally a shell strikes some building nearby or sweeps down the street, clearing a passage for itself through whatever may oppose it. We found some fat chickens in a coop in the yard of our premises, flour, etc. in the pantry, and potatoes in the cellar, so we made out a tolerable Sunday dinner for soldiers. Our table was laid with a white cloth, plates, dishes, knives, forks, and spoons belonging to the Reverend absentee, but the best of the joke was that after the dinner had been eaten and plates and dishes piled in a corner for the family to wash on their return, and our cooks had just set the table with a clean set from the cupboard for tea, when in walked our chaplain with two brother clergymen, whom he had invited to dine with him. It appears that he had given orders to have the chickens cooked for himself and friends and was rather astonished and mortified to find that we had stolen a march on him and appropriated his dinner to ourselves. So they had to content themselves with slapjacks and molasses and a cup of coffee. Some of the men a day or two ago, in ransacking a drugstore, came across a large jar of what they supposed to be lard. They divided it and started off in various directions for the purpose of frying slapjacks, as flour was abundant. What must have been their disgust when they found that instead of lard they had cooked their cakes in simple cerate.7 Monday, December 15th. This morning we have sent the wounded over the river as fast as possible, but it takes a long time, there are so many of them. Those 70

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that are able to walk or limp along must go on foot; the others are sent on stretchers, chairs, doors, or in ambulances. Our own wounded were all safely over by 4 p.m. I then started after them with five nurses with orders to proceed to the “Lacy House,”8 a very large brick building on the east side of the river opposite the town and now used as a hospital. On our way to the upper pontoon bridge several shells passed very near us. We, however, got over without accident, and ascending the hill just as the sun was setting, could see the long line of rebel earthworks and batteries with the men walking about. Although Fredericksburg is situated on high ground, it is commanded by still higher hills all around it and appears from them to be in a valley and is entirely at the mercy of either force. It was dark when we arrived at our destination and had every appearance of rain; the wind was blowing strongly from the south, and we rolled ourselves in our blankets and laid down on the upper porch to get what sleep we could. Tuesday, December 16th, 1862. Soon after 4 o’clock this morning I was awakened by the heavy rain, which beat upon us, wetting us through. I immediately got up, put away my things, and watched the city until daylight. Very few lights could be seen in the town, but on the ridge back of it some of the rebel campfires burned brightly, and signal lights were moving in several directions. As day dawned I could see the long line of Union troops crossing the pontoon bridges, as our whole force was evacuating the city. This was accomplished by about 8 o’clock a.m., and the bridges were removed. We then returned to our old camp about a mile above Falmouth. The camp is quiet and desolate enough after all the excitement of the last few days.

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Windmill Point and Falmouth: January 6 to March 26, 1863

This was a comparatively uneventful period for the 81st Pennsylvania Infantry. After Fredericksburg, Bates’ History of Pennsylvania Volunteers has the unit returning “to its quarters” where it “remained until the 26th of April, when the brigade moved from camp towards United States Ford.”1 Tuesday, January 6th, 1863. We at present lead as monotonous a life as it is possible to conceive. “Surgeons Call” every morning at 7 o’clock, then breakfast, reports all made out and sent in by 9 o’clock, and for the balance of the day nothing to do but loll about our tents and read newspapers, as they are about the only things we can get to read. Books would be very pleasant companions, but in case of a sudden move, we would be obliged to throw them away as we have no means of taking them with us. They could have been had in Fredericksburg in abundance and without cost, but as it was utterly impossible to carry them on a march, very few were brought away and those merely as mementos of our visit. Thursday, January 8th. This afternoon Lieutenant Colonel Robert M. Lee, Jr. arrived. He has been at home for a long time, suffering from a severe wound in the leg received at the battle of Fair Oaks on the 1st of June last. He joined the regiment about the time it was leaving Bolivar Heights2 and remained with it a few days, but on account of his wound was again obliged to return to Philadelphia, where he has remained ever 72

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since. During the time he was first at home, he was promoted from captain to the majorship of the regiment, and now, on account of the resignation of Colonel Charles F. Johnson,3 which took place a short time before my return, he has been appointed by Governor Curtin4 lieutenant colonel, and our former lieutenant colonel, Harry Boyd McKeen, has been commissioned colonel of the regiment. Friday, January 9th. Dr. Houston and I have now the most comfortable quarters in camp. We have two hospital tents, each of the following dimensions: in length 14 feet, in width 15 feet, in height (center) 11 feet with a wall 4 ½ feet, and a “fly” or extra roof of appropriate size. At the ends of the tents are lapels, so as to admit of the tents being joined and thrown into one with a continuous covering or roof. We have also an extra “fly,” which is pitched at one end in the form of a tent and closed up, leaving a small door for ingress and egress, so that the whole length of our establishment is 42 feet by 15 feet in width, divided into three rooms. The outer one, or fly, we call the kitchen; in this there is a small cast iron stove on which our cooking is done. We also take our meals there on the top of a box, dignified by the name of table. The next room is the hospital proper, where we have one patient and where also our hospital attendants sleep. The rear tent is our parlor, bedroom, and audience chamber; in fact, it is the “sanctum sanctorum” of the establishment. In it we have a large stove, from which we can have as much heat as desired. Our bedsteads are made of poles supported on stakes driven in the ground. The poles are covered thickly with “pine feathers,” alias the small twigs of pine trees. On these we have mattresses. Doctor’s made of hair, mine a sack stuffed with hay, and with as many blankets as we wish; we are as “snug as bugs in a rug.” We have gone into winter quarters, although the army has not, and we have about made up our minds to remain here awhile, as it is not probable we can find a more comfortable place. I must now give some description of our hospital corps. First, Dr. John Houston of Lancaster, Pennsylvania. He joined the regiment in August last at Harrison’s Landing 5 as 73

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assistant surgeon and is now about to be promoted to the position of surgeon of the regiment. I am much pleased, as he is a gentleman in every sense of the term. A man of marked ability and a genial companion, one with whom I can associate on the most intimate terms. Second in command is Spencer Bonsall, hospital steward, about whom the least said the better. Next comes Jacob Bartholomew of Easton, Pennsylvania, a nurse. He is a Pennsylvania Dutchman, a tolerably clever fellow, although he don’t like lobsters. He answers to the name of Jake when he is called. Fourth is Robert Simmington of Kensington, Philadelphia, although he was originally caught in the green Island of Erin. Bobby is his cognomen and a very useful individual he is. He is our washerwoman, or more poetically, laundress. He does up fine flannel to a charm and makes himself generally useful. Next comes William Stinson, also from the land of “purtaties,” but late of Mantua Village, West Philadelphia. He attends to the doctor’s horse, cuts wood, brings water, and eats his pork and beans like a man. He is usually known as Billy. Last and least in stature (5 feet 3 inches) and age (17) is little Josey Webb of Lehighton, Pennsylvania, another Pennsylvania Dutchman. He is a great cook and no doubt can beat Soyer6 on bean soup and slapjacks; in fact, as the doctor says, he is the greatest slapjackist of the age and ought to wear the belt. He is a first rate fellow, and we could not get along without him, but I am very much afraid he is in love with some little Dutch girl at home, as he is constantly engaged writing letters in a corner of the tent and appears much confused, like I used to be when spoken to on the subject. Our old cook, Joe Song, left the regiment whilst at Bolivar Heights, much to the delight of the hospital department, as he was entirely too fastidious in his cleanliness, invariably licking the spoons and knives with his tongue before handing them to us, for fear they might contain a little dust or something else. Saturday, January 10th. Today we had for dinner a flour pudding boiled in a bag. Josey’s first attempt. It was very good, but not quite large enough. This will be remedied next time. In the evening, after all had gone to bed, except myself, the sutler came in and told us our tent was on fire. 74

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We all rushed out and found our kitchen in flames above the stove. By a quick application of water, which was fortunately at hand, we prevented the total destruction of our quarters, which would have been complete in about five minutes more had the flames not been extinguished as soon as they were. Sunday, January 11th. Today we had a visit from Dr. Dougherty,7 medical director of Sumner’s grand division of the Army of the Potomac, consisting of the 2nd and 9th Army Corps; Dr. Morton,8 medical director of the 2nd Corps; and Dr. Knight,9 medical director of Hancock’s (our) division. For dinner today we had another flour or rather plum pudding, as a few dried peaches were mixed through it. It was better than that of yesterday and plenty of it. We eat it with molasses. It was quite an improvement on our ordinary diet of meat and biscuit, and we will repeat it as often as desirable. Monday, January 12th. This morning we put down a splendid green carpet on our parlor made of pine twigs scattered over the floor to the depth of two or three inches; it is very fragrant and quite verdant and, as one of the men remarked, looks like “brissels” carpet.10 Wednesday, 14th January. This afternoon we commenced enclosing our quarters with a cedar hedge made of young trees 8 or 10 feet high, driven in the ground close to the tents and about two feet apart. It looks quite picturesque and serves to keep the wind off to some extent. This evening I purchased from a sutler, for the use of the hospital and from the hospital fund, the following articles: 3 cans of pears at [$] 1.25 per can, 3 cans turkey at $1.50, 6 cans oysters at 75 cents, 3 cans peaches at $1.25, 3 cans chickens at $1.25, 3 cans clams at $1.25, 6 cans milk at 75 cents, 3 boxes sardines at 40 cents, 1 paper ginger 25 cents, 10 pounds butter at 60 cents, and 15 pounds cheese at 40 cents per pound. The whole amounting to $41.95 cents. I enter the list here to show army prices and also how we intend to live for a short time. We have but one pa75

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tient in the hospital, and as the above articles would certainly disagree with him, we shall be under the necessity of eating them ourselves. The “hospital fund” is an amount of money which accumulates from time to time in the hands of the brigade commissary and is carried to the credit of the hospital, and from which we make such purchases as we may consider necessary for the use of the sick, and send in the bill to the commissary, who pays the amount. It is the duty of the steward to draw the rations for the sick and all those connected with the hospital. Now, as it is well known a sick man cannot, or ought not, eat as much as a person in health, consequently but a portion of the rations are drawn, and we are credited with the money value of the balance, which enables us to purchase many little delicacies from the sutlers and others that we cannot get from the commissaries. Saturday, January 17th. About 1 p.m. an orderly rode up with a document, of which the following is a copy. Special Order No. 4.

Headquarters 2nd Army Corps Near Falmouth, January 17th, 1863

Pursuant to orders from Headquarters Army, Army of the Potomac, the following named medical officers and attendants are detailed for duty in the corps hospital at Aquia Landing and will report if possible by 12 [p.]m. today at these headquarters to Surgeon Morton, acting medical director. The enlisted men will carry 3 days rations. Surgeon Charles Gray 7th New York Volunteers Assistant Surgeon J. P. Burchfield 53d Pennsylvania Volunteers Assistant Surgeon B. F. Hill 140th Pennsylvania Volunteers Hospital Steward Spencer Bonsall 81st Pennsylvania Volunteers Attendants (Here follow the names of 20 men from different regiments, including that of Jake Bartholomew of the 81st Pennsylvania Volunteers). By Command of Major General Couch (signed) F. A. Walker Assistant Adjutant General 76

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As soon as we could get ready, Jake and I reported to Dr. Morton, who directed us to proceed to Aquia Creek and report to Dr. Plumb of the 82d New York for duty. Took the cars at Falmouth Station, Fredericksburg, at about 5 p.m. and arrived at the creek about dark. The weather was very cold, and after a good deal of running about among a dozen offices and tents, we brought up at the quarters of the Sanitary Commission and got supper and lodgings for the night with a hundred others. The building contains 42 bunks arranged in three tiers. Jake and I climbed into one of the top ones and got a good night’s rest. It is usual to put three men in each bunk, making accommodations for 126. But we managed to sleep without the assistance of another bedfellow. During the night one of the lodgers fell out of a top bunk and hurt himself considerably, as the height was at least ten feet. Sunday, January 18th. Turned out about 7 a.m. Did not succeed in getting any breakfast as it was necessary to procure tickets from a Captain Rosenthal, but as he was just getting out of bed, he could not give them to us. Met Dr. S. Hiram Plumb, to whom we were to report, and about 10 o’clock started on foot for Windmill Point, a distance of about three miles below Aquia Creek. When we got in sight of our destination, Jake and I turned into the woods and took our breakfasts from our haversacks. About 1 p.m. we arrived in camp and reported for duty. Soon after, I collected the men who had been detailed from the regiments composing our division and set them at work. Assistant Surgeon J. P. Burchfield11 arrived about 3 p.m. and Surgeon Charles Gray arrived at about 5 p.m. We made a fire and cooked some coffee, our grub we procured from our haversacks, and having no candles, turned in early. Monday, January 19th. Passed a very uncomfortable night. Weather very cold, and the only stove we had was a large size cooking stove without a pipe of 77

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13. U.S. Sanitary Commission depot at Brandy Station, near Alexandria, Virginia. The U.S. Sanitary Commission was not an official agency of the government, but it provided essential aid to the troops by acquiring and distributing much-needed supplemental provisions when and where needed most. Established through the initial efforts of Louisa Lee Schuyler (1837–1882) of the Women’s Central Relief Association of New York, Unitarian minister Henry Bellows (1814–1882) and Dr. Elisha Harris (1824–1884) soon gathered with fifty women to discuss ways to assist in the national emergency. Through Bellows’s persistence the commission received President Lincoln’s endorsement on June 9, 1861. Although the commission was ably administered by Bellows, George Templeton Strong (1820–1875), and Frederick Law Olmstead (1822–1903), it was women from across the country who formed the life blood of the organization. Through the leadership of women like Mary Livermore (1820–1905) of the commission’s northwestern branch in Chicago, as well as Jane Hoge (1811–1890) and others, this aid society eventually distributed $15 million of supplies, relief, and publications during the course of the conflict. In addition to materiel, commission agents were sent into the field to inspect Union camps, an exercise that often uncovered conditions of gross neglect and ineptitude. Although many within the medical department disdained the commission as an unnecessary intruder into military affairs, the women who made up this critical organization had an important and appreciable impact

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on the Union war effort, particularly by providing necessary provisions and medical supplies when the War Department was ill-equipped to handle the massive needs of an army of unprecedented proportions. The U.S. Sanitary Commission represents the first systematic effort of American women to assist directly in a national war effort. For more information see Heidler and Heidler, Encyclopedia of the American Civil War, 4. Courtesy of the National Library of Medicine, History of Medicine Division.

 proper size, which caused it to smoke badly. We had not sufficient blankets, and there was a general shivering all round. Arose early and went to work. There is no regular system in furnishing our supplies, therefore every party for themselves. This caused a good deal of wrangling among surgeons, stewards, and nurses of the different divisions. By considerable perseverance and brass, we got along very well and managed to get ahead of some others who had been here several days before us. The ground occupied by the hospital is a level plain covering an area about one mile in length by a quarter of a mile in width, fronting on the Potomac, from which it is distant rather more than one fourth of a mile. Every corps of the Army of the Potomac is represented, and each division occupies a triangular space, on two sides of which either double or triple hospital tents are pitched to the number of 26 for each. The base of the triangle is intended for the surgeons’ tents, but they have not yet arrived. Inside the triangle are two large frame buildings intended respectively for a kitchen and dispensary. The ground is well ditched and no doubt it will be a very pleasant place when complete. The rough map in the margin will show the location of Windmill Point. It is called on some of the maps Marlborough Point.12 The small lines with figures show the boundaries of the corps in the order in which they are arranged: 11th, 9th, 2d, 1st, 6th, 3rd, 5th. Each corps is composed of 3 divisions, making 21 in all, and each division has 26 hospital tents with 7 iron bedsteads, making accommodations for 3,822 patients. The position of the 81st Regiment is shown on the map north of Falmouth, from which it is distant nearly two miles by road. Also, the “Lacy House” on the high bank above the river, where I remained 79

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14. Map of Falmouth and Windmill Point reproduced from Bonsall’s original journal. Courtesy of the Reynolds Historical Library, University of Alabama at Birmingham.

 the night of the evacuation of Fredericksburg by our troops, and the “Philips House,” the headquarters of General Sumner (since destroyed by fire). Tuesday, January 20th. Last night we had a heavy gale of wind accompanied by rain. Our stove pipes were knocked down, and the water ran into our

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tents from underneath the sides, making the place uncomfortable enough. The gale continued all day, which interfered materially with our work. Had all hands busy ditching around the tents and securing their stoves, in which hot fires were kept for the purpose of drying the ground. Wednesday, January 21st. Storm still continues, and very little of anything arriving by boat from Aquia Creek. Consequently, we are not ready for the sick and cannot be until we have better weather. All of us, however, are engaged doing what we can towards preparing for their arrival. Thursday, January 22nd. This morning Dr. Burchfield went up to the creek for our supply of medicines, etc. and returned about 4 p.m., bringing with him six boxes. In the space between our encampment and the shore, there are about 3,500 head of cattle belonging to the U.S. They are intended for the army, to be manufactured into fresh beef, and are to us a great nuisance, as they keep the whole place in a perfect quagmire and interfere with our passage from the camp to the landing. In unloading cattle today from the boat, which on account of the tide could not approach the shore, 52 head were drowned by their being made to jump overboard and swim. Friday, January 23d. This morning Jake and I started back to our regiment for the purpose of getting our clothing and other things, as it appears probable we may be detained on detached duty for a long time. We waited at the wharf for a steamboat for about two hours, and seeing no prospect of getting off this way, started on foot for Aquia Creek and arrived in sight of the place just in time to see the 12 o’clock train of cars starting for Falmouth with a crowd of passengers. Consequently, we were obliged to wait until near 4 o’clock before we could get away. We made our dinner off of a couple of hot mince

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pies just out of the oven, for which I paid 25 cents each, and they were first rate. This place, Aquia Landing, is immediately at the mouth of the creek, which is here about half a mile in width. The landing is made ground; that is, the marsh has been filled up for the distance of about half a mile in length from the high ground in the rear and is not over 100 yards in width. The outer end, not over 4 or 5 acres, is now crowded with frame buildings of one and two stories in height, and others are still in the course of erection. All the buildings that formerly stood here had been burned. The quartermaster’s, provost marshall’s, Sanitary Commission’s, and other offices are here; also sutlers, bakers, etc., and a large eating house where 50 cents is charged for a dinner of salt pork and hard tack. The people employed about the landing, officers included, are the dumbest set of jackasses I ever saw. They either cannot or will not give any information whatever, and it is necessary for anyone who wishes to transact business here to visit one office after the other until he finds the place he is in search of. There is no use of asking questions. At 20 minutes of 4 p.m. the train started; nearly all the passengers, about two or three hundred, rode on top of the baggage cars, which were filled with freight. At Potomac Creek is a bridge, which is considered very dangerous; it is built on stilts similar to the bridge across the Wissahickon on the Philadelphia and Norristown Railroad and is a temporary structure 87 feet high. The old bridge was destroyed by fire. It is said that the framing of a new bridge is ready in Washington for this place, but that it will not be erected until it is known whether we are to retain permanent possession of the road or not. Perhaps after a train with a few hundred soldiers is dashed to pieces it may be considered worthwhile to erect a better bridge than the present one. The train stops at three regular stations on the road. The first or nearest to the landing is called “Brook’s Station,” the next “Potomac Creek,” and the third “Stoneman’s Switch;” the terminus of the road at this time is Falmouth Station, half a mile from the Rappahannock near a deep cut and out of sight from Fredericksburg and more than a mile from Falmouth, to which a road leads over the hills. The roads are in a terrible condition, owing to the late rains, and the regiments that are now returning from 82

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their great movement up the river look pretty well used up. The artillery is covered with mud and there is a great deal of dissatisfaction shown by men and officers.13 Burnside was never cut out for the commander of an army like ours, and I do not believe we have any general in the U.S. service as competent as McClellan, and we all sincerely wish him back again. Burnside does not show himself often, and when he does, no cheers greet him such as were always heard when the Idol of the Army of the Potomac rode along the lines. On the contrary, when the present commander is seen, low mutterings are heard, which portend anything but a welcome. Last Saturday there was a grand review of Sumner’s 2d Army Corps, and as Burnside rode down the line, not a sound was heard. Hancock, our division general, swore at a terrible rate (he is adept at the art) and ordered the men to give three cheers, but it was of no use, “nary a cheer,” except from some of the new regiments that have joined us since the battle of Fredericksburg. We arrived at Falmouth Station about 5 ½ p.m., and after a muddy walk of more than two miles, we got to our regiment soon after dark, where we found everything about as we had left it. Saturday, January 24th. At 9 ½ a.m. Jake and I left in an ambulance for Falmouth, where I had some business to transact. The present ambulance is a very different affair from the old one horse concern that I used to jolt around in last summer. It is a comfortable two horse wagon on springs precisely like the ambulances used by the firemen in Philadelphia. Falmouth is a village compactly built in a hollow between high hills. It fronts on the Rappahannock some distance above Fredericksburg and close to the river, which is here much obstructed by rocks. At 12 [p.]m. we were at the station, but too late for the cars. Jake and I then took a short walk to the top of the hill overlooking Fredericksburg. Our pickets were lying or standing in groups near the banks of the river, and on the opposite side the rebel pickets were lounging about. The residents of the town could be seen in considerable numbers, and the noise of the axe and hammer heard mingled with the voices of the inhabitants. We could distinctly 83

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15. General Ambrose Burnside. Ambrose Burnside was born on May 23, 1824, in Liberty, Indiana. He settled on a military career early, graduating from West Point in 1847. Too late to see action in the Mexican-American War, he was wounded fighting Apaches in New Mexico Territory in 1849. Settling in Rhode Island, he served as major general in the state militia.

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When the Civil War broke out he raised the 1st Rhode Island Infantry Regiment. Mustered out with his three-month unit on August 2, 1861, he was commissioned brigadier general a few days later. Leading an expedition against the North Carolina coast, he posted victories at Roanoke Island and New Bern. Burnside twice refused command of the Army of the Potomac, first following McClellan’s miserable Peninsula Campaign and then after Pope’s failure at Second Bull Run. McClellan was recalled to command the Army of the Potomac but soon after Antietam was again relieved of command. Abraham Lincoln then issued orders placing Burnside in command of the Army of the Potomac. Insurmountable Confederate defenses deprived him of victory at Fredericksburg, and the infamous “mud march” that followed cemented his failure. Angry and upset, Burnside prepared dismissal orders on January 23, 1863, for “Fighting Joe” Hooker, General William H. T. Brooks, and a host of other Union commanders. Reminded that he had no authority to issue such sweeping decrees, Burnside rushed to Washington for Lincoln’s approval of the orders. Instead, Lincoln dismissed Burnside and placed “Fighting Joe” in command. Lincoln sent Burnside to command the Department of the Ohio. Burnside led a successful Union invasion of East Tennessee, then returned to the east, where he fought under Grant. Burnside’s failure at Fredericksburg haunted him for the remainder of his command. He vacillated in the Wilderness Campaign and did not make a good showing at Spotsylvania Courthouse. During the siege of Petersburg he badly bungled the crucial follow-up to the mine explosion, whereupon he was placed on leave. He resigned on April 15, 1865. After the war he served three terms as governor of Rhode Island, 1866–1869. In 1874 he was elected to the U.S. Senate, where he remained until his death on September 13, 1881. Perhaps he is best remembered not for his generalship but for his peculiar side whiskers that became popularly known as “sideburns.” For more information see Steward Sifakis, Who Was Who in the Civil War, pp. 93–94. Courtesy of the Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division.

 hear the shrill cries of children, reminding us of our own homes and proving conclusively that many of the people had returned to the city. At about 2 p.m. we started in the cars for Aquia Creek, but owing to detention at one of the stations, we did not arrive until dark. We then went on board the steamboat “John Tucker” with about 600 sick men bound for our new hospital. On enquiry, finding that the boat would not go down until morning, we managed to get ashore again with considerable difficulty, and although the night was quite dark, we walked down to Windmill Point, arriving there about 9 p.m. 85

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Sunday, January 25th. This morning Dr. Burchfield and I, with three men, went up to Aquia Landing by the little steamboat “Fairy.” The time occupied in the passage was exactly half an hour. About midway between Windmill Point and Aquia Landing, the government is erecting a long wharf, which is to be connected by railroad with the latter place. A steam pile-driver is used in the construction of the wharf, which appears to be a large and substantial structure and is intended for the purpose of landing forage (food for cattle). The doctor and I visited the medical purveyor on board the steamboat “Pioneer,” formerly of Philadelphia, and also went to the office of the Sanitary Commission, from which we procured a large number of shirts, drawers, stockings, beef tea, concentrated milk, etc., etc. and also a barrel of dried apples for the use of the sick of our division. The Sanitary Commission have been of vast benefit to the sick of the army by supplying many needful articles, without which much suffering and inconvenience would occur, as the government supplies nothing in the way of luxuries or extra clothing. A long train of cars arrived from the “front,” containing the sick of our corps. They were put on board the “John Tucker” to be sent to our hospital tomorrow morning. The articles we received from the Commission were also put on board, and we started back to the Point on foot a few minutes before dark. This makes the fourth time I have been obliged to walk this road, and as it is very hilly, crooked, and muddy, I am almost tired of it. Monday, January 26th. About 9 a.m. our sick arrived, and we put them into the tents, which are rather overcrowded, averaging about eight men to each, although there is not more than sufficient room for six with a stove. Some of the patients are old good-for-nothing fellows who have been sick ever since they entered the service; others enlisted for the bounty and are now shamming sick in hopes they may get their discharge and go home, perhaps to re-enlist for another bounty, but they will find themselves very much mistaken. Most of the men supposed when 86

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they left their regiments that they were on their way to Washington, to be sent thence to the hospitals near home, but they have been disappointed, and many of them wish themselves back with their regiments, where they will undoubtedly be sent, as we do not intend keeping any loafers in our model field hospital. There are some few of the men who are really very ill, and it was an outrage to send them from their regimental hospitals to a place like this. The sick number 174, representing 19 regiments of infantry and one battery of artillery, and with ourselves and nurses, making in all about 200, all belonging to the 1st (Hancock’s) Division, 2nd Army Corps. Friday, January 30th. I cannot keep a perfect record of events as they occur, but about this date we had a snowstorm. The snow was about 6 inches deep on a level, and one of our wards was without a stove. The men kept themselves warm by sleeping thick, “three in a bed and one in the middle.” There was, however, no grumbling. The men are so delighted to get away from guard and picket duty that they are willing to suffer any inconvenience, and although a canvas tent is very little protection from the cold, it is a palace in comparison to a bivouac of pine boughs or a shelter under the lee side of a rock with the prospect of a bullet in your cranium before morning. Bluebirds were plentiful a few days ago, singing in the trees as though spring had arrived, but I think they rather anticipated the season. The trees are more sensible, as they have not yet shown any sign of budding. Holly’s [sic], pines, and cedars abound, with a fair allowance of white, black, and red oak, and some hickory. Sassafras is common and blackberry bushes are more plentiful than pleasant to anyone who is obliged to force his way through them; also dewberry vines are all over the fields. Thursday, February 5th. Dr. Burchfield went up today with 46 men who have been returned to their regiments for discharge from the service, as they are either incurable or unfit for duty on other accounts. It commenced snowing about daylight, and in the evening turned to rain, altogether 87

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about as disagreeable a day as we have yet been honored with. I have as much work to do as I can well get through with and no time for play, but I hope ere long to have more time to myself and opportunities for exploration. It is a work of considerable labor to establish a hospital like this, but when it is done we will have more leisure. Friday, February 6th. Rain all day. In the evening rather cool, ground freezing. Dr. Gray went up to the creek and returned in the evening. I have been busy all day getting our books, etc. all up; compounding prescriptions; making pills, powders, and potions; and attending to various other matters. Saturday, February 7th. Day fine. Dr. Burchfield returned, giving a doleful account of his adventures. He arrived at Falmouth Station about 5 p.m. of the 5th instant,14 but as the drivers of the ambulances who had been ordered to remain in waiting for the sick became tired and had left the station, it was necessary for him to proceed to headquarters and procure conveyances. This was not fully accomplished until 5 o’clock the next morning, at which time he was relieved from his charge and enabled to attend to other affairs. Thursday, February 12th. This morning we sent 37 of our worst cases to Washington, as our hospital is about to be broken up and reestablished near Falmouth, for some reasons best known to the authorities. Friday, February 13th. This afternoon Dr. Burchfield and myself took a stroll through the northern part of the camp and visited the burial ground. The graves are about 3 feet deep and placed in rows without any particular regularity and at the distance of about 3 feet apart. The headboards are pieces of the lids or sides of biscuit boxes with the names written in pencil or ink or cut with a knife in all styles of lettering 88

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and spelling. Those from our own division are written by myself, and I take some pains to make them plain and indelible, at least for some length of time. At first the dead were buried without coffins, merely wrapped in their blankets, but now rough pine coffins, stained brown, are furnished. Many of the bodies, after having been buried for a few days, are removed by their friends and taken home, but no doubt a majority of them will never be removed from the spot in which they now rest until at some future time when the plough or spade may upturn their bones, much to the astonishment of the then residents of this beautiful place. I say beautiful as it is without doubt the most attractive spot that I have yet seen in this state, and if on the banks of the Delaware or in any other enlightened region, would be selected by some nabob for an earthly paradise. Saturday, February 14th. After dinner, Dr. Burchfield and myself took a walk to the south end of this peninsula. It is more extensive than I thought, covering an area of probably a thousand acres almost surrounded by water. The soil is good and in the hands of a Northern farmer would make a splendid estate. Acaceck and Potomac creeks form a deep and broad harbor at the south end. There are quite a large number of steamboats, schooners, sloops, and canal boats passing in and out, engaged in carrying forage, etc. to Belle Plain on the south side of the harbor. Immense quantities of canvasback ducks are flying over or swimming in the water in short range of shotguns. We might easily shoot them with either muskets or rifles, but it would be useless as we have no boats to go after them if we did shoot them. Near the lower end of the point are the remains of what at one time was probably a fine brick mansion. The portion of the building still standing is two stories high, built of bricks, red and black glazed alternately, like the old buildings in Philadelphia. The foundation of an old stone wall that probably surrounded the garden is still to be seen and ancient cherry and pear trees in rows remain. Nearby are the ruins of the old windmill. It was built of stone, a circular tower about 20 feet in diameter, and from appearance was destroyed by fire. A frame barn 89

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and a few log cabins remain, but not a solitary “chivalry” to tell the tale. The old mansion and windmill no doubt have their legends, and if I can possibly find a “contraband”15 “to the manor born,” or even a “poor white trash,” I will make a note of it. Sunday, February 15th. A very unpleasant rainy day. Remained within doors, no opportunity for exploration. Monday, February 16th. Sent a number of tents and other things to the front. Dr. Gray also went up this morning. Dr. Burchfield and I again started on a tour of discovery. The level of the plain on which we now are is about 20 feet above high water mark, and the shore is covered with fossil shells, some of them very curious. I have made a fine collection. We ascended a hill at the north end of the plain, from which a splendid view of the river can be obtained. The opposite or Maryland shore appears to be well cultivated and divided into farms and fields by fences, which are nowhere to be seen on this side, and away off can be descried the steeples of a village, which I suppose to be “Trappe,” as it is called on the maps. This is undoubtedly the finest place I have seen in Virginia. The soil appears to be very fertile and consists of about a thousand acres almost entirely surrounded by water, except on the north side, which is bounded by fine hills. The Potomac flows on the east side and is here more than 3 miles in width, although to the eye it does not appear so wide. It would be a splendid farm for a Northern man. What a field of corn or wheat it would make, and the hills would, without doubt, suit for the cultivation of the tea plant, as the soil appears suitable, and the climate is certainly all that can be desired.16 The weather is sometimes cold, it is true, and deep snow falls, but not to an extent sufficient to hurt the plant. It would also be a grand place for fruit, as some of the old trees prove. The distance from Washington by water is about 40 miles and from Aquia Creek not more than 2 ½ or 3 miles, from which place, in times of peace, there is regular communication with both Washington and 90

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Fredericksburg, also with Richmond. I have fallen quite in love with it and have already selected a place for my house, on the top of which I intend having an observatory, from which I can admire the beauties of my fa—, “plantation,” with the contrabands at work, and view the “chivalry” on the distant hills by the aid of a microscope. Tuesday, February 17th. A very disagreeable rainy and snowy day, much to our disappointment as we intended going on another geological tour. The weather is not cold, but it is too unpleasant to be out of doors more than is absolutely necessary. The Medical Inspector Lieutenant Colonel Vollum,17 U.S.A., visited us today and made a thorough examination of the hospital. He expressed himself well satisfied, although we are in a very unsettled state, owing to the fact that we are breaking up the camp and, consequently, the wards are much crowded, the sick all having to occupy the few tents that remain. Wednesday, February 18th. Rain and snow all day; entirely too unpleasant to venture out. Engaged drawing, writing, etc. Thursday, February 19th. Dr. Gray returned to his quarters this morning, having slept on board the “John Tucker” last night. Owing to a heavy rain, the snow has almost disappeared and the weather is much more pleasant, although the ground is saturated with water, making it difficult to move wagons or ambulances. Many of the latter require four horses to drag them through the mud. Near Falmouth the roads are in a much worse condition on account of the constant passage to and fro of heavy wagons. Friday, February 20th. Weather quite pleasant, the ground drying up rapidly. Nothing of interest has transpired. I have been rather “under the weather” for the last few days with symptoms of intermittent fever.18 91

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Saturday, February 21st. This morning is beautifully bright and clear. Dr. Gray struck his tent and had all his “traps” packed before breakfast, ready to start for the front. He left about 10 a.m. Dr. Burchfield and I walked down to the river and I took a sketch of the old windmill and what is left of the old mansion. I have also drawn a correct map of this section of the country and a plan of the entire camp. Towards evening the weather became cloudy with indications of snow. Sunday, February 22d. Snowed all night. This morning the snow is nearly a foot deep, very fine, and drifting. The wind is high and the weather intensely cold. All of our patients and nurses, with Dr. Burchfield, were to have gone up this morning, leaving me with a few attendants here until further orders. The weather is entirely too bad for a move. A perfect “euroclydon.”19 At noon, mingled with the blasts of the storm, came the deep booming of artillery; at first we were in doubts as to the cause, but a glance at the date above reminded us that it is the anniversary of the natal day of a noble Virginian, George Washington by name, and one that appears to have been forgotten by the degenerate children of this once noble state. No cessation in the storm during the entire day. What must the poor fellows suffer who are out on picket such a night as this? I would not be surprised if many of them are frozen to death. Monday, February 23d. This morning clear, but very cold. The snow lays in drifts in many places over 3 feet in depth. I have been engaged nearly all day in drawing and hope to have a tolerable collection by the time I return home. This evening I paid a long visit to Dr. Justin Dwinelle,20 chief surgeon of our corps hospital. The moon is bright and the snow crisp. Tuesday, February 24th. Dr. Burchfield left this morning with 79 Patients and 13 attendants for the new hospital. I remained with Jake and 4 other men 92

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to turn over to the medical purveyor and the quartermaster such property as we do not require and to pack and send the balance to the front. Consequently, we have been as busy as possible all day. The medicines, etc. retained fill 10 large boxes, which with the stoves, kitchen utensils, etc. make 4 horse wagon loads. This is about the hardest day’s work I have had for a long time, and I expect to sleep tonight without rocking. Fortunately, I have an excellent hair mattress and pillow with 6 thick blankets to cover me, which is some comfort [in] this cold weather. Wednesday, February 25th. Early this morning sent the balance of our things off, and I now have a little time to myself. The ground is covered deeply with snow, but the weather is much milder. We have been visited by thousands of snowbirds, and this morning again the bluebirds and robins are singing in the trees. About 12 [p.]m. started to the wharf with Jake Bartholomew. At 2 ½ p.m. the canal boat on which our property had been placed pushed out from the wharf and was taken in tow by the little steamer “Fairy.” On our way up to Aquia Landing we saw a couple of soldiers firing at a mark in the river. One of the balls struck the water and, ricocheting, passed between the heads of Dr. Dwinelle and myself as we were sitting on the upper deck of the “Fairy” engaged in conversation. We were not two feet apart, and the ball passed directly between us and struck the water on the other side of the boat. A great many serious accidents occur from the careless use of firearms, and many limbs and lives have been lost from the bullets of friends, as well as foes. We arrived at Aquia Landing about 3 ½ p.m. and immediately commenced getting our things into a freight car, which was accomplished about 5 ½ p.m., and at 6 o’clock the train left for Falmouth Station. As the train was very heavy, we did not arrive until near 9 o’clock, and finding that our car would not be unloaded until morning, I started on foot with four men to find our new division hospital. The night was not exactly dark, as there was a faint moon showing through the clouds, and the ground was covered with snow. We, however, managed to 93

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lose our way and walked about 3 miles farther than we should have done. We met with accidents of various kinds; were obliged to wade through a creek over two feet deep, which was filled with ice and snow. I had on long boots coming above my knees, but the water ran in at the top and I found it to be quite cool and wet. One of the men fell into a hole filled with mud and water and slightly covered on the top with snow. He went in to his armpits and was well satisfied that he could touch bottom without disappearing altogether. We at last found some men who told us that the hospital had not yet been established and directed us to our regiments, where we arrived about midnight. Dr. Houston and all hands were asleep, but they soon turned out and little Josey got some supper for us, after which we went to bed and slept soundly until morning. I also received a letter from home containing Willie’s likeness.21 It has been here for some time, as it was postmarked 9th instant, but there had been no opportunity of sending it to me. Thursday, 26th February. I turned out at daylight, and after half an hour’s walk, I found Dr. Gray at the new location. Very few tents have yet been pitched on account of the bad weather, and all the sick had been sent to the regimental hospitals of the division, to remain until we can get ready for them, which will not be for several days. Heavy rain fell almost the entire day, which interfered materially with our work. In the evening I returned to our regiment to remain for the night, as my quarters are not yet ready. Friday, February 27th. Immediately after breakfast, returned to the Hospital and have been busy all day. Received a letter from John dated 22d instant. Saturday, February 28th. Day rather pleasant, but cloudy; very busy fixing up my quarters, which will also be used as the dispensary. Have got it in very complete order and carpeted with pine twigs. 94

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Sunday, March 1st. Weather pleasant and very windy, which causes the ground to dry rapidly. We are making good progress with our hospital and expect to be ready for the sick tomorrow. The site of our labors is on the southern slope of a hill about a mile from and overlooking the town of Falmouth. We are in full view of the rebel earthworks back of Fredericksburg and can see the rebel soldiers very distinctly with an opera glass. They could easily throw shells into our camp, if so disposed. At the foot of the hill, there is a stream of water and some excellent springs, from which we get our supply. The location altogether is very fine, and as we shall probably remain here for some time, we take considerable interest in trying to beautify the place. This evening I received the following order: Headquarters 81st Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers March 1st, 1863 In accordance with special order No. 44 Headquarters 2d Corps, Spencer Bonsall, hospital steward, is relieved from duty at the corps hospital and will report to his regiment immediately. By order Colonel H. Boyd McKeen (signed) D. J. Phillips Adjutant

Dr. Gray sent a note to the colonel, saying that it would be impossible for me to report to my regiment until relieved by another steward, and then, getting his horse, he rode to the medical director’s office, from which he soon returned with another order as follows: Headquarters 2nd Corps Medical Director’s Office March 1st, 1863 Surgeon Houston 81st Pennsylvania Volunteers

Sir, You will direct Spencer Bonsall, hospital steward of your regiment, to report for duty at once to Dr. Charles Gray, surgeon in charge of the 1st Division hospital. 95

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Very respectfully Your Obedient Servant (signed) A. N. Dougherty Surgeon U.S. Volunteers & Medical Director 2d Corps

I am therefore fixed and do not expect to return to the regiment until this hospital is broken up. In the meantime, I shall make myself as comfortable as possible and do my whole duty, as I cannot mend matters by worrying myself about it. I am, however, well satisfied with my position, although I would like to be with my regiment. Monday, March 2d. Another fine day; still progressing with our work. The sick have not arrived, which gives us a better opportunity to complete our arrangements. This evening I wrote a letter home, which I will send in the morning. A rumor that Vicksburg is ours. The bands of several regiments are playing; perhaps there is some truth in the rumor.22 Tuesday, March 3d. Weather pleasant, but windy, with occasional showers. This morning I visited our regiment, which is not more than half a mile from us. Dr. Houston is not well and is much disappointed that I cannot remain with him. I stayed to dinner and returned to our hospital in the afternoon. Today we raised a flag staff 45 feet long, on which we intend to hoist a large yellow flag to let all whom it may concern know that this camp is intended for hospital purposes only. A red flag is generally used in the army for hospitals, ambulances, hospital wagons, and steamboats, and railroad trains carrying sick or wounded soldiers. Why, I do not know. Yellow is the proper color for quarantine flags and is used by all other civilized nations to designate hospitals, and I have heard that hereafter it is to be used in our army. We intend setting an example to others by using the proper color.23 This evening the regimental bands are particularly lively, and there is an immense amount of cheering going on for some reason or other. Long may it wave. 96

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March 4th, Wednesday. Today there was a very high wind, and the weather is quite cold. Last evening on dress parade of our regiment, the following order was read: “First Lieutenant Andrew J. Hoey, Eighty-first Pennsylvania Regiment, for misbehavior before the enemy in absenting himself without leave while the regiment was engaged at the battle of Fair Oaks, June 1st, 1862; also, for the same offense at Peach Orchard, Virginia, June 29th, 1862; also at White Oak Swamp and Charles City Crossroads, June 30th, 1862; also at Malvern Hill, July 1st, 1862; and he left his regiment as it was going into action at Antietam, Maryland, September 17th, 1862. To forfeit all pay and allowances and be cashiered.” The sentence, although hard, is just, as cowards have no business in the army, and the sooner the service is rid of them, the better, as a cowardly officer makes cowards of the men. The loss of Hoey’s pay and allowances from the 1st of June to date of dismissal will exceed a thousand dollars, but that is nothing in comparison to the stigma that will rest upon his name. However, he is only a shoemaker by trade and I expect that the loss of the money is of much more importance to him than the loss of honor. He should have remembered the old saying, “Shoemaker stick to thy last,” before he attempted to become a soldier. March 5th, Thursday. Last night the weather was very cold and water froze in my tent, but during the day it has been pleasant, and the sun was sufficiently warm to thaw the surface of the ground, but towards evening it again froze. The sick have not yet been sent to us, for what reason I know not as we have reported our hospital ready for them for several days. Today there was a grand review of the 2d Army Corps. There was no enthusiasm shown by the men and not a single cheer was given to General Hooker as he rode along the lines. (I have, since writing the above, noticed a statement in a newspaper to the effect that orders had previously been given to prevent any cheering or other demonstration by the troops, but on diligent inquiry among the officers and men of several regiments, they all positively deny 97

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the assertion that any orders of the kind were given (so much for newspaper correspondents)). How different it was when General McClellan made his appearance, and I have yet to find the man or officer of the old Army of the Potomac that does not ardently wish him back again. General Hooker is liked and respected, but he is not George B. McClellan. Friday, March 6th. We were visited by two ladies this morning, Mrs. Harris and Mrs. Anna M. Holstein. The latter is to be matron of the hospital, and we are preparing a tent for her accommodation.24 She is, I believe, from Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, and is to be assisted by a Miss Priest from Norristown. They have forty (40) boxes, which no doubt contain good things, and I suppose we will come in for a share. I ventured to doubt the expediency of the admission of females within our lines, but the Doctor cut me short with “40 boxes.” “But, Doctor, allow me to explain.” “40 boxes,” said he. “Yes, that is all very fine, but . . .” “40 boxes,” repeated. “Hold on while I tell you what I think of it.” “40 boxes,” again. So I was obliged to give in. Twenty-two patients arrived in the afternoon. Saturday, March 7th. During the night showers of rain. This morning mild and pleasant. Several more patients arrived, and in the afternoon the two ladies took up their quarters in a Sibley tent. Sunday, March 8th. Dr. Burchfield leaves for home tomorrow on a ten days leave of absence. Weather quite pleasant, but very windy during the day. Monday, March 9th. General Hancock, our division commander, visited our hospital this morning. He inspected all the wards closely, examined the kitchen, and visited the dispensary, with which he expressed himself much pleased, saying frequently that everything was very nice 98

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16. Joseph “Fighting Joe” Hooker. Born in Hadley, Massachusetts, on November 13, 1814, Hooker graduated from West Point in 1837. He was initially assigned to artillery duty during the Second Seminole War. Serving in the subsequent Mexican-American War he was one of only a handful of officers who earned three brevet promotions. Early in the Civil War Hooker had to deal with Winfield Scott, with whom he did not get along. Eventually he managed to gain a brigadier generalship and served under the new command of George B. McClellan. Hooker was known as a strict organizer and a hard drillmaster, a characteristic that made him less beloved than his immediate superior, who could drill his men with inspiration instead of drudgery. Hooker entered the war ready to fight and

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on May 5, 1862, at Yorktown during the Peninsula Campaign he attacked Confederate fortifications (without consulting McClellan), his division suffering 20 percent casualties. Nevertheless, his spirit and boldness earned him the title “Fighting Joe.” On July 1, 1862, Hooker managed to secure Malvern Hill at a heavy cost, but McClellan was tied up trying to free the Army of the Potomac from the Virginia peninsula and unable to take advantage of the achievement. McClellan was replaced by Burnside, but the latter’s humiliation at the hands of Longstreet and Lee in the battle of Fredericksburg soon brought command of the Army of the Potomac to Hooker. Although Hooker was known for his fighting verve and audacity in the field, he was thoroughly out-generaled by Robert E. Lee at the Battle of Chancellorsville (May 2–3, 1863). This Union fiasco cost Hooker more than seventeen thousand men, and Fighting Joe leveled much of the blame at General Oliver O. Howard, whose troops had suffered the brunt of Stonewall Jackson’s surprise attack. Hooker’s failure at Chancellorsville exacerbated already poor relations between himself and Lincoln, and on June 28, 1863, he resigned. In the face of Lee’s invasion of Pennsylvania, George Meade was quickly called into command to meet the advancing Army of Northern Virginia. Hooker went to the Western Theater where he assisted a besieged Grant at Chattanooga, posting an important victory at Lookout Mountain. Hooker also proved valuable to William Tecumseh Sherman in his march through the north Georgia mountains, preliminary to the capture of Atlanta and the famous “March to the Sea.” When Sherman replaced the mortally wounded General James McPherson with Hooker’s earlier scapegoat, General Howard, it was clear that Fighting Joe’s old failures still hung over him like a dark cloud. Hooker left Sherman’s command in disgust, removing to Chicago where he commanded reserve troops for the remainder of the war. Hooker died suddenly on October 31, 1879. For more information see Heidler and Heidler, Encyclopedia of the American Civil War, 999–1002. Courtesy of the Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division.

 indeed and that the hospital altogether was the best he had seen under canvas since he first entered the service. Hancock is apparently under 40 years of age, of good figure, a fine looking soldier and not very unlike General McClellan in appearance. In the afternoon Dr. Gray left the camp on business, and during his absence, Dr. A. N. Dougherty, medical director of the 2d Army Corps, paid us a visit. I escorted him over our establishment, and he also expressed himself much gratified with everything. The fact is, our hospital cannot be beaten for cleanliness, good order, or proper attention to the sick, and everyone acknowledges this to be the case. Soon after midnight last 100

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night, as I was laying awake, I noticed two or three flashes of lightning followed by heavy peals of thunder. Many persons who were awakened by the latter supposed it to be artillery and so expressed themselves this morning, and I believe were rather disappointed when they found there was no chance for a scrimmage. Tuesday, March 10th. This morning it commenced snowing quite fast, and birds are singing in the trees. One or the other of them has made slight mistake in the season. Dr. Gray left at 8 ½ a.m. for Aquia Landing, and soon after, Dr. Griffin Reno of 66th New York Volunteers, assistant surgeon, arrived here, having been detailed temporarily in the place of Dr. Burchfield, who is absent on leave. Dr. Gray returned in the evening. Rain mixed with snow fell all day. Wednesday, March 11th. During the night very heavy rain and snow, but it cleared off soon after daylight, and the balance of the day the sun shown brightly. A new supply of medicines arrived this morning, and I have been quite busy in opening boxes and examining our stock. We now have sufficient to start a small drug store, and I have quite a number of prescriptions to compound daily. Thursday, March 12th. This morning, bright and clear, I received a newspaper and letters from home. One of the letters was from Willie, the first he ever wrote; it was capitally done and I must make a note of it. This morning Dr. Houston, surgeon of the 81st Pennsylvania Volunteers, started for home on sick leave. The regiment is therefore left without any medical officer whatever, and an assistant surgeon from a New York regiment has been detailed to look after it. It is, however, very small and there are but few sick, but in case of any movement of the army, it will be very inconvenient to be without some responsible person to attend to packing and removing the hospital stores, etc., etc. 101

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17. Winfield Scott Hancock. Winfield Scott Hancock was born on February 14, 1824, in Montgomery Square, Pennsylvania. His West Point graduation, eighteenth out of twenty-five, in 1844 would not suggest a stellar military career. But he made a good showing at the end of the Mexican-American War with the 6th Infantry and served in the Third Seminole War before settling with his wife, Almira, in California. There he served as chief quartermaster until the start of the Civil War. With the advent of war, Hancock was promoted to brigadier general of volunteers. Hancock served in the Peninsula Campaign, at Antietam, and at

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Fredericksburg. Later, at Chancellorsville, he valiantly held the line, retreating only after being ordered to do so. By the time of Gettysburg in July 1863, Hancock’s reputation as a competent and brave soldier was well established. When John Reynolds was killed by a Confederate sharpshooter early in the battle, he was called upon by General George Meade to assume Reynold’s command, even though generals Oliver O. Howard and Daniel Sickles outranked him and were already in the field. It proved a wise decision. Hancock arrived to witness battered troops clambering up Cemetery Hill. Reorganizing them, he posted the Union forces in a long line around Culp’s Hill and along Cemetery Ridge to Little Roundtop (where the 20th Maine made its noteworthy and crucial stand against waves of William Oates’s Alabamian troops). Hancock’s inclination to lead his troops in swashbuckling style led to his injury at Gettysburg. After this watershed battle, Hancock recuperated until March of 1864, when he returned to the army in time to participate in the Battle of the Wilderness. Hancock was also engaged in the disastrous assault at Cold Harbor on June 3, in which he lost twenty-two hundred men. Resolute, he continued on toward Petersburg and took part in the early months of the siege. By the end of 1864, however, Hancock was too ill to continue in service. After the war he remained active in public affairs. He supervised the executions of Lincoln’s convicted band of assassins and kept his hand in politics. In 1880 he obtained the nomination of the Democratic Party but lost the election to James A. Garfield by a narrow margin. Hancock spent his last years with “Allie” on Governor’s Island in New York harbor. He died there on February 6, 1886. For more information see Heidler and Heidler, Encyclopedia of the American Civil War, 922–23. Courtesy of the Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division.

 Friday, March 13th. Last night quite cold; water froze in my tent, notwithstanding a hot fire [that] is kept in the stove until midnight. This morning sunshine and snow alternately and mixed. I remained within doors nearly all day, as I always have plenty to do. For sometime past, we have been living high. Breakfast at 9 a.m.: broiled beefsteaks; fried potatoes; hash with onions; fresh bread and butter; tea, coffee, or chocolate, etc., etc. Lunch when we feel like it of cold roast beef, bread and butter, apple butter, jellies or pickles, with apple or peach pie. Dinner at 5 p.m.: hot roast beef; boiled, roasted, or fried potatoes; stewed tomatoes; stewed or fried onions; ketchup and sauces; plenty of fresh oysters, stewed or fried; with a dessert of puddings made with eggs, butter, sugar, milk, and flour; pies 103

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and tarts of plums, quinces, blackberries, peaches, apples, etc. How we poor soldiers suffer. I have not tasted salt meat of any kind for nearly two months, except a couple of times that I visited our regiment. The doctors and I mess together in my quarters, as I have a large table and every convenience in the way of knives, forks, plates, and dishes. Monday, March 16th. There has been nothing of consequence to record since last date. Everything has been going on pleasantly within doors, but without it has been rather stormy, with snow, hail, rain, thunder, and lightening jumbled together without any pretension to regularity, and this morning the ground was covered with snow, which was frozen on the surface, making rather slippery walking, but during the day the greater part of it disappeared under the influence of the sun. Tuesday, March 17th. This is “Saint Patrick’s day in the morning.” The Irish Brigade, General Thomas F. Meagher, have a great horse race today over hurdles, also a mule race. Last May, Friday the 30th, on the Chickahominy, they also had a race, and during the height of it, an important battle was going on within a few miles, and now again the deep roar of cannon is heard on our right. It has continued for a couple of hours, but is now slacking off. It is rather a singular coincidence, as this is the first time for several weeks that firing of any consequence has been heard. The weather has been very fine today, and this evening it is quite mild. The frogs in the ravine below us are enjoying themselves considerably, as though in mockery of the old gentleman who drove their progenitors from the bogs of Ireland. Wednesday, March 18th. Rather mild, cloudy, and some pretensions to rain. Visited by Dr. Dougherty, medical director; Dr. Taylor,25 inspector of hospitals; and General Howard. They were all pleased with our arrangement. Dr. Taylor is a brother of Bayard Taylor, the author.26 104

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Thursday, March 19th. This morning Dr. Gray started for Washington on a five days leave for the purpose of procuring necessaries for this and the other division hospitals of the corps. Heavy firing of artillery a few miles to the north of us. Could hear the shells bursting distinctly. Understood late in the day that it was occasioned by a trial of ammunition. March 20th, Friday. Dr. Burchfield returned today, much to the satisfaction of all. He is a very pleasant companion, and I have missed him much. Saturday, March 21st. Received letters and newspapers from home, and from this time until Wednesday 25th. Alternate rain and shine, wind and calm. Received several letters, to all of which I replied. Everything going on pleasantly. Thursday, March 26th. Dr. Burchfield and I took a walk this afternoon and visited the 81st Pennsylvania Volunteers. A new assistant surgeon has been sent to our regiment, Dr. Norris27 of Miflin County, Pennsylvania. He is quite a young man and has not been in the service before. I think it likely he wishes himself back home again, judging from some remarks he made. It must be very unpleasant for a young man without any experience of camp life to join an old regiment where all are strangers to him and have no one to instruct him in his duties. (Dr. Houston and myself both being absent.) He must be much imposed upon by some of the old fellows who are always shamming sick to get rid of duty. The colonel threatened to have me tried by court martial for not obeying his order of the 1st instant. This was, however, a joke and properly appreciated, as he spoke in very flattering terms to Dr. Burchfield of the inconvenience the regiment was put to by my absence, particularly after Dr. Houston started for home, as they then had no one to take charge of the medical department that knew anything about it. 105

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Editors’ Postscript on March 1863 through War’s End

The 81st Pennsylvania did not move until April 26, 1863, when it was ordered to serve as an advance guard along with the 5th New Hampshire. The brigade advanced toward Chancellorsville, where it relieved a portion of the V Corps. The 81st was engaged throughout the battle of Chancellorsville (May 2–3, 1863), suffering sixty-two casualties.1 The Union forces sustained an astonishingly high number of casualties on the second day of battle (8,623), just a little less than the Confederates.2 In all, Hooker’s army suffered some five thousand more casualties than Lee’s. The loss of Stonewall Jackson on May 10 due to friendly fire while on reconnaissance, however, made the battle of Chancellorsville something of a pyrrhic victory for Lee. The 81st was also engaged at Gettysburg. On July 1 the regiment moved toward Taneytown, arriving on the field that evening, where it rested two miles behind the town. The following morning it moved to the front and took up a position with its left positioned alongside the III Corps and its right alongside the cemetery. The 81st was engaged in fighting in the Wheat Field, some of the bloodiest of the entire battle, suffering sixty-two more casualties. On July 4 the regiment advanced on Confederate pickets who quickly yielded, and then marched toward the Potomac. In a massive victory over the seemingly unstoppable Lee, the 81st had played its part in a contest generally acknowledged by historians as one of the most crucial of the war.3 The regiment was not engaged in any significant action again until early May 1864, when it participated in the battle of Spotsylvania 106

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Courthouse. This protracted conflict lasted from May 8 until May 19. On May 12 the II Corps, of which the 81st was a part, attacked Confederate positions along the Po River. In fighting described as “at close quarters and desperate,”4 the regiment suffered seventyseven casualties. The81st was then engaged in a number of actions leading up to the end of the war. It spent the winter of 1864–1865 in trenches outside Petersburg, Virginia. In early April the 81st took part in the pursuit of Lee that ended in his surrender at Appomattox. The role of the 81st in defense of the Union was a proud one. Its total enrollment was 1,608, 208 of whom were killed in battle. Its total casualties throughout the war were 908, or 56.46 percent! While it saw twenty-two engagements, none was as costly as its assault on Fredericksburg.5 The battles of Frayser’s Farm (Glendale) and Spotsylvania Courthouse were the next most costly for the regiment. Spencer Bonsall had seen much of this regiment’s early action. But his journal abruptly breaks off after March 1863. What happened to this opinionated and at times humorous hospital steward? The epilogue presents the rather surprising answer.

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Epilogue

Chancellorsville and the Gettysburg Nemesis

A lthough Spencer ends his journal on March 26, 1863, presumably never to return to it again, the story by no means ends there. Earlier in March he had been relieved of duty as hospital steward of the II Corps and sent to the First Division Hospital under the charge of Surgeon Charles Gray.1 While serving there, he requested a ten-day furlough, which he received, and presumably returned to his regular unit on April 16.2 If so, Bonsall arrived just in time for the Battle of Chancellorsville. April 26 through 29 the 81st Pennsylvania assisted General Hooker’s seventy thousand men in crossing the Rappahannock River.3 On May 1 it moved at the double quick to Chancellorsville, where it relieved a portion of the V Corps and remained in the fray for the duration of the battle, suffering heavy losses before returning to Falmouth. Bonsall’s unit did not see significant action again until July 1, when it was ordered to march toward Gettysburg. The regiment must have had an ominous feeling when they met the cavalry escort bearing the body of what many considered the Union’s finest general, John Reynolds, who had been shot that morning square in the head by a Confederate sharpshooter. The 81st reached the field of battle the next day and took up a position between the III Corps on its left and the cemetery on its right; from here it advanced past Round Top and on to the Wheat Field.4 There a pitched battle ensued, in which both sides yielded ground “with a stubbornness rarely equaled.”5 After the battle, Lee began his long retreat back to Virginia. Among the units nipping at his heels was the 81st Pennsylvania. Losses for the 81st at Gettysburg were comparatively light: total 108

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casualties were sixty-two (five killed, forty-nine wounded, eight missing).6 Of course, in the final analysis battles are very subjective events for the participants; even the most brilliantly fought and thoroughly victorious campaigns are tragic events for those killed or wounded. Spencer Bonsall discovered this hard reality when his horse was shot out from under him sometime during the battle of Gettysburg.7 Crashing to the ground with a one-thousand- to twelve-hundredpound animal ended the hospital steward’s military career. Bonsall was apparently sent to a general hospital, this time as a patient. From July 5 through the winter of 1864 the muster rolls show him absent from his regiment—“sick in hospital.” Finally this telling letter comes from the regimental surgeon, Dr. John Houston: Camp near Stevensberg, VA February 12th 1864 Adjutant– I have the honor to forward the following inquiry– Has Spencer Bonsall Hospital Steward 81st PA Vols been discharged from the service? He left the Regiment at Gettysburg in July last Sick, and has since been carried on the rolls as absent in Hospital. By parties who saw him in Philadelphia some months ago, it is said he claims to be out of the public service and engaged in private pursuits. Respectfully, J. Houston8

Three days later General Caldwell’s staff replied, “There is no record in this office showing anything relative to this man being discharged [from] the service. He will be reported as a deserter & and his descriptive listing forwarded to this office.”9 The final entry in his service record merely states, “Dropped as deserter since April 11, 1864. Not on subs. Rolls.”10 Spencer Bonsall—Deserter or Escapee? The army’s curt and summary dismissal of Bonsall as a deserter belies more revealing dynamics at play. Nearly 10 percent of all Union soldiers (some 278,000 according to some accounts) wound 109

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up deserting, most for a variety of personal reasons ranging from family troubles to a general distaste for military order.11 Among Pennsylvania troops alone there were over twenty-four thousand so-called “desertions.” 12 Historian Ella Lonn places the matter in some perspective when she writes, “While the officers of the regular army and those trained in the West Point tradition execrated the evil as a crime, the layman seems to have condoned it as excusable when the hardships of war proved more than human flesh could be expected to bear.”13 Lonn’s comment is a valuable corrective to the knee-jerk tendency simply to accept the derogatory label of “deserter” as indicative of cowardice or some other character flaw. In fact, desertion during the Civil War was neither rare nor prima facie evidence of fear and weakness. So in examining the case of Bonsall all factors should be taken into account. In so doing we find that there are primarily four that bear on his case: first, his physical condition following the horse mishap; second, the army rules and regulations regarding discharge at the time of his infirmity; third, the likelihood (or unlikelihood) that he could have appreciably contributed to his unit had he stayed; and fourth, the moral and ethical standards of the day with regard to army desertions. Though no precise account of his injuries seems to have survived, Bonsall’s condition was likely fairly serious and his debility prolonged if not permanent. Multiple contusions and the breaking of the pelvis, hip, and femur are not uncommon in such calamitous dismounts. Surely, he would not have had to spend months in recovery had he sustained only comparatively modest trauma. And considerable evidence suggests that his postwar activities were circumscribed by his wartime injuries. As will be seen later, he did not enter the more potentially lucrative pursuits that he had known prior to enlistment, such as those of a surveyor or apothecary (both requiring long hours standing, and in the case of a druggist, considerable stamina compounding medicines, macerating drugs, and pressing out crude drug product). Instead he obtained a position as assistant librarian, making barely more than a common ironworker 110

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of the day and considerably less than a male clerk working in a large metropolitan area.14 If Spencer had been feigning injury to get out of active service, he certainly carried the fraud on into civilian life and was willing to pay the price for it. In any case, there is no guarantee the army would have viewed Bonsall’s condition with sympathy. Even after any fractures healed, the lingering effects of an equestrian accident of these proportions could take any number of forms—severe lumbar pain, muscle, tendon, and nerve damage all seem likely effects. In the world of nineteenth-century medicine, once the effects of obvious trauma abated, Bonsall’s symptoms might well have been classed under the vague heading of chronic rheumatism. For many physicians, chronic rheumatism would have been diagnosed whenever persistent joint or back pain was exhibited.15 Treatment would have been largely symptomatic, with the application of camphorated liniments to the affected areas and occasional cupping (letting of small amounts of blood). But the army was suspicious of those with rheumatoid symptoms, viewing claims of back and joint pain as a handy refuge for the malingerer.16 Even if Spencer had avoided such suspicion, about all he could look forward to in the general hospital by way of treatment was rest, palliative liniments, and painful cuppings. But Bonsall’s difficulties were undoubtedly compounded by the army’s rules and regulations. Many of those with injuries sustained by falls and collisions (chronic rheumatoid sufferers among them) were not given disability discharges, but made part of an Invalid Corps to be employed as hospital aids, cooks, and just about anything else the army thought they might be able to do.17 Prior to its creation in April of 1863, most of these same convalescents now pressed into Invalid Corps service would have been discharged as “unfit for field duty.”18 But even when discharge seemed the obvious and appropriate action, bureaucratic bungling and needless administrative red tape could complicate the procedure. For example, in General Order no. 137 issued on May 18, 1863, medical inspectors had their power to discharge patients from active service suspended until further notice,19 and eight months later Circular no. 11 decreed that 111

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a discharge could be granted “only on the order of the Commanding Officer of the Corps or Department in which the man may be serving at the time of discharge.”20 For Bonsall and others like him confined to general hospital, orders such as these removed them from immediate access to those with the power to grant a discharge. One thing is certain: the army was not adopting a progressively liberal attitude toward granting disability discharges. Indeed, there is a sense that as victory approached and became an ever more apparent reality on the horizon, the government, perhaps worried about the effect of millions of pending pensions on the postwar budget, sought reasons to preclude such discharges. For a man in Bonsall’s position the prospect of a disability discharge looked questionable, if not downright bleak. Thus Spencer, whatever his state of infirmity, faced several facts: treatment in the general hospital was not likely to effect a cure and was in any case available in civilian life; the likelihood of his being returned in his present condition to the 81st was slim, while the chance of being relegated to an Invalid Corps designed more for busy work than active military service seemed high; and finally, the prospect of a disability discharge appeared dim. Given these circumstances, Bonsall did what many did—he simply walked away. Even from a hospital near Gettysburg he was only about 140 miles from his wife and child in Philadelphia. Given these circumstances, few of his comrades would have regarded such a decision as an act of cowardice or unreasonable abandonment of his fellow men. Even the government tended to wink at the practice, because it got them off the hook of providing a pension. Lonn points out that officials generally tried to “coax instead of drive the deserters back into the ranks,” and Lincoln’s two general pardons for deserters in 1863 and 1865 were met with indifference.21 This is not to suggest that desertion was not a serious offence. It was, and it could be punished by firing squad when the circumstances were especially egregious, such as fleeing in the heat of battle. But this was not the norm. As time went on desertion for any number of reasons steadily rose. Toward the end of the conflict little was done about 112

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the problem. “The U.S. government was exhausted,” writes David Madden, “and focused its attention on ending the war as quickly as possible—not tracking down men hiding from duty.”22 With a wife and young child, Bonsall’s decision to walk away from the army arguably made sense. Giving up a soldier’s pension was less of an issue than addressing more immediate and pressing concerns, namely returning home where he most certainly could provide a better income for his family than the sporadic army pay he received (he most certainly would not have received hospital steward’s pay in the Invalid Corps.). From this perspective Bonsall seems not so much a deserter as an escapee from a medical condition and military system that offered him little hope of recovery and even less hope of finishing out his service meaningfully. The Postwar Years Bonsall’s postwar years raise an old problem for historians—lack of reliable primary data combined with the march of time virtually erased the Civil War veteran from historical memory almost from the moment he removed his uniform.23 This is no inconsequential blind spot. While exact numbers of these former soldiers are unknown, the Grand Army of the Republic, a Union veteran’s organization, posted a peak membership in 1890 of some 409,000,24 and by 1893 10 percent of the Federal budget was being expended on Civil War veterans and their widows and orphans.25 However one chooses to define Spencer Bonsall—deserter or escapee or simply a convalescent who walked away—he is not to be found in these records. In this sense, whatever one can learn of his postwar years offers an important glimpse into an otherwise very dark historical black hole. About Bonsall’s life in Philadelphia after the war, a few things are clear. First and foremost, they must have been difficult years for the former hospital steward. Certainly, returning to his wife Ellen and his son Willie must have been some comfort, but his appointment as assistant librarian for the Pennsylvania Historical Society in 1868 suggests that steady employment—either by reason of his infirmity 113

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or sheer economics—was not immediately forthcoming. Also, as mentioned earlier, Bonsall’s income was not large. Eventually his salary was raised to $62.50 per month, still a modest wage even for the 1870s. In July of 1875 Bonsall, who appeared to need assistance in performing his duties, was “liberated from duty” and replaced by William Bush.26 Four years later he lost his wife of twenty-five years, Ellen. Elected a member of the Historical Society for life, Bonsall apparently left his employ on good terms. He remained active in the Society for the remainder of his life, and as late as 1881 at the age of sixty-five was appointed “teller” to conduct annual elections of officers.27 On April 4, 1888, Spencer Bonsall died at his home at 1430 Pine Street, Philadelphia, survived by his son William and a grand daughter, Eleanor Crosby Martin Bonsall.28 Care must be exercised in drawing sweeping conclusions from one man’s story of the Civil War. But if we have learned anything it is that by and large men contributed to the war effort as ability and circumstance allowed. Desertion is invested with a host of deprecatory meanings that fall away in the face of subjective context. In other words, it is easy to blame deserters until one knows a deserter’s story. Spencer Bonsall’s actions following his injury both in and out of service make it appear that he gave as much of himself as his body would allow. At least while Bonsall was in camp and hospital serving in the capacity to which he was assigned, he could say with confidence: “I am well satisfied with my position.” As recipients of the benefits that a preserved Union offer and to which Spencer Bonsall contributed, we too should be “well satisfied” for his service and for the remarkably detailed journal he kept for posterity.

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Notes  Bibliography  Index

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Notes Introduction: Spencer Bonsall’s Life and Times to  1. James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 20. 2. John W. Jordan, Colonial and Revolutionary Families of Pennsylvania (1911; reprint, Genealogical Pub. Co., 1978), 1348. 3. Ibid., 1345. 4. Ibid., 1348. 5. National Archives, Military Service Records for Spencer Bonsall. This is not to be confused with the so-called “California Regiment” (actually the 71st Pennsylvania Infantry). See William F. Fox, Regimental Losses in the American Civil War, 1861–1865 (1898; reprinted, Dayton, Ohio: Morningside Bookshop, 1985), 278. 6. See letters to Lawrence Reynolds and “Shipping Slip” dated August 23, 1957, in the “Civil War Journal of Spencer Bonsall,” Reynolds Historical Library, University of Alabama at Birmingham. 7. There are indications that the documents were not acquired at one time (see n32). There is a Schuman letter describing “32 closely and clearly written pages in ink. . . . From December 4–16, 1862 (1–8), and from January 6, 1863 (1–24), with 2 envelopes addressed to the writer’s mother [sic], Mrs. Ellen C. Bonsall, 1430 Pine Street, Philadelphia.” Schuman is incorrect in identifying the addressee as Bonsall’s “mother”; a careful reading of the materials reveals Mrs. Ellen C. Bonsall to be the writer’s wife. 8. Joseph Janvier Woodward, The Hospital Steward’s Manual (1862; facsimile reprint, San Francisco: Jeremy Norman, 1991), 20–21. 9. Although viewed from today’s perspective Hammond’s order can be considered warranted and progressive, his colleagues believed it to be rash and an unfair indictment of their professional practice. For details see Michael A. Flannery, “Trouble in Paradise: A Brief Review of Therapeutic Contention in America, 1790–1864,” Pharmacy in History 41 (1999): 153–63. 10. The Medical and Surgical History of the Civil War, 12 vols. (Wilmington, NC: Broadfoot Pub. Co., 1990), 3:257. This is a reprint of the classic work commissioned by Surgeon General Joseph K. Barnes as The Medical 117

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notes to pages 4–10

and Surgical History of the War of the Rebellion, 3 vols., 6 pts. (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1870–1888). Because the Broadfoot facsimile gives a straight volume numbering instead of the original’s somewhat convoluted volume/part arrangement, it is recommended strongly to the researcher in Civil War medicine. In addition, the reprint includes a comprehensive index keyed to its own simplified volume numbers. 11. Woodward, Hospital Steward’s Manual, 273–74. 12. George Worthington Adams, Doctors in Blue:The Medical History of the Union Army in the Civil War (1952; reprinted, Baton Rouge: Louisiana StateUniversity Press, 1996), 160. 13. Woodward, 278. 14. Ibid., 279. 15. For a complete description see ibid., 25–28. 16. Ibid., 13. 17. Military pay figures from John N. Henry, Turn Them Out To Die Like A Mule: The Civil War Letters of Hospital Steward John N. Henry, 49th New York, 1861–1865, edited by John Michael Priest (Leesburg, VA: Gauley Mount Press, 1995), 159. 18. Civilian pay figures from Daniel E. Sutherland, The Expansion of Everyday Life, 1860–1876 (New York: Harper & Row, 1990), 134–77. 19. Woodward, 43. 20. The Medical and Surgical History of the Civil War, 12:907. 21. The Medical and Surgical History of the Civil War, 2:148. 22. Michael A. Flannery, Civil War Pharmacy: A History of Drugs, Drug Supply and Provision, and Therapeutics for the Union and Confederacy (New York: Pharmaceutical Products Press, 2004), 20. 23. Henry, Turn Them Out, 159. 24. George Winston Smith, Medicines for the Union Army: The United States Army Laboratories During the Civil War (Madison, WI: American Institute of the History of Pharmacy, 1962), 9–10. 25. Anthony Gross, The Wit and Wisdom of Abraham Lincoln (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1992), 163. 26. Stephen W. Sears, To the Gates of Richmond: The Peninsula Campaign (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1992). 27. Quoted in James Ford Rhodes, History of the United States, 1850– 1877, 7 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1907), 4:24. For more on the Battle of Fair Oaks (referred to by the South as the Battle of Seven Pines), see Sears, To the Gates of Richmond, 111–45. 28. Total killed was 1,203 for the Union, 1,132 for the Confederacy. Sears, 144.

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notes to pages 10 –16

29. McPherson, 488. 30. James M. McPherson, What They Fought For, 1861–1865 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1994), 6–7. 31. Quoted in McPherson, What They Fought For, 3. McPherson’s dismissal of Marshall’s Men Against Fire (1947) is no doubt the product of more recent historians’ questioning of the author’s research methods and sources. Nevertheless, the book is based upon post-combat interviews with soldiers during World War II and remains Marshall’s most influential work. 32. In an undated letter apparently written later, Schuman provided the remainder of the Bonsall journal: “By one of these strange quirks which happens frequently enough in the antiquarian field to render one completely superstitious, I have just come upon a continuation of the Stephen [sic] Bonsall diary in Fredericksburg, and now in this section of the diary in Yorktown and Williamsburg. You have only to add this to the material in the cloth folder.” 33. National Archives, Military Service Records, Spencer Bonsall. 34. Flannery, Civil War Pharmacy, 116. 35. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 571–74. See also George Rable, Fredericksburg! Fredericksburg! (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002). 36. Thomas C. Cochran, ed., Concise Dictionary of American History (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1962), 381. 37. Grady McWhiney and Perry D. Jamieson, Attack and Die: Civil War Military Tactics and the Southern Heritage (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1982), 8. Even this was low compared to the Union’s most costly campaigns such as those at Spotsylvania and Port Hudson where the percentage of men killed or wounded exceeded a quarter of those engaged (p. 11)! 38. Union casualties were 12,653 compared to the Confederate 4,201. David S. Heidler and Jeanne T. Heidler, eds., Encyclopedia of the American Civil War: A Political, Social, and Military History, (New York: W. W. Norton, 2002): 779. 39. Gordon W. Jones, “The Medical History of the Fredericksburg Campaign: Course and Significance,” Theory and Practice in American Medicine, Gert H. Breiger, editor (New York: Science History Publications, 1976), 173–192. Reprinted from the original in Journal of the History of Medicine & Allied Sciences 18 (1963): 241–56. 40. Adams, Doctor’s in Blue, 76–77. 41. Jones, “The Medical History,” 192. 42. Ibid., 183–84.

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notes to pages 16 –28

43. Kremer and Urdang’s History of Pharmacy 4th ed., rev. by Glenn Sonnedecker (1976; reprinted, Madison, WI: American Institute of the History of Pharmacy, 1986), 346.

Peninsula Campaign: May  through June

,  1. See Fox, Regimental Losses, 281. 2. Soldiers ignited the charges of muzzle-loading guns through vents, or touchholes. 3. Born in Vermont in 1815, Israel Bush “Fighting Dick” Richardson was a graduate of West Point and a veteran of the Seminole and Mexican wars. Though he had resigned from the army in 1855, Richardson returned to service for the United States in May 1861. He commanded the First Division of the II Army Corps during the Peninsular Campaign in 1862. Mortally wounded at the battle of Antietam that same year, Richardson died on November 3, 1862. Sifakis, Who Was Who in the Civil War (New York: Facts on File, 1988), 543–44. 4. Occurring on May 5, 1862, on the heels of a Confederate retreat from Yorktown, the battle at Williamsburg engaged 40,768 advancing Federal troops against a Confederate rear guard of 31,823. Though the Union Army was able to occupy the town, remaining there until 1865, the delay caused by the engagement afforded the rest of the Confederate army more time to withdraw up the peninsula. The battle revealed General George B. McClellan’s ineptitude. “Clearly the Young Napoleon did not relish the prospect of commanding in battle,” writes Stephen W. Sears, “and on this day—and on other days to come—he would demonstrate his reluctance to do so.” Sears, To the Gates of Richmond, 82. 5. The source of the original quotation is not given. 6. James McFadden was attached to the 63rd Pennsylvania Infantry. He was mustered out of service one month later. J. W. Wells, and N.A.Strait, comps., revised by Newton A. Strait, An Alphabetical List of Battles of the War of the Rebellion…and a Roster of all the Regimental Surgeons and Assistant Surgeons in the Late War and Hospital Service (Washington, DC: G.M. Van Buren, 1883), 264. 7. Baker Street was in Southwark, a rundown neighborhood in south Philadelphia near the Delaware River, largely inhabited by recently arrived Irish Catholics. It was the scene of serious rioting in the late 1840s and early 1850s. 8. The boat was probably named for James Stephen Green (1817–1870), a U.S. Senator from Missouri from 1857 to 1861. 9. Purveyors were army surgeons with the primary duty of supplying

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notes to pages 28–32

and maintaining medical stores, drugs, and equipment. See Flannery, Civil War Pharmacy, 77–80. 10. Jacob Bartholomew was recruited in Carbon County, Pennsylvania, and mustered into Company I in October 1861. He was discharged in 1864 for wounds received at the battle of Spotsylvania Courthouse. Samuel P. Bates, History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 1861-1865, 5 vols. (Harrisburg: B. Singerly, State Printer, 1869), 2:1196. 11. Bonsall is referring to the Ager gun, a forerunner of the machine gun that was also known as the “Coffee Mill” for its striking resemblance to a type of coffee grinder. Both were crank-operated and hopper-fed. Clearly, the similarities stop there. The single barrel .58 caliber Ager was capable of firing up to 120 shots per minute at targets one thousand yards distant. Relatively few were purchased by the Union army, however, so it was used in only a limited number of battles. Norman Tobias, ed., The International Military Encyclopedia, 6 vols. (Gulf Breeze, Florida: Academic International Press, 1997-1999), 3:entry 37. 12. A reference to Edwin Vose Sumner (1797–1863), the oldest Union corps commander in the primary fields of operation. He began his long military career in 1819, rising to command the Department of the Pacific shortly before joining the Army of the Potomac in 1861. By July 1862 he was named major general of volunteers. Despite his successes, “Bull Head” Sumner (as he was sometimes known) was hampered by his old school military training and was not always suited to high command. It was Sumner’s men who made most of the futile and costly charges against Marye’s Heights at the battle of Fredericksburg. When Joseph Hooker took command of the army, Sumner requested to be relieved and reassigned. He died en route to his new post with the Department of the Missouri. Heidler and Heidler, Encyclopedia of the American Civil War, 1904. 13. Winfield Scott (1786–1866) was the first Civil War general in chief of Union forces. He is best known in history for his controversial Anaconda Plan, a grand strategy to secure a naval blockade of the South. His love of military pomp earned him the sobriquet “Old Fuss and Feathers.” An old war horse, Scott was in failing health. On October 31, 1861, he resigned his command and was replaced by George B. McClellan. Sifakis, Who Was Who in the Civil War, 576–77. 14. John Letcher (1813–1884). After serving in Congress since 1851, Letcher was elected governor of Virginia in 1860. Letcher was a staunch states rights advocate and after the bombardment of Fort Sumter and President Lincoln’s call for seventy-five thousand volunteers to quell the rebellion, he embraced secession and ordered state troops to seize Federal

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notes to pages 32–43

installations at Harper’s Ferry and Norfolk. As the war dragged on Letcher became politically isolated because he supported the Confederate cause at the cost of state sovereignty. At the close of the war he was briefly interned. After his release he engaged in a variety efforts to promote local education in his state while maintaining an active law practice. Sifakis, Who Was Who in the Civil War, 384. 15. The past owner of the White House plantation and father-in-law of Robert E. Lee, George Washington Parke Custis (1781–1857), was the grandson of Martha Washington and her first husband, John Parke Custis, and the adopted grandson of George Washington. Douglas Southall Freeman, Lee, a one-volume abridgment by Richard Harwell. (1961; reprinted Birmingham, Alabama: Oxmoor House, 1982) 21, 94–95. 16. Bonsall is incorrect. He apparently believes it is owned by Robert E. Lee, but the White House plantation belonged to his eldest son, William Henry Fitzhugh “Rooney” Lee (1837–1891). At this time the youthful Lee was colonel of the 9th Virginia Cavalry. Sifakis, Who Was Who in the Civil War, 382–83. 17. Sockdolager, a word of American etymology, is slang for a final or decisive blow. 18. Bonsall is probably referring to the two-wheeled Finley ambulance or possibly the two-wheeled Coolidge ambulance. Their fragility and incredibly uncomfortable ride caused the Union to abandon them in favor of four-wheeled ambulance wagons, such as the popular Wheeling (or Rosecrans), which was drawn by two horses (see Bonsall’s January 24, 1863 entry). For more details see John S. Haller, Farmcarts to Fords: A History of the Military Ambulance, 1790–1925 (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1992). 19. Fitz-John Porter (1822–1901), a graduate of West Point, maintained a distinguished military career into the second year of the Civil War, when he fell into disgrace at the second battle of Bull Run. Porter, who had been the commanding officer of the Army of the Potomac’s V Corps, was court-martialed and relieved of duty on January 21, 1863, for failing to lead his ten thousand men into action on the first day of that battle. However, in 1886 new testimony and documentary evidence presented at a second trial prompted a reversal of the decision, and Porter was reappointed to the U.S. army as a colonel. Two days later he retired. Sifakis, Who Was Who in the Civil War, pp. 515–16. 20. Of Irish origin, spalpeen is a term of derision used for a low-down, good-for-nothing fellow. 21. Slaves in the 1830s first used this derisive phrase to describe poor whites working in the fields or as servants, especially those with crude manners. 122

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notes to pages 47–56

22. Lee was recruited at Philadelphia and mustered into service on August 10, 1861. Although Bonsall (and perhaps even Lee himself ) did not know it yet, papers had been issued for Lee’s promotion to major the day before. Lee would rise to lieutenant colonel by November 1862. He was discharged on April 17, 1863. See Bates, History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 2:1173. 23. Oliver Otis Howard (1830–1909) was a graduate of West Point, where he taught math prior to the war. Bonsall here refers to the general’s injury at Fair Oaks. After a medical leave of only two months, he returned to duty. Eventually William Tecumseh Sherman appointed him commander of the Army of the Tennessee after the death of Major General James B. McPherson. Although brave and resolute as a leader, his career was hampered by ineffectiveness and his reputation was clouded in controversy. Following the war, Howard became director of the Freedmen’s Bureau, and in 1862 Howard University was so named in recognition of his efforts. Heidler and Heidler, Encyclopedia of the American Civil War, 1008–10. 24. Practically nonexistent in the U.S. before hostilities began, the practice of embalming the dead before internment rose in popularity as deaths mounted and Northern families searched for a way to bury their loved ones at home. Not cheap, embalming was primarily available to those individuals or families who could afford it. Consequently, many more officers than enlisted men were embalmed and shipped home. For a more thorough discussion, see Gary Laderman’s The Sacred Remains: American Attitudes Toward Death, 1799-1883 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996), particularly pages 103–16. 25. A mudsill is someone from society’s lowest class. 26. Hot air balloons were used by the North, and to a lesser extent the South, for reconnaissance. During the Peninsula Campaign, Thaddeus Lowe, balloonist to the Army of the Potomac, used tethered balloons that could rise up to five thousand feet to gather observations on enemy troop positions. Though Lowe’s balloon corps provided much useful information and forced Confederate troops to spend time and energy on hiding their field positions, it lacked military status and was prone to bureaucratic mishandling, eventually leading to its demise in 1863. See L. T. C. Rolt,, The Aeronauts: A History of Ballooning, 1783-1903 (New York: Walker and Company, 1966) , 165–72, for further information. 27. F.F.V. stands for First Families of Virginia. 28. Bonsall is referring to Republican Senator Ira Harris (1802–1875) from New York. Harris, a prominent lawyer who had served as a New York Supreme Court justice before his election to the U.S. Senate in 1861, was close to President Lincoln and influential in Congress as a member 123

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notes to pages 56 – 64

of the judiciary and foreign relations committees. Sifakis, Who Was Who in the Civil War, 285. 29. Designed by Robert Parker Parrott (1804–1877), superintendent of the West Point Iron and Cannon Foundry before and during the war, the Parrott gun was a muzzle-loading, rifled cannon easily identified by the thick wrought-iron band encircling the breech. Both Union and Confederate armies used them, valuing the guns for their relative accuracy and range. Sifakis, Who Was Who in the Civil War, 489. 30. This is the last entry for this period in Bonsall’s journal. He missed his regiment’s second most devastating engagement. On June 30 at Frayser’s Farm (Glendale, Virginia) the 81st was attacked by the 55th and 60th Virginia Infantry. The 81st suffered 130 casualties. Fox, Regimental Losses, 281. For more on the battle of Frayser’s Farm see Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, 4 vols. (1884; reprinted, Barnes and Noble Books, 2005), 2:396–403; and Sears, To the Gates of Richmond, 289–307. 31. Bonsall gives a nice outline of the army’s organization here (from smallest to largest). For more see the section, “Army Organization during the Civil War.”

Editors’ Note on the Interlude of June to December  1. National Archives, Military Service Records, Spencer Bonsall. 2. Details of the regiment’s movements and engagements throughout this period are taken from Bates, History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 2:1168–72.

Fredericksburg: December  to December ,  1. Bonsall makes frequent mention of Aquia Creek and Aquia Landing. Aquia Creek empties into the Potomac River about forty-five miles south of Washington, DC. Located on a peninsula jutting into the mouth of the creek was Aquia Landing, an important supply base for the Army of the Potomac. It was also the terminus of the Richmond, Fredericksburg, and Potomac Railroad, from which passengers could take steamboats north to Washington. The importance of Aquia Creek in the medical affairs at Fredericksburg is underscored in Gordon W. Jones, “The Medical History of the Fredericksburg Campaign,” 183–84. 2. Isaac Newton (1800–1867) was the first commissioner of the Department of Agriculture, established in May 1862. It is possible that Bonsall, also interested in agriculture, knew him from Philadelphia, as Newton operated a successful farm in nearby Delaware County. “Virtual American Biographies” <www.famousamericans.net/isaacnewton1/> 3. i.e., fever. 124

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notes to pages 65–74

4. A humorous reference to the popular 19th-century song, “Meet Me by Moonlight Alone,” written in 1826 by Irish composer Joseph Augustine Wade (c1801–1845). 5. Although Bonsall’s January 9, 1863, entry states that Houston was from Lancaster, Pennsylvania, the official record indicates that Dr. John Houston was from Marietta, Pennsylvania. He rose from assistant surgeon to surgeon in less than a year, and was mustered out of service in September 1864. See Alphabetical List of Battles, 267. 6. Bonsall is not exaggerating; the 81st did lose more than half its men at Fredericksburg. Of 261 soldiers engaged, 176, or 67.4%, ended up casualties. See Fox, Regimental Losses, p.35. 7. Simple cerate, a mixture of white wax and lard, was used as an emollient for slight wounds, such as scrapes or other injuries that removed only the skin. It was hardly designed for cooking! See Flannery, Civil War Pharmacy, 270. 8. i.e., Chatham Manor.

Windmill Point and Falmouth: January  to March ,  1. See Bates, History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 2:1170. 2. Bolivar Heights lies directly behind or to the west of Harper’s Ferry. Bonsall is probably referring to events that took place in September 1862 just after General Robert E. Lee’s Antietam Campaign. At that time Harper’s Ferry was under Union control, with troops positioned in town and on Bolivar and Maryland heights. While there, the 81st was sent on reconnaissance of Charlestown, in what was to become the new state of West Virginia. Bates gives the movements of the 81st in his History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 2:1169. 3. Due to wounds received at Charles City Crossroads, Virginia, in November 1862. 4. Andrew Gregg Curtin (1817–1894) was the Republican governor of Pennsylvania. Curtin was known as the “Soldier’s Friend” for his efforts at caring for soldiers and their families. He offered strong support for the war effort. Curtin continued as governor until 1866. Later, during the Grant administration, he was appointed minister to Russia. Heidler and Heidler, Encyclopedia of the American Civil War, 530–31. 5. Harrison’s Landing (Berkeley Plantation) is on the James River in Charles City County, Virginia. McClellan was headquartered there in July and August 1862. 6. Bonsall is referring to Alexis Benoît Soyer (1809–1858), who achieved culinary fame not only for his skill in the kitchen, but also for the many books he wrote on the culinary art and for his work as cooking advisor 125

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notes to pages 74–83

to the British army during and after the Crimean War. Born and trained in France, Soyer immigrated to London in 1831, remaining there until his death. For details see Ruth Cowen, Relish: The Extraordinary Life of Alexis Soyer, Victorian Chef (London: Weidenfield & Nicolson, 2006). 7. Alexander N. Dougherty (1820–1882) began his military service as surgeon of the 4th New Jersey regiment. He soon rose to surgeon of Kearney’s New Jersey brigade, and eventually became medical director of the II Corps. Dougherty served in many of the Eastern Theater battles, including Fair Oaks, Malvern Hill, Antietam, Chancellorsville, and Gettysburg. Dr. Dougherty was promoted to colonel for his outstanding service on October 12, 1865. See obituary in the Journal of the American Medical Association, 1 (September 1883):256. 8. William H. Morton was originally a surgeon with the1st Minnesota Infantry. He died from a camp disease just before Gettysburg in June 1863. See Alphabetical List of Battles, 164. 9. Luther M. Knight (1810–1887) was surgeon of the 5th New Hampshire Infantry before becoming Hancock’s chief medical officer. In 1863 he resigned due to poor health, returning to his home in Franklin, New Hampshire. “Obituary Notes,” New York Medical Journal 45 (1887): 214. 10. A reference to Brussels carpet, which is made of wool looped through a backing of strong linen thread. 11. J. P. Burchfield joined the 53rd Pennsylvania Infantry in August 1862 as an assistant surgeon. In April 1863 he was appointed surgeon of the 83rd Pennsylvania, remaining with that regiment for the duration of the war. Alphabetical List of Battles, 263, 267. 12. Windmill Point field hospital was located on Marlborough Point, which is, as Bonsall more or less depicts in his map, at the point where Potomac Creek spills into the Potomac River. 13. Bonsall is witness here to the appalling conditions known as “the mud march.” After the Union’s disappointing performance at Fredericksburg, General Burnside proposed to swing around Lee’s left to force him into the open. The plan required speed and secrecy (enough at least to catch the Army of Northern Virginia by surprise). With pleasant dry weather in early January, Burnside felt confident of success. But almost as soon as the troops broke camp around Falmouth on January 20 a steady drizzle commenced. By evening the drizzle became a downpour causing a two-mile quagmire of troops, wagons, and horses. The Confederates easily spotted the Union forces mired along the Rappahannock. Burnside, however, refused to stop the march and in an attempt to lift flagging spirits ordered whiskey rations. With soldiers taking full advantage of Burnside’s happy hour, the situation went from dismal to chaotic as rival regiments from 126

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notes to pages 83– 91

Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and Maine engaged in three-way fisticuffs. Bemused by the spectacle, Confederates on the opposite bank of the river held up a sign, “THIS WAY TO RICHMOND.” Eventually even Burnside saw the folly of continuing the march and left for Washington to request more support. Lincoln’s reply came on January 26 when he relieved Burnside from command. The story of the mud march is most colorfully told in Shelby Foote’s The Civil War: A Narrative: Fredericksburg to Meridian (New York: Random House, 1963), 129–30. 14. Instant is a now outdated term to indicate the present month. Thus, the 5th instant is equivalent to the 5th of February. 15. During the Civil War, “contraband” was slang among Northerners for fugitive and freed slaves. Congress formalized the idea of slaves as contraband when it passed the First Confiscation Act in 1861. Aimed at weakening slaves’ contributions to the Confederate war effort, the act stipulated that any slaves found assisting the Confederate armed services would be freed, nullifying any claims to ownership. For details see Heidler and Heidler, Encyclopedia of the American Civil War, 491–93. 16. Bonsall knew about cultivating tea plants from his experiences in India. 17. Edward Vollum knew something of medical organization. He was an able medical inspector who would take his skills to the Western Theater when he persuaded Grant to adopt Letterman’s ambulance system for the entire Army of the Tennessee. As of March 1863 Grant’s ambulance corps was made up of a commissioned officer at the division level with a non-commissioned officer in charge of each brigade with a driver and two enlisted men assigned to each ambulance. See Mary C. Gillett, The Army Medical Department, 1818–1815 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1987), 217. 18. Until the acceptance of germ theory, the concept of fever was much different in the mid-19th century than it is today. Rather than a symptom of an infection, fever was often understood as a disease in itself. In effect, the symptoms were the disease. In general, fever was defined as, “one of the most frequent and dangerous affections to which the body is liable . . . It is not characterized by any one, but depends upon the coexistence of many symptoms” (Robley Dunglison, Medical Lexicon [Philadelphia: Henry C. Lea, 1874, 416]). To assist in diagnosing fevers, physicians tried to classify them based on their symptoms. However, because fevers were difficult to diagnose specifically, and were therefore open to interpretation, it was hard to develop a stable classification system. Intermittent fever, until the 1870s, was one characterized by its onset and progression rather than any specific microbial etiology. While this was often malaria, inconsistent results in the prescribing of quinine (a specific for malarial 127

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notes to pages 91– 98

infections) in the treatment of intermittent fever shows the unreliability of purely symptomatic diagnosis and uncertain dosage. The evolving understanding of fever within the medical profession is astutely covered in Lester S. King, Transformations in American Medicine:From Benjamin Rush to William Osler (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991). 19. A euroclydon is a violent storm wind. 20. Justin Dwinelle was first attached to the 71st Pennsylvania Infantry. He was transferred to the 106th Pennsylvania Infantry in September 1861 where he served until September 1865. Alphabetical List of Battles, 265, 271. 21. Spencer’s only son. At the time of this writing “Willie” William Martin Bonsall was seven years old. William later became a topographical draftsman. Marrying Helen Ferdinand in 1893, he presented Bonsall with a granddaughter, Eleanor Crosby Martin Bonsall. John W. Jordan, Colonial and Revolutionary Families of Pennsylvania (1911; reprinted Geneological Pub. Co,, 1978), 1351–52. 22. The rumor of Union victory was premature. The final, successful push on Vicksburg did not begin until March 31, and the city did not surrender until July 4, 1863. 23. Bonsall correctly indicates that normally yellow was used to identify hospitals, and this was the official policy as stated in General Order no. 102, Army of the Potomac, issued on March 24, 1862. Why red flags were being used nearly a year later is unclear. 24. Anna M. Holstein worked with her husband to care for wounded soldiers and distribute supplies gathered by the U.S. Sanitary Commission and other related organizations the length of the war. A couple of years after hostilities ended she wrote a memoir of her wartime experiences and had this to say about the camp near Falmouth: Army life taught, perhaps, all who were in it many useful lessons. I never knew before how much could be done, in the way of cooking, with so few utensils. We thought we had some experience in that line at Sharpsburg, but here the conveniences were still fewer. When we commenced, a little “campstove,” very little larger than a lady’s band-box, fell to our lot, upon which to prepare the “light diet,” as it is termed. . . . For several weeks, seventy men were daily supplied with all the “light diet” they required, prepared upon it . . . and gradually, from the Sanitary Commission and friends at home, this department was fitted for work . . . Penn Relief, Reading, Pottstown, Danville, and some portions of Montgomery County were the sources from which our supplies, at this time, principally came. We still depended entirely upon home-supplies for our own use; frequently, during that winter, our bread was four or five weeks old . . . Several trips were made to Washington, to purchase bread for us; at length, at the request of the

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notes to pages 98–109 surgeon in charge, we drew army rations, and were spared much trouble. Our dwelling was a little “Sibley” tent, whose only floor was the fragrant branches of the pines—giving additional care to our attentive “orderly,” in its frequent renewing; there, while fully occupied, the winter slowly wore away. (Mrs. H. Three Years in Field Hospitals of the Army of the Potomac [Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1867], 26–27.)

25. Probably William Taylor who had traveled with his literary brother to Europe in 1851 (see following note). Both would lose their brother, Colonel Frank Taylor, at Gettysburg. 26. Bayard Taylor (1825–1878) started as a journalist and wrote several popular travel accounts of Europe, Africa, Egypt, the Middle East, China, and Japan. Taylor’s most ambitious efforts were in poetry, all published after the war: The Picture of St. John (1866), Masque of the Gods (1872), Lars: A Pastoral of Norway (1873), The Prophet (1874), Prince of Deukalion (1878). His most memorable contribution to literature remains his two-volume translation of Faust (1870–71). Charles Van Doren, ed., Webster’s American Biographies (Springfield, MA: Merriam-Webster, 1984), 1020–21. 27. John C. Norris was mustered into service on March 21, 1863. He was promoted to surgeon in October 1864 and remained with the regiment until January 1865. Interestingly, the official record lists Norris as living at 1307 Girard Avenue, Philadelphia, about two miles from Bonsall’s Pine Street address. See Alphabetical List of Battles, 267.

Editors’ Postscript on March  through War’s End 1. See Fox, Regimental Losses, 281. 2. Sears, Chancellorsville, 366. 3. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 665. 4. Bates, History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 1:1171. 5. Fox, Regimental Losses, 281.

Epilogue 1. National Archives, Military Service Records, Spencer Bonsall. 2. Ibid. 3. Samuel P. Bates, History of Pennsylvania Volunteers 2:1170; John S. Bowman, ed. The Civil War Almanac (1983; reprinted, Barnes & Noble, 2005), 143. 4. Bates, History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 2:1171. 5. Ibid. 6. William F. Fox, Regimental Losses, 281. 7. John W. Jordan, Families of Pennsylvania, 1348. 8. National Archives, Military Service Records, Spencer Bonsall. 129

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notes to pages 109 –13

9. Ibid. 10. Ibid. 11. Earl J. Hess, The Union Soldier in Battle: Enduring the Ordeal of Battle (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1997), p. 88. This figure is a matter of dispute and perspective. Hess’s 278, 000 is based upon official records. Ella Lonn, in her classic Desertion During the Civil War (1928; reprinted, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998), places the figure closer to 200,000 (154). 12. Lonn, 152. 13. Ibid., 226. 14. Pennsylvania Historical Society, Minute Book, 242. At $50 per month, Bonsall’s starting salary amounted to only $600 a year. By comparison, ironworkers made on average $540 per year and a New York clerical worker earned $1,800 per annum. For figures, see Daniel E. Sutherland, Expansion of Everyday Life, 174, 205. 15. For a detailed description of the disease, see George B. Wood, A Treatise on the Practice of Medicine, 5th ed., 2 vols. (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1858) 1:468–93. 16. Ironically, this was especially true in cases following injury. According to Dr. Joseph Janvier Woodward, “the rheumatic malingerer more frequently attributed his malady to a strain or injury than the genuine sufferer.” See The Medical and Surgical History of the War of the Rebellion, part 3, vol. 1, Medical History, 836. 17. William Grace, The Army Surgeon’s Manual (New York: Bailliere Brothers, 1864), pp. 63, 68. 18. Paul A. Cimbala, “Soldiering on the Home Front: The Veteran Reserve Corps and the Northern People,” in Union Soldiers and the Northern Home Front: Wartime Experiences, Postwar Adjustments, ed. Paul A. Cimbala and Randall M. Miller (New York: Fordham University Press, 2002), 182–218, 183. 19. Grace, 69. 20. Ibid., 88. 21. Lonn, Desertion during the Civil War, 227. 22. David Madden, ed., Beyond the Battlefield: The Ordinary Life and Extraordinary Times of the Civil War Soldier (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000), 43. 23. Nearly twenty years ago Maris A. Vinovskis decried the lack of attention paid to the lives of postwar veterans, see his “Have Social Historians Lost the Civil War?: Some Preliminary Demographic Speculations,” The Journal of American History 76.1 (June 1989): 34–58. Since then James Alan Marten has presented a sound analysis of Civil War veterans experi130

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notes to pages 113–14

encing severe disabilities ranging from debilitating physical handicaps and posttraumatic stress disorders in his “Exempt from the Ordinary Rules of Life: Researching Postwar Adjustment Problems of Union Veterans,” Civil War History 47.1 (March 2001): 57–70, but the lives of the vast majority of veterans remain to be examined. Attention to this neglected topic has been more recently paid by The Civil War Veteran: A Historical Reader, edited by Larry M. Logue and Michael Barton (New York: New York University Press, 2007). 24. Heidler and Heidler, Encyclopedia of the American Civil War, 2020. 25. Megan J. McClintick, “Civil War Pensions and the Reconstruction of Union Families,” The Journal of American History 83.2 (September 1996): 456–80, 458. 26. Pennsylvania Historical Society, Minute Book, 321–22. 27. Ibid., 468. 28. Jordan, Families of Pennsylvania, 1348.

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Bibliogr aphy

A list of the principal sources used in preparing the notes to Spencer Bonsall’s journal. Bates, Samuel P. History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 1861–1865. 2 vols. Harrisburg: B. Singerly, State Printer, 1869. Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. 4 vols. 1884. Reprinted, New York: South Brunswick, 1956. Boatner III, Mark M. The Civil War Dictionary. New York: Vintage Books, 1991. Bowman, John S., ed. The Civil War Almanac. 1983. Reprinted, New York, Barnes & Noble Books, 2005. Flannery, Michael A. Civil War Pharmacy: A History of Drugs, Drug Supply and Provision, and Therapeutics for the Union and Confederacy. New York: Pharmaceutical Products Press, 2004. Fox, William F. Regimental Losses in the American Civil War 1861–1865. Dayton, Ohio: Morningside Bookshop, 1985. Reprint of the 1898 edition published by the Albany Publishing Company, Albany, New York. Freeman, Douglas Southall. Lee. A one-volume abridgment by Richard Harwell. 1961. Reprinted, Birmingham, AL: Oxmoor House, 1982. Hall, Joan H., ed. Dictionary of American Regional English. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2002. Haller, John S. Farmcarts to Fords: a History of the Military Ambulance, 1790–1925. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1992. Heidler, David S. and Jeanne T. Heidler. Encyclopedia of the American Civil War, New York: W. W. Norton, 2000. Hess, Earl J. The Union Soldier in Battle: Enduring the Ordeal of Battle. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1997. Hubbell, John T. and James W. Geary, eds. Biographical Dictionary of the Union: Northern Leaders of the Civil War. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1995. 133

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bibliogr aphy

Index-Catalogue of the Surgeon General’s Office, United States Army. Second Series. Washington: GPO, 1896–1916. Jones, Gordon W. “The Medical History of the Fredericksburg Campaign: Course and Significance.” In: Theory and Practice in American Medicine. Edited by Gert H. Brieger. New York: Science History Publications, 1976. pp. 173–192. Jordan, John W. Colonial and Revolutionary Families of Pennsylvania. 1911. Reprint, Geneological Pub. Co., 1978. Kremer and Urdang’s History of Pharmacy. 4th ed., rev. by Glenn Sonnedecker (1976; reprinted, Madison, WI: American Institute of the History of Pharmacy, 1986), 346. Laderman, Gary. The Sacred Remains: American Attitudes Toward Death, 1799–1883. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996. Lord, Francis A. Civil War Collector’s Encyclopedia: Arms, Uniforms, and Equipment of the Union and Confederacy. New York: Castle Books, 1965. Madden, David, ed. Beyond the Battlefield: The Ordinary Life and Extraordinary Times of the Civil War Soldier. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000. McPherson, James M. Battle Cry of Freedom: the Civil War Era. New York: Oxford University Press, 1988. ———. What They Fought For, 1861–1865. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1994. Mrs. H. Three Years in Field Hospitals of the Army of the Potomac. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1867. National Archives. Military Service Records. Spencer Bonsall. Pennsylvania Historical Society. Minute Book. Rhodes, James Ford. History of the United States, 1850–1877. 7 vols. New York: Macmillan, 1906–1907. Rolt, L. T. C. The Aeronauts: A History of Ballooning 1783–1903. New York: Walker and Company, 1966. Sadie, Stanley, ed. The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians. 2nd edition. New York: Grove, 2001. Sears, Stephen W. Chancellorsville. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1996. ———. To the Gates of Richmond: The Peninsula Campaign. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1992. Sifakis, Stewart. Who Was Who in the Civil War. New York: Facts on File, 1988. Surgeon-General’s Office. The Medical and Surgical History of the War of the Rebellion, 3 vols., 6 pts. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1870–1888. 134

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bibliogr aphy

Tobias, Norman, ed. The International Military Encyclopedia. 6 vols. Gulf Breeze, FL: Academic International Press, 1997–1999. United States. War Dept. Revised United States Army Regulations of 1861, with an appendix containing the changes and laws affecting Army regulations and Articles of war to June 25, 1863. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1863. Available online through the University of Michigan’s Making of America (MOA) digital library: . The MOA home page is . Warner, Ezra J. Generals in Blue: Lives of the Union Commanders. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1964. Wells, J. W. and N. A. Strait, comps., An Alphabetical List of the Battles of the War of the Rebellion . . . and a Roster of all the Regimental Surgeons and Assistant Surgeons in the Late War and Hospital Service. Revised by Newton A. Strait. Washington, DC: G. M. Van Buren, 1883. Wilson James G. and John Fiske, eds. Appleton’s Cyclopedia of American Biography, 6 vols. New York: Appleton and Company, 1887–1900. Woodward, Joseph Janvier. The Hospital Steward’s Manual. 1862; facsimile reprint, San Francisco: Jeremy Norman, 1991.

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Index Adams, George Worthington, 4 Ager guns (Coffee Mills): 31, 121n. 11 Allen’s Farm, 9 Antietam, battle of, 13–14, 41, 61, 97, 102, 120n. 3 Aquia Creek, 61, 63, 64, 77, 81, 85, 90, 124n. 1 Aquia Landing, 14–16, 76, 82, 86, 93, 101, 124n. 1 Army of the Potomac, 9, 13, 32, 41, 67, 79, 85, 100, 122n. 19, 123n. 26, 124n. 1 Army organization during the war, 20–21 Barhamsville, 28 Bartholomew, Jacob (“Jake”), 31, 37, 74, 76, 93, 121n. 10 Belle Plain, 89 Bolivar Heights, 72, 74, 125n. 2, Bonsall, Edward H. (father), 1 Bonsall, Eleanor Crosby Martin (granddaughter), 114 Bonsall, Ellen (wife), 8, 31, 51, 113, 114, 117n. 7 Bonsall, Lydia (mother), 1 Bonsall, Spencer: African Americans, attitude towards, 11, 27–28, 38; assignment and rank, 60; army life, 8; birth, 1; death, 114; desertion, 109–113; Confederates, attitude towards: 25, 37–38, 42–44, 49–50, 58, 63; and casualty figures, 51; as druggist, 1, 4, 16,

88; early life, 1–2; on field hospital and corps, 73; on illiteracy, 50; illness: 12, 61; in India, 1; injury, 109; on malingerers, 86–87, 105; postwar life in Philadelphia, 113–114; view of the war, 52; in Washington, D.C., 61, 62, 63; women, attitude towards, 8, 30–31, 37, 65, 98 Bonsall, William Martin (“Willie”) (son), 94, 101, 113, 114, 128n. 21 Bull Run (Manassas), battles of, 13; first battle, 53; second battle, 61 Burchfield, J. P., 14, 76, 77, 81, 86–90, 92, 98, 101, 105, 126n. 11 Burnside, Ambrose: 12, 14, 41, 67, 83, 84–85, 100, 126–27n. 13 Camp California, 2, 22 Camp Winfield Scott, 24 Cedar Hill, 32 Chancellorsville, battle of, 100, 103, 106, 108 Charlestown, 61 Cheeseman’s Landing, 29 Christian, John D., 35 Coffee Mill guns. See Ager guns contraband, slaves as, 90, 91, 127n. 15 Cumberland, 29, 31–33 Curtin, Andrew Gregg, 73, 125n. 4 Custis, George Washington Parke, 34, 122n. 15 Custis, Martha, 35

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index Gaines’ Mill, battle of, 9 Garnet’s House, 42 Gettysburg, battle of, 16–17, 103, 106, 108–9, 112 Glendale, battle of. See Frayser’s Farm, battle of Gray, Charles, 76, 77, 88, 90, 91, 92, 94, 95, 100, 101, 105, 108

Despatch Station, 37, 56 Dougherty, Alexander N., 75, 96, 100, 104, 126n. 7 Dukes, George, 42 Dwinelle, Justin, 92, 93, 128n. 20 81st Pennsylvania Volunteers: at Antietam, 61; Bonsall mustered in, 2; at Chancellorsville, 106; at Charlestown, 125n. 2; description and composition of, 19; at Fair Oaks, 51, 53; at Falmouth, 80; at Frayser’s Farm (Glendale, Va.), 124n. 30; at Fredericksburg, 13, 62, 70, 125n. 6; at Gettysburg, 16, 106–108; war record of, 107 Eltham, 28 embalming, practice of, 49, 52, 57, 123n. 24

Halleck, Henry Wager, 10 Hammond, William A., 4, 117n. 9 Hancock, Winfield Scott, 75, 83, 87, 98, 100, 102–3, 126n. 9 Harper’s Ferry, 61, 65, 125n. 2 Harris, Ira, 56, 123n. 28 Harrison’s Landing, 10, 73, 125n. 5 Henry, John N., 7 Hoey, Andrew J., 97 Holstein, Anna M., 98, 128–29n. 24 Hooker, Joseph (“Fighting Joe”), 85, 97, 98, 99–100, 106, 108, 121n. 12 hospital fund (Union army), 75, 76 hospital stewards, 2, 4–7 Houston, John, 68–69, 73, 94, 95, 96, 101, 105, 109, 125n. 5 Howard, Oliver Otis, 47, 100, 103, 104, 123n. 23

Fair Oaks, battle of, 8, 9, 10, 19, 46, 51, 53, 72 Fair Oaks Station, 47, 51, 54, 56, 97 Fairy (vessel): 86, 93 Falmouth, 14, 15, 61, 64, 71, 76, 77, 80–81, 82, 83, 88, 91, 95, 108, 126n. 13, 128n. 24, Falmouth Station, 77, 82, 83, 88, 93 Forage Station, 55 Frayser’s Farm, battle of, 9, 107, 124n. 30 Fredericksburg, 12; destruction of, 68; geographical description of, 71; evacuation of, 71 Fredericksburg, battle of: Bonsall in, 62–71; Burnside’s failure at, 85; 81st Pennsylvania losses at, 70, 107, 125n. 6; medical corps effectiveness at, 13–16; Union army’s failure at, 67–68; Union losses at, 12–13, 62;

Invalid Corps, 111–13 James S. Green (vessel), 29, 35, 120n. 8 Johnson, Charles F., 19, 60, 73 Johnston, Joseph E., 9, 10, 46 John Tucker (vessel), 85, 86, 91 Jones, Gordon W., 13, 14, 16 journal, description of, xii, 2, 117n. 7 Knight, Luther M., 75, 126n. 9

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index Lacy House, 71, 80 Lee, Horace M. (brother of Robert M.), 47, 49 Lee, Robert E., 9, 12, 34, 46, 67, 100, 106, 107, 108, 122n. 15 Lee, Robert M., Jr. (brother of Horace M.), 47, 72, 123n. 22 Lemberger, Joseph Lyon, 7 Letcher, John, 33, 121–22n. 14 Letterman, Jonathan, 13–16; 67–68; 127n. 17 Longstreet, James, 61, 62, 100 Lonn, Ella, 110, 112, 130n. 11 malingerers, 86–87, 105, 111 Malvern Hill, battle of, 9, 97, 100 Marlborough Point, 79, 126n. 12 Marl Hill (plantation), 33, 35 Marshall, Samuel L. A., 11, 119n. 31 Martindale, J. H., 63 Marye’s Heights, 12, 62 Mason, A. S., 69 Mayo, John, 32 McClellan, George B., xi, 9–10, 38–39, 40–41, 46, 49, 54, 61, 83, 85, 98, 99– 100, 120n. 4, 121n. 13, 125n. 5 McFadden, James, 26, 120n. 6 McKeen, H. Boyd, 73, 95 McParlin, Thomas A., 6 McPherson, James M., 10–11, 119n. 31 Meadow Station, 56 Meagher, Thomas F., 53, 104 Mechanicsville, 9 military salaries, irregularity of, 65 Miller, James, 19, 47, 50, 51 Monroe, Fort, 22, 46, 47 Morton, William H., 75, 76, 77, 126n. 8 mud march, 83, 85, 126–27n. 13

New Kent county, 33, 35 New Kent Courthouse, 30, 31 Newton, Isaac, 63, 124n. 2 Norris, John C., 105, 129n. 27 Parrott guns, 58, 124n. 29 Peninsula Campaign: Bonsall in, 19– 60; disease in: 10, 12; McClellan’s failure in: 41, 85; phases of, 9–10 Petersburg, 85, 103, 107 pharmacy practice, 5 Philips House, 80 Pioneer (vessel), 86 Plumb, S. Hiram, 77 Pope, John, 41, 61, 85 Porter, Fitzjohn, 39, 122n. 19 prices (Union army), 22, 24, 29, 75, 82 Punch, William, 57 Quigley, William, 57 Randolph, Rev. Alfred, 69 Reno, Griffin, 101 Reynolds, John, 103, 108 Reynolds, Lawrence, 2 Richardson, Israel Bush (“Fighting Dick”), 22, 23, 54, 59, 61, 120n. 3 Richmond, 8, 9, 19, 34, 38, 42, 45, 46, 58, 61, 67 Saint Peter’s Church, 33, 35–36 Savage’s Station, 9, 19, 55 Schuman, Henry, 2, 117n. 7, 119n.32 Scott, Winfield, 33, 40, 99, 121n. 13 Seven Days’ battles, 9, 10, 61 Sheppard, Samuel C., 1 Simmington, Robert (Bobby), 74 Slatersville, 30 Song, Joe, 74

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index Soyer, Alexis Benoît, 74, 125–26n. 6 Spotsylvania Courthouse, battle of, 85, 106–7, 119n. 37 Stinson, William (“Billie”), 74 Sumner, Edwin Voss, 50, 53, 57, 66, 80, 121n. 12 Sumner’s Corps, 32–33, 62, 83, 121n. 12

Vollum, Edward, 91, 127n. 17

U.S. Sanitary Commission, 15, 77, 78–79, 82, 86, 128n. 24

Washington, George, 35, 92, 122n. 15 Washington, D.C., 9, 14, 34, 41, 52–53, 60, 61, 62–63, 82, 84, 87, 88, 90, 105 Webb, Josey, 74, 94 West Point (town), 24, 28, 39 White, Joseph M., 37 Whitecar, William B., 55 White House (plantation), 34, 35, 122nn. 15, 16 White House Landing, 10, 36, 43, 44 William and Mary College, 25, 26 Williamsburg, 25–28 Williamsburg, battle of, 24, 27–28, 39, 120n. 4 Windmill Point, 14, 77, 79–80, 85, 86, 89–90, 126n. 12

Vernor, James, 7 Vicksburg, battle of, 96, 128n. 22

Yorktown, 9, 19, 21–22, 24–25, 54, 100, 120n. 4

Taylor, Bayard (brother of William), 104, 129n. 26 Taylor, William (brother of Bayard), 104, 129n. 25 Trappe, 90 Tunstall Station, 32 Turner House, 49, 54–55

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Michael A. Flannery, associate director for historical collections at the University of Alabama at Birmingham, is the author of Civil War Pharmacy (2004). Katherine H. Oomens, formerly library associate for the Reynolds Historical Library at the University of Alabama at Birmingham, is a graduate of Cornell University and holds master’s degrees in museum studies and library science.

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Flannery and Oomens

(Continued from front flap)

michael a. flannery, associate professor and associate director for historical collections at the University of Alabama at Birmingham, is the author of John Uri Lloyd: The Great American Eclectic, published by Southern Illinois University Press; Civil War Pharmacy: A History of Drugs, Drug Supply and Provision, and Therapeutics for the Union and Confederacy; and coauthor of America’s Botanico-Medical Movements: Vox Populi and Pharmaceutical Education in the Queen City: 150 Years of Service. katherine h. oomens, formerly library associate for the Reynolds Historical Library at the University of Alabama at Birmingham, is a graduate of Cornell University and holds master’s degrees in museum studies and library science.

Printed in the United States of America

Flannery cover mech.indd 1

“W

e soon become familiarized with death in all its ghastly forms and lie down at night rolled in our blankets, with the shells bursting around us, and sleep as soundly as though in our peaceful beds at home. And this is war, ‘grim visaged war,’ brother arrayed against brother and father against son, each seeking the lifeblood of the other for an imagined wrong. No one who has not been engaged in it can for a moment form a conception of its horrors, and yet, here we laugh, dance, sing, and are merry over the discomfiture of our foes, not knowing but that moment may be our last.” —From the journal of Spencer Bonsall Cover photo: Cumberland Landing, Virginia, Federal encampment on Pamunkey River. Library of Congress.

southern illinois university press 1915 university press drive mail code 6806 carbondale, il 62901 www.siu.edu/~siupress $27.95 usd isbn 0-8093-2770-8 isbn 978-0-8093-2770-6

Well Satisfied with My Position: The Civil War Journal of Spencer Bonsall

Virginia, in which the Union suffered a staggering 10,200 casualties and the 81st Pennsylvania lost more than half its men. He vividly describes the bloody aftermath. Bonsall’s horse was shot out from underneath him at the Battle of Gettysburg, injuring him seriously and ending his military career. Although he was listed as “sick in hospital” on the regiment’s muster rolls, he was labeled a deserter in the U.S. Army records. Indeed, after recovery from his injuries, Bonsall walked away from the army to resume life in Philadelphia with his wife and child. Published for the first time, Bonsall’s journal offers an unusually personal glimpse into the circumstances and motives of a man physically ruined by the war. Seventeen illustrations, including some drawn by Bonsall himself, help bring this narrative to life.

Southern Illinois University Press

Well Satisfied with My Position The Civil War Journal of Spencer Bonsall

Edited by Michael A. Flannery and Katherine H. Oomens

Well Satisfied with My Position offers a firstperson account of army life during the Civil War’s Peninsula Campaign and Battle of Fredericksburg. Spencer Bonsall, who joined the 81st Pennsylvania Infantry as a hospital steward, kept a journal from March 1862 until March 1863, when he abruptly ceased writing. Editors Michael A. Flannery and Katherine H. Oomens place his experiences in the context of the field of Civil War medicine and continue his story in an epilogue. Trained as a druggist when he was in his early twenties, Bonsall traveled the world, spent eight years on a tea plantation in India, and settled in Philadelphia, where he worked in the city surveyor’s office. But in March 1862, when he was in his mid-forties, the lure of serving his country on the battlefield led Bonsall to join the 81st Pennsylvania Infantry. Bonsall enjoyed his life with the Union army at first, comparing bivouacking in the woods to merely picnicking on a grand scale. “We are about as jolly a set of old bachelors as can be found in Virginia,” Bonsall wrote. But his first taste of the aftermath of battle at Fair Oaks and the Seven Days’ Battles in Virginia changed his mind about the joys of soldiering—though he never lost his zeal for the Union cause. Bonsall details the camp life of a soldier from firsthand experience, outlines the engagements of the 81st, and traces the Battle of Fredericksburg and the Peninsula Campaign. He records facts not available elsewhere about camp conditions, attitudes toward Union generals and Confederate soldiers, and troop movements. From the end of June to late October 1862, illness kept Bonsall from writing in his journal. He picked up the record again in December 1862, just before the Battle of Fredericksburg, (Continued on back flap)

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