Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion : Volume 17 (2006)

Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion Series Editor R...

Author: Ralph L. Piedmont

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Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion

Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion Series Editor RALPH L. PIEDMONT

VOLUME 17

Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion Volume 17

Edited by

Ralph L. Piedmont

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2007

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data LC control number 89650738

ISSN 1046–8064 ISBN 90 04 154736 © Copyright 2007 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. RSSSR is indexed in Sociological Abstracts, Social Services Abstracts, Religion Index Two: Multi-Author Works, Religions and Theology: Religions and Theology, Social Sciences: Comprehensive Works Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands

CONTENTS

Preface ........................................................................................ Acknowledgements ...................................................................... Manuscript Invitation ................................................................ An Analysis of Conversion Narratives of Jehovah’s Witnesses and Their Relationships to Stages of Religious Judgment ................................................................................ Ines W. Jindra Intolerance toward Others and Belief in an Active Satan ...... Keith M. Wilson, Jennifer L. Acord, and Ronan S. Bernas Transgression and Transformation: Spiritual Resources for Coping with a Personal Offense .......................................... Kelly M. McConnell, Maria R. Gear, and Kenneth I. Pargament Religion and Ethnicity among Irish Americans in Savannah, Georgia .................................................................................... William L. Smith and Barbara Hendry

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The Relationship between Parental Images and Ministerial Job Satisfaction among Anglican Clergymen in England Douglas W. Turton and Leslie J. Francis .......................... 105 Prayer, Purpose in Life, Personality and Social Attitudes Among non-Churchgoing 13- to 15-year-olds in England and Wales ................................................................................ 123 Leslie J. Francis and Mandy Robbins Biblical Interpretive Horizons and Ordinary Readers: An Empirical Study ................................................................ 157 Andrew Village

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contents

A Factor Analysis of the Fetzer/NIA Brief Multidimensional Measure of Religiousness/Spirituality (MMRS) .................. 177 Ralph L. Piedmont, Anna Teresa Mapa, and Joseph E. G. Williams Variant Uses of Religious Beliefs to Justify Social Attitudes .................................................................................. 197 Mark M. Leach, Jacob J. Levy, and Lisa Denton The Role of Religiosity in Parenting Young Children .......... 221 Bonnie C. Nicholson and Leah McMorris Heaven’s Gates and Hell’s Flames: Afterlife Beliefs of Catholic and Protestant Undergraduates .............................. 235 Julie Juola Exline and Ann Marie Yali Authors’ Biographies .................................................................. 261 Manuscript Reviewers ................................................................ 265 Index of Names .......................................................................... 267 Index of Subjects ........................................................................ 276

PREFACE It is interesting to survey the field of religious/spiritual research. Investigators are finding many interesting and intriguing avenues for pursuing an understanding of the numinous. No longer confined to analyses of simple variables, such as how frequently one prays or attends services, research has expanded to developing sophisticated, multifaceted inventories that assess a wide range of spiritual and religious qualities, and then linking these constructs to a diverse assortment of physical, psychosocial, and biological outcomes. Religion and spirituality represent not just the quality of one’s relationship with an ultimate being or merely a philosophy of life. Rather, these variables are related to practically all aspects of human endeavor. Coping ability, health status, life satisfaction, psychological maturity, attachment style, attitudes, values, and self-perceptions all seem to be influenced by numinous processes. Although the magnitude of these associations may not always be very large, the sheer diversity of associations is seemingly impressive! The social sciences have always sought for what I have called “Rosetta stone constructs”, single variables that appear to provide a complete understanding of the psyche. Over the years, much energy and activity would develop around these variables, with numerous studies emerging that link the construct to every type of behavior. However, over time, researchers would become disenchanted with the construct for a number of reasons, such as inconsistencies in the research findings and just plain ennui from over-exposure to the concept. Variables such as field independence, Telic dominance, locus of control, and androgyny are a few of these types of variables. Yet, in the case of spirituality, the maturing research base continues to demonstrate the predictive utility of the construct. Rarely has one construct evidenced such a broad range of applicability. There is little about the person in which the numinous does not seem to play a role, whether it be in attitude formation, coping, psychological growth, sexual behavior, or health. Spirituality appears to be a central quality of human psychological functioning. As Gordon Allport noted in his classic book, Becoming, “The developed religious sentiment is a synthesis of these and many other factors, all of which form a comprehensive attitude whose function is to relate the individual meaningfully to the whole of Being” (p. 94).

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The current volume of Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion continues to provide a wide assortment of studies that extends the value of religious and spiritual constructs to understanding the human experience. The articles contained herein represent the works of an international group of both extensively published and beginning authors. Their professional appointments include sociology, several branches of psychology, mental health, ministry, pastoral counseling, and other areas of specialization. The volume also provides a crosssection of the many different types of research methodologies that are currently in use in the field, including qualitative analyses of personal narratives and interviews, multivariate analyses, and traditional quantitative techniques. It is also encouraging to see several of these papers attempting to integrate both qualitative and quantitative techniques into a single study. An interesting theme that emerges in several of these studies is an effort to identify the causal impact of religion/spirituality on the individual. Although such a conclusion can only be based on longitudinal experimental data, it is of value to note that researchers are now becoming much more interested in understanding how the numinous affects people rather than how these constructs may merely describe people. This represents an important conceptual shift in the field that may be a result of an increasing recognition of the empirical robustness of numinous variables. Spirituality’s relatedness to so many outcomes cannot be dismissed as it being simply the common by-product of so many psychosocial processes. Quite the contrary, its relational fertility may signal it as a central contributor to these processes. Religion and spirituality may, in the words of Gordon Allport, be “master motives” that help to provide the individual with an integrated sense of purpose and direction. It is hoped that this edition of RSSSR will continue to stimulate interest and thinking in this area. The studies included here continue this series’ tradition in presenting diverse methodological approaches to studying religious issues. It can only be hoped that future research will move towards employing multi-method designs that aim to capture numinous effects at different levels of analysis simultaneously. This would promote the development of more integrated conceptual models that can chart spirituality’s multiple influences on functioning. Aside from the empirical value of these studies, findings generated here also have important applied implications as well. Clinicians can find in these pages ways to understand how religion and spirituality shape clients’ sense of self and social identities. Such knowledge can

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help therapists empathize and understand their religiously oriented clients. These studies can also be helpful in identifying potentially new ways of intervening with clients. Religious and spiritual dimensions may offer potential therapeutic pathways for facilitating change. Perhaps the value of RSSSR is best expressed in the words of Cher N. Edwards and Marcia Webb who recently reviewed RSSSR for Counseling and Values, “[RSSSR] does provide a conscientious overview of various issues that may affect the spiritual and religious development of clients in a variety of settings—allowing the reader to extrapolate relevant information for use in practice and teaching. Given the breadth of expertise and experience of the contributors, this is an excellent resource for those interested in or practicing in the social sciences” (p. 237). [(2006) Counseling and Values, vol. 50, pp. 235–238].

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The editorial staff and I are grateful for the contributions and cooperation of a large number of people without whom publication of RSSSR would not be possible. Most obvious among them are the authors and coauthors of the published articles. A brief biographical sketch of each is provided on pp. 261–263. There were 16 researchers, scholars, and clinicians who have served as anonymous reviewers (see p. 265) of the manuscripts that were received for current publication. They not only have functioned as professional referees evaluating the appropriateness of the respective manuscripts for publication, but they also have given the authors significant suggestions to improve the quality and scope of their future research in this area. Their efforts helped to insure a high quality among those reports that are published. Catherine Hassinger has valiantly and efficiently served as the editorial assistant for this volume. Her experience, talent, and painstaking work has contributed immeasurably to the high standards of production. My own academic institution has provided many critical necessities for the production of this volume. Loyola College in Maryland, especially its graduate Department of Pastoral Counseling, has provided office space, funds for the editorial assistant, telephone services, computer technology, postage, access to its admirable support infrastructure, and related services. I am very grateful to both the Department’s and Graduate Administration’s support for this worthy endeavor. I am grateful, too, to Regine Reincke and the production staff of Brill Academic Press who have efficiently published this attractive and useful volume. Brill’s marketing department (www.brill.nl or e-mail [email protected] for R.O.W. and [email protected] for North Amierica) is eager to fill orders for either single volumes or on-going subscriptions to RSSSR. Please recommend RSSSR to your professional and academic colleagues. Also support its addition or continuation in your academic, religious, research, and public libraries for its rich contents are relevant to everyone, both lay and professional, who is interested in

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keeping up with the rapidly expanding frontiers of scientific knowledge about spirituality and religion. Ralph L. Piedmont, Ph.D., Editor

MANUSCRIPT INVITATION

For future volumes we welcome the submission of manuscripts that report on research contributing to the behavioral and social science understanding of religion, whether done by members of those disciplines or other professions. RSSSR is an annual interdisciplinary and international volume that publishes original reports of research, theoretical studies, and other innovative social scientific analyses of religion. (However, we do not include studies that are purely historical or theological.) Manuscripts should be original contributions (not reprints) based upon any of the quantitative or qualitative methods of research or the theoretical, conceptual, or meta-analytical analysis of research on religion in general or on any specific world religion. They should not be under consideration for publication by any other journal or publication outlet and should comply with the professional ethical standards of psychology, sociology, and other social science professions. Manuscripts may be submitted at any time during the year, although those received within the calendar year have the best chance of inclusion in the next volume. Send four copies, double spaced on standard paper to: Ralph L. Piemdont, Ph.D., Editor Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion Department of Pastoral Counseling Loyola College in Maryland 8890 McGaw Road, Suite 380 Columbia, MD 21045 USA Manuscripts that are judged by the editor as relevant to the coverage of RSSSR are reviewed anonymously for quality and then either accepted (usually along with constructive suggestions for revision) or rejected. Those accepted for publication must conform to the style guidelines of the Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association, Publication Manual, 5th edition. (Authors of accepted manuscripts who lack access to the Publication Manual may contact Dr. Piedmont for sample materials to help in the final preparation of their papers.)

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Manuscripts relevant to our subject that are not accepted for publication also receive the benefit of critiques and suggestions that can aid their improvement for submission elsewhere. RSSSR is also interested in developing “special topic sections” for inclusion in future editions. Special topic sections would include a series of papers (5–7) on a specific theme. These sections would be “guest edited” by one or two individuals who would be responsible for the solicitation of the manuscripts and their review. If you have a suggestion for a special topic section or would be interested in editing such a section, please do not hesitate to contact Dr. Piedmont for details.

AN ANALYSIS OF CONVERSION NARRATIVES OF JEHOVAH’S WITNESSES AND THEIR RELATIONSHIPS TO STAGES OF RELIGIOUS JUDGMENT Ines W. Jindra* Abstract This article examines the processes of those converting to Jehovah’s Witnesses, and the effects of those conversions. Based on the analysis of 9 conversion narratives using biographical interviews, I argue that conversions to Jehovah’s Witnesses are located on a continuum dependent upon the background of converts. On one side, converts originating from (mostly) Catholic backgrounds grew up in a relatively rigid Christian environment, which they regarded as largely meaningless, and their conversions were fostered by the need for a clear-cut interpretation of the Bible. On the other end of the continuum, converts reported disorganized backgrounds. I will also discuss the relationship between these conversions and Fritz Oser’s theory of religious judgment.

Why do people convert from one religion to another, and what effects do those conversions have? It is noteworthy that conversions to various religious groups have been examined through a number of theories and methodologies, yet specific research on conversions to the Jehovah’s Witnesses, with the exceptions of Beckford (1975, 1978) and Wilson (1977), is sparse. Also, virtually no literature connects religious conversions in general to the concepts of religious development and stage transformations. At the same time, theories of religious development have been criticized for neglecting social influences due to their focus on individual structural cognitive development (see Boyatzis, 2005; Fowler, Nipkow, Schweitzer, 1991, p. 88; Moseley, 1978; Streib, 2005). My research will contribute to bringing these different areas together, because I believe that an analysis of converts’ religious judgment can shed light on the processes that are at play in conversions and vice versa (cf. Streib’s [2005] recent effort to connect the two domains via narrative analysis).

* Author Note : I would like to thank Michael Jindra for valuable comments on this paper, Fritz Oser for his continual support during my thesis, and two anonymous reviewers and the editor of RSSSR for their feedback. Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, Volume 17 © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2007

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In order to do this, I will explore the following questions using a narrative analysis: (a) What are the processes, reasons, and motives for conversions1 to the Jehovah’s Witnesses in the U.S. Midwest?, (b) Do differences in background contribute to differences in reasons and motives for the conversions?, (c) Do these conversions help resolve life problems?, (d) What is the relationship between conversions to the Jehovah’s Witnesses and Oser’s theory of stages of religious judgment?, and (e) Is there a specific level of religious judgment that can be observed among converts to the Jehovah’s Witnesses and why? This second set of questions will be addressed by using a religious dilemma developed by Oser and Gmünder (1996). This article is part of a larger (originally written in German) project in which I compare and contrast conversions to different religions and New Religious Movements such as Jehovah’s Witnesses, Christianity, Islam, Unitarian Universalism, American Buddhism, and Baha’i in the American Midwest (Wenger Jindra, 2005). Defining Conversion While most social scientists define conversion as change from one belief system to another, there are many diverse approaches. Upon examining the issue more in-depth, one learns that more specific definitions are controversial (Robbins, 1988, pp. 64–67; Snow & Machalek, 1984). The one aspect present in all sociological and psychological definitions is conversion as “radical personal change” (Snow & Machalek, 1984, p. 169; Wohlrab-Sahr, Krech, & Knoblauch, 1998, p. 10), or “change in one or more components of the meaning system” (Paloutzian, 2005, pp. 335–336). Snow and Machalek (1984, p. 170), for example, view conversion as a change in the “universe of discourse”: “Viewed in this light, conversion concerns not only a change in values, beliefs, identities, but more fundamentally and significantly, it entails the displacement of one universe of discourse by another or the ascendance of a formerly peripheral universe of discourse to the

1 Researchers in the sociology of religion commonly distinguish between “pull” and “push” factors. Pull factors signify reasons of what a specific group can offer to a person, making the group attractive for him or her, while push factors mean motives (Allievi, 1999). In my analysis, I will look at the whole process by which a person converted, and therefore include both the pull (reasons) and push (motives) factors, while focusing more on the latter.

analysis of conversion narratives

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status of a primary authority.” This transformation is accompanied by a different view of self, leading to biographical reconstruction (Snow & Machalek, 1983, pp. 266–268). (For finer distinctions on the concept of conversion see Bankston, Forsyth, & Floyd, 1981; Kilbourne & Richardson, 1988; Staples & Mauss, 1987; Straus 1979a, 1979b; Travisano, 1981; and Zinnbauer & Pargament, 1998). Another aspect of conversion is its problem-solving aspect. According to Wohlrab-Sahr (1998, pp. 126–127; 1995, p. 290; for a similar approach, see Heirich, 1977), conversion should be seen as a change in one’s system of meaning “that offers a new solution to an ongoing personal problem,” leading to the transformation of personal identity. Even though the “old biographical problem” has not entirely disappeared after the conversion, one can find a “structurally different solution.” Thus, in contrast to constructivist views of conversion (Ulmer, 1988), Wohlrab-Sahr perceives of conversion not solely as communicative change.2 The concept of conversion can also imply that a person distances herself from her social, familial and in certain cases, even cultural background, usually while remaining in the same culture (Wohlrab-Sahr, 1999a, p. 352). Here, one can theoretically think of several options: Converts had conflicts with parents, especially fathers (as has been shown by Ullman, 1989), experienced a severe emotional or cognitive crisis before their conversions (e.g., Rambo, 1993; Ullman, 1989), or, in light of modernization theory, searched for a way back into a traditional community with relatively strict moral codes and social norms (e.g., Köse, 1999; Wohlrab-Sahr, 1995, 1998, 1999a). On the other hand, it also may be possible to break out of strict, traditional communities in search of a different environment.

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One could ask if stage transformations should not be considered as conversions as well. While some authors contend that we can only speak of real conversions when stage transformations occur during a shift from one belief system to the other (Moseley, 1978), others believe that the term conversion entails something deeper than stage transformations (e.g., Loder, 1980, pp. 187–188) or, on the other hand, that conversion experiences do not go deep enough to change the structures of one’s personality (Ryan, 2000). Schweitzer (1990) speaks of a “correlative relationship” between conversions and stage transformations. In this study, religious stage development and religious conversion shall be kept separate, precisely because I am interested in the intersection between them. Also, conversion as defined here entails a change in one’s belief system, which does not have to occur in a transformation of religious judgment. Stage transformations happen during a person’s development and are not always conscious changes in beliefs, unlike conversions (Conn, 1986, p. 36).

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Before I describe my research methods and elaborate my findings, I will first summarize the existing literature on the Jehovah’s Witnesses, discuss the connections between religious development and conversions, and illustrate Oser’s theory of religious judgment. I will also briefly outline the findings of my larger project on conversion and stages of religious judgment (Wenger Jindra, 2005). Background The Jehovah’s Witnesses are a growing sectarian organization founded by Charles T. Russell (1852–1916), who formed the Watchtower Bible and Tract Society. His students were known as “Bible students.” After Russell’s death, Judge J. F. Rutherford became the head of this organization, and it changed tremendously under his influence (Melton, 1987, p. 447). Formally, the organization adopted the name Jehovah’s Witnesses in 1931. Today, the Watchtower Bible and Tract Society (WTBTS) represents, other than on “its highest levels,” an organization led by laity, and people are expected to be actively involved in meetings and the distribution of Watchtower literature (Stark & Iannaccone, 1997, pp. 134–136). In contrast to Christian denominations, the Jehovah’s Witnesses deny the Trinity, even though they accept Jesus as God’s son. They also deny the concept of hell and of the immortal soul. Up to the year 1942, end time prophecies were common, but due to unfulfilled prophecies, this practice has since changed. Still, the focus of Jehovah’s Witnesses is on Armageddon, the return of Jehovah, who is believed to destroy the wicked and resurrect all that believe in him, and who will then “ ‘clean up the earth’ and restore it to paradisal conditions” (Bergman, 1984, p. xxix; Stark & Iannaccone, 1997, pp. 135–136). While there has been a considerable amount of literature on conversions to Islam (e.g., Allievi, 1999; Köse, 1999; Wohlrab-Sahr, 1998, 1999a), Christianity (Stromberg, 1993; Gordon, 1974), and New Religious Movements such as Hare Krishna, Baha’i (Ullman, 1982, 1988), New Age religions (Heelas, 1996), and the Unification Church (Barker, 1984), scholarly works specifically on conversions to the Jehovah’s Witnesses are rare. In fact, according to Stark and Iannaccone (1997, p. 133), even though they are growing in numbers, the Jehovah’s Witnesses in general “are conspicuously absent from our journals” (for an attempt to remedy this situation, see Wah, 2001a). Existing research


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consists mostly of an overview of the Witnesses, their history, doctrine, organization, and organizational changes, written from a sociological and/or theological perspective (Alfs, 1991; Countess, 1982; Hébert, 1960; Penton, 1985; Rogerson, 1969; Zygmunt, 1977), or based on personal experiences (Dencher, 1966; Schnell, 1956; for a book that weaves the personal together with the historical, see Harrison, 1978). Other authors focus on failed prophesies (cf. Social Compass, 1977, no. 1; Schmalz, 1994; Weddle, 2000), the situation of members in different countries both now and in the past (Bergman, 1996; Besier & Besier, 2001; Dirksen, 2002; Jubber, 1977; Ochs, 2002; Yonan, 1999; Wilson, 1973, 1977), or legal and health related issues (Côté & Richardson, 2001; Letsoalo, 1998; Sarteschi, 2004; Smith, 2001; Wah, 2001b). Specific research on conversion to Jehovah’s Witnesses is limited to Beckford’s (1975, 1978), Penton’s (1985, pp. 253–261), and Wilson’s (1977) studies. Beckford (1975) describes reasons for prospective converts to be influenced by the Watchtower Society. For example, converts came predominantly from isolated social backgrounds, had relatively strong family ties, and later on noticed a discrepancy between the moral rules they had been taught by their families and the attitudes and behaviors of the world (religious groups included) surrounding them (Beckford, 1975, pp. 161–174). Also, the Jehovah’s Witnesses could exert influence on prospective members because of their lack of involvement in social institutions and because of existing ties to members of the Watchtower movement (Beckford, 1975, pp. 183–184). However, following the constructivist approach, Beckford concluded in a later, well-known article (1978) that conversion accounts given by Jehovah’s Witnesses cannot inform us about the original motivations for conversion, since their conversion stories should be seen as influenced by “the knowledge which members of the Watchtower movement acquire in the course of their religious socialization and practice” (Beckford, 1978, p. 251). Hence, rather than seeking to understand the true motives of converts, he attempts to describe affinities between conversion narratives and the guidelines of the Watchtower Society, their governing body.3 Wilson (1977) examined 3 Other authors argue similarly for a constructivist approach. Advocates of this approach focus on conversions as “reconstructive communicative actions,” and study

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Jehovah’s Witnesses’ success in Japan, and argued that in a society characterized by a lot of uncertainty on issues such as marriage, children, etc., as well as a lack of authority, the clarity and authority the Witnesses provide is welcomed by many. While taking Beckford’s (1978) claims into account, I shall argue that it is indeed possible to understand motives and reasons for conversions to the Jehovah’s Witnesses by applying a qualitative, deep-structured interview method. Thus, the first series of questions this paper seeks to address are the following: (a) What are the processes, reasons, and motives for conversions to the Jehovah’s Witnesses in the U.S. Midwest?, (b) Do differences in their background contribute to differences in reasons and motives for the conversions?, and (c) Do these conversions help resolve life problems?4 Studies Relating Religious Judgment to Conversions With the exception of a few studies (Moseley, 1978; Streib, 1998, 1999), little research has been done on the relationship between conversion and Fowler’s faith development theory or Oser’s (1984, 1996) stage theory of religious judgment (Fowler, 1981, pp. 285–286; Schweitzer, 1990, p. 304; Streib, 1991, pp. 53–57). Oser’s theory is similar to Fowler’s theory of faith development, but has a stronger focus on the “structure and logic of the narrative” instead of trying to understand the original motives leading up to a conversion (Dawson, 1995; Knoblauch, Wohlrab-Sahr, & Krech, 1998, pp. 16–18; Ulmer, 1988; Wohlrab-Sahr, 1999b, pp. 489–490). A related issue here is the distinction between “original motives” and “accounts”; in contrast to original motives, accounts are justifications for a specific behavior (e.g., a conversion) (Dawson, 1995; Mills, 1940). However, I have illustrated above that narrative interviews go beyond giving accounts, since the interviewee reveals very deep, personal experiences and goals while talking about his or her life story. 4 One further note concerning my focus in this paper: Rambo’s model (1989, 1993) reveals a process of conversions occurring in the stages’ “context” (the total environment in which converting happens), “crisis,” “quest,” “encounter” (with a representative of the religion one later on converts to), “interaction” (with the new belief system and the religious community), “commitment,” and “consequences.” In contrast to this generalist approach, I am not primarily interested in the general process of conversion, but in the question of why people convert to the Jehovah’s Witnesses versus converting to another religious group. What in their background and in the teaching of the Jehovah’s Witnesses makes this religion seem so plausible to them? This also means that existing contacts to a Jehovah’s Witness alone generally do not explain why someone converts, even though they can be a contributing factor. This focus is already implied in the definition of conversion as used by Wohlrab-Sahr (see above), according to which conversions to specific religions provide an answer to a certain structural problem in one’s biography.


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how people define their relationship to God in concrete situations than on faith in general, and is based on Jean Piaget’s and Lawrence Kohlberg’s theories of cognitive and moral development. In it, the development of religious judgment is universal and occurs in stages dependent on age. Each stage represents an integration of the stages below and a qualitative and quantitative different way to think about religious questions. Religious development usually happens due to a confrontation with a problem, which cannot be solved sufficiently with the individual’s current process of religious judgment (Oser & Brachel, 1984). It is important to note that this development happens independent from the content of a specific religion. Oser (1984, 1996) posits five stages of religious judgment: In Stage 1, we find an orientation of “religious heteronomy.” The Ultimate is understood as an active agent that intervenes continuously in the world, whereas the human being is seen as merely reacting to its influence. People need to follow the wishes of the Ultimate, otherwise the relationship is destroyed (Oser, 1984, pp. 10–11). Stage 2 is characterized by an orientation of “give so that you may receive” (Oser, 1984, pp. 10–11). Even though the Ultimate is still seen as fully in power, the human being can have an influence on the Ultimate Being, “by good deeds, promises and vows” (Oser, 1984, p. 10). Stage 3 can be called an orientation of “ego autonomy and one-sided selfresponsibility,” a stage in which the influence of the Ultimate Being is very much diminished, and the Ultimate Being “has its own domain of hidden responsibility” (a deistic orientation) (Oser, 1984, p. 10). Stage 3 can manifest itself in three different forms: (3a) a strict and extensive “separation between the human and the sphere of the Ultimate” (Oser & Gmünder, 1996, p. 107; author’s translation); (3b) a focus on human responsibility alone, to the detriment of the Ultimate; and finally (3c) “religious extremism,” where the focus is on the Ultimate and its doings alone (Oser & Gmünder, 1996, p. 107). People in Stage 4 perceive the Ultimate Being as “the bearing ground of the world and of each individual’s existence. Now an indirect, mediated relationship with God emerges” (Oser, 1984, p. 12). The Ultimate Being is seen as allowing human freedom in the first place. Finally, Stage 5 represents an orientation of “religious intersubjectivity and autonomy.” Here, “religion is more a working model than a security concept” (Oser, 1984, p. 11), and the human being is intimately tied to the Ultimate and thrives on the unconditional acceptance that he or she receives. Generally, one can say that the higher

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the stage a subject is, the more autonomous is the subject, and the more friendship-like is his or her relationship to the Ultimate. These religious stages are defined by a number of bipolar dimensions such as “transcendence versus immanence, holy versus profane, trust versus absurdity, freedom versus dependence, timelessness (eternity) versus timerelatedness” (Oser, 1984, p. 7). People at lower stages generally can only see one dimension; only at the higher stages of religious judgment can they connect the two sides. “At higher stages, the holy and eternity are seen in the most profane and ephemeral events or actions” (Oser, 1984, p. 8). Of course, there are criticisms of Oser’s theory, such as the charge that it neglects the emotional aspects of religiosity and the unconscious (Oser, 1991), and social influences in general (Streib, 2002). Some argue that content and structure get confused because the theory is heavily influenced by modern conceptions of autonomy (Nipkow, 1991), and therefore stigmatizes religious groups that focus more on tradition and group codes. The most important critique in my mind is the above mentioned charge that the theory neglects social influences on the development of religious judgment. I addressed the connection between religious judgment and various conversion experiences in a larger project based upon 39 narrative interviews with converts to several religious groups, utilizing Ulrich Beck’s concepts of “individualization” and “risk society.” In that study, similarities and differences between the conversions were found. A majority of the converts (64%) reported an emotionally or physically absent father and a superficially religious home of origin (69%), and almost all of the converts talked about crisis experiences prior to the conversion. The differences between them, however, can be illustrated in seven preliminary Types of religious transformation, grouped into three categories, as shown in Figure 1 below. The first category consists of biographies of those converting to a relatively strict theological and moral religious system (Type 1: conversions to Jehovah’s Witnesses; Type 2: conversions to Islam and to Jehovah’s Witnesses; and Type 3: conversions to Christianity). The second category of converts (Type 4: Unitarian Universalists; Type 5: American Buddhists; and Type 6: Baha’i) moves in the opposite direction, experiencing apostasy and joining a more liberal and socially open religious group. The third category consists of those who feel at home in their milieu of origin and thus did not distance themselves from the religion they had been brought up in but accepted it (Type 7).


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Figure 1. The seven types of religious transformation (Wenger Jindra, 2005). Jehovah’s Witnesses (Type 1) Islamic groups and Jehovah’s Witnesses (Type 2) Christian groups (Type 3)

religious dimension

Unitarian Universalists (Type 4)

cultural/social/family dimension

Baha’i (Type 6)

relationship dimension

American Buddhism (Type 5)

at home in milieu of origin (Type 7) “enclosed ” conditions

“wide” (open) conditions

Type 1, Type 2, and Type 3 belong to the first category since these three types are characterized by conversions to religious systems that were experienced as relatively closed, favoring strict behavioral patterns and clear religious contents. But whereas the converts to the Jehovah’s Witnesses of Type 1 who originated from an enclosed religious (most often Catholic) background experienced it as empty, meaningless, and hypocritical, but still converted to a religious group that was experienced as relatively “narrow,” Type 2 (converts to Islam and to the Jehovah’s Witnesses) moved from conditions that were experienced as “too wide” or disoriented into closed ones. While the analysis of converts to Jehovah’s Witnesses generally indicated “extremist religious judgments” (Stage 3c), among Type 2 converts, some, focusing on their autonomy, reasoned on stages of the middle range (Stage 3), while others reasoned on lower stages (on Stage 1 or between Stages 2 and 3). Problems with relationships played a role among converts to Christianity (Type 3). The conversion and the relationship to the Christian God provided the converts with answers to relationship problems and feelings of not being loved. As was the case for Type 2, there were differences in relation to the interviewee’s religious judgment; whereas some reasoned on relatively low stages (on Stage 1 or between Stages 2 and 3) and reported a direct relationship to the Ultimate, with others the religious dilemmas (i.e., Paul dilemmas) revealed higher stages (between Stages 3 and 4) and a mediated understanding of the Ultimate. Examples of those leaving conditions

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that were experienced as closed (2nd category) include people joining the Unitarians (Type 4), the Buddhists (Type 5), and the Baha’i (Type 6). Whereas the Unitarians left an enclosed religiousness that they experienced as oppressive, the life stories of most of the Buddhists revealed conflicts with a parent of the same sex and problems arising from it, together with a search for openness and tolerance. The interviews with those joining the Baha’i revealed an original environment that was experienced as culturally too restricting, so converting represented a movement towards more diversity. All of these individuals in Type 4, 5, and 6 reported a certain degree of autonomy already before joining their present groups, which in some cases increased after conversion. All but one of them reasoned between Stages 3 and 4, and related their religious judgment back to their apostasy experience. Type 7 (converts within Christianity, category 3) can be contrasted against all the other types, since the narratives revealed that the converts had felt at home in their family and milieu of origin, and also did not feel the need to distance themselves from their religion of origin. Their religious judgment was found to be on relatively low stages (between Stages 2 and 3) of Oser’s theory. As Figure 1 below illustrates, the sphere the interviewees focused on the most in their narratives was the same for converts to the Jehovah’s Witnesses and Unitarians (religious dimension), for converts to Islam and to some Jehovah’s Witnesses and the Baha’i (cultural, social, or familial dimension), and for converts to Christianity and American Buddhists (relationship dimension). Sociologically, one can tie the above findings in with literature on “late modernity,” and more specifically, on “risk society” and “individualization” (Beck, 1986/1992; Beck, Giddens, & Lash, 1994). In his fascinating book, Risk Society (1992), Beck illustrates the change from an industrial society into a “risk society” due to continuing modernization. In this process, people experienced an “unprecedented release from traditional class structures and familial boundaries and were forced to rely on their own labor force fate with all its risks, chances and contradictions” (Beck, 1986, p. 116, author’s translation). Individualization as defined by Beck (1992, p. 128) illustrates both the “removal from historically prescribed social forms and commitments in the sense of traditional contexts of dominance and support” as well as the “loss of traditional security” they entail, while at the same time representing the standardization of modern society and its effects on people. Since people have to start relying on themselves because


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family, gender, class, and religion cannot provide them with a sense of identity anymore, it becomes imperative that they construct their own biographies, albeit always in connection with the demands of the labor force and the educational system. How do Beck’s (1992) insights fit in with the findings presented in this study? Since individualization can be described as both a liberation and a loss of traditional stability, it can lead to insecurities, loneliness, and a loss of meaning (Berger, Berger, & Keller, 1974), the sense that one feels increasingly responsible for one’s own fate (and is perceived by others that way), and has to “prove” oneself (Oevermann, 1995, for example, speaks of increasing “problems of probation” due to ongoing secularization). If one cannot rely upon family, cultural belonging, class, or religion, one either has to find one’s sense of worth in oneself or has to seek compensation for what was lost. It seems that those belonging to Type 1, 2, or 3 look for such compensation and a way to escape risks so common in late modernity, and therefore adopt a strict religious system, whereas Types 4, 5, and 6 agree with the conditions of modernity and feel at home in it. In this paper, I am interested primarily in the interrelationship between conversions to the Jehovah’s Witnesses and stages of religious judgment, but the findings of the larger study described above can at times be used to compare converts to the Jehovah’s Witnesses to converts to other groups. Thus, this paper also seeks to address the following questions: (d) Is there a specific stage of religious judgment that can be observed among converts to the Jehovah’s Witnesses? and (e) Are there affinities between stages of religious judgment and converts’ backgrounds or is that not the case? Methods Qualitative research is better suited than quantitative research for this topic, since qualitative methods allow us to delve deeper into the subject’s biographical trajectories than quantitative methods. Since one starts with the experiences of the subjects themselves, one gets a deeper and fuller understanding than in quantitative research, where one starts with a certain set of variables of interest (Lincoln & Guba, 1993, pp. 40–44; Yamane, 2000). Also, the goal of qualitative research methods generally is not generalizability, but an exploratory analysis, leading to the development of first insights, which can then be further evaluated using quantitative methods (Crowson, 1993).

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ines w. jindra Participants

In this study, nine converts to the Jehovah’s Witnesses (four women and five men) were interviewed. The converts were between 27 and 79 years old, with a mean age of 45 years, and their conversions happened between the ages of 11 and 45 years. Seven of the nine interviewees were European Americans, one was African American, and one originated from Puerto Rico. As shown in Table 1 below, their educational and professional backgrounds were relatively low (most had no more than a high school degree, with two having some college), and they mostly worked in low-prestige positions. There is not much diversity related to educational and professional background in the group as a whole because the Jehovah’s Witnesses believe that worldly success interferes with service to God (Beckford, 1975). The interviewees were selected according to Strauss and Corbin’s (1990) strategy of “theoretical sampling.” This sampling strategy is not a random but a purposeful one, allowing the researcher to find the necessary variables to fill in his or her theory. A researcher working with the theoretical sampling method is not selecting specific groups of people, but searches for attributes or characteristics of people that prove to be of importance for the “emerging theory” (Conrad, 1993, p. 281; Strauss, 1994, pp. 70–71). For example, one attempts to find people that share the conversion experiences to the religious groups being studied but differ on other variables, such as gender, ethnic background, age, area of origin, and course of conversion. Following guidelines for theoretical sampling, the selection of the interviewees was accidental at the beginning, and, once a preliminary typology of conversion processes had been developed, selective (Strauss, 1994, pp. 63–64, pp. 70–71). This means that towards the end of the interviews, I searched for converts from non-Catholic backgrounds, since at the early stages I had interviewed mostly ex-Catholics. Procedure In order to describe the process of conversions, including motives and reasons for conversions as well as their effects, nine interviews with converts to Jehovah’s Witnesses were analyzed with a qualitative, deep-structured method: the narrative biographical interview, as developed by Schütze (1983; for an overview of this method, see Glinka, 1998; Haupert, 1991), and religious dilemmas according to Oser, in order to grasp the subject’s stage of religious judgment.

27 years

Mrs. Haley, 43 years

22 years

31 years

45 years

22 years

21 years

11 years

Mr. Jones, 53 years

Mr. Carlson, 35 years

Mr. Walker, 47 years

Mrs. Smith, 28 years

Mr. Smith, 27 years

Mr. Taylor, 56 years

Mrs. Fletcher, 20 years 40 years

25 years

Mrs. Miller, 79 years

Disorganized and violent neighborhood

Familial disorganization

Rejection of a narrow, as meaningless experienced Catholic milieu Narrow social milieu, Mormon and Methodist background Rejection of a narrow, as meaningless experienced Catholic milieu Rejection of a narrow, as meaningless experienced Catholic milieu, some degree of familial disorganization Rejection of a narrow as meaningless experienced Catholic milieu, familial disorganization Rejection of a narrow Catholic environment, familial disorganization Familial disorganization

Age at Relationship time of to milieu conversion of origin

Conversion to JWs current age

High school degree High school degree

Some college

Takes college classes at the moment High school degree

High school degree

Some college, postsecondary degree Postsecondary Degree

8th grade

Level of education

Table 1.

Yes, physical and emotional abuse

Yes, physically absent father after parental divorce

Yes (emotionally absent father)

Yes (emotionally absent father)

No

No

Physically or emotionally absent or violent father

Telemarketer, Yes, physically day care worker absent for a time Forklift operator Yes, physically absent for a time Firefighter Yes, physically absent after parental divorce

Printing equipment operator

Works as store clerk besides going to college

Assembler, Tester

Nurse

Nurse

Laundry worker

Professional status reached

Strict, but relatively superficial faith

Yes

Yes

Strict, but relatively superficial faith Mother active, father nominal

Superficially religious home

No

Yes, emotionally absent mother Lack of supervision

Father is active member of Jehovah’s Witnesses Father is active member of Jehovah’s Witnesses Mother is active, father nominal

Yes, physical Yes and emotional abuse

No

Somewhat estranged relationship

No

No

No

Conflicts with mother

Characteristics of converts to the Jehovah’s Witnesses

Stage 3c (with aspects of 3a)

Stage 3(2) (between stage 2 and 3)

Stage 3a (with aspects of 3c)


Current stage of religious judgment

No

Yes, drug and alcohol abuse






Stage 3(2) (between stage 2 and 3)

Yes, drug abuse Stage 3c

Yes (he was smoking)

No

No

Not clear

Problems with drugs or alcohol prior to conversion

analysis of conversion narratives 13

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Members were contacted through two congregations (kingdom halls), one in Michigan, and the other in Minnesota. The interviewees were met either at a public place (e.g., coffee shop or restaurant), in their homes, or mine. After the interviews were completed, participants filled out a short questionnaire requesting important biographical information (e.g., age, education, occupation, marital status, and racial/ethnic background). All the interviews were taped and transcribed. All the names have been changed. The first interview (see Mrs. Miller’s narrative below) was analyzed together with a research group in Oldenburg, Germany. Other than that, the analysis of the narrative interviews and of the religious dilemmas was done by myself, but guided and closely supervised by advisers at the University of Fribourg, Switzerland. The narrative biographical interview is useful when complex processes “can be told as stories” (Glinka, 1998, p. 25, author’s translation). At the center of this method is the narration of biographical experiences, where the interviewer allows the interviewee to tell her story without interruption, which prompts the interviewee to go to a deeper level of meaning (Schütze, 1983). This process goes beyond the self-presentation usually found in everyday communication. While engaging in this hours-long process, the person also starts to reflect on her life and in the process makes a coherent meaning out of it, reliving the experiences and feelings that led her to convert in the first place. But there are also parts that she represses or does not want to acknowledge, and this can be found in the analysis as well (Wohlrab-Sahr, 1999b, p. 486). Thus, narrative biographical interviews allow researchers to delve deeper than any form of regular content analysis, to go beyond subjective self-presentation, and therefore to circumvent the limitations of the constructivist paradigm (Wohlrab-Sahr, 1999a, 1999b), as pointed out by Beckford (1978) or Ulmer (1988), for instance. During the time consuming analysis, researchers look very carefully at each sequence, at first summarizing and contextualizing what the person said, and reconstructing the biography of the person. In doing so, the following questions are highlighted: Which events/turning points are critical in terms of the person’s development? Does the person understand what is happening? Is she in control of what is happening or is she the passive receiver? Once all the interviews have been interpreted, one compares and contrasts them, trying to find common patterns, such as examining which faith journeys are similar or different in which sense and why (Schütze, 1983; for the interview questions, see the appendix).


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A religious dilemma (e.g., the Paul-Dilemma, see the appendix) confronts the subjects with a religious task or problem, to which they are asked to come up with solutions. Oser & Gmünder (1996, pp. 112–117) contend that a person’s idea of the relationship between God and himself (“deep structures of religious reasoning”) become activated through these dilemmas, also because they are strongly applicable to real life situations. At its center are the seven opposing dimensions mentioned above. In this study, the Paul-Dilemma created by Oser and his team (Oser & Gmünder, 1996, p. 118) was used because it is one of the dilemmas most commonly applied and is well validated.5 Results Reasons and Motives for Conversions to Jehovah’s Witnesses As highlighted in Beckford (1978, pp. 257–258), conversion accounts in my sample displayed some of the following characteristics: converts highlighted the need for “correct knowledge” and “appropriate actions,” and described their conversions as slow, rational processes. The conversions were not described as initiated by Jehovah God; the people regarded themselves as responsible for them. Converts also emphasized the lack of ethical rules in their environment, holding negative views of a secularized, individualized society and the dissolution of moral norms. The characteristics of converts’ stories reflect (at least partially) their socialization in the Watchtower Society. Biographical data, however, can give us hints as to why and how a conversion took place. During the analysis, a continuum of conversion types to the Jehovah’s Witnesses emerged, with the two poles as follows: (a) largely meaningless, enclosed religious (mostly Catholic) background, or (b) disorganized familial background (Catholic or non-Catholic). Figure 2 displays this continuum. Three conversion stories fulfilled both criteria. Both sides of the continuum could be characterized as “moral conversions” (Gillespie, 1991, p. 58). 5 It consists of a story about Paul, a young doctor, who, after finishing his medical studies, is rewarded for this achievement with a trip by his parents. Unfortunately, the plane has to do a crash landing due to a mechanical failure. Before it crashes, Paul prays to God, promising to use his medical skills as a doctor in the Third World if he is saved. After surviving the crash, he does not know if he needs to keep his promise or not. The interview consists of eight questions following up on that first issue (for a more complete description of the Paul-Dilemma, see the Appendix).

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Figure 2. A continuum of backgrounds of converts to the Jehovah’s Witnesses.

Enclosed religious (mostly Catholic) and social background

Enclosed religious (Catholic) backgrounds and experiences with familial disorganization and/or abuse

Experiences with familial disorganization and/or abuse

Experiences with enclosed religious (Catholic) and social backgrounds (left on the continuum) The converts presented on this side of the continuum originated, with one exception, from Catholic backgrounds. Converts described here experienced a rigid, but (in their view) relatively meaningless religious (most often Catholic) socialization, sometimes combined with an enclosed social environment. Often in conjunction with this, the interviews revealed experiences with social problems prior to the conversions. Converts predominantly came from (often superficial) religious backgrounds, regarded the relatively rigid environment they grew up in as alienating, and felt they did not understand it. Jehovah’s Witnesses provided the converts with a belief system that also was rigid, but one they could understand, because it provided answers for most of their questions. In short, converts moved from relatively enclosed belief systems and traditional backgrounds into equally enclosed belief systems. This finding mostly confirms Beckford’s (1975) argument, although he focuses on the lack of relationships to secondary institutions that make people vulnerable to the Witnesses’ influence, while the analysis presented here points towards the affinity between a relatively strict background and their present religion. Also, converts did not see much meaning in their earlier religious socialization, in contrast to Beckford’s subjects. Interestingly, even though they had not experienced family disorganization, as other converts describe below, two of the women had negative personal experiences with some of the “social problems” of modern life, such as sex and pregnancy before marriage, and another was married to an alcoholic man prior to converting. However, they did not like to acknowledge experiences with these problems in the interview, either because of the requirements of the Watchtower Society or because they felt ashamed of them. I came to this conclusion because they abruptly stopped talking at certain points or changed the topic (for a theoretical elaboration on this point, see also Glinka, 1998, p. 107).


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In the following section, the biography of one person reflecting these experiences shall be illustrated and analyzed in detail, while others are just briefly mentioned. The biography of Mrs. Miller, a 76-year-old woman who converted to Jehovah’s Witnesses at the age of 25, illustrates both of the characteristics mentioned above. I met with her over coffee in her home where she told me her life history. Mrs. Miller grew up on the outskirts of a small Midwestern city in a farmhouse and describes her family as close-knit and her relations to her parents and eight siblings as relatively warm (though somewhat superficial). The environment was especially close because the family did not own a car, so the family members could not leave the parental farm very often. Mrs. Miller went to a Catholic school up to 8th grade, worked in a laundry afterwards until getting married at the age of 24, and converted to the Jehovah’s Witnesses a year afterwards. Today, she is a widow and lives in the same small city as she grew up in, and is still an active member of the Jehovah’s Witnesses. With a narrative interview technique, the first few sentences are considered very important, since they reveal the subject’s deep biographical structure. Mrs. Miller started her life story with the following sentences: We were, ah, we were Catholics, and, ah, I was brought up Catholic, I went to a Catholic school for eight years. But, ah, I sang in the choir and we sang in Latin, didn’t understand anything.

This passage shows the relatively enclosed and all-encompassing (preVatican II) Catholic environment, in which lay people had much less influence on the church than today and the language used was Latin—illustrated by her using the word “Catholic” three times in the first sentence. She didn’t go to high school, so the Catholic schooling was all she had. Because she grew up in the 30s, her relatively low level of education and professional development (especially as a woman) is not surprising. She sang in the choir, which also illustrates her strong involvement in her church. The singing took place in Latin, a foreign language to her, and in her case, amplifying the lack of meaning that religion had for her. Consequently, she mentioned right after the first two sentences, “didn’t understand anything,” and the word “but” signifies her distancing or alienation from the environment. I concluded then that she experienced Catholicism as an all-encompassing, ever-present, but meaningless belief system.

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In combination with this, she grew up in a relatively enclosed social context, where she did not have much contact with the outside world, and experienced much social control, as is common for relatively traditional settings. One could expect that an unhappy person in an enclosed and strict environment would try to break free, abandoning the religious community and converting to a more liberal belief system. Instead, by converting to Jehovah’s Witnesses, she embraced a similarly enclosed belief system. How can this be explained? While she felt she did not understand Catholicism, she could understand the doctrine of Jehovah’s Witnesses, because it was simple, clear-cut, and provided an answer for everything. I concluded this from a passage from the same interview: Well, we didn’t even own one [a Bible], and then when we had talked with Jehovah’s Witnesses, and, ah, they used the Bible, so we went and bought a Bible, and then we, ah, started, ah, reading the Bible and studying the Bible, and that’s what made sense to me. I wanted to worship God in a the proper way, so then I . . . we, ah, studied the Bible, and I thought, well, I’ll go to church and I’ll study the Bible with Jehovah’s Witnesses, one of them has got to be the truth, but it didn’t take long before I realized what was the truth.

Here, it is noteworthy to point out the phrases, “that’s what made sense to me” and her strong desire to “worship God in the proper way”, pointing to a desire for clarity and strict rules. I concluded from the interview analysis that even though this woman had a stronger sense of security after her conversion experience, it did not seem to lead to more self-reflection and/or a different relationship to herself and to God. She uses expressions like, “use the Bible,” “study the Bible,” and “realizing what was the truth,” without explaining what they mean for her. Here we can see the affinity between the experience of her former religion and her current faith. However, to conclude that the focus on clarity is due only to her socialization in the Watchtower Society does not seem to go far enough. I also hypothesize that this woman’s low level of formal education is a factor in her embracement of an enclosed belief system. Another factor in her conversion was likely a personal experience with social problems, and is closely related to her relationship with her husband (who also played a role in her conversion). Interestingly, however, as with the other converts on this side of the continuum, she avoided talking about personal problems prior to the conversion. For example, I (together with the research team in Oldenburg, Germany)


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concluded from the analysis that she probably had a premarital sexual relationship with the man who later became her husband (her first child was born seven months after the wedding), and that it was he who eventually led her to Jehovah’s Witnesses, both of which made her family shun him for a while. It is interesting that she pauses when it comes to the actual conversion experience, since it reveals a gap in the flow of her story: And then, when it came to, ah, ah . . . I realized the Bible was God’s word, and I wanted to know about the Bible. Well, we didn’t even own one, and then when we had talked with Jehovah’s Witnesses, and, ah, they used the Bible, so we went and bought a Bible, and then we, ah, started, ah, reading the Bible and studying the Bible, and that’s what made sense to me.

Why would she all of a sudden want to know about the Bible, and realize it was God’s Word, before even meeting the Jehovah’s Witnesses? Even though this desire to know about the Bible could have been a factor, the experience that led her to this insight is missing here, and it must have been her future husband (who had negative war experiences during the Second World War in the Philippines) that guided her to Jehovah’s Witnesses since the sentence, “we went and bought a Bible,” does not refer to her parental family. According to her biography, she was pregnant before being married, which was probably not well received by her family. This embarrassing experience, then, is turned around by proclaiming the stark morality of Jehovah’s Witnesses, as can be seen in the following passage: But then, of course, when we started, we did study the Bible, and, ah, we see, what was the proper way. And we have many people that do, ah, study the Bible, and they study with us for a while, but, ah, it’s a life that, ah, I wouldn’t say it’s difficult, but it’s a clean life, and today, well even you, you know the wickedness of the world . . . All the things that go on, and, of course, we don’t have a part in that . . . Yeah, I mean, we don’t commit adultery, or like abortion, homosexuality, none of these things are . . . and so you can find . . . oh, and way of living, such as going out, drinking and . . . We have the belief in having parties and things and, ah, enjoying ourselves, but, ah, it’s a clean type of . . .

Other converts with the same background had similar conversion processes. Originating also from a nominal Catholic family, Mrs. Fletcher grew up on a farm and perceived their parents’ faith as constricting but empty as well. She also had some experiences with social problems; Mrs. Fletcher was married to an alcoholic man and stayed married

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to him for several years even after her conversion. Eventually she came in contact with the Jehovah’s Witnesses, joined this group, and eventually, after her divorce to her first husband, married a man who also recently converted. Mrs. Haley’s life history resembles those of Mrs. Miller and Mrs. Fletcher, although she did not speak of experiences with social problems. What is similar, however, is her socially and religiously enclosed background. Like Mrs. Miller and Mrs. Fletcher, she grew up on a farm and did not have much contact with the outside world. Of this group, she was the only one not raised in the Catholic Church; her mother belonged to the Latter Day Saints and her father was nominally Methodist. Her conversion to the Jehovah’s Witnesses was influenced by her friendship with one of their members, and even though she did not agree with certain parts of the teachings at first, she eventually converted. Besides this friendship, however, I think that the isolation of her social background and her search for clarity (like Mr. Jones, she mentioned a turning point when she learned that God had a name) aligned itself well with the structure and belief system of the Jehovah’s Witnesses.6 Experiences with rigid Catholicism and familial disorganization (middle on the continuum) While experiences with some pre-conversion social problems played a part in the converts’ narratives described above, in some cases, actual experiences with disorganization in the family were present. It is significant that all of the converts from disorganized familial backgrounds overall (whether Catholic or non-Catholic) spoke of either physically or emotionally absent or even abusive fathers. All but two also reported problems with their mothers. 6 In comparison with other religious groups, many of those falling away from traditional Christianity and joining the Unitarians had early life experiences similar to the converts to the Jehovah’s Witnesses originating from Catholic backgrounds. In contrast to the Jehovah’s Witnesses, however, the Unitarians distanced themselves from traditional organized religion and emphasized freedom in their (religious and social) lives, as well as self-realization. For example, Mrs. Colby, a professor at a state university, grew up in a more or less nominal Catholic home, went to Catholic school, and married a chaplain right after college. As a housewife and mother, though, she started feeling lonely and bored, and went back to school to earn her Masters degree and eventual her Ph.D., which led to her becoming more independent, and to think critically about the Catholic Church. She also criticized the Catholic Church because she felt, based on her mother’s trajectory, that it discriminated against women. Eventually she left the Catholic Church and became a Unitarian, where she felt at home, because critical thinking and independence were encouraged.


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In this section, I will describe the stories of the three converts experiencing both a relatively rigid religious (Catholic) upbringing and a disorganized family background due to parental divorce, parental absence (such as a workaholic father), or abuse and neglect, which often led to feelings of depression, drug or alcohol abuse, and problems in relationships. The belief system of the Jehovah’s Witnesses attracted them because of its clear moral structure, thus providing a sense of security absent from their former lives. This finding of family disorganization constitutes the main difference to Beckford’s results (1975), since family disorganization among his interviewees was mostly absent. The experiences of these converts can be related to Zinn and Esser’s (2003, pp. 52–53) concept of “tradierung” (falling back on traditions), a strategy that people use to bring forth security in an age characterized by risk and insecurity. In this case, religion serves as an instrument to create order out of chaos, to provide ultimate meaning in a situation where people feel disoriented. The life experiences of Mr. Walker, also from a Catholic background, reflect experiences of familial disorganization. His conversion story lies therefore in the middle of the continuum presented above. As was the case in Mrs. Miller’s childhood, his Catholic education was fairly rigid; he described having a hard time following rules in Catholic school and at home as a child, but that he finally found “God’s rules” among the Jehovah’s Witnesses at the age of 45. The following quote illustrates his view of his Catholic upbringing: I was very independent. We were raised Catholic and . . . my earliest experiences in religion class were not good because I had questions and I wanted to know and so they basically said that I was evil. They said that I was bad. They didn’t like me. They didn’t like me at all. They were actually quite cruel. They were quite cruel—the nuns. The priests not so much. I don’t remember them being cruel, but the nuns were mean. They were bitter. They were a bitter lot. They weren’t happy and it was easy to see, so I think in the third grade I got kicked out of Catholic schools and then went to public schools for a couple of years, and then went back to Catholic schools. I always enjoyed the better education in a Catholic school, but boy, I sure didn’t, I had a hard time. They would tell me to do stuff without giving me reasonable explanation. So I didn’t do well with that. Plus I always kind of lived, as a result of all that, I kind of was on the, I was on the edge of society. Know what I mean?

But, in contrast to Mrs. Miller, he openly rebelled against this Catholic upbringing even at an early age. He was also physically and emotionally

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abused by his parents. As a result of these experiences, he became dependent on drugs in his teenage years, and consequently got arrested several times. Because of these experiences, his childhood was extremely harsh and disorganized. When asked about his experiences with his parents, he answered: I would say. I love my parents dearly. I love them dearly. But I really got the feeling when I was growing up that they hated my guts. I was [a] significant burden to them and they said it. They said stuff to me like, ‘I don’t know what we did to God to deserve you. Can’t you do anything right? You’ll never amount to anything.’ I had forgotten those words and one day I got really, really, really quiet when I was sober, and my bottom lip would quiver. You know because there was some, great duress in my life at that point.

Mr. Carlson, a young man who had recently moved from New York to the Midwest, also came from a relatively rigid (but superficial) Catholic background. His parents were divorced when he was in high school. Because of this and his father’s subsequent absence, he experimented with drugs and alcohol during his high school years. The conversion to the Jehovah’s Witnesses gave him a way to deal with and make sense of those problems and, most importantly, this faith made sense to him in a way that the Catholic faith never did. Finally, Mr. Jones went to Catholic schools all his life, serving as an altar boy in the Catholic Church and confessing regularly. Notably, he also starts his story describing his Catholic background, which he experienced as relatively rigid and meaningless. As for the other man, he reported some problems in his family of origin; his father worked for the military and was largely absent from family life, and his mother did not seem interested in her sons’ lives, so that he described himself as an alienated and lonely youth. Experiences with familial or social disorganization (converts from non-Catholic backgrounds, right on the continuum) In contrast to those converts with Catholic backgrounds, the background of the converts on the right side of the continuum was not a religiously rigid one, but they experienced strong feelings of disorientation in their childhood and youth due to the brokenness of their familial relationships and, in one case, neighborhood disorganization. (As we have seen above, three men fulfilled these conditions, while simultaneously coming from a rigid Catholic background). The three converts described in this section grew up among the Jehovah’s


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Witnesses, with two falling away from them, but later reconverting. To highlight this pattern, the biographical experiences of a woman called Mrs. Smith will be illustrated in detail, followed by other briefly presented life stories. Mrs. Smith is a woman in her late twenties, now married and a housewife. She experienced a relatively rough childhood due to her parents’ separation and her life in different foster families. Her background was not Catholic, since her parents belonged to the Jehovah’s Witnesses. Her mother left the group a few years after Mrs. Smith was born, and rejoined them only much later, while her father stayed a Jehovah’s Witness throughout his life. Because of her experiences with abandonment, her life was marked by uncertainties in the moral sphere, as well as by mistrust and anger. She began her conversion story with the following sequence: Well, my parents were married when they, my mom, was pregnant with me. They were together for a few years and they started having problems, but they were looking for counseling, some help or something like that. And they had gone to a few churches and they hadn’t really helped them, and they kept going . . . a little bit, and my dad came in contact with the Jehovah’s Witnesses where he worked. Then somebody also, a different person, contacted them at their house, just by coincidence, so they got help that way. So when I was real little, my parents were Jehovah’s Witnesses. But they had just started to become Witnesses when I was a baby. Their marriage only lasted about seven years, so my mom left him when I was about 4–5, maybe 6 years old. There was a custody battle, and I ended up in foster care. I was there for probably about five years. I was just supposed to be there for two weeks, but I got lost in the system, as they say, but I developed a real hatred for Jehovah’s Witnesses, not just them in particular but anybody that had anything to do with . . . I didn’t want to hear about. I told my mom I didn’t want Jehovah’s Witnesses in my house. I didn’t want her to talk to me about it. I was real adamant because I was so young. I blamed, basically Jehovah’s people, Jehovah’s Witnesses and him for everything that happened, you know, because I didn’t understand that it wasn’t me. It wasn’t God. It wasn’t the people. It was my parents—they’re the ones that had a problem. Children don’t really get that.

Unlike those converts originating from enclosed religious (Catholic) backgrounds, Mrs. Smith does not begin with the lack of meaning religion had for her as a child, but with a moral issue: her parents getting married when her mom was pregnant. As mentioned above, her childhood and adolescence were very chaotic and disorganized, and she resented her parents for splitting up and abandoning her

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to the foster care system. This history was directly related to her negative childhood views of the Jehovah’s Witnesses. After her parents’ divorce and her experience in different foster families, she lived with a well-liked foster family. But at the same time she struggled with alcohol and drug abuse and did poorly in school, due to her deep-seated feelings of abandonment and loss. Once she drove home drunk, together with friends, and they were afraid that they killed someone (which proved untrue). The passage below reveals an increasing tension and negative turn of the events: Because I was kind of at a point where I was in college that we were partying a lot, just doing a lot of drugs and things were just getting really bad. We thought we killed somebody; we thought we ran them over one night. We were too scared to go back and too drunk to really worry about it. We watched the news for days but nobody ever showed up, so we figured it was somebody’s dog or something, maybe a deer, one of those things. I just wanted something better, anything better. It didn’t matter really.

The turning point came when she visited a meeting of the Jehovah’s Witnesses because of a man that she found attractive. Consequently, she got interested in this organization; as she says in the quote, it made sense for her and she also agreed with the loving view of God presented in the meetings, and joined at the age of 24. It should be noted that she did not develop a long-term relationship with the man mentioned above—he could not have played a significant role in her becoming a Jehovah’s Witness other than introducing her to the group. She describes the process of getting involved in the Watchtower movement as follows: So I started going to the meetings before the young man got back from vacation and I started reading Watchtower and the Awake, and the things were just really making sense for me as far as . . . because I had been to different churches with my friends. I’d gone to nondenominational with my foster family. I had been to the Church of the Nazarene. I had been to different things like that and by far, this made the most sense to me because I’m thinking of God as somebody loving. I could never go along with hellfire, you know. That didn’t sound to me like something a loving parent would do, torture someone forever for something they did once. I mean even my parents only grounded me once. They never did it forever, you know. So it made more sense to me, so I started going and I started actually studying the Watchtower.

Soon after she got involved in the Watchtower movement, her life changed completely. She stopped drinking and consuming alcohol, and


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did not get involved in relationships with different men as she did before. Also, contact with her father improved significantly. The only negative consequences of her conversion were conflicts with her foster family (previously quite close to her), due to her refusal to celebrate the holidays, as is common among Jehovah’s Witnesses. Because of these conflicts she ended up moving out of their house and living with her dad until she got married. Most importantly, after her conversion, she felt much more secure in general, and in relationships to men in particular. The conversion helped solve her relationship problems with men (which stem from her lack of deep relations to her parents and possibly also from observing their failed relationship), since her new faith provided directions and thus security. One could also argue that Jehovah’s Witnesses’ guidelines concerning gender roles work against the effects of modernization, since gender roles fluctuate in modern society, thus increasing the potential for insecurity (as illustrated by Beck, 1992; or Beck, Giddens, & Lash, 1994, for example). The following paragraph illustrates this point: Everything has changed a lot, how I view men, with my husband. Now before my attitude towards, like a man that I was in a relationship was, well, if I don’t like you, you can go, you know. I had no problem. If they frightened me, like they made me think they were going to hurt me, I had no hesitation to hit them first. I was very angry, you know, with everybody and now, I think that’s the reason why we have a marriage because I know that once you enter that type of relationship, I know how God feels about it and what He expects of you. He expects you to work it out. You vow to do that. You promise Him that you would do that as well as your mate, you know. Now I know. It can be confusing when you don’t know what position you’re supposed to have. Now that I know what a good wife is supposed to be like, the way that I feel about him just as a man is a lot different than it would have been. It’s very, very different. I don’t always agree with everything that he does, but I don’t have a problem going and following his word as the last word. You know what I mean? Like if a thing comes up and it has to be discussed or talked about, a decision has to be made, if he decides, if he’s listened to all my thoughts and feelings on it (which he usually does), and decides that that’s not a good course, well, that’s what I have to do. It’s not like it was before, ‘Well, you can go.’ Because I want him to stay. Everything is that way.

Mr. Smith’s (an African American male, age 27, and Mrs. Smith’s husband) life history is very similar to his wife’s. As was the case with Mrs. Smith, his parents were divorced, and he grew up with his mother

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until the age of 14, when he started shuttling between the homes of his parents. Because of these experiences, he felt lost and disoriented, which led to the abuse of drugs and alcohol at the age of 18. His situation worsened until he started reading a booklet by the Jehovah’s Witnesses given to him by his father (who was an active member) at the age of 21, after which he became interested in the organization. This faith made sense to him because he could understand its teachings (he had a relatively low level of education), but most importantly, it gave him a structure, a moral compass, and more self-respect. Consequently, he stopped abusing drugs and alcohol shortly afterwards and joined the organization about a year after the initial experience. Finally, Mr. Taylor’s conversion at age 11 can be attributed to the disorganized neighborhood he lived in after his parents divorced, and the pressure from gangs to join them. His mother had become a Jehovah’s Witness and served as his role model, and Jehovah God became his protector against these gangs.7 The relationships between conversions to the Jehovah’s Witnesses and stages of religious judgment To summarize, converts’ religious judgment was higher than Stage 2, but did not go beyond Stage 3c (albeit with aspects of Stage 3a). Two converts reasoned between Stages 2 and 3, five on Stage 3c (most often with aspects of Stage 3a), and one on Stage 3a. Thus, current interviewee answers to the Paul-Dilemma mostly indicated an “extremist religious judgment” and a strict adherence to the doctrine of the Watchtower Society, in contrast to Stage 3b (in which the human sphere is highlighted to the detriment of the Ultimate). In general, converts to the Jehovah’s Witnesses followed a relatively close, literal interpretation of the Bible, but without a visible fear of God, as is often the case when people reason on Stage 1. Stage 3c is apparent in that the seven polar dimensions illustrated above are not mediated, but stay separate; for example, dependence upon Jehovah God was

7 Converts on this side of the continuum had similar life histories as those converting to Islam, who generally also had disorienting life experiences prior to conversion (e.g., one African American woman who later converted to Islam moved from a predominantly African American area, where she felt at home, to an almost all white, rural neighborhood, where she was lonely and out of touch with her cultural heritage.) However, converts to the Jehovah’s Witnesses focused mostly on the family while telling about their feelings of disorientation, while converts to Islam focused on the cultural or societal sphere.


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valued more than independence, transcendence more than immanence. But certain answers (especially the answer to the question if God would directly punish Paul for not keeping his promise) also reflected Stage 3a, characterized by a separation of the human sphere from the influence of the Ultimate Being. In the converts’ life stories we can see not only an affinity between their current faith and their religious judgment, but also between the latter and an enclosed religious background (at least in the cases of those originating from Catholic backgrounds). Both their background and their current faith were relatively enclosed and strict, and the Ultimate was not experienced as a personal being. The affinity between someone’s background and their current religious judgment can clearly be seen in Mrs. Miller’s answers to the PaulDilemma. Mrs. Miller’s statements reflected Stage 3c (with aspects of Stage 3a), since they revealed a literal interpretation of the Bible. She focuses on the Ultimate sphere to the detriment of the human sphere. Her answer to the question if Paul would need to keep his promise to go to the Third World reflects this stage: Well, if it was . . . was made, and if I would have made a promise like that, I would keep it. It would be just like we, ah, ah, devote our life to God in preaching, and that’s what we would do.

Answering the question if God or people were more important in the world, she said: What’s more important? Well, Jehovah God is the most important, because He created mankind and, ah, mankind owes their lives to Him. And He also gave up His son, Jesus Christ, He sacrificed his life so that we could gain life back.

One can also recognize Stage 3c in her answer to the question regarding God’s intervention in the world. It is interesting that Mrs. Miller was convinced that Jehovah would intervene in Armageddon, but not in daily life. In her view, the Ultimate has its own sphere: Ah, He has control over things, but, ah, like the Bible brings out, that the God of this system of things is Satan, the devil, and God is going to intervene . . . in the, ah, world eventually, and, ah, Armageddon. Armageddon . . . they talk about Armageddon in . . . in . . . ah, the governments today, but the Armageddon in the Bible is God’s one, no man is gonna take any part in it, and God is going to destroy all the wicked. No, I don’t think He intervenes in our daily life, like, ah, we live our lives as we choose, but He doesn’t arrange things so we have to do a thing a certain way.

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Mr. Taylor, who comes from a background similar to Mrs. Miller, also reasoned on Stage 3c (with aspects of Stage 3a). He also believed in the ultimate importance of promises, and one can see a literal interpretation of the Bible, or religious extremism: Ahm, the Bible says let your [‘yes’] stay ‘yes’ and your ‘no’ mean ‘no.’ Simple as that . . . I only tell you I am gonna do something if I can do it . . . unforeseeable circumstances are gonna be falling on all of us, the Bible says, so . . . He could have died just as well as he lived, but he made that promise hoping that God would protect him . . . Yes . . . If I tell my heavenly father I’m gonna do something, I should keep it to the best of my ability.

When asked if Jehovah would punish Paul for not keeping his promise, however, he clearly reasoned on Stage 3a (as did most of the others in regard to this question), since he did not believe in direct punishment for not following through with a promise, just in a person slowly falling away and “losing the Holy Spirit.” Mrs. Haley’s overall reasoning was located on Stage 3a, meaning that she articulated a stronger separation between Jehovah’s sphere and the human sphere than the others. For example, she answered the question if it was God’s will that Paul would go to the Third World in the following way: Ah. God’s will. I . . . uh, I don’t think that we have pre-determined . . . I don’t know. I think as humans we were created with a free will, and he can use his free will however he chooses to use his free will.

In contrast to most interviewees, her narrative revealed a socially enclosed upbringing, but no experiences with “social problems,” and no family disorganization, as did the narratives of many of the other interviewees. She also had gone to college in order to get a nursing degree, which might have affected her religious judgment. While it could be assumed that all these factors play a role in her reasoning on Stage 3a (in contrast to Stage 3c) in that she is less dependent upon strict norms and therefore focuses more on people’s freedom, future research would be needed. Another observation in relation to converts’ backgrounds stood out. Converts from disorganized familial backgrounds (without concurrent rigid religious socialization) reasoned slightly differently than those growing up in enclosed Catholic settings; their answers to the PaulDilemma described a more personal relationship to God, and there was a slightly stronger tendency towards a separation between the sphere


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of the Ultimate and the human sphere in their answers (Stage 3a). At the same time, they seemed to have “worked through” their issues more than those originating from only narrow Catholic backgrounds, which showed itself in the fact that they did not seem to shy away from talking about negative experiences. For example, Mrs. Smith’s religious judgment revealed elements of both Stages 3c and 3a, and, compared to Mrs. Miller, her answers generally show a more liberal or open interpretation of what Paul’s promise to God means, as illustrated in her view that there was more than one way for Paul to fulfill his promise. A promise is a promise, and I think he should try to keep his promise. I know that God would understand, and that He understands everything, and He knows that Paul is in an extreme situation and people say a lot of things out of fear, but I really think he should try . . . and if we follow or try to do our best to follow His example, then I think that’s the best that we can do, was to give it the best shot that we could, to try to fulfill that to the best of our ability, but I think that there is more than one way to do that.

Table 1 illustrates basic data on the converts and their stages of religious judgment. The converts are listed along the continuum described above; those who primarily experienced an enclosed Catholic background are described first, followed by those experiencing both an enclosed Catholic background and familial disorganization and finally by those only experiencing familial or social disorganization. Conclusion When comparing conversions to the Jehovah’s Witnesses with those to other religious groups, there were two sometimes overlapping trends. First, converts came from religiously and socially enclosed backgrounds, growing up with a religion that did not have much meaning for them (with some at the same time having experiences with common social problems). Second, they grew up in dysfunctional family situations, which left them feeling lonely and depressed, sometimes leading to drug and alcohol abuse. Their conversion to Jehovah’s Witnesses can be seen as an attempt to make sense of religion and of life and/or to deal with disorganization in their past. In relation to the former, most interviewees stressed that they wanted to “learn or know the truth,” and that this was influential

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in their conversion. This fits Beckford’s (1978) findings that Jehovah’s Witnesses characterized their conversions as rational and gradual processes, not initiated by a divine being, a view shaped by the Watchtower Society. However, it also seems that the converts’ nominal and nevertheless enclosed Catholic background as well as their relatively low level of education and low level of professional status, predispose them to accept a doctrine that stresses rules, rationality, and an impersonal relationship to God. They distanced themselves from Catholicism, which seemed rigid and meaningless to them, but by following a faith that was also experienced as relatively rigid. With the latter reason, Beckford (1978) states that moral guidelines play a major role in conversion stories of Jehovah’s Witnesses, and that this is influenced by the Watchtower Society as well. While I think this is important, I also think that life experiences of members with social problems as well as chaotic, disorganized family backgrounds and their resulting need for moral guidelines are crucial reasons for their conversions. Beck’s concept of “risk society” can be applied to both sides of the continuum, since it seems that converts to the Jehovah’s Witnesses do not favor social change, but are scared by it and therefore convert to a relatively strict religious group. The enclosed religious system that people converted to was reflected in the “religiously extremist” stage of religious judgment (Stage 3c). In a sense, there are strong similarities between converts’ life histories, the Jehovah’s Witnesses and their doctrine, and Stage 3c of religious judgment, since it is characterized by a strict, literal interpretation of the Bible. However, one should also take the criticisms of Oser’s approach (mentioned above) into account. Are Jehovah’s Witnesses’ religious judgments on lower stages just because they hold more traditional worldviews and favor autonomy less than most of U.S. society? The negative view of secularized, modern society is a hallmark of “generic fundamentalist groups” (Wacker, 2003).8 Broadly conceived, fundamentalism represents a movement against modernity, seeking to recover aspects of the past (Antoun, 2001; Marty & Appleby, 1992; Wacker, 2003). Other authors perceive the reliance on sacred texts that cannot be criticized and the belief in dispensational pre-

8 Wacker (2003) distinguishes between “generic” and “historic” fundamentalism. Historic fundamentalism differs from generic fundamentalism in the sense that it was concerned with the American religious situation in the late 1800s (see also Ammerman, 1987; Marsden, 1991), whereas generic fundamentalism applies to various settings.


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millenialism (among Christians) as important characteristics of fundamentalist groups (Ammerman, 1987, p. 5). Although none of the authors mentioned above explicitly connects Jehovah’s Witnesses to fundamentalism (perhaps because many consider them outside of Christian orthodoxy), this group seems to have strong commonalities with fundamentalist groups. They have strong guidelines of appropriate behavior, a negative stance towards secularized society, a belief in the ultimate truth of scripture and a future Armageddon, as well as in an ultimate authority, the Watchtower Society (sometimes translating into an extremist religious judgment). However, these tendencies are not only found among the Jehovah’s Witnesses. They are most likely also found among fundamentalist Christian or Islamic groups. It is also likely that Christian fundamentalists and Islamic fundamentalists would report similar conversion processes and reason on the same or similar stages of religious judgment as the Jehovah’s Witnesses. Limitations of the Study and Future Research Because of the paucity of work done in this area, this article is meant to lay a foundation for future research that tests the preliminary analyses and conclusions contained here. My intention here, therefore, is not to present data that can be generalized, but preliminary insights that then can be further evaluated. Debate over the interpretations and conclusions made here is certainly welcome. One possible limitation is the reconstructive layout of the study: Is it possible to realistically describe a process that has been told in retrospect, or are these narratives flawed in that everything a person says is affected by the present? Constructivist conversion research poses these problems, arguing that questions about reasons and motives for conversions can never be adequately answered, that conversion narratives should instead be perceived as “reconstructive communicative actions” (Beckford, 1978; Dawson, 1995; Ulmer, 1988). However, as mentioned above, according to some researchers (Wohlrab-Sahr, 1999a, 1999b), it is possible for research employing the narrative biographical interview technique to go deeper than analyzing conversions from a purely communicative standpoint. Another limitation is the lack of generalizability of the findings due to a relatively small number of interviewees and the “theoretical sampling” method. Even though differences in various aspects of life are a goal of a study conducted with the “theoretical sampling method,” one area in which there

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was not much diversity was the background of the converts: six came from Catholic homes, one grew up with a Mormon mother and a nominally Methodist dad, two were raised in the faith of the Witnesses, but distanced themselves from it early on, and one adopted his mother’s faith. But as we have seen, it is likely that the respective background variables (especially religious background) influenced subjects’ conversion trajectory and thus could be important variables. Future research should attempt to include additional converts and a more diverse sample (e.g., by adding converts from different religious/denominational and sociocultural backgrounds to the sample) to verify or falsify the preliminary results presented here, as well as include other coders to increase reliability. It would be interesting to see if there are other background variables that influence motives, reasons, and processes for conversions. In conclusion, the study of conversions to the Jehovah’s Witnesses, beyond the understanding of background variables leading up to the conversion (which in itself is a necessary and fascinating endeavor), invites connections to stage theories of religious development and work on risk society, individualization, and fundamentalism. At the same time, much more work needs to be done. References Alfs, M. (1991). The evocative religion of Jehovah’s Witnesses: An analysis of a present-day phenomenon. Minneapolis, MN: Old Theology Book House. Allievi, S. (1999). Pour une sociologie des conversions: Lorsque des Européens deviennent musulmans. [For a sociology of conversions: Europeans becoming Muslims]. Social Compass, 46, 283–300. Ammerman, N. T. (1987). Bible believers: Fundamentalists in the modern world. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. Antoun, R. T. (2001). Understanding fundamentalism: Christian, Jewish and Islam movements. Walnut Creek, CA: Altamira Press. Bankston, W. B., Forsyth, C. J., & Floyd, H. H. (1981). Toward a general model of the process of radical conversion: An interactionist perspective on the transformation of self-identity. Qualitative Sociology, 4, 279–297. Barker, E. (1984). The making of a Moonie: Choice or brainwashing? Oxford: Blackwell. Beck, U. (1986/1992). Risk society: Towards a new modernity. London: Sage Publications. Beck, U., Giddens, A., & Lash, S. (1994). Reflexive modernization: Politics, tradition and aesthetics in the modern social order. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Beckford, J. (1975). The trumpet of prophecy: A sociological study of the Jehovah’s Witnesses. New York: Halsted Press. —— (1978). Accounting for conversion. British Journal of Sociology, 29, 249–262. Berger, P., Berger, B., & Keller, H. (1974). The homeless mind: Modernization and consciousness. New York: Vintage Books.


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Bergman, J. (1984). Jehovah’s Witnesses and kindred groups: A historical compendium and bibliography. New York: Garland Publishing. —— (1996). The Jehovah’s Witnesses’ experience in the Nazi concentration camps: A history of their conflicts with the Nazi State. Journal of Church and State, 38, 87–113. Besier, G., & Besier, R. M. (2001). Jehovah’s Witnesses’ request for recognition as a corporation under public law in Germany: Background, current status, and empirical aspects. Journal of Church and State, 43, 35–48. Boyatzis, C. J. (2005). Religious and spiritual development in childhood. In R. F. Paloutzian & C. L. Park (Eds.), Handbook of the psychology of religion and spirituality (pp. 123–143). New York: The Guilford Press. Conrad, C. F. (1993). Grounded theory: An alternative approach to research in higher education. In C. Conrad, A. Neumann, J. G. Haworth, & P. Scott (Eds.), Qualitative research in higher education; experiencing alternative perspectives and approaches (pp. 167–208). Needham Heights, MA: Ginn Press. Conn, W. (1986). Christian conversion: A developmental interpretation of autonomy and surrender. Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press. Côté, P., & Richardson, J. T. (2001). Disciplined litigation, vigilant litigation, and deformation: Dramatic organization change in Jehovah’s Witnesses. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 40, 11–25. Countess, R. H. (1982). The Jehovah’s Witnesses’ New Testament: A critical analysis of the New World Translation of the Christian Greek scriptures. Phillipsburg, NJ: Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing. Crowson, R. L. (1993). Qualitative research methods in higher education. In C. Conrad, A. Neumann, J. G. Haworth, & P. Scott (Eds.), Qualitative research in higher education: experiencing alternative perspectives and approaches (pp. 167–208). Needham Heights, MA: Ginn Press. Dawson, L. L. (1995). Accounting for accounts: How should sociologists treat conversion stories? International Journal of Comparative Religion and Philosophy, 1, 51–68. Dencher, T. (1966). Why I left Jehovah’s Witnesses. Lakeland: Marshall, Morgan & Scott. Dirksen, H. (2002). Jehovah’s Witnesses under communist regimes. Religion, State and Society, 30, 229–238. Fowler, J. W. (1981). Stages of faith: The psychology of human development and the quest for meaning. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Fowler, J. W., Nipkow, K. E., & Schweitzer, F. (1991). Stages of faith and religious development: Implications for church, education, and society. New York: Crossroad Publishing. Gillespie, V. B. (1991). The dynamics of religious conversion. Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press. Glinka, H. J. (1998). Das narrative Interview: Eine Einführung für Sozialpädagogen. [The narrative interview: An introduction for social educators]. Weinheim und München: Edition Soziale Arbeit. Juventa Verlag. Gordon, D. F. (1974). The Jesus people: An identity synthesis. Urban Life and Culture, 3, 159–178. Harrison, B. G. (1978). Visions of glory: A history and a memory of Jehovah’s Witnesses. New York: Simon & Schuster. Haupert, B. (1991). Vom narrativen interview zur biographischen Typenbildung. [From the narrative interview to a biographical typology]. In D. Garz & K. Kraimer (Eds.), Qualitativ-empirische Sozialforschung (pp. 214–254). Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag. Hébert, G. (1960). Les témoins the Jéhovah: Essai critique d’histoire et de doctrine. [The Jehovah’s Witnesses: A critical essay of their history and doctrine]. Montréal: Les Éditions Bellarmin.

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Appendix A. Narrative part 1. Can you tell me your life history related to your conversion? 2. What happened after your conversion? 3. Can you describe your relationship to your parents a bit more extensively? B. Religious dilemma: Paul-Dilemma (according to Oser & Gmünder, 1996) First, interviewees read the following story: Paul, a young doctor, has just successfully passed his medical boards. He has a girlfriend, whom he promised to marry. But before he was going to marry her, his parents, as a reward for his success, gave him a trip to England. Paul is starting his trip. As soon as the plane is up in the air, the pilot lets the passengers know that one engine is defective and that the other one does not completely function anymore either. The plane falls down. All measures of security are taken, oxygen masks, life jackets, and so on are distributed. First the passengers cried, then it is very quiet. The plane drops down to earth quickly. Paul thinks about his whole life. He knows that his life will come to an end. In this situation, he thinks of God and starts praying. He promises to completely devote his life to the people of the Third World and not to marry his girlfriend, unless she is willing to accompany him. He promises to renounce a high income and social prestige. The plane crashed severely, but in a miracle, Paul is saved. Returning home, he is offered a very good job at a private clinic. He has been chosen out of 90 applicants because of his skills. Paul, however, remembers the promise he has given to God. He does not know how to decide. Then, the interviewer asks the following questions:

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1. Shall Paul keep his promise? Why or why not? a. Do humans need to keep promises made to God? Why or why not? b. Do you believe a person needs to do something for God? Why or why not? 2. How would you reply to the following sentence: It is God’s will that Paul goes to the Third World (that he keeps his promise)? 3. We find two opposing factors in this story: on the one side is Paul’s girlfriend and the job at the clinic, and, on the other side, God (and the promise). a. Which of these two factors is more important? b. What is more important in this world, anyway: the human being or God? 4. Imagine that Paul, after a lot of sleepless nights, doesn’t keep his promise and enters his appealing job in the private clinic. Do you think that this decision has consequences for Paul’s life? Why or why not? 5. A short time afterwards Paul gets into an accident, for which he is himself responsible. a. Is this accident related to the fact that Paul did not keep his promise towards God? Why or why not? b. Do you think God would punish Paul for the fact that he did not keep his promise? Why or why not? c. If yes, will God intervene in the world in any case? If no, does God show himself in the world at all, and how? 6. Imagine that Paul enters his good job at the private clinic and decides to give away a tenth of his salary each month. Do you think that Paul lives up to his promise by doing so? 7. Have you ever experienced a religious dilemma? Can you tell me about it? Which factors were involved? 8a. How would you have answered the questions pertaining to the religious dilemma earlier? (e.g., the first question) 8b. Can you tell me of any events that had an influence on the changes of your thinking?

INTOLERANCE TOWARD OTHERS AND BELIEF IN AN ACTIVE SATAN Keith M. Wilson, Ph.D., Jennifer L. Acord, M.A., and Ronan S. Bernas, Ph.D.* Abstract The study examined if belief in an active Satan is directly related to intolerance towards African Americans, women, gays and lesbians, and communists. Over 100 Midwestern university and community college students completed measures of belief in an active Satan, religious fundamentalism, right-wing authoritarianism, and intolerance toward specific minorities. Results show that belief in an active Satan was positively related to intolerance toward gay men and lesbians and inversely related to intolerance toward African Americans. However, after controlling for religious fundamentalism and right-wing authoritarianism, the correlation between belief in an active Satan and intolerance of gay men and lesbians was no longer significant, while the inverse relation between belief in an active Satan and intolerance of African Americans remained significant. The often observed direct relationship between belief in an active Satan and intolerance toward others may at times be an artifact of the authoritarian and fundamentalist beliefs that accompany belief in an active Satan. In fact, belief in an active Satan may, in some instances, be directly related to increased tolerance toward some groups.

In her book, The Origin of Satan (1995), a social history of Satan, the noted Princeton theologian Elaine Pagels addressed the conundrum of Christian intolerance. As has often been noted, those who express the ideal of universal love often evidence its opposite. For Pagels, understanding the role of a belief in an active Satan, a Satan that actively opposes and thwarts God’s will on heaven and earth, is the key to understanding this perplexing relationship. Pagels argues that for some Christians, Satan ontologically exists. For such Christians, some of life’s most onerous obstacles are created by Satan. For example, according to Pagels, a hundred years after the gospels were written Christians adapted to the circumstances of pagan persecution by identifying themselves as allies of God acting against Roman magistrates and pagan mobs whom they saw as agents of Satan. At the same time, church leaders troubled by dissidents discerned the presence * Author Note : Dr. Wilson can be contacted at Psychology Dept., Eastern Illinois University, Charleston, IL, 61920 or via phone at (217) 581–6411 or email at [email protected]. Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, Volume 17 © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2007

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k. m. wilson, j. l. acord and r. s. bernas

of Satan infiltrating the hearts and minds of other Christians, socalled heretics. By joining with Christ in his struggles and final victory over Satan, these believers were themselves ensured of final victory over their enemies. This belief in an active Satan provided solace and meaning to the persecutions suffered and justified the harm and ruin visited on their enemies. Pagels pointed out that these and other notable periods of Christian intolerance were commensurate with widespread belief in an active Satan, a Satan who actively opposed God’s will in heaven and on earth, and argued that much of Christianity’s modern day intolerance is similarly related to belief in an active Satan. Noting the surprising lack of empirical research on the effect of beliefs in evil on social behavior and attitudes in the psychology of religion, Wilson and Huff (2001) did an empirical investigation of Pagels’ hypothesis. In an investigation with undergraduates at a mid-size Midestern university, Wilson and Huff found the Belief in an Active Satan Scale (BIASS) to be positively related to intolerance toward gay men and lesbians (as measured by the Attitudes Toward Homosexuals Scale; Altemeyer, 1988) and intolerance toward ethnic minorities (as measured by the Manitoba Prejudice Scale; Altemeyer, 1988). Although this demonstrated a possible relationship between belief in an active Satan and intolerance toward some groups, it bears replication. The study, moreover, did not rule out the possibility that the relationship was an artifact of other variables such as religious fundamentalism (as represented by beliefs such as the inerrancy of the Bible and the importance of keeping the true teachings of God’s word) or authoritarianism (i.e., authoritarian submission, authoritarian aggression, and conventionalism). Both have been linked to intolerance and to each other. For example, Altemeyer and Hunsberger (1992) found significant positive relationships between right-wing authoritarianism and intolerance of minorities and gay men and lesbians. Similarly research has found religious fundamentalism to be positively correlated with intolerance toward minorities and gay men and lesbians (e.g., McFarland, 1989; Altemeyer & Hunsberger, 1992). Many religious fundamentalists endorse a belief in an active Satan. In fact, one commonly used measure of religious fundamentalism, Altemeyer and Hunsberger’s (1992) Religious Fundamentalism Scale, contains belief in an active Satan related items. It is possible that the hypothesized and previously reported relations between intolerance and belief in an active Satan are artifacts of authoritarian and fundamentalist beliefs.

satan and intolerance

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The current study re-examined the relationship between belief in an active Satan and intolerance of various minority groups, utilizing additional measures of intolerance toward others, including intolerance toward African Americans, women, and those with socially proscribed political beliefs. The present study also explored the role of possible mediators. In particular, religious fundamentalism and right wing authoritarianism were considered as possible mediators. The study aimed at testing if intolerance of others and belief in an active Satan are directly related or rather the previously reported relationship is an artifact of fundamentalist and authoritarian beliefs. Method Participants One hundred and eighteen college students from a Midwestern university (N = 60) or community college (N = 58) participated in the study. Fifty-eight of the participants were men and 60 were women. The mean age of the participants was 22 with a standard deviation of 7. Approximately 90% were nonhispanic White and 5% were African American. Materials and Procedures The participants were provided with a demographics sheet and six questionnaires (two of which are not reported here). Participants completed a revised Belief in an Active Satan Scale (BIASS; Wilson & Huff, 2001). The revised BIASS, containing ten items, was used to measure belief in an active Satan (items 8, 9, and 10 were not relevant to the present study and were not used in the analyses; see the Appendix). Constructed in part from items in the Threat of Satan to U.S. scale by Wilcox, Linzey, and Jelen (1991) and an item from Altemeyer (1988), the previous scale was expanded by converting one complex item into three separate items and revising the wording of item three so as to include an explicit reference to Satan. Scores for the new seven-item scale ranged from 7 to 35. The previous version of the BIASS yielded an alpha coefficient of .81, and the new revised BIASS yielded an alpha of .91. As reported in Wilson and Huff (2001), a principal components factor analysis of the original BIASS produced a one-factor solution (eigenvalue = 2.84). A principal components factor analysis of the present data with the revised BIASS

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similarly produced a one-factor solution (eigenvalue = 4.87) accounting for 70% of the variance. All items loaded in the range from .55 to .94. The 30-item Right-Wing Authoritarianism Scale (RWA; Altemeyer, 1988) was used to measure authoritarian beliefs, such as obedience to authority. Sample items are “Obedience is the most important virtue children should learn” and “What our country really needs, instead of more ‘civil rights’ is a good stiff dose of law and order.” The alpha coefficient is .91 (Altemeyer & Hunsberger, 1992). Scores for the RWA scale ranged from 30 to 270. Participants also completed McFarland’s six-item Fundamentalism Scale (RF; McFarland, 1989) which measures typical fundamentalist beliefs, such as the inerrancy of the Bible and the acceptance of God’s word, but with no reference to beliefs in Satan or evil (as is the case with other commonly used measures of fundamentalism, such as Altemeyer & Hunsberger’s, 1992, Religious Fundamentalism Scale). Possible scores ranged from 6 to 30. McFarland reported an alpha coefficient of .88. Sample items are “I am sure the Bible contains no errors or contradictions” and “Christians should not let themselves be influenced by worldly ideas.” Participants also completed a 31-item intolerance scale (McFarland, 1989; Kirkpatrick, 1993) which contained items related to intolerance toward gay men and lesbians (six items, scores ranged from 6 to 30), women (10 items, scores ranged from 10 to 50), African Americans (10 items, scores ranged from 10 to 50), and communists (five items, scores ranged from 5 to 25). Sample items include, “Homosexuals should not be allowed to teach school,” “Women should worry less about their rights and more about becoming good wives ad mothers,” “On average, blacks aren’t as good leaders as whites,” and “Communists can’t be trusted.” With the exception of the RWA, all items were answered on a 5-point Likert-type scale, ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). The RWA items were answered on a 9-point Likert-type scale from 1 (very strongly disagree) to 9 (very strongly agree). All scales with the exception of the BIASS and the RF scale contained items that were reversed scored. Nevertheless, low summary scores on each scale indicated a weak belief in the construct and a high score indicated strong belief.


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Results Table 1 contains the descriptive statistics for the various experimental measures. Approximately half of the participants evidenced some belief in an active Satan (i.e., the average score on the BIASS, 22, was equivalent to a 3 on the 5-point Likert-type scale) and, in fact, means for the various measures tended to be in the mid-range of possible scores with one notable exception. On the measure of intolerance toward women the average score, 18, was equivalent to less than a 2 on the 5-point Likert-type scale, indicating a decided tendency towards tolerance of women. Table 2 displays the intercorrelations amongst the experimental measures. Replicating previous results, belief in an active Satan was positively related to intolerance toward gay men and lesbians, r (116) = .22, p < .05. However, the BIASS was inversely related to intolerance toward African Americans, r(116) = –.32, p < .01. The BIASS was unrelated to intolerance toward women, r (116) = .01, p = .30, and intolerance toward communists, r (116) = .15, p = .10. Intolerance toward gay men and lesbians was directly related to RWA and RF, although the correlation with RF was not statistically significant according to common convention, r (116) = .17, p = .05. Intolerance toward African Americans was inversely related to RF, r (116) = –.19, p < .05, but was not significantly related to RWA. The BIASS was positively and highly correlated with both RF and RWA, r (116) = .76, p < .01 and r (116) = .57, p < .01, respectively. Furthermore, the RF and Table 1. Descriptive Statistics for the Belief in an Active Satan Scale, the Intolerance Scales, the Right-Wing Authoritarian Scale and the Fundamentalism Scale (N = 118) Scale

Lo-Hi

M

SD

Belief in an Active Satan Intolerance Gay Men/Lesbians Intolerance Communists Intolerance Women Intolerance African Americans Right-Wing Authoritarianism Fundamentalism

7–35 6–30 5–25 10–49 10–38 64–225 6–29

21.60 15.42 14.33 18.15 22.96 145.83 19.73

8.23 6.46 4.93 6.68 5.78 33.68 6.65


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Table 2. Correlations between the Belief in an Active Satan Scale (BIASS), the Intolerance scales, the Right-Wing Authoritarian Scale (RWA) and the Fundamentalism Scale (N = 118) Scale

1

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

— .22** —

BIASS Int. Gay Men/Lesbians Int. Communists Int. Women Int. African Americans RWA Fundamentalism

2

3 .15 .16 —

4

5

.10 –.32** .38*** .36*** .23** .06 — .33*** —

6

7

.57*** .43*** .38*** .13 .03 —

.76*** .17* .18** .08 –.19** .63*** —

* p = .054 (two-tailed), **p < .05 (two-tailed), ***p < .01 (two-tailed).

Table 3. Correlations Between the Belief in an Active Satan and the Intolerance Scales Controlling for Right-Wing Authoritarianism and Fundamentalism Intolerance of Gay Men/Lesbians Intolerance of Communists Intolerance of Women Intolerance of African Americans

r .07 –.04 .03 –.32 ****

**** p < .001 (two tailed).

RWA measures were significantly and positively correlated, r (116) = .63, p < .01. Table 3 depicts a series of partial correlational analyses. After controlling for RWA and RF, the correlation between belief in an active Satan and intolerance of gay men and lesbians was no longer significant, r (114) = .07, p = .45. However, the significant inverse relationship between belief in an active Satan and intolerance of African Americans remained, r (114) = –.32, p < .001. Discussion The present study aimed at testing whether intolerance of others is indeed positively related to belief in an active Satan or rather this apparent relationship is better explained by fundamentalist beliefs and an authoritarian belief system. Contrary to previous findings these results do not support the hypothesis that belief in an active Satan


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directly promotes intolerance of others. Overall, the results suggest that in the case of gay men and lesbians the apparent positive relationship between belief in an active Satan and intolerance toward others is the result of the influences of right-wing authoritarianism and religious fundamentalism. In the case of intolerance toward African Americans, belief in an active Satan appears to be inversely related even after controlling for the religious fundamentalism and right-wing authoritarianism. There was replication of Wilson and Huff ’s previous findings relating belief in an active Satan to intolerance toward gay men and lesbians. However, partial correlations controlling for fundamentalist beliefs and right-wing authoritarianism negated these relations. Rather than support Pagels’ (1995) hypothesis that Christians’ intolerance of others was directly related to belief in an active Satan, these analyses suggest that the apparent relationship between religiosity and intolerance toward others, at least in the case of intolerance toward gay men and lesbians, can best be understood as being predicated on authoritarian or fundamentalist beliefs. A previous investigation (Wilson & Huff, 2001) using a measure assessing intolerance toward a variety of ethnic minorities, the Manitoba Prejudice Scale, had found a positive relationship between intolerance and a belief in an active Satan. Interestingly, the present investigation, which assessed intolerance toward only African Americans, found an inverse rather than a positive relationship, that is to say those who endorsed greater belief in an active Satan expressed less intolerance toward African Americans. Analyses with partial correlations showed that the robust relationship between belief in an active Satan and intolerance toward African Americans remained even after controlling for fundamentalism and authoritarian beliefs. Thus in contrast to the findings for intolerance toward gay men and lesbians, these results with African Americans suggest that the independent contribution of belief in an active Satan is to decrease intolerance toward African Americans rather than increase it as has been hypothesized. It is difficult to compare the present results regarding belief in an active Satan and intolerance toward minorities with previous investigations as different samples and measures were used. Wilson and Huff (1998) found no relationship between the BIASS and the Manitoba, which measures intolerance toward a variety of minority groups, while Wilson and Huff (2001) found a statistically significant but modest direct relationship between the BIASS and the Manitoba,

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r = .12. The present investigation utilized a measure that focused on the largest minority group in the United States, namely African Americans, and found a robust inverse relationship between belief in an active Satan and intolerance. It may be that the relationship between belief in an active Satan and minorities may vary from one minority group to another. Future research utilizing separate scales for different minority groups such as Latinos, Asian Americans, and African Americans may help shed light on this. The present study utilized a more diverse sample, which included students from a community college, colleges which tend to have both older and less economically advantaged students than a traditional university. Indeed the mean age of participants in the previous study was 19 with a standard deviation of 3, while the mean age in the present investigation was 22 with a standard deviation of 7. Thus the present findings may have greater generality than those of Wilson and Huff (1998). Rather than encourage intolerance toward others, belief in an active Satan, at least with regard to intolerance toward African Americans, may lead to greater tolerance. Why this would be the case is unclear. Very little is known about the relationship between beliefs in evil and social attitudes. It may be that those who believe in an active Satan are especially sensitive to violations of religious edicts, such as Jesus’ “second Commandment,” “Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.” However, this would not seem to explain why increased tolerance is evidenced toward African Americans but not gays and lesbians. It may be that they feel it is proscribed to discriminate against those whose identity is based upon an internal and stable characteristic, such as race, but countenanced when it is putatively based on behavior. Additionally, some have alluded to the United States’ founding fathers’ accommodation to slavery being an offense to God and the nation’s original sin, for example, Lincoln’s second Inaugural Address (DelBanco, 1992). Aware of this history, Americans with a belief in an active Satan may be diligent in abjuring their fathers’ sins. Finally, much of Pagels’ work cited previous, historical relations between belief in an active Satan and intolerance toward others as evidence of this relationship. It may be that at least with respect to African Americans the surprising inverse relationship between belief in an active Satan and intolerance may be a recent phenomenon. In addition to the inverse relationship between belief in an active


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Satan and intolerance toward African Americans, a similar relationship between religious fundamentalism and intolerance toward African Americans was revealed in this investigation. Many, but not all, previous investigations had yielded a positive relationship between religious fundamentalism and intolerance toward others. Differences in measures of fundamentalism and intolerance used impair meaningful comparison in most instances. However, the present study and McFarland (1989) used identical measures of intolerance and fundamentalism. Nonetheless, McFarland found a positive relation and the present investigation found an inverse one. There may be important differences in the two samples. For example, McFarland’s 1980’s sample and the present sample involve generational and regional differences. Certainly many pronouncements in the popular media extol a greater tolerance of minorities in young adults. It may be that changing attitudes toward some minority groups may be affecting the nexus of relations between a variety of attitudes and intolerance toward others. The inconsistent findings regarding the relationship between religious fundamentalism and intolerance toward minorities bear further investigation. Importantly, Laythe, Finkel, and Kirkpatrick (2001) recently found there to be a negative correlation between religious fundamentalism and racial intolerance when statistically controlling for right-wing authoritarianism. Similar to the present results, Laythe et al. (2001) found that religious fundamentalism remained positively correlated with intolerance toward gay men and lesbians even when controlling for right-wing authoritarianism. Overall, the present findings fail to confirm Pagels’ hypothesis that belief in an active Satan directly promotes intolerance toward others and do not extend the previous findings by Wilson and Huff supporting that hypothesis. With respect to intolerance toward individuals with deviant political beliefs and intolerance toward gay men and lesbians, the apparent positive relation between intolerance and belief in an active Satan appears to be an artifact of authoritarian or fundamentalist belief systems. Interestingly, in the case of intolerance toward African Americans belief in an active Satan appears to be inversely related to intolerance. In other words, contrary to Pagels’ hypothesis, belief in an active Satan appears to foster tolerance, not intolerance, toward this minority group.

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k. m. wilson, j. l. acord and r. s. bernas References

Altemeyer, B. (1988). Enemies of freedom. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Altemeyer, B., & Hunsberger, B. (1992). Authoritarianism, religious fundamentalism, quest, and prejudice. The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 2(2), 113–133. DelBanco, A. (Ed.). (1992). The portable Abraham Lincoln. New York: Viking Press. Kirkpatrick, L. A. (1993). Fundamentalism, Christian orthodoxy, and intrinsic religious orientation as predictors of discriminatory attitudes. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 32, 256–268. Laythe, B., Finkel, D., and Kirkpatrick, L. A. (2001). Predicting prejudice from religious fundamentalism and right-wing authoritarianism: A multiple-regression approach. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 40, 1–10. McFarland, S. G. (1989). Religious orientation and the targets of discrimination. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 28, 256–268. Pagels, E. (1995). The origin of Satan. New York: Random House. Wilcox, C., Linzey, S., & Jelen, T. G. (1991). Reluctant warriors: Premillenialism and politics in the moral majority. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 30, 245–258. Wilson, K. M., & Huff, J. L. (2001). Scaling Satan. The Journal of Psychology, 135, 292–300.

Appendix Belief in an Active Satan Scale 1. The Devil actually exists. 2. The attack on private schools is an attack by Satan. 3. In the last 20 years Satan has caused society to grow more wicked. 4. If America doesn’t turn back to God soon, it will collapse. 5. Satan (the Devil) actively fights God’s will. 6. The Devil (Satan) tries to lead humans away from righteousness. 7. Satan (the Devil) tempts us to sin. 8. I have considered worshipping Satan. 9. I worship the Devil. 10. I would be willing to carry out Satan’s will. Note: Items 8, 9, and 10 were not relevant for the present study and were not included in the analyses.

TRANSGRESSION AND TRANSFORMATION: SPIRITUAL RESOURCES FOR COPING WITH A PERSONAL OFFENSE Kelly M. McConnell, Maria R. Gear, and Kenneth I. Pargament* Abstract This paper explores the outcomes associated with spirituality following a personal transgression. Personal transgressions differ from externally caused stressful events in various ways. However, the appraisals of and outcomes associated with personal transgressions indicate that such events are often stressful experiences. Many world religions provide their adherents with spiritual methods for addressing their transgressions. Therefore, transgressors may place their transgressions in a spiritual context. This paper describes four spiritual resources available to individuals struggling with personal transgressions: confession, forgiveness, meaning-making, and conversion. The purposes of these resources are to reduce or eliminate distress and stimulate change or transformation. The paper concludes with clinical implications of these spiritual resources illustrated with case vignettes.

Historically, the fields of psychology and psychiatry have focused on the negative outcomes and maladaptive behaviors associated with stressful events. However, in the mid-1980s researchers began to consider positive outcomes of stressful experiences. Specifically, researchers examined the impact of variables such as social support and sociodemographic characteristics on posttraumatic growth (Schaefer & Moos, 1998). Although religiousness and spirituality were overlooked in this initial research, the picture has begun to change and a number of studies have shown that individuals use spiritual resources to cope with stressful events. A recent review indicated that various dimensions of religiousness and spirituality, such as religious participation and religious coping, are linked to growth following crises (Shaw, Joseph, & Linley, 2005). However, research on the outcomes associated with spirituality has centered on one particular class of stressful events, those caused by a source external to the individual, such as death and natural disaster (Schaefer & Moos, 1998).

* Author Note: Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to: Kelly M. McConnell, Department of Psychology, Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, OH, 43403 or via email to [email protected]. Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, Volume 17 © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2007

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k. m. mcconnell, m. r. gear and k. i. pargament

The purpose of this paper is to explore the outcomes associated with spirituality following a different type of stressful event, personal transgressions. We define personal transgressions as actions or inactions of an individual that are perceived by the individual to be wrong. The transgression is a violation of either a sacred standard, as examined in research on spiritual confession (Murray-Swank, McConnell, & Pargament, 2005), or of a nonspiritual standard or moral. The standard violated by the transgression is a personal standard, not one defined by a group or society at large. Therefore, any specific action could be viewed as acceptable or as a transgression, depending on the individual. We will argue that, as with externally caused traumas, spiritual resources can help individuals cope with and grow from personal transgressions. However, we will see that these two types of negative events differ in important ways and, as a result, the spiritual resources that are relevant to personal transgressions are not identical to those most pertinent to coping with externally caused stressful events. Finally, we will describe spiritual resources therapists can draw upon to aid clients who have committed personal transgressions and will discuss the clinical implications of these resources. Spirituality as a Coping Resource for Stressful Events Many people use their spirituality to cope with stressful experiences. For example, three to five days after the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, 75% of surveyed adults indicated that they used religion “a medium amount” or “a lot” to cope with the attacks (Schuster et al., 2001). Individuals in medical settings also use religious coping strategies. For example, renal transplant patients and their significant others averaged 3.48 on a measure of religious coping with transplantrelated stressors (1 = not at all to 5 = very much) (Tix & Frazier, 1998). Spirituality has also been identified as a common coping strategy among African Americans caring for a family member with Alzheimer’s disease (Dungee-Anderson & Beckett, 1992). Similar results have emerged in research on women diagnosed with breast cancer. In a qualitative study of spiritual factors associated with adjustment to breast cancer, 79% of women reported that they turned to God for support and guidance following their diagnosis (Gall & Cornblat, 2002). One woman wrote, “through chemotherapy and adjustment to my new condition I did and have continued to look to my faith [in God]

spiritual resources for coping following an offense

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for new insight into coping” (Gall & Cornblat, 2002, p. 532). Ninety percent of the women reported engaging in other forms of religious and spiritual activities, such as prayer, church attendance, and scripture reading, to cope with their disease (Gall & Cornblat, 2002). Research suggests that these spiritual coping strategies are associated with beneficial outcomes, such as growth. A bereaved caregiver of an AIDS victim spoke to this point directly: I’ve definitely grown spiritually. Not in a religious sense. Not in a sense of things that one learns in the church. I just have a greater awareness about myself and who I am and where I belong and where others belong around me in this world. It’s been a very big spiritual growth. (Richards, Acree, & Folkman, 1999, p. 115)

Quantitative research also indicates that spirituality is associated with growth following a stressful event. For example, in one study of undergraduate college students, higher levels of intrinsic religiousness predicted growth following a stressful life event (Park, Cohen, & Murch, 1996). In addition, research on a community sample found that positive religious coping partially mediated the relationship between experiencing the loss of something sacred and growth. Specifically, positive religious coping was associated with increases in growth in individuals dealing with a sacred loss (Pargament, Magyar, Benore, & Mahoney, 2005). Spirituality also predicted posttraumatic growth in a sample of HIV/AIDS caregivers (Cadell, Regehr, & Hemsworth, 2003). This body of research has focused on events caused by external forces, such as disease and natural disaster. A variety of spiritual variables, including positive religious coping, a relationship with God, and prayer, have been linked with growth following these kinds of events. In this paper, we propose that personal transgressions represent another important but different type of stressful event and that spiritual resources may facilitate positive outcomes following these experiences. Transgressions as Stressful Events Appraisals According to stress and coping researchers, the stressfulness of an event is influenced by individuals’ appraisals or understanding of the significance of the event for their well-being (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Pargament, 1997). Events are considered stressful when they impact objects, persons, values, and beliefs that are significant and important

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to the individual (Pargament, 1997). Researchers have identified two types of appraisals: primary and secondary appraisals. Particularly relevant to this discussion are primary appraisals. Primary appraisals are evaluations of the implications of the event for the individual’s well-being. An event is appraised as stressful if it is viewed as a harm or loss, threat, or challenge to significant aspects of the individual’s life and well-being (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). An event evaluated as a harm or loss has damaged the individual’s well-being. A threat is an event that may cause harm or loss in the future. Finally, a challenge appraisal focuses on the potential for growth or self-improvement as the result of the event. Transgressions could be appraised as stressful events in various ways. First, a transgression could be viewed as harmful to the values and beliefs of the individual. For example, a transgression may damage transgressors’ views of themselves as moral and righteous people. Following the transgression, transgressors may consider themselves weak, moral failures, or “bad.” The transgression may also cause transgressors to question their commitment to their values and beliefs. They may doubt the strength of their dedication to their beliefs. In these ways, transgressions may damage or weaken significant beliefs of the transgressor and, therefore, be experienced as stressful events. Transgressions may also be appraised as a loss of objects of significance. For example, transgressors may experience the loss of relationships and social support from friends and family hurt by their transgression. In addition, they may abandon the values and beliefs violated by their transgression due to the perception that they are unable to uphold those beliefs. A transgression could also be understood as a challenge with the potential for growth. The transgressor could view the act as an opportunity for self-improvement through identification of personal weaknesses and strategies for overcoming those weaknesses. With each of these appraisals, the transgression is experienced as a stressful event because it shakes the transgressor’s values and beliefs. Outcomes Research on the emotional, social, and spiritual outcomes of transgressions also suggests that transgressions can be stressful events. Although researchers have debated the relationship between cognitions and emotions (Lazarus, 1999), a large body of research suggests that individuals’ appraisals of an event are often directly related to their emotional reaction (Lazarus, 1999; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Accord-


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ing to Lazarus (1991), actions that are viewed as relevant to and incongruent with individuals’ significant values lead to anger, anxiety, guilt, and disgust. In other words, actions viewed as transgressions that harm or violate significant values lead to negative emotions, such as guilt. This theory is supported by research on confession. Individuals who participate in religious confession report that personal transgressions result in feelings of guilt, sorrow, regret, and an “uneasy conscience” (Butler, 1990, p. 9; Wise, 1996). In addition, 58% of individuals who participate in confession do so in order to relieve the distress caused by their transgressions (Kettunen, 2002). The negative emotions that follow transgressions indicate that transgressions can be stressful events. Theories and research on transgressions suggest that the psychological distress associated with these actions can extend beyond guilt. Jung stated that transgressions that are not confessed create an “impenetrable wall [that] shuts [the transgressor] off from the vital feeling that he is a man among other men” ( Jung, 1954, p. 58). In other words, the individual who transgresses feels isolated from others. Transgressions can also lead to feelings of isolation from God. In qualitative research on the motivations for engaging in confession behavior, participants indicated that they felt their personal transgressions harmed and obstructed their relationship with God (Butler, 1990; Kettunen, 2002). In addition to emotional and social effects, transgressions may negatively impact the spirituality of transgressors in distinct ways. Transgressors may fear punishment from God for their transgression, including fears of eternal damnation. They may feel rejected by God for disobeying God’s laws and failing to meet His expectations. Transgressors may also feel alienated from members of their spiritual community as a result of disapproval from others or feelings of personal inadequacy. In addition, perceiving that they have violated their own personal spiritual standards, transgressors may experience alienation from their own spiritual identity. These negative effects suggest that transgressions can be stressful experiences for transgressors. Transgressions versus Externally Caused Stressful Events The outcomes of personal transgressions and stressful events caused by external sources are often similar. For example, both types of stressful event can lead to feelings of isolation from others ( Jung, 1954;

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Weinberg & Williams, 1974) and psychological distress (Butler, 1990; Hourani, Yuan, & Bray, 2003; Schuster et al., 2001), including guilt and embarrassment (Kubany et al., 1996; Lindsay-Hartz, 1984; Wise, 1996). However, these events differ on important dimensions that are relevant to the experience and treatment of these outcomes. First, the locus of responsibility for externally caused events differs from that of personal transgressions. Blame for an externally caused event is placed on an inanimate object or person outside the victim of the event. However, in the case of transgressions, the transgressor is the recipient of the blame. The personal responsibility associated with transgressions creates challenges that do not emerge with events caused by external forces. For example, transgressors may experience a loss of social support from friends and family hurt by their transgression. They may also struggle with fear of personal or legal retribution for their transgression. Second, the function of the guilt and embarrassment that can follow these events is different. Guilt following a transgression has been associated with reparative action and empathy for others (see Tangney, 2002, for a review). Guilt-proneness has also been associated with greater tendency to avoid immoral behavior (Tangney, 1994). Therefore, guilt following a transgression can be functional and may lead to benefits for the transgressor and the victim of the transgression. However, guilt following externally caused events is often due to faulty thinking in which individuals distort their role in the event, their level of responsibility, the degree to which they violated moral standards, and the justified nature of their actions (Kubany, 1998). Due to these distortions, this guilt has little rational basis. In addition, this guilt is dysfunctional because the absence of personal responsibility makes atonement impossible. Finally, guilt for an externally caused event has negative psychological consequences for the individual including depression, suicidal ideation, and PTSD symptoms (Kubany, 1998). Additional differences between transgressions and externally caused stressful events may emerge, depending on the context and individuals involved. Together, these differences suggest that personal transgressions are qualitatively distinct from externally caused stressful events and may pose unique emotional, social, and spiritual challenges. It follows that the spiritual resources that are helpful to people coping with externally caused events may not be fully applicable to personal transgressions. The unique qualities of personal transgressions may call


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for unique spiritual resources to help people cope with these events. In fact, there are distinctive spiritual resources that people can draw upon to deal with and potentially grow from transgressions. Transgressions in the Context of World Religions For thousands of years, the religions of the world have been very much concerned with personal transgressions. “To turn away or against the religious design is not to be confused with a simple mistake or error; to many religious minds it becomes a sin” (Pargament, 1997, p. 217). Virtually every religion provides its members with moral standards that define certain actions as transgressions. For example, Jews and Christians use the Ten Commandments to help distinguish between acceptable behaviors and transgressions (Catechism of the Catholic Church, 1997; Hollinger, 2002). Furthermore, the world’s religions provide their adherents with spiritual methods for addressing their transgressions. Within Roman Catholicism, contrite believers formally confess their transgressions privately to a priest in the sacrament of penance. The priest then recites an invocation to God through which the penitent is believed to receive God’s forgiveness (Barton, 1961; Catechism of the Catholic Church, 1997). Protestant denominations of Christianity also provide believers with contexts in which to confront their transgressions. Believers can confess privately to a minister or other believers or they can confess their transgressions directly to God (Rowell, 1990). These forms of confession are believed to result in God’s forgiveness (McMinn, 1996). Pargament and Rye (1998) recognize the religious component of forgiveness. “. . . Forgiveness is more than a method. It is a value, and, for many, a religious value . . . Forgiveness should be understood within its religious context” (p. 72). These authors were referring to forgiveness granted by the victim of a transgression. However, the religious context is also important to forgiveness received by a transgressor. Similar to Protestant denominations, Jews believe that penitents can confess directly to God who hears the confessed sins and forgives the contrite sinner (Hymer, 1995). However, one day of the year, Yom Kippur or the Day of Atonement, is dedicated to confession and the cleansing of the individual within the context of the community. The

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Yom Kippur ritual includes praying the Kol Nidre, confession and atonement for various types of sins, and a request for God’s forgiveness. Through praying the Kol Nidre and confessing their sins, Jews believe they receive pardon and forgiveness from God for their transgressions (Hymer, 1995). In this way, personal transgressions are linked to spirituality in Judaism. Spiritual Resources for the Transgressor The earlier discussion of appraisals focused on primary appraisals of a transgression as a harm, loss, and challenge and the emotional outcomes of these appraisals. However, secondary appraisals also influence the perceived stressfulness of an event. Secondary appraisals consist of evaluations of the resources available to cope with an event (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). If an individual is able to identify coping resources, the stressfulness of the event is reduced. However, if the individual feels helpless or unable to cope, the event is experienced as more stressful. The coping resources utilized by the individual depend on the availability and compelling nature of these resources relative to other options (Pargament, 1997). Each individual has an orienting system or general way of viewing the world that includes resources and burdens for coping. Resources that are a larger part of the orienting system are more available when stressful events occur and are more likely to be selected and utilized. In addition to availability, individuals are more likely to use coping resources that are compelling solutions to their problems. Compelling resources are those the individual believes will maximize their attainment of significant objects and values with minimal cost. Based on the relative availability and compelling nature of their resources, individuals select and apply the coping resource they feel will maximize attainment of significance in their lives. The relationship between spirituality and transgressions in various world religions suggests that individuals struggling with personal transgressions may place their transgressions in a spiritual context. This spiritual perspective may increase the availability and compelling nature of spiritual resources, making them viable resources for coping with personal transgressions. However, mental health practitioners have not identified spiritual coping resources that may benefit


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transgressors. The spiritual methods for addressing personal transgressions provided by world religions offer a starting point for identification of spiritual resources available to therapists working with transgressors. Based on these methods, we will propose spiritual resources that may help transgressors cope with and grow from their transgressions. As with all spiritual interventions, therapists should assess the client’s personal spiritual beliefs and openness to discussion of those beliefs in therapy before utilizing a spiritual intervention. In addition, each spiritual intervention should be modified to fit and incorporate the beliefs of the individual client. In cases where the therapist lacks sufficient background in addressing religious constructs in therapy, referral to a qualified clinician with expertise in spiritually-integrated treatment is advisable. Transgression-oriented spiritual resources are designed to achieve two interrelated goals. The first goal is to reduce or eliminate the distress associated with transgressions. The second goal is to stimulate change or transformation in transgressors that will allow them to live in greater accordance with their values and beliefs. While mental health providers tend to focus on the first goal, religious traditions value both reductions in distress and improvements in religious wellbeing. For example, genuine sorrow for a transgression and intentions to change are necessary to receive absolution in the Roman Catholic sacrament of penance (Catechism of the Catholic Church, 1997). In this way, Catholicism encourages believers to transform their actions in a way that will bring them closer to God. However, this sacrament is also designed to lead to a “peace and serenity of conscience” that represents reductions in distress (Catechism of the Catholic Church, 1997, p. 369). Therefore, both goals are operative within this spiritual resource. The relative importance of these goals for an individual client depends on the perspective of the client and therapist. However, in many cases, these goals may be inseparable in the experience of the transgressor. We discuss how each of these goals can be met with the resources described below. Confession Confession is one spiritual resource specifically geared to assisting individuals struggling with a personal transgression. Confession is the act of admitting a personal transgression (Todd, 1985) for which an individual feels responsible, accepts blame, and is sorry for having

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committed (Weiner, Graham, Peter, Zmuidinas, 1991). As previously discussed, confession is a spiritual resource provided by many religious traditions to individuals struggling with a personal transgression. However, confession can also occur in secular contexts. Individuals can confess to the victims of their transgressions or to other individuals. For the purposes of this paper, we will focus on spiritual confessions, defined as confessions made to a religious leader (e.g., priest or minister) or congregation or to God. Confession provides transgressors with the opportunity to describe their offenses and their feelings regarding those offenses in a spiritual context. There is evidence to suggest that this type of disclosure benefits transgressors in three important ways. First, spiritual confessions decrease feelings of isolation by reconnecting the transgressor with humanity and God (Hymer, 1995). As noted earlier, transgressions can lead to feelings of isolation from God and others (Todd, 1985). In a qualitative study on the motivations for engaging in confession, 23% of participants who responded to questions regarding their experience of confession indicated that they confessed because their transgressions were separating them from God (Kettunen, 2002). Participants also indicated that a benefit of confession was the restoration of their relationship with God. A second benefit of confession is a reduction in guilt caused by the transgression. Individuals often describe transgressions as burdens. As one college student described the burden of his transgression: “This whole situation is ripping me apart and is what I think of more than anything” (McConnell, 2004, p. 50). Spiritual confession allows individuals to confront their guilt in the context of their relationship with God and to experience a resolution of that guilt through their experience of God’s mercy and forgiveness (Kettunen, 2002; Wise, 1996). In a quantitative study on the sacrament of Penance, researchers compared the perceived guilt of individuals participating in the sacrament of penance to individuals who engaged in a casual conversation unrelated to confession. Individuals who engaged in the sacrament of penance exhibited lower perceived guilt than individuals in the casual conversation, after controlling for baseline levels of guilt (Otterbacher & Munz, 1973). Third, confession provides transgressors with the opportunity to confront their mistakes and commit to change. Confession in many religions involves a commitment to change and avoid future transgressions. The purpose of confession in these religious traditions is not exclusively to reduce distress or restore relationships. Instead, indi-


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viduals are expected to attempt to transform their behavior by avoiding the confessed actions. Quantitative research on confession has not assessed change following spiritual confession. However, theories of confession and qualitative research suggest that confession of a transgression facilitates transformation and growth in transgressors. According to Hymer (1995), confession provides transgressors with the opportunity to describe their transgressions in words. This verbalization of the transgression helps individuals make sense of their actions, which may lead to self-improvement and growth. “Confessions can be redemptive. Freed from the shackles of our secrets, we can move beyond our limitations toward our ideal selves” (Hymer, 1995, p. 43). In addition, spiritual confessions made by alcoholics participating in Alcohol Anonymous are believed to result in growth of the individual. “Through confession to another human being and God . . . the alcoholic can move beyond shame and fear” ( Jensen, 2000, p. 108). Although quantitative research has not assessed growth following confession, these qualitative reports and the function of confession in religious traditions point to the potential for transformation following spiritual confession. Forgiveness Forgiveness is another spiritual resource available to individuals dealing with personal transgressions. Forgiveness can take various forms (e.g., forgiveness of others and God, self-forgiveness, and forgiveness from others and God). For the purposes of this paper, we will focus on the spiritual varieties of forgiveness, forgiveness from God and forgiveness of God. Forgiveness from God is described in the Hebrew Bible and New Testament. In the Hebrew Bible, forgiveness from God involves the cleansing or canceling of a transgression and is dependent on genuine repentance of the transgressor (Kaminer, Stein, Mbanga, & Zungu-Dirwayi, 2000). In the New Testament, forgiveness from God involves the remission of divine punishment, pardon, and the restoration of the relationship between God and the transgressor (Kaminer, Stein, Mbanga, & Zungu-Dirwayi, 2000). Prerequisites for forgiveness from God in the New Testament are genuine repentance and acceptance of Christ’s death as a sacrifice for humanity’s transgressions. These Biblical definitions provide clear explanations of forgiveness from God. However, researchers cannot objectively determine whether God has forgiven a transgressor. Transgressors’ perceptions of God’s

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forgiveness are the only way to assess this type of forgiveness and so are the focus of research and clinical work on forgiveness from God. Receiving forgiveness from God can benefit a transgressor in various ways. In one study, feeling forgiven by God was associated with greater life satisfaction and fewer symptoms of depressed affect in individuals 66 years of age or older (Krause & Ellison, 2003). In addition, individuals who felt forgiven by God were approximately two and a half times more likely to believe that transgressors should be forgiven unconditionally than participants who did not feel forgiven by God. Feeling forgiven by God was also positively associated with the likelihood of forgiving a transgressor immediately (Krause & Ellison, 2003). Conversely, the failure to feel forgiven by God has been associated with negative outcomes. For example, in a study of elderly medical inpatients, people who felt punished or abandoned by God had a greater risk of mortality over the following two years than patients who did not feel punished or abandoned by God (Pargament, Koenig, Tarakeshwar, & Hahn, 2001). The other form of spiritual forgiveness is forgiveness of God. Forgiveness of God may not seem relevant to a discussion of personal transgressions. However, preliminary research suggests that individuals forgive God for their own transgressions and that this forgiveness is associated with positive religious and emotional outcomes (McConnell, Pargament, Gordon, & Mahoney, 2004). The mechanism that connects personal transgressions to forgiveness of God is currently unknown. One possible explanation is that transgressors seek God’s help with their transgressions and become angry with God when they feel He has not met their needs. In the process of overcoming their transgressions, however, they may overcome that anger and forgive God for abandoning and alienating them during a difficult time. The effects of forgiving God have not been extensively studied. However, preliminary research suggests that forgiving God is beneficial. Exline, Yali, and Lobel (1999) found that people who had more difficulty forgiving God reported more anxiety, depressed mood, anger, and problems forgiving the self and others. Difficulty forgiving God was also associated with greater feelings of alienation from God, less salience of religious beliefs, and less frequent participation in religious activities. In addition, among Catholic church attenders who had experienced a recent negative event, anger at God was related to lower self-esteem, fewer problem-solving skills, greater anxiety, more negative affect, and negative resolution of the event (Pargament et al.,


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1998). Anger at God also predicted poor recovery in inpatients of a medical rehabilitation facility (Fitchett, Rybarczyk, DeMarco, & Nicholas, 1999). To the extent that anger toward God is resolved by forgiveness of the divine, these results suggest that forgiving God may have beneficial emotional, psychological, and physical health outcomes. Finally, qualitative research and theories of forgiveness suggest that spiritual forgiveness may be associated with transformation of the transgressor. Forgiveness of others has been described as a positive transformation in which the victim shifts his or her focus from pain, anger, hurt, and injustice to a focus on peace and relinquishment of resentment (Pargament, 1997). This conceptualization of forgiveness may also apply to forgiveness from and of God. In addition, in a study on private confessions to a priest, Anglican priests expressed hope that parishioners would experience spiritual growth through divine forgiveness for a transgression (Butler, 1990). Wahking (1992) describes the growth following forgiveness from God as a transformation from living in despair to living in God’s grace. Regarding forgiving God, Novottni and Petersen (2001) write that forgiving God “moves you forward” (p. 143) and allows people to “see beyond (them)selves” (p. 151) to recognize the situation and the perspectives of others. In addition, forgiving God allows people to begin a new relationship with God that has “new expectations, new guidelines, and new habits” (Novottni & Petersen, 2001, p. 143). Forgiving God does not reinstate an individual’s previous relationship with God but creates a new relationship that is improved by the experience of forgiving God. Empirical research has not investigated the transformative potential of spiritual forgiveness. However, these anecdotal and qualitative reports indicate that spiritual forgiveness for a transgression may be associated with a transformation of transgressors’ perspectives and relationships with God. Meaning-Making Following stressful events, people often engage in efforts to understand the event, themselves, and ways the event fits into the larger context of their lives. This process is called meaning-making and has been identified as a critical determinant in successful adjustment to stressful events (Park & Folkman, 1997). Researchers have examined meaning-making as it relates to externally caused stressful events. However,

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the differences between externally caused events and personal transgressions suggest that the respective meaning-making processes may differ in various ways. Meaning-making as comprehensibility Meaning-making can occur at two levels. The first level is meaning as comprehensibility, defined as attempts to make sense of an event in the context of the individual’s worldview ( Janoff-Bulman & McPherson Frantz, 1997). Meaning as comprehensibility is derived from adverse events when individuals are able to assimilate the event into their existing worldviews. An event that is consistent with an individual’s assumptions or beliefs about the world and the self has meaning. For a transgressor, meaning-making as comprehensibility may include appraisals and questions about the self in relation to the individual’s beliefs, assumptions, and values regarding appropriate behavior. Religiousness and spirituality have been shown to be part of the meaning-making process of numerous negative life events, including the loss of a child (McIntosh, Silver, & Wortman, 1993) and partner loss among older adults (Golsworthy & Coyle, 1999). A longitudinal study of parents who had lost a child through suicide, homicide, or accident found that religious coping was the second most common influence in the meaning-making process five years after the death of the child (Murphy, Johnson, Wu, Fan, & Lohan, 2003). In addition, events that violate or threaten an individual’s sense of control and self-esteem have been shown to increase the use of religious appraisals (Pargament, 1997; Spilka, 1989). Transgressions can threaten an individual’s sense of control and self-esteem. Therefore, transgressors may be likely to use religious appraisals to make meaning of their wrong-doing. Yet, researchers have not explored meaning-making as comprehensibility as it relates to personal transgressions. Religious appraisals used in the meaning-making process can take many forms. “Events can be evaluated as a reward from a loving God, a lesson from a teaching God, a punishment from an angry God, as unintended by a kind and non-intervening God, or as the will of a mysterious God” (Pargament, 1990, p. 202). From the JudeoChristian perspective, God is slow to anger and repeatedly returns to save His people in spite of their misbehaviors. Grace is seen by Christians as a gift of the Holy Spirit. Despite human failings, betrayals, and shortcomings, God is said to love people immeasurably.


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These religious perspectives may help transgressors make meaning of their wrongdoings. Research suggests that meaning-making that incorporates religiousness is associated with beneficial outcomes. In a study of primary caregivers of terminally ill hospice patients, religious and secular appraisals of the caregiving situation were analyzed in relation to depression, anxiety, purpose in life, and general and religious outcomes (Mickley, Pargament, Brant, & Hipp, 1998). The results indicated that religious appraisals provided significant and unique contributions to the prediction of positive outcomes over and above nonreligious appraisals. Meaning-making as significance At a second level, meaning-making can be understood as a process of determining the larger significance of an event ( Janoff-Bulman & McPherson Frantz, 1997). The search for meaning as significance is related to an individual’s sense of coherence, purpose, and order in life and in the world. This type of meaning-making occurs when people search for the significance of an event that does not fit easily within their orienting system. Meaning is created by altering basic goals, strivings, and values to create congruence between the event and the individual’s orienting system. Personal transgressions may trigger a search for new sources of significance and value. For example, a person who kills someone in an automobile accident as a result of driving drunk may find meaning by turning away from old selfcentered strivings and becoming a strong advocate of communitybased alcohol awareness and treatment programs. Research indicates that religiousness is relevant to the search for meaning as significance. Among college students who experienced a recent stressful event, religious beliefs were important in providing a framework within which to assimilate the stressful event (Overcash, Calhoun, Cann, & Tedeschi, 1996). Janoff-Bulman and McPherson Frantz (1997) cite “newfound devotion to God, or their commitment to particular religious practices, often within the context of a larger community” (p. 99) as common ways that survivors of stressful events attempt to make meaning of their difficult experiences. The ability to find meaning as significance in a stressful event has been associated with beneficial outcomes. For example, individuals who are able to find meaning in events such as a cancer diagnosis (Taylor, Lichtman, & Wood, 1984) appear to cope better after the event “presumably because positive assumptions about the world and

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the self have been restored” (Thompson & Janigian, 1988, p. 261). In a study of individuals with symptomatic HIV and AIDS, finding meaning predicted well-being, over and above coping style and social support (Farber, Mirsalimi, Williams, & McDaniel, 2003). While research clearly suggests that successful meaning-making is tied to decreases in psychological distress, studies of meaning-making and posttraumatic growth indicate that meaning-making is also tied to change and transformation. For example, the meaning-making process has been linked to several aspects of posttraumatic growth following externally caused stressful events, such as new appreciation of life, spiritual change, and improved relations with others ( JanoffBulman & Yopyk, 2004). In addition, in a study of negative life events among a community sample, individuals who appraised the event as a sacred loss reported posttraumatic growth and positive spiritual outcomes. However, individuals who perceived the event to be a violation of the sacred (i.e., desecration) did not experience growth (Pargament, Magyar, Benore, & Mahoney, 2005). The reasons for the difference between perceptions of sacred loss and desecration and growth are unclear. However, this study suggests that spiritual meaning-making in the form of sacred loss may facilitate transformation following a transgression. In addition, viewing stressful events as desecrations may inhibit change in a transgressor. Future research should explore various types of meaning-making as they apply to personal transgressions. Conversion Spiritual or religious conversion is another resource available to individuals dealing with transgressions. Spiritual conversion has been defined as a life transformation that involves a change of the self in ways related to the sacred (Pargament, 1997). Such conversions can be of several types, including changes of religious denomination within a major tradition (e.g., conversion from Methodist to Baptist), changes of religious tradition (e.g., conversion from Christianity to Islam), intensification of religious or spiritual practices within a previous religion, and repudiation of a religion or its beliefs (Rambo, 1993). Conversions are unique from the other spiritual resources discussed in this paper in that transformation defines the conversion process. According to Pargament (1997), conversion consists of a “dramatic change of the self, a change in which the self becomes identified


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with the sacred” (p. 248). More specifically, this transformation occurs in two dimensions: (a) as changes in goals, priorities, and values (i.e., destinations of significance), and (b) as bringing different resources and a new perspective to what we hold as ultimately significant (i.e., pathways to significance). Change may occur in both dimensions; for instance, changes in pathways are often necessary to maintain changes in destinations. With spiritual conversions, the principle focus of the individual changes from the secular to the sacred and reflects a process of transformation that is life altering. For example, an alcoholic undergoing a spiritual conversion may replace alcohol as his destination of significance with his relationship with God. In addition, he may achieve and uphold this change by attending Alcoholics Anonymous meetings and participating in church activities instead of spending time at the bar. In this example, both his goals and the resources he uses to achieve those goals become focused on the sacred rather than on secular values and objects. Research indicates that conversion is generally preceded by a crisis. A study of denomination converts found that 80% of participants experienced extreme emotional distress in the two years prior to conversion (Ullman, 1989). In addition, sudden conversions appear to occur as a result of aversive emotional states (Strickland, 1924) more often than gradual conversions. The guilt, shame, and embarrassment that follow personal transgressions may be sufficiently aversive to trigger such conversions. Carl Jung, in a letter to Bill W., one of the founders of Alcoholics Anonymous, wrote that “alcoholism is too deeply seated to be cured by psychological means alone, and that Bill W.’s hopes lay in a spiritual conversion” (as cited in Borysenko, 1990, p. 21). Extreme dissatisfaction with the self is believed by some to be the core impetus of the conversion process. This self-dissatisfaction is apparent in the experience of a transgressor who feels inadequate, powerless in the face of temptation or addiction, and unworthy. Kaufman’s (1985) description of the feelings associated with shame reveals this dissatisfaction with the self: Contained in the experience of shame is the piercing awareness of ourselves as fundamentally deficient in some vital way as a human being. To live with shame is to experience the very essence or heart of the self as wanting. Shame is an impotence-making experience because it feels as though there is no way to relieve the matter, no way to restore the balance of things. One has simply failed as a human being. (p. 8)

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According to Pargament’s (1997) explanation of the conversion process, these feelings of the limitations of personal power can lead to selfsurrender or “giving up.” Spiritual conversion occurs when that surrender is to the sacred. Spiritual surrender entails acknowledgement of a greater good or higher meaning in an adverse situation (Cole & Pargament, 1999), such as a transgression. The experience of selftranscendence occurs when the individual moves from self-absorption and control to a relationship with the sacred. By altering the focus of one’s life to encompass and pursue sacred realities, one’s life is transformed. This surrender of the self can result in feelings of wellbeing, gratitude, contentment, and a deeper satisfaction with life, as well as greater clarity of thinking and the ability to better adapt to the vicissitudes of life. Ullman’s (1989) study of converts suggests that conversions are associated with beneficial outcomes following a stressful event. Approximately 80% of participants reported stability and peace of mind as a principle consequence of their conversion. Clinical Implications The spiritual resources described above can be applied in therapy to help clients work through the negative outcomes often associated with personal transgressions to achieve personal growth. The issue of personal transgressions frequently arises in psychotherapy for a few important reasons. First, personal transgressions are a universal phenomenon. Even though the definition of a transgression may differ depending on religious orientation, culture, and personal moral standards, everyone transgresses. Second, research indicates that transgressions often cause emotional, interpersonal, and spiritual distress (Kettunen, 2002; Wise, 1996). In short, transgressions are prevalent and potent. Therefore, clinicians should be prepared to address them and their impact on clients. Given the association between transgressions and spirituality, clinicians should also be prepared to address transgressions from a spiritual perspective. The following sections illustrate various ways the spiritual resources discussed above can be applied to therapy with a transgressor. Confession Spiritual confession may be a valuable therapeutic intervention for individuals struggling with personal transgressions. The value of spir-


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itual confession has long been recognized by and integrated into Alcoholics Anonymous (AA), a 12-step spiritually oriented intervention for alcoholism. Step Five specifically emphasizes the benefits of confessing to God ( Jensen, 2000). The experience of Dick, a recovering alcoholic working through the stages of AA, illustrates the therapeutic value of spiritual confession. Dick completed Step Four of the AA program by making a “searching and fearless moral inventory” ( Jensen, 2000, p. 54) of himself. As a result of this search, he created a list of his transgressions and felt ready to begin Step Five with a confession to God. Toward this end, he arranged a meeting with his pastor. I went down there. And I carried that list that I had and laid it on his desk . . . And I sat down and started talking. I let him have it. I guess I talked to him about an hour and a half. So when I got through, I stood up. And he said, “Are you through?” And I said, “Yea.” . . . He said, “You want this piece of paper?” I said, “Na.” He tore it up. Threw it in the trashcan. Now, then something came over me. I started walkin’ on air. And I felt a sense of freedom that I never felt before in my life. ( Jensen, 2000, p. 55)

This case example illustrates the transformation that can occur following confession and the potential benefits of incorporating spiritual confession into a treatment program. Therapists can incorporate spiritual confession into the therapy process in a variety of ways that may benefit the transgressor. First, therapists can present spiritual confession to the transgressor as an available resource. Transgressors may not be aware of the potential benefits of confession and may not consider spiritual confession as a resource to address their feelings. Second, research suggests that individuals experience significant anxiety as they consider and pursue spiritual confession in a church setting (Kettunen, 2002). This anxiety may make it difficult for individuals to utilize confession. Therapists can address this anxiety in therapy by identifying and processing the source of the individual’s discomfort. For example, therapists can use cognitive therapy techniques to help clients identify their worst fears about confession and examine whether these fears are realistic (see Freeman, Pretzer, Fleming, & Simon, 1990). In addition, therapists can help clients identify and challenge cognitive distortions or irrational thinking regarding the process and outcomes of confession. By reducing clients’ anxiety regarding confession, therapists can facilitate the use of this spiritual resource.

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k. m. mcconnell, m. r. gear and k. i. pargament Forgiveness

Forgiveness is a spiritual resource that may or may not be used during the therapy session to facilitate change in a transgressor. As with confession, the role of the therapist may be to present spiritual forgiveness to the client as an available resource and discuss the utility of this resource for the client. Once clients are aware of spiritual forgiveness as a resource, they may wish to pursue it outside of the therapy session using techniques such as prayer, worship, or meditation on sacred texts (Exline & Martin, 2005). However, clients can experience forgiveness from God in a clinical setting. For example, Jones (1991) described a female client, Sylvia, who experienced God’s forgiveness in therapy through a change in her image of God. Sylvia began therapy feeling guilty for past transgressions and isolated from her family and from God. She viewed God as judgmental and impatient. As therapy progressed, her views of God and her relationship with God began to change. Slowly, she began to view God as accepting and caring. By the end of therapy, Sylvia was able to see God as forgiving and to experience that forgiveness. “ ‘I see,’ Sylvia said, ‘that God’s love is greater than my mistakes’ ” ( Jones, 1991, p. 73). Imagery is one technique that can be used to facilitate spiritual forgiveness in therapy. According to Propst (1988), religious images are a useful therapeutic tool because they can produce intense emotions, facilitate a continuous focus on emotionally intense topics, and can be effective motivators of behavioral change. Specific images that may benefit Christian transgressors include imagining Christ’s reaction to them, Christ helping them during this difficult time, and Christ dwelling within them (Propst, 1988). These images can be based on Biblical stories involving transgressors, such as Jesus’ forgiveness of the woman caught in adultery ( John 7:53). Incorporating Biblical stories can create a context for the imagery and provide a foundation for belief in God’s love and acceptance of transgressors (Propst, 1988). Initial research suggests that imagining receiving God’s love and acceptance is associated with reductions in anger at God (Exline, 2004). To the degree that anger at God impedes forgiveness of God, such imagery may promote forgiveness of God. In addition, imagining receiving forgiveness from God may facilitate true experience of that forgiveness. Therapy may also provide clients with a context in which to explore their beliefs about spiritual forgiveness. For example, Griffith


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and Griffith (2002) describe the case of Allison and her parents who were participating in family therapy to address Allison’s failure to comply with her diabetic regimen. In the course of therapy, Allison expressed her belief that she could not approach God until she corrected her behavior. “I know right from wrong and I am still doing wrong. I can’t go to God when I know I am doing wrong. I have to get right first” (Griffith & Griffith, 2002, p. 153). Through discussions with her parents during therapy, Allison was able to identify her father, not God, as the source of this belief. In addition, she and her father were able to recognize that God would welcome a relationship with them, even if they were still transgressing. Spiritual forgiveness did not occur during the therapy session in this example. However, therapy helped Allison and her father transform their beliefs so that receiving forgiveness from God was possible. Meaning-Making Therapists can also help their clients make meaning of their personal transgressions. Several factors should be kept in mind in this process. First, individuals whose transgressions have highlighted vulnerabilities in their sense of self may attempt to transform some integral aspect of their identity or realign their life priorities and goals (Taylor, Lichtman, & Wood, 1984). The individual may be struggling with questions such as: “Why did I do this? How could I have done this? Am I really the person I thought I was?” These questions represent common themes that arise in therapy. By helping clients work through these questions, the therapist can facilitate the meaning-making process. Second, this examination and evaluation of fundamental issues of value and self may involve individuals’ conception of God and the role that religion and spirituality play in the context and fabric of their lives. Many psychotherapeutic approaches lack a conceptual framework that addresses religious and spiritual issues. However, asking clients whether religion or spirituality plays a role in their efforts to derive meaning from an event can broaden the conceptualization of that event for both the client and the therapist. In addition, religious coping may promote meaning-making and transformation following a transgression. Relevant religious coping strategies include a belief in God as loving and just, seeing one’s relationship with God as intimate and supportive, religious rituals such as prayer, reading the Bible, and attendance at religious services, and viewing one’s reli-

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gion as a central motivating force (Pargament et al., 1990). Therapists can explore transgressors’ religious coping strategies to identify strategies that may help the client re-integrate the self and find meaning in the transgression. The role of these religious coping strategies in the meaning-making process is best illustrated through case examples. Consider the significant role of God image in the meaning-making process of an avowed atheist: When Peter caught herpes as a result of an extra-marital affair, his reasonable healthy guilt was overshadowed by unreasonable religious guilt. Even though Peter had long declared himself an atheist, he soon found he wasn’t. His image of an angry, punitive God had been tucked away, not disposed of; and now he was sure that the herpes was a punishment for his sins . . . He needed both psychotherapy and spiritual redirection to explore and correct the strong religious guilt that had been repressed for so many years. I referred Peter to a pastoral counselor who could serve as a psycho-spiritual guide in correcting two cases of mistaken identity: Peter’s identification of himself as a hopeless sinner and his identification of God as an unforgiving, punitive destroyer. (Borysenko, 1990, p. 124)

A transgressor’s image of God can also be incorporated into the meaning-making process to facilitate transformation and growth. For example, Milton, a man in his early sixties struggling to overcome alcoholism, used a Biblical story describing Jesus’ relationship with a transgressor to make meaning of his own transgression. “[I] took a lot of comfort in the New Testament, particularly the stories of Mary Magdalene, whose great longing for forgiveness awakened her legendary love for Christ” (Borysenko, 1990, pp. 175–176). Through this Biblical depiction of a transgressor, Milton was able to make sense of his transgression and move toward recovery through participation in Alcoholics Anonymous. Conversion Spiritual conversion is not normally encountered by therapists in the course of psychotherapy. However, therapists do help clients make significant and fundamental changes in themselves and their lives. For many clients, spiritual issues are an important aspect of these changes. An awareness and understanding of spiritual and religious aspects of such transformations by the therapist may facilitate the re-integration


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and revaluation of pathways and destinations of significance and foster personal growth in the client. In addition, therapists’ knowledge of spiritual resources that can be called upon to facilitate the conversion process may further enhance the probability of successful outcomes. Transgressors who attempt to reconcile their actions with their identity and are unsuccessful in these attempts may turn to spiritual conversion as a way to connect with the sacred. Starbuck (1899) describes this as “the ‘ego’ is lifted up into new significance . . . into the life of God.” Candler (1951) described his conversion in terms of turning himself over to God: I was unusually troubled in my soul. Suddenly I heard a voice, just as clearly as I have ever heard anyone . . . The voice said to me, “You must get rid of your self; you must renounce your self; you must reject your self.” These were surprising words. I should not have been surprised if the voice had commanded me to stop drinking. But this was not the message at all. It was my self that I was commanded to give up. My self was my trouble—my love of myself, my fear of anything that might frustrate my wishes. My will had always been the central interest in my life. False pride had erected a barrier between my soul and God. (pp. 55–56)

Such radical changes in identity by clients may raise concerns related to coercion, deception, or brainwashing for psychotherapists. While this is one possibility, this view may also reflect the bias that mental health workers have against religion. Therefore, it is important to understand that those seeking conversion are actively searching for more meaningful and satisfying lives, and in most cases are not passive victims. Straus (1979), a sociologist who has studied cults closely, describes potential cult members as “seekers” who, in their search for a new identity, actively experiment with aspects of their lifestyle. Religious conversions may also occur unexpectedly, as was the case for this man in prison: I am at the age of 54 financially ruined, in jail. At the beginning of this incarceration (8 months ago) everything looked hopeless and irrevocably lost in chaos that I could never hope to understand, much less to solve. Endless months passed. Then, one day I had a visit by a court psychiatrist to whom I took an immense liking, right from the start, as he introduced himself with a very pleasant smile and a handshake, like I would be still “somebody,” or at least a human being. Something deep and unexplainable happened to me from there on. I found myself

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k. m. mcconnell, m. r. gear and k. i. pargament reliving my life. That night, in the stillness of my small cell, I experienced a most unusual religious feeling which I never had before; I was able to pray, and with utmost sincerity, I accepted a Higher Will to which I have surrendered the pain and sorrow as meaningful and ultimate, not needing explanation. From here on I have undergone a tremendous recovery. (Frankl, 1997, pp. 15–16)

Clients such as this may experience religious or spiritual conversions quite unexpectedly. Therapists who address and explore these feelings with such clients may facilitate personal growth and other positive outcomes that commonly arise with conversions. Therapists should also be aware of resources available outside the therapeutic relationship to transgressors undergoing the conversion process. For example, therapists who feel uncomfortable or unable to address spiritual conversion in therapy can refer clients to qualified clergy, pastoral counselors, or holistic practitioners for this aspect of the change process. In addition, many self-help and mutual support groups include a conversion component. For example, the first three steps of the twelve step program, Alcoholics Anonymous (AA), are based on conversion: 1. Admit we are powerless over alcohol—that our lives have become unmanageable. 2. Come to believe that a Power greater than ourselves can restore us to sanity. 3. Make a decision to turn our will and our lives over to the care of God as we understand Him. These resources may help a transgressor work through the conversion process and may increase the likelihood that this process will result in growth. Therapists must be aware of resources available both in and outside the therapeutic relationship. Implementation of these resources may facilitate transformation in transgressors undergoing the conversion process. Future Directions Research on stressful events has focused on externally caused events and has identified a variety of ways individuals cope with these events. Transgressions are similar to externally caused stressful events in the isolation and psychological distress they often elicit. However, these events differ in important respects that lead to distinctive challenges


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for transgressors. In this paper, we have described four spiritual resources relevant to the experience of transgressors. Preliminary research on these resources indicates that they may help to alleviate distress and facilitate transformation and growth following a personal transgression. However, current research is limited and largely qualitative. Further research is necessary to identify all the spiritual resources available to transgressors, the specific characteristics of these resources, and their effectiveness. In addition, researchers could explore the function of the violated standard and the relevance of this quality for clinical treatment. The definition of transgression proposed in this paper is based on individual definitions of moral standards and does not assume that the violated standard is realistic or functional. For example, an individual with obsessive compulsive disorder may feel that failure to check the locks on the doors a specific number of times violates a personal moral standard and is a transgression. This individual may require a different set of spiritual resources than an individual who feels he violated his marriage through infidelity. Future research should explore the function of individuals’ moral standards and the implications of this function for treatment. Finally, researchers should identify potential moderators of the outcomes of spiritual interventions for transgressors. For example, conversion may be more beneficial for younger clients who are still exploring and developing their self-identity. Other client characteristics that may moderate the effectiveness of these spiritual interventions include religious denomination, strength of religious affiliation, and gender. Research on these moderators will help therapists identify the intervention best suited for each individual client. Research on the nature and outcomes of transgressions could take a variety of forms. First, the universality of transgressions indicates that transgressions can be studied in all populations. Therefore, researchers could investigate the impact of transgressions in community samples, clinical populations, or populations with specific transgressions, such as people who have committed criminal offenses. Second, various methodologies are applicable to the study of transgressions. For example, researchers could utilize retrospective designs in which they ask participants to reflect on a salient transgression in the past and report on the experience and impact of that transgression. Researchers could also track individuals over time and assess the impact of transgressions as they occur. By comparing pre-transgression well-being to

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post-transgression well-being, researchers could answer important questions about the impact of the transgression, the effectiveness of any intervention, and the occurrence of transformation and growth. Prevalent and potent, transgressions are likely to arise in psychotherapy. Therefore, therapists should be prepared to address transgressions in therapy. In addition, transgressors may place their transgressions in a spiritual context that is important to the therapy process. We have identified four spiritual resources available to therapists working with transgressors. However, research on these resources is limited. Further research on the experience of transgressions and the effectiveness of these resources will provide insight into the nature of transgressions and the ways in which therapists can help their clients following transgressions. In addition, this research will broaden the scope of knowledge of stressful events to include a universally experienced, yet overlooked, class of events. References Barton, J. M. T. (1961). Penance and absolution. New York: Hawthorn Books, Inc. Borysenko, J. (1990). Guilt is the teacher, love is the lesson. New York: Warner Books. Butler, P. (1990). Introduction: Confession today. In M. Dudley & G. Powell (Eds.), Confession and absolution (pp. 1–12). London: Speck. Cadell, S., Regehr, C., & Hemsworth, D. (2003). Factors contributing to posttraumatic growth: A proposed structural equation model. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 73, 279–287. Candler, A. G. (1951). Self-surrender. In D. W. Soper (Ed.), These found the way: Thirteen converts to Protestant Christianity (pp. 51–62). Philadelphia: Westminster Press. Catechism of the Catholic Church (2nd ed.). (1997). Washington DC: Libreria Editrice Vaticana. Clark, E. T. (1929). The psychology of religious awakening. New York: Macmillan. Cole, B. S., & Pargament, K. I. (1999). Spiritual surrender: A paradoxical path to control. In W. R. Miller (Ed.), Integrating spirituality into treatment: Resources for practitioners (pp. 179–198). Washington DC: American Psychological Association. Dungee-Anderson, D., & Beckett, J. O. (1992). Alzheimer’s disease in AfricanAmerican and White families: A clinical analysis. Smith College Studies in Social Work, 62, 155–168. Exline, J. J. (2004, March). Anger toward God: A brief overview. In E. L. Worthington, Jr. (Chair), Current basic and applied research on forgiveness. Symposium presented at the annual meeting of the Christian Association for Psychological Studies, St. Petersburg, FL. Exline, J. J., & Martin, A. (2005). Anger toward God: A new frontier in forgiveness research. In E. L. Worthington, Jr. (Ed.), Handbook of forgiveness. New York: Guilford Press. Exline, J. J., Yali, A. M., & Lobel, M. (1999). When God disappoints: Difficulty forgiving God and its role in negative emotion. Journal of Health Psychology, 4, 365–379. Farber, E. W., Mirsalimi, H., Williams, K. A., & McDaniel, J. S. (2003). Meaning of illness and psychological adjustment to HIV/AIDS. Psychosomatics: Journal of Consultation Liaison Psychiatry, 44, 485–491.


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Lindsay-Hartz, J. (1984). Contrasting experiences of shame and guilt. American Behavioral Scientist, 27, 689–704. McConnell, K. M. (2004). Forgive me for I have sinned: The effects of religious and secular confession and forgiveness on psychological, emotional, and spiritual well-being in college students. Unpublished Master’s thesis, Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, OH. McConnell, K. M., Pargament, K. I., Gordon, A., & Mahoney, A. (2004). Varieties of forgiveness and emotional and religious well-being. Unpublished manuscript, Bowling Green State University. McIntosh, D. N., Silver, R. C., & Wortman, C. B. (1993). Religion’s role in adjustment to a negative life event: Coping with the loss of a child. Journal of Personality & Social Psychology, 65, 812–821. McMinn, M. R. (1996). Psychology, theology, and spirituality in Christian counseling. Wheaton: Tyndale House Publishers. Mickley, J. R., Pargament, K. I., Brant, C. R., & Hipp, K. M. (1998). God and the search for meaning among hospice caregivers. Hospice Journal, 13, 1–17. Murphy, S. A., Johnson, L. C., Wu, L., Fan, J. J., & Lohan, J. (2003). Bereaved parents’ outcomes 4 to 60 months after their children’s death by accident, suicide, or homicide: A comparative study demonstrating differences. Death Studies, 27, 39–61. Murray-Swank, A., McConnell, K. M., Pargament, K. I. (2005). Understanding spiritual confession: A review and theoretical synthesis. Manuscript submitted for publication. Novotni, M., & Petersen, R. (2001). Angry with God. Colorado Springs, CO: Pinon Press. Otterbacher, J. R., & Munz, D. C. (1973). State-trait measure of experiential guilt. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 40, 115–121. Overcash, W. S., Calhoun, L. G., Cann, A., & Tedeschi, R. G. (1996). Coping with crises: An examination of the impact of traumatic events on religious beliefs. Journal of Genetic Psychology, 157, 455–464. Pargament, K. I. (1990). God help me: Toward a theoretical framework of coping for the psychology of religion. Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, 2, 195–224. Pargament, K. I. (1997). The psychology of religion and coping: Theory, research, practice. New York: The Guilford Press. ——, Ensing, D. S., Falgout, K., Olsen, H., Reilly, B., Van Haitsma, K., et al. (1990). God help me (I): Religious coping efforts as predictors of the outcomes to significant negative life events. American Journal of Community Psychology, 18, 793–824. Pargament, K. I., Koenig, H. G., Tarakeshwar, N., & Hahn, J. (2001). Religious struggle as a predictor of mortality among medically ill elderly patients: A twoyear longitudinal study. Archives of Internal Medicine, 161, 1881–1885. Pargament, K. I., Magyar, G. M., Benore, E., & Mahoney, A. (2005). Sacrilege: A study of sacred loss and desecration and their implications for health and wellbeing in a community sample. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 4, 59–78. Pargament, K. I., & Rye, M. S. (1998). Forgiveness as a method of religious coping. In E. L. Worthington, Jr. (Ed.), Dimensions of forgiveness: Psychological research and theological perspectives (pp. 59–78). Philadelphia: Templeton Foundation Press. Pargament, K. I., Zinnbauer, B. J., Scott, A. B., Butter, E. M., Zerowin, J., & Stanik, P. (1998). Red flags and religious coping: Identifying some religious warning signs among people in crisis. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 54, 77–89. Park, C. L., Cohen, L. H., & Murch, L. R. (1996). Assessment and prediction of stress-related growth. Journal of Personality, 64, 71–105. Park, C. L., & Folkman, S. (1997). Meaning in the context of stress and coping. Review of General Psychology, 1, 115–144. Propst, L. R. (1988). Psychotherapy in a religious framework: Spirituality in the emotional healing process. New York: Human Sciences Press. Rambo, L. R. (1993). Understanding religious conversion. New Haven: Yale University Press.


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RELIGION AND ETHNICITY AMONG IRISH AMERICANS IN SAVANNAH, GEORGIA William L. Smith and Barbara Hendry * Abstract This paper focuses on the interrelationships between religion and ethnicity among members of Irish organizations in Savannah, Georgia. The scholarly literature is mixed regarding the impact these concepts have on each other. The link between religion and ethnicity is variable depending on a variety of situational factors. Our research found that white Catholics in Savannah were often considered to be Irish, even if they were not Irish, and if they were Irish they were considered Catholic, even if they were not Catholic. While we found that the frequency of attendance of religious services and the importance of religion in forming/maintaining ethnic identity are significantly related to the strength of one’s ethnic identity, the importance of family and membership in ethnic organizations are even more strongly related to the strength of one’s ethnic identity.

This discussion is part of a larger study of Savannah’s Irish community and partially a response to the recommendation of Alba (1990, p. 304) for further study of the complex relationship between religion and ethnicity. This paper will answer the following question: What is the relationship between religion and the ethnic identity among members of Irish organizations in Savannah, Georgia? The following quote captures the essence of a rich and growing body of scholarly literature on the relationship between religion and ethnicity, and it is appropriate to begin this discussion with it since Savannah is credited with having one of the largest St. Patrick’s Day parades in the United States. Whether it is religion or ethnicity that is celebrated during the St. Patrick’s Day parade is anyone’s guess, but I think we can say, with some degree of safety, that it is both, and that the nature of the relationships and of the mix between the relationships is likely to vary from individual to individual. (Greeley, 1971, p. 47)

* Author Note : The authors are grateful for the assistance provided by Miranda D. Scott, Lindsay Ferrara, and Nathan W. Pino. William Smith may be reached at (912) 681–0255 or via email at [email protected]. Barbara Hendry may be reached at (912) 681–5362 or via email at [email protected]. Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, Volume 17 © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2007

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w. l. smith and b. hendry

This paper is not about the St. Patrick’s Day parade but for many people, Irish American or not, the parade exemplifies an ethnic or a religious event or both. For some people it is neither an ethnic nor a religious event but more of a festive occasion and/or a convenient excuse to party. There has been much debate during the last 40 to 50 years among social scientists about ethnic groups and their rate of assimilation in American society (Alba & Nee, 2003; Chong, 1998; Ebaugh, 2003; Gans, 1979, 1992; Glazer & Moynihan, 1970; Gordon, 1964; Greeley, 1974; Sears, Fu, Henry, & Bui, 2003). The transformation which is occurring today among ethnic groups is more complex than simply distinguishing between whether the United States is a melting pot or merely culturally pluralistic (Alba, 1990, p. 3). Nagel (1994, p. 154) stated that while some scholars point to a “weakening of ethnic boundaries in the white American population,” others show “a maintenance or increase in ethnic identification,” thus producing what she calls an “ethnic paradox.” Ethnicity, like religion, was predicted by some scholars to fade off the radar screen of modern American life. This did not happen to either religion (see Ammerman, 2005; Berger, 1969; Gorski, 2000, 2003; Stark & Bainbridge, 1985; Stark & Finke, 2000; Warner, 1993) or ethnicity in the United States (see Alba, 1990; Alba & Nee, 2003; Gans, 1979, 1992; Glazer & Moynihan, 1970; Greeley, 1971, 1974; Waters, 1990). The secularization thesis defines the old paradigm that has dominated the social scientific study of religion for decades, and it is best characterized by the belief “that the rise of modernity is the demise of religion” (Finke & Stark, 2003, p. 97). An emerging new paradigm within the social scientific study of religion is identified most closely with the religious economies model and rational-choice theory (Stark & Finke, 2000, p. 35). The new paradigm indicates that religion survives because people make calculated choices about the costs and benefits of religious meaning systems. Herberg (1983) argued that ethnic groups were disappearing and being replaced by a triple melting pot based on religious groups. Ethnic boundary lines, within each of the three major religious traditions, were dissolving and religious identity was becoming the sine qua non of one’s identity. Alba (1990, p. 304) concluded that while Herberg viewed “religion as a possible haven for ethnicity,” the evidence is to the contrary, except possibly for ethnic groups that are also religious entities, like Jews and Greeks. Herberg’s hypothesis has

religion and ethnicity among irish americans

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not been supported and two key factors have challenged Herberg’s predictions: (a) ethnic groups have not disappeared (although Alba argues that a new European American identity has emerged) and (b) interreligious marriage increased during the latter twentieth century (Alba, 1990, p. 14; Greeley, 1971, p. 82; Glazer & Moynihan, 1970, p. xxxvi; Lieberson & Waters, 1988, pp. 234–235). While neither religion nor ethnicity have disappeared from American life, arguments can be made regarding the salience of religion and ethnicity in everyday life. For example, borrowing from the work of Gans (1994, pp. 577–578) regarding ethnicity and religiosity among European Americans, St. Patrick’s Day parades can be both an example of symbolic ethnicity, “the consumption and use of ethnic symbols intended mainly for the purpose of feeling or being identified with a particular ethnicity, but without either participating in an existing ethnic organization (formal or informal) or practicing an ongoing ethnic culture,” and symbolic religiosity, “the consumption of religious symbols apart from regular participation in a religious culture or in religious organizations.” If symbolic ethnicity and symbolic religiosity characterize American society, then it is plausible to argue that the influence of ethnicity and religion on American values and behavior have waned in the last decades of the twentieth century and the first decade of the twenty-first century. The findings are mixed regarding whether decades of assimilation and intermarriage have weakened ethnicity and religion. Waters (1990, 1998) and Alba (1990) found support for Gans’ symbolic ethnicity thesis. Waters (1990, p. 12) interviewed white Catholic European Americans from California and Pennsylvania, the majority of whom were of Irish, Italian, and Polish ancestry. Alba (1990, p. 34) interviewed people from a wide range of European backgrounds including those of English, Irish, German, Italian, French, Scottish, Dutch, and Polish ancestry. Rebhun’s (2004) study of American Jews mostly supports both Gans’ symbolic ethnicity and religiosity theses, while Kivisto and Nefzger’s (1993) study of American Jews does not support his symbolic ethnicity thesis. Winter’s (1996) study of American Jews does not support either of Gans’ theses. Religion and ethnicity are frequently mutually reinforcing concepts. Smith (1978, p. 1161) identified changes in the relationship of religion and ethnicity over time among immigrants to the United States. The most relevant change in the relationship between religion and ethnicity, for the present discussion, is the role that religion played

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in the “redefinition” of the boundaries of ethnicity. Emigration to the United States became a “theologizing experience,” not necessarily a “secularizing process” (Smith, 1978, p. 1181). Smith (1978, p. 1181) argued that the “folk theology and religious piety” of immigrants provided stability as well as facilitated social change in their adopted country. Religion has been for the immigrant “a major way of exercising one’s ethnic identification” (Hammond & Warner, 1993, p. 58). Hammond and Warner (1993, p. 66) concluded that even though religion and ethnicity influence each other at the present time, they think that their relationship will decline in the future as more Americans choose their own religious and ethnic identities instead of accepting those identities ascribed to them at birth. One’s religious and ethnic identities have become increasingly voluntary (Waters, 1990). This change from ascribed to achieved identities is at the heart of Gans’ (1979, 1994) theses of symbolic ethnicity and symbolic religiosity. Religion can be ethnic and ethnicity can be religious. One example of this is provided by Greeley (1972, pp. 118–119) who concluded that “American religion functions as a quasi-ethnic group” and that Catholic ethnic groups are to some degree “quasi-denominations within American Catholicism.” While there might be some truth to this statement, it has become apparent over time that some scholars consider ethnicity a more important predictor of behavior and attitudes than religion. Greeley (1974, p. 119) found that German American Protestants and German American Catholics were more alike than German American Catholics and Irish American Catholics. Alba (1990, p. 304) concluded, based on his research of white ethnics in the “Capital Region” of New York, “that religion has only a weak power to support ethnicity (although the linkage between the two deserves further study).” Glazer and Moynihan (1970, p. xxxvi) argued that “the role of religion as primary identity for Americans” in the 1960s was in decline while ethnicity was becoming a more important component of one’s primary identity. The relationship between religion and ethnicity can take different forms (see Abramson, 1980, pp. 869–870). The pattern that best fits our discussion and the most common one in the United States is “religious ethnicity” (Hammond & Warner, 1993, p. 59). Ethnic Catholics, including Irish Catholics, are an example of this pattern. Irish Americans are an ethnic group connected to a religious tradition, but other ethnic groups are also connected to the same religious tra-


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dition. For example, besides Irish Catholics, there are Italian, Mexican, Vietnamese, and German Catholics. Hammond and Warner (1993, p. 63) examined the strength of ethnic identity and religious affiliation and their relationship in 12 ethnic groups and found that “religious identity tends to be strongly related to ethnic identity at the group level.” Hammond and Warner (1993, p. 65) also examined the strength of ethnic identity and religious affiliation and their relationship in three categories of ethnic groups and found that “Catholic Americans have assimilated at nearly the rate of Protestant Americans, but they have secularized at a lesser rate.” In other words, contrary to Alba (1990), who stated that religion has only a weak influence on ethnicity, religion influences ethnic identity more than ethnic identity influences religion particularly for Catholic Americans. There are a variety of conflicting findings in the scholarly literature regarding the relationship between religion and ethnicity. As Greeley (1971, p. 85) indicated, “Whether the Irish were Catholic because they were Irish, or Irish because they were Catholic is a question that is impossible to answer.” While Greeley might be correct, we will attempt, in the remaining sections of this paper, to answer the question: What is the relationship between religion and the ethnic identity among members of Irish organizations in Savannah, Georgia? Methods Participants Eight hundred and twenty-nine surveys were sent via first class mail, and 39 surveys were returned to us by the post office as undeliverable. Two hundred and sixty-one people returned completed surveys for a response rate of 33%. Of the 261 surveys returned, 181 of the respondents were male and 78 were female. Two respondents failed to indicate their sex. Two of the organizations are for females only, and one of the organizations is co-ed. The remaining Irish organizations are male only. This explains the large gap between male and female respondents. Another factor which influenced the composition of our respondents is that there are fewer young people who are members of Savannah’s Irish organizations. Our respondents mirror the age distribution seen in these organizations. Of the 261 surveys returned, 254 included the respondent’s age. Thirty-five (13.4%) of the respondents were 23 to 39-years-old, 54 (20.7%) were 40 to

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49-years-old, 57 (21.8%) were 50 to 59-years-old, 57 (21.8%) were 60 to 69-years-old, 39 (14.9%) were 70 to 79-years-old, and 12 (4.6%) were 80 to 89-years-old. As one can see, the majority of respondents were 50 years-of-age and older. Our respondents were very educated. When asked what was their highest level of education, .8% had attended high school but did not graduate, 10.3% had obtained a high school diploma or general education diploma, 3.1% had attended a post secondary school other than college, 31.0% had attended college but did not graduate, 19.9% had obtained a bachelor’s degrees, 10.0% had attended either graduate or professional school but did not graduate, and 24.1% had obtained either a graduate or professional degree. Sixty-nine percent of the respondents had a family income of at least $50,000 before taxes in 2003. Twenty-five percent had a family income of at least $100,000, while 2.3% reported an income of below $20,000. Sixtysix percent of the respondents are employed and 32% are retired. The following are the five largest occupational categories reported: managers/executives/administrators 21.1%, sales/marketing 12%, service occupations 9.6%, health occupations 9.6%, and clerical/administrative support 9.2%. When asked what their religious preference was, 91.6% were Catholic and 5.4% were Protestant. Respondents were asked to identify their ethnic (cultural) background in their own words. As one can imagine, this group is very mixed ethnically. Respondents identified 54 different ethnic labels to describe themselves. The six most identified ethnic labels were: Irish 34.5%, Irish American 13.0%, Irish Catholic 8.4%, Irish German 5.4%, Scottish Irish 4.6%, and American with Irish heritage 3.8%. For those who did not identify themselves as Irish or who were not of Irish ancestry, 2.3% were members of Irish organizations because they were married to a person of Irish ancestry, referred to in Savannah as IBMs (Irish by marriage), and 1.9% grew up associating with people of Irish ancestry and developed friendships based on this association. An additional 1.5% of the respondents did not identify themselves as Irish. Measures Survey respondents were asked to either circle the most appropriate response, fill in the blank, or provide as complete an answer as possible to each of the 48 questions. The following questions from the


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survey will form the basis for the discussion in the results section: (a) How important is religion for forming/maintaining your ethnic identity? (from 1 = not at all important to 7 = very important); (b) The following [friendships, church/religion, customs or traditions (other than the parade), family, cultural events, (other than the parade), school, ethnic organizations, St. Patrick’s Day Parade] are items that influence one’s ethnic identity. Please rank the previous eight items in order of importance to you from 1 (most important) to 8 (least important); (c) How important of a role did your family play in the formation of your ethnic identity? (from 1 = not at all important to 7 = very important); (d) How important are these ethnic organizations for forming/maintaining your ethnic identity? (from 1 = not at all important to 7 = very important); (e) For those who attended Catholic schools, how important were they in the formation of your ethnic identity? (from 1 = not at all important to 7 = very important); (f ) How often do you attend religious services? (from 1 = everyday to 9 = never); (g) When you were growing up, did your parents do anything to emphasize one part of your background over the other(s)? ( yes or no); (h) If the respondent answered Yes to the previous question, they were asked to answer the following question, What did your parents do? (open-ended response format); and (i) What exactly do you do at the St. Patrick’s Day Parade? (open-ended response format). These last three questions: ( j) How important is your ethnicity (cultural background) to your identity? (from 1 = not at all important to 7 = very important); (k) How often do you think of yourself as a member of your ethnic group? (from 1 = not at all often to 7 = very often); and (l) How close do you feel to other members of your ethnic group? (from 1 = not at all close to 7 = very close), were used to create an index depicting the strength of ethnic identity. These last three items had a Cronbach’s alpha of .87 which indicates they have a high degree of internal reliability. Procedures Members of 10 of the 11 Irish organizations in Savannah (the Ancient Order of Hibernians, Clan-na-Erin Society, Daughters of Ireland, Fenian Society, Friendly Sons of St. Patrick, Irish Heritage Society, Ladies Ancient Order of Hibernians, Police Emerald Society, Shenanigans Society, and Sinn Fein) participated in the survey. The Hibernian Society declined to participate, although individual members, who

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were also members of other Irish organizations, did participate. We chose to study members of Savannah’s Irish organizations, instead of Irish Americans who were not members of these organizations, because we were able to get access to vital information such as their names and mailing addresses. Leaders of the organizations facilitated our access to their membership lists and members were mailed, during the first week of November 2004, an eight-page survey (available by request), which consisted of 14 open-ended and 34 closed-ended questions. A detailed cover letter was attached to the survey, and a business reply envelope was included. A follow-up postcard was sent the second week of November, and a second follow-up postcard was sent the third week of November. In addition to the survey, 38 one-to-two hour semi-structured, tape-recorded interviews (interview schedule available by request) were conducted with 47 individuals (in several interviews more than one person participated) from Savannah’s Irish American community between September 2003 and May 2005 (only four of these people did not grow up in Savannah). The interviewee pool included 19 females and 28 males. The following is the age distribution of the interviewees: 1 was 26–years-old, 4 were 41 to 50-years-old, 8 were 51 to 60-years-old, 15 were 61 to 70-years-old, 16 were 71 to 80-yearsold, and 3 were 81 to 85-years-old. The interviewee pool reflects the predominant age range and gender of those involved in the Irish organizations of Savannah. This sample is comparable to the survey population previously described. Interviewing older people also enabled us to document descriptions and interpretations of changes in the Irish American community over the last fifty to sixty years. Three of the interviewees converted to Catholicism as adults, and the remainder have been Catholics all of their lives. The self-reported ancestry/ethnic origins of the group mirror the variety of answers about ethnicity reported in the surveys. Results Religion is important for the members of Irish organizations in Savannah in forming and maintaining their ethnic identity (see Table 1). Forty-five percent of respondents said religion was very important in forming and maintaining their ethnic identity. Fiftyseven percent of women said it was very important as did 40% of


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Table 1. Cross-tabulation of Importance of Religion for Forming/ Maintaining Ethnic Identity by Age and Sex Sex M

Importance of Religion

40–49

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

1 1 0 1 4 7 8 22

4 3 2 2 12 8 13 44

2 3 1 1 7 8 16 38

1 2 0 4 5 10 16 38

1 1 2 1 3 2 15 25

0 1 1 0 3 1 2 8

9 11 6 9 34 36 70 175

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

1 0 0 0 2 3 6 12

0 0 1 2 1 2 4 10

2 1 2 2 1 3 8 19

0 0 1 4 2 0 12 19

0 2 0 0 0 0 11 13

1 0 0 0 0 0 2 3

4 3 4 8 6 8 43 76

Total F

Importance of Religion

Total

Age 50–59 60–69 70–79 80–89 Total

23–39

(N = 251). Chi-square for males = 25.022 and for females = 36.279.

men. Religion is important in forming and maintaining their ethnic identity across all age groups but especially among those 70 to 79-years-old. Sixty-eight percent of them said it was very important as did 49% of those 60 to 69-years-old. Religion is also important in forming and maintaining ethnic identity across all education groups but particularly among those whose highest level of education was a high school degree or general equivalency degree and for those who attended a post secondary school other than college. Seventyseven percent of high school graduates and those with a general equivalency degree said religion was very important to them in forming and maintaining their ethnic identity and 63% of those who attended a post secondary school other than college said religion was very important to them in forming and maintaining their ethnic identity. Only 38% of those with a graduate or professional degree and 35% of those with a bachelor’s degree responded that religion was very important in forming and maintaining their ethnic identity. Respondents ranked eight items (friendships, church/religion, customs or traditions other than the parade, family, cultural events other than the parade, school, ethnic organizations, and the St. Patrick’s Day


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parade), in the order of importance these items have for influencing their ethnic identity. Family was ranked the most important item followed by church/religion. Fifty-three percent of the respondents ranked family as the most important influence on their ethnic identity. Eighteen percent of the respondents ranked church/religion as the most important influence on their ethnic identity. Thirty-one percent of women ranked church/religion as the most important influence on their ethnic identity, while 17.2% of men ranked church/religion as the most influence on their ethnic identity. Church/religion is important to members no matter their age, but for those 70 to 79–years-old almost half (47%) listed this as the most important influence on their ethnicity, while only 10% of those 40 to 49-yearsold agreed that church/religion was the most important influence on their ethnicity. While religion is an important influence on the formation and maintenance of ethnic identity, 38% of the respondents said family played a very important role in the formation of their ethnic identity (see Table 2). Ethnic organizations also played a significant role in the formation of their ethnic identity (see Table 3). Thirty-nine percent

Table 2. Cross-tabulation of Importance of Family in the Formation of Ethnic Identity by Age and Sex Sex M

Importance of Family

F

Importance of Family

40–49

50–59

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

0 1 1 3 3 8 7 23

0 3 5 1 11 10 13 43

1 1 2 3 4 10 17 38

2 2 4 4 8 6 12 38

1 0 4 3 5 0 12 25

0 1 0 3 1 1 3 9

4 8 16 17 32 35 64 176

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

0 1 1 0 3 2 5 12

0 1 0 1 2 4 2 10

0 2 0 2 3 5 7 19

0 0 3 0 4 3 9 19

1 0 0 0 1 5 7 14

0 0 0 0 1 0 1 2

1 4 4 3 14 19 31 76

Total

Total

Age 60–69 70–79 80–89 Total

23–39



89

Table 3. Cross-tabulation of Importance of Ethnic Organizations for Forming/Maintaining Ethnic Identity by Age and Sex Sex M

Importance of Ethnic Organizations

40–49

50–59

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

0 1 2 4 2 7 6 22

2 3 0 1 11 12 14 43

0 2 1 1 1 13 17 35

2 2 0 3 5 10 16 38

2 2 1 0 4 1 14 24

1 2 0 0 1 1 3 8

7 12 4 9 24 44 70 170

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

0 0 1 2 1 1 5 10

0 1 0 1 2 2 3 19

2 3 1 2 3 3 4 18

0 0 1 3 6 4 4 18

0 1 0 2 1 1 7 12

0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

2 5 3 10 13 11 24 68

Total F

Importance of Ethnic Organizations

Total

Age 60–69 70–79 80–89 Total

23–39


of the respondents reported that ethnic organizations were very important in the formation of their ethnic identity. Those respondents who attended Catholic schools were asked how important these schools were in the formation of their ethnic identity (see Table 4). Forty-three percent of these respondents indicated that Catholic schools were very important in the formation of their ethnic identity. Forty-two percent of men and 47% of women responded that Catholic schools were very important in the formation of their ethnic identity. Fifty-nine percent of respondents indicated their parents emphasized one part of their ethnic background over another part. When asked to give examples of what their parents did to accomplish this, 20% replied that they were raised Catholic, attended Catholic schools, or lived in a predominantly Catholic neighborhood. Twenty-one percent said their parents emphasized St. Patrick’s Day and the parade, and 37.9% stated they were exposed to their Irish culture/heritage. Respondents often made statements that fit into more than one category. Another question asked what they did at the St. Patrick’s Day parade. Among the various responses, the one most pertinent to the present discussion, is that 17% attended the St. Patrick’s Day Mass


90

Table 4. Cross-tabulation of Importance of Catholic Schools for Formation of Ethnic Identity by Age and Sex Sex M

Importance of Catholic Schools

40–49

50–59

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

0 1 1 0 6 3 7 18

1 0 2 0 11 10 11 35

0 2 1 2 5 11 11 32

0 0 0 4 7 6 12 29

0 0 0 0 4 2 14 20

1 0 0 1 0 2 4 8

2 3 4 7 33 34 59 142

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

0 1 0 1 3 3 2 10

0 0 0 0 1 2 1 4

0 1 1 4 3 2 4 15

0 1 1 0 1 4 9 16

1 0 1 0 0 1 10 13

0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2

1 3 3 5 8 12 28 60

Total F

Importance of Catholic Schools

Total

Age 60–69 70–79 80–89 Total

23–39


at the Cathedral of St. John the Baptist in downtown Savannah prior to the start of the parade. Respondents were asked how important their ethnicity (cultural background) was to their identity (see Table 5). Forty-five percent said it was very important, and .8% said it was not at all important. Thirtyone percent of those who indicated that ethnicity was very important to their identity also indicated that religion was very important in forming and maintaining their ethnic identity. Sixty-two percent of the respondents attend religious services once a week, and 45% of these respondents said religion is very important in forming and maintaining their ethnic identity (see Table 6). Fifty-seven percent of the respondents who attend religious services 2 to 3 times a week indicated that their ethnicity is a very important part of their identity. Forty-nine percent of those who attend religious services once a week said that their ethnicity was a very important component of their identity. Sixty-three percent of those 70 to 79-years-old replied that they considered their ethnicity to be a very important part of their identity (see Table 7). They were followed by 55% of 80 to 89-year-olds who replied that their ethnicity was very important to their identity.


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Table 5. Cross-tabulation of Importance of Ethnicity to Identity by Importance of Religion for Forming/Maintaining Ethnic Identity and Sex Sex M

Importance of Ethnicity

2

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

0 0 1 2 1 2 3 9

0 2 0 3 4 1 1 11

0 0 0 2 2 2 2 8

0 0 0 3 2 3 1 9

0 0 3 3 10 8 10 34

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

0 1 0 1 1 0 1 4

0 0 0 2 0 1 0 3

0 0 0 1 3 0 0 4

0 0 2 2 1 0 3 8

0 0 0 0 2 1 3 6

Total F


Importance of Religion 3 4 5 6

1

Total

7

Total

0 0 2 3 6 16 8 35

1 0 0 5 5 9 50 70

1 2 6 21 30 41 75 176

0 0 0 1 2 2 3 8

1 0 0 2 4 7 29 43

1 1 2 9 13 11 39 76


Table 6. Cross-tabulation of Church Attendance by Importance of Ethnicity for Identity and Sex 1

2

Importance of Ethnicity 3 4 5 6

7

Total

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1

0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 2

1 2 2 0 0 1 0 0 6

3 2 9 2 2 2 1 1 22

0 2 19 4 1 2 0 2 30

1 3 19 6 2 9 1 0 41

1 5 50 6 1 11 1 0 75

6 14 102 18 6 25 3 3 177

1 2 3 4 6 8 9

1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1

0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

0 0 2 0 0 0 0 2

0 0 7 1 1 0 0 9

0 0 8 3 2 0 0 13

0 1 10 0 0 0 0 11

0 8 27 2 1 1 0 39

1 9 54 6 4 1 1 76

Sex M

Church Attendance

Total F

Church Attendance

Total



92

Table 7. Cross-tabulation of Importance of Ethnicity by Age and Sex Sex M


F


40–49

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

0 0 1 5 2 6 8 22

0 1 1 5 11 11 15 44

0 0 1 2 4 13 18 38

0 1 0 6 8 7 16 38

1 0 2 1 3 3 14 24

0 0 1 2 2 0 4 9

1 2 6 21 30 40 75 175

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

0 0 0 1 2 2 7 12

0 0 1 3 4 0 2 10

0 1 0 3 3 4 8 19

0 0 1 1 3 4 10 19

1 0 1 1 0 1 10 14

0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2

1 1 3 9 12 11 39 76

Total

Total

Age 50–59 60–69 70–79 80–89 Total

23–39


A linear regression model was constructed using strength of ethnic identity as the dependent variable and sex, age, frequency of attendance of religious services, importance of religion in forming/maintaining ethnic identity, importance of ethnic organizations for forming/maintaining ethnic identity, and importance of family in the formation of ethnic identity as independent variables. Table 8 displays a correlation matrix and Table 9 displays the results of the regression analysis. Age, frequency of attendance of religious services, importance of religion in forming/maintaining ethnic identity, importance of ethnic organizations for forming/maintaining ethnic identity, and importance of family in the formation of ethnic identity are all related to ethnicity identity. The strength of ethnic identity was more salient among older respondents, with those who attended church regularly, and with members who attached higher levels of importance to religion, ethnic organizations, and family in forming and maintaining their ethnic identities. The importance of ethnic organizations and particularly the importance of family as transmitters of ethnicity are most significantly related to the strength of ethnic identity. Data from the in-depth, semi-structured interviews support the survey findings which indicate a statistically significant relationship between Catholicism and Irish identity among our study population.


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Table 8. Variable Correlations 1 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

2

3

Strength ethnicity 1.0 Age .06 Sex –.07 .03 Church attendance –.02 –.27*** –.08 Religion importance .45*** .08 .04 Ethnic org importance .56*** –.01 –.09 Family importance .56*** –.04 .06

4

5

6

7

–.49*** –.18** .51*** –.05 .34*** .23*** 1.0

**p < .01. ***p < .001.

Table 9. Linear Regression Model with Strength of Ethnic Identity as the Dependent Variable Independent Variable

Beta

SE

t

VIF

Model F

R-Squared

Sex Age Church attendance Rel importance Ethnic org importance Family importance

–.06 .12 .19 .18 .40 .43

.39 .13 .15 .14 .12 .12

–1.32 2.62* 3.51*** 2.92*** 7.63*** 8.92***

1.03 1.09 1.45 1.92 1.40 1.17

46.73

.55

*p < .05. ***p < .005.

Only three of the interviewees were not members of at least one of the Irish organizations in Savannah we surveyed, so data from both sources were drawn essentially from the same pool of people. The comments of the interviewees serve not only to personalize the statistical profile compiled from the survey results, but also illustrate how complexly intertwined family, religion, school, and neighborhood have been in shaping Irish identity in Savannah. Also, since 42 of the 47 interviewees were older than 50, they were able to describe transformations in Savannah’s Irish community and in perceptions of Irishness over the past several decades, thus alerting us to consider how the bases for, and native interpretations of, ethnic identity have changed with time and circumstance. The rest of this section provides verbatim quotes which typify the responses of most interviewees on topics pertaining to the relationship of religion and ethnicity. The label, “Irish Catholic,” itself is a melding of ethnic and religious identities, and, for many of the people we talked to, the two are inextricably intertwined. As one 84-yearold nun reflected, “I have a very difficult time separating Irish and

94


Catholic and the more I think about it, most of my recollections pertain to my being Catholic.” A 74-year-old man observed, “Most of the Irish people who came here were Catholic and the Church afforded them a social gathering place, an outlet, and provided education—formal education. And so an association began almost at birth with the Church that for most of us lasted life-long.” He added, “the culture would turn out Irish mainly because of the preponderance of people coming from that culture.” When asked how family passed on Irish customs, people would often describe Catholic customs. For example, a 74–year-old woman described early memories of Irish customs as follows: We always had a little altar. It was on top of our dresser. And I remember Mother telling us that they had a little altar upstairs at the end of their hall and their oldest sister, who went to be in the convent, she would keep the altar cloth—it was linen cloth—clean and kept the candles there and everything. It was, you know, either a crucifix there and maybe a statue of the Blessed Virgin Mary I think which is Irish. And we’d have little holy water fonts . . .

Similarly, a 58–year-old woman said, “And another Irish tradition that my mother had was sprinkling Holy Water in the house every night.” She also said that her family attended Mass on the First Friday of every month, a Mass dedicated to the Sacred Heart of Jesus. She said she grew up thinking it was an Irish tradition because “I guess we were in with a lot of Irish people. You know, a lot of families we knew—it was like all the Irish going to church.” Similarly, a 62year-old woman said: . . . it seems like when I would go to novenas with my mother as a child—a novena is a nine day prayer service in the Catholic Church, usually held in the evening. And I would look around, and I would see the other ladies there that were her friends and older—and their names would go through my head, they were mostly Irish names in the Church, in a parish that was not totally Irish.

Since the Irish were the most numerous of the Catholic immigrants to Savannah, their predominance in the parishes, and the frequent venues for interaction afforded by being active in the Church, served to strengthen the association of the Irish with Catholicism in the minds of both insiders and outsiders. For example, one Savannah Irishman stated: And it’s how—the social structure in Savannah is or was and probably to a degree still is—but, when I was growing up, there were four


95

ethnic divisions in Savannah. There were Jews. There were Crackers, which were white Protestants. There were blacks. And then there were the Irish. Whether or not you were of Italian descent, which there were kids who were from Savannah who were Italians. Or Lebanese descent, and there were a number of Lebanese who were native Savannahians. If you were a Catholic, you were considered to be Irish. And when jobs were given out or whatever, when you went to vote, if you were Catholic, you were the Irish vote. And so it was impossible to get away from that. A 69-year-old man stated: I didn’t think I made a distinction (between white Catholics of different ethnicities)—in fact I didn’t know that all of them didn’t get along until I went north to school and I found out about segregation—how the Italian didn’t like the French and the Irish didn’t like the French and Italians, and all of that. I never knew that part of segregation in my life until I was taught by the Yankees.

Also, he said, in his childhood, “As far as Irish—I think it was almost at that particular time that Irish was synonymous with Catholic— even if their name was Russo or some other Italian name—it was synonymous with the Irish and Catholic was almost interchangeable at that time.” Due to the opportunities for interaction, one interviewee also thought that the Church had helped to foster upward mobility for poorer Irish Catholics. We have a number of “lace-curtain” Irishmen who are—those are wealthy, socially established people. And then they’re a lot of “billy goats,” also known as “shanty Irish,” who are working class, blue-collar types. But the thing that’s unique that gave these people, I think, a great deal of them, upward mobility is the Church. I mean you, you went in and the lace-curtain Irishman would be sitting right next to the billy goat. And they got to know each other. And that was sort of the— the Catholic Church was the great, in a sense, the great equalizer.

Other people talked about the intertwining of the Church and other social institutions in shaping a sense of being Irish in Savannah, such as the 64–year-old man who said, “And church and government and family seemed like they all went together because all the people were the same people that—you were at school, at church, everything we attended were the same people.” A 75-year-old woman said, “Everything was family and church and school. And pushing education, and those were just trademarks of the Irish I guess here . . .” A number of the elderly interviewees also grew up in a downtown neighborhood where many of their neighbors were also Catholics with Irish ancestry. “That was Old Fort,” said one 74-year-old

96


woman, “It was almost like Little Vatican or something. They were mostly Catholic people because it was close (to the Catholic Cathedral).” She described walking from this neighborhood to parochial schools. So, opportunities to associate with other Catholics of Irish ancestry were typically available in the Church, in the neighborhood, and, importantly, in the Catholic schools. As one 64-year-old man noted, “Well, you didn’t know anybody but Catholics because we went to Catholic school. Everybody our family got together with were Catholic.” Of 47 interviewees, only 5 had not attended Savannah’s parochial schools. Many of the elderly informants described how they still keep in touch with high school classmates through monthly luncheons and other functions. As one 58-year-old man noted, “Very few Catholics went to public school . . . Catholic education was extremely affordable, because they had plenty of priests and nuns to work for next to nothing.” A 78-year-old man commented, “I was the youngest of six kids, you know. And we all went to Catholic grammar school and Catholic high school . . . And I mean, we—we’ve always associated Irish with Catholicism.” One 78-year-old woman, whose grandfather was a Catholic from Ireland but who had been raised Baptist and converted to Catholicism only as a young adult, said that when she joined a local Irish organization, she was one of the first members to prove her Irish ancestry, which she said, got to be a joke, because other members said, “This is funny . . . Of all people, we didn’t even know she was Irish.” And she said to them, “No, I wasn’t, as far as you-all’s interpretation of Irish.” To the other members, who had mostly been raised as Catholics, she said, “your interpretation of Irish was, you know, the ones that you grew up with, going all the way through Catholic schools and to St. Vincent’s (the Catholic girl’s high school) and everything, so to speak.” People did frequently say that their school experiences were important in influencing their sense of Irish identity, particularly two kinds of experiences. These were marching with the schools in the St. Patrick’s Day Parade, and being taught by nuns, and some priests, from Ireland. The following are some representative comments related to the influence of Catholic schools on their ethnic identity: So many of the nuns that taught us in school came from Ireland. And, they—St. Vincent’s Academy—that was a novitiate. And these girls were like 15, 16, 17, very young. And that’s where they entered the novitiate and did all their studies and things. And that’s where they were professed.


97

And nearly all the nuns were Irish nuns in elementary school except for one. They had all been born in—the one nun was from Savannah, and she was Italian . . . But, all the other nuns in elementary school so far as I can remember were all Irish. So that—they said it’s a wonder all the Irish kids didn’t speak with a brogue, because we had so many nuns and priests that were Irish. I’d say the first four grades of school, I had a woman from Ireland in a black habit teaching me. And her anecdotes and her stories probably did burrow in there somewhere, and their approach to the religion, which was very pious. And then I think that that’s—the Catholic schools were, I don’t know, a center—I can’t put the right word to it and I’m sure you can—for educating the people in their religion and also in their heritage and everything. Now I think it’s left up to the families and a lot of the families are floating off and I can see that even with my children’s family. Maybe one of the earliest things that I remember was I thinking I was going to hell because I was in the basement of the cathedral school and the nuns had us praying for the rain to stop so we could march in the parade, and I was sort of hoping it wouldn’t. . . . the Catholic schools all marched in the parade so it didn’t matter, you know, what ethnic background you had, you marched. Right, that’s right. And I think that’s probably kind of the way St. Patrick’s Day is now. I mean, if you think about it, everybody, on St. Patrick’s Day, everybody is Irish, regardless of whether you really are or not, you know. You’re out there celebrating with them.

With increasing commercial and tourist development of St. Patrick’s Day in recent decades, many interviewees felt that the religious significance of the day (to them) was being overshadowed. In 1983, a new ritual, the Celtic Cross Ceremony, was developed by leaders of Savannah’s Irish organizations and unmistakably represents connections between family, community, religion, and ethnicity. One 68-year-old man described this event as follows: Well, the best ceremony there is, as far as being Irish in my opinion, is the Celtic Cross Ceremony, and that’s on the Sunday before St. Patrick’s Day and on that day all of the Irish societies march together, they all carry their banners in; the young children carry the flags of Ireland in. It’s tremendous pageantry. And then after church . . . all of the societies process from the Cathedral . . . And they go down to Emmet Park on the river front and there’s a Celtic Cross that’s been there for about twenty years, made in Ireland, transported over here. There’s a little brief ceremony at which the Marshal (Grand Marshal of the parade) of course is recognized. The Marshal lays a wreath at

98

w. l. smith and b. hendry the base of the monument. There’s always a featured speaker and then after that you have a reception. But that ceremony is so meaningful because it gets all of the Irish societies together and it’s strictly about your Irish heritage. Generally the motto on the monument is dedicated to the Irish who came to this country—past, present, and future. And there have been so many people that have come to this area from Ireland and whose roots are deeply embedded in Savannah, in Georgia itself, and whose families are still here. It’s just a great ceremony. Now that’s one of the ones and that, as I said, is my favorite, my personal favorite.

Both the survey data and the data from the personal interviews highlight the interconnectedness of religion and ethnicity among the Savannah Irish. The following quote from a 60-year-old man sums up this finding quite succinctly, “My Irish and my Catholicism are so intermingled that baptisms, weddings, funerals, and all other types of family gatherings contain portions of both.” Discussion and Conclusion Kelly (2005, p. 150) concluded that the intertwining of Catholicism and Irish ethnicity produced a New York Irish identity and Meagher (2001, p. 16) found that Catholicism and Irish ethnicity also produced a Worcester Irish identity. Based on the information provided in the previous section, we believe the same thing can be said about the Savannah Irish, although for them it has produced a distinctive Savannah Irish identity. While the Savannah Irish, the New York Irish, and the Worcester Irish share a common ancestry, their experiences and the social construction of their ethnic identities are not identical. Anderson (1995, p. 80) argued that Southern Catholics did not experience an “immigrant church” as did Catholics from the Northeast and Midwest. In the Northeast and the Midwest it was the ethnic community that was “the conservator of religious identity and faith” while in the South “family is the primary institutional locus of Catholic identity, instruction and passing on the faith” (Anderson, 1995, pp. 889–890). Anderson (1995, p. 90) found that for Catholics in the South religion was dependent on family because throughout history in the South the family has been the pivotal social institution. This situation was and still is due primarily to the “weak institutional presence of the Catholic Church” in the South and to the emphasis of race over ethnicity in the South. Catholics constitute only 5% of the


99

population in Georgia and about 3% of the population in the territory designated as the diocese of Savannah which occupies the lower twothirds of the state (Gillis, 1999, p. 24). White ethnicity was not as much a factor in the South as it was in the very ethnically diverse Northeast and Midwest (Anderson, 1995, p. 90). Our research partially supports Anderson’s thesis. As discussed in the previous section, survey results show the Savannah Irish reported that family is the most important influence on their ethnic identity followed by ethnic organizations, and church/religion. And the interviews revealed ways in which family and religion are closely interrelated. While Catholics are definitely a minority in Savannah, their numbers have always provided them with a large support group that served as a bulwark in a region of the country that was not always hospitable to Catholics. Our analysis of the Savannah Irish does not support Gans’ theses of symbolic ethnicity or symbolic religiosity. We studied people who participated in ethnic organizations, a feature indicative of a stronger ethnic identity than Gans’ symbolic ethnicity. It should also be said this study population may have skewed our findings regarding symbolic ethnicity. If our study population was representative of all Irish Americans in Savannah our findings might have supported Gans’ thesis. The same can be said about the question of symbolic religiosity. Sixty-two percent of our study population attended Mass once a week, while D’Antonio, Davidson, Hoge, and Meyer (2001, p. 53) reported that only 37% of Catholics nationwide attend Mass weekly. Our respondents are not only more concerned with their ethnicity, their weekly church attendance rate is significantly higher than the national level. That said, whether religion will continue to have a strong influence on the ethnic identity of the Savannah Irish is more difficult to assess. Once the oldest generations are gone, will the generations that succeed them have the same fervency for religion? The results of a regression analysis using strength of ethnic identity as the dependent variable and sex, age, frequency of attendance of religious services, importance of religion in forming/maintaining ethnic identity, importance of ethnic organizations for forming/maintaining ethnic identity, and importance of family in the formation of ethnic identity as independent variables are displayed in Tables 10 and 11. Respondents younger than 50-years-old composed the population for Table 10. Table 11 displays the results of a regression analysis (the same dependent variable and independent variables as


100

Table 10. Linear Regression Model with Strength of Ethnic Identity as the Dependent Variable (

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