Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1680

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Studies in Comparative World HistonJ Editors Michael Adas, Rutgers University Edmu nd Burke III, University of California, Santa Cruz Philip D. Curtin, The Johns Hopkins University Other books in the series Michael Adas, Prophets of Rebellion: Millenarian Protest Movements against the European Colonial Order (1979) Philip D. Curtin, Cross-Cultural Trade in World History (1984) Leo Spitzer, Lives in Between: Assimilation and Marginality in Austria, Brazil, West Africa, 1780-1945 (1989) Philip D. Curtin, The Rise and Fall of the Plantation Complex: Essays in Atlantic History (1990)

Africa and Africans in the making of the Atlantic world, 1406-t68o JOHN THORNTON

···~····· CAMBRIDGE :::

UNIVERSITY PRESS

Published by t~e.Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge The Pitt Bwldmg, Trumpington Street, Cambridge CB2 1RP 40 West 2oth Street, New York, NY 10011-4211, USA 10 Stamford Road, Oakleigh, Victoria 3166, Australia

Contents

© Cambridge University Press 1992

First published 1992 Printed in the United States of America

Librnn; of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Thornton, John, 1949Africa and Africans in the making of the Atlantic world, 1400-1680 I John Thornton. p. em. - (Studies in comparative world history) Includes index. ISDN 0-521-}9233·0. - ISBN 0·521-39864-9 (pbk.) 1. Africa -Relations - Europe. 2. Europe - Relations - Africa. 3· Africa - Relations- America. 4· America.- Relations - Africa. 5· Slavery. 6. Europe - History- 1492- 1648. I. Title. II. Series. DT 31. T516 1992 91-27968 CIP

page vii

Preface Abbreviations Maps Source notes for Maps 1-3

xi xii

xvii

Introduction

1

Part I Africans in Africa The birth of an Atlantic world The development of commerce between Europeans and Africans 3 Slavery and African social structure 4 The process of enslavement and the slave trade 1

A catalog record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 0-521·392}3·0 hardback ISBN 0-521-39864-9 paperback

13

2

Part II Africans in the New World 5 Africans in colonial Atlantic societies 6 Africans and Afro-Americans in the Atlantic world: life and labor 7 African cultural groups in the Atlantic world 8 Transformations of African culture in the Atlantic world 9 African religions and Christianity in the Atlantic world 10 Resistance, runaways, and rebels Index

129 152

183 206 235 272

305

v

Preface

The origins of this project go back to 1974, when I first began to read Fernand Braudel's magnificent history of the Mediterranean. At the time, I was in military service between two stints in graduate sch ool, studying African history. I was immediately struck with the great range of Braude!' s interests, his ability to integrate a vast array of material, and his willingness to deal with long time periods, important questions, and vast geographic areas. This he achieved without employing the style or approach of textbook writers, the only historians who routinely take on such tasks . From this beginning I read eagerly the first (and then the only) volume of Capitalism and Material Life, hoping to find an even more exciting study of worldwide scope. Although I was deeply impressed with the second work in many ways, I believed that Braude! had not taken Africa, my own area of special interest, seriously enough. I decided that one day I would write a work along at least some of the lines opened by Braude!, but one that would not neglect Africa. For the n ext five years I immersed myself in African history and produced my own thesis, which was an attempt to adapt Braudelian approaches to the more modest scope of the central African kingdom of Kongo in the seventeenth century. It was only when I began teaching the history of Portuguese-speaking Africa at the University of Zambia in 1979 that I began to think seriou sly about engaging in the work I had dreamed of earlier. . My first detailed research began w ith a modest grant from the Funda~ao Calouste Gulbenkian in Lisbon for a project to study Portuguese missionary efforts in western Africa in the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries (a period that gradually became the focus for this book). During my stay in Lisbon in the summer of 1981, I collected a substantial group of documentary materials and began formulating questions, especially about religion and culture. vii

viii

Preface

Preface

ix

Teaching requirements at Allegheny College, where I taught from 198l cially into Angolan history, religion, and military history, resulted from to 1984, helped me to integrate the disparate group C?f materials and ideas 1 the requirement to produce an apparatus to my translation of Giovanni was assembling. I taught medieval and early modern European history, Antonio Cavazzi da Montecuccolo's history of Ndongo and Matarnba. for example, which made me look much harder at European history than This project was supported for two years by a grant from the National my previous Africanist training had required, and I also taught a historical Endowment for the Humanities Translations Program (1982-4). survey of the non-Western world (as well as African surveys) that helped Scholarly debts must begin with the various students who have taken concentrate my thinking on a regional level. A faculty assistance grant the fairly numerous courses that relate to one or another aspect of this from Allegheny in 1982 allowed me to buy more materials, especially study that I have had the opportunity to offer at three institutions. microfilms of documents in archives outside Portugal. Teaching forces researchers to clarify their ideas, respond to questions, By 1984, I was ready to begin writing up my preliminary thoughts, and never forget to try to get to the h eart of issues. Students' questions, and thus I was very pleased to be chosen as a Fellow at the Carter G. term papers, and answers to examination questions always have the Woodson Institute for African and Afro-American studies at the Univer- sobering effect of showing one the relevance or irrelevance of one's ideas sity of Virginia. My experiences at the Woodson Institute were in every and forcing one to clarify and overcome obscurities. way worthwhile - I was in touch with other scholars who took an active My greatest scholarly debt is probably owed to Linda Heywood. She interest in my ideas and research, I met a number of people who helped has diligently read most of the book, often in several of the drafts, and me shape the American end of my research, and I was in an atmosphere she has consented to use, and at times to even assign, parts of the work in which questions concerning the diaspora of Africans to the Western to her own students at Howard University. She has, moreover, provided Hemisphere were received with great interest. Two years of hard work, a good sounding board for my ideas, and has improved the work that the first at the institute and the second teaching in the History Depart- follows. rnent at Virginia, have shaped the present book. Joseph C. Miller provided me with great collegial support while I was Revisions of the draft I prepared at the Woodson Institute were further at Virginia, and we often spent time discussing my research. Miller also influenced by my academic concerns. While at Virginia, I taught a course subjected the entire manuscript to several extended critical readings, on the military history of Africa and carne to appreciate the complexity of both as a colleague and later as a reader for Cambridge University Press. military history as well as its relevance to my study. A National Endow- This book has been made substantially richer and much better by his rnent for the Humanities Summer Stipend for the summer of 1988 al- intervention, even if he will no-t necessarily accept all my conclusions. lowed me to do still more research on military history, especially of the The participants at the various lectures and public presentations that I societies of the Atlantic basin. The Summer Stipend research allowed me gave at Virginia also helped immensely. In this regard I must not forget to expand my interest into the societies of Native Americans, and al- to mention William Jackson, in charge of research at the Woodson Instithough these societies are not a central concern of this book, that re- tute and a willing ear. William Taylor (University of Virginia) and I often search was useful for my chapters on rebellions. met to discuss subjects dealing with Latin American history - an espeTeaching at Millersville University of Pennsylvania (after 1986) has cially valuable set of meetings for me, since my background in Latin shaped revisions as well. Millersville required me to teach world history, American history was sketchy and often informal. I have also had very and the comparative approach of the course helped determine the way stimulating discussions with Ivana Elbl (University of Waterloo) and in which I handled political and legal systems . I used draft chapters in Martin Elbl (University of Toronto), which were all too infrequent over teaching and built a course, "The Atlantic Background to American His- the years; they have given me important insights, especially into ecotory," around the core of the book. nomic questions. Finally, I would like to thank those w ho shared their knowledge with I owe many debts for the work, both financial and scholarly. On the me by mail. P. E. H. Hair (University of Liverpool) provided me with financial end, research was funded by a grant from the Fundac;ii.o interesting bibliographic data and was willing to discuss the fine points Calouste Gulbenkian (Lisbon), 1981; by a faculty assistance grant from of documents with me. Alan Ryder (University ·of Bristol) shared his Allegheny College, 1982; by a fellowship at the Carter G. Woodson Insti- intimate knowledge of the Portuguese archives with me and provided tute (1984-5); and by a National Endowment for the Humanities Sum- me with valuable leads on the location of important sources. Adam Jones mer Stipend (1988). Along the way, some of my detailed research, espe- (Frobenius Institut, Frankfurt) gave me advice on sources and help with

X

Preface

linguistic and paleographic problems raised in some of the Dutch sources. Much of my research would not have been possible without the co. operation of a number of archivists and librarians, especially those who allowed me to obtain microfilm copies of documents by mail. A special thanks in this regard goes to Maria Teresa Geraldes Acabado of the Arquivo Nacional do Torre de Tombo in Lisbon, although readers of footnotes will also find traces of assistance from archives in France, the Netherlands, and Italy. I would also like to thank the staffs of the Rare Books/Manuscripts collections at the Library of Congress, New York Public Library, Boston Public Library, Oliveira Lima Library (Catholic University), and Houghton Library (Harvard University) for help with rare published items. Finally, I would like to thank Agustine Msiska (University of Zambia), Donald Vrabel (Allegheny College), Mary Alice ANTI Krahe, and Christine Guyonneau (both University of Virginia) for theu ARSI help with difficult bibliographic problems and interlibrary loans. The cartographic skills of Steven Wingard, formerly of the Geography BIFAN Department at Millersville, are gratefully acknowledged. I would also BM Rouen like to thank Pamela J. Bruton for her careful copyediting of the manu- BN Colombia script. A last item of thanks goes to the secretarial staff at the Carter G. BSGL Woodson Institute. Gail Shirley was always helpful and knowledgeable, and Mary Rose introduced me to word processing and guided me MMA through some of its intricacies. MMA, PRO UBL:BPL

Abbreviations

Arquivo Nacional do Torre de Tombo (Lisbon) Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (Rome) Bulletin, Institut fondamental de /'Afrique Noire (Dakar) Bibliotheque Municipale de Rouen Biblioteca Nacional da Colombia Biblioteca da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa Ant6nio Brasio, ed., Monumenta missionaria africana, series 1, 15 vols. (Lisbon, 1952-88) Ant6nio Brasio, ed., Monumenta missionaria africana, series 2, 5 vols. (Lisbon, 1958- 79) Public Record Office, London Universitets Bibliotek, Leiden: Biblioteca Publica Latina

xi

WEST AFRICAN STATES

1625

S CALf OF Mit.••

too

:roo

soo

0

Insufficient Informa tion

(::) ;::i::J

many small states

lgboa 62 (45-50 Independ ent atatoa)

Map 1. See Source Notes for Maps 1-3.

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CENTRAL AFRICAN STATES

Distribution of Population of African Origin in the Americas 1650

1625

Number of African or Afro- Creole Slaves

@

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0 - 4,999 Bahia

5,000 - 14,999 ll"ffT't'h-1+1..1- Sfto Paulo & Sio Vlcon le ............... Rio do Janeiro

•

9r eater t han 15,000

CJ

Effec tive European Contro l

Map4

Map 3· See Source Notes for Maps 1-3.

xiv

XV

Source notes for Maps 1-3 AFRICAN CULTURAL GROUPS

- m a p area

l)pper Guinea

Lower Guinea CULTURAL GROUPS

~

West Atlantic (Northern Gr oup)

liiiiiJ

West Atlantic (Southern Group)

ISSSSJ

Mande

h"""'' E:J

Eastern Kwa (Yoruba-Edo - lgbo)

~

We stern Bantu

Angola

Western Kwa (Akan-Ewe - Ga)

boundary of cultura l groups

Map5

Unfortunately, many Africanists produce maps of precolonial geography without adequate references to establish precisely how the boundaries of units were documented. The maps presented here are the result of considerable research and hence require considerable documentation, which is provided. The determination of state boundaries in precolonial Africa is a difficult task, largely because of the nature of the source material. For some regions, documentation specifies certain landmarks that separate one state from another, but in most cases, geographical information is fairly vague. This explains the widespread cartographic convention of placing names on maps without attempting to establish precise boundaries, a convention with some merit. Such a practice can produce an unnecessarily imprecise map; on the other hand, in most cases attempting to place boundaries gives an erroneou s impression that precision is possible. However, establis hing exact, even if arbitrary and perhaps inaccurate, boundaries does have its place, for example, in estimating the area or population of the polities in question. These maps have boundaries marked simply as a convenience to the reader and to show the precise areas used when making my estimates of population, given later in the book. In order to justify my decisions, I have appended here a gazetteer of the state names on the maps, with documentary source entries for each one.

Maps

1-2 :

West Africa, ca. 1625 (proceeding roughly north to south and west to east)

Senegal region (nos. 1-17): 1. Great Fulo. This state is known principally through the anonymous "Relacion" of 1600, which gives a list of its provinces on p. 48. These xvi

xvii

xviii

Source notes for Maps 1-3

provinces are identified in the Teixeira da Mota edition of the text, but the identifications have been corrected by Jean Boulegue ("Un empire peul dans le Soudan occidental au debut du XVIIe siecle," in Le parole, fe so/, l'ecrit: 2000 ans d'historie africaine (Paris, 1981]: 702), principally to include the headwaters of the Senegal and Futa Jallon mountains. Its borders on the Atlantic are more precisely defined by the boundaries of Kayor, Siine, and Wuuli. Saalum seems to have been absorbed into the Great Fulo Empire in the late sixteenth century (Andre Alvares de Almada, "Tratado breve dos Rios da Guine," 1594, MMA• 3:239). Sup. port for Boulegue's ideas about Great Fulo's southwestern border is found in de Almada's statement that the "Fulos" stood behind the Mandingas (Kaabu and Concho) "like a wall" and tha t they assisted the Souzos of Concho in wars against the Mane ("Tratado breve," MMA• 3=348, 370). 2. Kayor (Budumel, Encalhor). De Almada gives its borders ("Tratado breve," MMA• 3:239) as including the Wolof state of BaJa (Bawol) and the coast from Cape Verde to Cavaceira, including the coastal ports and their European merchants, and inland as far as Saalum (Bor~alo), which was then under Great Fulo. 3· Siine (Berbaciis). Andre Donelha lists Siine as the only independent Serer state (Descrifiio da Serra Leoa e dos Rios de Guine do Capo Verde (1 62 s) [modern ed. Avelino Teixeira da Mota, Leon Bourdon, and Paul Hair] [Lisbon, 1977], fol. 166v). Its borders are given in de Almada, "Tratado breve," MMA• 3:259. 4· Wuuli (Olimansa). De Almada lists it as ruling all the Mandingas north of the Gambia, while Kaabu ruled those to the south ("Tratado breve," MMA• 3=238). 5· Kaabu (Cabo). He was the most powerful king in the Upper Guinea West. Both de Almada (ibid., pp. 283, 298) and Donelha (Descrifiio da Serra Leoa) make him subordinate to Mali, but even if true this probably only applies to the p eriod before 1585, before the final weakness of Mali's power and the final establishment of the power of the empire of Great Fulo over the Futa Jallon region and the upper reaches of the affluents of the Senegal, which would have cut them off from Mali. In any case, the "Farim Cabo" had two powerful subordinate units: Braso (cited by Donelha, DescrifiiO da Serra Leoa, fol. 16), which ruled over the Rio Grande region, and Kasa (Casa, Casamansa), which dominated the Beafares and the upper Casamance River. They are not deemed to be sufficiently independent to warrant being delineated. Kaabu's jurisdiction seems to have reached the sea south of the Gambia except in the "wild" country of the Arriatas, Falupos, Jabondos, and Iziguichas, according to de Almada ("Tratado breve," MMA• 3=288- 9). The Buramos (Papels), straddling the north and south banks of the Rio Sao Domingos,

Source notes for Maps 1-3

xix

were not under Kaabu's sovereignty (de Almada, "Tratado breve,"

MMA' 3:299). The Banhuns in the Rio Grande region were on Kaabu's

southern border (de Almada, "Tratado breve," MMA• 3:298). Kaabu territory also bordered the Nalu country, which was under a ruler called Farim Cocoli (Kokoli) (Donelha, Descrifiio da Serra Leoa, fol. 16; de A]mada, "Tratado breve," MMA• 3:341). 6. Arriata . De Almada gives their location as along the coast as far as the shoals of Sao Pedro from just south of the mouth of the Gambia ("Tratado breve, " MMA• 3:288). 7. Falupo. De Almada has them stretch along the coast from the Arriatas to the Casamance River (ibid. ). 8. Jabondo. De Almada places them just inside the bar of the Casamance River on the north bank (ibid.). 9. Iziguicho. Placed by de Almada on the south bank of the Casamance controlling the mouth, along with the Jabondos (ibid. ). 10. Buramo. An independent kingdom north and south of the Rio Sao Domingos, with Mandingas (of Kaabu) as their inland neighbors (de A)mada, pp. 299-300). 11. Kokoli (Cocoli). Listed by Donelha (Descrifiio da Serra Leoa, fol. 16) as ruling the Nalus and oth er nations. Their coastal borders are given by de Almada ("Tratado breve," MMA• 3:339, 341) as extending from the "island of slaves" as far as the Rio Nuno (Nunez), where they divide with the Baga, the farthest north group of the "kingdom of the Sapes" (Mane kingdom), whose southern border is Cape Vega (de Almada, "Tratado breve," MMN 3:341; Baltasar Barreira to Joao Alvares, 1 August 1606, MMA• 4:168). 12. Concho (Souzos, Putazes, Farim Puta). This state bordered the Baga on the east, the border here being fixed a t approximately the foothills of the Futa Jallon range (de Almada, "Tratado breve," MMN 3=3445). On the north, according to de Almada, they bordered the Fulas (3:348), presumably the Fulas's southern province of Futa Jallon. De Sandoval described the ruler Concho as an emperor (Alonso de Sandoval, Naturaleza ... de todos Etiopes [Seville, 1627]; modern ed. , Angel Valtierra, Instauranda Etiopia salute: El mundo del esclavitude negra en America [Bogota, 1957], p. 62), and Barreira noted he had seven kings under him, including the ruler of Bena, who became a Christian (Barreira to Alvares, 1 August 1606, MMA• 4:169). The state of Concho seems to have included the Yalunkas of the sou thern Fu ta Jallon range (called Jalongas by de Almada (3:353), because de Sandoval calls them the "Zape Yalunka called Zozo" (Instauranda, p. 62) implying that the Concho (also called Soso) had h egemony over a group of Yalunka with some affinities to the p eople of the coast (Sapes). 13. Mane (Sapes, Sumbas). This was a large kingdom established in

XX

Source notes for Maps 1-3

Source notes for Maps 1-3

xxi

Sierr~ Le?ne by t~e Man~ invas.ions of ca.' 15~5· Contemporary s~urc~reference on the map illustrating~~ Marees (said to be drawn in 1572; see descnbe 1t as havmg a h1erarch1cal orgamzahon, de Almada spec1fyiniR Kea, Settlements, Trade and Polzttcs on the Seventeenth Century Gold Coast that all the kings had to pay royal dues (marefa) to a chief ruler situat~;~timore, 1982], p. 23- 5, for discussion) showing Incassa or a country somewhere to the south (p. 16.4), which Hair has suggested was t~'n ar that as being under a "cabessero" of the "Elephante Grande," the Cape Mount region, or the Kingdom of Kqoja (see annotation to Hat~an name for the empire of Mali (according to de Almada, "Tratado edition of Almada, notes 16.4, and Adam Jones, "Who Were the Vai?breve," MMA• y278). If cabessero is taken to mean an appointed official, Journal of African History 22 [1981]: 159-78). On this basis I have defin~hen Malian administrative control in the late sixteenth century must be the Mane kingdom as a single unit. I have placed its western border weSconsidered likely. Wilks cites local chronicles of the early eighteenth cenof the St. Paul River, as both Folgia and Manou, subunits mentioned b:tury suggesting a resurgence of Malian control in the area at the end of the Olifert Dapper (Naukeurige beschrijvinge der Afrikaensche gewesten .. . , ~<sixteenth century, although the exact nature of the evidence is unclear and ed. [Amsterdam, 1676], p. 42), seem to be located in that direction bumay be oral data of varying significance and interpretation (Ivor Wilks, east of the mountain ranges that reach almost to the coast in that regior'Wangara, Akan and Portuguese in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centu(see also the map in Jones, "Who Were the Vai?" pp. 160- 1, 172). Thries. I. The Matter of Bitu," Journal of African History 23 [1982]: 333-6). The Limba, mentioned by de Almada as successfully resisting Mane attackremainder of Mali's eastern border is arbitrary, simply giving it control of in 1594 (3:353), are listed among the kingdoms subject to the Mane bthe waters of the upper Niger basin. Donelha in 1625 (Descrifiio da Serra Leoa, fols. 11- 11v). Thus they an 16. Masina. This compact district represents the territory of Hamadi shown here as independent. Amina, a Fula ruler who cooperated with, then betrayed, Mahmud IV in 14. Limba. Mentioned most specifically as lying inland from the coashis attack of 1599 on Jenne (al-Sa'di, Tarikh al-Sudan, p. 279). Although a of Bullom (de Almada, "Tratada breve," MMA• Y35J). Hair identifieFula he appears to have been independent of Great Fulo, although it is them with the modern Limba, and his map has guided my location (irnot impossible that he was simply an eastern governer of the empire, edition of Donelha, Descrifao da Serra Leoa, fig. 13). since Wagadu, which borders Masina and may well have controlled it, was listed in the anonymous 16oo document "Relacion y breue suma Interior countries in the western Sudan: delas casas del reyno d el Gran Fulo" (in Avelino Teixeira da Mota, "Un 15. Mali. Despite its territorial losses in the late fifteenth and earldocument nouveau pour l'histoire des Peuls au Senegal pendant les sixteenth centuries to Songhay in the north, and to Great Fulo at the en;xveme et XVIeme siecles," Boletim Cultural da Guine Portuguesa 24, no . 96 of the sixteenth in the west, Mali still had considerable power in 16oo, th{1969], p. 48; reprint Agrupamento de Estudos de Cartografia Antiga, year after Mahmud IV's unsuccessful bid to take control of Jenne(' Abd alno. 56, Lisbon, 1969). Rahman b. 'Abd Allah al-Sa'di, Tarikh al-Sudan [modern ed., Olivie 17. Moroccan Pashalik. The Battle of Tondibi, 1591, and occupation of Houdas and E. Benoist, French trans. by Olivier Houdas, 2 vols. (ParisGao seem to have given the Moroccans undisputed power over the 1898-1900)], p. 279, all references are to the French translation in val. 2f\liger bend, just as their later occupation of Jenne gave them the whole which remained under Moroccan control. Its western provinces - Kaabu:>f the inner Niger delta . On the other hand, the resistance in Dendi put Wuuli, Concho, and Kokoli - are all shown here as having broken awa)UP by Askia Nuh clearly ended their sovereignty any farther down the although Donelha still speaks of the empire as having at least symboliNiger in that direction. I have assumed that they had administrative significance (Descrifao da Serra Leoa, fol. 16), but this is perhaps based o1:ontrol of all the Songhay provinces not contesting their rule. al-Sa'di earlier impressions from his visits in the late sixteenth century to thprovides details on the wars of the time that seem to define this boundGambia. Mali's southern border is a complete mystery; I have drawn a linilry well (Tarikh al-Sudan, pp. 224-80). at the headwaters of the upper Niger basin, enough to give it the cola producing lands cited by the Tarikh al-Fettash (Muhammad b. al-Hadjdj aJ::;old Coast (modern Ghana) region (Map 2): Mutakawakkil al-Kati [completed by ibn al-Mukhtar], Tarikh al-Fettasl The location and identification of the multitude of tiny states on the [modern ed. and French trans. , Olivier Houdas and Maurice Delafos~old Coast rely on two cartographical sources for the most part, the first (Paris, 1913-14; reprinted in one val., Paris, 1981)], p. 67) as being in itPeing the Luis Teixeira map that illustrated de Marees, drawn from inferpower in the mid- to late sixteenth century. I have extended its easternnation of the late sixteenth century and published in 1602, and the second border over as far as the town of Bighu, largely on the strength of thPeing Hans Propheet' s map of the states of the Gold Coast done at Mouree

xxii

Source no tes for Ma ps 1- 3

Source notes for Ma ps 1- 3

xxiii

on 25 December 1629 . These sources and contemporary documents hav1 . Sabeu. Shown w est of a river, probably the Pra, on the Propheet 33 been carefully studied by Kea, who has in turn attempted to identify th1 rnap, next to Komenda (Commendo). states and place them on maps of his own - an invaluable starting poi11J 34. Abrem (Abramboe). Located according to its neighbors, Komenda for the political geography of the seventeenth-century Gold Coast. (Commendo) and Futu (Futo) on the coast and Etsi (Atij) on the east, 18. Shabanda (Xabanda). On the Teixeira map just below "Elephant\ from the Propheet map. Grande" (see entry on Mali) on a n itinerary that lead s up the Tano Rive1 35 . Assin (Acan es p equenos, Akanij) . Kea has shown its location in (Rio Su eiro da Costa). the Pra basin from numerous sources, among them the Teixeira and 19. Ushu (Uxoo). Situated on same itinerary of map for Shabanda, at , Propheet maps (see discussion in ibid., pp . 85-6). bend in the river. 36. Etsi (A tins, Atij) . Both Propheet and Teixeira place it in the interior 20. Inkasa Igwiya (Caceres Aguines). On a major branch of same river, behind Futu (see also ibid., pp. 67- 9). on same itinerary as above. Probably same as Incassa Iggijna of thf 37. Komenda (Comane, Commendo). Location given by both ProPropheet map (d. Kea, Settlements, p . 74, who provides modern spelling) pheet and Teixeira . 21. Aowin (Famba). On same itinerary as above, cited as Famba it 38. Futu (Futo, Affuto). Location given by both Propheet and Teixeira. Dutch sources as well as Portuguese (ibid., 75, who provides a moderr 39. Sabu. Location given by both Propheet and Teixeira. name). 40. Fante (Fantin). This location is given only on the Propheet map. 22. Asoka (Bagno) . Located at mouth and east side of Tano on thf (All these coastal districts from Komenda to Fante are described in a Teixeira map . Kea supplies this n ame from late seventeenth-centul') wealth of contemporary documents, see ibid ., pp. 57- 64). sources (ibid., p. 76). 41. Akwamu (Abramboe). These people, whom Propheet described 23. Labore. East of river on Teixeira map's Tano itinerary, perhap! as "thievish," bordered on Akyem, Egu afo, and Accra, according to his bordering on Famba (Aowin, no. 21). map. 24. Wassa. Located approximately midway between the Tana and 42. Akyem (Acanes grandes, Akim). Its location is discussed in detail Ankobra rivers on Propheet's map . in ibid., pp. 86-8. It is found on both the Teixeira and Propheet maps. 25. Egwira (Alderrad a, Groot Inkasser). Located near Labore anc 43· Akan . This territory is given a location northeast of Akyem on the Famba (Aowin) on Teixeira's Tano itinerary, east of the river. Kea idenh Propheet map. Kea identifies it with Sekyere, though without much fies two locations on Teixeira's Ankobra River (Rio Mancu) itinerary, evidence (ibid., p . 86). Parisom and Brum, as being subunits of this state (ibid., p . 81). 44· Tafo (Tafoe). Mentioned in Portugu ese sources but not on the 26. Axim. Placed by numerou s documents on the coast at this locatior Teixeira map. It appears, bord ering "Akan," on the Propheet map (see and by the Propheet map (d. ibid ., p . 26). ibid., pp . 15- 17). 27. Ampira (Ampago). East of mouth of Ankobra on Teixeira's map 45· Abuna (Abaa ns, Bonoe). Mentioned in Portuguese sources as lyLegends on the map indicate that it warred with Alderrada (Egwira) ing on the route to Tafo, and appears in such a location on the Propheet suggesting the common border. map (ibid., pp. 26-32). 28. Boennoe. According to Propheet, these were a "simple p eople' 46. Aguano (Biambi). Placed here on both Teixeira (as Biambi) and whose land had no forest. Located here by reference to their neighbors Propheet maps (as Agwano, with Biambi as one of its towns), bordering 29. Kwifero. Located according to position of its neighbors frorr Accra. Propheet map. 47· Accra (Cracra). Shown here on both the Propheet and Teixeira 30. Adorn (Semsee). Located according to its position on the Propheemaps and well described in contemporary sources (ibid. , pp. 24- 6, 36, map. Kea (ibid., p . 81) makes the tow n of Semsee on Teixeira's Ankobr