Uncovering the History of Africans in Asia

Uncovering the History of Africans in Asia

Uncovering the History of Mricans in Asia EditnJt,·

Shihan de Silvajayasuriya and Jean-Pierre Angenot

BRILL LEIDEN • BOSTON 2008

C'.«wr iJJIIStrtltitm: "'''he Nizam's African Dodyguanl 81 du: 1877 Imperial Durbar: Mounted Toy Soldier by \V.M. Hocker... With kind permission of Kenneth mdjO)"Ce Robbins.

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Uncov-ering the history of Africans in Asia I edited by Shihan de Sih"ajayasuriya and Jem-Pierre Angen01. p.cm. Includes bibliographical rcf"et"Cnces and index. ISBN 978-90-04-16291-4 (pbk.: alk. paper) I. Mricans-Asia-History. 2. African diaspora. I.Jayasuriya, Shihan des. n. Angmnt,.Jem-Pierre. DS28.A35U53 2008 950.0496-dc22 2008009473

ISBN 978 90 04 16291 4 Copyright 2008 by Koninkl!jke BriO Nv, Lc:iden, The Nedu:dands. Koninklijke Bril NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotc:i Publishing, JDC Publishers, Maninus Nijho8" Publishers and VSP. All rights resenoed. No pan or this publicadon may be repmduced, trmslated, scored in a reaia'lll syscem, or transmiw:d in any ibrm nr by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, reconling or odu:nwile, without prior written permission from the publisher.

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CONTENTS

Foreword by

Tukumbi I.Aimumba-Kasongo ........................

Chapter One

General Introduction .................................... .. Shihon til Si/DQ Ja:~asur{1a & ]«m-Pil"e Angtnol

Chapter 1'Wo

Identifying Africans in Asia: \Vhat's in a Name? ......................................... Shihon til Si/DQ Jtgasuri.JO

Chapter Three The Afro-Asian Diaspora: Myth or Reality? ............................................................ G~n

Chapter Four

Chapter Five

Chapter Six

Chapter Seven

Chapter Eight

vii

7

37

Campbell

The African Slave Trade to Asia and the Indian Ocean Islands ..................................... &bm a CoUins The Makran-Baluch-African network in Zanzibar and East-Africa during d1e XIX Century ........................................................... &atria Nt&Oiini Somali Migration 10 Yemen from the I9th 10 the 21st Centuries ........................................... UiJa lngron1s & Richard Ponldttmt Nineteenth Century European References to the African Diaspora in the Arabian Peninsula ......................................................... C/Vfiwd Ptreim Migrants and the Maldives: African Connections .................................................... Shihon til Si/DQ Jtgasuri.JO

57

81

107

121

131

vi

Chapter Nine The African Native in lndiaspora .....................

139

}tanllle Pfnto Chapter Ten

Atligrants and Mercenaries: Sri Lanka's Hidden Africans .............................................................. Sllilum de Silva ]t9VlSUfiJVJ

155

Extensive Bibliography on the Afro-Asian Diaspora ................. Jtm~-Pil"t Angtnol & Gtralda til lima A,.,.ot

171

Notes on Contributors ................................................................

189

Index ...........................................................................................

193

FOREWORD BY TUKUMBI LUMUMBA-KASONGO Why, how, and when bad Africans or Blacks from the African continent found themselves in Asia? What pans of Africa did these Africans or Blacks originate from? Who were these Africans or Blacks who migrated to Asia? Where in Asia are there the majority of the people of African descent? Who and what have they become? How had they been grouping, integrated or disintegrated into various social and cultural fabrics of the Asian counuies? What is the level of social consciousness of their African-ness or Blackness, if any? And what contributions have they been making to the development of their communities in Asia? It is necessary that I firsdy describe the general background behind these interesting and complex studies; secondly, I would like to present a sincere CIJU/1 de dulptou to the Guest-Editor for a work well done; and thirdly, I invite our readers to read and use this book critically. I am working with the same Guest-Editor to produce another similar work on the same topic to be published in another special issue of 1111 Jt.ftiean ond Asian Sbulits in the Fall of 2007. By some ad hoc common historical knowledge and some limited anthropological, ethnographic and biological studies, it is known that there are people of African descent in many pans of Asia. However, d1e scholarship in this area though not static, is still minimum. It is limited in relationship to irs potential as it calls for questioning the conventional paradigms, and it is not intellectually legitimate yet. Many empirical and historical research projects are still needed to study collecti\'e and individual memories and stories of these people and how they bad become Asians like other Asian ethnic groups for centuries. "Thl4ftiean DiiJsfJIWa in ilsia: Historieal Gltllnings" whose Guest-Editors are Dr. Sbihan de Silvajayasuriya of the University of London in London, United Kingdom, and Professor Jean-Pierre Angenot of Federal University of Rondonia, Brazil, is a monumental and rich work. It is an innovative coUection of well-studied su~ects undertaken by established scholars dealing with various forms of migration of the Africans to Asia from an interdisciplinary and a multidisciplinary perspective. I thank them, including the authors, for having analyzed various aspects of a topic that goes beyond a simple logic of linear history in the process

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TUKUliBI LUKUitiBA•KASONGO

of studying the movements of people with their traditions, their hopes and dreams, and their power of social reproduction. Because of the complexity of the issues examined in d1is volume, I would like to invite the readers to contextualize d1e whole work within a broader intellectual discourse and historical perspeclives, to raise general issues related to the qualitative nature of the work itself, and to see how this work could help project the implications of the locations of large communities of people of African descent in Asia. After carefuUy reviewing each article included in this coUection, I shared my satisfaction with Dr. Shiban de Silva Jayasuriya. Thus, I decided to push for the publication of the special issue of the A.fiimn tmd Asian Sttulits as a book. In shon, it is my hope that the readers will appreciate d1e value of this work within a bigger historical and sociological picture as an important step in d1e further studies of both Africa and Asia. In 2004,1 was invited by ProfessorJean-Pierre Angenot to participate in one of his conferences organized through the TADIA International Network, to be held in Goa. In the same year, he made a request to me to explore any possibility of publishing some papers in lht A.ftictm tliUl Asian Studies. After l'e\riewing the abstracts he submitted, the list of possible contributors, and their professional affiliations, I appi"O\'ed the project for publication in the A.fiimn tliUl A.sion Situ/Us. "I11us, with high enthusiasm, I worked closely with Dr. Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya of the University of London, the Guest Editor, who carefuUy paid close attention to all the details for producing this work. I read each article with high interest and inteUectual curiosity to make sure d1at this work could produce high quality intellectual debates and d1at it stimulates funher discussion and scientific investigation. "I11e questions related to, and/or about, the African Diaspora at large have been extensively studied mainly through two main interrelated historical perspectives, namely European-American transatlantic slavery and European colonialism. "I11ey are the dominant areas of interest, which are part of the imperialist paradigms. The studies on African internal, regional slavery and the African autonomous or independent international migrations have been limited until recently. Thus, \\rithin the existing world system and its international commercial routes, communication technology, and the axis of power, Africa bas been more directly connected to Europe than to any other part of d1e world. For some, the phenomenon of Africans in Asia can be considered as enigmatic, random, individualislic or atomistic. But this is not the view shared with some aud1ors in this coUection. In d1is publication

FOREWORD

ix

a broad basis of motivations and trends have been studied. As W. E. Burghardt Du Bois expressed in his work entitled: Till WlWid tlllll Aftita,

(1985, p. 176): Tiac: COimection belween Asia and Amca has alwa)'S bc:e11 dose. There was probably actual land connection in prehistoric times, and l.lac: black race appears in both continems in the earliest records, making it doubtful which continent is the poinl of origin. Certainl)~ the Negroid people of Asia have played a leading part of history. The blacks of :Melanesia have scoured dae seas, and Charles Taiiber makes l.lac:m inventors of one of the world's finl wrillen lan~ thus, this gn:atest of all human iiM!ntions was made b)• aborigines whose descendants today rank among l.lae lowest, the proto-Australians.

"11te logic of this ciaation was clarified by ahe empirical facts in specific case studies in this volume. The work dealing \\litlt 1he specific hisaorical, physical and social movements or migration of Mricans or Blacks in Asia over 1he centuries is clearly a complex historical, sociological, ethnographic and pioneering work. It is a work that can help demystify, deconstruct, and attempt 10 reconstruct eahnicity (Black ethnicity} and its cultures and some of its history. No single tlteory can provide sufficient tools which would explain comprehensively the facaors that have led to movemenls of Mricans or Blacks and the implications and the consequences of their migrations. As such, I hope that this work will engender an imellectual curiosity and the space needed to challenge the conventional push-pull theory. The value of this work also lies in tlte fact ahat the authors have diverse academic and cultural backgrounds and 1ha1 they are intel· lectually located \\lithin ahe major schools of tltoughts in their various disciplines and interests. Also, the book is published at a time when the real and potential political debates about eahnicity in its various dimensions are, in moSl cases, fused and reduced in the languages of religions, power struggles, and in ahe forms of international security and capiaalist regionalism. While the arguments of the positive role of cultural diversity and multiculturalism are becoming internationaUy appreciated wluable tools and 1opics wiah which 10 formally assess institutional performances and their development, especially in academia and multinationals, the studies of specific eahnic groups, tlte races or cultures, are still considered \\litltin ahe existing world politics as threatening to the grand paradigm, namely tlte world system and its various categories. Slates and their institutions and many private and public institutions the world over

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TUKUliBI LUMUitiBA•KASONGO

are still politically resistant to dialoguing wid1 specific human histories. However, in the contexl of d1is book, the studies of the African Diaspora as a human and social history can create mechanisms of understanding people, a sine qua non condition for learning about them. 111e paradigms, methodological and analytical perspectives developed in this book were examined and appreciated wid1in d1e frameworks of the dynamics of d1e world political economy and the contemporary state and its cultures. ·1ne world of the states has defined the world using some precise tooJs such as physical territoriality, imagined and/ or real sovereignty, and population defined as citizens. But the call is to be critical to the state centric power as it has tendencies of obscuring history. ·1ne centrality of African historiography in the making of the world history or me humanity at large as the cradle of the humanity, though is sliD intellectually and historically controversial in some milieux, has been scientifically proven by African and non-African scientists. This centrality also challenged the arguments of the state-centrist in defining Africans or people of African descent. Cheikh Anta Diop, the Senegalese scientist, who popularized and internationalized the concept of Africa as the origin of civilization, ad\ranced the view that ancient Egyptian civilization, which is essentially Black or African, was in d1e origin of the Greek civilization, a civilization which had been appropriated as the foundation of Western European civilization. While dus work does not address Cheikh Anta Diop's propositions, various types of arguments advanced complement Diop's Afro-centric logic in terms of the necessity of the recognition of me contributions of the African and Black cultures in any pan of the world. ·n1is work covers many subtopics such as the nature of the relationship between Africans and the Arabs who live in Africa and are Africans, the Arabs in d1e Middleast, Buddhism, Hinduism, the Indian involvement in the commercialization of the slave trade before the transatlanlic slave trade, the lack of d1e intellectual and historical recognition of the African presence in the conventional historiography, etc. According to Roben 0. Collins, one of the authors in dus collection, between 800 AD and 1900 AD, the estimated population of Africans in Asia was approximately d1e same as the population of Africans sent to the Americas in four and a half centuries i.e. 12, 580,000. DemographicaUy, this is not a small number that should be ignored and/ or neglected in a monolithic and unilinear descriptive llistory.

FOREWORD

xi

"Unctmtri"lllu Hislmy of A.fiicllns in Asill" is a work of reference that can stimulate further debates about d1e contributions of the Africans in the contemporary world.

&fermcu Du Bois, \\~ E. Bulldwdc (1985} 'nt Hfdlfllfll ~ A• IRf'l!? iNti~ J!lrl ultidt .4ftit• lltu pllgttJ iR woriiTIJistD,_,: .4Jt <tlgrrnml NlititM, lllitiJ liiW rt'lilmg.s 1111 A.fritll, New \"ork: Jnccrnadonal Publishers.

CHAPTER ONE

GENERAL INrRODUCTION StntiAN DE Sn.vAJAYASURJYA

(King's College London, University of London) & JEAN-PIERRE ANoJENar (Federal University of Rondlmia, Brazil)

Asia and Mrica were both subjected to western intervention and commercial interactions, becoming part of a global economy. \Vhile West Mrica became a trading place for the Ponuguese from the 15th century, the interior of Mrica was not explored until the mid-19th century. Contact with the Portuguese inevitably resulted in exporting Mricans to Europe. The internationalization of the slave trade arguably weakened Mrica. Colonisation by European powers, each scrambling for a piece of Mrica, divided tribes and ethnolinguistic groups who had lived in harmony for centuries and put together rival groups. Asia also feU victim to western commercial interests, beginning wid1 the Ponuguese who controUed Indian Ocean trade for a hundred years, turning it into a Ponuguese lake. This was possible by breaking into and disrupting old and weD-established intra-Asian trading networks. Building farftung empires, olbtit maritime ones, took its toll, resulting in the shonage of human capital, loyal personnel, military men for acquiring and then defending territories. Within this process, Mrica feU victim to d1e exploitation of human resources, d1e already established sla\te trade o&ering a mechanism for it. Mricans were moved to far flung domains, not simply to the Middle East and South Asia but also to Southeast Asia, up to Japan and China. Japan, however, had staned to modernise, beginning from d1e Meiji ( 1868-1912) restoration. This enabled the Japanese to hold their own against American and European powers during the 20th century. Despite d1e setbacks foUowing the aftermath of World War II, Japan was able to rebuild its developing industrial base and compete in world markets, beginning in the 1950s. Initially mimicking western technology and manufacturing at a lower cost than d1e West, Japanese C 2008 ling on rice which is d1e staple food of the countr)•. General Braybrooke had considered the climate of Sri Lanka as being unsuited to the Jr# of Mozambique. The Jr# Companies of the Ceylon Rifle Regiments employed on the public worlts of the colony, had for several years penetrated the depdlS of the jungles and tl1e mountain ranges where it would have been impossible for any other men to have worked. It had been difficult to estimate the age of these K1dJits but judging by d1e length of service with the British, it was estimated that many of them were efficient hardwortcing men until the age of 60. Thq• had lasted for longer than any other men could have lasted under similar circumstances. He also commented that d1e climate of Sri Lanka was inimical to d1e Jr4ir and that it was thought difficult for them to rear children. In 1861, there had been 126 men and 655 married women in the Regiment, which included Malays, Hindoos, and KldJits. There had been only 995 children of both sexes. In 1861, there had been one company of K1dJits in the Regiments. If

S.L.N.A., 4/3, Bathurst to BI'OWJ'Irigg No. 46 of 8th june:, 1816. S.L.N.A., 6/1479, A.M.S. to C.S., 9th Dc:cembr.r IR3.'i. s S.L.N.A. 2/50 (Cq..on) E~utio.-e Council Proor.cdings, 27th l'ebruiU)' 1861. 1

~

mENTJPYING AFRICANS IN ASIA

19

K#f could be obtained from Mozambique, it was thought that two or three di\risions of pioneers should also be composed of them as they could be com•ened to soldiers at any time and might act as feeders to the Regimem. The Ceylon Executive Council had considered the possibility of sending a recruiting pany to obtain Kqfftrs from South Africa but had postponed the mission. As early as 1545 the Ponuguese Crown forbade the sons of Ponuguese settlers in the colonies from being enlisted as soldiers, d1ough d1is proved impractical and by 1634 only soldiers of a high degree of European blood were enlisted into the higher le\•els of d1e military and naval forces. h1 the 16th and 17th centuries, d1e Ponuguese raised some Indian auxiliary troops called Lastorins {lA.seatS} and Sipais (Stf»ys). They found that the Konkani-Marathi troops of d1e West Coast of India did not make good soldiers, and as a result they did not make as much use of them as the French and British (in later years). Instead the Ponuguese relied much more on the African slaves. African sla\•es defended d1e Macau fon against Dutch freebooters in 1622. Africans also helped the Ponuguese to defend Hormuz against a Persian assault in 1622. In 1651, the Governor of :Macau requested "Negro, sla\res rather than Eurasians from India. An artillery regiment raised in Goa, in 1773, included Europeans and also Europeans born in J\sia. It was only after a royal decree enforced b)• Pombal in 1792 d1at racial discrimination was eliminated from d1e armed forces of Ponuguese Asia. The Dutch also employed African militian1en and bandsmen in Ceylon prior to the island falling into British hands. In the 17th and 18th centuries, the Portuguese had successfuUy excluded other Europeans from the Mozambique, and indeed the East African slave trade. By 1800, however, d1e Portuguese had ceased to be a world naval power in the Indian Ocean. Clifford Pereira (personal communication) who has carried out archival research in d1e National Maritime Museum, London, has demonslrated lhat by d1is time Ponugal was relying increasingly on East India vessels to transpon people (soldiers, administrators, clergy, setders and domestic servants} as weD as mail and goods between Asia (Goa, Macau and Timor} and the Adantic (Brazil, the Azores, Madeira and Lisbon). At this time there was a shonage of soldiers in British Ceylon which became a British colony in 1802. The British Governor, Sir Frederick Nonh appealed for a regiment of West Africans, perhaps by buying slaves and training them as soldiers. At first the idea was to create a "Ctdfte Corpr' but then Sir Frederick Nonh decided to expand this to a regiment of perhaps

20

SJIII·IAN DE SILVAJAYASURIYA

I ,000. 111e most olnrious sources were the Portuguese settlements of Goa, Daman and Diu and a series of correspondences were initiated between Sir Frederick North and Sir \V'Il6am Clarke, the British ambassador in Goa at that time. Between 1802 and 1810 British troops of the 84th regiment were based in Goa and the creation of se\'eral battalions of Goan troops took place. The English merchant, Charles Forbes, corresponded with a Goan "to pay the bearer the sum of Rs 150, Bombay Rupees, the price of one Ctdfit, and take his receipt for the amount".• lnjuly 1804, the British Ambassador had collecced fifty Africans through a Colonel Ta)•lor, a buying agent, to ship co Colombo and found a Captain Scou co cranspon any number of them for 2000 rupees on board the Hercules. It appears d1a1 there was some friction between the three parties regarding the pricing of d1is human cargo, suggesting chat these Africans were slaves. The process of sending these Africans 10 Ceylon was later hampered by the actions of the Catholic church in Goa, which refused the sacrament to any Portuguese who sold slaves 10 the Protestant Eng6sh. Despite Sir William Clarke's insistence that be could work around chis, Sir Frederick North decided it might be beuer to purchase d1e soldiers at their source in Mozambique.) A ship was subsequendy despatched co Mozambique and loaded with almost fh•e hundred African men (and a few women}. Despite the loss of many Africans due 10 fighting (with the Indian St~·s) and disease aboard the ship, the majority made it to Colombo. Additionall)~ some Africans were taken from captured French ships. Hence the Third Ceylon Regiment was created, predominandy with Africans. Two years later, in 1808, the British parliament passed an Act oudawing slave trading by all British subjects. l11e Third Ceylon regiment fought in the 1815 war against the King of Kandy, where the British were \rictorious and the entire Island came under British rule, a feat that the two pi'C\rious colonisers of the island-the Portuguese and the Dutcb-w·ere not able lo achieve. In the 1820's there was a se\•ere drought and famine in the Zambesi valley. The effect of this natural event on the Afro-Portuguese (~o) landlords was 10 undermine their agricultural activities. The trading fairs (Ftim.s} were slopped and banditry became common place. Thousands of destitute and starving Africans were sold as sla\•es. During the 1820s and 1830s the British started pressurising the Portuguese to put an

1

~

Mhamai House Ra:corcl~: 7January 1813. Sla\-es fmm C'.oa to Bomb&)t Nonh/Ciarke correspondence in PRO C055/34.

mENTJPYING AFRICANS IN ASIA

21

end to the slave trade. The establishment of an independent Brazil, in 1922, and the move by Brazil to allow Britain the right to search ships canying slaves in 18261ed to a decline of slaves being exponed around the Cape of Good Hope and new markets were sought in Asia (including Goa). When the drought broke out in the 1830's, the econom)• had changed to one based on slavery and Brazil had declared that slave-running was an act of piracy. The Tonga peoples returning to dle river valley and d1e Mro-Ponuguese families combined to raid people from far inland in the Shire and Laun""a valleys. At the sanle time the PltlQ) families had developed closer ties with the coastal Swahi6, who would transpon the slaves to the matkets of dle Middle East via Mozambique Island, Kilwa, and Zanzibar. Slaves were shipped to Goa and Macau while others were often recruited into the militia eid1er in Mozambique or in Asia. The slave trade from Zanzibar to dle Middle East was only abolished b)• the Hamenon Treaty of 1847. British naval patrols covered dle area from Nonhero Mozambique to Baluchistan {Pakistan). By 1881, d1ere was a considerable British anti-slavery naval force in Eastern Africa, utilising Zanzibari, East African, Arab and Goan seamen. The term Kqffir has been borrowed by the African people themselves as KtfultL The term has no ethnological value as the Kqffin have no national unity. According to d1e Encyclopedia Britannica (1911), it was used to describe d1e large famil)• of Bantu negros inhabiting the larger pan of the Cape, the whole of Natal and Zululand and the Ponuguese dominions on the east coast, south of the Zambesia. K'!lfir is also loosely used for any negroid person in South Africa. Tile Bechuana, for example, in the Transvaal and Orange Free State are usually called Kqffin. The Kqffirs in South Africa are divided into Amo Zulu, Amo SuYLti and Amo- Ton/Ju. The Kqffin proper are represented by Amo-Xostl, the Ttmbu and the Pontlo. Therefore all the Kqffir people are collectively called .{,ulu-Kqffir. Se\•eral broken tribes were intermediate between these two branches and are called Amo-lingr1 i.e. 'wanderers' or 'needy' people, from the word/tngUQl ('to seek senrice'). The .{,ulu and Amo-Xaso regard the Amo-Ftngu as slaves or outcastes, who do not have aD)' rights to dle pri,rileges of the true-born Kqffirs. I was told by people of African descent in Sri Lanka that some of their ancestors have come from South Africa {de Silva Jayasuriya 200 I, 2003, 2005, 2006). The South East pan of the Cape Province of Soudl Africa was called Kqjpllrill. Kqffonia (or 'land of the Kidfn') is not an officiall)• designated area presendy. Hunter (1873: 338-342)

22

SJW·IAN DE SILVAJAYASURJYA

reports that the c'!lftes (who occupied a region more eastward to the Hollmtos) were not of the proper negro race, but chat they ha\re woolly hair like the negros. The people of K4foist11n ('land of the infidels'), a province of Afghanistan were called K:Jdits. They are mostly descended from the broken tribes of eastern Afghanistan, who refused to convert to Islam, in the IOth centul'); and were driven out I>)• tl1e swordsmen of Mahomet. Before the conquest of Abur Rahman, all the K'!/firs seem to have been ancestor-worshippers or fire-worshippers. So, a native of tile Hindu-Kush mountain in the north-west of Afghanistan is also called a Kqftr but they are nol negroid and are not from the African migran1s. Kafiris1an was renamed Nuristan ('land of light or enlightenment') after tile people convened to Islam at the turn of che 20th century. Burnes ( 1833: 306-307) disagrees witl1 tile suggestion 1hat the)' are of Greek descent, and descendants of Alexander the Great of Macedonia. He considers ahem co be "aborigines of the plain who fled to their present ele\rated abode in the wars tl1at foUowed the introduction of Muhammedanism. Bowen (1944: 56-7) wrote on the 'Rtd K:Jdits' and 'Bitldc KAjirs' and tried to distinguish between lhem by "tile filtl1 in which tile Bl«k Kt~firs live, and the fair hair and complexion of lhe Rtd KAjirs". Some Afro-Sri Lankans seem to connect tl1eir ethnonym with a place called JGNjJ, which according to their oral history is an island. In 1907, the Capuccin missionaries calculated that 6,000 to 8,000 sla\•es were exponed annuaU)• from Kaffi (Pankhurst 1964: 222). Kf!!fo is a region in Etl1iopia and some Afro-Sri Lankans believe 1ha1 it is tl1eir ancestral homeland. They are not able to describe it in delail. Some Afro-Sri Lankans believe chat the place of their origin has gi\ren ahem 1he ethnonym /(#. The term Kqffir is a colonial carry 0\rer which has been borrowed by tile indigenous languages as AII/Jiri in Sinhala and Atl/Jili in Tamil. /("#. was pan of tile Abyssinian empire and was in Nort11 Ease Africa. The people of JGNjJ who are called kt~ficho are said to have been from che same stock as tile Northern Abyssinians. They intermarried with the Muslim Gal/tiS but remained Christians.

Sitli Terms used by the British for African seamen became echnonyms. ~ StW, &idee, &it!J, &itltlu, Sgdee, SllutJi, Sitli, Silf1, SUIIli, Silll!1 and Sillhi are terms used for Afro-Indians and Afro-Pakislanis. In Pakistan, Skid~ Sltidi

mENTJPYING AFRICANS IN ASIA

23

&lu&k4 S/tjJij Situlri, SU/i are some of the names that describe people of African descent. According to Badalkhan (personal communication), dle term SIIUJi is used in the Sind and Karachi but rarely in Balochistan. Abdulaziz Lodhi ( 1992) suggests that the word Siddi has its origins in StyvJi which means 'captive' or 'prisoner of war' in Arabic. Slaves were chattels, similar to livestock in many respects. They were not slaves because d1ey were 'outsiders'; they were slaves because d1ey were born to sla\res, or had been rightfuUy ensla\red. Despite dle clear legal definition, slaves were allocated a bewildering variety of social roles, from emirs to outcastes (Ciarence-Smidl 2003). Rulers relied on militaJy and adminis1rative slaves 10 such an extent 1hat they sometimes seized power. Eunuchs were treated as officials and harem guards as their genitals had been partially or entirely remO\red so that 1hey could not fadler any heirs (Toledano 1998). A connection, between commercial penetration of Eastern Africa by outsiders and dle appearance in the interior of new political structures, was occurring as the 19dl century progressed. The de\relopment of Zanzibar under Omani rule is pan of d1is process. As the demand for slaves, ivory and plantation products grew earty in d1e century, traders were attracted to the island of Zanzibar and Indian financiers serviced the trade caravans and provided goods on credit. Seyyid Said carefuUy nurtured Zanzibar's commercial community and it rapidly atlracted much of 1he inland lrade dlat for lhree centuries had been brought to Mozan1bique Island and dle Zambesi towns (Newitt 1995: 267). Sa)ryid Said was 1he first Sultan of Muscal, Oman and Zanzibar, in 1821. He died on 19th October 1856. At that time, the Omani kingdoms included Oman, part of Yemen, Hormuz and Makran Coast {modenl·day Iran and Pakistan}. Clifi,rd Pereira {2006: personal communication) found the ethnonym, SUJi, appearing in shipping records referring to people from dle Omani Sultanate from 1851 onwards. It appears that people from the Sultanate were simply called lhe Sidi (a contraction of the Arabic word StwUJ). Tile contraction would probably have been made by Bantu-speakers. The word Sitli seems to have then become an ethnonym for some Africans in India. Tiley could have been Swahili, African or Arab from Aden. Ewald (2000: 83) confirms that the British called African seanlell O>Oth enslaved and free} &ttlil.s, in the 19dl century. Ommanney (1955: 162-3) refers to 'Bombay, a 'SU/i boy', who was a survi\'Or of a larger number of Arabs and African ratings taken on as firemen and stokers in His Majesty's ships before and during d1e

24

SJIII·IAN DE SILVAJAYASURIYA

Firsc World War. They were called 'Sidi boys' by the navy as they were subjects of the &yyid, as the Sullan was known in his dominions. There had been several 'Sidi boys' in Zanzibar at thai time. They had been distinguished by their old-style naval rating, directness, sophistication, self-pride and by their fluency in English. An Eng6shman was astonished to be greeted by his friend's "coal black" cook who said "Back in 11 ji/Ji sit. Jut gorn tltllln lilt m~~d.for 11 lulll OllJios; clullk!". AU d1ese 'SU/i boys' had drawn a pension from d1e Admiralty. They were \rery proud of d1eir service in dle navy, in the hot stokeholds of coal-burning ships. Bombay had spoken English, French, German, Arabic, and his mother-tongue Kiswahili. 'Bombay' had been a tourist guide in Zanzibar after his retirement from the navy. Sidi was originally a tide of honour given in Western India lo African Muslims holding high positions under the kings of Deccan as in SUk/i 'Jiuplt, for example. Nowadays il is also a clan name and some Afro-Indians have names such as Laurence Siddi andjohn Siddi. Basu (1992: 260-261) slates chat d1e ethnonym of the Siddis is Hllbshi. Many scholars have implied chat SUJi derives from S;vl meaning 'master' or 'ruler' in Arabic. Pereira (2006: personal communication) points out that the word Sidtli has its etymon in the Arabic word Styidi/Sq)wtli/ StgtdJti meaning 'lord or master' and d1a1 it was app6ed to people of African descent as a tide (i.e. Master or Lord) because it was the term with which they called their masters. He adds that the term Sut/i or Sidi does appear in 19th century British sources as applying to people of African descent in Western India (Maharashtra, Gujarat) or to the men of African and Arab descent who worked as stokers in the boRerrooms of steamships. Initially, Africans in India seem co have been called Hllbshi TI1en the word mfte seems co have been introduced by the Portuguese from the late l6d1 century upto dle 18th century. The word Kidftr (from the Arabic word ql!ft which means 'non-belie\rer1 does not imply thai one's origins are African. It is not a derogatory term, in this context. In Sri Lanka, the population census reports from d1e colonial era recorded Kqffirs as a separate ed1nic group. The term was retained in independent Sri Lanka. There are Kt!ffin in Soud1 Africa and in Kalash in the Nord1-West Frontier of India, for example. TI1e Kt!ffin in Kalash are not African in origin. Ia is not clear exacdy when d1e terms Hllbshi and Kil.ffir began to decline in use. The term Sitli seems to ha\re been introduced by the

mENTJPYING AFRICANS IN ASIA

25

British in the 19th century. Sidi describes Africans in Gujarat and K.arnaraka today. Africans in Andra Pradesh caD themselves CJu.sll as they identif}• themselves with the Yemeni Muslims. They hm'e a multiple identity and also call themselves Sidi among other ethnonyms.

Mokrani, S]oll, Dodo, Gulom, Zongi/Hlri In addition to being called Sllidi, in Pakistan, people of African descent are called Mokroni, Dodo, Syoll, Gulam and Zongibtwi. According to Badalkhan (2005: personal communication), the terms most commonly used are S)Vlh ('black') or Gulmn ('senranllsla\'e') in the interior of Balochistan. In Karachi one also hears Dot/a (both 'd' are retroflex} but it is considered a pejorative term and not liked by the Sllitlis themselves. S)-oh ('black') and Gulam Cslave' or 'servant') are of Persian deri\ration while IJoJIJJ could ha\'e its origins in the Urdu word Dotlogiri which means 'strength or strong'. The meaning of Dodo is ambiguous and according to Badalkhan (2005: personal communication) the word means 'champion' or 'athlete' in Karachi today. Afro-Pakistanis never use this term to identifY themselves; only others call them as such. Therefore, it does not qualifY as an ethnonym. Mokrai is simpl)• a person from the Makran region. Its origins stem from the early migrants from Balochistan to the then newly cosmopolitan city of Karachi, who were blacks from Makran, who called themselves Mokrtuti. Now the term has got rooted among the non-Baloch population of the Sind and Punjab but it is not correct to call them Mokrani for the reason that they are black. Indeed skin colour is not a determinant of race or ethnic group in .1\sia, where there is much variation in hues. Zongibtzti probably is a reference to people who have come from Zanzibar which is nowadays in Tanzania.

Although Hobslti, Kidfir and Sidi, are more often used, Africans are called Oulusll in India. According to Esma Durugonul (2005: personal communication) d1e term Clltlush is an Ottoman military term and is still in use. II means sergeant or llolbmlilr (from d1e French word lltlltbtlrtk which means 'a soldier with a pole and an axe or spear') of d1e Sultan's

26

SJIII·IAN DE SILVAJAYASURIYA

bodyguard; herald, messenger, musician of the Palace. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, Clulush is a Turkish messenger, sergeant or lector. Chaush is the name given to the Yemeni communities living in Hyderabad. Afro-Indians in Hyderabad also caD themselves Chaush as they identity themselves with Yemenis (Minda 2005). The etymon of Chaush could be the French word dulussts which refers to hose, covering the body from waist to foot or breeches. In Medie\ral times, it was used to refer to the armour for the legs and feel. The word may have been used to refer to the Yemeni army in British India whose military uniform includes dulusses. The Oxford Eng6sh Dictionary states that chausses (plural of the noun) are pantaloons or tight cO\rerings for the legs and feet, especially of males, forming part of a knight's armour.

.Maeuo Sometimes the African tribal name was used to refer to Africans probably because d1e incoming Africans called d1emselves by d1eir tribal name. Agostinho do Rosario, a black of 'mama caste' was enslaved to Father Marinho do Rosario, Commissary General of d1e Hospitalliers of Stjohn, in Goa. The m«UUIS are an ethnic group in Africa. As castes are considered distinct groups in India, the reference to a 'maaJil caste' is understandable. This most probably refers to people of the INI&Ua tribe who are in Mozambique. Eduardo Medeiros (2003) points out d1at the term .~1akoo refered to Africans being taken to Madagascar as slaves.

Ortmg Btlontla Hilllm African migrants to Indonesia were part of the Dutch colonial regime. They were called Orang <ulllo Hilom (which means 'Black Dutchman' in &htlStl lntltnwio). TI1q• were Ghanaian soldiers who were recruited by the Dutch in d1e mid-19th century. The Dutch had paid salaries to the &/ant!JJ Hitom and had offered them passages back to Elmina once they retired from the army. Some remained with their Indonesian wives and families but after 1955, d1ey had been forced to leave Indonesia ~d1er with the Dutch and the people of European and Indonesian descent (Van Kessel 2005: personal communication).

mENTJPYING AFRICANS IN ASIA

27

K'unlun An examination of Chinese sources reveals another term for Africans. In China, black slaves were called K'unlun, a term which describes darlt-skinned people including Africans. K'unlun were employed as divers in Chinese pons to caulk the seams of boats with oaksum due to their strength and ability to keep their eyes open underwater (Invin 1977: 71). The Chronicle of the Sung Dynasty in 976 recorded that an Arab merchant bought 'a black K'un Lun slave with deepset eyes and black body' (Chou Jukua 1911: 599). ltsing. a Chinese Buddhist monk visiting Srivijaya (the Buddhist kingdom in Indo-Malaysia with its headquaners inja\ra) in 671 AD reponed that the Chinese Buddhist monks, besides studying Sanskrit, mastered a language called K'unlun. According to Sneddon (2003: 41), the Chinese called any indigenous language, K'unlun, and in this instance it referred to Malay. According to Asher (1994), K'unbm was almost certainly a form of Malay and was widely used as a &ngua franca in the area. TI1e Chinese Tang era (618-906 AD) refers to K'unlun or black African slaves, described as a rare luxury item of no economic importance (Balazs 1932: 13).

Ftd.tulto and FaltJShmum In Israel, there are se\reral terms to describe Africans. According to Kessler (1996), Falasha is from ancient Ed1iopic, or Ge'ez, meaning 'an exile' or 'a stranger'. TI1ey have a Bible and a Prayer Book in Ge'ez. Kessler is not convinced that it is a derogatory term unless it is used as an insult. The idea of exUe is because they were living in Galut or Exile from d1e Promised Land and he points out that it did not apply when they came to Israel. The Falasluls are believed to ha\re been comrened by Jews living in southern Arabia in the centuries before and after d1e Christian Era. TI1ey have remained faithful to Judaism and ha\re not coanrened to Christianity when the powerful kingdom of Aksum convened in the 4th century AD. Thereafter, the FalllslltJS were persecuted and were forced to retreat to the area around the Lake Tana in nonhen1 Ed1iopia. From 1980 to 1992, some 45,000 Falasluls fted drought and war-stricken Ethiopia and emigrated to Israel. Falaslul is a person wid1 no right to own land. It refers to Ed1iopian Jews since d1e time d1e Ed1iopian Negus (emperor) took away their tide deeds. The FaltJShmuras

28

SJIII·IAN DE SILVAJAYASURIYA

are FolllSiuu (Edliopian Jews) who have convened to Christianil)• due to various reasons such as economic hardship and persecution. Due to the Israeli law of return, they are entided to come lO Israel if d1ey can trace a maternal Jew in their geneaolog}t Man)• Folasha families have Falashn1ur11S within d1eir family. In addition, there are several thousands of "Black Hebrews" now in Israel and most live in dle soud1ern mwn of Dimona ffadmor 2003). The "Black Hebrews" are a community which emigrated to Israel in the 1970s from the United States. They had claimed to be 'the originaiJews'. Most of them came lO Israel as tourists and simply stayed after their visas had expired. The lsrae6 goven1ment decided to give them permanent resident status in July 2003.

Mulallo The terms used for the offSpring of Africans and Portuguese unions reveals their African ancestry. Mulatto was a Spanish and Portuguese term which means 'a person of mixed African-European' heritage and was used in the Americas after the 16th century. Gemelli-Careri, the Italian docmr who visited Goa in 1695 found dlat the city of Goa was teeming with multlltos. He stated that "There are also an abundance of Cqfrts and Blacks; for there are Ponuguese that keep d1irty or forty, and the least six or twelve; lO carry their umbrella, and Andora, and other mean Employments; nor are they at an)• other charge to keep dlem, but a Dish of Rice at Noon, and another at Night; for d1ey have no other Garments but what d1q• brought out of their Mothers' Wombs" (Sen 1949: 188). The statistical record of Goa and its neighbourhood in 1797 records Mulllltos.6 Jeanette Pinto ( 1992: I 06) points out dlat people of Afro-Ponuguese descent were called Mulattos in India. The British also borrowed the term mulatto lO describe any person of mixed ancestry including those with African and Asian parentage.

SltDJtS and Frttd Slovts 'When historical documents refer to slaves and freed slaves, their ethnicity is not specified. As tstrtllNJ (the Portuguese word for sla\re} and ka.ffir were synonymously used widely, Jeanette Pinto ( 1992: 97} deduces

h

MoDCiOr.s do Reino, MS 177-A(l7796-98), p. 317.

mENTJPYING AFRICANS IN ASIA

29

that it indicates the widespread usage of Africans as bondsmen. When the term slave is used without an adjective it is not possible to work out d1e ed1nicity of the slave. TI1e term slave could be confused wid1 indigenous systems of sla\'el')'. In Ancient India, the slaves were mainly Indians who lived in the region and were bonded to labour; thq• were insolvent debtors who worked for their masters to pay off their debt. In later Medieval India, the ethnicity of d1e slaves changed with the arrival of d1e Moghuls and the Europeans. TI1en the word sla\'e referred to a multiplicity of ed1nicities: African, Arab, Indian, Chinese andjapanese {Pinto 2006: personal communication). Pinto {1992: 32) draws attention to the fact that sometimes African sla\'es were simply referred to as {the Portuguese word for cargo) in ship records. A ship that came to Daman had listed several slaves under the heading of Cargo.' De Silva (1972) distinguishes between Kqffirs and slaves and also becween servants and slaves. Pieris (1973) describes the Dutch defeat of the Portuguese in jaffi1apatam where "300 armed Toupas and Kil./ft!s•••• slaves. ..." emerged from the fon. Pieris (1973) in his book "Some documents relating to the Rise of d1e Dutch Power in Ceylon, 1602-1670, from the Translations at the India Office, London refers to Kidfirs and slaves as distinct categories. Kqfftr mercenaries are mentioned. TI1ere is no mention of Ktdfo sla\'eS. Perhaps the Portuguese bought KidJir sla\a in Africa and then trained them as militia in Goa to whom they then paid salaries. VOC officials employed African and Asian slaves as domestic servants, housemaids, concubines and seamstresses. In this pool of multiethnic slaves, the Dutch stereotyping of slaves diftered across time and setdements. They ge11erally considered Asian sla\'es to be cleaner and more intelligent than d1e African slaves, who were, according to the Dutch, more suited for hard physical labour. This ethnic stereotyping meant that the male African slaves were put to work in the fields and to build fortresses while the Asian slaves were engaged in domestic work or as artisans. However, African slave women were not employed in d1e fields; they were housemaids, wet nurses, seamstresses and domestic servants. A system of gender stereotyping existed within the ethnic stereotyping of slaves. TI1ere were two different categories of Dutch in Sri Lanka: d1e VOC (' Vtrm,gdt Oost-JtuliKht Compagnir} employees and the Vljburgen ('free burghers'}. The distinction between these two categories was not maintained in the British era and both groups became

Cowa

1

Afliw/lgd ill .Ddmao, MS 6777 (J 796-1841), p. 19.

30

SIW·IAN DE SILVAJAYASURIYA

known as Burghers. The Jtfjburgm came to the Island for private business and trade. They ran bakeries, inns and taverns, for example. Colombo became the seat of goven1ment since the Dutch capture in 1656. Its inhabitants were mainly Sinhalese Buddhists. The Jtiibutgm engaged their sla\"es in their businesses as artisans or as labourers. When the British took over and the Burghers (who included bod1 the VOC o8icials and the J+gbutgm) were reduced to a lower socioeconomic status, their slaves also suffered. Ne\"enheless, slaves were an income general· ing asset and were hired out by their owners when they needed extra income. Benolacci ( 1817: 59) commented that a few Burp)m supported themselves by hiring out their slaves to work as bricklayers, palanquinbearers, house-sen•ants, and in od1er similar jobs. Slaves were bound to give their masters whate\"er part of their wages that exceeded what was required for the supply of the mere necessities of life. The slaves that the Dutch possessed at the time of capitulation, in 1796, were looked upon as their private property and were doomed to continue in senritude and so were d1eir descendants in all future generations; their master had d1e right to dispose of d1em to Dutchmen, Burghers or Sri Lankans. There were nearly an equal number of female and male slaves. In total, d1ere were about 8,000 to I 0,000 slaves according to Benolacci (1817). When d1e parents were unmarried, the child of a slave by a free woman was not a slave, but a child of a free man b)• a female sla\"e is a slave to the woman's master. This was based on Roman Dutch law •on d1e principle that the fruit follows after the womb'. The rate of reproduction in female slaves was low, probably due to malnourishment and their physicaU)• demanding occupations, and was therefore an insignificant source of suppl)' for captive labour.. The Dutch, however, introduced humanitarian ideas about slavery almost a century prior to the British. The Dutch applied the same principles and code for dealing with slaves in Batavia and in Sri Lanka. By 1771, the Dutch had reduced the number of slaves in Sri Lanka. The transfer of slaves was made more difficult by 1787. Christian slaves were not transferable. Dutch law to reduce and abolish sla\"ery was already in place in Sri Lanka when the British arrived on the Island; it was confirmed in 1802 after the British had taken over. Anyone who attempted to enslave a freeborn person was fined I 00 rix dollars. Ne\"erdleless, slavery continued in the Dutcll era and when the Dutch capitulated, female slaves were wonh I 00 ridis (£3 4s 8d) and males were valued at 50 ridis (£1 13s 4m Africa, across the Sahara, Red Sea, and East Africa and the Indian Ot:ean, 800-1900 and 16()()-1900. Trans-Saharan African Sla\"C Expons: Period 800-1600

4,670,000

1601-1800

1,400,000

1801-1900

1,200,000

800-1900

Total

7,270,000

African Sla\-e expons across the Rr.d Sea: Period 800-1600

1,600,000

1601-1800

300,000

1801-1900

492,000

800-1900

Total

African sla\l: expons across

Ea.~•

2,392,000

Africa and lhc Indian QcQn:

Period 800-1600

800,000

1601-1800

500,000

1801-1900

1,618,000

800-1900

Total

2,918,000

African Sla\-e expons across the Sahara, Red Sea, East Africa and lhc Indian Ocean (800-1900) Total

12,580,000

Sla\l: Expons across the Sahara, Red Sea, and East Africa and the Indian Ocean ( 1600-1900) Total Soun:e: Paul E.

l..o~.-ejoy,

T-YOrmlllimu;,

5,510,000

sta-ay, 1ables 2.1, 2.2, 3.7, 7.1, i.i.

62

ROBERT O. COu.JNS

and sla\re soldiers loyal to the state, for their status was dependent upon their master and his religion. These sla\re officials were frequendy empowered to haw aud1ority over free members of the state. Often Muslim sla\reS became highly specialized in commerce and industry through the acquisition of skills in the more advanced technology of the Islamic \\'Orld d1a0 in Mrica or even on the sugar plantations of the Americas. Women also occupied a different status in Islam than in Mrican or Adantic slavery. Islamic law 6mited the number legal wi\reS to four, the sexual appetite of men being satisfied by d1e number of concubines tl1ey could afford. Slave women were gi\ren as concubines to other slaws, to freed sla\reS, or to d1e master•s sons. ·n1e relationship between the male master and the female slave, however, was clearly defined in theory by d1e legal Islamic sanctions that applied to emancipation. A concubine became legally tree upon the death of her owner. If she bore him children, she could not be sold and her children were free, but in practice d1ey had a lower status d1a0 children of free wives.

or

Trons-Soharon SlaDt Tratlt Although the numbers of the slave trade to North Mrica and Asia are more a benchmark from which extrapolations can be disputed, there is no doubt that there was a constant demand for slaves in the Islamic world Until the fifteenth century, the expon of slaves across the Sahara, the Red Sea, and the Indian Ocean was be6eved to be relatively constant, numbering between 5,000 and I 0,000 per year throughout these many centuries whose modest numbers mitigated the impact of the loss among Mrican societies. 111e estimate of d1e number of slaws, 4,670,000, exponed across the Sahara between 800 and 1600 can only be but a reasonable guess based on c6ffuse direct and indirect evidence acceptable for lack of a better figure. Whether more or less, there was a demonstrable demand for sla\res from sub-Saharan Africa that resulted in continuous contact between the Mus6m merchants, who organized the trans-Sal1arm1 slave trade, and the rulers the Sudanic states, who supp6ed them. The presence of Mus6m traders had a profound influence at the courts of Mrican kings. ·n1ey not only conducted commerce but also introduced 6teracy and Islamic law as it pertained to tl1eir transactions, principally slaves. Although d1e Biltul ai-Sudtlll stretched from the Adantic Ocean to the Red Sea, there were only six established

or

63

'111£ AFRICAN SlAVE TRADE TO ASIA

vertical routes across the Sahara dull resulted in weD-defined markets at their 1erminals in the Sudan and North Mrica. 1bere was the Walata Road from ancient Ghana to Sijilmasa in Morocco; dte Taghaza Trail from ·nmbuklu a1 the great bend of 1he Niger nonh to Taghaza and Sijilmasa or to Tuwat and Tunis; 1he Ghadames Road &om Gao on the lower Niger to Agades, Ghat, Ghadames, and Tripol~ the Bilma Trail or 1he Garamantian Road thai left dte Hausa swes at Kano and Lake Chad north to Bilma, Murzuk in dte Fezzan, and on to Tripoli; the rorty Days Road or the Darb al-'Arbain &om EI-Fasher in Darfur nonh to the Nile at Asuyt; and 1he route furdtest east 1hat began a1 Suakin on 1he Red Sea, swung southwest to Sennar on the Blue Nile, and thence followed the Nile to Egypt. 1bere was also a vigorous and often ignored lateral eas1-wes1 trade which connected dte great markel towns of the Saltel overland and on the Niger Ri\'er along which slaves were moved la1erally for sale locally by dyula 1raders or to dte larger markets in one of the Sudanic termini of the trans-Saharan 1rade. Like dte Adantic trade, 1he larges1 number of slaves did not come from the same region throughou1 the millennium of the trans-Saharan trade, and although a very important source or revenue, dte savanna states of the wes1em and central Sudan were not dependent upon dte slave trade for their rise, expansion, and decline. They were imponant suppliers of sla\ti bul nol a1 the expense of their political and culrural independence. Sla\'eS associated with dte gold and sail 1rade and dte Ghana wars had long been taken from the headwaters of the Senegal and Niger rivers up the Walata Road 10 Sijilmasa in Morocco. During the 1hree hundred years ( 1235-1492) of lhe Keita dynasty and the expansion of the Empire Mali sla\'eS were captured south dte Niger and from its headwaters 10 Gao where they were exported from ·nmbuklu up the Taghaza Trail or less frequendy from Gao up dte Ghadames Road. The Songhai Empire (1492-1599) succeeded 1hat of Mali when Sunni Ali or the Songhai established his au1hority 0\'er dte whole of the middle Niger River \'alley. His wars and dtOSe his successors produced a substantial increase in the number of slaves exponed across dte Sahara in the sixteenlh cenrury partially 10 ofiSet the loss of revenue from the declining gold trade. When the Moroccan army crossed the Sahara to conquer Songbai in 159 I, the large number of Songhai caprured produced an ample supply of slaves in the markets of Nonh Africa before rerurning 10 the historic pattern of dte past. Funher eas1 in 1he central Sudan wes1 Lake Chad during dte same cenrury 1he Kingdom of Bornu acquired an excessive number of slaves

or

or

or

or

ROBERTO. COUJNS

The Trans-Saharan Routes

during its wars of expansion under ldris Alawma (e.l571-1603) who were exponed up the Bilma Trail to Tripoli. The moi {kings) of Bomu utilized this historic route that had been established many centuries before by the Saifawa dynasty in Kanem. In dle nineteenth century the largest number of slaves to cross the Sahara had shifted from the western and central Sudan to the two routes for the Nilotic slave trade, the Forty Days' Road (Dar ol- :Arbain) from Danur and d1e route from Sennar to Nubia and f«ypt. The estimated I ,200,000 slaves exponed across the Sahara in the nineteend1 century, compared to 700,000 in the eighteenth, can only be explained by d1e increase taken from the Upper Nile basin, for the numbers exported from the states of the western and central Sudan had steadily declined. 1 During d1e seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (1601-1800) the •~Saharan trade steadily increased to some 700,000 in each centul)' or sixty-seven percent of the total exponed across the Sahara in the preceding eight hundred years. This estimated average of 7,000 per year for these two centuries, based on limited evidence, may be greater than the real numbers, but the indirect evidence reasonably concludes that there was a considerable supply of slaves from the

1 Lovejoy, TriWjortiUI~tl.f iR Slm.on;o: .4 His1o17 f1 SbtNiy iR AJNQ, second edition, Cambridge: Cambridge Uni\ocnity Press, 2000, pp. 24-29.

'111£ AFRICAN SlAVE TRADE TO ASIA

65

savanna and Sahel because of drought and warfare. When dte rains did not come, the fields were barren and the free cultivators vulnerable to slavers when wandering dte countryside in search of food. In order to suavive they often enslaved themselves voluntarily to those widt something to eat. These two centuries also experienced the dissolution of the old Sudanic empires into petty states whose warlords carried on interminable warfare with local rivals that produced an abundance of captives who became slaves. "flte extent of suffering from drought or war was painfully measured by the increase in the number of slaves during these two centuries. Between 1639 and 1643 a serious drought spread from dte Senegambia to the great bend of the Niger. After a period of adequate rainfall the severe dry years returned during the last quaner of the seventeendt century. Desiccation in the Billld 111-&u!Jm proved worse in the next century. A major drought brought famine to the middle Niger valley from I 711 to 1716 and again during dte earl)• 1720s, but dte great drought of the eighteendt century on the Niger and in Senegambia lasted from 1738 to 1756. Bornu in the central Sudan suftered correspondingly in the I 740s and 1750s. Thereafter sporadic and localized years of little or no rainfaU were recorded &om 1770-1771 at 1imbuktu, 1786 in the Gambia, and during the 1790s in dte central Sudan. The wars that followed the fragmentation of dte old empires were characterized by Muslims against non-Muslims, Muslims who claimed to be Muslims but did not practice orthodox Islam, and Islamicjhod.s led b)• holy men against infidels and those they regarded as renegade Muslims. "lbe historic goal of Muslims was to convert unbelievers to Islam and the enslavement of them for conversion was bodt legally and moraU)• correct. "lbese reasons, however, were often a euphemistic rationale for dte warlord to resolve the problem of replacing dte natural loss of slaves by exploiting new sources or whose sale would provide revenue for him and the state. The organized razzia became commonplace widt a variety of official nantes, pQIJtl or Stliatp'll in Darfur and Sennar for instance, to be carried out more often than not b)• slave soldiers. Some of the enslaved were retained, women as concubines, men as soldiers or agricultural laborers, but a far greater number were sold, and for most warlords slaves, after direct taxes, were the greatest source of his mrenue. During the innumerable petty wars among the Hausa citystates Muslim prisoners were illegally sold for the trans-Saltaran trade along with non-Muslims to the dismay and condemnation of Islamic jurists. Furdter west on the middle and upper Niger and the plateau of

66

ROBERT O. COu.INS

the Senegambia the distinction between Muslim and non-Muslim was more well-defined, but this did not inhibit the Muslim reformers from leading their foUowers, loiibts, in holy wars against apostate Muslims who were enslaved when they refused to accept Islam as practiced by dogmatic Muslim clerics or the political audtority of the theocratic lslamist states they founded Those who supplied slaves for the trans-Saharan trade were not always Muslims. The powerful Bambara pagan state of Segu established on the Niger soudtwest of Timbuktu was a major supplier for the traJlSooSaharan trade in the seventeendt and eighteenth centuries. The hunting associations of young Bambara men were easily transformed into mercenaries to loot for petty warlords or organized bands to raid for panache and profit. Slave soldiers were the largest contingent in the armies of dte Bambara and in dte states of the Senegambia where they coUected taxes, held administrative offices, and were often the powerbrokers at the royal coun. The reduction in the number of slaves crossing the desen that accompanied dte steady decline of dte established trans-Saltaran trade in the nineteenth century was oiiSet by dte astonishing gro\\rth of the Nilotic slave trade. In 1820 dte army of the able and dynamic ruler of Egypt, Muhammad Ali, invaded the Sudan. Although nominally the viceroy of the Ottoman sultan, Muhammad Ali was in fact an independent ruler whose armies had conquered the Hijaz and its holy cities, Mecca and Medina, and advanced through Palestine to the frontiers of Syria at great human and material expense to his army and government. He dterefore invaded the Sudan to exploit its gold to replenish his treasury and to enslave the pagan Sudanese to rebuild his arnl)• and succincd)• summed up his purpose to his commander in the Sudan. "You are aware dtat the end of aU our e8on and expense is to procure Negroes. Please show zeal in carrying out our wishes in this capital matter. " 2 Hidteno dte Funj Kingdom of Sennar had exponed some 1,500 slaves per year to Egypt. Muhammad Ali wanted 20,000. A military training camp was constructed at lsna and a special depot to receive slaves from the Sudan at Aswan. From the administrative capital at

2 Muhammad 'Ali 10 sar-I 'aslcar [Commander-in-Chief) or abe Sudan and Kordo&n (Muhammad Bq• Khusraw, SaRardar), 23 Sepaember 1823 in Hill Et.J'I' in 1M Sllilul 1821-1881, p. 13.

'111£ AFRICAN SlAVE TRADE TO ASIA

67

Khartoum the Eg)'ptian governor-general organized military expeditions up 1he Blue and While Niles to enslave dte Niloles. By 1838, despite heavy losses from disease and hardship on the march down lhe Nile and across the Nubian Desen I 0,000 to 12,000 slaves reached Egypt every )rear. Under pressure from lhe British government the 01toman sultan and the khedive of Egypt officially declared the slave trade illegal in the Commercial Convention of 1838, but on the Nile dte trade shifled from the Egyptian governmenl to an elaborate private commercial network constructed by Muslim merchanu to continue and expand dte trade 1hroughout dte upper Nile basin. By the 1870s tens of 1bousands of slaves were exponed to Egypt and to Arabia from poru on dte Red Sea, and although 1he numbers dramaticaUy declined during 1he years of the Maltdisl S1a1e in the Sudan (1881-1898), dte Red Sea trade only came 10 an end af1er dte Anglo-Eg)optian conquest of the Sudan in 1898. Table 2

Estimated slal.re exports across the Sahara 1600-1900 and its the total Asian trade 1600-1900. percentage

or

Period

Period

Period

1701-1800

1600-1700

'lo

700,000

12.7 700,000

Soun:oe:: I..IM!jo); T-for..lias;.

%

1801-1900

12.7 1,200,000 ~.

Ofo

21.7

Toral &: Pc:n:enaage Trans-Saharan: 47.1 2,600,000

Tallies S.l, 7.1.

The RnJ &d SltM Tratk "The Red Sea slave trade was ironically older than the trans-Saharan. The dynastic Egyptians regularly sent expeditions 10 dte Land of Punt, the coasu of the Red Sea and norlhem Somalia, to re1urn wi1h ivol); perfumes, and slaves. Slaves were undoubledl)' among 1he commodities exponed from Africa to Arabia across dte Red Sea and 1he Gulf of Arabia during 1he centuries of Greek and Roman rule in Egypt. Between 800 and 1600, dte direct evidence remains scanty, but the numbers of slaves 1ranspor1ed to Arabia were no1 large and localized ralher dtan organized. An estirnaled guess has been I ,600,000 slaves were expor1ed during this period or an annual average of 2,000 slaves per year. The sources of slaves for the Red Sea trade were limited to Nubia, the Nile norlh of its confluence at 1he modern capi1al of

68

ROBERT O. COu.JNS

Khanoum, and Ethiopia but the total Red Sea trade amounted to only thirty-four percent of the tran~aharan trade during these same eight hundred years. 1be ports were f~ Aidhab in Eg)opt until destroyed by the Ottoman Turlcs in 1416, Suakin in the Sudan, and Adulis (Massawa) in Edliopia. During the seventeend1 century the Red Sea expon trade appears to have been a steady but modest number of I ,000 slaves per year. The estimated number of slaves increased in d1e eighteenth century to some 2,000 slaves annually from Ethiopia and the Nile \'31ley that was, however, only a symbolically small portion of the increasing world wide expon of African slaves that continued into the nineteenth centul')t Throughout the eighteendl and early nineteenth centuries Darfur in the Nile basin sent se\'eral thousand slaves per year to Egypt but also to the Red Sea d1rougb Sennar on the Blue Nile and thence east along the established trade route to Suakin. The Funj Kingdom of Sennar itself exponed some I ,500 slaves per year until conquered by the forces of Muhammad Ali in 1821. 1bereafter, Egyptian government razzias and later in the century powerful merchant-adventurers organized the Nilotic trade for Egypt, but they also sent a substantial number of Sudanese slaves to Arabia d1rough the Red Sea ports which the Eg)optian government controlled. Slaves in the upper Nile basin were captured by the private armies (~ of these merchants that raided as far as Dar Fertit in the west and southwest into d1e kingdoms of the Azande and Bagirmi deep in equatorial Mrica. 1bese same centuries also experienced an increase in the slave trade &om d1e Ethiopian highlands. Slavery in Ethiopia had been an accepted institution in the long history of that Christian kingdom, and sla\ti had regularly been sent to the Yemen and Arabia from the ancient pon of Adulis dlat later becan1e Massawa. Although there had been constant conflicts d1roughout d1e centuries between Christian Edliopians in the fertile highlands and the Muslim Somalis on the arid plains below, it was not until d1e sixteenth century dlat d1e famous Imam of Harar, lbrallinl al-Ghazi, known as Grin, the left-handed, and his Somali warriors ravaged Ethiopia, destroying churches, monasteries, and enslaving large numbers of Ethiopian Christians until he was kiUed in 1543 by Ponuguese musketeers who had arrived to defend the emperor and his Christian kingdom. Thereafter Muslim control of the Red Sea continued to insure a dependable supply of Ethiopian slaves through Massawa during the se\'enteenth and eighteenth centuries when the centralized authority of imperial Ethiopia collapsed. Known as d1e MIISI!font, the

69

'111E AFRICAN SlAVE TRADE TO ASIA

period of judges, E1hiopia dissolved inlo anarchy for two hundred years during which d1e rival warlords of me nobility obtained many slaves in meir petty wars and razzias. "They retained some slaves for agriculture and domestic chores selling me surplus captives 10 Muslim merchanu. In me nine1eenm century Sb'Ong emperors returned inlernal stability 10 Ed1iopia, but mey waged continuous warl"are on d1eir frontiers against me Egyptian governmenl, whose armies raided 1he border hiD country, while 1he Muslim Galla (Oromo) pillaged soumweslem Edliopia for mousands of slaves who were exponed across me Gulf of Arabia from me Somali ports of Berbera and Zeila. Children, girts, and young women were particularly prized in 1he Ed1iopian trade ouhlumbering males IWO 10 one and commanding d1ree times d1e price in me marketplace. During d1e first half of d1e nineteenm century me E1hiopian Red Sea trade peaked al 6,000 10 7,000 sla\•es each year numbering an estimated 175,000 exponed in d1e second quaner of lhat century. Table 3 &timated slave exports from R.:d Sea, 1600-1900, with the percentage of tbe total Asian trade 1600-1900. Period

Pl!riocl

1608-1700 %

1701-1800

Period %

1801-1900

.,.

Period l&oo-1900

TOI:II ~nt:~F

Reel Sea: 100,000 Soun:e

1.8

200,000

I~ T~t.iras;. ~.

S.6 492,000

8.9

792,000

14.4

Tllhlcs S.J, 7.1.

East Aftiton llllll 1/u lllllilm Octon Slave Tmu During me centuries of 1he early Christian Era Greek traders had been making d1eir way down 1he coas1 of Eas1 Mrica where mey conducted a profi1able 1rade mat included slaves. The Greek mercanlile presence in me Indian Ocean did not survive d1e dominance of Rome in d1e Medilerranean, bu1 trade on me East Mrican coast was continued as in d1e pas1 by merchants from Arabia, Persia, India, and China who plied 1he walers of 1he Indian Ocean on 1he monsoon winds of d1e Sabaean Lane. The Arabs brough1 goods from Asia-dolh, porcelains, glassware, and hardware-and af1er me sevend1 century Islam. "fl1ey returned 10 Asia wim ivory, gold, rhino hom, spices, and always slaves, called ZOI!i (Blacks), for fields, mines, armies, and households. The Arabs

70

ROBERT 0. COu.JNS

were followed by the Persians and lhe Chinese who craded on d1e East African coast during the Sung (1127-1279) and the Ming ( 1368-1644) dynasties for ivory, rhino horn, and tortoise sheDs that were highly valued in lhe Orient and a few slaves mostly as concubines. Ald1ough lhere is Arabic, Persian, and Chinese documentation and lhe writings of Arab geographers and travelers about East Africa and its trade, there is little direct evidence as to lhe number of slaves exported to AO\'t!r point for explorers and sailors, several traveUers have mentioned these islands. They are referred to by Greeks, Romans, Chinese, Persians, Arabs, Portuguese and French. I have listed d1e dates of some recordings and also the names of the travellers (see below).

150AD 362AD 412AD 6th century 629-645AD 851 AD 916AD lith century 12th century 1349 AD

Ptolelll% Gm:k Astronomer, :Mathematician and Geographer Ammia11us Marcellinus, Roman Fa-Hsien, Chinese Buddhist Monk

Cosmas lndicopleustus, GII'C!ek Hsua11 Tsang, Chinese Buddhist Monk

Sulaiman the Penia11 Meldwn of Siraf AI-A·Iasudi, Arab AI-Biruni, Arab AI-Idrisi, Arab Wang Ta-Yuan, Chinese writer

MIGRANI'S AND niE MALDIVES

1414AD 1512-1515 1602-1607

133

Ma Huan, a Chinese, who ~d the Cheng Ho 'lt'O)'DF

Tome Pires, Portuguese chronicler F~ois P)'l'llrd, a shipwrec~ Frendaman

In terms of natural resources and commodities, the Maldives has coir, cowry shells, ambergris and dry fish. 111e Malc6ves has bad trading relationships with Persians, Arabs, Malays. Indonesians, Indians and Sri Lankans. Maldives was not the immediate focus of western traders and colonizers as it c6d not have much commercial potential in comparison to some of its neighbours. 111e Portuguese got entangled in the Maldives because of their struggle with Mamale of Kannanur, South India (Robinson 1989: 165). The Portuguese bad a brief presence {1558-1573) in the Maldives. The early 16th century Ponuguese chronicler, Tome Pires ( 1944: 170) noted that Bantam, in the kingdom of Sunda, traded with the Maldives. In addition, Parsees, Turtcs, 1urkomans and Armenians sailed with trade goods from Gujarat to Malacca and on d1eir return journey stopped at the Maldives {Pires 1944: 269). Coir rope made from coconut fibre was sought after all over Asia. 1ne early l6d1 century Portuguese chronicler, Joio de Barros (1638), wrote dw "1ne commonest and most important merchandise at these islands, indeed, the cause of their being \risited, is the coir; without it, those seas cannot be na\'igated". The Maldives, however, became established as a place for repairing ships, as the coir in d1e Maldives was of good quality. The fibres of the many coconut trees that abound in these islands are convened into coir rope. In d1e 14th century, Ibn Batuta, mentioned that ships from Yemen and India came to the Maldives due to its hemp. Maldivian cowrie shells were considered the best in the world due to their whiteness. Cowrie shells were taken from the Maldives to Afioica, the Middle East, Southeast Asia and ancient China. ·n1ey were more than just a commodity. Cowrie shells were monetary units, and the Portuguese, for instance, exchanged cowrie shells for eaNfas de pessoas {heads of people) (i.e. African slaves). Maloney (1980: 126) describes d1e cowries paid to d1e Dutcl1 by d1e Maldivians. He remarlcs that 12,000 pounds of cowries bought 500 to 600 slaves for the Dutch from d1e Guinea Coast, through Arab mediation. Malone)' (1976: 658) states that Maldivian cowries paid for several slaves who were bought from West Africa and sent to d1e Americas. 111e Arab middlemen bad paid cowries to d1e African slave-raiders.

134

SIID·IAN DE SILVAJAYASURIYA

After the change in ideology, the orientation of the Maldives turned towards Persians and Arabs. This wats in the flow of goods, ideas, and religious personnel around d1e Indian Ocean {Didier & Simpson 2005). The Maldives was not colonized by the Dutch or the British. An annual embassy wa
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