Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum, Volume 2: The Early Roman Period

CORPUS PAPYRORUM JUDAICARUM VOLUME II

CORPUS PAPYRORUM JUDAICARUM VOLUME II EDITED

BY

VICTOR A. TCHERIKOVER (1894-1958) PROFESSOR HEBREW

OF A N C I E N T UNIVERSITY,

HISTORY

IN

THE

JERUSALEM

AND

ALEXANDER FUKS ASSOCIATE ANCIENT

HISTORY

HEBREW

PROFESSOR AND

OF

CLASSICS IN

UNIVERSITY,

PUBLISHED

THE

JERUSALEM

FOR

THE MAGNES PRESS, THE HEBREW

UNIVERSITY

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS CAMBRIDGE,

MASSACHUSETTS

i960

The Corpus Papyrorum

Judaicarum

has been printed by the generosity of the Lucius N . Littauer Foundation

©

i960 B Y THE

ALL

M A G N E S

IN

R E S E R V E D

GREAT

U N I V E R S I T Y

PRINTED

PRESS

U N I V E R S I T Y

RIGHTS

D I S T R I B U T E D O X F O R D

THE

H E B R E W

BRITAIN

PRESS,

IN GREAT

BY

L O N D O N

BRITAIN

V I C T O R A. T C H E R I K O V E R (1894-1958) T H E architect and editor of the Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum passed a w a y in Jerusalem on 16 January 1958. Victor A. Tcherikover w a s born in St. Petersburg in 1894. After having graduated in the University of Moscow, he went t o the University of Berlin for further historical studies. In Berlin he worked under the supervision of E d . Meyer and U . Wilcken. H e w a s drawn b y the latter into the field of Hellenistic History and Papyrology, subjects for which he maintained his enthusiasm t o the end of his life. In 1925 he came t o Jerusalem and joined the staff of the recently founded Hebrew University. H e was the pioneer of teaching and research in Ancient History in Jerusalem, and later became the first occupant of the chair of Ancient History in Jerusalem. I n 1 9 2 7 he published his first book, Die hellenistischen Stadtegriindungen. Though he had wide historical interests, his field of research was chiefly the history of the Jews in the Hellenistic and R o m a n periods. Early in his research he grasped the importance of papyrological docu­ ments in the field he had chosen, and devoted much of his time t o the s t u d y and historical interpretation of papyri. Over m a n y years he published both in Hebrew and in English studies dealing w i t h various aspects of Jewish history in the Hellenistic and R o m a n periods and in the field he liked t o call 'Jewish papyrology'. His main contributions were: The Jews and the Greeks in the Hellenistic Period (in Hebrew), The Jews in Egypt in the Hellenistic-Roman Age in the Light of the Papyri (in Hebrew), 'Palestine under the P t o l e m i e s ' (Mizraim, v), ' S y n t a x i s and Laographia' ( / . Jur. Pap. v), 'The S a m b a t h i o n s ' (Scripta Hierosolymitana, i), ' J e w i s h Apolo­ getic Literature Reconsidered' (Eos, xlviii. 3), 'The Ideology of the Letter of Aristeas' (HTR, li). T w o major undertakings round off the well-planned lifetime of Tcherikover the historian—the Hellenistic Civilization and the Jews (Philadelphia, 1959), and t h e Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum. A s scholar, teacher, and m a n Tcherikover w a s a true representative of the humanistic tradition.

PREFACE T H E second volume of the Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum was in the press when Professor Victor A. Tcherikover died on 1 6 January 1958. I regarded the completion of Professor Tcherikover's undertaking as m y fore­ m o s t d u t y t o the memory of a dear teacher, colleague, and friend. N o w that the second volume has been completed, work is being done b y Mr. M. Stern and myself on the manuscript of the third and final volume, and it is hoped that it will follow before long. Professor Tcherikover h a d seen galleys of Sections V I I , I X , and X I ; he h a d not seen proofs of Section V I I I ; Section X was, at the time of his death, not y e t ready for the press. Sections V I I I and I X of this volume are b y Victor A. Tcherikover, Sections V I I and X I b y A. Fuks, Section X b y Tcherikover and Fuks. All unsigned com­ mentaries to documents and introductions t o sections in this volume are b y Tcherikover; those written b y F u k s are signed A. F . ; Introduction t o Section V I I , signed M. S., is b y Mr. Menahem Stern. Many people helped with this volume, none more than Mr. D . M. Lewis (Oxford) and Mr. M. Stern (Jerusalem). Mr. Lewis not only advised constantly on various points of scholarship but also translated most of the documents in this volume, read a n d reread proofs of the book, and w a s unsparingly helpful in all stages of production. Mr. Stern not only wrote the Introduction t o Section V I I , but also advised on m a n y points of Jewish history, and contributed m u c h t o improve the biblio­ graphical lists in this volume. Special thanks are due t o Mrs. A. Tcherikover, w h o transcribed almost all the papyrological t e x t s , and whose never abating interest in the progress of this v o l u m e has been of great help. W a r m thanks go out t o Professor J. Schwartz (Strasbourg), whose thorough knowledge of the material and patient work considerably improved Section I X . H e also made available for publication four unpublished ostraka (Nos. 183a, 256, 328a, 350). Dr. H. A. Musurillo, S.J. (St. Andrew-on-Hudson), kindly m a d e available proofs of his book Acts of the Pagan Martyrs long before it w a s published; he also agreed t o read proof of Section V I I I and made several useful comments. Thanks are due t o Mr. C. H. Roberts (Oxford), Professor E . G. Turner (London), Dr. J. W. B . Barns (Oxford), Mr. T. R e e k m a n s (Louvain), Mr. T. C. Skeat (London), Professor H . Gerstinger (Graz), and Professor E . Kiessling (Marburg), w h o patiently answered m a n y queries concerning both readings and interpretations. Thanks are also due t o friends and colleagues in Jerusalem: Dr. S. Applebaum gave m u c h help on matters of s t y l e ; Dr. M. Amit read proofs of Sections V I I and V I I I ; Mr. D . Rokeah, former student of Professor Tcherikover, prepared the List of Abbreviations and Indexes t o this volume. The Ministry of Education and Culture of the State of Israel as well as the

viii

PREFACE

Institute of Jewish Studies of the Hebrew University and its former Chairman Professor B . Dinur, are t o be thanked for their initial grants, which enabled us t o begin the work. To Mr. E . Poznanski, Academic Secretary of the Hebrew University, thanks are due for help and advice on m a n y matters connected w i t h the Corpus. Finally deep appreciation must be recorded of the assistance given b y the Trustees of the Lucius N . Littauer Foundation, whose generous grant m a d e this publication possible, and particularly b y its Director, Mr. H. Starr, and Professor H . A. Wolfson. A. F .

CONTENTS V I C T O R A. T C H E R I K O V E R (1894-1958)

v

PREFACE

vii

LIST OF A B B R E V I A T I O N S

xi

EXPLANATORY NOTE

xvi

SECTION VII: JEWS IN A L E X A N D R I A IN T H E E A R L Y ROMAN PERIOD 1-24 142. 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149.

Jewish-owned land in the chora of Alexandria Agreement about a legacy Deed of Divorce Jewish landowner in the Bousirite district Engagement of a wet-nurse Annulment of a contract with a wet-nurse Payment of debt by a Jewish freedwoman Repayment of loan to a loan-society

5 8 10 12 15 19 20 22

SECTION VIII: 'THE J E W I S H QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

25-107

150. The so-called'Boule-papyras' 1 5 1 . A petition to the Prefect 152. Jewish money-lenders in Alexandria 153. The Letter of Claudius to the Alexandrians 154-159. Acts of Alexandrian Martyrs 154. An Interview between Flaccus and the Leaders of the anti-Semites 155. Isidoros before the Emperor Gaius Caligula 156. Isidoros and Lampon before Claudius 5 7 - Jews and Greeks before Trajan 158. Jews and Greeks before Hadrian 159. A trial before Commodus I

SECTION IX. OSTRAKA FROM T H E J E W I S H APOLLINOPOLIS MAGNA (EDFU) 160-229. Part I. The Jewish Tax 230-374. Part II. Various Taxes (A.D. 56-117) 375-403. Part III. Various Taxes (A.D. 1 5 1 - 1 6 5 ) 404-408. Part IV. Miscellaneous

QUARTER

S E C T I O N X. V A R I O U S D O C U M E N T S O F T H E E A R L Y PERIOD 409. Receipt for bath-tax 410. Fragment of an account 4 1 1 . Loan of barley

25 29 33 36 55 60 64 66 82 87 99

OF 108-77 119 136 168 176

ROMAN 178-224 178 179 179

x

CONTENTS 412. 413. 414. 415. 416. 417. 418. 419. 420. 421. 422. 423. 424. 425. 426. 427. 428. 429. 430. 431. 432. 433. 434.

Return of sheep and goats Abstract of a loan Contract of a loan A list of clothes Fragment from a tax-list An agreement concerning a loan in form of a deposit Tiberius Julius Alexander Marcus Julius Alexander Gaius Julius Alexander The Jewish tax in Arsinoe Receipt for reception of a cargo Sale of part of a house in the Jewish quarter in Oxyrhynchos Letter from Johanna to Epagathos An account List of persons liable to the poll-tax Notification of death A list of sitologoi A customs-house registry A census return The enrolment of a Jew for land-work Supply of water to two Jewish houses of prayer A list of names A fragment

S E C T I O N X I . T H E J E W I S H R E V O L T I N E G Y P T (A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 7 ) 435. 436. 437. 438. 439. 440. 441. 442. 443. 444. 445. 446. 447. 448. 449.

181 183 183 185 186 186 188 197 200 204 209 210 210 212 213 213 215 216 216 218 220 224 224 225-60

The Revolt in Alexandria A letter from Aline to Apollonios A letter from Eudaimonis to Apollonios Jewish victories in the Hermoupolite district Jewish defeat in the vicinity of Memphis A letter from Heliodoros to his father Sarapion Letters from Heliodoros to his brothers A letter from Eudaimonis to her daughter Aline Apollonios's application to the prefect of Egypt for leave of sixty days Letter from Ammonios and Hermokles to Apollonios Confiscation of Jewish Property A letter from Herodes to Apollonios the strategos Damage to property in the Oxyrhynchite district Confiscation of Jewish land in the Athribite district Damage to agricultural property caused in the course of the Jewish revolt 450. Annual festival in the Oxyrhynchite district in commemoration of victory over the Jews

INDEXES

228 233 235 236 239 240 242 244 246 249 251 253 255 255 257 258

261-283

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS I.

PAPYRI,

AND

OSTRAKA,

INSCRIPTIONS

Berlin inv. 1 2 5 3 7 = Arch. v i . 2 2 0 , no. 6, ed. Plaumann. B G U = A e g y p t i s c h e U r k u n d e n aus den staatlichen Museen zu B e r l i n : Griechische U r k u n d e n , 1 8 9 5 - . BL = F . Preisigke, F . Bilabel, M . A . D a v i d , B . A . v a n Groningen, E . Kiessling, Berichtigungsliste der griechischen Papyrusurkwnden aus Agypten, 1913, 1922, 1931, 1933. 1958. CI] — Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum, ed. J . B . F r e y , 1 9 3 6 , 1 9 5 2 . O. Deissm. = P . M . M e y e r , Griechische Texte aus Agypten, 1 9 1 6 , pp. 1 0 7 - 2 0 5 . D i k a i o m a t a = Ausziige aus alexandrinischen Gesetzen und V e r o r d n u n g e n . . . herausgegeben v o n der G r a e c a Halensis,

Polonaises. R a p p o r t s . I . T e l l E d f o u , 1 9 3 7 » II. TellEdfou, 1 9 3 8 ; I I I . TellEdfou, 1939. O G I S = W . Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones selectae, 1 9 0 3 - 5 . O I F A O = Ostrakon (Institut francais d'arch6ologie orientale du Caire). Olsson = B . Olsson, Papyrusbriefe aus der friihesten Romerzeit, 1925. O. Petrie, see O. A s h m . Pap. Primer = M . D a v i d and B . A . v a n Groningen, Papyrological Primer, second (English) edition, 1 9 4 6 . P . B a d . = F . Bilabel, Veroffentlichungen aus den badischen Papyrussammlungen, 1923, 1924. P . Berl. inv. 8 8 7 7 ( = U x k u l l - G y l l e n b a n d , Stzb. preuss. Ak., ph.-hist. Kl., 1 9 3 0 , xxviii). P . Berl. Moller = S . Moller, Griechische Pa­ pyri aus dem Berliner Museum, 1929. P . bibl. univ. Giss. 4 6 = Premerstein, Alexandrinische Geronten vor Kaiser Gaius,

1913Ghedini, Lett. Crist. — G . Ghedini, Lettere cristiane dai papiri greet del III e IV secolo, 1 9 2 3 . Goodspeed a n d Colwell = E . J . Goodspeed a n d E . C . Colwell, A Greek Papyrus Reader, 1 9 3 5 . ILS = H . Dessau, Inscriptiones latinae selectae, 1892-1916. K n u d t z o n , Bakchiastexte = E . J . Knudtzon, Bakchiastexte und andere Papyri der Lunder Papyrussammlung, 1946. Lietzmann = H . Lietzmann, Griechische Papyri, 2. AufL, 1 9 1 0 . M . Chr. = L . Mitteis a n d U . W i l c k e n , Grundztige und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde, ii. 2 , 1 9 1 2 . Meyer, Jur. Pap. — P . M e y e r , Griechische Texte aus Agypten, 1 9 1 6 . Milligan = G . Milligan, Selections from the Greek Papyri, 1 9 1 0 . Musurillo — H . A . Musurillo, The Acts of the Pagan Martyrs, Acta Alexandrinorum,

1 9 3 9 . PP- 4 - B o u r . = P . B o u r i a n t = Les papyrus Bouriant, ed. P . Collart, 1 9 2 6 . P . B r e m . = U . W i l c k e n , Die Bremer Papyri (Abhandlungen der preussischen A k a d e mie der Wissenschaften, 1 9 3 6 , Phil.-hist. Klasse No. 2), 1 9 3 6 . P . Cairo 1 0 4 4 8 = T h . Reinach, RE J x x x i , 1895, 1 6 1 sqq.; xxxii, 1896, 160. P . Cairo M a s p . = J . Maspero, Papyrus grecs d'dpoque byzantine, 1911-16. P . Cornell = W . L . W e s t e r m a n n a n d C . J . K r a e m e r , j r . : Greek Papyri in the Library of Cornell University, 1926. P. E n t . = O. G u e r a u d , ENTEYSE1Z, 1931-2. P . F a y . = P . F a y . O. = B . P . Grenfell, A . S . H u n t , D . G . H o g a r t h , Fayum Towns and their Papyri, 1900. P . F l o r . = G . Vitelli a n d D . Comparetti, Papiri greco-egizii: Papiri Fiorenlini,

1954O. A s h m . , O. B o d l . , O. C a m b . , O. F l i n d . P e t . = J . G . T a i t , Greek Ostraka in the Bodleian Library at Oxford and various other Collections, 1 9 3 0 . O. Briiss.-Berl. = Ostraka aus Briissel und Berlin, ed. P . Viereck, 1 9 2 2 . O E = G . Manteuffel in: Fouilles F r a n c o -

1905-15* P . F o u a d = Les Papyrus Fouad I, ed. A . Bataille, O. G u e r a u d , P . J o u g u e t , a n d others, 1 9 3 9 . P . Giss. = O. E g e r , E . K o r n e m a n n , a n d P . M . M e y e r , Griechische Papyri im Museum des oberhessischen Geschichtsvereins zu Giessen, 1910-12.

2

1 1

P.

xii P.

LIST OF

ABBREVIATIONS

H a m b . = P . M . Meyer, Griechische Papyrusurkunden der Hamburger Staats und Universitatsbibliothek, 1911-24. P . H a w a r a = The Hawara Papyri, ed. (Sir) W . M . Flinders P e t r i e ; ( H a w a r a , B i a h m u , and Arsinoe), 1 8 8 9 . P . H i b . = B . P . Grenfell, A . S . H u n t , E . G . Turner, a n d M . T h . L e n g e r , The Hibeh Papyri, 1906-55. P . Lille = P . J o u g u e t (ed.), Papyrus grecs, 1907-28. P . L i p s . = L . Mitteis, Griechische Urkunden der Papyrussammlung zu Leipzig, 1906. P . L o n d . = F . G . K e n y o n a n d H . I . Bell, Greek Papyri in the British Museum, 1893-1917. P . L o n d . inv. 2 7 8 5 = Bell, Arch, x , 1 9 3 2 , 5 sqq. P . L o u v r e (cf. P . P a r . ) = W . B r u n e t de Presle, Notices et extraits des papyrus grecs du musee du Louvre et de la bibliotheque imperiale, 1865. P . Merton = H . I . Bell a n d C . H . R o b e r t s , Catalogue of the Greek Papyri in the Col­ lection of W. Merton, 1948-. P . Mich. = Michigan P a p y r i , 1 9 3 1 . P . Mich. i n v . 6 2 2 9 ( = Aeg. x v , 1 9 3 5 ) . P . Oxford = Some Oxford Papyri, ed. E . P . Wegener, 1 9 4 2 . P . O x y . = The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ed. B . P . Grenfell, A . S . H u n t , a n d others, 1 8 9 8 - . P . P a r . (cf. P . L o u v r e ) = W . B r u n e t de Presle, Notices et extraits des papyrus grecs du musee du Louvre et de la bibliatheque imperiale, 1865. P . Phil. = J . Scherer, Papyrus de Philodelphie, 1 9 4 7 . P . Princet. = Papyri in the Princeton Uni­ versity Collections, vol. i. ed. A . C . J o h n s o n a n d H . B . v a n Hoesen, 1 9 3 1 ; vol. ii, ed. E . H . K a s e , 1 9 3 6 . P . R y l . = Catalogue of the Greek Papyri in the John Rylands Library, Manchester, 1911-. P S I = G . Vitelli a n d others, Pubblicazioni delta Societa italiana per la ricerca dei Papiri greci e latini in Egitto: Papiri greci e latini, 1 9 1 2 — . P. S t r a s s b . = F . Preisigke, Griechische Papyrus der Kaiserlichen Universitats und Landesbibliothek zu Strassburg, 1906-20. P . T e b t . = The Tebtunis Papyri, ed. b y B . P . Grenfell, A . S . H u n t , J . G . S m y l y , E . J . Goodspeed, 1 9 0 2 - 3 8 . P . univ. Bibl. Giess. = H . K l i n g a n d others, Mitteilungen aus der Papyrussammlung der Giessener Universitatsbibliothek, 1924-.

P.

V i n d o b . Boswinkel = Einige Wiener Papyri, ed. E . Boswinkel, 1 9 4 2 . P . W a r r e n = The Warren Papyri, ed. M . D a v i d , B . A . v a n Groningen, a n d J . C . v a n Oven, 1 9 4 1 . P . Wisconsin 1 6 = Clauson, Aeg. i x , 1 9 2 8 , 240-80. P . Y a l e inv. 1 5 3 6 = Welles, TAP A lxvii, 1 9 3 6 , 7 sqqS B = F . Preisigke a n d F . Bilabel, Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Agypten, vols. 1 - 2 , 1 9 1 3 - 2 2 ; vol. 3 , 1 9 2 6 - 7 ; vols. 4 - 5 , 1 9 3 1 - 8 , 1 9 5 2 . S c h u b a r t , Griech. Pap. = W . Schubart, Griechische Papyri, Text, 1 9 2 7 ; Kommentar, 1 9 2 7 . S E G = Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, 1 9 2 3 S P = A . S . H u n t and C . C . E d g a r , Select Papyri, 1932-4. S y l l . = W . Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, 1915-27. U P Z = U . Wilcken, Urkunden der Ptolemderzeit, 1922—. W . Chr. = L . Mitteis a n d U . W i l c k e n , Grundziige und Chrestomatie der Papyruskunde, i. 2, 1 9 1 2 . W O = W i l c k e n , Ostr. = U . W i l c k e n , Grie­ chische Ostraka aus Agypten und Nubien, 1899. 2.

PERIODICALS

Abh. preuss. Ak., Phil.-hist. Kl. =Abhandlungen der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Aeg. = Aegyptus: Rivista italiana di egittologia e di papirologia, 1920-. AJPh = American Journal of Philology, 1880-. Am. Journ. Theol. = American Journal of Theology, 1897-1920. Anal. Bollandiana = Analecta bollandiana, 1882-. Anglican-Theol. Rev. = Anglican Theo­ logical Review, 1918-. Ann. d. Serv. = Annates du Service des Antiquites de l'£gypte, 1899-. Ann.Epigr. = L'Annie Spigraphique, 1889Ann. Inst. Phil. Hist. Orient. Slav. = Annuaire (Institut de philologie et d'histoire orientates, Universite libre de Bruxelles) 1932-. Anz. K. Akad. Wien, Phil.-Hist. Kl. — Anzeiger der koniglichen Akademie in Wien, Philologische-historische Klasse, 1864-.

xiii

L I S T OF A B B R E V I A T I O N S Arch. = Archiv fur Papyrusforschung, 1900-. Arch.f. Religionswiss. — Archiv f.Religionswissenschaft, 1898-. Archivio Giuridico = Archivio giuridico, 1868-. Atene e Roma — Atene e Roma, 1898-. Berl. Phil. Woch., see Phil. Woch. BIFAO — Bulletin de I'Institut frangais d'Archeologie orientate, 1901-. Bilychnis = Bilychnis, Rome, 1 9 1 2 - 3 1 . BO = Bibliotheca Orientalis, 1943-. BSAA — Bulletin de la Societe archeologique d'Alexandrie, 1904-. Bull. Ac. Roy. de Belgique, CI. lettres et sc. mor. et pol. = Bulletin de V Academie royale de Belgique, classe des lettres et sciences morales et politiques, 1899—. Byzantion = Byzantion, revue internationale des etudes byzantines, 1924-. Byz. Zeitschr. = Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 1892-. Chr. d'Eg. — Chronique d'Egypte, 1925-. Classical Weekly — Classical Weekly, 19075 7 (now Classical World). CP = Class. Phil. = Classical Philology, 1906-. CQ = Classical Quarterly, 1907—. CR — Classical Review, 1887-. CR Ac. Inscr. — Comptes rendus de 1'Aca­ demie des Inscriptions et BellesLettres. Didaskaleion — Didaskaleion, 1912-. DLZ = Deutsche Literaturzeitung, 18 80-. Edinburgh Review — Edinburgh Review, or Critical Journal. 1802-1929. Eranos = Eranos: Acta philologica Suecana, 1906-. lit. Papyr. = Etudes de Papyrologie, 1932-. Expos. Times = The Expository Times, 1889Le Flambeau = Le Flambeau (Brussels), 1918-24. Forsch. u. Fortschr. = Forschungen und Fortschritte; Korrespondenzblatt der deutschen Wissenschaft Technik, 1925-. GGA = Gdttingische gelehrte Anzeigen, 1739-. Gnomon = Gnomon, kritische Zeitschrift fur die gesamte klassische Altertumswissenschaft, 1 9 2 5 - . Gottinger Nachrichten = Nachrichten der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gbttingen. Harv. St. Class. Phil. — Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, 1890-.

Hermes — Hermes, Zeitschrift fur classische Philologie, 1866-. Hist. Jahrb. — Historisches Jahrbuch, 1880-. Hist. Zeitschr. — Historische Zeitschrift, 1859-. HTR — The Harvard Theological Review, 1908-. Jahr. der judisch-literarischen Gesellschaft ( F r a n k f u r t a.M.) — Jahrbuch der Judischliterarischen Gesellschaft, 1903-1931/32. JEA = Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 1914-. Jew.

Soc.

Stud.

= Jewish

Social

Studies,

1939-. JHS = Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1880-. /. Jur. Pap. — Journal of Juristic Papyro­ logy, 1 9 4 6 ; 1 9 4 7 Journ. Sav. — Journal des Savants, 1665-. JRS = Journal of Roman Studies, 1911-. JTS — Journal of Theological Studies, 1899-. Klio — Klio, Beitrdge zur alten Geschichte, 1901-. Krit. Vierteljahrschr. f. Gesetzgeb. = Kriti­ sche Vierteljahresschrift fur Gesetzgebung und Rechtswissenschaft, 1859-. Kyrkohistorisk Arsskrift = Kyrkohistorisk Arsskrift, 1900-. Latomus

— Latomus,

revue

d'etudes

latines,

I937-Litteris = Litteris, an International Critical Review of the Humanities, 1924-. Lit. Zentralblatt — Literarisches Zentralblatt fur Deutschland, 1850-. MGWJ = Monatsschrift fur Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums, 1852—1939. Mnemosyne — Mnemosyne, 1852—. Museum = Museum, Maandblad voor philo­ logie en geschiedenis, 1893-. N. Jahrb. = Neue Jahrbiicher fur Antike und deutsche Bildung, (1938-42). OLZ = Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, 1898Oudtestament. Stud. = Oudtestamentische Studien, 1943-. Phil. Woch. = Berlinerphilologische Wochenschrift, 1881-1920. Preuss. Jahrb. = Preussische Jahrbiicher, 1858-. RB = Revue biblique, 1892—. REG — Revue des Etudes grecques, 1888-. REJ = Revue des Etudes juives, 1880-. Rev. Arch. = Revue Archeology .t.e, 1 8 4 4 - . Rev. belg. de philol. — Revue ^elge de philo­ logie et d'histoire, 192 2-.

LIST OF

xiv

ABBREVIATIONS

Rev. binid. = Revue binidictine, 1884-. Rev. de France — La Revue de France, 1921-. Rev. des quest, hist = Revue des questions historiques, i860-. Rev. d'hist. eccl. = Revue d'histoire eccUsiastique, 1900-. Rev. d. Philol. = Revue de Philologie, 1877-. Rev. it. anc. — Revue des itudes anciennes, 1898-. Rev. hist. d. droit frangais et etr anger — Revue historique de droit frangais et itranger, 1 9 2 2 - (formerly Nouvelle revue historique de droit). Rev. hist, philos. relig. = Revue d'histoire et de philosophic religieuses, 1921-. Rev. Hist. Rel. = Revue de I'histoire des religions, 1880-. RID A — Revue Internationale des Droits de V Antiquiti, 1948-. Riv. d. Filol. = Rivista di filologia, 1 8 7 3 - . Sav. Ztschr. — Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fur Rechtsgeschichte, 1880-. La Scuola Cattolica — La Scuola Cattolica, 1873-. Stud. Pal. •= C . W e s s e l y , Studien zur Palaographie und Papyruskunde, 1902-22. Stzb. Berl. Ak., see Stzb. preuss. Ak. Wiss. ph.-hist. Kl. Stzb. Heid. Ak. — Heidelberg Akademie der Wissenschaften. Sitzungsberichte phil.hist. Klasse. Stzb. preuss. Ak., Wiss. ph.-hist. Kl. — Sit­ zungsberichte der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil.-hist. Klasse. Stzb. Wiener Ak., phil.-hist. Klasse — Sit­ zungsberichte der Akademie der Wissen­ schaften in Wien, philologisch-historische Klasse. Symb. Osloen. = Symbolae Osloenses, 1922-. TAP A = Transactions of the American Philological Association, 1869-. Tarbiz = A Quarterly for Jewish Studies (in Hebrew), 1 9 3 0 - . Tijdschr. v. Gesch. — Tijdschriftvoor Geschiedenis, 1 8 8 6 - . TLZ — Theol. Lit. Zeit. — Theologische Lite­ raturzeitung, 1876-. II Vessillo Israelitico — II Vessillo Israelitico, 1 8 7 4 - 1 9 2 2 . Vestnik Drevnej Istorii = BCCTHHR ^ p e B H e f i HCTOpHH, 1 9 3

8-.

Vossische Zeitg. = VossischeZeitung, 1751-. YCS = Yale Classical Studies, 192 8-. Zion = A Quarterly for Research in Jewish History (in H e b r e w ) , 1 9 2 6 - .

3.

BOOKS AND

OTHER

PUBLICATIONS A r n i m , Leben und Werke des Dio Chrys. = H . F . A . v o n A r n i m , Leben und Werke des Dio von Prusa, 1898. B e v a n = E . B e v a n , A History of Egypt under the Ptolemaic Dynasty, 1927. B l a s s - D e b r u n n e r = F . Blass, Grammatik des neutestamentlichen Griechisch (bearb. v o n A . Debrunner), 8te Aufl. 1 9 4 9 . B l a u , Papyri und Talmud = L . Blau, Papyri und Talmud in gegenseitiger Beleuchtung, 1 9 1 3 . B l u d a u = B l u d a u , Juden und Judenverfolgungen im alien Alexandrien, 1906. BMC. A l e x a n d r i a = British Museum. D e p t . of Coins and Medals. Catalogue of the coins of Alexandria and the nomes, 1892. CAH — Cambridge Ancient History. Calderini, Dizion. d. nomi geogr. = A . C a l derini, Dizionario dei nomi geografici e topografici dell'Egitto greco-romano . . ., 1935Calderini, Le schede di censimento dell'Egitto romano = A . Calderini, . . . La composizione delta famiglia secondo le schede di censimento dell'Egitto romano, 1925. Cantarelli, La serie dei prefetti = L . Cantarelli, La serie dei prefetti di Egitto. Memoria del prof. L u i g i Cantarelli. C o w l e y = Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C., 1 9 2 3 . Dessau, Prosop. = H . Dessau, Prosopographia Imperii Romani, 3 vols. 1 8 9 6 - 8 . Diction, d'arch. Chrit. = F . Cabrol, Dictionnaire d'archiologie chretienne et de liturgie, 1903-. F u c h s = L . F u c h s , Die Juden Agyptens in ptolemdischer und romischer Zeit, 1 9 2 4 . Goodenough, Jurisprudence — E . R. Goodenough, The Jurisprudence of the Jewish Courts in Egypt, 1929. G r o a g and Stein, PIR = E . G r o a g et A . 2

Stein, Prosopographia

Imperii

Romani,

I933-Groningen, Le Gymnasiarque = B . A. van Groningen, Le Gymnasiarche des mitropoles de I'Egypte romaine, 1924. G u l a k , Das Urkundenwesen im Talmud — A . G u l a k , Das Urkundenwesen im Talmud im Lichte der griechisch-aegyptischen Papyri und des griechischen und roemischen Rechts, 1 9 3 5 .

LIST OF A B B R E V I A T I O N S Heichelheim, Wirtsch. d. Alt. = F . Heichelheim, Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Altertums, 1938. J o h n s o n = A . C . J o h n s o n , Roman Egypt, 1936. J u s t e r = J . J u s t e r , Les Juifs dans I'Empire romain, 1 9 1 4 . K u h n e r - G e r t h = R . Kiihner, Ausfuhrliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache, Teil I I , B . Gerth, 1 8 9 8 - 1 9 0 4 . M . Grundz. — L . Mitteis und U . W i l c k e n , Grundzuge und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde, ii. 1 . 1 9 1 2 . Milne = J . G . Milne, A History of Egypt under Roman Rule, 3 r d ed., 1 9 2 4 . NB = F . Preisigke, Namenbuch enthaltend alle Menschennamen, soweit sie in griechi­ schen Urkunden Agyptens sich vorfinden, 1922. Oxford Class. Diet. = Oxford Classical Dic­ tionary, 1 9 4 9 . Pape-Benseler = W . P a p e - E . Benseler, Worterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen, 3 . Aufl., 1 8 6 3 - 7 0 . Peremans-Vergote = W . Peremans and J . V e r g o t e , Papyrologisch Handboek, 1942. Preisigke, Girowesen — F . Preisigke, Girowesen in griechischen Agypten, 1910. Premerstein, A AM — A . v o n Premerstein, Zu den sogenannten alexandrinischen Martyrerakten, Philologus, Supplementb a n d X V I , H e f t ii, 1 9 2 3 . Premerstein, AG = A . v o n Premerstein, Alexandrinische Geronten vor Kaiser Gaius, 1 9 3 9 . RE

= Pauly-Wissowa,

der

classischen

Real-Encyklopddie Altertumswissenschaft,

1894R e i n a c h , Textes = T h . R e i n a c h , Textes d'auteurs grecs et romains relatifs au Judaisme, 1895. Riccobono, Fontes Juris Romani — S. Riccobono, Fontes Juris Romani Anteiustiniani, i, L e g e s , 1 9 4 1 .

xv

Rostovtzeff, Kolonat — M. Rostovtzeff, Studien zur Geschichte des romischen Kolonates, 1 9 1 0 . Rostovtzeff, SEHHW = M . Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History of the Hel­ lenistic World, 1 9 4 1 . Rostovtzeff, SEHRE = M. Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire, 1926. —, SEHRE = id., r e v . P . M . F r a s e r , 1 9 5 7 . R o t h = J . M . R o t h , Greek Papyri Lights on Jewish History, 1924. S a n Nicolo = M . S a n Nicolo, Agyptisches Vereinswesen zur Zeit der Ptolemder und Romer, 1 9 1 3 . Schiirer = E . Schurer, Geschichte des judischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi, 1901-9. Stein, Prdfekten = A . Stein, Die Prdfekten von Agypten in der rom. Kaiser zeit, 1 9 5 0 . S t r a c k - B i l l e r b e c k = H . L . S t r a c k und P . Billerbeck, Kommentar zum Neuen Testa­ ment aus Talmud und Midrasch, 1922-56. Taubenschlag = R . Taubenschlag, The Law of Greco-Roman Egypt in the Light of the Papyri, 2 n d edition, 1 9 5 5 . Thes. Ling. Gr. = H . S t e p h a n u s , Thesaurus Linguae Graecae. T r a m o n t a n o = R . T r a m o n t a n o , La Lettera di Aristea a Filocrate, 1931. W a l l a c e = S . L . W a l l a c e , Taxation in Egypt from Augustus to Diocletian, 1938. WB = F . Preisigke und E . Kiessling, Wdrterbuch der griechischen Papyrusurkunden, 1925-31W . Grundz. = U . W i l c k e n , Grundzuge und Chrestomatie der Papyruskunde, i. 1 , 1 9 1 2 . W i l c k e n , Ant. = U . W i l c k e n , Zum alexan­ drinischen Antisemitismus, A b h . d. S a c h s . Ges. d. W i s s . 2 7 , 1 9 0 9 , p p . 7 8 8 sqq. W u t h n o w = H . W u t h n o w , Die semitischen Menschennamen in griechischen Inschriften und Papyri des vordern Orients, 1930. 1

2

2

EXPLANATORY

NOTE

Square brackets [ ] indicate a lacuna, round brackets ( ) the resolution of a symbol or abbreviation, angular brackets < ) a mistaken omission in the original, braces { } a superfluous letter or letters, double square brackets O deletion. a

P A R T II

THE E A R L Y R O M A N PERIOD

SECTION VII

JEWS IN A L E X A N D R I A IN THE EARLY R O M A N PERIOD T H E eight documents of the present section stand o u t from t h e bulk of t h e Jewish papyri in that t h e y give us a glimpse of t h e life of Jews in Alexandria during t h e formative years of t h e Augustan settlement of E g y p t . Thus they serve as a welcome counterpart t o the general statement of Strabo (ap. J o s . ant. 1 4 . 1 1 7 ) concerning the organization of the community. Being of a legal character these documents tend t o raise the question of h o w far t h e influence of specific Jewish law as applied t o Jews can be traced in t h e papyrological evidence. All the eight papyri come from the excavations undertaken b y a German expedition under the direction of O. Rubensohn at Abusir el-Meleq on t h e site of a settlement in t h e Herakleopolite nome, t h e ancient name of which h a d apparently been Bousiris. A m o n g the m a n y documents uncovered in Abusir from mummy-cartonage and published in B G U iv, one distinguishes t w o main groups (cf. Schubart, Arch. v. 36). One of them, the smaller in number, consists of documents deriving partly from the late Ptolemaic age, and the information t h e y supply has a bearing only on local conditions of t h e Herakleopolite n o m e and above all of Bousiris. More interest attaches t o the second group a n d especially t o those documents in it which are drawn in t h e typical Alexandrian form of avyxcoprjaig. These documents date from the 6th t o t h e 26th year of Augustus and emanate undoubtedly from Alexandria, a conclusion which is forced on us b y the geographical and topographical allusions which are found in t h e m , all of which hint at Alexandria and are capable of being explained only b y an assumption of an Alexandrian origin (cf. Schubart, op. cit. 37 sqq.). I n addition, other facts such as the mention of institutions specifically Alexandrian (e.g. Kpirriptov iv rfj avXfj), the occurrence of soldiers serving in the 22nd legion stationed then in the capital (cf. Lesquier,L'Armee romained'Egypte, p . 388), and the evidence of N o . 151 (where ivravOa clearly means Alexandria) point in the same direction. Since all these documents come from Alexandria, w e should have expected to meet here m a n y Jews because of t h e large Jewish population known t o have inhabited that city, the more so, since t h e only quarters expressly m e n ­ tioned in the documents are 8 and jS. Concerning /3 there is no explicit evidence that it w a s inhabited mainly b y Jews, b u t as regards 8 w e have t h e assertion of Jos. bell. 2. 495 t o the effect that the Jewish population w a s concentrated in it (. . . S e A r a , OVVCOKLCTTO yap e/cet TO 'IOVSCLIKOV) .* Hence it is a fair inference t h a t 1

Philo, Flacc. 5 5 states that of the five quarters named after the first letters of the alphabet (for their enumeration cf. Ps.-Callisthenes, i. 3 2 ; P. M. Fraser, JEA xxxvii, 1951, 104, from a late Syriac source; see also Seyfarth, Aeg. x x x v , 1955, 15), two are named Jewish, one of them being, B 5195

as would appear, the S. Whether the second of them is the cannot be determined. Y e t , as is implied by Leg. 1 3 2 , the Jews were numerous enough to make their presence felt in the other regions as well, their synagogues being found throughout the town. B

SECTION VII

2

there should be a high proportion of Jews among the persons occurring i n t h e synchoreseis. Still, w e must take exception t o t h e long list of Jews drawn from t h e m b y Segre (BSAA xxviii, 1933, 157), m a n y items of which would n o t stand a closer examination, a n d w e limit accordingly the number of t h e papyri in­ cluded in this section. Our main reason for doing so is that w e cannot find o u t a w a y t o distinguish among J e w s a n d non-Jews in most of the documents. W e have also t o bear in mind that though t h e only quarters mentioned are j8 and 8, t h e y appear only in some of the papyri, and there is no cogent argument t o make us deny t h e possibility of having among the documents synchoreseis relating t o other parts of t h e t o w n as well, as t h e office of Protarchos in which most of t h e m were drawn u p need n o t necessarily have been limited in its activities b y local considerations. I n addition w e m a y note that t h e 8 w a s b y n o means exclusively Jewish, and w e cannot prove even that Jews constituted t h e v a s t majority of its population i n t h e time of A u g u s t u s . Another possible explana­ tion for t h e relatively low number of Jews in t h e synchoreseis m a y be sought in the natural inclination of a part a t least of t h e Jews t o have recourse t o their autonomous courts (Modona, Aegyptus, hi, 1922, 39). Still, the most w e i g h t y reason for our rather scanty inclusion of t h e synchoreseis in t h e present section is that first adduced, that it is hardly possible t o discern in t h e m J e w s from non-Jews. 1

2

The Jewishness of some of t h e persons appearing i n our eight documents is fairly certain, while of others it is either probable or possible. So Theodoros, t h e son of Nikodemos (Nos. 142-3), who deposits his testament in the Jewish archive, belongs undoubtedly t o t h e Jewish c o m m u n i t y . The theophoric name borne b y one of the brothers, a n d t h e names Alexander and Nikodemos, common among Jews, m a y serve t o corroborate our supposition (cf. N o . 143,7, note a d l o c ) . On the other hand, there is nothing t o reveal t h e nationality of Alexander's creditor, Ammonios (No. 142). Dionysia, t o w h o m Theodoros bequeathes a s u m of 200 drachmai, is likely to have been a Jewess (No. 143). N e x t (No. 144) we have a divorce case, one of the parties t o which is Apollonia, the daughter of Sambathion, who, as her father's name shows, is probably a Jewess, and her mother Eirene a n d her husband Hermogenes m a y also be Jews. W e have, however, t o reckon w i t h t h e possibility of a m i x e d marriage, a phenomenon perhaps not unusual in Alex­ andria though wholly disapproved b y Philo, w h o declares it (de spec. leg. 3. 29) 1

According to Segre there are nearly fifty Jews to be found in the Alexandrian papyri published in B G U I V . However, his criteria for inclusion seem to be somewhat lax: (a) the word K a l a a p o s , which sometimes goes with a name, does not point to the man's Jewishness; it means that the person in question was an imperial slave or freedman; (b) theophoric names were certainly not restricted to J e w s ; (c) not all the inhabitants of the quarter were Jews. 3

Though Strabo says that a region of the town was assigned to the Jews, it does not neces­ sarily mean that this region is identical with one of the five quarters. I t may be only a part of one of the quarters, possibly of the 8 . Stronger

evidence in favour of a Jewish majority in two of the five quarters is supplied by Philo, Flacc. 5 5 , according to whom two of the five town-quarters were labelled 'Jewish'. Y e t much depends on the translation of the words 8 i a TO irXeLoTovs

'IovSalovs

iv ravrais KarotKeiv. Goodenough, Jurisprudence, 16, n. 29, translates 'inhabited mostly by J e w s ' ; Colson (Loeb edition) gives as his translation 'because most of the Jews inhabit them', and adds note 'or perhaps: "because most of the inhabitants are Jews", i.e. there are also Gen­ tiles'. Box, Philonis in Flaccum, 1939, translates 'because Jews for the most part dwell in them*. I prefer Colson's first version.

JEWS IN A L E X A N D R I A IN T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D

3

forbidden b y the Law because of the likelihood of apostasy from monotheism b y the children of a marriage of this kind. T h e following document (No. 145) h a s as its subject a transfer of land. One of t h e lots bordering on t h e land in question is denoted as t h e land of Helkias. Helkias seems t o b e a contemporary Jewish landowner rather than t h e renowned Jewish commander whose activities fall in the reign of Kleopatra I I I , some ninety years before t h e drawing of t h e present document (cf. t h e commentary). Concerning t h e parties t o t h e agreement, there is nothing t o establish t h e Jewishness of either Protarchos, t h e former owner, or his wife, designated aar-q, b u t t h e name of t h e buyer, Tryphon son of Simon, renders it probable that he w a s a J e w . N e x t come t w o agreements in both of which there appear Jewish wet-nurses (Nos. 146-7). Another Jewess, called Martha (No. 148), plays her part in satisfying t h e financial demands of t h e creditor of her late patron, whose property she shares w i t h his son. There is nothing t o b e said as t o t h e nationality of t h e patron himself. T h e last of the series is a highly interesting synchoresis dealing w i t h a repayment of some debt t o a loan society (No. 149). It is almost certain t h a t t h e three debtors are J e w s . The documents, as w e see, are fairly illustrative of t h e variegated onomasticon of Alexandrian Jews. W e find Hebrew (or Semitic) names like Isakis, Marion, Martha, b y the side of theophoric names (Theodoros, Theodotos) a n d c o m m o n Greek names, well established in Hellenistic Jewry (Lysimachos, Tryphon, Alexander). 1

The social picture that emerges from t h e documents confirms largely t h e impression w e get from Philo's writings, t h a t t h e rich financiers and business­ m e n constituted only a part, a n d probably a numerically negligible one, of Alexandrian Jews. A s t h e benefits of t h e synchoretic agreements extended t o the different grades of t h e population, it results inevitably t h a t w e find repre­ sented in t h e m people of various social classes a n d of different economic stand­ ing. Of those appearing in the present documents, highest in t h e social order seem t o rank t h e Macedonian Alexander and his brother Theodoros, w h o owned some land in t h e Alexandrian chora. Y e t even these brothers do not seem economic­ ally well-off and some land possessed b y Theodoros w a s knocked down t o a creditor. Other Jewish landowners are Helkias, whose land is situated in the Bousirite nome, and possibly Tryphon, son of Simon (No. 145), w h o p a y s at least 1,400 drachmai for land in t h e same district (ibid.). All these people come from t h e higher social grades of t h e Jewish population of Alexandria, b u t that cannot b e maintained in respect of t h e others, w h o definitely occupy a place among t h e lower ones. So Apollonia (No. 144) w i t h her rather meagre dowry of 60 drachmai, and t h e t w o Jewish wet-nurses (Nos. 146-7). One of t h e m (Theodote) is designated as a Tlepaivrj, while her husband styles himself a 2

1

Cf. also J o s . ant. 8. 1 9 1 ; Jubil. 30. 1 1 sqq., who extend the prohibition of marriage to all but co-religionists; cf. b. Abodah Zarah 36b. See also Belkin, Philo and the Oral Law, 232; Allon, Tarbiz (in Hebrew), vi. 32 sq.. A list of mixed marriages is drawn up by Juster, ii. 4 5 , n. 5 ; but some of those referred to by him may be accounted for by special circumstances. For the question of marriages between persons

of different nationalities in Graeco-Roman E g y p t cf. Taubenschlag , 104 sqq. It stands to reason, though it is not abso­ lutely certain, that Theodoros too was a Mace­ donian. It is noteworthy that Alexander is one of the few persons in the papyri of the Abusir find who are classed among the Macedonians (the others are a man in B G U 1052 and a woman, Laodike, daughter of Lysias, in B G U 1059). 2

2

SECTION VII

4

IJepa'qs rijs imyovrjg; her m o n t h l y salary consists of 8 drachmai and a quantity of oil. Another Jewess is a freedwoman (No. 148). Finally t h e three J e w s of N o . 149, w h o p a y their loan of 140 drachmai i n 14 instalments, and are denoted 'Persians', are n o t likely t o have belonged t o t h e well-to-do section of t h e population (cf. Vol. I , p p . 50 sq.). As stated above, t h e present documents are drawn in the form of a synchoresis, a kind of document which originated in t h e legal conditions of Ptolemaic Alexandria. I t appears t o have developed from settlements of disputed matters brought before t h e court, a n d s o publicity w a s inherent i n i t from t h e very start. I t would seem that it remained an instrument specifically Alexandrian. The synchoreseis dealt with in the present section are all addressed t o Protarchos, a public notary, whose activity falls a t least between the years 16th and 26th of Augustus. T h e y are all worded objectively. N o . 148 refers in addition t o a v7T6fjivrifj,a delivered t o t h e archidikastes. Though these documents are of a legal character, w e nevertheless look in t h e m in vain for any details which m a y throw some light on t h e working of the Jewish jurisdiction of Alexandria, t h e existence of which is implied b y t h e celebrated passage of Strabo a n d is expressly attested b y t h e Thoseftha (Peah 4. 6; K e t h u b o t h 3. 1). I n t h e present section there is only a single reference t o t h e functions of Jewish autonomous institutions, namely t h e Jewish archive i n which t h e testament of t h e 'Macedonian' Theodoros w a s kept (No. 143). I t i s reasonable t o suppose that t h e Jewish archive enjoyed some sort of official recognition, especially as w e know from t h e Gnomon of the Idios Logos 7 that for a testament t o be valid t h e government of E g y p t required it t o have been drawn before a public n o t a r y . A s t h e testament of Theodoros is not quoted in full, w e cannot s a y whether i t differed in a n y w a y from t h e common t y p e of Graeco-Egyptian testaments. Apart from this single mention of the Jewish apx^tov (No. 143) the papyri do not bear a n y distinct mark of Jewish law or institutions, and one of t h e m plainly contradicts w h a t we know t o be Jewish law. This is N o . 144, a deed of divorce. I t is drawn in t h e usual form of Graeco-Egyptian divorce a s known from other papyri (cf. N o . 144, Introduction), and t h e full equality of b o t h parties t o t h e deed can hardly b e explained in terms of traditional Jewish law, either Biblical or Talmudic, according t o which t h e husband exercises t h e sole right of sending t h e divorce, t h e wife being reduced t o a subordinate position. I t is true t h a t t h e court could at t h e wife's instigation force t h e hus­ band t o send a divorce; y e t e v e n so n o change in the inferior legal status of t h e wife is implied. I n agreement with Graeco-Egyptian but n o t with Jewish usage 1

2

3

1

Cf. for the ovy>xpyoeis

in general, Schubart,

op. cit. 47 sqq.; P . M. Meyer, Jurist. Papyri,

92 sq.;

Pringsheim, Greek Law of Sale, 32 sq.; L . Wenger, Die 743 2

Quellen

des roemischen

Rechts,

143 n. 79,

sq. 8[i\a0TJKai Soon, [irj Kara 8r][iomovs

yevcovrai,

aKvpol

elai.

7

JLarl a l0

xP ]f ' f '^S

Cf. S . Riccobono, jun., 11

Gnomon dell'Idios Logos, 119 sq. That Jewish women in actual practice exer­ cised right of divorce might be inferred from Cowley, no. 1 5 , 23, but here too we may interpret 3

the case in question only to mean that the woman could come into the congregation and demand a divorce. Cf. Belkin, op. cit. 269. See J . N . E p ­ stein, Jahrb. der judisch-literarischen Gesellschaft (Frankfurt a.M.), vi, 1909, 368 sqq., for parallel references in the Palestinian Talmud. In any case the legal practice of Elephantine Jewry can hardly serve as an example of strict Jewish law, because of the non-Jewish influence prevalent there. We should mention that ant. 1 5 . 259, 18. 136, apparently relate two cases in which women

JEWS IN A L E X A N D R I A IN T H E EARLY ROMAN P E R I O D

5

is also t h e appearance of a Kvpios at t h e side of t h e w o m a n in t w o of t h e docu­ m e n t s (Nos. 143-4). B u t w h y should we expect t o find traces of Jewish law in an Alexandrian synchoresis drawn in a non-Jewish office and naturally according t o t h e requirements and forms of t h e general law prevalent in t h e t o w n ? T h e problem is rather w h y t h e J e w s w h o h a d their o w n autonomous courts h a d nevertheless recourse t o non-Jewish tribunals. Though w e d o n o t k n o w enough t o reach conclusions as t o t h e scope a n d nature of Jewish jurisprudence in Alexandria, w e m a y point t o t h e following considerations: (a) that in t h e synchoreseis t h e general l a w as applied t o Jews, exposed as t h e y were t o e x ­ ternal influence, is consonant with what emerges otherwise from t h e papyri coming from t h e xP ( - Vol. I, p p . 32 s q q . ) ; (b) the jurisdiction of t h e Jewish courts of Alexandria seems n o t t o have been compulsory and hence t h e J e w s could apply t o non-Jewish courts; (c) t h e official and quasi-judicial character of the synchoresis and t h e resulting effectiveness associated with i t h a d as m u c h attraction for Jews as for non-Jews. I t probably assured t h e m of a better settlement of their business than could be obtained b y the other w a y s open t o t h e m ; (d) there is always a strong presumption that in some of the documents included in t h e present section, if not in most of them, only one party t o t h e agreement is Jewish. 1

a

CI

The documents are reproduced in this section with b u t few textual correc­ tions, since n o photostats of t h e B G U papyri were obtainable after t h e Second World War. M. S.

N o . 142. Jewish-owned land in the chora of Alexandria Abusir el-Meleq. 3 1 x 1 2 cm. May/June 1 4 B.C. B G U 1 1 3 2 (Schubart). Cf. BL i. 98. LIT.: Schwarz, Hypothek und Hypallagma, 106 sqq. Preisigke, Klio, xii, 1 9 1 2 , 4 1 1 . Schubart, Arch. v . 38 n. 4, 73 n. 4, 74 n. 2, i n n. 3 , 1 2 8 n. 2. Jors, Sav. Ztschr. x x x v i , 1 9 1 5 , 3 3 1 sq. Kreller, Erbrechtliche Untersuchungen, 1 7 1 n. 18b, 260, 306 n. 1 7 . Engers, Klio, xviii, 1 9 2 3 , 89. Schonbauer, Beitr. zur Gesch. d. Liegenschaftsrechtes, 1 9 2 4 , 2 9 , 4 9 . Schnebel, Landwirtschaft, 1 3 . Engers, Mnemosyne, liv, 1926, 1 5 4 . Bevan, 100 n. 2. Segre, BSAA xxviii, 1 9 3 3 , 1 4 7 , 1 5 7 n. 3 . Calderini, Dizion. d. nomi geogr. i. 1 . 208-9. Bickerman, HTR xliii, 1949, i n . Pringsheim, Greek Law of Sale, 408 n. 1 .

An agreement concerning a debt due from Alexander, styled 'Macedonian', to Ammonios. The debt has been contracted by Theodoros, the deceased brother of Alexander, who made his will (as we know from No. 143) in the Jewish apx^lov. Hence both brothers are certainly to be regarded as Jews. In the preserved part of this document four synchoreseis previous to the final one, which is not preserved, are cited. The deceased Theodoros had borrowed from Ammonios a sum of 500 drachmai. When he failed to repay, some plots of his land in the chora of Alexandria were put up for auction and knocked down by aprosbole (cf. note ad loc.) to the creditor. In consequence of high station divorced their respective husbands, but here they act as open transgressors of the L a w , presumably under Roman influence, and the same applies to the hypothetical case of Mark 10. 1 2 . Cf. Amram, The Jewish Law of Divorce, 1896, 61 sq.; Neufeld, Ancient Hebrew

Marriage Laws, 1944, 182 sqq. In the eyes of the strict Jewish law, as formulated in m. Gittin, i. 5 , divorce proceedings brought before a non-Jewish court had in any case only doubtful validity. 1

6

S E C T I O N V I I : NO. 142

the debt was reduced by 200 drachmai. The following three synchoreseis deal with further loans of 500, 200, and 200 drachmai respectively. The final synchoresis might have dealt with the repayment of the debt by Alexander, or perhaps with taking over the debts of Theodoros by Alexander (see similar case in No. 148). IIpcoTdpxi> irapa Ap.p.tovio(v) TOV Aiovvato(v)

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7

rparre^s

Sr) Sta rpane^rjg is a document authenticated by a bank; loans contracted through a bank are frequent. Maplcov may be a Roman name with a Greek suffix, cf., for example, S B 4604; Arch. v . 175 n. 26; S B 4374, 7354. For irpoofiepXijodai cf. 1. 17 Trpoa^oX-q and note ad loc. The unpublished P. 13090 (Inv. Berl.) seems to bear on this case: fifj OVOTJS T(rj)s peficutooeLos T(TJ)S 7tpoK(eip.4vqs) TTpooflo(Mjs) Afi/jLCoyioy

(?) 8ta TT}(S) Bed TCOV irpa^Topcov)

ovyxcopiftcretos),

see Schubart in BL,

I.e.

9 - 1 1 . yvos means usually in the papyri a field surrounded by dykes, also a plot (cf. Olsson, Papyrusbriefe, 67, 1. 16 note; P . Oxford, p. 5 1 ) . It would seem that the A X e g a v S p e w v x ^ P - consisted of plots ( y v o i ) both numbered and named (cf. 1.10 y v o v i m o r j u o v ) with pertinent mark on the boundary stone; 0

however, in 1.15 occurs iv Tfj.ai see Vol. I , pp. 4 - 5 ; for KaraKenXvafievrj

in the land of Alexandria, x^poos

cf. Schnebel, I.e.

17. -npoofioXri—is 'ein Eigentumszuschlag des Pfandes im Vollstreckungsverfahren' (Schwarz, 104), cf. Taubenschlag , 276, 527, 533, 535 n. 2 1 , Pringsheim, Scritti Ferrini, iv. 284 sqq., Segre, Archivio Giuridico, Sesta Serie, i, 1945, 161 sqq. 1 8 - 1 9 . Ammonios has taken over land under cultivation and building-plots; on tjiiXol r o v o i see No. 447, note. 2

A. F .

No. 1 4 3 . Agreement about Abusir el-Meleq. 3 7 x 1 2 cm. 13 B.C. B G U 1 1 5 1 , I V (Schubart). Roth 1 0 . L I T . : Schubart, Klio, x, 191 o, 65. Berger, Die Strafklauseln in den Papyrusurkunden, 1 9 1 1 , 1 5 , 188, 195. Wilcken, Grundz. 63. Mitteis, Grundz. 236. Juster, i. 4 7 5 n. 2, ii. 7 n. 5 para. 5, 86 n. 2 . Schubart, Einfiihr. in die Papyr. 3 3 0 . Kreller, 1 7 1 n. 1 8 b , 194 n. 29, 260, 300 n. 1 9 , 306, 3 1 6 , 3 2 0 , 3 6 3 , 364. Accordi, Stud. Scuol. Papirol. Milan, iii, 1920, 24. Fuchs, 93 sq., 97. Engers, Mnemosyne, liv, 1 9 2 6 , 154 sq. Bevan, 100 n. 2. Goodenough, Jewish Courts in Egypt, 1 5 . Weber, Obligationenrecht, 19. 180, 1 8 2 , 1 8 3 , 1 8 4 . Segr6, BSAA xxviii, 1 9 3 3 , 1 4 7 , 1 5 7 n. 3 , 1 5 8 n. 2 . Box, In Flacc, Intro­ duction, p. xxvii n. 3 . Lenger, RIDA iii, 1949, 74. Tcherikover, Commentationes Lewy (Hebrew), 159 n. 5 2 .

A sum of 200 drachmai was bequeathed to Dionysia by Theodoros. The sum is due to her from Alexander, Theodoros' brother (see No. 1 4 2 ) . The papyrus is a synchoresis in which Dionysia acknowledges receipt of half of the sum; the remaining 100 drachmai

JEWS IN A L E X A N D R I A

IN T H E E A R L Y ROMAN P E R I O D

9

are to be paid in instalments in 1 7 months. The usual formulae concerning fines, in case the debtor fails to pay, follow. As the will of Theodoros was made S i a rod TCOV 'IovSatcov dpx^ov (11. 7 - 8 ) , it is certain that the two brothers were Jews; that Dionysia was a Jewess would seem to be probable, but not certain. This is the only instance of Ttjjv 'IovSaccov apx^tov being mentioned in the papyri (cf. CI J ii. 7 7 5 for an dpxelov TCOV 'IovSaicov in Hierapolis in Phrygia); the TTOXLTIKOV dpxelov, i.e. the notary's office of the TTOXLS of Alexandria, occurs in BGU iv (see Schubart, Arch. v. 3 8 ; cf. especially BGU 1 1 3 1 . 1 4 , 2 2 ) , and the 'IovSatcov dpx^ov seems to have been its counterpart, i.e. the records-office of the Jewishpoliteuma in Alexandria (see also Vol. I, pp. 3 2 sqq.). Ko\(\rjfjLa)

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14

S E C T I O N V I I : NO. 145 fiopp&L

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Tr)v Tp[o]cbr]av ivTOS TOV [x]p6vpyvrji, elvai avTrjv Kal

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5. a[K\4paioy Musurillo. [aKrj]p[aTov 7. Kara{Pap}^apoiro Oliver.

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Oliver.

jsuggested by the editors.

9 . Oliver thought that the use of the term imrpoTTos provided evidence in favour of the literary character of the document, the official title of the Prefect of E g y p t being e n a p x o s . Y e t the Boulepapyrus is not a document issued by an Imperial office, but a petition of the Alexandrians, composed probably by a rhetor, so that unimportant departures from official formulae are easily explained. In any case, these terms were frequently confused in the early period of Roman rule in E g y p t (Wilcken, Arch. x. 2 5 5 ; Stein, Prdfekten, 179). Cf. No. 1 5 3 , 1 1 . 43-44, where Claudius calls Vitrasius Pollio, who had been prefect in E g y p t , eVtTpo7Tos (cf. Reinmuth, 9). 15-20. For the conjectural restoration of these lines, see P S I 1160 (p. 98 n. 1 ) . 20. Seanora (domine) is an unusual mode of address for Augustus. Y e t we are in E g y p t , where Augustus was frequently called K v p i o s and Oeos (cf., for example, P.Oxy. 1 1 4 3 ; B G U 1200,1201). W h y not SeoTrorrjs ? 2 1 . A s many scholars have rightly emphasized, only Augustus is called in E g y p t by his simple name K a i a a p , without any further specification (such as Oeos and a v r o K p a r t o p ) , not only in the dating of his regnal years (numerous instances), but also in other cases. Cf., for example, B G U 1 1 4 1 . 1 0 Kal Tr)v K a i a a p o s rv\xv] °~ e£op*«'Jeot. The slaves (or the freedmen) of Augustus in Alexandria were called simply K a i a a p o s : No. 145, B G U 1130, 1 1 5 2 , 1166, 1170, 1 1 7 1 , 1 1 7 5 , 1177. v

€

22—23. The editors suggested Kaiaap

etrrev

rrepl

TOVTCOV StaAijfi] do not make sense. Jones restores the reply: ' I will decide on this question (when I have sent a letter) to Alexandria' (cf. Musurillo, 92). Y e t 'a letter to Alexandria' without a specific indication of the recipient is meaningless; Claudius in a similar case speaks clearly of his prefect (No. 1 5 3 , 1 1 . 7 0 sqq.), and there was no need for Augustus to specify that the Roman prefect resided in Alexandria. I think therefore that the suggestion of the editors was right and that Augustus had the intention of visiting Alexandria. Y e t we have seen that their suggested date for the document, 30 B.C., cannot be right. The years 20-19 seem to be those best suited to our view. Augustus left Rome in the autumn of 2 1 ; during 20 he visited various provinces in the East, among others Syria, and he returned home in 19. It may easily be assumed that, being so near E g y p t , Augustus intended to visit it, a plan for some reason not carried out. W e do not know where the em­ bassy from Alexandria met him, but that there was such an embassy may easily be assumed. Many instances are recorded of powerful Roman personages receiving embassies during their visits to the provinces.

No.

A petition

Prefect

Abusir el-Meleq. 38 X 10 cm. 5 / 4 B.C. B G U 1 1 4 0 (Schubart). W . Chr. 58. Roth n . L I T . : Schiirer, iii. 7 1 8 . Wilcken, Ant. 787. Jouguet, La Vie municipale, 2 1 , 90 n. 2 , 1 8 8 . Schubart, Arch. v . 3 8 , 8 0 , 1 0 4 n. 1 , 1 0 9 , 1 1 8 sqq. Wilcken, Arch, v , 4 3 1 . Juster ii. 7 n. 5. Engers, Klio, xviii. 8 1 . Neppi Modona, Aeg. ii. 257 n. 4. Bell, Jews and Christians, 1 2 . De Sanctis, Riv. d. Filol. Iii, 1 9 2 4 , 4 9 9 . Dessau, ii. 2 , 6 7 1 . Reinmuth, Prefect, 87 n. 2.

This papyrus derives from Abusir el-Meleq, like all the Alexandrian papyri in BGU iv (cf. Section VII). It was written not by the author of the petition, but by a scribe, since another document, BGU 1 1 3 0 , which has no connexion with the present one, is written by the same hand (Schubart, BGU 1 1 3 0 , Intr.; Arch. v. 3 8 n. 2 , 1 0 9 , 1 1 9 ) . The papyrus is very badly mutilated, so that only the first eight lines can be read more or less satisfactorily; the rest is guesswork. The petition is addressed to the prefect C. Turranius; the plaintiff is Helenos, son of Tryphon, and it seems that the motive

S E C T I O N V I I I : N O . 151

30

of the complaint was an injury done to Helenos by Horos, a financial official of the government (11. 9 sqq.). The main interest of the papyrus lies in 1. 2 , where Helenos is styled 'an Alexandrian' (AXetjavSpevs); yet the word was cancelled and in its place the scribe wrote 'a Jew from Alexandria' ('Iovoalov tcov drro AXetjavSpelas). This change of term has been discussed with great interest by modern scholars. Was this merely a formal change, aiming at a more exact definition of the civil status of Helenos, as argued by Schiirer, Juster, De Sanctis, and Dessau, or had it a deeper significance, AXegavSpevs being a designation for an Alexandrian citizen, whereas 'IovSaios tcov drro AXetjavSpelas meant only 'a Jew living in Alexandria', i.e. a simple resident (so Wilcken, Schubart, Bell, and others) ? I have no doubt that the latter opinion is the right one. AXetjavSpevs in a document addressed to the highest official of the province must have been used in its official sense of a 'citizen of Alexandria'. The term could, of course, have been expanded by a more detailed definition, e.g. by the addition of the names of a tribe and a deme (cf. Vol. I, p. 4 1 n. 1 0 2 ) , but not by the replacement of this term, used for a citizen, by a term used for ordinary residents or villagers (cf. 1. 2 , note). The scribe (probably far better versed in all questions of Alexandrian citizenship than any modern scholar) has, with the full facts before him, replaced the title suggested by Helenos with another, corresponding better to the legal status of the plaintiff. It was probably the contents of the petition which made the scribe sceptical about the real status of Helenos. It follows from the document that Helenos was forced by an oikonomos of the government to pay the laographia; how else can we explain the triple mention of laographia in the petition and the special reference to the fact that men of 60 were exempt from it ? Helenos, being a son of an Alexandrian citizen (cf. note to 1. 3 ) and having enjoyed a Greek education, probably in a gymnasium (cf. note to 1. 6), was sure of his citizenship. Yet it is one thing to conceive oneself a citizen and another to bring legal evidence for one's status when compelled to do so. The oikonomos was probably right in compelling Helenos to pay the poll-tax, and so was the scribe in changing the wording of the document in a way more appropriate to the civic status of his client. The reluctance of Helenos to agree with the new formulation of his status, as now revealed to him by the scribe, resulted in a very confused wording of the petition. Helenos begins by mentioning the citizenship of his father and his own Greek 7ratSet'a, thus giving the evidence for his citizenship, and ends with a reference to the privilege of old men to be free of poll-tax, a privilege quite meaningless for citizens, who were free of poll-tax in any case. It seems that his argument was that formulated by Bell (op. cit. 1 2 n. 3 ) : T am an Alexandrian, the son of an Alexandrian, and in any case I am over-age.' The illogicality of such an argument is obvious; yet it is typical of Jews in this period who went to all possible lengths in their struggle for emancipation (cf. Vol. I, pp. 6 1 sqq.). Tvppavicoi

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'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A 7 ° tree rfj rroXei /cat rots ip,oZs it pay panel oiauKeipaoOai rov re rporrov,

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41

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42

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO. 153 Kal TifiepLtoL KXavhlcDL ApxcftitoL TCDI ifiwc

erefjacot].

eppajadat. (Translation.)

Proclamation of Lucius Aemilius Rectus.

Since, because of its numbers, not all the populace was able t o be present at the reading of the most sacred letter which is so beneficent to the city, I h a v e thought it necessary to publish the letter so that each one of y o u m a y read it and wonder at the greatness of our god Caesar and be thankful for his goodwill towards the city. In t h e second year of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus the Emperor, on the 14th d a y of the m o n t h Neos Sebastos. Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus the Emperor, Pontifex Maximus, holder of the Tribunician Power, consul designate, to the city of Alexandria, greeting. Tiberius Claudius Barbillus, Apollonios son of Artemidoros, Chairemon son of Leonidas, Marcus Julius Asklepiades, Gaius Julius Dionysios, Tiberius Claudius Phanias, Pasion the son of Potamon, Dionysios the son of Sabbion, Tiberius Claudius Archibios, Apollonios the son of Ariston, Gaius Julius Apol­ lonios, Hermaiskos the son of Apollonios, your ambassadors, presented me with the decree and spoke at length about the city, directing m y attention to your goodwill towards us, which, y o u m a y be sure, has long been stored in m y memory, since it comes from your natural reverence towards the Emperors, as I know from m a n y instances, and particularly from your devotion to m y own family, which we have returned. Of this, t o pass over other instances and mention the latest, the best witness is m y brother, Germanicus Caesar, w h o addressed y o u in the most sincere language. For this reason I h a v e gladly received the honours y o u h a v e given me, although I have no great taste for such things. Firstly then, I allow y o u to keep m y birthday as a sacred d a y as y o u have requested, and I permit y o u to erect in their several places the statues of m e and m y family; for I see that y o u are anxious to establish on all sides memorials of your reverence to m y family. Of the t w o golden statues, the one of P a x Augusta Claudiana, which I w a s inclined to refuse, since it seemed rather excessive, shall be set u p at Rome, as m y most honoured Barbillus suggested and entreated, and the other shall be carried in processions on name-days in your city in the manner y o u think best, and a throne shall be carried with it, according to your request. I t would perhaps be absurd for m e to allow such great honours and to refuse the creation of a Claudian tribe and the dedication of groves after the Egyptian custom, and I therefore allow these too. If y o u wish, y o u m a y also erect the equestrian statues of Vitrasius Pollio m y procurator. I allow y o u also to set u p the four-horse chariots which y o u wish to set up at the entrances to your country, at the place called Taposiris in Libya, at Pharos of Alexandria, and a third at Pelousion in E g y p t . B u t the establishment of a high-priest and temples of myself I decline, not wishing t o be offensive to m y contemporaries and in the belief that temples and the like have been set apart in all ages for the gods alone. About the requests which y o u h a v e made from me, m y decision is this. T o

'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN ALEXANDRIA

43

all those w h o have been registered as epheboi u p t o the time of m y principate I guarantee and confirm their Alexandrian citizenship with all the privileges and benefits enjoyed b y t h e city, with the exception of a n y w h o , though born of slave-parents, have made their w a y into your ephebate, and it is also m y will that all privileges which were granted t o y o u b y emperors, kings, and prefects before m y time shall be confirmed, in t h e same w a y that the g o d Augustus confirmed them. I t is also m y will that t h e neokoroi of t h e temple of t h e g o d Augustus in Alexandria should be chosen b y lot in the same w a y as those of t h e god Augustus in Kanopos. I n proposing that the magistrates of t h e c i t y shall hold their offices for three years, y o u seem t o m e t o h a v e decided wisely, for your magistrates will behave more moderately during their term of office for fear of being called t o account for abuses of power. A b o u t the Council, w h a t your custom w a s under the old kings, I cannot say, b u t that y o u did n o t h a v e one under the emperors before m e , y o u are well aware. Since this is a n e w matter n o w laid before m e for the first time and it is uncertain whether it will profit the city and m y affairs, I have written t o Aemilius R e c t u s t o examine t h e question and report t o m e whether the Council should be established, and, if it should, w h a t form it should take. W i t h regard t o the responsibility for t h e disturbances and rioting, or rather, t o speak the truth, t h e war, against the Jews, although your ambassadors, particularly Dionysios the son of Theon, argued vigorously and at length in t h e disputation, I have not wished t o make an exact inquiry, b u t I harbour w i t h i n m e a store of immutable indignation against those w h o renewed t h e conflict. I merely s a y that, unless y o u stop this destructive and obstinate m u t u a l enmity, I shall be forced t o show what a benevolent ruler can be w h e n h e is turned t o righteous indignation. E v e n now, therefore, I conjure the Alexandrians t o behave gently and kindly towards the J e w s w h o h a v e inhabited the same city for m a n y years, and not t o dishonour a n y of their customs in their worship of their god, b u t t o allow them t o keep their own ways, as t h e y did in the time of the g o d Augustus and as I too, having heard b o t h sides, h a v e confirmed. The Jews, on the other hand, I order not t o aim at more than t h e y have pre­ viously h a d and n o t in future t o send t w o embassies as if t h e y lived in t w o cities, a thing which has never been done before, and not t o intrude themselves into the games presided over b y the gymnasiarchoi and the kosmetai, since t h e y enjoy what is their own, and in a city which is n o t their own t h e y possess an abundance of all good things. Nor are t h e y t o bring in or invite J e w s coming from Syria or E g y p t , or I shall be forced t o conceive graver suspicions. If t h e y disobey, I shall proceed against them in every w a y as fomenting a c o m m o n plague for the whole world. If y o u both give u p your present w a y s and are willing t o live in gentleness and kindness with one another, I for m y part will care for t h e city as much as I can, as one which has long been closely connected with us. Barbillus m y friend, as I can witness, has always been your champion w i t h m e and has n o w conducted your case with t h e greatest zeal, and the same is true of m y friend Tiberius Claudius Archibios. Farewell. 1. L . Aemilius Rectus followed C. Vitrasius Pollio as prefect of Egypt soon after the assassination o f Gaius (24th January 4 1 ) ; his name is recorded in some inscriptions and papyri, cf. Loesch, 6 ; Reinmuth, 1 3 2 ; Stein, 29; Reinmuth, RE xxii. 2. 2369.

44

SECTION VIII: NO. 153

9. Wilcken suggested the emendation Oe(£)ov, pointing out that there are no further instances of emperors being officially termed 8 e 6 s in E g y p t (cf. Blumenthal, Arch. v . 328), and emphasizing that in the Letter Claudius himself refuses to accept divine honours. Y e t we have instances of Augustus being called Oeos in E g y p t (P. O x y . 1 4 3 ; B G U 1 2 0 0 , 1 2 0 1 ) , though he too did not care for divine honours. It was common in the Orient to deify the living king; cf., against Wilcken, Schubart (Gnomon, i. 24) and Bell (JEA xi. 95. 2). 13. N e o s Z e f i a a r o s = Hathyr (cf. Scott, Y C S ii. 271). Since the edict of the prefect was published in Alexandria on the 14th of Hathyr ( = 10th November, A . D . 41) it may be assumed that the Letter was dispatched from Rome about the middle of October, and written perhaps at the beginning of the same month (Engers, 176; Loesch, 6). Now the embassy of the Alexandrians arrived at Rome at any rate not later than in the middle of April (see Introduction to No. 156); why then did Claudius delay his answer for nearly six months? I t seems that in the year 41 the Imperial Chancery was not working with due expedition, probably owing to the great amount of business which had accumulated during the reign of Gaius and was still waiting to be dealt with. 1 4 - 1 5 . 'Imperator pontifex maximus tribunicia potestate consul designatus.' 1 6 - 1 9 . For the members of the embassy, see Bell and especially Jones, 17 sqq. The latter emphasizes that nearly all the ambassadors belonged to the circle of the learned men of Alexandria, particularly those connected with the Museum. 'We see, in fact, that no love was lost between the Museum and the Synagogue, and the Alexandrians no doubt felt that a professional leaven would gain for their embassy a favourable hearing from a learned Emperor' (21). Note that out of the twelve ambassadors, six were Roman citizens, three of them Claudii (Willrich, 489). 16. T i . Claudius Barbillus (or Balbillus) is perhaps identical with the prefect of E g y p t under Nero ( A . D . 55-59) and with a landowner in the Fayum (P. Mich. 3 1 2 ; see note of Boak, ib. 247). Some scholars (Bell, Jones, Cichorius, Dessau, and others) have identified him with the astrologer, a native of Ephesos (cf. Dio Cass. 66. 9. 2 ; Suet. Nero 36); against this identification see Stein, Aeg. xiii. 123 sqq., 331 sq. Barbillus, named first in the list of ambassadors, was probably the head of the delegation, and owed this honour to his personal friendship with the Emperor ( 1 . 105). He manifested his devotion to the cause of the Alexandrians by lending his support to one of the leaders of the Alexandrian antiSemites, Isidoros, in his trial against Agrippa; see No. 156^. 17. Chairemon was a philosopher and historian, who included in his 'History of Egypt' the wellknown anti-Semitic version of the Exodus (Jos., c. Ap. 1. 288 sqq.). He is also known as a teacher of Nero. Cf. RE, s.v. 'Chairemon',7. 17. C. Julius Dionysios, probably identical with Dionysios, son of Theon, mentioned in 1 . 76 as the protagonist of the Alexandrian case against the Jews, belonged to a very aristocratic Alexandrian family, whose members, all called Dionysios or Theon, are mentioned in various documents from Augustus to Hadrian (Bell, 29 sqq., and addenda, p. viii; Musurillo, 102 sqq.). The anti-Semitic tradition was strong in this family, at least until the time of Trajan and Hadrian (cf. Nos. 157 and 158a). It is commonly assumed that this Dionysios is further identical with the anti-Semitic leader Dionysios, who is contemptuously called by Philo Btj^okottos (Flacc. 20), and with the Dionysios men­ tioned in No. 154 (see, for example, Box's Commentary to the InFlaccum,8o). This identification may be correct, but it is by no means certain. The name Dionysios is so common that it cannot serve as an argument in favour of any theory; another Dionysios, son of Sabbion, took part in this very embassy. The fact that both belonged to the anti-Semitic party is also a very poor argument for the identifica­ tion ; there were many anti-Semites in Alexandria. So the question of identification remains open. 18. Aiovvoios ?afS§icovos. The name of the father is Semitic. A J e w of this name is recorded by Josephus ( a n t . 1 5 . 4 7 ) ; but it is obvious that a member of the Alexandrian embassy was not a J e w . Perhaps he was of Syrian origin. 19. Bell assumed that the four names TifSepios

KXav8i(o)s

AiToXXa)vc(o)s

Aplorovos

all belong to one

man. The correct solution was found by Willrich, 486, who inserted (Apx^tos) after K X a v 8 c { o ) s , com­ paring 1 . 108. This suggestion, commonly accepted, removes the need for the suggestion of Laqueur, 100, who thought that Archibios was not a member of the embassy and joined it later in Rome. 19. Bell suggests that Hermaiskos may have been the father or grandfather of Hermaiskos in No. 159. 21. The text is confused and the meaning not clear. Various emendations have been proposed. The simplest solution is to change /-101 to fie (vTta.yop.ai with the accusative is common, with the dative not usual) and to interpret BrjXov as an adverb ( = 877X0.87?). Bell changes 17/10? to vp,ds and translates:

'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN ALEXANDRIA

45

'directing my attention to the goodwill towards you . . . ' ; but the following sentences are more in accordance with the text as it stands. 23. a« fiev KTX. The Imperial Chancery uses a polite formula which could hardly deceive anyone. The anti-Roman feelings of the Alexandrians were well known at Rome. See on this question the introduction to Nos. 154-9. 27. Germanicus visited Alexandria in A . D . 1 9 ; the Alexandrians cheered him with affection, prob­ ably seeing him as a potential rival of Tiberius. Germanicus, on his part, expressed his sympathies with the population, but was wise enough to forbid any offering of divine honours. See Tac. ann. 2. 5 9 ; Jos. c. Ap. 2. 6 3 ; S P 2 1 1 ; cf. Winter, Life and Letters in the Papyri, 8 sqq. yvrjaicorepais wvais is commonly interpreted as an allusion to a speech addressed by Germanicus to the people of Alexandria. A speech of Germanicus is cited in a papyrus to appear in P . Oxy. x x v . W e owe thanks to Prof. E . G. Turner for this information. According to some scholars, the intention of Claudius was to praise the speech of his brother; this speech, contrasted with the Letter of Claudius, would have had a franker sound, since Germanicus was addressing the Alexandrians ' b y word of mouth' (Bell), or his words were ' more clearly-stamped as his own', since he spoke Greek, whereas the Letter was composed in Latin (Edgar-Hunt in S P ) . All these interpretations are very doubtful: why should the Emperor disparage himself by the assertion that the words of his brother were in some way better than his own ? I see no reason to assume that Claudius had any intention of drawing a comparison between Germa­ nicus and himself. It is well known that the Greek comparative is used sometimes only to strengthen the meaning of the word.' Sehr haufig steht der Komparativ ohne das zweite Glied der Vergleichung und scheint oft nach unserer Betrachtungsweise jede Beziehung einer Steigerung verloren zu haben. . . . Der Komparativ wird daher von den Griechen da angewendet, wo wir uns der Adverbien: zu, allzu in Verbindung mit dem Positiv bedienen . . . ' (Kiihner-Gerth, ii. 1 , p. 305, n. 7). The comparative opTiKcorepos in 1 . 37 is used just in this sense, and this is the correct interpretation of the yvrjoitorepai. cfxDval too: most sincere, most genuine. 29. Ktuirep KTX. Perhaps a translation from Latin: 'quamvis ad talia non facilis' (Bell). The modest reservation of Claudius in receiving the honours witnesses his resolution to abolish the Hellenistic trend of the policy inaugurated by Gaius, and to return to the principles of the Roman Principate as formulated by Augustus. 29-30. Uepaarrjv . . . yevedXeiav. The dies natalis of Claudius was celebrated in E g y p t on the 8th of every Egyptian month (17 oefiaoTrj); cf. Snyder, Aeg. xviii. 215 and 200 (a list of papyri recording the if ae^aoTT]). According to the Roman calendar the birthday of Claudius was ist August (Suet. Claud. 2; Dio. Cass. 60. 5. 3). On the celebrations in honour of the birthdays of the Augusti see Philo, Flacc. 81sqq. 3 0 - 3 1 . According to de Sanctis, 476 (cf. Bell, JEA xi. 95, 2 ; Casey, HTR xviii. 285), wpoelp-qoBax (stated) is to be interpreted as irporjpTjode (requested). 35 sqq. One of the two statues voted by the Alexandrians in honour of the new Emperor was that of Pax Augusta Claudiana. According to de Sanctis, Barbillus was not responsible for suggesting that the statue be erected, but only for its being dedicated to dea Roma; he suggests in 1 . 37 the reading tpoel 'Pcpp-ps

instead of farcl. Y e t according to Wilcken, f V e l 'Pcvp.rjs

= iirl 'PCO/JLTJS (i.e. 'in Rome', not

'to the dea Roma'), and this interpretation has been commonly accepted. Hence the statue of Pax Augusta Claudiana was to be erected in Rome, not in Alexandria. What was the reason for this? Rostovtzeff suggested (JEA xii. 24 sqq.) that the statue was one of Pax-Nemesis (whose figure ap­ peared in the same year on the coins of Claudius), and the intention was to proclaim that the crushing of the Jewish revolt of 41 in Alexandria brought, of course, pax to the Jews, but in the form of a nemesis. The Alexandrians asked the Emperor to erect the statue in Alexandria, but Claudius ordered its erection in Rome in order not to provoke the anger of the Alexandrian Jews afresh. This suggestion (adopted by many scholars) is based, first of all, on some inaccuracies in the interpretation of the text. Rostovtzeff understands tooinp vTreOero as though loonep had the meaning of Kalirep, and interprets the present dpvovp.evov as if it were an aorist. The true meaning of the sentence is given correctly in the translation in S P 2 1 2 : 'as my most honoured Barbillus suggested and entreated when / wished to refuse'. Claudius, consequently, did not refuse anything; he yielded, after some doubts, to the request of Barbillus and gave his order in accordance with the proposal of the latter. So it would be incorrect to assume that Barbillus asked that the statue be erected in Alexandria and that Claudius changed the place to Rome; it was Barbillus himself who proposed its erection in Rome. Secondly, the interpretation of Claudius' coin of A . D . 41 as representing Pax-Nemesis is now discarded by numismatists. Grant

4

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO. 153

6

(University of Edinburgh Journal, x i v , 1949, 236 n. 1) finds t h a t the image of P a x o n Claudius' aurei is linked with the attributes of Victory, Mercury, Felicitas, Pudicitia, and Salus, according t o t h e rather complicated s y m b o l i s m of R o m a n coinage, and thinks t h a t the aim of the issue w a s to proclaim the programme of the n e w reign—'Peace w i t h gods and m e n ' (cf. o p . cit. 229 sqq., and id., Roman Anniversary Issues, 70 sqq., Roman Imperial Money, 156 s q q . ; see also C. H . V . Sutherland, Coinage in Roman Imperial Policy, 31 B.C.-A.D. 68,127 sqq.). It seems, therefore, that the statue v o t e d b y the Alexandrians w a s a statue of P a x and nothing more, intended t o proclaim Claudius' principles, according t o which the n e w reign would be a reign of peace. Y e t its full n a m e — P a x A u g u s t a Claudiana — s o u n d e d t o o arrogant; it evoked a parallel b e t w e e n Claudius and D i v u s Augustus (cf. Res Gestae 12. 2 : 'Aram Pacis A u g u s t a e senatus pro reditu m e o consacrandam censuit ad Campum Martium'), and this w a s the reason w h y Claudius hesitated to accept it. 38. ov rpoirov vfieis afrovre 'according to your request' ( S P ) , or, perhaps, 'in the manner y o u think best' ( B e l l ) ; it is closely connected w i t h rtopnevaei and deals n o t w i t h the request as a whole — t o let the second statue take part in a Trofinrj—but only with the manner of doing it (cf. 1 . 40 fiovXeode Koa/xo) TfOK"qp.4vos). So it cannot be opposed to the preceding request t o erect the statue of P a x A u g u s t a Claudiana, as if Claudius had prohibited the first and permitted the second (an inter­ pretation in favour of the theory of Rostovtzeff).

5

38—39. rats

eTTcavvfiais

39. Slpos:

according t o Bell, perhaps sella

rjp.4pais.

Cf. note t o 1 1 . 29-30. curulis.

42. Kara. v6p.ov ( B e l l ) ; Schubart (28 n. 2) thinks t h a t the chancery would h a v e written Kara. v6p.ovs. T h e planting of OXOT) corresponds to the E g y p t i a n c u s t o m , and therefore Kara. v6p.ov is the true reading. This suggestion is c o m m o n l y accepted, y e t the meaning of the whole passage remains obscure. 43 sq. Vitrasius Pollio w a s prefect of E g y p t in the t i m e of Gaius and, perhaps, in the beginning of the reign of Claudius (Dessau, Prosop. iii. 456; R e i n m u t h , 1 3 2 ; Stein, 28 sq.). H e is referred t o as procurator b y P l i n y , nat. hist. 3 6 , 5 7 , and the same title in G r e e k — i m r p o i r o s — i s used here b y Claudius. 'EmrpoiTos m a y sometimes refer to the prefect (cf. Stein, 179), but hardly in a document issued b y the Imperial Chancery: the official title of the prefect was eirapxos. Rostovtzeff (ap. Bell, note ad loc.) suggests conjecturally t h a t a procuratorship w a s g i v e n t o Pollio after his leaving the post of prefect, and this suggestion m a y be correct. Scholars differ as t o whether the equestrian statues whose erection was granted b y the Emperor were of Pollio or of Claudius himself but b y Pollio (i.e. at his expense). The question cannot be settled w i t h certainty, since the turn of the Greek phrase m a y be interpreted in both w a y s . Y e t it seems that the slightly c o n t e m p t u o u s ei 8e fSovXeode points t o statues of Pollio, rather t h a n to those of the Emperor. The erection of equestrian statues to high Imperial officials (proconsuls, procurators, etc.), as well as to local magistrates, was a widespread c u s t o m (see numerous instances in D e s s a u , ILS, I n d e x , s.v. 'statua equestris', and Ditt.Sylloge, I n d e x , s.vv. CIKCUV and dvSpids e'^tWos). There was, perhaps, a special reason for Alexandrians t o v o t e such statues t o Pollio, if we assume t h a t he was still the prefect of E g y p t in the early m o n t h s of Claudius' reign w h e n the hostili­ ties between J e w s and Greeks broke out w i t h renewed force: he w a s the m a n w h o crushed the Jewish revolt. 45. {el rivas

rrepl

ras

elo)fioXas

Laqueur.

4 8 - 5 1 . T h e Emperor declines the divine h o n o u r s ; cf. n o t e t o 1 . 29. 52 sqq. For the ephebeia in E g y p t see J o u g u e t , L a Vie municip., 150 s q q . ; Wilcken,Grundz., 139 s q q . ; W . Chr. 1 4 1 - 5 4 ; for the ephebeia in the Hellenistic world in general cf. J o n e s , The Greek City, 220 sqq. The ifafJevKores are n o t those w h o h a v e terminated their education in the g y m n a s i u m , but those whose names h a v e been put in the list of y o u n g m e n entitled to receive the education of epheboi (so Schubart, 29 n. 3 , on the basis of W . Chr. 148, where a m o n g the tyrjflevKores are children of 2 and 6 years). It seems from some d o c u m e n t s t h a t the enlistment of such candidates took place very often, perhaps every year, and t h a t every Greek citizen had to remember that he was an er)PevKa>s of a certain year (cf. W . Chr. 1 4 1 , 142, 144, 145, 148). H o w difficult it was for a J e w to enter his n a m e on such a list has been referred t o above (Vol. I, p p . 59 s q q . ) ; an E g y p t i a n who inscribed his son as er]pevKU)s w a s heavily punished (Gnomon of the Idios Logos, 44). Claudius granted rights of citizenship to all those w h o were inscribed on the list of the epheboi before his accession to the throne. It follows from this, firstly, t h a t the rank of ephebos was a prerequisite for the rights of citizenship; secondly, t h a t the granting of Alexandrian citizenship w a s supervised b y the E m p e r o r ; and, thirdly, t h a t Claudius renounced his right to hold a n y inquiry a s to the legal rights of all the y o u n g m e n , whose

'THE J E W I S H QUESTION' IN

ALEXANDRIA

status he had ratified, t o be inscribed as epheboi. Only sons of slaves (i.e., probably, of slave-mothers) were to be expelled. It m a y therefore be inferred that all J e w s w h o had been inscribed as epheboi before 41 received t h e rights of Alexandrian citizens, and that is w h y Jones (p. 30) speaks of an 'act of a m n e s t y ' o n t h e part of Claudius in favour of the J e w s . Y e t , in effect, that 'act of a m n e s t y ' was of a very limited nature. W e do n o t know on what occasions or a t what times Alexandrian citizenship was rescrutinized b y the emperors, but it seems to follow from the Letter of Claudius t h a t such a revision took place at a n y rate on the accession of a n e w emperor; and thus w e m a y assume that Gaius, w h e n he came to the throne in 37, examined the rights of new citizens of Alexandria as Claudius did in 4 1 . T h e 'act of a m n e s t y ' of Claudius was consequently valid for a period of only four years, and this short period w a s that of the great pogrom, w h e n t h e whole of Alexandrian J e w r y was locked u p in a g h e t t o , and when the enrolment of a Jewish b o y in the corps of epheboi would h a v e been a miracle. 57 sqq. I t is obvious that Augustus could n o t ratify the rights of Alexandrians granted t o t h e m 'by former principes and prefects', since he w a s the first of the R o m a n emperors ruling in E g y p t . T h e passage can serve as an example of the inaccuracies of the Letter (as m a n y scholars h a v e pointed o u t ) . T h e reference t o the policy of Augustus is typical of Claudius. 60 sqq. For this measure see the commentary of Bell, ad loc. 62-66. It seems, from this passage, that until the time of Claudius the municipal offices in Alex­ andria were held for life b y the magistrates. B u t such a practice would contradict the whole political tradition of a Greek polis. Unfortunately we h a v e insufficient knowledge of the municipal institutions of Alexandria to be able to understand the true meaning of the sentence. Cf. Bell, ad l o c . ; A m u s i n , Vestnik Drevnej Istorii, i. 1949, 73 sqq. (Russian). 66-73. T h e important question whether Alexandria did, or did n o t , possess a boule under the P t o ­ lemies w a s intentionally passed over in silence b y Claudius, t h o u g h it is hard t o believe that the Imperial Chancery could n o t obtain the necessary information on this point. The problem of the Alexandrian city-council has been discussed in all articles referring to the Letter of Claudius; after the publication of the Boule-papyrus ( N o . 150) all suggestions and theories based on the Letter became obsolete. 73. irpos 'Iovoalovs. Claudius opens his discussion on the hostilities between Greeks and J e w s as if one side o n l y — n a m e l y , the Greeks—was responsible for t h e m . Y e t it is a grammatical turn of phrase and nothing more. F r o m the standpoint of the Alexandrians the clash with the J e w s w a s a war 'against J e w s ' (npos Iov8atovs), and Claudius, w h o has until n o w addressed the Alexandrians only, uses this turn of phrase as though his point of v i e w were identical with that of the Alexandrians. Y e t he knows well that b o t h sides are equally concerned, and expresses this with sufficient clarity in 1 1 . 74 and 80. y

74. noXep.05—cf. Philo, l e g . 1 1 9 . 75. e£ avTiKaTaardaews—'in confrontation with his opponents', not 'auf Grund einer Einwendung', as suggested b y Laqueur (99). Cf. for the meaning of the word Jos. a n t . 14. 246, and P . F o u a d , 22. B o t h Greeks and Jews were putting their arguments before Claudius, w h o was presiding over the discussion in the role of supreme judge. W h a t was the subject of this dispute? The words of Claudius are clear e n o u g h : it w a s the question of the responsibility for the rapaxy, or ardais, or w d A e / x o ? that broke o u t in Alexandria. T h e meaning of the first t w o terms is 'riot', 'feud', 'political disturbances', the third means 'war'. So it was n o t the question of civic rights, or national a u t o n o m y , or religious freedom that was discussed before Claudius in this case, but the sole question of responsibility for political disturbances. The whole passage u p t o 1 . 82 confirms this v i e w : Claudius would n o t harbour 'a store of immutable indignation' against persons discussing juridical questions of a rather compli­ cated nature, nor in this case would he threaten t h e m w i t h his wrath should t h e y n o t cease 'this destructive and obstinate mutual enmity'. 76.

Aiowalov

rod

Qewvos—see

note t o

1.

17.

75-77. S. Reinach has concluded from the words OVK ifiovXydrjv d / c p t / J a j ? igeXevgat that Claudius did not know a n y t h i n g about the second outbreak of hostilities, the responsibility for which is laid b y Josephus ( a n t . 19. 278) on the Jews (cf. Vol. I, p . 69). Bell, t o o , says that Claudius did n o t k n o w 'which side was responsible for the ordais ' (p. 18). Y e t Claudius did not s a y he did n o t k n o w , but that he had no intention of holding a n y inquiry, the word i^eXeyx^v having in most cases (cf. Thes. Ling. Gr.) the sense of 'to make inquiry' (translated thus in S P ) , and n o t 'to c o m m i t oneself to a decided judge­ m e n t ' (so Bell). So it would be incorrect to suggest that Claudius had n o t sufficient information about

4

8

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO. 153

t h e troubles in Alexandria, or n o opinion of his o w n as to where t h e responsibility lay. H i s refusal t o hold a n inquiry is due only t o his firm decision to stop the hostilities at once and to impose peace on both sides. A s to the question whether the inquiry had to deal with the renewed outbreak of hostilities under Claudius or w i t h the whole series of e v e n t s from A . D . 38 onward, various opinions are held. Bell (p. 18) prefers t h e second possibility, and s o , it seems, do the majority of scholars. Y e t some strong arguments m a y be p u t forward in favour of the opposite view. It is obvious that the Greeks were interested in a strict inquiry into the e v e n t s , since the members of the e m b a s s y , and especially their spokesman D i o n y s i o s , 'argued vigorously and a t length' with the J e w s about this very question. Y e t it is n o t likely that the Greeks were interested in an inquiry concerning the whole series of e v e n t s : w h o could d e n y that in t h e time of Gaius Caligula it was the Greeks w h o had started hostilities ? T h e political situation changed at the beginning of the new reign. N o w the Jews were the aggressors, and the Greek e m b a s s y , leaving Alexandria immediately after these new e v e n t s , w a s , of course, interested in launching a legal prosecution against the J e w s . The second argument in favour of this view m a y be based o n the following point. In 11. 96 sq. Claudius forbids Jews from E g y p t and Syria to enter Alexandria, and it was rightly suggested b y Bell (p. 17) that this prohibition was made because the J e w s h a d entered Alexandria t o help their brethren t o prepare for renewed fighting (see note t o 1 . 96). It is obvious that Claudius' prohibition has nothing to do with the e v e n t s under Gaius, but has a direct bearing o n t h e aggressive actions of the J e w s a t the beginning of 4 1 . T h o u g h it was not part of a n inquiry, it seems that o n this particular point Claudius paid special attention t o the material supplied t o h i m b y the Alexandrian embassy. The best argument in favour of this v i e w would be the word irdXiv in 1 . 78; y e t as the correct meaning is open t o controversy, I would prefer not to use it as a n argument here, b u t , o n the contrary, t o use the conclusion already reached to explain the true meaning of irdXtv (see n e x t note). 78. 7raAeiv dpgafieviov. If we change dp£au4vcov t o d p £ o / x e v w v the sense will be as suggested b y H u n t : 'I will not g o into the question of past responsibilities, b u t I shall h a v e no mercy o n the aggressor if the conflict is renewed' (Bell, Addenda, V I I I ) . Bell adds that e v e n without this emendation the sense of the phrase might be that suggested b y H u n t , and the translation in S P is made according to this interpretation ('against whichever party renews t h e conflict'). It cannot be denied that m a n y argu­ m e n t s can be put forward in favour of this interpretation, the most important being the strong desire of the Emperor t o be neutral and not t o decide which of the t w o sides has to bear the responsibility for the e v e n t s . Y e t e v e n if we admit that the aorist in dp£an£vcov m a y be interpreted as referring t o the future, there is n o doubt t h a t the simple and usual meaning of the aorist concerns the past, a n d w e h a v e no right to substitute an unusual meaning for a usual one (or indeed to make an arbitrary change of the t e x t ) as long as the simple meaning can be interpreted in a satisfactory w a y . N o w , w e h a v e seen a b o v e (see the preceding note) that strong arguments m a y be put forward in favour of the supposi­ tion that an inquiry into the e v e n t s of the year 41 was sought b y the Greek embassy, not the revision of the Greek-Jewish controversy as a whole. If s o , we m a y expect that Claudius too paid attention principally t o the e v e n t s of 4 1 , and mentioned t h e m at the beginning of the passage concerning t h e J e w s . W h y , t h e n , should we seek a n unusual interpretation of dp^ap.ivtov, when the usual one is just what is needed here? Claudius says with sufficient clarity that he harbours 'a store of immutable indignation' against those who renewed the conflict. N o w , Josephus tells us t h a t the aggressors of 41 were J e w s , and it is hard t o believe that the Emperor did not know what Josephus' source knew. If so, one would ask, w h y not speak the explicit truth ? B u t had he spoken the truth, he would h a v e done e x a c t l y w h a t the Greek embassy wished h i m to d o , i.e. thrown the responsibility for the e v e n t s o n the J e w s only. In this case it would h a v e been necessary to order a n inquiry, and we know t h a t Claudius was anxious to restore peace, n o t t o perpetuate the struggle. Y e t there can be little doubt as to his true opinion of the aggressors. If he w r i t e s : 'Although (Kat-rrep) your ambassador . . . argued vigorously, nevertheless (op.a>s) I h a v e not wished t o make an e x a c t inquiry', it is just as if he wanted t o s a y : 'Although y o u are right, and both y o u and myself k n o w the aggressors, nevertheless I a m unwilling t o order an inquiry in the interests of c o m m o n peace.' A n d he adds, with the intention of appeasing the A l e x a n d r i a n s : 'but I harbour within me a store of immutable indignation against those w h o renewed the conflict.' This interpretation of 7mAiv dp^ap.evcov will certainly provoke objections on the part of those scholars w h o held Claudius to be a 'philo-Semitic' E m p e r o r ; y e t it was emphasized a b o v e (Vol. I, p . 73) that this opinion is obsolete, and t h a t the whole Letter of Claudius is hostile t o t h e J e w s : the dpyii dfxeraixdXrjros here agrees very well with the severe threats against the Jews in 1 1 . 98 sqq.

•THE J E W I S H Q U E S T I O N ' IN A L E X A N D R I A

49

79-83. The threat is directed t o b o t h sides. T h o u g h Claudius harboured 'a store of i m m u t a b l e indignation' against the J e w s alone, y e t he could not k n o w who would disturb the peace n e x t , and a threat against b o t h sides, therefore, w a s not out of place. 80. ior4p(jt)v). A s t o the second e m b a s s y , it is obvious t h a t the J e w s sent it t o refute t h e charges of the second Greek e m b a s s y , which left Alexandria probably at the end of February or in March. Philo, of course, was unable to discuss the question of the responsibility, since he had n o t been in Alexandria during the recent riots. This second Jewish e m b a s s y m e t the second Greek one in t h e avTiKardaraais before Claudius ( 1 . 75), and it seems, from the brief words of Claudius concerning the efforts of Dionysios to defeat his opponents, that very h o t debates took place before the Imperial tribunal. 1

So far reasons h a v e been given to prove the presence in R o m e of t w o Jewish embassies from A l e x a n d r i a ; now we h a v e to ask w h y Claudius was so angry over there being t w o . If J e w s were n o t allowed to send embassies of their o w n , e v e n one w a s illegal; if t h e y had the right t o do s o — w h y should t h e y n o t h a v e sent t w o , or even more ? Apparently, the wrath of Claudius was due n o t only t o the fact that there were t w o Jewish embassies, but t h a t t h e y behaved as if t h e y were representing 'two separate cities'. The words u>onep iv 8vod noXeoeiv KaroiKovvras are n o t consistent w i t h the a p ­ pearance of t w o embassies one after the other, but presuppose their appearance before the Emperor

52

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO. 1 5 3

a t the same t i m e ; it seems that Claudius alludes t o some difference of opinion, or even more serious clash, between the t w o . Such a clash would perfectly explain t h e anger of the E m p e r o r : it w a s , in­ deed, n o t his d u t y t o settle a n internal quarrel of the Jewish c o m m u n i t y of Alexandria. B u t w h a t could be the cause of t h e quarrel between the t w o embassies? W a s Philo so self-confident t h a t he would not permit a n y other political representation of Alexandrian J e w s but his o w n ? I t might h a v e been something like t h a t ; y e t we m a y ask whether there were not more serious reasons for such behaviour t h a n merely personal ones. W a s this a quarrel concerning civic rights in Alexandria? T h e suggestion of Willrich a b o u t a n e m b a s s y of hellenized and a n embassy of orthodox J e w s m a y be correct; y e t it has nothing t o do with the question of civic rights, as mentioned a b o v e : the legal question was a res judicata, and the problem t o be discussed n o w before Claudius was t h a t of t h e responsibility for the riots. So w e m a y ask if o n this problem various opinions could h a v e been entertained ? The answer cannot be g i v e n with certainty, though I would venture a suggestion. It was stated above (Vol. I, p p . 6 6 sqq.) that a great change in Graeco-Jewish relations had taken place in the short time between 38 and 4 1 . R i c h J e w s of Alexandria were never hostile t o the Greeks; t h o u g h proud of their religion, t h e y were strongly influenced b y Hellenistic culture, and fought hard t o obtain civic rights in the city in order t o participate in Greek political life. T h e pogrom of 38 w a s for t h e m a political rebuff as well as a blow a t their cultural consciousness; but lost positions could n o t b e recaptured b y force. I t w a s difficult t o recapture their former standing in Hellenistic society, and it needed m u c h skill and diplomatic t a l e n t t o do it without fanning the flames once again. This w a s Philo's w a y . H e wrote t w o books o n the e v e n t s of 38, and never accused Greek society as such of being hostile t o the J e w s : it was t h e criminal policy of a R o m a n prefect misusing his power, together w i t h t h e no less criminal activity of a little group of political gangsters, that was responsible for antiSemitic feeling o n the part of the Alexandrians. A s t o t h e J e w s — t h e y were never hostile to t h e Greeks; w h a t nonsense on the part of Flaccus t o h a v e searched Jewish residential quarters for a r m s ! J e w s had n o arms, n o t e v e n knives (Flacc. 90), being an essentially peace-loving people. This was the line t a k e n b y Philo. A n d just w h e n he w a s in R o m e t o fight for emancipation, according t o his principles, some­ thing happened in Alexandria w h i c h not only ran counter t o his tactics, b u t could easily nullify all his achievements in R o m e . I t came t o light t h a t the J e w s n o t only h a d a r m s , b u t were skilled enough t o use t h e m successfully against their e n e m i e s ; in this struggle t h e y were supported b y their brethren coming from E g y p t and Palestine, a fact capable of turning a local conflict between J e w s and antiSemitic leaders into a far more serious clash between t h e Greek and the Jewish world throughout t h e entire Orient. A n d , indeed, there were J e w s in Alexandria w h o did not agree with Philo o n the tactics of the struggle; where Philo said 'diplomacy and propaganda' t h e y said 'arms'. W e do n o t know w h o these people were, b u t w e can guess that t h e y did not belong t o 'good s o c i e t y ' ; t h e y probably belonged t o the broad masses of the J e w i s h population, w h o were m u c h nearer to Jewish religious tradition and fought instinctively every step w h i c h brought t h e m into closer contact w i t h the 'idolaters'. If w e suggest t h a t these m e n captured t h e leadership of t h e Jewish c o m m u n i t y in Alexandria after their successful fight against t h e Greeks in 41 and that the second e m b a s s y was consequently influenced b y t h e m , we shall easily understand w h a t the reasons were for t h e difference of opinion between this e m b a s s y and Philo's. I t w a s dangerous t o let these m e n appear before the Imperial tribunal; t h e y might argue in favour of the right of the J e w s t o fight back when a t t a c k e d ; t h e y destroyed the m y t h of a little group of gangsters inciting the good-hearted Greek population against the J e w s , and replaced it b y the far more appalling picture of a great Greek city imbued w i t h xenophobia and ready t o destroy Jewish life and property at a n y m o m e n t ; t h e y m i g h t e v e n confess t h a t J e w s from abroad were being smuggled into t h e c i t y t o strengthen the Alexandrian Jews in their struggle against t h e Greeks. N o , Philo could n o t allow such people t o mould Jewish politics in R o m e ; it would surely cause catastrophe t o his people. Perhaps he was r i g h t ; the sudden and unjustified threat of Claudius to consider the J e w s 'a c o m ­ m o n plague for the whole world'( 1 1 . 99 sqq.) was perhaps due t o the personal impression m a d e o n h i m b y the members of the second e m b a s s y (cf. A m u s i n , J. Jur. Pap. i x - x . 177). Y e t this embassy legally represented the Jewish c o m m u n i t y of Alexandria, and Philo had no means of preventing its appearance before Claudius, so t h a t the avriKaTaaraais was fought out b y its members. W e m a y guess that the friction between t h e t w o Jewish embassies a t length reached the dimensions of a public disturbance a n d was brought t o Claudius' notice. Naturally enough, the Emperor could n o t allow himself t o be involved in the p e t t y quarrels of a remote Jewish c o m m u n i t y . H e solved the question in the manner of Alexander, b y cutting the Gordian k n o t ; he forbade t h e simultaneous sending of

'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

53

t w o embassies in the future, 'a thing which has never been done before', and so the quarrels between the t w o embassies came t o a n e n d . 92-93. i7noTratpeiv: 'the reading is n o t quite certain' (Bell). Instead of this v e r y u n c o m m o n verb (Plutarch, defort. Alex. 1. 3 — ' t o palpitate, t o be in alarm'), Schwartz suggested imanaUiv ( = «W«TnaUiv), insilire, here in t h e sense of 'intrude', and this emendation has been adopted b y nearly all scholars, including Bell (JEA x i , 1925, 95 n. 2). Three different explanations of this sentence h a v e been proposed: (1) Claudius forbids J e w s t o 'force their w a y ' into t h e g a m e s presided over b y t h e gymnasiarchs and the kosmetai, because these g a m e s were open t o citizens o n l y ; (2) Claudius prohibits J e w s from taking part in t h e election of t h e magistrates here n a m e d ; (3) Claudius has in mind a t ­ t e m p t s o n t h e part of t h e J e w s t o disturb t h e g a m e s b y sudden attacks, which might h a v e been made in 37 or during t h e second outbreak of hostilities in 4 1 . This last opinion (Ghedini, R a d i n , A m u s i n ; cf. also D e Sanctis, Riv. d. Filol. N . S . ii, 1924,507) can hardly be accepted, since imoiraleiv is too mild a term t o designate acts of violence, and the a t t e m p t of A m u s i n t o return t o the old reading imonalpeiv cannot b e considered satisfactory, since his interpretation of i t a s 'to oppose' is n o t convincing (Plutarch, loc. cit., m u s t be translated 'Already during t h e wars of Philip, Greece w a s in alarm', n o t 'Greece w a s in opposition t o Philip's wars'). E v e n more improbable is t h e second supposition. If J e w s were allowed t o share t h e gymnasial education w i t h Greeks, w h y should t h e y be debarred from participation in the election of magistrates administering the g y m n a s i a ? If, o n the other hand, t h e y were excluded from gymnasial life, w h y should t h e y b e interested in t h e elections? Besides, the term dytLv in the sense of 'elections' is u n c o m m o n . T h u s t h e first suggestion is the most probable, and h a s been accepted b y nearly all scholars. This prohibition of Claudius serves as a n additional proof t h a t J e w s were excluded from t h e Alexandrian citizenship: if Claudius, o n t h e one hand, confirms their citizenship-rights t o all y o u n g m e n registered as epheboi (11. 53 sqq.), and, o n t h e other h a n d , excludes the J e w s from the g a m e s , i.e from a n integral a n d essential part of t h e duties of the epheboi, h o w can we believe that J e w s h a d t h e status of citizens in Alexandria? The kosmetes was an official ranking second t o the gymnasiarchos; t h e office is frequently mentioned in t h e sources together with that of gymnasiarchos (cf., e.g., W . Chr. 144). On the office see Oertel, Die Liturgie, 329. 95.

iv

dXXorpla

iroXei.

H d t . 8. 73), a n d dXXorpla

Commonly 1} iroXis,

dXXorpla

designates a n alien country (Lys. 2. 6; Isocr. 10. 5 0 ;

as opposed to o i V « ' a (Aesch. c. Ctes. 255), h a s t h e m e a n i n g of a foreign

c i t y where t h e person in question is residing temporarily (thus in the papyri t o o , cf. S P 214). Y e t Claudius could n o t use the word in this sense, as h e himself states that J e w s were settled in Alex­ andria in rroXXcov xpovcov ( 1 . 84), i.e. were born and h a d grown u p in Alexandria. W h y then dXXorpla iroXis ? I t is likely that Claudius here uses the word iroXis in its strict juridical sense. T h o u g h t h e J e w s are residents of Alexandria, the iroXis remains foreign t o t h e m , because t h e Greek c i t y is a narpis for its citizens only, n o t for residents. These words of Claudius rightly serve (in t h e v i e w of t h e majority of scholars) as a decisive point in favour of t h e theory t h a t J e w s did not possess civic rights in Alexandria. 95. Schubart suggests dnOovcov ( = d06vcov) Bell and adopted in S P . Cf. BL iii, 1 . 95.

instead of

dndvrcov.

This e m e n d a t i o n was approved b y

96-100. These lines h a v e caused scholars m u c h trouble. D e Sanctis a n d S. Reinach independently suggested that the 'common plague for the whole world' w a s t h e y o u n g Christian m o v e m e n t . Accord­ ing t o Reinach Claudius would n o t use such harsh words h a d he in mind the hostilities between J e w s a n d Greeks in Alexandria o n l y ; his words, n o d o u b t , were directed against 'une doctrine sub­ versive, u n m o u v e m e n t general et redoutable' (Rev. Hist. Rel. x c . 1 1 5 ) , which could not be other than 'Pagitation messianique, apocalyptique, communiste et subversive' (ibid. 117) of the Christians. This 'first allusion t o Christianity' drew t h e attention of m a n y scholars t o t h e thesis of Reinach. Some of t h e m (Gregoire, Peeters, Cumont, Janne) accepted t h e thesis, b u t the majority (Guignebert, Battifol, d'Ales, Lagrange, Schmiedel, v . Soden, Donini, Breccia, Loesch, Bickermann, a n d others) remained sceptical or strongly opposed t o it. T h e reader will find a detailed account of the discussion in Loesch's book. I t would be a waste of time t o repeat here all t h e arguments brought against Reinach's t h e o r y ; t w o of t h e m m a y suffice. Guignebert (p. 126) points o u t t h a t Reinach's thesis presupposes such a strong and influential Christian c o m m u n i t y in Alexandria in t h e year 41 that Claudius 'does n o t see a n y t h i n g else in t h e J e w s of Alexandria', a situation quite impossible a t that stage of t h e Christian m o v e m e n t . Bickermann (p. 320) remarks that Claudius stops the Jewish emigration n o t from Syria o n l y , b u t from E g y p t t o o , and E g y p t could not h a v e been a centre of Christian propaganda in t h e

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO.

54

153

year 41. A further argument, strangely overlooked b y all scholars, and only mentioned b y N e p p i Modona (pp. 45 sq.), can be derived from a stylistic examination of 11. 89-100. The strongest argument in favour of the thesis of R e i n a c h - d e Sanctis was the fact that the revolutionary m o v e m e n t , so dangerous as to impel Claudius to speak about a 'common plague', was fomented in Alexandria b y Jews coming from Syria, i.e. from the cradle of the Christian m o v e m e n t (Syria here = Palestine, see Vol. I, p. 5, note 13). Y e t there is no connexion b e t w e e n the sentence speaking of Jews from Syria and the other one containing the words on the 'common plague'. T h e passage addressed to the Jews is introduced by a general prohibition 'not to aim at more than t h e y previously h a d ' ; then follow three detailed prohibitions, each introduced by pvijSe and followed b y an additional phrase completing the main idea of the prohibition. T o this structure we can give the following graphic expression: fj.7)8e . . . hvo irpeofteias

eKne/MTrew—cS

/at) rrporepov

/xrjBe

imairaUiv

. . . dycoai—Kapvovp,evovs

/j/riBe

iirdyeodai,

. . . 'IovSalovs—e£

p.ev

wore

4irpdx0r]

KTX.

ov" /Ltei'£ova? /CTA.

This scheme makes it clear that the necessary complement to /r>i8e indyeaBai are the few words closing the s e n t e n c e : i£ ov p,el£ovas vnovolas dvayfcaodyoo/ie Xapfidvew. Here a full stop is needed. The following sentence containing t h e words koivtj voaos has n o direct relation t o the preceding phrase, but contains a threat referring t o the whole set of prohibitions. A s there is no connexion between Jewish emigra­ tion from Syria into Alexandria and the severe words of Claudius about the 'common plague', there is no reason to see in these words a hint at the Christian m o v e m e n t . 96-98. fivjBe eirdyeoQai KTX. W h a t had Claudius in mind w h e n stopping Jewish emigration from Syria ( = Palestine) and E g y p t into Alexandria? T h e correct explanation has already been given b y Bell (p. 1 8 ) : J e w s of Alexandria, w h e n preparing themselves for an attack on the Greeks, sent 'to their compatriots in E g y p t and Syria, t o be joined b y them' in order t o strengthen themselves for their struggle against the Alexandrians. This suggestion is quite sufficient to justify the 'serious sus­ picions' of Claudius. T h e prohibition of Jewish emigration w a s , therefore, an emergency measure, not a permanent law. I cannot, therefore, agree with the view of Bickermann that Claudius stopped Jewish emigration because h e was anxious t o avoid the overpopulation of Alexandria: Claudius 'wiinschte nicht, dass jedem Joseph, der in Alexandrien zu Ansehen kam, zehn arme Briider aus Palastina oder A e g y p t e n nachzogen' (DLZ 1931, 322). This point of view seems to be too modern. Bickermann refers to the numerous edicts of the prefects aimed at clearing the superfluous popula­ tion out of Alexandria. Y e t the aim of such edicts was not to reduce the population of the capital, but t o force the fleeing villagers to go back to their iSio. The best proof is given b y the edict of Caracalla (SP 215) expelling from Alexandria all persons 'who flee from their o w n districts to escape rustic toil' b u t not those who h a v e the intention of dwelling in the capital 'for the sake of enjoying a more civilized life or for incidental business' (cf. also the edict of the prefect Vibius Maximus in A . D . 104, S P 220). T h e same edict of Caracalla presents us with the best argument for the expulsion of people from Alexandria: 'Expel all the others, since b y the numbers of their kind and b y their uselessness t h e y are disturbing (rapdooovai) the city.' The rapaxy, therefore, i.e. the fear of disturbances, is the real reason for cleaning u p the c i t y ; and Claudius hardly had a n y other reason for his proclamation against immigration b y E g y p t i a n and Palestinian J e w s . Claudius' measure was probably rescinded soon after, since the prohibition against the entry of E g y p t i a n J e w s into Alexandria could not be long sustained. (For Jewish merchants importing goods into Alexandria, see Philo, leg. 129.) 97. KaraTrXeovras. Laqueur saw in this word a n argument for his rather strange theory that the t o w n mentioned in the Letter was not Alexandria but R o m e , since it is possible to reach Alexandria b y land as well as b y water. Engers (pp. 176 sqq.) objected rightly t h a t , although KaraTfXeiv originally meant 'to come from the chora to Alexandria b y using the Nile', it rapidly became a technical term for this journey, whatever the means of transport; even the annual congress of E g y p t i a n priests in Alexandria was called KaranXovs (OGIS 9 0 . 1 7 ) , although m a n y of them could no doubt reach the capital b y land. 99-100. Kowqv reiva... vooov. According to Loesch, voaos (disease) is often used in a political sense as an equivalent t o ordais; disturbances and revolutions are political diseases destroying the body of the state in the same w a y that physical diseases destroy the h u m a n body. Janne points out t h a t voaos can be applied not only to political troubles, but t o religious m o v e m e n t s as well (p. 287). H e translates Koiv-qv rwa vooov b y communem quandam pestem, the Greek ns, like the Latin quidam, having the sense of 'in some manner'. 'II ne s'agit pas d'une "peste c o m m u n e a tout l'univers", mais d'une "peste c o m m u n e en quelque sorte a l'univers" '(p. 291).

'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

55

100. rrjs oiKovfievris. The term means 'the whole world', as well as the R o m a n E m p i r e ; it m a y be applied sometimes t o a single state as well (see Loesch, 20). Philo (Flacc. 44) uses this word for the Jewish diaspora in the R o m a n Empire (Guignebert, 124). Claudius has in mind, of course, the R o m a n E m p i r e ; the sense of the sentence is, that the potential refusal on the part of the Alexandrian J e w s t o o b e y his orders will signify an act of sedition, which can rapidly spread like a pest among the numerous centres of the Jewish diaspora and threaten the peaceful existence of the whole R o m a n Empire. And, of course, he was right t o think so, when we consider the rather turbulent behaviour of t h e J e w s in Palestine and the diaspora, due partly t o the harsh policy of R o m e , and partly t o the revolutionary trend of the messianic m o v e m e n t . Y e t I would not g o so far as t o see in t h e messianic m o v e m e n t Tid^e de la domination mondiale du peuple d'lsraeP, and m a k e Claudius a champion in one fight against t h e m o v e m e n t (Zielinski, loc. cit.). For the question of t h e messianic m o v e m e n t see Vol. I , p p . 89 sqq. 105. For Barbillus see note t o 1. 16. 105-9. I t seems that these last lines are a personal addition made b y the Emperor himself (Schubart). 108. For Tifiipios KXavoios Apxi^ios see note t o 1. 19.

Nos.

1^4—1^9.

Acts of Alexandrian Martyrs

L I T . : Bauer, 'Heidnische Martyrerakten', Arch, i, 1 9 0 1 , 29 sqq. Rostovtzeff, The Martyrs of the Greek Culture, Mir. Boziy, 1 9 0 1 , (Russian). Schiirer, i. 65 sqq. Dobschiitz, Am. Journ. Theol. viii, 1904, 7 3 3 sqq. Reitzenstein, Gottinger Nachrichten, 1904, 309 sqq. Stahelin, Der Anlisemitismus des Altertums, 1905. Bludau, Juden und Judenverfolgungen im alien Alexandrien, 1906, 94 sqq. Wilcken, Ant. 1909, 800 sqq. Harnack, Stzb. Berl. Ak. 1 9 1 0 , 1 2 3 sqq. Reitzenstein, Stzb. Heid. Ak. 1 9 1 3 , A b h . 1 4 , 4 0 ; Juster, i. 1 2 5 sqq. Niedermeyer, Ueber antike Protokoll-Literatur, 1 9 1 8 . D e l e h a y e , Les Passions des martyrs, 1 9 2 1 , 1 6 1 sqq. Premerstein, 'Zu d e n sog. Alexandrinischen Martyrerakten' ( = Premerstein, AAM), Philologus, Suppl. 1 6 . 2 , 1 9 2 3 . Neppi Modona, Raccolta Lumbroso, 1 9 2 5 , 407 sqq. Matta, Didaskaleion, iv, 1926, fasc. 1 , 69 s q q . ; fasc. 2, 49 sqq. Leipoldt, Antisemitismus in der alien Welt, 1 9 3 3 , 39 sqq. Premerstein, Alexandrinische Geronten vor Kaiser Gaius ( = Premerstein, AG), 1 9 3 9 . Bell, 'The Acts of the Alexandrines', / . Jur. Pap. iv, 1950, 19 sqq. Musurillo, The Acts of the Pagan Martyrs, 1954. Crook, Consilium Principis, 1 9 5 5 , A p p . 2. Schwartz, Chr. d.'lig. x x x , 1 9 5 5 , 148 sqq. Rostovtzeff, SEHRE ii, 1 9 5 7 , 587 n. 19. 2

The fragments of a semi-literary character printed below are known as t h e ' A c t s of the Alexandrian Martyrs' or ' A c t s of the Pagan Martyrs' (Alexandri­ nische or Heidnische Martyrerakten). I shall use the first name only. The title ' Pagan Martyrs' was coined as a parallel t o ' Christian Martyrs' (see B a u e r ) ; ' Christian Martyrs', however, signifies not only that the martyrs were Christian, but also that t h e y suffered on account of their Christian faith. 'Pagan Martyrs' m a y therefore lead the reader t o a similar association; y e t the ' m a r t y r d o m ' in the fragments below has nothing to do w i t h faith or religion. The heroes of these fragments were sentenced t o death b y R o m a n emperors and executed b y R o m a n hangmen a s representatives of Alexandria, and their tragic death w a s a result of their intrepid defence of t h e rights of t h e Alexandrian Greeks before t h e Caesars. The name 'Alexandrian Martyrs' is therefore the only one which fits the situation. The first specimens of this literature were published near t h e e n d of t h e nineteenth century (No. 1 5 8 in 1 8 9 2 - 4 ; N o . 1 5 6 in 1 8 9 5 - 6 ; N o . 159 in 1898). Their contents as well as their literary form were very enigmatic. W h a t was the cause of the deep dissension between the R o m a n emperors and the representa­ tives of the Greeks of Alexandria ? W h a t part did the Jews play in this dissen­ sion ? W h y were the emperors so favourable t o the Jews and so severe with the

56

SECTION V I I I : NOS.

154-159

Alexandrians? The authors of these fragments were, of course, anti-Semites, but what w a s true and w h a t was false in their accusations, which were directed simultaneously against R o m a n emperors and J e w s ? Were their writings based on official protocols, or were t h e y compositions resembling novels, rather than documents dealing with true historical e v e n t s ? A t w h a t time and for what pur­ pose were t h e y composed ? The first editors of these A c t s (henceforth AAM) believed in the strictly official character of the fragments and took t h e m for excerpts from the commentarii Caesaris kept b y the Imperial Chancery in Rome. This v i e w w a s in­ fluenced b y the mere chance that the A c t s first published (notably N o . 158) did indeed closely resemble official protocols, although N o . 159, already published in 1898, provided sufficient evidence for another view. Wilcken, w h e n publishing in 1909 all the fragments of AAM then known, modified the original view b y stating that the AAM, though essentially based on real protocols, h a d under­ gone considerable elaboration of a literary character and were put in a framework of pure fiction. The fragments published after 1909 caused further modifications in the general view. The great part played b y the literary ' f r a m e w o r k a s com­ pared with the parts based on the 'protocol', became clearer. Scholars are now for the most part very sceptical about the use of official protocols b y the authors of AAM. There is n o evidence for the keeping of minutes b y the Imperial consilium, at a n y rate until the time of Alexander Severus; and if there were minutes, t h e y were kept in secret and not handed over t o members of the liti­ gant parties. The dialogue between the Emperor and the accused, as described in AAM, is b y no m e a n s carried out in an impartial w a y , as is required b y an official d o c u m e n t ; not the judge, but the accused, is the central person in the dialogue. The rude insults thrown in the face of the Emperors b y the intrepid Alexandrians would never have been written down b y a secretary of the council (see on all these questions Niedermeyer, op. c i t . ; Premerstein, AAM; Musurillo, 249 sqq.). I t is evident t h a t the theory of official protocols does not explain the original character of AAM. I t w a s Reitzenstein w h o in 1904 first expressed the opinion that the AAM were a special branch of the so-called 'Kleinliteratur', i.e. popular stories, fiction, &c. (cf. Musurillo, 236 sqq.). This genre has nothing t o do w i t h official documents, and the protocol form used b y AAM is merely a literary disguise. This view has now been generally a d o p t e d ; but it does not solve the question of h o w true historical facts could be preserved in AAM. That such historical facts are really mentioned is b e y o n d d o u b t ; names of historical persons in particular h a v e been proved to be genuine. So we are led t o the con­ clusion that the AAM, though not borrowing their material directly from official protocols, are nevertheless based in some w a y on historical documents. W h a t kind of documents t h e y were w e cannot k n o w ; majority opinion ascribes t o the members of Alexandrian embassies the task of recording the main outline of what happened t o t h e m at R o m e . I t h a s even been suggested that AAM were destined in the first place t o be handed t o some official or semi-official b o d y of the Greek c o m m u n i t y in Alexandria responsible for sending the embassy t o R o m e . This m a y be true, y e t it is strange that the transformation of these reports into fictional form began at the very m o m e n t of their publication, as is proved b y N o . 1 5 9 . So it is likely t h a t it w a s not the aim of the authors t o report

'THE J E W I S H QUESTION' IN

ALEXANDRIA

57

the truth, but t o use certain historical facts for other purposes; w e shall see from w h a t follows that the purposes were those of political propaganda. Premerstein (AAM 46 s q q . ; AG 65 sqq.) suggested t h a t all the fragments known to us which refer t o the fate of Alexandrian embassies t o R o m e from Gaius to Commodus are parts of a single literary work composed at the end of the second or the beginning of the third century and bearing some title like ' On the Alexandrian embassies t o the Caesars' or ' Concerning the prowess of the Alexandrians' (AAM 74). This view w a s based on the fundamental fact t h a t all the manuscripts of AAM then known derived precisely from this period. Y e t n e w l y published fragments belong partly t o earlier periods (Musurillo, 265), and this fact undermines Premerstein's whole theory. I t is likely that the book spoken of b y Premerstein w a s no more than a compilation or perhaps an abbreviation (see N o . 158&, Introduction) of some of the most popular specimens of AAM published long before, so that the existence, or non-existence, of this book has nothing t o do w i t h the question of h o w and w h y the separate AAM were published. I n order t o elucidate this question, we must examine the poli­ tical tendency of the fragments. 1

The first editors of the AAM believed that the main object of this curious literature w a s t o spread anti-Semitic propaganda. There were sufficient reasons for such a view, since Jews in AAM are described as the determined political enemies of the Alexandrian Greeks (so in N o s . 1 5 6 - 8 ) . Y e t in N o . 1 5 9 J e w s do not appear and nevertheless the contents of this fragment are perhaps the most typical of the AAM. Wilcken (Ant. 825), relying on N o . 159 alone, quite cor­ rectly expressed the opinion that anti-Semitism in AAM plays a secondary part only, the major theme of the work being the clash between the Alexandrians and Rome. Further publications of AAM fully confirmed this v i e w ; cf. Musu­ rillo, N o s . V A , V I , X , X V I I I . I t is not clear, either, whether Jews played a n y part in N o s . 1 5 4 and 1 5 5 . The subject of all the AAM (see introduction to N o . 154) is the appearance of an Alexandrian embassy, usually headed b y a gymnasiarch, before the R o m a n Emperor, and the tragic fate of its leader or leaders. The main object of the author is t o ridicule the R o m a n Caesar; the dialogue between h i m and the intrepid gymnasiarch has no other aim but t h a t of showing h o w stupid and rude the Emperor is, and h o w readily influenced b y others, especially in his attitude t o the Alexandrians. A s t o the anti-Semitic tendency, its aim is t o serve as additional proof of the hostile attitude of the emperors t o the Alexandrians. This hatred of the Jews was a permanent feature in the political credo of the Alexandrians in the R o m a n period; it would be waste of time for an Alexandrian writer t o explain to his fellow citizens w h y Jews ought to be hated. The anti-Semitic feelings of the Alexandrian population could, therefore, easily be used as a means of political propaganda for other purposes. It was sufficient t o say that t h e Caesars were friends of the Jews, t o tell the Alexandrian reader what kind of disgusting, hideous people the Caesars were. This conception of an entente cordiale between the emperors and the J e w s 1

According to Musurillo (p. 2 7 5 ) , ' the majority of the Acta fragments m a y be described as "reworked protocols", based ultimately . . . u p o n , or in imitation of, the copy of the legal proceed-

ings, or the copy of the " Report of an E m b a s s y ", m a d e b y the parties involved.' Crook, A p p . 2 , takes m u c h the same line,

58

SECTION V I I I : NOS.

154-159

was fundamentally false (cf. Vol. I, pp. 55 s q q . ) ; y e t it could easily convince the Alexandrian reader, as it has convinced some modern scholars. A few words on this subject m a y be profitable. It was undeniable that the dispute between the leader of the Alexandrian anti-Semites Isidoros and the Jewish King Agrippa before Claudius led to the execution of Isidoros and his friend L a m p o n ; y e t it was not true to assert that, every time a Jewish and a Greek embassy faced each other before the Emperor, the Greeks were defeated b y their oppo­ nents: it was c o m m o n knowledge, for example, that the embassy of Philo to Gaius was a complete failure. W e m a y add that Jews failed to obtain civic rights from Claudius, and that the letter of this Emperor, while very polite to the Alexandrians, contained an ill-mannered outburst of wrath against Jews (see N o . 1 5 3 ) . A s to the embassies before Trajan and Hadrian, our only source is the AAM (Nos. 1 5 7 and 158), and we cannot tell what is history in these stories and what is fiction, especially as the t e x t of N o . 1 5 7 is incomplete, and that of N o . 1 5 8 very badly preserved. W e can agree w i t h the authors of the AAM that some Alexandrian e n v o y s were sentenced t o death b y the emperors, but it is quite unlikely that in all cases J e w s were responsible. E v e n the execution of Isidoros had some important additional grounds besides his clash with Agrippa (see introduction t o N o . 156), and as t o Appianos (No. 159), even the author of AAM did not make the Jews responsible for his death. W e have t o remember that the tortures and the execution of the 'martyrs' belong to the literary 'frame­ work' of the story, like the description of the embassies, and it m a y well be that each part of the story—the execution of the Alexandrians and the sending of the embassies—is historical in itself, but that the blending of both parts in one story is a mere device on the part of the author. It was in keeping with the aim of the authors t o represent every Alexandrian, executed b y R o m a n Caesars for whatever reason, as an official ' e n v o y ' of the Greek polis to Rome, as it was no less their aim t o represent the R o m a n Caesars as friends of the Jews. Hence the special emphasis on the close connexion of the accused with Alex­ andria, his pride in being Alexandrian, and his readiness t o suffer and t o die for i t ; and hence the accusation against Trajan of being biased b y his wife Plotina in favour of the Jews and against the Alexandrians (No. 1 5 7 , 11. 3 1 sq.), and the assertion that the R o m a n senate, or the Imperial Council, was full of Jews (ib. 42 sq.). I would not look for historical truth in such assertions as these, any more than I would look for t h e m in the curious attack of Isidoros on Claudius, when he accuses the Emperor of being the cast-off child of a Jewess (No. 1 5 6 , Col. I l l , 11. 1 1 sq.). There is far more political and literary fiction in AAM than historical truth: the close connexion between the R o m a n Emperors and the Jews, leagued against their common enemy, the Alexandrians, m a y serve as a good illustration of this. The authors of AAM were Alexandrian patriots of the most extreme charac­ ter, and so were their heroes, the Alexandrian ' m a r t y r s ' ; y e t it m a y be ques­ tioned whether people like Isidoros were really the true representatives of the whole Greek polis. Of course, Alexandria never forgot that it was once the greatest city in the world till R o m e replaced i t ; neither could it forget the blessed reign of Kleopatra, when R o m a n Imperatores bent their laurel-crowned heads before the glorious mistress of the Hellenistic world. B u t the idea that

'THE J E W I S H Q U E S T I O N ' IN A L E X A N D R I A

59

R o m e w a s not merely a rival, but in some manner a pupil and a sister of Alex­ andria, and therefore closely connected w i t h her, had never faded after it had first taken root in the time of Julius Caesar (cf. N o . 1 5 7 , note to 1. 49). So we m a y assume that only extreme elements of the Greek population were interested in making political propaganda against R o m e in the crude manner employed b y the authors of A A M . Yet, this kind of literature had m a n y readers, and the great popularity of AAM in Alexandria is witnessed b y the great number of fragments preserved. W e m a y n o w return t o the question of their composition. It seems that an historical e v e n t — t h e execution of Isidoros and Lampon in A . D . 4 1 b y Claudius— served as the starting-point t o the whole of the A A M . Isidoros w a s known as an insolent and intrepid person, Claudius as a great fool, and Jews as implacable enemies of the Alexandrians (especially in the crucial years A.D. 3 8 - 4 1 ) . So the three fundamental components of AAM were associated in a single historical event, and no great gift of imagination w a s needed to exaggerate each of t h e m and t o turn history into a patriotic novel. W e m a y assume that the story, w h e n the Alexandrian population became acquainted with it, w a s a 'best seller' and, consequently, an ideal pattern for similar stories in the future. E v e r y time an Alexandrian embassy received a rebuke from a R o m a n emperor, or an Alexandrian citizen, involved in some political disturbance, w a s executed in R o m e , or the hated Jews succeeded in justifying themselves when accused of being aggressors, the story of a new 'martyrdom' was spread among the Alex­ andrian m o b , w h o were avid for any kind of sensational and thrilling readingmatter. So the literature of the 'Alexandrian martyrs' was born. It w a s not a 'classic' work, whose existence was perpetuated b y careful copies made b y skilled scribes, but a work of no great value circulated in private copies; thus it w a s possible for anyone to change the text, t o shorten or to expand it, according t o his taste or t o the purpose for which he w a s copying it (cf. Musurillo, 274). The existence of two copies of the same story in N o . 1 5 8 is the best argument for such behaviour on the part of the scribes who copied the text. A n d since the main purpose of the whole of the AAM was to spread political propaganda, it m a y be suggested that every composition of a new A c t furnished a reason t o publish a revised edition of some of the older Acts, with some new additions or modifications to the previous text. It follows that the AAM were in a w a y in a state of permanent fluctuation, and there is no guarantee that the older Acts, like those of Isidoros-Lampon, reflect historical truth better than the later ones, since t h e y were subjected to various reworkings during the 1 5 0 or 200 years of their existence. It m a y even be that in this w a y real 'historical n o v e l s ' were composed, based on certain historical names and obscure reminiscences and on nothing else; N o . 1 5 4 is probably a fragment of such a novel. Whether all these separate pamphlets (this is perhaps the best name for each individual AAM, reflecting b o t h its size and its political contents) were collected in a single book at the beginning of the third century, as assumed b y Premerstein, 1

2

1

Musurillo (pp. 273 sq.) puts forward a very plausible theory making the political clubs of Alexandria responsible for the composition and propagation of the AAM.

2

T h e dramatic dates of N o s . 1 5 4 and 1 5 5 are of course earlier than Claudius' reign, b u t the composition of each is probably m u c h later,

6o

S E C T I O N V I I I : N O . 154

cannot be stated with certainty, and this question, taken b y itself, is of n o great importance. A s the purpose of this Corpus is t o collect documents relating t o Jews, it is not m y aim t o publish here all the AAM, but only those which have a direct bearing on Jews. Many pieces, therefore, are excluded; the reader can easily consult them in the complete edition b y Musurillo. On the other hand, Nos. 1 5 4 and 1 5 5 are included on account of the n a m e s of Isidoros, Dionysios, and Flaccus, w h o are associated inseparably w i t h the anti-Semitic m o v e m e n t in A l e x ­ andria, and so is N o . 159, partly for similar reasons (cf. note t o Col. IV, 11. 5-6), and partly because it is the most characteristic of all AAM, and a knowledge of it is needed for the understanding of the whole genre.

No. 1 £4. An Interview between Flaccus and the Leaders of the anti-Semites Oxyrhynchos. Script of the third century A . D . P . O x y . 1089. Premerstein, AAM 8 sqq. Musurillo, ii. L I T . : Korte, Arch. v i . 247. Wilcken, Arch. vi. 289. Premerstein, AAM 4 - 1 4 , and passim. R o t h , 47 sqq. D e Sanctis, Riv. d. Filol. N.s., ii, 1924, 5 1 0 . N e p p i Modona, Raccolta Lumbroso, 1 9 2 5 , 4 1 0 sqq. Bell, Juden u. Griech., 21 sqq. N e p p i Modona, Bilychnis, x v , 1926, 3 2 3 . Bilabel, Phil. Woch. xlvii, 1 9 2 7 , 837 sqq. Premerstein, AG 3 2 - 4 0 , and passim. S c h m i d t , Phil. Woch. l x , 1940, 268. Westerm a n n BSAA x x x v i i i , 1949, 3 sqq. Bell, / . Jur. Pap. i v , 1950, 27 sqq. Musurillo, 93 sqq.

This papyrus, first published in Oxyrhynchus Papyri, vol. viii ( 1 9 1 1 ) , is very badly mutilated: of its three columns only the second is preserved, a few letters remaining to mark the ends in Col. I and the beginnings in Col. I l l of the lost lines. Even in the second column, only about half can be deciphered more or less satisfactorily, so that of the whole text only a sixth part is known (supposing, of course, that the whole text occupied no more than three columns, which is far from certain). It is no wonder that the contents of the papyrus remain obscure. It seems that an interview was arranged between Flaccus, the Roman prefect in Egypt, and two leaders of the Alex­ andrian anti-Semites, Isidoros and Dionysios. Flaccus arrived at the temple of Sarapis (chosen, as it seems, beforehand for this interview), and the other two arrived after him, accompanied by a woman, Aphrodisia. An 'old man', likely to be a member of the Alexandrian gerousia, appears suddenly and approaches Dionysios with humble prayers—not to force his way on Flaccus (or not to struggle against him) but to act in concurrence with 'the elders'. Dionysios gives a negative answer; it is not his intention to take a second refusal from Flaccus (or to refuse Flaccus again; cf. note to 11.39 sqq.). What follows is obscure; Flaccus is involved in a long talk with Isidoros, in which a business affair affecting a payment of five talents in gold is discussed, but the reason for this payment cannot be explained. Premerstein, with his usual confidence in dealing with difficult papyri, has restored the text by inserting, in a most arbitrary fashion, the missing words. He has succeeded in creating a little historical novel, in which the main action lies in the endeavours of Isidoros and Dionysios to get permission from Flaccus to leave Alexandria for Rome; the young woman, Aphrodisia, was destined to serve as a bribe for the prefect, but the latter preferred, it seems, a payment in hard cash. As to the 'elders', Premerstein first (in AAM) thought them to be members of the Jewish council in Alexandria, but after the publication of AG (see No. 1 5 5 ) he changed his opinion and proclaimed them

'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

61

to be members of the Alexandrian gerousia. It is very difficult to distinguish history from pure fantasy in this story, as it is restored by Premerstein; yet it is obvious that, even without his doubtful restorations, the story is still fantastic. A secret interview between the highest official of Rome in Egypt and the leaders of the anti-Roman party in Alexandria, the place chosen for the interview, the enigmatic part played by a woman, the sudden appearance of a member of the gerousia, hidden, it would seem, in the temple, the enormous bribe (?) of five talents in gold exacted by the prefect—all these features point to the suggestion that the story is not the record of true historical events, but a 'novel' freely composed by someone far removed in time and spirit from the historical period with which he dealt. Premerstein himself was finally forced to the same conclusion (AAM 1 4 ) ; accordingly many of his restorations, based on the presumption that true historical facts are reflected in the story, should be dropped. As compared with other AAM the present papyrus shows the original trait that it consists wholly (as far as we can decipher it) of a 'framework', having no traces of a dialogue before the Emperor. The place of the action is also unusual: Alexandria, and not Rome, as in other AAM. It may be doubted, therefore, whether this fragment belongs to the AAM at all. Yet aov -rropevdevros in 11. 3 6 - 3 7 and etfu iXevdeplats in 1 . 4 2 are sufficient proofs of the assumption that Dionysios (and, probably, Isidoros too) was preparing himself for a long voyage (certainly to Rome), even if we do not accept the more doubtful restorations of Premerstein in 11.45 and 5 6 - 5 7 (see notes). So it may be that the events recorded in AG (No. 1 5 5 ) are closely connected with this voyage, as suggested by Premerstein (AG 3 2 sqq.). As to the time of the voyage, the autumn of 3 8 serves as a terminus ante quern, since it was then that Flaccus was arrested and sent to Rome (Flacc. 1 1 6 ; cf. Stein, Die Prafekten, 2 6 ) . Since Isidoros had contributed to the fall of Macro (as attested by No. 1 5 6 6 ) , who was executed by order of Gaius Caligula in 3 8 (Dio Cass. 5 9 . 1 0 . 6 ) , and certainly in the first half of this year (before the pogrom in Alexandria, Flacc. 1 6 and 2 2 ) , the time most appropriate to the events related in our papyrus is the winter of 3 7 / 3 8 . For further chronological details see Nos. 1 5 5 and 1 5 6 . The present text is based on the edition of Musurillo. The remaining letters of Cols. I and III are here omitted since they do not contribute anything to the interpretation of the text. Mr. Roberts was good enough to re-examine some obscure words in the text. I quote his new readings in the notes. Col. I I [ 25 odv 6 0XaKK[os Xevaas

dvepx^rat

et? T O U]apa7T€Lov

iv KpvTT\rat ipyja^eoOai

dvepxeTaL

Se Ac[at] 6 'IoLhatpos

pohioLq Ka\i\ Tip Aiovvaicp, TOV

orvv rfj ivros

A-

Se

,

ved) e[t]p eA0dVTes' {Se} o 'Iathcopos

30 /cat 6 Aiovvaios rore

TrpoaeKvvqaav.

Kal

epcTTipev eavTOV [o yjepaios,

KXLVTJS

Xdycov 35

KC-

TO xprjfjLa.

8* €x[o]/zei>[o]$' [r]py

yovvA\i\ovvolov

ISov, S[e]o7r[oT]a Aiovvaie,

dv-

TLKpv TOV 27a[pa]7rtp[s'] o yepauos'

p>r) j8t-

a£ou irpds

ovy

TO[V]

$>X[O\KKOV,

dXXa

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO. 154

62

rots

yepovoiv

devros

[/ca]#t[£]ai>e. rj GOV rropev-

7]. .e.arp..(/>.p,ev;

vorjoov,

T€K\yov\

rrev' evderts,

6 Se dvret-

[dAA* ip^\e 8evre[p]gy

40 jSouAet dpvrjo[aodaL

pur)

ro]v &XaKKov;

Set rfj via cr[

el

o\vv avrcp etvat,

et/x[t] iXe[vd]e[ptcos. KOS

p,era-

A\C\ovvote.

i]rrrjX6ev 6 Ad/c-

(ca[l] t[S]a>[v rov 'Ial]8[co]pov a

rd /xev [xpy]tA_

eroi\p.[o]y

45 Xourrdv r)p,cp[v

ionv.

elrrev ris

]....e.euetv

d p>rj e. . . [

] . e . .v 6

rrpoKa-

6r)p,evg[s elrrev. ,]A[.].cu ovv ore r[6]v Zdp\amv

[K]VP[LO]V

p,rjhe]v KaKov

rroi-

[etv] '/crtSfco/aco /cat Zlto]vuo"ta>. dpjvv5 ° [a> cr]ot r . [ [d] Se

] a . a t ip,e rep ocp. et7rev]

ALOV[VOLOS

p.rjSerrore

[. .]oyrrp[

]. . .ev avrov els

[...].[

]•[•]•[•]

[

r]6[v 'I]cr[l]8cppgv

C. 1 4 l e t t .

55 [^Xd^Kos

CpULVTOV OS

ovbe

rr

[.]Xg[

] • [ • • • • ] )v

T^S" rrj-

[.. .d]Ai70etai> Sco[a]. • [ • • • ] vrrep rod e[. . .~\cps rdXavra [ii;a\pi6p,rjoai

[rd p,e\gov

rrevr[e dA]a ev xpvacp

ra\y\ra

rod lepov.[.

60 [ . . . .]rj6rj rrapai[ *Ia\Loa)p€L7T€V[ Kal 7Tp[

TOV

irepl TOV

Ueftaojlov

eVayo/zai yvp\yaaiapxos 35

AXe^avopeias,

€Trjs; avdadeorTaTos]

AlyvnTOV

TOVTOV

Kvpii

dX\ovs

®ea>v[a]

eirapxov

rjSr] dvjrjprjKas,

9e-

yv-

76

SECTION V I I I : NO. 1566 45

eiTrd

EefiaoTela

T [

era? OVK iqy p,e St[ yofxevov

iv ax\rfp,ari

[KXa\y8ios 'IoL8tope, 50

airayu/xracria/^i/cco

Kaiaap•[ 5

Icri8tp[p€,

vrrip deovs

Kara, TOV

ip,ov LXov €17777 [? [ . . . .]T7 fc[a]raAaj8[

Col.

I

5 . 1 . Xoytov

B.

(Translation.) Col. i. . . . i n t h e . . gardens. W i t h h i m sat t w e n t y senators, sixteen m e n of consular rank, w o m e n of t h e court also attending . . . Isidoros' trial. Isidoros began b y saying 'My Lord Caesar, I beseech y o u t o hear m y account of m y native city's sufferings.' The emperor: T grant y o u this d a y . ' All t h e senators w h o were sitting as assessors agreed w i t h this, knowing t h e kind of m a n Isidoros w a s . Claudius Caesar: 'Say nothing (God forbid it!)(?) against m y friend. Y o u h a v e already done a w a y w i t h t w o of m y friends, Theon t h e exegete and N a e v i u s , prefect of E g y p t a n d prefect of t h e pretorian guard a t R o m e ; a n d n o w y o u prosecute this m a n . ' Isidoros: 'My Lord Caesar, w h a t do y o u care for a twopenny-halfpenny J e w like A g r i p p a ? ' Claudius Caesar: 'What ? Y o u are t h e most insolent of m e n t o speak. . . .' I s i d o r o s : ' . . . I will not d e n y . . . be q u i e t . . . beaten . . . Olympian C a e s a r . . . . ' Col. ii. . . . about Augustus . . . I a m brought here, a gymnasiarch of A l e x a n ­ dria, fifty-six years old, a Greek . . . an orator, w i t h right hand . . . he threw off his cloak . . . and said: 'One must n o t . . .'. Claudius Caesar: ' . . . Isidoros, against Theon . . . neither R o m e nor A l e x a n d r i a . . . . ' I s i d o r o s : ' . . . a gymnasiarch of Alexandria . . . b y nature . . . seven temples of Augustus . . . n o t allow m e . . . being taken a w a y in t h e robes of a gymnasiarch.' Claudius Caesar: ' D o n o t s a y anything, Isidoros, Isidoros,—God forbid!—anything against m y friend. . . .' Col. 1 . 1 - 2 5 . All t h e supplements are b y Bell, unless otherwise n o t e d . 1 - 1 4 . These lines are a parallel t o 1 1 . 5 - 1 9 in 156a, Col. ii (see a b o v e , p . 7 1 ) . I here g i v e t h e various readings in b o t h t e x t s : 1 . 2 ( = 1 . 6 in a): a—eiKo[o]i. 1 = 6: between K and vrrariKcov, < t S v > is n e e d e d — [TOVTCOV Si ?]. 3 = 7" opuXovotov Se—naSjiovacov Se KaC\. 5 9 • Tpjtorov Xoyov r)p£tvro—iv 7rp[u>TOis =

rjpgaro

8 = .

6nol6[s

eajrtv

Oecova

12 : KXavSios] 1 3 =

1 8 : [fiov

Kaiaap—6 Svo

avroKpartop.

[]Xovs—fiov

8 = 1 2 :

S v o lX[ovs.

r

p,epi io—/xeplaco; 13 sq. =

18 s q . :

io = Qiiov\a\

15:

otos

[yap

iariv— ifayrjTrjv]

i£i)yq\Tfjv.

2. 'There is a n unmistakable space after a, showing t h a t there were 20 senators a n d n o more' (Bell). 1 1 - 1 2 . vnepdelriKov B . 'It appears t o be elsewhere a purely grammatical t e r m ; here it m u s t b e t a k e n as " e x t r a v a g a n t " ' (Bell). B u t n o such meaning of the term is given in t h e lexica, a n d Bell himself confesses t h a t h e 'feels u n e a s y ' a b o u t his o w n reading. Rostovtzeff (quoted b y Bell, Arch. x . 9 sq.)

'THE J E W I S H QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

77

suggested /wjSev vnepOefievos, and a change from elirris t o elnes: 'Claudius Caesar, without delay, (said): " Y o u h a v e spoken against m y friend".' Y e t Bell is quite right in rejecting this suggestion, since the reading proposed b y Rostovtzeff does not correspond to the second half of the same sentence. Many other restorations were proposed; cf. Musurillo, 134. I suggest virep deovs (or virep deov) in t h e sense of 'against god's will' (cf. Horn. II.17. 327); the words m a y be taken merely as a n e x c l a m a t i o n : ' D o n o t s a y — God forbid!—anything against m y friend'. 1 3 - 1 4 . W h o Theon was we do not k n o w ; his n a m e , as well as the office of exegetes filled b y h i m , shows t h a t he was a Greek, probably an A l e x a n d r i a n ; cf. Musurillo, 103. On the office of exegetes in Greek cities see Oertel, Liturgie, 325 sqq. N a e v i u s , as stated b y Bell, is N a e v i u s Sertorius Macro, the prefect of t h e praetorians; according to D i o Cassius (59.10. 6) he was appointed b y Gaius Caligula t o serve as prefect of E g y p t , but was forced to c o m m i t suicide b y the Emperor before h e had time t o enter on his new office. Macro played the principal part in the e v e n t s a t R o m e in the year 37, w h e n h e helped Gaius to ascend t h e throne without undue disturbance; but Gaius, eager t o be t h e absolute ruler of the world, was anxious t o get rid of h i m as quickly as possible (Flacc. 13 s q q . ; leg. 32 s q q . ; Suet. Calig., 26. 1 ) . T h e present papyrus gives an important detail of his e n d : he was p u t t o d e a t h b y Gaius in consequence of a prosecution launched against h i m b y Isidoros. T h e doubts of A . Stein (Die Prdfekten, 28) whether Isidoros was capable of prosecuting 'the m i g h t y praefectus praetorio' m a y easily be dispelled. The Alexandrian demagogues under Gaius played the mean part of delatores, supporting in this w a y the 'philhellenic' Caesar in his struggle against the representatives of con­ ventional R o m a n society. W e m a y recall that the same Isidoros, together with his constant colleague L a m p o n , also brought charges against Flaccus (Flacc. 125 sqq.). I n all these trials the Alexandrian demagogues were, as a matter of course, backed b y the Emperor himself. The role of voluntary pro­ secutors under Gaius was the real cause of the tragic end of Isidoros and L a m p o n , w h e n Claudius, in t h e first year of his reign, was striving to bring back R o m a n society to the principles of the principate as laid d o w n b y Augustus. (A new inscription, Anne'e e'pigraphique, 1 9 5 7 , 250, gives Macro's true n a m e , Q. N a e v i u s Cordus Sutorius Macro. It does not mention the prefecture of E g y p t , b u t , since it shows t h a t his will was carried out, it confirms Dio's account that he committed suicide and was n o t executed.) 1 5 - 1 6 . T h e restoration of Bell seems t o be logical; see his note ad loc. in Arch. x . 1 1 . 16. avrjpifKas is, of course, not to be taken literally; Isidoros 'killed' Theon and Macro b y prosecuting t h e m before Gaius. 18. rpitofloXeioy M . ; rpuofioXKal>ov B . Rostovtzeff (quoted b y Bell, ad loc.) suggested t h a t the word 'might h a v e a technical significance, of a prostitute, since it is k n o w n t h a t , in the R o m a n world at least, prostitutes were classed according t o their fees'. Cf., e.g., Quintil. 8. 6. 5 3 : 'quadrantariam Clytaemnestram'. Premerstein (quoted b y Bell, 16) rejected this suggestion, pointing o u t that t h e word implies 'nothing more than worthlessness' (see t h e instances from Plautus and Petronius col­ lected b y Premerstein; cf. an interesting parallel from Shakespeare: 'Look, where three-farthings goes!' (King John, A c t I, scene i, 1.143). Whether t h e word has the meaning suggested b y Rostovtzeff or not, there is little doubt t h a t such a coarse insult could n o t be uttered in a judgement-hall; it w a s the author of the A A M w h o p u t it into the m o u t h of Isidoros in order t o amuse his readers. I t is one of numerous instances which characterize the literary taste of the authors of the A A M . 20. Restored b y M. [6pov), i.e. the laographia. 27. The sentence is a question, as rightly seen b y the editor. 29 sq. N o t e that Agrippa speaks about tf>6pot. in the plural, whereas Isidoros m e a n t the 6pos. Agrippa's reply m a y be interpreted as a deliberate a t t e m p t to conceal the fact that t h e p a y m e n t of laographia marked the lower civic status of Jews in Alexandria. His assertion that 'no one has i m ­ posed tributes on Jews' m a y be regarded as pure propaganda. 30. [rwv 'Pcoualojjy is a restoration which makes s e n s e ; but according t o the editor this restoration is impossible. M. suggests [Alyvm-ttojv. 3 1 . BdXfitXXos. U.-G. rightly identified this person with T. Claudius Barbillus, the m e m b e r of the Alexandrian embassy in A . D . 41 (see N o . 1 5 3 , 1 1 . 16, 36, 105). H e interpreted the appearance of

8o

SECTION V I I I : NOS.

156c-156d

Barbillus at the trial as the strongest evidence in favour of the year 4 1 . 1 did not use it w h e n arguing a b o v e (pp. 6 8 sq.) in favour of the same y e a r ; m a n y persons n a m e d Barbillus were k n o w n at this time (see Stein, Aeg. xiii. 1 2 3 ; ib. 3 3 1 ; Musurillo, 130 sq.), so t h a t the identification cannot be accepted as quite certain. B u t , since the date of the trial seems t o be sufficiently established b y other arguments, we m a y accept the identification proposed b y U.-G. as a result of our i n q u i r y : for it would be strange, indeed, to assume t h a t in the same year t w o persons, b o t h called Barbillus, were engaged in a struggle on behalf of the Alexandrians before Claudius. W e draw three important conclusions from this f a c t : (1) The Alexandrian e m b a s s y arrived at R o m e at a n y rate before the 30th of A p r i l ; (2) the trial of Isidoros seemed t o be a matter of importance in the e y e s of the best representatives of Greek society in Alexandria (it is likely t h a t the participation of Barbillus in the trial created a higher level of d e b a t e ) ; (3) the n a m e of Barbillus serves as a further proof t h a t true historical reminiscences were recorded in the A A M , in spite of the literary character of their composition.

No.

i£6d

Col. I l l

. . . , ] e 7Tp€oj3ea[

] r) Trarpus-

9

Ad]pL7ra)v rep Ia[i8copa)' rjSrj]

TOV

6dvaT[6v

7roX]Aovs jLtou 9

Iol]8a>pos'

JJLOV.

eyoD p>€v\ €eZ8ov KXav]8uos

d7re/CT[et]ras', 'IoL8ojpe.

(/)LXOVS

[QaoiXecos 7]Kovoa TOV r o r e

iTr\iTd£avTos. Kal ov Aeye KaJTrjyoprjooj.

KXav8uos

TWOS

9

'' IoL8(x)pOS'

iy]d) ju,ev OVK et/xt 8ovXos ov8e dXXa 8iaor)p,ov

8p]€c[as]

noXeajs

yvpA/aaiapxps.

9

r]f}s Iov8a[las

deXeus

KaZcrap' docf>aXd)s

€~]K pLOVOLKTJS € t , IoL8u)p€. vl]6s,

KaZoap'

p,ovoiKrjs [A]X€^av-

en) 8k €K EqXwp.Y][s\

v]los [aTrolpXrjTos. 8L6 Kal ct7rp[.]

eta? € 7 j [ . . .]qT7][. .]a>s. €r] Ad[[i,TT\ojy T]W 15

9

Iai8ojpcp'

rt yap aXXo e^o/xev rj

]povovvTL jSacrtAet K]Xav8ios T]6V

KaZoap' 9

TO7TOV

irapa-

StScWi;

ois TrpoeK-iXevoa

OdvaTOV TOV Ioi8d)pov

Kal Adp,7TO)v[os]

7 . u) in [Ka]Tr)yop7)o~a> a b o v e the line. 1 2 . Kal a b o v e the line. c is inserted b y another hand (de R . ) .

15. A b o v e o in S t S o V a i an

156^. L a m p o n t o Isidoros: 'I h a v e looked upon death. . . Claudius Caesar: 'Isidoros, y o u h a v e killed m a n y friends of mine.' Isidorus: 'I merely fulfilled the wish of the king then ruling. So too I should be willing t o denounce a n y o n e y o u wish.' Claudius Caesar: 'Isidoros, y o u are really the son of a girl-musician.' Isidoros: T a m neither a slave nor a girl-musician's son, but gymnasiarch of the glorious city of Alexandria. B u t y o u are the cast-off son of the Jewess S a l o m e ! And therefore . .

'THE J E W I S H QUESTION* IN

ALEXANDRIA

81

L a m p o n said t o Isidoros: 'We might as well give in to a crazy Emperor.' Claudius Caesar: 'Those w h o m I told (to carry out) the execution of Isidoros and Lampon. 1. irpeofSea probably refers t o Isidoros; cf. notes t o a, Col. 1 , 1 1 . 1 0 - 1 5 , and 17. A possible restoration, according t o M., i s : [e/x]c irpeafiea, [ixeipoTovijaev] 17 irarpls. 2. Aapmcov appears here for the first t i m e ; he was mentioned, probably, in one of the lost parts of t h e story. 'At this point in the proceedings Agrippa seems t o h a v e disappeared from the scene and t h e trial m a y n o w h a v e been held intra cubiculum principis' (Musurillo, 134). 2 - 3 . T h e restoration suggested b y M. [17817] restored b y W . in Ant., but not repeated in W . Chr. 14. 4. For aniKTeivas see note t o dvrjprjKas in b, 1 . 1 6 . T h e iroX]Xovs m a y refer, in addition t o T h e o n and Macro, also to Flaccus. 5. BaoiXevs, as referring t o a living Caesar, is not in use in the papyri until the reign of the Severi. Cf. Preisigke, W B . ; Chr. d'£g. x x v , 1950, 320 sqq. T h e term is probably here put into the m o u t h of Isidoros b y the compiler w h o rewrote the AAM in t h e beginning of the third century. B G U 588, where t h e term BamXevs 'Pcouattov is used again, is presumably a fragment of the AAM and belongs t o the same period (cf. Musurillo, 221). Cf. also N o . 159&, Col. I I , 1 . 6. 6. Restored b y W . ; irpoajra^avros R. 5-7. T h e first sentence ('I fulfilled the wishes of the K i n g t h e n ruling') again characterizes Isidoros as a n agent of Gaius (see note t o b, 1 1 . 1 3 - 1 4 ) . In the second sentence Isidoros expresses his readiness t o offer the same services to Claudius. Wilcken (Ant. 831) found in this offer an argument in favour of his theory of official protocols, allegedly used in the A A M : the author would never h a v e invented this offer since it shows u p his hero on the worst side. Y e t the literary taste of the Alexandrians was not v e r y h i g h ; it seems t h a t bold offers designed t o trouble the Emperor, as well as coarse invectives directly insulting h i m , were especially relished b y the Alexandrian readers. 8. [i]ic de R . ; the reading was adopted b y W . in W . Chr. T h e previous reading was [dvev] p.ovaiK7js, a n d in 1 . 1 0 [KCJVOS instead of [vt]6s (de R.), so that the sense w a s : 'You haven't a rag of culture o n y o u , Isidoros' as a substitute for culture in general). T h e reading of de R. gives the s e n s e : 'you are a son of a girl-musician', i.e. of a w o m a n playing a musical instrument at banquets. Since the moral conduct of such girls was o n a very low level, the words of the Emperor c o n v e y a gross insult t o Isidoros. 10. [ v l ] 6 s de R. Cf. the preceding note. n - 1 2 . A crux interpretationis. T h a t ef aXu>fi7)[s] (so the papyrus) is to be read eV 2aXtbp.r}s was recog­ nized b y the first editors. Lietzmann restored: i$aXd>p.7)[s rjijs 'Iov8a[tas vl6]s [WTOJ/SAIJTO? (cf. Musurillo, 129 n. 2 ) : 'you are the cast-off son of the Jewess Salome'. Pr. s u g g e s t s : 8 « igaXwp.r)[s rjijs 'Iov8a[tas SICQjSAIJTOS : 'you are inspired against us b y the Jewess Salome' (AAM, 25). It seems that t h e first reading is the correct one, since Bell, when examining the original in Cairo in 1926, saw in the damaged part of the papyrus slight traces of it and o; t h e restorations [dndjpXrjros or [yn6]t3Xr)Tos are, therefore, t h e m o s t acceptable (Bell, J R S x x x i , 1941, 12 n. 13). T h e Salome here in question is probably t h e sister of H e r o d ; her connexion with Livia, the mother of Tiberius, was well k n o w n (see Reinach, according t o J o s . ant. 1 8 . 3 1 ; bell. 2 . 1 6 7 ; cf. Musurillo, 128 sqq.). B u t w h a t could the meaning of the sentence h a v e been ? Isidoros could not, indeed, seriously suspect the legitimate birth of Claudius a n d , consequently, d e n y his right t o sit on the throne of the Caesars. W e shall perhaps find a n explana­ tion of the sentence in the assumption that the author intended t o amuse his readers, and nothing more. ' Y o u are t h e son of a whore', says the Emperor. 'And y o u are the son of a Jewess', answers Isidoros. A s t o the question whether Isidoros could h a v e uttered such coarse words against the Emperor, the possibility ought not t o be denied in v i e w of such cases as reported, e.g. b y Suetonius (Vesp. 1 5 ; Claud. 1 5 . 4; cf. Crook, Consilium Principis, 142 s q q . ) ; nevertheless a purely literary invention is b y far more probable.

(/xouai/cij

aw

ij/iM"

12 sq. M. suggests 'with all reserve': kv,

KoXcuv,

^IaKovpLyivei

tco

AVTLOX^VS

IovSatojv.

dvdyov-

iroAecos, e/caorot

TTJS

ALEXANDRIA

C,OVT€S TOVS IBloVS $€OVS

fiaora-

HXetjavSpCLS

x

Col. I I [ 20

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] . [ . . ,]Scu[.. t

.]ovy[

l,

[

] • [ • • •]*°[ ]. [*]. *[' •] /u-€Ta8t8ajcr[t] rots' ovv

avrots

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/cat A^avros" TOV ^etjitaivos'

op/At£ovT[ai el\s rr)v 'Pcopcrjv. eftqOev 6 TOjp OTL 7rdjo[etcrt] Trpeofieis 25

hpioiVy

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aKovareTai.

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craro, dAA* [efjirew pLr)aavTe[s\

avTOKpd-

eu/xeveoraTa rjSrj

npeafteLS

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7rpo77€77€Lap,€-

nXojTCLvrjs. /ACT* a ^ r o u s "

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dp,orepa)v

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t o i s '/ot»8[a] tots' fiorjdrjcraL. Kal TrpcbroL 3°

HXe^av-

(o)t€

dnavTq

Kara

/cat

Kal

elaep-

dcmd-

6 8e OVK dTrrjvTT]-

^atpert^eTe fxe d>s d£tot

Tvy-

TOV ^atpetv, Totaura ^aAe77a roA'IovSaloLs;

dXXd Tropeveodai

Kal

Col. I l l [ [ 4°

]tcr[

c . 26 l e t t .

]ov '/ouS[at

].[

• [ • • • ] j^f^efVjas' t o 6av€LV a>OT€

Kapuol avdd8o)s

dXXd Xv7Tovp,eBa

OTL

]T;cr[

KaTapo[v7ja]as TOV

dnoKpLVopbevos* TO

]

avviopLov

GOV

davaTov

'EpptataKos €77X7)067]

€L7T[ev'] TCOV

84

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO. 157 dvoaicov

'IovSaicov.

Kaiaap

Xeyco, 'Epp.ataKG' 45

aeavrov vop.ai,

yevei. pieyiare

ot? 'IovSaiois

t o els [TT)]V

55

tovr[o

drroKpi-

pie. Kaiaap

irroirjaas.

aeavrov

fiorjdeiv ravra

rrporop/q

eirrev

'EppiataKOS'

Xeyovros

/cat pier* oXiyov

'Pcop,r)v, Kpavyai

/c]at rrd\y]res

/cat pir) iois

rjv ipdora^ov

fieis alviSiov Zopcoaev, deaadpievos drredavp,aa[e]v'

aoi

eari rd ovopia rcov * IovSaicov ; 6<j>ei-

avvqyopeiv.

r) rov ZapdrriSos

ri avddScos

oioa^ov

p,ov * IovSaicov

Xeis ofiv rrdXi rois 5°

eirrev

avroKpdrcop;

xaXerrov

iSe Sevrepov

aTTOKpivrj rreTroidcos rep

'EppiataKos

ori t o avveopiov OVKOVV

eirrev

avddotos

dvoai-

'EppiataKov ol rrpea-

Se

Tpaiavos

avvSpopial

re rravrrXrjdeis

eyevove£e/?o-

eevyav els rd vifrqXd pieprj rcov X6-

[epeov.... Col. I V

/cat t [ 7TOt[ KXV[ 6o

aov. [

vai r[ Sea[ ••[ 65

rea[ coa[ qrr[

\[ 70

fi[ aXX[.].rj ras.

/cat

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Xeyei'

dvd^ioi

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yap aldv

[

piey t[ Xoi8op[

rrcov eivai Karr.[.. . ] t [ ov rrjs oipecos [•••]?[ aefteis ovres [ ^fiepav M i l n e ; xtbpav edit. iroptveode. 4 1 . 1 . aTroKpiveodai.

25.1. 37.

1.

(O)T« M . ; {coa)re 75.

1.

iav.

. . . aKovaeadai

edit.;

W . ; ( / c a t O)TC

77 sq. [d]|or€j3efs edit.

Schmidt.

'THE JEWISH QUESTION' IN A L E X A N D R I A

85

(Translation.) Col. i. . . . Dionysios, w h o h a d held m a n y procuratorships. and Salvius, Julius Salvius, Timagenes, Pastor the gymnasiarch, Julius Phanias, Philoxenos the gymnasiarch-elect, Sotion the gymnasiarch, Theon, Athenodoros, and Paulus of Tyre, w h o offered his services as advocate for the Alexandrians. W h e n the J e w s learned this, t h e y too elected e n v o y s from their o w n group, and thus were chosen Simon, Glaukon, Theudes, Onias, Kolon, Y a k o u m b o s , w i t h S o p a tros of Antiochia as their advocate. T h e y set sail, then, from the city, each party taking along its o w n gods, the Alexandrians (a bust of Sarapis, the Jews . . .). Col. ii. . . . H e conversed w i t h their companions; and when t h e winter was over t h e y arrived at Rome. The emperor learned that t h e Jewish and Alexandrian e n v o y s h a d arrived, and he appointed t h e d a y on which he would hear b o t h parties. A n d Plotina approached (?) the senators in order that t h e y m i g h t oppose the Alexandrians and support the Jews. N o w the Jews, w h o were the first t o enter, greeted Emperor Trajan, and the emperor returned their greeting most cordially, having been also w o n over b y Plotina. After t h e m t h e Alexandrian e n v o y s entered and greeted t h e emperor. H e , however, did n o t g o t o meet them, b u t said: ' D o y o u s a y " h a i l " t o m e as though y o u deserved t o receive a greeting—after w h a t y o u have dared t o do t o the J e w s ? . . .' Col. iii. [Trajan:] 'You must be eager t o die, having such contempt for death as t o answer even m e with insolence.' Hermaiskos said: 'Why, it grieves us t o see your Council filled with impious Jews.' Caesar said: ' This is the second time I a m telling y o u , Hermaiskos: y o u are answering m e insolently, taking advantage of your noble birth.' Hermaiskos said: ' W h a t do y o u mean, I answer y o u insolently, greatest emperor? Explain this t o m e . ' Caesar said: 'Pretending that m y council is filled w i t h Jews.' Hermaiskos: ' S o , then, t h e word J e w is offensive t o y o u ? I n t h a t case y o u ought t o help your o w n people and n o t p l a y t h e advocate for the impious J e w s . ' A s Hermaiskos w a s saying this, t h e bust of Sarapis t h a t t h e y carried suddenly broke into a sweat, and Trajan w a s astounded when he s a w it. A n d soon tumul­ tuous crowds gathered in R o m e and numerous shouts were heard, a n d everyone began t o flee t o t h e highest parts of the hills. . . . Col. iv. . . . under Claudius t h e g o d . . . 3. ALOV]VOIOS perhaps Aiovvoios AXeijavopevs 6 TXaiKov vios, ypafifjuvrucos (Suidas, s.v.). H e w a s a n official in R o m e ' s service from Nero's reign t o Trajan's, and a well-known Alexandrian scholar. Cf. Weber, 49 sq. 5. So according to t h e editors, cf. Musurillo, ad loc. On t h e possible kinship b e t w e e n Salvius Julius and t h e famous jurist Julianus cf. Weber, 51 n. 5. On t h e other members of t h e e m b a s s y cf. Musurillo, ad loc. 6-8. T w o gytnnasiarchoi took part in t h e embassy a n d besides t h e m another person described a s gymnasiarch-elect (i.e. one w h o w a s elected for this office b u t h a d n o t y e t taken it u p ) . T h e t w o gytnnasiarchoi probably correspond t o t w o gymnasia in Alexandria; see Str. 17. 795; Arch. i v . 2 3 8 ; cf. RE, s.v. yvavdatov. Cf. also P . T e b t . 700. 37 (of 124 B . C . ) : rd iv AXegavopela yvp.va.01a. 8. For T h e o n see above, N o . 153, n o t e t o 1 . 1 7 . Cf. 158a, note t o Col. 1 , 1 . 3. 9. F o r Paulus t h e Tyrian see Suidas, s.v. I l a v X o s ; cf. Weber, 52 sq. According t o H u n t , Weber, a n d others t h e same person as mentioned in N o . 158 (again in t h e same rdle of a spokesman for t h e Alex­ andrians). Y e t the identification is b y n o means s u r e ; cf. Musurillo, 187. 13. 7rpeaj3«s. T h e right of the Jews t o send embassies of their o w n t o t h e Emperor is uncontested }

86

S E C T I O N V I I I : N O . 157

here. This evidence is of some importance as referring t o t h e question of t h e 'two embassies' in N o . 153. See there, note t o 1 1 . 90 s q . 14. KoXcov is a very rare n a m e , cf. P a p e - B e n s e l e r , s . v . ; S B , s . v . ; N B , s.v. In L X X Kpiavovs 13 l e t t .

ip]a)Trjara)

15 l e t t .

] irepl

6 TOV

Kal €K piipLOV j• aC^^Ae6o]s• C. 15 l e t t .

GTpaTL-

Kal rj.[

>

[pov

Kal

TWGS OLTTO

OKrjvrjs

d\[7T€j\Kpi^€GT€] Kal

[

KAavSiavov ]e...vrco[

15

Col. V (P. Lond. 1 Verso) ]av[.]ey.... ]p

€LS

'Pdpbjpue, [rat

OLCLV BTJGOV-

].VTO

8vol

Jf eaexco ] f VTTOev d]eia-

0CO, HvTCOv[v€lVOS S]e

Col. V I I SeOlTjTCOL [ rjpias

5

Tr]poarr[rjo]cpaiV

TOL[S

].TOLS

TO rrapov [

AvTCo\yelv\ov

at aefiaa\ral

dpxoi Ke\Xevg\yai\

TOVS

Se[ap,iovs

TOV]

Kal VTTOKa\leiv rrvpl adveiagv

[

TOVTOV [ rrpos dv[ yevrjp,[evov

vrro

TO is

].piV

KO-

*Iov8aiov dXXoVTploV

]os rrpeafiea . . . . ] #ca[t] cpavepos

rrpos

£vXov oajea

T<X O\VTOV

-co]p,oao

Kara

S]eOevTos,

AvTcp\yet]vov

Xdi^eiv Ka[l Kpep,daaa]dai

10

[.. .].$•

yeCGTLV

Ka(l)

j8a-

SECTION V I I I : NO. 158a

94

dvocrta 7T\oirjaas

]•«[• •] dp-^as kcl-

] • ^ [ ?]0[ ]° i ' Kara 'Jp[u8atW (?) c. 1 5 lett. ] I H[Xe^av8p€wv ( ? ) C. 1 0 lett. ] . e > crro'/z[art C. 20 lett. ]epn//aTo r.[ C. 18 lett. CTe]j8acrrdsic[ C. 26 lett. ]. C. 16

d.[

lett.

r

1

t

r u a

TWV

15

(Probably about 10 lines lost) Col. V I I I ravTa

T[

C-

.[..]« [

7rtyvous' [

15

[. .]cus-

[

ZZjauJAos" [ 6[eo]oe$[

AVTWVC[LV-

dvaLpedrj[

v[. .].eti>[

/xeAAco . [

cr[. .]/xot.[ 20

jLt€ j8Ae7j[

[. . e]oTLV [

aws e[ rots' op[

[ . . . ] . crcra[

Stara£[

[ . . . ] ^ . [

[...]«»[

r a t ev[

[••Of 25 [...]€7ra[

KLVSV[V-

8[..].».[

[.. .]ate[ (Probably about 3 lines lost)

(An unknown number of columns lost) Col. I . 4. y/xa in 8 t a T o y j t i o written above the line. Col. V I I . 9.1. dXXorpCov.

7 . 1 . filfiov.

Col. I I I . 1 7 . 1 .

a(u)rotfc.

(Translation.) Col. i. Paulus (spoke) about t h e king, h o w t h e y brought h i m forth a n d (mocked him ?); and T h e o n read t h e edict of Lupus ordering t h e m t o lead h i m forth for Lupus t o m a k e fun of t h e king of the scene a n d t h e m i m e . After w e h a d thus (testified ?), t h e emperor took occasion t o remark to Paulus and our people as follows: 'During such disturbances . . . during t h e Dacian war. . . .' T h e J e w s . . . impious . . . Col. ii. Caesar answered t h e J e w s : 'I learned. . . .' The J e w s : 'They seized t h e m from t h e prison and . . . wounded t h e m . ' Caesar: 'I h a v e investigated all these matters (?), a n d n o t (all?) t h e A l e x ­ andrians b u t o n l y those w h o are responsible should b e prosecuted. . . Col. iii. '. . . so t h a t if some were t o be exiled from Alexandria, t h e y were none t h e less n o t seized b y u s , as t h e y allege, b u t b y them, a n d this occa­ sioned a false accusation against us. N o w all (the slaves) w h o h a d fled to their

'THE

JEWISH QUESTION' IN ALEXANDRIA

95

masters intending t o secure complete safety were brought t o justice b y t h e m a n d punished.' The J e w s : 'Sir, t h e y are lying: t h e y do n o t know h o w m a n y m e n there were.' Cols.*vi-vii. P a u l u s : 'My only concern is for the grave in Alexandria which I expect t o have. Advancing as I a m towards this, I shall have n o fear in telling you t h e truth. Listen t o m e then, Caesar, a s t o one w h o m a y not live b e y o n d t h e morrow.' A n t o n i n u s : 'My Lord Caesar, I swear b y your genius h e speaks t h e truth as one w h o m a y n o t live another day. For w h e n w e were in such pressing circum­ stances a n d so m a n y letters h a d been sent y o u saying that (the prefect) h a d ordered t h e impious J e w s t o transfer their residence t o a place from which t h e y could easily attack and ravage our well-named city—if n o t a line on this matter fell into your beneficent hands, then t h e reason for your august words is clear. It is obvious that this h a s been perpetrated against y o u , t o prevent y o u from having a n y evidence of the woes that h a v e befallen u s . ' Caesar: 'Let Paulus g o ; b u t h a v e Antoninus bound. . . .' Col. I . 1 . Paulus w a s one of the principal spokesmen of the Greek e m b a s s y , t h e t w o others being T h e o n a n d Antoninus. H i s identity w i t h Paulus the Tyrian (so Weber a n d Premerstein), t h e lawyer w h o participated in the Greek e m b a s s y t o Trajan ( N o . 157, Col. I, 1 . 9), can neither be proved nor refuted. I n favour of the identification it m a y be emphasized t h a t Paulus did n o t share the tragic fate of A n t o n i n u s and w a s acquitted (Col. V I , 1 . 29): being a stranger, h e himself w a s n o t involved in Alexandrian affairs. T h e turn of phrase in Col. 1 , 1 . 1 0 : IlavXov KOX TOVS r)p.eTepovs seems also t o indi­ cate t h a t Paulus w a s n o t reckoned a m o n g t h e r)p.eTepoi, i.e. t h e Alexandrians. Y e t the fact t h a t h e o w n e d a ' t o m b ' in Alexandria is against this suggestion. Cf. n o t e t o Col. V I , 1 1 . 1 s q q . T h e word [FlajvXos is written slightly o u t of the range towards t h e left, as in m a n y other places of this papyrus where n a m e s of orators are given or a n e w paragraph is s t a r t e d ; cf. Col. I I , 11. 1 , 8 , 1 0 ; Col. I l l , 1 1 . 1 4 , 1 6 ; Col. V I , 1 1 . 1 , 8, 28. For fiaoiXevs see note t o 1 . 7. eVjVfleJro W e b . , P r . ; iv [...] | [.]o W . Perhaps €V[ijy€]|ro M. 2. iTodd[aavr]o W e b . , Pr. €TOOO.[. . .][.]o W . T h e subject of npo-qyayov m u s t b e something like ' t h e Alexandrians'. 3. &iu>v. One of t h e leaders of t h e Alexandrian e m b a s s y . F o r his family cf. N o . 153, n o t e t o 1 . 17 (Musurillo, 103). Perhaps identical w i t h T h e o n , a m e m b e r of the Alexandrian e m b a s s y t o Trajan (so Weber a n d Premerstein). Cf. N o . 1 5 7 , 1 . 8. 5. M. Rutilius L u p u s , t h e prefect of E g y p t in t h e last years of Trajan. See the introduction t o N o . 435. T h e grammatical construction of the sentence is very confused. D o e s irpodyeiv avTovs, an acc. c. inf., depend upon e V A e u e ? I n t h a t case the avToi would be the Alexandrians presupposed already in 1 . 2 (so Pr., Hermes, lvii. 278); b u t where, t h e n , is t h e direct c o m p l e m e n t t o i r p o d y e i v } I t seems better t o take irpodyeiv as dependent u p o n ineXeve, and airovs as a c o m p l e m e n t t o irpodyeiv ('he ordered t h e m to lead h i m o u t ' ) ; in this case the avroi m u s t h a v e been persons connected w i t h the 'king' in 1 . 7. 7. W h o is 'the king of t h e scene a n d the mimos' (cf. also Col. 1 , 1 . 1 a n d Col. I V , 1 . 1 1 ) ? According t o Wilcken, L o u k u a s , t h e messianic king of t h e J e w s of Cyrene, is m e a n t (Ant. 8 1 5 ) ; y e t Weber ( p p . 81 sq.) a n d Premerstein (Hermes, lvii. 277) think that h e w a s n o more t h a n the hero of a farce arranged b y t h e Alexandrians in order t o ridicule t h e J e w s a n d their 'king', as it h a d already been performed once under Gaius (Flacc. 36 sqq.). If we adopt t h e latter opinion, w e m u s t take for granted t h e strange fact t h a t L u p u s , t h e highest authority in E g y p t , willingly participated in a 'mimos' performed b y t h e Alexandrian m o b , which is n o t very likely. In this case t h e contents of t h e 8idTayp.a of L u p u s would also be insufficiently clear. On the other h a n d , if L o u k u a s , the great leader of t h e revolt, w a s t h e 'king', h e certainly would h a v e b e e n a prisoner in t h e hands of t h e R o m a n s , and n o t of t h e A l e x a n ­ drians, as follows from 1 . 2, a n d perhaps 5. A n d w h y w o u l d Hadrian be so angry with t h e Alexandrians (11. 8 sqq.) w h e n t h e object of their mockeries was t h e Jewish king, certainly a criminal in the e y e s of t h e R o m a n s ? I think w e m u s t frankly a v o w our ignorance here.

9

SECTION V I I I : NO. 158a

6

8. Tjftwv, 'Unless w e read f j / x e t s , i t would seem t h a t a verb h a s fallen o u t of t h e t e x t , e.g. e i V o V r w v or t h e like' (M.). F o r t h e first person plural see a b o v e , p . 88. 12.

ffiov,

7} W . ; 'Efiov

13. AO.KIK6S

iroXefios

( 8 ) ' rj\[8r)

Pr.

refers probably t o Hadrian's w a r against t h e Sarmatian tribe of R o x o l a n i

which took place in Dacia i n 1 1 7 / 1 8 , and n o t t o t h e D a c i a n wars of Trajan in 101 a n d 105. See o n this war, Premerstein, Das Attentat

der Konsulare

auf Hadrian,

1908,3 sqq., 7 2 , 8 4 . ; id., Hermes,

lvii. 2 7 9 ;

Wilcken, Ant. 815 s q . ; Musurillo, 181 s q . 14. OTOS R . ; aire W . ; [eK]8(p)vXeZ 16. F o r dvSpas

n y TWV P r . ; [ . . ] 0 w A e i T i p - r a > v ( ? ) W .

i cf. Col. I I , 1. 25 a n d 158b, 1. 7.

17. T h e letter before . eXeoi m i g h t be v , rr, or p , (M). * [ d v ] p.4Xeoi. Pr. All t h e restorations of Pr. from here t o t h e end of Col. I are very doubtful, and I o m i t t h e m here. 19. eK[6p.]t,oa

W . 'The traces suit e/ce'[Ae]vo-a better' M.

Col. I I . 1 . Restored b y W . A[vroKpdra)p] 1

2. ovTOidovqiapx

t h e w h o l e p a s s a g e : ep.adov [iypat/ie

p.o]i oXiya,

also possible.

(?) W . Weber suggested ] o w TOO evO-qvidpxrji. | [dno TOV Aovjnov

TroOev 1)1 apxyi

M. suggests the following restorations of

TT)S I [rapaxys

re] Kal TOO 7roXep,ov ijpgaTO'

\

KTX.

3. iroXepios bears, n o d o u b t , o n t h e w a r b e t w e e n Greeks a n d J e w s . W h e t h e r i t w a s a renewed break of hostilities, as suggested b y Premerstein (Hermes, lvii. 283), w e cannot k n o w .

out­

4. W h o w a s AvOipos? Reinach suggested t h a t h e w a s t h e Jewish 'king' of A l e x a n d r i a ; y e t t h e o n l y J e w i s h 'king' k n o w n t o u s is L o u k u a s of Cyrene (see n o t e t o Col. 1 , 1 . 7). A n t h i m o s might equally well h a v e been a Greek. 5. TCDI Kvpim. According t o R . and W . , followed b y M., the former Emperor, i.e. Trajan, is m e a n t . Pr. suggests w i t h greater plausibility t h a t t h e Kvpios here is L u p u s , 'under w h o m this war has broken out'. A strong argument in favour of Pr.'s suggestion is t h e fact t h a t a7ro8r)p.la i n 1. 7 cannot b e re­ ferred t o Trajan, since this Emperor did n o t visit E g y p t and, consequently, could n o t 'leave' i t . 6. [ o 8 e 6 TtoXefijos W . ; [ o 8 e 6 rdpaxos] noX-ipav

P r . T h e restoration of W . is more reasonable i n view of TOW

in 1. 3.

7. dno8-qp.La is a terminus technicus for a temporary absence of the prefect from Alexandria caused b y his official visits t o t h e E g y p t i a n x-^P - P - prefers t o relate t h e term t o t h e e n d of Lupus' t e r m o f office; b u t I a m n o t sure t h a t dTro8rjp.ta can be interpreted i n this sense. W e k n o w from N o . 435 t h a t s o m e disturbances arose i n Alexandria under Lupus in which Greeks, a n d n o t J e w s , were i n v o l v e d , and t h a t these troubles were s o m e h o w caused b y slaves of t h e Alexandrians. T h e s a m e e v e n t s are narrated i n t h e present papyrus a n d , it seems, precisely i n connexion w i t h t h e diro8i)p.la of the prefect (the story of the disturbances begins in t h e n e x t l i n e ) ; so w e m a y suggest t h a t t h e absence of L u p u s from Alexandria w a s a n indirect cause of a renewed outbreak of hostilities b e t w e e n J e w s and Greeks. F o r further details see Section X L a

8.

r

7 [ o w 8 c u o i W . ; cV] R.

9. F o r [v W . J w w o av[rcov

rrpo-

97

dXX' W . ; [cbaoiv,

airol

Pr.

Pr.

1 6 - 3 1 . I print the long speech of the Emperor w i t h o u t a n y a t t e m p t t o restore the lost parts of the lines. Such an a t t e m p t was m a d e b y Pr., but in a very arbitrary manner. The few restorations adopted here are b y W . 21. 6 etrapxds p.oy. Since it is Hadrian who is speaking here, t h e prefect i n question is R a m m i u s Martialis, whose presence i n E g y p t is a t t e s t e d a t the very beginning of the reign of Hadrian (P. O x y . 1023, cf. Premerstein, Hermes, lvii. 285); cf. Col. V , 1 . 3 . Lupus, the former prefect, left his post prob­ ably in t h e first half of t h e year 1 1 7 (Stein, Die Prdfekten, 58). Wilcken (Ant. 818), a n d after h i m Premerstein (Hermes, lvii. 285), conclude from this t h a t t h e whole affair concerning the slaves (their escape from c u s t o d y and their punishment) took place under the n e w prefect. Y e t w e n o w learn from N o . 435 t h a t disturbances i n which slaves were involved had already taken place in 1 1 5 . S o it m a y be assumed t h a t R a m m i u s Martialis i n his edict ( S i d r a y / x a ) , mentioned here, dealt n o t w i t h the affair itself, b u t w i t h its consequences. T h e question of a n a m n e s t y for s i x t y arrested Alexandrians could, for e x a m p l e , evoke a renewed e x a m i n a t i o n of the whole affair. i[gedeTo restored by m e ; e[ypaifiePr.; eKOeivtu is the usual idiom for the promulgation of a n edict. See, e.g., N o . 1 3 7 , 1 . 1 8 ; N o . 1 5 3 , 1 . 6. 28. Possibly KLOO[TCUOUOV? M. Col. IV. 3 . TOV vTTop.vrqua.Ti.alp.ov Pr. T h e length of the lines in this column can easily be fixed from 1. 1 2 . 4. d.TTooovvai\

TO. onXa

KOL dva[£,r)\Ti}oai

Pr. H e suggests that Lupus' order was aimed a t a search for

and confiscation of arms, like the well-known order of Flaccus (W. Chr. 1 3 ; cf. Flacc. 86 sqq.). 7. P e r h a p s eV Xe(y)e[a>vi. 8. TTapaye]vop.evovs

9.

irpaiT\opiavovs

W . ; ev Xe(y)e\a>oiv

Pr.

Pr.

W.;'

]tppiavovs

seems more likely t h a n

]gptavovo

'

M . ; ^[oJKaTovs

Pr.

10. Perhaps o ( ? ) r t v e s ? M.

12. Restored b y Pr. according t o Col. I, 1. 7. P r . considered t h e mention of t h e 'king' here as a preliminary step t o the discussion of the whole case before Lupus i n Col. I ; he therefore p u t Col. I V before Col. I ; see a b o v e , p . 88. 13. W h o Claudianus w a s w e d o n o t k n o w . Col. V. 5. Restored b y Cronert. 9. Cf. hiKaoTrjs

Trep.dels vtto

Kaiaapos

in N o . 435, Col. I l l , 1. 15. Is it the same case? If this could be

proved we should h a v e an additional argument for referring t h e trouble caused b y t h e slaves t o t h e year 1 1 5 . 11.

Tpaiavjov

Kaiaapos,

according t o Wilcken, Ant. 819. The restoration

'A8piav]o€

is impossible

since Hadrian could n o t be referred t o in such terms if he was present a t the trial. Wilcken also argues t h a t the speakers here were probably J e w s , since Greeks would s a y

deov

Tpaiavov.

Col. V I . 1 sqq. W h y does Paulus s a y that his t o m b is t h e only object of interest t o h i m in Alex­ andria, a n d t h a t h e h a s t h e intention of using i t ? W a s it because h e w a s sentenced t o death b y Hadrian (thus Wilcken and Weber), or o n account of his advanced a g e (Premerstein)? T h e answer depends upon the w a y we interpret the p.ed' rjp.epap in 1 1 . 7 and 10. If we understand this idiom in its direct sense, it c a n only mean t h a t Paulus is awaiting his execution o n t h e following d a y , since a man's natural d e a t h can hardly be fixed with such precision. I s it used, perhaps, in the broader sense of 'in a short time'? B u t it does n o t seem t h a t p.ed' •qp.epav has ever been interpreted i n this sense before. T h e assertion, repeated, t h a t Paulus will tell t h e truth since he is going t o die, might of course, be interpreted in b o t h s e n s e s ; but it sounds like a challenge t o the Emperor only w h e n w e assume t h a t h e w a s near t o death in consequence of his political a t t i t u d e , a n d w e m u s t remember t h a t such acts of insolence were a favourite motif of the authors of the AAM. The possibility of Paulus' being sentenced t o death is very plausible in itself, w h e n we recall that his friend A n t o n i n u s undergoes a martyrdom (Col. V I I ) . On t h e other hand, the sentence o n b o t h Paulus and A n t o n i n u s w a s pro­ nounced only after their speeches, and w e know t h a t Paulus w a s freed (Col. V I , 11. 28 sq.). S o the best suggestion would be t h a t Paulus w a s convinced t h a t h e would be sentenced to d e a t h , as a logical consequence of the whole trial and of Hadrian's a t t i t u d e t o t h e Alexandrians. Since t h e trial before Hadrian probably took place in R o m e (at a n y rate not in Alexandria), the 'tomb in Alexandria' m u s t be interpreted as a family mausoleum in which t h e mortal remains of Paulus would be placed after execution. This m a y serve as a strong argument against t h e assertion t h a t Paulus w a s a citizen of Tyre (cf. n o t e t o Col. 1 , 1 . 1 ) , unless w e suggest that he changed his citizenship as a consequence of his close relations t o Alexandrians. Cf. Musurillo, 187. B 5195

H

9

8

S E C T I O N V I I I : NOS.

158^-1586

8. For Antoninus see note t o Col. I I , 11. 22-30. 1 1 . TOOOVTIOV : either a slip of the pen for Toaavrtov, or referring to e V c t y o v r t o v . 14. For dvoatot 'IovSaloi see Vol. I, p. 89; cf. notes t o N o . 1 5 7 , 1. 43, and N o . 438, 1 . 4 ; N o . 443, Col. ii, 1. 14. 1 4 - 1 5 . irpoaKaroiKeiv. T h e meaning of this term is n o t quite clear. Some scholars (Reinach, B l u d a u , Premerstein) h a v e suggested that the intention of the prefect (he is the subject of 8 i e V a £ ' in 1. 13) w a s to erect a n e w g h e t t o for the J e w s in Alexandria. Y e t in this case the opposition of the Alexandrians can hardly be u n d e r s t o o d : in A . D . 38 t h e y had themselves confined the J e w s in a g h e t t o , so w h y should t h e y n o w be opposed t o the same measure ? According to Wilcken, the prefect's intention w a s , on t h e contrary, t o abolish t h e g h e t t o and t o disperse t h e J e w s among t h e A l e x a n d r i a n s ; y e t t h e exact meaning of -npooKaToiKeiv is 'to settle opposite', or 'by the side o f , and not 'among'. I t seems that the new settlement was n o t within the c i t y boundaries of Alexandria at a l l : this follows, firstly, from the correct interpretation of irpoaKaToiKelv, and, secondly, from the Alexandrians' fear that their t o w n might be attacked b y the J e w s using their new settlement as a base against Alexandria (11. 15 sqq.). B u t w h y did the prefect ( R a m m i u s Martialis, cf. note to 1. 24) adopt so strange a measure ? D i d he expel all the J e w s from Alexandria with the intention of settling t h e m in another place ? I n such case t h e objections of Antoninus would be quite plausible: a settlement like this could, indeed, strengthen the Jews and imperil the peaceful life of the capital. Let u s seek another reason. Suppose t h a t the n e w settlement was formed entirely of J e w s w h o were expelled, during the revolt, from their h o m e s in the X < o p a and had fled to Alexandria in search of peace and shelter. Such J e w s were n o t members of t h e Jewish c o m m u n i t y in Alexandria and could not claim the right t o remain in the capital; o n the other hand, t h e y could n o t return t o their homes in the x™P > since these homes no longer existed. T h e founding of a new settlement for such J e w s would therefore be t h e logical solution of the rather complicated refugee question. Of course, this is a mere suggestion that cannot be proved. a

17. €V7Tp[o]ad>wuov: i.e. named after the divine king Alexander. 24. Kara. oov. Antoninus' intention is t o demonstrate that the actions of the prefect, especially the non-delivery of letters from the Alexandrians t o t h e Emperor, are opposed t o the interests of the Emperor himself. Since the Emperor addressed here is Hadrian, the prefect i n question can b e only R a m m i u s Martialis (cf. note t o Col. I l l , 1. 2 1 ) ; so it was he who was carrying out the settlement of the J e w s , and Premerstein is perhaps right in suggesting that this settlement was part of the reconstruc­ tion of Alexandria planned b y Hadrian (Hermes, lvii. 298, 312). 27.

Tr[payp]drcov

is t o o l o n g for t h e l a c u n a ( W . ) ; ir[r]pL]dro)v

Pr.

Col. V I I . 1 sqq. The severe sentence against Antoninus cannot be reasonably justified unless w e suppose that not all the speeches of Antoninus are known t o us. His speech in Col. V I , a t a n y rate, is not strong enough t o provoke a death sentence. T h e severity of the sentence is especially remarkable when compared with t h e acquittal of Paulus (cf. note t o Col. I , 1. 1 ) . On t h e legal question here involved (torture in R o m a n Law) cf. Musurillo, 1 1 2 sqq., 193. 5.

8e[ap.ovs

6.

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Pr. Pr.

7. Restored b y Pr. 8. I cannot explain the part played b y the 'IovSaTos mentioned here. W a s he t h e npeofivs referred to in I. 10, and was Antoninus guilty of having injured h i m , as suggested b y Wilcken (Ant. 820)? Or was h e 'the leader of the Alexandrian Jewish faction' (Musurillo) ? Col. V I I I . 23. P e r h a p s [01 d]p.6v[Xoi

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a n o between t h e lines (so

ic-4

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO. 1 5 9 3

(Translation.) a Col. I I . A p p i a n : '. . . w h o sending the wheat (?) t o the other cities, sell it at four times its price, so as t o recover their expenses.' The Emperor said: 'And w h o receives this m o n e y ?' Appian said: ' Y o u do.' The Emperor: 'Are y o u certain of t h i s ? ' Appian: ' N o , b u t that is what we have heard.' The Emperor: ' Y o u ought not t o h a v e circulated the story without being certain of it. (I say,) executioner!' A s Appian was being taken off to execution he noticed a dead b o d y and said: 'Ah, dead one, when I go t o m y country, I shall tell Herakleianos . . . .' b Col. I I - V . . . m y father and . . .' A n d while he was saying this, turning around he saw Heliodoros and said: 'Have y o u nothing t o say, Heliodoros, at m y being led t o execution ?' Heliodoros said: ' To w h o m can w e speak, if we have n o one w h o will listen ? Go, m y son, go t o your death. Yours shall be the glory of dying for your dearest native city. B e not distressed. . . .' The Emperor (then) recalled Appian. The Emperor said: 'Now y o u know t o w h o m y o u are speaking, don't y o u ?' Appian: ' Y e s , I d o : Appian speaks t o a tyrant.' The Emperor: ' N o , to a king.' Appian: ' S a y not s o ! Your father, the divine Antoninus, was fit t o be emperor. For, look you, first of all he w a s a philosopher; secondly, he was not avaricious; thirdly, he w a s good. B u t y o u have precisely the opposite qualities: y o u are tyrannical, dishonest, crude!' Caesar (then) ordered him t o be led a w a y t o execution. A s Appian was being taken, he said: 'Grant m e but one thing, m y Lord Caesar.' The Emperor: ' W h a t ? ' Appian: 'Grant that I m a y be executed in m y noble insignia.' The Emperor: 'Granted.' Appian (then) took his head-band and put it on his head and, putting his white shoes on his feet, he cried out in the middle of R o m e : 'Come up, Romans, and see a unique spectacle, an Alexandrian gymnasiarch and ambassador led t o execution!' The evocatus immediately ran back and reported this t o the emperor, saying: ' D o y o u sit idle, m y Lord, while the R o m a n s murmur in complaint ?' The Emperor: ' W h a t are t h e y complaining about ?' The consul: 'About the execution of the Alexandrian.' The Emperor: ' H a v e him brought back.' W h e n Appian h a d come in, he said: ' W h o is it this time that called m e back as I was about t o greet D e a t h again and those w h o died before me, Theon and Isidoros and L a m p o n ? W a s it the Senate or y o u , y o u leader of gangsters ?' The Emperor: 'Appian, I am accustomed to chasten those w h o rave and h a v e lost all sense of shame, Y o u speak only so long as I permit y o u to.' A p p i a n : ' B y your genius, I a m neither m a d nor have I lost m y sense of shame. I a m making an appeal on behalf of m y noble rank and m y privileges.' The Emperor: ' H o w s o ? ' Appian: ' A s one of noble rank and a gymnasiarch.'

'THE

JEWISH QUESTION' IN ALEXANDRIA

105

The Emperor: ' D o y o u suggest t h a t I a m n o t of noble rank ?' A p p i a n : ' T h a t I k n o w n o t ; I a m merely appealing o n behalf of m y o w nobility a n d privileges.' The E m p e r o r : ' D o y o u n o t k n o w then t h a t . . . ?' A p p i a n : 'If y o u are really not informed on this matter, I shall tell y o u . T o begin with, Caesar saved Kleopatra (and then) h e got control of t h e empire and, a s some say, borrowed . . .' 159a Col. I I . 1 . Amnavos. According t o M o m m s e n , perhaps a son or a grandson of t h e historian A p p i a n . Cf. Premerstein, AAM 29. Y e t Appian's father w a s Herakleianos (a, Col. I I , 1 . 1 5 ) , a n d n o t A p p i a n , so t h a t his belonging t o t h e family of t h e historian cannot be proved. 3 6.

w a w j u p o v s u g g e s t e d b y W e l l e s . ir]vp6y ' P e r h a p s a (8)e8d>Kaoi.'

M.

M.

8. A p p i a n accuses Commodus of enriching himself b y some speculations in merchandise, probably in E g y p t i a n w h e a t . Cf. note t o b, Col. I I , 1 1 . 1 0 sqq. Various instances of t h e 'financial policy' of Com­ m o d u s are g i v e n b y Aelius Lampridius in S H A , Vita Commodi, 14. 12. a i r e K o v X a r o o p : here in the sense of executioner, cf. Mark v i . 27. 13.

aira.y6p.evos'.

i.e. t o

death.

14. F o r t h e form yevdp.evos instead of yevop.evos cf., e.g., Mayser, i. 165. 14 s q . T h e episode w i t h t h e dead m a n is obscure. 'When y o u reach the country ( = Hades) tell m y father Herakleianos . . .' would make s e n s e ; b u t in this case w e m u s t emend yevdp.evos to yevapevov, p.ov t o aov, a n d Xeyat t o Xeye, a n d it is incredible t h a t t h e scribe should make three mistakes in t w o lines. If (/.ov is t o b e connected w i t h x ^ P > t h e 'country' would m e a n Alexandria, and Herakleianos would b e still alive. According t o Musurillo, a d l o c , A p p i a n is thinking 'of t h e transportation of his o w n b o d y t o Alexandria (after execution) for burial in t h e family g r a v e ' ; b u t if s o , w h a t message could Appian bring t o his father from a dead m a n ? av

159&, Col. I . 1 sqq. Premerstein (AAM 43) suggested t h a t t h e speaker here is t h e E m p e r o r ; w e see from a t h a t it w a s Appian. Perhaps KOX [p.ri]r[pt p,ov~] o n M. 7 sqq. A certain Heliodoros, s o n of A v i d i u s Cassius, is mentioned in S H A , Vita Marci 2 6 . 1 1 . T h o u g h t h e son of a rebel, h e w a s punished b y exile only, i n accordance w i t h t h e well-known dementia of Marcus Aurelius. B u t the author of Vita Avidi Cassii (13. 6 sq.) relates t h e annihilation of all Avidius' relatives b y Commodus, a fact in keeping w i t h the cruel character of the n e w Emperor. Premerstein (38 sqq.) t h o u g h t t h a t this Heliodoros w a s o n trial i n t h e present papyrus as part of t h e general persecution inaugurated b y Commodus. Y e t Musurillo ( p . 209) rightly emphasizes t h a t Heliodoros w a s a n aged m a n (cf. b, Col. 1 , 1 . 1 1 ) , and this fact seems t o exclude t h e possibility t h a t Heliodoros w a s the son of A v i d i u s Cassius. T h e question of A p p i a n : ' H a v e y o u nothing t o s a y , Heliodoros, a t m y being led t o e x e c u t i o n ? ' seems t o suggest that Heliodoros w a s a n a d v o c a t e for A p p i a n . Cf. t h e a d v o c a t e s for Alexandrians and J e w s in N o . 157. 13. Heliodoros, speaking t o A p p i a n , refers t o Alexandria as being t h e fatherland of A p p i a n (rrjs . . . aov i r a r p l 8 o s ) ; Premerstein (AAM 33) concludes from this t h a t Heliodoros w a s n o t a n Alexandrian. Should this suggestion b e correct, w e should g e t a close parallel t o Paulus of Tyre and Sopatros of A n t i o c h i a of N o . 157, b o t h non-Alexandrians engaged a s a d v o c a t e s for Alexandrian factions. Col. I I . 1 sq. Various restorations are possible. W . ; Kal [avros irg[86s,

irXeos

el rvyx\dv<x)

OX pera

Kapr[ep[]as

Kal [yap

iyd>.

oe SMOKO) IK iro[86s

. ] K C U . [ . . ] as oe 8I eKir.[ y

re Xap.p ]dvo)

]ava>

P r . ; (fctTa[jS]as oe 8id)K(o eK

M.

6. For jSafftAev's, as applied t o R o m a n Emperor, see n o t e t o 156^, 1 . 5. 10 sqq. T h e characteristics of t h e late Emperor, especially t h e reference t o 'philosophy', fit Marcus Aurelius, whereas the traits attributed b y Appian t o his son correspond very well t o t h e cruel charac­ ter of C o m m o d u s . T h e threefold division of t h e traits of character of Marcus and Commodus w a s intended t o be parallel, y e t t h e author did n o t succeed in his p l a n : tX6oo(f>os corresponds t o dnaio(evo)la, <jbiXdyados t o diXoKayadla, b u t diXdpyvpos requires iXapyvpla, and n o t rvpawla; besides, t h e order of t h e corresponding parts of t h e t w o sentences is disturbed. On the rhetorical character of t h e sentence cf. Musurillo, ad loc. Col. I I I . 3 . rfj evyevelq.. According t o Premerstein, AAM 30 sqq., t h e expression evyeveia, reiterated i n Col. I V , 1 . 1 5 , Col. V , 1 1 . 3 and 7, is t o b e interpreted in a juridical s e n s e : Appian claims t h a t h e

io6

S E C T I O N V I I I : NO. 1596

belongs to the honestiores, w h o enjoyed certain privileges in matters of criminal law. Y e t it m u s t be pointed o u t , against Premerstein, t h a t A p p i a n does n o t base his claims on a n y juridical principle. The expression Tjp.lv xvXaKr}s—the guard-tax ; (c) aK07TeXcov—a t a x for t h e construction of look-outs. Cf. Wilcken, Ostr. i. 320, 402; Wallace, 146 sqq. 3

1

See on donkey caravans as a means of transportation Y o u t i e , TAP A l x x x i , 1950, 100 sqq. For the taxes i n R o m a n E g y p t see Wilcken, Ostraka, i ; Wallace, Taxation in Roman Egypt; Johnson, Roman Egypt. 2

3

Mentioned only three times, i n N o s . 377, 383, 391, always in connexion with 6pos irpofiaTOJV ; so i t m a y be suggested that this t a x had the special purpose of strengthening the watch over the livestock.

OSTRAKA FROM APOLLINOPOLIS 2.

3.

The dyke-tax (xtopLariKov); Wallace, 1 4 0 sqq. The bath-tax (fiaXavevTiKov); Wallace, 1 5 5 sqq.

MAGNA (EDFU)

cf. Wilcken, op. cit. cf. Wilcken, op. cit.

333

165

s q q . ; Johnson, s q q . ; Johnson,

in 580;

547

;

Wallace ( 1 3 5 sqq.) classes all these t a x e s w i t h the capitation taxes, because t h e y were exacted from everyone without reference to the profession and the occupation of the taxpayer. W i t h the same group of taxes he classes the various fjuepiafioi—assessments, which were imposed 'in equal amounts over the entire paying populace of a given district' (ibid.). Such assessments are mentioned at E d f u too, in most cases just as p.€picrp,6s without further specification, and we m a y guess w h a t sort of assessment it was. A p.epiapi6s dvhpidvros is named three times (Nos. 3 7 5 , 3 7 7 , 3 8 3 ) ; this assessment was paid for the erection of statues of the emperors (Wilcken, op. cit. i. 1 5 2 ; Johnson, 5 4 6 ; Wallace, 1 5 9 sqq.). The Jews of Edfu paid it in the years 1 6 1 , 1 6 2 , and 1 6 3 , i.e. in the first years of the joint reign of the Emperors Marcus Aurelius and Verus. N o . 3 8 7 refers to a p.epLop:6s £rcupuds) rj (8vof$6Aovs) \ d7rapx(oJv) a. (erovs) e | &app,(ov6i) jS. (Translation.) Teuphilos son of Simon, in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews for the 5th year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 obols; in respect of the aparchai, 1 (drachme). E u n o u s son of Dolchous, similarly, 8 drachmai 2 o b o l s ; and in respect of the aparchai, 1 (drachme). Year 5, Pharmouthi 2. Instances of two or more payers recorded o n the same receipt are to be found in N o s . 168-71, 1 7 3 , 181, 192, 219, 223, 224.

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

No.

168

O E 373.

24th April, A . D . 73.

.. .]

NLKLOV

Oveorraoiavov Aorrjts

121

I rip,(rjs)

(Spaxp-ds)

rj (SvofioAovs)

dheX(r)) gp,(otcos)

a. | (erovs)

8rj(vapitov)

e 0appb(ovdi)

Svo

|

'Tov8aLto(v)

| drrapx{tov)

(Spaxpids) rj (SvofioAovs)

e

(erovs

(8paxpr)v)

K$.

(Translation.) . . . son of N i k i a s : in respect of the two-denar t a x on the J e w s for the 5th year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 o b o l s ; in respect of the aparchai, 1 drachme. Loteis, his sister, similarly, 8 drachmai 2 obols; in respect of the aparchai, 1 drachme. Year 5, Pharmouthi 2 9 . 1. Perhaps

'Idnovfios]

NIKIOV;

cf. N o . 211, which i s , however, dated 34 years later.

No.

169

O E 126.

27th May, A . D . 74.

(TRACES OF 3

(SvofioAovs)

LINES)

drrapx{tov)

I . TCWTIJS, 1.

Avrds vlos ravrrjs \ 6p.oL(tos) (Spaxp^rju) a. \ (erovs) £ IJavvt JS.

(Spaxp>ds) rj

|

avrrjs.

(Translation.) . . . Antas her son, similarly, (in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews) 8 drachmai 2 obols; in respect of the aparchai, 1 drachme. Year 6 , P a y n i 2 .

No.

170

O E 53.

23rd April, A . D . 75.

\@eohoS\pos (erovs) NLKCOV

Pov(f>ov

AVTCOVLOV

Ov€orra(tnavov) Avrcoviov

[Gc6oto]pos

\ji\pds) rj (SvofioAovs)

'Povcfrov 6pLot(a)s) \ (Spaxptds)

(8paxp>r)v) a. Tpvcf>ds \ 5 drrapx{oov)

I

f

|

probably a slip for

6p,oi(a)s)

NLKCOVOS

(8paxp>r)v) a. (erovs)

y

Svo IovS(aicov)

drrapx{d>v)

£

(8paxpds) rj (ovoftoAovs)

\

£ &app,(ov0L) k~r}.

[®€O8O/]TOS;

cf. p . 116, note 1.

(Translation.) Theodoros, son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews for the 7th year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 obols; in respect of the aparchai, 1 drachme. Nikon son of Antonius Rufus, similarly, 8 drachmai 2 obols; in respect of the aparchai, 1 drachme. Tryphas son of Nikon, similarly, 8 drachmai 2 obols; in respect of the aparchai, 1 drachme. Year 7, Pharmouthi 2 8 .

No.

171

O E 127.

26th J u n e , A . D . 75.

Aieyp(aijjev) (erovs)

Mapovs

Oveorramavov

AK(,r)r(ov)

Tip,(rjs)

SrjvapLtov

(Spaxp^ds) rj (SvofioAovs)

| Svo 'Iov8(aLtov)

drrapx{d>v)

£

(Spaxpwjv) ol. \

122

SECTION I X : NOS.

AKVVT&S

KaiKiXXias

dTreAev9(epos)

a7rapx(6jv)

(8paxp,r]v)

a. | 5 | (erovs)

172-178

\ Udppas C

(Spaxp-ds)

rj

($voj36Aovs)

J8.

^ETTI^

(Translation.) Paid b y Marous daughter of Akietos, in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews for the 7th year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 obols; in respect of the aparchai, 1 drachme. A k y n t a s Kaikillias, freedman of Sarra, 8 drachmai 2 o b o l s ; in respect of the aparchai, 1 drachme. Year 7, E p e i p h 2. 1. Mapovs is a w o m a n ' s n a m e . 1. o U y p ( a i p e v ) : this is t h e first occurrence of this term in the dossier (Schw.). 3. AKWT&S KaiKcXXlas—i.e. Q. Caecilius—was a freedman of a Jewish lady Sarra (cf. N o s . 179 and 180), and since he bears a R o m a n n a m e this w o m a n , t o o , w a s a R o m a n citizen. She was named after the well-known R o m a n family of Caecilii, and we m a y suggest that her father, or husband, or some one of her forefathers, was a freedman of some rich R o m a n senator Caecilius; cf. the numerous Caecilii in Crete n a m e d after the first conqueror of t h e island, Q. Caecilius Metellus Creticus (CAH ix. 3 7 5 ; x i . 661). 3. direXevd(epos): restored b y m e . Manteuffel t h o u g h t of aireX^vdepos) evd(vpov) Zdppas, which is not very convincing.

No. 172 O E 262.

22nd April, A . D . 76.

Tpv<j>ds OTTao(iavov) p,(ovdt)

I

NIKCOVOS

np/qs

Srjvaplojv

rj (SvofioAovs)

(8paxpv)

a.

(erovs)

| 77

| (erovs)

rj

Ove&ap-

/ds

Oveo(rracna)vov

&appL(ovOi)

\ rtpi(r)s)

NIKIOVO(S)

Srjvaplojv

Svo

j Iov8(altov) 9

\ (8paxp>ds) rj (SvOfSoAovs) drrapx{d>v)

a. (erovs)

La ta

I 5 I t.

(Translation.) Paid b y Tryphas son of Nikon, in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews for the n t h year of Vespasian, 8 drachmai 2 obols; in respect of t h e aparchai, 1 . Year n , Pharmouthi 10.

No. 178 O E 49.

28th April, A . D . 79.

Aieyp(ax\iev) SrjvapLwv /SoAovs)

®e68ioro(s) 9

Svo \ IovS(aiojv) I 5 I drrapx{d>v)

6 K(OI) Niyep 1a (erovs)

a. (erovs)

| Avrcoviov

Ovearrra(auavov)

ia Tlaxcov

'Povcpov

| rip,fjs

(Spaxpids)

rj (Svo~

y.

(Translation.) Paid b y Theodotos, also known as Niger, son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews for the n t h year of Ves­ pasian, 8 drachmai 2 obols; in respect of the aparchai, 1. Year 1 1 , Pachon 3.

124

SECTION I X : NOS. 179-184

No.

179

O E 128.

23rd May, A . D . 80.

KaiKiAXLas hrjvaploj(v)

drreX(evdepos) Zdppas

I 8vo

X{d>v) (hpaxpwjv)

'Iov8(alojv)

|

a.

(Spaxptds) ft

(CTOVS)

HaKaKos

(erovs)

ft

f] (SvoftoXovs)

TLp,(fjs)

TLTOV

drrap-

v(7rep)

KCL(L)

77a^cuv icq.

1. ZaxaKos i s written above t h e line. According t o Manteuffel he w a s t h e father of Sarra. T h e n a m e ZaKag is otherwise unattested and t h e reading seems t o b e doubtful. Perhaps a slip for "AKOKOS?

(Translation.) Kaikillias, freedman of Sarra daughter of Sakax(?) for t h e 2nd year of Titus, in respect of t h e two-denar t a x o n t h e Jews, 8 drachmai 2 obols, and in respect of t h e aparchai, 1 drachme. Year 2, Pachon 28.

No.

180 .

O E 129.

15th June, A . D . 80.

Aieyp(aijtev)

KaLKiXAtas | dTreX(evdepos) Udppas

AKVVT&S 9

Srjvapiojv \ 8vo Iov8(alcov) ft (o/?oAov)

j dTr(a)px(cov)

(CTOVS)

(TptojftoAov).

TLTOV (CTOVS)

[Kjata(apos) f$ TICLVVL

v(irep)

Tip,(r}s)

(8paxp>ds) 8

K~a.

(Translation.) Paid b y A k y n t a s Kaikillias freedman of Sarra, in respect of the two-denar t a x o n t h e Jews for t h e 2nd year of Titus Caesar, 4 drachmai 1 obol; in respect of t h e aparchai, 3 obols. Year 2, Payni 21.

No.

181

O E 37.

14th N o v e m b e r , A . D . 80.

. . .]yatos KaAAtOTpaTov TrpaKTOjp at

8vo

eiv

x ^P '

[NLKOJV]OS

'IOVSCLLOJV

aov

Kvplov

(8paxp>ds)]

(eTovs)

y Advp J/t).

drrexoj Sid \ T€

is"

Kal \

[

[

| ['iouSaiVcJou reXecrpiaTOS Tpva,Ti ^l]7roAAcovtoi; Tipjqv

] VTrep ft (erovs)

(TeTpojftoXov)

KCL(L)

TLTOV

|5|

|

\hr)vaplojv\

Kaioapos

\

[TOV

v(ir€p) drrapxicov) (8paxp(/xaTt/cou)

\ Aop,(yr£)avov

(Spaxfjias) s* (rerpcOfSoXov), i8aXa(vevrLKov)

(SvofioXovs),

ap.aros)

S Uavvi

(Spaxp>ds) 6 (SvofioXovs).

(erovs)

rov

| 'IovS(aiKov)

A.D.

85.

Kvplov reX(e-

KS.

(Translation.) Josepos son of Aischylos, i n respect of dyke-tax for t h e 4th year of our lord Domitian, 6 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 o b o l s ; in respect of the Jewish t a x , 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 4, Payni 24. T h e receipt for t h e Jewish t a x is here delivered together w i t h receipts for other t a x e s (cf. N o s . 202, 203, 217, and 259). I t m a y be t h a t i n this case t h e l e v y of t h e Jewish t a x w a s c o m m i t t e d t o a n official usually exacting t h e c o m m o n t a x e s . Can this account for t h e unusual error i n t h e n a m e of t h e t a x , 'Iovoa'iKov

reXeafia

i n s t e a d of rt/xr)

Srjvapicov

Svo?

Cf. a b o v e , p . 1 1 2 n . 2.

N o . 183a O I F A O 230 (unpublished). Made k n o w n t o u s b y courtesy of M. J . Schwartz.

Aieyp(aifje) Kal

Trjpltov

a7Tapx(tov)

8

''Oycoparg(v)

(€701;?)

30th J u n e , A . D . 8 5 .

\ rLp,rj(s) Srjvapitov

Agp,vriavov

\ (Spaxpids)

i

Svo IovS(atcov)

6 (SvofioXovs).

\

(erovs)

8 ^Errelcf) §. 3 . T h e sign for

erovs

is unusual.

(Translation.) Paid b y Terion s o n of Onoratos, i n respect of t h e two-denar t a x o n t h e Jews and t h e aparchai for t h e 4th year of Domitian, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 4, Epeiph 6.

N o . 184 O E 285.

22nd M a y , A . D . 88.

[Aieyp(aijjev) 6 oetva rod Setvos] | [Ttp,r}s SrjvapLOJv] | Svo *IovS(aicov) Kal drrapxicov) | £ (erovs) Aop,i(ria)vov

(Spaxptds) 6 (Svo/SoXovs) \ 5 | (erovs)

£ IIaxLo(v) K £ . (Translation.) Paid b y the J e w s and t h e aparchai Year 7, Pachon 27.

son of , in respect of t h e two-denar t a x o n for t h e 7th year of Domitian, 9 drachmai 2 obols.

126

SECTION IX: NOS. 185-193

No.

1 S 5

Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 6 (Wessely). S B 5 8 1 6 .

Ateypa(iffe) A^doKcov Kal drrapx{cdv) s" (erovs) TIavvi KS".

Alo(xvX)ov | Aopunavov

20th J u n e , A . D . 88.

j ripLr)(s) Srjvaptcov Svo | 'TovS(aicov) (Spaxp*ds) 9 (SvofioXovs). | 5 | (erovs) £

(Translation.) Paid b y Abaskon son of Aischylos, in respect of the two-denar t a x on t h e J e w s and t h e aparchai for the 6th year of Domitian, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 7, P a y n i 26.

No. 186 O E 67.

30th J u l y , A . D . 89.

Aieyp(aifiev) IJroXXts @rjSer(ov) \ np,fj(s) Srjvaplco(v) Svo \ 'IovS(aia)v) Kal drrapxicov) 77 (erovs) j Aopiinavov (8paxp>ds) S (rerpcd^oXov). (erovs) rj I 5 I Meao(pr)) ?. (Translation.) Paid b y Ptollis son of Thedetos, in respect of the two-denar t a x on the J e w s and the aparchai for the 8th year of Domitian, 4 drachmai 4 obols. Year 8, Mesore 6.

No. 187 OE 61.

3rd A u g u s t , A . D . 89.

Aieyp(ax\tev) Kal drrapx(cov) Meao(pr)) I.

®j)Sero(s) AXe^itoiyos) J nprf\(s) Srjvaptcov Svo j *IovS(accov) r) (erovs) \ Aopunavov (Spaxp^ds) 6 (SvofioXovs) • | 5 | (erovs) rj

(Translation.) Paid b y Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of the two-denar t a x o n t h e J e w s and the aparchai for t h e 8th year of Domitian, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 8, Mesore 10.

No. 188 OE 387. NLKCOV

i s t cent. A . D .

[

] j ArreXXaros

drrapx{£>v)] j rov GOV vlov [ vrj (rerpcOfSoXov)]

[r^rjs] Kacoapos]

\ Srjvaplcov

[Svo 'IovS(aicov)

Kal

| 5 | rov Kvplov [ | - - (Spaxp-as)

(Translation.) N i k o n . . . son of Apellas, in respect of the two-denar t a x on the Jews and t h e aparchai, for his son(?) . . . of our lord Caesar . . . 18 drachmai 4 obols.

OSTRAKA FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S

MAGNA (EDFU)

127

No. 189 O E 267.

A.D. 92-93.

QrjBeros

Aieypa(ifjev)

ift

(erovs)

| AXe£lojvo(s)

Aopu(na)vov

VTr(ep) * IOV8(OLCKOV)

| [TOV Kvpiov

(Bpaxp,as)]

| [T]eA(ecrjU-aTOS')

0 (BvoftoXovs).

(erovs)

I-- (Translation.) Paid b y Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of t h e Jewish t a x for the 12th year of our lord Domitian, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 12. . . .

No. 190 OE 161.

28th February, A . D . 93, or 28th February, A . D . 1 0 9 .

[o Betva rod Becvos] (erovs)

ift &ap,(evd)0)

\ reX(eaptaros)

*Ioy8(aLKov)

ift (erovs)

(Bpaxp-ds)

ft.

B.

(Translation.) [— son of — ] , in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 12th year, 2 drachmai. Year 1 2 , P h a m e n o t h 4.

No. 191 OE 138.

29th J u l y , A . D . 95.

Aloo(

Ateyp(AI/JEV)

Aop.(iria)vov

) Api...\..

*IovB(aiKov)

(Bpaxp-ds) 0 (BvoftoXovs).

\ (erovs)

reX(ecrpiaros) tS Meo(oprj)

iy

(erovs)

e.

2. R e a d i n g according t o Schw.

(Translation.) Paid b y Aiso . . . son of A r i . . ., in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 13th year of Domitian, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 14, Mesore 5.

No. 192 O E 268.

18th A u g u s t , A . D . 95.

Aieypa(IFJEV)

(erovs)

18

(erovs)

0fjBero(s)

Aopa(rta)vov

tS Meoo(prj)

A[Xe£loj(vos)

(Bpaxp-as) 8, \

VTr(ep)

9

IOVS(O.LKOV)]

&LXLTTTTO(S)

vlo(s)

|

reX(eapiaros)

8, (yivovrai)

rj. |

ice.

1. Reading according t o Schw.

(Translation.) Paid b y Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of t h e Jewish t a x for the 14th year of Domitian, 4 drachmai; b y Philippos his son, 4. Total 8. Year 14, Mesore 25.

No. 193 O E 269.

29th J u n e , A . D . 9 7 .

Ai[ey]pa(ifjev)

is*

( e r o v s )

I 5 j 'ETTL-J)

I

QrjBeros

AXe£loj(vos) rod Kvpiov]

Aop.i(ria)[yov

e (BpaxP'^jv)

a

(BvoftoXovs)-

| vrr(ep)

'Iov8(aiKov)

(8paxp>6S(ov). Tpmavov

I Acocrapicov

rod Kvpiov

28th J u n e , A . D . 98.

'Irjarovros |

*IOVO(CLIKOV)

reX(earp,aros) a (erovs)

| ($paxp,6\s) 6 (SvofioXovs). 'Errelcf) B.

(Translation.) 4th District. Dosarion son of Jesous, in respect of the Jewish t a x for the i s t year of our lord Trajan, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Epeiph 4. 3. Schw. suspects 8 (hovs), appears again in N o . 334.

since

S d/x^oSou

is n o t otherwise attested before 104 A . D . Dosarion

No. 195 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 1 0 (Wessely).

SB 5819.

27th September, A . D . 100.

Maptapios 2JipLto(vos) | 'Iov(SaiKov) rov Kvpiov (Spaxpicis) 8 (rerpco^oXov).

reX(eopLaros) y (erovs) (erovs) 8 ©cod X.

Tpatav(ov)

2. (rpic6j3pXov) editors.

(Translation.) Mariamos son of Simon, in respect of t h e Jewish t a x for the 3rd year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai 4 obols. Year 4, T h o t h 30.

No. 196 OE 377.

25th October, A . D . 1 0 2 .

B6i<xpi>s 'Icoo"rjir(ov) rod Kvpiov

| reX(eap,aros)

'IO[V8(CL'CKOV)]

| (Spaxpids) 8. (erovs)

(erovs)

Tpcuavov

@aco(i) icrj.

(Translation.) Bokchoris son of Josepos, in respect of the Jewish t a x for t h e 6th year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year 6, Phaophi 28.

No. 197 OE 122.

A.D. 102-3.

U[ap.^a6i]cov'Icpor)Tr(ov) rov

Kvpiov

| ' I o v 8 ( a i K o v ) reX(eap,aros)

(erovs) |

Tpaiavov

I

1. Z\ay.fSa8i\a)v

restored b y m e ; see for t h e same m a n N o . 339.

(Translation.) Sambathion son of Josepos, in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 6th year of our lord Trajan . . . .

No. 198 OE 145.

A.D. 102-3. 9

2eXep,cov Ep,ayo(v) Kvpiov

\

'IOV$(CLLKOV)

reX(eop,aros)

s* (eVous") Tpaua[vov rod]

1

(Spaxp-cis) 0 (Svo/SoXovs). | (erovs) s [

1 . 'A la place de 'E/j.g,yo(v), je proposerais, sous toutes reserves, 'EiJ,ayo(vr)X)'

Schw.

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

129

(Translation.) Selemon son of E m a u o s , in respect of t h e Jewish t a x for the 6th year of our lord Trajan, 9 drachmai 2 obols. Year 6. . . .

No. 199 O E 281.

A . D . 103-4.

].0L(x)(v) (erovs)

dTreX(ev9epos)

[Tpatavov]

1. Perhaps

| [

II..

i

[|].

Iovh(a'LKOv)

]ov rov Kvpiov

reX(ecrp,aros)

£

[(S/oa^/xa?)

27a/ij8]o0ia>(v).

3. [Apiar]ov

Manteuffel; b u t Trajan did n o t become Optimus until A . D . 114.

(Translation.) . . . thion, freedman of P . . . . in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 7th year of our lord Trajan . . . . . . . drachmai . . . .

No. 200 O E 105.

5th October, A . D . 104.

[B d]pt(f>68(ov). [M]eXxioj(v) [(erovs

Tpa]tavov

rov

ITeoovpto(s)

| [Kv]plov

| ['Iovh(atKov)]

(8paxp>as)

reX(eaj4,aros)

S (rerpojftoXov).

(erovs)

rj rj |

[0a]a>[t]ij. (Translation.) 4th District. Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of t h e Jewish t a x , for t h e 8th year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai 4 obols. Year 8, Phaophi 8.

No. 201 O E 150.

24th October, A . D . 104.

Konpevs ros)

TraiS(dpiov)

£ (erovs)

(erovs)

Ayrt7ja\rpov

\ Tpatavov

rov

Kal d8e(X(f>ov) IovB(a'CKOv) Kvpiov

\ (8paxp,ds)

|5 | 6

reX(eop,a(8voj36Xovs).

rj &aa}(i) /c£.

1. Reading as suggested b y Schw. 2. Or

9

Kvnpavs

7ratS(aya>yos?)

Manteuffel.

a§(cX4>?(?) |

KV\J>IOV

(Translation.) 4th District. Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 14th year of our lord Trajan, 8 (?) d r a c h m a i . . . .

No. 222 O E 283.

M a y - J u n e , a.d. I I I .

Alrjvas [avov]

Eap\fiadico(vos)

\ 'Iov8(aiKod

I (Spaxp^ds) 8. (erovs)

18 IJad[vi.

reXeapiaros)

18 (erovs)

Tpai-

. .

(Translation.) Aienas son of Sambathion, in respect of the Jewish t a x for t h e 14th year of Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year 14, P a y n i . . . .

No. 223 O E 156.

Mapia Tpaiavov

28TH February, a.d. 114.

Arjpbdros

\ rov Kal Uaxet(ovl)

rod Kv(piov)

'Iov8(aiKod

\ (Spaxp-ds) 9 (SvoftoXovs).

EipiUivArjpiaros

| 5 | *IovS(a'iKodreXeapiaros)

it, I 0ap,(evch9)

B.

2. Perhaps Zaxct(pov),

reXeapiaros) (erovs)

it,

it, &ap,e(vtb0)

(8paxp[V? . . .

Manteuffel.

(Translation.) Thedmnas . . ., in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 18th year of our lord Trajan Optimus Caesar, . . . drachmai. Year 18, P h a m e n o t h . . . Similarly others, D o s a s (?), total, 4 drachmai 4 obols. Total, 9 d r a c h m a i . . . .

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

NO.

22£

O E 284.

21st February, A . D . 1 1 5 .

Apaovs TOV

135

y

Uojarpdr(ov)

Kvpiov

I Iovo(aiKov

(Spaxptds) 8 (rerpcbfioXov).

reXeaptaros) (erovs)

trj (erovs)

Tpatavov

\

tr\ Me^fet/)) k~i.

(Translation.) Arsous son of Sostratos, in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 18th year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai 4 obols. Year 18, Mecheir 26.

No.

226

Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 9, n o . 1 3 b (Wessely). S B 5823.

Qeov<j>iXas ..

AKOV(

)

|

'Iov8(aiKov

A.D. 115-16.

reXeaptaros)

id (erovs)

Tpatavov

\

.Kap,.... I . 1. 0eolXas or

0evtXas.

(Translation.) Theuphilas son of Akou . . ., in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 19th year of Trajan . . . .

No.

227

O. D e i s s m . 3 3 .

Mapia

3 1 s t March, A . D . 1 1 6 .

Aj3tfjrov

Katgapps

rod

0appigydi

e.

| 'Iov(SaiKov

Kvptpy

reXeaptaros)

id (erovs)

(8paxp>as) o \ (yivovrat)

Tpatavov

Apiargv

(Spaxpicd) 3 . (erovs)

| id

(Translation.) Maria daughter of Abietos, in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 19th year of our lord Trajan Optimus Caesar, 4 drachmai. Total, 4 drachmai. Year 19, Pharmouthi 5.

No.

228

O E 69.

Metovs Kaiaapos

20th April, A . D . 1 1 6 .

@rj$erov rov Kvpiov

| 'Iov8(a'iKov

reXeaptaros)

| (Bpaxpids)

id (erovs)

8. (erovs)

Tpatavov

id 0appt(ovdi)

Apiarov

\

k~e.

(Translation.) Meious son of Thedetos, in respect of the Jewish t a x for t h e 19th year of our lord Trajan Optimus Caesar, 4 drachmai. Year 19, Phar­ mouthi 25.

No.

229

OE 159.

18th May, A . D . 1 1 6 .

©epptavd(os) 8pyX(os) Aviy(iov) \ Kevr(ovpia>vos) *Iov8(aiKov reXeaptaros) id (erovs) Tpatavov \ Apiarovrov Kvpiov (rptwfioXov). (erovs) id 77a^6t>(v) fey. 1. Reading according to S c h w . ; cf. N o . 212. A v . . (

)

Manteuffel.

136

SECTION I X : NOS.

230-237

(Translation.) Thermauthos, a slave of Aninios, a centurion, in respect of the Jewish t a x for the 1 9 t h year of our lord Trajan Optimus, 3 obols. Year 1 9 , Pachon 2 3 . The Jew w h o h a d to p a y the t a x in this ostrakon was not the slave Thermauthos, but his master, the centurio; cf. a b o v e , p . 114. So, possibly, we h a v e here evidence for a Jewish officer serving in t h e R o m a n army on the eve of the great Jewish revolt in E g y p t . ( H o w e v e r , eKarovrdpx-qs is t h e usual Greek rendering of centurio.)

Part II. Nos. 230-374. Various Taxes (a.d. £6-117) No. 230 O E 57.

27th May, A . D . 56.

OfjSeros Uavvi ft.

AXe£Lojvo(s)

\ Aaoyp(alas) ft (erovs)

(8paxp>as) rj. | (erovs)

j8

(Translation.) Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of poll-tax for the 2 n d year, 8 drachmai. Year 2 , Payni 2 . This ostrakon is ascribed b y Manteuffel to the reign of Nero since it has been written b y the same hand as N o . 231. H o w e v e r , Thedetos p a y s for poll-tax as late as A . D . 106 (cf. N o . 336), and ManteuffePs dating should be held doubtful.

No. 231 O E 12.

16th A u g u s t , A . D . 56.

Zipiojv Aiovvros Nepcovos Meaop(r))

I Xaoyp(a<j>las) icy.

j8 (erovs)

(8paxpds)]

NL\KCOVOS

yetop.(erpias)

p-rj (SvofioXovs).

@p,ovov

(erovs)

\ a (erovs)

Ove-

j8 Ovecrrra\ 5 |[crtav]oi5

ABvp jSL 4. After p.ri = comes a n unidentified symbol

(Translation.) Paid b y Tryphas son of N i k o n in respect of land-survey o n T h m o u o s for the i s t year of Vespasian, 48 drachmai 2 obols. Year 2 of Vespa­ sian, H a t h y r 4. T h e place @p.ovos, in N o s . 238 and 247.

where the estate of T r y p h a s , son of N i k o n , was probably situated, is mentioned

138

SECTION I X : NOS.

238-245

No. 238 O E 29.

1 8 t h September, A . D . 70.

Tpv<j>ds

I yeojp,(erpias)

NLKOJVOS

(Bpaxpids)

per)

(BvofioXovs).

\

@p,ovov (erovs)

j8 (erovs)

y

@d)6

\

Oveartaaiavov

k~d.

(Translation) Tryphas son of Nikon, in respect of survey of land at Thmouos for the 2 n d year of Vespasian, 4 8 drachmai 2 obols. Year 3 , T h o t h 2 1 .

No. 239 O E 16.

n t h October, A . D . 70.

[NL]KCOV

Avrojv(iov) (x)

Pou(d) K £ .

1. Probably a slip of t h e p e n , for in the E d f u ostraka.

cf. N o . 170.

QeoSwros;

is everywhere spelt as

GeoSoros

GeoSayros

(Translation.) Theodoros, also known as Niger, in respect of poll-tax for the 5th year of Vespasian, 16 drachmai. Year 5, P h a m e n o t h 27.

No. 249 OE 42.

A.D. 73-74.

Niyep

6 Kal

(BpaxP'ds) fioXov),

.

@eo[8coros]

.]. I NiKOJV

/3aX(av€vriKov)

\ Xaoyp(aias)

Avroj[y(iov) (8vo/36Xovs).

f

*Pov(ds)

142

SECTION I X : NOS. 255-262

is", | x° {f ' J

Jt arLKOV

0apie(vd)9)

l

K~i,

s* (T€T/)C6J8OAOV), Pa\(av€VTLKov)

j 5 | 0app,(ov9C)

A,

6p,oi(ojs)

I

(8vof$6\ovs). <j>v\(aKiriKov) a.

( e r o v s )

(Translation.) Niger son of Ptollis, i n respect of poll-tax for t h e 6 t h year of Vespasian, 1 6 drachmai; in respect of dyke-tax, 6 drachmai 4 o b o l s ; i n respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 6, P h a m e n o t h 2 6 . Pharmouthi 3 0 , similarly, in respect of police-tax, 1 .

No.

2 s s

O E 72.

19th March, A . D . 75.

®f)8eros

'IaKovftov

| Xa(o)y(paias)

£ (erovs)

(SpaxpLas)

rj. (erovs)

£

0api(eva)d) (Translation.) Thedetos son of Jakoubos, i n respect of poll-tax for t h e 7 t h year, 8 drachmai. Year 7 , P h a m e n o t h 2 3 .

No.

256

O I F A O 40 (unpublished).

24th March, A . D . 75.

Made k n o w n t o u s t h r o u g h t h e courtesy of M. J . Schwartz.

['Idcrjqjv

0iXa)(vos)

(Translation.) menoth 2 8 .

| ] £ (erovs)

Ovecnrqcriavov

| ] (erovs)

£ 0ap,e(vd)9)

Jason son of Philon . . . Year 7 of Vespasian. Year 7 , P h a ­

No.

2gy

O E 19.

24th April, A . D . 75.

Avroj(viov)

NLKOJV

(Spaxpids) is . Niyep 4

p,(ov9i)

icq.

'Pov(f>ov Z7TOA|AISOS

| Aaoy(paLas) 6p.oi(a)s)

£

(erovs)

(Spa^d?)

Ovearrraaiavov

ts\ | 5 | (erovs)

|

£ &ap-

K0.

(Translation.) N i k o n son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of poll-tax for the 7 t h year of Vespasian, 1 6 drachmai. Niger son of Ptollis, similarly, 1 6 drachmai. Year 7, Pharmouthi 2 9 .

No.

2^8

O E 59.

@r}8eros ijS. I (erovs)

24th April, A . D . 75.

AXe^iojvos £ &app,ov9i

Xaoyp(aias) $

| £ (erovs)

Oveairaoiavov

(Spaxp^ds) 8 | (erovs)

£ 0app,ov9t

(Spaxpids) K9.

(Translation.) Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of poll-tax for the 7 t h year of Vespasian, 1 2 drachmai. Year 7 , Pharmouthi 4 . 4 drachmai. Year 7 , Phar­ mouthi 2 9 . 3. K0 here is meaningless, since t h e d a y of t h e p a y m e n t is Pharmouthi t h e 4th.

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

143

No. 2^9 O E 20. NIKCOV

(Spaxfjids)

30th May, A . D . 75.

Avrcoviov

(Spaxptrjv)

a,

6pioi(cos)

|5|

drrapx(d>v)

| ^o>(/xart/coi;)

| f$a\(avevriKov) (8paxp>r)v) a

(8paxp>as)

vA(aKiriKo€) I Tlavvi

'Povtf>o(v)

s" (rerpcbfioAov),

OveairaaLavov <j>vA(aKtriKov)

(SvofioAovs).

S" (rerpco/SoAov),

(8paxp>r)v) a, j drrapx(cdv)

£ (erovs) (SvofioAovs), | Nlyep

f$aA(avevriKov)

TlroAAiSos (SvofioAovs),

(8paxp>r)v) a (SvoftoAovs).

1

(erous )

e.

(Translation.) Nikon son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of dyke-tax for the 7 t h year of Vespasian, 6 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols; in respect of police-tax, 1 drachme; in respect of aparchai, 1 drachme 2 obols. Niger son of Ptollis, similarly, 6 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 o b o l s ; in respect of police-tax, 1 drachme; in respect of aparchai, 1 drachme, 2 obols. Year 6, Payni 5 . T w o receipts for

amapxal

are mingled here with receipts for other t a x e s . Cf. n o t e to N o . 183.

No. 260 O E 32.

18th S e p t e m b e r , A . D . 75.

j

Tpvas NLKCOVO(S) yecopie(rplas) £ (erovs) Spax(p-ds) irevre j (yivovrai) (Spaxpial) p,e. (erovs) f] ©cor J 5 | ic.

|

reaaapaKovra

(Translation.) Tryphas son of Nikon, in respect of land-survey for the 7 t h year, forty-five drachmai, total 4 5 drachmai. Year 8 , Thot 2 0 .

No. 261 O E 55.

12th J a n u a r y , A . D . 76.

©eoScoros 6 /cat Niyep \ TlroAAiSos tf>vA(aKiriKov) arraaiavov \ (hpaxpw)v) a. (erovs) rj Tv(fti) i£.

rj (erovs)

j

Ove-

(Translation.) Theodotos, also known as Niger, son of Ptollis, in respect of police-tax for the 8 t h year of Vespasian, 1 drachme. Year 8, Tybi 1 7 .

No. 262 O E 263.

18th April, A . D . 76. i

*Icoar)rros /opaxpids)

Ir)aOvr(os)

4

is , (erovs)

|

Aa(oypaias)

rj 0app,(ovdi)

rj

(erovs)

Ovearra(aia)vov

|

| icy.

(Translation.) Josepos son of Jesous, in respect of poll-tax for the 8 t h year of Vespasian, 1 6 drachmai. Year 8 , Pharmouthi 2 3 .

SECTION IX: NOS.

144

263-270

No. 263 OE 21.

3rd J u n e , A . D . 76.

Avrojviov

NLKOJV

(Spa^/zds)

'Pov(f>ov a >

is", | x ( i

L t a T t / c o

(SvofioXovs).

X(avevriKov)

Xao(ypaias) X(avevnKov)

($paxp>as)

| Xao(ypaias)

^)

dp.oi(ojs)

\ Se68ojro(s) 4

cj

(SvoftoXovs).

a

l

| (erovs)

JL

4

s

(rerpcbfioXov),

*Povov | 5 | s

(^P Xt ^ ) rj Uavvi

OvearraaLavov

(erovs)

(Spaxpids) Avrojviov

JLaTLKOV

is , x {l

rj

j8a-

6p,(oioJs)

& (rerpojfioXov),

j8a-

9.

(Translation.) N i k o n son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of poll-tax for the 8th year of Vespasian, 16 drachmai; in respect of dyke-tax, similarly, 6 drachmai 4 o b o l s ; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Theodotos son of Antonius Rufus, similarly, in respect of poll-tax 16 drachmai; in respect of d y k e - t a x 6 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 8, Payni 9.

No. 264 O E 44.

2nd March, A . D . 77.

@e6Sojro(s) (aiavov)

Avrojviov

| 'Povas) S (rerpojfioXov),

'Povv\(aKiriKov)

j8

y.

(Translation.) Theodotos, also known as Niger, son of Antonius Rufus, in respect of police-tax for the 2nd year of Titus, 1 drachme. Year 2, Choiak 3.

No. 276 OE 51.

A . D . 69-79.

0e68ojro(s)

6 Kal Niyep

| [Avroj\viov

*Poy[<j>ov] |

(^Translation.) Theodotos, also known as Niger, son of Antonius Rufus . . . .

No. 277 O E 74.

A . D . 69-79.

'IdKoy@os

(Translation.)

&rj[8erov]

\

(8paxp>as) rj \

e

Jakoubos son of Thedetos . . . 8 drachmai....

No. 278 OE 277.

A . D . 69-79.

] Aa>adro(s)

a|

v\(aKiriKov)

\ ..(erovs)

0]vea7raaiavov

(8paxp>r)v)

—

(Translation.) . . . son of Dosas, in respect of police-tax . . . of Vespasian, 1 drachme. . . .

No. 279 OE 132.

26th April, A . D . 8 2 .

2Jap,pad(iajv) (8paxpcds)

JJarr)ro(s)

rj. (erovs)

a Ilaxdjv

\ \ao(ypa<j)ias)

a

(erovs)

Aopbina(vov)

\

d.

(Translation.) Sambathion son of Pates, in respect of poll-tax for the 1st year of Domitian, 8 drachmai. Year 1, Pachon 1.

148

SECTION I X : NOS. 280-289

No. 280 O E 60.

J u l y - A u g u s t , A . D . 82.

GijSeros M.[Xe£ia>vos] | Xao(ypav(os) ifi

\ piepiapiov

t/? (erovs)

J

[...

(Translation.) Paid b y Pesouris son of Jason Philon, in respect of the assess­ ment for the 12TH year of Domitian, 8 obols. Year 1 2 . . . .

No. 289 O E 264.

28th September, A . D . 92, or 28th September, A . D . 108. a)

ia TlK0

AoXxovs *Irjaovros \ x (l ' ^) iSaX(avevriKov) (SvofHoXovs). | (erovs)

($paxp>r)v) a tj8 0acoas)

iy[

(Translation.) Sarapion, commander of the watch-towers. I h a v e received, in respect of the watch-towers, from Epeiph in the 12th year t o Payni in the 13th year of our lord Domitian, in the name of your grandson Verrius, through Thedissos, three drachmai. Year 13 . . . . For this form of receipt see N o s . 107,109, n o , 1 8 1 . Here t h e n a m e of the t a x p a y e r t o w h o m the letter was addressed is o m i t t e d , b u t it was presumably 0eBiaa[os] w h o paid here the t a x for his grandson Verrius. For this R o m a n n a m e see N o . 241.

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

151

No. 294 O E 259.

A . D . 93/94, or A . D . 1 0 9 / 1 0 .

\ ripurjs rrvpo(v)

ALOVVCT(LOS)

I

pvq\rporr(6\eois)

vy (erovs).

[

(Translation.) Dionysios, in respect of the t a x on wheat in t h e metropolis district, for the 13th year

No. 2917 O E 160.

3 1 s t March, A . D . 94, or 3 1 March, A . D . n o .

[B6]K)(Ct)pLS AvXaiov 0app.(ovdi) I e.

j Xa(o)y(pacf>las)

vy (erovs)

($paxp>as) LS". (erovs)

vy

(Translation.) Bokchoris son of Aulaios, in respect of poll-tax for the 13th year, 16 drachmai. Year 1 3 , Pharmouthi 5.

No. 296 O E 63.

i s t A u g u s t , A . D . 94.

Aieyp(aifjev) (Spaxpias)

ft

(x)

AAe£tto(vos)

(rrevrojfioXov

I vlo(s)

&L\LTTTTO(S)

fioAovs).

©rjheros

rjpLitofieXiov),

j5 (rrevrcoiSoXov

I 5 J (erovs)

J aT

ty Meaopr)

KOV

l

\ x (l ' '- )

fi (erovs)

Aopunavov

f$(a)\(avevriKov)

\

(BvoftoAovs).

^jU-tcojSeAtov), f$(a)\(avevriKov)

(Svo-

rj.

(Translation.) Paid b y Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of dyke-tax for the 12th year of Domitian, 2 drachmai 5^ obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Philippos his son (in respect of dyke-tax), 2 (drachmai) 5^ (obols); in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 13, Mesore 8.

No. 297 0. D e i s s m . 30.

29th J u l y , A . D . 95, or 29th J u l y , A . D . I I I .

Tevcf>iAos Tev<j>l\ov *Errel K6. |

| \aoyp(aLas) vy (erovs)

(hpaxp-ds)

o. | (erovs)

t8

(Translation.) Teuphilos son of Teuphilos, in respect of poll-tax for the 13th year, 4 drachmai. Year 14, Epeiph 29.

No. 298 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, no. 7 (Wessely). S B 5 8 1 7 .

Aieypa(iffe) Zap,f$a6ico(v) Aopuriavov

| rod Kvplov

19th February, A . D . 96.

6 Kal 'Irjoofis)

(8paxp>as)

\ IJarrlov

rj. (erovs)

\ao(ypatf>tas)

te Mex(elp)

te

(erovs)

ice.

(Translation.) Paid b y Sambathion, also known as Jesous, son of Papios, in respect of poll-tax for the 15th year of our lord Domitian, 8 drachmai. Year 15, Mecheir 25.

152

SECTION IX: NOS. 299-308

No. 299 O E 274.

30th A u g u s t , A . D . 99.

MeXxicov (hpaxptrjv)

Ileaovpios

| (f>(v)X(aKtrtKov)

a (rptojfioXov),

j8 (erovs)

/3aX(avevrtKov)

6fi(o)X(ovs)

Tpatavov

rov Kvpiov

j8. | (erovs)

\

y QcnQ j8.

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of police-tax for the 2 n d year of our lord. Trajan, 1 drachme 3 o b o l s ; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 3 , T h o t h 2 .

No. 300 O E 96.

i s t September, A . D . 98.

MeXxioj(v) (Spaxptds)

IIea(o)vpto(s)

8. I (erovs)

| Xa(oypaias)

a (erovs)

Tpatavov

\ rov

Kvpiov

j8 @ci)9 8.

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of poll-tax for the i s t year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year 2, T h o t h 4.

No. 301 OE 376.

29th September, A . D . 99.

BoKxojpis (hpaxp^v)

*Iojari7T(ov) a (ofloXov),

y 0aco((f>t)

vX(aKtrtKov)

y

(erovs)

| aKOTr(eXojv) (8paxptr)v)

Tpatavov

a, f$aX(avevrtKov)

rov /?.

Kvpiov (erovs)

a.

(Translation.) Bokchoris son of Josepos, in respect of police-tax for the 3 r d year of our lord Trajan, 1 drachme 1 o b o l ; in respect of t h e watch-towers, 1 drachme; in respect of bath-tax, 2 (obols). Year 3 , Phaophi 1 .

No. 302 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 8 (Wessely). S B 5 8 1 8 .

'Iojor)Tr(os) (opaxp>r)v)

AlaxvXov

<j>vX(aKtrtKov)

a (rptojftoXov),

23rd September, A . D . 98.

j8 (erovs)

| aKOTr(eXojv) jS (erovs)

\ Tpatavov 6fioX(ovs)

rov

Kvpiov

jS. (erovs)

j8

0(v) (Spaxptrjv)

Ileaovptos

a (ofioXov),

| vX(aKtrtKov) y (erovs) |] .

fiqX(avevrtKov)

gj3pX(ovs)

Tpatavov

| rov

Kvptov

j8| 5

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of police-tax for the 3 r d year of our lord Trajan, 1 drachme 1 o b o l ; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols . . . .

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

153

No. 304 Ostr. J u n k e r : Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . 9 (Wessely).

EaiLf$adico(v) 6 Kal 'Irjaods rod Kvpiov

\ Tlaneiov

(8paxp>ds) v}. | (erovs)

29th March, A . D . 99.

\ao(ypatf>tas) ft (erovs)

|

Tpaiavov

j8 <Papp,(oddi) E.

(Translation.) Sambathion, also known as Jesous, son of Papeios, in respect of poll-tax for t h e 2 n d year of our lord Trajan, 8 drachmai. Year 2 , Phar­ mouthi 4 .

No. 30s O E 94.

27th M a y , A . D . 100. oi

iaTlKOV

MeXxico(v) TIeaovpio(s) x (l ) 7 (erovs) \ Tpaiavov rod Kvpiov (Spaxpias) s" (rerpcbfioXov), | 8aX(avevriKod) (SvofioXovs). | (erovs) y TIad(vt) ft. l

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of dyke-tax for t h e 3 r d year of our lord Trajan, 6 drachmai 4 o b o l s ; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 3 , Payni 2 .

No. 306 OE 379.

A.D. 100-1. a}

JLaTLK

AiroXds Bo[KxcoptSos] I x {f °v) $ (erous") Tp[acavod (8paxp>ds) £ (rerpojfSoXov). (erovs) 8 . . . .

rod Kvpiov]

J

(Translation.) Apolas son of Bokchoris, in respect of dyke-tax for the 4 t h year of our lord Trajan, 6 drachmai 4 obols. Year 4 . . . .

No. 307 OE 140.

KaXXeds (ofloXov),

23rd January, A . D . I O I .

IJairiov

\ vX(aKiriKod)

I 5 I f}(a)X(avevriKod)

j 8 (erovs) j8. (erovs)

Tpaiavov

rod | Kvpiov

a

8 TV/3(L) Hcrj.

(Translation.) Kalleus son of Papios, in respect of police-tax for t h e 4 t h year of our lord Trajan, 1 o b o l . . . . I n respect of bath-tax, 2 . Year 4 , Tybi 2 8 .

No. 308 O E 64.

©rjSeros AXe^iwvos \ Xao(ypalas) (erovs) 8 0ap,(evcod) K S .

20th March, A . D . I O I .

8 (erovs)

Tpaiavov

(8paxp>ds) rj. j

(Translation.) Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of poll-tax for the 4 t h year of Trajan, 8 drachmai. Year 4, P h a m e n o t h 2 4 .

154

SECTION I X : NOS. 309-318

No. 309 OE 375.

20th March, A . D . I O I .

'IojcrrjTTos AlaxvXov (Spaxptds)

\ \ao(ypaias)

8 (erovs)

Tpatavov

rov

vtos j 6ptot(ojs)

(opaxp>as)

rj. (erovs)

8

rj. BoKxojpts

Kvpiov

|

0apt(evcb8)

is. (Translation.) Josepos son of Aischylos, in respect of poll-tax for the 4 t h year of our lord Trajan, 8 drachmai. Bokchoris his son, similarly, 8 drachmai. Year 4 , Phamenoth 24.

No. 310 O E 97.

22 March, A . D . I O I . iOJV

Me\x (erovs)

n^crovptos

8 0apt(evtbd)

\ \ao(ypa<j>ias)

8 (erovs)

Tpatavov

(8paxp>as) i^- |

/c?.

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of poll-tax for the 4 t h year of Trajan, 1 6 drachmai. Year 4 , P h a m e n o t h 2 6 .

No. 311 Stud. Pal. xiii, p . 8, n o . n (Wessely). S B 5820.

Uapt^a6ioj(v)

6 Kal 'Irjaovs

IIa7r(eiov)

1

rov Kvpiov I (BpaxP'ds) s (rerpoj^oXov), 8 Havvt

20th J u n e , A . D . I O I . w

iaTl K0

| x {l ' v)

8 (erovs)

fiaA(avevrtKov)

Tpatavov

(8vofi6Aovs).

(erovs)

/c?.

(Translation.) Sambathion, also known as Jesous, son of Papeios, in respect of dyke-tax for the 4 t h year of our lord Trajan, 6 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 4 , Payni 2 6 .

No. 312 OE 142.

Aapttojv

20th J u l y , A . D . 1 0 2 .

I &tArjpt(ovos)

Xa(o)yp(atas)

rj. | (erovs)

e Tpq(t)av(ov)

*ETTI(J>

K?.

(Translation.) D a m i o n son of Philemon, in respect of poll-tax, 8 (drachmai). Year 5 of Trajan, Epeiph 2 6 .

No. 313 O E 286.

25th March, A . D . 1 0 3 .

Eapt^aBiojv ((erovs)

Kal \ Aojodfjs

s?y 0aptevd)d

vtos Xa(o)yp(aias)

\ s" (erovs)

(8paxptds)

rj.

K6.

(Translation.) Sambathion a n d (his) son Dosthes, in respect of poll-tax for t h e 6 t h year, 8 drachmai. Year 6, P h a m e n o t h 2 9 .

O S T R A K A FROM A P O L L I N O P O L I S MAGNA (EDFU)

155

No. 314 O E 278.

26th March, A . D . 103.

TIroXXas IJarriov Xa(oypa<j>ias) s" (erovs) rj. J (erovs) £ &ap,(evcbd) A.

J Tpaiavov

rov Kvpiov

(8paxp>ds)

(Translation.) Ptollas son of Papios, in respect of poll-tax for the 6th year of our lord Trajan, 8 drachmai. Year 6, P h a m e n o t h 30.

No. 31s O E 275.

A wads

31st May,

[Ue]aov[pio]s

(&paxp>as) 77. (erovs)

\ Xao(ypaias) $ Tlavvi

s* (erovs)

Tpaiavov

rov

A.D.

Kvpiov

103.

\

f.

(Translation.) D o s a s son of Pesouris, in respect of poll-tax for the 6th year of our lord Trajan, 8 drachmai. Year 6, P a y n i 6.

No. 316 O E 65.

25th July, A . D . 103.

Orfieros AXe£ia)(vos) \ Xa(oypaias) s" (erovs) Tpaiavov (8paxp>ds) 8 (6/SoXov r)pLiLofieXiov). \ (erovs) s Meao(pr)) a.

| rov

Kvpiov

1

(Translation.) Thedetos son of Alexion, in respect of poll-tax for the 6th year of our lord Trajan, 4 drachmai i | obols. Year 6, Mesore 1.

No. 317 O E 98.

25th July, A . D . 103.

MeXxicov (erovs)

TIeao(vpios)

S" Megpp(r))

\ Xao(ypa<j>ias)

s" (erovs)

Tpaiavov

\ (opaxp^ds) 8.

| a.

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of poll-tax for the 6th year of Trajan, 4 drachmai. Year 6, Mesore 1.

No. 318 O E 103.

September-October, A . D . 103. oj

JiaTLKOV

MeXxitoy IJea(o)vp[ios x (l )] I £ (erovs) Tpaiavov (SpaxP'ds) S (rerpdifioXov), j3aX(avevriKov) (SvoftoXovs), ]. I (frovs) £ [&]acp[[vX(aKiriKov)

(Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of dyke-tax for the 7th year of our lord Trajan, 6 drachmai 4 o b o l s ; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols; in respect of police-tax, . . . . Year 7, P h a o p h i . . . .

156

SECTION IX: NOS.

No.

319-328

319

O E 99.

A . D . IO3-4.

MeX]%tojv [TOV

IJeagvptos

Kvpiov

|

[XO>(/u,aTi/cot>)

(SpaxP'ds) s" (rerpco^oXov),

s" (or £)]

(^rgys)

fi]aX(avevriKov)

Tpatavov

(Svo(36Xovs).

\

(erovs)

£|- — (Translation.) Melchion son of Pesouris, in respect of dyke-tax, for the 6TH (or 7TH) year of our lord Trajan, 6 drachmai 4 obols; in respect of bath-tax, 2 obols. Year 7 . . . .

No.

320

O E 100.

A.D.

104.

Kvpiov

\

i s t May,

MeXxiojv 6/3oX(ovs)

IJecrovptos