What People Want: Populism in Architecture and Design

MICHAEL SHAMIYEH (

and DOM Research Laboratory (Ed.]

WHAT PEOPLE WANT« Populism in Architecture and Design

Birkhauser -

Publishers for Architecture

Basel I Boston I Berlin

5

6

7

8

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

Editor Michael Shamiyeh Copy Editing Raque l Macho Design ReklamebOro Lin z/Austria

A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress, Washington D.C., USA Bibliographic information publish ed by Die Deutsch e Bibliothek Die Deutsche Bibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; Detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at http://dnb.ddb.de.

18

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved, whether the whole or part of the materia l is concerned , specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, re-use of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in other ways, and storage in data banks. For any kind of use, permission of the copyright owner must be obtained.

ISBN-10: 3-7643-7276- 1 ISBN-13: 978-7643 -7276-7

© 2005 Birkhauser - Publishers for Architecture,

Despite intensive research efforts it was not possible to identify the copyright

P.D.Box 133, CH-4010 Basel, Switzerland Part of Springer Science tBusiness Media Printed on acid-free paper produced from chlorine-free pulp. TCF 00

•

Printed in Germany

holders in all cases. Ju stifi able claims will be honoured w ithin the parameters of customary agreements.

987654321

.... b-re••ame uro®

gmb h

Michael Shamiyeh Archit ect in practice and head of Design-Organisation-Media Researc h Laboratory. Grad uated with distinction as an architect from the Techn ical University of Vienna and has a Master in Architecture from Harvard University Graduate School of Design . He has done extensive research work in Jerusalem and Berlin. Together with the cultural theorist Thomas Duschlbauerhe is co-founder of the interdisciplinary Bureau for Architecture, Urbanism and Culture (BAUIKULTU R) that seeksto define new relationships - as much theoretical as practical - between a contemporary architectural production and a contemporary cultural situation. Thus, the firm is concerned with realising projects at home and abroad, teaching, consulti ng and investigation of cultural phenomena.

19

Design Organisation Media Research Laboratory (DOM) DOM is based at The University of Arts and Industrial Desig n and run in close collaboration with the Ars Electronica Center, Linz. Point of departure for Da M is the assum ption that contemporary societal and technical changes have led to new conclusions in the field of urbanism, architecture and design. As a sort of independent Think Tank DaM attempts to help organisations to innovate, t o define early relevant topics, to show the need for action, and to formulate a set of future actions. Forthis purpose DaM closely operates with other institutions and experts at home and abroad, and organ ises international conferences and workshops. In presenting the results of investigations in a clear and understandable way DaM intends to bring in lasting impulses and fundame ntals for (public) debate.

TABLE OF CONTENTS ( 18 < Imprint < 22 < Acknowledgement 24 < Foreword < 28 < Speakers 1 ...

~t::_-:;:.;-:,::::::..-

...

l'N"to l'll nc U ••••l ll t I

=-r~:.~ :iiP;:';~•. It h

1

rhnt u-..,t ..,'U .....

"'_".r., ..._ _ n' Ule ... ~ .. t

. . . ._ •• • " " -••,.

It I. ,....., . _, _

,..11. 0__. •

.. . ... t.

..' I t _ . ' Il• • t1 tr&1t l ao t . ot ••" . t.o 111- ' _t • • t o ..... ,.,...

•••,.... ,. 1.. 1_ "'.IU_ . t U II . 1... .

",. Sr • •• 11••• •

nl

" .... _ t ...h 11Ulo4 S

• • ~~ .. t M to prot ..• • • • ,.., .blQ10_ . _ ...

• •n n tole . 1>4 _

, ....

t

I

n,

d S....SrIIt" Il, -...th_.t . ", ro p..l .t. t o It • .".... C.... t 1 0. .. Sa . _ ...... U on

.n, .r•• . I t.b

lito

U . . , - . .I. U Son

r llu. r .." t o • • , • • t V)d ~ u porl_ • •

I , til . ....... tIt\_t ....r Ilt h . r _ ".Il ~l. ort o • •

.s

1.pooI . U1. '.' .

....IlJ ..,_".rolU •• Cl ,,_ t o... ArIA U_ . o r ' ,........btl Ul~. .t\04l " 1I.nIII r1.u .n .. IUI • ., S. . to th • • 1••• , U Ollll'lof; ",bU. . l>• • rptlOll.

.1

"

til

. .I ....

,... .~ ••

11- 01 11 too u. . >Ul1... t\onIU_

;~l'l:':.:: :': ~I~t :~~. ;:r,~:~t:::.f;r;: :~:~::t ""1 ._nlue_to , .r Ule

11 . 1.., _

r h ']. _ I t pe •• _ •

:~.~-:u':: :~:i. t ,., _tr

I• •

,....rt.o ... _ •••

, n .. t .. Il

• • " .rr

tho . .. _

, U _ t . wOt . "• U to &11 or t nlUl w •

_

••

:~.j ~"'::1 ~: :"-::::~.'"'"tl_

OU, ,, ,,

t·.,.

C. r""" .."

u • ..... t W

ttU.I

r,....l'

•t,

•_ t

.

tlI llIoI:SlIIlI'

. ....

..

to .Ul • •

.1"- •... .

I (I9OoI .1t ~ tr_

I •• • t .

~ ~'I . d

•••

I •• •• •

..U004'

,.....t...

1t1.1,..l"1. lfI t UloIUto

11. "' pl ..-.t aot

b

.

M

.

_ rl,..

~

cr-t UloI _ ._ -..,1

I

lIpGA J>o" ~.

tho_ llaAto .o t I U d t hi

. .totl _

~.:-~:~.~"iil::~

U POM' f'0 1'III 'IOPU IlUOflf '!'O'ta P1IIO PLI

.m'OIT f'O nil ' .... PLI tm'Oll'TT:) 1'IlI PII)Pl.I

&KPOII1'

1'onm no "".

u.ol r.,... t oJ'r• • ,....tll U U ,. to U I.rM I C..- u.. ....J.. t _ n or I t l rh....' --S nc .

aPOIn' '1'0 1"IG nD J'L.A

._ .1,... ... """'.rlh Whitt. . U I u l lt Ill. " ' "

UPOft fO fa. ,IIIOPL.

'ftI . ..

,... ~ . . U ~ d "

Ulllr _ u S" _

I ",I Uto

..U Y1U ..

• • U14

h.t UU ..... IJ\I..

o1tUll~"'"

. r w l r i llfl ll_ • •

,...U.

,....._t.rt &1 . . . tb . r ,...l J ," _ 11 _ r~ . t ot>o~ _ be ... Ie ..• . .

'~1 ~":"' : : . r r::'1. I,... t •

IltPOll1' f"ll 1'8

IDOIl'T

p.cn.&

1'0 '" PIOPLI ft..

aPOfIT 1'0 TU ,.;)

aPOIr.' TO TIW PllCn.1 ~ 1'OTD '''PLI

UPOII'I'

f'O"""

TO 7D

ra P'Ll

,.mK.a

A Positive Program

147

The Bourdieusien perspective has shown how a mobilization of architects engendered a response that was significantly varied and in opposition to both traditionalism and the modernism of ClAM, as represented by Giedion and Sert, and in keeping with the representations of these competing sub-groups of architects. The entries can be understood as instances of the "symbolic work" of representations of the emerging generation of postwar, American-educated, younger modern ists, and as an indicator of the place that it would soon occupy in the field of architectural production. It has helped us understand the context and content of their proposa ls for a postwar architecture of populism, and the oppositional value that should be assigned to the incorporation of media, one the one hand, or of a traditional typology, on the other, in their designs.

BUT CAN THE BOURDIEUSIAN PERSPECTIVE ALSO PROVIDE A POSITIVE PROGRAM? I believe so. The proposition that the new media foster a form of collaborative work that functions in the manner of openware has been made and was cited in the DOM program with approval by Diller and Scofidio. The quoted author, Dennis Kaspori, warns us that to work in any other manner than his proposed network, or "bazaar" model, is to "hark back nostalgically to past times, ...[to use an] existing (cathedral) model with the autonomous genius of the chief designer at the top of a strict hierarchy, [one that] is 'closed' and based on cornpetlinq]' (Ka spori 2003). From my Bourdieusien sociological perspective, I see this proposition that architects assert their market competitiveness through new media collaboration as a utopian assertion of an impossible autonomy for the architect, autonomy from his or her fellow architects, and a denial of the inevitability of collusive competing as a condition for architectural self-representation as a profession. But the fact that is entertained at all is welcome, for it is a rare acknowledgment, and even celebration, of

the inescapably collaborative nature of architectural creation acrossthe entire field, and thus an implicit acceptance of the field itself as the creator of the creators andthe condition of possibilityof creation itself (Bourdieu 1993 (1980)). My example of architectural competitions as products of the collusion of all those concerned reminds us of the inevitability of competing and of the place of collusion and competing in making architecture as much a field of cultural production as is possible for an activity so inherently economic and social. The competition process is a public acknowledgement, a 'publication' of the fact that co-making is inherent in the enterprise- social, economic, mental and artistic - of architecture. This is true, I believe for all architects, even those whose position in the field of creative architecture allows them to claim autonomy (Office of Metropolitan Architecture, Koolhaas and Mau 1995,646).

IF THE NEW MEDIA SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER ABOUT THE NATURE OF AUTHORSHIP IN ARCHITECTURE, SO MUCH THE BETTER. This will work to designer's advantage, but only if it goes hand in hand with the recognition that there is no escaping competing that it is, indeed, omnipresent. Then the new media will foster a new consciousness beneficial to all architects, in all domains. Knowing that autonomy is relative is a recognition of the principle of the struggle-based relational nature of social reality and strengthens those who possess that knowledge. Such a recognition can be a source of strength, for by accepting the inseparableness of autonomy and struggle, we may be able to envisage a collaborative approach that is neither expressively rosy nor utopian. Collaboration that recognizes its intertwining with competing, and, correspondingly, that recognizes the fragility of autonomy, is, I believe, the rupture that is needed, the break that can generate the alternative perspective we are all seeking.

Bibliography

-. "Scattered Remarks. " European Journal of Social Theory 2, no. 3 (1999): 334-40.

Architecture Culture 1943-1968: A DocumentaryAnthology. Ed & comp Joan Ockman. In collaboration with Edward Eigen. New York: Rizzoli International Publications, 1993. Bergdoll, Barry. "Competing in the Academy and the Marketplace: European Architecture Competitions." In: The Experimental Tradition: Essays on Competitions in Architecture, edited by Helene Lipstadt, 21-52. New York: The Architectural League of New York; Princeton Architectural Press, 1989. Bourdieu, Pierre. "But Who Createdthe Creators?" In: Sociology in Question, translated by Richard Nice, 139-48. London: Sage, 1993. - . "Espace social et champ politique." In Propossur Ie champ politique, by Pierre Bourdieu, with an introduction by Philippe Fritsch, 92-97. Lyon: Presse Universiatiresde Lyon, 2000.

a

- . "Pour une Autriche ravant-garde de l'Eutope, " In: Interventions, 1961-2001: science sociale & action politique, edited and compiled by Franck Poupeau and Thierry Discepolo, 437-39. Marseilles: Agone for Contre-feux, 2002.

- . Ein SoziologischerSelbstversuch. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 2002. Bourdieu, Pierre, and Lore J.D. Wacquant. An Invitation to Reflexive Sociology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press,

1992. Bovino, Arthur. Personal Communication, 16 December2003. Giedion, Sigfried. "The Need for a New Monumentality." In New Architecture and City Planning: A Symposium, edited by Paul Zucker, 549-68. New York: Philosophical Library,

1944. Goldhagen, Sarah Williams. LouisKahn's Situated Modernism. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001. Howe, George. "The Meaning of the Art Today. " Magazine of Art 35 (May 1942): 162-66, 190. Jefferson National Expansion Memorial Association. Architectural Competition for the Jefferson National Expansion Memorial- Program. St. Louis, MO: [Jefferson National Expansion Memorial Association], 1947.

- . "The Production of Belief: Contribution to an Economy of Symbolic Goods." In The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art and Literature, edited & introduced by Randal Johnson, translated by Richard Nice, 74-11. New York: Columbia University Press, 1993.

Kaspori, Dennis. ';4 Communism of Ideas: Towards an Architectural Open Source Practice." Archis (2003). Http./lwww.archis.orglarchis_oldlenglishlarchis_art_e_2003 l art 3b 2003e.html.

- . "Public Opinion DoesNot Exist. " In Sociologyin Question, translatedby RichardNice, 149-58. London: Sage, 1993.

Kimmelman, Michael. "Ground Zero's OnlyHope: Elitism." New York Times, 7 December2003.

-. Rulesof Art: Genesis and Structure of the Literary Field. Translated by Susan Emanuel. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996.

Lipstadt, Helene. "Can 'Art Professions' be Bourdieuian Fields of CulturalProduction?: The Case of the Architecture Competition. " CulturalStudies 17, no. 314 (May 2003): 390-419.

148

- . "Co-Making the Modern Monument: The Jefferson National Expansion Memorial Competition and Saarinen's GatewayArch." In Modern Architecture in St. Louis: Washington University and Postwar American Architecture, 1948-1973, edited by Eric Mumford, 5-25. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004. - . "Learning from St. Louis: The GatewayArch, the Canon, and the Sociology of Bourdieu." Harvard Design Magazine, June 2001,4-15.

149

- . "Lokale Kontra Nationale Erinnerung: Kollektives Gedenken, Kollektive Erinnerung und der GatewayArch." In: Denkmale und Kulturelles Gedectnnis Nach dem Ende der Ost- West-Konfrontation. In Denkmale und Kulturelles GediichtnisNach dem Ende der Ost-West-Konfrontation, Akademie der Kiinste, conceived by GabiDottt-Bonekiimper and Edwardvan Voolen, 101-12. Berlin: Akademie der Ktinste/Jovis Verlag, 2000. - . '''Natural Overlap ': Charles and RayEames and the Federal Government, 1948-1978." In The Work of Charles and RayEames: A Legacyof Invention, edited by DonaldAlbrecht, 150-77. New York: Abrams/Library of Congress and Vitra Design Museum, 1997. Mumford, Eric. The ClAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2000. Mumford, Lewis. "The Death of the Monument. " In Circle: International Surveyof Constructive Art, edited by J.L. Martin, Ben Nicholson, and N. Gabo, 263-70. London: Farberand Farber, 1937. Nelson, George. "Stylistic Trends in Contemporary Architecture [Stylistic Trends and the Problem of Monumentality]. " In: New Architecture and City Planning: A Symposium, edited by PaulZucker, 569-76. New York: Philosophical Library, 1944.

OEGFA, 2005. Umbau 22, "Competitions!". Office of Metropolitan Architecture, Rem Kootbees, and Bruce Mau. S, M,L, XL. Editedby Jennifer Sigler. New York: The Monacelli Press, 1995.

Sen, Jose Lluis. "The Human Scale in City Planning." In New Architecture and City Planning: A Symposium, edited by PaulZucker, 392-412. New York: PhilosophicalLibrary, 1944. Shamiyeh, Michael. "Topographies of Populism, Draft Program." Linz, 2003.

150

THOMAS HELD (

Creating Majority Support by not Compromising

151

REMARKS ON THE PROCESSES OF POLITICAL DECISION-MAKING AND COMMUNICATIONS INVOLVED IN THE GENESIS OF THE KULTURUND KONGRESSZENTRUM LUZERN (KKL, LUCERNE CULTURAL AND CONVENTION CENTER) DURING MY TIME AS MANAGING DIRECTOR OF THE FOUNDATION THAT BROUGHT THIS FACILITY INTO BEING. CONSTRUCTION COMMENCED IN 1998 AND MY TERM AS DIRECTOR ENDED IN MID-2000.

,

. ...." ... ..,...., .... . .. .. .. ... ::. :: .. .. • .. :: .. . ... ..... ... .. .. ... . .. .." .. .. ..,

154

155

156

Preliminary Remarks The Swiss press occasionally describes the construction of the KKL as a "miracle."Why? Decisive in this respect was certainly not solely the f act that the project garnered tremendous acclaim in Switzerland, but rather above all the facil ity's very high level of acceptance among , first and foremost, conductors - such as Claudio Abbado- artists and musicians. The international press as well was, to say the least,virtually unanimous in characterising Jean Nouve l's work as extraordinary. What are the essential factors that went into the success of this project? I want to elaborate on the following four aspects: 1)the project's financial background (public-private partnership); 2) program; 3) quality and 4) commun ications & mobilisation. Before addressing these points, perhaps I ought to first pose the following questions: Is the KKL actually a good case (in the sense of a case study)? What can be learned from this project's planning and execution? Are analogies to other projects even admiss ible and possib le?

157

AFTER ALL, ARCHITECTURE AND PLANNING ARE ALWAYS MATTERS OF PROTOTYPING. Every construction project is one-of-a-kind in a certain sense . Ge nerally speaking, little is reproduced, and in most instances - above all in the case of a major project - project management custom-tailored to the specific situation is called for. In Lu cerne, for example, the political and economic environment was (and rema ins] relatively complex. And to be honest, I have t o confess that luck was also involved. Without the least bit of blissful nostalgia, we must admit t oday that we happened to catch what was probably a historic window of opportunity that favoured bringing the project to fruition. In retrospect, I would in a sense speak of a Mission: Impossible. Today, we would confront difficulties that would totally differ from what we encountered then. More about that t oo at the end. 1. Public-Private Partnership Even in light of the relatively high level of prosperity in Switzerland, the City of Lucerne (on its own) actually cannot afford an undertaking like the KKL. So then, let me say a few words about financial framework conditions. The project's

lead-in phase featured a fundraising drive that was, for Swiss circumstances, uniquely successful. Private donors contributed over 60 million Swiss Francs (SFI, whereby corporate sources accounted for less than half. Most funds came from 100-150 individuals and families. The Federal Government grant ed a modest SF3 million, a contribution rather of a symbolic nature. The canton's share of the financing - SF 25 million - was likewise of lesser significance. The bottom line is that the project essentially relied on municipal (SF 120 million) and private funding. 2. Program Eve n in the early 19th century, Lucerne was still a sleepy little country tow n, and today it remains a relatively small provincial city in the vicinity of the Alps. Annual municipal tax revenues come to about SF 200 million; per capita GOP is approximately SF40,000 - high in an int ernational comparison though far below Zurich and the neighbouring Canton of Zug. The proportion of the Canton of Lucerne's population engaged in agriculture is still about ten times that of the Canton of Zurich. And only 1% of all Swiss college students come from Lu cerne. Nevertheless, an important role was played by the widespread view that, before the turn-of-the-millennium, Lucerne would once again have to make an extraordinary investment in upgrading its tourism infrastructure, just as significant funds were invested in the 19th century in making this region conveniently accessible to travellers and creating a possibility to exploit the touristic pot enti al of its lakes and mountains. Lu cerne lives to a great extent from tourism, which accounts for 55-60% of GOP. To this can probably be added the fact that the people of Lucerne have always been a littl e bit "crazy."They love Baroque flights of fancy and the unfolding of Baroque splendour. In the 19th century - only four years after New York - Lucerne became the first Swiss city wit h an electrical grid and streetl ights, yet another investment that the city really couldn't afford at the time it was made. From the outset, it was also clear that without the appropriat e investment in a major concert hall, it would be impossible t o maintain the international Lu cerne Festival as a major draw in the t op-end tourist market. Consequently, the project's core element was Jean Nouvel's Salle Blanche. At the sametime, the facil ity's space utilisat ion program had to t ake into consideration the wishes of city dwellers, suburbanites and local associations. Doing so would assure that the program would be capable of attracti ng majority support, and this agenda manifested itself in the architecture's all-inone approach. Besides the concert hall, there's the Lucerne Hall, a convention center, an art museum and various restaurants and bars, all under a single, sweeping roof.

3. Quality

Bringing about credible quality calls for bringing the right creative people - the artists - on board. Espec ially decisive in this respect was the collaboration between Jean Nouvel and American acoustic expert Russe l Johnson. A key challenge was to motivate these two int ernational stars to work together. Also committed to long-term involvement were two mayors - onewhoseterm was aboutto end and his successor - who maintained direct contact with the creative people. On his inspection tours of the building site, Jean Nouve l also talked repeatedly with construction workers and, on the occasion of the topping-out ceremony, spoke beforethe assem bled crew. The future users and lessees as well as the director of the art museum were also regularly consulted. The fact that the creative people were constantly at the centre of things assuredthat they were also able to make good on their commitment to quality - not spinning off into the domain of crazy extravagance, if I may be so bold as to use this expression, and not in the sense of features that are not doable because they are beyond the econom ically reasonab le fringe, nor of elements that are out of the question because they cross the boundary of functional illogic, but rather that which remains within a range defined, as it were, by functional, legal and budgeta ry constraints. A brief anecdote about this aspect of quality and the wi ll to realise ones vision: The concert hall as originally planned by Jean Nouvel was to feature a complicated polychromatic colour scheme with bold patterns, but it turned out that the musicians and conductors were not especially taken with this idea. On the other hand, Nouvel also had some doubts of his own. One day, shortly after the interior walls had been plastered, Nouvel and his entourage arrived for an inspection of the work-in-progress. Nouvel's associates expressed the opinion that this still-virginal-white hall must by all means rema in that colour - and the Salle Blanche was born. No paint job was needed . Nevertheless, 60 m'were painted red and blue strictly on a trial basis, but that evening the colour scheme was revised. No doubt, the general contractor was not particularly thrilled about this, and from that point on those in charge of the construction work had certain difficulties living up to the terms of the contract.

4. Communication In Switzerland, a very small country with a strong system of direct demo cracy, public debt to finance such projects must be approved by the voters in a referendum in the respective community. We vote on kindergartens and schools, sports complexes and multi-purpose halls, administration buildings, etc., and these referenda are indeed votes on the architec-

ture itself. Laypersons can go to the polls and express whether a design appealsto them or not. In Switzerland, "restrictive marginal circumstances" playa not inconsiderable role in this connection, and they are essential for the formulation of a political communications strategy. Major construction projects are a public matter per se, regardless of whether they are publicly or privately financed. Thus, public approval is an absolute must. Furthermore, in Switzerland, NG Os such as environmentalist groups and associations to safeguard distinctive local cultural traditions have legally established rights to raise objections to such undertakings, and these rights have been continually expanded in recent years. This can reach a point at which, for example, a foundation set up to protect a high Alpine moor can block the construction of a stadium in Zurich - purportedlybecause the project including all of its ultimate appurtenances usestoo much energy.

NEEDLESS TO SAY, ZONING CHANGES AND URBAN RENEWAL PLANS MUST ALSO BE PUT TO A PUBLIC VOTE. The bottom line: anyone working on a major project is permanently confronted by all sorts of groups collecting signatures on petitions opposing it. Duringthe lead-up to the Lucerne referendum, a 1:500-scale rendering of the KKL construction plan was sent to each household (despite the fact that such a diagram is impossible to read). What do you do in a situation like this? Our strategic communications was based on four fundamental principles. First came mediation: we conducted a focus group to find out which program elements enjoyed broad acceptance and which did not, and to identify the "limits" of our space utilisation program . We discovered that it was, in many instances, minor features - like outfitting the facility with a tiny kitchen for use by various clubs - that were extremely important and had to be emphasised in our communications t o assure wide support. Indeed, such a mediati on procedure has to be accompanied by specialists.

IN ORDER TO PREVENT DECLINE INTO MEDIOCRITY, WHAT'S ALSO REQUIRED IS VISION. In the case of Lucerne, there was a small group of people who knew we wanted to build a world-class concert hall that would meet the standards of even the most demand ing classical music aficionado. Nowadays, setting an agenda like this is referred to as establishing a vision. In the last 10

158

years, there has been a massive shift in medial weight from word to image,from press to TV. In order to advance such an agenda or vision, what is needed is leadership. This is a catch phrase currently in vogue, but what it means in the concrete case of Lucerne is that the effort was made right fromthe start to "deactivate"all the naysayers and malcontents and to keep them sidelined .

CRITICAL LETTERS TO THE EDITOR PRINTED IN NEWSPAPERS WERE NEVER PERMITTED TO GO UNANSWERED. We even wrote directly to letters' authors to go over the project with them, etc. We sought to neutralise, so to speak, elements aroundwhich resistance could crystallise. We paid personal visits to critics or invited them to inspect a model of the project. Needless to say,the creative peoplethemselves have to be able to commun icate their project. Authenticity is essential. In this communications process, we relied very heavily on vivid illustrations like mock-ups. Jean Nouvel referred to this at the time as "seduction by the model." Initially, we dispensed with 3D renderings in favour of artistically interpretative sketches, and we intentionally commissioned artists to do them. Today, this would presum ably be done differently, but in 1993 the software to generate a virtual walking tour of the facility and other such possibilities was still too expensive and too primitive. So we relied on a classical approach.We built a splendid urban integration modelthat made it possible to see that the KKL would fit harmon iously int o the cityscape and that the project's magnitudes and proportions were sound. Suddenly, people on the street were starting to speak in terms of scale and inclusion. With a photomontage, we showed that the view of Mt. Rigi from the railroad station plaza would not be obstructed. We used very deliberate wording in an effort to avoid negative terminology like "cost risk," although any expert naturally knows that cost risk exists in every case.

THE REFERENDA WERE TRICKY THOSE IN FAVOUR, FOR INSTANCE, SOMETIMES HAD TO VOTE YES AND SOMETIMES NO. The first vote decided whether to accept a well-to-do patroness' SF 700,000 contribution to carryon the process of drawing up plans. Then, the local Green Party launched a

160

grassroots initiative opposed to the project; this called for a no vote. Fina lly, in the decisive referendum on the sum of SF 98 million, we achieved victory with 66% voting yes. This two-thirds majority was absolutely decisive. A referendum is not just a yes-or-no verdict. They are interpreted. If we had achieved only 55%, the facility would have been built anyway, but with less than 55% it probablywould not have been built. With 55%, we could not have had such a roof. With 57%, the concert hall would have been built differently; in this case, the architecture would have been much more reserved . The two-th irds majority was decisive. Lastyear, another KKL referendum was held in Lucerne - this time, on whether to reduce the debt burden to zero, and only 56% of the electorate voted in favour. The approval rating dropped from 66% to 56% when it actually should have risen. It is an ominous sign that the mobilisation that was successfully maintained from about 1989 until the opening in 1998for almost 10years- is no longer possible today. Concluding Remarks

161

Since the opening of the KKL, Lucerne has experienced a sort of hotel boom. New facilities have been erected, older ones renovated or expanded, and local as well as foreign investors have put money into existing properties. Lucerne is the object of "envy" of other cities such as Zurich that lack a cultural and convention center of such charisma and uncompromising commitment to quality. Certainly, we haveto ask how sustainable the KK L is as a world-class venue in a small town.

EXCEPT FOR THE HIGH SEASONS DURING THE VARIOUS FESTIVALS,

THE CONCERT HALL CANNOT BE BOOKED TO FULL CAPACITY.

The temptation to use it for purposes other than the one for which it was intended is great. The Salle Blanche thus hosts events like steel band concerts that do not correspond to this edifice's structural-architectural personality. Another problem is that, in the wake of the departure of the "guardians of the temple,"the "petty-minded shopkeepers" are surfacing. The worst of these are the cleaning firms and their crews that are insidiously adapting the structure to their needs. An even more acute threat is petit-bourgeois horror vacui that insists on cluttering up every space with things that don't belong there. Here an "adornment," there a "decoration"a development that endangers the architectural quality of the work. Thistendency has been pretty much successful ly sup-

pressed until now, but the danger remains. I will conclude with a few remarks related to my current activities. The planning and execution of the KKL project permit certain political and economic conclusions to be drawn. In Switzerland, Germany and Austria, there is currently a sort of traffic jam preventing reforms from moving forward to deal with society's increasing proportion of senior citizens (ensuring social services). healthcare, the labour market,taxation, etc. In conjunction with the eastward expansion of the EU, there have even been radical tax reforms in Austria.

WITH RESPECT TO CORPORATION TAX REFORM, AUSTRIA HAS ALMOST BECOME A MODEL FOR SWITZERLAND. As for an analysis of the current economic policymaking situation, there is agreement ranging from the right wing all the way to the moderate left of the political spectrum that things cannot go on as they have in the past. But at the same time, we see little if anything taking place. And governments - Social Democ ratic and Conservative alike - that do attempt to effectuate changes and reforms are punished for their efforts. The task of bringing the KKL project to fruition took leadership, and that's presumab ly the way it is in politics as well. To implement reforms that are based on the trust of a majority of the population, the aim ought to be to minimise political compromises; otherwise, we will just end up back in a blockade situation. It would be highly advisable to proceed according to the maxim we used as our "campaign slogan" in Lucerne. From Day 1,there wasn't a speech, a statement or a press conference that didn't make reference to the words of Christian, Baron von Logau, the great 17th century aphorist: "Towards danger and distress, the middle way brings death." In my opinion, this wisdom still applies both to the management of projects and to the current political situation.

THOSE WHO OBSERVE THIS CREDO WILL ULTIMATELY OBTAIN SOMETHING "BEAUTIFUL," A TERM I USE HERE WITHOUT IRONY - FOR EXAMPLE, A MODERN CATHEDRAL, LIKE THE ONE THAT STANDS IN LUCERNE TODAY.

162

163

165

Pl.,.... \..r-'~ -T:l"I

~

0) 0)

brassI A monument w hich represents the average citize n Maria nne erected at t he main square of Simrisham n - an average Swedish t ow n - as a premature manifesta tion of Marianne's future polit ical signif ica nce . The bronze bust is th e result of inte nse lobbying and unlike other monuments, The Average Citize n monument is not per manent. Rather, the length of ti me the monument stands in the square is determine d by the residents Marianne statist ically represents; this it self is determ ined by reg ular ly conducted opinion polls.

Monument of The Average Citizen Marianne < 11999.35 x 35 x 172 cm. Bronze, granite and engraved

MANS WRANGE (

167

THE AVERAGECITIZEN

THE TEXT PRESENTS TWO OF THE COMBINED THINK TANK AND CREATIVE STUDIO OMBUD'S PROJECTS: THE AVERAGE CITIZEN IS A SOCIO-POLITICAL PROJECT THAT AIMS TO CHANGE PUBLIC OPINION IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE OPINIONS OF A STATISTICALLY AVERAGE CITIZEN BY THE USE OF PROFESSIONAL OPINION-FORMING AND LOBBYING. Compromise House is an experimental house project in collaboration with architect Ro ger Spetz, which re-evaluates the often negatively considered concept of compromise and explores it instead as a positive and productive principle which is applied to every aspect of the house: from the design process itself to the aesthetic, spatial and social solutions of the building.

Asocio-political experiment that aims to change society in accordance with the opinions of a statistically average citizen

THE AVERAGE RULES

AS MY CONTRIBUTION TO "TOPOGRAPHIES OF POPULlSM " I SHOULD LIKE TO PRESENT TWO PROJECTS THAT RELATE TO THE GENERAL THEME OF POPULISM. THESE PROJECTS ARE THE AVERAGE CITIZEN AND COMPROMISE HOUSE. The Average Citizen The notion of an "average citizen" - that is, a fi ctive person supposed to statistically represent a larger group of people - has been one of the most influential ideas in the construction of the Swedish welfare state. By incarnating the modern project's dream of tr anslating a complex reality into a rational and transparent model, statistical averages and medians have laid the very foundation of the Swedish art of social engineering .1< The averages and medians produced form the basis of research, social debate and the authorities' planning in most of the social sectors that influence the daily life of the citizens - for example housing , infrastructure, education, health, and the care of children and the elderly.2( But other segments of society too, such as trade and industry, the media, advertising and the service sector, to a great extent adapt their products and services to the average preferences of the clientele on which they focus.3 ( Last but not least, the principle whereby an individual citizen is allowed to represent a larger population group in fact forms the very basis of representative democracy, inasmu ch as politicians are elected in general elections. But the present democratic system is facing a number of serious problems in Sweden (as in most other countries). Several studies shows that Swedish citizens feel that they have less and less influence on the daily politics. Election turnout - which has

170

traditionally been high in Sweden - is decreasing, and poorly educated and resource-poor groups are voting less than well educated and well-off ones. A report on democracy in Sweden commissioned by the Swedish Government, Demokrati utredningen, states that the political involvement of citizens has diminished, and that the interest in politica l issues that despite everything does exist has abandonedtraditional partypolitics in favou r of "single-issue organisations". According to another democracy study by the think tank Swedish Centre for Business and Policy Studies, the established parties will be non-exist ent by the year 2013 if their mem bersh ip figures continue to fall at the same rat e as today. At the same time the political influenceof the corporate world and special int erest groups, as exerted through professional opinion-forming, has increased and the political parties are becoming more and more dependent on the media and on effective marketing to att ract any att ention at all to their political issues. In this development, the individual citizen's potential for getting his or her views out to the general public outside the established political organisations is quite minimal. True, as a citizen of Sweden one has the constitutional right to t ake part in an election every four years and thus to influence who sits in parliament and in the local and regional decisionmaking bodies.

171

BUT BETWEEN ELECTIO NS IT IS MORE DIFFICULT TO EXERCISE ANY POLITICAL INFLUEN CE. As a private citizen one can, for example, write t o one's member of parliament in order to try to get an issue on to the political agenda. On e can also write lett ers to the newspapers or try to get one's views heard on chat shows or as t ext messages in certain discussion programmes on TV. But the influence of these channels is often more symbolic than real. To achieve media and, above all, political interest in an issue is, today, not just a matter of having practical opportunities or the formal right to put the issue on the agenda . It

is increasingly a matter of who and in what way and in what cont ext this is done. Similarly, it is often difficult for those in power to find out what their voters really think about different political issues. Since elections are held at relatively long intervals, opinion polls and statistical research are among the authorities' few ways of sampling the views of the electorate. Often it is also precisely to the average voter that they adapt their political programmes. Statistics and opinion polls thus already function de facto as fundamental and sometimes crucial criteria for political decision-making.4
-

'" c>~ '" '" '" ~ '"

_

'"

-'" 0

00 00

'"

:~ ~

00 '" ~ c:

'" =>

"'= o _ '" 0

= ~ ""§ ~ ",

>

-

c:

o~

'" 0 . .-

c

.ft..

1

"' . dia ......

z

d il1 . == ~~;~ ~

~ ~

Ih , nu " h .. 1I,ui ,,