Voices of Conflict: Desegregating South African Universities (Garland Reference Library of Social Science, V. 1408.)

Voices of Conflict

Garland Studies in Higher Education Volume 19 Garland Reference Library of Social Science Volume 1408

Garland Studies in Higher Education This series is published in cooperation with the Program in Higher Education, School of Education, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts.

Philip G. Altbach, Series Editor Reform and Change in Higher Education International Perspectives edited by James E. Mauch and Paula L. W. Sabloff

Higher Education in Canada Different Systems, Different Perspectives edited by Glen A. Jones

Higher Education in Crisis New York in National Perspective edited by William C. Barba

Sexual Harassment in Higher Education Reflections and New Perspectives by Billie Wright Dziech and Michael W. Hawkins

China’s Universities, 1895–1995 A Century of Cultural Conflict by Ruth Hayhoe

University Teaching International Perspectives edited by James J. F. Forest

Jesuit Education and Social Change in El Salvador by Charles J. Beirne

Higher Education in the Post-Communist World Case Studies of Eight Universities edited by Paula L. W. Sabloff

Dimensions of the Community College International, Intercultural and Multicultural Perspectives edited by Rosalind Latiner Raby and Norma Tarrow The Social Role of Higher Education Comparative Perspectives edited by Ken Kempner and William Tierney Science and Technology in Central and Eastern Europe The Reform of Higher Education edited by A. D. Tillett and Barry Lesser The Liberal Arts College Adapting to Change The Survival of Small Schools by Gary Bonvillian and Robert Murphy Higher Education Research at the Turn of the New Century Structures, Issues, and Trends edited by Jan Sadlak and Philip G. Altbach

Faculty Productivity Facts, Fictions, and Issues edited by William G. Tierney Two-Year Colleges for Women and Minorities Enabling Access to the Baccalaureate edited by Barbara Townsend Crossing Customs International Students Write on U.S. College Life and Culture edited by Andrew Garrod and Jay Davis Voices of Conflict Desegregating South African Universities by Reitumetse Obakeng Mabokela The Academic Corporation A History of College and University Governing Boards by Edwin D. Duryea edited by Don Williams

Voices of Conflict Desegregating South African Universities

R EITUMETSE O BAKENG M ABOKELA

RoutledgeFalmer N e w Yo r k & L o n d o n 2000

Published in 2000 by RoutledgeFalmer 29 West 35th Street New York, NY 10001 This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2002. RoutledgeFalmer is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group. Copyright © 2000 by Reitumetse Obakeng Mabokela All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Mabokela, Reitumetse Obakeng. Voices of conflict : desegregating South African universities / Reitumetse Obakeng Mabokela. p. cm. — (Garland reference library of social science ; v. 1408. Garland studies in higher education ; v. 19) Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index. ISBN 0-8153-3308-0 (alk. paper) 1. Discrimination in higher education—South Africa. 2. School integration—South Africa. I. Title. II. Garland reference library of social science ; v. 1408. III. Garland reference library of social science. Garland studies in higher education ; vol. 19. LC212.43.S6 M32 2000 379.2'63'0968—dc21 00-039351 ISBN 0-203-90350-1 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-90354-4 (Glassbook Format)

This book is dedicated to my mother, Mmutsi Emmah Mabokela; to the memory of my father, Philemon Mabokela; and to the memory of my grandmother, Blanche Dinaane Tsimatsima

Contents

Series Editor’s Foreword Preface Acknowledgments Tables and Figures

ix xi xiii xv

chapter 1

Divergent Voices and Visions

chapter 2

Education Policy in Historical Context

15

chapter 3

Evolution of Admissions Policies

35

chapter 4

Student Voices: Attitudes, Perceptions, and Insights

65

chapter 5

Worlds Apart: Faculty Perceptions and Realities

95

chapter 6

Revolving Door: Faculty Recruitment Programs

117

chapter 7

Summary and Policy Recommendations

145

Appendix: Research Methods References Index

1

159 173 181

vii

Series Editor’s Foreword

Higher Education is a multifaceted phenomenon in modern society, combining a variety of institutions and an increasing diversity of students, a range of purposes and functions, and different orientations. The series combines research-based monographs, analyses, and discussions of broader issues and reference books related to all aspects of higher education. It is concerned with policy as well as practice from a global perspective. The series is dedicated to illuminating the reality of higher and post-secondary education in contemporary society. Philip G. Altbach Boston College

ix

Preface

Educators and policy makers are faced with the formidable challenge of transforming the South African system of higher education from one characterized by inequality and prejudice to one that will embrace students from diverse backgrounds and prepare them for meaningful participation in the economic, political, and academic activities of this country. My interest in education emanates from my experience as a student in an education system where one’s racial classification was the primary determinant of the level and quality of education that would be attained. I, like other Black South African women, faced the double jeopardy of our gender in a society where the academic pursuits and aspirations of women were not well supported. Even though the new government of national unity has pledged its support to creating a nonsexist and nonracist society, this ideal has yet to be implemented and realized. As a scholar in a U.S. institution of higher education, I continue to hear concerns about race and gender equity echoing through the walls of the academy. My U.S. colleagues may be a few steps ahead of my counterparts in South Africa in the sense that the U.S. system has legislation to challenge injustices, but the concern for equity still permeates our experience. The particular interest to investigate the institutional responses of historically White universities to the increasing enrollment of Black students emerges from the historical fact that these universities were legally prohibited from admitting Black students until 1983, as a result of apartheid policies. The significant presence of Black students at some of these universities since 1983 has raised a plethora of issues these institutions are ill equipped and, in some cases, unwilling to address. Among xi

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Preface

other issues, the faculty and administrators can no longer assume that these new students have the requisite academic preparation to adapt and be successful within the university. It is thus critical to undertake research to determine structural changes that need to be implemented to ensure the academic success of Black students at historically White universities. Given the demographic composition of South Africa, where Black students constitute a clear majority, it is projected that their population at historically White universities will continue to increase. It is therefore critical to create a new nonracial, nonsexist academic environment, where the academic potential of formerly excluded groups may be developed and completely realized.

Acknowledgments

I gratefully acknowledge the support of the following people: Mme Mmutsi, my mother, for her unconditional love, understanding, and encouragement; My husband, Christopher Dunbar, for his love, patience, support, inspiration, and humor; My mentors, past and present, who continue to support my professional endeavors; My friends and colleagues, who believed that I could carry this book to its completion; Administrators, faculty, and students at the universities of Cape Town and Stellenbosch, whose cooperation enabled me to successfully conduct research for this book; Sarah Wiseman, for her prompt assistance with the editing; and Series editor, Philip Altbach, whose feedback proved to be invaluable to the completion of this manuscript.

xiii

Tables and Figures

Table 2.1 Chronology of Key Educational Events 1948–1997 22 Figure 3.1 Student Enrollment by Race: University of Cape Town [UCT] 41 Figure 3.2 Student Enrollment by Race: University of Stellenbosch 50 Figure 3.3 Student Enrollment by Race and College of Affiliation: University of Stellenbosch 1995 51 Figure 4.1 UCT Students’ Perceptions of Institutional Racial Climate 69 Figure 4.2 Stellenbosch Students’ Perceptions of Institutional Racial Climate 71 Figure 4.3 UCT Students’ Perceptions of Faculty Responses 79 Figure 4.4 Stellenbosch Students’ Perceptions of Faculty Responses 81 Figure 4.5 UCT Students’ Perceptions of Institutional Responsiveness 84 Figure 4.6 Stellenbosch Students’ Perceptions of Institutional Responsiveness 86 Figure 5.1 UCT Faculty Perceptions of Institutional Priorities 98 Figure 5.2 Stellenbosch Faculty Perceptions of Institutional Priorities 102 Figure 5.3 UCT Faculty Perceptions of Impact on Teaching Styles 106 Figure 5.4 Stellenbosch Faculty Perceptions of Impact on Teaching Styles 108

xv

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Tables and Figures

Figure 5.5 UCT Faculty Perceptions of Institutional Responsiveness Figure 5.6 Stellenbosch Faculty Perceptions of Institutional Responsiveness Figure 6.1 Distribution of Permanent UCT Faculty by Race Figure 6.2 Distribution of Permanent UCT Executive Administrators by Race Figure 6.3 Distribution of Permanent UCT Faculty by Gender Figure 6.4 Distribution of Permanent UCT Executive Administrators by Gender Figure 6.5 Distribution of Permanent Stellenbosch Faculty by Race Figure 6.6 Distribution of Permanent Stellenbosch Faculty by Gender Figure 6.7 Distribution of Permanent Stellenbosch Executive Administrators by Gender Figure 6.8 Distribution of Permanent Stellenbosch Faculty by Academic Rank Figure A.1 UCT Student Respondents by Race Figure A.2 UCT Student Respondents by Gender Figure A.3 UCT Student Respondents by Year in School Figure A.4 UCT Student Respondents by Province of Origin Figure A.5 Stellenbosch Student Respondents by Race Figure A.6 Stellenbosch Student Respondents by Gender Figure A.7 Stellenbosch Student Respondents by Year in School Figure A.8 Stellenbosch Student Respondents by Province of Origin Table A.1 Student Response Rates at the University of Cape Town Table A.2 Student Response Rates at the University of Stellenbosch Table A.3 Faculty Response Rates at the University of Cape Town Table A.4 Faculty Response Rates at the University of Stellenbosch

111 113 120 121 122 123 124 126 127 129 162 162 162 163 164 164 164 165 167 168 168 169

Voices of Conflict

CHAPTER 1

Divergent Voices and Visions

On the morning of February 12, 1990, I sat quietly in the TV lounge of my residence hall and watched as Nelson Mandela was released from prison, where he had spent 27 years of his life. What a momentous occasion in the history of South Africa! As I sat transfixed by the television screen, I thought about the political struggles that Mandela and other political activists had to undertake against the ruthless system of apartheid. I wondered if Mandela’s release from prison symbolized the end of a repressive era in the history of South Africa . . . or was it the beginning of another struggle? In the days, weeks, and months preceding Mandela’s release, I waited in eager anticipation to see what “this man,” who had invoked such fear in the minds of the former Nationalist Party government, looked like. As a young woman growing up in South Africa, I had never seen photographs of Mandela except the ones taken at the Rivonia trial in 1964. As Mandela and other political activists were declared “terrorists and enemies of the state,” their photographs and political statements could not be printed in the local newspapers because of censorship. Under the laws of the former Nationalist Party government, the mere possession of photographs of Nelson Mandela, Steve Biko, Walter Sisulu, or any other prominent Black political figure was deemed to be subversive and antigovernment. Any display of interest in the political activities of the then banned Black political organizations could land a person in prison as a “terrorist.” As Mandela stepped through the gates of the Victor Vester Prison, tears streamed down my face. My roommate, who was watching this 1

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historic occasion with me, probed for an explanation of what this moment symbolized. Voices of Conflict is the long-awaited response to the complex questions that my roommate posed to me in 1990. The primary goal of this book is to offer an analysis of developments that have transpired in higher education, specifically at historically White universities, as a direct result of the political changes that have occurred throughout South Africa. The development of education policy in South Africa has been inextricably linked to and influenced by the policies of the government in power. Under the governance of the former Nationalist Party government, education policies were designed and implemented to support the ideals of apartheid. With the changing of the guard and the inauguration of a democratically elected government in 1994, there is no question that the values espoused by this new government will similarly influence education policy. In this postapartheid era, how have historically White universities responded to the charge from the African National Congress (ANC)-led government to create a nonracist, nonsexist learning environment, where the academic ideals of all students can be realized? Voices of Conflict seeks to understand the process of institutional transformation and educational equality at historically White universities, institutions that have been plagued with deeply entrenched race, gender, and class disparities. The book examines the programmatic efforts of two historically White universities, the University of Cape Town (UCT), an English-language university, and the University of Stellenbosch (Stellenbosch), an Afrikaans-language university, to create an environment where the intellectual endeavors of all their students can be nurtured. UCT and Stellenbosch, like other historically White universities, are faced with the formidable challenge to reconstruct their institutions into those where the academic aspirations of all their students can be realized and the ideals of this new democracy can become a reality. The process of transformation is frequently fraught with opposing forces, given the competing interests of the various stakeholders—students, faculty, administrators, government officials, and the larger society. Despite a clear consensus about the need to change the current system of higher education, there are multiple voices and visions about the direction and the scope of this change. On the one hand, White constituents fear the loss of opportunities accrued over the years by a history of White privilege. On the other hand, the historically excluded groups expect that the broader political changes, specifically the change of government to a democratic one, will inherently open doors to higher education opportunity.

Divergent Voices and Visions

3

The first challenge in understanding the process of change affecting historically White universities in South Africa is defining the term transformation. While this term is widely used by the various stakeholders— students, faculty, administrators, and government officials—involved in this process, there are as many interpretations and understandings of this concept as there are participants. Conceptions of transformation range from the characterization of this process as a “Marxist-Leninist” procedure, which will include a power takeover by the students, to the conviction that transformation should embody a shift in the basic mission of universities, from those serving a minority privileged community to universities open to a broader community. How can change be attained if there is no conceptual consensus among the major stakeholders regarding the nature and extent of this change? The multifaceted nature of this process of transformation raises different issues for various constituents on university campuses. Students, faculty, and administrators at UCT and Stellenbosch expressed divergent positions regarding their experiences with this process of institutional transformation. Given the racialized history of academic practices in South Africa, my analysis highlights the continuing significance of race in academic transformation at these universities. The process of transformation as examined in this book begins in 1983 with the passage of the Universities Amendment Act, the legislation that granted historically White universities permission to legally admit Black students. The government passed this legislation partly as a response to internal and external pressures, including student strikes and boycotts, union strikes and slowdowns, economic sanctions, and divestment by foreign countries. Intensified student protests, in the late 1970s in particular, shook the former Nationalist Party government’s confidence in the effectiveness of its repressive strategies. While the Universities Amendment Act did not compel historically White universities to change their admissions policies, it provided an opportunity for such change to occur. The response of historically White universities to this legislation varied; some embraced it by admitting a diverse student population, and others carried on with business as usual, missing the cultural significance of the evolving changes in South Africa and thereby missing a historical opportunity to change their institutions. The need to transform the higher education sector is intricately tied to the broader political changes that have taken place in South Africa, particularly since the early 1990s. The struggle for liberation certainly precedes these recent developments in the 1990s; however, these changes ushered in a new order in the politics of South Africa. Notably,

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Voices of Conflict

in 1994 the first democratic elections were held in which Black South Africans were allowed to vote for the first time since European colonialism touched their homeland. The ANC-led government was elected into office, and Nelson Mandela served as the first democratically elected president of South Africa. The new government adopted a constitution in 1996 that protects the rights of all South Africans, including ethnic minorities. It is in this political milieu that debates about transformation of higher education have transpired. The process of transformation at UCT and Stellenbosch has been similarly influenced by broader political developments within the country. In my conversations with students, faculty, and administrators, they identified a number of issues that are critical to the process of change at these universities. These issues construct the central themes around which this book is organized. Although I introduce these themes here, I discuss them in greater detail in the chapters that follow. • • • •

Admissions policies and access Curricular relevance and maintenance of academic standards Institutional culture and the Africanization of the universities Commitment to faculty diversity

The following thematic overview provides a framework within which debates and discussions in the rest of this book ensue.

ADMISSIONS POLICIES AND ACCESS A review of the admissions data at historically White universities indicates that access to this sector of postsecondary education was severely limited to the privileged few. For the most part, historically White universities were created to serve the academic needs of the minority White population in South Africa. These universities had insignificant enrollments of Black students, particularly prior to the 1980s; however, there were variations in the admissions patterns at the historically Englishlanguage universities relative to their Afrikaans-language counterparts. Overall, English-language universities admitted a higher proportion of racially diverse students, while the enrollments of these students at Afrikaans-language universities was significantly smaller. UCT and Stellenbosch, like other historically White universities, exhibited similar trends in their admissions patterns.

Divergent Voices and Visions

5

A number of factors contributed to admissions patterns at historically White universities, factors that UCT and Stellenbosch have had to address in their quest to transform their institutions into accessible centers of learning. First, inequalities in access for Black students are partly attributable to their inadequate preparation at the primary and secondary education levels. It is a well-established fact that under the governance of the former Nationalist Party government White schools boasted the best facilities, resources, and teachers in the country compared with Black schools. Further, Bunting1 notes that the proportion of Black students in a given age cohort who complete high school is about 20%, compared with 80% of White students in a similar cohort. This implies that the pool of Black students who are eligible to enter university is significantly smaller than the pool of White students. Although the proportion of Black students enrolled at universities increased at an annual rate of 14% between 1986 and 1993, compared with an average annual growth rate of 0.4% for Whites during the same period, this growth occurred primarily at historically Black universities and at distance-learning universities. The second factor that has had an impact on the ability of Black students to access higher education is the validity of the current admissions criterion, matriculation results, which are still used as the legal criterion of admission at university. While these results may be an accurate predictor of academic success among White students, this does not hold true for Black students because of the inadequacy of secondary education for Blacks. Given the unreliability of these results, some universities have explored alternative admissions criteria; however, the implementation of such criteria has been largely dependent on internal initiatives from individual universities. There are concerns about the philosophy underlying the current structure of alternative admissions programs. These programs operate from the assumption that Black students are the problem and remedial teaching is the solution. This philosophy assumes that there are pockets of underdevelopment among students, which can be addressed by focusing on student deficiencies rather than by altering organizational structures within the universities. The third impediment to access can be attributed to laws that were passed by the former Nationalist Party government that created separate universities for students based on their racial, ethnic, and linguistic background (discussed in detail in Chapter 2). These laws prohibited the admission of Black students at historically White universities except with permission from the minister of education, and often this permission was denied.

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Voices of Conflict

There are institutional initiatives that have been implemented to address some of these access issues. These include the implementation of alternative admissions criteria and the development of academic support programs. These efforts have not been implemented without controversy and resistance, as demonstrated in the discussions I had with students, faculty, and administrators. There are as many divergent views about these initiatives as there are constituents, views that I explore further in Chapter 3. CURRICULAR RELEVANCE AND THE MAINTENANCE OF ACADEMIC STANDARDS Discussions of implementing alternative admissions criteria have aroused fervent debates about the maintenance of academic standards. There is a pervasive perception that the increased admissions of Black students at historically White universities will lower academic standards. On the one hand, there are those who argue that standards are declining as a result of the increased presence of historically excluded groups— Blacks and women—in higher education. On the other hand, others contend that those who benefited from discriminatory practices of the former government use the declining standards debate to impede access of Blacks and women to higher education. The following statement succinctly captures the contentious nature of this standards debate: The standards issue is very politicized. It is used in two different ways. One is from the disgruntled Whites who see privileges disappearing and they say standards have dropped. There is no evidence of that. The others are Blacks who complain that standards are used as a political device to keep Black students out of [historically White universities].2

Current discussions about standards have failed to critically interrogate what academic standards should be or whose standards these are. The current conception of standards emerges from the assumption that quality and standards attach to a single, ahistorical, and therefore universal model of a university and that, therefore, any departure from this model entails loss of quality.3 The primary focus is on bringing Black students up to standard without much examination of institutional structures and the need to redefine their standards to meet the changing needs of the population they serve. Makgoba4 asserts that standards in South African institutions of higher education “were imported by the British to

Divergent Voices and Visions

7

maintain British culture and values. They did not take into account the majority culture or civilization. They had no bearing on quality or relevance to their environment.” Students (particularly African students) repeatedly raised concerns about the relevance of their universities’ standards and curriculum to their lives “as Africans.” These students argued that historically White universities are “so busy competing with Oxford, Cambridge, and Harvard, they forget to take care of the basics.” As one African student reported, First and foremost, our responsibility should be to the people of South Africa, then to the people of Africa, and then to the international community. This is very important because I do not think we should be judged by how well we compete with Oxford when people just down the road cannot benefit from the research we conduct here. So, we do need to change the focus of research and try to focus on the social conditions of the people that we live with and try to uplift them, and stop competing. Basically what we are doing is collecting data for Oxford and Cambridge and their local communities. We should start looking for issues that affect people here and start dealing with them. A simple example is malnutrition. We have a top-notch medical school here, but we can hardly help children dying from malnutrition in Guguletu. Does it make sense?5

Historically White universities frequently cite their need to maintain high academic standards in order to compete at an international level. There is an implicit assumption that widening access to historically excluded groups will impede the ability of these universities to compete with their counterparts abroad. Faculty raised concerns about declining standards and the ability of UCT and Stellenbosch to compete internationally. However, faculty did not seem to make a connection between their pedagogical practices, the change in the composition of their students, and how these changes in their students might necessitate a modification of their pedagogical practices in order to maintain standards. For the most part, faculty members were not affected in any meaningful way by their students and did not perceive the need to alter their classroom practices to meet the diverse needs of their students. In essence, their stance was that students had to adjust themselves to the high academic standards of UCT and Stellenbosch. Certainly, there were individual initiatives among some faculty members to attend to the needs of their students, but for the most part

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business continued as usual. These individual efforts did not translate into broader institutional initiatives. The present conception of standards requires serious scrutiny to determine which standards South African universities are evaluating themselves against, and to assess the relevance of those standards, given the sociopolitical conditions of this country. Current conceptions are highly problematic, for they have the potential to perpetuate discriminatory patterns of the past by defining Blacks and women as the problem, rather than critically evaluating the structures of historically White universities. INSTITUTIONAL CULTURE AND THE AFRICANIZATION OF UNIVERSITIES Conversations with students and faculty revealed the presence of what Cox6 would identify as a “high prescription culture” at UCT and Stellenbosch. This is an organizational culture that has a narrow view of right and wrong, a high prevalence of judgmental behavior, people who are quick to express criticism, and an aversion to risks, as expressed in this statement: Because of the established universities in South Africa, they have a certain culture. The English-language universities have a strong sort of British culture, which comes with all sorts of customs. It’s a very delicate balance we have to create because otherwise we will trigger an exodus of White people, who feel they are no longer welcome here. We have a population of Asians, Coloreds, and Whites; we cannot afford to lose them. So they must also feel at home. Coming to Stellenbosch, the culture has always been Afrikaans but compared to other Afrikaans universities it has always been more open. I think the culture issue has not been such a problem at Stellenbosch because most of our Black students at the undergraduate level have been Colored. The cultural difference has been less difficult to handle than for African students. We have had minor irritants already in this regard. Some [White] students have come in and complained that African students make a lot of noise over the weekends. Now, how much is that really culture and how much is that part of being a student? I don’t know. I think we have done less about opening up. Right from the start we have said we want to be an open Afrikaans university. It does not mean we want to exclude Africans.7

This statement captures the essence of a culture that African students and faculty find so alienating at UCT and Stellenbosch. The under-

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lying assumption is these new entrants must adjust themselves to whatever the dominant culture is. There might be minor adjustments, but these can exist only as long as they are not too disruptive to the prevailing mode of operation. It is this resistance to fundamentally challenging the existing culture that has raised passionate debates about the “Africanization” of South African universities, particularly the historically White universities. The contentiousness of this issue emerges from a misunderstanding of what the concept means and a false conception that Africanization is equivalent to lowering standards. Proponents of Africanization view it as, first, a way of changing the student, academic, and administrative bodies. Second, they equate changing the curriculum and the whole way in which teaching and learning are done. Third, they hail it as changing criteria that determine excellent research. As MacGregor8 explains, “Someone who pleads for Africanizing our research programs is not pleading for lowering of standards, but simply asking that South Africans focus on problems that have their roots and significance in Africa.” According to Makgoba,9 opponents of Africanization are primarily “conservative colonial descendants who fear that Africanization challenges their identity, culture mind-set, role, and privileges.” He continues that Africanization challenges the superiority mentality of racism and the imitative philosophy that in the long term will lead to the perpetual enslavement of Africans. Further Africanization challenges the “imposition of foreign and often alienating behavioral patterns and universities by outsiders that are not the primary interest of Africa.”10 UCT and Stellenbosch have to recognize that their institutions have changed and that the sociopolitical environment within which they operate has also changed. As a result of these changes, the priorities and goals have to change if they aim to be effective participants in a new democratic South Africa. These institutions cannot remain stagnant and hold on to practices that are laced with inequities. Their challenge is to create an environment that does not perpetuate the historic racial, gender, and class disparities. COMMITMENT TO FACULTY DIVERSITY The report of the National Commission on Higher Education11 on the status of South African higher education revealed disturbing trends about the racial and gender composition of faculty at both historically White and historically Black universities. Concerning historically White universities, which are the focus of this book, the report revealed that faculty

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and administrative positions are held primarily by White men. When faculty statistics were disaggregated by academic rank, male faculty occupied the senior positions of professor, associate professor, and senior lecturer. Women and Blacks were overrepresented in the lower academic ranks, and they were more likely to be employed on a part-time basis. The universities of Cape Town and Stellenbosch had similarly disturbing statistics on their faculty. While UCT and Stellenbosch have made progress in their efforts to diversify their students, the same cannot be said about their faculty. Employment trends uncovered at these two universities raised questions about strategies that were used to recruit, employ, and retain Black faculty. My discussion of this issue in Chapter 6 draws attention to policies and practices that have been implemented to address this inequity in faculty distribution. For the most part, these programs have not been particularly successful in diversifying the racial composition of their faculty. The program at UCT was implemented in 1992, but there has not been a notable increase in the proportion of Black faculty at this institution; their representation has remained consistently below 10% of the permanent staff. UCT appointed an African woman to be the vicechancellor (equivalent of a U.S. university president), the highest ranking administrative position within this university. However, there have not been notable changes at other institutional levels. Although the program at Stellenbosch was implemented in 1996, and there has not been enough time to assess its success, there are fundamental problems with its conceptualization in relation to the institutional culture. For example, administrators at Stellenbosch had concerns about the characterization of this program as an “affirmative action” program. Certainly, there are valid concerns (which I revisit later in this book) about this concept of affirmative action, given the political context of South Africa. However, the concerns of Stellenbosch administrators appeared to be fueled more by their passion to save this institution as an Afrikaans university than by a desire to create a university that can serve the intellectual needs of a diverse population. Retention of diverse faculty is an even bigger problem that has raised concerns among Black students and faculty. There is a revolvingdoor phenomenon that has raised questions about conditions within these universities that make UCT and Stellenbosch so inhospitable to Blacks. While senior administrators at UCT and Stellenbosch cited competition from the private sector and government as the primary reason for the departure of Black faculty members, the faculty reported the institutional culture as an obstacle. This lack of diversity has detrimental implications

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for both White and Black students and their ability to coexist in a country that is trying to rid itself of its apartheid legacy. This brief overview offers a glimpse of the complex array of issues with which historically White universities have to contend as they attempt to forge a new identity as nonracist, nonsexist institutions. While this is not an exhaustive discussion of the issues surrounding this process of transformation, it lays a foundation for the debates that ensue in the remainder of this book.

DEFINITION OF KEY TERMS Although most of the terms used in this study are familiar, the definitions that follow and their usage are very specific to the South African context and carry particular historical undertones. These terms do not necessarily represent my position but rather are used to facilitate a clear and concise discussion in this book. Apartheid

The policy of total segregation between the four South African racial groups that was implemented by the Afrikaner-dominated National Party when it ascended to power in 1948.

Africans

People of indigenous ancestry, usually of the Negroid race.

Afrikaner

Dutch descendants who speak the Afrikaans language. In Afrikaans, the term Afrikaner means “African,” reflecting the identification of Afrikaans-speaking people with Africa as their home, rather than Europe.

Black

Refers collectively to Africans, Coloreds, and Indians. The term Black emanates from the Black Consciousness philosophy most prevalent in the 1970s, which identified all the oppressed people of South Africa as one. This philosophy rejected the government’s artificial classification of oppressed people into various racial categories.

Coloreds

South Africans of mixed ancestry, usually with Dutch, Malay, African, and Khoisan heritage. Most Coloreds speak Afrikaans as their mother tongue.

Indian/Asian

People of Indian descent, most of whom came to South Africa as sugar plantation workers in the 1800s. Recently, the term was used to include people of Chinese and Korean descent. Japanese were excluded from this category; they were classified as “honorary Whites.”

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Native

Another term used by Whites to refer to Africans. As the term was used, it had paternalistic and somewhat derogatory implications.

Whites

People of European descent. The term applies to both Afrikaners and descendants of British settlers.

Homeland

Also known as Bantustans, refers to areas that were created to accommodate large concentrations of Africans. These homelands were supposed to be self-governing states. Africans, who made up 75% of the population, were relegated to these homelands, which occupied about 13% of the poorest land in South Africa, while the remaining 87% of the land was reserved for Whites, who constituted 15% of the total population.

Matriculation

Commonly referred to as Matric. It is a national certificate awarded to students who complete high school and successfully pass the national examination at the end of their standard ten (the last year of high school, equivalent to grade twelve in the United States). There are two categories of Matric certificates: (1) a Matric exemption allows students to proceed to university, and (2) the school-leaving certificate terminates education after high school or entitles students to attend some technical colleges and technikons, but not university.

Faculty

In the South African higher education context, faculty is the equivalent of a U.S. college. For instance, a faculty of education would be comparable to a college of education.

Academics

In this book, I use academic staff to refer to professors, associate professors, senior lecturers, and lecturers, that is, those individuals who are primarily involved in teaching and research activities. These would be the equivalent of U.S. faculty.

NOTES 1Bunting,

I. A Legacy of Inequality: Higher Education in South Africa. Rondebosch: UCT Press, 1994. 2Interview by the author with a senior administrator at UCT, October, 1996. 3Wolpe, H. Introduction: Context, Principles and Issues in Policy Formation for PSE. In Draft Policy Proposals for the Reconstruction and Transformation of Post-Secondary Education in South Africa. Bellville: Education Policy Unit, University of Western Cape, 1994: 3-40. 4Makgoba, W. M. Academic Standards: Myth or Reality? New Nation, May 31, 1996: vii.

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Inteview by the author with an African student at UCT, August 9, 1996. Cox, T. Cultural Diversity in Organizations: Theory, Research, and Practice. San Francisco, Berrett-Koehler, 1993: 169–170. 7Interview by the author with a senior administrator at the University of Stellenbosch, October 11, 1996. 8MacGregor, K. “Getting to Grips with Africanization.” New Nation, May 17, 1996: vii. 9Makgoba, Academic Standards. 10Ibid. 11The National Commission on Higher Education was appointed by President Mandela in 1995 to investigate the current conditions of the South African system of higher education and to offer recommendations for policy change. The findings reported by this commission were used as the foundation for the Green and White Papers in higher education and subsequently the Higher Education Act. 6

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CHAPTER 2

Education Policy in Historical Context

INTRODUCTION This chapter traces the evolution of education policy in South Africa from the early colonial period to the mid-1990s. I present this historical analysis in six periods, from the early colonial invasion to the modernday era. In my discussion, each period represents a major shift in legislation and policy as influenced by colonialists, the former Nationalist government, and other key stakeholders, including students, teachers, political activists, and union leaders. The first historical period examined is the era of early colonial contest between the British and the Dutch. I pay particular attention to the responses of various interest groups affected by these policies: students, teachers, political organizations, unions, and the government. The second period, from 1948 to 1960, is the era of statutory and institutionalized segregation. The discussion focuses on key legislation passed during this period, the Bantu Education Act of 1953, and the reactions of students, teachers, and business leaders to this legislation. The 1960s are the third, the era of the expansion of the higher education sector. I evaluate the Extension of University Education Act of 1959 and other factors leading to the establishment of the separate Black universities. The fourth period, from 1970 to 1983, could be characterized as a period of the resurgence of mass resistance, which had been suppressed during the 1960s by the banning and intimidation of many Black political organizations and by massive arrests of Black political leaders. In the fifth period, 1983 to 1989, I discuss the crisis in education, focusing on the repeal of 15

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legislation prohibiting the admission of Black students at historically White universities, as well as on intensified government efforts to annihilate resistance to its repressive legislation. The final period from 1990 to 1996 examines the current state of affairs in higher education, specifically issues that have emerged as South African universities attempt to shed their historical identity and be seen as equitable institutions where race, gender, and class inequities will not prevail. This historical discussion provides a context within which to evaluate current practices and policies at historically White universities. The historical relationship that these universities had with the former Nationalist Party government influenced their attitudes and their subsequent policies toward the education of Black students. Elements of these historical policies are still present within historically White universities, and it is only by gaining an understanding of their historical roots that effective measures can be undertaken to address them. Throughout the book, I will make references to key educational events and their relevance to the current higher education environment. 1800s TO 1948: THE EARLY COLONIAL CONTEST Reading about the education of Africans in South Africa may lead one to believe that the history of their education began with the arrival of European settlers in 1652. Contrary to this belief, Keto1 notes that African societies had their own system of socialization and education that was marginalized after the arrival of the European settlers. Keto argues that this narrow European-based definition of education was problematic, for it excluded experiences and contributions of Africans and embraced Eurocentric philosophies and values. Upon arrival in the Cape in 1652, the Dutch introduced religious education, whose objectives were to educate the children of enslaved Africans in order to make them more valuable assets to the economic interests of the Dutch. Another goal was to Christianize Africans and indoctrinate them with the belief that Dutch culture was superior to their own. The first school was established in 1658 for children of enslaved Africans and the second in 1663 for children of White colonists and a few free Africans. This period also saw the beginning of segregated schooling, emanating from the Dutch Reformed Church’s concern about the mixing of social classes. The church’s concern resulted in the creation of a separate school for enslaved children in 1685. Although this separation could not be classified in racial terms

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per se, it formed the foundation for class distinctions that were also presented in racial terms. The arrival of British settlers in early 1806 introduced education policies that reflected the interests of the British government. At the crux of the British agenda was the goal of Anglicizing the Dutch in the Cape Colony. This goal was accomplished by introducing English as the medium of instruction in schools, which completely marginalized the influence of the Dutch Reformed Church in the education sector.2 The imposition of English in schools sparked a long struggle for dominance between the Dutch and British, a struggle that still resonates in modern language policy debates in South Africa. The British policy toward the education of Africans resulted in the creation of missionary schools, whose emphasis was on Christianizing Africans rather than educating them. Africans treated these schools with ambivalence. While some of the chiefs embraced and supported them, others viewed them as a challenge to their authority.3 The late 1800s saw the beginning of more explicit differentiation of education along color lines. The first definite use of racial categories emerged in the 1904 census, when distinctions were made between “Whites, Bantus, and Coloreds.” The category Colored identified an intermediate group of people who acted as a buffer between Whites and the Africans and were awarded somewhat better economic and political privileges than Africans.4 Cross and Chisolm ascribed the emergence of segregated education to the development of the mining industry—gold in Witwatersrand and diamonds in Kimberley—at the turn of the century.5 The development of the mining industry required a large pool of cheap semiskilled labor, resulting in differentiation along class lines, which coincided with racial and cultural categories. Such differentiation was further supported by the dominance of scientific racism as the theoretical basis for separatist ideologies during this period. Separatist ideology was reflected in education policies implemented at this time; free mass schooling was provided for White students, while Black students not only had limited access to education but also had to pay for it.6 In the period following World War I, the government expanded and formalized education for White students. The education of Africans and Coloreds was still carried out through missionary schools, many of which faced a constant threat of closure due to lack of state support. With the continuing demand for skilled labor in the well-established mining and manufacturing industries, and the then-emergent agricultural industry, training centers and apprenticeship programs were expanded, often

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limiting their student intake to Whites.7 These exclusionary practices ensured that White apprentices would secure jobs without competition from educated Blacks. During this period of rapid expansion of the mining industry, many White industrialists viewed the education of Blacks as a threat to the economic stability of the country. The mining industry required an abundant supply of cheap labor, a supply that would diminish with increased numbers of educated Blacks. During the 1930s and 1940s, the reaction of Africans to formal education was ambivalent. While some educated Blacks perceived Western education as an avenue through which political and economic mobility could be attained, others viewed it as a hindrance to their development and a mechanism to further the goals of the colonialists. Black students and teachers were particularly discontented with their lack of control over what they were taught, how they were taught, and the conditions under which they were taught.8 Further resistance also came from parents and political organizations. In many ways, these early patterns of resistance in the 1930s and 1940s set the stage for future opposition to Nationalist legislation and policies toward Black education.

1948 TO 1960: THE BANTU EDUCATION ERA The economic boom after World War II coincided with the ascent to power of the conservative National Party and the implementation of the system of apartheid. This period also coincided with increasing resistance from urban Blacks, whose cheap labor maintained the rapidly expanding mining and manufacturing industries. The government’s determination to suppress increasing political and economic resistance among Blacks, which threatened the political and economic well-being of the state, culminated in the banning of Black union leaders and political activists and parties. In education, the government passed a slew of laws intended to give the state better control over the education of Blacks.9 The Bantu Education Act No. 47 of 1953 The Nationalist Party viewed education as a medium through which it could instill more compliance with apartheid policies, though it feared it could possibly antagonize Blacks if not carefully controlled. The government commissioned an inquiry in 1949 into the effective education of Africans, in response to the industrial upsurge after WWII. The edu-

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cation of Africans up to this point had been decentralized and left largely to the responsibility of missionaries. The Eiselen Commission, named after its chairperson, produced a comprehensive report in 1951 that served as a basis for the implementation of Bantu education. The commission report stipulated that “. . . black education should be an integral part of a carefully planned policy of segregated socio-economic development for the black people.”10 The crux of the Eiselen Commission report emanated from a fallacious concept of cultural difference as a justification for separation. The following statement illustrates the extent to which cultural difference was employed to explain the separatist recommendations of the commission: A Bantu child comes to school with a physical and psychological endowment, which differs, slightly from that of the European child. . . . A Bantu child must be trained and educated in Bantu culture, endowed with the knowledge of Bantu language and imbued with values, interests, and behavior patterns learned at the knee of a Bantu mother.11

The values and behavior patterns that Africans had to learn were subservience, docility, and obedience, among others. Clearly, these were negative attributes for any group of people to emulate. Africans were taught to despise their culture and hold the European culture in higher esteem. The Eiselen report emphasized the primary aim of school as a medium for the transmission and development of African culture. The report further declared that African children had to be imbued with the language, values, and behavioral patterns appropriate for them.12 The aim of Bantu education was not only to imbue Africans with an appreciation of their cultures but also to systematically reinforce the notion that their cultures were inferior relative to those of Europeans. This process of cultural indoctrination was thus preparing Africans for their “rightful place in a white dominated society.”13 Central to the Bantu Education Act was the creation of a separate Department of Bantu Education under the control of the central government. This department was intended to ensure active participation of adult Bantu in matters affecting the education of their children.14 The involvement of Africans in their educational affairs was not an undesirable goal in itself; however, the decision-making powers of African administrators were severely curtailed. They could implement only those

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programs that were approved by the central government and that also fulfilled the grand scheme of preparing African children for servitude. This form of decision making created a conflict of interest for African administrators, who, on the one hand, had to ensure adequate education of their children but, on the other hand, had to conform to and implement the detrimental policies of the government. In the first decade of the Bantu education era, there was significant growth in the primary education sector. According to Unterhalter and colleagues,15 the creation of Bantu Education was a response to the inadequacy of missionary education to cater to the mining and manufacturing industries’ increasing need for low-level education for Africans. The implementation of Bantu education ensured that the level of education provided to Africans could be differentiated, with a small urban population obtaining education beyond the primary level, while the majority of the African migrant labor force received only minimal primary education. The creation of homelands in the late 1950s created a need for better-educated African administrators to operate the affairs of these “self-governing” states. These homelands were established along racial and ethnic lines and identified as self-governing states where Blacks could exercise their political and economic rights, while providing their cheap labor to the thriving industries within urban South Africa.16 More important, homelands were viewed as a “more permanent solution” to Black resistance to dehumanizing apartheid policies.17 In response to the developing homeland structure, the government invested heavily in African education in these areas. The development of education served as a means of influx control in the urban areas, protecting unskilled White workers from job competition. Contrary to government expectations, it also induced a level of political opposition among Blacks that manifested itself in terms of student and teacher strikes, mass protests by employees, and a surge in union membership.18 The passage of the Bantu Education Act laid the foundation for similar legislation that governed the education of Coloreds and Indians: the Colored Person Education Act in 1963 and the Indian Education Act in 1965. Reactions and Resistance to Bantu Education Bantu education received vehement opposition from a variety of constituents. White farmers viewed this expansion of African education as a threat to the success of their labor-intensive farms that required abundant supplies of uneducated Africans. Working-class Whites challenged the education of Africans on grounds that their positions as artisans and

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semiskilled workers would be threatened.19 Africans also opposed Bantu education but for reasons very different from those of their White counterparts. Opposition to Bantu education in the African community in the mid-1950s encompassed an elite group of students, teachers, parents, and political organizations. Teachers staged the earliest response to the act through two teacher unions: the Cape African Teachers Association (CATA) and the Transvaal African Teachers Association (TATA). Teachers refused to indoctrinate students with apartheid-dictated syllabi and effectively destabilized the government plan to imbue students with apartheid ideology. The close alliance between TATA and the ANC Youth League brought the support of political groups into the movement against the act. Parents showed their objection by taking their children out of schools and refusing to participate in school boards and committees.20 Students showed their opposition to Bantu education by boycotting classes, burning down schools, and attacking teachers and principals identified as collaborators. Officials reacted to student opposition by suspending and expelling students, closing down schools, and arresting students and charging them with offenses ranging from arson to public violence.21 Reactions to legislation affecting Colored and Indian education passed in the 1960s were fairly restrained, partly due to the swift action of the government in arresting and banning leaders of the Teachers’ League of South Africa, the dominant voice of opposition against this legislation.22 Student resistance was subdued throughout most of the 1960s by severe government action against student leaders and political movements, only to resurface with vehemence in the 1970s. The origins of higher education in South Africa date back to 1829, when a number of colleges were established primarily to prepare students (boys) for further educational training abroad. These early institutions of higher education were modeled after British universities and colleges. Their students were white, and their academic staff came primarily from Britain and other European countries. The University of the Cape of Good Hope, established in 1873, was modeled after the University of London system that designed syllabi and awarded diplomas to students from various affiliate colleges. The University of the Cape of Good Hope, the present-day University of Cape Town (UCT), is the oldest English-language university in South Africa. The oldest Afrikaans university is the present-day University of Stellenbosch, founded in 1866 as Stellenbosch Gymnasium. The University of Fort Hare, the oldest historically Black university, was established in 1916 as an institution solely for Africans.23

22 Table 2.1

Voices of Conflict Chronology of Key Educational Events 1948–1997

1949

The Eiselen Commission was appointed by the Nationalist Party government to examine issues relating to African education. The commission made recommendations for the implementation of the Bantu education system.

1953

The Bantu Education Act was passed. The act stipulated that all schools for Africans had to be registered with the central government. It symbolized the beginning of the era of apartheid education.

1954

African teachers and students protested against Bantu education. The African education movement was formed to provide an alternative form of education.

1959

The Extension of University Education Act was passed. This act prohibited the enrollment of Black students at historically White universities. The act established separate ethno-linguistic universities for Africans, Coloreds, and Indians.

1963

The Colored Persons’ Education Act was passed, placing control of education for Coloreds under the Department of Colored Affairs. This legislation required Colored schools to be registered with the government and made the education of Colored students compulsory.

1965

The Indian Education Act was passed, placing the control of Indian education under the Department of Indian Affairs. This act also made the education of Indians compulsory.

1967

The National Education Act was passed, establishing guidelines and principles for Christian National Education (CNE) for White schools.

1969

The Black student organization SASO was formed.

1976

The Soweto student uprisings took place.

1979

The Education Training Act was passed to replace the Bantu Education Act. The responsibility for African education was now placed under the control of the Department of Education and Training. This was a superficial structural change that did not impact the quality of education of Africans.

1980

Massive school boycotts began and intensified throughout most of the 1980s.

1981

The NP government appointed the de Lange Commission to investigate and make policy recommendations for the improvement of South African education. The commission, among other things, recommended the implementation of a single department of education for all racial groups and equal education quality for all, a recommendation that the Nationalist Party government rejected.

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1983

The Universities Amendment Act was passed, granting permission to historically White universities to admit Black students.

1985

The National Education Crisis Committee (NECC) formed to address issues of school boycotts and the education crisis in Black schools.

1990

Political prisoners were released. This marked the beginning of a democratic era in the politics of South Africa.

1994

The first democratic elections were held in which all South Africans were allowed to vote.

1995

President Nelson Mandela appointed a commission of higher education to investigate the conditions of higher education in South Africa and to offer recommendations for the transformation of this system.

1996

The National Commission on Higher Education released its report on the status of higher education in South Africa. The recommendations of this commission formed the foundation for the Green and White Papers in higher education and subsequently for the Higher Education Act.

1997

The Higher Education Act was passed.

1960s: EXPANSION OF THE HIGHER EDUCATION SECTOR The creation of homelands coincided with the economic boom of the 1960s. At this time, the mining and manufacturing industries were well established, and the agricultural industry entered an era of mechanization that relied less on the cheap physical labor of Africans. Foreign investments doubled, and the economy experienced annual growth of 7% to 13% throughout the 1960s.24 This rapid expansion of the economy required skilled labor that could no longer be satisfied by the available White labor pool, necessitating recruitment of Blacks into skilled jobs. Increased prospects for employment in the urban areas attracted an increasing number of Blacks from rural areas and the homelands, leading to rapid expansion of the townships. Urban migration brought together Africans of various ethnic groups, frustrating the government’s effort to impose tribal separation. It is within this political and economic context that Black universities were established in the early 1960s—to support the expanding infrastructure of homelands but also to meet the increasing labor power demands of the thriving economy. The government established a commission of inquiry in 1953 to investigate the provision of separate training facilities for “nonEuropeans.” Based on the recommendations of this commission, the

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minister of education, arts, and science introduced a Separate University Education Bill during the 1957 parliamentary session. This bill called for the establishment of separate universities for the different racial groups within South Africa. The minister of native affairs, who would be responsible for the appointment and dismissal of faculty, would control these universities. To justify the state’s interference with internal university policies—for example, hiring of faculty—the committee responsible for this bill explained that Blacks were underdeveloped people. Therefore, they had no sense of responsibility or initiative, or the necessary knowledge to establish or control their own universities. It was the responsibility of the state to govern their institutions.25 The Extension of University Education Act was passed in 1959, laying the foundation for the establishment of four new ethnically based universities for Blacks, all under the guardianship of the University of South Africa. Although these universities were located in “self-governing” territories, the government maintained stringent control over them, to avoid the development of “undesirable political ideologies.”26 As stated by the minister of Bantu education: Where one has to deal with under-developed peoples, where the state has planned a process of development for those peoples, and where a university can play a decisive role in the process and directions of that development, it must surely be clear to everyone that the State alone is competent to exercise the powers of guardianship.27

It is evident from this statement that the political ideology of the Afrikaner-dominated government of the time was firmly ingrained at all levels of society, including education. Bantu education backlashed in ways the government had not intended—Black universities became a hub of political activity and resistance.28 For instance, in the 1940s and 1950s the University of Fort Hare became highly politicized. Many of its graduates, including Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, and Robert Sobukwe, assumed influential positions in African nationalist movements opposed to the government’s repressive activities.29 Similarly in the early 1970s, the Black consciousness movement emerged from university students and became the primary catalyst for the 1976 Soweto student uprisings. The Extension of University Education Act No. 45 of 1959 Under the provisions of the Extension of University Education Act, four racially and ethnically based universities were established for Africans,

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Coloreds, and Indians. The University of the North was established for Sotho-, Venda-, and Tsonga-speaking Africans, the University of Zululand for Zulus, the University of the Western Cape for Coloreds, and the University of Durban-Westville for Indians. The University of Fort Hare, the oldest Black university, was designated for Xhosa-speaking Africans. In the early 1980s, three more universities were established for African students in the “independent” homelands of Bophuthatswana, Transkei, and Venda.30 The creation of separate Black universities fulfilled three primary goals: first, to legitimate and solidify the idea of separate racial and ethnic groups promoted by the National Party government; second, to provide personnel to administer and support structures in the newly created homelands;31 and third, as envisioned by the minister of native affairs and architect of the apartheid system, H. F. Verwoerd, to maintain and reproduce the subordinate social and economic position of Blacks. Verwoerd asserted: It is the policy of my department that education would have its roots entirely in the Native areas and the Native environment and the Native community. There Bantu education must be able to give itself complete expression and there it will perform its real service. . . . There is no place for him [the Native] in the European community above the certain level of certain forms of labor. Within his own community however, all doors are open.32

The eleven historically Black universities (HBUs) may be classified into three broad categories based on their geographic location and the population group they were created to serve. An understanding of these categories is crucial because it has a direct bearing on the types of policies that will have to be implemented in the future to rectify the inequities created by the system of apartheid. All of the South African HBUs were established as teaching institutions, whose responsibility was to prepare graduates who would be ready to enter the work force after completion of their bachelors’ degrees. The first group of Black universities consisted of seven rural African universities. The universities in this category included the University of the North and the University of Zululand, both established in 1960. The remaining five rural universities, often referred to as “bush universities,” were created in the former “independent” homelands of Bophuthatswana, Ciskei, Transkei, and Venda. A branch campus of the

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University of the North was established in the self-governing homeland of Qwa-Qwa.33 With the exception of the University of Fort Hare, the oldest university for Blacks in South Africa, established in 1916, all other homeland universities were created during the late 1970s and early 1980s. Fort Hare was an autonomous university until it was transferred to the homeland government of Ciskei in the 1980s.34 Urban universities comprised the second category of HBUs. These universities were characterized as urban versions of the bush universities, created to serve Coloreds (University of Western Cape) and Indians (University of Durban-Westville) within South Africa.35 These universities received better funding and significantly better facilities relative to other HBUs. Their status was elevated to that of White universities when they were granted autonomy in 1983. This meant that they could be admitted and represented on the Committee of University Principals, an officially recognized statutory organization, and on the University Advisory Council, both of which were entrusted with the responsibility of advising the minister of education.36 The third group of HBUs included the two specialist universities, the Medical University of South Africa (MEDUNSA), established in 1978, and Vista University, founded in 1982. MEDUNSA was established as direct response to the demand for the medical needs of the Black population. The quality of education was viewed as at least comparable with that of the medical schools at the historically White universities because statutory professional bodies to ensure compliance with minimum standards regulated medical qualifications. Vista was established as an urban Black university with seven satellite campuses throughout the country. It was intended primarily to serve Blacks in the urban areas (townships), and its academic programs focused on teacher education and improvement of teacher qualifications through an extensive system of distance education.37 The historically White universities, like their Black counterparts, developed along the cultural and linguistic duality of the South African settler population. The Afrikaans-language universities—Stellenbosch, Pretoria, Orange Free State, Potchefstroom, and Rand Afrikaans University (RAU), became the nucleus of Afrikaner nationalism and cultural consciousness.38 These universities implemented stringent policies against the admission of Blacks. The English-language universities— Cape Town, Witwatersrand, Rhodes, and Natal—admitted a very small number of Blacks. Although English-language universities professed principles of “academic freedom and non-segregation” in their admis-

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sion policies, they failed to grant Black students equality. According to Murray, the official policies at these universities allowed for academic integration while maintaining social segregation. 1970–1983: MASS RESISTANCE The economic recession of the 1970s, the burgeoning township populations, and the massive expansion of African secondary school enrollments under inadequate conditions are factors that contributed to the volatile atmosphere of the 1970s. This era saw the reemergence of active student opposition to apartheid policies. The 1969 launch of the South African Students Organization (SASO), which later affiliated with the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM), marked a new effort to actively challenge the plight of Black student education and address concerns of the larger community. The government reacted predictably by arresting most of the student leaders and banning their organizations. After the banning of BCM in 1977, other student organizations (for instance, the Azanian Students’ Organization and the Congress of South African Students) were formed to carry on the mission of the banned organizations.39 The racial fragmentation of the system of higher education resulted in gross inequalities. Despite its severe actions, the government was not entirely successful in stifling student opposition. The 1976 student riots were the most notable student action of this period. What started as student opposition to the use of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in schools culminated in a nationwide resistance effort. The student uprising garnered the support of parents, civic organizations, political groups, and unions. In many ways, the 1976 riots set into motion a cycle of protests by various sectors that continued into the mid1980s. More profoundly, these more politicized students took an active role in redefining their educational experience, rather than being the docile recipients of an inferior quality of education.40 The education of many Black students was disrupted as a result of heightened political activism. The widely publicized 1976 Soweto student riots were a culmination of events that had been simmering for decades. The riots were ignited by the announcement by the minister of Bantu education that Afrikaans would be used as the medium of instruction in Black schools for half of the subjects beginning in standard five—the equivalent of seventh grade in the United States. Opposition to the use of Afrikaans was based on two primary factors: first, the educational objection emanated from the lack of academic materials and the lack of adequately trained

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Black teachers who could teach in Afrikaans; the second factor was political and coincided with the sociopolitical state of the 1970s, dominated by Black consciousness rhetoric.41 In the aftermath of the student riots, the government established the de Lange Commission to investigate the educational system and make recommendations to reform what the government saw as a crisis situation, especially in the education of Blacks. The government requested the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) to conduct a “scientific and coordinated investigation” into all facets of the South African education system and to make recommendations on “guiding principles for a feasible education policy.”42 The factor that distinguished this investigation from all others that preceded it was its scope. It covered both formal and informal sectors of education, extended from preprimary to tertiary education, and focused on the education of all population groups in South Africa.43 The language used in the report is very important because closer analysis revealed that it was laden with reformist ideas. There was an inherent assumption that there was nothing innately wrong with the present system, it merely needed to be modernized to adjust to changing economic and developmental interests. Considerable emphasis was placed on the “scientific” nature of this project. There was a call for consensus among the members; therefore, the final report was an account of the issues on which members could agree or were “able to couch their differences in such ambiguous language that their conflict was submerged beneath the vagueness of the report.”44 Despite the urgency with which this investigation was conducted and the “commitment” it claimed to have to the improvement of the education system, the government elected to ignore many of the commission’s major recommendations. Perhaps the most vehement was the refusal to establish a single department of education to govern all educational matters, for all population groups, replacing the existing fourteen departments of education, each with its set of rules, regulations, and standards. 1983–1990: THE EDUCATION CRISIS The period beginning in 1983 was marked by mass uprisings against the government from all sectors: strikes, stayaways, rent boycotts, school boycotts, mass meetings, intensified international economic sanctions and disinvestment, and insurgent attacks by the exiled political parties.

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After a brief economic recovery, the mid-1980s experienced yet another economic decline, coupled with intensified international sanctions. In response to economic pressures, the state introduced massive cutbacks to services provided for Blacks, with education drastically affected. For instance, in 1985 the per student expenditure for White students was seven times greater than that of Blacks.45 The National Education Crisis Committee (NECC, now known as the National Education Coordinating Committee), established in December 1985, sought to establish an alternative education system to Bantu education. In NECC’s conception, it was not enough to merely oppose apartheid education; it was essential to offer an alternative mode of education, hence the conceptualization of people’s education, an educational philosophy that would prepare people for total human liberation and for full participation in the social, political, and cultural spheres of society.46 The imposition of the state of emergency from 1986 to 1990 impeded the NECC’s plans for alternative education by effectively banning or arresting many of its members. In the higher education sector, legislation prohibiting the admission of Blacks at historically White universities was repealed with the passage of the Universities Amendment Act of 1983. The government passed this legislation as a response to the escalating internal political unrest and increasing international pressure. This act legalized the admission of Black students to historically white universities (HWUs). Since the passage of this legislation, there has been a notable increase in the enrollment of Blacks at HWUs, albeit at varying rates. Some of the English-language universities that anointed themselves as “open”47 saw a steady increase in their Black student enrollments through the 1980s, from enrollments below 10% in the mid-1980s48 to about 46% in 1993.49 The rate of Black student enrollments was much slower at the Afrikaansmedium universities, with significant enrollment noted in the 1990s. Although there are variations in the responses of Afrikaans universities, their general pattern of response to Black enrollments was initially slower than that observed at the English-language universities. The increased presence of Black students at HWUs introduced a number of issues that these universities had never had to contend with: student racial diversity, variations in students’ academic preparation, increased need for financial assistance, institutional culture, and curricular modifications, among others. These and other issues are discussed in more detail later in this book.

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1990–1995: THE CURRENT STATE OF AFFAIRS The lifting of the state of emergency, unbanning of major political parties, the release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners in 1990, and the ascent to power of the government of national unity, led by the African National Congress, after the first all-race elections in April 1994 ushered in the beginning of a new era in the politics of South Africa. While there is agreement that the current system of education needs to be completely overhauled, there are passionate debates and fierce disagreements regarding the structure and function of the new system of education. In the higher education sector, in acknowledgment of the massive deficiencies in the present system inherited from the system of apartheid, President Mandela appointed the National Commission on Higher Education (NCHE) in February 1995 to investigate this sector and, on the basis of its findings, make policy recommendations for its transformation. The commission submitted its report, detailing its recommendations in key areas including the structure of the new system, its governance, and funding. The NCHE report is an extensive document that offers in great detail recommendations to transform key elements of the higher education system. The recommendations of the commission were guided by five key principles derived from the new constitution, from other recent policy documents, and from the views of major stakeholders expressed in consultation meetings. • Democratization, referring to structural and procedural arrangements of decision-making processes regarding policies and priorities in higher education. The decision-making process should be open and “transparent,” and all parties should have access to the relevant information. • Development, meaning those actions and programs initiated and implemented to create conditions through which a system can improve and realize its full potential. • Equity concerning the distribution of higher education opportunities, privileges, and funds. • Maintenance of academic freedom and institutional autonomy. Academic freedom implies the absence of external (usually government) interference in the pursuit of academic work, while autonomy refers to the independence of institutions to regulate themselves and make necessary decisions to fulfill their academic tasks.

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• Effectiveness and efficiency, where effectiveness describes a system that is structured such that the desired content and quality objectives are realized and efficiency describes a system that makes optimal use of its resources.50 The NCHE report formed the basis for the development of the Green and White Papers on higher education and, subsequently, the Higher Education Act that was passed at the end of 1997. The NCHE report stimulated fervent debates, many of which are still unresolved, among the various stakeholders in the higher education sector—students, faculty, administrators, policy makers, and politicians—regarding the direction and the extent of change. While there is consensus among the various stakeholders regarding the need for the reconstruction of higher education, there are lingering debates about the nature of change, especially if such change will challenge the privileged position of some institutions, particularly the historically White universities. Having provided this historical overview within which higher education developed, I now turn to a discussion of each campus in more depth. NOTES 1Keto, T.C. Preindustrial Educational Policies and Practices in South Africa. In M. Nkomo (Ed.), Pedagogy of Domination: Towards a Democratic Education in South Africa. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1990. 2Molteno, F. The Historical Foundations of the Schooling of Black South Africans. In P. Kallaway (Ed.), Apartheid Education: The Education of Black South Africans. Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1984. 3Ibid. 4Schaeffer, E. Historical Stratification by Race. In S. Vieira, W. G. Martin, & I. Wallerstein (Eds.), How Fast the Wind? Southern Africa, 1975–2000. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1992. 5Cross, M., & Chisolm, L. Roots of Segregated Schooling. In M. Nkomo (Ed.), Pedagogy of Domination: Toward a Democratic Education in South Africa. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1990. 6Molteno, Historical Foundations of Schooling; Cross & Chisolm, Segregated Schooling. 7Ibid. 8Molteno, Historical Foundations of Schooling. 9Unterhalter, E., et al. (Eds.), Apartheid Education and Popular Struggles. London: Zed Books, 1991.

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Christie, P., & Collins, C. Bantu Education: Apartheid Ideology and Labor Production. In M. Nkomo (Ed.), Pedagogy of Domination: Toward a Democratic Education in South Africa. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1990: 161. 11Ibid., 162. 12Unterhalter et al., Apartheid Education; Marcum, J. A., Education, Race, and Social Change in South Africa. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982. 13Christie & Collins, Bantu Education, 161. 14Unterhalter et al., Apartheid Education; Christie & Collins, Bantu Education. 15Unterhalter et al., Apartheid Education. 16Norval, A. J. Deconstructing Apartheid Discourse. London: Verso, 1996; Christie & Collins, Bantu Education. 17Gwala, N. State Control, Student Politics and the Crisis in Black Universities. In W. Cobbett & R. Cohen (Eds.), Popular Struggles in South Africa. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1988. 18Murray, M. South Africa: Time of Agony, Time of Destiny. London: Verso, 1987; Norval, Apartheid Discourse. 19Unterhalter et al., Apartheid Education. 20Naidoo, K. The Politics of Student Resistance in the 1980s. In M. Nkomo (Ed.); Pedagogy of Domination: Toward a Democratic Education in South Africa. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1990; Hyslop, J. Teacher Resistance in African Education from 1940s to 1980s. In M. Nkomo (Ed.), Pedagogy of Domination: Toward a Democratic Education in South Africa. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1990. 21Naidoo, Student Resistance; Marx, A. W. Lessons of the Struggle: South African Internal Opposition 1960–1990. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992. 22Molteno, Historical Foundations of Schooling. 23Muller, J. South Africa. In P. G. Altbach (Ed.), International Higher Education: An Encyclopedia. New York: Garland Publishing, 1991. 24Marx, Lessons of Struggle. 25Gwala, Crisis in Black Universities. 26Ibid. 27Ibid., p.165. 28Marx, Lessons of Struggle. 29Hyslop, Teacher Resistance. 30Muller, South Africa; Bunting, I. A Legacy of Inequality: Higher Education in South Africa. Rondebosch: UCT Press, 1994; NCHE Report. 31Final Research Report: The Enhancement of Graduate Programmes and Research Capacity at the Historically Black Universities. Bellville: Education Policy Unit, University of Western Cape, 1997; Gwala, Crisis in Black Universities. 32Christie & Collins, Bantu Education, 173. 33Muller, South Africa. 34Ibid.

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33

Ibid.; Ashley, M. J. The Education of White Elites in South Africa. Comparative Education, 7 (1), 1971: 32–45. 36 Divided Campus: Universities in South Africa. London: World University Service, 1986. 37Muller, South Africa; Final Research Report. 38Marcum, Education, Race, and Social Change; Booysen, S. Afrikaans Universities and the Control of Political Consciousness: A Case Study. Paper presented at the Congress of the Association of Sociologists of South Africa, Johannesburg, 1989; Gwala, Crisis in Black Universities. 39Marcum, Education, Race, and Social Change. 40Nasson, B. Modernization as Legitimation: Education Reform and the State in the 1980s. In M. Nkomo (Ed.), Pedagogy of Domination: Toward a Democratic Education in South Africa. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1990. 41Mmusi, S. O. Language Planning Policy and Its Associated Problems in Black Education in South Africa. Masters Thesis. Southern Illinois University–Carbondale, 1987. 42Provision of Education in the RSA (HSRC Report). Pretoria: Human Sciences Research Council, 1981. 43Nasson, Modernization as Legitimation. 44Ibid. 45Marx, Lessons of Struggle. 46Unterhalter, et al., Apartheid Education; Marx, Lessons of Struggle. 47Vale, P. Between a Rock and a Hard Place. Reality, 19, 1987: 11–15; Keenan, J. H. Open Minds and Closed Systems: Comments on the Function and Future of the ‘Urban English-Speaking’ University in South Africa. Social Dynamics, 6 (2), 1981: 36–47. 48South African Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR). Race Relations Survey 1985. Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1985. 49South African Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR). Race Relations Survey 1993/1994. Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1993/1994. 50National Commission on Higher Education Report: A Framework for Transformation. Pretoria: National Commission on Higher Education, 1996.

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CHAPTER 3

Evolution of Admissions Policies

INTRODUCTION In the preceding chapter, I discussed the key shifts in education policy and major legislation that affected education of different racial and ethnic groups within South Africa. This chapter examines the political orientations of the universities of Cape Town and Stellenbosch, and how these positions have influenced admissions policies and procedures for students across different racial groups. The universities of Cape Town and Stellenbosch represent two of South Africa’s ten historically White universities. These universities emerge from the two ethnic and linguistic categories along which historically White universities were created, UCT being a historically Englishlanguage university while Stellenbosch is a historically Afrikaanslanguage university. The analysis in this chapter is presented in three parts. The first provides a brief overview of the political orientations that influenced policies toward the admission of Black students at these two universities. This discussion demonstrates that the relationship that each university had with the former Nationalist Party government played a pivotal role in influencing its policies toward the education of Black students. The second part of the chapter presents student enrollment data in the 13-year period between 1983 and 1995 to examine how admissions policies and procedures at the universities of Cape Town and Stellenbosch have changed. In 1983, the Universities Amendment Act was

35

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passed, granting historically White universities legal permission to admit Black students. The final section of the chapter evaluates alternative admissions programs that have been implemented to diversify the racial composition of the student population. This discussion of admissions policies and procedures provides a sense of how the racial composition of the student body has changed over the 13-year period under investigation and how these changes have affected institutional structures and programs. As the discussion in the remainder of the book demonstrates, different constituents across the university—students, faculty, and administrators—have been affected by these demographic changes and have responded in different ways to them. THE POLITICAL CONTEXT OF THE UNIVERSITIES These two universities were selected on the basis of three criteria. First, the language of instruction was a consideration because of the historical significance of language in the education of Black students. The majority of Black students, except for Coloreds, use neither English nor Afrikaans as their first language, these languages could possibly enhance or retard the educational progress of Black students. The struggle for domination between the British and Dutch settlers in South Africa manifested itself in all spheres of life, including education. Among Afrikaners, the spirit of Afrikaner nationalism was embedded in their language. In their assessment, to ensure the survival and domination of the Afrikaner culture, the status of Afrikaans had to be elevated to that of English and be used in the public spheres of education and politics. During the apartheid era, English and Afrikaans were the two official languages, and the nine African languages were limited to the private sphere. The second criterion is that the two universities occupy polar extremes in terms of their historical relationship with the former Nationalist Party government. English-language universities were historically viewed as “liberal” and more inclined to challenge the former Nationalist Party government, and Afrikaans-language universities were perceived as loyal supporters of the former government and its policies. The third criterion is the geographic location of these two institutions in the Western Cape province of South Africa, about 30 miles apart, which allowed regional comparisons.

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THE UNIVERSITY OF STELLENBOSCH: AN AFRIKAANS-LANGUAGE UNIVERSITY The former Nationalist government played a significant role not only in creating the ethnolinguistic universities but also by ensuring they propagated certain political agendas. The six Afrikaans-language universities—Stellenbosch, Pretoria, the Orange Free State, Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education, Port Elizabeth, and the Rand Afrikaans University—aligned themselves more explicitly with the apartheid ideals of the former government than their English-language counterparts. The University of Stellenbosch, established in 1866 from Stellenbosch Gymnasium, is the oldest Afrikaans university. Stellenbosch, like other Afrikaans-language universities, has historically been identified as a faithful adherent of the system of apartheid and the crucible of Afrikaner nationalism. This university has an impressive record of graduating the key political leaders, cabinet ministers, and presidents in the former apartheid government. As explained by Dreijmanis: The Afrikaans universities have been described as volkuniversiteite, linked to the ideology of volksnationalisme. The volksuniversiteit expresses the volksgebondenheid, or unity with the people and a commitment by the university to it. It belongs to the volk and must therefore be of the volk and for it. Such a university is to provide service to the Afrikaner people whose cultural well-being depends upon the efforts and achievements of the Afrikaans-medium universities.1

According to Booysen, Afrikaans universities were used as instruments of political socialization, where Afrikaner youth were indoctrinated with belief in Afrikaner racial superiority. Booysen continues by stating that the political consciousness of Afrikaner youth was characterized by their unquestioning support of the state. The Afrikaans universities in South Africa comprise an integral and powerful part of the institutions of the ideological state apparatus, who control and manipulate (albeit not consciously and overtly) the political consciousness of the ruling class. . . . Politically the Afrikaans universities facilitate the maintenance of existing power relations in social formation.2

Although there were some voices of dissent, these were frequently muted by the compliant masses. Unlike Black university students, who

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were involved in active resistance to repressive government legislation, Afrikaner youth were protected. Even in the 1980s, when the political environment was particularly volatile and offered Afrikaner youth the opportunity to challenge their ideological orientation, Booysen notes that “it is the very nature of Afrikaner political culture, with its toleration of state control and trust . . . [that] precluded these [political] events from impinging on students’ political consciousness.”3 Afrikaans universities were well supported by the state, and they boasted some of the best academic facilities in the country. In keeping with the government’s policy of separate development, these institutions admitted a very small number of Black students, if any at all, and their population of English-speaking White students was also small. The University of Stellenbosch admitted its first Colored graduate students in 1977; however, the proportion of Black students at this university was still below 13% of 14,946 students in 1995.4 There was some diversity in this group of Afrikaans universities. While the University of Pretoria was identified as the most conservative, the University of Stellenbosch was seen as the fountain of Afrikaner intellectualism and the center of liberal Afrikaner thought.5 THE UNIVERSITY OF CAPE TOWN: AN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE UNIVERSITY In contrast to their Afrikaans counterparts, the English-language universities of Cape Town, Witwatersrand, Natal, and Rhodes have been identified as the liberal and “open” institutions within South Africa. This assertion of openness has been challenged by a number of scholars, who argue that English universities also benefited from the system of apartheid by receiving financial and research support, exceptional academic facilities, and excellent human resources.6 Keenan further asserts that these institutions served the interests of the capitalists, as reflected in the close relationship these universities have had with key industries in South Africa and in the orientation of their research interests.7 English universities were open in the sense that their criteria for admission were purely academic, without consideration of race or color. Although the English universities had open admissions policies, they failed to grant their Black students equality. Murray8 notes that the official policy of Witwatersrand allowed for “academic nonsegregation and social segregation.” This means Black students were given access to libraries, laboratories, and other academic facilities, but social contact

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with their White classmates was severely curtailed, particularly since Blacks could not even reside in the university residence halls. There is no argument that English universities did admit a very small number of Black students in defiance of apartheid legislation. However, an examination of enrollment figures before the passage of the Universities Amendment Act in 1983—when White universities were legally prohibited from admitting Black students—indicates that the enrollment of Blacks never exceeded 6% of the total student body.9 There has been a notable change in enrollment patterns at both English and Afrikaans universities since the 1980s. The significance of the political context of the two universities will become evident in the chapters that follow, specifically in policies and programmatic initiatives that have been implemented. The discussion, to which I turn next, examines the earliest of these initiatives: admissions policies and procedures. ADMISSIONS POLICIES AND PROCEDURES Admissions policies and procedures at the universities of Cape Town and Stellenbosch have been influenced by three important factors. First, UCT and Stellenbosch stem from divergent political positions, particularly with reference to their relationship with the former Nationalist Party government. UCT, like other English-language universities, has historically been perceived as “politically liberal” and strongly committed to the ideals of academic freedom. In contrast, Afrikaans-language universities are renowned for their conservatism and faithful adherence to the ideology of apartheid.10 Second, Stellenbosch’s record of admitting Black students in any appreciable numbers dates back only to the last 3 to 4 years. Although the first Colored student was admitted to this institution in 1977, the overall enrollment of Blacks has been a trickle. By contrast, the admission of Black students at UCT has increased steadily since the mid1980s. Third is the language of instruction. UCT is an English-language university, and Stellenbosch is an Afrikaans-language university. Neither English nor Afrikaans is indigenous to the majority of Black South Africans, and Afrikaans has historically been identified as the language of the oppressor because of its close association with the former Nationalist government. However, there is another reality: a significant proportion of Coloreds in the Western Cape province do use Afrikaans as their

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first language. These two universities emerged from divergent histories; therefore, their student enrollment data, their admissions policies and procedures, and their responses to the increased presence of Black students should be examined in light of their respective historical positions. STUDENT ENROLLMENT AT THE UNIVERSITY OF CAPE TOWN In 1995, UCT had total enrollment of 14,877 students; 23.45% were African, 13.49% Colored, 5.53% Indian, 57.52% White, and 43.43% were women.11 The student population at UCT has changed significantly from its early days, when it served only White students, to its present state, with about 45% Black students. In 1995, for the first time in the history of UCT, Black students were the majority (52%) of the first-year class.12 Several UCT administrators projected that, in the next year or two, Black students will be the majority of the student body at this university. Student enrollment data in the decade 1972 to 1982 indicates a meager increase in Black enrollments from 6.1% in 1972 to 13.2% in 1982.13 As indicated in Figure 3.1, Black students constituted 13.8% of UCT’s 12,149 students, with Coloreds at 9.2% constituting the majority of the Black students in 1983. In the same year, Africans were 2.1% and Indians 2.5% of the student body.14 The proportion of Africans increased from 2.1% in 1983 to 23.4% in 1995. Indians have comprised the smallest proportion of the student body, with their enrollment increasing from 2.5% in 1983 to 5.5% in 1995. Coloreds have historically made up the largest proportion of Black students at UCT. However, since 1988, their enrollment has been steady at about 13%, and for the first time in 1992, the enrollment of Africans surpassed that of Colored students. This change in enrollment trends is partly attributable to UCT’s alternative admissions policy and their academic development programs that specifically target students from former Department of Education and Training (DET)15 schools. The distribution patterns of students across various colleges (referred to as faculties in the South African context) are comparable to patterns in U.S. universities, where minorities and women are concentrated in the humanities and social sciences.16 At UCT in 1995, 59% of students in the School of Social Sciences and Education were Black, compared with 41% in the School of Science. The School of Engineering, where Blacks

41 1993

1994

1995

304

285

317 282

339 299

439 345

704 399

906

430

492

556

594

674

722

823

1,112 1,415 1,699 1,970 2,417 2,947 3,489

9,975 10,466 10,137 10,069 10,360 10,514 10,501 10,336 10,257 10,205 9,843 9,267 8,690 8,558

1992

White

1991

300

1990

Indian

1989

1,044 1,122 1,167 1,154 1,295 1,580 1,780 1,851 1,937 1,951 1,870 1,836 1,912 2,007

1988

Colored

1987

257

1986

168

1985

African

1984

1983

1982

0

2,000

4,000

6,000

8,000

10,000

12,000

Figure 3.1. Student Enrollment by Race: University of Cape Town

Student Enrollment

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Voices of Conflict

were 49% of students in that faculty and 63% of the first-year class in 1995,17 is the notable exception to this enrollment trend. The relatively high enrollment of Black students in the School of Engineering has been attributed to the academic support program in this school. While Blacks have increased significantly in engineering, women comprise only 10% of the students.18 RECRUITMENT AND ADMISSIONS POLICIES AT UCT Admissions policies at UCT have undergone significant changes since the days of passive nonracial admissions, when a very small number of Black students were admitted, to the present time, when UCT has established a program to actively recruit Black students. In 1983, Africans comprised 2.1% of the student body, Coloreds 9.2%, Indians/Asians 2.5%, Whites 86.2%, and females 37.9% at the University of Cape Town. These enrollment figures were representative of enrollment patterns at most other historically White universities in South Africa, which were inextricably tied to the political and economic climate of the 1980s. After a brief economic recovery from 1979 to 1981, the South African economy experienced an economic decline, coupled with intensified international sanctions and massive internal pressure through strikes, school boycotts, stayaways, and rent boycotts. In response to these economic and political pressures, the government implemented massive cutbacks to services provided to Blacks, affecting education drastically.19 The University of Cape Town was not immune to these uprisings, and there were various reports of severe police responses to student protest at this institution. These responses included detention and harassment of students, denial of peaceful protests, beating of students, and use of tear gas, among others.20 It is within this volatile political environment that the decision to permit the admission of Black students to historically White universities was enacted. The official admissions policy at UCT in the early 1980s was “based on merit, nonracial, [where] everybody could compete for admission.”21 The policy further stated that “we have to be conscious of the need to ensure that we do not make it impossible for good students from disadvantaged school backgrounds, who have not had the opportunity to prepare themselves for university study, to get places.”22 The university has pledged its support for the academic support program, discussed in more detail later in this chapter, established in 1980 to ensure that students

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with ability could succeed despite their disadvantaged secondary schooling. Although UCT implemented policies to accommodate students from disadvantaged backgrounds, where disadvantage coincided with being Black, it is unclear whether this policy was explicitly communicated to various colleges and departments within UCT. The director of the academic development program (ADP) reflected on this change regarding the admissions policy: Unless I am forgetting something crucial, there has always been a very, very cautious approach in terms of policy to increasing Black enrollments. I do not remember an overt policy stating that all faculties must increase their Black enrollments. What we did have was strong resistance to quotas, and emphasis was placed on merit. There is a powerful history of merit-based admissions. We were saying, yes it [admission] must be merit based, but what constitutes merit and ability to cope? . . . These debates have been going on for a decade, but the policy officially was always extremely cautiously made. When ADP came into being in 1980, there was underlying that whole move a clear understanding to bring Black students, but our first mission statement was never explicit about that.23

A major shift in policy came in 1986, with the establishment of a special admission program that aimed to “set aside a number of places for applicants whose potential we can identify but who would not ordinarily win a place judged solely on the school-leaving examination results.”24 The early 1990s saw a significant shift in the philosophy and conceptualization of the ADP to the structure on which the current program is now based. This shift called for decentralizing the activities of the program in order to integrate its activities with those of regular academic departments and faculty structures. Reflecting on this shift, the program director explained the following: Initially [the ASP/ADP was] seen and treated as a “minority” program. The American experience will, of course, resonate with this. The kinds of interventions we had to institute were typical of minority programs. They were supportive and did not in effect challenge the mainstream educational processes in the institution. We began to realize that tinkering on the edges like this we would never really address any of the major problems. I would categorize the shift to development as moving from a minority program to one concerned with the majority and therefore with the mainstream.25

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In 1995, the ADP had a core staff of 32 full-time academic appointments and 4 full-time administrators, the director, the deputy director, an administrative officer, and one senior secretary. This core staff is responsible for the coordination, funding, and general operation of the ADP across UCT’s campus. To maintain a cohesive relationship with various faculties and departments, other staff members are delegated to their respective divisions and are accountable to both their departments and to the ADP. Other programs affiliated with the ADP include a writing center, a computer literacy project, and an alternative admissions program, which is focused on later in this chapter. Today, the ADP is a well-established part of the university. However, its inception and operation have not always been without challenges and resistance in some cases. As the program director recalled: We had to fight like blazes to get programs going at all in the school of commerce. We faced constant resistance. Except for a few notable exceptions, by and large they kept us at arm’s length. We started with a foundations program in Economics and gradually broadened to include other divisions within Commerce. Now there is a whole layer of courses which enable quite a different admissions profile. . . . If you look at the medical faculty, which hardly had any African students partly because of legislation, but I mean there was no major effort [to change the admissions profile]. There had to be serious eruptions before the medical faculty really got down to business. . . . It was a real fight, but the demographics [in the medical faculty] changed unbelievably quickly. The numbers there speak for themselves.26

There is no question that Black enrollments at UCT have increased significantly in the last few years. However, students and some academic staff members continue to express concerns about the academic experience of Black students at UCT, given that, as the director explained, “there were very few structural changes on the mainstream programs.” In addition to resistance from some departments, the program’s focus on Black students has fueled the suspicions of some students, both Black and White, about the quality and merit of the courses it offers. Though some students view the ADP as a valuable opportunity to uplift academically disadvantaged students, others see it as promoting a stigma that further identifies Black students as victims. According to one Black UCT student: If you are sitting in a group of 30 people and, looking around you, see 29 other Black faces, you may wonder what’s going on. There is no

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other class in this whole university that looks like this. To be treated as victims and put into a little separate room is very uncomfortable.27

A number of White UCT students have also raised concerns about the inaccessibility of ADP to them. However, it is apparent that these and other students do not have a clear conception of what the program truly entails, except that it targets Black people. As one White student remarked, “This ADP thing is really unfair. We also have problems but we cannot go there for help.” As the program director explained, the ADP has been remedial in nature, and it has focused on bringing students from disadvantaged backgrounds, primarily Blacks, up to national standards. This orientation is problematic, however, because it emerges from the assumption that mainstream university academic structures are adequate and that, with a few remedial courses, Black students can meet the academic standards of the institution. He nonetheless acknowledged students’ concerns about the alienating and isolating aspects of the program. In his words: Given the fundamentally political nature of this kind of work, there was no way we were going to escape conflict, tensions, and so on. Black students’ attitudes to ADP have depended greatly on what faculty they are in. Black students in the Arts [and] social sciences area very often see ADP only as language courses. But there is still some ambivalence [about the program]. Because [it] was designed primarily for Black students, there was a great deal of suspicion. Regardless of the quality of work that was being done, I suppose at this stage anything designed for Blacks must be [viewed as] inferior.28

The continued success and effectiveness of the ADP depend to a great extent on the university’s overall support. In 1995, a combination of UCT and external donors funded the program. The university’s contribution constituted 20% of the total operating budget, while the majority of remaining funds needed were obtained from grants from such organizations as the South African–based Independent Development Trust (IDT) and the U.S.-based Ford Foundation. Grants from numerous small donors and from endowment funds covered other program costs including overhead, special projects, and part-time and tutorial staff. Although the ADP has coped reasonably well in the short term, there are concerns about the long-term sustainability of the program, given that the IDT stopped funding academic development programs nationally at the end of 1996.29 Since then, senior ADP staff members have

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actively sought to influence policy by making suggestions to the National Commission on Higher Education (NCHE) to recognize their efforts and secure government subsidies to support the work of UCT’s program and similar programs at other universities. Given competing interests for higher education funds—the need for financial aid programs for disadvantaged students, resource and staff development at historically Black universities, and so forth—it remains to be seen whether academic development programs will be incorporated into the core infrastructure of higher education institutions. THE ALTERNATIVE ADMISSIONS RESEARCH PROJECT A major shift in UCT policy occurred in 1986, with the establishment of a special admissions program, the Alternative Admissions Research Project (AARP). This program aimed to “set aside a number of places for applicants whose potential we can identify but who would not ordinarily win a place judged solely on the school-leaving examination results.”30 The AARP was implemented partly as a response to the unreliability of matriculation results.31 At the time, although admissions examinations were widely held as reliable predictors of university success for White students in South Africa, UCT administrators realized that the same could not be said for the nation’s African students. For the most part, African students attended DET primary and secondary schools that were typically underresourced, even compared with Colored and Indian/Asian schools. Yet, matriculation results were the sole legal criterion for the admission of students to South African universities. Hence, the AARP, as a component of the ADP, focused specifically on African students, who were considered the most disadvantaged. Further, the volatile political climate of the mid-1980s had frequently disrupted schooling throughout the land, especially for African students, making Matric results even more untenable. According to Yeld and Haeck,32 the AARP’s primary objectives were to: • Develop selection criteria to identify educationally disadvantaged African pretertiary students with the potential to succeed at UCT • Provide the data, procedures, and research that can facilitate the development of curricula that provide a wider range of students with the opportunity to succeed at UCT

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• Contribute to the development of expertise in the area of student recruitment on a national level, particularly with regard to the development of more equitable selection criteria The program began as a small pilot project that sought to identify talented African students in the Western Cape Province (where UCT is located) with potential to succeed in higher education but whose matriculation results did not reflect their potential. Students’ participation in the program was and remains voluntary. AARP staff members administer an alternative aptitude examination to students identified as candidates for admission via the program. The primary components of the test are English language–based academic skill tests and, where applicable, mathematics tests. According to the assistant director and coordinator of the AARP, results from these tests have never been used to deny students admission to the university. Although poor test scores are shared with the UCT admissions office, only good scores are used to supplement Matric results. In the latter instance, recommendations for admission are made to the appropriate deans. As this program administrator noted, When we started [the AARP] . . . it was such a politically volatile time. People were deeply suspicious of the institution [UCT]. They wanted to know why we were testing only Black students. It was very tricky. We told the students that the tests were voluntary, that the results would be kept confidential and that we would only send the good scores to the deans.33

Although the AARP targets African students, the director of the ADP, with which it is affiliated, asserts that the AARP was not developed to address explicitly race-based issues. It is also important to note that a significant proportion of Black students at UCT in the 1980s were not from disadvantaged backgrounds. Indeed, they represented some of the best of African, Colored, and Indian/Asian high school graduates of the time, from both private and public schools. As the ADP director explained: We do not regard [the AARP] as having been racially based, but it has coincided with race because of disadvantages accruing from apartheid. The program is inclusive, but in practice a great deal of [attention] has been on African students being the most disadvantaged. Although, of course, [the disadvantagement of] Colored students here in the Western Cape [has] been a big issue, but by and large, most of the Colored

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Voices of Conflict students we have here at UCT have come from better schools. So the two things I would like to make very clear, that go together, are disadvantage and [African]. Theoretically, we could deal with disadvantaged White students, but [we] have very few. In fact, recognizing that disadvantage was a structure coming out of apartheid, it obviously makes sense that we are talking about [African] students.34

The AARP has evolved into a national testing scheme with fifteen centers across the country. Since the program’s inception in 1986 until 1993, more than 1,100 students have been admitted to the University of Cape Town through the AARP. Most of these students would not have been admitted on the basis of their Matric results alone. At the beginning of the 1995 academic year, 400 of the 2,739 places for first-year students at UCT were reserved for “educationally disadvantaged” African students. Of the 857 first-year African students enrolled, 50% were admitted through the AARP. By the end of the school year, 29.98% (349) of AARP admits had graduated, 46.7% (544) were continuing, 18% (210) were ineligible to continue with their studies because of poor academic performance, and 5.2% (61) had either left or canceled their enrollment at the university.35 Unfortunately, given that graduation data for the students admitted on the basis of traditional admissions criteria were not disaggregated by race and gender for that year, the graduation rates of AARP students cannot be compared with those of the rest of the students. The University of Stellenbosch experienced some changes in enrollment trends in the 13-year period between 1983 and 1995. However, as the following discussion demonstrates, the enrollment of Black students is considerably smaller, and it has occurred at a slower pace. STUDENT ENROLLMENT AT THE UNIVERSITY OF STELLENBOSCH The University of Stellenbosch in 1995 had total enrollment of 14,955 students: 2.55% were African, 9.56% Colored, 0.61% Other, 87.06% White, and 43.4% women, as presented in Figure 3.2.36 The enrollment of Black students at the University of Stellenbosch has consistently remained below 5% of the total student population since the enrollment of its first Black undergraduate students in 1978. The proportion of African, Colored, and other students increased gradually from 1.48% in

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1983 to 12.87% in 1995. The enrollment rate of Black students was remarkably slow in the decade 1983 to 1993; however, this rate has increased somewhat since 1994. The notable change in the enrollment of African students beginning in 1993 was partly attributable to changes in the political climate—the ascent of the ANC-led government of national unity to power in 1994. Coloreds have traditionally been the largest group of Black students at Stellenbosch. In 1983, Coloreds were 1.42% of Stellenbosch’s student population of 12,337. In the same year, Africans made up 0.15% and others 0.02% of the student body, respectively. The proportion of Colored students increased gradually through the 1980s from 1.42% in 1983 to 9.56% in 1995. Indians/Asians have been the smallest proportion of Black students, less than 1%, and there were a number of years (1984–1992) when student records did not reflect the presence of any Indian/Asian students at Stellenbosch. Similarly, African students were consistently below 1% until 1993, when their enrollment reached 1.05%. When the 1995 enrollment data are disaggregated by race and college (faculty) of affiliation, as shown in Figure 3.3, Africans are acutely underrepresented (1% or less) in the colleges of law, agricultural sciences, natural sciences, and engineering. In the colleges of economics and business science, education, and arts and humanities, African students comprised 2.8%, 3.2%, and 4.4% of the students, respectively. The highest representation of African students, 14%, is in the college of forestry.37 This relatively high enrollment of Africans in this college has been attributed to the use of English as the primary language of instruction at the undergraduate level. The distribution of Colored students is similar to that of African students, with the lowest representation (less than 4.5%) in the colleges of agricultural sciences, law, engineering, and forestry. The highest representation of Colored students, 20.9%, is in education, followed by natural sciences, and by arts and humanities, at 16.9% and 11.3%, respectively. The representation of White students ranges from 75.5% in education to 95.7% in law. The University of Stellenbosch did not actively recruit or admit Black students in notable numbers until 1993. Stellenbosch, like most historically White universities, was legally prohibited from admitting Black students until the 1983 passage of the Universities Amendment Act. However, this institution took a decade after the enactment of this legislation to implement any program that sought to actively diversify its student population.

50

African Colored White Other

0

2,000

4,000

6,000

8,000

10,000

12,000

14,000

16,000

1984

17 158 12,387 9

1983

19 152 12,056 7

15 200 12,924 10

1985 20 325 13,392 12

1986 32 440 13,444 18

1987 40 506 13,454 16

1988 46 592 13,363 25

1989

Figure 3.2. Student Enrollment by Race: University of Stellenbosch

Student Enrollment

49 686 13,365 31

1990

76 786 13,672 16

1991

84 865 13,512 31

1992

151 1,021 13,159 0

1993

254 1,128 13,016 0

1994

382 1,430 13,023 16

1995

51

0

500

1,000

1,500

2,000

2,500

3,000

3,500

4,000

Natural Sciences

18 277 6 1,338

Arts & Humanities

145 375 12 2,788

25 164 3 592

Education 1 25 0 563

Agriculture

2 14 0 353

Law

STUDENT ENROLLMENT BY RACE AND FACULTY OF UNIVERSITY OF STELLENBOSCH

104 290 14 3,359

Economics & Business

5 57 1 1,275

Engineering

Figure 3.3. Student Enrollment by Race and College of Affiliation: University of Stellenbosch 1995

African Colored Indian White

Student Enrollment

26 8 0 152

Forestry

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Voices of Conflict

ADMISSIONS POLICIES AND THE ACADEMIC DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS Despite the conspicuous absence of Black students at Stellenbosch until its recent history, all administrators interviewed declared that the university’s admission policy never excluded students on the basis of their racial identity. It was difficult to obtain an explicit policy regarding the admission of Black students. The question of the admissions policy elicited a variety of responses, ranging from vehement denial of the existence of racially based exclusionary practices to fervent support for the maintenance of Stellenbosch as an Afrikaans university through selective recruitment and admission of Afrikaans-speaking students. The following statements from two administrators illustrate the range of responses relating to the current admissions policy. According to the first administrator, who works closely with the academic development programs: For ordinary admissions at Stellenbosch you need full matriculation exemption, a 50% average minimum requirement, and then it starts differing from departments to faculties, depending on what course [major] the students want to pursue. For example, medicine, law, or engineering have other criteria, the so-called “keurings kursusse” [selection courses] which do not only look at scholastic achievement but also things like leadership. For instance, if a student achieved an 82% average and he or she comes from a historically disadvantaged school, that would count in his or her favor, rather than one coming from Bishops [a prestigious predominantly white high school] or whatever. These changing criteria brought a lot of controversy. Long letters were written to the rector complaining that we are using double standards.38

The second administrator, who is a senior member of the staff in the registrar’s office, offered a different interpretation of the admissions policy: We are not looking for disadvantaged people from specific schools. All the people from all schools throughout the country, whatever their color, they can apply to study here. And everybody, every application, is looked at on its merit. . . . We take a look at their qualifications.39

There is a diverse range of views regarding the university’s commitment to the recruitment and admission of Black students. Senior university administrators assert the university’s commitment; however, a number of

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faculty members do not perceive the university’s current position as exemplary of that commitment. The following statement by one of the vice chancellors characterizes the position espoused by senior administrators regarding the recruitment and admission of Black students: Oh, I would love to turn it around and let us have a look at all the institutions in this country that do not make provision for Afrikaans-speaking students. . . . Let us ask them why they don’t make provision of that, like, for example, not enabling students to do their assignments in Afrikaans. I can only respond by putting it the other way around.40

A number of faculty members differed significantly with the administration’s position regarding its commitment to the recruitment of Black students. As one professor in the Faculty of Law exclaimed: If the rector says they are committed [to recruiting Black students], ask him where that was said, and where that is written. They [administration] do not have a stated commitment. I think their stated commitment is to preserve Afrikaans and the Afrikaans culture. They won’t mind increasing Black students here, but they would hope that those Black students would be Coloreds because they will be least threatening to Afrikaans culture.41

A professor in the Faculty of Arts continued: I think the university authority has a plan of one kind or another, but they don’t always tell us what their plan is. We have to make our own assessments. I get the impression that they would like to limit the number of Black students as far as possible and concentrate on the Colored students. . . . They [the administration] use the argument that we cater for a region that is predominantly Afrikaans speaking, so they want to maintain the Afrikaans character. I don’t always know what that means.42

There are contrasting opinions and voices regarding Stellenbosch’s position on diversifying its student population. Two facts have been established: first, that the University of Stellenbosch is committed to the maintenance of Afrikaans as the medium of instruction, particularly at the undergraduate level; second, given the university’s preference for Afrikaans, recruitment efforts of Black students target Colored students.

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RECRUITMENT AND ACADEMIC DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS The recruitment and academic development programs (ADPs) at Stellenbosch were implemented in 1994. At the time of this study (1996), the programs were barely 2 years old, hardly enough time to evaluate their successes and failures. The recruitment program specifically targets Colored schools and a small number of African schools in the communities around Stellenbosch. As explained by a representative from the Student Affairs Division, which is responsible for the recruitment program, I go to the Black and Brown schools,43 if I may name them in color, because White schools are not allowed in this program. They are academically strong. I go to the schools in our near environment; I talk to the principals and the guidance counselors. If they feel it is necessary, they ask me to speak to their standard nine and tens. Knowing that because of different circumstances not all the students will be able to attend any tertiary education institution, I talk about in-service training after standard 10 and different tertiary options after standard 10—the technical colleges, technikons, and of course universities.44

The representative noted that language of instruction is taken into consideration when selecting schools from which to recruit. He explained the language issue as follows: I do not go to Afrikaans schools only. We’ve got dual-medium schools also. Another conscious sort of thing is that I cannot go to English schools and tell them to come to Stellenbosch. So yes, I do go to the Afrikaans-medium and the dual-medium schools. If the English schools call me, I gladly go.45

The recruiting strategy of targeting the Colored schools is consistent with previous admission trends that indicated higher enrollment of Coloreds. More important, this strategy seems to support the assertion made by some faculty within the university that Stellenbosch is resistant to change and seeks to maintain its Afrikaans culture. The University of Stellenbosch historically did not have a cooperative relationship with its surrounding Black community; therefore, there was reluctance and suspicion among some of the students at the Colored schools targeted for recruitment. Such skepticism was addressed by involving students in the academic development programs in the recruitment effort, as explained by the recruitment officer:

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At first, they were a little wary and scared, but once I have them at their own schools or at another school talking about their experiences, they just run over with positive feelings and ideas. They talk about the facilities you know, how they encourage a culture of studying and learning. . . . So yes, taking students to their own school or other nonwhite schools is a very positive thing.46

The increased presence of African students and Coloreds from schools that were not in the pool of traditional Stellenbosch students necessitated the implementation of academic development programs to address their academic needs. According to the director of the ADPs, Colored students who were admitted at Stellenbosch in the 1980s did not require additional academic assistance, thus negating the need for the ADPs. He explained, This is an Afrikaans university . . . look at the demographics of the Western Cape, which is predominantly Afrikaans speaking. Those first students that were mostly so-called Colored who came in, their educational backlogs were insignificant in comparison to African Black students. They came from relatively good schools, and because they [registrars] allowed in the beginning only the very good students, who were going for very specialized areas, which were not offered at historically black universities, like medicine and forestry. They were very good students and did not require additional assistance in academic development work as such.47

This conceptualization of students’ needs for academic assistance is problematic. It has the potential to stigmatize African students because their academic problems have now been identified as a phenomenon unique to these students. The academic development programs are defined as “all programs geared to assisting students from communities with (academic) backlogs to realize their academic potential maximally, and which provide sufficient preparation for prospective students from such communities to study at post-secondary levels.”48 The ADPs defined their target group as All students who have the necessary potential but who, as a consequence of circumstances beyond their control, have developed backlogs which now prevent them or have prevented them in the past from developing their full potential. . . . The target group is mainly students whose backlogs could in part be the consequence of structural

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Voices of Conflict inequalities among the existing sub-systems of the South African secondary school system.49

Although it is evident from this definition that the target groups are African and Colored students, the ADPs documents do not explicitly define them. The ADPs consist of five subprograms: the bridging program, foundation program, tutor and advisor programs in the residence halls, the language program, and a recruitment program that operates from the student affairs division but works closely with the ADPs. The bridging program is an intensive 4-week program—2 weeks for the colleges of arts and law—for first-year African and Colored students that meets before the beginning of the academic year.50 The program covers such topics as mathematics, computer literacy, language proficiency, and study skills, among others. The foundation program spreads the first year of study over a 2-year period by offering either supplemental or preparatory courses. The preparatory courses are offered to prepare students in the first year for credit-bearing courses in the second year. For instance, preparatory mathematics may be offered in preparation for mathematics I in the second year. The supplemental courses, by contrast, offer support to credit-bearing courses. The tutor program provides senior students in courses such as mathematics, statistics, and botany, to offer academic assistance in the residence halls. Finally, the language program offers a variety of language support courses in English and Afrikaans. This program is not limited to African and Colored students. It also provides language proficiency courses with an emphasis on reading proficiency, comprehension, and multimedia skills, among others.51 In 1995, 120 students were enrolled in the bridging program and 106 in the foundation program. The program cited a continuation rate of 74.4%, where 44.2% of the ADP’s participants continued without any conditions and 30.2% were permitted to continue but had to repeat at least one course. The failure rate in 1995 was 25.6%, which compares favorably to the university-wide failure rate of 25% to 30%.52 The director of the ADPs claimed student reactions to the programs were predominantly positive. He asserted that Black students agree that this type of program should have been implemented sooner. As the director stated, “They will even brag about it, if I may put it as bluntly as that.” However, interviews with a number of students in the foundation program gave an account remarkably different from the director’s. Students’ concerns ranged from problems with the language to feelings of social

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and cultural alienation on campus. Other students expressed concern that the foundation program was a dumping ground for Black students—a program that stigmatized and separated these students from the rest of the university. A first-year African student expressed his concerns: When I came here, they put all of us [Blacks] in the foundation program. I wanted to do B.Sc. [Bachelor of Science], but they told me that I did not have the marks [grades], I should do something else. They did not give me a chance with B.Sc. I think they look at Black students and think we are stupid.53

Students at the University of Cape Town expressed similar concerns about the stigmatizing nature of ADPs. An interview with one of the UCT student leaders revealed these sentiments: I have been at this university for a long time and I have seen many students who don’t like ADP courses. I went through ADP, and I did not like those courses. You see, the problem is the way those classes are organized. It’s hard enough being here; we don’t need more markers to separate us from the rest of the students. There seems to be an attitude that Blacks are the only ones who need help. I have taken courses with some of those White students; they are not better than we are. I understand that many Black students probably need some help with their schoolwork because of historical factors, but there is no need to make them feel stupid.54

Concerns about academic development programs were not limited to Black students only. A student from Israel expressed her frustrations about the lack of support for other students who do need academic assistance: Sometimes I am very frustrated here. I am not very good at English, but I cannot go to ADP because I am White; it’s only for the Blacks. It really upsets me because I know so many White students who need [academic] help. Where are we supposed to go?55

In addition and closely related to language, culture was cited as another leading source of alienation and tension among students. The following response from a student at Stellenbosch captures the mood for many African students: There is no social life for us here, so we have to entertain ourselves. Seriously, just look at the town of Stellenbosch—where can you go?

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Voices of Conflict We can’t really go to Kyamandi (the African township), we can’t relate to the people there. They look at us like we are strangers. Here on campus, they have all these “boere” dances, and play their music that we can’t understand. It’s bad.56

The primary concern of the academic development programs at the universities of Cape Town and Stellenbosch has been to bring students from “disadvantaged backgrounds,” primarily Blacks, up to academic standard. This orientation is problematic because it emerges from the assumption that Black students are inherently deficient. It does not interrogate the critical questions related to the issue of standards—what standards and whose standards? There are concerns about maintaining academic standards comparable to those of Western universities. Senior administrators and faculty at both UCT and Stellenbosch expressed these views. In her inaugural speech on October 11, 1996, the vice chancellor of the University of Cape Town articulated her position of the subject of standards: People in this country did not struggle for liberation in order to have equal access to mediocrity. They are passionately seeking access to the best this country can offer. Policies and practices which lead to mediocrity are a betrayal of their aspirations. . . . A country that neglects to promote and protect excellence in its university system undermines the very foundation of its future. . . . If South Africa is to rise to the challenge of being a real part of the world, our past, proud academic standards have to be maintained.57

The Rector of the University of Stellenbosch expressed views similar to those of his counterpart from UCT: The academic marketplace will determine what standards are. Here, I am referring particularly to the international academic marketplace. South Africa has to compete internationally, and only if we can compete internationally will we be a successful country. Graduates produced by South African universities must have achieved a level that will be regarded by international universities as acceptable quality.58

The maintenance of “past, proud academic standards” is cause for concern in a country replete with examples of discriminatory practices and inconsistencies in the name of standards. It is particularly disturbing

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that the standards became a contentious issue in the last 3 to 4 years, coinciding with the call for the massification of higher education to accommodate Black students. Further, does the maintenance of these standards imply that South African universities are defending Eurocentric values, as some scholars have charged? One of the African student leaders at UCT succinctly captured the concerns of some students about the standards debate: UCT, like many other South African universities, is a public institution. It needs to change fundamentally from being a colonial institution toward an institution that recognizes that our country has changed. An institution that recognizes that we are in Africa, we are not in Europe. The university also needs to change in terms of its demographics. The students must reflect the demographics of this country. Not only that, but we also need to change our symbols. We are tired of seeing the Rhodes statue and all these colonial names that surround us. The question of the curriculum—the current curriculum is very Eurocentric. It is not informed by the realities of our communities. We are tired of UCT priding itself that it is a highly ranked scientific university that does research that is not relevant to us. Yet, they cannot address the question of housing right here in Khayalitsha. UCT cannot afford to fashion itself after Oxford and Cambridge. We are in Africa.59

Williams offered another explanation for the preoccupation with maintenance of standards. He argued that this debate is “a symptom of psychosis in White society.” He explained: White people feel so deeply threatened they dare not allow themselves hope for the future . . . so they look everywhere for evidence of decline, in order that they cannot be disappointed. . . . More Black students in [higher] education must mean lower standards.60

The debate on standards and the current assumptions underlying the implementation of remedial programs at predominantly White institutions can be summarized as follows: [Academic] programs proceed from the assumption that Blacks are defective. Often no questions are raised about the institution itself. . . . Blacks are provided with mentors who will help them adjust to the [institution]. There is no remedial course for the [institution] to adjust to Blacks. 61

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CONCLUSION In reviewing admissions trends, policies, and procedures at the two universities, this chapter presented a range of data: first, student enrollment figures from 1983 to 1995, to determine changes that have occurred in the student body, particularly in the enrollment of Black students. Second, associated with these enrollment patterns, an evaluation of admissions policies and procedures that have been implemented to diversify the racial composition of the student body. The enrollment data indicate that UCT adopted a more aggressive approach to the recruitment and admission of Black students. This trend is partly attributable to the antiapartheid stance that UCT and other Englishlanguage universities adopted during the reign of the former Nationalist Party. Further, internal pressure from Black students through boycotts forced UCT to move expediently to change admissions policies. Black students at UCT comprised a critical mass; therefore, their presence could influence policies in a meaningful way. The data discussed in this chapter indicate that the proportion of Black students at UCT has increased substantially to about 43% in 1995. The enrollment of African students in particular increased significantly, and these changes were attributable to the implementation of the ADP and AARP, which specifically targeted African students. At the University of Stellenbosch, the student enrollment data indicate that the university neither recruited nor admitted appreciable numbers until 1993. Despite claims from the administration that Stellenbosch was never exclusive on the basis of race, throughout the 1980s and early 1990s, the university did not implement any programs that sought to diversify its student population. The academic development programs were implemented in 1994; however, it is unclear whether these were a result of internal university initiative or were induced by government pressure to transform the institution. What follows in Chapter 4 is an analysis of attitudes, perceptions, and insights of African, Colored, and White students at the universities of Cape Town and Stellenbosch regarding their university’s responsiveness to the academic needs of their changing student population. NOTES 1Dreijmanis, J. The Role of the South African Government in Tertiary Education. Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1988.

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2 Booysen, S. Afrikaans Universities and the Control of Political Consciousness: A Case Study. Paper presented at the Congress of the Association of Sociologists of South Africa, University of Witwatersrand, 1989: 2. 3Ibid., 7. 4University of Stellenbosch. Rector’s Report. Stellenbosch: Author, 1995. 5Marcum, J. A. Education, Race, and Social Change in South Africa. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982; Dreijmanis, Role of Government in Tertiary Education. 6Keenan, J. H. Open Minds and Closed Systems: Comments on the Function and Future of the “Urban English-Speaking” University in South Africa. Social Dynamics 6, (2), 1981: 36–47; Daley, S. South African Campuses Reap Legacies of Racial Mistrust. New York Times, February 10, 1996: A2–A3. 7Keenan, Open Minds Closed Systems. 8Murray, B. K. Wits as an “Open” University1939–1959: Black Admissions at the University of Witwatersrand. Journal of Southern African Studies, 16 (4), 1990: 649–676. 9Ibid. 10Booysen, Afrikaans Universities; Gwala, N. State Control, Student Politics and the Crisis in Black Universities. In W. Cobbett & R. Cohen (Eds.), Popular Struggles in South Africa. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1988. 11University of Cape Town. The Transformation of the University of Cape Town Mid-1980s–Mid-1990s. Rondebosch: University of Cape Town, 1996. 12University of Cape Town. Vice-Chancellor’s Report, 1994. Rondebosch: University of Cape Town, 1994. 13University of Cape Town. Vice-Chancellor’s Report, 1982. Rondebosch: University of Cape Town, 1982. 14University of Cape Town. Vice-Chancellor’s Report, 1995. Rondebosch: University of Cape Town, 1995. 15Under the apartheid structure of education, the Department of Education and Training was responsible for the education of Africans, excluding those Africans who resided in homelands. 16Hollins, M. L. Enrollment in Higher Education: Fall 1986 through Fall 1994. Washington, DC: National Center Educational Statistics, 1996. 17University of Cape Town, Transformation of UCT. 18Ibid. 19Marx. A. W. Lessons of the Struggle: South African Internal Opposition 1960–1990. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992. 20Vice-Chancellor’s Reports, 1985–1986. 21Vice-Chancellor’s Report, 1983: 3 22Ibid. 23Interview by author with the director of the academic development program, August 20, 1996.

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Vice-Chancellor’s Report, 1986: 7. Interview by the author with the director of the academic development program, August 20, 1996. 26Ibid. 27Interview by the author with an African student in the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, October 1996. 28Interview by the author with the director of the academic development program, August 20,1996. 29University of Cape Town. Academic Development Programme Annual Report. Rondebosch: Academic Development Programme, University of Cape Town, 1995. 30Vice-Chancellor’s Report, 1986: 7. 31The national matriculation examination, commonly referred to as “Matric,” is administered to all South African students at the end of their final year of high school. Two categories of Matric certificates are given to successful matriculants: (1) a Matric exemption, which allows students to proceed to university; or (2) the school-leaving certificate, which entitles students to attend technical colleges but not universities. 32Yeld, N., & Haeck, W. Academic Support Programmes at the University of Cape Town. Rondebosch: Academic Support Programme, University of Cape Town, 1993. 33Interview by the author with the assistant director of the academic development program, August 6, 1996. 34Interview by the author with the director of the academic development program, August 20, 1996. 35UCT, ADP Annual Report, 1995. 36Studentestatiestiek, University of Stellenbosch, 1995. 37Ibid. 38Interview by the author with an administrator in the academic development programs, July 29, 1996. 39Interview by the author with a senior administrator in the registrar’s office, July 29, 1996. 40Interview by the author with one of the vice chancellors, September 30, 1996. 41Interview by the author with professor in the Faculty/College of Law. 42Interview by the author with a professor in the Faculty/College of Arts and Humanities, October 1, 1996. 43Black and Brown schools refers to African and Colored schools. 44Interview by the author with a representative from student affairs division, September 13, 1996. 45Ibid. 46Ibid. 47Interview by the author with a senior administrator in the academic development programs, August 1, 1996. 25

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University of Stellenbosch, Foundation Document Regarding Academic Development Programmes. Stellenbosch: Division of Academic Development Programmes, University of Stellenbosch, 1994: 1. 49Ibid. 50University of Stellenbosch. Overview of Academic Development Programmes. Stellenbosch: Division of Academic Development Programmes, University of Stellenbosch. 1996. 51Ibid. 52Ibid. 53Interview by the author with a first-year African student, October 11, 1996. 54Interview by the author with a student leader at the University of Cape Town, September 27, 1996. 55A comment written by a student on the survey questionnaire. 56Interview by the author with a second-year African student, October 1996. 57Ramphele Looks to the Future. Argus, October 12/13, 1996: 18. 58Interview by the author with the rector, October 11, 1996. 59Interview by the author with an African student leader at the University of Cape Town, October 3, 1996. 60Williams, D. Universities Must Cure White Psychosis. Higher Education Review, New Nation, September 1996: 23. 61Maphai, V. T. Affirmative Action in South Africa: A Genuine Option. Social Dynamics, 15 (2), 1989: 18.

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CHAPTER 4

Student Voices Attitudes, Perceptions, and Insights

INTRODUCTION The previous chapter detailed the admissions trends and policies at the two universities since the early 1980s, when they were granted legal permission to admit Black students. These changes in admissions patterns have had a direct impact on the racial composition of the student body, especially at the University of Cape Town. This chapter examines the attitudes and perceptions of African, Colored, and White students regarding their university’s responsiveness to the academic needs of this diversified student population. This diverse student population, with widely varying levels of academic preparation (resulting from apartheid policies), disparate economic needs, and varied sociocultural understandings, has raised concerns about the ability of the historically White universities (HWUs) to successfully cater to the academic needs of all their students. The chapter begins with a brief description of the student respondents on each university campus. The second part of the chapter is devoted to an examination of UCT and Stellenbosch students’ responses on three dimensions related to their university’s responsiveness to the academic needs of various student groups. The first dimension relates to the students’ assessment of their university’s racial climate. Second is their evaluation of how a diversified student population has affected faculty responses to academic needs. Third is their evaluation of the university’s responsiveness to students’ academic needs. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the Afrikaans language policy at the University of 65

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Stellenbosch, an issue that has raised fervent debates regarding this university’s commitment to transformation. Given South Africa’s racialized education legacy, racial classification assumed a significant role in the distribution of educational opportunities, effectively impeding the academic progress of many Black students. As the universities of Cape Town and Stellenbosch undergo this period of transformation, it is critical to gain an understanding of how race continues to influence students’ perceptions of their university’s efforts to address the needs of the increasingly diverse student population. Such an understanding offers policy makers an opportunity to better respond to the needs of their student constituency by designing and implementing policies that will not be interpreted as antagonistic to the traditional constituents of these institutions while responding to the new students entering these universities. The student data were gathered primarily through survey questionnaires that were administered primarily to undergraduate students at the two universities. The questionnaire data were supplemented with openended interviews with a select group of student leaders on each campus. I interviewed ten students at the University of Cape Town and twelve at the University of Stellenbosch. I identified students primarily through referrals from other students and faculty members. A PROFILE OF STUDENT RESPONDENTS The University of Cape Town sample had 552 undergraduate student respondents, with the exception of 24 respondents enrolled in the Faculty of Law, which is not classified as an undergraduate program. Of the respondents, 57% were male and 43%, female. A more detailed description of student respondents is presented in the Appendix. The ratio of male to female respondents was proportional to their distribution in the university, where females comprised 42.4% of the total student body in 1995. The racial breakdown of students indicated that 39.5% were African, 13.6% Colored, 5.1% Indian/Asian, and 41.7% White. The age of the respondents ranged from 19 to 44 years, with the average age at 21. The largest proportion of respondents, 42.8%, were first-year students, 17.9% were second-year, 19.7% third-year, 14.7% fourth-year, and 4.9% beyond their fourth year of study. The University of Stellenbosch sample had 453 undergraduate respondents, of which 57.6% were male and 43.3% female. The break-

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down of students by race showed that 3.4% were African, 17% Colored, 1.3% Indian/Asian, and 77% White. The age of respondents ranged from 19 to 40 years, with the average age at 20.5. The majority of respondents, 51.2%, were first-year students, 35.8% were second-year, 7.5% third-year, 1.5% fourth-year, and 4% were beyond the fourth year of study. The important difference in the two student samples is that UCT has a significantly higher proportion of African and Colored students than Stellenbosch: 23.45% Africans and 13.49% Coloreds, respectively, compared with Stellenbosch’s 2.55% African and 9.56% Coloreds. The respondents at Stellenbosch were overwhelmingly White. This difference in the racial distribution of students is partly attributable to policies and procedures these two universities implemented with respect to the admission of Black students. Since the ANC assumed leadership of the government in 1994, it has called upon institutions of higher education to transform themselves into more inclusive structures, where formerly excluded groups can participate and have a positive academic experience. At the historically White universities, admitting students diversified along race, ethnic, class, and gender lines has effected this inclusiveness. This student diversity, coupled with the expansion of the higher education sector, presents an environment that might be seen as challenging the privileged position of the traditional constituents of historically White universities. The increasing demand for higher education at HWUs among Black students and the perceived competition for scarce, high-quality educational spots at these institutions have created an academic environment that is volatile and conducive to the development of interracial conflict and tension. More important, given that university students are products of a society whose race relations have historically been antagonistic, it is critical for HWUs to understand students’ attitudes and perceptions about race and to respond in ways that minimize or eliminate racial conflict. Another reality at HWUs is that Black student enrollments will continue to increase; at some HWUs, Black students are expected to be the majority of the student body within the next 5 years. Therefore, these universities need to establish a stable university atmosphere, where the academic pursuits of all (African, Colored, White) students can be nurtured. I now turn to a discussion of students’ perceptions of their university’s racial atmosphere.

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PERCEPTIONS OF CAMPUS RACIAL CLIMATE Overall, all students at UCT, regardless of racial group, concurred that there was some racial conflict on their campus. Institutional racial climate was measured by twelve variables evaluating the students’ attitudes toward and perceptions of the existence of racial conflict on their campus. As Figure 4.1 indicates, the first three variables measured racial climate along three dimensions: (1) the existence of racial conflict, (2) the open discussion of racial issues and concerns, and (3) the existence of race-based groups. The next seven indicators of racial conflict measured the campus atmosphere along a number of dimensions: (4) relaxed/tense, (5) friendly/hostile, (6) concerned/indifferent, (7) conservative/open, (8) respectful/disrespectful, (9) optimistic/pessimistic, and (10) socially integrated/socially separated. The remaining two variables examined (11) the degree of students’ antagonism/friendliness toward people of other races and (12) their belief in racial separatism/integration, since their enrollment at either UCT or Stellenbosch. The variables were measured on a 5-point Likert scale. An examination of the mean responses of African and White students as reported in Figure 4.1 indicated that, overall, African students reported some presence of racial conflict and little discussion of racial issues and concerns. In contrast, their White counterparts reported little racial conflict and some open discussion of racial issues and concerns. On the rest of the variables measuring institutional racial climate, the mean responses of African students, though significant, were not remarkably different from those of their White counterparts. While African students perceived UCT to be somewhat relaxed, friendly, concerned, and respectful, their White peers viewed the institution as more relaxed, friendly, concerned, and respectful. Further, African students perceived UCT as somewhat open, pessimistic, and more socially separated; while White students concurred, they described UCT as more open, less pessimistic, and less socially separated. Similar response patterns were observed among Colored and White students. As Figure 4.1 indicates, Coloreds perceived UCT as somewhat relaxed and open, while White students reported a more relaxed and open atmosphere. All students indicated that they were somewhat friendlier to people of other races and had a stronger belief in racial integration since their attendance at UCT. Many students believed that there were unwritten but understood “rules of social interaction” around the university campus, as illustrated by a conversation I had with a third-year student. This student asked me:

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UCT STUDENTS' PERCEPTIONS OF INSTITUTIONAL RACIAL CLIMATE

TABLE 4.1

Figure 4.1. UCT Students’ Perceptions of Institutional Racial Climate

Very Little Racial Tension

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“Have you looked at the Jameson steps lately?” (The Jameson steps are a flight of long steps leading up to Jameson Hall and the UCT upper campus, where students congregate between classes.) “What exactly do you mean?” I asked the student. She responded, Next time you walk by the Jameson steps, just watch where people are sitting. The Black students sit here (pointing in the direction); the White students sit there; the Coloreds over there. Everybody has (his or her) little space on the steps. And nobody sits in the wrong place. We all know where to go. . . . It’s not that anybody tells you that you cannot sit here or there, we just know. That’s how the rest of UCT is, just like the Jameson steps. We socialize with our own group of friends and I don’t think that we intentionally exclude other people. To be honest with you, this discussion (about race) never comes up. Res (the residence hall) is the same way. Of course, there are a few exceptions . . . those people who try to cross the boundaries . . . but these are few.1

In another conversation, a senior Black student who has been actively involved in campus politics at the University of Cape Town offered his assessment of the racial environment: I think the whole environment here is quite alienating. It is not an environment that is supportive. Everything that UCT represents is so alien to many of us. . . . UCT must recognize its place in South Africa and Africa. There is not much that the university is doing to accommodate us (Blacks), and this causes a lot of frustration among Black students. . . . We are expected to come here and conform to this setup.2

Students at the University of Stellenbosch were presented with similar questions as their UCT counterparts. In general, African and Colored students perceived the campus racial atmosphere to be more hostile relative to their White counterparts. The responses of the African and Colored students were in all cases on the opposite end of responses reported by White students. As indicated by Figure 4.2, African and Colored students reported a fairly substantial presence of racial conflict on their campus and little discussion of racial issues and concerns. Their White counterparts, in contrast, reported less racial conflict and some discussion of racial issues and concerns. On the remaining variables measuring racial climate, Africans and Coloreds described the racial atmosphere at Stellenbosch as somewhat tense, hostile, indifferent, disrespectful, pessimistic, and socially

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Figure 4.2. Stellenbosch Students’ Perceptions of Institutional Racial Climate

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separated. Their White colleagues offered a different evaluation of the university racial climate. They reported the racial climate to be relaxed, friendly, respectful, and optimistic. The two areas where Whites agreed with their Colored and African counterparts were with respect to the university’s level of openness, where all students reported Stellenbosch to be moderately conservative. Similarly, regarding the level of social integration, all students reported that the university was socially separated, with White students reporting the highest degree of social separation. This view, expressed by one of the members of the Student Representative Council (SRC), is indicative of the racial environment: Just look at the Neelsie [the student union]. People have their own territory. They sit together in their little groups. . . . Generally speaking, not just on this campus but broader, you find so many people still saying, “I don’t want to associate with them, they are White, or Black.” People’s attitudes need to change. Take a classical example, it might sound silly, but something like a house dance, many of the Black students hate these [dances]. It’s called a “sokkie,” a typical Afrikaans dance, and they absolutely will not go. I know this sounds like an odd example but it represents some of these attitudes I am talking about.3

A second-year Colored student in the Faculty of Science added: People have the freedom to associate and you cannot force people to mingle. It’s such a dilemma. I think the Student Representative Council (SRC) can take various steps in exposing people to each other’s cultures. Organizing some activities that Colored and [African] students would enjoy. If they enjoy a rave party, then organize a rave party. Don’t say we are not going to organize it because White students won’t enjoy it.4

An examination of students’ attitudes toward people of other races since their arrival at the University of Stellenbosch revealed that African students were somewhat more antagonistic toward people of other races, Coloreds were somewhat friendlier to other people, and Whites had not changed their feelings toward people of other races. You know, sometimes I get so angry, so frustrated here. I feel like an outsider . . . not a part of this university. They [administrators] are not trying to help us in any way. I sometimes think that they wish we

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[Black students] would leave. . . . I like it better in the res [residence hall] because I don’t have to pretend. Our res only has Colored and [African] students, and I think it’s better this way.5

Although Africans and Coloreds generally concurred in their assessment of institutional racial climate, the expression of dissatisfaction by African students was somewhat stronger than that of their Colored counterparts. Regarding students’ belief in racial integration or separatism, Africans and Coloreds expressed a somewhat stronger belief in racial integration, while Whites had not changed their feelings about racial integration or separation. As one White student exclaimed, There is not a race problem at Stellenbosch. At least not as far as we [White students] are concerned. There’s a lot of stuff in the newspapers that Stellenbosch must change, but I think we are one of the best universities in South Africa. It’s “lekker” [great] here. . . . Last year, SASCO [the Black students’ organization] had a toyi-toyi [protest] because they feel excluded. Nobody excludes them. They do it. They sit in their little groups in Neelsie [the student union]. We are not used to toyi-toyi and things like that here. They should try to be part of this university.6

The responses of Stellenbosch students were distinctly differentiated along racial lines; African and Colored students offered a negative portrayal of racial climate, and White students presented a more positive assessment. At UCT, however, the differences in the responses of students across the three racial groups were subtle. Students identified factors that may contribute to their feelings of alienation and racial tension. The array of reasons offered by students to explain existing racial tension included perceptions, especially among White and Colored students, of preferential treatment accorded to Black students, as this Colored student at UCT noted: Things have changed at UCT. They definitely favor the [African] students. They have these special programs for them and nothing like that for us [Coloreds]. If you go to ASP [the Academic Support Program], many of us don’t go anyway, you only see the Black students. It’s like this . . . during apartheid they favored White students, and now they favor [Africans]. The government is the same way. Since the ANC took over, we [Coloreds] don’t feature anywhere. Don’t we belong to this country? They have just replaced the White people with the [African] people.7

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African students at both UCT and Stellenbosch were especially perturbed about the conspicuous absence of Black faculty and the perceived lack of interest in recruiting and employing them. As observed by an African student at Stellenbosch: I don’t expect to see any Black lecturers for as long as I am here. The administration is not interested in them. I don’t even think they think about hiring a few. They want to keep this place White, and that’s how it is going to be.8

Students at UCT expressed similar concerns about the seeming lack of interest at UCT in retaining Black faculty and administrators: I don’t know what is wrong with this place. I don’t understand why we don’t have Black lecturers. There is nothing as discouraging as seeing only White lecturers. It’s as if Blacks are not good enough for this place. Those who come spend one or two years and then leave. They have appointed Mamphela [the vice chancellor] but that’s just one Black person.9

Students at Stellenbosch expressed similar concerns. African students attributed their alienation at Stellenbosch to a number of factors, including the use of Afrikaans as the language of instruction and the dominance of Afrikaner culture in all spheres of their lives—academic or social. Referring to the institutional culture, a member of the SRC explained: Well, I think at this stage the culture [at Stellenbosch] is very much Afrikaans, White-dominated culture, and I think the culture should be representing our national denomination of different cultures. There should be a diversity of cultures. I don’t think that it should stay a White-dominated campus. I think it should be accessible to other cultures.

Other students expressed concerns that the rate of change should not come too rapidly: We should not do away with the [Afrikaans] culture completely. We should change, yes, but not do away with it completely and just replace it. We should preserve it so that it becomes sort of on an equal footing. Not change completely and take away what has been. This place has character and culture . . . the whole thing has contributed to Stellenbosch being what it is.10

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Other sources of alienation included the unwillingness of faculty to assist Africans and the pervasive perception among faculty and students that African students are not as competent. One senior administrator at Stellenbosch offered an explanation for the alienation experienced by African students. He stated, “The culture of the Black students is different from our students. On weekends they play their music loud and our students are not used to that. These are some of the things that cause tension.”11 This administrator consistently referred to the White students as our students, as though the African students at Stellenbosch were not their students. This “us” and “them” approach to addressing student problems is highly problematic. First, it allows for the treatment of African students as an invasive other; that is, African students are seen as though they do not belong at this university, and the university is merely doing them a favor by admitting them. Second, because Africans are not seen as an integral part of this institution, the university does not feel compelled to adjust its culture to the needs of these students. Another administrator reported, “Black students are happy here. They don’t have to worry about strikes and boycotts . . . they can just come here and study.” While this statement may be true, this administrator fails to understand that Black students cannot be academically successful in an environment they perceive as hostile. Stellenbosch may be strike-free, but it is not an environment conducive and committed to the academic excellence of its African students. Colored students shared concerns like those of their African counterparts, but they perceived their situation to be “somewhat better” relative to that of Africans. For instance, language was not a barrier, given that most of the Colored students use Afrikaans as their home language, as explained by this third-year Colored student: I have been very much involved in the bridging programs and the academic development programs, and what I found was lots of people struggling with English, not even Afrikaans you know. The Xhosaspeaking people, they can’t even speak English. I have to take so much time in trying to translate the work to help those people in language first, before I could even start helping them with the math and their work. Also, I found that many of those [African] students, not all of them, have this huge inferiority complex. All because they do not get drawn into the community, into this campus community. They feel that they are on the outside. They feel alienated.12

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Further, the University of Stellenbosch has recruitment and admissions policies that target Colored students. In some ways, the Stellenbosch administrators viewed Colored students as the buffer between African students, whom the administrators characterized as “too radical and political,” and the White students, who are the traditional constituency at this university. The racial difference in student distribution is important in that it explains response patterns observed among students of different races. At UCT, Colored and White students concurred in their responses, while Africans frequently provided responses that were in opposition. This difference in responses is partly due to the fact that until 1992 Coloreds comprised the oldest and largest proportion (13.7%)13 of Black students admitted at UCT. In some ways, Colored students perceived the rapid increase of African students at UCT since 1993 as an intrusion on territory they shared with White students, hence the alliance of Colored students with their White counterparts, despite the fact that the academic needs of Colored students may be closer to those of African students. Further, the proportion of African students has reached a critical mass, and if current recruitment trends that explicitly target African students continue, Africans will comprise an even larger percentage of the Black student population at UCT. With this increase in African students, Coloreds may feel marginalized and less inclined to align themselves with African students. In the current political environment, where Coloreds have already expressed concerns about being engulfed by African culture, especially since the ANC-led government came to power in 1994,14 it is not odd that Coloreds would seek alliance with another group, Whites, they perceive at risk. In contrast to UCT, Coloreds and Africans at Stellenbosch conformed in their responses, and their White counterparts were often on the opposing end. This pattern of responses may be explained by the fact that Coloreds and Africans comprise a substantially smaller proportion (less than 15%)15 of the Stellenbosch student population. The alliance between Africans and Coloreds is not an active one; it is one that emerged out of their similar condition as marginalized groups at this university. Coloreds and Africans have not reached a critical mass that will influence university policies in a meaningful way. Although Stellenbosch admitted its first Colored student in 1977, their representation in the student body has always been very small. Unlike Coloreds, Africans are recent arrivals at Stellenbosch, most of them admitted since 1993. If cur-

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rent recruitment patterns continue, the proportion of African students will increase at a slow rate because Stellenbosch has a recruitment policy that clearly targets Colored students. The response patterns observed among the students suggest the persistence of racial identity in informing students’ perceptions and attitudes about the racial climate on their university campuses. The responses of African students at UCT raise important questions about the academic culture of this university. UCT has consistently portrayed itself as an institution that is committed to racial diversity and equality, as evidenced by its history of admitting Black students prior to the 1983 legislation legalizing such admissions at historically White universities. Given this history, and the fact that African students constitute the largest proportion of Blacks at UCT, one would expect African students at this university to offer a more positive assessment of their university. Hochschild16 contends that racial hostility often increases after desegregation because of unequal power relations and status between Black and Whites. However, when power and status are equal, respect across racial lines increases. Although the proportion of Black students has increased significantly at UCT, they evidently still feel marginalized because of perceived unequal status and power between themselves and their White peers. The response patterns of students at UCT and Stellenbosch are not unlike those observed among students at historically White universities in other countries. U.S. literature points to similar responses among students at predominantly White colleges and universities, where minorities frequently experience alienation.17 Similarly, Bird,18 in his study of Black students in higher education in the United Kingdom, concurs that their experiences are often difficult and represented by isolation and discrimination from their peers, faculty, and administrators. While valuable lessons may be drawn from these international experiences, Black South Africans, unlike their counterparts in the United States and the United Kingdom, will soon be the majority of the student body at many historically White universities. Therefore, UCT and Stellenbosch are faced with the challenge of changing their institutional structure, not merely assimilating a majority group into a minority culture. At an institution like UCT, where Blacks comprised the majority of the student body by 1997–98, the university cannot afford to alienate half its student population. The institutional culture will have to change so that adaptation will not be a one-way process, with Black students expected to adjust while faculty administrators and other students are not required to undergo such change.

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These students’ perceptions about their university’s racial environment highlight a persistent challenge to historically White universities: these universities need to focus their attention on providing an environment where meaningful interaction across color lines can flourish. Such an exchange is not only important for Black students but also equally critical for White students to see their Black counterparts functioning and succeeding in capacities other than the stereotypical laborer roles. The vision of a nonracial South Africa espoused by the new ANC-led government cannot be attained unless institutions of higher education systematically challenge vestiges of past discrimination that are so deeply entrenched in the current system of education. PERCEPTIONS OF FACULTY RESPONSES TO STUDENTS’ ACADEMIC NEEDS As the racial composition of the students has changed and continues to change at the historically White universities, there have been murmurs among students regarding their perspectives of how faculty members address the academic needs of the various student constituents. Students have expressed anxieties ranging from the absence of a diverse faculty population to concerns about the perceived indifference of faculty to students’ academic needs. In order to decipher students’ concerns about faculty responses, they were presented with a set of twelve questions to evaluate the practices faculty employed to address the students’ academic needs. The results of students’ responses, as presented in Figure 4.3, indicated that overall Colored and White students at UCT concurred, with one exception, in their assessment of faculty responses as being the same for all students regardless of their racial classification. Africans perceived faculty to be more accommodating and responsive to the academic needs of their White students: first, the willingness of faculty to extend academic deadlines for assignments; second, the provision of individual academic assistance to students; third, referral of students to academic counseling and tutoring services; and fourth, faculty treatment of their students. African students perceived faculty to extend deadlines for White students more often than they did for other students. White students perceived faculty as less accessible to address their academic needs but often available to their African students. In contrast, Africans reported the reverse situation; faculty members were perceived to be more available to address the individual academic needs of their White students.

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Academic Academic Assistance Assistance Africans Coloreds

UCT STUDENTS' PERCEPTIONS OF FACULTY RESPONSES

TABLE 4.3

Figure 4.3. UCT Students’ Perceptions of Faculty Responses

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Voices of Conflict I never go to my lecturers. I feel like I am bothering them. I don’t really know how to approach them. Some of them think we are so stupid. Last year I had some problems with one of the chemistry courses and I just asked my friends for help. Honestly, I don’t know anybody who goes to lecturers for help. Maybe the White [students] feel more comfortable with them [lecturers], but I know that none of my [Black] classmates go to the lecturers.19

Although all students indicated that faculty sometimes treated them indifferently, Africans and Coloreds reported that faculty rarely treated White students with indifference, compared with other students. All students did not perceive any difference in the rate at which faculty referred students to counseling and tutoring services. All students reported that such referrals were sometimes made to students regardless of race. At the University of Stellenbosch, a similar set of twelve questions was administered to African, Colored, and White students to examine their assessment of faculty responses to the academic needs of students across the three racial groups. As reported in Figure 4.4, overall, White students reported that faculty responded more favorably to the academic needs of African students than to other students’ needs. White students perceived faculty to offer individual academic assistance more often to their African students and to refer African students more often to counseling and tutoring services. The White students further indicated that faculty rarely responded to the academic needs of African students with indifference. You know they have this special program for Black students . . . I am not sure what the exact name is. Anyway, they can get help with their courses. They don’t have anything like this for White students. . . . I think Black students can be successful here if they want to. There’s lot of help . . . the lecturers and everybody is trying to help them.20

In contrast, African students reported that faculty sometimes offered them individual academic assistance, sometimes referred them to tutoring and academic counseling services, and sometimes treated their academic issues with indifference. Colored students concurred with their African counterparts in their assessment that faculty treated the academic needs of African students with indifference. In addition, Coloreds reported that faculty responded indifferently to their own academic needs. This comment by a Colored student captured the pervasive perception of the faculty’s unwillingness to assist students:

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TABLE 4.4

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Extended Extended Academic Academic Deadlines Deadlines Assistance Assistance Coloreds Whites Africans Coloreds

STELLENBOSCH STUDENTS' PERCEPTIONS OF FACULTY RESPONSES

Figure 4.4. Stellenbosch Students’ Perceptions of Faculty Responses

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Voices of Conflict A lot of lecturers are not in favor of helping people. That is what I found. They do not want to do their exam papers in English, they don’t want to give homework or tuts [tutorials] in English, and that is very unfair. I think measures have to be taken to accommodate those [Black] people.21

Colored students differed with their White colleagues in two other areas: they reported that faculty always offered individual academic assistance to White students and often referred White students to tutoring and academic counseling relative to other students. The responses of African students at Stellenbosch and UCT are similar with respect to the evaluation of their faculty responses to students’ academic needs. African students at both institutions perceived faculty to be more responsive to the academic needs of their White students. Such a response pattern is not entirely surprising, given that an overwhelming majority of faculty at Stellenbosch and UCT are White. While Colored students at Stellenbosch aligned themselves with Africans in terms of their perception of faculty as unresponsive, the responses of their counterparts at UCT concurred more with those of White students. UCT Coloreds, like their White peers, perceived faculty as more responsive to the academic needs of African students. Coloreds at UCT consistently asserted that the university was “paying more attention to African students,” while pushing them to the fringes. Therefore, they felt a closer allegiance to White students, who they argued would be marginalized as more African students were admitted. Similarly, White students at Stellenbosch reported that their faculty were more responsive to the academic needs of African students. Although UCT and Stellenbosch emerge from divergent philosophical backgrounds, the responses observed among their students are fairly similar. PERCEPTIONS OF THE UNIVERSITY’S RESPONSIVENESS TO STUDENTS’ ACADEMIC NEEDS Students revealed some concerns about their university’s slow progress in diversifying the racial composition of students, faculty, and administrators. They expressed the need for institutional action in these three areas: first, the university’s willingness to implement alternative admissions criteria, given that matriculation results are an unreliable predictor of success, especially for Black students; second, the university’s willingness to recruit a diverse student population; and third, the institution’s

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commitment to recruit a diverse faculty. As noted in Figure 4.5, there were variations in the perceptions of students across the three racial groups regarding UCT’s willingness to recruit a diverse student population. African students reported that the university was somewhat willing to recruit African and Colored students; however, they noted that recruitment efforts were more intensified toward White students. As this African student explained: They say there [are] a lot of Black students here. Ja, maybe that’s true if you compare it [UCT] to some other universities. But I think, there [are] still a lot of White students, too. I don’t think they [administrators] are just going to get rid of Whites. . . . They will try to keep as many Whites as possible. They think White is right. Just look at the lecturers, do you see any Black people here? Just a few.22

White students held a contrasting perception that recruitment efforts were targeted toward African and Colored students. Coloreds believed that Africans and Whites were the target groups for institutional recruitment programs. In the eyes of this Colored student, This university [UCT] has a plan to get rid of Coloreds. Ever since I came here, I can see more and more [African] students and White students, too. I know many of my [Colored] friends have left and gone to Stellenbosch. It’s strange because there are more Coloreds in this area [Western Cape] but you don’t see them at this university. Even at UWC [the historically Colored university near Cape Town], they [Africans] are slowly taking over.23

On the subject of the implementation of alternative admissions criteria, responses were similar. Africans reported that while UCT was somewhat willing to implement alternative admissions programs for African students, the university was more willing to develop such programs for Whites and Coloreds. White students perceived UCT as somewhat resistant to developing alternative admissions for Whites, while willing to do so for Africans. Coloreds shared a notion similar to that of Whites in their belief that alternative admissions programs targeted Africans more than other student groups. I don’t really know how this program works, but I have heard that they admit Black students here, even if they don’t have a [Matriculation] exemption. Is this really fair? I have [White] friends who could not

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Figure 4.5. UCT Students’ Perceptions of Institutional Responsiveness

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come to university this year and they had good Matric results. I know there is no way [that] any White student would come here without an exemption, but they [the administration] do it for others.24

On the questions related to the university’s willingness to recruit diverse faculty, White students viewed faculty recruitment efforts as adequate or very adequate for all groups; African students reported recruitment efforts targeting African faculty to be less than adequate, moderately adequate for Colored faculty, and very adequate for White faculty. At the University of Stellenbosch, students’ responses were demarcated along racial categories. African students consistently perceived the university as less responsive to their academic needs and most supportive of the needs of White students. As presented in Figure 4.6, African students concluded that the university was somewhat resistant to implementing programs to recruit Africans, indifferent toward Coloreds, but very willing to recruit White students. I was not recruited to come to this university. I don’t know any Black person who was recruited to come here. I came here because one of my friends told me they had some bursaries [financial support]. I could not really afford to pay for university on my own. Sometimes I regret coming here. It’s a very difficult environment. As you see, this is an Afrikaner university, and I don’t think this is going to change soon.25

On the subject of the university’s willingness to implement alternative admissions criteria for students, African students perceived the university to be somewhat resistant to implementing alternative admissions criteria for Africans but somewhat willing to implement such measures for White students and indifferent toward Coloreds. Colored students concurred that there was indifference toward the implementation of alternative admissions criteria for African and Coloreds but that there was some willingness to implement such criteria for White students. White students, in contrast, believed the university was indifferent toward the implementation of alternative admissions criteria for all student groups. This university is not interested in alternative admissions. There is an automatic assumption that alternative admissions will lower standards. That’s the argument they always use. You see they [administrators] are not really concerned about opening access of this university to Blacks.

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Figure 4.6. Stellenbosch Students’ Perceptions of Institutional Responsiveness

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As long as they don’t have an alternative admissions plan, very few Blacks will be admitted here. Many of the Black students here came through the foundation program. So, they [administrators] are looking at alternative admissions as a “Black thing.” They want to keep Stellenbosch for Afrikaners; that’s why they are moving so slow.26

Finally, on the university’s willingness to recruit diverse faculty members, African students offered a very negative assessment. They perceived the institution as very resistant to recruiting African faculty, somewhat resistant to Colored faculty, but very willing to recruit White faculty. Colored students shared similar perceptions to those of their African peers in that they viewed the university as somewhat resistant to recruiting African and Colored faculty but somewhat willing to recruit White faculty. In contrast, White students asserted that the university was indifferent to recruiting faculty, regardless of their racial background. Ever since I came to Stellenbosch, I have never seen an [African] lecturer. I have seen a few Coloreds here and there but not Africans. I have been told there’s an African lecturer somewhere, but I have personally never seen him. . . . Of course, we need some Black lecturers, but it’s not going to happen. Not here. I think the university prefers Blacks who are not from South Africa. They see us [South African Blacks] as troublemakers. Foreigners can be co-opted.27

Another student added: In my department, there are no Blacks. We have a few [Colored] lab assistants and that’s it. All the tea ladies, the cleaning people, and the gardeners, they are all Colored. This sends a very bad message. Coloreds are not good enough to be lecturers, but they are good enough to serve tea and clean up after people. Isn’t this a terrible message?28

THE LANGUAGE DEBATE: THE QUEST TO REMAIN EXCLUSIVE? The University of Stellenbosch has been embroiled in a passionate debate regarding its use of Afrikaans as the medium of instruction. Arguments ranged from those who viewed the maintenance of Afrikaans as intricately tied to Afrikaner culture to those who perceived the use of this language as exclusionary, especially to African students and faculty. Students, faculty, and administrators expressed these divergent positions

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with much passion. The position expressed by this second-year Colored student encapsulates the debate surrounding the language issue: I am not in favor of suddenly changing everything into English. Yes, I agree [Stellenbosch] should be accessible to English-speaking people as well . . . but we have to consider we also have lots of Afrikaans people studying here. UCT in Cape Town and UWC are all English now. All over the country they are transforming into English. Yes, it’s good, it’s fine, but why not find a sort of dual-medium arrangement? Don’t completely eradicate Afrikaans and say that it is the language of the White oppressors. Yes, there are connotations but it is the past. Yes, you’ve got lots of Black people who say, “Ja, we don’t want to be taught in Afrikaans.” But if you go some places in Cape Town, those people speak Afrikaans in their homes. They could not speak English to save their lives. But now it [English] is the politically correct thing to say.29

Another Afrikaans-speaking student concurred: I am very much in favor of Afrikaans because I come from an Afrikaans environment and I believe this university should stay Afrikaans. But I think some measures should be taken to accommodate people, not only from English-speaking communities, but also from other African languages. We should take measures to accommodate those people.30

An analysis of Stellenbosch students by home language indicated that in 1994 73.62% identified Afrikaans as their dominant home language, 20.25% English, 1.7% both Afrikaans and English, and 4.37% other languages. The majority of Afrikaans speakers, 46%, resided in the Western Cape and Northern Cape provinces.31 This distribution of Afrikaans speakers is the reason cited by the rector for his support of Afrikaans as the medium of instruction. He argued, “Stellenbosch being situated in an area where the majority of people speak Afrikaans, we can justifiably say we want to be an inclusive Afrikaans university.” It is unclear how the university plans to achieve its goal of inclusiveness when provisions have not been made to accommodate Africans, the majority of whom do not speak Afrikaans. The current language policy identifies Afrikaans as the statutory language of instruction. At the undergraduate level, there are a few departments that offer some courses in both English and Afrikaans, for

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instance, the colleges of forestry and military sciences. There appears to be more flexibility at the graduate level because the structure of graduate programs involves more one-on-one interaction between faculty and students and focuses less on lectures. The College of Forestry is the notable exception; all instruction at the undergraduate level is conducted in English. The reason for this exemption is that Stellenbosch is the only university in southern Africa that offers a degree in forestry; therefore, this program attracts a significant proportion of its students from other African countries where Afrikaans is not known. According to the administration, such accommodations cannot be made in other colleges because students have the option to attend other universities where these programs are offered in English. Further, they argue that duallanguage programs would be too costly for the university. Administrators have made it abundantly clear that Afrikaans will remain the dominant language, as indicated by the following statement by one of the administrators: I would put it very clearly that there is no way we would forsake Afrikaans as the language of tuition at the undergraduate level. We would not be doing people of this province [Western Cape], where 80% of our students come from, a favor. So we will stick to Afrikaans as an undergraduate teaching language.32

The decision about language policy is politically charged. Although administrators would like to divorce the language debate from the race issue, exclusive use of Afrikaans at the undergraduate level continues to exclude African students and faculty, constituencies that have been historically excluded from Stellenbosch. The administrator responded to this issue: We have, on the one hand, a constituency that has a legitimate need, demand, if you wish, for being taught in their home language, and that constituency is fairly large. It is large enough to stop the university in terms of numbers. If we go the [English] route fully, it is going to be perceived as a way of racial exclusion. We have to at least accommodate our historical constituency by having all courses in Afrikaans at the undergraduate level.33

The language debates have focused extensively on protecting the current status of Afrikaans, but little attention and discussion have focused on strategies to accommodate those groups—African students

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and faculty—who will be most adversely affected by the uncompromised use of Afrikaans. A White faculty member summarized the current situation as follows: The big problem is that we don’t have an explicit mission and a vision of where we want to go. We have no forum in which we can jointly develop a mission about this language issue. The problem is not Afrikaans per se. The present environment and circumstances make learning Afrikaans unattractive to Blacks. The Black students know many more languages than most of these Whites. If they really wanted to learn Afrikaans, they could, and I think they would want to, but not in the present circumstances. Not if you tell them that, look, we are Afrikaans by law and sorry, we can’t help you if you don’t know Afrikaans. Of course, they won’t want to learn it.34

Language poses a significant barrier to the academic progress of many African students. Interviews with these students revealed some of their frustrations with this issue, as illustrated by the following statement by a second-year African student: This Afrikaans thing is killing us. You know I spent the last two days translating my notes from Afrikaans to English before I could even start studying for my test. My test is tomorrow, and I will only start studying today.35

Another African student expressed similar concerns about the language: Sometimes we don’t understand the Afrikaans lectures. When you ask some of the lecturers for help, they think you are stupid. They don’t understand that it’s not because we are stupid; we sometimes can’t follow the language. You can’t really learn Afrikaans in the four-week program we have at the beginning of the year.36

Although administrators argue that race is not an issue in the implementation of their language policy, there is no question that the exclusive use of Afrikaans will impede the academic progress of many African students and relegate the professional development of African faculty to the fringes of academic activity. While students at UCT did not raise any issues about language, many students voiced concerns about the inhospitable culture of this institution. Despite the significant presence of African students, these students still feel marginalized. What is it about the academic culture of

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UCT that makes this university comfortable for White and Colored students but antagonistic to Africans? As one African student explained, Sometimes, I feel like I could kill at this place [UCT]. Nothing has changed at this place. The lecturers are still White; they think we [Africans] are stupid. The White students think we are lowering standards. How can we feel good about being here, when everything we do is [perceived as] bad?

These perceptions do not offer complete explanations for the antagonism, but they do raise concerns that require closer examination. As part of the UCT transformation forum, UCT implemented working committees of students, faculty, and administrators to examine issues of institutional culture and offer recommendations for making UCT a more hospitable environment for its new constituents.

CONCLUSION The racial polarization of student perceptions is disturbing, particularly in an education system that is trying to rid itself of its racist past. It is critical to acknowledge and address vestiges of past discrimination; this needs to be done in a way that involves all student groups. White students at UCT and Stellenbosch need to be systematically sensitized to the changing environments of their universities and to the need for that change. The burden of adjustment should not be placed solely on the shoulders of the incoming Black students, who are made to feel, intentionally or unintentionally, that they do not belong at these universities. The institutional culture of these universities needs to change in a way that does more than “make room for Black students.” They need to undertake a systematic evaluation of how these students have affected institutional structures. Rather than treating Black students as perpetual visitors who cannot settle into their new home, UCT and Stellenbosch need to explore ways to make Black students part of their university family. The language issue is a source of perpetual tension at the University of Stellenbosch. The roots of this language debate date back to the early years of colonial contest between the English and Dutch in the 1800s. During the apartheid era, the former Nationalist Party government invested inordinate resources to the development of the Afrikaans language. The language was developed at the turn of the twentieth century by descendants of Dutch settlers who claimed a distinct heritage and

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language from their Dutch ancestors, as a result of their “Africanness.” Afrikaners viewed the use of Afrikaans as a direct link to their sense of identity and Afrikaner nationalism. Therefore, any suggestion of the adaptation of a language other than Afrikaans—English in particular—is a direct threat to Afrikaner nationalism. The monument for the Afrikaans language is located in Paarl, a town about 30 miles from Stellenbosch. In addition, Stellenbosch, with its proud record of graduating a number of South African presidents and cabinet ministers who served in the former Nationalist Party government, is seen as the crucible of Afrikaner nationalism. For African students, using Afrikaans as a medium of instruction is like pouring salt into an open wound. It is the forcible use of Afrikaans in secondary schools that sparked the 1976 Soweto riots (discussed in Chapter 2) across Black schools in South Africa. For some African students, the continued use of Afrikaans in “postapartheid” South Africa is akin to having the oppressor still in charge. Given this history, the language debate at Stellenbosch is not about finding the most effective language in which to offer instruction, but it is a political contest about Afrikaner nationhood. Stellenbosch’s resistance to the use of English as a medium of instruction is further heightened by a policy of the ANC-led government recognizing the nine African languages of South Africa as “official languages.” During the apartheid regime, only English and Afrikaans could be used as official languages. Some Afrikaners view this policy change as another threat, further diminishing the significance of the language. While UCT students did not identify use of the English language as a problem, the majority of Black students at UCT claim a language other than English as their mother tongue. Therefore, pedagogical issues arise out of the use of English at the dominant language of instruction. Certainly, the majority of students have had prior exposure to English instruction before enrolling at UCT, but their level of proficiency with the language poses a real impediment to their academic success. Like the students, faculty expressed a diverse range of positions regarding recent changes in the demographic composition of students at their universities and issues that have emerged as a result of this change. Their views and perceptions are explored in the discussion to which I turn in the next chapter.

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NOTES 1 Interview by the author with a student in the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities at UCT, September 3, 1996. 2Interview by the author with a student in the Faculty of Law at UCT, September 3, 1996. 3Interview by the author with a member of the SRC at Stellenbosch, September 13, 1996. 4Interview by the author with a second-year student in the Faculty of Science at Stellenbosch, September 13, 1996. 5Interview by the author with an African student at Stellenbosch, October 2, 1996. 6Author conversation with a second-year White student at Stellenbosch, October 2, 1996. 7Interview by the author with a Colored student at UCT, September 2, 1996. 8Interview by the author with an African student at Stellenbosch, November 3, 1996. 9Interview by the author with an African student at UCT, October 28, 1996. Dr. Mamphela Ramphele was appointed in 1996 as the first African female vice chancellor of the University of Cape Town. 10Interview by the author with a second-year student in the Faculty of Science at Stellenbosch, September 13, 1996. 11Many Africans historically perceived Afrikaans as the “language of the oppressor.” Although many of the African students at Stellenbosch studied Afrikaans as a subject in high school, they have not mastered the language to the extent that they can use it as the sole or dominant language of instruction. Coloreds, especially in the Western Cape, use Afrikaans as their mother tongue. 12Interview by the author with a third-year Colored student at Stellenbosch, October 4, 1996. 13University of Cape Town. Vice-Chancellor’s Report 1992. Rondebosch: University of Cape Town, 1992. 14Brummer, S. New Struggle for Coloureds. Weekly Mail and Guardian, March 24–30, 1995: 8. 15Studentestatiestiek, University of Stellenbosch, June, 1995. 16Hochschild, J. L. Thirty Years after Brown. Washington, DC: Joint Center for Political Studies, 1985. 17See Davis, R. B. Social Support Networks and Undergraduate Student Academic Success–Related Outcomes: A Comparison of Black Students on Black and White Campuses. In W. R. Allen, E. R. Epps, & N. Z. Haniff (Eds.), College in Black and White: African American Students in Predominantly White and in Historically Black Public Universities. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991: 143–160; Nettles, M. T. Black and White Students’ Academic Performance in Majority White and Majority Black College Settings. In J. B. Williams (Ed.), Desegregating America’s Colleges and Universities: Title VI

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Regulation of Higher Education. New York: Teachers College Press, 1988: 159–178; Fleming, J. Blacks in College. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1984. 18 Bird, J. Black Students and Higher Education: Rhetorics and Realities. Buckingham: Society for Research into Higher Education & Open University Press, 1996. 19Interview by the author with an African student in the Faculty of Science at UCT, September 2, 1996. 20Interview by the author with a White student in the Faculty of Law at Stellenbosch, September 13, 1996. 21Interview by the author with a Colored student at Stellenbosch, September, 1996. 22Interview by the author with an African student in the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, November 1996. 23Interview by the author with a Colored student in the Faculty of Fine Arts and Architecture, October 1996. 24Author conversation with a White student in the Faculty of Engineering, October 1996. 25Author conversation with a SASCO (the Black student organization at Stellenbosch) representative. 26Ibid. 27Author interview with an African student at Stellenbosch, a former civil servant who returned to university to obtain a bachelor’s degree. He previously attended a historically Black university, where he could not complete his studies for political reasons. 28Author interview with a Colored student in the Faculty of Economics and Business Science at Stellenbosch. 29Interview by the author with a second-year Colored student in the Faculty of Science, September 1996. 30Interview by the author with a White student member of the Student Representative Council, September 13, 1996. 31Van der Merwe, I. J., & van Niekerk, L. O. Language in South Africa: Distribution and Change. Stellenbosch: Department of Geography, University of Stellenbosch, 1994. 32Interview by the author with a senior administrator at Stellenbosch, September 30, 1996. 33Ibid. 34Interview by the author with a faculty member in the College of Arts and Humanities, October 1, 1996. 35Comments made by students at a SASCO meeting (the Black students’ organization on campus). 36Ibid.

CHAPTER 5

Worlds Apart Faculty Perceptions and Realities

INTRODUCTION This chapter examines attitudes and perceptions of African, Colored, and White faculty at University of Cape Town (UCT) and Stellenbosch on a number of dimensions regarding their university’s responsiveness to the academic needs of the changing student population. Of particular interest is how this change in student demographics has affected faculty responses and interactions with various groups of students. I begin this chapter by presenting a profile of the faculty who responded. The remainder of the chapter examines faculty perceptions in three areas: first, faculty examination of issues they view as important institutional priorities; second, how their teaching styles and techniques have been affected by the change in their students’ racial composition; and third, their evaluation of their university’s responsiveness to the academic needs of a diverse student body. I gathered the faculty data through survey questionnaires and supplemented the questionnaires with qualitative data obtained through interviews with a small number of faculty members. A PROFILE OF FACULTY RESPONDENTS In 1995 there were 31 African and 18 Colored permanent faculty members in a staff of 749 permanent faculty at UCT, less than 7% of the total permanent faculty members. In the same year, Stellenbosch had 5 African and 5 Colored permanent faculty in a total staff of 927 permanent faculty, barely 1% of permanent faculty members. This underrepresentation of 95

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Black faculty presented some challenges with the selection of selection of the Black faculty samples (see discussion of methods in the Appendix). The combination of strategies employed to identify Black faculty included (1) cooperation of some deans and heads of departments, (2) assistance from the Black staff association where one existed, and (3) referrals from other Black faculty. Black faculty members were oversampled to compensate for their small representation at these universities. A random sample of White faculty members was chosen from the same departments and faculties from which Black academics were selected. In some colleges, questionnaires were distributed to faculty in one department; in others, respondents were selected from various departments within each school or college. The total faculty samples were 47 respondents at UCT and 60 at Stellenbosch. A summary of the profile of respondents by race indicates that 76% were male and 24% female. A further breakdown by race and academic rank shows that the seven African academics at UCT comprised 14.89% of the respondents, the two Coloreds constituted 4.26%, and the 38 Whites comprised 80.85% of the total sample. A breakdown of faculty by their academic rank indicates that 28% were professors, 22% associate professors, 28% senior lecturers, and 22% lecturers. At the University of Stellenbosch, the faculty sample contained 60 respondents, of whom 80% were male. This sample had only one African respondent (1.67% of the respondents); three Coloreds, who made up 5%; and 56 Whites, who constituted 93.3% of the total sample. The breakdown of faculty by their academic rank indicated that 45% were professors, 5% associate professors, 20% senior lecturers, 28% lecturers, and 2% junior lecturers. Despite their small numbers, the proportion of Africans and Coloreds at both universities was comparable to their representation in the permanent faculty pool. For example, there was only one African academic who participated in this study at Stellenbosch; in 1996, the year the research for this book was conducted, there were only three Africans at Stellenbosch. Therefore, the one African respondent represented a third of the possible African respondents at that institution. At UCT, the seven African respondents (14%) represented a somewhat higher proportion relative to their representation in the permanent faculty. In 1995, Africans comprised 4.13% of the permanent faculty. Similar patterns of representation were observed within the faculty sample for Coloreds. The three Colored faculty members who participated in this research at Stellenbosch were 5% of the respondents, relative to their 0.6% repre-

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sentation in the total permanent faculty. Similarly at UCT, the two Colored respondents were about 4% of respondents, relative to their 2.4% representation in the permanent faculty at this university. White men were the overwhelming majority of respondents at both universities. PERCEPTIONS OF INSTITUTIONAL PRIORITIES As UCT and Stellenbosch undergo the process of transformation from exclusive universities to those reflective of the diversity of the South African population, they have identified particular goals that are important to this process. Different constituents—that is, students, faculty, and administrators—have varied perspectives on the significance of these university goals. This chapter examines the extent to which faculty members viewed the admission and recruitment of diverse students and the hiring and recruitment of diverse faculty and administrators as significant university priorities. As the faculty responses presented in Figure 5.1 indicate, African, Colored, and White faculty at the University of Cape Town concurred that the recruitment and admission of African students were issues of substantial institutional importance. As reported by this departmental chairperson, Let’s start in 1984, which is as far as this transformation document goes. I am just taking the African student at the moment, not the collective Black group. We had 316 African students in 1984, and we have 3,500 or probably nearly 4,000 now in a decade. We have made strides in recruiting this group of students. . . . As a fact, we were taking in, by and large, very intelligent (African) students, who through no fault of their own came from disadvantaged education background . . . the DET schools. We did not only admit these students but we had to provide the academic support to enable them to succeed. Some universities simply take in African students and provide no support. Sort of a revolving door.1

While many African faculty members did not dispute UCT’s commitment to recruiting African students, they raised some concerns about the continued underrepresentation of these students in graduate-level programs of study, as well as in the sciences and engineering. Yes, UCT is admitting more Black students, but I have a concern about where these students are being placed. The majority of [Black] students get their degrees in the humanities and social science. Of course,

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some of this can be traced back to the previous [apartheid] system, when people were strongly discouraged from taking technical subjects. But I think it will be a while before we see a decent representation of these students in the sciences and engineering. . . . The other problem is the underrepresentation of [Blacks] in postgraduate-level courses. We are graduating students with bachelor’s degrees, but that’s as far as they go.2

There were divergent perceptions regarding the importance of recruiting Colored and White students. African and White faculty reported recruitment of Colored students as a significantly important institutional goal; however, their Colored colleagues viewed this as a goal of less importance to UCT. There is no question that UCT is committed to diversify its student population, especially [African] students. In the past few years, I am seeing more and more [African] students in my introductory level courses. . . . Of course, the White students are still there, but I see a definite presence of Africans. . . . There’s some rumbling in the Colored community about the position of UCT. It seems there’s an unspoken position [by the administration] that Colored students can go to UWC and Stellenbosch. A displacement of sorts . . . I am sure it’s not intentional, but from the position of the Colored community UCT is not very committed to them.3

On the recruitment of White students, African faculty reported this to be a goal of great importance to the university. White faculty viewed it as a goal of significant importance. Colored faculty presented the least optimistic assessment, in that they viewed the recruitment of White students as only slightly important to the University of Cape Town. I don’t think the university goes out of its way to recruit White students. White students come here because they always have. Their parents, sisters, brothers, friends, came here, so it is just assumed that they, too, will. UCT needs to be concerned about recruiting the highcaliber Whites. The best of our best [White] students are leaving UCT, going abroad. There’s a strong perception that standards aren’t what they used to be. We all know this is not true, but that’s the word around some of these suburban circles.4

Whites and Coloreds identified the recruitment and hiring of African faculty as an issue of great importance to the university; Africans viewed

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this as a priority of some importance. Similar responses were observed with respect to the recruitment and hiring of administrators. White and Colored faculty identified the recruitment and hiring of African administrators as an issue of substantial or great importance to the university, and Africans viewed this as a priority of some importance. However, some African faculty expressed serious reservations about the prospects for successful recruitment of diverse faculty members: You see, it is very difficult for this institution because for a very long time they were the hotbed of liberation and now they have been overtaken by new [political] circumstances. Before, there was no need to address issues of racism. They could just hide under the umbrella of apartheid. But I must tell you, this university does have problems of racism, it does have problems with sexism, and these are very serious. These issues need urgent attention. If we even think we are going to attract [Black] candidates and women who will make a meaningful contribution to this university, and to this society, we must start with the issues that make UCT inaccessible. . . . People should stop looking at UCT as an ivory tower at the foot of the mountain. People in Khayalitsha and Gugulethu [two Black townships near Cape Town] should feel proud of the university and have some sense of what is going on here. . . . It’s about time that we [the faculty at UCT] go out there and soil our hands and get involved with the people until these institutions are owned by the people and the communities.5

Faculty members and administrators raised concerns about the increasing financial burdens that have resulted directly from the increased enrollment of Black students. The vast majority of recently admitted Black students come from lower socioeconomic backgrounds and require financial assistance for their studies. First and foremost, we had to provide the financial means for poorer Black students to come here. So, that is critical. A large number of Black students coming into our university were impoverished and could not afford our high fees. Without financial aid they would have never made it. We had to develop a financial aid program and not only that, we had to raise money abroad. We also put large sums of money from our general operating budget into financial aid, most of which goes to the Black students but not exclusively.6

Faculty members at the University of Stellenbosch were presented with a similar set of questions to examine their perceptions of their uni-

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versity’s goals regarding recruitment and admission of African, Colored, and White students and the recruitment and hiring of a racially diverse group of faculty and administrators. The responses of faculty at Stellenbosch demonstrate a racial dichotomy among faculty at this institution. Figure 5.2 indicates the distribution of faculty perceptions of institutional priorities. As the results demonstrate, the one African faculty member perceived the recruitment and admissions of African students and the recruitment and hiring of African faculty and administrative staff to be priorities of no importance to the University of Stellenbosch. However, the same faculty member viewed the recruitment of Colored and White students and the recruitment and employment of Colored and White faculty and administrators as priorities of great importance to the university. Colored faculty concurred with their African colleague in their perception that the recruitment and admission of African students and the recruitment and employment of African faculty and administrators were issues of slight importance. Colored faculty further agreed that recruitment efforts targeting White students, faculty, and administrators were priorities of either significant importance or great importance to the university. Unlike their African colleague, who reported recruitment efforts targeting Coloreds as greatly important, Coloreds perceived their recruitment as an issue of some importance to Stellenbosch. White faculty presented a more optimistic perception of recruitment efforts targeting Africans. They reported that the recruitment of African students, faculty, and administrators were priorities of some importance to the university. They reported that the recruitment of Coloreds and Whites was a substantially important institutional priority. In the last two to three years, the presence of Black students at Stellenbosch has increased most notably in the graduate levels, but also in the undergraduate levels. . . . First of all, it was the result of a conscious decision by this university to reach out to more students from nontraditional backgrounds. This decision, which was already taken in the 1970s, was based on, I think, a moral decision that the university should try to make its resources available to as many people who want to come to this university as possible. Therefore, the university opened its doors in the 1980s after legal restrictions were raised. We have been engaged actively in the last two years [1994–95] in canvassing or recruiting students from all backgrounds. . . . There has been a particularly strong shift among Afrikaans-speaking Black students at the undergraduate level that Stellenbosch offers a place where they can study effectively, without the turbulence at some of the other universities.7

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Although the rector (equivalent to president of the university) argued that the university took a “conscious moral decision” to make the university accessible to students across all racial groups, this university did not start admitting Black students in appreciable numbers until 1992–93, almost 20 years after the decision was made. The student admissions data discussed in Chapter 3 indicated that Black students comprised barely 10% of the total student population by the end of 1995. Therefore, the administrator’s conception of “targeting and recruiting nontraditional students” does not correspond with available data. Another faculty member identified other issues that affect recruitment and employment of diverse faculty members. As this senior faculty member explained: There’s no conscious program of [recruiting Blacks and women]. They come in at the junior levels. I know in our faculty, there is no concerted effort to say that we must promote women. . . . University-wide, I am afraid the picture does not look good. There is some discrimination against women at Stellenbosch. So many women at the academic level and the administrative level are appointed on a temporary basis. And then you don’t have to supply them with the fringe benefits. They cost very little and you know you can get rid of them very easily. . . . If I have to decide between you [a female] and a male for a position, I may be inclined to deal from a male perspective, and view the male’s achievement as real academic merit. This sort of thing still creeps in here. Discrimination of women is the worst form of discrimination here.8

Once the faculty from “nontraditional” backgrounds have been recruited, there is little support to introduce them to the culture of the academy and few opportunities for mentorship. When we bring new people in, I don’t always have the time to sit down with them and teach the A to Z of how to do research. I think this is one of the major criticisms that I have of our institutions. They have no way of mentoring young researchers into the culture of research. . . . I think part of it is that we don’t have systematic ways through which young, potentially good researchers are trained. And as things are here at Stellenbosch, we need to do some work on our mentorship. You know at [another Afrikaans university where I was] things were much better. Take a young colleague by the hand and say “Come.” Not being paternalistic but just encouraging.9

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The second area in which faculty perceptions were sought was how the teaching styles and techniques of faculty have been affected by the increased presence of Black students in their classes. Given the inequitable structure of the South African system of education, a disproportionately high number of Black students attended and matriculated from high schools that were academically inadequate. The academic training provided at these schools did not prepare Black students for academic success at university. Therefore, there has to be a systematic strategy to identify and address the academic needs some students inherited from an inequitable education. FACULTY TEACHING STYLES AND TECHNIQUES As the student population diversifies, the range of academic skills and preparation they bring to the classroom will be broader. A significant proportion of African students attended and graduated from former DET high schools. These schools, established under the system of apartheid, provided inadequate academic preparation for the majority of Black students. This does not suggest that academic problems are limited to Black students; however, they bear an unequal share of these challenges. In addition, the majority of Black students do not use English or Afrikaans as their primary language of communication. Therefore, the academic issues of these students are compounded with language difficulties. This implies that faculty members encounter students who require a wider range of teaching styles. Although there were variations in the responses of faculty to students’ academic needs, the majority of faculty teaching styles and techniques remained largely unaffected by the change in their students’ demographics, specifically by the increased presence of Black students in their classrooms. As Figure 5.3 indicates, with few exceptions, there were few differences in the mean responses of faculty to students’ academic needs. All faculty reported that they often set up group or individual sessions to provide academic assistance to any of their students who might require such assistance. They indicated that they seldom extended deadlines for academic assignments or allowed their students to rewrite exams or assignments. Some faculty members reported that they discerned the need to introduce innovative ways to address their students’ problems, particularly the high rate of failure:

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I struggle to explain to the [Black] students what chemical engineering is. Black students just come flooding into our department, but I don’t really think they know what it’s all about, but somehow, they are attracted to it. . . . Our department [chemical engineering] had the highest proportion of Black students. So we actually had to deal with a lot of academic problems. We have done a lot to try to accommodate them. The other departments are just catching up. . . . When we started off, I was teaching a second-year course. I taught this particular course for two years. I had sixteen African students in the course and only two passed, and those two were repeating. I tried to put in extra tutorials for those who were struggling. I did not make it a racial thing, but the majority were Africans. That did not seem to work. You were taking students who were already struggling, battling to keep their heads above the water, and you are adding something extra on top of that. So then, we tried to provide more support in the tutorials. We assigned more tutors but this did not seem to help terribly either. After a few years of trying this and that, I heard about a technique they were using in the United States in minority engineering programs. We structured our tutorials differently and made our students work in groups. Our whole process of problem solving changed. We made students work together, talk to each other, and discuss things. We had great success with this program. By the following two years, the success of Black students in the course went up 55%, and 15% for our White students. . . . You cannot undo twelve years of bad schooling in one year or two.10

Different responses were noted regarding the frequency with which faculty members referred their students to tutorial services. African and White faculty reported that they seldom referred their students to tutorial services. However, Colored academics indicated that they often referred African students to tutorial services, sometimes referred Colored students, and seldom referred White students to tutorial services. The effort to address the needs of our students has not happened in a coordinated manner. Simply, individuals might experiment with various students but there is no coordination. In my department I have tried to indicate that we need to equip ourselves today to deal with this new group of students we are confronted with. I have tried to say, let’s have some workshops of some sort. Let’s share experiences, none of us have been prepared to teach this new group of people we have to teach. And we cannot continue with business as usual. We can’t continue with chalk and board instruction. There is a language problem; it’s a definite

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Extend Deadlines Africans

Extend Deadlines Coloreds

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Refer Colored Students

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Faculty Teaching Practices

Extend Deadlines Whites

Figure 5.3. UCT Faculty Perceptions of Impact on Teaching Styles

Always

Refer White Students

Rewrite Exams Africans

Rewrite Exams Coloreds

Rewrite Exams Whites

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barrier. It is very important that we somehow try to reach our students, rather than want them to come to where we are.11

This response from UCT faculty is disconcerting, given that the admissions policy of this university specifically targets Black students from former DET12 schools. These schools were historically known to provide inadequate academic preparation to Black students. Therefore, if UCT faculty members have not modified their teaching techniques or created an environment that is supportive, it is not clear how the academic goals of their students will be realized. Faculty members at the University of Stellenbosch were presented with the same set of questions to determine whether their teaching styles and techniques have been affected by the increased presence of Black students in the classes. The mean responses of African, Colored, and White faculty at Stellenbosch varied along racial lines, as presented in Figure 5.4. The one African faculty respondent reported that he often gave individual academic assistance to his students, while Colored and White faculty sometimes provided the same academic service. All faculty indicated that they seldom or never extend deadlines for assignments for their students. Regarding the referral of students to tutorials, the African academic indicated that he never referred African and Colored students to tutorials, but he sometimes referred his White students. In response to the same questions, the Colored faculty members indicated that they often referred all their students to tutorial services, and the White academics reported that they sometimes referred their students to tutorial services. Some faculty members conceded that diversity in their student population has introduced academic issues they did not have to confront in the past. We are caught between two phases. . . . We have to teach more in English because we have African students who do not understand Afrikaans, and international students. We also have many Colored students who come from rural areas in the Northern and Western Cape who find it very difficult to understand English. So, this has convinced me that we must move in the direction of some kind of parallel-[dual] medium classes. You can’t just drop Afrikaans overnight and expect students to perform. The second academic problem is what people call underpreparedness but my own perspective is it is not something that you can put in a racial category. I think the general schooling system is very poor. We

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Academic Assistance

Extend Deadlines Africans

Extend Deadlines Coloreds Refer African Students

Refer Colored Students

African

Colored

White

Faculty Teaching Practices

Extend Deadlines Whites

Figure 5.4. Stellenbosch Faculty Perceptions of Impact on Teaching Styles

Always

Refer White Students

Rewrite Exams Africans

Rewrite Exams Coloreds

Rewrite Exams Whites

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have a great lack of critical understanding among our students. So, it is a general problem that students are not prepared. Obviously, you find differences in terms of opportunities that White students have. Some of them have traveled abroad and have a better understanding of the world.13

Another faculty member experienced difficulties in winning his students’ trust, especially his Black students: I have told students to come to my office, but very few of them ever come. But I think those who did come had a good experience because I really tried to help them. Somehow, I have not discovered a way of really getting through to them. A way of saying, “Look, your academic fate is my personal interest.” But I guess I have to experiment to find the right formula. Unfortunately, many of my colleagues are not willing to accommodate. They have been doing things the same way for the past 15 or 20 years, and they don’t want to budge. Those of us who try to do something different are viewed with suspicion.14

On the question related to rewriting of exams, the African academic indicated that he sometimes allowed rewrites among all his students, but Colored and White academics reported that they seldom allowed rewriting of exams. In summary, Stellenbosch faculty members have implemented few changes in their teaching styles and techniques to accommodate the diverse academic needs of their students. The atmosphere here is very Afrikaans. . . . You either adapt to it or make the best of it. But no special measures will be taken. That’s how it is when you are part of a minority group. You have to find ways to adapt. It’s the same situation for an Afrikaner going to an English university. They have to adjust. There are no exams in Afrikaans or any special accommodations. I don’t think there are conscious obstacles to make things difficult for the Black student here, but the whole atmosphere is not conducive. . . . The language issue is a big problem. There has been some discussion about dual-medium courses but I don’t know how realistic this will be, given other considerations. There has not been a massive drive to change the language policy.15

Many faculty members referred to the academic development program as the avenue through which students’ academic problems should be addressed. They did not see the need to introduce different strategies in their individual classes.

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Voices of Conflict I think it’s good that we have introduced this academic support program. It has really been helpful to students from historically disadvantaged backgrounds (who are primarily Black). You should talk to the director of the program. They have done a good job, and they have always responded to our requests for help with students.16

Although students raised concerns (see discussion in Chapter 3) about the alienating structure of these academic support programs, faculty considered them a practicable solution to their academic issues. INSTITUTIONAL RESPONSIVENESS TO STUDENTS’ ACADEMIC NEEDS In the earlier part of the chapter, faculty identified the admission and recruitment of a diversified student body as important priorities for their universities. Their responses are consistent with those reported earlier in this chapter; that is, they view the broader institutional responses as more attentive to the academic needs of African students in the areas of student recruitment, implementation of alternative admissions programs, and provision of tutoring and counseling services. The mean responses of UCT faculty are presented in Figure 5.5. As this graph indicates, African faculty reported that UCT was somewhat willing or very willing to develop student recruitment programs, to implement alternative admissions programs, and to provide tutoring and counseling services for all its students. White faculty concurred with their African counterparts except in one area. They differed in their assessment of UCT’s willingness to implement alternative admissions programs for White students. In this area, White faculty indicated that while UCT was somewhat willing or very willing to implement alternative admissions programs for Africans and Coloreds, the institution was indifferent to the implementation of alternative admissions programs for White students. The academic support program has grown to be an active part of our university. This department played a major role in the recruitment of Black students through their special admissions program. The government gave us no money to support this program, and it’s still not giving us money, but we were committed to it. We had to set aside a large chunk of money to support the program. . . . It is through this program that we have attracted so many Black students. If you looked at our residence [halls], say around 1984, they were something like 90% White. Now, ten years later, they are about 80% Black. There has been

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Very Willing

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6

Recruit African Students

Recruit Colored Students

Recruit White Students African

Colored

White

Alternative Alternative Alternative Tutoring Tutoring Admissions Admissions Admissions African Colored Africans Coloreds Whites Students Students Measures of Institutional Priorities

Figure 5.5. UCT Faculty Perceptions of Institutional Responsiveness

Very Resistant

Tutoring White Students

Counseling Counseling Counseling African Colored African Students Students Students

112

Voices of Conflict a complete turnaround in our student population. Most of this effort can be attributed directly to the ADP [program]. Initially, Black students who came to this campus who were in the minority resisted and rejected involvement in the conventional university structures. They were a small but highly politicized group in the middle of the turmoil that was in the country. The institutional culture of the university was not terribly friendly to them either. But over time, through the efforts of the ADP, we have built a critical mass of Black students.17

Colored faculty concurred with their White counterparts that while UCT was willing to implement alternative admissions for African and Colored students, the university was indifferent to the implementation of these programs for White students. Colored academics differed further from their White and African colleagues in their evaluation of the UCT’s willingness to provide tutoring and academic counseling programs. They reported that UCT was willing to provide these services for African students but that it was indifferent to Colored and White students. I cannot say there’s an explicit agenda to marginalize Colored students, but the actions of the university are sending a subtle message. For instance, just look at the language of the ADP; they specifically target students from former DET schools. If you know the history of this country, you know that these students are African. The university is not explicitly saying we favor Africans, but you can read between the lines.18

Faculty at the University of Stellenbosch were presented with the same set of questions, examining their assessment of their institution’s responsiveness to the academic needs of its students in the areas of student recruitment, implementation of alternative admissions programs, and provision of tutoring and academic counseling programs. As reported in Figure 5.6, the African academic reported that Stellenbosch was very resistant to recruiting African students and yet very willing to recruit White and Colored students. Colored faculty concurred that the university was resistant to recruiting Africans. They further indicated the university’s indifference toward the recruitment of Colored students but willingness to recruit White students. White faculty perceived the university as willing to extend its recruitment efforts to all students regardless of race. All faculty indicated that the university was indifferent to the implementation of alternative admissions criteria.

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6

Recruit African Students

Recruit Colored Students

Recruit White Students African

Colored

White

Alternative Alternative Alternative Tutoring Tutoring Admissions Admissions Admissions African Colored Africans Coloreds Whites Students Students Measures of Institutional Responses

Figure 5.6. Stellenbosch Faculty Perceptions of Institutional Responsiveness

Very Resistant

Tutoring White Students

Counseling Counseling Counseling African Colored African Students Students Students

114

Voices of Conflict I think what we must do at Stellenbosch is essentially open up, to be infiltrated, or let’s rather say “influxed” by people who are not like ourselves. Let’s allow ourselves to reflect the diversity of South Africa. Let’s make it easier for people who traditionally would not have come here, and let’s sell ourself as an institution of excellence. This is just my wish. . . . But I know there is almost a fear, a paralysis of sorts to actively bring in people who are different. There’s a fear that it will dilute the Afrikaans culture of this place. We give lip service about being open but you don’t see anywhere. . . . There are no stated policies about diversifying this place. If [such policies] exist, I have not seen them.

On the university’s willingness to provide tutoring and counseling for students, the African faculty reported that while Stellenbosch was indifferent to the provision of these services to African and Colored students, the institution was very willing to provide the services to White students. Colored and White faculty concurred in the perception that the university was somewhat willing to provide tutoring for all students. With respect to academic counseling, Colored faculty reported the university was indifferent to providing these services for African students, somewhat willing for Colored students, and very willing to provide these services for White students. In contrast, White faculty perceived the university as willing to provide counseling for all students, irrespective of race. CONCLUSION In a nutshell, faculty members at UCT and Stellenbosch have not been affected significantly by the increased presence of Black students at their respective universities. With few exceptions, White faculty vehemently rejected the notion that students from different racial backgrounds, as a result of their dissimilar academic preparation in secondary school, may require somewhat different approaches to make their academic experiences successful. While racial classification of students in itself does not make them inherently inadequate or academically inferior, one cannot ignore the academic disparities between African, Colored, and White students, inherited from their racialized system of education. The failure to acknowledge these differences—which are a product of a particular sociopolitical structure and not intrinsic to particular racial groups— obstructs a fundamental assessment of academic structures and their ability to serve the academic needs of Black students.

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The responses of faculty at the University of Cape Town are less clearly divided along racial lines, and there are many areas of congruity in their responses. These faculty members have not been affected in any meaningful way by the significant increase of Black students in their classes. The responses of African faculty at UCT were somewhat paradoxical. In interviews, some African faculty offered more critical positions than those reflected in their questionnaire responses. As one academic explained, “Many Africans merely view UCT as a place to work, but they do not embrace the institution.” This seeming contradiction in the responses of African academics may be explained in a number of ways. Given South Africa’s political history, during which the expression of certain positions was perceived as a direct challenge to the Nationalist Party government, there was still reluctance among some people to respond candidly to surveys, especially if they were not sure how the information would be used. The Black faculty may have responded in a “politically correct” way as a self-protecting measure. In an interview situation, where trust could be established with the interviewer, they were more forthcoming in their responses. While UCT specifically recruits and admits African students from “historically disadvantaged,” former DET high schools, which the university administrators acknowledge may require academic intervention, it seems faculty members do not perceive the need to alter their teaching to accommodate these students. This does not imply that all of UCT’s African students are academically inadequate, but a significant proportion may not be as successful without some serious academic assistance. The objective should be not only to admit Black students at historically White universities but also to ensure that they graduate and that the quality of their academic experience while enrolled at these universities is worthwhile. Although some historically White universities have made notable progress to admit a racially diverse student population, the same cannot be said about the racial composition of their faculty. In the next chapter, I examine UCT and Stellenbosch’s trends with respect to recruitment and employment of Black faculty and administrators. NOTES 1Interview by the author with a departmental chairperson in the Faculty (School) of Social Sciences and Humanities, November 1996. 2Interview by the author with an African faculty member at UCT, August 1996.

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Interview by the author with a Colored academic in the Faculty of Commerce at UCT. 4 Interview by the author with a White faculty member in Engineering at UCT, November 1996. 5Interview by the author with an African faculty member at UCT, August 1996. 6Interview by the author with one of the deputy vice chancellors at UCT, September 1996. 7Interview by the author with the rector of the University of Stellenbosch, October 11, 1996. 8Interview by the author with a White faculty member in the College of Law, September 1996. 9Ibid. 10Interview by the author with a senior faculty member in engineering, September 1996. 11Interview by the author with a Black faculty member in the School of Science, September 9, 1996. 12DET refers to the Department of Education and Training, the department responsible for African education during the apartheid years. 13Interview by the author with a faculty member in the Department of Political Science at Stellenbosch, September 1996. 14Interview by the author with a faculty member in the College of Law, September 1996. 15Interview by the author with a faculty member in College of Arts and Humanities at Stellenbosch, October 1996. 16Interview by the author with a faculty member in the Department of Economics at Stellenbosch, September 1996. 17Interview by the author with one of the deputy vice chancellors at UCT, September 1996. 18Interview by the author with an academic in the Faculty of Commerce.

CHAPTER 6

Revolving Door Faculty Recruitment Programs

INTRODUCTION In the preceding chapters, students and faculty raised concerns about the absence of Black faculty and administrators at University of Cape Town (UCT) and Stellenbosch, and these universities’ lack of commitment to recruit, employ, and retain Black professionals. In particular, African students were disturbed by the conspicuous absence of Black faculty because they perceived some White faculty to be unconcerned and unsupportive of their academic interests. In the students’ eyes, UCT and Stellenbosch’s lack of commitment to the diversification of their faculty contributed to the inhospitable environment that prevailed at these two universities. The concerns raised by students and some faculty, as well as the findings of the National Commission on Higher Education (NCHE) report that was released as I was conducting the research for this book, prompted an investigation into faculty recruitment and employment practices. As the discussion on student admissions policies (Chapter 3) indicated, UCT and Stellenbosch have made notable strides, albeit at different rates, to diversify the racial composition of their students. However, they have not shown similar enthusiasm toward their faculty diversification programs. This chapter examines faculty recruitment programs. I begin the chapter by presenting faculty statistics by race, gender, and academic rank to determine faculty employment patterns in the 13-year period from 1983 to the end of 1995. This statistical overview provides a context to understand programmatic initiatives that have been introduced to address this faculty problem. The second part of the 117

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chapter examines policies and programs that have been implemented to diversify the racial and gender composition of faculty at UCT and Stellenbosch. I specifically evaluate two programs, the Equal Opportunity Employment Policy at UCT and the Staff Broadening Policy (also referred to as Personeel Verbreding) at Stellenbosch, to determine their underlying assumptions and their overall objectives for recruiting and retaining Black faculty and administrators. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the effectiveness of these programs in addressing the discriminatory employment practices that are still so pervasive in South African higher education. This discussion draws on U.S. literature on affirmative action. The university administrators I interviewed constantly referred to “affirmative action in the U.S.,” some in support of this concept, and others in complete opposition. It is thus essential to explore the relevance of U.S. affirmative action concepts in the political context of South Africa. A PROFILE OF FACULTY AND ADMINISTRATORS AT UCT According to the report of the National Commission on Higher Education, the distribution of faculty and administrators at historically White universities does not reflect the demographic profile of the larger society. The system is highly polarized by race and gender, with the more prestigious positions occupied predominantly by White males. Blacks and women tend to be relegated to the lower rungs of the employment ladder, with a disproportionate number in service positions as opposed to academic or administrative positions. Similar patterns were observed among the administrative staff, where Whites comprise 71% of the administrative staff relative to Indians at 7%, Coloreds 11%, and Africans 12%. There was a reversal of these patterns with respect to service staff. In this category of university employees, Whites constituted only 4%, while Indians were 3%, Coloreds 22%, and Africans 71%.1 Gender inequities are pervasive in the allocation of key administrative positions and permanent teaching and research positions. According to the NCHE report, 68% of the total research and teaching staff in 1993 was male and 32% female. The distribution of women by rank points to more disparities, with the majority of female academics employed as junior lecturers or lecturers.2 The process of racial diversification of the faculty at UCT has been significantly slower than its student diversification. Although UCT appointed the first female African vice chancellor (the equivalent of a

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university president in the United States) in 1996, its record for employing and retaining Black academics is very poor. The data presented in Figure 6.1 show distribution of faculty by race and gender at UCT. As this graph indicates, in 1983 Africans were less than 1% of the 529 permanent teaching staff at UCT, Coloreds 1.51%, Indians/Asians 1.13%, and women 17.96%. Twelve years later in 1995, the proportion of Africans increased slightly to 4.13% of the 749 permanent staff, with increases to 2.4% for Coloreds, 1.74% for Indians/ Asians, and 23.9% for women.3 Similar distribution patterns were observed and are perhaps even more pronounced among executive administrators.4 As Figure 6.2 indicates, Africans, Coloreds, and Indians/Asians were and still are grossly underrepresented at the administrative levels. Between 1983 and 1995, UCT did not have any Indian/Asian administrators. During the same period, there was only one Colored administrator in 1985, and again from 1991 to 1995. There were no African administrators prior to 1988. Beginning in 1988, the number of African administrators has ranged from 1 in 1988 to 3 in 1994. An overwhelming majority (more than 90%) of the senior administrative positions have been, and are still, occupied by Whites. The breakdown of faculty and administrators by gender as reported in Figures 6.3 and 6.4 indicated that women are also underrepresented. Between 1983 and 1995, the proportion of female academics increased slightly from 17.96% to 23.90%. Among administrators, the proportion of females has stagnated around 15%; women were 14.55% of administrators in 1983 and 15.38% in 1995. An examination of absolute numbers of female administrators indicated that their numbers declined from 16 in 1983 to 6 in 1995. A PROFILE OF FACULTY AT THE UNIVERSITY OF STELLENBOSCH An examination of permanent faculty and administrator data at the University of Stellenbosch revealed similar trends, but the diversification record at this institution was slightly worse. The racial composition of the permanent faculty members at the University of Stellenbosch has not diversified significantly since 1983. According to the permanent faculty statistics presented in Figure 6.5, in 1983 Stellenbosch had 789 permanent professional staff, including only one Indian/Asian (0.13%) and four Africans (0.5%). Whites constituted 99.36% of the entire permanent faculty. In the same year, there were 58 executive and administrative

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Figure 6.1. Distribution of Permanent UCT Faculty by Race

Permanent Faculty

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Figure 6.2. Distribution of Permanent UCT Executive Administrators by Race

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510 129

1983

434 95

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1987

Figure 6.3. Distribution of UCT Permanent Faculty by Gender

Male Faculty Female Faculty

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629 230

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617 185

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624 181

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Male Executive Administrators

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Figure 6.4. Distribution of Permanent UCT Executive Administrators by Gender

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863

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Figure 6.5. Distribution of Permanent Stellenbosch Faculty by Race

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professionals, all of whom were White. The gender breakdown indicates that women comprised 15.59% of the permanent faculty and 1.72% of the permanent administrative staff (Figures 6.6 and 6.7). Twelve years later in 1995, the complexion of Stellenbosch had not changed significantly. Of the 827 permanent faculty at this university, Africans were 0.6% and Coloreds 0.6% of the total faculty members. White faculty constituted 98.8% of the entire faculty. There were no Indian/Asian faculty members at Stellenbosch in 1995. The official university personnel statistics indicated that all administrators were White; however, one Colored administrator was employed in 1995. In the breakdown of data by gender, women constituted 25.09% of the academic staff in 1995, and 5.15% of the executive/administrative staff.5 Although the proportion of female academics increased gradually from 15.6% in 1983 to 25.09% by the end of 1995, female academics disproportionately occupy the lower academic ranks as lecturers, junior lecturers and below junior lecturers, relative to their male counterparts. As indicated in Figure 6.8, in 1983 there were only 5 (2.42%) female professors and 7 (12.73%) female associate professors, compared with 202 (97.58%) male professors and 48 (87.27%) male associate professors. On the lower end of the academic rank, females comprised 72.22% of the junior lecturers and 64.71% of academics below the junior lecturer rank. By 1995, this pattern had not changed significantly. There were 5 (2.66%) female professors and 6 (7.5%) female assistant professors, compared with 183 (97.3%) male professors and 74 (92.5%) male associate professors. In the same year, women were 89.47% of junior lecturers.6 In a nutshell, these faculty and administrator data demonstrate that the universities of Cape Town and Stellenbosch have an acute shortage of Black and female academics and administrators and that they will have to employ aggressive measures to attract and retain an appreciable presence of these historically excluded groups. The most common explanation offered by administrators at both UCT and Stellenbosch for this acute absence of Black faculty and administrators was that they could not find qualified Black academics. This assertion calls for a closer examination of strategies employed by these universities to find qualified Blacks. Of specific interest are the two programs implemented at these institutions to recruit and employ underrepresented groups: the Equal Opportunity Employment Policy established at UCT in 1992 and the Staff Broadening Policy implemented at Stellenbosch in 1995.

126

1984

680 123

1983

666 123

668 139

1985

717 152

1986 693 157

1987 690 167

1988 673 168

1989

Figure 6.6. Distribution of Permanent Stellenbosch Faculty by Gender

Male Female

0

100

200

300

400

500

600

700

800

668 172

1990

646 172

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670 185

1992

652 205

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127

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55 1

1983

57 1

59 2

1985

63 1

1986 71 1

1987 80 1

1988

84 3

1989

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Figure 6.7. Distribution of Permanent Stellenbosch Executive Administrators by Gender

Male Female

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40

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128 201 5 54 6 242 21

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Professor Female

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42

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74

5

183

1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995

Professor Male

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161 65 15 20 2 6

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Lecturer Male

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3

27

24

80

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11

1

30

23

85

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8

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39

23

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1986 1987 1988

Figure 6.8. Distribution of Permanent Stellenbosch Faculty by Academic Rank

7

1

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1985

1983 1984

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1991 1992 1993 1994

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Voices of Conflict

THE EQUAL OPPORTUNITY EMPLOYMENT POLICY AT UNIVERSITY OF CAPE TOWN The Equal Opportunity Employment Policy (EOEP) was implemented in 1991 in an effort to redress the racial and gender imbalance in the UCT staff. The primary objectives of the policy were as follows: • Adhere without exception to a policy of searching thoroughly for good applicants in respect of all its vacancies and of appointing . . . only the best person who can be expected to make the greatest contribution to the work and reputation of the university • Carry out affirmative action in the specific sense of doing everything in its power to help prepare Black persons and women to become equal competitors for every post on its establishment.7 The programs implemented to realize the objectives of this policy include (1) the establishment of an equal opportunity office; (2) the creation of master’s, doctoral, and postdoctoral fellowships to increase the pool of Black graduate students who have the potential to pursue academic careers; (3) the creation of limited additional academic positions to attract Black and female candidates; and (4) the adoption of antidiscrimination and sexual harassment policies. Similar initiatives have been implemented for administrative and secretarial staff. The implementation of the equal opportunity policies has faced some challenges. For instance, the selection and recruitment process was envisioned to be diverse; however, there have been problems not only with constituting diverse selection committees but also with identifying a pool of applicants that begins to approach the race and sex distribution of the larger population. As the equal opportunity officer (EOO) explained, There is a policy of trying to make the selection committees as diverse as possible. The higher up, the more senior one moves, the more difficult that becomes, simply because the more senior you get in this academic environment, the more you have only white men to choose from. . . . It is often a problem for senior Black and senior women academics. . . . They tend to get overused.8

With regard to the diversification of applicants, recruitment strategies still appear to rely on the traditional methods of recruitment— newspaper advertisements, contacts at conferences and professional meetings, and informal networking. These traditional avenues are not

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adequate in that White men still heavily patronize them. White men are overrepresented in the academy, especially at the senior levels. The equal opportunity officer explained the problem further: There has been increasing pressure over the past few years for selection committees to search properly and make sure the pool they choose is as diverse as possible. The extent to which that happens tends to vary in different academic areas, and tends to vary with the professionalism and enthusiasm of people in the discipline.9

Based on the EO officer’s statement, it is apparent that the success of current recruitment strategies is dependent on individual or departmental enthusiasm. The implementation of a more systematic structure of recruitment that does not depend so heavily on individual or departmental enthusiasm warrants consideration. While such cooperation and participation are important, departments where these are not forthcoming may fail to recruit beyond their traditional spheres, thus excluding Blacks and women, the very groups that are underrepresented. Some faculty members raised concerns about the effectiveness of the current recruitment and selection process, as illustrated by the following statement from a Black faculty member in the College of Science: Very interestingly, every selection committee is obliged by university regulation to search and see if they can get an adequately trained potential Black person or woman. . . . Basically all they have to do is to report that they have tried very hard to look for one, and one was not found, and we therefore have to employ. . . . It is a difficult situation because until we have evidence to refute the results of the search, we have to take their word for it.10

Another concern raised by the EO officer is the failure to acknowledge the bias inherent in selection criteria that are supposed to be objective, especially at an institution that has been regarded as liberal. A lot of what is talked about as affirmative action is actually good practice in eliminating the kind of bias that has been there in the past. . . . There has not been, especially at this liberal institution, an acknowledgment of the role bias has played. It [bias] would have been, in the eyes of people concerned, completely justifiable in terms of what they would argue are purely objective criteria—numbers of publications, etc. Obviously, if one does not contextualize and take into account people’s differential opportunities, it amounts to perpetuating [discriminatory]

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Senior administrators at UCT shared the view that it is difficult to find good Black academics. They argued that they faced stiff competition from the private and government sectors, which, in the words of one administrator, “entice Black academics with fat salaries.” Retention is an even more serious problem, and the departure of Black academics cannot be attributed solely to poaching by the private and government sectors. Some faculty and administrators have attributed this lack of change to an antagonistic institutional culture and environment, which, they argue, does not support the professional development and interests of Black academics. Discussions with some UCT faculty suggest that the environment is not particularly responsive and supportive of their needs, as illustrated by the following statement by a Black faculty member: Most Black people see UCT as a place of employment for them. There is not that sense of ownership because if people had a sense of belonging, a sense of being part of this institution, they would be able to resist the temptation from the private sector.12

Another Black academic in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities echoed similar sentiments: I do not think the administration is serious about hiring and retaining Blacks. They hire us, only to frustrate us out of the university. One of my [White] colleagues said to me, “If you don’t like it here, why don’t you go into the private sector or government; they have lots of opportunities for Blacks.” What many of our White colleagues don’t understand is that not all Blacks want government jobs; we want to be academics and we enjoy academia. Academia is not, and cannot continue to be, a privilege of White people. We have Black kids here; who will be their role models if we all run to the private sector? We have a few token Blacks in important positions, but the majority of this university is still very White.13

The institutional culture needs to change to accommodate the needs of Black academics. While some academics and administrators recognize the need for such change, there is still resistance. Several Black

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faculty reported that they had to develop survival strategies in this environment that was not always hospitable and supportive of them. When I first came here, I never tried to conform to what is done here. I remained myself and I know what I want. I get along very well with my colleagues in the department because I do not have an inferiority complex. I refuse to be intimidated. There are some people in this department who are very racist. I have never spoken to them and they haven’t spoken to me. We simply look at each other and it does not faze me one bit. You have to develop a thick skin, and if you know what you are up against, you develop certain mechanisms that keep you going.14

A committee has been established within the University Transformation Forum to investigate institutional culture, with the aim of creating an environment that will be supportive of the academic and professional development of Black academics. In essence, despite the fact that the Equal Opportunity Employment Policy has been in place for more than 5 years, the racial composition of UCT academics has not changed significantly. Although Black academics have been recruited to this university, there appears to be a problem with their retention. While administrators have attributed the problem of the retention of Black faculty to poaching by the government and public sectors, Black faculty members view this failure primarily as a product of the hostile academic culture and environment at UCT. THE STAFF BROADENING POLICY AT THE UNIVERSITY OF STELLENBOSCH The faculty at the University of Stellenbosch is still overwhelmingly White and male. In 1995, there were only 10 African and Colored academics, less than 2% of all permanent faculty, while Whites comprised 98.81% of the faculty at this university. Several high-ranking university administrators at Stellenbosch claimed that the university was “doing its best” to recruit Black academics. All the administrators echoed the sentiment that “it [was] very difficult to recruit well-qualified Blacks.” The administrators cited competition from the private sector and government as the primary factors impeding their efforts to recruit Blacks. There was failure among administrators to recognize and acknowledge that the university culture would have to change to ensure that the very few Black academics at this university would not be professionally alienated. According to Maphai,15 the expectation is that Black faculty will have to

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adapt themselves to the university, while the university continues with business as usual: [Institutions] should focus on transforming the institution, not merely Blacks and women within them. They should convert women and Blacks from slavery, and males, particularly White males from racial and gender arrogance. They cannot do business as usual, with outsiders being assimilated into an existing institutional culture.16

A senior administrator at the University of Stellenbosch succinctly captures the administrators’ perspective regarding the adjustment of Black faculty: At the moment any staff member we appoint should be able to at least be able to teach through the medium of Afrikaans. . . . We do appoint some people without knowledge of Afrikaans, but then we’ve got an agreement that within a period of say 2 or 3 or 5 years, which is agreed upon with the person being appointed, they must be able to have working knowledge of Afrikaans. It’s like anybody going to Germany; if you want to go there and you haven’t got knowledge of German, they will accept you for a year or two. Then they’ll say, “Sorry, if you haven’t got it [German], then you can’t make it here.” It’s the same thing here [at Stellenbosch]. . . . I have told them [newly hired Blacks], once you are on the staff, you are a staff member. Make the best out of it. If you want to perform, we will provide you with opportunities. . . . I told them when they were appointed, give us a chance, see if this place is changing or not. If you don’t like it, if you feel you are not being treated well, leave it, go. I mean, it’s up to you to leave.17

This statement implies that the newly appointed Black faculty members are entirely responsible for the adaptation and survival, with little transformation of the institutional atmosphere. The University of Stellenbosch did not have a formal policy or program for the recruitment of Black academics until the implementation of the Staff Broadening Policy ( personeel verbreding) in 1995. As explained by the rector, the policy uses a two-pronged strategy to identify and recruit qualified Blacks to Stellenbosch: We adopted a program we call the “staff broadening program policy.” We wanted to avoid the term “affirmative action.” We decided on a two-prong policy. One is to try at the senior level to appoint Black

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academics if we can find them. The other prong, even though it is going to take a longer time, is going to be more fruitful over time, and this is the development program. We try to catch young promising academics from our university or from elsewhere, but it is usually easier to catch them here. We appoint them at the junior lecturer or lecturer level.18

The administrators were vehemently opposed to the characterization of this program as an “affirmative active” program. As the vice chancellor for academic affairs explained the program, Of course, you will get some people regarding this as some sort of affirmative action program. We say no, it is a form of equal opportunities with accelerated possibilities and additional chances for the development of these people. We believe our program is structured not as a kind of naive affirmative action program, which will create unbelievable havoc in the next few years, like many environments where naive affirmative action programs have been implemented. In the academic environment, status positions must be achieved through performance.19

Although the vice chancellor claims that academics appointed through the Staff Broadening Program will move quickly through the ranks, there is no evidence to support such an assertion. First, in 1996 the program had been in existence for less than a year, a period not long enough to assess the progress of new appointees. Second, there appeared to be contradictions in the conceptualization and the implementation of the program: on the one hand, the vice chancellor declared that the university wanted the new appointees to be treated as “unmarked members of the staff.” On the other hand, those who would do any such “marking”—fellow colleagues—were in no way held responsible for a change in the interactive relations of the staff. The vice chancellor for academic affairs explained further: It is extremely important that people are not identified as coming into the system on the basis of some special appointment. If you (the researcher) take up your discussion with them within the framework of them being appointments of a special kind, then you (the researcher) will be undermining our intentions of broadening staff at this university.20

While it is important for affirmative action appointees to be unmarked, it is even more critical to address the attitudes and perceptions of their peers who may perceive them as outsiders. The current provisions

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of the Staff Broadening Policy do not appear to have made any provisions for addressing such issues among the current staff members. Although such issues may not be a concern at this stage, when Whites still constitute an overwhelming majority of the academic and administrative staff, failure to address them has the potential to alienate the few Blacks at the University of Stellenbosch. The available data contradict the rector’s assertion that Stellenbosch is attracting more and more Africans to the university. For instance, in 1995 Stellenbosch had five African academics, one more than the university had in 1983. Some White faculty members disagree with the administrator’s assertion that the university is doing its best to diversify. These academics cited a number of factors that have impeded the successful recruitment and retention of Black academics, especially Africans: the university’s lack of commitment, the absence of an affirmative action office(r), and the maintenance of the Afrikaans language and culture. The following statement represents the sentiments expressed by some faculty who question the university’s commitment to attract Blacks: The university has on paper committed itself . . . but I am not sure that is pushed through. We don’t have an affirmative action officer on this campus. We need that, an independent person who can check whether what the university says it is doing really happens. Sometimes when we get a list of candidates for a position . . . we find a number of good Black candidates, but we wonder why they have not been ranked higher on the list. If we ask, it always comes back to the question of language. So, language becomes a way of hindrance for Black advancement, with which I have a problem.21

Reflecting on the recently implemented Staff Broadening Policy, another academic raised concerns about the “paternalistic” features of the program: What you basically do with the program is to identify promising African or Colored students and employ them at very junior levels, which is an opportunity. The problem is that there is another philosophy on the line, that we want to train our own Blacks. We don’t want them to come in from outside and lower our standards. We won’t make a great effort, you know, to try and attract somebody at the professorial level, for instance. We won’t go out of our way to do that.22

Although it was too early to evaluate the staff broadening program, given that it had been in operation for only about a year, there are some

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indications that the administration’s intentions about diversifying its academic staff have yet to be translated into effective recruitment strategies. Other faculty perceived the institutional culture as unresponsive to faculty who are not from the traditional pool. Reflecting on the institution’s culture, one of the academics noted, This university is very isolated as far as I am concerned. Most of the staff and administration at the university are homogeneous in thought. Just look at the group, homogeneous. . . . If the staff becomes more mixed, more heterogeneous, then we will understand each other and understand this country that we are living in. This is not the south of France, that is what I say, it is Stellenbosch. You can sip here, sip your wine, you don’t have to go out, and you think you are in the south of France. You can speak Afrikaans; you are never confronted with English, so that is the isolation aspect here.23

This isolation, some faculty argue, alienates Blacks, especially Africans, from the university. Further, such isolation perpetuates strongly held misconceptions about Blacks, thus fueling the belief that they will not fit with the institutional culture. There are so few Black academics. We have one in our faculty [college]; she’s a woman. She likes to refer to herself as Black but sometimes she is whiter than I am. She came through Stellenbosch as a student. I think her greatest frustration is that people don’t hear her when she says something. They simply can’t understand what she is saying. She tried to bring up issues about the culture of this university but nobody knows what she is talking about. As far as opportunities are concerned, the sky is the limit for Black academics, for Black students, too. I think the frustration here is, and this is a frustration for all of us, is that we don’t know how to optimize the experience of Blacks. We have not discovered the formula yet. Just as an example, I have students on the academic support program, and they failed my course dismally. I don’t know what to do then. It’s the same thing with the Black academics.24

The administrators at the University of Stellenbosch are vehemently opposed to the characterization of the Staff Broadening Policy as an affirmative action program. It appears such opposition emerges from a misconception of affirmative action as a program that will privilege Blacks over Whites. A senior administrator quoted earlier believes that affirmative action will lower standards and create havoc at Stellenbosch.

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Feinberg25 notes that affirmative action is opposed not for what it does but rather on the basis of people’s misunderstanding of its goals and effects. It appears Stellenbosch administrators are already operating from an erroneous conception of this idea. At the University of Cape Town, the Equal Opportunity Employment Policy makes an explicit commitment to “carry out affirmative action in the specific sense of doing everything in its power to help prepare Black persons and women to become equal competitors for every position on its establishment.”26 In theory, UCT has committed itself to affirmative action, but it is unclear how this commitment has been translated in practical terms. Since the inception of the program in 1992, the proportion of Black academics has not changed. This leads one to conclude that while affirmative action programs may be the ideal goal, they have yet to be realized. THE RELEVANCE OF AFFIRMATIVE ACTION IN THE SOUTH AFRICAN CONTEXT The concept of affirmative action emerged in various conversations with administrators and faculty about diversifying the racial composition of the academic staff. These discussions elicited fervent responses about affirmative action and its relevance and appropriateness in addressing vestiges of past discrimination in South African higher education. The responses ranged from the characterization of affirmative action as “reverse discrimination” to its acceptance as the only strategy for diversification. What emerged from these conversations are the diverse understandings of this concept and its intended objectives. Affirmative action programs were implemented in the United States beginning in the 1960s as an effort to redress inequities inflicted against African Americans and other ethnic minorities through years of systematic oppression and exclusion from mainstream society. The primary objective of these programs was to eliminate discrimination and enable members of historically excluded groups—women and minorities—to access opportunities from which they have been barred.27 There are three dominant views of affirmative action in the United States. First is the conception of affirmative action as a compensatory program designed to address discriminatory practices of the past. This view identifies recipients of affirmative action as victims. Opponents of this position assert that the compensation position provides benefits of affirmative action to individuals who did not suffer directly from past discrimination. Further, these compensation programs place blame on

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individual members of the victimizing group, although they did not have a direct role in past injustices.28 Opponents of compensatory affirmative action programs fail to take into account the historical relations between groups and the impact of these past relationships on present culture. The second position is the conception of affirmative action as a corrective tool designed to address the effects of current discrimination. Under this position, any affirmative action should take into account the race and gender inequities within merit-based plans.29 The third conception of affirmative action is intended to promote diversity among students and faculty. Proponents of this position contend that U.S. institutions need to reflect the ethnic, racial, gender, and cultural heterogeneity of this society.30 Affirmative action programs have received support if they are perceived as measures to assure equal access to opportunities and competition. However, there has been increasing opposition in recent years to these programs on the grounds that they bestow preferential treatment on women and ethnic minorities. Opponents of affirmative action programs argue that they violate the principle of individual rights in favor of group rights. Feinberg31 refutes the characterization of affirmative action as a group right. He argues that while affirmative action exists partly to advance equality of opportunity for members of certain groups, it does not seek to advance the status of one group over another; affirmative action “does not give special group status; it uses group membership to identify and correct past acts of discrimination against individuals.”32 Another argument against affirmative action is that it stigmatizes those women and ethnic minorities who are deserving and would have succeeded without intervention. Feinberg33 asserts that the real issue should not be whether affirmative action stigmatizes people but whether it enables good admissions and hiring decisions. He contends that concerns about stigma emerge from the public misconception of the goals and effects of affirmative action. Therefore, more attention should be focused on educating the public about the intent of affirmative action. The idea of affirmative action is not new to South Africa. During the reign of the Nationalist Party government, policies and procedures that provided privileges in education, housing, and employment at the expense of Black South Africans protected poor Whites. In the current era, the concept has been interpreted in a variety of ways: on the one hand, supporters of affirmative action perceive it as a process designed to achieve equal educational and employment opportunities and thus to bridge gender and race inequality;34 on the other hand, its opponents

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identify it as reverse “discrimination, tokenism, a promotion of unqualified Blacks and women, and a hindrance to the professional success of White South Africans.”35 Nkuhlu36 contends that through the system of apartheid South Africans have been conditioned to view people not as individuals but rather as members of a particular racial group. He argues that while laws and formal equal opportunity polices may be implemented, the real challenge lies in changing people’s attitudes and behavior in a society where racism and sexism are so deeply entrenched. South African discourse on affirmative action emerges directly from the U.S. conception. However, there are fundamental differences in the social, cultural, and political context within which the concept must be applied in the respective countries, as discussed next. Nkuhlu37 identified key issues that need to be addressed through the implementation of affirmative action programs in South Africa. First, all forms of formal and informal discrimination and impediments to equal opportunities must be removed. This may be achieved by passing legislation that prohibits such discrimination. The U.S. experience inidicates that the enactment of legislation is not enough to address subtle forms of discrimination. Second, proactive programs aimed at the professional advancement of Blacks and women must be implemented. Privileged Whites have viewed the implementation of such programs as reverse discrimination, while conservative Blacks characterize them as a form of dependency.38 Third, affirmative action programs need to address the attitudes and perceptions of White managers and organizations, whose current orientation focuses on Black deficiencies. As noted by Maphai, Most affirmative action programs operate from the assumption that Blacks are defective. . . . Often no question is raised regarding the institution itself. . . . The Black is provided with a mentor who will assist him to adjust to the company. There is no remedial course for the company to adjust to Blacks.39

On the structure of current affirmative action programs, Maphai argues, Advancement and [affirmative action] programs should focus on transforming the institution, not merely Blacks and women within them. They should convert women and Blacks from slavery, and males, particularly white males from racial gender arrogance. They cannot be business as usual, with outsiders being assimilated into an existing institutional culture.40

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The fourth and final issue that needs to be addressed by affirmative action is attitudes and perceptions of Blacks. Nkuhlu41 contends, “Blacks must overcome feelings of anger, alienation, and even inferiority produced by the excruciating, dehumanizing experiences under apartheid.” While valuable lessons may be drawn from the U.S. experience, there are some critical differences in the dynamics associated with the implementation of affirmative action programs in the two countries. First, unlike the United States, where affirmative action programs target ethnic minorities, in South Africa, Blacks are the majority (75%) of the population. Therefore, South African affirmative action programs cannot merely attempt to integrate Blacks into the minority (White) value system and culture. Second, there is a contentious issue regarding who ought to be included in affirmative action programs. The group collectively identified as Blacks is comprised of Africans, Coloreds, and Indians/Asians. Some proponents of affirmative action contend that these programs should take into account the disparate treatment among the members of the collective Black group during apartheid, where a hierarchy of privilege granted Indians more opportunities, followed by Coloreds, and then Africans. The proponents argue that the needs of Africans, who were the most disadvantaged group during apartheid, should be addressed first.42 Third, affirmative action provisions must be enforceable. Whereas U.S. affirmative action has been supported by legislation, the South African legal system is undergoing significant changes and has not yet passed legislation that Blacks could invoke in cases of violation. Finally, current discussions about affirmative action may create an inaccurate impression that Blacks are displacing Whites. However, as explained by Maphai,43 the South African economy has never had sufficient Whites to occupy key positions, and foreign Whites had to be recruited to occupy positions from which Blacks were barred. Therefore, affirmative action programs will not be jeopardizing White positions in any way but rather filling an economic gap. CONCLUSION The faculty and administrator statistics presented at the beginning of this chapter clearly indicate that UCT and Stellenbosch have to invest significant effort to reverse current patterns in faculty recruitment and employment. The administrators at the University of Stellenbosch vehemently opposed the characterization of the Staff Broadening Policy as an affirmative action program. It appears such opposition emerges from a

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misconception of affirmative action as a program that will privilege Blacks over Whites. Their belief is that affirmative action will lower standards and create havoc. In theory, UCT has committed itself to affirmative action, but it is unclear how this commitment has been translated in practical terms. Since the inception of the EOEP program in 1992, the proportion of Black faculty and administrators has not changed. The lack of faculty diversity at UCT and Stellenbosch, as well as at other historically White universities, has important implications for policy. First, these universities need to be involved in the process of cultivating qualified Black faculty; that is, there is a need to systematically recruit, admit, and support young Black scholars with academic potential in postbaccalaureate and graduate programs. Such support may include the provision of academic mentors, involvement in research projects with senior scholars, and provision of financial aid or assistantships. This strategy is clearly long term, but it will develop a base of qualified candidates. Second, create an academic environment that is supportive to the professional development of the very few Blacks that are already on their campuses. Black academics expressed feelings of alienation and perceived the institutional culture as hostile. Professional support may be offered in a number of ways, including provision of senior academic mentors, provision of teaching assistants to help with the very large teaching load that junior faculty members often have to contend with, resources such as research assistants and grant-writing workshops to support the research efforts of Black faculty, and encouragement and support for participation in academic conferences. Third, examine the institutional culture of historically White universities to determine what makes these institutions so comfortable for White academics and yet inhospitable to Blacks. It is not sufficient to expect Black faculty to adjust to historically White universities; the universities also have to adjust to the presence of Black faculty. Finally, the lack of faculty diversity has important implications for the academic experience of not only Black students but also their White counterparts. Black students consistently perceived White academics as unsupportive. African students particularly expressed feelings of alienation, the lack of role models, and the lack of trust in the sincerity and concern of White academics. It is equally critical for White students to see Black faculty and administrators operating in capacities other than the stereotypical subservient roles reinforced by apartheid. The vision of a nonracial South Africa espoused by the current government of national

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unity cannot be attained unless institutions of higher education systematically challenge vestiges of discrimination that are so deeply entrenched in the present system of education. NOTES 1National

Commission on Higher Education Report: A Framework for Transformation. Pretoria: National Commission on Higher Education, 1996. 2In the South African academic system, the rank of faculty members is as follows: professor, associate professor, senior lecturer, lecturer, and junior lecturer. 3Data adapted from SAPSE handbook. 4Executive administrators are the top level of administrators on campus, that is, the vice chancellors, registrar, deans of colleges. 5Data obtained from Mannekragstatiestieke, Universiteit van Stellenbosch, 1995. 6Ibid. 7The Transformation of the University of Cape Town 1984–1994: A Decade of Change and Development. Rondebosch: University of Cape Town, 1996: 16. 8Interview by the author with the Education Opportunity Officer, August 1996. 9Ibid. 10Interview by the author with a faculty member in the College of Science, August 1996. 11Interview by the author with the Education Opportunity Officer, August 1996. 12Interview by the author with a Black faculty member, August 1996. 13Interview by the author with a faculty member in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities, October 1996. 14Interview by the author with a Black faculty member in the College of Science, August 1996. 15Maphai, V. T. Affirmative Action in South Africa: A Genuine Option. Social Dynamics, 15 (2), 1989: 1–24. 16Ibid., 21. 17Interview by the author with a senior administrator, September 1996. 18Interview by the author with the rector, October 1996. 19Interview by the author with a senior administrator, September 1996. 20Ibid. 21Interview by the author with a faculty member in the College of Law, September 1996. 22Interview by the author with a faculty member in the College of Arts, October 1996. 23Interview by the author with a faculty member in the College of Law, September 1996.

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Ibid. Feinberg, W. Affirmative Action and Beyond: A Case for BackwardLooking Gender- and Race-Based Policy. Teachers College Record, 9 (3), 1996: 362–399. 26Transformation of UCT, 16. 27Trent, W. T. Student Affirmative Action in Higher Education: Addressing Underrepresentation. In P. G. Altbach & K. Lomotey (Eds.). The Racial Crisis in American Higher Education. Albany: State Univ. of New York Press, 1991. 28Lindsay, B. Toward Conceptual, Policy and Programmatic Frameworks of Affirmative Action in South African Universities. Journal of Negro Education (66 (4), 1997. 29Ibid. 30Ibid. 31Feinberg, “Affirmative Action.” 32Ibid., 378. 33Feinberg, “Affirmative Action.” 34Making Affirmative Action Work: A South African Guide. Cape Town: Institute for Democracy in South Africa (IDASA), 1995. 35Ibid.; Nkuhlu, W. Affirmative Action for South Africa in Transition: From Theory to Practice. In C. Adams (Ed.), Affirmative Action in a Democratic South Africa. Kenwyn, Western Cape: Juta, 1993. 36Nkuhlu, Affirmative Action. 37Ibid. 38Ibid.; Maphai, Affirmative Action. 39Maphai, Affirmative Action, 18. 40Ibid., 21. 41Nkuhlu, Affirmative Action, 14. 42Making Affirmative Action Work. 43Maphai, Affirmative Action. 25

CHAPTER 7

Summary and Policy Recommendations

The research for Voices of Conflict was conducted at a critical juncture in the history of South African higher education. At the time of this research in 1996, the National Commission on Higher Education (NCHE) had just released its report, detailing the inequities of the current system of higher education and offering recommendations for its transformation. The findings of this commission formed the foundation for the Green and White Papers on higher education and subsequently the Higher Education Act that was passed at the end of 1997. The process leading to the enactment of the Higher Education Act was characterized by earnest deliberations across various sectors and constituencies of South African higher education. These discussions were unprecedented in the recent history of this country in that they included groups of people who were historically on opposing ends of the political, social, and economic spectrum—students, faculty, administrators, community people, and politicians. The spirit underlying these debates was to be as inclusive as possible and to forge new collaborative alliances between stakeholders who were historically at loggerheads. The process of transforming South African higher education has only just started, and as this book demonstrates, it is beset with complexities. This book chronicled a segment of transformation at two universities, University of Cape Town (UCT) and Stellenbosch, that have been regarded as leaders and trendsetters within South African higher education. The examination of these institutions’ responses was restricted to, first, an evaluation of admissions policies and procedures; second, an exploration of students’ attitudes and perceptions regarding their university’s responsiveness to the 145

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changing academic needs of a diversified student population; third, an evaluation of faculty attitudes and perceptions about the presence of more diverse students on campus and in their classes; and finally, an assessment of policies and programs that have been implemented to diversify the race and gender composition of faculty at these two universities. REVISITING ADMISSIONS TRENDS In this book, I examined two universities that were undergoing massive transformation, not only through internal initiatives but also as a response to the requirements of the new ANC-led government. UCT and Stellenbosch are clearly at very different stages of this transition, given their respective histories and philosophies. The two universities have experienced varying degrees of success related to their student programs. While UCT and Stellenbosch cannot be strictly compared, given their histories and given that they are at such different stages in terms of their enrollment of Black students, there are admissions patterns between the two universities that are noteworthy. First, the University of Cape Town has a much longer history of admitting Black students that dates back to the early 1980s, and their recruitment policies and programs that target Blacks are well established. In contrast, the University of Stellenbosch started admitting Black students in notable proportions after 1994. Although the first Colored student was admitted at Stellenbosch in 1977, the proportion of Black students enrolled at Stellenbosch throughout the 1980s did not exceed 5%. The academic development and recruitment programs were implemented in 1994 at Stellenbosch. Although it may be premature to assess the success of student diversification programs at Stellenbosch, given their recent implementation, the university has had limited success in diversifying its student population. The difference in the enrollment patterns of Black students at the UCT and Stellenbosch may be attributed to a number of factors. First, the language of instruction is a serious impediment to Black students’ access to higher education. The overwhelming majority of African students are not first-language speakers of either Afrikaans or English, the languages of instruction at Stellenbosch and UCT, respectively. However, Colored students, especially in the Western Cape, identify Afrikaans as their home language. Language of instruction is a highly contested terrain at Stellenbosch; African students perceived the use of Afrikaans as a major hindrance to their ability to succeed academically at this institution. African students raised concerns not only about the lan-

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guage but also about the prevalence of the “Afrikaans culture,” which they assert alienates them and impedes their opportunity to be meaningful participants in academic and social activities at Stellenbosch. Although Black students at UCT did not identify language as a subject of concern, this issue does require attention. UCT has a recruitment policy that specifically targets African students from former DET schools, which have been identified as “academically disadvantaged.” Although these African students do have some command of the English language, they are likely to experience language-related academic problems. The second factor is related to the historical relationship that these two universities had with the former Nationalist Party government. While UCT was viewed as a liberal institution that challenged apartheid policies, Stellenbosch was seen as a faithful adherent of the apartheid policies of the Nationalist Party government. These historical portrayals of UCT and Stellenbosch have been challenged by some scholars, who contend that UCT (and other English-language universities) also benefited equally from apartheid policies. A third factor is the denial by Stellenbosch administrators that their university’s admissions policies were discriminatory by race. A senior administrator at Stellenbosch claimed that Stellenbosch never used race as a criterion for admission or exclusion of certain student groups. The student enrollment data presented in Chapter 4 do not support the administrators’ assertion that race was never a factor in admissions decisions. The question that remains is, what is the quality of the academic experience of Black students once they enter UCT and Stellenbosch? RETHINKING ACADEMIC DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS The philosophical foundations of academic development programs at UCT and Stellenbosch were similar. These programs operated on the assumption that Black students were academically deficient and needed to be brought “up to standard.” This implied that the curriculum and academic structures of these universities were adequate and need not be changed in any way. The burden of adaptation was placed on the shoulders of the incoming Black students. Further, this deficiency model of labeling Black students has the potential not only to stigmatize Black students as inferior but also to impede the ability of these universities to critically interrogate the relevance of their academic programs to the incoming student groups. In addition, the administrators at both universities discussed the issue of standards as though standards were static;

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there was no consideration of what these standards were or of whose standards they were. It was evident from the administrators’ constant comparisons of their universities—UCT and Stellenbosch—with the Ivy League universities in the United States and with Oxford and Cambridge in the United Kingdom that the standards they aspired to achieve were equivalent to those upheld at top western universities. The history of South African universities is riddled with examples of compromised standards, yet these historical examples have not caused as much agitation as the proposal to racially diversify the student population and to broaden access to higher education to historically excluded groups, especially Blacks. The students’ assessment of academic development programs differed markedly from administrators’ assessments. Administrators at both UCT and Stellenbosch characterized academic development programs as a means to address the academic deficiencies of Black students. While White students viewed academic development programs with indifference, “something for the Black students,” the Black students raised concerns about the stigmatizing effect of these programs. There is no question that some academic intervention is essential for many Black students who come from “disadvantaged” educational backgrounds. However, UCT and Stellenbosch have to carefully reevaluate how they implement academic development programs to minimize the alienating effect these programs have on Black students. THROUGH THE EYES OF THE STUDENTS The lenses through which students viewed their academic experiences at these two universities were still influenced by race. An examination of student attitudes and perceptions revealed that, with few exceptions, students viewed responses to their academic needs as directly correlated to their racial group. Overall, the African students at UCT perceived their university’s response as inadequate in addressing the needs of Blacks, while Colored and White students reported the opposite. At Stellenbosch, African and Colored students reported the inadequacy of Stellenbosch’s responses to their academic needs, as opposed to their White peers, who viewed their institution’s responses as adequate. The responses of African students at UCT raise important questions about the academic culture of this university. UCT has consistently portrayed itself as an institution that is committed to racial diversity and equality, as evidenced by its history of admitting Black students. Given this history and

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the fact that African students constitute the largest proportion of Blacks at UCT, one would expect African students at this university to offer a more positive assessment of their university. Although the proportion of Black students has increased significantly at UCT, they evidently still feel marginalized because of the perceived unequal status and power between themselves and their White peers. There are concerns about the quality of the academic experiences of Black students once they have been admitted to UCT. If faculty and administrators at UCT still operate on the assumption that Blacks are deficient (as resonated in the debate about standards), this attitude has the potential to produce the stigmatizing effect many African students raised concerns about. At an institution like UCT, where it is projected that Black students will be the majority of the student body within the next 2 years, the university cannot afford to alienate half its student population. The institutional culture will have to change so that adaptation will not be a one-way process, with Black students expected to adjust. Some efforts in the direction of overall change have been made through the implementation of the UCT Transformation Forum (UTF) in 1994. This forum, which has representatives from the students, the council, executive administrators, senate, faculty, and administrative staff, has been charged with the responsibility of guiding the transformation and establishing working groups, as necessary, to address various issues. At the time of the research for this book, six working groups had been established to examine the mission statement, governance, commission on student governance, institutional culture, curriculum development, and academic access and exclusions. Because the UTF was not examined closely during this research, it is thus difficult to determine the progress the respective working groups made, with the exception of the mission statement that was adopted at UCT in April 1996. The responses of Black students at Stellenbosch were not at all surprising. Africans were most critical of Stellenbosch’s responsiveness to their academic needs. African students are the smallest proportion of Black students at Stellenbosch, and they are the most recent arrivals. These students attributed their alienation at Stellenbosch to a number of factors, ranging from the use of Afrikaans as the language of instruction to the domination of Afrikaner culture on campus. The racial polarization of student perceptions is disturbing, particularly in an education system that is trying to rid itself of its racist past. It is critical to acknowledge and address vestiges of past discrimination; this needs to be done in a way that involves all student groups. White

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students at UCT and Stellenbosch need to be systematically sensitized to the changing environments of their universities and to the need for that change. The burden of adjustment should not be placed solely on the shoulders of the incoming Black students, who are made to feel that they do not belong at UCT and Stellenbosch. IN PURSUIT OF HIGH STANDARDS Faculty members at the two universities have not been affected significantly by the change in the racial composition of their students. White faculty (with few exceptions) vehemently rejected the notion that students from different racial backgrounds, as a result of their dissimilar academic preparation in secondary school, may require somewhat different approaches to make their academic experiences successful. While racial classification of students in itself does not make them inherently inadequate or academically inferior, one cannot ignore the academic disparities between African, Colored, and White students, inherited from their racialized system of education. The failure to acknowledge these differences—which are a product of a particular social structure and not intrinsic to particular racial groups—obstructs a fundamental assessment of academic structures and their ability to serve the academic needs of Black students. Faculty at UCT were similarly unaffected by the significant increase of Black students. While UCT specifically recruits and admits African students from “historically disadvantaged” former DET high schools, who the university administrators acknowledge may require academic intervention, faculty did not perceive the need to alter their teaching to accommodate these students. This does not imply that all of UCT’s Blacks are academically inadequate, but a significant proportion may not be as successful without some academic intervention. The objective should be not only to admit Black students at historically white universities but also to ensure that they graduate and that the quality of their academic experience while enrolled at these universities is worthwhile. THE QUEST TO DIVERSIFY FACULTY While student recruitment and diversification have been relatively successful, the same cannot be said about programs to diversify faculty and administrative staff. The University of Cape Town appointed an African

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woman to the position of vice chancellor—the highest administrative position—in 1995, but the rest of the senior faculty and administrators are still overwhelmingly White and male. Although the Equal Employment Opportunities Program has been in existence for 5 years, specifically charged with the responsibility of recruiting underrepresented groups, the staff composition statistics do not indicate that this program has accomplished its goal of diversifying the academic and administrative staff. Similarly, at the University of Stellenbosch, the faculty and administrative staff is still overwhelmingly White and male. The newly implemented Staff Broadening Policy aims to diversify the staff, but it is unclear how this goal will be attained while Stellenbosch administrators are so vehemently opposed to affirmative action initiatives. The lack of staff diversity has important implications for the academic experience not only of Black students at these universities but also of their White counterparts. Black students consistently perceived White faculty as unsupportive. Even at UCT, where Black students comprised 45% of the students in 1995, African students, particularly, reported feelings of alienation, lack of role models, and lack of trust in the sincerity and concern of White faculty. Administrators have projected that the proportion of Black students will continue to increase; therefore, closer attention needs to be focused on providing an environment that is supportive of their academic interests. It is critical to provide opportunities within higher education where interaction across racial boundaries can occur. It is equally important for White students to see Black students, faculty, and administrators operating in positions of leadership and authority. POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS The responses of students, faculty, and administrators at the two universities may be represented into three broad groups. First, there are those who recognize and acknowledge different academic needs of a diverse student population and are committed to ensuring the success of these new students. Second, some realize the need for change but are not sure how to proceed. Third, others do not see a problem with the current status of their universities. The latter two positions represent the most dominant voices at historically White universities. Given these divergent positions, how does one recommend and implement policies that will positively influence the academic experiences of all the students represented at these two universities?

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Redefining Higher Education First, there is a need to redefine the purpose of higher education within South Africa. Traditionally, the historically White universities served the interests of the few privileged elite. In this era of transformation, what is the purpose of higher education? Is higher education intended to provide for the political needs of a new democracy? Should higher education programs be driven by the demands of the economy? Should universities provide higher education opportunities to the historically marginalized masses? A transformed system of higher education has to maintain a delicate balance to fulfill all these competing demands. South Africa has undergone massive political changes since the beginning of the 1990s, from an exclusive White minority government that showed little regard for human rights and basic principles of democracy to a new government that has pledged its commitment to uphold principles of freedom and democracy. Given the fundamental differences in the political orientations of former Nationalist Party government and the current ANC-led government, the basic assumptions underlying the purpose of higher education under each government are very different. Under the apartheid government, higher education was designed to prepare White students for key leadership positions in all spheres of the South African society—government, business, sciences. For Blacks, it was a limited privilege that was intended to produce docile civil servants who would obediently carry out the master plan of the former Nationalist Party government. Therefore, academic programs at universities were designed accordingly. The historically White universities (HWUs) received a disproportionately high percentage of resources and therefore became the leaders in research and innovation. In contrast, historically Black universities (HBUs) were designated as teaching universities and did not have any opportunities for research. Further, HBUs were located in remote, rural environments, far from any contact with intellectually stimulating activities. While White students could pursue studies in any academic field they desired, Black students were legally prohibited from pursuing studies in areas such as engineering and natural sciences without permission from the minister of education. Under these restrictive circumstances, universities were inequitable institutions that, at best, maintained exploitative conditions. Under the governance of a democratically elected ANC government, what will be the purpose of higher education? The new South African constitution and bill of rights capture the ideals of this new government.

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The principles embodied in these documents provide the guidelines for a new system of higher education. The immediate objective is to create a nondiscriminatory system of higher education. This process is already under way with the passage of the Labour Relations Act (1995), the Higher Education Act (1997), and the Employment Equity Bill (1998), laws that protect against acts of blatant discrimination. A democracy can be successful only if leaders and the people they represent are involved in the political process. Therefore, one of the responsibilities of education in this new democracy should be to prepare people for active citizenship, that is, to provide training to those who will assume positions of leadership, as well as basic knowledge and understanding of how a democracy is supposed to operate. Such training may be embodied in the curriculum and the day-to-day pedagogical practices. For example, the curriculum should support activities that develop critical thinking skills among students, rather than the traditional memorize-and-regurgitate approach. It should encourage students to take responsibility and ownership of their learning. Most important, it should eradicate the dominant “banking approaches to education,” to use a Freirian term, that view students as passive individuals who cannot contribute anything to the process of knowledge production. Universities have a responsibility to create well-rounded students, that is, students who not only are well versed in academic areas but also possess human relations skills. In a country like South Africa, where students have been estranged from each other across race, gender, and class, it is critical for universities to provide an environment where dialogue can occur across these societal boundaries. Access to Higher Education Access to higher education is a process that is closely related to practices in primary and secondary education. During the apartheid era, these earlier levels of education were used as grounds to eliminate a significant proportion of Black students and to keep them out of contention for higher education. For example, in 1994, 43.8% of all African students who wrote the end-of-the-year matriculation examinations passed. Of this percentage, only 25.9% received a matriculation exemption, the minimum requirement for university admission. In the same year, 84.3% of Colored students, 88.9% of Indian students, and 92% of White students passed the matriculation exams. Of those students who passed, 25.1% of Colored students receive exemptions, compared to 54.6% of

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Indians, and 42.8% of Whites.1 These statistics clearly indicate the disparity among students across the four racial groups. While African students represent a numerical majority among school-age children, they are consistently underrepresented in the population of students eligible for university. This incongruity calls for a critical evaluation of pedagogical practices in the primary and secondary levels that ensure that Africans are systematically locked out of the postsecondary stream. There needs to be a systematic effort to build a cadre of students who are academically well prepared in their formative years of formal education. Beyond academic preparation, issues of access are closely related to the availability of financial resources. In the political and economic structure of South Africa, the allocation of economic resources was aligned on racial lines. A disproportionately higher percentage of African students are eliminated from higher education as a result of financial difficulties. A new financial aid and loan program (TEFSA) has been implemented to defray some of these university costs. However, it provides limited support. There needs to be stronger responsibility from the private sector—a sector that historically enjoyed prosperity partly through exploitation of Black workers—to work closely with universities to support students. Such a partnership could be facilitated through scholarships, internships, or support for research activities. There are some university–private sector initiatives in the sciences and engineering; however, these are relatively few. In addition, alternative means through which students can attain postsecondary training are needed. Under the former system of higher education, the options of students who did not receive a matriculation exemption were very limited. They could enroll in either technikon2 or technical college. There was virtually no mobility between technikons, technical colleges, and universities. This lack of mobility greatly limited the type and quality of educational training students could receive, as well as the employment opportunities that followed training. The process of creating a unified system of higher education, where there will be transferability between the various sectors (technical colleges, technikons, and universities) has already started, as recommended by the National Commission on Higher Education. The degree of mobility that will exist is a factor that has yet to be determined. Commitment to Diversity There has to be an explicit commitment to diversity, in which the presence of Black students and faculty is not seen as a liability to the institu-

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tion. There is a need to eradicate the pervasive “othering” of new entrants at UCT and Stellenbosch. Currently, Black students are viewed as deficient and likely to jeopardize the high academic standards of these universities. At UCT and Stellenbosch, there currently exists a “high prescription culture,”3 that is, an organizational culture with a “narrow view of right and wrong; a prevalence of judgmental behavior and people who are quick to express criticism; a high degree of risk-aversion.” There needs to be a low-prescription culture to take advantage of the richness that a diverse student body brings to these campuses. Similarly, for faculty and administrators, there has to be an organizational culture that does not place the burden of adjustment on Blacks, without any expectation that the institution will be equally affected by their presence. Supportive Organizational Culture There has to be an earnest effort to create a supportive environment for Black faculty, who consistently reported being marginalized. This environment can be achieved by implementing a systematic program of recruiting Black faculty, that is, going above and beyond the traditional sources such as newspapers and the old boys’ network. Once Black faculty members have been hired, especially at junior levels, there has to be a program of mentorship. For example, junior faculty could be invited to participate in collaborative research projects with senior faculty members, to present papers at national and international conferences, and to coauthor articles for publication. Another element of a supportive environment is the need to create a culture of scholarship, an environment where junior faculty members are encouraged and supported in their pursuit of research. Currently, there is a heavy emphasis on teaching and little support for research activities, particularly at junior academic ranks. Similarly, among students, faculty can invite students to participate as research assistants in faculty research projects or as teaching assistants. These opportunities could provide much needed experience, demystify the culture of the academic world, and cultivate a new pool of prospective scholars and researchers. Context-Relevant Curriculum and Faculty Practices A diversified student body requires a broader range of instructional strategies in and out of the classroom. It is a well-established fact that the education that many students receive at the secondary level does not prepare them adequately for university. There is not enough emphasis on writing and critical analysis skills. Certainly, some students enter

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university better prepared than others, and, given the history of South African education, the privilege of better academic preparation coincides with race. It is therefore disturbing that faculty (as reported in Chapter 5) do not perceive the need to modify their classroom practices to address well-known deficiencies. It is imperative that faculty employ teaching strategies that are most effective for their student population. The traditional chalk-and-talk method has proven to be ineffective. There have to be departmental initiatives—for example, faculty workshops and seminars on effective teaching and discussions of education in a multicultural society, among others—rather than individual efforts to address students’ academic issues. For the majority of faculty members at UCT and Stellenbosch, working with diverse students is as new an experience as it is for newly admitted Black students. Therefore, faculty cannot afford to carry on with business as usual and ignore the needs of academically underprepared students. Closely related to pedagogical practices is the issue of the curriculum. Black students have expressed concerns about the “Eurocentric” focus of the curriculum at UCT and Stellenbosch. For example, how does a psychology student receive well-rounded training, when he or she never reads anything about the issues pertinent to South Africa or gets an opportunity for hands-on practice in a township located less than 10 miles from the university campus? How does this student formulate substantive ways to address problems in his or her community if the lecturer has never set foot anywhere near the students’ community? How does the student get an opportunity to test the “Eurocentric” theories presented in class if the lecturer is too scared to go into the township community where the student resides? How does this student contribute meaningfully to the learning environment if his or her experiences are always seen as an anomaly, deviant from the norm? How can the lecturer offer meaningful insights to help this student when the lecturer’s only “experience” with the students’ community is a glimpse at 80 miles per hour from the freeway? Because of the antagonistic relationship that historically White universities often have with the surrounding Black communities, learning opportunities that these communities could provide have not been fully explored. It is essential to build bridges between the universities and their communities and to adopt an integrative approach that embraces ways of knowing that may differ from the dominant perspective. The current curricular structure has succeeded in cultivating and maintaining massive distance and misunderstanding between faculty and the students they teach. The challenge of the new curriculum is to create

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room for student and faculty experiences to become a part of the learning process. UCT and Stellenbosch need to create an environment where students can voice their concerns and know that they will be taken seriously. There currently exists an empty-vessel model, according to which students enroll in countless classes, receive lectures, and, after 3 or 4 or 5 years, graduate with a baccalaureate degree. With few exceptions, there are limited opportunities for meaningful interactions between students and faculty. Progression through University In this book, I did not discuss student graduation rates at these two universities, partly because at the time of conducting the research for this book, these “data were not available.” At one institution, I was informed that graduation data were not maintained by racial category; therefore, it was difficult to compare student graduation rates across the three racial groups. What can be deduced from the data that were made available is that Black students graduated at rates lower than their White counterparts. Further, the progression of Black students to postgraduate programs was significantly lower than the rate of White students. It is critical to ensure progression of Black students through university. It is not enough to admit Black students to historically White universities, only for these students to leave without the necessary credentials. It is even more critical to maintain accurate longitudinal graduation data to enable the historically White universities to critically assess the level of progress they have made over time—say, every 5 years—to enable them to make necessary adjustments. In the same way that UCT and Stellenbosch have maintained precise admissions records, they need to maintain similar records to monitor graduation rates. UCT and Stellenbosch cannot talk about meaningful transformation without evaluating how successful they have been in serving their students. Graduating is the most tangible measure of success. The process of transforming South African higher education is intricately related to the broader issues of democracy and nation building within this country. Universities can assume a critical leadership role and create a space where the democratic ideals of the new South Africa can be debated and actualized. In this book, I highlighted some of the critical issues and the complexity that surrounds this process of transformation. Voices of Conflict continues the quest for an inclusive system of higher education, where the dreams of historically excluded groups can be nurtured and realized.

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LOOKING AHEAD Since the time of conducting research and writing this book, there have been new developments in the process of transformation at these two universities, as well as at others, that are not reflected in this book. Some of these key developments include the passage of the Higher Education Act (1997) and the Employment Equity Bill (1998). These laws have essentially compelled institutions of higher education to respond to the new government’s mandate to achieve race and gender equity. The responses of various historically White universities to these laws have been varied. The University of Stellenbosch has been the most resistant, crawling at a snail’s pace to achieve race and gender equality among students and faculty. Despite Stellenbosch’s legacy as the “most liberal of the Afrikaans universities,” it has shown the most resistance with regard to the process of transformation. Other Afrikaans universities such as the Rand Afrikaans University, the University of the Free State, and the University of Port Elizabeth have made significant strides in the area of student diversification. Similarly, among the Englishlanguage universities, the Universities of Cape Town, Witwatersrand, and Natal have made notable progress in diversifying the racial composition of their student body. This process of institutional transformation is ongoing; new developments in this area provide fertile ground for further exploration. NOTES 1National Commission on Higher Education Report: A Framework for Transformation. Pretoria: National Commission on Higher Education, 1996. 2Technikons are post-secondary education institutions that structurally and functionally fall between U.S. community colleges and traditional four-year colleges. They were established as vocational education centers to provide practical technical training. They evolved over time to become technical colleges, and since 1995 they have been certified to grant Bachelor (B Tech), Master’s (M Tech), and Doctoral (D Tech) Degrees in Technology. 3Cox, T. Cultural Diversity in Organizations: Theory, Research, and Practice. San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler, 1993: 169–170.

APPENDIX

Research Methods

I employed a multimethod approach that encompassed three techniques: first, a review of historical and policy documents; second, administration of survey questionnaires to faculty and students; and third, direct interviews with a select group of university administrators, faculty, and students. These multiple methods provided a variety of data that both clarified and complemented each other. The student questionnaire was designed to provide an overall assessment of attitudes and perceptions of students in the following areas: (1) campus racial climate, (2) impact of increased Black enrollments on faculty, (3) university responsiveness to students’ academic needs, and (4) adequacy of university responses to students’ needs. The student questionnaire was six pages long, including the cover page, with 132 questions. The faculty questionnaire, although similar to the student questionnaire in some respects, contained questions that related specifically to the faculty experience. Like the student survey, the faculty questionnaire examined attitudes and perceptions about four constructs: (1) faculty assessment of their university’s priorities, (2) faculty teaching styles and techniques, (3) university responsiveness to student needs, and (4) adequacy of university responses to students’ needs. The seven-page faculty questionnaire contained 202 questions. The questionnaires were adapted from the survey instrument used by Peterson et al.1 in their study assessing the impact of increased black enrollments at predominantly White colleges and universities in the United States between 1968 and 1972.

159

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Appendix

In order to provide a more complete understanding of the universities’ responses to increased Black enrollments, the perceptual data obtained by questionnaires were supplemented with interviews with a select group of administrators, faculty, and student leaders. These data offered insights and explanations to questions that could not be answered through the questionnaire. Further, these interviews provided some sense of how respondents made sense of their reality, given the specific conditions on each campus.

SELECTION OF THE STUDENT SAMPLE The Student Sample Students were selected from the following eight of the ten schools (in the South African context, they are referred to as faculties) at the University of Cape Town (UCT): arts, commerce, education, engineering, fine and applied arts, law, science, and social sciences and humanities. Students in the faculties of medicine and music were excluded. Similarly, at the University of Stellenbosch, questionnaires were administered to students in the faculties of arts and humanities, agricultural science, economics and business management, education, engineering, forestry, law, and natural science. Students in the faculties of medicine and theology were excluded. At each university, I requested permission to distribute questionnaires from the deans of the eight faculties. The deans referred me to the appropriate heads of departments, where further permission was sought to distribute the questionnaires in class. I then contacted individual instructors to ensure that they were agreeable to the request to distribute questionnaires to their students. The distribution of in-class questionnaires was efficient in three ways: first, it avoided the inefficiency of the local postal service; second, it dispensed with the unreliability of students’ addresses, especially if they did not reside on campus; and third, the response rate was significantly higher with in-class surveys. At all levels, I took particular caution to ensure that the distribution of questionnaires did not in any way contravene departmental and university procedures and practices. The student sample consisted primarily of undergraduate students, with the exception of students in the faculty of law, who were not classi-

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161

fied as undergraduates. The selection of the student sample was not random in the sense that specific classes were identified for distribution. Classes were selected if their racial composition was representative of students from the three racial groups—African, Colored, and White. However, in some faculties, a racially representative sample was not always attainable. For example, the faculty of agricultural sciences at Stellenbosch did not have any Black students, making a racially balanced sample difficult. Further, racial representativeness decreased as class level increased; therefore, there were few classes at the third-year or fourth-year level, and most of the students in the sample were either first- or second-year students. The total of students sampled was 552 respondents at UCT and 453 respondents at Stellenbosch. A Profile of Student Respondents The University of Cape Town sample has 552 undergraduate students, with the exception of 24 respondents enrolled in the faculty of law, which is not classified as an undergraduate program. Figures A.1 through A.3 show the breakdown of students by race, gender, and year in school. As these graphs indicate, 57.6% of the respondents were male and 42.4% female. The ratio of male to female respondents is proportional to their distribution in the university, where females were 43.4% of the total student body in 1995. In the breakdown of students by racial category, 39.5% were African, 13.6% Colored, 5.1% Indian/Asian, and 41.7% White. The age of the respondents ranged from 19 to 44 years, with the average age at 21 years. The largest proportion of respondents, 42.8%, were first-year students, 17.9% second-year, 19.7% third-year, 14.7% fourth-year, and 4.9% beyond the fourth year of study. The breakdown of students by their place of origin indicates that 79.7% identified themselves as urban dwellers, while 16.8% were from rural areas. The provincial breakdown of students as presented in Figure A.4 indicates that 40.8% came from the Western Cape, the province where the University of Cape Town is located. The remainder of the respondents were distributed in the eight other provinces as follows: Gauteng 16.8%, Kwazulu-Natal 10%, Eastern Cape 7.8%, Northern Province 4.3%, Free State 3.6%, Northwest 2.9%, Northern Cape 0.9%, and Mpumalanga 0.9%. Ten percent of the respondents resided outside South Africa, and 2% did not identify their province of residence.

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African 39.50%

41.70%

Colored Indian White

5.10%

13.60%

Figure A.1. UCT Student Respondents by Race

42.40%

Male Female

57.60%

Figure A.2. UCT Student Respondents by Gender

4.90% 14.70% 42.80% 19.70%

First Year Second Year Third Year Fourth Year Beyond Fourth Year

17.90%

Figure A.3. UCT Student Respondents by Year in School

Among the University of Stellenbosch’s 453 undergraduate student respondents, 57.6% were male and 43.3%, female. The breakdown of students by racial category, as presented in Figures A.5 and A.6, indicate that 3.4% were African, 17% Colored, 1.3% Indian/Asian, and 77% White. The age of respondents ranged from 19 to 40 years, with the

163

Eastern Cape

7.80%

Free State

3.60%

Gauteng

16.80%

KwazuluNatal

10%

Mpumalanga

0.90%

Figure A.4. UCT Student Respondents by Province of Origin

0.00%

5.00%

10.00%

15.00%

20.00%

25.00%

30.00%

35.00%

40.00%

45.00%

Northern Cape

0.90% Northern Province

4.30%

Northwest

2.90%

Western Cape

40.80%

Outside South Africa

10%

Province Unidentified

2% 2%

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average age at 20.5 years. As Figure A.7 further indicates, the majority of respondents, 51.2%, were first-year students, 35.8% second-year, 7.5% third-year, 1.5% fourth-year, and 4% beyond the fourth year of study. The breakdown of respondents into their provinces of origin is presented in Figure A.8. As this graph indicates, 64.2% identify themselves as urban dwellers, and 34% are from rural areas. The provincial breakdown of students indicates that 62% came from the Western Cape. The remainder of the respondents are distributed in the eight other provinces as follows: Gauteng 15.2%, Kwazulu-Natal 6%, Eastern Cape 5.3%, Free State 3.8%, Northern Cape 2.2%, Northern Province 1.1%, and Mpumalanga and Northwest less than 1% each; and 2% of the respondents reside outside South Africa. Three respondents failed to identify their province of residence. 3.40% 17.00%

African Colored Indian White

1.30%

77.00%

Figure A.5. Stellenbosch Student Respondents by Race

Male Female

43.30% 57.60%

Figure A.6. Stellenbosch Student Respondents by Gender

4% 1.50% 7.50%

51.20% 35.80%

First Year Second Year Third Year Fourth Year Beyond Fourth Year

Figure A.7. Stellenbosch Student Respondents by Year in School

165

Eastern Cape

5.30%

Free State

3.80%

Gauteng

15.20%

KwazuluNatal

6%

Mpumalanga

0.90%

Figure A.8 Stellenbosch Student Respondents by Province of Origin

0.00%

10.00%

20.00%

30.00%

40.00%

50.00%

60.00%

70.00%

Northern Cape

2.20%

Northern Province

1.10%

Northwest

0.90% Western Cape

62.00%

1% Outside Province South Africa Unidentified

2%

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SELECTION OF THE FACULTY SAMPLE The selection of the Black faculty sample was problematic because Blacks constituted less than 10% and 5% of the permanent faculty at UCT and Stellenbosch, respectively. In 1995, there were 31 African and 18 Colored permanent faculty among a staff of 749 faculty at UCT. In the same year, Stellenbosch had 5 African and 5 Colored permanent faculty members among a total staff of 927 permanent academics. For this reason, I employed a combination of strategies to identify Black faculty. As in the case of students, I requested permission from the deans and heads of departments. I specifically asked for the names of all Black faculty members to compensate for their small representation. At UCT, I consulted the representatives of the Black staff association for a further list of Black faculty and also pursued referrals from other Black faculty. Black academics were oversampled to compensate for their small representation. I selected a random sample of White faculty from the same departments and faculties where Black academics were identified. In some faculties, questionnaires were distributed to academics in one department; in others, respondents were selected from various departments within each faculty. The total faculty samples were 47 faculty respondents at UCT and 60 respondents at Stellenbosch. ADMINISTRATION OF STUDENT AND FACULTY QUESTIONNAIRES Pilot Groups I administered questionnaires to a group of thirty-seven students (in class) in the Faculty of Fine Arts and Architecture at UCT. Based on the feedback, verbal and written, received from these students, I made necessary revisions to the survey instrument. Similarly at Stellenbosch, I identified twenty-three students in the faculty of Agricultural Sciences for the pilot. I conducted similar pilots for the faculty at these two universities. For the faculty instrument, academics from the Faculty of Law were selected for the pilot. The logic for conducting pilot studies for each group of respondents at the two universities emanates from the fact that these institutions have specific dynamics that were applicable only to their situation. For example, there are virtually no Asian/Indian students at Stellenbosch; therefore, questions relating to this category of students would not be relevant.

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167

Response Rates In some classes, the instructors granted permission to distribute the questionnaires and wait for students to complete them. This process took about 20 minutes. In the other classes, the instructors granted permission to distribute the questionnaires in the first 5 to 10 minutes of class and to return during the next class period to collect the completed questionnaires. In those classes where the instructors granted permission to wait for the questionnaires, the response rates were higher than 70%. In the out-of-class situation, response rates ranged from 25% to 55%. The student and faculty response rates are presented in Tables A.1 through A.4.

Table A.1 Faculty of Affiliation

Student Response Rates at the University of Cape Town Place of Distribution and Completion

Arts

In class

Commerce: Groups 1–3 Group 4

Number of Questionnaires Distributed

Number of Percentage of Questionnaires Questionnaires Returned Returned

30

22

73.33

In class Out of class

115 120

93 47

80.87 39.17

Education

Out of class

40

10

25.00

Engineering: Group 1 Group 2

In class Out of class

53 46

51 23

96.23 50.00

Fine Arts and Architecture

In class In class

37 23

37 23

100.00 100.00

Law

Out of class

60

24

40.00

Science: Groups 1–2 Groups 2–3

Out of class In class

77 129

39 100

50.64 77.52

Social Sciences Out of class and Humanities

196

83

42.35

Total

926

552

59.61

168 Table A.2

Appendix Student Response Rates at the University of Stellenbosch

Faculty of Affiliation

Place of Distribution and Completion

Number of Questionnaires Distributed

Agricultural Science

In class

27

23

85.18

Arts and Humanities

In class

30

25

83.33

Economics and Business Science

Out of class

47

13

27.66

Education

Out of class

63

26

41.27

Engineering: Group 1 Group 2

In class Out of class

40 50

30 28

75.00 56.00

Forestry

In class

39

39

100.00

Law

In class

197

169

85.79

Science

In class

Total

Table A.3

Number of Percentage of Questionnaires Questionnaires Returned Returned

119

100

84.03

612

453

74.02

Faculty Response Rates at the University of Cape Town

Faculty of Affiliation

Arts

Number of Questionnaires Distributed

21

Number of Questionnaires Returned

5

Percentage of Questionnaires Returned

23.80

Commerce

10

5

50.00

Education

20

7

35.00

Engineering

11

5

45.45

Law

24

7

29.17

Science

26

12

46.15

Social Sciences and Humanities

11

7

63.64

Faculty Unidentified

—

2

123

50

Total

40.65

Appendix Table A.4

169 Faculty Response Rates at the University of Stellenbosch

Faculty of Affiliation

Number of Questionnaires Distributed

Number of Questionnaires Returned

Percentage of Questionnaires Returned

Arts and Humanities

49

19

8.79

Economics and Business Science

10

8

80.00

Education

10

8

80.00

6

4

66.67

12

9

75.00

6

4

66.67

Engineering Forestry Law Natural Science Total

25

8

32.00

118

60

50.84

Each student questionnaire was accompanied by a cover letter to explain the purpose of the study and assure respondents confidentiality. Students were never coerced to participate in the study. With in-class questionnaires, I took particular care to explain to students that their participation was voluntary and that nonparticipation would not affect them negatively. The student questionnaires were coded with a four-digit number to facilitate record keeping. The faculty questionnaires were distributed via campus mail. Each questionnaire was accompanied by a cover letter to explain the purpose of this study and assure all respondents confidentiality. Like the student questionnaires, faculty questionnaires were coded with a four-digit number to facilitate record keeping and followup where necessary. INTERVIEW PROTOCOL I interviewed administrators, including heads of departments, deans, director of the academic development program, director of admissions, director of equal opportunity program (if the position existed), associate vice chancellor for student affairs, vice chancellor for academic affairs, rector (the equivalent of a U.S. university president), representatives from the transformation committee, and members of the university council (the equivalent of the U.S. board of trustees). In addition, I conducted interviews with a small number of faculty members and a select group of

170

Appendix

student leaders. I selected the administrators on the basis of their university position; faculty and students were identified primarily through referrals. I took particular care to select candidates who represented a diverse range of attitudes, perceptions, and experiences to ensure a balanced and complete portrayal of the reality at these institutions. The qualitative data obtained through these interviews was important in responding to some of the “why” questions. The interviews were semistructured and examined questions relating to (1) perceptions about increasing Black enrollments and their impact on academic and other institutional structures, (2) staff diversification and development programs, and, in the case of the University of Stellenbosch, (3) the language issue. In the initial design of this study, language was not incorporated as a focal issue of investigation. However, it became very apparent during the course of this study that I could not effectively discuss transformation at Stellenbosch without a close examination of the language issue. I designed the interview guide to accommodate flexibility and to enable the interview to be tailored to the interests and knowledge base of the appropriate candidate. Such adaptability enabled the exploration of new themes that, though not included in the interview guide, offered meaningful insights about the process of transformation. I conducted all the interviews to maintain consistency and minimize concerns about quality and interpretations of interview material. Most of the interviews were recorded, although in a very few cases recording was not permitted. In a number of interviews (four), the interviewees requested certain segments of the interview not to be recorded. The interviews lasted at least 1 hour each, and in a number of cases (five), follow-up interviews were necessary. DATA ANALYSIS The analysis of the quantitative data was conducted at two levels: (1) a within-institution analysis of faculty and student attitudes and perceptions by race and (2) a between-institutions comparison of perceptions and attitudes by race. The primary aim of the quantitative analysis was to determine whether there were significant differences in the perceptions and attitudes of African, Colored, and White students and faculty on a number of dimensions related to the responses of the two universities to increasing Black enrollments. Given the current racial composition of the students and faculty at UCT and Stellenbosch, a larger percentage of

Appendix

171

respondents were White. The proportion of African and Colored faculty was particularly low. For instance, at UCT there were seven African and two Colored faculty in the total sample of forty-seven faculty respondents. The numbers were even smaller at the University of Stellenbosch, where only one African academic respondent and three Coloreds were in the total sample of sixty faculty respondents. Although the representation of Colored and African faculty was low within each sample, it was proportional to their numbers in the larger university population. The analysis of the quantitative data was conducted in two steps. First, the frequency distribution for each item was examined for each campus. Next, to determine the accuracy of the hypothesized relationships between specific questions (items) and the concepts for which they were intended to be indicators, a principal components factor analysis was conducted. Although four factors were expected for the questions measuring student perceptions and attitudes, the factor analysis yielded three factors: (1) campus racial climate, (2) impact on faculty responses, and (3) university responsiveness to students’ academic needs. The first factor consisted of questions examining the racial environment at the two universities. The second factor explored the responses of faculty to the academic needs of a diversified student population. The third factor, which I expected to be two factors, was two sets of closely related questions, hence their loading as one factor. This factor was comprised of two distinct dimensions. The first was an actuality or reality dimension that examined the institution’s responsiveness to the academic needs of students. The second dimension was evaluative, in that its component questions required respondents to evaluate the adequacy of institutional responses to students’ academic needs. For purposes of clarity in the analysis and discussion of results, the evaluative dimensions of the third factor are discussed as a separate factor, which is identified as adequacy of institutional responses to students’ needs. A principal component factor analysis was also conducted for the faculty data, resulting in three instead of the four expected factors. The three factors were (1) institutional priorities, (2) effect on teaching styles and techniques, and (3) institutional responsiveness to students’ academic needs. For the faculty, with much smaller samples (N = 47 at UCT and N = 60 at Stellenbosch), simple counts and percentages were used. For the core of the discussion of student results, I used t-tests to explore differences by racial group for both campuses. The multimethod approach used in this study proved essential. The survey data allowed an assessment of the breadth, and the qualitative

172

Appendix

data offered more in-depth insights of the issues examined. Further, the qualitative data provided an opportunity to explore issues that were not initially part of this study, for example, the language issue at the University of Stellenbosch, which proved to be essential to this study. NOTE 1Peterson,

M. W., Blackburn, R. T., Gamson, Z., Arce, C. H., Davenport, R. W., & Mingle, J. R. Black Students on White Campuses: The Impact of Increased Black Enrollments. Ann Arbor: Survey Research Center, University of Michigan, 1978.

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Index

recruitment, 42, 54, 76 student enrollment patterns, 40, 42, 48–49, 146 Affirmative Action. See also Faculty diversity dominant U.S. conceptions of, 138–139 opposition to, 135 relevance in South Africa, 139–141 Africanization, 8–9 Afrikaans language universities, 2, 21, 26, 37. See also Historically White universities Alternative Admissions Research Project, 46–48, 112 Ashley, M.J, 26

Academic Development Programs 46, 52–56. See also Admissions policies administrator perceptions of, 58 alternative perspectives about, 147 student assessment of, 148 student concerns about, 57 Academic Standards, 6, 58–59, 150 debates about, 6–7, 59 faculty concerns about, 7, 58 student concerns about, 7 Access. See also Admissions policies admissions policies, 4, 5 alternative admissions criteria, 46–48 factors influencing, 5–6 financial concerns, 154 Admissions policies, 39 academic development programs, 42–46, 52–53, 54, 56 administrator perceptions of, 52 alternative admissions research project, 46–48 factors influencing, 39 faculty perceptions of, 53 at historically White universities, 4

Bantu education, 18–20 Bantu Education Act, 15, 18–19, 20, 27 Cape African Teachers Association and, 21 Colored Persons Education Act, 20 Indian Education Act, 20 student resistance, 21

181

182 Bantu education (cont.) teacher reaction against, 21 Transvaal African Teachers Association and, 21 Biko, Steve, 1 Black Consciousness Movement, 24 Booysen S., 37, 38 Bird, J., 77 British Education Policy, 17 Bunting, I.A., 5 Chisolm, L, 17 Christie, P., 19, 25 Collins, C., 19, 25 Cox, T., 8 Cross, M., 17 deLange Commission, 28 Department of Education and Training, 40, 104, 107 Dreijmanis, J., 37 Eiselen Commission, 19 Employment Equity Bill, 153 English Language Universities, 2, 21, 26, 35, 38. See also Historically White universities Equal opportunity employment concerns about, 131 objections to, 130 policy, 125, 130–133 Extension of University Education Act, 15, 24–25 Faculty concerns about student recruitment, 97, 100, 101, 103 divergent perceptions about student recruitment, 98 instructional strategies, 155 pedagogical practices, 104, 155–157

Index perceptions about faculty recruitment, 99–100 profile of respondents, 95–97, 166 referrals to tutorial services, 105 relationship with students, 109 Faculty diversity. See also Faculty recruitment commitment to, 155 Faculty employment administrator explanation of diversity, 142, 150, 154 gender distribution of faculty, 119, 125 gender inequities, 118 racial composition of faculty, 119, 125 retention of, 10 trends in, 10, 117–119 Faculty recruitment equal opportunity employment policy, 125, 130–133 racial and gender composition of faculty, 118–125 staff broadening policy, 125, 134, 135–136 Feinberg, W., 139 Formal schooling British policies of, 17 colonial, 16 early development of, 16 religious, 16 segregation in, 17–18 Gwala, N., 20, 24 Haeck, W., 46 Higher Education Act, 145, 153 Historically Black universities, 23 classification of, 25 development of, 24–25 goals for development of 25

Index Historically White universities, 2, 29, 67 criteria for selection, 36 Hochschild, J.L, 77 Homelands, 20 Institutional culture, 8, 55, 68, 70, 74–75, 90, 91, 142, 147, 149 administrator explanation of, 75 impact of racial identity, 77 social and cultural alienation, 56, 74–75, 77, 137 supportive environment, 155 Keenan, J.H., 38 Key educational events, 22 Keto, T.C., 16 Labour Relations Act, 153 Language Policy, 36 and Afrikaner identity and nationalism, 92 analysis of Afrikaans speakers, 88 barrier to access, 90, 146 debates about, 87, 89 language of instruction, 87, 146, 149 language of oppressor, 92 student concerns about, 90 at University of Stellenbosch, 88–90 MacGregor, K., 9 Mandela, 1, 4, 24 Makgoba, W.M, 6, 9 Maphai, V.T., 133, 140, 141 Murray, 38 National Commission on Higher Education, 9, 30, 46, 117, 145 recommendations of, 30

183 National Education Crisis Committee, 29 Nkuhlu, W, 141 Policy Recommendations, 151 Racial Climate, 68 alienation, 74–75 attitudes towards others, 72 measures of, 68 polarization of students, 73, 149 racial conflict, 70 rules of interaction, 68 student perceptions of, 68 student concerns about, 74 Racial differentiation of education, 17 separatist ideology, 17 exclusionary practices, 18 Religious Education, 16 Dutch Reformed Church, 16, 17 Separate Education University Bill, 24 Sisulu, Walter, 1 Sobukwe, Robert, 24 Student academic needs concerns about, 78 faculty responses to, 78–82 Student graduation rates, 157 Student resistance, 27 Black Consciousness Movement (BCM), 27 1976 student riots, 27 South African student organization (SASO), 27 Student respondents, 66, 161–165 response rates, 167–169 Transformation definitions of, 2–3 factors influencing, 3, 67 transformation forum, 149 Tambo, Oliver, 24

184 Universities Amendment Act, 29, 35, 49 University responsiveness, 82 to alternative admissions, 82, 83, 85 commitment to faculty diversity, 82, 85, 87

Index slow progress, 82 to student diversity, 82–83 Verwoerd, H.F., 25 Yeld, N., 46