Twenty-First Century Schools

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EDUCATIONAL FUTURES RETHINKING THEORY AND PRACTICE Volume 5 Series Editors Michael A. Peters University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA J. Freeman-Moir University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand Editorial Board Michael Apple, University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA Miriam David, Department of Education, Keele University, UK Cushla Kapitzke, The University of Queensland, Australia Elizabeth Kelly, DePaul University, USA Simon Marginson, Monash University, Australia Mark Olssen, University of Surrey, UK Fazal Rizvi, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA Susan Robertson, University of Bristol, UK Linda Smith, University of Auckland, New Zealand Arun Kumar Tripathi, Dresden University of Technology, Germany Scope This series maps the emergent ?ield o? educational ?utures. It Cill commission books on the ?utures o? education in relation to the Fuestion o? globalisation and knoCledge economy. It seeks authors Cho can demonstrate their understanding o? discourses o? the knoCledge and learning economies. It aspires to build a consistent approach to educational ?utures in terms o? traditional methods, including scenario planning and ?oresight, as Cell as imaginative narratives, and it Cill eJamine eJamples o? ?utures research in education, pedagogical eJperiments, neC utopian thinking, and educational policy ?utures Cith a strong accent on actual policies and eJamples.

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A C.I.P. record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.

ISBN 90-77874-16-X Published by: Sense Publishers, P.O. Box 21858, 3001 AW Rotterdam, The Netherlands http://www.sensepublishers.com

Gerard Macdonald is Visiting Fellow at the Centre for Research in Innovation Management, University of Brighton, UK. David Hursh is at the Warner Graduate School of Education and Human Development, University of Rochester, USA.

Cover photo: Ornan Rotem

Printed on acid-free paper

All Rights Reserved © 2006 Sense Publishers No part of this work may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recording or otherwise, without written permission from the Publisher, with the exception of any material supplied specifically for the purpose of being entered and executed on a computer system, for exclusive use by the purchaser of the work.

Many people have influenced my thinking about schools, networks and new economies. Among them are Richard Aldrich, Sandy Campbell-Smith, Vincent Carpentier, Anne Casey, Ivor Goodson, Celia Hoyles, David Hursh, Raphie Kaplinsky, Diana Laurillard, Richard Noss, Seymour Papert, John Parry, Mitch Resnick, Marlene Scardamalia, John Schostak, Roger Wassell-Smith, Chris Watkins, Peter Weiss, Michael White and Michael Young. Errors and omissions are of course my own. GM Over the last several decades many people have pushed me in my political thinking and academic research. Some of the many people who deserve thanks include: Pauline Lipman, Michael Peters, Angela Valenzuela, Michael Apple, Susan Robertson, Roger Dale, Linda McNeil, E. Wayne Ross, Gloria Ladson-Billings, and Dave Hill. In Rochester, public school administrators William Cala and Dan Drmacich have been both inspirational in their reform efforts and helpful in providing memos, articles and other artifacts regarding local and state education policies. I also thank the students in my courses who have read more versions of my different papers than either I or they care to remember. Lastly, I cannot thank enough my wife, Camille Martina, who supports my work in more ways than I can say. DH

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special category of ‘legitimate school knowledge’ which means that, even where pupils are learning something with the same name as something in the world outside (‘mathematics’, for instance, or ‘biology’) the two activities are likely to be quite different. Most discussion and writing about schools has a hermetic quality. Openly or otherwise it reflects the system’s assumptions, and is commonly couched in a sublanguage of semi-scholastic discourse. This explains the astonishing dullness and claustrophobic quality of most educational debates. Since they are inward-looking, and since they are not carried on in the English most of us speak, it is difficult for outsiders to assess the issues. Evaluation of schools, teachers and pupils also reflects the closure of the system. Evaluative instruments are designed by educators or put in hand by the political administrators of education. As with any hermetic system, there are no reality checks: we know only what the school system wants us to know about pupils, about teachers, about schools, or about the system itself. With non-monopolistic businesses, customers can go elsewhere. With democratic governments, we can, if we wish, vote for change on polling day. Some of us can leave our country – or try to leave it – if we dislike what is happening and (as with East Germany under Ulbricht and Honecker) this may be a reality check for the ruling class. In normal times, school systems have no such reality checks. With schools, those outside the education system (or learners within it) have no recognised means of implementing significant change. Parents can move their children to a new school; schools may be classed as ‘failing’; but the system continues, largely unaltered. (This issue is considered more fully in chapter 7.) Closure also affects research and development in school systems. Collectively, educators resemble other closed and introverted congeries – trainspotters, twitchers, bellringers and the like – in having a language which is comprehensible within the group, but only partially understood by those in the real world. For similar reasons, most research, established within system assumptions, is flawed: vitiated by failure to recognise that schooling is primarily a politico-economic project, not an educational one. Conversely, work on the economics of school systems – which does set them in political and economic context – treats schooling itself as a black box.8 The research measures the relationships and effects of various inputs and outputs but, since there is no serious examination of what actually happens within schools, we have no sense of how different types of schooling might affect ambient economies, or how those economies might affect the business of schooling. THE PRACTICE OF SCHOOLING DOES NOT ACCUMULATE WISDOM

Everyone has been to school. Everyone knows about schools. We habitually deny that there is anything to be known about schools that is not common knowledge, or common sense. Schools do not build up a store of wisdom that would improve their practice, and the practice of schools in the future. ‘Curiously enough, teachers at 15

CHAPTER 2

the elementary and secondary level … do not fit the template of the modern knowledge-based communities, even though they make intensive use of knowledge. There may be a massive amount of innovation going on as individual instructors strive to find solutions to their teaching problems, but, perhaps because those problems involve working with “unstandardised materials”, i.e. their students, relatively few of those pedagogical innovations are passed on to, and shared by the rest of the community.’9 SCHOOLS AS THINGS

There is a centuries-old dissenting tradition of education outside the classroom. Last century, deschoolers brought new energy to the argument and, more recently, networked technologies have made it possible (at least in theory) to bring education to learners, rather than bringing pupils together in a place called school.10 In this view schools as physical things are unnecessary for the process of education. Most politicians, who pay for state schools, do not agree, for they do not see schools as primarily educational. In the accepted political vision, schools’ primary function is to keep children safe, enabling both parents (whether or not they are together) to be part of the national workforce. At the time of writing, there are plans to lengthen school days in Britain, to make it possible for parents to work longer hours, unimpeded by children. Clearly, if child-minding is a central function of schooling, we need schools as physical places – as buildings more or less insulated from the community around them. Doubtless some schools will be built in new configurations: at the time of writing British architects are putting forward novel and interesting designs. But these are still schools as built environments. Even if (as is likely) increasing numbers of young people are educated outside the scholastic system, schools will continue, for the foreseeable future, to be physical things. A NETWORKED WORLD

A vignette. Not long ago, an English school, in a traditional Victorian building, became the proud possessor of six new desktop computers. But the teacher in charge of the equipment had a problem: the school still had only one phone, which was in the headmaster’s office. The problem was solved when the teacher found that she could call her computer helpline and, when asked the content of current error message, could run upstairs, read the message, and run down again to the phone. It made her evening step class unnecessary. New economies will be networked economies. Twenty-first century societies, in most of the world, will be networked societies. Schools cannot prepare students for a networked world by ‘teaching computing’, or by adding static computers to a print-based, industrially-oriented organisation. School systems will prepare for a networked world when they are, themselves, a functioning and integrated part of that world.

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EDUCATION AND ECONOMIC CHANGE If politicians finance school systems mainly to support the national economy, there will come a point, in the process of economic change, when schools – for various reasons – are manifestly not offering that support. When this lack of support for new economies becomes clear to politicians, there will be pressure (as there has been at times in the past) for significant change across the school system. Since politicians have the power to make such changes, they will probably happen, as they have in the past. Which leads to other questions: are economies changing? Will they change significantly? For Britain and the US, the answer is clearly yes. There will be internally and technologically driven changes; but there will also be shifts brought about by external factors. There is widespread consensus that the former are leading economically developed nations (and some which are now less developed) toward economies in which the principal dynamic of growth is knowledge, rather than land, labour or capital (see chapter 14). Of external factors, the most publicised are global competition, climate change and oil depletion. Those three issues, together with economic shifts, mean that, in the working lifetime of those now at school, the world will be a very different place; and of course schools too will need commensurate alteration.

1

Reich 1992 Drucker 1996 3 The Guardian 16.9.2003 4 Ibid 5 Quoted in The Economist 19.11.2005 6 Ibid 7 Mr Blair, speech in Downing Street, 24.10.2005 8 See, for instance, the interesting collection of essays edited by Machin and Vignoles 2004 9 David and Foray 2003 10 See for example Bentley 1998 2

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CHAPTER 3

This training in ‘professional skills’ was offered to a small number of older children. For the young, schooling was a moral and religious experience, or at least it was so intended. What we would now call primary schooling began in Britain with the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge in 1698. Its method was, as ever, didactic. Education consisted of learning the catechism by heart. In subsequent decades ‘Sunday schools’ continued this tradition. Young people, who had often spent the week in underpaid employment, were lectured on Sundays by men of the church, or they worked from carefully chosen texts. This mode of parttime instruction was extended in 1802, when the British Parliament passed a ‘Health and Morals of Apprentices Act’. The Act obliged all apprentices to attend religious education classes each Sunday, as well as having some instruction in reading, writing and arithmetic. It is not clear where health came in. If some church schools were, in a limited sense, vocational, most were characterised by academic – which is to say bookish and backward-looking – curricula. Traces of this tradition continued long after school systems became predominantly secular and, ostensibly, servants of industry. ‘One way of viewing … characteristics of the academic curriculum is to see them as the historical outcome of how mass education was established on a model of bookish learning for priests which was extended first to lawyers and doctors but which increasingly 4 has come to dominate the curricula of all older age groups in industrial societies.’ In the early eighteenth century there was, across Britain, a scattering of religious schools which took in poor children. Beyond that there was no formal schooling for those who could not pay (a nostalgic state for some deschoolers). The family home was likely to be both adult workplace and, at times, school for the children of the family. But adults’ going out to work – as that became more common in the eighteenth century and later – was matched by an increase in children’s ‘going out to school’; and in schools for them to go to. For the poor, these were likely to be church schools, charity, or ‘ragged’ schools. In ethos, such schools reflected their ecclesiastical or monastic origins. Centuries later, some still do. Charity schools were funded by the rich for the deserving poor; church schools were financed by one or other religious institution. In the early nineteenth century Sunday schools and ragged schools had spread more widely across the land. What these schools did was called education, but education was seldom a main concern. As in earlier centuries, schools’ mission was, usually, indoctrination. Church-controlled schooling for the poor initiated traditions which continue, less explicitly, to the present day. The first is a belief in schools as a force for gentling young people, in particular young people of the lower orders: a domestic mission civilisatrice. Religious studies in schools were not mainly intended to deepen understanding of God and His works. Religion was seen, often explicitly, as a way of subduing poor children. ‘In the hymns they sang, the prayers they recited, and the sermons they had to listen to, charity children were constantly reminded of 5 their low estate and the duty and respect they owed to their betters.’ Still further down the social scale – at the bottom, in fact – workhouse schools also invoked God, in the hope that ‘children of the poor, instead of being bred up in ignorance

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,&.6$%&, ,12.36 +$501\ 5%6 #*&1 .%*9$+,53 ,',&$M, 2) &$,&*%W\ )2+ ,&.6$%&, 5W$6 V\ GG 5%6 GO\ &2 $%,.+$ &1$ P$+)2+M5%0$ 2) &1$ #123$ ,',&$MU_29

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CHAPTER 6

that you could “trust the government in Washington to do what is right all or most of the time”…Such views nowadays seem antiquated or naïve. In virtually every case the proportions agreeing or disagreeing with such ideas essentially have been reversed. In the 1990s roughly three in four Americans didn’t trust the government to do what is right most of the time.’48 More generally it can be said that ‘there is nothing in present proposals for education for the global economy that would provide the general population with the knowledge and skills to exercise political 49 power.’ The issue, in this country and others, is set where knowledge, truth and learning intersect. Why, we must ask, are honest answers to such questions seen as being outside the competence of school systems? The questions of contemporary life are surely more important than, say, the date Napoleon invaded Spain, or the temperature at which copper melts. We can look up the answers to those. But we cannot look up definitive answers to the questions which vitally affect us – those to which we urgently need answers, and which have no easy answers. Commonly we cannot even find the information on which to base answers – at least not in the places, like the mass media, where we might expect to look. Most of the mass media are uninterested in the non-celebrity world, or under political control, or are concerned with maximising profits while relaying the views of their corporate masters. For students an interesting task is to see whether they can publish, on the web, a blog, a news sheet, a forum or a journal more lively, honest and accurate than the media offered by our corporations. Given the chance, most can. As the media move away from critical reflection, education might be expected to take that role. But if contemporary and contentious themes are excluded from the classroom, that does not augur well for our common and precarious future.

1

Quoted in Goodson 1988 Feynman 1985 3 Young 1998 4 Ong 1982 5 Young 1998 6 Kaku 1998 7 The (few) teachers equipped to deal competently with the post-genomic biogenetics are, in most cases, unable to deal adequately with the social and ethical issues raised almost weekly by this scientific revolution 8 Margaret Hodge, reported in The Guardian, 14.1.2002 9 Reich 2000 10 Rethinking Schools 17(2) Winter 2002/2003 11 The Prime Minister’s speech to the tenth annual conference of the Technology Colleges Trust, 26 November 2002. www.pm.gov.uk/output.page 6678.asp 12 Wiener 1992 13 Ibid 14 Bruner 1963 15 Williams 1961 16 Ibid 17 Chancellor 1970 18 Ibid 19 Davys 1822 2

66

WHAT SCHOOLS TEACH AND WHAT THEY DON’T TEACH 20

Aldrich, R (1989) ‘Class and gender in the study and teaching of history in England in the twentieth century’ Historical Studies in Education, Vol. 1, No. 1, p. 121 21 USA Today 21.10.05. The French newspaper Liberation helpfully republished ‘drawings from France Overseas, an illustrated colonial Atlas of 1931 that showed "before" and "after" drawings, one a sketch of Africans cooking and eating another human being, the second a school house on a well-manicured street with a French flag flying overhead’. 22 Department for Education Press Release 70/94, 1994 23 John Patten, television broadcast, BBC1, 24 March 1994 24 Hargreaves, D (2001) Mosaic of Learning Demos 25 Cullingford 1992 26 The Crick Report p. 8 27 Jones 1989 28 Ibid 29 Ibid 30 The post-1997 Labour government opposed (and eventually repealed) Section 28, but its control of school knowledge is as tight as that of its predecessors 31 Jones 1989 32 Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools (henceforward ‘the Crick Report’) London: DfES 1998 33 Ibid 34 Personal communication from Professor Bernard Crick 35 The Crick Report 36 Ibid 37 Buckingham 1999 38 Independent 12.5.04 39 ‘Young People’s Attitudes to Politics’ Nestlé Family Monitor 16, July 2003 40 A young person’s agenda for democracy – one year on: a report from the Youth Voting Network Youth Voting Network 2003 41 www.dfes.gov.uk/citizenship/ 42 US teenager, quoted in Buckingham (2000) 43 Crick 1999 44 Selwyn 2004 45 Ibid 46 Ibid 47 Matthew Taylor, IPPR, quoted in The Guardian 29.8.02 48 Putnam 2000 49 Spring 1998

67

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&!B""C& @& &%CDH@&&%&&(#E &,&$%A& ‘Whether they were used for placing people within the mass production systems of the industrial economy, or for certifying an apprentice’s competence within the craft system of the pre-industrial economy, or for unlocking access to university education, traditional forms of assessment were predicated on the assumption that the range of skills or competences that citizens or workers would need to demonstrate was narrow and durable.’ Paul Skidmore ‘Who, we may ask, has had the greatest impact on American education in this century? If you are thinking of John Dewey or any other education philosopher, I must say you are quite wrong. The greatest impact has been made by quiet men in grey suits in a suburb of New York City called Princeton, New Jersey. There, they developed and promoted the technology known as the standardized test, such as IQ tests, the SATs and the GREs. Their tests redefined what we mean by learning, and have resulted in our reorganizing the curriculum to accommodate the tests.’ Neil Postman /&5&$ ,01223, 5+$ .%.,.53 *% &15& 53M2,& $9$+' M$5,.+$ 2) &1$*+ $))$0&*9$%$,, 02M$, )+2M #*&1*% &1$ ,01223 ,',&$M\ 2+ )+2M &12,$ #12 02%&+23 *&_ "15& *, &2 ,5'\ 5,,$,,M$%& M$5,.+$, 5+$ 0+$5&$6 5%6 M5*%&5*%$6 I' P$2P3$ #12 +.% &1$ ,',&$M\ 5+$ P5*6 I' *&\ 2+ #12 6*+$0&3' 6$P$%6 2% *&_ ;))$0&*9$ *%6$P$%6$%& $953.5&*2% *, 53M2,& %2%($a*,&$%&\ #1*3$ $%62W$%2., &$,&*%W P+23*)$+5&$,_ dA& 15, I$$% $,&*M5&$6 &15&\ 50+2,, ?+*&5*%U, P+*M5+' 5%6 ,$02%65+' ,&5&$ ,01223,\ ,2M$ KS M*33*2% &$,& P5P$+, 5+$ %2# ,$& 5%6 M5+J$6 *% &1$ 02.+,$ 2) 5 ,01223 '$5+ c 5 )*W.+$ #1*01 &+5%,35&$6 *%&2 &$501$+,U 5%6 P.P*3,U &*M$\ W*9$, 5% *6$5 2) 12# M.01 2) &1$ ,01223 '$5+ *, %2& ,P$%& &$501*%W 2+ 3$5+%*%W_e ;a5M,\ &$,&,\ 3$5W.$ &5I3$, d*% ?+*&5*%e\ &$501$+ 5PP+5*,53,\ ,01223 5,,$,,M$%&, c 533 5+$ *%&$+%53 &2 &1$ ,',&$M_ "1$' +*,J 29$+#1$3M*%W *&[ ,2M$ $a5M P5P$+, 5+$ ,$%& &2 A%6*5 )2+ M5+J*%W\ 2&1$+, 159$ I$$% M5+J$6 I' &1$ ,$0+$&5+*53 ,&5)) 2) ;%W3*,1 $a5M I25+6,_ 8$0*,*2%, 2% #15& ,01223, ,12.36 &$501Z 2% &1$ M$5,.+$, #1*01 b.6W$ P.P*3,U P$+)2+M5%0$Z 2% &1$ 5,,$,,M$%& 2) &$501$+, 5%6 2) *%6*9*6.53 ,01223,Z 2% &1$ ,01223 ,',&$MU, 29$+533 P$+)2+M5%0$ c &1$,$ &22 5+$ P+$6*05&$6 2% 5,,.MP&*2%, )+2M #*&1*% $6.05&*2%U, 032,$6 02MM.%*&'_ "1$ ,',&$M 6$0*6$, %2& 2%3' #15& ,12.36 I$ &5.W1& I.& 53,2 6$0*6$, 2% 12# #$33 P.P*3, 159$ *%&$+%53*,$6 &15& 02%&$%&\ 5%6 12# #$33 d*% &1$ ,12+& &$+Me &1$' +$0533 *&_ A% &.+%\ ,01223, 5+$ b.6W$6 2% &1$*+ P.P*3,U ,.00$,, 2+ )5*3.+$ *% M$$&*%W &1$ ,',&$MU, 0+*&$+*5_ D& &1$ %$a& 3$9$3\ &$501$+, 5+$ b.6W$6 2% `12# #$33 &1$' &$501U c b.6W$6 %2& I' &12,$ #12 TR

CHAPTER 7

are taught, or by those who will live and work with the teachers’ pupils, but on how well the teachers themselves conform to the education system’s rules. The wider school system is judged principally on an amalgamation of league tables: on whether the annual percentage of examination passes is rising or falling. It is a system of accountability described by Baroness O’Neill as one that ‘can do two bad things: it can damage assessment and fundamentally damage education’.1 Independent assessment – whether by the market or by other means – encourages change. A business which sells unpopular products will be deserted by its customers: the market is an independent, often harsh, assessor. A hospital which kills more people than it cures will lack patients, if they have any choice in the matter. (Nor is it a consolation to tell suffering patients that there are good hospitals in other cities, though this technique is commonly used to excuse bad schools.) Schools can persistently offer bad education and still have a new cohort of clients each year, since there is no independent assessment of what constitutes a good or a bad education and since, for many people, there is no accessible alternative. Over the past decades in Britain (or parts of Britain) we have seen the creation of various quangos – quasi-governmental organisations – charged with regulating the school system: the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority, the Teacher Training Agency, the General Teaching Council, and others. None is independent of the education system and all – being unelected and having some power over schools, teachers and pupils – raise the question quis custodiet ipsos custodes? Who polices the police? If these official bodies get things wrong (as all organisations sometimes do) who will put them right? The most influential of these British quangos is the ostensibly independent Ofsted (Office for Standards in Education). Ofsted is charged with evaluation of British state schools and, though more moderate in recent years, it seems to have taken its original inspiration from that earlier Office which was charged with stamping out heresy. (Heresy for Ofsted is child-centred education.) Ofsted does not operate on behalf of schools’ staff and clients (pupils, ex-pupils, parents, teachers, employers and so on), but on behalf of its political paymasters – within limits set by them and (which may be the same thing) within taken-for-granted assumptions about teaching, curricula, and learning. Within these parameters Ofsted’s aspirations have ranged between the destructive aims of a chief inspector who did not believe in the comprehensive state schooling he was appointed to regulate2 and a liberal apologia for increasingly unequal educational opportunity, under the catch-all guise of ‘raising standards’. (Schools which are forcibly closed do not have low, or indeed any, standards.) If we seek independent assessment of schooling, we should not look to Ofsted. Politicians at times tell us that school systems’ self-assessment is standard practice. It is not. On the contrary, it is highly unusual for any commercial or social system to be self-assessing for so long a period and, hence, to have so little need to be dissatisfied with its performance, or so little incentive to improve its basic way of working. Over centuries, the didactic method has come to seem a fact of nature. Around it has developed what Davis calls a consensus trance. We take it as the way 70

SCHOOLS AS SELF-ASSESSING SYSTEMS

that schools must be, though of course that is not the case. Schools are human creations. However they are now, they might be otherwise. There are those, like Headley Beare,3 who argue that schools, despite their appearance of stasis, are in fact changing significantly. But the argument turns out not to be empirical, but rather a series of ways in which schools might change; the sort of idealistic wish list educators have been drawing up since education began. In reality it is hard to see significant alterations in schools’ way of working: the many scholastic changes are, almost invariably, at the periphery of schools’ practice, not at the centre. School systems, being self-assessing are, almost by definition, closed. Like other closed systems, they take little from the world outside, and are little influenced by it – which accounts for the oddly parochial nature of educational dialogue. At most times the only effective outside influence on school systems comes from the politicians who control them. As we have seen, most politicians have two main aims for schooling: civilising the young, and training them to be, in the near future, a productive workforce. But, whatever one thinks of these aims, there is a caveat. Politicians are not very good at putting them into effect. We now need workers trained (and educated) very differently from those of the industrial era, but politicians and educational administrators seem to have no clear idea of how that might be done. And this too is characteristic of closed systems: they respond lethargically, and often imprudently, to changes in the world around them. HOW MIGHT INDEPENDENT ASSESSMENT WORK?

So how might school systems be judged otherwise than by themselves? How might we go beyond self-auditing? In theory, there are several ways. Pupils, or ex-pupils, might be asked whether what they had learned was useful; or was what they wanted to learn. Employers – rather than business lobbyists – could be asked whether school had given their employees an ideal preparation for work they are doing, or might do. We have little information on what employers think of school qualifications. ‘Limited facility with calculus; the ability to analyse strains of irony in As You Like It; an excellent knowledge of riverine sedimentation; and a thoughtful analysis of the reasons for the Franco-Prussian war’… does this equip a school-leaver to join a team designing and marketing the next generation of mobile phones? Entrepreneurs too could be asked whether school leavers have the innovative and practical qualities enterprises need. Parents – notably those who were not pushing for ‘good universities’ – could be asked whether schools were serving their children as well as they might. Those who deal with coming economic change could be asked whether schools were now preparing pupils adequately for the next half century of their working lives. Indeed this type of assessment could be left entirely to those outside, rather than within, the school system. ‘Schools believe they have the job of assessment as part of their natural role [but] assessment is not the job of schools. Products ought to be assessed by the buyer of those products, not the producer. Let schools do the best job they can, and then let the buyer 71

CHAPTER 7

beware. Schools must concentrate on learning and teaching, not on testing and 4 comparing.’ That of course is unlikely to happen for, while schools assess their pupils, and themselves, there will be little pressure for radical change. Nor is there any real competitive pressure to find new and better ways of encouraging learning in schools. The post-1997 Labour government (and more specifically the Prime Minister’s office) has continued its predecessors’ policy of privatising the state system, under the flag of increased competition and parental choice, which is discussed more fully in chapter 8. Competition from private for-profits and non-profits sounds as if it might be what an ossified and monopolistic school system needs – and so it is, until we think through what it means in practice. Understandably any privatised part of the system (whether profit-making or not) will go for ‘good results’. That means, in effect, going for what politicians now demand of state schools: an emphasis on training; easily testable routines; concentration on students likely to deliver academic success; open or covert removal of pupils likely to lower the school’s examination success rate; easily marked tests; easily ranked school standings. We might like to believe that these privatised parts of the school system would innovate by concentrating on developing school-leavers who will be curious, critical and interested in learning. So far, that has been a vain hope – at least in the case of schooling for the majority. Of course there are differences from school to school but, in terms of teaching and learning, distinctions are likely to be superficial while most teaching remains didactic, subject-based and evaluated from within a closed school system. By continuing the principle of a self-assessing (though partially privatised) system, the British government is likely to get the worst of both worlds: widening the 80:20 divide, worsening schools in poor areas, and diverting to private hands funds which might have improved them.

1

Onora O’Neill, principal of Newnham College, Cambridge, quoted in The Guardian 25.10.05 Chris Woodhead, the first head of Ofsted, opened his incumbency by announcing that 15,000 teachers in England and Wales were incompetent. Like the late Senator McCarthy speaking of Communists in the US State Department, Mr Woodhead was unable to say who the culprits were, or how he assessed their competence. Mr Woodhead is also on record as wanting ‘pragmatic education policies, implemented with crisp Arthur Andersen efficiency’. To be fair, the comment was made before Arthur Andersen was found guilty of illegally shredding incriminating documents related to its highly dubious accounting practices. Though later cleared, the firm collapsed in a notably un-crisp welter of lawsuits and recrimination 3 Beare 2001 4 Schank 2004 2

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CHAPTER 10

about the negation of human agency, despite the good intentions of individuals at 16 all levels. Lipman’s analysis shows how corporate and political interests transformed Chicago into a global city catering to the financial, real estate and tourist industries, and multinational corporations, with Eurban development and gentrification, and an urban geography of centrality and marginality along lines of race, ethnicity and 17 social class.F However, her study ends just before NCLB was implemented, a reform, as I will show, which is only likely to exacerbate the problems. THE BUSH ADMINISTRATION: NCLB, MARKETS, CHOICE, AND PRIVATIZATION

President George W Bush signed into law the No Child Left Behind Act on 8 January 2002. Most of the Act’s re[uirements immediately went into effect, including re[uiring states to develop standardi\ed tests and assessment systems in order to determine whether schools are making ]ade[uate yearly progress’ (AYP). NCLB became law because it, like the standards, testing, and accountability movement on which it builds, ostensibly aims to improve education, especially for those students who have historically been disadvantaged, including students of colour and students living in poverty. I will argue, however, that NCLB undermines efforts to decrease educational ine[uality, introduces neo-liberal solutions such as markets and ]choice’ to education, and increases the degree to which government authorities seek to control education from a distance through increased regulation and auditing.18 President Bush promoted NCLB as a means of replicating at the federal level the ]success’ achieved in Texas. In addition, as in New York State, the proponents of NCLB have argued that it will improve educational opportunities for all students. Rodney Paige, Secretary of Education, has described NCLB as an extension of the civil rights movement of the 1960s, building on the legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr. Paige recently stated: Forty-four years ago, Dr Martin Luther King, Jr. said, ]The great challenge facing the nation today is to solve segregation and discrimination and bring into full reali\ation the ideas and dreams of our democracy’. The No Child Left Behind Act does that. The law creates the conditions of e[uitable access to education for all children. It brings us a step closer to the promise of our constitution. It fulfils the mandate in Brown v. Board of Education. It honours the trust parents place in our schools and teachers, with a [uality education for 19 all children, every single one. Paige, who is Black, therefore aims to position opponents to NCLB as anti-civil rights. To this discourse of e[uality Paige adds two other discourses, which are also prominent in the reform argument elsewhere, such as in New York State and Chicago: testing provides more objective assessments and global economic 114

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competition re[uires reform. What to know and where to go: A parents’ guide to 20 No Child Left Behind conveys to the public the benefits of NCLB. Paige informs the reader that standardi\ed tests provide a valid and reliable means of assessing student learning, and this approach improves on teacher-generated assessments. It informs parents that NCLB Ewill give them objective dataF through standardi\ed testing.21 Further, objective data from tests are necessary because in the past Emany parents have children who are getting straight As, but find out too late that their child is not prepared for college. That’s just one reason why NCLB gives parents 22 objective data about how their children are doing.F Teachers, it implies, have neither rigorously enforced standards nor accurately assessed students, thereby covering up their own and their students’ failures. Further, test scores will be useful to parents because Eparents will know how well learning is occurring in their child’s class. They will know information on how their child is progressing compared to other children.F23 Because teachers, The NCLB Guide claims, have relied too often on their own assessments, test scores will also benefit them. NCLB Eprovides teachers with independent information about each child’s strengths and weaknesses. With this knowledge, teachers can craft lessons to make sure each student meets or exceeds the standards.F24 Under NCLB, schools must not only develop and assess students, but they must also make public the aggregated test scores for groups of students delineated by gender, race, and ethnic group, and with or without disability. Because schools may have several ethnic and racial groups, all of whom must be represented by gender and ability status, they typically have to generate and report the scores for do\ens of subgroups. The test scores for each group are then compared to the state’s testing re[uirements to determine whether the group is making AYP. If any one group fails to make AYP, the entire school is designated as failing. Sometimes, shifting one child’s score from one group to another (for example, by changing a student’s disability status) can mean the difference between a school’s failing and passing. Schools that fail to make AYP face significant sanctions. If schools do not make AYP for two consecutive years, they must be identified as Ein need of improvement.F Students in those Eschools must be given the option to transfer to another public school that has not been identified for improvementF25 with transportation provided by the failing school. By adding the option of transferring to another school, NCLB introduces markets and competition into public education. Additional re[uirements are put in place for each successive year that a school fails to meet AYP goals. Schools failing for a third year must provide students with the option of obtaining Esupplemental services in the community such as tutoring, after-school programs, remedial classes or summer school.F26 Tutoring and afterschool programs must be provided by non- or for-profit agencies funded by the student’s school. Schools failing for a fourth year must take corrective action that includes one of the following: replacing the school staff, implementing a new curriculum, Edecreasing management authority at the school level, appointing an

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outside expert to advise the school, extending the school day or year, or 27 reorgani\ing the school internally.F School districts failing for a fifth year must engage in: deferring programmatic funds or reducing administrative fundsf implementing a new curriculum (with professional development)f replacing personnelf establishing alternative governance arrangementsf appointing a receiver or trustee to administer the district in place of the superintendent or school boardf or 28 abolishing or restructuring the school district. Further, if a school fails to make progress for five years: The school district must initiate plans to fundamentally restructure the school. This restructuring may include reopening the school as a charter school, replacing all or most of the school staff who are relevant to the failure to make ade[uate progress, or turning over the operations either to the state or to a private company with a demonstrated record of effectiveness.29 States paved the way for NCLB by establishing the standardi\ed testing re[uirements and accountability systems that made it acceptable to deny graduation to students who failed a test and to punish schools for low test scores. NCLB increases the penalties on schools with low-test scores by decreasing the amount of funds they have available for their students as they pay for transporting former students to other schools, for private agencies to tutor their students, and for interventions in the school, such as additional administrators and professional development. Moreover, NCLB introduces markets and privati\ation into schools by introducing school choice, charter schools, and voucher programs. Determining whether schools are making AYP is based on the tests that states already usef tests, if New York State is representative, that are poorly constructed and subjectively graded. However, even if the tests were well constructed and valid, the yardstick by which schools are measured – AYP – often discriminates against schools serving students of colour and students living in poverty. The determination of whether a school is making AYP tells us little about whether a school is improving. Under NCLB, every state, with the approval of the federal Department of Education, determines, for every test, what knowledge and skills students need to demonstrate proficiency. States can, therefore, make achieving proficiency more or less difficult. However, for all states and every school, all students (regardless of ability or proficiency in the English language) are to achieve proficiency by the year 2014. Contrary to a common-sense interpretation of AYP, schools are not evaluated on whether their test scores are improving but on whether the aggregated and disaggregated test scores exceed a minimum yearly threshold that will gradually increase over the next decade. Conse[uently, schools are considered to be passing as long as their scores exceed the threshold, even if their scores fall.

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Similarly, schools that begin with initially low test scores may be considered failing even if they significantly improve their test scores, as long as those scores remain below the threshold. Therefore, achieving AYP may have little to do with whether a school’s test scores rise or fallf achieving AYP depends only on exceeding the minimum threshold. Because test scores strongly correlate with a student’s family income, a school’s score is more likely to reflect its students’ average family income rather than teaching or the curriculum. Conse[uently, the largest percentage of failing schools in New York State is found in poor urban school districts. Almost all (83j) of the failing schools are located in the big five urban districts: New York City, Buffalo, Rochester, Syracuse, and Yonkers.30 Most of the remaining failing schools are in smaller urban districts. The failure rate of schools in the urban districts is high, particularly at the middle-school level. In Rochester, for example, all the middle schools failed. To NCLB’s testing re[uirement that schools demonstrate improvement for all disaggregated groups of students on all the tests, Florida added the further draconian stipulation that no school that had been assigned a grade of a D or F by the state (per the annual rating of A through F) could meet AYP. Not surprisingly, 90j of Florida’s public schools were designated as failing to meet AYP, and 100j 31 of districts failed. That NCLB mislabels thousands of schools as failing, restricts what schools may do to improve student learning, including which curricula may be implemented, and reduces funding to so-called failing schools may indicate that the federal government is interested in replacing rather than improving public schools. In fact, influential socially conservative and neo-liberal organi\ations, which regularly meet with the Bush administration, aim to transform education radically through 32 market competition, choice, and privati\ation. Markets and privati\ation are supported by conservative organi\ations such as the Manhattan Institute for Public Policy Research, The Heritage Foundation, The Fordham Foundation, The Hoover Institution, The Education Leaders Council, and the Milton & Rose D. Friedman Foundation, which are all funded by a core group of interlocking conservative foundations, primarily the Bradley, Olin, Scaife and Castle Rock (Coors) Foundations. These organi\ations are dedicated to attacking public schools and teachers with the goal of replacing public with private education. For many of them, vouchers and charter schools are the first step toward privati\ing schools. For example, Milton Friedman, in Public schools: Make them private, advocates vouchers as a way Eto transition from a government lused pejoratively by neo-liberalsm to a market system,F Friedman states: Our elementary and secondary educational system needs to be radically restructured. Such a reconstruction can be achieved only by privati\ing a major segment of the educational system – i.e., by enabling a private, for-profit industry to develop that will provide a wide variety of learning opportunities and 33 offer effective competition to public schools. 117

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Others call for the immediate elimination of public education. Richard Ebeling, president of the Foundation for Economic Education, writes: It’s time, therefore, to rethink the entire idea of public schooling in America. It’s time to consider whether it would be better to completely privati\e the entire educational process from kindergarten through the PhDn. The tax dollars left in the hands of the citi\enry would then be available for families to use directly to pay for their child’s education. The free market would supply an infinitely diverse range of educational vehicles for everyone.34 Some privati\ation advocates specifically anticipate that the high number of schools designated as failing to make AYP will lead to calls for privati\ing schools. Howard Fuller, founder of the pro-voucher organi\ation Black Alliance for Educational Options (BAEO), in a 2002 interview with the National Governors Association, said: EHopefully, in years to come the lNCLBm law will be amended to allow families to choose private schools as well as public schools.F35 The Bush administration has provided both policy and monetary support to efforts to privati\e public education. The Bush administration imposed a o50 million experimental voucher program on Washington, DC over objections of residents and the US Congress, and granted o77.6 million to groups dedicated to privati\ation through voucher programs.36 Members of the Department of Education, from Secretary Paige down, fre[uently use public appearances to promote charter schools as the solution to public-school problems. In press conferences where Paige defended NCLB, he also 37 speaks out for the largely unpopular charter schools. At a conference I attended in spring 2004 on teaching about the relationship between the environment and health, the Department of Education’s Director of Interagency Affairs began with the unexpected claim that he Eknew nothing about education or scienceF and then devoted his talk to the virtues of charter schools. SIMPLIFYING THE CURRICULUM, INCREASING INEQUALITY

Up until recently schools in the US were local institutions governed by a community school board overseen by the state. Over the last decade, teachers, students, and those in the local neighbourhoods have lost control over teaching and learning to corporate and political leaders in their city, in the case of Chicago, their state, and their country. Those in power have asserted that the increasingly globalised economy re[uires education reforms in which schools more efficiently produce productive workers. Such efficiency can only be achieved, they argue, through curriculum standards, standardi\ed tests, sanctions for low-scoring schools, and the introduction of competitive markets and privati\ation. 38 In Chicago, as Lipman shows, such reforms have resulted in the creation of a dual city, both spatially and economically, where the already advantaged White and middle-class students are prepared for university through an academically challenging curriculum and the disadvantaged Black, Latino/a, and working-class 118

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students are prepared for positions in the service sector and the military through vocational and military programs. The introduction of high stakes standardi\ed testing in New York State has resulted in a decline in assessment validity, the manipulation of test scores for political purposes, and an increased achievement gap between White students and students of colour, students with disabilities, and students for whom English is a second language. Further, for many students the curriculum has been narrowed and simplified as teachers increasingly teach toward the test.39 The Bush administration has inserted the federal government into elementary and secondary education to a degree previously inconceivable. The federal government mandates the subjects that are to be assessed through standardi\ed exams and how often, how schools and districts are to be evaluated, what kinds of curriculum can be federally funded, how literacy can be taught, and what kinds of community groups can and cannot meet in schools. Furthermore, NCLB may be intended as the way to portray public schools as failing so that schools can be gradually privati\ed, initially through voucher systems and charter schools, and then by scrapping public schools altogether. These reforms are presented as being re[uired by the global economy and the dominance of neo-liberal policies. Such global changes, proponents argue, re[uire reductions in public spending and the introduction of markets and privati\ation as means of increasing efficiency. The reforms are presented, writes Bourdieu,40 as if there is no alternative. Dean observes that such a rationale portrays those in power as powerless to choose any other path. He writes: Those who use the discourse of economic globali\ation can simultaneously hold ]there is little (or, at least, less) ltheym can do to exercise national sovereignty’ and ]it is imperative to engage in comprehensive reforms of the public sector, 41 welfare, higher land lowerm education, finance and labour market control. Together, globali\ation and neo-liberalism have transformed government’s relationship with civil society: The task of the national government ... is no longer to engage in the prudential management of a self-regulating economy so as to fund benefits such as social welfare, education, national defense, etc. Rather ... the promotion of economic efficiency and competitiveness becomes the paramount goal in what amounts to a new liberal problematic of security. All other activities of government, such as those of the welfare state, higher education, or migration, must be assessed first in terms of the availability of resources and second as to whether they contribute to or inhibit economic efficiency.42 In the next chapter I will address two last issues that arise from educational reforms that I have analyzed in this and the previous chapter. First, I will present research that shows how the rise of high-stakes testing and accountability have narrowed and simplified the teaching and learning in the primary and secondary

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schools in which I and others have tried to institute an integrated, challenging curriculum focusing on the relationship between the environment and human health. Second, I will conclude by arguing that not only do we need to devise educational structures that support innovative curricula, such as those created at the Consortium Schools, but that we also need to develop schools and workplaces that promote democratic participation in a complex society.

1

See Lipman (2004, 2005) Castells (1989, 1998) Sassen (1994) 4 Lipman (2004), p. 7 5 Ibid, p. 28 6 Ibid p. 9 7 Ibid, p. 7 8 Ibid, p. 25 9 Ibid, p. 28 10 Ibid, p. 36 11 Ibid, p. 48 12 Ibid, p. 49 13 Ibid 14 Ibid, p. 56, original emphasis 15 Ibid. p 36 16 Ibid, p. 179 17 Ibid, p. 4 18 See Ball (1994), Rose (1999) 19 Paige and Jackson (November 8, 2004) 20 US Department of Education (April 2002) 21 US Department of Education (April 2002), p. 12 22 Ibid, p. 12 23 Ibid, p. 9 24 Ibid, p. 9 25 US Department of Education (September 2002) p. 6 26 US Department of Education (April 2002) p. 8 27 US Department of Education (September 2002) p. 6 28 US Department of Education (September 2002) pp. 6-7 29 Ibid, p. 7, emphasis added 30 New York State School Boards Association 2002 31 Pin\ur (2003) 32 Johnson and Salle (2004) 33 Freidman (1995), cited in Johnson & Salle (2004) p. 8 34 Ebeling (2000), cited in Johnson & Salle (2004) p. 8 35 Fuller, cited in Miner (2004) p. 11 36 Bracey (2004) 37 Shaw (2004) 38 (2004) 39 Martina et al, (2003) 40 (1998) 41 Dean (2002) p. 55 42 Ibid, p. 54 2 3

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DEVELOPING SCHOOLS AND WORKPLACES FOR THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY

We have argued that schools need to be transformed, particularly within the changing global economy. It is no longer acceptable, as in Chicago, to prepare one group of students for the university and leadership positions and another for semiskilled positions in the service and retail industry. Furthermore, the nature of knowledge and how we access knowledge has changed. The classical subject areas of English, science, math, history, civics/social studies, and the arts no longer make sense. Outside of schools most research and thinking crosses the “subject interstices,” such as biogenetics, astrophysics, and world literature. Textbooks are inadequate as a knowledge resource. What is known is quickly changing and other resources— particularly via the internet—are more current and relevant. In teaching my graduate school course on current educational issues, students read articles, many of which are online along with other resources, and use books only as an optional resource. In this chapter, then, I will turn to describing some of my own efforts to develop curriculum in which students become democratic participants in the creation of knowledge and, therefore, develop their ability to become life-long learners. Furthermore, if we are to succeed in creating students who are motivated, critical thinkers and creators of knowledge, we need to create workplaces that also promote critical thinking and decision making… Therefore, I will conclude by suggesting that we not only need substantially to rethink the nature of schooling but also the nature of work. We cannot be satisfied with creating jobs in which employees are merely carrying out tasks designed by someone else but must rethink workplaces so that, as Dewey stated almost a century ago, workers are able to use their intelligence and ingenuity so as to be always learning. TEACHING ABOUT THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN THE ENVIRONMENTAL AND HUMAN HEALTH: PUSHING THE BOUNDARIES For the last five years a team of scientists and teacher educators, including myself, have been working with elementary and secondary teachers to develop and implement curricula on the relationship between the environment and human health. Funded by a grant from the National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences, our goal has been to develop an interdisciplinary curriculum in which students use technology to learn about the world beyond the classroom and to teach others about what they have learned.

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Our project does not easily fit existing schools. Educators often assume that because Environmental Health has to do with the environment, it is a science course that should be taught by a science teacher. However, while assessing and understanding the risks posed by toxins in our environment requires some scientific understanding, Environmental Health includes other disciplines. Why different environmental toxins have been created and persist and pose problems primarily for impoverished communities of colour requires an historical, political, and economic analysis. Developing materials ! either videos, pamphlets, and power point presentations ! requires students develop skills in media technologies, writing, and, often, performance arts. Crossing interdisciplinary boundaries has been only one of the issues undermining interdisciplinary curriculum. In addition, in the US our large secondary schools (unlike the Consortium Schools) are not structured to promote collaboration. Teachers are not provided with common planning periods, nor are they likely to teach many of the same students. Nor is there a supportive school culture in which teachers are encouraged or rewarded for working with other teachers.1 One of the secondary social studies teachers with whom we were working stated: “We don’t have time to meet with one another so we just do our own thing.” Another teacher added that not only is there not time during the school day, but “there is not time after school which is limited to coaching, after-school programs, department and school meetings.” 2 As Apple observes, teachers’ work is increasingly intensified, and this project becomes just one more thing they have to fit in their school day. In one school, because of budget cuts, the teaching load increased from five to six courses. A teacher in the school exclaimed: “I would always like MORE TIME! Time is a real issue.” Teaching has historically been a profession in which teachers work isolated from other teachers. Most schools are designed with classrooms that accommodate one teacher working with a class of students. Classroom are arranged in an egg carton layout, thus making it possible for teachers to close the classroom door behind them so that they can teach their lessons free from observation. Ruddick notes “education is among the last vocations where it is still legitimate to work by 3 yourself in a space that is secure against invaders. The culture of schools promotes individualism rather than cooperation. As one teacher noted: “We don’t work with other teachers very often. We don’t work outside our curriculum groups.” In addition to the historical constraints of school size and isolation, teachers face the more recent constraint of standardized testing. Because Environmental Health will not be assessed through any of the various standardized exams, teachers are reluctant to introduce it into any courses in which there is a standardized exam (which is almost every secondary course) out of the fear that any time devoted to Environmental Health reduces the amount of time they have to prepare students for the exam. One science teacher shared that “the Regents [statewide] exams influence which course environmental health goes into…with pressures being what they are to pass these exams and kids having as much trouble as they are passing the upper-level exams, it would be very difficult to do this in a Regents course.” The difficulty comes, he notes, because “the Regents has a prescribed curricula…It 122

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makes it very difficult. You have to teach some studies in a different way if you’re going to take the time to do a project like this.” Another teacher added: High school is more constraining [than in the past] because the stakes are high. Testing is so high. No teacher likes to give up any of their time. You know [teachers do not release students] for band lessons and music lessons. Five years ago, we use to have field trip after field trip. We had kids leaving this building all the time. No more. While we have been able to introduce Environmental Health into a few local high schools, the other eight sites located around the US have all but given up on implementing Environmental Health in secondary schools. Instead, they have focused on the elementary grades in which, until NCLB, fewer standardized tests were given. But, in states like New York, state and federal testing requirements currently require 17 standardized tests between grades three and eight, which will increase to 21 in 2008. Teachers are pressured to raise students’ test scores on whatever state standardized exams are required and now the yearly exams in math, reading, and science that begin in third grade. One teacher noted that “standardized testing…[is] a problem [for a particular grade] because we…teach toward the test…[we] spent three weeks cramming for the test.” Likewise, because many states’ and No Child Left Behind’s regulations focus on raising math and language arts scores, many states have reduced their elementary curriculum to reading, writing, and math. One Texas educator added: “They are wiping out science for kindergarten through second grade with ‘Fundamentals First’ There is no place for anything except reading, writing, arithmetic.” If we are to implement innovative, critical curricula in which students and teachers together create knowledge, then we need to develop school structures and cultures that promote interdisciplinary collaboration with authentic assessments. The Consortium Schools provide a model for what schools can be because at their best they encourage teacher collaboration, teachers and students learning together, and accountability toward the community through local boards composed of parents, educators, and community members. We also need to develop structures and professional development that will support teachers to transform their pedagogical approach. In traditional classrooms, teachers can avoid making explicit the course goals and learning process because they rely on the textbook to provide that information to students. Students “know” what they are expected to learn by what is in the textbook, supplemented by teachers’ lectures. The teacher checks for student understanding by asking questions in which the student is expected to respond with the “one right answer” provided by the textbook and the teacher’s lectures. Since the teacher is the only one who knows the “right answer” they are seeking, I describe this pedagogical approach as “guess what the teacher is thinking.” With this approach neither the students nor the teachers create new knowledge but rather reproduce the knowledge encased in the textbook and lectures.

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In my own work with teachers, many find it difficult to teach in a way in which knowledge is jointly created in the classroom. Such an approach requires that teachers spend less time telling students what they should know and more time structuring learning so that they can create original knowledge with students. For example, a teacher might begin a course by developing questions with students, ideally questions with no clear answer. Grant Wiggins4 proposes that teachers pose an “essential question,” a question that is complex and for which there is no one agreed upon answer. Avram Barlowe and Herb Mack, two social studies teachers at the Urban Academy in New York City, suggest the following topics among many: “What does the Diallo verdict tell us about our society? [Diallo was a recent immigrant to the US who was shot by the New York City police when he reached into his pocket for his wallet for identification]” “Should there be laws about who can be a parent?” “Should religion and religious belief play a central role in American life?” “Is there something wrong with smoking marijuana?5 Students then proceed to conduct research and develop an essay that they present to the class. In developing curriculum on the relationship between the environment and human health we have used problem-based learning as an approach that encourages complex analysis and understanding. For example, one could begin by asking what policies should be developed in response to the toxic dangers posed by Hurricane Katrina striking New Orleans. The floodwaters contained toxins from industrial waste sites, household chemicals, oil refineries and, after receding, resulted in mould growth in homes. In order to answer the question of what policies should be implemented, students would need to investigate real questions such as determining how dangerous the toxins are and what, if anything, can be done about them. Students would contact local and other scientists in environmental health and use on-line resources to come up with their answers. The students would quickly gain expertise in an area that would be valuable to the community. Given the emphasis over the last two decades on standards, high-stakes testing and accountability, and in places like Chicago, on developing a dual education system, it seems doubtful that corporate and political leaders really desire that all students engage in the twenty-first century schooling that we advocate. In fact, recent research by Moss and Tilly6 confirms that employers desire not the “hard skills” (literacy, numeracy, computer familiarity, cognitive abilities) that they claim are missing from workers but rather soft skills, which include the ability to interact with customers, coworkers, and supervisors, ability to fit in, enthusiasm, positive work attitudes, commitment, dependability, integrity, willingness to learn, and motivation. The Moss and Tilly interviews of managers in various economic sectors revealed that except for computer literacy managers more often demanded soft skills over hard skills. Employer surveys confirm these findings. In a Rochester City School District survey, area employers revealed that they considered the five most important attributes for employment to include: doesn’t abuse substances, follows directions, reads instructions, follows safety rules, and respects others. The five least 124

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important attributes for employment included: natural sciences, calculus, 7 computers, art, and foreign language. The desire for soft skills is also trumpeted by leading education officials. New York’s current Chancellor of Education, Robert Bennett, who oversees all the state’s educational institutions from birth to death, argued recently,8 that schools need not prepare students with hard skills—they can be provided by the students’ employers—but schools should develop students’ soft skills. Some of the skills he cited include: “showing up on time,” “working in a team with others not like you,” “understanding directions and carrying them out,” and “having a customer orientation.” Furthermore, the current faith in neoliberalism does not, for this author, bode well for achieving the reforms we desire. Under neoliberalism, markets guide social, economic, and educational decisions. I have criticized at length elsewhere the neoliberal faith in markets as a way to improve education.9 The desire to transform education into a market-based system has led to the current emphasis on standardized testing and reporting, which is meant to serve as the way in which families, as education consumers, can choose their educational service. However, such an approach, as Young10 has detailed, undermines any effort for individuals to engage in public discussions regarding their preferences with schools assessed by so-called objective test scores and not by in-depth descriptions of the kind of learning that actually occurs. Instead, preferences remain individualistic. Each individual may “engage in instrumental or strategic reasoning about the best means of realizing their preferences, but the aggregate outcome has no necessary rationality and itself has not been arrived at by a process of reasoning.”11 There is no account for the origins of the preferences and, indeed, it is unnecessary to provide a normative basis for a preference. In contrast, Young argues for deliberative democracy, in which: participants in the democratic process offer proposals for how best to solve problems or meet legitimate needs, and so on, and they present arguments through which they aim to persuade others to accept their proposals. Democratic process is primarily a discussion of problems, conflicts and claims of need or interest. Through dialogue others test and challenge these proposals and arguments. Because they have not stood up to a dialogic examination, the deliberative public rejects or refines some proposals. Participants arrive at a decision not by determining what preferences have the greatest numerical support, but by determining which proposals the collective agrees are supported by the best reasons.12 Young’s model of deliberative democracy echoes that of Dewey, who described democracy as more than a form of government, as “primarily a mode of associated 13 living, of conjoint communicated experience.” For Dewey, not only schools but also all institutions—including places of employment—should be places that promote individual and social growth.

125

DEVELOPING SCHOOLS AND WORKPLACES

The vision we are offering is of a learning society, in which schools and other social institutions promote continuous learning. Olssen, Codd and O’Neill, in Education policy: Globalization, citizenship and democracy14 build on normative ideals expressed in Dewey and Foucault to call for an “education state.” They argue ”democracy is embedded in the values of mutual equal respect and survival, and includes norms and practices of reciprocity, of deliberation, of dialogue, and of fair treatment of due process”15 and that education, both in schools and the workplace, is central to achieving and maintaining democracy. Over the past several decades we have developed models for what critical, interdisciplinary learning that examines real world issues might look like. Not only have the Consortium Schools provided insights into the direction we might move but so have other innovative programs such as the classrooms funded by the National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences and the schools that form the Coalition of Essential Schools. However, in the US, these models have been undermined by the implementation of accountability systems that include highstakes standardized testing. Whether the US continues in the direction of highstakes testing or attempts to build on some of the recent successful programs such as the Consortium Schools, will continue to be contested.

1

Little and McLaughlin (1993) (1982) Ruddick (1991) p. 31 4 Wiggins and McTighe (1998) 5 Barlowe & Mack (2002) 6 Moss & Tilly (2001) 7 Cited in Berliner & Biddle (1995) p. 89 8 Speech given at First International Symposium on Urban Education and Intercultural Learning, D’Youville College, Buffalo, NY, (April 30, 2005) 9 See Hursh (2004, 2005a, 2005b) 10 (2000) 11 Young (2000) p. 20-21 12 Ibid. p. 22-23 13 Dewey (1916) p. 87 14 (2004) 15 Ibid, p. 276 2 3

126

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Scholarly activity, if viewed dispassionately, consists primarily of three elements: to create knowledge and evaluate its validity; to preserve information; and to pass it to others. Accomplishing each of these functions is based on a set of technology and economics. Together with history and politics, they lead to a set of institutions. Change the technology and economics, and the institutions must change, eventually. Eli Noam

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!B@#E(#E C@#*&!@?%& !The effect of Gutenberg0s letters would be to change the map of Europe, considerably reduce the power of the Catholic Church, and alter the very nature of the knowledge on which political and religious control was based. The printing press would also help to stimulate nascent forms of capitalism and provide the economic underpinning for a new kind of community0. Burke and Ornstein !A technological revolution centred around informationCis transformingD the way we think, we produce, we consume, we trade, we manage, we communicate, we live, we die, we make war, and we make love.0 Manuel Castells !The developed world will begin to suffer long before oil and gas actually run out. The American way of life – which is now virtually synonymous with suburbia – can run only on reliable supplies of dependably cheap oil and gas. Even mild to moderate deviations in either price of supply will crush our economy and make the logistics of daily life impossible.0 James Howard Iunstler !I am the pure product of an advanced, industrialised, post-imperialist country in decline.0 Angela Carter A% &1$ %5&.+$ 2) &1*%W, ,01223*%W M.,& 6$53 #*&1 &1$ ).&.+$\ )2+ ,01223, 5+$\ 2+ ,12.36 I$\ P+$P5+*%W '2.%W P$2P3$ )2+ #15& 3*$, 51$56_ /*%0$ P+$6*0&*2%, 5+$ 15+6\ $,P$0*533' 5I2.& &1$ ).&.+$ d5, P &2 %2#\ #$ 159$ I$$% 02%&$%& &2 6*W *% &1$ W+2.%6 &2 )*%6 M*%$+53,_ H$ 1$5& &1$M 5%6 #$ 62 &1*%W, 2% 5 35+W$ ,053$ #*&1 &1$M\ 5%6 #$ 12P$ &2 W$& 5 P.+$ ,.I,&5%0$ #*&1 b.,& ,2 M.01 *MP.+*&'\ 5%6 ,2 2%_ ?.& #$ M.,& 53#5', 500$P& ,2M$ 5&2M*0 5++5%W$M$%& &15& %5&.+$ W*9$, .,_ H$ 159$%U& W2& 5%'&1*%W\ ,5'\ #*&1 5 m01$0J$+I25+6n 5++5%W$M$%&\ #*&1 &1$ *MP.+*&' 5&2M, $a50&3' 5++5%W$6 G\]]] 5%W,&+2M, 5P5+&\ 2+ *% ,2M$ 2&1$+ P5+&*0.35+ P5&&$+%_ H15& 02.36 #$ 62 #*&1 35'$+$6 ,&+.0&.+$, #*&1 b.,& &1$ +*W1& 35'$+,Q H15& #2.36 &1$ P+2P$+&*$, 2) M5&$+*53, I$ *) #$ 02.36 +$533' 5++5%W$ &1$ 5&2M, &1$ #5' #$ #5%& &1$MQ "1$' #2.36 I$ 9$+' *%&$+$,&*%W &2 *%9$,&*W5&$ &1$2+$&*0533'_ A 05%U& ,$$ $a50&3' #15& #2.36 15PP$%\ I.& A 05% 15+63' 62.I& &15& #1$% #$ 159$ ,2M$ 02%&+23 2) &1$ 5++5%W$M$%& 2) &1*%W, 2% 5 ,M533 ,053$ #$ #*33 W$& 5% $%2+M2.,3' W+$5&$+ +5%W$ 2) P2,,*I3$ P+2P$+&*$, &15& ,.I,&5%0$, 05% 159$\ 5%6 2) 6*))$+$%& &1*%W, &15& #$ 05% 62_U N2.+ 6$056$, 35&$+\ #*&1*% #15& #$ %2# 0533 %5%2&$01%232W'\ #$ 5+$ ,&5+&*%W &2 `5++5%W$ 5&2M, &1$ #5' #$ #5%&U 5%6 5+$ I$W*%%*%W &2 )*%6 `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aP$0&$6 5 6$056$ $5+3*$+_ A% &5%6$M\ )+2M &1$ M*6(GRR],\ $5,*$+ I2++2#*%W\ 32# *%)35&*2% 5%6 +$35&*9$3' 32# *%&$+$,& +5&$, $%02.+5W$6 $02%2M*0 $aP5%,*2%\ GOV

CHAPTER 14 1

consumer spending and personal indebtedness. The result was a British economy, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, with higher employment and marginally higher growth than some of the country’s European competitors, giving our politicians a soapbox from which to lecture the rest of the European Union. Even if we ignore the dark scenarios of climate change and oil depletion, our economic hubris may be premature. The Economist has described services as anything sold in trade that can’t be dropped on your foot. But many of the services which can’t be dropped on your foot can be outsourced across digital networks, to places where they can be completed more cheaply than here. Though Britain has, since the mid-eighties, benefited from being a relatively low-wage economy with low job security, globalisation has brought – and will increasingly bring – competition from many countries where wages are even lower and job security is largely absent. China and India are most often cited in this context, but there are low-wage countries much closer: among them Albania, Moldova, Ukraine, Bulgaria, Lithuania, the Czech Republic, Belarus, Latvia, Estonia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia. Further, a service economy is still a large consumer of energy and other natural resources. Britain, as elsewhere, is affected by the increasing cost and declining availability of raw materials (gas, oil, iron ore and so on). If economic growth relies on steadily increasing inputs of these materials it is likely to be unsustainable, as primary resources become less plentiful, less accessible and more expensive and as the G8 countries compete for them with newly industrialising countries, notably in Asia. Beside the cost of raw materials there are the less visible costs of current economies. Economists and environmentalists agree that both industrial and service economies generate unwished-for side effects (notably pollution, environmental degradation and accelerated climate change) and these negative externalities may increase faster than the production of goods. Here too, there are limits to growth. Ricardo and Keynes – dominating figures in economic thought in successive centuries – both believed that wealth creation must decline; and that this decline, combined with population growth, would impoverish us all. But, as sometimes happens, the world – or most of the world – is not (or not yet) behaving as theory said it should. Growth has continued longer, and more steadily, than economic pessimists believed possible, even in countries where industrial production is declining. And, though many of us live in poverty, the world supports more people than Malthus, or Ehrlich, thought possible. The question for Britain in the twentyfirst century is how to manage the future: absent an apocalyptic discontinuity, how do we combine sustainable economic growth with social justice? The question for this book is how education might help do that. In the first years of the twenty-first century there is growing (but by no means universal) consensus that Britain is moving toward a knowledge-based economy. At first take, this is an odd notion. It is hard to think of any product or service which does not already have some knowledge component. Some thinking must have gone into whatever it is, as well as materials and human labour. But 148

HOW WILL WE WORK?

knowledge economies differ from what went before in the proportion of knowledge to materials and labour in any given enterprise. In ‘new growth theories’ we can say that knowledge is used to reduce the proportion of materials and labour, and to find innovative and sustainable ways of using both. One set of growth theories is exemplified by the work of Paul Romer, ‘according to which aggregate productivity is a function of the degree of product variety. Innovation causes productivity growth in the product-variety paradigm by creating new, but not necessarily improved, varieties of products. This paradigm grew out of the new theory of international trade, and emphasized the technology spillovers according to which the productivity of resources devoted to developing new product varieties was greater the greater the variety of products that have already 2 been developed’. Romer argues that this way of thinking overturns the long tradition of decreasing or diminishing returns, the cornerstone of traditional economic models. If we are thinking of economies dependent on capital, land and labour, a model of diminishing returns makes sense. But, Romer argues, what classical economists overlooked is that economic growth does not depend simply on producing ‘more of the same’ things, from expendable resources. ‘Economic growth occurs whenever people take resources and rearrange them in ways that are more valuable. A useful metaphor for production in an economy comes from the kitchen. To create valuable final products, we mix inexpensive ingredients together according to a recipe. The cooking one can do is limited by the supply of ingredients, and most cooking in the economy produces undesirable side effects. If economic growth could be achieved only by doing more and more of the same kind of cooking, we would eventually run out of raw materials and suffer from unacceptable levels of pollution and nuisance. Human history teaches us, however, that economic growth springs from better recipes, not just from more cooking. New recipes generally produce fewer unpleasant side effects and generate more economic value per unit of raw material.’3 Ideas, it seems – certain sorts of ideas in certain institutional contexts – are a principal engine of economic growth. Growth can be driven by inventing or discovering new things (some of which may be non-material) or by making things, which people continue to want, in new ways. The dynamic of such growth (and of the new economics which tries to explain it) is new knowledge. Creating and using knowledge was of course involved, but was not seen as central, in industrial economies. It is now. The ways in which knowledge will be created, and the ways it will be applied, distinguish the post-industrial age from the industrial. In an economic context, knowledge is characterised in particular ways. ‘Because ideas can be infinitely shared and reused, we can accumulate them 4 without limit.’ Ideas are neither finite nor expendable. ‘Knowledge has different properties from other economic goods... the ability to grow the economy by increasing knowledge, rather than labour or capital, creates opportunities for nearly boundless growth.’5 Of course this does not mean that we will have boundless growth. We have noted (chapter 12) scenarios which predict the opposite: global chaos and misery. History

149

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PARENTS

Melanie Phillips, who has made a profitable middle-aged journey from the left of the political spectrum to the right. Commenting on (ultimately discarded) proposals to reduce the distorting influence of ‘academic’ schooling, Ms Phillips asks, is there ‘a decline in academic rigour? Solved – by stamping out academic rigour altogether. Too many exams burdening pupils? Solved – by destroying the very meaning of exams’.8 With such influential and well publicised advocates of traditional schooling, affluent parents have little to fear. Hoping that ambitious parents will behave altruistically is like expecting the lion to lie down with lamb. As the saying goes, only one gets up in the morning. In unequal class-stratified societies – that is, in most societies – schools will cease to be competitive cockpits only when they no longer promise access to scarce goods. To start that process, we need to detach schooling from university entrance. Universities will have to find their own ways of selecting entrants, rather than freeriding on school assessment and, in the process, distorting compulsory education. Poorer parents often have more urgent issues than pushing their children through school: they worry about staying in work, paying the bills and the rent. They are inclined to trust, or hope, that teachers know what they are doing. Ambitious, affluent parents – outside the fee-charging sector – have no such faith. Doing their best for their children, they help to shape state school systems, and make them resistant to change. That is entirely understandable, but it does mean, in England, that we have a school system adapted to some century other than this. Affluent parents’ influence on our schools might seem to breach the system’s closure, but it does not. This group of parents is happy to accept the system’s own assessments – and self-assessment – since their aim is to have their offspring do well within the education system, as judged by the system’s criteria. A school whose pupils do well in university entrance examinations is thought, by both administrators and parents, to be a successful school. At the time of writing, judgment by league tables appears to satisfy everyone, except perhaps the majority of pupils, and, of course, those who are trying to build a new and more innovative national economy.

1

Margaret Hodge, reported in The Guardian, 14.1.2002 Mulgan 2005 London Evening Standard 4.9.03 4 Ibid 5 Bedell 2002 6 Ms Millar was thereafter accused by the English Sunday Times of ‘spelling doom’ for middle-class parents 7 Bedell 2002 8 Melanie Phillips, ‘The immolation of British education’ Daily Mail 18.10.2004 2 3

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L+&(#%&& ‘The consequences of technological change are always vast, often unpredictable and largely irreversible. That is also why we must be suspicious of capitalists. Capitalists are by definition not only personal risk takers but, more to the point, cultural risk takers. The most creative and daring of them hope to exploit new technologies to the fullest, and do not much care what traditions are overthrown in the process or whether or not a culture is prepared to function without such traditions. Capitalists are, in a word, radicals. In America, our most significant radicals have always been capitalists – men like Bell, Edison, Ford, Carnegie, Sarnoff, Goldwyn. These men obliterated the 19th century, and created the 20th, which is why it is a mystery to me that capitalists are thought to be conservative. Perhaps it is because they are inclined to wear dark suits and grey ties.’ Neil Postman A) I.,*%$,, P$2P3$ 5+$ *%6$$6 +56*053,\ *& *, 15+6 &2 ,$$ #1' &1$' 02%&*%.$ &2 )592.+ 5 ,&'3$ 2) ,01223*%W #1*01\ ,2M$ &*M$ 35,& 0$%&.+'\ 156 2.&3*9$6 *&, $02%2M*0 953.$_ ?.,*%$,,\ #$ M*W1& &1*%J\ *, 2%$ P+$,,.+$ W+2.P #1*01 #2.36 #5%& &2 M29$ #*&1 &1$ &*M$,\ 2+ $9$% I$ 5 3*&&3$ 51$56 2) &1$ 0.+9$_ D, =$5+% ,5', `&1$ P+$,,.+$ 2) 015%W$ *% &1$ $a&$+%53 $%9*+2%M$%&, 2) 2+W5%*,5&*2%,\ #1$&1$+ M5%.)50&.+*%W 2+ ,$+9*0$ P+29*6$+,\ #1$&1$+ P.I3*0\ P+*95&$ 2+ 923.%&5+'\ *, ,.01 &15& &1$' %$$6 &2 3$5+% M2+$ 02%,0*2.,3'\ M2+$ ,',&$M5&*0533'\ 5%6 M2+$ Y.*0J3' &15% &1$' 6*6 *% &1$ P5,&___ &1$' M.,& 3$5+% %2& 2%3' *% 2+6$+ &2 ,.+9*9$ I.& 53,2 &2 &1+*9$ *% 5 #2+36 2) $9$+ *%0+$5,*%W 015%W$ 5%6 $9$+ ,12+&$%*%W P+$6*0&5I*3*&' 12+*j2%,\ #1$&1$+ &1$,$ 5+$ ,20*53\ &$01%232W*053\ P23*&*053\ 32053 2+ W32I53_U1 A% ,12+&\ *) &1$' 5+$ &2 02P$ #*&1 015%W$ *% &1$ &#$%&'()*+,& 0$%&.+'\ I.,*%$,,$, %$$6 &2 I$02M$ 3$5+%*%W 2+W5%*,5&*2%,_ D%6 *) ,01223, 5+$ &2 M$$& &1$ %$$6, 2) I.,*%$,,\ ,01223, &22 %$$6 &2 I$02M$ 3$5+%*%W 2+W5%*,5&*2%,\ ,&5))$6 I' P$2P3$ #12 #*,1 &2 3$5+%\ 5%6 #12 159$ 3$5+%$6 &2 3$5+%_ H$ M*W1& $aP$0& I.,*%$,, &2 5+W.$ )2+ &1*,_ A, &15& 5+W.M$%& 15PP$%*%WQ A& *, %2&_ A% &1$ )*+,& '$5+, 2) &1$ &#$%&'()*+,& 0$%&.+'\ M2,& I.,*%$,, 3$56$+, ,&*33 $012 &1$ 02%9$%&*2%53 #*,62M, 5+2.%6 ,01223*%W_ ?.,*%$,, M5%5W$+, 0533 )2+ M2+$ $6.05&*2%53 &5+W$&, dI.& %2& )2+ I$&&$+ 6$)*%*&*2% 2) &12,$ &5+W$&,eZ )2+ M5*%&5*%*%W ,&5%65+6, d#*&12.& 6$)*%*%W &12,$ ,&5%65+6,\ 2+ $953.5&*%W &1$*+ .,$).3%$,, *% &1$ #2+36 2.&,*6$ $6.05&*2%eZ 5%6 )2+ M2+$ &$,&*%W d#*&12.& Y.$,&*2%*%W #15& *, &$,&$6e_ D002+6*%W &2 &1$ -2%)$6$+5&*2% )2+ ?+*&*,1 A%6.,&+'\ ,01223,U &5,J *, &2 &$501 P.P*3, +$56*%W\ #+*&*%W 5%6 )*W.+*%W_ `"1$ -?A ,5*6 *&, L]]O ,.+9$' )*W.+$, )2.%6 XKp 2) I.,*%$,,$, &12.W1& &1$ $6.05&*2% ,',&$MU, )*+,& P+*2+*&' ,12.36 I$ *MP+29*%W 3*&$+50' 5%6 %.M$+50' 3$9$3,_U2 A% 2&1$+ #2+6,\ ,01223, ,12.36 62 %2 M2+$ &15% &1$' 159$ I$$% 62*%W c 2+ &+'*%W &2 62 c )2+ &1$ P5,&  0$%&.+*$,_ 82.I&3$,, #$ ,12.36 533 I$ 3*&$+5&$ 5%6 GVS

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