Trinity and Incarnation: The Faith of the Early Church (Theology)

TRINITY AND INCARNATION The Faith of the Early Church

BASIL STUDER Translated by Matthias Westerhoff Edited by Andrew Louth

A Micl:lael GlazieR Book THE LITURGICAL PRESS Collegeville, Minnesota

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Copyright © T &T Clark Ltd, 1993 T&T Clark Ltd, 59 George Street Edinburgh EH2 2LQ, Scotland

• Authorized English translation of Gatt und unsere Er16sung im Glauben der Alten Kirche, 1985 © Patmos Verlag DUsseldorf, 1985

Contents

This edition published under license from T &T Clark Ltd by The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of Liturgical Press.

Foreword to the English Edition Preface Abbreviations Introduction I. 'Theologia' and 'Oikonomia' 2. The basis of a historical and at the same time theological answer

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First Published 1993 Part One: THE PRE-NICENE PERIOD

1 ISBN 0-8146-5506-8

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Studer, Basil, 1925[Gott und unsere Er16sung im Glauben der AIten Kirche. English) Trinity and incarnation: the faith of the early churchlBasil Studer. p. cm "A Michael Glazier book." Includes bibliographical references (p. 249-251) and indexes. I. Trinity - History of doctrines - Early church, ca. 30-600. 2. Jesus Christ - History of doctrines - Early church, ca. 30-600. l. Title. BT109.S7513 1993 23 1'.044'0901 5-.4 Cf. J. P. Mart!n. Espiritu santo, pp 341 ff. ~5 Cf. J. Laager, 'EpikJesis'. RAC 5, 1962, cols. 577-99. On [he coherence between doxology and epiclesis see Hennas Vis II 2. )6 Cf. K. L. Schmidt, 'epika1eo', ThDNT Yol. 3, pp 496--500. and W. O. Oesterley, The Jewish Background of the Christian Liturgy, Oxford 1925, pp 220ff. .17 Cf. IClem 60.4 with rClem 64. :: Cf. H. Yon Campenhausen. 'Taufen auf den Namen Jesu', VigChr 25, 1971, pp 1-16, esp. p 2f. . IClem 58.2. The context speaks about the alt-holy and glorious name. 41) Cf. also ~.?~on Campenhausen, art.ciL (with his bibl.). R. Kerst, '1 Kor 8,6 - ein vorpaulinisches Taufbekenntms. ZNW 6~, 19~5, pp 130-9; G. Lohfink, 'Der Ursprung derchristlichen Taufe', TThQ 156, 1.976, pp 35-54 (with blbl.); F. Courth, 'Die Taufe "auf den Namen Jesu Christi" in den Zeugmssen der Dogmengeschichle bis zur Hochscholastik', ThOI 69. 1979, pp 121-47. . 3 Cf.

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41 On the significance for history of dogma of Matt 28:19 cf. J. Lebreton, Hisfoire du dogme de La Trinite I, pp 553--64. 42 Justin. Apol I 61.3. 43 Irenaeus, AHaer III 17.1; Demonstr 3. Cf. AHaer I 21 inc. various epicleses.

Tertullian. Bapt 6.1; Prax 26.9 . Cf. Didache 9.5; IClem 46.6; Bam 16.8. Hennas. Vis III 7.3; IV 2.4; Sim VIII 6.4; IX 12.4f, 18; esp. Sim IX 13.2-5, where the Holy Spirit is alluded to as well, whereas elsewhere mention is made only of the names of the Lord or the Son of God. 46 Tertullian, Bapt 6.2. 47 TradApost 21: ed. Batte pp 48ff. 4~ Cf. Hennas, Sim VIII 6.4. Also Justin. Apol I 61.10. Note that epilegein, which is used here. means 'invoke' as well as 'agree'. The later Syrian tradition also points in the same direction. Cf. G. Kretschmar, Die Geschichte des TuufgotlesdiellStes in deraLteli Kirche: Liturgia 5, Kassel 1970. pp 123-7. 49 Cf. Irenaeus AHaer 121; Demonstr 6f; 99. so Cf. TradApost 4: ed. Batte p 10; 6--8: ed. Botte pp 18-26; 21: ed. Batte p 52. s: Didache 10.6; cf. 16.7. Also G. Kretschmar, 'AbendmahlsfeierI', TRE I. 1977, pp 232-5. s_ Justin, Apo\. I 66. 44 45

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THE MYSTERY OF CHRIST IN PRAYER AND EXHORTATION

longer just ordinary food. 53 With Irenaeus things are clearer. He not only argues against the epiclesis as certain gnostics perform it in the eucharist, but also states in explicit terms that bread and wine become the eucharist through the work of God.54 Neither Justin nor Irenaeus, however, speaks of a trinitarian epiclesis. They rather, with a hint of a Logos-epiclesis, bring the eucharist in relationship to the incarnation of the Word. As the Word appropriates the flesh in the incarnation, so in the eucharist bread and wine become by the invocation of the Word the body and blood of Christ. This parallel in particular seems to have brought it about that from the fourth century in the Eastern liturgies the transformation of the gifts has been ascribed to the Holy Spirit. 55 As far as the link between epiclesis and eucharist is concerned it would be interesting, too, to examine how the Fathers interpreted Ps 50 (49):14, which speaks of the 'sacrifice of thanksgiving' and the invocation of the name. 56 It should be added that the trinitarian epic1esis in the second-century baptismal liturgy is not subject to theological reflection. This happens only later, to some extent already in Tertullian, above aU, though, in the fourth century with Basil and Ambrose.57 Nevertheless, the Christianization of the invocation of the name of God in the liturgy has contributed to the establishing of trinitarian consciousness in the Christian communities of the second century. In this context two issues in particular are to be noted. First, the use of the baptismal formula of Matthew 28: 19 contributed to the preference, from among the different names of the three actors in salvation history, of the names of Father, Son and Spirit. 58 On the other hand the close connection between baptism as conversion and reception into the community, and faith in the Trinity, proves that this faith was regarded from a fairly early time as the distinguishing characteristic of the Christian. This is confirmed by the historical hypothesis that the formula 'in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit' was introduced simply in order to be able to distinguish Christian baptism, baptism in the name of Jesus, from other Jewish baptisms.59

if this only goes back to the end of the second century at the earliest. 60 It may be presupposed that a knowledge of faith in the Trinity was expected of the baptismal candidates from an early stage, and that it was therefore felt necessary to compile for them the doctrine of the three names, i.e. of the three articles of faith.61 This was given extended treatment in the so-called regulae fidei and more summary treatment in the creed. The concern to communicate the true faith to the new converts, was, however, not the only reason for a formulation of the faith in the Trinity, and indeed in the Trinity as acting in salvation history. Another motive was the need to be able to present and defend faith in the Trinity against outsiders. 62 The need to ground the proclamation within the Church on a firm credal formulation proved to be even more important towards the end of the second century. 63 Above all, from the very beginning, the intention behind the development of a clearly defined baptismal faith was to praise and glorify the . salvation of the triune God through the confession of faith.64 This correlation between the confession of the true faith and the praise of God later on found a particularly solemn expression in the Te Deum. 65 It is also worthwhile noting that the more eirenic texts show a trinitarian structure, whereas polemic expositions are restricted to God and Christ. 66 The early Christian confession of faith in the triune God and his salvation in history, as it is expressed in the prayers and exhortation of the first Christians is on the whole to be regarded, from the point of view of form as well as of content, as essentially a taking over of the primitive Christian faith in God's salvation. In formal terms this confession has undergone a development which has in the end led to the formation of the baptismal creed. In the course of this development certain Jewish forms of prayer were of particular importance. They could easily be used to define more precisely the three names. So far as content is concerned, too, the early Christian confession has obviously developed. More and more clearly the tendency to grant the three actors in salvation history an equal status or at the very least to distinguish them from creatures, comes to the surface. In the same way 'Kyrios' and 'Son' gained increasing prevalence, when Christ was to be confessed. Of some significance also is the intention to outline in a more detailed

5] Cf. J. Laager, 'Epiklese'. RAC 5. 1962. col. 592: on the discussion of the meaning of logos: word of prayer, word of institution, Logos of God? 5( lrenaeus, AHaer I 13.2; V 2.2f. 55 Cf. J. Laager. 'Epiklese'. RAC 5. 1962. cols. 590ff. 56 Cf. IClem 5.23, Also J. Laager. art. cit .• 580f: on the invocation of the gods at sacrifices and banquets. n Cf. Tertullian. Prax 26.9; Basil. Spir 10.24; 17.43; 29.75; Ambrose. Spir I 5.73; II8.71f (indebted to Basil). 55 See the even less definite definition of baptismal faith in Justin. Apol I 61. 59 Cf. G. Kretschmar. Der HefUge Geist in der Geschichte, QuOisp 85. Freiburg 1979, pp 127ff.

60 Cf. the fundamental work of J. N. O. Kelly. Early Christian Creeds, and A. Womer, Laformula defe; also L. D. Holland, 'Credis in Spiritum Sanctum et sanctam Ecclesiam et resurrectionem', ZNW 61.1970, pp 126-44; H. von Campenhausen. 'das Bekenntnis im Urchristentum', ZNW 63.1972. pp210-53. P. Smulders, The 'SilZ im Leben' of the Old Roman Creed. StudPatr 13 (=TU 116). Berlin 1975. pp 409-21. See also the references in DS 10ff. 61 Cf. Irenaeus, Demonstr 6; also EpApost: OS I and TradApost: ed. Botte pp 48ff. 62 Cf. Justin. Apel I 6 and 13: countering the charge of 'atheism', which was raised against the Christians; Apol I 65.3; 67.2: description of the Christian service. 63 Cf. esp. lrenaeus, AHaer I !O.l; TertulIian, Praescript; Virg Veil; Prax 2; Origen, PA I. praef 4f; also B. Haegglund, Die Bedeutung der regula fidei als Grundlage theologischer Aussage'l: StudTheol 12, Lund 1958. pp 1-44. and for Irenaeus in particular A. Benoit, S, lrente, Paris 1960. 64 Cf. Ignatius. Smym 1.1-2: christological doxology with the mysteries of Jesus. 65 On the liturgical confession of faith in general see A. Hamman, 'Die Trinitlit in der Liturgie und im christIichen Leben'. MySal II, pp 132-44. and esp. for the Te Deum E. KIDder. Studien zum Te Deum und zur Geschichte des 24. Psalms in der Alten Kirche, GOttingen 1958. 66 Cf. J. N. D. Kelly. Early Christian Creeds, pp 13f. 64f. and J. Moingt. Thiologie trinitaire de Tertullien. pp 75-9.

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IV. THE BEGINNINGS OF THE BAPTISMAL CREED In relation to the above-mentioned connection between baptism and faith in the Trinity, a word on the beginnings of the baptismal creed may be appropriate, even

TRINITY AND INCARNATION

manner the story of salvation in its various phases from birth to ascension.67 The Holy Spirit himself is increasingly considered to be God, and communicates himself both in prophecy and exposition of scriptures as well as in the sacramental and the ascetic renewal of humankind. This development in the form and content of the early Christian creed is above all to be understood from the biblical and Jewish context. This is fairly easy to grasp, if it is considered that this development took place in a liturgical context which was still entirely determined by Jewish tradition, in which doxology and the invocation of the name playa prominent part. A determining influence from outside, from Greek mythology and philosophy is not, however, worth considering as a possibility.68 This further development of the primitive Christian creed on the whole remains within its proper kerygmatic framework. It does not represent a deepened theological reflexion on God and his saving work, even though it actually contains new elements - as compared with the primitive Christian tradition - which could promote more profound reflexion. So it does not touch the question as to how traditional monotheism and the adoration of Son and Spirit are to be reconciled, although Father, Son and Spirit are granted an equality of status more often than before. In the new fonnulations of confession the question as to how Father, Son and Spirit are interrelated does not occur either,69 although they indicate more clearly than before that there is a fixed order for the three. Finally they fail to tell more precisely in what the incarnation of the Son of God consists, although his divinity and humanity are worked out more clearly.70

3. The Beginnings of Theological Reflexion on God and his Salvation BIBLIOGRAPHY

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O. Kretschmar, Studien zur Jruhchristlichen TriniUitslehre, Tiibingen 1956. J. Danielou, The Theology of Jewish Christianity (A History oj Early Christian Doctrine before the Council of Nicea, vol. 1). London 1964. H. Opitz. Urspriinge jriihchristlicher Pneumatologie. Ein Beitrag tur Entstehung der Lehre yom Heiligen Geist in der rjjmischen Gemeinde Unler ZugrundeLegung des 1.Clemensbriefes und des 'Hirten' des Hermas, Berlin 1960. R. N. Longenecker. The Christology ojEarlyJewish Christianity, London 1970. 1. P. Martin. 'La Pneumatologia en Ignacio de Antioqufa', Salesianum 33. 1971, pp 379-454. O. Brunner, Die theologische Mitte des ersten Clemensbrie/es. Ein Beitrag tur Hermeneutikjriihchristlicher Texte. Frankfurt 1972. H. B. Bumpus. The Christoiogicai Awareness of Clement of Rome and its Sources, Cambridge Mass. 1972. H. J. Vogels. Christi Abstieg ins Totenreich und das liiuterungsgeschehen an den Toten, Freiburg 1976. H. Paulsen. Studien zur Theologle des Ignatius von Antiochlen, Gottingen 1978. S. Zaiiartu, 'Les concepts de vie et de mort chez Ignace d'Antioche', VigChr 33. 1979. pp 324-41. F. Manns, Bibliographie dujudeo·christianisme. Jerusalem 1979.

Cf. A. Grillmeier, Jesus Christus. pp 168-85 (=Chrisl jn Christian Tradition, pp 64-76). Cf. J. P. Mart!n, Espiritu Santo, p 340. M An approach to this question appears in the prepositions which are used with a certain preference for each of the three persons, esp. ek, dia, en. This, however. will only later be a matter for consideration. Cf. esp. Basil. Spir 2.4-8.21. 7!) Cf. Ignatius. Eph 7.

Before the middle of the second century the apostolic kerygma undoubtedly lived on chiefly in the liturgy and the exhortations contained in a few occasional writings. According to these too the Christians of the post-apostolic generations confessed faith in a threefold divine work in the mystery of Jesus, which had been prepared by Israel's history. Theological reflexion on God and his salvation seems, however, only in an early stage of development at that time. At any rate the early Christian writings, as compared with the early New Testament, extended the so-called testinwnia and also deepened the understanding of them. In the same way the titles of the Lordship of Jesus are found to be enriched. At the same time, however, they emphasize more strongly certain New Testament epithets of Jesus. Furthennore they lay more stress on Jesus and the Holy Spirit as mediators. Finally, certain

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soteriological conceptions, the victorious ascension of the Saviour, the value of the blood and the cross of Christ, become more prominent in their importance. This still somewhat timid theological reflexion took place in a world of thought, which was still to a large extent dominated by Judaism. Certainly Jewish Christianity after 135 separated from JUdaism, which had by that time become entirely rabbinic. I By then Christians had almost entirely lost connection with the Jewish congregations, which connection had become tenous enough as it was. But the Jewish heritage continued to prove decisive. Apart from the fact that the Old Testament writings were held to be the Bible well into the second century, Christian authors in other respects too remained unambiguously within the confines of Jewish ancestry. Nevertheless the influence of apocalyptic thought was weakening markedly, particularly where pagan influence had already become stronger. In other words: anyone who intends to trace the beginnings of Christian theology must always bear in mind that the first attempts to deepen the apostolic proclamation of Christ took place entirely within the horizon of JUdaism, and to a large extent were determined by apocalyptic conceptions: by the distinction between the two aeons, by the correlation between beginning and end, by the kingdom of God which is set up in Christ. The question must not, however, be ignored as to why and to what extent this apocalyptic way of thought was already less effective than it had been around the middle of the first century. 2

I. THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE HISTORY OF SALVATION IN GENERAL At the very heart of the gospel according to the New Testament scriptures stands the mystery of Christ. The 'Good News' deals with Jesus Christ, the Son of God (Mark 1:1; Rom 1:1-6 etc.). In early Christian writings, too, 'gospel' simply means the Christian message, the proclamation of the salvation which has come in Christ. 3 Nevertheless in these writings, which are still entirely rooted in Jewish tradition, God appears as the Redeemer. In his salvation he reveals his mercy towards his creation. The condescending loving-kindness of God is proved above all in the sending of Christ, his life and glorious passion, but also in all that God had done beforehand in the history of the whole of mankind. The completion of his creation, however, God effects through Jesus Christ, his mediator. Through him it is that he elects and saves. In him man has access to him who is at the beginning of all things.

This theocentric perspective is characteristic above all of 1 Clement, according to which the creator himself stands at the beginning of the Christian order of salvation. 4 Even the letters of Ignatius, which talk so much about Christ and name him as God more often than the earlier writings, are detennined by this perspective.5 The proof·text is above all the famous one, from Ephesian~, which is still entirely inspired by an apocalyptic conception and which deals with the revelation of the three mysteries which have been brought about in the silence of 6 God: Mary's virginity, her childbearing and the death of the Lord. A theocentric perspective does not, however, imply that God alone is at work. He is beginning and end. But his salvation he performed, as was mentioned 7 before, through his mediator, Jesus Christ. 1 Clement leaves no doubt about that. 2 Clement introduces Christ in its own way as the God-sent redeemer and leader to immortality.s For the Shepherd of Hermas he is the gate which alone leads to the Lord (God).' But even though the early Christian writings continually underline the mediatorship of Christ, particularly through the use of the preposition dia, and even though they increasingly view Christ as God, they are very little concerned in their soteriology, which is still mainly derived from the Old Testament theology of deliverance, with the question as to how far the work of Christ itself has been saving and liberating. Nor is the question why the renewal of the world was necessary within their horizon. Nevertheless, the mediatorship of the Son of God is developed in a way that particularly involves the pro nobis of his suffering and death. Neither are there wanting allusions to the second coming at which Christ willjudge living,and dead. lo No less impressive are the statements about the present reality of salvation. According to them Christ is the origin of teaching and order, the source of faith and love, the hope for life eternal. Therefore, according to I Clement, the community as well as the individual believer acts and lives in and through ChriSt.I I In the same way Ignatius' letters emphasize the importance of the Eucharist as being the body and blood of the Lord, the correlation between the earthly and heavenly Church, as well as martyrdom as union with the crucified Lord. 12 For all early Christian authors Christ lives as teacher and master in the community, who has lived out beforehand what he now teaches. IJ This implies that neither the present nor the future of salvation can be understood without its

I cr. L. Goppelt. A History of the Christian Church: Apostolic and Post Apostolic Times, pp 117-23, and). Maier, Geschichte des Judentums im Altertum, Darmstadt 21989, pp 95-110. 2 On the problem of the so-called Jewish·Christian theology see A. Grillmeier. Jesus Christus. pp 138-44 (with a long bibliography) (=Christ in Christian Tradition, pp 37-41). Also F. Manns, Bibliographie, pp 9-15. 3 Cf. IClem 47.2; Ignatius. Phld 5.lf; 9.2, with the annotations of J. A. Fischer. Die Apostolischen Vilter, also P. Stockmeier. 'Offenbarung', HOG lila. p 35.

IClem 59ff. 36.1-5; 64. Also A. Bsteh. Zur Frage nach der Universalitiit der Erlosung. pp 42ff. Cf. Ignatius, Eph 1.1; 15.3; 18.2; Smym 1.1; also J. A. Fischer, Die apostolischen Vater, p 124, and E. Stauffer, 'theos', ThDNT vol 3, p 107. 6 Ignatius. Eph 19.1: 'And there have remained hidden from the prince of this world Mary's virginity and her giving birth. as well as the Lord's death; three mysteries proclaimed. which have been worked in the silence of God.' 1 IClem 61.3; 64 etc. Cf. J. A. Fischer. Die apostolischen Vilter, p 13. 8 HClem 20.5. 9 Hennas, Sim 12.1-3.7. 10 Cf. IClem 23-27, 34.3; 50.4f; Didache 16, Ignatius. Polyc 3.3; IIClem 17.4; Barn 5.7; 7.2; 15.5. II IClem 36.1-5, 48.4; 59.2f. 12 Ignatius, Smym 7.1; Eph 20.1; Trail 3.1; 11.2; Magn 6.1; Smym 8.2; Eph 11.2; Smym 4.2; Rom 6.3. 13 Cf. IClem 13.1; 21.8; Ignatius, Magn 9.2; 13.1; Barn 2.6; also F. Nonnann, Chris/os Didaskalos pp 78-98.

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past. In this way, accordingly, Ignatius defends the reality of the incarnation and death of Jesus. 14 Neither do the two letters of Clement lack interest in the mystery of Christ. ls Above all, the numerous references in the early Christian writings to the blood of Jesus, even to the blood of God, cannot be overlooked. So I Clement exhorts: 'Let us look to the blood of Christ and let us realize how precious it is to God and his Father; for, shed for our salvation, it has brought the grace of repentance to the whole world.'16 Similarly the theme of the 'wood' is remarkable. Barnabas in particular compiles - together with other Old Testament types of the death of Jesus - every possible allusion to the wood of the crosS.1 7 According to the early Christian writings, as well as to the New Testament, it is clearly God who has reconciled the world in Christ (cf. 2 Cor 5: 11':'19). Three points are unmistakeable: The perspective on the history of salvation of the socalled Apostolic Fathers has taken into account, more than before, the saving presence of Christ in its different aspects, especially the sacramental and martyrological. In the same context the reality of the birth and death of Christ is even more strongly emphasized. Finally, in this perspective. Jesus appears mainly as teacher and example for the individual.

however, only later on. The first writings to describe the descent and ascent more closely were the Ascension 0/ Isaiah, the Epistula Aposto[orum, the Odes of Solomon and other writings. According to these the heavenly redeemer during his descent had to pass through the spheres of heaven. In this process he continually changed appearance and therefore remained hidden from the heavenly powers. After descending as far as death, even to the underworld, he returned in his glorified humanity before the astonished angels as king of glory.20 In so far as this scheme was carried out fully, it expressed two ideas: First the universal meaning of salvation is acknowledged: the whole world is concerned. On the other hand it shows that the superhuman redeemer is clothed with humanity and accordingly lifts man up with him into heaven. This basically apocalyptic conception of salvation is backed up by the simpler statement of the exaltation of Jesus, who is appointed Messiah and Kyrios (cf. Acts 2:36). Jewish Christian circles never forgot this original christology of exaltation. This is true even of the Jewish Christians, mentioned by Justin 21 and still more of the Ebionites who are referred to in Irenaeus. 22 In so far as these circles connect Jesus with a pre-existent Spirit, they come very close indeed to the full scheme of descent and ascent. 23 Later, too, this christology of exaltation will still exert an influence in all the circles for which the example of the obedience of the man Jesus is the crucial point. 24 In this soteriological context another theme must be taken into account, namely the theme of the descent into the underworld. According to this, the redeemer's descent does not end on earth but in sheol, which he is able to reach by taking on the appearance of the angel who is guardian of this part of the tripartite cosmos.2S The theme of the descensus ad in/eros indeed covers several motives: the preaching to the just of the Old Testament, the remission of sins in connection with the necessity of baptism, the victorious liberation from the power of death. Always in some way it is a matter of the universality of salvation. Christ has become redeemer also for those people who lived before his advent or else died without baptism in his name,26

II. THE VICTORIOUS ASCENSION OF THE SAVIOUR Whereas the pro nobis of the salvation in Jesus Christ, which is taken over by the apostolic proclamation, is not on the whole extended any further in the early Christian writings, this is not true of some apocryphal writings, which at least partly reach back to the first half of the second century and are usually counted in with Jewish-Christian literature. These writings entertain conceptions of salvation, which in some way presuppose the scheme of the descent and ascent of the redeemer. According to this scheme Christ is a pre-existent being, who first lives in heaven, then, sent by God, descends to this world to perform here his task of salvation, liberating mankind from death and the powers, or to reveal the God who is utterly other, and finally returns to heaven to be enthroned there as victorious redeemer,ls The first signs of this model are visible already in the New Testament writings and in the letters of Ignatius. 19 It became more fully developed,

Cf. B. Studer. Soterioiogie, pp 67ff. I~ For the New Testament cf. R. Bultmann, Primitive Christianity in its ancient settillg. London 1956: pp 196ff, an~ R. N. Longenecker. The Christology of Early Jewish Christianity, pp 58-62. For IgnatiUs cf. H, Schher, Religionsge.fchichtliche Unter.suchungell zu delllgnatiusbriefell, GieBen 1929. esp. pp 32-81.

~o Ascls I Of; EpApost 13ff; OdSa142; HomSPasch. with Ihe explanations of R. Cantalamessa, 'In S. Pascha', pp 265-8, as well as G. Kretschmar, 'Christliches Passa im 2.Jh. und die Ausbildung der christlichen Theologie', RchSR 60. ]972, pp 287-323, esp. pp 3 IOff.